PUEBLOAN KACHINA CULTS IN THE

SOUTHWESTERN UNITED STATES

INTRODUCTION
Kachina also “katchina,” “katcina,” or, to the Hopi, katsina, are
ancestral anthropomorphic spirit beings (masked impersonators) among
the Puebloan cultures of the North American Southwest. The katsina cult is
a highly practiced religion among historic western Pueblo Indians
sponsoring public ceremonies involving masked participants known as
katsina and elaborate ritual paraphernalia. In these Pueblo cultures, the
Hopi, Zuni, Hopi-Tewa and the Keresan Tribes located in New Mexico still
practice kachina ceremonial rituals today.

“Kachina” refers both to ceremonial dances in which these

impersonators appear and to carved and painted wooden dolls with masked
symbolism. The Zuni word “kok’ko” (ko ‘ko) refers to spirits and
supernatural beings which correspond generally and specifically to kachina
of the Hopi. These masked impersonators intercede with the spirits of the
other world in behalf of their Hopi earth-relatives. Both the Zuni and Hopi
kachinas are different from each other but have certain similarities and
features.

The kachina cult is built upon worship principally through

impersonation of a group of supernaturals “who bring rain and good
health”. As soon as the impersonator dons the mask of the supernatural, he
is believed to become that spirit. After acquiring this supernatural deity, the
masked impersonator must not be approached or touched during the
ceremonies, and he must be de-charmed after the ceremonies before he
again becomes mortal. Each of these Pueblo cultures incorporate distinct
forms and variations of kachinas. The Hopis have built their cult into a
more elaborate ritual, and seem to have a greater sense of drama and
artistry than the Zunis. On the other hand, the latter have developed a more
sizable folklore concerning their kachinas.

The kachina has three aspects: the supernatural being, as he exists in

the mind, the masked impersonator of the supernatural being, who appears
in the Kiva and plazas, and the small kachina dolls carved in the same
likeness, which are given as gifts to children. A kachina can represent
anything in the natural world or cosmos; they represent people (clowns,
warriors), animals (eagles, buffalos, and butterflies), natural forces (wind,
lighting and thunderstorms), planets and stars (sun, moon) or deceased
ancestors.

Although not worshipped, each kachina is viewed as a powerful being

who inspires only respect and honor and, if given that respect, can use their
powers for human good: to bring rainfall, healing, protection and fertility.
Hopi kachina dolls are neither idols to be worshipped nor icons to pray to.
Kachina dolls are given to Hopi children during certain ceremonies to
enculturate their children about that particular kachina.

Cosmologies of the Hopi and Zuni cultures demonstrate concepts of

duality, opposition and spiritual personification. The upper world is
inhabited by the living and controlled by the forces of day, life, and light; on
the contrary, the underworld is occupied by ancestral spirits of the dead
and controlled by the forces of death and darkness (Fewkes 1901; Stevenson
1904; Titiev 1944).

Although many think of dolls when they hear the word “kachina,” to
non-Native American Indians, these dolls are the most desirable
collectables in the Native American craft market. Although sold as objects
of art, kachina dolls hold a very high religious significance among most of
the Southwest Puebloan Cultures and are common in their ceremonial
rituals. This article will show what these dolls actually represent along with
their significance to the well-being of these Southwestern United States
Puebloan cultures.

The focus of this article is manifestations at Hopi and Zuni villages

because kachinas of these two cultures are well described in
anthropological literature - in particular, the works of Fewkes (1897a) and
Stevenson (1904). This article contains some interesting facts on these
southwestern Puebloan cultures’ origins, emergence mythologies, cultural
beliefs, costumes and dance rituals. The Kachina Cult was the most
widespread and practiced religion among the Puebloan cultures several
hundred years before the Spaniards arrived here in the North American
Southwest.

BUFFALO KACHINA

ORIGINS OF THE KACHINA CULT

Since there was no written record of the prehistoric people living in
the North American Southwest prior to the arrival of the Spanish in the 15th
century, the origin of the Kachina Cult is not completely known. According
to Spanish journals, they wrote about seeing bizarre images of the devil,
most likely kachina dolls hanging in Pueblo homes. Most modern day
scholars and archaeologists tend to agree that the Kachina Cult, or at least
elements of it, point to a Mesoamerican origin, meaning indigenous
cultures that developed in parts of Mexico and Central America prior to
Spanish exploration and conquest in the 16th century.

Some supporting evidence comes from Polly Schaafsma (2000), a

scholar who studied ancient rock art in order to determine origin and
cultural development in the Southwest. She believes that the Pueblo
Kachina Cult derived from ritual beliefs of Mesoamericans in the southern
Mexico region and that these elements of ritual beliefs were traded to the
Southwest along with material items to meet the needs of Puebloan people.
Through her studies of Pictograms (or pictographs) and Petroglyphs,
Schaafsma believes the Kachina Cult began more prominently in the
Eastern pueblos and later spread to the west, while some other scholars
argue that it originated in the west and spread to the east.

Ancestral ancestors of modern day Native American such as the

Hohokam, Ancestral Puebloan and Salado civilizations flourished here in
the Desert Southwest for centuries until about AD 1450. Then, for reasons
unknown, populations declined and villages were abandoned sometime
around the 14th and 15th centuries, while some archaeologist believe
migrations may have started as early as the 12 th century. Modern day
archaeologists believe more in terms of relocation than “abandonment”
and depopulation rather than “disappearance.” Reference information:
http://www.ajpl.org/wp/archaeological-parks-and-monuments-of-central-
arizona/

In her book, Prehistory of the Southwest, Linda S. Cordell points out

that these early indigenous peoples felt themselves “pushed” by a
combination of social and environmental changes and “pulled” for more
stable weather patterns, fertile farm land, safer communities and spiritual
fulfillment.

Something prompted these prehistoric cultures to flee the Four

Corners region and the rest of the Southwest Sonoran Desert. The major
factors that archaeologists generally agree to regarding what they call the
“push” seems to have originated with environmental catastrophes, which in
turn may have given birth to violence and internecine warfare around A.D.
1250. Some scholars and archaeologists agree that there must also have
been a “pull” drawing these cultures to the south and east, something very
appealing that lured them from their ancestral homelands.

There was another major change sweeping the Southwestern United

States during this time. Sometime
between 1275 AD and 1325 AD
originating in the Upper Colorado
River area and along the Zuni River
that is a tributary of the Little Colorado
River, we begin to see the rise of the
Kachina Cult. Some archaeologists and
historians have agreed that the “Pull”
was that of the Kachina Cult. Newly
settled communities (pueblos) were
turning more to the kachina cult as
mediators who would intercede with
spiritual deities to answer their pleas for rain, health, and fertility; the most
important call was for the continued cycle of the corn or Maize.
 Where did they go? Archaeologists and historians throughout the
centuries have put forth theories as to which direction these different
cultures took, their relocation and depopulation. It has been speculated
that the majority of these people, such as the Hohokam and Ancestral
Pueblo people, migrated southward to the San Jose River and found the
present day Laguna and Santo Domingo. Others moved to the Rio Grande
Valley and to the Casa Grandes in Mexico, while others went north to be
absorbed into the Northern Pueblo cultures such as the Hopi. There is
supporting evidence that Paquimé, Casas Grande, located in the modern day
Mexican state of Chihuahua of Northwestern Mexico, received a population
influx during the 13th and 14th centuries. Some historians suggest that some
of these cultures, which migrated to the south and then returned
northward, bring with them these kachina beliefs.

HOPI KACHINAS
The Hopi nation lives on the Black Mesa, a plateau of the Four
Corners region located in northeastern Arizona.
Twelve traditional Puebloan style villages are set
on three Mesas. The Hopi tribe are believed to
have settled in present-day Arizona around AD
1100. Walpi is the oldest, established in 1690 and
located on First Mesa. Oraibi on Third Mesa is one
of the oldest continuously inhabited villages of the
United States of America, dating back to sometime
before 1100 CE. The Hopi Nation also occupy
villages located on Second Mesa. Hopi Reservation.
The Hopi maintain a complex religious and
mythological tradition stretching back over
centuries. There is more than 4oo+ supernatural
kachina deities in Hopi and other Pueblo cultures.
The story of the Ancestral Puebloans lives on in
the mythology of the Hopi, considered the most mysterious and mystical of
all Native Americans.
 To grow crops, particularly corn, in their semiarid land, the Hopis
believe it is essential to have the supernaturals on their side. The Hopis
believe that their supernaturals have certain powers which they do not
have, and that they in turn possess things which their supernaturals desire.
Thus, quite often Hopi rituals are mutual gift-giving ceremonies. The
supernaturals desire prayer feathers, corn pollen and various rituals, and
the Hopis like rain, so this mutual exchange works out very well for both
parties. To Hopis, it is essential to preserve harmony with the world around
them. The Hopi believe in Animism – that all things have a spirit or are
possessed with life - not only in man but that all animals, objects in nature
such as trees, rocks, and clouds.

CREATION / EMERGENCE
The Hopi creation and emergence traditions extend over centuries
of storytelling. Hopi mythology is not consistent among each of the Hopi
Mesas or villages. They have their own versions of certain stories, making it
impossible to ascertain what the original or “more correct” story is.

Although the concept of the original creation is unclear, there are

two main versions that exist as to
the Hopi’s emergence into this
present world from three
preceding ones. In one of these
emergence stories, according to
Hopi oral traditions, their
ancestors, the Ancestral Puebloans,
first emerged from the Third
World through a portal hole called
a Sipapu into this the Fourth
World. This Sipapu is located near
the confluence of the Colorado and Little Colorado Rivers near the Grand
Canyon. The Sipapu itself is a natural salt dome; some wonder whether it is
a mineral hot spring or a geyser. It has long been considered a very sacred
place to the Hopi Nation.

According to sacred creation and emergence stories among the Hopi

and Zuni cultures, people lived together in total darkness deep within
Mother Earth. In order to reach this, the Fourth World, the people had to
first pass through first, second and third worlds.

Most Hopi accounts of creation center around Tawa or Taiowa, the

sun spirit, and Sotuknang, his nephew, who formed the “First World” and
this the Fourth World to be inhabited by Tawa’s creations. The first
creature was Kokyangwuti, “Spider Woman,” who created humanity.
 Today, it is traditional for Hopi mothers to present their newborn
babies to the rising morning sun and seek its blessing on the twentieth day
of the baby’s birth just after the naming ceremony by the child’s
Godmother.

The sacred story goes that in each of the previous worlds, the people
lived for the most part in harmony but for the actions of a few. These few
found life to be boring so they became disobedient, lived contrary to Tawa’s
plan and would not live in harmony. Spider Woman took the obedient people
to the next world. Spider Grandmother planted a seed that caused a hollow
reed (bamboo) to grow into the sky allowing the people to ascend into this
world with physical changes occurring upon emerging from the Sipapu.

Their ancestors stepped outside the “Sipapu,” changing from lizard-

like beings into Homo sapiens (Walters, 1963 and Courlander, 1971) and
were greeted by “Maasaw,” the caretaker of the land. It is from this point
that these first ancestors of this world began to divide and separate into
clans and begin a series of migrations across the land, whereby the stars
would guide them. “Maasaw” gave each clan one or more tablets which
would guide them along their journey.

In another version told at the village of Oraibi (Third Hopi Mesa),

Tawa destroyed the third world along with its unruly inhabitants in a great
flood. Before the destruction, Spider Grandmother sealed the obedient
people in hollow reeds, which were used as boats.

The Hopi Mesas are the historic homeland of the Hopi Nation, the
final destination of the wandering tribes of the Ancestral Puebloans. The
real Centre of the World is “Tuuwanasavi,” a few miles from the village of
Oraibi on Third Mesa. The Bear clan was the first to arrive and settled on
Second Mesa. When other clans completed their migration, they either
settled on or near the other mesas; Snake Clan for example settled on First
Mesa.

The Hopi, Zuni and other Puebloan cultures believe they are born of
the Grand Canyon, which is where the original Sipapu is located. A
subterranean chamber located in most of all of Puebloan villages and
central to Hopi ceremonialism is the Kiva. This underground room is sunk
into Mother Earth, where social meetings and religious ceremonies are
conducted by the high priests of the clans who have the authority to conduct
them. It also commemorates the emergence of humanity into the upper
world. Located just off the center of the kiva is a small hole representing
this Sipapu, their place of emergence. A ladder ascends from the roof to
represent the bamboo reeds used to emerge to the fourth world.
HOPI MYTHOLOGY

In Hopi mythology, the kachinas are known to be spirits of deities

who dwell on the San Francisco Peaks, to the west of Flagstaff, within sight
of the Hopi reservation. With its highest peak being Mount Humphreys,
whose tops are usually surrounded by clouds, it is easy to see why they were
seen as the source of life-giving rains. Kachinas come down from the
mountains during the Seasons of the Kachina to visit the Hopi villages,
singing and dancing for rain, fertility, the continued cycle of the corn, and
bearing gifts for the village children.

The Hopi consider the Wuya kachinas to be very important. One of the
easily recognized Wuya figures found throughout the centuries of the
American southwest pueblos is the legendary Kokopelli.

For centuries, Native Americans of the Southwest have prayed to the

great spirits to bless their world with good weather, abundant game, and a
bountiful harvest. They also believe that during their lives, a number of
spirits surrounds them. Just after the winter solstice, Hopi kachinas bring
them messages from these spirits and reside with the tribe for half of each
year conducting sacred ceremonies and interacting with the village people.
Ceremonies
The Hopi religious ceremonies are divided into two parts, from the
Winter solstice to mid-July and from mid-July to the winter solstice. Priest,
or “Mon” Kachinas take part in five major ceremonies that are held during
the Hopi calendar year. The Wu'wu'chim ceremony consists of eight days
for preparation and eight days of sacred rituals in the Kiva before the public
dancing ceremony begins, and only initiated individuals may witness them.

In spring, the rituals of the planting are followed by the ceremonies

for germination and growth. In summer, the rites of protection of the crops
coincide with the ceremonies to invoke rain. The autumn is filled with
dances of thanksgiving as the gathering of the harvest evokes prayers for
the fertility of the earth for the coming year. There are many other
ceremonies throughout the year like the famous Dances with Snakes, where
members of the Snake and Antelope clans perform this ritual and the
participants do not wear masks.

HOPI SNAKE DANCE

The most important part of all ceremonies are the ones held in the
Kiva. This underground chamber is where the rituals are held by the high
priests of the clans who have the authority to conduct them. In these
ceremonies, they are vital to the opening and closing of the kivas. The kiva
contains an altar and central fire pit below the roof opening. A ladder
extends above the edge of the roof, which represents the way to the upper
world. Kachinas are grouped into two categories: priest or “mon” kachinas
and ordinary or dance kachinas (Fewkes 1901; Stevenson 1904).
 The mon kachina masks are never changed and each is prescribed by
tradition, whereas ordinary or dance kachina masks are determined by
their makers. The men spend all their time preparing offerings, costumes,
and the paraphernalia for their final performance. One of the most
important forms of offerings is that of corn meal or pollen. This corn meal
offering is sprinkled on the dancers, alters and paraphernalia such as the
Prayer Stick - Native Indian Tribes. Corn is held most sacred among the Hopi
and has sustained the Hopi Nation for centuries.

The form of ritual held in the kiva is that of a chant which retells the
myth centering in this particular rite and thus forms a background for the
appearance of certain characters and the final public demonstration. So
much faith and perfection is put into the ceremonies that even one slip of
the tongue in a recitation,
one omission of a word,
one stumble in a dance,
can discredit the
performer and bring
misfortune for the entire
village and a failed crop
for the year. If that
happens, then all is in
vain, all the time-honored
preparations and ancient
wisdom is wasted. Even
the wrong thoughts, evil
thinking, will be known to
the spirit beings and all is lost. These ceremonies are to dramatize the
universal laws of life, and because they unfold the Hopi Road of Life, they
therefore must be performed without mishap.

Before each kachina ceremony, men of the village will spend days
making figures in the likeness of the kachina represented in that particular
ceremony. The Giver Kachina then passes these kachina dolls onto the
daughters of the village during that ceremony. After the ceremony the
figures are hung on the walls of the pueblo and are meant to be studied to
learn the characteristics of that certain Kachina. The children are taught to
regard the kachinas with a deep religious respect. Each child takes the
kachina for supernatural, terrifying creatures, and this is the moment of
the child’s initiation into the realm of the kachinas society of the masked
dancers. In accordance with Hopi tradition, both boys and girls are
initiated into the Kachina Cult between the ages of eight and ten. This rite
included fasting, praying, and being whipped with a yucca whip.
 The Hopi Kachina Cult initiation has long been characterized by the
whipping of the eight-to ten-year-old initiates. The whipping has been
associated with receiving the disenchanting knowledge that the kachina
figures are not “real gods, but merely masked impersonations made by
mortal Hopi.” The record indicates that it is the shock of disenchantment
more than the yucca switch that leaves a lasting impression on the initiates,
yet observers of Hopi culture have not taken the religious significance of
this response seriously. Careful consideration of the initiation rites shows
that disillusionment is treated by the Hopi as necessary to prepare the
children for a meaningful religious life.” (Gill 1977: 217)

One of the most anticipated ceremonies is the Powamuya: Bean Dance

(February).The Powamuya Ceremony is one of the most important kachina
ceremonies. It consists of a series of rituals lasting sixteen days where the
Katsinam distributes bean sprouts that have been germinating in the Kivas
during this time to the villagers. It helps prepares the Hopi people for a
prosperous growing season while teaching children the Hopi ways and
initiating them into the Kachina society. During these ceremonies, groups
of twenty to thirty kachinas, each in different costumes, dance in the
village’s plazas. None of the other Hopi ceremonies show such a spectacular
array of colorful costumes and ritual masks.

Another of the well-known kachina figures who is associated with

the Powamuya ceremony is the appearance of the “SOYOKO” or
“SOYOK’MANA” (Ogre Kachinas). Each ogre has his or her own personality
and role within a ceremony; ogres are disciplinary kachinas and their main
purpose is to frighten young children into good behavior.

PLAZA CEREMONY
 This is a great social occasion for friends and relatives to come
together to see the dance and partake in the feasts that are always prepared.
Kachinas bring baskets of corn, beans and melons, especially as gifts for the
children. Girls receive brightly made kachina dolls while the boys receive
miniature bows and arrows. The final closing act is a procession carrying
sacred offerings to shrines and fields outside their villages.

The Hopi Niman Ceremony (Talangva), also referred to as the Home-

Going Ceremony (no clowns present), takes place in July shortly after the
summer solstice and is the last appearance of the masked kachinas before
they depart back to their homes in the San Francisco Peaks. Each year’s
Niman ceremony is a bit different from the previous year
and there are certain figures who appear each year, but
one of most colorful and elaborate visitor figure is HEMIS
Kachina. Dressed in a traditional ceremonial costume,
Hemis Kachina wears a kilt with a red sash and a
TABLITA (headdress) decorated in feathers and a wheat
tassel with grown corn to symbolize a good harvest. In
one hand, he carries a gourd rattle, in the other, spruce
fronds. He also wears decorated yarn around his chest
and a spruce around the neck. The Hopi refer to the
Hemis Kachina as having come from the Rio Grande
Jemez Pueblo of New Mexico where he was a bringer of rain before harvest.
The Jemez Pueblo people refer to a similar dance having Hopi origins.
Perhaps the origin lies with both of these cultural traditions.

Hopi clowns are an integral part of the Hopi Kachina ceremonies

where they participate in sacred rituals as well as their own unique
performance, some in direct contact
with the plaza spectators. The
clown’s performance centers on
humor and entertainment, but they
also monitor the assembled crowd
and provide policing activities over
both the Kachina dancers and the
audience. These clowns play dual
roles; their more prominent role is
to act like jesters and circus clowns
during the extended periods of the
outdoor ceremony and Kachina
Dances. Their most sacred role is that of the Hopi’s ritual performer.

Clowning societies helped sculpt the foundations of Hopi ceremony

and ritual. While outsiders may have taken offense at the sometimes-
obscene depictions observed during plaza dances, clowning served
important purposes within these communities. Hopi clowns were often
depicted mocking their targets, imitating lewd acts, and engaging in
mischievous horseplay. Clowning rituals teach tribal members how to act
appropriately by reinforcing the importance of these values through shock
value behavior. Clown Kachinas figures are often depicted with a food item,
like a lollipop or a watermelon, to represent the gluttonous nature of man,
and they are most commonly painted with alternating black and white
stripes. Tied in the Hopi clown’s hair are cornhusks, which are worn like
horns, and owl feathers, which dangle from their heads.

KACHINA CLOWN

ZUNI KACHINAS
The Zuni tribe continue to live on their ancestral homeland located
thirty-some miles south of Gallup, New Mexico. The
Zuni call their homeland Halona Idiwan’a, or “Middle
Place,” and archaeologists believe the Zuni have
inhabited the Zuni River valley since before 2500 B.C.
when the tribe moved into the Southwest as big game
hunters. Like the Hopi, their religion is integrated into
their daily lives with respect to ancestors, moisture or
rain. The Zuni culture have a clan system with a
variety of ceremonies dedicated to their ancestors.
The Hopi are not the only Pueblo culture that observe
a Kachina Cult in its religious calendar. The Zuni also
have a solar calendar, which is practiced annually.
CLANS AND KACHINA SOCIETIES

A kachina society has a head kachina chief and a kachina

spokesperson, who each have a kachina bow priest as their assistant; each
kiva has a dance chief. There are sixteen rain dance priests, each with
several assistants (some may include females). Some of these must come
from specific clans who care for the Medicine Bundles they use.

Then there are twelve curing societies, related to the animal deities,
which are open to membership by both male and female by choice, or by
being cured of a particular illness. Each has four officers and membership
is for life. It is not uncommon for individuals to seek guidance from the
priests or Shaman.

It is hard to specify the total number of kachinas in the Zuni religion

because the Zuni do not believe in using or exploiting their kachinas for
open public economic gain and believe they should be kept private.

CREATION / EMERGENCE
Much like the Hopi, the Zuni people maintain a complex religious and
mythological tradition stretching over millenia. Different versions exist
among the Zuni culture making it hard to establish which stories are
original or more correct. In one of the original versions according to Zuni
creation myth, Awonawilona (The Great Father Sun) was the creator of the
world. In the beginning, there was only moisture, which became clouds.
The creator Awonawilona thickened the clouds into water and then formed
a great sea. From his own flesh, he fertilized this sea and green algae grew,
covering it and producing the earth and sky from which all living things
came. Located deep within Mother Earth, the seed of men and animals were
incubated as eggs. The Great Father Sun provided warmth so that the eggs
were hatched and all living creatures emerged. Poshaiyankya led the people
and creatures up into the light, sending the people that emerged out in all
directions.

There are a number of kachinas that represent space and time in the
Zuni religion. To Zuni, kachinas represent two parallel and opposing
realms of the cosmos and are symbolically associated with ancestral deities
(subterranean) and celestial deities such as Sun Father and Moon Mother.
The Zuni Kachina Cult is not constant; it changes in regard to space and
time.
 The Zuni believe that the kachinas live in the Lake of the Dead, a
mythical lake that can be reached through Listening Spring Lake. This is
located at the junction of the Zuni River and the Little Colorado River.

Although some archaeological investigations have taken place, they

have not been able to clarify which tribe, Zuni or Hopi, developed the
Kachina Cult first. Both Zuni and Hopi kachinas are different from each
other but have certain similarities and features. In addition, both Zuni and
Hopi kachinas are highly featured and detailed, while the kachinas of the
Rio Grande Pueblos look primitive.

CEREMONIES
The katsina cult at Zuni has year round activities. Unlike the Hopi,
various kachinas “go home” during intervals of the Zuni ceremonial year.
One of the most famous and enjoyable
ceremonies of the Zuni rites is the Shalako
Ceremony, which is celebrated at the time of
the winter solstice. Eight days before the
Shalako ceremony, Mudhead-clown-like
figures wearing mud-daubed masks
resembling deformed human faces appear in
the village to announce the arrival of the
“SHALAKO GODS.” The Shalako dancers are
huge figures towering up to ten feet tall, wearing
headdresses with eagle feathers that fan out like the sun’s rays. It is a house
blessing ceremony in which these giant gods visit the homes that have been
built or enlarged during the past year, pausing in front of each house to
dance and shake bunches of deer bones.

There are a number of other ceremonies and rituals; some are public,
however, many of them are kept secret. It is hard to specify the total
number of kachinas in the Zuni religion because the Zuni do not believe in
using or exploiting their kachinas for open public economic gain and
believe they should be kept private. It is believed that some of the older
kachina rituals are no longer practiced, but there are new ones that have
been introduced. In addition, it is believed that there are hundreds of
different kachina rituals that are practiced in the Zuni religion.

Kachinas of the Zuni and Hopi are closely identified with two major
religious concerns, Zuni’s association with rain or moisture and Hopi with
their ancestors (Fewkes 1901: Stevenson 1904). Mon kachinas’ masks of the
Hopi belong to certain clans and are regarded as ancestors. Similar
relationships are indicated at Zuni, where priest kachinas that make up the
Council of the Gods are identified as both deceased children and clan
ancestors who return to visit and bring blessings to the Zuni (Stevenson :2-
47)

A well-known Zuni artist, Alex Seowtewa, with help from his two sons
Gerald and Kenneth, painted a series of traditional Zuni kachinas and tribal
religious leaders starting in 1970. These murals line the walls of the old
Zuni Mission of Our Lady of Guadalupe located at the Zuni pueblo in New
Mexico. These numerous paintings provide valuable examples of kachina
iconography and associated symbolism. They illustrate symbols and
symbolic paraphernalia used in the impersonation of the gods and depict a
variety of images such as cloud-rain, lightning, corn, and plants. The
symbolic associations signify ceremonial and mythic relationships for
kachinas.

Lady of Guadalupe Zuni Mission Church, NM

Examples of Mask-katsinas pictorial representation that are
demonstrably historic in origin can be found in a rock shelter located near
the prehistoric Village of the Great Kivas, dated post-1930. The paintings
include realistic and more abstract masks of the Shalako ceremony and the
Mixed Kachina Dance. Pilgrimages are made to the site periodically to re-
paint the pectoral katsina masks. Young (1985:34) reports that new masks
have been made over the years and relationships among various kachinas
that are obvious in ceremonies and Zuni oral traditions have been
maintained by the use of repetition, superimposition and juxtaposition
imagery.
 VILLAGE OF THE GREAT KIVAS-ZUNI, NM

Ceremonial Costume
Today, Pueblo Indians don ceremonial garments, masks, headdresses
and color their attire and body in patterns which they believe were dictated
by their supernaturals. Participants in the ceremonies dress in regalia that
is designed to identify a particular spiritual kachina; the mask that is worn
by the participant is believed to contain the spiritual essence of that
particular kachina. Body coverings, masks or no masks, certain colors, and
other paraphernalia are associated with particular types of impersonations,
and all play important roles in all ceremonies.

Each pueblo village prescribes its own rules for costumes and action,
so they do not appear alike even when borrowed. New kachina characters
are added from year to year and ancient ones are often revived. When a
costume and distinctive traits of a character become defined, that character
is handed down, together with whatever ritual and legend surrounds him.

MASKS: The mask is the most individualizing and most highly developed
article worn by the impersonator during ceremonial ritual;
these masks can be face, half face, helmet and
ornamental. The facial features of the masks
eyes mouth have a variety of forms: circular,
rectangle, or triangular, and include the
representation of bared teeth with zigzag
lines, frets and realistic forms. Protruding eyes, jaws,
mouth tubs, tongues, and attached ears appear in a variety
of forms and shapes. These kachina masks can have additional
embellishments that may be termed decoration that are included in interior
and exterior, which would include hair, feathers, and neck ruffs made with
feathers or plant material.

HEADDRESSES: Headdresses appear at the top and are represented by

decorated sticks and sticklike forms, birds, feathers, horns,
antlers, plants, bows, and terraces of cloud-rain-lighting
symbols. Hair can either hang loose or be braided;
moreover, it is classified as a separate external
decoration because headdresses and masks occur with
and without hair. Another common headdress is one which
completely covers the top of the head, such as worn by the Zuni tribe.

COSUTMES AND MATERIAL: The materials from which costumes are

made vary with the geographical conditions under which a people live and
with the degree of that people’s cultural development. Many different
materials have been used in the process of weaving. The use of
cotton introduced cloth and garments of an advanced kind.
Today the Hopi and Zuni culture use two fabrics, cotton and
wool, which make up the principal woven articles of clothing.
These two fibers are either weaved or spun into dresses, robes,
kilts and belts, which they in turn embroider to their individual
liking. Cotton, however, has been retained as a special
ceremonial material. Not only is it used for garment fabrication,
but as decorations as well.

PAINTS, STAINS AND DYES: Out of these associations grew a kind of

symbolism in which color represented ideas and objects, mythical and very
alike. Colors were related to the six directions: yellow to the north, blue to
the west, red to the south, white to the east, many colors
to the zenith, and black to the nadir. Certain of the
supernaturals are characterized in sets, which
correspond to the cardinal directions and colors.
During ceremonies these supernatural appear in masks
and body paint. The processes of painting and staining
which employ inorganic pigments are used to color the
face and body, articles made of skin, wood, and nature
forms, and certain fabrics for which the required colors
cannot be obtained in permanent dyes. These dyes were
made from the leaves, stems, and roots of plants and
shrubs and certain earth fillers, with use of piñon gum
and a mordant of juniper ashes to make the color lasting.
There were black, dark red, and green. Some colors come in rock form;
others are a clay. Iron tinged the earth red, brown, yellow, orange and
intermediate shades.
BODY PAINT: Paints applied to the body do not contain any glues or gums;
thus, being all-natural, there are no foreign substances to clog or prevent
the skin pores from breathing. The pigments can be mixed with water or
some times saliva and applied in a liquated state so as not to cause cracking.
Corn smut is used for black, ochers for yellow and reds, clays for white and
pinks, and oxide of copper ore for the turquoise color. Stains are applied by
rubbing a fruit, like barberry, over the body, or by chewing the stalk or
leaves of other plants and applying the fluid thus obtained.

It is a well-known fact that cotton is the hardest of all fibers to dye.

New colors came with the introduction and use of wool. Woolen fibers take
dye much more readily than cotton. Even today, the paints for ceremonial
purposes are of native make. It is a rare and decadent society which does
not permit the use of any commercial paint on the masks, body, or dress of
a dancer.

DANCE PARAPHERNALIA: Symbolic paraphernalia associated with that

particular kachina identity are carried in the hands and adorned on
costumes of dancers and impersonators. For example, the Hopi Flogger
kachina carries leaves from the yucca plant.
Rattles such as the turtle shell accompany
every Pueblo dance ceremony, but the gourd
rattles are the most frequently carried
among dancers. Each rattle is “blessed”
before it is carried in any ceremony by tying
a hand-spun cotton cord produced from the
downy breast feather of an eagle called a
“breath feather.” Some dancers carry tall
staffs to indicate their office or just give
dignity to their impersonations. These staffs
are adorned with sacred symbols such as feathers, cornhusks, corn ears
and other various sacred ornaments.

Only a brief description of these ceremonial costumes parts, materials and

colors are mentioned above; see Ceremonial Costumes of the Pueblo Indians,
where you will find ceremonial costumes that are complete and sufficient in
their description of materials used in the costume designs. The illustrations
of Hopi and Zuni kachinas depicted in this book are magnificently done.

In summary, kachinas are the intermediaries between the living

(upper world) and lower worlds, dead gods (ancestors) and relatives. Day
and night, summer and winter alternate between the two realms. Kachinas
of the Hopi and Zuni are closely identified with two major religious
concerns: ancestors and rain or moisture. Ceremonial relationships among
kachinas and among the kachina cult and the elements of society are
preserved in the oral traditions, symbolized, and enacted during ritual
ceremonies.

SOURCES
Virginia More Roediger's Ceremonial Costumes of the Pueblo Indians:
Their Evolution, Fabrication, and Significance in the Prayer Drama was
first published in 1941 and reprinted, with black-and-white illustrations.

Sally J. Cole’s Katsina Iconography in Homol’ovi Rock Art, Central Little

Colorado River Valley, Arizona: The Arizona Archaeologist 1992 Number
25.

The Mythic World of the Zuni- As written by Frank Hamilton Cushing

Edited and Illustrated by Barton Wright-University of New Mexico Press
1988.

We wish to thank Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia for some of the

information on this page and Google and Wikipedia images.
 REFERENCES

Courlander, Harold

1971 “The Fourth World of the Hopis”. Albuquerque, University

of New Mexico Press

Fewkes, Jesse Walter

1892a A few Summer Ceremonials at the Tusayan Pueblos.

Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology 2:1-160

Gill, Sam D

1977 Hopi Kachin’s Cult Initiation: The Shocking Beginning to

the Hopi’s religious Life. Journal of the American
Academy of religion, Vol XLV, Issue 2, 1 June Pages 217

Roediger, Virginia

1991 Ceremonial costumes of the pueblo Indians; Their

Evolution, Fabrication, and significance in the prayer
Drama. Berkley: University of California Press

Schaafsma, Polly

2000 Kachinas in the Pueblo World. Salt Lake City: University

of Utah Press

Stevenson, Matilda Coxe

1904 The Zuni Indians: Their Mythology, Esoteric, Fraternities

and Ceremonies. In twenty third Annual Report of the
Bureau of American Ethnology, U.S. Government Printing
Office, Washington DC

Titiev, Mischa
1944 A study of the Hopi Indians of the Third Mesa; Old Oraibi
The papers of the Peabody Museum of American
Archaeology and Ethnology 22-1 Harvard University,
 Cambridge

Waters, Frank

1963: “Book of the Hopis”. New York: Penguin Group

Young, Jane

1985 Images of Power and the Power of Images: The

Significance of Rock Art for Contemporary Zunis. Journal
of American Folklore 989387):2-48

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