(Library of the Written Word _ The Handpress World volume 2 _ 2) Michiel van Groesen - The Representations of the Overseas World in the De Bry Collection of Voyages, 1590-1634 (Library of the Written .pdf

The Representations of the Overseas World
in the De Bry Collection of Voyages

(1590–1634)
VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd i 12/17/2007 7:30:03 PM

Library of the Written Word
VOLUME 2
The Handpress World

Editor
Andrew Pettegree
VOLUME 2
VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd ii 12/17/2007 7:30:04 PM

The Representations of
the Overseas World
in the De Bry Collection
of Voyages (1590–1634)
By
Michiel van Groesen
LEIDEN • BOSTON
2008
VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd iii 12/17/2007 7:30:05 PM

On the cover: De Bry, America IV (Frankfurt 1594), ill. 9: Christopher Columbus arriving
in the New World.
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
A C.I.P. record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.
ISSN 1874-4834
ISBN 978 90 04 16449 9
Copyright 2008 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.

Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishers,
IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated,

stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic,
mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission
from the publisher.
Brill has made all reasonable efforts to trace all rights holders to any copyrighted
material used in this work. In cases where these efforts have not been successful the
publisher welcomes communications from copyrights holders, so that the appropriate
acknowledgements can be made in future editions, and to settle other permission
matters.
Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by

Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to
The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910,
Danvers, MA 01923, USA.
Fees are subject to change.
printed in the netherlands
VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd iv 12/17/2007 7:30:05 PM

CONTENTS
Acknowledgements ..................................................................... ix
List of illustrations ....................................................................... xi
Introduction ................................................................................ 1
The collection’s historiography ............................................... 5
Trends and methods: distributing representations .................. 11
A new look at the collection .................................................... 17
Chapter One Opening up new worlds: sixteenth-century

travel literature and collections of voyages ............................. 23
1.1 Europe’s overseas expansion .......................................... 23
1.2 Cosmographic literature ................................................ 29
1.3 The first collections of voyages ...................................... 35
1.4 Ramusio’s Navigationi et Viaggi ......................................... 37
1.5 Hakluyt’s Principall Navigations ......................................... 41
1.6 The De Bry collection and its place within the genre .... 46
Chapter Two From goldsmiths to publishers: The

transformation of the De Bry family ...................................... 51
2.1 The early years: Liège and Strasbourg (1528–1577) ...... 51
2.2 From goldsmiths to engravers: Antwerp and London
(1578–1588) .................................................................... 57
2.3 From engravers to publishers: The De Bry firm in
Frankfurt (1588–1609) .................................................... 64
2.4 Publishers among humanists .......................................... 69
Chapter Three A prosperous publishing house: The De Brys

as booksellers in Frankfurt and Oppenheim ........................... 79
3.1 The commercial fortunes of the firm ............................. 79
3.2 Under the Elector’s wings: The De Bry firm in
Oppenheim (1609–1620) ............................................... 90
3.3 The final years (1621–1626) ........................................... 99
3.4 Re-interpreting the De Brys: booksellers and
Calvinists ........................................................................ 103
VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd v 12/17/2007 7:30:05 PM

vi contents
Chapter Four The making of the collection of voyages .......... 107

4.1 The magnum opus of the officina ...................................... 107
4.2 The collection conceived ................................................ 112
4.3 The collection produced ................................................ 116
Chapter Five Plants and animals: The natural world in the

De Bry collection ..................................................................... 139
5.1 The representation of herbs, plants, and trees ............... 141
5.2 The representation of animals ....................................... 149
5.3 The wild species of the overseas world .......................... 151
5.4 Attempts at domestication .............................................. 158
5.5 The case of the elephant ................................................ 163
5.6 One step too far: man and animal intertwined .............. 167
Chapter Six Native inhabitants: physical appearances and

identities .................................................................................. 175
6.1 Eating and drinking in the overseas world ..................... 175
6.2 Cannibalism ................................................................... 182
6.3 Respecting the human body: mutilation and
self-mutilation ................................................................. 188
6.4 Natives undressed: nakedness ......................................... 195
6.5 Natives dressed up: New World feathers ........................ 199
6.6 Body language ................................................................ 205
6.7 Rites of passage .............................................................. 212
Chapter Seven From gods to idols: The expansion of

heathendom ............................................................................ 219
7.1 Paganism in focus ........................................................... 219
7.2 Paganism compared ....................................................... 228
7.3 Paganism enhanced ........................................................ 233
7.4 The omnipresent devil ................................................... 238
7.5 Targeting readerships ..................................................... 243
Chapter Eight Different representations for different

readerships: Christianity reflected ........................................... 249
8.1 Anti-Spanish tendencies: the Benzoni volumes .............. 250
8.2 Christianity compared ................................................... 253
8.3 Custom-made differences ............................................... 258
8.4 The case of Jean de Léry’s Histoire ................................. 260
VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd vi 12/17/2007 7:30:05 PM

contents vii
8.5 Different accounts for different readerships .................. 265

8.6 Christians versus non-Christians .................................. 271
Chapter Nine The impact of censorship: the Index Librorum

Expurgatorum and other indices ................................................ 281
9.1 Catholic censorship in early modern Europe ............... 281
9.2 The Iberian indices: prohibitions and expurgations .... 284
9.3 The collection censored ............................................... 287
9.4 The offensive sections ................................................... 290
9.5 Spanish versus Portuguese corrections ......................... 297
9.6 The impact of censorship: the case of De Léry ........... 300
9.7 Enforcing the expurgations in Spain and Portugal ...... 304
Chapter Ten Selling, purchasing, and borrowing: towards an

understanding of readership ................................................... 309
10.1 From the presses to the bookstores: pricing the
volumes ......................................................................... 309
10.2 From bookstore to customer: the Officina
Plantiniana ................................................................... 314
10.3 The De Bry collection in perspective ........................... 319
10.4 In private libraries across Europe I: men of letters ..... 321
10.5 To possess or not to possess the voyages ...................... 324
10.6 In private libraries across Europe II: the nobility ........ 328
10.7 An early modern coffee-table book? ............................ 331
10.8 In the collections of public libraries ............................ 336
Chapter Eleven The impact of the De Bry collection:

Travel literature and travel compendia in the seventeenth
century .................................................................................... 343
11.1 The collection abridged ............................................... 343
11.2 The De Brys and Hulsius: from folio to quarto ........... 346
11.3 Representations in reverse: the De Bry modifications
in the Dutch Republic .................................................. 352
11.4 The scope of the De Bry engravings in early modern
Europe .......................................................................... 359
11.5 Collections of voyages in the seventeenth century ...... 367
11.6 Epilogue: an eighteenth-century revival ...................... 373
VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd vii 12/17/2007 7:30:05 PM

viii contents
Conclusion .................................................................................. 377
Appendices
1. Publications of the De Bry firm ......................................... 389
2. The travel accounts used for the De Bry collection ........... 493
3. The origins of the engravings in the De Bry collection ..... 509
Bibliography ................................................................................ 523

Index ........................................................................................... 551
VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd viii 12/17/2007 7:30:05 PM

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Back in the spring of 2000 when I started devoting my time to the De

Bry collection of voyages, only two people believed that these efforts
might ultimately lead to the book you’re holding now. Annemarieke
Willemsen and Theo Hermans, each in their own way, inspired me in
the early stages and convinced me that the De Bry collection was a
research topic worth pursuing. I hope that now, well over seven years
on, they appreciate the final result. The book as it has turned out to be
would certainly not have materialised without the unconditional sup-
port of Henk van Nierop and Paul Hoftijzer, who for five years fol-
lowed me on my trail through the various chapters. Their suggestions
for improvements are to be found throughout this volume, and my grati-
tude to them is immense.
Financial support, as the De Brys would immediately acknowledge,
is hugely important for someone who wants his book to be read. It was
provided by the Royal Netherlands Institute at Rome, by NWO (Neth-
erlands Organisation for Scientific Research), and most significantly by
the Institute for Culture and History of the Faculty of Arts and Human-
ities at the University of Amsterdam. Other institutions facilitated this
research. The Amsterdam Centre for the Study of the Golden Age cre-
ated an inspiring atmosphere, as did my fellow PhD-students in room
457 of the P. C. Hoofthuis. The collection of the Herzog August Bib-
liothek in Wolfenbüttel helped me to solve some of the most persistent
bibliographic puzzles the De Bry catalogue provided, while the staff
at the British Library never tired of bringing me the heavy volumes
I needed during the many months I spent in their Rare Books room.
Employees at the university libraries in Amsterdam and Leiden, and
in the archives in Frankfurt, Marburg, Strasbourg, and Antwerp were
always very helpful when I depended on their services. Special mentions
must go to Godelieve van Hemeldonck, who helped me find my way
in the Antwerp City Archives, and to the staff of the reading room in
the Plantin-Moretus Museum in Antwerp where I spent several weeks
working with material which at first I thought circumstantial, but which
eventually turned out to be quite significant when the book started to
take shape. In the final stages, Kate Delaney read all the chapters to cor-
rect spelling and style, making many improvements, while Paul Knevel
VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd ix 12/17/2007 7:30:05 PM

x acknowledgements
made valuable suggestions at the time when I was preparing the manu-
script for publication. And finally I am grateful to both publisher and
staff at Brill for the encouragement I received at an early stage.
The final word of thanks goes out to my parents and to Maartje, for
everything else. Any attempt to express my feelings of gratitude to them
in more detail would be hopelessly inadequate.
VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd x 12/17/2007 7:30:06 PM

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Ill. 1. Portrait of Theodore de Bry (1597) .................................. 52

Ill. 2. Depiction of William of Orange, Phillip II, and Pope Gregory
XIII (ca. 1580) ......................................................................... 61
Ill. 3. Poster catalogue of the De Bry publishing firm
(1609–20) ................................................................................. 89
Ill. 4. Portrait of Johan Theodore de Bry (1615) ....................... 108
Ill. 5. Ind.Or. IV, ill. i .................................................................... 130
Ill. 6. Ind.Or. IV, ill. xix ................................................................ 144
Ill. 7. Ind.Occ. VI, ill. xxviii .......................................................... 148
Ill. 8. Ind.Occ. II, ill. xxvi ............................................................. 152
Ill. 9. Ind.Or. XI, ill. ix ................................................................. 154
Ill. 10. Ind.Or. IV, ill. ii ................................................................. 156
Ill. 11. Ind.Occ. VIII, ill. x ............................................................ 156
Ill. 12. Ind.Or. II, ill. vii ................................................................ 161
Ill. 13. Ind.Or. VII, ill. xiii ............................................................ 161
Ill. 14. Ind.Occ. IX, ill. iv ............................................................. 162
Ill. 15. Ind.Or. VI, ill. xii .............................................................. 165
Ill. 16. Ind.Or. VII, ill. xvi ............................................................ 167
Ill. 17. Ind.Or. XI, ill. iv ............................................................... 170
Ill. 18. Ind.Occ. II, ill. xxv ............................................................ 171
Ill. 19. Ind.Occ. I, title-page ......................................................... 172
Ill. 20. Ind.Occ. I, ill. iii ................................................................ 173
Ill. 21. Ind.Occ. X, ill. vii (detail) .................................................. 173
Ill. 22. Ind.Occ. IV, ill. iii .............................................................. 174
Ill. 23. Ind.Occ. V, ill. xxi .............................................................. 179
Ill. 24. Ind.Occ. II, ill. xxiv ........................................................... 181
Ill. 25. Historie van Indien (Amsterdam 1598) ill. 2 ....................... 182
Ill. 26. Ind.Or. III, ill. vii .............................................................. 183
Ill. 27. Ind.Occ. III (Lat) 127 ........................................................ 184
Ill. 28. Ind.Or. I, ill. xiii ................................................................ 185
Ill. 29. Ind.Or. I, ill. xii ................................................................. 187
Ill. 30. Ind.Or. XI, ill. i ................................................................. 187
Ill. 31. Ind.Occ. II, ill. xv .............................................................. 192
Ill. 32. Ind.Occ. VIII, ill. v (Lat) / ill. v [second set of ills.]
(Ger) ........................................................................................ 192
VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd xi 12/17/2007 7:30:06 PM

xii list of illustrations
Ill. 33. Ind.Or. II, ill. iv ................................................................. 193

Ill. 34. Ind.Or. II, ill. xxii .............................................................. 194
Ill. 35. Ind.Or. II, ill. vi ................................................................. 195
Ill. 36. Wijdtloopigh verhael (Amsterdam 1600) ill. 3 ...................... 196
Ill. 37. Ind.Occ. IX, ill. xviii (detail) .............................................. 197
Ill. 38. Ind.Occ. VI, ill. xxvii ......................................................... 200
Ill. 39. Ind.Occ. VIII, ill. iii (Lat) / ill. iii [second set of ills.]
(Ger) ........................................................................................ 200
Ill. 40. Ind.Or. IV, ill. iv ................................................................ 203
Ill. 41. Ind.Occ. VIII, ill. xvii (Lat) / ill. iv [first set of ills.]
(Ger) ........................................................................................ 203
Ill. 42. Ind.Or. XI, ill. x ................................................................ 204
Ill. 43. Ind.Occ. IV, ill. ix .............................................................. 207
Ill. 44. Ind.Occ. IX, ill. xix ........................................................... 207
Ill. 45. Ind.Or. II, ill. ii ................................................................. 208
Ill. 46. Historie van Indien (Amsterdam 1598) ill. 18 .................... 210
Ill. 47. Ind.Or. III, ill. xx .............................................................. 211
Ill. 48. Ind.Occ. VIII, ill. iv (Lat) / ill. iv [second set of ills.]
(Ger) ........................................................................................ 211
Ill. 49. Historie van Indien (Amsterdam 1598) ill. 16 ..................... 214
Ill. 50. Ind.Or. III, ill. xviii ........................................................... 215
Ill. 51. Ind.Or. II, ill. xxxii ............................................................ 215
Ill. 52. Ind.Occ. VIII, ill. xii (Lat) / ill. vi (Ger) ............................ 216
Ill. 53. Ind.Occ. IX, ill. v .............................................................. 216
Ill. 54. Ind.Or. I, ill. xi (Lat) / ill. x (Ger) ..................................... 221
Ill. 55. Ind.Occ. I, ill. xxi .............................................................. 223
Ill. 56. Ind.Occ. II, title-page ........................................................ 225
Ill. 57. Ind.Occ. III, title-page ...................................................... 225
Ill. 58. Ind.Occ. IV, title-page ....................................................... 226
Ill. 59. Ind.Occ. IV, ill. xxiv .......................................................... 226
Ill. 60. Ind.Or. II, title-page ......................................................... 227
Ill. 61. Ind.Or. II, ill. xxviii ........................................................... 232
Ill. 62. Ind.Occ. VIII, ill. ii (Lat) / ill. ii [second set of ills.]
(Ger) ........................................................................................ 232
Ill. 63. Ind.Or. II, ill. x ................................................................. 236
Ill. 64. Ind.Or. II, ill. xi ................................................................ 236
Ill. 65. Ind.Or. VII, ill. xxii ........................................................... 237
Ill. 66. Ind.Or. VII, ill. xiv ............................................................ 239
Ill. 67. Ind.Occ. II, ill. xii .............................................................. 241
Ill. 68. Ind.Occ. IV, ill. xx ............................................................. 251
VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd xii 12/17/2007 7:30:06 PM

list of illustrations xiii
Ill. 69. Ind.Or. I, ill. i .................................................................... 256

Ill. 70. Ind.Or. I, ill. iii (Lat) / ill. xi (Ger) .................................... 256
Ill. 72. Ind.Occ. IX, ill. xxii .......................................................... 273
Ill. 74. Ind.Occ. IX, ill. xxiii ......................................................... 275
Ill. 75. Ind.Occ. IX, ill. ii .............................................................. 278
Ill. 76. Index Librorum prohibitorum et expurgatorum (Madrid 1612)
2nd section, 49 ........................................................................ 288
Ill. 77. Ind.Occ. VII (Lat) 52 ........................................................ 288
Ill. 78. Historia Antipodum (1631) 541 ........................................... 345
Ill. 79. Willem Jansz. Blaeu, Africae nova descriptio
(Amsterdam 1617) detail ......................................................... 355
Ill. 80. Cornelis Claesz, Asiae tabula nova multis . . . (Amsterdam
1602) detail .............................................................................. 356
Ill. 81. Ind.Or. II, ill. i .................................................................. 358
Ill. 82. Ind.Or. VI, ill. xix ............................................................. 358
Ill. 83. Ind.Or. VIII, ill. i .............................................................. 360
Ill. 84. Begin ende Voortgangh (Amsterdam 1646) I, between
[A4] and [B1] .......................................................................... 360
Ill. 85. Thomas Herbert, Some yeares travels . . . (4th ed.; London
1677) 10 ................................................................................... 362
Ill. 86. Thomas Herbert, Some yeares travels . . . (4th ed.;
London 1677) 18 ..................................................................... 363
Illustration credits
All illustrations courtesy of the University Library, Amsterdam, except
the following:
– University Library, Leiden: Ills. 1, 21, 54, 76, 85, 86
– Museum Boymans Van Beuningen, Rotterdam: Ill. 2
– University Library Free University, Amsterdam: Ill. 4
– Nederlands Scheepvaartmuseum, Amsterdam: Ill. 77
VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd xiii 12/17/2007 7:30:06 PM

VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd xiv 12/17/2007 7:30:06 PM
INTRODUCTION
On 27 October 1788, the distinguished antiquarian bookseller Pieter

van Damme from Amsterdam wrote a letter to Thomas Jefferson, the
American minister to France, to announce an auction.1 Van Damme
specialised in old books and manuscripts and routinely corresponded
with bibliophiles across Europe, while Jefferson, during his five-year
tenure as ambassador in Paris, was one of Van Damme’s regular
customers, and one of the most passionate collectors of books on
either side of the Atlantic.2 He had standing orders at bookstores in
Amsterdam, Frankfurt, Madrid, and London during his time in Europe,
and devoted many afternoons to visiting the principal bookstores of
Paris, examining books on all subjects, particularly on the history of
America. One prestigious work relating to America was the subject
of Van Damme’s letter to Jefferson. This item, which the diplomat
had been hunting for in vain for years, had now surfaced at the sale
of a library in Amsterdam:
Monsieur! I have the honour to send to you a catalogue of a small auction
of extraordinarily rare books. Among these, I have found No. 228. This
collection contains, among others, all the pieces on Virginia by Harriot.
Send us your orders for this auction, for which a date is currently not yet
fixed.3
1
Much of the following is based on E. Millicent Sowerby, ed., Catalogue of the library
of Thomas Jefferson (5 vols.; Washington DC 1952–59) IV 167–76. For the letters quoted
here, the more accurate transcriptions in The papers of Thomas Jefferson (multiple vols.;
Princeton 1950 ff.) are used: The papers of Thomas Jefferson XIV (Princeton 1958) 40–41:
Van Damme to Jefferson, 27/10/1788.
2
Recent, concise biographies on Jefferson include R. B. Bernstein, Thomas Jefferson
(Oxford and New York 2003), and N. E. Cunningham jr., In pursuit of reason: the life of
Thomas Jefferson (Baton Rouge 1987). On Van Damme: H. de la Fontaine Verwey, “Pieter
van Damme, the first Dutch antiquarian bookseller” In: A. R. A. Croiset van Uchtelen,
K. van der Horst, and G. Schilder, eds., Theatrum Orbis Librorum: liber amicorum presented
to Nico Israel on the occasion of his seventieth birthday (Utrecht 1989) 416–36.
3
The papers of Thomas Jefferson XIV (1958) 40: Van Damme to Jefferson, 27/10/1788:
“Monsieur! J’ai le Honneur de a Vous Expediée, une Catalogue de une Petite Vente,
des Livres de la Rareté Extraordinaire. Entre icelle, je Trouvée N:228. Dans cette
Collection entre autre Tout les Pieces de Virgine, Par Harriot. Voÿée Vostre Commissions
à la Vente à nous Addressé, et qui est actuellement non fixé”. Many of the books on
sale had probably belonged to the Amsterdam bibliophile Pietro Antonio Crevenna,
VAN GROESEN_F2_1-22.indd 1 12/17/2007 5:03:54 PM

2 introduction
On 19 January 1789, Van Damme could inform Jefferson that the

sale was to take place in March.4 The auction catalogue, which the
bookseller sent to Paris, reveals the nature of lot number 228.5 Van
Damme’s brief elaboration on the work’s contents in the first letter must
have been superfluous information for a bibliomaniac like Jefferson. He
surely recognised the generic title Collectiones Peregrinationum in Indiam
Orientalem & Occidentalem in the catalogue as a reference to the De Bry
collection of voyages, published in Frankfurt between 1590 and 1634.
Replying to Van Damme on 25 January, he immediately ordered the
available copy.6
That collectors of American literature like Jefferson combed the
bookstores of Europe for this work was understandable.7 The collection
of voyages, named after the De Bry publishing family co-ordinating the
project, was one of the most monumental geographical publications
of the early modern period, ranking alongside treatises like Sebastian
Münster’s Cosmographia, Abraham Ortelius’ Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, and
Joan Blaeu’s Atlas Maior. The collection encompassed twenty-five folio
volumes containing nearly fifty travel accounts of European expeditions
to the overseas world. These accounts were presented in two more or
less identical series: thirteen volumes reported on the New World, the
so-called America- or India Occidentalis-series, while the remaining twelve
books, the India Orientalis-series, conveyed information on Africa and
the Orient. The De Brys published each volume in both German and
Latin, while the first America-volume was also issued—in a bout of early
ambition—in English and in French. Around six hundred large copper
engravings illustrating the narratives further ensured the collection’s
reputation.
born in Milan: J. J. van Heel, “Bolongaro Crevenna: een Italiaans koopman en bibliofiel
in Amsterdam”, Jaarboek voor Nederlandse boekgeschiedenis 5 (1998) 73–93.
4
The papers of Thomas Jefferson XIV (1958) 474.
5
Catalogus plusquam CLXX praestantissimarum saeculi XV editionum, Inter quas quam plurimae
principes eminent, aliorumque rarissimorum librorum (Amsterdam 1789) 19–20. The catalogue
is also included in the microform collection Book sales catalogues of the Dutch Republic,
1599–1800 (H. W. de Kooker and B. van Selm, eds.) MF 1944. The auction took place
on 10 March 1789. See also: www.bibliopolis.nl
6
The papers of Thomas Jefferson XIV (1958) 490–91: “Enclosure: List of books
ordered”.
7
Millicent Sowerby (1952–59) IV 171: Jefferson to Joseph Delaplaine, 28/8/1814:
“I had orders lodged with several eminent booksellers, in the principal book-marts of
Europe, to wit, London, Paris, Amsterdam, Frankfort, Madrid, several years before
this copy was obtained at the accidental sale of an old library in Amsterdam, on the
death of it’s proprietor”.

introduction 3
The engravings provided early modern Europe with the first com-
prehensive iconographic representation of the overseas world and its
inhabitants. The images were of the highest artistic quality, made by
the De Brys and their associate Matthaeus Merian, who were regarded
as some of the best copper engravers in late sixteenth- and early
seventeenth-century Europe. Almost two centuries after its initial
publication, the collection therefore still aroused considerable interest.
Bibliophiles and bibliographers feverishly tried to assemble and describe
“the perfect De Bry”, and even Denis Diderot and Jean le Rond
d’Alembert, in the entry on the Indies in their Encyclopédie, noted that
the De Bry collection was exceedingly rare, and an object of desire for
many.8 Hence, when alerted to this opportunity by Pieter van Damme,
Thomas Jefferson did not have to think twice. Although he was par-
ticularly anxious to obtain Volume I of the collection’s America-series,
describing and depicting his native Virginia, Jefferson coveted all the
America-volumes available in Amsterdam.
The auction catalogue informed him about the condition of the
copies at hand. The auctioneer had written a bibliographical com-
mentary on the composition of lot number 228, comprising eleven
America-volumes and ten India Orientalis-volumes. The annotations
divulged that the set was incomplete, with the last two volumes of each
of the two series missing, as well as the appendix to Volume I of the
India Orientalis-series. Otherwise the Amsterdam copy was a genuine
and complete first edition, with the exception of thirteen engravings
in Volume VI of the America-series, which had been transferred from
a second edition copy to replace the first-edition engravings which had
gone missing sometime in the previous two centuries.9 Such minor
imperfections, however, were no obstacle for Jefferson. On 26 March,
sixteen days after the auction had taken place, Van Damme assured
him of his success in securing the America-volumes:
8
D. Diderot and J. le Rond d’Alembert, l’Encyclopédie (17 vols. & 11 vols. ills.;
Neuchatel 1751–72) VIII 662: “. . . je dirai seulement que déja en 1602, Theodore
de Bry fit paroitre a Francfort un receuil de descriptions des Indes orientales & occi-
dentales, qui formoit 18 vol. in-fol & cette collection complete est recherchée de nos
jours par sa rareté”.
9
Catalogus plusquam CLXX (1789) 20: “In hoc exemplari desunt duae posteriores
Partes utriusque Collectionis, sed XXI. Partes, quae in eo extant sunt Primae ac
Originalis Editionis, atque integrae; excepta VI. Parte primae Collectionis, in qua 13.
figurae intermixtae sunt, quae non sunt primae editionis. In prima vero parte secundae
Collectionis deest Appendix”. It is unclear when exactly these thirteen illustrations
were replaced.

4 introduction
The auction is finished. I have the honour to send to your address a box,
marked M. I. Libri, containing the books according to the notice included.
In total, [the price is] 170 guilders and 15 stuivers in the currency of Hol-
land. The work De Admiranda Narratio de Virginiae XI. Tom: 3 Vol: is a topmost
work, containing all the information on America, and ornated with very
beautiful engravings. A work of exceptional rarity, and original.10
On 3 May Jefferson confirmed to Van Damme that the box had arrived
in Paris in good shape, and instructed his bankers in the Dutch Republic
to pay the required sum to the antiquarian bookseller.11 According to
the invoice, the De Bry volumes, at a price of 82 guilders and 10 stuivers,
accounted for almost half the total amount, including packaging and
other costs. Bound by one of the previous owners, the three tomes had
a gilded binding of red Turkish leather.12
When Jefferson returned to Philadelphia later that year, a few months
after the storming of the Bastille had heralded the end of the Ancien
Regime in France, 15 of the 78 crates of possessions he shipped to
America were filled with books.13 Even in his magnificent library at
Monticello the collection remained a prized possession, and long
represented the only copy of the work in America. Much later, after
his presidency, Jefferson was still justifiably proud of his acquisition,
as his correspondence repeatedly demonstrates. At the same time the
letters show that the volumes were no longer the authoritative sources
on European exploration they had been in the early 1600s. Whereas
Jefferson used adjectives like “original” and “authentic” to describe the
books, it is unlikely that the president relied on the collection in 1803,
when he planned the Lewis and Clark expedition to find a North-West
Passage to the Pacific, or that he meticulously compared its contents
to his own Notes on the state of Virginia, written in the early 1780s. In a
letter of June 1812 to his predecessor as President of the United States,
John Adams, he stated bluntly that “in the three folio volumes of Latin
10
The papers of Thomas Jefferson XIV (1958) 706–07: Van Damme to Jefferson,
26/3/1789: “La Vente est finie. J’ai le Honneur de à Vostre Addresse Expedier,
une Caisse Marqué M. I. Libri, Contenant les Livres, selon le Note Incluse. En Tout
f 170–15–: Courant d’Hollande. Les Ouvrages, De Admiranda Narratio de Virginiae. XI.
Tom: 3 Vol: Est un Chef de Oeuvre, Contenant tout les faits en Amerique, et ornée des
plus belle Planches. Ouvrage de une derniere Raretée. Et Original”.
11
The papers of Thomas Jefferson XV (1958) 88: Jefferson to Van Damme, 3/5/1789;
88–89: Jefferson to (the bankers) Van Staphorst and Hubbard, 3/5/1789.
12
The papers of Thomas Jefferson XIV (1958) 707: “Amiranda Narratio de Virginiae.
Etc. Etc. XI. Tom: 3 vol. Corio Rubro Turcico Compact et Deaurat”.
13
Cunningham (1987) 159.

introduction 5
of De Bry, [. . .] fact and fable are mingled together”.14 In 1815, after

British troops had burned the library at Capitol Hill in Washington
DC, Jefferson sold his entire collection of books to Congress. Here
his De Bry volumes remained until 1851, when another fire destroyed
two-thirds of the library’s holdings.15
The collection’s historiography
These late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century anecdotes reveal

many of the characteristics of a collection of voyages published around
1600, which are in turn reflected in the De Bry collection’s scattered
historiography. Jefferson’s appraisal of the volumes as extremely rare
and expensive was shared by his contemporaries who should now be
considered the first generation of scholars responsible for writing the
collection’s secondary literature. From the mid-eighteenth until well
into the twentieth century, the De Bry collection served as a magnet
for bibliographers attempting to describe its various editions and states
in order to serve bibliophiles trying to assemble a perfect first-edition
copy. Any historiographical overview of the collection should logically
begin with these catalogues spelling out its contents. Thomas Dibdin,
in 1824, captured the nature of most of these bibliographic publica-
tions. To the list of editions he identified, he added, in true Romantic
fashion:
But the celebrity of all previous, if not of all succeeding similar collec-
tions, was eclipsed by that of Theodore de Bry and his sons [. . .]. What a
bibliographical chord am I striking, in the mention of the Travels of De
Bry! What a “Peregrination” does the possession of a copy of his labours
imply! What toil, difficulty, perplexity, anxiety, and vexation, attend the
collector—be he “young” or “old”—who sets his heart upon a perfect
De Bry! How many have started forward on this pursuit, with gay spirits
and well replenished purses, but have turned from it in despair, and aban-
doned it in utter hopelessness of achievement!16
14
Millicent Sowerby (1952–59) IV 176: Jefferson to Adams, 11/6/1812.
15
Cunningham (1987) 331–33. It is almost certain that Jefferson’s De Bry volumes
were destroyed in the fire of 1851, as his copy is not currently available in the Library
of Congress.
16
T. F. Dibdin, The library companion; or, the young man’s guide, and the old man’s comfort,
in the choice of a library (2 vols.; London 1824) I 371–76.

6 introduction
While Dibdin discussed all the bibliographical gems available to him

in a work full of similar rhetoric, his descriptions rarely rendered the
excitement on display here. The collection’s special significance in
bibliographic circles can further be measured by the number of works
specifically devoted to the De Bry volumes alone.17
Three of these treatises stand out. The first is Armand Camus’
Mémoire sur la collection des Grands et Petits Voyages of 1802, which was the
benchmark for the identification of De Bry volumes and their contempo-
rary sources for many decades. His eye for detail was surpassed by Pieter
Anton Tiele, whose Mémoire bibliographique sur les journaux des navigateurs
Néerlandais réimprimes dans les collections de De Bry et Hulsius, issued in 1867.
Tiele not only traced the collection’s textual sources, but also discussed
editorial adjustments, and thus succeeded in making an inventory of
the engravings the De Brys added. Unfortunately Tiele examined only
the Dutch narratives included in the collection, as understanding the
impact of these travel accounts was his prime objective. The third and
final bibliographical encyclopaedia of De Bry volumes received scant
distribution, but merits a good review. Co-ordinated by the antiquarian
bookseller Henry Stevens from Vermont, it identifies no fewer than
186 different versions of the De Bry volumes, based on small adjust-
ments made to the copperplates and to the printed texts.18 Stevens’
exhaustive treatise has proved the final word in the bibliographical
contest to describe the De Bry collection, and is invaluable for solving
compositional problems analogous to those of Thomas Jefferson’s copy,
where thirteen plates in Volume VI of the America-series were replaced
by illustrations from the second edition.
The American politician and his correspondents variously referred
to the collection as Collectiones peregrinationum, to describe both series,
17
Special bibliographies not discussed here include: T. O. Weigel, Bibliografische
Mittheilungen über die deutschen Ausgaben von De Bry’s Sammlungen der Reisen nach dem abend-
und morgenländischen Indien (Leipzig 1845) and J. Ludovic Lindsay, Earl of Crawford,
Bibliotheca Lindesiana. Collations and notes vol. 3: Grands et Petits Voyages of De Bry (London
1884). Another general bibliography devoting many pages to the collection is J.-C.
Brunet, Manuel du libraire et de l’amateur de livres (5th ed.; Paris 1865–66), the last revised
edition to appear during his lifetime.
18
A. G. Camus, Memoire sur la collection des Grands et Petits Voyages, et sur la collection
des voyages de Melchisédech Thévenot (Paris 1802); P. A. Tiele, Memoire bibliographique sur les
journaux des navigateurs Néerlandais réimprimes dans les collections de De Bry et Hulsius et sur
les anciennes éditions hollandaises des journaux de navigateurs étrangers (photomechanic reprint
1960 [1st ed. Amsterdam 1867]); H. Stevens, et al., Catalogue of a collection of De Bry’s
“Voyages”, 1590–1644, in 186 volumes (s. l. 1939).

introduction 7
and Admiranda Narratio, the first words on the title-page of the first
America-volume, to refer to that series alone. The first volume-title thus
became a pars pro toto for the entire series on the encounters with the
New World—a good indication of the terminological confusion sur-
rounding the collection. Likewise, scholars have struggled to christen
the collection appropriately. The terms Grands Voyages for the reports on
America and Petits Voyages for the narratives on Africa and Asia—coined
by Charles d’Orléans de Rothelin, the first of the collection’s bibliog-
raphers in the 1740s—have dominated the De Bry historiography for
more than two and a half centuries despite being anachronistic.19 This
study will therefore abandon the common terminology in favour of
the titles used at the time of publication. The De Brys and their col-
leagues in the book trade referred to the two series as India Occidentalis or
America, and India Orientalis. Alongside these titles designating the Latin
editions, the German equivalents Occidentalische Indien and Orientalische
Indien were used. For the sake of clarity, this study will confine itself
to the Latin names.
Using the contemporary titles brings the benefits of neutrality and
equality. The terminological division of the collection into great and
small voyages, caused by the slightly larger format of paper used for
the America-series, has fuelled the impression that the volumes on the
New World are more important than the India Orientalis-series. This
impression has gathered strength after American bibliophiles, follow-
ing in the footsteps of Thomas Jefferson, expressed an interest in the
early modern iconography of their country, without paying comparable
attention to the India Orientalis-volumes. The difference in valuation has
persisted until the twentieth century: facsimile editions of the collection’s
engravings, offering limited commentary and, more often than not,
omitting the idiosyncratic textual explanations of the engravings, have
enhanced our familiarity with the America-series.20 Studies of selected
19
Ch. d’Orléans de Rothelin, Observations et détails sur la collection des Grands et des Petits
Voyages (Paris 1742). Equally pervasive have been their translated equivalents, such as
“Great and Small Voyages” and “Grosse und Kleine Reisen”.
20
M. Alexander, ed., The discovery of the New World: based on the works of Theodore de Bry
(London 1976); W. J. Faupel, A brief and true report of the new found land of Virginia ~ a study
of the De Bry engravings (West Sussex 1989); De ontdekking van de Nieuwe Wereld/The discovery
of the New World/La decouverte du Nouveau Monde (Amsterdam 1979) and Conquistadores,
Azteken en Inca’s/Conquistadores, Aztecs and Incas (Amsterdam 1980) facsimilating Ind.Occ.
IV and V, and Ind.Occ. VI and IX respectively. The latter volume only included the
Acosta engravings, not the engravings to the report by Barent Jansz; and De Bry’s
Americae (Munich 1970), a photomechanic reprint by Kölbl publishers of the Staats- und

8 introduction
reports and ethnographic material subsequently included in the De

Bry collection, most notably the depictions made by John White and
Jacques le Moyne de Morgues, have added to the impression of the
special nature of the India Occidentalis-volumes.21
Scholarly analysis of the collection, which has flourished in recent
years, is also characterised by the tendency to concentrate on the
America-series. The volumes of the collection that are studied time
and again are those on Virginia and Florida, and those devoted to
Girolamo Benzoni’s indictment of Spanish conduct in the Americas.
The narrative by Benzoni, a Milanese traveller who spent fourteen years
in the New World, is often used to gauge the outlook of the De Brys.
While in the service of Spain, Benzoni observed and recorded Spanish
atrocities in Peru and collected many other first-hand reports on the
inroads the conquistadors made elsewhere. His Historia del mondo nuovo
(1565) is a critical assessment of the Spanish colonists popular with
northern European Protestants. Yet the resulting De Bry volumes, India
Occidentalis IV, V, and VI, are among the most untypical of the complete
set of twenty-five, and are as such anything but representative of the
collection as a whole. The accounts by the English traveller Thomas
Harriot and the French Huguenots used for the first two volumes are
often presented in the same overstrained manner.
The most reliable recent addition to the collection’s historiography
is Anna Greve’s Die Konstruktion Amerikas,22 the first monograph devoted
to the collection to appear in more than two decades. Greve confines
her study to the first six volumes of the German India Occidentalis-series
Stadtbibliothek Augsburg copy of Ind.Occ. I–V, nr. 2 S 54. Two editors, in contrast, have
published the illustrations of both series: F. Berger, ed., De Bry Amerika oder die Neue Welt
(2 vols.; Leipzig and Weimar 1977–78), omitting Ind.Occ. III, and Idem, ed., De Bry India
Orientalis (2 vols.; Leipzig and Weimar 1979–81). Both editions do include a scholarly
introduction, but the texts are marred by their anti-capitalistic bias. G. Sievernich, ed.,
America de Bry 1590–1634. Amerika oder die Neue Welt. Die ‘Entdeckung’ eines Kontinents im
346 Kupferstichen (Berlin 1990), and Idem, ed., Asia y África de Bry 1597–1628 (Madrid
1999). Sievernich’s editions are mediocre. Johan Ludwig Gottfried’s 1631 abridgement
of the America-series has also been facsimilated (Fackelverlag; Stuttgart 1980).
21
P. Hulton and D. B. Quinn, The American drawings of John White, 1577–1590,
with drawings of European and Oriental subjects (2 vols.; London and Chapel Hill 1964);
S. Lorant, ed., The New World. The first pictures of America (2nd rev. ed.; New York 1965);
P. Hulton, ed., The work of Jacques le Moyne de Morgues (2 vols.; London 1977); Idem,
ed., America 1585: the complete drawings by John White (London 1984). I. L. Caraci, La
scoperta dell’America secondo Theodore de Bry (Genoa 1991) was devoted to Ind.Occ. IV, the
first of the three Benzoni-volumes.
22
A. Greve, Die Konstruktion Amerikas. Bilderpolitik in den “Grands Voyages” aus der Werkstatt
de Bry (Cologne, Weimar, and Vienna 2004).

introduction 9
and the De Bry version of Bartolomé de Las Casas’ account issued

separately. Being an art historian, she builds her argument around the
engravings which she discusses in isolation. The illustrations of the
six opening volumes, she argues, present a program of the gradual
appropriation of the New World to the European mindset, starting with
depictions of natural riches, before moving on to indigenous culture, to
cannibalism, and finally to life of Europeans in the Americas. The six
volumes depict their progress from civilised bystanders to participants
to colonists, and the cycle thus transmits European success in taking
possession of the New World. Greve points out that the collection was a
product of both Protestant and commercial motives and rightly alludes
to its appeal across confessional boundaries.
Her interpretation supports the analysis of Pol-Pierre Gossiaux, who
in 1985 wrote a sizeable article on the iconography of the America-series.
Like Greve, he studied the series’ first six volumes, and pointed to a
progressive degradation of the societies encountered overseas. Using
their depictions of the landscape as a point of departure, Gossiaux noted
the decreasing fertility of the regions the De Brys described, and argued
for the reflection of these degradations in the morals of the inhabit-
ants visible, for example, in the increasing number of dancing rituals
depicted in consecutive volumes. Meanwhile Gossiaux also highlighted
the increasing presence of Europeans in the engravings. Volumes IV, V,
and VI saw the program’s culmination into a perfect equation between
the barbarian behaviour of Europeans and Amerindian savagery. As
a whole, according to Gossiaux, the cycle displayed the moralistic and
even mystical objectives of the De Bry family also recurrent in their
emblematic publications.23
Other important recent additions to the collection’s historiography
are the fruits of Susanna Burghartz’ De Bry research project at Basel
University. Translating seen into scene also discusses the voyages to the New
World in comparative isolation, but does venture beyond the stories
included in the first six volumes.24 The proceedings of a seminar on the
23
P.-P. Gossiaux, “Hiérarchie du monde sauvage et eschatologie protestante selon
l’Iconographie des Grands Voyages des de Bry” In: Protestantisme sans frontières. La Réforme
dans la duché de Limbourg et dans la Principauté de Liège (Aubel 1985) 99–169.
24
Results from the Basel research project other than the volume of articles published
in 2004 (see note 25) include: S. Burghartz, “Aneignungen des Fremden: Staunen,
Stereotype und Zirkulation um 1600” In: E. Huwiler and N. Wachter, eds., Integrationen
des Widerläufigen: ein Streifzug durch geistes- und kulturwissenschaftliche Forschungsfelder (Münster
2004a) 109–37, and idem, “Alt, neu oder jung? Zur Neuheit der ‘Neuen Welt’ ” In:

10 introduction
De Bry family and their collection organised in Basel in March 2003

reveal the group’s wider agenda.25 Both Maike Christadler’s article on
the title-pages of the volumes in the America-series, and Jutta Steffen-
Schrade’s discussion of the differences and resemblances between the
collection and its counterpart issued by the Hulsius family announce a
shift of scholarly attention towards the collection as a published book,
rather than as a means to disseminate ethnographic representations.26
Further articles address the concepts of inversion and gender in the
volumes, and the Basel research project promises to produce more
publications on the collection in the near future.
Earlier contributions have also focused on the India Occidentalis-series,
going back to what was long the only monograph on the De Bry
collection, Bernadette Bucher’s Lévi-Straussian work Icon and conquest
(1981).27 Bucher’s structuralist approach, which assumes that ethno-
graphic readings in the engravings are of value for modern anthro-
pological studies, is very schematic, using Lévi-Strauss’ notions of raw
and cooked food—to name only the most familiar binary example—to
devise diagrams which apply more broadly. The native woman with
the pendulous breasts whom Bucher presents as an icon of savagery
thus comes to stand for fundamental attitudes of Europeans past and
present towards wildness. Such clearly defined oppositions between
the familiar and the unfamiliar are recognisable to cultural historians
tracing the otherness of the overseas world in the Renaissance, but
there are disadvantages too. The flurry of literature written in the
1990s emphasising the shifting conceptions of early modern travellers
exposes Bucher’s laconic information on the making of the collection
and on the reports it re-issued.
A. von Müller and J. von Ungern-Sternberg, eds., Die Wahrnehmung des Neuen in Antike
und Renaissance (Leipzig 2004b) 182–200.
25
S. Burghartz, ed., Inszenierte Welten. Die west- und ostindischen Reisen der Verleger de Bry,
1590–1630/Staging New Worlds. De Brys’ illustrated travel reports, 1590–1630 (Basel 2004).
Its contributions will be discussed separately.
26
M. Christadler, “Die Sammlung zur Schau gestellt: die Titelblätter der ‘America’-
Serie” In: S. Burghartz, ed., Inszenierte Welten. Die west- und ostindischen Reisen der Verleger de
Bry, 1590–1630/Staging New Worlds. De Brys’ illustrated travel reports, 1590–1630 (Basel 2004)
47–93, and, in the same volume: J. Steffen-Schrade, “Ethnographische Illustrationen
zwischen Propaganda und Unterhaltung. Ein Vergleich der Reisesammlungen von De
Bry und Hulsius”, pp. 157–95.
27
B. Bucher, Icon and conquest. A structural analysis of the illustrations of De Bry’s Great
Voyages (Chicago 1981). See also: H. Keazor, “Theodore de Bry’s images for America”,
Print Quarterly XV (1998) 131–49; M. Duchet, ed., L’Amérique de Théodore de Bry. Une
collection de voyages protestante du XVI e siècle. Quatre études d’Iconographie (Paris 1987).

introduction 11
All these contributions, from the very recent to the slightly older,
have emphasised the Protestant character of the collection that many
scholars, specialists as well as occasional visitors to the volumes, have
accepted as one of its prime features. These scholars see Theodore de
Bry and his sons as Calvinists in an age of religious polarisation, forced
to leave the Low Countries as a result of Catholic intolerance. Some
of the most traditional notions the collection of voyages propagated,
like the forceful combination of Spanish misconduct in the Amer-
icas and concerted Protestant and indigenous efforts to turn the tide,
were notions which had also determined the personal fortunes of the
collection’s compilers. Private resentment, encouraged by the colonial
ambitions of the geographer Richard Hakluyt, inspired Theodore de
Bry to erect a printed monument against Spanish tyranny. Most of
the articles and books on European expansion cursorily referring to
the De Bry collection have presented this Protestant gaze as its most
significant feature.
Trends and methods: distributing representations
Ernst van den Boogaart, in two recent articles, has helped to widen
the collection’s scholarly record by studying several India Orientalis-
volumes.28 In both interpretations, as well as in a related examination
of the engravings in Jan Huygen van Linschoten’s Itinerario,29 Van den
Boogaart stresses the hierarchical classification of overseas societies in
early modern European ethnography. Gestures, clothing, hairstyles,
and other native features in contemporary illustrations served to enable
comparison of the variety of human morals and customs, and to build a
mental ladder of civility which measured and ranked overseas societies.
Like Jan Huygen van Linschoten, the De Brys played their part in estab-
lishing this hierarchy, something Van den Boogaart substantiates by com-
paring the illustrations made in Frankfurt to the original iconography.
28
E. van den Boogaart, “Heathendom and civility in the Historia India Orientalis.
The adaptation by Johan Theodor and Johan Israel de Bry of the edifying series of
plates from Linschoten’s Itinerario”, Nederlands kunsthistorisch jaarboek 53 (2002) 71–105;
Idem, “De Brys’ Africa” In: S. Burghartz, ed., Inszenierte Welten. Die west- und ostindischen
Reisen der Verleger de Bry, 1590–1630/Staging New Worlds. De Brys’ illustrated travel reports,
1590–1630 (Basel 2004) 95–155.
29
E. van den Boogaart, Civil and corrupt Asia: image and text in the Itinerario and the Icones
of Jan Huygen van Linschoten (Chicago 2003).

12 introduction
The engravings the De Brys added to the accounts, according to Van

den Boogaart, were coded in order to specify, alter or affirm classifica-
tions put forward in some of the travellers’ narratives.
Along the way Van den Boogaart borrows some of his terminology
from Joan-Pau Rubiés, who in the 1990s devised an early modern
model of ethnography centred around what he calls the “languages of
Christianity and civility”.30 Travellers combined these two languages
in an attempt to relate indigenous beliefs and human behaviour. Their
assertions were conditioned, amongst other variables, by the observer’s
education. Since many of the accounts reporting on overseas encoun-
ters were written by men of modest background, concerns of a more
theoretical nature, those he labels the “language of general natural law”,
were not normally part of tales of exploration. Nevertheless travellers
managed to influence humanist culture especially when compilers or
editors, through various adaptations, prepared their texts for a more
educated audience. Rubiés thus responds to the minimalist thesis first
launched by John Elliott in his masterpiece The Old World and the New
(1970), widely embraced and refined by other scholars of early modern
encounters between Europe and America.
Elliott’s work, describing the blunted impact of the discovery of the
New World on Renaissance Europe, proved to be an inspiration for
dozens of cultural historians. Asked to deliver concluding remarks at
a conference on the theme of America in European consciousness in
1995, Elliott re-examined his own thesis, and although he watered down
some of the observations he made in The Old World and the New, he stuck
to his conclusion that America was rather peripheral in the minds and
lives of sixteenth-century Europeans. Elliott wrapped up his reflections
by pointing to possible new approaches for scholars to pursue, such as
the need for an interpretation of the European encounter with the New
World from the perspective of the history of the book. He called for
an interpretation of the distinctive kinds of readership for Americana
by means of the systematic study of library catalogues, inventories, and
the holdings of booksellers in order to grasp the anticipated demand
for New World literature. Publishing decisions, Elliott asserted, could
30
J.-P. Rubiés, “New worlds and Renaissance ethnology” In: A. Pagden, ed., Facing
each other. The world’s perception of Europe and Europe’s perception of the world (2 vols.; Aldershot
2000a) I 81–121 [previously published in History and anthropology VI-2/3 (1993) 157–97].
Idem, Travel and ethnology in the Renaissance: South India through European eyes, 1250–1625
(Cambridge 2000b).

introduction 13
give a good indication of the aspects of America most interesting to

a European readership, before singling out Theodore de Bry as the
perfect embodiment of this prospective approach.31
Elliott’s argument leads to reflections on the chronology of impact.
The appeal of collections of voyages in the early modern book market,
intended to assemble and absorb the full scale of Europe’s quest for
expansion, suggests that the De Bry collection essentially tapped into
the same state of mind which had conditioned perceptions of the initial
discoveries. Key aspects of this form of anticipation included primary
emotions like wonder and amazement. Stephen Greenblatt, one of those
prominent scholars influenced by Elliott’s writings, studied these initial
reactions to America in Marvelous possessions (1991). He defined wonder
as “an instinctive recognition of difference, the sign of heightened
attention” and, quoting Descartes, as “a sudden surprise of the soul
[. . .] in the face of the new”.32 The expeditions of the sixteenth century
softened the first wave of disbelief, and wonder naturally receded, but
when the De Brys presented readers in the Old World with the first
comprehensive set of pictorial representations of other continents, the
images doubtlessly appealed to the same type of sentiment which had
characterised the first reaction.
In his monumental multiple-volume Asia in the making of Europe,
Donald Lach therefore considers wonder “the most general response of
sixteenth-century Europe” to, in his case, the revelation of the East.33
Lach’s volumes are the best possible demonstration that the interdisci-
plinary study of Europe’s representations of the overseas world is not
the monopoly of scholars of early America. Lach and his collaborators
assess the impact Asia made on sixteenth-century Europe’s intellectual,
cultural, and scientific life, and in doing so discuss the same body of
literature and art as those studying Europe’s response to America. Com-
paring European representations of the New World to their equivalents
31
J. H. Elliott, “Final reflections: the Old World and the New revisited” In: K. O.
Kupperman, ed., America in European consciousness 1493–1750 (Chapel Hill 1995) 396.
32
S. Greenblatt, Marvelous possessions. The wonder of the New World (Chicago 1991).
33
D. F. Lach, Asia in the making of Europe (3 vols.; Chicago 1965–93) II–1 xiii. Lach’s
cycle comprises three volumes, each divided into two or more books. The first volume
carries the subtitle “The century of discovery”, the second volume is named “A cen-
tury of wonder”, while the third volume discusses “A century of advance”. Although
the work’s scope is the period 1500–1800, both the first and the second volumes deal
with the period before 1600. Volume III and the prospective Volume IV will analyse
the period 1600–1700.

14 introduction
of Africa and the Orient is important, as an increasing number of

authors insist. One of them, Rubiés, asserted that “separating America
from parallel developments in Asia and Africa distorts the perspective
from which the growth of geographical literature and its effects in
Europe can best be understood”.34 Given the emphasis placed on the
America-series, and given the contemporary assessment of the De Bry
volumes as one collection consisting of two related series, the collection
needs to be analysed as a single work describing the outer-European
world, without geographical limitations.
Both in the eastern and western hemispheres the encounters failed to

fully satisfy Europe’s predilection for tales of the marvellous. Some of
the initial findings in America, Africa, and Asia were considered dis-
appointments, which led to a continuation of attractive mythological
representations. The Amazons, Prester John, and Eldorado are perhaps
the three most memorable legends persisting well into the seventeenth
century, and there are those who state that cannibalism belongs in the
same category.35 All of these legends feature in the De Bry collection.
At the same time some of the cartographic material included was
so accurate that it remained unsurpassed for almost a full century.
Discrepancies between traces of medieval tales and preludes to a more
scientific approach to travel were rife in the volumes, summarised by
Jefferson in his remark that “fact and fable are mingled together”,
and this range has drawn a wide variety of scholars to the collection’s
illustrations. Some contributions stand out among the vast body of
literature. In several publications, Frank Lestringant has focused on
French travel accounts, most notably on the interchange between the
Huguenot activities on distant shores and the Wars of Religion at home.
In his study of the French royal cosmographer André Thevet, one of
the participants in the parallel ‘war of representations’, Lestringant
defined his own approach as
. . . philological, mythological, cartographical—[which] will allow an in-
ventory to be established, in the course of a survey more systematic than
chronological, of the different techniques used by the cosmographer and
34
Rubiés (2000a) 81; see also: M. T. Ryan, “Assimilating New Worlds in the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries”, Comparative studies in society and history 23 (1981) 519–38.
35
A. Menninger, Die Macht der Augenzeugen. Neue Welt und Kannibalen-Mythos 1492–1600
(Stuttgart 1995), who substantiates her thesis with the reports of Staden, Schmidel,
and De Léry.

introduction 15
his assistants (researchers and stylists, scribes and engravers) in assembling

the whole oeuvre and its various parts.36
Lestringant, in other words, attempts to unravel the practical consid-
erations behind the making of Thevet’s Cosmographie Universelle, which
for reasons discussed below turned out to be a failure. He succeeds in
showing that, despite the criticism received from contemporaries, Thevet
contributed extensively to geographical knowledge in late sixteenth-
century Europe. Lestringant allows us a look inside the cosmographer’s
workshop, giving an impression of the abundance of texts Thevet read,
used, and preserved for later generations.
Numerous other important contributions, including many following
the Columbian quincentenary in 1992, have improved our under-
standing of European representations of the Age of Discovery. Most
authors emphasise an array of Old World expectations before analys-
ing selected constructions of the New World in more detail. Anthony
Grafton, Nancy Siraisi, and April Shelford point to the lasting tensions
between classical scholarship and the experiences of early modern
travellers, Benjamin Schmidt demonstrates how the struggle with Spain
caused the Dutch to identify with ‘innocent’ Amerindians also at the
receiving end of Spanish brutalities, and Denise Albanese and Mary
Baine Campbell study science’s gradual displacement of early modern
Europe’s bewilderment. These and other historians, delicately dissecting
the transforming gaze of consecutive generations of Europeans, inevi-
tably find a place in their works for the De Bry iconography when dis-
cussing the years around 1600. Nevertheless, Campbell’s judgement—
“it is as a material object—a purchasable commodity—that the book
has been overlooked”—still holds true.37
The interest in representations has dominated research in recent decades,

and is also one of the mainstays of a fresh cultural history of the De
Bry collection. This study attempts to bring together several method-
ological threads, and following Elliott’s and Campbell’s descriptions
36
F. Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance world. The geographical imagination in the Age of
Discovery (Los Angeles 1994) 35–36.
37
A. Grafton, A. Shelford, and N. Siraisi, New worlds, ancient texts. The power of tradition
and the shock of discovery (Cambridge MA and London 1992); B. Schmidt, Innocence abroad.
The Dutch imagination and the New World, 1570–1670 (Cambridge 2001); D. Albanese,
New science, New World (Durham and London 1996); M. B. Campbell, Wonder & science.
Imagining worlds in early modern Europe (Ithaca and London 1999) 53.

16 introduction
of a scholarly hiatus, it takes early modern print culture as its vantage

point. Practical considerations had a large impact on the making of
the collection, and here its recent historiography has remained under-
developed. Theodore de Bry and his two sons were publishers, and
their everyday anxieties and concerns centred around the prosperity of
their publishing firm, as this book will demonstrate. Although alongside
interpretations of the collection as a vehicle for Protestant propaganda,
scholars have pointed out the commercial incentives of the De Brys,
this notion has never been evaluated based upon archival material.38
In similar vein, the place and identity of the officina in the competi-
tive early modern book market is a subject neglected since 1969, when
Josef Benzing examined publishing activities in Oppenheim in the early
seventeenth century.39
Research interests in the field of print culture have since widened,
with scholars no longer solely focused on texts, but also on the para-
texts and contexts of printed works. Robert Darnton in the early 1980s
proposed a contextualisation of the history of the book, arguing for an
interpretation of books following the course from author to publisher,
printer, shipper, bookseller, and reader.40 In a complementary approach,
Gérard Genette called attention to the paratext, emphasising that books
should also be considered artefacts. He reasoned that our understanding
of the texts, and the underlying objectives of authors and publishers
could benefit from an analysis of title-pages, introductions, tables of
38
These two elements are best combined by Greve (2004) 228, who concludes that
“. . . die Grands Voyages in der bisherigen Forschung vorwiegend als protestantischer
Beitrag zur Diffamierung des Katholizismus interpretiert [wurden]. Obwohl dies
sicherlich ein wichtiger Aspekt der Serienedition ist, konnte hier gezeigt werden, daß
sowohl die (formale) Produktion als auch die Bild- und Textinhalte Indizien dafür
sind, daß neben diesem protestantischen Interesse ebenso—oder vielleicht gerade
deshalb?—eine Vermarktung des Werks in ganz Europa über die Konfessionsgrenzen
hinweg angestrebt wurde”.
39
J. Benzing, “Johann Theodor de Bry, Levinus Hulsius Witwe und Hieronymus
Galler als Verleger und Drucker zu Oppenheim (1610–1620)”, Archiv für die Geschichte
des Buchwesens IX (1969) 590–642.
40
R. Darnton, “What is history of books?” In: K. E. Carpenter, ed., Books and
society in history (New York and London 1983) 3–26; re-issued in: Idem, The kiss of
Lamourette. Reflections in cultural history (New York and London 1990) 107–35. For the
resulting debate, see: Th. R. Adams and N. Barker, “A new model for the study of the
book” In: N. Barker, ed., A potencie of life. Books in society: the Clark Lectures 1986–1987
(London 1993) 5–44.

introduction 17
contents, covers, and bindings, as these peripheral elements determined

the perception of a book’s contents.41
The contextual approach and the paratextual analysis, both by now
broadly accepted, can be regarded as supplements to one of the classic
studies of book history, Elizabeth Eisenstein’s The printing press as an agent
of change (1979).42 Eisenstein’s comprehensive argument centres around
the assumption that the invention of the printing press transformed a
world of knowledge previously dominated by manuscripts. Printed texts
resulted in ‘typographic fixity’, as numerous identical copies of works
allowed an intellectual discussion between readers who all had access
to the same authoritative body of information. While the printing revo-
lution certainly changed the dissemination of knowledge, Eisenstein’s
thesis has been criticised in recent years, most forcefully by Adrian
Johns. In The nature of the book (1998), Johns presents a view diametrically
opposed to Eisenstein’s argument.43 In spite of the printing press no
two books were the same in early modern times, he argues. Variety was
the rule, as a result of printing errors, deliberate textual corruptions,
and so on. The printing revolution facilitated deception as much as it
facilitated authority, depending on the intentions of publishers, and the
relations they maintained with authors and readers. Johns’ argument
is much better aligned than Eisenstein’s thesis to the perspectives and
objectives of the De Brys when making their collection of voyages.
A new look at the collection
This study, mimicking Lestringant’s self-confessed methodology, exam-

ines the De Bry collection by adopting an approach that is at the same
time iconographical, philological, and (book) historical. It aims to detect
and interpret the precise changes made in the De Bry workshop to the
original texts, as well as to the original iconography, and tries to under-
stand these findings against the background of the De Bry publishing
firm in early modern Frankfurt in the hope of working out the intentions
41
G. Genette, Paratexts: thresholds of interpretation (Cambridge 1997 [transl. from
French, 1st ed. Paris 1987]).
42
E. L. Eisenstein, The printing press as an agent of change. Communications and cultural
transformations in early-modern Europe (2 vols.; Cambridge 1979).
43
A. Johns, The nature of the book: print and knowledge in the making (Chicago and
London 1998).

18 introduction
of the publishers when re-issuing the accounts of voyages. In the

process, it attempts to stay close to the surviving source material at all
times—archives as well as actual printed books—in order to scrutinise
some of the more sweeping claims regarding the collection.
The argument is divided into three parts. The first section of the
book, comprising the first four chapters, discusses the cultural, religious,
biographical, and bibliographical context of the late sixteenth and early
seventeenth centuries. Chapter 1 provides an overview of the field of
cosmographic literature and travel compendia in the years before the
De Brys issued their first volume. What did sixteenth-century Europe
know about the overseas world? What was the status of travel literature?
Which books were regarded as authoritative? Which editors had been
responsible for previous collections of voyages, and to what extent did
these collections provide a framework for the De Bry enterprise? And
what were therefore, broadly speaking, the expectations of readers
around 1590, when the collection’s first volume appeared?
Chapters 2, 3, and 4 concentrate on the De Bry family, on the officina,
and on the significance of the collection of voyages in relation to the
firm’s wider catalogue of publications. In order to examine the personal
and commercial considerations of the family, archival material in Frank-
furt has been re-examined and hitherto unused documents disclosing
the practice of publishing books in the Imperial Free City have been
studied. The so-called ‘Zensurzettel’, letters requesting permission to
publish printed material, provide information on the manner in which
the publishers organised their business. These scattered sources, deci-
mated by an Allied bombardment in March 1944, are combined with
archival finds in Antwerp and Strasbourg, and in libraries across Europe.
Not only does this information on the De Bry family make possible
a revision of their biographies, it also puts their activities as editors
and publishers of the collection of voyages in a different perspective.
Humanists grumbled about the family’s aggressive publishing strategy,
and lamented the ineptness of the De Brys as publishers of learned
treatises. Yet the quality of the illustrated books they produced was
second to none, and other booksellers at the semi-annual Frankfurt
fairs bought copies in great numbers to sell to their customers outside
the German lands. The archives of the Museum Plantin-Moretus in
Antwerp offer tangible evidence of the collection’s allure in the years
between 1590 and the mid-1620s. Chapter 4 incorporates this informa-
tion into the analysis of the making of the collection.

introduction 19
The second part of the book is about representations. Here the

additions, omissions, and modifications made to the original narra-
tives in Frankfurt are interpreted in order to shed light on the editorial
strategy at the heart of the collection. The four chapters are divided
along thematic lines, treating the representations of the natural world
(Chapter 5), the European encounters with native inhabitants (Chapter
6), the depictions and descriptions of heathendom and pagan rituals
(Chapter 7), and the related and often contradicting representations
of the Christian world in the De Bry volumes (Chapter 8). Unlike the
studies discussed above, this representational analysis will not confine
itself to the engravings, but will also compare the translated texts to
the original versions used by the publishers. Despite the widespread
acknowledgement that early modern readers were very text-oriented,
at least until the end of the seventeenth century, and despite a rallying
call of one of the De Bry collection’s bibliophiles more than a century
ago to pay more attention to the texts, this is the first attempt to do so
in a systematic way.44
The De Brys not only made changes to the accounts for their transla-
tions, they also transformed carefully selected parts of the translations
to create explanatory captions to the renowned copper engravings. In
both stages of this process of alterations, the textual representations
of the overseas world could be modified. As analysis of both the full
texts and the captions to the plates will demonstrate, the illustrations
also render different representations when the corresponding texts and
captions are taken into account. The alterations to the texts, in other
words, are indications of where to look for editorial adjustments made
to the engravings.
A related topic scholars have ignored is the activity of translating
the accounts, not once but twice, before they were re-issued as part of
44
Ludovic Lievsay (1884) iii, stated that although bibliographers had thoroughly
examined the De Bry engravings, “no such care has been devoted to what is every
whit as important, the text proper”. The same assessment must be made with regard to
scholarly studies. For complementing interpretations of the importance of texts during
the Ancien Regime: A. Grafton, Defenders of the text. The traditions of scholarship in an age
of science, 1450–1800 (Cambridge, MA 1991) and P. Burke, Eyewitnessing. The uses of
images as historical evidence (London 2001). Yet in a rare article where the texts were at
least mentioned, C. M. Cate, “De Bry and the Index Expurgatorius”, The papers of the
Bibliographical Society of America XI (1917) 136–40, the author concluded that the texts
were “of rather unequal interest” to the engravings they illustrate.

20 introduction
the collection. In recent years Peter Burke has argued for the need to
view the early modern translating process as an essential aspect of the
period’s cultural history, calling the De Brys “entrepreneurs of transla-
tion” when describing the collection of voyages.45 On the surface, hav-
ing available German and Latin texts enabled readers to acquire the
travel accounts written in various European tongues in their language
of choice. The vast contingent of international readers whose agents
and booksellers visited the Frankfurt fairs to buy the latest literature,
were interested in the Latin translations, while readers of German
were in a position to obtain the vernacular volumes. But the policy of
making two translations was not devised exclusively for practical pur-
poses. Different languages carried different assumptions and different
expectations from distinct groups of early modern readers, which were
partly defined and conditioned by their language of preference.46 The
De Brys exploited this linguistic and cultural diversity wholeheartedly.
In order to appreciate the resulting variations, this study will refer to
both translations in the footnotes when applicable.47
The third and final part of the book, comprising Chapters 9, 10,
and 11, addresses the elusive subjects of reception and readership.
Historians have long neglected the reader, but the influential publica-
tions of Roger Chartier and, again, Robert Darnton have persuaded
new generations that it is possible to make his acquaintance, despite
the comparative lack of sources.48 Since there are no remaining copies
of the collection with extensive handwritten marginalia or, better still,
heated exchanges of letters between readers on the overseas adventures
it comprised, the approach adopted is somewhat circumstantial. Yet
some copies do contain the testimony of a specific type of reading
45
P. Burke, “The Renaissance translator as go-between” In: A. Höfele and W. von
Koppenfels, eds., Renaissance go-betweens. Cultural exchange in early modern Europe (Berlin
and New York 2005b) 20.
46
P. Burke, Languages and communities in early modern Europe (Cambridge 2004).
47
I have chosen to use the German version as the main source for translations into
English. Significant diversions in Latin are discussed in the main text, but the early
modern translations do not always allow for one modern English translation which
takes the intricacies of both versions into account. The footnotes enable readers to
check the remaining idiomatic and intrinsic differences.
48
R. Chartier, “Reading matter and ‘popular’ reading: From the Renaissance to
the seventeenth century” In: Idem and G. Cavallo, eds., A history of reading in the West
(Amhurst and Boston 2003 [1st ed. 1999]) 269–83; see also, in the same volume:
A. Grafton, “The humanist as reader”, pp. 179–212; R. Darnton, “First steps toward
a history of reading” In: Idem, The kiss of Lamourette. Reflections in cultural history (New
York and London 1990) 154–87.

introduction 21
activity in the form of expurgations. As reading spread in early modern

Europe, facilitated by the printing press and better education, censorship
laws were tightened, providing a natural starting point for studying the
reception of the voyages.
The excisions in the volumes are the surviving manifestations of
the politically inspired response from Iberian inquisitors who included
the collection on their Indices Librorum Expurgatorum. Which accounts,
or passages of accounts, were deemed controversial in Catholic cor-
ners of early modern Europe? How did the De Brys try to evade the
restrictive measures of censorship? And did inquisitorial bodies have
an impact on the marketability of the volumes? These matters allow
another close look at some of the practical incentives when publishing
a prestigious collection at a time of religious and confessional mayhem.
And what happened next? How much did readers pay to possess the
De Bry volumes, and did the price constitute an obstacle for enthusiasts
willing to take in the reports on distant territories? Who purchased and
owned the volumes when they were still considered reliable accounts
of the overseas world? And when did new events and discoveries
surpass the collection’s authority? Once again, empirical evidence in
the Plantin-Moretus archives will help to formulate answers to these
questions, supported by printed inventories and auction catalogues of
private and public libraries.
In addressing all the different practices on the road from the original
traveller’s report to the prestigious volumes on the bookshelves of afflu-
ent Europeans, it is necessary to take a broad approach. Only then can
scholarship do justice to the diversity of themes the volumes alluded to
in early modern Europe. The collection, after all, was not just an object
of desire for bibliographers throughout the centuries. It was not just an
assembled set of accounts on one clearly defined region, as contempo-
raries already recognised. It was not merely a collection of illustrations,
or a collection of textual accounts translated into German and Latin.
It was certainly much more than a printed instrument of confessional
propaganda, just like it was more than a hostile work invoking the
wrath of inquisitors in Spain and Portugal. It was all these things at
once. And precisely because the collection was and is so vastly diverse,
it has managed to extend its appeal from late sixteenth-century readers
prepared to pay large sums to possess a copy to excited bibliophiles like
Dibdin, and from enlightened minds like Thomas Jefferson to twenty-
first-century scholars from various academic disciplines.

CHAPTER ONE
OPENING UP NEW WORLDS:

SIXTEENTH-CENTURY TRAVEL LITERATURE AND
COLLECTIONS OF VOYAGES
1.1. Europe’s overseas expansion
Although the first volume of the De Bry collection appeared nearly

one-hundred years after the first discoveries, any discussion of European
representations of the overseas world should begin in the late fifteenth
century. Up to that point, classical treatises by the likes of Ptolemy
and Pliny the Elder had dominated the geographical genre.1 After
the Iberian breakthroughs in both the Atlantic and Indian Oceans
in the 1490s, the stage was set for a more systematic discovery of the
overseas world. Having financed the first expeditions, Ferdinand and
Isabella, the Catholic Kings of Spain, and King Joao II of Portugal
were understandably averse to sharing the expected riches with their
European rivals. In the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494) they neatly divided
the globe amongst themselves, after an earlier treaty brokered by Pope
Alexander VI had favoured his native Spain disproportionately.
‘Tordesillas’ left both countries with plenty of as yet unexplored ter-
ritories where various types of profitable commodities might sensibly
be expected. The accidental discovery of Brazil by Pedro Cabral and
the subsequent recognition that it belonged to the Portuguese sphere
of influence proved a surprise for both countries. In 1529, nearly
ten years after Magellan’s circumnavigation, the Treaty of Zaragoza
essentially confirmed the bilateral partition of the world by drawing
another longitudinal line of division. Only the Philippines continued to
be claimed by both crowns until well into the 1560s. In the first decades
1
See: Grafton, Shelford, and Siraisi (1992); M. B. Campbell, The witness and the other
world. Exotic European travel writing, 400–1600 (Ithaca and London 1988); V. I. J. Flint,
The imaginative landscape of Christopher Columbus (Princeton 1992).

24 chapter one
of the sixteenth century the Iberian powers were allowed to explore the
overseas world, relatively undisturbed by other European nations.2
While the Portuguese steadily developed their network of factories
in West Africa and Asia, administrating the trade in spices from their
headquarters in Goa, the Spanish conquistadors pushed deep into
the American mainland in their eventually successful search for pre-
cious metals. In doing so, they encountered a mosaic of sophisticated
indigenous societies, most notably the Maya in Yucatán, the Aztecs
in the area around their metropolis Tenochtitlán, and the Inca in the
Andes. In both Mexico and Peru, respective military commanders such
as Hernán Cortés and Francisco Pizarro swiftly resorted to violence
to subjugate the local populations, as did Hernando de Soto in the
south-eastern provinces of North America. Their collective operations
earned the Spanish widely employed epithets like ‘tyrannical’ and
‘cruel’. Protestants across Europe were to use this ‘Black Legend’ as a
reliable instrument of propaganda. Portuguese and Spanish embargoes
on information regarding overseas expansion, meanwhile, were fastidi-
ously upheld to prevent rivalling powers from learning of the avenues
to the abundant natural resources the Iberians had found.3
Despite these efforts, news inevitably filtered through to other regions
of the Old World. Amerigo Vespucci’s Mundus novus and his Lettera for
example, although the authenticity of the latter is questioned, were
issued in 1504 and 1507 respectively, and both were carefully written to
meet European anticipations. The treatises were translated and reprinted
several times in the first two decades of the sixteenth century. Inspired
by rumours of unparalleled Spanish revenues, and increasingly envious
of Portuguese dominance of the traffic in oriental spices, Italian, French,
2
On early Spanish expansion in the Americas: H. Thomas, Rivers of gold. The rise of
the Spanish empire, from Columbus to Magellan (New York 2004). Good general overviews
of Europe’s overseas expansion in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries include: J.
H. Parry, The Age of Reconnaissance. Discovery, exploration and settlement 1450–1650 (reprint;
London 2000 [1st ed. 1963]); N. Broc, La géographie de la Renaissance (1420–1620) (Paris
1980); Lach (1965–93).
3
On Portuguese expansion: A. J. R. Russell-Wood, The Portuguese empire, 1415–1808.
A world on the move (reprint; Baltimore 1998); S. Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese empire
in Asia, 1500–1700: a political and economic history (London 1993); C. R. Boxer, The
Portuguese seaborne empire, 1415–1825 (reprint; London 1991 [1st ed. 1969]); On Spain:
Thomas (2004) for the first three decades; J. H. Parry, The Spanish seaborne empire (reprint;
Berkeley 1990 [1st ed. 1966]). A recently published comparative study is: J. H. Elliott,
Empires of the Atlantic World. Britain and Spain in America 1492–1830 (New Haven and
London 2006).

opening up new worlds 25
and English merchants were less and less likely to sit on their hands. In
the 1520s and 1530s the Tuscan navigator Giovanni da Verrazzano, in
the service of France, and the French explorer Jacques Cartier followed
Vespucci to the New World, heralding a surge of maritime enterprises
from outside Spain and Portugal.4
The Reformation dashed any remaining Iberian hopes of uphold-
ing the bilateral division of the overseas world. Early French expan-
sion, commencing on a significant scale in the 1550s, was directed by
Protestant sailors from the country’s Atlantic ports. With the reluctant
support of the French crown, the natural enemy of Habsburg Spain,
Gaspar de Coligny co-ordinated the Huguenot dream of finding a
refuge abroad, while furthering the monarchy’s political interests. The
ephemeral French settlement in Guanabara Bay near Rio de Janeiro,
however, suffered from internal conflicts between Calvinists and Catho-
lics, a foreboding of the schism developing at home. Another Protestant
venture into the New World, the colony in the area currently known
as South Carolina and Florida, came to an abrupt and brutal end
when Spanish soldiers massacred the majority of the colonists. The
Huguenot lamentations to King Charles IX fell on deaf ears. When
France plunged into a period of bitter religious wars, its interests in
developments overseas were temporarily put on hold.5
The English, in contrast, increasingly became a force to be reckoned
with as the sixteenth century progressed. Privateers like Sir Francis
Drake and Sir Thomas Cavendish demonstrated English maritime
intent by circumnavigating the world in the 1570s and 1580s, destroying
Spanish fleets and fortresses in the process. Meanwhile Martin Frobisher
and John Davis attempted to discover the North-West Passage to Asia,
while an official English trading syndicate stumbled upon a regular trade
route to Archangel when searching for a North-East Passage to China.
When the attempts to find northern routes proved fruitless, the Tudor
courtier Sir Walter Raleigh set out on an ambitious programme to
4
R. Romeo, Le scoperte americane nella coscienza italiana del Cinquecento (2nd ed.; Milan
1971).
5
F. Lestringant, Le Huguenot et le sauvage. L’Amérique et la controverse coloniale, en France,
au temps des guerres de religion (1555–1589) (Paris 1990); Idem, “Geneva and America
in the Renaissance. The dream of the Huguenot refuge 1555–1600”, Sixteenth Century
Journal XXVI–2 (1995a) 285–95; L. Fishman, “Old World images encounter New
World reality. René Laudonnière and the Timucuans of Florida”, Sixteenth Century
Journal XXVI–3 (1995) 547–59; J. T. McGrath, The French in early Florida: in the eye of
the hurricane (Gainesville 2000).

26 chapter one
found English plantation settlements in North America. The colony on

Roanoke Island, in Virginia, was vociferously publicised as a success in
order to attract English immigrants, but the project proved short-lived.
In 1607, the Virginia Company founded the settlement of Jamestown.
Raleigh shifted his attention to Guyana hoping to find the elusive gold
mines of Eldorado.6
Merchant adventurers from the United Provinces too, locked in a
struggle against the King of Spain who after 1580 also ruled in Portugal,
targeted Iberian hegemony overseas. In the first phase of expansion
the Dutch directed their activities at the Portuguese trading network
in the Indian Ocean, where they expected to gain immediate results.
After Jan Huygen van Linschoten, in the service of the Archbishop
of Goa, had mapped and described the trade routes and customs in
the Orient in great detail, the Portuguese were no match for Dutch
maritime prowess. Within ten years of the first fleet’s departure from
Amsterdam in 1595, the Dutch East India Company outmuscled the
Portuguese in the Spice Islands, and monopolised the trade in cloves,
mace, and nutmeg, while cornering large shares of the important pepper
and cinnamon trades. The Dutch were the final entrants in the early
modern struggle for political and economic profits overseas.7 The odd
German or Scandinavian navigator completes the picture of Europe’s
first century of engagement abroad.
Unlike the Iberian colonisers, explorers from other European territories

did publish accounts of their observations. The impact on the Old World
of the discoveries and their reports has been heavily debated. Like the
retrieval of classical knowledge, the discovery of the New World in
1492 shook the foundations of geographical learning, with, to make
matters more complex, the latter increasingly proving at odds with some
6
S. Miller, Invested with meaning. The Raleigh circle in the New World (Philadelphia 1998);
D. B. Quinn, ed., The Roanoke voyages, 1584–1590: documents to illustrate the English voyages
to North America under the patent granted to Walter Raleigh in 1584 (2nd ed.; London 1967);
K. Andrews, Trade, plunder, and settlement: maritime enterprise and the genesis of the British
Empire, 1480–1630 (Cambridge 1984). See also: Elliott (2006).
7
F. S. Gaastra, The Dutch East India Company: expansion and decline (Zutphen 2003);
J. van Goor, De Nederlandse koloniën. Geschiedenis van de Nederlandse expansie 1600–1975 (2nd
rev. ed.; The Hague 1997); C. R. Boxer, The Dutch seaborne empire, 1600–1800 (reprint;
London 1990 [1st ed. 1965]); R. van Gelder, J. Parmentier, and V. Roeper, eds., Souffrir
pour parvenir. De wereld van Jan Huygen van Linschoten (Haarlem 1998).

of the former’s certainties.8 This sudden confrontation of traditional

wisdom and first-hand experience at sea left many disorientated, but
there were various ways to come to terms with the discoveries. Many
authors intended to shrink the geographical and cultural distance
between Europe and the overseas world, appropriating their experi-
ences to existing models of explanation. Favourite techniques included
identifying the New World as the earthly Paradise, as Columbus did,
or projecting onto the newly encountered peoples myths that had long
been making the rounds in Europe.9
The response in academic circles was to retain a belief in the
authority of Greek and Roman scholars, regardless of the conflicting
evidence from seamen like Columbus and, to a lesser extent, Bartolomeu
Dias and Vasco da Gama. In order to accommodate the reports of
the navigators into their intricate web of expectations, scholars only
gradually discarded Ptolemy and Pliny. “Amerigo Vespucci is said to
have discovered that New World”, a Nuremberg scholar wrote in 1512.
“Whether it is true or a lie has nothing [. . .] to do with Cosmography
and History. [. . .] It is of no interest to geographers at all”.10 So despite
the expanding possibilities of the printed book, and the readiness of
publishers, most notably in a maritime printing centre like Venice, to
open up previously unknown worlds to large numbers of readers, the
full weight and impact of the discoveries took many decades to filter
through to a broad readership.11
8
For an elaborate discussion of the conflict between classical literature and the
discovery of America: Grafton, Shelford, and Siraisi (1992).
9
A. Pagden, European encounters with the New World. From Renaissance to Romanticism
(New Haven and London 1993) 17–24, describing what he calls the ‘principle of
attachment’.
10
Johannes Cochlaeus, quoted in J. H. Elliott, “Renaissance Europe and America:
a blunted impact?” In: F. Chiappelli, ed., First images of America (2 vols.; Berkeley and
Los Angeles 1976) 14.
11
J. H. Elliott, The Old World and the New 1492–1650 (Cambridge 1970) has right-
fully gained canonical status, followed up by two related articles: J. H. Elliott, “The
discovery of America and the discovery of man”, Proceedings of the British Academy 58
(1972) 101–25, and Elliott (1976) 11–23. Elliott’s essays generated a vast response: many
contributions in Chiappelli’s collection of essays discuss the impact of the discovery of
America on Europe. All these publications subscribe to a ‘minimalist’ impression of
the New World(s) on the Old. S. Greenblatt, ed., New World encounters (Berkeley 1993)
reproduces articles previously published in the journal Representations. An excellent
volume of essays appeared in the wake of the quincentenary of Columbus’ discovery:
K. O. Kupperman, ed., America in European consciousness 1493–1750 (Chapel Hill 1995).
A. Pagden, ed., Facing each other: the world’s perception of Europe and Europe’s perception of the
world (2 vols.; Aldershot 2000) also covers the two other continents.

28 chapter one
Hence the other continents long remained on the fringes of histori-

cal and scholarly interest in Europe. Over the course of the sixteenth
century, printed works on the Ottoman Empire overwhelmingly out-
numbered treatises on the New World. When Van Linschoten com-
posed his Itinerario, the late sixteenth-century trader’s companion to
Asia, he based part of his information on Luís de Camões’ poem Os
Lusiadas in the absence of more studious Portuguese literature.12 But
the continued paucity of literature is most striking in relation to the
New World, as many learned writers referred to America in a brief and
casual way. Johannes Boemus’ account of the customs of all nations,
first published in 1520, discussed three continents, and an appendix
on the New World was only added in 1560 after numerous reprints
and translations. Jean Bodin, who in the 1570s rekindled the classical
theory of climatic zones—some habitable, some ‘torrid’—only scantily
mentioned America. Around 1605, Jacques-Auguste de Thou allotted
a single paragraph to America in his Historia sui temporis, while William
Camden, in his Annales rerum Anglicarum of 1615, also restricted informa-
tion on English progress in the New World to several pages.13
While vigilant Iberian inquisitors and conservative scholars thwarted
the progress of geographical knowledge based on eye-witness accounts,
the crumbling of classical authority was nevertheless inescapable. Like
Vespucci’s narratives, Antonio Pigafetta’s report describing Magellan’s
circumnavigation of the world did reach an international public, as
did the Decades de orbo novo of the Spanish-based Italian Peter Martyr,
issued in separate volumes between 1511 and 1530. Another Italian,
Ludovico di Varthema brought Europe the first report on the Far East
in 1510, although his overland travels almost certainly did not stretch
beyond India. Publishers in Venice increasingly succeeded in circum-
venting Iberian embargoes. With the assistance of Spanish literati living
in Italy, they distributed influential treatises such as Francisco López de
Gómara’s La Historia generale dell Indie Occidentali (1556). Gómara’s work,
proscribed in Spain because it praised Cortés and other conquistadors
12
A. Pos, “So weetmen wat te vertellen alsmen oudt is. Over het ontstaan en de
inhoud van het Itinerario” In: R. van Gelder, J. Parmentier, and V. Roeper, eds., Souffrir
pour parvenir. De wereld van Jan Huygen van Linschoten (Haarlem 1998) 139–42.
13
P. Burke, “America and the rewriting of world history” In: K. O. Kupperman,
ed., America in European consciousness 1493–1750 (Chapel Hill 1995a) 35–36.

resisting the monarchy’s hierarchical command structure, was considered

authoritative partly because it came from a Spanish author.14
Elsewhere Martin Waldseemüller developed a relatively reliable
world map as early as 1507, including the new continent which he
labelled ‘America’. French and English expeditions to the New World
further provided accurate reports on the newly-found lands, allowing
Northern European cartographers like Gerard Mercator and Abraham
Ortelius to refine the outlines of the fourth continent in their atlases.15
Increasingly consistent information on America, Africa, and Asia in
the later decades of the sixteenth century gradually pushed ancient
geographers and medieval myths into the background. Obtaining a
comprehensive and correct picture of remote societies, however, was
still not straightforward for the average European scholar or enthusi-
ast, as travel literature remained both limited and scattered. Only the
systematic cooperation of navigators and publishers in England and
the Dutch Republic, as the century neared its close, opened the door
to knowledge of the overseas world for a broader readership.16
1.2. Cosmographic literature
As an awareness of the variety of the overseas world began to sift

through to more educated circles, the demand for knowledgeable editors
to make sense of these revolutionary developments increased: collec-
tions of voyages were obvious follow-ups to singular travel accounts.
Since these collections were large-scale enterprises by definition, some-
times requiring decades of careful compiling and planning before the
assembled information was fit to print and distribute, making a col-
lection demanded persistence, patience, and time. Hence the absolute
number of titles in the genre is limited. In the first two hundred years
after the voyages of Columbus and Da Gama roughly ten compilations
14
A. Pallotta, “The New World and Italian readers of the Spanish Historie in the
sixteenth century”, Italica 69–3 (1992) 345–58.
15
P. D. Burden, The mapping of North America: a list of printed maps 1511–1670 (s.l.
1996).
16
For England: A. Hadfield, Literature, travel, and colonial writing in the English Renaissance
1545–1625 (Oxford 1999); L. E. Pennington, ed., The Purchas handbook. Studies on the
life, times and writings of Samuel Purchas 1577–1626 (2 vols.; London 1997); D. B. Quinn,
ed., The Hakluyt handbook (2 vols.; London 1974a). For the Dutch Republic: Van den
Boogaart (2003) and Schmidt (2001).

30 chapter one
were published. The genre’s heyday started in Italy in the middle of the
sixteenth century and lasted until approximately 1650 when, following
the general northward momentum of European maritime expansion,
the most important Dutch collection of travel accounts appeared.
The compendia of voyages are indicative of intellectual culture in
the period between 1550 and 1650. Efforts to systematically compile
all available knowledge in various fields dominated scholarly activities
during this ‘Age of Curiosity’.17 Sandwiched between the eras when first
theology and later science dictated the intellectual agenda, early modern
curiosity was characterised by a period of discovery and wonder fol-
lowed by an erudite pleasure in classification and order. Both sentiments
synchronised with an overall trend of putting more emphasis on the
study of nature, and an increased awareness of the factual and often
unfamiliar world. The impact of the discoveries and of the attempts
at observation and experimentation in fields such as anatomy, botany,
and physiology was further enlarged by the expanding possibilities of
the printed book. As more and more knowledge gradually appeared in
print, much of the information in a sense continued to be topical. Fresh
discoveries ensured continued public interest throughout the sixteenth
century. Around 1600, the Dominican friar Tommaso Campanella
observed that
In this century of ours, more history has been made in one hundred
years than the world has seen in the previous four-thousand. And more
books have been made in these hundred years than in the previous five-
thousand.18
The rich supply of knowledge brought greater differentiation and
specialisation. In order to come to terms with the amount of new
and freshly recovered insights, the need for a method of structuring
information became urgent from the mid-sixteenth century onwards.
Initial efforts were made to divide the novelties into categories, like
antiquitates, artificialia, and naturalia. In each of these fields a tendency
to collect all the available knowledge in an encyclopaedic manner
17
Much of the following is based on M. Swann, Curiosities and texts. The culture of
collecting in early modern England (Philadelphia 2001) 16–27; W. Muensterberger, Collecting.
An unruly passion (Princeton 1994) 183–203; K. Pomian, Collectors and curiosities. Paris and
Venice, 1500–1800 (Cambridge 1990) 45–64.
18
Quoted in Romeo (1971) 115: “Di questo secolo nostro, c’ha più istoria in cento
anni che non ebbe il mondo in quattro mila; e più libri si fecero in questi cento che
in cinque mila”.

increased at the close of the sixteenth century. This period was the
true zenith of the art of collecting for collecting’s sake, epitomised by
the cabinets of curiosities which aimed to reduce the entire universe
to the scale of the human eye, without diverting the attention from the
intimate features of the assembled artefacts and natural objects. Items
from distant lands often formed a major, if not the most important
ingredient of such collections of rarities, and hence the endeavour of
classifying exotica in a personal cabinet, accessible to a selected group
of admirers, became one of the most common ways of making sense
of the Discoveries.19
The encyclopaedic momentum was also understood and endorsed
by publishers in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, and
the catalogue of De Bry publications, which will be discussed in detail
in Chapters 2 and 3, is as good an example as any of the tendency to
amass and organise the swelling wealth of available knowledge. The
relatively large number of serial publications produced by the fam-
ily, as well as the themes of these and other works they issued are a
good reflection of scholarly fascinations around 1600. A compendium
of herbs and flowers, effigies of famous men, a collection of antiqui-
ties, books of medical curiosities, assembled letters on isolated health
issues and representations of different alphabets, as well as works on
instruments to be used for experimentation and hermetic attempts to
reduce the world to human proportions formed the core of the De
Bry catalogue.
The efforts to compile a collection of voyages are firmly rooted in
this encyclopaedic tradition, and the fact that the major works in this
genre appeared in the period between 1550 and 1650 indicates the close
affiliation between the collecting of exotic curiosities, the publication
of comprehensive anthologies on various subjects, and the assembling
of travel accounts. Such activities and publications rounded up the
achievements of the Renaissance, and the volumes were devoured by
a relatively broad, curious group of readers.20 The collections of voy-
ages to the overseas world were an obvious way to close the full circle
of early modern discoveries, bringing together the sources which, from
19
See the various articles in: O. Impey and A. MacGregor, eds., The origins of museums:
the cabinet of curiosities in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Europe (Oxford 1985).
20
D. Defert, “Les collections iconographiques du XVIe siècle” In: J. Céard and J.-C.
Margolin, eds., Voyager à la Renaissance (Paris 1987) 532.

32 chapter one
the end of the fifteenth century onwards, had started the craze of col-
lecting in the first place.
The collections of travel reports differed from other compendia
of knowledge in one important respect: they largely appeared in the
vernacular, as the authors were men whose distinctions were defined
by experience rather than by traditional forms of education. Accounts
of expeditions to America, Africa, and Asia were commonly written
in Italian, Spanish, and Portuguese, and later also in English, French,
and Dutch; this accessibility probably partly explains their immense
popular success. Compilations of accounts predictably followed suit,
even before they can justifiably be labelled collections of voyages. The
cosmographical works by Sebastian Münster and André Thevet ini-
tially appeared in German and French respectively, whereas similarly
conceived works in fields outside geography were all being published
first, or more often exclusively, in Latin.
The cosmographical literature of the sixteenth century is, for various

reasons, an interesting reference point for the collections of voyages of
a slightly later period.21 Sebastian Münster (1489–1552), a Lutheran
theologian in Basel, was the Old World’s prime figure in the field of
cosmography. His works relied on the information provided in the writ-
ings of Ptolemy, and his first publication, true to form, was a revised and
updated edition of the Greek scholar’s Geography in 1540. This edition,
in line with the Renaissance imperatives of translation, imitation, and
emulation, formed the first step towards Münster’s epic masterpiece of
1544, Cosmographia: Beschreibung aller Lender. It went through forty-six edi-
tions—a stunning number—by the mid-seventeenth century, including
translations into at least five languages including Latin.22
Münster’s Cosmographia, the benchmark for the cosmographic genre
after 1550, was based on a renovation of ancient geographical knowl-
edge, without making clear discriminations between the value of
classical and more modern accomplishments or between the feats of
cartographic scholars in their studies and unschooled adventurers at
21
For much of the following: Lestringant (1994), and other publications of this
author listed below; Grafton, Shelford, and Siraisi (1992) 97–111; Broc (1980) 61–99,
esp. 77–84.
22
M. McLean, The Cosmographia of Sebastian Münster. Describing the world in the Reformation
(Aldershot 2007).

sea.23 Ancient myths and Plinian monsters were presented alongside

the experiences of Marco Polo and Amerigo Vespucci. And although
Münster surpassed the medieval tendency to rely solely on what was
considered authoritative literature, he did still display the desire to
compile his knowledge of the world into a grand synthesis. Münster’s
all-encompassing method of assembling and presenting material was
immediately followed, however, by a period of specialisation. Numer-
ous empirically inspired efforts to make sense of the wider world by
botanists, topographers, and historians soon made the cosmographical
efforts look outdated to well-informed scholars of geography.24
The fortunes of André Thevet (1503–1592) are a good indication
that the end of the cosmographical genre was near by the late sixteenth
century. Thevet had travelled to Asia Minor and South America in the
1550s, and his first two works, titled Cosmographie du Levant (1554) and
Singularitez de la France antarctique autrement nommée Amerique (1558) were
largely based on his own recollections. The two treatises, published
when the genre was at its apogee,25 earned Thevet the position of
official cosmographer and historiographer of Henry II of France.
Thevet, unlike Münster, stressed that experience was more depend-
able than authority, reflecting similar developments in other fields of
knowledge. The Frenchman, as a result of his travels no doubt, further
devoted considerable attention to the overseas world, and thus signalled
the direction for the next generation of compilers: whereas only 150
pages of a total of 1475 in Münster’s Cosmographia were dedicated to
Asia, Africa, and the New World combined, more than half of Thevet’s
two-volume Cosmographie Universelle (1575) concerned the second, third,
and fourth continents.26
This latter work, which was supposed to be the French answer to
Münster, nonetheless harmed Thevet’s reputation, announcing as it
did the end of cosmography as an activity in the frontline of scholar-
ship. Several reasons for the failure of the Cosmographie Universelle can
be pointed out. The royal cosmographer’s work, published in times of
extreme religious and political tension, was unfavourably looked upon by
23
Lestringant (1994) 104.
24
F. Lestringant, “Le déclin d’un savoir. La crise de la cosmographie à la fin de la
Renaissance”, Annales. économies, sociétés, civilisations XLVI–2 (1991a) 239–40.
25
Lestringant (1994) 126.
26
The hefty section on Asia was largely dedicated to what we would presently call
the Middle East.

34 chapter one
influential contemporaries like the Huguenot traveller Jean de Léry and

Thevet’s arch-rival François de Belleforest who, also in 1575, produced
an extended yet uncritical French version of Münster’s Cosmographia.
Both men strongly criticised Thevet’s efforts. Just as unfortunate was the
development of individual curiosity among intellectuals, which replaced
the demand for a universal compilation under the authority of a single
scholar, regardless of his experiences. Thevet’s proud assertion, in the
Cosmographie Universelle’s dedicatory letter to Henry III, that he
had followed so elaborately the cosmographical order, that there was not
a country, province, sea, coast, beach, cape, gulf, port, river, mountain or
island, which he had not carefully described27
inadvertently explains the lukewarm reception by humanists. The con-
tinued presence of the Plinian races did nothing to contribute to his
credibility either, despite repeated claims by Thevet that his work had
been based on personal experiences, and numerous occasions when
he did distance himself from classical follies. After the violent death
of Henry III, France plunged into religious turmoil, and after Thevet,
French geographical knowledge declined for several decades.28 Not one
of the major collections of voyages was to be published in France.
Münster, and to a lesser extent Thevet, had still considered the over-
seas world an extension of the Old World, and had treated it accord-
ingly by trying to incorporate it into inclusive geographical models of
interpretation. But even before their cosmographical works received
acclaim, and later criticism, the distinctly different collections of voyages
had started to emerge. The compilers of these works paid exclusive
attention to navigations to distant shores, and reaped instant rewards.
The small-scale nature of the first collections should not obscure their
success as they spread familiarity with the earliest expeditions to both
the West and the East.
27
A. Thevet, Cosmographie Universelle (2 vols.; Paris 1575) I [a2r]: “. . . poursuivant
si amplement l’ordre Cosmographique, qu’il n’y a païs, province, mer, coste, plage,
promontoire, goulfe, havre, riviere, montagne, ou isle, qui ne soit par moy diligem-
ment descrite . . .”. On Thevet: F. Lestringant, André Thevet. Cosmographe des derniers Valois
(Geneva 1991b).
28
F. Lestringant, “La littérature géographique sous le règne de Henri IV” In: Les
lettres au temps de Henri IV (1991c) 281–85.

1.3. The first collections of voyages
The credit for producing the first collection of voyages belongs to

Fracanzio da Montalboddo, who published the modest Paesi novamente
retrovati in 1507.29 Montalboddo, professor at the University of Vicenza,
assembled and translated the cream of available accounts on travels to
America, Africa, and Asia. After opening his collection with a Portuguese
outing to West Africa, under the supervision of Henry the Navigator, he
included reports which acquired canonical status throughout the early
modern era, like Da Gama’s venture around the Cape of Good Hope,
Cabral’s voyage to Brazil, Columbus’ first three westward expeditions,
and Vespucci’s letters to Lorenzo de’ Medici relating the events of his
third voyage to America. One of Montalboddo’s main purposes in
collecting this material was to entertain readers.30
Several editions and translations of the Paesi appeared within a few
years. The original Italian edition went through at least five reprints
before 1520, published alternately in Milan and Venice, while transla-
tions in Latin, High German, Low German, and French testified to
its international appeal. The French version alone experienced four
reprints prior to 1530.31 Practical reasons partly explain why the col-
lection was in vogue: firstly the Iberian embargoes on information
regarding the overseas territories made obtaining travel accounts dif-
ficult for individuals.32 Even if a reader could successfully acquire one
or more of these reports, the language of the text presented him with
a second stumbling block. Montalboddo provided the answers to these
concrete problems by working vigorously to evade the suppression of
information, and by subsequently making selected accounts available
in a single tome, issued in one language of choice. The publication
29
Little has been written on this work and its author, sometimes also known as
Fracanzano da Montalboddo: G. Bruzzo, “Di Fracanzio da Montalboddo e della
sua raccolta di viaggi”, Rivista geografica italiana 12 (1905) 284–90; Lach (1965–93) I–1
163–64; M. Böhme, Die grossen Reisesammlungen des 16. Jahrhunderts und ihre Bedeutung
(Amsterdam 1968 [photomechanic reprint; 1st ed., Strasbourg 1904]) 15–47. Böhme
lists two earlier collections (pp. 3–15), but their scope is limited and they will not be
discussed here.
30
Lach (1965–93) I–1 164; Böhme (1904) 42.
31
Böhme (1904) 23–36. The titles are listed here as they are not easily recognisable
as translations of Montalboddo’s Paesi: Itinerarium Portugalle[n]siu[m] . . . (Lat); Newe unbe-
kanthe landte Und ein newe Welte . . . (Ger); Nye unbekande Lande unde eine nye Werldt . . . (Dutch);
S Ensuyt le Nouveau mo[n]de et navigations . . . (Fre).
32
Infra, Ch. 9, pp. 284–86.

36 chapter one
of travel narratives in a uniform language remained one of the prime

assets of any collection of voyages.
Practical advantages aside, the collections also had intrinsic values
which accounted for their increasing popularity. The role of the editor
was markedly different from that of the omnipresent cosmographer.
Whereas Münster and Thevet clearly left their mark on the process
of interpretation, Montalboddo and his followers published reports of
discoveries with no overt intention of modifying these accounts, which
shielded them from the kind of criticism Thevet was later to encounter.
The editor generally limited himself to writing a preface to explain why
and how he had gathered the information he was about to present,
which as the sixteenth century progressed, was ever more attuned to
the demands of the learned readership. Only the selection of suitable
reports, and the composition of interpretative discourses permitted
the compiler to influence his readers, and although this situation had
changed by the time the De Brys issued their collection of voyages, the
illusion of presenting original travel reports was maintained.
Thanks to its innovative notions of editing, and its reiteration of all
the fundamental accounts of the early discoveries, Montalboddo’s Paesi
remained an influential work in the field of geography for decades. As
the collection’s title suggests, Montalboddo felt he had only recorded
the renewed discovery of distant lands. Elaborating on this idea in the
preface to his work, he argued that the recent discoveries of animals,
plants, herbs, and minerals, as well as the diversity of the newly-found
places and the quality of the air should all be considered a confirma-
tion of what Pliny had described in his Historia naturalis.33
The same reliance on ancient authors can be observed in the second
extensive collection of voyages, Novus Orbis regionum ac insularum veteribus
incognitarum, edited by Simon Grynaeus and Johan Hüttich, who were
assisted by Sebastian Münster. This collection was published simultane-
ously in Basel and Paris in 1532, and was reprinted several times in the
1530s. Its most eye-catching feature was the use of Latin in the original
33
F. da Montalboddo, Paesi novamente retrovati e Novo Mondo da Alberico Vesputio Florentino
intitulato (2nd ed.; Milan 1512 [1st ed. Vicenza 1507]) [A4v]: “. . . le presente Navigatione
in diversi paesi dal nostro continente disiuncte: mai piu per memoria de homo cogno-
sciute appertamente el dechiarano. Dove o veramente che tu consideri le moltiplice
specie deli Animali: dele piante: dele herbe: deli Metalli & pietre: o veramente la
diversita de li lochi: & qualita del cielo: non meno cose admirande: & quasi incredibile
se retrovano: che appresso della Naturale historia pliniana.”

editions.34 Hüttich—the actual compiler—and Grynaeus, the humanist

who wrote the introductory remarks, included Montalboddo’s Paesi in
their collection, indicating that they were not going to drift away from
his eulogy of the ancient geographers. Grynaeus even complained that
a traveller like Marco Polo, in order to make the account of his visit
to China available for interested scholars, had not written about it in
Latin. Although Hüttich and Grynaeus added plenty of new voyages to
the Vicenza compilation, including Polo’s account, the maps displayed
in the Novus Orbis were still based on Ptolemy’s by now outdated car-
tographic material. The efforts of Grynaeus and Hüttich nevertheless
continued to be reprinted until 1616.
Although hugely popular, the sixteenth-century cosmographies and
the two earliest collections of voyages were still rooted in the command-
ing tradition of classical wisdom. When the efforts of humanists in other
fields like medicine and astronomy unsettled the assumptions made in
ancient writings, it became apparent that Greek and Roman geographi-
cal and cartographical treatises, too, needed to be reconsidered. The
encompassing, even conceited, format of the cosmographical genre
was ill-equipped to respond to the demands of late sixteenth-century
humanists. The innovative collections of voyages formed a genre much
better suited to their expectations, with navigators rather than scholars,
and original reports rather than interpretations taking centre stage. By
persisting with the authority of classical tracts, however, it did not reach
its full potential in the first fifty years after Columbus and Da Gama.
The promise of the genre and the adaptations to the requirements of
the ‘Age of Curiosity’ were to be fulfilled only in the 1550s, by the
groundbreaking collection of Giovanni Battista Ramusio.
1.4. Ramusio’s NAVIGATIONI ET VIAGGI
Ramusio (1485–1557) was a respected civil servant of the Venetian

Republic. After studying in Padua, he worked as secretary first to
the Chancellery, then to the Senate, and from 1553 onwards to the
Council of Ten, an important governing body. A man of aristocratic
34
M. Korinman, “Simon Grynaeus et le ‘Novus Orbis’: les pouvoirs d’une collec-
tion” In: J. Céard and J.-C. Margolin, eds., Voyager à la Renaissance (Paris 1987) 419–31;
Böhme (1904) 48–60.

38 chapter one
descent, he travelled widely as a member of diplomatic delegations, and

established personal contacts with courtiers throughout Europe, most
notably in France. At home, his closest friends included the influential
cardinal Pietro Bembo, and the versatile scholar and physician Girolamo
Fracastoro, best known for writing the first treatise on syphilis. Much of
Ramusio’s life, according to his correspondence with these and other
humanists, was devoted to literature and classical learning, and he was
a central figure in intellectual circles in Venice. Several scholarly friends
dedicated their publications to him.35
From around 1520 onwards, Ramusio displayed an interest in travel
literature. His enthusiasm was inspired by his friendship with Andrea
Navagero, Venetian envoy at the Spanish and French courts, who, while
in Toledo in 1525, wrote to Ramusio that he could “find no books
here on the Indies; but in time I will send enough matter to weary
you”, indicating that the two men shared a passion for Spain’s overseas
ventures.36 After Navagero’s death in 1529, Ramusio assisted with the
publication of his friend’s Italian translations of Peter Martyr’s Decades,
and Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo’s Sumario, two treatises on Spanish
expansion in the Americas. This marked the start of his independent
career as an editor of travel literature; he added an account of Peru
to Navagero’s posthumously published books in 1534. Many years of
writing letters, and compiling, reading, and translating travel accounts
followed, as Ramusio collected a wealth of material, mainly relating to
Spanish and Portuguese expeditions. He postponed their publication
until 1550, when the first volume of his compendium appeared.37
Ramusio’s three-volume folio-sized Delle navigationi et viaggi (1550–59)
was acknowledged by contemporaries as a landmark publication. The
Navigationi, unlike the two preceding collections of voyages, was based
on a well-defined intellectual framework. The editor, assisted by the
distinguished Venetian mapmaker Giacomo Gastaldi, had chosen to
abandon the traditional Ptolemaic projection. The maps of the world
and of the four separate continents were based instead on the most
recent cartographic information available. While some cartographic
35
L. Horodowich, “Armchair travelers and the Venetian discovery of the New
World”, Sixteenth Century Journal XXXVI–4 (2005) 1042–43; M. Donattini, “Giovanni
Battista Ramusio e le sue ‘Navigationi’. Appunti per una biografia”, Critica storica XVII
(1980) 81–83, 92–95; M. Milanesi, ed., Giovanni Battista Ramusio Navigationi e viaggi (6
vols.; Turin 1978–88) I xiv–xvii.
36
G. B. Parks, “Ramusio’s literary history”, Studies in philology 52 (1955a) 134–35.
37
Donattini (1980) 83–89; Milanesi (1978–88) I xvii–xxi.

decisions, on matters such as whether America and Asia were connected

overland were still to be made, Gastaldi’s maps superseded those of
his immediate predecessors.38 Being an admirer of classical learning,
Ramusio was not prepared to discard all the merits of antiquity at
once. In order to argue for the continuity between those pioneers and
the imitating and emulating feats of Renaissance travellers, however,
Ramusio refrained from copying ancient geographical scholarship. As
an alternative, he included several classical travel narratives, written
by navigators. Supposedly factual accounts of the legendary voyages
of Hanno of Carthage (fifth century BC) and Alexander the Great’s
admiral Nearcho (ca. 320 BC), and the fictitious journal of the Roman
adventurer Iambolo recounting a voyage to Ceylon thus appeared along-
side Renaissance descriptions of expeditions to the same regions.39
Such ingenious literary ploys and a more questioning approach
towards classical authority were supported by resolute editorship. By
adding critical discorsi to most of the selected narratives, Ramusio
displayed none of the reluctance of earlier editors to interfere with
the original reports, while steering well clear of the amalgamation of
sources and analysis which undermined the reputation of cosmogra-
phy. His strict separation of descriptions and interpretative editorials
enabled learned readers to draw their own conclusions about the state
of overseas explorations. The discorsi, additionally, provided Ramusio
with an opportunity to infer the literary and historical meaning of the
different travel accounts, to examine the value of these reports for the
advancement of geographical knowledge, and to stress the superiority
of Venetian exploration.40 Due to practical problems, the frequency of
the editorial discourses was reduced after the first volume had appeared
in 1550. The third volume, published in 1556, had few clarifying texts,
possibly because of Ramusio’s time-consuming duties as secretary to the
Council of Ten, and some of the material for the second volume went
up in flames while in the possession of the printer Tommaso Giunti.
38
R. W. Karrow jr., Mapmakers of the sixteenth century (Chicago 1993) 216–49, esp.
227–30; M. Minella, Il mondo ritrovato. Le tavole sudamericane di Giacomo Gastaldi (Genoa
1993) 39–51. The debate regarding a possible land-bridge between Asia and the New
World remained a hotly disputed topic. Jose de Acosta, whose treatise is included in the
De Bry collection, was one of the prime authors in favour of the land-bridge thesis,
which helped explain the Asian origin of the Indians.
39
G. B. Parks, “The contents and sources of Ramusio’s Navigationi”, Bulletin of the
New York Public Library 59 (1955b) 282–89, nrs. 3, 11, and 14 respectively.
40
Horodowich (2005) 1042–50.

40 chapter one
Volume II therefore only emerged posthumously in 1559, probably

edited by Ramusio’s son Paolo, who may also have been responsible
for the revised editions in the following decades.41
Ramusio’s untimely death prevented the collection from expanding
beyond three volumes, although the editor and his collaborators had
pencilled in a fourth and final tome. The theme of this elusive Volume
IV of the Navigationi has been the subject of discussion. Some have
argued that the fourth part was devised for accounts on travels in the
Pacific, others have suggested South America was the designated focal
point,42 and both assumptions are more or less backed up by Giunti, who
stated in the preface to the second edition of Volume I (1554) that
If God allows, one day, when it will be discovered and enough is known
about this part [of the world], which lies towards midday below the Ant-
arctic Pole [. . .] everything possible will be done to obtain an account, and
to publish the fourth volume as well.43
Speculation regarding the unpublished material alludes to the impor-
tance Ramusio attached to the arrangement of his compilation. His
clear division of the selected accounts into geographically defined
parts, a feature missing from earlier collections, henceforth provided the
blueprint for the genre. Ramusio devoted Volume I of the Navigationi to
voyages to Africa and the Orient, ranging from the Arabian peninsula to
the Moluccas. The third book was dedicated entirely to the New World
and to circumnavigations, whereas the belatedly completed Volume II
consisted of travels to Central Asia and Russia. Freshly published nar-
ratives were added accordingly to later editions of the collection.
Credible illustrations formed another asset of Ramusio’s compen-
dium. Although their number was limited, fifty-four in total in the
complete first edition, they were not based on ancient and medieval
myths like many designs in the cosmographies by Münster and Thevet.
The majority of the woodcuts in the Navigationi depicted exotic crops
41
M. Milanesi, “Giovanni Battista Ramusios Sammlung von Reiseberichten des
Entdeckunszeitalters, ‘Delle Navigazioni e viaggi’ (1550–1559) neu betrachtet” In:
A. M‰aczak and H. J. Teuteberg, eds., Reiseberichte als Quellen europäischer Kulturgeschichte.
Aufgabe und Möglichkeiten der historischen Reiseforschung (Wolfenbüttel 1982) 40; Donattini
(1980) 90–91.
42
Milanesi (1982) 35–36, and Böhme (1904) 86 respectively.
43
G. B. Ramusio, ed., Primo volume delle navigationi et viaggi . . . (2nd ed.; Venice 1554)
[*4v]: “Cosi Iddio ne conceda gratia, che un giorno sia discoperta & pienamente cono-
sciuta quella parte, che è verso Mezo dì sotto il Polo Antartico, che farei ogni opera
d’haverne la relatione, per poter dar fuori anche il Quarto volume”.

such as maize and pineapples, or animals previously unheard of, like

the iguana.44 Almost thirty plates were derived from sketches Ramusio
received from Oviedo, the official Spanish chronicler of the Indies.45 On
the one hand, the insistence on the reliability of his material probably
resulted in the relatively modest number of illustrations in Ramusio’s
series: he may have rejected a large amount of iconographic informa-
tion in his efforts to avoid the pitfalls which eluded his contemporaries.
It was precisely this highly critical method of collecting, on the other
hand, which earned Ramusio the praise of early modern humanists.
The investigative efforts behind the Navigationi, whether with regard
to illustrations or to actual travel accounts, were not matched by any of
Ramusio’s successors. His network of correspondents and co-operators
included the finest geographical minds of his era, like Gastaldi, Oviedo,
and Girolamo Fracastoro, to whom he eventually dedicated the collec-
tion. Ramusio’s painstaking attempts to side-step the Iberian embargoes
on information, and his critical attitude to the sources which did become
available meant that realising the collection’s publication took the best
part of three decades. The fruits of his commitment were consequently
reprinted three or four times until 1613.46 A French translation by the
publisher Jean Temporal, in 1556, did not materialise beyond Volume
I.47 The Navigationi were nevertheless eagerly read in Northern Europe:
Ramusio’s successors knew the collection well, and in the late seven-
teenth century, John Locke still considered it the best and most gracious
exponent of the genre.48
1.5. Hakluyt’s PRINCIPALL NAVIGATIONS
After Ramusio’s collection had appeared, a small band of followers

published collections of their own. The Frankfurt publisher Sigmund
44
G. B. Ramusio, ed., Terzo volume delle navigationi et viaggi . . . (Venice 1556) 131v, 136r,
and 157r respectively.
45
K. A. Myers, “The representation of New World phenomena. Visual epistemol-
ogy and Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo’s illustrations” In: J. M. Williams and R. E.
Lewis, eds., Early images of the Americas. Transfer and invention (Tucson and London 1993)
183–213.
46
Parks (1955b) passim; S. Albertan-Coppola and M.-C. Gomez-Gérard, “La collec-
tion des ‘Navigationi et viaggi’ (1550–1559) de Giovanni-Battista Ramusio: mécanismes
et projets d’après les para-textes”, Revue des études italiennes 36 (1990) 59–60.
47
Böhme (1904) 91–95.
48
Lach (1965–93) I–1 208.

42 chapter one
Feyerabend, ever alert to new trends in the international book market,

even published two: Warhafftige Beschreibung aller theil der welt (1567),
based on Sebastian Franck’s popular and often re-issued Weltbuch,
followed in 1584 by Reyßbuch deß heyligen Lands. Although Feyerabend,
a business partner of Theodore de Bry in the late 1580s, showed an
astute awareness of the genre’s expanding possibilities by referring
to the fashionable concept of curiositas, his collections were either too
carelessly reprinted or too singularly focused on a specific geographi-
cal region to stand comparison to Ramusio’s work.49 In England, the
compilation of Richard Eden, titled Decades of the Newe Worlde or West
India (1554) was more adequate, assembling many recent foreign trea-
tises. Extended and re-issued by Richard Willes in 1577, as History of
Travayle in the West and East Indies, it was eventually merely a leg up to
what was to become the second cornerstone of the genre, Richard
Hakluyt’s Principall Navigations.50
Richard Hakluyt the Younger (ca. 1552–1616), the foremost of Euro-

pean geographers in the late sixteenth century, was one of the driving
forces behind early English overseas expansion. A minister and scholar
in Oxford, he devoted most of his time to geography from the mid-
1570s onwards, when he discussed plans for an expedition to find a
North-West Passage to Asia. He continued his enquiries during the
1580s in the service of Sir Francis Walsingham, Secretary of State
at the Elizabethan court. After publishing his Divers voyages in 1582,
Hakluyt resided in Paris for five years, as chaplain and secretary to
the English ambassador in France, Sir Edward Stafford. Despite his
diplomatic duties he managed to carry on his geographical undertak-
ings by making the acquaintance of André Thevet, who loaned him De
Laudonnière’s manuscript on Florida. From France, Hakluyt continued
to play a leading role in English geography as the key adviser to Sir
Walter Raleigh’s circle of explorers.51
In Discourse of Western Planting (1584) Hakluyt revealed his strategy
of expansion. He proposed to send English settlers to the New World,
49
A. Simon, Sigmund Feyerabend’s ‘Das Reyßbuch deß heyligen Lands’. A study in printing
and literary history (Wiesbaden 1998); Böhme (1904) 96–120.
50
D. Gwyn, “Richard Eden. Cosmographer and alchemist”, Sixteenth Century Journal
XV–1 (1984) 29–34; Böhme (1904) 146–52.
51
D. B. Quinn and A. M. Quinn, “A Hakluyt chronology” In: D. B. Quinn, ed.,
The Hakluyt handbook (London 1974a) 263–331.

and designed many of his subsequent works with the aim of tempt-
ing his countrymen to move abroad, and effectively colonise parts of
America. In the 1580s these attempts were focused on the English-ruled
Roanoke Island in Virginia. Hakluyt’s assignment to Theodore de Bry
to publish Thomas Harriot’s account on the province in four different
languages must certainly be understood with these objectives in mind.
The geographer hoped to enhance the English claims on Virginia
while at the same time attracting more attention to the fertility of the
region through the dissemination of the illustrations by John White. In
order to make his fellow-Englishmen aware of the tradition of expan-
sion from their shores, Hakluyt devised his collection of voyages, the
Principall Navigations (1589).52
The Principall Navigations first appeared in one volume in 1589, before

expanding to three volumes for the second edition, published between
1598 and 1600. Hakluyt, adhering to the developments in travel lit-
erature, chose to copy Ramusio’s format of the Navigationi as the best
means to impose his philosophy on readers. While dismissing the uni-
versal aspirations of the cosmographical genre, remarking in 1589 that
“. . . those wearie volumes bearing the titles of universall Cosmographie
[. . .] beyng indeed most untruly and unprofitablie ramassed and hurled
together”,53 he appreciated Ramusio’s work, using accounts from the
Venetian collection for his own purposes.54 Hakluyt followed Ramusio’s
division of material along geographical lines, dedicating the first of
three parts to voyages to the South and South-East—meaning Africa
and the East Indies, the second part to navigations to the North and
North-East (the polar region, Russia and the Far East), and the final
part to the New World. The same structure was transferred to the
three-volume Principall Navigations of 1598–1600, with each part of the
first edition making up a full volume of the second.55
52
Quinn (1967) passim. For a comprehensive list of Hakluyt’s publications: D. B.
Quinn, C. E. Armstrong, and R. A. Skelton, “The primary Hakluyt bibliography” In:
D. B. Quinn, ed., The Hakluyt handbook (London 1974) 461–575.
53
Cited in Lestringant (1991a) 257, n. 2.
54
D. F. Lach, “Hakluyt’s use of the materials available to him. The Far East” In:
D. B. Quinn, ed., The Hakluyt handbook (London 1974) 218, 222. Hakluyt owned a copy
of Ramusio’s collection before 1580: Quinn and Quinn (1974a) 272.
55
A. M. Quinn and D. B. Quinn, “Contents and sources of the three major works”
In: D. B. Quinn, ed., The Hakluyt handbook (London 1974b) 341–377, 378–460. The
order of the three parts changed for the second edition, with Volume I consisting of

44 chapter one
These similarities cannot obscure more fundamental differences

between the two collections of voyages. Hakluyt’s intentions, most
importantly, diverged markedly from Ramusio’s. Whereas the Venetian
had compiled narratives to emphasise continuity from antiquity to the
Renaissance, in both a scholarly and a literary sense, Hakluyt’s efforts
to write a comprehensive history of English expansion revealed an
unmistakably political objective. He included diplomatic writings and
letters, as well as uninspiring ships’ logs and journals, sacrificing much
of the fluency of Ramusio’s volumes. And while the Italian collection
received praise for its unambiguous and critical approach to source
material, Hakluyt deliberately preferred positive descriptions of certain
territories, even if more critical yet better-informed texts were available.56
In a project little short of empire-building, the Oxford minister included
English accounts and documents exclusively, and adjusted his editorial
guidelines only marginally for the second edition. Unlike Ramusio, he
did not include any interpretative discourses, making the selection of
suitable voyages, and its overriding criterion, even more compelling.
Hakluyt himself was unapologetic about his motivations:
I assure my selfe it will turne to the infinite wealth and honour of our
Countrey, to the prosperous and speedy discovery of many rich lands and
territories of heathens and gentiles as yet unknowen, to the honest em-
ployment of many thousands of our idle people, to the great comfort
and reioycing of our friends, to the terror, daunting and confusion of our
foes.57
Elsewhere Hakluyt’s ambitions outstripped those of Ramusio. He aimed
with his collection to present all English travel accounts, whereas the
Venetian had selected only the most significant reports. Many of the
journals in Hakluyt’s Principall Navigations were unpublished before
the collection appeared in 1589, a further testimony to the editor’s
central position among English explorers and merchant adventurers.
The extended second edition also provided numerous documents,
the voyages to the North and North-East, and Volume II devoted to the South and
South-East. Volume III concerned expeditions to the New World.
56
J. P. Helfers, “The explorer or the Pilgrim? Modern critical opinion and the edi-
torial methods of Richard Hakluyt and Samuel Purchas”, Studies in philology 94 (1997)
164–65, 178–84; see also: J. Schleck, “ ‘Plain broad narratives of substantial facts’:
credibility, narrative, and Hakluyt’s Principall Navigations”, Renaissance Quarterly 59 (2006)
768–94, who criticises Hakluyt’s reputation for factuality.
57
R. Hakluyt, ed., The principal navigations, voyages, traffiques and discoveries of the English
nation (2nd ed.; 3 vols.; London 1598–1600) I [*3v].

mostly written in the 1590s, which had not been made public before.58
Hakluyt’s efforts thus saved many manuscripts from oblivion, and this
can be considered a surplus value to the inherent strengths of the
genre. By making recently written descriptions available, he gave his
collection a topical touch. Topicality had not been one of Ramusio’s
prime concerns, let alone in the cosmographies, but it was to decisively
influence subsequent collections of voyages.
Hakluyt devoted at least two decades to the conception and creation
of his collection, discussing matters of geography at length with lead-
ing cartographers like Mercator and Ortelius, and explorers like Sir
Francis Drake. Yet his biased focus on the English cause resulted in a
relatively limited continental reputation.59 As English was anything but
a lingua franca in early modern Europe, his monotonous volumes did
not enjoy the wide acclaim which Ramusio’s Navigationi had received.
No translations of the Principall Navigations appeared, and after its ini-
tial, albeit strictly English success around 1600, the collection was not
particularly appreciated again until the early nineteenth century. Much
of Hakluyt’s stature in the early modern period, even in England itself,
depended on the modified and more accessible version of his collection
of voyages by Samuel Purchas, which appeared in 1625.
Notwithstanding the increasing awareness of the audience, one
potentially appealing aspect was missing from both English collec-
tions. Unlike the Navigationi, and in stark contrast to contemporaneous
compilations, neither Hakluyt nor Purchas included illustrations of any
sort. Hakluyt, according to his collection’s preface, seemed to regret
not having had the opportunity to add plates: “. . . assuring you, that if
I had bene able, I would have limned her and set her out with farre
more lively and exquisite colours”.60 Whether Hakluyt was not in the
position to have engravings or woodcuts made, as he claimed, or was
instead simply not prepared to sacrifice texts to make room for illus-
trations is uncertain, but the contrast between the English collections
and their German counterparts of the late 1590s and early 1600s is
nevertheless striking.
58
G. B. Parks, “Tudor travel literature” In: D. B. Quinn, ed., The Hakluyt handbook
(London 1974) 98, 101.
59
D. B. Quinn, “Hakluyt’s reputation” In: Idem, ed., The Hakluyt handbook (London
1974b) 133–46.
60
Hakluyt (1598–1600) III [A3v].

46 chapter one
1.6. The De Bry collection and its place within the genre
Beautiful engravings were the most distinctive feature of the De Bry

collection. Ramusio and Thevet may have fitted their works with a few
illustrations, but the size, the number, and the quality of the engrav-
ings in the De Bry volumes was unprecedented. Relatively few printed
travel accounts of the overseas world had contained iconographic
material before the publication of the De Bry collection. Many of the
narratives that had, such as Hans Staden’s account of cannibalism
in Brazil, Jean de Léry’s Histoire d’un voyage fait en la terre du Bresil, and
Girolamo Benzoni’s Historia del mondo nuovo were incorporated into the
America-series, or, in the case of Jan Huygen van Linschoten’s Itinerario,
into the India Orientalis-series.61 Only Van Linschoten’s work included
copper engravings, whereas the remaining publications contained crude
woodcuts. Almost overnight, the De Bry collection became indispens-
able for Europeans who wanted to have a state-of-the-art iconography
of the overseas world.
As such, the collection represented a crossroads in the development
of the genre. On the one hand, the De Bry volumes resembled the
magnitude and ambitions of the Navigationi and the Principall Navigations.
The De Bry collection consisted of 49 accounts while Ramusio and
Hakluyt had included 57 and a staggering 217 reports respectively, as
the many ships logs in the English volumes were generally very brief.62
Whereas Hakluyt’s collection was almost exclusively made up of Eng-
lish documents, the De Bry collection followed the example set by the
Venetian compendium, based as it was on sources from a wide range of
backgrounds. Ramusio obtained exactly one-third of his material from
Italian sources and another third from Spain. The remaining nineteen
voyages were mostly acquired from Portugal and France.63 The De Bry
61
On the New World: W. C. Sturtevant, “First visual images of native America” In:
F. Chiappelli, ed., First images of America (2 vols.; Berkeley and Los Angeles 1976) 420–44;
on Van Linschoten’s Itinerario: Lach (1965–93) II–1 94–95; Van Gelder, Parmentier,
and Roeper (1998); Van den Boogaart (2003).
62
Based on Ramusio’s first edition, and its classification by Parks (1955b), and
Hakluyt’s full three-volume edition of 1598–1600, and its description by Quinn and
Quinn (1974b) 378–460. The letters, discourses, and other additional material included
in both Ramusio’s and Hakluyt’s collections have not been included. The figure for
the De Bry collection includes the three narratives only translated into either Latin
or German, see App. 2.
63
Based on Parks (1955b) and Albertan-Coppola and Gomez-Gérard (1990) 67, n. 20,
who used Ramusio’s second edition and therefore found 63 accounts. I deducted

collection displays a somewhat comparable pattern. Approximately

forty percent of the collection, published at a time when the pendulum
of overseas expansion had decisively swung north, consisted of Dutch
accounts. English narratives were second, making up some fifteen
percent of the De Bry collection, while Italian, French, German, and
Spanish sources were all represented at least twice.
With Dutch maritime expansion experiencing a dramatic take-
off from the mid-1590s onwards, just when the India Orientalis-series
appeared, the option to include recently composed reports became
ever more attractive. Although the De Bry volumes, unlike the earlier
compilations, offered little added value in terms of unpublished mate-
rial—the account of Johan Verken for India Orientalis IX being the only
exception—at least half of the accounts incorporated into the collection
had been published within the five years preceding the appearance of
the De Bry volume. The first book of the Asian and African series to
include older printed material, two of the four Vespucci letters, was not
published until 1618. Neither Hakluyt’s nor Ramusio’s volumes could
even remotely match the levels of topicality of the De Bry collection.
Thus, with respect to topicality and the diversity of source material,
the De Brys maintained and even upgraded the inherent qualities of
the genre. Their collection, moreover, brought together reports in two
principal languages, and also, temporarily, in two different sizes. Such
practical adaptations characterise the German enrichment of the genre,
and re-defined the outlook and the scope of collections of voyages.
Many of the modifications to the genre made by the Frankfurt family
can easily be attributed to their occupation as booksellers and engravers,
and their keen eye for commercial opportunities. The De Brys left the
intellectual framework of the preceding collections largely unaltered.
Not only did they refrain from giving information on the Old World,
which distinguished earlier collections from cosmographies, but they
also divided the selected travel accounts into geographically defined
sections. Whereas Hakluyt had neatly followed Ramusio’s subdivisions,
the De Brys created two instead of three separate parts, and therefore
ended up with a slightly different classification. The voyages to America
were all concentrated in one series, while the other series was devoted
the six newly added reports, meaning Ramusio acquired nineteen narratives in both
Italy and Spain. The ‘background’ in this context refers to the background of the
accounts, not of the travellers themselves.

48 chapter one
to reports on the Eastern hemisphere. The relative weight attached to

navigations to the New World was thus increased, which was not entirely
surprising as the European interest in America gained real momentum
at the end of the sixteenth century.64
Looking first at the editors, the differences between Ramusio and
Hakluyt, on one side, and the De Brys and subsequent collectors, on the
other, are palpable. Ramusio and Hakluyt, like earlier compilers, were
well-informed and erudite geographers. Both had studied and selected
travel accounts for several decades before embarking on their respective
collections. The Venetian humanist in particular had assembled a host
of experts to assist him in the process of collecting information, from
cartographers to the official chronicler of the Indies to the Spanish
crown. Although a number of humanists from the United Provinces
advised and assisted the De Brys, not one of these scholars was a true
specialist in the field of geography. Nothing, moreover, points to a wealth
of knowledge on travel and geography inside the family workshop.
The shift from humanists to booksellers as editors of such collec-
tions corresponds to a broader development in the sixteenth century.
Jean Temporal, the proposed translator of Ramusio’s Navigationi in the
1550s, also worked as a publisher in Lyon. In the Empire, furthermore,
the centre of attention for travel accounts gradually drifted away
from a specialised, mercantile audience in the towns of Augsburg and
Nuremberg,65 where most early sixteenth-century narratives had been
published, towards Frankfurt, the city of the international book fairs.
This change of location precipitated a change in the methods of col-
lecting and presenting travel accounts, which first became visible on a
large scale in the De Bry collection.
One of the resulting transformations was the introduction of a serial
aspect to the genre, something which was incidentally not copied by
later seventeenth-century compilers apart from Levinus Hulsius. This
sequential element was in all likelihood designed to entice readers to
purchase follow-ups to the initial books. It enabled Theodore de Bry
to immediately recoup some of his early investments, an objective not
shared by Ramusio and Hakluyt. The serial element, ideal for drawing
attention to recently published accounts, did not render the element of
64
Elliott (1995) 395–96.
65
W. Neuber, Fremde Welt im europäischen Horizont. Zur Topik der deutschen Amerika-
Reiseberichte der Frühen Neuzeit (Berlin 1991) 249.

continuity which had characterised earlier publications. Whereas the

cosmographers had argued for geographical continuity, fitting infor-
mation and hearsay on America, Africa, and Asia into their already
existing models of European geography, and Ramusio and Hakluyt
had attempted to demonstrate chronological links between ancient and
medieval undertakings and the early modern discoveries, the De Brys
forfeited both. Instead of presenting a coherent ideological programme
to readers in their prefaces, the De Brys systematically stressed the time
and money which had been devoted to the making of their collection.
The emphasis on such practicalities demands an analysis of the De
Bry collection which looks into the editorial strategy of the family
as booksellers. Investigating the De Bry family’s preoccupations, and
examining the catalogue of books they published are therefore essential
steps towards an understanding of their collection of voyages.

CHAPTER TWO
FROM GOLDSMITHS TO PUBLISHERS:

THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE DE BRY FAMILY
2.1. The early years: Liège and Strasbourg (1528–1577)
When Theodore de Bry was born in Liège in 1527 or 1528, nothing

foretold he was to be the founder of one of the most remarkable pub-
lishing firms of early modern Europe (ill. 1).1 Like many generations
of De Brys before him,2 he was trained as a goldsmith, and it was in
the 1530s and 1540s in the local goldsmiths’ guild that he served his
apprenticeship, almost certainly with his father. In a singular reference
to his youth in the preface to one of his publications of the 1590s, De
Bry writes that he was “the offspring of parents born to an honourable
station and was in affluent circumstances and in the first rank of the
more honoured inhabitants of Liège”.3 Theodore’s father of the same
name had indeed been a prominent guild member and magistrate since
the early 1520s,4 responsible for making a reliquary and several chalices
for St. Lambert’s cathedral around 1550.5
1
The best studies available are: M. Sondheim, “Die De Bry, Matthaeus Merian und
Wilhelm Fitzer”, Philobiblon 6 (1933) 9–34; Idem, “Die De Bryschen Grossen Reisen”,
Het Boek 24 (1936–37) 331–64; W. K. Zülch, Frankfurter Künstler 1223–1700 (Frankfurt
1935) 365–68, 439–42; P. Colman, “Un grand graveur-éditeur d’origine liégeoise:
Théodore de Bry”, La Wallonie II (1978) 189–93; Gossiaux (1985) 111–20.
2
Colman (1978) 189; J. Brassinne, “Les trois Thiry de Bry”, Chronique archeologique
du pays de Liège I (1906) 13–17 ; Th. Gobert, Liège à travers les ages (11 vols., 2nd ed.;
Brussels 1975–78) IX 438.
3
App. 1, nr. 39 [A3v]: “. . . qui & parentibus honesto loco natis progeneratus, & opi-
bus affluens, atque adeò inter honorationes Leodii vel primarius fuerim”. The English
translation is taken from: M. S. Giuseppi, “The work of Theodore de Bry and his sons,
engravers”, Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of London XI (1915–17) 204.
4
Brassinne (1906) 14, describes Theodore’s father as a ‘commissaire de la cité’ from
1536. On his position in the guild: J. Breuer, Les orfèvres du pays de Liège. Une liste de membres
du métier [Bulletin de la Société des bibliophiles liégeois XIII ] (Liège 1935) nr. 174; E. Poncelet
and E. Fairon, “Liste chronologique d’actes concernant les métiers et confrèries de la
cité de Liège”, Annuaire d’histoire liégeoise III (1943–47) 649.
5
X. van den Steen de Jehay, Essai historique sur l’ancienne cathédrale de St.-Lambert à
Liège (Liège 1846) 201, 210.

52 chapter two
Ill. 1. Portrait of Theodore de Bry (1597)
De Bry never entered the guild as a master, and apparently worked for
his father until his departure from Liège before 1560. No work from this
period survives, and information on these years is limited. Prominent
artists could have exerted influence on the young Theodore, and one
such suggestion, De Bry’s supposed relationship with the Liège-born
painter Lambert Lombard, has proved attractive.6 After returning from
Italy in 1539, Lombard founded the ‘Académie Liégeoise’ to kick-start
the Renaissance in the Prince-Bishopric. Members of this informal
school of art and architecture included the engravers Lambert Suavius
and Hubertus Goltzius, as well as the geographer Abraham Ortelius.7
Theodore’s acquaintance with Ortelius should have awakened his
6
Gossiaux (1985) 111–13, esp. n. 17; J. Yernaux, “Lambert Lombard”, Bulletin de
l’Institut archéologique liègeois LXXII (1957–58) 360.
7
On the academy of Lambert Lombard: S. Collon-Gevaert, ed., Lambert Lombard
et son temps (Liège 1966a); G. Denhaene, ed., Lambert Lombard: renaissance en humanisme
te Luik (Liège 1990).

from goldsmith to publishers 53
interest in geography and the voyages of discovery, as early as the 1550s,

but there is no definite trace of the goldsmith’s interest in travellers
and their literature until well into the 1580s.
Theodore’s departure to Strasbourg was by all accounts a pivotal
moment in his life. The exact date of emigration remains uncertain, but
De Bry had arrived and settled in the city by 1560, for in this year he
was recorded in the registers of the local goldsmiths’ guild as well as in
the marital records.8 His marriage to Katharina Esslinger, a descendant
of a local family, entitled De Bry to citizenship of Strasbourg in October
1560, but he does not feature in the list of men who received this status
through marriage,9 implying that he had already obtained citizenship
prior to the wedding. Unfortunately the records of those who received
these rights on their own merits go back only to 1559, and the name
of De Bry cannot be traced.10 Since citizenship was a condition for
entering the guild,11 De Bry must have arrived before 1559.12
To the autobiographical statement regarding his departure from
Liège, De Bry added that
. . . stripped of all these belongings by the accidents, cheats, and ill terms
of fortune and by the attacks of robbers, I had to contend against adverse
chance that only by my art could I fend for myself. Art alone remained to
8
Musée des Arts Décoratifs, Strasbourg, inv. nr. 5504/1 (the touchplate of the guild
of 1567, on which De Bry inscribed himself with his marks, and the date 1560). For
the marital records: AMS, nr. 245, f163r; Colman (1978) 189.
9
AMS, ‘Burgerbuch’ nr. 2 (‘les acquisitions de la bourgeoisie par mariage’
1543–1618).
10
AMS, ‘Burgerbuch’ nr. 3 (‘la bourgeoisie par achat’ 1559–1713). Both ‘Burger-
bücher’ listing new citizens appear to be complete from 1560 onwards.
11
H. Meyer, Die Strassburger Goldschmiedezunft von ihrem Entstehen bis 1861 (Leipzig
1881) 203, 207.
12
This is as precise a determination as possible. R. Reuss, “Catalogue des François
qui sont bourgeois de la ville de Strasbourg. 1553”, Bulletin de la Société de l’Histoire du
Protestantisme Français 28 (1879) 303–04 lists the French citizens of Strasbourg in 1553.
De Bry was not included, but it is uncertain whether—had he arrived in Strasbourg
as early as 1553—he would have qualified as a ‘Liègeois’, as the relation between this
list of French citizens and the ‘French congregation’ of which De Bry was a member
in the 1560s is unclear. The so-called ‘Busboek’ of the guild of St. Luke in Antwerp
mentions the membership of a certain ‘Dierick de Brey’ in 1555: Academy of Fine
Arts, Antwerp, nr. 243/4, f170r. This artist—the document does not mention his exact
profession—is married to “Berbelken” his housewife, a name not mentioned elsewhere
in Theodore’s biography. This must be the same Dierick de Brey recorded as one of
the guild brothers involved in preparations for a meeting of rhetoricians in Antwerp
in 1561: C. van de Velde, Frans Floris (1519/20–1570): leven en werken (2 vols.; Brussels
1975) I 442–43. By then Theodore was already a resident of Strasbourg.

54 chapter two
me of the ample patrimony left me by my parents. On that neither rob-

bers nor the rapacious bands of thieves could lay hands.13
If the goldsmith is to be believed, it is tempting to argue that he was
forced to leave Liège. De Bry had evangelical sympathies, and the
tightening of restrictions on Reformed dissenters after the accession
of Robert de Berghes as Prince-Bishop in 1557, could have led him
to pursue his interests elsewhere.14 De Berghes’ policies did not include
large-scale persecutions, however, nor were the possessions of dissenters
confiscated, which raises doubts over De Bry’s testimony.15
Regardless of his motives for moving, Strasbourg would have been
a likely destination. After the confessional strife in the German States
had been settled in 1555 with the Peace of Augsburg, many Protestants
arrived in the Lutheran city.16 Yet the promising situation for Calvinists
rapidly deteriorated. Staunch Lutherans persuaded the city council to
limit the religious freedom of the Reformed, and in 1563, St. Andrew’s
church was closed for public worship.17 De Bry figures on a list, drawn
up in 1562, of twenty-six members of the Reformed congregation pre-
pared to challenge the restrictive measures, signing a petition requesting
the magistrates to re-open the church, and install a French-speaking
minister.18 Although the initial decision was not overturned, private
worship of Calvinists in Strasbourg was tolerated, and the indulgence
of the magistrates was re-affirmed in 1569.
13
Preface to App. 1, nr. 39 [A3v]: “. . . . fortunae tamen casibus, imposturis, malis
nominibus & latronum insidiis omnibus iis ornamentis exutus, adeo adversam aleam
expertus sum, ut nisi ex arte mea mihi prospicere potuissem, vel littus, quod aiunt, rerum
omnium egeno arandum fuisset. Ars sola mihi post tam amplam à parentibus relictam
rem remanserat, quam nec latrones nec furum manus rapaces invadere potuerant”.
The English translation is based on Giuseppi (1915–17) 204–06.
14
C. Tihon, La principauté et le diocèse de Liège sous Robert de Berghes (1557–1564) (Liège
1922) 164–67; J. Daris, Histoire du diocèse et de la principauté de Liège pendant le XVI e siècle
(Liège 1884) 206–13.
15
Ph. Denis, “Les réfugiés Protestants du pays de Liège au XVIe siècle” In:
Protestantisme sans frontières. La réforme dans la duché de Limbourg et dans la Principauté de Liège
(Aubel 1985) 83. Tihon (1922) 161–62, 213–14.
16
C. Wolff, “Strasbourg, cité du refuge” In: G. Livet and F. Rapp, eds., Strasbourg
au coeur religieux du XVI e siècle (Strasbourg 1977) 321–30.
17
Ph. Denis, Les églises d’étrangers en pays Rhenans (1538–1564) (Paris 1984) 135–45;
R. Reuss, Notes pour servir à l’histoire de l’église française de Strasbourg 1538–1794 (Strasbourg
1880) 55–57.
18
AMS, Série II, 84b, nrs. 54 & 56; Also: L.-E. Halkin, “Protestants des Pays-Bas
et de la principauté de Liège refugies à Strasbourg” In: G. Livet and F. Rapp, eds.,
Strasbourg au coeur religieux du XVI e siècle (Strasbourg 1977) 303.

In January of that year, De Bry took into his house in the Kesselgasse
a Huguenot family which had fled from religious persecution in the
Champagne area. The head of this extended family, Claude Pioche,
was a regional financial adviser of King Charles IX of France.19 Pioche
was grateful to the Strasbourg city council for the shelter one of its
citizens provided. He had been staying with De Bry for a while, but in
the Kesselgasse his family had only had three rooms at their disposal,
and in a letter he expressed the hope for larger and more permanent
lodgings.20 De Bry’s hospitality towards Pioche is further testimony to
the former’s religious allegiance, but at the same time an indication
that the goldsmith could house a substantial number of visitors. The
possession of a large house was in itself a remarkable feat for someone
who, only some ten years before, had allegedly been deprived of all
his belongings. But doubts over De Bry’s claim of depredations and
robbery, only reversed by art alone—a Renaissance artist’s typical way
of expression—suggests that other reasons for moving to Strasbourg
must be considered.
De Bry’s omission from the guild records in Liège, although he was
well into his thirties by the time he emigrated, is significant in this
respect. Possibly Theodore’s father was still alive around 1560, leav-
ing De Bry unable to fully display his own skills. As Liège was hardly
the hub of North-European craftsmanship, many goldsmiths left the
Prince-Bishopric in the third quarter of the sixteenth century to explore
more commercially attractive options elsewhere, mainly in Antwerp
and Strasbourg.21 The discrepancy between the artist who encountered
such ‘adverse fortune’ and the unmistakably successful goldsmith a few
years later, and the possible impediments to develop his abilities as an
independent craftsman, indicates that religion was not the main reason
for his move.
The hypothesis that some of De Bry’s publications of the 1590s were

religiously biased as a result of earlier intolerance of his beliefs, was
enhanced by the misconception that it was not in 1560 that De Bry
19
AMS, Série II, 84b, nr. 67. On refugees from the Champagne in the 1560s: R.
Zuber, “Strasbourg, refuge des Champenois” In: G. Livet and F. Rapp, eds., Strasbourg
au coeur religieux du XVI e siècle (Strasbourg 1977) 309–20.
20
AMS, Série II, 84b, nr. 62.
21
Halkin (1977) 304; P. Colman, L’Orfèvrerie religieuse liégeoise du XV e siècle à la Révolution
I (Liège 1966) 55.

56 chapter two
left Liège for Strasbourg, but rather in 1570, as a result of the alliance
between the Prince-Bishop and the Duke of Alva.22 Hence the assertions
that Johan Theodore and Johan Israel de Bry were born in Liège can
be found in secondary literature on the family and on the collection of
voyages.23 The baptismal records in the archives of the Strasbourg parish
of St. Thomas, however, affirm that all four children of Theodore de
Bry and Katharina Esslinger were born there: Ottilia in 1562, Johan
Theodore in 1563, Johan Israel in 1565, and Johan Jakob in 1566.24
Of the youngest son, no further evidence exists, and he almost certainly
died in infancy. De Bry also suffered the loss of his wife, probably shortly
before 1570, when he re-married in Frankfurt.25
The wedding between De Bry and Frankfurt-born Katharina Rölin-
ger in February 1570 is the first archival connection to the city where
he was later to enjoy success as a publisher. The marriage strengthened
ties between De Bry and Frankfurt, which probably already existed. In
the early 1570s he was a regular visitor to the semi-annual fairs.26 He
also conducted trade in Frankfurt in between fairs, always explicitly
being referred to as a goldsmith from Strasbourg.27 De Bry’s commer-
cial network in this period extended to the Netherlands: in 1573 the
Antwerp merchant Balthasar van de Perre ordered the goldsmith Jacob
Drale, who was about to move to Strasbourg,28 to make ‘Diderick Brie
tot Straesborch’ pay off his debts.29
22
Alexander (1976) 8; Berger (1977–78) I 20; Bucher (1981) 6–7. Yet Sondheim
(1936–37, 332) already pointed out De Bry’s residence in Strasbourg from 1560.
23
Berger (1977–78) I 20–21; J. F. Hayward, “Four prints from engraved silver standing
dishes attributed to J. T. de Bry”, The Burlington magazine 95 (1953) 124; Idem, “Engraved
silver dishes”, Apollo Miscellany I (1950) 35; Zülch (1935) 365, 439, 441.
24
AMS, nr. 245, f194r, f219r, f242v, f267v. Also: Colman (1978) 189, who doesn’t
mention Ottilia.
25
StAFr., Traubuch 1533–73, f215r, often quoted in secondary literature. For specula-
tions on the earlier connections between the De Bry and Rölinger families of goldsmiths:
Gossiaux (1985) 115. Again there is no archival material to back up his claims.
26
Zülch (1935) 365 states that De Bry was in Frankfurt at the September fair of
1571, where he made a complaint against a merchant from Deventer. I have not been
able to find this document in the Frankfurt city archives, yet most of Zülch’s information
has proved accurate and the document may have been destroyed in 1944.
27
StAFr., RPr 1570 (8 June), f13v; RPr 1574 (21 Dec.), f70v. Corresponding refer-
ences in Bmb 1570, f31v; Bmb 1574, f134r. There is no further evidence of De Bry’s
connections to Frankfurt in the city archives between the late 1550s and De Bry’s arrival
in the town in 1588, except the requests by Katharina Rölinger discussed below.
28
AMS, Burgerbuch nr. 2, f379 (14/4/1573); Musée des Arts Décoratifs, Strasbourg,
inv. nr. 5504/1.
29
StAA, SR 335, f583r (15/5/1573). De Bry owed Van de Perre 300 Brabant
guilders.

Meanwhile the religious freedom of the Reformed in Strasbourg

was further restricted. Under continued pressure from Lutherans, the
magistrates forbade worship in private surroundings in February 1577,
leaving members of the French congregation no option but to divert to
Bischweiler, eighteen kilometres away, to practise their religion.30 The
first Calvinists had already left the town permanently by then, among
them the Huguenot engraver Etienne Delaune. Although no documents
have survived to confirm their relationship, the ornamental illustrations
of De Bry and his sons—perhaps their very first engravings—seem
to have been influenced by the Parisian refugee, who had arrived in
Strasbourg in 1573. When Delaune left Strasbourg for Augsburg three
years later, De Bry and his sons were deprived of their source of inspi-
ration.31 Religious intolerance and the departure of Delaune were the
deciding impulses for De Bry to leave the city.
2.2. From goldsmiths to engravers: Antwerp and London

(1578–1588)
De Bry decided to emigrate to Antwerp.32 After the Pacification of

Ghent of November 1576, many Calvinists had been drawn to the
commercial metropolis, even though the Reformed church was not
officially recognised until January 1578. As early as 1580, the Reformed
community in Antwerp, which had been strongly persecuted until a
mere three years before, had risen in size to 21,000, making up more
than a quarter of the overall population.33 Having arrived in Antwerp
in late 1577 or 1578, and without obtaining citizenship, De Bry entered
30
Wolff (1977) 326; Reuss (1880) 58.
31
On Delaune: Saur Allgemeines Künstlerlexikon (Munich and Leipzig 1996–) XXV
398; C. Eisler, “Etienne Delaune et les graveurs de son entourage”, L’oeil. Revue d’art
mensuelle 132 (Dec. 1965) 10–19 & 78; P. Bjurström, “Etienne Delaune and the academy
of poetry and music”, Master drawings XXXIV–4 (1996) 351–64. On the influence of
Delaune on the De Bry family: C.-P. Warncke, Die Ornamentale Groteske in Deutschland
1500 –1650 (2 vols.; Berlin 1979) I 36; M. de Jong and I. de Groot, eds., Ornamentprenten
in het Rijksprentenkabinet I, 15de & 16de eeuw (The Hague 1988) 42–52, 238–44.
32
On the period in Antwerp: M. van Groesen, “De Bry and Antwerp, 1577–1585.
A formative period” In: S. Burghartz, ed., Inszenierte Welten. Die west- und ostindischen
Reisen der Verleger de Bry, 1590 –1630/Staging New Worlds. De Brys’ illustrated travel reports,
1590–1630 (Basel 2004) 19–45.
33
G. Marnef, “The changing face of Calvinism in Antwerp 1550–1585” In: A.
Pettegree, A. Duke, and G. Lewis, eds., Calvinism in Europe 1540–1620 (Cambridge
1994) 156–58; Idem, “Brabants calvinisme in opmars: de weg naar de calvinistische

58 chapter two
both the local goldsmiths’ guild and the guild of St. Luke, where art-
ists, publishers, and skilled craftsmen gathered. The subscription to
the latter, the earliest available evidence of Theodore’s presence in the
city, is problematic because the newly accepted artist only referred to
himself as “Dierick the copper engraver and silversmith”, without using
a surname.34 The registration in the goldsmiths’ guild unequivocally
confirms De Bry’s arrival in Antwerp by 1578 or 1579.35 “Dierick”
can only be identified by a further reference to De Bry in relation to
the guild of St. Luke. In October 1581 the painter Peeter Leys acted
on behalf of the deans of the guild to stand surety for De Bry before
the city magistrates, thus confirming his membership.36
Initially De Bry lived alone in Antwerp, without his wife and chil-
dren. Katharina Rölinger requested permission from the city council
in Frankfurt in June 1581 to reunite with her husband, “Dietrich Brij
goltschmit zu Antorff ”.37 Apparently Katharina, and De Bry’s children,
had temporarily returned to Frankfurt after De Bry had left Strasbourg
four years earlier. Shortly after the requests, Johan Theodore entered
the goldsmiths’ guild in Antwerp as an apprentice of his father. In 1582
Johan Israel also joined the workshop, and three more apprentices fol-
lowed.38 After his wife and children had rejoined De Bry in Antwerp,
the family rented a sizeable house in the Huydevetterstraat, where they
lived at least until 1584.39 In August, the goldsmith Hans van Balen
republieken te Antwerpen, Brussel en Mechelen, 1577–1580”, Bijdragen tot de geschiedenis

70 (1987) 7–21.
34
P. Rombouts and T. van Lerius, eds., De liggeren der Antwerpsche Sint Lucasgilde
(Antwerp 1884) I 263. The original text is: “Dierick de coopersnyer ende silversmit”. It
was not common for goldsmiths to enter the guild of St Luke: Van Groesen (2004) 43,
n.37. De Bry cannot be found in the Antwerp ‘Poorterboeken’, but after the Spanish
Fury ‘foreigners’ could obtain membership of the guilds without becoming a citizen.
35
StAA, GA 4487, f168r. “. . . ontfangen eenen meester van bute slants genaempt
Thiery de Bry”. The costs for the subsequent banquet were paid for by the guild:
StAA, GA 4487, f174r. On the Antwerp goldsmiths: D. Schlugleit, De Antwerpse gouden
zilversmeden in het corporatief stelsel (1382–1798) (Wetteren 1969).
36
StAA, V 1403, f185v.
37
StAFr., RPr 1581, f9v, f11r, and Bmb 1581, f21v–22r, f26v.
38
StAA, GA 4487, f194r. StAA, GA 4487, f198v. Confusingly, Johan Theodore de
Bry was also recorded by the guild as an apprentice of his father as early as 1579.
Perhaps this first reference is the result of some sort of formal visit of Theodore’s
oldest son, 15 or 16 years old at the time, and an early indication of the important
position he was quickly to acquire in the De Bry engraving and publishing firm. For
the other apprentices: StAA, GA 4487, f178r, f194r, f198v, f202r.
39
StAA, R 2246 shows that De Bry paid one of the highest rents in the
Huydevetterstraat. Before 1581 no mention is made of De Bry in these archival
records.

informed the city magistrates that “he had heard a few days ago that
Diricken de Brey, who had been working for him, was planning to
leave Antwerp soon, and that he, Van Balen, was therefore not going
to assign more work to him”.40
Van Balen’s statement is more than just an indication of De Bry’s
intention to leave Antwerp in 1584, shortly before the mass exodus
of Protestants after Spanish troops would recapture the city. It also
provides a clue to De Bry’s economic position in the later years of his
stay in Antwerp. The city had established a reputation as a centre for
the craft and trade in precious metals. In 1566, the Tuscan merchant
Lodovico Guicciardini had observed that as many as 124 gold- and
silversmiths were among the most skilful artisans of Antwerp.41 The
Spanish Fury of 1576, when royal soldiers sacked the town, severely
damaged the guild’s prosperity, and by 1580 its members were com-
peting for an ever smaller number of assignments.42 The fact that no
new apprentices registered in De Bry’s workshop after 1582, while De
Bry himself was employed by another goldsmith in and before 1584
indicates that he may have been among the artisans to suffer from the
economic decline. Yet his emigration to London in 1584 or 1585, and
the subsequent employment of his family as copper engravers by Tudor
courtiers hardly implies a lack of success in the early 1580s.
In order to correctly interpret the nature of the seven or eight years
De Bry spent in Antwerp, then, it is vital to understand his gradual
development from goldsmith to engraver. Etienne Delaune’s influence
may have inspired De Bry to join the guild of St. Luke, but his even-
tually recognisable style of engraving had not been fully developed at
that time. It is significant that no De Bry illustrations are known from
the period before 1577, whereas a gilded silver goblet from the period
between 1560 and 1567 confirms his employment as a goldsmith in
40
StAA, Cert.B 45, f357v. “Hans van Balen [. . .] juravit dat hij over sekere dagen
hewaerden [. . .] heeft hooren seggen Diricken de Brey silversmit (den welcken hij affir-
mant te wercke gestellt heeft ende noch werck van hem onder heeft) dat hij Dirick van
meyninge was binnen corten dagen van hier te vertrecken, waeromme hij geen nieuw
werck meer mee bij hem deponert.” The word ‘silversmit’ was later crossed out.
41
L. Guicciardini, Descrittione di tutti i Paesi Bassi (D. Aristodemo, ed., Amsterdam
1994 [1st ed., Antwerp 1567]) 278: “gli orefici, oltre a molti intagliatori di gioie et
d’altre pietre pretiose, sono centoventiquattro; i quali fanno veramente lavori et cose
maravigliose, con intraprese et compere di gioie stupende et incredibili, onde in questa
terra sola se ne truova più che in alcune provincie intere.”
42
Schlugleit (1969) 107–20.

60 chapter two
Strasbourg.43 For Antwerp, the opposite can be noted. No goldsmith’s

work has survived, but engravings have. Although it is difficult to ascer-
tain the dates of the illustrations, many of the engraved forms and
ornaments, such as the circular depiction of ‘Charity’, and portraits
of William of Orange and Alva should be dated around 1578.44 They
still reveal the influence of Delaune, but the theme of the Dutch Revolt
and its figure-heads was already distinctly Netherlandish. Prints such
as these were in demand among goldsmiths in Northern Europe. A
contemporary ink stand was made after ornamental prints by Theodore
de Bry,45 and his engravings for jewellery and knife-handles were prob-
ably even more widely used.46 Designing ornaments for other artisans
was a common intermediate activity for goldsmiths-turning-engravers
in the late sixteenth century.47
The members of the guild of St. Luke in Antwerp included leading
Netherlandish artists like Gerard de Jode, Maarten de Vos, and Phillip
Galle.48 Their widely successful style inevitably impressed De Bry. His
transition from the ornamental method to the more figurative designs
of the later Antwerp period is especially apparent in a sequence of
propaganda prints made around 1580. The De Bry engravings for
which designs were made by Netherlandish artists displayed a much
more open style than the smaller ornaments after Delaune, but a similar
propaganda print of which Theodore de Bry was the ‘inventor’ already
demonstrated the impact of the fashionable Antwerp manner (ill. 2). In
comparison this print is more elaborate and crowded than analogous
work by De Vos and Hieronymus Wierix: De Bry focuses not just on
the main scene, but also on smaller Biblical narratives in the top-right
43
Musée des Arts Décoratifs, Strasbourg, inv. nr. XXIV–58; H. Haug, L’orfèvrerie
de Strasbourg dans les collections publiques françaises (Paris 1978) nr. 15; M. Rosenberg, Der
Goldschmiede Merkzeichen (Berlin 1922–28) IV nr. 6974a.
44
Van Groesen (2004) 26–28; D. R. Horst, De Opstand in zwart-wit. Propagandaprenten
uit de Nederlandse Opstand 1566–1584 (Zutphen 2003) 193–97; J. Tanis and D. Horst,
De tweedracht verbeeld. Prentkunst als propaganda aan het begin van de Tachtigjarige Oorlog/Images
of discord. A graphic interpretation of the opening decades of the Eighty Years’ War (Bryn Mawr
[Penn.] 1993) 82–85.
45
Victoria & Albert Museum, London, Jones Collection, inv. nr. 840–1882; M.
Darby, et al., eds., The Victoria & Albert Museum (London 1983) 201.
46
Zilver uit de Gouden Eeuw van Antwerpen (Antwerp 1988) 41, 131 ff. For an engraving
for jewellery: Getty Museum, Los Angeles, inv. nr. 89.GA.20.
47
Van Groesen (2004) 28.
48
Rombouts and Van Lerius (1884) I 159, 209, and 240 respectively. On the flour-
ishing art of engraving in early modern Antwerp: J. van der Stock, Printing images in
Antwerp. The introduction of printmaking in a city, fifteenth century to 1585 (Rotterdam 1998).

Ill. 2. Depiction of William of Orange, Phillip II, and Pope Gregory XIII (ca. 1580)
and top-left corners of the engraving. The centre still exemplifies the
horror vacui-element of ornamentalist designs. Yet the depiction of human
figures, the composition of the drawing as a whole, and the size and
subject matter of the print are Netherlandish.49 It was this type of
engraving, elaborate yet fashionable, that may well have aroused the
interest of potential clients in England, and prints such as these must
have gradually become De Bry’s main source of income in Antwerp.
Another reason why English patrons may have hired De Bry from
1586 onwards was the technical progress made in Antwerp in using
copper engravings as illustrations for printed books.50 Until the late
1560s book illustrations were, without exception, woodcuts. While the
technique of producing woodcuts gradually became more refined, the
49
Van Groesen (2004) 32–35; Horst (2003) 183–93.
50
H. Schilling, “Innovation through migration: the settlement of Calvinistic
Netherlanders in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Central and Western Europe”,
Histoire sociale—social history XVI (1983) 11; W. Brulez, “De diaspora der Antwerpse
kooplui op het einde van de 16e eeuw”, Bijdragen voor de geschiedenis der Nederlanden XV
(1960) 282.

62 chapter two
introduction of copper engraving around 1565 was an important step

forward. A two-stage printing process was required for using engrav-
ings. After printing the text using traditional relief-printing methods,
the engravings were inserted by using an ‘intaglio press’. Hence prices
of publications increased, but the higher quality of the illustrations
ensured the interest of an affluent readership. Several books in this
period were published in two editions, a cheap version with woodcuts,
and a more upmarket edition with copper engravings. Soon woodcuts
were seen as outdated, and by the time De Bry had arrived in Antwerp,
the famous printer-publisher Christopher Plantin regularly used copper
engravings to wide acclaim.51 Both De Bry’s distinctive style and his
technical know-how were assets which would have facilitated his move to
England. Yet arguably the most important fruits of the Antwerp period
were the personal contacts De Bry established. It was not old friends
from Liège or guild brothers from Strasbourg but rather the likes of
Franciscus I Raphelengius, Phillip Galle, Quintin Massys the Younger,
and the Hoefnagel and Van der Heijden families from Antwerp who
were to have an impact on both the rapid integration of the De Brys
into Frankfurt’s religiously segregated society from 1588, and on the
success of their publishing firm from 1590 onwards.52
Instead of moving straight to Frankfurt, however, De Bry and his

family first went to London. If the goldsmith Hans van Balen is to be
believed, they must have arrived in England around the beginning of
the year 1585. The presence of the family in England between 1585
and 1588 can be confirmed only because of Theodore’s dated work
and his sparse testimonies in prefaces to publications in the 1590s.53 The
51
L. Voet, The golden compasses: a history and evolution of the printing and publishing acti-
vities of the Officina Plantiniana at Antwerp (2 vols.; Amsterdam 1969–72) II 204; Idem,
“Kopergravure en houtsnede in de boekillustratie van het Plantijnse huis in de tweede
helft van de zestiende eeuw”, In: Bijdragen tot de geschiedenis van de grafische kunst opgedragen
aan Prof. dr. Louis Lebeer (Antwerp 1975) 388.
52
Van Groesen (2004) 36–40; on the close-knit ties of the Reformed in Antwerp:
G. Marnef, Antwerp in the age of Reformation. Underground Protestantism in a commercial
metropolis 1550–1577 (Baltimore and Londen 1996) 150. Galle provided De Bry with
material (illustrations for emblem books?) in December 1592 (Arch. MPM 69, f148v),
and again in March 1595 (Arch. MPM 72, f30r).
53
Ind.Occ. I (Lat) (page not signed or numbered, titled “Benevolo Lectori S.”); Ind.
Occ. II (Ger) [a3v]; Ind.Occ. II (Lat) [ I4v]. The list of edited documents in which De
Bry is not mentioned seems endless: J. Hessels, ed., Archives of the London-Dutch church:
register of the attestations or certificates of membership, confessions of guilt, certificates of marriages,
betrothals, publications of banns etc., preserved in the Dutch Reformed church, Austin Friars, London,

claim that the De Brys visited London to reunite with emigrated rela-
tives from Liège cannot be ascertained, but seems plausible.54 However,
the suggestion that De Bry temporarily left England for the continent
in or around 1587 only to return in 1588 should be dismissed,55 as the
thought of the already feeble sixty-year-old engraver travelling back
and forth seems highly unlikely.
De Bry’s reason for going to England was probably the intended
project to translate Lucas Waghenaer’s navigational work Spiegel der
Zeevaert, originally published in Dutch in 1584. The responsibility for
properly reworking this important book rested on the shoulders of
Anthony Ashley, clerk of the Privy Council.56 To achieve the same
high-quality illustrations which had made the original version a success,
Ashley needed copper engravers and understandably looked to artists
from Antwerp. De Bry was chosen as the main illustrator of the project.
He copied ten of the fourteen engraved charts, originally designed by
the Dutch Van Doetecum family, while slightly modifying the title-page
of Waghenaer’s work. The Mariners Mirrour did not appear until 1588,
despite the apparent urgency of the assignment. Ashley apologised
for the delay in the preface: “I was forced to take such time for this
worke, as I could, by stealth, both for the translation itselfe and for the
1568 to 1872 (London and Amsterdam 1892); W. Page, Letters of denization and acts of
naturalization for aliens in England 1509–1603 (Lymington 1893); W. J. C. Moens and Th.
Colyer, eds., The registers of the French church, Threadneedle Street, London (4 vols.; Lymington
1896–1906); R. E. G. Kirk and E. F. Kirk, eds., Returns of aliens dwelling in the city and
suburbs of London II, 1571–1597 (Aberdeen 1902).
54
M. Martens and N. Peeters, “ ‘A tale of two cities’: Antwerp artists and artisans
in London in the sixteenth century” In: Dutch and Flemish artists in Britain 1500 –1800
[Leids Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 13] (Leiden 2003) 31–42 for general information on Dutch
artists and artisans in London; C. H. C. Baker and W. G. Constable, English painting of
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Florence 1930) 35, and Saur Allgemeines Künstlerlexikon
(1996–) XIV 31 mention Jacques or James de Br(a)y as a relative. This is feasible, as
the first name James ( Jacques, Jacob) was current in the De Bry family. This James de
Bry was indeed a London-based painter, and a member of the French church (Kirk
and Kirk (1902) II 266, 310), yet his relation to De Bry, if any, is unclear.
55
Hulton (1977) I 11; R. A. Skelton, ed., Lucas Jansz. Waghenaer. The Mariners Mirrour,
London 1588 (Amsterdam 1966) ix; A. M. Hind, Engraving in England in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries I (Cambridge 1952) 314; S. A. Colvin, Early engraving and engravers in
England (1545–1695): a critical and historical essay (London 1905) 38.
56
Skelton (1966) vii. On the importance of The Mariners Mirrour: D. W. Waters,
“Waghenaer’s The Mariners Mirrour, 1588, and its influence on English hydrography”
In: Lucas Jansz. Waghenaer van Enckhuysen. De maritieme cartografie in de Nederlanden in de
zestiende en het begin van de zeventiende eeuw (Enkhuizen 1984) 89–95.

64 chapter two
over-seeing of the negligent gravers”.57 That De Bry was one of these

negligent engravers in the later stages of the project is indicated by the
1588 dates of two of his illustrations.
Theodore was preoccupied with other work, for in 1587 he contrib-
uted to the portrayal of Sir Philip Sidney’s funeral procession, which
took place in February in London. Drawings of the occasion were
made by the English artist Thomas Lant, but again the skilled art of
engraving was left to a foreigner. One of the engravings of the pres-
tigious work was dated 1587, “graven in Copper by Derick Theodor
de Brij in the Cittye of London”.58 The only other remaining De Bry
engraving of this period is a portrait of Henry of Navarra, the future
King of France, also dated 1587.59 Although they must already have
been active as engravers at the time, no independent work of either
Johan Theodore or Johan Israel de Bry is known for this period. The
presence of Theodore’s sons in England, however, is documented in
letters by several Englishmen to the botanist Carolus Clusius, which
will be discussed in detail in Chapter 4, as will the connections between
De Bry, Hakluyt and Le Moyne in the build-up to the collection of
voyages.
2.3. From engravers to publishers: The De Bry firm in

Frankfurt (1588–1609)
The De Brys went to Frankfurt in September 1588 to set up their

publishing firm. By the end of October, De Bry applied for citizen-
ship of Frankfurt as “Bürger zu Strassburg”.60 The city magistrates
informed him that he was to be granted the status of citizen as soon
as he renounced his citizenship of Strasbourg, which delayed his full
acceptance in Frankfurt for another two and a half years.61 One of
57
Preface to The Mariners Mirrour (London 1588) [π3r]; also cited in Hind (1952)
26. The other engravers were the Englishman Augustine Ryther, Jodocus Hondius,
and Johannes Rutlinger. Hondius later bought the original copperplates and published
another edition in Amsterdam in 1605.
58
‘The funeral procession of Sir Philip Sidney’ (London 1587) plate 2; also cited in:
S. Bos, M. Lange-Meyers, and J. Six, “Sidney’s funeral portrayed” In: J. van Dorsten,
D. Baker-Smith, and A. F. Kinney, eds., Sir Philip Sidney; 1586 and the creation of a legend
(Leiden 1986) 58.
59
Hind (1952) 23.
60
StAFr., Rpr 1588, f47r. Also: Zülch (1935) 365.
61
StAFr., Bürgerbuch 1586–1607, f80v; February 1591. Also: Zülch (1935) 366.

several documents now lost recorded that De Bry was taxed from the
moment he arrived in Frankfurt in 1588.62 In 1589 he acted as a co-
executor of the will of Quintin Massys the Younger.63 Two years later
De Bry purchased a house in the Schüppengasse, in a district where
many Calvinists lived.64
The position of the Reformed in the Imperial Free City of Frankfurt
was an awkward one. The Lutheran magistrates had welcomed affluent
Calvinists from the Netherlands in the second half of the sixteenth
century, as the merchants boosted the city’s economic position. In
doing so, however, the skilful Netherlanders took over the manufactur-
ing and local-trading commercial sectors without conforming to the
existing guild structure. Frankfurt artisans, later supported by anxious
patricians, vehemently complained to the magistrates about the lenient
immigration procedures. The tension between the local population and
the immigrant entrepreneurs resulted in an exodus of the Reformed
around 1560, but in the early 1570s a new wave of immigrants proved
determined to exploit Frankfurt’s central place in the European trade
network, despite their social and religious isolation. The Netherlandish
population increased from 1,500 in the mid-1570s to 2,800 around 1590,
and then to some 4,000 in 1600, making up one-fifth of Frankfurt’s
inhabitants.65 Foreigners were still accepted as new citizens on com-
mercial grounds by the late 1580s, but a warm welcome was out of
the question. Carolus Clusius, who arrived in Frankfurt from Vienna in
1588, remarked that “. . . the authorities are not very keen on strangers
[. . .]. All of them are businessmen, and as they are looking for profit
only, they feel no affinity at all for the Muses”.66
De Bry left tolerant London for antagonistic Frankfurt as one of these
‘businessmen’ that Clusius described. In line with earlier Netherlandish
62
Zülch (1935) 365. The taxation records (‘Schatzungsbücher’) were lost as a result
of the Allied bombardments of Frankfurt in March 1944.
63
StAFr., Insatzbuch 1591–94, f72v. Also: Zülch (1935) 366.
64
StAFr., Insatzbuch 1586–91, f345v–346r; 1591–94, f3r–v. Also: A. Dietz, Frankfurter
Handelsgeschichte (3 vols.; Frankfurt 1921) II 64–65.
65
H. Schilling, Niederländische Exulanten im 16. Jahrhundert (Gütersloh 1972) 35–36,
52, 132.
66
J. de Landtsheer, “Justus Lipsius and Carolus Clusius: a flourishing friendship”,
Bulletin de l’Institut historique belge de Rome LXVIII (1998) 287. On the acceptance of
only affluent Calvinists: H. Bott, Gründung und Anfänge der Neustadt Hanau 1596–1620 (2
vols.; Marburg 1970–71) I 35.

66 chapter two
immigrants, he did not enter the guild system,67 but instead opted for
establishing a publishing house. Many of the contacts of the De Brys
in the early years of their Frankfurt residence can be traced to relation-
ships from the Antwerp period. Quintin Massys the Younger was a close
friend, and together with the jeweller David van Brussel, the De Brys
continued to oversee the execution of Massys’ will in the 1590s.68 The
artists Joris and Jacob Hoefnagel also co-operated with Theodore and
his sons between 1592 and 1596.69 De Bry dedicated one of his early
publications in 1593 to the influential wool trading Soreau brothers,
referring to their long-standing friendship.70 The Soreaus in turn were
related to the rich silk merchant Balthasar van der Hoijken, another
acquaintance of the De Brys.71 Most importantly, De Bry arranged
a lucrative double marriage for his sons in 1594, to the daughters of
the fur trader Marsilius van der Heijden.72 All these Calvinists had
their roots in Antwerp, most of them moving directly to Frankfurt
after 1585, and their presence must have made the integration of the
De Brys around 1590 a relatively smooth one.73 The immediate social
67
De Bry is not mentioned in the records of the Frankfurt goldsmiths’ guild:
F. Rupp, “Das Meisterbuch der Frankfurter Goldschmiede-Zunft”, Alt-Frankfurt I (1909)
117–18; P. Colman, “Rétrospective Théodore, Jean-Théodore et Jean-Israel de Bry”
In: Première biennale internationale de gravure de Liège (Liège 1969) 76.
68
Van Groesen (2004) 37–38; Zülch (1935) 402.
69
Th. Vignau-Wilberg, ed., Archetypa studiaque patris Georgii Hoefnagelii 1592.
Nature, poetry and science in art around 1600 (Munich 1994) 12–13, 46–47. Also: Idem,
“Niederländische Emigranten in Frankfurt und ihre Bedeutung für die realistische
Pflanzendarstellung am Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts” In: K. Wettengl, ed., Georg Flegel
1566–1638. Stilleben (Stuttgart 1993) 160–63. (Another?) Jacob Hoefnagel entered the
Antwerp goldsmiths’ guild in the same year as De Bry: StAA, GA 4487, f168v. The
Hoefnagels may well have been the designers of some of the illustrations of the De
Bry alphabet books and for App. 1, nr. 30.
70
Dedicatory letter in App. 1, nr. 10 [A4v]: “Jedoch hat mich auch insonders hiezu
beweget, die selige Gedächtnuß angeregtes E. libten Vatters, als der mein viel günstiger
Herr und guter Freund, jeder zeit von alter Kundtschafft gewesen. Dieses erfreuwet
mich nun desto mehr, Nemlich daß ich solche Freundtschafft mit seinen geliebten
Söhnen zu vernewern verursacht werde”. On the social status of the Soreaus: Dietz
(1921) II 28, 41.
71
Dietz (1921) II 35. The De Bry brothers referred to Van der Hoijken in a letter
to Clusius, UBL ms. Vulc. 101.
72
StAFr., Rpr 1594, f47v. Also: H. Meinert, ed., Die Eingliederung der Niederländischen
Glaubensflüchtlinge in die Frankfurter Bürgerschaft 1554–1596 (Frankfurt 1981) 529; Zülch
(1935) 366. On the Van der Heijdens: Dietz (1921) II 345.
73
For a survey of the Antwerp immigrants and their occupations in Frankfurt:
F. Berger, ed., Glaube macht Kunst. Antwerpen—Frankfurt um 1600/Faith power(s) art.
Antwerp—Frankfurt around 1600 (Frankfurt 2005).

network of the family remained largely confined to the members of

the Reformed community.
As had been the case earlier in Strasbourg, Calvinists in Frankfurt
were to suffer ever increasing intolerance. After July 1596, the congre-
gation was forced to practise its religion several kilometres outside the
city walls.74 Many of the faithful thereupon decided to leave for nearby
Hanau, where the young Count Phillip Ludwig II of Hanau-Lichtenberg
eagerly welcomed their contribution to the economy. The De Brys, after
initially promising to change their domicile to Hanau as well, eventually
decided to remain in Frankfurt, as did many others.75 The fierce debate
on moving to Hanau divided the Reformed congregation, and the rela-
tion between the De Brys and the Soreaus, who did go to Hanau, may
well have deteriorated. In March 1601, the remaining Calvinists were
again granted private worship by the Frankfurt magistrates.76 Several
requests for a further alleviation of measures followed, some testifying
to the increasingly prominent position of Johan Theodore de Bry in
the congregation in the early 1600s.77 Until 1608, the fragile liberties
of the Reformed community were preserved.
The baptismal records in the Frankfurt archives show that the rela-
tions of Johan Theodore and Johan Israel de Bry with other immigrant
families continued after their father’s death on 27 March 1598. Maria
van der Heijden, probably their sister-in-law, and the wives of Servatius
Marell, Cornelius Martins, Jacob van Gerven, Gerhard Peters, and
Balthasar van Sittert, wealthy merchants without exception, agreed to
be godparents to the children of the De Bry brothers.78 Johan Israel
74
Bott (1970–71) I 40.
75
HStAM, 86/16843, Bl. 118 (6/9/1596), a letter from Theodore de Bry requesting
permission to move to Hanau. The De Brys seem to have quickly changed their mind,
for in January 1597 they were not listed among the 146 Calvinists who promised to
move to Hanau (Bott (1970–71) I 399–400). After pressure from Hanau on the increas-
ingly reluctant Calvinists, Johan Theodore and Johan Israel in 1600 denied having
promised to move (Bott (1970–71) I 237).
76
Bott (1970–71) I 255.
77
Ibidem, II 34. In this document of 18/1/1603, De Bry and three others represent
the entire congregation.
78
StAFr., Geburtsbuch 1597–1605, f50v (Maria Magdalena de Bry, 1598), f159v
(Susanna I de Bry, 1601), f180r ( Johan Jakob de Bry, 1602), f206r (Margaretha de Bry,
1603), f265v (Anna Gertraud de Bry, 1605), f266r (Susanna II de Bry, 1605). Maria
Magdalena, Susanna I, Margaretha and Anna Gertraud were daughters of Johan
Theodore de Bry, Johan Jakob and Susanna II were Johan Israel’s children. For a
relatively accurate De Bry family tree: Sondheim (1936–37) 364 ff. On Marell, Martins,
and Peters: Dietz (1921) II 24/259, 98, and 40/44 respectively. The jeweller Marell
was married to Margaretha van der Heijden, in all likelihood a sister-in-law of Johan

68 chapter two
in turn provided the same gesture of intimate friendship to the son

of the Southern Netherlandish businessman Peter de Bary in 1609.79
Even after spending so many successful years as Frankfurt publishers,
the congregationally defined social network was still notably different
from the commercial network of the De Brys, suggesting that their
business connections and imperatives were not necessarily related to
religious and other private considerations.
After 1590 the De Brys devoted their attention to publishing books;

they returned to their original profession of goldsmiths only on spe-
cial occasions. In 1604, Johan Theodore de Bry presented Archduke
Maximilian of Tirol with an engraved bowl, hoping to impress him with
a view to selling an extensive set of silverware.80 Although this attempt
was unsuccessful, Johan Theodore engraved at least three more bowls
around 1605.81 Two other pieces of silverware are attributed to him,82
and he did continue to make designs for key chains, cutlery, and dishes
for the benefit of other goldsmiths at least until 1608.83
In spite of these sporadic assignments, the self-image of the De Brys
quickly changed after the family’s move to Frankfurt. Theodore de Bry
continued to refer to himself as ‘goldsmith’ well into the 1590s. But
after 1593, he also had ‘copper engraver’ listed as his profession, even
evolving into a proper ‘artist’ just before his death in 1598.84 Others
also began to regard copper engraving as De Bry’s main occupation.
Whereas the Englishmen James Garet jr. and Richard Garth still called
Theodore and Johan Israel (App. 1, nr. 41). On Van Sittert: Zülch (1935) 451–52. On
their respective roles within the Reformed community: Bott (1970–71) passim.
79
StAFr., Geburtsbuch 1606–16, f97v. On De Bary: Dietz (1921) II 32; Bott (1970–71)
II 239–40. On the vital social role of godparents and connections through baptisms in
early modern society: J. Bossy, “Blood and baptism: kinship, community and Christianity
in Western Europe from the fourteenth to the seventeenth centuries” In: D. Baker, ed.,
Sanctity and secularity: the church and the world (Oxford 1973) 129–43.
80
Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhöchsten Kaiserhauses XVII (1896) nrs.
14562/14564.
81
Hayward (1950) 35–38.
82
Rosenberg (1922–28) I nr. 2032d, e.
83
Hayward (1953) 126; De Jong and De Groot (1988) 42–45.
84
De Bry used the word ‘Kunststecher’ in the preface to Ind.Occ. VI (Ger). On
Theodore’s self-image and self-portrait: H. Keazor, “‘Charting the autobiographical,
selfregarding subject?’ Theodor de Brys Selbstbildnis” In: S. Burghartz, M. Christadler,
and D. Nolde, eds., Berichten, erzählen, beherrschen. Wahrnemung und Repräsentation in der
frühen Kolonialgeschichte Europas [Zeitsprünge. Forschungen zur Frühen Neuzeit VII, 2/3] (2003)
395–428.

De Bry a goldsmith in 1589,85 by 1590 the Antwerp bookseller Jan

Moretus referred to him as an engraver,86 as did the Frankfurt censors
in 1592.87 Theodore’s sons went one step further, calling themselves
‘booksellers and copper engravers’ when applying for citizenship in
Frankfurt in 1594.88 Despite having enjoyed a goldsmiths’ education in
Antwerp, Johan Theodore de Bry never referred to himself as such any
more: he and his brother had definitively become book merchants.
2.4. Publishers among humanists
Within two years of arriving in Frankfurt, the De Brys published their

first books. At first they co-operated closely with the renowned book-
sellers Sigmund Feyerabend and Johan Wechel, whose deaths in 1590
and 1593, respectively, left the De Brys with a completely independent
enterprise.89 Theodore, weakened by gout and old age, was assisted
by his two sons from the first day,90 and it is difficult to overestimate
the contributions of Johan Israel and especially Johan Theodore even
in these early years. Theodore’s composure seems to have been fur-
ther dented by an increasingly disturbed relationship with his sons.
He testified to this in a letter to the Leiden humanist and publisher
Franciscus I Raphelengius: “I do not receive any assistance from my
two sons”, Theodore complained in September 1595. “Their ingratitude
85
UBL, ms. Vulc. 101; Garet/Garth to Clusius, 1589–1590.
86
Arch. MPM 43 I, f156v.
87
StAFr., ZBBP 16, f59v.
88
StAFr., Bürgerbuch 1586–1607, f133v; Zülch (1935) 440.
89
On Feyerabend and Wechel: H. Pallmann, Sigmund Feyerabend (Frankfurt 1881);
R. J. W. Evans, The Wechel presses: Humanism and Calvinism in Central Europe 1572–1627
(Oxford 1975).
90
Preface to Ind.Occ. I (Ger) (Page not numbered or signed, titled “Den günstigen
Leser Glück und Heyl”): “Zu Londen hab ich sie alle beyde [the illustrations by White
and Le Moyne, MvG] bekommen, und hieher gen Franckfurt gebracht, alda ich mit
meynen zweyen Sönen, auffs aller fleissigste die Figuren in Kupffer gestochen hab”.
On De Bry’s awkward illness: StAFr., Insatzbuch 1586–91, f61v; Zülch (1935) 366;
Keazor (2003) 416, n.48. Theodore de Bry was referred to as “aetatis iam provectae”
by Richard Garth (UBL, ms. Vulc. 101, Garth to Clusius, 20/12/1589), as “bonum
senem” by Clusius in 1594 (Iusti Lipsi Epistolae VII ( J. de Landtsheer, ed.; Brussels 1997)
242) and as “vir optimus senex” and “extremae senectae vir” by his sons in the preface
to Ind.Or. I (Lat) and App. 1, nr. 45 [(2r)] just before his death. Theodore must have
been aware he had only a short time to live when, in 1597, he added the inscription
“Domine doce me ita reliquos vitae meae dies transigere ut in vera pietate vivam et
morier” to his self-portrait (see ill. 1).

70 chapter two
outweighs their appreciation”. More importantly, De Bry wrote to

Raphelengius that his sons were opening their own branch of the
family firm.91 That same year, the first books with the imprint of the
two brothers appeared.92
The firm remained divided until Katharina Rölinger’s death in 1610,
as the different imprints assert. In her will, she left nothing to Theod-
ore’s children.93 Yet the division between father and sons did not take
on dramatic proportions, as Johan Theodore certainly contributed to
the remaining publications of his father after 1595. He also sold books
from both branches of the officina at the Frankfurt fairs, without making
any distinction between the two. Visitors to the fairs, like Jan Moretus,
followed suit,94 and in the catalogue of the De Bry officina from 1609,
no distinction was made either, with publications of Theodore’s heirs
being listed alongside works published by the brothers alone.
The poster catalogue with the portrait of the old De Bry is the most
important source for the publications of the firm.95 It was first published
in 1609, and was used as a placard inside or outside the bookshop.96
The titles were conveniently arranged by size, to enable less affluent
readers to search for books within their spending limits. After 1609,
over forty new publications were added to the catalogue, and placed in
order of appearance in two columns flanking Theodore’s portrait, the
last of these titles having been published in 1620. Apparently the poster
91
H. Lempertz, ed., Bilder-Hefte zur Geschichte des Bücherhandels und der mit demselben
verwandten Künste und Gewerbe (Cologne 1853–65) nr. 15; De Bry to Raphelengius
(19/9/1595): “Il font asteure leure cas a part”. The present whereabouts of the let-
ter are unknown. For a transcription: Giuseppi (1915–17) 220–21. On Raphelengius:
E. van Gulik, “Drukkers en geleerden—De Leidse Officina Plantiniana (1583–1619)”
In: Th. H. Lunsingh Scheurleer and G. H. M. Posthumus Meyjes, eds., Leiden University
in the seventeenth century: an exchange of learning (Leiden 1975) 367–93.
92
App. 1, nr. 18 is in all likelihood already the product of the brothers’ efforts alone.
The statement on the title-page that it was published “durch die Bryen” is ambiguous
yet clearly different from earlier publications which only referred to Theodore de Bry.
Unlike any of the officina’s publications between 1590 and 1595, this work contained
engravings signed by Johan Theodore.
93
Zülch (1935) 440.
94
Arch. MPM 984, f59v; 986, f63r.
95
G. Richter, Verlegerplakate des XVI. und XVII. Jahrhunderts (Wiesbaden 1965) nr. 20.
96
R. Engelsing, “Deutsche Verlegerplakate des 17. Jahrhunderts”, Archiv für die
Geschichte des Buchwesens IX (1969) 217–38; G. Richter, “Die Sammlung von Drucker-,
Verleger- und Buchführerkataloge in der Akten der kaiserlichen Bücherkommission”
In: E. Geck and G. Pressler, eds., Festschrift für Josef Benzing zum sechzigsten Geburtstag
(Wiesbaden 1964) 323; Idem, “Buchhandlerische Kataloge vom 15. bis um die Mitte
des 17. Jahrhunderts” In: R. Wittmann, ed., Bücherkataloge als buchgeschichtliche Quellen in
der frühen Neuzeit (Wiesbaden 1984) 37, 51.

catalogue was in permanent use until then. Other sources providing

information on the family firm’s books include the semi-annual Frankfurt
fair catalogues, the lists of acquisitions by the Officina Plantiniana from
Antwerp between 1590 and 1623, and the prefaces and dedicatory let-
ters in the almost 250 De Bry publications from this period.97
The reasons for the rift between father and sons in the mid-1590s may
have been twofold: firstly the credit for some of the work was divided
unequally, and secondly, disagreements arose about the nature of the
firm’s publications. The collection of voyages opened with an engraving
of Adam and Eve, signed ‘Theodore de Bry fe[cit]’, after a design by the
Netherlandish artist Jodocus van Winghe. After De Bry’s death in 1598,
Johan Theodore added ‘Jo[han]’ to his father’s name, indicating that it
was he who deserved the credit for it. Although the brothers assisted
their father from the beginning in 1590, their names never appeared on
any of the title-pages. Resentment over these matters was aggravated
by a book the brothers desired to publish in 1595. The turmoil around
the publication of Opera misericordiae ad corpus pertinentia, written by the
Jesuit Julius Roscius,98 may well have been unacceptable for Theodore
de Bry. A mere month after the Frankfurt censors rejected the brothers’
request for publication on religious grounds for the second time—it
was considered ‘papist’ literature99—De Bry voiced his discontent to
Raphelengius. Considering his predicament as a Reformed immigrant,
Theodore de Bry had always taken care not to aggrieve the Frankfurt
magistrates, as analysis of early volumes of the collection of voyages
will reveal. The collision with the local censors, apparently the first for
the De Bry officina, must have irritated him.
Yet Theodore’s physical strength diminished in the 1590s, and he
had to entrust the daily affairs of the firm more and more to his sons.
When in charge of the officina, the two brothers divided responsibili-
ties. Johan Theodore, the skilful artist, concentrated on engraving while
Johan Israel was in control of financial and legal matters. Only two
signed illustrations by the younger brother are known, and a negligible
97
See App. 1.
98
App. 1, nr. 23, eventually published in Montbéliard.
99
StAFr., ZBBP 24, f8r (15/8/1595). For the first request: StAFr., ZBBP 20, nr.
35 (10/7/1595): “Of dise Censuram is Johann Israheln de Brij. alss pabtisch alhie
zutrucken abgeschlagen worden”.

72 chapter two
number of engravings are attributed to him.100 In 1594, however, it was

Johan Israel who collected the inheritance of Dorothea Esslinger in
Strasbourg,101 and represented his father for the payment of a house.102
He also requested and received permission for the publication of books
in Frankfurt, and Johan Israel was also the person taxed on behalf of
the firm.103 When in 1601 the De Brys accused their colleague Jonas
Rosa of reprinting a work to which they had the exclusive publication
rights, Johan Israel appeared before the city magistrates to explain the
matter.104 For outsiders, the brothers must have appeared an inseparable
partnership: all imprints carried two names, and letters were invariably
signed by both.105
Few of these letters remain. Communication between the publishing
firm and its authors and co-operators must, nonetheless, have been of
cardinal importance to its success. The De Brys, artists rather than
humanists themselves, relied on the creativity and ingenuity of others.
In this as in many other respects, the officina mirrored the firm of the
most prominent Frankfurt bookseller of the late sixteenth century, Sig-
mund Feyerabend. The De Brys published several emblem books which
could be used as ‘alba amicorum’ in the 1590s, as Feyerabend had done
in the late 1580s.106 They meticulously copied his design for a poster
catalogue, and re-used woodcuts by Feyerabend’s long-serving artist
Jost Amman for an emblem book in 1594. After the publisher’s death
in 1590, De Bry continued working with his cousin, the printer Johan
Feyerabend. By dedicating the octavo-edition of Emblemata nobilitati to
100
Warncke (1979) II nr. 843/845.
101
Zülch (1935) 440. Dorothea may have been the brothers’ aunt.
102
StAFr., Insatzbuch 1591–94, f61v.
103
StAFr., ZBBP 20, nr. 35. Dietz (1921) II 38; Zülch (1935) 442, based on the
now lost taxation records. Neither Dietz nor Zülch quotes similar details for Johan
Theodore.
104
StAFr., RPr 1601, f43v; Bmb 1601, f138v; ZBBP 37, nr. 21. It concerned Andreas
Laurentius’ Historia anatomica (1599/1600), App. 1, nrs. 53, *60 & *61. Rosa’s octavo-
edition, for which he had obtained permission from the Frankfurt magistrates, appeared
in 1602 and was printed by Palthenius.
105
Only the two different hands and the two different seals show that the responsibil-
ity for writing letters was shared. For the seals HDVB and HIVB (Hans Dietrich von
Bry and Hans Israel von Bry): StAD, A2 Urkunden Rheinhessen, 197/368 (3/6/1609),
and HStAM, 81/A33 nr. 7, 22–23 (22/5/1596) respectively.
106
C. Kemp, “Nachwort” In: W. Harms and M. Schilling, eds., Johann Theodor de
Bry Emblemata secularia (Hildesheim 1994) 206; on these alba amicorum: M. Lavoye, “A
propos des album amicorum des de Bry”, Bulletin de la Société des bibliophiles liégeois XVI
(1942) 65–76. De Bry’s ‘alba amicorum’ are: App. 1, nrs. 8 & 10.

Sigmund’s son Karl in 1592, Theodore openly expressed his gratitude

for the assistance provided.107
To enlarge their circle of erudite and creative minds, the De Brys
turned to two intellectuals in the mainstream of international human-
ism, the botanist Carolus Clusius and the antiquarian Jean-Jacques
Boissard.108 Boissard’s contribution to the prosperity of the De Bry firm
in the final decade of the sixteenth century was immense. Not only did
he present almost all his illustrated manuscripts to the De Brys to be
engraved and published, he also directed several other scholars to the
Frankfurt firm. Works by Denis Lebey de Batilly, Julius Roscius, and
Benito Arias Montano, and popular titles on the history of Pannonia
were printed in Frankfurt as a result of Boissard’s mediation.109 Including
his own writings, Boissard thus co-operated on more than a quarter of
all titles of the De Bry firm between 1590 and 1600. Boissard’s friend
Petrus Lepidus further supplied the volumes of the collection of voy-
ages with poems in praise of De Bry, as did Boissard himself.110 De
Bry in return dedicated one of his alphabet-books to his friend,111 and
employed Boissard’s nephew Robert as a copper engraver between 1597
107
Pallmann (1881) passim. For the dedication: App. 1, nr. 8. For Feyerabend’s
poster catalogue: Richter (1965) 28. De Bry used Amman’s woodcuts for App. 1, nr.
15. De Bry further imitated Feyerabend by including coats of arms in his dedica-
tions: K. Schottenloher, “Widmungsvorreden deutscher Drucker und Verleger des 16.
Jahrhunderts”, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1942–43) 176. I have not been able to establish similar
connections between De Bry and other Frankfurt publishers in the 1590s.
108
On Clusius: F. W. T. Hunger, Charles de l’Escluse. Nederlandsch kruidkundige 1526–1609
(2 vols.; The Hague 1927–43). There is as yet no biography of Boissard. For references:
Saur Allgemeines Künstlerlexikon (1996–) II 320–21; M. van Groesen, “Boissard, Clusius,
De Bry and the making of ‘Antiquitates Romanae’, 1597–1602”, LIAS. Sources and
documents relating to the early modern history of ideas 29–2 (2002) 195–213; C. Callner, “Un
manuscrit de Jean-Jacques Boissard a la Bibliothèque Royale de Stockholm”, Opuscula
Romana IV (1962) 47–49.
109
App 1., nrs. 23, 26, 27, 29 & 40. Boissard was credited in the preliminaries and
on the title-pages. On Lebey de Batilly: P. Choné, Emblèmes et pensée symbolique en Lorraine
(1525–1633) (Paris 1991) 681 ff.
110
Prefaces to Ind.Occ. III and IV (Ger/Lat, 1592–95). Petrus Lepidus = Pierre
Joly.
111
Preface to App. 1, nr. 18 [A2r]: “Beid diese Kunst unnd Schöne Lehren/Schenck
ich meim Herrn Boyssart zu ehren/Denn er ist selbs gar hoch gelehrt/Unnd diese
Kunst selbst ubt unnd ehrt./Wenn ihm nun wird diß Werck gefallen/So gilt sein Stimm
für andern allen/Wer selbst ein Kunst ubt und verstehet/Deß Urtheil für all andre
gehet.” The same dedicatory poem is also printed in a Latin version.

74 chapter two
and 1609.112 Although the relationship between Boissard and Theodore

de Bry was fruitful for both parties, its moments of discomfort provide a
rare insight into the relationship between humanists and booksellers.
Writing to Clusius in the 1590s, and to Janus Gruterus, antiquarian
and custodian of the famous Bibliotheca Palatina in Heidelberg in
1602, Boissard relentlessly complained about the unfair treatment he
received from Theodore de Bry and his sons. The De Brys, against
the scholar’s wishes, had come into the possession of his manuscript
on ancient Roman inscriptions, only to transform it into a series of
publications of which the author strongly disapproved. The separation
of the manuscript into small parts, the exaggerated use of engravings,
secretive attempts to make Justus Lipsius contribute to the work, and
the publisher’s supposed lack of knowledge on the subject matter of
Antiquitates Romanae were the main reasons for Boissard’s distress.113 Such
aggressive publishing tactics, with little compassion for the integrity of
the humanist’s work, were not uncommon. Sigmund Feyerabend’s style
of purchasing material considered suitable for publication was very
similar, and probably served as the example followed by the De Brys.114
Their approach had not changed by 1615, when the complaints of
another author, Johan Jacob Wallhausen, echoed those of Boissard.115
These lamentations put the position of publishers in early modern
Europe in perspective. On the one hand, they were essential to the
humanist cause for providing access to a wide readership and a glorious
reputation in the Republic of Letters. Additionally, they were useful
sources of information and often performed a central role in regulating
flows of learned correspondences, widening their own circles of contacts
112
UBL ms. Vulc. 101; Boissard to Clusius (3/4/1600): Van Groesen (2002) 213;
Saur Allgemeines Künstlerlexikon (1996–) II 321 dates his last known work 1601 yet some
illustrations for Schönwetter’s Biblia sacra (1609) still carry his monogram RB.
113
UBL ms. Vulc. 101; Boissard to Clusius, 1593–1600: Van Groesen (2002) 195–213.
Also: BAV, Cod. Pal. Lat. 1905, f 228rv; Boissard to Gruterus (8/7/1602): “Gratissimum
mihi accedit, quod Bryani fratres tibi communicarint sextum mearum Antiquitatem
volumen: quodque in eo aliquid inveneris, quod ad rem tuam faciant. Nullas ab iis
literas extorquere possum: paulo sunt erga me morosiores, quam per esset. Mercatores
omnes lucri sunt appetentiores: praeter quod nihil magnopere aestimant”.
114
Pallmann (1881) esp. 55–62.
115
Preface to App. 1, nr. 156 [(4r)]: “Wisse guthertziger, günstiger, lieber Leser, das
dieses Erste Buch, so die Kriegskunst zu Fuß in sich hält, etwas in der eyl, beydes mit
dem trucken, wie auch mit kupferstücken zu verfewrtigen, ist ins Werck gesetzt worden,
also daß die Materia nit [. . .] wie ich gerne wolte haben, gerichtet”.

in the process.116 On the other hand, authors seem to have regarded

some publishers as nothing but a necessary evil, as Boissard’s example
affirms. Since the De Brys were not well versed in Latin, a necessity
for playing a more active role in early modern humanist circles, they
were on the fringe of intellectual activities, unlike educated publishers
such as the Wechels, the Raphelengiuses, and the Moretuses. Carolus
Clusius, another close friend of the family, was sometimes fairly dis-
dainful about the incentives and capabilities of the De Brys. Writing to
Lipsius, he stated that, “in true German fashion”, the De Brys “were
very eager to obtain [Lipsius’] dedications, indeed even begged to have
them precede their books”. The reasons for the efforts of the publishers
were, still according to Clusius, purely commercial, for “learned men
had persuaded [ Theodore] that [Lipsius’] contribution would greatly
promote the sale of the work”.117
Clusius also counted among his friends Plantin, Moretus, and Andreas
Wechel’s son-in-law Jean Aubry, and should be considered an authorita-
tive source on the De Brys’ expertise as publishers. He was personally
involved in the early development of the officina, translating books
while living in Frankfurt, and establishing relations between De Bry and
humanists such as Joachim Camerarius the Younger.118 After accepting
an offer to become prefect of the botanical garden in Leiden in 1593,
Clusius stayed in touch. He was one of several people—including Raph-
elengius, the devout humanist Paul Perrot de la Salle, and the Liège
alderman Louis de la Thorette119—who on behalf of De Bry sounded
116
UBL, ms. PAP2 and ms. Vulc. 101; Letters from Joachim Camerarius to Bernardus
Paludanus, and from Boissard to Clusius (Van Groesen (2002) 206) respectively. These
were sent via De Bry, as the envelops reveal. Clusius continued to use the network
of the De Brys (UBL ms. Vulc. 101; De Brys to Clusius (26/12/1604): “Quant aux
encloses que V.S. nous at envoije, elles ont esté adrese celon votre ordre . . .”).
117
Iusti Lipsi Epistolae VII (1997) 241; Clusius to Lipsius (10/8/1594): “Nosti
Germanorum ingenia: libenter impetrant epistolas liminares, imo etiam emendicant ut
suis libris praefigantur”. And: Iusti Lipsi Epistolae VII (1997) 92; De Landtsheer (1998)
293 (2/3/1594): “viros enim doctos ipsi persuasisse longe facilius inscriptionum librum
venundatum iri”.
118
Clusius translated and corrected the first three volumes of the collection of voy-
ages. On connections between Camerarius, Clusius, and De Bry: Hunger (1927–43)
II 176–77, 432–33.
119
Iusti Lipsi Epistolae VII (1997) 93–94; Lipsius to Perrot (5/3/1594). Lempertz
(1863–65) nr. 15; De Bry to Raphelengius (19/9/1595). In this letter, De Bry wrote:
“Monsieur: iaye receupt voustre letre et par icelle entendu le refu et negation de Monsr
Lupsiens. Il faut avoire patience, toutefois iaye une lettre de sa propre main quillat
escrit a mon neveu leschevin de Liege ou il promet de faire ce qu’il lui sera possible”.
De la Thorette was alderman of Liège between 1578 and 1608, and was married to

76 chapter two
out Lipsius on contributing to Boissard’s Antiquitates Romanae, even though

this embarrassed the botanist to the extent that he apologised to his
friend for having to make the request.120 Lipsius, to the satisfaction of
both Clusius and Boissard no doubt, did not comply.
The opinions of Boissard and Clusius that the De Brys were not
knowledgeable enough to be entrusted with manuscripts such as the
discourse on ancient Roman inscriptions, was shared more broadly in
the Republic of Letters. This determined the rather peripheral position
of the De Brys. The authors who sent their treatises to the De Brys
for publication, apart from the physician Kaspar Bauhin and Boissard
himself, were not in the upper echelons of early seventeenth-century
humanism. Instead they were medical experts who had established
their reputations in small-town Hanau such as Johan Schenck von
Grafenberg. Franz Kessler, a pedestrian inventor from nearby Wetzlar,
and Wilhelm Fabry von Hilden, a physician from Bern, were no inter-
national celebrities either, yet their relatively undistinguished tracts were
the staple publications of the De Bry firm around 1610.121 Classical
texts, like the works of more acclaimed scholars, were conspicuously
absent from the De Bry catalogue.122
The connections with humanists such as Clusius and Boissard were
hence regarded as important by Johan Theodore and Johan Israel, and
they were continued after Theodore de Bry’s death. The same can be
said for Theodore’s amicable relationship with Janus Gruterus. The old
De Bry’s name was included in the ‘album amicorum’ of Gruterus,
who later wrote a poem in praise of Johan Theodore, signifying his
lasting friendship and admiration.123 Boissard also remained loyal to
the daughter of Alide de Bry, possibly Theodore’s sister: C. de Borman, Les échevins de
la souveraine justice de Liège II (Liège 1899) 226.
120
Iusti Lipsi Epistolae VII (1997) 88–92, 194–96, 240–42; Clusius to Lipsius (2/3
and 10/8/1594). Also: De Landtsheer (1998) 293.
121
Schenck: App. 1, nrs. 100, 104, 109, 110, 111 & 114; Kessler: App. 1, nrs. 125,
137, 162, 197 & 210; Fabry von Hilden: App. 1, nrs. 153, 154, 161, 168, 169, 180, 184
& 211. Little secondary literature is available on these authors, expect for two books
on Fabry van Hilden: V. Schneider-Hiltbrunner, Wilhelm Fabry von Hilden 1560 –1634.
Verzeichnis der Werke und des Briefwechsels (Bern 1976); H. Stangmeier, Wilhelm Fabry von
Hilden. Leben—Gestalt—Werken (Wuppertal 1957).
122
The single exception being App. 1, nr. 213.
123
C. L. Heesakkers, “Das Stammbuch des Janus Gruterus”, Bibliothek und Wissenschaft
21 (1987) 86. Theodore’s entry may well be dated 1594, as it can be found on the
same page as two others from this year. The inscription is problematic, however, as it
concerns an autograph which Gruterus probably cut from a letter, and subsequently
pasted into his booklet (Ibidem, 75–76). For the poem, cf. infra Ch. 3, p. 95.

the family, relieved as he was to see his Antiquitates Romanae being com-
pleted.124 And despite Clusius’ embarrassment for troubling Lipsius in
1594, the relationship between him and the De Brys did not deterio-
rate. The single surviving letter from the De Brys to the botanist dates
from December 1604 and points to a regular correspondence. Whereas
Clusius was not always quick in replying to letters from his intellectual
friends, he responded to the brothers’ letter within two weeks, having
sent the previous one a mere two months before. In the letter, the
brothers promised to send Clusius several books after having received
flower bulbs for their private garden in Frankfurt.125
While the De Brys continued their relationship with Boissard, Clusius,

and Gruterus, the erstwhile vital association with the Feyerabend fam-
ily came to an end with the sudden death of Johan Feyerabend in
1599. Johan Theodore and Johan Israel, who had not depended on
the Feyerabend family as heavily as had their father in the early 1590s,
gradually replaced the firm’s personnel. New employees were found in
the immediate vicinity of the bookshop. Instead of moving to Hanau
between 1596 and 1600, both sons acquired houses in a newly-built
quarter of Frankfurt at the Zeil,126 as did many others working in the
local book trade. The publisher Johan Theobald Schönwetter, whose
Biblia Sacra of 1609 Johan Theodore de Bry illustrated, the Catholic
printer Wolfgang Richter, who was to print roughly half of the titles
of the De Bry officina between 1601 and 1608, and the De Bry-
employed engraver Hans Eckenthaler all lived in the same street just
north of Frankfurt’s town centre.127 Theodore de Bry’s proof-reader
and translator Johan Adam Lonicer was replaced by the Lutheran
schoolteacher Gotthard Artus von Dantzig, and apart from Richter,
the brothers mostly relied on Matthias Becker for printing the officina’s
124
UBL, ms. Vulc. 101; Boissard to Clusius (3/4/1599): “Je pansoy qu’aprés la
mort de feu monsieur de Bry mes inscriptions Romaines demeureroient supprimees:
Mais messieurs les filz m’ont mandé qu’ilz pousuyvroient a la taille, et que à la foire
de septembre prochain ilz mettroient en lumiere le troixieme livre”. Van Groesen
(2002) 199.
125
UBL, ms. Vulc. 101; De Brys to Clusius (26/12/1604).
126
StAFr., Insatzbuch 1600–03, f91r–92r ( Johan Theodore, May 1601), f173v–174r
( Johan Israel, November 1601).
127
W. Bingsohn, “Matthaeus Merian, sein soziales Umfeld und die Geschichte
der Stadt Frankfurt a. M. 1590–1650” In: Matthaeus Merian des Aelteren. Catalog zu
Ausstellungen im Museum für Kunsthandwerk Franckfurt am Main und im Kunstmuseum Basel
(Frankfurt 1993) 21.

78 chapter two
titles. The co-operation with Artus and Richter and the production of
engravings for the Catholic Biblia Sacra emphasise once more that con-
nections within the book trade did not follow confessional lines, and
that contacts with humanists, colleagues, and employees in the public
sphere took place outside the immediate private and social network of
the De Bry brothers.

CHAPTER THREE
A PROSPEROUS PUBLISHING HOUSE:

THE DE BRYS AS BOOKSELLERS IN FRANKFURT
AND OPPENHEIM
3.1. The commercial fortunes of the firm
The international book trade experienced a period of rapid expansion

after 1560, and this growth continued uninterruptedly until the begin-
ning of the Thirty Years’ War. Frankfurt was very much the hub of
German and European trade in this period of sixty years, and travellers
and booksellers like Henri Estienne were stunned by the magnificence
of commodities and the activity at the annual Lent and September
fairs.1 With expansion came professionalisation: after 1564, special fair
catalogues listed large numbers of newly-printed publications, and from
1598 onwards the compilation and distribution of these catalogues were
officially in the hands of the Frankfurt magistrates.2
For publishers, expansion also meant specialisation. Firstly, the func-
tions of publishing and printing diverged. Whereas many publishers had
printed their own titles before 1560, the De Brys did not print any of
their works themselves. They simply did not have the necessary equip-
ment, and therefore relied on the services of various local printers. Johan
Theodore did possess a copperplate press which enabled the family to
1
H. Estienne, The Frankfort book fair ([ J. W. Thompson, ed. and transl.] Amsterdam
1969). The other major book fairs of early modern Europe were held in Leipzig, where
the De Brys also sold their books: G. Gabel, ed., Der älteste Leipziger Messekatalog aus dem
Jahre 1595 (Cologne 1995).
2
For facsimiles: B. Fabian, ed., Die Messkataloge des sechzehnten Jahrhunderts (5 vols.;
Hildesheim 1972–2001); Also: W. Borm, ed., Catalogi Nundinales 1571–1852 (Wolfenbüttel
1982); G. Schwetschke, Codex nundinarius Germaniae literae bisecularis. Messjahrebücher des
Deutschen Buchhandels von dem Erscheinen des ersten Messkatalogs im Jahre 1564 bis zu der
Gründung des ersten Buchhändler-Vereins im Jahre 1765 (photomechanic reprint Nieuwkoop
1963; 1st ed. Halle 1850). Although multiple fair catalogues were issued until 1598 when
the Frankfurt city council began to co-ordinate and publish the lists of new books, the
various catalogues printed before 1598 included more or less the same publications.
For the period between 1590 and 1598, I have followed the catalogues included in
Fabian’s facsimile editions.
VAN GROESEN_F5-79-106.indd 79 12/17/2007 7:32:43 PM

80 chapter three
print their own engravings.3 When this device became an asset to the
officina is unclear, but Hans Eckenthaler was employed as a copper-
plate printer by the firm as early as 1608. Publishing books developed
into a recognised occupation. It was no longer a mere side-activity for
scholars, as it had been in the sixteenth century: humanist publishers
like Estienne and Raphelengius increasingly became exceptions. The
sale of books remained closely tied to publishing firms, which invariably
had a bookshop in order to distribute their works.
Secondly, publishing houses focused more and more on specific
genres. The De Brys, because of their training as engravers and their
subsequent familiarity with using copper engravings instead of wood-
cuts, were particularly renowned for their illustrated publications, and
they were the first to bring the appropriate technical know-how to the
German book market.4 It was not until 1600 that the De Brys first
published a work devoid of illustrations,5 and such exclusively textual
titles made up less than five percent of the entire De Bry catalogue.
Other publishers, like Andreas Wechel and his sons-in-law Claude de
Marne and Jean Aubry focused on high-brow classical and theological
works, or concentrated, like Gotthard Vögelin from Heidelberg, on
smaller publications like pamphlets and school books.6
Keeping in mind these differences, it is interesting to compare the
De Brys to other early modern German booksellers in terms of the
number of new titles published. A quantitative comparison can pro-
vide no more than an indication of the productive capacity of the
different firms: some published mainly pamphlets, others specialised
in hefty folios. Given the lack of primary sources, however, this simple
method could at least provide a glimpse of the comparative size of
the officina. The De Brys brought 192 identifiable titles on the market
in the period 1590–1623, an average of just over five-and-a-half new
works per annum.7 Their neighbour Schönwetter, another leading
3
According to Johan Theodore himself, in his request for Frankfurt citizenship in
1618 and 1619: StAFr., Ratssupplikationen 1619 II, f187v–188r; Zülch (1935) 440.
4
H. Kunze, Geschichte der Buchillustration in Deutschland. Das 16. und 17. Jahrhundert
(Frankfurt 1993) 477; Van Groesen (2004) 35–36.
5
App. 1, nr. 59.
6
Evans (1975) 6, 16–21; H.-D. Dyroff, “Gotthard Vögelin—Verleger, Drucker,
Buchhändler 1597–1631”, Archiv für die Geschichte des Buchwesens IV (1962) 1217.
7
No distinction has been made between books published by the sons only and
publications of the sons and their stepmother. As was mentioned above, neither the
brothers nor other publishers made a distinction between the two branches of the
firm. Katharina Rölinger and her new husband Paul Raab did not publish any titles

a prosperous publishing house 81
Frankfurt publisher, produced 117 works between 1598 and 1623, an

annual average of four and a half.8 Vögelin’s Heidelberg firm amassed
a total of 511 new titles between 1597 and 1623, a staggering yearly
output of nineteen. If the nature of Vögelin’s publications is taken
into account, and instead only titles which appeared in the Frankfurt
fair catalogues are considered, the average total should be adjusted to
approximately eleven per annum,9 still impressive. The much revered
Wechel family could not match Vögelin for quantity. In fifty-five years
(1573–1627), Andreas Wechel and his heirs presented their readership
with 392 previously unpublished works, just over seven annually. For
the years between 1590 and 1623, the number was almost seven and
a half.10 Based on these figures the De Bry firm should be regarded as
middle-sized, yet prominent because of the high-quality illustrations in
their often large works.
The nature of the titles in the De Bry catalogue varied, but the firm
rarely produced theological works of a potentially controversial nature.
They added illustrations to two Bibles of other publishing houses, but
caution always prevailed, and the De Brys were not prepared to invest
in such titles themselves.11 The most eye-catching feature of the De
Bry catalogue is the quick succession of dominant genres, suggesting
that, more than any other contemporary officina, the family should be
considered receptive to the tastes of the age.12 Emblem books, alpha-
bet books, and ‘alba amicorum’ were almost exclusively published in
the 1590s, saturating this part of the market for at least a decade,
independently. The figure includes first editions only, in accordance with similar quan-
tifications for other publishing houses.
8
H. Starp, “Das Frankfurter Verlagshaus Schönwetter 1598–1726”, Archiv für die
Geschichte des Buchwesens I (1958) 97–101.
9
Dyroff (1962) 1217. Schwetschke (1963) counted a total of 279 titles for the
period 1597–1623. His quantitative material is often regarded as inaccurate, yet suf-
fices as an indication.
10
Evans (1975) 54–74. The real average may have been slightly lower, as Evans
made no distinction between Andreas Wechel and Johan Wechel, whose relation to
the Wechel firm is unclear. To put these figures in an international perspective: Jan
Moretus, in the final decade of the sixteenth century, published 254 titles at an average
of more than twenty-five per annum: Voet (1969–72) II 171–73.
11
The Lutheran Bible of Egenolff ’s heirs in 1602, and Schönwetter’s Catholic
Biblia Sacra (1609).
12
Analysing the Wechel, Vögelin, Schönwetter, and Commelin catalogues, no com-
parable fluctuating pattern of dominant genres emerges: Evans (1975) 54–74; Dyroff
(1962) 1371–1416; Starp (1958) 97–101; W. Port, Hieronymus Commelinus 1550–1597.
Leben und Werck eines Heidelberger Drucker-Verlegers (Leipzig 1938) 58–89.

82 chapter three
with fashionable love emblems being added to reprints in the 1610s.13

Literature on the Ottoman Empire only appeared immediately after
the resumption of Christian-Islamic hostilities in the mid-1590s. A
multitude of illustrated military works was made available in the build-
up to the Thirty Years’ War, and books by occultist authors such as
Robert Fludd and Michael Maier were also brought to the presses
when the demand for such literature was at a peak, in the mid-1610s,
during what has been labelled the ‘Rosicrucian Enlightenment’.14 The
remainder of the catalogue was made up of perennial favourites, such
as works with portraits of illustrious men of past and present times,15
and anatomical treatises, with a particular fondness for the monstrous
and the marvellous.16
Yet the demands of the early modern readership were not only
met, they were also actively shaped by the De Brys. An unusually high
number of serial productions was meant to ensure the loyalty of custom-
ers. Interested readers, after purchasing the first volume of large-scale
projects, were bound to buy the succeeding volumes as well. Apart from
the collection of voyages, examples include Boissard’s Antiquitates Roma-
nae (6 vols.; 1597–1602) or his Icones virorum illustrium (4 vols.; 1597–99),
Florilegium novum (several additions between 1612 and 1616), Fludd’s
Hermetic work on the macrocosm and microcosm (4 vols.; 1617–21),
and the unfinished Dictionarium Harmonicum (4 vols.; 1625–30).17 Success-
ful single-volume works, like Bauhin’s Theatrum anatomicum, also inspired
uninstructive but commercially astute follow-ups.18
In order to balance the high manufacturing costs of these bulky,
profusely engraved showpieces, and to obtain short-term revenues, the
De Brys produced many smaller books increasing the firm’s turnover, as
13
App. 1, nrs. 8, 10, 11, 12, 15, 18, 19, 24, 25, 28, 29, 30 & 41; Kemp (1994) 203;
F. J. Stopp, Monsters and hieroglyphs. Broadsheets and emblem books in sixteenth century Germany
(Cambridge 1972) 31.
14
F. A. Yates, The rosicrucian enlightenment (reprint, London 2002; 1st ed. 1975); On the
Turks: App. 1, nrs. 21, 22, 37 & 38; on military subjects: App. 1, nrs. 145, 146, 147,
149, 156, 157, 160, 163, 164, 165, 166, 177 & 178; books related to the Rosicrucian
movement: App. 1, nrs. 175, 176, 179, 181, 194, 195, 196, *199, 205 & 209.
15
App. 1, nrs. 21, 22, 39, 46, 47 & 55.
16
App. 1, nrs. 53, 85, 87, 94, 100, 109, 110, 111, 114, 136, 153, 154, 161, 168,
170, 180 & 184.
17
For Dictionarium Harmonicum: App. 1, nr. X8.
18
App. 1, nrs. 87 & 94.

well as a significant number of prints.19 The overwhelming majority of

these prints were engraved after designs by other artists, such as Maarten
de Vos, Jodocus van Winghe, and Phillip Galle. Additionally, the De
Brys made at least one large wall map,20 and sometimes they embel-
lished other publishers’ works with engravings. The Lutheran Bible of
Christian Egenolff’s heirs, published in 1602, its Catholic equivalent
by Schönwetter of 1609, and Vögelin’s Beschreibung der Reiss (1613), a
celebration of the homecoming of the Elector Palatine Frederick V and
his English bride Elizabeth Stuart, were all lavishly furnished with prints
by Johan Theodore de Bry and members of his workshop.21 Since the
De Brys were acknowledged to be among the best engravers of Europe,
making illustrations for others may well have been lucrative.22 In 1604
an artist from their workshop charged Schönwetter the substantial sum
of fifteen guilders for engraving a single title-page.23
Prints and smaller books of the De Bry officina served as a coun-
terweight to expensive publications. This was particularly apparent in
the early 1590s, when the first America-volumes were accompanied by
relatively cheaply produced alphabet books and emblematic works,
aimed at a wider audience. Such publications required little typesetting
and proof-reading, and the illustrations could often be re-used for other
titles. Of the 101 plates in Emblemata saecularia (1596), twenty-one had
already been used for Emblemata nobilitati (1592 and 1593), and several
engravings had further been taken from Boissard’s Emblematum liber,
published by the De Brys in 1593. The illustrations for many other
books of the 1590s, including Alphabeta et characteres and Montano’s
19
P. Gaskell, A new introduction to bibliography (3rd ed.; Oxford 1995) 160–63. Els
Verhaak of the National Print Cabinet in Amsterdam made an estimate of 1,500 prints,
including book illustrations. The same estimate was made in: R. Koch, et al., eds., Brücke
zwischen den Völkern—Zur Geschichte der Frankfurter Messe (3 vols.; Frankfurt 1991) III 216.
For a rudimentary overview of the prints of the De Brys: F. W. H. Hollstein, Dutch and
Flemish etchings, engravings and woodcuts, ca. 1450–1700, vol. IV (Amsterdam 1951) 27–52.
20
A Rhine-map after Caspar Vopell: G. Schilder, Monumenta cartographica Neerlandica
VII: Cornelis Claesz. (c. 1551–1609): stimulator and driving force of Dutch cartography (Alphen
aan den Rijn 2003) 442–43; Karrow (1993) nr. 79/8,5.
21
On the two Bibles: G. Richter, “Christian Egenolffs Erben 1555–1667”, Archiv für
die Geschichte des Buchwesens VII (1966) 1048, nr. 662; Starp (1958) 65. On Beschreibung
der Reiss: Yates (2002) 11–15.
22
B. van Selm, Een menighte treffelijcke boecken. Nederlandse boekhandelscatalogi in het begin van
de zeventiende eeuw (Utrecht 1987) 217–19. The Amsterdam publisher Cornelis Claesz’
list of “De Beste Meesters van Europa” (1609) included ( Johan) Theodore de Bry. On
the lucrative character of engraving: Voet (1969–72) II 223; Evans (1975) 5.
23
Starp (1958) 50. The engraver concerned, Georg Keller, was employed by the
De Brys from 1602 until 1613.

84 chapter three
David, were almost entirely copied after earlier works so as to reduce

both effort and costs.24 Many of the firm’s books, moreover, appeared
in different languages, to further spread the relatively high investments
of engraving. Titles mainly consisting of illustrations were listed in the
fair catalogues as different books in different languages, for maximal
exposure.25
However high the costs of production may have been, the revenues
in this era of unprecedented expansion were always likely to be higher.
In the ten-year period between 1595 and 1605, Johan Israel de Bry’s
private capital steadily increased, from 500 guilders in 1595 to 1,000
guilders around 1600,26 and then to 1,300 guilders in 1605.27 A more
detailed indication of the thriving commercial fortunes of the De Bry
officina is available in the archives of the Plantin-Moretus museum in
Antwerp. Twice a year, Plantin’s son-in-law and successor Jan Moretus
travelled to the Frankfurt fairs, conscientiously keeping account of the
titles, prices, and numbers of copies of the books he purchased and
sold. These so-called Cahiers de Francfort represent a unique source of
information on the early modern book trade. Although caution has to
be applied when interpreting the material, both because of the scholarly
and non-German background of the Officina Plantiniana’s clientele and
because of the comparatively large financial scope of Moretus and his
sons, the data the Cahiers yield are invaluable.28
24
App. 1, nr. 24 closely resembles Peter Flötner’s anthropomorphic alphabet book of
1534. Of the forty-two engravings for App. 1, nr. 40, fourteen were earlier engraved by
Egidius Sadeler after Maarten de Vos: E. Verhaak, De familie De Bry: graveurs en uitgevers
1528–1623. De prenten en gebonden uitgaven van Theodoor, Johan Theodoor en Johan Israel de
Bry (unpublished MA-thesis, VU Amsterdam 1996) 47.
25
The first Leipzig fair catalogue lists App. 1, nr. 18 twice: “Livre d’Alphabeth, a
escrire des exemples, pour l’usage des escholiers. Theodore de Bry excudebat 4o” (Gabel
(1995) 54), and “Alphabetbüchlein, sehr nützlich für die Schüler, ihre lectiones drein
zuschreiben, bey Ditrich von Bry” (Gabel (1995) 79). The Frankfurt fair catalogues
reveal similar ‘double’ exposure.
26
Zülch (1935) 442.
27
Dietz (1921) II 38.
28
Without elaborating, Yates ((2002) 273) stated that the relationship between the
De Brys and the Officina Plantiniana in Antwerp was special. However there is nothing
in the Cahiers de Francfort to substantiate this claim. No correspondence between the
families survives, nor do the archives reveal any relationship between Theodore de Bry
and Christopher Plantin in the period both men lived in Antwerp (1577–84): De Bry is
in fact never mentioned in Plantin’s documents of this period of seven or eight years.
Their connections between 1590 and 1623 seem to have been strictly business-related.
In referring to the Frankfurt fairs, I follow: R. Lauwaert, “De handelsbedrijvigheid van
de Officina Plantiniana op de Buechermesse te Frankfurt am Main in de zestiende
eeuw”, De Gulden Passer L/LI (1972–73) 124–80/70–105 in making the distinction

Before analysing the fortunes of the De Bry firm, a few preliminary

remarks concerning the business relationship between the Frankfurt
and Antwerp publishers are in order. Indisputably the most striking
aspect of the trade between the Moretuses and the De Brys was its
almost exclusively one-way character. Jan I Moretus (†1610) and his
sons Balthasar and Jan II (†1618) invariably purchased many titles from
the De Brys, yet the Frankfurt family bought works from the Officina
Plantiniana on only four occasions in more than thirty years of com-
mercial relations.29 In one of these four cases, in September 1601,
the De Brys only acquired returned copies of their own volumes of
voyages, which Moretus had apparently been unable to sell. The fact
that the Antwerp booksellers had the largest supply of available titles
in Europe in this period makes the De Brys’ reluctance to buy their
books even more astounding. Interestingly enough, however, a similar
pattern emerges from the sales figures of the Schönwetter firm at the
Lent fairs of 1604 and 1605. The Schönwetters sold their works to a
considerable number of German and international publishing houses,
but not to the De Brys.30
The one-way traffic between the Moretuses and the De Brys implied
that the regular exchange of books as a means of payment between
booksellers could not take place. The Moretuses therefore had to pay
in cash. This was not entirely uncommon, as the Officina Plantiniana
also had a small branch in Frankfurt, where cash may have been readily
available. Most other booksellers who were paid in cash by Moretus
and his sons were also based in Frankfurt,31 which meant that neither
the Moretuses nor the receiving merchant had to carry extensive
amounts of money to or from the fairs. Initially Jan Moretus paid the
De Brys for their books on credit, settling his outstanding debts at the
next fair, but from September 1605 onwards he immediately paid for
the books he purchased. This was profitable to both parties: the De
between Q(uadragesima) and S(eptember) fairs. Hence Q99 refers to the Lent fair of
1599, S01 to the fair of September 1601.
29
Arch. MPM 977, f52v (Q94); 987, f54r (Q99); 992, f56v (S01); and 1002, f14v
(S06). The purchases are moreover very small. On the Moretuses and their firm: Voet
(1969–72) I 191–215.
30
Starp (1958) 84–96. The presence of the De Brys at these fairs is certified: Arch.
MPM 997, 999.
31
In the Carnets de Francfort (Arch. MPM 881–949), complementary to the Cahiers, a
distinction was made between payments ‘en livres’ and ‘en argent’. The latter section
often included the heirs of Andreas Wechel and Sigmund Feyerabend as well.

86 chapter three
Brys instantly obtained the required sums, and Moretus could count
on larger rebates.32
The amount of these wholesale reductions varied. In the early 1590s,
Theodore de Bry gave the Antwerp bookseller limited discounts of no
more than ten percent, possibly to quickly recover his initial investments.
At the spring fair of 1597, the De Brys increased the rebate to around
eighteen percent, probably influenced by their growing output of new
titles, but perhaps also a sign that Johan Theodore and Johan Israel
had developed their own ideas about conducting trade. After 1600 the
reductions were gradually brought down again, to the initial ten-percent
level in 1603. After September 1605, Moretus’ immediate payments
entitled him to fixed rebates of twenty percent. When he briefly returned
to the habit of paying Johan Theodore de Bry after six months, in
September 1612 and September 1613, the discounts dropped to the
level of fifteen percent. From September 1614 onwards, Moretus’ sons
received a permanent discount of twenty-five percent. Johan Theodore
personally supervised the first payment of the reduced sum, verified
by his handwritten confirmation.33 The rebate percentages accurately
reflect the standard terms of payment shortly after 1600. The bookseller
Vincenz Steinmeyer also offered average discounts between fifteen and
eighteen percent to Moretus and his sons, depending on whether the
payment was made in cash or on credit.34 The Officina Plantiniana’s
own rebates on sales were related to the size of the orders, small orders
rendering lower discounts than more important ones, but this does not
seem to have been the method the De Brys employed. The Moretuses
established a fairly uniform rebate rate for the seventeenth century of
twenty to twenty-five percent.35
32
Arch. MPM 1001, f14r, f69r. In September 1605, the De Brys were not the only
ones who started to receive Moretus’ immediate payments. Their Frankfurt colleague
Vincenz Steinmeyer was also paid on the spot from this fair onwards: Richter (1966)
757–58. The importance of instantly receiving the required sums is highlighted by
the procedure after the death of the bookseller Christoph Kirchner in 1598. The De
Brys had to lay a claim for the money they were entitled to, in this case the modest
amount of 17 guilders: Richter (1966) 635.
33
These data are based on a comparison between the prices of the purchased books
and the eventual amounts paid to the De Brys (Arch. MPM 969–1037 (Q90–S24)).
Only once the amount of the rebate was explicitly referred to: Arch. MPM 883 (Q94):
“Theodore de Bry francfort rabat 10”. For Johan Theodore’s handwritten confirma-
tion: Arch. MPM 1017, f42r: “Bestemme betaelt te sein van dese somma deur mij
Johan Theodor de Brij”.
34
Richter (1966) 758.
35
Voet (1969–72) II 442.

Many of the De Bry officina’s commercial ups and downs are high-
lighted in Moretus’ Cahiers de Francfort. The beginning years of any
publishing firm in early modern Europe were likely to be difficult,36 and
the De Brys were no exception. Theodore and his sons started prepar-
ing their first publications in late 1588 or early 1589, finishing them
in time for the spring fair of 1590, yet the ever-present Jan Moretus
did not visit the De Bry bookshop until the spring fair of 1591, when
he bought a mere five copies of India Occidentalis-volumes. He did not
make a second purchase until eighteen months later.37 The commercial
transaction of September 1592 can be considered the start of regular
traffic between the De Brys and Moretus, indicating that it may have
taken De Bry more than three years to establish his name and see some
of his initial investments returned.
The growing estrangement between Theodore de Bry and his sons
around 1595 may have had an effect on the sale of books, albeit mar-
ginal and temporary. Moretus did not purchase any titles from the De
Brys at the two fairs in 1595 or at the autumn fair of 1596.38 The
years 1594 and 1595, however, had not been particularly productive
for the De Brys, with three and five new titles appearing respectively,
and this may also explain Moretus’ temporary lack of interest. After
Johan Theodore and Johan Israel started publishing books with their
own imprint, the output of the family more than doubled to eleven
new publications in both 1596 and 1597, and hence the separation
between father and sons was to prove fruitful in the longer term.
Moretus resumed purchasing the officina’s titles on a regular basis: in
September 1597 he bought books from the De Brys without referring
to the different imprints, added up the prices as usual, and paid the
combined amount in the spring of 1598.39 A comparative analysis of
the final decade of the sixteenth century based on Moretus’ account
books affirms the middle-size capacity of the De Bry officina.40
After Theodore de Bry’s death, the two sons managed the officina in
exemplary fashion until 1609. Without repeating the feat of publishing
36
For instance: Van Selm (1987) 175; S. V. Lenkey, “Migrations of sixteenth-century
printers”, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1976) 223.
37
Arch. MPM 972, f67r; 973, f28r.
38
Arch. MPM 979, 980, and 981.
39
Arch. MPM 984, f59v; 986, f63r.
40
Lauwaert (1972–73) passim.

88 chapter three
more than ten titles annually, a steady output of new works continued
to come off the presses of the printers Becker and Richter. In addi-
tion, many older works remained available: the poster catalogue still
contained 93 from a total of just over one-hundred works published
between 1590 and 1609 (ill. 3).41 Moretus’ Cahiers further testify to a
gradual increase in sales. But concerns in the private sphere were to
hamper the commercial prosperity of the De Bry firm. In July 1608,
the Bockenheimer church allocated to the Frankfurt Calvinists went up
in flames, and the city magistrates decided not to have it rebuilt. The
religious freedom of the Reformed was scaled down as a result, and
members of the congregation began to leave the city soon after.42 Johan
Theodore, unlike his father thirteen years before, decided to join the
group of emigrants. He again briefly considered a move to Hanau, but
in June 1609, Johan Theodore was among thirteen affluent merchants,
including his close friends Van Sittert and Van Gerven, who officially
pledged their future to the small Palatinate town of Oppenheim.43
The economic risks of moving to Oppenheim seemed slight. The
immigrants agreed on attractive commercial terms with the Reformed
Elector Frederick IV, such as tax exemptions and the building of a crane
for trading purposes along the river Rhine.44 The particular prospects
for publishers like the De Brys were equally good: the Wechel officina
had preceded them in conducting their business from two places. Set-
ting up a parallel branch of the publishing firm in Hanau had proved
profitable to them for many years. As Wechel’s son-in-law Claude de
41
Richter (1965) nr. 20.
42
Bott (1970–71) II 218 ff.
43
StAD, A2 Urkunden Rheinhessen 197/368 (3/6/1609); Johan Theodore con-
sidered moving to Hanau at least until mid-February: Bott (1970–71) II 239–40. On
Oppenheim: L. Petry, “Oppenheim am Vorabend des Dreißigjährigen Krieges—
Schnittpunkt bedeutsamer Lebensläufe” In: J. Albrecht and H. Licht, eds., 1200 Jahre
Oppenheim am Rhein (Oppenheim 1965) 117–22; P. Zschunke, Konfession und Alltag in
Oppenheim. Beiträge zur Geschichte von Bevölkerung und Gesellschaft einer gemischtkonfessionellen
Kleinstadt in der Frühen Neuzeit (Wiesbaden 1984) esp. 23–76. On the international role of
the Palatinate: C.-P. Clasen, The Palatinate in European history 1559–1660 (Oxford 1963),
Yates (2002), and B. N. Pursell, The winter king: Frederick V of the Palatinate and the coming
of the Thirty Years’ War (Aldershot 2003).
44
The contract between the Frankfurt merchants and the Elector Palatine further
included provisions on the Elector’s obligation to pay the salary of two ministers and
a school teacher for twelve years, on the exemption of military obligations of the
merchants, and on the possible situation of a change of religion, in which case the
merchants were allowed to leave the Palatinate free of charge. For a complete transcrip-
tion: F. Bothe, “Fürstliche Wirtschaftspolitiker und die Reichsstadt Frankfurt vor dem
Dreißigjährigen Kriege”, Archiv für Frankfurts Geschichte und Kunst IV-2 (1929) 116–20.

Ill. 3. Poster catalogue of the De Bry publishing firm (1609–20)

90 chapter three
Marne was a close friend of the De Brys,45 the brothers undoubtedly

looked upon the partition of the Wechel firm as a precedent. In July
1609, Johan Theodore therefore renounced his Frankfurt citizenship to
extend the family business to the Palatinate,46 leaving matters in hand
to Johan Israel.
3.2. Under the Elector’s wings: The De Bry firm

in Oppenheim (1609–20)
Five months later, Johan Israel de Bry died at the age of forty-four.47
His sudden demise, possibly a result of the pestilence which afflicted the
towns around Frankfurt in late 1609,48 left his older brother in a very
awkward position. Johan Theodore could not return to Frankfurt, while
at the same time the officina’s Oppenheim branch was, in all likelihood,
not yet operational. The effect on the fortunes of the firm was imme-
diate. In 1610 and 1611, Johan Theodore managed to bring out only
two new titles, while his sales to the Moretus family also dropped. In
September 1610 and September 1611 the Antwerp booksellers did not
purchase any works from De Bry,49 and it is uncertain whether Johan
Theodore went to the autumn fairs at all, as there is no indication of
his presence. His stepmother Katharina Rölinger, moreover, died in
August 1610. Her share of the firm’s books and copper engravings
fell to her second husband Paul Raab.50 In order to keep producing
new editions of certain older works, Johan Theodore was forced to
purchase some of his father’s material from Raab. The difference in
imprints stemming from the firm’s separation in 1595 disappeared after
1610, indicating that from that moment onwards, Johan Theodore
alone was responsible for its publications. Raab remained loyal to the
45
Evans (1975) 4–5, 41. Andreas de Marne’s wife was the godmother of Johan
Israel’s daughter Susanna: StAFr., Geburtsbuch 1597–1605, f266r.
46
StAFr., Rpr 1609 f23v; Bmb 1609 f70v; Also: Zülch (1935) 441.
47
Zülch (1935) 442. On the Oppenheim years: L. H. Wüthrich, “Matthaeus Merians
Oppenheimer Zeit” In: J. Albrecht and H. Licht, eds., 1200 Jahre Oppenheim am Rhein
(Oppenheim 1965) 129–46.
48
Bott (1970–71) II 260 ff.
49
Arch. MPM 1009, 1011.
50
Zülch (1935) 441.

family, for he continued to pay property tax in Frankfurt on behalf of

Johan Theodore.51
Raab may in fact have been responsible for the daily affairs of the
firm in Frankfurt directly after 1610, perhaps already supported by
Lucas Jennis the Younger, the son of Johan Israel de Bry’s second wife.52
Yet it was Johan Theodore’s efforts which truly formed the foundation
for another period of unbridled growth. The years between 1612 and
1619 should unquestionably be regarded as the commercial zenith of
the officina.53 The reasons for its success were manifold: the patronage
of the Elector Palatine and the central position of the Palatinate for
publishing alchemist and occult literature finally supplied the family
with humanist manuscripts of a less peripheral nature. The Twelve
Years’ Truce in the Netherlands, which further opened up the promis-
ing North-West European market for the exclusive De Bry publications,
the increase of productive capacity by simultaneous publishing activities
in both Frankfurt and Oppenheim, and the co-operation with other
publishers such as the widow of Levinus Hulsius all contributed to
the success of Johan Theodore de Bry in the years leading up to the
Thirty Years’ War.
The intricate relationship between the De Brys and the Hulsius firm
will be discussed in detail in Chapter 11, as it provides vital information
on the scope of the collection of voyages. De Bry also collaborated
at least twice with the Heidelberg court publisher Gotthard Vögelin,
first in 1613 and then again in 1619.54 But it was the co-operation
with the printer Hieronymus Galler and the copperplate printer Hans
Eckenthaler which was essential. Galler had left Frankfurt in the wake
51
StAFr., Insatzbuch 1605–08, f19v (Sept. 1610).
52
Zülch (1935) 442. The marriage between Johan Israel and Louisa Bingel took
place in 1607.
53
Again the hypothesis that religion dominated the book trade blurred the vision of
Berger (1977–78, II 26), as he claimed exactly the opposite, without citing any sources:
“. . . die Gegensätze zwischen Protestanten und Katholiken [. . .] und die offiziöse, die
katholische Seite bevorrechtende Regierung des Kaiser Matthias [wirkten sich] allem
Anschein nach negativ auf die ökonomische Stärke des Hauses de Bry aus. Auch die
anderen Publikationen der Firma, die Emblembücher und Porträtsammlungen gehen
merklich zurück. Die gewachsene Konkurrenz des inländischen und holländischen
Buchhandels tragen zum Rückgang der de Bry’schen Produktion bei”.
54
For App. 1, nrs. C3 & 209, as appears from letters from the emblematist Julius
Zincgref to Janus Gruterus, the curator of the Bibliotheca Palatina: F. Schnorr von
Carolsfeld, “Julius Wilhelm Zincgrefs Leben und Schriften”, Archiv für Litteraturgeschichte
VIII (1879) 31–35; Wüthrich (1965) 135.

92 chapter three
of Johan Theodore in October 1609 to become the only printer of De

Bry’s Oppenheim publications until 1620.55 The services of Eckenthaler
were also permanently at Johan Theodore’s disposal.56 Galler and
Eckenthaler thus created the ideal, stable conditions for a continuous
flow of illustrated books.
Another talented associate joined Johan Theodore in Oppenheim in
1616. Matthaeus Merian, arguably the most admired copper engraver
of his time in Europe, entered the family by marrying Johan Theodore’s
oldest daughter Maria Magdalena in February 1617.57 This ensured
the continuity of the firm, as neither Johan Theodore nor Johan Israel
had any sons who reached maturity. Many De Bry publications of the
late 1610s are a testimony to Merian’s artistic talent.58 The combined
efforts of Merian and De Bry not only fostered the growth of the firm’s
production rate, but Merian’s presence also allowed the ageing Johan
Theodore to rely on him in matters of negotiation and organisation. It
was Merian, for example, who represented the interests of the officina
for the co-operative publication of Julius Zincgref ’s emblem book in
1619, as becomes apparent from a set of letters by the author.59
Merian did not only provide engravings to books with the De Bry
imprint. He also illustrated several publications by Lucas Jennis, as did
Johan Theodore himself.60 Jennis played a pivotal role in the resurgence
of De Bry’s Frankfurt branch in the 1610s, and should be regarded as
the true successor to Johan Israel. After probably spending some time
55
StAFr., Bmb 1609, f110v. On De Bry, Hulsius, and Galler: Benzing (1969)
590–642.
56
Eckenthaler is referred to as an employee of De Bry in Arch. MPM 1021 (Q16)
f24r. StAFr., Geburtsbuch 1606–16, f228v (18/11/1613) shows that Eckenthaler was
still a citizen of Frankfurt when twins were born, but some time before 1620, he prob-
ably moved to Oppenheim: Zülch (1935) 477.
57
Wüthrich (1965) 133.
58
L. H. Wüthrich, “Matthaeus Merian d. A. Biographie” In: Matthaeus Merian des
Aelteren. Catalog zu Ausstellungen im Museum für Kunsthandwerk Franckfurt am Main und im
Kunstmuseum Basel (Frankfurt 1993) 9.
59
App. 1, nr. 209. Schnorr von Carolsfeld (1879) 33–34; Zincgref to Gruterus,
1618–19: “Petit à me Merianus . . .” and “Je vous fais sçavoir, que Voegelinus com-
mancera demain à imprimer mes Emblemes, ainsi que Mr Merian m’à adverti à ce soir”.
Only the first letter of the correspondence singled out Johan Theodore as the contact.
Zincgref—also godfather to one of Johan Theodore’s grandchildren—and Gruterus
continued using Merian’s services in the 1620s and 1630s: A. Reifferscheid, ed., Briefe
G. M. Lingelsheims, M. Berneggers und ihrer Freunde (Heilbronn 1889) nrs. 119, 376.
60
L. H. Wüthrich, Das druckgraphische Werk von Matthaeus Merian D. Ae. (Basel and
Hamburg 1966–96) I 211, II 261; Wüthrich (1993) 9; E. Trenczak, “Lucas Jennis als
Verleger alchemistischer Bildertraktate”, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1965) 328, n. 37.

learning the tricks of the book trade under Johan Theodore’s guidance
in Oppenheim, Jennis returned to Frankfurt where he established his
own officina around 1616. Many of Jennis’ books may, however, still
have been based on manuscripts first intended for publication by De
Bry, such as three works by the alchemist Michael Maier, one of which
indicated ‘Oppenheim’ as the place of conception.61 According to the
title-page of Jennis’ quarto-catalogue of 1622, his list of publications
included several books “sent and commissioned to him by others”,62 in
all probability alluding to De Bry and Merian. No wonder De Bry sold
books with Jennis’ imprint, and included them on his poster catalogue
as being his own.63 Balthasar and Jan II Moretus can be forgiven for
considering Jennis’ officina nothing more than an extension of the De
Bry firm, referring to the young Frankfurt bookseller in September
1616 as “the nephew of [ Johan] Theodore de Brie”.64
Johan Theodore himself continued to maintain close ties with Frank-
furt. Not only was he still a regular visitor to the fairs, he also kept
publishing new titles in Frankfurt. Around half of the De Bry books
between 1612 and 1619 appeared in the Imperial city. Oppenheim
replaced Frankfurt as the main place of publication only from 1615
onwards. There was no obvious difference between the titles published
with Oppenheim and Frankfurt imprints, and practical considerations
presumably dictated the place of printing: all works by the physician
Wilhelm Fabry von Hilden, for instance, were published in Oppenheim,
perhaps simply because the author regularly paid personal visits to De
Bry in his new place of residence after 1613.65 No other publishing
objectives seem to have played a major role.
In only a few cases did the possibility to use an Oppenheim imprint
prove valuable. The liberal intellectual atmosphere and publishing
opportunities in the Palatinate attracted several authors of occultist and
Hermetic treatises, the most important ones being Emperor Rudolf II’s
erstwhile physician Michael Maier, and the English philosopher Robert
Fludd. Both are generally considered key figures in the Rosicrucian
61
Yates (2002) 118–19.
62
Catalogus omnium librorum [. . .]/Verzeichnüß aller Bücher, so Lucas Iennis, Buchhändler zu
Franckfurt am Mäyn, seit Anno 1616. mehrerntheils selbsten verlegt, theils Ihme von Andern auff
Commission uberschickt und beygesetzt [. . .] in seiner Officina kaufflichen zu finden seynd (Frankfurt
1622).
63
App. 1, nr. ?5. Arch. MPM 1027, f19r (S19).
64
Arch. MPM 1020, f20r.
65
Schneider-Hiltbrunner (1976) 10; Stangmeier (1957) 34, 64.

94 chapter three
movement, which in the 1610s centred around Frederick V’s Anglo-

German court in Heidelberg, and both relied on De Bry for publication
of their books.66 These works, major commercial successes from De
Bry’s perspective, were mostly published in Oppenheim, not in Frankfurt
where such challenges to intellectual orthodoxy were likely to be either
forbidden or heavily censored by Imperial or urban book commission-
ers.67 This policy was soon deemed overcautious with regard to Maier’s
books, as from 1617 onwards some of his less controversial works were
published in Frankfurt by De Bry himself, or instead presented to Jennis
for publication. Maier’s alchemical Atalanta fugiens (1618), however, and
all of Fludd’s treatises continued to appear in Oppenheim only, and
none of these titles were included on the De Bry firm’s poster catalogue.
Ever prudent, De Bry did not exploit the liberal publishing atmosphere
in the Palatinate to the full and, unlike Galler or the Hulsius firm, never
used Frederick’s protection to produce any anti-papal or anti-Imperial
treatises in a time of increasing polarisation.68
For being chosen to publish both Fludd’s and Maier’s manuscripts, De
Bry was heavily indebted to the Elector Palatine. Fludd later revealed
that he had preferred to publish his works outside England for finan-
cial reasons,69 and this attractive option cannot have been offered to
66
Yates (2002) esp. 97–125; S. Klossowski de Rola, The golden game. Alchemical engravings
of the seventeenth century (London 1988) 60–62, 68–104, 127–32; on Fludd: J. Godwin,
Robert Fludd: hermetic philosopher and surveyor of two worlds (London 1979); on Maier:
B. T. Moran, The alchemical world of the German court. Occult philosophy and chemical medicine
in the circle of Moritz of Hessen (1572–1632) (Stuttgart 1991) 102–11. Yates’ claim that
De Bry should be regarded as ‘The Palatinate publisher’ is farfetched, as it was Vögelin
who was officially connected to the Heidelberg court. Frederick V also acted on behalf
of Vögelin in Frankfurt (StAFr., ZBBP 84 (19/7/1619)), but there is no evidence of
his official support to De Bry. Yates’ characterisation of Johan Theodore as someone
with Rosicrucian sympathies (pp. 99–101) is, at best, speculative, as his religious and
spiritual preferences were not reflected in the officina’s publications.
67
As suggested by a request to Imperial commissioners in 1618: Jahrbuch der Kunst-
historischen Sammlungen XX (1899) nr. 17389.
68
Fides Iesu et Iesuitarum. Hoc est collatio doctrinae . . . (Hulsius 1610); Räthliche Defension,
Auff die Frage ob die Römische Kayserliche Maiestät . . . (Galler 1612); De Papa Romano, et Papissa
Romana . . . (Galler 1612); Aeternum evangelium sive Christianae Veritatis . . . (Hulsius 1614). See:
Benzing (1969) 596–606 and 625–32.
69
In 1631, he wrote: “I sent them [e.g. his books on the macrocosm and microcosm]
beyond the Seas, because our home-borne Printers demanded of me five hundred
pounds to Print the first Volume, and to find the cuts in copper; but beyond the seas
it was printed at no cost of mine, and that as I would wish. And I had 16. coppies
sent me over with 40. pounds in Gold, as an unexpected gratuitie for it”, cited by
E. Weil, “William Fitzer, the publisher of Harvey’s De Motu Cordis, 1628”, The Library
34 (1944) 144. Weil’s article adds little or nothing to Sondheim (1933).

him by De Bry alone, without the backing of an affluent benefactor.

Frederick V and his father Frederick IV had earlier acted as patrons
to the De Brys. Between 1593 and 1601, five De Bry publications
were dedicated to the Elector Palatine.70 After Johan Theodore’s move
to Oppenheim, and Frederick V’s return to Heidelberg in 1613—so
attractively illustrated by De Bry71—the publisher could count on the
Elector’s permanent patronage: several works of authors in the service
of Frederick, such as Salomon de Caus and Julius Zincgref, were in all
probability illustrated and published by De Bry through the Elector’s
intervention.72 Associated magistrates such as the high councillor Georg
Michael Lingelsheim and the Oppenheim nobleman Johan Christoph
von Gemmingen were also part of the bookseller’s Palatinate network.73
De Bry’s value to the Heidelberg court was emphasised in the mid-1610s
by the librarian of the famous Bibliotheca Palatina, Janus Gruterus,
who praised the publisher in the preface to Jean-Jacques Boissard’s
Tractatus Posthumus.74
Before moving to the Palatinate, the fortunes of the firm had not
been tied to a single sponsor, and, in any case, patronage for one title
did not guarantee the benefactor’s generosity for another. Landgrave
Maurice of Hesse-Kassel and his family, like the Elector Palatine, nev-
ertheless proved reliable patrons over a period of almost thirty years.75
Conversely, many of the firm’s works were dedicated with a special
70
Ind.Occ. III (Ger), Ind.Or. I & IV (Lat), App. 1, nrs. 38 & 45.
71
App. 1, nr. C3.
72
On De Caus: Yates (2002) 16–19; On Zincgref: A. E. Walther, “Ein politischer
Publizist im Dreißigjährigen Krieg: Das literarische Schaffen Julius Wilhelm Zincgrefs”
In: J. Arndt and H. Arnold, eds., 1648—Krieg und Frieden in Europa; Textband II—Kunst
und Kultur (Münster and Osnabrück 1998) 377–85.
73
Schnorr von Carolsfeld (1879) 31; Dedication of App. 1, nr. *118.
74
App. 1, nr. 158 [ )()()(4v]: “Sol velut cuivis videtur, inquieto flumine;/Ferre quem
mortale lumen non queat, regaliter/Nube ubi remotâ aperta circulatur aetheris:/Sic
Bryanus eleganter omnis aere in hoc patet./Talis ore, talis oculo, talis pectore, ac manu
est./Ejus at si candor, ejus experimenda si fides,/Et modestia, & venustas dexteraeque
industria;/Orbe per quam tot loquuntur Aera tot, & ambulant,/Seminantque eundo
Amores, procreantque Gratias,/Et Novensiles Camoenas, & meros Apollines;/Ferre
eum quis quaeso posset? Sol novus Germaniae est”.
75
HStAM, 4a 39, 130 (14/11/1614), regarding App. 1, nr. 146. Other works
include Ind.Occ. IV, V, VI, VIII, VIII add. & IX (Ger). Several of the authors of De
Bry publications also dedicated their works to the court of Hesse-Kassel. For a more
general analysis of the different types of dedications in this period: U. Maché, “Author
and patron: on the functions of dedications in seventeenth-century German literature”
In: J. A. Parente jr., R. E. Schade, and G. C. Schoolfield, eds., Literary culture in the Holy
Roman Empire 1555–1720 (Chapel Hill and London 1991) 195–205.

96 chapter three
short-term objective in mind: two public letters of loyalty to the new

Archbishop of Mainz coincided with the appearance of the first special
fair catalogue for Catholic and ‘unsuspected’ books issued under the
archbishop’s supervision.76 The dedicatory letters to the Soreau and
Feyerabend families in the early 1590s were mirrored by praise for the
Oppenheim elite in the early 1610s,77 enabling the De Brys to quickly
blend into a new environment. When they considered moving to Hanau
in 1596, they twice brought their work under the attention of Phillip
Ludwig II of Hanau, the second time successfully.78 In 1617, when a
relocation from Oppenheim to Heidelberg was under consideration,
De Bry and Merian honoured the professors of Heidelberg University.
Whereas the professors accepted the dedication, they turned down the
family’s requested enrolment in Heidelberg.79 Meanwhile De Bry and
Merian maintained relationships with Frankfurt by dedicating a pub-
lication to one of the city magistrates.80 Usually the dedicatory letters
rendered rewards in the form of money, or the purchase of a sizeable
number of copies.
The dedications which the De Brys wrote, and which some of the
German political and ecclesiastical elite accepted and rewarded, of
course present an uneven view of the officina’s network. The formal
relations with the Protestant rulers of Württemberg, Brandenburg, and
76
Ind.Or. VI and VII (Lat, 1604 and 1606) were dedicated to the Archbishop of
Mainz, Johan Schweikard von Kronberg. On Schweikard: A. Litzenburger, Kurfürst Johann
Schweikard von Kronberg als Erzkanzler: Mainzer Reichspolitik am Vorabend des Dreissigjährigen
Krieges (1604–1619) (Stuttgart 1985). The campaign to publish special fair catalogues
for Catholic and ‘religiously neutral’ literature (e.g. approved by the Archbishop and
the Imperial book commissioner Valentin Leucht) started around 1603. The oldest
surviving catalogue is from 1606: W. Brückner, “Die Gegenreformation im politischen
Kampf um die Frankfurter Buchmessen. Die Kaiserliche Zensur zwischen 1567 und
1619”, Archiv für Frankfurts Geschichte und Kunst 48 (1962) 81–83.
77
App. 1, nr. 135 was dedicated to a number of Oppenheim magistrates.
78
HStAM, 81/A 33, nr. 7 (20–23); App. 1, nr. 37.
79
App. 1, nr. 183; “Die 18 Februarij 1618 Johannes Theodorus de Bry sculptor cupit
cum genero suo Matthia Merian in numerum civium academicorum recipi. Collectis
votis supplicanti petitio sua fuit denegata”, cited in G. Töpke, ed., Die Matrikel des
Universität Heidelberg von 1386 bis 1662 II (Heidelberg 1886) 287.
80
App. 1, nr. 136; the dedication was repeated in the second edition of 1622,
shortly after Johan Theodore’s return to Frankfurt. Usually the opportunity was seized
to dedicate a second edition anew.

Saxony were unquestionably of great importance to the publishers,81

but after 1609, the connections with another major centre of European
Calvinism, the Dutch Republic, were probably of greater value for the
commercial position of the firm. The correspondence with Leiden
humanists like Raphelengius and Clusius already affirmed connections
between the De Bry firm and the Dutch, but after the Truce with
Spain was concluded in 1609, Dutch booksellers were to become the
dominant economic force in the European book trade.
De Bry benefited in various ways. The spending power of publish-
ers in both the Northern and Southern Netherlands increased, and
a growing number of Netherlandish booksellers visited the Frankfurt
fairs.82 The Cahiers de Francfort reveal a substantial expansion in terms
of books purchased from the De Bry firm. The amount of money
Johan Theodore received from the Moretus brothers between 1610
and 1619, even including the difficult years directly after the death of
Johan Israel, easily outweighed the combined revenues of the first two
decades of the firm’s existence.83 Equally lucrative for Johan Theodore
was the possibility of sharing the costs for certain publications with
Dutch booksellers. Publishers in the Low Countries resembled the De
Brys in that their works, too, contained elaborate copper engravings.84
There are indications that the Amsterdam publishers Dirck Pietersz
Pers and Hendrick Laurensz in particular established close, though not
always entirely transparent ties with Reformed publishers from Frank-
furt and Oppenheim. Copies of the emblem book Mikrokosmos parvus
mundus, published by Pers in 1610, were sold by De Bry to Moretus in
81
App. 1, nrs. 22, 26 & Ind.Or. IV (Ger) dedicated to the Duke of Württemberg;
App. 1, nrs. 96 & 166 to Joachim Ernst of Brandenburg; Ind.Occ. I (Ger), Ind.Occ. II
& IX (Lat) to the Electors of Saxony.
82
A. H. Laeven, “The Frankfurt and Leipzig fairs and the history of the Dutch
book trade in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries” In: C. Berkvens-Stevelinck,
et al, eds., Le magasin de l’univers: the Dutch Republic as the centre of the European book trade
(Leiden 1992) 190–91.
83
Arch. MPM 969–1027: between 1590 and 1609, Jan Moretus purchased De Bry
publications for around 875 Brabant guilders, whereas his sons Balthasar and Jan II
spent 925 guilders in the second decade of the seventeenth century alone.
84
H. de la Fontaine Verwey, “De Gouden Eeuw van de Nederlandse boekillustra-
tie, 1600–1635” In: Idem, Uit de wereld van het boek II. Drukkers, liefhebbers en piraten in de
zeventiende eeuw (Amsterdam 1976) 49–76; D. Imhof, ed., De boekillustratie ten tijde van de
Moretussen (Antwerp 1996). See also: Van der Stock (1998).

98 chapter three
September 1612.85 In 1618, a second edition of the same book appeared

with the combined imprints of Pers and Jennis. De Bry co-operated
with Laurensz for the release of Jakob de Zetter’s Kosmographia iconica
of 1614.86 Apart from De Bry and Jennis, the Hulsius publishing house
also co-operated with Hendrick Laurensz.87
Just as the arrival of peace had stimulated the commercial possibilities

for booksellers from the Netherlands in 1609, the threat of hostilities
in the German States was to influence the position of De Bry and
Merian. Soon after Frederick V left the Palatinate for his fateful trip
to Bohemia in 1618, dragging the Empire into full-scale war, De Bry
indicated an intention to leave Oppenheim. No less than three official
requests, and the payment of a huge fee to the Frankfurt magistrates,
were required to regain citizenship of the Imperial city in July 1619.88
After publishing the final three titles of the firm with the Oppenheim
imprint in 1620, Eckenthaler and Galler followed De Bry back to
Frankfurt.89 In September 1620, Oppenheim was captured and sacked
by Spinola’s army.90
85
Arch. MPM 1013, f11r. De Zetter was credited as the author of the second edi-
tion of Mikrokosmos parvus mundus (1618).
86
The fair catalogue for Q14 announces App. 1, nr. 151 as “. . . mit kurtzen latei-
nischen, Teutschen und frantzösichen Reimen erkläret durch Jacobum de Zettra,
Amsterdam bey Henrico Laurentio und franckfurt bey Johan Theodoro de Bry in
4o”. He was employed as engraver by the De Brys for App. 1, nrs. C2 & 134. For his
Calvinist background and his move to Neu-Hanau: Bott (1970–71) esp. I 299 ff.
87
Schwetschke (1963) 55 [incorrectly numbered 67]; D. L. Paisey, ed., Catalogue of
books printed in the German-speaking countries and of German books printed in other countries from
1601 to 1700, now in the British Library (London 1994) nr. R47. On Hendrick Laurensz:
Van Selm (1987) 336 ff. Almost nothing is available on Pers, all the more remarkable
since he was also a minor poet in the Dutch Republic’s Golden Age. For very brief
biographies: D. P. Pers, Suyp-stad ofte Dronckaerts leven ( J. E. Verlaan and E. K. Grootes,
eds., Culemborg 1978) 14–18; M. M. Kleerkooper and W. P. van Stockum jr., eds., De
boekhandel te Amsterdam, voornamelijk in de 17e eeuw: biographische en geschiedkundige aanteekeningen
(2 vols.; The Hague 1914–16) I 558–59.
88
StAFr., Rpr 1618, f49v (11/2/1619), f63r (25/4/1619); Rpr 1619, f4r (18/5/1619).
Zülch (1935) 441. De Bry was one of a very small number of people who successfully
re-applied for Frankfurt citizenship between 1614 and 1624, probably yet another
indication of the officina’s financial prowess: O. Scharff, “Die Niederländische und die
Französische Gemeinde Frankfurt am Main”, Archiv für Frankfurter Geschichte und Kunst
N. F. 2 (1862) 294.
89
Zülch (1935) 477; StAFr., Rpr 1620, f43r.
90
Zschunke (1984) 76.

3.3. The final years (1621–1626)
The city to which Johan Theodore returned on the eve of the Thirty
Years’ War did not resemble the prospering city his father had chosen
as his domicile in the late 1580s. The Fettmilch uprising had finally
brought simmering tensions out into the open, and social and religious
unrest continued until 1616. Soon after, preparations were made for
a sustained period of fighting, and the success of the Frankfurt book
trade dwindled as a result.91 Local printers and bookbinders depending
on a steady flow of publications suffered most. They desperately tried
to block the return of Daniel and David Aubry, heirs to the Wechel
firm, from Hanau to Frankfurt in February 1618, which suggests that
they did not applaud Johan Theodore’s return to the city either. Four
years later, the situation had worsened as even the presses of some of
the most prominent printers lay idle.92 In addition, the price of paper
rapidly increased.
Johan Theodore, old and weakened by his own accounts,93 could
not match the entrepreneurial achievements of the Oppenheim period
in these circumstances. The absence of Matthaeus Merian, who had
returned to his native Basel in 1620, did not make matters easier.
Between 1621 and 1623 only eight new titles appeared under De Bry’s
supervision, three of which were written by Fludd and hence almost
certainly the fruits of the years spent in the Palatinate. The depth of
the back catalogue, however, still enabled De Bry to sell plenty of
books at the fairs, and these old favourites tempted the Moretuses to
keep spending more or less on the level of the years before 1619.94 In
the final years of his life Johan Theodore was assisted by his second
son-in-law Johan Ammon, whose name first appeared on the title-page
91
R. Wittmann, Geschichte des Deutschen Buchhandels (Munich 1991) 76; according to
Schwetschke (1963, 71–76) the number of newly published titles at the fairs fell from
1668 in 1619, to 972 in 1622.
92
StAFr., ZBBP 79, f2r (Frankfurt printers against the Aubrys (29/10/22: “. . . bevoral
weil an deroselbe Stell interim zwo, ia woll drij ander Druckern alhie uffkommen, uff
diese Stundt Achte albereijts in scha[d] gehen, und darzu noch zwo, fast die grössten, als
Sauwrs und Hoffmanns still ligen”). Of the two or three newly arrived printers, Galler
may well have been one. Those protesting against the return of the Aubrys included
the De Bry-employed printers Paul Jacobi and Erasmus Kempffer. On the fate of the
bookbinders: K. Bücher, “Frankfurter Buchbinder-Ordnungen vom XVI. bis zum XIX.
Jahrhundert”, Archiv für Frankfurts Geschichte und Kunst III–1 (1888) 246.
93
StAFr., Rpr 1618, f49v. Zülch (1935) 441–42.
94
Arch. MPM 1028–1037.

100 chapter three
of one of the firm’s publications in 1623. On 8 August of that year,

Johan Theodore died in the health resort Bad Schwalbach.95
Johan Theodore’s widow and Johan Ammon were expected to take

charge of the family firm together, yet the former instantly wrote to
Merian, who arrived from Basel in September 1623 to help secure the
officina’s future.96 After a period of travelling to and from Frankfurt,
Merian and Johan Theodore’s third son-in-law, the English bookseller
William Fitzer, took charge of what became known as the ‘Officina
Bryana’ in October 1625. Exactly twelve months later Merian and
Fitzer parted ways, each taking around half of their father-in-law’s
books and equipment, including copperplates. The De Bry firm thus
ceased to exist. It is not entirely clear where this partition left other
hopeful candidates to De Bry’s inheritance like Lucas Jennis and Johan
Ammon. Jennis continued his publishing activities in Frankfurt at least
until 1630, and probably inherited little or nothing.97 Ammon’s name
does not feature on any of the title-pages after the death of Johan
Theodore, and he appears to have been on bad terms with Merian.98 In
October 1625 Ammon felt the need to declare that, as the husband of
Margaretha de Bry, he did not allow any decisions on De Bry’s legacy
to be made in his absence.99 Several years later Ammon, Merian, and
Fitzer harmoniously represented their wives as the rightful heirs to their
aunt Ottilia de Bry, who had died in Strasbourg in 1627. Only after
two years, and an intervention by the Frankfurt magistrates, did the De
Bry daughters see their claims rewarded.100 Yet the concord between
the heirs was not all that it seemed. As late as 1629, Johan Theodore’s
widow made a request to the Frankfurt magistrates to monitor the
activities of Merian and Fitzer.101
95
StAFr., Totenbuch 1612–26, p. 417 (buried: 10/8/1623).
96
Wüthrich (1993) 10 (Merian to Kaspar Bauhin, whose books had earlier been
published by the De Brys: “. . . ob schon der vatter todt, solle doch der Handel vermit-
telst gottlicher Gnaden erhalten und fortgeplanzt werden”).
97
Arch. MPM 744, f83r shows that Jennis published quarto-editions of De Bry’s
Wallhausen-folio’s (App. 1, nrs. 156, 157, 160, 164 & 165). How he obtained the rights
to publish these smaller and cheaper editions is unclear.
98
Wüthrich (1993) 11, n. 27.
99
StAFr., ZBBP 121, nr. 2/25 (12/10/1625).
100
StAFr., Rechtsstreitigkeiten Ugb D27, nr. 50 (4 docs., Aug–Oct 1629).
101
Sondheim (1933) 14.

The firms of the two sons-in-law were incommensurable from the start.
Whereas Merian was a skilful engraver and publisher in the mould of
the De Brys, Fitzer was merely a frugal bookseller who had probably
never even met his late father-in-law.102 For illustrating his publications he
depended on Merian or, more often, on either the mediocre engravings
by Paul de Zetter or on Johan Theodore’s worn copperplates. Fitzer’s
books were, moreover, printed on cheap paper. Even William Harvey’s
De motu cordis of 1628, the first treatise on the circulation of blood, was
badly produced, and included engravings which Johan Theodore had
initially made for Bauhin’s anatomical works.103 Fitzer did nevertheless
publish several new titles, and his octavo-catalogue of 1629 revealed
that some twenty percent of the works available in his bookshop were
already the result of his own initiatives.104 Having moved to Heidelberg
in 1632, Fitzer was struck by disaster six years later when the Carmelite
convent in Frankfurt, where he had stored the De Bry copperplates he
so desperately needed, burnt down. He thereupon stopped publish-
ing books and had an inventory of his belongings drawn up. In 1645
Johan Ammon used some of Fitzer’s remaining plates to produce a
new edition of Boissard’s Icones virorum illustrium, without referring to
the Englishman.105
In contrast to Fitzer, and in spite of the deteriorating economic
situation, Merian managed to establish a successful publishing and
engraving firm, epitomised by his monumental topographical works
of the 1640s and, posthumously, the 1650s. He lastingly enjoyed the
heritage of the De Brys, as is shown by his catalogue of 1643. Assuming
that he, like Fitzer, initially received half of the De Bry firm’s material
and publications, around seventy-five percent of these titles were still
102
Fitzer did not marry Susanna de Bry until May 1625, and did not leave England
before 1624.
103
Weil (1944) 145.
104
Sondheim (1933) 14, counted 26 new books on a total of 126. Also: Weil (1944)
153. Given that the De Bry catalogue comprised some 200 titles, Fitzer’s share of
100 De Bry publications accounts for exactly half of the De Bry legacy. The last
remaining copy of Fitzer’s Catalogus Bibliothecae Bryanae of 1629 was in all likelihood
destroyed in 1944. It has not since been recovered by Wüthrich (1966–96) III 367, or
by G. Loh, Die europäischen Privatbibliotheken und Buchauktionen: ein Verzeichnis ihrer Kataloge
(Leipzig 1997) 23.
105
Sondheim (1933) 18, 31–32; Zülch (1935) 519; Weil (1944) 156–59; Fitzer lost
some 600 copperplates in 1638, while 118 were saved because they were stored in Johan
Ammon’s house. These probably included the material for Icones virorum illustrium.

102 chapter three
available in Merian’s bookshop at the time.106 Based on this catalogue

and on Fitzer’s inventory of 1639, it is possible to determine which
titles ended up in Merian’s possession and which titles are likely to
have been Fitzer’s. Generally Merian preferred the folio-sized scholarly
tracts, while Fitzer assembled the smaller books which were in more
popular demand. Several works were divided equally between the two
booksellers: the brothers-in-law shared the collection of voyages, with
Merian getting the America-series and Fitzer the India Orientalis-series. All
of Fludd’s writings and the successful Historia anatomica humani corporis by
Andreas Laurentius (1599) continued to be sold by both men. Merian
further obtained Boissard’s Antiquitates Romanae, treatises of humanists
like Marquard Freher and Melchior Goldast, the majority of anatomi-
cal publications including all the works of his friend Bauhin, and at
least half of the military writings. Fitzer acquired the emblem books,
the alphabet books, and the portraits of famous men. Comparing the
selection of De Bry publications of the brothers-in-law with the most
successful titles in Moretus’ Cahiers, Merian’s choices seem to have been
the shrewdest in commercial terms.107
Hence the De Bry officina, which had initially briefly depended on
the firms of Feyerabend and Wechel, in turn provided a sound founda-
tion for a new generation of publishers. The De Bry imprint may have
become extinct in 1626, but the inheritance of Theodore and his sons,
material as well as artistic, continued to be spread by Merian, Fitzer,
Ammon, and Jennis, each in a distinctly different way, until the final
decades of the seventeenth century. Merian and his heirs published a
new edition of De Bry’s Florilegium (renovatum et auctum) in 1641, reprints
of Louise Bourgeois’ Hebammenbuch until 1652, and compilations of the
India Occidentalis-series until 1655. Fresh editions of Boissard’s Icones
virorum illustrium also appeared well into the 1650s, with Ammon’s
106
Catalogus omnium librorum, qui in officina Matthaei Meriani, bibliopolae et sculptoris Moeno-
Francofurtani, ejus impendio impressi, & maximam partem in aere ornati veneunt (Frankfurt 1643),
re-published by Wüthrich (1966–96) III ills. 224–35. In this catalogue, at least 74 works
first published by Theodore de Bry or his sons are listed.
107
Wüthrich (1966–96) III ills. 224–35; Sondheim (1933) 15; Weil (1944) 155–58.
Also: Arch. MPM 1041–51. The collection of voyages aside, Boissard’s Antiquitates
Romanae (6 vols.; 1597–1602), Florilegium novum, and the works by Bauhin were among
the best selling De Bry titles in the first decades of the seventeenth century, according to
Moretus’ Cahiers (Arch. MPM 969–1037). All of them were listed in Merian’s catalogue
of 1643. As much of Fitzer’s material was lost in the fire of 1638, and he continued
his activities in the book trade until then, Merian cannot have bought a considerable
number of De Bry titles from his brother-in-law after 1638.

imprint, and Boissard’s German Topographia Urbis Romae continued to

be printed at least until 1681.
3.4. Re-interpreting the De Brys: booksellers and Calvinists
Many biographical details concerning the De Bry family remain unclear.

The multitude of letters written and received by Theodore and his
sons has been reduced to only a handful, and tantalising allusions to
a lively correspondence, by Boissard, Clusius, Zincgref, and others,
remain just that. Whereas large numbers of scholarly letters have been
preserved by contemporaries and by later generations of collectors, the
more practical correspondence of publishers appears to have become
redundant. Holdings in the city archives of Frankfurt were decimated
in 1944, and valuable taxation records and what was probably the
last remaining copy of Fitzer’s 1629 catalogue were among the docu-
ments destroyed. New material, such as the guild records in Antwerp,
Boissard’s letters, and Moretus’ Cahiers de Francfort can only partly make
up for the many gaps.
Yet this newly uncovered biographical material does merit a read-
justment of the way in which the De Brys have been viewed. The
portrayal of the De Brys as Reformed refugees is rather one-sided, and
the subsequent assumption that religiously-inspired anger formed the
foundation for the collection of voyages, which could or should therefore
be regarded as a propaganda instrument,108 is untenable. There is no
question that the De Brys were Calvinists. In Strasbourg and Frankfurt
they actively defended the interests of the Reformed community, and the
years the family spent in Antwerp precisely coincided with the so-called
‘Calvinist Republic’. Both Theodore and Johan Theodore were driven
by religious considerations in their personal lives: the departures from
Strasbourg to Antwerp around 1577 and from Frankfurt to Oppenheim
in 1609, a crucial year for the De Brys in more ways than one, were
forced upon them by intolerance towards the local Reformed congrega-
tions. Yet the decision to settle in ‘hostile’ Frankfurt in 1588 was not.
The motivations behind decisions to immigrate in the sixteenth century
were often more than strictly religious. For well-to-do merchants and
108
Most notably Berger (1977–78); Idem (1979–81); Bucher (1981) 9 ff.; Gossiaux
(1985); Keazor (1998) 148.

104 chapter three
entrepreneurs, the importance of economic motives only increased in

the 1580s, and economic motives conditioned the arrival of the De
Bry family in Frankfurt.109
It is in addition crucial to understand that the Reformed persuasion
of the De Brys played only a minor role in their activities as engravers,
publishers, and booksellers from 1590 onwards. A substantial number of
Lutheran and Catholic humanists co-operated closely with the publish-
ers, including the Lutheran proof-reader and translator Gotthard Artus
von Dantzig, and a militant Catholic such as Phillip Zigler.110 The De
Brys issued treatises of many authors of other denominations, such as
the Jesuit Julius Roscius, the Spanish humanist Benito Arias Montano,
and the Augustinian friar Johannes Creccelius.111 The family not only
translated works by Catholic authors, but also decided to preserve the
original dedications, such as Lorenzo Pignoria’s address to one of the
founding fathers of the Counter-Reformation, Cardinal Caesar Baro-
nius.112 The De Brys themselves dedicated at least two publications to
the Archbishop of Mainz, in an effort to reach a Catholic readership
through the newly-published Catholic fair catalogues around 1606,
while one early publication was even dedicated to the advocate of
the Counter-Reformation in the Empire, and founder of the Catholic
League, Julius Echter of Mespelbrunn.113 Schönwetter’s Biblia Sacra,
illustrated by the De Brys, was the first German Bible to follow the
guidelines of the Council of Trent.114
The strict separation of private life and public, commercial objectives,
further supported by the different networks of Frankfurt Calvinists, on
the one hand, and humanists and publishers, on the other, was anything
but uncommon in the early modern book trade. For a publisher like
Schönwetter, whose religious denomination has yet to be unravelled,
commercial imperatives always outweighed religious principles, and the
same can be said of Feyerabend. The version of Calvinism to which
the Wechels were privately committed was open-minded, and although
109
Schilling (1983) 10–11; F. Petri, “Die Ursachen der niederländischen Auswanderung
im Zeitalter der Glaubenskämpfe” In: Idem, Zur Geschichte und Landeskunde der Rheinlande,
Westfalen und ihrer westeuropäischen Nachbarländer. Aufsätze und Vorträge aus vier Jahrzehnten
(Bonn 1973) 594–99.
110
App. 1, nrs. 174 & 220; On Zigler’s radicalism: Sondheim (1936–37) 351–52.
111
App. 1, nrs. 23, 40 & 150.
112
App. 1, nr. 98.
113
App. 1, nr. 12.
114
Starp (1958) 65.

they produced numerous religious works, they never provoked contro-

versy.115 The De Brys, significantly, issued only a handful of books of a
religious nature, none of these explicitly Calvinist. Contributions made
to religious works, such as Bibles, were distinctly low-key. Potentially
contentious titles, such as the treatises by Fludd and Maier, were care-
fully omitted from the firm’s poster catalogue. Caution and prudence
rather than explicit Calvinism should be regarded as typical of the
publishing policies of the De Bry firm.
There is no archival material substantiating the hypothesis that De
Bry publications were inspired by religious objectives. The eclectic list
of publications of the firm instead seems to support the claim that
for the De Brys, as for Schönwetter, principles always came second to
economic considerations. Many publications were printed in two or
three different languages to spread the investment of making engrav-
ings. The same illustrations were also often re-used for other works,
already an outdated practice for a publisher like Plantin around 1570.116
Intriguingly, the De Brys systematically refused to purchase books from
the Officina Plantiniana at the Frankfurt fairs; other scantily available
material of this sort also seems to suggest that the family concentrated
on selling their own publications, rather than providing their customers
with books produced elsewhere. Finally, their closest humanist friends
routinely described the De Brys first and foremost as commercially
astute. Boissard lamented the fact that De Bry repeatedly listed the costs
as the reason for separating his manuscript on Roman inscriptions,117
while Clusius contemptuously remarked that they were prepared to do
virtually anything to achieve better sales. In the specific context of the
publication of the collection of voyages, the De Brys were therefore
booksellers first, and Calvinists only afterwards. It is with this in mind
that the collection and its representations of the overseas world must
be studied.
115
Starp (1958) 39–40; Pallmann (1881) 63–64; Evans (1975) 38–39.
116
Voet (1969–72) II 212.
117
UBL ms. Vulc. 101; Boissard to Clusius (12/9/1593).

CHAPTER FOUR
THE MAKING OF THE COLLECTION OF VOYAGES
4.1. The MAGNUM OPUS of the officina
In 1615 Johan Theodore de Bry made a self-portrait (ill. 4).1 Fifty-two

years old, he proudly depicted himself as a successful bookseller. The
family motto “Nul sans soucy De Bry” and the burin, the copper engrav-
er’s principal instrument are included. These elements were familiar,
as they had also been represented in his father’s self-portrait of 1597.
Johan Theodore, moreover, stressed his Reformed beliefs by quoting John
8:51—Verily, verily, I say unto you, if a man keep my saying, he shall
never see death—as the answer to the rhetorical question posed in the
print after Hendrick Goltzius titled “Who can evade death?”, and by
including Psalm 139:21–22, which Calvin had used to underscore the
importance of divine hatred as a legitimate theological enterprise.2 Most
significantly however, Johan Theodore had added two piles of printed
and engraved sheets of paper representing the publication he was best
known for and most proud of: the collection of voyages, consisting of
the India Occidentalis- and India Orientalis-series. The title-pages to the
first volumes of both parts of the compilation are clearly recognisable,
and are as such a testimony to both the widespread familiarity of the
books, and the importance of the publications for the prosperity and
self-esteem of Johan Theodore, even halfway through a five-year period
when no new volumes of the collection appeared.
This portrait is one of many sources underlining the essential
value of the collection of voyages for the De Bry officina. The books
were further allocated the most important place on the firm’s poster
1
App. 1, nr. 158 [)()()(4v]. The engraver’s claim that he was fifty-four at the moment
he conceived the portrait is almost certainly an error, since 1563 is confirmed as his
year of birth in the Strasbourg archives.
2
Psalm 139:21–22 (“Do not I hate them, O Lord, that hate thee? [. . .] I hate them
with a perfect hatred”) is discussed by Calvin in his Commentary on the Book of Psalms,
see: M. Lieb, “ ‘Hate in heav’n’: Milton and the Odium Dei”, English Literary History
53–3 (1986) 525. My thanks go out to Ilja Veldman for drawing my attention to the
significance of the Biblical passages.

108 chapter four
Ill. 4. Portrait of Johan Theodore de Bry (1615)
catalogue, taking up almost half of the space of the original placard

of 1609. Even in their private lives, the De Brys derived much of their
identity from the monumental tomes on America, Asia, and Africa:
one of Johan Theodore’s two houses in Frankfurt was renamed ‘At the
Indian King’ when it came into his possession.3 Hence the officina and
the collection became inextricably intertwined. This is also evident in
testimonies of contemporaries. Carolus Clusius, in a letter written to
Lipsius in 1594, described Theodore de Bry as “the Frankfurt publisher,
who had produced some histories of America with illustrations”.4 In
the preface to Volume I of Boissard’s Antiquitates Romanae (1597), the
humanist Petrus Lepidus asserted that “there is nobody who has not
read the Indian voyages of Hans Staden, Girolamo Benzoni, Jean de
3
Bingsohn (1993) 21: “Zum Indianischen König”.
4
Iusti Lipsi Epistolae VII (1997) 90–91; Clusius to Lipsius (2/3/1594): “Typogliphus
quidam Francofurti est, qui aliquot Americae historias cum picturis in lucem
emisit”.

the making of the collection of voyages 109
Léry and others”, the authors whose accounts made up the recently
published Volumes III to VI of the America-series.5
The De Brys themselves were emphatically aware of the collection’s
reputation. They seized every opportunity to remind readers of the
splendour of the firm’s magnum opus, in an attempt to at once enhance
the artistic significance of other publications, and stimulate the sales
of the collection’s volumes. The preliminaries to the officina’s other
works provided them with the ideal platform to praise both themselves
and their attractive series of travel accounts. Theodore de Bry assured
his readers in 1592 that he had put as much effort in the making of
Emblemata nobilitati as in the volumes of voyages.6 In the quarto-edition
of Emblemata nobilitati, published in 1593, De Bry guaranteed anxious
customers that the time to make these ‘alba amicorum’ had not been
invested at the expense of future books on discoveries and expansion.7
In many volumes of the collection itself, readers were referred to maps
and journals in other volumes, to emphasise both the collective nature
of the works and the need for customers to add to their incomplete
sets of volumes.8 Others followed suit. Johan Schenck von Grafenberg
displayed his satisfaction that engravings to his Hortus Patavinus in 1608
had been provided by the illustrators of the books on Florida, and
those who opened Boissard’s Icones quinquaginta virorum illustrium (1597)
on the pages devoted to Columbus—the very first biographical account
of the first volume—were explicitly advised to read Volume IV of the
America-series.9
5
App. 1, nr. 34 [**4r]: “Nemo est qui non legerit Indicarum navigationum Stadii,
Benzoni, Lerii & aliorum, quas hic noster Theodorus eleganti narratione Latina non
tantum emisit in lucem, sed singula subiecit oculis delineata typis artificiosissimis, omnem
rerum gestarum seriem pulchro degerens ordine, tabulisque aheneis ingeniosissime
sculptis exprimens populorum barbarorum gestus, habitus, ac ritus”.
6
App. 1, nr. 8 [B1r]: “Welchen meinen Fleiß unnd Kosten in fürgetragenem Werck,
günstigerlieber Leser du also in aller gebür unnd wolgefallen auff unnd annemmen
wirst, wie dann biß anhero in allen meinen außgangenen neuwen Büchern von America
von dir günstlich beschehen ist”.
7
Ibidem [B1r–v]: “Und muß dich, guthertziger Leser, allhier ferners erinnern, weil
ich der Americanischen Historia eyngedenck, daß du es nit darfür haltest, als solte nu
hinfüro dieselbige Historien der newen Welt, dahinden bleiben, nicht follend außgeführt
oder continuirt werden”. Also: App. 1, nr. 10 [c3v–c4r].
8
Especially the (expensive) Ind.Or. III was often quoted as containing maps which
were instrumental to the understanding of other volumes, for instance Ind.Or. X (Lat)
[B2v] and Ind.Or. XI (Lat) [A2v].
9
App. 1, nr. 104 [A3r]. “. . . omniaque illius Floride Insule ornamenta . . .”; App. 1,
nr. 39 [G4r]. “Qui fusius de rebus ab eo gestis inquirere avet, legat Americanarum
rerum librum quartum à Theodoro de Bry elegantissimis iconibus illustratum, &

110 chapter four
These concerted demonstrations of entrepreneurial shrewdness are

understandable, as the fortunes of the family firm depended largely
on the success of its showpiece. In commercial terms the triumph
of the collection was in fact unsurpassed. In the final decade of the
sixteenth century, volumes of the collection accounted for sixty-one
percent of the total amount Jan Moretus spent on the De Brys’ books
at the Frankfurt fairs, declining only marginally in the next twenty years,
to fifty-seven and fifty-six percent for the first and second decades of
the seventeenth century respectively. Over the entire period between
1590 and 1623, fifty-seven percent of the money the De Brys received
from their Antwerp colleagues was generated by the volumes of the
collection (Fig. 1).10
Sales figures De Bry > Moretus (1590–1624)
200 all De Bry

publications
180
collection of
160 voyages
140
120
Brabant guilders
100
80
60
40
20
0
1590
1592
1594
1596
1598
1600
1602
1604
1606
1608
1610
1612
1614
1616
1618
1620
1622
1624
Fig. 1. Sales figures of all De Bry publications/collection of voyages (Arch.

MPM, nrs. 969–1037).
publicè in lucem editum”. In many other introductions, the collection was brought
to readers’ minds.
10
Arch. MPM 969–1037.

The figures for the years after 1600 are especially significant, as other
publications increasingly dominated the officina’s output. Whereas
the volumes of the collection made up well over forty percent of
the family’s new publications in the 1590s, this number dropped to
approximately thirty percent for the first ten years of the seventeenth
century. The production of new volumes came to a complete standstill
in Oppenheim between 1613 and 1618, when manuscripts presented
to Johan Theodore by the Heidelberg court required his full attention.
The combination of these figures indicates that the voyages continued
to be popular with an international readership well into the 1610s and
1620s, even though new volumes were not coming off the presses with
the speed and abundance of the 1590s. After the initial momentum of
the America-series, both parts of the collection, according to the Moretus
account books, enjoyed roughly the same popularity.
It is no mystery why the De Brys identified themselves with the collec-

tion of travel accounts, and why they were entitled to do so. Although
Johan Wechel and Sigmund Feyerabend were instrumental in the
project’s take-off, and members of the Republic of Letters regarded
Clusius, credited as the translator of the first three volumes of the Latin
America-series, as more than a mere collaborator,11 Theodore de Bry had
from the outset been the central figure in the publishing enterprise. It
was he who obtained the first accounts from Hakluyt; it was he who
requested the privileges from Rudolf II which were printed in several
early volumes of the collection, as a protection against plagiarism of
the costly material; and it was he who signed the prefaces and dedi-
catory letters of the volumes. The De Bry family name was the only
one to feature on all the collection’s title-pages. The monopoly on the
supervision of the collection, if not in place from the start, surely fell
to the De Brys after Feyerabend’s death in 1590 and Clusius’ departure
to Leiden in 1593.
Theodore and his sons nevertheless produced the collection with
the help of many employees and co-operators, and confined their own
contributions to obtaining and selecting the original narratives, engrav-
ing, co-ordinating the publishing and printing process of the books, and
writing—or merely signing—the prefaces and dedications. The making
11
Hunger (1927–43) II 173, 430; UBL, ms. Vulc. 101; Alexander Fugger to Clusius
(26/5/1593).

112 chapter four
of the volumes and the division of responsibilities will be discussed in

detail shortly. Yet it is the very conception of the collection, in the years
between 1587 and 1590, which best illustrates the monumental size and
the international aspirations of the project. The De Brys defined the
idiosyncratic format of the collection in this period, and did not modify
it until the last of the three family members died in 1623.
4.2. The collection conceived
The first strides towards the De Bry collection have been discussed
before,12 but recently discovered archival material sheds new light on
the beginning of the project in England in the late 1580s. It is widely
accepted that the geographer Richard Hakluyt was the mastermind
behind the plan to publish Thomas Harriot’s A briefe and true report
(1588) in different languages in order to stake English claims on the
New World province of Virginia. De Bry paid tribute to Hakluyt in the
preface to his English version of Harriot’s account, affirming that he
“first Incouraged me to publish the Worke”.13 Hakluyt almost certainly
provided De Bry with John White’s watercolours, and he personally
translated the paraphrases for the English edition of India Occidentalis I.
He was credited both in the collection, and in a letter by the pharma-
cist James Garet to Carolus Clusius from January 1589.14 Hakluyt also
successfully persuaded De Bry to open his collection with Harriot’s
account and White’s drawings rather than with the French reports on
adventures in Florida already in the goldsmith’s possession.15
While in England, De Bry acquired drawings of Florida by the
Huguenot artist Jacques le Moyne de Morgues, one among a limited
group of Frenchmen who had survived a Spanish onslaught in 1565
12
U. Kuhlemann, “Between reproduction, invention and propaganda: Theodor de
Bry’s engravings after John White’s watercolours” In: K. Sloan, A New World. England’s
first view of America (London 2007) 78–92; Greve (2004) 82 ff.; Quinn (1967) I 39–40,
II 547; Hulton and Quinn (1964) I 25–26; Hulton (1977) 10–12.
13
Ind.Occ. I (Eng) [***3v].
14
Ind.Occ. I (Eng) [d4r]. UBL, ms. Vulc. 101; Garet to Clusius (19/1/1589).
15
Ind.Occ. I (Ger) [“Den günstigen Leser Glück und Heyl”]: “Ferrner is diß Buch
[. . .] das erste welchs ich an den Tag kommen lasse, nach dem es meine gute Freunde
zum gedächtnuß der sachen, so newlichen verrichtet, von mir also begert haben, unan-
gesehen daß ich die Historien von der Florida unter handen hab, so billicher vorher
gehen solte, dieweil sie eine lange zeit zuvor von den Frantzosen, ehe die Landtschafft
Virginia von den Engelländern ist erfunden worden”.

and managed to return to the Old World unscathed. In the preliminar-

ies to Volume II of India Occidentalis, De Bry wrote briefly about his
meeting with Le Moyne at Blackfriars in London, and explained that
he had obtained the illustrations on the second attempt in 1588, after
Le Moyne himself had passed away.16 How the connection between
the two men was established, and whether Hakluyt played a role in
bringing them together is uncertain. The geographer was certainly
familiar with Le Moyne’s drawings, according to his introduction to
the English translation of René de Laudonnière’s adventures in Florida
(1587). Yet the first meeting between De Bry and Le Moyne may have
taken place earlier. De Bry did not elaborate on the issue, and could
have made the acquaintance of Le Moyne through the vibrant group
of Reformed immigrants in London, or through the goldsmith Merten
le Moisne, who had been Theodore’s guild brother in Antwerp, and
may have been related to the Huguenot artist.17
Regardless of the precise nature of the relationship between De Bry,
Hakluyt, and Le Moyne, it is evident that Hakluyt and several others
around the Elizabethan favourite Sir Walter Raleigh had a decisive
influence on the collection’s conception. A series of six letters written
to Carolus Clusius in 1589 and 1590 emphasises just how many Eng-
lishmen were involved in the project. The letters, written by Clusius’
friends James Garet and Richard Garth, show the participation of
both men in the making of Volume I of the De Bry collection.18 Their
activities ranged from translating accounts on Virginia from English
into Latin, something for which Clusius was exclusively credited on De
Bry’s title-pages, to providing the botanist with additional information
on the regions concerned. The letters further illustrate that others,
such as a certain Francis Rogers and Hakluyt himself, were actively
engaged in the collection’s conception, even after the De Brys had left
England.19
16
Ind.Occ. II (Lat) [a3rv]/(Ger) [a3v].
17
Zülch (1935) 468–69. The family connections between the Huguenot artist and
De Bry’s guild brother cannot positively be established.
18
UBL, ms. Vulc. 101 contains four letters by Garet (19/1, 28/7, 9/9/1589, and
28/8/1590) and two by Garth (8/7 and 20/12/1589). On Garet, Garth, and Clusius:
Quinn (1967) I 329, 337–40; R. Desmond, ed., Dictionary of British and Irish botanists and
horticulturists: including plant collectors and botanical artists (London and Totowa 1977) 245–46.
Garth († 1597) was a botanist in the diplomatic service, Garet († 1610) a London-based
apothecary and pharmacist. Both men exchanged seeds and plants with Clusius.
19
I have not been able to identify Francis Rogers. Perhaps it is a reference to Daniel
Rogers, another English correspondent of Clusius, and acquaintance of Garet and

114 chapter four
The first letter from Garet to Clusius makes the role of De Bry seem
rather peripheral. In January 1589, Garet only referred to him as “that
goldsmith”, while at the same time giving a detailed account of how
at least four different Latin translations of Harriot’s Briefe and true report
circulated. Rogers translated the first “treatise on Virginia” from Eng-
lish into Latin, and this version was now in Garet’s possession. Should
Clusius be interested in this copy, then Garet was willing to send it to
him. The second and third versions had already been sent to Frankfurt:
“that goldsmith” had been sent Hakluyt’s copy, while Clusius himself
received Garth’s translation, “for it was more accurate than the other
one”, presumably referring to Rogers’ version. The fourth and final
Latin version of Harriot’s account was Clusius’ own translation, which
had been used in England, for Garet promised to return it to Frankfurt.
Clusius’ private library still contained one of these Latin manuscripts at
his death in 1609.20 Garet also informed Clusius that Garth had already
translated the treatise on Florida “of the abovementioned Hakluyt”,
indicating that Hakluyt may have been closely engaged in India Occi-
dentalis II as well. Garth, still according to Garet, would send further
documents to Clusius: a printed account on Florida in French, almost
certainly De Laudonnière’s narrative, and two other books including
the travels of Sir Francis Drake to Santo Domingo and Cartagena.
Clusius received the large parcel on 1 March 1589.21
Richard Garth provided Clusius with another book on Virginia in
July.22 Five months later, Clusius also obtained the translated captions
to White’s engraved watercolours, perhaps to correct or modify them
Clusius’ close friend Hugo Morgan? See: J. A. van Dorsten, Poets, patrons and professors.
Sir Philip Sidney, Daniel Rogers and the Leiden humanists (Leiden 1962).
20
Infra, Ch. 10, p. 322.
21
UBL ms. Vulc. 101; Garet to Clusius (19/1/1589): “Jay livré le demie pacquet au
Sr francois rogia le quel avoit deia fait translaté le traité de virginia danglois en Latin
[. . .]. Mr Garthe [. . .] fait translaté pour le Juesne hacklet et ceste orfebre ou orgogne
at eu la coppye de Mr haklet. Je vous envoye celuy de Mr. Garfe car il est plus correct
que lautre. Je tiens lautre coppie en ma maison voyant que ung vous servira sil vous
plaist avoir lautre aussy je le vous envoyeraye car moy Je me scay que faire aussy Mr.
Garthe at fait translaté le traité en latin de la floride de le mesme hacklet [. . .]. Je vous
renvoye vostre coppie Latine que avez envoye Mr. Garte il vous envoye ausy ung traité
de la floride imprime en langue francoise [. . .] ausy il vous envoye deux autres livres
lung du voyage de Sr. F. draeck en Sta Dominge et Cartagene et aultres places quis
gaigna et ung aultre du dit Do Lisbone”.
22
UBL ms. Vulc. 101; Garth to Clusius (8/7/1589): “Mitto tibi duos libellos, quo-
rum alter de Virginia Provincia et eius commoditatibus tractat”. Garet confirmed the
successful delivery on 9 Sept.

before the work would go to the presses. Garth must have known the
De Brys personally, referring explicitly to Theodore and his sons in his
letter to Clusius.23 While the material steadily arrived in Frankfurt, the
De Brys called upon Sigmund Feyerabend to help them publish the
first volumes of the collection: in July both men requested the engraver
Jakob Kempener’s stay in Frankfurt to be prolonged, enabling him to
finish his work.24 Feyerabend’s contribution may have been a practical
necessity, as De Bry himself did not acquire Frankfurt citizenship until
1591. Feyerabend, in the preface to one of his own publications in 1589,
began to prepare potential customers for the forthcoming collection:
Although many books and histories have appeared in recent years about
such countries, their situation, their wealth and poverty, their strange cus-
toms, plants and animals [. . .] they have only been printed in foreign lan-
guages such as Spanish and Italian. Such books are written especially on
the Indies, New Spain, Peru, America, and Brazil.25
The first three volumes of the collection were to carry Sigmund Feyera-
bend’s name on the title-page.
Hence both in England and in Frankfurt, several parties were involved
in the build-up to the collection in 1589. It is unlikely that Feyerabend
was an insider to Hakluyt’s plans; the Englishmen seem to have been
in contact with Clusius and De Bry only. In the final letter of the series
of six, Garet thanked Clusius for sending him the French translation
23
UBL ms. Vulc. 101; Garth to Clusius (20/12/1589): “una cum praedicto virginiae
tractatu mitto tibi catalogum figurarum seu pictorarum quarundam ad eandem histo-
riam pertinentuit ex Anglico in latinum sermonum traductarum quas Theodorus de Bry
aurifaber & sculptor aetatis iam provectae una cum Floridae historia aere excidendas
et sculpendas hinc secum Francofurtum ad Moenu ubi hodie commoratur, ante annum
cum dimidio reportavit. Hunc catalogum ubi in illium bonum senem incideris aut in
eius filium, bene feceris, si cum illis communicare digneris”.
24
Zülch (1935) 409.
25
Preface to Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza’s Ein Neuwe, Kurtze doch warhafftige Beschreibung
deß gar Großmächtigen weitbegriffenen, bißhero unbekandten Königreichs China (Frankfurt 1589),
published by Feyerabend [)?(2v, erroneously signed )?(]: “Als seindt auch von solchen
Landen, deren Gelegenheit, Reichthumb, Armut, der Völcker ungewöhnliche Sitten,
Regiment, den wunderbarlichen Gewächsen, Thieren, und vielen andern zuvor ver-
borgenen Sachen viel Bücher unnd Historien [. . .] beschrieben und an Tag gegeben
worden [. . .] doch allein in frembden, als Hispanischer und Italianischer Sprachen
in Druck außgangen. So viel nun fast alle andere deßwegen, unnd sonderlich die
Mitnächtischen Indien, neuw Hispanien, Peru, Americam und Brasiliam belangende
beschriebene Bücher betrifft . . .”. On the influence of Mendoza’s account on the De
Bry collection: M. van Groesen, “A first popularisation of travel literature. On the
methods and intentions of the De Bry travel collection (1590–1634)”, Dutch Crossing
25–1 (2001) 110–12.

116 chapter four
of India Occidentalis I, but appeared aggrieved by De Bry’s decision

against dedicating this edition to Sir Walter Raleigh who, according to
Garet, would not be pleased. The apothecary’s sarcastic remark that
“he who published it” would probably not have a copy available for
Raleigh, was only a half-hearted attempt to contain his anger.26 At this
point, the involvement of Raleigh and Hakluyt in the collection came
to an end, and De Bry’s decision not to publish any of the following
volumes in French and English may well have been a direct result of
their withdrawal.
4.3. The collection produced
Although the making of the first volume is not representative of the

making of the collection as a whole, it does indicate that many people
with different skills contributed to the publication of a volume. Apart
from the co-operators already mentioned, Theodore de Bry employed
the engraver Gijsbert van Veen, and a translator known only as
Christian P.,27 and he used at least one design by Jodocus van Winghe.28
Theodore’s two sons unquestionably participated significantly in pro-
ducing of India Occidentalis I, and so did the printer Johan Wechel and
his staff. The following is a more systematic attempt to unravel how
the volumes of the collection came into being.
26
UBL ms. Vulc. 101; Garet to Clusius (28/8/1590): “Jay receu ausy le livre de
virginea en langue francoise dont je vous remercy beaucoup de foys. Je craigne que
celuy qui les a fait mettre en lumiere quil ne aura ung de Sr Walter Rawleyg car me
semble que le dit Rawleig est mal content que il a fait imprimer les dits livres sans
son advis”.
27
The title-page of Ind.Occ. I (Ger) only refers to Christ. P., yet the request for a
privilege to reprint the work in the early 1610s mentioned the full first name Christian.
The full first name, if correct, excludes one of the most likely candidates for translating
the account, Christoph Pezelius (1539–1604), a Reformed minister from Bremen who
was a client of William IV of Hesse and his son Maurice.
28
On De Bry and Van Winghe: V. Bücken, “Theodore de Bry et Joos van Winghe
à Francfort. Un exemple de collaboration entre peintre et editeur a la fin du XVIe
siècle”, Art & Fact nr. 15. Mélanges Pierre Colman (Liège 1996) 108–11; on Van Veen
(1562–1628): Thieme-Becker Allgemeines Lexikon der Bildenden Künstler (37 vols.; Leipzig
1907–50) XXXIV 175.

Selecting and obtaining travel accounts

Preciously little information is available on how the De Brys decided on
the suitability of travel accounts for inclusion in their magnum opus. The
differences between the original accounts which make up the twenty-five
volumes of the collection are such that it is impossible to compose a
definite set of criteria which served as a guideline for acquiring narra-
tives. Printed books and manuscripts, illustrated and non-illustrated texts,
colourful and more factual accounts, both brief and more elaborate,
and originally written in English, French, German, Spanish, Italian,
and Dutch; all were deemed appropriate for inclusion. As a result,
the collection covered most regions of the overseas world Europe had
‘discovered’. Recently published accounts became increasingly popular
under Johan Theodore and Johan Israel’s supervision, while their father
had relied on older and often re-published favourites such as the reports
of René de Laudonnière, Jean de Léry, Hans Staden, Ulrich Schmidel,
and Girolamo Benzoni.29
It is more fruitful to examine which accounts have not been included.
One of the treatises which was available to the De Brys, yet remained
outside the collection, was Bartolomé de las Casas’ Brevissima relación,
which they issued instead in German and Latin quarto-editions in
1598 and 1599.30 Las Casas, a Dominican friar and the first bishop
of Chiapas in New Spain, advocated the rights of American natives
and criticised the brutalities of his compatriots, inspiring fierce debate
in Spain. There are two possible explanations for why the De Brys
published this work separately: its expected popularity in Protestant
Europe could have called for a cheaper, more accessible quarto-edition.
Yet such an edition did not necessarily stand in the way of adding the
same work to the collection, as texts of which the De Brys published
both an expensive folio-edition and a cheaper version reveal. They
would probably have jumped at the opportunity to include such a
successful account, to enhance the popularity of their epic series even
further. The second, and more likely option is that the De Brys were
concerned about its controversial nature. Supporters of Las Casas’
opinions, like the Jesuit Jose de Acosta, were cautious about openly
29
See App. 2 for all the accounts included in the De Bry collection.
30
App. 1, nrs. 45 & 54. Hendrick Ottsen’s Iournael oft daghelijcx-register van de voyagie
na Rio de la Plata (Amsterdam 1603) was also issued separately, outside the collection,
yet at this point in time the Ind.Occ.-series had been concluded, and was not started
up again until 1618 (App. 1, nr. 83).

118 chapter four
siding with the Dominican.31 The collection as a whole might have

suffered from the selection of Las Casas’ work, perhaps resulting in an
entry on the Index of Forbidden Books. Such a risk would have been
considered unacceptable. Prudence of this sort, as has been argued in
Chapters 2 and 3, epitomised the De Bry firm’s publishing policy, and
extended to the collection of voyages.
The inclusion of accounts in the collection was also conditioned by
their availability. Given their combination of rapid overseas expansion
and assertive printing firms, the United Provinces formed a natural
source of adaptable reports for the De Brys. There were, broadly speak-
ing, two ways of acquiring original narratives, and the De Brys almost
certainly used both. The first, and presumably the preferred option, was
to get hold of textual and iconographic material through their network
of friends in the Republic of Letters. Relying on favours was cheap,
and usually increased the speed of the publication process, while the
possible side-effect of far-reaching interference of the benefactor prob-
ably did not bother the De Brys too much, as relations with Boissard
and, in the context of the voyages, Hakluyt and Raleigh suggest.
One man who provided the De Brys with travel accounts was the
Dutch physician and collector of rarities Bernardus Paludanus.32 Palu-
danus, a close friend of Clusius, played a crucial role in the making
of several India Orientalis-volumes. An important contributor to his
Enkhuizen neighbour Jan Huygen van Linschoten’s Itinerario, which
became the cornerstone of India Orientalis II, III, and IV,33 Paludanus,
not unlike Hakluyt, vied for international recognition of his work
and probably approached the De Brys around 1597. He contributed
31
After returning to Spain, Las Casas participated in open debates with Juan Ginés
de Sepúlveda about Spanish conduct in the Indies, and these discussions continued
until the end of the sixteenth century: L. Hanke, All mankind is one: a study of the disputa-
tion between Bartolomé de Las Casas and Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda in 1550 on the intellectual and
religious capacity of the American Indians (Dekalb 1974) esp. 133–35. De Bry’s name was
not mentioned on the title-page of App. 1, nr. 54. Greve (2004) 208–25 also concludes
that the De Brys did not risk alienating their Catholic clientele.
32
On Paludanus and his interest in voyages: R. van Gelder, “Paradijsvogels in
Enkhuizen. De relatie tussen Van Linschoten en Bernardus Paludanus” In: Idem,
J. Parmentier, and V. Roeper, eds., Souffrir pour parvenir. De wereld van Jan Huygen van
Linschoten (Haarlem 1998) 30–50. On his cabinet: E. Jorink, Het boeck der natuere. Nederlandse
geleerden en de wonderen van Gods Schepping 1575–1715 (Leiden 2006) 276–87.
33
Van Groesen (2001) 103–31. For a modern edition, see: H. Kern and H. Terpstra,
eds., Itinerario. Voyage ofte schipvaert van Jan Huygen van Linschoten naer Oost ofte Portugaels
Indien 1579–1592 (3 vols. [Werken van de Linschoten-Vereeniging, vols. LVII, LVIII,
and LX]; The Hague 1955–57).

extensively to India Orientalis III and IV in 1598, during a stay in and

around Frankfurt, and was lavishly praised for his assistance by the De
Bry brothers in the preface to Volume III.34 Staying in touch with the
publishers, he is the most likely supplier of Pieter de Marees’ observa-
tions on the Gold Coast for India Orientalis VI, and of several Dutch
journals for India Orientalis VIII. In both cases the De Brys testified to
having received the reports, before paying homage to an unnamed
patron in the Dutch Republic. In the latter instance the initials
B. P. B. M. D. of the author of the seven-page preface point to Palu-
danus’ involvement.35
Other people provided the same invaluable service to the De Brys.
Gotthard Artus von Dantzig, Frankfurt schoolmaster and the main
translator of the series of voyages between 1601 and 1620, almost
certainly supplied the travel account for Volume IX and the appendix
to Volume IX of India Orientalis. Although it was based on the diary
of Johan Verken, a German sailor in the service of the Dutch East
India Company, Artus featured prominently on the title-page as the
author and editor.36 Carolus Clusius may also have sent narratives to
Frankfurt. The report on the heroic Dutch expedition to Nova Zem-
bla was translated by Clusius from Dutch into Latin, and published
in Amsterdam in 1598. It appeared in the De Bry series the following
year, but Clusius’ direct involvement is unconfirmed. The two Latin
translations are not identical. Clusius certainly continued to discuss
European expansion with the De Brys, as a brief interlude in India
Occidentalis VIII demonstrates; the publishers paraphrased a letter they
34
The De Brys described him repeatedly as their “Herr und Förderer” (Ind.Or. III
(Ger) [)(4r]), or “guter Herr und Gönner” (Ind.Or. IV (Ger) [(^)2v]).
35
Ind.Or. VIIIapp. (Ger) [A3v–B2v]/Ind.Or. VIII (Lat) 6–12: the preface by
B[ernardus] P[aludanus] B[?] M[edicinae] D[octor], as suggested by Tiele (1867)
166. The remaining B[?] should probably be explained patronymically, but the name
of his father is unknown. The same text was reprinted as part of Ind.Or. XIII (Ger)
4–8; App. 1, nr. *79 [)(3r–v]: “Demnach denn uns newlicher Zeit durch einen guten
Herrn und Freundt diese gegenwärtige History oder Schiffahrt zweyer Schiffe in das
goltreiche Königreich Guinea gethan, so er von dem Autore selbst bekommen, unnd
in Niederländischer Sprach zu drucken sich bemühet, günstig uberschicket worden,
als haben wir für gut angesehen, solche in Hochteutscher Sprach unserm geliebten
Vatterlandt fürzutragen und männiglich mitzutheilen”.
36
There is only very little secondary literature on Gotthard Artus von Dantzig:
Deutsche Biographische Enzyklopädie (12 vols.; 1995 ff.) I 197; R. van Gelder, Het Oost-Indisch
avontuur. Duitsers in dienst van de VOC (Nijmegen 1997) 255; S. P. L’Honoré Naber, ed.,
Johann Verken Molukken-reise 1607–1612 (The Hague 1930) vi–vii.

120 chapter four
had received from the botanist, as clarification to the account of Walter

Raleigh’s search for Eldorado.37
The second option for obtaining material was to purchase selected
accounts from other booksellers. One colleague with whom the De
Brys had intensive commercial connections was Cornelis Claesz from
Amsterdam.38 Claesz was the leading publisher of travel literature in the
Dutch Republic around 1600, and ten voyages included in the De Bry
collection were first published in Dutch by his firm.39 The relationship
between Claesz and the De Brys must have been an ambiguous one. On
the one hand, they conducted business on a regular basis: Claesz was
a frequent visitor to the Frankfurt fairs, and his stock included copper-
plates and prints by at least one of the De Brys.40 Claesz’ successors
Dirck Pietersz Pers and Hendrick Laurensz even co-operated with Johan
Theodore for a small number of publications in the 1610s. On the other
hand, Claesz and the De Bry officina must have been the fiercest of
competitors. Claesz published Dutch editions of both Odoardo Lopez’
account of Congo and Las Casas’ work before the De Brys published
their German and Latin editions, thus catering for at least the Dutch
market, and possibly the erudite and multilingual share of the De Brys’
readership.41 Claesz’ best-selling titles, like Gerrit de Veer’s report of the
wintering at Nova Zembla, were so quickly reproduced by the De Brys
that one wonders if these editions were not aimed at the same group
of readers.42 The two firms sometimes even presented nearly identical
37
Ind.Occ. VIII (Lat) 13–14 (= [Bb3r–v]): “Nota. Nobilißimus & clarißimus Dn.
Carolus Clusius, suis literis nuper ad duos fratres de Bry Lugduno exaratis, com-
memorat se . . .”.
38
On Cornelis Claesz: Schilder (2003); Van Selm (1987).
39
Linschoten’s Itinerario (1596), De Veer’s account of Nova Zembla (1598), the
first voyage of De Houtman recorded by Willem Lodewijcksz (1598), the voyage of
Van Neck and Van Warwijck (1600), the circumnavigation by Van Noort (1602) and
the description of the Gold Coast by De Marees (1602) were all first published by
Claesz. The De Brys further used Claesz’ Dutch edition of four English narratives for
Ind.Occ. VIII. For a full list of voyages published by Claesz, see: Schilder (2003) pas-
sim; Tiele (1867).
40
Van Selm (1987) 217–19. The name Theodore de Bry, included in Claesz’ 1609
prints catalogue, could well refer to Johan Theodore, as all the other engravers listed
were still active at the time.
41
B. de las Casas, Spieghel der Spaenscher tyrannye, in West-Indien (Amsterdam 1596) and
O. Lopez and F. Pigafetta, De beschryvinghe vant groot ende vermaert Coninckrijck van Congo
(Amsterdam 1596).
42
On De Veer’s report, see J. D. Tracy, True ocean found. Paludanus’s letters on Dutch
voyages to the Kara Sea, 1595–1596 (Minneapolis 1980) 18–34. For a modern edition:
S. P. L’Honoré Naber, ed., Reizen van Willem Barents, Jacob van Heemskerck, Jan Cornelisz.

works at the very same Frankfurt fair, as was the case with two Latin
translations of Van Linschoten’s Itinerario in 1599.43
Unfortunately no information on relations between Cornelis Claesz
and the De Brys remains. Yet Claesz was known to co-operate with
several other booksellers in Holland for his publications, and may have
had some sort of commercial understanding with the De Brys as well.44
The intensity of the relationship and to some extent the dependence
of the De Brys on Claesz’ material become clear from the develop-
ments after the latter had died in 1609. Not only did the stream of
travel publications in the Dutch Republic come to an abrupt halt, so
did the appearance of new volumes of the De Bry collection. While
the untimely death of Johan Israel obviously also damaged the prosper-
ity of the De Bry officina, no fewer than eight of the total of thirteen
volumes of the collection of voyages first published between 1598 and
1609 were at least partly based on Claesz’ originals, thus making the
year 1609 an even more decisive watershed in the fortunes of the De
Bry family firm.
Translating and engraving

After acquiring suitable narratives, the editing procedure started in
earnest for the De Brys and their employees. Even when publishing
new volumes became something of a routine, the De Brys needed
twelve months at least from the moment they obtained a report until
the day of publication, as analysis of the manufacturing process, the
imprints, and the announcements in the Frankfurt fair catalogues shows.
Translating the travel accounts into German and Latin was the first
and probably most time-consuming step to be taken. On 25 March
1589—exactly one year before India Occidentalis I was published—Clusius
Rijp en anderen naar het noorden (1594–1597) verhaald door Gerrit de Veer II ([Werken van de
Linschoten-Vereeniging, vol. XV]; The Hague 1917).
43
Cf. infra, Ch. 7, pp. 229–31, and Ch. 8, pp. 257–58. Both were listed as new
publications in the Frankfurt fair catalogue of Q99 [B2r]; Fabian (1972–2001) V 465.
The Dutch edition was published with the imprint of the The Hague bookseller Aelbert
Hendricksz, but Claesz assisted his colleague in publishing and financing the work:
Van Selm (1987) 180. More or less the same can be observed for Willem Lodewijcksz’
journal, which Claesz had translated into Latin in 1598, three years before the Latin
edition of Ind.Or. III appeared in Frankfurt.
44
Van Selm (1987) 251–52, citing co-operative efforts with Jan van Waesberghe in
Rotterdam, for example for Olivier van Noort’s account of his circumnavigation, and
with Franciscus Raphelengius in Leiden.

122 chapter four
wrote to Camerarius that he was translating the account of Virginia.45

The work must have been in a state of near completion, as Clusius
had already sent an earlier version to England, and further had had
Garth’s translation at his disposal since 1 March.
In the 1590s the De Brys recruited several translators. Translation
in the early modern period was a creative process. Translators, often
semi-professionals like language teachers and clerics, ‘emulated’ texts in
various ways, especially modest prose texts like travel accounts, as will
be discussed in detail in Chapters 7 and 8.46 After Clusius’ departure
for Leiden, the Silesia-born Bilibaldus Strobaeus, long-term employee
Johan Adam Lonicer, and the Lutheran minister August Cassiodorus
Reyna co-operated regularly, while Oseam Halen, a former associate of
the Feyerabend firm, translated a single volume. From 1601 onwards the
task of translating accounts into both German and Latin was exclusively
performed by Artus, another Lutheran, perhaps even until the death
of Johan Theodore in 1623.47 Although the De Brys themselves did
not have any part in the translations, they must have worked together
closely with the likes of Clusius and Artus, as the process of engraving
required intimate knowledge of the contents of the travel accounts,
especially when the original journals did not contain readily modifiable
illustrations. The activity of translating therefore had to take place in
Frankfurt or, after 1609, in Oppenheim.
While the translator’s work was in progress, the copper engravings were
being made. Since the plates were the main asset of the collection,
the process of designing and illustrating should perhaps be considered
the most important step in its making. Apart from the modifications
to the accounts, the formal changes shaped the status of the volumes.
Hence the upgrading of the often cheaply produced original accounts
to folio-sized books, the translations from the vernacular into Latin, and
certainly the accumulation of skilfully made illustrations enhanced the
status of the volumes and their contents, and consequently the inter-
45
Hunger (1927–43) II 165.
46
Burke (2005b) 17–31.
47
Strobaeus, possibly referred to by Clusius in his letters to Camerarius as ‘Bilibaldus’
(Hunger (1927–43) II 172) translated Ind.Or. III, IV (Lat & Ger), and V (Lat). Lonicer
was responsible for the translations of Ind.Occ. III and the Latin version of Ind.Or. II.
Cassiodorus Reyna assisted the De Brys for Ind.Or. I and for Cavendish’s account for
Ind.Occ. VIII, and Oseam Halen translated Ind.Occ. II into German. For several volumes
the translator is unknown, most notably for the Latin Ind.Occ. IV, V, and VI.

est of readers.48 The De Brys did most of the engraving themselves,

although whether Johan Israel actively contributed is difficult to estab-
lish. Many volumes, including the ones published under the auspices
of Theodore de Bry, reveal different hands and styles of design.
Throughout the project, the De Brys received help from other
accomplished engravers. Gijsbert van Veen, in 1590, and later Georg
Keller were allowed to sign their work, a rarity in the collection, as
the De Brys never did so themselves, with the exception of India Occi-
dentalis I, where Theodore used the monogram TB. Keller’s use of his
monogram GK is not only testimony to his co-operation in the years
between 1602 and 1606, it also shows that he was almost exclusively
responsible for a certain type of illustrations, namely seascapes and
bird’s-eye views of naval battles. Of a total of fifteen engravings signed
by Keller, only one or perhaps two can be considered of ethnological
value.49 This is instructive in a broader perspective, as the De Brys could
have deliberately employed engravers such as Keller for specific artistic
assignments. Van Veen, Keller, and of course Merian were certainly
not the only engravers working for the De Brys,50 but because of the
particular skills of the publishers in this department, they required
relatively little assistance.
Arguably the most intriguing part of the engraving process was the
decision-making which preceded it. Whether simply to copy, or instead
omit, combine, separate or modify illustrations of the original accounts,
or whether to add completely new engravings, constituted the heart of
the editorial strategy, and will be discussed in detail in the following
chapters. It could have been done only by the De Brys who co-ordinated
the various tasks to be performed in the making of a volume. Some 260
48
R. Chartier, The order of books: readers, authors and libraries in Europe between the fourteenth
and eighteenth centuries (Cambridge 1994) 10–11; Grafton (2003) 192–93.
49
Ind.Or. VIII, ills. ix and xi. The latter could also be regarded as a seascape, yet
on the right of the engraving several inhabitants of Patani (Malaysia) are depicted.
See App. 3.
50
Keller seems to have been employed by the De Brys until at least 1613: Starp
(1958) 79; Dyroff (1962) 1251. Other engravers working for the officina in this period
included Robert Boissard (Van Groesen (2002) 213), Jacques Granthomme, Jakob de
Zetter, Eberhard Kieser (Starp (1958) 50), Elias Kiefer (Dyroff (1962) 1251), and pos-
sibly Esaias Hulsius (Zülch (1935) 479) and Simon Novellanus, yet their contribution
to the collection of voyages is all but certain. For Adam Elsheimer’s contribution to
Ind.Occ. IV, V, and VI, see: infra, Ch. 11, p. 365. The rather clumsy illustrations to
the voyages by members of the De Zetter family featured only after Johan Theodore
had died in 1623.

124 chapter four
of a total of around 590 engravings—a portion approaching forty-five

percent—were profoundly altered or newly invented by the Frankfurt
illustrators.51 Many of these constructions were based on familiar six-
teenth-century iconography. The De Brys routinely copied elements
from other prints and paintings, and relocated these artistically attrac-
tive scenes to the Orient or to the New World.52 This technique was
common practice in the early modern period, and may have helped
readers to understand the illustrations. Engravings that were worn down
through frequent print runs, or made by less talented employees and
did not meet the high stylistic standards of the De Brys, were replaced
at all times.53
The engravings designed in Frankfurt are recognisable when com-
pared to the iconography in the original accounts, and there are
additional elements setting the De Bry constructions apart from the
pictures copied or adapted from the printed source. While many of
the original illustrations, like John White’s watercolours and the illus-
trations to the reports by Van Linschoten, Lopez, and De Marees,
were reminiscent of contemporary costume books, the De Bry designs
were more dynamic. Many new engravings had a narrative character,
showing three consecutive stages of an anecdote described in the travel
account. These narrative compositions often enable identification of
De Bry designs in volumes for which there is no information on the
availability of iconographic material.
Although, for example, Jacques le Moyne provided designs for America
II, the engraving depicting the Timucuan practice of scalping is iden-
tifiable as a De Bry construction through its narrative structure.54 The
opening words to captions, in this and other volumes, offer another pos-
sibility to credit plates to the Frankfurt engravers. Captions commencing
with a phrase along the lines of “The history recounts that . . .” usually
51
These figures vary for the two translations. The Latin version contains 588, the
German version 595 illustrations. For some of the volumes, it is impossible to tell which
engravings have been constructed in Frankfurt, and which were based on material from
others, like for Ind.Occ. II. See App. 3.
52
Keazor (1998) 131–49; Sturtevant (1976) 417–54. J. P. Duviols, “Théodore de
Bry et ses modèles Français”, Caravelle 58 (1992) 7–16 argues the same for De Bry’s
edition of Las Casas.
53
Ind.Or. IX, ills. iii, iv, vi, ix, x, and xii were all newly engraved for the Latin edition,
after the initial plates which feature in the German version (by the De Zetters?) were
considered of insufficient quality. Five of the six engravings were mirrored.
54
Ind.Occ. II, ill. xv. See: J. Axtell and W. C. Sturtevant, “The unkindest cut, or who
invented scalping”, The William and Mary Quarterly 3rd series, 37 (1980) 451–72.

denote the plate’s invention in the De Bry workshop. Other textual

indicators of De Bry-constructed representations include the phrase,
anywhere in the relevant caption, that the illustration was “derived
from the account”.55 In combination with existing images, the newly
constructed engravings formed new iconographic sequences which could
alter the overall impression readers had of the overseas world.
The captions
When the translations and engravings were finished, the next task to
be fulfilled was one already briefly alluded to above, one exclusively
performed for the De Bry collection. Since the images only came at
the end of each volume, summaries in the form of captions were writ-
ten to explain the depicted themes.56 The resulting format was clearly
successful as it was sustained until the death of Johan Theodore, with
the single exception of India Occidentalis III, where illustrations were
incorporated into the text. The reasons to separate the text from the
engravings, quite uncommon for the De Brys and for early modern
illustrated books in general, can be manifold. The intended emphasis
on the engravings may have played a role, while the chances of inac-
curacies were probably somewhat smaller. Texts and plates overlapped
in India Occidentalis III, more systematically than in other volumes; a
symptom of carelessness on the printer’s behalf which Theodore de
Bry detested.57
The format had other advantages. For a firm which was to become
widely known for its emblem books, the format appears remarkably
emblematic, sharing that genre’s typical tripartite structure of inscriptio,
55
For example: Ind.Occ. II, ill. xi (Ger): “In dem kurtzen Historischen Außzug, der
Andern Schiffahrt, ist angezeygt worden, . . .”/(Lat): “In secundae Navigationis com-
pendio dictum est, . . .”; Ind.Occ. II, ill. xlii (Ger): “Im Außgang dieser Historien haben
wir eines, Peter Cambie genannt, Meldung gethan . . .”/(Lat): “Petri cuiusdam Gambie
in Compendio meminimus, . . .”. Much of this helpful idiom was more current in the
German captions than in their Latin counterparts.
56
Ind.Occ. I (Eng) 4: “Addinge unto every figure a brief declaration of the same,
to that ende that everye man cold the better understand that which is in livelye rep-
resented”.
57
Referring to another volume in which a similar problem occurred, De Bry wrote
of his disgust with the copper printer’s carelessness. Lempertz (1853–65) nr. 15; De Bry
to Raphelengius (19/9/1595): “Vous trouveres lesdit figurs fort mal imprimee pource
que L’imprimeur nat point netoie les plaet, et nat Heu le temps pour La grand bessong
quillat entre les mains” (Giuseppi 1915–17, 220).

126 chapter four
pictura, and subscriptio. The emblematic format may well have been a
commercially driven gesture to readers in a period when the popularity
of emblem books was unrivalled. The terminology used by the publish-
ers, and the process of adaptation of the separated engravings in the
collection of voyages closely resembled the making of the firm’s emblem
books of the 1590s.58 For later volumes of the collection, the format
may have come to be regarded as a trademark. Finally the arrange-
ment may have enabled the De Brys to sell the illustrations separately
or as a set, without the textual accounts, or to use them as placards
outside their Frankfurt shop. It is uncertain whether they did sell the
engravings separately or used them instead as an inducement to sell
entire volumes, hence increasing the revenues in absolute terms. Some
sets of illustrations generated more print-runs than the corresponding
texts, but no separate purchases of the illustrations are documented.59
Only Merian’s stock catalogue of 1643 reveals that, at that point, some
of the firm’s illustrations were for sale as separate items.60
The captions were either copied from the original narratives, or more
often paraphrased and hence purpose-made texts. They were the work
of the officina itself when there was either no time to obtain the pro-
jected paraphrases or no one available to meet the publisher’s request.
Yet finding prominent humanists willing to write captions, and thus
contribute to the collection, was the preferred option. Although the
example of asking Lipsius to enhance the commercial value of one of
58
Van Groesen (2001) 120–24; Gossiaux (1985) 122–24.
59
Although no separate engravings or sets of engravings have been found, and the
engravings were not sold separately as a rule, several elements point to the incidental
sale of the engravings alone. The engravings of some volumes have been (re-)printed
more often than the texts, and thus some copies have first-edition texts accompanied
by second-edition illustrations. This is the case with Ind.Occ. X (Lat). Whereas three
different versions of the illustrations were printed (first state: BL 215.c.15 (6), Thys.
708 II; second state: Wellcome Library, London 1135; third state: BL c.115.h.4 (2); BL
G6630 (1); BL 579.k.16 (2); MPM 423 II), the texts are identical. The same can be
said for Ind.Or. II (Lat), where the illustrations have two states and the texts are again
identical (BL G6609 (2) vs. MPM 439). The differences in states of volumes of the
same edition have been established by using the so-called STCN-fingerprint method
(P. C. A. Vriesema, “The STCN-fingerprint”, Studies in bibliography XXXIX (1986)
93–100). Also: Stevens (1939) 8: “Copies vary in the number of reprinted leaves they
contain, a fact which tends to show that De Bry reprinted only such leaves as were
from time to time required to perfect his existing stock.” Title-pages of books were
regularly used as advertisements: Christadler (2004) 48, Richter (1984) 42–43.
60
Catalogus omnium librorum (1643) 11: “Quaedam Tabulis Aeneis expressae figurae
majores, quae separatim venduntur”.

the firm’s publications springs to mind,61 it is uncertain whether a similar

motive conditioned the collaboration of scholars to the collection of
voyages, as no references were made to their contributions. The reputa-
tion of the caption-writers was nonetheless something to be proud of.
Franciscus Raphelengius composed captions for at least two volumes
of the collection. In September 1595, Theodore de Bry sent him
. . . 28 pieces of the third and final part of the account of the Indies men-
tioned before, on the back of which you will find the chapter of each, so
that you can much easier find the discourse of the mentioned ‘portraits’. I
request from you most kindly to make the descriptions for each history, in
the manner in which you have done for the earlier one(s).62
Raphelengius’ contributions must be regarded as a testimony to a
long-standing friendship established in Antwerp, since the two men
were both aiming for success in the competitive early modern book
market, and the assistance of one publisher to another’s magnum opus
was exceptional.63 Other humanists writing explanatory prose for the
collection included Paludanus and Clusius, who on at least one occa-
sion shared the responsibility for delivering texts and possibly captions
to the De Brys. In a letter from Clusius to Paludanus written in March
1601, the former reported that
I have sent those treatises on the Strait of Magellan and the Moluccas to
the De Bry brothers as well; therefore I do not doubt that either those you
have sent, or these that were sent by me, will have arrived safely in their
hands, although they have not so far expressed anything.64
61
Supra, Ch. 2, pp. 74–75.
62
Lempertz (1853–65) nr. 15; De Bry to Raphelengius, September 1595: “. . . avesc
ie vous envoie De rechiff 28 pies Du 3e et Denir livre Des Dit indes ou troveres sur
Le derire chascun chapitre, affin que vous poves trover tant plus surement Le Discours
Des Dit portraict. Vous pryant bien afectueusement De faire Les escripteur sur chascun
Histoire selon Lordinaire que votre Sr at faict az aultre” (Giuseppi 1915–17, 220). The
letter refers to Ind.Occ. VI, the third volume based on the account of Benzoni. De Bry’s
rusty French makes it impossible to establish if “az aultre” refers to one or more earlier
volumes. That Raphelengius was the letter’s recipient is stated by Lempertz who saw
the original letter now lost.
63
Van Groesen (2004) 38–40.
64
A. Berendts, “Carolus Clusius (1526–1609) and Bernardus Paludanus (1550–1633).
Their contacts and correspondence”, LIAS. Sources and documents relating to the early modern
history of ideas 5–1 (1978) 61; Clusius to Paludanus, March 1601: “Tractatus illos de
freto Magellanico, atque de Moluccis Insulis misi etiam fratribus de Bry: itaque non
dubito quin vel quos misisti, vel qui a me missi, recte ad eos pervenerint, tametsi illi
nondum quidquam significarint”.

128 chapter four
“Those treatises” in all likelihood formed the contents of India Orientalis

V, which appeared at the autumn fair, or the appendix to India
Occidentalis IX, first published in early 1602.65 The active involvement of
Raphelengius, Paludanus, and Clusius confirms the close ties between
the De Brys, their collection, and the emerging circle of scholars in the
Northern Netherlands.
The captions were an instrumental part of the editorial strategy, and
the De Brys thoroughly checked them before publication. The illustra-
tions were numbered, and connected together textually so as to form
narrative cycles summarising the traveller’s report. The publishers made
sure that the first words of a caption referred to the last few words of
the previous one, thus constructing the impression that the two passages
were interconnected. When, for example, Dutch navigators on their way
to the Strait of Magellan left West Africa, where they had encountered
the indigenous ruler at Cape Lopez, the captions in the De Bry transla-
tions made a textual bridge between passages that were not consecutive
chapters in the original account, written by the ship’s physician Barent
Jansz.66 This type of modification can be observed time and again in
the De Bry collection, albeit often in a more straightforward form, with
words like “also” or “hereafter” connecting the caption to the previous
plate.67 The rhetorical ploy of linking the plates together allowed the
publishers to emphasise certain chapters of the account at the expense
of other parts which they considered less interesting.
A related editorial and rhetorical adjustment was picking the first
and last engravings in the sequence of plates, as these were most likely
to leave a lasting impression on readers. The De Brys regularly opted
to place the compositions they had constructed in Frankfurt into these
influential slots. America IV, the first volume containing parts of Girolamo
65
With regard to ‘those treatises’, Clusius and Paludanus could have been perform-
ing the same task as Raphelengius had in 1595. Other assignments for which the De
Brys may have singled out humanists such as translating and proof-reading had to take
place in Frankfurt. For Ind.Or. V, the translation was ascribed to Bilibaldus Strobaeus.
66
Jansz (1600) [C4r–v]; Ind.Occ. IX, ills. xix and xx. See: M. van Groesen, “Barent
Jansz. en de familie De Bry. Twee visies op de eerste Hollandse expeditie ‘om de West’
rond 1600”, De zeventiende eeuw 21–1 (2005) 43–47.
67
A prime example can be found in the first three captions to engravings in Ind.Or.
IX app., all beginning with the phrase “After the inhabitants of the Banda Islands . . .”
referring to matters related in the previous plate: Ind.Or. IX app., ills. i, ii, and iii
(Ger): “Als die Innwohner der Bandischen Inseln . . .” (i), and “Demnach die Inwohner
der Bandischen Inseln . . .” (ii and iii)/(Lat): “Postquam Bandicarum insularum inco-
lae . . .” (i, ii, and iii).

Benzoni’s critical assessment of Spanish conduct in the New World,

thus ended with a ceremony on Hispaniola depicting everything that
was viewed as abhorrent about indigenous paganism.68 Even India Ori-
entalis IV, the volume focusing on Asia’s natural world, commenced with
engravings which were certain to wet the appetite of readers hoping for
marvellous tales. Unlike many of the remaining plates which depicted
the spices and herbs of the Orient, the volume’s first four illustrations
disclosed the wildness of the unfamiliar animals abroad. The opening
plate offered a graphic delineation of a Dutch sailor whose leg had been
bitten off by a shark (ill. 5).69 Hence the captions, and the sequence of
illustrations they presented, became a powerful instrument for advanc-
ing more fitting representations of the overseas world.
Printing
Over the period of thirty-three years between 1590 and Johan
Theodore’s death in 1623, the De Brys employed only a limited num-
ber of printers. After Johan Wechel died in 1593, the De Brys relied
on the services of Johan Feyerabend and Johan Saur until 1599, and
thereafter used the presses of Matthias Becker and Wolfgang Richter
for nearly a decade. Hieronymus Galler enjoyed the exclusive role of
printing De Bry titles in the Palatinate, having followed Johan Theodore
to Oppenheim in 1609.70 Selecting a new printer suited to the specific
demands of the De Brys was a self-regulating process. When Johan
Feyerabend died, Wolfgang Richter obtained two of his five presses.
Matthias Becker was employed by Saur, before he and his son of the
same name started an independent printing enterprise in 1598. After
the death of the last member of the Becker dynasty in 1612, his widow
and her second husband Paul Jacobi continued working with Johan
Theodore de Bry.71 Only after returning to Frankfurt in 1619, did
the firm start using different presses on a regular basis, perhaps in an
68
Ind.Occ. IV, ill. xxiv.
69
Ind.Or. IV, ills. i–iv.
70
On Richter, Becker, and Galler: J. Benzing, Die Buchdrucker des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts
im deutschen Sprachgebiet (2nd rev. ed., Wiesbaden 1982) 129, 130, and 367 respectively.
See also: G. Richter, “Konzessionspraxis und Zahl der Druckereien in Frankfurt a. M.
um 1600. Zugleich ein Beitrag zur Gründungsgeschichte der Offizinen Balthasar Lipp
und Wolfgang Richter”, Archiv für die Geschichte des Buchwesens XXVII (1986) 131–57;
Benzing (1969) 590–642.
71
Richter (1986) 143–44, 149; Starp (1958) 49.

130 chapter four
Ill. 5. Ind.Or. IV, ill. i

attempt to ease the widespread economic hardship after the outbreak

of the Thirty Years’ War.
Although the De Brys were not always pleased with the efforts of
their printers, the long-term nature of these publisher-printer relation-
ships indicates mutual satisfaction. The association between the De Brys
and the Becker family appears to have been particularly intimate: on
a personal level, Johan Israel was godfather to one of Matthias Becker
the Younger’s sons in 1599,72 and on a business level, the Beckers were
entrusted with more responsibilities than other printers, requesting per-
mission from the Frankfurt authorities for printing books of the De Bry
firm,73 and even selling copies of a De Bry publication to Jan Moretus
in September 1604.74 This was not uncommon, as printers sometimes
received as pay a number of copies of the books they printed.
The relationship between the De Brys and Wolfgang Richter was
also beneficial, but for different reasons. Richter, a Catholic and an
associate of the printer Nicolaus Stein, was a client of the Archbishop
of Mainz. In 1614, he replaced Stein as the printer of the Catholic
catalogue of newly published titles at the Frankfurt fairs.75 From 1603
onwards the De Brys regularly had specific works printed at Richter’s
presses, in some cases with dedications to the archbishop, presumably
in the hope of ensuring inclusion of the books in the Catholic fair
catalogues, which were initiated at this time and probably first appeared
in 1605. These efforts must be considered the main reason for Richter’s
sudden rise to prominence in relation to the De Bry firm. He printed
more De Bry titles than Becker in the years 1603, 1604, and 1606,
including all Latin volumes of the voyages. To illustrated publications
like the two series of travel narratives, engravings were added after the
text had been printed. Hans Eckenthaler was employed for this task
from before 1608 until at least 1620. Eckenthaler, like Becker, was a
trusted employee of the De Brys, and represented the firm in dealings
with the Officina Plantiniana in 1615 and 1616.76
72
StAFr., Geburtsbuch 1597–1605, f71v.
73
StAFr., ZBBP 24, f74v–75r (27/1/99), for App. 1, nr. 55.
74
Arch. MPM 189, f55r; 759, f74v–75r; App. 1, nr. 85. Here the De Brys personally
requested permission for publication: StAFr., ZBBP 54, f31r (27/4/1604).
75
Brückner (1962) 86.
76
Arch. MPM 1021 (Q16), f24r: “Noter que i’ay [ Jan II or Balthasar Moretus, MvG]
rendu a Hans Eckenthaller imprimeur de [ Johan] Theod. de Bry le tomelet de noir
pour laisser doulcer: lequel en foire de Sept. 1615 deluy a nous achepte a la parolle du

132 chapter four
Different copies of the collection reveal some of the practicalities of

the printing process. The increasingly bad state of the German book
trade after 1618 is especially obvious, as the quality of the paper used
in this period is consistently poor. Most of the differences between
existing copies, however, seem to have been intentional rather than
a result of changing circumstances. Under the supervision of Johan
Theodore and Johan Israel in particular, a tendency to make volumes
cheaper and thus more accessible is noticeable. Between 1602 and
1605, five quarto-versions of translated travel accounts were published
in German, in addition to their folio-size equivalents.77 Abridgements
of the America-series appeared in 1617, and again in 1631 and 1655.
A similar synopsis of the India Orientalis-series was announced on the
poster catalogue of the firm before 1620, but was not published until
the late 1620s by William Fitzer.
It is almost impossible to establish how many copies of a volume were

produced in one print-run. The number of editions, ranging from two
to six for the various De Bry volumes, does not provide the answer to
the actual number of copies printed, and only indicates a persistent
demand for the voyages well into the 1620s. Print-runs of the Latin
and German editions may have diverged, if one of the two translations
attracted more interest. The evidence on print-runs of comparable travel
narratives in this period is equally marginal. The Frankfurt bookseller
Levinus Hulsius elaborated on this matter in 1602 when he boasted that
all 1,500 copies of the third volume of his collection of voyages had
sold out rapidly, but the De Brys never disclosed this sort of informa-
tion.78 Jan Huygen van Linschoten acquired all remaining copies of
his own Itinerario from Cornelis Claesz’ estate in 1610. Fourteen years
after its initial appearance, sixty copies were left waiting on the shelves
of the bookshop.79 Like the De Bry volumes, the Itinerario was a richly
illustrated publication issued in folio, but the auction of Claesz’ back
catalogue still does not reveal the original number of copies printed.
de Bry susdict . . .”. Also: Arch. MPM 760, f73v–74r. Johan Theodore was godfather to
Hans Eckenthaler’s son in August 1608: StAFr., Geburtsbuch 1606–16, f76v.
77
Infra, Ch. 11, pp. 346–47.
78
Steffen-Schrade (2004) 168. For Hulsius’ collection of voyages, cf. infra, Ch. 11,
pp. 346–52.
79
V. Roeper, “D’Hollandtsche Magellaen. De wereld van Jan Huygen van Lin-
schoten” In: Idem, R. van Gelder, and J. Parmentier, eds., Souffrir pour parvenir. De wereld
van Jan Huygen van Linschoten (Haarlem 1998) 26; Van Selm (1987) 179.

Estimates generally state that most printed titles in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries were issued in editions of 1,000 to 1,500 cop-
ies. Editions were seldom smaller than 500 copies and almost never
exceeded 2,000 copies, as smaller quantities meant larger costs per
copy, and large numbers required significant investments. In both rela-
tive and absolute commercial terms, it was therefore advantageous to
produce editions of 1,000 to 1,500 copies, keeping prices low for both
publishers and customers. Almost two-thirds of the books published by
Jan Moretus in Antwerp in the 1590s were issued in such numbers,
although his print-runs averaged 1,550.80 The Officina Plantiniana,
however, had more financial muscle than the De Bry firm, especially in
the 1590s when the De Brys began their business. Given their folio size
and the amount of paper required, the volumes of voyages required
huge investments, and the De Brys may not have reached the average
runs of the Antwerp publishers.
The print-runs of the De Bry volumes were more acutely determined
by the engravings, as the fine lines of copperplates gradually wore
away after intensive use. Plates could then be reworked or, in the case
of the De Bry collection, replaced altogether as demonstrated by later
editions of the volumes as well as by the abridgements. It is generally
estimated that a new plate cut by a good engraver could yield up to
2,000 engravings, providing it was properly looked after. But estimates
vary drastically: printers and their associates in Antwerp in the 1580s
maintained that plates were worn out after 1,000 or, at most, 1,500
impressions. At the same time, in Southern Europe, estimated figures
reached 4,000. Close analysis of the payment records for the title-plate
of Caesar Baronius’ Annales ecclesiastici, one of the most popular books
printed by the Officina Plantiniana, reveals that these numbers still may
be too conservative. The skill to rework plates and make them look ‘as
new’ quickly spread among copper engravers in the early seventeenth
century. The resulting illustrations were not of immaculate quality, but
were acceptable for printers and customers alike.81 Using the highest
contemporary estimate of 4,000 in want of a better figure, then, two
German and two Latin editions of a single De Bry volume could each
have had print-runs of up to 1,000 copies.
Gaskell (1995) 160–63. Voet (1969–72) II 169–73.

80
K. L. Bowen and D. Imhof, “18,257 Impressions from a plate”, Print Quarterly

81
XXII-3 (2005) 265–79; Gaskell (1995) 158.

134 chapter four
Obtaining patronage and permission for publication

While humanists were engaged in explaining the themes depicted, and
printers were printing parts of the books already finished, the publishers
themselves focused on the practical and commercial side of the project.
Permission for publication and official privileges to protect the works
from being pirated by others were usually obtained between six and
three months before the books came onto the market, with the grant-
ing of privileges usually taking slightly longer than the routine local
task of obtaining permission for publication. Lucrative attempts to find
a favourable patron, to emphasise both the splendour of the volumes
and the position of the affluent benefactor as a cultural mecenas, were
undertaken simultaneously.
Finding suitable patrons was imperative for the viability of early
modern publishing firms. Whereas the De Brys dedicated some of
their works to friends in the Reformed community in Frankfurt and
Oppenheim in the early 1590s and 1610s respectively, as was discussed
in the previous chapters, only princes and sovereigns were regarded as
appropriate patrons for volumes of the collection. The first two vol-
umes of the America-series testify to a meticulous process of selecting
and approaching suitable dedicatees. Elector Christian I of Saxony was
honoured in the German edition of India Occidentalis I, and in the Latin
version of India Occidentalis II. Rhinegrave William, Count of the Palati-
nate, was likewise praised and thanked in the French India Occidentalis
I, the German India Occidentalis II, and the Latin India Occidentalis III.
Frederick IV, the Elector Palatine, was also repeatedly the recipient of
the De Brys’ appreciation.
This careful policy must have benefited both the publishers and their
patrons. The De Brys were able to stress their continued allegiance to
important benefactors, while the patronage and elevation of the princes
involved was made known to different sections of the international
reading public. The strategy of finding different patrons for different
volumes in different languages further explains why the De Brys found
no opportunity to honour Sir Walter Raleigh other than in the English
India Occidentalis I, to the dissatisfaction of James Garet. Dedications
sometimes had an obligatory feel: descendants or family members of
those who had once received a dedication were reminded of these earlier
acts of patronage. Ludwig IV of Hesse-Marburg, for instance, when
it was his turn in 1601 for America IX, was pointed to the dedication

his nephew Maurice had earlier accepted.82 Readers were thus given
the impression that noble dynasties across the Empire wholeheartedly
supported the collection and its contents.
Landgrave Maurice of Hesse-Kassel was the most recurrent and
probably most esteemed mecenas of volumes of the De Bry collection.
He sponsored the family firm on two levels. Firstly, he was a patron in
the traditional mould, paying the sum of 56 Reichsthaler and a gilded
goblet for being revered in the “seven books of America” in 1597.83
Secondly, he ordered a luxurious copy of the first three India Occidentalis-
volumes, bound in velvet, which earned the publishers another twenty
Reichsthaler, an amount which in all likelihood more than covered the
costs of manufacturing such a copy.84 It is likely that the De Brys put
additional efforts into these extraordinary, prestigious volumes, and
this may explain some of the beautifully coloured copies of the col-
lection still surviving in several academic libraries.85 Although it was
not uncommon for patrons to wield influence on the subject matter of
works appearing in their name, they did not exert such pressure, either
implicit or overt, in relation to the De Bry collection.
For the highest possible grade of commercial protection of their interna-

tionally orientated volumes, the De Brys sought to obtain privileges from
the Imperial authorities in Prague. They obtained their first privilege
in 1590, for a period of four years, and included it in several America-
volumes.86 Later the De Brys often contented themselves by referring
to the “privilegio Rom. Keys. Maj.” in small print on the title-pages.
82
Ind.Occ. IX (Ger) [(?)3r]. The same thing also happened for other publications of
the De Bry firm. In the dedication to App. 1, nr. 147 [(:)4r], Frederick V was persuaded
to accept the dedication, as his father had been a trustworhty patron for many of the
family’s publications: cf. supra, Ch. 3, p. 95.
83
C. von Rommel, Geschichte von Hessen VI (Kassel 1837) 508–09: “. . . weil er Ihr
F. G. America in 7 Büchern begroffen dedicirt”. Not all seven volumes contain dedica-
tions to the Landgrave though.
84
HStAM, 4b 265, f23r (7/5/1594): “Es soll unser Cammerdiener, dem Buchdrucker
in Franckfurt Theodoro de Brij vor die beschreibung der dreijer Landtschafften
Virginiae, Brasiliae et Floridae, so ehr uns uff begeren In Sammat binden lassen, undt
anhero uberschickt, 20 Rt zu 27 alb. zustellen, undt uns herauff berechnen”.
85
For instance: UBL 1368 A 8–10 (Lat); KB 1712 A 12 (Ger). See: S. Dackerman,
“Painted prints in Germany and the Netherlands” In: Idem, ed., Painting prints. The
revelation of color (Baltimore 2002) 26–28.
86
Ind.Occ. II (Ger) [a4r], Ind.Occ. III (Lat) [a4v], and Ind.Occ. IV (Ger) [A2v].

136 chapter four
Privileges could be obtained for first editions, but also for reprints, and
the De Brys did both. Although acquiring these ‘privilegia impressoria’
was often little more than a formality, it could sometimes prove to be
a stumbling block. In the autumn of 1612, Johan Theodore requested
permission to prolong the privilege for the German editions of India
Occidentalis I and India Orientalis I. Yet the Imperial commission was wary
of the De Brys and their collection of voyages, which they apparently
perceived as a hostile publication.87 According to the imprints, new
editions of the opening volumes did not re-appear in German until
1620 and 1625 respectively.
Very few of these official requests remain,88 and since not all the
title-pages contain the brief statement, it is uncertain if a privilege was
obtained for every single volume. Early modern German publishers
in general requested Imperial privileges for fewer than one percent
of their titles,89 and the repeated requests by the De Brys—for much
more than one percent of their stock—again affirm the commercial
expediency of the officina. The collection was by all accounts sufficiently
protected from plagiarism, as the elaborate copper engravings were too
complicated and too expensive to copy for most other contemporary
publishers, thus safeguarding the copyright of the De Brys. Theodore
de Bry further warned potentially malevolent colleagues in the preface
to India Occidentalis I that he had added “several secret marks” to his
engravings, which made copying the illustrations illegitimately even
more hazardous.90 No cases of plagiarism related to the collection of
voyages are known.
Whereas both dedications and Imperial privileges were a luxury
rather than a necessity, official permission from territorial authorities was
a sine qua non for publication. Extensive numbers of so-called ‘censurae’
87
Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen XX (1899) II nr. 17172. Written by the
censors, in dorso: “Ist wohl aufzusehen, sintemahl dise Calvinisten zu verklainerung
unser catholischen religion und des hochlöblichen hauss Osterreich, in Hispanien
wunderbarliche Indianische historias beschreiben”.
88
Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen XX (1899) II nrs. 17346, 17363, and
17389.
89
H.-J. Koppitz, “Die Privilegia impressoria des Staatsarchivs in Wien”, Gutenberg-
Jahrbuch (1994) 197.
90
Ind.Occ. I (Ger) [“Den günstigen Leser Glück und Heyl”]: “Dann in meinen
Bildnussen sind etliche heymliche Marckzeichen verborgen, welche, so sie nicht
gebürlicher weise angemerckt, eine grosse verwirrung verursachen werden”. Possible
revelations of these ‘secret marks’ are found in Faupel (1989), for example 37–38 and
40–41 (Ind.Occ. I, ills. x and xi resp.).

surviving in the Frankfurt city archives give a good indication of the

regularity of the censorship procedure at the heart of the early modern
book trade.91 If a volume of the collection contained more than one
travel account, the permission to publish translated versions of these
works had to be acquired separately, for example in the case of the
two reports for India Orientalis VII.92 Intriguingly, from 1601 onwards,
permissions to print new volumes of the collection were granted on
behalf of the city by Gotthard Artus.93 Having first translated the books
he was asked to censor, Artus’ role on a municipal level must have been
extremely convenient for the De Brys, speeding up the process of getting
the green light for publication. Although the Imperial book commis-
sion, from the 1590s onwards, also sought to control the publication of
new works, its efficacy in Frankfurt and certainly in the Palatinate was
limited. If a publisher received permission from the urban authorities,
nothing stood in the way of a title’s publication.
91
StAFr., ZBBP 16, 20, 24, 36–37, 41–42, 46, 48–49, 52, 54–55.
92
StAFr., ZBBP 54, f33v and f34v, for the works of Balbi (12/12/1604) and Van
Spilbergen (23/2/1605) respectively.
93
StAFr., ZBBP 36, nr. 62 is the first time Artus is named as the censor (Oct./Nov.
1600). He continued to oversee the De Bry volumes well into the second decade of
the seventeenth century. A typical approval was written thus (ZBBP 37, nr 12; not
dated, but probably referring to Ind.Occ. IX (Ger), published at Q01): “Dieses buchlein,
welches ich aus hollendischer Sprach in unser deutsche sprach transferirt habe, ist nur
ein historische beschreibung der schiffart der hollender durch das Fretius Magellanius,
nach dem Molukischen Inseln, wohl zulesen wegen der gefahr so ihnen begegnet.
M. Gothardt Artus”.

CHAPTER FIVE
PLANTS AND ANIMALS:

THE NATURAL WORLD IN THE DE BRY COLLECTION
When readers turned over the first page of the first volume of the col-
lection, they were immediately treated to the first engraving, that of the
Fall of man. A powerful and highly recognisable image, the depiction
of Adam and Eve was intended to remind readers of the Garden of
Eden, which had been forfeited and supplanted by a degenerated world.
Although the European encounter with the New World had given the
representation of Paradise a new dimension, the Fall had already been
relevant previously as the background to understanding the natural
world and the relationship between man, plants, and animals. It had
reduced the peaceful cohabitation between men and animals, and the
unlimited fertility of the earth to a soil which required cultivation,
and fierce creatures which needed to be tamed. Man’s right to rule
over both animals and plants had nevertheless remained intact. The
natural world was principally created to accommodate humanity, and
additionally deserved to be admired and studied as one of the prime
demonstrations of Divine omnipotence, the second book of God.1
These notions were still intact around 1600, and the representation of
the natural world in the De Bry collection is clearly embedded in this
anthropocentric framework.
Meanwhile botanists and zoologists, some of them close associates of
the De Bry family such as Carolus Clusius, were searching a scientific
answer to traditional conceptions of nature, and overseas expansion
provided a major impetus to question existing views. Many new species
1
The De Brys often referred to the wonders of the overseas world as a sign of God’s
omnipotence, for instance, in typical fashion, in the preface to Ind.Occ. VII (Ger) [A2r]:
“Es ist aber fürnemlich bey dieser Historien wol zu mercken, wie Gott der Herr seine
Wunderwerck nicht wil verborgen lassen, sondern jederzeit etliche Personen schicket,
welche sie offenbaren unnd seine Allmacht dardurch rühmen und preisen”. There is
no corresponding introduction to the Latin translation. K. Thomas, Man and the natural
world. Changing attitudes in England 1500 –1800 (2nd ed.; Harmondsworth 1987 [1st ed.
London 1983]); A. Gerbi, Nature in the New World. From Christopher Columbus to Gonzalo
Fernández de Oviedo (Pittsburgh 1985).

140 chapter five
unknown to Europeans had been discovered, while other creatures had

been conspicuously absent. In some cases, as with the Asian spices,
the natural world had formed the most important reason for Europe’s
maritime efforts. Ever since Columbus’ reports, furthermore, the New
World abundance of herbs, plants, and trees was widely known. The
botanical inventory, essentially unchanged since ancient times, was
extended within 150 years from a few hundred to around twenty-
thousand species.2 Detailed descriptions and illustrations of the newly
found flora and fauna were indispensable for absorbing their variety
and their potential practical applications, a crucial motivation behind
scientific naturalism in the seventeenth century. These descriptions in
turn generated early attempts to classify the plants and animals of both
Europe and the overseas world. Glimpses of this new approach also
surfaced in the De Bry volumes, although the categorising methods of
natural history really gained momentum only in the second half of
the seventeenth century.
The descriptive examination of the overseas world is most apparent
in those texts and illustrations of the De Bry collection devoted to exotic
vegetation. Hence it is mainly perceptible in the volumes which recount
the early Dutch activities in Asian waters, reflecting the predominance
of Dutch maritime expansion to the Orient, Dutch pre-eminence in
the field of botany, and the close connections between the Frankfurt
publishing firm and several leading humanists in the Northern Neth-
erlands. Other contributions to the collection, however, lacked the
eye for detail which characterised the representation of flora in these
adapted accounts.
This disparity was in part due to a difference in the pace of devel-
opments in the disciplines of botany and zoology. Animals continued
to fulfil their traditional, symbolic function throughout the sixteenth
and early seventeenth centuries, for example in heraldry and popular
(emblematic) literature, providing a conventional set of tools to describe
man’s moral qualities and deficiencies.3 A survey of plant life, how-
ever, lent itself less readily to symbolic interpretations. It had become
a specialised domain of knowledge as early as the 1530s and 1540s,
2
H. Lowood, “The New World and the European catalog of nature” In: K. O.
Kupperman, ed., America in European consciousness 1493–1750 (Chapel Hill 1995) 295.
3
W. Ashworth jr., “Emblematic natural history of the Renaissance” In: N. Jardine,
J. A. Secord, and E. C. Spary, eds., Cultures of natural history (Cambridge 1996)
17–37.

plants and animals 141
with chairs in botany and the related field of anatomy being estab-
lished at various universities. Private and academic gardens gradually
began to appear in a collective attempt to identify and cultivate plants
and herbs for medicinal purposes. Although at the same time the few
menageries and aviaries of early modern Europe, and courtly displays
of rhinoceroses, elephants, camels, lions, and other exotic species were
attracting large numbers of spectators, the urge to dissect and interpret
was noticeably absent. Curiosity and amazement continued to dictate
the appreciation of animals.4
5.1. The representation of herbs, plants, and trees
Nature was represented in almost every engraving in the collection,

albeit mostly as a backdrop to more expressive renderings of human
figures and activities. Many of the landscapes depicted by the De Brys,
displaying mountains, rivers, and forests, or even earthquakes and tor-
rential rainstorms, disclose an unbridled type of overseas nature which
early modern Europeans resented. Many of them avoided drifting away
too far from towns and villages, and spoke of their anxiety when faced
with rough and desolate areas like the Alps. Nature, in their opinion,
had to be cultivated and forced into the service of man. Engravings
depicting the familiar geometry of a botanical garden, located in China
yet conceived in the Frankfurt workshop, were therefore doubtlessly
appreciated. The same, in principle, can be assumed for engravings
illustrating the successful Spanish search for gold and silver in the
New World.5
The natural resources of the overseas world, often elusive, were
of prime interest to many Europeans at home. Naturalists attached
a professional relevance to this type of information, while monarchs,
merchants, and others eyeing political or personal profits were attracted
to the commercial benefits on offer. The collection predictably drew
attention to the Potosí silver mines, and the various lucrative herbs and
4
Lowood (1995) 296; J. Hale, The civilization of Europe in the Renaissance (New York
and Toronto 1994) 516, 528–29; F. D. Hoeniger, “How plants and animals were studied
in the mid-sixteenth century” In: Idem and J. W. Shirley, eds., Science and the arts in the
Renaissance (Washington DC, London, and Toronto 1985) 141–42.
5
Ind.Or. II, ill. xxx and Ind.Occ. IX, ill. iii respectively. The Spanish thirst for America’s
precious metals was more stereotypically represented as part of the Black Legend.

142 chapter five
spices in India and the Far East. Occasionally, though, the De Brys
played down the natural riches abroad. They based several of the illus-
trations to India Occidentalis VIII on the title-plate of the version they
used as the source for this volume, the assembled Dutch translations of
English reports on the New World. This single illustration—the reports
did not contain any plates—showed the abundance of pearls on the
coast of Guyana, by means of a cornucopia-shaped bag of oysters,
firmly in the hands of one of the locals. The De Brys extracted all
the iconographic elements available to design four new compositions,
but did not include the oysters and pearls, which were not on display
anywhere in the collection.6
Any analysis of the vegetation represented in the De Bry collection

should commence with Volume IV of the India Orientalis-series, which
was principally devoted to the plant varieties of Asia as observed by Jan
Huygen van Linschoten and Willem Lodewijcksz. The latter reported
on the first Dutch expedition to the East Indies, which returned to
Amsterdam in 1597, while Van Linschoten’s Itinerario of 1596 laid the
foundations for Dutch travel writing, based on his experiences and
encounters in Goa in the 1580s while in the service of Portuguese. The
De Brys withheld botanical illustrations from the previous two India
Orientalis-volumes already largely based on these accounts in order to
create a thematic, and as such untypical fourth volume. A comparison
of the botanical engravings in the Dutch accounts with the Frankfurt
illustrations shows above all else how painstakingly thorough the De Brys
were in reworking the iconographic material. With so much attention
being paid to the changes the De Brys made to the illustrations—in
previous literature as well as, admittedly, in this study—the accuracy
which they applied to the handling of the available material is often
too easily overlooked.
The valuation of correctness is further underlined by the few modi-
fications the publishers did make to the plates of India Orientalis IV, or
rather to the words written on the engraved plates. In order to enable
readers to identify certain exotic species, the original illustrations
included name tags. In the De Bry engravings, some of this terminol-
6
Ind.Occ. VIII (Ger) ills. ii–v [first set of ills.]/(Lat) ills. xv–xviii; L. Keymis, Waerachtighe
ende grondighe beschryvinghe vande tweede Zeevaert der Engelschen nae Guiana . . . (Amsterdam
1598).

ogy had been changed. Some of the adjustments were made simply
to clarify the Dutch nomenclature for an international readership; the
name ‘Cubebe’ was changed into ‘Pimenta del rabo’, its more common
Portuguese equivalent. Several other alterations to the nomenclature
should be considered clear improvements: the name ‘Cassia’ was refined
to ‘Cassia solutiva’, a species well-known in Europe for its medicinal
value. The plant dubbed ‘semper vivum’ in one of the original plates
was instead called ‘Aloë’ by the De Brys, in order to make the connec-
tion to related plants. Other names of exotic vegetation were added
without any suggestion of nomenclature in the original travel accounts.
Hence a plant not labelled at all by Willem Lodewijcksz appeared in
India Orientalis IV as ‘Maguey Mexicanum’, a contemporary name for
the ‘Agave Americana’ which had been introduced into Europe in the
sixteenth century (ill. 6).7
Although the De Brys owned a private garden in Frankfurt, and
probably used some of its flowers to obtain credible illustrations for
other publications like their Florilegium novum,8 it is unlikely that they were
sufficiently knowledgeable about exotic vegetation so as to be capable of
adding fitting nomenclature and references to contemporary botanical
treatises without assistance. In the case of India Orientalis IV, they relied
on the expertise of the Dutch physician Bernardus Paludanus, who had
been roundly praised by the De Brys in the preface to the previous
volume. Paludanus, himself a contributor to Van Linschoten’s Itinerario,
had first-hand information on some of the herbs, plants, and flowers,
as suggested by the catalogue of his cabinet of rarities in Enkhuizen.
In 1591 he was offered the prestigious post of curator of the botani-
cal garden in Leiden, the ultimate recognition for his knowledge of
exotic flora.9
7
Ind.Or. IV, ills. xv, xvii, and xix (twice) respectively; G. M. A. W. L. [= W.
Lodewijcksz], D’eerste boeck. Historie van Indien, waer inne verhaelt is de avontueren die de
Hollandtsche schepen bejeghent zijn (Amsterdam 1598) [X2r], [X4r], and [Z1r] (twice)
respectively. On nomenclature: Thomas (1987) 81–87.
8
App. 1, nr. 117, where Johan Theodore confirmed having drawn some of the
flowers after actual models from Frankfurt private gardens. For the letter from the De
Brys to Clusius on bulbs: supra, Ch. 2, p. 77.
9
F. Egmond, “Een mislukte benoeming. Paludanus en de Leidse universiteit” In:
R. van Gelder, J. Parmentier, and V. Roeper, eds., Souffrir pour parvenir. De wereld van Jan
Huygen van Linschoten (Haarlem 1998) 51–64. On Paludanus’ cabinet of rarities: H. D.
Schepelern, “Naturalienkabinett oder Kunstkammer. Der Sammler Bernhard Paludanus
und sein Katalogmanuskript in den Königlichen Bibliothek in Kopenhagen”, Nordelbingen.
Beiträge zur Kunst- und Kulturgeschichte 50 (1981) 157–82; R. van Gelder, “Liefhebbers en

144 chapter five
Ill. 6. Ind.Or. IV, ill. xix
When Paludanus eventually turned down the Leiden offer, the uni-
versity appointed Carolus Clusius instead. Clusius was regarded as
the leading expert in Europe on overseas vegetation. He had made a
name in the 1560s, translating Garcia da Orta’s Colóquio dos simples e
drogas e coisas medicinais da Índia, the most influential treatise on Asian
plants and herbs, from Portuguese into Latin.10 To the original study,
Clusius added a translation of a medicinal history of the New World
by Nicolás Monardes from Seville, and both texts featured in his book
titled Exoticorum libri decem (1605). While translating travel accounts for
the De Brys in the 1590s, Clusius finished the manuscript of his Rariorum
plantarum historia, published by Jan Moretus in 1601, which promptly
acquired canonical status in the Republic of Letters.11 Both Paludanus
geleerde luiden. Nederlandse kabinetten en hun bezoekers” In: E. Bergvelt, et al., eds.,
De wereld binnen handbereik. Nederlandse kunsten rariteitenverzamelingen, 1585–1735 (Zwolle
and Amsterdam 1992) 263–66.
10
The Latin edition is titled: Aromatum, et simplicium aliquot medicamentorum apud Indos
nascentium historia (Antwerp 1567). On Da Orta’s treatise: R. Grove, “Indigenous knowl-
edge and the significance of South-West India for Portuguese and Dutch constructions
of tropical nature”, Modern Asian studies 30–1 (1996) 125–26, 129 ff.
11
Lowood (1995) 302–03; Hunger (1927–43) passim. A research project on Carolus
Clusius started in 2005 at Leiden University’s Scaliger Institute. Individual research

and Clusius repeatedly assisted the De Brys to enhance the fidelity of

the exotic flora represented in their collection.
Clusius’ help is most obvious in the first three volumes of the America-
series, volumes for which he was credited as the translator.12 In the text
of Volume II, dedicated to voyages to Florida, a number of additions
were made to explain botanical matters in the original account. For
example, the name of one of the typically American crops, maize, was
inserted in both the German and Latin versions of René de Laudon-
nière’s account.13 In India Orientalis I, similar additions can be found
regarding ‘lignum ebenum’ or ‘lignum Guaiacum’, presumed to be a
cure for syphilis. On this occasion, references to Martial, Aristotle, and
Pliny were printed in the margins, but only in the Latin edition, which
was aimed at a more knowledgeable readership.14 Although neither
Clusius nor Paludanus is known to have assisted in the making of this
volume, it is again unlikely that the De Brys would have been able to
put the correct references into place.
In Volume I of India Occidentalis, the strengths of Clusius and Theo-
dore de Bry were optimally combined, as the latter, or one of his sons,
slightly modified some of White’s watercolours by adding depictions
of the local agriculture, like maize, pumpkins, and tobacco plants. The
representations of these crops were not based on the original drawing,
nor on the set of White illustrations which the De Brys decided not
to use, and which will be discussed below. Despite the lack of original
iconographic material, the engraver nevertheless produced acceptable
images. Working in close connection with Clusius probably explains the
precision which underlay the artist’s efforts.15 With Clusius and Paluda-
nus offering assistance to the De Brys for many years, contemporary
subjects are ‘Clusius and botany in the context of the Habsburg Court (1570–1590)’ by
Esther van Gelder, ‘Exchange and language in Clusius’ network of botanists’ by Sylvia
van Zanen, and ‘Natural history in the making: Clusius and the European community
of naturalists’ by Florike Egmond.
12
Clusius alone was credited for the translations, but for Ind.Occ. I he received
substantial support from England: supra, Ch. 4, pp. 113–16.
13
Ind.Occ. II (Ger) V/(Lat) f6v; R. de Laudonnière, et al., L’histoire notable de la Floride
situee es Indes Occidentales, contenant les trois voyages faits en icelle par certains Capitaines & Pilotes
François, descrits par le Capitaine Laudonniere, qui y a commandé l’espace d’un an trois moys: à
laquelle a esté adiousté un quatriesme voyage fait par le Capitaine Gourgues (Paris 1586) 4.
14
Ind.Or. I (Ger) 2/(Lat) 2; O. Lopez and F. Pigafetta, Relatione del reame di Congo et
delle circonvicine contrade (Rome 1591) 3.
15
Ind.Occ. I, ill. xx; Hulton (1984) 66. Maize did not acquire importance as a staple
commodity in Europe until the late seventeenth century: A. W. Crosby, The Columbian
exchange. Biological and cultural consequences of 1492 (Westport, Ct., 1973) 179.

146 chapter five
readers may have thought of the collection as a genuinely informative

work, a trustworthy source on American and Asian flora with scientific
aspirations.
But did they? Generally botanists and zoologists considered the union of
art and science in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries rather
awkward, with artists failing to provide the accuracy they demanded.
Scientists objected to the use of pictures per se because they portrayed
singular objects and their accidental qualities, not substantial forms
or essences, and were therefore of little value to natural science. Also
illustrations, however faithful, could not replicate important features
like size and colour, which were instrumental for enabling readers to
identify and recognise specimens. Some authors therefore attempted
to illustrate their works with canonical samples devoid of individual
variations, but this only led to even louder disapproval from scholars.
Others instead reverted to depicting as many different examples as
possible of one species, but this was obviously impractical, as well as
expensive.16
The De Brys, as publishers and artists, did not spend much time
worrying about this issue. India Occidentalis I included twenty-three illus-
trations of Virginia, almost all based on White’s watercolours, which
Hakluyt had handed to the De Brys. Yet White’s set of New World
drawings contained no fewer than sixty-three pictures in total, with many
of the extra forty images devoted to botanical or zoological novelties
of the American province; the De Brys, however, did not engrave a
single one of these.17 The addition of animals to other illustrations, like
a land crab to one of the plates in their first volume, suggests that the
De Brys did have these extra images at their disposal.18 There is no
reason to believe that Hakluyt had failed to give these to the publish-
ers; the illustrations after all confirmed his desired notion of a fertile
province, ideal for settling. Clusius certainly would not have objected
16
S. Kusukawa, “Illustrating nature” In: M. Frasca-Spada and N. Jardine, eds., Books
and the sciences in history (Cambridge 2000) 105–08; S. de Renzi, “Writing and talking
of exotic animals” In: M. Frasca-Spada and N. Jardine, eds., Books and the sciences in
history (Cambridge 2000) 159–60.
17
Hulton (1984) 40–90, with illustrations of the natural world: 43–61, 80–84.
18
Ind.Occ. I, ill. xiii; Hulton (1984) 43. Previously pointed out by P. Hulton, “Realism
and tradition in ethnological and natural history imagery of the 16th century” In:
A. Ellenius, ed., The natural sciences and the arts. Aspects of interaction from the Renaissance to
the 20th century (Uppsala 1985) 22–23.

to incorporating pictures of the natural world. It is likely that it was

the De Brys who vetoed their inclusion, perhaps on financial grounds.
This would not have been uncommon; sixteenth-century printers and
publishers in general had little affection for botanical treatises.19
When the De Brys were not guided by the likes of Clusius and
Paludanus, their enthusiasm for exotic flora can only be described as
marginal. Jose de Acosta’s Historia natural y moral de las Indias (1590),
for instance, paid generous attention to the flora and fauna of the
New World. Acosta, a Jesuit missionary, hypothesised that the native
inhabitants of the Americas originally came from Asia, migrating to
the New World by means of an as yet undiscovered land bridge con-
necting the two continents. Despite Acosta’s emphasis on the natural
world, the fourteen De Bry-designed engravings for India Occidentalis
IX did not contain a single botanical or zoological plate.20 Clearly the
indigenous vegetation was not seen as important in comparison to the
local population, which was overrepresented, not just in this volume
but in many other parts of the collection. Sometimes the De Brys
restricted their efforts of selection to the German volumes, expecting
these to be bought by a less demanding readership. In one instance, a
half-page elaboration on bananas found in Congo by Odoardo Lopez
was included in the Latin version, but deemed appropriate for omission
from the German edition published at the same time.21
This last example suggests that the De Brys considered most of the
exotic flora too specific to justify insertion in a collection intended for
as broad an audience as possible. This would also explain why the
botanical commitment that characterised adjustments to India Orientalis
IV, under the supervision of Paludanus, was absent from India Orientalis
VI only four years later. Here, when combining two plant illustrations
of Pieter de Marees’ account of the Gold Coast into one engraving,
the De Brys added local human routines while omitting the references
19
Lowood (1995) 307–09, citing the canonical works of Gonzalo Fernández de
Oviedo and the Spanish physician Fernando Hernández as the prime examples.
De Renzi (2000) 153–55 elaborates on the dissemination of manuscript copies of
Hernández’ work.
20
Ind.Occ. IX, ills. i–xiv. Acosta’s work consisted of seven books, of which the first
four were devoted to the natural world. The first four of the set of fourteen De Bry
engravings were based on these four books, yet all focused on human habits and
activities.
21
Ind.Or. I (Ger) 36/(Lat) 29; Lopez and Pigafetta (1591) 41.

148 chapter five
to parsley and ginger from the original report.22 Isolated engravings

of the natural world in other volumes rehashing outdated conceptions
of Pliny suggest the same lackadaisical approach, and sit uneasily
alongside contributions by Clusius and Paludanus. India Occidentalis VI,
almost entirely devoted to Spanish activities in the New World, closed
with an engraving of a marvellous tree in the Canary Islands (ill. 7).23
This single tree alone provided enough fresh water for both men and
animals on the island. The extensive caption described the tree in
meticulous detail, before speculating about to which chapter of Pliny’s
Historia naturalis it could be traced, meekly following Benzoni’s report.
Its prominent position as the final illustration of this volume may have
raised concerns among knowledgeable readers about the construction
of the natural world in the collection.
Ill. 7. Ind.Occ. VI, ill. xxviii
22
Ind.Or. VI, ill. xiv; P. D. M. [= P. de Marees], Beschryvinge ende Historische verhael,
vant Gout koninckrijck van Gunea . . . (Amsterdam 1602) ills. 13 and 14.
23
Based on G. Benzoni, Historia Indiae Occidentalis [. . .] res ab Hispanis in India Occidentali
hactenus gestas . . . (Geneva 1586) 423–26. The engraving was inspired by a crude woodcut
in the second edition of Benzoni’s Italian report (see App. 3).

5.2. The representation of animals
Whereas some of the exotic vegetation was presented accurately, the

portrayal of fauna in the De Bry collection is disappointing. Under
Clusius’ supervision, the Latin volumes contained a few added references
to zoological literature of the sixteenth century, similar to references to
botanical literature in the Latin collection discussed above.24 Yet such
additions were rare. Instead the De Brys could not always resist the
urge to depict fantastic creatures, probably in an attempt to exploit the
interest among parts of the readership for marvellous, even demonic
stories of faraway lands.25 As late as 1618, Johan Theodore de Bry and
Matthaeus Merian designed what can best be described as dragon-like
snakes for India Occidentalis XI, based on an obsolete report credited to
Amerigo Vespucci. By that time, however, the Renaissance outlook open
to marvels was about to be replaced by a more empirical approach to
zoology. Many naturalists, around 1620, would have been able to advise
the De Brys against including such fictional beasts.26
As animals more than plants could serve as a symbolic indication of
the degree of primitiveness or civility, or even of Divine classification of
overseas societies, the zoological modifications of the De Brys provide
a clearer insight into their editorial objectives. In contrast to its report-
edly exuberant flora, the New World was generally acknowledged to
possess only a meagre fauna, with very few quadrupeds in particular.27
Elsewhere, the European interest for Asian crops was not matched by
a similar fascination for Asian wildlife. Animals nevertheless featured
prominently in both series of the collection of voyages, with the number
of illustrations indicating their high priority. The De Brys even testified
to having been unable to include all the available zoological material.
They explicitly laid out the parameters of their representational efforts
by stating, in one of the captions in Volume I of India Orientalis, that
24
To Guillaume Rondelet’s Libri de piscibus marinis (Lyon 1554–55), for example, in
Ind.Occ. III (Lat) 152.
25
M. de Asúa and R. French, A new world of animals. Early modern Europeans on the
creatures of Iberian America (Aldershot 2005) 125–30; H. Meyer, “Frühe Neuzeit” In:
P. Dinzelbacher, ed., Mensch und Tier in der Geschichte Europas (Stuttgart 2000) 364–65.
26
Ind.Occ. X, ill. iv; De Asúa and French (2005) 11–12, 136–138. Gerbi (1985)
45–49 demonstrates that Vespucci cannot have been the author, and instead refers to
this “not very talented scholar” as the ‘pseudo-Vespucci’. This term will also be used
here. See also the introduction to: L. Formisano, ed., Letters from a New World. Amerigo
Vespucci’s discovery of America (New York 1992).
27
Lowood (1995) 296; Gerbi (1985) 15–16, 278–79; Crosby (1973) 5–6.

150 chapter five
they had decided to depict only “those animals which were regarded
as strange and unknown [to Europeans]”.28
This objective was supported by several promises of marvellous and
unfamiliar animals in the prefaces to some of the De Bry volumes.29 In
India Orientalis VI, they put these objectives into practice: chapters on
elephants, crocodiles, chameleons, and leopards were translated word
for word, while similar pieces on foxes, deer, bees, spiders, and ants
were almost entirely left out. The sections on the first two animals were
reduced to one short paragraph, where the similarity of West African
foxes and deer to familiar European species was explained, almost
as an explicit reason for the abbreviations.30 Such proclamations and
adjustments offer a glance into the editorial strategy of the De Brys;
the emphasis on things unfamiliar is at the heart of the collection’s
representations, and the animal world is only one example.
The wider public of readers in Europe, in contrast to expert
zoologists, continued to be fascinated by marvellous creatures. The
anthropocentric attitude of early modern Europe can be convincingly
measured by the contemporary criteria of assessing animal life. The
first consideration in classifying animals was whether or not they were
edible. These nutritional aspects of overseas life will be discussed in the
following chapter. Secondly, animal merit was related to their functional
use for man in daily life, for labour, for clothing, or for transport. In
order to be employed for the human cause, the creatures first needed
to be tamed. The difference between wild and domesticated spe-
cies was therefore a third vital factor in the appreciation of animals,
and, by definition, of the control of humans over local wildlife.31 The
declared objective of the De Brys to omit familiar, and therefore often
28
Ind.Or. I (Ger) ill. x: “dieweil aber dieselben theils auch in Teutschlandt gemein
[. . .] haben wir sie alle auffs Kupffer zubringen für unnötig, und nur die jenigen allein,
so bey uns frembd und unbekandt, den Kunst liebenden für Augen zustellen gut
geachtet”/(Lat) ill. xi: “Sed cum quaedam etiam in hisce nostris inveniantur regionibus,
peregrina & alias ignota hisce iconibus exprimere conati sumus, ut lectorem eorum
formis in cerebro effigiandis levemus taedio”.
29
In the preface to Ind.Or. IV (Ger) [(^)3v], for instance: “. . . der wunderseltzamen
und ungehewren Thiere”. Plants were also referred to in these terms, for instance: Ind.
Or. IV (Ger) [(^)4r]: “. . . seltzame wunder Gewächß”.
30
De Marees (1602) 70–71; Ind.Or. VI (Ger) 89: “. . . seyn dieselben eben der Gattung,
wie sie bey uns gefunden werden”/(Lat) 78: “. . . nihil autem à nostris differunt”. The
De Brys left out a full chapter on animals, almost certainly because it summarised
other chapters: De Marees (1602) 64–66.
31
Thomas (1987) 53–56.

domesticated, animals from their panorama of the overseas world put

an emphasis on the lack of human command over nature in America,
Africa, and Asia.
5.3. The wild species of the overseas world
The presence of evidently wild species, of no use to humans, provides

an indication of the hierarchy of overseas societies in Divine creation.
Untamed animals were found throughout the De Bry collection, as they
embodied the alterity of the natural world overseas. Some of these
creatures even constituted a threat to man’s natural superiority, while
the often unexpected contacts with such undisciplined beasts presented
European visitors with potentially lethal dangers. Wild animals also
offered man a moral challenge; humans were not supposed to delight in
the ferocity of animals, as this was the result of the Fall.32 Within these
fine boundaries, the untamed animals in the De Bry collection can be
divided into two groups. The first set consists of creatures unfamiliar
to Europeans, while the second contingent involves species merely less
cultivated than their European cousins.
The monstrous crocodile in India Occidentalis II unquestionably belongs
to the first grouping (ill. 8). The animal was exaggerated in size for
maximal effect, not uncommon in contemporary depictions of grue-
some animals. Monsters fascinated early modern readers who believed
that God had created these creatures to encourage men and women to
reform their ways. The crocodile’s atrocious reputation was enhanced
by the observation in the caption that it would take a group of more
than ten Timucua, a Florida people also depicted in the engraving, to
subdue a single creature. The supposedly evil nature of the crocodile
had already been revealed to Europeans by earlier works on zoology,
where amphibious animals were generally considered monstrous.33 The
De Bry crocodile must nevertheless have impressed European readers,
32
Thomas (1987) 157. One image by the De Brys, after a Willem Lodewijcksz
original, nevertheless depicted a cock fight in Java, Ind.Or. IV, ill. v, with a condescend-
ing caption.
33
E. Porges Watson, “Forreine and monstrous beasts: Spenser’s anti-bestiary”,
Reinardus XIII (2000) 173, 176–77. Monstrosity was, from the 1570s onwards, increas-
ingly being used as a rhetorical ploy to reflect inward deformation and sinful behaviour:
K. M. Brammall, “Monstrous metamorphosis: nature, morality, and the rhetoric of
monstrosity in Tudor England”, Sixteenth Century Journal XXVII-1 (1996) 5–8.

152 chapter five
Ill. 8. Ind.Occ. II, ill. xxvi
as the name ‘crocodile’ had often been attributed to relatively harm-

less lizards, like in Konrad Gesner’s encyclopedic Historia animalium of
the 1550s, or to other New World creatures like iguanas.34 Gesner’s
illustration of the crocodile was a far cry from the beast in the De
Bry collection. Similar ‘monstrifications’ made by the De Brys can be
observed elsewhere in the collection, with polar bears being described
as ‘horrendous’, ‘extremely cruel’, and ‘unfamiliar’ in India Orientalis III.
Twice in the same volume, moreover, the word ‘monster’ was added,
without the term appearing in the original texts.35
The bitterness of the relations between the Floridians and the croco-
dile was emphasised in the caption, which cannot be traced to any of
the original accounts. Two of its newly constructed phrases describe
34
K. Gesner, Historia animalium (4 vols.; Zurich 1551–58) II 7–27. Gesner closely
followed Pliny the Elder. On Gesner: C. A. Gmelig-Nijboer, Conrad Gessner’s ‘Historia
animalium’: an inventory of Renaissance zoology (Utrecht 1977). Oviedo already made a
clear distinction between the iguana and the crocodile: De Asúa and French (2005)
70–71.
35
Ind.Or. III, ill. xxxix (Ger) uses in the titles the words: “erschrecklicher grausamer,
grosser Bär”/(Lat): “Horrendae et inusitatae vastitatis ursus”, which are absent from the
translated texts (Ger 189–90/Lat 143). The word ‘monstrum’—in both German and
Latin—is attached to ills. xxxvii and xl, regarding walruses and polar bears respectively,
but cannot be found in the account proper (Ger 177/Lat 133; Ger 192/Lat 145).

. . . the horrendously large animal which sneaks up [to the Indians], as if it

wants to devour one of them in its wide-open mouth . . .
. . . And in this manner, the Indians capture the crocodiles which harass
them so much, that both by day and by night, they need to hold vigils, as
we do against our most bitter enemies.36
The analogy between the familiar human enemies of Europe and the
frightening animal species in America is striking. Defining animals as
the main reason for anxiety in the New World allowed Europeans
to reflect in a self-congratulatory manner on their own hard-fought
security against wild—or formerly wild—animals. Orderly campaigns
to eliminate wolves, foxes, hawks, and other menaces to the popula-
tion of the Old World had been reasonably successful throughout late
medieval and early modern times. Although some predators remained,
most were found in thinly populated areas, and few Europeans were
likely to acquire first-hand experience with animals as perilous and
loathsome as crocodiles.37
Crocodiles were also on display in an engraving in India Orientalis
XI, based on Robert Coverte’s A true and almost incredible report of 1612.
Coverte, a captain in the service of the East India Company, had left
his companions and travelled across the Asian continent after his ship
had sunk in the Far East. The final illustration of the volume was
devoted to the variety and the dimensions of unruliness of animals
in the Mughal Empire in northern India. Several unfamiliar species
were depicted warring with each other, such as crocodiles battling wild
horses, wolves attacking deer, and lions clashing with leopards (ill. 9).
The individual match-ups were of secondary importance, however, as
the general impression of chaos as a result of the animals’ ferocity
was the main focal point. Jesuits and English merchants had gener-
ally reported positively on the Mughal Empire. English visitors had
carried letters from Elizabeth I to Akbar the Great, an indication that
36
Ind.Occ. II, ill. xxvi (Ger): “. . . dem ungehewren grossen Thier (welches herzu
schleicht, ob es einen auß inen in sein auffgesperrten Rachen verschlingen köndte) . . .”
and “Und also auff diese Weiß fangen die Indianer die Crocodilen, von welchen sie so
sehr belästiget werden, daß sie Tag und Nacht nicht weniger Wacht halten müssen, als
wir wider unsere allerhässigsten Feinde”/(Lat) “. . . huic vasto animali obviam procedunt
(hiante rictu si quempiam illorum apprehendere posset adrepenti) . . .” and “Haec est
apud Indos ratio venandi Crocodilos, à quibus adeò molestantur, ut noctu & interdiu
nonminus excubias agere cogantur, quàm nos adversus infensißimos hostes”.
37
Thomas (1987) 273–75.

154 chapter five
Ill. 9. Ind.Or. XI, ill. ix
the Mughals had received a favourable press in Europe.38 Yet the De

Bry-invented illustration to Coverte’s report was anything but compli-
mentary. As very few reports on the Mughals were available to the De
Brys, the representation of India’s Muslim empire rested on a limited
number of illustrations.39 Based on the engraving of belligerent wildlife,
readers of the De Bry collection would have formed a distinctly more
reserved view of this empire than that offered by travellers in the later
sixteenth century. Hence two combinations of text and engravings, in
separate corners of the collection but both purposely designed by the
De Brys, suggested a wildness of the overseas fauna that had been
absent from the original accounts.
38
Lach (1965–93) I-1 452–58, 480.
39
Only the volumes William Fitzer published in the late 1620s include more reports
on the Mughals, such as the embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to northern India in the
mid-1610s.

The De Brys did not illustrate the variety of animal life in the overseas
world, but instead used selected species as a means to construct alterity,
and did so quite methodically. Hence the title of one of the chapters
in India Occidentalis III could change from Jean de Léry’s “About the
variety of American birds” into “About the marvellous rare birds in
America” in German.40 When the De Brys depicted horses, these were
mostly wild equivalents of the familiar species. Domesticated specimens
were either in the possession of natives who had been in close contact
with Europeans, such as the merchants of Goa, or owned by the highly
esteemed Chinese courtiers.41 Only once were oxen depicted as working
for man,42 whose expected superiority over the natural world became
indistinct as a result. Two images of cattle in southern Africa, clearly
visible in Willem Lodewijcksz’ original plates, were left out.43
Other animals included may have been more familiar to early mod-
ern Europeans, but were no less ferocious. This enabled readers of the
De Bry collection to compare the exotic species on display with largely
similar European animals. One of the most eye-catching engravings in
this respect, the second illustration of India Orientalis IV (ill. 10), was
devoted to giant crabs, possibly coconut crabs, on an unnamed island
in the Indian Ocean. The plate, invented by the publishers, shows the
creatures wrecking havoc on a Dutch crew. The De Brys significantly
augmented the crabs’ size, as they had with the crocodile discussed
above, so as to create further discomfort among European readers.
The number of crabs harassing the Dutch, moreover, was of bibli-
cal proportions. The publishers thus exploited the implicit notion of
harmless European crabs by juxtaposing it with a plague of monstrous
crabs abroad.
The extraordinary size of otherwise recognisable animals was also a
key feature in a newly designed engraving of sea lions encountered by
Sir Thomas Cavendish in the Atlantic (ill. 11). This time the De Brys
commented on the size of the creatures in the German caption:
40
J. de Léry, Historia navigationis in Brasiliam, quae et America dicitur . . . (Geneva 1586)
125: “De varietate Americanarum avium”; Ind.Occ. III (Ger) 161: “Von den wunder
seltzamen Vöglen in America”/(Lat) 184: “De varietate Americanarum avium”.
41
Ind.Or. II, ills. xxxvii and xxvii respectively.
42
Ind.Or. VII, ill. xiii.
43
Ind.Or. III, ills. vii and ix.

156 chapter five
Ill. 10. Ind.Or. IV, ill. ii
Ill. 11. Ind.Occ. VIII, ill. x

. . . [Thomas Cavendish] arrived on an island, where he came across a

large number of seals of an abnormal, shocking size. [. . .] We [i.e. the
English, MvG] could not do anything else but kill them with clubs, which
we used to crush their heads, and it needed three or four of us to suppress
and slay a single one . . .44
Europeans’ horror at the sight of these gigantic creatures, whether
crocodiles, crabs or sea lions, was understandable. Not only was their
considerable size related to suspected ‘monstrosity’, it also took away
any suggestion of physical attractiveness, another subtle indicator of the
hierarchy of animal species according to early modern Europeans.
Innocuous overseas species were magnified as well, like the penguin
in India Occidentalis IX and the tortoise in India Orientalis IV.45 Their
number was surprisingly limited. In Renaissance Europe, after all,
a belief had been held that many of the species in the New World
were exceptionally tame. Columbus himself had propelled this myth
into the sixteenth century. Hence fictional American lions, tigers, and
other normally fearsome creatures were long portrayed as very gentle,
to the liking of those at home, as the tameness of animals nourished
the hope of belatedly recapturing a prelapsarian world.46 Such tame
animals were markedly absent from the De Bry collection, at least
from the America-series. Sometimes descriptions of domesticated New
World creatures were actually withheld, as the comparison between
Cavendish’s impression of a goat—in the Dutch translation used by
the De Brys instead of the English original—and the two Frankfurt
translations reveals:
44
Ind.Occ. VIII, ill. x (Ger): “ . . . kam er unter andern zu einer Insel, in welcher er ein
grosse menge Seehunde, einer ungewöhnlichen, abschewlichen grösse angetroffen. [. . .]
wir konten sie nicht todten, ohne allein mit Brügeln, mit welchen wir ihnen den Kopff
zerschmetterten, und hatten unser drey oder vier allezeit mit einem genug zuthun, biß
wir ihn bezwingen und erlegen konten”/(Lat): “. . . Insulam quandam ingressus esset,
offendit ibi maximam copiam canum marinorum [. . .] Hos canes interficere nullis
armis potuimus, donec fustibus capita ipsorum percuteremus. Quin etiam tanti roboris
erant, ut nostrum tres vel quatuor unum superare & interficere vix possemus”. The
translated account’s rejection is less categorical: Ind.Occ. VIII (Ger) 5. The Latin text
(48) uses the word “ingentis”, which could both refer to the size and the ‘monstrous’
nature of the animals. This word is omitted from the caption.
45
Ind.Occ. IX, ill. xxv; Ind.Or. IV, ill. iii.
46
De Asúa and French (2005) 8–9; Gerbi (1985) 87, 294.

158 chapter five
A multitude of very tame goats, which are used to being milked.

. . . a multitude of goats, which are very fat and beautiful.47
As a result, the all-important, self-imposed selection criteria of the De
Brys should probably be defined somewhat sharper still. The publish-
ers’ openly announced intention to include mostly unfamiliar species
resulted in a lopsided representation of the animal kingdom in the
overseas world and explains the scarcity of tame animals of the New
World in the De Bry collection. The original accounts did not offer many
opportunities to copy domesticated species, with the Acosta treatise and
the zoological watercolours by White being the exceptions to the rule.
The De Brys did not opt to integrate any of this prelapsarian tame-
ness into their self-designed engravings either, thus further enhancing
the notion of the overseas world as a wild, uncultivated place full of
dangerous and monstrous animals.48
5.4. Attempts at domestication
If the implications of the selection process were perhaps not imme-

diately clear to readers of the collection, some of the captions to the
illustrations, supposedly based on the relevant travel accounts, left no
room for doubts. Here direct comparisons were made between familiar
European species and their overseas equivalents. The illustration of a
zebra in India Orientalis I, copied from Odoardo Lopez’ report of Congo,
was accompanied by the following explanation:
. . . [The inhabitants of Congo] do however not know how to use what has
been given to them. Of this we see an example here, because despite hav-
ing apparently been dealt a tough hand by Nature, since they have been
refused horses, undoubtedly not without good reasons, [. . .] they have not
as yet understood how [the zebra] has to be tamed. . . .49
47
F. Pretty, Beschryvinge vande overtreffelijcke ende wijdtvermaerde Zee-vaerdt . . . (Amsterdam
1598) f10v: “Menichte van Geyten seer tam, ghewoon zijnde ghemelckt te worden”;
Ind.Occ. VIII (Ger) 18: “. . . haben viel [. . .] Geyß, welche uberauß feyst und schön
seindt”/(Lat) 60: “. . . caprisque quam plurimis abundant”.
48
They were familiar with these stories, however, as was evident in the preface to
Ind.Or. I (Ger) [A3v], where the publishers served up a tale of catching lions by first
petting them, before blinding them by pulling a bag over their heads. In the adjust-
ments to the texts and plates, the theme is absent.
49
Ind.Or. I, ill. vii (Ger): “. . . wissen doch viel ihrer habenden Gaaben sich füglichen
nicht zugebrauchen. Dessen augenscheinliches Exempel wir an den Congianern spüren,

The excerpt cannot be traced to the Italian account. It cannot be found

in the Latin De Bry caption either, which is very brief and bland.
This is further testimony to the custom-made manner in which the De
Brys modified the accounts, dependent on the presumed difference in
readerships of the German and Latin collections. As will be discussed
in detail in Chapters 7 and 8, issues like the one mentioned here, with
theological connotations, were more readily available and often more
explicit in the vernacular edition than in its Latin counterpart.
The combination of the Divine distribution of species and the
subsequent (in)ability of the aboriginal population to subordinate the
local wild life was the cornerstone of the De Bry representations. From
time to time, the difference between wild and domesticated animals
had been noticed in the original travel reports. In Pieter de Marees’
account of the Gold Coast for example, wild and tamed species were
pictured separately, and the De Brys maintained this discrepancy by
copying both illustrations, and adding titles to the two engravings that
called attention to the distinction.50
The lack of useful species in parts of the overseas world was of
prime interest to the publishers. The unambiguous example of the
zebra in Congo was reflected in texts, engravings, and captions regard-
ing several other regions discussed in the collection. In Florida, where
according to India Occidentalis II no animals were available to carry
sick people around, man himself had to accept responsibility for this
task. Although it is unclear whether the De Brys copied or invented
the related illustration, the explanatory text certainly deviated from the
original French report. It stated that “the people themselves, instead of
mules and horses, had to carry around heavy loads”,51 hence overtly
downgrading the position of Timucua society in the Divinely-designed
hierarchy. More indicative perhaps was the De Bry decision to omit the
denn ob wol ihnen die Natur in dem zu kurtz gethan haben scheinet, daß sie ihnen die
Roß, sonder zweiffels nit ohne gewisse Ursachen, geweigert und abgeschlagen, erstattet
sie doch solchen Mangel in dem reichlich, daß sie das Thier Zebra in grosser menge
unnd Anzahl inen vergünstiget, welches sie nicht weniger als die Roß, zum Zaum und
Sattel gewehnen köndten. Dieweil aber bißhero dieselben zu zäumen sich niemandt
understanden . . .”. The Latin edition instead has this interpretation in the full text,
while the German text does not: Ind.Or. I (Ger) 30/(Lat) 21–22.
50
Ind.Or. VI, ills. xi and xiii.
51
Ind.Occ. II, ill. xvii (Ger): “. . . brauchen sie dieselben an statt der Esel und Pferde,
schwere Läste zu tragen”/(Lat): “. . . eorum tamen opera, quòd robusti & validi sint,
ad onera ferenda utuntur jumentorum loco”.

160 chapter five
single sentence of De Marees’ account which alluded to the existence

of local breeds of cattle in West Africa.52
In comparison to having no animals to serve humanity, as in Florida,
or not knowing precisely how to train the creatures despite having them
at their disposal, as in Congo, overseas societies that were able to rely on
domesticated animals could consider themselves rightfully blessed. The
general assumption of the time was that all animals could be tamed,
and become the servants of man.53 Here then, a more delicate hierarchy
was in place. The Persian merchants which the De Brys depicted with a
caravan of animals in India Orientalis II were unquestionably perceived
as able tamers, on a par with Europeans (ill. 12). In orderly fashion,
as the publishers noted approvingly in their caption, the Persians had
managed to discipline not only camels, but also horses, mules, and
dromedaries. In India Orientalis VII, the De Brys confirmed the control
of animals in this region as they designed an engraving which showed
pigeons and oxen in Mesopotamia unequivocally subservient to human
interests (ill. 13).
In obvious contrast, the inhabitants of Peru failed to have the same
success in training llamas, or ‘Indian sheep’ as they were referred to
in Renaissance Europe.54 The caption to the fourth engraving in India
Occidentalis IX spelled out the problems the Inca faced with their beasts
of burden (ill. 14). Once again, the De Brys pointed to analogies with
the ass and the horse in the explanatory text to the illustration, swiftly
proceeding to demonstrate that the llama fell short of the useful animals
familiar to Europeans. The local population had to avoid aggravating
the llamas, for once provoked, the creatures would lie down and refuse
to obey; it was difficult to persuade them to resume the desired service.
When a llama ran off to the rocky slopes of the Andes where humans
could not follow, people had no option but to shoot the animal in order
to recover the load it had been carrying.
52
Ind.Or. VI, ill. xi did not refer to the juxtaposition of local and imported livestock
made by De Marees (1602) 63: “. . . soo van het Vee datter van eersten aen gheweest
heeft, ende dat van andre Natie daer ghebrocht is gheweest”. This sentence only was
omitted.
53
Thomas (1987) 56.
54
The depiction of the llamas was inspired by Konrad Gesner’s ‘Indian sheep from
Peru’: De Asúa and French (2005) 195.

Ill. 12. Ind.Or. II, ill. vii
Ill. 13. Ind.Or. VII, ill. xiii

162 chapter five
Ill. 14. Ind.Occ. IX, ill. iv
The rule of man over animals in these remote parts, in other words,
was questionable. This example is, to an extent, symptomatic of the
place which animals occupied in the De Bry collection. The process of
selection formed the first step in the process of changes made to the
integrity of the original reports. Jose de Acosta’s observant account,
a treatise central to sixteenth-century Jesuit conceptions of ethnogra-
phy and natural history, is a case in point. Whereas four of the seven
books of his Historia natural y moral de las Indias were concerned with
the natural world, the De Brys decided to select only those particular
fragments on animals which enabled readers to gauge the level of
human sophistication in unknown parts of the world. They thus often
exploited the opportunity to magnify the differences between Europe
and the unfamiliar overseas world.

5.5. The case of the elephant
While the eclectic structure of the collection closed the door on a sys-
tematic taxonomy of the natural world along the lines of Jean Bodin’s
climate theory, the encompassing view of the twenty-five volumes also
opened up new possibilities. Unlike the people who purchased the
original accounts, readers of the De Bry collection could easily com-
pare the adequacy of the various overseas societies at taming animals.
Comparison became even more straightforward when the same animals
were subjected to domestication attempts across the overseas world.
The elephant provides the best example, intrinsically possessing enough
‘exotic value’ to survive the De Brys’ editorial selectivity, while at the
same time being present in several regions.55 It featured prominently
in six parts of the De Bry collection, in Volumes II, V, VI, VII, VIII,
and XI of the India Orientalis-series, while a caption to an illustration
in India Orientalis IV recorded the elephant’s different habitats.56
Although the De Brys attempted to be as accurate as possible,
there are no visible differences in the engravings between the African
elephant and its Indian relative. The large ears and two-lipped trunk of
the former are not recognisable as such. At first glance this is perhaps
unsurprising. The practice of copying illustrations of exotic animals was
so widespread in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries—one
only has to recall the longevity of Dürer’s rhinoceros—that any devia-
tion would have constituted a significant shock.57 Yet for some of the
flora the De Brys had made an effort to acquire information from either
erudite naturalists or scientific treatises. The difference between the two
elephant species, already recognised by Pliny, could have been identified
55
Lach (1965–93) II-1 135–58. This chapter was also published as: D. F. Lach, “Asian
elephants in Renaissance Europe”, Journal of Asian History I (1967) 133–76.
56
Ind.Or. IV, ill. vii (Ger): “Elephanten seyn gar gemeyn in Indien, allermeist aber
in Aethiopia, bey der Nation Caffres genant, da sie getödtet werden der Zeen halber,
die sie den Portugallesern verkauffen, man findet sie auch in Bengalen und vornem-
lich in Pegu, in so grosser Menge, daß sie offtmals ein oder zwey tausent auff einmal
umbbringen . . .”/(Lat): “Elephanti in India frequentißimi, maxime tamen in Aethiopia
apud Caffres reperiuntur: ubi causa dentium, quos Lusitanis vendunt, occidi solent.
Illorum certa copia quoque in Bengala est: nec minor in Pegu, ubi tanto numero &
multitudine vagantur, ut una vice locoque interdum duo millia cogant . . .”.
57
W. Ashworth, jr., “The persistent beast: recurring images in early zoological
illustration” In: A. Ellenius, ed., The natural sciences and the arts. Aspects of interaction from
the Renaissance to the 20th century (Uppsala 1985) 46–66.

164 chapter five
by analysing the illustrated works of Konrad Gesner.58 Besides alluding

to its distinctive appearances, Gesner had presented his readership with
a favourable account of the elephant. He described it as
the largest land animal, and nearest to man in intelligence. It understands
the language of its country, obeys orders, remembers duties it has learned,
likes affection and honours—more, it has virtues rare in man—honesty,
wisdom, justice, and respect for the stars and reverence for the sun and
the moon.59
The authors of travel accounts generally seemed more reluctant to
embrace the elephant. Instead of denoting its obedience, the travellers,
and the De Brys in their wake, still concentrated on the various efforts
to train the elephants, and thus, essentially, on the animal’s fierceness.
In India Orientalis VI its ferocity was presented unambiguously, since the
elephant was included in an engraving depicting the wild animals of
West Africa, as opposed to the domesticated ones in another illustra-
tion. The caption to this plate underlined wildness as the elephant’s
main feature by stating that it was permanently engaged in a bitter
feud with the rhinoceros.60 A second engraving demonstrated the way
in which the population of the Gold Coast captured elephants, by
trapping the animal in a concealed pit (ill. 15). Despite the apparent
chance of success at catching elephants, the West Africans were not
depicted with domesticated specimens, leaving doubts regarding their
disciplinary abilities.
The control of humans over the elephant was more assured in Asia.
An Indian warlord in Cochin, as well as the Mughals in northern India,
employed the elephant as a means of transport, whereas elephants
participated in religious processions in the kingdom of Narsinga in
southern India. In the town of Tuban, an important trading centre in
eastern Java, the local ruler had his throne installed on the back of an
elephant. One of his servants could “lead the elephant to anywhere he
58
Gesner (1551–58) I 409–42; Lach (1965–93) II-1 156–57 suggests that the De
Brys used all the available literary and artistic evidence.
59
Gesner (1551–58) I 425. Ludovico di Varthema, the Bolognese traveller who
travelled extensively in Asia in the early sixteenth century, made a similar assessment
of the elephant: Lach (1965–93) II-1 135.
60
Ind.Or. VI, ill. xiii (Ger): “A. Ist ein Elephant, der grosse Feindschafft hat mit dem
Rinoceros. [. . .] H. Ist ein Rinoceros, ein abgesagter Feind deß Elephanten”/(Lat):
“A. Elephas (sic) est inimicitiam cum Rhinocerote habens. [. . .] H. Rhinoceros est
animal unius in nare cornu, hostis Elephantis infensißimus”.

Ill. 15. Ind.Or. VI, ill. xii
wanted by using a hooked pole”.61 Yet the dominance of humans over

elephants was most obvious in Pegu and Patani. In Patani, people cap-
tured wild elephants by using tamed specimens which had been trained
for this purpose. The disciplined elephants, ridden by one person, were
used to lure their wild comrades into battle, and the ensuing tussle ena-
bled the rest of the hunters to seize the wild elephant by tying its legs
together. The captured animal was then starved into submission. The
explanatory text noted that these elephants had become “so tame” that
they were eager to be ruled by man, who also sold the tusks to Chinese
merchants for huge profits. A second engraving showed an orderly escort
of elephants in the entourage of the region’s female sovereign.62
In the caption to the illustration of the elephant hunt in Patani, in
India Orientalis VIII, the De Brys added a cross-reference to a similar
61
Ind.Or. II, ill. xviii; Ind.Or. XI, ill. viii; Ind.Or. II, ill. xxii; Ind.Or. V, ill. xvii (Ger):
“. . . welcher mit einem Hacken an einem Stecken den Elepfant Lencken konnt, wo er
ihn nur hin haben wolt”/(Lat): “. . . qui ferreum uncum baculo infixum gestabat”.
62
Ind.Or. VIII, ills. v and iv respectively.

166 chapter five
plate in Volume VII depicting the catching of elephants in Pegu.63

Parallel to the modus operandi in Patani, the population of Pegu also
used domesticated elephants to capture wild specimens. Here female
elephants, sprinkled with an aphrodisiac, were used to catch their male
companions. This enabled the obedient animals to lead the wild speci-
mens into a purpose-built pen, where the males were starved until they
were “very tame”. Like the caption regarding Patani, this paraphrase
emphasised that the domesticated elephants were trained to catch those
at large and, as in Patani, the elephants were also depicted in an orderly
procession to put the local taming skills in Pegu beyond doubt.
The description of Pegu however, which was based on an account
of the Venetian Gasparo Balbi’s voyage, paid still more attention to
the local elephants. In a sequence of five engravings, the obedience of
the elephants was exemplary.64 The most revered and most exceptional
of elephants, the Asian white elephant, was even depicted kneeling
before the monarch of Pegu, as if to confirm its ultimate subservi-
ence to man.65 Apart from being a sign of approval for the taming
skills of the inhabitants of Pegu, the humbleness of elephants could
also be explained as a reward for man’s treatment of the animal. The
elephants in Pegu received their food in a golden bowl, and were washed
with water from a silver kettle. They were further shaded from bright
sunlight by some of the ruler’s servants (ill. 16). In the Old Testament
in particular, kindness to animals was deemed preferential to cruelty,
since it stimulated kindness to other humans, a thought which echoes
the anthropocentrism of the era.66
The manner of capturing elephants and the subsequent rate of
success of the overseas population in training these animals provided
early modern Europeans with attributes that could be used to compose
a hierarchy of sophistication levels, in which the various regions and
inhabitants of Africa and Asia took their natural place. The domesti-
cated, utterly obedient elephants of South-East Asia were unquestion-
ably perceived more positively than the supposedly similar creatures
in Africa, which were chiefly qualified as quarrelsome. Furthermore,
the practice of using tame elephants to catch wild ones, in Pegu and
63
Ind.Or. VII, ill. xix.
64
Ind.Or. VII, ills. xv, xvi, xviii, xix, and xx.
65
Although the elephant’s ability to kneel had been a matter of debate among
naturalists for a long time, the De Bry engraving was bereft of true zoological value.
66
Thomas (1987) 150–51.

Ill. 16. Ind.Or. VII, ill. xvi
Patani, was considered much more ingenious than the West African
tactics of concealing deep pits, where chance remained an important
factor of success. To help their readership interpret these different
human-elephant relationships, the De Brys purposefully utilised the
terms ‘wild’ and ‘tame’. Elephants in West Africa featured among the
“wild animals”, whereas their South-East Asian counterparts were
referred to as “so tame” or “very tame”.
5.6. One step too far: man and animal intertwined
Once the local wildlife had been tamed, overseas peoples were in a
position to use the animals for their own purposes. Natural relations
would hence be established and confirmed. Although such relations
did not rule out that humans be kind to animals, one divide could by
no means be crossed. Man and animal, according to both classical and
Christian beliefs, were quintessentially dissimilar. Unlike man, animals

168 chapter five
had no curiosity or intelligence, could not read the Scripture, and had
no chance of salvation. This difference was recognised throughout the
Old World, where the question of the Indians’ humanity had been the
subject of public debate in Spain in the early sixteenth century. In order
to facilitate the missionary zeal of the clergy in the New World, Pope
Paul III in his bull Sublimis Deus of 1537 had officially proclaimed the
Indians capable of understanding the Catholic faith.67
To cross the bridge between humanity and the animal world would
signify a lack of reverence for God’s creation of man in his own likeness,
yet some of the overseas people in the De Bry collection were seen to
be doing just that. There were several possible ways of violating this
early modern law of conduct. One of these was to display too much
affection for animals, and one of the prime examples of such behav-
iour has already been introduced above. The llamas of South America
posed a problem by being so arbitrarily reluctant to serve as beasts of
burden. The most successful way of returning them to obedience was
described and depicted in detail by the De Brys. It involved placating
the llamas by caressing them and—based on the illustration—even
kissing them, sometimes for a period of two or three hours according
to the caption.68 Such behaviour, in addition to the incompetence in
taming the animals properly, was considered an insult to man’s natural
position as the appointed ruler of the animal kingdom.
Being too affectionate towards animals was one thing strongly frowned
upon, but distinctly worse was the tendency of certain overseas societies
to worship some of the indigenous species.69 Both in the representations
of Mexico and India, such rituals were eagerly put on display by the
De Brys. In India Occidentalis IX, Mexicans were depicted venerating
an eagle. As some of the following chapters will demonstrate, the De
Brys had a preference for the words ‘idol’ and ‘idolatry’, even when
the authors of the original accounts had been more hesitant to use
67
P. Seed, “ ‘Are these not also men?’: the Indians’ humanity and capacity for Spanish
civilisation”, Journal of Latin American Studies 25 (1993) 629–52; L. Hanke, “Pope Paul
III and the American Indians”, Harvard Theological Review 30 (1937) 65–102.
68
Ind.Occ. IX, ill. iv (Ger): “. . . sondern muß der Geleitsmänner einer sich neben
das Thier legen, und bißweilen wol 2. oder 3. Stund ligen bleiben, unnd ihm liebe-
kossen . . .”/(Lat): “. . . sed necesse omninò est, ut ex comitibus quidam iuxta animal in
humum se prosternat, hocque habitu ad horas vel binas vel interdum ternas suavibus
verbis ei adblandiatur”.
69
Meyer (2000) 354.

such strong terms. The caption to this illustration showed the De Brys
at their condemning best:
. . . Here is depicted how the Mexicans have travelled through the reed
and through barren regions, until they reached a place where, according
to the prophecies of their idol Vitzliputzli, they found [. . .] an eagle, who
had a beautiful bird in its claws—all of this according to their false God’s
prophesy. As soon as they saw this token, they fell down on their knees
before the eagle, adulated it, and built a hut and subsequently the city of
Mexico at this spot, in honour of their idol. . . .70
The veneration of a cow by a group of Banians, a name usually reserved
for Indian brokers who functioned as agents to European merchants, was
even more evocative of animal idolatry. Semi-naked men and women
were depicted in solemn, exceedingly compliant adulation of the cow,
while kissing its feet and ‘claws’—according to both the illustration
and the caption (ill. 17). In the background of the De Bry-designed
engraving, presumably derived from sixteenth-century representations
of the adulation of the Golden Calf, members of the indigenous group
venerated effigies of a devilish figure, in order to further confirm the
erring habits of the Indians.
Some distant peoples even bore a resemblance to animals, and here
the often very slight modifications of the De Brys provide an excep-
tional insight into the construction of the overseas world in the collec-
tion of voyages. Firstly, the De Brys occasionally altered the captions
to include direct comparisons between humans and animals which
had not been made in the original reports. This type of adjustment
can be observed in one of the illustrations of India Occidentalis II. With
regard to the abilities of some of the local foot-soldiers in Florida, the
70
Ind.Occ. IX, ill. xii (Ger): “Hie wird etlicher Massen fürgebildet, welcher Gestalt
die Mexicaner gezogen seyn, durch die Pinsen und wüste Oerter, biß sie nach
Prophezeyhung ihres Abgotts Vitzliputzli an den Ort kommen, da sie [. . .] ein Adler
[gefunden], so einen schönen Vogel in den Klawen gehabt, alles nach ihres falschen
Gottes Weissagung, so bald sie nun dieses Wahrzeichen gesehen, seynd sie für diesem
Adler auff ihre Knie nider gefallen, haben ihn angebettet und als bald dem Abgott
alda zu Ehren eine Hütte, und demnach die Statt Mexico gebawet”/(Lat): “Hac figura
quadamtenus exprimitur, qua specie modóve Mexicani primò per loca deserta migrarint,
donec pro Idoli sui Vitzliputzli vaticinio ad ea loca, ubi [. . .] illis adventantibus aquila,
pulcherrimam avem unguibus premens pro accepto augurio consederat. Quam, ubi
primùm conspexerant, in genua provoluti, eam adoraverunt: eodemque momento in
Idoli sui honorem tabernaculum, & tandem succedente tempore urbem Mexico isto
loco extruxerunt”.

170 chapter five
Ill. 17. Ind.Or. XI, ill. iv
De Brys remarked that “. . . just like tracker dogs can trace deer, they
can likewise track the footsteps of their enemies”.71 This part, and
only this part, of the caption cannot be traced to one of the original
French accounts in this volume. Similarly, the De Brys reported that
selected Floridians had the capacity to “smell the footprints of their
enemies”.72 On the one hand, these phrases may have been inserted
as clarifications for a readership stunned by the strange habits of the
Floridians. Yet at the same time, the alterations revealed the views of
71
Ind.Occ. II, ill. xiv (Ger): “. . . Dann wie die Spürhunde ein Wildt, also auch sie
die Fußstapffen der Feinde außspähen können”/(Lat): “. . . atque canis ferae alicujus, &
cognitis hostium vestigiis statim ad exercitum significatum recurrunt”.
72
Ind.Occ. II, ill. xxx (Ger): “[solche Leute], welche die Fußstapffen der Feinde
von ferrne riechen können. Dann so baldt sie die Fußstapffen durch ihre Naßlöcher
vernommen . . .”/(Lat): “. . . viri illi, qui hostium vestigia è longinquo odorantur: nam
simulatque aliquorum vestigia naribus perceperunt . . .”.

the De Brys and hence, almost automatically, their frame of mind as

co-ordinators of the collection of voyages.
Some of the engravings also bear testimony to such considerations,
albeit in a slightly different manner. The most obvious example of
the presupposed fusion of humans and animals again stems from the
volume on Florida, where locals were depicted being dressed up as
deer in an effort to catch yet more specimens (ill. 18). The juxtaposi-
tion of the three stags on the right bank of the stream, and the three
‘half man half stag’ Floridian hunters on the opposite side, as well as
the perfectly similar reflections of both creatures in the water reveal a
dangerously fine line between man and animal in this part of the New
World. As pretending to be an animal, for any reason, was deemed
unacceptable—some Europeans even considered it immoral to dress
up as one on stage in a play, let alone in real life—this plate must have
thrown a negative light on Floridian habits.
The engraving arguably most typical of the mindset of the De
Brys may well be the title-page to India Occidentalis I (ill. 19), where
Ill. 18. Ind.Occ. II, ill. xxv

172 chapter five
Ill. 19. Ind.Occ. I, title-page
the publishers decided to portray an indigenous Virginian man based

on one of the illustrations inside the volume.73 One element which
immediately caught the eye was the man’s tail, first painted by John
White. Since the illustration inside the volume showed both the hunt-
er’s front and back, it became apparent that the loose tail was used to
tie spare arrows around the waist (ill. 20).74 Out of context however,
either without White’s explanatory words on the attire, or without the
native man turning his back on the European readers which revealed
its practical use, the Algonquian’s tail on the title-page appeared to be
innate. As title-plates around 1600 were used to give potential buyers
an impression of the work’s contents, the decision to use this title-page
in the shop-window should be regarded as an appeal to the longing for
sensational views of the overseas world.75 Such representations further
lived up to European expectations, with rumours abounding about
73
Ind.Occ. I, ill. iii.
74
Hulton (1984) 78.
75
Christadler (2004) 48–93.

Ill. 20. Ind.Occ. I, ill. iii
Ill. 21. Ind.Occ. X, ill. vii (detail)

174 chapter five
Ill. 22. Ind.Occ. IV, ill. iii
men with tails living on the island of Cuba, and perhaps even closer
to home. In India Occidentalis X, the De Brys routinely depicted another
Virginian man with an innate tail (ill. 21).76
And finally, one depicted human figure in the New World was explic-
itly made to exemplify the all-too-narrow borderline between man and
animals. She was described in the caption to an illustration in India
Occidentalis IV as the wife of a king Columbus had encountered in the
province of Cumana, in what is now Venezuela (ill. 22). The ghastly
appearance of the woman was briefly elaborated upon, both by Giro-
lamo Benzoni and by the publishers, but unlike the Milanese chronicler,
the De Brys opted to remark that “she looked more like a marvellous
animal”, or “monster”, as the Latin version insisted, “than like a human
being”.77 The next chapter will discuss the ways in which the De Brys
represented ‘genuine’ human beings in the overseas world.
76
Thomas (1987) 134.
77
Ind.Occ. IV, ill. iii (Ger): “Denn sie viel mehr einem Wunderthier weder menschli-
cher Figur und Bildnuß gleich gesehen”/(Lat): “monstri enim cuiusdam potius, quam
humanam speciem habebat”.

CHAPTER SIX
NATIVE INHABITANTS:
PHYSICAL APPEARANCES AND IDENTITIES
Humans, like plants and animals, were considered part of the natural
world. While the boundaries between the various groupings of nature
were clearly defined in early modern Europe, the different categories
converged in the context of nutrition. Eating and drinking are of
supreme importance in the daily life of any society, and the connected
human habits were prime criteria for judging other cultures. These
were therefore regularly described and depicted by European travellers
abroad. Other elements which invariably drew their attention when
examining the overseas population were clothing—and nakedness,
posture, and more generally the ways in which the indigenous people
nurtured their bodies. The De Brys followed the interests of the chroni-
clers, yet not without adding their own flavour.
6.1. Eating and drinking in the overseas world
When Richard Hakluyt presented Theodore de Bry with John White’s

watercolours in the late 1580s, his hopes were that the Frankfurt
publisher would achieve two goals. Firstly, Theodore and his sons
were supposed to inform Europeans of the Tudor claims to Virginia.
Secondly, India Occidentalis I was meant to convince English readers of
the attractiveness of the New World for settling. Several of the selected
engravings sung the praise of the fertility of the American province.1
The second volume of the series displayed a similar tendency, albeit to
a lesser extent, portraying life in Florida as an appealing alternative to
life in the Old World. The illustrations devoted to promising harvests
in particular must have struck a chord in the early 1590s. Not only
were harvest failures and famines uncomfortably regular, the later
sixteenth century also saw a renewed emphasis on the representations
1
Ind.Occ. I, ills. xiii–xvi, xx.
van groesen_f8_175-218.indd 175 12/17/2007 9:52:28 PM

176 chapter six
of traditional seasonal tasks, including farming work, which was con-

ceptualised as a classical value, and a useful step towards Christian
salvation.2
The Algonquians in Virginia and the Timucuans around Fort
Caroline combined the merits of agricultural labour with the virtue of
frugality. Throughout the first two volumes of the De Bry collection,
the captions to the relevant engravings were truly admiring of the
eating customs of the native inhabitants the English and the French
encountered. This combination of topics must have been closely related
to consecutive crop failures in Europe in the early 1590s, as a result
of adverse climatic conditions.3 A single De Bry paraphrase that could
be seen in this light, not traceable to the French reports on Florida,
fervently endorsed the moderation of the New World natives:
. . . Christians [. . .] therefore, in fairness, deserve to be trained by these
barbarous foreign people, yes even by the ignorant animals, to learn
temperance from them.4
America I and II both mocked Old World decadence in a way that left
little room for misunderstanding; such attitudes have traditionally been
associated with the Protestant beliefs of either Richard Hakluyt or
Theodore de Bry. While Hakluyt’s programmatic objectives may have
influenced the first, and possibly some of the contents of the second
volume, the interpretation should probably largely be ascribed to
Theodore de Bry himself. He emphasised the province’s unspoilt nature
through captions written in Frankfurt, where any pressure exerted by
Hakluyt was minimal.5
Yet the emphasis on moderation as a virtue was by no means exclu-
sively reserved for Calvinists in the late sixteenth century. Humanists like
Montaigne had stressed self-discipline as an ethical notion to be shared
by Christians of all confessions, in line with medieval condemnations
2
Ind.Occ. II, ills. xxi–xxiii. L. Vardi, “Imagining the harvest in early modern Europe”,
American Historical Review 101–5 (1996) 1364 ff.
3
P. Clark, ed., The European crisis of the 1590s: essays in comparative history (London
and Boston 1985).
4
Ind.Occ. II, ill. xxviii (Ger): “Die Christen [. . .] solten derhalben billich, unter
diesen Barbarischen außländischen Leuthen, zur Schule gehen, und von inen, ja von
den unvernünfftigen Thieren, Mässigkeyt lehrnen” / (Lat): “Christianis [. . .] merito
deberent tradi in disciplinam his barbaris hominibus & animantibus brutis ad edis-
cendam sobrietatem”.
5
Miller (1998) 126–44, although she rightly stresses that the De Bry modifications
are more complex.

native inhabitants 177
of gluttony.6 Clusius and later Boissard, operating in the proximity of

the De Brys, certainly subscribed to such ideas of proper Christian
conduct, and may have influenced the outlook of Theodore de Bry.
In the volumes published under the auspices of the two brothers, from
1597 onwards, confessional beliefs and public professions remained
firmly separated. If the contents of these and other volumes are to be
related to the personal persuasions of the publishers, then the points of
view held within the Republic of Letters are perhaps more applicable
than sectarian or confessional considerations.
Agricultural virtues and the vindication of moderate eating habits
overseas were largely absent from the ensuing twenty-three volumes
of the collection, a development that mirrors the declining interest in
harvest scenes in contemporary prints.7 Elsewhere the brothers described
and depicted lavish banquets in the India Orientalis-series, without the
slightest trace of disapproval. These feasts of consumption were in fact
another instrument to show the regard of the engravers for some of
the overseas societies. In the representations of both China and the
Moluccan island of Ternate, the De Brys showed themselves sympathetic
to the stylish dinners to which European visitors were treated. Table
etiquette and high-quality dishes were held in increasingly high esteem
in Europe, as kitchens and tables became arenas for social distinction.
The two illustrations show the orderly, well-mannered character of
the overseas gatherings in accordance with Renaissance preferences.8
Appetite was matched by elegance, with jesting and jousting providing
light entertainment. Both Asian dining tables were filled with dishes,
yet no references were made to excess in either report, or in either of
the two captions. Descriptions of a rich tablecloth and beautiful cutlery
in the Moluccas, and gastronomic delights in China completed the
favourable impressions.9
Johan Theodore and Johan Israel de Bry, in contrast to their father,
were unlikely to stress the immorality of overindulgence.10 One important
6
W. J. Bouwsma, The waning of the Renaissance 1550 –1640 (New Haven and London
2000) 173–74.
7
Vardi (1996) 1373–79.
8
T. Rahn, “Herrschaft der Zeichen. Zum Zeremoniell als ‘Zeichensystem’ ” In:
H. Ottomeyer and M. Völkel, eds., Die öffentliche Tafel: Tafelzeremoniell in Europa 1300 –1900
(Berlin 2002) 24; M. Jeanneret, A feast of words. Banquets and table talk in the Renaissance
(Cambridge 1991) 49–57.
9
Ind.Or. II, ill. xxxi concerns China; Ind.Or. VIII, ill. i deals with Ternate.
10
K. Albala, Eating right in the Renaissance (Berkeley and London 2002) 34–35.

178 chapter six
exception to this pattern, however, concerned the consumption of alco-

hol, which attracted the scorn of both generations. Ale and wine as such
were acceptable, even indispensable to any early modern European diet.
Alternatives were few, and it was additionally believed that alcoholic
beverages were necessary to maintain good health. But ever greater
emphasis was placed on delicacy and self-restraint: intoxication was
strongly denounced by religious and secular authorities, and by most
medical experts.11 Such common values determined the interpretation
of the De Bry engravings. The inhabitants of Guyana, and all their
closest neighbours, were apparently so prone to drunkenness that the
publishers decided to open the caption to one of their engravings with
this observation, while showing various drinking parties in the illustration
they designed.12 The depiction of drunkenness as an integral part of life
on the Gold Coast was comparable. The De Brys claimed as much by
adding references to drinking to the German caption, to what originally
had been a botanical engraving in the Dutchman Pieter de Marees’
account and confined in the Latin caption to “a joyous feast”.13
According to both Christian and humanist writings, the loss of self-
control was a crucial factor in the negative perception of the over-con-
sumption of alcohol. Excessive drinking caused further sinful behaviour,
provoking lust and sexual activity without the aim of procreation.14
Dancing fuelled by alcohol was also frowned upon, as can be established
from an engraving on such rites in Nicaragua, where fermented peanut
drink was used as a catalyst for festivities which could last as long as
twenty-four hours (ill. 23). Some of the participants, according to the
De Brys’ German caption:
. . . stoop like the beggars from Alsace, when they dance. [. . .] In short,
they [all] behave so marvellously farcical, that one cannot stop writing
about it.15
11
A. Lynn Martin, Alcohol, sex, and gender in late medieval and early modern Europe (London
and Basingstoke 2001) esp. chapters 4 & 6.
12
Ind.Occ. VIII, ill. ii (Ger [first set of ills.]): “Die Eynwohner der Landtschafft
Guaiana, wie auch alle ihre Nachbauwren, seynd der Trunckenheit sehr ergeben, und
ubertreffen alle anderen Nationes im Zechen” / Ind.Occ. VIII, ill. xv (Lat): “Incola regni
Guianae, quemadmodum etiam vicini populi, & omnes nationes potando superant”.
13
Ind.Or. VI, ill. xiv (Ger): “C. Ist wie sie nach verrichter Arbeit die Wurtzeln
deß abgebrandten Waldts verbrennen, und drumbher sitzen und zechen” / (Lat):
“C. Rationem ostendit, qua finita agricultura, radices & stipulas comburant, & laeti
epulentur”.
14
Lynn Martin (2001) 47–49.
15
Ind.Occ. V, ill. xxi (Ger): “Etliche bücken sich [. . .] wie die Elsässer Bettler, wenn

Ill. 23. Ind.Occ. V, ill. xxi
Excessive consumption of alcohol not only let down the guards of

self-discipline, it also disclosed an alarming overall authority of tem-
perament over sophistication. Bad taste and nutritional ignorance were
similarly frowned upon. Dietary doctrines obviously varied within
Europe, according to different culinary customs, but some common
considerations applied. Food was deemed, by Renaissance practitioners
and theorists alike, to have an influence on the physical and mental state
of the human body, and its balance of the four humours. Each person
was thought to have his own physical constitution, which required an
individualised diet to prevent humoural imbalance. Those substances
most similar to the human body, like meat, were considered the best
and most nutritious. Corrupted food, however, fouled not only the
body and its chief fluids, but ultimately also the mind they nourished.
sie ein Tanz halten. [. . .] in Summa, sie treiben so wunderbarliche Bossen, daß nicht
genug darvon zu schreiben ist” / (Lat): “denique mille alios mirabiles gestus faciunt”.
There is no such analogy in the original account, Benzoni (1586) 229–31. The full text
in the German collection does include the comparison: Ind.Occ. V (Ger) 87.

180 chapter six
Eating fare, such as reptiles and insects, that could not be converted
into one’s own substance was hence seen as counterproductive and
outright detrimental, a view supported by Old Testament books such
as Leviticus and Deuteronomy.16
How all this food was consumed was of equal significance. Uncooked
food, for example, was believed to cause fevers and generate worms.
Therefore the habit of some indigenous people to eat their food raw
was a custom which fascinated European visitors.17 The De Brys
combined their civilised dislike of uncooked fare with representa-
tions of an extraordinary lack of taste. Inhabitants of Patagonia were
depicted eating raw birds in India Occidentalis IX (see ill. 74), while some
of the positive attributions of Floridians in Volume II were cancelled
out by graphically illustrating the amphibious and monstrous animals
they consumed. The Indians considered snakes, lizards or iguanas, and
small crocodiles all suitable for ingestion, after only having been dried
with smoke (ill. 24).18
Reptiles, in any event, were surpassed in repugnance by some of
the raw fare on the menu around the Cape of Good Hope, where
the Khoikhoi or ‘Hottentots’ were seen devouring a slaughtered ox’s
intestines. The illustration is as good an example as any of the selection
process and the modification techniques employed in the collection, as
the De Brys decided to depict a slightly different part of the report,
resulting in a vastly different representation. Having already featured
in Willem Lodewijcksz’ Dutch account, the anecdote of Hottentots
eating the raw bowels of cattle underwent various changes. Textual
elements mitigating their loathsome appetite, like the observation that
the natives “shook out most of the dirt”19 before putting the food into
their mouths, were omitted. The De Brys added the derogatory word
“savages”20 to the German caption, and left out some of the traveller’s
more appreciative comments of the South African natives.
16
M. Douglas, Purity and danger. An analysis of concept of pollution and taboo (reprint;
London and New York 2004 [1st ed. 1966]) chapter 3; Albala (2002) 48–64.
17
B. Ashley, et al., Food and cultural studies (London and New York 2004) 27–36, almost
entirely based on C. Lévi-Strauss’ structuralist model, as expounded in his article “The
culinary triangle”, Partisan review 33–4 (1966) 586–95. Bucher (1981) 51 ff. elaborates
on the Lévi-Straussian model.
18
Ind.Occ. IX, ill. xxiii; Ind.Occ. II, ill. xxiv. Drying meat with smoke was considered
to be the opposite to cooking food: Lestringant (1994) 69. On the uncleanliness of
lizards and snakes: Leviticus 11:29–30.
19
Lodewijcksz (1598) f6v: “. . . de meeste vuylicheyt daer uytschuddende . . .”.
20
Ind.Or. III, ill. vii (Ger): “die Wilden”. In the Latin caption they are referred to,
neutrally, as “illi”.

Ill. 24. Ind.Occ. II, ill. xxiv
The comparison of the two illustrations (ills. 25 & 26) shows yet
more palpable adaptations: the De Bry engraving actually caught
the Hottentot in the act of consuming the intestines, hence increas-
ing the spectacular appeal of the representation. The appearance of
two Dutchmen in the picture merely served to emphasise the contrast
between the civilised Europeans and the uncivilised Hottentots. One
of the crew members, the artistic embodiment of the instinctive rec-
ognition of otherness, looked noticeably bemused at the native’s crav-
ing. Early modern Europeans persistently represented the Hottentots
as savages, who violated the rules of civility more than almost any
other African group. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the
Hottentots were to exemplify racist theories as the discussions of skin
colour and wildness merged, supported by the repetitive use of the De
Bry composition.21
21
L. E. Merians, “ ‘Hottentot’: the emergence of an early modern racist epithet”,
Shakespeare Studies 26 (1998) 123–44; see also: E. Bassani and L. Tedeschi, “The image
of the Hottentot in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. An iconographic inves-
tigation”, Journal of the history of collections II-2 (1990) 157–86, and infra, Ch. 11, pp.
361–63.

182 chapter six
Ill. 25. Historie van Indien . . . (Amsterdam 1598) ill. 2
6.2. Cannibalism
While readers of the De Bry collection may have been astonished by

the illustrations of humans consuming reptiles and bovine intestines,
they probably expected nothing less than to find plenty of gruesome
details on cannibalism. When the first generation of explorers reported
on anthropophagous habits in Brazil, they confirmed various ancient
and medieval fabrications.22 The European interest in cannibalism
was little short of an obsession. It became a favourite theme in
Renaissance art almost overnight, and a fundamental aspect of nearly
every sixteenth-century tract dealing with the New World, even for an
author like Sebastian Münster who touched upon overseas encounters
only very briefly. Still the De Bry illustrations of cannibalism achieved
canonical status, based on the account of Hans Staden, the adventurer
from Hesse who had twice travelled to Brazil, where he lived among
22
F. Lestringant, Cannibals. The discovery and representation of the cannibal from Columbus
to Jules Verne (Los Angeles 1997) 15–17; M. Palencia-Roth, “The cannibal law of 1503”
In: J. M. Williams and R. E. Lewis, eds., Early images of the Americas. Transfer and invention
(Tucson and London 1993) 28–31.

Ill. 26. Ind.Or. III, ill. vii
cannibalistic tribes (ill. 27).23 Although eating human flesh, according to

theories of the similarity of food, could be seen as nutritionally perfect,
it was by no means to be tolerated, and no early modern reader needed
advice on how to interpret the practice of eating human flesh. The De
Brys nonetheless added explanatory adjectives like “barbarous” to the
German descriptions of cannibals.24
While the illustrations of manslaughter and man-eating were sure to
make an impression in the mind of readers, the iconography of can-
nibalism in the De Bry collection was anything but innovative. Apart
from the graphic representations of the Brazilian cannibals, which were
more intricate, better executed, and presumably more widely distributed
23
Staden’s account makes up the first part of Ind.Occ. III. The De Bry illustrations
from this volume in particular have been used exhaustively for decoration of book cov-
ers in the late 20th century. See: F. Obermeier, “Hans Stadens Wahrhafftige Historia
1557 und die Literatur der Zeit”, Wolfenbütteler Notizen zur Buchgeschichte 27–2 (2002)
43–80, with a comprehensive list of references.
24
Lopez and Pigafetta (1591) 16: “Et per certo molte sono le nationi, che ci cibano
di carne humana”; Ind.Or. I (Ger) 14: “Es seindt zwar andere Barbarische Nationen
mehr, die Menschenfleisch zur Speise wenden” / (Lat) 12: “Sunt sane plures hinc inde
anthropophagi”.

184 chapter six
Ill. 27. Ind.Occ. III (Lat) 127
than the crude woodcuts in Hans Staden’s account of the 1550s, the
textual adaptations in the De Bry collection testified to their careful
handling of the issue. India Orientalis VII provides an edifying example
of how minor rewordings could have large consequences. Gasparo Balbi,
a Venetian jeweller recording the adventures of his overland journey
to Asia, noted that the islanders of Carnalcubar, in the Indian Ocean,
“were fond of human flesh”. The De Brys subsequently altered Balbi’s
observation by stating, in German, that “they ate nothing but human
flesh”, only to leave the original testimony more or less unchanged for
their Latin version.25
25
G. Balbi, Viaggio dell’ Indie Orientali, dal 1579 al 1588: nelquale si contiene quanto egli
in detto viaggio hà veduto per lo spatio di 9 anni 1579–1588 (Venice 1590) f133v: “che si
pascono di carne humana”; Ind.Or. VII (Ger) 100: “die da anders nichts fressen, als
Menschenfleisch” / (Lat) 119: “qui humanis maxime carnibus delectantur”. Carnalcubar
probably refers to one of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.

Similar circumspection is apparent in the changes made to a narrative

on Africa. Odoardo Lopez, the Portuguese merchant whose adventures
were recorded by the educated Roman military officer Filippo Pigafetta,
testified to having encountered the Jaga, east of Congo, “who are physi-
cally large and deformed, and who live like cattle in the open country,
eating human flesh”. For their German edition, India Orientalis I, the De
Brys truthfully copied the assertion, but they omitted this single sentence
from the Latin version published the following year.26 The discrepancy
was reflected in the penultimate copper engraving of the volume (ill. 28).
Since the captions to the illustrations were generally paraphrases of the
full texts, the readers of the German edition were invited to relish the
dramatic story of the anthropophagous Jaga, whereas the Latin volume
left readers uninformed.27 Cannibalism was not the only subject which
Ill. 28. Ind.Or. I, ill. xiii
26
Lopez and Pigafetta (1591) 77: “Sono grandi di corpo, & deformi, & vivono alla
bestiale in campagna, mangiando carne humana”; Ind.Or. I (Ger) 70: “Sie seynd groß
von Leib, und leben auff dem Feld wie das unvernünfftige Vieh, und fressen Menschen
Fleisch.” / (Lat) 57.
27
Ind.Or. I, ill. xiii (Ger): “. . . fressen auch Menschenfleisch”.

186 chapter six
was handled in different ways for the two different translations of the
collection, a phenomenon that will be analysed in detail in following
chapters.
The modifications in India Orientalis I are systematic, and they are
found in various stages of textual transformation. The De Brys, after
having translated the account proper, also altered overseas representa-
tions when adapting the translation for the captions. While the full
German text mentioned that the Anziquans, living to the north of
Congo, “had abattoirs or slaughterhouses for human flesh, like we have
for oxen, sheep, and other meats”, the corresponding caption claimed
that they “had abattoirs for human flesh, which were just as common
as ours for all types of livestock”, suggesting that these abattoirs were
a regular public feature of sub-Saharan Africa.28 The accompany-
ing picture showed a standard contemporary image of a cannibal’s
slaughterhouse, with various arms and legs hanging on hooks from
the ceiling (ill. 29).
The De Brys almost certainly overstated the scope of cannibalism.
While man-eating had been a customary topic in European repre-
sentations of the New World, and, in some measure, Black Africa,
the publishers also transferred the notion of anthropophagy to the
Orient on two occasions. Based on Gasparo Balbi’s narrative, the De
Brys reported that the king of Martaban, in modern-day Myanmar,
extradited offenders to the man-eating Bataks, living on the island
of Sumatra.29 These traditions, however, were still being reported on
in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The claim made in India
Orientalis XI, based on the letters supposedly written by Vespucci, was
less reliable. It placed cannibals in an unspecified region in the “East
Indies”. The author prompted the De Brys to design a gruesome
illustration of the murder and subsequent consumption of a young
Portuguese traveller (ill. 30). In his letters, the author often referred
to as the pseudo-Vespucci presumed to have sailed along Far Eastern
shores while in fact he had stumbled upon the coast of Brazil. Well
28
Ind.Or. I (Ger) 14: “Sie haben ihre Metzigen oder Fleischhäuser von Menschen
Fleisch, wie man sie bei uns von Ochsen, Schaff, und ander Fleisch pflegt zu haben”;
ill. xii: “dann sie ihre Metzigen von Menschenfleisch so gemein under ihnen haben,
als wir hie aussen von allerley Viehe” / (Lat) 12: “Macella ipsorum, loco bovinum,
ovium, aliorumve animalium, humanis carnibus sunt referta”; ill. xii: “unde fit ut
ipsorum publica macella non pecuinis, sed humanis carnibus venum expositis, semper
sint referta”.
29
Balbi (1590) f130r; Ind.Or. VII (Ger) 97 / (Lat) 117.

Ill. 29. Ind.Or. I, ill. xii
Ill. 30. Ind.Or. XI, ill. i

188 chapter six
over one-hundred years later, the De Brys were unable or unwilling to

correct this misconception, hence prolonging the lifespan of the myth
of cannibalism throughout Asia.30
All forms of man-eating were naturally condemned by early modern
Europeans, as it made resurrection of the body on the day of judgement
impossible. As a violation of the commandment “Thou shallt not kill”,
furthermore, cannibalism was depicted as the inversion of civilised and
Christian conduct.31 There were nevertheless different shades of grey
in the spectrum of anthropophagy. The brutal treatment of captured
enemies, overseas as well as in Europe, was not unfamiliar around 1600.
Consequently, the vengeful behaviour of some cannibals towards their
rivals was deemed less unacceptable than ‘incestuous’ roasting—that
is eating members of one’s own group or family, as, for example,
Montaigne implied, in his essay Des cannibales.32 In all but one of the
cited cases of cannibalism from the De Bry collection, the man-eaters
ate others rather than their own, matching the testimonies in the various
travel accounts. The Anziquans, eating friend rather than foe, thus may
have incurred the most wrath from the civilised readership.33
6.3. Respecting the human body:

mutilation and self-mutilation
Beyond cannibalism, the De Brys displayed an equally avid interest

in the destructions and mutilations of close friends, as well as in self-
mutilation in the overseas world. “Tampering with Nature”, as one
contemporary author wrote, was still considered an intolerable offence
30
Lestringant (1997) 46–49, discusses André Thevet’s attempts to keep cannibal-
ism away from Africa and Asia. The composition may partly rely on Dirck Volkertsz
Coornhert’s image of Charles V’s triumph in the New World (1555), after a design by
Maarten van Heemskerck. This plate depicts natives attacking an invading European
fleet in the background, while they strip and cut to pieces one of the captured
soldiers.
31
Palencia-Roth (1993) 53–54.
32
Montaigne had a cannibal, who himself was about to be cannibalised, say to his
devourers, triumphantly: “Ces muscles, dit-il, cette cher et ces veines, ce sont les vostres,
pauvres fols que vous estes; vous ne recognoissez pas que la substance des membres
de vos ancestres s’y tient encore: savourez les bien, vous y trouverez le goust de vostre
propre chair”, M. de Montaigne, Les Essais [P. Villey, ed.] (2nd ed.; 3 vols.; Paris 1992)
I 212. Also: Lestringant (1997) 28–30.
33
Ind.Or. I (Ger) 14 / (Lat) 12; ill. xii.

to the corporal integrity of that Divinely created entity in God’s own

likeness.34 The sixteenth century had witnessed a rise in the demand for
corpses as essential objects for anatomical dissections, but the partition-
ing and opening of dead bodies was to remain contentious throughout
the early modern era. The diversity in forms of capital punishment
showed a similar tendency: hanging was considered a terrible sentence,
primarily because the dead body often remained on the gallows until
it disintegrated. Yet breaking offenders on the wheel was invariably
seen as worse, and was reserved only for extremely serious crimes.
These forms of public execution neatly reflected the extent to which a
person’s bodily integrity was being compromised. The fragmentation
of the body was evidently something to be avoided at all costs, both
before and after death.35
Bodily destruction in its broadest sense can be found throughout the
De Bry volumes. Murder, warfare, rape, and torture were all present
in more than one narrative. With such topics also being endemic to
the original accounts, their inclusion says more about the often violent
nature of overseas encounters than about the family’s editorial strategy.
Self-mutilation however, a more narrowly defined cruelty, was more
conspicuous in the De Bry collection than in the assembled original
accounts. Once again it needs to be stressed that aside from using the
instrument of adapting texts and illustrations to reshape the original
representations, the publishers also selected isolated passages as suitable
for making new designs. Selectiveness, more than anything else, enabled
the De Brys to develop certain themes in their collection, regardless
of the way in which these themes were subsequently described and
depicted.
Two types of self-mutilation stand out. Examples of bruised, punc-
tured, and perforated parts of the body were repeatedly brought to the
fore, in what would now be called tattooing and piercing. On top of
that, the De Brys put on display depictions of more ruthless mutilations
of the body in the overseas world, with entire body parts being cut
off. Both superficial tattoos and genuine amputations were considered
34
S. Greenblatt, “Mutilation and meaning” In: D. Hillman and C. Mazzio, eds.,
The body in parts. Fantasies of corporeality in early modern Europe (New York and London
1997) 236.
35
F. Egmond, “Execution, dissection, pain and infamy—a morphological investiga-
tion” In: Idem and R. Zwijnenberg, eds., Bodily extremities. Preoccupations with the human
body in early modern European culture (Aldershot 2003) 100–02, 108–09.

190 chapter six
to be shameful, as both were closely associated with common punitive

measures. Self-inflicted disfigurement was thus quickly interpreted as an
acknowledgement of a sinful life, as well as an act of (partial) human
sacrifice. The Old Testament was clear on this point. According to
Leviticus 19:28, “You shall not make any cuttings in your flesh for the
dead, nor print any marks upon you”.36
The De Bry collection both reflected and exploited these negative
connotations of tattoos and mutilations in late sixteenth- and early
seventeenth-century Europe. The most famous engravings of tattoos
in the collection have usually been regarded as anything but deroga-
tory. Depictions of Algonquians in India Occidentalis I, with painted
and punctured bodies, were presented side by side with five plates of
similarly tattooed ancient Britons in a tantalising attempt to demon-
strate that the native Virginians were almost identical to the ancestors
of Elizabethan Englishmen. Hakluyt could have devised such analo-
gies to reduce reluctance at home, and encourage settlers to populate
the Virginian colony. But whether the illustrations conveyed only the
intended, affirmative, Hakluyt-inspired ‘spin’ of the parallel between
Virginian Indians and ancient Europeans is doubtful.37
The juxtaposed images of Algonquians and tattooed English ances-
tors also indicated a barbarian past, acknowledged yet disavowed. Early
Christians, like their early modern descendents, had disapproved of
tattooing, and Theodore de Bry, in his introduction to the five extra
engravings, explicitly used the word “savage” to explain the analogy
between the Algonquians and ancient Britons.38 The captions to the
illustrations are ambiguous. The text accompanying the final illustration
of Virginia is sympathetic, describing the branded signs on the backs
of the Indians helping them to distinguish one another as a mark of
“cleverness”. Yet an earlier engraving explains that, before going to
war, some of the Virginians adorned their bodies “in the most terrible
36
J. Fleming, “The Renaissance tattoo” In: J. Caplan, ed., Written on the body. The
tattoo in European and American history (London 2000) 78–82.
37
Campbell (1999) 63–67; Miller (1998) 56–57. Greve (2004) 107 rightly points to
the representational ambivalence of the Picts.
38
Ind.Occ. I (Ger) [E1r]: “. . . damit zu beweisen daß die Engelländer vor Jaren
ebenso wild, als die Virginischen gewesen seyen” / (Lat) [E1r]: “. . . ad demonstran-
dum, Britanniae incolas non minus aliquando fuisse sylvestres ipsis Virginensibus”. On
Christian disapproval of tattoos: Fleming (2000) 78. See also: D. Armitage, “The New
World and British historical thought: from Richard Hakluyt to William Robertson”
In: K. O. Kupperman, ed., America in European consciousness 1493–1750 (Chapel Hill
1995) 63–64.

way they could”. The caption to a plate in Volume II is unmistakably

reproachful, claiming that Timucua women speckled their bodies, which
precipitated a seven- or eight-day illness.39 The causal connection of
tattooing and poor health may well have been interpreted by readers
as a rightful reprimand for harming the human body.
The De Brys revealed a further dislike for cosmetic scarring in other
volumes. They took the initiative, for instance, to depict a Floridian
scalping ritual for America II, suggested by the typical composition dis-
closing its invention in the Frankfurt workshop (ill. 31).40 When Pieter
de Marees, after his experiences on the Gold Coast, stated that some of
the West Africans “had their bodies punctured with cuts, and their faces
covered with paint, as a great beautification of their bodies”, the De
Brys omitted the clause that qualified the cuttings as an embellishment.
In the caption to one of the plates in this volume, India Orientalis VI, a
comparable omission can be observed. De Marees wrote approvingly
that some inhabitants of the Gold Coast had their bodies “punctured,
and attractively covered with paint”, but the word “attractively” was
singled out for deletion in the De Bry versions.41
The act of self-mutilating was repeatedly selected for depiction. In the
margins of an illustration of Sir Francis Drake’s encounter with South
Americans living near Rio de la Plata, on his way to circumnavigating
the globe while destroying Spanish possessions, an Amerindian woman
scratched open her own cheeks and countenance for pleasure, “so much
that [the women] seemed thirsty for blood”.42 Capturing precisely this
gripping moment of disfigurement suggests that the De Brys sought to
portray the habit of self-mutilation at its most violent and unfamiliar
(ill. 32). The predilection for the horrifying moment is discernible in
39
Ind.Occ. I, ill. xxiii (Ger): “spitzfindigkeit” / (Lat): “industriam”; ill. iii (Ger): “auff das
allerscheutzlichste sie immer können” / (Lat): “maxime horrendam poßunt”; Ind.Occ.
II, ill. xxxix.
40
Axtell and Sturtevant (1980) 451–72. Cf. supra, Ch. 4, p. 124 for the De Bry
compositions.
41
De Marees (1602) 18: “zijnde op het lyf met sneden ghepickeert, ende het aensicht
met Verf bestreken, tot een groot ciraet hares lichaem”; Ind.Or. VI, ill. iii (Ger): “auff
dem Leibe sindt sie fast seltzam zerschnitten oder gerissen, und im Angesicht mit Farbe
angestrichen oder gemahlet” / (Lat): “Faciem habet scissam varie & coloratam”. De
Marees (1602) 120: “ghepickeert, ende met Verf fray bestreken”; Ind.Or. VI, ill. xx (Ger):
“geritzet, und mit Farbe bestrichen” / (Lat): “variis secturis & puncturis deformatam
& colore certo infectam”.
42
Ind.Occ. VIII (Ger) ill. v [second set of ills.]: “etliche Weiber, so für Freuden ihre
Backen und Angesichter zerkratzen, daß sie gar blutrüstig waren” / (Lat) ill. v: “mulieres
[. . .] quae prae laetitia, maxillas & faciem, ad sanguinem usque lacerarant”.

192 chapter six
Ill. 31. Ind.Occ. II, ill. xv
Ill. 32. Ind.Occ. VIII, ill. v (Lat) / ill. v [second set of ills.] (Ger)

many of the collection’s volumes, quite plainly, for example, in the

illustrations of Mozambique and Florida natives mutilating and castrat-
ing their enemies.43 For some readers, the plate of the Mozambican
castrations may have been unacceptable, as it is reported missing from
several copies of the collection (ill. 33).44
From the New World to the East Indies, European travellers encoun-
tered many flagrant corporeal mutilations, enabling the De Brys to
design pictures of the rituals regularly. An Aztec man piercing his
foot before a statue of Vitzliputzli and a demonic Ceylon sorcerer
cutting a hole in his thigh in order to pull a chain through it featured
prominently in two of the De Bry compositions. One design was
entirely devoted to the procession known as the Juggernaut, earlier
described by John of Mandeville and others: devout inhabitants of
the South Indian kingdom of Narsinga were seen slicing off chunks
of their own flesh before ritually throwing these to their ‘false god’
Ill. 33. Ind.Or. II, ill. iv
43
Ind.Occ. II, ill. xv, where the Secota are depicted taking the scalps of their defeated
enemies, and Ind.Or. II, ill. iv, where the Mozambicans castrated their victims.
44
Ludovic Lindsay (1884) 65.

194 chapter six
(ill. 34).45 Although types of self-sacrifice had enjoyed prestige in medieval

Christianity, mutilation outside the Christian world was more readily
associated with judicial ordeals, or with perverse worship and outright
heathendom. Voluntarily amputating parts of the human body could
be further connected to considering such parts superfluous, and thus to
excess in more general terms.46 This in turn affected the interpretation
of related practices, such as ritualised or punitive mutilations, or muti-
lations with the consent of the victims. After his election the king of
Ormuz proceeded to blind his nearest relatives, a custom represented
alongside his subjects tearing worms from their flesh (ill. 35). More
familiar amputations were on display in India Orientalis I, where the
Amazons were depicted routinely cutting off one of the breasts of a
new member of their warring tribe.47 All these brutal actions were
added to the original iconography by the De Brys.
Ill. 34. Ind.Or. II, ill. xxii
45
Ind.Occ. IX, ill. vii, Ind.Or. VIII, ill. viii, and Ind.Or. II, ill. xxii respectively; on the
Juggernaut: Greenblatt (1991) 224–27.
46
Greenblatt (1997) 225.
47
Ind.Or. I, ill. xiv; on the Amazons: K. Schwarz, “Missing the breast. Desire, disease,
and the singular effect of Amazons” In: D. Hillman and C. Mazzio, eds., The body in parts.
Fantasies of corporeality in early modern Europe (New York and London 1997) 147–69.

Ill. 35. Ind.Or. II, ill. vi
6.4. Natives undressed: nakedness
If adding elements to the original compositions was a regular trait of

the De Bry collection, so was the opposite. Nowhere does the omis-
sion of iconographic details become more obvious than for the topic
of clothing. The publishers regularly suggested nakedness when the
original narratives provided no such insinuation. To approve of nudity,
in the words of Theodore de Bry, was “unacceptable for anyone, let
alone for Christians”, signalling the contempt the publisher had for the
native lack of decency.48 This disapproval, however, did not obstruct
the readiness of the De Brys to design absorbing engravings. Two
examples taken from the same volume, India Occidentalis IX, illustrate
48
Ind.Occ. IV (Ger) [A4r]: “. . . ohne die welche gar nackent daher ziehen ohn alle
schaam. Zwar dieses zu loben, stünde keinem Menschen geschweige einem Christen
zu” / (Lat) [):():(3v]: “. . . praeter eos qui omnino nudi incedunt nullo pudoris sensu,
quod quidam probare humanum non esset nedum Christianum”.

196 chapter six
Ill. 36. Wijdtloopigh verhael . . . (Amsterdam 1600) ill. 3
the diversity of the changes made. A group of West Africans, living

near Cape Lopez, fell victim to a careful and methodical process of
undressing. The author, the Dutch ship’s physician Barent Jansz, had
reported on a ceremonial encounter between Captain Sebald de Weert
and an indigenous chief. The corresponding woodcut published in
Amsterdam showed the two parties in animated discussion, both the
Dutch captain and the African ruler being surrounded by several of
their comrades (ill. 36). The De Brys supplanted the relatively crude
woodcut with a more elaborate copper engraving and made a number
of adjustments (ill. 37). Arguably the most degrading change was the
removal of the garments covering the genitals of most of the natives.
Only the king retained his dignity. The next plate, a De Bry-design
loosely based on the same Dutch woodcut, confirmed the nakedness
of the West African tribe.49
49
Ind.Occ. IX, ills. xviii and xix; B. Jansz, Wijdtloopigh verhael . . . (Amsterdam 1600)
ill. 3. For an elaborate discussion of these adjustments: Van Groesen (2005) 29–48.
Much of this information was also used in: Idem, “Portrait of the traveller with burin
and printing press. The representation of Dutch maritime expansion in the De Bry
collection of voyages”, The Low Countries. Arts and society in Flanders and The Netherlands
14 (2006a) 48–55. See also: Van den Boogaart (2004) 115–18.

Ill. 37. Ind.Occ. IX, ill. xviii (detail)
The original text had given no reason to assume that the West Africans
were naked, yet the De Brys made sure their texts and engravings cor-
related. Whereas Barent Jansz had written that during the meeting, the
indigenous ruler “had been surrounded by his nobility”, the relevant
Frankfurt captions, both Latin and German, declared instead that he
“had been surrounded by his nobility, who were entirely naked”.50
The efforts by the De Brys to have words and images support each
other indicate the systematic nature of these alterations. Further
modifications present an identical picture: an insignificant reference to
an old woman from the same community in Barent Jansz’ narrative
was selected for modification by the De Brys. They designated her as
“ugly” and insisted that she was “entirely naked”.51 Subsequently she
50
Jansz (1600) [C3v]: “Achter hem int ronde sat zynen Adel”; Ind.Occ. IX, ill. xviii
(Ger): “. . . hinter ihm saß der Adel gantz nacket” / (Lat): “Post ipsum omnes eius
nobiles, in totum nudi consederant”.
51
Jansz (1600) [C4r]: “. . . een out wijf, sterrelinghs op ziende, met een dose . . .”; Ind.
Occ. IX (Ger) 21: “. . . ein heßlich alt Weib, welches sehr scheußlich auß sahe, gantz
nacket, mit einer Schachtel . . .”; (Lat) 18: “. . . foedi ac horridi foemina, tota nuda ad
eum propius aggressa, capsulam, cuius operculum . . .”.

198 chapter six
was selected for illustration, further proof that the De Brys intended
her to exemplify the natives at Cape Lopez. She was duly represented
as a horrific, entirely naked old woman, with the caption once again
confirming the display.
Not only this particular reference to the woman’s nudity, but no
reference whatsoever to any presumed nakedness of the populace
around Cape Lopez can be found in the original account, making the
alteration even more remarkable. The same can be established for the
other treatise in this volume, Jose de Acosta’s Historia natural y moral de
las Indias. The De Bry illustration discussed in Chapter 5, portraying the
relationship between humans and llamas in Peru, depicted the natives
as barely dressed, supposedly based on Acosta’s observations (see ill. 14).
The Jesuit missionary had nevertheless noted that these same llamas
yielded wool, and that “the Indians made stuffs of this wool, which
they used to clothe themselves”. The contrast between the original
account and the De Bry-invented illustration was enhanced by the
caption, which truthfully reported that the Inca manufactured wool
products, before conveniently skipping the rest of the sentence.52 The
potentially complicating statement that the llamas favoured cold areas
and were sometimes covered with ice and frost did not survive the De
Brys’ editorial methods either. Readers of the collection were thus left
with the impression of nearly nude Andeans, a custom made possible
or even desirable by an implied torrid habitat.
Other De Bry plates accompanying the translation of Acosta’s text
exposed naked inhabitants of Mexico and Peru in this fashion too,
often with little or no foundation. Nudity in the early modern era was
considered a fixed epithet of wildness, the domain of animals rather
than humans, and the decision of the De Brys to pack the New World
and sub-Saharan Africa in particular with naked men and women
harmed the reputation of these peoples and continents. Nakedness,
furthermore, not only indicated barbarism, it also pointed towards
sexual immorality and other vices, as a number of Frankfurt-designed
illustrations in India Occidentalis X and XI suggested. Female nudity was
closely linked to promiscuity in one of the pseudo-Vespucci’s letters
52
J. de Acosta, Historie Naturael ende Morael van de Westersche Indien ([transl. J. Huygen
van Linschoten] Enkhuizen 1598) f209r: “De Wolle wordt van d’Indianen bereyt, ende
gewaet af ghemaeckt, daer sy haer mede cleeden”; Ind.Occ. IX, ill. iv (Ger): “. . . diese
dienen in Indien [. . .] daß [. . .] auß der Wollen Tuch gemachet wirdt” / (Lat): “. . . ex
lana panni texantur”.

on America, which the De Brys selected for depiction and rewording,

while a group of naked girls dancing in the Southern Pacific aroused
the lust of the local ruler.53
Nudity is one of the subthemes which hints at representational dif-
ferences between pre-1598 and post-1598 volumes of the collection.
It distinguishes, in other words, the volumes that were co-ordinated by
Theodore de Bry from those of his sons. India Occidentalis VII provides
something of a watershed, suggesting that Theodore’s physical weak-
nesses in fact forced him to retire in 1597 or even earlier. Whereas in
America VI (1596), and in previous volumes, indigenous genitals were
generally covered by the composition of the engraving, by the shap-
ing of individual bodies, or by the addition of the most inconspicuous
pieces of textile, Indians in the next volumes were now and again fully
exposed (ills. 38 & 39). The Amazons in the first volume of the India
Orientalis-series, commenced in 1597 under the auspices of the broth-
ers, and some of the Africans and Asians in later volumes were also
depicted stark naked.54 While the suggestive connotation of Theodore’s
‘veiled nudity’ was no different from the more evident nakedness in the
volumes after his death, the adjustments reveal a more blunt, straight-
forward method of representing otherness under the stewardship of the
second generation of De Brys. Only Volume III of the America-series
with the illustrations to Staden’s narrative of cannibalism in Brazil
forms a notable exception to this pattern.
6.5. Natives dressed up: New World feathers
As clothing went a long way to determine early modern identity, naked-

ness, whether total or partial, further implied uniformity. Depicting
many inhabitants of the New World and southern Africa in the nude
blurred the cultural boundaries between adjacent and even geographi-
cally detached indigenous groups. One representational instrument
which the De Brys could have employed to differentiate natives overseas,
53
Ind.Occ. X, ill. i; Ind.Occ. XI, ill. viii.
54
Ind.Occ. VI, ills. xii and xx are examples of ‘veiled nudity’. Fully naked, however,
are non-Europeans in Ind.Occ. VIII, ill. ii (Ger) [first set of ills.] / ill. xv (Lat); Ind.Occ.
VIII, ill. iii (Ger) [second set of ills.] / ill. iii; Ind.Occ. IX, ill. xviii; Ind.Or. I, ill. xiv;
and Ind.Or. II, ill. iv. The only example of ‘unveiled’ nudity before 1596 is Ind.Occ.
II, ill. xxvii.

200 chapter six
Ill. 38. Ind.Occ. VI, ill. xxvii
Ill. 39. Ind.Occ. VIII, ill. iii (Lat) / ill. iii [second set of ills.] (Ger)

skin colour, was left unused. Travellers generally did report on the colour
of the natives they encountered, and the De Brys truthfully copied
these statements, but refrained from modifying the illustrations accord-
ingly. A handful of dark-coloured depictions can all be traced back to
the original iconography.55 The skin colour was commonly related to
the degree of exposure to the sun, and hence to the latitude where the
natives lived, although a geographer like López de Gómara already
knew better. Only in the later seventeenth century did the discourse
of racism emerge, and did the degree of blackness become a powerful
representational tool.56
Quite a few of the naked individuals portrayed in the collection
shared another characteristic which made identifying differences between
ethnic groups hard: feathers. The De Bry adjustments made readers
believe that men and women wearing feathers, mostly as headdresses,
were an everyday sight in all corners of the overseas world. Since the
collection combined accounts of different regions in America, the vol-
umes allowed readers to compare the various indigenous customs. The
recurring use of feathers suggested that all inhabitants of the western
hemisphere were to some extent interchangeable. Like the attribution of
nudity to natives whose clothing was difficult to discern from the account,
or perhaps in fact too familiar and unspectacular to fit the publishers’
construction of otherness, feathers were added to the appearance of
many people, seemingly at will or for lack of an alternative.
Ever since Hans Burgkmair made a number of woodcuts of the
New World in the early sixteenth century, feathers were at the heart
of its iconography as one of the stereotypical features of early mod-
ern America, alongside armadillos, cannibalism, and Spanish tyranny.
Some of the New World feathers in the De Bry collection are hence
the result of pictorial material in the original accounts, which was
copied in Frankfurt.57 Yet the seemingly indifferent way of transferring
this trait to other regions, the range of the additions, and the extra
55
Most notably Ind.Or. II, ill. iii, a copy of one of the Van Doetecum engravings
to the Itinerario.
56
Elliott (2006) 78–79. Van den Boogaart’s suggestion (2004) 106, 124, that the
De Brys did not colour the skins of the natives for readers to apply suitable colouring
themselves seems farfetched, as hardly any coloured copies of the volumes survive.
57
One of the Patagonians in Barent Jansz’ narrative of the Strait of Magellan was
wearing a headdress and a skirt of feathers, without any textual hint of such garments.
While the illustration was changed by the De Brys for their purposes, the feathers
survived: Ind.Occ. IX, ill. xxiv; Van Groesen (2005) 43–44.

202 chapter six
possibilities a collection of voyages offered for comparative analysis

made the De Bry modifications more significant for the representation
of the overseas world as a whole.
Feathers first appeared in the collection in India Occidentalis I, depic-
tions based on John White’s watercolours of Virginia. Several Algon-
quians carried no more than three plumes on their heads, a derivation
from the full-feathered Indians of sixteenth-century iconography.58
Jacques le Moyne probably also provided the De Brys with feath-
ered Floridians, although the provenance of the illustrations in India
Occidentalis II remains problematic. There are nevertheless plenty of
feathers on display throughout the second volume, and it is unlikely that
every single one was invented in the De Bry workshop.59 In subsequent
volumes, for which no original pictures were available, feathers were
almost routinely implanted. For India Occidentalis VIII, centred around
Sir Walter Raleigh’s search for Eldorado, the De Brys created four
designs of human practices in a region loosely referred to as ‘Guyana’.60
All four engravings borrowed their feathers from a single illustration,
appearing on the title-page of Cornelis Claesz’ Dutch translation of
the Englishman Lawrence Keymis’ account.61 To this illustration of
men with feathered waistbands, an image constructed in Amsterdam,
feathered headbands were appended in Frankfurt.62
Much more conspicuous was the emergence of these New World
epithets in De Bry-designed Africa, as the makeshift method of indis-
criminately adding feathers was taken to new heights—and new shores.
Most of the feathered outfits in the India Orientalis-series were visibly
derived from illustrations in the volumes on America. As a result, the
whale-hunting population of Île Sainte Marie, just off the east coast of
Madagascar, closely resembled the Guyanese encountered by Raleigh
(ills. 40 & 41). The depiction of whale hunters in south-east Africa
was then re-used in India Orientalis XI to illustrate the same practice
58
Ind.Occ. I, ills. iii, xv–xviii, etc.; Hulton (1984) 69, 78, etc.
59
Most notably Ind.Occ. II, ills. xi, xiv, xvi, etc. For some of the problems relating to
the origin of these plates: C. F. Feest, “Jacques le Moyne minus four”, European review
of native american studies II-1 (1988) 33–38. The first ten engravings certainly do not
seem to be by the same hand as the rest. Some of these may have been based on the
unused White drawings: Hulton (1984) 41–42.
60
Ind.Occ. VIII (Ger) ills. ii–v [first set of ills.] / (Lat) ills. xv–xviii. Further feathers
appear indiscriminately throughout the America-series.
61
Keymis (1598). Cf. supra, Ch. 5, p. 142.
62
Ind.Occ. VIII (Ger) ills. ii, v [first set of ills.], (Lat) ills. xv, xviii.

Ill. 40. Ind.Or. IV, ill. iv
Ill. 41. Ind.Occ. VIII, ill. xvii (Lat) / ill. iv [first set of ills.] (Ger)

204 chapter six
in Spitsbergen, feathers and all (ill. 42)! To copy finished engravings

in order to illustrate a completely different narrative is reminiscent of
an outdated form of book-illustration, where one crude portrait or
townscape was commonly employed to portray various individuals
or cities, but by the early seventeenth century this practice was long
regarded as unacceptable.
Convenience rather than accuracy ruled these practices in the De
Bry workshop. Some of the warring Africans in the Gold Coast region
looked like twin-brothers of the Timucua combatants of Florida,
albeit with a slightly different hairstyle.63 The De Brys also constructed
feathered headdresses for Black Africans in three Frankfurt-designed
additions to Van Linschoten’s Itinerario. The precise arrangement of
the feathers in this case cannot be traced to the America-series, but the
three African rulers were seen wearing exactly similar head adornments,
despite living as far apart as Cape Lopez and Mozambique. The king
of the Kaffirs from Mozambique in India Orientalis II consequently looks
Ill. 42. Ind.Or. XI, ill. x
63
Ind.Or. VI, ill. xxi; Ind.Occ. II, ills. xiv and xvi.

more like a West African than like his fellow countrymen depicted in
the original Dutch account.64
Going even further east, the picture was only marginally different, as
plumed heads emerged elsewhere in India Orientalis II. In Ormuz, an
island just south of modern-day Iran, the De Brys depicted a feath-
ered man who looks remarkably like the African rulers. A Dutch crew
encountered the local population of the Banda Islands, some of whom
the De Brys depicted as wearing feathers.65 The Banians of northern
India, as well as other inhabitants of the Mughal Empire, also sported
feathers, in distinctly Virginian fashion, with three plumes only (see ills.
17 & 20). Acosta’s theory of a land bridge connecting the New World
and Asia, finally, resulted in a De Bry depiction of Japanese men in
India Occidentalis IX, who were dressed exactly like the Aztecs in the
previous illustration. Feathers once again provided the finishing touch
to a blurred identity.66 Neither Acosta nor the other authors from whose
accounts the depictions were derived referred to feathers as unmistak-
able features of the natives’ appearance.
6.5. Body language
One final, visual aspect of the physical appearance of the overseas

population that may have caught the eye of the contemporary reader
was human body posture. With the increasing importance of manners
in the broadest sense in the Renaissance, the notion that the interior self
was visible from the outside had acquired momentum. The importance
of elegant posture therefore pervaded early modern manners books
and artists’ manuals. An erect position was regarded as a sign of civil-
ity, whereas, by contrast, violently swirling or stooping human bodies
indicated an overall lack of composure. Johan Theodore de Bry, like
many other artists, used this representational instrument to great effect
in two printed drawings of dancing groups. The first print, depicting a
court dance, shows all the human bodies in a straight, vertical position.
64
Ind.Or. II, ills. i and ii deal with Cape Lopez, Ind.Or. II, ill. iv portrays the Kaffirs
from Mozambique. Jan Huygen van Linschoten’s engravers from the Van Doetecum
family had devoted one of their illustrations to Kaffirs, copied by the De Brys for
Ind.Or. II, ill. iii.
65
Ind.Or. II, ill. vi; Ind.Or. IX, ill. v.
66
Ind.Or. XI, ills. iv, vii, and viii; Ind.Occ. IX, ill. x. See also the newly designed
engraving for Ind.Or. XII (Ger) 13.

206 chapter six
The complementary engraving of peasants dancing has the bodies

positioned in rather arbitrary fashion instead, displaying nothing of
the orderly nature of the first illustration.67
Such depictions of peasants, wild men, beggars, and other groups
perceived as socially inferior were widely recognised in the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries. These illustrations served both to entertain
cultured readers and art enthusiasts, and to present them with a counter-
image of desirable behaviour. A collection of voyages was as good a
medium as any to hold up a mirror to civilised European readers, and
the De Brys modified the posture of some of the indigenous human
bodies in order to achieve the desired effect. The Hottentot who fancied
the bovine intestines in India Orientalis III, for instance, was portrayed
in an admirably upright position in the original Dutch account, but he
was slightly bent over while devouring the food in the De Bry engrav-
ing, also forming a marked contrast to the newly introduced Dutch
travellers on the right (see ill. 26).68
Accentuating the contrasts between Europeans and non-Europeans
was a beloved modifying tactic of the De Brys. The famous engrav-
ing of Columbus’ arrival on Hispaniola in India Occidentalis IV is an
obvious example (ill. 43), yet the volumes on West Africa provide even
more compositions where contrast plays a key role. The naked woman
at Cape Lopez, highlighted by the De Brys in both text and image in
America IX, was depicted facing the Dutch captain De Weert, whose
erect posture was exemplary, especially in comparison to the woman’s
sagging shoulders (ill. 44). In Congo, the Portuguese and indigenous
display of regard for the native king revealed a similar disparity. One
of the Europeans kneeled respectfully before the throne, while sur-
rounded by numerous native subjects venerating their ruler in a much
more disorderly way. Unrestrained hand-and-arm gestures summed up
the visible differences between the cultured Europeans and the coarse
mannered Congolese. The same distinction was represented in the
second engraving of India Orientalis II, where the excitedly gesturing
67
H. Roodenburg, The eloquence of the body: perspectives on gesture in the Dutch Republic
(Zwolle 2004) 131–32; also: Idem, “On ‘swelling’ the hips and crossing the legs: dis-
tinguishing public from private in paintings and prints from the Dutch Golden Age”
In: A. K. Wheelock jr. and A. F. Seeff, eds., The public and private in Dutch culture of the
Golden Age (Newark and London 2000) 73.
68
Ind.Or. III, ill. vii; Lodewijcksz (1598) [B3r].

Ill. 43. Ind.Occ. IV, ill. ix
Ill. 44. Ind.Occ. IX, ill. xix

208 chapter six
Ill. 45. Ind.Or. II, ill. ii
Gabonese accompanied two bewildered yet composed Dutch visitors

to their ruler (ill. 45).69
One of the most dramatic alterations made to any of the collection’s
engravings propagated the notion of a total, albeit temporary loss of
command over one’s own body. A change of posture, in this case, dis-
closed an overwhelming representational relegation. A Bantam warrior,
portrayed in the possession of an arquebus in Willem Lodewijcksz’
account, was depicted in the De Bry collection firing the rifle, or rather
trying to use it properly (ills. 46 & 47).70 From a man standing in an
upright position, proudly showing a Dutch state-of-the-art weapon that
so many other people in the overseas world blatantly did not possess,
he was turned into a caricature of backwardness, his stumble revealing
weakness rather than strength, ignorance rather than sophistication.
The corresponding caption, translated from the original account yet
69
Ind.Or. I, ill. ii; Ind.Or. II, ill. ii.
70
Lodewijcksz (1598) [P2r]; Ind.Or. III, ill. xx.

once again taken from a slightly different passage than the one initially
depicted, confirmed that the man from western Java, hurt by the
weapon’s recoil, was unlikely to reach for the arquebus again.
Body posture came under scrutiny most intensely in the context of danc-
ing, when losing self-control was always a lurking possibility. Dancing,
in short, was suspect.71 The De Brys were generally unsympathetic
towards dancing, as became apparent from their textual adjustment
to an excerpt of Acosta’s work. The Jesuit, in the words of Dutch
translator Jan Huygen van Linschoten, reported seeing “dances, most
of which were superstitions, and a sort of idolatry”, which the De Brys
deemed not categorical enough when they discussed the same dances,
most of which were—depending on the translation—either “a type
of foul superstitions” or “superstitions, and full idolatry”.72 The De
Brys, in America V, also compared the intoxicated dancers in Nicaragua
mentioned above to more familiar social outcasts in an amendment to
the text.73
Given such textual changes, and the common artistic practice of
using posture to visualise the state of a person’s interior self, the large
number of engravings devoted to uncontrolled dancing routines should
be interpreted as a condemnation of these festivities and the people
concerned. Every representation of dancing in the collection transmitted
a negative impression of the indigenous population, as the allusion to
peasant vulgarity and implicit otherness, was inescapable. Sometimes
these degrading connotations were made more emphatic, for instance
in India Occidentalis VIII, where inhabitants of the Rio de la Plata area
were not only depicted practising a disorderly dance, but the dance
merely served as an overture to the seizure of an English traveller’s
hat and gold necklace, an explicit connection between exterior misde-
meanour and interior shortcomings (ill. 48). Yet the staple illustrations
71
Hale (1994) 480–81.
72
Acosta (1598) f322v: “T’meesten deel van deze Dansspelen waren superstitien, ende
een soorte van Afgoderije”; Ind.Or. IX (Ger) 276: “Das meiste Theil dieser Tantzspiel
waren Superstitiones und voller Abgötterey” / (Lat) 306–07: “Hi tamen ludi universi
prope foedis superstitionibus contaminati erant”.
73
Ind.Occ. V, ill. xxi, see supra, Ch. 5, pp. 178–179. The engraving was (very)
loosely based on a woodcut in the second edition of Benzoni’s account (Venice 1572).
In contrast to the original woodcut, the De Brys depicted the Nicaraguans as dancing
entirely naked.

210 chapter six
of dancing natives merely depicted them as excitedly gesturing. India

Occidentalis X, based on the pseudo-Vespucci’s letters, included two
such engravings, while a De Bry-designed illustration to the Dutchman
Willem Schouten’s narrative, of ‘wild’ girls dancing, was exceptionally
close to depictions of peasant dance in Europe. Schouten’s claim, in
his narrative, that the girls were fulfilling their routine ‘gracefully’ was
expediently overlooked.74 The De Brys once more felt there was little to
choose between the various overseas dancing routines, as they inserted
a textual comparison between dances in Bantam and on Madagascar,
without the prototypes referring to any such uniformity.75
The De Bry collection, nevertheless, did not universally depict natives
as having bad posture. Again the first two volumes, the first one in par-
ticular, provide an exception to the rule, which has inspired scholars to
remark on the similitude of inhabitants of the New World and classical
74
Ind.Occ. X, ills. i and iv; Ind.Occ. XI, ill. viii, but: Schouten (1618) 60: “met een
goede gratie”. See also: M. van Groesen, “Van de Stille Zuidzee tot de ‘Frankfurter
Buchmesse’. Beeldvorming in het Journael van Willem Schouten en de reiscollectie De
Bry (1618–19)”, Transparant. Tijdschrift van de Vereniging van christen-historici [special issue:
‘Religion and the New World’] 17–2 (2006b) 19–24.
75
Ind.Or. III, ill. xxix.

Ill. 47. Ind.Or. III, ill. xx
Ill. 48. Ind.Occ. VIII, ill. iv (Lat) / ill. iv [second set of ills.] (Ger)

212 chapter six
prototypes. The posture of the Virginians, based on White’s drawings,

indeed approached perfection. It is, however, not representative of the
collection as a whole, as many elements of the first two volumes are at
odds with the general picture the collection presents. The contrasting
Europeans added to many illustrations and the preference for badly
postured natives throughout India Occidentalis and India Orientalis, their
positions being adjusted if necessary, tell a different story.
6.7. Rites of passage
Dancing often accompanied so-called rites of passage. Baptism, mar-

riage, and burial, to name only the three most recognisable rituals,
were key parameters of the early modern representation of overseas
societies. More than many other subjects such rites of passage inspired
the De Brys to add new engravings to already existing sets of illustra-
tions. Other topics were sacrificed as a result of the urge to depict
such telling ceremonies of transition: Willem Lodewijcksz’ portrayal
of a formal meeting between the indigenous governor of Bantam and
foreign visitors was reworked into a meticulous description of a typical
wedding day in the same region in western Java (ills. 49 & 50). The
caption to this plate in India Orientalis III is a faithfully copied extract of
the Dutch journal, although the De Brys added a sense of amazement
over the unfamiliar approach to marriage, with no significant dowry
having been donated by the bride’s family.76
Selection rather than modification was the prevailing De Bry tech-
nique to stress the alterity of these customary rituals. Occasionally new
commentary was appended, however, when the engravers made new
designs of rites of passage. One of the illustrations of China, added
to Van Linschoten’s Itinerario for India Orientalis II, was presented with
a caption taken from another travel account, the Historia de las cosas
más notables, ritos y costumbres del gran reyno de la China written by the
Augustinian friar Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza in 1586. Van Linschoten,
76
Ind.Or. III, ill. xviii (Ger): “Nemblich sie geben inen nit grosse Haußsteuwer mit,
ohn was die Slaven oder Leibeygenen anlangt” / (Lat): “Igitur praeter Sclavos & man-
cipia, dotis non admodum multum contribuunt”. This sentence cannot be traced to
the Dutch version or the De Bry translations of the account: Lodewijcksz (1598) f40v;
Ind.Or. III (Ger) 140 / (Lat) 100. Lodewijcksz (f40r–v; Ind.Or. III (Ger) 140 / (Lat) 100)
in fact testifies to having seen a Bantam wedding ceremony with lavish gifts, in the
paragraph immediately prior to the lines the De Brys used for their caption.

in his text, had warned against the imprecision in Mendoza’s account,

but the De Brys used his treatise on the religion of the Chinese all the
same.77 The plate, in typical De Bry fashion with different stages of the
ritual captured in one composition (ill. 51), brought together various
abhorrent practices: the veneration of the deceased body by relatives
and friends, the making of a shroud, the offering ceremonies lasting a
fortnight, the planting of a spruce tree, and lastly the burning of paper
drawings of slaves and animals were all distinctly un-Christian traditions,
that significantly revised Van Linschoten’s comforting representation
of the Chinese.78 The predilection for such unfamiliar, un-Christian
rites manifested itself just as poignantly in the America-series, where,
as a striking example, the exhumation of the dead along the banks of
the Orinoco River not only alarmed Sir Walter Raleigh, but, through
the graphic De Bry design, may well have shaken a broad European
readership (ill. 52).
Rites of passage were almost invariably related to religious customs
77
Van Linschoten (1596) 32–33: “. . . doch die eenige lust heeft breeder hier af te
weten, leest een Boec dat een spaensch Monick gemaeckt heeft van ’t selfde lant van
China, met namen Iuan Gonsales de Mendoça [. . .] hoewel daer sommige fauten by
gevoecht zijn”; Ind.Or. II (Ger) 67: “Jedoch so jemand Lust und Begierde hette, weiters
hiervon zu lesen, der nemme die Historien von China für sich, welche ein Spanischer
Münch, genannt Frater Iuan Gonsales de Mendoca beschrieben hat [. . .] und ob wol
etliche errata darin fürfallen, von wegen daß der autor keinen rechten Bericht derselbi-
gen Ding gehabt, so ist doch viel denckwirdiger Materien darinn begriffen” / (Lat) 62:
“. . . in qua licet autor falsus fuerit, ut qui minus exactam earum rerum notitiam
habuerit, leget tamen in ea pleraque memoratu dignissima”. See: Van Groesen (2001)
110–12 for a discussion of the Mendoza plates in Ind.Or. II.
78
Ind.Or. II, ill. xxxii (Ger): “. . . darinn bekleiden sie den todten Cörper, setzen ihn
in ein Stuel, knien vor ihm nieder und nehmen Urlaub von ihm: Als dann legen sie
ihn in eine von wolriechendem Holtz gemachte Bahr, bedecken dieselbe mit einem
weissen Tuch, auff welchem der Todte gemahlet ist, lassen ihn also vierzehen Tag
stehen; under dessen werden viel Ceremonien und Opffer für deß Verstorbenen Seel
verrichtet. Letzlich tragen sie ihn mit Gesang unnd Seitenspiel zum Grab, stecken
einen Fichtenbaum, so nimmer abgehauwen wirdt, er verdorre dann, zu ihm in die
Erde. Nach diesem allem verbrennen die Priester etliche Papier, darauff Sclaven oder
Thier gemahlet, und ziehen widerumben heimwerts” / (Lat): “. . . hoc habitu in sellam
reponitur cadaver, ad cuius pedes propinqui in genua devolvuntur, valedicentes illi repo-
nunt deinde cadaver in feretrum paratum ex ligno odorato, quod panno albo, in quo
depicta est effigies defuncti insternitur. Haec tumba per quindenam integram in publico
exponitur. Fiunt interim variae pro defuncti anima ceremoniae oblationesque. Tandem
funus cum cantu & instrumentis musicis sepeliendum defertur, defoditurque, infigunt
sepulchro pineam inciduam, donec exarescat. Finitis hisce ceremoniis sacerdotes chartas,
in quibus animalia atque mancipia picta sunt, flammis absumentes domum revertuntur”.
For Van Linschoten’s original view of China: Van den Boogaart (2003).

214 chapter six
abroad—and many will therefore be addressed in Chapter 7. The De

Brys, in their introductions, frequently stressed this connection, yet the
association was also made explicit within the volumes. The Aztec burial
ritual, selected for depiction in Frankfurt as part of India Occidentalis
IX, was linked to heathendom in the first few words of the caption.
The De Brys included a local ‘priest’, dressed as the devil, as the
ceremony’s protagonist (ill. 53), and twice added the word ‘horrible’ to
the caption to indicate their disapproval.79 Elsewhere, sentences newly
added revealed the heathen nature of a royal burial ceremony in Peru.
Whereas Benzoni’s text and both the German and Latin editions of
India Occidentalis VI had been fairly bland regarding the service, the
relevant German caption presented readers with an unequivocal con-
nection between the local custom of paying their last respects to a ruler,
79
Acosta (1598) 228r–v: “. . . soo quam daer terstont een Priester uyt, met een
Duyvels cleedt aen”; Ind.Occ. IX (Ger) 197–98: “. . . kam alßbald ein Priester herfür mit
einem Teuffelskleidt angethan” / (Lat) 220: “. . . sacerdotum quidam Cacodaemonis
veste”. Yet the two captions describe: (Ger): “. . . [ein Priester] der in ein abschewlich
Teuffels gestalt verkleydet ist” / (Lat): “. . . à sacerdote, veste horribilem cacodaemonis
speciem habente induto”. Here, once again, the natives were depicted naked without
any textual support of this kind.

Ill. 50. Ind.Or. III, ill. xviii
Ill. 51. Ind.Or. II, ill. xxxii

216 chapter six
Ill. 52. Ind.Occ. VIII, ill. xii (Lat) / ill. vi (Ger)
Ill. 53. Ind.Occ. IX, ill. v

and submission to Satanic influence. After describing the ceremony, the

caption concludes that:
. . . they must have known of the immortality of the soul; yet they are
blinded by the devil into thinking they travel to another place, where
all is good, like before in their lives. The evil spirit, in order to confirm
this, appears to them in the shape of their deceased sovereign, telling
them that he is now living very peacefully in another realm, where he
has everything he wishes at his disposal . . .80
The Latin caption is less detailed, and phrased in more general terms
than the German one: while the Peruvians were ‘blinded by the devil’ in
the German caption, they were merely ‘persuaded’ by Satan in the Latin
commentary. The elaborate treatment of the deceased sovereign’s return
was not made available to readers of the Latin volume. Subsequent
chapters will discuss in greater detail the numerous differences between
German and Latin captions and even texts, and the sometimes astound-
ing dimensions of these differences.
80
Ind.Occ. VI, ill. xxvi (Ger): “Darauß abzunehmen, daß sie von der unsterblichkeit
der Seelen wol müssen gewust haben, sind aber vom Teuffel dermassen verblendt,
daß sie anders nicht meynen, als daß sie an ein ander Orth hinfahren, da sie nur
guter ding seyen, wie auch zuvor in ihrem Leben geschehen. Und damit derselbige
böse Geist ihnen solches bestättige, erscheinet er ihnen zu zeiten [. . .] in derselbigen
abgestorbenen Fürsten gestalt, redet sie an, unnd spricht daß er nunmehr in einem
andern Reich in grossen freuden lebe, da er alles hat was sein hertz begere . . .” / (Lat):
“Ex quibus apparet eos immortalitatem animae non ignorasse: sed à Satana persuasos,
alio transferendos, ubi viverent genio indulgentes quemadmodum ante obitum facie-
bant. Atque ut facilius persuaderet eis certa esse quae diceret, interdum [. . .] Principis
alicuius defuncti formam capiebat, qui significaret se in alio regno nunc beate vivere,
magno cum apparatu . . .”.

CHAPTER SEVEN
FROM GODS TO IDOLS:

THE EXPANSION OF HEATHENDOM
7.1. Paganism in focus
The precarious state of contemporary European Christendom was one

of the prime concerns of Theodore de Bry and his sons, according to
several introductions to volumes of the collection. Volume IV of the
India Occidentalis-series, the first of the three Benzoni-tomes, contained
perhaps the most explicit overture of the entire project. Recalling the
image of the frugal North Americans in the first two volumes, Theodore
de Bry bemoaned the spread of luxury in Europe. “It is disgraceful”, he
wrote, “that Christians were in need of such [native American] educa-
tors”, quite a statement given the Amerindians’ supposed adoration of
the devil.1 While the emphasis on moderation disappeared from the
collection after the early 1590s, the publishers’ desire to address the
Respublica Christiana as a whole, also apparent in this passage, remained
significant. Theodore, in 1597, expressed the hope that
. . . God may give me his blessing to serve Christendom through further
similar and more beautiful books [. . .] in order that we can lead an hon-
ourable Christian life together, in peace and unity.2
Since the next volume of the America-series did not appear until 1599,
the burden to ‘serve Christendom’ in this manner fell to the second
1
Ind.Occ. IV (Ger) [A4r]: “Es ist zwar ein schendlicher Handel, daß die Christen
solche Lehrmeister haben müssen” / (Lat) [):():(3v]: “Rem sane pudendam oportere
Christianos tales habere paedagogos & magistros”. The previous paragraph emphasised
the devilish nature of the native beliefs.
2
Ind.Occ. VII (Ger) [A2v]: “. . . daß mir Gott seinen Segen ferrner verleihe, der
Christenheit noch mit anderen dergleichen und viel schöneren Wercken zudienen
[. . .] Gott der Allmächtige wöle uns seinen heyligen Geist verleyhen, welcher uns den
rechten weg lehre damit wir in Frieden und Eynigkeit ein Christlich ehrbar Leben
mit einander führen” / (Lat) [A3v]: “. . . & pro valetudine mea vota te facere velim, ut
orbi Christiano adhuc aliis id genus inservire & prodesse opusculis [. . .] Deus aeternus
pater Domini nostri Jesu Christi Spiritum suum sanctum nobis omnibus largiatur, qui
viam nobis in hac miserarium valle monstret, quam insistenten tranquille hic honestam
vitam agamus”.

220 chapter seven
generation of De Brys. The following year the two brothers, in the

preface to the German Additamentum to India Occidentalis VIII, disclosed
their intentions to posthumously fulfil their father’s commitment. With-
out much ado, they proclaimed that “these histories serve [. . .] the
restoration of all of Christendom”.3
For those who believed in the reconciliation of Christian confes-
sions—and a fair number of intellectuals professed to do so4—pagan-
ism was a very useful instrument to represent otherness, as it reminded
readers of Europe’s shared Christian heritage. Christians on all sides of
the religious divide employed sharply delineated boundaries between
truth and error: stressing the heathendom of the aboriginal populace
abroad, therefore, provided comfort in troubled times. It allowed the
Old World to agree on overseas immorality and assimilate unfamiliar
societies into their universal order, in which versions of heathendom
were already an established category.5 The comparisons between Inca
or Aztec and Greco-Roman deities multiplied in the course of the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.6
Since Europeans themselves had been polytheists in classical times,
it also allowed them to contemplate their own evolution, widening the
divide between Christianity and the pagan beliefs encountered in the
overseas world both geographically and chronologically. At the same
time paganism implied humanity, which in turn created a platform for
missionary efforts: Bartolomé de Las Casas, for instance, viewed some
Amerindian convictions as praeparatio evangelica, but his interpretation was
exceptionally positive. All these considerations combined, strengthened
by the fact that the focus on heathendom did not obstruct the sale of
books to any part of the confessionally divided European readership,
turned paganism into a marketable strategy.
The pluriformity of paganism in the overseas world, more than any

other topic, presented travellers with terminological difficulties. Since
only familiar terms were at hand to capture unfamiliar rites, the native
beliefs were often defined by what they were not. The word religion,
3
Ind.Occ. VIII add. (Ger) [A2v]: “Es dienen aber diese Historien [. . .] zu Auffer-
bauwung der gantzen Christenheit”. There is no corresponding Latin preface.
4
Bouwsma (2000) 107–11.
5
Ryan (1981) 519–38, esp. 525–26.
6
S. MacCormack, “Limits of understanding. Perceptions of Greco-Roman and
Amerindian paganism in early modern Europe” In: K. O. Kupperman, ed., America
in European consciousness 1493–1750 (Chapel Hill 1995) 79–129.

from gods to idols 221
exclusively reserved for the worship of a single god, was only mod-
erately used. The contrasting practices in the overseas world were
therefore described in terms of superstition and idolatry. Indigenous
gods, accordingly, were portrayed as idols. The veneration of animals
and objects—animism and fetishism according to modern vocabular-
ies—were not defined as such: although these rituals were condemned,
the reverence for some of the peculiar animals of West Africa depicted
in India Orientalis I was, rather indiscriminately, referred to as “heathen
blindness” (ill. 54).7 Finally, and perhaps most importantly: the over-
whelming majority of the overseas people did not recognise the ‘true
Christian God’, and they were routinely considered servants of the
devil. Suitably derogative adjectives were amply used.8
Ill. 54. Ind.Or. I, ill. xi (Lat) / ill. x (Ger)
7
Ind.Or. I, ill. x (Ger): “Heydnischer Blindheit” / (Lat) ill. xi: “ab incolis [. . .] pro
Deo habiti”.
8
The terms most commonly used were ‘Aberglauben’, ‘Götzendienst’, ‘Abgötterei’,
and ‘Heidentum’ in the German versions, and ‘Idolatria’ and ‘Superstitio’ in the Latin
volumes. See also: U. Faes, Heidentum und Aberglauben der Schwarzafrikaner in der Beurteilung
durch deutsche Reisende des 17. Jahrhunderts (Zurich 1981) 69 ff.

222 chapter seven
The extensive use of the notions of idols and idolatry in tales of

adventure often discloses the Reformed persuasion of the narrator, as
Calvin’s theology advocated the spirituality of Christendom by denounc-
ing the role of ‘material’ worship.9 Reformed culture adopted idolatry
as a powerful accusatory instrument during the wars of religion, and a
Huguenot like Jean de Léry routinely made the connection between the
idolatry of the Tupis in Brazil and Catholic rituals. Translations of his
journal were eagerly printed in Geneva. The De Brys recognised the
critical tendencies in some of the accounts, but resisted the temptation to
enhance or in any way overemphasise the connection between Catholic
‘paganism’ and idolatry abroad. While they highlighted heathen rituals
overseas, they avoided analogies with the Catholic worship of images
and saints. Comparisons between the De Bry versions of accounts and
other editions printed elsewhere demonstrate the reserved editorial
strategy of the Frankfurt publishers on this point.
The collection accentuated paganism in various ways, beginning straight

away in the first volume. Thomas Harriot and Richard Hakluyt had
not felt the need to emphasise the heathen nature of the Algonquians:
innocent as paganism may have been from afar, it was unlikely to help
attract English settlers to Virginia. John White’s watercolours displayed
the natural richness and the promising fertility of the province, rather
than any of the alien rituals the English must have witnessed. The only
glimpse of Algonquian religion offered by White is found in a picture
of a charnel house, where he included a statue of worship, albeit barely
visible. The De Brys copied this drawing, but placed it immediately after
a more detailed depiction of the North American idol, named ‘Kiwasa’
(ill. 55).10 With distinctly Floridian features, the pagan god may have
been observed and designed by Jacques le Moyne, yet the decision to
attach it to Harriot’s A briefe and true report was made in Frankfurt. The
caption to this plate was easily the most disturbing commentary in
India Occidentalis I. The De Brys copied most of Harriot’s text on the
religion of the Virginians, but added a comprehensive description of
the statue’s appearance, rounded off with the observation that it was
“terrifying”.11
9
C. M. N. Eire, War against the idols: the Reformation of worship from Erasmus to Calvin
(Cambridge 1986); for recent views on idolatry, see the thematic volume 67–4 (2006) of
the Journal of the History of Ideas with contributions by a.o. Rubiès and MacCormack.
10
Ind.Occ. I, ills. xxii and xxi respectively.
11
Ind.Occ. I, ill. xxi (Ger): “schrecklichen” / (Lat): “horrenda”.

Ill. 55. Ind.Occ. I, ill. xxi
The illustration of Kiwasa was one of only three newly added plates.
More significantly, the same figure also appeared at the top of the first
title-page of the collection, being venerated by two Virginians (see ill.
19). The De Brys went to great lengths to make sure that the collection’s
frontispieces impressed potential customers, particularly in the 1590s,
when the series still had to establish its reputation. Stately architectural
designs fitting for the folio-size volumes, rugged land- and seascapes,
and elaborate depictions of exotic flora and fauna permitted them to
display the range of their unrivalled engraving skills. Indigenous people
often formed the most eye-catching elements of these advertising efforts.
The De Brys displayed a systematic fondness for the most unfamiliar,
most sensational individuals encountered, with the first title-page show-
ing, among others, an Algonquian man and woman, both noticeably
tattooed. The man appeared to have a tail, as discussed in Chapter 5,12
and the reader was not likely to find out the precise nature of this
spectacular feature until he had left the bookstore with the volume
12
Supra, Ch. 5, pp. 172–74.

224 chapter seven
under his arm. Above the tailed man, in the top-left corner, De Bry
reserved a place for the conjurer, one of White’s most memorable
designs, who together with his female counterpart on the right adored
the prominently placed statue of Kiwasa.
Subsequent title-pages show a similar predilection for bumped-up
otherness and heathen tendencies.13 India Occidentalis II was introduced
with depictions of the Floridian Timucuans and their revered ruler (ill.
56), but Volume III returned to the theme of paganism with naked
Brazilians kneeling in prayer before an undefined, round object with
the symbol of a crescent that could not even aspire to the status of
an idol (ill. 57). The two cannibals standing before the pillars of the
title-page’s facade completed the representation of a shortfall in both
civility and Christianity. The front-page of Volume IV provided more
of the same, as nakedness and a general lack of bodily composure were
depicted side-by-side (ill. 58). Once again, the most important place in
the engraving was reserved for a pagan god, the hideous parrot-cum-
lion-like idol of the inhabitants of Hispaniola, based on the final, De
Bry-designed engraving of the volume (ill. 59). The image constituted
the unmistakably pagan climax of what was essentially conceived as
an anti-Spanish account.
This practice resembles the construction of the frontispiece of India
Orientalis II in the late 1590s, where the three-headed Chinese deity
designed by the De Brys, and mentioned only in Juan Gonzalez de
Mendoza’s account of China—not in the original narrative by Van
Linschoten—occupies the central position of the volume’s title-page (ill.
60).14 The Dutchman’s appreciative representation of the Chinese, then,
was not only turned around inside the book, as discussed elsewhere, but
the De Brys also considered their Frankfurt-conceived interpretation
more appealing to potential customers than a more traditional appraisal.
Although the front pages turned more sterile and more textual—and
less costly—from 1600 onwards, the tendency to overstate the otherness
abroad returned to the collection’s title-pages in the 1620s. Under the
auspices of Matthaeus Merian, the figures displayed bordered on the
grotesque.15
The prominence of pagan images on these title-pages is all the more
13
See also: Christadler (2004) 48–60.
14
See, for a different interpretation of this title-page: Van den Boogaart (2002)
92–93.
15
For instance the title-page to Ind.Occ. XIII (1627).

Ill. 56. Ind.Occ. II, title-page
Ill. 57. Ind.Occ. III, title-page

226 chapter seven
Ill. 58. Ind.Occ. IV, title-page
Ill. 59. Ind.Occ. IV, ill. xxiv

Ill. 60. Ind.Or. II, title-page
intriguing when the ideological directions of the original accounts are

considered. Jan Huygen van Linschoten intended to paint a positive
picture of the Chinese, and the same applies to the objectives of Thomas
Harriot regarding Virginia, albeit for different reasons. Girolamo
Benzoni attempted to expose the cruelties of the Spanish conquistadors
in the New World, and the edition of his report used by the De Brys,
annotated by Urbain Chauveton, a Calvinist hard-liner from Geneva,
only bolstered its bid to denounce Spanish tyranny.16 Yet the title-pages
of the three matching volumes of the De Bry collection—India Orientalis
II on China, and India Occidentalis I and IV on the Americas—announced
the works as exposés of heathendom.
16
B. Keen, “The vision of America in the writings of Urbain Chauveton” In:
F. Chiappelli, ed., First images of America (2 vols.; Berkeley and Los Angeles 1976)
107–20.

228 chapter seven
7.2. Paganism compared
If shifting the emphases of accounts was significant, so was the order

of the different narratives in the collection. The disagreement between
Hakluyt and De Bry in the late 1580s about the decision regarding
which province of America to examine first proved as much: the order,
apparently, mattered.17 The next choice regarding the arrangement of
travel accounts undoubtedly had practical reasons, but also may have
affected the readers’ impressions of the New World: the De Brys were
faced with the two accounts by Jean de Léry and Girolamo Benzoni
simultaneously. The versions of the accounts in the collection betray
the use of an edition published in Geneva in 1586, which had already
combined the two narratives.18 The De Brys, in 1591 or 1592, decided
to reverse the order. Instead of translating and printing Benzoni’s nar-
rative before De Léry’s report, as in the Geneva edition, they picked
the Huguenot’s account for India Occidentalis III and postponed publica-
tion of the Milanese’s text. De Léry’s tale of French discord in Brazil
thus received priority over Benzoni’s assessment of Spanish brutalities.
While De Léry’s impressions had to be combined in the collection with
another report on Brazil by Hans Staden, in order to achieve thematic
and geographic cohesion, both could probably have been postponed
until after Benzoni’s views. Staden’s report of cannibalism in turn took
precedence over De Léry’s Histoire.
India Occidentalis III briefly recapitulated the first two parts of the col-
lection. Theodore de Bry, in his introduction to the German volume,
opted to be frank: the Algonquians he described as “modest, simple,
and keen to accept the Truth”. The Floridians, however, demonstrated
“immense blindness” in matters of religion. De Bry further labelled
them “cunning, [and] malicious, and one can hardly persuade them
of the true religion”, which was ruthless summarising, considering that
René de Laudonnière’s discussion of Timucuan religion lacked any
tone of horror or disgust. Dominique de Gourgues, another French
adventurer, had even reported that the natives remembered Protestant
psalms when he returned to the defeated colony several years later.19
17
Supra, Ch. 4, p. 112.
18
Historia Indiae Occidentalis Tomis duobus comprehensa. [. . .] Hieronymo Benzoni Italo, &
Ioanne Lerio Burgundo, testibus oculatis, autoribus (Geneva 1586).
19
Fishman (1995) 550–52. The De Brys included De Gourgues’ account in Ind.
Occ. II.

Yet the people the collection was about to introduce, in Volume III,
embodied the most abject characteristics of heathendom. They were,
according to De Bry, “so obstinate, that even though they were often
tormented and beaten by the devil, they could by no means be con-
verted to the true religion”. Additionally they were “so wild, that one
eats the other”.20 Theodore thus announced to his readers the growing
extent of paganism and wildness, seemingly going hand in hand, in the
first three volumes of the collection.21 In the preface to Volume X of
the America-series, the character of the “barbarous” Algonquians was
summarised as “vengeful and uncompromising”.22
Religious customs abroad, as was noted before, were an important fea-

ture of any early modern European travel account, and it is therefore
useful to keep an eye on other narratives from the same period, and see
how they dealt with these matters. An ideal case is presented by two
translations of Jan Huygen van Linschoten’s Itinerario into Latin. Both
were published in 1599, one by the De Brys—as India Orientalis II23—and
the other through the concerted efforts of the Dutch booksellers Aelbert
Hendricksz in The Hague and Cornelis Claesz in Amsterdam. The lat-
ter had issued the original report in Dutch three years earlier, but the
relationship between Van Linschoten and the Amsterdam bookseller
20
Ind.Occ. III (Ger) [(:)2v–(:)3r]: on Virginia: “sittsam, schlecht und gutwillig, die
warheit anzunemmen”; on Florida: “gar grosse blindheit” and “verschlagen, arglistig,
und man kan sie schwerlich zu den waren Religion bereden”; and on Brazil: “. . . so
halßstarrig, daß ob sie wol zum offternmal vom Teuffel geplagt und geschlagen werden,
nichts desto weniger durch einiges Mittel können zum rechten glauben bekehret werden”
and “. . . so Wild, daß einer den andern frisset”. Theodore’s conclusion, therefore, was:
“Darumb alle die jenige welche Christen seind, mit grossem Fleiß und Ernst dassel-
bige betrachten sollen, und Gott für seine grosse Barmhertzigkeit dancken die er uns
erzeiget hat, und nog täglich beweißt” / (Lat) [a2v]: “nam Virginiae incolae placidi
sunt, simplices, & ad recipiendam veritatem proni: Floridenses vafri & maligni, quique
difficulter ad verae Religionis cognitionem pertrahi possunt: Brasiliani adeo pertinaces
sunt, ut (licet à daemonibus saepissime caedantur & torqueantur) nulla ratione ad
fidem amplectendam induci queant” and “in tantum furorem evadunt, ut sese mutuo
vorare non vereantur”. The conclusion was phrased as [a3r]: “Nostrum igitur est, ô
Christiani, haec diligenter perpendere, Deoque gratias agere, pro ingenti misericordia,
qua erga nos usus est, & cottidie adhuc utitur”.
21
See Gossiaux (1985) and Greve (2004) for interpretations of gradual native
decline.
22
Ind.Occ. X (Ger) [A2r]: “den Rachgierigen und unversöhnlichen Indianern”
and “Barbarischen Unterthanen”. There is no preface to the corresponding Latin
volume.
23
Ind.Or. II discussed only around half of the material described in Itinerario, as Ind.
Or. III and IV also contained chapters of Van Linschoten’s treatise.

230 chapter seven
had since deteriorated. Van Linschoten slated Cornelis Claesz’ edition

of Gerrit de Veer’s narrative on Nova Zembla, maintaining that parts
of it had been made up, and presented his own manuscripts to other
publishers.24 Both Latin editions were advertised in the catalogue of
the 1599 spring fair in Frankfurt, and listed in immediate succession.25 The
translations, however, were not identical, and the differences between the
two versions put the De Bry modifications in a better perspective.
A first remarkable difference was the measured use of italics in the
De Bry version for highlighting fragments of the text they considered
important. Hence the Juggernaut ceremony in Narsinga received special
attention, as did the inclination for polygamy in the southern Indian
region Nayris. In these examples, the Dutch edition, published in The
Hague, did not alter any of the lettering, leaving the texts without any
special reading instructions. The southern African habit of cutting off
the penises of defeated enemies was another excerpt which received the
same type of typographic attention from the De Brys. In this case, the
two editions diverged further. The De Brys also decided to accompany
the passage with a controversial illustration (see ill. 33). While they chose
to emphasise the ritual in these ways, their Dutch colleagues omitted
the excerpt.26 The cumulative effect of these decisions makes the De
Bry modification more meaningful: the weight attached to spectacular
and gruesome tales, closely related to indigenous beliefs, becomes even
more evident.
Aelbert Hendricksz and Cornelis Claesz left other potentially offen-
sive fragments out of Van Linschoten’s text. The Mozambican custom
of selling children in times of famine cannot be found in the Dutch
edition, whereas the De Brys saw no reason to alter the contents of
the passage. Other adaptations to the text are more subtle, yet just
as valuable in a comparative perspective. The Dutch booksellers, for
example, did not include any engravings of the religious practices of
the Chinese, which were so fundamental to the Frankfurt version of the
Itinerario, although later Dutch editions of the same work, published in
1610, did include two of the six De Bry-conceived ‘Mendoza engrav-
24
Roeper (1998) 26–27.
25
Supra, Ch. 4, pp. 120–21. Van Selm (1987) 180, 288 n. 53.
26
J. Huygen van Linschoten, Navigatio ac itinerarium [. . .] in Orientalem sive Lusitanorum
Indiam: descriptiones eiusdem terrae ac tractuum littoralium . . . (Amsterdam 1599) 50; Ind.Or. II
(Lat) 106 and ill. iv. For the italics in the De Bry edition: Ind.Or. II (Lat) 107–08, 112.

ings’.27 Van Linschoten’s rather brief examination of Chinese polythe-

ism—too brief according to the De Brys—was copied in both Latin
translations, but the different attitudes of the publishers were obvious
in the margins to the texts. While their Dutch colleagues summarised
the traveller’s observations in a businesslike manner, “On the religion
of the Chinese”, the De Brys, regarding the same extract, opted for
“The devils are venerated by the Chinese”,28 clearly a much stronger
interpretation of Van Linschoten’s text. Once again they also selected
the theme for one of the additional engravings (ill. 61). The next
chapter will discuss other differences between the two Latin versions
of the Itinerario.
Although Theodore de Bry had already concentrated on the heathen
practices of the natives in North America, in Brazil, and elsewhere in
South America, India Occidentalis VII once again proved to be a turn-
ing point in the representation of the overseas world. After the latest
three volumes of India Occidentalis had focused on cruelties performed
by Spaniards both on each other and on the Amerindian population,
the header of the second illustration to Volume VIII proclaimed that
“The Christians were being killed by the Indians in a treacherous man-
ner”.29 The corresponding illustration shows the subsequent revenge
the Spaniards exacted on the murderers (ill. 62). This signalled a fun-
damental representational realignment in two ways: firstly, the explicit
juxtaposition of Christians and Indians had not been a common one
throughout the previous volumes. Only one earlier engraving had
seen the use of both these terms in the title, here with the intention to
condemn the greed of the Spanish conquistadors.30
27
J. Huygen van Linschoten, Histoire de la navigation de Jean Hugues de Linscot Hollandois
et de son voyage es Indes Orientales (Amsterdam 1610) 58, 59. Many other De Bry-conceived
engravings from Ind.Or. II, III, and IV were also included. Two identical editions were
printed in Amsterdam with different imprints of Hendrick Laurensz and Theodore
Pierre (Dirck Pietersz Pers), cf. infra, Ch. 11, pp. 352–53.
28
Van Linschoten (1599) 26: “Religio Chinae”; Ind.Or. II (Lat) 58: “Daemonium
Chinensis venerantur”. The observations on the Kaffirs, included in Van Linschoten
(1596) 61 and Ind.Or. II (Lat) 106–07, were omitted from Van Linschoten (1599) 50.
29
Ind.Occ. VIII (Ger) ill. ii [second set of ills.]: “Die Christen werden von den
Indianern verrhäterischer weise umbbracht” / (Lat) ill. ii: “Christiani ab Indianis
nefarie et fraudulentur trucidantur”.
30
Ind.Occ. IV, ill. xxi (Ger): “Ein herrlicher Sententz eines Indianers von der Christen
Geitz” / (Lat): “Indi cuiusdam Gnomologia insignis de Christianorum avaritia”.

232 chapter seven
Ill. 61. Ind.Or. II, ill. xxviii
Ill. 62. Ind.Occ. VIII, ill. ii (Lat) / ill. ii [second set of ills.] (Ger)

Secondly, the description of the Indians as ‘treacherous’ is significant.

Treachery, along with tyranny and avarice, was usually reserved as an
epithet for the Spanish troops in the New World, and it had been used
as such in previous volumes of the De Bry collection. India Occidentalis
VI in particular had been a parable of broken Spanish promises:
the conquistadors had pledged not to harm the captured Inca leader
Atahualpa if he delivered them a considerable amount of gold and
silver, yet when Atahualpa gave the order to bring what the Spaniards
desired, they nevertheless decided to kill him, “against [their] most
faithful promise”, according to the title to one De Bry engraving.31
They also described struggles between rivalling Spanish conquistadors
in terms of unfaithful and traitorous behaviour.32
The sudden reassignment of ‘treachery’ to the indigenous population
in India Occidentalis VII, a shift which persisted into subsequent volumes,
as well as into some of the India Orientalis-volumes, must have become
apparent to readers who purchased the entire De Bry collection. In
India Occidentalis VIII, the treacherous nature of the people from Guyana
was revealed when they slaughtered several Spaniards whom they had
initially agreed to accompany peacefully.33 In Volume X, based on the
pseudo-Vespucci’s letters, unspecified Indians—in the words of the De
Brys—‘deceived’ Spanish voyagers.34 The depiction of a Javanese attack
on a Dutch ship off Bantam, in India Orientalis III, was fitted into the
collection with the title “A treacherous murder by the Javanese on the
vessel Hollandia”.35 Johan Theodore and Johan Israel thus gradually
steered the representation of the overseas world into the innocent and
recognisable domain of easily objectionable ‘otherness’.
7.3. Paganism enhanced
The representation of heathendom in the De Bry collection was con-

nected to issues such as treachery, and influenced other domains not
31
Ind.Occ. VI, ill. xi (Ger): “. . . wider verheissene trew und glauben” / (Lat): “. . . contra
fidem datam”. The two previous plates also deal with the treason of Atahualpa.
32
Ind.Occ. VI, ills. iii, iv, xiv–xviii.
33
Ind.Occ. VIII (Ger) ill. v [first set of ills.] / (Lat) ill. xviii.
34
Ind.Occ. X, ill. iii (Ger): “Wie die Indianer die Spanier [. . .] zu betriegen vorha-
ben . . .” / (Lat): “Quomodo Indiani Hispanis [. . .] dolos struxerint”.
35
Ind.Or. III, ill. xxxi (Ger): “Ein verrähterischer Mord, der Javaner, auff dem
Schiff Hollandia” / (Lat): “Nefaria obtruncatio quorumdam in navi Hollandia dicta,
à Iavanensibus instituta”.

234 chapter seven
typically associated with the subject of religion. The spheres of religion

and cultural sophistication—the languages of Christianity and civility,
in other words—were anything but strictly separated.36 This becomes
evident as early as India Occidentalis I, where De Bry gave readers of the
German edition a late reminder, in the form of a final-page erratum,
on how to interpret customs in Virginia:
Realise, dear reader, that in the places in this account where it says ‘the
inhabitants of Virginia’, one should read ‘the savages in Virginia’ instead of
‘inhabitants’. Even though in recent years, a band of Christians has been
sent to this region, it will be necessary to distinguish between the two.37
Although religion may have been an indispensable part of the early
modern European gaze of the overseas world, inevitably pervading the
perceptions of itinerant and armchair travellers alike, the scaling-up of
religious topics in the De Bry collection, in comparison to the original
reports, still stands out. India Occidentalis IX saw the modification of a
chapter written by Acosta, titled “On the foundation and the building
of [the city of ] Mexico”, into an engraving with a rather different focus.
Although the caption was based on fragments of this chapter, the motto
of the illustration read “How the Mexicans are being guided by their
idol”.38 The caption collected only those parts of the chapter devoted
to religious customs, and one of the paragraphs concluded with the
comment, not found in the original text, that the Aztecs “did all of
this according to their false God’s prophesy”.39
Comparisons between the original narratives and the De Bry transla-
tions provide a hatful of adaptations enhancing the pagan disposition of
the indigenous peoples encountered. Captions to engravings presented
the publishers with opportunities to amend the original accounts and to
create more thrilling and more deprecating descriptions of indigenous
36
Rubiés (2000a), esp. 94–95 ff.
37
Ind.Occ. I (Ger) “An den günstigen Leser”: “Günstiger Leser wisse, daß man an
den orten dieser Histori, da das Wort (Innwohner Virginie) stehet, für Innwohner (die
Wilden in Virginia) [. . .] lesen sol. Dann dieweil verschienen Jaren ein Eynsatzung von
Christen ist in gemeldte Landtschafft geschickt worden, wil es von nöten seyn, daß
unter diesen beyden ein unterschiedt gehalten werde”. The erratum was not repeated
in the three other translations.
38
Ind.Occ. IX, ill. xii (Ger): “Wie die Mexicaner durch ihren Abgott geleytet und
geführet worden” / (Lat): “Mexicani, quomodo a suo deunculo seu idolo primum ducti
fuerint”. The chapter was instead called “Von Stifftung und Auffbawung Mexico” /
“De primordiis ac aedificatione Mexico” (Ind.Occ. IX (Ger) 287 / (Lat) 319).
39
Ind.Occ. IX, ill. xii (Ger): “. . . alles nach ihres falschen Gottes Weissagung” / (Lat):
“pro accepto augurio”.

beliefs. The fifth plate of India Orientalis VI, for instance, was copied
from De Marees’ chronicle on the Gold Coast, but the commentary was
different. The Dutchman had described their rituals as “superstitious and
whimsical (instead of reverential)”, but the De Brys used much stronger
terms, like “exceptional superstition” and “exceptional monkeying”.40
The De Brys alluded to this correlation of pagan practices with apish
behaviour on at least one more occasion.41
Rituals, often performed in honour of a turning point in someone’s
life, were explicitly drawn into the domain of paganism. The De Bry
method of linking rites of passage to heathendom becomes especially
perceptible in two engravings of India Orientalis II. Based on Van
Linschoten’s sketches, the Dutch engraver Johannes van Doetecum had
made one plate of a wedding ceremony in Balghat in the sultanate of
Bijapur in western India, a plate which the De Brys copied for their
edition (ill. 63). The second engraving was a De Bry design, depicting
Balghat customs once more. The illustration was closely connected to
the previous one in both word and image: the first phrase of the cap-
tion reminded readers of the preceding plate, while, in the background,
the new design included part of the procession that Van Doetecum
had depicted (ill. 64).42 In the newly invented engraving, however, the
pagan nature of the ceremony formed the heart of the representation.
Participants in the parade walked seven times around a fire in order
to ratify the marriage, and individual members thereupon swore an
oath, standing in a circle of ashes. The De Brys placed this routine into
the centre of the composition, with a diabolical idol on a stick clearly
signalling the pagan nature of the ceremony.
Gasparo Balbi’s account of Pegu further provided the De Brys with
ceremonies hinting at paganism. The final illustration of India Orientalis
VII, showing the three-stage narrative composition so typical for the
De Bry designs, deals with the deaths of local sovereigns and religious
heads (ill. 65). The first phase saw mourners dancing around the naked
40
De Marees (1602) 33: “. . . ende wat superstitie (ende grillen in plaets van rev-
erentie te doen)”; Ind.Or. VI, ill. v (Ger): “seltzame Superstition und Aberglauben
in ihrem Gottesdienst” and “viel seltzam Affenspiel” / (Lat): “varias Ceremonias &
superstitiones”.
41
Ind.Or. II, ill. xxviii (Ger): “Viel Affenwercks treiben die Chinesen . . .”. The Latin
caption does not have the same allusion to monkeying.
42
Ind.Or. II, ill. xi (Ger): “Wenn nach obgemelten Ceremonien die Braut zu Hauß
geführet, . . .” / (Lat): “Sponsa ceremoniis celebratis domum reducitur . . .”.

236 chapter seven
Ill. 63. Ind.Or. II, ill. x
Ill. 64. Ind.Or. II, ill. xi

Ill. 65. Ind.Or. VII, ill. xxii
corpse of one of their spiritual leaders, their wild gestures typifying

their unruliness. The second and third stages depicted the burning of
the corpse, after four days of festivities, and the disposal of the ashes
into the water. The cremation of human bodies evoked abhorrence
in early modern Europe because, as in the case of mutilation, it ren-
dered resurrection of the bodies impossible.43 The custom of throwing
the remains overboard was analogous to contemporary treatment of
the ashes of heretics. Sometimes, as the De Bry caption described,
remains were transformed into dough by the addition of milk to the
ashes. Such a practice must have put off even the fiercest apologists
for cremation. As a means of calling attention to the otherness of, in
this case, South-East Asian beliefs, the engraving was unquestionably
highly successful.
Several textual and terminological modifications were less obvious,
but at least complementary to more gross alterations and additions.
43
J. Lepage, “Kindled spirits: cremation and urn burial in Renaissance literature”,
English literary Renaissance 28–1 (1998) 3–4.

238 chapter seven
When Jose de Acosta described how the Aztecs found solace in their
religious convictions, he maintained that “their God comforted them in
their tribulations and their despondency”. The De Brys replicated the
Jesuit’s statement, but replaced the word ‘God’ with ‘idol’.44 Identical
adaptations occurred elsewhere in this volume. Still in the same chap-
ter, the word ‘idol’ once again took the place of Acosta’s word ‘God’
in the De Bry collection, yet here the Latin translation did not fol-
low the disapproving change made to the German version; whereas
the first part of the sentence was copied, the second part, and hence
the reference to the native deity, was omitted altogether.45 Another
regularity in the modifying process was the enhanced juxtaposition of
accepted and unfamiliar beliefs, for example in India Orientalis I, where
the De Brys refined an original description of “Christians and others”
into “Christians and pagans”.46 Alterations of this type can be found
throughout the twenty-five volumes.
7.4. The omnipresent devil
The addition of demonic images to the original accounts, and the

rephrasing of related textual remarks was one of the most common
modifications made for the De Bry volumes. Even when the diverse
nature of the venerated ‘idols’ was made clear in the traveller’s account,
the De Brys depicted these deities as traditionally diabolical instead.
Gasparo Balbi, elaborating on the customs of worship near Negapatam
at the Indian subcontinent’s Coromandel coast, professed that “their
various gods [resembled] the image of a human, others [resembled] a
cow or a snake”.47 The depiction of the devil as the only visible figure
44
Acosta (1598) f335v: “. . . haren Godt hen in de tribulatien ende moeyloosheyt
vertroostende”; Ind.Occ. IX (Ger) 287 uses the word “Abgott” / (Lat) 319: “Idolum”.
45
Acosta (1598) f347v: “. . . dat men de Priesters dede roepen, ende den Setel met
haren Godt bereydt maeckten”; Ind.Occ. IX (Ger) 297: “. . . und die Priester die Senffte
ires Abgotts lies fertig machen” / (Lat) 330: “. . . lectica à sacerdotibus ornata”.
46
Lopez and Pigafetta (1591) 49: “si li Christiani, come gl’altri”; Ind.Or. I (Ger) 44:
“so wol Christen als Heyden”. The Latin translation (35) avoided the construction by
omitting the juxtaposition.
47
Balbi (1590) f90r: “. . . sono differenti nell’ adoratione, perche alcuni adorano statue,
di figura humana, alcuni di vaccam altri di serpi”; Ind.Or. VII (Ger) 67: “. . . haben
unterschiedliche Götter, als etliche das Bildtnuß eines Menschen, etliche eine Kuhe oder
Schlangen” / (Lat) 95: “. . . idola quae invocent varia, quidam enim Deum in imagine
hominis, quidam in vaccarum vel serpentum imagine colunt”.

admired in the corresponding engraving was not based upon the original
report or its translations (ill. 66). The reason for the inclusion of Satan in
this illustration is unclear. He was perhaps, as the composition suggests,
the emblem for a convicted sinner, a logical association as it was widely
believed that the devil was the instigator of every individual human
vice. The caption, however, implied that the plate depicted a tangible
idol or statue in the pagan sense, with local priests giving official status
to the ceremony. Both the ‘priests’ and the ‘idol’ had been introduced
only in the captions.48
The devil, in whatever form or shape, was Europe’s most recognisable
symbol of evil. The Reformations, Protestant as well as Catholic, in fact
saw a renewed interest in the devil throughout Europe. The witch craze
of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, particularly vehement
in the Empire, added to the devil’s usefulness as an instrument of God,
Ill. 66. Ind.Or. VII, ill. xiv
48
Balbi (1590) f90v: “. . . à ciò stanno quivi assistenti alcuni deputati”; Ind.Or. VII
(Ger) 67: “. . . da stehen etliche darzu verordnet” / (Lat) 96: “. . . à ministris ad hoc
constitutis”; ill. xiv (Ger): “und nach dem die Priester deß Abgotts so zu gegen stehen,
den Bußfertigen wol ermahnet haben . . .” / (Lat): “Sacerdotes igitur idolatrae, post
admonitionem ad poenitentiam . . .”.

240 chapter seven
who would expose sin and immorality.49 So-called devil-books formed a

popular genre in the second half of the sixteenth century, and the De
Brys must have been well aware of their appeal as Sigmund Feyerabend’s
anthologies of these works had dominated the market since the late
1560s.50 Feyerabend, in his prefaces to these collections, stressed that
they were not only aimed at a lay readership, but also at pastors, chap-
lains, and other Church officials. Several German devil-books included
references to reformers such as Luther and Calvin alongside statements
of Catholic theologians. Although Protestant concern about the devil
was, on the whole, stronger than Catholic, readers of all confessions
would interpret human sin as a service to Satan: the representation of
the devil as the embodiment of evil therefore, to some extent, spanned the
gap between Protestantism and Catholicism.
The devil, it was widely thought, authored paganism, and conse-
quently became a major player in the interpretation of overseas identi-
ties.51 The predictability of his presence abroad was vaguely reassuring,
as it enabled Europeans to assimilate overseas beliefs into their mental
framework. The devil hence made an appearance in many travel texts,
Protestant as well as Catholic, and the De Brys eagerly utilised his broad
popularity by adding demonic figures to many of their illustrations.
In seventeen of the collection’s plates, the devil himself or a devilish
representation following his timeless iconography—horns, tail, distorted
facial features—was included. No fewer than fourteen of these illustra-
tions were designed by the De Brys in Frankfurt. Matthaeus Merian,
in the 1620s, created even more demons for the final volumes of the
collection, and the editors of the collection’s compilation of the early
1630s opted to include many of the ‘devilish’ representations of earlier
volumes.52
Textual modifications and explications accompanied the artistic
accentuation of the devil’s omnipresence abroad. René de Laudonnière
had told of the French encounter with a Timucuan magician, but the
negative conclusion in the caption to one of the related plates that
49
S. Clark, Thinking with demons: the idea of witchcraft in early modern Europe (Oxford
1997) 80–93.
50
K. L. Roos, The devil in 16th century German literature: The Teufelsbücher (Bern and
Frankfurt 1972) 59, 62–69, 115.
51
Ryan (1981) 530; Faes (1981) 63 ff.
52
Devils or pseudo-devils can be found in Ind.Occ. II, ill. xii; III (Ger) 215 / (Lat)
223; IV, ill. xxiv; VI, ills. ii, xxvi, xxvii; IX, ills. v, vii; Ind.Or. I, ill. xi (Ger) / ill. iii (Lat);
II, ills. xi, xxi, xxii, xxviii, xxxii; III, ill. xxiv; VII, ill. xiv; XI, ill. iv.

“when he had [kneeled and prayed] for fifteen minutes, he looked so

horrifying, that he ceased to resemble a human being”, was a De Bry
verdict (ill. 67). The next engraving returned to the conjurer, although
its primary topic was civil warfare in Florida: in the final sentences of
this second caption the De Brys explicitly stated that the Timucuan
was “certainly possessed by the devil”. Who else, after all, could have
been responsible for the magician’s repugnant practices?53 Elsewhere,
smaller alterations, like the injection of the word ‘devilish’ into the
translations, sustained Satan’s prominence.54
Ill. 67. Ind.Occ. II, ill. xii
53
Ind.Occ. II, ill. xii (Ger): “. . . als ers einer viertel stund lang angetrieben, erschröcklich
anzusehen ward, daß er kein Menschen mehr gleichte” / (Lat): “. . . qua ad quadran-
tem horae producta, illico tam horrendus apparuit, ut humanam effigiem amplius non
exprimeret”; De Laudonnière (1586) f78v: “. . . aussi ne faillit-it de trouver ses ennemis
au lieu mesme que le Magicien avoit nommé”; Ind.Occ. II, ill. xiii (Ger): “Dann er
sich in der Warheyt befande, was der Zauberer (der gewißlich vom Teuffel besessen
war) zuvor gesagt hatt” / (Lat): “nam verum apparuit quod Magus praedixerat, quem
certum est à daemone fuisse obsessum”. Although the German and Latin captions
were roughly translated, no other fragments of De Laudonnière’s account concerned
the Timucuan magician.
54
For example: Lopez and Pigafetta (1591) 43: “abominevole superstitione”; Ind.Or.
I (Ger) 39: “dem Teuffelischen Aberglauben und erschrecklichen Finsternuß” / (Lat)
31: “suis superstitionibus”. Once again the Latin translation is reluctant in comparison
to the German text.

242 chapter seven
The prefaces to the volumes were meant to put readers on the right,
anti-diabolical track. In the introduction to India Occidentalis IV in par-
ticular, Theodore left very little room for alternative interpretations: the
New World Indians described by Girolamo Benzoni were manifestly
worse than the pagans who had been on display in the previous three
volumes:
Since these people do not worship the single God and Creator of all
things through a wooden image, like the inhabitants of the island of
Virginia, or the sun and the moon, like the Floridians, or even Maralea,
like the Brazilians, but the devil himself, who reveals himself to them in
all kinds of horrible shapes, as you will see in the following illustrations,
and read in the book.55
Commentary of this sort reveals closely the objectives of the De Brys.
Additional indications can once more be found in the selection of
passages for De Bry-invented plates. Several of the diabolical figures
designed for the collection appeared in the sections devoted to Acosta’s
works on the New World. Five of the fourteen illustrations were dedi-
cated to pagan practices and suicide ceremonies in Mexico, while the
Jesuit had spent most of his series of seven books discussing the natural
world in the Americas. Acosta, however, although it was not his prin-
cipal concern, did consider knowledge of the pagan beliefs important,
as he saw it as a necessary step towards changing the attitudes of the
Indians for their own benefit. Yet missionary activities of that sort
were certainly not part of the objectives of the De Bry family, and this
particular sentence ‘for the benefit of the Indians’ was even omitted
from both Frankfurt translations.56
55
Ind.Occ. IV (Ger) [A3v]: “Sintemal diese Leuth nit den einigen Gott den Schöpffer
aller ding, in einem höltzern Bildnuß, wie die Eynwohner der Insel Virginiae, noch
die Sonn oder den Mondt wie die Floridenser, noch auch Maralea, wie die Brasilianer
verehren: sonder den Teuffel selbst, welcher in allerley schrecklicher Gestalt sich inen
zeigt und sehen läst, wie du auß den folgenden Figuren und in dem Buch selber
sehen und lesen wirst” / (Lat) [):():(3r]: “siquidem hi non unum solum Deum rerum
omnium creatorem ac figura aliqua lignea repraesentatum instar Virginiae incolarum,
nec solem aut Lunam sicut Floridenses, nec Maralea velut Brasiliani colunt, sed ipsum
Diabolum, qui sese ipsis omnis generis horrendis formis exhibet & ostentat, sicut ex
figuris sequentibus, ac ipsius libri lectione videbis & intelliges”.
56
Acosta (1598) f282r: “. . . also dat het in de Landen van Indien [. . .] wel noodich
is, tot welvaren der Indianen”. This sentence alone was removed: Ind.Occ. IX (Ger)
242 / (Lat) 268.

7.5. Targeting readerships
Delicate editorial changes made to the original narratives regularly

resulted in different versions: first a German and then a Latin translation,
usually in that order.57 The consequences of these dissimilarities for a
thorough understanding of the De Bry series can hardly be overstated.
More than once, the variations were so significant that it is not possible
to regard the De Bry collection as one printed work with merely two
different linguistic shapes; some of the diversity in fact suggests that
there are two different collections altogether. The lion’s share of the
variations between the German and Latin translations can be found
in the sphere of religion.
Analysing the decision to publish the collection in two languages
is essential for grasping the intentions of the De Bry family in more
ways than one. Earlier collections of voyages had all appeared in one
language only, the translation into this single language being one of the
prime assets of these collections which unified previously dispersed travel
accounts. Producing a collection in two languages therefore revealed
an ambition on a scale not seen before in the genre. Obviously the
appearance in both German and Latin widened the potential audience
for the volumes from the outset. The two successful Italian collections
of voyages, from the early and mid-sixteenth century, were translated
only after the original had made an impact on readers, while the
French translation of Ramusio’s Navigationi was abandoned after the
first volume. Other collections, like Hakluyt’s Principall Navigations, were
never rewarded with a version in another tongue.
Translating the accounts into Latin must have been a particularly
astute decision, as it enabled the De Brys to distribute their collection
throughout Europe with relatively little effort. Latin remained the schol-
arly language until at least 1650, and was comprehensible not only in
Western Europe but also in Poland, Italy, and various corners of the
Holy Roman Empire. Perhaps most importantly for a venture of these
proportions, translating the accounts into Latin gave an inherent prestige
to the texts, which had all been originally written in the vernacular.58
57
Ind.Occ. I–VI appeared in Latin first; all other volumes were first published in
German, as probably another change instigated by Johan Theodore and Johan Israel
de Bry.
58
P. Burke, Lost (and found) in translation: a cultural history of translators and translating

244 chapter seven
Converting the narratives into Latin hence made the accounts more
readily available to a group of usually affluent readers who for a long
time had favoured authoritative treatises from classical authors or
humanists over the experiences and eye-witness testimonies of often
unlearned travellers. Many copies of the De Bry collection found their
way into the Republic of Letters. In addition, the Latin language both
expressed and contributed to the cohesion of another international
community in early modern Europe, the Catholic Church.59
With these prospective readerships of the Latin edition in mind,
the variety in alterations to the accounts may come as no surprise, yet
the number of differences between the German and Latin editions of the
same set of reports in the De Bry collection is still high. Whereas the
illustrations are identical in all but two of the twenty-five tomes, and
a third volume presented the same set of engravings in different
sequences,60 textual variations can be found in almost every volume, in
both full texts and captions. To understand the alterations one needs
to consider the practicalities of the editing process in the Frankfurt
workshop. When, for instance, the Latin edition was based on the
German translation made earlier, the differences tended to be unspec-
tacular. But when both versions were based on the original account,
as was often the case, the Latin translation usually remained closely
aligned to the original wordings, while the German edition presented
plenty of deviations. Or, in another variant, the Latin volumes omitted
controversial and sensational passages which had been eagerly included
in the German translations. These changes were made more or less
autonomously, regardless of the original language of the report, and
while the bulk of the modifications are small, and may seem insignifi-
cant at first, they correspond to the wider pattern of adaptations made
by the De Brys.
in early modern Europe (The Hague 2005a); W. Leonard Grant, “European vernacular
works in Latin translation”, Studies in the Renaissance I (1954) 135–42.
59
Burke (2004) 44–45.
60
Ind.Occ. III is the main exception to the rule, with 45 and 36 illustrations in the
Latin and German volumes respectively, but several of the extra plates in the Latin
edition were merely included twice. The other volume concerned is Ind.Occ. VIII, cf.
infra, Ch. 8, p. 269. Ind.Occ. VIII (Lat) has 18 illustrations, while Ind.Occ. VIII (Ger) has
21. The three illustrations missing from the Latin volume are attached to the Dutch
account by Michiel Joostens van Heede, added to the German series—as part of Ind.
Occ. VIII add.—but not to the Latin series. A few volumes, in addition, present the
engravings in different orders. The two translations of Ind.Or. I have the illustrations
in a different order: Ind.Or. I (Ger) ill. xi is identical to Ind.Or. I (Lat) ill. iii, a change
which precipitates the re-numbering of several other plates: see App. 3.

The authors of the accounts, without exception God-fearing men

who had endured hardships and serious perils on their voyages, thanked
God when the most acute dangers had passed. Many of these pious
sighs of relief ended up in their accounts: Willem Lodewijcksz, after
an armed battle between Dutch and Javanese ships, praised God for
saving all Dutch sailors. In the German version, the words “praise to
God” were copied, but the interjection was deleted from the Latin ver-
sion.61 Elsewhere, analogous changes and differences can be observed:
Raleigh’s vow to God whilst in Guyana once again recurred in the
German text, but the Latin version secularised the remark by stripping
the oath of its religious connotation.62 Similar variations are appar-
ent in some of the captions to the plates, like those in India Orientalis
III devoted to Gerrit de Veer’s report on Nova Zembla, and in the
prefaces, which are sometimes identical but for utterances like “in the
name of God”, present in the German introductions but missing from
their Latin counterparts.63
Such variations are to a large extent idiomatic: the way of expressing
experiences in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Latin—hardly the
lingua franca of these intellectually unaspiring texts—was simply different
from the vernacular way of writing prose, where interjections like “in
the name of God” or “through God’s mercy” were much more casual
and hence almost commonplace. Slightly different omissions, however,
signified that the De Brys indeed attempted to keep the Latin volumes
free of too many religious phrasings. Acosta, clarifying how long one
could keep one’s hand in a pool of water he encountered in Peru,
used the expression “the length of an Ave Maria”. The De Brys chose
to integrate the metaphor into their German translation, but scaled it
down for the Latin edition to “a very brief interval”, quite remarkable
given the metaphor’s Catholic nature.64 These adjustments were made
61
Lodewijcksz (1598) f34r: “dan en raeckten niemandt (God lof ) vande onse”; Ind.Or.
III (Ger) 129: “es ward aber niemand der unsern getroffen, Gott sey lob” / (Lat) 90:
“nullum tamen nostrorum laeserunt”.
62
W. Raleigh, Waerachtighe ende grondighe beschryvinge van het groot ende Goudt-rijck
Coninckrijk van Guiana . . . (Amsterdam 1598) f21r: “. . . soo dat ick voor Godt betuyghe . . .”;
Ind.Occ. VIII (Ger) 44: “. . . daß ich für Gott bezeuge . . .” / (Lat) 51: “. . . verè affirmare
possim”.
63
Ind.Or. III, ills. lii and liv, including “mit Gottes hülff ” in German only. Ind.Occ.
IX has identical introductions, with the exception of the interjection “im Nahmen
Gottes” in the German preface.
64
Acosta (1598) f110r: “de handt daer een ave Maria lanck in te houden”; Ind.Occ.
IX (Ger) 97: “biß man ein Ave Maria sprechen möchte” / (Lat) 112: “brevissimo inter-
vallo”.

246 chapter seven
across confessional lines, as Jean de Léry’s tale of the murder of three

Huguenots in Brazil was readily included in the German India Occidentalis
III, but not in its entirety in the Latin equivalent, where the religious
nature of the executions was left out.65
There are more significant disparities between the supposedly cor-
responding De Bry editions of narratives. In spite of the general
inclination to overemphasise paganism in the overseas world, the
German volumes displayed a stronger preference for heathen rituals.
Discussing the religious beliefs of the Algonquians in India Occidentalis
I, three of the four editions—English, French, and Latin—neatly fol-
lowed Harriot’s original choice of words; after an elaboration on local
prophecies regarding the arrival of the Europeans in Virginia, the next
paragraph reiterated these beliefs by starting as follows: “In order to
confirm these opinions, they were [. . .] so impudent . . .”. The German
text, in contrast, deviated, stating that “in order to confirm these fan-
tasies, they were [. . .] so impudent . . .”, thus disclosing a preconditioned
lack of appreciation.66
Throughout the collection, even more sensitive adjustments can be
found, with specific words being translated markedly differently for
the two remaining versions. A neutral word like ‘inhabitants’ could
be faithfully translated for the Latin edition, but at the same time
changed to ‘infidels’ in the German volume. Sometimes the modifica-
tions to the original accounts would point in opposite directions. If, for
example, a traveller, in this case Odoardo Lopez, had reported that the
West African natives “had lingered on in their blindness”, reflecting
on their religious customs, the German edition from Frankfurt had
enlarged their ‘blindness’ to “terrible” proportions, while the sentence
as a whole was missing from the Latin volume.67 Another widespread
variation were the elaborations on paganism in the German accounts.
When the Latin caption to one of the engravings in India Orientalis I
65
De Léry (1586) 305: “qui tres primo nominatos ob Evangelii confessionem morte
adfecit”; Ind.Occ. III (Ger) 268: “der die jetzt ernandte drey ersten, von wegen der
Evangelischen bekenndnüß had tödten lassen” / (Lat) 269: “quorum tres primo loco
nominatos suffocandos curavit”.
66
Harriot (1588) [F2r] / Ind.Occ. I (Eng) 29: “To confirme this opinion . . .” / (Fre)
30: “Pour les confirmer en ceste opinion . . .” / (Lat) 31: “Ad opinionem hanc confir-
mandem . . .” / (Ger) 29: “Und damit sie dieser Phantasey ein schein machten . . .”.
67
All examples are taken from Ind.Or. I. Lopez and Pigafetta (1591) 43: “quei
popoli”; (Ger) 38: “den Unglaubigen” / (Lat) 31: “incolas”. Lopez and Pigafetta (1591)
35: “in quella cecità rimangono”; (Ger) 30: “[sie] bleiben in erschrecklichen Blindheit
stecken” / (Lat) 24.

used the word ‘idols’ only for the images venerated by the Congolese
before they were converted to Christianity, as the main text had done,
the German version, in line with the gripping illustration, opted to
describe the figures as “a terrible array of devils, dragons, snakes and
other images”.68
Although the precise implementation varied—the examples highlighted

here are just the most common types of divergence—it is evident that
readers of the German volumes were presented with different repre-
sentations of paganism than those who bought the Latin versions. The
nature of paganism in the De Bry collection in general was embedded
in contemporary thinking, neatly confirming assumptions of demonic
rule and often shocking rituals in the overseas world. Yet unlike many
other late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century works, the De Bry
volumes did not attempt to align exotic heathendom and its more
common Greco-Roman equivalent, shying away from making straight-
forward analogies between Europeans and non-Europeans. Only the
plates of ancient Picts added to India Occidentalis I form an exception
to this pattern.
Despite the linguistic differences, the De Bry collection enhanced
the significance of paganism in the overseas world, as a comparison
with contemporary editions of the same narratives published by other
booksellers reveals. Whether in the German or Latin versions, pagan-
ism crept into all corners of the collection as a representational tool.
Its impact was extensive, and issues not necessarily related to religious
matters were drawn into the realm of heathendom. Hence the bound-
aries between the so-called languages of civility and Christianity were
blurred; unlike in many other early modern travel texts, the De Brys
portrayed savagery as the direct nemesis of Christendom. In order to
make this model of alterity more convincing, the juxtaposition between
Christianity and paganism had to be complemented by a tendency
to minimise interconfessional strife. The next chapter will discuss the
attempts of the De Brys to do just that.
68
Ind.Or. I (Ger) ill. xi: “grewlich viel allerley Teufels, Trachen, Schlangen und andere
Bilder” / (Lat) ill. iii: “idoli”.

CHAPTER EIGHT
DIFFERENT REPRESENTATIONS FOR

DIFFERENT READERSHIPS:
CHRISTIANITY REFLECTED
Readers in the early seventeenth century must have immediately recog-

nised the description of inhabitants of the Euphrates region in the De
Bry collection as an unmistakable swipe at Catholics: the locals were
seen as “inhabitants, [who] just like the Papists venerate the deceased
saints”. The condemnation was apparent to German readers only,
as the whole sentence was missing from the Latin translation. The
traveller in question, Gasparo Balbi, himself a Catholic, had not been
so critical of Catholicism, making a more inclusive comparison with
how “we venerate the saints”.1 The two De Bry editions, then, once
again modified the text in opposite directions. This type of criticism
of Catholic idolatry was bread and butter in Protestant circles in early
modern Europe: the Reformed, after all, considered the worship of
images blasphemous.2 It was, however, quite unusual for the De Bry
collection where not even a handful of such alterations can be found.3
The collection, instead, attempted to play down most of the confes-
sional strife the travellers generated, regardless of their confessional
background. The gross discrepancies between its Latin and German
editions add to the complexity of the issue.
1
Balbi (1590) f11v: “. . . che essi tengono in adoratione, come noi i santi”; Ind.Or.
VII (Ger) 8: “. . . welchen die Innwohner derselbigen Gegendt anbeten, gleich wie die
Papisten die verstorbene Heyligen” / (Lat) 48.
2
Ryan (1981) 526; Eire (1986).
3
In the entire collection, I only found a single example of anti-Catholic editing which
was apparent in both the German and the Latin editions. Balbi, with regard to the
Canarins at Goa, stated ((1590) f68r): “. . . mà adorano l’Idolo, come noi adoriamo nelle
imagini, quello che ci rappresentano”; Ind.Or. VII (Ger) 50: “. . . sondern sie verehren
und beten dieses Bildt allein an, wie die Abergläubische ihre Götzen der verstorbenen
Heyligen” / (Lat) 81: “. . . sed ut idolum aliquod, eadem qua superstitiosi alli defunctos
sanctos colunt & venerantur”.

250 chapter eight
8.1. Anti-Spanish tendencies: the Benzoni volumes
Plenty of attention has been paid to the ‘Black Legend’ of Spanish New
World tyranny the De Brys presented in the three volumes dedicated
to the narrative of Girolamo Benzoni, India Occidentalis IV, V, and VI.4
Although Benzoni’s text offers a more balanced view of the Spanish
conquest than Las Casas’ Brevissima relación, which the De Brys deliber-
ately issued outside their collection, the presence of Spanish brutalities in
these volumes is anything but fictitious.5 The last two books in particular
denounce the practices of conversion and exploitation. The De Bry
collection, moreover, presents this tyrannical behaviour in spellbind-
ing fashion. While from the many versions published, only the second
edition of Benzoni’s report contained illustrations,6 the three De Bry
volumes together had no fewer than seventy-eight engravings. Around
a third of these plates depicted the main topoi of Spanish atrocities
and indigenous retaliations, and given the quality of the illustrations
and the reputation of the collection, many of these engravings became
part of the stock of New World representations, especially in Protestant
parts of Europe (ill. 68).7
The Benzoni volumes, however, were not exclusively devoted to
Spanish tyranny and greed. Roughly another third of the set of seventy-
eight was dedicated to factional rivalry among the conquistadors; themes
like Indian heathendom, and the struggle for Caribbean supremacy
between Spain and France were also prominently represented. To
interpret the three America-volumes as purely a means to distribute
graphic knowledge of the Black Legend would therefore be a mistake.
The title-page of the first of the volumes shows as much, as indigenous
nudity and heathen rituals were the themes deemed suitable for attract-
ing customers to the collection. The subsequent title-pages emphasised
the zeal and the cruelties of the Spaniards. Even more important
for a nuanced appreciation of these volumes are the De Bry-written
Greve (2004) 173–208.

4
Keen (1976) 108–09.

5
6
G. Benzoni, La Historia del mondo nuovo (Venice 1572). The first edition is: G.
Benzoni, La historia del Mondo Nuovo [. . .] La qual tratta dell’isole & mari nuova mente ritrovati
& delle nuove cittá da lui proprio vedute, per acqua & per terra in quattordeci anni, libro primo
(Venice 1565).
7
See for instance: Schmidt (2001) for the Dutch application of the Black Legend,
and the influence of the De Bry volumes. See for the origin of the engravings: infra,
App. 3.

different representations for different readerships 251
Ill. 68. Ind.Occ. IV, ill. xx
prefaces. The introduction to Volume IV, largely similar in German

and Latin, was an unmistakable attempt to steer the collection away
from unwelcome political controversy and from possible repercussions
by censors across Europe. Several fragments of the preface in fact tried
to take some of the supposedly inherently Spanish defects like tyranny
and greed off the shoulders of the conquistadors and into the broader
Christian realm. Theodore de Bry warned readers as follows:
But in order to have nobody attribute these vices as dishonourable and
slanderous to the Spanish people, everyone should think for themselves
what other people in other nations do. [. . .] Therefore we should not
readily rebuke the Spaniards, but instead question ourselves if we are
any better than they are, for I know many God-fearing and devout Span-
iards, no fewer than in any other country. [. . .] For who does not know
how gruesome the French, the Germans, the Walloons, and others have
behaved in all expeditions and wars?8
8
Ind.Occ. IV (Ger) [A4v]: “Aber doch damit nit jemand dieses dem Spanischen Volck

252 chapter eight
While the next two prefaces were more ambiguous, the De Brys were
still careful not to antagonise segments of their prospective readership
and were reluctant to solely and explicitly accredit tyranny or avarice
to the Spanish explorers. The dedication to the Reformed Landgrave
Maurice of Hesse-Kassel in the German Volume VI—the only prelude
to this part—made no mention whatsoever of Spanish conduct in the
Americas, while the introduction to Volume V merely pointed out that
Columbus’ successors in the New World had failed to display his many
virtues, and that tyranny and greed had been an inevitable result.
The Benzoni volumes also contained textual modifications. Most
of these adjustments took place in the process of turning full texts
into captions, where the sharpest edges of Benzoni’s often polemical
report and the even more contentious annotations by the Genevan edi-
tor Urbain Chauveton were blunted. Several vivid details of Spanish
cruelties were not considered suitable for repetition in the captions,
a remarkable feat as the De Brys seemed to thrive on precisely such
spectacular details in other volumes, regarding other issues. One of the
captions copied a paragraph from the full text, but omitted its most
intense passage, that
. . . when [the Indians] were wrongfully and continuously beaten and tor-
tured by [the Spaniards], and forced to catch pearls, they have answered
such injustifiable slander and violence with violence.9
Another caption from the same volume, India Occidentalis IV, was con-
ceived in similar style, with Benzoni’s portrayal of the Spaniards as
zur unehr und schmacheit uffhebe, betrachte ein jeder bey im selbs, was ander Leut in
andern Nationen thun [. . .] Derwegen wir nit so schnell lauffend seyn sollen die Spanier
zuschelten, sonder uns zuvor selbs wol prüfen, ob wir besser seyen, weder sie, denn ich
viel unter den Spaniern kenne, Gottsförchtige und fromme Männer, nit weniger als in
einiger andern Nation [. . .] Denn wer weiß nit, wie greuwlich gehandelt haben, und
noch täglich handeln die Frantzosen, Teutschen, Waalen und andere beynah in allen
Zügen und Kriegen?” / (Lat) [):():(3v]: “Veruntamen ne quis haec in Hispanicae gentis
ignominiam trahat, expendat unusquisque quid ab aliis aliarum nationum hominibus
fiat. [. . .] Ne simus ergo tam praecipites in damnandis Hispanis, quin prios non ipsos
serio examinaverimus, num ipsis meliores simus. Multos enim inter Hispanos novi viros
pios & probos non minus quam in ulla alia gente. [. . .] Quis enim ignorat quam multa
crudeliter patrata sint atque etiamnum hodie patrentur a militibus Gallis, Germanis,
Italis, & aliis in omnibus fere expeditionibus ac bellis”.
9
Ind.Occ. IV (Ger) 64: “. . . als von denen [the Spaniards] sie [the Indians] unbil-
licher weiß ohn underlaß geschlagen unnd gepeiniget wurden, unnd gezwungen zu
dem Perrlenfang haben solche unbilliche Schmacheit und Gewalt, unterstanden mit
Gewalt” / (Lat) 72: “. . . a quibus nimirum violenter correpti fustibus & plagis assiduis
ad piscandos uniones adigerentur, indignas contumelias & vim vi arcere statuunt”. This
sentence is missing from the caption to ill. xvi.

“terrible murderers and ruthlessly horrible tyrants” withheld from the

commentary.10 The volumes further showed all the adaptations which
characterised the collection as a whole. Hence Chauveton’s expression
“the sin of sodomy” was enhanced in the captions to “the terrible sin
of sodomy”, many of the New World inhabitants were depicted naked
when there was no textual ground for nudity, and the most marvellous
indigenous routines and habits received special attention.11
8.2. Christianity compared
All in all, had they wished to add fuel to the flames of confessional
animosity in Europe, the De Brys could have exploited Benzoni’s vol-
umes much more extensively. They did select several descriptions of
Spanish atrocities for depiction, but left just as many anecdotes for what
they were. The most biting engravings had been already, in a crude
form, included in Benzoni’s original Italian report, and were thus not
invented in Frankfurt.12 The De Brys further watered down some of
the comments made by both the Milanese explorer and his Genevan
editor, were anything but bellicose in their prefaces—quite the oppo-
site—and although they did select Benzoni’s report for inclusion in the
collection, the De Brys did not add any further narratives supporting
the Black Legend, even though they had a glorious opportunity to do
so with Las Casas’ Brevissima relación in the late 1590s. In this latter
work, the De Brys truly did focus on anti-Spanish comments by adding
anti-Spanish engravings only, seventeen pictures designed by Jodocus
van Winghe, yet they chose to publish this treatise separately, outside
the collection of voyages.13
10
Ind.Occ. IV (Ger) 113: “. . . solchen erschrecklichen Mördern und Unbarmhertzigen
greuwlichen Tyrannen” / (Lat) 114: “. . . eiuscemodi latronibus teterrimis & ferocissimis
tyrannis . . .”. These words are missing from the caption to ill. xxiii.
11
Ind.Occ. IV (Ger) 102: “die Sodomiter” and “der Sünd wider die Natur”; ill. xxii:
“die schreckliche Sünd der Sodomey” and “der schrecklichen Sünd wider die Natur” /
(Lat) 100: “illo peccato naturae adverso infectos” and “Sodomitas”; ill. xxii: “nefandum
Sodomiae scelus” and “nefando illo peccato naturae adverso infectos”. The Peruvians
were depicted naked in Ind.Occ. VI, ill. ii, while the relevant excerpt said nothing of
the sort: (Ger) f3r–v / (Lat) 6–7. Elsewhere in the text (Ger f53v / Lat 68–69), Benzoni
did report on the clothing of the Peruvians. The De Brys chose the representation of
pagan rituals as the closing engraving of Ind.Occ. IV.
12
Ind.Occ. IV, ills. iii, xx, and xxiii. See: Caraci (1991) 40–41, 74–75, 80–81. See
also: App. 3.
13
App. 1, nrs. 45 & 54.

254 chapter eight
Benzoni’s narrative had been translated so often that a late sixteenth-

century collection without it would have been almost unthinkable. The
Venetian original of 1565 was followed up by a second edition in 1572.
A French edition appeared in Geneva in 1579, but most other versions
were printed in either German or Latin, the languages of the De Bry
collection. Many of the potential customers of India Occidentalis IV, V,
and VI may therefore have known either the Latin Benzoni-editions of
1578, 1581 or 1586, all issued in Geneva, or alternatively the German
versions of 1579, 1582–83 or 1590. The penultimate work, the Basel-
published German text of the early 1580s, was translated by Nicolaus
Höniger, a local minister, and his translation was still used by the De
Brys in Frankfurt more than ten years later. Many of the earlier edi-
tions had already found a place for Chauveton’s annotations since the
initial publication of his footnotes in 1578.14
The last edition to be published before the first De Bry volume in
1594, also including Chauveton’s commentary, had come off the presses
in the German town of Helmstedt, in 1590.15 A comparison with the
De Bry volumes immediately reveals the more vigorous anti-Spanish
and anti-Catholic intentions of the Helmstedt edition, introducing read-
ers in its foreword to “the Catholic, Spanish outrage” and its inspiring
force, “the whole anti-Christian, devil-founded Papism”.16 The preface
as a whole was thoroughly anti-Catholic, much more condemnatory
than De Bry’s interpretation. In this light, then, the version in the
Frankfurt collection was anything but negative, mitigating rather than
exacerbating the report’s Black Legend tendencies, and with a clear eye
for other themes in Benzoni’s account, like heathendom and internal
Spanish hostilities.
14
On Chauveton’s annotations: Keen (1976) 107–20.
15
G. Benzoni, Novae novi orbis historiae, Das ist Alles Geschichten, So in der newen Welt
welche Occidentalis India, das ist India, nach Abendwerts genent wird, und etwa Anno 1492. von
Christophoro Columbo gefunden worden, bey den Einwöhnern derselbigen, und den Spaniern mehrers
so dann auch den Frantzosen eins theils, biß auff Annum 1556. sich zugetragen, und besonders,
wie Tyrannisch und unbarmhertzig die Spanier mit den armen simpeln wehrlosen Einwöhnern und
Völckern haußgehalten und umbgangen sind. Warhaffter gründlicher bericht, Auß Hieronymi Benzonis,
in Welscher Sprache beschriebenem verzeichnus, Welche Urbanus Calveto jetzt eylff Jahr ins Latein
gebracht, und außgehen lassen (Helmstedt 1590). The minister Abel Scherdiger was respon-
sible for this German translation.
16
Benzoni (1590) [A3v]: “die Catholische, Spanische unthaten”, and [A2v]: “des
gantzen antichristischen, vom Teuffel gestifften Babstumbs”.

Discussing the conception and the resulting representations of the

Benzoni volumes, it is impossible to ignore the private developments
of the De Brys in the mid-1590s. While Theodore de Bry co-ordinated
the publication of the Benzoni volumes, his sons, in 1596, published as
one of their first independent works a book written by the Jesuit Julius
Roscius. This work, as was mentioned elsewhere, landed the De Brys
in trouble with Frankfurt’s city censors for its obvious Catholic nature.17
Could the subsequent row between father and sons have indicated a
substantial divergence in interests and publishing strategies? And could
this in turn have influenced the nature of later volumes of the collection,
like the first India Orientalis-volume of 1597? This volume, published by
the two brothers without any reference on the title-page to their father,
opened with the successful conversion of the Congolese to Christianity
by Catholic visitors from Portugal (ill. 69). The illustrations showing the
building of a Christian church, and the ensuing destruction of local,
demonic idols (ill. 70) were a world away from the anti-Spanish senti-
ments of the Benzoni volumes finished in the years before.
After Theodore’s death in March 1598, India Occidentalis and India
Orientalis both became the exclusive responsibility of the brothers.
Their stepmother’s name continued to figure on the title-pages of the
America-series, which presumably meant that investments and benefits
were divided. Yet the prudence which had characterised the collection’s
handling of confessional tensions continued: like Theodore, the two
brothers were attuned to the importance of offering the various customer
groups—the readers of Latin and the readers of the vernacular—the
versions they expected and preferred. The discrepancies between the
two editions, however, were not as profound as they had been under
Theodore’s stewardship, fuelling the hypothesis that while the father’s
consciousness was scarred by decades of religious uncertainties, the
activities of Johan Theodore and Johan Israel were not to the same
extent determined by the confessional wars of the late sixteenth century.
As a result, they had no objection to publishing Roscius’ treatise, albeit
outside Frankfurt in Montbéliard, or designing illustrations for Lutheran
and Catholic Bibles in 1602 and 1609 respectively.18
17
App. 1, nr. 23. Cf. supra, Ch. 2, p. 71.
18
App. 1, nrs. C1 & C2.

256 chapter eight
Ill. 69. Ind.Or. I, ill. i
Ill. 70. Ind.Or. I, ill. iii (Lat) / ill. xi (Ger)

Such contributions to publications expressing the theological view-

points of other confessions were regular fare in the decades around
1600. Religious tensions persisted, and toleration still presented gov-
ernments across Europe with awkward problems. But many citizens,
especially the more educated inhabitants of cosmopolitan towns like
Frankfurt had gradually found a modus vivendi of mutual comprehension,
which neither encouraged nor obstructed interconfessional relations:
this ‘moral tradition’ in early modern Christendom came down to
the notion that to be Christian meant to love one’s neighbour, and in
particular one’s enemy.19 In the bookstores where the paths of literate
men of different denominations crossed, vengeful pamphlets advocating
the oppression of either Catholicism or Protestantism could therefore
be found alongside joint publishing efforts and conciliatory writings.
High-brow cultural cross-currents like humanist philology and natural
philosophy, meanwhile, surpassed confessional frictions.20 The De Brys
published many books on such broadly acceptable topics as medicine
and antiquarianism. The collection of voyages, with its emphasis in both
texts and images on the overseas world and indigenous populations,
surely falls into this latter category of universally tolerable books.
The two Latin versions of Van Linschoten’s Itinerario discussed in the

previous chapter make interesting reading in this context. The travel-
ler had reported lengthily on the missionary activities of the Jesuits in
Asia, and not exclusively in a negative manner. Yet the Dutch book-
sellers Aelbert Hendricksz and Cornelis Claesz left out large parts of
Van Linschoten’s observations on the Society in their Latin translation
of the text, as if to suppress information on the Jesuit efforts. The De
Brys by contrast did include these parts, leaving the collection more
authentic and less biased in favour of the Reformed.21 An assessment
of the smaller modifications to the Itinerario in the two Latin editions of
19
J. Bossy, Peace in the Post-Reformation (Cambridge 1998) 2–3; also: W. Th. M.
Frijhoff, “The threshold of toleration. Interconfessional conviviality in Holland during
the early modern period” In: Idem, Embodied belief. Ten essays on religious culture in Dutch
history (Hilversum 2002) 39–65.
20
B. J. Kaplan, “Coexistence, conflict, and the practice of toleration” In: R. Po-chia
Hsia, ed., A companion to the Reformation world (Malden 2004) 486–90.
21
Compare Van Linschoten (1599) 32, 42, and 50 to Ind.Or. II (Lat) 68–69, 88,
and 106. Some of the observations made by the Dutchman emphasised the privileged
position Jesuits had acquired in Japan. Paludanus certainly co-operated with the De
Brys for the other two volumes containing parts of the Itinerario, Ind.Or. III and IV.
See: supra, Ch. 7, pp. 229–31.

258 chapter eight
1599 reveals something similar. The description of the Portuguese in

Asia in the original Dutch version as “Christians” retained its neutral
religious connotation in the corresponding De Bry volume, but had
been changed, almost dismissively, into “the religion of the Portuguese”
for the version issued in The Hague.22
Small textual adaptations elsewhere in the De Bry collection also
showed a conscious approach to religious terminology and labelling.
When offered the possibility of ‘confessionalising’ the contents of some
of the accounts, the De Brys refused, sometimes ‘Christianising’ the
texts instead: Gasparo Balbi, when in Pegu, was allowed to enter a
sanctuary, and admitted his surprise at the free access to the building:
“and to go inside is also open to us”. The De Brys, in both German
and Latin, turned the word “us” into “Christians”, thus overlook-
ing Balbi’s Catholic background and strengthening the juxtaposition
between Christians and non-Christians.23 Another option for the De
Brys was to omit passages and phrases which could be considered too
partial: when Balbi described indigenous priests in Pegu, he clarified
their role by recording that they were “just like our religious brothers”.
This analogy was kept out of the German De Bry volume, and as the
Latin translation was based on the German version, it was also absent
there. Both a confessional complexion of the text and the suggestion
of similitude of Europeans and overseas people were thus avoided.24
8.3. Custom-made differences
Such refined editorial adjustments formed an aspect of the deliberately

construed differences between the two De Bry translations. The objec-
tives of this construction become clearer when looking at an example
from India Orientalis IX. The German Johan Verken, whose impressions
had not been published before appearing as part of the De Bry col-
lection in 1612 and 1613, reported several skirmishes between Dutch
and Portuguese ships in Asian waters. He also testified that the local
22
Van Linschoten (1596) 17: “Portugaloysers ende Christenen; Ind.Or. II (Lat) 37:
“Christianis”; Van Linschoten (1599) 16: “Lusitanorum religionem”.
23
Balbi (1590) f97r: “& è libera l’andata per noi anchora”; Ind.Or. VII (Ger) 71:
“und derowegen auch den Christen erlaubt hinzu zugehen” / (Lat) 97: “licitumque
est omnibus, etiam Christianis”.
24
Balbi (1590) f123v: “e sono come i nostri Frati religiosi”; Ind.Or. VII (Ger) 92 /
(Lat) 113.

population “was not a little delighted that they were finally liberated
from Portuguese tyranny”, but this sentence was not available to readers
of the Latin volume. Similar discrepancies can be found elsewhere in
this account, which was thoroughly revised by Gotthard Artus before
publication. Margin texts accusing the Portuguese of holding slaves in
Asia, or reporting on the successful Dutch destruction of a Portuguese
vessel before Malacca were printed only in the German volume.25
Textual variations of this sort were not unheard of in early modern
Europe, as confirmed by a set of letters written by the London-based
Dutch historian Emanuel van Meteren. Van Meteren, in a letter to
Bernardus Paludanus in September 1599—shortly after the physician
had assisted the De Bry brothers with India Orientalis III and IV—grum-
bled about another German publisher modifying the original Dutch
manuscript of his Belgische ofte Nederlantsche Historie. This publisher and
copper engraver had translated the treatise into Latin, adding several
supplements “to my disadvantage”, according to Van Meteren. Van
Meteren complained to Paludanus that the fragments added to the Latin
version were derived from “Papist authors”:26 the publisher had appar-
ently added extracts of a Catholic nature to the Latin edition of Van
Meteren’s analysis of the Dutch Revolt against Spain. Simultaneously,
however, the same publisher produced a German edition of the treatise
which did not incur Van Meteren’s wrath: apparently this version did
not include the undesired Catholic additions.
The addition of ‘Papist’ excerpts to Van Meteren’s Latin edition by
the anonymous German printer is comparable to the De Bry methods
of modifying travel accounts. The De Bry adjustments, however, are
more complex, suggesting that they anticipated greater sympathy for
Catholicism among readers of their Latin editions, while assuming pre-
dominantly Protestant tendencies within the group of customers buying
the German versions. In general, Latin was seen by contemporaries
25
Ind.Or. IX (Ger) 17: “welches dardurch nit wenig erfrewet worden, daß sie ein mal
von der Portugesen Tyranney frey und ledig worden”. On the same page, the margin
text “Schlaven der Portugesen werden durch die Holländer frey gemacht” / (Lat) 15.
Ind.Or. IX (Ger) 34: “Sie verbrennen ein Portugesisch Schiff vor Malacca” / (Lat) 29.
26
L. Brummel, “De eerste Nederlandse editie van Van Meteren’s geschiedwerk”
In: Idem, Twee ballingen ’s lands tijdens onze opstand tegen Spanje. Hugo Blotius (1534–1608),
Emanuel van Meteren (1535–1612) (The Hague 1972) 90–91. According to Van Meteren,
the textual additions were “wt Papistighe authueren int latijn daer by gevoeght”.
Brummel suggests that the publisher concerned may have been Arnold Mylius in
Cologne.

260 chapter eight
as the language of Catholic liturgy and the clergy—its status had been
reconfirmed at the Council of Trent—but the Reformation had led
to a drastic reduction in its territory. The everyday vernacular was
therefore readily associated with Protestantism in the late sixteenth
century, and German, as the language of some of the Reformation’s
main protagonists, may have carried this connotation most intensely.27
In modifying narratives for the collection, the publishers attempted to
please both sets of readers. Hence, if necessary, the Latin editions were
stripped of Protestant notions, whereas the German editions were, sig-
nificantly, also purified, yet to a lesser extent, probably in order to avoid
confessional antagonism as well as problems with local and Imperial
censors in Frankfurt and Prague—and possibly with German-reading
Catholics in the Empire.
8.4. The case of Jean de Léry’s HISTOIRE
The most revealing volume in this context is India Occidentalis III, and
the distinct ways in which the account by the Huguenot traveller Jean
de Léry was modified is particularly striking. De Léry’s Histoire d’un
voyage faict en la terre du Brésil (1578) was one of the most avidly read
and reprinted accounts on the New World in late sixteenth-century
Europe, especially in Protestant circles. De Léry’s perceptions of
Brazilian indigenous life were closely affiliated to Calvinist discourse
on moderation, predestination, and the Eucharist.28 The narrator,
moreover, made no effort to hide his contempt for other French voyag-
ers, Catholics mostly, who frequented Brazil, thus sparking controversy
inside and outside France. Firstly, the atmosphere in the French colony
around Rio de Janeiro in the late 1550s had turned sour after vigor-
ous disagreements between Huguenots like De Léry and the leader of
France Antarctique, Nicolas Durand de Villegagnon.29 Villegagnon had
ruled like a monarchical despot, according to the Huguenots, and De
Léry devoted an entire chapter of his work to Villegagnon’s hypocrisy
alone. Yet his Histoire was also a stinging corrective to the Cosmographie
Burke (2004) 49–52.

27
28
A. Frisch, “In a sacramental mode: Jean de Léry’s Calvinist ethnography”,
Representations 77 (2002) 82–106.
29
J. T. McGrath, “Polemic and history in French Brazil 1555–1560”, Sixteenth Century
Journal XXVII-2 (1996) 385–97.

Universelle by the royal cosmographer André Thevet, who despite having

visited South America himself, had based his cosmography mostly on
assumptions of other authors, assumptions which were largely incorrect
in the eyes of De Léry.
The process of incorporating De Léry’s Histoire into the De Bry
collection, in or shortly before 1592, exposed the prevailing commer-
cial considerations of the publishers. Whether contemporary readers
understood the extent of the textual variations, or if they were surprised
at these differences should they have noticed them, is not the key issue
here. The greatest significance lies in the fact that the vast majority of
customers of the De Brys bought only one version of the collection,
either Latin or German, and stuck to that language for later volumes.
Their perceptions of European expansion and indigenous life overseas
were therefore based on either the German or the Latin representa-
tion. Whereas the volumes in the vernacular were generally dedicated
to one of the Protestant rulers in the scattered religious and political
landscape of early modern Germany, the De Brys furnished some of
the Latin versions with a dedication to the Archbishop of Mainz, or
to the Imperial book-commissioner in Frankfurt, appointed by the
Habsburgs in an attempt to contain the flood of hostile, anti-Catholic
publications. This practice, however, was not uncommon, not even for
prudent Calvinists like the De Brys, and attentive readers would prob-
ably not have raised an eyebrow.
Comparing the two India Occidentalis III-versions, it becomes obvious that

religious themes in particular were handled with the utmost prudence.
The 1586 Geneva edition of De Léry’s Histoire, in Latin, used by the
De Brys for their collection, had opened with a substantial number of
poems, psalms, and other preliminary material. Several of the most
momentous alterations took place here. One of the most eye-catching
elements of De Léry’s preface was Psalm 107, under the heading “To
have experience is better than to have money and goods”. The psalm
was one of the underpinnings of Calvinist theology, elaborating on
Divine providence and on the need for man to respect and fear God.
Its seventeen verses occupied no fewer than five pages in the German
De Bry edition, but were absent altogether from the Latin volume,
almost certainly considered too partial for inclusion.30
30
De Léry (1586) [****6r–****7r]; Ind.Occ. III (Ger) [D1r–D3r].

262 chapter eight
There are several multi-page excerpts omitted from the Latin edition,
but included in the German translation. All these fragments are con-
nected through their propagandistic, Reformed tone. Another text with-
held from readers of the Latin volume was a letter from Villegagnon to
Calvin, written in Brazil in 1560.31 After the group of fifteen Huguenot
ministers, including De Léry, had arrived at Fort Coligny near Rio in
1557, Villegagnon had denounced Genevan beliefs, calling Calvin a
‘frightful heretic’. De Léry had used the letter in his preface to sub-
stantiate his accusation about Villegagnon’s tyrannical and fraudulent
rule, and thus to support the Reformed efforts in the New World. This
was clearly an unwanted message for the De Brys. Elsewhere in India
Occidentalis III, in the main body of De Léry’s account, similar refer-
ences to Villegagnon’s rejection of Calvinism, ranging from a sentence
on Villegagnon’s brutal murder of three Huguenots to the better part
of a paragraph which contained the observation that Villegagnon had
“abandoned the pure [i.e. Calvinist] religion”, were left out of the
Latin version.32
Other careful omissions in this volume corroborate the confessional
reasoning behind the editing process. In the first few pages of his report,
De Léry paid ample attention to the sending of missionaries from the
‘Genevan church’ to Brazil, devoting some five pages to the religious
objectives of the operation in which he took part. The German De
Bry translation copied this statement of intent; the Latin volume did
not.33 A little further on, Chapter VI of the Huguenot’s account was
missing in its entirety in Latin. This chapter discussed the growing rift
between Villegagnon and De Léry’s party, included a prayer by the
colony’s leader, and recorded a detailed theological debate between the
31
De Léry (1586) [**4r–**6v]; Ind.Occ. III (Ger) [A4r–B1v]. I. Backus, “Nicolas
Durand de Villegagnon contre Calvin: le ‘Consensus Tigurinus’ et la présence réelle”
In: O. Millet, ed., Calvin et ses contemporains. Actes du colloque de Paris 1995 (Geneva 1998)
163–65; the Huguenot attempts at settlement in the New World are discussed in:
Lestringant (1995a) 285–95.
32
De Léry (1586) 103–04; Ind.Occ. III (Ger) 149, half a paragraph was omitted from
(Lat) 174, including the phrase “. . . wo nicht der Villegagno von der reinigkeit der Religion
abgefallen were”. The single sentence on the murder on one of the three Huguenots:
De Léry (1586) 155; Ind.Occ. III (Ger) 176: “denn er deren einer war, die der Villegagno,
wegen der Bekandtnuß der Reinigkeit deß Worts, liesse in das Meer werffen” / (Lat)
198. Villegagnon, according to De Léry and modern historians like Frank Lestringant,
had converted to Calvinism before returning to Catholicism while in French Brazil;
but see for a different point of view: McGrath (1996) 385–91.
33
De Léry (1586) 2–6; Ind.Occ. III (Ger) 93–96 / (Lat) 145.

Genevan ministers and Villegagnon, still in the fold of the Reformed

Church according to De Léry:
And not long hereafter, [Villegagnon et al.] started disputing several mat-
ters of religion, particularly regarding the Last Supper. For they rejected
the Papist transsubstantiation, and also totally discarded the consubstan-
tiation: they were however, of a wholly different opinion, as they had
been trained by ministers of God’s word. Namely that bread and wine
could by no means be changed into the body and blood of Christ, and
also that the body and blood of Christ could not be one with bread and
wine, but that Christ’s body was in heaven.
Still on the same page, De Léry then drew the personal conclusion, based
on these theological disputations, that
Doctor Calvinus is the most learned person since the age of the Apostles,
and I have never read a teacher who better and more purely explained
the Scripture.34
Confrontational commentary like this, so divisive throughout the six-
teenth century, was not available to readers of the Latin volume. Yet
controversy dictated De Léry’s treatise: the Histoire was basically just
another pamphlet in the bitter religious wars in France. The De Brys
and their translators consequently must have spent long hours preparing
the text for the presses. Another large chunk of text withheld from the
Latin edition was dedicated to the Saint Bartholomew’s Day Massacre.
Although De Léry, in his narrative, did not hurl abuses at Catholics
using the stinging rhetoric which many other Protestant authors had
employed in the 1570s, he did not avoid—and probably did not want to
avoid—references to the confessional tension which had resulted in the
Parisian bloodbath. The exposé on the massacre and the confessional
hostilities in France filled no fewer than nine pages in German.35
34
De Léry (1586) 42–71; Ind.Occ. III (Ger) 118–33 / (Lat) 162. Both quotes from
the German De Bry volume, 123–24: “Und nicht lang hernacher, fiengen sie an umb
etliche Puncten der Religion, insonderheit vom Nachtmal, zustreitten, Denn ob sie wol
die Papistische Transsubstantiation verwarffen, und improbieren auch gantz unnd gar
die Consubstantiation: Jedoch waren sie weit einer anderen meynung, denn sie von den
Ministris auß Gottes Wort gelehret wurden, Nemblich, daß das Brot unnd Wein in den
Leib unnd Blut Christi in keine weiß könne verwandelt werden, Und widerumb könne
der Leib und Blut Christi nicht im Brot und Wein eyngeschlossen werden, sondern
Christi Leib sey im Himmel”; (Ger) 124: “Es ist Doctor Calvinus der gelehrtsten einer,
so je nach der Apostel zeit gewesen sind, Und ich hab keinen Lehrer jemals gelesen,
der besser und reiner die Schrifft außgelegt hatte”.
35
De Léry (1586) 206–19; Ind.Occ. III (Ger) 204–12 / (Lat) 220.

264 chapter eight
De Léry’s criticism of André Thevet’s cosmographical works was

often closely related to the religious wars and was therefore also prone
to exclusion from the De Bry collection. He also questioned other
assertions made by Thevet, regarding passages from Pliny’s Historia
naturalis for example, and these fragments were left out of the Latin De
Bry versions as well.36 Apparently it was not just religious controversy
that the De Brys considered superfluous or potentially harmful. They
deemed too contentious for inclusion the debate between armchair-
travellers like Thevet and voyagers like De Léry, often Huguenots, as it
rumbled on in the final decades of the sixteenth century. A fair number
of well-informed customers interested in De Brys’ Latin volumes may
have resided in France, and may have therefore taken sides in this
semi-confessional scholarly quarrel. Once again, the De Brys attempted
not to alienate a potentially large share of their readership, and this
objective dominated the editing of the Latin accounts.
Adding up all the omissions, some twenty-two ‘German’ pages of
De Léry’s preliminaries and report were missing from the Latin India
Occidentalis III, making this part less hefty than its counterpart in the
vernacular.37 The addition of nine extra engravings only partly compen-
sated for this, the plates being merely second printings of illustrations
already appearing elsewhere in the Latin volume. The De Brys therefore
decided to add another narrative, written by another traveller, to the
Latin volume. Hence the Latin collection incorporated two letters by
the French navigator Nicolas Barré, first published in Paris in 1557,
and translated into Latin by Carolus Clusius.38
36
De Léry (1586) 22–25, 74–76; Ind.Occ. III (Ger) 107–08, 135–36 / (Lat) 154,
163.
37
De Léry’s anti-Catholic dedication to William of Hesse: (1586) [*2r–*4v], was miss-
ing entirely from both Frankfurt translations. Only the final six pages of the Huguenot’s
‘praefatio’—forty-two pages in the Geneva edition ((1586) [**1r–****5v])—were re-
issued in the Latin De Bry version, and not in their entirety: Ind.Occ. III (Lat) 141–43.
The Latin edition, markedly, picked up the preface where the focus switched from
anti-Catholic to anti-pagan. Hence the first words of the Latin De Bry caption read
“Religionem inter ea quae diligenti observatione digna censentur primum obtinere
locum nemo unquam negavit” (141). The German edition contained passages excluded
from the Latin edition on [A3r–C3v], and [D1r–D3r]. The German preface also omit-
ted the most fiercely anti-Catholic passages, for instance: De Léry (1586) [**1v–**2r],
[**7v–**8v], [***2v], and many selected single phrases.
38
Ind.Occ. III (Lat) 285–95. Clusius’ name is mentioned on the separate title-page,
Ind.Occ. III (Lat) 285.

The author was a member of the order of Minim brothers, an order

closely related to the Franciscans, which had a sizeable following in
sixteenth-century France. Barré’s version of events in French Brazil in
the late 1550s substantiated the claims made in Villegagnon’s omitted
letter to Calvin of the same period, thus neutralising, to an extent, De
Léry’s bitter criticism ventilated elsewhere in the volume.39 In the Latin
version of India Occidentalis III, then, and in contrast to the German
tome, the De Brys had not only watered down the strong Calvinist
nature of De Léry’s report on French Brazil, but had also decided to
include the testimony of a Catholic traveller who put the credibility of
De Léry’s claims under scrutiny.
8.5. Different accounts for different readerships
Barré’s letters are not the only accounts to appear in only one of the
two versions, as the early volumes, published by Theodore de Bry, show
plenty of variation, not necessarily related to confessional matters.40
The final Benzoni-volume, India Occidentalis VI, rounded off with two
chapters on the Canary Islands, but both chapters were left out of the
German volume.41 One of these chapters made its way into the German
edition by means of a comprehensive caption to the final illustration
of the volume, but the other chapter, devoted to the discovery of the
islands, the comments by Pliny, and the history of the archipelago in
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, was exclusively reserved for the
presumably more learned readers of the Latin collection.
Other additions also point to the assumed differences in the levels
of knowledge of the two readerships, as the Latin volumes sometimes
contained scholarly pieces of text left out of the vernacular. One such
example was Carolus Clusius’ letter to the De Bry brothers regarding
the correct interpretation of an account in India Occidentalis VIII.42
39
McGrath (1996) 391.
40
Greve (2004) does not discuss the different translations. She appears to have
examined the German translations only, and thus missed both the inclusion of Barré’s
letters written in support of Villegagnon and Le Challeux’s report added to Ind.Occ.
VI (Lat), which will be discussed below.
41
Ind.Occ. VI (Lat) 78–83.
42
Ind.Occ. VIII (Lat) 13–14: “Nota. Nobilißimus & clarißimus Dn. Carolus Clusius,
suis literis nuper ad duos fratres de Bry Lugduno exaratis, commemorat se anno
1565 . . .” / (Ger) 10. The Dutch version of Raleigh’s account used by the De Brys
does not mention this letter either.

266 chapter eight
Two variations in the India Orientalis-series reveal similar considerations.

The German version of India Orientalis VII made room for twenty-two
pages on exchange rates and prices of commodities in Asian waters
not available in the Latin volume, probably in an attempt to make the
German collection more attractive for merchants. In India Orientalis
III, six German pages with information on the operation of the pep-
per trade in Cochin were summarised in two paragraphs in the Latin
translation.43 Readers of the Latin collection, conversely, were treated
to a comprehensive Latin-Malaccan phrasebook at the end of the
appendix to India Orientalis IX, which was missing from its German
counterpart.44
The two chapters on the Canary Islands in India Occidentalis VI were
followed by another travel account, once again in the Latin version
only. The author was another Frenchman, Nicolas le Challeux from
Dieppe, whose report on Florida was first published in his hometown
in 1566, and subsequently in 1579 in Geneva with comments by
Urbain Chauveton.45 Le Challeux, a carpenter by trade, presented
another view on the fateful events of 1565, when he was one of the
few survivors of the Spanish massacre of hundreds of French colonists
around Fort Caroline. The De Brys must have used the Latin edition of
1586, as the erratic numbering of chapters in this version was copied
in the Frankfurt edition. The brief bulletin had also been published in
Geneva, in the same tome as the Latin Benzoni- and De Léry-reports
used by the De Brys.46
Several of the narratives in India Occidentalis II had already described
the brutal Spanish-French encounter in Florida, and Le Challeux’s
report was no less anti-Spanish than the previously incorporated
French accounts. Just why it was included into the Latin De Bry vol-
ume, but not in the German edition may therefore seem puzzling at
first. Anti-Spanish narratives, after all, were likely to appeal to readers
of the German collection as well, given that the De Brys, based on
43
Ind.Or. VII (Ger) 110–31; Ind.Or. III (Ger) 29–35 / (Lat) 22–23; Ind.Or. IV (Ger)
90–94 / (Lat) 85–87.
44
Ind.Or. IX app. (Lat) 33–88.
45
N. le Challeux, Discours de l’histoire de la Floride, contenant la cruauté des Espagnols contre
les subjets du Roy, en l’an mil cinq cens soixante cinq (Dieppe 1566); Idem, Brief discours et histoire
d’un voyage de quelques François en la Floride: & du massacre autant iniustement que barbareme[n]t
executé sur eux, par les Hespagnols, l’an mil cinq cens soixante cinq (Geneva 1579).
46
Benzoni/Le Challeux (1586) 427–77; Ind.Occ. VI (Lat) 84–108. See, on Florida:
McGrath (2000).

their modifications to the volumes in the vernacular, expected their

readership to have at least some affinity with Protestantism and anti-
Spanish sentiments. It is perhaps noteworthy that the additions to the
Latin collection were of French origin. After the emergence of the
collection in four languages in 1590, the French and English editions
were quickly terminated. English may have been a useful language for
publishing Harriot’s report, but was hardly going to present the De
Brys with a commercially attractive proposition in later years, while
the French accounts used for India Occidentalis II made the appeal of a
continuation of the French De Bry series doubtful. The viability of a
collection in French has to be questioned for other reasons as well, as
the Latin editions presumably sold well in France. Spain and France
had been bitter enemies for decades, and anti-Spanish sentiments were
rife north of the Pyrenees. In this light, the addition of two French
accounts full of anti-Spanish anecdotes to the Latin volumes makes
sense from a publisher’s perspective who expected to distribute more
books in France than in Spain.
This assumption also sheds light on the decision to preserve Paul
Perrot de la Salle’s anti-Spanish poem for the preliminaries of the Latin
India Occidentalis IV. It was even printed in French, despite the remainder
of the preliminaries and the accounts being translated into Latin as
usual.47 This sonnet—yet another textual discrepancy—was missing from
the German Volume IV. In similar fashion, the letter to King Charles
IX describing anti-French atrocities in the New World was printed in
both versions of India Occidentalis II, but only for readers of the Latin
collection did it reappear in India Occidentalis VI.48 An equally critical,
anti-Spanish poem by the Englishman George Buchanan, however,
included in the 1586 Genevan edition of Le Challeux’s report used
by the De Brys, was omitted from both Frankfurt translations.49 The
47
Ind.Occ. IV (Lat) [):(4v]: “Ce n’estoit pas assez qu’un hazardeux Pilote / Eust
franchi le fossé de L’Occean ronfleur, / Pour nous venir conter le plam, Et la grandeur,
/ D’un royaulme incognu, et le cours de sa flote // Il falloit que de Bry qui d’un
burin nous note / Le beau de ce voyage; augmentat la valeur / De L’Histoire, Et le
nom de son obscur autheur, / Monstant ce que pour voir l’impoßible nous oste. //
Au moins sans nul hazard on peut proufit tirer / De luy, voire un proufit qu’on doit
plus desirer / Que L’Or Perusien, le caillou de nos feus: // Car en representant de
ce peuple barbare / Les Abus, Et les faicts D’un Espaignol avare / Il aprend d’eviter
le vice de ces deux.
48
Ind.Occ. II (Ger) [Mr–M3v] / (Lat) [H2r–H4v]; Ind.Occ. VI (Lat) 105–08. The two
versions of the letter are not identical.
49
Benzoni/Le Challeux (1586) 478–80. It would logically have followed Ind.Occ. VI.

268 chapter eight
inclusion of French reports, then, may simply have been inspired by the
expectation that the Latin collection might appeal to all confessional
groups in France.
Latin was also the language of the Republic of Letters, and provided
geographical breadth, as scholars from Portugal to Poland and from
England to Hungary, many of them interested in antiquity and classical
texts, frequently used Latin until well into the seventeenth century. It
further provided prestige, as those who had not been educated at a Latin
school were excluded from this literary community.50 Large sections of
this erudite group refused to be drawn into the confessional debate. At
the height of the religious wars, Montaigne blamed ‘stupidity’ for the
dogmatic controversy, and he was not the only one; religious conten-
tion was widely denounced as a product of ignorance.51 This situation
remained more or less unchanged throughout the seventeenth century.
As Pierre Bayle put it in the 1680s:
What is of concern [in the Republic of Letters] is not religion, but
knowledge: one must therefore set aside all terms that divide people into
different factions, and consider only the point in which they are united,
which is [in possessing] the quality of an illustrious man in the Republic
of Letters. In this sense, all learned men must regard one another as
brothers.52
In order to accommodate this important group of potential custom-
ers, then, the De Brys had to adjust their tactics. Certain episodes
were apparently regarded as too spectacular and too sensational for
this readership, and were therefore omitted from the Latin translation.
The most striking example, already mentioned in Chapter 6, was the
embellishment of the cannibalistic nature of an African tribe in both
the text and corresponding caption in the German edition of India
Orientalis I, which was altogether missing from its Latin counterpart.53
Similar examples of selective editing were manifold, for instance in
India Orientalis III, where the readers of the Latin volume were deprived
50
Burke (2004) 52–60.
51
Bouwsma (2000) 100–11.
52
Cited by A. G. Shelford, “Confessional division and the Republic of Letters:
the case of Pierre-Daniel Huet (1630–1721)” In: H. Jaumann, ed., Die europäische
Gelehrtenrepublik im Zeitalter des Konfessionalismus / The European Republic of Letters in the
Age of Confessionalism (Wiesbaden 2001) 42, who in turns refers to P. J. Lambe, “Critics
and sceptics in the seventeenth-century Republic of Letters”, Harvard Theological Review
81–3 (1988) 276.
53
Supra, Ch. 6, p. 185; Ind.Or. I (Ger) 70 / (Lat) 57, and Ind.Or. I, ill. xiii.

of the story of an indigenous man captured near Madagascar who

drowned trying to escape from the Dutch.54
After Theodore’s death, his sons followed up the earlier variations
with one more substantial discrepancy: only the German Additamentum
to India Occidentalis VIII contained the account by the Dutchman
Michiel Joostens van Heede. Its Latin equivalent did not, although the
second edition issued by Merian in 1625 included a translation of Van
Heede’s report. The Dutchman was aboard one of the ships taking
part in a seventy-five vessel raid on Spanish settlements in the Canary
Islands. The expedition resulted in material gains for the Dutch in
Atlantic waters—several ships continued their plundering all the way
to Brazil—and in at least two eye-witness accounts of the attacks in
the Canary Islands, by Van Heede and Ellert de Jonghe.55 The De
Bry brothers, ever hungry for accounts freshly published, selected Van
Heede’s report, adding to it some remarks from other sources, and
had it printed as part of their German collection in 1600.56 Hence, all
in all, three travel accounts were available to only a single group of
readers, while various large fragments of reports and letters were also
deliberately left out of one of the two versions.
The omission of Van Heede’s account of Dutch-Spanish hostilities from

the Latin edition may have been an attempt to shun the all too open
polemics of anti-Spanish warfare. The alterations reveal the prudence of
the De Brys in religious matters, especially regarding the Latin version
of the collection, which was ostentatiously purged of Protestant and, in
broader terms, sensational notions, and probably made more attractive
for French customers. The exclusion from both versions of the poem
54
Lodewijcksz (1598) f11r; Ind.Or. III (Ger) 98 / (Lat) 65.
55
M. Joostens van Heede, Discours ende Beschrijvinghe van het groot Eylandt Canaria, ende
Gomera, midtsgaders het innemen, ende verlaten van dien. [. . .] Begrijpende alle de courssen ghedaen in
dese Zeevaert, van daghe tot daghe, beghinnende vanden xxv. Meye 1599. tot op den tienden Septembris
deszelven Jaers, stilo novo (Rotterdam 1599); Ind.Occ. VIII add. (Ger) 47–73. E. de Jonghe,
Waerachtigh verhael vande machtighe Scheeps Armade, toegherust byde moghende E. Heeren Staten
Generael der vereenighde Nederlandtsche Provintien, tot afbreucke des Koninghs van Spaengien, onder
het ghebiet en gheleyde van Joncker Pieter vander Does, als Generael der selber: Wat by den selvighen
bestaen ende uytghevoert is, so op Eylanden, Steden, Casteelen als Schepen, ende den Buijt aldaer beco-
men vande gheheele Voyagie: Midtsgaders al tghene de Armade op Zee op de heen ende weer reyse is
bejeghent, vanden 28. Mey 1599. tot den 6. Meert 1600. (Amsterdam [1600]). A. Rumeu de
Armas, La invasión de Las Palmas por el almirante holandés Van der Does en 1599 (Las Palmas
1999) provides a brief bibliography and a meticulous discussion of the expedition.
56
The engravings belonging to this account were also missing from the Latin edi-
tion: Ind.Occ. VIII (Ger) ills. xiii–xv.

270 chapter eight
by George Buchanan, however, shows that the De Brys were aware

that discretion was of importance for the German volumes as well. A
comparison with other German introductions to editions of Benzoni’s
account, the version printed in Helmstedt for example, already pointed
in that direction. The De Brys’ translations provide further evidence
of their circumspection, as some of the most aggressive confessional
remarks were left out of both versions.
Once again, De Léry’s report in India Occidentalis III makes interest-
ing reading. The De Brys, in preparing their Latin introduction, had
been wary of the prefaces to De Léry’s 1586 Geneva edition, omitting
as many as thirty-six of the octavo-volume’s preliminary pages. Several
passages were considered just as unacceptable for the German edition:
the explicitly religious climax to one of De Léry’s outbursts against
André Thevet, occupying almost two full pages in the version used
by the De Brys, was omitted entirely. The subsequent juxtaposition of
“the Roman Church” and “we the Reformed” was also deemed too
strong for inclusion into the German edition.57 Other sections of the
Huguenot’s introduction considered risky were also eliminated.58 The
actual travel account invited more such omissions, where the De Brys
particularly disliked blasphemous language, as this was an obvious
incentive for censors and other sensitive readers to disapprove of or
refuse to buy the volumes.59
In the last of the three anti-Spanish Benzoni-volumes, India Occidentalis
VI, such mitigations of anti-Catholic sentiments are also apparent
in both versions. An example is provided by an encounter in Peru
between indigenous inhabitants and conquistadors, which saw Inca ruler
Atahualpa insult the Bible given to him by a Spanish cleric, and which
the De Brys selected for depiction. Benzoni, in the relevant phrases
in his account, had used harsh words to describe the ‘false’ Spanish
monk’s conduct, and the De Brys copied these statements for their two
translations. In the captions to the illustration, however, the derogative
adjectives were left out; the German caption had further omitted most
of the textual allusions to Catholicism. The Latin caption did refer to
57
De Léry (1586) [**7v–**8r]: “Ecclesia Romana” vs. “nos reformatos”.
58
Most notably De Léry (1586) [**2r–**3r].
59
For instance: De Léry (1586) 222, 320; Ind.Occ. III (Ger) 223, 275 / (Lat) 230, 276.

St. Peter and his successors as rulers of the Church of Rome.60 For both
captions, nevertheless, the De Brys chose to exclude the most obvious
anti-Catholic references, to the Virgin Mary and the pope.
8.6. Christians versus non-Christians
Despite the emphasis on non-Christians throughout the collection,

enhanced and modified by the De Brys, and their circumspection
in dealing with possible confessional controversy, the publishers also
described and depicted Christians. They were almost always included
so as to put indigenous societies in perspective. Hence engravings
exclusively depicting Europeans, available in the original reports, were
deleted from the collection.61 Meanwhile the De Brys regularly added
Europeans to already existing engravings, thus presenting obvious
juxtapositions between Christians and non-Christians, or the civilised
and the uncivilised. Next to the cultured Europeans, without exception
depicted as well-dressed with excellent posture and visibly in possession
of powerful firearms, the Americans, Africans, and Asians in the De
Bry collection looked distinctly second best.
The addition of Europeans to illustrations as a civilised counterweight
to the unrefined overseas world is especially evident in Volume IX of
the America-series, for which the De Brys adapted the account by Barent
Jansz published in Amsterdam. Dutch woodcuts of the encounters with
both West Africans and ‘Patagonian Giants’ in the Strait of Magellan
were adorned with additional European adventurers in the De Bry
60
Ind.Occ. VI (Ger) f8r: “der falsch Prophet unnd Mönch” / (Lat) 13: “his
Pseudopropheta”. Ind.Occ. VI, ill. vii (Ger): “Darauff zeigte er ihm sein Breviarium,
sagt darinnen stehe verfast das Gesetz deß ewigen Allmechtigen Gottes, etc. König
Atabaliba fragte . . .” / (Lat): “Deinde ostendes suum breviarium in eo legem Dei con-
tineri adfirmat, qui omnia ex nihilo creasset, atque ab Adam & Eva sermonem exorsus,
de hominis creatione & casu agere coepit, tum Christum ex coelo descendisse, carnem
in virginis utero adsumpsisse, denique cruci adfixum fuisse & resurrexisse, ut huma-
num genus redimeret, postremo in coelum ascendisse, & Ecclesiae suae curam Divo
Petro reliquisse, tamquam suo vicario, deinde ipsius successoribus Papis. Interrogatus
monachus ab Atabaliba . . .”.
61
This was, for example, the case in India Orientalis II, where a Dutch illustration
of Portuguese women in Goa was the only engraving in the Itinerario to be completely
omitted from the De Bry volume: Van Linschoten (1596) 48–49; see also: Van den
Boogaart (2003) 76–77.

272 chapter eight
workshop.62 The modifications to two woodcuts of the Patagonian

Giants are a case in point. The first Dutch plate had presented the
Giants as formidable creatures, showing off their daunting bodies (ill.
71). According to the traveller, the Patagonians were “ten or eleven
foot tall”.63 Whereas the De Brys truthfully translated the comment
on the size of the Giants, the resulting engraving in the collection not
only portrayed them as fearful rather than fearsome, it also included a
small boat full of belligerent Dutch sailors armed with arquebuses or
muskets, which explained the Giants’ apprehension (ill. 72).
The modifications to the succeeding illustration were even clearer.
The Amsterdam woodcut depicted a Patagonian mother feeding her
two children a raw bird (ill. 73). The children were completely naked,
while the woman wore only a cape. Skirmishes between the Dutch and
the Patagonians took place in the background. The De Brys included
the plate, but added three Dutchmen to the composition, presumably
62
Van Groesen (2005) 35–43.
63
Jansz (1600) [D4v]: “10. oft 11. voet langh”.

Ill. 72. Ind.Occ. IX, ill. xxii
as a numerical and moral counterbalance (ill. 74), hence making the

alterity of the indigenous people in the Strait of Magellan strikingly
obvious. The addition of impressive Dutch vessels in both De Bry plates,
reduced to a single ship for the second engraving after bad weather
had decimated the fleet, underlined the differences between New World
immorality and backwardness, on the one hand, and European cultural
and military prowess, on the other. Other engravings in the same volume
display the same pattern of adaptation.64
The woman in the second South American engraving is intriguing for

another reason. She, and possibly the other Patagonian woman in the
subsequent De Bry plate, provided the inspiration for yet another female
figure depicted in the same volume. This latter woman, however, despite
64
Ind.Occ. IX, ills. xviii and xxiv. For a different interpretation of the otherness of
the Patagonians in the De Bry collection: Burghartz (2004a) 109–37, who historicises
some of Bucher’s earlier conclusions of reversing gender patterns.

274 chapter eight
her unmistakable Patagonian features already included in the original

image, was situated in West Africa, where she served local dishes in
honour of the official visit of the Dutch captain Sebald de Weert (see
ill. 44).65 This example reveals a form of modification which is typical
for the De Bry collection and which profoundly influenced its represen-
tation of the overseas world: inhabitants of different regions, or even
different continents, were assigned identical qualities and characteristics.
This sharing of traits occurred principally when there was insufficient
iconographical material on which to base the illustrations for the col-
lection. Physical features and accessories were then taken from already
existing engravings on the shelves of the De Bry workshop, which the
publishers amalgamated at will, sometimes resulting in exact analogies
between rituals and habits in opposite corners of the globe.
This constructed ‘homogenisation of the other’ in the collection
materialised in both textual and iconographical form. The Banians in
northern India, in one of the illustrations to India Orientalis XI, were
65
Ind.Occ. IX, ill. xix; Van Groesen (2005) 36–37.

Ill. 74. Ind.Occ. IX, ill. xxiii
almost indistinguishable from some of the Algonquians depicted by

John White in Virginia.66 No indigenous groups other than these two
sported the distinctive ‘three-feathers only’ headdress, allowing readers
who had purchased both series of the collection to quickly compare and
perhaps equate the two peoples. The residents of the Canary Islands
in the final engraving to India Occidentalis VI were, in similar fashion,
impossible to differentiate from the Peruvians who had been the focus of
attention in the plates immediately preceding.67 Succeeding engravings
portraying different people in the same way can also be found in India
Orientalis II, where one of the figures in a De Bry-designed engraving
of Ormuz was copied from an earlier engraving in this volume devoted
to the Mozambicans.68
More subtle iconographical adjustments displayed the same ten-
dency to homogenise the indigenous peoples of the overseas world.
66
Ind.Or. XI, ill. vii; Ind.Occ. I, ill. iii.
67
Ind.Occ. VI, ills. xxviii and xxv–xxvii.
68
Ind.Or. II, ills. iv and vi.

276 chapter eight
Once again, the reasons for making these modifications may have
been partly practical, yet the shift in the representations of the people
and their environment was nevertheless considerable. Two originally
separate plates in Van Linschoten’s Itinerario were deliberately made to
distinguish the ships of Goa and Cochin, yet the De Brys combined
both engravings into a single illustration, suggesting that both types of
vessels navigated the same waters.69 Similar modifications resulting in
blurred geographical representations can be found in India Orientalis VII,
where two reports by Gasparo Balbi divided by more than a month
of travelling were combined into the same illustration (see ill. 13),70
and in the early volumes of the America-series, where houses depicted
by Hans Staden were readily included into engravings in the Benzoni-
volumes. Settlements first drawn by John White in Virginia also reap-
peared in other regions of the New World.71 In India Orientalis IX and its
continuation issued the following year, a De Bry-designed townscape was
used for settlements in both the Banda Islands and Mozambique.72
Iconographical levelling of this sort was supported by textual adapta-
tions. Sometimes these alterations were directly related to the familiar
and unfamiliar religions of the overseas world: monotheistic Islam and
polytheistic heathendom, though strictly separated in the perception
of early modern Christians, were now and then used as synonymous
concepts. A modification typical of the De Bry volumes becomes appar-
ent when the account by Lopez and Pigafetta is compared to the two
Frankfurt translations: “This king of Matama [in West Africa] is of the
pagan belief ” stated the original narrative. Yet the German version of
India Orientalis I incorrectly reported that “The king of Matama is of the
Muhammedan belief ”, while the Latin volume shunned all reference to
local religion, disclosing instead that “The king of Matama possessed
a very large kingdom”.73 Analogous alterations can be found in other
volumes, like in Francis Pretty’s account of Sir Thomas Cavendish’s
circumnavigation in the late 1580s. India Occidentalis VIII turned the
69
Ind.Or. II, ill. xiv; Van Groesen (2001) 115.
70
Ind.Or. VII, ill. xiii combined the watermill described by Balbi in Karakose, near
the source of the Euphrates River in modern-day Turkey, and the carrier pigeons
seen in Basra.
71
Ind.Occ. IV, ill. xviii; Ind.Occ. III (Ger) 35, 70 / (Lat) 52, 106.
72
Ind.Or. IX, ill. iii; Ind.Or. IX (cont.), ill. iii.
73
Lopez and Pigafetta (1591) 18: “Questo Re di Matama è di fe gentile”; Ind.Or.
I (Ger) 16: “Der König von Matama ist dem Mahometischen Glauben zugethan” /
(Lat) 14: “Rex Matamanus regnum obtinet amplissimum”.

heathens referred to in the Dutch edition used by the De Brys into

Muslims for both the German and Latin texts.74 This is particularly
interesting because the indigenous people concerned, the Sanguelos of
Manila, were favourably depicted, and the De Brys may have decided
to complement this picture by stripping them of their paganism.
The geographical uniformity in the illustrations of the overseas world
was strengthened by terminological imprecision. The captions, in gen-
eral, were regularly indistinct regarding the exact geographical location
of some of the scenes depicted and would settle for the description that
“when Thomas Cavendish circumnavigated the world, he came to an
island” without informing readers where it should be located.75 When
travellers like Acosta used the term ‘Indies’ in their reports, this was
translated accordingly, but sometimes the same translation ‘Indies’ was
applied to the original term ‘West Indies’. Exactly the same overestima-
tion of the geographical spread, from the West Indies in the original to
Indies in the De Bry collection, occurred in America VIII, in this case
regarding the quality of the air in Nombre de Diós.76 Certain strange
phenomena were hence made to look more encompassing in the De
Bry volumes than in the actual sources.
The headings to the engravings were particularly vulnerable to
geographical exaggeration, even when the original descriptions of the
different regions had been more definite. The seventh plate in India
Orientalis IV, the volume dedicated to the natural world, was titled
“Some of the animals found in the Indies”, while the animals concerned
were found in entirely different corners of the eastern hemisphere.77
Something similar occurred twice in quick succession in India Occidentalis
74
Pretty (1598) f15r: “Dese Coopluyden van China, ende vande Sanguelos
zijn eensdeels Morisschen ende Heydens Volck . . .”; Ind.Occ. VIII (Ger) 26: “Diese
Kauffleut auß China und Sanguelos seind zum theil Moren und Mahometisten . . .”
/ (Lat) 67: “Mercatores ex China & Sanguelos magna ex parte Aethiopes sunt &
Mahometistae . . .”.
75
Ind.Occ. VIII, ill. x (Ger): “Als Thomas Cavendish in seinem Lauf was, auf dem
er die ganze Welt umschiffte, kam er unter andern zu einer Insel . . .” / “Cum Thomas
Candisch in suo itinere, Insulam quandam ingressus esset, . . .”.
76
Acosta (1598) f101v: “Indianen”; Ind.Occ. IX (Ger) 89: “Indier” / (Lat) 102:
“Indi”; Acosta (1598) f140v: “West-Indien”; Ind.Occ. IX (Ger) 123: “Indien” / (Lat)
141: “India”. Pretty (1598) f25r: “. . . ende so een onghesonde locht, als eenige plaetse
in West-Indie[n]”; Ind.Occ. VIII (Ger) 43: “. . . und hat so einen ungesunden Lufft, als
sonst ein ort in gantz Indien” / (Lat) 39: “. . . & aërem tam habet malum, qualis in
nulla Indiae civitate reperitur”. The town is located in modern-day Panama.
77
Ind.Or. IV, ill. vii (Ger): “etlicher Thiere, so in Indien gefunden werden” / (Lat):
“Quorundam animalium, in India celebrium”.

278 chapter eight
Ill. 75. Ind.Occ. IX, ill. ii
IX, where Acosta explicitly referred first to Florida and then Mexico,
and the De Brys turned inhabitants and habits of both provinces of
the New World into ‘Indians’ and ‘Indian’ respectively.78 In between
these two plates, three different ways of crossing a river employed in
various parts of the New World were combined in a single engraving
(ill. 75). Homogenisations of different types thus enabled readers in
early modern Europe to gauge the overseas continents as landmasses
bereft of rich cultural, ethnological, and anthropological differentiation,
and facilitated the comparatively blunt antithesis between Christian
and non-Christian, civilised and uncivilised, and European and non-
European in the De Bry collection.
Emphasising these differences was attractive from a publisher’s per-
spective. An unambiguous confessional bias would have hampered the
78
Ind.Occ. IX, ills. i and vi. The text from which the captions and titles were taken
refers to Florida (Ind.Occ. IX (Ger) 98 / (Lat) 107–08) and Tlascala (Ind.Occ. IX (Ger)
201 / (Lat) 224). The titles to the plates were “Von seltzamer Fischerey der Indianer”
/ “De Indorum mira piscationis ratione” and “Wie die Indianer ihr Wild jagen” /
“Quo modo Indi feras venentur” respectively.

collection’s success in early modern Europe. Works written by Protestant

authors, and issued by Protestant publishers in Protestant towns were
almost by default suspect in Catholic regions of Europe, and many of
these titles ended up on the Roman Index of Forbidden Books. Should
the De Bry collection of voyages have been proscribed by Rome—not
unlikely considering its many narratives by Reformed travellers—it
would have severely damaged the sales figures of the volumes, and the
prosperity of the officina. This was hence to be avoided at all costs.
The following chapter will demonstrate that the De Brys succeeded,
but only just.

CHAPTER NINE
THE IMPACT OF CENSORSHIP:

THE INDEX LIBRORUM EXPURGATORUM AND
OTHER INDICES
In spite of their editorial efforts, the De Brys could not avoid the watch-
ful eyes of Catholic censors and inquisitors. Issued and often augmented
in the aftermath of the Council of Trent, the Index of Forbidden
Books and its less restrictive cousins formed a serious obstacle to the
unrestrained circulation of printed material in early modern Europe.
Although the objective of the Catholic Church to control what could
be written, printed, and read in domains still under its jurisdiction was
ambitious, publishing firms unquestionably suffered from inclusion of
their titles on the Index. Chapter 4 discussed various forms of prepub-
lication censorship.1 This chapter will study the attempts of inquisitors
throughout Europe to put the De Bry collection on the Index after the
volumes had appeared, as well as the endeavours of the De Bry family
to avoid provoking the officials responsible for the various inventories
of prohibited books.
9.1. Catholic censorship in early modern Europe
The proscription of books had been an instrument of repression since

ancient times, but the Reformation, which saw an explosion of Pro-
testant literature, inspired the Catholic Church to respond in order to
protect its flock from infection by heretical ideas. Pope Paul III, in the
early 1540s, put forward an initiative to ban books, but the first Roman
Index was supervised by the erstwhile Inquisitor-General Paul IV. Issued
in 1559, it was a vehement declaration of war against Protestant litera-
ture. More than one thousand books were banned outright. Numerous
authors and more than sixty printers and publishers were identified as
the prime culprits. Their total output was proscribed, as were works
1
Supra, Ch. 4, pp. 135–37.

282 chapter nine
which were not heretical, but judged to be anticlerical, immoral, or

obscene. All works published anonymously in the previous forty years
were also banned. The ‘Index of Paul IV’ was sent to all dioceses, with
the instruction that those who were found in possession of forbidden
literature be denied absolution.2
This unprecedented form of censorship caused large numbers of
books to be destroyed and produced great consternation and loud
protests against the new Index, even from Jesuits and members of the
Congregation of the Inquisition. Publishers throughout Italy refused to
print and distribute the Index, demanding concessions to minimise their
losses, but eventually they had to bow to pressure from Rome. There was
relief all around when Pius IV, in 1562, ordered the Council of Trent
to compose a more workable alternative. A committee was installed to
issue the list which is generally considered the starting point of the Index
proper, the Index librorum prohibitorum of March 1564. As dictated in Pius
IV’s bull Dominici Gregis, the Tridentine Index articulated ten ground
rules for censorship.3 Bishops and theological faculties at universities
were given extensive responsibilities over the precise composition of the
Index. Very few dioceses, however, had sufficient theological expertise
for such a task. To see to these and other practical problems, Pius V
established the Congregation of the Index in 1571.
One of the tasks the new congregation faced from the outset was the
implementation of their restrictive measures. The situation in Frankfurt
is a case in point. As the centre of the international book trade, it
was placed under close scrutiny, but as an Imperial Free City with a
Lutheran council, it did not fall within the Church’s sphere of influence.
Hence the immediate impact of the Roman Index in Frankfurt was
limited. Catholic interest was represented by the Imperial book com-
missioner, Valentin Leucht, appointed by Rudolf II in the mid-1590s
to check the stream of Protestant publications. His plight, however, is
indicative of the problems encountered by central governments, both
2
This paragraph and much of the following is based on: J. M. de Bujanda, “Die
verschiedenen Epochen des Index (1550–1615)” In: H. Wolf, ed., Inquisition, Index, Zensur.
Wissenskulturen der Neuzeit im Widerstreit (2nd ed.; Paderborn etc. 2003; 1st ed. 2001) 215
ff.; H. H. Schwedt, “Der Römische Index der verbotenen Bücher”, Historisches Jahrbuch
107 (1987) 296–314; P. F. Grendler, The Roman Inquisition and the Venetian press, 1540 –1605
(Princeton 1977) 116 ff. All these studies are indebted to F. H. Reusch, Der Index der
verbotenen Bücher (2 vols.; Aix-la-Chapelle 1967 [1st ed. Bonn 1883]).
3
For an elaborate discussion of the ten rules, often vague and contradictory: Reusch
(1967) I 330–41.

the impact of censorship 283
secular and religious, in their attempts to control the early modern book
trade. Leucht was continually frustrated by the Frankfurt city council,
whose income depended on the broad international appeal of the fairs.
Outsiders like Leucht, whose task was to block the publication of or
trade in certain works, were considered harmful to the city’s prosper-
ity. In the early years of his tenure as book commissioner, the local
authorities succeeded in thwarting his ambitions.
Leucht’s situation improved after Johan Schweikard von Kronberg
was named Archbishop of Mainz in 1604. Schweikard, a powerful
Imperial politician loyal to Tridentine reforms, helped Leucht to fulfil
one of his more lasting achievements, the establishment of a Catholic
catalogue of newly published books at the Frankfurt fairs. Catholic
publishers had complained about the incomplete listings of their works
in the traditional fair catalogues, published by the city magistrates from
1598 onwards. The Catholic catalogues, issued in Mainz for every semi-
annual Frankfurt fair, included friendly as well as religiously neutral
literature. Very few copies have survived, but the appearance of the
first ‘counter-catalogue’ should probably be dated around 1605. Three
years later, the commissioner had a large Imperial placard printed,
proclaiming his authority for all to see in the Buchgasse, the alley where
most of the booksellers kept shop. Although the city quickly moved to
reduce his aspirations by publishing its own placard, Leucht was more
successful in the 1610s, when he regularly managed to prevent the
appearance of undesired books.4
Publishers like the De Brys had their own way of dealing with Leucht
and his successors. They avoided producing controversial books, and
once their titles had passed the local censors, who had to approve of
every work regardless of whether there was any suspicion about its
contents, there was no obstacle to publication. Potentially awkward
works like the Rosicrucian treatises by Fludd and Maier were sensibly
published under the protection of the Elector Palatine in Oppenheim.
Some of the family’s books, however, still attracted the attention of
Rome: the Index Librorum Prohibitorum of 1632, the first revised edition to
appear after the death of the last of the De Brys, mentioned several of
the officina’s titles. Fludd’s hermetic treatises were listed, and the Index
4
Brückner (1962) 79–85. Also: I. Heitjan, “Zur Arbeit Valentin Leuchts als
Bücherkommissar”, Archiv für die Geschichte des Buchwesens XIV (1974) 123–32.

284 chapter nine
also contained Boissard’s four volumes of biographies of illustrious

men, presumably because his Icones virorum illustrium included portraits
and descriptions of Luther, Zwingli, and Erasmus.5 The collection of
voyages was not listed.
In a ploy to engineer a favourable response to the collection locally,
the De Brys dedicated two Latin volumes to Archbishop Schweikard.
India Orientalis VI and VII, published in 1604 and 1606, reveal an
obvious attempt to have the collection included in the Catholic fair
catalogues issued by Leucht. Such an admission would have represented
a significant coup for the publishers, as it ensured that the collection
remained an item which Catholic visitors to the fairs were officially
allowed to acquire. Unfortunately the handful of surviving ‘counter
catalogues’ were issued for fairs where no new volumes of the collection
appeared, thus making it impossible to establish whether the voyages
actually received the stamp of approval.6 The heirs to the De Bry firm
furnished two other volumes, the Latin version of India Occidentalis XII
(1624) and the German edition of India Orientalis XIII (1628), with
dedications to Johan Ludwig von Hagen, Leucht’s successor as Imperial
book commissioner in Frankfurt.7
9.2. The Iberian Indices: prohibitions and expurgations
Even in staunchly Catholic parts of Europe, the implementation of

the restrictions devised by the Congregation of the Index was anything
but a certainty. Spain and Portugal, for example, were affected by the
measures of Rome, but had their own independent inquisitorial policy,
and Madrid in particular used its autonomy amply. Iberian censorship
began in earnest in 1558 with a decree issued by Phillip II’s regent Doña
Juana. One of its regulations banned the introduction of all foreign
books in Spanish translation. Contravention would be punished by
death and confiscation, and the decree was so effective that it remained
5
App. 1, nrs. 175, 194, 205, 219 & 228 written by Fludd; App. 1, nrs. 39, 46, 47
& 55 by Boissard. The Index concerned is: Elenchus librorum omnium tum in Tridentino,
Clementinoq[ue] Indice, tum in aliis omnibus sacrae Indicis Congreg[atio]nis particularibus Decretis
hactenus prohibitorum (Rome 1632) 302, 563–64.
6
Ind.Or. VI (Lat) [(?)2r–)?(3v]; Ind.Or. VII (Lat) [(:)2r–v]. I have examined ‘counter
catalogues’ issued in 1606, 1608, 1612, and 1615. Some of these catalogues did contain
other De Bry publications.
7
Ind.Occ. XII (Lat) [A2r]; Ind.Or. XIII (Ger) [(?)2r].

in force until the end of the ancien regime. The main function of the
Spanish and Portuguese Indices was to dissuade the public from read-
ing foreign works, rather than to purge or restrict domestic creativity.
As a result, the scope of the Iberian Indices was staggeringly broad:
editions of classical authors and the Church Fathers, as well as selected
works by Dante, Bodin, Rabelais, and Thomas More were all part of
the comprehensive list of casualties.8
Accounts of European expansion to Asia and the New World were
liable to thorough investigation in Spain and Portugal. Both monarchies
had been trying to shield the information they had gathered in the
Indies: Phillip II, in 1556, had issued a law imposing prior censorship
by the Council of the Indies on all Spanish works concerning America.
Hence the printing and distribution of books written by Bartolomé
de Las Casas, Pedro Cieza de León, and Francisco López de Gómara
was at some stage obstructed.9 Knowledge of riches like gold, silver,
and spices had nevertheless spread widely by 1600. Even though the
Dutch, French, and English had begun to pursue their own interest in
expansion, the Iberians still approached the appearance of literature
on the overseas world as a matter of state security. The Portuguese
Inquisition had been quite successful in its bid to control news of the
voyages made from the time of Vasco da Gama to the sending of
Jesuit missionaries to Asia from the 1540s onwards.10 Still, in the early
seventeenth century, Lisbon’s position as a hub of international trade
was reflected in the Inquisition’s policy to proscribe all books written
in English, French or German if these had not first been inspected by
one of its officials.11
In this more specific climate of censorship, the collection of voyages
did not elude the attention of the inquisitors as it had done in Rome.
Another decision taken by the Church in the late sixteenth century,
however, inadvertently limited the damage. The possibility of issuing
books of a questionable nature in expurgated form had initially been
handed to the Congregation of the Index, and the Clementine Index
8
H. Kamen, Inquisition and society in Spain in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (London
1985) 80–86.
9
J. M. de Bujanda, “Literary censorship in sixteenth-century Spain”, Canadian
Catholic Historical Association study sessions 38 (1971) 55–56; J. Friede, “La censura espa-
ñola del siglo xvi y los libros de historia de America”, Revista de historia de América 47
(1959) 53, 58–59.
10
Lach (1965–93) I–1 171–81.
11
Reusch (1967) II–1 47.

286 chapter nine
of 1596 first promulgated many of its excisions, to the satisfaction of

booksellers who would rather sell expurgated versions of their books
than no books at all. The responsibility for purging works was mainly
bestowed on local inquisitors, driven by their own anxieties and by their
superior awareness of local printing activities. Publishers considered this
a further change for the better for two reasons: firstly, the introduction
of local officials accelerated the process of censorship, and secondly,
familiar censors were regarded as malleable. Rome undertook one final
effort to publish a collective Index of expurgations in 1607, but only
one such volume materialised.12
The papacy’s scheme to have local inquisitors publish their own Indices
librorum expurgatorum was not as successful as planned. Only Spain and
Portugal published their own expurgatory Indices after 1600.13 Spain
eagerly used this opportunity to demonstrate its reluctance to follow
the Roman cardinals and did not automatically copy the titles they had
banned. The Spanish Index of Expurgated Books which set the tone for
the seventeenth century was printed in 1612 in Madrid, under the aus-
pices of Inquisitor-General Bernardo de Sandoval y Rojas, Archbishop
of Toledo.14 Several editions followed in later decades, authorised by the
inquisitors Zapata (1632), Sotomayor (1640 and 1667) and Marín (1707).
Portugal was more compliant towards Rome, and the only Portuguese
Index of Expurgated Books, sanctioned by Inquisitor-General Fernando
Martins Mascarenhas and issued in 1624, also contained the titles of
works which the Holy Office had prohibited.15 With Madrid in con-
trol of Lusitanian affairs, the expurgatory Index followed the Spanish
archetype of the 1610s closely, but the officials in Lisbon nevertheless
found room for additions and improvements.
12
Grendler (1977) 261–62; Index librorum expurgandorum in studiosorum gratiam confecti
tomus primus: in quo quinquaginta auctorum libri prae caeteris desiderati emendantur (Rome 1607),
reprinted in 1608.
13
Reusch (1967) II–1 42–49. These were not the first Indices including expurga-
tions. Both in The Netherlands (1570) and Spain (1583–84) such works had been
published earlier.
14
Index librorum prohibitorum et expurgatorum (Madrid 1612).
15
Index Auctorum da[m]natae memoriae, tum etiam librorum, qui vel simpliciter, vel
adexpurgatione[m] usque prohibentur, vel deniq[ue] iam expurgati permittuntur (Lisbon 1624).
The first 75 pages are devoted to books prohibited in Rome, followed by a second
part titled ‘Index prohibitorium Lusitaniae’, and a final part containing the Portuguese
expurgations.

9.3. The collection censored
The collection of voyages was placed on the Index for the first time in
1612, and the volumes appear on all subsequent editions of the Spanish
Index of Expurgated Books of the seventeenth century. The expurga-
tions were supplemented by corrections of new De Bry volumes in the
Index of 1632. Volumes published in the intervening years, such as India
Occidentalis IX and India Orientalis IX and X, were mentioned in the
1632 Index for the first time. The final three tomes of the America-series
and the last two India Orientalis-volumes apparently did not warrant any
Spanish expurgations. The Portuguese expurgatory Index of 1624 also
contained the De Bry collection, and included several volumes printed
after 1612. Most of its expurgations were taken from Sandoval’s listings,
and even blatant typographical errors were now and then mechanically
copied.16 Yet the De Bry volumes were certainly re-read in Lisbon, and
often purged in a different manner.
In both the Spanish Index of 1612 and the Portuguese Index of
1624, which will be discussed in detail below, the De Bry collection
was represented in the sections on books of the ‘Third Class’. Ever
since the ‘Index of Paul IV’, all Indices were divided into three main
categories. The section titled ‘First Class’ contained the names of
authors like Erasmus and Luther whose complete oeuvre was forbid-
den. The ‘Second Class’ was reserved for the names of authors who
had selected writings prohibited or purged, while the ‘Third Class’
comprised works published anonymously.17 The De Bry collection was
included in the last category, as it contained reports by various authors.
Given the size of the collection, each of the Indices devoted three or
four folio-pages to both the America-series and the India Orientalis-series
(ill. 76). Since these were the exact titles used by the inquisitors, and the
Indices were arranged in alphabetical order, the entries were separated.
The name of the publishing firm was mentioned only in passing, and
the De Brys were not earmarked as offenders, as earlier Indices might
have done.18
16
Both Indices erroneously stated that Ind.Occ. VI (Lat) had first been published in
1569 instead of 1596: Index (Madrid 1612) 51; Index (Lisbon 1624) 227.
17
Reusch (1967) I 261–62.
18
Index (Madrid 1612), 2nd section, 49–52, 592–94; Index (Lisbon 1624) 226–29,
723–25.

van groesen_f11_281-308.indd 288
288
chapter nine
Ill. 76. Index Librorum prohibitorum et expurgatorum (Madrid 1612)

2nd section, 49 Ill. 77. Ind.Occ. VII (Lat) 52
12/17/2007 9:41:04 PM
There were more reasons for the publishers not to be too downhearted
because of the collection’s entry on the Index. Seven years after its
first impression in 1612, the Spanish Index was re-issued in Geneva,
where it was dedicated to the champion of the Protestant cause, Elector
Frederick V of the Palatinate. Its contents were nevertheless identical
to the original edition sanctioned by Sandoval. The 1619 edition of
the Index circulated in Northern Europe, with an introduction by the
Reformed professor of theology Benedict Turrettini.19 A similar work,
also partly based on the Index by Sandoval, was published in Oxford
in 1627, and must have reached various readers in England.20 In all
likelihood, both the ‘Genevan-Spanish’ Index and the work printed in
Oxford were intended to entice Protestant readers to read exactly those
books forbidden by the mother church. Familiarity with the Indices
further provided readers and booksellers across Europe with the right
information for taking precautions if necessary.21 The De Brys, accord-
ingly, had the best of both worlds. The inclusion on the expurgatory
Index, instead of the much more injurious Index Librorum Prohibitorum,
meant that their books could still be sold to Catholics in the Iberian
monarchies, albeit with a number of deletions, while it aroused even
more interest for the volumes among Protestant readers.
For Sandoval’s Index of 1612, the De Bry collection was read by
someone with a great eye for detail.22 Although the members of the
committee that composed the Index are known—the Carmelite friar
Francisco de Jesus y Xodar, and three assistants including a Jesuit and
a Dominican—it is unclear who exactly was responsible for the cen-
sorship of the De Bry volumes. The inquisitors were only interested
in textual aberrations. Despite the primacy of the engravings, and
their undoubted appeal, not one of the almost six-hundred plates
was considered unacceptable. Although the purgation of illustrations
was uncommon, it was not entirely unknown: prints were sometimes
censored along with books, and even changes in the copperplates
19
Index librorum prohibitorum et expurgatorum illmi. ac R. D. D. Bernardi de Sandoval & Rexas
Card. [. . .] auctoritate et iussu editus . . . (Geneva 1619) 52–56, 655–57; see: G. Bonnant,
“Les Index prohibitifs et expurgatoires contrefaits par des Protestants au XVIe et au
XVIIe siècle”, Bibliothèque d’humanisme et Renaissance 31 (1969) 634–38.
20
Th. James, Index generalis librorum prohibitorum à pontificiis, una cum Editionibus expurgatis
vel expurgandis juxta seriem Literatum & triplicem classem. In usum Bibliothecae Bodleianae, &
Curatoribus eiusdem designatus (Oxford 1627) [A4r], [F3r].
21
Bonnant (1969) 620–22.
22
First noted, in passing almost, by Cate (1917) 136–40.

290 chapter nine
were occasionally enforced.23 Portraits of enemies of the Church, like

Erasmus, were regularly defaced by Catholic readers, but the De Bry
plates of the overseas world were not designated as intolerable. Still
more rewarding for the prudent policy of the De Brys, the captions
to the illustrations emerged unscathed. On only one occasion did the
inquisitors consider a purposely-made paraphrase improper.24
Hence the defining sections of the De Bry volumes, the pages where
the publishers made the most momentous alterations, remained
intact. Much of the translated text of the collection was, in fact, also
allowed. The entries on the list of expurgations—their length ranging
from as little as a single word to as much as several pages—mostly
affected one or two sentences only (ill. 77). For some of the volumes,
the inappropriate passages comprised no more than two or three of
these relatively brief entries. A few volumes moreover, most notably
India Orientalis I, were not purged at all, and were explicitly identified
as permissible.25 As a whole, the collection was certainly not regarded
as unusually aggravating.
9.4. The offensive sections
Both the Spanish and Portuguese inquisitors, then, focused on the texts
of the Latin volumes, while the German translations, unlikely to find
their way to Southern Europe, were spared. The entries revealed the
scrupulous study the inquisitors had made, with the first and last words
of the sentence or paragraph concerned transcribed for exactitude.
Title-pages, introductions, and dedications were all subject to expurga-
23
Hale (1994) 473–74. See for example: Index (Madrid 1612) 48, for the prohibition
of certain religious prints from the Dutch Republic.
24
Only the caption to Ind.Or. II, ill. xxxvi, was deemed unacceptable in both the
Spanish and the Portuguese Index: Index (Madrid 1612) 592; Index (Lisbon 1624) 723.
The caption highlighted the practice of the Portuguese in Goa to go to Mass at night:
“Mos est Lusitanis in India, ut noctu templa frequentantes missam adeant. Tum quidem
tam viri quam feminae stipati mancipiis suis pedites incedunt, persuasi hoc pedum
officio se indulgentias largiter impetrare. Vide cap. 31”. Allusions to the practice of
going to church at night were also purged elsewhere.
25
Index (Madrid 1612) 592: “Permittitur”; Index (Lisbon 1624) 723: “Nihil habet
expurgandum”. The Portuguese inquisitors further approved of Ind.Or. IX and X,
but only after censors had noted in the margins of the title-page that the translator,
Gotthard Artus, was an ‘auctor damnatus’. Artus’ Mercurius Gallo-Belgicus was invariably
forbidden in its totality.

tion. The very first eliminations in both Indices are symptomatic of the
precision of the inquisitors. The De Brys, on one of the pages separating
texts and images in India Occidentalis I, referred to Richard Hakluyt’s
assistance in the making of the volume as “Domini Richardi Hackluyt
Oxoniensis verbi Dei ministri”, but given the Anglican nature of
Hakluyt’s credentials, both Indices insisted on the excision of the word
“Domini”, and the words “verbi Dei ministri”.26 From the title-page of
the same volume, the Latin words “fida tamen”, avowing the “truthful”
nature of the account on Virginia, were to be omitted. Comparable
corrections were ordered for several of the De Bry volumes.27
Along the same lines, the combination of pious terminology and
Protestant rituals, often very brief and factual, was also considered
intolerable. In Volume II of the America-series, the inquisitors crossed
out several of these passages, like this phrase about the illness of Pierre
Richer, the spiritual leader of the Huguenots in Florida, who continu-
ally prayed to God:
Our minister Petrus Richerius, who has recently deceased in La Rochelle,
lay stretched out in his cell, so weak and unaware of others around him,
that he could barely raise his head to pray to the Lord, but while being
stretched out, he nevertheless prayed to Him uninterruptedly.28
Similar suggestions in India Occidentalis VIII resulted in similar correc-
tions. The report of an English soldier calling on God after being shot
in the chest, off the coast of Ecuador on board of one of Sir Thomas
Cavendish’s vessels, was deemed sufficiently offensive to justify expur-
gation.29 Elsewhere in this volume an English minister conducted a
service on board Sir Francis Drake’s Defiance. Drake himself had just
died, when
26
Ind.Occ. I (Lat) [d6r]; Index (Madrid 1612) 49; Index (Lisbon 1624) 226.
27
For instance the description of Jan Huygen van Linschoten as a ‘very noble and
very experienced hero’, in the preliminaries to Ind.Or. III (Lat) [**2r]; Index (Madrid
1612) 592; Index (Lisbon 1624) 723; or the attribution of firmness to the English navi-
gator Richard Grenville in the margin text and in the full text, also in Ind.Or. III (Lat)
51; Index (Madrid 1612) 593; Index (Lisbon 1624) 724.
28
Ind.Occ. II (Lat) 278: “Petrus autem Richerius Pastor, qui non ita pridem Rupellae ad
Dominum migravit, in cellula sua prostratus iacebat, adeoque erat viribus omnibus expers, ut caput ad
Deum oraturus minime posset attollere, attamen ita prostratus indesinenter precibus ad eum fundendis
intentus erat”; Index (Madrid 1612) 49; Index (Lisbon 1624) 226. I have underlined the
passages which were purged.
29
Ind.Occ. VIII (Lat) 60: “. . . globo per medium pectus transmisso, lethaliter vulneratus
invera Deo invocatione hontissima morte occumberet”; Index (Madrid 1612) 52; Index (Lisbon
1624) 228.

292 chapter nine
. . . Mr. Bryde, who was our minister, preached for this occasion, and
received wide acclaim. When this service was finished, . . .30
This excerpt including the first few words of the second phrase which
referred to the service were crossed out. Even the most innocuous textual
connections between the Christian faith and the Reformed confession,
like the testimony in stone by Dutch sailors in Madagascar that they
considered themselves “Christianos Reformatos”, in India Orientalis V,
was reason enough for expurgation.31 And finally, while the observa-
tion that Drake had conquered Spanish territory in the Americas was
allowed, the suggestion of the author that this had been achieved “with
the help of God” was clearly not.32
When non-Christians in the overseas world were exposed to the threat
of Protestantism, these dangers became even more pressing in the eyes
of the officials. The inquisitors’ frustration with the mixture of pious
language and Protestantism then took a back seat temporarily when
the spread of these Protestant ideas was asserted. The assumption of
the inhabitants of West-African Guinea, for example, that the Dutch
were “children of God” could well have been purged elsewhere, like the
statements mentioned above. Yet in India Orientalis VI, it immediately
preceded a statement which was seen as more disturbing:
Since [the inhabitants of Guinea] assume that the Dutch are children
of God, many of them hold what they hear from the Dutch in various
matters of faith for the truth, and slowly begin to gain an insight in the
Faith.33
Only the claim that the indigenous people were ready to embrace the
Faith, in this case unmistakably a Protestant flavour of Christianity, was
expurgated. The Catholic missionary zeal still formed one of the main
30
Ind.Occ. VIII (Lat) 41: “. . . navem regiam The Defiance, in qua Dn. Bryde, qui nobis
a sacris concionibus erat, concionem pro tempore isto habuit, magno cum applausu populi. Finita
verò concione iussit Thomas Baskerfielde omnes centuriones . . .”; Index (Madrid 1612)
52; Index (Lisbon 1624) 228.
31
Ind.Or. V (Lat) 8: “Tabulae vero hae literae insculpebantur, Christianos Reformatos:
quibus insignia addebantur Hollandicum, Zeelandicum, & Amstelredamense”; Index
(Madrid 1612) 592; Index (Lisbon 1624) 724.
32
Ind.Occ. VIII (Lat) 17: “. . . eo fine ut eam, Dei beneficio & ope expugnaret”; Index
(Madrid 1612) 51; Index (Lisbon 1624) 228.
33
Ind.Or. VI (Lat) 44: “Cum igitur in ea passim sint sententia, Batavos Dei filios
esse, multi iam reperiuntur, qui vera esse credunt, quaecunque de fidei Christianae articulis differentes
eos audiunt, ad veritatis ita agnitionem paulatim pervenientes”; Index (Madrid 1612) 593; Index
(1624) 724.

spurs for colonising large chunks of the overseas continents, and the
suggestion that Protestants were equally successful, or even outperform-
ing the Roman Church, was to be withheld from readers. Converting
indigenous people may not have been as crucial to the Reformed as it
was to many Catholics, but the Dutch nevertheless introduced several of
the ‘uncivilised’ people they encountered to their form of Christianity.
Admiral Jacob van Neck navigated to the Indonesian archipelago in
the late 1590s, a commercial enterprise first and foremost, and actually
succeeded in converting someone in Madagascar:
Having listened to this sermon, [the inhabitant of Madagascar] adopted
the Christian faith, and was then initiated by means of baptism, taking
on the name of Laurens.
This phrase was prohibited south of the Pyrenees, as was the accom-
panying marginal text, which read: “Having heard the sermon, an
Indian was converted to Christendom, and baptised”.34 The decision
to proscribe these marginalia was not exceptional. Such textual anchors
of the accounts in the collection were listed almost routinely when
they referred to offensive paragraphs. If the inquisitors crossed out a
marginal text, however, it did not necessarily influence the status of
the paragraph next to it. The situation where both text and marginalia
were to be omitted occurred, but it was just as common for only one
of the two to be purged, making the interventions of the friars look
rather erratic at times.
With regard to the subject of missionary achievements abroad, how-
ever, the inquisitors were quite fastidious. In addition to eliminating
Protestant success in converting non-Christians, Madrid and Lisbon
methodically excised the presumed lack of religious ardour among
Catholics which some travellers had observed. Jan Huygen van
Linschoten analysed the practices of the Jesuits in Asia much too harshly
for the inquisitors’ liking: “These are the main causes why no Indians
are converted to the Christian faith any more”.35 This phrase, as a result,
was expurgated in copies of India Orientalis II in Spain and Portugal. Van
34
Ind.Or. V (Lat) 5: “Hic attentius audita conicone, Christianam fidem amplexus fuerat, &
ibidem quoque sacro baptismo initiabatur, Laurentß nomen sortitus”, with the marginal text:
“Indus audita concione conversus, Christianus fit & baptissatur”; Index (Madrid 1612) 593;
Index (Lisbon 1624) 724.
35
Ind.Or. II (Lat) 110: “Atque hae praecipuae sunt causae motivae cur porro nulli Indorum ad
Christianos accedant”; Index (Madrid 1612) 592; Index (Lisbon 1624) 723.

294 chapter nine
Linschoten’s fellow-countryman Joris van Spilbergen, some ten years

later, also invoked the wrath of the Iberian inquisitors. He observed
that the Portuguese in Ceylon failed to prevent the Singhalese from
conducting services in their own temples, while initiatives towards
their conversion were altogether absent. The Portuguese inhabitants
of Ceylon, bereft of churches, chapels, monks, and priests, even went
so far as to replicate the practices of the Singhalese, according to Van
Spilbergen. Hence the inquisitors insisted on the proscription of the
best part of a paragraph.36
In the same paragraph, also in the expurgated section, Van Spilbergen
then alluded to the reason for the passivity of the Portuguese. This
reason, no doubt familiar to someone driven by commercial incentives
like Van Spilbergen, was that the Portuguese in Ceylon were too pre-
occupied with increasing their own personal wealth. That the inquisi-
tors did not permit a passage emphasising the Portuguese favouring of
commerce over religion should come as no surprise. Throughout the
sixteenth century, Protestants vilified the Spanish conquistadors in the
New World for their greed. The moral dangers of gold and silver in
the Americas were so widely recognised, that avarice, alongside tyranny,
had become one of the rhetorical bastions of the Black Legend.37 The
Iberian inquisitors, then, were predictably on alert for precisely these
propagandistic phrasings when books from Northern Europe entered
the peninsula, and references to greediness of Iberian explorers were
systematically located and purged.
Extracts earmarked for expurgation had invariably been part of the

original editions, but as the tribunals in Spain and Portugal focused
on books in Latin—alongside the obvious attention paid to material
printed in the Iberian vernaculars—many of the reports that had first
been published in French, Italian, or Dutch were likely to attract the
inquisitors’ attention only when a translation in Latin appeared. Earlier
editions of the narrative which most consistently combined the topics
of avarice and religion, that of Girolamo Benzoni, contained all the
36
Ind.Or. VII (Lat) 27: “Reliquerunt autem [. . .] deprehendas”; Index (Madrid 1612) 593;
Index (Lisbon 1624) 725.
37
Schmidt (2001) 260–63 convincingly argues that it was one of the cornerstones in
the Dutch imagination of the Spanish conquest. Girolamo Benzoni’s account included
in the De Bry collection demonstrates that it was more widely shared in early modern
Europe.

passages regarded as controversial, but they did not draw the attention
of the commission in Madrid until the De Brys published their Latin
volumes.
The distinction between already existing text and textual additions
by the De Brys, and the contradictory responses of the inquisitors,
became obvious in the preliminaries to India Occidentalis IV, the first
of the three volumes devoted to Benzoni. The De Brys copied the
preface written by Urbain Chauveton in the late 1570s in Geneva, but
Madrid and Lisbon deemed this text unacceptable in its entirety. Seven
full pages discussing the Machiavellian behaviour of the conquistadors
had to be expurgated.38 The De Brys, however, had also written their
own introduction to the text, and this second preface, more carefully
phrased, was considered to be innocuous. Throughout the Benzoni
volumes, a number of excerpts were purged, but not one of these had
been inserted in Frankfurt, a testimony to the prudence of Theodore
de Bry.39 The allusions to Spanish hunger for gold and silver, however,
still required significant interventions. Benzoni’s assertion that the New
World Indians, based on some of the Spanish transgressions, thought
that Christ himself had been greedy and murderous, led to the prohibi-
tion of more than half a page.40
Hardly any of the Iberian corrections dealt with strictly theological

matters. The expurgation of sentences and paragraphs for reasons of
terminology and rhetorical prejudice were instead being complemented
by what can best be described as abusive language towards Catholic
institutions and, most importantly, outright political statements. Any
unfavourable mention of papal authority, for instance, was conscien-
tiously excised. The inquisitors systematically rejected the use of the
label ‘pope’ for heathen clerics in the overseas world, disallowed the
identification of the Catholic faith as ‘papist’, and, rather predictably,
also proscribed Chauveton’s insinuation that one of the conquistadors
had married two of his sisters with “the dispensation and approval of
38
Ind.Occ. IV (Lat) 1–7; Index (Madrid 1612) 50; Index (Lisbon 1624) 226.
39
For example: Ind.Occ. IV (Lat) 9: “Ergo, Hispane audax, lucrum fuit unica causa: /
Tanta Relligio non tibi causa viae”, the last two lines of a preliminary poem written by
a certain St. Tr.; and Ind.Occ. IV (Lat) 47: “Itaque mirum non est si Hispani illi, ipsi
indignabantur, ut qui auri grumum pluris facerent, quam totius orbis confeßiones & Hostias”;
Index (Madrid 1612) 50; Index (Lisbon 1624) 226.
40
Ind.Occ. IV (Lat) 122; Index (Madrid 1612) 50; Index (Lisbon 1624) 227.

296 chapter nine
His Holiness”.41 Interestingly enough, the Portuguese commission also

applied this policy to Jose de Acosta’s treatise, although his work had
been left untouched by Sandoval’s Index twelve years before. Hence
the Jesuit’s observations of Mexicans referring to their high priests as
‘popes’ were considered unwelcome, even if the author unequivocally
attributed such qualifications to the indigenous people.42
Travellers’ disparaging remarks about the Society of Jesus resulted
in the targeting of several parts of the collection. The account of Joris
van Spilbergen’s expedition to Ceylon included the comment that the
local king did not trust the Portuguese, who had repeatedly behaved in
a treacherous manner, but this passage was overlooked at the expense
of the suggestion that the king’s resentment resulted from his educa-
tion by the Jesuits in Goa and Colombo.43 India Orientalis III opened
with a number of chapters from Jan Huygen van Linschoten’s Itinerario
discussing the role of the Society in Asia, and many passages were
marked by the inquisitors. Van Linschoten’s assessment of the Jesuits’
eagerness to convert people in order to seize their possessions, and his
conclusion that the Order was interested only in worldly gains caused
the purgation of half a page.44
Two pages further into the account, however, the reasoning of the
two commissions diverged. Here the Spanish inquisitors objected to only
41
Ind.Occ. IX add. (Lat) 91: “In Iortan sacerdotum primarius habitat, qui caeterarum
terrarum velut Papa ac Pontifex est” and the corresponding marginal: “Papa in Iortan, senex
lacte fovetur”; Index (Madrid 1612) 52; Index (Lisbon 1624) 229. The allusion to ‘papism’
was purged on several occasions, for example: Ind.Occ. IX add. (Lat) 63: “Indos enim
ut Hispani ad religionem Papisticam commodius illicerent”. The Spanish inquisitors
wanted the word ‘Papisticam’ crossed out, the Portuguese tribunal suggested to have it
replaced by ‘Catholicam’: Index (Madrid 1612) 52, Index (Lisbon 1624) 229. Chauveton’s
commentary was included in Ind.Occ. V (Lat) 69: “1. Petrus Alvaradus, ut Francisci de los
Covos, qui a secretis & intimus consiliorum Caesari erat, gratiam & favorem quaereret, duarum simul
sororum incesto matrimonio semet polluit, idque permissu & indulgentia Papae”; Index (Madrid
1612) 50; Index (Lisbon 1624) 227.
42
Ind.Occ. IX (Lat) 230: “Nam summum ex sacerdotibus Mexicani olim Papam vocitabant,
quod vel hodie ex ipsorum gestis & annalibus videre est”, and 228: “. . . supra quae, plura alia
editiora posita, Sacerdotibus sive Papis (ita sacerdotes summos vocabant) Idolo servientibus
addicta conspiciebantur”; Index (Lisbon 1624) 228.
43
Ind.Or. VII (Lat) 40: “Rex ille Lusitanis plane nullam fidem habet, semperque
insidias sibi strui existimat, si cum Lusitanis amice agatur, idque inde factum quod apud
Iesuitas in Goa & Columbo educatus, multa perfidiae ipsorum exempla observarit”; Index (Madrid
1612) 593; Index (Lisbon 1624) 724.
44
Ind.Or. III (Lat) 2–3: “Interim numquam non insussurabant [. . .] illicerentur etia[m] reliqui”.
The Spanish tribunal allowed the preservation of several lines in between two passages
on these pages, while the Portuguese forbade the entire episode: Index (Madrid 1612)
592, Index (Lisbon 1624) 723.

a single phrase, reiterating the author’s verdict that Jesuits confiscated

the property of those who joined the Society.45 This was an excision
in line with corrections regarding the greed of some of the navigators
described above. The Portuguese inquisitors, in contrast, objected to a
number of Van Linschoten’s claims in this chapter. His observations,
for instance, that three Japanese princes, each fifteen or sixteen years
old, had been sent to Portugal and then to Rome in an attempt to
obtain official privileges and exemptions for the Society, were seen as
intolerable. That the royal offspring on this mission were wearing Jesuit
habits was considered equally awkward. Elsewhere, a marginal text
alluding to the achievement of converting an English painter in Japan
to the principles of the Society of Jesus was crossed out.46 Clearly the
Portuguese inquisitors did not appreciate the Order’s endeavours to
extend its powers in Asia at the expense of others, most importantly
the government.
9.5. Spanish versus Portuguese corrections
The difference in policy between the two Iberian inquisitorial com-

missions is understandable. Although the crowns had been unified in
1580, each of the two colonial empires continued to be administered
by its own officials. Whereas the Spaniards had chosen not to limit their
missionary enterprise abroad to one order, the Lusitanians were more
interested in trade than in territorial conquests, and had a close working
relationship with the energetic Society of Jesus.47 At the same time, the
relationship between the Society and the Portuguese Inquisition was
often strained, and although Inquisitor-General Mascarenhas was a
benefactor of the Jesuits, and the Index’s editor, Balthasar Alvarez, was
himself a member of the Society,48 these separate concerns lingered on
45
Ind.Or. III (Lat) 5: “Quae tamen omnis praeda post pro more Iesuitis cesserat”; Index (Madrid
1612) 592. This sentence was also prohibited in Portugal: Index (Lisbon 1624) 724.
46
Ind.Or. III (Lat) 5: “. . . qui instinctu & persuasu Iesuitarum primo in Portugalliam
navigare, post inde Romanum Pontificem ad amplissima beneficia & immunitates Iesuitis
emendicandas invisere constituerant”. The Portuguese Index wanted to have this phrase
on the Japanese princes replaced by ‘legationem suam ei exponendam’. The phrase
“. . . vestitu Iesuitico . . .” had to be substituted with “. . . vestitu talari . . .”. Ind.Or. III (Lat)
3: “Ex Anglis pictor Iesuita fit”; Index (Lisbon 1624) 723–24.
47
Lach (1965–93) I–1 298.
48
D. Alden, The making of an enterprise. The Society of Jesus in Portugal, its empire, and
beyond, 1540 –1750 (Stanford 1996) 670–73; Reusch (1967) II–1 47.

298 chapter nine
and resurfaced in the Index. Most importantly, however, the variations

between the two strategies of expurgation reveal the politicised nature
of the Iberian Indices. The sizeable number of ‘political’ corrections
can serve as an indication of how elites across Europe may have inter-
preted the accounts in the De Bry collection.
The Iberian inquisitors, predictably perhaps, were primarily con-
cerned with clearing the reputations of their own kingdoms: hence, in
general, the Spanish commission was more critical of the America-series,
while the Portuguese were more easily offended by the India Orientalis-
volumes. A typical example of discrepancy on political grounds can
be found in India Occidentalis II: in reaction to the Spanish massacre
of nine hundred French colonists in Florida, carried out by Phillip II’s
envoy Pedro Menéndez de Avilés in 1565, the surviving Huguenots
sent a letter to Charles IX protesting the dishonourable treatment of
the victims, who had their beards shaved off and their skulls chopped
to pieces by the Spanish soldiers. This letter was excised in its entirety
by the inquisitors in Madrid, while Lisbon accepted it without further
mention.49 The differences between the two Indices are generally of
this nature.
References to the relations between the two Iberian powers, espe-
cially in texts conceived after the two crowns were united in 1580, were
also closely studied. Bernardus Paludanus, in his introduction to India
Orientalis VIII, commented that the Spaniards instructed the “poor
Portuguese” to use all means to oppose the Dutch in their activities
in the East Indies. The “dishonourable, wicked, and untrustworthy”
Portuguese, according to the author, duly complied. The inquisitors in
Lisbon thought the passage unacceptable, and eliminated most of the
paragraph, yet the Spanish commission apparently did not mind their
countrymen being portrayed as instigators of Portuguese misconduct;
hence, in the Index of 1612, Paludanus’ remarks were left untouched.
Several other parts of the physician’s preface were also crossed out by
the Portuguese, but ignored by the inquisitors in Madrid.50
On many other political issues, the two Indices formed a united
front. Such was the case with the account of Sir Francis Drake’s final
49
Ind.Occ. II (Lat) [H2r–H4v]; Index (Madrid 1612) 49. See: C. E. Bennett, Laudonnière
& Fort Caroline. History and documents (reprint, Tuscaloosa and London 2001 [1st ed.
1964]) 33–39.
50
Ind.Or. VIII (Lat) 7: “Non poterant . . . opus esse viderent”; Index (Lisbon 1624) 725. Other
excerpts to be excised in Portugal are found on pages 8 and 10.

expedition, which reported the relief of one of the Indians in Guyana

when faced with English compassion. The man praised the English,
and their merciful Queen Elizabeth, for not punishing the inhabitants
of Guyana, who had assisted the Spanish conquistadors in resisting
their onslaught. Such an Amerindian elegy of English generosity amidst
descriptions of Spanish tyranny was considered undesirable in both
Spain and Portugal.51 A bit further into the same account, however,
the two expurgations diverged once more. Here the Spanish inquisitors
were the more severe: while the Portuguese Index only excised the few
sentences which were outright anti-papal, the surrounding two pages
contained enough anti-Spanish observations for the friars in Madrid to
expurgate them in their entirety. Particularly intriguing was the decision
of the Portuguese inquisitors not to purge a passage accusing Phillip
II of conceit, perhaps a reminder of Lusitanian rancour towards the
Habsburg monarch who had annexed Portugal.52
Since the inquisitors in Lisbon consulted Sandoval’s Index of 1612,
insulting remarks directed at Spain were more often prohibited by the
Portuguese than the other way around. Not one of the Spanish Indices
appearing after the publication of the Portuguese Index of 1624 copied
the specifically Portuguese expurgations. In order to proscribe unwanted
reviews of Portuguese activities, moreover, the inquisitors had to read the
volumes again. This resulted in the excision of several pages of Pieter
de Marees’ travel account in India Orientalis VI, particularly where De
Marees alluded to Portuguese atrocities towards their Dutch enemies.
The Spanish Index proscribed only the parts which directly affected
Spanish interests, such as De Marees’ potentially harmful statement that
the fortifications at Elmina were not as strong as often thought.53
The added precision of the Portuguese commission can also be deter-
mined by studying the form of some of the revisions in the Lusitanian
Index. When Francis Pretty, writing on Sir Thomas Cavendish’s cir-
cumnavigation, reported on the Catholicism of the local population
of Puna Island off the Ecuador coast, he referred to their religion as
the “Spanish religion”. The Portuguese inquisitors ordered censors to
51
Ind.Occ. VIII (Lat) 81: “Ex altera autem parte . . . cohercere posset”; Index (Madrid 1612)
52; Index (Lisbon 1624) 228.
52
Ind.Occ. VIII (Lat) 89–90: “Si enim commercia Hispanorum . . . Dei iudicia”; Index (Madrid
1612) 52; Index (Lisbon 1624) 228.
53
Ind.Or. VI (Lat) 108–12, and selected parts of 114 and 115 were deleted in Portugal:
Index (Lisbon 1624) 724. Spain Index (Madrid 1612) 593 purged only a number of
paragraphs of Ind.Or. VI (Lat) 112.

300 chapter nine
replace the word “Spanish” with “Roman”.54 A similar situation arose

in Bernardus Paludanus’ introduction to India Orientalis VIII: this time
the physician stated that the Spaniards slaughtered several indigenous
people, regardless of their religious affiliation. Some of these victims
were even Catholics, according to Paludanus. The Portuguese Index
accepted this comment, bar the reference to Catholicism as “the Roman
religion”. Instead the Index recommended substitution by the correct
word, i.e. “Catholic”, but did not delete the statement.55 In both these
cases, the Spanish Index purged the word “Spanish” and the degrading
sentence about indiscriminate cruelty without further ado.56
9.6. The impact of censorship: the case of De Léry
One of the volumes to be scrutinised most intensely by both the Spanish

and the Portuguese inquisitors was India Occidentalis III, and particu-
larly Jean de Léry’s Huguenot report of the goings-on in ‘Antarctic
France’ in the late 1550s. The De Brys, as was noted before, had been
very careful regarding this provocative interpretation of adventures in
Atlantic waters, first printed in the midst of the religious wars in France.
The publishers’ use of Chauveton’s Geneva edition of 1586 as their
source heightened the need for vigilance. The Portuguese inquisitors
even recollected, at the head of the expurgatory entry concerned, that
the De Bry volume did not constitute the first Latin translation of De
Léry’s account, and that the Geneva edition had been prohibited in its
entirety.57 In spite of using the proscribed edition for India Occidentalis
III, the De Brys managed to avoid the same verdict.
The publishers, as highlighted in the previous chapter, made signifi-
cant modifications to the German version, and even more extensive
alterations, mostly deletions of confrontational passages, to the Latin
version of De Léry’s Histoire. Clearly these adjustments mollified the
Portuguese Inquisition. Instead of repeating their all-inclusive rejection
54
Ind.Occ. VIII (Lat) 60: “Christianam simul fidem & religionem Hispanicam amplexus
est”; Index (Lisbon 1624) 228. This sentence was omitted from the German translation,
Ind.Occ. VIII (Ger) 18 [third set of pages].
55
Ind.Or. VIII (Lat) 6; Index (Lisbon 1624) 725.
56
Index (Madrid 1612) 52, 594: “. . . tametsi a religione Romana non abhorrent partim, . . .”.
57
Index (Lisbon 1624) 226: “Circunfertur etiam Historia navigationis in Brasiliam in
8 a Ioanno Lerio haeretico Gallice scripta, & nunc vero latinitati donata, &c excudebat
Eustathius Vignon 1586, quae omnino prohibetur”.

of Chauveton’s edition, they followed Sandoval’s assessment of the text:

a welcome reward for a conscientious editing process. Yet the De Brys’
self-censorship before submitting the accounts to censors and inquisi-
tors constituted only the first step in a procedure oozing caution. Two
examples taken from De Léry’s account offer a revealing glimpse into
the practice inside the De Bry workshop.
Roughly halfway into his report, De Léry related that the Tupinamba
in Brazil liked listening to certain birds singing, because they believed
that these creatures had been sent by their deceased ancestors. After
marvelling at this habit, the Huguenot set aside his amazement, and
analysed the practice:
. . . and remembering those who believe and teach that the souls of the
deceased return from purgatory to warn them of their duty, it occurred
to me that what our poor blind Americans do in this respect is more
tolerable: for as I shall describe when I speak of their religion, although
they confess a belief in the immortality of the souls, they do not go so
far as to believe that souls return after being separated from their bodies,
but say only that these birds are their messengers.58
Both the original French edition and the Latin translation published in
Geneva included this reflection. The references to the deceased return-
ing from purgatory and to the immortality of the soul alerted the De
Brys that this was a potentially controversial passage. For their Latin
translation of 1592, they decided to omit the words “from purgatory”
in an effort to avoid the disapproval of censors and inquisitors. The
measure proved inadequate, for in both the Spanish and the Portuguese
Index the remaining sentences were earmarked for purgation.59 The
58
J. de Léry, Histoire d’un voyage fait en la terre du Bresil . . . (La Rochelle 1578) 178:
“. . . me ressouvenant lors de ceux qui tiennent & enseignent que les ames des tres
passez retournans de purgatoire les viennent aussi advertir de leur devoir, ie pensay
que ce que font nos poures aveuglés Ameriquains en cest endroit, est encores plus
supportable: car comme ie diray plus amplement parlant de leur Religion, combien
qu’ils confessent l’immortalité des ames, tant y a neantmoins qu’ils n’en font pas la
logez de croire qu’apres qu’elles sont separees des corps elles reviennent ains seule-
ment disent que ces oiseaux sont leurs messagers”; De Léry (1586) 133: “In mentem
tamen mihi tum veniebat eorum opinio, qui asserunt animas e purgatorio igne ad
suos officii monendos devolare, Barbarorumque nostrorum figmentum ea tolerabilius
esse iudicabam. Etenim, ut suo dicetur loco, quamvis animas credant immortales eò
tamen dementiae non veniunt, ut e corporibus semel egressas ad patrios lares redire
dicant, aves istas earum esse nuntias tantummodo fingunt”. I took the English transla-
tion from: J. de Léry, History of a voyage to the land of Brazil ([transl. and ed., J. Whatley]
Berkeley 1990) 91.
59
Ind.Occ. III (Lat) 188: “In mentem tamen mihi tum veniebat eorum opinio, qui asserunt animas

302 chapter nine
German edition, however, published the next year, omitted the exact
words that in the 1610s and 1620s were to antagonise the Iberian
officials.60
This was no coincidence. The same pattern can be observed else-
where in India Occidentalis III. The Latin De Bry volume stuck to the
phrasing in Chauveton’s Latin translation, which in turn was a truth-
ful translation of the original French account. The two inquisitorial
commissions crossed out the better part of a long sentence concern-
ing the observed analogy between the religion of the Tupinamba and
Roman Catholicism. De Léry and his companions had eaten some of
the offerings given to religious statues by the Tupi, and the traveller
remarked that
our Americans [. . .] were no less offended than those superstitious ones,
successors of the priests of Baal, at seeing someone take the offerings
brought to their puppets—on which offerings, however, to the dishonour
of God, they themselves feed gluttonously and idly with their whores
and bastards.61
Here, then, the De Brys had not softened the Latin text, but in the
German translation of the account, the exact words which were to cause
offence to the Iberian inquisitors were once again omitted.62
What could be the background behind excluding precisely these
phrases as early as 1593? There is no testimony of any censorship
earlier than the activities of the Iberian inquisitors in the 1610s and
1620s, but for these changes to be made between the publication of
the Latin volume in September 1592 and the German version at Easter
1593, the disapproval of the remarks concerned must have been made
known on a local level, in Frankfurt. The city’s censors inspected books
appearing in Frankfurt as a matter of routine, and may have objected to
ad suos officii monendos devolare, Barbarorumque nostrorum figmentum ea tolerabilius esse iudicabam.
Etenim, ut suo dicetur loco, quamvis animas credant immortales eò tamen dementiae non veniunt, ut
e corporibus semel egressas ad patrios lares redire dicant, aves istas earum esse nuntias tantummodo
fingunt”; Index (Madrid 1612) 49–50; Index (Lisbon 1624) 226.
60
Ind.Occ. III (Ger) 165.
61
De Léry (1578) 280: “. . . nos Ameriquains [. . .] n’en estoyent pas moins offencez
que sont les supersticieux & successeurs des pretres de Baal de voir prendre les offrandes
qu’on porte à leurs Marmosets, dequoy cependant eux & leurs putains se nourissent”;
De Léry (1586) 222 & Ind.Occ. III (Lat) 230: “. . . Barbari [. . .] non minus offendebantur,
ac solent superstitiosi, ac Baalis sacerdotum successores, si libationes idolis suis oblatas abripi
videant: quibus tamen in Dei contumeliam tum ipsi, tum meretrices cum spuriis suis aluntur” (Index
(Madrid 1612) 50; Index (Lisbon 1624) 226). Again the English translation is taken
from De Léry (1990) 145.
62
Ind.Occ. III (Ger) 223.

the passages which were later also to upset the Spanish and Portuguese
inquisitions. If true, the omission of these excerpts in the German edi-
tions further supports the impression that the De Brys were prepared
to meet the demands of the market, even if this entailed crossing out
anti-Catholic statements included in previous editions of the account.
The accession of Gotthard Artus to the role of censor of the De Bry
volumes he himself had translated may have conveniently simplified
this process of local censorship.63
Throughout the early volumes of the De Bry collection, more of these

changes to the second translation, in these years invariably the German
version, can be identified. Most alterations, however, are limited to the
marginal texts, most clearly in India Occidentalis VI, where the German
marginalia are more neutral than the textual indicators in Latin. On the
whole, the margins are comparable in the two translations, but the Latin
marginalia in the early chapters of this volume were later prohibited
in the Iberian Indices.64 Since, overall, the De Brys tended to water
down the controversial Protestant passages for the Latin translations,
the corrections of remaining confrontational passages for the German
versions which were published later make the pattern for the textual
alterations to the accounts more varied and more complex.
The pattern changed when the younger generation of the De Bry
family assumed control of the collection. The order of publication
was turned around, as the German editions now preceded the Latin
translations. More significantly, the two brothers did not continue
to apply the extreme level of caution regarding religious rhetoric so
typical of their father’s editing. This was already apparent in one of
the first works the brothers published independently, which ran into
trouble with local censors.65 The editing of volumes of voyages issued
in and after 1597—in other words the entire India Orientalis-series and
the America-series from Volume VII onwards—displayed the same type
of editorial erosion. These parts exhibited none of the changes that
can be ascribed to local censoring. Although Johan Theodore was less
concerned with religious diversity than his father, he did not rigorously
change the editing strategy or overlook the importance of dedicating
some of the Latin volumes to the Archbishop of Mainz.
Supra, Ch. 4, p. 137.

63
Ind.Occ. VI (Lat) 11–13 / (Ger) f7r–8v; Index (Madrid 1612) 51; Index (Lisbon
64
1624) 227.
65
App. 1, nr. 23.

304 chapter nine
9.7. Enforcing the expurgations in Spain and Portugal
The rules of expurgation laid down by the Indices in the Iberian

monarchies were not just a theoretical exercise; they were also put
into effect. Several copies of De Bry volumes survive with sentences
and paragraphs crossed out according to the directives of Sandoval’s
Index of 1612. One set of copies, now in the Huntington Library in
Los Angeles, even has manuscript notes on the verso-side of the title-
pages, testifying to the activities of the inquisitorial officials in Spain.66
The America-volumes at the Huntington were all purged in January
1613, while the only India Orientalis-volume was corrected in December
of the same year. The handwritten statements are merely intended to
confirm that the proposed excisions were carried out. The script in the
copy of India Occidentalis I states that
These first and second parts of the Historia America, which are bound
together, are expurgated according to the new expurgatory rules of the
Illustrious Cardinal D. Bernardo de Sandoval y Rojas, and can in this state
be used. From the Convent del Carmen in Madrid, 9 January 1613.67
The authorisation was signed by Francisco de Jesus y Xodar, the Carmelite
friar who headed the commission responsible for the Spanish Index
Librorum Expurgatorum. Two more volumes were purged by De Jesus y
Xodar, and a third carried his signature as an affirmation.68
The purgation of all these books—not just the volumes published by
the De Brys—presented the commission with plenty of work, absorb-
ing their time for the whole of 1613, and probably longer. Clerics who
were not on the Inquisition’s payroll, but who could still be entrusted
to accurately insert the purgations according to the new guidelines,
provided assistance. Hence the Huntington copy of India Occidentalis IV
66
Huntington Library, #66981, Ind.Occ. I & II (Lat); #66984, Ind.Occ. III (Lat);
#66986, Ind.Occ. IV (Lat, 2nd ed.); #66985, Ind.Occ. IX (Lat); and #66635, Ind.Or. VIII
(Lat). These copies were also consulted by Cate (1917) 137–38, who professed that he
had seen a copy of Ind.Or. I–X with corrections according to the Indices of 1612 and
1632. I am greatly indebted to Stephen Tabor, Curator of Early Printed Books at the
Huntington Library for sending me photocopies of the relevant pages.
67
Huntington Library, #66981, verso of the title-page: “Estas primera y segunda
partes de la Historia America que van enquadernadas Juntas se an expurgado con-
forme al nuevo expurgatorio de el Ill.ma Sr. cardl. Inquisidor General D. Bernardo
de Sandoval y Rojas y assi se podra usar de ellas. En el Carmen de Md. à 9 de enero
de 1613”.
68
Huntington Library, #66983 and #66984 were corrected by De Jesus y Xodar,
#66635 carries his signature. The confirmation is written in another hand.

was made available for readers in Spain by Friar Francisco de Aranda,

the housekeeper of the convent of St. Martin in Madrid.69 The four
volumes of the America-series, incidentally, were checked again in 1707,
according to additional notes inside the copies, indicating that these
volumes remained in Spanish hands at least until the early years of
the eighteenth century.70 Several copies of De Bry volumes currently
in Spanish libraries also exhibit these official approvals in manuscript,
indicating their purgation by inquisitors or censors.71 Expurgated vol-
umes without handwriting testifying to the activities of inquisitors or
censors were corrected by either the Iberian bookseller responsible for
importing the copies or by the customer. Those who came into the
possession of books listed on the Index were required to purge their
copies within sixty days of the Index’ appearance, but such requirements
were flouted. Copies that had been censored in bookstores are sometimes
found with very light, transparent corrections, which officially comply
with the stipulations of the Index, but do not prevent one from reading
the inappropriate passages.72
Readers and booksellers in Spain and Portugal found in possession of

uncensored copies of the De Bry collection were in for a hard time.
While the Index essentially enabled Iberians to read the volumes, with
69
Huntington Library, #66986, verso of the title-page: “Yo fray Francisco de Aranda
mayordomo de San Martin de Madrid corregi este libro por comision del supremo
consejo de la ynquisicion y por verdad lo firme en 26 de henero de 1613”.
70
The 1707 manuscript notes are even more concise. The copies were “corrected
according to the expurgations of 1707” (“esta corregido segun el expurgat. del año
de 1707”, #66981), followed by the names of three or four friars responsible for the
new purgations. The Index expurgatorius Hispanus (Madrid 1707) is only marginally dif-
ferent than the early seventeenth-century Spanish Indices. For Ind.Occ.: 70–73; for Ind.
Or.: 764–66.
71
For example the copy of Ind.Or. III and IV (Lat) in the Biblioteca Pública del
Estado in Soria, which used to be in the library of the monastery in Huerta. These
volumes (call number A-150) contain the phrase: “Yo el Maestro fray Manuel Angles
predicador de San Martín de Madrid corregí este libro conforme al nuevo expurgatorio
del año de 1612”.
72
For example: BL G6629. Index (Madrid 1612) 1st section, 8–9; I am grateful to
Laura Beck Varela for explaining me some of the practicalities of the Spanish process
of expurgating books. Still there are always copies revealing anomalies: The America-
volumes in the Dutch National Maritime Museum (A IV–1 4a) carry the stamp of the
‘Bibliotheca S. Petri ad Vincula’, either San Pietro in Vinculis in Rome or, perhaps
more likely, one of the institutions of the same name in Spain. Their expurgations are
a combination of the expurgations ordered in Spanish and Portuguese Indices. When
the expurgations diverged, the friar responsible for purging the books always opted
for the most critical version.

306 chapter nine
a few clearly defined limitations, some readers interested in overseas

expansion, or book lovers who thought their private libraries incomplete
without an uncorrected version of such a prestigious collection evaded
the rules by refusing to abide to the Inquisition’s demands. An interest-
ing example is provided by the Galician-born nobleman Don Diego
Sarmiento de Acuña, Count of Gondomar, and Spanish ambassador to
England in the 1610s and early 1620s. One of Gondomar’s preoccupa-
tions in London was putting an end to English piracy, both in Europe
and elsewhere, which damaged Spanish shipping and breached the
Anglo-Spanish alliance. Overseas voyages must have constituted some
of the core reading matter related to this diplomatic mission.73
Gondomar’s librarian at the so-called Casa del Sol in Valladolid,
Esteban Eussem, persuaded his master to purchase the India Orientalis-
volumes in January 1619. Referring to his library as that of a grand
seigneur, Eussem notified him that
there is a book in Latin titled Historia Indiae Orientalis, written by various
authors [. . .] printed in Frankfurt by De Bry [. . .]. If such a work would
have been available in Madrid, I know very well that You would have
purchased it, especially because You already possess in Your cabinet the
whole America, that is Historia Indiae Occidentalis.74
The inventory of Gondomar’s library drawn up in 1623 included
around 6,500 works and featured the first ten volumes and the appendix
to Volume XI of the America-series, as well as the entire India Orientalis-
series.75 According to contemporaries, the Casa del Sol housed one of
the most illustrious libraries in Castile, containing many rare printed
titles.
Gondomar’s homecoming after his final diplomatic mission to England
in 1623 drew the attention of the Inquisition. While at the court of
James I, the conde had acquired a reputation for heterodoxy, defending
the position of Rome and the Jesuits with more fervour than expected
73
C. Manso Porto, Don Diego Sarmiento de Acuña, conde de Gondomar (1567–1626).
Erudito, mecenas y bibliófilo (Santiago de Compostela 1996) 23–24.
74
Real Biblioteca, Madrid, nr. II/2134, doc. 94: “Il y a un livre (illegible) latin inti-
tulé; Historia Indiae Orientalis, scripta à diversis autoribus [. . .] impressa Francofurti
apud de Bry [. . .] si un tel livre se trouvoit à Madrid, je sçay bien que Vra Sria l’ayant
(illegible) l’achepteroit, puis que Vra Sria (illegible) tient chez luy en son cabinet toute
L’Amerique, c’est à dire, Historia Indiae Occidentalis”. I am indebted to the staff of
the Real Biblioteca, and to Liesbeth Geevers for helping me obtain photocopies of
this document.
75
Manso Porto (1996) 468.

from a Spanish ambassador, whose prime responsibility was to preserve

good Anglo-Spanish relations. The inquisitors, no doubt aware of his
appetite for foreign books and anticipating the introduction of hereti-
cal literature to Spain, had all his possessions inspected on his return
to Valladolid. In the same spirit, they checked his library in the Casa
del Sol and confiscated the books that were proscribed by the Index
of 1612. Works like the De Bry collection which were permitted after
expurgation were later given back to Gondomar, but if the Inquisition
abided by its own set of rules, his De Bry volumes, purchased in 1619,
were corrected in 1623.76
Despite Gondomar’s elevated social position, which enabled him
to purchase the expensive De Bry collection in the first place, he was
as exposed as anyone in Spain to the rules of the Index. Gondomar
nevertheless bought the De Bry volumes, and others did as well. Don
Lorenzo Ramírez de Prado, another prominent seventeenth-century
bibliophile who was a confidant of both Phillip III and Phillip IV, was
certainly more aware of the Inquisition’s muscle than most of his con-
temporaries. The belongings of his father, Don Alonso, had been seized
and moved to the Escorial.77 Don Lorenzo nevertheless assembled a
collection of books which he estimated at 10,000 titles, containing many
foreign works acquired through a network of agents across Europe.
After his death in 1658, the Inquisition found it included numerous
titles which were forbidden or should have been purged. In 1660 Don
Esteban de Aguilar y Zuñiga was assigned the task of overseeing the
purgation of Don Lorenzo’s estate,78 and this must have also resulted
in the correction of the near complete set of De Bry volumes in his
possession.79
76
M. Bataillon, “Livres prohibés dans la bibliothèque du comte de Gondomar” In:
W. Bahner, ed., Beiträge zur Französischen Aufklärung und zur Spanischen Literatur. Festgabe
für Werner Krauss zum 70. Geburtstag (Berlin 1971) 497 ff.; Manso Porto (1996) 628–31.
Whether Gondomar’s volumes were actually purged is unknown.
77
G. de Andres, “Los libros confiscados a don Alonso Ramírez de Prado (1611)”
In: Idem, ed., Documentos para la Historia del Monasterio de S. Lorenzo el Real de El Escorial
VII (Madrid 1964) 372.
78
J. de Entrambasaguas, La biblioteca de Ramírez de Prado (2 vols.; Madrid 1943) I
xxv–xxx.
79
De Entrambasaguas (1943) II 164–68: Ind.Occ. I–XII (Lat) and Ind.Or. I–XI (Lat).

CHAPTER TEN
SELLING, PURCHASING, AND BORROWING:

TOWARDS AN UNDERSTANDING OF READERSHIP
Analysing the interests of readers in early modern Europe can be

tricky. Gondomar and Ramírez were only two of what must have been
thousands of people who read one or more volumes of the collection
and marvelled at the copper engravings. Yet most of the questions one
would like to see answered, such as how and why people read these travel
accounts, or even more straightforward concerns, such as how many
copies of the volumes were printed, are extremely difficult to answer.
The necessary sources—copies with handwritten commentary, letters
discussing the collection’s contents, or a business archive of the De Bry
publishing house—are simply not available. The owners mentioned
here are therefore no more than faces in the crowd.1 This chapter will
nevertheless make an effort to indicate how the De Bry volumes fared
between coming off the presses in Frankfurt and adorning the book-
shelves across late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century Europe.
10.1. From the presses to the bookstores:

pricing the volumes
The first issue the De Brys had to address in order to reach a wide
audience was selling copies at the fairs in Frankfurt to their colleagues
in other parts of Europe.2 Although they also sold the collection to
individual customers in their own bookshop, as the existence of a
placard listing their publications indicates, the Latin volumes were
mostly aimed at readers abroad. Hence the Antwerp bookseller Jan I
1
For an approach similar to this chapter, with similar difficulties: P. Burke, The
fortunes of the Courtier: the European reception of Castiglione’s Cortegiano (Cambridge 1995b)
139–57 and his appendix 2. Burke also includes dedicatees, translators, and censors
in his inventory of readers of Il Cortegiano.
2
Selling books by subscription, as Greve (2004, 68) suggests, was not common prac-
tice in Germany until the 1620s, and I haven’t found any indications to the contrary
in the case of the De Bry collection.

310 chapter ten
Moretus († 1610) and his son Balthasar were among the De Brys’ most
important contacts.3 The reputation of their Plantin-Moretus firm, one
of the largest in Europe, ensured the interest not only of many learned
men native to the city and to the Southern Netherlands. Knowledgeable
customers from as far away as Spain and Italy ordered some of their
reading matter at the Officina Plantiniana as well.
The Moretuses twice annually visited the Frankfurt fairs, went to see
what the De Bry family had published since their last rendezvous, and
almost always bought copies of several of their works. New publications
enjoyed their particular attention, but the collection of voyages, includ-
ing its older volumes, had an enduring appeal. After initial wariness on
the part of Jan Moretus, perhaps a result of the combination of a high
price and initial uncertainty over the collection’s appeal, he bought six
copies of each of the first three America-volumes in September 1592,
and then another eight copies of each at the Easter fair the following
year.4 From then on, a steady trickle of De Bry volumes made its way
from Frankfurt to the Golden Compasses in Antwerp. The Moretuses
increasingly bought complete America- and India Orientalis-series, from
Volume I to what was the most recent volume at that point.
The large format and the sheer number of volumes accounted for
the collection’s hefty price, which added prestige, but also implied
that the voyages remained out of reach for many people curious about
overseas expansion. Volume prices are listed in the account books of
the Officina Plantiniana: the Moretuses purchased India Orientalis I, with
fourteen illustrations, from the De Brys for one Brabantine guilder and
four stuivers.5 Volume II, with twice as many pages, and almost three
times as many engravings, cost two guilders and six and a half stuivers,
while Volume III, with more pages still, and no fewer than fifty-eight
engravings, was sold for three guilders and six and a half stuivers. India
Orientalis IV, with a size similar to Volume II, but only twenty-one
engravings compared to Volume II’s thirty-eight, was a full guilder
cheaper at one guilder and six and a half stuivers. More than anything
else, the number of engravings determined the price of the books.
On the Moretuses and their officina: Voet (1969–72) I 191–215.

3
Arch. MPM 973 (S92), f28r; 974 (Q93), f12r.

4
5
Since the Moretuses wrote down the prices, these are referred to in the Antwerp
currency. One guilder equals twenty stuivers. The prices are based on the ‘Cahiers de
Francfort’ and the ‘Journals’ for the period between 1590 and 1620, resp. Arch. MPM
969–1029 & 67–75, 171–80, 216–27.

selling, purchasing, and borrowing 311
The price of the America-volumes, despite their slightly bigger size,

was similar and reveals the same correlation with the number of engrav-
ings. The De Brys established the prices of multiple volumes of the
collection by simply adding up separate prices. The first six volumes
of the America-series cost Moretus ten Brabantine guilders and sixteen
stuivers, matching the combined prices of the separate volumes.6 Since
the Moretuses were almost exclusively interested in Latin volumes, the
prices of the German counterparts cannot always be established, but
when they bought Volume VIII of the India Occidentalis-series at the
Easter fair in 1600,7 probably at the request of one of their customers
who preferred to read German, its price of eighteen stuivers was identi-
cal to the outlay required for the Latin version.
The De Brys charged their colleagues a relatively low price, which
enabled the Moretuses to make a nice profit. Volume IV of the America-
series cost Jan Moretus one guilder and fourteen and a half stuivers in
Frankfurt, but he could sell it in Antwerp for no less than four guil-
ders.8 In similar vein, the first nine volumes of India Occidentalis cost
Moretus sixteen guilders and six stuivers at the fairs in Frankfurt, a price
established in 1602 when Volume IX appeared and maintained until
late 1618, shortly before Volume X was to be published.9 In the early
1600s, the “complete America” cost customers at the Golden Compasses
around forty-two guilders, and in the mid-1610s, the same volumes
were still available at this retail price.10 The profit of the Moretuses
was not as vast as suggested by the differences between the Frankfurt
and Antwerp prices. They had to finance the shipment of the volumes,
and sometimes also their binding, depending on the customer’s wishes,
but, as discussed in Chapter 3, the De Brys also gave them rebates on
their semi-annual purchases, which increased after they started paying
on the spot.11
6
The respective prices were Ind.Occ. I: 1 Fl. 6,5 st., Ind.Occ. II: 2 Fl., Ind.Occ. III: 2
Fl. 13 st., Ind.Occ. IV: 1 Fl. 14,5 st., Ind.Occ. V: 1 Fl. 6,5 st., and Ind.Occ. VI: 1 Fl. 14,5 st.
7
Arch. MPM 989 (Q00), f33r.
8
Arch. MPM 977 (Q94), f52r: Moretus purchased six copies of Ind.Occ. IV (Lat)
for 10 guilders and 8 stuivers. Arch. MPM 74, f55v saw him selling one copy, in April
1597, for four guilders.
9
Arch. MPM 998 (Q04), f39v, and 1025 (S18), f5r.
10
Arch. MPM 175, f137v, and, for example, 219, f90v.
11
Cf. supra, Ch. 3, pp. 85–86. The Journals disclose the sale of multiple volumes in
two or three tomes, indicating that the volumes were bound in the Officina Plantiniana
as they were no doubt imported into Antwerp in albis. The Moretuses probably only
provided this service when customers asked them to do so.

312 chapter ten
In absolute terms, the prices of the volumes were high. But the price
alone cannot have dissuaded the genuinely interested from buying the
books. When in February 1599 Jan Moretus sold the first six volumes
of the America-series for thirty-two guilders, Abraham Ortelius’ Theatrum
Orbis Terrarum was selling for forty-eight guilders.12 The Theatrum never-
theless could be found in just about every substantial private library in
Europe in the early seventeenth century. Also in early 1599, Gerrit de
Veer’s quarto-account of his Arctic adventures, published in Amsterdam,
was sold in Antwerp for one guilder and five stuivers, while customers
were charged eight guilders for the original Itinerario by Van Linschoten.
Willem Lodewijcksz’ account of the first Dutch voyage to the East
Indies must have cost around three guilders.13 Together, then, these
three reports could be obtained in Dutch in the Moretus bookshop
for well over twelve guilders. When someone chose to purchase the
Latin De Bry equivalents of these accounts, India Orientalis II, III, and
IV—including plenty of new engravings, and published in the luxurious
folio-format—the retail price was higher, but certainly not extortionate
at around eighteen guilders.14
In the 1590s Moretus sold copies of the volumes to colleagues who

did not attend the Frankfurt fairs. The Brussels bookseller Rutger
Velpius, Adrian de Lannoy from Rouen, and the widow of Gerard de
Jode in Antwerp were among those who purchased De Bry volumes
at the Golden Compasses.15 They were charged the basic booksellers’
price, so Moretus made no profit on these copies other than a share of
the rebate percentage the De Brys had given him. This may have
been part of the motive for abandoning the routine. Some of the
entrepreneurs ended up travelling to Frankfurt themselves as the fairs
continued to grow in the late 1590s and early 1600s. By this time, the
voyages were widely available. Cornelis Claesz, who had published
many of the collection’s sources in Amsterdam, also sold all the De
12
Arch. MPM 171, f28v.
13
Moretus bought nine copies of the quarto-account from Cornelis Claesz for the
wholesale price of eighteen guilders: Arch. MPM 171, f19r.
14
It is impossible to establish the exact prices of the separate volumes, as the Ind.
Or.-series was almost exclusively sold as a collective set of volumes. Ind.Or. I–VI (Lat)
were purchased by Moretus for 11 guilders and six stuivers, and sold for 27 guilders.
Around two-thirds of the wholesale prices of the first six volumes covered the three
volumes concerned.
15
Arch. MPM 70, f154v; 71, f86r; and 74, f144r, in 1593, 1594, and 1597 respectively.

Bry volumes in the first decade of the seventeenth century.16 So did the
Florentine publisher Filippo Giunti, until his death in 1604.17 Gotthard
Vögelin, in Heidelberg, still had a copy of the Latin America-series on
the shelf in 1615,18 and Johannes Janssonius had copies of both the
India Occidentalis- and the India Orientalis-series, in Latin, available for sale
in his shop in Copenhagen in the mid-1630s.19 Adrian Vlacq, another
Dutch bookseller who operated abroad, in London and Paris, before
settling in The Hague, sold Latin copies of the India Occidentalis-volumes
in 1644, and possibly as late as 1649.20
In the mid-seventeenth century, the collection became difficult to
obtain across Europe. Matthaeus Merian, in Frankfurt, still had copies of
the America-series in stock in 1643, but William Fitzer’s copperplates for
India Orientalis had been destroyed by fire in 1638, which made publish-
ing new editions or abridgements of his volumes virtually impossible.21
In Spain several surviving copies are expurgated according to the Index
of 1640, but none are extant with corrections based on later editions.22
In the Dutch Republic, increasingly at the forefront of the distribution
of knowledge, the collection gradually disappeared from the shops of
the most important booksellers: Hendrick Laurensz, in Amsterdam,
16
Much of the information on the distribution of the voyages in the Dutch Republic
is taken from the microform collection of auction catalogues, Book sales catalogues of
the Dutch Republic, 1599–1800 (H. W. de Kooker and B. van Selm, eds.). See also:
www.bibliopolis.nl. The catalogues will be referred to by the abbreviation MF and
the relevant number as well as by their shortened titles. Cornelis Claesz’ catalogues
are: MF 3290 [Incipit:] Der Reformierten und Protestirenden theologen Teutschen geschriften . . .
(1608) [B1r–v], and MF 3291 [Incipit:] Librorum, in officina Cornelii Nicolai extantium
catalogus (1608) [f1r–2v], including both De Bry series in both German and Latin. Both
catalogues were reprinted as part of MF 3294, Catalogus vant gheene tot Amsterdam by
groote menichten vercocht sal worden (1610).
17
Catalogus librorum qui in iunctarum bibliotheca philippi haeredum florentiae prostant (Florence
1604) 20, 36.
18
Dyroff (1962) 1368, nr. 285.
19
Book sales catalogues, MF 5332, Catalogus librorum (1636) [ B5r].
20
Book sales catalogues, MF 3076, Catalogue des livres en blanc et reliez, apportez [. . .] par
Adrien Vlac marchand libraire de Londres (1633) [A2v], and MF 3094, Catalogus variorum et
insignium librorum (1644–49) [A2v]. The latter was printed in Paris.
21
Wüthrich (1966–96) III, ills. 224–35: Catalogus omnium librorum qui in officina Matthaei
Meriani . . . (Frankfurt 1643). For Fitzer’s misfortune: Supra, Ch. 3, p. 101.
22
For instance the copy of Ind.Or. IV (Lat) at the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid
(R/35872 (1)) which was purged according to Sotomayor’s Index of 1640. The same
goes for the volumes currently in the Biblioteca General de Navarra, Pamplona, where
the text was corrected by the friar Jacinto de Arellano according to the Index of 1640
(call number 109–5–6/5, 6, 7). I did not examine these Spanish copies personally,
and the information is based on the interactive ‘Catálogo colectivo del patrimonio
bibliográfico español’.

314 chapter ten
had at least one copy of both series on the shelves in 1631, but in his
catalogues of 1638 and 1643, he was able to present his clientele only
the India Orientalis-series in Latin. He resolved this by offering single
volumes which he had almost certainly acquired second hand, as the
irregular mixture of narratives was already bound.23 The Elsevier firm
in Leiden had all the volumes at their disposal in 1634, but could only
supply the India Occidentalis-series in the 1640s and 1650s. In 1659 they
still offered most of the America-volumes, but in 1661 the collection had
finally disappeared from their stock catalogue.24 This pattern of dwin-
dling availability in the years around 1650 is also apparent in Johannes
Janssonius’ stock catalogues. In 1665 he categorised the second-hand
copies of the volumes he had obtained as “rare books”.25 By then the
voyages had been transformed from authoritative reading matter into
collector’s items.
10.2. From bookstore to customer:

the Officina Plantiniana
Jan Moretus and his relatives in Antwerp not only recorded the prices
of books, but they also noted down the acquisitions made by their
individual customers.26 Hence it is possible to follow the majority of
23
Book sales catalogues, MF 5466–67, Bibliotheca Laurentiana (1631) [I2r], [M4r]; MF
1233–35, Bibliotheca Laurentiana (1638) [R4r]; MF 1219–20, Catalogus variorum [. . .] libro-
rum (1643) [G1r], including single volumes: [L1r]: Ind.Occ. VI (Lat), and MF 1834–38,
Catalogus variorum & insignium librorum (1649) 208: Ind.Or. III (Ger). On the significance
of the Dutch Republic for book production and distribution in the early seventeenth
century, see the various essays in: C. Berkvens-Stevelinck, et al., eds., Le magasin de
l’univers: the Dutch Republic as the centre of the European book trade (Leiden 1992); L. Hellinga,
et al., eds., The bookshop of the world: the role of the Low Countries in the book-trade, 1473–1941
(’t Goy-Houten 2001); M. T. G. E. van Delft, et al., eds., Bibliopolis. History of the printed
book in the Netherlands (Zwolle and The Hague 2003).
24
Book sales catalogues, MF 1505–06, Catalogus librorum (1634) 61 and 25 (2nd pagina-
tion); MF 5386, Catalogus omnium librorum (1642) [B1r]; MF 3090–91, Catalogus variorum
[. . .] librorum (1653) 58; MF 3088–89, Catalogus variorum & rariorum [. . .] librorum (1659)
62; and MF 3583, Catalogus librorum compactorum & incompactorum (1661), when the cop-
ies were no longer available.
25
Book sales catalogues, MF 3944–45, Catalogus librorum (1634) [L1v], [O2r], and [O3v];
MF 1517 Catalogus Librorum (1640) [O4r], [X4r]; MF 2900, Catalogus rariorum [. . .]
librorum compactorum (1665) [C4v]. Janssonius did continue to sell copies of Gottfried’s
abridgement of the America-series.
26
This paragraph and much of the following is based on the Journals of the Officina
Plantiniana from the period 1590–1620: Arch. MPM 67–75, 171–80, 216–27. For a
slightly different way of using the same archival records: D. Imhof, “Aankopen van

the copies obtained from the De Brys to the private libraries in and
around Antwerp. It is apparent when looking at this diverse group
of purchasers, that the volumes were not seen as distinct publications
which happened to be issued by the same publisher. After the early
1590s, when the collection had simply not yet expanded beyond a
small number of volumes, the books were seldom purchased separately.
Moretus’ customers bought entire series, either the set of accounts on
the New World or the India Orientalis-volumes. In the 1610s, moreover,
when both series had swollen to a considerable size, the America- and
India Orientalis-series were more and more regarded as parts of one and
the same collection. By this time almost all customers bought the two
series simultaneously, in one single purchase.27 In these years, Balthasar
Moretus generally purchased the two series as a whole in Frankfurt, and
only occasionally continued to stock separate volumes, mostly for people
who had bought the first few volumes of one of the series earlier.
The Spanish merchant Balthasar Andreas, who resided in Antwerp,
was one of those customers procuring the volumes in various stages. In
July 1598, he bought the first six parts of the Latin India Occidentalis-
series. Two and a half years later, in December 1600, he came to
the Golden Compasses to obtain Volumes VII and VIII, issued since his
first purchase. Although Andreas was not as fanatical in extending his
collection as Johannes Bochius, the Antwerp city secretary who kept
augmenting his library volume by volume, he brought his collection
up to date: in June 1604 he acquired Volume IX, which concluded
the series until the De Brys renewed their efforts in 1619. Andreas
obviously fancied the engraved De Bry publications, for in 1604 he
also bought two volumes of Boissard’s Antiquitates Romanae.28 Another
regular customer, the Tournai canon Dionysius Villerius, also enjoyed
the books. Only three months after purchasing all nine America-volumes
in September 1603, he returned to buy the six India Orientalis-volumes
Rockox bij de Officina Plantiniana volgens de Journalen” In: Rockox’ huis volgeboekt. De
bibliotheek van de Antwerpse burgemeester en kunstverzamelaar Nicolaas Rockox (Antwerp 2005)
39–55.
27
Arch. MPM 218–20 (1611–13) report the sale of only the whole collection, i.e.
the complete Ind.Occ. and Ind.Or.: 218, f187v (to the Antwerp city secretary Egidius
Fabri); 219, f90v (to the Antwerp merchant Guillelmo de Haze); 220, f105r (to the
knight Leonardo Bontempo), and 220, f183r (to Peter Paul Rubens).
28
Arch. MPM 75, f97r and f128r; 172, f180r; 176, f78v. For Bochius’ purchases:
Arch. MPM 68, f59v; 69, f53r; 70, f101r; 71, f56v. After 1594 he stopped buying new
volumes.

316 chapter ten
which had appeared at that time. In June 1607, when India Orientalis
VII and VIII arrived in Antwerp, Villerius was the first customer to
add these volumes to his set.29
The sales figures of the collection must have pleased the Moretuses.
They made sure to keep a number of copies of the volumes on the
shelves at all times. Although Jan Moretus did not buy any new De Bry
publications at either of the Frankfurt fairs of 1595, he could still, in
August of that year, sell the first four volumes of the America-series to
Antonius de Hennin, a priest from Ypres who was to become bishop
of this diocese in 1613.30 Keeping the volumes in stock was also use-
ful in case of unexpected large orders, such as in August 1599, when
Vincenzo Gonzaga, fourth Duke of Mantua, and his entourage visited
Moretus’ bookstore. Gonzaga, a prominent mecenas of the arts and
sciences, and a benefactor of Rubens, bought numerous books for his
library while in Antwerp, including the first six volumes of the India
Occidentalis-series. Moretus could have satisfied the Duke’s party only
by having many books available instantly.31
The Duke of Mantua was by no means a typical customer of the

Officina Plantiniana, but the Moretuses were certainly not unfamil-
iar with taking orders from across Europe, from Spain in particular.
Spaniards residing in Antwerp, like the army’s veedor-general Francisco de
Vaca y Benavides who obtained the first eight India Orientalis-volumes
in July 1608, could buy books at will.32 On the peninsula, however, the
Inquisition’s vigilance prevented booksellers from stocking books from
abroad.33 Gondomar’s librarian, after all, implied that publications like
the De Bry volumes were not readily available at home, and booksellers
in Madrid generally offered few titles which had been printed north of
the Pyrenees.34 In a city like Valladolid, where people had been keep-
29
Arch. MPM 175, f137v and f192r; 179, f105r.
30
Arch. MPM 979 and 980 for the accounts of the two fairs, and Arch. MPM
72, f111v for the sale of the volumes to Hennin’s representative, Hieronymus
Berchemius.
31
Arch. MPM 171, f115v–f116r. Gonzaga’s physician and his personal secretary
also used the opportunity to add to their respective libraries, but they did not buy any
of the De Bry volumes.
32
Arch. MPM 180, f109r.
33
M. Agulló y Cobo, “La inquisicion y los libreros Españoles en el siglo XVII”,
Cuadernos bibliograficos 28 (1972) 143–46.
34
Supra, Ch. 9, pp. 306–07. T. J. Dadson, Libros, lectores y lecturas. Estudios sobre bib-
liotecas particulares españolas del Siglo de Oro (Madrid 1998) 283–321, 467–510, discusses

ing in touch with intellectual developments elsewhere in Europe in the

sixteenth century, the pattern of book ownership changed drastically in
the early years of the seventeenth century, when printed material was
increasingly concentrated in a small number of libraries, and books
published abroad were ever more difficult to acquire.35 Those who
dared to defy the restrictions imposed by the Inquisition were forced
to buy their books outside the peninsula.
The circle of humanists in Seville, which included Benito Arias
Montano, was one such group of readers using the services provided
by the Officina Plantiniana. Montano had played an instrumental role
in the publication of the Antwerp polyglot Bible and had co-oper-
ated with Plantin in the drawing up of a Catholic Index in 1570. He
ordered the first three volumes of the America-series in July 1593, at a
time when he was responsible for the library at the Escorial. Clearly
any suggestion of the heretical nature of some of the De Bry volumes,
including India Occidentalis III, which contained De Léry’s polemical
account of French Brazil, had not impaired Montano’s curiosity. The
physician and botanist Simon de Tovar, a friend of Carolus Clusius,
purchased the same three volumes of the De Bry collection on the same
day. Perhaps the two men were inspired by seeing the engravings of the
natural riches of Virginia in the first volume, which one year earlier,
in July 1592, had arrived in Seville as part of Moretus’ shipment to
their friend Francisco Pacheco.36 Clusius’ involvement in the making of
the early volumes must have given the sales of the collection in these
parts a welcome impetus.
Merchants of Mediterranean origin living in Antwerp also enjoyed
the collection. Antonio Gallo, descendant of a Salamanca trading fam-
ily, bought the first six America-volumes in January 1601. The Italian
merchant Paolo Franceschi, who had been a regular customer of the
bookshop since the days of Plantin, purchased the first two volumes
the inventories of two Madrid booksellers of 1606 and 1629; C. Peligry, “El inventario
de Sebastian de Robles, librero Madrileño del siglo XVII”, Cuadernos bibliograficos 32
(1975) 181–88, describes an inventory of 1612. Only few of the books listed in these
documents were printed abroad, almost exclusively in Catholic cities like Lyon, Venice,
Paris, Antwerp, and Rome.
35
A. Rojo Vega, “Libros y bibliotecas en Valladolid (1530–1660)”, Bulletin Hispanique
99 (1997) 193–210.
36
Arch. MPM 69, f79r, for the order placed by Pacheco. The shipment of books to
Montano and to De Tovar: Arch. MPM 70, f97v and f98r respectively. On Montano’s
activities as a librarian in the 1580s and 1590s: B. Rekers, Benito Arias Montano 1527–1598
(Groningen 1961) 193–97.

318 chapter ten
of the India Orientalis-series, as well as Volumes VI, VII, and VIII of

the America-series in 1599. Apparently he already possessed the first five
parts. Pietro Paolo Derio, probably of Milanese ancestry, also bought
both series of the De Bry collection at the same time. Ottavio Tibanti,
from Pisa, purchased the ‘complete’ set of nine America-volumes in
January 1604, while the wealthy knight Emmanuel Ximinez, a mem-
ber of the Portuguese nation of traders in Antwerp who possessed a
sizeable private library, acquired the first eight volumes of voyages to
the New World in December 1599.37
After the De Brys had left Antwerp for London in 1584 or 1585, the
city had returned to the Catholic fold, and this was reflected in the
large number of clerics who visited Moretus’ bookshop. In spite of
the Protestant narratives in the collection, several Catholic institutions
and some individual ecclesiastics displayed an avid interest in the voy-
ages. Moretus delivered two volumes, including one containing Sir
Francis Drake’s raids on Spanish America, in May 1600 to the abbot
of the St. Bertin convent in St. Omer, a centre of education for Jesuits.
Four years later, the bishop of St. Omer, Jacobus Blaseus, ordered the
first six India Orientalis-volumes for his own library.38 Some of the local
clergy in Antwerp purchased volumes of the collection as well. Two
final groups represented among the clientele interested in the voyages
were urban magistrates like Adrian Baltin, pensionary of Bruges, and
humanists and scholars of various disciplines, like the neo-Latin poet
Nicolaes Oudaert.39 All in all, many relatively affluent people through-
out the Southern Netherlands purchased the collection of voyages in
Antwerp, indicating that the De Brys succeeded in reaching a Catholic
readership.
37
Arch. MPM 173, f8r; 171, f163v; 176, f161r; 176, f1v; and 171, f176v. In the
inventory of his widow Isabella de Vega’s estate, made up after her death in 1617, the
America-series was still listed among her personal possessions: E. Duverger, ed., Antwerpse
kunstinventarissen uit de zeventiende eeuw (12 vols.; Brussels 1984–2004) I 440. For Antwerp
private libraries around 1600 in general: R. Fabri, “Diversche boeken van verscheyden
taele, soo groot als cleyn. Aspecten van het Antwerpse privé-boekenbezit in Rockox’
tijd” In: Rockox’ huis volgeboekt. De bibliotheek van de Antwerpse burgemeester en kunstverzamelaar
Nicolaas Rockox (Antwerp 2005) 9–27.
38
Arch. MPM 172, f71r; 176, f76r.
39
Arch. MPM 171, f28v and 176, f175r.

10.3. The De Bry collection in perspective
The same blend of humanists, merchants, noblemen, magistrates, and

clerics as the most likely buyers of the De Bry collection is perceptible
in other corners of early seventeenth-century Europe. Private librar-
ies in this period were generally divided thematically, in analogy with
Frankfurt fair catalogues and stock catalogues of booksellers. These the-
matic groupings were subdivided according to the format of the books,
with folios listed first, then quartos, octavos, and so on. All catalogues
invariably included sections with books on theology, law, medicine, and
usually mathematics and history. Classics or philology, astronomy, and
philosophy were also commonly used as categories, depending on the
nature of the owner’s interest and the size of these sections. Travel
accounts, including collections like the De Bry collection, could gener-
ally be found under history, unless the library was substantial enough
to warrant a specific category devoted to geography.
Books on theology still constituted the largest segment in almost
any early modern library, but books on historical subjects, including
travel accounts, increasingly demanded space on the shelves.40 Ancient
history had dominated this area of interest until 1550 and continued
to play a major role throughout the seventeenth century, especially in
academic circles. After 1550, however, modern history titles—i.e. writ-
ten by non-ancient and non-medieval authors—could increasingly be
found in private collections, even in more conservative surroundings.
Since libraries were predominantly utilitarian, their composition largely
depended on the owner’s occupation. While the clergy continued to
read religious and theological tracts, the libraries of lawyers and physi-
cians were mostly filled with legal texts and medical books respectively.
Historical works other than the antiquarian literature principally aimed
at humanists and philologists attracted readers of various backgrounds.
The subject matter of geographical studies, atlases, and travel narratives
did not exclude or in any other way define social groups of readers
at the outset, as suggested by the eclectic list of Antwerp customers
purchasing travel accounts.
Those interested in the overseas world did not confine themselves
to the De Bry volumes. In most private libraries, the collection was
40
D. R. Woolf, Reading history in early modern England (Cambridge 2000) 132–67.

320 chapter ten
surrounded by plenty of other geographical and cosmographical books.

Two firm favourites in this category in the first half of the seventeenth
century were Münster’s Cosmographia, first printed in 1550, but re-issued
frequently until 1650, and Ortelius’ Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, also pub-
lished in numerous editions. Both titles reached private libraries in all
parts of Europe. Another work which featured regularly was Giovanni
Pietro Maffei’s Historiarum Indicarum Libri XVI, first printed in Florence
in 1588. Other collections of voyages were on a par with the De Bry
collection in terms of popularity, but only Ramusio’s Navigationi could
be found throughout Europe. The collections by Hakluyt and Purchas
were published in English, and their scope was therefore limited, while
the distribution of the older collection issued by Grynaeus and Hüttich
in Basel was largely confined to Protestant libraries. Compendia with
a more traditional outlook, like Thevet’s Cosmographie Universelle, were
not quite as popular, but ancient treatises by Pliny and Ptolemy were
still commonplace.41
Since most modern travel accounts were published separately, these
were obviously well represented too, either in their original language
or in translation. When translated into Latin, these narratives were a
bit of an anomaly in the early modern book market. The authors of
travel accounts were in many ways diametrically opposed to the human-
ists responsible for treatises published in Latin. While scholars wrote
their books for like-minded readers, in the language of the Republic of
Letters, travellers always wrote their accounts in the vernacular.42 These
accounts were subsequently published quickly, in an attempt to serve
a wider audience eager for juicy details of unfamiliar worlds abroad.
When the De Brys incorporated the reports into their monumental
collection, translating the texts into Latin for an educated international
readership, the physical appearance of the works changed, but the
contents more or less remained the same. This partly explains the fre-
quent use of adjectives such as ‘marvellous’, ‘strange’, and ‘awesome’,
and the allusions to heathendom on the collection’s title-pages. Like
the insistence on the authenticity of the events, this idiom was usually
associated with more popular reading matter.43
41
The comparative analysis is based on general indications in the sources used for
this chapter.
42
For the differences between Latin and the vernaculars in this period: Burke (2004)
49–52.
43
Chartier (2003) 280–81.

The De Brys, as demonstrated in the previous chapters, emphasised

the spectacular elements of the narratives. Although lacking some of the
sensational phrasings of the German editions, the Latin versions were
not entirely bereft of this type of rhetoric. The insistent claims that the
book’s contents were credible and authoritative may well have hampered
the collection’s reputation among scholars, while the unusual emphasis
placed on illustrations in the De Bry versions of the accounts only added
to erudite disenchantment. Using illustrations was seen as an instrument
to reach a broader readership and had long been confined to pamphlets
and chapbooks. It was not until the later seventeenth century that images
found a place in the text-oriented world of scholarship.44 The De Bry
collection, then, was prestigious in every aspect but its contents. John
Evelyn, as late as 1662, remarked that Theodore de Bry was famous
for contracting “works of that large Volume”, but did not comment on
their subject matter.45 While the family’s publishing formula resulted in
monumental books, it also accentuated the more popular elements of
the travel accounts. This may explain the lukewarm reception of the
volumes in the higher scholarly strata of the Republic of Letters.
10.4. In private libraries across Europe I:

men of letters
In contrast, the contributions by erudite men like Raphelengius and

Clusius may have bolstered the collection’s reputation in these circles,
counteracting its sensationalist elements. Like the humanists in Seville,
Alexander Fugger clearly appreciated reading India Occidentalis I in
Clusius’ translation, as he told him in a letter of May 1593.46 He also
enquired whether Clusius could tell him more about experiments with
seeds of some of the plants described in Harriot’s account. Clusius,
44
P. Burke, “Images as evidence in seventeenth-century Europe”, Journal of the History
of Ideas 64–2 (2003) 273–96. Cf. supra, Ch. 2, p. 74 for Boissard’s criticism at the De
Brys’ emphasis on engravings.
45
J. Evelyn, Sculptura: or the history and art of chalcography and engraving in copper (London
1662) 73.
46
UBL, ms. Vulc. 101, Fugger to Clusius, 26/5/1593, f1r–v: “. . . la descrittione
de l’Isola Virginia qual ha tradotto un huomo (il che dimostra lo stile) molto dotto”.
Alexander was almost certainly a member of the famous Fugger family, but it is
unknown how he was related to other family members.

322 chapter ten
moreover, sent the volumes he had translated to Joachim Camerarius

the Younger in Nuremberg in the early 1590s,47 and to James Garet
and Richard Garth in London, who had been closely connected to the
conception of the collection’s first volume.48 Clusius himself, mean-
while, possessed several copies of the collection, both in Latin and in
German.49
Physicians and students of medicine were interested in the voyages
as a way to assemble information on the medicinal value of overseas
herbs and plants. The Spanish court physician in Brussels, Francisco
Paz, purchased the America-series in Antwerp in February 1603.50 In
the Dutch Republic, Samuel Coster received a doctorate in medicine
at Leiden University in 1610, and this academic background may
explain his ownership of America I. Many other books in his relatively
small library were devoted to the study of medicine.51 Jean Garinet,
a physician from Besançon, owned most of the collection in Latin,
currently still available for consultation in the municipal library.52 And
Christian Rompf, the physician of first the Elector Palatine, and later
of the Dutch stadtholders, possessed the first twelve parts of both the
America- and the India Orientalis-series. At the auction of his library
in 1648, the volumes were acquired by Johannes Thysius, whose
Bibliotheca Thysiana survives intact in Leiden, and still contains the
books first owned by Rompf.53
Geographers and cartographers were also eager to buy and read the
De Bry volumes. Abraham Ortelius purchased a single volume, India
47
Hunger (1927–43) II 173, 431–33.
48
Supra, Ch. 4, pp. 113–16.
49
Book sales catalogues, MF 3976, Catalogus librorum bibliothecae (1609) [B1v]. Clusius
possessed Ind.Occ. I–IX (Lat), partly bound, and partly unbound; Ind.Or. I–VIII app.
(Lat), and Ind.Or. I–V and VIII app. (Ger). He also still owned the translated Latin
manuscript of Thomas Harriot’s account.
50
Arch. MPM 175, f17r. Paz acquired Ind.Occ. I–IX (Lat).
51
Book sales catalogues, MF 3250, Catalogus instructissimae bibliothecae (1665) [A3v].
Coster is best known as a playwright; M. M. Kleerkooper, “Een vergeten catalogus
(Catalogus . . . bibliothecae . . . D. Samuelis Costeri)”, Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsche taal- en
letterkunde 17 (1898) 184.
52
Bibliothèque d’étude et de conservation, Besançon, nrs. 8698–8703. The surviving
copies with Garinet’s personal crest are Ind.Occ. I–IX (Lat) and Ind.Or. I–X (Lat).
53
Book sales catalogues, MF 2705, Catalogus rarorum admodùm & insignium librorum (1648)
15 and 86. Thysius later added Ind.Occ. XIII (Lat) to Rompf ’s collection, according
to his private account books. I am greatly indebted for this information to Esther
Mourits, who is preparing a PhD-dissertation at Leiden University on the library of
Johannes Thysius.

Occidentalis III, at the Golden Compasses in May 1592.54 It is unknown,

however, whether he sustained his interest in the collection. Gerard
Mercator, the other leading cartographer of the late sixteenth century,
probably acquired the first four volumes.55 Navigational experts in
the Dutch Republic, despite being at the cradle of many of the new
developments overseas, also consulted the De Bry translations. Petrus
Plancius certainly possessed Volume III of the America-series, and pre-
sumably had the rest of the collection as well.56 Caspar Barlaeus, in all
likelihood, could no longer purchase the volumes he needed in 1644 in
preparation for his history of the Dutch colony in Brazil, and borrowed
the copy of his friend Gerardus Vossius instead.57
In England Sir Walter Raleigh, whose expedition to Guyana the
De Brys had included in the collection, owned most of the volumes,
despite his disappointment at the family’s decision not to dedicate
all translations of Thomas Harriot’s account to him.58 His library
encompassed all the available geographical literature of the time: the
atlases by Ortelius and Mercator, the classical treatises by Ptolemy and
Strabo, individual travel accounts in various languages, and a plethora
of sixteenth-century cosmographies and collections of voyages. Raleigh,
like some of his contemporaries, also possessed editions of reports and
treatises included in the De Bry collection.59 William Strachey, the author
54
Arch. MPM 69, f52r.
55
Catalogus librorum bibliothecae clarissimi doctissimique viri piae memoriae Gerardi
Mercatoris . . . (Leiden 1604; facsimile printed as part of the exhibition catalogue: Mercator
en zijn boeken (St Niklaas 1994)) 14. This supposed inventory of Mercator’s library,
however, also lists titles published after his death in 1594.
56
Schilder (2003) 18. Book sales catalogues, MF 3296, Catalogus librorum Nobilissimi Viri:
D. Wilhelmi à Mathenesse [. . .] Nec non reverendi Doctissimique viri D. Petri Plancii . . . (1623)
[B4v] includes the entire collection, but the auction catalogue concerns the sale of the
combined libraries of Plancius and the nobleman Wilhelm van Mathenesse.
57
C. S. M. Rademaker and P. Tuynman, eds., Het uitleenboekje van Vossius (Amsterdam
1962) f9r. Barlaeus’ description of the reign of governor-general Johan Maurice of
Nassau-Siegen was titled Rerum per octennium in Brasilia (Amsterdam 1647). See: A. J. E.
Harmsen, “Barlaeus’ description of the Dutch colony in Brazil” In: Z. von Martels, ed.,
Travel fact and travel fiction: studies on fiction, literary tradition, scholarly discovery and observation
in travel writing (Leiden, Boston, and Cologne 1994) 158–69.
58
W. Oakeshott, “Sir Walter Ralegh’s library”, The Library 5th series, XXIII (1968)
296–97. This inventory of 1614 includes at least Ind.Occ. I–VI (Lat) and Ind.Or. I–II
(Lat), but as the volumes were often bound together, and only the first part of the
convolute was mentioned, Raleigh may well have possessed more volumes. Cf. supra,
Ch. 4, p. 116.
59
Oakeshott (1968). Raleigh for example owned De Veer’s narrative in French
translation, Acosta’s treatise in Spanish, and the original edition of Harriot’s Briefe
and true report.

324 chapter ten
of The historie of travell into Virginia Britania (1610–12) used Volume I of

the America-series in a highly unusual manner, by scribbling the title of
his own text on the empty title-page of the De Bry copy, and adding
a manuscript version of his work to the volume’s engravings.60
That humanists with a proven interest in overseas expansion would
purchase the collection seems hardly surprising, but this was not always
the case. Scholars fascinated by geography like Johannes Praetorius,
the Altdorf professor of astronomy, and Johan Laurentius Bausch, a
physician from Schweinfurt in Bavaria, did not possess any of the De
Bry volumes, or any of the sixteenth-century collections of voyages for
that matter. Instead their libraries were dominated by more traditional
treatises such as Johannes de Sacrobosco’s thirteenth-century Sphaera
mundi, and Peter Apianus’ Cosmographicus liber, first issued in 1529. The
persistent attraction of classical and medieval works on geography and
cosmography, and Renaissance works founded on the pillars of ancient
scholarship seems to have reduced their urge to buy eye-witness reports
written by contemporary navigators.61 The De Bry collection was also
absent from the library of the Dutch geographer Johannes de Laet. Yet
unlike Praetorius and Bausch, De Laet, a director of the Dutch West
India Company, did own many travel accounts. He closely followed
Dutch and foreign expeditions overseas, writing respected treatises on
the West Indies and on the inhabitants of the New World. Living in
Leiden and buying books from a young age, De Laet could have walked
to the Elsevier firm to purchase the works, but according to his auction
catalogue of 1650, he refrained from doing so.62
10.5. To possess or not to possess the voyages
Whether the absence of the De Bry volumes from the shelves of several
prominent libraries was a manifestation of the questionable reputation
of the collection in scholarly circles is uncertain. Yet the assessment
60
BL, ms. Sloane 1622.
61
U. Lindgren, “Geographische Gelehrtenbibliotheken um 1600: Vergleich der
Bausch-Bibliothek mit den Bibliotheken von Mercator und Praetorius”, Acta Historica
Leopoldina 31 [Die Bausch-Bibliothek in Schweinfurt: Wissenschaft und Buch in der frühen Neuzeit]
(2000) 77–88.
62
Book sales catalogues, MF 2847, Catalogus bibliothecae (1650); See: P. G. Hoftijzer, “The
library of Johannes de Laet (1581–1649)”, LIAS. Sources and documents relating to the early
modern history of ideas 25–2 (1998) 201–16.

of the publishers as being insufficiently educated to publish humanist

tracts, voiced by Boissard and to some extent by Clusius in the 1590s,
was echoed by an illustrious reader of the collection of voyages. John
Locke, despite owning the first six De Bry volumes, stated that in the
field of travel literature, Ramusio’s collection was “much more full and
complete than the Latin De Bry”.63 How this comparative assessment
of the late seventeenth century related to the perceptions of scholars
who owned multiple collections of voyages in earlier decades, like the
Leiden professor Josephus Justus Scaliger, is unfortunately unknown.64
The veiled criticism uttered by Locke could only be made after
reading the various collections. When a decision needed to be taken
on whether or not to buy the De Bry volumes, other considerations
prevailed. The Frenchman Gabriel Naudé, in his Advis pour dresser une
bibliothèque of 1627, wrote the following in a chapter addressing the
selection of suitable books:
It should also be a rule that all the sets and collections of different authors
writing upon the same subject [. . .] should of necessity be put into libraries,
the more since they save us, in the first place, the trouble of searching for
a host of books extremely rare and uncommon; and secondly, because
they make room for many others and relieve the pressure on a library;
thirdly, because they gather together for us in one convenient volume
that for which we should otherwise have to search laboriously in many
places; and finally, because they are less expensive—as it is certain that
it does not require as many pence to purchase them as it does pounds to
possess separately all those authors whom they contain.65
Despite questions over the scholarly value of travel accounts, many of
Naudé’s contemporaries took his recommendation to heart. Bonaventura
Vulcanius, who as professor of Greek in Leiden was a close colleague of
Scaliger, owned both the India Occidentalis- and India Orientalis-series in a
63
Quoted in: Lach (1965–93) I-1 208. See: J. Harrison and P. Laslett, eds., The
library of John Locke (2nd ed., London 1971) nrs. 507–10. Locke apparently also owned
a copy of ‘Virginia English’ (eg. Ind.Occ. I (Eng)) which together with Ind.Occ. III (Lat),
he loaned to Jean le Clerc: M. Grazia and M. Sina, eds., Jean Le Clerc. Epistolario (4
vols.; Florence 1987–97) II 244 (25/8/1697).
64
H. J. de Jonge, ed., The auction catalogue of the library of J. J. Scaliger (Utrecht 1977)
[C1v]; see also: Book sales catalogues, MF 3978, Catalogus librorum bibliothecae (1609).
Scaliger’s library, auctioned in Leiden, contained Ind.Occ. I–III (Lat) only. It further
contained Grynaeus and Hüttich’s Novus orbis regionum (1532).
65
As translated from the French in: A. Taylor, ed., Advice on establishing a library by
Gabriel Naudé (Westport, Ct. 1976) 28–29.

326 chapter ten
substantial library consisting of around 2,350 titles.66 Isaac Vossius, who

also owned a copy of the voyages, expanded his library to at least twice
that size. His assortment of books, including many precious manuscripts
and printed works from Queen Christina of Sweden’s library was sold
to Leiden University in 1690, where all of Vossius’ twelve volumes of
the India Orientalis-series still remain to this day.67
Those who could afford libraries of these dimensions almost always
owned a copy of the De Bry volumes. In Genoa, both series of the
collection were apparently part of Anton Giulio Brignole Sale’s library.
Brignole was a diplomat, but also a poet and a man of letters, who at
a later age joined the Society of Jesus. His sizeable Biblioteca Brignole
ended up in the possession of Count Leopoldo Cicognara in the
eighteenth century, and later still, in 1824, in the Vatican Library.68 In
Paris, the historian Jacques-Auguste de Thou amassed around 6,600
books before his death in 1617, but the first printed catalogue of the
Bibliotheca Thuanae appeared only in 1679, and although it listed all
the available De Bry volumes, the library had by then expanded to
around 14,000 titles, many acquired by his sons.69 Given the library’s
size and the owner’s personal interests, it is likely that De Thou owned
the De Bry collection during his lifetime, but this fact cannot be estab-
lished beyond doubt.
The case of De Thou’s library is only one of many showing the limi-
tations of library and auction catalogues as sources for understanding
the precise contents of these collections, let alone for the actual recep-
tion of the books.70 The catalogues, moreover, do not always reflect the
careful process of constructing a collection of books. Auction catalogues
could be exploited by the auctioneer, often a local bookseller, to make
copies of works which he had difficulty selling suddenly look more
attractive by making them seem part of an established library. Books
which had once belonged to an eminent scholar often commanded
66
Book sales catalogues, MF 2922, Catalogus librorum (1615) 23.
67
F. F. Blok, Contributions to the history of Isaac Vossius’s library (London 1974);
R. Breugelmans, ed., Bibliotheca Vossiana: books from Isaac Vossius’s library now in Leiden
University Library (Leiden 1994). Vossius’ copy has the call number 1368 C 6–9.
68
Catalogo ragionato dei libri d’arte e d’antichità posseduti dal Conte Cicognara (2 vols.; Pisa
1821) II 233, listing Ind.Occ. I–VIII (Lat) and Ind.Or. I–VIII (Lat). The Vatican Library
still houses ‘Cicognara-copies’ of the volumes, at least Ind.Occ. I–VII and IX (Lat) and
Ind.Or. V–VII (Lat).
69
Catalogus bibliothecae Thuanae (2 vols.; Paris 1679) 451, 458, 466–67; A. Coron, “ ‘Ut
prosint aliis’. Jacques-Auguste de Thou et sa bibliothèque” In: Histoire des bibliothèques
françaises. Tome II: Les bibliothèques sous l’Ancien Régime, 1530 –1789 (Paris 1988) 100–25.
70
Burke (1995b) 139–57.

higher prices than new copies. These types of problems demand caution
and imply that the catalogues should only be used as an indication of
where books circulated in the early seventeenth century.
In relation to the De Bry collection, further problems arise because
the catalogues often only mention the first work in a Sammelband. Since
the De Bry books were generally bound together, in various arrange-
ments, India Occidentalis I and India Orientalis I are often included in the
lists, but the other volumes are not, at least not explicitly. Did everyone
who possessed the first volume of one of the series also purchase the
remaining parts? Probably not. Yet the account books of the Moretuses
in Antwerp do reveal that those who could afford it usually continued
buying volumes after acquiring the first part of one of the series.
When a catalogue listed four tomes, as was the case for the estate of
the Venetian nobleman Girolamo Cornaro, an inventory of which was
drawn up in 1629, this referred to the number of separately bound
units, not to the number of volumes as produced by the De Brys.71 So
how many volumes of the Historia dell’ America did he possess? Four?
Or nine, as did so many of his contemporaries? Or all twelve volumes
which had been issued before Cornaro’s death in 1625? Such matters
are simply impossible to solve.
Every now and then, the first volumes are identifiable through their
original authors—Harriot, and Lopez and Pigafetta respectively—or
through the regions of Virginia and Congo they describe. Sometimes
the auction catalogues list only the author of the account, especially
when this narrative was not part of a collection in the library con-
cerned, because the owner had not purchased any complementing
volumes. As a botanist with special interest in overseas naturalia, Guy
de la Brosse, the founder of the Jardin des Plantes in Paris qualified as
a potential admirer of the De Bry volumes. But did the entry of Les
Voyages de Linscot prisez quatre volumes, in the inventory drawn up after his
death in 1641, point to the ownership of the relevant India Orientalis-
volumes?72 Again, probably not, but then the French editions of Van
Linschoten’s Itinerario never amounted to four volumes, and neither did
the original Dutch edition or the Latin translation published in The
Hague in 1599.
71
ASV, Notarile Atti, Giovanni Piccini, busta 10780, Carte non numerate,
20/11/1629. My thanks to Maartje van Gelder for informing me about this document.
The collection is here referred to as “Quattro Tomi dell’ Historia dell’ America”.
72
R. Howard, La bibliothèque et le laboratoire de Guy de la Brosse au jardin des plantes à
Paris (Geneva 1983) 26, 79–80.

328 chapter ten
10.6. In private libraries across Europe II: the nobility
Fortunately some of these concerns are less applicable to the collec-

tions of princes, territorial rulers, and other noblemen, who had fewer
financial restraints, and whose assemblage of books was often admin-
istered by practised librarians. These professional bibliographers of
the seventeenth century not only registered the De Bry volumes more
accurately, but also had the time to systematically acquire all the newly
published volumes, as long as the ruling house endured. The price, and
the ensuing prestige of the accounts and the copper engravings, already
recognised by those to whom the volumes were dedicated, made the
De Bry collection an obligatory item in the libraries of the seventeenth-
century nobility, particularly in the Empire.73 Arguably the most famous
library of all in the early seventeenth-century German lands was the
Bibliotheca Palatina in Heidelberg, managed first by Paulus Melissus and
then by Janus Gruterus. Yet its fate was typical of so many tremendous
collections of books in this epoch. The Palatina was decimated in the
Thirty Years’ War when the majority of its books were taken to Rome,
where the Vatican Library still holds copies of the De Bry collection
originally belonging to the Elector Palatine.74
Many monumental German libraries suffered the same fate. The col-
lection of another ruler in the Palatinate, Duke Johan I of Zweibrücken,
increased significantly after 1590. His interests were broad, and judging
from the amounts he spent at the Frankfurt fairs, his collection may
well have contained De Bry volumes. The count certainly favoured
the firm’s publications, having accepted the dedication of the first vol-
ume of Boissard’s Antiquitates Romanae.75 The presence of the voyages
is nevertheless impossible to establish, as the entire library was lost in
the town’s destruction by Imperial troops in 1635.76 The situation in
73
For the dedications of De Bry volumes to Maurice of Hesse-Kassel, cf. supra, Ch. 4,
p. 135. For libraries of the nobility in the Empire in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries: E. Pleticha, Adel und Buch. Studien zur Geisteswelt des fränkischen Adels am Beispiel
seiner Bibliotheken vom 15. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert (Neustadt an der Aisch 1983) 31–55.
74
E. Mittler, ed., Bibliotheca Palatina. Katalog und Register zur Microfiche-Ausgabe (4 vols.;
Munich 1999) nr. 00255: Ind.Occ. I–IX (Lat). This copy may have first come into the
possession of Pope Urban VIII’s Barberini relatives. The Vatican Library today still
holds more copies of the collection, like Ind.Or. VI (Ger) which carries the call number
Palatina IV 841.
75
App. 1, nr. 34.
76
L. G. Svensson, Die Geschichte der Bibliotheca Bipontina: mit einem Katalog der Handschriften
(Kaiserslautern 2002) 63–67.

Würzburg, where Prince Bishop Julius Echter of Mespelbrunn had

assembled many thousands of books in the years between 1590 and
1617, with a particularly well-developed section of historical works, was
no different. When Gustav Adolf sacked the town in 1631, the books
were moved to Uppsala, where the library was dispersed.77
The same misfortune befell Eberhard III, Duke of Württemberg,
but in this case, his ownership of the De Bry collection had been
documented before the destruction of his library. The inventory of the
library at his court in Stuttgart, recorded in 1624 under his father Johan
Frederick, cites the presence of the first eleven volumes of the America-
series, as well as most, if not all, India Orientalis-volumes. Eberhard’s
grandfather, Frederick I, had been a patron of both Bernardus
Paludanus and the De Brys, who dedicated the German version of India
Orientalis IV to him. The presence of the collection of voyages in his
library is therefore not surprising. Equally predictable perhaps was its
fate after the Protestants lost the Battle of Nördlingen (1634). Eberhard
immediately fled to Strasbourg, and when he returned to Stuttgart in
1638, his treasured library had been shipped to Vienna. Some of the
De Bry volumes included in the 1652 catalogue of Emperor Ferdinand
III’s library may have been seized in Stuttgart.78
The library of the Dukes of Württemberg is typical for another rea-

son. The De Bry volumes in their possession were printed in German.
Whereas humanists almost without exception acquired the Latin editions
of the works, the picture at the centres of secular authority is more dif-
fuse. When Johan Casimir, Duke of Saxony-Coburg, desired to acquire
the voyages in 1616, he ordered the German translations.79 The castle
of Tübingen, also in the Duchy of Württemberg, contained at least
Volume I of the America-series in German, before its library’s contents
were confiscated by Duke Maximilian of Bavaria in 1634 and taken to
77
J. U. Fechner, “Neue Funde und Forschungen zur Hofbibliothek von Fürstbischof
Julius Echter von Mespelbrunn”, Mainfränkisches Jahrbuch 25 (1973) 16–32;
O. Handwerker, “Die Hofbibliothek des Würzburger Fürstbischofs Julius Echter von
Mespelbrunn”, Nordisk tidskrift för bok- och biblioteksväsen XII (1925) 1–42.
78
K. Schreiner, “Württembergische Bibliotheksverluste im Dreißigjährigen Krieg”,
Archiv für die Geschichte des Buchwesens XIV (1974) 673–85, 705–07, 712, 716–17, 724.
The volumes could also have been from the estate of Matthias, the previous emperor:
Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen XX (1899) II nr. 17408.
79
His volumes are currently in the Forschungs- und Landesbibliothek Gotha, call
number Geogr 4º 03338/04.

330 chapter ten
Munich.80 Duke August the Younger of Brunswick-Lüneburg purchased

the volumes in German for his extraordinary library in Wolfenbüttel.
Most of the collection was in his possession before 1630, and only in
1650 did he extend his bibliomania to the Latin editions, when he
bought Volume I of the America-series. When the volumes of the late
1620s appeared, like India Orientalis XII and XIII, and India Occidentalis
XIII, the Duke still purchased the editions in the vernacular.81
Establishing the ratio of German to Latin volumes among the
nobility in the Empire is difficult, because even for these high echelons
information is limited. Attempting to understand why people in gen-
eral decided to buy one or the other translation is equally hard, as no
clear pattern emerges. Sources on early modern German libraries are
scarce, and beyond the German-speaking territories, the volumes aimed
at a domestic audience attracted little attention. Booksellers and their
clienteles in the Dutch Republic, Scandinavia, and Danzig occasionally
obtained German editions, but the Moretuses in Antwerp did so only
once.82 In all examples, both inside and outside the Empire, the owners
of the German volumes were Protestants, which would correspond to
the editorial changes the De Brys made in the hope of reaching vari-
ous readerships. But there were just as many Protestants who bought
the Latin volumes, and the scarcity of documentary material does not
permit drawing definite conclusions.
Finding Latin volumes in the libraries of the upper classes in the
Empire, moreover, is not at all unusual. Peter Vok of Rožmberk, whose
court in TÏreboÏn, southern Bohemia, was second in excellence only to
80
Schreiner (1974) 753 ff., 841.
81
The date of purchase of the volumes in Wolfenbüttel can be traced in the Herzog
August Bibliothek, in the so-called Bücherradkatalog, 524–27, 581, 1770–72, 3721. The
catalogue was first put into writing in 1625, so the dates of purchase of the volumes
after 1625 can be established more precisely. M. von Katte, “Herzog August und die
Kataloge seiner Bibliothek”, Wolfenbütteler Beiträge 1 (1972) 174–93.
82
The Dutch booksellers Cornelis Claesz, Hendrick Laurensz, Abraham and
Bonaventura Elsevier, and Johannes Janssonius, all stocking the German collection,
have already been mentioned above. In Scandinavia, the German volumes were in
the possession of Henrik Matsson, advisor to the Swedish king Johan III and his son
Sigismund: T. Kiiskinen, The library of the Finnish nobleman, royal secretary and trustee Henrik
Matsson (ca. 1540 –1617): a reading out of a manuscript from 1601, found in the city archive of
Tallinn, Estonia (Helsinki 2004) 90. The Ind.Or.-volumes in the Dutch National Maritime
Museum (A IV–1 4b) were first purchased in the early 1640s by the Danzig nobleman
and burgomaster Nicolaus von Bodeck, according to the handwritten testimony on
two title-pages. Jan Moretus sold the German Ind.Occ. I–IX in January 1604: Arch.
MPM 176, f15r.

Rudolf ’s in Prague, probably possessed around 11,000 volumes, among

them the Latin India Orientalis, part of which later surfaced in the collec-
tion of Isaac Vossius in Leiden.83 Elsewhere, at the court of Stadtholder
Maurice of Nassau in The Hague, the Latin collection could also be
found.84 One of Maurice’s military adversaries in the Low Countries,
Alexander of Aremberg, possessed at least the first Latin volume of
the America-series.85 And further east, Johannes Carolus Chodkiewicz,
the Palatine of Vilnius in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, also owned
at least one volume of the collection in Latin, as did the Hungarian
Count of Hommona, György Drugeth, his noble compatriot Zsigmond
Rákóczi, and Istvan Kovacsóczy, the Chancellor of Transylvania in
the 1620s.86
10.7. An early modern coffee-table book?
While it is possible to trace yet more copies of the De Bry collection

in the libraries of the nobility, it is far more important to establish that
the volumes crossed almost all geographical and religious boundaries.
Catholics as well as Protestants acquired the volumes from Frankfurt.
The Jesuit College in Paris, for example, possessed part or all of the
America-series, while the library of the monastery in Huerta in northern
83
R. J. W. Evans, Rudolf II and his world. A study in intellectual history 1576–1612 (Oxford
1973) 140–43; see also: B. Nuska, “Kniharské úcty pana Ptra Voka z Rozmberka”
[“Die Buchhändler- und Buchbinderrechnungen des Herrn Petr Vok von Rozmberk”],
Sbornik Narodniho muzea v Praze Series C, IX (1964) 53–80. Isaac Vossius’ volumes Ind.
Or. VII (Lat) & VIII app. (Ger) in Leiden still carry Peter Vok’s ex-libris. The bind-
ing of this tome is dated 1607 (UBL 1368 C 8). The presence of all Ind.Or.-volumes
issued before 1611 in Peter Vok’s library is confirmed in the manuscript catalogue
made by his librarian Václav BÏrezan in the first decade of the seventeenth century. I
am grateful to Václav Rameš and Aleš Stejskal of the regional archives in TÏreboÏn for
providing this information.
84
A. D. Renting and J. T. C. Renting-Kuijpers, eds., The seventeenth-century Orange-
Nassau library: the catalogue compiled by Anthonie Smets in 1686, the 1749 auction catalogue, and
other contemporary sources (Utrecht 1993) nr. 1430.
85
A. Pinchart, “Inventaire des tableaux, bijoux, livres, tapisseries, etc. d’Alexandre
d’Aremberg, prince de Chimay, etc. mort en 1629”, Le bibliophile belge IV (1847) 385.
86
The ownership of Chodkiewicz is based on his ex-libris in the copy of Ind.Occ.
IX (Lat) currently in Vilnius University Library, call number 42.1.21/1–4, as observed
by the Head of the Rare Books Department, A. Braziūnien1e, in his article “Jono
Karolio Chokevičiaus bibliotekos p1edsakais” [“The private library of Joannes Carolus
Chodkiewicz”] available online: http://www.leidykla.vu.lt/inetleid/inf-mok/20/str15.
html (Oct. 2006); M. István, A Rákóczi-család könyvtárai 1588–1660 (Szeged 1996) 30,
35–37, lists the three remaining owners.

332 chapter ten
Castile held expurgated volumes of both series.87 Italian cardinals

with a profound interest in scholarship, such as Francesco Barberini,
the influential nephew of pope Urban VIII, and Leopoldo de’ Medici,
one of the founders of the Accademia del Cimento in Florence, owned the
De Bry collection. Cardinal Mazarin in France secured the entire col-
lection as part of his purchase of Jean de Cordes’ massive Bibliotheca
Cordesiana in 1643. But their counterparts in Protestant Europe, like
Edward Stillingfleet, the late seventeenth-century Anglican bishop of
Worcester, or Johan Michael Dilherr, a prominent Lutheran preacher
in Nuremberg, also possessed the voyages, the latter probably in
German.88
The size of the library rather than the owner’s political and religious
background conditioned the likely presence of the De Bry volumes, and
this was increasingly obvious when the voyages became more difficult to
acquire. Hence the expensive volumes rarely entered the private librar-
ies of solicitors or the small communal collections of parish churches
and towns.89 In the early years of their production, volumes could be
found in the inventories of artisans like Anton Weidenteich, a goldsmith
from Brunswick.90 Some of Jan Moretus’ less prosperous customers in
Antwerp purchased a few of the early America-volumes in the 1590s, but
did not return to expand their set. The perpetual enlargement of the
collection by the frequent production of new volumes, which made the
voyages so attractive for many affluent Europeans, priced many other
potential clients out of the market. After 1600, it became ever rarer to
find the collection as a whole in the possession of people who owned
fewer than five hundred books in total.
As a result, the volumes are commonly found in the Dutch Republic,
87
The Latin copy BL G6633 carries the ex-libris “Collegii Paris. Societ. Jesu”; the
Huerta copies are currently in the Biblioteca Pública del Estado in Soria, call number
A-150.
88
Index bibliotecae qua Franciscus Barberinus [. . .] reddidit (Rome 1681) [E2v], [K4r], and
[Bbbb4r]; A. Mirto, La biblioteca del cardinal Leopoldo de’ Medici. Catalogo (Florence 1990)
162; G. Naudé, ed., Bibliothecae Cordesianae catalogus, cum indice titulorum (Paris 1643) 332,
335; for Dilherr: R. Jürgensen, Bibliotheca Norica (2 vols.; Wiesbaden 2002) I 436–37.
Stillingfleet’s ownership of the volumes was confirmed by Ann Simmons, Deputy Keeper
of Marsh’s Library in Dublin, where Stillingfleet’s copy is located today.
89
R. A. Müller, “Kleinstadt und Bibliothek in der Frühmoderne. Zu Genese und
Struktur der Ratsbibliothek der fränkischen Reichsstadt Weißenburg”, Berichte zur
Wissenschaftgeschichte 15 (1992) 99–117.
90
M. Hackenberg, “Books in artisan homes of sixteenth-century Germany”, Journal
of Library History 21–1 (1986) 86–88. Weidenteich probably possessed only a single
volume.

where the typical gentleman’s library of the seventeenth century com-

prised around 2,000 titles, and the circulation of books was high. Only
the grandes collections in Paris could match these numbers, but those of
the upper-middle classes seldom exceeded one thousand books.91 The
libraries of the lower nobility in the Empire were not nearly as substan-
tial.92 The situation in other parts of Europe was similar: in Bohemia
few collections consisted of more than eight hundred books, but in
western Hungary and in Spain libraries were much more modest.93
In a region which was quite closely aligned to the United Provinces in
cultural terms, the Southern Netherlands, large private libraries were
few and far between. Until the mid-eighteenth century, only a handful
of book auctions surpassed 2,000 works. Louvain colleagues of Leiden
scholars like Scaliger and Vulcanius, such as Libertus Fromondus and
Nicolaus Vernulaeus, did not possess libraries of a comparable size,
and did not own copies of the De Bry collection.94 In a commercial
centre like Antwerp, very few people could boast a library of more
than one thousand books.95
In regions like western Hungary, where hardly any geographical litera-

ture can be found in libraries,96 or even in the Southern Netherlands,
91
H.-J. Martin, Livre, pouvoirs et société a Paris au XVIIe siècle (1598–1701) (2 vols.; Geneva
1969) I 474–89, 492; P. Aquilon, “Petites et moyennes bibliothèques 1530–1660” In:
Histoire des bibliothèques françaises. Tome II: Les bibliothèques sous l’Ancien Régime, 1530 –1789
(Paris 1988) 180–205.
92
Pleticha (1983) 31–55.
93
For Bohemia: Z. Šimeček, Geschichte des Buchhandels in Tschechien und in der Slowakei
(Wiesbaden 2002) 23; for western Hungary: Lesestoffe in Westungarn. Materialen zur Geschichte
der Geistesströmungen des 16.–18. Jahrhunderts in Ungarn (2 vols.; Szeged 1994–96), including
many hundreds of private libraries large and small, and J. Berlász, “Die Entstehung
der ungarischen Bibliothekskultur im 16–17. Jahrhundert”, Magyar Könyvszemle 90 (1974)
14–28; for Spain: Dadson (1998) 339–467, including 12 inventories, and references to
many more; see also: Rojo Vega (1997) 205–06.
94
P. Delsaerdt, Suam quisque bibliothecam: boekhandel en particulier boekenbezit aan de oude
Leuvense universiteit, 16de –18de eeuw (Louvain 2001) 147–85, 655–770; Idem, “Libri
Liberti. De bibliotheek van Libertus Fromondus (1587–1653)”, Jaarboek voor Nederlandse
boekgeschiedenis 5 (1998) 27–45; Idem, ed., De bibliotheek van Nicolaus Vernulaeus: een facsimile
van de boekveilingcatalogus uit 1649 (n.p. 2005).
95
Fabri (2005) 18–19.
96
Lesestoffe in Westungarn (1994–96) I 288–90 and II 140 provides only two owners of
De Bry volumes: the German physician Johan Heinrich Friedrich († 1667) possessed a
total of 86 books, including Ind.Occ. I (Ger) and Ind.Occ. II (Lat). He was not a resident
of Sporon, where his handwritten inventory ended up. The other was Pál Esterházy,
the Prince Palatine of Hungary, who owned the Historia Americana in fol., which may
refer to one of the abridgements published by Merian. The Hungarian libraries further

334 chapter ten
Europe’s overseas expansion was not as relevant to political and cultural

developments as in the Dutch Republic or, for example, in England,
where the De Bry collection can indeed be traced more often. In general,
English private libraries were smaller than those in the United Provinces,
but the number of significant collections increased as the seventeenth
century progressed. By that time, however, the collection of voyages had
become a ‘rare book’. English access to books produced in Frankfurt
was nonetheless reasonably good. The bookseller John Norton was a
close associate of the German publisher Levinus Hulsius, who in turn
had intimate relations with the De Brys, as will be discussed in Chapter
11. Norton’s was a familiar face at the Frankfurt fairs, and twice a year,
he imported books from Frankfurt into England. John Bill, the King’s
Printer, could also be found buying books for the likes of Sir Thomas
Bodley in the early decades of the seventeenth century.97
These publishers purchased reading matter for erudite academics in
Oxford and Cambridge, yet in these quarters the enthusiasm for buying
tales of exploration was comparatively limited. In a set of around thirty
inventories of private libraries of Cambridge scholars in the period
between 1591 and 1667, works on geography and cosmography do not
figure as prominently as they did on the Continent: the comprehensive
publications composed by Münster and Ortelius, omnipresent elsewhere,
were often absent. College libraries were generally somewhat better
equipped.98 Oxford was more geographically inclined, although John
Rainolds, the president of Corpus Christi College, who owned the first
nine volumes of the America-series, was still something of an exception.
According to one contemporary, Rainolds had a “well-furnished library,
full of all faculties, of all studies, of all learning; the memory, the read-
ing of that man were near to a miracle”.99 To the disappointment of
contained hardly any copies of Münster’s Cosmographia and Ortelius’ Theatrum, the two
most omnipresent geographical treatises elsewhere in Europe.
97
J. Roberts, “Importing books for Oxford 1500–1640” In: J. P. Carley and C. G.
C. Tite, eds., Books and collectors 1200 –1700. Essays presented to Andrew Watson (London
1997) 327–28; J. L. Lievsay and R. B. Davis, “A cavalier library—1643”, Studies of
bibliography 6 (1954) 141–60.
98
E. S. Leedham-Green, Books in Cambridge inventories: book-lists from vice-chancellor`s
court probate inventories in the Tudor and Stuart periods (2 vols.; Cambridge 1986) I 492–584;
L. B. Cormack, Charting an empire. Geography at the English universities 1580 –1620 (Chicago
and London 1997) 110–13.
99
Joseph Hall, bishop of Exeter and Norwich, as quoted in T. Fowler, University of
Oxford: College Histories: Corpus Christi (photomechanic reprint, London 1998; 1st ed.
London 1898) 100.

the university library, Rainolds, at his death in 1607, bequeathed the

majority of his books to the college. In the next decade, the De Bry
volumes gradually entered other Oxford collections.100
In contrast, the nobility in England was not very different from the
nobility in continental Europe; those who took pride in possessing a
private library bought books in considerable numbers. Sir Thomas
Knyvett, whose library comprised around 1,500 manuscripts and printed
works in 1618, was among those who acquired the De Bry volumes,
but on the face of it, only those volumes of accounts that he did not
already possess in an earlier edition. He did not buy India Occidentalis
III, for instance, because he had previously bought De Léry’s Histoire in
French. Since Knyvett did not read Dutch, however, he did purchase
the whole India Orientalis-series. He acquired Volume VI of the set of
accounts on Asia and Africa in June 1608, and, according to his own
handwritten testimony, had finished reading this volume in October.
In spite of this admission, it is still unknown what he thought of De
Marees’ account of West Africa.101
In other cases, in England and on the Continent, scepticism is in
order as to whether the De Bry volumes were actually read at all. Henry
Peacham, in his handbook The compleat gentleman (1622), warned young
men of good birth:
Affect not as some doe, that bookish Ambition, to be stored with bookes
and have well furnished Libraries, yet keepe their heads emptie of knowl-
edge: to desire to have many bookes, and never to use them, is like a childe
that will have a candle burning by him, all the while he is sleeping.102
Advice of this kind was usually only put into writing when the dan-
gers were real. So did an antiquary and member of parliament like
Sir Edward Dering of Kent have the opportunity to read all twenty-
two Latin volumes of the collection in his possession? Surely Richard
Holdsworth, the Master of Emmanuel College in Cambridge could not
have read all the 10,000 volumes in his private library. The estimated
size of the collection of Richard Smith, a Secondary of the Poultry
Compter—a type of London under-sheriff—and an inspired collector
Cormack (1997) 153–54, and appendix B.

100
D. J. McKitterick, The library of Sir Thomas Knyvett of Ashwellthorpe c. 1539–1618

101
(Cambridge 1978) nrs. 540, 804–06, 811, and 1214.

102
H. Peacham, The Compleat Gentleman. Fashioning him absolute in the most necessary
& commendable Qualities concerning Minde or Bodie that may be required in a Noble Gentleman
(London 1622) 54.

336 chapter ten
of books in the mid-seventeenth century, ranged from 8,000 to 20,000

titles. Whatever its exact size, it is unlikely that he read them all. The
latter two, like Dering and many others in the British Isles, also owned
the Latin De Bry volumes.103 But in a period when collecting books
became an obsession, the collection of voyages may well have gradually
turned into a coffee-table book, a must-have publication for those who
aspired to boast a splendid library that could be the envy of others,
regardless of its precise contents. With the economic pendulum gradu-
ally swinging in the direction of the prosperity and consumption that
was to characterise Restoration England, it was here that the De Bry
collection first became an object of bibliophilia.
10.8. In the collections of public libraries
If there were book-owners who possessed the De Bry collection and

did not read it, there were certainly also those who wanted to read the
volumes, but could not buy them because they were too expensive or
out of stock. Some of those interested may have turned to the seven-
teenth-century equivalent of the public library. The curators of these
libraries, much like their colleagues at the courts of the nobility, were
in an ideal position to purchase comprehensive multi-volume publica-
tions like the De Bry collection. The acquisition of the Latin De Bry
volumes for the academic library in Groningen is a good example. When
the university was founded in 1614, the local regents provided funds
to establish the nucleus of a solid library. Burgomaster Joachim Alting,
who was assigned to the task of buying suitable books, had assembled a
collection of 403 titles by 1619, when the first inventory was compiled.
This document gives a good indication of the publications that were
considered authoritative in the various academic disciplines.104
The Groningen library included core literature in the fields of travel
and geography, as one would expect from a public collection in the
Dutch Republic. Due to financial limitations and to the more press-
103
R. J. Fehrenbach and E. S. Leedham-Green, eds., Private libraries in Renaissance
England. A collection and catalogue of Tudor and Early Stuart Book-Lists (5 vols.; Binghamton
NY 1992–98) I 190–93; J. C. T. Oates, Cambridge University library. A history I (Cambridge
1986) 304–48; E. Gordon Duff, “The library of Richard Smith”, The Library, 2nd
series VIII (1907) 122.
104
For this paragraph and the following: A. G. Roos, De geschiedenis van de bibliotheek
der Rijksuniversiteit te Groningen (Groningen 1914) 6–7, 95–102.

ing need for theological works and classical texts, this core consisted
of only six titles: the presence of Ptolemy’s Geographia and Strabo’s
Opera signal the lasting authority of ancient scholarship. By this time,
Ortelius’ Theatrum enjoyed a similar status, and the Groningen bur-
gomaster obtained one of its most recent Latin editions, issued in
1612. He also bought Maffei’s Historiarum Indicarum Libri XVI, printed
in Cologne in 1593. The two De Bry series, India Occidentalis and India
Orientalis, completed the list of geographical publications. Alting thus
anticipated Naudé’s advice to buy collected works, and avoided “search-
ing for a host of books extremely rare and uncommon”.105 The fact
that the De Bry volumes were translated into Latin, still the language
of preference for a university in the early seventeenth century, may
have helped to persuade Alting that these were the volumes for him.
Yet the acquisition of the De Bry volumes also affirms their status as
respected publications.
For readers, there was one drawback. Until 1815, the volumes in
Groningen could only be consulted on Wednesdays and Saturdays
from 1 to 3, and in the winter months from 12 to 2. Students of the
university could use the library after paying a fee at their first visit, but
only professors were allowed to take books out.106 These regulations
were customary in the seventeenth century; one could not enter the
majority of public collections at will. The Count of Gondomar, whose
library in Vallodolid was open to the public in principle, was certainly
not fond of guests. In 1620, he advised his staff to tell visitors that he
had taken the library key with him to London. Only close friends and
family were allowed access.107 According to Naudé, in 1627, there were
only three libraries in Europe one could visit without difficulty, “those
of the knight Bodley at Oxford, of Cardinal Borromeo at Milan, and
of the Augustinian Friars at Rome”. He considered this wholly insuf-
ficient, and argued that in any library:
those who may be complete strangers, and all others who are interested only
in certain passages, may see, examine, and make extracts from any kind of
printed book they may require, [and] well-known persons of distinction
be permitted to carry some few ordinary books to their own lodgings.108
See p. 325.
105
Roos (1914) 12–13.

106
107
Manso Porto (1996) 142.
108
All these quotes were taken from the translation of Naudé by Taylor (1976) 75,
78–79.

338 chapter ten
Naudé was, in this sense, ahead of his time, but he was correct in his
appraisal of the libraries he mentioned. After Sir Thomas Bodley died
in 1613, the Bodleian restricted the privilege of reading to Doctors and
Masters, Bachelors of Arts, and students of Civil Law of some senior-
ity. Undergraduates could be admitted only on special terms and were
instructed to abstain from reading books ill-adapted to their studies.
Once inside, however, readers could consult the first nine America-vol-
umes and the first four parts of the India Orientalis-series included in
the first catalogue of 1605.109 Foreigners admitted to read in the library
were exempted from many of its restrictions and were, in the words of
the ordinance of 1613, “not to be prejudiced in the enjoyment of the
books”. Hence a steady stream of readers arrived.110
Another private initiative which transformed into a hospitable public
institution was the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, founded in 1609 by Cardinal
Federico Borromeo, Archbishop of Milan. It may have contained the
De Bry collection, if the volumes owned by the book collector Gian
Vincenzo Pinelli from Padua had survived an attack by Turkish pirates in
the Mediterranean; Pinelli’s books were auctioned in 1608.111 Cardinal
Mazarin’s library in Paris, as mentioned above, did include the voyages.
Its doors were unlocked for the public in 1647 thanks to the personal
determination of Naudé, the librarian, but only for one afternoon a
week and only until early 1651, when the Fronde forced its owner to
go into exile. Adriaan Pauw, the grand pensionary of Holland who
owned all twenty-five De Bry volumes in Latin, may have had a similar
public future in mind for his personal collection of more than 16,000
books, but this plan failed to materialise. The Bibliotheca Heemstediana,
named after Pauw’s manor of Heemstede, was auctioned in The Hague
in 1654, one year after his death.112
109
The first printed catalogue of the Bodleian library 1605, a facsimile (Oxford 1986) 281,
344, 368.
110
I. Philip, The Bodleian Library in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (Oxford 1983) 34.
111
P. M. Jones, Federico Borromeo and the Ambrosiana: art patronage and reform in seven-
teenth-century Milan (Cambridge 1993). I have not been able to consult the early seven-
teenth-century catalogues which the library still holds: Il Seicento, prima serie Z 37–39,
63–64, 40 inf. (Latin books), and Z 56 inf. (vernacular books). On Pinelli: M. Grendler,
“Book collecting in Counter-Reformation Italy: the library of Gian Vincenzo Pinelli
(1535–1601)”, Journal of Library History 16–1 (1981) 143–51. Millicent Sowerby (1952–59)
IV 168 and V 188 confirms that when the Pinelli collection was auctioned again, in
London in 1789, Ind.Occ. I–XI were part of it, but it is not clear whether these volumes
had earlier been in the possession of the Ambrosiana.
112
Book sales catalogues, MF 1599–1602, Catalogus omnium librorum & manuscriptorum
(1654) 265, 300; H. de la Fontaine Verwey, “Adriaan Pauw en zijn bibliotheek” In:

Alongside these private collections turned public, there were seven-

teenth-century libraries which were consciously founded for a communal
or semi-communal purpose. The Augustinian friars in Rome, praised
by Naudé for providing access to a wide range of readers, opened
their Biblioteca Angelica to scholars in 1614. The Angelica combined
the books accumulated in the Augustine convent in Rome with the
vast private library of one of its friars, Angelo Rocca. A first cata-
logue was composed as early as 1608 and contained the nine-volume
America-series, as well as, in all likelihood, a substantial number of India
Orientalis-volumes.113 The municipal library of Augsburg also held the
De Bry collection, although here it was not recognised as such until the
1630s, resulting in the binding of some of the volumes with different
works entirely. India Occidentalis IX, for example, was bound together
with an astronomical treatise by Kepler, and India Orientalis IX could
be found in the same binding as Lodovico Guicciardini’s description
of the Low Countries. India Orientalis II was even paired with the other
Latin translation of the same account, Van Linschoten’s Itinerario. The
set of De Bry volumes, moreover, was a hotch-potch of Latin and
German translations.114
Even in prestigious public libraries, the De Bry collection was consid-
ered to be a valued piece of property. The librarian of Corpus Christi
College in Oxford made sure to chain the copy of the America-series
inherited from John Rainolds to the shelves in order to prevent its theft.
Whereas some of the books were loaned to members of the college, the
De Bry volumes were certainly part of that other category of books,
those which remained in the library at all times.115 The surviving De
Bry volumes from the city library in Amsterdam, acquired in a single
W. R. H. Koops, et al., eds., Boek, bibliotheek en geesteswetenschappen: opstellen door vrienden

en collega’s van dr. C. Reedijk geschreven ter gelegenheid van zijn aftreden als bibliothecaris van de
Koninklijke Bibliotheek te ’s-Gravenhage (Hilversum 1986) 103–15. The remarks about the
Bibliothèque Mazarine were also taken from this article, 106–07.
113
Bibliotheca Angelica litteratorum litterarumq. amatorum commoditati dicata (Rome 1608)
68. The reference to the Ind.Or.-volumes is uncertain, but is probably alluded to by one
or both of the two following entries (53–54): “Diaria Nautica in Indiam Orientalem
admiranda, figuris, & imaginibus referta, & Itineraria maritima diversarum Nationum
pluribus Tomis comprehensa” or “Navigationes & itinerarium in Indiam Orientalem
& in Lusitaniam, Imaginibus, & figuris aere incisis, & miniatis”.
114
Catalogus bibliothecae amplissimae reipublicae Augustanae (Augsburg 1633) 427, 456–57,
670, 686–87, and 773.
115
As stated by Prof. J. B. Bengtson, Head Librarian of the John M. Kelly Library in
Toronto, and former Head Librarian at Queen’s College, Oxford, in his article “Images
of the New World by Theodore de Bry” available online: http://www.floridahistory.
com/de-bry-plates/de-bry-biography-mirror.htm (Dec. 2006).

340 chapter ten
transaction around 1619, and recognisable by their bindings, also show

traces of chains.116 The practice of securing books by chaining them to
the shelves, very common in the first half of the seventeenth century,
allowed librarians to open the doors to the public: the Amsterdam
library, housed in the New Church until the foundation of the Athenaeum
Illustre in 1632, received many people, including some who “had very
different thoughts than our Church”. The liberal admission policy,
formulated by the local magistrates and accepted by the local church
consistory, attracted readers “of a very young age” in particular.117
Borrowing volumes of the De Bry collection from any of the afore-

mentioned libraries was out of the question in the first half of the
seventeenth century, except for a few privileged readers like the profes-
sors in Groningen. Only in the later seventeenth century did the right
to borrow books become more widespread. By this time, the De Bry
collection had become the object of bibliophile attention, forcing even
relatively affluent enthusiasts to fall back on public collections in order
to read the accounts and marvel at the engravings. One of the libraries
to open its doors to readers regardless of their social background was
the Duke of Brunswick-Lüneburg’s Bibliotheca Augusta. From 1664
onwards, the library staff in Wolfenbüttel kept account of those who
borrowed books from the collection, and the De Bry volumes were
among its favourite titles. In these records, books are often listed by
referring to the author of the travel accounts, and not to the edition,
but the call numbers, still in use today, enable the identification of the
precise versions of the accounts borrowed.118
The reader most preoccupied by the De Bry volumes in the
Wolfenbüttel library was its assistant-librarian, Johan Georg Sieverds. As
a student, in May 1676, he had borrowed the German versions of the
accounts, so his initial enthusiasm may have been that of an amateur.
116
Catalogus librorum bibliothecae civitatis Amstelodamensis (Amsterdam 1622) [F3v]. I am
greatly indebted to Kees Gnirrep for determining as precisely as possible the date of
purchase of the library’s Ind.Occ.- and Ind.Or-volumes, based on the nature of their
bindings.
117
H. de la Fontaine Verwey, De Stedelijke Bibliotheek van Amsterdam in de Nieuwe Kerk
(Meppel 1980) 8, including the quotes “verre vant verstandt van onze kercken ver-
schelende” and “zeer jonck van jaren”.
118
M. Raabe, Leser und Lektüre vom 17. bis zum 19. Jahrhundert: die Ausleihbücher der
Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel 1664–1806 (3 vols.; Munich 1998); Idem, Die fürstliche
Bibliothek in Wolfenbüttel und ihre Leser: zur Geschichte des institutionellen Lesens in einer nord-
deutschen Residenz 1664–1806 (Wolfenbüttel 1997) 116, 202.

In the 1690s his interest in the De Bry volumes intensified, however,

when he had become the assistant to Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz. The
two men corresponded about Sieverds’ work on the alphabetic catalogue
of the library, and it is conceivable that the De Bry collection, which
created headaches for so many bibliophiles who attempted to make a
correct bibliographic description, fascinated the librarian for that very
reason. Between March and August 1703, Sieverds took home the book
containing India Orientalis VI to XI on no fewer than four occasions.
In March 1701, he also displayed an interest in the America-series, bor-
rowing the tomes containing Volumes I to X only two weeks before
taking home Girolamo Benzoni’s Historiae Indiae Occidentalis, printed in
Lyon in 1586. As one of very few readers in the early modern period,
Sieverds may have actually detected the modifications the De Brys had
made to Benzoni’s narrative.119
The library records more or less confirm the characteristics of the De
Bry collection as identified on the basis of information about the owners
of the books. Those who enjoyed reading (part of ) the collection once,
returned time and again to the library to borrow the volumes, just as
the customers in Antwerp had returned to the bookstore to complete
their set of volumes. The readers interested in the travel accounts in
Wolfenbüttel included a musician named Justus Peter Jasper, who bor-
rowed various India Orientalis-volumes in the early 1700s, a certain Johan
Jakob Sartor, only referred to as ‘monsieur’, who borrowed the India
Occidentalis-series several times in the spring and summer of 1683, and
the ‘mechanikus’ Tobias Böhling, who in the winter of 1703–04 read
the volumes of the America-series. A merchant, a student, and several
courtiers also enjoyed the narratives. These men studied the collection
that their grandfathers had been unable to purchase. But the only reader
to rival Sieverds for the number of times he borrowed the volumes
was Ludwig Rudolf, Duke Anton Ulrich’s son. Between September
1687 and May 1703, he may well have studied all the reports collected
by the De Brys. Prince Ludwig Rudolf ’s curiosity neatly mirrors the
late-seventeenth-century and eighteenth-century status of the De Bry
collection as a publication for the rich and fortunate.
119
Raabe (1998) A2, 36, 55, for this and the following paragraph.

CHAPTER ELEVEN
THE IMPACT OF THE DE BRY COLLECTION:

TRAVEL LITERATURE AND TRAVEL COMPENDIA
IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
In the absence of marginal notes or other annotations made by readers

of the De Bry collection, it is virtually impossible to establish the influ-
ence its representations exerted on individuals. An analysis of those who
purchased the collection in the first half of the seventeenth century can
only partly make up for that deficit. The family made several efforts to
reach beyond the customary elites who could be counted on to buy the
folio volumes, in an attempt to further disseminate their representations,
and to sell yet more books. The De Bry representations also influenced
other travel literature, and tracking these infiltrations can help to build
a more complete picture of the collection’s impact. This chapter will
discuss the publications, mostly but not exclusively geographical and
cartographical works, which drew on the De Bry collection for some
of the representations they distributed.
11.1. The collection abridged
After the death of Johan Theodore de Bry in August 1623, his two sons-
in-law, Matthaeus Merian and the English bookseller William Fitzer, not
only took over the publishing firm, but also inherited the collection of
voyages. After two more volumes had appeared under the imprint of
the heirs of Johan Theodore de Bry—the former in Latin, the latter in
both languages—Merian and Fitzer parted ways in 1626; from then on,
Merian coordinated the America-series, while Fitzer took responsibility
for the India Orientalis-volumes.1 After 1627, Merian produced another
two volumes on the New World, India Occidentalis XIII and XIV, while
Fitzer published two more volumes on the Orient, India Orientalis XII
1
The volumes published between 1623 and 1626 are App. 1, nrs. A, B & C.

344 chapter eleven
and XIII.2 The final volumes of both series were published exclusively
in German, but the accounts they included were nonetheless added to
the Latin translations, only not as separate volumes. Both Fitzer and
Merian, moreover, published one German abridgement of the series
they had inherited, in 1629 and 1631 respectively.3
The numerical parity between the two sons-in-law should not disguise
the vast differences in their approaches to the collection. For reasons
discussed in Chapter 3, Merian was in a much more favourable position
than Fitzer.4 Whereas the Englishman’s volumes, and his abridgement of
the India Orientalis-series, became the most carelessly published volumes
of the entire collection, Merian succeeded in continuing the prestigious
enterprise on a high level. The abridgement of the America-series he
issued in 1631, in close co-operation with the Strasbourg chronicler
Johan Ludwig Gottfried, could withstand comparison with earlier
volumes. Merian, who had worked for Johan Theodore in the 1610s,
basically continued the editing strategy of his father-in-law. On the one
hand, he copied plates of the India Occidentalis-volumes for the abridge-
ment. Judging from the state of the engravings, the plates for the first
six volumes had been used most intensively.5 On the other hand, Merian
designed around forty engravings for the volumes he issued. These new
illustrations also decorated the abridgement published both as Historia
Antipodum oder Newe Welt and Newe Welt und Americanische Historien.6
Some of Merian’s plates were merely new copies of already exist-
ing compositions, like the engravings of Spanish-French hostilities in
Florida, and the ritual the Brazilian cannibals performed before their
visitor Hans Staden.7 Elsewhere Merian deliberately continued the
representational modifications of his father-in-law. Hence the natural
world in America was portrayed as even more uncultivated; feathered
clothing gained yet further ground, widely dispersed peoples were
indiscriminately brought together in a single engraving, and heathen-
2
For Merian, see App. 1, nrs. D, J & L; for Fitzer: App. 1, nrs. E, F & G.
3
App. 1, nrs. H & K respectively.
4
Supra, Ch. 3, pp. 101–02.
5
Engravings of all America-volumes were included in unrevised form in the abridge-
ment. Yet the engravings of the peoples of Virginia from Ind.Occ. I were probably too
worn to be re-used. One new plate was designed to make up for this deficit, Historia
Antipodum (1631) 168. Several plates were included twice.
6
App. 1, nr. K.
7
Historia Antipodum (1631) 342, 118.

the impact of the de bry collection 345
Ill. 78. Historia Antipodum (1631) 541
dom was depicted in more gruesome fashion than in the original

series.8 One new plate depicting a “marvellous ceremony” united an
Algonquian from Virginia, two men with headgear made of stuffed
parrots or falcons—presumably Timucuans from Florida, and a number
of feathered accomplices whose origin was by now decisively blurred.
A civilised European who observed the ritual fire they made, according
to the engraving’s narrative structure, was their captive (ill. 78).9 The
abridgement, which re-appeared as late as 1655, thus confirmed the
representations so carefully constructed by Theodore de Bry and his
8
See for instance the new engravings in Historia Antipodum (1631) 65, 134, and
382.
9
The engraving depicts Pocahontas ‘saving’ John Smith’s life in Virginia.

346 chapter eleven
sons which were now available, as the title-page of Historia Antipodum

stated, for an acceptable price.10
The condensed editions, including Fitzer’s India Orientalis-abridgement
of 1629, were not the first gesture towards readers with a smaller purse.
Equally significant are the adjustments Johan Theodore made to the
second editions of several volumes. The Latin America-series is a case in
point. Whereas in the first edition of Volume VI, thirteen sections of
paper were devoted to the translation of Benzoni’s final chapters, the
same information was crammed into ten sections for the second edition
of 1617, by making use of smaller fonts. The same method was applied
to Volume V, which contains additional differences between the first
and second editions. The former displays large-scale ornaments and
initials and was printed in a slightly larger folio-size than the latter. The
second edition of Volume VII, also of 1617, was the first to have the
text arranged in two columns, to further reduce the amount of paper
needed. Many of the subsequent second or third editions arrange the
text in columns, sometimes more than halving the number of sections
required. Prefaces to the accounts were abbreviated or left out entirely.
The paper used for the collection was of noticeably poorer quality,
although this deterioration in quality may also have been caused by
the outbreak of the Thirty Years’ War. Only the illustrations remained
of consistently high quality, with old engravings being replaced by new
ones when necessary, also in the later editions.
11.2. The De Brys and Hulsius: from folio to quarto
Johan Theodore and Johan Israel de Bry acknowledged the need for
more accessible versions of their books shortly after 1600. This resulted
in the publication of five German quarto-versions of travel accounts,
four of which were re-issues of the same translations used for the folios.
The appendix to India Occidentalis IX, India Orientalis VI, and parts of
India Orientalis VII and VIII thus appeared in two versions: one regu-
lar folio edition which formed an intrinsic part of their collection of
voyages, and one cheaper, smaller alternative in the mould of their
editions of Las Casas’ Brevissima relación of the late 1590s. The De Bry
brothers usually published these quartos six months after the folios had
10
Historia Antipodum (1631) second title-page: “in diese kaüffliche Form bebracht”.

appeared, in order not to detract from the sales of their masterpieces.

They initiated this shrewd publishing formula in 1602 and abandoned
it in 1606.11
The appearance of the first quarto-volume coincided with the arrival
in Frankfurt of the publisher Levinus Hulsius, who issued his own col-
lection of voyages. Hulsius, a Calvinist born in Ghent around 1546,
resided in Middelburg, Bremen, and Frankenthal before moving to
Nuremberg around 1590. From the mid-1580s onwards, he specialised
in teaching foreign languages, notably French, Italian, and probably
Latin. His reputation largely rested on his Dictionaire François-Alemand
et Alemand-François (1596), the first ever French-German dictionary,
issued by his own publishing firm which he had founded in 1594. The
educated Hulsius was considered by many to be better suited than the
De Brys to publishing learned treatises. In 1602, he brought Tycho
Brahe’s Astronomiae instauratae mechanica onto the market, as one of many
scholarly titles.12
The De Brys and Levinus Hulsius knew each other well. At the
Lent fair of 1594, Theodore de Bry bought books from the Officina
Plantiniana “for Levinus Hulsius”, whose son Esaias later fulfilled his
apprenticeship as a goldsmith and copper engraver in the workshop
of Johan Theodore.13 The two families further co-operated on the
publication of Historia chronologica Pannoniae, published by the De Brys
in both Latin and German at the Lent fair of 1596. Levinus Hulsius’
name was not mentioned on the title-page, but in the De Bry request
to the Frankfurt authorities for permission to publish the book, Levinus
Hulsius from Ghent was named as the compiler.14 An analogous work
by Hulsius, announced as Chronologia Pannonie in the catalogue of the
next Frankfurt fair, was published in September.15
11
App. 1, nrs. *75, *79, 86, *89. Hendrick Ottsen’s account (App. 1, nr. 83) was
not included in the collection of voyages.
12
StAFr., Rpr. 1601, f70v (16/2/02). On Hulsius: E. Merkel, “Der Buchhändler
Levinus Hulsius, gest. 1606 zu Frankfurt am Main”, Archiv für Frankfurts Geschichte
und Kunst 57 (1980) 7–18; Benzing (1969) esp. 596–606; Idem, “Neue Beitrage zum
Nürnberger Buchgewerbe des 16. Jahrhunderts”, Mitteilungen aus der Stadtbibliothek
Nürnberg VII-2 (1958) 1–8.
13
Arch. MPM 977 (Q94) f52v; Merkel (1980) 14, Zülch (1935) 479, 526.
14
StAFr., ZBBP 24, f14v (26/1/1596): “. . . aus vilen glaubwürdigen Authoribus col-
ligiert, durch Levinum Hulsium Gandavensem”. App. 1, nrs. 26 & 27.
15
Frankfurt fair catalogue Q96 (printer N. Basseus) [B3r, D2v] and S96 (printer
N. Basseus) [D4r]: Fabian (1972–2001) V 295, 310, 347.

348 chapter eleven
Two years later, while still in Nuremberg, Hulsius published the first
parts of what was to amount to a twenty-six-volume collection of voy-
ages. His aspirations were much more modest than those of the De
Brys. The relatively cheap quartos offered often greatly abbreviated
accounts, which were translated into German only. The so-called Sechs
und zwanzig Schifffahrten were a commercial success from the start. The
first eight volumes were all reprinted at least twice, and new voyages
were published with great regularity up to 1630. Levinus Hulsius lived
to see the publication of only the first seven volumes. After his death
in 1606, his widow Maria Ruting and his sons Friedrich, Esaias, and
Bartholomaeus carried on the venture.16 After Levinus’ death, the
publication of travel accounts in quarto at the De Bry firm came to
a halt.
The Hulsius collection did include engravings, but these lacked the
artistic quality of the larger De Bry illustrations. Crucially, Levinus
Hulsius was not capable of making copper engravings himself, and
therefore depended on associates. Both before and after 1606, his
illustrators leaned heavily on the textual and iconographic material pre-
sented by the De Brys, but after 1606 the intimate correlation between
the two collections becomes especially obvious. Both compilations, most
importantly, contained the same set of travel accounts until 1632, when
the De Bry collection was no longer being extended. Hulsius’ Volume
XXII of that year was also the first volume to be published without
illustrations. In only a few cases did Hulsius issue an account before the
corresponding De Bry volume came out, and it was just as exceptional
for a Hulsius volume to include more illustrations than the correspond-
ing De Bry volume.17 After the De Brys had published a new addition
16
Steffen-Schrade (2004) 157–95; Merkel (1980) 14–16; Böhme (1904) 120–36;
A. Asher, Bibliographical essay on the collection of voyages and travels edited and published by
Levinus Hulsius and his successors (Amsterdam 1962 [ photomechanic reprint; 1st ed.,
London 1839]); A. van der Linde, “Sur les collections des voyages des frères De Bry
et de L. Hulsius de Gand”, Le bibliophile belge 1 (1867) 237–45.
17
Hulsius’ Schifffahrten XIII, XIV and XV, according to the imprints, all appeared
in 1617. The same accounts, of the Englishmen Hamor, Smith, and Coverte, were
not published by Johan Theodore until 1618, in Ind.Occ. X and Ind.Or. XI. Hulsius’
translation of De Veer’s report, Schifffahrten III, also appeared a year before the cor-
responding Ind.Or. III of the De Bry brothers. Also: StAFr., ZBBP 24, f71r. The De
Brys (1/12/1598) requested permission to print “. . . der dritte theil Indiae Orientalis.
In 3. theilen alswar das erst in fol. das ander in 4. beschriben und das 3. in Nürmberg
getruckht”. The treatise printed in Nuremberg can only refer to Volume III of the
Hulsius’ Schifffahrten. See: Steffen-Schrade (2004) 177 ff. for a comparison of the two
versions of Ulrich Schmidel’s account.

to their series, the Hulsius firm generally followed suit with the German
quarto-version of the same account at the next Frankfurt fair.18
This pattern has generally been interpreted as one of extremely fierce
competition between the De Brys and the Hulsius firm for the patron-
age of the German readership interested in overseas adventures.19 Yet
given the commercial and psychological importance of the voyages for
the De Bry firm, it is remarkable that the Hulsius quartos were allowed
to appear, let alone continue for a prolonged period of time. The De
Brys generally employed aggressive publishing tactics, as was shown in
Chapter 2, and were meticulous in their efforts to prevent reprints and
plagiarism. When such editions did appear, Johan Israel instantly took
the matter to the authorities.20 Surely the De Brys would have taken
measures to stop Hulsius’ reprints from appearing, as the threat of these
cheap quartos to the sales of their own collection was all too real.
Hulsius’ permanent move to Frankfurt in 1602 would have been
very ill-advised had he intentions of illegally reprinting the De Bry
collection, as the De Brys now would only have had to put potential
violations of copyright before the local authorities. The choice to
entrust his collection to the same printers as the De Brys adds even
more doubts to the theory of rivalry. Wolfgang Richter, in 1603, printed
both India Orientalis VI and Volume VII of the Hulsius collection, which
contained exactly the same material, on his presses.21 The association
between the two bookselling families should therefore be seen in a dif-
ferent light. Co-operation rather than competition characterised their
relationship. Rather than a hostile enterprise, the Hulsius collection
must be considered the cheap, commercially attractive extension to the
De Bry collection, a complementary venture the De Brys themselves
had abandoned so suddenly in 1606. In the preface to Volume VIII
18
For a detailed comparison of the reports included in both collections: Steffen-
Schrade (2004) 177 ff.; Böhme (1904) 124–25, 127–28.
19
Merkel (1980) 7 and Berger (1977–78) II 23–24 both hold this opinion. Steffen-
Schrade (2004) 163 evades the issue by referring to Berger’s claim of rivalry. In a
handwritten note in the copy of App. 1, nr. *75 in the British Library (G6924), the
bibliographer Asher stated: “I am inclined to thinck that it [e.g. the publication of
quartos by the De Brys between 1602 and 1605, MvG] was undertaken as a sort of rival
publication to that of my friend Levinus Hulsius, whose book, to judge by the numer-
ous editions of some of the parts, must have met with an immense sale about 1599 to
1605, to the no small injury of De Bry’s more expensive publication.” (3/6/1849).
20
Supra, Ch. 2, p. 72.
21
Ind.Or. VI (Ger) & App. 1, nr. *79.

350 chapter eleven
of the Hulsius collection, Levinus’ heirs referred their readers to the

De Bry collection:
What happenend to one of his ships, named the ‘Dutch Garden’, [. . .]
has been described in detail by Johan Herman von Bree [. . .] and was
published by the De Brys, and can be found in their collection.22
In Volume XII of 1614, Johan Theodore’s involvement in the making
of the Hulsius collection became even more obvious, as the included
illustrations were “engraved in copper and published by Johan Theodore
de Bry”.23 Those who read the preface were further referred to the
treatise of Helisaeus Rösslin on travels to the North, published by the
De Brys in 1610,24 in the same casual manner that the De Brys used to
refer to their own publications. In addition, many parts of the Hulsius
collection contain engravings by Georg Keller, an employee of the De
Bry firm.25
The De Bry quartos in German that came out in the first decade of
the seventeenth century may have served one of two purposes. They
may have been intended to outmuscle the Hulsius firm in this commer-
cially attractive niche, but they could also testify to an attempt of the
De Brys to take the credits—on the title-pages—for an already exist-
ing form of co-operation. It is uncertain whether the De Bry quartos
were a commercial success. In contrast to the Hulsius volumes not one
of these works has been reprinted. Its serial aspect may have ensured
that regular buyers of the Hulsius collection continued to acquire
their books, while the De Bry customers were more interested in the
folios to add to their already assembled sets of reports. By producing
quarto-editions of their folios under Hulsius’ name, the De Brys could
placate the considerable group of consumers expecting new volumes
of the smaller collection.
22
Achte Schiffart oder kurtze Beschreibung etlicher Reysen . . . (2nd ed., Frankfurt 1608)
[a2v–a3r]: “Was einem von seinen Schiffen den Holländischen Zaun genennet, begenet,
[. . .] hat Johan Herman von Bree [. . .] fleissig beschrieben, unnd ist von den Herrn de
Bry in Truck gegeben und bey ihnen zu finden”.
23
Zwölffte Schiffahrt oder kurtze Beschreibung der newen Schiffahrt . . . (Oppenheim 1614)
[unsigned page titled “Folgen etliche Mappen . . .”]: “In Kupffer gestochen und an Tag
gegeben Durch Johann-Theodor de Bry”. Inside this volume (13–14), the text points
readers towards Ind.Occ. IX: “Man lieset auch beym Josepho Acosta cap. 12. lib. 3.
natural Indiae Occident. Histor. . . .”.
24
App. 1, nr. 115.
25
Schifffahrten XI (1612), the appendix to XI (1613), XII (1614), XIII (1617), and
XX (1629).

The heirs of Levinus Hulsius may well have been forced into co-
operating with the De Brys, as Levinus’ death had drastically changed
the financial circumstances of his officina. Having been taxed for the
healthy sum of 4,500 guilders in 1605,26 he left his third wife Maria
Ruting a debt of more than 650 guilders the next year. Matters were
made worse by a verdict by the Frankfurt authorities that the children
of Hulsius’ first two marriages could not be held liable for these debts.27
This left the widow in a state of immediate financial deprivation,
which had not significantly improved in 1610. By then she was forced
to leave Frankfurt for Oppenheim, in all likelihood indebted to Johan
Theodore de Bry.28
There could have been various reasons for this dependency. After
1602, when both firms were established in Frankfurt, Hulsius used
the same employees as the De Brys. Apart from Richter and Keller,
the printer Matthias Becker and his son also worked for Hulsius, and
Gotthard Artus assisted with some of the translations.29 An identical
situation arose in Oppenheim, where both firms used Galler’s presses,30
as well as the know-how of the Calvinist minister Isaac Genius, who,
having fallen on hard times in 1609, was advised by an anonymous
member of the Reformed community to co-operate with Hulsius’
widow and Johan Theodore de Bry.31 If anything, the connections
between the two firms became even more intense in the Palatinate.
They sometimes used the same title-pages for publications, and Merian
and Esaias Hulsius co-operated on a publication issued in 1618.32 In
1619, the Hulsius family followed Johan Theodore back to Frankfurt.
26
Dietz (1921) II 38.
27
StAFr., ZBBP 121, nr. 2/18, f1v (4/10/1606): “Hingegen aber sollenn sie die
Vormunder erster und zweitter Ehe mitt allen den Schulden und debitis, so auss Levini
Hulsij saligen, und der wittibe Nahrung zu zahllenn, nichts zu thun haben, sondern
sie die wittib allein zu zahlen verpflichtet und schuldig sein”.
28
StAFr., Bmb 1609, f236r (24/4/1610). Ruting, “mit zimbliche schulden beläs-
tiget”, wanted to leave Frankfurt, “demnach sie gemüssiget werde, irer notturfft und
gelegenheit halben von hieren zu ziehen”. In 1610, she settled in Oppenheim. She
was still indebted to the city of Frankfurt as well, and was only allowed to leave after
having paid half of this debt: StAFr., Bmb 1610, f3r (3/5/1610).
29
For example for Hulsius’ translation of Simon Stevin’s treatise on fortifications
(Festung-bauung, 1608).
30
Benzing (1969) passim.
31
HStAM, H149, 330: “. . . denn er ein typography beneben Hulsij witwe und Theod.
Bry kan ein weil an die handt nehmen”.
32
The title-pages of Hulsius’ La perspective (1612) by Salomon de Caus, and App. 1,
nrs. 217 & 218 were identical. The co-operative effort of Merian and Hulsius is titled
Aigentliche wahrhafftige Delineatio und Abbildung aller fürstlichen Auffzüg und Rütterspielen.

352 chapter eleven
Esaias Hulsius submitted his request for Frankfurt citizenship on 1 July,

the very day that Johan Theodore finally had his plea for a return to
Frankfurt accepted.33
11.3. Representations in reverse:

the De Bry modifications in the Dutch Republic
In anachronistic terms, then, the Hulsius collection should be consid-

ered a ‘paperback’ extension of the ‘hardcover’ folio-volumes issued
by the De Brys. When attempting to trace the impact of the De Bry
collection in later decades, it is therefore not always possible to ascer-
tain whether users relied on the De Bry volumes or on derivations
such as the accounts issued by the Hulsius family. Nevertheless, there
are many publications which were verifiably based on the De Bry col-
lection. Engravers and publishers in the Dutch Republic in particular
used the Frankfurt iconography in order to decorate their geographic
and cartographic material, furthering the dissemination of the De Bry
modifications in the process.34 As noted in the previous chapters, the De
Bry collection was widely available in the most significant bookstores
in Amsterdam and Leiden, and the relationship between the De Brys
and the publisher Cornelis Claesz cannot be doubted.
Two of Cornelis Claesz’ employees remained involved with the
Frankfurt publishers after the bookseller’s death. Dirck Pietersz Pers
and Hendrick Laurensz, who established his bookstore in the same
house as Claesz, decided to continue the publishing strategy of their
predecessor to provide readers with accounts of overseas voyages.35 In
the final years of his life, Claesz had started issuing French translations
of the Dutch narratives he had published in the previous decade. The
two young booksellers replicated the venture, and combined forces and
investments to produce the first French translation of Van Linschoten’s
Itinerario in 1610, which appeared in two identical versions with different
33
Zülch (1935) 441, 480. Cf. supra, Ch. 3, p. 98.
34
On cartography in the Dutch Golden Age: G. Schilder, Monumenta cartographica
Neerlandica (multiple vols.; Alphen aan den Rijn 1986 ff.), including Volume VII on
Cornelis Claesz, and K. Zandvliet, Mapping for money: maps, plans and topographic paintings
and their role in Dutch overseas expansion during the 16th and 17th centuries (Amsterdam 1998).
See also: M. van Groesen, “Interchanging representations. Dutch publishers and the
De Bry collection of voyages (1596–1610)”, Dutch Crossing 30–2 (2006) 229–42.
35
Van Selm (1987) 252, 336–37.

imprints.36 Van Linschoten, after falling out with Claesz in the 1590s
shortly after the appearance of his work, had purchased the original
copperplates to his Itinerario in 1610, when Claesz’ stock was auctioned.37
Hendrick Laurensz and Dirck Pers therefore decided to use De Bry’s
engravings for their French translation.
Copies of the actual De Bry plates may have been in Claesz’ pos-
session. In his catalogue of prints and maps of 1609 he mentioned
his ownership of plates to some of the engravings for sale in his shop,
without mentioning precisely which plates he possessed.38 Laurensz and
Pers may have used these plates, or may have simply teamed up with
the De Brys. Either way, their Amsterdam editions included many of
the engravings designed for India Orientalis II, III, and IV in Frankfurt.
Hence the ‘Mendoza engravings’ of China and the picture of the bowel-
consuming Hottentots at the Cape of Good Hope, to name the most
persistent De Bry designs, entered not only these books in Amsterdam,
but also the wider realm of Dutch overseas iconography which occu-
pied such a dominant position in seventeenth-century Europe. Prints
and illustrations were of course copied time and again, but it is worth
considering how the De Bry illustrations managed to exert influence on
booksellers and artists who intimately knew the original compositions
the Frankfurt publishers had adapted.
The De Bry engraving of the insatiable Hottentots, for example,
made the original illustration in Willem Lodewijcksz’ account entirely
redundant. The reasons for the replacement may have been artistic, if
publishers considered the De Bry plate more dynamic than Lodewijcksz’
rather sterile illustration, or commercial if they regarded it as more
appealing to their circle of readers, or both. Similar reasons may have
ensured the image’s lasting appeal. In 1611, one year after the French
Itinerario had been issued, Johannes Pontanus included the engraving in
his history of the city of Amsterdam, in a chapter devoted to Dutch
maritime expansion.39
36
J. Huygen van Linschoten, Histoire de la navigation de Jean Hugues de Linscot Hollandois
et de son voyage es Indes Orientales (Henry Laurent / Theodore Pierre, ed., Amsterdam
1610). Claesz issued French translations of the accounts by Van Noort (1602), De Veer
(1604, 1609), De Marees (1605), and Lodewijcksz (1609), and the voyage made by Van
Neck and Van Warwijck (1609).
37
Roeper (1998) 26.
38
Book sales catalogues, MF 3293, Const ende caert-register (1609); see: Van Selm (1987)
217–19.
39
J. J. Pontanus, Rerum et urbis Amstelodamensium historia (Amsterdam 1611), translated

354 chapter eleven
The influence of the Frankfurt engravings on Dutch cartography is

extensive, making it impossible to document all the states, copies, edi-
tions, and versions of ethnographic illustrations. Tracking the De Bry
plate of the Hottentot can serve as an indication of the collection’s
impact. Jodocus Hondius introduced it to Dutch cartography in 1606,
and Willem Jansz Blaeu, the most accomplished cartographer and
publisher of Golden Age Amsterdam, thence used the composition
to typify the inhabitants of the Cape, in the decorated borders of his
maps of the African continent (ill. 79).40 Ethnographical cartouches
became a distinctive element of Dutch cartography in the seventeenth
century. Cartographers who encouraged the development of this genre,
like Blaeu, Claesz, and Hondius, embellished their early seventeenth-
century maps with De Bry compositions, particularly their maps of the
New World, as authoritative images of the indigenous Americans were
still hard to find.41 The custom of decorating maps slowly expanded to
other countries, such as France, where Samuel de Champlain depicted
Algonquians as part of his map of New France. Maps of America
made after Dutch prototypes by Nicolas Picart, also in France, and
Robert Walton in England also included De Bry engravings as part
of the borders.42
But the finest decorated maps continued to appear in the United
Provinces. Cornelis Claesz, as early as 1602, copied De Bry engrav-
ings for his set of large wall maps of the four continents. Eight small
decorative scenes of Asian and Muscovian customs were inserted at
into Dutch as: Historische Beschrijvinghe der seer wijt beroemde Coop-stadt Amsterdam (Amsterdam
1614) 183. For Pontanus’ dependency on De Bry designs: Tiele (1867) 132–33; J. F.
L. de Balbian Verster, “Een Amsterdammer als pionier op Bali (Emanuel Rodenburg,
1597–1601)”, Jaarboek Amstelodamum IX (1911) 100.
40
W. Blaeu, Africae nova descriptio (41 × 55,5 cm.; Amsterdam 1608, 1617, 1630, 1647),
see: G. Schilder, Monumenta cartographica neerlandica VI: Dutch folio-sized single sheet maps
with decorated borders 1604–60 (Alphen aan den Rijn 2000) 117. On Blaeu: G. Schilder,
Monumenta cartographica neerlandica IV: Single-sheet maps and topographical prints published by
Willem Jansz Blaeu (Alphen aan den Rijn 1993).
41
C. Claesz, Americae tabula nova multis . . . (106 × 146 cm.; Amsterdam 1602);
J. Hondius, America (37,5 × 50 cm.; Amsterdam 1606); W. Blaeu, Americae nova Tabula
(41 × 55,5 cm.; Amsterdam [ca. 1630]); see: Schilder (2000). A survey of all the maps
in the De Bry collection is provided in: J. G. Garratt, “The maps in De Bry”, The map
collector 9 (1979) 3–11.
42
S. de Champlain, Carte Geographique de la Nouvelle Franse (43 × 76 cm.; Paris 1613);
see: S. I. Schwartz and R. E. Ehrenberg, The mapping of America (New York 1980) 91.
N. Picart, America noviter delineata (42 × 54 cm.; Paris 1644); R. Walton, A new, plaine,
and exact map of America (42 × 53 cm.; London 1658): Schilder (2000) appendix, maps
9 and 10; Burden (1996) 336–37, 428–29.

Ill. 79. Willem Jansz. Blaeu, Africae nova descriptio (Amsterdam 1617) detail
the top of the map of Asia, four of which were originally fabricated
in Frankfurt (ill. 80). Regardless of the reservoir of Itinerario-pictures
Claesz still had in stock, he opted to use the De Bry representations
of a banquet and of pagan practices based on Juan Gonzalez de
Mendoza’s description of China. Johannes Janssonius copied the lat-
ter for his revised edition of the map, issued in 1617,43 and as late as
1665, the printmaker Clement de Jonghe, one of the associates of the
Blaeu family, was still using some of the designs. In the top-right corner
43
C. Claesz, Asiae tabula nova multis . . . (106 × 148 cm.; Amsterdam 1602). See: Schilder
(2003) 346–56; Ind.Or. II, ills. xxviii and xxxi.

356 chapter eleven
Ill. 80. Cornelis Claesz, Asiae tabula nova multis . . . (Amsterdam 1602) detail
of his map of the Atlantic, De Jonghe reproduced two illustrations of

Dutch travellers’ experiences in West Africa, both first published by the
De Brys in India Orientalis II.44
The precise delineations of the coastlines and other geographi-
cal issues in the collection’s maps were still subject to debate among
44
C. de Jonghe, Hydrographica planéque Nova Indiae Occidentalis, Guineae, Regni Congo,
Angole, &c Delineatio (104 × 128 cm.; Amsterdam [ca. 1665]). The map engraved by
De Jonghe was designed in the 1620s in the workshop of Michiel Colijn. See: Schilder
(2003) 304–09; Ind.Or. II, ills. i and ii.

scholars, and many will have looked at the De Bry maps for new
information. The first two volumes provided important cartographic
novelties in the maps of Virginia and Florida, designed by White and
Le Moyne. The former remained a milestone in the cartography of
Virginia until the early 1670s, while the map the De Brys engraved
after Le Moyne was not surpassed until the late 1630s. Yet both maps
lacked the conventional latitudinal markings, leaving room for error. In
the 1590s, when the volumes were widely available, Cornelis de Jode
in Antwerp and Cornelis van Wytfliet in Louvain incorrectly placed
the province of Virginia north of Cape Cod, with Chesapeake Bay
at the latitude of Boston.45 After 1591 the De Brys could no longer
rely on accurate cartographical sources presented to them as part of
the travel accounts, and had to find other maps to copy. Their lack
of cartographical know-how was instantly exposed: the map of the
American continent they engraved as part of India Occidentalis III did
not include the most recent data on the projection of the continent’s
south-western coastline as disseminated by Ortelius in 1587, while the
map of the Indonesian archipelago in India Orientalis III later sported
similar inaccuracies.46
Better informed mapmakers therefore concentrated on the ethno-

graphical De Bry engravings. One of the two plates Cornelis Claesz
used for his African wall map arguably provides the best example of
the complex and bibliographically confusing exchange of representa-
tions between Amsterdam engravers and the De Brys in the early
seventeenth century.47 In 1602, four years after India Orientalis II had
appeared in Frankfurt, Cornelis Claesz issued Pieter de Marees’ nar-
rative on the Gold Coast. The penultimate plate in this work depicted
two Dutchmen being granted an audience with the local ruler at Cape
Lopez in Gabon. The illustration was derived from the engraving which
45
C. de Jode, America Pars Borealis, Florida, Baccalaos, Canada, Corterealis (38 × 52
cm.; Antwerp 1593), depicting Algonquians after De Bry; C. van Wyfliet, Descriptionis
Ptolemaicae augmentum sive Occidentalis notitia brevis commentario (Louvain 1597); see: W. P.
Cumming and L. de Vorsey jr., The Southeast in early maps (3rd rev. ed.; Chapel Hill 1998)
123–27; Burden (1996) 97, 101; Schwartz and Ehrenberg (1980) 78–83; W. J. Faupel,
“Le Moyne’s map of Florida: fantasy and fact”, Map collector 52 (1990) 33–36.
46
Burden (1996) 102–03; Th. Suárez, Early mapping of Southeast Asia (Singapore 1999)
181. The De Brys copied their maps from various sources, without making too many
alterations to often outdated maps.
47
Van Groesen (2006c) 229–42.

358 chapter eleven
Ill. 81. Ind.Or. II, ill. i
Ill. 82. Ind.Or. VI, ill. xix

the De Brys had added to Van Linschoten’s Itinerario four years earlier.
For India Orientalis VI, the De Brys routinely copied De Marees’ twenty
illustrations designed in Amsterdam. Hence the illustration they had
invented themselves in the late 1590s for their editions of the Itinerario
was once again, in slightly altered form, included in their collection as
an illustration of West African customs as recorded by De Marees (ills.
81 & 82). De Bry designs travelled back and forth between engravers’
workshops in Northern Europe, and their appeal diminished ever so
slowly. European maps of the American continent in particular con-
tinued to include De Bry-invented compositions.
Sporadically the De Brys were faced with Dutch travel accounts
without illustrations for them to copy. The author of the first report
in India Orientalis VIII, the chaplain Roelof Roelofsz, reported on the
second Dutch voyage to the East Indies, and one of the episodes he
described concerned a banquet at the court of the Sultan of Ternate.
The De Brys constructed a fitting engraving, which illustrated the lav-
ish reception Admiral Jacob van Neck and his crew enjoyed. Local
servants jumping and jousting beside the long dinner table provided
entertainment for the distinguished visitors (ill. 83). In the caption, the
De Brys explained that this event had been ‘described in detail in the
History’, implying that the illustration had indeed been constructed in
the Frankfurt workshop. Roelof Roelofsz’ narrative was not published
in the United Provinces until 1646, when it was included in Begin ende
Voortgangh, the principal Dutch collection of voyages. All illustrations
added to this first Dutch edition of Roelofsz’ report were initially con-
ceived in Frankfurt (ill. 84). Hence the De Brys, generally considered
imitators of illustrations made in Amsterdam, Rotterdam or Middelburg,
frequently provided new pictorial sources to Dutch accounts, which in
turn were copied in the United Provinces.
11.4. The scope of the De Bry engravings in

early modern Europe
Like their colleagues in the Dutch Republic, mapmakers and publishers

elsewhere used the De Bry engravings as soon as the volumes came into
their grasp. After the English had lost the Roanoke colony, which had
inspired Thomas Harriot’s account, new English expeditions to Virginia
were undertaken. Arguably the most memorable was made by John

360 chapter eleven
Ill. 83. Ind.Or. VIII, ill. i
Ill. 84. Begin ende Voortgangh (Amsterdam 1646) I, between [A4] and [B1]

Smith, who described his famous encounter with Pocahontas. When he

released his The Generall Historie of Virginia in 1624, the engraver copied
pictures the De Brys, for their map of the east coast, had derived from
John White’s watercolours some thirty-five years before. The derogatory
plate of the idol Kiwasa constructed in Frankfurt in 1590 received a
prominent position in the map of the province included in the report.
Johan Theodore and Matthaeus Merian subsequently copied this map
for India Occidentalis X, and Samuel Purchas reprinted the map as part
of his collection of voyages in 1625.48
The degrading illustrations of Black Africa attracted sustained atten-
tion in various countries and make an interesting case-study of the
course the De Bry constructions followed in Europe. The Englishman
Thomas Herbert wrote a stinging critique of sub-Saharan Africa and
the indigenous populace, published in 1638 as Some yeares travels into Africa
and Asia the Great. Alongside Herbert’s descriptions of “wretched black
skin’d wretches”, there were two illustrations derived from the De Bry
collection, which, not surprisingly, were two of the more deprecating
engravings. The first, a portrait of an inhabitant of Angola was clearly
indebted to the De Bry-invented king of the Mozambicans, whose
subjects were depicted cutting off the penises of their enemies. The
second showed the Hottentots at the Cape of Good Hope eating the
intestines of an ox (ills. 85 & 86), albeit copied from the reworked image
included in the cartouche of Blaeu’s map of Africa.49 For Herbert’s
damning representations this engraving was irresistible.
The English cartographer John Speed, in 1626, also used the De
Bry-invented design, probably imitating an Amsterdam cartouche made
by Jodocus Hondius in 1606. Just like Herbert, Speed deliberately drew
the attention of viewers to the act of eating, as he paid only scant
attention to the Hottentot’s other features.50 In England, the diet of the
people at the Cape of Good Hope became an often repeated indicator
48
J. Smith, Virginia (32 × 41 cm. [6th state 1625; 1st state 1612]); see: Schwartz
and Ehrenberg (1980) 95, and H. Honour, The European vision of America (Cleveland
1975) cat. nr. 69.
49
Th. Herbert, Some yeares travels into Africa and Asia the Great. Especially describing the
famous empires of Persia and Industant. As also divers other Kingdoms in the Orientall Indies, and
I’les adjacent (London 1638) 9, 10, 18.
50
L. E. Merians, Envisioning the worst. Representations of ‘Hottentots’ in early-modern
England (Newark and London 2001) 37–38; J. Speed, Africae described, the manners of their
habits . . . (38 × 50 cm.; London 1626).

362 chapter eleven
Ill. 85. Thomas Herbert, Some yeares travels . . . (4th ed.; London 1677) 10
of their beastliness. Various travellers, no doubt conditioned by their

expectations based on what they had read and heard, dismissively
reported of the eating of guts and filth of the meat which civilised
Europeans cast away.51
The intestine-eating Hottentot also survived several generations
of German iconographers. Johan Albrecht von Mandelslo of Meckel-
enburg, after travelling extensively in Asia, wrote his Morgenländische
Reisebeschreibung in 1658, edited by Adam Olearius. They once again
reproduced the same De Bry composition. Offal-consuming Hottentots
51
Merians (2001) 49–50.

Ill. 86. Thomas Herbert, Some yeares travels . . . (4th ed.; London 1677) 18
also featured in Conrad Meyer’s illustrations to Albrecht Herport’s

Eine kurtze ost-indianische Reiss-Beschreibung (1669).52 The perseverance
of artistic compositions in early modern Europe is well-known, and
the influence of the De Bry engravings can be pointed out in many
German, English, and Dutch travel accounts and ethnological works.
Until well into the seventeenth century, these territories formed the
heartland of the enduring De Bry iconography.
The collection’s scope was not limited to Northern Europe, however,
and not exclusively reserved for geographical literature. As early as the
1590s, publishers in Venice were adjusting the contents of their printed
52
Merians (1998) 128–29; Bassani and Tedeschi (1990) 182–83; Faes (1981) 117.

364 chapter eleven
material to include pictures of the Algonquians in their costume books.

The second edition of Pietro Bertelli’s Diversarum nationum habitum carried
a 1594 imprint, but the preface was dated 1591. Only a year after the
appearance of the first America-volume, he considered the engravings
of the Virginian Indians sufficiently important to incorporate them
into his compendium of global clothing habits. The second edition of
Cesare Vecellio’s Habiti antichi e moderni di tutto il mondo, issued in Venice
in 1598, included around twenty portraits of Americans retrieved from
the early De Bry volumes.53 Humanists associated with the De Bry firm
re-used the illustrations in their own works. Carolus Clusius copied the
penguin first engraved for India Occidentalis IX in 1601 for his Exoticorum
libri decem which was printed in Antwerp four years later.54 The discourse
on hermaphrodites written by the Swiss physician Kaspar Bauhin in
1614 included the plate made for America II illustrating androgynous
inhabitants of Florida—made all the more easy because it was Johan
Theodore de Bry who published the treatise.55
The illustrations further attracted artists not necessarily interested in
geographical applications of the designs. Several painters purchased the
De Bry volumes, most significantly Rubens, who bought the complete
collection at the Officina Plantiniana in October 1613.56 The title-pages
of Volumes IV, V, and VI of the America-series, using the mountain land-
scape of the Potosí silver mines as cartouches, inspired him to design a
title-page for a book published by Balthasar Moretus in 1628, and an
archway for the joyous entry of Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand in Antwerp
in 1635.57 The title-pages appealed to Rubens because one of the art-
53
Horodowich (2005) 1055–56.
54
P. Mason, “Americana in the Exoticorum Libri Decem of Charles de l’Écluse”
In: F. Egmond, P. G. Hoftijzer, and R. Vissers, eds., Carolus Clusius in a new context:
cultural histories of Renaissance natural science (forthcoming, The Hague 2006); De Asúa
and French (2005) 113–14.
55
App. 1, nr. 152, ill. 4.
56
Arch. MPM 220, f183r: Ind.Occ. I–IX (Lat) and Ind.Or. I–IXapp. (Lat). On the
same day, he also purchased Boissard’s Antiquitates Romanae. His second-edition copy of
Ind.Or. (Lat) survives as BL G6609 (1–5). On Rubens’ private library: P. Arents, et al.,
“De bibliotheek van Pieter Pauwel Rubens: een reconstructie”, De Gulden Passer 78/79
(2000–01) 93–336. Other artists included the Frankfurt floral painter Jacob Marell,
who married Matthaeus Merian’s widow: A. Bredius, ed., Künstler-Inventare: Urkunden
zur Geschichte der holländischen Kunst des XVIten, XVIIten, und XVIIIten Jahrhunderts (8 vols.;
The Hague 1915–22) I 115.
57
H. Honour, The new golden land. European images of America from the discoveries to the
present time (London 1976) 92; J. R. Judson and C. van de Velde, Corpus Rubenianum
Ludwig Burchard part XXI. Book illustrations and title-pages (2 vols.; Philadelphia and London
1978) 71. The title-page Rubens designed was made for Heribertus Rosweyde’s Vitae

ists he most admired, Adam Elsheimer, may have conceived the hilly
landscape in 1594 (see ill. 58). The monogram AE on the title-page of
India Occidentalis IV cannot positively be related to the young Elsheimer,
but his involvement would explain Rubens’ decision to use precisely
these illustrations. Elsheimer, a sixteen-year-old apprentice when the
volume came off the presses, was learning the trade of engraving in
Frankfurt at the time, and made drawings in the 1590s for a number
of illustrations to Dutch expeditions to the East Indies.58
Once the concentric circles around the collection are further widened,
the persistence of the America-series outdoes the lasting appeal of the
India Orientalis-engravings. In his 1620 bibliographical encyclopaedia, the
Pomeranian pastor Paulus Bolduanus advised readers on the authority
of histories and descriptions published in the years before. In his sec-
tion on the New World, he reserves an important place for the De Bry
collection, and for texts included in the collection. The section on the
Orient is more extensive and more diffuse, listing the India Orientalis-
volumes among many other relevant publications.59 Those who wanted
to use credible material on Africa and Asia could look to more recent
works from the Dutch Republic or, depending on their background,
to Jesuit letters.
The persistence of the De Bry engravings is predictable. Good illus-

trations were simply copied time and again. No distinction was made
between ‘original’ illustrations and engravings the De Brys constructed
in Frankfurt, and hence it is no surprise to see the attractive and pre-
sumably shocking engraving of the Hottentot recur in various printed
reports of southern Africa. But did these editors, artists, and authors
also read the translations the De Brys composed? Did they absorb the
modified texts? John Locke surely must have assessed the translations
to be able to dismiss them in favour of Ramusio’s collection. Caspar
Patrum (Antwerp 1628). Rubens also made an etching of the same illustration, dated
ca. 1641–42: Honour (1975) cat. nr. 107.
58
K. Andrews, “Elsheimer’s illustrations for Houtman’s ‘Journey to the East Indies’ ”,
Master drawings XIII–1 (1975) 3–7; Idem, Adam Elsheimer. Paintings—drawings—prints
(Oxford 1977) elaborates on the co-operation between Elsheimer, Phillip Uffenbach, and
Georg Keller. Elsheimer, born in 1578, is generally considered Uffenbach’s apprentice,
but there is no archival evidence to substantiate this claim. If the title-page to Ind.Occ.
IV is indeed Elsheimer’s, it is the earliest known drawing of his hand.
59
P. Bolduanus, Bibliotheca Historica sive: Elenchus scriptorum historicorum et geographicorum
selectissimorum, qui Historias vel Universales totius Orbis . . . (Leipzig 1620) 127–28, 130–31,
258–63. On Bolduanus: Burke (1995a) 36.

366 chapter eleven
Barlaeus must have read the reports by Staden and De Léry when he
borrowed Gerardus Vossius’ copy in 1644 before deciding not to use
them for his account of the Dutch colony in Brazil, published in 1648.
Yet there are scattered indications that the De Bry translations did
influence geographers and cosmographers of later generations.
Jean de Léry was presumably among the first to use the collec-
tion, as he substantiated later editions of his account of Brazil with
information taken from the first two volumes of the America-series.60
Claude-Barthélemy Morisot, in his Orbis maritimi sive rerum in mari et lit-
toribus gestarum generalis historia (1643), not only copied illustrations from
various India Orientalis-volumes,61 but he also referred his readers to
the De Bry translations by way of the margins of his text, where he
cited the textual sources he had used. Morisot not only cited precisely
those reports included in the De Bry collection but also paid tribute to
translators like Artus, Lonicer, and Strobaeus.62 Slightly more exciting,
and inevitably more speculative, is Alexander Ross’ reliance on the
modified De Bry version of Van Linschoten’s Itinerario for his work on
the religions of the world first published in 1653. When Ross discussed
the superstitious ceremonies of the Chinese, he referred to a number of
authors including Ortelius, Maffei, and Van Linschoten. Yet the travel-
ler from Enkhuizen did not describe any Chinese religious ceremonies
in depth, at least not until the De Brys issued their translations, which
highlighted Chinese heathendom by copying relevant excerpts from Juan
de Mendoza’s treatise. Ross, when giving credit to Van Linschoten, may
in fact have used the slightly altered text in India Orientalis II.63
Some authors not only referred to other texts, but borrowed com-
plete passages, making the attribution of the source to another work
more straightforward. Several German accounts in the De Bry collec-
tion helped Hans Jakob Christoph von Grimmelshausen in writing his
60
F. Lestringant, Jean de Léry ou l’invention du sauvage. Essai sur “l’Histoire d’un voyage
faict en la terre du Brésil” (Paris 1999) 47–50.
61
These were all illustrations of ships, like Ind.Or. II, ills. xiv, xvii, xxvi; III. ills. xxvii
and xxviii; VI, ills. viii and x, and Ind.Occ. XI, ill. iii. C. B. Morisot, Orbis maritimi sive
rerum in mari et littoribus gestarum generalis historia ([Paris] 1643) 719–24.
62
Morisot (1643) 578, 584, 592 ff.
63
The first edition was published as Pansebeia in English, and quickly translated into
Dutch. I used the first French edition: A. Ross, Les religions du monde, ou Demonstration de
toutes les religions & heresies de L’Asie, Afrique, Amerique, & de l’Europe Depuis le commencement
du monde jusqu’à present (Amsterdam 1666) 60: “Quant à la multitude de leurs supersti-
tieuses ceremonies, & des vaines opinions de la divinité, voyez le Discours de la Chine,
Boterus, Ortelius, Maffeus, Linschoten, & l’Epistre des Iesuites”.

famous Abentheurliche Simplicissimus in the mid-1660s.64 Grimmelshausen,

for a passage in the sixth book recounting the protagonist’s arrival
on a desolate island, took his inspiration from the description of
Mauritius in India Orientalis V. The natural settings on Mauritius and on
Simplicissimus’ island seamlessly overlapped.65 Other De Bry volumes
may have influenced Grimmelshausen as well: Jean de Léry’s compre-
hensive observation of a Brazilian dye-stuff in America III returned in
Simplicissimus. Books other than the actual De Bry volumes could have
gone through Grimmelshausen’s hands when composing Simplicissimus’
adventures, as various publishers copied the German De Bry transla-
tions for editions they issued. The translation Johan Homberger made
of Jose de Acosta’s treatise on the New World in 1601 was re-issued
in 1605 in a separate edition printed in Ursel, in the archdiocese of
Mainz, while Pieter de Marees’ description of the Gold Coast formed
the prototype for the West-Indianische Reißbeschreibung of 1663, written
by Michael Hemmersam, a sailor in the service of the Dutch West
India Company.66
11.5. Collections of voyages in the seventeenth century
While the works of Ramusio and Hakluyt exerted influence on the De

Bry collection, the De Brys in turn paved the way for other seventeenth-
century compilers of travel accounts. Seventeenth-century collections of
voyages were markedly different than their counterparts issued before
1600, and many of the alterations to the genre should be ascribed to
the success of the De Bry collection at the turn of the century. None of
the later collections was indebted to the De Bry volumes to the extent
that the Hulsius collection was, but most editors of compendia, in one
way or another, rated the Frankfurt collection, and incorporated its
successful aspects into their own works. Only Melchisédech Thévenot
borrowed little or nothing from the De Bry collection for his Relations de
divers voyages curieux (1663–72). He did not even possess the volumes in
his nonetheless sizeable private library, and only the emphasis he placed
64
J. B. Dallett, “Grimmelshausen und die Neue Welt”, Argenis 1 (1977) 141–227;
M. Günther, “Zur Quellengeschichte des Simplizissimus”, Germanisch-Romanische
Monatsschrift X (1922) 360–67.
65
Ind.Or. V (Ger) 8–9; see: Günther (1922) 361–65, and Dallett (1977) 151, n. 24.
66
Dallett (1977) 145–65.

368 chapter eleven
on recently published accounts is reminiscent of the De Bry collection.

Otherwise his collection, which included cuneiform writing, Chinese
characters, texts in ancient Greek, and highly accurate representations
of pre-Columbian iconography, was too erudite to invite comparison
with India Occidentalis and India Orientalis.67
One of the first to adapt to editorial novelties in the De Bry col-
lection was, again, Cornelis Claesz in Amsterdam. He borrowed the
collection’s idiosyncratic format, and developed a publication where
brief paraphrases of the travel account accentuated the primacy of the
engravings. In this mould he published Icones, habitus gestusque Indorum
ac Lusitanorum per Indiam viventium in 1604, the assembled engravings to
Van Linschoten’s Itinerario. The Icones may have echoed the sections
with plates of the De Bry collection, but Claesz, unlike the De Brys,
issued the illustrations without the author’s full text.68 Instead the
engravings were accompanied by passages from the Latin translation.
Despite the work’s good-looking, accessible structure, the publication of
visual material without adding the corresponding report did not strike
a chord. Claesz abandoned the project, and began looking for other
ways to maximise his revenues, like producing French translations of
the Dutch narratives.69
The first truly significant collection of voyages to appear in the sev-
enteenth century was made in England by Samuel Purchas, an Anglican
minister and self-educated geographer. Purchas acquired his material
on the overseas world from Richard Hakluyt and continued to collect
complementary accounts throughout the 1610s and 1620s.70 Although
vastly inferior to Hakluyt as a geographer, he was more attuned to
the demands of the early modern readership. Not unlike the De Brys,
he added narrative elements to the rather bare texts of the Principall
Navigations and omitted unattractive ingredients like lists, contracts, and
legal documents, resulting in a collection which was respectfully titled
67
Bibliotheca Thevenotiana sive catalogus impressorum et manuscriptorum librorum bibliothecae
viri clarissimi D. Melchisedecis Thevenot (Paris 1694). According to the marginalia in his
work, Thévenot did rely on the English collections of Hakluyt and Purchas. See:
N. Dew, “Reading travels in the culture of curiosity: Thévenot’s collection of voyages”,
Journal of Early Modern History 10–1/2 (2006) 39–59.
68
Van den Boogaart (2003) 6.
69
Cf. supra, pp. 352–53.
70
On Purchas: D. R. Ransome, “A Purchas chronology” In: L. E. Pennington, ed.,
The Purchas handbook. Studies on the life, times and writings of Samuel Purchas 1577–1626
(London 1997) 329–80.

Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas his pilgrimes (1625). This collection combined

the material in Hakluyt’s three-volume work with the accounts Purchas
had published himself in the form of the popular Purchas his pilgrimage,
reprinted several times after its initial appearance in 1613.71
The plan of the Pilgrimes essentially parallels the structure and
contents of Hakluyt’s collection, arranging the accounts geographi-
cally and chronologically, and maintaining an Anglican world-view,
primarily but no longer exclusively based on English sources.72 Striving
for completeness, Purchas’ volumes contain even more narratives, but
accommodating these texts into his collection required frequent and
drastic editing. Although Purchas attempted to be a conscientious edi-
tor—he usually informed his readers when he shortened accounts—the
accumulation of textual cuts, for example in the case of the journal of
Anthony Knyvett, sometimes made the remaining edition unintelligible:
consecutive paragraphs could carry information on different locations
once Purchas had cut out the intermediate voyage. The active editing
role even inspired Purchas to refer to himself as the author, using the
travellers’ accounts to express his devotion to Protestant orthodoxy.
Here Purchas’ objectives diverged from those of Hakluyt, as the former
aimed at moral education of his readers while the Principall Navigations
served a more narrow political purpose.73
Purchas’ editing strategy can be deduced from analysing the most
extensive cuts made to Anthony Knyvett’s journal of his extraordinary
adventures on both sides of the Atlantic in the 1580s. After being
stranded on an island off the coast of Brazil, Knyvett and some of
his comrades were rescued and taken captive by Portuguese vessels.
The Portuguese, however, rescued Englishmen on the condition that
they were Catholics. Yet Purchas considered passages in his journal
which could be used to the advantage of Catholicism inappropriate,
and the extract implying that Knyvett was a Catholic—he was after
all rescued—was hence omitted. Confessional issues clearly influenced
Purchas’ editorial strategy, albeit in a different way than in Frankfurt
71
Helfers (1997) 166–69; C. R. Steele, “From Hakluyt to Purchas” In: D. B. Quinn,
ed., The Hakluyt handbook (London 1974) 74–84.
72
R. F. Hitchcock, “Samuel Purchas as editor—a case study: Anthony Knyvett’s
Journal”, The modern language review 99–2 (2004) 305; see also: C. Urness, “Purchas as
editor” In: L. E. Pennington, ed., The Purchas handbook. Studies on the life, times and writings
of Samuel Purchas 1577–1626 (London 1997) 121–44.
73
Hitchcock (2004) 307; Urness (1997) 138, 141 ff.; Helfers (1997) 168 ff. On
Hakluyt’s collection: cf. supra, Ch. 1, pp. 41–45.

370 chapter eleven
and Oppenheim. Other corresponding elements between Purchas and

the De Brys include the concentration on contemporary narratives,
and the rather careless handling of geographical names which resulted
in confusion, but neither is, of course, the result of direct influence.74
For India Orientalis XII and XIII, William Fitzer plundered Purchas his
pilgrimes, copying and translating as many as eight brief texts for the
final volumes of the De Bry collection.75 He also borrowed Purchas’
map of China for his final volume, the earliest map published in Europe
based on Chinese sources.76
The genre underwent a more imperative change after the 1590s as
a result of the changing editorial objectives. Whereas Ramusio and
Hakluyt, as well as the sixteenth-century cosmographers, were erudite
scholars of geography, their opposite numbers in the seventeenth century
were driven by concerns other than erudition. Unlike Montalboddo,
Thevet, and Ramusio, the De Brys, Hulsius, and Purchas modified
the accounts in order to reach a wide readership. They did not regard
the actual narratives alone as powerful enough to entertain armchair
travellers in the Old World, yet their more comprehensive editorial
methods lacked the erudition and the precision of the couched adap-
tations made by the likes of Ramusio. The absence of knowledgeable
editing continued to tarnish the collections as the seventeenth century
progressed. In the wake of the success of the De Brys, and as part
of the ongoing ascendancy of the printing industry, booksellers and
publishers rather than humanists or geographers co-ordinated the next
generation of compilations.
Amsterdam, as the hub of Europe’s publishing efforts, and as one of
the centres of its overseas expansion in the first half of the seventeenth
century, provided the next collections. In 1619, the publisher Michiel
Colijn issued the combined travel accounts previously published by
Cornelis Claesz.77 Johannes Janssonius purchased his colleague’s cop-
perplates after Colijn’s death in 1635, and re-used them for the first
sizeable Dutch collection. Begin ende Voortgangh vande Vereenigde Needer-
landtsche geoctroyeerde Oost-Indische Compagnie, appearing in 1646 on the
74
Hitchcock (2004) 307–11.
75
See App. 2.
76
H. Wallis, “Purchas’s maps” In: L. E. Pennington, ed., The Purchas handbook.
Studies on the life, times and writings of Samuel Purchas 1577–1626 (London 1997) 150–51,
154–55.
77
M. Colijn, ed., Oost-Indische ende West-Indische voyagien (Amsterdam 1619).

eve of the long-awaited peace with Spain, looked back on the first
fifty years of Dutch expansion under the flag of the Dutch East India
Company. Begin ende Voortgangh, more than any other collection, bar
the one by Hulsius, copied many of its characteristics from the De
Bry collection. The two-volume collection assembled all the momen-
tous Dutch reports of overseas expansion published after 1602. Isaac
Commelin, the editor responsible for the task of collecting, cannot have
encountered the problems of his sixteenth-century predecessors, as all
the accounts were written in Dutch and the illustrations were ready-
made. It is conceivable that Commelin, a descendent of the family of
Heidelberg and Amsterdam publishers, did a fair share of the work in
Janssonius’ workshop.78
The Begin ende Voortgangh volumes created the same atmosphere as
the De Bry volumes by attaching considerable importance to the icono-
graphic material, perhaps because Commelin, to his dismay, did not
get access to the archives of the Dutch East India Company and kept
his introductory comments to a minimum. Colijn’s illustrations were
faithfully copied for Begin ende Voortgangh. The collection’s title-pages gave
a favourable impression of the works’ contents and were probably used
to draw attention to the attractiveness of the volumes. Many of the
accounts in the collection had not been made public before, and some
of the reports had been written only a few years before the collection
appeared, giving the collection a sense of urgency.
Several texts in Begin ende Voortgangh were copied from the De Bry
collection, as they had not been published in Dutch before. Roelof
Roelofsz’ report of Van Neck’s second voyage to the East Indies and
four corresponding illustrations were copied from India Orientalis VIII,
although Commelin inserted new information based on the original
manuscript.79 The second account in this De Bry volume, concerning
the same expedition but written by the sailor Cornelis Claesz, whose ship
followed a different route than the main fleet, was copied for the Dutch
78
H. H. Zwager, “Isaac Commelin en zijn verzameling Begin ende Voortgangh van
de Vereenighde Nederlandtsche geoctroyeerde Oost-Indische Compagnie”; separately
published article intended as an introduction to the facsimile-edition of Begin ende
Voortgangh (4 vols.; Amsterdam 1969) 3–9; C. R. Boxer, “Introduction to the facsimile
edition of Isaac Commelin’s ‘Begin ende Voortgangh’ ” In: Idem, Dutch merchants and
mariners in Asia 1602–1795 (London 1988) II 2–3.
79
Begin ende Voortgangh vande Vereenigde Neederlandtsche geoctroyeerde Oost-Indische Compagnie
(2 vols.; Amsterdam 1646) I [A1r–D2r]: ‘Kort ende waerachtigh verhael van de tweede
Schipvaerd’. The engravings are Ind.Or. VIII, ills. i, iii–v.

372 chapter eleven
collection of voyages without alterations.80 Commelin and Janssonius

also translated Jan van Bree’s detailed account of the first expedition of
the Dutch East India Company under the command of Wybrand van
Warwijck and Sebald de Weert from India Orientalis VIII. De Weert was
killed by the troops of the King of Candy, and the gripping engraving
designed in Frankfurt was repeated in Begin ende Voortgangh, as one of
a set of five.81 The remaining unpublished account in India Orientalis
VIII, written by Cornelis van der Venne, was also issued as part of the
Dutch compendium, while Begin ende Voortgangh included the engravings
the De Brys made for the journal of Stefan van der Hagen.82
Begin ende Voortgangh was the first in a line of Dutch collections of
voyages, all of which are known after the name of the publisher
responsible for gathering and organising the material. The bookseller
Joost Hartgers reprinted the whole of Begin ende Voortgangh in 1648, and
added another set of spectacular accounts including the shipwreck of
the Dutch vessel Batavia on the west coast of Australia, and Willem
Bontekoe’s tale of an explosion which destroyed his East Indiaman.83
Gillis Joosten Saeghman’s collection Verscheyde Oost-Indische Voyagien
(1663–64) closely resembled the two collections of the 1640s. Not
all the accounts translated from the De Bry collection reappeared in
Saeghman’s work, but like Begin ende Voortgangh and Hartgers’ spin-off,
Saeghman’s volumes did put an emphasis on iconographic material as
first shown in the De Bry collection, mainly sloppily executed wood-
cuts. If anything, Saeghman paid even more attention to spectacular
details, and was prepared to cut the accounts to the bare essentials in
order to add sensational details. All modifications were aimed solely
at reaching a broad readership for texts which by now were common
and familiar reading matter.84
80
Begin ende Voortgangh (2 vols.; Amsterdam 1646) I [D2r–D4r]: ‘Volght de
Beschrijvinghe van de drie resterende Schepen’.
81
Begin ende Voortgangh (2 vols.; Amsterdam 1646) I [AAAAA1r–LLLLL4v]:
‘Historische Verhael, Vande Reyse gedaen inde Oost-Indien’; Ind.Or. VIII, ills. vi–x.
82
Begin ende Voortgangh (2 vols.; Amsterdam 1646) I [DDD1v–DDD2r]: ‘Kort verhaelt
van de twee-jaerige Voyagie’; Boxer (1988) 10 ff.
83
Zwager (1969) 8–9. Hartgers’ accounts were also published separately, and cannot
always be found under the collective title Oost-Indische Voyagiën (Amsterdam 1648).
84
G. Verhoeven, “De reisuitgaven van Gillis Joosten Saeghman: ‘En koopt er geen
dan met dees fraaie Faem’ ”, Literatuur IX (1992) 330–38.

11.6. Epilogue: an eighteenth-century revival
Since both the reputation and the availability of the De Bry collection
decreased in the second half of the seventeenth century, the influence
of the volumes on later compilers faded. Thévenot did not use it, and
the same applies for later Dutch collectors like the physician Olfert
Dapper, whose treatises on Africa and Asia published around 1670
and 1680 did not betray any form of dependency on the De Bry col-
lection.85 Yet Thévenot and Dapper were learned collectors, unlike the
publishers before them, and when in the early eighteenth century the
Leiden bookseller Pieter van der Aa issued a series of travel accounts,
he did revert to earlier Dutch collections, and hence indirectly to the
De Bry volumes for inspiration.86
After testing the market with the publication of his first set of three
voyages in Dutch in 1704, Van der Aa treated readers in the United
Provinces to a comprehensive twenty-eight volume collection in 1706
and 1707. Every month a new issue appeared, in order to create and
maintain the interest of readers. Naauwkeurige versameling der gedenk-
waardigste zee- en landreysen na Oost en West-Indien thus attempted to take
the commercial benefits of serial production to new heights. Van der
Aa’s collection ultimately comprised 130 different narratives written by
Spanish, Portuguese, French, and English travellers made available in
a cheap octavo-format. For more affluent readers, Van der Aa issued
the same collection in folio around 1710.87 The gist of these volumes,
intended to reach readers with variable spending prowess, is reminiscent
of the De Bry and Hulsius collections.
Outside the domain of the Dutch publishing industry, eighteenth-
century authors of treatises on the New World still relied on the De Bry
85
Dapper’s works, all published in Amsterdam, include Naukeurige Beschrijvinge der
Afrikaensche gewesten (1668), Asia, of naukeurige beschryving van het rijk des Grooten Mogols, en
een groot gedeelte van Indiën (1672), and Naukeurige beschryving van Asië (1680). My thanks
go out to Jack Wills for examining copies of Dapper’s books for traces of the De Bry
collection, to no avail.
86
On Van der Aa: P. G. Hoftijzer, Pieter van der Aa (1659–1733). Leids drukker en boek-
verkoper (Hilversum 1999); idem, “The Leiden bookseller Pieter van der Aa (1659–1733)
and the international book trade” In: C. Berkvens-Stevelinck, et al., eds., Le magasin de
l’univers: the Dutch Republic as the centre of the European book trade (Leiden 1992) 169–84.
87
Hoftijzer (1999) 41–43. The 1704 publication was titled De gedenkwaardige West-
Indise voyagien, while the collection in-folio was issued with titles such as De doorlugtige
scheeps-togten der Portugysen, De gedenkwaardige voyagien der Spanjaarden, De aanmerkenswaardige
voyagien door Francoisen and De wijd-beroemde voyagien der Engelsen.

374 chapter eleven
engravings. The Enlightenment turned the discoveries, and particularly

the discovery of the New World, into a major intellectual issue.88 In
Europe’s search for the roots of native Americans, the widespread famil-
iarity with the America-illustrations quickly became evident.89 While the
early Dutch expeditions to Asia, the staple of the India Orientalis-series,
had been surpassed by embassies to China, by Jesuit letters of missionary
success, and by more spectacular, and more lavishly illustrated, voyages
made by the Dutch East India Company—one only has to think of
authors like Matteo Ricci and Engelbert Kaempfer—the New World
iconography of the seventeenth century was soundly dominated by De
Bry engravings and their derivatives. Robert Beverley, when writing on
the English colony of Virginia in 1705, was left with few options when
looking for iconographic support of his text. He could either use India
Occidentalis I and II, or he could opt for the illustrations to the journals
of English travellers such as John Smith and Ralph Hamor, or else the
designs made by artists like Robert Vaughan. All were heavily indebted
to the De Bry plates of the Roanoke colony.90
More striking was the impact of the De Bry engravings on the
publications of early eighteenth-century French authors like the Joseph-
François Lafitau and Bernard Picart. Lafitau, a Jesuit missionary from
Bordeaux, and the Huguenot engraver Picart, living as a refugee in
Amsterdam, both wrote treatises on the customs of North American
inhabitants. Lafitau, in 1724, issued Moeurs des sauvages Ameriquains,
comparees aux moeurs des premiers temps. The majority of the illustrations
included in the two volumes were directly copied from the America-
series, and corroborated Lafitau’s preconceived analogies between
pre-Christian Europe and the New World. Both Robert Beverley and
Lafitau criticised the engravers responsible for illustrating their works.91
Yet Lafitau also used the Latin texts, some 130 years after the relevant
De Bry volumes had come off the presses. In the marginal notes to
his comparative study, he cited the accounts in India Occidentalis VIII
and XII among others, even referring to Walter Raleigh’s outdated
description of headless natives in Guyana.92
88
Burke (1995a) 46–47.
89
Sturtevant (1976) 419–20.
90
R. Beverley, The history and present state of Virginia (London 1705), which included
the De Bry designs of Kiwasa, the Virginian idol: Book 3, 30–31; see: M. C. Fuller,
Voyages in print. English travel to America, 1576–1624 (Cambridge 1995) 136–37.
91
Sturtevant (1976) 418.
92
J.-F. Lafitau, Moeurs des sauvages Ameriquains, comparees aux moeurs des premiers temps

Bernard Picart’s Cérémonies et coutumes religieuses de tous les peuples du

monde (Amsterdam 1723–43) shared some of Lafitau’s observations. His
engravings, published in nine volumes by the bookseller Jean-Frédéric
Bernard who shared the editorial objectives of the De Brys in issuing
this collection of treatises, relied on various compositions designed in
Frankfurt.93 Based on the thirty-fourth and thirty-fifth engravings to India
Occidentalis II, Picart described the Timucua custom of sacrificing their
first-born children to their king, who was regarded as a descendant of
the sun. Elsewhere, he copied De Bry engravings of Africa, but only
those engravings which denounced heathendom and savagery, not the
more descriptive designs of Congo first made by Lopez and Pigafetta.
Both Lafitau and Picart, then, turned to the De Bry collection not only
as the most obvious source of iconographic material, but also because
the editing strategy emphasised the heathendom abroad, making the
illustrations suitable for assimilation to eighteenth-century theses on
paganism in the Americas. Both authors refined the ethnologically
indiscriminate process of copying already apparent in the De Bry
collection, and both used a marvellous ritual selected for depiction in
Frankfurt in the 1590s to substantiate more extensive textual surveys
of heathendom.94
Half a century after the appearance of the French ethnographies of

the 1720s, Thomas Jefferson acquired Lafitau’s treatise for his private
library.95 After having finally purchased the America-series, Jefferson
would have noticed that Lafitau, like Picart, still relied on the engravings
made in the 1590s, and this may have further added to the appeal and,
to some extent, the lasting authority of the De Bry iconography. But
the passing of two centuries inevitably changed the meaning readers
(2 vols.; Paris 1724) I 62: “Walter Ralegh place un Peuple nombreux d’Acelaphes dans
la Guyane”, taken from: “Walter Ralegh. in Descript. Guyanae. Indiae Occid. parte
8”, and I 320: “Paralip. Americae Indiae Occid. parte 12, fol. 130”. The illustrations
Lafitau copied include Ind.Occ. I, ill. xviii and Ind.Occ. II, ills. xiv, xv, xxix, xxxiv, xxxv,
and xxxviii; see: F. Lestringant, “Le roi soleil de la Floride, de Théodore de Bry à
Bernard Picart”, Études de lettres LXX-1/2 (1995b) 19–20, 28–29; W. C. Sturtevant,
“Lafitau’s hoes”, American antiquity 33–1 (1968) 93–94.
93
D. Pregardien, “L’Iconographie des Cérémonies et coutumes de B. Picart” In: D.
Droixhe and P.-P. Gossiaux, eds., L’homme des Lumières et la découverte de l’autre (Brussels
1985) 183–90.
94
Lestringant (1995b) 18–19.
95
Millicent Sowerby (1952–59) IV 183. Jefferson apparently did not possess Picart’s
work.

376 chapter eleven
attached to the voyages. In a letter to John Adams in 1812, to whom he

sung the praises of the monumental volumes and noted that “fact and
fable are mingled together”, Jefferson informed his countryman that he
considered the De Bry volumes “less suspicious [. . .] in their complexion,
more original and authentic, than those of Lafitau”.96 This comparative
statement, however, does not sum up Jefferson’s overall appraisal of the
De Bry volumes. Bibliographic rather than representational or ethno-
logical interest in the collection undoubtedly conditioned his devotion
to the volumes, as was the case for so many of his less affluent or, in
the words of Dibdin, less fortunate contemporaries.
96
Millicent Sowerby (1952–59) IV 176: Jefferson to Adams, 11/6/1812.

CONCLUSION
One could argue that Tommaso Campanella was right on both accounts,
in 1600, when he claimed that more history had been made in the
previous century than in the preceding four thousand years, and that
more books had been made than in the preceding five thousand years.1
The printing industry had reached maturity, after all, at the same time
that the discovery of the New World and the European return to Asia
were just two of many significant events of the era. Both elements
can be considered stimuli for collections of voyages published between
1500 and 1700. The printed testimonies of the European encounter
with overseas societies and their commercial success in the bookstores
of the Old World enabled compilers to combine the two developments
Campanella described into one genre. Whereas the sixteenth-century
editors of collections had been educated men trying to make sense of
a rapidly expanding world, their seventeenth-century successors were
mostly publishers and booksellers, whose objective it was to present the
growing number of armchair travellers with a comprehensive impres-
sion of European experiences in America, Africa, and Asia.
The De Brys, at the turn of the century, were the first publishers to
co-ordinate such a vast enterprise, breaking with the humanist tradi-
tions of editorship which up to then had characterised the genre. In
line with Campanella’s statement—which emphasised the primacy of
the printing revolution—the publication and the sale of books were
their main objectives. Given their widespread appeal, the reports of
Europe’s maritime expansion formed the ideal set of historical events
for a collection which became the nucleus of a successful publishing
firm. In order to sell their showpiece to readers across Europe, the De
Brys adjusted the representations of the overseas world as presented
in the original accounts. Their editorial strategy, a clear testimony to
the business acumen ascribed to them by friends, was aimed at making
the volumes acceptable for all potential customers. Because of religious
struggles, and the resulting segregation of society along confessional
lines, this would require careful planning.
1
Cf. supra, Ch. 1, p. 30.

378 conclusion
The collection’s linguistic division allowed for textual differentiations

invisible to the reader of a particular edition, but unmistakable when
both versions are being compared. This study has demonstrated that
some of the differences between the German and Latin narratives were
significant in both their scope and their representational implications.
Some accounts included in one translation were even omitted altogether
in the corresponding version. The De Brys, moreover, left out parts of
the accounts they considered offensive, and once even went so far as to
reduce a traveller’s introduction to a fraction of its original size to avoid
expected controversy and the threat of censorship. Hence the Latin
volumes, intended to reach both religiously moderate members of the
Republic of Letters and readers in territories loyal to Rome, blunted the
edges of accounts written by polemical Protestant authors. The German
translations, while less categorical in their omissions and modifications,
were also neutralised in order not to provoke controversy.
Scholars of the De Bry collection have tended to look at its Protestant
character, describing it as a contribution of bitter Protestant refugees
to the polemicised realm of printed matter in the period around 1600.
Richard Hakluyt’s involvement in the collection’s conception and the
incorporation of the testimonies from Girolamo Benzoni, Jean de Léry,
and René de Laudonnière in the early America-volumes have fuelled this
impression. John White’s watercolours in particular, used for the open-
ing volume, have been routinely interpreted as depictions disclosing a
Protestant agenda. To a certain extent, this is understandable. The De
Brys were indeed Calvinists, and in selecting and editing travel accounts
they may have been subliminally influenced by religious concerns. But
this was not the point of the collection, and not the representational
objective of the collection as is often argued. Looking at the early
America-volumes, the question regarding the extent to which these vol-
umes may be representative of the collection as a whole, or even for
that series alone, has seldom been addressed. The omissions of entire
prefaces and narratives mentioned above indicate different patterns
of modification, and therefore demand a different approach to the
collection’s contents and the underlying editorial strategy.
The consensus behind the thesis that the De Brys intended to sing
the praise of Protestant success overseas stems in part from the assump-
tion that Theodore was forced to escape persecution in his hometown
Liège. Some publications still consider the goldsmith a victim of the
Duke of Alva’s oppression of the Reformed in the Netherlands, yet
his actual migration to Strasbourg before 1560 was conditioned by

conclusion 379
economic anxieties at least as much as by religious intolerance. The

family’s move to Antwerp in the late 1570s reveals the same combina-
tion of religious push-factors and the commercial appeal of his new
domicile. Their decision to ultimately settle in Frankfurt in the late
1580s is an unequivocal example of economic migration. The arrival
of many Calvinists immediately following the Fall of Antwerp in 1585
generated social tensions between Frankfurt artisans and patricians and
the newly arrived merchant families from the Low Countries. By 1588
the Imperial Free City was reluctant to accommodate Calvinists hop-
ing to find shelter against the continuing confessional wars ravaging
parts of Europe.
Frankfurt, however, was the centre of the European book trade, and
hence the ideal place to settle for a family intent on starting up a publish-
ing firm. Theodore and his sons, using their skills as copper engravers
nurtured in Antwerp, succeeded in making their officina one of the
most recognisable in Europe, producing books and copper engravings
no other German publishing house was capable of issuing in the 1590s.
Alongside the collection of voyages, the De Brys published several other
multiple-volume works in different languages aiming to grasp, condition,
and maintain the interest of an international reading public. The family
further issued popular emblem books as well as publications profiting
from interest in the renewed hostilities with the Ottomans. Such small,
attractive, and essentially quickly produced books provided the turnover
needed to invest in larger projects like the collection of voyages. As the
firm matured, an increasingly varied corpus of publications rolled off
the presses of the printers in their service.
The catalogue of works the De Brys issued shows not only the rela-
tive importance of the collection of voyages, but also reveals that the
family refrained from publishing two types of books. With one or two
notable exceptions, the humanist tracts issued by the De Brys were
distinctly second-rate, and classical texts—the staple of many publish-
ing firms—were missing altogether. Their close friend Jean-Jacques
Boissard bemoaned the family’s lack of erudition, and wholeheartedly
complained to Carolus Clusius and others about what he considered the
ineptitude of the De Brys in publishing learned treatises in a truthful and
responsible manner. Only after being forced to move to Oppenheim in
1609, under the protection of the Elector Palatine, did Johan Theodore
de Bry obtain scholarly manuscripts with an international appeal, writ-
ten by Rosicrucians like Robert Fludd and Michael Maier. Since these
texts, sponsored by the Heidelberg court, were highly contentious, they

380 conclusion
were exclusively published in the Palatinate. The caution and prudence

characterising the firm’s publishing strategy also explains the omission
of a second group of works from the De Bry catalogue, namely theo-
logical treatises. Despite the dominance of religious texts and bibles
in the Frankfurt fair catalogues and, consequently, in private libraries
around 1600, the De Brys did not publish works aimed at this segment
of the book market.
The single exception to this rule, in 1595, instantly sparked contro-
versy. Frankfurt censors twice blocked the publication of Julius Roscius’
Opera misericordia because they deemed it papist. While Johan Theodore
and Johan Israel eventually issued the Jesuit treatise in Montbéliard,
the incident tainted their relationship with their father. Although the
two generations continued to co-operate for the three years remain-
ing until Theodore’s death, the firm used two different imprints after
1595, and a disappointed father complained about the lack of support
he received from his sons. Johan Theodore and Johan Israel, however,
never again antagonised local censors. Despite their Reformed beliefs,
they steered clear of issuing Calvinist publications. Instead they con-
tributed as engravers to Lutheran and Catholic bibles and co-operated
with translators and printers from other confessions. The private and
public spheres in the world of the booksellers thus remained firmly
separated at all times.
The collection of voyages, which more than any other publication
defined the identity of the officina, reflects the prudent publishing
strategy of the De Brys. A potentially confrontational treatise like
Las Casas’ Brevissima relación was issued on the side, not as part of a
collection for which it was nevertheless ideally suited. Treatises and
accounts by Catholic authors like Odoardo Lopez, Gasparo Balbi,
Jose de Acosta, Antonio de Herrera, and Pedro Ordóñez de Cevallos
were integrated into the collection to give the volumes a less-biased
appearance. The India Orientalis-series, an initiative of the two De Bry
brothers at a time when their father was still alive, even opens with an
engraving of Catholic success in converting Africans to Christianity.
In line with the linguistic differentiations, the De Brys dedicated some
of the Latin volumes to Catholic patrons in the hope of attracting
official approval. Yet the most telling glimpses of the objectives of the
De Brys can be found in the textual adjustments to the accounts, not
only in the shape of sizeable omissions and selective additions, but
also on the level of modifications to single phrases, margin texts, and
sometimes single words.

conclusion 381
The representation of the natural world by the De Brys shows two

different, complementary sides of the collection. Study of the changes
made to the exotic flora reveals that the methods of the De Brys were
meticulous, and that they went to great lengths to faithfully copy and
even improve the material presented in the original travel accounts,
spurred on by contributors like Clusius and Paludanus. At the same
time, however, exotic plants were underrepresented in most volumes,
and the selectiveness of the De Brys even led to the omission of John
White’s illustrations of the natural world. Similar selectiveness was
also apparent in the representation of the animal world in the De Bry
collection. By favouring descriptions and depictions of unfamiliar crea-
tures, the De Brys presented their readers with a negative interpretation
of the natural world. It gave the impression that Divine creation had
withheld useful animals from large parts of the overseas world, giving
preference to the Old World with its array of horses, sheep, and oxen.
Wild species, moreover, were overrepresented in the De Bry view of
Africa, Asia, and America, implying a lack of taming skills in many of
the societies European travellers encountered.
By attributing a traditional, symbolic connotation to animals, the
De Brys enabled their readers to observe a subtle hierarchy of the
overseas world. The various characteristics and appearances of separate
species across the volumes, like the elephant, provide an indication of
the ‘comparative potential’ of the collection of voyages. Species that
were represented as wild in West Africa were perfectly obedient to
man in parts of Asia, notably South-East Asia. The Asian methods
of catching and domesticating elephants were also substantially more
sophisticated than the rather arbitrary methods applied in Africa. The
De Brys depicted and described both the methods and the resulting
subservience of elephants in detail. In the New World other wild,
even monstrous species were found. This was a deviation from the
traditional view of America’s nature, where the shortage of quadru-
peds was considered a sign of organic inferiority. Other stereotypical
elements of the early modern representation of the New World, like
the supposedly tame predators and mute cats and dogs were not on
display either. In spite of the engraving of Adam and Eve in India
Occidentalis I, the alterity of the New World in the collection was not
based on such prelapsarian notions. The De Brys, in other words, did
not look for traditional, known entities in unknown parts of the world,
as sixteenth-century cosmographers had done, but constructed their
own set of representations.

382 conclusion
The publishers, like almost all other early modern Europeans gazing
at the overseas world, displayed great interest in different aspects of the
physical appearance of the indigenous peoples and their care for the
human body. Eating and drinking habits, mutilating one’s own body
or that of others, lack of clothing, and body posture were therefore all
subject to editorial changes in the hands of the De Brys. These fea-
tures, while sometimes converging in a single engraving, were further
spread throughout the collection. Depictions of nudity and especially
feathered headdresses expanded beyond their customary horizons in
the collection, and the territory home to cannibalism was also enlarged.
European conceptions of New World folklore moved to African shores,
while aspects of both were integrated into Asian identities, making the
various continents to some extent interchangeable.
The De Brys, additionally, defined the otherness of the peoples
encountered more sharply than their travelling authors had done. They
omitted softening or outright positive comments from the original travel
accounts, while selecting spectacular and more degrading passages for
depiction. Topics like mutilation and self-mutilation, receiving limited
attention until then, were pushed to the fore on several occasions.
Drunkenness was highlighted, and so was the consumption of food
that was considered abject, either by texture or lack of preparation.
Spectacular forms of paganism were considered the most suitable
instrument to represent the otherness abroad and to sell copies of the
volumes across early modern Europe. The De Brys, in their collection,
therefore stressed the distinctly un-Christian, unfamiliar background
of all indigenous beliefs encountered. If the original accounts had not
included depictions of local heathen practices, the De Brys methodi-
cally designed new engravings, dismissive interpretations of overseas
routines without exception. Other techniques included the omission
of passages that were deemed in some way approving of paganism,
typographical highlighting of controversial excerpts, the ventilation of
disgust at exotic beliefs through strongly-worded marginalia alongside
the texts, and a variety of small editorial adjustments. The process of
alteration included putting the emphasis on the vices of heathendom
in the prefaces to the volumes.
Comparing the German and the Latin versions of the volumes helps
us understand the representations of the overseas world in the De Bry
collection. Without undermining the otherness of the overseas peoples,
the Latin editions were generally more reluctant to overemphasise
the pagan nature of their rituals. The German versions, in contrast,

conclusion 383
tended to revel in describing paganism in its most vivid details. The

differences between the two versions suggest that there was no such
thing as a single overriding representational ideology on the part of
the publishers, and the broadly shared assumption that the collection
was conceived as a vehicle of Reformed propaganda must therefore be
shelved as one-dimensional. The variations between Latin and German
translations instead point to a process of modification based on the pre-
sumed expectations, interests, and desires of different groups of readers.
The De Bry alterations to excerpts of the travel accounts concerning
Christianity are also characterised by a reluctance to antagonise poten-
tial readers, including censors, and by a strategy to neutralise the Latin
volumes, which were most likely to end up on Catholic bookshelves.
Narratives by Protestant pamphleteers, like De Léry’s Histoire, were
therefore thoroughly revised. For the German volumes, however, the
publishers followed a similarly cautious approach, omitting the most
controversial fragments.
This complex editing strategy, so clearly visible when the texts are
examined, puts the celebrated copper engravings in a new perspec-
tive. The illustrations to Benzoni’s account of Spanish brutalities in
the New World retain their accusatory connotation, and the De Brys
rarely omitted Dutch engravings of maritime successes at the expense
of their Iberian rivals, but there is much more to the collection than
these illustrations alone. Especially when the origins of the engravings
are taken into account, the changes the De Brys made point to an
overall emphasis on the alterity of the worlds the Europeans encoun-
tered and a juxtaposition between uncultured, barbarous societies in
America, Africa, and Asia and their civilised Christian visitors from the
Old World. Not only do these representations reflect the anxieties of
many learned Europeans who despised the confessional turmoil in the
Empire, in France, and elsewhere, they also matched the expectations
of European readers who still believed, or preferred to believe, in tales
of marvels abroad. Moreover, demeaning overseas peoples, particularly
by stressing the scale of their heathen beliefs, also served to enhance
the damaged self-esteem of Christianity, and, most importantly for the
publishers, to sell the collection’s volumes to readers regardless of their
confessional allegiance.
The success of the De Brys in avoiding the wrath of the Catholic
readership can be measured by the collection’s entry on the Spanish
and Portuguese Indices. This may seem paradoxical at first, but the De
Brys managed to include narratives such as De Léry’s Histoire without

384 conclusion
inflaming Rome’s Congregation of the Index to the point where India

Occidentalis III, or even the collection as a whole by association, was
forbidden. Despite the inclusion of De Léry’s report on at least one
of the Indices Librorum Prohibitorum, even the very edition used by the
De Brys, the corresponding version issued in Frankfurt suffered only
the expurgation of selected passages, but, crucially, not prohibition of
the entire work. The textual modifications made in the De Bry work-
shop successfully neutralised the narratives to achieve a more lenient
inquisitorial assessment. Hence the sale of the volumes in the Iberian
monarchies remained possible, albeit conditionally, while Northern
European readers were eager to find out which passages had angered
inquisitors in Madrid and Lisbon.
The offensive passages—in a sense the controversial phrases the De
Brys did not recognise as such or remove—were often of a political
nature. Remarks testifying to Spanish tyranny or a Portuguese lack of
effort to convert the indigenous heathens regularly resulted in expur-
gations. Anti-Iberian, particularly anti-Spanish rhetoric was common
in sixteenth-century Europe, and was recognised and appreciated by
Catholics in France, Italy, and elsewhere. After abandoning the trans-
lation of the volumes into French in 1590, the De Brys drew French
readers to the collection through the addition of French travel accounts
to the Latin editions. Volumes of the collection thus retained their
anti-Spanish rhetoric, but if customers wanted to read unilaterally
detrimental assessments of Spanish conduct in the New World, they
could better turn elsewhere. Jean de Léry’s Histoire was available in
unexpurgated form in various languages. Girolamo Benzoni’s Historia del
mondo nuovo was printed in German in a hostile version only a handful
of years before the appearance of India Occidentalis IV, V, and VI. In
their pictorial representations, the De Brys instead opted to combine
the traditional view of Indians as innocent victims of the conquistadors
with graphic depictions of heathendom.
This editorial strategy proved successful, as the collection found its
way onto the shelves of private libraries across Europe: readers from
Seville to Lithuania, regardless of their religious persuasion, acquired
volumes of the firm’s ‘magnum opus’ in the first half of the seventeenth
century. According to the pattern of consumption, many customers
considered the accounts to be integral parts of one collection, or at
least of one of the two series. As the number of volumes continued to
increase in the 1600s and 1610s, the impression that the books should
be purchased and read together gained further ground. When the

conclusion 385
India Orientalis-series had matured sufficiently to match the nine-volume

America-series, which was not extended further between 1602 and 1618,
most of the customers in Jan and Balthasar Moretus’ Antwerp book-
store bought the De Bry collection as a whole, in a single transaction.
Only those who had purchased the initial volumes at an earlier stage,
when the collection was still being developed, continued to buy separate
volumes in order to complete their personal sets.
The accumulation of volumes enhanced the collection’s prestige:
many of the rich and famous took pride in possessing the voyages.
While the price impeded the availability of the collection for the middle
classes—until public libraries opened their doors in later decades—the
eagerness of more affluent customers assured their commercial success.
Before the collection turned into a collector’s item in the 1650s and
1660s, the volumes were sold in most of the important bookshops across
Europe. Even where this was not the case, as in Spain, the collection
nevertheless infiltrated the most significant private libraries. On the
whole, the size of a collector’s library in the early seventeenth century
determined the chance of the De Bry volumes finding their place on
the shelves: the larger the private library, the greater the likelihood of
it containing the voyages.
In the early decades of the seventeenth century, the collection was
considered authoritative. Academic libraries and scholars of botany,
medicine, and geography acquired the India Occidentalis- and India
Orientalis-series, which enjoyed roughly similar sales figures. Merchants,
noblemen, clerics, and magistrates added to the collection’s readership.
Not everyone capable of buying the volumes did so, however. Several
libraries of prominent humanists with an established interest in the
overseas world did not include the collection. Why these scholars did
not purchase the De Bry volumes is uncertain: perhaps they still valued
the authority of classical geographers like Ptolemy and Strabo over
travel literature written by contemporaries. The collection additionally
may have suffered from a questionable reputation in the Republic of
Letters, if the late seventeenth-century testimony of John Locke is to be
believed. Locke rated other collections of voyages as better and more
complete than the De Bry collection.
The available sources do not give any clues as to which elements
of the volumes Locke and other readers liked or disliked. Another
matter the surviving documents fail to solve is the distinction between
customers buying the German and the Latin translations. Humanists
invariably acquired the Latin editions, and so did those who did not

386 conclusion
read German, in parts of Europe like France, Spain, and Italy. The
German translations were for sale in the Dutch Republic, but very few
of the seventeenth-century auction catalogues indicate the ownership of
German volumes. Only in the Empire and possibly Scandinavia did the
German translations attract the attention of the reading public. While
the sources seem to point to a predilection for the German volumes
among Protestants who read German, the scarcity of the material does
not allow for more definite conclusions. The Latin volumes, at any
rate, were just as well represented in Protestant circles—in England
for instance—but then the De Brys had not aimed at dissuading
Protestants from buying the collection in Latin. Readers in England,
after all, were unlikely to read German and had little choice but to
buy the Latin volumes.
Inevitably, there were still plenty of people who did not possess,
consult, or even know the De Bry collection. But even they had ample
opportunity to see some of its modified representations, which ended
up in the mainstream of overseas iconography. Editors of later collec-
tions of voyages carefully studied the innovations the De Brys made
to the genre, and subsequent compilations placed more emphasis on
illustrations than had their sixteenth-century counterparts. If the seven-
teenth-century examples are divided into two categories, one made by
erudite scholars of geography like Thévenot and Dapper, and the other
made by publishers and editors like Purchas, Commelin, Saeghman,
and Van der Aa, the latter grouping relied on the De Bry collection
for inspiration, whereas the former did not use it as extensively. Yet
the hastily edited collections of voyages attracted a wide readership
until the early eighteenth century, thus prolonging the lifespan of the
De Bry representations.
The contemporary collection produced by the Hulsius family was at
the same time reliant on the De Bry model and responsible for further
dispersing its iconography. After an initial period which may have been
characterised by competition—but this remains unlikely given the close
personal ties between the De Brys and Levinus Hulsius—the period
after 1606 unmistakably saw a co-operative effort, co-ordinated by the
De Brys to whom the Hulsius family were indebted. While the folio
collection continued to be published in Latin and German for an afflu-
ent readership, the smaller-sized Hulsius collection aimed at readers
with a smaller budget. The analogous German quarto voyages the De
Brys had issued beginning in 1602 were abandoned in 1605, when the
successful Hulsius collection was incorporated into the firm’s publish-

conclusion 387
ing strategy. From 1606 onwards, the Hulsius family confined itself
to publishing narratives which had first been published as part of the
De Bry collection.
The iconography of the overseas world in singular maps and travel
accounts also relied heavily on the illustrations of the collection.
Northern European travellers and writers of geographical literature
specifically used engravings designed in Frankfurt to fuel their exotic or
damning representations of the overseas world. Cartographers in the
United Provinces eagerly copied the illustrations made by the De Brys
and influenced their colleagues elsewhere. As the seventeenth century
unfolded, the representations of Asia gradually lost their appeal. New
accounts and more accurate illustrations made much of the collection’s
compositions redundant. Meanwhile the America-volumes continued to
dominate New World iconography for generations, not because the
volumes were purchased in greater numbers, but because the early
seventeenth century had relied so heavily on the De Bry representations
of North America, of the Black Legend, and of cannibalism, that later
generations could simply not avoid using the De Bry illustrations or its
imitations and adaptations when looking for suitable pictures.
Apart from geographical scholars bound to take notice of the De Bry
volumes, artists and publishers copied the ethnographical engravings
of the collection. Venetian costume books of the 1590s derived some
of their portraiture from the early America-volumes, while Rubens and
Clusius, to name just two different types of readers, used the collection’s
illustrations for their own purposes. Given the variety of adaptations,
speculative claims that even Shakespeare knew the De Bry collection
and incorporated some of its contents into his work do not necessar-
ily have to be met with disbelief, although the available evidence is
far from conclusive.2 While the engravings can be traced effortlessly
in seventeenth-century paintings and prints, pointing to the direct use
of the modified texts is much more complicated. Grimmelshausen,
for his Simplicissimus, almost certainly copied De Bry translations when
describing the exotic places his protagonist encountered. Other authors
referred their readers to the De Bry editions by means of the margins
to their treatises, suggesting they had read these versions. Yet the only
explicit surviving assessments of the collection date from a time when
the collection’s authority had been surpassed by time and by more
2
C. Frey, “The Tempest and the New World”, Shakespeare Quarterly 30 (1979) 39.

388 conclusion
detailed descriptions of the overseas world. John Locke’s and Thomas

Jefferson’s critiques can hardly be considered to stand for the impression
the volumes made on their contemporary reading public. It is therefore
largely impossible, in this respect, to arrive at a definite conclusion of
the impact the adapted texts made in early modern Europe.
Stephen Greenblatt, in 1991, asked whether we can “legitimately speak

of ‘the European practice of representation’? There were profound dif-
ferences among the national cultures and religious faiths of the various
European voyagers, differences that decisively shaped both perceptions
and representations”.3 The De Bry collection, in various ways, answers
that question in the affirmative. It is, in fact, hard to think of any better
example from the sixteenth or seventeenth century which so perfectly
embodied the concept of Europe or European—even if no such con-
cept existed as we know it today—as the De Bry collection with its
assemblage of Dutch, English, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, German,
and French travel accounts all translated into Latin for an affluent
readership undivided by political or religious boundaries. As such, the
collection both reflected and moulded a self-styled European identity
which left little room for confessional divisions or attempted to gloss
over the ruptures which had affected the Old World since the Reforma-
tion. The overseas world as a whole, whether New or rediscovered,
provided the perfect counterweight for rebuilding European satisfac-
tion and self-confidence. Hence, as the implicit epitomy of European
self-definition, the De Bry collection above all vied to be recognisable,
conforming itself to widespread expectations of the overseas world
as uncivilised and un-Christian. Commercial considerations strictly
curtailed the De Brys’ representational and ideological latitude, should
they have had the intention of using the collection to disseminate
their private considerations in the first place. The price, rather than
the nature of the narratives included, was what bothered the publish-
ers most as the enterprise continued to expand. The editorial strategy
of the De Brys can only properly be understood if their commercial
anxieties are appreciated.
3
Greenblatt (1991) 8.

APPENDIX ONE
PUBLICATIONS OF THE DE BRY FIRM
Preliminary note
This list contains all works published by the De Bry firm, whether by
Theodore, by his widow, by his two sons or by Johan Theodore alone.
For the years after 1623, only first editions of remaining volumes of
the collection of voyages have been described. The list is based on
five different types of sources. Apart from the actual publications, the
catalogues of the Frankfurt book fairs (Q99 for the Easter fair of 1599,
S01 for the September fair of 1601, etc.), the ‘Cahiers de Francfort’ of
the Officina Plantiniana (Arch. MPM 969–1051), the ‘Zensurzettel’ in
the Frankfurt city archives, and the 1609 poster catalogue of the De
Bry firm have been used. Only publications which are referred to in
at least two of the five different types of sources are included in the
main list. Works only mentioned in one source can be found in separate
lists at the end, with explanations regarding their inclusion outside the
main list. All books have been listed by the year of publication, with
the books in 2o mentioned first, then the books in 4o etc. Volumes of
the collection of voyages have always been listed first. For these vol-
umes, the listed number of illustrations refers to the engravings of the
common size, mostly included in the second section of each of the
books. Title-pages, portraits, and heraldic dedications have not been
included. Maps are only described as such when not included into
these sections. Books which are not first editions are also included, but
only after the first editions of that particular year, and marked by a
* before their number in the list. To distinguish different editions, the
STCN-fingerprint method (Vriesema 1986) has been used. The list of
copies includes, if possible, one British (preferably BL), one German
(pref. HAB), and one Dutch (pref. UBA) copy. I truthfully transcribed
the title-pages, including blatant spelling mistakes, which sometimes
enable us to distinguish two different editions. I only corrected v’s
and u’s when appropriate. I am grateful to the staff of the following
libraries who examined copies for me: Georgianna Ziegler at the Folger
Shakespeare Library, Peter Harrington at the John Hay Library, Brown

390 appendix one
University, Cate Cooney at the Winterthur Library, Monika Butz at the

University Library in Basel, Gertrud Oswald at the Austrian National
Library, Andreas Wittenberg at the Staatsbibliothek Berlin, and Ivo
Asmus at the University Library in Greifswald.
Frequently used abbreviations
BL: British Library, London StUBF: Stadt- und

BNF: Bibliothèque Nationale Universitäts-
de France, Paris bibliothek Frankfurt
BSB: Bayerische UBA: University Library,
Staatsbibliothek, Munich Amsterdam
HAB: Herzog August UBL: University Library,
Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel Leiden
JCBL: John Carter Brown UBL Bibliotheca Thysiana,
Library, Providence, RI Thysia: Leiden
KB: Royal Dutch Library, UBU: University Library,
The Hague Utrecht
NSA: Dutch National UCL: University Library,
Maritime Museum, University College
Amsterdam London
ÖNB: Österreichische VU: University Library,
Nationalbibliothek, Free University,
Vienna Amsterdam
All other collections are mentioned in full.
1590
1. Thomas Harriot, Admiranda narratio fida tamen, de commodis et incolarum
ritibus virginiae nuper admodum ab anglis, qui à Dn. Richardo Greinvile equestris
ordinis viro eò in coloniam anno M.D.LXXXV. deducti sunt inventae. Frankfurt,
Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: 34, [94] pp., 28 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL c.74.g.4 (1); HAB A 131.1 Hist. 2o; UBL 1368 A 8 (1)
Add.: Volume I of the America-series, printed by Johan Wechel and
also sold by Sigmund Feyerabend. An imperial privilege was
obtained for a period of four years. The original English edi-
tion by Thomas Harriot (A briefe and true report, London 1588)

publications of the de bry firm 391
is translated by several people including Carolus Clusius,

who is credited on the title-page. Dedicated to Maximilian,
Archduke of Tirol.
Lit: Kuhlemann (2007); Greve (2004); Solok (1994); Faupel (1989);
Hulton (1984); Hulton and Quinn (1964)
2. Thomas Harriot, Wunderbarliche, doch Warhafftige Erklärung, Von der
Gelegenheit und Sitten der Wilden in Virginia, welche newlich von den Engelländern,
so im Jar 1585. vom Herrn Reichard Greinvile, einem von der Ritterschafft,
in gemeldte Landschafft die zu bewohnen geführt waren, ist erfunden worden.
Frankfurt, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: 33, [89] pp., 28 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL G6623 (1); HAB A 41 Hist. 2o (1); KB 1712 A 12 (1)
Add.: Printed by Johan Wechel and also sold by Sigmund
Feyerabend. The four-year privilege is mentioned on the title-
page. Translated by the unidentified Christian P., dedicated
to Christian I, Elector of Saxony.
3. Thomas Harriot, Merveilleux et estrange rapport, toutesfois fidele, des com-
moditez qui se trouvent en virginia, des facons des naturels habitans d’icelle, laquelle
a esté nouvellement descouverte par les anglois que messire Richard Greinvile chevalier
y mena en colonie l’an 1585. Frankfurt, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: 33, [9], [82] pp., 28 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL G6836; BNF 30576801; JCBL J.590 B915v
Add.: The only volume of the collection of voyages also published
in French. Printed by Johan Wechel and also sold in Sigmund
Feyerabend’s shop. Translated by Carolus Clusius, dedicated
to William IV, Elector Palatine.
4. Thomas Harriot, A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia.
of the commodities and of the nature and manners of the naturall inhabitants.
Discouered by the English Colony there seated by Sir Richard Greinvile Knight
In the yeere 1585. Which remained under the governement of twelve monethes.
Coll.: 2o: 33, [9], [82] pp., 28 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL G6837
Add.: Second English edition of Harriot’s A briefe and true report, printed
by Johan Wechel and also sold by Sigmund Feyerabend, the

392 appendix one
only volume of the collection to appear in English. Richard

Hakluyt is credited by De Bry in the preface as the person
who “first Incouraged me to publish the Worke”. He also
translated the Latin captions into English. The Imperial
privilege for four years also applied to this edition. Dedicated
to Sir Walter Raleigh.
1591
5. René de Laudonnière, Jacques le Moyne de Morgues, et al., Brevis
narratio eorum quae in Florida Americae provi[n]cia Gallis acciderunt, secunda in
illam Navigatione, duce Renato de Laudo[n]niere classis Praefecto Anno MDLXIIII.
Quae est secunda pars Americae. Additae figurae et Incolarum eicones ibidem ad
vivu[m] expressae brevis item Declaratio Religionis, rituum, vivendique ratione
ipsorum. Frankfurt, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [8], 30, [88], [26] pp., 42 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL G6627 (3); HAB M Gx 2o 7; UBL 1368 A 8 (2)
Add.: Volume II of the America-series, printed by Johan Wechel,
and also sold in the late Sigmund Feyerabend’s bookshop.
De Bry included the Imperial privilege he had obtained for
Volume I of the collection in 1590. Carolus Clusius made
the Latin translation of the original French account of René
de Laudonnière (L’histoire notable de la Floride, Paris 1586), for
which he could also have used Hakluyt’s English translation
of 1587. The illustrations and part of the additional text is
based on Le Moyne’s personal account. Dedicated to Christian
I, Elector of Saxony.
Lit.: Greve (2004); Fishman (1995); Lawson and Faupel (1992);
Feest (1988); Hulton (1977)
6. René de Laudonnière, Jacques le Moyne de Morgues, et al., Der ander
Theyl, der Newlich erfundenen Landtschafft Americae, Von dreyen Schiffahrten, so
die Frantzosen in Floridam (die gegen Nidergang gelegen) gethan. Eine unter dem
Häuptmann H. Laudonniere, Anno 1564. Die ander unter H. Ribald 1565. Die
dritte, unter H. Guorguesio 1567. geschehen. Mit Beschreibung und lebendiger
Contrafactur, dieser Provintze, Gestalt, Sitten und Gebräuch der Wilden. Frankfurt,
Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [8], 42, [88], [26] pp., 42 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL G6623 (2); HAB 41 Hist. 2o (2); UBA OF 82–8/14

Add.: The first of the volumes of the collection printed by Johan

Feyerabend, although the name of Johan Wechel still features
on the title-page. Translated into German from Clusius’ Latin
edition by Oseam Halen. The four-year privilege of 1590 was
included. Dedicated to William IV, Elector Palatine.
Lit: Greve (2004); Fishman (1995); Lawson and Faupel (1992);
Feest (1988); Hulton (1977)
1592
7. Hans Staden, Jean de Léry, and Nicolas Barré, Americae tertia pars
Memorabile provinciae Brasiliae Historiam contine[n]s. [. . .] Addita est Narratio
profectionis Ioannis Lerij in eamdem Provinciam, qua ille initio gallicè conscripsit,
postea verò Latinam fecit. His accessit Descriptio Morum & Ferocitatis incolarum
illius Regionis, atque Colloquium ipsorum idiomate conscriptum. Frankfurt, Th.
de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [16], 296, [18] pp., 44 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL G6627 (4); HAB M Gx 2o 7; UBL 1368 A 9
Add.: Volume III of the America-series, translated by Carolus Clusius
and Johan Adam Lonicer. The volume was printed by Johan
Wechel, the last volume to come off his presses. The only
volume of the collection which has the plates, some of which
are printed twice or thrice, included in the text, instead of in a
separate section. Dedicated to William IV, Elector Palatine.
Lit.: Greve (2004); Obermeier (2002); Lestringant (1999); Bucher
(1981)
8. Emblemata nobilitati et vulgo scitu digna: singulis historijs sÿmbola adscripta &
elegantes versus historiam explica[n]tes. Accessit Galearu[m] expositio, & Disceptatio
de origine Nobilitatis. [. . .] Stam und Wapenbuchlein Wolgestelte und kunstliche
Figurn, Sampt dere[n] Poetische[n] erklärung, auch vo[n] Adels anku[n]fft beid fur
Adels Perso[ne]n, und allerhandt Standt. Frankfurt, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 8o obl.: [32], [78] pp., 78 ills.
Copies: BL 246.a.44; ULB Bonn, E 183/3; UBA 2007 G 34
Add.: Intended to be used as ‘album amicorum’, and dedicated to
the late Sigmund Feyerabend’s son Karl. In 1593, the same
book was printed in a more common 4o-edition (nr. 10). Since
copies of this work are often interleafed with white pages, the
number of pages can vary according to the preferences of
the owner.
Lit: Verhaak (2001); Harms and Von Katte (facs. 1979)

394 appendix one
1593
9. Hans Staden and Jean de Léry, Dritte Buch Americae, Darinn Brasilia
durch Johann Staden [. . .] Item Historia der Schiffart Ioannis Lerij in Brasilien,
welche er selbst publiciert hat [. . .] Vom Wilden unerhörten wesen der Innwoner, von
allerley frembden Gethieren und Gewächsen, sampt einem Colloquio, in der Wilden
Sprach. Frankfurt, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [16], 92, [30], 193 (93–285), [1] pp., 40 ills.
Copies: BL G6623 (3); HAB A 41 Hist. 2o (3); UBA OF 82–9
Add.: Like in its Latin counterpart (nr. 7), the illustrations are
included in the text. Johan Adam Lonicer translated De Léry’s
account into German. Johan Feyerabend presumably printed
this volume. Some of the plates are included twice. Dedicated
to Frederick IV, the new Elector Palatine.
Lit: Greve (2004); Obermeier (2002); Lestringant (1999); Bucher
(1981)
10. Emblemata nobilitati et vulgo scitu digna singulis historiis symbola adscripta
& elega[n]tes versus historia[m] explica[n]tes. Accessit Galearu[m] expositio, &
Disceptatio de origine Nobilitatis. [. . .] Stam und Wapenbuchlein. Kunstliche Figuren,
sampt zierliche[n] Compartemente[n], von allerley Blum Werck, Grotische[n] etc
Dergleiche[n] vormals nicht außgange[n]. Beneben dere[n] Poetische[n] erclarung.
Auch vo[n] Adels a[n]kunfft, Beid fur Adels Persone[n] und allerha[n] sta[n]de.
Coll.: 4o: [8], 31, [1], [192] pp., 94 ills.
Copies: BL 12304.cc.21; HAB M Uk Sammelb. 2 (1); UBL Thysia
1371 (1)
Add.: Extended 4o-edition of nr. 8, dedicated to the brothers Simon
and Daniel Soreau, and to the memory of their late father,
an old friend of Theodore de Bry. Since copies of this work
are often interleafed with white pages, the number of pages
can vary according to the preferences of the owner.
Lit: Warnecke (facs. 1894)
11. Jean-Jacques Boissard, Emblematum liber. Frankfurt, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [16], 103, [1] pp., 53 ills.
Copies: BL 89.k.25; HAB M Uk 87; UBA 2002 F 5
Add.: First published with the same title in 1588 in Metz, by
Abraham Faber. De Bry made new engravings, after designs
by the author, for this edition. Each of the emblems was
dedicated separately by Boissard, whereas the book as a whole

was dedicated by the author to Catherine de Heu. The British

Library copy includes the French dedication, also to Catherine
de Heu, instead of the Latin version.
Lit: Adams (2003); Harms (1973)
12. Jean-Jacques Boissard, Emblemata. Frankfurt, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [16], 103, [1] pp., 54 ills.
Copies: HAB M Uk Sammelb. 2 (2); UBU RAR Lmy Boissard 1;
BNF 30121803
Add.: German edition of nr. 11, dedicated to Prince Bishop Julius
Echter of Mespelbrunn. Translated from Latin into German by
Johan Adam Lonicer. The name of the printer is unknown.
Lit: Adams (2003)
1594
13. Girolamo Benzoni, Americae pars quarta. Sive, Insignis & Admiranda
Historia de reperta primùm Occidentali India à Christophoro Columbo Anno M.
CCCCXCII Scripta ab Hieronymo Bezono Mediolanense, qui istic a[n]nis XIIII.
versatus, dilige[n]ter omnia observavit. Addita ad singula ferè capita, non contem-
nenda scholia, in quibus agitur de earum etiam gentium idololatria. Accessit praeterea
illarum Regionum Tabula chorographica. Frankfurt, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [10], 145, [5], [48] pp., 24 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL G6628 (1); HAB M Gx 2o 7; UBL 1368 A 10 (1)
Add.: Latin translation of an original Italian edition published in
Venice in 1565. De Bry mentioned the Imperial privilege
of 1590. Printed by Johan Feyerabend, probably more than
once as the fingerprint-method reveals several states with the
imprint 1594. The illustrations of the second state are num-
bered. De Bry was praised in the preliminaries by Boissard
and Perrot de la Salle.
Lit: Greve (2004); Keazor (1998); Caraci (1991); Keen (1976)
14. Girolamo Benzoni, Das vierdte Buch Von der neuwen Welt. oder Neuwe
und gründtliche Historien, von dem Nidergängischen Indien, so von Christophoro
Columbo im Jar 1492. erstlich erfunden. Durch Hieronymum Bentzo von Meyland,
welcher 14. Jar dasselbig Land durchwandert, auffs fleissigst beschrieben und an
Tag geben. Mit nützlichen Scholien und Außlegungen fast auff jede Capitel, von
deren Völckern Sitten, Gebräuch und Gottesdienst. Frankfurt, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [20], 141, [53] pp., 24 ills., 1 map.

396 appendix one
Add.: Printed by Johan Feyerabend. The German translation by

Nicolaus Höniger (Geneva 1582–83), with textual additions by
Urbain Chauveton, was used. De Bry dedicated this volume to
Maurice of Hesse-Kassel, and added the privilege of 1590.
15. Paul Perrot de la Salle, Tableaus sacrez de Paul Perrot Sieur de la Sale.
P. qui sont toutes les histoires du viel Testament representees & exposees selon leur
sens en poesie Francoise. Frankfurt, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 8o: 229, [3] pp., 114 ills. (all woodcuts)
Copies: BL 11474.aaa.31; HAB A 167.4 Poet.; KB 757 D 21
Add.: Printed by Johan Feyerabend. Some illustrations carry the
monogram IA, Jost Amman, who for years had been associ-
ated with the firm of Sigmund Feyerabend. Dedicated by the
author to his brother-in-law, the French tax collector for the
Champagne Martin Nau.
Lit: Adams (2003); Adams, Rawles and Saunders (1999–2002)
F477
1595
16. Girolamo Benzoni, Americae pars quinta. Nobilis & admiratione plena
Hieronymi Bezoni Mediolanensis, secundae sectionis H[istor]ia: Hispanorum, tum
in Nigrittas servos suos; tum in Indos crudelitatem, Gallorumq[ue] pirataru[m] de
Hispanis toties reportata spolia; Adventu[m] item Hispanoru[m] in Novam Indiae
continentis Hispaniam, eorumq[ue] contra incolas eius regionis saevitiam explicans.
Addita ad singula fere Capita scholia, in quibus res Indiae luculenter exponuntur.
Frankfurt, Th. de Bry
Coll.: 2o: [2], 82 (1–78, 89–92), [46] pp., 22 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL c.115.h.2 (5); HAB M Gx 2o 8; UBL 1368 A 10 (2)
Add.: Both translator and printer of this volume are unknown. In
his letter to Franciscus Raphelengius, De Bry showed him-
self unhappy with the printer’s work. De Bry referred to an
Imperial privilege he had obtained. The preliminaries also
contain an engraved portait of Columbus.
Lit: Greve (2004); Keen (1976)
17. Girolamo Benzoni, Americae Das fünffte Buch, Vol schöner unerhörter
Historien, auß dem andern theil Ioannis Benzonis von Meylandt gezogen: Von der
Spanier Wüten, beyd wider ihre Knecht die Nigriten, und auch die arme Indianer:
wie die Spanier von den Frantzösischen Meerraubern zum offtermal angriffen unnd

geplündert worden, denn auch, wie sie erstlich das neuwe Spanien erfunden haben,
und gantz erbärmlich mit dem armen Landvölcklein daselbst umbgangen sind.
Coll.: 2o: 115, [3], [44] pp., 22 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL 10003.e.22; HAB A 42 Hist. 2o (2); UBA OF 82–11 (lack-
ing the map).
Add.: De Bry relied on the earlier German translation by Nicolaus
Höniger (Geneva 1582–83), with elaborations by Urbain
Chauveton. Dedicated to Landgrave Maurice of Hesse-
Kassel.
18. Nova alphati effictio Historiis ad singulas literas corresponde[n]tibus [. . .]
Versibus insuper Latinis et Rithmis Germanicis no[n] omnino inconditis. Neiw
Kunstliches Alphabet, gezirt mit schonen Figurn, deren Iede sich auff seinen
Buchstaben accom[m]odirt. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. and Joh. Isr. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [54] pp., 24 ills.
Copies: HAB M Ui 4o 42; UBL Thysia 2177 (1); BNF 30171554
Add.: The first publication carrying the imprint of the two sons of
Theodore de Bry. Dedicated to Jean-Jacques Boissard. The
texts are in both Latin and German.
Lit: Kiermeyer-Debre and Vogel (facs. 1997)
19. Jean-Jacques Boissard, Emblemes. Frankfurt, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: 111 (1–8, 17–119), [1] pp., 53 ills.
Copies: Folger Shakespeare Library PN6349.B6 F55; Bibl. Mazarine
4o 11214–1
Add.: French edition of nr. 11, with French explanations added to
the illustrations by the humanist Petrus Lepidus. Dedicated
by Lepidus to Mme de Clervent. This work, including the
French texts, was first published in Metz in 1588.
Lit: Adams, Rawles and Saunders (1999–2002) F114
1596
20. Girolamo Benzoni and Nicolas le Challeux, Americae pars sexta. sive
historiae ab Hieronymo Be[n]zono Mediolane[n]se scriptae, sectio tertia, res no[n]
minus nobiles & admiratione plenas continens, quàm praecedentes duae. In hac
enim reperies, qua ratione Hispani opule[n]tissimas illas Peruani regni provincias
occuparint, capto Rege Atabaliba: dei[n]de orta inter ipsos Hispanos in eo regno
civilia bella. Additus est brevis de Fortunatis insulis Com[m]entariolus in duo capita

398 appendix one
distinctus. Item additiones ad singula Capita Historiam illustrantes. Frankfurt,

Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: 108, [60] pp., 28 ills., 2 maps.
Copies: BL G6628 (3); UB Göttingen 4 ITIN I 3848:6.7.8 RARA;
BNF 30171580
Add.: The translator of this volume is unknown. Printed by Johan
Feyerabend, as one of his employees picked up the book after it
has passed through the hands of the Frankfurt censors (StAFr.
ZBBP 24, f23r). De Bry mentioned an Imperial privilege on
the title-page.
Lit: Greve (2004); Keen (1976); Collon-Gevaert (1966b)
21. Jean-Jacques Boissard, Vitae et icones sultanorum turcicorum, principum
persarum, aliorumq[ue] illustrium Heroum Heroinarumq[ue] ab Osmane usq[ue]
ad Mahometem II. Frankfurt, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [10], 353, [5] pp., 47 ills.
Copies: BL 280.d.33 (2); HAB A 196.35 Hist. (2); Rijksmuseum
Amsterdam, Print Room 327 K 18
Add.: The identity of the printer is unknown. Dedicated by the
author to Petrus Lepidus, Boissard’s friend and translator. The
pages are numbered 1–356, with the last four pages running
from 350 to 356.
Lit: —
22. Jean-Jacques Boissard, Leben und Contrafeiten der Türckischen un[d]
Persischen Sultanen, von Osmane an, biß auff den jetztregierenden Sultan Mahumet
II. Auch vieler anderer fürtrefflicher Helden und Heldinen Historische Beschreibung,
und eigentlicher Abriß. Frankfurt, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [8], 394, [6] pp., 47 ills.
Copies: HAB M QuN 207 (1); ÖNB 261659–B.Fid
Add.: The German translation of nr. 21. The names of the transla-
tor (Lonicer?) and printer are unknown. Dedicated to Duke
Frederick I of Württemberg.
Lit: —
23. Julius Roscius, Opera misericordiae ad corpus pertinentia, figuris et iconibus
in aes incisis expressa et repraesentata: Cum selectis sententiis et testimoniis, ex veteri
et novo Testamento desumptis. Montbéliard, Joh. Th. and Joh. Isr. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: 31, [21] pp., 9 ills.
Copies: HAB A 519.1 Theol. 2o (4); ÖNB 253846–C.Fid

Add.: Permission to publish this work in Frankfurt was rejected

twice (StAFr. ZBBP 20, nrs. 35 & 62), and the brothers finally
decided to have it published in Montbéliard. First published
in Rome in 1586, with engravings by Mario Chartari. The
name of the printer was not mentioned, possibly Jacques
Foillet. Dedicated to the Frankfurt jeweller Servatius Marell.
Lit: —
24. Alphabeta et characteres, iam inde a creato mundo ad nostra usq. tempora;
apud omnes omnino Nationes usurpati; ex varijs Autoribus accurate deprompti.
Frankfurt, Joh. Th. and Joh. Isr. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o obl.: [12], [124] pp., 64 ills.
Copies: BL 53.a.19; BSB L.gen 13; UBL 721 C 17, incomplete.
Add.: The name of the printer is unknown. Dedicated to Phillip
Ludwig, Count of Hanau-Lichtenberg. Since copies of this
work are often interleafed with white pages, the number of
pages can vary according to the preferences of the owner.
Lit: —
25. Alphabeten und Aller art Characteren, so jemals von Anbegin der Welt, bey
allen Nationen, in allerley Sprachen, im Brauch gewesen, auß vielen Autoribus mit
fleiß zusammen gezogen. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. and Joh. Isr. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [12], [102] pp., 47 ills.
Copies: Bodleian Ashm. 565; StUBF N.libr. Ff 11307; UB Basle, BE
V 19
Add.: German title-copy of nr. 24. Since copies of this work are
often interleafed with white pages, the number of pages can
vary according to the preferences of the owner.
Lit: —
26. Johan Adam Lonicer [& Levinus Hulsius], Historia Chronologica
Pannoniae: Ungarische und Siebenbürgische Historia, was sich in denen Landen,
seyt den Sündflut hero, biß auf jetztregierende Rö. Keys. Mt. Rodulphum II. den
XXXX. Christlichen König in Ungarn, und Sigismundum Bathorium Hertzogen in
Siebenbürgen, etc. Fürnemlich aber in jetztwerenden Kriegshändlen, denckwürdiges
begeben: Darinnen obgemeldter Potentaten, Kriegßfürsten und Feldobersten Leben,
Ritterliche Thaten, und wider den Türcken newlicher zeit erhaltene Victorien,
außführlich angeordnet. Frankfurt, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [8], 160, [8], 51, [1] pp., 14 ills., 1 map.
Copies: HAB M QuN 207 (2); ÖNB 63.G.20

400 appendix one
Add.: Printed by Johan Kollitz, who seldom worked for the family.
Levinus Hulsius, not mentioned anywhere in the book itself,
was referred to in the request for permission to publish the
book (StAFr. ZBBP 24, f14v). Dedicated to Duke Frederick I
of Württemberg.
Lit: —
27. Johan Adam Lonicer [& Levinus Hulsius], Pannoniae historia chrono-
logica: res per Ungariam, Transylvaniam Iam inde à co[n]stitutione Regnorum
illorum, usq[ue] ad Invictiss. Rom. Im. Rodolphum II. Ungariae Regem Christianum
XXXX et Sereniss. Sigismu[n]dum Bathorium Trans&c. Ducem, maxime vere hoc
bello gestae: Vitae item acta & Victoriae reliquorum eius belli Procerum, per T.
An. Privatum C. Icones ge[n]uinae Regum, Ducum & Procerum eiusdem militiae
Tabula Chorographica Ungariae toti[us] nova: quaedam Topographica & quaedam
Historicae effigationes artificiosae. Frankfurt, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [14], 229, [1] pp., 14 ills.
Copies: BL 590.e.13; HAB M QuN 219.1; ÖNB BE.8.P.17
Add.: Translated from German (nr. 26) into Latin by Johan Adam
Lonicer. The name of the printer is unknown.
Lit: —
28. Jean-Jacques Boissard, Theatrum vitae humanae. Metz, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [16], 266, [2] pp., 61 ills.
Copies: BL 89.e.14; HAB A 21.1 Pol. (1); UBU RAR Lmy Boissard
3
Add.: Printed in Metz, by Abraham Faber, who had already printed
several of Boissard’s books in the 1580s. Dedicated by the
author to Catherine de Heu.
Lit: Adams (2003); Adams, Rawles and Saunders (1999–2002)
F115
29. Denis Lebey de Batilly, Emblemata. Frankfurt, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [148] pp., 64 ills.
Copies: BL c.24.a.17; HAB M Uk 35; KB 488 D 34
Add.: The designs for the emblems were made by Jean-Jacques
Boissard, a close friend of Lebey de Batilly, who had first
printed the work without illustrations. Many of the illustra-
tions were earlier used for Boissard’s emblem books, as was
the engraved title-page, which was used for nr. 28. The author
added two separate dedications, to Pierre Nevelet-Dosch and
to Phillip du Plessis-Mornay.
Lit: Choné (1991)

30. Emblemata saecularia, mira et iucunda varietate saeculi huius mores ita experi-
mentia, ut Sodalitatum Symbolis Insigniisque conscribendis et depingendis peracco-
moda sint. Versibus Latinis, rithmisque Germanicis, Gallicis, Belgicis: speciali item
Declamatione de Amore exornata. Weltliche lustige neuwe Kunststück, der jetzigen
Welt lauff fürbildende, mit artlichen Lateinischen, Teutschen, Frantzösischen und
Niderländischen Carminibus und Reimen geziert, fast dienstlich zu einem zierlichen
Stamm und Wapenbüchlein. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. and Joh. Isr. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [2], 37, [1], [200] pp., 100 ills.
Copies: Glasgow Univ. Libr., Sp. Col. SM 238; HAB A 22.1 Eth.;
UBL Thysia 1371 (2)
Add.: Probably one of the most successful titles of the De Bry cata-
logue, as the first polyglottic emblem book. Some illustrations
were accompanied by texts in four languages. The De Brys
tried to dedicate the work to Phillip Ludwig II of Hanau-
Lichtenberg, but failed because he was away on a trip and
could not give them permission to do so (HStAM 81/A33,
nr. 7, 20–21). Often used as ‘album amicorum’.
1597
31. Girolamo Benzoni, Das sechste Theil der neuwen Welt. oder Der Historien
Hieron. Benzo von Meylandt, Das dritte Buch. Darinnen warhafftig erzehlet
wirdt, wie die Spanier die Goldreiche Landschafften deß Peruanischen Königreichs
eyngenommen, den König Atabalibam gefangen und getödtet. Auch wie sie entlich sich
selbst untereinander auffgerieben haben. Sampt einem kurtzen zu end angehengten
Tractätlein von den glückhafftigen Inseln. Frankfurt, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [6], 124 (fol. 1–62), [58] pp., 28 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL 6624 (1); HAB A 42 Hist. 2o (3); UBA OF 82–12
Add.: Printed by Johan Feyerabend, and based on an existing transla-
tion by Nicolaus Höniger (Geneva 1582–83), which included
textual commentary by Urbain Chauveton. The Frenchman
Nicolas le Challeux’s report is missing here. Dedicated to
Maurice of Hesse-Kassel. An Imperial privilege was men-
tioned on the title-page.
32. Ulrich Schmidel, Das VII. Theil America. Warhafftige unnd liebliche
Beschreibung etlicher fürnemmen Indianischen Landschafften und Insulen, die vormals
in keiner Chronicken gedacht. Frankfurt, Th. de Bry.

402 appendix one
Coll.: 2o: [4], 62 pp. (fol. 1–31), 1 ill.

Copies: BL 6624 (2); HAB A 42 Hist. 2o (4); UBA OF 82–13
Add.: Three illustrations to Schmidel’s voyage were later added
to Ind.Occ. VIIIapp. The account was earlier published as
Neuwe Welt: das ist, Warhafftige Beschreibunge . . . (Frankfurt 1567)
by Sigmund Feyerabend. Levinus Hulsius also published
Schmidel’s report (Hulsius’ Volume IV), but unlike De
Bry he used the original manuscript, which was much more
accurate.
Lit: Lefebvre (1987)
33. Odoardo Lopez and Filippo Pigafetta, Regnum Congo hoc est Warhaffte
und Eigentliche Beschreibung deß Königreichs Congo in Africa, und deren angrent-
zenden Länder, darinnen der Inwohner Glaub, Leben, Sitten und Kleydung wol
und außführlich vermeldet und angezeigt wirdt. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. and Joh.
Isr. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [8], 74, [40] pp., 14 ills., 2 maps.
Copies: BL G6607 (1); HAB A 184 Hist. 2o (1); BNF 30171614
Add.: The first volume of the India Orientalis-series. Printed by Johan
Saur. Although the title-page claimed it was translated—by
August Cassiodorus Reyna—from the Portuguese, the origi-
nal was in fact written in Italian. Dedicated by Cassiodorus
Reyna to Hans Georg, Count of Solms and Georg, Count
of Erbach.
Lit: Van den Boogaart (2004); De Jonghe (1938)
34. Jean-Jacques Boissard, I. pars romanae urbis topographiae & Antiquitatum,
Quâ succinctê & breviter describuntur omnia quae tam publicê quam privatim
videntur anim-adversione digna. Frankfurt, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [16], 161 (1–160, 163), [1] pp., 3 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL 144.f.13 (1); Staatsbibl. Berlin Rr 4313 (1); UBL 426 B
11 (1)
Add.: The first volume of Boissard’s Antiquitates Romanae (6 vols.,
1597–1602). This volume was largely based on descriptions of
Rome by Italian authors which had presumably been trans-
lated by Boissard. Printed by Johan Feyerabend. Dedicated
by Boissard to Johan I, Duke of Zweibrücken.
Lit: Van Groesen (2002); Callmer (1962)
35. Jean-Jacques Boissard, II. pars antiquitatum romanarum seu Topographia
Romanae Urbis Iam inde ab V. C. ad nostra usq[ue] temporae maxime quando
in summo flore fuit, accuratissima: Plateae eiusdem cum aedificijs & magnificis

structuris publicis effigiat\ & ordine digestae, Descriptio perspicua singulis figuris
apposita. Frankfurt, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [6], 18, [72], 157 (55–211), 11, [2] pp., 46 ills., 3 maps.
11 (2)
Add.: Second volume of Boissard’s Antiquitates Romanae (6 vols.,
1597–1602), like Volume I (nr. 34) still largely based on older
descriptions by Italian authors like Bartholomaeus Marlianus
and Onophrius Panvinius. Printed by Johan Saur.
36. Jean-Jacques Boissard, III. pars antiquitatum seu inscriptionum &
Epitaphiorum quae in saxis & marmoribus Romanis videntur cum suis signis &
imaginibus exacta descriptio. Frankfurt/Metz, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [22], 42, [216] pp., 110 ills.
11 (3)
Add.: Third volume of Boissard’s Antiquitates Romanae (6 vols., 1597–
1602), and the first volume devoted entirely to Boissard’s col-
lection of inscriptions. At least partially (the text only?) printed
by Abraham Faber in Metz, as early as 1595. Dedicated to
Herman van Ghoer, Baron de Pesche.
37. [Michael Julius], Außführlicher Bericht, von Ankunfft, Zunehmen, Gesatzen,
Regirung und jäm[m]erlichem absterben Mechmeti I. Genealogia seiner Successorn,
biß auff den jetztregirenden Mechmetem III. Auß vielen glaubwürdigen Autoribus
fleissig zusammen getragen. II. Propheceyung. Keysers Severi un[d] Leonis, sampt
etlichen andern Weissagungen, vom Undergang deß Türckischen Regiments bey
jetzregirenden Mechmete III. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. and Joh. Isr. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [8], 101, [3] pp., 26 ills.
Copies: Wellcome Libr., 1128/B; BSB Turc. 267 i; ÖNB 64.H.36;
Add.: Dedicated to Count Phillip Ludwig II of Hanau-Lichtenberg
(also: HStAM 81/A33, nr. 7, 22–23). The name of the sup-
posed author is not mentioned anywhere in the work itself,
but is referred to in the request for permission to publish
in Frankfurt (StAFr. ZBBP 24, f34v). This edition probably
appeared before the Latin version (nr. 38), as it was listed in
the Q97-Frankfurt fair catalogue, after permission was received
in January 1597.
Lit: —

404 appendix one
38. [Michael Julius], I. Acta Mechmeti I. Saracenorum Principis. natales vitam,

victorias, imperium et mortem eius ominosam complectentia. Genealogia successorum
eiusdem ad modernum usq[ue] MechËetem III. Ex variis hinc inde Autoribus fide
dignis deligenter congesta. II. Vaticinia. Severi et Leonis in Oriente Impp. cum
quibusdam aliorum aliis, interitum regni Turcici sub Mechmete hoc III. praedicentia.
Coll.: 4o: [8], 58, [2], 28 (59–86), [6] pp., 26 ills.
Copies: BL 281.g.8; HAB A 158.1 Hist. (1); BNF 33233257
Add.: Latin translation of nr. 37. The name of the printer is
unknown. Dedicated to Frederick IV, Elector Palatine.
Lit: —
39. Jean-Jacques Boissard, Icones quinquaginta virorum illustrium doctrina &
eruditione praestantium ad vivum effictae, cum eorum vitis descriptis. Frankfurt,
Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: 288, [8] pp., 51 ills.
Copies: BL 611.e.5 (1); HAB A 19–20 Geom. (1); VU XA.00041 (1)
Add.: First volume of Boissard’s Icones virorum illustrium-series of
portraits. The very first biography was of Columbus, and
Boissard referred his readers to the Ind.Occ.-series for more
information on the explorer. Dedicated by Boissard to the
Metz magistrate Jacob Prallonius. The name of the printer
is unknown. The four-volume series (1597–99) was forbidden
by the Congregation of the Index in Rome.
Lit: Janku (1884)
40. Benito Arias Montano & Conrad Ritterhusius, David, virtutis exercita-
tissimae probatum Deo spectaculum, ex Davidis, Pastoris, Militis, Ducis, Exsulis
ac Prophetae exemplis. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. and Joh. Isr. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [12], 146 pp., 42 ills.
Copies: BL 4823.d.5; HAB A 9.1 Eth. (2); ÖNB 2.L.34
Add.: Printed by Zacharias Palthenius. The same work was first
published by Phillip Galle in Antwerp in 1575. The Altdorf
university professor Ritterhusius made the work available for
publication again, and probably extended the original ver-
sion. He dedicated the work to Otto Henry, Count of the
Palatinate.
Lit: Bataillon (1942)
41. Jean-Jacques Boissard, Schawspiel Menschliches Lebens. Frankfurt, Th.
de Bry.

Coll.: 4o: [8], 265, [1] pp., 61 ills.

Copies: Bodleian Oxford Douce PP 264; Staatsbibl. Berlin, Nv 7653;
ÖNB 31.H.14
Add.: German translation of nr. 28, printed by Johan Feyerabend.
Translated by Johan Homberger (StAFr. ZBBP 24, f33v).
The dedication to Margaretha van der Heijden, the wife of
the Frankfurt jeweller Servatius Marell, and probably Johan
Theodore and Johan Israel’s sister-in-law, stops abruptly, and
was included in this incomplete way.
Lit: —
1598
42. Odoardo Lopez and Filippo Pigafetta, Regnum Congo hoc est Vera
descriptio regni africani, quod tam ab incolis quam lusitanis Congus appellatur.
Copies: BL G6609 (1); UB Göttingen, 4 ITIN I, 3844/b:1 RARA;
UBA 1802 C 4 (1)
Add.: First volume of the Latin India Orientalis-series. Translated by
August Cassiodorus Reyna. Probably the first work of the
family which was printed by Wolfgang Richter. Dedicated to
Frederick IV, Elector Palatine.
Lit: Van den Boogaart (2004); De Jonghe (1938)
43. Jan Huygen van Linschoten, Ander Theil der Orientalischen Indien,
Von allen Völckern, Insulen, Meerporten, fliessenden Wassern und anderen Orten,
so von Portugal auß, lengst dem Gestaden Aphrica, biß in Ost Indien und zu
dem Landt China, sampt andern Insulen zu sehen seind. Beneben derenselben
Aberglauben, Götzendienst und Tempeln, Item von iren Sitten, Trachten, Kleidungen,
Policeyordnung, und wie sie haußhalten, beid so viel die Portugesen, welche da im
Land wohnen, und auch das inheimische Landvölcklein anlangt. Deßgleichen von
der Residentz deß Spanischen Viceroys und anderer Spanier in Goa, Item von allen
Orientalischen, Indianischen Waaren und Kummerschafften: sampt deren Gewichten,
Masen, Muntzen und ihrem Valor oder Wirdigung. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. and
Joh. Isr. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [12], 134, [82] pp., 38 ills.
Add.: First of three volumes devoted to Jan Huygen van Linschoten’s
Itinerario, originally published in Dutch (Amsterdam 1596).

406 appendix one
Printed by Johan Saur. Probably translated into German by

Johan Adam Lonicer, as suggested by the title-page of the
Latin edition (nr. 51). The preliminaries also contained an
engraved portrait of the author.
Lit: Van den Boogaart (2002, 2003 & 2004); Van Groesen
(2001)
44. Jean-Jacques Boissard, IIII. pars antiquitatum romanarum Sive II. tomus,
Inscriptionum & Monumentorum quae Romae in saxis & marmoribus visuntur.
Coll.: 2o: [19], 37 (16–52), [192] pp., 98 ills.
Copies: BL 144.f.14 (1); Staatsbibl. Berlin, Rr 4313 (4); UBL 426 B
12 (1)
Add.: Fourth volume of Boissard’s Antiquitates Romanae (6 vols.,
1597–1602). Dedicated to Herman van Ghoer, Baron de
Pesche.
45. Bartolomé de las Casas, Narratio regionum indicarum per Hispanos
quosdam devastatarum verissima. Frankfurt, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [8], 141, [3] pp., 17 ills.
Copies: BL 980.e.25; HAB M Gx 117; KB 1707 C 6
Add.: Printed by Johan Saur. At least four engravings were based
on drawings by Jodocus van Winghe. The translation was
based on Las Casas’ original Spanish version Brevissima relación
(Seville 1552). Dedicated by Johan Theodore and Johan Israel
de Bry to Frederick IV, Elector Palatine.
Lit: Bumas (2000); Conley (1992)
46. Jean-Jacques Boissard and Johan Adam Lonicer, II. pars Icones virorum
illustrium doctrina & eruditione praestantium contines, quorum alij inter vivos esse
desierunt, alij nunc quoq[ue] vitatj aura[m] fruuntur cum vitis eorum, descriptes.
Coll.: 4o: 300, [8] pp., 49 ills.
Add.: Second part of Boissard’s four-volume Icones-series (1597–99).
Dedicated by Boissard to Louis Malarmey of Besançon. In
all likelihood printed by Matthias Becker.
Lit: Janku (1884)
47. Jean-Jacques Boissard and Johan Adam Lonicer, III. pars Iconum
virorum illustrium, quorum alii quidem inter vivos esse iam olim desierunt, alij

vero nunc quoq[ue] vitali aura, honorumq[ue] suorum beati per fruuntur gloria.
Natalium eorundem succincta notatio, singulis Iconibus adiuncta. Frankfurt, heirs
Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [8], 327, [9] pp., 50 ills.
Add.: Third part of Boissard’s four-volume Icones-series (1597–99).
This is the only title of 1598 which testifies to the death of
Theodore de Bry, and the continuation of the publishing firm
by the heirs. The sons mentioned Theodore’s demise in the
preface. Printed by Matthias Becker.
Lit: Janku (1884)
1599
48. Ulrich Schmidel, Americae pars VII. Verissima et iucundissima descriptio
praecipuarum quarundam Indiae regionum & Insularum, quae quidem nullis ante
haec tempora visae cognitaeque. Frankfurt, widow and sons of Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: 62, [2] pp., 1 ill.
Copies: BL c.115.h.3 (2); HAB M Gx 2o 7; UBA 1802 B 9 (2)
Add.: For the first time, the Lutheran schoolteacher Gotthard Artus
was credited on the title-page for his contribution, his transla-
tion of the German account into Latin. Artus was to work
for the De Brys at least until 1620. Just a single illustration
was included; relevant engravings were later added to Ind.Occ.
VIII (nr. 49).
Lit: Lefebvre (1987)
49. Nuno da Silva, Walter Bigges & Lt. Croft, Thomas Cates, Walter
Raleigh, Lawrence Keymis, and Francis Pretty, Americae pars VIII.
Continens primo, descriptionem trium itinerum nobilissimi et fortissimi equitis
Francisci Draken, qui peragrato primum universo terrarum orbe, postea cum nobi-
lissimo Equite Iohanne Hauckens, ad expugnandum civitatem Panama, in Indiam
navigavit, ubi vitam suam ambo finierunt. Secundo, iter nobilißimi Equitis Thomae
Candisch, qui duorum ferè annorum spacio, 13000. Anglicana miliaria in mari
confecit, ubi describuntur quoque omnia quae in hoc itinere ipsi acciderunt & visa
sunt. Tertio, duo itinera, nobilißimi & fortißimi Domini Gualtheri Ralegh Equitis
& designati gubernatoris Regij in Anglia praesidij, nec non fortißimi Capitanei
Laurentii Keyms. Quibus itineribus describitur auriferum et potentissimum Regnum
Guiana, ad Septentrionem fluminis Orenoque, aliàs Orecliana dicti, situm, cum
metropoli eius Manoa & Macuiguarai, aliisq[ue] finitimis regionibus & fluviis,

408 appendix one
mercibus item praestantissimis, & mercatura, quae in regno hoc exercetur. Frankfurt,
widow and sons of Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [2], 78, 99, [3], [36], [2] pp., 18 ills., 1 map.
Add.: Printed by Matthias Becker, translated from Dutch and
German into Latin by Gotthard Artus. The original six reports
were all first published in English in London. The texts by
Raleigh, Keymis, and Pretty were subsequently translated into
Dutch for Cornelis Claesz. Bigges’ and Croft’s report, on Sir
Francis Drake’s second voyage, was translated into German
before this volume appeared. Which edition of Drake’s cir-
cumnavigation the De Brys used is unclear, as is the author-
ship of this account. Drake’s first and second voyage, by Da
Silva and by Bigges and Croft respectively, were included in
the German additamentum to Ind.Occ. VIII (nr. 56).
Lit: Whitehead (1997)
50. Walter Raleigh, Lawrence Keymis, Francis Pretty, and Thomas
Cates, Americae Achter Theil, In welchem Erstlich beschrieben wirt das Mächtige
und Goldtreiche Königreich Guiana, zu Norden deß grossen Flusses Oronoke, sonsten
Oregliana genannt, gelegen, sampt desselbigen fürnembsten und reichsten Hauptstätten
Manoa und Macuieguarai, auch die fürnembste und köstlichste Kauffmannschafften
die dieses Königreich uberflüssig in sich hat. Item, Eine kurtze Beschreibung der
umbligenden Landtschafften Emereia, Arromaia, Amapaia, Topago, &c. in welchen
neben andern Völckern die Kriegische Weiber, von den Alten Amazones genannt,
wohnen, sampt kurtzer meldung 53. grosser Wasserströhm, unter denen der Oronoke
der gröste ist, und sich wol 500. Teutscher Meil in das Landt hineyn, bey nahe an
die mächtige Statt Quito in Peru, erstreckt. [. . .] Zum andern, die Reyse deß Edlen
und vesten Thomas Candisch, welcher im Jar 1586. mit 3. Schiffen in Engellandt
außgefahren, und nach dem er das Meer bey die 13000. Engelländischer Meil
besegelt, in Anno 1588. wider an ist gelanget, sampt Erzehlung aller Abentheuwer
und Geschichten so im auff dieser Reyß zu handen gestossen seynd [. . .] Und zum
dritten die letzte Reyß der gestrengen, Edlen und vesten Frantzen Draeck und Iohan
Hauckens, Rittern, welche Anno 1595. mit 6. der Königin und 21. andern Schiffen,
darauff 2500. Mann gewesen, in Engellandt abgesegelt in die Occidentalische
Indien, die Statt Panama eynzunemmen, Auff welcher Reyse sie beyde ir Leben
beschlossen haben. Frankfurt, heirs Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [8], 56, 30, [2], 48, [60] pp., 21 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL G6624 (3/4); HAB A 43 Hist. 2o (1); UB Basle, EU I
16–18

Add.: Translation of four accounts (Raleigh, Keymis, and Pretty,

as well as Drake’s third and final voyage) from Latin into
German, by August Cassiodorus Reyna, based on the cor-
rupted Dutch translations made for Cornelis Claesz. Printed
by Matthias Becker, dedicated to Landgrave Ludwig IV of
Hesse-Marburg. The final three ills., devoted to the Dutch
account included in the German additamentum (nr. 56) were
not included anywhere in the Latin collection.
Lit: Whitehead (1997)
51. Jan Huygen van Linschoten, II. pars indiae orientalis, in qua Iohan.
Hugonis Lintscotani Navigatio in Orientem, item regna, littora, portus, flumina,
apparentiae, habitus moresque Indorum & Lusitanorum pariter in Oriente degen-
tium: praeterea merces, monetae, mensurae, & pondera, quae quibus in locis, quóve
compendio prostent, accurate proponuntur. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. and Joh. Isr.
de Bry.
Copies: BL G6609 (2); UB Göttingen 4 ITIN I, 3844/b:4 RARA;
UBA 1802 C 4 (2)
Add.: Printed by Wolfgang Richter. Translated into Latin by Johan
Adam Lonicer (StAFr. ZBBP 24, f70r). The preliminaries also
contained an engraved portrait of the author.
Lit: Van den Boogaart (2002, 2003 & 2004); Van Groesen
(2001)
52. Jan Huygen van Linschoten, Willem Lodewijcksz, and Gerrit
de Veer, Dritter Theil indiae orientalis, Darinnen erstlich das ander Theil der
Schifffahrten Joann Huygens von Lintschotten auß Hollandt, so er in Orient gethan,
begriffen, und fürnemlich alle gelegenheit derselbigen Landen, Insulen, Meerpforten,
&c. so unter wegen auffstossen, und dann in India fürkommen, Wie auch alles, was
der Author allda im Landt, und nachmals auff seiner Widerreyse nach Hollandt
gesehen und erfahren, eygentlich beschrieben wirdt. II. Der Holländer Schifffahrt in
die Orientalische Insulen Iavan und Sumatra sampt Sitten, Leben und Superstition,
etc. der Völcker. III. Drey Schifffahrten der Holländer nach obermeldten Indien, durch
das Mittnächtigsche, oder Eißmeer, darinnen viel unerhörte Ebentewer. Frankfurt,
Joh. Th. and Joh. Isr. de Bry.
Copies: BL G6607 (3); HAB A 184 Hist. 2o (3); UB Basle, EV IV
8–11
Add.: Printed by Matthias Becker. Translated by Gotthard Artus.
Apart from the Itinerario which had already been used for Ind.

410 appendix one
Or. II (nr. 43), Artus additionally translated Gerrit de Veer’s

account, Waerachtighe beschryvinghe van drie seylagien (Amsterdam
1598), and Historie van Indien by G. M. A. W. L[odewijcksz]
(Amsterdam 1598).
Lit: Van den Boogaart (2002); Van Groesen (2001)
53. Andreas Laurentius, Historia anatomica humani corporis et singularum
eius partium multis controversiis et observationibus novis Illustrata. Frankfurt,
Coll.: 4o: [24], 442, [28] pp., 27 ills.
Copies: BL 548.k.5; UBA 447 B 28; UBL Thysia 2247
Add.: Printed by Matthias Becker, dedicated by the author to King
Henry IV of France. A conflict concerning this work erupted
between the De Brys and the Frankfurt publisher Jonas Rosa
(StAFr. Ratsprotokollen 1601, f43v). The Amsterdam copy
has the preliminaries of the second edition (nr. *60).
Lit: —
54. Bartolomé de las Casas, Warhafftiger und gründtlicher Bericht Der
Hispanier grewlichen, und abschewlichen Tyranney, von ihnen in den West Indien,
so die Neuwe Welt genennet wirt, begangen. Frankfurt, [heirs Th. de Bry?].
Coll.: 4o: [14], 158, [48] pp., 17 ills.
Copies: BL G7105; HAB A 150.50 Hist. (1)
Add.: The German version of 45. The author’s dedication to Phillip
II of Spain was copied. Four of the 17 ills. were signed by
Jodocus van Winghe.
Lit: Bumas (2000); Conley (1992)
55. Jean-Jacques Boissard and Johan Adam Lonicer, IV pars Iconvm viros
virtute atque eruditione illustres repraesentantium, quorum alij inter vivos esse jam
olim desierunt, alij vero nunc quoq vitali lumine honorum et dignitatum suarum
perfruuntur gloria Natalium eorundem brevis & succincta notatio. Frankfurt,
heirs Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [8], 335, [9] pp., 50 ills.
Add: Fourth and final volume of the biographical Icones virorum illus-
trium-series (1597–99), printed by Matthias Becker. Dedicated
by Lonicer to Johan Jageman, who was later to become Count
of Hohenstein.
Lit: Janku (1884)

1600
56. Nuno da Silva, Walter Bigges & Lt. Croft, and Michiel Joostens
van Heede, Additamentum; Das ist, Zuthuung zweyer fürnemmer Reysen oder
Schifffahrten Herrn Francisci Draken Ritters auß Engelland, In die West Indien
und Americam gethan, Neben noch etlichen Figuren und Kupfferstücken, so beydes in
das siebende und achte Theil Americae gehören. Item, die Reyse der Holländischen
Armada in die Insel groß Canarien, welche den 15/25 May, des 1599. Jahrs
von Holland mit 72. Schiffen außgefahren, und den 10. Septembris gemeldtes Jahrs
mit 35. Schiffen widerumb in Holland kommen sind. Frankfurt, widow and
sons of Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: 73, [1] pp., no ills.
Copies: BL 10003.e.32 (2); HAB A 43 Hist. 2o (1a)
Add.: Appendix to Volume VIII of the America-series, published
in German only. This appendix included Drake’s first two
voyages, already included in the Latin Volume VIII, and
Michiel Joostens van Heede’s account of a Dutch voyage to
the Canary Islands (Discours ende beschrijvinghe . . ., Rotterdam
1599), not included in the Latin collection. The engravings
to the additamentum had already been added to Ind.Occ. VIII
(Ger), but other copies have the last 15 engravings of Ind.Occ.
VIII at the end of the additamentum, which seems more
coherent. This depends on the binding and on the moment of
purchase. Printed by Matthias Becker, dedicated to Landgrave
Ludwig IV of Hesse-Marburg.
Lit: —
57. Jan Huygen van Linschoten and Willem Lodewijcksz, Vierder
Theil Der Orientalischen Indien, In welchem erstlich gehandelt wirdt, von allerley
Thieren, Früchten, Obs, un[d] Bäumen, Item von allerhand Würtz, Specereyen
und Materialen, Auch von Perlen und allerley Edelgesteinen, so in gemeldten
Indien gefunden werden, wo und wie sie wachsen, Auch wie sie daselbst geschätzet,
gekaufft, und genannt werden. [. . .] Zum andern, die letzte Reise der Holländer
in die Ost-Indien, welche außgefahren im Frühling deß 1598. Jahrs. und mit 4.
Schiffen wiederumb glücklich anheim gelanget, im Monat Julio deß 1599. Jahrs.
Coll.: 2o: [8], 121, [45] pp., 21 ills.
Copies: BL G6607 (4); HAB A 184 Hist. 2o (4); UB Basle, EV IV
8–11
Add.: Printed by Wolfgang Richter, and translated from Dutch into
German by Gotthard Artus. The annotations by Bernardus

412 appendix one
Paludanus are printed in a larger font-size than in the two

earlier volumes devoted to Van Linschoten’s Itinerario. This
volume is almost exclusively concerned with the flora and
fauna of the East Indies. The dedication honoured Frederick
I, Duke of Württemberg, a patron of both Paludanus and the
De Brys.
58. Jean-Jacques Boissard, V. pars antiquitatum romanarum Sive III. tomus,
Inscriptionum & Monumentorum, quae Romae in saxis & marmoribus visuntur.
Frankfurt, sons of Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [20], [260] pp., 130 ills.
Copies: BL 144.f.14 (2); Staatsbibl. Berlin, Rr 4313 (5); UBL 426 B
12 (2)
Add.: Fifth part of Boissard’s Antiquitates Romanae (6 vols., 1597–1602).
Dedicated to a certain Franciscus Bourzollius.
59. Daniel Cachedenier, Introductio ad linguam Gallicam; Quae vindicatur
ab ea difficultate, cuius illam suspectam reddiderunt hactenus no[n]nulli, qui
ignorantia sua caeteris Germanis ad eam praecluserunt aditum, quem facilimu[m]
esse ex linguae Germanicae cum Gallica collatione, methodo ita facili & perspicua
demonstratur, ut neq[ue] necessaria artis praecepta cum selectioribus exemplis omit-
tantur, neq[ue] supervacanea discentibus obtrudantur. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. and
Joh. Isr. de Bry.
Coll.: 8o: [38], 427, [3] pp., no ills.
Copies: HAB A 79 Gram.; KB 895 J 27; ÖNB 73.M.96
Add.: The De Brys obtained a five-year Imperial privilege for this
work, which was printed by Matthias Becker. It was the first
title of the De Bry catalogue to appear without any illustra-
tions. Dedicated by the author to Hieronymus Baumgartner
and Johannes Welser, two Nuremberg magistrates.
Lit: —
*60. Andreas Laurentius, Historia anatomica humani corporis et singularum
Coll.: 4o: [24], 442, [28] pp., 27 ills.
Copies: HAB A 35.3 Phys. 2o; UBL 640 A 9
Add.: Second edition of nr. 53, almost identical to the first edition,
with an identical title-page. Printed by Matthias Becker. The

dedication by the author to King Henry IV of France was

repeated.
Lit: —
*61. Andreas Laurentius, Historia anatomica humani corporis et singularum
Coll.: 4o: [16], 442, [22] pp., 26 ills.
Copies: BSB 2 Anat. 42
Add.: Third edition of nr. 53. The date of appearance is uncertain,
but cannot have been before 1600. Printed by Matthias Becker.
The dedication to King Henry IV of France was omitted.
Lit: —
*62. Thomas Harriot, Wunderbarliche, doch Warhafftige Erklärung, Von der
so im Jar 1585 vom Herrn Reichard Greinvile, einem von der Ritterschafft,
in gemeldte Landtschafft die zu bewohnen geführt waren, ist erfunden worden.
Frankfurt, widow and sons of Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: 31, [7], [80] pp., 28 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL 10003.e.15; HAB T 1207 2o Helmst. (1)
Add.: Second edition of Harriot’s Briefe and true report in German,
printed by Matthias Becker. The same translation, by Christian
P., and the same set of illustrations were used again. Johan
Theodore changed the signature on the opening plate,
of Adam and Eve, from ‘Theodore de Bry fe.’ into ‘Jo.
Theodore de Bry fe.’ The same dedication as in the first
edition was included. The numbers of the engravings differ
from those of the first edition, the plate of Adam & Eve not
being numbered ‘1’. Thus the second engraving of the first
edition becomes the first numbered plate of this edition, the
third becomes the second etc.
Lit: Greve (2004)
1601
63. N. N., Fünffter Theil Der Orientalischen Indien, Eygentlicher Bericht und
warhafftige Beschreibung der gantzen volkommenen Reyse oder Schiffart, so die
Holländer mit Acht Schiffen in die Orientalische Indien, sonderlich aber in die
Javanische und Molukische Inseln, als Bantam, Banda, und Ternate, &c. gethan

414 appendix one
haben, welche von Amsterdam abgefahren im Jahr 1598. und zum Theil Anno
1599. zum Theil aber im Jüngst abgelauffenen 1600. Jahr, mit grossen Reichthumb
von Pfeffer, Muscaten, Negelein, und anderer köstlichen Würtz wider anheym gelanget.
Coll.: 2o: [8], 66, [42] pp, 20 ills.
Add.: Gotthard Artus translated Journael ofte Dagh-register (Amsterdam
1600), the report of a voyage by Jacob van Neck and Wybrand
van Warwijck, from Cornelis Claesz’ Dutch original. An
extract of the same account had already been included in
Ind.Or. IV. Printed by Matthias Becker.
Lit: —
64. Jan Huygen van Linschoten, Willem Lodewijcksz, and Gerrit de
Veer, Tertia pars indiae orientalis: Qua continentur I. Secunda pars navigationum
à Ioanne Hugone Lintschotano Hollando in Orientem susceptarum; & maximè
situs illarum regionum, & in his insularum, fluminum, riparum, portuum, &c.
tum in transitu, tum ipsa India sitorum: ubi iuxta etiam universa, quae autor illic,
& postea in reditu versus Hollandiam vidit & notavit, diligenter designantur. II.
Navigatio Hollandorum in insulas Orientales, Iavan & Sumatram: ubi pariter
de moribus, vita, & religione incolarum quaedam haud iniucunda traduntur. III.
Tres navigationes Hollandorum in modò dictam Indiam per Septentrionalem seu
glacialem Oceanum, ubi mira quaedam & stupenda denarrantur. Frankfurt, Joh.
Th. and Joh. Isr. de Bry.
UBA 1802 C 4 (3)
Add.: Latin version of nr. 52. Printed by Matthias Becker. Dedicated
to the Elector Palatine Frederick IV. Translated from German
into Latin by Bilibaldus Strobaeus.
65. Jan Huygen van Linschoten and Willem Lodewijcksz, Pars quarta
indiae orientalis: qua Primum varij generis Animalia, Fructus, Arbores: Item,
Aromata seu Species & Materialia: Similiter & margaritae seu uniones ac gem-
marum species pleraq[ue], sicut in India tum effodiantur, tum generentur; quo itidem
incensu, pretio & appellatione sint, accuratè describuntur. [. . .] Secundo: Novissima
Hollandorum in Indiam Orientalem navigatio, ad veris Anni 1598. introitum
suscepta, & quatuor exinde reducibus navibus mense Iulio An. 1599. confecta,
exponitur. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. and Joh. Isr. de Bry.

Coll.: 2o: [8], 111, [45] pp., 21 ills.

UBA 1802 C 4 (4)
Add.: Latin version of nr. 57. The translation, from the earlier
German version, was made by Bilibaldus Strobaeus. Printed
by Matthias Becker, and dedicated to Frederick IV, Elector
Palatine.
66. N. N., Quinta pars indiae orientalis: Quâ continetur Vera & accurata descriptio
universa navigationis illius, quam Hollandi cum octonis navibus in terras Orientales,
praecipuè verò in Iavanas & Moluccanas Insulas, Bantam, Bandam & Ternatem,
&c. susceperunt: qui An. 1598 Amstelredamo solventes, partim postero anno 1599,
partim hunc sequente 1600 cum ingentibus divitiis, piperis, nucum myristicarum
Garyophyllorum, & caeterorum pretiosorum aromatum, feliciter confecto itinere
redierunt: ubi iuxtà, quaecunque in itinere ab ipsis gesta, visa & observata sunt,
sigillatim percensentur. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. and Joh. Isr. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [8], 60, [42] pp., 20 ills.
Copies: BL 569.i.4 (1); HAB A 184 Hist. 2o; UBA 1802 C 4 (5)
Add.: Printed by Matthias Becker. Translated from German (nr. 63)
into Latin by Bilibaldus Strobaeus. The account described the
voyage under Jacob van Neck and Wybrand van Warwijck.
Lit: —
67. Jose de Acosta and Barent Jansz, Neundter und Letzter Theil Americae,
Darin[n] gehandelt wird, von gelegenheit der Elementen, Natur, Art und eigen-
schafft der Newen Welt: Item von derselben Völcker, Abergläubischen Götzendienst,
Ploicey und Regiments Ordnung: Beneben einem feinen Register oder Catalogo, aller
Könige, von anfang ihrer Königreich an biß auff den letzten König der Mexicaner,
Monteçuma genannt, den andern deß Nahmens, Sampt eygentlicher Beschreibung
der Wahl, Krönung, und Todt derselben, und letzlich was diese Indianer für Krieg
wider einander geführet haben. [. . .] Ferner auch von der Reise der fünff Schiffe,
so im Junio deß 1598. Jahrs in Hollandt außgefahren der meynung durch das
Fretum Magelanum, zu den Moluckischen Inseln zu schiffen, wie sie nemlich von
einander kommen und zersrewet worden, also daß nur allein der Hauptmann Sebald
de Weert, sampt noch einem Schiff beysammen blieben, und auff die vier Monat
lang, mit grosser gefahr in dem Freto sich auffgehalten, Welcher auch endlich, als
er uber die 2. Jahr auff solcher Reise elendiglich zugebracht, mit einem Schiffe,
Anno 1600. unverrichter Sache wider anheim kommen. Frankfurt, widow and
sons of Th. de Bry.

416 appendix one
Coll.: 2o: [8], 327, [1], 72, [54] pp., 25 ills.

Copies: BL 10003.e.28 (1); HAB A 43 Hist. 2o (2); BNF 30171595
Add.: Johan Homberger translated Jose de Acosta’s account using
the Dutch version, which had been translated by Jan Huygen
van Linschoten (Historie naturael ende morael, Enkhuizen 1598).
Artus translated the original Dutch edition of Barent Jansz’
Wijdtloopigh verhael (Amsterdam 1600). Both Wolfgang Richter
(Acosta’s text and all the plates) and Matthias Becker ( Jansz’
account) printed parts of this volume, designated to be the
final volume of the series. Dedicated to Landgrave Ludwig
IV of Hesse-Marburg.
Lit: Van Groesen (2005 & 2006a)
68. Jean-Jacques Boissard, Parnassus cum imaginibus Musarum Deorumq[ue]
praesidum Hippocrenes. Frankfurt, widow and sons of Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [20], 50 (fol. 1–25) pp., 26 ills.
Copies: Univ. London Libr. CC23 [Boissard]; HAB Xb 4o 476; ÖNB
50.A.23*
Add.: A compilation of several of Boissard’s earlier works. Dedicated
by the author to a certain Marcus Claudius à Rya. The illus-
trations were designed by Boissard, and engraved by Robert
Boissard and Johan Theodore. The name of the printer is
unknown.
Lit: —
*69. Daniel Cachedenier, Introductio ad linguam Gallicam; Quae vindicatur
ab ea difficultate, cuius illam suspectam reddiderunt hactenus nonnulli, qui igno-
rantia sua caeteris Germanis ad eam praecluseru[n]t aditum, quem facilimum esse
ex linguae Germanicae cum Gallica collatione, methodo ita facili & perspicua
demo[n]stratur, ut neque necessaria artis praecepta cum selectiorib. exemplis omit-
tantur, neq[ue] supervacanea discentibus obtrudantur. Recens adiecta est appendix in
qua dialogismo latinogallico praxis seu usus praeceptorum demonstratur. Frankfurt,
Coll.: 8o: [38], 427, [5], 74, [6] pp., no ills.
Copies: BSB L.lat. f. 28; ÖNB 73.M.97
Add.: Extended second edition of nr. 59, with the same dedication.
According to the Q01 Frankfurt fair catalogue (ed. Grossius,
[C2v]), the appendix, printed by Becker and containing only
dialogues, was also sold separately. It contained a separate
dedication, to a certain Marcus Gulcherus, and had a separate
title-page: Introductionis ad linguam Gallicam appendix. In qua dialo-

gismo LatinoGallico praxis seu usus praeceptorum, cum ad Etymologia[m]

tum ad Syntaxin pertinentium, adiectis ad marginem scholiis & ascripto
paginae numero ita demonstratur, ut facile sit cuiq[ue] theoriam cum praxi
conferre. Opus mole quidem perexiguum, sed ad intelligenda praecepta
in introductione tradita magnopere conducens.
Lit: —
1602
70. Jose de Acosta, Barent Jansz, and Olivier van Noort, Americae Nona
& postrema Pars. Qua de ratione elementorum: de Novi Orbis natura: de huius
incolarum superstitiosis cultibus: deq[ue] forma Politiae ac Reipubl. ipsorum copiosè
pertractatur: Catalogo Regum Mexicanorum omnium à primo usq[ue] ad ultimum
Moteçumam II. addito: cum etiam ritus eorum coronationis, ac sepulturae annectitur,
cum enumeratione bellorum, quae mutuò Indi gesserunt. His accessit designatio illius
navigationis, quam 5. naves Hollandicae Anno 1598. per fretum Magellanum in
Moluccanas insulas tentarunt: quomodo nimirum oborta tempestate Capitaneus
Sebalt de Weert à caeteris navibus dispulsus. postquam plurimis mensibus in freto
infinitis aerumnis miserè iactatus fuisset, tandem infectare post biennium An. 1600.
domum reversus sit. Addita est tertio navigatio recens, quam 4. navium praefectus
Olevier à Noort proxime suscepit: qui fretu Magellanus classe transmisso, triennij
spatio universum terrae orbem seu globum mira navigationis sorte obivit: annexis illis,
quae in itinere isto singularia ac memorabiliora notata sunt. Frankfurt, widow
and sons of Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [8], 362, [54], 56, 100, [32] pp., 39 ills.
Add.: Printed by Matthias Becker. Latin version, translated from the
German, of nr. 67, and including the additamentum, which
was published separately in German (nr. 71). Dedicated to
Christian II, Elector of Saxony.
Lit: Van Groesen (2005 & 2006a)
71. Olivier van Noort, Additamentum, Oder Anhang deß neundten Theils
Americae, Welches ist Ein warhafftige, unnd eygentliche Beschreibung der langwi-
rigen, sorglichen und gefährlichen Schiffahrt, so Olivier von Noort, General Oberster
uber vier Schiffe, auff welchen 248. Mann, mit Kriegßrüstung und Proviandt nach
Notturfft wol versehen gewesen, durch das gefehrliche Fretum Magellanum, umb die
gantze Kugel der Welt in dreyen Jaren, nemlich vom Iulio, deß 1598. Jares, da er
von Roterdam abgefahren, biß auff den Augustum deß 1601. Jares wunderbarlich
gethan, und verrichtet hat, sampt erzehlung allerhandt Abenthewr, Mühe, Noht und

418 appendix one
Gefahr, so ihm in der zeit begegnet, auffgestossen, und zuhanden gangen. Frankfurt,
Coll.: 2o: 103, [33] pp., 14 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL G6626 (2*); HAB 43 Hist. 2o (2a); BNF 30171595
Add.: Printed by Matthias Becker, and translated from Dutch into
German by Gotthard Artus.
Lit: —
72. Jean-Jacques Boissard, VI. pars. antiquitatum romanarum Sive IIII tomus,
Inscriptionum & Monumentorum, quae Romae in saxis & marmoribus visuntur.
Frankfurt, sons of Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [8], 47, [293] pp., 146 ills.
Copies: BL 144.f.14 (3); Staatsbibl. Berlin, Rr 4313 (6); UBL 426
B 13.
Add.: The sixth and final volume of Boissard’s Antiquitates Romanae
(1597–1602).
73. Jacques Perret, Architectura et perspectiva. Des fortifications & artifices.
Frankfurt, widow and sons of Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [132] pp., 28 ills.
Copies: BL c.78.e.14 (1); UB Göttingen, 4 ARS MIL 498/27 RARA;
ÖNB 19579–C Alt Mag
Add.: Second French edition of Des fortifications et artifices (1st ed.,
Paris 1601). Printed by Wolfgang Richter, dedicated by the
author to King Henry IV of France.
Lit: —
74. Jacques Perret, Architectura et perspectiva. Etlicher Festungen, Städt,
Kirchen, Schlösser un[d] Häuser, wie die auffs stärckeste, zierlichste und bequembste
können gebawet oder auffgerichtet werden. Frankfurt, widow and sons of Th.
de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [132] pp., 28 ills.
Copies: UCL Graves 154.e.3; HAB A 36.1 Geom. 2o; UBA 465 B 12
(1)
Add.: Printed by Wolfgang Richter. First published in French (Des
fortifications et artifices, Paris 1601). The name of the transla-
tor is unknown. Dedicated to Ernst Frederick, Markgrave of
Baden and Hochberg.
Lit: —

*75. Olivier van Noort, Neuwe Schiffart, Warhafftige und eygentliche

Beschreibung der langwirigen, sörglichen und gefährlichen Reyse, so Olivier von Noort,
General Oberster uber vier Schiffe, auff welchen 248. Man[n], mit Kriegßrüstung
und Proviant nach Notturfft wol versehen gewesen, durch das gefehrliche Fretum
Magellanum, um[m] die gantze Kugel der Welt in dreyen Jaren, nemlich vom Julio,
deß 1598. Jares, da er von Roterdam abgefahren, biß auff den Augustum deß
1601. Jares wunderbarlich gethan, und verrichtet hat, sampt erzehlung allerhandt
Abentheuwer, Mühe, Noht und Gefahr, so jm in der zeit begegnet, auffgestossen, und
zuhanden gangen. Frankfurt, widow and sons of Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: 119, [1] pp., 13 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL G6924; HAB H T 82.4o Helmst. (2); UBA 1245 G 15
Add.: Printed by Matthias Becker. First German quarto-edition of
a volume which was included, in folio, in the collection of
voyages (as Ind.Occ. IX app.). The same translation, by Artus
from the Dutch original, was used as for nr. 71.
Lit: —
1603
76. Pieter de Marees, Sechster Theil Der Orientalischen Indien, Warhafftige
Historische Beschreibung deß gewaltigen Goltreichen Königreichs Guinea, sonst
das Goltgestatt von Mina genandt, so in Africa gelegen, sampt derselben gantzen
Beschaffenheit, auch Religion unnd Opinion, Sitten und Sprachen, Handel und
Wandel der Eynwohner daselbst, beneben einer kurtzen Erzehlung, was die Schiffe,
so dahin fahren wollen, für einen Lauff durch die Canarische Inseln, biß an das
Cabo de Trespunctas, da das Goltgestatt sich anfänget, halten müssen. Frankfurt,
Coll.: 2o: [6], 154, [54] pp., 26 ills.
Copies: BL G6607 (6); HAB A 184.1 Hist 2o (1); BNF 30171617
Add.: Printed by Wolfgang Richter. Translated by Artus from the
Dutch original.
Lit: Van den Boogaart (2004)
77. Jean-Jacques Boissard, Topographia urbis Romae. Das ist, Eygentliche
Beschreibu[n]g der Statt Rom, sampt allen Antiquiteten, Palläst, Amphitheatris
oder Schawplatz, Obeliscis, Pyramiden, Lustgarten, Bildern, Begräbnüssen,
Oberschrifften und dergleichen, So in und umb der Statt Rom gefunden, und in vier
Tagen ordentlich beschawet und gesehen werden können. Frankfurt, widow and
sons of Th. de Bry.

420 appendix one

Copies: Manchester Univ. Libr., 11586; HAB A 19.3 Bell. 2o; UB
Basle, EU 112.
Add.: Printed by Matthias Becker. A German compilation of
Boissard’s six-volume Antiquitates Romanae (1597–1602). The
title-page of the fifth Latin volume was re-used. The transla-
tor is unknown.
Lit: Van Groesen (2002)
*78. René de Laudonnière, Jacques le Moyne de Morgues, et al., Der
ander Theil, der Newlich erfundenen Landtschafft Americae, Von dreyen Schiffahrten,
so die Frantzosen in Floridam (die gegen Nidergang gelegen) gethan. Eine unter
dem Hauptmann H. Laudonniere, Anno 1564. Die ander unter H. Ribald 1565.
Die dritte, unter H. Gourguesio 1567. geschehen. Mit Beschreibung und lebendiger
Contrafactur, dieser Provintze, Gestalt, Sitten und Gebräuch der Wilden. Frankfurt,
Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [6], 42, [88], [28] pp., 42 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL G6625 (2); HAB T 1207.2o Helmst. (2); ÖNB 253767–D.2
Fid
Add.: Second edition of the German version of Ind.Occ. II. Printed
by Wolfgang Richter. The same translation, dedication and
illustrations as for the original edition of 1591 were used.
Lit: Greve (2004); Fishman (1995); Lawson and Faupel (1992)
*79. Pieter de Marees, Wahrhafftige Historische Beschreibung deß gewaltigen
Goltreichen Königreichs Guinea, sonst das Goltgestatt von Mina genannt, so in
Africa gelegen, sampt desselben gantzen Beschaffenheit, auch Religion und Opinion,
Handel und Wandel der Eynwohner daselbst, beneben einer kurtzen Erzehlung, was
die Schiffe, so dahin fahren wöllen, für ein Lauff durch die Canarische Inseln, biß
an das Cabo de Trespunctas, da das Golt-Gestatt sich anfänget, halten müssen.
Coll.: 4o: [8], 228 pp., 21 ills., 1map.
Copies: BL c.32.e.14; Staatsbibl. Berlin, Nv 7992 R; UBA 1804
D 39
Add.: Printed by Wolfgang Richter. The same translation, by Artus
from the Dutch, was used as for nr. 76. This is the cheaper
quarto-edition of De Marees’ account.
Lit: —

1604
80. Pieter de Marees, Indiae Orientalis pars VI. veram et historicam descrip-
tionem auriferi Regni Guineae ad Africam pertinentis, quod alias littus de mina
vocant, continens, Qua situs loci, ratio urbium & domorum, portus item & flumina
varia, cum variis incolarum superstitionibus, educatione, forma, commerciis, linguis
& moribus, succincta brevitate explicantur & percensentur. Frankfurt, Joh. Th.
and Joh. Isr. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [8], 127, [3], [52], [2] pp., 26 ills.
Copies: BL 569.i.4 (2); HAB M Cd 4o 26 (1); UBA 1802 C 5 (1)
Add.: Printed by Wolfgang Richter. Translated from German into
Latin by Artus. Dedicated to Johan Schweikard of Kronberg,
Archbishop of Mainz.
81. Jean Errard, La fortification reduicte en art et demonstree. Frankfurt, widow
Coll.: 2o: [8], 77, [151] pp., 38 ills. (& several woodcuts)
Copies: BL c.78.e.14 (2); StBibl. Augsburg 2 Stw 112
Add.: Printed by Wolfgang Richter. First published in Paris in 1600
(La fortification réduicte . . .). Dedicated by the author to King
Henry IV of France.
Lit: —
82. Jean Errard, Fortificatio, Das ist: Künstliche und wolgegründte Demonstration
un[d] Erweisung, wie und welcher Gestalt gute Festungen anzuordnen, un[d] wider
den Feind, so sie mit Heerskrafft nach allem Vortheil möchte angreiffen, zu verwahren
und zu versichern, Auff allerley Orter und Gelegenheiten, wie die mögen zu befestigen
vorfallen, gerichtet. Frankfurt, widow and sons of Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [8], 71, [149] pp., 38 ills.
Copies: BL 719.k.22; HAB A 19 Bell. 2o (2); UBA 465 B 12 (2)
Add.: Translated from the French original. Printed by Wolfgang
Richter. Dedicated to Henry Julius, Duke of Brunswick-
Wolfenbüttel.
Lit: —
83. Hendrick Ottsen, Warhafftige Beschreibung der unglückhafften Schiffarht
eines Schiffs von Ambsterdam, die Silberne Welt genannt, welches nach Ersuchung
deß Gestadts Guinea von seinem Admiral durch Ungewitter abgetrieben, und nach
Rio de Plata zu gefahren, wie es nemblich daselbst vor einem Flecken Bonas Aeres,
durch ein falsche Freundligkeit deß Spanischen Gubernatorn, seinen Verwalter sampt

422 appendix one
etlicher andern verlohren, Auch im zurück fahren, an dem Meerbusen Todas los
Santos gantz und gar in der Portugaleser Hände gerathen, von welchem es also
empfangen, daß allein der Schiffman Heinrich Ottsen, nach 30. Monden, so er
auff dieser Reyse armselig zugebracht, wieder in Hollandt angeländet. Frankfurt,
Coll.: 4o: [4], 62 pp., 5 ills.
Copies: BL c.32.e.13; UB Göttingen, 8 ITIN I, 2324 (2); ÖNB
48.G.20
Add.: Translated by Artus from the original Dutch report by
Hendrick Ottsen, Iournael oft daghelijcx-register van de voyagie na
Rio de la Plata (Amsterdam 1603), and printed by Wolfgang
Richter. The America-series had been stopped after the appear-
ance of Volume IX in 1602, hence probably the separate
publication of this account.
Lit: —
1605
84. Joris van Spilbergen and Gasparo Balbi, Siebender Theil der
Orientalischen Indien, darinnen zwo unterschiedliche Schiffarten begrieffen. Erstlich
Eine Dreyjährige Reyse Georgij von Spielbergen Admirals uber drey Schiffe, welche
An. 1601 auß Seeland nach den Orientalischen Indien abgefahren und nach viel
widerwertigkeiten An. 1604 wider in Seelandt ankom[m]en, darinnen seine gantze
Reyse, und was im für Abentheuer auff derselben begegnet, wie dann auch die
mächtige Königreich Matecalo unnd Candy, sampt ihren prächtigen Königen, Sitten
und Ceremonien, verzeichnet und beschrieben. Zum andern ein Neunjärige Reyse
eines Venetianischen Jubilirers, Casparus Balby genannt, sampt allem, was jme auff
derselben von 1579. bis in 1588. begegnet und widerfahren, neben Anweisung aller
Zöllen, Gewichten, Massen und Müntzen deren man sich von Alleppo auß biß ins
Königreich Pegu zu gebrauchen, wie dann auß deß Handels und Wandels Lebens
Sitten, Ceremonien und Gebräuchen der Völcker und Eynwohner deß mächtigen
Königreichs Pegu. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. and Joh. Isr. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [4], 52, [4], 134, [54] pp., 22 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL G6608 (1); UB Göttingen, 4 ITIN I, 3844/a:7 RARA;
NSA A IV–1 4b3
Add.: Translated from Italian and Dutch into German by Artus.
Printed by Matthias Becker.
Lit: —

85. Hieronymus Fabricius ab Aquapendente, De visione, voce, auditu.

Coll.: 2o: [8], 163, [13] pp.; 11 ills. (and numerous woodcuts)
Copies: UBL 642 A 9 (2)
Add.: The title-page is undated, and the name of the De Brys is
not mentioned. Yet this title-page is identical to the one of
the second edition of 1613 (nr. *141). It was announced by
the De Bry firm in the Q05 Frankfurt fair catalogue, and
was included in the firm’s poster catalogue of 1609. As early
as the S04 Frankfurt fair, the printer Matthias Becker sold a
copy of the work ‘Augennes de febribus’ to Jan Moretus (Arch.
MPM 189, f55r), but it is not certain that these two works
correspond. The original version was published in Italian: De
visione, voce, auditu (Venice 1600). Dedicated by the author to
three physicians in Padua.
Lit: Scharpf-Paravicini (1991); Huizink (1984); Birchler (1979)
86. Roelof Roelofsz and Jan van Bree, Zwo underschiedliche newe Schiffarten,
Nemlich Ein Historische Beschreibung der Reyse, so der Admiral Jacob von Neck
auß Hollandt in die Orientalischen Indien von Ann. 1600. biß An. 1603. gethan.
Darnach Ein Historia, so von Johan Hermann von Bree, Obersten Handelsman,
auff dem Schiff der Holländische Zaun genannt, in gleichmessiger Reyse von Ann.
1602. biß in An. 1604. auffgezeichnet worden. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. and Joh.
Isr. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [8], 135, [1] pp., 10 ills.
Copies: BL c.33.f.3; HAB A 198.7 Hist. (9)
Add.: Both translations from the Dutch by Artus were probably based
on manuscripts, as no printed versions of these accounts are
known in Dutch before 1646. Printed by Wolfgang Richter.
Lit: —
87. Kaspar Bauhin, Theatrum anatomicum. Frankfurt, widow and sons
of Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 8o: [16], 1314, [52] pp., 134 ills.
Copies: BL 780.e.1 (1); HAB A 52 Phys (1); UBU M Oct 394 (1)
Add.: The work, one of the most popular in the De Bry catalogue,
was printed by Matthias Becker. Dedicated by the author to
Landgrave Maurice of Hesse-Kassel (HStAM 4a 39, 116).
The final 52 pages are sometimes also found as part of the
appendix (nr. 94), as in the British Library-copy.
Lit: —

424 appendix one
*88. Hans Staden, Jean de Léry, and Nicolas Barré, Americae tertia pars
Memorabile provinciae Brasiliae Historiam contine[n]s. [. . .] Addita est Narratio
profectionis Ioannis Lerij in eamdem Provinciam, qua ille initio gallicè conscripsit,
postea verò Latinam fecit. His accessit Descriptio Morum & Ferocitatis incolarum
illius Regionis, atque Colloquium ipsorum idiomate conscriptum. Frankfurt, Th.
de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [16], 296, [16] pp., 45 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL G6633 (4); UB Freiburg, MK 97/4005–3970C,3; UBA
1802 B 8 (3)
Add.: Second edition of Ind.Occ. III, with the plates included in the
text. Printed by Matthias Becker, whose name and the year
1605 feature prominently on the last page of the account. The
Latin translation of 1592 was used again, as was the dedication
to William IV, the now late Elector Palatine. The title-pages
of the first and second editions are identical. Several states of
the first and second editions point to repeated printings of
this volume.
(1981)
*89. Joris van Spilbergen, Newe Schifffahrt Einer Dreyjährigen Reyse, so durch
Georgen von Spielbergen, Admiral uber drey Schiffe, der Widder, das Schaaff, und
das Lämblein genannt, von Anno 1601. biß in 1604. verrichtet worden, darinnen
nicht allein seine gantze Reyse, sampt allem, was ihm auff derselben begegnet, fein
ordentlich verzeichnet, sondern auch die Mayestät, Herrlichkeit und Reichthumb der
Könige zu Candy und Matecalo im Königreich Celon gelegen, sampt iren Sitten,
Ceremonien, Leben und Gebreuchen, erzehlet werden, fast kurtzweilig zulesen.
Copies: BL G6568 (1), without ills.; UB Tübingen, FO XXIII 10
Add.: The same translation by Artus was used as for the folio-version
which formed part of Ind.Or. VII (nr. 84). Printed by Matthias
Becker.
Lit: —
1606
90. Joris van Spilbergen and Gasparo Balbi, Indiae Orientalis pars septima;
Navigationes duas, Primam, trium Annorum, à Georgio Spilbergio, trium navium
praefecto, Ann. 1601. ex Selandia in Indiam Orientalem susceptam: Alteram, novem

Annorum, à Casparo Balby, Gemmario Veneto, Anno 1579. ex Alepo Babyloniam

versus, & inde porro ad regnum Pegu usque continuatam, continens. Omnium quae
illi quidem ad Annum 1604. huic vero ad Annum 1588. usque acciderunt, com-
memoratione; Regum item, locorum, populorum, rituumque variorum descriptione
addita. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. and Joh. Isr. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [4], 126, [4], [44], [2] pp., 22 ills.
Copies: BL 986.h.20 (3); HAB M Cd 4o 26 (2); UBA 1802 C 5 (2)
Add.: Printed by Wolfgang Richter, translated by Artus. Dedicated
to Johan Schweikard von Kronberg, Archbishop of Mainz.
Lit: —
91. Roelof Roelofsz and Jan van Bree, Achter Theil der Orientalischen
Indien, begreiffend erstlich Ein Historische Beschreibung der Schiffart, so der Admiral
Jacob von Neck auß Hollandt in die Orientalische Indien von Ann. 1600. biß An.
1603. gethan. Darnach Ein Historia, so von Johan Herman von Bree, Obersten
Handelsmann auff dem Schiff der Holländische Zaun genannt, in gleichmessiger
Reyse von An. 1602. biß in An. 1604. auffgezeichnet worden. Frankfurt, Joh.
Coll.: 2o: [4], 100, [24] pp., 11 ills.
Copies: BL 568.i.1 (8); UB Göttingen, 4 ITIN I, 3844/a:8 RARA;
NSA A IV–1 4b3
Add.: Translated from Dutch into German by Artus. Printed by
Wolfgang Richter.
Lit: —
92. Cornelis Claesz, Cornelis van der Venne, and Stefan van der
Hagen, Appendix. oder Ergäntzung deß achten Theils Der Orientalischen Indien,
Begreiffend drey Schiffarten, Eine, von Cornelio Niclas, unter der Admiralschafft
Iacobi von Neck, in vier Jahren, Die ander, von Cornelio von der Ven, in zweyen
Jahren, Die dritte, unter der Admiralschafft Stephani von der Hagen, in dreyen
Jaren verrichtet. In welchen etliche Victorien wieder die Portugesische Kracken oder
Schiffe, sonderlich aber die jüngste Eroberung und Einnemmung der Portugesischen
Festungen Annabon und Tidor, kürtzlich vermeldet werden. Frankfurt, Joh. Th.
and Joh. Isr. de Bry.
Copies: BL 568.i.1 (8*); UB Göttingen, 4 ITIN I, 3844/a:App RARA;
NSA A IV–1 4b3
Add.: Translated by Artus from the Dutch originals, of which only
Stefan van der Hagen’s Kort ende warachtigch verhael (Rotterdam
1606) had been published before. The two other accounts

426 appendix one
were probably available as manuscripts. Printed by Wolfgang

Richter.
Lit: —
93. Warhafftige unnd eygentliche Beschreibung der allerschrecklichsten und grawsam-
sten Verrätherey so jemals erhört worden, wieder die Königliche Maiestat, derselben
Gemahl unnd junge Printzen, sampt dem gantzen Parlament zu Londen in Engeland
fürgenommen, Wer nemblich die Autoren un[d] Anfenger derselben gewesen, wie
es entdecket, die Thäter ergriffen, gefangen, und gestrafft worden, Neben kurtzer
erzehlung der gantzen deß Parlaments Session. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. and Joh.
Isr. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: 32, [6] pp., 3 ills.
Copies: BL G6103; HAB A 248 Hist. 4o (3)
Add.: Printed by Matthias Becker. Registration of the events and
repercussions of the Guy Fawkes conspiracy of November
1605. The identity of the author is unknown.
Lit: —
94. Appendix Ad theatrum anatomicum Caspari Bauhini: sive explicatio
Characterum omnium, qui figuris totius Operis additi fuere: quae seorsim compingi
debet. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. and Joh. Isr. de Bry.
Coll.: 8o: [8], 197, [3] pp., 1 ill.
Copies: BL 780.e.1 (2); HAB A 52 Phys (2); UBU M Oct 394 (2)
Add.: Printed by Matthias Becker. Although no date can be found
on the imprint, the year of publication is almost certainly
1606, as Bauhin’s Theatrum was sold to Jan Moretus for the
first time at the S05 Frankfurt fair, and this appendix, which
appeared later, was first sold at the Q06 Frankfurt fair. Moretus
usually bought new De Bry publications straight away. The
title-page refers to the year 1600, yet this was the result of
an ornamental design—first used for the title-page of nr.
59—being re-used. The appendix was nothing more than a
collection of captions to the illustrations in nr. 87, and was
presumably not written by Bauhin himself.
Lit: —
1607
95. Various authors, Indiae Orientalis pars octava: Navigationes quinque,
Primam, à Iacobo Neccio, ab Anno 1600. usque ad Annum 1603. Secundam, à
Iohanne Hermanno de Bree, ab Anno 1602. usq[ue] ad Annum 1604. Tertiam,

à Cornelio Nicolai, Annis quatuor. Quartam, à Cornelio de Vena, duobus Annis.

Quintam, sub Stephano de Hagen tribus Annis, in Indiam Orientalem susceptas &
peractas continens. Locorum, Regum, Populorum, rituumque variorum descriptione,
victoriarum item à Lusitanis reportatarum, & Araboinae, Tidorisque expugnationis
commemoratione addita. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. and Joh. Isr. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: 114, [46] pp., 18 ills.
Copies: BL W7725; HAB M Cd 4o 26 (2); UBA 1802 C 5 (3)
Add.: Translated by Artus. Printed by Wolfgang Richter.
Lit: —
96. Bonaiuto Lorini, Fünff Bücher von Vestung Bauwen, Bonaiuti Lorini
Florentinischen vom Adel. In welchen, durch die allerleichtesten Reguln, die
Wissenschaft sampt der Practick, gelehret wirdt, wie man Städte und andere örter,
uff unterschiedlicher Situs gelegenheit sol befestigen: Und da insonderheit, Im ersten,
von der Wissenschafft sampt den Reguln unnd Ursachen, wie man alle Grundtrisse
der Vestungen auffreissen, unnd zu eim vollkömlichen Ende bringen sol, gehandelt,
Im andern, die Practick, mit welcher man ein Vestung wircklichen anlegen und
bawen sol, gezeigt, Im dritten, Unterschiedliche Grundrisse gesetzt, und wie man
die best verstandneste darunder außlesen sol, gelehret, Im Vierten, der unterscheid
der Situs oder Gelegenheit der örter, und wie man dieselbigen befestigen sol, erkläret,
Im fünfften unnd letzten, die Mechanischen Künste, sampt ein underricht wie man
vierlerley Werckzeug und Instrumenta machen sol, beides mit einem kleinen Gewalt
sehr grosse Läste zuheben, wie auch gar uff einen leichten Weg die Sachen zu wegen
zubringen, so beyde in Friedens unnd Kriegszeiten deß Menschen Leben am nötigsten
sindt, gelehret, Und alles, durch beygefügte Lehren und Underricht, so zu verstandt
gedachter Materien, gereichen kan, uffs deutlichste erkläret wirdt. Frankfurt, widow
Coll.: 2o: [12], 215, [83] pp., 36 ills.
Copies: BL 1605/212; HAB A 19 Bell. 2o (1); UBA 465 B 12 (3)
Add.: Translated from the Italian original (Bonaiuto Lorini, Delle
fortificationi [. . .] libri cinque, Venice 1596) by David Wormbser.
Printed by Matthias Becker, dedicated to Joachim Ernst,
Marcgrave of Brandenburg.
Lit: —
*97. Johan Adam Lonicer, [Levinus Hulsius], [Gotthard Artus], and
Jean-Jacques Boissard, Historia Chronologica Pannoniae: Ungarische und
Siebenbürgische Historia, was sich in denen Landen, seyt der Sündflut hero, biß auff
jetztregierende Rö. Keys. Mt. Rudolphum II. den XXXX. Christlichen König in
Ungarn, und Sigismundum Bathorium Heertzogen in Siebenbürgen, etc. Fürnemblich
aber in jetztwerenden Kriegßhändeln, denckwürdiges begeben. Darinnen obgemeldter

428 appendix one
Potentaten Kriegßfürsten und Feldobersten, Leben, Ritterliche Thaten, und wider

den Türcken erhaltene Victorien, außführlich angeordnet. Frankfurt, widow and
sons of Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [8], 160, [8], 103, [1] pp., 21 ills.
Copies: HAB A 197.3 Hist. (1); ÖNB BE.8.P.18
Add.: No printer was mentioned. Seven illustrations were added, as
was information on the peace-agreement with the Ottomans
of 1606.
Lit: —
1608
98. Lorenzo Pignoria, Characteres Aegyptii, hoc est, sacrorum, quibus Aegyptii
utuntur, simulachrorum accurata delineatio et explicatio, qua antiquissimarum super-
stitionum origines, progressiones, ritusque, ad Barbaram, Graecam & Romanam
historiam illustrandam, enarrantur, & multa scriptorum veterum loca explicantur
atque emendantur. Frankfurt, widow and sons of Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [8], 86 (fol. 1–43), [16], [8] pp., 16 ills.
Copies: BL 1473.c.32; HAB A 179.1 Hist. (2); UBL Thysia 1380 (3)
Add.: Printed by Matthias Becker. Dedicated by the author to
Cardinal Caesar Baronius.
Lit: —
99. Jacob Ulfeldt, Hodoeporicon Ruthenicum, In quo de Moscovitarum Regione,
Moribus, Religione, gubernatione, & Aulâ Imperatoriâ quo potuit compendio &
eleganter exequitur, nunc primum editum cum figuris aeneis, ex Bibliotheca Melchioris
Haiminsfeldii Goldasti. Frankfurt, Joh. Th.and Joh. Isr. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [8], 66, [12] pp., 5 ills.
Copies: BL 590.e.17; HAB 127.14 Hist. (2); KB 277 E 16 (1)
Add.: Printed by Matthias Becker. Dedicated by Melchior Goldast
von Haiminsfeld to the Palatine court official Achatius von
Dohna.
Lit: —
100. Johan Schenck von Grafenberg, Lithogenesia Sive de microcosmi membris
petrefactis: et de calculis eidem microcosmo per varias matrices innatis: pathologia
historica, per Theorian et Autopsian demonstrata. Accessit Analogicum Argumentum
ex Macrocosmo de calculis brutorum corporib[us] innatis. Quibus Concretio portentosa
ex Panspermio semine viscoso & bolari per salis spiritum coagulato, illustratur: Cui
deinceps Dissolutionis secunda Pars & germana soror adsociabitur. Frankfurt,

Coll.: 4o: [16], 69, [9] pp., 6 ills. (& several small woodcuts)
Copies: BL 784.l.2 (1); HAB A 115.5 Quod (3); ÖNB 68.S.27
Add.: Printed by Matthias Becker. The author expresses his thanks
to his Hanau-based colleague Johan Reinard.
Lit: —
101. Marquard Freher, Sulpitius, sive de aequitate Commentarius Ad L. I. C.
De Legibus. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. and Joh. Isr. de Bry.
Copies: BL 501.e.10 (3); HAB A 35 Jur. (6); UBU C qu 71 (3)
Add.: Printed by Matthias Becker.
Lit: —
102. Weyrich Wettermann, Historischer Bericht Von der Wetterauw, Rinckaw,
Westerwald, Löhngöw, Hayrich, unnd anderen an das Fürstenthumb Hessen grent-
zenden Landen, Wie es von alters und jetziger Zeit mit denselben beschaffen, und
wie sie abgesonderte regiones und Ständt gewesen und noch seyen. Frankfurt, Joh.
Coll.: 4o: [8], 34 pp., 1 ill.
Copies: HAB A 188.1 Hist. (4); ÖNB 24.L.46; BNF 31641890
Add.: Printed by Matthias Becker. Weyrich Wettermann is a pseud-
onym of Marquard Freher. Dedicated by the author to the
Counts of the Wetterau.
Lit: —
103. Melchior Goldast von Haiminsfeld, Imperialia decreta de cultu imagi-
num in utroq[ue] imperio tam orientis quam Occidentis promulgata. Frankfurt,
Coll.: 8o: [24], 778, [4] pp., no ills.
Copies: BL 3908.de.1; HAB M Ti 122; ÖNB 24.R.10
Add.: Printed by Matthias Becker. Dedicated by the author to Count
Phillip Ludwig II of Hanau-Lichtenberg.
Lit: —
104. Johan Schenck von Grafenberg, Hortus Patavinus. Cui accessere V CL
Melchioris Guilandini medici botanici cluentiss. coniectanea synonymica plantarum
eruditißima. in gratiam rei medicae studiosorum, qui PatavI Antenoris Horto Medico
operam navant. Frankfurt, widow and sons of Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 8o: [10], 93, [1] pp., 1 ill.
Copies: BL 450.c.8; HAB A 92.10 Phys. (2); ÖNB *69.K.17
Add.: Printed by Matthias Becker. Dedicated by the author to Georg
Streitius of Hanau. The title-page refers to the year 1600, yet

430 appendix one
this was the result of a ornamental design—first used for the

title-page of nr. 59—being re-used.
Lit: —
*105. Thomas Harriot, Admiranda narratio fida tamen, de commodis et inco-
larum ritibus virginiae nuper admodum ab anglis, qui à Dn. Richardo Greinvile
equestris ordinis viro eò in coloniam anno M.D.LXXXV. deducti sunt inventae,
sumtus faciente Dn. Waltero Raleigh equestris ordinis vero fodinaru stanni praefecto
ex auctoritate serenissimae reginae angliae. Frankfurt, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: 34, [94] pp., 28 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL G6633 (2); StUBF N.Libr.Ff 5576 (1); UBA 1802 B 8
(1)
Add.: Second edition of Harriot’s account in Latin, Ind.Occ. I. The
title-page is identical to that of the first edition, although the
references to Johan Wechel and Sigmund Feyerabend’s shop
were replaced with the name of the De Brys. The name of
Theodore still featured prominently. The same translation, by
Clusius and others, was used as in 1590. The name of the
printer is unknown.
Lit: Greve (2004)
*106. Johan Adam Lonicer, [Levinus Hulsius], [Gotthard Artus], and
Jean-Jacques Boissard, Historia Chronologica Pannoniae: Res per Hungariam
et Transylvaniam, iam inde à constitutione Regnorum illorum, usque ad invictiss.
Rom. Imp Rodolphum II Hungariae Regem Christianum XXXX. & Sereniss.
Sigismundum Bathorium, Transylvaniae Ducem, maxime vero hoc diuturno bello ges-
tas; Icones item vitasque et victorias, Regum, Ducum & procerum, tam Christianorum
quam Turcicorum. Frankfurt, widow and sons of Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [14], 290 pp., 21 ills.
Copies: BL 1438.c.4; HAB 127.14 Hist. (1); BNF 30171555
Add.: No printer was mentioned. A brief preface was written by
the De Bry brothers especially for this second edition.
Lit: —
1609
107. Daniel Meyer, Architectura Oder Verzeichnuß allerhand Eynfassungen
an Thüren, Fenstern und Decken, etc. sehr nützlich unnd dienlich allen Mahlern,
Bildthawern, Steinmetzen, Schreinern und andern Liebhabern dieser Kunst.

Coll.: 2o: [6], 100 pp., 50 ills.

Copies: BSB 2 A.civ. 120; ÖNB 261779 C-Fid.
Add.: This work comprised a preface by the De Brys, and 50 illus-
trations without further textual explanations. The name of
the printer is unknown.
Lit: —
108. Erpoldus Lindenbrog, Scriptores rerum germanicarum septentrionalium,
vicinorumque populorum diversi, Continentes historiam ecclesiasticam, et reli-
gionis propagationem, gestaque Saxonum, Sclavorum, VVandalorum, Danorum,
Norvvegiorum, Suedorum, &c. Situm denique & naturam omnium quae in
Septentrione sunt regionum, ipsarumque gentium vetustis temporibus mores ac
religiones: quibus accedunt variorum pontificum, imperatorum, Regum & Ducum
Diplomata & Privilegia. Frankfurt, widow and sons of Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [8], 307, [5] pp., no ills.
Copies: Chr.Church Oxford, OI 2.9; HAB Gl 4o 418; UBL 1225
A 12
Add.: Printed by Matthias Becker. Dedicated by the author to
Antonius Gunterus of Oldenburg.
Lit: —
109. Johan Schenck von Grafenberg, Lithogenesia oder Wunderstein: Von
wunderbarem Steingewächs oder Steingeburt in der kleinen Welt, das ist in dem
Menschlichen Leib: in dem entweder die Glieder selbst und Corpus zu Stein unnd
Felsen worden, oder durch alle unnd jede Leibsglidmassen und Gefäß, nicht minder
als in den Ertzgruben der grossen Welt, Stein unnd Mineralia erwachsen. Darinnen
durch ein kurtzen Theorischen verfasten Discurs die Ursach dero Coagulation im
Saltzgeist uffgesucht und eröffnet: Beneben in Praxi mit lebendigen denckwürdigen
Historien unnd Exempeln, auch abgestochnen Figurn vieler Gelärter Leut, bezeugt,
bekräfftiget, illustriert, dociert, und uberwiesen wirdt, daß in dem Menschen so
wol als einem reichen Bergwerck allenthalb solche Stein und Mineraln erwachsen
mögen. Mit angefügter Analogischer Zugaab Dero Steingewächs vieler anderer
Gethier und Animalium, daß in denselben gleichsfalls derogleichen Stein durch ihre
Leibcörper erwachsen, und zubefinden seyen. Frankfurt, widow and sons of
Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: 96 pp., 20 ills. (incl. 14 woodcuts)
Copies: HAB A 46.13 Med. (3); ÖNB 69.T.14+
Add.: Translated from the Latin version (nr. 100), printed by Matthias
Becker. Dedicated by the author to Count Johan Reinhardt
of Hanau and Zweibrücken.
Lit: —

432 appendix one
110. Realdus Columbus & Johan Schenck von Grafenberg, Anatomia, Das
ist: Sinnreiche, Künstliche, Gegründte Auffschneidung, Theilung unnd Zerlegung eines
vollkom[m]enen Menschlichen Leibs und Cörpers, durch alle desselbigen innerliche und
eusserliche Gliedtmassen und Gefäß, so wol mit eygendtlicher Beschreibung erkläret,
als mit lebendigen Contrafacturen fürgebildet. Darauß das hohe, scharpffsin[n]ige
Wundergebäw deß Menschlichen Leibs beyder Gestallt zu erlernen, welcher Form,
Bildtnuß, Proportz und Gestallt der gantze Menschliche LeibCörper, so wol des-
selben Principal oder Hauptstück, als Privatglieder und dienstbare Mittelgefäß, ja
alle desselben innerliche und eusserliche Werckzeug, Zugaab, Gliedtsglieder, und
Gliedtmassen, durch den Allmächtigen Schöpffer Anfangs plasmiert und erschaffen,
auch nunmehr durch die wunderbare Bildung in Mutterleib formiert und propagiert
wirdt. Frankfurt, widow and sons of Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [8], 274, [2] pp., 44 ills.
Copies: HAB A 38.9 Phys. 2o (1); UB Basle, Otol C 1
Add.: Printed by Matthias Becker. Columbus’ work was first pub-
lished in Venice in 1559 (De re anatomica, libri XV). It was trans-
lated and extended by Schenck, who dedicated this edition to
Rudolf, Count of Sultz. More than half of the illustrations
were earlier published in nr. 53.
Lit: —
111. Johan Schenck von Grafenberg, Monstrorum historia memorabilis,
monstrosa humanorum partuum miracula, stupendis Conformationum Formulis ab
utero materno enata, vivis exemplis, observationibus, & picturis, referens. Accessit
Analogicum Argumentum de monstris brutis. Frankfurt, widow and sons of
Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [8], 135, [1] pp., 56 ills.
Copies: BL 956.g.35; UB Dresden, Anat. A 184; UBL 227 E 96
Add.: Printed by Matthias Becker. Dedicated by the author to Duke
Johan August of Palatinate-Lützenstein.
Lit: —
*112. René de Laudonnière, Jacques le Moyne de Morgues, et al.,
Brevis narratio eorum quae in Florida Americae provi[n]cia Gallis acciderunt,
secunda in illam Navigatione, duce Renato de Laudo[n]niere classis Praefecto Anno
MDLXIIII. Quae est secunda pars Americae. Additae figurae et Incolarum eicones
ibidem ad vivu[m] expressae brevis item Declaratio Religionis, rituum, vivendique
ratione ipsorum. Frankfurt, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [16], 30, [88], [26] pp., 42 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL G6633 (3); StUBF N.Libr.Ff 5576 (2); UBA 1802 B 8
(2)

Add.: Second edition of the Latin Ind.Occ. II. The same title-page
was used as for the first edition of 1591. The page between
the text and the plates carries the year 1609. The name of
the printer is unknown.
Lit: Greve (2004); Fishman (1995); Lawson and Faupel (1992);
Hulton (1977)
*113. Odoardo Lopez and Filippo Pigafetta, Regnum Congo, hoc est,
Warhaffte und Eigentliche Beschreibung deß Königreichs Congo in Africa, und deren
angrentzenden Länder, darinnen der Inwohner Glaub, Leben, Sitten, und Kleydung
wol und außführlich vermeldt und angezeigt wirdt. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. and
Joh. Isr. de Bry.
Copies: BL 568.i.1 (1); HAB Cd 4o 29 (1); UBA OF 82–5
Add.: Second edition of the first German volume of the India
Orientalis-series, printed by Matthias Becker. The same trans-
lation and plates as for the first edition of 1597 were used.
Dedicated to Hans Georg, Count of Solms and Georg, Count
of Erbach, by August Cassiodorus Reyna.
1610
114. Johan Schenck von Grafenberg, Wunder-Buch Von Menschlichen,
unerhörten Wunder- und Mißgebuhrten, so wider den gemeinen Lauff der Natur
erschröcklich, frembd, unnd seltzam gebildet: doch glaubwürdig in diese Welt gebohren
worden. Wie nicht minder von Mißgebuhrten der unvernünfftigen Gethier. Frankfurt,
the late widow and sons of Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [6], 162, [2] pp., 56 ills.
Copies: Wellcome Libr., 5833/B; HAB A 82.22 Quod. (1); ÖNB
68.S.29
Add.: Printed by Matthias Becker. The work was translated from
the Latin version of 1609. The work appeared after the death
of Theodore de Bry’s widow, yet the death of Johan Israel,
who died before his stepmother, is not mentioned on the title-
page.
Lit: —
115. Helisaeus Rösslin, Mitternächtige Schiffarth, Von den Herrn Staden inn
Niderlanden vor XV. Jaren vergebenlich fürgenommen, wie dieselbige anzustellen,
daß man daselbst herumb in Orient und Chinam kommen möge, zu sonderem

434 appendix one
der Christenheit, sonderlich Teutschlands Nutzen und Wolfart, Ein künstlicher

Philosophischer Tractat, Von vielen wunderlichen die Geheimnuß der Natur betref-
fenden Sachen, von den Mitternächtigen Landen, unter dem Polo, wie sie der Kälte
halben beschaffen, vom Indischen Paradeiß der gantzen Welt, von dem Magnetstein,
und dessen Bewegungen ein gründliche Physica, von den newen Stern zu unsern Zeiten
erschienen, was sie bedeuten, uff Iohann Kepleri Keys. Maj. Mathematici hievon
außgangen Schreiben, ein mehrer Bedencken. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 8o: [16], 139, [5], 16 pp. (141–56), no ills., 1 map.
Copies: BSB A Hydr. 68d; KB 346 G 38
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler. This was the first book of the
De Bry firm to appear in Oppenheim, one year after Johan
Theodore had moved to the Palatinate. Dedicated by the
author to the States-General of the Dutch Republic.
*116. Hans Staden and Jean de Léry, Dritte Buch Americae, Darinn Brasilia
durch Johann Staden von Homberg auß Hessen [. . .] Item Historia der Schiffart
Ioannis Lerij in Brasilien, welche er selbst publiciert hat [. . .] Vom Wilden uner-
hörten wesen der Innwoner, von allerley frembden Gethieren und Gewächsen, sampt
einem Colloquio, in der Wilden Sprach. Frankfurt, Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [16], 92, [16], 193 (93–285), [1] pp., 38 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL G6625 (3)
Add.: Second edition of Ind.Occ. III in German. The same title-page,
translation and plates as for the first edition of 1593 (nr. 9)
were used. Several plates were used more than once. The year
of printing, 1610, is not certain.
(1981)
1611
117. Florilegium Novum, Hoc est: Variorum maximeque rariorum Florum ac
Plantarum singularium unà cum suis radicibus & cepis, Eicones diligenter aere
sculptae & ad vivum ut plurimum expressae. New Blumbuch Darinnen allerhand
schöne Blumen und frembde Gewächs, mit ihren Wurtzeln und Zwiebeln, mehrer
theils dem Leben nach in Kupffer fleissig gestochen, zu sehen seind. [Oppenheim?],
Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [8], [108] pp., 54 ills.
Copies: ULB Halle, Sb 3572 4o
Add.: First part of a series of publications, with illustrations of flow-
ers and plants. Illustrated supplements, with 24, 10, and 24
new engravings respectively, appeared in 1613 (nr. 133), 1614

(nr. 148) and 1615 (nr. 159), without new, printed title-pages.
The appendices were also sold separately, as the Moretus-
accounts show. Many of the illustrations are based on Pierre
Vallet’s Le Jardin du Roy (Paris 1608). Dedicated to Herman
of Kronberg, a relative of the Archbishop of Mainz.
Lit: Warner (1955)
*118. Emblemata Secularia. mira et iucunda varietate seculi huius mores ita expri-
mentia, ut Sodalitatum Symbolis Insigniisque conscribendis & depingendis perac-
comoda sint. Versibus latinis, rhythmisq[ue] Germanicis, Gallicis, Belgicis: speciali
item Declamatione de literarum studiis exornata. Weltliche lustige newe Kunststück,
der jetzigen Weltlauff fürbildende. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: 56, [256] pp., 130 ills.
Copies: Glasgow Univ. Libr., Sp. Coll. SM 239; UB Göttingen, 4
BIBL UFF 494; KB 71 J 62
Add.: An extended second edition of the original edition of 1596
(nr. 30), printed by Hieronymus Galler. Dedicated to Johan
Christoph von Gemmingen, the son of an Oppenheim mag-
istrate. The newly-added emblems were mostly love emblems,
a relatively new, popular emblematic genre, especially in
the Dutch Republic. The explanatory texts were written in
German, Latin, French, and Dutch.
Lit: Adams, Rawles and Saunders (1999–2002) F132; Harms and
Schilling (facs. 1994)
*119. Helisaeus Rösslin, Mitternächtige Schiffarth, Von den Herrn Staden inn
Niderlanden vor XV. Jaren vergebenlich fürgenommen, wie dieselbige anzustellen,
daß man daselbst herumb in Orient und Chinam kommen möge, zu sonderem
der Christenheit, sonderlich Teutschlands Nutzen und Wolfart, Ein künstlicher
Philosophischer Tractat, Von vielen wunderlichen die Geheimnuß der Natur betref-
fenden Sachen, von den Mitternächtigen Landen, unter dem Polo, wie sie der Kälte
halben beschaffen, vom Indischen Paradeiß der gantzen Welt, von dem Magnetstein,
und dessen Bewegungen ein gründliche Physica, von den newen Stern zu unsern Zeiten
erschienen, was sie bedeuten, uff Iohann Kepleri Keys. Maj. Mathematici hievon
außgangen Schreiben, ein mehrer Bedencken. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 8o: [16], 139, [5], 35 (141–75), [1] pp., no ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL G2470; HAB A 425 Quod. (3), lacking the final 36
pages.
Add.: Second extended edition of nr. 115, announced as such in the
Q12 catalogue. Printed by Hieronymus Galler. The dedication
of the first edition was repeated.
Lit: —

436 appendix one
1612
120. Johan Verken, Neundter Theil Orientalischer Indien, Darinnen begrieffen
Ein kurtze Beschreibung einer Reyse, so von den Holländern un[d] Seeländern,
in die Orientalischen Indien, mit neun grossen und vier kleinen Schiffen, unter der
Admiralschafft Peter Wilhelm Verhuffen, in Jahren 1607. 1608. und 1609. ver-
richt worden, neben Vermeldung, was ihnen fürnemlich auff solcher Reyse begegnet
unnd zu Handen gangen. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [4], 55, [5], [24] pp., 12 ills.
NSA A IV-1 4b4
Add.: Collected and translated by Artus, printed by Matthias Becker.
Verken’s account had not been published before. The same
cartouche was used for the title-page as for nr. *127.
Lit: Van Gelder (1997)
121. Johan Verken, Indiae Orientalis pars IX. Historicam descriptionem naviga-
tionis ab Hollandis & Selandis in Indiam Orientalem, sub imperio Petri-Guilielmi
Verhuffii, cum novem maiorum & quatuor minorum navium classe, Annis 1607.
1608. & 1609. susceptae & peractae, &c. continens: Addita omnium, quae hoc
tempore eis obtigerunt, annotatione. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [4], 49, [7], [24] pp., 12 ills.
Add.: Printed by Wolfgang Richter, translated from German into
Latin by Gotthard Artus.
122. Helisaeus Rösslin, Chronologia primorum Caesarum ante et post natum
Christum ab occupata a Pompeio Hierosolyma, usque ad ultimam devastationem
eius per Titum Vespasiani filium: Historiarum tam Sacrarum quam prophanarum
non illius temporis solum, sed praecedentium & consequentium etiam annorum
fundamentum proponens & calculo Astronomico confirmans, In eum finem, ut verum
tempus nativitatis et passionis domini nostri Iesu Christi cum tota historia evan-
gelica in omnibus circumstantijs habeatur: ad confirmandam Religionis Christianae
certitudinem, & reprimendam Judaeorum & incredularum Gentium blasphemiam.
Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [2], 58 (fol. 1–29), [2] pp, no ills.
Copies: UB Munich, 2 H Aux 507
Add.: Printed by Matthias Becker.
Lit: —

123. Helisaeus Rösslin, Zu Ehrn der Keyserlichen Wahl und Krönung Matthiae
deß I. und Annae. J. Keys. May. Gemahlin den 14/24 und 15/25 Tag Junij
des 1612. Jahrs zu Franckfurt mit grosser Solennitet gehalten unnd verricht. Ein
Tabella des Welt Spiegels. Darinnen Geistliche Göttliche unnd Politische Weltliche
Sachen in einer Harmonia und Vergleichung gegen einander gestellt werden, nach
den sieben Revolutionen der Planeten und Zehen Altern von Anfang der Welt biß
zu Endt, das darauß zuersehen, in was Zeiten wir seyen, und was noch zuerfüllen
ubrig. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [8], 30, [2] pp., no ills.
Copies: HAB A 207 Hist.; ÖNB 72.X.37
Add.: First of several works devoted to the coronation of Matthias
I as Holy Roman Emperor, and dedicated to the emperor by
the author.
Lit: —
124. Helisaeus Rösslin, 1572. Prodromus. 1604. Dissertationum Chrono-
logicarum: Das ist, Der Zeit Rechnung halben ein außführlicher und gründtlicher
Teutscher Bericht, an unsern aller gnädigsten Herrn, Matthiam den I. erwehlten
Römischen Keysern. Das nemblich den Jahren und dem Alter unsers Herrn unnd
Heylandts Iesu Christi nicht fünff Jahr zuzusetzen seyen, wie J. Keys. Majest.
Mathematicus Iohann Keplerus haben wil, sonder mehr nicht als fünff viertheyl
Jahr, Also, das Christus warhafftig im vierthalben und dreyssigsten Jahr seines Alters
gelitten hab. Alles auch in einer Lateinischen Chronologia unnd Zeitrechnung vor
Augen gestellt, mit einer richtigen Harmonia und Vergleichung Politischer Weltlicher,
und Geistlicher Evangelischer Historien, durch deß Himmels Lauff Rechnung bestät-
tiget. Allen trewhertzigen und frommen Christen zuwissen, so wol tröstlich, als den
Ungläubigen und Halßstarrigen Juden damit zubegegnen nothwendig, sonderlich
den Gelehrten zu lesen angenehm. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [24], 287, [1] pp., no ills.
Copies: HAB A 106.1 Hist. (3); BNF 31234400
Add.: Printed by Matthias Becker. The printer, not De Bry, obtained
permission to publish the work in Frankfurt (StAFr. ZBBP 53,
f63v). Dedicated by the author to Emperor Matthias I.
Lit: —
125. Franz Kessler, Kurtzer einfältiger und doch außführlicher verständlicher
Bericht: Wie ein jeglicher der Mathematischen Kunst Liebhaber, gantz ringfertig,
das uberauß compendios-Scioterische Gnomische, oder Geometrische und ringköstige
Proportional Instrument, auß seinem unumbstößlichen wahren Grund, selber lernen
machen und ins Werck richten soll. Allen Sonnuhristen, Geometris, Bawmeistern,

438 appendix one
wie auch allen Mahlern, Bildhawern, Steinmetzen und Schreinern zu sonderem

gefallen. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: 20 pp., 5 ills. (woodcuts)
Copies: HAB A 243.22.1 Quod. (1); ÖNB 72.H.13 (2)
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler. Dedicated to Friedrich Meyer,
armourer (‘Zeugwarter’) in Strasbourg, and friend of Johan
Theodore.
Lit: —
*126. Florilegium Novum, Hoc est: Variorum maximeque rariorum Florum ac
Plantarum singularium unà cum suis radicibus & cepis, Eicones diligenter aere
sculptae & ad vivum ut plurimum expressae. New Blumbuch Darinnen allerhand
schöne Blumen und frembde Gewächs, mit ihren Wurtzeln und Zwiebeln, mehrer
theils dem Leben nach in Kupffer fleissig gestochen, zu sehen seind. [Oppenheim?],
Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [8], [108] pp., 54 ills.
Copies: BL 442.g.11 (1); HAB A 28.2 Geom 2o (1); UBL 463 A 7
Add.: Second edition of the first volume of the flower book, more
current than the first edition. The same dedication was
included.
Lit: Warner (1955)
*127. Daniel Meyer, Architectura. Vonn Außtheijlung der fünff Seülen, und aller
darausz fol[gen]der kunst und arbeit, von Fenstern, Camin, Thürgerichten, Portale[n],
Brun[n]en und Epitaphie[n]. Ausz den fürnemsten Bücher[n] der Architectur, mit
grosser mühe zusam[m]en, In diese geschmeidige form bracht, allen kunstliebenden
nutz und dienlich. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [14], [160] pp., 80 ills.
Copies: Chr.Church Oxford, AF.4.10; UB Halle, AB 170238 (1); UBU
AA Fol. 4
Add.: Extended second edition to nr. 107. The printer of the work
is unknown. Dedicated by the author to Ferdinand of Bavaria,
Archbishop of Cologne.
Lit: —
*128. Helisaeus Rösslin, Zu Ehrn der Keyserlichen Wahl und Krönung Matthiae
deß I. und Annae. J. Keys. May. Gemahlin den 14/24 und 15/25 Tag Junij
des 1612. Jahrs zu Franckfurt mit grosser Solennitet gehalten unnd verricht. Ein
Tabella des Welt Spiegels. Darinnen Geistliche Göttliche unnd Politische Weltliche
Sachen in einer Harmonia und Vergleichung gegen einander gestellt werden, nach
den sieben Revolutionen der Planeten und Zehen Altern von Anfang der Welt biß

zu Endt, das darauß zu ersehen, in was Zeiten wir seyen, und was noch zuerfüllen
ubrig. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [8], 30, [2] pp., no ills.
Copies: HAB A 50.7 Pol. (12); BSB 4 J. publ. g 1128
Add.: The second edition is virtually identical to the first (nr. 123).
The title was very popular, according to Rösslin in the preface
to another work (nr. 124 [c2rv]), which may explain the two
editions in one year.
Lit: —
1613
129. Johan Verken, Continuatio Oder Ergäntzung deß neundten Theils der
Orientalischen Indien, Das ist, kurtze Continuirung, Verfolg und Ergäntzung der
vorigen Reyse, so von den Holl- und Seeländern, mit neun grossen und vier kleinen
Schiffen, unter der Admiralschafft Peter Willhelm Verheiffen, in die Orientalische
Indien von 1607. biß in das 1612. Jahr verrichtet worden. Darinn kürtzlich
vermeldet wirdt, was inen ferrner zu Lande und zu Wasser widerfahren und zu
handen gangen. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: 35, [13] pp., 5 ills.
Copies: BL 568.i.1 (9*); UB Göttingen, 4 ITIN I, 3844/a: Cont.
RARA; NSA A IV-1 4b4
Add.: Printed by Matthias Becker’s widow. Translated by Gotthard
Artus.
130. Johan Verken, Supplementum nonae partis Indiae Orientalis, Hoc est,
Continuatio prioris itineris sive navigationis, ab Hollandis et Selandis in Indiam
Orientalem, sub admirale Petro Guilhelmo Verhuffio, cum novem maiorum & quatuor
minorum navium classe, ab Anno 1607. usque ad annum 1612. peractae. Addita
commemoratione omnium, quae ipsis porrò in Bandicis Insulis & alibi acciderunt.
Accesserunt Colloquia Latino-Malaica, seu vulgares quaedam loquendi formulae,
Latina, Malaica & Madagascarica linguis, in gratiam eorum, qui navigationem
fortè in Orientalem Indiam ipsimet suscepturi sunt, conscriptae. Frankfurt, Joh.
Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [2], 88, [2], [10], [2] pp., 5 ills.
Copies: BL 986.h.20 (5*); UB Munich, 2 Itin. 109(2#5; UBA 1802
C 5 (4*)
Artus.

440 appendix one
131. Henry Hudson, Petrus Ferdinandus de Quir [and Hessel Gerritsz],

Zehender Theil der Orientalischen Indien begreiffendt Eine kurtze Beschreibung der
neuwen Schiffart gegen Nordt Osten, uber die Amerische Inseln in Chinam und
Iapponiam, von einem Engelländer Henrich Hudson newlich erfunden, beneben
kurtzer Andeutung der Inseln und Oerter, so auff derselben Reyse von den Holländern
hiebevor entdeckt worden, auß Johann Hegen von Lintschotten Reise gezogen. Item
Ein Discurs an Ihr. Kön. Maj. in Spanien, wegen deß fünfften Theils der Welt,
Terra Australis incognita genannt, von einem Capitein Petro Ferdinandes de Quir,
&c. ubergeben. Beneben Einer Delineation unnd Beschreibung der Länder der
Samojeden und Tingoesen, in der Tartarey, gegen Morgen der Enge oder Uberfahrt
bey Weygats gelegen, so newlich von den Moßcowitern entdecket und eingenommen.
NSA A IV-1 4b4
Artus. Parts of this volume have been taken from Jan Huygen
van Linschoten’s Itinerario, including the three illustrations.
Lit: —
132. Henry Hudson, Petrus Ferdinandus de Quir [and Hessel Gerritsz],
Indiae Orientalis Pars X. Qua continetur, Historica relatio sive descriptio novi ad
aquilonem transitus, supra terras Americanas in Chinam atq[ue] Iaponem ducturi,
quemadmodum is ab Henrico Hudsono Anglo nuper inventus est, addita brevi
Insularum & locorum aliorum, in itinere isto occurrentium, ex Iohannis-Hugonis
Lintschottani itinerario desumpta commemoratione. Item Discursus ad sereniss.
Hispaniae regem, super detecta nuper quinta orbis parte, Terra nempè Australi
incognita, à Capitaneo quodam Petro-Ferdinando de Quir, &c. conscriptus. Addita
descriptione regionum Siberiae, Samoiediae atque Tingoesiae, in Tartaria versus
ortum freti Weigatsii sitarum, quae nuper à Moscis detectae & occupatae sunt.
Coll.: 2o: 32, [2], [6] pp., 3 ills., 3 maps.
Artus. Latin version of nr. 131.
Lit: —
133. Amplificatio sive Dilatatio Florilegij nuper coepti auctiq[ue] Iam verò varijs
atque Elegantioribus Floribus Exornati. Erweiterung oder Vortpflanzung des newlich
angefangenen, schon Vermehrten Blumbuchs; So jetzt mit mancherleij schönen Blumen
ausgebeßert und gezieret worden. [Oppenheim?], Joh. Th. de Bry.

Coll: 2o: [48] pp., 24 ills.

Copies: BL 442.g.11 (2); HAB A 28.2 Geom 2o (2); Rijksmuseum
Amsterdam, Print Room 329 C 26 (2)
Add.: First addition to nr. 117. No separate title-page was printed,
only a brief statement on the top of the page containing the
first illustration. Since the work did not include any printed
texts, there was no need to hire a printer. De Bry almost
certainly printed the plates himself.
Lit: Warner (1955)
134. Gotthard Artus, a.o., Electio et Coronatio Sereniss. potentiss. et invic-
tiss. Principis et Dn. Dn. Matthiae I. electi Rom. Imperat. semper Augusti etc.
Eiusq[ue] sereniss. coniugis Annae Austriacae etc. tabulis aeneis adumbrata. Wahl
undt Krönung. Des aller durchleuchtigsten, großmechtigsten undt unuberwindlichsten
Fursten undt herren, herrn Matthiae I. erwehlten Römischen Kaÿsers etc. undt Ihrer
Kaÿ. Maÿ. Gemahlin in schönen kupferstuken abgebildet. Sereniss. Potentiss. et
invictiss. Principi et Dn. Dn. Matthiae I. electo Rom Imperat. semper Augusto etc.
Reverendiss. item et illustriss. Principibus et Dominis, S. R. I. Septemviris etc. hanc
electionis et Coronationis delineationem. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [28] pp., 13 ills.
Copies: BL 811.d.41; HAB A 36.11.1 Geom. 2o (2); BNF 31734743
Add.: Co-operation of Johan Theodore de Bry, Jakob de Zetter, and
Johan Gelle, with poetry by Gotthard Artus.
Lit: —
135. Repraesentatio et Explicatio duorum arcuum triumphalium Quos Fausti
ominis & piae congratulationis ergò sereniss. potentissimoq. principi ac domino, D.
Friderico V. comiti Palatino ad Rhen. S. R. imperii septemviro duci Bavariae, &c.
ex Anglia reduci cum illustrissima principissa D. Elisabetha dilectissima conjuge
serenissimi atque invictissimi Iacobi I. Magnae Britanniae regis filia unica, charis-
sima, ingredienti Oppenheimium Senatus Populusque ibidem publicè posuit. Abriß
und Beschreibung zwoer Triumpf- Oder Ehren Pforten, Welche zu unterthänigsten
Ehren und hertzlicher Glückwündschung Dem Durchleuchtigsten Hochgebornen
Fürsten und Herrn, Herrn Friderichen dem Fünfften Pfaltzgraffen bey Rhein, deß
Heiligen Römischen Reichs Ertztrucksässen und Churfürsten, Hertzogen in Bayern,
etc. Und der auch Durchleuchtigsten, Hochgebornen Princessin und Frawen, Frawen
Elisabethen, Deß Großmächtigsten Jacobi deß Ersten Königs in groß Britannien
Einiger hochgeliebter Tochter Als beyde Ihr Churfürstl. Gg. zu Oppenheim eingezogen
Ein Ehrsamer Rath und Bürgerschafft daselbsten verfertigen und auffrichten lassen.
Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o-obl.: 12, [16] pp., 7 ills.

442 appendix one
Copies: HAB A 26.7.1. Geom.; ÖNB *48.Q.11; BNF 30171533

Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler. Dedicated to the mayor and
magistrates of Oppenheim. Three engravings were signed by
Johan Theodore.
Lit: —
136. Job. Kornthauer, De peste Aurelio Theophrasti Paracelsi Tractatus. So er
an die Statt Störtzingen geschrieben, Cum Commentariis Jobi Kornthaueri, Illustris.
Principis ac D. D. Ludovici Landgravii Hassiae, &c. Medici, so er seinen beyden
Discipulis, Georgio Rittero Medico Badensi und Philippo à Sayer explicirt. Darinnen
und damit auch etlicher fürnemmer innerlicher und eusserlicher Kranckheiten und
Schäden Cura, so beydes inn- und ausserhalb der Pest den Menschen begegnen
mögen; Auß Rechtem Grund und gewisser Experientz Theophrastischer und anderer
Medicinalischer Kunste beschrieben, zufinden ist. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de
Bry.
Coll.: 4o: 123, [1] pp., no ills.
Copies: BL 1167.f.18; BSB 4 M Med 54; UB Basle, PHM Fd 2
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler. Dedicated to Georg Eger,
alderman and merchant of Frankfurt. Eger was a close friend
of Johan Theodore’s father-in-law Marsilius van der Heijden
(Meinert 1981, 371).
Lit: —
137. Franz Kessler, Eygendtlicher Bericht Vom Nutzen und Gebrauch deß
ProportionalInstruments Francisci Keßlers von Wetzler. Durch welche man erstlich
in unglaublicher Geschwindigkeit und schneller Eyl, nach allem Astronomischen
Scioteterischen oder Sonnuhrischen, auch Geometrischen erfordern, alle grosse oder
kleine ungetheilte Quadrantriß in ihre begerte Grad und Minuten Wie dann auch
zum andern alle grosse oder kleine Sonnen- oder Stunden Zirckelrisse in ihre begehrte
Stunden und Minuten theilen, oder aber welches Grades- Stund- oder Minutens
Pünctlein man begirig auff das allerperfectist erfinden kan. Item, Wie auch in
gleicher Geschwindigkeit alle schnurstracke oder gerade Linien, in so viel gerade oder
ungerade Theil, so viel deren Theil einem nur belieben, außgetheilet, oder aber ein
jegliche wahre größ solcher Theilung auff ungetheilter Linie, auff das allerperfectist
erforschet werden mögen. Und wie endtlich auch durch solches Instruments alle
gemahlte Historien, eintzelne Bilder oder Figuren, oder aber andere dergleichen Dinge
manchem Mahler oder Bildhawer oder andern künstlichen Arbeitern zu grossem
Vortheil, nach eines jeden Gefallen vergrössert oder verkleinert werden mögen, etc.
Coll.: 4o: 8 pp., no ills.
Copies: HAB A 243.22.1 Quod. (2)

Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler.

Lit: —
*138. Girolamo Benzoni, Das vierdte Buch Von der neuwen Welt. oder Neuwe
und gründtliche Historien, von dem Nidergängischen Indien, so von Christophoro
Columbo im Jar 1492. erstlich erfunden. Durch Hieronymum Bentzo von Meyland,
welcher 14. Jar dasselbig Land durchwandert, auffs fleissigst beschrieben und an Tag
geben. Mit nützlichen Scholien und Außlegungen fast auff jede Capitel, von deren
Völckern Sitten, Gebräuch und Gottesdienst. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [20], 141, [53] pp., 24 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL G6625 (4/5) with a Latin title-page; HAB T 1207.2o
Helmst. (4); BNF 30171591
Add.: Second edition of Ind.Occ. IV, printed by the widow of
Matthias Becker. The title-page is identical to that of the first
edition, yet the date of 1613 is confirmed on the last page of
the translated account.
*139. Girolamo Benzoni, Americae Das fünffte Buch, Vol schöner unerhörter
Historien, auß dem andern Theil Ioannis Benzonis von Meylandt gezogen: Von der
Spanier Wüten, beyd wider ihre Knecht die Nigriten, unnd auch die arme Indianer:
wie die Spanier von den Frantzösischen MeerRäubern zum offtermal angriffen und
geplündert worden, den[n] auch wie sie erstlich das neuwe Spanien erfunden haben,
und gantz erbärmlich mit dem armen Landtvölcklein daselbst umbgangen sind.
Coll.: 2o: 115, [49] pp., 22 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL G6625 (6) with a Latin title-page; HAB T 1207.2o Helmst.
(5); BNF 30171592
Add.: Second edition of Ind.Occ. V, printed by Erasmus Kempffer.
The title-page, the account, and the illustrations are identical
to the first edition of 1595, the year 1613 is mentioned on
the page between the text and the illustrations.
*140. Jan Huygen van Linschoten, Ander Theil der Orientalischen Indien,
von allen Völckern, Insulen, Meerporten, fliessenden Wassern und anderen Orten,
so von Portugal auß, lengst dem Gestaden Aphrica, biß in Ost Indien und zu
dem Landt China, sampt andern Insulen zu sehen seynd. Beneben derenselben
Aberglauben, Götzendienst, und Tempeln, Item von jhren Sitten, Trachten, Kleidungen,
Policeyordnung, und wie sie haußhalten, beid so viel die Portugesen, welche da
im Lande wohnen, und auch das inheimische Landvölcklein anlangt. Deßgleichen

444 appendix one
von der Residentz deß Spanischen Viceroys und anderer Spanier in Goa, Item von
allen Orientalischen, Indianischen Waaren und Kummerschafften: sampt deren
Gewichten, Masen, Munzen und ihrem Valor oder Werdigung. Frankfurt, Joh.
Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [14], 134, [84] pp., 38 ills.
Copies: BL 568.i.1 (2); HAB M Cd 4o 29 (2); NSA A IV-1 4b1
Add.: Second edition of Ind.Or. II in German, printed by Erasmus
Kempffer. The title-page, translation, and plates are identical
to those of the first edition of 1598.
Lit: —
*141. Hieronymus Fabricius ab Aquapendente, Tractatus Anatomicus tri-
plex quorum primus De Oculo, Visus Organo Secundus De Aure, Auditus Organo
Tertius De Laringe, Vocis Organo admirandam tradit Historiam, Actiones, Utilitates.
Coll.: 4o: [8], 163, [11] pp., 11 ills. (and numerous woodcuts)
Copies: Oxford Trin.Coll., O9.19 (2); HAB M Mb 4o 108; UBA 594
B 34
Add.: Second edition of nr. 85, with a slightly different title. The
name of the printer is unknown, probably the widow of
Matthias Becker, although the imprint reads Oppenheim.
The imprint can easily be misread as 1614. New edition of
the original De visione, voce, auditu (Venice 1600).
Lit: Scharpf-Paravicini (1991); Huizink (1984); Birchler (1979)
*142. Jacques Perret, Architectura et perspectiva. Etlicher Festungen, Stätt,
Kirchen, Schlösser und Häuser, wie die auffs stärckeste, zierlichste und bequemste
können gebawet oder auffgerichtet werden. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [134] pp., 28 ills.
Copies: BL 534.m.11 (2); HAB A 19.3 Bell. 2o (1); ÖNB 72.Q.42
Add.: Second edition of nr. 74, printed by Hieronymus Galler.
The original dedication, to Ernst Frederick of Baden and
Hochberg, was repeated.
Lit: —
*143. Jean-Jacques Boissard, Parnassus cum imaginibus Musarum Deorumq[ue]
praesidum Hippocrenes. [Oppenheim?], Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [20], 50 (fol. 1–25) pp., 26 ills.
Copies: Wellcome Libr., D 944 (preliminaries only); HAB A 26.5
Geom 2o; UB Basle, BF I 2:2

Add.: Second edition of nr. 68, presumably printed by Hieronymus

Galler. The same dedication as in the first edition was
included. The same plates were used as for the first edition.
Lit: —
*144. Bartolomé de las Casas, Warhafftiger und gründlicher Bericht Der
Hispanier grewlich: und abschewlichen Tyranney von ihnen in den West Indien,
die newe Welt genant, begangen. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: 178, [2] pp., 17 ills.
Copies: HAB Xb 3583; ÖNB 393341–B.Kar
Add.: Second edition of nr. 54, probably printed by Hieronymus
Galler. The author’s dedication, to Prince Phillip (later Phillip
II) of Spain, was again included.
Lit: —
1614
145. Giorgio Basta, Le gouvernement de la cavallerie legiere Traicté, Qui com-
prend mesme ce qui concerne la grave, pour l’intelligence des Capitaines. Matiere
par ci-devant iamais traictée, reduite en art avec ses preceptes. Hanau, Joh. Th.
de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [12], 76, [8] pp., 12 ills.
Copies: BL 441.f.12; HAB Xb 4o 419; UB Zürich, M 7317
Add.: The single publication of the De Bry firm certainly published
in Hanau. Originally published in Italian by Giorgio Basta
and Girolamo Sirtori (probably the Venetian edition Il governo
della cavalleria leggiera of 1612). Translated into French by an
unknown translator for the De Bry firm. The name of the
printer is also unknown. The original dedication to the arch-
bishop of Cologne was copied by De Bry.
Lit: —
146. Diego Ufano, Artillerie. C’est a dire, vraye instruction de l’artillerie et
de toutes ses appartenances. avec une declaration de tout ce qui est de l’office d’un
General d’icelle, tant en un siege qu’en un lieu aßiege. Item des batteries, contrebat-
teries, ponts, mines & galleries, & de toutes sortes des machines requises au train.
avec un enseignement de preparer toutes sortes des feux artificiels, tant pour resiouyr
les amis, que pour molester & endommager, & par eau & par terre les ennemis.

446 appendix one
Coll.: 2o: [8], 164, [4] pp., 27 ills.

Copies: BL c.47.i.12 (1); StBibl. Trier, E 41 4’; BNF 30171538
Add.: Printed by Egenolf Emmel. Taken from the original Spanish
edition (Tratado dela artilleria, Brussels 1612), by an unknown
translator. Dedicated to Maurice of Hesse-Kassel (HStAM,
4a 39, 130).
Lit: —
147. Diego Ufano, Archeley, Das ist: Gründlicher und Eygentlicher Bericht von
Geschütz und aller zugehör, beneben außführlicher Erklärung was einem Generali oder
Obersten uber das Geschütz beydes in einem Läger, und in einem belägerten ort oblige
und befohlen. Item wie Batterien und Contrabatterien, Brücken, Steg, Minen und
verborgene Gäng, beneben allerhandt zum Krieg gehörige und der Archeley anhangige
Machinen, auch mancherley Fewerwerck, den Feind zu Wasser und zu Land damit
zubeschädigen wol an zu ordnen. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [12], 179, [83] pp., 27 ills.
Copies: BL 1602/123; HAB A 21 Bell. 2o (2); ÖNB 72.R.19
Add.: Printed by Egenolf Emmel. German version of nr. 146.
Dedicated to Frederick V, Elector Palatine.
Lit: —
148. Augmentatio uberior Florilegij antehac coepti jam iterum locupletati, floribus
nonnullis exoticis, visu jucundis. Fernere Vermehrung des Blumbuchs, so vor disem
angefangen, und ietz wiederum verbessert mit zusatz etlicher fremden, lieblichen
blumen. [Oppenheim?], Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll: 2o: [20] pp., 10 ills.
Copies: BL 442.g.11 (3); HAB A 28.2 Geom 2o (4)
Add.: Second addition to nr. 117. No separate title-page was printed,
instead a brief statement was printed on the top of the page
containing the first illustration. Since the work did not include
any printed texts, there was no need to hire a printer. De Bry
almost certainly printed the plates himself.
Lit: Warner (1955)
149. Giorgio Basta, Gouverno della Cavalleria, Das ist, Bericht Von Anführung
der leichten Pferde: dabey auch was die schweren belanget, so viel den Capitänen
zuwissen vonnöhten, begriffen. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [12], 83, [9] pp., 12 ills.
Copies: HAB A 21 Bell. 2o (1); UBU D Qu 4; ÖNB 80.Bb.10
Add.: Printed by the widow of Matthias Becker. Who translated
it into German is not known. Edited (and published?) by

Girolamo Sirtori, whose dedication to Ferdinand, Archbishop

of Cologne was included by De Bry.
Lit: —
150. Johannes Creccelius, Collectanea Ex Historijs, De Origine et Fundatione
Omnium ferè Monasticorum Ordinum in specie: Simulq[ue] de Fundatione et
Donatione Cathedralium ac Collegiatarum Ecclesiarum cum suis Canonicatibus:
vero usu et abusu talium bonorum, tam apud quosdam reformatae quàm Papisticae
Religionis Canonicos et Vicarios. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [12], 203, [23] pp., 11 ills.
Copies: Durham Univ. Libr., Routh 29.C.9; HAB A 438 Theol. (7);
UB Basle, Frey D V 45:1
Add.: The name of the printer is unknown. Dedicated by the author
to the magistrates of Lübeck.
Lit: —
151. Jakob de Zetter, Kosmographia Iconica Moralis sive Centuria elegantis-
simarum Inventionum, ab ingeniosissimis moderni Seculi Artificibus, ad exprimendos
et corrigendos Hominum mores, excogitatarum ac delineatarum: in unum nunc
faciculum collectarum nec non uniformiter distichis Latinis, rhythmis Germanicis
versibusq[ue] Gallicis explicitarum. Pourtraict de la cosmographie Morale C’est
à dire Une Centurie de tres belles inventions controuvees et gravees par les plus
ingenieux Maistres de ce siecle, pour representer et corriger les moeurs des hommes
recuveillies maintenant ensemble et exposees par vers Latins, Allemands et Francois.
New Kunstliche Weltbeschreibung das ist Hundert auserlesener kunststuck, so von
den Kunstreichsten Maistern dieser Zeit erfunden und gerisen worden, gegenwertigen
Weltlauf und Sitten vor zu mahlen und uff besserung zu bringen: Nun mehr ins
kupffer zu samen getragen: mit kurtzen Lateinischen versen, auch Deütschen und
Frantzösischen Reÿmen artig erklaret. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o obl.: [12], [196] pp., 96 ills.
Copies: HAB A 39.7 Geom (2)
Add.: Probably published in co-operation with the Amsterdam
publisher Hendrick Laurensz, according to the Q14 Frankfurt
fair catalogue. The Frankfurt imprint is also confirmed in the
same catalogue. Dedicated by the author to Antonio Mauclerc,
a Frankfurt citizen.
152. Kaspar Bauhin, De hermaphroditorum monstrosorumq[ue] partuum natura
ex Theologorum, Jureconsultorum, Medicorum, Philosophorum, & Rabbinorum
sentantia Libri Duo hactenus non editi: planè Philologici, infinitis exemplis illustrati:

448 appendix one
omnium facultatum Studiosis, lectu ut jucundissimi, sic & utilissimi. Oppenheim,

Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 8o: 36, 572, [4], 22 (573–94), [2] pp., 7 ills.
Copies: BL 1172.b.2; HAB A 86.1 Phys. (1); UBL 626 G 18 (1)
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler. Dedicated by the author to
Georg Rudolf, Duke of Liegnitz and Brieg. The title-page,
which also carries the names of Johan Israel de Bry and
Matthias Becker, and the year 1600, was re-used, after hav-
ing initially been made for nr. 59. The fourth illustration is a
copy of the seventeenth illustration of Ind.Occ. II.
Lit: —
153. Wilhelm Fabry von Hilden, De vulnere quodam gravissimo & periculoso,
ictu sclopeti inflicto. observatio et curatio singularis: In qua multa, variaque lectione
digna, & cheirurgiae studiosis utilissima, recensentur, & instrumenta, ab authore
inventa, adumbrantur. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 8o: 77, [3] pp., 10 ills. (all woodcuts)
Copies: BL 783.c.7; UB Göttingen, 8 MED CHIR III, 122/a; UBU
N Oct 25 (4)
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler. Dedicated by the author (Oct.
1613) to the magistrates of the Swiss canton Solothurn.
Lit: —
154. Wilhelm Fabry von Hilden, Observationum & Curationum Cheirur-
gicarum centuria tertia. Epistolis nonnullis virorum doctissimorum, nec non instru-
mentis Cheirurgicis, ab authore inventis illustrata. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de
Bry.
Coll.: 8o: 557, [3] pp., 21 ills. (incl. 18 woodcuts)
Copies: BL 1169.e.5; Staatsbibl. Berlin, Jg 7372; UBU N Oct 25 (3)
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler. Dedicated by the author (Dec.
1613) to Frederick V, Elector Palatine.
Lit: —
*155. Bartolomé de las Casas, Narratio regionum indicarum per Hispanos
quosdam devastatarum verissima. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: 138, [2] pp., 17 ills.
Copies: Manchester Univ. Libr., 10545; HAB 150.5 Hist. (2); BNF
30745281
Add.: Second edition of nr. 45, printed by Hieronymus Galler. The
same dedication as in the first edition, to Frederick IV, Elector
Palatine, was included.
Lit: —

1615
156. Johan Jacob Wallhausen, Kriegskunst zu Fuß, Darinnen gelehret und
gewiesen werden: I. Die Handgrieff der Mußquet und deß Spiesses, jedes insonder-
heit. II. Das Exercitium, oder wie man es nennet, das Trillen, mit einem Fähnlein
gantz perfect, nach der gewöhnlichen Praxi deß Durchleuchtigen, Fürtrefflichsten
Kriegshelden Mauritii Printzen von Oranien, Graffen von Nassaw, etc. angewiesen,
gemehret und gebessert. III. Schöne newe Batailie, oder Schlachtordnungen mit einem
Fähnlein, wie auch einem gantzen Regiment Knecht. Newe Invention besonderer Art
Flügel an ein Fähnlein und gantzes Regiment, darneben die Quartierung im Feldzug
und Läger mit guten leichten Vortheil alles zu verrichten, und was bey einem Regiment
weiters zu wissen nöthig. IV. Der Ungerischen bißhero geführten Regimenten Kriegs-
Disciplin zu Fuß, nach behörlicher Art der rechten edlen Kriegskunst, gebessert und
in ein richtigere und nützlichere Ordnung gebracht. Alles mit schönen Kupferstücken
angewiesen. Zu hochnöhtigstem Nutzen und Besten nicht allein allen ankommenden
Soldaten, sondern auch in Abrichtung eines gemeinen Landvolcks und Außschuß
in Fürstenthummen und Stätten insonderheit und in gemein. Oppenheim, Joh.
Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [16], 154, [2] pp., 35 ills.
Copies: BL ML p.12; HAB A 17 Bell. 2o (1); ÖNB 72.R.69
Maurice of Hesse-Kassel, and the magistrates of Danzig,
Lübeck, Hamburg, and Frankfurt.
Lit: —
157. Johan Jacob Wallhausen, L’art militaire pour l’Infanterie. Au quel est
monstré: I. Le maniement du Mousquet & de la Pique, un chascun en particulier.
II. L’Exercice d’une compagnie d’Infanterie toute parfaite, selon la pratique du
Tresillustre & Tresexcellent Chef de guerre Maurice Prince d’Orenge, Comte de
Nassau, &c. declaré augmenté et corrigé. III. Belles & novelles Ordonnances de
batailles d’une compagnie, & d’un Regimen tout entier d’Infanterie. Novelle inven-
tion d’une singuliere sorte d’ailes pour une compagnie & entier regimen: comme
aussi comment il faut repartir les quartiers pour un camp, le tout avec bon & aisé
avantage, & ce qu’on doit en outre cognoistre en un Regimen. IV. La discipline
militaire de l’Infanterie, qui jusqu’à present a esté usitée es Regimens Ongrois, cor-
rigée & mise en meilleur ordre, selon la nature de la vraye science militaire. Le tout
representé par belles figures gravées en cuivre. Pour le bien & profit non seulement
de tous nouveaux soldats, mais aussi pour l’instruction du commun peuple & des
soldats d’eslite tant és Duchez, comme aussi és villes, en general & en particulier.
Coll.: 2o: [16], 160, [30] pp., 33 ills.
Copies: BL 534.m.14; HAB Xb 4o 405

450 appendix one
Add.: A six-year Imperial privilege was mentioned on the title-

page of this work, which was printed by Hieronymus Galler.
Translated from the French by an unknown translator.
Dedicated to Maurice of Nassau.
Lit: —
158. Jean-Jacques Boissard, Tractatus posthumus Jani Jacobi Boissardi
Vesuntini De divinatione & magicis praestigiis, Quarum Veritas ac Vanitas solidè
exponitur per Descriptionem deorum fatidicorum qui olim Responsa dederunt;
eorundemque Prophetarum, Sacerdotum, Phoebadum, Sibyllarum et Divinorum, qui
priscis Temporibus celebres Oraculis exstiterunt: Adjunctis simul omnium Effigiebus,
ab ipso Autore è Gemmis, Marmoribus, Tabulisq[ue] antiquis ad vivum delineatis.
Coll.: 2o: [28], 358, [12] pp., 53 ills.
Copies: BL 719.k.5; HAB A 96 Quod. 2o (1); UBL Thysia 1573
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler, dedicated to the princes of
Zweibrücken, by both Boissard and Johan Theodore. There is
no year of publication on the title-page, yet Johan Theodore’s
self-portrait, made when he was 52 years old, indicates that it
cannot have been published before 1615. It was announced in
the Q15 Frankfurt fair catalogus, and first sold to the Moretus
brothers at the same fair (Arch. MPM 1019, f36r), making
1615 the only year in which the book can have appeared for
the first time.
Lit: —
159. ‘3. Appendix florilegij/3. Erweiterung des Blumbuchs’. Oppenheim, Joh.
Th. de Bry.
Coll: 2o: [48] pp., 24 ills.
Copies: BL 442.g.11 (4); HAB A 28.2 Geom 2o (3)
Add.: Third and final addition to nr. 117. No separate title-page
was printed, and unlike in the other two additions (nrs. 133,
148), no statement appeared on the first page either. Since
the work did not include any printed texts, there was no need
to hire a printer. De Bry almost certainly printed the plates
himself. Several bibliographies as well as Werner’s article,
however, confirm the appearance of this fourth and final
part of Florilegium novum. In the BL-copy, a previous owner
mentioned—in contemporary handwriting—the ‘3o appendix
florilegij de Bry, Ao 1616’, but the last addition almost cer-
tainly appeared in 1615, as Moretus bought four copies of

‘Continuatio florilegij in fol.’ at S15 (Arch. MPM 1018, f35r),

a typical purchase of a recently published work. At S16, he
bought ‘3 florilegium de Bry sine appendix fo’ (Arch. MPM
1020, f9r). The final part of the flower book was announced
in the Q15 Frankfurt fair catalogue.
Lit: Warner (1955)
160. Johan Jacob Wallhausen, Alphabetum pro tyrone pedestri, Oder: Der
Soldaten zu Fueß ihr A. B. C. Welches seyn die Handgriff und erste Elementa, so
ein jeder anfangender Soldat zu Fuß, Musquetierer und Piquenierer so hochnöthig zu
wissen, als ein Schuler in den Schulen das A. B. C. hat, und ohne diese Wissenschaft
kein Musquetierer oder Piquenierer den Namen, als der KriegsDisciplin Liebhaber,
mit recht führen mag. Zu Nutz und Wolgefallen, Allen ankommenden Tyronibus oder
anfangenden Soldaten, so wol im Kriegswesen als in Außschussen, in Herrschaften
und Städten. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: 24 pp., 4 ills.
Copies: BL 1609/1172; HAB A 25 Bell. (4); Kungl. Bibl. Stockholm,
133 A Br.
Add.: Printed by Erasmus Kempffer. Dedicated by the author to
Johan Speiman, a Danzig burgomaster.
Lit: —
161. Wilhelm Fabry von Hilden, De Monstro Lausannae equestrium exciso,
anno domini MDCXIV. quinta Augusti, stylo veteri, Narratio historica, & ana-
tomica. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 8o: 16 pp., 1 ill.
Copies: BL 976.h.3 (4); UB Kiel, 5 An Kd 709; UB Basle, Lf X 4:5
Kaspar Bauhin.
Lit: —
162. Franz Kessler, Unterschiedliche bißhero mehrern Theils Secreta oder ver-
borgene geheime Künste; Deren die Erste genant, Ortforschung, dadurch einer dem
andern durch die freye Lufft hindurch uber Wasser und Land, von sichtbarn zu
sichtlichen Orten, alle Heimlichkeiten offenbahren, und in kurtzer Zeit zuerkennen
geben mag. Die Ander, Wasserharnisch, dadurch jemand etliche Stunden, ohne Schaden
Leibes und Lebens unter Wasser seyn kan, nach belieben sein Vorhaben zuver-
richten. Die Dritte, Luffthosen, mit welchen man wunderlich uber See und Wasser,
nach Wolgefallen gantz künstlichen gehen kan. Sampt beygefügtem wolerdachten
Schwim[m]gürtel, welchen jederman, so wol bey jetztbenenten Wasserkünsten, als
sonst andern Wasserraisen, zur Noht zugebrauchen hätte. Alles ohne Zauberey und

452 appendix one
Schwartzkunst, den Recht-göttlich-natürlichen Geheimnüssen Liebhabern zugefallen

beschrieben. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 8o: 79, [1] pp., 3 ills.
Copies: HAB A 515 Quod. (5)
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler. Dedicated to Wolfgang
Kämmerer of Worms, a local Oppenheim magistrate.
Lit: —
1616
163. Giorgio Basta, Il Governo della cavalleria leggiera: trattato che concerne
anche quanto basta alla Grave per intelligenza de Capitani. Oppenheim, Joh.
Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: 8, 73, [11] pp., 13 ills.
Copies: HAB A 17 Bell. 2o (3)
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler. First published in Italian
by Basta and Girolamo Sirtori in 1612. The dedication by
Girolamo Sirtori, the Italian editor, to Don Baltasar Marradas,
general in the service of Rudolf II, was copied.
Lit: —
164. Johan Jacob Wallhausen, Art militaire à Cheval. Instruction des principes
et fondements de la Cavallerie & de ses quatre especes, Ascavoir Lances, Corrasses,
Arquebus & drageons, avec tout ce qui est de leur charge & exercice. Avec quelques
nouvelles inventions de Batailles ordonnees de Cavallerie, Et demonstrations de la
necessite, utilite et excellence de l’art militaire, sur toutes aultres arts & sciences.
Coll.: 2o: [16], 135, [1] pp., 43 ills.
Copies: BL 534.l.10; HAA Weimar, Bh 1228; St.Bibl. Maastricht, SB
48 A 12
Add.: Printed by Paul Jacobi, dedicated to Frederick V of the
Palatinate. De Bry obtained a privilege from the King of
France for six years.
Lit: —
165. Johan Jacob Wallhausen, Kriegskunst zu Pferdt. Darinnen gelehret
werden, die initia und fundamenta der Cavallery, aller vier Theilen: Als Lantzierers,
Kührissierers, Carbiners und Dragoens, was von einem jeden Theil erfordert wirdt,
was sie praestiren können, sampt deren exercitien. Newe, schöne Inventionen etlicher
Batailien mit der Cavallerey ins Werck zustellen. Mit dargestelten Beweistumben,

was an den edelen Kriegskünsten gelegen: Und deren Fürtrefflichkeiten, uber alle
Kunst und Wissenschaften. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [16], 141, [3] pp., 43 ills.
Copies: BL ML 2b 23; HAB A 17 Bell. 2o (2); UBL 1372 E 11 (2)
Add.: Printed by Paul Jacobi. De Bry obtained an Imperial privilege
for this work ( Jahrbuch XX (1899), nr. 17346). Wallhausen
dedicated the book to Maurice of Hesse-Kassel.
Lit: —
166. Bonaiuto Lorini, Das sechste Buch, Von der Fortification, Bonajuti Lorini
Florentinischen Edelmans, In welchem Von Defension der Vestungen, Gebrauch deß
Geschützes, sampt der Practic und Erfahrung, welche die Canonirer haben sollen,
gehandelt wirt. Deßgleichen Wie man Grundriß machen, und Distantzen messen
soll, beneben andern nohtwendigen Sachen mehr, durch welche gemeldte Defension
recht zuwegen zubringen. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [8], 82, [2] pp., 9 ills.
Copies: HAB N 181.2o Helmst. (2); UB Zürich M 6269: 2; Krigsarkivet
Stockholm, Saea 4
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler. Dedicated to Joachim Ernst,
Marcgrave of Brandenburg, to whom the first five books (nr.
96) had also been dedicated. Translated from the Italian origi-
nal by an unknown translator. The sixth book was originally
added to the first five in 1609 in Venice (Le fortificationi . . . con
l’aggiunta del sesto libro).
Lit: —
167. Jean-Jacques Boissard, Les Dieux predisans les destinées. Et leurs Prophetes,
Pretres, Phoebades, Sibylles & Devins. Avec leurs effigies, & un traicté premis de la
divination & enchantemens magiques. [Hanau?], Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: 305, [7] pp., 60 ills.
Copies: H.F. Dupont Winterthur Museum, BF 1750 B68
Add.: Referred to on both the poster catalogue of the De Bry firm,
and in the Q16 Frankfurt fair catalogue, this is the German
translation of nr. 158. Although the title is in French—writ-
ten in manuscript on a preliminary blank leaf—the text is
in German. The original title-page is missing from the only
copy I found, so it is impossible to establish the work’s official
title.
Lit: —

454 appendix one
168. Wilhelm Fabry von Hilden, De dysenteria Liber unus: In quo hujus
morbi causae, signa, prognostica, & praeservatio continentur: Item, quomodo
symptomata, quae huic morbo supervenire solent, sint removenda. Oppenheim,
Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 8o: [6], 157, [11] pp., 3 ills. (all woodcuts)
Copies: BL 1190.f.1 (3); HAB A 75.3 Med. (2)
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler. Dedicated by the author to a
number of his friends. A second edition probably appeared
in the same year (nr. *173).
Lit: —
169. Wilhelm Fabry von Hilden, Geistliche Lieder und Gesäng in vielen
Anligen, Nöhten, Verfolgungen, Creutz und auss göttlicher Schrifft zusammen gelesen:
auff die Melody der Psalmen gericht. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 8o: 111, [1] pp., no ills.
Copies: UB Basle FP V2 8:1
Anna Kemmerin of Worms.
Lit: —
170. Kaspar Bauhin, Institutiones anatomicae Hippoc. Aristot. Galeni auctorita.
illustratae. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 8o: [16], 260, [44] pp., 1 ill.
Copies: BL 548.e.16; HAB A 82.3 Phys.; UBL Thysia 460
Add.: Printed by Paul Jacobi. This was the fifth edition of Bauhin’s
Institutiones anatomicae, of which the first edition had appeared in
Basle in 1604. Dedicated by the author to Zbygneus Martianus
and Johannes de Goray.
Lit: —
*171. Jan Huygen van Linschoten, Willem Lodewijcksz, and Gerrit
de Veer, Dritter Theil Indiae Orientalis Darinnen erstlich das ander Theil der
Schifffahrten Joann Huygens von Lintschotten auß Holland, so er in Orient gethan,
begriffen, und fürnemlich alle Gelegenheit derselbigen Landen, Insulen, Meerpforten,
&c. so unterwegen auffstossen, und dann in India fürkommen, Wie auch alles, was
der Author allda im Land, und nachmals auff seiner Widerreyse nach Holland
gesehen und erfahren, eygendlich beschrieben wirt. II. Der Holländer Schifffahrt in
die Orientlische Insulen, Javan und Sumatra, sampt Sitten, Leben und Superstition,
&c. der Völcker. III. Drey Schifffahrten der Holländer nach obermelten Indien, durch
das Mitternächtige oder EyßMeer, darinnen viel unerhörte Abenthewr. Oppenheim,
Joh. Th. de Bry.


Copies: BL 568.i.1 (3); HAB M Cd 4o 29 (3–4); NSA A IV–1 4b2
Add.: Second edition of Ind.Or. III in German, printed by Hieronymus
Galler. Dedicated to Phillip Christoph of Franckenstain, an
Oppenheim magistrate.
Lit: —
*172. Franz Kessler, Unterschiedliche bißhero mehrern Theils Secreta Oder
Verborgene geheime Künste. Deren die Erste genant, Ortforschung, dadurch einer
dem andern durch die freye Lufft hindurch uber Wasser und Land, von sichtbaren
zu sichtlichen Orten, alle Heimligkeiten offenbahren, und in kurtzer Zeit zuerken-
nen geben mag. Die Ander, Wasserharnisch, dadurch jemandt etliche Stunden, ohne
Schaden Leibes und Lebens unter Wasser seyn kan, nach belieben sein Vorhaben
zuverrichten. Die Dritte, Luffthosen, mit welchen man wunderlich uber See und
Wasser, nach Wolgefallen gantz künstlichen gehen kan. Sampt beygefügten woller-
dachten Schwimgürtel, welchen jederman, so wol bey jetztbenenten Wasserkünsten,
als sonst andern Wasserraisen, zur noth zugebrauchen hette. Alles ohne Zauberey und
Schwartzkunst, den Recht-Göttlich-natürlichen Geheimnüssen Liebhabern zugefallen
Copies: HAB A 102.3 Rhet (2)
Add.: Second edition of nr. 162, printed by Hieronymus Galler. The
same dedication to Wolfgang Kämmerer of Worms, a local
Oppenheim magistrate, was included, but with a different
date (1 Sept. 1616 instead of 1 Sept. 1615).
Lit: —
*173. Wilhelm Fabry von Hilden, De dysenteria, hoc est, cruento alui fluore;
Liber unus: In quo hujus morbi causae, signa, prognostica, curatio, pr=servatio
continentur, & instrumenta ab authore inventa, adumbrantur: Item, quomodo symp-
tomata, quae huic morbo supervenire solent, sint removenda, traditur. Oppenheim,
Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 8o: 22, [2], 157, [11] pp., 4 ills. (incl. 3 woodcuts)
Copies: BL 1190.f.1 (2); UBU N Oct 25 (2)
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler. Marginally extended title-copy
of nr. 168. The same dedication as in the first edition was
included.
Lit: —

456 appendix one
1617
174. Phillip Zigler and Nicolaus Herborn, America, Das ist, Erfindung
und Offenbahrung der Newen Welt, deroselbigen Völcker Gestalt, Sitten, Gebräuch,
Policey und Gottesdienst, in dreyßig vornemste Schifffahrten kürtzlich unnd ordentlich
zusammengefasset, und mit feinen Marginalien unnd Register erkläret. Frankfurt,
Joh. Th. de Bry.
Copies: BL G6831; HAB A 44 Hist. 2o (3); UBA 1804 B 11, without
the dedication.
Add.: First abridgement of the America-series, printed by Nicolaus
Hoffmann. Dedicated to Maximilian, Archduke of Tirol.
De Bry obtained an Imperial privilege for this work. In the
request he emphasised the Catholic background of the com-
piler ( Jahrbuch XX (1899), nr. 17363).
Lit: —
175. Robert Fludd, Utriusque Cosmi Maioris scilicet et minoris metaphysica,
physica atque technica historia in duo Volumina secundum cosmi differentiam divisa.
Authore Roberto Flud aliàs de Fluctibus, Armigero & in Medicina Doctore Oxoniensi
Tomus Primus De Macrocosmi Historia in duos tractatus divisa. Quorum Primus
de Metaphysico Macrocosmi et Creaturaru[m] illius ortu. Phÿsico Macrocosmi in
generatione & corruptione progressu. Secundus de Arte Naturae simia in Macrocosmo
producta & in eo nutrita & multiplicata, cujus filias praecipuas hic anatomia viva
recensuimus nempe Arithmeticam. Musicam Geometriam. Perspectivam. Artem picto-
riam. Artem militarem. Motus. Temporus. Scientiam. Cosmographiam. Astrologiam.
Geomantiam. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [2], 206, [6] pp., 62 ills.
Copies: BL 536.i.11; HAB Xb 4o 8 (1); UBL Thysia 2254
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler. First part of Fludd’s four-
volume work on the macrocosm and microcosm (1617–21).
Dedicated to King James I of England. De Bry twice tried
to obtain an Imperial privilege for this work in 1618, but did
not succeed ( Jahrbuch XX (1899), nr. 17389).
Lit: Yates (2002); Putscher (1983); Godwin (1979)
176. Robert Fludd, Tractatus Theologo-Philosophicus, In Libros tres distributus
Quorum I. de vita. II. de morte. III. de resurrectione. Cui inseruntur nonnulla
Sapientiae veteris, Adami infortunio superstitis, fragmenta: ex profundiori sacrarum
Literarum sensu & lumine, atque ex limpidiori & liquidiori saniorum Philosophorum
fonte hausta atque collecta. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.


Copies: BL 478.a.33; HAB A 231.11 Theol. (3); BNF 32113508
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler. Written by Fludd under the
pseudonym of ‘Rudolfo Otreb Britanno’, and dedicated on
the title-page to ‘the Rosicrucian brothers’.
Lit: Yates (2002)
177. Giorgio Basta, Il Maestro di Campo Generale, Das ist, Außfürliche Anzeig,
Bericht, und Erklärung, von dem Ampt eines General Feldt-Obersten, wie er nemblich
tragenden hohen Ampts und Befelchs halben, das Feldt bestellen, und sein Kriegsheer
führen und regieren sol. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [8], 90, [14] pp., 12 ills.
Copies: HAB M Jb 4o (1); UBL 1372 E 11 (3); ÖNB 72.R.26
Add.: Printed by Nicolaus Hoffmann. Translated from the original
Italian edition (Il maestro di campo generale, Venice 1606) by an
unnamed translator. Dedicated to Georg Frederick, Count of
Hohenlohe. De Bry obtained an Imperial privilege for this
work ( Jahrbuch XX (1899), nr. 17363).
Lit: —
178. Giorgio Basta, Le maistre du camp general, cest a dire. Description et
instruction de la charge du maistre de camp, touchant la conduicte & gouvernement
d’une armée. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [4], 76, [6] pp., 12 ills.
Copies: JCBL U101.B324
Add.: French translation of nr. 177. Printed by Paul Jacobi. The sug-
gestion is put forward on the title-page that Johan Theodore
de Bry himself translated this work from either German or
Italian into French, but this seems unlikely.
Lit: —
179. Michael Maier, Jocus Severus, hoc est, tribunal aequum, quo noctua
regina avium, phoenice arbitro post varias disceptationes et querelas Volucrum eam
infestantium pronunciatur, & ob sapientiam singularem, Palladi sacrata agnoscitur.
Copies: BL 837.g.23 (1); HAB A 46 Med. (3); UBL 2011 E 33
Add.: Printed by Nicolaus Hoffmann. De Bry is mentioned on the
title-page as ‘Theodor de Brij’. Dedicated by the author to
the ‘chymiae amantibus’.
Lit: Klossowski de Rola (1988)

458 appendix one
180. Wilhelm Fabry von Hilden, De gangraena et sphacelo, Tractatus

Methodicus; In quo Horum morborum Differentiae, Causae, Signa, Prognostica,
ac denique Methodica curatio continentur. Editio decima & ultima, Omnium
locupletissima; Observationibus etiam raris, nec non instrumentis necessariis ab
Authore inventis, ita aucta; ut planè nova recenseri possit. Oppenheim, Joh.
Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: 241, [13] pp., 17 ills. (incl. 14 woodcuts)
Copies: BL 783.h.6; HAB A 34.3 Med. (2); UBL 523 D 14 (4)
Jakob Rembold and Hieronymus im Hoff, both from Augsburg.
Supposedly the tenth edition of this work, the first to appear
in the De Bry firm. First published in Cologne in 1593.
Lit: —
181. Michael Maier, Examen fucorum pseudo-chymicorum detectorum et in
gratiam veritatis amantium succincte refutatorum. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Copies: BL 1033.l.6 (2); HAB A 46 Med. (4); UBL 2011 E 32
Add.: Printed by Nicolaus Hoffmann. De Bry is mentioned on the
title-page as ‘Theodor de Brij’. The year of printing errone-
ously reads M. CDXVII.
182. Phillip Weber, Thermarum Wisbadensium descriptio. Complectens antiq-
uitatem et utilitatem harum thermarum, victus commoditatem, regimen utentium,
modum adhibendi cum et sine acidulis Langenschwalbacensibus, accidentia ther-
marum, eorundemque remedia, & tandem particularium morborum, qui per thermas
has curantur enumerationem. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: 8, 146 pp., no ills.
Copies: BL 1171.g.23 (6); Staatsbibl. Berlin, Js 11323; BNF
31628241
Ludwig of Nassau, and to the population of Wiesbaden.
Lit: —
183. Franciscus Ravellin, Ars memoriae: hactenus ab eius primo autore, huiusce
Secundo quidem incognito, ita obscure studio tradita, ut legere nedum intelligere quis
posset Iam Vero in gratiam et usum iuventutis explicata, exemplis aucta. Frankfurt,
Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 8o: 107, [5] pp., 1 ill. (& 1 woodcut)
Copies: BL 8309.aa.18; HAB A 101 Rhet. (4); ÖNB 74.Y53 (3)

Add.: Printed by Nicolaus Hoffmann. Dedicated by the author to

the professors of Heidelberg University.
Lit: —
184. Wilhelm Fabry von Hilden, Traité de la dysenterie, c’est à dire, du
flux du ventre sanguinolent: contenant ses causes, signes, prognostique curation &
preservation. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 8o: 15, [3], 102, [2] pp., 3 ills. (all woodcuts).
Copies: BNF 30414778; UB Lausanne, AA 7301
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler. French version of nr. 168. The
name of the translator is unknown.
Lit: —
*185. Girolamo Benzoni, America pars quarta. Sive, Insignis & Admiranda
Historia de reperta primùm Occidentali India à Christophoro Columbo Anno M.
CCCCXCII Scripta ab Hieronymo Bezono Mediolanense, qui istic a[n]nis XIIII.
versatus, dilige[n]ter omnia observavit. Addita ad singula ferè capita, non contem-
nenda scholia, in quibus agitur de earum etiam gentium idololatria. Accessit praeterea
illarum Regionum Tabula chorographica. [Frankfurt?], Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [8], 145, [53] pp., 24 ills. 1 map.
Copies: BL G6633 (4); UBA 1802 B 8 (4)
Add.: Second edition of Volume IV of the America-series. The name
of the printer is unknown.
*186. Girolamo Benzoni, Americae pars quinta. Nobilis & admiratione plena
Hieronymi Bezoni Mediolanensis, secundae sectionis Hia: Hispanorum, tum in
Nigrittas servos suos; tum in Indos crudelitatem, Gallorumq[ue] pirataru[m] de
Hispanis toties reportata spolia; Adventu[m] item Hispanoru[m] in Novam Indiae
continentis Hispaniam, eorumq[ue] contra incolas eius regionis saevitiam explicans.
Addita ad singula fere Capita scholia, in quibus res Indiae luculenter exponuntur.
Frankfurt, Th. de Bry
Copies: BL 215.c.15 (1); UBA 1802 B 8 (5)
Add.: Second edition of Ind.Occ. V in Latin. The name of the printer
is unknown.
*187. Girolamo Benzoni and Nicolas le Challeux, Americae pars sexta.
Sive Historiae ab Hieronymo Be[n]zono Mediolane[n]se scriptae, sectio tertia, res
no[n] minus nobiles & admiratione plenas continens, quàm praecedentes duae.
In hac enim reperies, qua ratione Hispani opule[n]tissimas illas Peruani regni

460 appendix one
provincias occuparint, capto Rege Atabaliba: dei[n]de or inter ipsos Hispanos in

eo regno civilia bella. Additus est brevis de Fortunatis insulis Com[m]entariolus in
duo capita distinctus. Item additiones ad singula Capita Historiam illustrantes.
[Oppenheim?], Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: 78, [62] pp., 28 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL 215.c.15 (2); UBA 1802 B 9 (1)
Add.: Second edition of Ind.Occ. VI in Latin. Probably printed by
Hieronymus Galler.
*188. Ulrich Schmidel, Das VII. Theil America. Warhafftige und liebliche
Beschreibung, etlicher fürnemmen Indianischen Landschafften und Insulen, die
vormals in keiner Chronicken gedacht. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [2], 51, [9] pp., 4 ills.
Copies: BL G6625 (8/8*); HAB Gx 2o 9 (7); ÖNB 253767–D.7 Fid
Add.: Second edition of Ind.Occ. VII in German, printed by
Hieronymus Galler. According to the information on the
title-page, this was the third edition of this volume, and the
work has a page with the date 1624 separating texts from
illustrations. The corresponding illustrations are added to this
edition.
Lit: —
*189. Jan Huygen van Linschoten and Willem Lodewijcksz, Vierdter
Theil Der Orie[n]talischen Indien, in welchen erstlich gehandelt wirt, von allerley
Thiern, Früchten, Obs und Bäumen, Item von allerhand Würtz, Specereyen und
Materialien, Auch von Perlen und allerley Edelgesteinen, so in gemelten Indien
gefunden, wo und wie sie wachsen, daselbst geschätzet, gekaufft und genant werden.
Coll.: 2o: [8], 121, [45] pp., 21 ills.
Copies: BL 568.i.1 (4); UB Dresden, Geogr.B.21–1/5,misc.4; NSA A
IV–1 4b2
Add.: Second edition of Ind.Or. IV, printed by Hieronymus Galler.
The same plates and translation were used as for the first
edition of 1600, and the dedication to Frederick I of
Württemberg was again included.
Lit: —
*190. Jean Errard, La fortification reduicte en art et demonstree. Frankfurt,
Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [8], 98, [2] pp., 60 ills. (incl. 13 woodcuts).
Copies: HAB Xb 4o 305; UBL Thysia 1614

Add.: Second extended De Bry edition of 81, printed by Paul Jacobi.

Different dedications—to the nobility and the King of France
(UBL Thysia 1614), also printed in the first edition, and a
new one to Wolfgang Ernst of Isenburg-Büdingen (HAB Xb
4o 305)—were included.
Lit: —
*191. Franz Kessler, Unterschiedliche bißhero mehrern Theils Secreta oder
verborgene geheime Künste. Deren die erste genannt: Ortforschung, dardurch einer
dem andern durch die freye Lufft hindurch über Wasser und Land, von sichtbarn
zu sichtlichen Orten, alle Heimblichkeiten offenbaren, und in kurtzer zeit zu erken-
nen geben mag. Die Ander, Wasserharnisch, dardurch jemand etliche Stunden, ohne
schaden Leibes und Lebens unter Wasser seyn kan, nach belieben sein Vorhaben zuver-
richten. Die dritte, Luffthosen, mit welchem man wunderlich über See und Wasser,
nach wolgefallen gantz künstlichen gehen kan. Sampt beygefügtem wolerdachten
Schwim[m]gürtel, welchen jederman, so wol bey jetztbenenten Wasserkünsten, als
sonst andern Wasserreisen, zur Noht zugebrauchen hätte. Alles ohne Zauberey und
Schwartzkunst, den recht-göttlich-natürlichen Geheimnussen Liebhabern zugefallen
Coll.: 8o: 79, [1] pp., 3 ills.
Copies: HAB Xb 7458
Add.: Third edition of nr. 162, printed by Hieronymus Galler. The
same dedication to Wolfgang Kämmerer of Worms as in the
second edition was included.
Lit: —
1618
192. Amerigo Vespucci, Ralph Hamor, and John Smith, Zehender Theil
Americae Darinnen zubefinden: Erstlich, zwo Schiffarten Herrn Americi Vesputii
unter König Ferdinando in Castilien vollbracht. Zum andern: Ein gründlicher Bericht
von dem jetzigen Zustand der Landschafft Virginien, wie nemlich der Friede mit den
Indianern, vollnzogen und von den Englischen zum Schutz deß Lands allda etliche
Stätt und Vestung erbawet worden. Beneben einer Heyrath deß Königs Powhatans
in Virginien Tochter, mit einem vornemmen Englischen [. . .] Zum dritten: Ein war-
hafftige Beschreibung deß newen Engellands, einer Landschafft in Nord-Indien, eines
Theils in America [. . .] neben ein Discurs, wie er auff der andern Reyse von den
Frantzosen gefangen, und widerumb Anno 1616. erlediget worden. Oppenheim,
Joh. Th. de Bry.

462 appendix one
Coll.: 2o: 73, [29] pp., 12 ills., 1 map.

Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler, and the first volume of the
collection of voyages to be published in Oppenheim.
Lit: —
193. Amerigo Vespucci, Robert Coverte [and an anonymous English-
man], Eilffter Theil Der Orientalischen Indien, Darinnen erstlich begriffen werden
zwo Schiffahrten Herrn Americi Vesputii, welche er auß Befehl Königs Emanuelis von
Portugall Anno 1501. in Ost Indien vorgenommen. Zum andern, ein warhafftiger und
zuvor nie erhörter Bericht eines Englischen, welcher, nach dem er in einem Schiff, die
Auffahrt genandt in Cambaja dem eussersten Theil Ost Indiens Schiffbruch gelidten,
zu Land durch viele unbekandte Königreich und grosse Stätte gereiset, und was ihme
uberall begegnet und zuhanden gestossen. Zum dritten, ein historische Beschreibung
von Erfindung und Beschaffenheit der Landschafft Spitzberg, &c. Item, ein kurtze
Erzehlung, was alle andere Fischer Anno 1613. von den Englischen erlidten, neben
angehängter Protestation, wider der Engelländer angemaßten Erbgerechtigkeit, uber
gedachte Landschafft Spitzberg, &c. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: 8, 53, [27] pp., 10 ills.
Copies: BL G6608 (5); UB Göttingen, 4 ITIN I, 3844/a:11 RARA;
NSA A IV-1 4b4
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler.
Lit: —
194. Robert Fludd, Tractatus Secundus De naturae simia seu Technica macro-
cosmi historia in partes undecim divisa. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: 784 (1–408, 413–788), [12] pp., 273 ills. (& many wood-
cuts)
Copies: BL 536.i.11; HAB Xb 4o 8 (2); UBL Thysia 2254
Add.: Second volume of Fludd’s four-part work (1617–21). Printed
by Hieronymus Galler.
Lit: Yates (2002); Putscher (1983); Godwin (1979).
195. Michael Maier, Atalanta fugiens, hoc est, emblemata nova de secretis naturae
chymica, Accommodata partim oculis & intellectui, figuris cupro incisis, adjectisque
sententiis, Epigrammatis & notis, partim auribus & recreationi animi plus minus
50 Fugis Musicalibus trium Vocum, quarum duae ad unam simplicem melodiam
distichis canendis peraptam, correspondeant, non absq[ue] singulari jucunditate
videnda, legenda, meditanda, intelligenda, dijudicanda, canenda & audienda.
Coll.: 4o: 211, [5] pp., 51 ills.
Copies: BL 1033.k.7 (1); HAB 196 Quod. (1); UBL 2318 H 28


Christopher Reinart, magistrate of the town of Mühlhausen
in Thüringen. An otherwise identical version also appeared
with the imprint 1617.
Lit: De Jong (2002); Klossowski de Rola (1988)
196. Michael Maier, Viatorium, hoc est, de montibus planetarum septem seu
Metallorum; Tractatus tam utilis, quàm perspicuus, quo, ut Indice Mercuriali
in triviis, vel Ariadnêo filo in Labyrintho, seu Cynosurâ in Oceano Chymicorum
errorum immenso, quilibet rationalis, veritatis amans, ad illum, qui inmontibus sese
abdidit De Rubea-petra Alexicacum, omnibus Medicis desideratum, investigandum,
uti poterit. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: 138, [2] pp., 7 ills.
Copies: BL 1034.h.20 (3); HAB A 218 Quod. (2); UBL Thysia 1302
(3)
Christian I of Anhalt-Bernburg.
197. Franz Kessler, Holtzsparkunst, Das ist, Ein solche new, zuvorn niemahln
gemein, noch am Tag gewesene invention etlicher unterschiedtlichere Kunstöfen,
Vermittelst deren Gebrauch jedes Jahrs insonderheit, uber hundertmahl tausent
Gulden, (doch unabbrüchlicher Notturfft,) können ersparet werden. Frankfurt,
Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [8], 67, [9] pp., 5 ills.
Copies: BL 1509/2211; HAB A 218 Quod. (3); ÖNB 20.T.34
Add.: Printed by Anthoni Hummen. Dedicated by the author to
local magistrates of numerous towns in the Holy Roman
Empire.
Lit: —
198. Herman Lignaridus, Oblectamenta academica: exarata, eo fine, quo
Juventus Academica, post studia graviora, animum honestè & utiliter reficiat. Seria
seriò, Jucunda jocosè, Omnia moderatè. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 12o: 387, [9] pp., 6 ills.
Copies: BL 12330.a.50; HAB 592 Quod. (1); BNF 30819000
the sons of Maurice of Hesse-Kassel.
Lit: —
*199. Michael Maier, Atalanta fugiens, hoc est, emblemata nova de secretis
naturae chymica, Accommodata partim oculis & intellectui, figuris cupro incisis,
adjectisque sententiis, Epigrammatis & notis, partim auribus & recreationi animi

464 appendix one
plus minus 50 Fugis Musicalibus trium Vocum, quarum duae ad unam simpli-
cem melodiam distichis canendis peraptam, correspondeant, non absq[ue] singulari
jucunditate videnda, legenda, meditanda,, intelligenda, dijudicanda, canenda &
audienda. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: 211, [5] pp., 51 ills.
Copies: UB Halle, AB 155330
Christopher Reinart, magistrate of the town of Mühlhausen
in Thüringen. According to the fingerprint-analysis, this is
a different edition than nr. 195, although the title-pages are
identical.
Lit: De Jong (2002); Klossowski de Rola (1988)
1619
200. Amerigo Vespucci, Ralph Hamor, and John Smith, Americae pars
decima: Qua continentur, I. Duae Navigationes Dn. Americi Vesputii, sub auspiciis
Castellani Regis, Ferdinandi susceptae. II. Solida narratio de moderno provinciae
Virginiae statu, qua ratione tandem pax cum Indianis coaluerit, ac castella aliquot
ad regiones praesidium ab Anglis extructa fuerint: additâ historiâ lectu jucundis-
simâ, quomodo Pokahuntas, Regis Virginiae Powhatani filia, primori cuidam Anglo
nupserit; Authore Raphe Hamor Virginiae Secretario. III. Vera descriptio Novae
Angliae, quae Americae pars ad Septentrionalem Indiam spectat, à Capitaneo Johanne
Schmidt, Equite atque Admirali delineata: cui accessit discursus, quomodo in secunda
navigatione à Gallis captus, Anno 1616. demum liberatus fuerit. Oppenheim,
Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: 72, [28] pp., 12 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL c.115.h.4 (2); HAB M Gx 2º 7; UBL Thysia 708 II
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler. Latin version of nr. 192. The
identity of the translator is unknown.
Lit: —
201. Willem Schouten, Historische Beschreibung, Der wunderbarlichen Reyse,
welche von einem Holländer, Willhelm Schouten genandt, neulicher Zeit ist verrichtet
worden: Darinnen angezeigt wird, Durch was Mittel und Weise, er gegen Mittag, der
Magellanischen Strassen, einen newen und bißhero unbekandten Weg in die Sud-See
eröffnet habe: Auch Was für Lander, Insuln, Völcker, und wunderbarlicher Sachen,
ihme in gemelter Sud-See auffgestossen seyen. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Copies: BL G6626 (4); HAB A 44 Hist 2o (2); BNF 31329185

Add.: Eleventh part of the German America-series. Printed by Paul

Jacobi.
Lit: Van Groesen (2006b)
202. Willem Schouten, Americae pars undecima: Seu descriptio admirandi iti-
neris a Guillielmo Schouten Hollando peracti: qua ratione in meridionali plaga freti
Magellanici novum hactenusque incognitum in mare Australe transitum patefecerit:
Quas item terras, insulas, gentes, resque mirabiles in dicto Australi Oceano obvias
habuerit. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Copies: BL 215.h.16 (1); UBL Thysia 708 II
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler. Latin version of nr. 201. The
name of the translator is unknown.
Lit: Van Groesen (2006b)
203. Amerigo Vespucci, Robert Coverte [and an anonymus English-
man], Indiae Orientalis pars undecima, quâ continetur I. Duarum navigationum,
quas jussu Emanuelis Portugalliae Regis in Indiam Orientalem Ann. 1501. Dn.
Americus Vesputius instituit, historia. II. Vera atque hactenus inaudita Angli cujus-
dam relatio, qui nave quadam, cui Ascensionis nomen, in extremam Indiae Orientalis
oram Cambajam vectus, ac naufragium ibidem passus, postea quàm plurimas
nobis incognitas regiones, amplissimasq[ue] urbes peragravit, inque iis multa lectu
audituque jucunda observavit. III. Descriptio regionis Spitzbergae: additâ simul
relatione injuriarum, quas Ann. 1613. alii piscatores ab Anglis perpessi sunt: &
protestatione contra Anglos, qui sibi solis omne jus in istam regionem vendicarunt.
Coll.: 2o: 62, [4], [20], [2] pp., 10 ills.
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler. Latin version of nr. 193.
Lit: —
204. [ Jakob Spindler], Kunstbüchlein Von Geschütz unnd Fewerwerck, auch
von gründlicher Zubereitung allerley Gezeug, und rechtem Brauch der Fewerwerck,
wie die im Schimpff und Ernst von der Handt, auß Bölern oder Fewerbüchsen,
zu Lust und Schimpff, oder zum Ernst gegen den Feinden, sollen und können
geworffen, geschossen, in Stürmen, in- unnd auß den Besatzungen gebraucht werden.
Coll.: 2o: [8], 36 pp., 2 ills.
Copies: BL 8715.k.4; HAB A 10.3a Bell. 2o; ÖNB 72.R.25
Add.: Printed by Paul Jacobi.
Lit: —

466 appendix one
205. Robert Fludd, Tomus secundus de supernaturali, naturali, praeternaturali

et contranaturali Microcosmi historia, in Tractatus tres distributa. Oppenheim,
Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: 277, [3] pp., 22 ills. (& several woodcuts)
Copies: BL 536.i.11; HAB 111 Quod. 2o (1); UBL Thysia 2254
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler. First part of the third volume
of Fludd’s four-volume series (1617–21).
206. Louise Bourgeois, Ein gantz new, nützlich und nohtwendig Hebammen
Buch, Darinn von der Fruchtbarkeit und Unfruchtbarkeit der Weiber, zeitigen und
unzeitigen Geburt, Zustand der Frucht in und ausserhalb Mutterleib, zufälligen
Kranckheiten so wol der Kindbetterin als deß Kindes, wie auch dero Cur und Mitteln,
zusampt dem Ampt einer ehrlichen Wehemutter oder Hebammen weitläuffig gehandelt
wirt. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: 186 (1–177, 168–75, 175), [10] pp., 1 ill.
Copies: HAB A 38.1 Med. (1)
Add.: First part of Bourgeois’ Hebammen Buch, printed by Hieronymus
Galler. Translated from the French original (Observations
diverses . . ., Paris 1617). Bourgeois had been midwife to Maria
de’ Medici, Queen of France.
Lit: —
207. Louise Bourgeois, Hebammen Buchs ander Theil, Darinn von Fruchtbarkeit
und Unfruchtbarkeit der Weiber, zeitiger und unzeitiger Geburt, Kranckheiten
und Zuständen, so wol der Kindbetterin als der newgebornen Kindlein, sampt
dero Unterhaltung und Erziehung gehandelt wirt. Wie dann auch von dem Ampt
und Gebühr einer Hebammen weitläuffiger Bericht geschicht, alles auß fleissiger
Wahrnemmung und Auffmerckung vieler wunderbarer und gemeiner Geschichten,
so sich bey unterschiedlichen Personen begeben, verzeichnet. Oppenheim, Joh.
Th. de Bry
Coll.: 4o: 172, [10] pp., 1 ill.
Add.: Second part of nr. 206, printed by Hieronymus Galler.
Translated from the French original (Observations diverses . . .,
Paris 1617).
Lit: —
208. Louise Bourgeois, Hebammen Buchs dritter Theil, In welchem Von dem
vierdten Theil der weiblichen Gebährmutter, von der Zeit der Bildung deß Kinds
in Mutterleib, wann sich dasselbige zu regen beginne, wie es in demselben wachse

und zunemme, gehandelt wirt. Mit angehengtem Bericht Was für ein sonderbar und
wunderlich Werck deß Allmächtigen sey die Geburt deß Menschen, auß dem Leib
seiner Mutter auff diese Welt, und wie dasselbige zugehe. Oppenheim, Joh.
Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: 67, [5] pp., 11 ills.
Add.: Third part of 206, printed by Hieronymus Galler. Translated
from the French original (Observations diverses . . ., Paris 1617).
Some of the illustrations were earlier used in nr. 87.
Lit: —
209. Julius Zincgref, Emblematum Ethico-Politicorum Centuria. [Oppenheim],
Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [16], [204] pp., 100 ills.
Copies: BL 1568/4540; HAB S Alv. Ke 92 (1); UBL Thysia 1425
(1)
Add.: Probably produced in Oppenheim and printed by Hieronymus
Galler, as all books of authors at the court of the Elector
Palatine, like Zincgref, were printed in the Palatinate. Almost
all of the engravings were made by Matthaeus Merian.
Dedicated to Frederick V, Elector Palatine.
Lit: Adams, Rawles and Saunders (1999–2002) F632; Klossowski
de Rola (1988); Henkel and Wiemann (facs. 1986); Schnorr
von Carolsfeld (1879)
210. Franz Kessler, Espargne-Bois, c’est à dire, nouvelle et par ci-devant non
commune, ni mise en lumiere, invention de certains et divers fourneaux artificiels,
par l’usage desquels, on pourra annuellement espargner une infinite de bois & autres
matieres nourissantes le feu & neantmoins entretenir es poiles une chaleur commode
& plus salubre. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: 72, [10] pp., 3 ills.
Copies: BL 1044.i.24; UB Rostock, Vc-1007; BNF 30679746
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler. Translated from the German
(nr. 197) by an unnamed translator.
Lit: —
211. Wilhelm Fabry von Hilden, Observationum et curationum chirurgicarum
Centuria Quarta. Epistolis nonnullis Virorum doctissimorum, simul & instrumentis
ab authore inventis illustrata. Accessit eiusdem authoris epistolarum ad amicos,
eorundemque ad ipsum Centuria Prima. In qua passim Medica, Chirurgica, aliaque
lectione digna, continentur. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.

468 appendix one
Coll.: 4o: [16], 458, [10] pp., 20 ills. (all woodcuts)

Copies: BL 1170.k.1; UB Kiel, Kd 608; BNF 30414786
Georg Frederick, Marcgrave of Baden and Hochberg.
Lit: —
212. Gotthard Artus, a.o., Electio et coronatio sereniss. potentiss. et invictiss. prin-
cipis et dn. dn. Ferdinandi II. Electi Rom. Imperat. semper Augusti, ac Germaniae,
Hungariae, Bohemiae, Dalmatiae, Croatiae, Sclavoniae, &c. Regis, Archiducis
Austriae, Ducis Burgundiae, Stiriae, Carinthiae, Carniolae & Wirtembergae, &c.
Comitis Tirolis, &c. Wahl und Krönung Des Allerdurchleuchtigsten, Großmächtigsten
und unüberwindlichsten Fürsten und Herrn, Herrn Ferdinandi des andern, Erwöhlten
Römischen Keysers, zu allen Zeiten Mehrern des Reichs, in Germanien, zu
Hungern, Böhem, Dalmatien, Croatien, und Sclavonien, etc. Königs, Ertzhertzogen
zu Oesterreich, Hertzogen zu Burgund, zu Steyer, zu Crain, zu Wirtenberg, Grafen
zu Tyrol, etc. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [2], 10 pp., 10 ills.
Copies: BL 601.m.26 (2)
Add.: Printed by Erasmus Kempffer. De Bry used exactly the same
engravings as for the depiction of Matthias’ coronation in
1612 (nr. 134), and only renewed the title-page.
Lit: —
213. Johan Ludwig Gottfried, P. Ovidii Nasonis Metamorphoseon plerarumq[ue]
historica naturalis moralis έκφράσις. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 8o: [24], 351, [1] pp., 16 ills.
Copies: BL 1001.c.18; UB Halle AB 61040 (1); BNF 30000773
Add.: The printer of the work is unknown. This book is the only clas-
sical text in the De Bry catalogue. Dedicated by the author to
Georg Altroggius, an Oppenheim phycisian and magistrate.
Lit: —
*214. Girolamo Benzoni, Das sechste Theil Americae oder Der Historien
Hieron. Benzo von Meylandt, Das dritte Buch. Darinnen erzehlet wirt, wie die
Spanier die Goldreiche Landschafften deß Peruavischen Königreichs eingenommen,
den König Atabalibam gefangen und getödet. Auch wie sie endlich sich selbst untere-
inander auffgerieben haben. Sampt einem kurtzen zu end angehengten Tractätlein
von den glückhafftigen Inseln. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Copies: BL G6625 (7); HAB Gx 2o 8 (6); ÖNB 253767–D.6 Fid
Add.: Second edition of Ind.Occ. VI, printed by Hieronymus Galler.
On the title-page an Imperial privilege was mentioned, yet it is

uncertain if this refers to the first one, obtained by Theodore

de Bry for the first edition, or to a fresh one for the second
edition. The same translation and plates were used for the
second edition as for the first. The dedication to Maurice of
Hesse-Kassel was also repeated.
1620
215. Joris van Spilbergen, Appendix Deß eilfften Theils Americae, Das ist:
Warhafftige Beschreibung der wunderbahren Schifffahrt, so Georgius von Spielbergen,
als von der Niderländischen Indianischen Societet bestellter Oberster uber sechs Schiffe,
durch die Magellanische Strasse, und in der Suder See, vom Jahr 1614. biß in das
1618. Jahr verrichtet. In welcher die newe Schifffahrt durch die Suder See, auch viel
unbekante Landschafften, Inseln und Völcker, neben allem was ihm auff derselben
Reyse fürkommen und zu handen gangen. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: 38, [46] pp., 20 ills.
Copies: BL G6626 (4*); UB Erlangen-Nürnberg, H61/2 TREW.C
568; BNF 30914454
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler. By this time, Johan Theodore
de Bry had already returned to Frankfurt. Translated by
Gotthard Artus from the Dutch original (Oost- ende West-Indische
Spiegel, Leiden 1619).
Lit: —
216. Joris van Spilbergen, Americae tomi undecimi appendix. seu admiranda
navigationis a Georgio a Spilbergen classis belgicae cum potestate Praefecti, per
fretum Magellanicum & Mare meridionale, ab Anno 1614. usq[ue] ad Annum
1618. inclusivè peractae, descriptio. Qua novi per fretum magellanicum et mare
meridionale in indiam orientalem transitus, incognitarumque hactenus terrarum &
gentium ut & omnium quae terra mariq[ue] acciderunt & visa sunt memorabilium.
Coll.: 2o: 34, [44] pp., 20 ills.
Copies: BL 216.c.16 (2); HAB M Gx 2o 7; UBL Thysia 708 II
Add.: Printed by Johan Hofer. Translated by Gotthard Artus.
Lit: —
217. Salomon de Caus, Hortus Palatinus a Friderico Rege Boemiae Electore
Palatino Heidelbergae extructus. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [6], 60 pp. (fol. 1–30), 30 ills.
Copies: BL 441.k.4; BSB 2 Germ.sp. 31 d; UBL 677 A 16

470 appendix one
Add.: The preface is in French, otherwise the work is identical to

nr. 218.
Lit: Zimmermann (facs. 1980–86)
218. Salomon de Caus, Hortus Palatinus a Friderico Rege Boemiae Electore
Palatino Heidelbergae extructus. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [8], 60 pp. (fol. 1–30), 30 ills.
Copies: BL G6636; HAB 11 Geom. 2o (1); BNF 30207812
Add.: The dedication, to Elector Frederick V of the Palatinate, and
the preface are in German. The plates are identical to nr.
217.
Lit: Zimmermann (facs. 1980–86)
219. Robert Fludd, Tomi secundi Tractatus primi, sectio secunda, De technica
Microcosmi historia, in Portiones VII. divisa. [Oppenheim], Joh. Th. de
Bry.
Coll.: 2o: 191, [13] pp., 18 ills. (& several woodcuts)
Add.: Second part of the third volume of Fludd’s four-volume work
on the macrocosm and microcosm (1617–21). The place of
publication is probably Oppenheim, as all of Fludd’s works
were printed in the Palatinate.
220. Phillip Zigler, Harmonia und Harpffe Davids auff 8. seiten. Das ist,
Einhellige zusam[m]enstim[m]ung von dem Wandel, Lehr und Leben unsers Herrn
und Heylands Jesu Christi, nach den Prophete[n], Aposteln, Evangelisten, Alten
unnd Newen Kirchenlehrern. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [10], 432 pp (fol. 1–216), 1 ill.
Copies: HAB 432 Theol. 2o (1)
Add.: Printed by Johan Hofer, dedicated by the author to Carolus
Relinger von Burgwalden. This work was already announced
in the Q17 Frankfurt fair catalogue, destined to be published
later that same year.
Lit: —
221. Balduinus Clodius & J[ohan] E[rnst] B[urggrav], Balduini Clodii
Weyland gewesenen Fürstlichen Marggrävischen zu Durlach, demnach Fürstlichen
Anhaltischen zu Dessaw Rahts und Leib Medici. Officina Chymica. Das
ist: Künstliche Spagyrischen Zuzubereitung der Animalischen, Vegetabilischen,
Metallischen und Mineralischen Medicamenten, sampt deroselben heylsamen
Gebrauch, und Würckung zur Gesundheit Menschliches Leibes. Sampt beygefügtem

Consilio, wie man sich in Pestilentzischen Läufften verhalten soll. Oppenheim,

Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [8], 189, [7] pp., no ills.
Copies: BL 1033.h.34; UB Göttingen, 8 CHEM I, 877; UBL 1432
F 106
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler. Dedicated by Burggrav to six
physicians in Oppenheim and elsewhere in the Palatinate.
Lit: —
222. Johannes Tilenius, De jurisdictione et imperio, In quo Theoricorum
& Practicorum opiniones inter se conferuntur, falsae refutantur; sententiae verò
Practicorum confirmantur & pulchris quaestionibus ad hanc materiam pertinentibus
illustrantur & adornantur. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [8], 72 pp, no ills.
Copies: HAB A 36.3 Jur. (5); VU XG.05796
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler. Dedicated by the author to a
group of seven men in the service of Ludwig IV of Hesse-
Marburg.
Lit: —
223. Johan Ludwig Lange, Libellus de pactis, in quo conventionum et contrac-
tuum natura aliiq[ue] Iuris Articuli, Antinomiarum dissolutiones, pluresque doctrinae,
ab Interpretibus non animadversae enucleantur. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 8o: 346, [38] pp., no ills.
Copies: HAA Bibl. Weimar, 28, 7: 16 (1); UBU Duod. 24 (5); BNF
30734298
Add.: Printed by Erasmus Kempffer. Dedicated by the author to the
city government of Nuremburg.
Lit: —
*224. Thomas Harriot, Wunderbarliche, doch warhafftige Erklärung, von der
so im Jahr 1585. vom Herrn Reichard Greinvile, einen von den Ritterschafft,
in gemeldte Landschafft, die zubewohnen, geführet waren, ist erfunden worden.
Coll.: 2o: 31, [69] pp., 28 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL G6625 (1); HAB Gx 2o 8 (1); ÖNB 253767–D.1 Fid
Add.: Third edition of Ind.Occ. I in German, printed by Hieronymus
Galler. The original dedication to Christian I, Elector of
Saxony is again included. The illustrations carry the imprint
1619.
Lit: Greve (2004)

472 appendix one
*225. Johan Jacob Wallhausen, Kriegskunst zu Fuß, Darinnen gelehret und

gewiesen werden: I. Die Handgriff der Mußquet und deß Spiesses, jedes insonder-
heit. II. Das Exercitium, oder wie man es nennet, das Trillen, mit einem Fähnlein
gantz perfect, nach der gewöhnlichen Praxi deß Durchleuchtigen, Fürtrefflichsten
Kriegshelden Mauritii Printzen von Oranien, Graffen von Nassaw, etc. angewiesen,
gemehret und gebessert. III. Schöne newe Batailie, oder Schlachtordnungen mit einem
Fähnlein, wie auch einem gantzen Regiment Knecht. Newe Invention besonderer
Art Flügel an ein Fähnlein und gantzes Regiment, darneben die Quartierung im
Feldzug und Läger mit gutem leichten Vortheil alles zu verrichten, und was bey
einem Regiment weiters zu wissen nöthig. IV. Der Ungerischen bißhero geführten
Regimente[n] KriegsDisciplin zu Fuß, nach behörlicher Art der rechte[n] edle[n]
Kriegskunst gebessert und in ein richtigere und nützlichere Ordnung gebracht; Alles
mit schönen Kupfferstücken angewiesen. Zu hochnöhtigem Nutzen und Besten nicht
allein allen ankommenden Soldaten, sondern auch in Abrichtung eines gemeinen
Landvolcks und Außschuß in Fürstenthummen und Stätten insoderheit und in gemein.
Coll.: 2o: [12], 126, [2] pp., 36 ills.
Copies: HAB Jb 4o 60 (1); UBL 1372 E 11 (1); Krigsarkivet Stockholm,
Sa.01 a (4)
Add.: Second edition of nr. 156, printed by Erasmus Kempffer.
On the title-page, an Imperial privilege was mentioned,
almost certainly the six-year privilege obtained in 1615. The
author’s dedication to Maurice of Hesse-Kassel of 1615 was
repeated.
Lit: —
*226. Jean Errard, Fortificatio, Das ist, Künstliche und wolgegründte Demon-
stration und Erweisung, wie und welcher Gestalt gute Festungen anzuordnen, und
wider den Feind, so mit Heereskrafft nach allem Vortheil möchte angreiffen, zuver-
wahren und zuversichern, auff allerley Oerter und Gelegenheiten, wie die mögen zu
befestigen vorfallen, gerichtet. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [2], 102 pp., 47 ills.
Copies: Forschungs- und Landesbibl. Gotha, K II 2o 74/3 (1), incom-
plete.
Add.: Second extended edition of nr. 82, printed by Hieronymus
Galler.
Lit: —
*227. Kaspar Bauhin, Vivae imagines partium corporis humani aeneis formis
expressae. [Frankfurt?], Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: 265, [1], 21, [1] pp., 140 ills.

Copies: BL 548.h.2 (1); HAB M Mb 19 (2); UB Basle, Lb III 4

Add.: Second, extended edition of nr. 94. The illustrations were
taken from Bauhin’s Theatrum anatomicum, first published by the
De Brys in 1605 (nr. 87). They were issued in corrected form
with 10 new plates, and were intended either for separate use
or to accompany the unillustrated 1621 edition of Theatrum
anatomicum (nr. *234). Dedicated to Johan Bernard, Count of
Kunovitz.
Lit: —
1621
228. Robert Fludd, Tomi Secundi tractatus secundus, De praeternaturali utriusque
mundi historia. In Sectiones tres divisa, In Quarum Prima, de Meteororum tam
Macro, quam Microcosmicorum causis, earumque effectibus in genere agitur. Secunda,
de particularibus Meteororum, tam ad prosperam, quam adversam valetudinem,
impressionibus: deque indicijs ea praeterita, praesentia, & futura praesagientibus
tractatur. Tertia, pessimos & malesanos Meteororum eventus futuros avertendi,
praesentes ipsorum insultus debellandi, & sanitatis denique pristinae jam amissae
restituendae ratio ad amussim explicatur. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Add.: Printed by Erasmus Kempffer. Fourth and final volume of
Fludd’s work on the macrocosm and microcosm (1617–21).
Probably the first work of Fludd which was printed in Frank-
furt. One of Theodore de Bry’s grotesques of the 1580s
ornates the title-page.
229. Robert Fludd, Veritatis proscenium in quo aulaeum erroris tragicum
dimovetur siparium ignorantiae scenicum complicatur, ipsaque veritas à suo min-
istro in publicum producitur, Seu demonstratio quaedam analytica, in qua cuilibet
comparationis particulae, in appendice quadam à Joanne Kepplero, nuper in fine
Harmoniae suae Mundanae edita; factae inter Harmoniam suam mundanam, &
illam Roberti Fludd, ipsißimis veritatis argumentis respondetur. Frankfurt, Joh.
Th. de Bry.
Copies: BL 30.g.10.a (2); HAB 111 Quod. 2o (4); UB Basle Jg I 9:2
Add.: Printed by Erasmus Kempffer.
Lit: Yates (2002)

474 appendix one
230. Christlich Schreiben, An deß Hochlöblichen Christlichen Ordens, alle samptli-

che Herrn Fratres Rosae Crucis abgangen. In welchem zu gleich Ehrngedachter
Fraterniter Lehr, Leben und Wandel, wider anderer Leut jrrigen Wahn und Meynung
klärlich an Tag gegeben. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Copies: Staatsbibl. Berlin, 6 in: Nb 9115 R
Add.: The author of this rosicrucean letter dated February 1621
described himself as ‘Bonamicus bene notus’. The printer of
the work is unknown.
Lit: —
231. Scriptum amicabile ad Laudatissimam & venerandam fraternitatem Rosie
crucis directum, in quo praeter alia praedicti pii ordinis doctrina, totius vitae adver-
sus Impostores quosdam inverecundos descriptio evidenter defenditur & declaratur.
Copies: UB Greifswald, 558/Fj 617; BNF 33598870
Add.: The Latin translation of nr. 230.
Lit: —
*232. Bonaiuto Lorini, Fünff Bücher Von Vestung Bawen, Bonaiuti Lorini,
Florentinischen vom Adel. In welchen, durch die allerleichteste Reguln, die
Wissenschafft sampt der Practick, gelehret wirdt, wie man Stätte und andere örter,
auff underschiedlicher Situs gelegenheit sol befestigen: Und da insonderheit, Im ersten,
von der Wissenschafft sampt den Reguln und Ursachen, wie man alle Grundtrisse
der Vestungen auffreissen, und zu einem volkömlichen Ende bringen sol, gehandelt,
Im andern, die Practick, mit welcher man ein Vestung wircklichen anlegen und
bawen sol, gezeigt, Im dritten, Underschiedliche Grundrisse gesetzt, und wie man
die best verstandneste darunder außlesen sol, gelehret, Im Vierten, der underscheid
der Situs, oder Gelegenheit der örter, und wie man dieselbigen befestigen sol, erkläret,
Im fünfften und letzten, die Mechanische Künste, sampt einem underricht, wie
man vierlerley Werckzeuge und Instrumenta machen sol, beides mit einem kleinen
Gewalt sehr grosse Läste zuheben, wie auch gar auff einen leichten Weg die Sachen
zu wegen zubringen, so beyde in Friedens und Kriegszeiten deß Menschen Leben
am nötigsten sindt, gelehret, Und alles, durch beygefügte Lehren und Underricht,
so zu verstandt gedachter Materien gereichen kan, auffs deutlichste erkläret wirdt.
Coll.: 2o: 178, [72] pp., 36 ills.
Copies: HAB N 181.2º Helmst. (1)

Add.: Second edition of nr. 96, printed by Erasmus Kempffer. The

same German translation by David Wormbser was used as
for the first edition of 1607.
Lit: —
*233. Diego Ufano, Archeley, Das ist: Gründtlicher, unnd eygentlicher Bericht von
Geschütz unnd aller Zugehör, beneben außführlicher Erklärung was einem General
oder Obersten uber das Geschütz beydes in einem Läger, und in einem belägerten
Ort oblige, und befohlen. Item, wie Batterien und Contrabatterien, Brücken, Steg,
Minen und verborgene Gäng, beneben allerhand zum Krieg gehörige unnd der Archeley
anhängige Machinen, auch mancherley Fewerwerck, den Feindt zu Wasser und zu
Landt damit zubeschädigen, wol anzuordnen. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: 132, [72] pp., 29 ills.
Copies: BL 1605/217; HAB Jb 4o 5 (2); Krigsarkivet Stockholm, Sdac
(4)
Add.: Second edition of nr. 147. Printed by Erasmus Kempffer. The
same dedication, to Frederick V, Elector Palatine, was included
as in the first edition.
Lit: —
*234. Kaspar Bauhin, Theatrum anatomicum. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de
Bry.
Coll.: 4o: [16], 664, [16] pp., 1 ill.
Copies: BL 548.h.2 (2); HAB 9.1 Phys. (1); ÖNB 250803–C Fid.
Add.: Second edition of nr. 87, without the illustrations. The name
of the printer is unknown. The plates to accompany this book
were printed in 1620 (nr. *227). Although the original dedica-
tion to Landgrave Maurice of Hesse-Kassel was repeated, it
was also newly dedicated to William V of Hesse.
Lit: —
1622
235. Robert Fludd, Monochordum mundi symphoniacum, Seu replicatio Roberti
Flud, aliàs de Fluctibus, Armigeri & in Medicina Doctoris Oxon. ad apologiam
viri clariss. et in mathesi peritiß. Ioannis Kepleri, adversus Demonstrationem suam
Analyticam, nuperrime editam, in qua Robertus validioribus Ioannis obiectionibus,
Harmoniae suae legi repugnantibus, comiter respondere aggreditur. Frankfurt,
Joh. Th. de Bry.

476 appendix one
Coll.: 4o: 83, [1] pp., 1 ill.

Copies: BL 478.a.9 (1); HAB 46 Astron. (2); BNF 30444929
Add.: A second edition (2 o) was included in Fludd’s Anatomiae
Amphitheatrum (nr. 239). The name of the printer is un-
known.
Lit: Yates (2002)
*236. Job Kornthauer, De Peste Aureoli Theophrasti Paracelsi Tractatus. So er
an die Statt Störtzingen geschrieben, Cum Commentariis Jobi Kornthaueri, Illustriss.
Principis ac D. D. Ludovici Landgravii Hassiae, &c. Medici, so er seinen beyden
Discipulis, Georgio Rittero Medico Badensi, und Philippo à Sayer explicirt. Darinnen
und damit auch etlicher fürnemmer innerlicher und eusserlicher Kranckheiten und
Schäden Cura, so beydes inner- und ausserhalb der Pest den Menschen begegnen
mögen: Auß rechtem Grundt unnd gewisser Experientz Theophrastischer und anderer
Medicinalischer Kunst beschrieben, zufinden ist. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 4o: 103, [1] pp., no ills.
Copies: BL 1033.i.9 (2); HAB M Mi Kapsel 4 (14); UBL 2318 H 2
Add.: Second edition of nr. 136, printed by Erasmus Kempffer. The
same dedication as in the first edition of 1613, to Georg Eger,
was again included.
Lit: —
1623
237. Antonio de Herrera, Pedro Ordóñez de Cevallos, [and Petrus
Bertius], Zwölffter Theil der Newen Welt, Das ist: Gründliche volkommene
Entdeckung aller der West Indianischen Landschafften, Insuln und Königreichen,
Secusten, fliessenden und stehenden Wassern, Port und Anlendungen, Gebürgen,
Grentze[n], und Außtheilung der Provincie[n] sampt eygentlicher Beschreibung der
Stätte, Flecken und Dörffer, Herrschafft und Regierung, Bistummen, Stifft und
Clöster, wie starck dieselben an Inwohnern, wie reich an Einkommen, was jedes
Orts Gewerb, Handthierung und Bequemlichkeiten, Fruchtbarkeit und Nutzung, alles
nach jetziger Gestalt und Beschaffenheit von newem entdecket und beschrieben [. . .]
Item Gewisse Anzeig der jenigen, so durch die gefährliche Enge der Magellanischen
Strassen oder Sunds hindurch passirt, und den Erdt Kreiß rings umbfahren haben.
Item Petri Ordonnez de Cevallos Beschreibung der West Indianischen Landschafften,
sampt andern Anhängen. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [4], 131, [1], 38, [2] pp., no ills., 19 maps.
Copies: BL G6626 (5); HAB Gx 2o 8 (12); UB Basle, EU I 18

Add.: The last volume of the collection of voyages to appear dur-

ing Johan Theodore’s lifetime. The name of the printer is
unknown. The text was printed in two columns.
Lit: —
238. Johan Ernst Burggrav, Introductio in vitalem philosophiam. Cui cohae-
ret omnium morborum Astralium & Materialium; seu, Morborum omnium,
Elementatorum & haereditariorum ex Libro Naturae, Codice philosophicae &
medicae veritatis, additis Veterum placitis, Hippocratis, Galeni, Celsi, aliorum,
Explicatio atque Curatio. in speciali explicatione morborum agitur de Curationum
mysteriis, Indicationum compendiis, Remediorum arcanis. Et primùm Galeni &
aliorum veterum medicamenta proferuntur: deinde Paracelsi, Turnheuseri, Quercetani
aliorumq[ue] Neotericorum Philosophorum experientia demonstratur, medicamenta
omnium morborum ex Anatomia & Arte Signata, tàm Simplicia, quàm Composita
ostendendo. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry and Johan Ammon.
Coll.: 4o: [8], 166 pp., no ills.
Copies: BL 718.e.37; HAB A 25.5 Quod. (4); BNF 30177852
Add.: Printed by Hartmann Palthenius. The same title-page was
used as for nr. 195. Dedicated to Hartmann Beyer, a Frankfurt
physician who had been a close friend of both Johan Theodore
and his father.
Lit: —
239. Robert Fludd, Anatomiae amphitheatrum effigie triplici, more et conditione
varia. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Copies: BL 30.g.11; HAB A 39 Med. 2o (1); BNF 30444923
Add.: Printed by Erasmus Kempffer. Dedicated by the author
to Johannes Thornburgh, the bishop of Worcester. An ‘in
memoriam’ for Johan Theodore, written by Johan Ammon,
was included in the preliminaries, a second edition of nr. 235
was attached to this work (nr. *242).
Lit: Yates (2002)
240. Johan Phillip Pareus, Theatrum philosophiae christianae, in quo abstrusi
sapientiae christianae thesauri eruuntur, enodantur atque explicantur. Frankfurt,
Johan Ammon.
Coll.: 4o: 8, 466, [2] pp., no ills.
Copies: HAB A 20.9 Eth. (1)

478 appendix one
Add.: Printed by Hartmann Palthenius. The work was a co-opera-

tive effort of Ammon and Johan Theodore. Dedicated by the
author to Johan Jakob and Johan Porsius Dominicus.
Lit: —
*241. Jacob van Neck, Fünffter Theil Der Orientalischen Indien, Eygentlicher
Bericht und warhafftige Beschreibung der gantzen volkommenen Reyse oder Schiffahrt,
so die Holländer mit 8. Schiffen in die Orientalische Indien, sond[er]lich aber in die
Javanische und Molukische Inseln, als Bantam, Banda, unnd Ternate, &c. gethan
haben, welche von Amsterdam abgefahren im Jahr 1598. unnd zum theil Anno
1599. zum theil aber in jüngst abgelauffenen 1600. Jahr, mit grossem Reichthumb
von Pfeffer, Muscaten, Negelein, und anderer köstlichen Würtz wid[er] anheym
gelanget. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: 58, [44] pp., 20 ills.
Copies: BL 568.i.1 (5); UB Dresden, Geogr.B.21–1/5,misc.5; NSA A
IV–1 4b3
Add.: Second edition of Van Neck’s account for Ind.Or. V in German.
Printed by Johan Friedrich Weiß.
Lit: —
*242. Robert Fludd, Monochordum mundi symphoniacum, Seu replicatio Roberti
Flud, alias de fluctibus, armigeri et in Medicina Doctoris Oxon. ad apologiam
viri clariss. et in mathesi peritiß. Ioannis Kepleri, adversus Demonstrationem suam
Analyticam, nuperrime editam, in qua Robertus validioribus Ioannis obiectionibus,
Harmoniae suae legi repugnantibus, comiter respondere aggreditur. Frankfurt, Joh.
Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: 45 (287–331), [1] pp., no ills.
Copies: Wellcome Libr., 2328 (2); HAB A 39 Med. 2o (1); BNF
30444923
Add.: Second edition of Fludd’s work which was originally published
as a quarto-edition (nr. 235). Printed by Erasmus Kempffer,
and added to Fludd’s Anatomiae amphitheatrum (nr. 239).
Lit: Yates (2002)
1624
A. Antonio de Herrera, Pedro Ordóñez de Cevallos [and Petrus
Bertius], Novi Orbis pars duodecima. Sive descriptio Indiae Occidentalis, Auctore
Antonio de Herrera, Supremo Castellae & Indiarum authoritate Philippi III.
Hispaniarum Regis Historigrapho. Accesserunt et aliorum Indiae Occidentalis

Descriptiones, uti & navigationum omnium per Fretum Magellanicum succincta

narratio. Quibus cohaerent paralipomena Americae, in quibus res plurimae memoria
& observatione dignißimae, imprimu regionum natura, aeris constitutio, tempera-
menta elementorum, incolarum ingenia quae in magno opere historico aut omittuntur,
aut leviter attiguntur, iucunda non minus quam erudita descriptione pertractantur.
Frankfurt, heirs of Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [6], 308 (fol. 1–154) pp., 19 ills., 15 maps.
Copies: BL c.115.h.4 (5); UBL Thysia 708 II
Add.: The name of the printer is unknown. Dedicated by Johan
Theodore on 1 August 1623, a week before his death, to
Johan Ludwig von Hagen, the Imperial book commissioner in
Frankfurt. This volume was announced in the S22 catalogue
as “America prs XII”, to be published by Hendrick Laurensz
in Amsterdam. The two editions, one published by Laurensz
in Amsterdam and the other published as Ind.Occ. XII, are
identical.
Lit: —
1625
B. Samuel Braun, Anhang der Beschreibung deß Königreichs Congo. Innhaltend,
Fünff Schiffarten Samuel Brauns Burgers und Wundartzt zu Basel, so er kurtz
verwichener Jahren in underschiedliche weit entlegene frembde Königreich und
Landschafften glücklich gethan, Nemlich In Africam und dessen Provincien Congo,
Bansa Loanga, Angola, Guinea, Morenland, Bennin, Amboisa, und zu dem Festen
Castell Nassaw in More. Item gen Alexandriam in Syrien, in Portugal, Hispanien,
Italien, wie auch unterschiedliche Insuln, Als da sind die Canarien, Medera, Cales
Males, Malta, Candia, Cypern, Sicilien, Sardegna, Corfu, und ander mehr, biß zu
seiner wider Ankunfft in Holland. Frankfurt, heirs of Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [4], 56 pp., 11 ills.
Copies: BL 10003.e.9; HAB Gv 4ºo Mischbd. 1 (3); NSA A IV-1
4b1
Add.: Printed by Kaspar Rötel. The same title-page was used as for
Ind.Or. VII.
Lit: Melzer (1996)
C. Samuel Braun, Appendix Regni Congo. Qua continentur navigationes quinque
Samuelis Brunonis, Civis et Chirurgi Basileensis, quas recenti admodum memoria
animosè suscepit & feliciter perfecit. I. In Africam, euisq[ue] regna ac provincias
Congum, Bansam Loangam, Angolam & Insulas, Mederam Canariasq[ue], II. In

480 appendix one
eiusdem Africa regna, Guineam, Beninum, Aethiopiam, Ambosiam, Insulasq[ue],

Principis, Annabonam, & S. Thomae, aliasq[ue]. III. In eandem Africam, ad
Castellum munitissimum Nassovium, in Provincia Morensi Regni Guineae. IV.
In Orientales maris Mediterranei regiones, Syriam, Aegyptum, Alexandriam,
Insulasq[ue], Maltam, Cretam, Cyprum. V. In Lusitaniam, ubi Naufragium passus,
in reditu Granatam, Italiam, Apuliam, Calabriam, Venetias, Fretum Herculeum,
& Insulas Siciliam, Sardiniam, Corcyram, Gades adivit, tandemq[ue] in Bataviam
reversus est. Frankfurt, heirs of Joh. Th. de Bry.
Coll.: 2o: [8], 86, [2] pp., 12 ills.
Copies: BL G6612 (1*); Forschungs- und Landesbibl. Gotha, Geogr
4º 03338/02 (1a);
Add.: Printed by Kaspar Rötel, and translated by Johan Ludwig
Gottfried, who dedicated the book to the Frankfurt merchant
Johannes Fama. The title-page was previously used for the
first edition of Ind.Or. VII. Latin version of nr. B.
Lit: Melzer (1996)
1626
1627
D. Various authors, Continuatio Americae, Das ist: Fortsetzung der Historien
von der Newen Welt, oder Nidergängischen Indien, waran es auff diese Zeit noch
anhero ermangelt. Darinnen erstlich ein sattsame und gründtliche Beschreibung deß
Newen Engellandts, welches die Englische das New erfundene Landt nennen, so
bißher noch nicht an Tag kommen. Zum Andern, Ein außführlichere Erzehlung von
Beschaffenheit der Landtschafften Virginia, Brasilia, Guiana, und Insul Bermuda,
deren man bißhero schlechte und unvollkommene Wissenschafft gehabt. Drittens,
Gantz newer aber doch warhafftiger Bericht, von dem bißher noch unerkanten gros-
sen Theil deß Erdekreises, Terra Australis oder Incognita, darvon noch in keiner
Reise oder Schiffarth meldung beschehen. Sampt allem den jenigen, was in einer und
andern beschriebenen Landtschafft, nichts außgescheiden, denkcwürdigs zu sehen, und
mit Lust und Verwunderung anzuhören. Am Ende ist umb gleichheit der Materien
willen, hierbey gefügt ein weitläufftiger Discurs, wie die Statt S. Salvator unnd
Baia in Brasilien, respective verlohren und wider gewunnen worden. Frankfurt,
Matth. Merian.
Copies: BL G6626 (6); HAB Gx 2º 8 (13)

Add.: Volume XIII of the America-series, printed by Kaspar Rötel.

Identical to nr. *D apart from the title-page.
Lit: —
1628
*D. Various authors, Dreyzehender Theil Americae, Das ist: Fortsetzung der
Historien von der Newen Welt, oder Nidergängischen Indien, waran es auff diese Zeit
noch anhero ermangelt. Darinnen erstlich ein sattsame und gründtliche Beschreibung
deß Newen Engellandts, welches die Englische das New erfundene Landt nennen, so
bißher noch nicht an Tag kommen. Zum Andern, Ein außführlichere Erzehlung von
Beschaffenheit der Landtschafften Virginia, Brasilia, Guiana, und Insul Bermuda,
deren man bißhero schlechte und unvollkommene Wissenschafft gehabt. Drittens,
Gantz newer aber doch warhafftiger Bericht, von dem bißher noch unerkanten gros-
sen Theil deß Erdekreises, Terra Australis oder Incognita, darvon noch in keiner
Reise oder Schiffarth meldung beschehen. Sampt allem den jenigen, was in einer und
andern beschriebenen Landtschafft, nichts außgescheiden, denkcwürdigs zu sehen, und
mit Lust und Verwunderung anzuhören. Am Ende ist umb gleichheit der Materien
willen, hierbey gefügt ein weitläufftiger Discurs, wie die Statt S. Salvator unnd
Baia in Brasilien, respective verlohren und wider gewunnen worden. Frankfurt,
Matth. Merian.
Copies: BL 10003.e.3 (2)
Add.: Volume XIII of the America-series, printed by Kaspar Rötel.
Identical to nr. D apart from the title-page.
Lit: —
E. Various authors, Der zwölffte Theil Der Orientalischen Indien. Darinnen
etliche newe, gedenckwürdige Schifffarthen und Reysen, so von underschiedlichen
Völckern, sonderlich den Portugesen, Englischen, und Holländern, in Ost Indien,
und deren anstossende Königreich, vom Jahr 1610. biß uff 1627. verrichtet
worden. Sonderlich aber In das Königreich Indostan, oder deß grossen Mogols, das
Königreich China, Persien, die Bandamischen Insuln, und andere umbligende Länder.
Beneben Beschreibung der zwischen den Englischen, und Holländern entstandenen
Strittigkeiten, und Scharmützeln, in Jacatra, und den Bandamischen Insuln.
Deßgleichen die Reyß und Schifffarth der Nassawischen Floth, so under dem Admiral
Jacob l’Eremit, von den Holländern im Jahr 1623. 1624. 1625. und 1626. umb
den gantzen Erdkreyß verrichtet worden. Frankfurt, Will. Fitzer.
Coll.: 2o: [4], 75 (1–56, 59–77), [1] pp., 4 ills., 1 map.
Copies: BL G6608 (6); HAB 184.1 Hist. 2º (7); NSA A IV-1 4b4

482 appendix one
Add.: Printed by Kaspar Rötel. Contains sixteen travel accounts.

The illustrations, only one of which was newly designed, were
included in the text. According to Fitzer’s dedicatory letter in
nr. G [(?)2r] this title was a commercial success.
Lit: —
F. Various authors, Historiarum orientalis Indiae tomus XII. in tres Libros
sive Tractatus distributus. Quorum primus continet descriptiones Chorographicas
et Topographicas Regnorum, Provinciarum, Insularum, Urbium, Castellorum,
Emporiorum, Montium atque Fluviorum, totius illius Continentis, quae vulgo
Orientalis Indiae nomine censetur: inprimis Chersonesi Aurea, Sinarum, Iaponum,
Sinus Persici & Gangetici, Oceani Eoi & Littoris Africani: adiectis Incolarum
moribus & ritibus, ipsiusque soli ingenio & Natura. Secundus habet Narrationes
exquisitas aliquot Navigationum & Expeditionum Marinarum, ab Anglis Batavisque
potißimum, in omnes illas Orientis & Austri partes susceptarum, ut & praeliorum
aliquot navalium vario eventu commissorum: quibus acceßit Periplus Orbis terræ à
Iacobo Eremita, Navarcho Batavo absolutus: quae historia incipit ab anno AN.G.
M.DC.XIII terminaturque initiis anni M.DC.XXVI. Tertius tribuitur descriptioni
quarundam Septentrionalium Regionum atque Insularum, ante non satis cognitarum,
nempe partis Scythiae, Moscoviae, quae magna pars est Sarmatiae Europaeae et
Asiaticae, nec non Samogetiae, Islandiae, Gronlandiae & aliarum, quarum plenior
notitia, expeditionibus Navarchorum felici industria in eas Orbis partes confectis,
ad nos pervenit: à primis Aquilonarium Navigationum initiis ad mostra tempora.
Frankfurt, Will. Fitzer.
Coll.: 2o: [4], 208 pp., 14 ills., 2 maps.
Copies: BL G6614 (5); Forschungs- und Landesbibl. Gotha, Geogr 4º
03338/02 (12)
Add.: Translated from English and Dutch into Latin by Johan
Ludwig Gottfried. The name of the printer is unknown. The
volume is dedicated to Josua von der Thann, a local noble-
man. Latin version of nr. E.
Lit: —
G. Various authors, Der dreyzehende Theil Der Orientalischen Indien, Darinnen
beneben etlichen newen, gedenckwürdigen Schiffarthen und Reysen, so von under-
schiedlichen Völckern, sonderlich den Portugesen, Englischen und Holländern in
Ost Indien, und dem anstossende Königreich, vom Jahr 1615. biß uff 1628.
verrichtet worden. Auch insonderheit andere biß anhero unbekandte Königreich unnd
Länder, sonderlich das Königreich Indostan, oder des Grossen Mogols, Königreich
China, Persien, wie auch Moscaw, Reussen, Groenlandt, Tartarey, Algier, und

andere angräntzenden Provintzen, von newem beschrieben, und mit erst erfundenen
Landtaffeln vor Augen gestellet worden. Frankfurt, Will. Fitzer.
Copies: BL G6608 (7); HAB Gv 4º 60.1 (2); NSA A IV-1 4b4
Add.: Printed by Kaspar Rötel, and dedicated by Fitzer to Johan
Ludwig von Hagen, the Imperial book commissioner. This
volume contained the preface by Bernardus Paludanus first
issued as part of Ind.Or. VIII app. (Ger). The same title-page
was used as for Ind.Or. III.
Lit: —
H. Various authors, Orientalische Indien. Das ist, Außführliche, und vollkom-
mene Historische, und Geographische Beschreibung Aller, und jeden Schifffarten,
und Reysen, welche von underschiedlichen Nationen, mehrentheils den Engelländern,
Spaniern, und Holländern, innerhalb hundert Jahren, vornemlich, von verschienem
Sechzehenhundert vnd Ersten Jahr, biß auff 1627. in underschiedtliche Königreich,
Insuln, und Provintzien der Orientalischen Indien vorgenommen und verrichtet wor-
den. Sampt etlichen underschiedtlichen newen Schifffahrten, und Reysen, so von den
Englischen und Holländern in das Königreich Indoston, oder deß grossen Mogols,
China, Persien, un[d] die Bandanischen Insuln verrichtet worden, auch was sich
sonsten dero Orten zwischen den Portugesen, Englischen und Holländern zugetragen.
Beneben Beschreibung der Reiß der Nassawischen Flothen, so unter dem Admiral
Jacob l’Ermit, im Jar 1623. 1624. und 1625. den gantzen Erdtkreyß umbsegelt.
Frankfurt, Will. Fitzer.
Coll.: 2o: [8], 566, [2], 75 (1–56, 59–77), [1] pp., 104 ills., 7
maps.
Copies: HAB Gv 4º 60.1 (1)
Add.: Printed by Kaspar Rötel, and dedicated by Fitzer to Georg
Friedrich von Greiffenklau, Archbishop of Mainz. This work
contained Ind.Or. XII (Ger) and the extract published as part
of nr. *H in 1629. The title-page was earlier used for Ind.Or.
II.
Lit: —
1629
*H. Caesar Longinus, Extract Der Orientalischen Indien. Das ist, Außführliche,
und vollkommene Historische, und Geographische Beschreibung Aller, und jeden
Schifffarten, und Reysen, welche von underschiedlichen Nationen, mehrentheils den
Engelländern, Spaniern, und Holländern, innerhalb hundert Jahren, vornemlich, von

484 appendix one
verschienem Sechzehenhundert vnd Ersten Jahr, biß auff 1627. in underschiedtliche

Königreich, Insuln, und Provintzien der Orientalischen Indien vorgenommen und ver-
richtet worden. Sampt etlichen underschiedtlichen newen Schifffahrten, und Reysen,
so von den Englischen und Holländern in das Königreich Indoston, oder deß grossen
Mogols, China, Persien, un[d] die Bandanischen Insuln verrichtet worden, auch
was sich sonsten dero Orten zwischen den Portugesen, Englischen und Holländern
zugetragen. [. . .] Beneben Beschreibung der Reiß der Nassawischen Flothen, so
unter dem Admiral Jacob l’Ermit, im Jar 1623. 1624. und 1625. den gantzen
Erdtkreyß umbsegelt. Frankfurt, Will. Fitzer.
Coll.: 2o: [8], 566, [2], 75 (1–56, 59–77), [1], 184 pp., 114 ills., 11
maps.
Copies: BL G6616
Add.: Printed by Kaspar Rötel, and dedicated by Fitzer to Georg
Friedrich von Greiffenklau, Archbishop of Mainz. This work
contained Ind.Or. XII (Ger), Ind.Or. XIII (Ger) and summaries
of all accounts previously published in the Ind.Or.-series. The
title-page was earlier used for Ind.Or. II. Included on the poster
catalogue of the De Bry firm as early as 1617 (nr. X6).
Lit: —
1630
J. Various authors, Vierzehender Theil Americanischer Historien, Inhaltend,
Erstlich, Warhafftige Beschreibung etlicher West-Indianischer Landen in dem Theil
Americae gegen Mitternacht hinder Nova Hispania gelegen, Alß New Mexico, Cibola,
Cinaloa, Quivira, und anderer, deren bißher in unserm West-Indianischen Werck
theils gar nicht, theils sehr wenig gedacht worden, sampt Denckwürdigen Geschichten
und Wunderwercken der Natur in Jucatan, Guatimala, Fonduras, und Panama,
Wie auch vom Zustandt etlicher Englischen Colonien, wie sich die in lauffendem
1630. Jahr befinden. Zum Andern, Eine Schiffart der Holländer under dem Admiral
Jacob Eremiten umb die gantze Welt, und was ihm auff dieser sehr langen und
gefährlichen Reyse begegnet, alles in Form eines Jurnals oder Tagregisters fleissig
verzeichnet. Zum Dritten, Historische Erzehlung, welcher gestalt die sehr reiche
Spanische Silberflotta durch Peter Hein, General der Holländischen Armada in dem
Hafen Matanza der Insul Cuba im September deß Jahrs 1628. ertapt und heim
gebracht worden. Zum Vierdten, Was massen die Statt Olinda de Fernambucco in
Brasilien, sampt dem Meerport und dabey ligenden Castellen, durch die Holländer
under dem General Heinrich Cornelis Lunck erobert worden, im Monat Februario
deß Jahrs 1630. Hanau, Matth. Merian.


Copies: BL G6626 (7); Forschungs- und Landesbibl. Gotha, Geogr 2º
03783/02 (14)
Add.: Printed by David Aubry.
Lit: —
1631
K. Johan Ludwig Gottfried, Historia Antipodum oder Newe Welt. Das ist:
Natur und Eigenschafft deß halben theils der Erden, so WestIndien genennt wird,
der Eleme[n]ten, Geschöpffen Nationen und Inwohner, und wie diß alles durch
mancherley Schiffahrten entdecket worden. Frankfurt, Matth. Merian.
Coll.: 2o: [12], 562, 72 pp., 173 ills., 6 maps.
Copies: BL G6635; HAB Gx 2º 5
Add.: First abridgement of the America-series, translated by Johan
Ludwig Gottfried. Dedicated to Phillip, Landgrave of Hesse.
The work has a second title-page immediately following the
first, where the work is titled Newe Welt Und Americanische
Historien. Most of the illustrations were copied from the Ind.
Occ.-volumes, but Merian added a substantial number of new
plates.
Lit: (facs. 1980, Fackelverlag Stuttgart)
1632
1633
1634
L. Various authors, Decima Tertia Pars historiae Americanae, quae continet
exactam et accuratam descriptionem I. Novae Angliae, Virginiae, Brasiliae, Guianae,
& insulae Bermudae, quarum hactenus exigua & imperfecta notitia habita fuit.
II. Terrae Australis incognitae, cuius chorographia antehac in nullo Itinerario aut
Navigatione litteris tradita. III. Expugnationis urbis S. Salvatoris & Sinus Omnium
Sanctorum ab Hollandis factae, & quomodo Hispani urbe & Sinu illo rursus potiti
sint. IV. Novi Mexici, Cibolae, Cinaloae, Quivirae, rerumq[ue] memorabilium,
quae in Iucatan, Guatimala, Fonduris & Panama observatae sunt, nec non aliquot
Anglicarum iis locis coloniarum. V. Navigationis Hollandorum per universum orbem,

486 appendix one
duce Iacobo Eremita. VI. Claßis Hispanicae praedivitis ab Hollandis, duce Petro
Heinio, in portu insulae, qui Matanza dicitur, interceptae. VII. Urbis Olindae de
Fernambucco in Brasilia ab Hollandis, duce Henrico Cornelio Lonckio, occupatae.
Frankfurt, Matth. Merian.
Copies: BL c.115.h.4 (6); UBL Thysia 708 III
Add.: The name of the printer is unknown. Latin version of nr.
D.
Lit: —
Attributed to the De Bry firm
?1. Georg Kranitz von Wertheim, Delitiae Italiae, Das ist: Eigentliche
Beschreibung, was durch ganz Welschland in einer jeden Statt unnd Ort, von
Antiquiteten, Pallästen, Pyramiden, Lustgärten, Bildern, Begräbnüssen un[d] andern
denckwiridgen Sachen, mit geringem Unkosten zusehen ist. Sampt einem Bericht,
was vor Müntz durch Italien gangbar. Item etliche Dialogi, darauß die Welsche
Sprach zur Notturfft gelernet kan werden. Frankfurt, Joh Th. and Joh. Isr. de
Bry (1599)?
Coll.: 12o: [22], 238, [2], 92 pp., no ills.
Copies: HAB T 273.12o Helmst.
Add.: Announced by the De Brys in the Q99 Frankfurt fair cata-
logues (Feyerabend, [C3v]; Lamberg, [D1v]). When it was
published it carried the imprint of Phillip Engel, an otherwise
entirely unknown Frankfurt publisher. The small size of the
book, and the lack of illustrations make the attribution to the
De Brys problematic.
Lit: —
?2. Franz Kessler, Das ander neuwe vollkommene Fundament, Oder Neuwer
gründlicher zuvor niemals an Tag kommener Bericht, von allerley Gattung
Linienrechten Sonnuhren, wie und welcher gestallt dieselbige an alle gerad auff
stehende oder ligende, Item für- oder hindersich gebogene oder henckende, gerad oder
seitwärts, umb viel oder wenig gradus, von Mittag oder Mitternacht gegen der Sonnen
Auff- oder Nidergang gelegene Orter, wie auch auff allerley eckichte cubos oder Klötze,
auff eine leichte, behende und zuvor unerhörte Weiß, ohne Arithmetic, eintzig und
allein durch Zirckel und Linialen, auß Grundt der Sonnen Lauff, unfehlbar und
künstlich zu machen. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry (1611)?

Coll.: 4o: [8], 138, [4] pp., 19 ills.

Copies: BL 8507.b.35 (2); Forschungs- und Landesbibl. Gotha, Math.
4o 598/3 (4); UB Zürich, 1335
Add.: Printed by Wolfgang Richter. The title was mentioned in
the 1643 catalogue of Matthaeus Merian, among the other
titles of the De Bry firm. Dedicated to the physician Daniel
Laelius.
Lit: —
?3. Helisaeus Rösslin, Grundliche und kurtze Anleitung zum Verstand der
Offenbarung Johannis und Propheceyung Danielis. Durch sieben Kirchenständ von
der Apostel Zeit biß an jüngsten Tag, und vom zehenhörnigen und sibenhäuptigen
Thier Apocalyps. 12. 13. 17. und Danielis am 7. Cap. Zur Erkündigung der
Zeiten darinnen wir sind, und was noch biß an jüngsten Tag zu erfüllen uberig,
zuwissen nohtwendig. Oppenheim, Joh. Th. de Bry (1611)?
Copies: Staatsbibl. Berlin Bt. 16240
Add.: Printed by Hieronymus Galler, and included on the De Bry
poster catalogue. The publisher Johan Bössemesser from Öls
printed a second edition in 1612, which referred on the title-
page to the first edition printed by Galler. The name of the
De Brys is not mentioned anywhere, and it may have been
an independent enterprise by Galler.
Lit: Benzing (1969) nr. 109
?4. Johan Jakob Grasser, Geistliche Sturm- unnd Bettglocke, das ist die
Klaglieder Jeremiae, in 27. Predigten und Gebeten erkläret. Oppenheim, Joh.
Th. de Bry (1618)?
Coll.: 8o: ?
Copies: ?
Add.: Mentioned by Draudius, BG 248 (1611?). The first edition
was published in Basle in 1613.
Lit: Benzing (1969) nr. 90
?5. Salomon Neugebauer, Icones & vitae principum ac regum Poloniae.
Frankfurt, Lucas Jennis (1620)?
Coll.: 4o: [8], 144, [12] pp., 43 ills.
Copies: BL 281.k.16; HAB A 236 Hist. (1); UBU RIJS 169–35; KB
3113 B 27 (3)

488 appendix one
Add.: Printed by Hartmann Palthenius with imprints of both De

Zetter and Jennis, this work was included on the De Bry
poster catalogue, and sold to Moretus at the S19 Frankfurt
fair (Arch. MPM 1027, f19r). It must have been one of the
works published by Jennis, of which the manuscript was
given to him by Johan Theodore de Bry. Also appeared with
the imprint 1619. Dedicated by the author to Andreas and
Raphael Leszcinius.
Lit: —
?6. Salomon de Caus, Hortus Palatinus a Friderico Rege Boemiae Electore
Palatino Heidelbergae extructus. Frankfurt, Joh. Th. de Bry (Lat, 1620)?
Coll.: 2o: [4], 60 pp., 30 ills.
Copies: ?
Add.: Supposedly a Latin translation of nrs. 217 and 218.
Lit: —
?7. Wilhelm Fabry von Hilden, Christliche Abmahnung von der Trunckenheit.
Gesangsweiß, In der Melodey: O Mensch bewein dein Sünde groß, etc. Frankfurt,
Joh. Th. de Bry (1623)?
Copies: HAB A 180.12 Quod. (10); ÖNB 74.J.147
Add.: Attributed to De Bry by the Herzog August Bibliothek,
based on a woodcut which was also used for Fabry von
Hilden’s Christlicher Schlafftrunck (1624), which carried a De
Bry imprint.
Lit: —
Works to which the De Brys contributed as engravers
C1. Biblia, Das ist: Die gantze heylige Schrifft Teutsch, Durch D. Mart. Luth.
Jetzund in gewisse Verß abgetheilet. Auch mit gantzem fleiß nach der letzten edition
D. Martin Luthers corrigirt. Frankfurt, heirs to Christian Egenolff 1602.
Coll.: 8o: 688, 421, [3], 304, [8] pp., no ills.
Copies: HAB H A 98.8o Helmst.
Add.: Printed by Johan Saur. The title-page was illustrated by the
De Brys.
Lit: —

C2 Biblia sacra vulgatae Editionis Sixti V. Pont. Max. Iussu recognita Et

Clementis VIII auctoritate edita. Mainz, Johan Theobald Schönwetter and
Jakob Fischer 1609.
Coll.: 2o: 574, [4], 226, [2], 263, [101] pp., 140 ills.
Copies: BL 3021.e.8; Staatsbibl. Berlin, Bibl. Diez 4o 116; UBU RIJS
002–54
Add.: Printed by Johan Albinus. Dedicated to Johan Schweikard,
Archbishop of Mainz. The illustrations were made by Johan
Theodore de Bry, Georg Keller, and Robert Boissard.
Lit: —
C3. Beschreibung Der Reiß: Empfahung deß Ritterlichen Ordens: Vollbringung
des Heyraths: und glücklicher Heimführung. Heidelberg, Gotthard Vögelin
1613.
Coll.: 4o: [4], 195 (1–183, 163, 195–205), [1], 99, [1] pp., 19 ills.
Copies: BL c.64.h.17; HAB 197.15 Hist.; ÖNB 39.R.23; KB 344 H
16 (1, 2)
Add.: Almost all the illustrations were made and, unusually, signed
by Johan Theodore de Bry and Georg Keller. The work was
devoted to the return of Frederick V to the Palatinate, with his
English bride Elizabeth Stuart, daughter of King James I.
Lit: —
C4. Johan Jacob Wallhausen, L’art militaire pour l’infanterie. Franeker,
Balck 1615?
Coll.: 2o: [16], 148, [30] pp., 33 ills.
Copies: Oxford, All Souls n.8.10; UBL Thysia 1612 (1); BNF
31618531
Add.: The De Bry engravings were included, as well as Johan
Theodore’s dedication to Maurice of Nassau.
Lit.: —
C5. Giorgio Basta, Le Gouvernement. Rouen, Berthelin 1616
Coll.: 2o: [12], 76 pp.; 12 ills.
Copies: BNF 30171546
Add.: The De Bry engravings were included.
Lit: —

490 appendix one
Announced but never published by the De Bry firm
X1. Johan Adam Lonicer, Libri II de mensuris et ponderibus ex optimis

Authoribus diligenter collecti.
Theodore de Bry obtained permission to publish this book from
the Frankfurt magistrates in January 1594 (StAFr. ZBBP 16, f66v).
It probably never appeared.
X2. Sebastian Brenner, Cosmosceptica relatio oder allgemeiner Weltlauff, was
sich in der gantzen Welt zugetragen von anno 1598 biss 1601.
Announced in the Q01 Frankfurt fair catalogue, by Johan
Theodore and Johan Israel de Bry. A similar work by the same
author, regarding the period August 1602–March 1603 eventu-
ally appeared on the author’s expenses, and was to be found in
the shop of the Frankfurt publisher Paul Brachfeld (Cosmoscepsia
Catholica, Das ist, Allgemeiner Weltlauff, Frankfurt 1603).
X3. Sebastian Brenner, Cosmoscepsia Catholica, h.e. Rerum per quatuor Mundi
plagas gestarum ab anno 1598 usque ad annum 1601.
Latin version of nr. X2, announced in the Q01 Frankfurt fair
catalogue, by Johan Theodore and Johan Israel de Bry.
X4. Kaspar Bauhin, Tractatus de transmutatione sexus muliebris in virilem.
Referred to as having been published in 1611, in Georg Draudius’
Bibliotheca classica, sive Catalogus Officinalis (Frankfurt 1625), a com-
prehensive account of Latin books. It almost certainly never
appeared, and the title suggests it was a premature announcement
of nr. 152.
X5. Diego Ufano, Six advertissements necessaires, nouvellement ajoustés à
l’Artillerie.
Announced by Johan Theodore de Bry in the Q15 Frankfurt fair
catalogue, to be printed by Egenolf Emmel, and to be added to nr.
146. It was the extension to the first edition of Archeley/Artillerie.
X6. Extract aller Indianischen Schiffarten mit theils newen Kupfferstücken beyde
Lateinisch und Teutsch.
Announced by Johan Theodore de Bry, presumably, on the
poster catalogue where it was listed among titles published in
1617. Eventually an abridgement of the India Orientalis-series was
published by William Fitzer in 1628 and 1629, but exclusively in
German.

X7. Samuel Marolois, Opera mathematica, das ist, Mathematisch Werck, in

welchem die Geometria, Perspectiva, Architectura, oder Baukunst und Fortification,
mit schönen Beschreibungen, Proportionen und Artihmetischen Rechnungen miet
schönen Kupferstücken explicirt wirdt.
Announced by Johan Theodore de Bry in the S17 Frankfurt fair
catalogue. The work was supposed to be translated from French
(Opera mathematica ou Oeuvres mathématiques . . . [The Hague 1614]) into
German and Latin by Abraham de la Faye. A German edition
was published by Johannes Janssonius in Arnhem and Amsterdam
in 1618, and the appearance of this edition may have influenced
De Bry’s decision.
X8. Dictionarium Harmonicum & plane novum in aliquot libris distributum.
Announced in the Q22 Frankfurt fair catalogue, by Johan
Theodore de Bry. Eventually published with the same title by
Matthias Turnemann in four volumes (1625–30).
X9. Bibliotheca historica seu Plutarchi Chaeronei Vitarum illustrium virorum suc-
cincta & jam diu desiderata Epitome: edita ab Arto Vigelio Heigerano.
Announced in the Q22 Frankfurt fair catalogue, like the previ-
ous work. Eventually published with the same title in 1626, by
Gottfried Bezzerus.

APPENDIX TWO
THE TRAVEL ACCOUNTS USED FOR THE

DE BRY COLLECTION
Preliminary note
The editions the De Brys copied or translated for their collection have
been indicated by the conventional numbering (1., 2., 3., etc.). These
editions were not always first editions of the travel accounts. In these
cases the first printed editions have been added, indicated by the sym-
bol = Sometimes the De Brys used editions which contained multiple
accounts, and in these cases first editions are given of all the included
accounts. When the De Brys used manuscripts, the first available printed
edition in the original language has been added. In a limited number
of cases, it has not been possible to establish the printed sources the
De Brys used for their adaptations.
India Occidentalis
I (Frankfurt 1590; Lat, Ger, Fre & Eng)
1. Thomas Harriot, A briefe and true report of the new found land of
Virginia (London 1588).
II (Frankfurt 1591; Lat & Ger)
1. René de Laudonnière, et al., L’histoire notable de la Floride situee es
Indes Occidentales, contenant les trois voyages faits en icelle par certains
Capitaines & Pilotes François, descrits par le Capitaine Laudonniere, qui
y a commandé l’espace d’un an trois moys: à laquelle a esté adiousté un
quatriesme voyage fait par le Capitaine Gourgues (Paris 1586).
2. Jacques Le Moyne de Morgues, manuscript notes.
III (Frankfurt 1592 (Lat), 1593 (Ger))
1. Hans Staden, Warhaftige Historia und beschreibung eyner Landtschafft
der Wilden, Nacketen, Grimmigen Menschfresser Leuthen, in der Newenwelt
America gelegen, vor und nach Christi geburt im Land zu Hessen unbekant,
biß uff dise ij. nechstvergangene jar, Da sie Hans Staden von Homberg
auß Hessen durch seine eygne erfarung erkant, und yetzo durch den truck
an tag gibt (Marburg 1557).

494 appendix two
2. Jean de Léry, Historia navigationis in Brasiliam, quae et America

dicitur. Qua describitur autoris navigatio, quaeque in mari vidit memoriae
prodenda: Villagagnonis in America gesta: Brasiliensium victus & mores,
à nostris admodum alieni, cum eorum linguae dialogo: animalia etiam,
arbores, atque herbae, reliquáque singularia & nobis penitùs incognita
(Geneva 1586).
= Jean de Léry, Histoire d’un voyage fait en la terre du Bresil, autre-
ment dite Amerique. Contenant la navigation, & choses remarquables,
veues sur mer par l’aucteur: Le comportement de Villegagnon, en ce païs
là. Les meurs & façons de vivre estranges des Sauvages ameriquains:
avec un colloque de leur langage. Ensemble la description de plusieurs
Animaux, Arbres, Herbes, & autres choses singulieres, & du tout
inconues par deça (La Rochelle 1578).
3. Only in Lat: Nicolas Barré, Copie de quelques letres sur la navigation
du cevallier de Villegaignon es terres de l’Amerique oultre l’Aequinoctial,
iuseques soubz le tropique de Capricorne: co[n]tenant sommairement les
fortunes encourues en ce voyage, avec les meurs & façons de vivre des
sauvages du pais (Paris 1557).
IV (Frankfurt 1594; Lat & Ger)
1. Girolamo Benzoni, Historia Indiae Occidentalis, Tomis duobus com-
prehensa. Prior, res ab Hispanis in India Occidentali hactenus gestas,
acerbum illorum in eas Gentes dominatum, insignéque in Gallos ad
Floridam Insulam saevitiae exemplum describit (Geneva 1586).
= Girolamo Benzoni, La historia del Mondo Nuovo. Laqual tratta
dell’isole & mari nuovamente ritrovati & delle nuove città da lui
proprio vedute, per acqua & per terra in quattordeci anni, libro primo
(Venice 1565).
V (Frankfurt 1595; Lat & Ger)
dell’isole & mari nuovamente ritrovati & delle nuove città da lui pro-
prio vedute, per acqua & per terra in quattordeci anni, libro secondo
(Venice 1565).

the travel accounts used for the de bry collection 495
VI (Frankfurt 1596 (Lat), 1597 (Ger))

dell’isole & mari nuovamente ritrovati & delle nuove città da lui
proprio vedute, per acqua & per terra in quattordeci anni, libro terzo
(Venice 1565).
2. Only in Lat: Nicolas le Challeux, De Gallorum Expeditione in
Floridam, & clade ab Hispanis non minus iniustè quàm immaniter ipsis
illata, Anno 1565, Brevis Historia (Geneva 1586).
= Nicolas le Challeux, Discours de l’histoire de la Floride, contenant
la cruauté des Espagnols contre les subiets du Roy, en l’an mil cinq
cens soixante cinq. Redigé au vray par ceux qui en sont restez, Chose
auta[n]t lamentable à ouir, qu’elle a esté proditoirement & cruellement
executee par lesdits Espagnols: Contre l’autorité du Roy nostre Sire,
à la perte & dommage de tout ce Royaume. Item, une requeste ay
Roy, faite en forme de complainte par les femmes vefues, petits enfans
orphelins & autres leurs amis, parens, & alliez de ceux qui ont éste
cruellement envahis par les Espagnols, en la France anthartique, dite
la Floride (Dieppe 1566).
VII (Frankfurt 1597 (Ger), 1599 (Lat))

1. Ulrich Schmidel, Neuwe Welt: Das ist, Warhafftige Beschreibunge
aller schönen Historien von erfindung viler unbekanten Königreichen,
Landtschafften, Insulen, unnd Stedten, von derselbigen gelegenheit, wesen,
bräuchen, sitten, Religion, künsten und handtierungen, Auch allerley
gewechß, Metallen, Specereyen und anderer Wahr, so von inen in unsere
Lande geführt und gebracht werden. Auch von allerley gefahr, streitt und
scharmützeln, so zwischen inen und den unsern, beyde zu Wasser unnd
zu Lande, sich wunderbarlich zugetragen, Item von erschrecklicher, seltza-
mer natur und Eygenschafft der Leuthfresser, Dergleichen vorhin in keinen
Chronicken beschrieben, mit schönen Concordantzen und einem vollkom-
menen Register, zur fürderung des gemeinen nutzes zusamen getragen
(Frankfurt 1567).

496 appendix two
VIII (Frankfurt 1599; Ger & Lat)

1. Walter Raleigh, Waerachtighe ende grondighe beschryvinge van het groot
ende Goudtrijck Coninckrijk van Guiana, gheleghen zijnde in America, by
noorden de groote Riviere Orelliana, vanden vijfden graed by zuyden totten
vijfden graed by noorden de Middellinie, in welcke beschrijvinghe de rechte
gheleghentheyt vande groote ende rijcke Hooft-stadt Manoa, Macureguarai,
ende andere steden des selvighen Coninckrijcks, ende van het groot Souten
Meyr Parime, (zijnde ontrent 200. spaensche mylen lanck) verclaert wordt:
Insghelijcks wat voor rijcke Waren daer te lande en[de] daer ontrent vallen;
als namelick groote overvloet van Gout, costelick ghesteente, ghenaemt Piedras
Hijadas, Peerlen, Balsem-olie, lanck Peper, Gincher, Suijcker, Wieroock,
verscheyden Medicinale wortelen, Droogheryen, ende Gummen. Item Zyde,
Cottoen ende Brasilie houdt . . . (Amsterdam 1598).
= Walter Raleigh, The discoverie of the large, rich, and bewtiful
empyre of Guiana, with a relation of the great and Golden Citie of
Manoa (which the Spanyards call El Dorado) And of the provinces
of Emeria, Arromaia, Amapaia, and other Countries, with their rivers,
adioyning (London 1595).
VIII Additamentum (Frankfurt 1600; Ger); These accounts were
included in Ind.Occ. VIII (Lat)
1. Nuno de Silva, manuscript notes.
= Nuno da Silva, The voyage of Nunno de Silva a Portugal Pilot
taken by sir Francis Drake at the yles of Cabo Verde, and caried along
with him as farre as the haven of Guatulco upon the coast of New
Spaine: with his confession made to the Viceroy of Mexico of all mat-
ters that befell, during the time that he accompanied sir Francis Drake
(in: Richard Hakluyt, Principal Navigations (3 vols.; London
1598–1600) III, 742–48).
2. Walter Bigges and Lt. Croft, Relation Oder Beschreibu[n]g der Rheiß
und Schiffahrt auß Engellandt, in die (gegen dem undergang der Sonne
gelegnen) Indien gethan, Durch Einen Englischen Ritter, Franciscum
Drack genant, und was derselbig underwegen mit seinem underhabenden
Kriegsvolck allenthalben, sonderlich aber in den Inseln, S. Jacob, S.
Dominico, S. Augustin und in oder umb Carthagena, auch anderstwo dero
orten gesehen und außgericht hat ([Cologne] 1589).
= Walter Bigges and Lt. Croft, A summarie and true discourse
of Sir Francis Drake’s West Indian voyage, Where in were taken, the

Townes of Saint Iago, Sancto Domingo, Cartagena & Saint Augustine

(London 1589).
3. Lawrence Keymis, Waerachtighe ende grondighe beschryvinghe vande
tweede Zeevaert der Engelschen nae Guiana, en[de] de omliggende
Landschappen: Waer inne seer bescheydelick beschreven worden alle
de Zee-custen met de Eylanden, Hoofden, Voorgheberghten, Inwijcken,
Havenen, Reeden, Diepten, Ondiepten, Clippen, verscheyde Opdoeningen
van Landen, de ghestaltenisse van winden, stroomen ende tyden des jaers.
Met verclaringe vande rechte ghelegentheyt van 53. Rivieren, die aldaer
inde Zee vloeyen, met benaminghe der steden daer op ghebouwet, van wat
volcken die worden bewoont, wat voor zeden die selvighe hebben; hoedanighe
Cassiken ofte Vorsten daer te lande regieren, ende hoe menigherley costelijcke
waren aldaer vallen (Amsterdam 1598).
= Lawrence Keymis, A relation of the second Voyage to Guiana.
Perfourmed and written in the yeare 1596 (London 1596).
4. Francis Pretty, et al., Beschryvinge vande overtreffelijcke ende wijdtver-
maerde Zee-vaerdt vanden Edelen Heer ende Meester Thomas Candish,
met drie Schepen uytghevaren den 21. Julii, 1586. ende met een Schip
wederom ghekeert in Pleymouth, den 9. September 1588. Hebbende (door
’t cruycen vander Zee) gheseylt 13000. mylen. Vertellende zyne vreemde
wonderlijcke avontueren ende gheschiedenissen: De ontdeckinge der Landen
by hem beseylt. [. . .] Hier noch by ghevoecht de Voyagie van Sire Françoys
Draeck, ende Sire Ian Haukens, Ridderen, naer West-Indien, ghepretendeert
Panama in te nemen met 6. van des Coningins Majesteyts Schepen, ende
21. andere, by haer hebbende 2500. mannen. Anno 1595. (Amsterdam
1598).
= Francis Pretty, The admirable Voyage of M. Thomas Candish
esquire into the South Sea, and so round about the circumference of the
whole earth, begun in the yere 1586, and finished 1588 (London
1588).
= Thomas Cates, manuscript notes.
5. Only in Ger: Michiel Joostens van Heede, Discours ende Besch-
rijvinghe van het groot Eylandt Canaria, ende Gomera, midtsgaders het
innemen, ende verlaten van dien. [. . .] Begrijpende alle de courssen ghedaen
in dese Zeevaert, van daghe tot daghe, beghinnende vanden xxv. Meye 1599.
tot op den tienden Septembris deszelven Jaers, stilo novo (Rotterdam
1599).

498 appendix two
IX (Frankfurt 1601 (Ger), 1602 (Lat))

1. Jose de Acosta, Historie Naturael ende Morael van de Westersche
Indien: Waer inne ghehandelt wordt van de merckelijckste dinghen des
Hemels, Elementen, Metalen, Planten ende Gedierten van dien: als oock de
Manieren, Ceremonien, Wetten, Regeeringen ende Oorloghen der Indianen
([transl. J. Huygen van Linschoten], Enkhuizen 1598).
= Jose de Acosta, Historia Natural y Moral de las Indias, en que
se tratant les cosas natabiles del cielo y elementos, metales, plantas
y animales dellas, y los ritos y ceremonias, leges y governio (Seville
1590).
2. Barent Jansz, Wijdtloopigh verhael van tgene de vijf Schepen (die int
jaer 1598. tot Rotterdam toegherust werden, om door de Straet Magellana
haren handel te dryven) wedervaren is, tot den 7. September 1599. toe, op
welcken dagh Capiteijn Sebald de Weert, met twee schepen, door onweder
vande Vlote versteken werdt. Ende voort in wat groot gevaer ende elende
hy by de vier maenden daer naer inde Strate gheleghen heeft, tot dat hy
ten lesten heel reddeloos sonder schuyt oft boot, maer een ancker behouden
hebbende, door hooghdringhende noot weder naer huys heeft moeten keeren
(Amsterdam 1600).
IX Additamentum (Frankfurt 1602; Ger & Lat)
1. Olivier van Noort, Beschryvinghe vande Voyagie om den geheelen Werelt
Cloot, ghedaen door Olivier van Noort van Utrecht, Generael over vier
Schepen, te weten: het Schip Mauritius als Admirael, dat wederom ghecomen
is, Hendrick Fredrick Vice-Admirael, het Schip de Eendracht, midtsgaders
de Hope, wel ghemonteert van alle Ammonitie van Oorloghe ende Victualie,
op hebbende 248. man, om te gaen door de Strate Magellanes, te handelen
langhs de Custen van Cica Cili ende Peru, om den gantschen Aerden Cloot
om te zeylen, ende door de Moluckes wederom thuys te comen. Te zeyl
ghegaen van Rotterdam den tweeden July 1598. Ende den Generael met het
Schip Mauritius is alleen weder ghekeert in de Maent van Augusti 1601.
Daer in dat vertelt wort zyne wonderlijcke avontueren, ende in verscheyden
Figueren afghebeelt, vele Vremdigheden dat hem is bejegent, ’t welck hy
ghesien, ende dat hem wedervaren is (Rotterdam and Amsterdam
[1602]).
X (Oppenheim 1618 (Ger), 1619 (Lat))
1. Amerigo Vespucci (the ‘pseudo-Vespucci’), Quattuor navigationes
(1507).
It is impossible to determine which edition the De Brys used.

2. Ralph Hamor, A true discourse of the present estate of Virginia, and

the successe of the affaires there till the 18 of Iune. 1614. Together with
a relation of the severall English Townes and forts, the assured hopes of
that countrie and the peace concluded with the Indians. The christening
of Powhatans daughter and her mariage with an English-man (London
1615).
3. John Smith, A Description of New England: or the observations, and
discoveries, of Captain John Smith in the North of America, in the year
1614: with the successe of sixe ships, that went the next yeare 1615; and
the accidents befell him among the French men of warre: With the proofe
of the present benefit this Countrey affoords, etc (London 1616).
XI (Oppenheim 1619; Ger & Lat)
1. Willem Schouten, Iournael Ofte Beschrijvinghe van de wonderlicke
reyse, ghedaen door Willem Cornelisz Schouten van Hoorn, inde Jaren
1615. 1616. en 1617. Hoe hy bezuyden de Strate van Magellanes een
nieuwe Passagie tot inde groote Zuydzee ontdeckt, en voort den gheheelen
Aerdkloot omgheseylt, heeft. Wat Eylanden, vreemde volcken en wonderlicke
avontueren hem ontmoet zijn (Amsterdam 1618).
XI appendix (Oppenheim 1620 (Ger) & Frankfurt 1620 (Lat))
1. N. N., Oost ende West-Indische Spiegel Der 2 leste Navigatien, gehdaen
in den Jaeren 1614. 15. 16. 17. ende 18. daer in vertoont wort, in wat
gestalt Ioris van Speilbergen door de Magellanes de werelt rontom geseylt
heeft, met eenighe Battalien so te water als te lant, ende 2 Historien de een
van Oost ende de ander van West-Indien, het ghetal der forten, soldaten,
schepen, ende gheschut. Met de Australische Navigatien, van Iacob le Maire,
die int suyden door een nieuwe Straet ghepasseert is, met veel wonders so
Landen, Volcken, ende Natien, haer ontmoet zijn (Leiden 1619).
XII (Frankfurt 1623 (Ger), 1624 (Lat))
1. Antonio de Herrera et al., Novus Orbis, Sive Descriptio Indiae
Occidentalis, Auctore Antonio de Herrera, Supremo Castellae & Indiarum
authoritate Philippi III. Hispaniarum Regis Historiographo. Metaphraste
C. Barlaeo. Accesserunt & aliorum Indiae Occidentalis Descriptiones &
Navigationis nuperae Australis Jacobi le Maire Historia, uti & naviga-
tionum omnium per Fretum Magellanicum succincta narratio ([transl.
C. Barlaeus], Amsterdam 1622).
= Antonio de Herrera, Descripción de las indias occidentales
(Madrid 1607).

500 appendix two
= Pedro Ordoñez de Cevallos, Viage del munde (Madrid

1614).
= Petrus Bertius, Petri Bertii Tabularum geographicarum contracta-
rum libri septem: in quibus tabulae omnes gradibus distinctae, descrip-
tiones accuratae, caetera supra priores editiones politiora auctioraque
(Amsterdam 1616).
2. Jose de Acosta, Historie Naturael ende Morael van de Westersche
Indien: Waer inne ghehandelt wordt van de merckelijckste dinghen des
Hemels, Elementen, Metalen, Planten ende Gedierten van dien: als oock de
Manieren, Ceremonien, Wetten, Regeeringen ende Oorloghen der Indianen
([transl. J. Huygen van Linschoten], Enkhuizen 1598).
= Jose de Acosta, Historia Natural y Moral de las Indias, en que
se tratant les cosas natabiles del cielo y elementos, metales, plantas
y animales dellas, y los ritos y ceremonias, leges y governio (Seville
1590).
XIII and XIV (Frankfurt 1628 (Ger), Hanau 1630 (Ger), Frankfurt
1634 (Lat))
Lat XIII = Ger XIII & XIV
1. Pedro Fernandes de Quir, (in a Dutch translation?)
= Pedro Fernandes de Quir, Memorial dio a S. M. sobre el
decubrimiento que hizo en 1606 de las tierras australes, y submario
breve y derrotero del viaje que hizo el capitain P. F. Quiros . . . (Madrid
1610)
2. Johann Gregor Aldenburgh, West Indianische Reisz und Beschreibung
der Belag und Eroberung der Statt S. Salvador in der Bahie von Todos
os Sanctos in dem Landt von Brasilia. Welcher von anno 1623 bis ins
1626 verrichtet worden (Coburgh 1627).
3. François Vasques de Cornado, (in a Dutch translation?)
4. Johannes van Walbeeck, Diurnal und Historische Beschreibung der
Reise der nassauischen Flotte (Strasbourg 1629).
= Johannes van Walbeeck, Iournael Vande Nassausche Vloot, Ofte
Beschryvingh vande Voyagie om den gantschen Aerdt-kloot, ghedaen met
elf Schepen: Onder ’t beleyd vanden Admirael Iaques l’Heremite, ende
Vice-Admirael Geen Huygen Schapenham, inde Iaeren 1623, 1624,
1625, & 1626 (Amsterdam 1626).
5. N. N., Veroveringh van de stadt Olinda, gelegen in de capitania van
Phernambuco, door [. . .] Heyndrick C. Lonck, generael te water en te

lande. Mitsgaders; Diederick van Waerdenburgh, colonel over de militie

te lande, van wegen de geoctroyeerde West-Indische Compagnie, onder de
[. . .] Staten Generael, ende den prince van Orangen, gouverneur generael
der vereenighde Neder-landen (Amsterdam 1630).
6. And various other anonymous reports, often drastically
abbreviated.
India Orientalis
I (Frankfurt 1597 (Ger), 1598 (Lat))
1. Odoardo Lopez and Filippo Pigafetta, Relatione del reame di Congo
et delle circonvicine contrade (Rome 1591).
I appendix (Frankfurt 1625; Ger & Lat)
1. Samuel Braun, Schiffarten: Welche er in etliche newe Länder und
Insulen, zu fünff unterschiedlichen malen, mit Gottes Hülff, gethan (Basle
1624).
II (Frankfurt 1598 (Ger), 1599 (Lat))
1. Jan Huygen van Linschoten, Itinerario, Voyage ofte Schipvaert, van
Jan Huygen van Linschoten naer Oost ofte Portugaels Indien, inhoudende
een corte beschryvinghe der selber Landen ende Zee-custen, met aenwysinge
van alle de voornaemde principale Havens, Revieren, hoecken ende plaetsen,
tot nochtoe van de Portugesen ontdeckt ende bekent: Waer by ghevoecht
zijn, niet alleen die Conterfeytsels vande habyten, drachten, ende wesen, so
vande Portugesen aldaer residerende, als vande ingeboornen Indianen, ende
huere Tempels, Afgoden, Huysinge, met die voornaemste Boomen, Vruchten,
Kruyden, Speceryen, ende diergelijcke materialen, als ooc die manieren des
selfden Volcks, so in hunnen Godts-diensten, als in Politie en[de] Huijs-
houdinghe: maer ooc een corte verhalinge van de Coophandelingen, hoe en[de]
waer die ghedreven en[de] ghevonden worden, met die ghedenckweerdichste
geschidenissen, voorghevallen den tijt zijnder residentie aldaer (Amsterdam
1596).
2. Jan Huygen van Linschoten, Beschryvinghe van de gantsche Custe
van Guinea, Manicongo, Angola, Monomatapa, ende tegen over de Cabo
de S. Augustijn in Brasilien, de eyghenschappen des gheheelen Oceanische
Zees; Midtsgaders harer Eylanden, als daer zijn S. Thome, S. Helena,
’t Eyland Ascencion, met alle hare Havenen, diepten, droochten, sanden,
gronden, wonderlijcke vertellinghen vande Zeevaerden van die van Hollandt,
als oock de beschryvinghe vande binnen landen. Midtsgaders de voorder
schryvinge op de Caerte van Madagascar, anders ’t Eylandt S. Laurens
ghenoemt, met de ontdeckinge aller droochten, Clippen, mennichte van

502 appendix two
Eylanden in dese Indische Zee liggende, als oock de ghelegentheyt van ’t

vaste landt vande Cabo de boa Esperança, langhs Monomotapa, Zefala,
tot Mossambique toe, ende soo voorby Quioloa, Gorga, Melinde, Amara,
Baru, Magadoxo, Doara, &c. tot die Roo-Zee toe, en[de] wat u dan
voort vande beschryvinge ontbreect, hebdy in t’ boeck van Ian Huyghen
van Linschoten int lange . . . (Amsterdam 1596).
III (Frankfurt 1599 (Ger), 1601 (Lat))
1596).
2. Willem Lodewijcksz [= G. M. A. W. L.], D’ Eerste boeck. Historie
van Indien, waer inne verhaelt is de avontueren die de Hollandtsche
schepen bejeghent zijn: Oock een particulier verhael der Conditien, Religien,
Manieren ende huijshoudinge der volckeren die zy beseijlt hebben: wat Gelt,
Specereye, Drogues ende Coopmanschappen by haer ghevonden wordt, met
den prijs van dien; Daer by ghevoecht de Opdoeninghen ende streckinghen
vande Eylanden ende Zee-custen, als oock de conterfeytsels der Inwoonderen,
met veel Caertiens verciert; Voor alle Zee-varende ende curieuse lief-hebbers
seer ghenuechlijck om lesen (Amsterdam 1598).
3. Gerrit de Veer, Waerachtighe beschryvinghe van drie seylagien, ter
werelt noyt soo vreemt gehoort, drie jaeren achter malcanderen deur de
Hollandtsche ende Zeelandtsche schepen by noorden Noorweghen, Moscovia
ende Tartaria, na de Coninckrijcken van Catthay ende China, so mede van
de opdoeninghe vande Weygats, Nova Sembla, en[de] van ’t landt op de
80. grade[n], dat men acht Groenlandt te zijn, daer noyt mensch ghewe-
est is, ende vande felle verscheurende Beyren ende ander Zee-monsters ende
ondrachlijcke koude, en[de] hoe op de laetste reyse tschip int ys beset is,
ende tvolck op 76. graden op Nova Sembla een huijs ghetimmert, ende 10.

maenden haer aldaer onthouden hebben, ende daer nae meer als 30. mylen
met open cleyne schuyten over ende langs der Zee ghevaren. Alles met seer
grooten perijckel, moyten ende ongeloofelijcke swaricheyt. (Amsterdam
1598).
IV (Frankfurt 1600 (Ger), 1601 (Lat))
1596).
2. Willem Lodewijcksz [= G. M. A. W. L.], D’ Eerste boeck. Historie
van Indien, waer inne verhaelt is de avontueren die de Hollandtsche
schepen bejeghent zijn: Oock een particulier verhael der Conditien, Religien,
Manieren ende huijshoudinge der volckeren die zy beseijlt hebben: wat Gelt,
Specereye, Drogues ende Coopmanschappen by haer ghevonden wordt, met
den prijs van dien; Daer by ghevoecht de Opdoeninghen ende streckinghen
vande Eylanden ende Zee-custen, als oock de conterfeytsels der Inwoonderen,
met veel Caertiens verciert; Voor alle Zee-varende ende curieuse lief-hebbers
seer ghenuechlijck om lesen (Amsterdam 1598).
V (Frankfurt 1601; Ger & Lat)
1. N. N., Journael ofte Dagh-register, inhoudende een waerachtigh verhael
ende Historische vertellinge vande reyse, ghedaen door de acht schepen van
Amsterdamme, onder ’t beleydt van Iacob Cornelisz. Neck. als Admirael,
ende Wybrandt van Warwijck, als Vice-admirael, van Amsterdam gheseylt
in den jare 1598. den eersten dagh der Maent Martij. Van hare zeylagie
ende ghedenckwaerdighste zaken ende gheschiedenissen, hun op de voorsz.
Reyse bejeghent. Midtsgaders sekere afbeeldinghen van eenighe Eylanden,
voghels ende ghedierten, ende van den handel ende wandel ende maniere
van leven, ende de Zeevaert der inghesetene vande Molucken ende andere
omligghende Eylanden (Amsterdam 1600).

504 appendix two
VI (Frankfurt 1603 (Ger), 1604 (Lat))

1. Pieter de Marees [= P. D. M.], Beschryvinge ende Historische verhael,
vant Gout Koninckrijck van Gunea, anders de Gout-custe de Mina genaemt,
liggende in het deel van Africa: met haren gelooven, opinien, handelingen,
oft mangelingen, manieren talen, en[de] haere ghelegentheyt van Landen,
Steden, Hutten, Huysen en[de] Persoonen: havenen ende Revieren, soo
de selve tot noch toe bevonden worden. Mitsgaders oock een cort verhaal
vande passagie die de Schepen derwaerts langs de Custe van Manigette,
tot aen Capo de Trespunctas, daer de Gout-custe begint: met noch voorts
een weynich beschryvens vande Reviere[n] diemen versoect int verseylen
vande Gout-custe, tot aende Capo Lopo Gonsalves, daermen zijn afscheyt
neemt int t’Huyswaerts seylen, alles perfect ende neerstich ondersocht ende
beschreven, door eenen persoon die daer tot verscheyden tyden gheweest heeft
(Amsterdam 1602).
1. N. N., t’ Historiael Journael, van tghene ghepasseert is van weghen dry
Schepen, ghenaemt den Ram, Schaep ende het Lam, ghevaren wt Zeelandt
vander Stadt Camp-Vere naer d’Oost-Indien, onder t’ beleyt van Ioris van
Spilberghen, Generael, Anno 1601 (Delft 1605).
2. Gasparo Balbi, Viaggio dell’ Indie Orientali, di Gasparo Balbi,
Gioielliero Venetiano. Nel quale si contiene quanto egli in detto viaggio hà
veduto per lo spatio di 9. anni consumati in esso dal 1579 fino al 1588.
Con la relatione de i datij, pesi, & misure di tutte le città di tal viaggio,
& del governo del Re del Pegu, & delle guerre fatte da lui con altri rè
d’Avua & di Sion (Venice 1590).
VIII (Frankfurt 1606 (Ger), 1607 (Lat))
1. Roelof Roelofsz, manuscript notes.
= Roelof Roelofsz, Kort ende waerachtigh verhael van de tweede
Schipvaerd by de Hollanders op Oost-Indien gedaen, onder den Heer
Admirael Iacob van Neck, getogen uyt het Journael van Roelof Roelofsz,
vermaender op ’t Schip Amsterdam, ende doorgaens uyt andere Schrijvers
vermeerdert (in: Begin ende Voortgangh, Amsterdam 1646) I [A1r–
D2r].
2. Jan Harmensz van Bree, manuscript notes.
= Jan Harmensz van Bree, Historische Verhael, vande Reyse gedaen
inde Oost-Indien, met 15 Schepen voor Reeckeninghe vande vereenichde
Gheoctroyeerde Oost-Indische Compagnie: Onder het beleydt van den

Vroomen ende Manhaften Wybrandt van Waerwijck, als Admirael, ende

Sebaldt de Weert, als Vice-Admirael. Wt de Nederlanden ghevaeren in
den Iare 1602 (in: Begin ende Voortgangh, Amsterdam 1646) I
[AAAAA1r–LLLLL4v].
VIII appendix (Frankfurt 1606 (Ger)); These accounts were included
in Ind.Or. VIII (Lat).
1. Cornelis Claesz, manuscript notes.
= Cornelis Claesz, Beschryvinghe van de drie resterende Schepen,
Dort, Haerlem, ende Leyden, behoorende onder ’t Admeraelschap van
Jacob van Neck, met ses Schepen te samen uyt Nederlandt t’zeyl
ghegaen den 28. Iunij 1600. ende den 12. October ontrent Annobon
naer voor-gaende resolutie van den anderen ghescheyden (in: Begin ende
Voortgangh, Amsterdam 1646) I [D2r–D4r].
2. Cornelis van der Venne, manuscript notes.
= Cornelis van der Venne, Kort verhaelt van de twee-jaerige Voyagie
ghedaen door Cornelis van Veen, in de Oost-Indien (in: Begin ende
Voortgangh, Amsterdam 1646) I [DDD1v–DDD2r].
3. Stefan van der Hagen, Kort ende warachtich verhael vande heerlicke
victorie te weghe gebracht by de twaelf Schepen afghevaren uyt Hollandt,
onder t’ ghebiedt vanden Generael ende Admirael der selve Schepen Steven
Verhaghen, in de Eylanden vande Moluckes, alwaer zy twee Steden ende
een kasteel ingenomen ende ses Kraken verbrandt hebben, wat haer meer
bejeghent is (Rotterdam 1606).
IX (Frankfurt 1612; Ger & Lat)
1. Johan Verken, manuscript notes.
IX appendix (Frankfurt 1613; Ger & Lat)
1. Johan Verken, manuscript notes.
X (Frankfurt 1613; Ger & Lat)
1. Hessel Gerritsz, ed., Descriptio ac delineatio geographica detectionis freti,
sive transitus ad Oceanum supra terras Americanas [. . .] recens investigati
ab M. Henrico Hudsono anglo. Item narratio S. Regi Hispaniae facta
super tractu in quinta orbis terrarum parte cui Australiae incognitae nomen
est, recens detecto, per capitaneum Pet. Fern. de Quir. Unà cum descriptione
terrae Samoiedarum et Tingoesiorum in Tartaria ad ortum freti Waigats
sitae, nuperque imperio Moscovitarum subactae (Amsterdam 1612).

506 appendix two
= Henry Hudson, Verhael van d’ontdeckinghe vande nieughesochte

Strate int ’t Noord-westen, om te seylen boven langhs de Landen van
America en Japan, ghedaen door Mr. Henry Hudson (Amsterdam
1612).
= Pedro Fernandes de Quir, Memorial dio a S. M. sobre el
decubrimiento que hizo en 1606 de las tierras australes, y submario
breve y derrotero del viaje que hizo el capitain P. F. Quiros . . . (Madrid
1610).
= Sigismund of Herberstein, Rerum Muscoviticarum commentarii
(Vienna 1549).
2. Jan Huygen van Linschoten, Voyagie, ofte Schip-vaert van Ian
Huyghen van Linschoten, van by Noorden om langes Noorwegen de
Noortcaep, Laplant, Vinlant, Ruslandt, de Witte Zee, de Custen van
Candenoes, Swetenoes, Pitzora, &c. door de Strate ofte Engte van Nassau
tot voorby de Revier Oby. Waer inne seer distinctelicken Verbaelsghewijse
beschreven ende aenghewesen wordt, alle ’t ghene dat hem op de selve Reyse
van dach tot dach bejeghent en voorghecomen is (Franeker 1601).
XI (Oppenheim 1618 (Ger), 1619 (Lat))
1. Amerigo Vespucci, Lettera di Amerigo Vespucci delle isole nuovamente
trovate in quattro suoi viaggi, vol. 3 and 4 (Florence 1504).
It is impossible to determine which edition the De Brys used.
2. Robert Coverte, A true and almost incredible report of an Englishman,
that (being cast away in the good Ship called the Assention in Cambaya,
the farthest part of the East Indies) Travelled by land through many
unknowne Kingdomes and great Cities. With a particular description of all
those Kingdomes, Cities and People. As also relation of their commodities
and manner of Traffique, and at what seasons of the yeere they are most
in use. Faithfully related. With a discovery of a great Emperour called
the Great Mogoll, a Prince not till now knowne to our English Nation
(London 1612).
3. Hessel Gerritsz, ed., Histoire Du Pays nomme Spitsberghe. Monstrant
comment qu’il est trouvée, son naturel & ses animauls, avecques La triste
racompte des maux, que noz Pecheurs, tant Basques que Flamens, ont eu
a souffrir des Anglois, en l’esté passée l’An de grace, 1613 [. . .] Et en
apres une Protestation contre des Angloys, & annullation de touts leurs
frivoles argumens, parquoy ils pensent avoir droict, pour se faire Maistre
tout seul, dudict Pays (Amsterdam 1613).

XII and XIII (Frankfurt 1628)

Lat XII = Ger XII & XIII
1. Samuel Purchas, ed., Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas his pilgrimes
(4 vols.; London 1625).
= Robert Shirley, A briefe Memoriall of the Travells of the Right.
Hon. Sir Rob. Sherly Knight [. . .] now Embassador from the Per-
sian King to His Majestie and other Christian Kings (manuscript,
ca. 1609).
= Walter Peyton, The second Voyage of Captaine Walter Peyton
into the East-Indies, in the Expedition, which was set forth by the
East-India Company (manuscript).
= Thomas Roe, Observations collected out of the Journall of Sir
Thomas Roe, Knight, Lord Embassadour [. . .] to the Great Mogol
(manuscript).
= Arnold Brown, Briefe Extracts of a Journall of Arnold Browne his
Indian voyages [. . .] to Bantam, Patania, Japan, the Manillas, Macau,
and the Coast of China, with other Indian Ports (manuscript).
= Richard Swan, Extract of a Journall of a Voyage to Surat and to
Jasques in the Persian Gulfe [. . .] and therein Andrew Shilling Chiefe
Commander of the whole Fleet (manuscript).
= James Hall, His voyage forth of Denmarke for the discovery of
Greeneland, in the yeare 1605 (manuscript)
2. Johannes van Walbeeck, Iournael Vande Nassausche Vloot, Ofte
Beschryvingh vande Voyagie om den gantschen Aerdt-kloot, ghedaen met
elf Schepen: Onder ’t beleyd vanden Admirael Iaques l’Heremite, ende
Vice-Admirael Geen Huygen Schapenham, inde Iaeren 1623, 1624,
1625, & 1626 (Amsterdam 1626).
3. And one anonymous account of a voyage to China, three
descriptions of English expeditions to Algeria, one Russian
account, and various other English travels copied from
Purchas.

APPENDIX THREE
THE ORIGINS OF THE ENGRAVINGS IN THE

DE BRY COLLECTION
Abbreviations
orig Original illustrations (and their place in the original

sequence)
Bry Numbered illustrations in the De Bry collection
Lat/Ger Numbered illustrations in the De Bry collection, where the
sequence in Latin and German diverges
- Faithfully copied from the original set of illustrations
a Slightly altered, not significantly changing the portrayal of
the overseas world
A Significantly altered, but based on an original illustration
c Two or more original compositions combined into one
plate
s One original illustration separated into two or more
plates
OrII vii Re-print of the seventh illustration of Ind.Or. II
Inv Invented by the De Brys
n/a Not available
* Additional comments or abbreviations
India Occidentalis
I (Frankfurt 1590; Lat, Ger, Fre & Eng)
Text: Thomas Harriot; illustrations: John White
orig TB TB TB TB GV GV TB TB TB TB GV TB TB TB
Bry i ii iii iv v vi vii viii ix x xi xii xiii xiv
Inv a a a a a a A a a - Inv a A

510 appendix three
orig GV TB TB TB TB TB TB TB TB TB TB
Bry xv xvi xvii xviii xix xx xxi xxii xxiii i ii iii iv v
A a a - a A Inv A Inv - - - - -
* TB: Engraved and signed by Theodore de Bry
* GV: Engraved and signed by Gijsbert van Veen
* John White made 63 watercolours, mostly depicting the natural world
* Illustration xxi is presumably derived from drawings by Jacques Le Moyne
II (Frankfurt 1591; Lat & Ger)

Text: René de Laudonnière, et al.; illustrations: Jacques Le Moyne de
Morgues
orig
Bry i ii iii iv v vi vii viii ix x xi xii
Inv? Inv? Inv? Inv? Inv? Inv? Inv? A? Inv a A? Inv?
orig
Bry xiii xiv xv xvi xvii xviii xix xx xxi xxii xxiii xxiv
Inv A/c? A? Inv? Inv? A? A? Inv? Inv A? Inv? Inv
orig
Bry xxv xxvi xxvii xxviii xxix xxx xxxi xxxii xxxiii xxxiv xxxv xxxvi
-? -? Inv? Inv? -? -? A? Inv A? -? -? -?
orig
Bry xxxvii xxxviii xxxix xl xli xlii
Inv -? -? A? Inv Inv

* Although scholars have tended to ascribe most if not all the engravings in this volume to
sketches made by Le Moyne, literature has increasingly doubted their origins. Secondary literature
has been used, in combination with typical De Bry features observed elsewhere in the collection,
as the foundation for the categorisations presented here. See: Hulton (1977) I 201–16 and the
literature cited there, Hulton and Quinn (1964), Bennett (2001), Sturtevant (1968, 1976), Axtell
and Sturtevant (1980), and particularly Feest (1988)
* Illustrations i–vii have been categorised as De Bry constructions because they combine elements
from the map and from other engravings elsewhere in the same volume. Other elements used
as indicators of the possible iconographic origins are the narrative compositions and/or the first
words of the captions (xi, xv, xvii), other potential sources (ix, x, xi, xiv, xviii, xxxvii), and the
addition of similar backgrounds comparable to the addition of natural backgrounds to White’s
watercolours in Ind.Occ. I (xxxi, xxxiii, xl)
* Le Moyne made drawings of the natural world not depicted by the De Brys

the origins of the engravings in the de bry collection 511
III (Frankfurt 1592 (Lat), 1593 (Ger))

Text: Hans Staden, Jean de Léry & Nicolas Barré; illustrations taken
from the original accounts and from André Thevet, Cosmographie Uni-
verselle (2 vols.; Paris 1575)
orig
i ii iii iv v vi vii viii ix x
1/102/
Lat 3 7/122 10/96 14/21 18 26 34 37 41
146
Ger 1/97 3 5 7 10 13 16/24 22 24 27
Inv A A A A Inv A A A A
orig
xi xii xiii xiv xv xvi xvii xviii xix xx
66/76/
Lat 43 52 56/68 59/248 71 74 78/208 89 106
120
Ger 29 35 37/45 39/245 52 48 50 54/189 56/80 70
A A A A/c A A A A A A
orig
xxi xxii xxiii xxiv xxv xxvi xxvii xxviii xxix xxx
Lat 112/174 124 125/212 126/213 127 128 151 179 223 228
Ger 75/150 83 85/193 86/195 86 87 103 155 215 221
A A A/c A/c A A A A A Inv
* Illustrations i–xxvi belong to Staden’s account, illustrations xxvii–xxx to De Léry’s work

* The opening engraving of Ind.Occ. I, depicting the Fall of Man, was included as a separation
between the two accounts (Lat 145, Ger 93)
* The first illustration was re-engraved for the second edition, and, in its new state, used for
Ind.Occ. VII
* Illustration xiv was copied after a drawing by John White and/or an illustration to André
Thevet’s Les singularitez de la France Antarctique (Paris 1557) f85v

512 appendix three
IV (Frankfurt 1594; Lat & Ger)

Text: Girolamo Benzoni; illustrations taken from the second edition of
Benzoni’s original account (Venice 1572), and from designs by Johannes
Stradanus
orig 1
Bry i iv v vi vii viii ix x xi xii

ii iii
OccIII
Inv A Inv Inv - Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv
xxvii
orig 4 5
Inv Inv - Inv Inv Inv Inv A Inv Inv A Inv

* Illustrations vi and xv were copied after illustrations by Stradanus
* The second edition of Benzoni’s account (Venice 1572) contained 18 crude woodcuts. Seven
of these woodcuts formed an inspiration for De Bry designs. The woodcuts 2, 3, 6–12, 15, and
16 were not used.
V (Frankfurt 1595; Lat & Ger)

Text: Girolamo Benzoni; illustration taken from the second edition of
the original account (Venice 1572)
orig
Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv
orig 13
Bry xiii xiv xv xvi xvii xviii xix xx xxi xxii
Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv A Inv
VI (Frankfurt 1596 (Lat), 1597 (Ger))

Text: Girolamo Benzoni & Nicolas le Challeux; illustrations taken from
the second edition of Benzoni’s account (Venice 1572)
orig

orig 14
Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv A Inv
orig 17 18
Bry xxv xxvi xxvii xxviii
Inv Inv A A

Text: Ulrich Schmidel
orig
Bry i
OccIII i
VIII (Frankfurt 1599; Ger & Lat)

Text: Walter Raleigh, Walter Bigges and Lt. Croft, Francis Pretty,
Lawrence Keymis & Michiel Joostens van Heede; illustrations taken
from the Dutch translations of the original accounts
orig
Ger i ii iii iv v vi i ii iii iv v vi
Lat xiii xv xvi xvii xviii xii i ii iii iv v vi
Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv a
orig
Ger vii viii ix x xi xii xiii xiv xv
Lat vii viii ix x xi xiv n/a n/a n/a
a a a Inv Inv Inv - Inv Inv

* Illustrations i–vi (Ger, first set of ills.) are based on Walter Raleigh’s report on Guyana; illustra-
tions i–iii (second set) on Ulrich Schmidel’s report included in Ind.Occ. VII; illustrations iv–ix on
Drake’s expeditions; illustrations x–xii on Cavendish’s circumnavigation; illustrations xiii–xv on
Joostens van Heede’s report not included in the Latin edition

514 appendix three
VIII Additamentum (Frankfurt 1600, Ger): the accounts were included

in Ind.Occ. VIII (Lat), except for the one by Van Heede
IX (Frankfurt 1601 (Ger), 1602 (Lat))

Text: Jose de Acosta & Barent Jansz; illustrations taken from the Dutch
account
orig
orig 1 2 3 4 4 5 6 7 8
Bry xiii xiv xv xvi xvii xviii xix xx xxi xxii xxiii xxiv xxv
Inv Inv - - Inv A Inv - A A A A A

* Illustrations i–xiv belong to Acosta’s treatise, xv–xxv to Barent Jansz’ narrative
* Illustrations xv, xvi, and xx were not mirrored
IX Additamentum (Frankfurt 1602; Ger & Lat)

Text: Olivier van Noort; illustrations taken from the original account
orig 1 2/3 4 5 6 7 9/10 13/14 15/16 18 24
- c - - - - Inv c c Inv c - Inv -
* Illustrations i, iii, iv, v, viii, and xiii were engraved and signed (GK) by Georg Keller
X (Oppenheim 1618 (Ger), 1619 (Lat))

Text: ‘pseudo-Vespucci’, Ralph Hamor & John Smith
orig
* Illustrations i–vi belong to the Vespucci letters, vii-xi to Hamor’s report, and xii to Smith’s
account

XI (Oppenheim 1619; Ger & Lat)

Text: Willem Schouten; illustrations taken from the original account
orig 1 3 5 6 8 7
Bry i ii iii iv v vi vii viii ix
- - - Inv - Inv - Inv -

* Illustration 2 from Schouten’s report was included in Ind.Occ. XI appendix, illustrations 4 and
9 were included as separate maps
XI appendix (Oppenheim 1620 (Ger) & Frankfurt 1620 (Lat))

Text: N. N.; illustrations taken from the original account
orig 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
Bry i ii iii iv v vi vii viii ix x
- - - - - - - - - -
orig 12 13 14 15 16 18 20 21a 21b 2
Bry xi xii xiii xiv xv xvi xvii xviii xix xx
- - - - - - - s s a
* Illustration xx was copied from Schouten’s report.

* Illustrations 1, 17, and 19 of the original account were maps, and were not included among
the De Bry plates
XII (Frankfurt 1623 (Ger), 1624 (Lat))

Text: Antonio de Herrera, Pedro Ordóñez de Cevallos & Petrus Bertius;
illustrations taken from earlier De Bry volumes
orig
Lat i ii iii iv v vi vii viii ix x
page 86v 88v 96r 105r 108v 110r 111v 113v 115r 116v
OccIX OccIX OccIX OccIX OccIX OccIX OccIX OccIX OccIX OccIX
i ii iii iv v vi viii vii viii ix

516 appendix three
orig
Lat xi xii xiii xiv xv xvi xvii xviii xix
page 119r 130r 132r 133v 135v 136v 142r 143v 150r
OccIX OccIX OccIX OccIX OccIX OccIX

Inv Inv Inv
x xi xii xiii xiii xiv
* The German edition only included maps
XIII & XIV (Frankfurt 1628, Hanau 1630, Frankfurt 1634 (Lat XIII =
Ger XIII & XIV))
Text: various authors; very few, if any original illustrations
orig
Ger i ii iii iv v vi vii viii i ii iii
pag 5 7 15 26 37 42 60 69 8 21 23
OccVII
Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv
i
Lat i ii iii iv v vi vii viii ix x
pag 4 5 11 18 25 28 46 87 99 102
orig
Ger iv v vi vii viii ix x xi xii xiii xiv
pag 26 30 35 36 39 41 48 50 55 60 64
OccX
xi
Lat xi xii xiii xiv xv xvi xvii xviii xix xx xxi
pag 104 108 112 113 116 118 125 127 132 137 140
OccX
xi
* The first eight German illustrations belong to Ind.Occ. XIII, the final fourteen to Ind.Occ. XIV.

India Orientalis
I (Frankfurt 1597 (Ger) & 1598 (Lat))
Text: Odoardo Lopez and Filippo Pigafetta; illustrations taken from
the original account
orig 3 4 5 8 6 7 2 1
Ger i ii iii iv v vi vii viii ix x xi xii xiii xiv
Lat i ii iv v x vi vii viii ix xi iii xii xiii xiv
Inv Inv a - - - - - - A Inv Inv Inv Inv

* Illustrations iii and iv were copied and printed unmirrored
I appendix (Frankfurt 1625; Ger & Lat)

Text: Samuel Braun; illustrations were taken from earlier De Bry
volumes
orig
Ger i ii iii iv v vi vii viii ix x xi
page 3 6 22 26 29 31 34 35 39 42 49
Lat i ii iii iv v vi vii viii ix x xi xii
page 4 7 17 38 39 43 45 49 51 56 61 71
OrIV OrIV OrI OrVI OrX OrVI OrIII OrII OrVi Or III OrVIII OrIII
ix xi xiii xxiv ii xv vii vi xxi i xiv ii
II (Frankfurt 1598 (Ger) & 1599 (Lat))

Text: Jan Huygen van Linschoten; illustrations: Jan & Baptista van
Doetecum
orig 21 22 14 16 15 17 18 19
Inv Inv - Inv - Inv Inv - - - Inv - - c
orig 24 20 9 23 25 1 26 2 3 4
Bry xv xvi xvii xviii xix xx xxi xxii xxiii xxiv xxv xxvi
- - - - - - - Inv - - Inv -

518 appendix three
orig 7 8 11 13 5 6
Bry xxvii xxviii xxix xxx xxxi xxxii xxxiii xxxiv xxxv xxxvi xxxvii xxxviii
Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv - - - - - -

* Illustrations 10 and 12 of the Itinerario were not included in the collection
III (Frankfurt 1599 (Ger) & 1601 (Lat))

Text: Jan Huygen van Linschoten, Willem Lodewijcksz & Gerrit de
Veer; illustrations: Jan & Baptista van Doetecum, and taken from the
original accounts
orig 2 3 4 5 6 7
Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv A - A a - a
orig 9 10 12 13 14 16 17 18 20 21 22 23
- a - - - A - A - a - -
orig 25 26/29 30 31 27 28 42 15 45 44 43 2
Bry xxv xxvi xxvii xxviii xxix xxx xxxi xxxii xxxiii xxxiv xxxv xxxvi
- c a - - - - - - - - -
orig 3 5 7 8/9 6 11 13 12 14/15 16 17/18
Bry xxxvii xxxviii xxxix xl xli xlii xlii xliv xlv xlvi xlvii xlviii
- - - c - - - - a/c - Inv c
orig 20 21 22 23 25 27 28 29 30 31
Bry il l li lii liii liv lv lvi lvii lviii
- - - - - a - - - -
* Illustrations i–vi belong to Jan Huygen van Linschoten’s work, illustrations vii–xxxv to Willem
Lodewijcksz’ account, illustrations xxxvi–lviii to Gerrit de Veer’s narrative. The numbers cor-
respond to the different sequences of plates in the last two reports
* Illustrations 1, 2, 11, 19, 24, 46, and 47 from Lodewijcksz’ account were not copied by the De
Brys. Ill. 49 was included in the text. Illustrations 1, 4, 10, 19, and 26 from De Veer’s account
were not used. Ill. 24 was included as the final page of the volume.
* Illustrations viii, xii, xv, xvi, xvii, xxxiii, lvii, and lviii are not mirrored in comparison to the
original plates

IV (Frankfurt 1600 (Ger) & 1601 (Lat))

Text: Jan Huygen van Linschoten & Willem Lodewijcksz; illustrations:
Jan & Baptista van Doetecum, and taken from the original account
orig L34 H30 L32 L33 L8 L48 H28 H29
Inv Inv Inv Inv a - - - - a - -
orig H27a L35 L36 L37 L38 L40 L41 L39 L5/7
Bry xiii xiv xv xvi xvii xviii xix xx xxi
a a - s - - - - c
* L34: the 34th illustration in Lodewijcksz’ account; H30: the 30th illustration in Jan Huygen
van Linschoten’s work.
V (Frankfurt 1601; Ger & Lat)

Text: N. N.; illustrations taken from the original account
orig 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 10 11
- - - - - - - a - -
orig 12/13 14 15 16 18 9/17 19 20/24 21/23 22

Bry xi xii xiii xiv xv xvi xvii xviii xix xx
a/c - - a c A/c - a/c a/c -
* Illustrations i, iii, iv, vi, xii, xiii, xvi, xix, and xx were not mirrored by the De Brys
VI (Frankfurt 1603 (Ger) & 1604 (Lat))

Text: Pieter de Marees; illustrations taken from the original accounts
orig 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13
Bry i ii iii iv v vi vii viii ix x xi xii xiii
- - a - - - - Inv - a/c - - -
orig 14 15 16 17 19 20 GK 18
Bry xiv xv xvi xvii xviii xix xx xxi xxii xxiii xxiv xxv xxvi
A/c Inv - - - Or IIi - Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv -
* GK: Engraved and signed by Georg Keller

520 appendix three
VII (Frankfurt 1605 (Ger) & 1606 (Lat))

Text: Joris van Spilbergen & Gasparo Balbi; illustrations taken from
the Dutch account
orig GK GK GK GK
- - - - - - - - - - c -
orig
Bry xiii xiv xv xvi xvii xviii xix xx xxi xxii
* Illustrations i–xii belong to the Dutch account on Van Spilbergen’s voyage, illustrations xiii to
xii to Balbi’s account
VIII (Frankfurt 1606 (Ger) & 1607 (Lat))

Text: Roelof Roelofsz, Jan Harmensz van Bree, Cornelis Claesz,
Cornelis van der Venne & Stefan van der Hagen
orig GK GK
Ger i ii iii iv v vi vii viii ix
Lat i ii iii iv v vi vii viii ix
Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv
orig GK GK
Ger x xi i ii iii iv v vi vii
Lat x xi xii xiii xiv xv xvi xvii xviii
Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv


VIII appendix (Frankfurt 1606 (Ger)). The accounts were included

in Ind.Or. VIII (Lat).
IX (Frankfurt 1612; Ger & Lat)

Text: Johan Verken
orig
OccVI Or VII Or II Or III Or III Or V

Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv
xxvi iii ix xv xxxiv vi
IX appendix (Frankfurt 1613; Ger & Lat)

Text: Johan Verken
orig
Ger i ii iii iv v
i ii iii v iv
Lat
Inv Inv OrIX iii Inv Inv
* Illustration iii was mirrored, and thus engraved a second time
X (Frankfurt 1613; Ger & Lat)

Text: Various authors (ed. Hessel Gerritsz) & Jan Huygen van Lin-
schoten; illustrations taken from the original accounts
orig
Bry i ii iii
- - -
XI (Oppenheim 1618 (Ger) & 1619 (Lat))

Text: ‘pseudo-Vespucci’, Robert Coverte & Hessel Gerritsz, ed.
orig
Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv OrIV iv

522 appendix three
XII & XIII (Frankfurt 1628 (Ger XII & XIII = Lat XIII))
Text: various authors; illustrations taken from earlier De Bry volumes
orig
Ger i ii iii iv i ii iii iv v vi vii viii ix x
pag 3 13 26 28 11 17 27 50 72 86 102 107 148 157
OrVII OrIII OrII OrII OrV OrI OrII OrII OrII

Inv Inv Inv Inv Inv
xii xxiv xxviii vii ix xiv xvii xxix xxxii
Lat i ii iii iv v vi vii viii ix x xi xii xiii xiv
pag 26 31 91 94 95 97 132 134 147 152 160 163 202

130
OrII OrIII OrII OrII OccIX OrIII OrII OrV OrII OrVII
Inv Inv Inv Inv
xxix xxiv xxviii xxxiii x vi vii ix xvii xii
* The first four German illustrations belong to Ind.Or. XII, the final ten to Ind.Or. XIII.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Primary sources
ANTWERP
Academie voor Schone Kunsten (Academy of Fine Arts)
* nr. 243/4 ‘Busboek van het St. Lucasgilde’
* nr. 70/3 ‘Liggeren van het St. Lucasgilde’
Stadsarchief (StAA)
* Cert.B 45 Certificatieboek 1584
* GA 4487 Rekeningen gilde gouden zilversmeden (1564–1592)
* R 2246/2338 Cohieren 10e wijk, 5e & 100e penning (1581–1585)
* SR 335 (AM) Schepenregister 1573
* V 1403 Geloftboeken Vierschaar, i.e. borgstellingen (1580–1585)
Museum Plantin-Moretus (Arch. MPM)
* nr. 43 I ‘Grand livre de Francfort 1566–96’
* nr. 54–58, 67–75, 171–80, 216–27 ‘Journaux 1576–80, 1590–98, 1599–1608,
1609–20’
* nr. 189 ‘Libraries étrangers’
* nr. 744–45 ‘Libraires étrangers et anversois 1613–33’
* nr. 759–60 ‘Libraires étrangers 1603–29’
* nr. 881–949 ‘Carnets de Francfort’ (1590–1624)
* nr. 969–1051 ‘Cahiers de Francfort’ (1590–1631)
DARMSTADT
Staatsarchiv (StAD)
* A2 Urkunden Rheinhessen 197/368
FRANKFURT
Stadtarchiv (StAFr)
* Akten ‘Zensur, Buchhandel, Buchdruck, Presse’ (ZBBP), nr. 16, 20, 24, 36–37, 41–42,
46, 48–49, 52, 54–55, 79, 84, 121
* Bürgerbücher 1586–1607
* Bürgermeisterbücher (Bmb) 1570, 1574, 1581, 1601, 1609, 1610
* Geburtsbücher 1585–1616
* Insatzbücher 1586–1619
* Majorwährschaften 1605–10
* Ratsprotokolle (RPr) 1558–1623
* Ratssupplikationen 1604, 1619
* Rechtsstreitigkeiten Ugb D27, nr. 50
* Totenbücher 1597–1626
* Traubücher 1533–73
LEIDEN
Universiteitsbibliotheek (UBL)
* FAC UB A 119
* ms. PAP 2
* ms. Vulc. 101 (in alphabetical order)

524 bibliography
LONDON
British Library (BL)
* Sloane ms. 1622
MARBURG
Hessisches Staatsarchiv (HStAM)
* 4a 39, nr. 116, 130 (Landgräfliche Personalien)
* 4b 265 (Hofhaltung)
* 81/A 33, nr. 7 (Reisekorrespondenz Phillip Ludwig von Hanau)
* 86/16843
* H 149 (Diarium Sturio)
ROME
Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana (BAV)
* Cod. Pal. Lat. 1905
STRASBOURG
Archives municipales (AMS)
* Burgerbuch, nrs. 2 and 3
* Paroisse St. Thomas, nr. 245 (Baptêmes/mariages 1551–1570)
* Ratsprotokollen 1559–61 (1 R 22–24)
* Série II 84b (Église Françoise)
VENICE
Archivio di Stato (ASV)
* Notarile Atti, Giovanni Piccini, busta 10780, Carte non numerate, 20/11/1629
Published primary sources
Acosta, J. de., Historie Naturael ende Morael van de Westersche Indien: Waer inne ghehandelt wordt
van de merckelijckste dinghen des Hemels, Elementen, Metalen, Planten ende Gedierten van dien:
als oock de Manieren, Ceremonien, Wetten, Regeeringen ende Oorloghen der Indianen ([transl.
J. Huygen van Linschoten], Enkhuizen 1598)
Balbi, G., Viaggio dell’ Indie Orientali, dal 1579 al 1588: nelquale si contiene quanto egli in detto
viaggio hà veduto per lo spatio di 9 anni 1579–1588 (Venice 1590)
Barlaeus, C., Rerum per octennium in Brasilia (Amsterdam 1647)
Barré, N., Copie de quelques letres sur la navigation du cevallier de Villegaignon es terres de l’Amerique
oultre l’Aequinoctial, iuseques soubz le tropique de Capricorne: co[n]tenant sommairement les fortunes
encourues en ce voyage, avec les meurs & façons de vivre des sauvages du pais (Paris 1557)
Begin ende Voortgangh vande Vereenigde Neederlandtsche geoctroyeerde Oost-Indische Compagnie.
Vervatende de voornaemste reysen, by de inwoonderen der selver provincien derwaerts gedaen
(2 vols.; Amsterdam 1646, I. Commelin, ed.; 2nd ed. J. Hartgers, ed.)
Benzoni, G., La historia del mondo nuovo (2nd ed., Venice 1572 [1st ed. Venice 1565])
——, Historia Indiae Occidentalis, Tomis duobus comprehensa. Prior, res ab Hispanis in India
Occidentali hactenus gestas, acerbum illorum in eas Gentes dominatum, insignéque in Gallos ad
Floridam Insulam saevitiae exemplum describit (Geneva 1586 [1st ed. Venice 1565])
Bibliotheca Angelica litteratorum litterarumq. amatorum commoditati dicata (Rome 1608)
Bibliothecae Antverpianae primordia (Antwerp 1609)
Bigges, W., and Lt. Croft, Relation Oder Beschreibu[n]g der Rheiß und Schiffahrt auß Engellandt,
in die (gegen dem undergang der Sonne gelegnen) Indien gethan, Durch Einen Englischen Ritter,
Franciscum Drack genant, und was derselbig underwegen mit seinem underhabenden Kriegsvolck
allenthalben, sonderlich aber in den Inseln, S. Jacob, S. Dominico, S. Augustin und in oder umb
Carthagena, auch anderstwo dero orten gesehen und außgericht hat ([Cologne] 1589)

bibliography 525
Bolduanus, P., Bibliotheca Historica sive: Elenchus scriptorum historicorum et geographicorum

selectissimorum, qui Historias vel Universales totius Orbis . . . (Leipzig 1620)
Book sales catalogues of the Dutch Republic, 1599–1800 (H. W. de Kooker and B. van Selm,
eds., microform collection)
Bry, Th. de, J. Th. de Bry, and J. I. de Bry, eds., India Occidentalis (13 vols.; Frankfurt
and Oppenheim 1590–1634)
Bry, J. Th. de, and J. I. de Bry, eds., India Orientalis (12 vols.; Frankfurt and Oppenheim
1597–1630)
Casas, B. de las, Spieghel der Spaenscher tyrannye, in West-Indien (Amsterdam 1596)
Catalogus bibliothecae amplissimae reipublicae Augustanae (Augsburg 1633)
Catalogus bibliothecae Thuanae (2 vols.; Paris 1679)
Catalogus librorum bibliothecae civitatis Amstelodamensis (Amsterdam 1622)
Catalogus librorum bibliothecae clarissimi doctissimique viri piae memoriae Gerardi Mercatoris . . . (Leiden
1604; facsimile printed as part of the exhibition catalogue: Mercator en zijn boeken
(1994))
Catalogus librorum Nobilissimi Viri: D. Wilhelmi à Mathenesse, Doni in Rasquart. Nec non
reverendi Doctissimique viri D. Petri Plancii, olim apud Amstelodamenses Verbi Divini Ministri
(Leiden 1623)
Catalogus librorum Qui in iunctarum bibliotheca Philippi Haeredum Florentiae prostant (Florence
1604)
Catalogus omnium librorum [. . .] / Verzeichnüß aller Bücher, so Lucas Iennis, Buchhändler zu
Franckfurt am Mäyn, seit Anno 1616. mehrerntheils selbsten verlegt, theils Ihme von Andern
auff Commission uberschickt und beygesetzt [. . .] in seiner Officina kaufflichen zu finden seynd
(Frankfurt 1622)
Catalogus omnium librorum qui in officina Matthaei Meriani, bibliopolae et sculptoris Moeno-
Francofurtani, ejus impendio impressi, & maximam partem in aere ornati veneunt (Frankfurt
1643)
[Cates, Th.], ed., De voyagie van Sire Françoys Draeck . . . (included as a second voyage to
F. Pretty, Beschryvinge vande overtreffelijcke ende wijdtvermaerde Zee-vaerdt . . . Amsterdam
1598)
Challeux, N. le, Discours de l’histoire de la Floride, contenant la cruauté des Espagnols contre les
subiets du Roy, en l’an mil cinq cens soixante cinq. Redigé au vray par ceux qui en sont restez,
Chose auta[n]t lamentable à ouir, qu’elle a esté proditoirement & cruellement executee par lesdits
Espagnols: Contre l’autorité du Roy nostre Sire, à la perte & dommage de tout ce Royaume. Item,
une requeste ay Roy, faite en forme de complainte par les femmes vefues, petits enfans orphelins &
autres leurs amis, parens, & alliez de ceux qui ont éste cruellement envahis par les Espagnols, en
la France anthartique, dite la Floride (Dieppe 1566)
Colijn, M., ed., Oost-Indische ende West-Indische voyagien (Amsterdam 1619)
Coverte, R., A true and almost incredible report of an Englishman, that (being cast away in the
good Ship called the Assention in Cambaya, the farthest part of the East Indies) Travelled by
land through many unknowne Kingdomes and great Cities. With a particular description of all
those Kingdomes, Cities and People. As also relation of their commodities and manner of Traffique,
and at what seasons of the yeere they are most in use. Faithfully related. With a discovery of
a great Emperour called the Great Mogoll, a Prince not till now knowne to our English Nation
(London 1612)
Diderot, D., and J. d’ Alembert, l’Encyclopédie (17 vols. & 11 vols. ills.; Neuchatel
1751–72)
Elenchus librorum omnium tum in Tridentino, Clementinoq[ue] Indice, tum in aliis omnibus sacrae
Indicis Congreg[atio]nis particularibus Decretis hactenus prohibitorum (Rome 1632)
Estienne, H., The Frankfort book fair ([ J. W. Thompson, ed. and transl.], Amsterdam
1969)
Evelyn, J., Sculptura: or the history and art of chalcography and engraving in copper (London
1662)
The first printed catalogue of the Bodleian library 1605, a facsimile (Oxford 1986)

526 bibliography
Gesner, K., Historia animalium (4 vols.; Zurich 1551–58)

Hakluyt, R., ed., The principal navigations, voyages, traffiques and discoveries of the English nation
(3 vols.; London 1598–1600)
Hulsius, L., et al., eds., Sammlung von 26 Schifffahrten der Holländer und Seeländer nach Ost-
und West-Indien, wie auch nach Norden (26 vols.; Nuremberg, Frankfurt, Oppenheim,
and Hanau 1598–1650)
Index Auctorum da[m]natae memoriae, tum etiam librorum, qui vel simpliciter, vel adexpurgatione[m]
usque prohibentur, vel deniq[ue] iam expurgati permittuntur (Lisbon 1624)
Index bibliotecae qua Franciscus Barberinus [. . .] reddidit (Rome 1681)
Index expurgatorius librorum qui hoc secula prodierunt . . . (Antwerp 1571)
Index librorum expurgandorum in studiosorum gratiam confecti tomus primus: in quo quinquaginta
auctorum libri prae caeteris desiderati emendantur (Rome 1607)
Index librorum prohibitorum et expurgatorum (Madrid 1612)
Index librorum prohibitorum et expurgatorum illmi. ac R. D. D. Bernardi de Sandoval & Rexas
Card. [. . .] auctoritate et iussu editus . . . (Geneva 1619)
James, Th., Index generalis librorum prohibitorum à pontificiis, una cum Editionibus expurgatis
vel expurgandis juxta seriem Literatum & triplicem classem. In usum Bibliothecae Bodleianae, &
Curatoribus eiusdem designatus (Oxford 1627)
Jansz., B., Wijdtloopigh verhael van tgene de vijf Schepen (die int jaer 1598. tot Rotterdam toegherust
werden, om door de Straet Magellana haren handel te dryven) wedervaren is, tot den 7. September
1599. toe, op welcken dagh Capiteijn Sebald de Weert, met twee schepen, door onweder vande
Vlote versteken werdt. Ende voort in wat groot gevaer ende elende hy by de vier maenden daer
naer inde Strate gheleghen heeft, tot dat hy ten lesten heel reddeloos sonder schuyt oft boot, maer
een ancker behouden hebbende, door hooghdringhende noot weder naer huys heeft moeten keeren
(Amsterdam 1600)
Jonghe, E. de, Waerachtigh verhael vande machtighe Scheeps Armade, toegherust byde moghende
E. Heeren Staten Generael der vereenighde Nederlandtsche Provintien, tot afbreucke des Koninghs
van Spaengien, onder het ghebiet en gheleyde van Joncker Pieter vander Does, als Generael der
selber: Wat by den selvighen bestaen ende uytghevoert is, so op Eylanden, Steden, Casteelen als
Schepen, ende den Buijt aldaer becomen vande gheheele Voyagie: Midtsgaders al tghene de Armade
op Zee op de heen ende weer reyse is bejeghent, vanden 28. Mey 1599. tot den 6. Meert 1600.
(Amsterdam [1600])
Joostens van Heede, M., Discours ende Beschrijvinghe van het groot Eylandt Canaria, ende Gomera,
midtsgaders het innemen, ende verlaten van dien. [. . .] Begrijpende alle de courssen ghedaen in dese
Zeevaert, van daghe tot daghe, beghinnende vanden xxv. Meye 1599. tot op den tienden Septembris
deszelven Jaers, stilo novo (Rotterdam 1599)
Keymis, L., A relation of the second Voyage to Guiana. Perfourmed and written in the yeare 1596
(London 1596)
——, Waerachtighe ende grondighe beschryvinghe vande tweede Zeevaert der Engelschen nae Guiana,
en[de] de omliggende Landschappen: Waer inne seer bescheydelick beschreven worden alle de
Zee-custen met de Eylanden, Hoofden, Voorgheberghten, Inwijcken, Havenen, Reeden, Diepten,
Ondiepten, Clippen, verscheyde Opdoeningen van Landen, de ghestaltenisse van winden, stroomen
ende tyden des jaers. Met verclaringe vande rechte ghelegentheyt van 53. Rivieren, die aldaer inde
Zee vloeyen, met benaminghe der steden daer op ghebouwet, van wat volcken die worden bewoont,
wat voor zeden die selvighe hebben; hoedanighe Cassiken ofte Vorsten daer te lande regieren, ende
hoe menigherley costelijcke waren aldaer vallen (Amsterdam 1598)
Laudonnière, R. de, et al., L’histoire notable de la Floride situee es Indes Occidentales, contenant
les trois voyages faits en icelle par certains Capitaines & Pilotes François, descrits par le Capitaine
Laudonniere, qui y a commandé l’espace d’un an trois moys: à laquelle a esté adiousté un quatriesme
voyage fait par le Capitaine Gourgues (Paris 1586)
Léry, J. de, Histoire d’un voyage fait en la terre du Bresil, autrement dite Amerique. Contenant la
navigation, & choses remarquables, veues sur mer par l’aucteur: Le comportement de Villegagnon,
en ce païs là. Les meurs & façons de vivre estranges des Sauvages ameriquains: avec un colloque
de leur langage. Ensemble la description de plusieurs Animaux, Arbres, Herbes, & autres choses
singulieres, & du tout inconues par deça (La Rochelle 1578)

bibliography 527
——, Historia navigationis in Brasiliam, quae et America dicitur. Qua describitur autoris navigatio,
quaeque in mari vidit memoriae prodenda: Villagagnonis in America gesta: Brasiliensium victus
& mores, à nostris admodum alieni, cum eorum linguae dialogo: animalia etiam, arbores, atque
herbae, reliquáque singularia & nobis penitùs incognita (Geneva 1586 [1st ed., La Rochelle
1578])
——, History of a voyage to the land of Brazil ([transl. and ed., J. Whatley], Berkeley
1990)
Linschoten, J. Huygen van, Beschryvinghe van de gantsche Custe van Guinea, Manicongo, Angola,
Monomatapa, ende tegen over de Cabo de S. Augustijn in Brasilien, de eyghenschappen des gheheelen
Oceanische Zees; Midtsgaders harer Eylanden, als daer zijn S. Thome, S. Helena, ’t Eyland
Ascencion, met alle hare Havenen, diepten, droochten, sanden, gronden, wonderlijcke vertellinghen
vande Zeevaerden van die van Hollandt, als oock de beschryvinghe vande binnen landen. Midtsgaders
de voorder schryvinge op de Caerte van Madagascar, anders ’t Eylandt S. Laurens ghenoemt, met
de ontdeckinge aller droochten, Clippen, mennichte van Eylanden in dese Indische Zee liggende,
als oock de ghelegentheyt van ’t vaste landt vande Cabo de boa Esperança, langhs Monomotapa,
Zefala, tot Mossambique toe, ende soo voorby Quioloa, Gorga, Melinde, Amara, Baru, Magadoxo,
Doara, &c. tot die Roo-Zee toe, en[de] wat u dan voort vande beschryvinge ontbreect, hebdy in t’
boeck van Ian Huyghen van Linschoten int lange . . . (Amsterdam 1596)
——, Itinerario, Voyage ofte Schipvaert, van Jan Huygen van Linschoten naer Oost ofte Portugaels
Indien, inhoudende een corte beschryvinghe der selber Landen ende Zee-custen, met aenwysinge
van alle de voornaemde principale Havens, Revieren, hoecken ende plaetsen, tot nochtoe van de
Portugesen ontdeckt ende bekent: Waer by ghevoecht zijn, niet alleen die Conterfeytsels vande habyten,
drachten, ende wesen, so vande Portugesen aldaer residerende, als vande ingeboornen Indianen, ende
huere Tempels, Afgoden, Huysinge, met die voornaemste Boomen, Vruchten, Kruyden, Speceryen,
ende diergelijcke materialen, als ooc die manieren des selfden Volcks, so in hunnen Godts-diensten,
als in Politie en[de] Huijs-houdinghe: maer ooc een corte verhalinge van de Coophandelingen, hoe
en[de] waer die ghedreven en[de] ghevonden worden, met die ghedenckweerdichste geschidenissen,
voorghevallen den tijt zijnder residentie aldaer (Amsterdam 1596)
——, Navigatio ac itinerarium [. . .] in Orientalem sive Lusitanorum Indiam: descriptiones eiusdem
terrae ac tractuum littoralium . . . (Amsterdam 1599)
——, Histoire de la navigation de Jean Hugues de Linscot Hollandois et de son voyage es Indes
Orientales (Henry Laurent, ed., Amsterdam 1610)
——, Histoire de la navigation de Jean Hugues de Linscot Hollandois et de son voyage es Indes
Orientales (Theodore Pierre, ed., Amsterdam 1610)
Iusti Lipsi Epistolae VII ( J. de Landtsheer, ed.; Brussels 1997)
Lodewijcksz, W., [= G. M. A. W. L.], D’eerste boeck. Historie van Indien, waer inne verhaelt is
de avontueren die de Hollandtsche schepen bejeghent zijn: Oock een particulier verhael der Conditien,
Religien, Manieren ende huijshoudinge der volckeren die zy beseijlt hebben: wat Gelt, Specereye,
Drogues ende Coopmanschappen by haer ghevonden wordt, met den prijs van dien; Daer by ghev-
oecht de Opdoeninghen ende streckinghen vande Eylanden ende Zee-custen, als oock de conterfeytsels
der Inwoonderen, met veel Caertjens verciert; Voor alle Zee-varende ende curieuse lief-hebbers seer
ghenuechlijck om lesen (Amsterdam 1598)
——, Premier livre de l’histoire de la navigation aux Index Orientales, par les Hollandois; et des
choses a eux advenues: ensemble les conditions, les meurs, & manieres de vivres des Nations, par eux
abordees. Plus les Monnoyes, Espices, Drogues, & Marchandises, & le pris d’icelles. Davantage
les decouvrements & apparences, situations, & costes maritimes des contrees: avec le vray pourtrait
au vif des habitans (Amsterdam 1609)
Lopez, O., and F. Pigafetta, Relatione del reame di Congo et delle circonvicine contrade (Rome
1591)
——, De beschryvinghe vant groot ende vermaert Coninckrijck van Congo (Amsterdam 1596)
Marees, P. de, [= P. D. M.], Beschryvinge ende Historische verhael, vant Gout koninckrijck van
Gunea, anders de Gout-custe de Mina genaemt, liggende in het deel van Africa: met haren gelooven,
opinien, handelingen, oft mangelingen, manieren talen, en[de] haere ghelegentheyt van Landen,
Steden, Hutten, Huysen en[de] Persoonen: havenen ende Revieren, soo de selve tot noch toe bevonden
werden . . . (Amsterdam 1602)

528 bibliography
Montaigne, M. de, Les Essais ([P. Villey, ed.] 2nd ed.; 3 vols.; Paris 1992)
Montalboddo, F. da, ed., Paesi novamente ritrovati e Novo Mondo da Alberico Vesputio Florentino
intitulato (2nd ed.; Milan 1512 [1st ed. Vicenza 1507])
Mendoza, J. Gonzalez de, Ein Neuwe, Kurtze doch warhafftige Beschreibung deß gar Großmächtigen
weitbegriffenen, bißhero unbekandten Königreichs China (Frankfurt 1589)
Münster, S., Cosmographia: Beschreibung aller Lender (Basel 1544)
Naudé, G., Advis pour dresser une bibliothèque (Paris 1627)
——, ed., Bibliothecae Cordesianae catalogus, cum indice titulorum (Paris 1643)
[Neck, J, van, and W. van Warwijck], Journael ofte Dagh-register, inhoudende een waerachtigh
verhael ende Historische vertellinge vande reyse, ghedaen door de acht schepen van Amsterdamme,
onder ’t beleydt van Iacob Cornelisz. Neck. als Admirael, ende Wybrandt van Warwijck, als
Vice-admirael, van Amsterdam gheseylt in den jare 1598. den eersten dagh der Maent Martij.
Van hare zeylagie ende ghedenckwaerdighste zaken ende gheschiedenissen, hun op de voorsz. Reyse
bejeghent. Midtsgaders sekere afbeeldinghen van eenighe Eylanden, voghels ende ghedierten, ende van
den handel ende wandel ende maniere van leven, ende de Zeevaert der inghesetene vande Molucken
ende andere omligghende Eylanden (Amsterdam 1600)
Noort, O. van, Beschryvinghe vande Voyagie om den geheelen Werelt Cloot, ghedaen door Olivier
van Noort van Utrecht, Generael over vier Schepen, te weten: het Schip Mauritius als Admirael,
dat wederom ghecomen is, Hendrick Fredrick Vice-Admirael, het Schip de Eendracht, midtsgaders
de Hope, wel ghemonteert van alle Ammonitie van Oorloghe ende Victualie, op hebbende 248. man,
om te gaen door de Strate Magellanes, te handelen langhs de Custen van Cica Cili ende Peru, om
den gantschen Aerden Cloot om te zeylen, ende door de Moluckes wederom thuys te comen. Te zeyl
ghegaen van Rotterdam den tweeden July 1598. Ende den Generael met het Schip Mauritius is
alleen weder ghekeert in de Maent van Augusti 1601. Daer in dat vertelt wort zyne wonderlijcke
avontueren, ende in verscheyden Figueren afghebeelt, vele Vremdigheden dat hem is bejegent, ’t welck
hy ghesien, ende dat hem wedervaren is (Rotterdam and Amsterdam [1602])
Ortelius, A., Theatrum orbis terrarum (rev. ed.; Antwerp 1598)
Peacham, H., The Compleat Gentleman. Fashioning him absolute in the most necessary &
commendable Qualities concerning Minde or Bodie that may be required in a Noble Gentleman
(London 1622)
Pers, D. P., Suyp-stad ofte Dronckaerts leven ( J. E. Verlaan and E. K. Grootes, eds.;
Culemborg 1978)
Pontanus, J. J., Rerum et urbis Amstelodamensium historia (Amsterdam 1611)
——, Historische Beschrijvinghe der seer wijt beroemde Coop-stadt Amsterdam (Amsterdam
1614)
Pretty, F., Beschryvinge vande overtreffelijcke ende wijdtvermaerde Zee-vaerdt vanden Edelen Heer
ende Meester Thomas Candish, met drie Schepen uytghevaren den 21. Julii, 1586. ende met een
Schip wederom ghekeert in Pleymouth, den 9. September 1588. Hebbende (door ’t cruycen vander
Zee) gheseylt 13000. mylen. Vertellende zyne vreemde wonderlijcke avontueren ende gheschiedenis-
sen: De ontdeckinge der Landen by hem beseylt. [. . .] Hier noch by ghevoecht de Voyagie van Sire
Françoys Draeck, ende Sire Ian Haukens, Ridderen, naer West-Indien, ghepretendeert Panama in
te nemen met 6. van des Coningins Majesteyts Schepen, ende 21. andere, by haer hebbende 2500.
mannen. Anno 1595 (Amsterdam 1598)
Puteanus, E., Auspicia bibliothecae publicae Lovaniensis (Louvain 1639)
Raleigh, W., The discoverie of the large, rich, and bewtiful empyre of Guiana, with a relation of the
great and Golden Citie of Manoa (which the Spanyards call El Dorado) And of the provinces of
Emeria, Arromaia, Amapaia, and other Countries, with their rivers, adioyning (London 1595)
——, Waerachtighe ende grondighe beschryvinge van het groot ende Goudt-rijck Coninckrijk van
Guiana, gheleghen zijnde in America, by noorden de groote Riviere Orelliana, vanden vijfden
graed by zuyden totten vijfden graed by noorden de Middellinie, in welcke beschrijvinghe de rechte
gheleghentheyt vande groote ende rijcke Hooft-stadt Manoa, Macureguarai, ende andere steden des
selvighen Coninckrijcks, ende van het groot Souten Meyr Parime, (zijnde ontrent 200. spaensche
mylen lanck) verclaert wordt: Insghelijcks wat voor rijcke Waren daer te lande en[de] daer ontrent
vallen; als namelick groote overvloet van Gout, costelick ghesteente, ghenaemt Piedras Hijadas, Peerlen,

bibliography 529
Balsem-olie, lanck Peper, Gincher, Suijcker, Wieroock, verscheyden Medicinale wortelen, Droogheryen,
ende Gummen. Item Zyde, Cottoen ende Brasilie houdt . . . (Amsterdam 1598)
Ramusio, G. B., ed., Delle navigationi et viaggi (3 vols.; Venice 1550–59)
Rombouts, P. , and T. van Lerius, eds., De liggeren der Antwerpsche Sint Lucasgilde I
(Antwerp 1884)
Schmidel, U., Neuwe Welt: Das ist, Warhafftige Beschreibunge aller schönen Historien von erfindung
viler unbekanten Königreichen, Landtschafften, Insulen, unnd Stedten, von derselbigen gelegenheit,
wesen, bräuchen, sitten, Religion, künsten und handtierungen, Auch allerley gewechß, Metallen,
Specereyen und anderer Wahr, so von inen in unsere Lande geführt und gebracht werden. Auch
von allerley gefahr, streitt und scharmützeln, so zwischen inen und den unsern, beyde zu Wasser
unnd zu Lande, sich wunderbarlich zugetragen, Item von erschrecklicher, seltzamer natur und
Eygenschafft der Leuthfresser, Dergleichen vorhin in keinen Chronicken beschrieben, mit schönen
Concordantzen und einem vollkommenen Register, zur fürderung des gemeinen nutzes zusamen
getragen (Frankfurt 1567)
[Spilbergen, J. van], t’ Historiael Journael, van tghene ghepasseert is van weghen dry Schepen,
ghenaemt den Ram, Schaep ende het Lam, ghevaren wt Zeelandt vander Stadt Camp-Vere naer
d’Oost-Indien, onder t’ beleyt van Ioris van Spilberghen, Generael, Anno 1601 (Delft 1605)
Thevet, A., Cosmographie Universelle (Paris 1575)
Veer, G. de., Waerachtighe beschryvinghe van drie seylagien, ter werelt noyt soo vreemt gehoort, drie
jaeren achter malcanderen deur de Hollandtsche ende Zeelandtsche schepen by noorden Noorweghen,
Moscovia ende Tartaria, na de Coninckrijcken van Catthay ende China, so mede van de opdoeninghe
vande Weygats, Nova Sembla, en[de] van ’t landt op de 80. grade[n], dat men acht Groenlandt te
zijn, daer noyt mensch gheweest is, ende vande felle verscheurende Beyren ende ander Zee-monsters
ende ondrachlijcke koude, en[de] hoe op de laetste reyse tschip int ys beset is, ende tvolck op 76.
graden op Nova Sembla een huijs ghetimmert, ende 10. maenden haer aldaer onthouden hebben,
ende daer nae meer als 30. mylen met open cleyne schuyten over ende langs der Zee ghevaren. Alles
met seer grooten perijckel, moyten ende ongeloofelijcke swaricheyt. (Amsterdam 1598)
Secondary literature
Adams, A., Webs of allusion: French Protestant emblem books of the sixteenth century (Geneva
2003)
——, S. Rawles, and A. Saunders, eds., A bibliography of French emblem books of the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries (2 vols.; Geneva 1999–2002)
Adams, Th. R., and N. Barker, “A new model for the study of the book” In: N.
Barker, ed., A potencie of life. Books in society: the Clark Lectures 1986–1987 (London
1993) 5–44
Agulló y Cobo, M., “La inquisicion y los libreros Españoles en el siglo XVII”, Cuadernos
bibliograficos 28 (1972) 143–51
Albala, K., Eating right in the Renaissance (Berkeley and London 2002)
Albanese, D., New science, New World (Durham and London 1996)
Albertan-Coppola, S., and M.-C. Gomez-Gérard, “La collection des ‘Navigationi et
viaggi’ (1550–1559) de Giovanni-Battista Ramusio: mécanismes et projets d’après
les para-textes”, Revue des études italiennes 36 (1990) 59–70
Alden, D., The making of an enterprise. The Society of Jesus in Portugal, its empire, and beyond,
1540–1750 (Stanford 1996)
Alexander, M., ed., The discovery of the New World: based on the works of Theodore de Bry
(London 1976)
Andres, G. de, “Los libros confiscados a don Alonso Ramírez de Prado (1611)” In:
Idem, ed., Documentos para la Historia del Monasterio de S. Lorenzo el Real de El Escorial
VII (Madrid 1964) 369–90
Andrews, K., “Elsheimer’s illustrations for Houtman’s ‘Journey to the East Indies’ ”,
Master drawings XIII–1 (1975) 3–7

530 bibliography
——, Adam Elsheimer. Paintings—drawings—prints (Oxford 1977)

——, Trade, plunder, and settlement: maritime enterprise and the genesis of the British Empire,
1480–1630 (Cambridge 1984)
Aquilon, P., “Petites et moyennes bibliothèques 1530–1660” In: Histoire des biblio-
thèques françaises. Tome II: Les bibliothèques sous l’Ancien Régime, 1530–1789 (Paris 1988)
180–205
Arents, P., et al., “De bibliotheek van Pieter Pauwel Rubens: een reconstructie”, De
Gulden Passer 78/79 (2000–01) 93–336
Armitage, D., “The New World and British historical thought: from Richard Hakluyt
to William Robertson” In: K. O. Kupperman, ed., America in European consciousness
1493–1750 (Chapel Hill 1995) 52–75
Asher, A., Bibliographical essay on the collection of voyages and travels edited and published by
Levinus Hulsius and his successors ([photomechanic reprint; 1st ed., London 1839];
Amsterdam 1962)
Ashley, B., et al., Food and cultural studies (London and New York 2004)
Ashworth, W., jr., “The persistent beast: recurring images in early zoological illustra-
tion” In: A. Ellenius, ed., The natural sciences and the arts. Aspects of interaction from the
Renaissance to the 20th century (Uppsala 1985) 46–66
——, “Emblematic natural history of the Renaissance” In: N. Jardine, J. A. Secord,
and E. C. Spary, eds., Cultures of natural history (Cambridge 1996) 17–37
Asúa, M. de, and R. French, A new world of animals. Early modern Europeans on the creatures
of Iberian America (Aldershot 2005)
Axtell, J., and W. C. Sturtevant, “The unkindest cut, or who invented scalping”, The
William and Mary Quarterly 3rd series, 37 (1980) 451–72
Baker, C. H. C., and W. G. Constable, English painting of the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries (Florence 1930)
Balbian Verster, J. F. L. de, “Een Amsterdammer als pionier op Bali (Emanuel
Rodenburg, 1597–1601)”, Jaarboek Amstelodamum IX (1911) 95–126
Bassani, E., and L. Tedeschi, “The image of the Hottentot in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries. An iconographic investigation”, Journal of the history of collections
II-2 (1990) 157–86
Bataillon, M., “Philippe Galle et Arias Montano”, Bibliothèque de l’école des Chartes II
(1942) 132–60
——, “Livres prohibés dans la bibliothèque du comte de Gondomar” In: W. Bahner,
ed., Beiträge zur Französischen Aufklärung und zur Spanischen Literatur. Festgabe für Werner
Krauss zum 70. Geburtstag (Berlin 1971) 493–502
Bennett, C. E., Laudonnière & Fort Caroline. History and documents (reprint, Tuscaloosa and
London 2001 [1st ed. 1964])
Benzing, J., “Neue Beitrage zum Nürnberger Buchgewerbe des 16. Jahrhunderts”,
Mitteilungen aus der Stadtbibliothek Nürnberg VII-2 (1958) 1–8
——, “Johann Theodor de Bry, Levinus Hulsius Witwe und Hieronymus Galler
als Verleger und Drucker zu Oppenheim (1610–1620)”, Archiv für die Geschichte des
Buchwesens IX (1969) 590–642
——, Die Buchdrucker des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts im deutschen Sprachgebiet (2nd rev. ed.;
Wiesbaden 1982)
Berendts, A., “Carolus Clusius (1526–1609) and Bernardus Paludanus (1550–1633).
Their contacts and correspondence”, LIAS. Sources and documents relating to the early
modern history of ideas 5–1 (1978) 49–64
Berger, F., ed., De Bry Amerika oder die Neue Welt (2 vols.; Leipzig and Weimar 1977–
78)
——, ed., De Bry India Orientalis (2 vols.; Leipzig and Weimar 1979–81)
Berger, F., ed., Glaube macht Kunst. Antwerpen—Frankfurt um 1600 / Faith power(s) art.
Antwerp—Frankfurt around 1600 (Frankfurt 2005)
Berkvens-Stevelinck, C., et al., eds., Le magasin de l’univers: the Dutch Republic as the centre
of the European book trade (Leiden 1992)

bibliography 531
Berlász, J., “Die Entstehung der ungarischen Bibliothekskultur im 16–17. Jahrhundert”,

Magyar Könyvszemle 90 (1974) 14–28
Bernstein, R. B., Thomas Jefferson (Oxford and New York 2003)
Bingsohn, W., “Matthaeus Merian, sein soziales Umfeld und die Geschichte der Stadt
Frankfurt a. M. 1590–1650” In: Matthaeus Merian des Aelteren. Catalog zu Ausstellungen
im Museum für Kunsthandwerk Franckfurt am Main und im Kunstmuseum Basel (Frankfurt
1993) 19–27
Birchler, W., Die Augenanatomie des Fabricius ab Aquapendente (1537–1619) (Zurich 1979)
Bjurström, P., “Etienne Delaune and the academy of poetry and music”, Master draw-
ings XXXIV-4 (1996) 351–64
Blok, F. F., Contributions to the history of Isaac Vossius’s library (London 1974)
Böhme, M., Die grossen Reisesammlungen des 16. Jahrhunderts und ihre Bedeutung (Amsterdam
1968 [photomechanic reprint]; 1st ed. Strasbourg 1904)
Bonnant, G., “Les Index prohibitifs et expurgatoires contrefaits par des Protestants au
XVIe et au XVIIe siècle”, Bibliothèque d’humanisme et Renaissance 31 (1969) 611–40
Boogaart, E. van den, “Heathendom and civility in the Historia India Orientalis. The
adaptation by Johan Theodor and Johan Israel de Bry of the edifying series of plates
from Linschoten’s Itinerario”, Nederlands kunsthistorisch jaarboek 53 (2002) 71–105
——, Civil and corrupt Asia: image and text in the Itinerario and the Icones of Jan Huygen van
Linschoten (Chicago 2003)
——, “De Brys’ Africa” In: S. Burghartz, ed., Inszenierte Welten. Die west- und ostindischen
Reisen der Verleger de Bry, 1590–1630 / Staging New Worlds. De Brys’ illustrated travel reports,
1590–1630 (Basel 2004) 95–155
Borm, W., ed., Catalogi Nundinales 1571–1852 (Wolfenbüttel 1982)
Borman, C. de, Les échevins de la souveraine justice de Liège II (Liège 1899)
Bos, S., M. Lange-Meyers, and J. Six, “Sidney’s funeral portrayed” In: J. van Dorsten,
D. Baker-Smith, and A. F. Kinney, eds., Sir Philip Sidney; 1586 and the creation of a
legend (Leiden 1986) 38–61
Bossy, J., “Blood and baptism: kinship, community and Christianity in Western Europe
from the fourteenth to the seventeenth centuries” In: D. Baker, ed., Sanctity and
secularity: the church and the world (Oxford 1973) 129–43
——, Peace in the Post-Reformation (Cambridge 1998)
Bothe, F., “Fürstliche Wirtschaftspolitiker und die Reichsstadt Frankfurt vor dem
Dreißigjährigen Kriege”, Archiv für Frankfurts Geschichte und Kunst IV-2 (1929) 103–
23
Bott, H., Gründung und Anfänge der Neustadt Hanau 1596–1620 (2 vols.; Marburg
1970–71)
Bouwsma, W. J., The waning of the Renaissance 1550–1640 (New Haven and London
2000)
Bowen, K. L., and D. Imhof, “18,257 Impressions from a plate”, Print Quarterly XXII-3
(2005) 265–79
Boxer, C. R., The Dutch seaborne empire, 1600–1800 (reprint; London 1990 [1st ed.
1965])
——, The Portuguese seaborne empire, 1415–1825 (reprint; London 1991 [1st ed. 1969])
——, “Introduction to the facsimile edition of Isaac Commelin’s ‘Begin ende
Voortgangh’ ” In: idem, Dutch merchants and mariners in Asia 1602–1795 (London
1988) II 1–17
Brammall, K. M., “Monstrous metamorphosis: nature, morality, and the rhetoric of
monstrosity in Tudor England”, Sixteenth Century Journal XXVII-1 (1996) 3–21
Brassinne, J., “Les trois Thiry de Bry”, Chronique archeologique du pays de Liège I (1906)
13–17
Bredius, A., ed., Künstler-Inventare: Urkunden zur Geschichte der holländischen Kunst des XVIten,
XVIIten, und XVIIIten Jahrhunderts (8 vols.; The Hague 1915–22)
Breuer, J., Les orfèvres du pays de Liège. Une liste de membres du métier [Bulletin de la Société des
bibliophiles liégeois XIII] (Liège 1935)

532 bibliography
Breugelmans, R., ed., Bibliotheca Vossiana: books from Isaac Vossius’s library now in Leiden
University Library (Leiden 1994)
Broc, N., La géographie de la Renaissance (1420–1620) (Paris 1980)
Brückner, W., “Die Gegenreformation im politischen Kampf um die Frankfurter
Buchmessen. Die Kaiserliche Zensur zwischen 1567 und 1619”, Archiv für Frankfurts
Geschichte und Kunst 48 (1962) 67–86
Brulez, W., “De diaspora der Antwerpse kooplui op het einde van de 16e eeuw”,
Bijdragen voor de geschiedenis der Nederlanden XV (1960) 279–306
Brummel, L., “De eerste Nederlandse editie van Van Meteren’s geschiedwerk” In:
Idem, Twee ballingen ’s lands tijdens onze opstand tegen Spanje. Hugo Blotius (1534–1608),
Emanuel van Meteren (1535–1612) (The Hague 1972) 81–116
Brunet, J. C., Manuel du libraire et de l’amateur de livres (5th ed.; Paris 1865–66)
Bruzzo, G., “Di Fracanzio da Montalboddo e della sua raccolta di viaggi”, Rivista
geografica italiana 12 (1905) 284–90
Bucher, B., Icon and conquest. A structural analysis of the illustrations of De Bry’s Great Voyages
(Chicago 1981)
Bücher, K., “Frankfurter Buchbinder-Ordnungen vom XVI. bis zum XIX. Jahrhundert”,
Archiv für Frankfurts Geschichte und Kunst III-1 (1888) 224–96
Bücken, V., “Theodore de Bry et Joos van Winghe à Francfort. Un exemple de col-
laboration entre peintre et editeur a la fin du XVIe siècle”, Art & Fact nr. 15. Mélanges
Pierre Colman (Liège 1996) 108–11
Bujanda, J. M. de, “Literary censorship in sixteenth-century Spain”, Canadian Catholic
Historical Association study sessions 38 (1971) 51–63
——, “Die verschiedenen Epochen des Index (1550–1615)” In: H. Wolf, ed., Inquisition,
Index, Zensur. Wissenskulturen der Neuzeit im Widerstreit (2nd ed.; Paderborn etc. 2003;
1st ed. 2001) 215–28
Bumas, E. S., “The cannibal butcher shop: Protestant uses of Las Casas’s Brevísima
relación and the case of the apostle Eliot”, Early American literature 35–2 (2000)
107–36
Burden, P. D., The mapping of North America: a list of printed maps 1511–1670 (s.l. 1996)
Burghartz, S., ed., Inszenierte Welten. Die west- und ostindischen Reisen der Verleger de Bry,
1590–1630 / Staging New Worlds. De Brys’ illustrated travel reports, 1590 –1630 (Basel
2004)
——, “Aneignungen des Fremden: Staunen, Stereotype und Zirkulation um 1600”
In: E. Huwiler and N. Wachter, eds., Integrationen des Widerläufigen: ein Streifzug durch
geistes- und kulturwissenschaftliche Forschungsfelder (Münster 2004a) 109–37
——, “Alt, neu oder jung? Zur Neuheit der ‘Neuen Welt’ ” In: A. von Müller and
J. von Ungern-Sternberg, eds., Die Wahrnehmung des Neuen in Antike und Renaissance
(Leipzig 2004b) 182–200
Burke, P., “America and the rewriting of world history” In: K. O. Kupperman, ed.,
America in European consciousness 1493–1750 (Chapel Hill 1995a) 33–51
——, The fortunes of the Courtier: the European reception of Castiglione’s Cortegiano (Cambridge
1995b)
——, Eyewitnessing. The uses of images as historical evidence (London 2001)
——, “Images as evidence in seventeenth-century Europe”, Journal of the History of
Ideas 64–2 (2003) 273–96
——, Languages and communities in early modern Europe (Cambridge 2004)
——, Lost (and found) in translation: a cultural history of translators and translating in early
modern Europe (The Hague 2005a)
——, “The Renaissance translator as go-between” In: A. Höfele and W. von Koppenfels,
eds., Renaissance go-betweens. Cultural exchange in early modern Europe (Berlin and New
York 2005b) 17–31
Callner, C., “Un manuscrit de Jean-Jacques Boissard a la Bibliothèque Royale de
Stockholm”, Opuscula Romana IV (1962) 47–59

bibliography 533
Campbell, M. B., The witness and the other world. Exotic European travel writing, 400–1600
(Ithaca and London 1988)
——, Wonder & science. Imagining worlds in early modern Europe (Ithaca and London
1999)
Camus, A. G., Memoire sur la collection des Grands et Petits Voyages, et sur la collection des voy-
ages de Melchisédech Thévenot (Paris 1802)
Caraci, I. L., La scoperta dell’America secondo Theodore de Bry (Genoa 1991)
Catalogo ragionato dei libri d’arte e d’antichità posseduti dal Conte Cicognara (Pisa 1821)
Cate, C. M., “De Bry and the Index Expurgatorius”, The papers of the Bibliographical
Society of America XI (1917) 136–40
Chartier, R., The order of books: readers, authors and libraries in Europe between the fourteenth
and eighteenth centuries (Cambridge 1994)
——, “Reading matter and ‘popular’ reading: From the Renaissance to the seventeenth
century” In: Idem and G. Cavallo, eds., A history of reading in the West (Amhurst and
Boston 2003 [1st ed. 1999]) 269–83
Choné, P., Emblèmes et pensée symbolique en Lorraine (1525–1633) (Paris 1991)
Christadler, M., “Die Sammlung zur Schau gestellt: die Titelblätter der ‘America’-
Serie” In: S. Burghartz, ed., Inszenierte Welten. Die west- und ostindischen Reisen der Verleger
de Bry, 1590–1630 / Staging New Worlds. De Brys’ illustrated travel reports, 1590–1630
(Basel 2004) 47–93
Clark, P., ed., The European crisis of the 1590s: essays in comparative history (London and
Boston 1985)
Clark, S., Thinking with demons: the idea of witchcraft in early modern Europe (Oxford 1997)
Clasen, C.-P., The Palatinate in European history 1559–1660 (Oxford 1963)
Collon-Gevaert, S., ed., Lambert Lombard et son temps (Liège 1966a)
——, “Le graveur liégeois, Théodore de Bry (1528–1598), raconte la conquête du
Pérou”, Bulletin de la Société royale Le Vieux-Liège (1966b) 29–53
Colman, P., L’Orfèvrerie religieuse liégeoise du XV e siècle à la Révolution I (Liège 1966)
——, “Retrospective Theodore, Jean-Theodore et Jean-Israel de Bry”, Premiere biennale
internationale de gravure de Liège (Liège 1969) 71–87
——, “Un grand graveur-éditeur d’origine liégeoise: Théodore de Bry”, La Wallonie
II (1978) 189–93
Colvin, S. A., Early engraving and engravers in England (1545–1695): a critical and historical
essay (London 1905)
Conley, T., “De Bry’s Las Casas” In: R. Jara and N. Spadaccini, eds., Amerindian images
and the legacy of Columbus (Minneapolis 1992) 103–31
Conquistadores, Azteken en Inca’s / Conquistadores, Aztecs and Incas (Amsterdam 1980)
Cormack, L. B., Charting an empire. Geography at the English universities 1580–1620 (Chicago
and London 1997)
Coron, A., “ ‘Ut prosint aliis’. Jacques-Auguste de Thou et sa bibliothèque” In: Histoire
des bibliothèques françaises. Tome II: Les bibliothèques sous l’Ancien Régime, 1530–1789 (Paris
1988) 100–25
Crosby, A. W., The Columbian exchange. Biological and cultural consequences of 1492 (Westport,
Ct., 1973)
Cumming, W. P., and L. de Vorsey jr., The Southeast in early maps (3rd rev. ed.; Chapel
Hill 1998)
Cunningham, N. E., jr., In pursuit of reason: the life of Thomas Jefferson (Baton Rouge
1987)
Dackerman, S., “Painted prints in Germany and the Netherlands” In: Idem, ed.,
Painting prints. The revelation of color (Baltimore 2002) 9–47
Dadson, T. J., Libros, lectores y lecturas. Estudios sobre bibliotecas particulares españolas del Siglo
de Oro (Madrid 1998)
Dallett, J. B., “Grimmelshausen und die Neue Welt”, Argenis 1 (1977) 141–227
Darby, M., et al., eds., The Victoria & Albert Museum (London 1983)

534 bibliography
Daris, J., Histoire du diocèse et de la principauté de Liège pendant le XVI e siècle (Liège 1884)
Darnton, R., “What is history of books?” In: K. E. Carpenter, ed., Books and society in
history (New York and London 1983) 3–26; re-issued in: Idem, The kiss of Lamourette.
Reflections in cultural history (New York and London 1990) 107–35.
——, “First steps toward a history of reading” In: Idem, The kiss of Lamourette. Reflections
in cultural history (New York and London 1990) 154–87
De Bry’s Americae (photomechanic reprint; Munich 1970)
Defert, D., “Les collections iconographiques du XVIe siècle” In: J. Céard and J.-C.
Margolin, eds., Voyager à la Renaissance (Paris 1987) 531–43
Delft, M. T. G. E. van, et al., eds., Bibliopolis. History of the printed book in the Netherlands
(Zwolle and The Hague 2003)
Delsaerdt, P., “Libri Liberti. De bibliotheek van Libertus Fromondus (1587–1653)”,
Jaarboek voor Nederlandse boekgeschiedenis 5 (1998) 27–45
——, Suam quisque bibliothecam: boekhandel en particulier boekenbezit aan de oude Leuvense uni-
versiteit, 16 de–18 de eeuw (Louvain 2001)
——, ed., De bibliotheek van Nicolaus Vernulaeus: een facsimile van de boekveilingcatalogus uit
1649 (s.l. 2005)
Denhaene, G., ed., Lambert Lombard: renaissance en humanisme te Luik (Liège 1990)
Denis, Ph., Les églises d’étrangers en pays Rhenans (1538–1564) (Paris 1984)
——, “Les réfugiés Protestants du pays de Liège au XVIe siècle” In: Protestantisme sans
frontières. La Réforme dans la duché de Limbourg et dans la Principauté de Liège (Aubel 1985)
81–98
Desmond, R., ed., Dictionary of British and Irish botanists and horticulturists: including plant
collectors and botanical artists (London and Totowa 1977)
Deutsche Biographische Enzyklopädie (12 vols.; 1995–)
Dew, N., “Reading travels in the culture of curiosity: Thévenot’s collection of voyages”,
Journal of Early Modern History 10–1/2 (2006) 39–59
Dibdin, T. F., The library companion; or, the young man’s guide, and the old man’s comfort, in the
choice of a library (2 vols.; London 1824)
Dietz, A., Frankfurter Handelsgeschichte (3 vols.; Frankfurt 1921)
Donattini, M., “Giovanni Battista Ramusio e le sue ‘Navigationi’. Appunti per una
biografia”, Critica storica XVII (1980) 55–100
Dorsten, J. A. van, Poets, patrons and professors. Sir Philip Sidney, Daniel Rogers and the Leiden
humanists (Leiden 1962)
Douglas, M., Purity and danger. An analysis of concept of pollution and taboo (reprint; London
and New York 2004 [1st ed. 1966])
Duchet, M., ed., L’Amérique de Théodore de Bry. Une collection de voyages protestante du XVI e
siècle. Quatre études d’Iconographie (Paris 1987)
Duverger, E., ed., Antwerpse kunstinventarissen uit de zeventiende eeuw (12 vols.; Brussels
1984–2004)
Duviols, J. P., “Théodore de Bry et ses modèles Français”, Caravelle 58 (1992) 7–16
Dyroff, H.-D., “Gotthard Vögelin—Verleger, Drucker, Buchhändler 1597–1631”, Archiv
für die Geschichte des Buchwesens IV (1962) 1129–1424
Egmond, F., “Een mislukte benoeming. Paludanus en de Leidse universiteit” In:
R. van Gelder, J. Parmentier, and V. Roeper, eds., Souffrir pour parvenir. De wereld van
Jan Huygen van Linschoten (Haarlem 1998) 51–64
——, “Execution, dissection, pain and infamy—a morphological investigation” In:
Idem and R. Zwijnenberg, eds., Bodily extremities. Preoccupations with the human body in
early modern European culture (Aldershot 2003) 92–127
Eire, C. M. N., War against the idols: the Reformation of worship from Erasmus to Calvin
(Cambridge 1986)
Eisenstein, E. L., The printing press as an agent of change. Communications and cultural trans-
formations in early-modern Europe (2 vols.; Cambridge 1979)
Eisler, C., “Etienne Delaune et les graveurs de son entourage”, L’oeil. Revue d’art mensuelle
132 (Dec. 1965) 10–19 & 78

bibliography 535
Elliott, J. H., The Old World and the New 1492–1650 (Cambridge 1970)
——, “The discovery of America and the discovery of man”, Proceedings of the British
Academy 58 (1972) 101–25
——, “Renaissance Europe and America: a blunted impact?” In: F. Chiappelli, ed.,
First images of America (2 vols.; Berkeley and Los Angeles 1976) 11–23
——, “Final reflections: the Old World and the New revisited” In: K. O. Kupperman,
ed., America in European consciousness 1493–1750 (Chapel Hill 1995) 391–408
——, Empires of the Atlantic World. Britain and Spain in America 1492–1830 (New Haven
and London 2006)
Engelsing, R., “Deutsche Verlegerplakate des 17. Jahrhunderts”, Archiv für die Geschichte
des Buchwesens IX (1969) 217–38
Entrambasaguas, J. de, La biblioteca de Ramírez de Prado (2 vols.; Madrid 1943)
Evans, R. J. W., Rudolf II and his world. A study in intellectual history 1576–1612 (Oxford
1973)
——, The Wechel presses: Humanism and Calvinism in Central Europe 1572–1627 (Oxford
1975)
Fabian, B., ed., Die Messkataloge des sechzehnten Jahrhunderts (5 vols.; Hildesheim 1972–
2001)
Fabri, R., “Diversche boeken van verscheyden taele, soo groot als cleyn. Aspecten van
het Antwerpse privé-boekenbezit in Rockox’ tijd” In: Rockox’ huis volgeboekt. De bibliotheek
van de Antwerpse burgemeester en kunstverzamelaar Nicolaas Rockox (Antwerp 2005) 9–27
Faes, U., Heidentum und Aberglauben der Schwarzafrikaner in der Beurteilung durch deutsche Reisende
des 17. Jahrhunderts (Zurich 1981)
Faupel, W. J., A brief and true report of the new found land of Virginia ~ a study of the De Bry
engravings (West Sussex 1989)
——, “Le Moyne’s map of Florida: fantasy and fact”, Map collector 52 (1990) 33–36
Fechner, J. U., “Neue Funde und Forschungen zur Hofbibliothek von Fürstbischof Julius
Echter von Mespelbrunn”, Mainfränkisches Jahrbuch 25 (1973) 16–32
Feest, C. F., “Jacques le Moyne minus four”, European review of native american studies
II-1 (1988) 33–38
Fehrenbach, R. J., and E. S. Leedham-Green, eds., Private libraries in Renaissance England.
A collection and catalogue of Tudor and Early Stuart Book-Lists (5 vols.; Binghamton NY
1992–98)
Fishman, L., “Old World images encounter New World reality. René Laudonnière and
the Timucuans of Florida”, Sixteenth Century Journal XXVI-3 (1995) 547–59
Fleming, J., “The Renaissance tattoo” In: J. Caplan, ed., Written on the body. The tattoo
in European and American history (London 2000) 61–82
Flint, V. I. J., The imaginative landscape of Christopher Columbus (Princeton 1992)
Fontaine Verwey, H. de la, “De Gouden Eeuw van de Nederlandse boekillustratie,
1600–1635” In: Idem, Uit de wereld van het boek II. Drukkers, liefhebbers en piraten in de
zeventiende eeuw (Amsterdam 1976) 49–76
——, De Stedelijke Bibliotheek van Amsterdam in de Nieuwe Kerk (Meppel 1980)
——, “Adriaan Pauw en zijn bibliotheek” In: W. R. H. Koops, et al., eds., Boek, bib-
liotheek en geesteswetenschappen: opstellen door vrienden en collega’s van dr. C. Reedijk geschreven
ter gelegenheid van zijn aftreden als bibliothecaris van de Koninklijke Bibliotheek te ’s-Gravenhage
(Hilversum 1986) 103–15
——, “Pieter van Damme, the first Dutch antiquarian bookseller” In: A. R. A. Croiset
van Uchtelen, K. van der Horst, and G. Schilder, eds., Theatrum Orbis Librorum: liber
amicorum presented to Nico Israel on the occasion of his seventieth birthday (Utrecht 1989)
416–36
Fowler, T., University of Oxford: College Histories: Corpus Christi (photomechanic reprint,
London 1998; 1st ed. London 1898)
Frey, C., “The Tempest and the New World”, Shakespeare Quarterly 30 (1979) 29–41
Friede, J., “La censura española del siglo xvi y los libros de historia de America”, Revista
de historia de América 47 (1959) 45–94

536 bibliography
Frijhoff, W. Th. M., “The threshold of toleration. Interconfessional conviviality in

Holland during the early modern period” In: Idem, Embodied belief. Ten essays on
religious culture in Dutch history (Hilversum 2002) 39–65
Frisch, A., “In a sacramental mode: Jean de Léry’s Calvinist ethnography”, Representations
77 (2002) 82–106
Fuller, M. C., Voyages in print. English travel to America, 1576–1624 (Cambridge 1995)
Gaastra, F. S., The Dutch East India Company: expansion and decline (Zutphen 2003)
Gabel, G., ed., Der älteste Leipziger Messekatalog aus dem Jahre 1595 (Cologne 1995)
Garratt, J. G., “The maps in De Bry”, The map collector 9 (1979) 3–11
Gaskell, P., A new introduction to bibliography (3rd ed.; Oxford 1995)
Gelder, R. van, “Liefhebbers en geleerde luiden. Nederlandse kabinetten en hun
bezoekers” In: E. Bergvelt, et al., eds., De wereld binnen handbereik. Nederlandse kunsten
rariteitenverzamelingen, 1585–1735 (Zwolle and Amsterdam 1992) 259–92
——, Het Oost-Indisch avontuur. Duitsers in dienst van de VOC (Nijmegen 1997)
——, J. Parmentier, and V. Roeper, eds., Souffrir pour parvenir. De wereld van Jan Huygen
van Linschoten (Haarlem 1998)
——, “Paradijsvogels in Enkhuizen. De relatie tussen Van Linschoten en Bernardus
Paludanus” In: Idem, J. Parmentier, and V. Roeper, eds., Souffrir pour parvenir. De wereld
van Jan Huygen van Linschoten (Haarlem 1998) 30–50
Genette, G., Paratexts: thresholds of interpretation (Cambridge 1997 [transl. from French,
1st ed. Paris 1987])
Gerbi, A., Nature in the New World. From Christopher Columbus to Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo
(Pittsburgh 1985)
Giuseppi, M. S., “The work of Theodore de Bry and his sons, engravers”, Proceedings
of the Huguenot Society of London XI (1915–17) 204–26
Gmelig-Nijboer, C. A., Conrad Gessner’s ‘Historia animalium’: an inventory of Renaissance
zoology (Utrecht 1977)
Gobert, Th., Liège à travers les ages (11 vols., 2nd ed.; Brussels 1975–78)
Godwin, J., Robert Fludd: hermetic philosopher and surveyor of two worlds (London 1979)
Goor, J. van, De Nederlandse koloniën. Geschiedenis van de Nederlandse expansie 1600–1975
(2nd rev. ed.; The Hague 1997)
Gordon Duff, E., “The library of Richard Smith”, The Library, 2nd series VIII (1907)
113–33
Gossiaux, P.-P., “Hiérarchie du monde sauvage et eschatologie protestante selon
l’Iconographie des Grands Voyages des de Bry” In: Protestantisme sans frontières. La
Réforme dans la duché de Limbourg et dans la Principauté de Liège (Aubel 1985) 99–169
Grafton, A., Defenders of the text. The traditions of scholarship in an age of science, 1450–1800
(Cambridge MA 1991)
——, A. Shelford, and N. Siraisi, New worlds, ancient texts. The power of tradition and the
shock of discovery (Cambridge MA and London 1992)
——, “The humanist as reader” In: G. Cavallo and R. Chartier, eds., A history of reading
in the West (Amhurst and Boston 2003 [1st ed. 1999])
Grazia, M., and M. Sina, eds., Jean Le Clerc. Epistolario (4 vols.; Florence 1987–97)
Greenblatt, S., Marvelous possessions. The wonder of the New World (Chicago 1991)
——, ed., New World encounters (Berkeley 1993)
——, “Mutilation and meaning” In: D. Hillman and C. Mazzio, eds., The body in parts.
Fantasies of corporeality in early modern Europe (New York and London 1997) 221–41
Grendler, M., “Book collecting in Counter-Reformation Italy: the library of Gian
Vincenzo Pinelli (1535–1601)”, Journal of Library History 16–1 (1981) 143–51
Grendler, P. F., The Roman Inquisition and the Venetian press, 1540–1605 (Princeton 1977)
Greve, A., Die Konstruktion Amerikas. Bilderpolitik in den “Grands Voyages” aus der Werkstatt de
Bry (Cologne, Weimar and Vienna 2004)
Groesen, M. van, “A first popularisation of travel literature. On the methods and
intentions of the De Bry travel collection (1590–1634)”, Dutch Crossing 25–1 (2001)
103–31

bibliography 537
——, “Boissard, Clusius, De Bry and the making of ‘Antiquitates Romanae’, 1597–
1602”, LIAS. Sources and documents relating to the early modern history of ideas 29–2 (2002)
195–213
——, “De Bry and Antwerp, 1577–1585. A formative period” In: S. Burghartz, ed.,
Inszenierte Welten. Die west- und ostindischen Reisen der Verleger de Bry, 1590–1630 / Staging
New Worlds. De Brys’ illustrated travel reports, 1590–1630 (Basel 2004) 19–45
——, “Barent Jansz. en de familie De Bry: Twee visies op de eerste Hollandse expeditie
‘om de West’ rond 1600”, De zeventiende eeuw 21–1 (2005) 29–48
——, “Portrait of the traveller with burin and printing press. The representation of
Dutch maritime expansion in the De Bry collection of voyages”, The Low Countries.
Arts and society in Flanders and The Netherlands 14 (2006a) 48–55
——, “Van de Stille Zuidzee tot de ‘Frankfurter Buchmesse’. Beeldvorming in het
Journael van Willem Schouten en de reiscollectie De Bry (1618–19)”, Transparant.
Tijdschrift van de Vereniging van christen-historici [themanummer Religie en de Nieuwe
Wereld] 17–2 (2006b) 19–24
——, “Interchanging representations. Dutch publishers and the De Bry collection of
voyages (1596–1610)”, Dutch Crossing 30–2 (2006c) 229–42
Grove, R., “Indigenous knowledge and the significance of South-West India for
Portuguese and Dutch constructions of tropical nature”, Modern Asian studies 30–1
(1996) 121–43
Gulik, E. van, “Drukkers en geleerden—De Leidse Officina Plantiniana (1583–1619)”
In: Th. H. Lunsingh Scheurleer, and G. H. M. Posthumus Meyjes, eds., Leiden University
in the seventeenth century: an exchange of learning (Leiden 1975) 367–93
Günther, M., “Zur Quellengeschichte des Simplizissimus”, Germanisch-Romanische
Monatsschrift X (1922) 360–67
Gwyn, D., “Richard Eden. Cosmographer and alchemist”, Sixteenth Century Journal
XV-1 (1984) 13–34
Hackenberg, M., “Books in artisan homes of sixteenth-century Germany”, Journal of
Library History 21–1 (1986) 72–91
Hadfield, A., Literature, travel, and colonial writing in the English Renaissance 1545–1625
(Oxford 1999)
Hale, J., The civilization of Europe in the Renaissance (New York and Toronto 1994)
Halkin, L.-E., “Protestants des Pays-Bas et de la principauté de Liège refugies à
Strasbourg” In: G. Livet and F. Rapp, eds., Strasbourg au coeur religieux du XVI e siècle
(Strasbourg 1977) 297–307
Handwerker, O., “Die Hofbibliothek des Würzburger Fürstbischofs Julius Echter von
Mespelbrunn”, Nordisk tidskrift för bok- och biblioteksväsen XII (1925) 1–42
Hanke, L., “Pope Paul III and the American Indians”, Harvard Theological Review 30
(1937) 65–102
——, All mankind is one: a study of the disputation between Bartolomé de Las Casas and Juan
Ginés de Sepúlveda in 1550 on the intellectual and religious capacity of the American Indians
(Dekalb 1974)
Harms, W., and M. von Katte, eds., Stammbuch 1594–1604 [facsimile ed. of Emblemata
nobilitati . . ., 1592] (Stuttgart 1979)
Harmsen, A. J. E., “Barlaeus’ description of the Dutch colony in Brazil” In: Z. von
Martels, ed., Travel fact and travel fiction: studies on fiction, literary tradition, scholarly discovery
and observation in travel writing (Leiden, Boston and Cologne 1994) 158–69
Harrison, J., and P. Laslett, eds., The library of John Locke (2nd ed., London 1971)
Haug, H., L’orfèvrerie de Strasbourg dans les collections publiques françaises (Paris 1978)
Hayward, J. F., “Engraved silver dishes”, Apollo Miscellany I (1950) 35–41
——, “Four prints from engraved silver standing dishes attributed to J. T. de Bry”, The
Burlington magazine 95 (1953) 124–28
Heel, J. J. van, “Bolongaro Crevenna: een Italiaans koopman en bibliofiel in Amster-
dam”,Jaarboek voor Nederlandse boekgeschiedenis 5 (1998) 73–93

538 bibliography
Heesakkers, C. L., “Das Stammbuch des Janus Gruterus”, Bibliothek und Wissenschaft
21 (1987) 68–113
Heitjan, I., “Zur Arbeit Valentin Leuchts als Bücherkommissar”, Archiv für die Geschichte
des Buchwesens XIV (1974) 123–32
Helfers, J. P., “The explorer or the Pilgrim? Modern critical opinion and the editorial
methods of Richard Hakluyt and Samuel Purchas”, Studies in philology 94 (1997)
160–86
Hellinga, L., et al., eds., The bookshop of the world: the role of the Low Countries in the book-
trade, 1473–1941 (‘t Goy-Houten 2001)
Henkel, A., and W. Wiemann, eds., Hundert ethisch-politische Emblemen [facsimile-ed. of
J. Zincgref, Emblematum ethico-politicorum, 1619] (Heidelberg 1986)
Hessels, J., ed., Archives of the London-Dutch church: register of the attestations or certificates of
membership, confessions of guilt, certificates of marriages, betrothals, publications of banns etc.,
preserved in the Dutch Reformed church, Austin Friars, London, 1568 to 1872 (London and
Amsterdam 1892)
Hind, A. M., Engraving in England in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries I (Cambridge
1952)
Hitchcock, R. F., “Samuel Purchas as editor—a case study: Anthony Knyvett’s Journal”,
The modern language review 99–2 (2004) 301–12
Hodgen, M. T., Early anthropology in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Philadelphia
1964)
Hoeniger, F. D., “How plants and animals were studied in the mid-sixteenth century”
In: Idem and J. W. Shirley, eds., Science and the arts in the Renaissance (Washington DC,
London and Toronto 1985) 130–48
Hoftijzer, P. G., “The Leiden bookseller Pieter van der Aa (1659–1733) and the inter-
national book trade” In: C. Berkvens-Stevelinck, et al., eds., Le magasin de l’univers: the
Dutch Republic as the centre of the European book trade (Leiden 1992) 169–84
——, “The library of Johannes de Laet (1581–1649)”, LIAS. Sources and documents relating
to the early modern history of ideas 25–2 (1998) 201–16
——, Pieter van der Aa (1659–1733). Leids drukker en boekverkoper (Hilversum 1999)
Hollstein, F. W. H., Dutch and Flemish etchings, engravings and woodcuts, ca. 1450–1700, vol.
IV (Amsterdam 1951)
L’Honoré Naber, S. P., ed., Reizen van Willem Barents, Jacob van Heemskerck, Jan Cornelisz.
Rijp en anderen naar het noorden (1594–1597) verhaald door Gerrit de Veer II ([Werken van
de Linschoten-Vereeniging, vol. XV]; The Hague 1917)
——, ed., Johann Verken Molukken-reise 1607–1612 (The Hague 1930)
Honour, H., The European vision of America (Cleveland 1975)
——, The new golden land. European images of America from the discoveries to the present time
(London 1976)
Horodowich, L., “Armchair travelers and the Venetian discovery of the New World”,
Sixteenth Century Journal XXXVI–4 (2005) 1039–62
Horst, D. R., De Opstand in zwart-wit. Propagandaprenten uit de Nederlandse Opstand 1566–1584
(Zutphen 2003)
Howard, R., La bibliothèque et le laboratoire de Guy de la Brosse au jardin des plantes à Paris
(Geneva 1983)
Huizink, L., Die Abhandlung über das Sehen von Hieronymus Fabricius ab Aquapendente
(1537–1619) (Zurich 1984)
Hulton, P., ed., The work of Jacques le Moyne de Morgues (2 vols.; London 1977)
——, ed., America 1585: the complete drawings by John White (London 1984)
——, “Realism and tradition in ethnological and natural history imagery of the 16th
century” In: A. Ellenius, ed., The natural sciences and the arts. Aspects of interaction from
the Renaissance to the 20th century (Uppsala 1985) 18–31
——, and D. B. Quinn, The American drawings of John White, 1577–1590, with drawings
of European and Oriental subjects (2 vols.; London and Chapel Hill 1964)

bibliography 539
Hunger, F. W. T., Charles de l’Escluse. Nederlandsch kruidkundige 1526–1609 (2 vols.; The

Hague 1927–43)
Imhof, D., ed., De boekillustratie ten tijde van de Moretussen (Antwerp 1996)
——, “Aankopen van Rockox bij de Officina Plantiniana volgens de Journalen” In:
Rockox’ huis volgeboekt. De bibliotheek van de Antwerpse burgemeester en kunstverzamelaar Nicolaas
Rockox (Antwerp 2005) 39–55
István, M., A Rákóczi-család könyvtárai 1588–1660 (Szeged 1996)
Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhöchsten Kaiserhauses XVII/XX (1896/
99)
Jeanneret, M., A feast of words. Banquets and table talk in the Renaissance (Cambridge
1991)
Johns, A., The nature of the book: print and knowledge in the making (Chicago and London
1998)
Jones, P. M., Federico Borromeo and the Ambrosiana: art patronage and reform in seventeenth-century
Milan (Cambridge 1993)
Jong, H. M. E. de, Michael Maier’s Atalanta fugiens: sources of an alchemical book of emblems
(2nd ed.; York Beach 2002; 1st ed. Leiden 1969)
Jong, M. de., and I. de Groot, eds., Ornamentprenten in het Rijksprentenkabinet I, 15de & 16de
eeuw (The Hague 1988)
Jonge, H. J. de, ed., The auction catalogue of the library of J. J. Scaliger (Utrecht 1977)
Jonghe, E. de, “Le Congo au XVI siècle. Notes sur Lopez-Pigafetta”, Institut Royal
Colonial Belge. Bulletin des Scéances IX (1938) 693–728
Jorink, E., Het boeck der natuere. Nederlandse geleerden en de wonderen van Gods Schepping
1575–1715 (Leiden 2006)
Judson, J. R., and C. van de Velde, Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard part XXI. Book
illustrations and title-pages (2 vols.; Philadelphia and London 1978)
Jürgensen, R., Bibliotheca Norica (2 vols.; Wiesbaden 2002)
Kamen, H., Inquisition and society in Spain in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (London
1985)
Kaplan, B. J., “Coexistence, conflict, and the practice of toleration” In: R. Po-chia
Hsia, ed., A companion to the Reformation world (Malden 2004) 486–505
Karrow, R. W. jr., Mapmakers of the sixteenth century (Chicago 1993)
Katte, M. von, “Herzog August und die Kataloge seiner Bibliothek” Wolfenbütteler
Beiträge 1 (1972) 168–99
Keazor, H., “Theodore de Bry’s images for America”, Print Quarterly XV (1998)
131–49
——, “‘Charting the autobiographical, selfregarding subject?’ Theodor de Brys
Selbstbildnis” In: S. Burghartz, M. Christadler, and D. Nolde, eds., Berichten, erzählen,
beherrschen. Wahrnemung und Repräsentation in der frühen Kolonialgeschichte Europas [Zeitsprünge.
Forschungen zur Frühen Neuzeit VII, 2/3] (2003) 395–428
Keen, B., “The vision of America in the writings of Urbain Chauveton” In:
F. Chiappelli, ed., First images of America (2 vols.; Berkeley and Los Angeles 1976)
107–20
Kemp, C., “Nachwort” In: W. Harms and M. Schilling, eds., Johann Theodor de Bry
Emblemata secularia (Hildesheim 1994) 203–34
Kern, H., and H. Terpstra, eds., Itinerario. Voyage ofte schipvaert van Jan Huygen van
Linschoten naer Oost ofte Portugaels Indien 1579–1592 (3 vols. [Werken van de Linschoten-
Vereeniging, vols. LVII, LVIII, and LX]; The Hague 1955–57)
Kiermeyer-Debre, J., and F. F. Vogel, eds., Nejw kunstliches Alphabet 1595 [facsimile ed.
of Nova Alphati effictio historiis . . ., Frankfurt 1595] (Ravensburg 1997)
Kiiskinen, T., The library of the Finnish nobleman, royal secretary and trustee Henrik Matsson
(ca. 1540–1617): a reading out of a manuscript from 1601, found in the city archive of Tallinn,
Estonia (Helsinki 2004)
Kirk, R. E. G., and E. F. Kirk, eds., Returns of aliens dwelling in the city and suburbs of
London II, 1571–1597 (Aberdeen 1902)

540 bibliography
Kleerkooper, M. M., “Een vergeten catalogus (Catalogus . . . bibliothecae . . . D. Samuelis

Costeri)”, Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsche taal- en letterkunde 17 (1898) 172–89
——, and W. P. van Stockum jr., eds., De boekhandel te Amsterdam, voornamelijk in de 17e
eeuw: biographische en geschiedkundige aanteekeningen (2 vols.; The Hague 1914–16)
Klossowski de Rola, S., The golden game. Alchemical engravings of the seventeenth century
(London 1988)
Koch, R., et al., eds., Brücke zwischen den Völkern—Zur Geschichte der Frankfurter Messe
(3 vols.; Frankfurt 1991)
Koppitz, H.-J., “Die Privilegia impressoria des Staatsarchivs in Wien”, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch
(1994) 187–207
Korinman, M., “Simon Grynaeus et le ‘Novus Orbis’: les pouvoirs d’une collection”
In: J. Céard and J.-C. Margolin, eds., Voyager à la Renaissance (Paris 1987) 419–31
Kuhlemann, U., “Between reproduction, invention and propaganda: Theodor de Bry’s
engravings after John White’s watercolours” In: K. Sloan, ed., A New World. England’s
first view of America (London 2007) 78–92
Kunze, H., Geschichte der Buchillustration in Deutschland. Das 16. und 17. Jahrhundert (Frankfurt
1993)
Kupperman, K. O., ed., America in European consciousness 1493–1750 (Chapel Hill
1995)
Kusukawa, S., “Illustrating nature” In: M. Frasca-Spada and N. Jardine, eds., Books
and the sciences in history (Cambridge 2000) 90–113
Lach, D. F., Asia in the making of Europe (3 vols.; Chicago 1965–93)
——, “Asian elephants in Renaissance Europe”, Journal of Asian History I (1967)
133–76
——, “Hakluyt’s use of the materials available to him. The Far East” In: D. B. Quinn,
ed., The Hakluyt handbook (London 1974) 214–22
Laeven, A. H., “The Frankfurt and Leipzig fairs and the history of the Dutch book
trade in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries” In: C. Berkvens-Stevelinck,
et al., eds., Le magasin de l’univers: the Dutch Republic as the centre of the European book trade
(Leiden 1992) 185–97
Lambe, P. J., “Critics and sceptics in the seventeenth-century Republic of Letters”,
Harvard Theological Review 81–3 (1988) 271–96
Landtsheer, J. de, “Justus Lipsius and Carolus Clusius: a flourishing friendship”, Bulletin
de l’Institut historique belge de Rome LXVIII (1998) 273–95
Lauwaert, R., “De handelsbedrijvigheid van de Officina Plantiniana op de Buechermesse
te Frankfurt am Main in de zestiende eeuw”, De Gulden Passer L/LI (1972–73) 124–80
and 70–105
Lavoye, M., “A propos des album amicorum des de Bry”, Bulletin de la Société des biblio-
philes liégeois XVI (1942) 65–76
Lawson, S., and W. J. Faupel, eds., A foothold in Florida. The eye-witness account of four voy-
ages made by the French to that region and their attempt at colonisation 1562–1568 (Somerset
1992)
Leonard Grant, W., “European vernacular works in Latin translation”, Studies in the
Renaissance I (1954) 120–56
Leedham-Green, E. S., Books in Cambridge inventories: book-lists from vice-chancellor’s court
probate inventories in the Tudor and Stuart periods (2 vols.; Cambridge 1986)
Lefebvre, J., “Un Allemand dans la ruée vers l’or: Le journal de voyage d’Ulrich
Schmidel en Amérique du Sud (1534–1554)” In: J. Céard and J.-C. Margolin, eds.,
Voyager à la Renaissance (Paris 1987) 99–114
Lempertz, H., ed., Bilder-Hefte zur Geschichte des Bücherhandels und der mit demselben verwandten
Künste und Gewerbe (Cologne 1853–65)
Lenkey, S. V., “Migrations of sixteenth-century printers”, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1976)
218–23

bibliography 541
Lepage, J., “Kindled spirits: cremation and urn burial in Renaissance literature”, English
literary Renaissance 28–1 (1998) 3–17
Lesestoffe in Westungarn. Materialen zur Geschichte der Geistesströmungen des 16.–18. Jahrhunderts
in Ungarn (2 vols.; Szeged 1994–96)
Lestringant, F., Le Huguenot et le sauvage. L’Amérique et la controverse coloniale, en France, au
temps des guerres de religion (1555–1589) (Paris 1990)
——, “Le déclin d’un savoir. La crise de la cosmographie à la fin de la Renaissance”,
Annales. économies, sociétés, civilisations XLVI-2 (1991a) 239–60
——, André Thevet. Cosmographe des derniers Valois (Geneva 1991b)
——, “La littérature géographique sous le règne de Henri IV”, Les lettres au temps de
Henri IV (1991c) 281–308
——, Mapping the Renaissance world. The geographical imagination in the Age of Discovery (Los
Angeles 1994)
——, “Geneva and America in the Renaissance. The dream of the Huguenot refuge
1555–1600”, Sixteenth Century Journal XXVI-2 (1995a) 285–95
——, “Le roi soleil de la Floride, de Théodore de Bry à Bernard Picart”, Études de
lettres LXX-1/2 (1995b) 13–30
——, Cannibals. The discovery and representation of the cannibal from Columbus to Jules Verne
(Los Angeles 1997)
——, Jean de Léry ou l’invention du sauvage. Essai sur “l’Histoire d’un voyage faict en la terre
du Brésil” (Paris 1999)
Lieb, M., “ ‘Hate in heav’n’: Milton and the Odium Dei”, English Literary History 53–3
(1986) 519–39
Lievsay, J. L., and R. B. Davis, “A cavalier library—1643”, Studies of bibliography 6
(1954) 141–60
Linde, A. van der, “Sur les collections des voyages des frères De Bry et de L. Hulsius
de Gand”, Le bibliophile belge 1 (1867) 237–45
Lindgren, U., “Geographische Gelehrtenbibliotheken um 1600: Vergleich der Bausch-
Bibliothek mit den Bibliotheken von Mercator und Praetorius”, Acta Historica Leopoldina
31 [Die Bausch-Bibliothek in Schweinfurt: Wissenschaft und Buch in der frühen Neuzeit] (2000)
77–88
Litzenburger, A., Kurfürst Johann Schweikard von Kronberg als Erzkanzler: Mainzer Reichspolitik
am Vorabend des Dreissigjährigen Krieges (1604–1619) (Stuttgart 1985)
Loh, G., Die europäischen Privatbibliotheken und Buchauktionen: ein Verzeichnis ihrer Kataloge
(Leipzig 1997)
Lorant, S., ed., The New World. The first pictures of America (2nd rev. ed.; New York
1965)
Lowood, H., “The New World and the European catalog of nature” In: K. O.
Kupperman, ed., America in European consciousness 1493–1750 (Chapel Hill 1995)
295–323
Ludovic Lindsay, J., Earl of Crawford, Bibliotheca Lindesiana. Collations and notes vol. 3:
Grands et Petits Voyages of De Bry (London 1884)
Lynn Martin, A., Alcohol, sex, and gender in late medieval and early modern Europe (London
and Basingstoke 2001)
MacCormack, S., “Limits of understanding. Perceptions of Greco-Roman and
Amerindian paganism in early modern Europe” In: K. O. Kupperman, ed., America
in European consciousness 1493–1750 (Chapel Hill 1995) 79–129
Maché, U., “Author and patron: on the functions of dedications in seventeenth-century
German literature” In: J. A. Parente jr., R. E. Schade, and G. C. Schoolfield, eds.,
Literary culture in the Holy Roman Empire 1555–1720 (Chapel Hill and London 1991)
195–205
Manso Porto, C., Don Diego Sarmiento de Acuña, conde de Gondomar (1567–1626). Erudito,
mecenas y bibliófilo (Santiago de Compostela 1996)

542 bibliography
Marnef, G., “Brabants calvinisme in opmars: de weg naar de calvinistische repub-

lieken te Antwerpen, Brussel en Mechelen, 1577–1580”, Bijdragen tot de geschiedenis
70 (1987) 7–21
——, “The changing face of Calvinism in Antwerp 1550–1585” In: A. Pettegree,
A. Duke, and G. Lewis, eds., Calvinism in Europe 1540–1620 (Cambridge 1994)
143–59
——, Antwerp in the age of Reformation. Underground Protestantism in a commercial metropolis
1550–1577 (Baltimore and London 1996)
Martens, M., and N. Peeters, “ ‘A tale of two cities’: Antwerp artists and artisans in
London in the sixteenth century” In: Dutch and Flemish artists in Britain 1500–1800
[Leids Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 13] (Leiden 2003) 31–42
Martin, H.-J., Livre, pouvoirs et société a Paris au XVII e siècle (1598–1701) (2 vols.; Geneva
1969)
Mason, P., “Americana in the Exoticorum Libri Decem of Charles de l’Écluse” In:
F. Egmond, P. G. Hoftijzer, and R. Vissers, eds., Carolus Clusius in a new context: cultural
histories of Renaissance natural science (forthcoming 2006)
McGrath, J. T., “Polemic and history in French Brazil 1555–1560”, Sixteenth Century
Journal XXVII-2 (1996) 385–97
——, The French in early Florida: in the eye of the hurricane (Gainesville 2000)
McKitterick, D. J., The library of Sir Thomas Knyvett of Ashwellthorpe c. 1539–1618
(Cambridge 1978)
McLean, M., The Cosmographia of Sebastian Münster. Describing the world in the Reformation
(Aldershot 2007)
Meinert, H., ed., Die Eingliederung der Niederländischen Glaubensflüchtlinge in die Frankfurter
Bürgerschaft 1554–1596 (Frankfurt 1981)
Melzer, R. A., Samuel Braun (1590–1668): seefahrender Basler Wundarzt (Zurich 1996)
Menninger, A., Die Macht der Augenzeugen. Neue Welt und Kannibalen-Mythos 1492–1600
(Stuttgart 1995)
Mercator en zijn boeken (exhibition catalogue, St. Niklaas 1994)
Merians, L. E., “ ‘Hottentot’: the emergence of an early modern racist epithet”,
Shakespeare Studies 26 (1998) 123–44
——, Envisioning the worst. Representations of ‘Hottentots’ in early-modern England (Newark
and London 2001)
Merkel, E., “Der Buchhändler Levinus Hulsius, gest. 1606 zu Frankfurt am Main”,
Archiv für Frankfurts Geschichte und Kunst 57 (1980) 7–18
Meyer, H., Die Strassburger Goldschmiedezunft von ihrem Entstehen bis 1861 (Leipzig 1881)
——, “Frühe Neuzeit” In: P. Dinzelbacher, ed., Mensch und Tier in der Geschichte Europas
(Stuttgart 2000) 293–403
Milanesi, M., ed., Giovanni Battista Ramusio Navigationi e viaggi (6 vols.; Turin 1978–88)
——, “Giovanni Battista Ramusios Sammlung von Reiseberichten des Entdeckunszeital-
ters, ‘Delle Navigazioni e viaggi’ (1550–1559) neu betrachtet” In: A. M[czak, and
H. J. Teuteberg, eds., Reiseberichte als Quellen europäischer Kulturgeschichte. Aufgabe und
Möglichkeiten der historischen Reiseforschung (Wolfenbüttel 1982) 33–44
Miller, S., Invested with meaning. The Raleigh circle in the New World (Philadelphia 1998)
Millicent Sowerby, E., ed., Catalogue of the library of Thomas Jefferson (5 vols.; Washington
DC 1952–59)
Minella, M., Il mondo ritrovato. Le tavole sudamericane di Giacomo Gastaldi (Genoa 1993)
Mirto, A., La biblioteca del cardinal Leopoldo de’ Medici. Catalogo (Florence 1990)
Mittler, E., ed., Bibliotheca Palatina. Katalog und Register zur Microfiche-Ausgabe (4 vols.;
Munich 1999)
Moens, W. J. C., and Th. Colyer, eds., The registers of the French church, Threadneedle Street,
London (4 vols.; Lymington 1896–1906)
Moran, B. T., The alchemical world of the German court. Occult philosophy and chemical medicine
in the circle of Moritz of Hessen (1572–1632) (Stuttgart 1991)

bibliography 543
Muensterberger, W., Collecting. An unruly passion (Princeton 1994)

Müller, R. A., “Kleinstadt und Bibliothek in der Frühmoderne. Zu Genese und
Struktur der Ratsbibliothek der fränkischen Reichsstadt Weißenburg”, Berichte zur
Wissenschaftgeschichte 15 (1992) 99–117
Myers, K. A., “The representation of New World phenomena. Visual epistemology
and Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo’s illustrations” In: J. M. Williams and R. E.
Lewis, eds., Early images of the Americas. Transfer and invention (Tucson and London
1993) 183–213
Neuber, W., Fremde Welt im europäischen Horizont. Zur Topik der deutschen Amerika-Reiseberichte
der Frühen Neuzeit (Berlin 1991)
Nuska, B., “Kniharské úcty pana Ptra Voka z Rozmberka” [“Die Buchhändler- und
Buchbinderrechnungen des Herrn Petr Vok von Rozmberk”], Sbornik Narodniho muzea
v Praze Series C, IX (1964) 53–80
Oakeshott, W., “Sir Walter Ralegh’s library”, The Library 5th series, XXIII (1968)
285–327
Oates, J. C. T., Cambridge University library. A history I (Cambridge 1986)
Obermeier, F., “Hans Stadens Wahrhafftige Historia 1557 und die Literatur der Zeit”,
Wolfenbütteler Notizen zur Buchgeschichte 27–2 (2002) 43–80
De ontdekking van de Nieuwe Wereld / The discovery of the New World / La decouverte du Nouveau
Monde (Amsterdam 1979)
Orléans de Rothelin, Ch. d’, Observations et détails sur la collection des Grands et des Petits
Voyages (Paris 1742)
Pagden, A., European encounters with the New World. From Renaissance to Romanticism (New
Haven and London 1993)
——, ed., Facing each other. The world’s perception of Europe and Europe’s perception of the world
(2 vols.; Aldershot 2000)
Page, W., Letters of denization and acts of naturalization for aliens in England 1509–1603
(Lymington 1893)
Paisey, D. L., ed., Catalogue of books printed in the German-speaking countries and of German
books printed in other countries from 1601 to 1700, now in the British Library I–IV (London
1994)
Palencia-Roth, M., “The cannibal law of 1503” In: J. M. Williams and R. E. Lewis, eds.,
Early images of the Americas. Transfer and invention (Tucson and London 1993) 21–63
Pallmann, H., Sigmund Feyerabend (Frankfurt 1881)
Pallotta, A., “The New World and Italian readers of the Spanish Historie in the sixteenth
century”, Italica 69–3 (1992) 345–58
The papers of Thomas Jefferson (multiple vols.; Princeton 1950 ff.)
Parks, G. B., “Ramusio’s literary history”, Studies in philology 52 (1955a) 127–48
——, “The contents and sources of Ramusio’s Navigationi”, Bulletin of the New York Public
Library 59 (1955b) 279–313
——, “Tudor travel literature” In: D. B. Quinn, ed., The Hakluyt handbook (London
1974) 97–132
Parry, J. H., The Spanish seaborne empire (reprint; Berkeley 1990 [1st ed. 1966])
——, The Age of Reconnaissance. Discovery, exploration and settlement 1450–1650 (reprint;
London 2000 [1st ed. 1963])
Peligry, C., “El inventario de Sebastian de Robles, librero Madrileño del siglo XVII”,
Cuadernos bibliograficos 32 (1975) 181–88
Pennington, L. E., ed., The Purchas handbook. Studies on the life, times and writings of Samuel
Purchas 1577–1626 (2 vols.; London 1997)
Petri, F., “Die Ursachen der niederländischen Auswanderung im Zeitalter der
Glaubenskämpfe” In: Idem, Zur Geschichte und Landeskunde der Rheinlande, Westfalen
und ihrer westeuropäischen Nachbarländer. Aufsätze und Vorträge aus vier Jahrzehnten (Bonn
1973) 594–99
Petry, L., “Oppenheim am Vorabend des Dreißigjährigen Krieges—Schnittpunkt

544 bibliography
bedeutsamer Lebensläufe” In: J. Albrecht and H. Licht, eds., 1200 Jahre Oppenheim
am Rhein (Oppenheim 1965) 117–22
Philip, I., The Bodleian Library in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (Oxford 1983)
Pinchart, A., “Inventaire des tableaux, bijoux, livres, tapisseries, etc. d’Alexandre
d’Aremberg, prince de Chimay, etc. mort en 1629”, Le bibliophile belge IV (1847)
375–87
Pleticha, E., Adel und Buch. Studien zur Geisteswelt des fränkischen Adels am Beispiel seiner
Bibliotheken vom 15. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert (Neustadt an der Aisch 1983)
Pomian, K., Collectors and curiosities. Paris and Venice, 1500–1800 (Cambridge 1990)
Poncelet, E., and E. Fairon, “Liste chronologique d’actes concernant les métiers et
confrèries de la cité de Liège”, Annuaire d’histoire liégeoise III (1943–47)
Porges Watson, E., “Forreine and monstrous beasts: Spenser’s anti-bestiary”, Reinardus
XIII (2000) 169–80
Port, W., Hieronymus Commelinus 1550–1597. Leben und Werck eines Heidelberger Drucker-
Verlegers (Leipzig 1938)
Pos, A., “So weetmen wat te vertellen alsmen oudt is. Over het ontstaan en de inhoud
van het Itinerario” In: R. van Gelder, J. Parmentier, and V. Roeper, eds., Souffrir pour
parvenir. De wereld van Jan Huygen van Linschoten (Haarlem 1998) 135–51
Pregardien, D., “L’Iconographie des Cérémonies et coutumes de B. Picart” In: D. Droixhe
and P.-P. Gossiaux, eds., L’homme des Lumières et la découverte de l’autre (Brussels 1985)
183–90
Pursell, B. N., The winter king: Frederick V of the Palatinate and the coming of the Thirty Years’
War (Aldershot 2003)
Putscher, M., “Das Bild der Welt zu Beginn des 17. Jahrhunderts. Alchemie und
Kosmographie in den Bildern von Johann Theodor de Bry (1561–1623) und Matthäus
Merian (1593–1650)” In: B. Fabian and P. Raabe, eds., Gelehrte Bücher vom Humanismus
bis zur Gegenwart (Wiesbaden 1983) 17–50
Quinn, D. B., ed., The Roanoke voyages, 1584–1590: documents to illustrate the English voyages to
North America under the patent granted to Walter Raleigh in 1584 (2nd ed.; London 1967)
——, and J. W. Shirley, “A contemporary list of Hariot references”, Renaissance Quarterly
22–1 (1969) 9–26
——, ed., The Hakluyt handbook (2 vols.; London 1974a)
——, “Hakluyt’s reputation” In: Idem, ed., The Hakluyt handbook (London 1974b)
133–52
——, C. E. Armstrong, and R. A. Skelton, “The primary Hakluyt bibliography” In:
D. B. Quinn, ed., The Hakluyt handbook (London 1974) 461–575
——, and A. M. Quinn, “A Hakluyt chronology” In: D. B. Quinn, ed., The Hakluyt
handbook (London 1974a) 263–331
——, and A. M. Quinn, “Contents and sources of the three major works” In: D. B.
Quinn, ed., The Hakluyt handbook (London 1974b) 338–460
Raabe, M., Die fürstliche Bibliothek in Wolfenbüttel und ihre Leser: zur Geschichte des institutionellen
Lesens in einer norddeutschen Residenz 1664–1806 (Wolfenbüttel 1997)
——, Leser und Lektüre vom 17. bis zum 19. Jahrhundert: die Ausleihbücher der Herzog August
Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel 1664–1806 (3 vols.; Munich 1998)
Rademaker, C. S. M., and P. Tuynman, eds., Het uitleenboekje van Vossius (Amsterdam
1962)
Rahn, T., “Herrschaft der Zeichen. Zum Zeremoniell als ‘Zeichensystem’ ” In: H. Otto-
meyer and M. Völkel, eds., Die öffentliche Tafel: Tafelzeremoniell in Europa 1300–1900
(Berlin 2002) 22–31
Ransome, D. R., “A Purchas chronology” In: L. E. Pennington, ed., The Purchas hand-
book. Studies on the life, times and writings of Samuel Purchas 1577–1626 (London 1997)
329–80
Reifferscheid, A., ed., Briefe G. M. Lingelsheims, M. Berneggers und ihrer Freunde (Heilbronn
1889)

bibliography 545
Rekers, B., Benito Arias Montano 1527–1598 (Groningen 1961)

Renting, A. D., and J. T. C. Renting-Kuijpers, eds., The seventeenth-century Orange-Nassau
library: the catalogue compiled by Anthonie Smets in 1686, the 1749 auction catalogue, and other
contemporary sources (Utrecht 1993)
Renzi, S. de, “Writing and talking of exotic animals” In: M. Frasca-Spada and
N. Jardine, eds., Books and the sciences in history (Cambridge 2000) 151–67
Reusch, F. H., Der Index der verbotenen Bücher (2 vols.; Aix-la-Chapelle 1967 [1st ed.
Bonn 1883])
Reuss, R., “Catalogue des François qui sont bourgeois de la ville de Strasbourg. 1553”,
Bulletin de la Société de l’Histoire du Protestantisme Français 28 (1879) 303–05.
——, Notes pour servir à l’histoire de l’église française de Strasbourg, 1538–1794 (Strasbourg
1880)
Richter, G., “Die Sammlung von Drucker-, Verleger- und Buchführerkataloge in der
Akten der kaiserlichen Bücherkommission” In: E. Geck and G. Pressler, eds., Festschrift
für Josef Benzing zum sechzigsten Geburtstag (Wiesbaden 1964) 317–72
——, Verlegerplakate des XVI. und XVII. Jahrhunderts (Wiesbaden 1965)
——, “Christian Egenolffs Erben 1555–1667”, Archiv für die Geschichte des Buchwesens
VII (1966) 449–1130
——, “Buchhandlerische Kataloge vom 15. bis um die Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts”
In: R. Wittmann, ed., Bücherkataloge als buchgeschichtliche Quellen in der frühen Neuzeit
(Wiesbaden 1984) 33–65
——, “Konzessionspraxis und Zahl der Druckereien in Frankfurt a. M. um 1600.
Zugleich ein Beitrag zur Gründungsgeschichte der Offizinen Balthasar Lipp und
Wolfgang Richter”, Archiv für die Geschichte des Buchwesens XXVII (1986) 131–57
Roberts, J., “Importing books for Oxford 1500–1640” In: J. P. Carley and C. G. C.
Tite, eds., Books and collectors 1200–1700. Essays presented to Andrew Watson (London
1997) 317–34
Roeper, V., “D’Hollandtsche Magellaen. De wereld van Jan Huygen van Linschoten”
In: Idem, R. van Gelder, and J. Parmentier, eds., Souffrir pour parvenir. De wereld van
Jan Huygen van Linschoten (Haarlem 1998) 11–29
Rojo Vega, A., “Libros y bibliotecas en Valladolid (1530–1660)”, Bulletin Hispanique
99 (1997) 193–210
Romeo, R., Le scoperte americane nella coscienza italiana del Cinquecento (2nd ed.; Milan
1971)
Rommel, C. von, Geschichte von Hessen (8 vols.; Kassel 1825–43)
Roodenburg, H., “On ‘swelling’ the hips and crossing the legs: distinguishing public
from private in paintings and prints from the Dutch Golden Age” In: A. K. Wheelock
jr. and A. F. Seeff, eds., The public and private in Dutch culture of the Golden Age (Newark
and London 2000) 64–84
——, The eloquence of the body: perspectives on gesture in the Dutch Republic (Zwolle 2004)
Roos, A. G., De geschiedenis van de bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit te Groningen (Groningen
1914)
Roos, K. L., The devil in 16th century German literature: The Teufelsbücher (Bern and Frankfurt
1972)
Rosenberg, M., Der Goldschmiede Merkzeichen I–IV (Berlin 1922–28)
Rubiés, J.-P., “New worlds and Renaissance ethnology” In: A. Pagden, ed., Facing
each other. The world’s perception of Europe and Europe’s perception of the world (2 vols.;
Aldershot 2000a) I 81–121 [previously published in History and anthropology VI-2/3
(1993) 157–97]
——, Travel and ethnology in the Renaissance: South India through European eyes, 1250–1625
(Cambridge 2000b)
Rumeu de Armas, A., La invasión de Las Palmas por el almirante holandés Van der Does en
1599 (Las Palmas 1999)
Rupp, F., “Das Meisterbuch der Frankfurter Goldschmiede-Zunft”, Alt-Frankfurt I
(1909) 114–25

546 bibliography
Russell-Wood, A. J. R., The Portuguese empire, 1415–1808. A world on the move (reprint;
Baltimore 1998)
Ryan, M. T., “Assimilating New Worlds in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries”,
Comparative studies in society and history 23 (1981) 519–38
Scharff, O., “Die Niederländische und die Französische Gemeinde Frankfurt am Main”,
Archiv für Frankfurter Geschichte und Kunst N. F. 2 (1862) 245–318
Scharpf-Paravicini, J., Die spezielle Physiologie des Auges von Hieronymus Fabricius ab
Aquapendente (1533–1619) (Zurich 1991)
Schepelern, H. D., “Naturalienkabinett oder Kunstkammer. Der Sammler Bernhard
Paludanus und sein Katalogmanuskript in den Königlichen Bibliothek in Kopen-
hagen”, Nordelbingen. Beiträge zur Kunst- und Kulturgeschichte 50 (1981) 157–82
Schilder, G., Monumenta cartographica Neerlandica (multiple vols.; Alphen aan den Rijn
1986 ff.)
——, Monumenta cartographica neerlandica IV: Single-sheet maps and topographical prints published
by Willem Jansz Blaeu (Alphen aan den Rijn 1993)
——, Monumenta cartographica neerlandica VI: Dutch folio-sized single sheet maps with decorated
borders 1604–60 (Alphen aan den Rijn 2000)
——, Monumenta cartographica Neerlandica VII: Cornelis Claesz. (c. 1551–1609): stimulator
and driving force of Dutch cartography (Alphen aan den Rijn 2003)
Schilling, H., Niederländische Exulanten im 16. Jahrhundert (Gütersloh 1972)
——, “Innovation through migration: the settlement of Calvinistic Netherlanders in six-
teenth- and seventeenth-century Central and Western Europe”, Histoire sociale—social
history XVI (1983) 7–33
Schleck, J., “ ‘Plain broad narratives of substantial facts’: credibility, narrative, and
Hakluyt’s Principall Navigations”, Renaissance Quarterly 59 (2006) 768–94
Schlugleit, D., De Antwerpse gouden zilversmeden in het corporatief stelsel (1382–1798)
(Wetteren 1969)
Schmidt, B., Innocence abroad. The Dutch imagination and the New World, 1570–1670
(Cambridge 2001)
Schneider-Hiltbrunner, V., Wilhelm Fabry von Hilden 1560–1634. Verzeichnis der Werke und
des Briefwechsels (Bern 1976)
Schnorr von Carolsfeld, F., “Julius Wilhelm Zincgrefs Leben und Schriften”, Archiv für
Litteraturgeschichte VIII (1879) 1–58
Schottenloher, K., “Widmungsvorreden deutscher Drucker und Verleger des 16.
Jahrhunderts”, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1942–43) 141–76
Schreiner, K., “Württembergische Bibliotheksverluste im Dreißigjährigen Krieg”, Archiv
für die Geschichte des Buchwesens XIV (1974) 655–1027
Schwartz, S. I., and R. E. Ehrenberg, The mapping of America (New York 1980)
Schwarz, K., “Missing the breast. Desire, disease, and the singular effect of Amazons”
In: D. Hillman and C. Mazzio, eds., The body in parts. Fantasies of corporeality in early
modern Europe (New York and London 1997) 147–69
Schwedt, H. H., “Der Römische Index der verbotenen Bücher”, Historisches Jahrbuch
107 (1987) 296–314
Schwetschke, G., Codex nundinarius Germaniae literae bisecularis. Messjahrebücher des Deutschen
Buchhandels von dem Erscheinen des ersten Messkatalogs im Jahre 1564 bis zu der Gründung
des ersten Buchhändler-Vereins im Jahre 1765 (reprint Nieuwkoop 1963; 1st ed. Halle
1850)
Seed, P., “ ‘Are these not also men?’: the Indians’ humanity and capacity for Spanish
civilisation”, Journal of Latin American Studies 25 (1993) 629–52
Selm, B. van, Een menighte treffelijcke boecken. Nederlandse boekhandelscatalogi in het begin van
de zeventiende eeuw (Utrecht 1987)
Shelford, A. G., “Confessional division and the Republic of Letters: the case of Pierre-
Daniel Huet (1630–1721)” In: H. Jaumann, ed., Die europäische Gelehrtenrepublik im
Zeitalter des Konfessionalismus / The European Republic of Letters in the Age of Confessionalism
(Wiesbaden 2001) 39–57

bibliography 547
Sievernich, G., ed., America de Bry 1590–1634. Amerika oder die Neue Welt. Die ‘Entdeckung’
eines Kontinents im 346 Kupferstichen (Berlin 1990)
——, ed., Asia y África de Bry 1597–1628 (Madrid 1999)
Šimeček, Z., Geschichte des Buchhandels in Tschechien und in der Slowakei (Wiesbaden 2002)
Simon, A., Sigmund Feyerabend’s ‘Das Reyßbuch deß heyligen Lands’. A study in printing and
literary history (Wiesbaden 1998)
Skelton, R. A., ed., Lucas Jansz. Waghenaer. The mariners mirrour, London 1588 (Amster-
dam 1966)
Solok, B. J., “The problem of assessing Thomas Harriot’s ‘A briefe and true report’ of
his discoveries in North America”, Annals of science 51 (1994) 1–16
Sondheim, M., “Die De Bry, Matthaeus Merian und Wilhelm Fitzer”, Philobiblon 6
(1933) 9–34
——, “Die De Bryschen Grossen Reisen”, Het Boek 24 (1936–37) 331–64
Stangmeier, H., Wilhelm Fabry von Hilden. Leben—Gestalt—Werken (Wuppertal 1957)
Starp, H., “Das Frankfurter Verlagshaus Schönwetter 1598–1726”, Archiv für die Geschichte
des Buchwesens I (1958) 38–113
Steen de Jehay, X. van den, Essai historique sur l’ancienne cathédrale de St.-Lambert à Liège
(Liège 1846)
Steffen-Schrade, J., “Ethnographische Illustrationen zwischen Propaganda und Unter-
haltung. Ein Vergleich der Reisesammlungen von De Bry und Hulsius” In: S. Burg-
hartz, ed., Inszenierte Welten. Die west- und ostindischen Reisen der Verleger de Bry, 1590–
1630 / Staging New Worlds. De Brys’ illustrated travel reports, 1590–1630 (Basel 2004)
157–95
Stevens, H., et al., Catalogue of a collection of De Bry’s “Voyages”, 1590—1644, in 186
volumes (s. l. 1939)
Stock, J. van der, Printing images in Antwerp. The introduction of printmaking in a city, fifteenth
century to 1585 (Rotterdam 1998)
Stopp, F. J., Monsters and hieroglyphs. Broadsheets and emblem books in sixteenth century Germany
(Cambridge 1972)
Sturtevant, W. C., “Lafitau’s hoes”, American antiquity 33–1 (1968) 93–95
——, “First visual images of native America” In: F. Chiappelli, ed., First images of
America (2 vols.; Berkeley and Los Angeles 1976) 417–54
Suárez, Th., Early mapping of Southeast Asia (Singapore 1999)
Subrahmanyam, S., The Portuguese empire in Asia, 1500–1700: a political and economic his-
tory (London 1993)
Svensson, L. G., Die Geschichte der Bibliotheca Bipontina: mit einem Katalog der Handschriften
(Kaiserslautern 2002)
Swann, M., Curiosities and texts. The culture of collecting in early modern England (Philadelphia
2001)
Tanis, J., and D. Horst, De tweedracht verbeeld. Prentkunst als propaganda aan het begin van de
Tachtigjarige Oorlog / Images of discord. A graphic interpretation of the opening decades of the
Eighty Years’ War (Bryn Mawr [Penn.] 1993)
Taylor, A., ed., Advice on establishing a library by Gabriel Naudé (Westport, Ct. 1976)
Thieme-Becker Allgemeines Lexikon der Bildenden Künstler (37 vols.; Leipzig 1907–50)
Thomas, H., Rivers of gold. The rise of the Spanish empire, from Columbus to Magellan (New
York 2004)
Thomas, K., Man and the natural world. Changing attitudes in England 1500–1800 (2nd ed.,
Harmondsworth 1987)
Tiele, P. A., Memoire bibliographique sur les journaux des navigateurs Néerlandais réimprimes dans
les collections de De Bry et Hulsius et sur les anciennes éditions hollandaises des journaux de
navigateurs étrangers (photomechanic reprint 1960 [1st ed. Amsterdam 1867])
Tihon, C., La principauté et le diocèse de Liège sous Robert de Berghes (1557–1564) (Liège
1922)
Töpke, G. ed., Die Matrikel des Universität Heidelberg von 1386 bis 1662 II (Heidelberg
1886)

548 bibliography
Tracy, J. D., True ocean found. Paludanus’s letters on Dutch voyages to the Kara Sea, 1595–1596
(Minneapolis 1980)
Trenczak, E., “Lucas Jennis als Verleger alchemistischer Bildertraktate”, Gutenberg-
Jahrbuch (1965) 324–37
Urness, C., “Purchas as editor” In: L. E. Pennington, ed., The Purchas handbook. Studies
on the life, times and writings of Samuel Purchas 1577–1626 (London 1997) 121–44
Vardi, L., “Imagining the harvest in early modern Europe”, American historical review
101–5 (1996) 1357–97
Verhaak, E., “Emblemata nobilitati et vulgo scitu digna. Een embleemboek uit 1592
als album amicorum van Jean le Seur”, Bulletin van het Rijksmuseum 49, 2/3 (2001)
140–51
——, De familie De Bry: graveurs en uitgevers 1528–1623. De prenten en gebonden uitgaven van
Theodoor, Johan Theodoor en Johan Israel de Bry (unpublished MA-thesis, VU Amsterdam
1996)
Verhoeven, G., “De reisuitgaven van Gillis Joosten Saeghman: ‘En koopt er geen dan
met dees fraaie Faem’ ”, Literatuur IX (1992) 330–38
Vignau-Wilberg, Th., “Niederländische Emigranten in Frankfurt und ihre Bedeutung für
die realistische Pflanzendarstellung am Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts” In: K. Wettengl,
ed., Georg Flegel 1566–1638. Stilleben (Stuttgart 1993) 157–65
——, ed., Archetypa studiaque patris Georgii Hoefnagelii 1592. Nature, poetry and science in art
around 1600 (Munich 1994)
Voet, L., The golden compasses: a history and evolution of the printing and publishing activities of
the Officina Plantiniana at Antwerp (2 vols.; Amsterdam 1969–72)
——, “Kopergravure en houtsnede in de boekillustratie van het Plantijnse huis in de
tweede helft van de zestiende eeuw” In: Bijdragen tot de geschiedenis van de grafische kunst
opgedragen aan Prof. dr. Louis Lebeer (Antwerp 1975) 380–90
Vriesema, P. C. A., “The STCN-fingerprint”, Studies in bibliography XXXIX (1986)
93–100
Wallis, H., “Purchas’s maps” In: L. E. Pennington, ed., The Purchas handbook. Studies on
the life, times and writings of Samuel Purchas 1577–1626 (London 1997) 145–66
Walther, A. E., “Ein politischer Publizist im Dreißigjährigen Krieg: Das literarische
Schaffen Julius Wilhelm Zincgrefs” In: J. Arndt and H. Arnold, eds., 1648—Krieg
und Frieden in Europa; Textband II—Kunst und Kultur (Munster and Osnabrück 1998)
377–85
Warncke, C.-P., Die Ornamentale Groteske in Deutschland 1500–1650 (2 vols.; Berlin
1979)
Warnecke, F., ed., Emblemata nobilitati et vulgo scitu digna [fascimile ed. of Emblemata
nobilitati . . ., Frankfurt 1593] (Berlin 1894)
Warner, M. F., “The ‘Augmentatio’, 1614, of de Bry’s Florilegium novum”, Libri 6
(1955) 29–32
Waters, D. W., “Waghenaer’s The Mariners Mirrour, 1588, and its influence on English
hydrography” In: Lucas Jansz. Waghenaer van Enckhuysen. De maritieme cartografie in de
Nederlanden in de zestiende en het begin van de zeventiende eeuw (Enkhuizen 1984) 89–95
Weigel, T. O., Bibliografische Mittheilungen über die deutschen Ausgaben von De Bry’s Sammlungen
der Reisen nach dem abend- und morgenländischen Indien (Leipzig 1845)
Weil, E., “William Fitzer, the publisher of Harvey’s De Motu Cordis, 1628”, The
Library 34 (1944) 142–64
Whitehead, N. L., ed., The Discoverie of the Large, Rich and Bewtiful Empyre of Guiana by
Sir Walter Ralegh (Oklahoma 1997)
Wittmann, R., Geschichte des Deutschen Buchhandels (Munich 1991)
Wolff, C., “Strasbourg, cité du refuge” In: G. Livet and F. Rapp, eds., Strasbourg au coeur
religieux du XVI e siècle (Strasbourg 1977) 321–30
Woolf, D. R., Reading history in early modern England (Cambridge 2000)
Wüthrich, L. H., “Matthaeus Merians Oppenheimer Zeit” In: J. Albrecht and H. Licht,
eds., 1200 Jahre Oppenheim am Rhein (Oppenheim 1965) 129–46

bibliography 549
——, Das druckgraphische Werk von Matthaeus Merian D. Ae. (4 vols.; Basel and Hamburg
1966–96)
——, “Matthaeus Merian d. A. Biographie” In: Matthaeus Merian des Aelteren. Catalog zu
Ausstellungen im Museum für Kunsthandwerk Franckfurt am Main und im Kunstmuseum Basel
(Frankfurt 1993) 5–19
Yates, F. A., The rosicrucian enlightenment (reprint, London 2002; 1st ed. 1975)
Yernaux, J., “Lambert Lombard”, Bulletin de l’Institut archéologique liègeois LXXII (1957–58)
267–372
Zandvliet, K., Mapping for money: maps, plans and topographic paintings and their role in Dutch
overseas expansion during the 16th and 17th centuries (Amsterdam 1998)
Zilver uit de Gouden Eeuw van Antwerpen (Antwerp 1988)
Zimmermann, R., ed., Salomon de Caus. Hortus Palatinus: die Entwürfe zum Heidelberger
Schlossgarten [Grüne Reihe, Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte der Gartenkunst,
vol. 1] (2 vols.; Worms 1980–86)
Zschunke, P., Konfession und Alltag in Oppenheim. Beiträge zur Geschichte von Bevölkerung und
Gesellschaft einer gemischtkonfessionellen Kleinstadt in der Frühen Neuzeit (Wiesbaden 1984)
Zuber, R., “Strasbourg, refuge des Champenois” In: G. Livet and F. Rapp, eds., Strasbourg
au coeur religieux du XVI e siècle (Strasbourg 1977) 309–20
Zülch, W. K., Frankfurter Künstler 1223–1700 (Frankfurt 1935)
Zwager, H. H., “Isaac Commelin en zijn verzameling Begin ende Voortgangh van de
Vereenighde Nederlandtsche geoctroyeerde Oost-Indische Compagnie”; separately
published article intended as an introduction to the facsimile-edition of Begin ende
Voortgangh (4 vols.; Amsterdam 1969) 1–30

INDEX
Aa, Pieter van der, 373, 386 Arabian peninsula, 40

Acosta, Jose de, 7, 39, 117, 147, 158, Aranda, Francisco de, 305
162, 198, 205, 209, 234, 238, 242, Arellano, Jacinto de, 313
245, 277–278, 296, 323, 367, 380, Aremberg, Alexander of, Prince of
415–417, 498, 500, 514 Chimay, 331
Adam & Eve, 71, 139, 381, 413 Aristotle, 145
Adams, John, 4–5, 376 Artus von Dantzig, Gotthard, 77–78,
Africa, passim 104, 119, 122, 137, 259, 290,
Aguilar y Zuñiga, Don Esteban, 307 303, 351, 366, 407–411, 414–416,
Akbar, Great-Mogul, 153 418–425, 427, 430, 436, 439–441,
Albinus, Johan, 489 468–469
alcohol, see drinking Ashley, Sir Anthony, 63
Alembert, Jean le Rond d’, 3 Asia, passim
Alexander the Great, 39 Atahualpa, 233, 270
Alexander VI, pope, 23 Atlantic Ocean, 1, 23, 25, 155, 269,
Algeria, 507 300, 356, 369
Algonquian Indians, 172, 176, 190, 202, Aubry, Daniel, 99
222–223, 228–229, 246, 275, 345, Aubry, David, 99, 485
354, 357, 364; see also Virginia Aubry, Jean, 75, 80
Alps, the, 141 Augsburg, 8, 48, 54, 57, 339, 458
Altdorf, 324, 404 August the Younger, Duke of
Alting, Joachim, 336–337 Brunswick-Lüneburg, 330, 340
Altroggius, Georg, 468 Aztecs, 24, 193, 205, 214, 220, 234, 238
Alva, Duke of, 56, 60, 378
Alvarez, Balthasar, 297 Bad Schwalbach, 100
Amazons, 14, 194, 199 Balbi, Gasparo, 137, 166, 184, 186,
America, passim 235, 238, 249, 258, 276, 380, 422,
Amman, Jost, 72–73, 396 424, 504, 520
Ammon, Johan, 99–102, 477–478 Balen, Hans van, 58–59, 62
Amsterdam, 1–3, 26, 64, 83, 97–98, Balghat, 235
119–120, 142, 196, 202, 229, 231, Baltin, Adrian, 318
271–272, 312–313, 339–340, Banda Islands, 128, 205, 276
352–354, 357, 359, 361, 368, Banians, 169, 205, 274
370–371, 373–374, 447, 479, 491 Bantam, 208, 210, 212, 233
Andes, the, 24, 160 Barberini, Francesco, 328, 332
Andreas, Balthasar, 315 Barlaeus, Caspar, 323, 366, 499
Antarctic France, 260, 300 Baronius, Caesar, 104, 133, 428
anthropocentrism, 139, 150, 166 Barré, Nicolas, 264–265, 393, 424, 494,
Anton Ulrich, Duke of 511
Brunswick-Lüneburg, 341 Bartholomew’s Day Massacre, 263
Antwerp, 18, 53, 55–63, 66, 69, 71, Bary, Peter de, 68
84–85, 103, 113, 127, 133, 310–318, Basel, 9–10, 32, 36, 99–100, 254, 320,
322, 327, 330, 332–333, 341, 357, 390
364, 379, 385, 404 Basta, Giorgio, 445–446, 452, 457, 489
Anziquans, 186, 188 Bataks, 186
Apianus, Peter, 324 Battle of Nördlingen, 329
VAN GROESEN_Index_551-563.indd 551 12/17/2007 5:06:48 PM

552 index
Bauhin, Kaspar, 76, 82, 100–102, 364, 394–395, 397–398, 400, 402–404,
423, 426, 447, 451, 454, 472–473, 406–407, 410, 412, 416, 418–420,
475, 490 427, 430, 444, 450, 453
Baumgartner, Hieronymus, 412 Boissard, Robert, 73–74, 123, 416, 489
Bausch, Johan Laurentius, 324 Bolduanus, Paulus, 365
Bayle, Pierre, 268 Bontekoe, Willem, 372
Becker, Matthias, the Elder, 129, 131, Bontempo, Leonardo, 315
351 Bordeaux, 374
Becker, Matthias, the Younger, 77, 88, Borromeo, Federico, 337–338
129, 131, 351, 406–420, 422–424, Bössemesser, Johan, 487
426–429, 431–433, 436–437, 448 Boston, 357
Becker, Matthias, widow of, 439–440, Bourgeois, Louise, 102, 466
443–444, 446 Bourzollius, Franciscus, 412
Begin ende Voortgangh, 359, 370–372, Brachfeld, Paul, 490
504–505 Brahe, Tycho, 347
Belleforest, François de, 34 Braun, Samuel, 479, 501, 517
Bembo, Pietro, 38 Brazil, 23, 35, 46, 115, 182, 186, 199,
Benzoni, Girolamo, 8, 46, 108, 117, 222, 228, 231, 246, 260, 262, 265,
127–129, 148, 174, 209, 214, 219, 269, 301, 317, 323, 366, 369
227–228, 242, 250–254, 265–266, Bree, Jan Harmensz van, 350, 372, 423,
270, 276, 294–295, 341, 346, 378, 425, 504, 520
383–384, 395–397, 401, 443, 459, Bremen, 116, 347
468, 494–495, 512 Brenner, Sebastian, 490
Berchemius, Hieronymus, 316 B®ezan, Václav, 331
Berghes, Robert de, 54 Brignole Sale, Anton Giulio, 326
Bern, 76 Britons, see Picts
Bernard, Jean-Frédéric, 375 Brosse, Guy de la, 327
Bertelli, Pietro, 364 Bruges, 318
Bertius, Petrus, 476, 478, 500, 515 Brunswick, 332
Besançon, 322, 406 Brussel, David van, 66
Beverley, Robert, 374 Brussels, 312, 322
Beyer, Hartmann, 477 Bry, Anna Gertraud de, 67
Bezzerus, Gottfried, 491 Bry, James de, 63
Bigges, Walter, 407–408, 411, 496, 513 Bry, Johan Israel de, passim
Bijapur, 235 Bry, Johan Jakob de, the Elder, 56
Bill, John, 334 Bry, Johan Jakob de, the Younger, 67
binding, 4, 17, 135, 311, 314, 327, 331, Bry, Johan Theodore de, passim
339–340 Bry, Margaretha de, 67, 100
Bingel, Louisa, 91 Bry, Maria Magdalena de, 67, 92, 364
Bischweiler, 57 Bry, Ottilia de, 56, 100
Black Legend, 11, 24, 141, 227, 233, Bry, Susanna de I, 67, 101
250–254, 294, 387 Bry, Susanna de II, 67
Blaeu, Joan, 2 Bry, Theodore de, passim
Blaeu, Willem Jansz, 354–355, 361 Bryde, Mr., 292
Blaseus, Jacobus, 318 Buchanan, George, 267, 270
Bochius, Johannes, 315 Burggrav, Johan Ernst, 470–471, 477
Bodeck, Nicolaus von, 330 Burgkmair, Hans, 201
Bodin, Jean, 28, 163, 285
Bodley, Sir Thomas, 334, 337–338 Cabral, Pedro Álvares, 23, 35
Boemus, Johannes, 28 Cachedenier, Daniel, 412, 416
Bohemia, 98, 330, 333 Calvin, John, 107, 222, 240, 262–263,
Böhling, Tobias, 341 265
Boissard, Jean-Jacques, 73–77, 82–83, Calvinism, 11, 54, 57, 65–67, 88, 97,
95, 101–103, 105, 108–109, 118, 103–105, 107, 176, 222, 240, 249,
177, 284, 315, 325, 328, 364, 379, 260–263, 292–293, 378–379

index 553
Cambridge, 334–335 China, 25, 37, 141, 155, 177, 212–213,

Camden, William, 28 224–227, 230–231, 353, 355, 366,
Camerarius, Joachim, the Younger, 75, 370, 374, 507
118, 122, 322 Chodkiewicz, Johannes Carolus, Palatine
Camões, Luís de, 28 of Vilnius, 331
Campanella, Tommaso, 30, 377 Christian I of Anhalt-Bernburg, 463
Canary Islands, 148, 265–266, 269, 275, Christian I, Elector of Saxony, 134,
411 391–392, 471
cannibalism, 9, 14, 46, 182–188, 199, Christian II, Elector of Saxony, 417
201, 224, 228, 268, 344, 382, 387 Christina, Queen of Sweden, 326
Cape Cod, 357 Cicognara, Leonardo, 326
Cape Lopez, 128, 196–198, 204–206, Cieza de Léon, Pedro, 285
357 Claesz, Cornelis (publisher), 83,
Cape of Good Hope, 35, 180, 353–354, 120–121, 132, 202, 229–230, 257,
361 312–313, 330, 352–353, 354–355,
Carnalcubar, 184 357, 368, 370, 408–409, 414
Cartagena, 114 Claesz, Cornelis (sailor), 371, 425, 505,
Cartier, Jacques, 25 520
cartography, 14, 29, 37–39, 45, 48, Claudius à Rya, Marcus, 416
322–323, 352, 354–357, 359–361 Clerc, Jean le, 325
Casas, Bartholomé de las, 9, 117–118, Clervent, Mme de, 397
120, 124, 220, 250, 253, 285, 346, Clodius, Balduinus, 470
380, 406, 410, 445, 448 clothing, 150, 175, 195–196, 198–205,
Cassiodorus Reyna, August, 122, 402, 344, 364, 382
405, 409, 433 Clusius, Carolus, 64–66, 69, 73–77, 97,
catalogues 103, 105, 108, 111–115, 118–119,
Catholic/‘counter’, 96, 104, 131, 121–122, 127–128, 139, 143–149,
283–284 177, 264–265, 317, 321–322, 325,
De Bry poster, 70–72, 88–89, 93–94, 364, 379, 381, 387, 391–393, 430
105, 108–109, 132, 423, 453, 484, Cochin, 164, 266, 276
487–488, 490 Cochlaeus, Johannes, 27
Frankfurt fair, 71, 79, 81, 84, 121, Coligny, Gaspard de, 25
230, 283, 319, 347, 380, 403, 416, Colijn, Michiel, 356, 370–371
423, 426, 435, 447, 450–451, 453, Cologne, 259, 337, 458
470, 479, 486, 490–491 Colombo, see Ceylon
Cates, Thomas, 407–408, 497 colouring, 135, 201
Caus, Salomon de, 95, 351, 469–470, Columbus, Christopher, 27, 29, 35, 37,
488 109, 140, 157, 174, 206, 252, 396,
Cavendish, Sir Thomas, 25, 122, 404
155–157, 276–277, 291, 299 Columbus, Realdus, 432
censorship, 20–21, 69, 71, 94, 137, Commelin, Hieronymus, 81
251, 255, 260, 270, 281–286, 289, Commelin, Isaac, 371–372, 386
299–303, 305, 378, 380, 383, 398 Congo, 120, 147, 158–160, 185–186,
Ceylon, 39, 193, 294, 296 206, 247, 255, 327, 375
Challeux, Nicolas le, 265–267, 397, 401, Coornhert, Dirck Volkertsz, 188
459, 495, 512 Copenhagen, 313
Champagne, 55, 396 copperplates, 6, 64, 79, 100–101, 120,
Champlain, Samuel de, 354 133, 289, 313, 353, 370
Charles IX, King of France, 25, 55, Cordes, Jean de, 332
267, 298 Cornaro, Girolamo, 327
Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor, 188 Cortés, Hernán, 24, 28
Chartari, Mario, 399 cosmography, 27, 29–34, 36–37, 39, 43,
Chauveton, Urbain, 227, 252–254, 266, 49, 260–261, 264, 320, 324, 370
295–296, 300–302, 396–397, 401 Coster, Samuel, 322
Chesapeake Bay, 357 Council of Trent, 104, 260, 281–283

554 index
Coverte, Robert, 153–154, 348, 462, East India Company (English), 153
465, 506, 521 eating, 175–177, 179–188, 206,
Creccelius, Johannes, 104, 447 361–362, 382
Crevenna, Pietro Antonio, 1 Eberhard III, Duke of Württemberg,
Croft, Lieutenant, 407–408, 411, 496, 329
513 Eckenthaler, Hans, 77, 80, 91–92, 98,
Cuba, 174 131–132
Cumana, 174 Ecuador, 291, 299
curiosity, 30–31, 34, 37, 42, 141, 168, Eden, Richard, 42
317, 341 Egenolff, Christian, 81, 83, 488
Eger, Georg, 442, 476
Damme, Pieter van, 1–4 Eldorado, 14, 26, 120, 202
dancing, 9, 178, 199, 205–206, Elizabeth I, Queen of England, 153,
209–212, 235 299
Dante Alighieri, 285 Elizabeth Stuart, Winter-Queen, 83, 489
Danzig, 330 Elsevier, Abraham, 330
Dapper, Olfert, 373, 386 Elsevier, Bonaventura, 330
Davis, John, 25 Elsevier, firm, 314, 324
Delaune, Etienne, 57, 59–60 Elsheimer, Adam, 123, 365
Dering, Sir Edward, 335–336 Emmel, Egenolf, 446, 490
Derio, Pietro Paolo, 318 Engel, Phillip, 486
Descartes, René, 13 England, 29, 42, 45, 61–64, 94, 101,
devil, 169, 214–217, 219, 221, 229, 231, 112–115, 122, 145, 268, 289, 306,
238–242, 247, 254 323, 334–336, 354, 361, 368, 386
Dias, Bartolomeu, 27 engraving, see illustrating
Dibdin, Thomas, 5–6, 21, 376 Enkhuizen, 118, 143, 366
Diderot, Denis, 3 Erasmus, Desiderius, 284, 287, 290
Dieppe, 266 Ernst Frederick, Marcgrave of Baden
Dilherr, Johan Michael, 332 and Hochberg, 418, 444
Doetecum, Baptista van, 517–519 Errard, Jean, 421, 460, 472
Doetecum, Johannes van, 201, 235, Escorial, the, 307, 317
517–519 Esslinger, Dorothea, 72
Doetecum, Van, family, 63, 205 Esslinger, Katharina, 53, 56
Dohna, Achatius von, 428 Esterházy, Pál, Prince Palatine of
domestication, 150–151, 155–167, 381 Hungary, 333
Dominicus, Johan Jakob, 478 Estienne, Henri, 79–80
Dominicus, Johan Porsius, 478 Eussem, Esteban, 306
Drake, Sir Francis, 25, 45, 114, 191, Evelyn, John, 321
291–292, 298, 318, 408–409, 411,
513 Faber, Abraham, 394, 400, 403
Drale, Jacob, 56 Fabri, Egidius, 315
drinking, 175, 178–179, 382 Fabricius ab Aquapendente,
Drugeth, György, Count of Hommona, Hieronymus, 423, 444
331 Fabry von Hilden, Wilhelm, 76, 93,
Dürer, Albrecht, 163 448, 451, 454–455, 458–459, 467,
Dutch East India Company, 26, 119, 488
371–372, 374 Fama, Johannes, 480
Dutch Republic, 4, 26, 29, 48, 97, Fawkes, Guy, 426
118–121, 128, 140, 290, 313–314, Faye, Abraham de la, 491
322–323, 330, 332–334, 336, 352, feathers, 199–205, 275, 344–345, 382
354, 359, 365, 373, 386–387, Ferdinand III, Holy Roman Emperor,
434–435 329
Dutch Revolt, 60, 259 Ferdinand of Aragon, King of Spain,
Dutch West India Company, 324, 367 23

index 555
Ferdinand of Bavaria, Archbishop of Galle, Phillip, 60, 62, 83, 404

Cologne, 438, 445, 447 Galler, Hieronymus, 91–92, 94, 98–99,
Ferdinand, Cardinal-Infante, 364 129, 351, 434–435, 438, 442–445,
Feyerabend, Johan, 72, 77, 129, 448–469, 471–472, 487
393–396, 398, 401–402, 405 Gallo, Antonio, 317
Feyerabend, Karl, 73, 96, 393 Gama, Vasco da, 27, 29, 35, 37, 285
Feyerabend, Sigmund, 41–42, 69, Garet, James, 68, 112–116, 134, 322
72–74, 85, 96, 102, 104, 111, 115, Garinet, Jean, 322
122, 240, 390–393, 396, 402, 430 Garth, Richard, 68, 113–115, 322
Fitzer, William, 100–103, 132, 154, Gastaldi, Giacomo, 38–39, 41
313, 343–344, 346, 370, 481–484, Gelle, Johan, 441
490 Gemmingen, Johan Christoph von, 95,
Florence, 320, 332 435
Florida, 8, 25, 42, 109, 112–114, 145, Geneva, 222, 227–228, 254, 266, 289,
151, 159–160, 169, 171, 175–176, 295, 301
193, 204, 229, 241, 266, 278, 291, Genius, Isaac, 351
298, 344–345, 357, 364 Genoa, 326
Flötner, Peter, 84 Georg Frederick, Count of Hohenlohe,
Fludd, Robert, 82, 93–94, 99, 102, 105, 457
283–284, 379, 456–457, 462, 466, Georg Frederick, Marcgrave of Baden
470, 473, 475–478 and Hochberg, 468
Foillet, Jacques, 399 Georg Rudolf, Duke of Liegnitz and
Fort Caroline, 176, 266 Brieg, 448
Fort Coligny, 262 Georg, Count of Erbach, 402, 433
Fracastoro, Girolamo, 38, 41 Gerritsz, Hessel, 440, 505–506, 521
France Antarctique, see Antarctic France Gerven, Jacob van, 67, 88
France, 1, 4, 25, 34, 38, 42, 46, 250, Gesner, Konrad, 152, 160, 164
260, 263–265, 267–268, 300, 332, Ghoer, Herman van, Baron de Pesche,
354, 383–384, 386 403, 406
Franceschi, Paolo, 317 Giunti, Filippo, 313
Franck, Sebastian, 42 Giunti, Tommaso, 39–40
Franckenstain, Phillip Christoph of, Goa, 24, 142, 155, 249, 271, 276, 290,
455 296
Frankenthal, 347 Gold Coast, 119–120, 147, 159, 164,
Frankfurt fairs, 18, 20, 48, 56, 70, 79, 178, 191, 204, 235, 357, 367
84–85, 87, 90, 93, 97, 99, 105, 110, Goldast von Haiminsfeld, Melchior, 102,
120–121, 128, 131, 230, 283–284, 428–429
309–312, 316, 328, 334, 347, 349, Goltzius, Hendrick, 107
380, 488 Goltzius, Hubertus, 52
Frankfurt, passim Gómara, Francisco López de, 28, 201,
Frederick I, Duke of Württemberg, 285
97, 329, 398, 400, 412, 460 Gondomar, Don Diego Sarmiento de
Frederick IV, Elector Palatine, 88, Acuña, Count of, 306–307, 309, 316,
95, 134, 394, 404–406, 414–415, 337
448 Gonzaga, Vincenzo, Duke of Mantua,
Frederick V, Elector Palatine, 83, 316
90–91, 94–95, 98, 135, 283, 289, Goray, Johannes de, 454
322, 328, 379, 446, 448, 452, 467, Gottfried, Johan Ludwig, 8, 314, 344,
470, 475, 489 468, 471, 480, 482, 485
Freher, Marquard, 102, 429 Gourgues, Dominique de, 228
Friedrich, Johan Heinrich, 333 Granthomme, Jacques, 123
Frobisher, Martin, 25 Grasser, Johan Jakob, 487
Fromondus, Libertus, 333 Greiffenklau, Georg Friedrich von,
Fugger, Alexander, 111, 321 483–484

556 index
Grenville, Richard, 291 Henry ‘the Navigator’, Prince, 35

Grimmelshausen, Hans Jakob Christoph Henry II, King of France, 33
von, 366–367, 387 Henry III, King of France, 34
Groningen, 336–337, 340 Henry IV of Navarra, King of France,
Gruterus, Janus, 74, 76–77, 91, 95, 328 64, 410, 413, 418, 421
Grynaeus, Simon, 36–37, 320, 325 Henry Julius, Duke of
Guicciardini, Lodovico, 59, 339 Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, 421
Guinea, 292 Herbert, Thomas, 361
Gulcherus, Marcus, 416 Herborn, Nicolaus, 456
Gunterus, Antonius, 431 Hernández, Fernando, 147
Gustav Adolf II, King of Sweden, 329 Herport, Albrecht, 363
Guyana, 26, 142, 178, 202, 233, 245, Herrera, Antonio de, 380, 476, 478,
299, 323, 374, 513 499, 515
Hesse, 116, 182
Hagen, Johan Ludwig von, 284, 479, Heu, Catherine de, 395, 400
483 Hispaniola, 129, 206, 224
Hagen, Stefan van der, 372, 425, 505, Hoefnagel, family, 62, 66
520 Hoefnagel, Jacob, 66
Hague, The, 229–230, 258, 313, 327, Hoefnagel, Joris, 66
331, 338 Hofer, Johan, 469–470
hair(style), 204 Hoff, Hieronymus im, 458
Hakluyt, Richard, 11, 41–49, 64, Hoffmann, Nicolaus, 456–459
111–116, 118, 146, 175–176, 190, Hoijken, Balthasar van der, 66
222, 228, 243, 291, 320, 367–370, Holdsworth, Richard, 335
378, 392, 496 Homberger, Johan, 367, 405, 416
Halen, Oseam, 122, 393 homogenisation, 273–278
Hall, Joseph, 334 Hondius, Jodocus, 64, 354, 361
Hamor, Ralph, 348, 374, 461, 464, 499, Höniger, Nicolaus, 254, 396–397, 401
514 Hottentots, 180–181, 206, 353–354,
Hanau, 67, 76–77, 88, 96, 99, 429, 431, 361–362, 365
445, 453, 484 Houtman, Cornelis de, 120
Hanno of Carthage, 39 Hudson, Henry, 440, 506
Hans Georg, Count of Solms, 402, 433 Huerta, 305, 331, 332
Harriot, Thomas, 1, 8, 43, 112, 114, Huguenots, 8, 14, 25, 34, 55, 57,
222, 227, 246, 267, 321–23, 327, 112–113, 222, 228, 246, 260, 262,
359, 390–91, 413, 430, 471, 493, 509 264, 270, 291, 298, 300–301, 374
Hartgers, Joost, 372 Hulsius, Bartholomaeus, 348
Harvey, William, 101 Hulsius, Esaias, 123, 348, 351–352
Haze, Guillelmo de, 315 Hulsius, Friedrich, 348
heathendom, see paganism Hulsius, Levinus, 10, 48, 91, 94, 132,
Heede, Michiel Joostens van, 244, 269, 334, 346–352, 367, 370–371, 373,
411, 497, 513 386–387, 399–400, 402, 427, 430
Heemskerck, Maarten van, 188 Hulsius, widow, see Maria Ruting
Heemstede, 338 human body, 179, 188–194, 205–212,
Heidelberg, 74, 80, 91, 94–96, 101, 111, 382
313, 328, 379, 489 Hummen, Anthoni, 463
Heijden, Margaretha van der, 67, 405 Hungary, 268, 333
Heijden, Maria van der, 67 Hüttich, Johan, 36–37, 320, 325
Heijden, Marsilius van der, 66, 442
Heijden, Van der, family, 62, 66 Iambolo, 39
Helmstedt, 254, 270 idolatry, 168–169, 209, 221–222, 249
Hemmersam, Michael, 367 Île Sainte Marie, 202
Hendricksz, Aelbert, 121, 229, 230, 257 illustrating, 122–125
Hennin, Antonius de, 316 Inca, 24, 160, 198, 220, 233, 270

index 557
Index of Expurgated Books Johan Maurice of Nassau-Siegen, 323

Portugal, 21, 285–303, 305 Johan Reinhardt, Count of Hanau and
Rome, 286 Zweibrücken, 431
Spain, 21, 285–307, 313 Jonghe, Clement de, 355–356
Index of Forbidden Books, 118, 279, Jonghe, Ellert de, 269
281–283, 286–287, 289, 317, 384, Juana, Doña, 284
404 Julius Echter of Mespelbrunn, Prince
India, 28, 142, 153–154, 164, 168–169, Bishop of Würzburg, 104, 329, 395
193, 205, 230, 235, 238, 274 Julius, Michael, 403–404
Indian Ocean, 23, 26, 155, 184
Indonesian archipelago, 293, 357 Kaempfer, Engelbert, 374
Iran, 205 Kaffirs, 204–205, 231
Isabella of Castile, Queen of Spain, 23 Kämmerer, Wolfgang, 452, 455, 461
Italy, 28, 30, 47, 52, 243, 282, 310, 338, Keller, Georg, 83, 123, 350–351, 365,
384, 386 489, 514, 519–520
Kemmerin, Anna, 454
Jacobi, Paul, 99, 129, 452–454, 457, Kempener, Jacob, 115
461, 465 Kempffer, Erasmus, 99, 443–444, 451,
Jaga, 185 468, 471–473, 475–478
Jageman, Johan, 410 Kepler, Johannes, 339
James I, King of England, 306, 456, Kessler, Franz, 76, 437, 442, 451, 455,
489 461, 463, 467, 486
Jamestown, 26 Keymis, Lawrence, 202, 407–408, 497,
Janssonius, Johannes, 313–314, 330, 513
355, 370–372, 491 Khoikhoi, see Hottentots
Jansz, Barent, 7, 128, 196–197, 201, Kiefer, Elias, 123
271, 415–417, 498, 514 Kieser, Eberhard, 123
Jasper, Justus Peter, 341 Kirchner, Christoph, 86
Java, 151, 164, 209, 212, 233, 245 Knyvett, Anthony, 369
Jefferson, Thomas, 1–7, 14, 21, Knyvett, Sir Thomas, 335
375–376, 388 Kollitz, Johan, 400
Jennis, Lucas, the Younger, 91–94, 98, Kornthauer, Job., 442, 476
100, 102, 487–488 Kovacsóczy, Istvan, 331
Jesuits, 71, 104, 117, 147, 153, 162, Kranitz von Wertheim, Georg, 486
198, 209, 238, 242, 255, 257, 282, Kronberg, Herman of, 435
285, 289, 293, 296–297, 306, 318,
331, 365, 374, 380 Laelius, Daniel, 487
Jesus y Xodar, Francisco de, 289, 304 Laet, Johannes de, 324
Joachim Ernst, Marcgrave of Lafitau, Joseph-François, 374–376
Brandenburg, 97, 427, 453 Lange, Johan Ludwig, 471
Joao II, King of Portugal, 23 Lannoy, Adrian de, 312
Jode, Cornelis de, 357 Lant, Thomas, 64
Jode, Gerard de, 60 Laudonnière, René de, 42, 113–114,
Jode, Gerard de, widow of, 312 117, 145, 228, 240–241, 378, 392,
Johan August, Duke of 420, 432, 493, 510
Palatinate-Lützenstein, 432 Laurensz, Hendrick, 97–98, 120, 231,
Johan Bernard, Count of Kunovitz, 473 313, 330, 352–353, 447, 479
Johan Casimir, Duke of Saxony-Coburg, Laurentius, Andreas, 72, 102, 410,
329 412–413
Johan Frederick, Duke of Württemberg, Lebey de Batilly, Denis, 73, 400
329 Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm, 341
Johan I, Duke of Zweibrücken, 328, Leiden, 69, 75, 97, 111, 121–122,
402 143–144, 314, 322, 324–326, 331,
Johan III, King of Sweden, 330 333, 352, 373

558 index
Leipzig, 79, 84 Madagascar, 202, 210, 269, 292–293

Lepidus, Petrus, 73, 108, 397–398 Madrid, 1–2, 286, 295, 298–299,
Léry, Jean de, 34, 46, 108–109, 117, 304–306, 316, 384
155, 222, 228, 246, 260–266, 270, Maffei, Giovanni Pietro, 320, 337, 366
300–303, 317, 355, 366–367, 378, Magellan, Ferdinand, 23, 28
383–384, 393–394, 424, 434, 494, Maier, Michael, 82, 93–94, 105, 283,
511 379, 457–458, 462–463
Leszcinius, Andreas, 488 Mainz, 283, 367, 489
Leszcinius, Raphael, 488 Malacca, 259, 266
Leucht, Valentin, 96, 282–284 Malarmey, Louis, 406
Leys, Peeter, 58 Mandelso, Johan Albrecht von, 362
Liège, 51–56, 62–63, 75, 378 Mandeville, John of, 193
Lignaridus, Herman, 463 Manila, see Philippines
Lindenbrog, Erpoldus, 431 Marees, Pieter de, 119–120, 124, 147,
Lingelsheim, Georg Michael, 95 159–160, 178, 191, 235, 299, 335,
Linschoten, Jan Huygen van, 11, 26, 353, 357, 359, 367, 419–421, 504,
28, 46, 118, 120–121, 124, 132, 519
142–143, 204, 209, 212–213, 224, Marell, Jacob, 364
227, 229–231, 235, 257, 276, 291, Marell, Servatius, 67, 399, 405
293–294, 296–297, 312, 327, 339, Maria de’ Medici, Queen of France,
352–353, 357, 366, 368, 405, 409, 466
411, 414, 416, 440, 443, 454, 460, Marín, Vidal, 286
498, 500–503, 506, 517–519, 521 Marlianus, Bartholomaeus, 403
Lipsius, Justus, 74–77, 108, 126 Marne, Andreas de, 90
Locke, John, 41, 325, 365, 385, 388 Marne, Claude de, 80, 88–90
Lodewijcksz, Willem, 120–121, Marolois, Samuel, 491
142–143, 151, 155, 180, 208, 212, Marradas, Don Baltasar, 452
245, 312, 353, 409, 411, 414, 454, Martaban, 186
460, 502–503, 518–519 Martial, 145
Lombard, Lambert, 52 Martianus, Zbygneus, 454
London, 1–2, 57, 59, 62–65, 113, 259, Martins, Cornelius, 67
306, 313, 318, 322, 335, 337, 408 Martyr, Peter, 28, 38
Longinus, Caesar, 483 Mascarenhas, Fernando Martins, 286,
Lonicer, Johan Adam, 77, 122, 366, 297
393–395, 398–400, 406, 409–410, Massys, Quintin, the Younger, 62, 65–66
427, 430, 490 Matama, 276
López de Gómara, Francisco, 28, 201, Mathenesse, Wilhelm van, 323
285 Matsson, Henrik, 330
Lopez, Odoardo, 120, 124, 147, 158, Matthias, Holy Roman Emperor, 329,
185, 246, 276, 327, 375, 380, 402, 437, 468
405, 433, 501, 517 Mauclerc, Antonio, 447
Lorini, Bonaiuto, 427, 453, 474 Maurice of Hesse-Kassel, Landgrave,
Los Angeles, 304 95, 116, 135, 252, 328, 396–397,
Louvain, 333, 357 401, 423, 446, 449, 453, 463, 469,
Low Countries, 11, 56, 65, 91, 97–98, 472, 475
331, 339, 378–379; see also Dutch Maurice of Nassau, stadtholder of the
Republic and Southern Netherlands United Provinces, 331, 450, 489
Ludwig IV of Hesse-Marburg, Mauritius, 367
Landgrave, 134, 409, 411, 416, 471 Maximilian I, Duke and Elector of
Ludwig of Nassau, 458 Bavaria, 329
Ludwig Rudolf, Prince of Maximilian, Archduke of Tirol, 68, 391,
Brunswick-Lüneburg, 341 456
Luther, Martin, 240, 284, 287 Maya, 24
Lyon, 48, 317, 341 Mazarin, Jules, 332, 338

index 559
Medici, Leopoldo de’, 332 Myanmar, 186

Medici, Lorenzo de’, 35 Mylius, Arnold, 259
Melissus, Paulus, 328
Mendoza, Juan Gonzalez de, 212–213, Narsinga, 164, 193, 230
224, 230–231, 353, 355, 366 Nau, Martin, 396
Menéndez de Avilés, Pedro, 298 Naudé, Gabriël, 325, 337–339
Mercator, Gerard, 29, 45, 323 Navagero, Andrea, 38
Merian, Matthaeus, 3, 92–93, 96, Nayris, 230
98–102, 123, 126, 149, 224, 240, Nearcho, 39
269, 313, 333, 343–344, 351, 361, Neck, Jacob van, 120, 293, 353, 359,
467, 480–481, 484–487 371, 414–415, 478
Mesopotamia, 160 Negapatam, 238
Meteren, Emanuel van, 259 Netherlands, The, see Low Countries
Mexico, 24, 115, 117, 168–169, 198, Neugebauer, Salomon, 487
234, 242, 278, 296 Nevelet-Dosch, Pierre, 400
Meyer, Conrad, 363 New France, 354
Meyer, Daniel, 430, 438 New Spain, see Mexico
Meyer, Friedrich, 438 Nicaragua, 178, 209
Middelburg, 347, 359 Nombre de Diós, 277
Milan, 2, 35, 337–338 Noort, Olivier van, 120–121, 353, 417,
moderation, 176–178, 219, 260 419, 498, 514
Moisne, Merten le, 113 North-East Passage, 25
Moluccas, the, 40, 127, 177 North-West Passage, 4, 25, 42
Monardes, Nicolás, 144 Norton, John, 334
monstrosity, 82, 151–152, 155–158, 174, Nova Zembla, 119–120, 230, 245
180 Novellanus, Simon, 123
Montaigne, Michel de, 176, 188, 268 nudity, 175, 195–201, 206, 209, 214,
Montalboddo, Fracanzio da, 35–37, 224, 235–237, 250, 253, 272, 382
370 Nuremberg, 48, 322, 332, 347–348
Montano, Benito Arias, 73, 83, 104,
317, 404 Old Testament, 166, 180, 190
Montbéliard, 71, 255, 380, 398–399 Olearius, Adam, 362
More, Sir Thomas, 285 Oppenheim, passim
Moretus, Balthasar I, 75, 85–86, 90, 93, Ordóñez de Cevallos, Pedro, 380, 476,
97, 99, 131, 310–311, 314–316, 327, 478, 500, 515
330, 364, 385, 450, 488 Orinoco River, 213
Moretus, Jan I, 69–70, 75, 81, 84–88, Ormuz, 194, 205, 275
97, 102–103, 110–111, 131, 133, 144, Orta, Garcia da, 144
309–312, 314–318, 327, 330, 332, Ortelius, Abraham, 2, 29, 45, 52, 312,
423, 426 320, 322–323, 334, 337, 357, 366
Moretus, Jan II, 75, 85–86, 90, 93, 97, Otto Henry, Count of the Palatinate,
131, 311, 316, 327, 330, 385, 450 404
Morgan, Hugo, 114 Ottoman Empire, 28, 82, 379
Morisot, Claude-Barthélemy, 366 Ottsen, Hendrick, 117, 347, 421–422
Moyne de Morgues, Jacques le, 8, 64, Oudaert, Nicolaes, 318
112–113, 124, 202, 222, 357, 392, Oviedo, Gonzalo Fernández de, 38, 41,
420, 432, 493, 510 147, 152
Mozambique, 193, 204–205, 230, Oxford, 42, 44, 289, 334–335, 337,
275–276, 361 339
Mughal Empire, 153–154, 164, 205
Munich, 330 P., Christian, 116, 391, 413
Münster, Sebastian, 2, 32–34, 36, 40, Pacheco, Francisco, 317
182, 320, 334 Pacific Ocean, 4, 199
mutilation, 188–194, 237, 382 Padua, 37, 338, 423

560 index
paganism, 129, 194, 214, 219–248, 250, Pignoria, Lorenzo, 104, 428
254, 276–277, 320, 344–345, 366, Pinelli, Gian Vincenzo, 338
375, 382–383 Pioche, Claude, 55
Palatinate, the, 90–95, 98–99, 129, 137, Pisa, 318
328, 351, 380, 434, 467, 470–471 Pius IV, pope, 282
Palthenius, Hartmann, 477–478, 488 Pius V, pope, 282
Palthenius, Zacharias, 404 Pizarro, Francisco, 24
Paludanus, Bernardus, 75, 118, 119, plagiarism, 111, 136, 349
127–128, 143–145, 147–148, 257, Plancius, Petrus, 323
259, 298, 300, 329, 381, 411–412, Plantin, Christopher, 62, 75, 84, 105,
483 317
Panvinius, Onophrius, 403 Plessis-Mornay, Phillip du, 400
paper, 7, 99, 101, 107, 132–133, 346 Pliny the Elder, 23, 27, 36, 145, 148,
Paradise, 27, 139 152, 163, 264–265, 320
Pareus, Johan Phillip, 477 Pocahontas, 345, 361
Paris, 1–2, 4, 36, 42, 264, 313, 317, Poland, 243, 268
326–327, 331, 333, 338, 421 Polo, Marco, 33, 37
Patagonia, 180, 201, 271–274 Pontanus, Johannes, 353–354
Patagonian Giants, 271–272 pope, 271, 295–296
Patani, 123, 165–167 Portugal, 21, 25–26, 46, 255, 268,
patronage, 91, 95, 119, 134–135 284–286, 293–294, 297–299,
Paul III, pope, 168, 281 304–305
Paul IV, pope, 281–282, 287 Potosí, 141, 364
Pauw, Adriaan, 338 Praetorius, Johannes, 324
Paz, Francisco, 322 Prague, 135, 260, 331
Peacham, Henry, 335 Prallonius, Jacob, 404
Pegu, 165–166, 235, 258 predestination, 260
Perre, Balthasar van de, 56 ‘Prester John’, 14
Perret, Jacques, 418, 444 Pretty, Francis, 276, 299, 407–409, 497,
Perrot de la Salle, Paul, 75, 267, 513
395–396 price, 4, 21, 62, 84, 87, 99, 133,
Pers, Dirck Pietersz, 97–98, 120, 231, 310–312, 314, 327–328, 332, 346,
352–353 385, 388
Persia, 160 printing, 17, 27, 30, 62, 79–80, 99, 111,
Peru, 8, 24, 38, 115, 160, 198, 214–217, 125, 129–133, 282, 285, 346, 377
245, 253, 270, 275 prints, 60–61, 83, 107, 120, 124, 177,
Peters, Gerhard, 67 205–206, 289–290, 353
Pezelius, Christoph, 116 privilege, 111, 134–136, 390–393,
Philadelphia, 4 395–396, 398, 401, 412, 450,
Philippines, 23, 277 452–453, 456–457, 468–469, 472
Phillip II, King of Spain, 284–285, proof-reading, 128
298–299, 410, 445 Ptolemy, 23, 27, 32, 37, 320, 323, 337,
Phillip III, King of Spain, 307 385
Phillip IV, King of Spain, 307 Puna Island, 299
Phillip Ludwig II, Count of Purchas, Samuel, 45, 320, 361,
Hanau-Lichtenberg, 67, 96, 399, 401, 368–370, 386, 507
403, 429
Phillip of Hesse, Landgrave, 485 Quir, Petrus Ferdinandus de, 440, 506
Picart, Bernard, 374–375
Picart, Nicolas, 354 Raab, Paul, 80, 90–91
Picts, 190, 247 Rabelais, François, 285
Pigafetta, Antonio, 28 racism, 181, 201
Pigafetta, Filippo, 185, 276, 327, 375, Rainolds, John, 334–335, 339
402, 405, 433, 501, 517 Rákóczi, Zsigmond, 331

index 561
Raleigh, Sir Walter, 25–26, 42, 113, Rosicrucianism, 82, 93–94, 283,
116, 118, 120, 134, 202, 213, 245, 379–380
265, 323, 374, 392, 407–409, 496, Ross, Alexander, 366
513 Rösslin, Helisaeus, 350, 433, 435–439,
Ramírez de Prado, Don Alonso, 307 487
Ramírez de Prado, Don Lorenzo, 307 Rosweyde, Heribertus, 364
Ramusio, Giovanni Battista, 37–49, 243, Rötel, Kaspar, 479–484
320, 325, 365, 367, 370 Rotterdam, 121, 359
Ramusio, Paolo, 40 Rouen, 312
Raphelengius, Franciscus I, 62, 69–71, Rubens, Peter Paul, 315–316, 364–365,
75, 80, 97, 121, 125, 127–128, 321, 387
396 Rudolf, Count of Sultz, 432
Ravellin, Franciscus, 458 Rudolf II, Holy Roman Emperor, 93,
readership, 12–13, 20, 27, 29, 36, 111, 282, 331, 452
62, 74, 81–82, 104, 111, 120, 143, Russia, 40, 43
145, 147, 149, 164, 167, 170, 188, Ruting, Maria, 91, 94, 98, 348, 351
213, 220, 240, 252, 264, 267–268, Rutlinger, Johannes, 64
309–341, 349, 368, 370, 372, 383, Ryther, Augustine, 64
385–386, 388
rebate, 86, 311–312 Sacrobosco, Johannes de, 324
Reinard, Johan, 429 Sadeler, Egidius, 84
Reinart, Christopher, 463–464 Saeghman, Gillis Joosten, 372, 386
Relinger von Burgwalden, Carolus, Salamanca, 317
470 sales figures, 75, 85–90, 105, 109–110,
Rembold, Jakob, 458 220, 279, 316–317, 347, 349, 377,
Republic of Letters, 74, 76, 111, 118, 385
144, 177, 244, 268, 320–321, 378, Sandoval y Rojas, Bernardo de,
385 286–289, 296, 299, 301, 304
Ricci, Matteo, 374 Santo Domingo, 114
Richerius, Petrus, 291 Sartor, Johan Jakob, 341
Richter, Wolfgang, 77–78, 88, 129–131, Satan, see devil
349, 351, 405, 409, 411, 416, Saur, Johan, 129, 402–403, 406, 488
418–423, 425–427, 436, 487 Scaliger, Josephus Justus, 325, 333
Rio de Janeiro, 25, 260 Schenck von Grafenberg, Johan, 76,
Rio de la Plata, 191, 209 109, 428–429, 431–433
rites of passage, 212–217, 235 Scherdiger, Abel, 254
Ritterhusius, Conrad, 404 Schmidel, Ulrich, 14, 117, 348,
Roanoke, 26, 43, 359, 374 401–402, 407, 460, 495, 513
Rocca, Angelo, 339 Schönwetter, Johan Theobald, 74, 77,
Roe, Sir Thomas, 154, 507 80–81, 83, 85, 104–105, 489
Roelofsz, Roelof, 359, 371, 423, 425, Schouten, Willem, 210, 464–465, 499,
504, 520 515
Rogers, Daniel, 113 Schweikard von Kronberg, Johan, 96,
Rogers, Francis, 113–114 104, 131, 261, 283–284, 303, 421,
Rölinger, Katharina, 56, 58, 70, 80, 90, 425, 435, 489
255, 407–408, 410–413, 415–419, Schweinfurt, 324
421–423, 427–433 Sepúlveda, Juan Ginés de, 118
Rome, 297, 305, 317, 328, 337, 339, Seville, 144, 317, 321, 384
399, 402 Shakespeare, William, 387
Rompf, Christian, 322 Sidney, Sir Philip, 64
Rondelet, Guillaume, 149 Sieverds, Johan Georg, 340–341
Rosa, Jonas, 72, 410 Sigismund, Prince of Sweden, 330
Roscius, Julius, 71, 73, 104, 255, 380, Silva, Nuno da, 407–408, 411, 496
398 Sirtori, Girolamo, 445, 447, 452

562 index
Sittert, Balthasar van, 67, 88 Temporal, Jean, 41, 48

skin colour, 181, 199–201 Tenochtitlán, 24
Smith, John, 345, 348, 361, 374, 461, Ternate, 177
464, 499, 514 Thann, Josua von der, 482
Smith, Richard, 335 Thévenot, Melchisédech, 367–368, 373,
Society of Jesus, see Jesuits 386
sodomy, 253 Thevet, André, 14–15, 32–34, 36, 40,
Soreau, Daniel, 394 42, 46, 188, 261, 264, 270, 320, 370,
Soreau, family, 66–67, 96 511
Soreau, Simon, 394 Thorette, Louis de la, 75
Soto, Hernando de, 24 Thornburgh, Johannes, 477
Sotomayor, Antonio, 286, 313 Thou, Jacques-Auguste de, 28, 326
Southern Netherlands, 97, 310, 318, Thysius, Johannes, 322
333 Tibanti, Ottavio, 318
Spain, 8, 15, 21, 23, 25, 28, 38, 46, Tilenius, Johannes, 471
47, 97, 117–118, 168, 250, 259, 267, Timucua Indians, 124, 151–153, 159,
284–286, 293–294, 299, 304–305, 169–171, 176, 180, 191, 202, 204,
307, 310, 313, 316, 333, 371, 222, 224, 228, 240–242, 345, 375;
385–386 see also Florida
Speed, John, 361 Toledo, 38
Speiman, Johan, 451 Tordesillas, Treaty of, 23
Spilbergen, Joris van, 137, 294, 296, Tournai, 315
422, 424, 469, 520 Tovar, Simon de, 317
Spindler, Jakob, 465 translating, 113–114, 121–122, 144,
Spinola, Ambrosio, 98 229–231, 234–235, 243–247,
Spitsbergen, 204 257–260, 265–268, 301–303, 320
St. Omer, 318 T®eboÏn, 330–331
Staden, Hans, 14, 46, 108, 117, Tuban, 164
182–184, 199, 228, 276, 344, 366, Tübingen, 329
393–394, 424, 434, 493, 511 Tupinamba Indians, 222, 301–302
Stafford, Sir Edward, 42 Turnemann, Matthias, 491
Stein, Nicolaus, 131 Turrettini, Benedict, 289
Steinmeyer, Vincenz, 86
Stevin, Simon, 351 Ufano, Diego, 445–446, 475, 490
Stillingfleet, Edward, 332 Uffenbach, Phillip, 365
Strabo, 323, 337, 385 Ulfeldt, Jacob, 428
Strachey, William, 323 United Provinces, see Dutch Republic
Stradanus, Johannes, 512 Uppsala, 329
Strait of Magellan, 127–128, 201, 271, Urban VIII, pope, 328, 332
273 Ursel, 367
Strasbourg, 18, 51, 53–58, 60, 62, 64,
67, 72, 100, 103, 107, 329, 344, 378, Vaca y Benavides, Francisco de, 316
438 Valladolid, 306–307, 316
Streitius, Georg, 429 Vallet, Pierre, 435
Strobaeus, Bilibaldus, 122, 128, 366, Varthema, Ludovico di, 28, 164
414–415 Vaughan, Robert, 374
Stuttgart, 329 Vecellio, Cesare, 364
Suavius, Lambert, 52 Veen, Gijsbert van, 116, 123, 510
Sumatra, 186 Veer, Gerrit de, 120, 230, 245, 312,
superstition, 209, 221, 235, 302, 366 323, 348, 353, 409–410, 414, 454,
502, 518
tail, 172–174, 223, 240 Vega, Isabella de, 318
tattooing, 189–191, 223 Velpius, Rutger, 312

index 563
Venezuela, 174 Wechel, Andreas, 75, 80–81, 85, 88

Venice, 27–28, 35, 37–41, 317, 327, Wechel, family, 75, 81, 88–90, 99, 104
363–364, 395, 432, 453 Wechel, Johan, 69, 81, 102, 111, 116,
Venne, Cornelis van der, 372, 425, 505, 129, 390–393, 430
520 Weert, Sebald de, 196, 206, 274, 372
Verken, Johan, 47, 119, 258, 436, 439, Weidenteich, Anton, 332
521 Weiß, Johan Friedrich, 478
Vernulaeus, Nicolaus, 333 Welser, Johannes, 412
Verrazzano, Giovanni da, 25 Wetterman, Weyrich, see Marquard Freher
Vespucci, Amerigo, 24–25, 27–28, 33, Wetzlar, 76
35, 47, 149, 186, 198, 210, 233, White, John, 8, 43, 112, 114, 124,
461–462, 464–465, 498, 506, 514, 145–146, 158, 172, 175, 202, 212,
521 222, 224, 275–276, 357, 361, 378,
Vicenza, 35, 37 381, 509–511
Vienna, 65, 329 Wierix, Hieronymus, 60
Villegagnon, Nicolas Durand de, 260, Willes, Richard, 42
262–263, 265 William IV of Hesse, Landgrave, 116,
Villerius, Dionysius, 315–316 264
Virginia, 1, 3, 8, 26, 43, 112–114, 122, William IV, Elector Palatine, 134, 391,
146, 175–176, 190, 202, 222, 227, 393, 424
234, 242, 246, 275–276, 291, 317, William of Orange, 60
327, 344–345, 357, 359, 374 William V of Hesse, Landgrave, 475
Vlacq, Adrian, 313 Winghe, Jodocus van, 71, 83, 116, 253,
Vögelin, Gotthard, 80–81, 83, 91, 94, 406, 410
313, 489 Wolfenbüttel, 330, 340–341
Vok of Rožmberk, Peter, 330–331 Wolfgang Ernst of Isenburg-Büdingen,
Vopell, Caspar, 83 461
Vos, Maarten de, 60, 83, 84 Wormbser, David, 427, 475
Vossius, Gerardus, 323, 366 Würzburg, 329
Vossius, Isaac, 326, 331 Wytfliet, Cornelis van, 357
Vulcanius, Bonaventura, 325, 333
Ximinez, Emmanuel, 318
Waesberghe, Jan van, 121
Waghenaer, Lucas, 63 Yucatán, 24
Waldseemüller, Martin, 29
Wallhausen, Johan Jacob, 74, 449, Zapata, Antonio de, 286
451–453, 472, 489 Zaragoza, Treaty of, 23
Walsingham, Sir Francis, 42 Zetter, Jakob de, 98, 441, 447, 488
Walton, Robert, 354 Zetter, Paul de, 101
Warwijck, Wybrand van, 120, 353, 372, Zigler, Phillip, 104, 456, 470
414–415 Zincgref, Julius, 91–92, 95, 103, 467
Washington DC, 5 Zwingli, Ulrich, 284
Weber, Phillip, 458

Library of the Written Word
The Handpress World

Series Editor
Andrew Pettegree
The Library of the Written Word is an international peer-reviewed book series that publishes
monographs, edited volumes, source materials and bibliographies on a variety of subjects,
related to the history of the book, magazines and newspapers. The series consists of three
subseries, each one covering a particular period: The Manuscript World, The Handpress World, and
The Industrial World.
The series invites studies in codicology, palaeography, typography, economic history of the trade
and the technology of printing. Analytical bibliographies as well as editions of key sources can
be included, and the studies on the cultural and political role and impact of the written word
are also welcome. Where possible, the economic aspects of the book trade should be included
in studies published in this series.
1. Pettegree, A. The French Book and the European Book World. 2007.
ISBN 978 90 04 16187 0 (Published as Vol. 1 in the subseries The Handpress World)
2. van Groesen, M. The Representations of the Overseas World in the De Bry Collection of
Voyages (1590-1634). 2008. ISBN 978 90 04 16449 9 (Published as Vol. 2 in the
subseries The Handpress World)
LWW-serie_CS2.indd 1 17-12-2007 8:18:30

(Library of the Written Word _ The Handpress World volume 2 _ 2) Michiel van Groesen - The Representations of the Overseas World in the De Bry Collection of Voyages, 1590-1634 (Library of the Written .pdf

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

(Library of the Written Word _ The Handpress World volume 2 _ 2) Michiel van Groesen - The Representations of the Overseas World in the De Bry Collection of Voyages, 1590-1634 (Library of the Written .pdf

Uploaded by

Document Information

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

(Library of the Written Word _ The Handpress World volume 2 _ 2) Michiel van Groesen - The Representations of the Overseas World in the De Bry Collection of Voyages, 1590-1634 (Library of the Written .pdf

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

The Representations of the Overseas World

in the De Bry Collection of Voyages

VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd i 12/17/2007 7:30:03 PM

The Handpress World

VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd ii 12/17/2007 7:30:04 PM

VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd iii 12/17/2007 7:30:05 PM

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Copyright 2008 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated,

Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by

printed in the netherlands

VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd iv 12/17/2007 7:30:05 PM

Chapter One Opening up new worlds: sixteenth-century

Chapter Two From goldsmiths to publishers: The

Chapter Three A prosperous publishing house: The De Brys

VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd v 12/17/2007 7:30:05 PM

Chapter Four The making of the collection of voyages .......... 107

Chapter Five Plants and animals: The natural world in the

Chapter Six Native inhabitants: physical appearances and

Chapter Seven From gods to idols: The expansion of

Chapter Eight Different representations for different

VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd vi 12/17/2007 7:30:05 PM

8.5 Different accounts for different readerships .................. 265

Chapter Nine The impact of censorship: the Index Librorum

Chapter Ten Selling, purchasing, and borrowing: towards an

Chapter Eleven The impact of the De Bry collection:

VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd vii 12/17/2007 7:30:05 PM

Conclusion .................................................................................. 377

Bibliography ................................................................................ 523

VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd viii 12/17/2007 7:30:05 PM

Back in the spring of 2000 when I started devoting my time to the De

VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd ix 12/17/2007 7:30:05 PM

VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd x 12/17/2007 7:30:06 PM

Ill. 1. Portrait of Theodore de Bry (1597) .................................. 52

VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd xi 12/17/2007 7:30:06 PM

Ill. 33. Ind.Or. II, ill. iv ................................................................. 193

VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd xii 12/17/2007 7:30:06 PM

Ill. 69. Ind.Or. I, ill. i .................................................................... 256

VAN GROESEN_F1_i-xiv.indd xiii 12/17/2007 7:30:06 PM

On 27 October 1788, the distinguished antiquarian bookseller Pieter

VAN GROESEN_F2_1-22.indd 1 12/17/2007 5:03:54 PM

On 19 January 1789, Van Damme could inform Jefferson that the

VAN GROESEN_F2_1-22.indd 2 12/17/2007 5:03:55 PM

VAN GROESEN_F2_1-22.indd 3 12/17/2007 5:03:56 PM

VAN GROESEN_F2_1-22.indd 4 12/17/2007 5:03:56 PM

of De Bry, [. . .] fact and fable are mingled together”.14 In 1815, after

The collection’s historiography

These late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century anecdotes reveal

VAN GROESEN_F2_1-22.indd 5 12/17/2007 5:03:56 PM

While Dibdin discussed all the bibliographical gems available to him

VAN GROESEN_F2_1-22.indd 6 12/17/2007 5:03:56 PM

VAN GROESEN_F2_1-22.indd 7 12/17/2007 5:03:56 PM

reports and ethnographic material subsequently included in the De

VAN GROESEN_F2_1-22.indd 8 12/17/2007 5:03:56 PM

and the De Bry version of Bartolomé de Las Casas’ account issued

VAN GROESEN_F2_1-22.indd 9 12/17/2007 5:03:57 PM

De Bry family and their collection organised in Basel in March 2003

VAN GROESEN_F2_1-22.indd 10 12/17/2007 5:03:57 PM

Trends and methods: distributing representations

VAN GROESEN_F2_1-22.indd 11 12/17/2007 5:03:57 PM