Section–B

Answer the following in about 150 words each

5. (a) Unity and integrity of India was perhaps the single most uppermost factor in the minds of the constitution makers.
Comment.

The Cabinet Mission established the constituent assembly, which was elected to write the constitution of India.

With the Indian independence act being passed, the paramountcy of British was lapsed. There were more than 540+ princely
states (independent). Constitutional makers were wary of Balkanisation of the country and the secessionist tendencies within
the country.

Therefore, the need of strong centralised centre was left very strongly. Unity and integrity thus were the single most
uppermost factor in the minds of constitution makers.

The constitutional makers framed Article 1, Article 2 and Article 3 in such a way that gives Union Government edge than
State Governments.

Article 1 describes India as “Union of States” and Article 2 allows the parliament to admit into the union, new states on such
conditions and terms as it thinks fit.

Article 3 also gives powers to parliament for the formation of new states and alteration of areas.

5(b) Dalit perspective on Indian National movement. Discuss.

Nature of Indian national movement is contested among different schools of thonght. Dalits represents the relatively
underprivileged or deprived section.

In the Dalit perspective on Indian National movement, we include the ideas of untouchable’s leaders, leaders of non–Brahmin
class, also leaders of Shudras and Dravidian communities.

The Dalit’s perspective is compared with Gramsci’s coalition of subaltern class. The scholars include Jyotiba Phule, Dr B.R.
Ambedkar, Sri Narayana Guru, etc. The Dalit perfective offers a critique of movement lead by Indian National Congress.

According T.K. Oomen, Dalit response is a manifestation of 3 sources of deprivations–a) low ritual status, (b) poverty, (c)
powerlessness. K.N. Panikkar held that the limitation of Indian national movement was the dysfunction between political and
social–cultural struggle.

As per the Dalit perspective, agenda of Indian National Congress was never sufficient to transform life of the marginalized.

Jyotiba Phule held that the “British Raj is better that Peshwa Raj”. His views were critical of Indian national Congress’s
nationalism.

According to Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, there cannot be any Nation without Fraternity. He had no faith in Indian national congress
and Gandhiji’s commitment, and thus he advised Dalits not to join Congress.

Ramaswamy Naicker started Self-Respect Movement and built Dravidian nationalism.

Ranjit Guha showed how subordination and domination led to parallel tracks in Indian colonial history.

Therefore, the Idea of nation is a meta narrative and needs to be critically examined from multiple narratives.

5. (c)Despite constitutional mandate the inter state council has not come of age. Discuss.
The inter–state council is a non–permanent constitutional body set up by a presidential order on the basis of provision in Art
236 of the constitution of India. The body was formed by a presidential order on the recommendation of Sarkaria Commission.

The inter state council was formed to discuss or investigate policies, subjects of common interest and disputes among states.

The constitutional mandate of the council includes decentralization of power to the state, more financial resources transferred
to the state, Arrangements for devolution in such a way that state fulfil their obligation, etc.

However, it is said that despite constitutional mandate, the inter state council has not come of age. The relevance of the
council is questioned due to its inactive role. It has remained underutilized for the last 26 years, as it has met only 11 times.

The reasons for the inactive role is because of

(i) Single party dominance

(ii) Multiparty location polity

In case of single party dominance, inter state council was sidelined and neglected. Also, in case of multiparty coalition
government, inter state council relevance is reduced further as state’s regional parties leaders are part of coalition government.

With the return of single party majority in 2019, relevance of inter state council needs to be increased. Inter state council in an
interactive, inclusive and accountable body. NITI Aayog has highlighted that reactivation of the council constitutes towards
Cooperative federalism.

Therefore, we can conclude that there’s considerable scope for such institutions that give substance to the prime minister’s
promise of “cooperative federalism”. It is time therefore to revive those institution that could serve to arrive at a consensus on
such issues. Certainly, the inter state council is one such.

5 (d) Political decentralization has not been matched by administrative decentralization at the grass roots level. Explain.

Art 40 of the Indian constitution envisaged the governments at the grass roots level. The 73rd and 74th Constitution
Amendment acts established representative bodies at the local level. It is said that the decentralization at the grass roots level has
happened politically but not administratively.

Decentralization is referred as the transfer of authority and responsibility for public function from the central government to
subordinate or quasi–independent government organisation.

Political decentralization aim to give citizens or their elected representative more power in public decision making. With 73rd
and 74thamendment act, this was achieved. It is associated with pluralistic politics. The advocates of political decentralization
assume that decisions made with greater participation will be better informed and more relevant to diverse interests of the
society.

Administrative decentralization seeks to redistribute authority, responsibility and financial resource for providing public
services among different levels of government. It is the transfer of responsibility for planning, financing and management of
certain public functions from central government and its agencies to field units or subordinate units.

The Administrative decentralization in the areas of Delegation, Devolution and Deconcentraction has not happened at par with
political decentralization.

Administrative decentralization could be understood in the following way:–

(1) Funds —Economic survey mentioned the grass root suffer from low level equilibrium trap, the declining tax base,
the reduced charge, etc.
(2) Functions – The devolution from state list has not happened adequately as per the spirit of schedule 11 and 12
(3) Functionaries – Lack of code of conduct, No activity mapping, lack of capacity building of functionaries are the
challenges.
 Therefore, Panchayati raj and Municipalities must be given adequate administrative decentralization in the spirit of Art
40 and Direct democracy at the grass root level. The recommendation of 2rd ARC, Punchhi commission could be
adopted accordingly.

5.(e) Write short note on the significance of Chipko movement.

Chipko movement was a non–violent movement for conservation of forest. The movement saw people forming circles around
the tree and hugging it to save from being cut down.

The original movement dates back to the 18 th century Rajasthan where a large group of people from Bishnoi community resisted
the cutting of trees (ordered by Jodhpur Maharaja) by hugging them.

The significance of chipko movement lies in the following areas:–

(a) It relied on the idea of “Satyagraha” as a non–violent mode of conflict resolution.

(b) The active participation of women activists towards conservation of forest highlights ‘Ecofeminism’.
(c) The movement had activists and philosophers who campaigned successfully for the conservation. Ex) Sunderlal
Bahuguna.
(d) The movement based on the idea of Utilitarian conservation, than Protectionist conservation.
(e) People were motivated using poems. Ex) Ghanshyam sailani’s poems.
(f) As a result, former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi recommended 15 year bar on commercial green felling in UP
Himalaya.
(g) Chipko movement inspired protests in other states.
Exe:– Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan and Karnataka (Appiko)
(h) It spread to other areas like Limestone Quarrying in Henwal valley.

Since the ecological crises threaten survival irrespective of the industrial status of societies, the philosophical significance
of redirecting development onto an ecologically sustainable path relates to industrialized north as much as to the countries of
south.

The ecological worldview of Chipko movement provides a strategy for survival not only for tiny villages in Himalaya, but
for all human societier threatened by environmental disaster. Chipko movement influenced many later movements like
Tehri Bachao Andolan, Narmada Bachao Andolan, etc.

6. (a) National movement in India was anti–imperialist and increasingly radical in it’s socio–economic and political
pragrammes. Discuss.

Eminent historian Bipin Chandra calls the Indian national movement as “largest, most spectacular, inclusive national
movement in the world, whose warmth can be even felt today”.

It aimed to build counter-hegemony against colonial enterprise through mobilising mass participation undermining the might
of colonial empire lay at the heart of Indian national movement. It aimed to upend British colonial empire through
spectacular mass participation.

Not only the movement was staunchly anti–imperialist in it’s ideology it had a radical socio–economic and political
programme at its core. It aimed to usher political equality through universal adult franchise. It fought for democracy, civil
rights and liberty of colonial subjects. By promoting “communicative action” (Habermas), it marked transformation of
benign colonial subjects into active citizens, fulfilling Hannah Arendt’s condition of Zoon Politikon.

In socio–economic sphere, it introduced number of revolutionary goals like

(a) Liberty, equality, dignity for every citizen.

(b) Affirmative action for backward classes.
(c) Special rights for linguistic and religious minorities.
(d) Land reforms, including Zamindari abolition.
(e) Reorganisation of agriculture on scientific lines.
 (f) Fostering participatory democracy at ground level.

A number of these goals were incorporated in the constitution like 39B and 39C (land reform). Hence, INM with its strident
anti–imperialism and radical socio–economic–political measures, laid the foundation of “IDEA OF INDIA”.

6. (b) What has been the political fallout of Green revolution in India? Explain.

Green revolution refers to immense increase in Food production through use of high yielding variety seeds in areas of
Haryana, Punjab, Western U.P. in early years of 1960’s–70’s not only helped to achieve food security, but also marked
watershed changes in India’s political landscape.

Scholars like Yogendra Yadav link Green revolution with “First democratic upsurge” i.e. increase in electoral
participation among backward castes. The rise of OBC politics in India can be linked to the rise of “Bullock capitalists”
(Rudolph & Rudolph) i.e. rich farmers, who also ventured into politics.

Christopher Jafferlot and Louise Tillins link Green revaluation with rise in regional consciousness in India. It paved way
for greater regionalisation and Federalisation of body politic. Indian political science become more plural because of non–
congress parties and leaders Eg– Charan Singh, Devi Lal etc. and assertion politics of states Eg– Anandipur Sahib
resolution (1973). Few scholars like Zoya Hasan, also point out that rise in communalism was a negative fallout of Green
revolution. Prosperity generated from agriculture activities was channelized into religious activities like temple
construction, increasing regional consciousness and communalism.

Greater democratic participation due to Green revolution led to transformation of India from “Common Polity” to “Demand
Polity” (Rudolph & Rudolph), opening democratic space and making political landscape more open.

Increasing powers of farmers unions like BKU, led them to play important rale in making public policies, especially related
to MSP, Procurement, Stocks etc. It also lead to rise of farmers movements in India that can be seen today across
Mumbai, Mandsaur (M.P.) Delhi (T.N farmers)

Hence, Green revolution had significant political fallout, transforming Indian democracy with both positive and negative out
comes.

6. (c) The changing socio–economic profile of our legislators does not auger well for health of Indian democracy.
Comment.

Edmund Burke, called parliament as a true representative of society. Parliament of a country represents it’s “General will”
(Rosseau) and reflects changing trends in the society. In recent decades socio–economic profile of legislators in India has
undergone paradigmatic changes, some of which are concerning.

(a) ADR report points out that 43% of elected candidate have criminal charges against them. (233/539 MPS)
(b) 29% of those elected to Loksabha have been accused of heinous crimes like murder, kidnapping, rape etc.
(c) In 2009, percentage of MPs with criminal cases against them was 30%, in 2014 it was 34% and in 2019 it is 43%.
(d) Chances of candidate with criminal records winning is 15.5%, while those with a clean background was only 4.7%.
(e) 430 out of 521 sitting MP’s in LS have assets worth more than 1 crore i.e. 83% of lawmakers are Crorepatis. This
shows prevailing Rule of money over Rule of law (Christophe Jaffrelot).

However, there are certain good trends also-

• The 17th Lok Sabha has 12% MPs below the age of 40 years. This is more than that of 16 th Lok sabha which had 8% MPs
below 40 years.

• Since 1996, at least 75% representatives of each Lok Sabha have been graduates.

• The representation of women is slowly improving from 5% in first L.S. to 14% in 17th L.S. (78 MPs)
 • 39% MP’s have listed occupation as political and social work, 38% are agriculturalist, 23% are businessmen; only 4% are
lawyers reflecting a diverse Lok Sabha.

Thus, there is both silver lining as well as concerns. The need of the hour is electoral reforms like state funding, 108th
Amendment bill. (women reservation), fast–track courts. The recommendation of Indrajeet Gupta, Goswami
committees and NCRWC (2002) are salient in this regard.

7. (a) Development has overshadowed the influence of caste in electoral behaviour in recent elections. Discuss.

Christophe Jaffrelot points out that “caste is the mosaic of Indian polities”. Many political scientists opine that caste is single
most important determing factor in Indian elections. According to Carrbridge and Harris, “caste matters in every elections
from municipal to national”.

However, with the rise of development politics particularly after 2014 LS election, there seems to be a debate regarding
importance of development vs caste, as a single most important factor of electoral behaviour.

Pratap Bhanu Mehta points out “caste is a realty but not the only reality in India”. He points to recent election trends across
India. Despite impressive caste calculus of Mahagathbandhan in UP, the plank of development trumped caste narrative.
Similarly, Bihar election was fought and won on “Vikas” and “Su–sashon” plank.

However, Yogendra Yadav points out that there is a rise of “Identity PLUS” politics i.e. caste + other factors.
Caste/religion/ethnicity matters, but there are not sole determinants of electoral behaviors. For Eg– In Gujarat assembly election
caste coalition of Jat–patidar–Thakor was woven around development-employment narrative.

Therefore, it is wrong to assume development has overshadowed caste. They work in tandem with each other. This theory is also
supported by Kenneth Arrow’s Impossibility theorem. Which says that there can not be a single determinant of electoral
behaviour in completive politics.

Suhas palashikar, concedes that “caste continues to be the primary unit of political affiliation at ground level”. However,
scholars like Dipankar Gupta opine that “Indian politics is headed for big changes in recent future”.

7. (b) The Comptroller and Auditor–General of India enhances the accountability of the government and serves as the
watchdog of the finances of the government. Explain.

Kautilya has pointed out “It is impossible to keep honey at tongue and not to taste it”. The office of CAG provided in Article 148
of the constitution acts as a watchdog of government finances. He is the guardian of public purse and controls entire financial
system of the country. Hence, B.R. Amdedkar called CAG as the “Most important office under constitution”.

Functions of CAG:

(a) He audits accounts related to consolidated, contingency and public account of India.
(b) He audits receipts and expenditure of the centre and each state.
(c) He acts as friends, philosopher, guide of public accounts committee.
(d) He ascertains/certifies net proceeds of any tax/duty.
(e) Also conducts propriety audit i.e. he can look into “wisdom, faithfulness and economy” of government expenditure.

In recent years, CAG role in maintaining accountability has increased in light of CAG report on 2G, MPLADS scheme,
implementation of PM Grameen sadak yojana, Railway modernization etc. CAG is also auditing PPP projects like KG-
D6 basin project by Reliance industries.

Paul Appleby has criticised the role of CAG as highly pedestrian with a narrow perspective. Economic survey 2017–18
also talks about influence of 4C’s (CBI, CVC, Court, CAG) in engendering policy paralysis.

However, with increasing complexities of administration and globalisation of economy, the role of CAG is evolving to meet
changing demands.
 7. (c) Discuss, in brief, the role of national commission for women do you think it is a toothless organisation ?

National commission for women (NCW) is a statutory body of government generally concerned with advising the
government on all policy matters affecting women. It was suggested by CSWI (committee for status of women in India) in
1974 and finally established in 1992.

Role of NCW

NCW has had it’s fair successes when one consider the passing of Domestic violence Act, 2005. NCW also gave
recommendation on Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act, 1971, Maternity Benefit Act, 1963 increasing paid
maternity leave from 12 weeks to 26 weeks. NCW has also been at the forefront of legislations like Prevention of
Sexual Harassment at Workplace, 2013 and establishment of Parivarik Mahila Lok Adalats.

However, functioning of NCW has been more of a debacle than achievement. A recent study sponsored by UGC
suggests institutional collapse of NCW. It has become a body for distributing patronage. Excessive Bureaucratisation
and Judicialisation of the body has reduced civil society engagement. It lacks independent staff, faces huge backlogs
and has no right to prosecution. NCW also suffers from 2 power centers– chairperson and member secretary.

NCW also found itself in middle of controversy in denying scale and nature of violence in Gujarat, approach in
Manorma Devi, Suni sari case.

Reforms in the body are necessary to build it’s institutional capacity to help women affirm their right to “Differentiated
citizenship” (Iris Marion Young)

8. (a) “The basic structure doctrine is implicit in the Indian constitution; the supreme court has only given it an explicit
form”. Comment.

Keshananda Bharati vs State of Kerala (1973) is a landmark case in terms of constitutional Jurisprudence. It placed an
effective check on the powers of the executive to amend the constitution to preserve its basic structure. However, it is said that
basic structure doctrine only made explicit what was implicit in constitution. Examples include

Basic structure feature Constitutional Articles

1. Secularism (S.R. Bommai case) A 25 – A 30

2. Federalism (S.R. Bommai case) A 245 – A 293
3. Separation of powers (NJAC case) A 50
4. Judicial review (I.R. Coelho case) A 13, A 32, A 131–36, A226
5. Free and fair elections (Indira Gandhi Vs A 326
Raj Narain)
6. Welfare state A 37– A 51, A 335
7. Unity and integrity A 1, A 2

Hence, it is clear that features of basic structure doctrine were already inherent in the constitution. It was Kesavnanda case,
which made them explicit.

Zia Mody in her book “Ten judgments that changed India” points out that in basic structure case, judiciary choose
“uncertain democracy over certain tyranny”. Hence, basic structure case went a long way in upholding supremacy of the
constitution and establishing rule of law.

8. (b) Prime minister’s office (PMO) has emerged as the most powerful institutions in India. Discuss.

The prime minister’s office (PMO) known as the PM secretariat until 1977, provides secretarial assistance to the Prime
minister. Politically, it is headed by PM and administratively by the Principal Secretary to the PM. On the official side, the
PMO is the link between PM and his ministers, the President, the Governors, the Chief ministers and Foreign dignitaries. On
the public side, it is concerned with party matters, personal correspondence, complaints from the public.
The rate of PMO changed from one prime minister to another prime minister. Rise of Indira Gandhi saw- concentration of
Power in PMO. This process has been accentuated under PM Modi. PMO policy advice is considered the last word on
several policy matters like Finance, Defense, Health and Education. It is manned by a team of efficient high–level
bureaucrats which have decades of experience in policy making.

PMO has begun to rival the power of cabinet secretariat emerging as alternative power centre or a parallel cabinet. PMO
power centralisation can be gauged by recent demonetisation exercise, functioning of Swacch Bharat campaign, recent
trade negotiations (RCEP, USA) and PMC bank case. Hence it would not be on overstatement to say that PMO has
emerged as most powerful institution in India.

8. (c) Comment on the relevance of Directive Principles of State Policy in an era of liberalization and globalization

Directive principle of state policy are “novel features” akin to Instrument of instructions incorporated in GoI Act, 1935.
Granville Austin has called Fundamental rights and Directive principles as “conscience of the constitution”.

Neerja Gopal Jayal points out that after LPG reforms. “The frontiers of Indian democracy have been widened like never
before”. With unparalled prosperity, one can also witness the rise of unprecedented level of inequality and conflict in
society. In such a context, the significance of DPSP has increased many folds.

Significance of DPSP

(a) Upholding welfare characteristic of Indian state, amid calls for “Rolling back of state”.
(b) Remind policy makers of solemn resolve to secure all citizens Justice, Liberty, Equality and Fraternity amidst
Market Fundamentalism engulfing policy circles.
(c) Supplement fundamental rights and full vacuum in part III by providing for socio–economic rights. Eg– Rights to
health, clean environment, work etc.
(d) Ensuring equitable resources of material goods of the community for the common good, amidst appalling growing
inequality (OXFAM India report).
(e) Ensuring protection to vulnerable sections from economic immiseration and negative fallouts of inequitable growth.
Eg–elderly, workers, unemployed (A 39)
(f) Ensuring democratic decentralisation and deliberative democracy in the era of “Internationalisation of State” (Robert
Cox) (A 40)

Thus, DPSP can help in what Suhas Palashikar calls “Democratisation of democracy” and help in fulfilling Dworkin’s
conception of “Democracy of Fairness”.