Nationalism and German Unification
Nationalism and German Unification
Nationalism and German Unification
Patriotism- is a love for one’s country that inspires one to serve for the benefit of
its citizens.
Nationalism- is also a love of one’s country, but with the belief that the country is
superior to other countries.
Nationalism is loyalty to the idea of the state rather than to the community. It is pride in the image of the nation-state
and its accomplishments. It is a power belief that people who share common land, traditions, language, religion and
blood belong together in a state of self-rule.
1. What did Bismarck think of the democratic way (“majority votes”) of allowing the people to decide important
questions?
2. What did he mean by his phrase “iron and blood” in the last sentence?
3. How did Bismarck feel the German people had been treated by other nations?
“When I say that we must strive continually to be ready for all emergencies, I advance the proposition that, on account of
our geographical position, we must make greater efforts than other powers would be obliged to make in view of the
same ends. We lie in the middle of Europe. We have at least three fronts on which we can be attacked. France has only
an eastern boundary; Russia only its western, exposed to assault…So we are spurred forward on both sides to endeavors
which perhaps we would not make otherwise.”
1. According to Bismarck, what key factor makes Germany a potential target for invasion? Why?
2. Do you think Bismarck might have been overstating the threat to Germany? Why?
Document E: Nationalist Speech by Otto von Bismarck
Gentlemen! I have just heard from the lips of your teachers, the leaders of higher education, an appreciation of my past,
which means much to me. From your greeting, I infer a promise for the future, and this means even more for a man of
my years than his love of approbation. You will be able, at least many of you, to live according to the sentiments which
your presence here today reveals, and to do so to the middle of the next century, while I have long been condemned to
inactivity and belong to the days that are past. I find consolation in this observation, for the German is not so constituted
that he could entirely dismiss in his old age what in his youth inspired him. Forty and sixty years hence you will not hold
exactly the same views as today, but the seed planted in your young hearts by the reign of Emperor William I will bear
fruit, and even when you grow old, your attitude will ever be German national because it is so today. . . .
We had to win our national independence in difficult wars. The preparation, the prologue, was the Holstein war. We had
to fight with Austria for a settlement; no court of law could have given a decree of separation; we had to fight. That we
were facing French war after our victory at Sadowa could not remain in doubt for anyone who knew the conditions of
Europe. . . . After the war had been waged everybody here was saying that within five years we should have to wage the
next war. This was to be feared it is true, but I have ever since considered it to be my duty to prevent it. We Germans
had no longer any reason for war. We had what we needed. To fight for more, from a lust of conquest and for the
annexation of countries which were not necessary for us always appeared to me like an atrocity; I am tempted to say
like a Bonapartistic and a foreign atrocity, alien to the Germanic sense of justice. . . .
The men who made the biggest sacrifices that the empire might be born were undoubtedly the German princes, not
excluding the king of Prussia. My old master hesitated long before he voluntarily yielded his independence to the
empire. Let us then be thankful to the reigning houses who made sacrifices for the empire which after the full thousand
years of German history must have been hard for them to make. . . .
I would then—and you will say I am an old, conservative man—compress what I have to say into these words: Let us
keep above everything the things we have, before we look for new things, nor be afraid of those people who begrudge
them to us. In Germany struggles have existed always. . . . Life is a struggle everywhere in nature, and without inner
struggles we end by being like the Chinese, and become petrified. No struggle, no life! Only, in every fight where the
national question arises, there must be a rallying point. For us this is the empire, not as it may seem to be desirable, but
as it is, the empire and the emperor, who represents it. That is why I ask you to join me in wishing well to the emperor
and the empire. I hope that in 1950 all of you who are still living will again respond with contented hearts to the toast.