4/16/2020 Foreword: Recalibrating the Response to Global Extremism | Institute for Global Change

COUNTER-EXTREMISM

Foreword: Recalibrating the Response to Global Extremism

Emman El-Badawy
Head of Research, Tony Blair Institute for Global Change

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If there is one thing the 2010s taught us about preventing and countering terrorism and
violent extremism, it is that this landscape is continually transforming. In the face of such an
ever-changing and ever-evolving threat, policymakers and practitioners cannot a ord to be
complacent. Continued vigilance, sustained pressure and clarity of mission is vital.
At the turn of the decade in 2010-11, I remember watching protestors flood the streets of
Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Yemen, Bahrain and Morocco. These uprisings, which spread
across the region, did not emerge from politico-religious forces or insurgent groups, but from
ordinary citizens. I also remember how, at the time–if only briefly–it felt like we were
witnessing the decline of the global jihadi movement. It was clear then, even to Osama Bin
Laden, that two decades of Salafi-jihadi propaganda had failed to inspire the masses to take
to the streets. The early days of the ‘Arab Spring’ were the antithesis of what the movement
stood for–secular, pluralistic and democratic reform. Peaceful protest had deposed the
leaders of regimes that al-Qaeda had long claimed could only be toppled by violence and
terrorism.
By the spring of 2011, Osama Bin Laden had been killed by US Special Forces. We now know
that months before Bin Laden’s death, the Abbottabad papers–captured during the raid on
his compound– show that the group was re-examining its strategy in the face of such change.
We also now know that in 2011 we were not witnessing the decline of violent Islamism or the
global jihadi movement. Instead, we were about to enter a period of resurgence.
Today, we face as many as 97 di erent violent Islamist groups operating in 40 countries. Just
one among these is ISIS, a group that terrorised communities in Syria and Iraq from 2014,
captured and killed aid workers and journalists, and claimed deadly attacks all over the world.
The concerted e orts of the international coalition against ISIS has seen the group’s
territorial control shattered and its capabilities reduced, yet the black flags of the so-called
Islamic State continue to be raised in territories far beyond the borders of the Middle East.
The territorial defeat of ISIS in Iraq and Syria remains significant, but the group’s legacy
continues to pose an immediate and long-term threat to the region, with challenges around
repatriating foreign fighters, resettling internally displaced people and rebuilding towns, cities
and communities.
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Meanwhile, the security situation in West Africa continues to deteriorate, with extremist
groups in the Sahel and the Lake Chad regions vying for control and supremacy, as local
communities continue to su er the consequences of their violent campaigns. International
support for military e orts has been forthcoming, but the combination of widespread
corruption, governance challenges and a lack of basic services creates an environment in
which extremist groups flourish and extremist ideologies thrive.
While the threat of Islamist extremism remains among the foremost security challenges
facing countries around the world today, too often the understanding of this threat is one
dimensional. The recent growth and proliferation of Shia Islamist extremism in the Middle
East and beyond is a cause for concern. Religiously-inspired, ideologically-motivated and
heavily-armed proxies across the region have increasingly demonstrated their willingness and
ability to target civilians while pursuing a sectarian-driven agenda, sowing division and tearing
communities apart.
From Europe and North America to Australia and New Zealand, the longstanding concerns
about the rising influence and activity of the far-right have manifested themselves with
deadly consequences. No longer simply confined to the dark corners of the internet and low-
level, sporadic incidents, this increasingly transnational movement is responsible for ever-
sophisticated, coordinated attacks targeting religious and ethnic minorities.
What we hope to confront can feel overwhelming and enigmatically complex, but it is not
beyond resource and global capability. The Tony Blair Institute for Global Change begins a
new year and a decade looking forward for solutions. We have convened leading experts from
around the world to share their expertise on some of the most pressing global extremism
challenges. They each explore how best to overcome them and the opportunities that lie
ahead. These valuable contributions provide policymakers with a clear sense of direction in
countering and preventing extremism in the coming years.
Jonathan Greenblatt of the Anti-Defamation League argues that despite signs that policies
to combat rising hate are moving in the wrong direction, the damage can be reversed if
governments, technological enterprises and civil society organisations work shoulder-to-
shoulder on solutions.
The PAIMAN Alumni Trust’s Mossarat Qadeem focuses on the intangible harms on societies
resulting from extremism. She argues that even though the majority of people in Pakistan

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have ‘internalised extremism’, education institutions and the role of women can play a central
role in reversing this development.
Cleo Blackman of the Tony Blair Institute explores the challenges around proving the impact
of extremism prevention programmes. She calls for a professionalisation of the sector that
draws on decades of lessons from the field of development to fill the evaluation void.
Usama Hasan, also of the Tony Blair Institute, challenges the notion that it is impossible to
rehabilitate and deradicalise terrorism o enders. He argues that we need to understand the
di erence between deradicalisation, desistance and disengagement. Once these di erences
are identified, the opportunities for rehabilitation are also clearer.
The Atlantic Council’s Jasmine El-Gamal tackles a critical question on the repatriation of
foreign nationals who joined ISIS or lived under its rule. Should they be taken back by their
home countries or not, and what are the risks of not doing so? She puts forward a plan for a
‘managed repatriation’.
Leanne Erdberg of the United States Institute for Peace calls on policymakers to embrace
the complexity of violent extremism by unleashing the potential of development aid and
expertise to stem the spread of groups who exploit all too readily the vacuums left in fragile
states.
Joana Cook from the International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation focuses on what
has been learned in the last decade about women and violent extremism. She argues that a
gender lens must be applied at every step when designing our response to violent extremism.
She warns that if this is not done, we will remain limited in our understanding of the threat of
violent extremism.
Khalid Koser, Kevin Osborne and Lilla Schumicky-Logan of the Global Community
Engagement and Resilience Fund examine the momentum that has resulted in the
development of dozens of national action plans since 2016. They agree that these are
important first steps for achieving national ownership vis-a-vis a transnational policy agenda
but argue that there are still weaknesses that will make it di cult for many of these action
plans to be implemented.
Finally, the Tony Blair Institute’s Mubaraz Ahmed looks at the challenges and opportunities
for policymakers and platforms in addressing online extremism. The Christchurch Call
represents a great step forward in building international consensus, but it is the actions of
governments and social media platforms that speak louder than words.  I'm fine with this
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Beyond the overriding belief that violent extremism is reversible, there is clear consistency in
the messages from all of our expert contributors this year. Extremism is not only harmful
when it becomes violent. Extremism harms societies in a multitude of ways that are not yet
fully understood. Extremism is a political and ideological problem, so the antidote to
extremist ideology must be political. Security measures are not enough. Strategic prevention
of extremism will require a multi-sector, interagency response in government, and a whole-
of-society approach. Policies should no longer be reactive and tactical–as they have been
since 2001–but should align state institutions and communities in confronting extremisms.
This decade brings opportunities to recalibrate and develop a new set of strategic policies for
confronting global extremism. These policies should be underpinned by a coherent political
strategy that reflects today’s more complex landscape and harnesses new technologies and
political opportunities. Global and regional coordination is key to meeting the scale of the
demand. The dynamics driving and sustaining extremism cross national boundaries, and
therefore powerful partnerships are needed to mobilise the resources and will of the
international community. 

Read the Full Collection

Combating Anti-Semitism: Addressing the Nexus Between Hate, Extremism and

Beyond Violence: The Impact of Extremism on Communities

Bridging the Evidence Gap: Proving What Works in Preventing Extremism

Beyond Desist and Disengage: Deradicalisation Must be the Ultimate Goal

Repatriating ISIS Detainees: The Need to Act Now

The Role of Aid and Development in the Fight Against Extremism

The Changing Role of Women in Extremism and Counter-Extremism

The Future of National Action Plans to Prevent Violent Extremism

After Christchurch: How Policymakers Can Respond to Online Extremism

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Authors
Emman El-Badawy
Head of Research, Tony Blair Institute for Global
Change

Tags: GLOBAL CHALLENGES, COUNTER-EXTREMISM

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