c678 PDF
c678 PDF
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by
Ahmad KhairAllah Al Sharif
Supervisor:
Prof. Fawwaz Al-Abed Al-Haq
Program: Linguistics
i
Metaphorical Conceptualization of Happiness
and Anger in English and Arabic:
A Comparative Study
By
Ahmad Khair-Allah Omar Al-Sharif
B.A in English Language and Literature, Al-alBayt University, 2005
Approved by:
Prof. Fawwaz Al-Abed Al-Haq:......................Supervisor and Chairman
Professor of Linguistics, Dean of Graduate Studies and Scientific
Research, Yarmouk University.
Dr. Lutfi Abul-Haija'a:……………….....................Member
Associate Professor of Linguistics, Department of English Language and
Literature, Yarmouk University.
Dr. Mohammad Nahar Al-Ali:..……………………Member
Associate Professor of Linguistics, Department of English Language and
Literature, Yarmouk University.
Prof. Yousef Abu-Al-Udous:...………………………Member
Professor of Rhetoric and Criticism, Department of Arabic Language and
Literature, Yarmouk University.
ii
Dedication
iii
Acknowledgment
iv
Professor Yousef Abul-Udous for his great insights and all his help with
the data.
I couldn’t forget that special thanks are reserved for my outstanding
tutor: Professor Shahir El-Hassan for the sincere and earnest education and
edification that he implanted in our souls during our postgraduate study at
Yarmouk University, this magnificent scholar edifice.
In addition, I owe many thanks to all the staff of Al-Husseinya
Library at Yarmouk University who contributed significantly to my work. I
want to thank them for their co-operation in our study and for providing
access to the universal databases.
Last but not least, the unconditional support and understanding from
my family, relatives, friends and colleagues were invaluable in the
accomplishment of this thesis. I especially remember the encouragement
from my friend and cousin Owais, and my parents and brothers who took
care of everything at home during the many times I was very busy with my
work.
It was because of your help that I succeeded in weathering the ups
and downs in the past two, very turbulent years of my life.
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Table of Contents
Section Page
Dedication ii
Acknowledgment iv
Table of Contents vi
List of Arabic Phonetic Symbols ix
List of Used Abbreviations xi
List of Figures xii
Abstract in English xiii
vi
Summary 24
vii
Summary 77
viii
List of Arabic Phonetic Symbols
Consonants
Arabic
Description Symbol
Consonant
أ Voiced glottal stop ?
ب Voiced bilabial stop b
ت Voiceless dento-alveolar stop t
ث Voiceless interdental fricative θ
ج Voiced post-alveolar fricative j
ح Devoiced pharyngeal fricative ħ
خ Voiceless velar fricative x
د Voiced dento-alveolar stop d
ذ Voiced interdental fricative ð
ر Voiced alveo-palatal trill r
ز Voiced alveolar fricative z
س Voiceless alveolar fricative s
ش Voiceless alveo-palatal fricative š
ص Voiceless velarised alveolar fricative S
ض Voiced velarised dento-alveolar stop Đ
ط Voiceless velarised dento-alveolar fricative ŧ
ظ Voiced velarised interdental fricative Z*
c
ع Voiced pharyngeal fricative
غ Voiced uvular fricative γ
ف Voiceless labio-dental fricative f
ق Voiceless uvular stop q
ك Voiceless velar stop k
ل Voiced alveolar lateral l
م Voiced bilabial nasal m
ن Voiced alveolar nasal n
هـ Voiceless glottal fricative h
و Voiced labiovelar glide w
ي Voiced palatal glide i
* Some of the enlisted phonetic symbols are conventionalized within this research only, not all of them
match the standard IPA symbols (adopted with changes from (alyaqout, 2005) and (Morris, 1975))
ix
Vowel endings and long vowels
Symbol Description Example Meaning
i Front short close vowel / Xaaliq / creator
a Front short open vowel / baa c a / sold
u Back short close vowel / muħaarib / warrior
ii Front long close vowel / rafiiq / companion
aa Front long open vowel / ħaad / sharp
uu Back long close vowel / ŧuruud / parcels
x
List of Used Abbreviations
Abbreviation Description
Lit. Literary translation
Exp. Explanation
CMT Conceptual Metaphor Theory
CT The Comparison Theory
xi
List of Figures
xii
Abstract
xiii
cognitive linguistics and psycholinguistics, since Arabic involves a great
number of metaphorical exploitations which have to be investigated from
different perspectives, not only literary and rhetoric ones.
xiv
Chapter One
Theoretical Background
Most of our cognitive processes (like the way we think, act, perceive,
and view the world) are based on metaphorical concepts which structure
and influence our language. In addition, our conceptual system plays a
central role in defining our everyday realities (Lakoff and Johnson, 1980:
3). And it's ordinary that these concepts and metaphorical processes vary
from culture to another. Thus, they could be ranged from those which are
universally applicable to those which could be considered as language-
specific.
1
1.1) Definition of Metaphorical language
1.1.a) Metaphor
2
metaphorical expression can be used to refer to a linguistic expression (a
word, phrase, or sentence) that is the surface realization of such a cross-
domain mapping" Lakoff (1992: 1). Accordingly, metaphor is defined as a
cross-domain mapping from a source (or giver) domain of experience onto
a target (or recipient) domain. In simple words the latter (the target domain)
is, to some degree, understood in terms of the former (the source domain).
1.1.b) Metonymy
The first use of the term Metonymy can be found in the works of
classical scholars. In Chapter 21 of his Poetics, Aristotle distinguishes
between four classes of metaphor, which include what was later called
metonymy and synecdoche (Peters, 2004:14).
3
is a central concept in the definition of metonymic relatedness. In its literal
sense, it begins as a spatial notion where two entities connect each other by
literally touching, and is extended to conceptual connection, or semantic
relatedness. Lakoff and Johnson (1980) define it as a form of figurative
speech, in which one expression is used to refer to the standard referent of a
related expression.
Goatly (1997:3) argues that the study of metaphor is important for two
basic reasons. First, because, consciously or not, we are employing
metaphors all the time. Besides, the working of metaphor sheds light on the
ways in which literal language operates.
4
ornamental in nature, so it is considered unnecessary (Gibbs, 1994: 74).
However, current approaches view metaphors as essential and
indispensable in language and thought (e.g., Lakoff, 1987; Johnson, 1987;
Lakoff & Johnson, 1980; Gibbs, 1994).
Many studies claim that formal linguistics has not considered metaphor
as a necessary tool of daily speech, but rather as a deviation from the
syntactic norm that we know (cf. Lundmark,2005; Antović, 2003; Evans et
al., 2006)). Yet, with the rise and progress of cognitive sciences and
linguistics, metaphor has played a principal place in our thought processes
and life in general. Numerous studies which tackled the use of metaphor
showed that when we talk about a metaphorical concept we talk about other
hidden aspects about this concept. We transfer our understanding of what is
ordinary and literal to what is figurative and thoughtful. Therefore,
linguists start to investigate the role of metaphor in language and its
relation to thought. And many views have emerged discussing the
emergence of phenomenon and its pervasiveness in our everyday life.
Lakoff and Johnson (1980: 3) start their work by stating that:
Lakoff (1987) argues that metaphor is not just a way of naming, but
also a way of thinking; it is a figure of thought as well as a figure of
5
speech. On this view, a metaphor, stated by Johnson (1987:15), "is a
process by which we understand and structure one domain of experience in
terms of another domain of a different kind".
In early Arabic tradition, metaphor was mainly valued, and there has
been an agreement among linguists and critics that metaphorical language
is preferable to literal statements (Al-Jurjani, 1978: 55; Al-Yamani,
1914:334 and Sallum, 1977:189). This is derived from the fact that
metaphorical language has been one of the commonest rhetorical devices
used in the Holy Qur'an, poetry and ceremonial speeches.
6
Then he points out that the information implied in an al?isticarah is a
comparison (ibid: 31). And he states one major function for the use of
metaphor which is "granting resemblance or likeness between opposing
things" (ibid: 41).
Thaclab (1948), cited in Assawi (1988: 37), in his Qawcid ash-shcir that
marks the first effort in the field of Arabic poetics, seems to have felt the
need for a unifying theory covering different forms of metaphor.
7
are doubtful due to the insufficient distinction between the word as a
formal unit, lafZ, and its meaning, ma cna.
8
In terms of meaning clearness that metaphorical language can serve,
many early Arab scholars believed that metaphor has not a significant role
in deriving ideas from the word meaning. Al-Jurjani, for example, doesn't
accept as true that metaphor gives us a new idea. He says that it could only
reveal a great deal of deep insight into a few present relations connecting
things (Al-jurjani, 1987:57; Asfour, 1973:220-222). Avicenna, cited in
Asfour (1973: 362), refuses also the idea that metaphor could be used to
enhance clarity. He believes that it is essentially used as an ornament and
that its importance is derived only from its capability to influence the
readers or hearers' feelings. It is stated in AL-Khataba that the impressive
magnificence attributed to metaphor is due to the admiration it elicits from
the reader as a result of its being strange and extraordinary. Furthermore,
Asfour (1973) stresses this point a little further by pointing out that the
function of metaphors is to motivate the reader (or the hearer) to become
conscious of what he sees around him. In this regard, he has been able to
come together with the philosophical view point other than that of the
preceding scholars. He states that metaphorical language and figures of
speech generally entail some kind of consciousness on the reader because
they slow down the processes of understanding the intentional meaning,
and they make the reader employ his mind more thoroughly and think of
several things before he can snatch the intended idea (ibid:363). He finds
out also that metaphor is built on a sort of self recognition where dualism
between things fades away. In this way, metaphors are capable to turn into
a new what seems to be regular and familiar (ibid, 14).
9
1.3) Functions of Metaphorical Language
Katan (1999), cited in (Al-Zoubi et al., 2006: 232), suggests that "a
cognitive approach to the study of culture can be seen in terms of the form
of things that people have in mind; their models for perceiving, relating,
and interpreting them". Accordingly, metaphors form a central component
of human thought, and play an important role in mental processes such as
reasoning and deduction. In this light, linguistic communication, including
cross-cultural one, can be seen as a process whereby people try to
maximize their communicative success by minimizing their linguistic effort
(Sperber and Wilson, 1986).
10
detailed picture of our subjective experience than might be expressed by
literal language.
1.4.a) Overview
11
also that other emotion words can describe the emotions they signify or that
‘‘they are about.’’ Words like anger and angry, joy and happy, sadness and
depressed are assumed to be used in such a way. And he reminded that
under certain circumstances descriptive emotion terms can also ‘‘express’’
particular emotions. An example is ‘‘I love you!’’ where the descriptive
emotion word love is used both to describe and express the emotion of love
(ibid: 2).
This supposed "Basicness", Kövecses adds, can mean two things: one
is that these words (the concepts corresponding to them) occupy an
intermediate level in a vertical hierarchy of concepts. In this sense, say,
anger is more basic than, for example, annoyance or emotion. And because
anger is a ‘‘basic-level’’ emotion category, it lies between the
superordinate-level category emotion and the subordinate-level category of
annoyance (ibid: 3). And this is depicted in Figure 1. (quoted from
(Kövecses.2000: 3)) below.
12
Figure1. Levels of emotion terms in a vertical hierarchy
(Kövecses.2000: 3)
13
1.4.b) Metaphor and Metonymy in emotion language
If we take the emotions of anger and fear we see that the linguistic
examples for these two emotion concepts include to be upset for anger and
to have cold feet for fear. The first is an instance of the conceptual
metonymy "PHYSICAL AGITATION STANDS FOR ANGER", while the
14
second is an example of the conceptual metonymy "DROP IN BODY
TEMPERATURE STANDS FOR FEAR" (see Kövecses, 1990).
15
119) argues that the Interaction Theory can be subsumed within the
Comparison Theory.
In this study, the researcher will try to shed some light on the earlier
Comparison View because of its significance in understanding and
analyzing metaphors. Then, he will show some ideas about the Conceptual
Metaphor View since it's the main approach adopted when studying cross-
cultural metaphors in conceptualizing emotions (cf. Barcelona & Soriano,
2004; Matsuki, 1995; Yu, 1995 and 1998; Lakoff: 1987, Kövecses, 1991).
16
• The past is another country; they do things differently there.
What is meant is roughly that the past is like another country, in that
people do things differently there. Using Goatly’s analytical model, ‘the
past’ is the Topic, in other words, what the phrase ‘another country’ refers
to. ‘Another country’ is the Vehicle, i.e. the notion to which ‘the past’ is
being compared. And ‘they do things differently there’ is the grounds, i.e.
the sense or respect in which the past can be said to be like another country.
In this view, we can see that Simile could be treated in much the same
way as we treat metaphor. And it's obvious that since similes involve an
overt linguistic element of likeness such as ‘like’ or ‘as’ which overtly
indicates an imaginary comparison, they are easier to interpret than
metaphors.
17
1.5.b) Conceptual Metaphor Theory
18
As part of cognitive and metaphorical processes, such mappings arise
more or less automatically and unconsciously, and thus affect the way we
experience, think and interact within our environment. We see that the
correspondence between the domains "ARGUMENT" and "WAR" is very
common in many expressions, we can say that this mapping "arises from a
correlation in our normal everyday experiences" (Lakoff & Johnson, 1999:
47). Accordingly, in this conceptual metaphor "ARGUMENT IS WAR",
our knowledge about war is mapped onto the knowledge about arguments.
In this mapping process the source domain "WAR" reconceptualizes the
abstract meaning of the target domain "ARGUMENT" (Callis and
Zimmemann, 2002: 7). For example, many everyday metaphorical
expressions exist which are derived from this conceptual metaphor. Thus,
we talk about winning and losing an argument, about defending, attacking
or giving up a position. A line of reasoning can defeat one or one
surrenders. People may have a certain strategy, tactic or plan, which might
be indefensible. Moreover, arguments can be shot down or demolished.
(Lakoff & Johnson, 1980: 4)
19
Metaphors" are largely or mostly universal. Those scholars also often
criticize this view for ignoring the apparent diversity of metaphors across
and within cultures (Kövecses, 2006: 1).
It is true that cognitive linguists have so far paid less attention to the
diversity of metaphorical conceptualization across and within languages
and cultures than to its universal aspects. They have been primarily
concerned with the question of why certain conceptual metaphors are
universal or at least near-universal. The common answer to this question
since 1980 has been that it is the embodied nature of these metaphors that
makes them (near-) universal (Kövecses, 2006).
20
senses. Within this group of metaphors, the body itself and our sense of
spatial orientation play an important role. The central concepts emerging
from this concern orientations like UP-DOWN, IN-OUT, FRONT-BACK,
NEAR-FAR (cf. Lakoff and Johnson, 1980: 57), expressing either the
posture of our body (UP-DOWN), seeing our body as a container (IN-
OUT) or correlating the body and the space around us (FRONT-BACK).
Since these concepts also represent metaphorical concepts, we can assume
that they are used universally.
21
metaphors are [therefore] grounded by virtue of correlations within our
experience" (Lakoff and Johnson 1980: 58). We say "I've had a full life" or
"my life is empty", since we have also the concept "LIFE IS A
CONTAINER" in our minds.
Lakoff and Johnson (1980: 57), therefore, claim that "all experience is
cultural through and through [...] we experience our 'world' in such a way
that our culture is already present in the very experience itself". They
continue by stating that our concepts are based on cultural presuppositions
which have a tendency to be more physical, i.e. universal, or more cultural.
22
In order to underline this, we go back to the orientational concept UP-
DOWN. As discussed above in connection with HAPPY-SAD, the
metaphorical concept "HAPPY IS UP" is rather universal. However, if we
take the system RATIONAL-EMOTIONAL, it is not as obvious which
attribute is assigned to which orientation. The way we understand the
concepts is now based on two separate and different experiential bases both
referring to the metaphorical concept of UP-DOWN (ibid: 20).
23
have an urban or a rural background. While concepts based on buildings
and transport are likely to be more readily available to an urban person, a
rural person would prove to be more inclined to incorporate concepts of
landscape and animal species. Urban people, for instance, would rather take
the concept of a machine to express strength, while others might prefer a
strong and huge animal like a bear for this and this is what the Sapir-Whorf
Hypothesis claims (see Gibbs, 1994: 438).
Summary
24
views; the Comparison View and the Conceptual Metaphor View. The
latter view is the most adopted approach that's used in cross-cultural studies
of metaphor. For this reason, the researcher will adopt this approach in his
later analysis for the metaphorical conceptualization of happiness and anger
in Arabic. Finally, the researcher demonstrated that there is some cross-
cultural variation in realizing metaphorical language in terms of
conceptualizing.
In the next chapter the researcher aims to present a review for the
related literature that tackled metaphorical language from different
perspectives.
25
Chapter Two
The first section is concerned with the studies about the way by which
metaphorical language is conceptualized and perceived; they demonstrate
also how metaphor is tackled from a cognitive viewpoint. These studies
prove how metaphor is pervasive and elementary to thought and
understanding of everyday life spoken actions, and how it is perceived and
understood.
The second section deals with the studies which explored the role of
metaphorical language in describing and reciting emotions, and what sort
of functions that metaphorical language could serve in an emotional
speech. The third section is the most important and prevalent one; it deals
with the cross-cultural studies of the use of metaphorical language in
everyday speech interaction within many languages. Most of these cross-
cultural studies take English as the language with which they contrast their
metaphorical language structure.
26
phenomenon and its existence in everyday speech. These studies look at
many features about how we use metaphor in speech, and how we employ
it to serve certain intended purposes in different occasions.
27
important results (for reviews, see Roberts & Kreuz, 1993; Pollio et al.,
1990). One of these main results is the repeated demonstration that, when
sufficient context is provided, it takes no more time to understand
metaphorical expressions than to understand literal ones (Hoffman &
Kemper, 1987:153).
28
translation task. Subjects were asked to translate sentences to and from
their native language (Turkish) and their second language (English). The
proportion of metaphors transferred between the languages during
translation was examined. The results do not support forward transfer
between L1 and L2, but rather indicate a translation advantage from L2 to
L1. An activation-based framework is proposed to explain the experiment
results and in general, metaphor processing in multi-language
environments.
29
naturalness of the container metaphor for anger seems to arise from the
embodiment of our conceptualizations of anger" (Kövecses, 1995:195).
Lakoff and Johnson (1980: 6) argue that human thought itself is largely
metaphorical, and metaphorical language is only possible because of the
deeper metaphors that exist in our conceptual system. They give examples
about how we conceptualize argument by war, which they infer from the
many "war-related' expressions that are used to describe argument (e.g.
defend a position, win and lose an argument, shoot down an argument).
30
Unlike Lakoff and Johnson, Quinn (1991) states her own views on
metaphors. She believes that metaphors are driven by culture; metaphors do
not construct understanding but are chosen to “satisfy mappings onto
already existing cultural understandings” (ibid: 65). For example, she
presents eight general metaphorical categories associated with marriage
like: sharedness, lastingness, mutual benefit, compatibility, difficulty,
effort, success or failure, and risk. She argues that we do not associate any
of these traits to marriage because they are fundamentally linked; instead,
these metaphors reflect culture beliefs of what marriage is like.
31
French and Dutch used similar metaphors to talk about economics, but the
frequency of use varied. In particular, they searched for examples of
national stereotypes and found that gardening metaphors were three times
as frequent in their English corpus as in their French corpus, whereas food
metaphors were nearly three times as frequent in the French corpus as the
English one. They speculate that this is a reflection of the relative interest
in these activities in French and English culture.
32
lexico-grammatical planes, in the way English and Spanish conceptualize
metaphorically a given domain of experience. They conclude from their
studies that as in other areas of cognition and language, it is quite
uncommon for a conceptual metaphor to have exactly the same conceptual
structure and to be manifested by exactly the same type of linguistic
structures.
33
of several kinds. In the most extreme case of variation, metaphors that are
frequent in one language are rare or nonexistent in another, as is the case
for some metaphors in English and Spanish (Deignan & Lòpez-Mora,
1998). In other cases, similar metaphors are used in two languages, but are
many times as frequent in one of the languages, as is found for some
metaphors shared by the English, French, and Dutch (Boers &
Demecheleer, 1997).
34
Summary
35
Chapter Three
Methods
In this chapter the researcher aims to describe the methods used to
collect the necessary data for this study. In addition, he explains the
techniques used in analyzing the collected data to obtain the results. The
researcher initiates this chapter by stating the problem of this study, then,
he presents its purpose and questions. After that, the researcher illustrates
how he collected the necessary data, and what methods he adopts in its
analysis. Finally, the researcher states the significance and limitations of
the study.
This study aims to compare the method by which happiness and anger
are conceptualized by employing the metaphorical language in English and
Arabic. So, it aims to find out whether there are some apparent similarities
and differences between the two languages when conceptualizing the two
emotional states metaphorically.
36
The study aims also to figure out some relevant patterns of
metaphorical expressions of happiness and anger in Arabic like those
patterns developed by many scholars of the field. In addition, this study
seeks to find out if there are some cultural-specific metaphorical patterns in
conceptualizing happiness and Arabic which exist in English or Arabic
exclusively.
In the first stage of this study, the researcher collected the maximum
number of metaphorical expressions used in describing Happiness and
Anger in both languages English and Arabic. Consequently, the collected
data constructs a linguistic corpus that consists of 345 expressions from the
37
two languages. The English examples involve 62 expressions used for
describing happiness and 147 for anger, and the Arabic ones involve 56
expressions used for describing happiness and 80 for anger.
38
3.5) Procedures of Data Analysis
The analysis of data was carried out by analyzing the Arabic language
individually following the Conceptual Metaphor Theory. The collected
expressions were first grouped into general source domains (FIRE, UP,
LIGHT, ANIMAL, etc). Then (following Barcelona, 2002: 247), the
specific source and target domains in each group were identified by using
metonymic representations, and by which the metaphor is characterized. In
this stage the researcher looked for different parameters (suggested by
Barcelona (2002) and Soriano (2003)) in carrying out the comparison like:
39
3.6) Significance of the Study
The significance of this study arises from the fact that the cross-
languages study of metaphor becomes widespread and common, and a
great number of books, articles, theses and dissertations have been
produced in this field in the Western cultures. However, research in the
conceptualization of emotional states in Arabic is still infrequent. Thus, it
would be worthy to explore what kinds of cross-cultural similarities and
differences exist in the methods of thinking and speaking exploited in
different languages and cultures.
The researcher limited his study by dealing only with the metaphorical
expressions used in describing Happiness and Anger exclusively. So
metaphorical expressions used for other purpose were not studied. In
addition to that, the researcher relied on the data that was collected from a
number of written Arabic sources. So, the Arabic expressions were only
written in Standard Arabic (SA), and any colloquial expressions were
excluded.
40
Chapter Four
The researcher divided this Chapter into two sub-sections; the first
deals with the metaphors used in conceptualizing happiness in English and
Arabic. The second section deals with the metaphors used in
conceptualizing anger.
41
The analysis of the collected data shows that metaphorical
conceptualization of anger and happiness in English and Arabic comprises
different kinds of "generic-level" like "THE BODY IS THE CONTAINER
OF THE EMOTIONS" and "basic-level" metaphors. The following figure
(Figure 4.) illustrates some basic-level metaphors adopted in this study:
HAPPINESS IS UP
HAPPINESS IS LIGHT
HAPPINESS IS VITALITY
HAPPINESS IS INSANITY
ANGER IS FIRE
ANGER IS INSANITY
42
4.1) Metaphorical Conceptualization of Happiness
In the English language, “happy” is an adjective that has three broad
meanings: (1) fortunate, lucky; feeling or expressing pleasure, contentment,
satisfaction, etc.; (2) (in polite formulas) pleased; (3) (of language, conduct,
suggestion) well-suited to the situation. “Happiness” is used as a noun to
convey the first meaning (Hornby et al. 1948). It is not difficult to
understand then why in the Western psychological studies, happiness is
often implied as a psychological state following the gratification of some
important human needs or desires (Diener, 1984; Veenhoven, 1984).
For the sources of the expressions, the English ones are extracted from
Kövecses article Happiness: A definitional effort (1991), whereas the
Arabic ones are extracted from an inventory of 100 figurative expressions
(most of them are conventional) used in describing happiness Arabic.
43
4.1.1) Orientational Metaphors
Each one of the previous expressions has the sense that a happy person
finds himself in a place where his feet don't touch the ground. The
expressions don’t explain how come the happy person finds himself in his
high place, and what kind of utilities he uses to reach there. In other
expressions this is explicitly explained through linking with the activity of
flying like birds with feeling happiness. For example:
44
11. My heart was soaring like an eagle.
Exp. He was so happy that his heart was beating so fast and going to
detach itself and fly away.
Exp. He feels that he has wings made from happiness so he's flying
joyfully.
45
/ ?Sbaħat la tuqilluni kawaahil ?rĐy maraħan /
(Lit. The land becomes over burden that it couldn't hold me for (my)
joy).
Exp. I'm so happy that I feel the land under my feet couldn't handle me
so I fly.
Exp. I feel that happiness is a cloud that rains above me and make me
happy by the touches of its drops.
Exp. I feel that happiness is a cloud that rains above me and other
people around me and make everyone happy.
46
depicted as rainy clouds. And we know that clouds are always "OFF THE
GROUND". In addition, the association between clouds and happiness can
be attributed to the pleasure and joy accompanied with the rain because of
its importance to plants and crops.
In many cultures, especially the Arabic one, birds are associated with
freedom too. It seems intuitively correct to believe that the connection
between freedom and happiness is that freedom is one possible source for
happiness. Kövecses (1991:31) sees that in our simplified view for the
world, we have the belief that when "we are free, we are happy". And he
continues "what seems to be going on here is that we comprehend a
(emotional) state (like happiness) in terms of a possible source of that state
(freedom)".
For this reason we see that the two metaphors of "FLYING BIRDS"
and "FLYING HEART" exist in the two languages, since they represent a
universal body reaction against the situation of happiness.
47
The "CLOUD" metaphor reflects the importance of water and raining
to Arab people who used to live in dry arid sunny lands. The cloud is seen
as a source of, water and fertility for the "thirsty" land, and it's depicted as
the source of shadow against the heat of the sun.
48
them, he sees that this conceptualization is a very typical expressive
response associated with happiness which is smiling. In many examples
illustrated from English smiling comes as a natural accompanying act with
happiness (like "She was smiling with happiness," "They were all smiles,"
"He grinned from ear to ear,"). Now, when the intense of the happiness
state increases, then, smiling increases too to reach the state of laughing
(e.g. "He was so happy he laughed out loud."). Kövecses (ibid) sees that
when we smile, the ends of the mouth turn upwards, and when we are sad
they turn downward.
49
2. When she heard the news, she lit up.
4. He radiates joy.
9. He was gleaming.
/ ?innahu mušriqu-l-jabyn /
Exp. The effect of happiness on him can be seen from the bright color
of his forehead.
. ﺏﺮﻗﺖ أﺳﺎرﻳﺮﻩ.2
/ baraqat ?saaryruhu /
. ﻝﻤﻌﺖ ﺻﻔﺤﺘﻪ.3
/ lamacat Safħatuhu /
50
(Lit. His face glittered).
Exp. His face is very clear that it looks like a mirror that reflects light
of happiness.
Exp. His hear-onset is very clear that it looks like a mirror that reflects
not the sunshine but his happiness.
Exp. His face clarity, because of joy, is very soft like the morning
sunshine.
Exp. Since his eyes widened because of his great feeling of happiness,
they seemed to be glittering and reflecting light.
Exp. His face, because of joy, became clearer, and its vividness
increased and it looks like brightening jewels.
51
/ tahalal-l-wajhu faraħan /
52
place full of light and brightness. Hell, on contrast, is associated with
darkness and gloom. He adds also that because happiness is associated with
bright light and because life is conceptualized as light, the positive value
attached to life will also apply to happiness.
53
happiness. It's a form of visual behavior in which the eyes are seen as
somehow brighter than in situations when the person is not happy.
54
3. I brimmed over with joy when I saw her.
(Lit. The respect that the audience conceals (for me) overflows me with
joy).
(Lit. Happiness took its way to her heart when she became a mother for
two kids).
55
Exp. When she got tow kids she found herself very happy after a long
period of grieve and sadness.
(Lit. Each inhabited house shall become empty and if it's filled with
happiness shall be filled with sadness either (poetry)).
Exp. AbulMalek was so happy that he seemed to be filled with joy and
cheerfulness.
Exp. When I saw him he was so happy that he seemed to be filled with
joy and cheerfulness.
Exp. I was so happy that I felt all my happiness will leave my heart and
run over every thing around me.
56
. آﺎن ﻳﻄﻔﺢ ﺏﺎﻝﻨﺸﺎط واﻝﻤﺮح.8
Exp. He was so happy that he's going to let his happiness and vivacity
leave his body and run over every thing around him.
(Lit. She did that to express what sort of happiness that filled her chest).
Exp. She felt that she couldn't keep her emotions anymore in her chest
without telling everyone around her.
Exp. they felt that they are filled with happy emotions which gave them
the energy and strength.
It's obvious that both languages, English and Arabic, apparently share
the same "CONTAINER" metaphor in expressing happiness. The similarity
57
between the two languages is seen when we look at the lexical choice for
the verb "to fill" in English and its equivalent "yamla?u" in Arabic.
What we notice also in English and Arabic is that the human body, in
general, is depicted as the "CONTAINER" of the emotion. And in many
expressions it's the heart in particular. In this respect, the "LIQUID" of
happiness is the blood which runs in the body veins, and which is pumped
by the heart to all the body organs. Yu (1995:77) says that "when the body
is the container, the fluid of happiness that overflows is more readily seen
than if the heart is the container, because the heart is but an internal organ
and whatever overflows it is still inside the body".
58
degree of happiness and joy. And we are convinced that a totally filled
container is better than an empty or a half-filled one.
59
Explosion, unlike bursting, is a harmful event for both the container
(the body) and to other objects and people existing near it (we will see this
in anger). This supports the idea that happiness, even if it's increased too
much, doesn't lead to really dreadful results (as intense anger does) or be
harmful for others (Kövecses, 1991).
. ﺙﻠﺞ ﻝﻪ ﺻﺪري.13
All the previous Arabic expressions show that when the speaker heard
some good news about a disturbing matter he felt that his heart has calmed
down and he's totally satisfied.
60
one. This coldness represents the relief and the sense of satisfaction
associated to happiness. This particular metaphor, or what the researcher
called "HAPPINESS IS COLDNESS", is a cultural specific one. English
doesn't have such kind of metaphorical representation for happiness. The
researcher relates this cross-cultural gap between the two cultures to the
climatic features where each culture exists; Arab world is characterized, in
general, by its high temperature and dry climate and arid lands. So, the high
temperature is a source of annoyance and displeasure for an Arab, whereas
cold one is very preferable and joyful for him. In some Arab countries it's
impossible to live without air conditioners which make the atmosphere
colder. Coldness, then, is a source of pleasure in these lands. The situation
is totally different in the English culture where coldness is a very common
phenomenon in the northern part of Europe.
Exp. They were setting in a place were everyone was happy and
pleasant.
Exp. Here presence in that place and her behavior there made everyone
happy and pleasant.
61
. ﺣﺎول أن ﻳﻌﻴﺪ ﺝﻮ اﻝﻤﺮح.18
Exp. He tried to make everyone return to his happy mood after some
moments of great tension.
Exp. He did that to make everyone around him happier and more
pleasant than they are at the moment.
62
anomalous behavior that's criticized gravely. Thus, "HAPPINESS IS AN
ATMOSPHERE" can be classified as a sort of a cultural gap between
Arabs positive attitudes towards coldness and group in the same time, in
addition to and its association with pleasurable relaxation and comfort.
(Lit. I brought good news for someone and he shook his shoulders for
it).
Exp. When I told him about the happy news he seems to be agitated
since he doesn't expect it.
63
. أﺧﺬت ﻣﻨﻪ هﺰة اﻝﻄﺮب.2
Exp. When I told him about the happy news he was unable to stop
agitating frustrating for joy.
Exp. When I told him about the happy news he couldn't hold his
amusement and delight.
Exp. When I told him the happy news he suddenly jumped for his
delight.
Exp. When I told him the happy news he suddenly started dancing for
his delight and amusement.
64
Exp. When I told him the happy news he unexpectedly started clapping
his hands for his delight and amusement.
Exp. When I told him the happy news, and for his great delight and
amusement, he became very agitated and restless that he couldn’t stay
calm.
65
Arabic involves a relevant sort of these metaphors, and we saw some of
these expressions in the precedent "LIGHT" metaphor. But we notice that
English characterizes this metaphor by maintaining that it's the heart itself
which is considered as the source of energy.
2. I am feeling spry.
3. I felt vivacious.
The same is true for Arabic, happiness and joy are the main sources for
life beauty and its appreciation, and there's an association between our
positive, optimistic view towards life and enjoying it. So, we see
expressions like:
66
/ kana ?xi ?insanan fariħan mumtali?an bi-l-ħayati /
(Lit. She sowed the seeds of hope and happiness for the poor and
deprived people).
Exp. Her cheerful deeds changed the poor and deprived people's
conditions and made them look hopefully for the future.
Exp. Her cheerful spirit deeds and speeches made everyone around her
feels happy and pleasant.
67
English involves a minor version of the "VITALITY" metaphor that's
built on the notions of vivacity and pleasure. "RAPTURE" and "HIGH" are
associated with energetic behavior Kövecses (1991: 36). In addition, a
"high" is also related to celebrations where there is a possible context for
happiness and joy. "JOY IS A RAPTURE/HIGH" can be seen in metaphors
like:
Pleasure is an aspect that we can derive from rapture. And this makes
us depict happiness (and joy) as a very pleasurable experience. But we
know that rapture is also associated with excessiveness and loss of control,
and this is very bad for the happy person and to those who are around him.
Kövecses (ibid) sees that the major implication of the "RAPTURE"
metaphor is this excessiveness and loss of control especially when it's
applied to other emotions like anger and sadness. He continues: "if we are
drunk with joy, we don't quite know what we are doing".
68
4.1.5. a) Animalistic Behavior Metaphor
Human beings are considered the only rationale and reasonable animal;
this rationality characterizes his behavior and action. Sometimes, we like to
describe any bizarre action as an animalistic one to show our viewpoint
about the status of the described person.
69
1. I was purring with delight.
Kövecses (ibid) sees that this metaphor implies two aspects concerning
happiness: firstly, it's very hard to control happiness, and any attempt to do
it will be futile; secondly, there's a necessary requirement for the happy
person to communicate and express his feelings to others, so he doesn't see
it necessary to control his happiness and contain it with force.
70
in an ironical manner, in Arabic associate happiness to animal behavior.
But we see expressions like:
/ yasħabu ?ðyaal-l-γabtati /
71
"HAPPINESS IS INSANITY". This metaphor is highly used in examples
like:
72
. ﺏﻠﻎ اﻝﻔﺮح ﺣﺪ اﻝﺠﻨﻮن.4
/ balγa-l-faraħu ħadda-l-Junuun /
Exp. Their happiness reached the degree after which they started
behaving irrationally)
Kövecses (1991) claims that the most important source of the positive
value attributed to happiness is that it's conceived of as something highly
desirable. And this is shown in the metaphor "HAPPINESS IS A
DESIRED HIDDEN OBJECT". And by desired and hidden we mean that
happiness can not be obtained or found easily, or without exerting some
sorts of endeavors after which we find ourselves satisfied and pleased for
what a fruitful success we gained. We see in both languages English and
Arabic expressions like:
73
1. I have found happiness.
74
or give to, others (Kövecses, 1991: 38). We see, then, that this metaphor is
like the "HIDDEN OBJECT" metaphor since both of them view happiness
as something external to the self and that the self gets from others.
Exp. By hearing more about the topic his feeling of happiness increases
more and more.
(Lit. Only the Sultan didn't know how to hide his happiness and
amazement).
Exp. The prince, unlike others, didn't want to express his feeling of
happiness and amusement overtly.
75
/ yacjazu sacydun can xalqi-l-faraħi-llaðy tacawada ?n yaxliqahu
da?iman /
Exp. Sa'eed becomes very sad and his cool mood vanished and he's
incapable to make others feel happy again.
This is the last minor metaphor that we are going to tackle. It's called
"HAPPINESS/JOY IS AN OPPONENT" (Kövecses, 1991). This metaphor
represents the struggle between the happy person and his attempt to subdue
his feelings of happiness to his control. It describes the attempts of the
76
former to control and contain the later hopelessly. This metaphorical
conceptualization is seen in examples from English like:
Summary
77
finally the Vitality, energy, and agitation metaphors. Then, the researcher
discussed some other minor metaphors used in describing happiness in
English and Arabic like: insanity and opponent metaphors.
It's interesting that although the two cultures, the English and the
Arabic one, are very different and include a big cultural gap that separates
them, our comparative analysis shows that both languages, English and
Arabic, share a number of basic-level metaphors when conceptualizing the
emotions of happiness using metaphor. For example, both languages share
some metaphors in conceptualizing happiness like "BEING HAPPY IS
BEING OFF THE GROUND" and "HAPPYNESS IS UP" and
"HAPPINESS IS LIGHT" and "HAPPINESS / JOY IS A FLUID IN A
CONTAINER".
On the other hand, there are some differences in describing the degree
of happiness between the two cultures. Some of these cultural-specific
mappings could be attributed to some cultural properties of each culture
like climate, natural elements, and mode of life.
In the next section, the researcher will discuss what kinds of results
obtained after conducting a comparative analysis for the expressions used
to describe anger.
78
4.2) Metaphorical Conceptualization of Anger
Anger is defined as a feeling of extreme displeasure, hostility,
indignation, or exasperation toward someone or something (Morris,
1975:50). The purpose of this subchapter is present some metaphorical
conceptualizations used in describing anger in English and Arabic
comparatively. The researcher is convinced that it would be unattainable to
tackle all metaphors employed in both languages because of their great
multiplicity. In this respect, Lakoff (1987: 380) states that "at first glance,
the conventional expressions used to talk about anger seem so diverse that
finding any coherent system would seem impossible".
For the purpose of this study, the researcher classified these metaphors
(and other metaphors) into seven major types of metaphors: the heat
metaphor, the pressure metaphor, the insanity metaphor, the opponent
metaphor, the animalistic behavior metaphor, the physical force metaphor,
and finally the burden metaphor.
79
4.2.1) Heat metaphors
This metaphor is not left applicable in its general form. Lakoff and
Kövecses (1987), cited in Yu (1995), divided this general metaphor into
other subversions. They see that the metaphor "ANGER IS HEAT" is a
central metaphor that has two versions in English: in the first, anger is
depicted as being applied to solids by using fire. Thus, we have the
metaphor "ANGER IS FIRE". Fire is an ambiguous physical state that can
not be studied as concrete material objects, but its effect can be sensed by
our senses and seen on other objects. For example, fire changes various
physical characteristics of most solid materials like burning or melting
metallic materials. In the second, heat is depicted as being applied to
liquids, then we have the metaphor "ANGER IS THE HEAT OF A FLUID
IN A CONTAINER" (ibid: 63).
80
4. He was breathing fire.
. أﺿﺮم ﻏﻴﻈﻲ.1
/ ?Đrama γaiZii /
. أﺳﺘﻮﻗﺪ ﻏﻀﺒﻲ.2
/ ?istawqada γaĐabii /
. أﺣﺮﻗﺘﻪ ﺏﻐﻴﻈﻪ.3
/ ?ħraqtuhu biγaiZihi /
81
Exp. I made him very angry.
Exp. I saw that his face color became red because of his anger.
Exp. He is so angry that his breathings were like the flames of fire.
. أوﻏﺮ ﺻﺪري.6
/ ?wγara Sadrii /
. ﺏﺮدت ﻏﻴﻈﻪ.7
/ barradtu γaiZahu /
82
(Lit. the sparkles of fire are flying out of his eyes).
83
emotion of anger is conceptualized as a destructive force, like an
uncontrollable fire, that may be harmful not only to the angry person
himself but also to the people and objects around him.
We see also from the previous English and Arabic expressions that
both languages share the same conceptual metaphor "ANGER IS FIRE",
and we notice that they involve a state of placing fire in the internal organs
of the body, especially the chest. Then, the burning fire extends to reach the
external organs where the effects of anger and its symptoms like redness of
the skin can be remarked. This would suggest that the use of body parts for
the conceptualization of anger in English and Arabic provides evidence that
supports the claim that metaphors of emotions are based on bodily and
physiological experience (Yu, 1995:63).
2. Simmer down!
84
In Arabic, the "ANGER IS THE HEAT OF FLUID IN A
CONTAINER" metaphor is commonly applicable in conceptualizing anger
too. In fact this metaphorical mapping is more productive than all other
metaphorical mappings for anger. The diversity of metaphors which
employ this metaphor can be illustrated in expressions like:
Exp. I saw that his face color became red and his body is shaking
because of his anger.
/ ?imtala?a-rrajulu γaiZan /
Exp. I think that he could not keep his emotions any more because of
his extreme rage.
Exp. I saw that his face color became red and his body is shaking
because of his anger.
(Lit. when he heard that news the blood erupts in his face).
Exp. when he heard that news his face turned into red because his
blood rose enormously to his head.
85
. راﻳﺘﻪ ﻳﻔﻮر ﻣﻦ اﻝﻐﻀﺐ.17
Exp. I see that he could not keep his emotions any more, so he starts
expressing his feeling of rage all at once.
Exp. I see that he could not keep his emotions any more, but he
wouldn't express his feeling of rage observably.
86
. ﻓﻼن ﻣﻨﺘﻔﺦ اﻝﻮرﻳﺪ.20
/ fulaanun muntafixu-lwariid /
Arabic involves the use of the verb "nafaxa" means "to inflate with air"
The "GAS IN A CONTAINER" metaphorical conceptualization is based
on our commonsense familiarity with the physical world, where the volume
of enclosed gases expand, and cause increasing internal pressure when it's
heated. And the continuous heating and pressure expansion could lead to
the explosion of the container which can damage the surrounding objects in
addition to the object itself (we will see in the next section). And here again
we see how anger is described as a destructive physical force. Anger could
be harmful for the angry person himself and for everything around him.
87
. ﻷﺧﺮﺝﻦ ﻏﻀﺒﻚ ﻣﻦ رأﺳﻚ.23
Exp. There was a big issue that makes hem very angry.
Exp. The workers have become very angry and they wanted to revenge.
88
Exp. He tried to calm his anger down by a small sad smile.
(Lit. A slave has never gulped anything that's more well-liked to God
than a gulp of anger).
Exp. It's a blissful behavior to keep your rage and be patient when
someone do you wrong.
89
. رب ﻏﻴﻆ ﺗﺠﺮﻋﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻓ َﺔ ﻣﺎ هﻮ أﺵﺪ ﻣﻨﻪ.31
(Lit. Many times I gulped (my) rage since I fear of what could be
harder than it).
Exp. I endured keeping my rage to prevent what could be worst than it.
90
English. A set of these expressions expresses how increasing the heat of the
liquid in the container leads to its rising like:
91
In Arabic, the situation is somehow different; the use of "INTERNAL
PRESSURE" metaphor is not as conventional as its English counterpart.
The intense anger is depicted as being the source of some kind of internal
pressure that affects different body parts like: the blood-vessels (or the
jugular vein in particular) or the chest, including the lungs. So, we have
expressions like:
Exp. Let him angry and don't relief him till he stops it deliberately.
Exp. This man has a very calm and tolerant spirit, and he doesn't
become angry quickly.
Exp. The issue made him feels very angry and unsupportable by others.
92
container walls could never persist the increase in the internal pressure and
it explodes. In this situation, the contained liquid or gas will scatter outside
the container and in every direction. The great power of the explosion will
carry the contained material to far distances to reach and touch every object
around it. Anger is depicted in the same manner. Intense feeling of anger
in addition to the incapability of the angry person to restrain it inside him,
all of these, lead the angry person (metaphorically speaking) to explode
and get out all what he keeps of feelings and restraints. This kind of
metaphorical conceptualization is called "WHEN ANGER BECOMES
TOO INTENSE, THE PERSON EXPLODES". This metaphor is very
common cross-culturally (cf. Yu, 1995; Matsuki, 1995; Barcelona &
Soriano, 2004). English for example employs this metaphor in expressions
like:
4. I suppressed my anger.
And when the explosion occurs, what's inside the container scatters in
the air. In anger situation we have the same depiction that when a person
explodes, parts of him go up in the air:
8. I blew my stack.
9. I blew my top.
93
10. She flipped her lid.
94
Exp. Akob is a very moody person, and he seems to be quiet most of
the time. But when he gets angry, he becomes insupportable and he starts
destroying what's around him.
(Lit. And the Sultan who used to explode for anger in some hours…).
Exp. The Sultan is a very moody person, and he seems to be quite most
of the time. But, sometimes, he becomes very angry without any reason.
(Lit. He flared up. Then, a piece of him flied in the earth and another
one in the sky).
95
which keeps liquids or gases, because of heating is a universal
phenomenon.
96
This metaphor is present in Arabic too. The following examples are
extracted from different sources and indicate the use of insanity and
madness in conceptualizing anger:
Exp. When you start expressing your anger without any restriction you
will end with regretting for what you did.
Exp. He is in a tense situation that any wrong word could make him
very angry.
/ alγaĐabu ra?su-l-ħamaaqa /
According to Lakoff and Kövecses (1983:13) it's possible that the most
ordinary conventional expression for anger came into English historically
as a result of this metaphor:
-I’m mad!
97
STANDS FOR INSANITY", we see certain aggressive behaviors which
can be attributed to insanity. Hence, we get the metaphorical expressions:
3. The loud music next door has got him climbing the walls!
Exp. He's incredibly angry that he wants to end his life with his bare
hands.
Exp. He's extremely angry that he wants to hurt his body with his
hands.
98
/ fulaanun yatmazacu γaiZan /
Exp. He's so angry that his internal organs almost cut themselves
harshly.
Exp. He's so angry that he is biting his lips with his teeth.
(Lit. I saw him when he was very angry and going to get out of his
clothes).
Exp. He was extremely angry that he couldn't endure even the clothes
he wear on his body.
It's worth mentioning that one of the consequences that could be going
under the "INSANITY" metaphor is that the angry person suffers from
some loss in the accurateness of certain senses like seeing and hearing. This
is metaphorically described by using some metaphors which involve
"INTERFERENCE WITH ACCURATE PERCEPTION". This is present
in English and Arabic in the same manner. In English we have:
99
. ﻣﺎ أﻋﻠﻤﻪ ﻳُﺒﺼﺮﻥﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺵﺪّة اﻝﻐﻀﺐ.10
/ šidatu-l-γaĐab tacθuru-l-manŧiq /
100
6. He surrendered to his anger.
Exp. Almighty God insists that he's so merciful that he forgives his
slaves' sins.
Exp. If he promised me that he will not get mad of me I will say what
he wants to know.
. إن اﻝﻐﻀﺐ ﺵﻴﻄﺎن.4
/ ?inna-l-γaĐaba šaiŧanun /
101
Exp. anger is like the devil that makes evil suggestions to do mischief
for others.
Exp. He used to forgive people for their mischief rather than aiming for
vengeance from them.
(Lit. and if the anger become quite or asleep he must resort to drums /
Exp. If he lost his coolness then his anger is raised and appeared and
there will be no space for tolerance.
102
(Lit. and if anger starts then it will not stop or quiet till a too late hour)
Exp. When those people become angry they don't return to their
calmness for a long period of time and after exerting hard effort.
103
The angry person's aggressive behaviors are considered, in many
expressions, as reflections of the animalistic instinctual and irrational
behavior. For example:
7. He started snarling.
(Lit. So-and-so became very angry and his moral become ill-natured
like a tiger).
(Lit. He was creaking with his canine teeth for his extreme anger).
104
. آﺎن ﻳﻐﻀﺐ ﻏﻀﺒﺎ ﺝﺎﻣﺤﺎ إذا ﻝﻮح ﻝﻪ اﺣﺪ اﻥﻪ ﺳﻴﺪﻓﻊ ﻝﻪ أﺝﺮا.3
(Lit. He become like a crazy horse if someone shows that he's going to
pay him).
Exp. He seems to be very sensitive toward being paid for his favors that
if one tries to pay him he becomes very angry.
Exp. Her reaction in the shop was so aggressive that she didn't give
anyone the chance to explain his viewpoint.
Exp. When he was angry he was like a blind person that he started
beating everyone around him without any consideration
105
(Lit. So-and-so came and behaved like a tiger).
Exp. He bites on his teeth excessively and makes them appear when
he's angry.
It's uneasy to stay in a place where the atmosphere is filled with anger.
An angry person could not be endured by others. This is also the case of
some natural phenomena. Anger could be depicted as a destructive natural
force. So, in addition to the previous "ANGER IS FIRE" metaphor, where
anger is depicted as a natural physical force, we have other natural
phenomena which make us think of another independent metaphorical
conceptualization. In this case we obtain the metaphor "ANGER IS A
NATURAL FORCE". With the exception of "ANGER IS FIRE" metaphor,
this kind of metaphorical conceptualization is not as conventional in
English as Arabic (Lakoff and Kövecses, 1983:27). For example, we have
such metaphors in expressions like:
106
/ Đarabat riiħu-l-γaĐabi kula wajhin wa kulla qalb /
(Lit. The wind of anger stroked every face and every heart /
(Lit. when she knew accidentally that her husband married another
woman her rage blew violently).
Exp. She got very angry when she knew accidentally that her husband
married another woman).
(Lit. I'm trying hardly to calm down the fury of my son's volcano.
Exp. I tried to calm my son's anger down and make him relax.
The researcher found that the only English counterpart of this metaphor
is present in the "CONTAINER" and "EXPLOSION" metaphors (cf. "She
107
erupted") where the container is depicted as a volcano, and its eruption
represent the intense anger.
(Lit. Torment and wrath have already fallen on you from your lord).
Exp. Almighty God is very angry of you and he will punish you
severely.
(Lit. This who loses his anger listens to the voice of his courtesy).
108
Exp. If you are courteous and polite you have to keep calm anger down.
(Lit. they returned and carrying with them anger and big words).
Exp. When they came back they were very angry and ready to insult
everyone.
109
anger is not just an amorphous feeling, but rather that it has an elaborate
cognitive structure. Abu-al-Udus (1996:26) indicates that the concept of
anger is existent an understandable regardless of the existence of
metaphorical language or not. Furthermore, metaphors are merely used to
give the angry person a method to express his anger existence.
Summary
110
In the next section, the researcher will show what conclusions obtained
from our comparative analysis for the use of metaphorical language in
conceptualizing happiness and anger in English and Arabic. In addition, the
researcher will point to what implications achieved after conducting this
study and what recommendations can be given for the following scholars
who are interested in this field.
111
Chapter Five
112
share the following basic-level metaphors in conceptualizing
"HAPPINESS":
HAPPINESS IS LIGHT
HAPPINESS IS INSANITY
HAPPINESS IS AN OPPONENT
HAPPINESS IS A DESIRED HIDDEN OBJECT
Figure 5. The main basic-level metaphors for HAPPINESS shared between English
and Arabic.
However, not all the entailments resulted from the previous metaphors
are applicable in the two languages. For example, when we studied the
oreinational metaphors we noticed that within the mapping "HAPPINESS
IS UP" English involves the subversion of the previous mapping that
emplaces happiness in high place in the sky, and commonly "HEAVEN".
Thus we have the entailment "BEING HAPPY IS BEING IN HEAVEN".
In Arabic this metonymic mapping is not widely used in ordinary language
113
as in English. Although the two cultures associate heaven to a higher
location according to their religious beliefs, we see that English uses this
metaphor more than Arabic in describing happiness.
On the other hand, Arabic uses a special sort of mapping that links
between happiness and welfare; "HAPPINESS IS A RAINY CLOUD".
This metaphorical mapping reflects as we said earlier how happiness is
conceptualized as the rain that brings pleasure and welfare for all beings:
human, animals, and planets.
114
metonymic mapping "THE EYES ARE THE CONTAINERS OF THE
EMOTIONS", whereas most of the Arabic expressions reflect on "THE
FACE IS THE CONTAINERS OF THE EMOTIONS". This small cross-
cultural difference between the two languages can be attributed to the
degree in linguistic elaboration (Barcelona, 2001: 137). By this we mean
“differences between both languages owing to the existence of a version of
the metaphor in one language and its absence, or limited use, in the other”
(ibid: 137).
115
scheme. In addition to that, many of the minor metaphors can be rendered
into Arabic from English and vice-versa. And the following figure
illustrates the most significant metaphorical conceptualizations shared
between English and Arabic:
ANGER IS HEAT
ANGER IS FIRE
ANGER IS INSANITY
ANGER IS BURDEN
The first of these mappings is what can be seen within the metaphor
"ANGER IS THE HEAT OF THE FLUID IN A CONTAINER". Arabic,
116
unlike English, does not exploit the entailment submapping by virtue of
which the effects of anger on the person are conceptualized as “steaming”
"THE EFFECT OF ANGER ON THE PERSON IS STEAM
PRODUCTION". For example, English instantiations of the mapping such
as (1) and (2) do not have any equivalent in Arabic.
Another difference between the two languages is that Arabic makes use
of the metaphorical submapping "ANGER IS THE HEAT OF THE GAS
IN A CONTAINER" this metaphorical use doesn't exist in English, even
though that it is not common in Arabic too.
2. He is mad as a hatter
117
The equivalent expressions in Arabic, the adjective “majnuun” and the
verb “yujnnu”, are conventional too, but they are not polysemic in the same
way as the English ones. In Arabic, “majnuun” and ” yujnnu” refer both to
insanity and to a generic lack of control and judgment, but one would
always have to specify what emotion the person is “mad with” (unlike in
English, where “mad” univocally (i.e. unambiguous, or having only one
meaning) refers to anger). The realizations of "ANGER IS INSANITY" in
Arabic are thus less conventionalized for ANGER than the English ones.
Finally, it's noticed that both languages, English and Arabic, share to
some extent few metaphorical conceptualizations used in describing
happiness and anger in the same manner. This is the case of the following
metaphors:
118
HAPPINESS/ANGER IS A FLUID IN A CONTAINER
HAPPINESS/ANGER IS AN ANIMAL
For this reason, the researcher believes that these metaphors can be
used universally to describe any sort of emotional feeling like: love, desire,
and sadness.
On the other hand, there are some differences in describing the degree
of each emotional state between the two cultures. Some of these cultural-
specific mappings could be attributed to some cultural properties of each
culture like climate, natural elements, and mode of life.
119
Finally, the researcher believes that the results of this study have an
important implication. Lakoff (1993:205) claims that "as soon as one gets
away from concrete physical experience and start talking about
abstractions or emotions, metaphorical understanding is the norm". In
addition, he inquires whether all abstract human reasoning is a
metaphorical version of imagestic reasoning (Lakoff, 1990:39).
Consequently, this study is a response to Lakoff's proposal, and it shows
that evidences from Arabic culture empirically support this claim from an
emotional viewpoint. Subsequently, metaphor in Arabic, as in many other
cultures, is pervasive and irreducible in the expression of such abstract
emotional concepts as happiness and anger. From this fact, it appears that
metaphor plays an essential and indispensable role in our understanding
and speaking about our emotional states apart from our individual linguistic
differences.
120
5.2) Recommendations
After achieving the key goals of this study, the researcher believes that
there is still some paucity in Arabic literature in studying metaphorical
language use from a cognitive psycholinguistic view point. The researcher
is totally convinced that this area of study could not be covered within a
limited single study. And those who tried to do that faced a complexity in
dealing with all major ideas and theories concerning metaphorical language
and its employment in ordinary speech and writings.
121
Note that metaphor conventionality is not the same as metaphor
familiarity. Conventionalization involves repeated figurative uses of a
given base term, so that it acquires a domain-general meaning.
Conventional metaphors involve base terms that refer both to a literal
concept and to an associated metaphoric category. For example, the
conventional base term blueprint (as in “A gene is a blueprint”) has two
closely related senses: “a blue and white photographic print in showing an
architect’s plan” and “anything that provides a plan” (Gentner & Bowdle,
2001:229). Familiarization, however, involves repeated exposures to
specific target-base pairings, as has occurred with the well-known
metaphor “TIME IS MONEY”. In essence, familiarization leads to the
creation of stock expressions as opposed to stock base terms (ibid: 223).
122
For those who are involved in foreign and second language teaching,
this study sheds a refreshing new light on learning metaphorical language
uses cross-cultural. So, its employment in teaching and learning foreign
languages can be valuable for language learners if they take into
consideration the cross-cultural variations in metaphorical language use
when conceptualizing emotions. In addition, the theory of conceptual
metaphor is a new tool that is capable for providing serious assistance to
both teachers and students of languages by explaining what kinds of
metaphorical mappings can be employed cross-culturally, and how cross-
domain mappings vary from certain culture to another. Danesi (1995: 5)
argues that second language learners do not reach the fluency level of a
native speaker until they have knowledge of “how that language ‘reflects’
or encodes concepts on the basis of metaphorical reasoning". Accordingly,
researchers in this area of study have to explore the pedagogical use of
metaphor awareness that can facilitate foreign language learning or
acquisition by learning the most common uses of figurative expressions.
123
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.12اﻝ ﺴﻴﻮﻃﻲ ,ﺝ ﻼل اﻝ ﺪﻳﻦ .(1973).اﻹﺗﻘ ﺎن ﻓ ﻲ ﻋﻠ ﻮم اﻝﻘ ﺮان .ﺏﻴ ﺮوت :اﻝﻤﻜﺘﺒ ﺔ
اﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ
.13ﺵ ﻴﺨﻮن ,ﻣﺤﻤ ﻮد اﻝ ﺴﻴﺪ .(1977) .اﻻﺳ ﺘﻌﺎرة :ﻥ ﺸﺄﺗﻬﺎ -ﺗﻄﻮره ﺎ-أﺙﺮه ﺎ ﻓ ﻲ
اﻷﺳﺎﻝﻴﺐ اﻝﻌﺮﺏﻴﺔ .اﻝﻄﺒﻌﺔ اﻷوﻝﻰ .اﻝﻘﺎهﺮة :دار اﻝﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ اﻝﻤﺤﻤﺪﻳﺔ
.14اﻝ ﺼﺎوي ,اﺣﻤ ﺪ ﻋﺒﺪاﻝ ﺴﻴﺪ .(1988).ﻣﻔﻬ ﻮم اﻻﺳ ﺘﻌﺎرة ﻓ ﻲ ﺏﺤ ﻮث اﻝﻠﻐ ﻮﻳﻴﻦ
واﻝﻨﻘﺎد واﻝﺒﻼﻏﻴﻴﻦ :دراﺳﺔ ﺗﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﻓﻨﻴﺔ .ﻣﺼﺮ :ﻣﻨﺸﺄة اﻝﻤﻌﺎرف
.15اﻝﻌﺴﻜﺮي ,اﺏﻮ هﻼل ﺣﺴﻦ .(1981).اﻝﺼﻨﺎﻋﺘﻴﻦ :اﻝﻜﺘﺎﺏﺔ واﻝ ﺸﻌﺮ .ﺏﻴ ﺮوت :دار
اﻝﻜﺘﺐ اﻝﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ
.16ﻋ ﺼﻔﻮر ,ﺝ ﺎﺏﺮ.(1973) .اﻝ ﺼﻮرة اﻝﻔﻨﻴ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ اﻝﻨﻘ ﺪ واﻝﺒﻼﻏ ﺔ .اﻝﻘ ﺎهﺮة :دار
اﻝﻤﻌﺎرف
.17اﻝﻴﻤﻨ ﻲ ,اﻝﻌﻠ ﻮي .(1914).آﺘ ﺎب اﻝﻄ ﺮاز اﻝﻤﺘ ﻀﻤﻦ ﻷﺳ ﺮار اﻝﺒﻼﻏ ﺔ وﻋﻠ ﻮم
ﺣﻘﺎﺋﻖ اﻹﻋﺠﺎز .ﻣﺼﺮ :ﻣﻄﺒﻌﺔ اﻝﻤﻘﺘﻄﻒ-دار اﻝﻜﺘﺐ اﻝﺨﺪﻳﻮﻳﺔ
132
.8ﻣﻨﻴﻒ ,ﻋﺒ ﺪاﻝﺮﺣﻤﻦ .(1988) .ﻣ ﺪن اﻝﻤﻠ ﺢ:اﻷﺧ ﺪود .ﺏﻴ ﺮوت:اﻝﻤﺆﺳ ﺴﺔ اﻝﻌﺮﺏﻴ ﺔ
ﻝﻠﺪراﺳﺎت
.9ﻣﻨﻴ ﻒ ,ﻋﺒ ﺪاﻝﺮﺣﻤﻦ) .(1989aﻣ ﺪن اﻝﻤﻠ ﺢ:ﺗﻘﺎﺳ ﻴﻢ اﻝﻠﻴ ﻞ واﻝﻨﻬ ﺎر.
ﺏﻴﺮوت:اﻝﻤﺆﺳﺴﺔ اﻝﻌﺮﺏﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺪراﺳﺎت و اﻝﻨﺸﺮ,
.10ﻣﻨﻴ ﻒ ,ﻋﺒ ﺪاﻝﺮﺣﻤﻦ .(1989b).ﻣ ﺪن اﻝﻤﻠ ﺢ:اﻝﻤﻨﺒ ﺖ .ﺏﻴ ﺮوت:اﻝﻤﺆﺳ ﺴﺔ اﻝﻌﺮﺏﻴ ﺔ
ﻝﻠﺪراﺳﺎت
.11ﻣﻨﻴ ﻒ ,ﻋﺒ ﺪاﻝﺮﺣﻤﻦ .(1989c).ﻣ ﺪن اﻝﻤﻠ ﺢ:ﺏﺎدﻳ ﺔ اﻝﻈﻠﻤ ﺎت .ﺏﻴ ﺮوت:اﻝﻤﺆﺳ ﺴﺔ
اﻝﻌﺮﺏﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺪراﺳﺎت و اﻝﻨﺸﺮ
.12ﻣﻨﻴ ﻒ ,ﻋﺒ ﺪاﻝﺮﺣﻤﻦ .(1992) .ﻣ ﺪن اﻝﻤﻠ ﺢ :اﻝﺘﻴ ﻪ .ﺏﻴ ﺮوت:اﻝﻤﺆﺳ ﺴﺔ اﻝﻌﺮﺏﻴ ﺔ
ﻝﻠﺪراﺳﺎت
.13اﻝﻴﺎزﺝﻲ ,اﻝﺸﻴﺦ اﺏﺮاهﻴﻢ .(1970) .ﻥﺠﻌﺔ اﻝﺮاﺋ ﺪ وﺵ ﺮﻋﺔ اﻝ ﻮارد ﻓ ﻲ اﻝﻤﺘ ﺮادف
واﻝﻤﺘﻮارد .ﻝﺒﻨﺎن :ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﻝﺒﻨﺎن
14. Parkinson, Dilworth. (2006). Using Arabic Synonyms. Cambridge
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133
Appendix 1
Some English Metaphorical Expressions Used in Describing Happiness
Source: (Kovecses. 1991)
No. Metaphorical Mapping Example
1 HAPPINESS IS LIGHT Look on the bright side
2 When she heard the news, she lit up
3 Nothing to worry about, brighten up
4 He radiates joy
5 Her face was bright with happiness
6 There was a glow of happiness in her face
7 She has a sunny smile
8 You are the sunshine in my life
9 He was gleaming
10 She was shining with joy
134
No. Metaphorical Mapping Example
33 It was paradise on earth
34 I was in seventh heaven
135
Appendix 2
Some English Metaphorical Expressions Used in Describing Anger
Sources: (Lakoff & Kovesces 1983; Lakoff, 1987)
No. Metaphorical Mapping Example
1 BODY HEAT: Don’t get hot under the collar.
2 Billy’s a hothead.
3 They were having a heated argument.
When the cop gave her a ticket, she got all
4
hot and bothered and started cursing.
136
No. Metaphorical Mapping Example
WHEN THE INTENSITY OF His pent-up anger welled up inside him.
30 ANGER INCREASES, THE FLUID
RISES
31 She could feel her gorge rising.
32 We got a rise out of him.
33 My anger kept building up inside me.
34 Pretty soon I was in a towering rage.
137
No. Metaphorical Mapping Example
57 I went through the roof.
INSANE BEHAVIOR STANDS When my mother finds out, she’ll have a fit.
83
FOR ANGER
When the ump threw him out of the game,
84
Billy started foaming at the mouth.
138
No. Metaphorical Mapping Example
85 He’s fit to be tied.
86 He’s about to throw a tantrum.
139
No. Metaphorical Mapping Example
118 She was bridling with anger.
119 Don’t snap at me!
120 I was growling with rage.
121 He started snarling.
122 Don’t bite my head off!
123 Why’d you jump down my throat?
140
Appendix 3
The Arabic Metaphorical Expressions Used as Example in Describing
Happiness and Anger for this study
141
Page Source Expression Metaphorical Mapping No
64 )Munif (1989a ﺏﻤﻘﺪار اﻝﻔﺮح اﻝﺬي ﻳﻔﻴﺾ أﻳﺎم اﻝﻐﻀﺐ 26
199-197 )Alyaziji (1970 هﺬا ﺧﺒﺮ ﻗﺪ ﺙﻠﺠﺖ ﻝﻪ ﻥﻔﺴﻲ. 27
HAPPINESS IS A COLD
199-197 )Alyaziji (1970 FLUID IN A CONTAINERﺙﻠﺞ ﻝﻪ ﺻﺪري. 28
199-197 )Alyaziji (1970 وﺝﺪت ﺏﻪ ﺏﺮد آﺒﺪي. 29
199-197 )Alyaziji (1970 وﺝﺪت ﺏﻪ ﺏﺮد اﻝﺴﺮور. 30
233-232 )Parkinson (2006 HAPPINESS IS AIRﻣﻸت اﻝﺠﻮ ﻓﺮﺣﺎ وﺣﺒﻮرا. 31
234-232 )Parkinson (2006 ﻓﻲ ﺝﻮ ﻣﻦ اﻝﻔﺮح واﻝﺒﻬﺠﺔ.... 32
282 )Munif ( 1992 ﺣﺎول أن ﻳﻌﻴﺪ ﺝﻮ اﻝﻤﺮح 33
221 )Munif (1988 آﻴﻒ ﻳﺠﻌﻞ اﻝﺠﻮ أآﺜﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﺎ 34
Vitality, energy, and agitation
198 )Alyaziji (1970 metaphorsﺏﺸﺮت ﻓﻼﻥﺎ ﻓﻬﺰ ﻝﻪ ﻣﻨﻜﺒﻴﻪ. 35
198 )Alyaziji (1970 أﺧﺬت ﻣﻨﻪ هﺰة اﻝﻄﺮب. 36
198 )Alyaziji (1970 ﻝﻢ ﻳﻤﻠﻚ ﻥﻔﺴﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻝﻄﺮب. 37
198 )Alyaziji (1970 راﻳﺘﻪ ﻳﺜﺐ ﻣﻦ اﻝﻔﺮح. 38
198 )Alyaziji (1970 راﻳﺘﻪ ﻳﺮﻗﺺ ﻃﺮﺏﺎ. 39
198 )Alyaziji (1970 آﺎد ﻳﺨﺮج ﻣﻦ ﺝﻠﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺣﺎ. 40
198 )Alyaziji (1970 ﻳﺼﻔﻖ ﺏﻴﺪﻳﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻝﻄﺮب. 41
233-232 )Parkinson (2006 ﺗﺒﻌﺚ ﻓﻲ اﻝﻨﻔﺲ ﺳﺮورا. 42
233-232 )Parkinson (2006 آﺎن أﺧﻲ إﻥﺴﺎﻥﺎ ﻓﺮﺣﺎ ,ﻣﻤﺘﻠﺌﺎ ﺏﺎﻝﺤﻴﺎة. 43
233-232 )Parkinson (2006 هﻲ ﺗﺒﻌﺚ اﻝﺒﻬﺠﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻝﻨﻔﻮس. 44
ﻏﺮﺳﺖ ﺏﺬور اﻷﻣﻞ واﻝﺒﻬﺠﺔ ﻝﺪى اﻝﻔﻘﺮاء
233-232 )Parkinson (2006 واﻝﻤﺤﺮوﻣﻴﻦ. 45
A HAPPY PERSON IS AN
ANIMAL (THAT LIVES
198 )Alyaziji (1970 ) WELLﻳﺠﺮ ذﻳﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﺣﺎ. 46
198 )Alyaziji (1970 ﻳﺴﺤﺐ أذﻳﺎل اﻝﻐﺒﻄﺔ. 47
ibnu cabdi rrabih
vol.2-p.165 )(1982 HAPPINESS IS INSANITYآﺪت أﺝﻦ ﺳﺮورًا. 48
c
181-180 )Alθa alibii (1984 HAPPINESS IS INSANITYآﺪت أهﻴﻢ ﻓﺮﺣًﺎ. 49
)Al?zhary (1964 أآﺎد ان ﻳﻐﺸﻰ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﺮورا. 50
479 )Munif (1992 ﺏﻠﻎ اﻝﻔﺮح ﺣﺪ اﻝﺠﻨﻮن. 51
HAPPINESS IS A DESIRED
525 )Munif (1992 HIDDEN OBJECTآﺎن ﻓﺮﺣﻪ ﻳﻜﺒﺮ وﻳﺰداد ﻣﻊ آﻞ آﻠﻤﺔ 52
اﻝﺴﻠﻄﺎن وﺣﺪﻩ ﻝﻢ ﻳﻌﺮف آﻴﻒ ﻳﺨﻔﻲ ﻓﺮﺣﻪ
78 )Munif (1989a وإﻋﺠﺎﺏﻪ. 53
117 )Munif (1989c هﺬا اﻝﻤﺮح ﻏﺎدرﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻝﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ اﻷﺧﻴﺮة. 54
142
Page Source Expression Metaphorical Mapping No
346 Munif (1988) .ﺗﻮﻝﺪ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺣﺎ ﻣﻠﻮﻥﺎ 55
ﻳﻌﺠﺰ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ اﻝﻔﺮح اﻝﺬي ﺗﻌﻮد أن
350 Munif (1992) .ﻳﺨﻠﻘﻪ داﺋﻤﺎ 56
*********** *********** *********** *********** **
271-264 Alyaziji (1970) . أﺿﺮم ﻏﻴﻈﻲANGER IS FIRE 1
271-264 Alyaziji (1970) .أﺳﺘﻮﻗﺪ ﻏﻀﺒﻲ 2
271-264 Alyaziji (1970) أﻗﺘﺘﺪح ﻏﻀﺒﻲ 3
271-264 Alyaziji (1970) .أﺣﺮﻗﺘﻪ ﺏﻐﻴﻈﻪ 4
271-264 Alyaziji (1970) .راﻳﺘﻪ ﻳﺘﻮهﺞ ﻣﻦ اﻝﻐﻀﺐ 5
271-264 Alyaziji (1970) .ﺏﺎت ﻳﺰﻓﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻝﻐﻀﺐ 6
271-264 Alyaziji (1970) .أوﻏﺮ ﺻﺪري 7
271-264 Alyaziji (1970) .ﺏﺮدت ﻏﻴﻈﻪ 8
271-264 Alyaziji (1970) .ﺧﺒﺎ ﺿﺮام ﻏﻴﻈﻪ 9
456 Munif (1989c) .ﻳﺘﻄﺎﻳﺮ اﻝﺸﺮر ﻣﻦ ﻋﻴﻮﻥﻪ 10
Mustafa et al.
(1985) .ﻓﻼن ﺗﻮﻗﺪ ﻏﻀﺒﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺻﺎر آﺎﻝﺠﻤﺮ 11
Mustafa et al.
(1985) .هﺮق ﻋﻠﻰ ﺝﻤﺮك ﻣﺎء 12
Mustafa et al.
(1985) .ﺗﺄﺝﺞ ﻓﻼن ﻏﻀﺒﺎ 13
ANGER IS THE HEAT OF A
271-264 Alyaziji (1970) . راﻳﺘﻪ ﻳﻐﻠﻲ ﻣﻦ اﻝﻐﻀﺐFLUID IN A CONTAINER 14
271-264 Alyaziji (1970) .اﻣﺘﻸ اﻝﺮﺝﻞ ﻏﻴﻈﺎ 15
271-264 Alyaziji (1970) .ﻏﻠﻰ ﺝﻮﻓﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻝﻐﻀﺐ 16
271-264 Alyaziji (1970) .ﺳﻤﻊ ﻓﻼن آﺬا ﻓﺜﺎر اﻝﺪم ﻓﻲ وﺝﻬﻪ 17
ANGER IS THE HEAT OF A
271-264 Alyaziji (1970) . راﻳﺘﻪ ﻳﻔﻮر ﻣﻦ اﻝﻐﻀﺐFLUID IN A CONTAINER 18
271-264 Alyaziji (1970) .ﺝﺎش ﻣﺮﺝﻞ ﻏﻀﺒﻪ 19
Mustafa et al. ANGER IS THE HEAT OF
(1985) . ﻓﻼن ﻣﻨﺘﻔﺦ اﻝﻮرﻳﺪGAS IN A CONTAINER 20
Mustafa et al.
(1985) .ﻓﻼن اﻥﺘﻔﺦ ﻏﻀﺒﺎ 21
Mustafa et al. ANGER IS THE HEAT OF A
(1985) FLUID/GAS IN A
. ﻷﺧﺮﺝﻦ ﻏﻀﺒﻚ ﻣﻦ رأﺳﻚCONTAINER 22
Mustafa et al.
(1985) .ﻓﻼن اﻣﺘﻸ ﻏﻀﺒﺎ 23
Mustafa et al.
(1985) .ﺻﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺝﺎم ﻏﻀﺐ 24
221 Munif (1992) إن اﻝﻐﻴﻆ اﻝﺬي ﻳﻤﻼ ﺻﺪرﻩ 25
143
Page Source Expression Metaphorical Mapping No
288 )Munif (1992 اﻣﺘﻸ اﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺣﻘﺪا اﺳﻮدا 26
327 )Munif (1988 ردت ﺏﻤﺰﻳﺞ ﻣﻦ اﻝﻐﻀﺐ واﻝﺤﺰن 27
127 )Munif (1989a ﻗﺎل ﺏﺤﺰم ﻣﺸﻮب ﺏﺎﻝﻐﻀﺐ 28
52 )Munif (1989b ﺣﺎول أن ﻳﺬﻳﺐ ﻏﻀﺒﻪ ﺏﺎﺏﺘﺴﺎﻣﺔ ﺣﺰﻳﻨﺔ 29
ibnu cabdi rrabih ANGER IS THE HEAT OF Aﻣﺎ ﺗﺠﺮع ﻋﺒﺪ ﻓﻲ اﻝﺪﻥﻴﺎ ﺝﺮﻋﺔ اﺣﺐ اﻝﻰ اﷲ
vol.2-p.276 )(1982 DRINKABLE LIQUIDﻣﻦ ﺝﺮﻋﺔ ﻏﻴﻆ ﻳﻜﻈﻤﻬﺎ) .ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺵﺮﻳﻒ( 30
ibnu cabdi rrabih ﻗﺎل اﻷﺣﻨﻒ :رب ﻏﻴﻆ ﺗﺠﺮﻋﺘﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻓ َﺔ ﻣﺎ
vol.2-p.279 )(1982 هﻮ أﺵﺪ ﻣﻨﻪ) .اﻝﻌﻘﺪ اﻝﻔﺮﻳﺪ 31
)Alyaziji (1970 ﺻﺒﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺠﺮع اﻝﻐﻴﻆ. 32
)Al?zhary (1964 ﻓﻼن واﺳﻊ اﻝﺼﺪر ،ﺏﻄﻲء اﻝﻐﻀﺐ. ANGER IS PRESSURE 33
)Al?zhary (1964 ﻓﻠﻴﺨﺘﻨﻖ ﻏﻴﻈًﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻤﻮت آﻤﺪا. 34
442 )Munif (1989c ﺝﻌﻠﺘﻪ ﺿﻴﻖ اﻝﺼﺪر ﻏﻀﺒﺎ. 35
WHEN ANGER BECOMES
TOO INTENSE, THE
221 )Munif (1992 PERSON EXPLODESأﺻﺒﺢ ﻳﺜﻮر ﻷﺗﻔﻪ اﻷﺳﺒﺎب. 36
ﺣﻴﻦ ﺗﺴﺘﺒﺪ ﺏﺄآﻮب ﺙﻮرة ﻣﻦ ﺙﻮراﺗﻪ اﻝﺘﻲ
ﺗﻐﻴﺐ ﻓﺘﺮة ﻝﻜﻦ ﺗﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻴﻦ ﻓﺠﺄة ﻓﺘﺪﻣﺮ
442 )Munif (1992 وﺗﺤﺮق. 37
أﻣﺎ اﻝﺴﻠﻄﺎن اﻝﺬي ﻳﺘﻔﺠﺮ ﻏﻀﺒﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺏﻌﺾ
42 )Munif (1989b اﻝﺴﺎﻋﺎت.... 38
ﺵﻘﱠﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻷرض ،وﺵِﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ إﺣﺘﺪ ﻓﻄﺎرت ﻣﻨﻪ ِ
)Al?zhary (1964 اﻝﺴﻤﺎء. 39
WHEN ANGER BECOMES
TOO INTENSE, THEأﻋﺼﺎﺏﻲ هﻲ اﻝﺘﻲ آﺎﻥﺖ ﺗﻮﺵﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ
379 ) Parkinson (2006 PERSON EXPLODESاﻻﻥﻔﺠﺎر ﺏﺎﻝﻐﻀﺐ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ. . 40
144
Page Source Expression Metaphorical Mapping No
145
Page Source Expression Metaphorical Mapping No
)Al?zhary (1964 أﻝﻘﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ اﻝﻐﻀﺐ. 78
344 )Munif (1989a ﻋﺎدوا وﻣﻌﻬﻢ اﻝﻐﻀﺐ واﻝﻜﻠﻤﺎت اﻝﻜﺒﻴﺮة. 79
351 )Munif (1992 ﻳﺤﻞ ﻣﺤﻞ ذﻝﻚ اﻝﻐﻀﺐ ﺣﺰن هﺎدئ. 80
146
اﻟﻤﻠﺨﺺ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ
اﻝ ﺸﺮﻳﻒ ,اﺣﻤ ﺪ ﺧﻴ ﺮاﷲ ﻋﻤ ﺮ .اﻟﺘ ﺼﻮیﺮ اﻟﻤﺠ ﺎزي ﻟﻌﺒ ﺎرات اﻟﻔ ﺮح واﻟﻐ ﻀﺐ ﻓ ﻲ اﻟﻠﻐ ﺔ
اﻻﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰیﺔ واﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ:دراﺳﺔ ﻡﻘﺎرﻧﺔ .رﺳﺎﻝﺔ ﻣﺎﺝﺴﺘﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﻣ ﺔ ﻝﻨﻴ ﻞ درﺝ ﺔ اﻝﻤﺎﺝ ﺴﺘﻴﺮ ﻓ ﻲ
اﻵداب .ﻗ ﺴﻢ اﻝﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻻﻥﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳ ﺔ وﺁداﺏﻬ ﺎ ,ﺝﺎﻣﻌ ﺔ اﻝﻴﺮﻣ ﻮك) .2007 ,اﻝﻤ ﺸﺮف :اﻻﺳ ﺘﺎذ
اﻝﺪآﺘﻮر ﻓﻮاز اﻝﻌﺒﺪ اﻝﺤﻖ(
ه ﺪﻓﺖ ه ﺬﻩ اﻝﺪراﺳ ﺔ إﻝ ﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﻴ ﻞ و ﻣﻘﺎرﻥ ﺔ اﻝﻌﺒ ﺎرات اﻝﻤﺠﺎزﻳ ﺔ اﻝﻤ ﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺒﻴ ﺮ ﻋ ﻦ
اﻝﻔ ﺮح واﻝﻐ ﻀﺐ ﻓ ﻲ اﻝﻠﻐﺘ ﻴﻦ اﻻﻥﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳ ﺔ واﻝﻌﺮﺏﻴ ﺔ .ﻝ ﺬا ﻓ ﺎن ﻣ ﻦ أوﻝﻮﻳ ﺎت ه ﺬﻩ اﻝﺪراﺳ ﺔ
إﻇﻬﺎر ﻣﻮاﻃﻦ اﻝﺘﺸﺎﺏﻪ واﻻﺧﺘﻼف ﺏ ﻴﻦ اﻝﻠﻐﺘ ﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻤ ﺎ ﻳﺨ ﺺ ﺗﻮﻇﻴ ﻒ اﻝﺘﺮاآﻴ ﺐ اﻝﻤﺠﺎزﻳ ﺔ
ﻓﻲ ﺗﺼﻮر هﺎﺗﻴﻦ اﻝﻌﺎﻃﻔﺘﻴﻦ.
ﺗ ﻢ ﺝﻤ ﻊ ﺙﻼﺙﻤﺎﺋ ﺔ وﺧﻤ ﺴﺔ وأرﺏﻌ ﻮن ﻋﺒ ﺎرة ﻣﺄﻝﻮﻓ ﺔ اﻻﺳ ﺘﺨﺪام ﻓ ﻲ اﻝﺘﻌﺒﻴ ﺮ ﻋ ﻦ اﻝﻔ ﺮح
واﻝﻐﻀﺐ ﻓﻲ آﻠﺘﺎ اﻝﻠﻐﺘﻴﻦ اﻻﻥﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ واﻝﻌﺮﺏﻴﺔ .وﻣﻦ ﺙﻢ ﺝﺮى ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ هﺬﻩ اﻝﻌﺒﺎرات إﻝ ﻰ
أﻥﻮاع وﻓﻘﺎ ﻝﻠﺘﺼﻮﻳﺮ اﻝﻤﺠﺎزي اﻝﻤﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺏﺎﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﻋﻠﻰ اﻝﻨﻤﻮذج اﻝﻤﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﻓﻲ اﻝﻠﻐ ﺔ
اﻻﻥﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ .وﻣﻦ ﺙﻢ ﻗﺎم اﻝﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺏﺈﺝﺮاء اﻝﻤﻘﺎرﻥﺔ ﺏ ﻴﻦ اﻷﻥ ﻮاع واﻝﻌﺒ ﺎرات اﻝﻤ ﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﻓ ﻲ
اﻝﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻝﻌﺮﺏﻴ ﺔ وﺗﻠ ﻚ اﻝﻤ ﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﻓ ﻲ اﻝﻠﻐ ﺔ اﻻﻥﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳ ﺔ اﻋﺘﻤ ﺎدا ﻋﻠ ﻰ ﻥﻈﺮﻳ ﺔ اﻝﺘ ﺼﻮر
اﻝﻤﺠﺎزي.
أﻇﻬﺮت اﻝﻤﻘﺎرﻥﺔ اﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ أن آﻠﺘﺎ اﻝﻠﻐﺘ ﻴﻦ اﻻﻥﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳ ﺔ واﻝﻌﺮﺏﻴ ﺔ ﺗ ﺸﺘﺮآﺎن ﻓ ﻲ اﻝﻌﺪﻳ ﺪ ﻣ ﻦ
اﻝﺘﺼﻮرات اﻝﻤﺠﺎزﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻝﺘﻌﺒﻴ ﺮ ﻋ ﻦ اﻝﻔ ﺮح واﻝﺤ ﺰن .إﻻ أن اﻷﻣ ﺮ ﻝ ﻢ ﻳﺨ ﻞ ﻣ ﻦ وﺝ ﻮد
ﺏﻌﺾ اﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓ ﺎت اﻝﺘ ﻲ ﻗ ﺪ ﺗﻌ ﺰى إﻝ ﻰ ﺧ ﺼﻮﺻﻴﺔ آ ﻞ ﺙﻘﺎﻓ ﺔ آﻄﺒﻴﻌ ﺔ اﻝﻄﻘ ﺲ واﺧ ﺘﻼف
اﻝﻤﻈﺎهﺮ واﻝﻈﻮاهﺮ اﻝﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻝﻜﻞ ﺏﻴﺌﺔ واﺧﺘﻼف ﻥﻤﻂ اﻝﺤﻴﺎة اﻝﺴﺎﺋﺪ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ.
هﺬا و ﻳﻮﺻﻲ اﻝﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺏﺪراﺳﺔ ﻇﺎهﺮة اﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻝﻤﺠﺎز ﻓﻲ اﻝﻠﻐﺔ اﻝﻌﺮﺏﻴﺔ ﺏﻌﻴﺪا ﻋ ﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻬ ﺎ
اﻷدﺏﻴ ﺔ واﻝﺒﻼﻏﻴ ﺔ اﻝﻤﺤ ﻀﺔ ﺏ ﺸﻜﻞ أآﺜ ﺮ ﺗﻮﺳ ﻌﺎ وﻋﻤﻘ ﺎ ,ﺣﻴ ﺚ أن ه ﺬﻩ اﻝﻈ ﺎهﺮة ﻝ ﻢ ﺗﻨ ﻞ
ﻥﺼﻴﺒﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻻهﺘﻤﺎم اﻝﻼزم ﻋﻨﺪ اﻝﺒﺎﺣﺜﻴﻦ واﻝﻠﻐﻮﻳﻴﻦ اﻝﻌﺮب ﻣﻦ وﺝﻬﺔ ﻥﻈﺮ ﻝﻐﻮﻳﺔ ﻥﻔﺴﻴﺔ.
اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت اﻟﻤﻔﺘﺎﺣﻴﺔ :اﻟﻤﺠﺎز ,اﻟﺘﺼﻮیﺮ اﻟﻤﺠﺎزي ,اﻟﻔﺮح ,اﻟﻐﻀﺐ ,اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻻﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰیﺔ ,اﻟﻠﻐﺔ
اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ,دراﺳﺔ ﻡﻘﺎرﻧﺔ .اﻟﻠﻐﻮیﺎت اﻟﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ.
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