The Sociocultural Effects of Returnee Overseas Filipino Workers in The Philippines

Download as pdf or txt
Download as pdf or txt
You are on page 1of 13

Norsk Geografisk Tidsskrift–Norwegian Journal of Geography, 2015

Vol. 69, No. 1, 47–58, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00291951.2014.995216

The sociocultural effects of returnee overseas Filipino workers in the Philippines

XIAOJIANG YU

Yu X. 2015. The sociocultural effects of returnee overseas Filipino workers in the Philippines. Norsk Geografisk Tidsskrift–Norwegian
Journal of Geography Vol. 69, 47–58. ISSN 0029-1951.

The article aims to determine the degree of sociocultural change resulting from the return of overseas Filipino workers (OFWs), how the
changes have impacted on the workers’ original communities, and the various reintegration challenges posed by those communities. The
theoretical framework of the article is built upon concepts of transnationalism and habitus. The methodology employed included field
research conducted in 2010 and a village community approach. The study revealed that changes in the personal identities and social
behaviour of the returnees are significant. However, the returnees’ family ties and attitudes towards religion were largely the same as before
they went overseas, and some had grown even closer to their families and become more religious. Further, the changes in their local
community that occurred subsequent to their return revealed both positive and negative influences. Several sociocultural factors impeded
the reintegration of returnee OFWs, and this called for action at all levels of government in the Philippines as well as from local
communities and the returnees themselves.
Keywords: local communities, Philippines, reintegration, returnee labour migrants, sociocultural changes
Xiaojiang Yu, Department of Geography, Hong Kong Baptist University, Kowloon, Hong Kong, China. E-mail: [email protected]

Introduction In 2013, its GDP was USD 272.018 billion, making the
Philippines the 39th largest economy in the world (International
The Philippines is an archipelago located between the Philip- Monetary Fund 2014). However, although ‘Capitalism and demo-
pine Sea and the South China Sea, comprising 7107 islands cracy both run in the country … due to government inefficiency,
with a total population in 2012 of 103 million (Le Bas 2013). people remain poor, with 26.5 percent below the national poverty
The modern Philippines is a result of diverse cultural influences, line’ (Le Bas 2013, 19). Overseas Filipinos’ remittances represent
mainly Malay, Chinese, Spanish, and American (Holroyd et al. another major contribution to the national economy. Le Bas
2001; Pertierra 2001; Dalton & Keeling 2011; Le Bas 2013). (2013) states that overseas Filipinos’ remittances account for
Today, the cultural influences of Spain and the USA persist, but some 10% of the country’s GDP (USD 261 billion), which is
long before the Spanish arrived, native and Islamic civilisations largely contributed by the OFWs.
flourished in the archipelago and have deep roots in modern In the early 1900s, OFWs were employed in the United
Filipino society (Dalton & Keeling 2011). States as agricultural workers (Scalabrini Migration Center
Family and religion are two fundamental elements or forces 1999). However, the 1970s, which saw the majority of OFWs
in Filipino society. The extended family support and social head for the Middle East and East and Southeast Asia, marked
security system, which remains the main strength of Filipino the beginning of more organised and diversified international
society, is kept well defined and operative on all levels and in labour migration on a larger scale (Asis 2001). Since then, the
all facets of life (Le Bas 2013). Because close-knit family units Philippines has become a major source of international labour
extend to distant cousins, multiple godparents, and friends, migrants. In 2009, c.5 million Filipino migrant workers were
Filipinos retain a strong sense of kinship (Parreñas 2001; employed in over 190 countries and territories (Tyner 2009).
Ember & Ember 2002; Porio 2007; Bloom et al. 2012; Aguilar Annually, c.1 million new OFWs, both men and women work
2013). Thus, for transnational migration, extended families overseas, 85% of them as temporary contract labour migrants
become a crucial aspect of Filipino society (Asis et al. 2004; (Tyner 2009; Lukasiewicz 2011). In the whole process of
Aguilar 2013). international labour migration, most of the OFWs return home
The Philippines is the largest Roman Catholic country in Asia. permanently after completing their contracts.
According to Dalton & Keeling (2011), c.80% of the population Since the early 2000s, return migration has gradually received
is Catholic, c.10% are Protestants, 5–10% are Muslims, and there scholars’ attention (Kobayashi & Preston 2007; Connell 2009;
are small percentages of Buddhists, Taoists, and Animists. Conway et al. 2009; Hugo 2009; Stancovă 2010). Their publi‐
Worship takes the form of highly ritualistic displays, demon- cations have largely focused on skilled, educational, youthful or
strating strong attachment to folk tradition underpinned by second-generation migrants and irregular migrants. However, the
ancient animist beliefs. Before the arrival of the Spanish, issues of return labour migration have not yet been well
Filipinos believed in supernatural powers: spirits that dwelled documented (Levitt & Lamba-Nieves 2011).
within inanimate objects such as lakes, mountains, rocks, and Return labour migration deserves more research because it is
wind. Kong (2004), Bloom et al. (2012) and Le Bas (2013) state a major part of international migration. In addition, return
that although only 1% of the population are animists, the labour migration is markedly different from other return
personification or deification of nature still influences folk processes, given that most returnee labour migrants neither
beliefs and permeates mainstream religious activities. have nor apply for foreign citizenship or residency. After their
The Philippine’s economy is transitioning from having an permanent return, daily life for such returnees can prove tougher
agricultural base to one based on services and manufacturing. than for other returnees. For example, overseas Filipinos or

© 2015 Norwegian Geographical Society


48 X. Yu NORSK GEOGRAFISK TIDSSKRIFT 69 (2015)

second-generation migrants can seek domicile in another Transnationalism and habitus


country if the situation becomes untenable in their homeland
because they still hold foreign passports. However, many Transnationalism
returnee labour migrants face difficulties in seeking further
overseas employment due to, for example, age, health, and the Glick Schiller et al. (1992, 1) define transnationalism as ‘the
international labour market. process by which immigrants build social fields that link
According to Dresner (2008), since the Japanese migration in together their country of origin and their country of settlement’.
the period 1885–1894 was primarily economic in nature, most Such social fields are the product of a series of interconnected
of the debate surrounding migration and development concerns and overlapping economic, political, and sociocultural activit-
the returnee migrants’ effects on the Japanese economy. ies. According to (Glick Schiller et al. 1992, 19),
However, Kelly & Lusis (2006, 844) argue that ‘migrants live [m]igrants will be viewed as culturally creative but as actors in an
in a social and cultural world that consists of far more than arena that they do not control. Transnational flows of material objects
economic calculations.’ Some scholars regard migration as and ideas will be analyzed in relation to their social location and
social fact (Aguilar 2013) and a cultural act (Levitt & Lamba- utilization in relation to the people involved with them. This approach
Nieves 2011) because migrants’ identities and actions are rich in will enable us to observe the migrant experience in process, analyze
cultural and social meaning (Yu 2009; Levitt & Lamba-Nieves its origins, monitor changes within it, and see how it affects both
2011). It seems reasonable to assume that after working and country of origin and countries of residence.
living in a foreign society for many years, OFWs will either As Vertovec (2001, 576) points out, ‘[t]ransnational connections
unconsciously or selectively adopt certain sociocultural values have considerable economic, socio-cultural and political
of their host countries. Some studies have indicated that the impacts on migrants, their families and collective groups, and
social or cultural impacts of returnees are negligible, given that the dual (or more!) localities in which they variably dwell.’
they periodically return home for holidays between contracts Research on transnationalism has examined the impacts of
(Battistella 2004). Based on research on returnee international social remittances on transnational labour migrants and their
labour migrants in Japan in the Meiji period (1868–1912), original communities (Levitt & Lamba-Nieves 2011). However,
Dresner (2008, 65) concludes: there are health problems associated with migration, such as
[the] returnees had little cultural experience to transfer to their stress, psychological and physiological disorders, issues related
hometowns. Local officials in Yamaguchi seemed proud of the lack to fertility and mortality, AIDs, and cancer. Prolonged stress
of social change. Even long-term sojourners, who returned due to especially may damage migrants’ immune systems and isolate
family needs after a decade or more overseas, exhibited no them from their social networks. Many individuals suffering
readjustment difficulties. such health conditions move back to their family communities
to seek care from their rural kin (White 2009). Ultimately, many
Dresner (2008, 65) further stipulates: that ‘less carefully studied
return labour migrants face difficulties as reintegrating them-
are non-economic effects, partially because the labour pro-
selves into the sociocultural and economic contexts of their
gramme was structured to minimise contact with Hawaiian or
former lives (Wille & Passl 2001).
Caucasian culture’. I argue that the pattern of international
labour migration today is very different from that of the Meiji
period worldwide. Today’s OFWs are in close contact with the
Habitus
people of their host society on a daily basis. This constantly
exposes them to foreign sociocultural values that become partly Pierre Bourdieu’s notion of habitus facilitates an understanding
integrated into their daily lives and are introduced into their of the different forms of integration that constitute transnation-
original communities when the OFWs return home. McKay alism. Bourdieu bases his theory of human social practice on the
(2001, 44) states that ‘migrant bodies move from one place to notion that individuals act in the context of a structured
another, but migrants may take a sense of place with them’. framework of evaluations and expectations that lead to the
After they return to their original homes, foreign values may conscious or intuitive prioritising of certain dispositions and
continue to influence them and, by extension, their local practices (Kelly & Lusis 2006) and refers to this framework as
communities. Clearly, further studies are crucial to a better ‘habitus’:
understanding of the exact nature of sociocultural effects
pertaining to return labour migration. The habitus, the durably installed generative principle of regulated
In this article I delineate the sociocultural issues of returnee improvisations, producers’ practices … These practices can be
OFWs based upon field research I carried out in the Philippines in accounted for only by relating the objective structure defining the
social relations of the production of the habitus which engendered
2010. I start with a brief review of the concepts of transnation-
them to the conditions in which this habitus is operational. (Bourdieu
alism and habitus, and then describe the study areas and the 1977, 78)
methodology employed. Thereafter, I compare the personal
identities, social behaviour, family ties, and religious attitudes Habitus provides the context in which Bourdieu’s three forms of
of returnee OFWs before and after their overseas employment, capital are valued and given meaning: (1) economic capital,
and analyse both the positive and negative comments made by which is ‘immediately and directly convertible into money and
local community members regarding the returnees. I examine the may be institutionalised in the form of property rights’
major reasons for sociocultural change caused by the returnees (Bordieu 1986, 243); (2) social capital, which is found in the
and discuss potential solutions to enable returnees to reintegrate networks and connections that can be mobilised to generate
better into their local communities. advantages and benefits (Bourdieu 1986; Kelly & Lusis 2006),
NORSK GEOGRAFISK TIDSSKRIFT 69 (2015) Sociocultural effects of returnee Filipino workers in the Philippines 49

and (3) cultural capital, which is the symbolic assets that a Both the Province of Nueva Ecija and the Province of Laguna
person possesses. The last of these includes three subtypes: are within Luzon, a major region in the Philippines with large
institutional cultural capital (e.g. university degrees), embodied numbers of OFWs (83.8%) (Asis 2001). For example, in 2009
cultural capital such as ‘long-lasting dispositions of the mind the population of the Barangay of Sumacab Sur was 4088
and body’ (Bourdieu 1986, 243) (e.g. accents, comportment, (Cabanatuan City 2010). The Local Community Council Leader
and race), and objectified cultural capital in the form of dress, of the Barangay of Sumacab Sur, informed that more than 300
physical equipment, and building style (Bourdieu 1986; Kelly & of the 4088 were working overseas (B. Hernandez, personal
Lusis 2006). communication 2010). The Chairman of the Barangay of Sto
McKay (2001) employs the notions of ‘habitus-as-bodily- Domingo stated that 10% of the population of 5019 were
history’ and embodied cultural capital to establish that new working as OFWs in 2010 (A. Pasatidio, personal communica-
gender practices and bodily dispositions are brought home by tion 2010).
returnee OFWs and create a local habitus through engagements
with transnational movement. Drawing on interviews conducted
in Canada and the Philippines, Kelly & Lusis (2006, 1) Methodology
demonstrate the ways in which ‘economic, social, and cultural
capital are accumulated, exchanged, converted, valued, and I mainly used a field survey to collect first-hand materials.
devalued in a transnational habitus’. According to Gibson et al. Additional information was obtained from journal articles,
(2001), Filipina labour migrants have developed entrepreneurial books, newspapers, government agencies’ published docu-
capacities that lead to cooperative ventures in their home ments, and non-governmental organisations (NGOs). The field
country, in shoe production, stores, and agricultural supplies survey took the form of face-to-face interviews that were based
businesses. mainly on two questionnaires (Appendixes 1 and 2). The points
As theoretical tools and approaches, transnationalism and of views of returnees and local community members were
habitus have been widely adopted across disciplines such as compared, as I anticipated that the returnees and local commun-
sociology, anthropology, geography, and politics in order to ity members might have had different perceptions of the
study the transnational aspects of migrant phenomena. My relevant matters due to differences in their attitudes, approaches,
interest in issues of return labour migration was fuelled by Asis and experiences, I interviewed both male and female returnees
(2001), McKay (2001), Wille & Passl (2001), and Dresner from different job sectors (Table 1). Similarly, both men and
(2008), who directly address the sociocultural effects of returnee women in the study communities were encouraged to particip-
labour migrants and their reintegration. Kelly & Lusis (2006), ate. My aim was to present a detailed picture of any socio-
Levitt & Lamba-Nieves (2011), and Vertovec (2001), whose cultural changes evident in the returnees and the effects of those
discussions are not restricted to return labour migration, clearly changes on their local communities.
explain the theoretical concepts of transnationalism, habitus, The local community participants included family members,
and identity. They demonstrate ways to analyse transnational relatives and neighbours of the returnees, church staff, repre-
migrant-related economic, sociocultural, and political issues in sentatives of NGOs, government officials, teachers, shop-
both host and home countries. To complement their research, keepers, farmers, medical practitioners, journalists, and
I use the concepts of transnationalism and habitus to investigate scholars, among others (Table 2). During the field surveys,
the degree of sociocultural change experienced by returnee interviews were mainly conducted at the village level because
OFWs after their permanent return from overseas, how the the village members were familiar with the returnees. They
changes impacted on their local communities, and any reinte- could clearly assess what, if any, sociocultural changes had
gration challenges faced by the returnees. occurred and draw comparisons between the situation before
and after the returnees’ employment overseas.

Study areas Conducting surveys and interviews


I consulted several Filipino church organisation representatives In the Province of Nueva Ecija, the survey was conducted in
and OFWs in Hong Kong as well as members of their social April 2010, while the survey in the Province of Laguna was
networks and family in the Philippines in order to identify study conducted in June 2010. In total, 106 participants were
areas, conduct surveys, and find participants. The selection of interviewed: 50 returnees (34 in Nueva Ecija province and 16
study areas was mainly based on available participants, both in Laguna province) and 56 local community members (34 in
returnees and local community members. In the Province of Nueva Ecija province, 16 in Laguna province, and 6 in Metro
Nueva Ecija, the survey concentrated on two villages: the Manila). Most of the interviewees were introduced by the
Barangay of Sumacab Sur in Cabanatuan City and the Barangay returnees, family members of OFWs, local church staff, and
of Pinanggaan in Jaen Municipality.1 In the Province of Laguna, representatives of NGOs and research institutions.
the survey was mainly conducted in the Barangay of Sto When selecting interviewees, my criteria were that they must
Domingo and the Barangay of Calo, both in Bay Municipality. have worked overseas for at least three years and returned to the
Cabanatuan City and Jaen Municipality are located c.117 km Philippines more than two years prior to their interview. These
and c.100 km north of Metro Manila respectively. Bay criteria served to ensure that the returnee OFWs had been
Municipality is located almost in the centre of the Province of exposed to foreign social and cultural values when they worked
Laguna, c.67 km south of Metro Manila (Fig. 1). overseas, and that each returnee had had time to readjust to their
50 X. Yu NORSK GEOGRAFISK TIDSSKRIFT 69 (2015)

Fig. 1. Study areas in Cabanatuan City, Jaen Municipality, and Bay Municipality

local community following their return. Also, members of the or more for them to discard some of the foreign customs, habits,
local communities required a certain period of time to identify and lifestyles they have adopted and to readapt to local ones
any sociocultural changes among returnee OFWs and any (E. Bellido, personal communication 2010).
effects caused by their return and reintegration into the local Most of the interviews were conducted in English, with the
community. The director of the Advocacy and Social Marketing exception of five community members who needed Tagalog
Division of the Overseas Workers Welfare Administration in the interpreters. During the first few interviews, I sought the
Philippines informed that returnees faced sociocultural readjust-
ment after they return from overseas, and it may take six months
Table 2. Local community interviewees (n = 56; 24 males; 32 females)
City or barangay* 7 Farmer & fisherman 2 Shopkeeper 1
officer
Table 1. Interviewed returnees’ employment destination and work Church staff 5 Sister or brother of 2 Niece of 1
overseas (6 males; 44 females) returnee returnee
Neighbour of 5 Cousin of returnee 2 Friend of 1
Destination Occupation
returnee returnee
Parent of returnee 4 Professor 1 Hotel 1
Japan 15 Domestic helper 22 receptionist
Middle East 9 Entertainer 14 Child of returnee 4 National government 1 Day-care 1
Hong Kong 8 Factory worker 7 officer worker
Taiwan 5 Care giver 2 Wife of returnee 3 Police officer 1 Medical 1
South Korea 3 Nurse 1 doctor
Singapore 2 Midwife 1 Husband of returnee 3 Traffic safety enforcer 1 Red Cross 1
Canada 1 Technician 1 officer
More destination 7 Fireman 1 School teacher 3 Migration researcher 1 Social worker 1
Driver 1 Journalist 2 Business owner 1
Total 50 Total 50
* Local government
NORSK GEOGRAFISK TIDSSKRIFT 69 (2015) Sociocultural effects of returnee Filipino workers in the Philippines 51

interviewees’ feedback on the questionnaires regarding lan- the closed group. Family-type relations, socialisation practices,
guage issues, the clarity of the questions, and ease of under- and an inescapable sense of togetherness combine to foster the
standing the questions. At the beginning of each interview, the intensive experience of each Filipino as a member of a closed
interviewee briefly read through all of the questions. If they had group rather than as a separate entity. As a result, their
any problems interpreting the questions, I provided explana- interpersonal world becomes the primary source of emotional
tions. The interviews ranged from 20 minutes to 1 hour. To gratification, and the arena of successful negotiations concern-
encourage the interviewees to voice their opinions freely, most ing interpersonal affairs with family and friends bringing them
of the interviews were conducted on a one-to-one basis. In this reassurance, recognition, and material rewards, thus satisfying
article, I have used fictive names, to preserve the interviewees’ their need for security and acceptance (Yu 2009).
anonymity. Before undertaking overseas employment, most of the OFWs
lacked independence and confidence when making decisions.
The responses to the questionnaires revealed that their overseas’
Discussion experiences resulted in significant changes to their personal
Personal identities, family ties, social behaviour, and religious identities. In total, 81 interviewees (76.4%) agreed that the
attitudes are among the major topics to consider when exploring returnees had become more independent and confident com-
the effects of transnational migration on both departing and pared to their demeanour before they went overseas (Table 3).
returnee migrants. In this section, my discussion focuses upon Many OFWs had to take important and urgent decisions
the degree to which each returnee’s habitus may have changed independently when they worked overseas because they lacked
during her or his period of transnational migration. I also assess the traditional back-up system of family and trusted friends. In
the positive or negative impacts on their local communities addition, overseas employment gave most OFWs a much better
caused by these changes and/or the challenges encountered by position both socially and in terms of their economy: they
the returnees during reintegration with their local communities. invariably became the main financial sources and providers for
their families back home. For these reasons, the OFWs
gradually become more independent and confident in their
Sociocultural changes
personal identities.
Sociocultural aspects of modern Filipino society include religios-
ity, family orientation, personal identity, adaptability, flexibility, Family ties. Family ties appear to be an essential element of
industry, helpfulness, generosity, sensitivity, joy, humour, and the Filipino culture. The Philippines has a long history of a strong
ability to survive (Yu 2009). Based on the results of the family system, assuring social survival when the national
questionnaires (Appendixes 1 and 2), the main findings regarding government has been weak (McCoy 1993). For a Filipino,
change in Filipinos’ personal identities, family ties, social beha-
family is their source of personal identity, the source of
viour, and attitudes towards religion are summarised in Table 3.
emotional and material support, and to whom they are mainly
committed and have responsibility. On foreign soils, family ties
Personal identity. Filipinos regard themselves as members of can be extended to relatives and friends who have come from
different cultural groups; they have group-dependent identities, the same village or home town in the Philippines (Yu 2009).
and the basic unit of Filipino society is not the individual but
Because being together is of paramount importance to Filipinos,
migration for the sake of family is regarded as a sacrifice
Table 3. Summary of all interviewees’ responses regarding the (Rugkasa 1997; Aguilar 1999).
sociocultural change in the returnees (n = 106) For many of the studied returnees, their family ties had not
Responses Percentage been weakened by their overseas employment. Rather, their ties
Sociocultural elements (n) (%) had been strengthened following their return: a total of 74
respondents claimed that their family ties were closer, while 22
Personal identity reported ‘no change’. These figures represented 89% of the total
More independent & confident 81 76 responses (Table 3). Most of the returnees stressed the fact of
No change 25 23
having to leave their loved ones behind for many years,
Family ties
Closer 74 69 especially their children, who were very young and at an age
No change 22 20 when they needed parental care. The returnees missed their
Less close 10 9 families acutely during their sojourns in foreign countries and
Social behaviour* always felt very lonely.
Less sociable 61 57 Separation heightened the returnees’ awareness of family
Better time & financial management 33 31
No change on sociable and management of 19 17
values, which they viewed as considerably more important than
time & finance previously. Family members acknowledged the enormous
More sociable 5 4 sacrifices made by the OFWs during their time overseas and
Religious attitudes described how their remittances had supported their families.
No change 71 67 This finding is supported by Asis (2001), who observes that a
Stronger belief 31 29
group of returnee female OFWs and their children had become
Less strong belief 4 4
closer and that the children were appreciative of the sacrifices
* Interviewees could give more than one answer their mothers had made for their futures, and in some cases
52 X. Yu NORSK GEOGRAFISK TIDSSKRIFT 69 (2015)

their love for each other was strengthened after their mothers Related sociocultural effects in local communities
had returned.
Positive effects. Some scholars have suggested that returnee
OFWs had some positive social and cultural influences on their
Social behaviour. Social behaviour is a further aspect of Filipino
local communities (Asis 2001; Gibson et al. 2001; Vertovec
culture that maintains Filipinos’ social and cultural connections
2001; Kelly & Lusis 2006; Levitt & Lamba-Nieves 2011).
and supports the social function in Filipino society. Individuals
Based on the responses of the local community interviewees
find it comfortable to rely on social networks when making
(Appendix 2), I found that 37.5% appreciated the returnees’
decisions and seeking support to deal with difficulties. In the
contributions to the development of the local community. The
context of the Philippines, active religious organisations,
developments included improvements to the local economy
extended family ties, and the sharing of personal identity
through the establishment of small businesses, and financial
make the people extremely sociable. Filipinos like to gather at
support for local social and cultural activities, such as local
public and private events and to engage in group activities.
church services and maintenance of buildings. Many returnees
Many are very open, relaxed, and music-loving, similarly to the
demonstrated multiple strengths, such as creativity, independ-
people of the Pacific Islands and Latin America, but are unused
ence, and diligence (30% of responses) and skills in time and
to the demands of time and financial control (Yu 2009).
financial management (25% of responses), as exemplified in the
The survey revealed marked changes in the social behaviour following cases. Cely was a midwife in Libya for three years
of the returnees. As Table 3 shows, 61 interviewees (57%) and Ray, her husband, was an oilfield technician in Saudi
viewed the returnees as less sociable after their return home Arabia for seven years. After returning home in 1996, they
from overseas, and 33 interviewees (31%) believed that the established a building construction and international trade
returnees were better at managing their time and finances. business. Their business operated in many places in Southeast
Several local community members commented that some Asia and the Middle East, and boosted local employment. Julius
returnees chose not to communicate with others and distanced worked in Taiwan for three years as factory worker. He returned
themselves from their local communities. Most of the returnees home in 1998 and established a pig farm in his local village. His
suggested that the real reason for appearing less sociable was success encouraged other returnees and locals to follow his
that they wished to spend as much time as possible with their example. Sally was a domestic worker in Hong Kong, Dubai,
families. Some established and ran their own small businesses. Egypt, and Saudi Arabia from 1986 to 2006. As a result of her
Also, their overseas experience had enabled them to become experiences she became very successful at investing in busi-
more capable, independent, and confident in making their own nesses and managing them. Even before returning home
decisions and dealing with any problems that arose. permanently, she had started a retail business between her host
and home countries. After he returned, she provided advice to
Attitudes towards religion. Prior to undertaking the survey, I had other Filipinos about managing small businesses.
anticipated that many of the returnees would have become less In total 14% of local interviewees considered that the
religious and more materially-oriented, and that they would returnees had gained a new awareness of laws and government
have been influenced to some degree by their employers’ policies. If problems occurred in their daily lives or when
attitudes and modes of living in the host countries. Further, running their businesses, they tried to find solutions by
the fact that the salaries earned overseas were much higher than following the relevant laws and policies. For example, several
those at home could easily have tempted OFWs to become part interviewees pointed out that when the returnees cross roads,
of the consumer culture. However, the findings did not support most would pay attention to the traffic signals, just as they did
any of my presuppositions. For example, regarding the religious overseas. In addition, the locals respected the returnees’ open
attitudes of the returnees, 71 (67%) responded of the inter- mindedness vis-à-vis foreign cultures and knowledge (13%).
viewees responded that there had been ‘no change’ (Table 3). The returnees’ experiences overseas had provided them with a
My findings supported the findings of other research that the better understanding of foreign cultures and development
Philippines is a very religious country and that religion plays a situations. Further, a returnee’s financing of family members’
central role in the Filipinos’ lives (Kong 2004; Dalton & Keeling tertiary education (7%) was positively recognised by their local
2011; Bloom et al. 2012; Le Bas 2013). During the survey, many community. From discussions with local members, I found there
returnees said that they had regularly attended church since was a general belief that in the years to come, returnee OFWs
childhood, starting with Sunday school. Even when they were on would play positive roles in influencing their local communities
foreign soils, borders and foreign cultures could not diminish in the Philippines in the areas of social, cultural, and economic
their religious beliefs. On their days off, they went to church, development.
prayed to God, studied the Bible, and communicated with priests
or pastors, all of which made them happier and more confident Negative effects. According to the interviewees’ responses
and gave their lives richer meaning. A number of returnees stated summarised in Appendix 2, there were a number of negative
that money and material possessions could never replace their effects on the local communities. Some returnees became
God. However, in some countries the OFWs could not freely arrogant: they showed lack of respect for others and did not
practice their religious beliefs. Following their return to the want to talk to the locals. In some cases, the returnees’ families
Philippines, they attended as many church services as possible, were broken up: husbands and wives separated, and some
and prayed as often as they wished. It is thus unsurprising that 31 returnees were no longer serious about their relationships and
interviewees (29%) considered the returnees more religious after were unfaithful to their spouses. Further, some returnees had
their return (Table 3). acquired what were considered bad habits, such as smoking,
NORSK GEOGRAFISK TIDSSKRIFT 69 (2015) Sociocultural effects of returnee Filipino workers in the Philippines 53

drinking alcohol, and taking illegal drugs. Some had become the mother of his children. He should trust and protect me. Since then,
more materialistic. Also, some returnees demanded material I don’t want to live with him anymore. Also, I keep distance from my
satisfaction and enjoyed flaunting their wealth. neighbours and old friends. At the beginning, I even thought to move
to other places. (Translated by the author)
An additional negative effect was that some returnees tried to
meet all the material demands of their children (Appendix 2),
such as money, toys, famous brands of shoes and clothing, Unemployment. During the interviews, many returnees agreed
mobile phones, and cameras, irrespective of whether they were that finding a job was very difficult after their return, especially
necessary. Those returnees felt that they owed their children due those without higher education. There were several major
to their long absences from home. They therefore tended to reasons for this problem. One reason was that there was very
overcompensate by showering their children with love and little work in their local areas or nearby cities. Further, even
material possessions, despite the risk of overindulgence encour- when there were job opportunities, they experienced age dis-
aging their children to drink, smoke, and become lazy; some crimination, as most employers sought to hire someone under
returnees’ children did not complete their studies, married 24 years of age.
young, or had children prior to marriage. As Hugo (2009) notes, reintegration programmes for return-
The local communities had also observed that some returnees ing migrant workers have not been well developed in Asia and
became self-centred and careless; they only thought of them- the Pacific. This is because many returnee communities lack the
selves and showed little concern for others. If their neighbours potential for productive development investment by the retur-
or friends had financial or other difficulties and asked such nees or anyone else. During their sojourn overseas, many of the
returnees for help, they were refused. A number of returnees studied OFWs sent most of their income to the Philippines, to
had adopted foreign ways of speaking, colouring their hair, and support their family members’ education, to build houses, and
dressing since returning home. In contrast to Western society, in to help with daily expenditure. Hugo (2009, 46) argues that in
which these changes may be considered normal and simply a order to help any returnees to find employment in their country
matter of individual lifestyle choice, in the Philippines they ‘remittances need to be built into local and regional planning so
have made some local people feel very uncomfortable. Further- that real opportunities are created for migrants to invest in.’
more, some OFWs contracted sexual diseases during their time However, very limited efforts have been made by governments
abroad. According to a government officer in the Office of in Asia to channel remittances into productive investment
Social Welfare and Development, Cabanatuan City, after the (Hugo 2009).
OFWs returned home, their high medical expenses and heavy
long-term social costs had to be borne by their families, local Sharp contrast between socio-economic development overseas
communities, cities, or even provinces (A. Melita, personal and at home. The significant difference in living standards
communication 2010). overseas compared with their local community posed a challenge
for the returnee OFWs, for example in terms of the huge salary
gaps. Connell (2009, 148) observes that in Polynesia the ‘under-
Reintegration challenges for returnee OFWs pinning tensions that existed at work were local salaries and
conditions that compared unfavourably with the health sectors
International organisations, NGOs, and all levels of government that they had returned from and/or been trained in’. In the case of
in the Philippines could play major roles in helping returnees to the Philippines, the salary gap is not limited to the health sector:
reintegrate successfully into their local communities. However, it permeates almost every sector. Alma, a returnee factory worker,
it was unclear from the study what main issues impacted on the said that her monthly salary in South Korea was equivalent to
returnees and their local communities. During my research, PHP (Philippine Peso) 35,000 (USD 805) whereas her salary at a
I identified several challenges that had limited the returnees local supermarket in the Philippines was PHP 5500 (USD 126).
OFWs’ reintegration into their local communities, namely She said ‘[b]ecause of the very low salary compared to that
discrimination and/or misjudgement, unemployment, and a overseas, you can imagine many returnees have turned down
sharp contrast between socioeconomic development overseas some job in the beginning of [their] return home’.
and locally. I highlight examples of these challenges in the
In addition, the returnees (male and female) had been the
following discussion.
main breadwinners for their families before they returned, and
consequently they had had considerable say in family matters
Discrimination and/or misjudgement. A number of returnee and their decisions were mostly respected by their family
OFWs, particularly female former entertainers in Japan, empha- members. After their return, many of them were unemployed
sised that they were discriminated against and misjudged by for a long time. As their savings ran out and they had no
members of their local communities. During the interviews, all income, they had to struggle to find work to cover their daily
of the aforementioned entertainers mentioned that they felt expenses. Consequently, their social status had declined, and
misjudged and humiliated by members of their local commun- some of their family members had complained because the
ity, even by their husbands or boyfriends. Melissa, who had two returnees could no longer support their families financially.
children, described her experiences as follows: Some returnees informed that they felt their lives had completed
I worked in Japan as an entertainer from the late 1990s to 2004 and
a circle because despite their years as OFWs they had
[brought] quite a bit of money back home. Some local people called experienced no improvements at all. As a result, they felt
me japayuki2 and said I did wrong thing in Japan for making money. frustrated, hopeless, and useless. Some returnees developed a
Even my husband thought I had had an affair with some Japanese psychological imbalance and became emotionally upset and
guys. This made me so angry and heartbroken. … I am his wife and physically ill.
54 X. Yu NORSK GEOGRAFISK TIDSSKRIFT 69 (2015)

Suggestions for further actions Some of the returnees were much less sociable, and instead
opted to spend their time and money more prudently. However,
My findings indicate that over time some changes had occurred in some of the returnee OFWs’ sociocultural habituses largely
the returnees’ sociocultural habituses. It is apparent from the study remained the same as before, such as their family ties and
that when OFWs return home permanently, the influences of the attitudes towards religion. Some returnees had grown even
changes on their local communities need to be fully recognised by closer to their families and were more religious after transna-
all levels of government in the Philippines, NGOs scholars, and tional migration.
relevant international agencies. Importantly, in the future, the Following the OFWs’ return home, a number of social and
mainstream sociocultural changes and/or developments in Fili- cultural effects were noted by members of their local commu-
pino society should be carefully examined. Any society and nities. The positive effects mainly included contributions to the
culture will gradually change over time and in accordance with socioeconomic and cultural development of their local commu-
different influences, such as globalisation, communication and nities, demonstrations of creativity, independence, and dili-
transportation technologies, tourism, and migrants. In order to gence, good timing and financial management, and good
determine better the transnational habitus in terms of the socio-
intentions to follow local laws and policies. The negative
cultural effects attributable to returnee OFWs, there is a need to
effects included arrogance, being less sociable, broken families,
understand the sociocultural values that prevail in Filipino society
infidelity, smoking and alcohol consumption, overindulgence of
today as a result of transnationalism. Although my research did
children, self-centred attitudes, materialism, and the medical and
not reveal any significant differences between men and women
social burdens on their local communities. Also, discrimination
OFWs in terms of sociocultural changes, such difference may
and misjudgement, unemployment, and the sharp contrast in
nevertheless exist. The purpose of my study was not to examine
socioeconomic development overseas compared to that at home
the differences between the gender groups of the returnees, but
had proven major barriers to the returnees’ smooth reintegration
such differences could be an interesting topic for future research.
into their local communities. The consequences of transnational
The challenges posed by member of the local communities to
migration are shaping the sociocultural habituses of returnees
returnee OFWs signal a need for home governments, interna-
and their local community members in the Philippines.
tional organisations, NGOs, and local communities to develop
In future, academics, governments, and communities should
relevant policies. The policies should be designed to prevent
direct efforts towards recognising the influences of sociocultural
discrimination against and misjudgement of returnees. In
changes on the returnee OFWs and the associated effects on their
addition, they should lead to the creation of more job
local communities. Appropriate policies should be developed
opportunities for returnees by providing them with financial
regarding the main sociocultural developments in current Fili-
sources, market information, updated knowledge, and profes-
pino society. In addition, returnees should be encouraged to face
sional skills. Further, the policies should promote full recogni-
reality and deal positively with any challenges. It should be
tion of the OFWs’ contribution to the nation and their families
stressed that although national borders cannot stop the intrinsic
during their time abroad and give them as much support as
possible when they need it. By contrast, while they are overseas cultures of the OFWs when they work and live abroad, the
OFWs should give thought to and prepare for their permanent sociocultural influences of their host countries are likely to persist
return, spiritually, intellectually, and financially. to varying degrees after the OFWs return to the Philippines.
Further research should be conducted on social and cultural
Future efforts should encourage returnee OFWs to adopt
issues in relation to returnee labour migrants. The concepts and
positive attitudes when dealing with reintegration problems. As
several returnees stated, OFWs should face the reality of theoretical frameworks of transnationalism and habitus will
reintegration and be prepared to confront any challenge that prove invaluable for future studies.
might arise. They argued that it was not realistic to compare
local living and working conditions and salaries with those they
experienced overseas. Rather, all returnees should ideally adjust Notes
as quickly as possible and reintegrate into their local commu- 1 In the Philippines, government administrations are divided into four levels:
nities. The returnee OFWs further suggested they should have a national government, provincial, city and municipality, and local government
very positive attitude towards life and take the initiative rather (barangay). Within this hierarchy, local government ranks lowest and is
responsible for rural villages and/or urban districts.
than waiting for support from various levels of government or
2 Since the late 20th century, many young Filipinas have worked in night clubs in
from local communities. They considered that since they had Japan as dancers, singers, hostesses, strippers, and companions to guests. Due
survived abroad they should be able to do even better in the to the nature of their occupation, which on occasion is confused with the sex
Philippines, where they were familiar with the culture and had industry, many entertainers are called japayuki by members of their local
the support of their family members. communities after they return, a deprecating term implying that they worked as
prostitutes in Japan (Tolentino 2001).

Acknowledgements. – I thank the Hong Kong Baptist University (FRG1/09-10/


Conclusions 044) for funding the research. In addition, I wish to express my appreciation to
OFWs Ms Clarita Cañares, Marible Fonbuena, Ethel Domingo, and Malou Aguire
By drawing upon the concepts of transnationalism and habitus, in Hong Kong, and their family members in the Philippines for their support
my research has demonstrated that the studied returnee OFWs during my field surveys. I am grateful to Sister Susan Pineda from Cabanatuan
City for introducing me to the interviewees, to all of the returnees, and to their
evinced certain changes in social and cultural habitus after local community members who participated in the interviews. I also wish to thank
working overseas for some years. A major change was that they Dr Estelle Dryland (Macquarie University, Sydney), Professor Katherine Gibson
were more independent and confident in their personal identities. (University of Western Sydney), the anonymous referees for their constructive
NORSK GEOGRAFISK TIDSSKRIFT 69 (2015) Sociocultural effects of returnee Filipino workers in the Philippines 55

comments, Catriona Turner and Michael Jones for final editing, Ms Heung Suk Holroyd, E., Molassiotis, A. & Taylor-Pilliae, R. 2001. Filipino domestic workers
Yan in the Department of Geography, Hong Kong Baptist University, for her in Hong Kong: Health related behaviours, health locus of control and social
assistance in preparing Figure 1, and Professor Filomeno V. Aguilar Jr at Ateneo support. Women & Health 33, 181–205.
de Manila University for useful information. Hugo, G. 2009. Labour Migration for Development: Best Practices in Asia and
the Pacific. ILO Working Paper 17. Bangkok: International Labour Organisa-
Manuscript submitted 3 March 2014; accepted 23 September 2014 tion Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific.
Editors: Ragnhild Lund, Catriona Turner, Michael Jones International Monetary Fund. 2014. The World Economic Outlook Database.
http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/weo/2014/01/weodata/download.aspx
(accessed 18 November 2014).
Kelly, P. & Lusis, T. 2006. Migration and the transnational habitus: Evidence from
References Canada and the Philippines. Environment and Planning A 38, 831–847.
Aguilar, F. 1999. Ritual passage and the reconstruction of selfhood in international Kobayashi, A. & Preston, V. 2007. Transnationalism through the life course: Hong
labour migration. Sojourn 14, 98–139. Kong immigrants in Canada. Asia Pacific Viewpoint 48, 151–167.
Aguilar, F. 2013. Brother’s keeper? Siblingship, overseas migration, and centri- Kong, L. 2004. Religious landscape. Duncan, J., Johnson, N. & Schein, R. (eds.)
petal ethnography in a Philippine village. Ethnography 14, 346–368. A Companion to Cultural Geography, 365–381. Malden: Blackwell.
Asis, M. 2001. The return migration of Filipino woman migrants: Home, but not Le Bas, T. 2013. Insight Guide: Philippines. London: APA Publications.
for good? Wille, C. & Passl, B. (eds.) Change and Continuity: Female Labour Levitt, P. & Lamba-Nieves, D. 2011. Social remittances revisited. Journal of
Migration in Southeast Asia, 23–93. Bangkok: Chulalongkorn University. Ethnic and Migration Studies 37, 1–22.
Asis, M., Huang, S. & Yeoh, B. 2004, When the light of the home is abroad: Lukasiewicz, A. 2011. Migration and gender identity in the rural Philippines.
Unskilled female migration and the Filipino family. Singapore Journal of Critical Asian Studies 43, 577–593.
Tropical Geography 25, 198–215. McCoy, A. 1993. An Anarchy of Families: State and Family in the Philippines.
Battistella, G. 2004. Return migration in the Philippines: Issues and policies. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin.
Massey, D.S. & Taylor, J.E. (eds.) International Migration: Prospects and McKay, D. 2001. Migration and masquerade: Gender and habitus in the
Policies in a Global Market, 212–229. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Philippines. Geography Research Forum 21, 44–56.
Bloom, G., Grosberg, M., Holden, T., Karlin, A. & Morgan, K. 2012. Philippines. Parreñas, R. 2001. Servants of Global Migration: Women, Migration, and
Melbourne: Lonely Planet Publications. Domestic Work. Redwood City, CA: Stanford University Press.
Bourdieu, P. 1977. Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge: Cambridge Pertierra, R. 2001. The Philippines. Heenan, P. & Lamontagne, M. (eds.) The
University Press. Southeast Asia Handbook, 87–109. London: Fitzroy Dearborn.
Bourdieu, P. 1986. The forms of capital. Richardson, J. (ed.) Handbook of Theory Porio, E. 2007. Global householding, gender, and Filipino migration: A
and Research in the Sociology of Education, 241–258. Westport, CT: preliminary review. Philippine Studies 55, 221–242.
Greenwood Press. Rugkasa, J. 1997. Sacrifice and Success: The Meaning of Migration in a Filipino
Cabanatuan City. 2010. 2009 Socioeconomic Profile. Cabanatuan: City Planning & Local Setting. PhD thesis. Olso: Department and Museum of Anthropology,
Development Office. University of Oslo.
Connell, J. 2009. Bittersweet home? Return migration and health work in Polynesia. Scalabrini Migration Center. 1999. Exiles, motherland and social change. Asian
Conway, D. & Potter, R. (eds.) Return Migration of the Next Generations: 21st and Pacific Migration Journal 8, 1–267.
Century Transnational Mobility, 139–160. Farnham: Ashgate. Stancovă, K. 2010. Assisted voluntary return of irregular migrants: Policy and
Conway, D., Potter, R. & Bernard, G. 2009. Returning youthful Trinidadian practice in the Slovak Republic. International Migration 48, 186–200.
migrants: Prolonged sojourners’ transnational experiences. Conway, D. & Tolentino, R. 2001. National/transnational: Subject Formation, Media and
Potter, R. (eds.) Return Migration of the Next Generations: 21st Century Cultural Politics in and on the Philippines. Quezon City: Ateneo De Manila
Transnational Mobility, 161–183. Farnham: Ashgate. University Press.
Dalton, D. & Keeling, S. 2011. The Rough Guide to the Philippines. London: Tyner, J. 2009. The Philippines: Mobilities, Identities, Globalization. New York:
Rough Guides. Routledge.
Dresner, J. 2008. International labour migrants’ return to Meiji-era Yamaguchi and Vertovec, S. 2001. Transnationalism and identity. Journal of Ethnic and Migration
Hiroshima: Economic and social effects. International Migration 46, 65–94. Studies 27, 573–585.
Ember, C. & Ember, M. 2002. Cultural Anthropology, 10th ed. Upper Saddle White, M. 2009. Migration and demographic surveillance: An overview of
River, NJ: Prentice Hall. opportunities and challenges. Collinson, M., Adazu, K., White, M. & Findley,
Gibson, K., Law, L. & McKay, D. 2001. Beyond heroes and victims: Filipina S. (eds.) The Dynamics of Migration, Health and Livelihoods: Indepth Network
contract migrants, economic activism and class transformations. International Perspectives, 3–18. Aldershot: Ashgate.
Feminist Journal of Politics 3, 365–386. Wille, C. & Passl, B. 2001. Change and Continuity: Female Labour Migration in
Glick Schiller, N., Basch, L. & Blanc-Szanton, C. 1992. Transnationalism: A new Southeast. Bangkok: Chulalongkom University.
analytic framework for understanding migration. Glick Schiller, N., Basch, L. Yu, X. 2009. Influence of intrinsic culture: Use of public space by Filipina
& Blanc-Szanton, C. (eds.) Toward a Transnational Perspective on Migration, domestic helpers in Hong Kong. Journal for Cultural Research 13,
1–24. New York: New York Academy of Sciences. 97–114.
56 X. Yu NORSK GEOGRAFISK TIDSSKRIFT 69 (2015)

Appendix 1. Questionnaire for returnees (n = 50)

Main question Question part Responses* Percentage

1. Questions relating to information about gender, See Table 1 – –


destinations, and occupations overseas
2. How long did you work as an OFW?** 3–4 years 27 48
5–9 years 12 24
10–19 years 8 16
20 years or more 3 6
3. How many years have passed since you returned 2–3 years 8 16
home permanently? 4–9 years 23 46
10–19 years 17 34
20 years or more 2 4
4. Have you noticed any changes in your personal Personal identity
identity, family ties, social behaviour, and attitudes More independent & confident 35 70
towards religion after your overseas employment? More mature 3 6
Easily become angry 1 2
No change 16 32
Family ties
Closer 36 72
Less close 2 4
No change 12 24
Social behaviour
More sociable 5 10
Less sociable 36 72
No change 9 18
Better time & financial management 21 42
Attitude towards religion
Stronger belief in religion 20 40
No change 30 60
5. What useful skills and knowledge did you learn Foreign language other than English 17 34
overseas? Foreign culture and religion 16 32
Time and financial management 13 26
People handling and communication skills 10 20
Use of machinery and equipment 10 20
Cooking foreign food 8 16
Caring for children, the elderly, & disabled people 7 14
Entertaining people 6 12
Decision-making 3 6
None 3 6
6. What are major attractions of working overseas as To be better off financially 45 90
an OFW? To learn about foreign cultures & become open-minded 7 34
To see beautiful foreign landscapes 6 12
To get on with different people 4 8
To be independent and confident 4 8
To learn to use money and time wisely 2 4
To be aware of laws and policies 1 2
None 2 4
7. Have you had any difficulties in reintegrating into the No problem 32 64
local community since you returned to the homeland? No job or low salary 18 36
Looked down upon by local people 3 6
Problems with understanding local community 2 4
Some problems with children 1 2
8. Do you have any suggestions for host and home Government should create more jobs 26 52
country governments, NGOs,*** international Help children to complete tertiary education 3 6
organisations, local communities, and family To understand OFWs better 3 6
members, including relatives, that would help OFWs No age discrimination 2 4
to resettle better into the homeland? Church should consult more with returnees 2 4
No suggestions 14 28

* Interviewees could provide more than one answer; ** overseas Filipino worker; *** non-governmental organisations
NORSK GEOGRAFISK TIDSSKRIFT 69 (2015) Sociocultural effects of returnee Filipino workers in the Philippines 57

Appendix 2. Questionnaire for local community members (n = 56)

Question Question part Responses* Percentage

1. Is there any change in the returnees’ personal identity, family Personal identity
ties, social behaviour, and attitudes towards religion after their More independent & confident 46 82
overseas employment? No change 10 19
Family ties
Closer 38 68
Less close 8 14
No change 10 18
Social behaviour
Less sociable 25 45
Show off & are arrogant 5 9
Not serious about relationships 3 5
Started drinking & smoking 2 3
More friendly 3 5
More willing to help community and people 4 7
More aware of laws and policies 2 3
Better time & financial management 11 20
No change 10 18
Attitude towards religion
Stronger belief 11 20
Less strong belief 4 7
Converted to another religion 3 5
No change 38 68
2. Which social and cultural changes do you like or dislike? Like
Wise time & financial management 16 29
More aware of laws and policies 8 14
More open-minded towards foreign cultures 7 13
Generous to local communities 5 9
Closer to family & God 4 7
Good people skills 3 5
Active involvement in NGOs** 2 4
Cooking and eating foreign food 2 4
Hard working 2 4
Fashionable 1 2
Dislike
Some are arrogant with no respect for others 12 2
Unfaithful to spouses 7 13
Drinking & smoking 7 13
Foreign modes of talking, hair colouring, & dress 4 7
Unwilling to take low-paid jobs 1 2
Neither like or dislike 22 39
3. What are main problems for these returnees vis-à-vis No job or low salary 24 43
reintegrating into their home communities? Problems with family members, including 15 27
children
Adoption of foreign culture & lifestyle 10 18
Communication gap with locals 5 9
Lack of respect for others 3 5
Keep a distance from others 2 4
None 18 32
4. Are the returnees responsible for any positive or negative Positive
sociocultural effects on local society? Support local community development 21 37.5
Demonstrate creativity, independence, & 17 30
diligence
Wise use of time & money 14 25
Follow laws and policies 8 14
Open-minded regarding foreign cultures and 7 13
knowledge
Encourage education 4 7
Happy family life 1 2
Negative
Arrogant and keep their distance from the local 12 21.4
people
Broken families 11 20
Smoking & drinking 7 12.5
Unfaithful to spouse 7 12.5
Materialistic 6 11
58 X. Yu NORSK GEOGRAFISK TIDSSKRIFT 69 (2015)

Appendix 2 (Continued )

Question Question part Responses* Percentage

Self-centred attitude 4 7
Spoil children 4 7
Foreign modes of talking, hair colouring, & dress 4 7
Medical and social costs of illness & sexual 4 7
diseases
None 15 27
5. How can governments, NGOs, family members, and local Help them find a job & run their own businesses 25 45
communities help the returnees to reintegrate better into their Understand them & recognise their contributions 21 38
local societies? Provide useful programmes and skills 11 20
Support their education & medical expenses 10 18
Locals should not demand too much from them 8 14
More counselling for returnees and their families 7 13
Help them to adopt a realistic living attitude 4 7
towards the local situation
No suggestions 16 29

* Participants could provide more than one response ** Non-governmental organisations


Copyright of Norwegian Journal of Geography is the property of Routledge and its content
may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright
holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for
individual use.

You might also like