Abau Grammar Final (Pdfa)

Data Papers on
Papua New Guinea Languages
Volume 57
Abau Grammar
Arnold (Arjen) Hugo Lock
2011
SIL-PNG Academic Publications
Ukarumpa, Papua New Guinea
Papers in the series Data Papers on Papua New Guinea Languages express the
authors’ knowledge at the time of writing. They normally do not provide a
comprehensive treatment of the topic and may contain analyses which will be
modified at a later stage. However, given the large number of undescribed languages
in Papua New Guinea, SIL-PNG feels that it is appropriate to make these research
results available at this time.
René van den Berg, Series Editor
Copyright © 2011
SIL-PNG
Papua New Guinea
[email protected]
Published 2011
Printed by SIL Printing Press

Ukarumpa, Eastern Highlands Province
Papua New Guinea
ISBN 9980 0 3614 1

Table of Contents
List of maps and tables .......................................................................... ix
Abbreviations ........................................................................................ xi
1. Introduction .................................................................................... 1
1.1 Location and population .......................................................... 1
1.2 Language name ....................................................................... 2
1.3 Affiliation and earlier studies................................................... 2
1.4 Dialects ................................................................................... 3
1.5 Language use and bilingualism ................................................ 7
1.6 Use of the Abau language in writing ........................................ 8
1.7 Typological overview of Abau ................................................ 8
1.8 Neighbouring languages .......................................................... 9
1.9 Abau culture.......................................................................... 12
1.10 Acknowledgements ............................................................... 14
2. Phonology ...................................................................................... 16
2.1 Consonant phonemes and allophonic variation....................... 16
2.1.1 Phonetic contoid changes .......................................... 17
2.2 Vowel phonemes and allophonic variation ............................. 17
2.3 Tone, stress and syllables ...................................................... 20
2.4 Orthography .......................................................................... 22
2.5 Word boundaries and stress ................................................... 22
2.6 Morphophonemics................................................................. 24
2.6.1 Morphophonemic changes within the verb phrase ..... 24
2.6.2 Vowel harmony ........................................................ 27
2.6.3 Vowel harmony in kinship terms ............................... 28
2.7 Reduplicated stems................................................................ 30
3. Nouns and noun phrases ............................................................... 33
3.1 Personal pronouns ................................................................. 34
3.1.1 Form ......................................................................... 34
3.1.2 Function of personal pronouns .................................. 36
3.1.3 Topicalisation of object pronouns .............................. 37
3.1.4 Pronoun modification ................................................ 38
3.2 Nouns ................................................................................... 42
3.2.1 Simple nouns ............................................................ 42
i
ii
3.2.2 Compound nouns ...................................................... 44

3.2.3 Endocentric noun compounds .................................... 44
3.2.4 Exocentric noun compounds ...................................... 46
3.3 Nouns and gender .................................................................. 46
3.3.1 Specifics of gender assignment .................................. 47
3.3.2 Gender change on temporal NPs ................................. 52
3.4 Numerals ............................................................................... 53
3.4.1 Numerals and NP order .............................................. 54
3.4.2 Abau numbers above three......................................... 54
3.4.3 Abau numerals one, two and three ............................. 56
3.4.4 Non-quantifying uses of the numeral one ................... 62
3.4.5 Declining use of the numeral classifier system ........... 65
3.4.6 Relationship between the assignment of gender and
numeral class of nouns .............................................. 65
3.5 Adjectives.............................................................................. 69
3.5.1 The extent of the use of adjectival constructions ........ 69
3.5.2 Similarity in distribution of the intensifier and
restrictive marker within the NP ................................. 70
3.5.3 Contrast between nouns and modifiers ....................... 72
3.5.4 Modifiers functioning as adjectives, adverbs and
predicates .................................................................. 73
3.5.5 Adjectival use of the manner demonstratives ............. 74
3.6 Pragmatic NP markers with and without demonstrative force .. 75
3.6.1 Non-syntactic, pragmatic NP markers without
demonstrative force ................................................... 76
3.6.2 Non-syntactic, pragmatic NP markers with
demonstrative force ................................................... 77
3.7 Syntactically marked NPs without demonstrative force ........... 80
3.7.1 Subject NP marker ..................................................... 81
3.7.2 Topicalisation of the subject NP marker ..................... 81
3.7.3 Object NP markers without demonstrative force ......... 82
3.7.4 Topicalisation of object NPs ....................................... 83
3.7.5 Genitive NP markers .................................................. 84
3.8 Syntactic demonstrative NP markers ....................................... 85
3.8.1 Subject demonstrative NP marker ............................... 85
3.8.2 Object demonstrative markers.................................... 87
3.8.3 The use of the genitive in NPs marked by a syntactic
demonstrative ............................................................ 89
3.8.4 Overview of all syntactic NP markers ......................... 90
iii
3.9 Noun Phrases marked semantically – postpositional phrases .. 91

3.9.1 Locative .................................................................... 93
3.9.2 Exactness .................................................................. 96
3.9.3 Comitative ................................................................ 97
3.9.4 Similarity ................................................................ 100
3.9.5 Accompaniment ...................................................... 101
3.9.6 Comparative ........................................................... 102
3.9.7 Ablative .................................................................. 102
3.9.8 Topicalisation of postpositional phrases .................. 103
3.9.9 Subject demonstrative in postpositional phrases ...... 105
3.10 Noun phrase structure.......................................................... 105
3.10.1 Standard noun phrase .............................................. 107
3.10.2 Headless noun phrase .............................................. 110
3.10.3 Noun phrase with a pronoun as head ....................... 112
3.10.4 Conjoined noun phrase............................................ 113
3.11 Zero marking on noun phrases ............................................. 114
3.11.1 Zero marking as a result of noun incorporation ........ 114
3.11.2 Fronted object NP with zero marking ....................... 117
3.11.3 Zero marking in verbless clauses or in clauses with
only a stative verb ................................................... 119
3.11.4 Zero marking in constructions with senkin .............. 120
4. Verbs, verb phrases and adverbial phrases................................ 123
4.1 Verbal and adverbial constituents contrasted........................ 123
4.1.1 Determining the boundaries of the verb phrase ........ 124
4.2 Verbs .................................................................................. 126
4.2.1 Verb prefixes .......................................................... 126
4.3 The structure of the verb phrase ........................................... 135
4.3.1 Verb phrase head .................................................... 138
4.3.2 Qualifier ................................................................. 141
4.3.3 Modifiers within the verb phrase ............................. 145
4.4 Adverbial phrase ................................................................. 151
4.4.1 Adverbial modifiers ................................................ 152
4.4.2 Adverbial manner demonstrative ............................. 154
4.4.3 Adverbial causal demonstrative ............................... 157
5. Tense, Aspect and Mood ............................................................. 163
5.1 Perfective and imperfective ................................................. 163
5.1.1 Other features of the VP final intonation .................. 165
5.1.2 Post VP marking of the perfective and imperfective . 165
iv
5.2 Modal and aspect markers preceding the verb phrase ........... 166
5.2.1 Deontic modality markers kwa, kwaw and ka ........... 166
5.2.2 Dynamic modality marker liy .................................. 169
5.2.3 Habitual marker seyn ............................................... 169
5.2.4 Use of senaw ........................................................... 170
5.2.5 Current action markers pa and pau .......................... 172
5.2.6 The perfect marker po.............................................. 174
5.2.7 Imminent and indefinite future................................. 176
5.2.8 Counterfactual ......................................................... 178
5.2.9 Co-occurrence of currently complete and perfect
aspect markers ......................................................... 180
5.3 Clause-final aspect and modal markers ................................ 181
5.3.1 Inchoative ............................................................... 182
5.3.2 Intention marker ey .................................................. 183
5.3.3 Desirability.............................................................. 184
5.3.4 Modal marker pak encoding doubt ........................... 186
6. Clause ........................................................................................... 188
6.1 Clause types ........................................................................ 188
6.2 Verbless clauses................................................................... 188
6.2.1 The constituents of the verbless clause ..................... 189
6.3 Stative and existential verb lwak ‘to be’ ............................... 192
6.3.1 Stative verb relating comment to topic ..................... 192
6.3.2 Existential verb relating topic and comment ............. 194
6.4 Verbal clauses...................................................................... 195
6.4.1 Verbal clause consisting only of VP and modal
marker ..................................................................... 195
6.4.2 Verbal clause consisting of VP preceded by an
adverb or incorporated noun .................................... 196
6.4.3 Verbal clause including non-syntactic topicalised
constituents ............................................................. 196
6.4.4 Verbal clause including constituents marked for
semantic case .......................................................... 197
syntactic case .......................................................... 199
6.5 General structure of the verbal clause ................................... 200
6.5.1 Positioning of subject and object ............................. 201
6.5.2 Pragmatic and syntactic marking on NPs consisting
of a personal pronoun .............................................. 203
v
6.5.3
Inclusion of indirect object NP ................................. 206
6.5.4
Constituents that can follow a non-topicalised
object NP ................................................................. 208
6.5.5 Subject and object deletion...................................... 213
6.6 Relative clauses ................................................................... 215
6.6.1 Relative clauses preceding the head noun ................ 215
6.6.2 Relative clauses following the head noun ................ 217
6.6.3 Headless relative clauses ......................................... 219
6.6.4 Negated relative clause ........................................... 221
6.6.5 Adjectival clause marking simultaneous or current
action...................................................................... 223
6.6.6 Relative clauses modifying the comment
constituent of a verbless clause ............................... 225
6.6.7 Embedded attributive clauses encoding function or
intended function .................................................... 228
6.7 Clauses or phrases marked by reason marker hokuaw .......... 230
7. Clausal modifications .................................................................. 233
7.1 The objective marker e in imperatives ................................. 233
7.1.1 The objective marker e used with interrogatives ...... 234
7.2 Indefinite future markers a, ane and aney ............................ 235
7.2.1 The future marker a ................................................ 235
7.2.2 The indefinite future marker ane and aney............... 236
7.3 Negation ............................................................................. 238
7.3.1 Negating verbal clauses........................................... 238
7.3.2 Negating verbless clauses ........................................ 241
7.3.3 Additional functions of negator korey...................... 242
7.3.4 The negation marker lopa ....................................... 243
7.3.5 Negation markers in subordinate clauses ................. 245
7.3.6 Prohibitive .............................................................. 246
7.3.7 Negating dynamic modality .................................... 247
7.3.8 Continued negation of an activity or state ................ 248
7.3.9 Negative indefinites ................................................ 250
7.4 Speech utterance markers .................................................... 251
7.4.1 Use of the perfective speech markers so, ko and mo. 253
7.4.2 Usage of imperfective speech marker o ................... 256
7.4.3 Observed usage of the speech markers .................... 258
7.4.4 Agreement of speech markers so, ko and mo ........... 259
vi
7.4.5 Speech markers following clause-final modal

markers ................................................................... 262
7.4.6 Emphatic declarative speech marker with the
addressee ................................................................ 263
7.4.7 Speech markers so, ko and mo suffixed for
dubitative ................................................................ 266
7.4.8 Agreement speech marker hi.................................... 268
7.5 Interrogatives ....................................................................... 269
7.5.1 The interrogative as head of the noun phrase............ 271
7.5.2 The interrogative as nominal modifier ..................... 277
7.5.3 Adverbially used interrogatives ............................... 283
8. Structure and function of sentence topic and comment ............. 291
8.1 Defining topic ...................................................................... 291
8.2 Sentence structure ................................................................ 292
8.3 The topic part of the sentence ............................................... 296
8.3.1 NPs with a noun as head ........................................... 296
8.3.2 Subordinate clauses and relative clauses as topics .... 304
8.3.3 NPs with a personal pronoun as head ........................ 306
8.4 The comment part of the sentence ........................................ 308
8.5 Tail position ........................................................................ 312
8.5.1 Clauses in tail position ............................................. 316
8.5.2 Tail constituents in clauses with transitive verbs ...... 318
8.5.3 Tail constituents in intransitive clauses .................... 321
8.5.4 Contents or manner clauses in tail position .............. 322
8.6 Decreasing or increasing the prominence of sentence
constituents .......................................................................... 324
8.6.1 Changing prominence of subject .............................. 324
8.6.2 Agents and patients without syntactic marking ......... 326
8.7 Introduction and tracking of participants .............................. 328
8.7.1 New entities introduced by the numeral one ............. 328
8.7.2 New entities introduced without the numeral one ..... 331
8.7.3 Marking on previously introduced definite entities ... 332
8.8 Backgrounding, foregrounding and climax within narrative
discourse ............................................................................. 335
8.8.1 Backgrounding within discourse .............................. 335
8.8.2 Foregrounding within a narrative discourse.............. 337
8.8.3 Climax .................................................................... 340
vii
9. Complex sentences ...................................................................... 342

9.1 Cohesive devices operating at sentence and discourse level . 342
9.1.1 Cohesion marker sawk as developmental marker ..... 343
9.1.2 Sequential cohesion marker sa ................................ 346
9.1.3 Addition cohesion marker seyr ................................ 348
9.2 Clause-initial cohesive markers ........................................... 349
9.2.1 Projected logical consequence ................................. 349
9.2.2 Discourse cohesion markers sei and hai .................. 351
9.2.3 Accordance cohesion marker (seseyn) ..................... 353
9.3 Coordination of clauses ....................................................... 355
9.3.1 Juxtaposed coordinate clauses ................................. 356
9.3.2 Use of the alternative marker o................................ 357
9.3.3 Use of payhokuaw................................................... 358
9.4 Object complement clauses encoding purpose ..................... 359
9.4.1 Object complement clauses ..................................... 363
9.5 Subordinate clause relating to the main clause ..................... 364
9.5.1 Temporal construction consisting of a deleted NP
with a relative clause............................................... 364
9.5.2 Subordinate clauses encoding past temporal notions 365
9.5.3 Conditional relationships between clauses ............... 369
9.5.4 Clauses in a sequential relationship ......................... 371
9.5.5 Counterfactual conditional ...................................... 375
9.5.6 Encoding concessions ............................................. 377
9.5.7 Interrogatives used as indefinite pronouns ............... 379
9.5.8 Temporal cohesion: a limited time span .................. 381
10. Discourse types ............................................................................ 383
10.1 General discourse features and organisation......................... 383
10.1.1 Introduction to discourse ......................................... 383
10.1.2 Iconic organisation in narrative and procedural
texts ........................................................................ 390
10.1.3 Thematically organised texts ................................... 393
10.1.4 Conclusion in texts.................................................. 396
10.2 Discourse genres ................................................................. 400
10.2.1 Narrative discourses ................................................ 400
10.2.2 Procedural texts ...................................................... 406
10.2.3 Descriptive texts ..................................................... 410
10.2.4 Hortatory and expository discourses ........................ 413
10.2.5 Personal letters ........................................................ 419
viii
Appendices: Abau texts ...................................................................... 422

11.1 Narrative (Legend)................................................................. 422
11.2 Narrative text ......................................................................... 446
11.3 Procedural text ....................................................................... 450
11.4 Descriptive text ...................................................................... 454
11.5 Expository text....................................................................... 458
11.6 Hortatory text ........................................................................ 462
11.7 Letters ................................................................................... 468
References ........................................................................................... 474
List of maps and tables
Map 1: The Abau area within PNG ...................................................... 1
Map 2: The Abau language area ........................................................... 6
Map 3: Abau and neighbouring languages .......................................... 10
Table 1: Dialect cognate percentages ..................................................... 4

Table 2: Dialect cognate breakdown ...................................................... 5
Table 3: Abau consonants .................................................................... 16
Table 4: Phonetic changes in contoids preceding vocoids ..................... 17
Table 5: Abau vocoids work chart ....................................................... 18
Table 6: Allowed and non-allowed sequences ...................................... 19
Table 7: Consonant clusters ................................................................. 21
Table 8: Deletion of verb-initial l when prefixed .................................. 25
Table 9: No deletion of verb-initial l when verbal prefix ends in
central vowel a ...................................................................... 26
Table 10: Rule C - Vowel harmony triggered by e ................................. 27
Table 11: Rule D - Vowel harmony triggered by a ................................. 28
Table 12: Vowel harmony in the suffixation of kinship terms ................ 29
Table 13: Reduplicated forms and base forms ........................................ 30
Table 14: Four types of reduplication .................................................... 32
Table 15: Personal pronominal forms .................................................... 35
Table 16: Personal pronoun modification............................................... 38
Table 17: General principles of gender assignment ................................ 47
Table 18: Abau Numbers 4-12, 20 ......................................................... 55
Table 19: Numeral classifiers ................................................................ 57
Table 20: Shift in the usage of numeral classifiers ................................. 65
Table 21: Nouns observed in texts, marked for gender and numeral
class ...................................................................................... 67
Table 22: Non-syntactic pragmatic NP markers ...................................... 76
Table 23: Non-syntactic topic markers and non-syntactic
demonstrative markers ........................................................... 77
Table 24: Syntactic NP markers with and without topic marking ............ 80
Table 25: Subject demonstrative markers............................................... 85
Table 26: Object demonstrative markers ................................................ 87
Table 27: Genitive constructions following a demonstrative NP marker .. 89
ix
x
Table 28: Overview of all possible syntactic NP markers ....................... 91

Table 29: Post-positional NP markers signalling semantic function ........ 92
Table 30: The standard noun phrase .................................................... 106
Table 31: Examples of standard noun phrases. .................................... 109
Table 32: Unmarked noun objects incorporated in verbs ..................... 117
Table 33: Manner verbal prefixes ........................................................ 127
Table 34: Directional verbal prefixes .................................................. 128
Table 35: Order of co-occurring prefixes ............................................. 133
Table 36: The verb phrase structure .................................................... 136
Table 37: Bound verbal modifiers ....................................................... 144
Table 38: Auxiliary and lexical definitions for lwayr, kow, naruok
and nok ............................................................................... 146
Table 39: Clause-final markers that distinguish between perfective
and imperfective.................................................................. 166
Table 40: Summary overview on the use of po .................................... 179
Table 41: Intonation contour over clause-final modal or aspect
marker................................................................................. 182
Table 42: Structure of the clause ......................................................... 200
Table 43: The marking of NPs with a noun as head versus NPs with a
personal pronoun as head .................................................... 204
Table 44: Intonation of the speech markers ......................................... 252
Table 45: Emphatic speech markers suffixed with the addressive
markers ............................................................................... 264
Table 46: Overview of all interrogative types ...................................... 269
Table 47: Human interrogative - Identification from open group ......... 272
Table 48: Non-human interrogative - Identification of non-human
objects................................................................................. 275
Table 49: Selective interrogatives ....................................................... 281
Table 50: Interrogatives which occur as an adverbial phrase................ 283
Table 51: General Abau sentence structure.......................................... 296
Table 52: Topicalised NPs with a noun as head of the NP ..................... 297
Table 53: Syntactic marking and topic-marking on personal pronouns. 306
Table 54: Constituents in the comment part of the predication ............. 309
Table 55: Encoding indefinite location, manner and contents .............. 379
Table 56: Labels used to mark the text “The two brothers” .................. 422
Abbreviations
ABL ablative DYN dynamic modality
ACC accompaniment EMPH emphasis
ACT actuality EXCL exclamation
ADDR addressive EXCT exactness
ADJ adjective F feminine
ADV adverb FIN final
AGREE agreement FUT future
ANTCP anticipation GEN genitive
BEN benefactive GL general topic
CAUS causative HAB habitual
CFT counterfactual HOR hortative
CHD change of direction; HUM human
(focus shift) IMM imminent
CL# class plus noun IMP imperative
category number INCH inchoative
CMT comitative INDF indefinite
CMPL completive INT intensity
CMPND compound INTF intensifier
CNT continuous INTN intention
COMP comparative IPFTV imperfective
CONJ conjunction KIN kinship reference
CUR currently ongoing LIM limitation
DDEM distal demonstrative LOC locative
DEM demonstrative M masculine
DIR directional MAN manner
DU dual N noun
DUB dubitative NP noun phrase
DUP duplication NEG negation
DUR durative aspect NH non-human
xi
xii
NOMS nominaliser SLCT selective

OBJ object SP speech utterance
P1/P2 fronted topicalised marker
constituents SPD speed
P3 tail position SUB subject
PDEM proximal TOP topic, topicalised
demonstrative V verb
PFT perfect VP verb phrase
PFTV perfective 1, 2, 3 first, second, third
PL plural person
PP postpositional phrase // phonemic notation
PROH prohibitive <> orthographic notation
PURP purpose [] phonetic notation
Q interrogative marker . syllable break
RCM relative clause marker (between phonemes)
RCP reciprocal - morpheme break
RDPL reduplication # word break
RPT repetitive OBJ<SUB object moves away
RSTR restrictive from subject
S phonemics: OBJ>SUB object moves
semi-vowel towards subject
S singular
SEQ sequential
SIM similarity
1. Introduction
1.1 Location and population

Abau is a language spoken by more than 7000 people in Sandaun
(formerly West Sepik) Province, Papua New Guinea (see map 1). The
language area consists of the villages to the immediate east and west of
the Green River Station, as well as the villages along the Sepik River and
its tributaries, starting at the border with Indonesian Papua (the Indonesian
province of Papua, formerly Irian Jaya) all the way down to the border
with the East Sepik. The area depends mainly on air transport for supplies,
since there are no roads to connect the Green River Area with the coast
and transport via the Sepik River has proven to be troublesome.
MAP 1: THE ABAU AREA WITHIN PNG
1
2
1.2 Language name

The language name Abau means infertile land. It is any area of open
grassy land without trees that cannot be used for food gardens. The more
than 1 kilometre long Green River Airstrip was built on such land. The
local people continued to refer to the area as Abau, and consequently the
Green River Station Area with its airstrip became known as Abau. The
name eventually transferred to the people group and the language. (The
word Abau is also used adverbially to indicate barrenness in a woman.
When following the word makwey ‘head’ it means bald.)
1.3 Affiliation and earlier studies

In Wurm’s classification system (Laycock 1973; Laycock and
Z’graggen 1975; Wurm 1982), Abau is classified as an isolate at the
lowest level within the Upper Sepik Stock, Upper Sepik Super-stock,
Sepik sub-phylum, Sepik-Ramu phylum.
More recent research by Foley (2005) and Ross (2005) regards Abau
as a member of the Sepik family, related to other languages of the upper
and middle Sepik river valley, and the Sepik hill country, but not to the
languages of the Lower Sepik or Ramu families.
There have been several previous attempts at describing the Abau
language, but little published research. Wordlists were collected by patrol
officers F.R. Cawley (1919) and N.J. Cavanagh (1961); Cawley published
his wordlists in several Papua Annual Reports between 1917 and the
1930s. Kay Liddle, who was the missionary at Green River in 1960-62 for
Christian Missions in Many Lands (CMML), filled seven notebooks with
texts, typical constructions, a phonemic statement and the beginnings of a
dictionary. However this material has never been published. 1
Three linguistic surveys of the language have been published. Loving
and Bass (1964) conducted a survey on behalf of the Australian
administration; they refer to the language as “Green River”, and note that
if administrative officers at Green River station learned the language, they
would be able to communicate with 3/5 of their administrative area. The
second was conducted by Donald Laycock of Australian National
University, who published a brief wordlist (Laycock 1965a) and
1
Information compiled from Loving and Bass (1964); Laycock (1973); Carrington (1996).
3
description of the phonology (Laycock 1965b). A sociolinguistic survey

was also conducted by Martin (1981).
The only other primary publications have been a two-page grammar
sketch by Laycock and Z’graggen (1975: 744-746), and materials by
Bailey (1975) – focusing mainly on phonology and discourse. His
phonology write-up, especially in the areas of the vowels, differs greatly
from the findings by Lock (2007).
1.4 Dialects
The Abau people recognise only general speech differences between
some villages and have no names of dialect areas. On the basis of the
sociolinguistic survey by Bill Martin (1980) the language group was
divided into three dialects. My wife and I carried out a second survey in
1984. It basically confirmed Martin’s findings to divide the Abau
Language in three dialects: Up-River, Central and Down-River dialect. It
was noted, however, that differences within the Down-River dialect
needed to be looked at. Six villages belong to this group and it was
observed that speakers of the three most eastern villages (Beimaf, Senou
and Wagu) had far more difficulties communicating with speakers of the
Central Dialect than the speakers of the other three Down-River dialect
villages (Baiwai, Bifro and Baio).
In 1993, another small survey was done to compare the central dialect
with the six villages of the Down-River Dialect. (Through circumstances
it was not possible to survey Senou, the village that is located between
Beimaf and Wagu.)
It is obvious that a language survey done in an unknown language
yields less precise results than a survey done after a number of years of
language research, since the surveyor has a better grasp of the phonetics
of the language and the ability to avoid incorrect glosses due to
miscommunication. We found that it was misleading to exclusively rely
on cognate figures. For example, the central dialect village Yabru shares a
cognate percentage of 97% with Wagu, the most eastern village of the
language group. This high cognate figure suggests good mutual
intelligibility which is, however, not the case.
4
TABLE 1: DIALECT COGNATE PERCENTAGES
Down-R B
Down-R B
Mukways
Down-R
Down-R
Down-R
Beimaf
Central
Central
Baiwai
Wagu
Buna
Bifro
Baio
Yabru
100 100 100 100 98 97 97
Central
Buna
100 100 100 98 97 97
Central
Mukways
100 100 98 97 97
Central
Bifro
100 98 97 97
Down-River
Baiwai
98 97 97
Down-River
Baio
99 99
Down-River
Beimaf
Down-River 100
Border
In the next table the cognate readings are broken up into two figures.
The first number shows the number of words that are phonemically
identical. The second number after the slash indicates the number of
words that are different but can be still regarded as cognate. The total of
the two numbers should be the same as the cognate figure in the table
above. The table below shows that the number of identical words between
Yabru and Wagu is only 64% and that a third of the Wagu vocabulary
consists of words that have at least one different vowel or consonant than
their Yabru counterparts. This fact logically has a negative effect on the
ease of communication between Yabru and Wagu speakers.
5
TABLE 2: DIALECT COGNATE BREAKDOWN
Down-R B
Down-R B
Mukways
Down-R
Down-R
Down-R
Beimaf
Central
Central
Baiwai
Wagu
Buna
Bifro
Baio
Yabru
100/0 92/8 87/13 85/15 82/16 65/32 64/33
Central
Buna
92/8 87/13 85/15 82/16 65/32 64/33
Central
Mukways
93/7 91/9 83/15 65/32 64/33
Central
Bifro
98/2 91/7 66/31 65/32
Down-River
Baiwai
91/7 67/30 66/31
Down-River
Baio
73/26 71/28
Down-River
Beimaf
Down-River 93/7
Border
In conclusion, as Martin suggested the villages Yabru, Buna,
Beisiabru, Hokru, Dio, Abaru, Simia, Meiniabru, Ibru, Mukways and
Mahney can be combined in the Central dialect.
The villages Hufi, Kasiaru, Biak 1, Sowkmayon, Kopraru, Idam 1,
Idam 2 and Wauru can be grouped in the Up-River dialect. The remaining
6 villages were grouped by Martin as the Down-River dialect.
The findings of the 1993 survey strongly suggest to make a further
division. The villages Baiwai, Bifro and Baio form the Down-River
dialect. The three villages Wagu, Beimaf and Senou have their own
dialect, which could be called, in view of their proximity to the province
border with the East Sepik, the Down-River Border dialect.
6
MAP 2: THE ABAU LANGUAGE AREA
7
1.5 Language use and bilingualism

Three languages are used among the twenty five villages that make up
the Abau language group: Abau, Tok Pisin and in restricted context
English.
Abau is likely to be used in gatherings that deal with issues like
sorcery, disputes about land, women and property, marriage arrangements,
funeral rites, etc.
The further an Abau speaking village is removed from the Green
River Station, the higher the likelihood that discussions take place in Abau
rather than Tok Pisin. The Green River Station accommodates a large
number of non-local people who serve the large Green River areas as
administrators, police officers, teachers, medical and agricultural workers.
Many of them do not speak any of the local languages surrounding the
Green River Station Area.
Tok Pisin is likely to be used when a key person involved in a
discussion does not have a good control of the Abau language. The
number of the people in that category is still increasing through
intermarriage. When the topic of discussion relates to a notion that has
been introduced by outsiders (e.g. the clinic, school, church, planting of
rubber trees) it becomes more likely that the communication takes place in
Tok Pisin.
English is used nearly exclusively within the school system or with
visitors to the area who do not speak Tok Pisin. Even teachers will prefer
Tok Pisin over English when they are out of the school context.
Tok Pisin is widely used in all villages which are only one day travel
away from the Green River station and understood by children and adults
of all ages. It is less frequently used in villages which are further away
from Green River, but even there it is understood by all age groups. This
is remarkable given the fact that hardly anyone spoke or understood Tok
Pisin in the 1950s. Abau is still a vital language, but the number of young
people who feel more comfortable in Tok Pisin than in Abau is slowly
growing. These young people have often been away for long periods from
the language area because of High School or work. There is a strong
appreciation of their own language and culture, but on the other hand
there is no real shame involved in admitting to have poor mother tongue
language skills.
8
1.6 Use of the Abau language in writing

After the completion of the basic work on the phonology analysis, a
week-long orthography conference was organised where a group of
twelve educated and influential Abau speakers made decisions on the
Abau orthography. See Lock and Lock (1993) for more background
information on the decision process.
We were able to facilitate the growth of a large educational program.
The Abau Training Centre developed and played a major role in training
more than 100 local teachers and producing primers and reading books in
Abau. Thanks to the high level of local involvement, it was possible to
start schools for children in all 25 Abau speaking villages. The education
program started in 1990 when a third of the Abau speaking villages had a
literacy rate of less than 5%. The curriculum started out as a one year
program, changed to a two year program in 1993, and in 2005 a third year
was added. The Abau village school enrollment figures represent
approximately 2000 children who learned to read and write through the
Abau schools. Children are tested yearly and more than 80% of these
children qualify as adequate to good readers.
The Training Centre also opened its doors for courses for adults.
These courses combined the reading and writing of Abau with such other
topics as mathematics, calculator use, simple bookkeeping, manual
typewriter skills, correspondence courses on family life and religion,
creative topics such as arts and music, etc.
For more background on the set-up and the philosophy behind this
program, see Lock (2008), a paper presented at an International
Conference on Language Development.
1.7 Typological overview of Abau

Abau has nominative-accusative orientation in both its syntax and its
case marking. Default ordering of arguments is Subject Object Verb
(SOV). This ordering frequently varies for pragmatic reasons. Topic is
overtly marked on noun phrases, and is clearly distinguished from subject.
The presence or absence of topic marking on NPs divides every
predication into a left-located topic-marked component and a right-located
comment.
9
Abau appears to be an extreme example of the tendency to

“thematisation” described by de Vries (2005: 368). He notes that in a
number of Papuan languages thematic constituents are “a juxtaposed
series of thematic constituents that have pragmatic relations of relevance
to the clauses that follow but are syntactically and intonationally separate
units.” This pattern occurs often in Abau. However, whereas in many
Papuan languages this pattern is associated with the beginning of a text
and the number of noun phrases per verb declines drastically once the
story is under way (de Vries 2005: 369), in Abau topic-marked noun
phrases remain frequent throughout entire texts.
In the typology of head-marking and dependent-marking languages
introduced by Nichols (1986), Abau is an extreme example of a
dependent-marking grammar.2 Examples of this tendency are:
a. The high proportion of nouns to verbs already described.
b. A complex system of dependent noun phrase markers which
follow almost every noun, and establish its pragmatic, syntactic
and semantic role.
c. The existence of both a gender system (marked on the noun
phrase markers), and a cross-cutting system of numeral classifiers,
used with the numerals one, two and three.
d. Verbs do not inflect for tense, aspect, mood or person. Verb stems
are affixed only for direction and manner of action. The
distinction between perfective and imperfective aspect is
indicated by clause-final particles in the case of non-indicative
clauses, and by intonation over the verb phrase for indicative
clauses.
1.8 Neighbouring languages

The Abau language area is located in an area of extreme linguistic
diversity. Foley (2005) marks Abau as the westernmost member of the
Sepik language family, along with languages downstream from it. The
Sepik language family includes Namia, Ak, Pouye and Iwam but none of
these languages can be regarded as a close geographic neighbour.
2
I am indebted for this observation to Simon Overall (La Trobe University) who dialogued
with Ian Tupper on the prominent features of the Abau grammar.
10
MAP 3: ABAU AND NEIGHBOURING LANGUAGES
The languages which border the Abau language area are unrelated and
show minimal affiliation between each other. The proximity of these
languages is illustrated by the fact that practically all these language
groups have at least one village community which is located within a
day’s walking distance from the Green River Government Station.
Starting near the Indonesian border and going clockwise around the Abau
language the following eight neighbouring languages are found (see
map 3):
Karkar-Yuri (pop. 1400) – north-west from Green River Station all
the way to the Indonesian border; was formerly thought to be an isolate,
but is now known to be a member of the Pauwasi family (Lewis 2009).
Angor (pop. 1200) – north of Green River with majority of villages
around Amanab; together with Dera a member of the Senagi family, and
not currently considered to be closely related to any other languages (Ross
2005).
Nai (pop. 750) – also referred to as Biaka; three village communities
between Green River Station and Amanab; related to Kwomtari; 30%
cognate (Loving and Bass 1964; Baron 1983).
11
Odiai (pop. 250) – also known as Busa; three village communities

located Northeast of Green River, west of the Horden River; isolate
(Lewis 2009).
Yale (Yalë) (pop. 700) – also referred to as Nagatiman; located 30
kilometres northeast of the Green River Station between the Horden and
Senu Rivers; isolate (Lewis 2009).
Amto (pop. 250) – also known as Ki; located in Rocky Peak Districts;
Amto-Musan language family (Lewis 2009).
Siawi (pop. 300) – also known as Musan; located toward the
headwaters of the Left May River on the Samaia River east of Amto;
Amto-Musan language family (Lewis 2009).
Pyu (pop. 100) – only one village community, known as Biak 2 (Biak
1 is an Abau speaking village); located near the Indonesian Border and
along the Biak River, a tributary of the Sepik River (Laycock 1973;
Conrad and Dye 1975). Laycock (1973) suggested that Pyu is related to
Kwomtari, but Baron (1983) found no evidence for this.
According to some sources (e.g. Laycock 1973; Lewis 2009), Yetfa
(Biksi) also has speakers on the Papua New Guinean side of the border,
west from the Abau language area. This was based on survey word lists
from Biak 2 village, where the primary language is Pyu. The women
surveyed had married into Biak 2 from a Yetfa-speaking village on the
Indonesian side of the border, as documented in articles on the language
by Laycock (1972), and Conrad & Dye (1975). 3 My own travels and
surveys did not lend any support to the claim that there are mother-tongue
Yetfa speakers in Papua New Guinea apart from those who have settled in
Biak 2 as a result of marriage exchange.
Namia, located east from Green River, belongs the Sepik language
family but is too far away to be considered a geographic neighbour. The
same is true for the Suganga (West-Miamin), located in the south, since
none of their village communities is found close to any Abau speaking
communities.
3
I am indebted to Ian Tupper and Chase Reynolds for this background information.
12
1.9 Abau culture

Culture
The river is viewed as the maternal uncle (kam). It is treated with
respect, because it gives water to wash and drink and it is a source of
food. The ceremonial washing that takes place in the river after an
extended time of mourning is a very important cultural event. The
cleansing water of the river enables the mourner to return to normal life
again.
Clan ties are strengthened by marriage exchange and by a number of
other customs that involve food exchanges. The most notable among them
is the custom of pig exchange. Many piglets are raised for the benefit of a
member on the maternal side of the family, who lives in expectation of
this gift for many years. The food exchange that takes place when the pig
is eaten is very significant.
Christianity
The first Christian church workers arrived in the mid-1950s with a
Brethren Church background. Their work in Papua New Guinea was done
under the name CMML. Their main focus was literacy, medical work and
the establishment of village churches. These village churches soon started
to operate under local leadership and were called Christian Brethren
Churches (CBC). Some of the villages further away from the Green River
station have aligned themselves with other churches, e.g. Catholic Church,
Pentecostal Church and ‘Holiness’ Church.
Economy
The Abau are river people. Their main mode of transport is by canoe.
The vast flat area of swamps, rivers and lakes accounts for their staple of
sago and fish. They can be described as hunters and gatherers, in spite of
the fact that they plant gardens. They tend not to rely heavily on their
gardens, as yearly flooding of the Sepik River often destroys their crops.
The area depends on air transport for most of its fuel and store-food
supplies. Boat transport along the Sepik is possible but slow and
expensive. Normal village life does not come with a lot of expenses with
the notable exception of the necessity to pay for high school fees. People
have tried a number of cash crops (coffee, rubber in the 1980s, and vanilla
13
more recently) and none of them proved economically viable, due to low
world market prices and the high costs of air transport to the nearest
coastal town Vanimo.
Education
In the late fifties, CMML (Christian Missions in Many Lands) started
with their first literacy efforts in Tok Pisin and later also in English among
children and adults. Eventually a primary school in English for children
was established at Green River. This was the only school in the Abau area
till 1974. However, in that year the Idam government station was opened
and the Idam primary school was established. Other primary schools were
gradually added: Yabru (1978), Bifro (1980) Ibru (1982).
A few more primary schools were established in the late eighties and
nineties (Mukways, Sowkmayon, Kasiaru, Wauru and Wagu). Many of
these remote schools had their share of problems and a few negative
trends had set in. It became increasingly hard to get teachers for these
isolated village schools. Schools became understaffed or the positions
became filled by local teachers who took more liberty in being absent
from their school duties. Most of these schools (with the exception of
Green River) were too small to enroll a new first grade every year. They
only did so every other year or even less frequently. These developments
had a bad effect on the quality of education. Most children are still
enrolled in schools but the drop-out rate has increased.
A positive development was the establishment of the Green River
High School in the early nineties. This small High School can pride itself
in good academic achievements of its students that got nation-wide
acclamation.
In 1997 and 1998, Papua New Guinea implemented a dramatic
education reform of its school system. The new set-up promotes the use of
the mother tongue which became the primary language of instruction
within the Elementary School. Oral English is introduced in the last and
third year of Elementary Education. After these three years of Elementary
School the children are enrolled in the third year of Primary School.
Unfortunately, these elementary schools were established in only nine of
the 25 villages. The more remote villages missed out and have asked the
Abau Training Centre for continued assistance to run schools in the
14
vernacular until the provincial education office will establish an

Elementary School in their village.
Anthropological research
Well-documented anthropological research can be found on the site of
The Upper Sepik-Central New Guinea Project (http://www.uscngp.com/
papers). This research group aims “to explore the relationships between
material culture on the one hand, and language, geographical propinquity,
population, subsistence and environment on the other, in two adjacent
regions of Papua New Guinea – the upper Sepik basin and the highlands
of central New Guinea – during a relatively narrow time span before
major impact by foreign cultures.”
Of special interest is the research of Fyfe and Bolton (2010) with
their analysis of associations between string bag variability, language and
geographical distance in the upper Sepik basin and Border Mountains.
Also noteworthy is the well-written collection of Abau legends by Craig
(1980) and various other articles by the same author. Craig (1980: 8-9)
records a number of local legends which suggest that the Abau speakers
originally moved into the language area from further downstream (east)
along the Sepik.
1.10 Acknowledgements
This current grammar write-up is based on research conducted by me
over a period of more than 20 years under the auspices of the Papua New
Guinea Branch of SIL International. My wife and I learned to speak the
language, collected stories and studied the local culture. We were able to
involve a large number of Abau speakers in the establishment of the
current orthography and in the development of a three year curriculum in
the vernacular for the 25 Abau speaking villages along the Sepik River.
The vast majority of the examples in this grammar paper have been taken
from a corpus of non-elicited texts of 85,000 words.
We want to thank the Yabru community for allowing us to live among
them since September 1982. We especially thank our friends and fellow-
workers Obow Inaru and Alex Nomben, who, along with many others,
have helped us to gain many valuable insights into the language.
A special word of thanks goes to our colleagues within SIL whose
encouragement and input have been essential in gaining insights in the
15
structure of the Abau language. I want to thank Bob Conrad not only for
his assistance in producing the Abau Grammar essentials in 1985
(unpublished manuscript) but also for his willingness to be one of the
editors in the final stages of the current document. Secondly, I want to
thank the late Cindi Farr for her enthusiasm and keen insights into how
information is marked for relative prominence within Abau texts. A major
part of this paper was finished under her supervision in 1999.
In 2007, I was encouraged to make the research available to the wider
public. SIL colleague Ian Tupper probed me with many questions about
the wording of certain sections that needed further work. He also kindly
gave me many suggestions and editorial comments for the other sections. I
believe they have improved the overall clarity of this grammar. Thanks
are also due to Lisa Halverson who did a fine job in preparing the
manuscript for publication, John Carter who produced two of the maps,
several people in Ukarumpa who did the final proofreading and René van
den Berg who oversaw the whole process as series editor.
Lastly, I want to thank my wife Maija for her encouragement and
support. The current grammar write-up does not reflect sufficiently the
many warm and meaningful friendships she helped to develop with our
Abau friends.
2. Phonology
This chapter presents a brief outline of the phonology of Abau,

including phonemes and allophones. It gives some background on the
vowel analysis which is called for in light of the fact that various
researchers have come up with different vowel inventories. It also deals
with the topics stress, syllable and word structure and morphophonemics.
The phonology of Abau is only summarised here. For a more detailed
write-up, see Lock (2007).
The phonological system of Abau is based on fourteen phonemes:
nine consonants and five vowels.
2.1 Consonant phonemes and allophonic

variation
Abau has the following nine consonant phonemes as outlined in Table
3.
TABLE 3: ABAU CONSONANTS
Labial Alveolar Velar

/p/ /k/
Stop [p] [pȯ] [b] [k] [kȯ]
/r/
Liquid [t] [Ӫ] [d] [ӫ]
/h/ /s/
Fricative [h] [m‫[ ]ݍ‬Ҹ] [n‫]ݍ‬ [s]
/m/ /n/
Nasal [m] [n] [ŋ]
/w/ /y/
Glide [w] [ j]
16
17
Abau has no alveolar stop phoneme, although one of the allophones of

/r/ is a voiceless alveolar stop [t] when it precedes the alveolar fricative
[s], e.g. /uwrsa/ [օtsa] ‘people’. It is also noteworthy that in the Down-
River Dialect initial /s/ can be realised by either [s] or [t], e.g. /sa/ [sa] ~
[ta] ‘woman’. This fluctuation between [s] and [t] is not a feature of the
central dialect and is therefore not incorporated in the table above.
2.1.1 Phonetic contoid changes
The consonants /h/, /r/ and /p/ have different phonetic representations
depending on the vowel following. In certain environments more than one
possible phonetic variation has been observed. Table 4 does not reflect
that fluctuation, but only lists the phonetic variant that is most likely to
occur.
TABLE 4: PHONETIC CHANGES IN CONTOIDS PRECEDING VOCOIDS
[i] [ɪ] [j] [e] [ɛ] [ʌ] [a] [ɔ] [o] [w] [ʊ] [u]
/h/ ɸ ɸ ɸ h h h h h h h h h
/r/ d d d ɺ ɺ ɾ ɾ ɾ ɾ ɾ ɾ ɾ
/p/ p p b b b b b b b b b b
2.2 Vowel phonemes and allophonic variation

Abau has been analysed as having a five-vowel system. Two front,
one central and two back vowels. One could argue on the basis of
phonetics that Abau has seven vowels: three front, one central and three
back vowels. It is interesting that Laycock (1965) makes the following
footnote when he posits three front vowels and three back vowels for the
Abau language: “My impression, though it cannot be substantiated at the
moment, is that Abau /ȳ ƥ/ corresponds to Wogamusin/Iwam /e o/, and
that Abau /e o/ have developed for vowel+semivowel sequences.”
The current analysis of the Abau language containing only two front
vowels and two back vowels is indeed based on analysing a phonetic front
vowel and a phonetic back vowel as a sequence of a vowel and
semivowel. As can be seen from Table 5, the vowels [́] and [օ] are not
analysed as separate vowel phonemes: [́] is analyzed as the phonetic
realization of the phonemes /iy/ and [օ] is analyzed as /uw/.
18
TABLE 5: ABAU VOCOIDS WORK CHART
Front Central Back

L>L@ X>X@
High
L\>́@ XZ>օ@
H D R
Low >H@>ȳ@ >ֺ@>D@ >R@>ƥ@
/ri/ >GL@ spear

/riy/ >Ǵ@ able to
/re/ >Ӫȳ@ come
/ra/ >ӫD@ eat
/ro/ >ӫƥ@ shoot
/ru/ >ӫX@ copulate
/ruw/ >ӫօ@ bone of a cassowary
Foley (1986: 52-53), citing Bailey, states that Abau has a six vowel
system. Bailey (1975: 9) posits two front vowels, one central vowel and
three back vowels. He concludes that the Abau phonemic system is
basically asymmetrical. However, research by Lock (2007) shows that
Abau has a very symmetric vowel and semi-vowel inventory. The
language also demonstrates symmetry in the way the five vowels and the
two semivowels occur together. The following contrastive features are
important for the way sequences are formed:
the feature [ +High] divides the seven vocoids in: /i/, /u/, /w/, /y/
versus the low vowels /e/, /a/, /o/
the contrast between [Front] and [Back] separates /i/, /e/, /y/ from /u/,
/o/, /w/ and leaves the central vowel /a/ in the middle, which is in
agreement with the fact /a/ has fewer restrictions on its
distribution than the non-central low vowels /e/ and /o/. The table
below shows on what basis various sequences are allowed or not
allowed.
19
TABLE 6: ALLOWED AND NON- ALLOWED SEQUENCES
Non-allowed sequences:
Pairs of identical vowels or semi-vowels * ii, aa, yy, ee, etc
Pairs of low vowels * ae, ea, oe, eo, etc
A low vowel followed by a semi-vowel or high
* oi, oy, eu, ew
vowel with an opposing [Front/Back] value.
Allowed sequences:
High vowels and semi-vowels can be followed ia, ya, ie, ye, ua wa, io,
by all low vowels yo, uo, wo, etc
The central vowel /a/ can be followed by all
ai, ay, au, aw
semi-vowels and high vowels
/e/ or /o/ can be followed by all semi-vowels or
ei, ey, ou, ow
high vowels with identical [Front/Back] value.
The non-exhaustive list below gives a picture of the wide distribution
of semi-vowels and high vowels co-occurring with another vowel.
/ri/ >GL@ spear
/riy/ >Ǵ@ able to
/rei/ >ӪHL@ cut
/rey/ >ӪHM@ go
/rie/ >GLȳ@ climb
/hye/ >ҸLȳ@ him (OBJ)
/ru/ >ӫX@ copulate
/ruw/ >ӫօ@ bone of a cassowary
/rows/ >ӫRZV@ fill up (water)
/rous/ >ӫRXV@ chase
/ros/ >ӫƥV@ mold (stove)
/kuor/ >NXƥӫ@ sore, wound
/kwor/ >NZƥӫ@ cane bangle
20
/kior/ >NLƥӫ@ frog (sp.)

/kyor/ >NMƥӫ@ down
/kuan/ >NXDQ@ cross over
/kwan/ >NZDQ@ flattery
/san/ >VDQ@ chewed food
/sawn/ >VֺZQ@ lung
/saun/ >VֺXQ@ to dig
/say/ >VֺM@ throw
/sai/ >VֺL@ planting stick
2.3 Tone, stress and syllables

Bailey (1975: 33) states that “nouns exhibit lexemic tone, although
relatively few examples of contrastive lexical tone pairs have been
discovered so far”. Laycock and Z’graggen (1975: 744-5) queried the
correctness of Bailey’s claim that Abau was tonal, since it countered a
previous statement by Laycock (1965b) that Abau, Iwam and Wogamusin
are not tonal. Foley cites Bailey’s observations (1986:64). We have found
no evidence of a system of lexical tone or for the tone distinctions on
nouns and verbs that were presented by Bailey (1975: 32-37). The
minimal pairs Bailey listed all proved to be incorrect interpretations, see
Lock (2007: 21-22).
The stress in Abau always occurs word initially. Bailey never
commented on stress. Laycock (1965b) states that stress occurs word
initially, or occurs on the second syllable when the word contains /ə/. As
stated before, the current analysis does not have this central vowel. Six of
the seven examples with /ə/ mentioned by Laycock (1965b:117) are
analysed currently as /o/. These words have the stress on the first syllable
(e.g. hohkwe ‘the two of them’). The phoneme /ə/ in the seventh word is
analysed as /ow/ (low ‘to defecate’).
In defining the syllable we will rely on a basic phonological
assumption, that the same sequential constraints which operate at the
beginning of a word are also operative at the beginning of a syllable, even
if this syllable does not occur word initially. Similarly, the same
21
sequential constraints which operate at the end of a word should be

operative at the end of a syllable.
The following word initial consonant clusters have been observed.
When they occur word medially, they are analysed as occurring syllable
initially.
TABLE 7: CONSONANT CLUSTERS
Consonant clusters formed with Consonant clusters formed with

/y/ and /w/ /r/, /m/ and /n/
/hw/ /hy/ /pw/ /py/ /hr/ /hn/ /hm/
/kw/ /ky/ /sw/ /sy/ /pr/ /pn/ /kr/ /kn/
/nw/ /mw/ /my/ /rw/ /ry/ /sr/ /mr/
The following rules apply to divide words into syllables:

1. Keep consonant cluster together
2. Syllable break for words containing a VV string: V-V
3. Syllable break for words containing a VCV string: V-CV
/ankin/ an.kin ‘if’ no initial or final /nk/
possible
/rownriy/ rown.riy ‘share’ no final or initial /nr/
possible
/hiywayr/ hiy.wayr ‘look after’ no final or initial /yw/
possible
/poya/ po.ya ‘many’ no final /oy/ possible
/omok/ o.mok ‘later’ syllable break: V-CV
/huonok/ hu.o.nok ‘get’ syllable break: V-V.
/lohre/ lo.hre ‘change into’ keep consonant cluster
/hr/ together
/apuayr/ a.pu.ayr ‘wife’s sister’s syllable breaks: V-CV
husband’ and V-V
22
2.4 Orthography
In 1989, when most of the phonological analysis was done, a week
long orthography conference was organised in Yabru village which was
attended by educated and influential Abau speakers. The goal was to
determine the orthography of the Abau language on the basis of long word
lists that focused on phonemes in various environments and on particular
contrasts and minimal pairs. It also exposed the conference participants to
the various ways Abau people had spelled in testing situations. See Lock
(1993) for more information on the procedures and the reasons behind this
orthography conference.
Based on the recommendations of this conference, the orthography
follows the phonemic analysis with two exceptions:
1. The phoneme /r/ is represented in the orthography by <r>,<l> and <d>.
The following spelling rules determine the available alternatives:
a. Word initial /r/ is written as <l>.
e.g. /reir/ ‘take out’ is spelled as: <leir>
b. /r/ is written as <d> preceding /n/
e.g. /yorney/ ‘finger’ is spelled as: <yodney>
c. /r/ is written as <r> elsewhere.
e.g. /hror/ ‘the two of us’ is spelled as: <hror>
2. Word initial clusters of a high vowel and a low vowel are written with
an extra word initial semi-vowel that will agree with the high vowel for
the feature [back]. Thus:
a. /#iV/ is written as <yi>V
e.g. /ia/ ‘fire’ is spelled as: <yia>
b. /#uV/ is written as <wu>V
e.g. /ueir/ ‘garden’ is spelled as: <wueir>
2.5 Word boundaries and stress

The phonological word is defined as a unit with one primary stress. In
Abau, primary stress is associated with the first syllable of the
phonological word. The syllable with primary stress is assigned higher
pitch and intensity than the other syllables. The lowest pitch occurs on the
last syllable.
23
In example (1), syllable breaks are marked by full stops. Word initial
stress is marked by number 1 and the gradual falling tone over the
syllables by lower numbers. The numbers given only indicate the relative
pitch within each word. A syllable carrying a higher pitch than the
previous syllable always marks the onset of a new word and is therefore
marked by 1 regardless of its absolute value in terms of pitch or intensity.
In (1) the word me has a higher pitch than the final syllable ma in the
previous word and therefore me is regarded as a separate word, in spite of
the fact that its pitch is lower than the onsets of the other words in the
utterance, and even lower than the pitch on the second syllable in a.ni.ma.
(1) '1 2 '1 2 '1 2 '1 2 3 '1 '1 2 '1
Ha.no i.pey ho.kwe a.ni.ma me ya.prue la.
my mother 3S.F.TOP beans OBJ.PL well eat
‘My mother enjoys eating beans.’
The distribution of the primary stress is used as a criterion for
marking word boundaries. The following rule can be formulated: A pitch-
carrying unit should be analysed as the onset of a new word, whenever
this unit carries a higher pitch than its preceding unit.
The converse of this rule is not true. It is possible that a pitch-carrying
unit with a lower pitch than its preceding unit is the onset of a new word.
In (2), pa cannot be marked as a new word on the basis of the pitch
distribution, since pa does not carry a higher pitch than the preceding ley.
However, these two pitch-carrying units are separate words as is
demonstrated in (3).
(2) '1 2 '1 2 '1 '1 2
Ha.kwe sa.pa mon ley pa.
1S.TOP forest LOC go NEG.PFTV
‘I did not go to the forest.’
In (3), the verb ley is replaced by a three-syllable verb lanio. The pitch
over the unit pa is higher than the pitch over the final syllable of lanio,
thus indicating a word break. On the basis of example (3) and others like
it, the negation marker pa is given its own word status.
(3) '1 2 '1 2 '1 '1 2 3 '1
Ha.kwe sa.pa mon la.ni.o pa.
1S.TOP forest LOC walk NEG.PFTV
‘I did not walk in the forest.’
24
The peak or highest pitch within the clause occurs on the first pitch-
carrying unit of the head of the verbal phrase. The highest pitch within a
nominal phrase occurs on the head noun.
Word boundaries are also determined on the basis of vowel
distribution. Abau recognises two [+high] vowels (i, u) and three [-high]
vowels (e, a, o). A restriction on the distribution of the vowels is that no
sequences of low vowels are allowed. In (4), no word boundary between
lira and o can be marked on the basis of pitch difference. However, a
word boundary can be marked on the basis of vowel distribution. As ao is
disallowed in Abau, lira and o are analysed as separate words.
(4) '1 2 '1 '1 2 '1 2 3
Hun.kwe hye pe.se li.ra o.
2S.TOP 3S.M.OBJ PROH look SP
‘Do not look at him.’
2.6 Morphophonemics
2.6.1 Morphophonemic changes within the verb phrase
The following morphophonemic changes only occur within a verb or
between verbs. An initial lateral l- on a verb reduces to zero in the
following environments:
Rule A: the verb is prefixed by a verbal prefix ending in a consonant
or high vocoid (includes semi-vowels y and w.);
Rule B: the verb is preceded by another verb.
Morphophonemic Rule A is exemplified in Table 8. The verbal
prefixes listed in the first column cause the deletion of initial l-.
25
TABLE 8: DELETION OF VERB-INITIAL l WHEN PREFIXED
Prefix Meaning Affixed to verb Example Meaning

nak- Accompani- ley - go nak-ey go with
ment (ACC) something
la - eat nak-a eat with
something
hiy- Cause lei - cut (meat) hiy-ei oversee the
(CAUS) cutting of meat
la - eat hiy-a provide food
nuw- Intensity ley - go nuw-ey really go
(INT)
saw- Speed le - come saw-e come quickly
(SPD)
kor- Limitation liwak - sit kor-iwak sit for a little
(LIM) while, just sit
ar- From above lokre - shout ar-okre shout from
(DIR:above) above
am- From near lopri - collect am-opri collect from a
(DIR:near) place nearby
As Table 9 demonstrates, verb intial l is not deleted following a prefix
ending in the non-high central1 vowel a:
1
Abau has no verbal prefixes ending in the mid-low vowels e and o. So it cannot be stated
with certainty whether the non-application of the deletion rule occurs only after low
central vowels or after all low vowels.
26
TABLE 9: NO DELETION OF VERB-INITIAL l WHEN VERBAL PREFIX ENDS IN

CENTRAL VOWEL a
Prefix Meaning Affixed to verb Example Meaning

ma- Repetition ley - go ma-ley go again,
(RPT) go back
lousne - appear ma-lousne appear again
ka- From the side liwak - sit ka-liwak sit at the side
(DIR:side)
Morphophonemic Rule B which applies between verbs is shown in
example (5) where the second verb liwak is reduced to iwak.
(5) Kwa lyawriy iwak e.
kwa lyawriy liwak e
HOR enter sit OBJ
‘Come in and sit down.’
The initial l- is deleted in all verbs in a serial verb construction
following the initial verb:
(6) Hiykwe Buna-uwrsa me lanio ira
Hiy-kwe Buna-uwr-sa me lanio lira
3S.M.SUB-TOP Buna-man-woman OBJ.PL walk see
ohruw a.
lohruw la.
talk eat
‘He went around visiting and talking to the Buna people.’
The application of the deletion rule of the initial l- is restricted to
verbs and not to other parts of the verb phrase. There is only one verb in
(7). This verb lira is preceded by the dynamic modality marker liy and
followed by the negation marker ley. No deletion of initial l- takes place,
as these markers are not regarded as verbs.
(7) Hakwe hne liy lira ley.
Ha-kwe hwon-e liy lira korey
1S.SUB-TOP 2S-OBJ DYN see NEG
‘I am not able to see you.’
27
2.6.2 Vowel harmony

The following morphophonemic rules are optional. They are
frequently applied but not obligatory. Both base forms and
morphophonemically derived forms exist side by side. The two optional
rules are:
Rule C: o o e / __Ce#
Rule D: o o a / __Ca# (in which C=consonant)
(8) none ‘nose’ is used interchangeably with nene
kora ‘direct speech, addressive’ is used interchangeably with
kara
hrome ‘1PL.OBJ’ is used interchangeably with hreme
In (8), hrome is derived from hrom ‘1PL.SUB’. It can take the genitive
suffix -o, or the objective suffix -e. When suffixed with the front vowel -e
the optional vowel harmony Rule C can change hrome into hreme.
Table 10 shows the application of morphophonemic Rule C. The last
column shows the base forms and the second-last column shows the
morphophonemically derived forms.
TABLE 10: RULE C - VOWEL HARMONY TRIGGERED BY e
Citation Meaning Genitive Frequently Less frequently

form used used alternative
objective (OBJ)
hok she (3S.F) hoko heke hoke
hror we (1DU) hroro hrere hrore
hoh you/them hoho hehe hohe
(2/3DU)
hrom we (1PL) hromo hreme hrome
sehe this (3S.M) - sehe sohe
sokwe this (3S.F) - sokwe - (seke, soke)2
seme these (3PL) - seme some
2
These forms only occur in the upper dialect and are not acceptable in the central dialect.
28
Table 11 shows the application of morphophonemic Rule D. The first

column shows the base forms and the last column shows the
morphophonemically derived forms. Rule D does not apply in the
environment of a double consonant, so there are no derived forms for
kokwa and sokwa.
TABLE 11: RULE D - VOWEL HARMONY TRIGGERED BY a
Emphatic speech Alternative

markers suffixed by derived
addressive (see §7.4.6) Meaning form
kora feminine emphatic speech kara
marker, (addressee masculine)
kokwa feminine emphatic speech -
marker, (addressee feminine)
koma feminine emphatic speech kama
marker, (addressee plural)
sora masculine emphatic speech sara
marker, (addressee masculine)
sokwa masculine emphatic speech -
marker, (addressee feminine)
soma masculine emphatic speech sama
marker, (addressee plural)
2.6.3 Vowel harmony in kinship terms
All kinship terms have two forms, a term of address and a term of
reference. Table 12 shows that the suffixation of kinship terms for the
terms of reference is realised by the suffixes -ih, -uh and -oh. The suffix
-eh does not occur as a counterpart of -oh. It should also be noted that
only one kinship term (hiom) exhibits the kinship suffix -oh. A quick
overview of the other kinship terms that are suffixed by -ih and -uh shows
that the choice of suffix is determined by the front feature of the last
vowel or glide within the word. When the last vowel or glide of the
kinship term exhibits the feature front, it is suffixed by -ih. In all other
cases it is suffixed by -uh.
29
TABLE 12: VOWEL HARMONY IN THE SUFFIXATION OF KINSHIP TERMS
Term of Term of Selection Relationship

address reference of suffix
napwe napwe-ih e > ih cousin (son of maternal uncle)
ine ine-ih e > ih sister (term used by males)
oryay oryay-ih ay > ih older brother (term used by males)
nay nay-ih ay > ih younger sibling3
pway pway-ih ay > ih older sister (term used by females)
purway purway-ih ay > ih grandmother
apuayr apuayr-ih ayC > ih wife’s sister’s husband
apaw apaw-uh aw > uh grandfather (also: ancestor)
uwr uwr-uh uwC > uh husband
swawr swawr-uh awC > uh brother in law
kam kam-uh aC > uh maternal uncle
hiom hiom-oh oC > oh brother (term used by females)
Kinship terms with different origins
ipey pouh mother (also: daughter of maternal
uncle)
aio orih father (also: paternal uncle)
It is interesting that the terms of address for father and mother (aio
and ipey) have a different origin than the terms of reference (orih and
pouh). The latter forms appear to have the kinship endings -ih and -uh, but
they do not have counterparts in the language without these suffixes.
Native speakers object to use a hyphen in orih or pouh, whereas they write
a hyphen before all other kinship suffixes.
Baron (1985:10) observes that the similarity in kinship terms in the
former West Sepik (currently Sandaun) province is clearly beyond chance
3
Nay-ih is a term of reference used by both males and females for a younger same-sex-
sibling. Hiom-oh is the term of reference used by females for brothers both younger and
older. Ine-ih is the term used by males to refer to both younger and older sisters.
30
and he posits the influence of Malay in the development of especially the

kinship terms for father and mother as one possible explanation for this
phenomenon. The Abau terms aio ‘father’ and ipey ‘mother’ are certainly
related to their Malay equivalents ayah ‘father’ and ibu ‘mother’.
2.7 Reduplicated stems

A number of nouns, verbs and modifiers are completely reduplicated
to convey intensification: repetition, duration, increased intensity, or
plurality of participants.
Most complete reduplications have an accepted non-reduplicated
counterpart, but not all of them, as shown in Table 13. Entries marked by
* do not occur in Abau.
TABLE 13: REDUPLICATED FORMS AND BASE FORMS
Reduplicated form Base form

uwrsa harhar ‘several people’ uwrsa har ‘a number of people’
me sor-a-sor ‘discuss’ me sor ‘talk, tell’
nanpanan ‘think, nan ‘think’
contemplate’
uwrsa poya-poya ‘various *uwrsa poya -
people’
me kupaku ‘to warn’ *me ku -
me weih-a-weih ‘to convince’ *me weih -
aiai ‘food’ ai ‘animal, food item’
wayh-wayh ‘all friends, wayh ‘relative’
relatives’
senkin senkin ‘all kinds of’ senkin ‘thus, kind’
The last three entries in Table 13 aiai, wayh-wayh, and senkin senkin
occur in example (9).
31
(9) Homkwe ai-ai senkin senkin mokwe

hom-kwe ai-ai so-enkin so-enkin mo-kwe
2/3PL-TOP food-food DDEM-MAN DDEM-MAN GL.PL-TOP
hmo wayh-wayh me lowndiy kow.
hom-o wayh-wayh m-e lowndiy kow
2/3PL-GEN friend-friend PL-OBJ share BEN
‘They dished out all kinds of food to the whole group of
relatives.’
There are four major reduplication strategies. The base form is always
repeated in its complete form. The reduplicated form either follows the
base form immediately, or occurs after an inserted duplication morpheme.
The four strategies are:
1. Reduplicated form simply duplicates the base form, e.g. me
loh-loh ‘persuade’
2. Reduplicated form and base form are linked by reduplication
morpheme -a-, e.g. mei-a-mei ‘long’
morpheme -pa-, e.g. me wowr-pa-wowr ‘to rebuke’
morpheme -ma-, e.g. lira pe-ma-pe ‘to stare’
All two-syllable words follow strategy 1, as shown in example (10)
(10) me wod.na-wod.na ‘to infuriate’
me wa.rei-wa.rei ‘to deny a truth’
Table 14 illustrates that reduplication of one syllable words is not
governed by phonological rules. Examples in the left columns are
contrasted with examples that feature different types of reduplication
within a similar phonological environment. For example, all four
reduplication strategies occur in an analogous environment in the
following four compounds: kwan-a-kwan, sian-sian, nan-pa-nan,
mon-ma-mon.
32
TABLE 14: FOUR TYPES OF REDUPLICATION
Example of reduplication Contrasting example in similar

environment
lowp-a-lowp ‘all’ me piap-ma-piap ‘to slander’
me sor-a-sor ‘to discuss’ me wowr-pa-wowr ‘to rebuke’
me wor-a-wor ‘to give advice’ nan kwor-pa-kwor ‘think and fret’
mei-a-mei ‘long’ me hne-ma-hne ‘to defame’
me hok-a-hok ‘to scare’ me loh-loh ‘to persuade’
me weih-a-weih ‘to convince’ wayh-wayh ‘friends’
me kwan-a-kwan ‘to speak very me sian-sian ‘to stir up’
friendly’
nan-pa-nan ‘to contemplate’ me mon-ma-mon ‘to speak
offensively’
me ku-pa-ku ‘to warn’ lira pe-ma-pe ‘to stare’
nan seyr-pa-seyr ‘to be puzzled’ weyr-weyr ‘to scream’
3. Nouns and noun phrases
De Vries (2005: 367) makes the point that Papuan languages

generally give the noun phrase a low priority.
In the majority of Papuan languages the verb is the head
of the verbal clause, and the only obligatory constituent.
The nominals in the clause could be considered optional
modifiers of this head… Many Papuan languages avoid
nouns and anaphoric use of independent pronouns to an
extreme extent in referent tracking, especially in the
tracking of active or given subject and object referents.
Abau does not fit this particular categorization of Papuan languages.
Clauses in Abau without a noun phrase are extremely rare. Also noun
phrases which are not overtly marked for their specific role are relatively
rare. The vast majority of noun phrases are marked for their pragmatic,
semantic or syntactic function to such an extent that the unmarked noun
phrase stands out because of its relative rareness.
Abau has a rich inventory of markers which occur by themselves NP
finally and which contain much grammatical information. Himmelmann
(2001: 838-839) calls these syntactic noun phrase markers pronominal
articles and Tupper (2009) makes mention of the usage of similar
pronominal articles in the neighbouring Namia language.
The vast majority of Abau noun phrases occur with a terminal phrase
marker. They can be non-syntactic pragmatic markers (§3.6 and Table
23), syntactic markers (§3.7, §3.8 and Table 28), and semantic markers
indicated by postpositions (§3.9 and Table 29). The tables referred to give
exhaustive lists of the various categories. We have analysed all the
pronominal forms listed in §3.6 through §3.9 as NP markers rather than as
a pronominal copy NP.
Noun phrases with zero marking are relatively rare. Within a narrative
text less than 10% of the noun phrases have zero marking (see §3.11).
33
34
Pragmatic marking is realised with the help of the topic marker -kwe
which cannot occur by itself, but is always suffixed to a pronoun.
The NP final marking not only marks the NP for its syntactic, semantic
and/or pragmatic role, but in most cases also reflects the gender and/or
number of the head of the NP. Many of these markers are also affixed for
demonstrative force. These demonstratives need to be explained against
the background of their counterparts which do not have deictic force. For
that reason the demonstratives are not in one section but are discussed in
various sections. The manner demonstrative in §3.5.5, the non-syntactic
demonstrative in §3.6.2, the syntactic demonstrative in §3.8.
Summary overview of Chapter 3:
It basically describes the structure and function of nouns and noun
phrases. It includes sections on the form and use of personal pronouns
(§3.1); the form, use and gender of the noun (§3.2, §3.3); numerals (§3.4)
and adjectives (§3.5). An extensive overview of all pragmatic (§3.6),
syntactic (§3.7, §3.8) and semantic (§3.9) noun phrase markers. The
chapter concludes with a full discussion of the structure of the noun
phrase (§3.10) and the absence of NP marking (§3.11).
3.1 Personal pronouns

3.1.1 Form
There is only one class of free personal pronouns, whose members
take suffixes to indicate grammatical case. The nominative suffix is a zero
morpheme, the genitive -o and the objective -e. Pronouns are
differentiated for gender only in the third person singular. The pronominal
system recognises singular, dual and plural number. In dual and plural,
there is no distinction between 2 nd and 3rd person.
35
TABLE 15: PERSONAL PRONOMINAL FORMS
Nominative Genitive Objective

st
1 singular ha han-o han-e
nd
2 singular hwon hn-o hne-e
3rd singular, masculine hiy hy-o hy-e
rd
3 singular, feminine hok hok-o hok-e
st
1 dual hror hror-o hror-e
2nd/3rd dual hoh hoh-o hoh-e
st
1 plural hrom hrom-o hrom-e
nd rd
2 /3 plural hom hm-o hm-e
The nominative form is used for subject, the objective form for both
indirect and direct object, and the genitive encodes possession.
The presence of /n/ in the first person singular genitive and objective
(hano and hane) seems anomalous. The most likely explanation is that
/ha/ was previously /han/ and that the letter /n/ was deleted in the
nominative, but not in the genitive and objective. This is also consistent
with the proposal by Foley (2005: 132) that *n was the first person
formative in Proto Sepik.”1
Another morphophonemic process that can be observed is syncope,
which affects the nominative pronouns hwon, hiy and hom when suffixed
by the genitive -o and the objective -e. This morphophonemic process
only takes place among these personal pronouns and is not observed
anywhere else (see §2.6.2).
1
Based on Bailey (1975), Foley hypothesises (2005: 136) that Abau distinguishes between
animate direct objects (which take a suffix -ne) and inanimates (taking a suffix -e). Such
a distinction does not exist though. The suffix is -e for both animate and inanimate
objects.
36
3.1.2 Function of personal pronouns

Personal pronouns can function as NPs. A personal pronoun in the
nominative form functions as subject. In (1), the bolded nominal pronoun
hiy ‘he’ fills the subject slot.
(1) Enekwei kamon hokwe hiy ley.
enekwei kamon ho-kwe hiy ley
time one.CL2 GL.M-TOP 3S.M.SUB go
‘One day he left.’
Personal pronouns can be topicalised. This is achieved by adding the
bound morpheme -kwe to the personal pronoun. In (2), the bolded
pronoun is marked for both subject and topic.
(2) Enekwei kamon hokwe hiykwe sapa
enekwei kamon ho-kwe hiy-kwe sapa
time one.CL2 GL.M-TOP 3S.M.SUB-TOP forest
mon ley.
mon ley
LOC go
‘One day he went to the forest.’
The three bolded personal pronouns in (3) function as NPs and all
three are overtly marked for syntactic case. The first two bolded pronouns
are also marked for topic.
(3) Hiykwe sapa mon ley. Hiykwe
hiy-kwe sapa mon ley hiy-kwe
3S.M.SUB-TOP forest LOC go 3S.M.SUB-TOP
hane me nonkway kow pa.
han-e me nonkway kow pa
1S-OBJ speak know BEN NEG.PFTV
‘He went to the forest. He did not tell me.’
In (4), the four bolded pronouns are all marked for syntactic case. The
first three function as independent NPs. The last bolded pronoun is marked
for genitive and part of the underlined NP.
37
(4) Hiykwe hane senkin me, ‘Hakwe

hiy-kwe han-e so-enkin me ha-kwe
3S.M.SUB-TOP 1S-OBJ DDEM-MAN speak 1S.SUB-TOP
hno sa ke lira pa.’
hwon-o sa k-e lira pa
2S-GEN woman 3S.F-OBJ see NEG.PFTV
‘He said to me, “I did not see your wife.”’
3.1.3 Topicalisation of object pronouns
A NP that consists of a personal pronoun marked for object can be
topicalised in two ways. It can either host the topic marker -kwe (5) or it
can be followed by the general topic marker kokwe (6) and (7).
(5)Hyekwe sawk lokrue pa.
hiy-e-kwe sawk lokrue pa
3S.M-OBJ-TOP CHD die NEG.PFTV
‘He did not die.’ Or: ‘As for him, he did not die.’
(6) Hye kokwe sawk peik nak-wak.
hiy-e ko-kwe sawk peik nak-lwak
3S.M-OBJ GL.F-TOP CHD ill ACC-be
‘As for him, he was ill.’
(7) Sa hme kokwe Kawi hiy
sa hom-e ko-kwe Kawi hiy
then/and 2/3PL-OBJ GL.F-TOP Kawi 3S.M.SUB
me kow.
me kow
speak BEN
‘Kawi told them.’ Or: ‘It was Kawi who told them.’
When a personal pronoun (and also a NP, see §3.7.4 and §3.9.8) is
already syntactically or semantically marked it is always topicalised by
the feminine topic marker kokwe regardless of number or gender. In (6),
kokwe follows a masculine pronoun marked for object and in (7) a plural
pronoun marked for object. For examples of the feminine topic marker
kokwe following a postpositional semantic marker, see examples (152)
and (153). The objective personal pronoun marked by -kwe appears to
vary freely with the one marked by kokwe. There seems to be no semantic
difference between hyekwe ‘as for him’ (5) and hye kokwe ‘as for him’
38
(6). Both forms are fully accepted; the shorter form might be simply an
abbreviation of the longer version.
3.1.4 Pronoun modification
The personal pronoun can be modified by the suffixes listed in
Table 16.
TABLE 16: PERSONAL PRONOUN MODIFICATION
Function Suffix Occurrence Examples Gloss

Topic -kwe All personal ha-kwe ‘I’
(TOP) pronouns can be han-e-kwe ‘to me, me’
suffixed with -kwe
Restrictive -kwaw -kwaw suffixed to ha-kwaw ‘I by myself’
(RSTR) a subject pronoun
-aw -aw suffixed to an hane-aw ‘only me’
object pronoun
Selective -kiaw Only suffixed to ha-kiaw ‘it is I’
(SLCT) subject pronouns
Reciprocal -ayay Occurs only after hom-kwe ‘they among
(RCP) the selective hom-kiaw- themselves’
marker. Personal ayay
pronoun is
repeated.
Emphatic -aw After a pronoun
(EMPH) modifier
-aw-aw hane-aw-aw ‘only me!’
-kwaw-aw ha-kwaw-aw ‘I by myself!’
-kiaw-aw ha-kiaw-aw ‘it is I!’
-ayay-aw homkwe ‘they among
hom-kiaw- themselves’
ayay-aw
The restrictive suffix -kwaw is not derived from -kwe suffixed by -aw.
Also the selective suffix -kiaw is not related to the topic marker -kwe.
39
Topic markers are used to mark constituents for background, while

restrictive and selective markers mark constituents as foreground
information. (For the distinction between background and foreground:
§8.1, §8.2 and Table 45.)
Secondly, NPs can never be topic-marked twice within the same noun
phrase. The NP poup hiykiaw hokwe in (8) is topicalised by the general
topic marker hokwe. Hiykiaw ‘3S.M-SLCT’ can therefore not host a topic
marker itself.
(8) Poup hiykiaw hokwe hyo
poup hiy-kiaw ho-kwe hiy-o
spirit 3s.M.SUB-SLCT GL.M-TOP 3S.M-GEN
wayhih-nayh me me-huonok e ley.
wayh-ih-nayh m-e me-huonok e ley
friend-KIN-relative PL-OBJ speak-call PURP go
‘The spirit himself (= he took it upon himself) went off in
order to get all his relatives.’
The NP aio hiykwaw hokwe in (9) is also topicalised by hokwe. We
can therefore conclude that the kw- in -kwaw is not related to the topic
marker -kwe. Hiykwaw ‘3S.M-RSTR’ cannot host a topic marker since it is
part of a NP that is topic marked by hokwe.
(9) Aio hiykwaw hokwe yeyk se
aio hiy-kwaw ho-kwe yeyk s-e
father 3S.M.SUB-RSTR GL.M-TOP canoe 3S.M-OBJ
liy meio.
liy meio
DYN work
‘Father can make a canoe by himself (i.e. he can do it alone).’
The difference between the restrictive and the selective marker
becomes evident when comparing (9) and (10). Both markers single out a
referent from a potentially much larger group. The restrictive marker does
so by drawing attention to the fact that the referent is alone and not joined
by other available candidates. The selective marker singles out one
referent by drawing attention to the fact that this referent, rather than other
possible referents, was selected.
40
(10) Aio hiykiaw hokwe yeyk se

aio hiy-kiaw ho-kwe yeyk s-e
father 3S.M.SUB-SLCT GL.M-TOP canoe 3S.M-OBJ
liy meio.
liy meio
DYN work
‘Father himself can make a canoe (i.e. of all candidates who
could, he can certainly do it).’
It should be noted that the bolded pronouns in examples (8), (9) and
(10) do not function as the head of the NP. They modify the head of the NP
as a NP marker. These types of constructions are dealt with in later
sections (§3.6 - §3.8). However, given the proper context, these personal
pronouns could occur by themselves with or without the NP final topic
marking. Within a context where the referent is understood example (8)
can be adapted to (11).
(11) Hiykiaw hyo wayhih-nayh me
hiy-kiaw hiy-o wayh-ih-nayh m-e
3S.M.SUB-SLCT 3S.M-GEN friend-KIN-relative PL-OBJ
me-huonok e ley.
me-huonok e ley
speak-call PURP go
‘He himself (= he took it upon himself) went off in order to
get all his relatives.’
The restrictive marker -kwaw can only be suffixed to a subject
pronoun. It contrasts uniqueness of the marked entity in contrast to other
possible entities. The restrictive marker -aw when suffixed directly to an
object pronoun has the same function. This is demonstrated in (12) and
(13).
(12) Hromkwe hme liy lira ley.
hrom-kwe hom-e liy lira korey
1PL.SUB-TOP 2/3PL-OBJ DYN see NEG
Homkwaw hreme lira.
hom-kwaw hrom-e lira
2/3PL.SUB-RSTR 1PL-OBJ see
‘We are not able to see them. It is only them who see us.’
41
(13) Hano sa hokwe mo hane-aw

han-o sa hok-kwe mo han-e-aw
1S-GEN woman 3S.F.SUB-TOP EMPH 1S-OBJ-RSTR
nanpanan.
nanpanan
think
‘My wife only likes me (implied: she does not like other
men).’
The selective suffix -kiaw, and the restrictive suffixes -kwaw and the
restrictive marker -aw can be made more emphatic by adding the
emphatic suffix -aw.
In (14), the selective suffix -kiaw is combined with the emphatic
suffix -aw.
(14) Mey sokukwe hon non hon non.
mey so-ko-kwe hon non hon non
job DDEM-GL.F-TOP difficult CMT difficult CMT
Hiykiaw-aw liy meio.
hiy-kiaw-aw liy meio
3S.M.SUB-SLCT-EMPH DYN work
‘That work is very difficult. Only he himself can do it.’
In (15), the restrictive suffix -aw is suffixed by the emphatic marker
-aw.
(15) Hiykwe hoke-aw-aw nanpanan.
hiy-kwe hok-e-aw-aw nanpanan
3S.M.SUB-TOP 3S.F-OBJ-RSTR-EMPH think
‘He thought of her and her alone.’
The reciprocal concept of ‘among themelves’ is expressed by
a. repeating the personal pronoun,
b. suffixing the selective marker -kiaw to the last personal pronoun,
c. adding the reciprocal marker -ayay as a final suffix.
42
(16) Homkwe homkiaw-ayay senkin pese

hom-kwe hom-kiaw-ayay so-enkin pese
2/3PL.SUB-TOP 2/3PL-SLCT-RCP DDEM-MAN PROH
lohruw-a me o.
lohruw-la me o
talk-eat speak SP
‘Do not talk like that among yourselves.’
A personal pronoun can be modified simultaneously by three markers,
which occur in a set order: selective marker -kiaw, reciprocal marker
-ayay and finally the emphatic marker -aw. This ordering can be seen in
(17):
(17) Uwr homkwe sawk hom-kiaw-ayay-aw kasaw
uwr hom-kwe sawk hom-kiaw-ayay-aw kasaw
man 2/3PL.SUB-TOP CHD 2/3PL-SLCT-RCP-EMPH nose
lon hohuaw.
lon hohuaw
do be.angry
‘The men were angry with each other.’
3.2 Nouns
The following sections discuss nouns. Nouns are treated early in this
chapter, in spite of the fact that many of the NP markers which carry
information on the gender and number of a noun have not been discussed.
This order has nevertheless been chosen, since a treatment of the NP final
markers, numerals and adjectives cannot be done without a proper
understanding of the noun word.
3.2.1 Simple nouns
Nouns in Abau do not carry any distinctive marks for number and
gender nor do they carry any information on noun classes or semantic or
syntactic function. This type of information is carried by noun phrase final
markers, including numerals. In (18), the three underlined nouns are not
affixed for number, gender or function. The bolded somokwe topicalises
the noun uwr ‘man’ and marks it for plural. The postposition sok ‘EXCT’
marks the noun ki ‘ground’ for location, the personal pronoun homkwe
‘3PL.SUB-TOP’ refers to the noun uwr ‘man’ and gives it agent function.
Finally the feature human of the noun sa ‘woman’ is carried by the
43
numeral prueyn. Number, gender and object role are carried by the
feminine object marker ke.
(18) Uwr somokwe sawk ki ompok sok
Uwr so-mo-kwe sawk ki ompok sok
man DDEM-GL.PL-TOP CHD ground middle EXCT
lwak menkin, sawk homkwe sa
lwak menkin, sawk hom-kwe sa
be when CHD 2/3PL.SUB-TOP woman
sokruan prueyn ke lonyay.
sokruan prueyn k-e lonyay
young one.human 3S.F-OBJ meet
“When those people were in the middle of the road (= half
way on their journey), they met a young woman.’
Affixation on nouns is very limited. Kinship terms used as terms of
address have no affixation, but kinship terms used as terms of reference
are suffixed (see Table 12).
(19) kam ‘maternal uncle kam-uh ‘maternal uncle
(term of address)’ (term of reference)’
napwe ‘cousin napwe-ih ‘cousin
(term of address)’ (term of reference)’
When the semantics of the nouns allows, nouns can be affixed by the
restrictive maker -aw and the intensifier -ar.
(20) Uwrsa homkwe nays-aw peyk huon.
uwr-sa hom-kwe nays-aw peyk huon
man-woman 2/3PL.SUB-TOP tooth-RSTR bite OBJ>SUB
‘The people met (him) just biting (their) teeth
(= idomatic expression for embarrassment).’
(21) Hiykwe uwr-ar korey.
hiy-kwe uwr-ar korey
3S.M.SUB-TOP man-INTF NEG
‘He is not a real man.’
These markers -aw and -ar are never affixed to verbs, but can be
affixed to adjectives. For the difference between nouns and adjectives, see
§3.5.
44
3.2.2 Compound nouns

There are many compound nouns in Abau. They are simply formed by
noun roots placed in juxtaposition. They can be distinguished from single-
morpheme nouns with the same number of syllables by their intonation
patterns. For example ompiy ‘skirt (grass)’ is a regular two syllable word,
but om-pi ‘village-ridge’ is a two syllable compound noun. The pitch
contrast between the two syllables within the first word is relatively small,
but very distinct in the compound noun. The second noun of a compound
noun sequence always carries a very distinct low pitch. This is further
exemplified by (22), where the pitch on the second noun yok ‘shoot’ is the
lowest within the utterance. This low pitch is marked with number 3 to
contrast with the last syllable of other two-syllable words that do not have
such a low pitch.
(22) 1 2 1 3 1 1 2 1
Hiy.kwe yoh.yok me sa.ro pa.
hiy-kwe yoh-yok m-e saro pa
3S.M-TOP banana-shoot PL-OBJ plant NEG.PFTV
‘He did not plant the banana shoots.’
3.2.3 Endocentric noun compounds
There are four types of semantic relationship encoded by endocentric
noun compounds in Abau. (The noun compound is called an endocentric
construction as both constituents are nouns and therefore belong to the
same word class.) Endocentric compounds encode four types of semantic
relationship, which are listed below.
1) Whole-part. The first noun modifies the second noun in a whole-part
relationship.
In (23) the compound noun omku-saw ‘banyan tree hole’ represents a
whole-part relationship.
(23) Homkwe hreme omkuw-saw mon hiy-wayr.
hom-kwe hrom-e omkuw-saw mon hiy-lwayr
2/3PL-TOP 1PL-OBJ banyan.tree-hole LOC CAUS-stay
‘They looked after us in a hole of the banyan tree.’
Other examples where the first noun modifies the second noun in a
whole-part relationship:
45
(24) now-ma (lit. tree-leaf) ‘leaf of a tree’

mango-i (lit. mango-fruit) ‘fruit of the mango tree’
2) Specifier. The first noun modifies the second noun for category, e.g.
yeyk-yier ‘place to moor canoes’.
In (25), the initial noun of the compound noun yeyk-yier ‘place to
moor canoes’ specifies the category of the subsequent noun.
(25) Sawk omok yeyk-yier mon hiy-ey.
sawk omok yeyk-yier mon hiy-ley
CHD later canoe-place LOC CAUS-go
‘Later they led us to the place where canoes are moored.’
Other examples where the first noun modifies the second noun for
category:
(26) mango-now (lit. mango-tree) ‘mango tree’
hoyow-wayh (lit. fun-friend) ‘friend one jests with’
3) Size. The second noun modifes the first noun for size, e.g. a-ney ‘small
house’.
Other examples:
(27) sa-ney (lit. woman-child) ‘girl’
huok-waw (lit. pig-round) ‘round sturdy pig’
4) Generic category. Both nouns function equally in the compound to
express a generic category of entities e.g. uwr-sa ‘people’ (lit. man-
woman) and ney-sa ‘family’ (lit. child-woman).
Other examples where two equal nouns combine to indicate a generic
category:
(28) yeik-ompow spear-arrow ‘weapons’
sune-iha leg-hand ‘body, or: body parts’
In (29), two semantically different compound nouns are listed with
identical constituents in different order. Ney-sa is literally
‘child (or: small)-woman’ and sa-ney is literally ‘woman-
child (or: small)’. The meaning of each compound noun is determined by
its compound noun type.
46
(29) ney-sa ‘family’ Compound noun type 4 -

equal nouns indicate generic category.
sa-ney ‘girl’ Compound noun type 3 -
second noun modifies first for size.
One could also argue that sa-ney ‘girl’ is type 2 and that the noun ney
‘child’ is modified for category.
3.2.4 Exocentric noun compounds
At least two types of exocentric compound nouns have been observed
where the constituents making up the compound noun belong to different
word classes.
1. A juxtaposed verb and noun forming a compound noun, whereby
the verb modifies the noun for category. (30)
2. A juxtaposed modifier and noun forming a compound noun,
whereby the modifier modifies the noun category. (31)
(30) Sawk lous-uwr homkwaw hin.
sawk lous-uwr hom-kwaw hin
CHD hunt-man 2/3PL.SUB-RSTR shoot
‘But just the hunters shot (it).’
(31) Homkwe yaprue-uwrsa korey.

hom-kwe yaprue-uwr-sa korey
2/3PL-TOP good-man-woman NEG
‘They were not “good people”.’
3.3 Nouns and gender

Abau has both gender (masculine/feminine) and a cross-cutting
system of numeral classifiers, as do the related languages Iwam,
Wogamusin and Chenapian (Laycock and Z’graggen 1975). This feature
is also characteristic of some Indic, Dravidian, Iranian and Arawak (South
America) languages (Aikhenvald 2000: 185). As stated before, number
and gender are not marked on the noun word itself but are indicated by
pronouns, demonstratives, numerals and other grammatical markers that
follow the noun. The relationship between gender and number classifiers
is discussed §3.4.6.
47
The gender of concrete nouns is determined largely by the form of the

object, especially its shape and size. A noun that refers to an entity that
can have various sizes can therefore occur either with masculine or
feminine gender. The gender categories distinguished by Abau are given
in Table 17.
TABLE 17: GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF GENDER ASSIGNMENT
Masculine Feminine
Spirits and - marked according to - marked according to inherent
humans inherent gender gender
Domesticated
animals
Animals - large animals - small animals
Concrete - three-dimensional - two-dimensional
entities
- liquids - flat surface with little height
- long and extended - round with little height
Abstract - always assigned feminine
entities gender
In §3.3.1, the details of the default principles of gender assignment are
discussed. In §3.3.2 the apparent freedom in the selection of gender for
temporal expressions is commented on.
3.3.1 Specifics of gender assignment
a. Human beings and spirits are differentiated on the basis of
their inherent sex
Nouns referring to human beings (including kinship terms) and spirits
are assigned gender on the basis of their inherent sex. Gender is not
assigned to animals on the basis of inherent sex, except for domestic
animals like pigs and dogs. The gender choice for nouns referring to other
animals is determined by the form and size of the animal.
48
b. Abstract and non-material nouns are nearly always

feminine
Non-material and abstract nouns like ok ‘talk’, aw ‘fight’, weyn
‘behaviour’, yayh ‘song’, mey ‘work’, oksa ‘sound’, hay ‘magic’,
nonkway ‘knowledge’ are all feminine. One exception observed is the
word prawk ‘smell, scent’ which is masculine. It is possible that smell is
considered material rather than non-material.
c. Objects regarded as two-dimensional are feminine
No object is of course truly two-dimensional, but thin objects like
leaves, tablets and coins are feminine. Insects, possibly on the basis that
they are regarded as two-dimensional, are also feminine nouns. The
contrast between two-dimensionality (feminine) and three-dimensionality
(masculine) is essential in gender determination. Two other features,
however, play a role in determining the gender of objects for which it is
hard to determine whether they should be classified as two-dimensional or
as three-dimensional. Objects with regular three-dimensional features tend
to be masculine, except if they have a very flat surface (see c1) or if the
roundness of the object (not in a 3- but only in a 2-dimensional way) is a
very salient feature (see c2).
c1. Objects with a flat surface which are not too voluminous
are feminine
An object that has a flat surface and not too voluminous is regarded as
feminine. In the Abau world view, all fish are regarded as having a flat
surface and are therefore feminine. The feature of a flat surface is also
dominant in nouns like howk ‘lake’ and iwa ‘swamp’, but not in yawp
‘river’. The latter is masculine, because here the feature of extendedness is
predominant. Body parts that have a flat surface and which are not too
voluminous are regarded feminine, e.g. iha ‘hand’, sune ‘foot’, nweyk
‘ear’. Most other body parts are considered three-dimensional and are
assigned masculine gender. This includes makwey ‘head’, kasaw ‘nose’,
nene ‘eye’, and uron ‘heart’.
c2. Objects which are round from a two-dimensional
perspective are feminine
When objects have two dimensional roundness as the predominant
feature, they are classed as feminine. The generic word for ‘snake’ sok is
49
masculine. Apparently, its extendedness is in focus. However, a particular

green garden snake wondeis is referenced with feminine pronominal
markers. This snake is often coiled up in the form of a circle and this
feature might be in focus here. Also included in this set of two-
dimensional roundness are the nouns hne ‘bird’s nest’ and kan ‘a vine
woven into a circle’. However, the loan word bal ‘ball’ is masculine,
because the roundness is here three-dimensional.
d. Objects regarded as three-dimensional are masculine
When the feature three-dimensionality is regarded as predominant the
noun is marked masculine. This depends on the perception of the speaker,
which may vary as is illustrated in examples (32) and (33). Truly three-
dimensional entities are certain fruits: su ‘coconut’ am ‘breadfruit’. As
long as the three-dimensional feature is predominant the entity can be
small, e.g. nene ‘eye’. This set also includes all liquids, e.g. hu ‘water’,
nioh ‘blood’, sueyr ‘rain’.
The distinction between two-dimensional or three-dimensional
depends on the perception of the speaker. The choice is sometimes
arbitrary, e.g. the word mein ‘stone’ occurs in a wide variety of forms and
sizes. When features like flatness and roundness are in focus the noun
mein is regarded as feminine. When, however, the features of three-
dimensionality or large size are in focus the noun mein is regarded as
masculine.
The word a ‘house’ is masculine, in spite of the fact that the object
has a number of flat surfaces. The predominant features which are in
focus are its large size and its three-dimensionality.
e. Animal categories are distinguished according to size
Larger animals tend to be masculine, smaller animals tend to be
feminine. Large animals, like mu ‘crocodile’, pareis ‘wallaby’, nwoh
‘dog’ are masculine. Animals that have as the salient feature
extendedness, like sok ‘snake’ , mnow ‘eel’ and kie ‘lizard’, are all
masculine.
Larger birds, like worim ‘flying fox’, wayp ‘eagle’, and mowr
‘hornbill’ are masculine, but a moderate-sized bird like sokua ‘cockatoo’
is regarded as feminine and so are all birds that are smaller than the
cockatoo.
50
The noun pruam ‘cassowary’ is regarded as feminine. 2 This

constitutes an exception to the size feature. The feminine gender choice
could be the result of the Abau world view. In a well-known creation story
a cassowary gives birth to a human being.
f. Long or extended objects are masculine
Long objects like now ‘tree’, now-pay ‘log’, and iroum ‘stick’ are
masculine on the basis of the feature of extendedness. But nouns like now-
ku ‘tree stump’, youk ‘paddle’, ku ‘axe’, and seik ‘knife’ are feminine,
most likely because of salient other features like roundness and
smoothness of flat surface area.
The word youk ‘paddle’ is a good example of the speaker’s perception
in ascertaining the correct gender. A Sepik paddle is very long and also
has a large flat blade. The speaker can focus on the feature of smooth
surface, or on the feature of extendedness. The outcome changes the
assignment of gender. In (32), the speaker refers to a tree as paddle, since
he plans to make a paddle out of this tree. The focus is here on the feature
extendedness of the tree and the noun is marked masculine. In (33), the
speaker refers to a finished paddle which always has a large flat and
smooth canoe blade. The predominant feature has to do with a flat and
smooth surface. The noun is therefore marked feminine.
(32) Hakwe youk se seyr.
Ha-kwe youk se seyr
1S.SUB-TOP paddle 3S.M-OBJ cut
‘I cut the “paddle” tree.’
(33) Hakwe youk ke lira.
Ha-kwe youk ke lira
1SUB-TOP paddle 3S.F-OBJ see
‘I see the paddle.’
Gender is assigned to loan words based on appearance features. In
(34), the loan word pen ‘pen’ is masculine, because of the salient feature
of extendedness. The loan word redio is feminine based on the fact that
this object has flat and smooth surfaces.
2
The default gender is feminine. However, when the speaker knows that he is referring to
a male cassowary, the noun is marked masculine.
51
(34) Hunkwe hyo pen se lira o?

hwon-kwe hiy-o pen s-e lira o
2S.SUB-TOP 3S.M-GEN pen 3S.M-OBJ see Q.SP.IPFTV
Hunkwe hyo redio ke lira o?
hwon-kwe hiy-o redio k-e lira o
2S-TOP 3S-GEN radio 3S.F-OBJ see Q.SP.IPFTV
‘Do you see his pen? Do you see his radio?’
The same lexical entry can appear with either gender marking,
according to the speaker’s perception of the entity. Consider example
(35).
(35) a. howk-hrou kokwe
‘roundly formed fishing lake’ (feminine)
b. howk-hrou hokwe
‘long stretched-out fishing lake’ (masculine)
The compound noun howk-hrou ‘fishing lake’ normally occurs with a
feminine general topic marker, based on its two-dimensional roundness
(or possibly the smoothness of the surface area). However, in the case of
(35b), the feature of extendedness is in focus, so the noun occurs with the
masculine general topic marker.
Other examples have been observed in texts. Depending on the
perspective of the speaker, the words makwey ‘head’ and yeik ‘spear’ can
be assigned masculine or feminine gender. When the speaker wants to
refer to the flat top part of the head, he may express that either with the
compound noun makwey-kokway ‘the flat part of the head’, or by
assigning feminine gender to the single noun makwey. In that case, the flat
part of the head is understood. Conversely, by assigning masculine gender
to the noun makwey, the complete head is understood.
(36) makwey-kokway kokwe
‘the flat part of the head’ (feminine)
makwey kokwe
‘head’ (focus is on flat part of the head) (feminine)
makwey hokwe
‘head’ (focus is on complete head) (masculine)
Likewise, if for yeik ‘spear’ the focus is on its sharp point made by a
flat blade, yeik occurs with a feminine marker. However, if the long shaft
of the spear is the focus, the noun occurs with a masculine marker.
52
When the speaker wants to focus on unusual size he may change the
gender on the noun. Smaller animals like wompow ‘mouse’ tend to be
marked feminine. Our current data corpus has one example where
wompow ‘mouse’ is marked masculine when it was qualified by the
adjective aiopey ‘big’.
3.3.2 Gender change on temporal NPs
The phrase final marking of a noun phrase always agrees with the
head of the NP in terms of gender and number. However, the gender
marking of temporal noun phrases seems to be inconsistent. Temporal
nouns when marked by an objective marker as in (37) are always marked
by a masculine objective marker. However, when this same noun is
marked phrase finally by a topic marker as in (38) and (39), the NP marker
can be either feminine (38) or masculine (39). There is no easy
explanation at hand to explain this variance in gender choice.
(37) Homkwe arawh se-aw wayr won nayr.
hom-kwe arawh s-e-aw lwayr won nayr
2/3PL-TOP night 3S.M-OBJ-RSTR stay lie night
‘They slept and remained there just for the night.’
(38) Ara, pokon arawh kokwe hrorkwe yawp mon
ara pokon arawh ko-kwe hror-kwe yawp mon
ADDR.M today night GL.F-TOP 1DU-TOP river LOC
non-hiokeyn nayr ey.
non-hiokeyn nayr ey
DU-go.by.canoe night INTN
‘Man, as for tonight, the two of us should paddle together to
the river.’
(39) Enekwei kamon arawh hokwe, uwr prueyn
enekwei kamon arawh ho-kwe uwr prueyn
time one.CL2 night GL.M-TOP man one.CL1
hiykwe, hyo a arian mon liawon
hiy-kwe hiy-o a arian mon liawon
3S.M.SUB-TOP 3S.M-GEN house own LOC lie.down
53
nayr liok.
nayr liok
night in.vain
‘At a certain night a certain man tried - without desired result
- to sleep in his house.’
When editing texts, native speakers seem to be inconsistent in
assigning gender to temporal constructions. Sometimes, they reverse
changes that they made before. In the case of temporal noun phrases, it
appears that masculine marking occurs when the NP is foreground
information, as in (37) and that it is more likely to be feminine when it is
topicalised background information. Example (39) however has a
topicalised NP that is assigned masculine gender. Topicalised NPs
apparently can be both masculine and feminine and it appears that the
more left-located a temporal NP is, the more likely it is assigned feminine
gender.
Example (40) starts out with two topicalised temporal phrases that
follow each other. The most left located NP is marked feminine and the NP
following is marked masculine.
(40) Paraw paraw-ar kokwe hromo apaw-om
paraw paraw-ar ko-kwe hrom-o apaw-om
past past-INTF GL.F-TOP 1PL-GEN ancestor-group
mo enekwei hokwe an-pion mokwe
m-o enekwei ho-kwe an-pion mo-kwe
PL-GEN time GL.M-TOP fish-meat GL.PL-TOP
uwrsa hakamay homkwaw nuw-a wayr.
uwr-sa hakamay hom-kwaw nuw-la lwayr
man-woman oldest 2/3PL.SUB-RSTR INT-eat stay
‘In the past, in the time of our ancestors, in regard to fish
meat, only the adults would really eat it.’
3.4 Numerals
In this section numerals and their place within the noun phrase are
discussed (§3.4.1). It includes comments on the use of numerals above
three (§3.4.2) and also a discussion on the numerals one to three which are
realised by twelve different numeral sets (§3.4.3). Size and appearance of
the noun modified by the numeral play an important role in the selection
of the numerals. The various usages of the numeral one are highlighted
54
(§3.4.4). Finally, the declining use of the numeral classifier system is

commented on (§3.4.5) and the section concludes with a discussion of
how the criteria on which basis numerals are assigned to nouns, and the
criteria on which basis the gender of a noun is determined overlap and
differ from one another (§3.4.6).
3.4.1 Numerals and NP order
Numerals follow the head noun of a noun phrase, and agree in class
with the noun they modify. (The twelve noun classes are discussed in
section §3.4.3). The Abau number system is limited in its scope. English
and Tok Pisin numbers are used for numbers above twelve, and often even
for numbers lower than twelve. Traditionally, there was no easy way to
express quantities above 20 or even above 12. The use of higher numbers
has been mainly introduced through the formal school system which is in
English. Abau speakers will therefore use the English forms of the
numerals even if the pronunciation of the numerals is affected by their use
of Tok Pisin and Abau. The use of the loanword numeral apparently
triggers English and Tok Pisin grammatical ordering. When an Abau
numeral is used the numeral will follow the noun as in (41).
(41) Hakwe yeyk kreys se lira.
Ha-kwe yeyk kreys s-e lira
1S.SUB-TOP canoe two.CL2 3S.M-OBJ see
‘I saw two canoes’
In (42), the loan word numeral ‘201’ precedes the noun under
influence of English and Tok Pisin grammatical ordering.
(42) Hohkwe hane kokwe sawk 201 kina
hoh-kwe han-e ko-kwe sawk 201 kina
3DU.SUB-TOP 1S-OBJ GL.F-TOP CHD 201 kina
senkin kow.
so-enkin kow
DDEM-MAN give
‘The two of them gave me 201 kina.’
3.4.2 Abau numbers above three
Abau numerals are in reasonably frequent use up to five. The numbers
six to twelve are used to a much lesser extent. Above that, the numeral for
55
20 is sometimes used. Table 18 indicates the various ways numbers from

4-12 as well as 20 can be expressed.
TABLE 18: ABAU NUMBERS 4-12, 20
Number Abau Calculation
4 iha iha-aw 4
hand hand-RSTR (= four fingers)
4 iha yorpow lopa 5-1
hand thumb NEG
5 iha sirom 1x5
hand one
6 iha sirom pruw non 5+1
hand one navel CMT
7 iha sirom mu nareys-ar non 5+2
hand one breast two-INTF CMT
8 iha sirom mu nareys-ar pruw non 5+2+1
hand one breast two-INTF navel CMT
9 iha sirom iha iha-aw 5+4
hand one hand hand-RSTR
9 iha sirom iha yorpow lopa 5+5-1
hand one hand thumb NEG
10 iha seys 2x5
hand two
11 iha seys pruw non 2x5+1
hand two navel CMT
12 iha seys mu nareys-ar 2x5+2
hand two breasts two-INTF
20 iha seys sune seys 2x5+2x5
hand two foot two
Laycock distinguishes between true ‘number systems’ and ‘tally

systems’. He says “the latter are used only for direct counting, or
‘mapping’ of a set of objects against some other measuring code. There
are no ‘numerals’ in a tally system, so that one may not receive a reply to
56
the question ‘how many?’, or find the points of the tally-system qualifying
nouns, as do true numerals. The typical tally-systems of languages of the
New Guinea area are the ‘body-parts’ counting systems.” (Laycock 1975:
219). Later, he mentions Abau as an example of a language which has
both a body-parts tally-system and a numeral system which is quinary (i.e.
has distinct numbers up to 5) (Laycock 1975: 222).
The numbers below have been observed in contexts where they
qualify nouns. This might not have been always the case. Abau speakers
have been observed to think for a short while before they can match
numbers above five with the corresponding Abau number expressions.
The attempt to use Abau number expressions to modify nouns might be
the result of education and numeracy in the English language. It has been
observed that many Abau speakers use English numerals for quantities
above five. Abau numerals are used as the following example from a
written story illustrates:
(43) Aiai mokwe sankaw lwawk, nar iha

Ai-ai mo-kwe so-ankaw lwawk nar iha
fish-fish GL.PL-TOP DDEM-degree go.into pike hand
sirom, an imon, weir iha seys
sirom nar imon weir iha seys
one.CL4 catfish one.CL7 fish.sp. hand two.CL4
senkin lwawk.
so-enkin lwawk
DDEM-MAN go.into
‘Fish got into (the net) to this degree, five pikes, one catfish
and ten weir fish.’
3.4.3 Abau numerals one, two and three
Nouns can be divided into two groups on the basis of their gender
(masculine and feminine). They can also be divided into twelve groups on
the basis of what numeral they occur with. These numerals are in
Aikhenvald’s terminology numeral classifiers (Aikhenvald 2000: 17).
Whereas the gender of a noun is indicated through noun phrase
markers, the numeral class of a noun is determined by the set of numerals
used for 1, 2, and 3. These class concordances are only expressed by the
57
first three numbers. Numbers above four (see Table 18) can be used to
modify all countable nouns.
The order in which the twelve numeral classes are listed below
follows Laycock and Z’graggen (1975: 745-746). The numeral classifiers
in class 1 to 7 mark relatively large groups of nouns, while the numeral
classifiers in class 8 to 12 can only be used with a small number of nouns.
This is in all likelihood caused by the fact that the numeral classifiers in
class 8 through 12 express many more specifics than only quantity. Not
only their number, but also their grouping (e.g. bundles), or their partition
(e.g. chopped-up parts) can be in focus. In English, grouping words like
flock, bunch, bundle, etc. only occur with a limited number of nouns.
Similarly, it can be assumed that Abau numeral classifiers that express
specifics about the form or compilation of the noun they modify have a
very limited distribution.
Criteria for the different classes are related to humanness, surface,
grouping, dimensionality, and extendedness. Countable nouns which
cannot be classified by their physical appearance are not restricted to one
class; they belong to classes 2, 3 or 4.
The distinction between human and non-human within the numeral
classifiers is observed by all speakers, but young people do not seem to be
aware of all the other distinctions. They tend to overuse class 2 as a
default for nearly all non-human nouns.
TABLE 19: NUMERAL CLASSIFIERS
Class Characteristics One Two Three

1 Human beings; spirits pru-eyn pru-eys pru-ompri
2 Non-human ka-mon k-reys3 k-rompri4
3 Small objects with some na-mon na-reys na-rompri
volume
3
Based on the form nareys one would expect ka-reys.
4
Based on the form narompri, the underlying form could be ka-rompri.
58
TABLE 19 (CONT’D)
Class Characteristics One Two Three

4 Flat surface objects; si-rom s-eys s-ompri5
experience nouns
5 Long, relatively thin pi-ron pi-reys pi-rompri
objects
6 Geographical locations u-mon u-reys u-rompri
7 Flat objects with hardly i-mon i-reys i-rompri
any volume
8 Certain type trees li-mon li-reys li-rompri
(see description below)
9 Bundles of long non-cut ein-mon ein-deys ein-dompri
items
10 Temporal leik-mon leik-reys leik-rompri
11 Bundles of long cut hnaw-mon hnaw-reys hnaw-rompri
items
12 Part of a long object houk-mon houk-reys houk-rompri
The choice of numeral conveys information that the noun itself cannot
supply. For example, su piron ‘one coconut’ must refer to the whole
coconut palm and not to just the fruit, as the numeral piron indicates the
feature extendedness. In contrast su kamon ‘one coconut’ is likely to be
used when one wants to refer to a single coconut fruit, since the class 2
numeral kamon does not indicate the feature extendedness.
A noun can be marked by different numeral classifiers on the basis of
different appearance or grouping. The noun pey ‘sugarcane’ can be
marked by four different classes of numeral sets:
5
It is unclear where the final -m in sirom originated from. The numerals seys and sompri
might have sireys and sirompri as underlying forms.
59
(44) pey piron ‘one sugar cane (not cut)’ Class 5

pey howkmon ‘one piece of sugar cane’ Class 12
pey eindmon ‘one bundle of sugar cane, Class 9
stored’
pey hnawmon ‘one bundle of sugar cane, Class 11
ready for transport’
3.4.3.1 Class 1 - Human beings and spirits

The numeral classifiers of class 1 modify nouns that are human
beings, including all beings of the spirit world. The main function of
numerals two and three is to establish quantity, as in (45) and (46). The
numeral one is often used to introduce new participants and less often to
ascertain quantity (see §3.4.4.3).
(45) Sa sokukwe parasa pruompri
sa so-ko-kwe parasa pruompri
woman DDEM-GL.F-TOP devil.woman three.CL1
me lira.
m-e lira
PL-OBJ see
‘The woman saw three devil women.’
(46) Sa prueyn hokwe, hoko ney
sa prueyn hok-kwe hok-o ney
woman one.CL1 3S.F.SUB-TOP 3S.F-GEN child
prueysar me nion non-wayr.
prueys-ar m-e nion non-lwayr
two.CL1-INTS PL.OBJ with DU-stay
‘A certain woman lived together with her two children.’
3.4.3.2 Class 2 - Most animals and default class for nouns that do not
fit any of the other classes
The numeral classifiers of class 2 count non-human entities, though
these entities can be animate, since nearly all animals belong to this class.
(Certain types of fish belong to another class.)
(47) huok kamon ‘one pig’
a kreys ‘two houses’
waramelon krompri ‘three watermelons’
60
The numerals in this class also count objects which do not

prominently possess any of the features of the other classes described
below. As stated before, the younger generation do not consistently use
the wide range of 12 possible classes but tend to use this class 2 as the
default class for all non-human referents.
3.4.3.3 Class 3 - Small and three-dimensional objects

The class 3 numeral classifiers modify nouns denoting small objects
which have some volume. This is in contrast with the class 7 numeral
classifiers which modify nouns containing small, mainly two-dimensional
objects. The term ‘small’ refers to entities smaller than a watermelon or
coconut. This class also contains the abstract noun ok ‘talk’, although ok
‘talk’ can also be modified by a class 2 numeral classifier.
(48) nene namon ‘one eye’
mein namon ‘one stone (small size)’
yoh narompri ‘three (single) bananas’
ok nareys ‘two talks (= two bits of information)’
3.4.3.4 Class 4 - Tangible nouns with flat surface; non-tangible nouns

that express experience
This class modifies all tangible nouns that have a flat surface. This
includes nouns with the following glosses: youn ‘mushroom’, iha ‘hand’,
someykiow ‘shoulder’, sey ‘bed’, howk ‘lake’, nweyk ‘ear’. Also a number
of abstract or non-tangible nouns, such as: hay ‘magic’, yayh ‘song’,
prawk ‘scent’, now ‘dream’ and natural phenomena like howniy ‘wind’
and yia ‘fire’. It is hard to posit a common feature that ties these non-
tangible nouns together apart from the fact that they can all be viewed as
impact-making experiences.
(49) yia sirom ‘one fire’
iha seys ‘two hands’
howk sompri ‘three lakes’
yayh sirom ‘one song’
3.4.3.5 Class 5 - Extendedness

Class 5 numeral classifiers modify nouns which manifest the feature
extendedness. Included in this group are long objects such as trees and
long pieces of equipment like machetes, spears and paddles, etc.
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(50) yeik piron ‘one spear’

youk pireys ‘two paddles’
yodne pirompri ‘three fingers’
3.4.3.6 Class 6 - Geographical locations

Class 6 numeral classifiers modify nouns which refer to geographical
entities like garden, mountain, village, and river, and are assigned
masculine gender. Feminine nouns referring to geographical entities (e.g.
howk ‘lake’ and iwa ‘swamp’) have been observed as modified by
numeral classifiers from class 2 and 4.
(51) wueir umon ‘one garden’
yier ureys ‘two villages’
yawp urompri ‘three rivers’
3.4.3.7 Class 7 - Two-dimensional

Class 7 numeral classifiers modify nouns that refer to flat objects
which have very little volume, e.g. paper, various leaves and flowers,
rings or tablets.
(52) mamey imon ‘one letter or a sheet of paper’
nomne ireys ‘two tablets or two shells’
huwhay irompri ‘three flowers’
3.4.3.8 Class 8 - Selected trees

The existing data corpus lists only two nouns that can be modified by
this class 8. Both are relatively short trees that spread out into long leaves
or palm branches at their top. The numerals of these classes refer to the
whole tree.
(53) yoh limon ‘one banana tree’
naw lireys ‘two sago trees’
3.4.3.9 Class 9 - Bundle of long objects (stored)

Class 9 and 11 are similar, since both refer to countable bundles.
Nouns that are modified by class 9 numerals are bundles of items piled up
at a certain location, but not placed or tied together for the purpose of
transport.
(54) now-ho einmon ‘one bundle of piled-up sticks’
owah eindeys ‘two bundles of piled-up sago fronds’
62
3.4.3.10 Class 10 - Temporal

Only two temporal nouns have been observed to occur with class 10
numerals.
(55) enekwei leikreys ‘two days’
eypok leikmon ‘one daytime’
3.4.3.11 Class 11 - Bundle of long objects (transported)

Similar to the class 9 numerals, the class 11 numerals also modify
nouns that are placed in bundles. When a class 11 numeral is used, these
bundles are tied together (often for the purpose of transport).
(56) pey hnawrompri ‘three tied-together bundles of sugar cane’
3.4.3.12 Class 12 - Pieces or chunks from long objects

The feature extendedness is prominent in classes 5, 9 and 11, and also
in class 12. Class 12 numerals have one additional characteristic. They
refer to entities that are cut off or broken off chunks or pieces from a
larger item.
(57) now-yia howkmon ‘one piece of fire wood’
pey howkreys ‘two pieces of sugar cane’
An object that is a piece from a larger entity that is not characterised
by the feature extendedness cannot be modified by a numeral from this
class. In (58), the NP hopion namon, is referring to a piece of meat that is
basically round and not bigger than the size of a coconut. The choice of
the class 3 numeral places restrictions on the size. The second example
hopion kamon displays a class 2 numeral, which can potentially refer to a
large chunk of pig meat.
(58) hopion namon ‘one piece of pig meat’ (class 3 numeral)
hopion kamon ‘one part of pig meat’ (class 2 numeral)
3.4.4 Non-quantifying uses of the numeral one
3.4.4.1 Introducing participants

The numeral one is frequently used to introduce new participants in a
story. It encodes indefinite new participants, times and locations. The
numeral one follows the noun it modifies and marks this noun as a new
participant that belongs to a larger group. For example in (59), a
63
policeman is introduced in the story with the numeral one, to identify him
as a unique individual different from all other members that belong to the
group policemen.
(59) Enekwei sohokwe Kupe se kokwe
enekwei so-ho-kwe Kupe s-e ko-kwe
time DDEM-GL.M-TOP Kupe 3S.M-OBJ GL.F-TOP
polis prueyn hiy huonok.
polis prueyn hiy huonok
police one.CL1 3S.M take
‘At that time Kupe was taken along by a certain policeman.’
This introductory use of the numeral one is not restricted to human
participants only. Animals, inanimate objects, location, time can all be
introduced with the numeral one.
In (60), a temporal, a location and an object are all introduced by the
numeral kamon.
(60) Enekwei kamon hokwe, aio hiykwe kipay
enekwei kamon ho-kwe aio hiy-kwe kipay
time one.CL2 GL.M-TOP father 3S.M-TOP area
kamon mon ley nok, seyp kamon
kamon mon ley nok seyp kamon
one.CL2 LOC go SEQ black.palm one.CL2
se lira.
s-e lira
3S.M-OBJ see
‘One day, father went to a certain area and then he saw a
black palm.’
3.4.4.2 Repeated use of the numeral one referring to the same noun
A participant is introduced only once by the numeral one. If the
numeral is used again in combination with the same noun, the numeral
refers to another member of the same category and should be translated by
‘another’. In (61), the numeral kamon refers to the noun ‘coconut’ (known
from the context). Its repetition in the second clause indicates the
introduction of another coconut.
64
(61) Hakwe kamon nays non peyk nake, kamon

ha-kwe kamon nays non peyk nak-le kamon
1S-TOP one.CL2 tooth CMT bite ACC-come one.CL2
iha non nak-aye
iha non nak-laye
hand CMT ACC-come.down
‘I brought one (coconut) with my teeth, and another one down
with my hand.’
3.4.4.3 Numeral one as quantifier

The numeral one often has the function of introducing new
participants, but it can also simply be a quantifier. The numeral one has a
quantifying function when the numeral is suffixed by -aw ‘restrictive’ as
in (62). The numeral one can be suffixed twice in a row by the suffix -aw.
The second suffix -aw adds emphasis (see §3.1.4). It is best to interpret
prueyn-aw as ‘one’ or ‘just one’ and preyn-aw-aw as ‘only one’.
(62) Hmo pion mokwe aiopey korey.
hom-o pion mo-kwe aiopey korey
2/3PL-GEN meat GL.PL-TOP big NEG
Unsaney prueyn-aw liy la.
uwr-sa-ney prueyn-aw liy la
man-woman-child one.CL1-RSTR DYN eat
‘Their meat (i.e. the meat of a small bird type) is not much.
Just one person can eat it.’
The numeral one also has a quantifying function when it follows a
topicalised NP as in (63). The numeral is not part of the topicalised noun
phrase wik hokwe. The numeral kamon is part of the non-topicalised part
of this clause.
(63) Wik hokwe, kamon senkin isay hawon.
wik ho-kwe kamon so-enkin isay hawon
week GL.M-TOP one.CL2 DDEM-MAN permit lie
‘In regard to weeks, it was one, that he allowed it to lie like
that. (= He allowed it to remain there for one week.)’
The concept of ‘one by one’ is expressed by a repetition of the
numeral one, whereby the last numeral is suffixed by -aw ‘restrictive’. If it
65
is in regard to people the expression is prueyn prueyn-aw. If it refers to

objects like coconuts, the expression is kamon kamon-aw.
(64) Homkwe omkuw-su mon ka-nak-ey ankin,
hom-kwe omkuw-su mon ka-nak-ley ankin
2/3PL-TOP banyan-area LOC DIR:side-ACC-go if
peyr prueyn prueyn-aw.
peyr prueyn prueyn-aw
firstly one.CL1 one.CL1-RSTR
‘When you go into the banyan tree area, you should first of all
go one by one.’
3.4.5 Declining use of the numeral classifier system
A shift is taking place in the use of numeral classifiers at the expense
of the classes 3 to 12. Many tend to use class 2 numerals to modify all
non-human nouns. Table 20 gives examples of differing observed usages
of the numerals by speakers of the language. The second column gives
‘non-standard’ usage observed in younger speakers.
TABLE 20: SHIFT IN THE USAGE OF NUMERAL CLASSIFIERS

Usage among older Usage among younger Gloss
speakers speakers
muli nareys (class 3) muli kreys (class 2) ‘two lemons’
yiowk sirom (class 4) yiowk kamon (class 2) ‘one swamp’
now piron (class 5) now kamon (class 2) ‘one tree’
mnuw umon (class 6) mnuw kamon (class 2) ‘one mountain’
huwhay irompri (class 7) huwhay krompri (class 2) ‘three flowers’
3.4.6 Relationship between the assignment of gender

and numeral class of nouns
As stated before, the gender of a noun is in large part determined by
its physical form and may actually be assigned a different gender if its
physical appearance is sufficiently different (see §3.3). The choice of the
Abau numeral is also in many cases determined by the physical form of
the noun it modifies and the choice of the numeral classifier can be
66
changed if the form of the object denoted by the noun changes. It should
be noted that nouns belonging to the same class do not automatically have
the same gender, e.g.:
uwr ‘man’ (masc) sa ‘woman’ (fem) - class 1 nouns.
a ‘house’ (masc) yeyn ‘moon’ (fem) - class 2 nouns.
now-ho ‘stick’ (masc) youk ‘paddle’ (fem) - class 5 nouns.
Table 21 below lists a number of nouns which are modified by one of
the twelve classes of numerals. For each noun the gender is given. Most
nouns do not have inherent gender and may be given a variety of numeral
classifiers depending on the feature being highlighted. Nouns denote
entities which can have many different physical forms and appearances
which impact the selection of the numeral classifier and gender
assignment. Classes 1 to 5 are truly mixed for gender. Classes 6 to 12
seem to stick to one gender only.
A summary of the gender and numeral class assignment of nouns:
Class 1, which represents human beings, is naturally represented by
both genders.
Class 2 is the default class; not surprisingly, it also has mixed gender.
Class 3 is represented by small, round, three-dimensional items.
Because of the three-dimensional factor it attracts mostly
masculine objects. However, if the feature roundness is regarded
as more prominent, the nouns are assigned feminine gender e.g.
payr ‘a rather round fish’, yeyn ‘moon’.
Class 4 is partly characterised by the feature flat surface. This feature
is also characteristic for feminine nouns. The ‘experience’ nouns
are frequently feminine, though not always, e.g. prawk ‘scent’ is
masculine. The class four numeral is also used for masculine
nouns like owk ‘string bag’ and ine-maku ‘forehead’. The
selection of masculine gender gives reason to believe that another
determining factor is in play than the feature flat surface. It is
unclear though what this category could be.
Class 5 numerals are characterised by length. As stated before the
feature extendedness is a mark of masculine nouns as contrasted
with the feature flat surface which relates to feminine nouns. The
gender of an object with both features (e.g. youk ‘paddle’, pisu
‘machete’, ku ‘axe’) is generally determined by the feature flat
67
surface. However, in determining numeral class, the feature

extendedness is more prominent; thus words like youk ‘paddle’,
pisu ‘machete’ and ku ‘axe’ do not come under class 4 but under
class 5.
Class 6 is a group of solely masculine nouns that represent
geographical entities. Feminine geographical entities like howk
‘lake’ and iwa ‘swamp’ are not part of this class.
Class 7 is a group of solely feminine nouns which are characterised
by two-dimensionality.
As stated above, the numeral classifiers of classes 8 to 12 mark a very
restricted number of nouns. It is noteworthy that they are all masculine
nouns. In the present data corpus, only two members have been observed
for classes 8 and 10. Members of classes 9, 11 and 12 all refer to long
objects, and are therefore masculine.
TABLE 21: NOUNS OBSERVED IN TEXTS, MARKED FOR GENDER & NUMERAL CLASS
Masculine Feminine
1 prueyn uwr ‘man’ parasa ‘devil woman’
sa ‘woman’
2 kamon bal ‘ball’ mey ‘work’
ey ‘sun’ okpey ‘story’
makwey ‘head’ popor ‘ant’
mnow ‘eel’ sokwa ‘cockatoo’
mu ‘crocodile’ yeyn ‘moon’
PMV ‘transport vehicle’
sospen ‘saucepan’
3 namon am-i ‘breadfruit nut’ ok ‘talk’
hopion ‘piece of meat’ payr ‘round fish (sp)’
nene ‘eye’ sa-u ‘name (F)’
sayr ‘apple (sp)’
68
TABLE 21 (CONT’D)
Masculine Feminine
4 sirom ine-maku ‘face’ eheyr ‘wailing’
owk ‘string bag’ hay ‘magic’
prawk ‘scent’ hir ‘fence’
howk ‘lake’
howniy ‘wind’
iha ‘hand’
iwa ‘swamp’
nweyk ‘ear’
sike ‘buttock’
sune ‘foot’
yayh ‘song’
yia ‘fire’
5 piron now ‘tree’ kueim ‘branch’
pen ‘pen’ pisu ‘machete’
ur ‘vine’ sarep ‘grass knife’
yeik ‘spear’ youk ‘paddle’
6 umon eyh ‘trench, ditch’
wueir ‘garden’
yawp ‘river’
yier ‘village’
7 imon an ‘flat fish (sp)’
ma ‘leaf’
tablet ‘tablet’
8 limon naw ‘sago tree’
yoh ‘banana tree’
9 eindmon owah ‘sago stalk’
now-ho ‘stick’
sowor-now ‘bracing stick’
10 leikmon enekwei ‘day, time’
eypok ‘day time’
11 hnawmon owah ‘bracing stick’
pey ‘sugarcane’
12 howkmon now-yia ‘firewood’
pey ‘sugarcane’
69
3.5 Adjectives
In this section the limited use of adjectival modifiers within Abau is
commented on and illustrations of alternative devices to express
descriptive notions are given. The contrast between nouns and adjectival
modifiers is discussed.
3.5.1 The extent of the use of adjectival constructions
The number of adjectives is very low. It covers in broad strokes the
range of sizes (e.g. aiopey ‘big’, sowpwareney ‘small’, mei ‘long’, hiymiy
‘tall’, etc.), age (e.g. naw ‘old’, iwon ‘young’ or ‘new’) and various
quality indications (piap ‘bad’, yaprue ‘good’,’ ihey ‘excellent’).
Colours are not really adjectives but are descriptive of other items that
reflect that particular colour, e.g. or ‘black ‘ also means ‘burnt wood’. Ou
‘red’ is also used in compound nouns that contain reddish colours, e.g.
yoh-ou ‘ripe banana’, naw-ou ‘reddish sago’. (These words exhibit the
pitch pattern that is distinctive for compound nouns, §3.2.2.) Other colour
terms are formed with the help of the NP marker eyn ‘similar’, e.g.
woukmow-si eyn ‘similar to the excrement of a dove’ (= greenish) or
wouknow-hu eyn ‘similar to the juice of ginger (= yellowish)’. The origin
of weys ‘white’ is not really known. It can be used in compound nouns
ohi-weys ‘skin-white (= white person)’ or pekney-weys ‘spotless entity-
white (= pristine white)’.
Many concepts which are expressed by adjectives in English are
expressed in Abau by a combination of a noun and a verb or a noun with
the comitative marker non, as illustrated in (65):
(65) Hiykwe iha lopa.
3S.M-TOP hand NEG
‘He has no hands (= he is stingy).’
Hiykwe kasaw lon-peys.
3S.M-TOP nose do-swell
‘He swells his nose (= he is jealous).’
Hiykwe kasaw lon-hohuaw.
3S.M-TOP nose do-breath
‘He is breathing (his) nose (= he is angry).’
70
Hiykwe siowp lokrue.

3S.M-TOP stomach die
‘He is dying (his) stomach (= he is hungry).’
Hiykwe peik non.
3S.M-TOP sickness CMT
‘He is with sickness (= he is sick).’
Hiykwe omeme ihey-ar non.
3S.M-TOP things excellent-INTF CMT
‘He is with very good things (= he is rich).’
3.5.2 Similarity in distribution of the intensifier and
restrictive marker within the NP
Nouns and adjectives are both structurally distinct from verbs as they
cannot be affixed by any of the verbal affixes listed in §4.2.1, Table 33.
Structurally nouns are not different from modifiers. Both host similar
affixes like -ar ‘intensifier’ and -aw ‘restrictive’. See examples (20) and
(21).
These markers can also be used with adjectives, as is illustrated
below.
In (66), the intensifier -ar is affixed to a temporal noun paraw and the
adjective ihey (which is part of a NP).
(66) Paraw-ar kokwe Yeyn o, Ey o,
paraw-ar ko-kwe yeyn o ey o
past-INTF GL.F-TOP moon and sun and
hohkwe wayh ihey-ar non-wak.
hoh-kwe wayh ihey-ar non-lwak
3DU-TOP friend excellent-INTF DU-be
‘Long ago the Moon and the Sun were really good friends.’
In (67), the adjectives ihey ‘excellent’ and haraw ‘short’ are modified
by respectively -ar and -aw.
71
(67) Hiykwe yier ihey-ar mon ma-ley iwak

hiy-kwe yier ihey-ar mon ma-ley liwak
3S.M.SUB-TOP village good-INTF LOC RPT-go sit
nieys, enekwei haraw-aw.
nieys, enekwei haraw-aw.
rest time short-RSTR
‘He came to a very good place to sit and rest (= holidays), for
just a short time.’
Although the suffix -aw in (67) has been interpreted as ‘restrictive’ a
case could be made that the marker -aw affixed to adjectives should be
labelled ‘emphatic’. As discussed in §3.1.4, the marker -aw can have the
meaning ‘emphatic’ under certain circumstances. Example (68) illustrates
the same interpretation dilemma of -aw.
(68) Skul sohokwe mei-aw-ar nuw-wak,
skul so-ho-kwe mei-aw-ar nuw-lwak
school DDEM-GL.M-TOP long-RSTR-INTF INT-be
yier-ar mon lwak pey.
yier-ar mon lwak pey
place-INTF LOC be NEG.IPFTV
‘That school is just far away, it is not in the very village (= it
is not where we live).’
In (68), the restrictive marker -aw precedes -ar in the predicate
modifier mei-aw-ar. The marker -aw can be analysed as restrictive ‘just
very far’ or as emphatic ‘really very far’.
3.5.2.1 Further distribution of intensifier and restrictive marker
For the sake of completeness, it should be mentioned that the
intensifier -ar and the restrictive marker -aw not only mark nouns and
adjectives but also pronouns (§3.1.4) and numerals (§3.4.4.3.).
In (69), the numeral kamon ‘one’ is marked by the restrictive marker
-aw.
72
(69) Yeyk hokwe, hakwe enekwei kamon-aw

yeyk ho-kwe ha-kwe enekwei kamon-aw
canoe GL.M-TOP 1S-TOP time one.CL2-RSTR
saw-meio lowpway.
saw-meio lowpway
SPD-work completely
‘As for the canoe, I finished it quickly in only one day.’
In (70), the intensifier -ar is affixed to a personal pronoun which is
modified by -kwaw ‘restrictive’.
(70) Hano uwr ey, hunkwaw-ar sara.
han-o uwr ey hwon-kwaw-ar so-ra
1S-GEN man EXCL 2S.SUB-RSTR-INTF EMPH.SP.M-ADDR.M
‘Oh, my husband, it is really just you.’
3.5.3 Contrast between nouns and modifiers
Nouns and modifiers (referring not only to adjectives, but also to
adverbs) differ in
1) distribution
2) government.
In terms of their distribution, nouns always precede modifiers within
the noun phrase and precede the NP final marker.
(71) Hano aiai-yok ihey mokwe pan po
han-o aiai-yok ihey mo-kwe pan po
1S-GEN food/plant-shoot excellent GL.PL-TOP grass PFT
nak-lonhiy swakuwmay.
nak-lonhiy swakuwmay
ACC-hide cover
‘My outstanding plant shoots have been covered over by
grass.’
In (71), ihey ‘excellent’ is part of the noun phrase modifying the head
noun. Ihey ‘excellent’ cannot be analysed as part of the compound noun
aiai-yok ‘plant shoots’ because it does not have the contrastive intonation
contour that is typical for compound nouns. (See §3.2). It is followed by
the NP final topic marker mokwe that agrees in number with the head of
the NP.
73
In terms of government, adjectives do not and cannot determine the

number and gender of phrase final markers, whereas nouns do. This is
even true for a noun phrase without a surface noun. In Abau, a modifier
followed only by a phrase final marker can constitute a headless NP. The
actual head is an ellipted noun which is recoverable from the context. This
ellipted noun, not the modifier, determines the gender and number
signalled by the phrase final marker.
(72) Ara, ai mokwe, hakwe pokon aiopey
ara ai mok-we ha-kwe pokon aiopey
ADDR.M fish GL.PL-TOP 1S.SUB-TOP today big
ke sakeyn hin ey.
k-e sakeyn hin ey
3S.F-OBJ into.water shoot INT
‘Man, as for fish, today I am going to shoot a big one in the
water.’
In (72), the ellipted noun is ai ‘fish’. The feminine, singular object
marker ke agrees with this ellipted noun, not with the modifier, aiopey
‘big’, which has no gender or number. In (73), the ellipted noun in the NPs
piap me and yaprue me is am ‘breadfruit’.
(73) Am lowpwarowp yaprue korey. Hiykwe
am lowpwarowp yaprue korey hiy-kwe
breadfruit all good NEG 3S.M-TOP
piap me sasow, sawk yaprue me la.
piap m-e sasow sawk yaprue m-e la
bad PL-OBJ throw CHD good PL-OBJ eat
‘All the breadfruit was not good. He threw the bad ones away,
but he ate the good ones.’
3.5.4 Modifiers functioning as adjectives, adverbs and
predicates
Modifiers can fill different functions depending on their positions
within the clause. They can function as modifiers within the noun phrase,
or as modifiers of the verb phrase (adverbial phrase), or they can function
as the predicate of the sentence.
74
(74) Aiai yaprue somokwe yaprue nuw-ie.

aiai yaprue so-mo-kwe yaprue nuw-lie
food good DDEM-GL.PL-TOP good INT-go.up
‘That good food really comes up well.’
In (74), the first yaprue ‘good’ modifies the head of NP and precedes
the demonstrative topic marker which agrees in number with the head of
the NP. The second yaprue ‘good’ is not part of the NP it follows. It is an
independent adverbial phrase that modifies the verb phrase (§4.4).
Modifiers can also function as the predicate of the clause as is
illustrated in (75):
(75) Hmo owh mokwe, har mokwe aiopey,
hom-o owh mo-kwe har mo-kwe aiopey
2/3PL-GEN body GL.PL-TOP some GL.PL-TOP big
har mokwe sowpwareney.
har mo-kwe sowpwareney
some GL.PL-TOP small
‘In regard to their bodies (= size), some were big and some
were small.’
3.5.5 Adjectival use of the manner demonstratives
There are two manner demonstratives which are mostly used
adverbially but also used adjectivally: the proximal and distal manner
demonstratives enkin and senkin.
The attributive use of this manner demonstrative should not be
confused with its adverbial use. When used adverbially it refers to
manner; when used adjectivally its meaning shifts as can be seen in the
examples below.
In (76) and (77), the manner demonstratives senkin and enkin are used
attributively. The manner demonstrative senkin can be repeated as is
shown in (76) expressing the concept of ‘various’.
75
(76) Hiykwe wueir meio nok, wueir-aiai senkin

hiy-kwe wueir meio nok wueir-aiai so-enkin
3S.M-TOP garden work SEQ garden-food DDEM-MAN
senkin me saro.
so-enkin m-e saro
DDEM-MAN PL-OBJ plant
‘He made a garden and then he planted various types of
garden food.’
The proximal manner demonstrative enkin is frequently combined
with enekwei ‘time’ to mark present time (in contrast with the past). In
(77), enkin is used attributively.
(77) Enekwei enkin ohokwe Kembu hiykwe
enekwei enkin o-ho-kwe Kembu hiy-kwe
time MAN PDEM-GL.M-TOP Kembu 3S.M-TOP
kalabus wayr, Vanimo mon.
kalabus lwayr Vanimo mon
prisoner stay Vanimo LOC
‘Presently, Kembu is imprisoned in Vanimo.’
The adverbial use of senkin is discussed in §4.4.2.
3.6 Pragmatic NP markers with and without

demonstrative force
The next four sections will deal with all the NP final markers. They are
presented in order.
Section §3.6 deals with all the NP markers that occur NP finally which
are marked pragmatically but not syntactically. Table 23 gives an
overview of all possible non-syntactic pragmatic NP markers with and
without demonstrative force.
Sections §3.7 and §3.8 deal with all the NP markers that give the NP
syntactic function. For a summary overview of all syntactic NP markers
including syntactic demonstrative markers, see Table 28.
Section §3.9 deals with the markers for postpositional phrases. An
overview of all postpositions is found in Table 29.
76
The rest of section §3.6 deals with NP markers that are not marked
syntactically but only pragmatically for topic.
3.6.1 Non-syntactic, pragmatic NP markers without
demonstrative force
Topic or givenness (defined in §8.1) in Abau is marked by -kwe and
refers to all information that the speaker assumes is present or readily
accessible in the addressee’s consciousness. A more extensive discussion
on the concept of topic is found in §8.1. Noun phrases are marked for
pragmatic function only by the topic marker -kwe which is attached to a
bound morpheme that carries information on the number and/or gender of
the head of the NP. These markers are listed in Table 22.
TABLE 22: NON-SYNTACTIC PRAGMATIC NP MARKERS
Num+ General NP topic markers (GL)

gender
-Topic +Topic
S.M ho* hokwe
S.F ko* kokwe
PL mo* mokwe
NPs which are only marked pragmatically without a syntactic role are
treated as background information and occur in the beginning of the
sentence.
In (78) and (79), the initial NPs are only marked for pragmatic role.
The NP is the topic the speaker wants to comment on. In (78), the bolded
NP is not syntactically marked for object, although the NP has patient role
within the clause. In (79), the bolded NP has agent role, but is not marked
syntactically for subject.
(78) Uwr hokwe awia hom po lo.
Uwr ho-kwe awia hom po lo
man GL.M-TOP enemy 2/3PL.SUB PFT shoot
‘As for the man, the enemies have shot him.’
77
(79) Uwr hokwe hyo saruw me lo

Uwr ho-kwe hiy-o saruw me lo
man GL.M-TOP 3S-GEN relatives OBJ.PL shoot
kekie pak?
kekie pak?
put.many DUB
‘As for the man, might (he) have killed his relatives?’
3.6.2 Non-syntactic, pragmatic NP markers with
demonstrative force
Non-syntactic, pragmatic NP markers can be given demonstrative
force when prefixed by the proximal demonstrative marker o- or by the
distal demonstrative marker so-. Demonstrative topic markers behave like
general topic markers in that they occur noun phrase finally, always host
the topic suffix -kwe, and only assign a pragmatic role to the NP. Table 22
has been extended into Table 23 to contain all the non-syntactic NP
markers.
TABLE 23: NON-SYNTACTIC TOPIC MARKERS AND NON-SYNTACTIC
DEMONSTRATIVE MARKERS
Num+ General NP topic Proximal Distal

gender markers (GL) Demonstratives Demonstratives
(PDEM) (DDEM)
-Topic +Topic -Topic +Topic -Topic +Topic
S.M ho* hokwe o-ho* o-hokwe so-ho* so-hokwe
S.F ko* kokwe6 o-ku* o-kukwe so-ku* so-kukwe
PL mo* mokwe o-mo* o-mokwe so-mo* so-mokwe
A count of general demonstrative topic markers in 5,500 sentences
showed that out of every 10 demonstrative topic markers, less than one is
marked by the proximal prefix o-. The proximal demonstrative topic
marker is used in the following contexts:
a. the entity referred to is being held or can be touched;
b. the entity referred to is a temporal which relates to present time.
6
Kokwe might have been kukwe in the past, which would explain the feminine forms
okukwe and sokukwe in this table.
78
In (80), the demonstrative topic marker ohokwe is used to refer to a

proximal entity, contrasting with somokwe, which refers to a more distant
entity:
(80) Youk ohokwe hano, sawk youk
youk o-ho-kwe han-o sawk youk
paddle PDEM-GL.M-TOP 1S-GEN CHD paddle
somokwe hano korey.
so-mo-kwe han-o korey
DDEM-GL.PL-TOP 1S-GEN NEG
‘This paddle is mine, but those paddles are not mine.’
The distinction between o- and so- is used extensively to contrast the
present time with the past. In (81) ohokwe combined with enkin (which
can be deleted without affecting the basic meaning) indicates the present
time, while sohokwe is used in (82) to indicate a particular time in the
past.
(81) Enekwei enkin ohokwe Kembu hiykwe
enekwei enkin o-ho-kwe Kembu hiy-kwe
time MAN PDEM-GL.M-TOP Kembu 3S.M.SUB-TOP
kalabus wayr, Vanimo mon.
kalabus lwayr Vanimo mon
prisoner stay Vanimo LOC
‘Presently, Kembu is imprisoned in Vanimo.’
(82) Paraw kokwe hromo apaw-om mey
paraw ko-kwe hrom-o apaw-om mey
past GL.F-TOP 1PL-GEN ancestor-group job
krai-ar meio pa. Payhokuaw,

krai-ar meio pa pay-ho-kwe-uaw
strength-INTF work NEG.PFTV Q:what-GL.M-TOP-reason
enekwei sohokwe homkwe ku o,
enekwei so-ho-kwe hom-kwe ku o
time DDEM-GL.M-TOP 2/3PL.SUB-TOP axe and
pisu o, sohom lopa.
pisu o so-hom lopa
knife and DDEM-2/3PL NEG.NOMS
‘In the past, our ancestors did not accomplish a lot of work.
Because at that time they did not have axes and machetes.’
79
Distal demonstrative topic markers are far less likely to refer to

location and time than their counterparts, the proximal demonstrative
topic markers. The former is more frequently used anaphorically to keep
track of already introduced participants within a story. This is illustrated
in (83) where a snake is introduced in the first sentence and further
information is given in the second. As can be seen from (83), the Abau
demonstrative sohokwe overlaps with the use of the English definite
article the.
(83) Sa sok hiy lousne. Sok
sa sok hiy lousne sok
then/and snake 3S.M.SUB appear snake
sohokwe aiopey hay.
so-ho-kwe aiopey hay
DDEM-GL.M-TOP big very
‘Then a snake appeared. The snake was very big.’
When the general topic marker occurs with a demonstrative prefix, it
is also only marked for pragmatic role and not for syntactic role or
semantic role as can be seen from example (84) and (85). The bolded NP
fills the role of agent in (84) and the role of patient in (85), but in both
cases the NP is not syntactically marked.
(84) Huok sohokwe, hano aio se peyk.
huok so-ho-kwe han-o aio s-e peyk
pig DDEM-GL.M-TOP 1S-GEN father 3S.M-OBJ bite
‘As for that pig, it bit my father.’
(85) Huok sohokwe, hano aio hiy hin.
huok so-ho-kwe han-o aio hiy hin
pig DDEM-GL.M-TOP 1S-GEN father 3S.M.SUB shoot
‘As for that pig, my father shot it.’
All pragmatic markers within this section are per definition
topicalised. The important role of these non-syntactic topic markers in
verbless clauses is discussed in §6.2. The importance of the dichotomy
between topicalised NPs and non-topicalised NPs is further explained in
§8, as well as the importance of the presence or absence of topicalised
NP-final markers in foregrounded or background text (see §8.6 and §8.8).
80
3.7 Syntactically marked NPs without

demonstrative force
Noun phrases can be marked syntactically for subject, object and
genitive. These NP markers are differentiated for number and/or gender.
The subject and object marker can be topicalised, but not the genitive.
TABLE 24: SYNTACTIC NP MARKERS WITH AND WITHOUT TOPIC MARKING
Syntactic NP marker
Syntactic case Pronoun +Topic
§3.7.1 §3.7.2
Subject – S.M hiy hiy-kwe
Subject – S.F hok ho-kwe7
Subject – DU hoh hoh-kwe
Subject – PL hom hom-kwe
§3.7.3 §3.7.4
Object – S.M se se kokwe
Object – S.F ke ke kokwe
Object – PL me me kokwe
§3.7.5
Genitive – S.M so
Genitive – S.F ko
Genitive – PL mo
A noun phrase is marked for subject by means of a noun phrase final
marker which is identical in form to the third person personal pronoun
subject (§3.1.1). When the NP is topicalised the topic marker -kwe is
suffixed to the pronoun.
There are three object NP markers without demonstrative force and
they are not based on the personal pronoun set. The object NP marker
itself cannot host a topic marker, but can be followed by a topic marker.
7
hok ‘3S.F.SUB’ suffixed by -kwe ‘TOP’ is written as hokwe, but the underlying form is
/hok-kwe/. The final k in hok is deleted when suffixed by the topic marker -kwe.
81
The genitive cannot be topicalised. A noun phrase is marked for

genitive by a member of a closed set of three members. The genitive
marker relates the NP it marks to the NP it precedes. (See also §3.10.1.1
and §3.8.3.)
3.7.1 Subject NP marker
In (86), the NP final marker hoh ‘the two of them’ gives subject
function to the NP. It agrees in person and number with the head of the NP
sa ‘woman’.
(86) Sa hoh non-ira me, “Okar.”
sa hoh non-lira me ok-ar
woman 3DU.SUB DU-see speak talk-INTF
‘The two women looked and said, “True.”’
The same set of subject markers marks animate and inanimate actors
as can be seen in (87) where howniy ‘wind’ is marked for subject.
(87) Hyo a sohokwe howniy hok
hiy-o a so-ho-kwe howniy hok
3S.M-GEN house DDEM-GL.M-TOP wind 3S.F.SUB
lway kros say kow.
lway kros say kow
blow break move.PL BEN
‘As for his house, the wind blew it down destroying it.’
3.7.2 Topicalisation of the subject NP marker
In (88), the NP marker hokwe ‘she’ occurs NP finally and consists of
the subject marker hok and the topic marker -kwe. The NP marker agrees
in number and gender with the head of the NP, the proper name Yamayo.
(88) Yamayo hokwe ney se po liwak.
Yamayo hok-kwe ney s-e po liwak
Yamayo 3S.F.SUB-TOP child 3S.M-OBJ PFT sit/deliver
‘Yamayo has delivered a child.’
In (89), the noun phrase marker hiy is suffixed by the topic marker
-kwe and marks the NP for topic and subject. It is noteworthy and
characteristic that all topicalised NPs occur in the beginning of the clause
and all NPs that are not marked for topic precede the VP.
82
(89) Hakwe sok se hok, sawk hano

ha-kwe sok s-e hok sawk han-o
1S.SUB-TOP snake 3S.M-OBJ fear CHD 1S-GEN
oryay hiykwe sok sehe
oryay hiy-kwe sok so-h-e
older.brother 3S.M.SUB-TOP snake DDEM-3S.M-OBJ
hane hin kow.
han-e hin kow
1S-OBJ shoot BEN
‘I was afraid of the snake, but my older brother killed that
snake for me.’
3.7.3 Object NP markers without demonstrative force
Abau has three object NP markers without demonstrative force (se, ke
and me), and six object NP markers which have it (the latter group is
discussed in §3.8.2). All object NP markers display a final -e which signals
object. They are all differentiated for gender and/or number. They mark
the NP as a referential item or identifiable participant.
In (90), the NP yeyk se is marked for object by the NP marker se. This
marker also marks the noun for masculine singular. The NP aio hiykwe is
marked for subject and topic by the NP marker hiykwe.
(90) Aio hiykwe yeyk se meio.
aio hiy-kwe yeyk s-e meio
father 3S.M.SUB-TOP canoe 3S.M-OBJ work
‘Father makes a canoe.’
The use of the masculine object marker is also illustrated in (91). The
marked NP refers to an identifiable referent.
(91) Sawk uwr prueyn se now hiy
sawk uwr prueyn s-e now hiy
CHD man one 3S.M-OBJ tree 3S.M.SUB
yay kane kawk.
lyay kane kawk
place.down break.off put.inside
‘And a tree fell and broke over a certain man.’
83
In (92), the object marker ke marks the feminine object hyo pisu ‘his
knife’.
(92) Kenu hiykwe hyo pisu ke
Kenu hiy-kwe hiy-o pisu k-e
Kenu 3S.M.SUB-TOP 3S.M-GEN knife 3S.F-OBJ
lonok nok, ley.
lonok nok ley
take.one SEQ go
‘Kenu took his bush knife and then he went.’
3.7.4 Topicalisation of object NPs
The topicalisation of object NPs is not straightforward. The
topicalisation of object pronouns (§3.1.3) is slightly different from the
topicalisation that occurs on object NP markers. NPs marked for object that
have a noun as head of the NP are topicalised by the feminine topic marker
kokwe regardless of gender and number.
In (93), the bolded NP Keno se kokwe is marked syntactically for
object and pragmatically for topic. The gender and number of the head
noun is marked by the singular masculine object marker se and not by the
NP final topic marker kokwe which has feminine gender. The topic marker
kokwe takes into its scope the noun with its object marking.
(93) Keno se kokwe ur hiy
Keno s-e ko-kwe ur hiy
Keno 3S.M-OBJ GL.F-TOP vine 3S.M.SUB
way-a-way kuayk nayr.
lway-a-lway kuayk nayr
tangle-DUP-tangle fall night
‘As for Keno, a vine tangled around causing him to fall in the
night.’
In (94), the NP Kupe se kokwe is both topicalised and marked for
object. This double marking is in this example required, since the normal
syntax order SOV is changed to OSV. (For more discussion see §6.5.1.)
84
(94) Enekwei sohokwe Kupe se kokwe

enekwei so-ho-kwe Kupe s-e ko-kwe
time DDEM-GL.M-TOP Kupe 3S.M-OBJ GL.F-TOP
polis prueyn hiy huonok.
polis prueyn hiy huonok
police one.CL1 3S.M.SUB call
‘As for that time, regarding Kupe, a certain policeman took
him along.’
In (95), the object kuey me ‘grubs PL-OBJ’ is topicalised by the topic
marker kokwe. Again, the head of the noun phrase is marked for number
by the object marker me and not by the feminine singular topic marker
kokwe.
(95) Kuey me kokwe hano sa ko orih
kuey m-e ko-kwe han-o sa k-o orih
grubs PL-OBJ GL.F-TOP 1S-GEN woman 3S.F-GEN father
hiy lowk, Lapwan sopei mon.
hiy lowk Lapwam sopei mon
3S.M.SUB cut Lapwan river.mouth LOC
‘As for the grubs, my wife’s father cut them out (of the tree)
at the Lapwan’s river mouth.’
Forms like se-kwe in (96) have been observed in some oral texts, but
are not accepted by all.
(96) *Uwr se-kwe hakwe lira pa.
man 3S.M.OBJ-TOP 1S-TOP see NEG.PFTV
‘As for the man, I did not see him.’
The use of sekwe and even sokwe as a contraction of se kokwe has
been especially observed in the central dialect. This usage is considered
incorrect by other dialects since the usage of sekwe and sokwe, is similar
or identical to the distal demonstrative object marker sokwe (§3.8.2).
When editing texts, even speakers of the central dialect tend to change
sekwe to se kokwe. Similar contractions of ke kokwe and me kokwe into
shorter forms have not been observed.
3.7.5 Genitive NP markers
There are only three genitive NP markers (so, ko and mo) which occur
NP finally in an embedded NP that modifies the main NP.
85
In (97), the two bolded NPs are marked by the genitive markers mo
and so. These markers also convey information about the gender and/or
number of the NPs they follow. The bolded NPs are embedded within a NP.
They both modify the NP they precede. (See also §3.10.1.1.)
(97) Ney mo tisa hiykwe senkin me,
ney m-o tisa hiy-kwe so-enkin me
child 3PL-GEN teacher 3S.M.SUB-TOP DDEM-MAN speak
skul so a-suwr hokwe nonow non.
skul s-o a-suwr ho-kwe nonow non
school 2S-GEN house-roof.cap GL.F-TOP hole CMT
‘The children’s teacher said, “The school’s roof cap contains
holes.”’
3.8 Syntactic demonstrative NP markers

Syntactic demonstrative NP markers identify subject and object and
differentiate proximal and distal markers. The syntactic demonstrative NP
marker can be used in genitive constructions but there is no separate
genitive demonstrative NP marker.
3.8.1 Subject demonstrative NP marker
As was shown in §0, a NP can be marked as subject by the NP subject
markers hiy, hok, hoh and hom. The NP subject markers can also be given
demonstrative force as is shown in Table 25. The basic forms of the
subject demonstrative NP markers are similar to the subject pronoun NP
markers dealt with in §0, differing only in the addition of the distal or
proximal demonstrative prefix so- or o-.
TABLE 25: SUBJECT DEMONSTRATIVE MARKERS
Proximal Distal
Demonstratives Demonstratives
Syntactic case DEM DEM
Subject – S.M o-hiy s-o-hiy

Subject – S.F o-hok s-o-hok
Subject – DU o-hoh s-o-hoh
Subject – PL o-hom s-o-hom
86
It is important to note that subject demonstratives can never occur

with the topic marker -kwe. Also, in contrast to the subject pronoun NP
markers, subject demonstrative NP markers cannot function by themselves
as the head of the NP.
The subject demonstrative is used when the entity it marks has agent
role and needs to be distinguished from other known alternatives.
In (98), sohok ‘DDEM-3S.F’ tags the bolded NP as the subject of its
clause.
(98) Hok yeyk mon nak-kair kwawk liok, sawk
hok yeyk mon nak-kair kwawk liok sawk
3S.F canoe LOC ACC-remove put.inside in.vain CHD
mowkwar sohok ka-sau nok.
mowkwar so-hok ka-sau nok
turtle DDEM-3S.F side-run DUR
‘She tried in vain to lift up (the turtle) and put it in the canoe,
but that (specific) turtle ran away.’
In (99), the second bolded NP is marked by the demonstrative subject
marker sohom. The first bolded NP is not marked by a syntactic
demonstrative NP marker, but by a demonstrative NP marker (sokukwe)
which only signals its pragmatic function.
(99) Woyo-hne sokukwe sawk uwr sohom
woyo-hne so-ko-kwe sawk uwr so-hom
fowl-nest DDEM-GL.F-TOP CHD man DDEM-2/3PL.SUB
ma-lorowh.
ma-lorowh
RPT-dig
‘As for the wild fowl nest, those men dug it out as well.’
In (100), sohiy ‘DDEM-3S.M.SUB’ tags the bolded NP as the subject of
its clause.
87
(100) Ihey mo yeyk kreys-ar sohiy

ihey m-o yeyk kreys-ar so-hiy
white.man PL-GEN canoe two.CL2-INTF DDEM-3S.M.SUB
nake menkin, uwrsa homkwe hakan.
nak-le menkin uwr-sa hom-kwe hakan
ACC-come when man-woman 2/3PL-TOP flee
‘When those two (specific) planes came, the people fled.’
3.8.2 Object demonstrative markers
All NP object markers belong to an exhaustive set consisting of nine
members and are characterised by a final morpheme -e ‘object’. The three
object NP markers dealt with in §3.7.3 can be combined with the
demonstrative markers so- and o-. These six demonstrative object markers
are affected by vowel harmony rules which are dealt with in section
§2.6.2. The underlying forms of the six object demonstrative markers are
given in the last column of Table 26.
TABLE 26: OBJECT DEMONSTRATIVE MARKERS
Proximal Distal Object demonstrative

- Underlying forms
S.M ehe sehe o-h-e8 ‘PDEM-3S.M-OBJ’
so-h-e ‘DDEM-3S.M-OBJ’
S.F okwe sokwe o-k-e9 ‘PDEM-3S.F-OBJ’
so-k-e ‘DDEM-3S.F-OBJ’
PL eme seme o-m-e ‘PDEM-3PL-OBJ’
so-m-e ‘DDEM-3PL-OBJ’
The NP object demonstrative cannot host the topic marker -kwe. A NP
containing an object demonstrative is topicalised by the feminine topic
marker kokwe regardless of the number and gender of the head noun. This
8
The masculine form here is represented by -he and not by -se, as one would expect from
looking at the definite object marker column in the table. No explanation for this change
has been found.
9
The underlying form of okwe is /o-ke/ and that of sokwe is /so-ke/.The insertion of the w
is puzzling as this morphophonemic change does not have a comparable counterpart
elsewhere.
88
use of the feminine topic marker is also observed in NPs marked for
semantic case. (Compare Table 29.)
In (101), the plural demonstrative object marker seme is used in the
bolded NP.
(101) Hunkwe hanekwe ok seme kwa
hwon-kwe han-e-kwe ok so-m-e kwa
2S.SUB-TOP 1S-OBJ-TOP talk DDEM-PL-OBJ HOR
ma-le sor kow.
ma-le sor kow
RPT-come tell BEN
‘You should come back and tell me these talks (= stories).’
The use of the masculine demonstrative object marker is illustrated in

(102).
(102) Wueir sehe ma non-hor pie
wueir so-h-e ma non-hor pie
garden DDEM-3S.M-OBJ RCM DU-clean firstly
hokwe, hohkwe a mon manak-ey.
ho-kwe hoh-kwe a mon ma-nak-ley
GL.M-TOP 3DU-TOP house LOC RPT-ACC-go
(From a story that previously introduced the garden): ‘After
they had cleared that garden area, the two of them returned
home.’
In (103), the feminine demonstrative object marker is used in the NP
pruam sokwe. The masculine demonstrative object marker sehe that
precedes the verb phrase is not part of a NP. It occurs by itself and is used
to express a causative relationship. The use of these causal demonstratives
preceding the verb phrase is discussed in §4.4.3.
(103) Hiy pruam sokwe ma nwaksu hokwe,
hiy pruam so-k-e ma nwaksu ho-kwe
3S.M cassowary DDEM-3S.F-OBJ RCM chase GL.M-TOP
pruam sokukwe hye kokwe, sawk
pruam so-ho-kwe hiy-e ko-kwe sawk
cassowary DDEM-GL.M-TOP 3S.M-OBJ GL.F-TOP CHD
89
hekweyr sehe nak-sau kweyr kow.

hekweyr so-h-e nak-sau kweyr kow
laughter DDEM-3S.M-OBJ ACC-run laugh BEN
‘When he chased this cassowary, the cassowary – as a result –
ran and laughed at him.’
In (104), the bolded NP is marked by the demonstrative object marker
sokwe which is suffixed by the restrictive marker -aw
(104) Hiykwe mowkwar sokwe-aw lway nok.
hiy-kwe mowkwar so-k-e-aw lway nok
3S.M.SUB-TOP turtle DDEM-3S.F-OBJ-RSTR carry DUR
‘He took only that turtle along.’
3.8.3 The use of the genitive in NPs marked by a
syntactic demonstrative
Genitive markers (so, ko and mo) are always embedded within a main
NP.Genitive markers themselves cannot be affixed by the demonstrative
markers o- and so-, but they can occur in NP constructions that contain a
demonstrative NP marker. The genitive marker follows the marker that has
demonstrative force (e.g. sohiy so, sohok ko, sohom mo).
It is interesting that the subject demonstrative marker is used in these
genitive constructions. The subject demonstrative marker loses its subject
function since the function of the NP is determined by the final NP marker.
The phenomenon that the subject marker loses its subject force when
followed by another NP marker is also observed when the subject marker
is followed by a postposition (§3.9.9).
TABLE 27: GENITIVE CONSTRUCTIONS FOLLOWING A
DEMONSTRATIVE NP MARKER
Proximal Distal demonstrative

demonstrative followed followed by genitive
by genitive marker marker
Syntactic case DEM DEM
Genitive – S.M o-hiy so s-o-hiy so

Genitive – S.F o-hok ko s-o-hok ko
Genitive – PL o-hom mo s-o-hom mo
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In (105), the subject demonstrative sohiy is followed by the masculine

genitive marker so. The genitive construction yier sohiy so modifies as a
pre-head genitive constituent the head of the main NP uru ‘name’. This
main NP is marked by the masculine topic marker hokwe which agrees in
number and gender with the head of the NP, uru ‘name’.
(105) [Yier sohiy so] uru hokwe Vanimo.
yier so-hiy s-o uru ho-kwe Vanimo
place DDEM-3S.M.SUB 3S.M-GEN name GL.M-TOP Vanimo
‘The name of that place was Vanimo.’
In (106), the subject demonstrative sohok is followed by the genitive
marker ko. The bolded genitive construction modifies the head of the NP
weynpaweyn ‘behaviour’. This NP is marked by the feminine object
marker ke which agrees in number and gender with the head of the NP.
(106) Hiykwe [sa sohok ko] weynpaweyn
Hiy-kwe sa so-hok k-o weynpaweyn
3S.M-TOP woman DDEM-3S.F 3S.F-GEN behaviour
ke lira menkin, hiykwe kar ley.
k-e lira menkin, hiy-kwe kar ley
3S.F-OBJ see when 3S.M-TOP glad go
‘When he saw the behaviour of that (particular) woman, he
was very glad.’
3.8.4 Overview of all syntactic NP markers
All the information on syntactic NP markers given in §3.7 and §3.8 is
brought together in Table 25. The table gives an overview of all syntactic
NP markers and how they are topicalised (by -kwe or kokwe). It is
noteworthy that demonstratives marked for subject, object or genitive are
never topicalised.
The three distal object demonstrative markers (sehe, sokwe and seme)
and the distal manner marker (senkin) are not only used adjectivally but
also adverbially. When used adverbially these demonstratives
immediately precede the verb phrase as an adverbial phrase that consists
of only one member. The adverbially used demonstrative encodes a
relationship of logical consequence between the clause it occurs in, and
the clause or sentence it anaphorically refers to (§4.4.2 and §4.4.3).
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TABLE 28: OVERVIEW OF ALL POSSIBLE SYNTACTIC NP MARKERS
Syntactic NP Proximal Distal

marker demonstratives demonstratives
Syntactic
case Case +Topic DEM DEM
SUB – S.M hiy hiy-kwe o-hiy s-o-hiy

SUB – S.F hok ho-kwe10 o-hok s-o-hok
SUB – DU hoh hoh-kwe o-hoh s-o-hoh
SUB – PL hom hom-kwe o-hom s-o-hom
OBJ – S.M se se kokwe e-h-e s-e-h-e
OBJ – S.F ke ke kokwe o-kw-e s-o-kw-e
OBJ – PL me me kokwe e-m-e s-e-m-e
GEN – S.M so o-hiy so s-o-hiy so
GEN – S.F ko o-hok ko s-o-hok ko
GEN – PL mo o-hom mo s-o-hom mo
3.9 Noun Phrases marked semantically –

postpositional phrases
NPs
encoding semantic roles in the clause other than agent and patient
are structurally postpositional phrases. In this section the different
structural shapes of these NPs are discussed.
a) +NP +Postposition
NPs that occur in this category are:
1. Locative NP NP + mon
2. Exactness NP NP + sok
3. Comitative NP NP + non
4. Similarity NP NP + eyn
10
hok suffixed by -kwe is written as hokwe, but the underlying form is /hok-kwe/.
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b) +NP +Object marker + Postposition

5. Accompaniment NP NP + Object Marker + nion
6. Comparative NP NP + Object Marker + hieyn
c) +NP +Ablative marker
7. Ablative NP NP + Ablative marker that
agrees in number and gender
with subject
In Table 29, the semantic NP markers are listed as another clearly
marked category. All noun phrases marked for semantic function can also
be topicalised by a phrase final topic marker.
TABLE 29: POST-POSITIONAL NP MARKERS SIGNALLING SEMANTIC FUNCTION
NP
Semantic case marker S.M S.F PL Topicalised
Locative mon mon kokwe
Exactness sok sok kokwe
Comitative non non kokwe
Similarity eyn eyn kokwe
se se ke me se / ke / me
Accompaniment
nion nion nion nion nion kokwe
se se ke me se / ke / me
Comparative
hieyn hieyn hieyn hieyn hieyn kokwe
ko se / ko ke /
Ablative ko se ko se ko ke ko me
ko me kokwe
It is perhaps more accurate syntactically to term some of these

structures postpositional phrases. The animate accompaniment and the
comparative have an object marked NP that does not function as the object
of the clause but as the object of the postposition. Syntactically, the
animate accompaniment and comparative phrases are postpositional
phrases. However, for the sake of symmetry and economy in presentation,
I will call them NPs marked by postpositions which indicate semantic case
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role. The intonation pattern supports this approach, as there is no pause

after the object marker in the Accompaniment NP and the Comparative NP.
3.9.1 Locative
Locative NPs are marked by the postposition mon ‘LOC’. The locative
postposition itself does not carry any additional information about exact
position or movement. This information is mostly carried by the verb or
by location nouns that precede the locative marker mon. In (107), the
locative marker mon can be used with a motion verb and also with a
stative verb.
(107) Aio hiykwe sapa mon ley.
aio hiy-kwe sapa mon ley
father 3S.M.SUB-TOP forest LOC go
Ipey hokwe a mon lwak.
ipey hok-kwe a mon lwak
mother 3S.F.SUB-TOP house LOC be
‘Father went to the forest. Mother is in the house.’
Location can be further specified by a set of location nouns, which are
placed after the noun or compound noun they specify for location. This is
done in two ways. Either the location noun is juxtaposed with the head
noun as in (108) where eir ‘top’ follows now-mowr. Alternatively a
genitive construction may be used, as in (109) where ohri ‘close’ follows
the genitive construction uwr mo.
(108) Ey hiykwe now-mowr eir mon liawon.
ey hiy-kwe now-mowr eir mon liawon
sun 3S.M.SUB-TOP tree-tip top LOC lie.down
‘The sun was just over the top of the trees.’
(109) Sawk huok sohokwe, uwr mo ohri mon
sawk huok so-ho-kwe uwr m-o ohri mon
CHD pig DDEM-GL.M-TOP man PL-GEN near LOC
ley pa.
ley pa
go NEG.PFTV
‘That pig did not go close to the men.’
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The following nouns in conjunction with mon specify a positional

location:
ohri ‘close’ meykyay ‘side’
ayaw ‘high’ ouon ‘under, inside’
eir ‘top’ meyki ‘after (time)’
ompok ‘middle’ meyki ‘after (location)’
(110) Popo-i somokwe seme lie,
popo-i so-mo-kwe so-m-e lie
papaya-seed DDEM-GL.PL-TOP DDEM-PL-OBJ go.up
hyo a meykyay mon kokwe.
hiy-o a meykyay mon ko-kwe
3S.M-GEN house side LOC GL.F-TOP
‘So those papaya fruits were growing at the side of his house.’
(111) Homkwe skul-a ouon mon lwak.
hom-kwe skul-a ouon mon lwak
2/3PL-TOP school-house under LOC be
‘They were inside (or: under) the school building.’
(112) Ney homkwe aiopey hay lwak ankin,
ney hom-kwe aiopey hay lwak ankin
child 2/3PL.SUB-TOP big very be as/while
homkwe now ayaw mon lie.
hom-kwe now ayaw mon lie
2/3PL.SUB-TOP tree high LOC go.up
‘When children are big they climb high in trees.’
Mon normally encodes location in space. But it can also encode
location in time, particularly in conjunction with meyki ‘behind, after’
(113).
(113) Kaunsil so meyki mon posokwaw
kaunsil s-o meyki mon po-so-kwaw
councillor 3S.M-GEN after LOC Q-HUM-RSTR.SUB
hin so?
hin so
shoot Q.SP.PFTV.M
‘Who shot after the councillor (did)?’
The positional noun meyki ‘behind, after’ also refers to location in
space, as in (114).
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(114) Hiykwe hyo meyki mon sau ney nok,

hiy-kwe hiy-o meyki mon sau ney nok
3S.M-TOP 3S.M-GEN after LOC run go SEQ
hye lokin kuayk.
hiy-e lokin kuayk
3S.M-OBJ hit fall
‘He ran after him and then tripped him.’
When the noun specified for location has the feature [+ human], there
is a strong preference to use the genitive to form the locative construction,
as (115) illustrates.
(115) Hiykwe uwrsa mo eir mon lwak
hiy-kwe uwr-sa m-o eir mon lwak
3S.M.SUB-TOP man-woman PL-GEN top LOC be
e nan.
e nan
PURP think
‘He wanted to be on top of the people (= wanted to be the
most important person).’
However, (116) demonstrates that location nouns that modify human
nouns do not always need to be preceded by a genitive marker.
(116) Hokwe uwrsa ompok-aw mon
hok-kwe uwr-sa ompok-aw mon
3S.F.SUB-TOP man-woman middle-EMPH LOC
non-meio wayr pa.
non-meio lwayr pa
DU-work stay NEG.PFTV
‘She did not live in the midst of people.’
The location words are analysed as nouns on the basis of distribution.
In (117), ompok is preceded by a genitive marker and followed by an
objective marker, which is a position that can only be filled by nouns.
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(117) Sok-sopok so ompok se lei

sok-sopok s-o ompok s-e lei
snake-corpse 3S.M-GEN middle 3S.M-OBJ cut
andor nok, pisu non.
landor nok pisu non
cut DUR knife CMT
‘The dead snake’s middle was cut through (= the snake was
cut in half) with a knife.’
3.9.2 Exactness
The postposition sok marks both temporal and locative phrases for
exactness, i.e. exact location in space or time. In (118), sok marks exact
time.
(118) Paraw-ar, yia 1972 sok kokwe, Australia-uwr
paraw-ar yia 1972 sok ko-kwe Australia-uwr
past-INTF year 1972 EXCT GL.F-TOP Australia-man
har homkwe hromo kipay mon le.
har hom-kwe hrom-o kipay mon le
some 2/3PL-TOP 1PL-GEN area LOC come
‘In the past, in 1972, some Australians came to our area.’
Like the locative mon, sok can also occur with location nominals. It
has been observed in texts with ompok ‘middle’, eir ‘top’, ohri ‘close’ and
meyki ‘behind, after (when referring to time)’.
(119) Hremekwe sawk nop hiy ar-nak-owkway
hrom-e-kwe sawk nop hiy ar-nak-lowkway
1PL-OBJ-TOP CHD ironwood 3S.M.SUB DIR:up-ACC-pull
nok, iway ompok sok.
nok iway ompok sok
DUR deep.water middle EXCT
‘As for us, the ironwood tree pulled us exactly in the middle
of the deep river.’
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3.9.3 Comitative
Comitative NPs are marked by the postposition non. The marker non
‘comitative’ has a number of uses:
1. Relational (120-122)
2. Instrumental (123-124)
3. Inanimate Accompaniment (125-126)
1. The comitative relates a noun phrase in the predication as a
component or a possession of another NP in that predication as in (120)
and (121).
(120) Mu homkwe orow non.
mu hom-kwe orow non
crocodile 2/3PL-TOP tail CMT
‘Crocodiles have tails.’
(121) Hiykwe peik piaparaw non.
hiy-kwe peik piaparaw non
3S.M-TOP illness bad CMT
‘He has a bad illness.’
The comitative non can also be used in an embedded construction. It
relates the embedded NP marked by the comitative to the head of the NP.
In (122), the modifying NP owk non ‘with string bag’ relates this
entity as being associated to the head of the noun phrase it modifies, i.e.
yoh ‘banana’. The two entities coexist together forming a new entity as it
were.
(122) Yoh owk non sokukwe sa
Yoh owk non so-ko-kwe sa
banana string.bag CMT DDEM-GL.F-TOP woman
hokwe nake pa.
hok-kwe nak-le pa
3S.F-TOP ACC-come NEG.PFTV
‘As for these bananas with/in the string bag, the woman did
not bring them.’
2. It encodes instrument when the NP immediately precedes a
transitive verb phrase. In that position it will follow the object NP, as in
(123). As previously stated, phrases that occur between a non-topic-
98
marked object NP and the verb phrase are unusual and noteworthy. When
such a phrase is marked by non, it always encodes instrument.
(123) Hiykwe hyo a se yia non
hiy-kwe hiy-o a s-e yia non
3S.M.SUB-TOP 3S.M-GEN house 3S.M-OBJ fire CMT
loum kawk kow.
loum kawk kow
burn put.inside BEN
‘He burned his house with fire.’
Example (124) illustrates the same point. The NP marked by the
comitative non is instrumental in force, as it follows the non-topic-marked
object NP ney prueyn se.
(124) Pouh hokwe sawk ney prueyn se
pouh hok-kwe sawk ney prueyn s-e
mother 3S.F.SUB-TOP CHD child one.CL1 3S.M-OBJ
ku non lowk kampror, makwey sok.
ku non lowk kam-pror makwey sok
axe CMT beat hold-break head EXCT
‘Mother cracked one child with an axe right on the head.’
3. Non-human accompaniment is marked by the comitative marker
non, as example (125) and (126) show. Both NPs immediately precede a
motion verb and therefore the NPs do not express instrument, but rather
non-human accompaniment. (Human accompaniment is dealt with in the
next section.)
(125) Hakwe ki ley ankin, ompow non
ha-kwe ki ley ankin ompow non
1S.SUB-TOP ground go as/while bow CMT
nak-anio.
nak-lanio
ACC-walk
‘When I go out (to the forest), I walk around with my bow.’
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(126) Huok-ai mokwe, hiykwe nwoh non

huok-ai mo-kwe hiy-kwe nwoh non
pig-animal GL.PL-TOP 3S.M-TOP dog CMT
hiynaw o.
hiy-naw lo
CAUS-roam shoot
‘As for pigs and (other) animals, he roamed around with the
dog and shot them.’
3.9.3.1 Postpositional comitative noun phrase embedded
within another noun phrase
The comitative can be used to embed a postpositional noun phrase
within another noun phrase. The embedded noun phrase follows and
modifies the head of the noun phrase and is followed by the noun phrase
final marker. In the examples below the head of the NP and the NP final
marker are bolded; the embedded noun phrase is underlined.
In (127), the head of the noun phrase uwr ‘man’ is modified by the
embedded postpositional noun phrase yeik-ompow non ‘with bow and
arrows’. The noun phrase is marked by the masculine marker se which
agrees in number and gender with the head of the noun phrase uwr ‘man’.
(127) Hakwe uwr yeik-ompow non se
ha-kwe uwr yeik-ompow non s-e
1S.SUB-TOP man arrow-bow CMT 3S.M-OBJ
lira huon.
lira huon
see OBJ>SUB
‘I saw a man coming with bow and arrows.’
Embedded postpositional phrases with non affect the gender marking
on the NP they modify. In (128), the noun phrase head ney ‘child’ is
modified by the embedded postpositional noun phrase owk non ‘with
string bag’. This sentence was taken from a story about a male child. The
noun phrase, however, is marked by the feminine object marker ke which
does not agree in gender with the head of the noun phrase ney ‘child’. It is
assumed that the object marker for this noun phrase with the embedded
postpositional phrase is selected on the basis of the total physical
appearance of the entity encoded.
100
(128) Hokwe sa ney owk non

hok-kwe sa ney owk non
3S.F.SUB-TOP then/and child string.bag CMT
ke nak-huor.
k-e nak-huor
3S.F-OBJ ACC-hanging.down
‘She carried the child with (in) the string bag.’
A noun phrase modified by an embedded postpositional phrase can
also be topicalised. In (129), the NP is marked by the general NP topic
marker kokwe.
(129) Hiykwe huok-nays owk non kokwe, kamon,
hiy-kwe huok-nays owk non ko-kwe kamon
3S.M-TOP pig-tooth string.bag CMT GL.F-TOP one.CL2
senkin nak-huor yay sawan.
so-enkin nak-huor lyay sawan
DDEM-MAN ACC-hanging.down place.down hang
‘As for the pig tusks with (= in) the string bag, he carried one
of them, hanging (over his shoulder).’
3.9.4 Similarity
The postposition of similarity or resemblance eyn ‘like’ can modify
nouns (130), personal pronouns (131) and modifiers (132).
In (130), eyn modifies the genitive construction it follows.
(130) Hmo owh mokwe now mo ma
hom-o owh mo-kwe now m-o ma
2/3PL-GEN body GL.PL-TOP tree PL-GEN leaf
eyn lwak.
eyn lwak
SIM be
‘Their skin is like the leaves of a tree.’
In (131), the NP hano eyn is a NP with an ellipted head. The
postposition eyn modifies the genitive pronoun and its ellipted head pen.
(131) Pen sohokwe hano eyn lira.
pen so-ho-kwe han-o eyn lira
pen DDEM-GL.M-TOP 1S-GEN SIM see
‘That pen looks like mine.’
101
In (132), it modifies the predicate modifier yaprue ‘good’.

(132) Onkioh hakwe peik non, sawk pokon hakwe
onkioh ha-kwe peik non sawk pokon ha-kwe
yesterday 1S-TOP ill CMT CHD today 1S-TOP
yaprue eyn lwak.
yaprue eyn lwak
good SIM be
‘Yesterday I was sick, but today I feel somewhat alright.’
3.9.5 Accompaniment
Human accompaniment is encoded by an object NP marked by the
postposition marker nion. The noun in this phrase is obligatorily animate,
as illustrated in (133). The object marker does not indicate that the NP is
the object of the clause, but rather that it is the object of the postposition
nion. In spite of the presence of the object marker, the accompaniment NP
is analysed as a single NP. The intonation pattern over the clause seems to
confirm this. Normally a NP final object marker can be followed by a
pause, but there is no pause between the object marker se and the
postpositional marker nion.
In (133), places where a speaker pauses or can potentially pause are
indicated by '. The bolded post-positional NP forms one intonational unit.
(133) Hakwe 'hano aio se nion 'huok
ha-kwe han-o aio s-e nion huok
1S-TOP 1S-GEN father 3S.M-OBJ ACC pig
'lanio ous ley.
lanio lous ley
walk chase INCH
‘I am going to hunt pigs with my father.’
Accompaniment can also be marked on a NP consisting only of a
personal pronoun. In (134), the pronoun is marked for object and followed
by nion.
(134) Wayh ara, hane nion ley e.
wayh ara han-e nion ley e
friend ADDR.M 1S-OBJ ACC go OBJ.IMP
‘Friend, just come with me.’
102
3.9.6 Comparative
Like the NP Accompaniment, the NP Comparative hosts an object
marker, which does not function as the object of the clause, but as the
object of the postposition. The NP Comparative is marked by the direct
object and the postpositional marker hieyn. The NP forms one intonational
unit.
(135) Huok homkwe howniy ke hieyn liy sau.
huok hom-kwe howniy k-e hieyn liy sau
pig 2/3PL-TOP wind 3S.F-OBJ COMP DYN run
‘Pigs are able to run like the wind.’
Comparative can also be marked on a NP consisting only of a personal
pronoun. In (136), the pronoun is marked for object and followed by
hieyn.
(136) Hunkwe hane hieyn lon e.
hwon-kwe han-e hieyn lon e
2S-TOP 1S-OBJ COMP do OBJ.IMP
‘Just do like me.’
3.9.7 Ablative
Noun phrases functioning in the ablative case are marked by the
ablative marker ko followed by one of the object markers se, ke or me.
The ablative ko is homophonous with the genitive feminine ko, but in
contrast to the genitive marker, the ablative marker ko does not change for
gender or number.
The object marker following the ablative ko is governed by the subject
in terms of its person and number. In (137), the feminine object marker ke
in the underlined NP corresponds to the feminine subject hokwe.
(137) Hokwe yier kamon ko ke ma-le.
hok-kwe yier kamon ko k-e ma-le
3S.F.SUB-TOP place one.CL2 ABL 3S.F-OBJ RPT-come
‘She came back from a certain village.’
Likewise, the object marker of the ablative noun phrase in (138) and
(139) corresponds in gender and number to the subject and not to the head
of its NP. In (138) the noun now ‘tree’ is masculine, but the object marker
corresponds with the gender of the subject.
103
(138) Hokwe now ayaw ko ke loksow.

hok-kwe now ayaw ko k-e loksow
3S.F.SUB-TOP tree top ABL 3S.F-OBJ climb.down
‘She came down from the tree top.’
In (139), the plural object marker me in the underlined NP corresponds
to the plural subject mu homkwe (crocodiles).
(139) Mu homkwe hu-ouon ko me
mu hom-kwe hu-ouon ko m-e
crocodile 2/3PL-TOP water-under ABL PL-OBJ
ar-eirsow ha.
ar-leirsow ha
DIR:up-come.to.surface OBJ<SUB
‘The crocodiles came up out of the water.’
In (140), the object marker se in the underlined NP agrees with the
subject hiykwe in gender and number, and not with the head of its NP, the
feminine noun sey ‘platform’.
(140) Hiykwe sawk sey ko se
hiy-kwe sawk sey ko s-e
3S.M.SUB-TOP CHD platform ABL 3S.M-OBJ
kyor-oreys liok.
kyor-loreys liok
DIR:down-jump in.vain
‘He jumped down – unsuccessfully – from the platform.’
3.9.8 Topicalisation of postpositional phrases
It was previously noted that phrases that are marked for subject or
object can only be topicalised by the feminine topic marker kokwe. The
same is true for postpositional phrases. They can only be topicalised by
the feminine kokwe even if the headof the NP has masculine gender or
plural number.
In (141), the feminine general NP topic marker kokwe topicalises the
bolded NP that hosts the locative marker mon.
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(141) Hiykwe yoh-ney senkin senkin

hiy-kwe yoh-ney so-enkin so-enkin
3S.M.SUB-TOP banana-small DDEM-MAN DDEM-MAN
me nak-anio saro wayr, hyo wueir iwon
m-e nak-lanio saro lwayr hiy-o wueir iwon
PL-OBJ ACC-walk plant stay 3S.M-GEN garden new
mon kokwe.
mon ko-kwe
LOC GL.F-TOP
‘He went around planting various banana shoots in his new
garden.’
In (142), the feminine topic marker kokwe occurs phrase finally in a
NP that is marked by nion ‘accompaniment’. The head of the NP is
masculine, but NPs already marked for syntactic or semantic case are
always topicalised by the feminine topic marker.
(142) Mowr hiykwe sawk aw sehe
mowr hiy-kwe sawk aw so-h-e
hornbill 3S.M.SUB-TOP CHD fight DDEM-3S.M-OBJ
lono, wayp se nion kokwe.
lono wayp s-e nion ko-kwe
fight eagle 3S.M-OBJ with GL.F-TOP
‘So the hornbill started a fight with the eagle.’
As in (141) and (142), topicalised NPs which also host a semantic
marker often occur in tail position. It is possible though, for a topicalised
NP with a semantic marker to occur more sentence initially, as is shown in
(143).
(143) Hiykwe sapa mon kokwe aiai ki lanio
hiy-kwe sapa mon ko-kwe aiai ki lanio
3S.M-TOP forest LOC GL.F-TOP food ground walk
a e ley.
la e ley
eat PURP go
‘He went into the forest in order to hunt around for food.’
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3.9.9 Subject demonstrative in postpositional phrases

The subject demonstrative can occur in constructions with the
semantic case markers sok (exactness) and non (comitative) where the
demonstrative loses its subject force (compare §3.8.3). The construction
of a subject demonstrative followed by a topicalised semantic case marker
is rare and has only been observed for these temporal phrases. The bolded
NPs contain the subject demonstrative sohiy with the semantic markers sok
(144) and with non (145).
(144) Enekwei sohiy sok kokwe hiykwe
Enekwei so-hiy sok ko-kwe hiy-kwe
time DDEM-3S.M.SUB EXCT GL.F.TOP 3S.M.SUB-TOP
now hyo oryay hiy hye ma
now hyo oryay hiy hye ma
tree 3S.M.GEN older.brother 3S.M.SUB 3S.OBJ RCM
mesous, serey lwak.
me-sous, serey lwak
speak-forbid there be
‘At that specific time, he was at the tree that his brother had
forbidden him.’
(145) Enekwei sohiy non kokwe hiykwe
Enekwei so-hiy non ko-kwe hiy-kwe
time DDEM-3S.M.SUB CMT GL.F.TOP 3S.M.SUB-TOP
Hai Skul mon mon-sorasor.
Hai Skul mon mon-sorasor
High School LOC do-study
‘During that particular time he was studying at the High
School.’
3.10 Noun phrase structure

This section outlines the structure of the noun phrase. Four noun
phrase types are posited.
a. The standard noun phrase
b. Headless noun phrase
c. Noun phrase headed by a personal pronoun
d. Conjoined NP
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TABLE 30: THE STANDARD NOUN PHRASE
+Pre-head +Head +Post Head
+Genitive +noun / +Qualifier +Quantifier +Gram. +Postpositions +Topic

modifier compound N Marker marker
Constituent Single noun Descriptive Numerals, Subject, Locative, Suffix -kwe,

with Genitive or two nouns words Indefinite Object and Comitative, General
marker -o juxtaposed quantifier Genitive Accompaniment Topic
markers markers
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3.10.1 Standard noun phrase

The standard NP occurs with an obligatory head, an optional pre-head
and potentially five optional post-head modifying constituents. The head
consists of a noun or a nominal compound. The highest pitch within the
noun phrase is on the first syllable of the head. The pre-head constituent is
a possessive modifier, realised by a genitive pronoun or by a genitive
prepositional phrase. The post-head modifying constituents describe the
nominal head, or its deictic position in the communication situation. The
constituents of the standard noun phrase are ordered in Table 30.
3.10.1.1 Pre-head constituents

The only phrase constituents able to appear before the head are
independent pronouns or phrases marked with the genitive suffix -o. In
(146), the first hano ‘my’ is an independent personal pronoun with
genitive marking, modifying the head noun sa ‘woman’. The second hano
is a genitive pronoun modifying kam ‘uncle’. The noun phrase hano kam
‘my uncle’ itself is modified by the genitive marker so. Together they
form a possessive phrase modifying the head noun ney ‘child’:
(146) Hano sa hokwe hano kam so
han-o sa hok-kwe han-o kam s-o
1S-GEN woman 3S.F.SUB-TOP 1S-GEN uncle 3S.M-GEN
ney korey.
ney korey
child NEG
‘My wife is not the daughter of my maternal uncle.’
In (147), the head of the noun phrase is the final noun ney ‘child’,
which is modified by four underlined genitive constructions.
(147) Hiykwe hano ipey ko hiom
hiy-kwe han-o ipey k-o hiom
3S.M.SUB-TOP 1S-GEN mother 3S.F-GEN brother
so ney ko ney.
s-o ney k-o ney
3S.M-GEN child 3S.F-GEN child
‘He is my mother’s brother’s daughter’s son.’
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3.10.1.2 Head constituent

The head of the noun phrase is either a noun or a compound noun. All
standard noun phrases are underlined and the head constituent is bolded.
(148) Enekwei kamon hokwe, hiykwe ku ke
enekwei kamon ho-kwe hiy-kwe ku k-e
time one.CL2 GL.M-TOP 3S.M-TOP axe 3S.F-OBJ
lway nok, sapa mon nak-ey.
lway nok sapa mon nak-ley
carry SEQ forest LOC ACC-go
‘One day, after taking his axe, he went to the forest.’
Example (149) has two compound nouns: nop-uwr ‘ironwood man’
and yoh-wueir ‘banana garden’.
(149) Enekwei kamon hokwe, nop-uwr hiy
enekwei kamon ho-kwe nop-uwr hiy
time one.CL2 GL.M-TOP ironwood-man 3S.M.SUB
le nayr nok, yoh-wueir se lanio
le nayr nok yoh-wueir s-e lanio
come night SEQ banana-garden 3S.M-OBJ walk
ira nayr.
lira nayr
see night
‘At one time, the man from the ironwood tree (= spirit) came
and looked around at the banana garden during the night.’
3.10.1.3 Post-head constituents

Constituents following the head of the noun phrase include qualifiers,
numeral/quantifier, object/subject marker, semantic case role markers, and
topic markers.
The noun phrases in (146) and (149), as well as most of the NPs in
(150-153) have been analysed for constituent types in Table 31.
TABLE 31: EXAMPLES OF STANDARD NOUN PHRASES
+ Genitive +HEAD +Qualifier +Quantifier + Syntactic +Post- +Topic

markers position marker
(146) hano kam so ney
(149) nop-uwr hiy
(149) yoh-wueir se
(150) hoko koua iwon ke
(151) sa nawp prueyn hok- -kwe
(151) hoko ney prueysar me nion
(151) sapa mon
(152) yoh-ney senkin senkin me
(152) hyo wueir iwon mon kokwe
(153) wayp se nion kokwe
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110
(150) Hokwe hoko koua iwon ke peyn.

hok-kwe hok-o koua iwon k-e peyn
3S.F-TOP 3S.F-GEN grass.skirt new 3S.F-OBJ tie.around
‘She put on her new grass skirt.’
(151) Paraw paraw-ar kokwe sa nawp prueyn
paraw paraw-ar ko-kwe sa nawp prueyn
past past-INTF GL.F-TOP woman old one.CL1
hokwe, hoko ney prueysar me
hok-kwe hok-o ney prueys-ar m-e
3S.F.SUB-TOP 3S.F-GEN child two.CL1-INTS PL-OBJ
nion non-wayr, sapa mon.
nion non-lwayr sapa mon
with DU-stay forest LOC
‘Long ago an old lady lived with her two children in the
forest.’
(152) Hiykwe yoh-ney senkin senkin
hiy-kwe yoh-ney so-enkin so-enkin
3S.M.SUB-TOP banana-small DDEM-MAN DDEM-MAN
me nak-anio saro wayr, hyo wueir
m-e nak-lanio saro lwayr hiy-o wueir
PL-OBJ ACC-walk plant stay 3S.M-GEN garden
iwon mon kokwe.
iwon mon ko-kwe
new LOC GL.F-TOP
‘He went around planting various banana shoots in his new
garden.’
(153) Mowr hiykwe sawk aw sehe lono,
mowr hiy-kwe sawk aw so-h-e lono
hornbill 3S.M-TOP CHD fight DDEM-3S.M-OBJ fight
wayp se nion kokwe.
wayp s-e nion ko-kwe
eagle 3S.M-OBJ with GL.F-TOP
‘So the hornbill started a fight with the eagle.’
3.10.2 Headless noun phrase
The headless noun phrase is very much like the standard noun phrase,
except that its head is deleted. A pre-head or post-head constituent
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(modifier and/or quantifier) is the only obligatory constituent of this NP.

The deleted head is understood from the context.
In (154), a quantifier refers to the deleted noun huok ‘pig’. This
quantifier and the masculine object marker se both refer to the ellipted
noun.
(154) Huok somokwe hakan. Sawk hakwe
huok so-mo-kwe hakan sawk ha-kwe
pig DDEM-GL.PL-TOP flee CHD 1S.SUB-TOP
kamon se hin.
kamon s-e hin
one.CL2 3S.M-OBJ shoot
‘The pigs fled, but I shot one (of them).’
In (155), the topic mu ‘crocodiles’ is understood, and so the noun is
ellipted:
(155) Mu somokwe sowpwareney
mu so-mo-kwe sowpwareney
crocodile DDEM-GL.PL-TOP small
homkwaw. Hiy sa sehe me,
hom-kwaw hiy sa so-h-e me
2/3PL.SUB-RSTR 3S.M then/and DDEM-3S.M-OBJ speak
hyo wayh se, “Ara, aiopey-ar
hiy-o wayh s-e ara aiopey-ar
3S.M-GEN friend 3S.M-OBJ ADDR.M big-INTF
me-aw non-nekie inon e.”
m-e-aw non-nekie linon e
PL-OBJ-RSTR DU-hold carry OBJ
‘Those crocodiles were only small crocodiles. Therefore he
said to his friend, “Man, let’s just only take the big ones.”’
An ellipted noun can be referred to by both a modifier and a quantifier
as is shown in the elicited example (156).
112
(156) Ara, aiopey-ar krompri me-aw non-nekie

ara aiopey-ar krompri m-e-aw non-nekie
ADDR.M big-INTF three PL-OBJ-RSTR DU-hold
inon e.
linon e
carry OBJ
‘Man, let’s just only take three big ones.’
Especially in verbless clauses, the ellipted head of the NP can also be
referred to by a pre-head constituent, either by a possessive pronoun (157)
or by a noun marked for genitive (158).
(157) Youk sokukwe hyo.
youk so-ko-kwe hiy-o
paddle DDEM-GL.F-TOP 3S.M-GEN
‘That paddle is his.’
(158) Youk sokukwe aio so.
youk so-ko-kwe aio s-o
paddle DDEM-GL.F-TOP father 3S.M-GEN
‘That paddle is father’s.’
3.10.3 Noun phrase with a pronoun as head
A personal pronoun (in either subject or object form) can head a NP.
This type of NP mostly consists of only the head (§3.1.2), but can also be
followed by an oblique marker and/or topic marker.
In (159), the head of the bolded NP is followed by the oblique marker
nion ‘Accompaniment’
(159) Hakwe hehe nion non-ohruw-a pa.
ha-kwe hoh-e nion non-lohruw-a pa
1S-TOP 2/3DU-OBJ ACC DU-talk-eat NEG.PFTV
‘I did not talk with the two of them.’
In (160), the head of the bolded NP is followed by the general topic
marker kokwe.
(160) Hiykwe hane kokwe ok kamon ke
hiy-kwe han-e ko-kwe ok kamon k-e
3S.M.SUB-TOP 1S-OBJ GL.F-TOP talk one.CL2 3S.F-OBJ
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me nonkway kow pa.

me nonkway kow pa
speak know BEN NEG.PFTV
‘He did not give me one talk (= piece of information).’
3.10.4 Conjoined noun phrase
A list of nouns joined together by the conjunction o ‘and’ forms the
head of the conjoined NP.
A conjoined noun phrase can function as either the subject or object
of its containing clause. The final noun phrase marker indicates the
syntactic function of the noun phrase. In (161), the object demonstrative
seme-aw has as its scope both nouns, wayh ‘yam’ and yoh ‘banana’.
(161) Hakwe wayh o, yoh o, seme-aw la
ha-kwe wayh o yoh o so-m-e-aw la
1S-TOP yam and banana and DDEM-PL-OBJ-RSTR eat
nok, anwaw nak-iawon.
nok anwaw nak-liawon
SEQ sleep ACC-lie.down
‘I just ate those yams and bananas, and then I lay down and
slept.’
In (162), the conjoined NP is marked by the nominative pronominal
marker homkwe, which indicates that the underlined NP functions as
subject of the clause.
(162) Hoko ipey o, aio o, homkwe
hok-o ipey o aio o hom-kwe
3S.F-GEN mother and father and 2/3PL.SUB-TOP
heke kasaw lon hohuaw.
hok-e kasaw lon hohuaw
3S.F-OBJ nose do angry
‘Her mother and her father were angry with her.’
A conjoined NP is not limited to only two constituents. Whenever a
longer list is introduced the occurrence of the manner adverb preceding
the VP is necessary. In example (163), the adverb senkin is obligatory to
introduce a list of conjoined NPs.
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(163) Wueir sohokwe, hiykwe senkin

wueir so-ho-kwe, hiy-kwe so-enkin
garden DDEM-GL.M-TOP 3S.M.SUB-TOP DDEM-MAN
saro, yoh-yok o, how-yok o, pey-yok
saro yoh-yok o how-yok o pey-yok
plant banana-shoot and taro-shoot and sugarcane-shoot
o, aiai-yok har o.
o aiai-yok har o
and food-shoot some and
‘As for his garden, he planted thus: banana shoots and taro
shoots and sugarcane shoots and some other food type
shoots.’
3.11 Zero marking on noun phrases

More than 90% of all noun phrases are marked by topic, syntactic and
semantic markers. This section discusses the function of zero marking on
the noun phrase. Zero marking here means the absence of any of the topic,
syntactic and semantic markers listed in Table 22, Table 25, Table 26, and
Table 29.
3.11.1 Zero marking as a result of noun incorporation
Zero marking on nouns can partly be explained by the occurrence of
noun incorporation. Mithun (1984:848-9) states:
Compounding is done for a reason. Some entity,
quality, or activity is recognised sufficiently often to
be considered name-worthy in its own right. … Such
compounding has a significant effect on the role of
the N involved. In He is off berry-picking, the word
berry does not refer to a specific berry, nor to a
particular bushful of berries: it qualifies the V,
describing the type of picking in progress. Because it
does not refer, it is not marked for definiteness or
number.
Noun incorporation in Abau is indicated by the juxtaposition of an

unmarked object NP with a verb. As Mithun stated the noun is indeed “not
marked for definiteness or number” and occurs without any object
marking that is normally expected for nouns having patient role. In spite
115
of the close relationship between the unmarked noun and the verb it
precedes, the Abau noun does not become part of the verb phrase as is
further explained below.
Noun phrases that are frequently zero marked are incorporated nouns
acting as patient. These nouns do not need to be recognised as definite,
unique entities, since the activity the patient is involved in is in focus,
rather than the patient itself. In (164), the nouns naw ‘sago’ and yayh
‘song’ do not need to be recognised as definite, unique entities. The focus
is on the activity that is expressed by the noun in combination with the
verb phrase (‘sago making’ and ‘sing-sing dancing’).
(164) Hromkwe naw mayr nok, yayh lowk.
hrom-kwe naw mayr nok yayh lowk
1PL-TOP sago scrape SEQ song beat
‘After we did sago-scraping, we did song-drumming (= after
we scraped sago, we sang/danced songs).’
In (165), hope ‘tobacco’ and loum ‘burn’ form the general activity
‘smoking’.
(165) Aio hiykwe hope loum.
aio hiy-kwe hope loum
father 3S.M-TOP tobacco burn
‘Father is smoking tobacco.’
In (166), the N V construction wueir meio can be glossed ‘garden
working’. This construction specifies the type of work, namely garden
work; it does not refer to a specific garden. Therefore the noun wueir is
not marked as the object of the clause. In the second clause, the noun
phrase wueir-aiai senkin senkin (various kinds of garden produce) is
marked by the plural objective pronominal marker me, because it refers to
a specific activity in a specified location.
(166) Hiykwe wueir meio nok, wueir-aiai
hiy-kwe wueir meio nok wueir-aiai
3S.M.SUB-TOP garden work SEQ garden-food
senkin senkin me saro.
so-enkin so-enkin m-e saro
DDEM-MAN DDEM-MAN PL-OBJ plant
‘He did garden work and then he planted various kinds of
garden produce.’
116
In (167), the noun yayh ‘song’ does not refer to a particular song but
combines with the verb to specify a generic activity. However, in (168),
yayh ‘song’ refers to identifiable songs which were practised. Therefore
the noun phrase is marked as the object of the clause.
(167) Arawh lwak nayr menkin, homkwe yayh lowk nayr.
arawh lwak nayr menkin hom-kwe yayh lowk nayr
night be night when 2/3PL-TOP song beat night
‘When it was night they did song-drumming.’
(168) Hohkwe sawk yayh me seme non-owk
hoh-kwe sawk yayh m-e so-m-e non-lowk
3DU-TOP CHD song PL-OBJ DDEM-PL-OBJ DU-beat
sor-a-sor nayr.
sor-a-sor nayr
track-RDPL-track night
‘So the two of them practised those songs together all night.’
Noun incorporation in Abau is marked by the absence of the object
marker on the NP. The noun is placed as close as possible to the verb
phrase. However, modal and negation markers and interrogatives can
intervene between the noun and the verb phrase. In other words, the noun
and the verb do not combine into a single word, as in the English example
‘berry-picking’ above. In (170), the noun is separated from the verb
phrase by a negation marker, and in (171) by an interrogative.
(169) Homkwe yayh lowk nayr.
hom-kwe yayh lowk nayr
2/3PL-TOP song beat night
‘They did song-drumming during the night.’
(170) Homkwe yayh pese lowk o.
hom-kwe yayh pese lowk o
2/3PL-TOP song PROH beat SP.IPFTV
‘Do not do song-drumming.’
(171) Hakwe yayh paneke lowk nayr so.
ha-kwe yayh paneke lowk nayr so
1S-TOP song why beat night Q.SP.PFTV.M
‘Why did I do song-drumming all night?’
In spite of the fact that modal markers and interrogatives may
intervene between a zero marked noun and the verb phrase, Abau
117
recognises a form of noun incorporation that is manifested by NPs that are

not marked and consist of a single noun. Table 32 gives a number of
examples of noun incorporation that occur so frequently that they behave
as formulaic expressions in Abau. Noun incorporation accounts for most
of the zero marking on noun phrases.
TABLE 32: UNMARKED NOUN OBJECTS INCORPORATED IN VERBS
Noun Incorporation Meaning

yier lousne ‘arrive home (lit. village arrive)’
ney mow ‘give birth (lit. child bear)’
eheyr lyuk ‘cry tears (lit. crying cry)’
uron lowk ‘feel sorry (lit. heart beat)’
yia lowm ‘burn (down) ( lit. fire burn)’
huok lous ‘hunt a pig (lit. pig chase)’
hu hawr ‘take a bath (lit. water wash)’
ni low ‘urinate (lit. urine urinate)’
nays peyk ‘be surprised/shamed (lit. teeth bite)’
yeyk meio ‘make a canoe (lit. canoe make)’
kar ley ‘be happy (lit. gladness go)’
hekweyr kweyr ‘to laugh (lit. laughter laugh)’
now liawon ‘have a dream (lit. dream sleep)’
naw mayr ‘make sago (lit. sago scrape)’
hu lows ‘fetch water (lit. water collect)’
siowp lokrue ‘be hungry (lit. stomach die)’
3.11.2 Fronted object NP with zero marking

Above it was stated that noun incorporation is restricted to unmarked
NPs that consist of one single noun. NPs consisting of more than one
member can occur with zero marking on the NP. They are left-located and
occur even sentence initial. This left dislocation is normally reserved for
all topicalised NPs. Sentence-initial NPs with zero marking are rather rare
and therefore noteworthy.
118
In (172), the NP object hno ihey mo yeyk is separated from the rest of
the predicate by a pause which is marked by a comma.
(172) Hno ihey mo yeyk, ha po
hwon-o ihey m-o yeyk, ha po
2S-GEN white.man PL-GEN canoe 1S.SUB PFT
nakway kow.
nak-lway kow
ACC-carry BEN
‘Your plane (lit. ‘your white man’s canoe’) - I have paid for
it.’
A zero marked sentence-initial NP is more prominent than a sentence
initial topic-marked NP. It could be seen as a way to mark both the topic
one wants to discuss and the comment made on the topic as new
information. In the example above the option of flying home by plane was
not mentioned within the text. The introduction of the very topic was new
information as well as the comment that the ticket had already been
bought.
The unexpected fronting of the NP signals pivotal material, crucial to
the development of the utterance argument (sometimes contrasting with
the addressee’s pre-conceptions). Even if the introduction of the topic by
means of a zero marked NP has the flavour of new information, the
subsequent comment made about the NP contains the most prominent new
information.
Thus a zero marked left-dislocated NP is analysed as a NP that
introduces a relatively unexpected topic that still requires further
commentary. In other words: although backgrounded to the information
presented in the sentential core, a zero-marked left-located NP is much
higher on the scale of prominence than a topic-marked NP without case
marking, the default mechanism for giving background information (see
§8.6 for more on prominence). The difference between a zero marked and
a topicalised left-located NP is demonstrated by comparing the nearly
identical examples (173) and (172). The fronted NP in (172) is only
marked by a pause, the fronted NP in (173) is marked by a general topic
marker. The fronted NPs in both examples are viewed as background
information, but the NP in (172) is the more prominent of the two.
119
(173) Hno ihey mo yeyk hokwe, ha

hwon-o ihey m-o yeyk ho-kwe, ha
2S-GEN white.man PL-GEN canoe GL.M-TOP 1S.SUB
po nakway kow.
po nak-lway kow
PFT ACC-carry BEN
‘As for your plane, I have already paid for it.’
Example (174) is taken from the story of the two brothers (see
appendix). When the younger brother’s shoulder is pulled from two sides,
he expresses the fear that his shoulder might be pulled off. The shoulder
was not mentioned yet and the topic hano someykyow (my shoulder) is
introduced as a new topic, which is indicated by the absence of marking
on the NP.
(174) Ara, hano someykyow, pau lon-kair
ara han-o someykyow pau lon-kair
ADDR.M 1S-GEN shoulder CUR.CMPL move-remove
sow ohriar lwak.
sow ohriar lwak
off near be
‘Man, my shoulder - it is at the point of being taken out (of
joint).’
3.11.3 Zero marking in verbless clauses or in clauses
with only a stative verb
Lack of case marking also characterises NPs with comment function in
verbless clauses or clauses with the existential/stative verb lwak ‘be’ by
definition. The comment slot cannot be topicalised, as it contains the
information that the speaker wants to treat as new.
In the verbless sentence (175), kaman ‘wild pig’ is an unmarked NP
with comment function.
(175) Huok sohokwe kaman.
huok so-ho-kwe kaman
pig DDEM-GL.M-TOP wild.pig
‘The pig was a wild pig.’
Likewise in the following sentence predicated by the stative lwak ‘be’,
the comment constituent, wayh ihey-ar ‘really good friends’ is unmarked.
120
(176) Hohkwe wayh ihey-ar non-wak.

hoh-kwe wayh ihey-ar non-lwak
2/3DU-TOP friend excellent-INTF DU-be
‘The two of them were really good friends.’
3.11.4 Zero marking in constructions with senkin
Noun phrases with the semantic role of agent or patient occur without
any syntactic, semantic or pragmatic marking when preceding the
adverbial demonstrative senkin.
In (177), the NP paraw paraw-ar kokwe (a long time ago) fills the
topic component. The bolded NP uwr prueyn (one man) is part of the
comment component and has agent function. The adverbial demonstrative
senkin ‘DDEM-MAN’ refers forward to forthcoming discourse and its
presence requires the absence of any syntactic marking on the preceding
NP.
(177) Paraw paraw-ar kokwe uwr prueyn
paraw paraw-ar ko-kwe uwr prueyn
past past-INTF GL.F-TOP man one
senkin lwayr.
so-enkin lwayr
DDEM-MAN stay
‘A long time ago there lived a certain man like this.’
The absence of subject marking in the example above is not due to the
use of the numeral. New participants are often introduced with the
numeral one, but the use of the numeral does not require absence of
syntactic marking. New participants can also be introduced by a NP that
hosts a syntactic marker. If that happens the adverbial demonstrative is
obligatorily absent. For example in (178), the NP uwr prueyn hiy ‘a certain
man’ introduces a new participant. The NP is marked syntactically for
subject by hiy and the adverbial demonstrative senkin is not used.
121
(178) Sa hiy hakan liok, sawk uwr prueyn

sa hiy hakan liok sawk uwr prueyn
then 3S.M.SUB flee in.vain CHD man one
hiy hye nweyh swawr kwawk prosue.
hiy hiy-e nweyh swawr kwawk prosue
3S.M.SUB 3S.M-OBJ grab hold.fast be.inside stopped
‘He attempted in vain to run away, but a certain man stopped
him by grabbing him and holding (his arms) tight around
him.’
The use of the adverbial demonstrative senkin requires the preceding
noun phrase not to have any syntactic, semantic or pragmatic marking. It
is postulated that the NP is not marked because it functions as a non-
referential item or participant, where the activity rather than the item or
participant affected by the activity is in focus. In (179), the NP huok
kamon ‘pig one’ has the function of patient in the clause, but is not
marked for object. The use of the adverbial demonstrative senkin
highlights the importance of the activity as expressed by the verb phrase
and makes the NP non-referential.
(179) Kupe hiykwe huok kamon senkin hin.
Kupe hiy-kwe huok kamon so-enkin hin
Kupe 3S.M-TOP pig one.CL2 DDEM-MAN shoot
‘Kupe shot a pig like this.’ Or: ‘This is how Kupe’s pig
shooting went.’
When the adverbial demonstrative senkin is not used, a noun phrase
with patient role, even when introduced with the numeral one, is marked
for object, as is shown in (180) where the bolded NP is marked by the
masculine object marker se.
(180) Kupe hiykwe huok kamon se hin.
Kupe hiy-kwe huok kamon s-e hin
Kupe 3S.M.SUB-TOP pig one.CL2 3S.M-OBJ shoot
‘Kupe shot a certain pig’
In (181), the bolded noun phrase has the role of patient, but is not
marked for object because it is followed by the adverbial demonstrative
senkin. Again, the activity, rather than the NP with patient role is in focus.
122
(181) Hiykwe hyo ney-sa senkin

hiy-kwe hiy-o ney-sa so-enkin
3S.M.SUB-TOP 3S.M-GEN child-woman DDEM-MAN
hiy-ey.
hiy-ley
CAUS-go
‘He took his wife and children along like this.’ Or: ‘This is
how the leading along of his family went.’
In (182), the bolded noun phrase has the role of patient and is marked
accordingly as object by the object marker me, since it is not followed by
the adverbial demonstrative senkin.
(182) Hromkwe uwr har me hiy-ey ey.
hrom-kwe uwr har m-e hiy-ley ey
1PL.SUB-TOP man some PL-OBJ CAUS-go INTN
‘We want to take along a few men.’
In (183), the first two forms of senkin ‘DDEM-MAN’ are used
attributively, modifying the head of the NP aiai ‘fish’. The final senkin is
used adverbially. The bolded NP has patient role but is obligatorily not
marked for object because of the following adverbial demonstrative.
(183) Zet so yawk sohokwe aiai
Zet s-o yawk so-ho-kwe aiai
Zet 3S.M-GEN fishing.net DDEM-GL.M-TOP fish
senkin senkin, senkin lwawk.
so-enkin so-enkin so-enkin lwawk
DDEM-MAN DDEM-MAN DDEM-MAN step.into
‘As for Zet’s net it caught all kinds of fish like this.’
4. Verbs, verb phrases and
adverbial phrases
This chapter deals with the non-nominal part of the clause that
basically consists of the verb phrase and the adverbial phrase. In §4.1 the
establishment of verb phrase boundaries is discussed. In §4.2 the internal
structure of verbs is dealt with. The structure of the verb phrase with its
internal modifiers is discussed in §4.3. Lastly, the adverbial phrase is
discussed in §4.4 with special attention to the adverbial use and function
of distal demonstratives.
4.1 Verbal and adverbial constituents

contrasted
Adverbial constituents and verbal constituents tend to follow each
other. It is therefore important to state on what basis words within a clause
are viewed as part of the verb phrase or as part of an adverbial phrase. The
differences between verbal constituents and adverbial constituents are
listed below. Secondly, it is also important to make explicit how the
boundaries of the verb phrase are established, see §4.1.1.
Verbal constituents:
1. can occur as the only constituent of the verb phrase;
2. are affected by the morphophonemic process of initial
l-deletion (see §2.6.1);
3. can be preceded by a modal marker;
4. can carry the highest pitch within the VP and even the clause.
Adverbial constituents:
1. cannot occur as the only constituent of the verb phrase;
2. do not undergo initial l-deletion;
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124
3. cannot be preceded by a modal marker;

4. cannot carry the highest pitch within the VP or clause.
4.1.1 Determining the boundaries of the verb phrase
Verb phrase boundaries are defined with the help of three important
features. They are listed here in order of their usefulness in the
determination of verb phrase boundaries:
a. The beginning of the verb phrase is easily recognisable since it
always carries the most salient stress which is associated with the
highest pitch within the clause, see (1);
b. A number of markers which are not part of the verb phrase work
together to form negation and interrogative constructions that
enclose the entire verb phrase, see (2) and (3);
c. Phrases in Abau are frequently separated by distinct pauses. If
there is a pause, one can assume it marks the end of a phrase,
since a pause does not occur within a phrase. Not every phrase is
clearly separated by pauses, but there is often a distinct pause
between the last topicalised constituent within the clause and the
non-topicalised constituent following, see (4).
In (1), yaprue ‘good’ is not part of the VP since it does not carry the
most salient stress within the clause. The most prominent stress within the
clause is on lie ‘go.up’ and this signals the beginning of the VP. Therefore,
yaprue ‘good’ is analysed as a separate adverbial modifier modifying the
verb phrase.
PEAK
(1) Aiai hiy ma saro somokwe yaprue 'lie.
aiai hiy ma saro so-mo-kwe yaprue lie
food 3S.M RCM plant DDEM-GL.PL-TOP good go.up
‘The food that he planted grew really well.’
Secondly, a number of constructions that mark negation or questions
make use of constituents that enclose the entire verb phrase.
In (2), the VP is embraced by two constituents that express negated
dynamic modality liy … ley ‘DYN … NEG’. The modal marker liy ‘DYN’ is
not part of the VP since it does not carry the highest pitch. The negation
word ley is not part of the verb phrase since it functions at sentence level.
The VP is underlined and the onset of the VP is marked by an apostrophe.
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(2) Aiai hiy ma saro somokwe liy

aiai hiy ma saro so-mo-kwe liy
food 3S.M RCM plant DDEM-GL.PL-TOP DYN
'lie ley.
lie korey
go.up NEG
‘The food that he planted cannot grow really well.’
In (3), the VP is embraced by the interrogative paneke ‘why’ and the
speech marker o. The interrogative paneke is not part of the VP since the
most salient stress (and also associated highest pitch) is carried by mon
‘do’. The speech marker o is not part of the verb phrase since it functions
at sentence level.
(3) Hiykwe sa senkin me, “Hane
hiy-kwe sa so-enkin me, “han-e
3S.M.SUB-TOP then DDEM-MAN speak 1S-OBJ
senkin paneke 'mon kowkow yay
so-enkin paneke mon kowkow yay
DDEM-MAN why do fear place
nayr o?”
nayr o?”
night SP.IPFTV
‘He then said this, “For what reason was I made so terrified in
the night?”’
In (4), a clear pause occurs after the last topicalised phrase within the
clause.
(4) Arawh kokwe uwr sohokwe
arawh ko-kwe uwr so-ho-kwe
evening GL.F.S-TOP man DDEM-GL.M.S-TOP
'nuw-ey ha.
nuw-ley ha.
INT-go OBJ<SUB
‘In regard to this man he really went (from there).’
The pause separates the NP uwr sohokwe from the verb phrase nuw-ey
ha. The onset of the verb phrase is not only marked by the preceding
pause but also by the presence of the most salient stress within the clause
on the onset of the VP.
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4.2 Verbs
Verbs are structurally different from nouns and modifiers as they are
the only word class of which the members occur with the verbal prefixes
listed in Tables 33 and 34 below. Verbs do not take affixes for person,
gender or tense, but can carry the verb phrase final distinctive intonation
that contrasts the perfective and the imperfective. In (5a-e), the verb meio
‘work’ occurs without affixation in five sentences that have subjects that
differ in person and gender. Various temporal phrases place the event in
the past, present or future without affecting the form of the clause-final
verb.
(5) a. Onkioh hiykwe yier mon meiò.
onkioh hiy-kwe yier mon meiò
yesterday 3S.M.SUB-TOP village LOC work.PFTV
‘Yesterday he worked in the village.’
b. Onkioh hromkwe yier mon meiò.
‘Yesterday we worked in the village.’
c. Enkin kokwe hokwe yier mon meiô.
‘At this time she is working in the village.’
d. Hokwe yier mon meiô.
‘She is working in the village.’
e. Hokwe yier mon meiò.
‘She worked in the village.’
The marking on the final vowel of the verb phrase reflects verb phrase
final intonation. Verb phrase final intonation is analysed as an aspectual
contrast between the perfective (marked by `) and the imperfective
(marked by ^). The relationship between intonation and verbal aspect is
discussed in §5.1.
Motion verbs, transitive and intransitive verbs do not manifest any
contrastive morphology on the verb itself or on the verb phrase. Verbs can
therefore not be divided into different semantic classes on the basis of
their own morphology or the presence of particular markers within the
verb phrase.
4.2.1 Verb prefixes
The verb takes a number of prefixes encoding manner and direction.
The primary stress (associated with highest pitch) shifts from the first
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syllable of the head verb to the verbal prefix. Tables 33 and 34 list these
manner and directional prefixes. Manner prefixes indicate the mode in
which an event is/was performed, and directional prefixes focus on the
direction of the verbal action.
TABLE 33: MANNER VERBAL PREFIXES
Manner
prefixes Gloss and meaning
nak- ACC (accompaniment): an additional activity or non-
human entity accompanies the verbal event
hiy- CAUS (Causative): oversee, in charge
non- DU (dual): accompaniment of an animate partner
saw- SPD (speed, urgency)
kor- LIM (limitation): can refer to limited duration or limited
effort/involvement
kiy- ACT (actuality): refers to the execution of an actual event
nuw- INT (intensity): performance is done well and/or with a
level of intensity
ma- RPT (repetitive): refers to repeated action, or to further
additional action
128
TABLE 34: DIRECTIONAL VERBAL PREFIXES
Directional
prefixes Meaning
a- ‘at some distance’
amor- ‘right there’
am- ‘near’
ka- ‘side’
kay- ‘across’
lay- ‘straight forward’ (horizontally)’
lak- ‘towards the river’
lam- ‘away from the river’
lik- ‘alongside the river, downstream’
lim- ‘alongside the river, upstream’
kyor- ‘downward (vertically)’
ar- ‘upward (vertically)’
The 12 directional prefixes cannot co-occur with each other. The
prefix adds spatial and directional information to the verb it is attached to.
Spatial distinctions are made in regard to
x proximity: ‘near’ (am-), ‘at some distance’ (a-), and ‘right
there’ (amor-);
x vertical distinctions: ‘down’ (kyor-) and ‘up’ (ar-);
x horizontal distinctions: ‘side’ (ka-), ‘across, one side to
another’ (kay-) and ‘straight’ (lay-);
x movement from the river (lam-) and movement towards the
river (lak-);
x location in downstream direction (lik-) and location in
upstream direction (lim-).
In (6), the prefix lay- with the verb hiok ‘paddle upstream’ expresses
the action of paddling in a straight line in upstream direction. The prefix
lim- with the verb lwak ‘to be’ expresses location in an area that is defined
129
as upstream area (nuw- is treated below; it indicates a level of intensity or

purpose).
(6) Hohkwe lay-hiok nok, sawk
hoh-kwe lay-hiok nok, sawk
2DU.SUB-TOP DIR:forward-paddle SEQ CHD
Peymawe se lira. Hiykwe urayh sok
Peymawe s-e lira. hiy-kwe urayh sok
Peymawe 3S-OBJ see 3S.SUB-TOP upstream.area EXCT
lim-nuw-wak, sowm pror e.
lim-nuw-lwak, sowm pror e.
DIR:upstream.area-INT-be fish.basket weave OBJ
‘The two of them paddled straight ahead and then saw
Peymawe. He was right there in the upstream area in order to
weave fish baskets.’
In (7), the prefix lak- with the verb sasow ‘throw’ expresses the action
of ‘throwing towards the river’.
(7) Hiy omkuw-kueim kamon ke
hiy omkuw-kueim kamon k-e
3S.M.SUB banyan.tree-branch one.CL2 S.F-OBJ
lak-sasow ha, yawp-sopei mon.
lak-sasow ha, yawp-sopei mon.
DIR:towards.river-throw OBJ<SUB river-mouth LOC
‘He threw a branch of the banyan tree into the mouth of the
river.’
The rest of this section focuses on the manner prefixes. Several of the
examples below and elsewhere in the paper contain instances of
directional prefixes. For quick reference:
Proximity prefixes a-, amor- (8) and am- (15).
Horizontal direction prefixes ka- (12), kay- (53) in §11.1.1, and
lay- (6).
Vertical direction prefixes kyor- (140) in §3.9.7 and ar- (11).
Prefixes with reference to the river lak- (7), lam-, lik- and lim- (6).
The verbal prefix ma- often means ‘again’ indicating the repetition of
a certain action. It is used that way in (8), where the agent repeats the
action of standing and listening.
130
(8) Sawk hye kokwe ai kamon hiy

sawk hiy-e ko-kwe ai kamon hiy
CHD 3S.SUB-OBJ S.F-TOP animal one 3S.M.SUB
kiy-me huon, senkin, “Kwe, kwe, kwe.”
kiy-me huon so-enkin kwe kwe kwe
ACT-speak OBJ>SUB DDEM-MAN kwe kwe kwe
Hiykwe sa sehe amor-orok
hiy-kwe sa so-h-e amor-orok
3S.M.SUB-TOP then DDEM-3S.M-OBJ DIR:right.there-stand
ne nok, ma-lorok onuayk popriy.
ne nok, ma-lorok lonuayk popriy.
SUB>OBJ SEQ RPT-stand hear good
‘But a certain animal moving towards (him) spoke to him like
this, “Kwe, kwe, kwe.” He then – as a result – came towards
(the animal) and then listened again attentively.’
The scope of ma- can be broadened to refer to a further, but different
action by the same person in the same context. The meaning of the prefix
ma- shifts from ‘again’ to ‘also’. The latter use is illustrated in (9) where
ma-me-woro ‘RPT-speak-console’ does not refer to a repeated instance of
the action of consolation, but to a further action of the agent that was
performed as well (i.e. she laughed at the child and then also consoled the
child).
(9) Ipey hok nuw-kweyr lowpway nok, ney
ipey hok nuw-kweyr lowpway nok, ney
mother 3S.F.SUB INT-laugh completely SEQ, child
ke ma-me-woro woro huonok. Sa omok
k-e ma-me-woro woro huonok sa omok
S.F-OBJ RPT-speak-console console hold then later
ney ke kiy-mesopok, “Hwon paneke
ney k-e kiy-mesopok hwon paneke
child S.F-OBJ ACT-ask 2S.SUB why
nuw-hok ko?”
nuw-hok ko
INT-fear Q.SP.PFTV.F
‘Mother really laughed and having completed that she then
also consoled and held the child. Then later she asked the
child, “Why were you so very afraid?”’
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Example (9) also illustrates the difference between nuw- ‘INT’ and
kiy- ‘ACT’. In (9) are two instances of the prefix nuw- ‘INT’. They both
express intensity of action. The prefix kiy- refers to the verb as an actual
event that is or needs to be executed. It is often used with verbs referring
to speech: a certain statement is made, or a question is asked. In (10), the
prefixed verb kiy-a refers to the actual execution of the event of eating.
(10) Hror a monaw non-wak ankin, po
hror a mon-aw non-lwak ankin pokon
1DU house LOC-RSTR DU-be when/if today
payme kiy-â?
pay-m-e kiy-la
Q:what-PL-OBJ ACT-eat. IPFTV
‘When we will be in the house, what are we going to eat
today?’
The prefix non- ‘DU’ is only used in reference to humans. The prefix
is nearly always present on the main verb when the subject of the clause
has dual number. There is an overlap in meaning with non ‘comitative’
(see §3.9.3) since both express the idea of single entities working together.
However, the verbal prefix non- is grammatically quite different from the
NP final marker non. The latter marker does not require or imply dual
number, while the prefix non- always implies dual number.
The prefix non- ‘DU’ contrasts with nak- ‘ACC’ on the features of
humanness and agency. The prefix non- ‘DU’ implies two humans who are
together in an agent role. The prefix nak- ‘ACC’ implies the
accompaniment of a non-human constituent which is not in agent role.
Examples (11) and (12) are part of the same story. The prefix non- in
non-hiy-naw conveys the presence of a human subject with dual number.
The use of nak- in nak-a in (12) expresses a non-human constituent (in
this case sowk ‘sago jelly’) which does not have agent role.
132
(11) Hohkwe nwoh non ki hiy-ey, sapa mon.

hoh-kwe nwoh non ki hiy-ley, sapa mon
2DU.SUB-TOP dog CMT ground CAUS-go forest LOC
Hoh non-hiy-naw nok liok menkin,
Hoh non-hiy-naw nok liok menkin
2DU.SUB DU-CAUS-roam DUR unsuccessful when
sawk Kupe hiykwe sok se
sawk Kupe hiy-kwe sok s-e
CHD Kupe 3S.M.SUB-TOP snake S.M-OBJ
ar-ira, now mon.
ar-ira now mon
DIR:upward-see tree LOC
‘The two of them went hunting with the dog in the forest.
When the two of them roamed together leading on (the dog) -
being unsuccessful - Kupe looked up and saw a snake in a
tree.’
(12) Kupe hiy ka-me sau ne, “Ara,
Kupe hiy ka-me sau ne, ara
Kupe 3S.M.SUB DIR:side-speak run SUB>OBJ 3S.M.ADDR
sok sohokwe pokon ha sowk
sok so-ho-kwe pokon ha sowk
snake DDEM-GL.S.M-TOP today 1S.SUB sago.jelly
non po nak-a a.”
non po nak-a a.”
CMT IMM.FUT ACC-eat FUT
‘Kupe speaking sideways and running towards (it) said,
“Man, in regard to this snake, I will eat it today along with
sago jelly.”’
The prefix hiy- ‘CAUS’ implies a subject which controls or causes the
event or state expressed by the predicate. In (11), the prefix hiy- occurs
twice. In both instances it refers to the fact that the agent controls or
causes the dog to hunt. Ki ley ‘hunting’ (literally ‘ground go’) is expressed
as ki hiy-ey to convey the control of the hunters over the dog. The same is
true for hiy- in non-hiy-naw. The prefix hiy- implies the presence of a
constituent that is under the control of the agent. The constituent that is
under the control of the agent is always animate and frequently human, as
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can been seen from other examples in this paper: e.g. (53), (12) in §5.2.1,
and (46) in §5.3.2.
The prefixes saw- ‘SPD’ and kor- ‘LIM’ assign to the verb increased
speed and limitation of involvement, respectively. Examples can be found
elsewhere: (15), (73) in §7.4.2, (53) in §8.6.2, and (62) in §10.2.3, and
Table 5: Deletion of verb-initial l when prefixed.
4.2.1.1 Preferred order of verbal prefixes

The preferred order of verbal prefixes observed in natural texts is
summarised in Table 35. The prefixes kor- ‘LIM’ and hiy- ‘CAUS’ have
been placed on separate levels of the table, since their ordering in relation
to the other prefixes could not be established. These two prefixes have not
been observed to co-occur with kiy- ‘ACT’, saw- ‘SPD’, non- ‘DU’ or with
each other.
TABLE 35: ORDER OF CO-OCCURRING PREFIXES
Initial Middle part Final

Directional ma- kiy- saw- non- nuw- nak- verb
prefixes ‘RPT’ ‘ACT’ ‘SPD’ ‘DU’ ‘INT’ ‘ACC’
kor-
‘LIM’
hiy-
‘CAUS’
Directional prefixes do not co-occur with each other and always precede
all non-directional verbal prefixes. While the relative ordering of the
prefixes in Table 35 is established, there are no examples of a complete
string of all possible combinations. Examples (13), (14) and (15)
demonstrate the ordering of prefixes in natural speech.
Manner prefixes can co-occur, e.g. (13): ma- ‘RPT’, non- ‘DU’ and
nak- ‘ACC’ with the verb nekiok- ‘crawl’.
134
(13) Hoh naw non-mayr lowpway nok nok, yier

hoh naw non-mayr lowpway nok nok yier
3DU sago DU-scrape completely DUR SEQ place
mon ma-non-nak-nekiok nok lopay.
mon ma-non-nak-nekiok nok lopay
LOC RPT-DU-ACC-crawl DUR afternoon
‘The two of them finished scraping sago and then they went
slowly back together (with sago) to the village in the
afternoon.’
Up to four verbal prefixes can co-occur as (14) illustrates.
(14) Hiykwe sawk sehe
hiy-kwe sawk so-h-e
3S.M.SUB-TOP CHD DDEM-3S.M-OBJ
ma-kiy-nuw-nak-weyrweyr.
ma-kiy-nuw-nak-weyrweyr
RPT-ACT-INT-ACC-scream
‘And so he really screamed again then with a reason.’
(nak- indicates that the screaming was accompanied by
something - in this case ‘fear’)
Directional prefixes do not co-occur with each other, but a directional
prefix can co-occur with manner prefixes, as in (15), where the directional
prefix am- ‘near’ co-occurs with the modal prefixes saw- ‘SPD’ and nak-
‘ACC’.
(15) Sa kior hok hu mon
sa kior hok hu mon
then/and frog 3S.F.SUB water LOC
am-saw-nak-owr swakeyn
am-saw-nak-lowr swakeyn
DIR:near-SPD-ACC-step move.into.the.water
nok, nak-heyh kuan.
nok nak-heyh kuan
DUR ACC-swim cross.water
‘And the frog jumped from nearby quickly into the water with
something (nak- indicates that the swimming was done with
something; here: a burning stick) and then crossed the water
with it.’
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4.3 The structure of the verb phrase

The Abau verb phrase consists of members that come from three
distinct constituent categories. The only nuclear constituent is a minimum
of one verb from the first constituent category. Up to four verbs from this
category have been observed to co-occur within the verb phrase. The
second category consists of general qualifiers that qualify the verb for
quality or quantity. They cannot occur by themselves within the verb
phrase. The third category consists of a variety of modifiers that deal with
the three subcategories of participant interaction, time and appraisal of
process. The three subcategories can all be represented in a single verb
phrase and mostly in the order given, though exceptions to this ordering
have been observed.
As stated before, the perfective and imperfective are marked by
intonation contour. The basic contrast is the pitch over the final syllable of
the verb phrase. A large number of verb phrases only consist of members
of category one, but many verb phrases will also host members of
category two and three. The last constituent of the verb phrase is marked
for perfective or imperfective. This is not true when speech markers and
negation markers are added to the sentence. These markers are not part of
the verb phrase, but they (rather than the verb final constituent)
distinguish between perfective and imperfective (see §7.3 and §7.4).
Table 36 shows the three categories of constituent members along
with a number of examples. It should be noted that the lists of words
under the three subcategories of the third group are exhaustive. The
examples under the second category however, are part of a much larger
group with many members.
The three categories in Table 36 can be labeled as follows: category 1:
one or more verbs; category 2: qualifying adverbial modifiers; category 3:
reciprocal, temporal and evaluative modifiers.
136
TABLE 36: THE VERB PHRASE STRUCTURE
1 2 3
HEAD Free and Reciprocal, temporal and evaluative modifiers
- bound (mostly in order given below, but not obligatorily)
Up to qualifiers
Reciprocal Time Evaluative
four
participant and
verbs
position interaction
Examples Members Members Members
popriy huon object moves nayr liok ‘attempt
‘correct’ to subject ‘night’ (unsuccessfully)’
yaprue ne subject moves to lapay lokruok ‘attempt

‘good’ object ‘after- (repeatedly
noon’ unsuccessful)’
sowkriy ha object moves kok
‘plenty’ away from subject ‘day
(or subject moves time’
away from location
in intransitive
constructions)
lowpway hains moves away nerie
‘completely’ from object ‘morning’
-leior kow ‘BEN’ (object

‘deceptive’ towards recipient)
-piapmapiap naruok ‘ANTCP’
‘badly’ subject acts in
expectation of other
participant
wayr ‘CON’
(continuous, subject,
and possibly object
remain in same state
or event)
137
In (16), a serial verb construction of four verbs is demonstrated. The

numbers above the constituents of the verb phrase indicate to what type of
verb constituent they belong. They refer to the three categories outlined in
Table 36.
(16) Hromkwe mu me
Hrom-kwe mu m-e
1PL.SUB-TOP crocodile PL-OBJ
1 1 1 1
ley anio okin à.
ley lanio lokin la
go walk hit eat.PFTV
‘We went and walked and hit (= killed) and ate crocodiles.’
Example (17) contains a series of three verbs and a temporal modifier.
(17) Worim homkwe eypok seyn
worim hom-kwe eypok seyn
bat 2/3PL-TOP day HAB
1 1 1 3
sian anio a kok pey.
sian lanio la kok pey
get.up walk eat day.time NEG.IPFTV
‘The bats are not in the habit of flying around to find food
during the day time.’
At least one single verb occurs obligatorily in the VP. Qualifiers and
modifiers can follow optionally.
(18) 1 2 3
Hiy saro lowpway hain nok,
hiy saro lowpway hain nok
3S.M.SUB plant completely SUB<OBJ SEQ
1 3
a mon ma-ley lapây.
a mon ma-ley lapay
house LOC RPT-go afternoon. IPFTV
‘He finished planting everything and left (that place) and then
was going back to his house in the afternoon.’
Modifiers from category three that signal participant interaction, time
and process evaluation can occur together as is shown in (19).
138
(19) Enekwei kamon sawk sa prueyn hok hano

enekwei kamon sawk sa prueyn hok han-o
time one.CL2 CHD woman one.CL1 3S.F 1S-GEN
1 3 3 3
a mon hakan ne nayr liòk.
a mon hakan ne nayr liok
house LOC flee SUB>OBJ night unsuccessfully.PFTV
‘One time a woman fled unsuccessfully (= without intended
results) to my house during the night.’
The evaluative markers of the third category liok and lokruok mostly
occur verb phrase finally. This is true for liok in (19) but example (20)
with lokruok demonstrates that these evaluative markers do not always
occur verb phrase finally. By placing the evaluative marker lokruok after
the verb lira ‘see’ this verb becomes the scope and focus of the evaluative
marker.
(20) Pokon nerie kokwe, homkwe hane
pokon nerie ko-kwe hom-kwe han-e
today morning GL.F-TOP 2/3PL-TOP 1S-OBJ
1 3Eval. 3Partic. 3Temp.
lira lokruok wayr nayr
lira lokruok lwayr nayr
see in.vain.RPT stay night
ankin, hane pa po parionay.
ankin han-e pa po parionay
if 1S-OBJ CUR PFT become.lost
‘If you fail to see me return in the early morning, I have gone
missing.’
4.3.1 Verb phrase head
Verbs function as the head of verb phrases. As described in §4.2.1,
only verbs host verbal prefixes. Up to four verbs may occur as the
compound head of the VP.
4.3.1.1 Morphophonemic processes within the verb phrase

Some morphophonemic changes take place exclusively within verbs
and become therefore a means to distinguish verbs from other members of
139
the verb phrase. More than half of the Abau verbs start with the phoneme
l. A deletion rule (§2.6.1) affects all verbs starting with the phoneme l
unless the verb occurs VP initially in which case it retains the phoneme l.
In (21), the first verb lyawriy ‘enter’ triggers the initial l-deletion rule,
changing the subsequent verbs liwak ‘sit’ and lira ‘see’ to iwak and ira.
(21) Hunkwe hano kamara se lyawriy iwak
hwon-kwe han-o kamara s-e lyawriy liwak
2S-TOP 1S-GEN camera 3S.M-OBJ enter sit
ira e.
lira e
see OBJ.IMP
‘Come in and sit down and look at my camera.’
The l-deletion rule applies to all verbs except the initial one.
(22) Hromkwe mu me ley anio okin a.
hrom-kwe mu m-e ley lanio lokin la
1PL-TOP crocodile PL-OBJ go walk hit eat
‘We went and walked and hit (= killed) and ate crocodiles.’
The sentence in (23) consists of two clauses with two underlined VPs.
Every initial verb retains its word initial <l>. The VP initial lyawriy ‘enter’
and lanio ‘walk’ do not undergo changes, but lira ‘see’ is reduced to ira
by the deletion rule because it does not occur verb phrase initially.
(23) Homkwe lyawriy nok, lanio ira, uwrsa
hom-kwe lyawriy nok lanio lira uwr-sa
2/3PL-TOP enter SEQ walk see man-woman
sohom mo aiai seme.
so-hom m-o aiai so-m-e
DDEM-2/3PL PL-GEN food DDEM-PL-OBJ
‘They entered and then they walked and looked around at the
food of those people.’
In this paper a VP with a sequence of verbs is not analysed as a serial
verb phrase with several heads, but as having a compound verb as its
head. The criteria distinguishing the head of the VP lend themselves to a
compound analysis.
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1. Prefixes only occur with the first verb in the series.

2. Other than the first verb, all verbs in the series undergo the
morphophonemic process of l-deletion.
3. One intonational pattern without pauses dominates the entire
string. The first verb receives the highest pitch in the intonation
contour.
4. Other than an intervening qualifier, the head is an uninterrupted
unit of 1-4 verbs within a VP that has definite pre-head and post-
head constituents that modify the unitary head.
4.3.1.2 Motion verbs precede other action verbs

Verbs specifying movement or position occur initially in the verb
sequence. In (24), a verb encoding position, sawan ‘hang’, initiates the
sequence. The temporal constituent nayr ‘night’ is part of the underlined
VP (§4.3.3.3).
(24) Pomkwo sokukwe am-i se

pomkwo so-ko-kwe am-i s-e
flying.fox DDEM-GL.F-TOP breadfruit-fruit 3S.M-OBJ
sawan a nayr.
sawan la nayr
hang eat night
‘This flying fox was hanging and eating the breadfruit in the
evening.’
A motion verb, lanio ‘walk’, initiates the verb phrase in (25), while
the second verb undergoes initial l-deletion.
(25) Ara, hakwe huok lanio inakok lopay ley.
ara ha-kwe huok lanio linakok lopay ley
ADDR.M 1S-TOP pig walk hunt afternoon INCH
‘Man, I am going to hunt pigs in the afternoon.’
In (26), the initial motion verb is prefixed. The scope of the verbal
prefix covers all four verbs. The three verbs following undergo initial
l-deletion.
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(26) Hiykwe Buna-uwrsa me

hiy-kwe Buna-uwr-sa me
3S.M-TOP Buna-man-woman OBJ.PL
ma-lanio ira ohruw a.
ma-lanio lira lohruw la.
RPT-walk see talk eat
‘He went around and visited and talked to the Buna people
and ate (with them).’
4.3.2 Qualifier
The word qualifier is chosen to describe adverbial constituents. They
are not verbs themselves, but can intervene between true verbs. (A true
verb is here defined as a verb that can host a verbal prefix.) This group of
qualifiers can be further differentiated into free and bound qualifiers.
Bound qualifiers have to co-occur with a very limited number of verbs.
Their distribution is therefore very restricted. Free qualifiers, on the other
hand, can qualify nearly all verbs and can even intervene between verbs.
4.3.2.1 Free adverbial qualifier

Adverbial qualifiers modify verbs. They differ from verbs in that they
cannot co-occur with the verbal prefix set. In (27), ihey ‘excellent’
modifies the verb it follows.
(27) 1 2 3
Hrorkwe nyo seme nak-me ihey hain.
hror-kwe nyo so-m-e nak-me ihey hain
1DU-TOP lad DDEM-PL-OBJ ACC-speak excellent SUB<OBJ
‘The two of us spoke well (= greetings) to those boys and
left.’
It needs to be noted that modifiers can precede the head of the verb
phrase. However, these modifiers are not part of the verb phrase since
they do not carry the highest pitch within the clause. In (28), yaprue
‘good’ precedes the head of the verb phrase and is analysed as an
adverbial phrase (see §4.4).
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(28) 1
Aiai somokwe, yaprue ‘nuw-ie.
aiai so-mo-kwe yaprue nuw-lie
food DDEM-GL.PL-TOP good INT-go.up
‘As for that food, it grows really well.’
Unlike verbs, modifiers cannot co-occur with verbal prefixes.
Modifiers occurring inside a verb phrase modify its head, just as modifiers
that occur within the noun phrase modify its head. Modifiers that are not
part of a NP or VP modify the clause.
Three bolded modifiers occur in (29) and illustrate the various
positions that modifiers can occur in. The first modifier iwon ‘new’ is part
of the NP and modifies the head of the NP wueir-omeme ‘garden-produce’.
The second modifier yaprue ‘good’ follows the NP and precedes the VP. It
is analysed as an adverbial phrase that modifies the clause. The last
modifier ihey ‘excellent’ is part of the VP and modifies the head of the VP
lie ‘go.up’.
(29) Hyo wueir-omeme iwon somokwe yaprue
Hiy-o wueir-omeme iwon so-mo-kwe yaprue
3S.M-GEN garden-things new DDEM-PL-OBJ good
1 2
lie ihey.
lie ihey
go.up excellent
‘As for his new garden produce, it grew well in excellent
fashion.’
The number of free verbal qualifiers is rather small. Some frequently
occurring qualifiers are:
popriy ‘good’ lowpway ‘completely’
sowkriy ‘plenty’ nonay ‘prolonged’
ihey ‘excellent’ kraipakrai ‘strongly (duplication
liyay ‘many’ formed with pa ‘DUP’,
see §2.7)’
Qualifiers are normally positioned after the last verb in the VP head. In
that position they modify all the preceding verbs. However, free qualifiers
have been observed to interrupt the sequence of verbs. In the intermediate
position the free qualifier modifies the verb it follows, not the one it
precedes.
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In (30), the qualifier popriy modifies the verb mon and not the next
verb sawan.
(30) Hiykwe ahney ma heyn krwe ey sokwe
hiy-kwe ahney ma heyn krwe ey so-k-e
3S.M-TOP bird RCM trap cut INTN DDEM-3S.F-OBJ
1 2 1
ma-nak-mon popriy sawan hain.
ma-nak-mon popriy sawan hain
RPT-ACC-do good hang SUB<OBJ
‘He fastened (the thing) that traps and catches birds very well
and hung it up.’
4.3.2.2 Bound qualifiers

Many bound verbal modifiers complement the meaning of a basic
verb e.g. lira ‘see’ or me ‘speak’, mon ‘do, cause’ etc. The productivity of
this device is illustrated in Table 37 with the verb me ‘speak’. The
distribution of the bound qualifiers is very restricted and very few bound
qualifiers can be found that occur with more than one verb. The verbs me
‘speak’ and mon ‘do, cause’ both occur with a large number of bound
modifiers, but they share surprisingly few qualifiers. A few were found
like: me-sous ‘forbid’ and mon-sous ‘stop, halt’. Also a construction with
the duplicated sor ‘count, gauge’: me-sor-a-sor ‘to discuss’ mon-sor-a-sor
‘to study, practice’. Some of these constructions are only related, like:
me-piap-ma-piap ‘to defame’ and mon piapay ‘to damage’. Also,
me-wowr-pa-wowr ‘to rebuke, correct’ and mon wowr-a-wowr ‘steer’. In
the last example the qualifiers are formed by different duplication
mechanisms.
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TABLE 37: BOUND VERBAL MODIFIERS
Verb me Meaning Verb me Meaning

qualified qualified
me-hne-ma-hne ‘to defame’ me-samis ‘to overrule’
me-kupaku ‘to speak me-sasay ‘to command’
emphatically’
me-kwan-a-kwan ‘to speak very me-saweih ‘to sway
friendly’ someone’s
opinion’
me-leior ‘to deceive’ me-sopok ‘to ask’
me-loray ‘to promise’ me-sor-a-sor ‘to discuss’
me-lowp-lowp ‘to embarrass me-sous ‘to forbid’
someone’
me-memeir ‘to illustrate’ me-sumun ‘to warn
against’
me-mon-ma-mon ‘to speak me-warei-warei ‘to deny a
offensively’ truth’
me-nanei ‘to trick’ me-weih-a-weih ‘to persuade’
me-papaw ‘to comfort’ me-wodna-wodna ‘to infuriate’
m-piap-ma-piap ‘to defame, me-wor-a-wor ‘to give
to dishonour’ advice, guide’
me-prosue ‘to call me-woro-woro ‘to plead,
someone back’ encourage’
me-puar ‘to refuse’ me-wowr-pa-wowr ‘to rebuke,
correct’
These words are adverbial qualifiers, not bound verbs. The following
evidence supports this claim:
1. None of the adverbial qualifiers occurring in Table 37 following
the verb me can occur by itself verb phrase initially.
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2. The l-deletion rule does not apply, e.g. leior ‘deceive’, loray
‘promise’ and lowplowp ‘embarrass’ occur after the initial verb
me ‘speak’, but they are not reduced to eior, oray, and owp-owp.
(31) a. me-leior ‘to deceive’ * me eior
b. me-loray ‘to promise’ * me oray
c. me-lowp-lowp ‘to embarrass someone’ * me owp-owp
4.3.3 Modifiers within the verb phrase
4.3.3.1 Grammaticalised verbs

A number of verbal constituents function at two levels. First of all
they can function as verbs. They have been analysed as such because they
can be prefixed by verbal markers and use the normal slot within the VP
that is reserved for the head of the VP. However, these verbs can also
occur as a member of the third category of verb phrase. This position
impacts the meaning and the function of the verb. For instance, in (32) the
grammaticalised verb naruok ‘wait’ is separated from the preceding verb
kekie ‘put’ by the qualifier sowkriy ‘many’. The grammaticalised verb is
part of the verb phrase, because it carries the verb phrase final intonation
contour for the perfective.
(32) Uwruh hiy hu hawr non-aw, sah
uwr-ih hiy hu hawr non-aw sa-uh
man-KIN 3S.M water wash CMT-RSTR woman-KIN
1 2 3
hokwe aiai me kekie sowkriy naruòk.
hok-kwe aiai m-e kekie sowkriy naruok
3S.F.SUB-TOP food PL-OBJ put PL.many ANTCP.PFTV
‘While the husband was having a bath, the wife got all the
food out in anticipation (of his return)’
VPs with these verbs could be analysed as serial verb phrases, because
a qualifier intervenes between the verb in position 2 (head) and the
‘adverbial verb’. The verb has grammaticalised in these contexts. It
functions more like an auxiliary indicating a grammatical category (either
case or aspect) than as a lexical verb. The auxiliary and lexical verb
definitions for three grammaticalised verbs are given in Table 38.
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TABLE 38: AUXILIARY AND LEXICAL DEFINITIONS FOR

LWAYR, KOW, NARUOK AND NOK
Meaning VP final Functioning as a Functioning as a

grammaticalised verb
verb
Continuative (CNT) – state lwayr – continuation lwayr – to stay
or event is in progress and of the event or state
continues expressed by the
predication
Benefactive (BEN) – only kow – event which kow – to give
used with transitive verbs – has an expressed (or
the stated event or action is understood) agent
for the benefit of a recipient and patient benefits
a recipient
Anticipation (ANTCP) – naruok – an activity naruok – to wait
only used with transitive by the agent in
verbs – relationship anticipation of the
between subject and object involvement of
another participant
Durative (DUR) – often used nok – action of agent does not function as
with motion verbs or other that progresses for a verb
action verbs to express period of time
duration of event
Example (33) illustrates the use of lwayr ‘stay’ as an auxiliary verb

encoding continuous aspect. It is strange though, that the l-deletion rule
took place. This goes against an earlier generalisation that constituents of
the verb phrase that belong to the second and third category do not
undergo l-deletion. In spite of this reservation, the verb lwayr is analysed
as a verb that can function as a member of the first category (as a verb)
and as a member of the third category (as a grammaticalised verb).
(33) Enekwei, enekwei hokwe senkinaw
enekwei enekwei ho-kwe so-enkin-aw
time time 3S.F.GL-TOP DDEM-MAN-RSTR
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1 1 3
lira pawk wàyr.
lira pawk lwayr
see search CNT.PFTV
‘She continued to watch and search day after day.’
The verbs in Table 38 can occur together. Below kow ‘BEN’ and wayr
‘CNT’ occur together modifying the main verb kweyr ‘laugh’.
(34) Uwr-sa yier ko homkwe hye
uwr-sa yier k-o hom-kwe hiy-e
man-woman place 3S.F-GEN 2/3PL-TOP 3S.M-OBJ
1 3 3
kweyr kow wàyr.
kweyr kow lwayr
laugh BEN CNT.PFTV
‘The people from the village laughed at him all the time.’
As stated above the grammaticalised verbs lwayr, naruok and kow can
also function as verbs. The duration marker nok does not have such a
counterpart. It is only observed as a sequential marker, but it is doubtful
that the two are related, although both are concerned with the continuation
of the agent’s activity.
In (35), both the sequential marker nok, and the duration verb nok are
used. The durative marker is part of the verb phrase (rather than a clausal
marker), because it carries the intonation contour for the imperfective.
(35) Bulet hiykwe popo-meyk se lokriy
Bulet hiy-kwe popo-meyk s-e lokriy
Bullet 3S.M.SUB-TOP pawpaw-root 3S.M-OBJ leave
hain nok, yokun-uwr sohiy so
hain nok yokun-uwr so-hiy s-o
SUB<OBJ SEQ theft-man DDEM-3S.M 3S.M-GEN
meyki meyki-aw sau ono nôk.
meyki meyki-aw sau lono nok
after after-RSTR run bark DUR.IPFTV
‘Bullet left the base of the pawpaw tree and kept running
barking after this thief.’
When these verbs occur as the initial verb in a verb sequence, they are
glossed as verbs that belong to the first category. In (36), lwayr is glossed
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as ‘stay’, and not as continuous aspect. In (37) kow is glossed as ‘give’

and naruok as ‘wait’.
(36) 1 1 3
Hom arawh se lwayr won nayr.
hom arawh s-e lwayr won nayr
2/3PL night 3S.M-OBJ stay lie night
‘They spent the night sleeping (there).’
(37) 1 1
Yoh, hane kow e. Hane naruok e.
yoh han-e kow e han-e naruok e
banana 1S-OBJ give OBJ.IMP 1S-OBJ wait OBJ.IMP
‘Give me (some) bananas. Wait for me.’
4.3.3.2 Participant direction constituents

A small group of verbal constituents give information about the
movements of subject and object in relationship to each other.
1. When the object is moving away from the subject, ha OBJ<SUB is
used, as in (38).
2. When the subject is moving away from the object, hain SUB<OBJ
is used, as in (39).
3. When the subject is moving towards the object, ne SUB>OBJ is
used, as in (40).
4. When the object is moving towards the subject, huon is used, as
in (41). OBJ>SUB
(38) Hiykwe sawk hyo nay se
hiy-kwe sawk hiy-o nay s-e
3S.M-TOP CHD 3S.M-GEN younger.sibling 3S.M-OBJ
kweyr kow ha nayr.
kweyr kow ha nayr
laugh BEN OBJ<SUB night
‘He laughed at his younger brother who was going off in the
night.’
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(39) Hromkwe howk sokwe lokin hain liok.

hrom-kwe howk so-k-e lokin hain liok
1PL-TOP lake DDEM-3S.F-OBJ hit SUB<OBJ in.vain
‘We hit this lake (implicit: with poisonous vines to catch fish)
and left it (being) unsuccessful.’
(40) Pouh hokwe ney se penkin
pouh hok-kwe ney s-e po-enkin
mother 3S.F-TOP child 3S.M-OBJ Q-MAN
am-nuw-me-sopok ne nayr ko?
am-nuw-me-sopok ne nayr ko
DIR:near-INT-speak-ask SUB>OBJ night Q.SP.PFTV.F
‘What did the mother ask her child when she went to him in
the night?’
(41) Sa-nawp sokukwe lira huon pa,
sa-nawp so-ko-kwe lira huon pa
woman-old DDEM-GL.F-TOP see OBJ>SUB NEG.PFTV
makromawe se kokwe.
makromawe s-e ko-kwe
iguana 3S.M-OBJ GL.F-TOP
‘The old woman did not see the iguana coming towards her.’
4.3.3.3 Temporal constituents

Indications of time are often expressed by NPs that display the normal
NP final marking. In (42), the noun onkioh ‘yesterday’ is marked by the
general topic marker kokwe.
(42) Onkioh kokwe hakwe hno aio
onkioh ko-kwe ha-kwe hwon-o aio
yesterday GL.F-TOP 1S-TOP 2S-GEN father
se lira.
s-e lira
3S.M-OBJ see
‘Yesterday, I saw your father.’
There is however, a closed set of four temporal constituents that are
part of the verb phrase. These are not analysed as nouns but as adverbial
modifiers. The four members of this class are:
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nerie ‘morning’ 4:00 AM till 10:00 AM

kok ‘noon’ 10:00 AM till 4:00 PM
lopay ‘afternoon’ 4:00 PM till 7:00 PM (till darkness)
nayr ‘night’ 7:00 PM till 4:00 AM
These four adverbial temporals relate roughly to the temporal nouns
leisnon ‘dawn/morning’, eypok ‘noon’, eyrowpwar ‘afternoon/dusk’ and
arawh ‘evening/night’. The temporal noun phrase often occurs in the
same sentence with the adverbial temporal. In (43) the temporal noun
arawh ‘evening/night’ is combined with the adverbial constituent nayr
‘night’.
(43) Huok sohokwe sawk arawh lei a nayr.
huok so-ho-kwe sawk arawh lei la nayr
pig DDEM-GL.M-TOP CHD night cut eat night
‘As for that pig, it was slaughtered and eaten during the
night.’
However, temporal nouns do not have a one-to-one relation with
temporal adverbs. In (44), the NP constituent arawh ‘night’ occurs
concomitantly with the VP constituent nerie ‘morning’. This seeming
semantic mismatch enables the speaker to fine-tune the temporal setting
for an event. In (43), arawh is defined as night time only, but in (44)
arawh in combination with nerie ‘morning’ establishes the temporal
setting as the last night watch before dawn.
(44) Hiykwe arawh non-aw ley nerie, skul mon.
hiy-kwe arawh non-aw ley nerie skul mon
3S.M-TOP night CMT-RSTR go morning school LOC
‘He went to school in the morning while it was still dark.’
4.3.3.4 Evaluative markers

Both liok ‘in vain’ and lokruok ‘repeatedly unsuccessful’ are
evaluative modals that mark the verb phrase for attempted activity without
the desired results. The adverbial liok ‘in vain’ is used when the failed
activity is attempted only one time (45); lokruok ‘repeatedly unsuccessful’
is used when the failed activity is attempted a number of times (46).
151
(45) Hokwe sawk woyo-hne kamon ke

hok-kwe sawk woyo-hne kamon k-e
3S.F-TOP CHD fowl-nest one 3S.F-OBJ
lorowh liok.
lorowh liok
dig in.vain
‘She tried in vain to dig out a wild fowl’s nest.’
(46) Hiy nuw-anio kampwor kampwor lokruok, tenk
hiy nuw-lanio kampwor kampwor lokruok tenk
3S.M INT-walk open open in.vain.RPT tank
lowpwarowp me.
lowpwarowp m-e
all PL-OBJ
‘He walked around trying in vain, over and over again, to
open the (water) tanks.’
Example (47) describes the unsuccessful event of searching and
shouting during the night. The evaluative lokruok is used to express this
prolonged lack of getting the desired results.
(47) Arawh enekwei sohokwe uwr sehiy
arawh enekwei so-ho-kwe uwr so-hiy
night time DDEM-GL.M-TOP man DDEM-3S.M
so ney-sa homkwe hye
s-o ney-sa hom-kwe hiy-e
3S.M-GEN child-woman 2/3PL-TOP 3S.M-OBJ
liwowr pawk nayr lokruok.
liwowr pawk nayr lokruok
shout search night in.vain.RPT
‘That night this man’s family (lit. children and wife) shouted
and searched in vain for him all during the night.’
4.4 Adverbial phrase

The following sections deal with various modifiers that immediately
precede the verb phrase but are not part of the verb phrase (see also the
discussion in §4.1.1). These adverbial modifiers are analysed as adverbial
phrases and they can be divided in three different categories:
a. Adverbial modifiers (§4.4.1).
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b. Adverbially used demonstratives that give causal force to clauses

they anaphorically refer to. The manner demonstrative (§4.4.2)
and the object or causal demonstrative (§4.4.3).
c. Adverbial interrogatives (§7.5.3). The latter group is discussed in
chapter seven together with other types of interrogatives. The
adverbial interrogatives function as adverbial phrases in a similar
way to the two groups above.
Some of the shared characteristics of these adverbial phrases are:
a. By definition they are never topicalised.
b. They immediately precede the VP, although modal and negation
markers can intervene.
c. They consist of only one word.
4.4.1 Adverbial modifiers
Adverbial modifiers are similar in form to the adjectives discussed in
§3.5. However, an adverbial modifier can never be part of a NP but forms
an adverbial phrase by itself. The adverbial phrase immediately precedes
the verb phrase.
Adverbial modifiers are positioned as closely as possible to the verb
phrase, but they are not constituents of the verb phrase (cf. §4.1.1). There
are only a few adverbials and they always consist of a single word.
Adverbials never host topic markers and as a logical result of their
proximity to the verb phrase, they never precede the subject or object NP.
In (48), the adverbial modifier puraw ‘for nothing’ immediately
precedes the verb phrase.
(48) Hromkwe wueir mokwe puraw meio pey,
hrom-kwe wueir mo-kwe puraw meio pey
1PL-TOP garden GL.PL-TOP nothing work NEG.IPFTV
hromkwe mo aiai-yok me saro

hrom-kwe mo aiai-yok m-e saro
1PL.SUB-TOP EMPH food-shoot PL-OBJ plant
153
e meio.
e meio
PURP work
‘We did not make our garden for nothing, we made it to plant
shoots in.’
As stated above, adverbial modifiers can be separated from the VP by
intervening modal markers, examples (49) and (50), or negation markers,
example (51).
In (49) the modal marker liy ‘DYN’ separates the adverbial puraw ‘in
vain’ from the main verb meio ‘go’.
(49) Hakwe hano yeyk se puraw liy
ha-kwe han-o yeyk s-e puraw liy
1S-TOP 1S-GEN canoe 3S.M-OBJ nothing DYN
meio ley.
meio korey
work NEG
‘I cannot make my canoe without having any profit of it.’
In (50), yaprue ‘good’ is an adverb.
(50) Aiai hiy ma saro somokwe yaprue
aiai hiy ma saro so-mo-kwe yaprue
food 3S.M RCM plant DDEM-GL.PL-TOP good
ka nuw-ie.
ka nuw-lie
3.HOR INT-go.up
‘As for the food he planted, just allow it to grow well.’
In (50), yaprue ‘good’ is not part of the preceding NP. If it were an
adjectival modifier, it would have preceded the NP final marker somokwe.
It is not part of the verb phrase because the highest stress and associated
pitch within the clause is carried by nuw-ie ‘INT-go.up’. Nor can yaprue
‘good’ be a modal marker, since the clause already has a modal marker,
i.e. ka ‘hortative’. Therefore, yaprue ‘good’ is a separate adverbial that
modifies the verb phrase.
In (51), the adverb kraiar ‘many’ is separated from the verb phrase by
the intervening prohibitive marker peie.
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(51) Hunkwe kraiar peie lowndiy kow o.

hwon-kwe kraiar peie lowndiy kow o
you-TOP many PROH share give EMPH.SP.IPFTV
‘Do not share around liberally.’
4.4.2 Adverbial manner demonstrative
The distal and proximal manner demonstrative senkin and enkin can
be used adjectivally (§3.5.5). The distal manner demonstrative is also
extensively used adverbially. The adverbial use of enkin is very limited as
is discussed below. When used adverbially it directly precedes the verb
phrase as an adverbial phrase that consists of only one member.
Demonstratives typically have anaphoric reference, and this is also the
case for the adverbial manner demonstratives (exceptions are discussed
below).
Typically, senkin used adverbially (immediately preceding the VP as a
separate constituent) anaphorically refers to a previous clause or sentence.
This is shown in examples (52) and (53). The bolded manner adverbial
senkin ‘thus/in that way’ anaphorically refers to the underlined clause.
(52) Hromkwe sawk aw seme lono. Hrom
hrom-kwe sawk aw so-m-e lono hrom
1PL-TOP CHD fight DDEM-PL-OBJ fight 1PL
senkin lon menkin, polis homkwe sawk

so-enkin lon menkin polis hom-kwe sawk
DDEM-MAN do when police 2/3PL-TOP CHD
hreme seme me-sakawk.
hrom-e so-m-e me-sakawk
1PL-OBJ DDEM-PL-OBJ speak-stop
‘So we started a fight. When we did so/thus, the police
stopped us.’
(53) Napwe-ih se non-huonok nok, wueir
napwe-ih s-e non-huonok nok wueir
relative-KIN 3S.M-OBJ DU-call SEQ garden
se hiy-anio ira hniyhniyay. Hohkwe

s-e hiy-lanio lira hniyhniyay hoh-kwe
3S.M-OBJ CAUS-walk see cause.fatigue 3DU-TOP
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napwe-ih se kokwe senkin

napwe-ih s-e ko-kwe so-enkin
relative-KIN 3S.M-OBJ GL.F-TOP DDEM-MAN
ma-non-sawk-sawk.
ma-non-sawksawk
RPT-DU-exchange
‘They took the relative along and showed him the garden,
making him very tired. In that way they got even with him.’
In most cases, an adverbially used demonstrative refers anaphorically
to an understood entity. This is true for the manner demonstratives but
there are a few notable exceptions. The manner demonstrative has
cataphoric force in clauses that introduce direct speech (54) or an itemized
list (55).
(54) Hiykwe senkin me, “Hakwe hne

hiy-kwe so-enkin me ha-kwe hwon-e
3S.M-TOP DDEM-MAN speak 1S-TOP 2S.OBJ
lira pa.”
lira pa
see NEG.PFTV
‘He said thus “I did not see you.”’
(55) Hiykwe senkin saro, yoh o, how o.
hiy-kwe so-enkin saro yoh o, how o
3S.M-TOP DDEM-MAN plant banana and taro and
‘He planted like this, bananas and taros.’
Most quotes are introduced by senkin rather than enkin and some
speakers prefer to use senkin exclusively when used adverbially. The
attributive use of enkin as part of a NP is accepted by all, but its adverbial
use is often scrutinized, though not rejected altogether. When used, the
adverbial use of enkin stands out, and probably adds emphasis to the
speech act. Example (56) is taken from a translated Bible passage; the
manner adverb could be rendered as ‘in this particular way’. (See also
(59) on the use of enkin to introduce direct speech.)
156
(56) Hiykwe owhnan-ok kamon kokwe enkin

hiy-kwe owh-nan-ok kamon ko-kwe enkin
3S.M-TOP body-reflection-talk one.CL2 GL.F-TOP thus
me kow, “Uwr prueyn hiykwe omeme
me kow uwr prueyn hiy-kwe omeme
speak BEN man one.CL1 3S.M-TOP things
kraiar non.”
kraiar non
many CMT
‘He told a parable in this (particular) way, “A certain man had
a lot of possessions.”’
(57) Polis homkwe hye senkin me kow,
polis hom-kwe hiy-e so-enkin me kow
police 2/3PL-TOP 3S.M-OBJ DDEM-MAN speak BEN
“Kupe, hunkwe yier mon ma-ley e.”
Kupe hwon-kwe yier mon ma-ley e
Kupe 2S-TOP place LOC RPT-go OBJ
‘The police told him (as follows), “Kupe, you should go back
to your village.”’
4.4.2.1 The manner adverbial in tail position

When the manner adverbial senkin introduces direct speech, it
normally precedes the verb phrase. However, it is possible to place senkin
in tail position. Examples (58) and (59) demonstrate the use of senkin and
enkin in tail position just before a quote.
(58) Uwr-sa yier ko homkwe hye
uwr-sa yier k-o hom-kwe hiy-e
man-woman place 3S.F-GEN 2/3PL-TOP 3S.M-OBJ
kweyr kow wayr, senkin, “Keno hunkwe
kweyr kow lwayr so-enkin Keno hwon-kwe
laugh BEN stay DDEM-MAN Keno 2S-TOP
huok liy hin ley.”
huok liy hin korey
PIG DYN shoot NEG
‘The people of the village laughed at him in the following
way, “Keno, you are not able to shoot a pig.”’
157
(59) Hiykwe kar nakey nok, Kupe se

hiy-kwe kar nak-ley nok Kupe s-e
3S.M-TOP gladness ACC-go SEQ Kupe 3S.M-OBJ
nak-me lowp-lowp, enkin, “Kwa nak-wakiawkeyn
nak-me lowp-lowp enkin kwa nak-wakiawkeyn
ACC-speak embarrass MAN HOR ACC-sit
yuk e.”
lyuk e
cry OBJ
‘He had a happy time and then embarrassed Kupe in this
(particular) way, “Just sit down and cry.”’
4.4.3 Adverbial causal demonstrative
The demonstrative object marker set (see §3.8.2) consists of three
distal object markers (sehe, sokwe and seme) and three proximal object
markers (ehe, okwe and eme). In contrast to the proximal object
demonstratives, the distal object demonstratives can also be used
adverbially as a causal demonstrative.
When the distal object demonstratives, sehe, sokwe and seme are used
attributively they are part of an object NP. When an object demonstrative
is used adverbially it is the only constituent of the adverbial phrase that
immediately precedes the VP. Its function is to express a causal
relationship.
Not all demonstratives can be used both adverbially and attributively.
The distal manner demonstrative senkin is used frequently, but the use of
the proximal manner demonstrative enkin is rare. No occurrences of the
adverbial use of the proximal object demonstratives ehe, okwe and eme
have been observed.
For the sake of comparison one example is given of the attributive use
of an object demonstrative. In (60), the masculine object demonstrative
sehe modifies the head of the NP how ‘taro’. The demonstrative
anaphorically refers to the entity how ‘taro’ that was introduced
previously.
158
(60) Uwrsa homkwe how aiopey hay

uwr-sa hom-kwe how aiopey hay
man-woman 2/3PL.SUB-TOP taro big very
sohokwe nuw-hok wayr. Sawk enekwei
so-ho-kwe nuw-hok wayr sawk enekwei
DDEM-GL.M-TOP INT-fear remain CHD day
kamon, sa prueyn hok ley nok, how
kamon, sa prueyn hok ley nok, how
one woman one 3S.F go SEQ taro
sehe nekie.
so-h-e nekie
DDEM-3S.M-OBJ take
‘The people were really afraid of the big taro. Then one day, a
woman went (there) and took that taro.’
The object demonstratives are more often used adverbially than
attributively. When used adverbially, one of the three distal demonstrative
object markers (sehe, sokwe or seme) occurs as the only member of a
phrase constituent immediately preceding the verb phrase. The
demonstrative object marker refers to a previous clause or sentence. The
distal object demonstrative encodes a relationship of logical consequence
between the clause it occurs in and the clause or sentence to which it
anaphorically refers.
A demonstrative object marker can only mark a relationship of logical
consequence when it is used adverbially. Two conditions need to be met:
a. the demonstrative marker immediately precedes the verb phrase;
b. the demonstrative marker is the only constituent within the
phrase. If it is part of a noun phrase it cannot anaphorically refer
to a clause or sentence. (E.g. sehe in (60) is not used adverbially
but attributively because it is part of a NP.)
The choice of the gender or number of the adverbial demonstrative
depends on the gender and number of the most prominent noun phrase
that is involved in the effects of the causal relationship. In most cases this
is the constituent who experiences the effects of the action. This choice,
however, is arbitrary and the speaker may choose to establish agreement
with the agent rather than the patient. See example (63).
159
When one of the members of the adverbial demonstrative set is placed

directly before the verb phrase the speaker indicates that the event of the
clause the marker occurs in is enabled, but not necessarily forced by the
previous clause or sentence. It is a relationship of logical consequence and
whether the relationship is more causal or circumstantial depends on the
various contexts.
In (61), the bolded masculine adverbial demonstrative sehe,
anaphorically relates to the previous sentence. The relationship it indicates
is one of logical consequence. The second adverbial demonstrative seme
anaphorically relates to a subordinate clause marked by ankin
‘while/when’. The adverbial demonstrative seme establishes a logical
relationship between the event of the log breaking and the people falling
into the water.
(61) Now hokwe seyr sopruw. Sa now
now ho-kwe seyr sopruw sa now
tree GL.M-TOP and/also rotten then/and tree
se sehe lonkaun ankin, hom
s-e so-h-e lonkaun ankin hom
3S.M-OBJ DDEM-3S.M-OBJ break while/as 2/3PL
lowpwarowp sa seme kuakèyn,
lowpwarowp sa so-m-e kuakeyn
all then/and DDEM-PL-OBJ fall.in.water.PFTV
hu mon.
hu mon
water LOC
(Context: crossing a stream over a log) ‘The log was rotten.
So as the tree consequently broke, they all, as a result, fell
into the water.’
In (61), the masculine adverbial demonstrative sehe agrees in number
and gender with the most prominent (and in this case only) NP of the
sentence it refers to. This NP now hokwe ‘the tree’ occurs in the
anaphorically referred to sentence and it is also mentioned within the
clause itself, now se ‘tree 3S.M.OBJ’. It should be noted that the
demonstrative sehe cannot be analysed as part of the noun phrase now se,
since a noun phrase cannot be marked by both the object marker se and
the demonstrative marker sehe.
160
The plural adverbial demonstrative seme agrees in number with the NP

most affected by the event: the plural subject hom lowpwarowp ‘2/3PL
all’.
In (62), the adverbial demonstrative sehe immediately precedes the
verb phrase. It follows the NP object hoko uwruh se ‘her husband’ which
has its own object marker se. The demonstrative marker sehe is therefore
not part of the preceding NP. The marker sehe establishes a relationship of
logical consequence between the woman seeing the bird and the woman
reporting this. The adverbial marker sehe agrees in number and gender
with the most prominent NP within the event indicated by the clause: the
masculine NP object hoko uwruh se ‘her husband’.
(62) Sa hokwe sa ahney se lira,
sa hok-kwe sa ahney s-e lira
woman 3S.F-TOP then/and bird 3S.M-OBJ see
ki mon lorok a se. Hokwe sa
ki mon lorok la s-e hok-kwe sa
ground LOC stand eat 3S.M-OBJ 3S.F-TOP then/and
hoko uwr-uh se sehe me
hok-o uwr-ih s-e so-h-e me
3S.F-GEN man-KIN 3S.M-OBJ DDEM-3S.M-OBJ speak
kow, “Ara, ahney ehie.”
kow ara ahney o-h-i-e
BEN ADDR.M bird PDEM-3S.M-there-OBJ
‘The woman then saw a bird, standing and eating on the
ground. Consequently she said to her husband, “Man, there’s
a bird over there.”’
In (63), the speaker establishes agreement in number and gender
between the adverbial demonstrative seme and plural subject skul-uwr-ney
sa-ney homkwe ‘the school boys and girls’ rather than the singular,
masculine object hye ‘3S.OBJ’. The presence of kow ‘BEN’ plays a role in
this. The object noun phrase hye is not the patient but the recipient of the
verbal action. NPs that have a patient role are more likely to correspond in
gender and/or number with the adverbially used object demonstrative.
161
(63) Hiy hyo omeme me seyn say nok,

hiy hiy-o omeme m-e seyn say nok
3S.M 3S.M-GEN things PL-OBJ undress move.PL SEQ
sawk apaw liwak. Skul-uwr-ney sa-ney
sawk apaw liwak skul-uwr-child sa-ney
CHD naked sit school-man-child woman-child
homkwe sawk hye seme kweyr kow,
hom-kwe sawk hiy-e so-m-e kweyr kow
2/3PL-TOP CHD 3S.M-OBJ DDEM-PL-OBJ laugh BEN
apaw ma liwak sehe.
apaw ma liwak so-h-e
naked RCM sit DDEM-3S.M-OBJ
‘He took off all his clothes and sat down naked. That’s why
the school boys and girl laughed at him, about (the fact that
he) was sitting naked.’
The relationship of logical consequence encoded by the adverbial
demonstrative object marker is not always a purely causal relationship. It
can be a circumstantial relationship where a change in circumstances
enables another event to take place.
In (64), the adverbial demonstrative sehe relates the temporal
subordinate clause marked by ankin ‘as/when’ to the event in the main
clause. The two clauses do not relate in a purely causal sense, but they
relate to each other in a logical sense. The change in circumstances as
expressed by the temporal clause, allowed the event in the main clause to
take place.
(64) Sa aio hiykiaw lonuayk sian ankin,
sa aio hiy-kiaw lonuayk sian ankin
then/and father 3S.M-SLCT hear get.up as/while
sa hehe sehe nwaksu
sa hoh-e so-h-e nwaksu
then/and 2/3DU-OBJ DDEM-3S.M-OBJ chase
ha nàyr.
ha nayr
OBJ<SUB night.PFTV
‘When father himself woke up and got up, he consequently
chased after the two of them during the night.’
162
Example (65) illustrates the same point. The feminine adverbial

demonstrative sokwe relates the two clauses in a logical sense. The change
in circumstances as expressed by the temporal clause (getting closer to the
village), allowed the event in the main clause to take place (hearing the
animal’s noise). The events of the main clause are enabled, but not forced
or caused by the event expressed in the subordinate clause. The feminine
demonstrative sokwe agrees with the feminine NP object wown-oksa ke
‘cuscus-noise OBJ.F’ and not with the masculine NP subject hiykwe
‘3S.SUB’.
(65) Hiy yier ohriar sok lwak liok menkin,
hiy yier ohriar sok lwak liok menkin
3S.M place near EXCT be in.vain when
hiykwe sawk wown-oksa ke sokwe
hiy-kwe sawk wown-oksa k-e so-k-e
3S.M-TOP CHD cuscus-noise 3S.F-OBJ DDEM-3S.F-OBJ
lonuayk.
lonuayk
hear
‘When he had come in close proximity to the village, he
consequently heard the noise of a cuscus.’
The adverbial demonstrative indicating a causal relationship can also
be used in a negated sentence with the help of the existential verb lwak
(see example (66)).
(66) Uwr sohokwe eypok lousne pa, yier
uwr so-ho-kwe eypok lousne pa yier
man DDEM-GL.M-TOP day appear NEG.PFTV place
mon kokwe. Uwrsa yier ko homkwe
mon ko-kwe uwr-sa yier ko hom-kwe
LOC GL.F-TOP man-woman place GEN 2/3PL.SUB-TOP
sawk lira huon pa seme lwak.
sawk lira huon pa so-m-e lwak
CHD see OBJ>SUB NEG.PFTV DDEM-PL-OBJ be
‘The man did not arrive during the day. That’s why the people
of the village did not see him come back.’
5. Tense, Aspect and Mood
This chapter deals with the categories of tense, aspect and mood. As
in many other languages it is difficult to make sharp distinctions between
grammatical tense, aspect and mood, since these concepts are conflated to
some degree in Abau. The discussion in §5.1 makes clear that Abau
makes a distinction between perfective and imperfective aspect and that
the verb or verb phrase does not display tense distinctions. The markers
discussed in §5.2 all precede the verb phrase and grammatically behave
the same. Some of these markers are more modal (see §5.2.1 and §5.2.2)
and others more aspectual in nature. Finally in §5.3, the aspect and modal
markers following the verb are discussed. These markers express the
following distinctions: inchoative, intention, desirability and doubtfulness.
Markers which mark the clause for mood and negation are dealt with
in §7 where the clause-final imperative, indefinite future, interrogative,
emphatic indicative and negation markers are discussed.
5.1 Perfective and imperfective

The intonation contour associated with the verb differentiates
perfective or completive aspect (which often overlaps with actions
finished in the past) from imperfective or incompletive aspect (which
often overlaps with present, future and habitual).
The perfective and imperfective are used as follows:
When a speaker refers to events that happened in the past he will use the
perfective unless he wants to indicate that the event he refers to still
continues to exist, either within the framework of real life or within the
framework of his current communication. Essentially, the perfective
aspect refers to a single event conceived as a unit, while the imperfective
aspect represents an event in the process of unfolding or a repeated or
habitual event.
163
164
Earlier research acknowledges the existence of verb phrase final

intonation, but explained the variations as tense distinctions rather than an
aspect difference. Bailey (1975:36-37) states that “verbs exhibit
grammemic tone” and “in some constructions tone is the minimal
difference that indicates past or present tense.” Lock (2007:23) comments
that, “(i)t has not been conclusively established that the different tone on
the final verb marks the difference between past and present tense”. In this
paper the difference in intonation contour is analysed as the difference
between imperfective (IPFTV) and perfective (PFTV) and these terms (and
associated abbreviations) are used throughout.
The distinctive intonation contour mainly occurs on the last
constituent of a verb phrase that is not followed by a clause-final marker
(see §5.1.2). The verb phrase intonation over the final syllable of the VP is
a very salient feature and sets the imperfective apart from the perfective.
The perfective is indicated by a flat, relatively low single pitch on the final
syllable of the verb phrase. The imperfective is indicated by a rising and
falling pitch, also on the final syllable of the verb phrase. The two aspects
are symbolised by diacritics over the VP final vowel: the symbol ^ for the
imperfective as in (1), and ` for the perfective as in (2).
(1) Hakwe yier mon lêy.
1S.TOP village LOC go. IPFTV
‘I am going to the village.’
(2) Hakwe yier mon lèy.
1S.TOP village LOC go.PFTV
‘I went to the village’
The imperfective often overlaps with the present and the past. This is
not always the case as is demonstrated in (3) and (4).
(3) Hiy saro lowpway hain nok, a
hiy saro lowpway hain nok a
3S.M.SUB plant completely SUB<OBJ SEQ house
mon ma-lêy.
mon ma-ley
LOC RPT-go. IPFTV
‘He finished planting everything and left (that place) and then
was going back to (his) house.’
165
The final clause of a sentence often has imperfective aspect when it

follows a clause with the sequential marker nok, as in (3) above. (For
more discussion see §9.5.4.)
(4) Hakwe mey kraiar po meiô
ha-kwe mey kraiar po meio
1S.SUB-TOP work many PFT work. IPFTV
‘I have finished a lot of work.’
For more discussion on the perfect marker po, see §5.2.6.
5.1.1 Other features of the VP final intonation
When one compares the intonation contour over the two syllable verb
lokin ‘hit’ in (5) and (6), the contrast between imperfective and perfective
stands out because of the final syllable. But it should be noted that there is
also a smaller difference in the pitch on the onset of the first syllable of
lokin. It is somewhat more salient and higher in (5) than in (6). (The
contrast is symbolised by markings over the initial vowel of the verb,
whereby ьrepresents a higher onset than ы)
The difference in pitch might be simply a natural tone adjustment in
anticipation of the more contrastive pitch difference on the final syllable.
In this paper, only the verb phrase final pitch on the final syllable is
marked in those examples where the distinction between perfective and
imperfective is relevant.
(5) Hakwe now non lь.kîn.
1S.TOP timber CMT hit.IPFTV
‘I am hitting with a stick.’
(6) Hakwe now non lы.kìn.
1S.TOP timber CMT hit.PFTV
‘I hit (struck) with a stick’
5.1.2 Post VP marking of the perfective and imperfective
Clause-final markers which distinguish morphologically between
perfective and imperfective are discussed in §7. A number of other clause-
final markers which have their own distinct intonation contours do not
distinguish between perfective and imperfective. In §7.1 and §7.2 the
objective marker e in imperatives and the future markers a, ane and aney
are discussed. Another set of clause-final modal markers that express
166
other aspects like inchoative, intention, desirability and dubitative are

discussed in §5.3. All these markers in §7 and §5.3 follow the verb phrase
and have their own distinctive intonation contours which neutralise any
contrastive intonation that might have been on the final syllable of the
verb phrase.
A quick overview of the clause-final markers which distinguish
morphologically between perfective and imperfective is given in Table 39
below. These clause-final markers follow the VP. Many of these markers
are only distinguished in modality by intonation. Further discussion and
examples, including a description of what intonation contours the
diacritics stand for, can be found in the sections as indicated in the table.
TABLE 39: CLAUSE-FINAL MARKERS THAT DISTINGUISH BETWEEN

PERFECTIVE AND IMPERFECTIVE
Mode Imperfective Perfective See

aspect aspect section
Negation pey pa §7.3.1
Interrogative õ sõ, kõ, mõ §7.4
Emphatic negation ō sō,kō, mō §7.4
Emphatic declarative ö sö, kö, mö §7.4
5.2 Modal and aspect markers preceding the

verb phrase
5.2.1 Deontic modality markers kwa, kwaw and ka
The deontic modal markers kwa, kwaw, and ka express deontic
modality, which includes a wide semantic range: hortative, permissive,
and imperative. In example (7), kwa marks an imperative. Verb phrases
marked by the hortative marker kwa always display perfective aspect. (In
all the examples in chapter 5, the relevant VP is always underlined and the
marker under discussion is bolded.)
167
(7) Hunkwe now-ma kowp non kwa

hwon-kwe now-ma kowp non kwa
2S-TOP tree-leaf not.mature CMT HOR
wanyày.
wanyay
breathe.hot.air.PFTV
‘You should breathe the hot air of young leaves.’
Like the English phrase ‘please, sit down’, kwa signals a polite
command in (8). The intent of the speaker is to grant permission.
(8) Ama, homkwe kwa kiy-iwak sir naruòk,
ama hom-kwe kwa kiy-liwak sir naruok
ADDR.PL 2/3PL-TOP HOR ACT-sit sit.PL wait.PFTV
hakwe peyr a mon ma-ley.
ha-kwe peyr a mon ma-ley
1S-TOP firstly house LOC RPT-go
‘Men, please sit and wait (here), I will first go back to my
house.’
In (9), the speaker entreats the people to listen well.
(9) Ama, hakwe hmo memba, homkwe hano
ama ha-kwe hom-o memba hom-kwe han-o
ADDR.PL 1S-TOP 2/3PL-GEN member 2/3PL-TOP 1S-GEN
ok ke kwa nuw-onuayk liyày.
ok k-e kwa nuw-lonuayk liyay
talk 3S.F-OBJ HOR INT-hear individually.PFTV
‘Men, I am your member (= leader), each one of you please
listen to my speech.’
Speakers use kwaw ‘HOR.RSTR’ to make their command or permission
the exclusive, single issue that needs to be focused on. It is used in
contexts where the purpose is to make an earnest request rather than give
a command. The underlying form consists of the hortative marker kwa and
the restrictive marker -aw.
168
(10) Ney-om homkwe iha lopa peie la o.

ney-om hom-kwe iha lopa peie la o
child-group 2/3PL-TOP hand NEG PROH eat IPFTV
Homkwe iha kwaw lowndiy à.
hom-kwe iha kwa-aw lowndiy la
2/3PL-TOP hand HOR-RSTR share eat.PFTV
‘Children, do not eat without a hand (= being selfish). You
should just eat and share with your hand (= share liberally).’
(11) Hunkwe penkin nanpanan me, hunkwe
hwon-kwe po-enkin nanpanan m-e hwon-kwe
2S-TOP Q-MAN think PL-OBJ 2S.SUB-TOP
hane kwaw me nonkway kòw.
han-e kwa-aw me nonkway kow
1S-OBJ HOR.RSTR speak know BEN.PFTV
‘Whatever you think, just make sure to inform me.’
Whereas kwa and kwaw are used in commands addressing second
person singular and plural referents, ka is used in hortative sentences
which refer to third person singular or plural.
(12) Hakwe senkin nan, hromkwe sueyr
ha-kwe so-enkin nan hrom-kwe sueyr
1S-TOP DDEM-MAN think 1PL.SUB-TOP rain
se me huonok e, sueyr hiy hreme
s-e me huonok e sueyr hiy hrom-e
3S.M-OBJ speak call OBJ rain 3S.M 1PL-OBJ
ka hiy-mòn.
ka hiy-mon
3.HOR CAUS-do.PFTV
‘I think that we should call the rain and let the rain help us.’
(13) Aiai hiy ma saro somokwe yaprue
aiai hiy ma saro so-mo-kwe yaprue
food 3S.M RCM plant DDEM-GL.PL-TOP good
ka nuw-iè.
ka nuw-lie
3.HOR INT-go.up.PFTV
‘As for the food (plants) he planted, just allow them to grow
well.’
169
5.2.2 Dynamic modality marker liy

The marker of dynamic modality1 liy encodes an evaluation of the
subject’s potential or ability. In (14) liy ‘DYN’ indicates potential.
(Context of previous: If you follow this advice, then … )
(14) Suw, hno peik kokwe liy lon-kanê.
suw hwon-o peik ko-kwe liy lon-kane
then 2S-GEN ill GL.F-TOP DYN make-break.off. IPFTV
‘(If you do this) then your illness can (will potentially)
discontinue.’
In (15) liy ‘DYN’ indicates ability. When the marker ley follows the
verb prhase it is analysed as a variant of korey ‘NEG’ (§7.3.7).
(15) Hakwe hye hieyn liy lanio ley.
ha-kwe hiy-e hieyn liy lanio korey
1S-TOP 3S.M-OBJ like DYN walk NEG
‘I cannot walk like him.’
In (16) liy ‘DYN’ indicates a combination of potential and ability.
(16) Hunkwe mey meio lopa lwak ankin, hakwe
hwon-kwe mey meio lopa lwak ankin ha-kwe
2S-TOP job work NEG be if 1S.SUB-TOP
kar liy ley ley.
kar liy ley korey
gladness DYN go NEG
‘If you do not do your job, I will not be happy.’
See §7.3.7 for the markers encoding negated dynamic modality.
5.2.3 Habitual marker seyn
The aspectual marker seyn indicates habitual action.
1
Von Wright (1951:28) refers to ‘dynamic’ modality which is concerned with ability and
disposition, as in: “John can speak German.” This terminology is adopted in Palmer
(2001).
170
(17) Anay homkwe kipay kamon-aw seyn lwak

anay hom-kwe kipay kamon-aw seyn lwak
bandicoot 2/3PL-TOP area one-RSTR HAB be
pey.
pey
NEG.IPFTV
‘Bandicoots are not in the habit of living at just one place.’
(18) Omok eir mon seyn nak-iawôn,
omok eir mon seyn nak-liawon
later top LOC HAB ACC-lie.down. IPFTV
hmo ney me sueyr lows
hom-o ney m-e sueyr lows
2/3PL-GEN child PL-OBJ rain collect
ame.
ame
undesired.hypoth.event
‘After that they (= the mother birds) sleep on top of them, as
it would not be good if their children were rained on.’
5.2.4 Use of senaw
The aspect marker senaw has two different usages. First of all, it is
used to describe habitual action. In (19) and (20) senaw describes habitual
action and the verb phrase has imperfective intonation.
(19) Ahney somokwe aiopey nuw-wak ankin,
ahney so-mo-kwe aiopey nuw-lwak ankin
bird DDEM-GL.PL-TOP big INT-be if/when
hunkwe hmo oksa me senaw
hwon-kwe hom-o oksa m-e senaw
2S-TOP 2/3PL-GEN sound PL-OBJ habitually
lonuâyk.
lonuayk
hear.IPFTV
‘When those birds are big, you can hear (habitually) the
sounds they make.’
171
(20) Yeih hiykwe nwoh so premon

yeih hiy-kwe nwoh s-o premon
morning.bird 3S.M-TOP dog 3S.M-GEN potato
me yokun senaw nakâ.
m-e yokun senaw nak-la
PL-OBJ theft habitually ACC-eat. IPFTV
‘The morning bird habitually stole the dog’s potatoes.’
The marker senaw is also used to express undesired consequences that
potentially still could take place. The difference between senaw ‘HAB’ and
senaw ‘lest’ is marked by the aspect on the verb, since the former is
accompanied by imperfective and the latter by perfective. In English the
latter can be translated as ‘it would not be good if’ or ‘lest’. The use of
senaw ‘lest’ is demonstrated in (21) and (22).
(21) Ney sehe kwa nekie prosue, senaw
ney so-h-e kwa nekie prosue senaw
child DDEM-3S.M-OBJ HOR hold stopped lest
makuàyk.
makuayk
fall.PFTV
‘Take hold of that child, lest he fell.’
(22) “Hai, hunkwe paneke nekie prosue so?”
hai hwon-kwe paneke nekie prosue so
O.K. 2S-TOP why hold stopped Q.SP.PFTV.M
“Ara, ney hiy senaw makuàyk.”
ara ney hiy senaw makuayk
ADDR.M child 3S.M lest fall.PFTV
‘“Why did you take hold of (him)?” “Man, lest the child
fell.”’
In (23), senaw is followed by a verb phrase that is marked for the
perfective.
172
(23) Hror meiaw mon noney e. Seyr

hror mei-aw mon non-ley e seyr
1DU long-EMPH LOC DU-go OBJ.IMP and/also
hromo mu se uwrsa hom
hrom-o mu s-e uwr-sa hom
1PL-GEN crocodile 3S.M-OBJ man-woman 2/3PL
senaw lirà.
senaw lira
lest see.PFTV
‘Let’s go far away. Lest the people saw our crocodile.’
Senaw ‘lest’ which precedes the VP can be replaced by lak
‘undesirable’ which follows the VP. For more discussion see §5.3.3.
(24) Hror meiaw mon noney e. Seyr
hror mei-aw mon non-ley e seyr
1DU long-EMPH LOC DU-go OBJ.IMP and/also
hromo mu se uwrsa hom
hrom-o mu s-e uwr-sa hom
1PL-GEN crocodile 3S.M-OBJ man-woman 2/3PL
lira lak.
lira lak
see lest
‘Let’s go far away. It would not be good if the people saw our
crocodile.’
5.2.5 Current action markers pa and pau
The aspectual marker pa marks currently ongoing action. The
duration is not in focus, but rather the fact that it is taking place now,
either within real time or within the time frame of the story teller. This
aspect of ‘current ongoingness’ is abbreviated by CUR.
In (25), the speaker relates a past event, but he wants the listener to
view the hunting as an event that takes place within the present of his
developing discourse. The present marker pa always co-occurs with an
imperfective intonation contour over the verb phrase. In the last sentence
pa la ‘CUR eat’ the speaker uses pa ‘CUR’ to signal a current action
presently in progress.
173
(25) Ey hiy now-mowr eir mon liawon hain

ey hiy now-mowr eir mon liawon hain
sun 3S.M.SUB tree-top top LOC lie.down SUB<OBJ
menkin, hiy pa inakêy. Sa sehe
menkin hiy pa inakey sa so-h-e
when 3S.M CUR hunt.IPFTV then/and DDEM-3S.M-OBJ
ka-onuayk ne, “Pa lâ.”
ka-lonuayk ne pa la
DIR:side-hear SUB>OBJ CUR eat.IPFTV
‘When the sun was positioned over the top of the trees, he
went hunting at that time. Then he heard it coming from the
side, “(He) is eating at this moment.”’
In (26), the aspect marker pa precedes the verb mon, which is again
modified by the purpose complement ley e ‘go PURP’. The verb mon in
combination with motion verbs indicates volition (see §6.7).
(26) Hiy pa ley e môn, sawk hyo
hiy pa ley e mon sawk hiy-o
3S.M CUR go PURP do. IPFTV CHD 3S.M-GEN
an-yeik hokwe sawk mnow aiopey se
an-yeik ho-kwe sawk mnow aiopey s-e
fish-arrow GL.M-TOP CHD eel big 3S.M-OBJ
hin.
hin
shoot
‘He was intending to leave then, but his hook caught a big
eel.’
The aspectual marker pau ‘currently completed’ encodes the
completion or result of a present action. When pau occurs the VP is
obligatorily marked for the imperfective. The present action encoded in
the marked verb phrase in (27) has just reached completion. Pau does not
mark events that are viewed as belonging to the past, but events that have
reached the phase of completion and continue to have current relevance.
174
(27) Ey hiy pau kuaykeyn lopây, hiy

ey hiy pau kuaykeyn lopay hiy
sun 3S.M CUR.CMPL set afternoon. IPFTV 3S.M
pa mê, “Wo, ha ey, ha po ai
pa me wo ha ey ha pokon ai
CUR speak. IPFTV EXCL 1S EXCL:pity 1S today food
lopa ley a.”
lopa ley a
NEG go FUT
‘The sun had just gone down now in the afternoon, and then
he was saying, “O, poor me, I’ll have to go without food.”’
5.2.6 The perfect marker po
In (28), the verb phrase initial aspect marker po ‘perfect (PFT)’2 refers
to finished action the outcome of which continues to be relevant. The VP-
final syllable is marked for imperfective which is expected for events or
states that are described in terms of continuity into the presence.
(28) Ara, horuom sohokwe
ara horuom so-ho-kwe
ADDR.M crowned.pigeon DDEM-GL.M-TOP
hakiaw-aw po lâ.
ha-kiaw-aw po la
1S-SLCT-EMPH PFT eat.IPFTV
‘Man, I have eaten this crowned pigeon by myself.’
In (29), po ‘PFT’ marks the verbal action of ‘devouring’ as a past
event of which the effect continues to be true. The verbal intonation
signals the imperfective. The speaker wants the listener to view this event
with a continuing relevance within his discourse.
2
This paper uses the terms PERFECTIVE and PERFECT and they should not be
confused. The perfect (PFT) encodes what is variously described as a past action with
present relevance or a present state resulting from a past action. The perfective ( PFTV)
aspect refers to a single event conceived as one complete unit. (This in contrast to the
imperfective aspect which represents an event in the process of unfolding or a repeated
or habitual event.) See also Comrie (1976:65) where he states that a verb can be both
perfect and imperfective.
175
(29) Nwoh piaparaw kamon hye po peyk

nwoh piaparaw kamon hiy-e po peyk
dog bad one 3S.M-OBJ PFT bite
hnar â.
hnar la
tear.off eat.IPFTV
‘A bad dog has torn him apart and eaten him (= devoured
him).’
The marker po ‘PFT’ is not a tense marker, but an aspectual marker that
signals perfect. In (30), po co-occurs with o. The latter is a speech marker
that indicates imperfective aspect, which is often used to signal current or
ongoing events. (These speech utterance markers are discussed in §7.4.)
(30) Hunkwe yoh-ney how-ney mokwe po
hwon-kwe yoh-ney how-ney mo-kwe po
2S-TOP banana-shoot taro-shoot GL.PL-TOP PFT
saro lowpway ô?
saro lowpway o
plant completely Q.SP.IPFTV
‘As for the banana and the taro shoots, have you planted
them all?’
In (31), the marker po ‘PFT’ expresses a state or condition that continues
to hold true or with continuing results. The intonation over the verb lwak
‘be’ signals the imperfective.
(31) Ahney, sawk hno wayh po lwâk,
ahney sawk hwon-o wayh po lwak
bird CHD 2S-GEN friend PFT be. IPFTV
payhokuaw, hiykwe someykyow
po-ay-ho-kuaw hiy-kwe someykyow
Q-what-GL.M-for.reason.of 3S.M-TOP shoulder
sian ey non.
sian ey non
get.up INTN CMT
‘Bird, but (this) is your friend, because he has wings to fly
with.’
It is noteworthy that the aspect marker po can occur within a clause
that is marked for perfective. When po occurs in the apodosis of a
176
counterfactual condition (32), the final VP intonation is low, which marks

perfective. This construction is further discussed in §5.2.8.
(32) Sawk hiykwe nioh ley lowpway hokwe,
sawk hiy-kwe nioh ley lowpway ho-kwe
CHD 3S.M-TOP blood go completely GL.M-TOP
hiykwe po lokruè.
hiy-kwe po lokrue
3S.M-TOP PFT die.PFTV
‘If he had lost his blood completely, he would truly have
died.’
5.2.7 Imminent and indefinite future
Two discontinuous morphemes which mark imminent and indefinite
action are: po … a ‘imminent future’ and ya … a ‘indefinite future’. The
marker po is used in other contexts as well (see §5.2.6) and the different
usages of the marker po are summarized in §5.2.8.1.
When po ‘IMM.FUT’ co-occurs with the clause-final indefinite future
marker a, it encodes immediate future. The marker a ‘FUT’ is not part of
the verb phrase. It is a clause-final marker that carries an intonation that is
different from VP final intonation contour for the perfective and the
imperfective. It is somewhat similar to the intonation for the imperfective
but nevertheless different, since the pitch over the future action marker is
higher and the change in pitch is less salient. It is only a gradual small fall
in pitch height.
(33) Pion sohokwe hakwe po nak-a a.
pion so-ho-kwe ha-kwe po nak-a a
meat DDEM-GL.M-TOP 1S.TOP IMM.FUT ACC-eat FUT
‘As for that meat, I am about to eat it’
(34) Hiy me, “Enekwei ha uwr yeik ompow non
hiy me enekwei ha uwr yeik ompow non
3S.M speak time 1S man arrow bow CMT
se lira huon ankin, hakwe ok po
s-e lira huon ankin ha-kwe ok po
3S.M-OBJ see OBJ>SUB if/when 1S-TOP talk IMM.FUT
177
sian me a, hno mawk eir mon.”

sian me a hwon-o mawk eir mon
get.up speak FUT 2S-GEN head top LOC
‘He (= the bird) said , “When I see a man with a bow coming,
I will immediately fly and make noise above your head.”’
Similarly, phrase initial ya, meaning indefinite future, always co-occurs
with phrase terminal a. See (35) and (36).
(35) Homkwe senkin nan, “Kupe hiykwe
hom-kwe so-enkin nan Kupe hiy-kwe
2/3PL-TOP DDEM-MAN think Kupe 3S.M.SUB-TOP
ya nuw-ey sawor-awor kawk
ya nuw-ley sawor-awor kawk
INDF.FUT INT-go disappear-DUP put.inside
ha a.”
ha a
SUB<LOC FUT
‘They thought, “At some time Kupe will disappear
completely (= will never return).”’
The current hypothesis is that po in these contexts is derived from
pokon ‘today, future’3 and that ya is derived from yaw ‘tomorrow’. Both
po and ya have grammaticalised into aspectual-relative time markers
which together with verb phrase final a ‘Future’ express the concepts of
imminent future and indefinite future.
(36) Omok hno makwey sohokwe hano yeik
Omok hwon-o makwey so-ho-kwe ha-no yeik
later 2S-GEN head DDEM-GL.M-TOP 1S-GEN arrow
okukwe, ya hin a.
o-ko-kwe, ya hin a.
DDEM-GL.F-TOP INDF.FUT shoot FUT
‘Later, as for you your head, my arrow will shoot it (at some
unmarked future time).’
It should be noted that the future marker a, when it does not co-occur
with the two aspect markers po ‘imminent future’ and ya ‘indefinite
future’, is only observed in interrogatives (see §7.2). In contrast,
3
This po is homophonous with po ‘COMPLETIVE’. See §5.2.8.1 for all uses of po.
178
constructions formed with po …a and ya … a are used exclusively in

affirmative sentences.
5.2.8 Counterfactual
When po is followed by a VP marked for the perfective it marks
counterfactual (CFT). In (37) an unmet hypothetical condition is followed
by a counterfactual clause.
(37) Sawk hiykwe nioh ley lowpway hokwe,
Sawk hiy-kwe nioh ley lowpway ho-kwe,
CHD 3S.M-TOP blood go/flow totally 3S.M-TOP
hiykwe po lokruè.
hiy-kwe po lokrue
3S.M-TOP CFT die.PFTV
‘If he had lost all his blood, he would have died.’
The marker po co-occurs with the imperfective and the perfective.
When po co-occurs with a VP marked for imperfective it marks an event
that happened in the past but continues to have its effect on the present
(38). When po co-occurs with a VP marked for the perfective it marks an
event that would have taken place in the past but did not (39).
The verb phrase in (38) is marked for the imperfective.
(38) Ara, horuom sohokwe
ara horuom so-ho-kwe
ADDR.M crowned.pigeon DDEM-GL.M-TOP
hakiaw-aw po lâ.
ha-kiaw-aw po la
1S-SLCT-RSTR PFT eat.IPFTV
‘Man, I have eaten this crowned pigeon all by myself.’
The verb phrase in (39) is marked for the perfective.
(39) Hunkwe hu hawr e ley hokwe, hunkwe
Hwon-kwe hu hawr e ley ho-kwe hwon-kwe
2S-TOP water wash OBJ go 3S.M-TOP 2S-TOP
paraw po ma-lè.
paraw po ma-le
before CFT RPT-come.PFTV
‘If you had gone to bath, you would have returned before
(= earlier).’
179
More discussion on counterfactual constructions is found in §9.5.5.
5.2.8.1 Summary overview on the use of po

The marker po is used in various ways. The variety of these
applications can be confusing. In this section the various uses are listed
with a short description and a reference to examples.
TABLE 40: SUMMARY OVERVIEW ON THE USE OF PO
Marking Grammatical Meaning Ex.

function
1. po + VP marked Perfect Past event continues (38)
for imperfective to effect present
2. po … a Imminent future Execution of planned (33)
action is near
3. po + VP marked Counterfactual A potential event did (37)
for perfective not take place
because a condition
was not met
4. po Temporal - occurs Abbreviation of (40)
in a position that pokon ‘today’ (41)
cannot be taken by
aspect markers
The fourth category has not been described yet. Po ‘temporal’ does
not function here as a modal marker, but is analysed as a temporal
possibly derived from pokon ‘today’. This analysis is based on the fact
that a modal marker has to precede the verb phrase immediately, but as
can be seen from (40) and (41) po does not immediately precede the verb
phrase and therefore cannot be analysed as a modal marker.
In (40), po is separated by an intervening subject NP from the verb
phrase, which means that po cannot be an aspect marker, as it does not
immediately precedes the VP. It is separated from the VP by the subject
180
pronoun hakiaw-aw ‘I myself’. The marker po ‘temporal’ is analysed as a

shortened version of pokon ‘today’. 4
(40) Ara, horuom sohokwe po
ara horuom so-ho-kwe pokon
ADDR.M crowned.pigeon DDEM-GL.M-TOP today
hakiaw-aw lâ.
ha-kiaw-aw la
1S-SLCT-EMPH eat.IPFTV
‘Man, I am going to eat this crowned pigeon by myself
today.’
In (41), po does not precede the VP which disqualifies it from being an
aspect marker.
(41) Hror a monaw nonwak ankin, po
hror a mon-aw non-lwak ankin pokon
1DU house LOC-RSTR DU-be when/if today
payme kiy-â?
pay-m-e kiy-la
Q:what-PL-OBJ ACT-eat. IPFTV
‘When we will be in the house, what are we going to eat
today?’
5.2.9 Co-occurrence of currently complete and perfect
aspect markers
To indicate a completed process with current ongoing relevance to the
present situation pau ‘CUR.CMPL’ combines with po ‘PFT’ to form pau po.
It marks an event that was completed recently in the past and its finished
result continues to have significance for the present time.
4
Refers only to future, not to past. E.g. pokon ‘later today’ cannot be used in translating
the sentence ‘I saw him today’. One needs to use arakwon ‘earlier today’.
181
(42) Akwa, hroro akayr hokwe yok

akwa hror-o akayr ho-kwe yok
ADDR.F 1DU-GEN betelnut GL.M-TOP shoot
pau po kei nayr ö.
pau po kei nayr o
CUR.CMPL PFT sprout night EMPH.SP.IPFTV
‘Woman, our betelnut has completely sprouted during the
night.’
(43) Hiykwe ey-aw ey-aw, senkinaw-aw
hiy-kwe ey-aw ey-aw so-enkin-aw-aw
3S.M-TOP sun-RSTR sun-RSTR DDEM-MAN-RSTR-EMPH
lanio hniy hniy-ay kok. Siowp pau
lanio hniy hniy-ay kok siowp pau
walk heat heat/sweat day.time intestines CUR.CMPL
po nuw-okruê.
po nuw-lokrue
PFT INT-die. IPFTV
‘As for him, with only the sun out (in the sky), he just kept
walking in the heat of the day. His stomach was really dying
(= he had become really hungry).’
5.3 Clause-final aspect and modal markers

The following four sections deal with clause-final markers that give
modal and aspectual force to the clause. They have their own clause-final
intonation which is different from the perfective and the imperfective.
Since they indicate different aspects, one should probably not expect them
to be the same. Nevertheless some of the distinctions in the pitch over
these final markers are striking, especially the difference between the low
pitch over ley ‘inchoative’ and the relatively high pitch over ey ‘intention’.
182
TABLE 41: INTONATION CONTOUR OVER CLAUSE-FINAL MODAL

OR ASPECT MARKER
Modal Semantic force Intonation contour Reference

marker
ley inchoative low and level pitch §5.3.1
ey intention high and level pitch §5.3.2
lak potentially undesired low and level pitch §5.3.3
consequences in future
ame potentially undesired low and level pitch §5.3.3
consequences in past
pak dubitative between low and §5.3.4
high, level pitch
5.3.1 Inchoative
When the verb ley ‘go’ occurs as a motion verb it occurs at the
beginning of the verb phrase as motion verbs tend to do. The same form
ley ‘inchoative’ can also be used as a clause-final marker. In (44), both
uses are demonstrated. The verb ley ‘go’ occurs as the head of the VP and
the clause marker ley ‘INCH’. As an inchoative marker, it encodes
immediate planned action, i.e. ‘I am going to do X’.
(44) Hakwe hano wueir se ma-ley ira ley.
ha-kwe han-o wueir s-e ma-ley lira ley
1S-TOP 1S-GEN garden 3S.M-OBJ RPT-go see INCH
‘I am going to go out to see my garden again.’
As a motion verb, ley ‘go’ marks movement away from the speaker’s
point of reference. It does not have that meaning when it functions as
clause-final modal marker. This is exemplified in (45), where ley occurs
twice: As a motion verb in the first sentence and as a modal marker in the
second sentence after le ‘come’ which is a motion verb that marks
movement towards the speaker’s point of reference.
183
(45) Hakwe peyr a mon ma-ley. Sa omok

ha-kwe peyr a mon ma-ley sa omok
1S-TOP firstly house LOC RPT-go then/and later
eyn ma-le ley.
eyn ma-le ley
like RPT-come INCH
‘I will first go home. Then later on I am going to come back.’
5.3.2 Intention marker ey
The marker ey modifies the clause for intended action. It does not give
a time indication; only intention is expressed. In (46), ey ‘intention’ marks
the clause for intended action; the temporal NP pokon-enekwei hokwe ‘this
day’ specifies the time.
(46) Hakwe hnekwe skul mon hiy-ey ey,
ha-kwe hwon-e-kwe skul mon hiy-ley ey
1S-TOP 2S-OBJ-TOP school LOC CAUS-go INTN
pokon-enekwei hokwe.
pokon-enekwei ho-kwe
today-time GL.M-TOP
‘I will bring you to school, this day.’
In (47), ey ‘INTN’ marks the clause for intended action, the temporal
NP pokon kokwe ‘today’ specifies the time.
(47) Wayh-om, hakwe pokon kokwe, kuey mo
wayh-om ha-kwe pokon ko-kwe kuey m-o
friend-group 1S-TOP today GL.F-TOP grubs PL-GEN
okpey ke mesor ey.
ok-pey k-e me-sor ey
talk-part 3S.F-OBJ speak-count/tell INTN
‘Friends, today I intend to tell the story of grubs.’
The intentional marker ey can encode future aspect as is seen in (48).
184
(48) Heyn sohokwe hano lian mon-aw

heyn so-ho-kwe han-o lian mon-aw
sin DDEM-GL.M-TOP 1S-GEN own LOC-RSTR
senkinaw lwak ey.
so-enkin-aw lwak ey
DDEM-THUS-RSTR be INTN
‘This guilt will continue to be on myself (= I will continue to
blame myself).’
5.3.3 Desirability
The VP final markers lak and ame mark clauses for potential
undesirable consequences. Lak ‘lest’ is used when the undesirable event
could potentially still take place, while ame is used when the undesirable
event did not take place because conditions for the event to take place
were not met.
In (49), lak marks the clause that states the undesirable consequence.
The danger of the child falling is still present.
(49) Ney sehe kwa nekie prosue,
ney so-h-e kwa nekie prosue
child DDEM-3S.M-OBJ HOR hold stopped
makuayk lak.
makuayk lak
fall lest
‘Take hold of that child, because it would not be good if he
fell.’
In contrast, ame marks a clause expressing undesirable consequences
that did not take place, since the conditions for the event to happen were
not met. It is clear from (50) that the potential event of the child falling
did not take place because a change in circumstances made falling
impossible.
185
(50) “Hai hunkwe paneke nekie prosue so?”

hai hwon-kwe paneke nekie prosue so
O.K. 2S.SUB-TOP why hold stopped Q.SP.PFTV.M
“Ara, ney hiy makuayk ame.”
ara ney hiy makuayk ame
ADDR.M child 3S.M.SUB fall undesired.hypoth.event
‘“Why did you grab and hold (him)?” “Man, because
otherwise the child would have fallen.”’
In (51) and (52), lak occurs as the clause marker, since the undesirable
consequences are still potentially possible.
(51) Ara, pokon yaprue non-aw hin e,
ara pokon yaprue non-aw hin e
ADDR.m today good CMT-RSTR shoot OBJ.IMP
hrorkwe puraw non-meio ie lak.
hror-kwe puraw non-meio lie lak
1DU-Top nothing DU-work go.up lest
‘Listen, today we should shoot well, because it would not be
good if we had gone up and built (these bird shelters) for
nothing.’
The marker lak can also be used when the potential future undesirable
consequence is framed in a negated clause. In order for the negated clause
to be marked by the clause-final marker lak, the verb lwak ‘be’ needs to
be used as an auxiliary verb to the negated clause.
(52) Ara, hano sawin kokwe hunkiaw kwa
ara han-o sawin ko-kwe hwon-kiaw kwa
ADDR.M 1S-GEN widow GL.F-TOP 2S.SUB-SLCT HOR
nak-huon, sawk hano ney pahaw me
nak-huon sawk han-o ney pahaw m-e
ACC-marry CHD 1S-GEN child orphan PL-OBJ
hiy-a pa lwak lak.
hiy-la pa lwak lak
CAUS-eat NEG.PFTV be lest
(Dying man to brother) ‘Man, marry my widow, because it
would not be good if my orphaned children would not be
looked after.’
186
In (53), the clause-final marker ame marks the clause for an undesired
consequence that did not take place since the conditions for the event to
take place were not met.
(53) Ara, hunkwe hyo sawin ke
ara hwon-kwe hiy-o sa-win k-e
ADDR.M 2S-TOP 3S.M-GEN woman-widow 3S.F-OBJ
nakhuon pa sehe lwak, hyo
nak-huon pa so-h-e lwak han-o
ACC-marry NEG.PFTV DDEM-3S.M-OBJ be 1S-GEN
ney pahaw me hiy-a ame.
ney pahaw m-e hiy-la ame
child orphan PL-OBJ CAUS-eat undesired.hypoth.event
‘Man, you did not marry his widow, because otherwise you
would have had (the undesired consequence) to look after his
children.’
5.3.4 Modal marker pak encoding doubt
The dubitative marker pak ‘it is not certain that’ marks propositions
for which there is a strong element of doubt. The modal marker pak marks
verbal as well as verbless clauses. In (54), pak ‘DUB’ modifies a verbless
clause.
(54) Hiykwe hyo orih se senkin
hiy-kwe hiy-o orih s-e so-enkin
3S.M-TOP 3S.M-GEN father 3S.M-OBJ DDEM-MAN
me, “Somokwe mo ai-ar pak.”
me so-mo-kwe mo ai-ar pak
speak DDEM-GL.PL-TOP EMPH food-INTF DUB
‘He said to his father, “That might (or might not) be real
food.”’
The dubitative pak can mark a verbal clause as well, as in (55).
187
(55) Uwr-nawp ohokwe, arakwon poup po

uwr-nawp o-ho-kwe arakwon poup po
man-old PDEM-GL.M-TOP earlier.today spirit PFT
kros a kok pak.
kros la kok pak
tear.apart eat day.time DUB
‘As for that man, he may (or may not) have been torn apart
and eaten by the devil spirit earlier today.’
The dubitative pak can be used in a list of propositions that are all
individually marked for doubtful certainty as in (56).
(56) Hiykwe sa senkin nanpanan, “Uwr
hiy-kwe sa so-enkin nanpanan uwr
3S.M-TOP then/and DDEM-MAN think man
hokwe awia po lo pak, o huok po
ho-kwe awia po lo pak o huok po
GL.M-TOP enemy PFT shoot DUB or pig PFT
la pak.”
la pak
eat DUB
‘He then thought, “As for this man, he may have been killed
by enemies, or he may have been eaten by pigs.”’
The dubitative marker pak can be modified by the future markers a,
ane, and aney (see §7.2).
6. Clause
6.1 Clause types

Abau only manifests two basic clause types. The verbless clause and
the verbal clause. Both clause types can be divided in a topic part and a
comment part. The first clause type consists of a topic constituent with a
juxtaposed comment constituent without a verb phrase or only
accompanied by the existential-stative verb lwak. The verbless clause has
two basic constituents: an optional topic constituent (although it always
needs to be understood) and an obligatory comment constituent.
The verbal clause always has a verb phrase which is the nucleus of the
verbal clause (see §4.3). This clause type follows SOV order by default
and displays the syntactic marking of subject and object.
The verbless clauses are discussed first (see §6.2). Then constructions
with the stative verb lwak are examined (see §6.3). These constructions
are very similar to the verbless clauses. Lastly, verbal clauses are
discussed (see §6.4).
6.2 Verbless clauses

Verbless clauses can be divided in two basic parts:
1. one or more noun phrases marked by topic markers
hosting -kwe,
2. an obligatory complement constituent functioning as the
comment. The comment constituent never hosts -kwe.
These two parts are separated by a short, but clear pause. The first part
consisting of topicalsed constituents is the given setting or the background
against which the comment is made. The comment constituent contains
the new information that the speaker wants to convey.
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6.2.1 The constituents of the verbless clause
6.2.1.1 Topicalised constituent in a verbless clauses

The topic in a verbless clause can be marked by plural (1) and
singular masculine (2) or singular feminine (3) NP topic markers.
(1) An har mo woki mokwe aiopey.
an har m-o woki mo-kwe aiopey
fish some PL-GEN mouth GL.PL-TOP big
‘Regarding the mouths of some catfish, they are big.’
(2) Popo hokwe ai yaprue.
popo ho-kwe ai yaprue
papaya GL.M-TOP food good
‘As for papaya fruit, it is good food.’
(3) Pisu kokwe haraw.
pisu ko-kwe haraw
knife GL.F-TOP short
‘As for the knife, it is short.’
Verbless clauses always have a topic constituent marked by -kwe. In
(4), the topic NP is marked by the NP topic marker mokwe.
(4) How har mokwe weyspey.
how har mo-kwe weyspey
taro some GL.PL-TOP white
‘As for some taros, they are white.’
A topic constituent cannot be marked for the syntactic roles of subject
or object in a verbless clause. Example (5) is ill-formed, because the topic
NP is marked as a subject NP, which is incorrect in a verbless clause.
(5) *How har homkwe weyspey.
how har hom-kwe weyspey
taro some 2/3PL-TOP white
‘Some taros are white.’
The topic constituent in a verbless clause can occur with a
postposition, as in (6) below. (Topic refers to topic constituents; comment
refers to the comment part of the clause which never has any topic
marking by definition.)
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(6) Topic Topic

Paraw kokwe hromo sihway sihway
paraw ko-kwe hrom-o sihway sihway
past GL.F-TOP 1PL-GEN group.wise group.wise
Comment
mo yier mon kokwe, ihey mo
m-o yier mon ko-kwe ihey m-o
PL-GEN place LOC GL.F-TOP white.man PL-GEN
ahney kakaruk lopa.
ahney kakaruk lopa
bird chicken NEG
‘Long ago, in everyone’s villages, we did not have the white
men’s birds (= chickens).’
In (6), the underlined locative NP marked by the postposition mon fills
the role of topic constituent. Like all topic constituents, this type of topic
constituent is also obligatorily topicalised. However, it can only be
topicalised by the singular feminine NP topic marker kokwe. The
masculine gender of yier ‘place’ does not impact the topic marker, since
yier ‘place’ is marked by the locative marker mon. This phenomenon
takes place for all NPs marked for a semantic role. They can only be
topicalised by the topic marker kokwe, regardless of the gender and
number of the head of the NP.
It should also be noted that the topic part of a verbless clause can consist
of more than one topic constituent as the example above shows. In (6)
above, a temporal noun phrase and a locative noun phrase are both
separately topicalised. These two topicalised NPs form together the topic
part of the verbal clause.
In (7), the comitative NP marked by non fills the role of topic
constituent. The phrase is topicalised by the topic marker kokwe.
(7) Topic Comment
Hyo huok-nays owk non kokwe aiopey.
hiy-o huok-nays owk non ko-kwe aiopey
3S.M-GEN pig-tooth string.bag CMT GL.F-TOP big
‘His pig tusk with (in) its string bag is big.’
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6.2.1.2 The comment slot in verbless clauses

Modifiers (1) or noun phrases that contain a modifier (2), as well as
the comitative NP (8) and the similarity NP (9) have been observed to
function in the comment slot of verbless clauses. The comment slot of a
clause is always defined as the part that contains non-topicalised
constituent(s).
In (8), the topic constituent is topicalised by the feminine topic
demonstrative sokukwe. The comment slot is filled by a comitative NP,
ney non ‘with child’.
(8) Topic Comment
Nwoh sokukwe ney non.
nwoh so-ko-kwe ney non
dog DDEM-GL.F-TOP child CMT
‘That dog had puppies.’
In (9), the comment slot is filled by a similarity NP, uwr yaprue eyn
‘like a good man’.
(9) Topic Comment
Uwr sohokwe uwr yaprue eyn.
uwr so-ho-kwe uwr yaprue eyn
man DDEM-GL.M-TOP man good like
‘That man is like a good man.’
In (10), the comment slot is filled by the modifier yaprue ‘good’.
(10) Topic Topic
Enkin kokwe, aio so irowp hokwe
enkin ko-kwe aio s-o irowp ho-kwe
MAN GL.F-TOP father 3S.M-GEN arm GL.M-TOP
Comment
yaprue.
yaprue
good
‘At this time, father’s arm is alright.’
Although rare, it is possible to only state the comment part of a clause.
This comment part is by definition not topicalised. This construction is
used for titles of stories, or for short headings that only name the subject
that will be discussed.
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The comment NP in (11) was written above a text that described how
to build a house.
(11) Comment
A meio yor.
a meio yor
house work way
‘The way of house building.’
In (12), the title of a well-known legend is given at the beginning of
the story.
(12) Comment
Uwr-oryay-kiy mo okpey ok.
uwr-oryay-kiy m-o ok-pey ok
man-older.brother-two PL-GEN talk-part talk
‘The story of the two brothers.’
6.3 Stative and existential verb lwak ‘to be’

6.3.1 Stative verb relating comment to topic
The stative verb lwak ‘to be’ can be placed after comment constituents
with minimal semantic difference. Its presence basically changes an
utterance stated in absolute terms (13) into an utterance that is placed into
a time frame (14). (The verb lwak is marked for imperfective.)
(13) Wawp mokwe weyspey.
wawp mo-kwe weyspey
bird.sp GL.PL-TOP white
‘As for wawp birds, they are white.’ (General truth stated
absolutely.)
(14) Wawp mokwe weyspey lwâk.
wawp mo-kwe weyspey lwak
bird.sp GL.PL-TOP white be. IPFTV
‘As for wawp birds, they are being white.’ (A present truth
that may or may not change.)
The presence of the existential verb lwak in (14) gives the comment a
time reference. Comrie (1976: 103-106) describes the difference in terms
of the distinction between contingent state and absolute state. In (14), the
existential verb lwak marks the whiteness of the birds as contingent. This
fact can potentially change whereas the absence of the stative verb lwak in
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(13) gives the utterance an absolute timeless truth value. Compare also
(10) and (17) where (10), without lwak, states a timeless truth or state of
affairs. There is no indication that the state described was ever different.
Example (17) places the predicate in a time frame which suggests
uncertainty whether this state was different in the past or will be different
in the future.
Existential clauses encode temporary, contingent conditions. The
topic constituent is by definition topicalised. The verb lwak ‘to be’ relates
the comment to the topic in terms of characteristics.
(15) Pruam mokwe ahney me hieyn-aw lwâk.
pruam mo-kwe ahney m-e hieyn-aw lwak
cassowary GL.PL-TOP bird PL-OBJ like-RSTR be. IPFTV
‘As for cassowaries, they are just like birds.’
(16) Woyo mo i mokwe haraw lwâk.
woyo m-o i mo-kwe haraw lwak
fowl PL-GEN leg GL.PL-TOP short be. IPFTV
‘As for the legs of fowls, they are short.’
In (17), two topics are given and the comment yaprue ‘good’ fits with
either one.
(17) Enkin kokwe aio so irowp hokwe
enkin ko-kwe aio s-o irowp ho-kwe
MAN GL.F-TOP father 3S.M-GEN arm GL.M-TOP
yaprue lwâk.
yaprue lwak
good be. IPFTV
‘At this time, as for father’s arm, it is alright.’
Existential clauses having the verb lwak can occur with a topic marker
and be either marked or unmarked for subject. In (18), the topic
constituent is marked with the NP subject marker hom ‘2/3pl’ which is
suffixed with the topic marker -kwe. The verb lwak can be marked for the
imperfective (18) or perfective (19).
(18) Wawp homkwe weyspey lwâk
Wawp hom-kwe weyspey lwak
bird.sp 2/3PL-TOP white be. IPFTV
‘Wawp birds are white’
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(19) Wawp homkwe weyspey lwàk

Wawp hom-kwe weyspey lwak
bird.sp 2/3PL-TOP white be.PFTV
‘Wawp birds were white’
6.3.2 Existential verb relating topic and comment
If lwak ‘to be’ relates the topic to the comment in terms of
characteristics, it can be deleted. See (13) and (14). If lwak ‘to be’ relates
the topic to the comment in terms of time or location, it cannot be deleted.
In (20), the verb lwak functions not as a stative verb that relates the topic
with characteristics, but as an intransitive verb that relates the topic with
location. The verb lwak relates the comment (the locative NP) to the topic
(a participant within the story). The motion verb lanio ‘walk’ in (21)
fulfils a similar function in regard to location.
(20) Huok kamon aiopey hokwe ki sapa kamon
huok kamon aiopey ho-kwe ki sapa kamon
pig one big GL.M-TOP ground forest one
mon lwak.
mon lwak
LOC be
‘As for a certain big pig, it was (= lived) in a certain forest
area.’
(21) Huok kamon aiopey hokwe ki sapa kamon
mon lanio.
mon lanio
LOC walk
‘As for a certain big pig, it walked in a certain forest area.’
The verb lwak ‘to be’ has the existential meaning ‘to live’ in contexts
that refer to time and location. This was already shown in (20) where a
topicalised participant was related to a comment that expressed location. It
is also possible to topicalise the location or temporal and relate this
constituent to a comment that signals the participant. If this is done, the
modifier senkin ‘DDEM-MAN’ is obligatorily present preceding lwak.
In (23) and (22) the topic constituents relate respectively to location
and time. In order to relate these topic constituents to a comment
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constituent that signals an animate participant, the manner demonstrative

senkin needs to precede lwak.
(22) Om kamon hokwe uwr nawp prueyn
om kamon ho-kwe uwr nawp prueyn
village one GL.M-TOP man old one
senkin lwàk.
so-enkin lwak
DDEM-MAN be.PFTV
‘At a certain place, a certain old man lived thus.’
(23) Paraw paraw-ar kokwe wayp so ney
paraw paraw-ar ko-kwe wayp s-o ney
past past-INTF GL.F-TOP eagle 3S.M-GEN child
prueyn senkin lwàk.
prueyn so-enkin lwak
one DDEM-MAN be.PFTV
‘A long time ago, a certain son of an eagle lived thus.’
6.4 Verbal clauses

The verbal clause is discussed in the following sections, starting with
the most nuclear part of the clause: the verb phrase. More phrase
constituents will be added to the verb phrase in the following sections,
starting with non-topicalised constituents that have no syntactic or
semantic case marking, working towards a fully developed verbal clause
that has constituents that display all variations of topic, syntactic and
semantic markings. In the examples below all the verb phrases are
underlined for easy recognition.
6.4.1 Verbal clause consisting only of VP and modal
marker
A verbal clause can consist of just a VP often accompanied by a modal
marker in order to make a meaningful expression. In (24), the verb phrase
is preceded by the prohibitive peie followed by a speech marker. In (25),
the verb phrase is preceded by the hortative marker kwa.
(24) Peie lira o!
peie lira o
PROH see EMPH.SP.IPFTV
‘Don’t look!’
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(25) Kwa ley!

kwa ley
HOR go
‘Go!’
6.4.2 Verbal clause consisting of VP preceded by an
adverb or incorporated noun
The VP in a verbal clause can be modified by an adverb that precedes
the verb phrase as in (26) or by an adverbial interrogative as in (27). (See
for more discussion §4.4 and §7.5.3)
(26) Yaprue hin e!
yaprue hin e
well shoot OBJ
‘Shoot well!’
(27) Paneke hakan ko?
paneke hakan ko
why flee Q.SP.PFTV.F
‘Why did you (female) flee?’
Incorporated nouns, i.e. nouns that work in close corporation with a
verb to establish one single meaning will precede the verb phrase without
any syntactic or other marking. In (28), the noun kar ‘happiness’ occurs
without any marking. Incorporated nouns always precede the verb phrase
unless a modal marker like kwa ‘HOR’ intervenes. (See also §3.11.1)
(28) Kar kwa ley e.
kar kwa ley e
happiness HOR go OBJ
‘Be happy.’
6.4.3 Verbal clause including non-syntactic topicalised
constituents
A verbal clause can be further extended by topicalised constituents
that do not display any syntactic or semantic case marking. It was noted in
§6.2 that verbless clauses consist of a topic and a comment part. The topic
part of the verbless clause is mostly filled by a topicalised noun phrase
and the comment part is often filled by a non-topicalised modifier. This
internal clause division of a topicalised part and a comment part can be
found in verbal clauses as well. The topicalised part is nearly always
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expressed, but if it is not (like in §6.4.1 and §6.4.2) it is always

understood. When the topicalised part is expressed, the topicalised
constituent(s) will host the topic marker -kwe. In (29), the topic part of the
clause is filled by the topicalised NP yeyk ohokwe ‘this canoe’. The rest of
the clause is the comment part of the clause (see §8.4).
(29) Topic Comment
Yeyk ohokwe yaprue meio popriy pa!
yeyk o-ho-kwe yaprue meio popriy pa
canoe PDEM-GL.M-TOP good work well NEG.PFTV
‘You did not make this canoe well!’
The topic part of the sentence can be filled by a personal pronoun as
in (30).
(30) Topic Comment
Hunkwe yaprue lwak o?
hwon-kwe yaprue lwak o
2S.SUB-TOP well be Q.SP.IPFTV
‘Are you well?’
It needs to be noted that topicalised nominal personal pronouns can be
analysed as either topicalised subjects (marked both syntactically and
pragmatically) or as personal pronouns that are only pragmatically marked
for topic and not for subject. See discussion in §6.5.2.
The topic part of a clause can be filled by more than one NP. In (31), a
topicalised temporal phrase (pokon kokwe) and a topicalised subject
phrase (hakwe) form together the topic part of the sentence.
(31) Topic Topic Comment
Pokon kokwe hakwe liwak nieys kok ey.
pokon ko-kwe ha-kwe liwak nieys kok ey
today GL.F-TOP 1S.SUB-TOP sit rest day.time INTN
‘Today, as for me, I intend to sit down and rest during the
day.’
semantic case
Semantic case marking is realised by postpositional phrases. A
postpositional locative noun phrase can occur in the topic part of a clause,
as in (32). The postpositional phrase yier serey mon kokwe is marked for
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location by mon and for topic by kokwe. The NP hiykwe is marked for
topic and subject.
(32) Topic Topic
Hiykwe yier serey mon kokwe
hiy-kwe yier so-rey mon ko-kwe
3S.M.SUB-TOP place DDEM-THERE LOC GL.F-TOP
Comment
uwr prueyn se kar ley.
uwr prueyn s-e kar ley
man one 3S.M-OBJ gladness go
‘As for that place, he really liked one person (there).’
A postpositional noun phrase is not always topicalised. Postpositional
noun phrases like the Accompaniment NP and the Comparative NP (see
§3.9.5 and §3.9.6) are often not, since their semantic meaning makes them
more candidates for the comment part of the clause.
The Accompaniment NP (hano aio se nion) and the Comparative NP
(aio se hieyn) are not topicalised; therefore, they are part of the comment
in (33) and (34) respectively.
(33) Topic Comment
Hakwe hano aio se nion ley.
ha-kwe han-o aio s-e nion ley
1S-TOP 1S-GEN father 3S.M-OBJ ACC go
‘I am going with my father.’
(34) Topic Comment
Hakwe aio se hieyn liy lanio ley.
ha-kwe aio s-e hieyn liy lanio korey
1S-TOP father 3S.M-OBJ COMP DYN walk NEG
‘I cannot walk like father.’
Locative NPs are often topicalised when they contain background
information, but they occur without topic marking when they are part of
the comment as in (35).
(35) Topic Comment
Huok kamon aiopey hokwe ki sapa kamon
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mon lanio.
mon lanio
LOC walk
‘As for a certain big pig, it walked in a certain forest area.’
syntactic case
NPs can be marked for subject and object. If they occur in the topic
part of the sentence, they have topic marking as well. If they occur in the
comment part of the sentence, they are without topic marking.
Example (36) displays normal SOV order: a topicalised subject and a
non-topic marked object followed by the verb phrase. An indirect object is
not expressed but signalled by the benefactive kow.
(36) Topic Comment
Hyo wayh hiykwe hopion se
hiy-o wayh hiy-kwe hopion s-e
3S.M-GEN friend 3S.M.SUB-TOP pig.meat 3S.M-OBJ
nak-yay kow.
nak-lyay kow.
ACC-place.down BEN.
‘His friend brought meat.’
The inclusion of the recipient hye ‘3S.M.OBJ’ does not cause any
syntactic changes for the other constituents of the clause in (37). It should
be noted that the direct object and indirect object are both marked by the
same object marker -e.
(37) Topic Comment
Hyo wayh hiykwe hye hopion
hiy-o wayh hiy-kwe hiy-e hopion
3S.M-GEN friend 3S.M.SUB-TOP 3S.M-OBJ pig.meat
se nak-yay kow.
s-e nak-lyay kow.
3S.M-OBJ ACC-place.down BEN.
‘His friend brought him meat.’
One may exchange the positions of the subject and object to give a
more prominent role to the subject. In OSV order, the object NP is nearly
always topicalised and the subject NP is not, because the subject is treated
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as new information as is shown in (38). (For more discussion, see

counterexample of a non-topicalised fronted object NP (19) in §8.4, and
also §6.5.1 and §8.6.)
(38) Topic Comment
Keno se kokwe ur hiy
way-a-way kuayk nayr
tie-DUP-tie fall night
‘As for Keno, a vine tangled him causing him to fall in the
night.’
6.5 General structure of the verbal clause

The verb phrase is the only obligatory element in the verbal clause.
Neutral order in Abau is SOV, but this order can readily be altered for
pragmatic reasons. Background or given information is placed at the
beginning of the sentence and topicalised accordingly. Foreground or
prominent information is placed preceding the verb phrase. The phrase
that immediately precedes the VP forms the comment of the utterance.
TABLE 42: STRUCTURE OF THE CLAUSE
Topic part of Comment part of clause

clause
Basic parts of NP Topic Non-verbal Verbal
the clause constituents constituents constituent
[+TOP] [-TOP]
Possible number 0 to 3 Rarely 0, one VP
of constituents usually 1,
sometimes 2
Possible NP[+TOP -SYNT], SUB[-TOP] OBJ[-TOP] VP
candidates SUB[+TOP] PP[-TOP] MOD[-TOP]
OBJ[+TOP] PP[+TOP]
Abau sentences sharply distinguish topicalised and non-topicalised

segments. In terms of the pragmatics of the communication situation it
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means that given or background information is clearly distinguished from

new or foreground information. Constituents containing new information
are never topicalised and precede the verb phrase. Topicalised constituents
conveying given information are found clause-initially. A topicalised
constituent can only precede, not follow, a non-topicalised constituent
within the clause.
6.5.1 Positioning of subject and object
Neutral or frequently observed order within the clause places the
subject before the object. The verb phrase occurs clause-finally. In (39),
the object kuey me ‘grubs PL-OBJ’ follows the subject hano sa ko orih
hiykwe ‘my wife’s father’.
(39) S[+TOP]
Hano sa ko orih hiykwe
han-o sa k-o orih hiy-kwe
1S-GEN woman 3S.F-GEN father 3S.M.SUB-TOP
O[-TOP] VP
kuey me lowk.
kuey m-e lowk
grubs PL-OBJ cut
‘My wife’s father cut the grubs (from the inside of the sago
palm).’
Placing kuey me ‘grubs OBJ’ before hano sa ko orih hiy (my wife’s
father) yields a syntactically ill-formed structure.
(40) O[-TOP] S[-TOP] VP
*Kuey me hano sa ko orih hiy lowk.
‘The grubs were cut by my wife’s father.’
The order of subject and object can be reversed, and that nearly
always results in the topicalisation of the object NP. As a result of the
reversal the subject will immediately precede the verb phrase and cannot
be topicalised any longer. In (41), kuey me ‘grubs PL-OBJ’ is marked by
the feminine topic marker kokwe and precedes the non-topicalised subject.
As a result the subject becomes more prominent and emphasised.
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(41) O[+TOP] S[-TOP]

Kuey me kokwe hano sa ko
kuey m-e ko-kwe han-o sa k-o
grubs PL-OBJ GL.F-TOP 1S-GEN woman 3S.F-GEN
VP
orih hiy lowk.
orih hiy lowk
father 3S.M.SUB cut
‘(It was) my wife’s father (who) cut the grubs.
A topicalised constituent that functions as patient within the
predication is not obligatorily marked for object. In (42), kuey mokwe has
the semantic function of patient, but is not marked by the plural object
marker me, but by the plural topic marker mokwe. Grammatically it is not
marked as the object of the clause, but rather as a sentential topic that will
be commented on.
(42) NP[+TOP] S[-TOP]
Kuey mokwe, hano sa ko
kuey mo-kwe han-o sa k-o
grubs GL.PL-TOP 1S-GEN woman 3S.F-GEN
VP
orih hiy lowk.
orih hiy lowk
father 3S.M.SUB cut
‘In regard to grubs, my wife’s father cut them out.’
Animate objects can be placed clause-initially as well. In (43) the
indirect object consisting of the object personal pronoun hye ‘3S.M.OBJ’
precedes the non-topicalised NP subject.
(43) O[+TOP] S[-TOP]
Hye kokwe sawk si hiy
hiy-e ko-kwe sawk si hiy
3S.M-OBJ GL.F-TOP CHD excrement 3S.M.SUB
VP
lonuayk me ha.
lonuayk me ha
hear speak OBJ<SUB
‘But it was the excrement that responded to him.’
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Temporal NPs and locative NPs often convey background information

and are therefore placed clause-initially and topicalised. They are only
found in the comment part of the clause if the temporal or the locative is
treated as new information.
In (44), the NP enekwei kamon hokwe ‘one day’ is treated as
background information within the sentence where it occurs. Therefore it
is not marked syntactically or semantically, only pragmatically. The NP
John hiykwe ‘John 3S.M.SUB-TOP’ is a topicalised subject. The object is
syntactically marked by me but is not topicalised. The incorporated noun
yokun ‘theft’ that precedes the verb phrase is by definition not marked for
object (§3.11.1).
(44) NP[+TOP] S[+TOP]
Enekwei kamon hokwe, Jon hiykwe
enekwei kamon ho-kwe Jon hiy-kwe
time one GL.M-TOP Jon 3S.M.SUB-TOP
O[-TOP] O[INCORP] VP
Kenu so wueir-aiai me yokun la.
Kenu s-o wueir-aiai m-e yokun la
Kenu 3S.M-GEN garden-food PL-OBJ theft eat
‘One day, Jon stole Kenu’s garden food.’
6.5.2 Pragmatic and syntactic marking on NPs consisting
of a personal pronoun
It needs to be noted again that NPs with a noun as head can be marked
in more diverse ways than NPs that consist only of a personal pronoun.
NPs which have a noun as head are marked by a separate final noun phrase
marker while NPs that consist only of a personal pronoun often do not
have such a separate NP marker. For the latter group syntactic information
is in most cases not marked by a separate marker, but carried by the
personal pronoun itself.
Secondly, there is a wide range of NP final markers for NPs with a
noun as the head of the NP. These markers give the NP a pragmatic role, or
a syntactic role, or both. The range of options of NP markers for NPs that
have only a personal pronoun as head is more limited. Table 43 gives an
overview of the various markings on NPs with a noun as head of the NP,
versus NP with only a personal pronoun as head of the NP. When studying
TABLE 43: THE MARKING OF NPS WITH A NOUN AS HEAD VERSUS NPS WITH A PERSONAL PRONOUN AS HEAD
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Without syntactic or Subject Object Semantically marked
semantic marking marked marked (ex. with non ‘CMT’)
Noun phrases
1
without NP final topic NP SUB.NP OBJ.NP PP
marking
huok huok hiy huok se huok non
huok ‘pig.M’
with NP final topic marking NP SUB.NP OBJ.NP PP
huok ‘pig.M’ huok hokwe huok huok se huok non kokwe

hiykwe kokwe
Personal pronouns
Non-topicalised pers. NP * SUB.NP OBJ.NP PP
pronouns
* hiy 2 hiy hye hiy non
hiy ‘3S’
Topicalised pers. pronouns NP SUB.NP OBJ.NP PP
3
hiy ‘3S’ hiykwe hiykwe hyekwe * hiy non kokwe
1
PP stands for postpositional phrase (see §3.9).
2
A non-topic marked hiy can never represent a pronoun without syntactic function.
3
See discussion below whether hiykwe can represent a non-syntactic topic-marked form of the pronoun.
205
this table it will become obvious that the distribution for the latter type of
NP is more restricted.
It is suggested in this grammar that the difference between the

pragmatic and syntactic marking of the topicalised NPs that consist of only
a pronoun has been neutralized. Some data seem to suggest that the set of
personal subject pronouns can be used to mark only topic, and not subject.
For instance, it is possible for the same topicalised pronoun to occur twice
in one sentence. In (45), the initial personal pronoun hakwe ‘I’ only
introduces the entity as a topic that will be commented on. The second
hakwe is a syntactic argument in the clause, functioning as the syntactic
subject.
(45) NP[+TOP] NP[+TOP] S[+TOP]
Akwa, hakwe arakwon-arawh kokwe hakwe
akwa ha-kwe arakwon-arawh ko-kwe ha-kwe
ADDR.F 1S-TOP earlier-night GL.F-TOP 1S.SUB-TOP
O[INCORP] VP
now lian ira nayr.
now liawon lira nayr
dream lie.down see night
‘Woman, as for me, last night I had a dream.’
A NP consisting of only a personal pronoun is analysed on the basis of
its position within the clause. In (45) the first hakwe ‘I’ is followed by
another topicalised NP and as a result one may conclude that the NP hakwe
‘I’ is not marked for subject, but only for topic. The further a personal
pronoun is located to the left, the higher the probability that the personal
pronoun is introduced only as a topic, and the subject role is not in focus
(see §8.3.3 for other examples). The further a personal pronoun is placed
to the right, the higher the probability that the subject role is in focus.
When the subject NP consisting of a personal pronoun is not topicalised,
the NP is prominent.
The subject personal pronoun ha ‘I’ in (46) is not marked for topic. It
therefore occurs in the comment part of the clause. Its subject function is
very much in focus.
206
(46) NP[+TOP] NP[+TOP] S[-TOP]

Pokon kokwe hyo pion hokwe ha
pokon ko-kwe hiy-o pion ho-kwe ha
today GL.F-TOP 3S.M-GEN meat GL.M-TOP 1S.SUB
VP
po la a.
po la a
IMM.FUT eat FUT
‘Today, as for his meat, I am about to eat it.’
As stated above, NPs consisting of a topicalised personal pronoun
could be analysed as having both syntactic and pragmatic marking, or as
having only pragmatic marking. Their position within the clause is the
determining factor. The personal pronoun NP needs to be followed by at
least one other topicalised constituent before it can be analysed as a
constituent that has lost its syntactic role.
The NP homkwe in (47) hosts the subject personal pronoun hom and
the topic marker -kwe. Since the topicalised NP immediately precedes a
phrase that is not topicalised (wayh seme ‘these yams’) one can conclude
that the topicalised NP homkwe ‘you’ functions as the subject of the
clause.
(47) S[+TOP] O[-TOP] PP[-TOP]
Homkwe wayh seme yia mon
hom-kwe wayh so-m-e yia mon
2/3PL-TOP yam DDEM-PL-OBJ fire LOC
modal VP
kwa naws.
kwa naws
HOR cook
‘As for you, just cook those yams over the fire.’
6.5.3 Inclusion of indirect object NP
In ditransitive clauses the marking on the NP object and NP indirect
object is identical. The neutral or most frequently observed order of the
two arguments has the indirect object preceding the direct object, as in
(48). This feature of Abau syntax is consistent with the universal tendency
for indirect objects to precede direct objects, since indirect objects tend to
be higher on the animacy hierarchy (Hopper and Thompson
207
1980: 259-261). Usually indirect objects are [+human, +animate], in

contrast to direct objects, which are usually [-human, ranimate].
(48) S[+TOP] IND.O[-TOP]
Hyo wayh hiykwe hye
hiy-o wayh hiy-kwe hiy-e
3S.M-GEN friend 3S.M.SUB-TOP 3S.M-OBJ
O[-TOP] VP
kuey-seik se nak-yay kow a.
kuey-seik s-e nak-lyay kow la
grubs-dried 3S.M-OBJ ACC-place BEN eat
‘His friend gave him semi-dried grubs to eat.’
In (48), neither direct object nor indirect object is topicalised by -kwe.
They both mark information that the speaker treats as new. It is possible to
topicalise the indirect object and not the object. In (49), the topicalised
indirect object precedes the topicalised subject, while the object
immediately precedes the verb phrase without any topic marking. This
construction reduces the prominence of the recipient and raises the
prominence of the patient, since it is the only non-topicalised role within
the clause.
(49) IND.O[+TOP] S[+TOP]
Uwruh nawp se kokwe hokwe
uwr-ih nawp s-e ko-kwe hok-kwe
man-KIN old 3S.M-OBJ GL.F-TOP 3S.F.SUB-TOP
O[-TOP] VP
mnow aio se nwaws yay kow.
mnow aio s-e nwaws lyay kow
eel big 3S.M-OBJ cook place BEN
‘In regard to her old husband, she cooked a big eel for him.’
Although the indirect object usually precedes the direct object, the
speaker can move the indirect object closer to the verb phrase. The result
is that the prominence of the recipient is raised at the expense of the
prominence of the patient. In (50), the direct object (hno yeyk se kokwe) is
treated as given information, but the indirect object (hane) as new
information.
208
(50) Hunkwe hno yeyk se kokwe

hwon-kwe hn-o yeyk s-e ko-kwe
2S.SUB-TOP 2S-GEN canoe S.M-OBJ GL.F-TOP
hane kwa me kow.
han-e kwa me kow
1S-OBJ.TOP HORT speak give
‘You, in regard to your canoe, just give it to me.’
In (50), the direct object is topicalised. One could delete the topic
marker kokwe as is done in (51) and still have a grammatically correct
sentence. The speaker now treats both the patient and the recipient as new
information.
(51) Hunkwe hno yeyk se hane kwa
hwon-kwe hn-o yeyk s-e han-e kwa
2S.SUB-TOP 2S-GEN canoe S.M-OBJ 1S-OBJ.TOP HOR
me kow.
me kow
speak give
‘You, just give your canoe to me.’
It is relatively rare though, to have two object NPs following each
other which are both not topicalised, since it means that the speaker gives
prominence to two NPs at the same time. Normally the speaker treats only
one NP constituent as new information. More discussion on decreasing or
increasing the prominence of sentence constituents is given in §8.6.
6.5.4 Constituents that can follow a non-topicalised
object NP
The object NP in a transitive clause tends to be the new information
the speaker wants to convey, and as a result the speaker will move this NP
towards the VP. It is therefore most often the object NP that immediately
precedes the verb phrase. It is possible for the subject NP to immediately
precede the verb if the speaker want to give more prominence to the agent
than to the object NP. However, as we saw above, the OSV order requires
that the object NP becomes topicalised.
There are three constituents that can follow a non-topicalised object
NP and immediately precede the verb phrase. Since they follow a non-
209
topicalised NP, they cannot be topicalised as well. The three clause

constituents are:
1. Adverbial, demonstrative and interrogative modifiers
(§4.4, §4.4.2 and §7.5.3). Ex.(52) and (53);
2. Incorporated nouns (§3.11.1). Ex. (54) and (55);
3. Postpositional noun phrases (§3.9). Ex. (56), (57), (58)
and (59).
6.5.4.1 Adverbial modifier preceding the VP

In (52), the adverbial modifier puraw occurs between the NP object
and the VP:
(52) S[+TOP] O[-TOP]
Pomkwo hokwe hno nene se
pomkwo hok-kwe hwon-o nene s-e
bat 3S.F-SUB-TOP 2S-GEN eye 3S.M-OBJ
ADV VP
puraw mon swapreir yay.
puraw mon swapreir lyay
nothing do hit place
‘The bat dropped her (droppings) on your eye for no good
reason.’
Ney lowpwarowp skul ko homkwe Sapo
ney lowpwarowp skul ko hom-kwe Sapo
child all school GEN 2/3PL-TOP Sapo
ADV VP
se yaprue nan.
s-e yaprue nan
3S.M-OBJ good think/like
‘All the children of the school think well of Sapo.’
6.5.4.2 Incorporated nouns preceding the VP

In (54) and (55), the incorporated nouns eheyr ‘crying’ and kar
‘gladness’ occur between the NP object and the VP. An incorporated noun
does not refer to a specific identifiable entity, but helps to define or
complete the meaning of the verb.
210
(54) S[+TOP] O[-TOP] O[INCORP][-TOP] VP

Har homkwe hye eheyr lyuk ha.
har hom-kwe hiy-e eheyr lyuk ha
some 2/3PL-TOP 3S.M-OBJ crying cry OBJ<SUB
‘Some wailed (while) seeing him off.’
Hokwe hoko a-ney se
hok-kwe hok-o a-ney s-e
3S.F.SUB-TOP 3S.F-GEN house-small 3S.M-OBJ
O[INCORP][-TOP] VP
kar nuw-ey.
kar nuw-ley
gladness INT-go
‘She was really happy with her small house.’
6.5.4.3 Postpositional phrase (PP) preceding the VP

In (56), the comitative NP ku non ‘axe CMT’ occurs between the NP
object and the VP. The meaning of the comitative NP is determined by the
syntax. When a comitative NP follows a NP object, it has instrumental
meaning.
Hyo pouh hokwe sawk ney prueyn
hiy-o pouh hok-kwe sawk ney prueyn
3S.M-GEN mother 3S.F-TOP CHD child one
PP[-TOP] VP [Tail position]
se ku non lowk kwampror, makwey
s-e ku non lowk hit/break makwey
3S.M-OBJ axe CMT beat hit/break head
sok.
sok
EXCT
‘His mother hit the child on the head with an axe.’
In (57), NP masi non ‘with poisonous vines’ occurs between the
Object and the VP. Since it immediately precedes the Verb Phrase, the NP
signals instrumental.
211
(57) NP[+TOP] S[+TOP]

Ompeys kokwe uwr prueyn hiykwe
ompeys ko-kwe uwr prueyn hiy-kwe
two.days.ago GL.F-TOP man one 3S.M.SUB-TOP
O[-TOP] PP[-TOP] VP
yawp kamon se masi non lokin ha.
yawp kamon s-e masi non lokin ha
river one 3S.M-OBJ vine CMT hit OBJ<SUB
‘About two days ago (or: recent past) a certain man hit
(= hitting of vines against each other to cause poison to flow
into river) a river with poisonous vines.’
Locatives very rarely intervene between an object marked non-
topicalised NP and the VP, unless the speaker wants to emphasize that the
locative is the prominent and new information he wants to communicate.
In (58), the speaker treats the non-topicalised noun phrase yier mon ‘to the
village’ as the information he wants to foreground.
(58) S[+TOP] O[-TOP] PP[-TOP]
Uwr prueys hohkwe huok se yier
uwr prueys hoh-kwe huok s-e yier
man two.CL1 2/3DU.SUB-TOP pig 3S.M-OBJ place
VP
mon lway nakey.
mon lway nak-ley
LOC carry ACC-go
‘Two men carried the pig to the village (and not to anywhere
else).’
Other postpositional phrases can precede the verb phrase as well, and
occur after a non-topicalised object NP. In (59), the postpositional phrase
marked for exactness occurs after the Object NP, because the speaker
treats the information where the person was hit as the most prominent
information.
212
(59) [Sub-clause] O[-TOP]

Senkin me lowpway menkin, sawk ipey
so-enkin me lowpway menkin sawk ipey
DDEM-MAN speak completely when CHD mother
PP[-TOP] VP
ke makwey sok lam-pror kawk.
k-e makwey sok lam-pror kawk
3S.F-OBJ head EXCT hold-break be.inside
‘After (he) had said that, he hit and struck mother right on the
head.’
The non-topicalised postpositional comparative noun phrase marked
by the comparative -e hieyn ‘like’ can also precede the verb phrase but it
never follows an Object NP.
(60) NP[+TOP] S[+TOP] PP[-TOP]
Hno yeyk hokwe, hiykwe hane hieyn
hwon-o yeyk ho-kwe hiy-kwe han-e hieyn
2S-GEN canoe GL.M-TOP 3S.M.SUB-TOP 1S-OBJ COMP
modal VP NEG
liy meio kow ley.
liy meio kow korey
DYN work BEN NEG
‘As for your canoe, he cannot make it like me.’
The postpositional accompaniment noun phrase which is marked by -e
nion ‘ACC’ has not been observed following a non-topicalised NP object.
However, it can occur before an object noun phrase, as is shown in (61).
(61) S[+TOP] PP[-TOP] O[-TOP]
Hiykwe hehe nion hoho wueir
hiy-kwe hoh-e nion hoh-o wueir
3S.M.SUB-TOP 2/3DU-OBJ ACC 2/3DU-GEN garden
VP
se non-anio ira.
s-e non-lanio lira
3S.M-OBJ DU-walk see
‘He walked and observed their garden with the two of them.’
213
6.5.5 Subject and object deletion

When the speaker assumes the addressee can identify a referent
without further reference, the NP representing that entity may be deleted.
This is most obvious in procedural texts where the focus is on the activity
rather than on the one who performs the activity. The speaker treats the
subject as given or background information, and often mentions the
subject only once, at the beginning of a procedural or descriptive text, as
in (62) to (66), where the narrator tells about a man who built a house.
The explicit subject hiykwe ‘3S.M.SUB-TOP’ is only used once, at the
beginning of the narrative. This contrasts with the free translation in
English, which requires a free personal pronoun in every clause.
(62) Enekwei kamon hokwe uwr prueyn hiykwe
enekwei kamon ho-kwe uwr prueyn hiy-kwe
time one GL.M-TOP man one 3S.M.SUB-TOP
a meio.
a meio
house work
‘One time a certain man built a house.’
(63) Hiykwe peyr nop-i me seyr
hiy-kwe peyr nop-i m-e seyr
3S.M.SUB-TOP firstly ironwood-post PL-OBJ split
nok, ar me nak-owk say.
nok ar m-e nak-lowk say
SEQ swamp.tree PL-OBJ ACC-cut many.PL
‘Firstly he split ironwood timber and then cut swamp-trees as
well.’
(64) Sawk nop-i me lopru inon kreik.
sawk nop-i m-e lopru linon kreik
CHD ironwood-post PL-OBJ dig carry put.in.plenty
‘He then brought (them) in and dug in the ironwood posts.’
(65) Musow yay nok, pros.
musow lyay nok pros
bearer place.down SEQ put.crossway
‘He placed the bearers on top and then put (the floor joists)
crossways.’
214
(66) Sawk a-suwr se nakie

sawk a-suwr s-e nak-lie
CHD house-house.top 3S.M-OBJ ACC-go.up
nok, sowor.
nok sowor
SEQ roof.support
‘He put up the roof rafters and then placed the roof supports.’
The ellipsis of object NPs happens in a similar manner, but occurs
more often than subject NP ellipsis. In (67), the object NP huok se ‘pig
3S.M.OBJ’ is overtly present only in the first sentence. It is ellipted in
subsequent sentences, because its referential status carries over.
(67) Hom huok se way nok nok, yier mon
hom huok s-e lway nok nok yier mon
2/3PL pig 3S.M-OBJ carry DUR SEQ place LOC
nakey. Hom lei nok, la.
nak-ley hom lei nok la
ACC-go 2/3PL cut SEQ eat
‘They carried the pig and then brought it to the village. They
cut it up and then ate it.’
In (68), the subject NP aio ‘father’ and the object NP yeyk-now ‘canoe
log’ are both mentioned in the beginning lines. Neither subject nor object
is referred to by any marker or entity in the third sentence, since they are
both understood referents.
(68) Aio hiykwe yeyk meio e nan.
aio hiy-kwe yeyk meio e nan
father 3S.M.SUB-TOP canoe work PURP think
Hiy yeyk-now kamon se lowk kuayk
hiy yeyk-now kamon s-e lowk kuayk
3S.M canoe-tree one 3S.M-OBJ cut fall
nok, meio lowpway. Yia nwaws nok, hu
nok meio lowpway yia nwaws nok hu
SEQ work completely fire cook SEQ water
215
mon lowk wakeyn.

mon lowk wakeyn
LOC pull be.in.water
‘Father wanted to make a canoe. He cut a ‘canoe-tree’ and
then completed it. He burned it off with fire (lit. he fire-
burned it off) and then pulled it into the water.’
6.6 Relative clauses

There are two main types of nominalised clauses: relative clauses
(§6.6) and object complement clauses (§9.4). The relative clause is
marked by the complementiser ma. Several definitions exist of the relative
clause. We will adopt Keenan’s (1985:141-2) definition of a relative
clause as a full noun phrase consisting of a nominal head, a determiner
and a restrictive clause. In Abau there is no structural difference between
a restrictive and unrestrictive relative clause. Since this section is
concerned with structure, the word ‘restrictive’ here should be understood
as referring to both categories. Relative clauses modify the head of a NP,
and are linked to the head by a relativiser. The relative clause may either
precede (§6.6.1) or follow (§6.6.2) the head it modifies.
6.6.1 Relative clauses preceding the head noun
Relative clauses preceding the head they modify are normally marked
by ma preceding the first verb. The relative clause follows SOV order and
it is important to note that the constituents of the relative clause cannot be
topicalised. The relative clause functions as a modifier for a head noun
that can be topicalised, but modifiers themselves (including the relative
clause as modifier) cannot be topicalised. In the examples below the
relative clauses are underlined, the head of the NP is bolded and if this NP
has a syntactic, semantic or pragmatic phrase marker it is bolded as well.
In (69) the head of the containing NP is yier. The relative clause
mango-now ma lorok precedes it. This construction, where the relative
clause precedes the head it modifies, occurs less frequently than the
construction where the relative clause follows the head it modifies.
216
(69) Hoh sa sehe non-ey, mango-now

hoh sa so-h-e non-ley mango-now
3DU then/and DDEM-3S.M-OBJ DU-go mango-tree
ma lorok yier mon.
ma lorok yier mon
RCM stand place LOC
‘So the two of them went together to the place where the
mango trees were.’
In (70), the noun yier ‘place’ is modified for type by the preceding
relative clause.
(70) Ha sawk hehe yeyk ma hawon yier
ha sawk hoh-e yeyk ma hawon yier
1S CHD 3DU-OBJ canoe RCM lie place
mon sehe hiy-ey.
mon so-h-e hiy-ley
LOC DDEM-3S.M-OBJ CAUS-go
‘I led the two of them to the place where canoes are moored.’
In (71), the noun yerki ‘road’ is modified for category by the
preceding relative clause.
(71) Sapa mon kokwe kar ma nakanio yerki lopa.
sapa mon ko-kwe kar ma nak-lanio yerki lopa
forest LOC GL.F-TOP car RCM ACC-walk road NEG
‘In the forest are no roads that cars can drive on.’
Subject personal pronouns can occur within a relative clause, but are
never marked for topic. In (72), the subject personal pronoun hrom is not
marked for topic. The relative clause modifies the topicalised noun
enekwei ‘time’.
(72) Hrom serey ma ley ney-ney enekwei
hrom so-erey ma ley ney-ney enekwei
1PL.SUB DDEM-LOC RCM go go-go time
sohokwe, nyo prueyn hiykwe
so-ho-kwe nyo prueyn hiy-kwe
DDEM-GL.M-TOP lad one 3S.M.SUB-TOP
217
sawk hakan.
sawk hakan
CHD flee
‘At that time when we all went out there, one boy fled.’
All examples of relative clauses preceding the head noun in §6.6.1 are
of locations and times. No examples have been observed where a syntactic
object or subject is preceded by a relative clause.
6.6.2 Relative clauses following the head noun
In most cases the relative clause follows, rather than precedes, the NP
head it modifies. The relative clause comes between the head noun and
the NP marker or postposition which indicates the grammatical function of
the head.
The order of the relative clause and the head of the NP in example (69)
is reversed in (73) where the relative clause follows the head of the NP it
modifies. The relativiser in these constructions is also ma, and, as in all
relative clauses, none of the constituents of the relative clause can be
topicalised. The relative clause functions as an embedded modifier clause
within the NP, which has its own NP marking. In the examples below the
relative clause is underlined, the head of the NP is bolded and if this NP
has a syntactic, semantic or pragmatic phrase marker it is bolded as well.
(73) Hoh sa sehe non-ey, yier
hoh sa so-h-e non-ley yier
2/3DU then/and DDEM-3S.M-OBJ DU-go place
mango-now ma lorok mon.
mango-now ma lorok mon
mango-tree RCM stand LOC
‘So the two of them went together to the place where the
mango trees were.’
The postposed relative clause functions as a constituent modifying a
NP. The NP can be topicalised, but as stated before, the relative clause that
functions as a modifier cannot. In (74), the modified NP is marked by the
NP final marker seme ‘DDEM.OBJ.PL’. This marker agrees in number with
the head of the NP now-i ‘tree fruit’ it modifies.
218
(74) Pruam hokwe now-i ki mon ma

pruam hok-kwe now-i ki mon ma
cassowary 3S.F-TOP tree-fruit ground LOC RCM
makuayk sakuayk seme lanio a.
makuayk sa-kuayk so-m-e lanio la
fall RPT-fall DDEM-PL-OBJ walk eat
‘The cassowary ate all the fruit that had fallen on the ground.’
In (75), hopion ‘pig meat’ is the head of the NP, which agrees in
number with the final NP marker mokwe. The intervening embedded
relative clause functions as a modifier within the NP.
(75) Homkwe hopion mein non ma loro neyh
hom-kwe hopion mein non ma loro neyh
2/3PL-TOP pig.meat stone CMT RCM stick.into wrap
mokwe won non nuw-a.
mo-kwe won non nuw-la
GL.PL-TOP grease CMT INT-eat
‘They ate with fat (= ate with appetite) the meat that had been
wrapped (into leaves) and (cooked) with stones.’
In (76), the relative clause contains the noun aio ‘father’, which is
marked as subject of the relative clause by the subject NP marker hiy
‘3S.M.SUB’. This subject is not marked by the topic marker -kwe, as no
topic-marking with -kwe can occur within the relative clause. The NP that
is modified by the relative clause is marked by the feminine topic marker
kokwe which agrees in gender and number with the head of the NP
sa-sokruan (young woman).
(76) Sa-sokruan aio hiy ma nekie hain
sa-sokruan aio hiy ma nekie hain
woman-young father 3S.M.SUB RCM hold SUB<OBJ
kokwe, wayh-ih Sepiawe se nak-me
ko-kwe wayh-ih Sepiawe s-e nak-me
GL.F-TOP friend-KIN Sepiawe 3S.M-OBJ ACC-speak
kow ha.
kow ha
BEN OBJ<SUB
‘The young woman that father had taken and left behind, he
had given to his friend, Sepiawe.’
219
In (77), the embedded relative clause contains a NP subject hok

‘3S.F.SUB’ and a NP object hyo makwey kokway ke (his hat). Neither
constituent can be topicalised since they are part of the embedded relative
clause. The NP is modified by the topic marker kokwe which agrees in
number and gender with the head of the NP now-kon ‘tree-branch’.
(77) Hiykwe now-kon hok hyo
hiy-kwe now-kon hok hiy-o
3S.M-TOP tree-branch 3S.F.SUB 3S.M-GEN
makwey-kokway ke ma mon swair
makwey-kokway k-e ma mon swair
head-hat 3S.F-OBJ RCM do went.in
sow kow kokwe, nonkway lwak pa.
sow kow ko-kwe nonkway lwak pa
completely BEN GL.F-TOP know be NEG.PFTV
‘He was unaware of the tree branch which had pierced his
hat.’
A temporal noun can also be relativised on. In (78), the antecedent
noun enekwei ‘time’ is modified by a relative clause and marked by the NP
final marker hokwe which agrees in number and gender with the head of
the NP.
(78) Enekwei hiy wueir-a mon ma lwayr
enekwei hiy wueir-a mon ma lwayr
time 3S.M.SUB garden-house LOC RCM stay
nayr hokwe, sawk parasa iwa ko
nayr ho-kwe sawk parasa iwa ko
night GL.M-TOP CHD devil.woman swamp GEN
hok ka-ie nayr.
hok ka-lie nayr
3S.F.SUB side-go.up night
‘At the time that (= when) he spent the night in the garden
house, the devil woman from the swamp climbed up (to the
house) during the night.’
6.6.3 Headless relative clauses
The head of a relative clause is sometimes only understood but not
expressed. In (79), a clause that has the features of a relative clause,
modifies a temporal NP head that is not expressed. The meanings of (78)
220
and (79) are very similar. They are also grammatically not very different.
The first part of (78) is analysed as a noun phrase containing a modifying
clause. The first part of (79) also contains a modifying clause, but the
head of the NP has been ellipted.
(79) Hiy wueir-a mon ma lwayr nayr
hiy wueir-a mon ma lwayr nayr
3S.M.SUB garden-house LOC RCM stay night
hokwe, sawk parasa iwa ko
ho-kwe sawk parasa iwa ko
GL.M-TOP CHD devil.woman swamp GEN
hok ka-ie nayr.
hok ka-lie nayr
3S.F.SUB side-go.up night
‘When he spent the night in the garden house, the devil
woman from the swamp climbed up (to the house) during the
night.’
In (80), the singular phrase final marker hokwe does not correspond in
number with the plural subject hom, but with the deleted antecedent
enekwei, which is singular and masculine. Although this construction
clearly derives from a relative clause that modifies a headless relative
clause, it functions as a temporal clause which is further discussed in
§9.5.1.
(80) Hom wueir mon ma ley hokwe,
hom wueir mon ma ley ho-kwe
2/3PL garden LOC RCM go GL.M-TOP
hiykwe now lowk e ley kok.
hiy-kwe now lowk e ley kok
3S.M.SUB-TOP tree cut PURP go day.time
‘When they went to the garden, he went to cut trees during the
day.’
The non-expressed antecedent for relative clauses does not always
refer to time. The meaning of the non-expressed antecedent is determined
by context and grammatical features. Examples of deleted antecedents are
generic entities such as ‘the fact that’ or ‘the thing’ or ‘the place’.
Example (81) is taken from a text where a man sits high in a tree until a
bird comes to the place where he is. The NP containing the relative clause
is marked by the locative mon, which modifies the ellipted noun for
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location. In this context the relative clause hiy ma liwak means ‘where he
sat’ and it modifies an unexpressed noun that in the English translation
could be rendered as ‘the place’.
(81) Enekwei kamon sawk ahney kamon hok sian
enekwei kamon sawk ahney kamon hok sian
time one CHD bird one 3S.F fly
ney, hiy ma liwak mon.
ney hiy ma liwak mon
go 3S.M.SUB RCM sit LOC
‘One day a certain bird flew to (the place) where he was
sitting.’
In (82), the relative clause hano makwey mon ma non-iarok kreysysar
also modifies a non-expressed NP head. The numeral kreysyar which
terminates the relative clause together with the objective demonstrative
eme indicates that the unexpressed noun is related to countable objects.
The English translation expresses the deleted antecedent as ‘the things’.
(82) Hano makwey mon ma non-iarok kreysyar
han-o makwey mon ma non-liarok kreys-ar
1S-GEN head LOC RCM DU-be.up two.CL2-INTF
eme me, pay mo?
o-m-e me pay mo
PDEM-PL-OBJ speak Q.what Q.SP.PFTV.PL
‘Speaking about these two (things) standing on my head, what
are they?’
6.6.4 Negated relative clause
The negation of a relative clause is slightly complex. A relative clause
is negated by the existential verb lwak preceded by the relative clause
marker ma. Three related examples below give a build-up in the
complexity of the structure of a negated relative clause. Example (83)
contains a topicalised NP that has patient role. The NP is not marked by an
object marker but only by the feminine topic marker kokwe preceding a
non-topicalised subject and the verb phrase.
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(83) Hano sa-nawp kokwe makromawe hiy

han-o sa-nawp ko-kwe makromawe hiy
1S-GEN woman-old GL.F-TOP iguana 3S.M.SUB
kros a.
kros la
tear.apart eat
‘As for my old woman (= wife), an iguana tore her apart.’
In (84), the head of the noun phrase sa-nawp ‘woman-old’ is modified
by an embedded relative clause and is still marked by the same feminine
topic marker kokwe.
(84) Hano sa-nawp onkioh ma lousne
han-o sa-nawp onkioh ma lousne
1S-GEN woman-old yesterday RCM appear
kokwe, makromawe hiy kros a.
ko-kwe makromawe hiy kros la
GL.F-TOP iguana 3S.M tear.apart eat
‘As for my old woman (= wife), who returned yesterday, an
iguana tore her apart.’
In (85), the embedded relative clause is negated. It is not possible for
the feminine topic marker kokwe to immediately follow an embedded
clause that has a negation marker. This is not surprising since the
imperfective negation marker pa is a clause marker, while the feminine
topic marker kokwe is a phrase marker. Based on the fact that the relative
clause marker ma occurs twice within the noun phrase, we need to
conclude that we have two embedded clauses within the noun phrase. The
first relative clause marker is part of the relative clause that modifies the
head of the noun phrase sa-nawp. ‘old woman’ The second relative clause
marker ma is part of the relative clause ma lwak, which has as its scope
the NP head plus the negated first relative clause. The feminine topic
marker kokwe terminates the NP and, as in the other two examples, agrees
in gender and number with the head of the NP sa-nawp ‘old woman’.
(85) NPhead Rel.Cl1
Hano sa-nawp onkioh ma lousne pa
han-o sa-nawp onkioh ma lousne pa
1S-GEN woman-old yesterday RCM appear NEG.PFTV
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Rel.Cl2 NPmarker
ma lwak kokwe, makromawe hiy kros a.
ma lwak ko-kwe makromawe hiy kros la
RCM be GL.F-TOP iguana 3S.M tear.apart eat
‘As for my old woman (= wife), who did not return yesterday,
an iguana tore her apart.’
In (86), the underlined embedded phrase relativises an ellipted noun
which is understood as ‘the fact that’. It is possible to negate a relative
clause that modifies an ellipted noun as is demonstrated in (87). A relative
clause consisting of the relative clause marker ma and the stative verb
lwak follows the first embedded relative clause. The second relative
clause has as its scope the same head plus the first relative clause.
(86) Hakwe hwon yia ma ley sian se
ha-kwe hwon yia ma ley sian s-e
1S-TOP 2S fire RCM go get.up 3S.M-OBJ
lon hohuaw.
lon hohuaw
do angry
‘I am angry with (the fact) that you lighted the fire.’
(87) Rel.Cl1
Hakwe hwon yia ma ley sian pa
ha-kwe hwon yia ma ley sian pa
1S-TOP 2S fire RCM go get.up NEG.PFTV
Rel.Cl2 NPmarker
ma lwak se lon hohuaw.
ma lwak s-e lon hohuaw
RCM be 3S.M-OBJ do angry
‘I am angry with (the fact) that you did not light the fire.’
6.6.5 Adjectival clause marking simultaneous or current
action
The adjectival clause discussed in this section is similar to the relative
clause in that the modifying clause appears between the head noun and the
NP marker which indicates the grammatical function of this head noun.
However, relative clauses are marked by the relative clause marker ma
and the adjectival clause discussed in the section does not make use of the
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marker ma, which sets this modifying clause apart from the relative
clause.
The function of this modifying clause is not to identify a referent, but
to add extra information to an already identified referent. The verbal
action expressed in the adjectival clause takes place simultaneously with
the action of the clause it is embedded in.
In (88), the clause hyo wayh hiy kan ke lorok ho ‘his friend was
standing and making a rope’ is an embedded adjectival clause which is not
marked by the relative clause marker ma. The adjectival clause refers to
an action that is in progress simultaneously with the action of the main
clause as indicated by the verb phrase le ira ‘came look’. The object
marker se agrees in number and gender with the head of the noun phrase
wayh ‘friend’.
(88) Hiykwe hyo wayh hiy kan ke
hiy-kwe hiy-o wayh hiy kan k-e
3S.M-TOP 3S.M-GEN friend 3S.M band 3S.F-OBJ
lorok ho se le ira,
lorok ho s-e le lira
stand twist.around 3S.M-OBJ come see
popo-meyk mon.
popo-meyk mon
papaya-root LOC
‘He came and saw his friend, who was standing and twisting a
ring rope (= used for climbing coconuts) at the base of a
papaya tree.’
In (89), the adjectival clause hiy naksaw ‘which was grunting’ is also
formed without the relative clause marker ma. The clause is therefore
analysed as indicating simultaneity in the actions of the main clause and
the adjectival clause.
(89) Peypey pa, hromkwe huok hiy naksaw
peypey pa hrom-kwe huok hiy nak-saw
to.last NEG.PFTV 1PL-TOP pig 3S.M.SUB ACC-grunt
se lonuayk.
s-e lonuayk
3S.M-OBJ hear
‘It did not last long and we heard the grunting pig.’
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In (89) above, the hearing and the grunting of the pig take place
simultaneously. When the relative clause marker ma is used in the
embedded clause simultaneity is no longer implied as is demonstrated in
(90).
(90) Peypey pa, hromkwe huok hiy ma
peypey pa hrom-kwe huok hiy ma
to.last NEG.PFTV 1PL-TOP pig 3S.M RCM
nak-saw se lira.
nak-saw s-e lira
ACC-grunt 3S.M-OBJ see
‘It did not last long and we saw the pig which had grunted.’
6.6.6 Relative clauses modifying the comment
constituent of a verbless clause
The comment constituent of a verbless clause can be modified with a
relative clause. It requires the use of the comitative postposition non
preceded by a syntactic NP marker. In order to understand this somewhat
complex construction, it is helpful to look at some examples that do not
contain relative clauses but that display a similar noun phrase marking.
As stated before most verbless clauses can be divided into a topic part
of often one, but possibly more topicalised constituents; and a comment
part which is basically a non-topicalised constituent which supplies a
comment on the most important topic constituent (See examples (1)-(4),
(6) and §6.2).
It is possible, though, to state only the comment, which means that the
verbless clause has no expressed topicalised constituent, but only a non-
topicalised constituent. This often happens for titles of stories, or for short
headings that specify only the subject that will be discussed. The basic
construction of these type of clauses is as follows:
A noun word followed by a syntactic subject NP marker which is
marked by the comitative non. The syntactic marker loses it subject force
since it is marked by the postposition non.
In (91), the entire clause is analysed as the comment part. Therefore,
by definition, the NP marker hom ‘2/3PL’ is not topicalised. The NP marker
marks the head noun for number.
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(91) ahney hom non

ahney hom non
bird 2/3PL CMT
‘birds’
This same basic construction can be extended with a modifying
adjective as in (92), where seirpey ‘heroic’ modifies the head of the NP
uwr ‘man’. The clause does not contain a topic part, but only a comment
part.
(92) uwr seirpey hiy non
uwr seirpey hiy non
man heroic 3S.M CMT
‘the heroic man’
A clause that consists only of a comment part can contain a genitive
construction. In (93), the genitive phrase wueir ko ‘garden S.F.GEN’
modifies the head of the NP aiai ‘food. The NP marker hom ‘2/3PL’ agrees
in number with the same head of the NP.
(93) aiai wueir ko hom non
aiai wueir k-o hom non
food garden S.F-GEN 2/3PL CMT
‘food from the garden’
Like the examples above, (94) is basically a single noun phrase that
fills the topic part of the clause. The head of the noun phrase is modified
by the underlined relative clause which modifies the head of the NP aiai
‘food’.
(94) aiai wueir ma swar hom non
aiai wueir ma swar hom non
food garden RCM grow 2/3PL CMT
‘food that grows in the garden’
Example (95) is a story title without any topicalised constituents. The
entire utterance belongs to the comment part of the clause. The head of the
NP is nweyr ‘snail’ and is followed by a modifying relative clause. The NP
final marking hiy non hosts the masculine singular NP marker hiy which
agrees in number and gender with the singular masculine noun nweyr
‘snail’.
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(95) nweyr hiy iwasa ko a se ma

nweyr hiy iwasa k-o a s-e ma
snail 3S.M crab 3S.F-GEN house 3S.M-OBJ RCM
lie hiy non
lie hiy non
go.up 3S.M CMT
‘the snail who went into the shell of the crab’
The examples so far were restricted to verbless clauses that consisted
only of a comment part and no topic part. However, the basic construction
of the examples above does not change if a topic constituent is included in
the verbless clause. The constituent in the topic slot is simply the referent
that is commented on in the comment part. The comment part of the non-
verbal clause can host only the personal pronoun with the comitative,
when the comment part marks the referent in the topic part for identity.
The comment part in (96) consists of one NP. The NP head huwha-ma
‘flowers’ is modified by the relative clause hwon ma lopru kreik ‘which
you buried’. The NP ending hoh non agrees in number with the head of the
NP. The comment part marks the referent in the topic part hrorkwe ‘the
two of us’ in the category of identity.
(96) Topic Comment
Hrorkwe huwhay-ma hwon ma lopru kreik
hror-kwe huwhay-ma hwon ma lopru kreik
1DU-TOP ornament-leaf 2S RCM dig plenty
hoh non.
hoh non
3DU CMT
‘The two of us are the flowers which you buried into the
ground.’
The comment part in (97) consists of one NP. The NP head sok ‘snake’
is modified by the relative clause hom sune iha lopa ma lwak ‘which do
not have feet and hands’. The NP ending hom non agrees in number with
the head of the NP sok ‘snake’. The comment part marks the referent of the
topic part okpey sokukwe ‘this story’ for identity.
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(97) Topic Comment

Okpey sokukwe sok hom sune iha
ok-pey so-ko-kwe sok hom sune iha
talk-part DDEM-GL.F-TOP snake 2/3PL foot hand
lopa ma lwak ohom non.
lopa ma lwak o-hom non
NEG RCM be PDEM-2/3PL CMT
‘As for this story, it is about snakes not having feet and
hands.’
6.6.7 Embedded attributive clauses encoding function or
intended function
Attributive clauses that modify the head of the noun phrase for its
function or intended function are marked by ey ‘intention’. It is important
to note that this modal marker ey ‘INTN’ does not occur exclusively in
attributive clauses but also in main clauses as discussed in §5.3.2 and also
illustrated in (98).
(98) Yaw arawh nonaw kokwe hakwe
yaw arawh non-aw ko-kwe ha-kwe
tomorrow night CMT-RSTR GL.F-TOP 1S-TOP
iwa mon heynaw ey.
iwa mon heynaw ey
swamp LOC hunt.with.dogs INTN
‘Tomorrow night I intend to hunt with the dogs in the
swamp.’
The clause-final intention marker ey is also widely used to mark
embedded attributive clauses that modify the head of the NP it follows.
The embedded clause marked by ey ‘INTN’ is followed by a NP final
marker of the NP it modifies. The embedded clause functions as a modifier
for the NP it is positioned in.
In (99), the intentional marker ey indicates that the clause mu say
‘shoot crocodiles’, is an embedded attributive clause modifying the head
of the noun phrase yeik ‘arrows’. The attributive clause functions as part
of the NP and modifies the head of the NP for function or intended
function.
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(99) Hohkwe yeik mu say ey me

hoh-kwe yeik mu say ey m-e
2/3DU-TOP arrow crocodile shoot INTN PL-OBJ
nak-inon kreik nok.
nak-linon kreik nok
ACC-carry plenty DUR
‘The two of them took along many arrows that were intended
to be used to shoot crocodiles with.’
In (100), hu lowswa ey ‘for drinking water’ is a post-head relative
clause encoding function or intended function. The masculine objective
marker se agrees in gender and number with the head of the noun phrase
yiawk ‘cup’.
(100) Hiykwe sawk yiawk hu lowswa ey
hiy-kwe sawk yiawk hu lowswa ey
3S.M.SUB-TOP CHD cup water drink INTN
se pawk.
s-e pawk
3S.M-OBJ search
‘He was looking for a cup (meant) for drinking water.’
In (101), the embedded attributive clause modifies the head of the NP
ki-eyh ‘ground hole’. The NP final marker se agrees in number and gender
with the head of the noun phrase.
(101) Har homkwe ki-eyh huok neyh ey
har hom-kwe ki-eyh huok neyh ey
some 2/3PL-TOP ground-hole pig ground.cook INTN
se lopru.
s-e lopru
3S.M-OBJ dig
‘Some dug a hole in the ground (meant) for ground-cooking
pig.’ (Background: pig meat wrapped in banana leaves is
cooked in a ground oven)
The attributive clause can also be placed in tail position, often without
the NP head it modifies. The attributive clause modifies the head (or the
ellipted head) of the NP.
In (102), the attributive clause is placed in tail position. The head of
the attributive clause ai ‘fish/food’ is not positioned in the tail but in the
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main clause. The attributive clause within the tail is therefore, in fact,
without a head, but with the NP final marker mokwe that agrees in number
with the ellipted head of the NP.
(102) Hakwe ai hin pa, hano ney-sa
ha-kwe ai hin pa han-o ney-sa
1S-TOP animal shoot NEG.PFTV 1S-GEN child-woman
me nion non-a ey mokwe.
m-e nion non-la ey mo-kwe
PL-OBJ with DU:together-eat INTN GL.PL-TOP
‘I did not shoot any animals which would have served to feed
my family.’
6.7 Clauses or phrases marked by reason

marker hokuaw
Hokuaw marks both phrases and clauses that express a reason for the
occurrence of the event in the main clause. Hokuaw is related to the
interrogative payhokuaw, which means literally ‘for reason of what’ and
was analysed as follows:
po-ay -ho -kuaw
Q-what GL.M CAUS (for reason of)
Characteristics of the reason construction marked by hokuaw are as

follows:
a. It is marked by a construction final hokuaw.
b. It can mark NPs and clauses.
c. Topic marked NPs do not occur before the verb phrase of
this reason clause.
In (103) and (104) the structure marked by hokuaw is not a clause but
a noun phrase:
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(103) Woion hiykwe sawk hyo wayh Saso

Woion hiy-kwe sawk hiy-o wayh Saso
Woion 3S.M.SUB-TOP CHD 3S.M-GEN friend Saso
se hokuaw pamays sehe
s-e ho-kuaw pamays so-h-e
3S.M-OBJ GL.M-CAUS rope DDEM-3S.M-OBJ
kane.
kane
break.off
‘Woion hanged himself because of his friend Saso.’
(104) Ara, hunkwe ahney somokwe, hane
ara hwon-kwe ahney so-mo-kwe han-e
ADDR.M 2S-TOP bird DDEM-GL.PL-TOP 1S-OBJ
hokuaw apay pese lwak o.
ho-kuaw apay pese lwak o
GL.M-CAUS taboo PROH be NEG.SP.IPFTV
‘Man, as for those birds, do not abstain from eating them just
for my sake.’
In (105), the causal marker hokuaw marks a clause that has been
nominalised by the negation marker lopa (§7.3.4).
(105) Hrom hromo apaw mo sow me meio
hrom hrom-o apaw m-o sow m-e meio
1PL 1PL-GEN ancestor PL-GEN rule PL-OBJ work
lopa hokuaw, hromkwe piap lwak.
lopa ho-kuaw hrom-kwe piap lwak
NEG.NOMS GL.M-CAUS 1PL-TOP bad be
‘Because we did not follow the rules of our ancestors, we are
doing poorly (now).’
In example (106), the underlined reason clause interrupts the main
clause.
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(106) Hohkwe sawk ki-sapa eym leym

hoh-kwe sawk ki-sapa eym leym
3DU.SUB-TOP CHD ground-forest darkness dim
hokuaw, ma-nak-sor nok pa.
ho-kuaw ma-nak-sor nok pa
GL.M-CAUS RPT-ACC-track DUR NEG.PFTV
‘The two of them did not continue to hunt, because it was
becoming really dark in the forest.’
Example (106) can be restructured so that the subordinate reason
clause will follow the main clause in tail position as in (107).
(107) Hohkwe sawk ma-nak-sor nok pa,
hoh-kwe sawk ma-nak-sor nok pa
3DU-TOP CHD RPT-ACC-track DUR NEG.PFTV
ki-sapa eym leym hokuaw.
ki-sapa eym leym ho-kuaw
ground-forest darkness dim GL.M-CAUS
‘The two of them did not continue to hunt, because it was
becoming really dark in the forest.’
7. Clausal modifications
In the following sections five types of clause modifications which are

all marked by a clause-final marker are discussed. The first section deals
with the imperative marker e and the second section with future marker a.
It needs to be noted that these markers do not occur obligatorily in all
predications that express a command or refer to future event. The
imperative marker e can be regarded as marking jussive mood, while the
future marker a seems to be mainly used in contexts with a high level of
uncertainty. The third section deals with negation markers and the fourth
with direct speech markers. The markers in these last two sections are
differentiated for the perfective and imperfective. Interrogatives are dealt
with in the final and fifth section of this chapter.
7.1 The objective marker e in imperatives

The objective marker e occurs in imperatives that have an adhortative
flavour. The illocutionary force of the predication is not a command, but
rather an appeal. It can be used with a subject in the second person (1), but
also frequently with a subject in the first person (2) and (3). The
imperative marked by the clause-final e is used to encourage the
addressee(s) to perform a mutually agreeable action, often together with
the speaker.
(1) Ara, hunkwe hano a se
Ara, hwon-kwe ha-no a s-e
ADDR.M 2S.SUB-TOP 1S-GEN house 3S-OBJ
hiy-meio e.
hiy-meio e.
CAUS-build OBJ.IMP
‘Man, please help me to have my house built.’
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234
(2) Wein akwa, hrorkwe yeik ompow

wein akwa, hror-kwe yeik ompow
woman ADDR.F 1DU.SUB-TOP arrow bow
non meio e.
non meio e.
CMT make OBJ.IMP
‘Woman, let’s make arrows along with bows.’
(3) Ara sa-sokruan ihey omokwe
ara sa-sokruan ihey o-mo-kwe
ADDR.M woman-young excellent PDEM-GL.PL-TOP
hrorkwe non-huon e.
hror-kwe non-huon e
1DU.SUB-TOP DU-marry OBJ.IMP
‘Man, let’s marry these excellent young ladies.’
The objective marker e can also be used in combination with the
hortative marker kwa and is only used in clauses with a subject (4), or an
understood subject (5) in the second person.
(4) Hunkwe peyr skul mon kwa ley e.
hwon-kwe peyr skul mon kwa ley e
2S-TOP first school LOC HOR go OBJ.IMP
‘First you should go to school.’
(5) Aiai eme kwa la ir e,
aiai o-m-e kwa la ir e,
food PDEM-PL-OBJ HOR eat try OBJ.IMP
yaprue-ar ihey.
yaprue-ar ihey
good-INTF excellent
‘Just try and eat this food; it is very good.’
7.1.1 The objective marker e used with interrogatives
Concepts like ‘whenever’ and ‘wherever’ are expressed by repetition
of the interrogative adverbial before the verb and the object marker e
immediately following the verb phrase.
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(6) Nwoh hiy penkin penkin lon e, pareis

nwoh hiy po-enkin po-enkin lon e pareis
dog 3S.M Q-MAN Q-MAN do OBJ kangaroo
hiy seyn, siraw non-mon.
hiy seyn siraw non-mon
3S.M too with DU-do
‘Whatever the dog did, the kangaroo did it with him.’
(7) Hiykwe perey perey lanio e, nwoh non
hiy-kwe po-erey po-erey lanio e nwoh non
3S.M-TOP Q-place Q-place walk OBJ dog CMT
hiy-anio.
hiy-lanio
CAUS-walk
‘Wherever he walked, he went with his dog.’
7.2 Indefinite future markers a, ane and aney

The future marker a, and the indefinite future markers ane and aney
occur clause-finally. The indefinite future markers a-ne and a-ney are
analysed as consisting of the future marker a with the morpheme -ne
‘move towards’ and -ney ‘move away’ respectively. The markers a, ane
and aney encode, with the help of interrogatives, the indefinite future.
7.2.1 The future marker a
It is noteworthy that the future marker a occurs only in affirmative
sentences when it co-occurs with either the aspect markers po ‘IMM.FUT’
or ya ‘INDF.FUT’ (see §5.2.7 where po … a and ya ... a are analysed as
discontinuous morphemes).
In (8), the future marker a co-occurs obligatorily with po ‘IMM.FUT’ in
an affirmative sentence to express immediate future.
(8) Pion sohokwe hakwe po nak-a a.
pion so-ho-kwe ha-kwe po nak-a a
meat DDEM-GL.M-TOP 1S.TOP IMM.FUT ACC-eat FUT
‘As for that meat, I am about to eat it.’
When a ‘FUT’ does not co-occur with the aspect markers po
‘IMM.FUT’ or ya ‘INDF.FUT’, its distribution is restricted to questions. In
(9), the future marker a is used with the interrogative penkin. (All markers
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occurring before and after the verb phrase are bolded. The verb phrase
itself is underlined.)
(9) Ama, hromkwe siowp lokrue, hromkwe
ama hrom-kwe siowp lokrue hrom-kwe
ADDR.PL 1PL-TOP intestines die 1PL-TOP
penkin lon a?
po-enkin lon a
Q-MAN do FUT
‘Men, we are hungry, what are we going to do?’
7.2.2 The indefinite future marker ane and aney
The indefinite future markers ane and aney also occur only in
questions. Speakers tend to interchange ane and aney when editing texts.
Both markers are used to express future uncertainty and signal some sort
of predicament. There is a tendency to use ane to describe a future
predicament that seems to have no solution available and aney to describe
a predicament for which options for a resolution can be offered. In (10)
and (11), ane is used to express the lack of options the subject has to
resolve the issue at hand.
(10) Hakwe hano nwoh-ney hokwe pay me
ha-kwe han-o nwoh-ney ho-kwe pay m-e
1S-TOP 1S-GEN dog-small GL.M-TOP Q:what PL-OBJ
kiy-kow-a ane?
kiy-kow-la a-ne
ACT-BEN-eat IND.FUT.come
‘What might I bring my small dog to eat? (= there is nothing I
could possibly give him)’
(11) Ha penkin lon ane? Ki ohokwe,
ha po-enkin lon a-ne ki o-ho-kwe
1S Q-MAN do IND.FUT-come ground PDEM-GL.M-TOP
ku pay non meio e ko?
ku po-ay non meio e ko
axe Q-what CMT work PURP Q.SP.PFTV.F
‘What shall I do? As for this ground, with which axe will I
work it? (Background information: He did not have or own an
axe)’
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In (12) and (13) aney is used, since the subject of the clause is still
considered to have options available to resolve the issue at hand.
(12) Ha ey, akayr perey suko me
ha ey akayr po-erey suko m-e
1S EXCL:pity betelnut Q-place originating PL-OBJ
layow aney?
layow a-ney
chew IND.FUT-go
‘Poor me, where will I go to get betelnut to chew?’
(13) Hakwe meinowon okukwe pay
ha-kwe mein-owon o-ko-kwe po-ay
1S-TOP stone-half(=money) PDEM-GL.F-TOP Q-what
me nakway aney?
m-e nak-lway a-ney
PL-OBJ ACC-carry IND.FUT-go
‘As for this money, what shall I buy for it?’
The indefinite future markers a, ane and aney can occur after the
modal marker pak ‘Dubitative’. They are used in interrogatives about
future uncertainties. The difference between pak aney and pak ane has
again to do with the level of control. When the agent has some measure of
control over future uncertainties pak aney is used (14). A low measure of
control is expressed by pak ane (15).
(14) Hakwe Vanimo mon yerki penkin non ley
ha-kwe Vanimo mon yerki po-enkin non ley
1S-TOP Vanimo LOC road Q-MAN CMT go
pak aney?
pak a-ney
DUB IND.FUT-go
‘In what way might I go to Vanimo?’ (Implied information:
still options left)
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(15) Hiykwe Vanimo mon yerki penkin non ley

hiy-kwe Vanimo mon yerki po-enkin non ley
3S.M-TOP Vanimo LOC road Q-MAN CMT go
pak ane?
pak a-ne
DUB IND.FUT-come
‘In what way can he go to Vanimo?’
(Implied information: no options seem to be left)
It is hard to determine when pak a should be used in contrast to pak
ane and pak aney. There seems to a tendency to use pak a for situations
that indicate future uncertainty which do not require immediate action to
resolve this uncertainty. This is in agreement with how ane and aney have
been analysed. Example (16) and (17) at least confirm this analysis. It
needs to be repeated though that it is hard to find unanimity among native
speakers when the three options of pak a, pak ane and pak aney are
discussed.
(16) Hiykwe omok Vanimo mon ley pak ane?
hiy-kwe omok Vanimo mon ley pak a-ne
3S.M-TOP later Vanimo LOC go DUB IND.FUT-come
‘Might he be going to Vanimo later on?’
(17) Ok sokukwe, omok hane me pak a?
ok so-ko-kwe omok han-e me pak a
talk DDEM-GL.F-TOP later 1S-OBJ speak DUB IND.FUT
‘As for that talk, might it be said of me (or: to me) later on?’
7.3 Negation
7.3.1 Negating verbal clauses
The negation markers, pey and pa occur clause-finally. The marker
pey is used to negate clauses with imperfective aspect and pa is used to
negate clauses with perfective aspect. As stated before, the imperfective
often has present time reference, as can be seen in (18). It is used for the
habitual (19) and (20) and can be expected to be used whenever a general
truth, or characteristic behaviour or features are described.
239
(18) Hakwe hye nonkway lwak pey.

ha-kwe hiy-e nonkway lwak pey
1S-TOP 3S.M-OBJ know be NEG.IPFTV
‘I do not know him.’
Example (19) is negated by the imperfective negation marker pey, as can
be expected in a predication that expresses habitual behaviour.
(19) Homkwe sowr-yawp-ar mon seyn mow
hom-kwe salt-yawp-ar mon seyn mow
2/3PL-TOP salt-river-INTF LOC HAB give.birth
keyn pey.
keyn pey
be.in.water NEG.IPFTV
‘They (= certain frogs) do not give birth in the ocean.’
In (20), the speaker treats the state of ‘not looking well’ as a habitual
event that continues to be true at the present time. It is therefore marked
by the imperfective negation marker pey.
(20) Nwoh hiykwe owhma pownaw nuw-wâk.
nwoh hiy-kwe owhma pownaw nuw-lwak
dog 3S.M.SUB-TOP hair hairy INT-be. IPFTV
Hye kokwe yaprue lira pey.
hiy-e ko-kwe yaprue lira pey
3S.M-OBJ GL.F-TOP good see NEG.IPFTV
‘The dog was very hairy. He was not good-looking.’
In (21), the speaker treats the negated predicate as a state of affairs
that started in the past and continues to have relevance in the present. The
speaker uses, therefore, the imperfective negation marker pey.
(21) Uwr hokwe pruam-oiow-aw lwak, hiykwe
uwr ho-kwe pruam-oiow-aw lwak hiy-kwe
man GL.M-TOP cassowary-bone-RSTR be 3S.M-TOP
huok mokwe sawk hin pey.
huok mo-kwe sawk hin pey
pig GL.PL-TOP CHD shoot NEG.IPFTV
‘As for that man, he is (limited) to the bones of the cassowary
only (= derogatory remark for a man who never killed a pig).
As for pigs, he never shoots one.’
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The negation marker pa is used to negate clauses with perfective

aspect. As stated before, the perfective often has past time reference.
(22) Enekwei sehiy non hakwe hano sa
enekwei so-hiy non ha-kwe han-o sa
time DDEM-3S.M CMT 1S-TOP 1S-GEN woman
ke nonkway lwak pa.
k-e nonkway lwak pa
3S.F-OBJ know be NEG.PFTV
‘At that time I did not know my wife.’
(23) Wo, senkin lira menkin, hiy sawk kar
wo so-enkin lira menkin hiy sawk kar
EXCL DDEM-MAN see when 3S.M CHD gladness
ley pa.
ley pa
go NEG.PFTV
‘Well, when (he) saw that, he was not very happy.’
A sentence with an imperfective negation marker can be followed by
a sentence with a perfective negation markers, as can be seen in (24).
(24) Nwoh hiykwe owhma pownaw nuw-wak. Hye
nwoh hiy-kwe owhma pownaw nuw-lwak hiy-e
dog 3S.M-TOP hair hairy INT-be 3S.M-OBJ
kokwe yaprue lira pey. Nwoh hiykiaw
ko-kwe yaprue lira pey nwoh hiy-kiaw
GL.F-TOP good see NEG.IPFTV dog 3S.M-SLCT
lira nonkway pa.
lira nonkway pa
see know NEG.PFTV
‘The dog was very hairy. He was not good-looking. The dog
himself did not know it.’
The first negation marker pey marks the state of affairs as a habitual
state or a general truth. The subject is not expressed in the first sentence,
but the imperfective negation marker allows the subject to be chosen from
a wide selection of possible agents, unrestricted by time. The narrator
could have used the perfective marker pa, but then the implied subject can
only be sought in the context of the story which includes the given time
frame of the story. The change of pey to pa would necessitate an
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adaptation of the free translation, e.g. ‘no one considered him good-
looking’.
The second sentence is treated by the narrator as an event that is
placed in the past. It is therefore marked by the perfective negation marker
pa.
7.3.2 Negating verbless clauses
The negation markers pey and pa can be used only after a VP. In order
to negate a verbless clause the negation marker lopa is used. In a verbless
clause it is used to express the absence of ownership as in (25) and (26).
(25) Hiykwe yeyk lopa.
hiy-kwe yeyk lopa
3S.M-TOP canoe NEG.NOMS
‘He does not have a canoe.’
(26) Hano aio hiykwe mein-owon lopa.
han-o aio hiy-kwe mein-owon lopa
1S-GEN father 3S.M-TOP stone-half(=money) NEG.NOMS
‘My father does not have any money.’
If one wants to negate ownership one uses lopa, if one wants to negate
characteristics one uses clause-final korey.
(27) Hiykwe uwr-ar korey.
hiy-kwe uwr-ar korey
3S.M-TOP man-INTF NEG
‘He is not a real man.’
(28) Wawp mo pion mo-kwe aiopey korey.
wawp m-o pion mo-kwe aiopey korey
crane PL-GEN meat GL.PL-TOP big NEG
‘The meat of the crane bird is not very much.’
A second way to negate a verbless clause is to use the negation speech
utterance markers. The negator korey can be replaced by the negation
speech utterance marker sō. (Use of the diacritics is explained in §7.4.1)
The negation speech utterance marker expresses more emphasis than
the negator korey, as is shown in (29) and (30).
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(29) Hunkwe uwr-ar korey.

hwon-kwe uwr-ar korey
2S.M-TOP man-INTF NEG
‘You are not a real man.’
(30) Hunkwe uwr-ar sō.
hwon-kwe uwr-ar so
2S.M-TOP man-INTF NEG.SP.PFTV.M
‘You are absolutely not a real man.’
Speech utterance markers do not signal only emphatic negation, but
also interrogation and emphatic declaration, depending on the intonation
over the speech utterance marker (§7.4). The emphatic negation markers
were highlighted here so as to keep the topic negation together in the
analysis.
7.3.3 Additional functions of negator korey
Korey also functions as negator of an entire discourse segment,
occurring immediately following the segment.
(31) “Hunkwe sapa mon wayr nayr so?”
hwon-kwe sapa mon lwayr nayr so
2S-TOP forest LOC stay night Q.SP.PFTV.M
“Korey.”
korey
NEG
‘“Did you spend the night in the forest?” “No.”’
Korey marks emphasis when it is used in combination with one of the
clause-final negation markers pey or pa. The negation word korey occurs
before the verb phrase, as illustrated in examples (32-34).
(32) Hakwe hye korey lira pa.
ha-kwe hiy-e korey lira pa
1S-TOP 3S.M-OBJ NEG see NEG.PFTV
‘I did not see him at all.’
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(33) Aiai mokwe homkwe hane korey

aiai mo-kwe hom-kwe han-e korey
food GL.PL-TOP 2/3PL-TOP 1S-OBJ NEG
kow pa.
kow pa
BEN NEG.PFTV
‘They did not give any food to me.’
(34) Ney somokwe sawk peik korey lwak
ney so-mo-kwe sawk peik korey lwak
child DDEM-GL.PL-TOP CHD ill NEG be
pey, seyr korey lokrue pey.
pey, seyr korey lokrue pey.
NEG.IPFTV and/also NEG die NEG.IPFTV
‘As for those children, they do not have any sicknesses and
they certainly will not die.’
7.3.4 The negation marker lopa
Example (35) demonstrates the most frequent use of the negator lopa,
where it follows a nominal and indicates non-possession. It negates the NP
aiai-yok ‘seedlings’.
(35) Uwr aiai-yok lopa lwak ankin, wueir liy
uwr aiai-yok lopa lwak ankin wueir liy
man food-shoot NEG be if/when garden DYN
meio ley.
meio korey
work NEG
‘If a man does not have any seedlings, he cannot work a
garden.’
A NP marked by the negation marker lopa has the opposite meaning
of a NP marked with the comitative marker non. It is the contrast between
non-possession and possession. Compare (35) and (36).
(36) Uwr aiai-yok non lwak ankin, wueir liy meio.
uwr aiai-yok non lwak ankin wueir liy meio
man food-shoot CMT be if/when garden DYN work
‘If a man has seedlings, he can work a garden.’
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The negation marker lopa normally marks only nominals indicating

non-possession. It also immediately follows the nominal. The negators
pey and pa (§7.3.1) are used to negate verbal clauses as is demonstrated in
(37).
(37) Hiykwe sapa mon nakey sawk hiykwe
hiy-kwe sapa mon nak-ley sawk hiy-kwe
3S.M-TOP forest LOC ACC-go CHD 3S.M-TOP
huok hin pa.
huok hin lopa
pig shoot NEG.PFTV
‘He went into the forest, but he did not shoot a pig.’
Although not very frequent, the negator lopa can follow a verb, as in
(38), and in doing so it nominalises the clause as an event that never took
place. The noun huok ‘pig’ and the verb hin ‘shoot’ form together the
nominal construction of ‘pig shooting’.
(38) Keno hiykwe nyo warkiayr. Hiykwe huok
Keno hiy-kwe nyo warkiayr hiy-kwe huok
Keno 3S.M-TOP lad young.man 3S.M-TOP pig
hin lopa.
hin lopa
shoot NEG.NOMS
‘Keno was a young lad. He never had (the experience) of
shooting a pig.’
The negator lopa in (39) negates the nominalised construction kuey la
‘grub-eating’. By using the negator lopa ‘NEG.NOMS’, which is used for
nominal constructions, rather than the valid alternative of the verbal
negator pey ‘NEG. IPFTV’, the speaker emphasises the absolute non-
occurrence of the event over an extended period of time.
(39) Sawk hunkwe senkin lon pa lwak
sawk hwon-kwe s-enkin lon pa lwak
CHD 2S-TOP DDEM-MAN do NEG.PFTV be
ankin, hunkwe kuey la lopa.
ankin, hwon-kwe kuey la lopa
if 2S-TOP grubs eat NEG.NOMS
‘But if you do not do so, then there is never any grub-eating.’
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7.3.5 Negation markers in subordinate clauses

The imperfective negation marker pey is not used in a subordinate
clause, but the perfective negation marker pa and the nominalising
negator lopa are both used. The latter might be preferred when the
complete absence of the negated activity is the focus, but the semantic
difference between the use of pa or lopa in subordinate clauses is very
small. Both negators seem to be quite interchangeable within subordinate
clauses.
When a negation marker occurs in a subordinate clause, it needs to be
followed by the stative verb lwak ‘to be’ to form a grammatically correct
sentence.
In (40), the negator lopa occurs within a subordinate clause marked
by ankin ‘if’. The negator lopa is obligatorily followed by the stative verb
lwak.
(40) Ey hiy lo lopa lwak ankin,
ey hiy lo lopa lwak ankin
sun 3S.M.SUB shine NEG.NOMS be if
now homkwe aiai liy leip ley.
now hom-kwe aiai liy leip korey
tree 2/3PL-TOP food DYN bear NEG
‘If the sun never shines, the trees would not bear any fruit.’
The perfective negation marker pa can also be used within a
subordinate clause, as is demonstrated in (41). The stative verb lwak is
still obligatorily present. In (41), the verb hawr ‘wash’ is followed by the
perfective negation marker pa.
(41) Hromkwe hu hawr pa lwak ankin,
hrom-kwe hu hawr lopa lwak ankin
1PL.SUB-TOP water wash NEG.PFTV be if/when
peik har hromo owh mon liy lousne.
peik har hrom-o owh mon liy lousne
ill some 1PL-GEN body LOC DYN appear
‘If we don’t wash, some sicknesses will appear in our body.’
Example (42) demonstrates the same use of the negator lopa in
combination with the stative verb lwak in a subordinate clause.
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(42) Hunkwe mey meio lopa lwak ankin,

hwon-kwe mey meio lopa lwak ankin
2S-TOP job work NEG.NOMS be if
hakwe kar liy ley ley.
ha-kwe kar liy ley korey
1S-TOP gladness DYN go NEG
‘If you never do your work, I will not be happy.’
7.3.6 Prohibitive
The markers pese …o obligatorily bracket the VP of the clause to
encode the prohibitive. The prohibitive marker pese seems to be
interchangeable with peie. No differences in use and meaning have been
discovered. Both markers always co-occur with the speech marker o that
follows the verb phrase immediately.
The marker pese (or peie) always immediately precedes the VP. The
clause-final o is analysed as a direct speech marker that marks emphasis.
Clause-final o can mark negation (see §7.4.2), but based on the low pitch
over the vowel the marker is analysed as an emphatic marker.
In (43-45), the markers pese … o embrace the VP. The scope of
negation covers all the constituents of the underlined VP.
(43) Hunkwe nwoh kow-a ankin, hye kokwe
hwon-kwe nwoh kow-la ankin hiy-e ko-kwe
2S-TOP dog BEN-eat if/when 3S.M-OBJ GL.F-TOP
oiow me pese lopri say kow o.
oiow m-e pese lopri say kow o
leg PL-OBJ PROH take.PL move.PL BEN EMPH.SP.IPFTV
‘When you feed your dog, do not feed and throw any bones to
him.’
In (44), the scope of negation includes the adverbial modifiers on the
verb.
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(44) Hunkwe yeyk se pese meio lowpway

hwon-kwe yeyk s-e pese meio lowpway
2S-TOP canoe 3S.M-OBJ PROH work completely
nayr o.
nayr o
night EMPH.SP.IPFTV
‘Do not finish the canoe during the evening.’
(45) Huok pese lokin kwor o.
huok pese lokin kwor o
pig PROH hit die EMPH.SP.IPFTV
‘Do not kill pigs.’
The verb phrase initial negators, peie and pese, are both used
interchangeably to negate the imperative.
(46) Homkwe iha lopa peie la o.
hom-kwe iha lopa peie la o
2/3PL-TOP hand NEG PROH eat EMPH.SP.IPFTV
‘Do not eat without sharing (lit. without hands).’
7.3.7 Negating dynamic modality
Negated dynamic modality is marked by the combination of the
dynamic modal marker liy which precedes the verb phrase, and the
negation marker ley which immediately follows the verb phrase. The last
marker should not be confused with the two homophonous forms ley ‘go’
and ley ‘inchoative’. When clause-final ley co-occurs with liy ‘DYN’ it
negates dynamic modality. It is assumed that ley in this context is a
variant of korey ‘NEG’.
(47) Hakwe yeyk se liy meio ley.
ha-kwe yeyk s-e liy meio korey
1S-TOP canoe 3S.M-OBJ DYN work NEG
‘I am not able / I should not / I am not available to make the
canoe.’
Liy signifies ability, in the senses availability/possibility (48),
capability (49), and appropriateness (50).
248
(48) Hakwe yeyk se liy meio lowpway nayr

ha-kwe yeyk s-e liy meio lowpway nayr
1S-TOP canoe 3S.M.OBJ DYN work completely night
ley. Hakwe enekwei lopa.
korey ha-kwe enekwei lopa
NEG 1S-TOP time NEG.NOMS
‘I am not able (= do not have the opportunity) to finish the
canoe during the evening. I do not have time.’
(49) Kupe hiykwe a liy meio ley, hiykwe
Kupe hiy-kwe a liy meio korey hiy-kwe
Kupe 3S.M-TOP house DYN work NEG 3S.M-TOP
krai lopa.
krai lopa
strength NEG.NOMS
‘Kupe is not able to build a house, he does not have the
strength to do it.’
(50) Hakwe hu kosi-pno non hokwe, hakwe
ha-kwe hu kosi-pno non ho-kwe ha-kwe
1S-TOP water clay-clod CMT GL.M-TOP 1S.SUB-TOP
liy hawr ley.
liy hawr korey
DYN wash NEG
‘As for muddy water, I cannot wash in that.’
7.3.8 Continued negation of an activity or state
When one wants to express that a certain state or activity ceased to
exist and will continue to be in this ceased state for the indefinite future,
the negation marker pase NEG.CNT is used in combination with a clause-
final object marker e. The negation construction is best translated in
English by ‘not anymore’.
This negation is not used in the imperative mood like the prohibitive,
but is utilized in the indicative mood. The negation marker pase … e has
as its focus a continuing negated state of affairs. In (51), it expresses the
notion that a certain action that was part of the past will not happen in the
future anymore.
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(51) Sehiy so meyki sok sawk hehe

so-hiy s-o meyki sok sawk hoh-e
DDEM-3S.M 3S.M-GEN after EXCT CHD 2/3DU-OBJ
pase ma-non-o me e.
pase ma-non-lo me e
NEG.CNT RPT-DU-shoot speak OBJ
‘After that time he did not attack the two of them verbally any
more.’
Example (52) expresses the same idea. The past reality of seeing and
being with his friend has ceased to exist and this negated state will
continue.
(52) Hiykwe hyo wayh se eheyr non
hiy-kwe hiy-o wayh s-e eheyr non
3S.M-TOP 3S.M-GEN friend 3S.M-OBJ crying CMT
lyuk pawk liok, sa pase lira e.
lyuk pawk liok sa pase lira e
cry search in.vain then/and not see OBJ
‘While crying, he looked for his friend in vain, but he did not
see him any more.’
In (53), the activity of planting that took place in the past is
discontinued for the foreseeable future.
(53) Uruh hiykwe sawk lay-wueir sehe
uruh hiy-kwe sawk lay-wueir so-h-e
husband 3S.M-TOP CHD tapioc-garden DDEM-3S.M-OBJ
pase ma-meio saro e.
pase ma-meio saro e
not RPT-work plant OBJ
(Context: After a bush spirit disrupted the garden work) ‘The
husband did not work on planting his tapioc garden any
more.’
The negation construction pase …e does not only negate one single
event taking place at one time, but it has an extended time as its scope.
The context of (54) supports this, since the marker lokruok refers to many
unsuccessful attempts (§4.3.3.4) and the negation construction pase … e
also refers to an extended time.
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(54) Uruh hiykwe aiai senkin senkin

uruh hiy-kwe aiai so-enkin so-enkin
husband 3S.M-TOP food DDEM-MAN DDEM-MAN
nuw-kow lokruok, hokwe pase la e.
nuw-kow lokruok hok-kwe pase la e
INT-BEN in.vain.RPT 3S.F-TOP not eat OBJ
‘The husband tried many (times) in vain to give all kinds of
food, but she continued not to eat any.’
7.3.9 Negative indefinites
Concepts like nothing (55), no-one (56), no way (57) nowhere (58)
etc. are expressed by the combination of an interrogative and a verb
phrase final ley. Resulting sentences are viewed by native speakers as
statements and not as questions. The interrogative precedes the verb
phrase either as an adverbial interrogative (ex. 56) or as part of a NP
(ex. 55). The verb phrase is immediately followed by a clause-final ley
that is analysed as a variant of korey ‘NEG’ (see §7.3.7 for a comparable
analysis of the dynamic modality negation liy … ley).
(55) Ok lopa, sa pay ok
ok lopa sa po-ay ok
talk NEG.NOMS then/and Q-what.Non.HUM talk
ke ma-lohruw a ley.
k-e ma-lohruw la korey
3S.F-OBJ RPT-talk eat NEG
‘Alright, nothing needs to be said anymore.’
(56) Hyo iha kokwe posokwaw
hiy-o iha ko-kwe po-so-kwaw
3S.M-GEN hand GL.F-TOP Q-DDEM-RSTR.SUB
kandieys kow ha ley.
kandieys kow ha korey
pull.out BEN OBJ<SUB NEG
‘No one could pull his hand free.’
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(57) Hiykwe sawk penkin ma-laye

hiy-kwe sawk po-enkin ma-laye
3S.M.SUB-TOP CHD Q-MAN RPT-come.down
e ley.
e korey
PURP NEG
‘He had no way to come down (from the tree).’
(58) Aiai perey kekie sue hain ley.
aiai po-erey kekie sue hain korey
food Q-place put hidden SUB<OBJ NEG
‘There was no place to hide and leave the food.’
7.4 Speech utterance markers

Sentence final speech utterance markers modify a sentence for the
following three categories: interrogative, emphatic negation and emphatic
declarative. They are a feature of spoken language in direct interaction.
These markers are only used when something needs to be asked or
emphatically be declared or negated. The set of speech utterance markers
consists of the imperfective speech utterance marker o and the perfective
speech utterance markers so, ko and mo. The same set of imperfective and
perfective speech utterance markers mark the three mentioned categories.
The markers only differ in the intonation contour they carry. Specifics for
the three categories are given in Table 44.
The imperfective speech marker o and the perfective speech markers
so, ko and mo occur with the following differing intonations that
determine whether they mark the sentence for interrogative, emphatic
negation or emphatic declarative. (These diacritics are only used in this
grammar write-up but not in the currently accepted orthography.)
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TABLE 44: INTONATION OF THE SPEECH MARKERS
Modal Imperfective Intonation Perfective Intonation

force speech description speech description
marker marker
Interrogative õ high and sõ, kõ, mõ mid and
gradually gradually
falling falling
Emphatic ō high-mid sō, kō, mō mid and
negation and level level
Emphatic ö mid-low sö, kö, mö low and
declarative and level level
In the sections below more detail is given about the intonation of the
various markers.
These markers have some resemblance in form to the proximal and
distal demonstratives and also to the genitive markers. The proximal
demonstrative is represented by o- (§3.6.2) and so are the imperfective
speech utterance markers. The imperfective often has present tense
reference. This is consistent with the pattern in many languages where
proximal signals cataphoric reference and more distant signals anaphoric
reference (e.g. the table at Dixon 2003:83). However, the perfective
speech utterance markers so, ko and mo do not really match the distal
demonstrative. It should be noted that they are identical in form to the
three genitive markers. They function at different levels though, one
marking embedded noun phrases and the other clauses or even sentences.
A speech utterance is not obligatorily marked with any of the markers
listed in Table 44. Many utterances like (59) can be made that have no
sentence final speech marker.
(59) Aio hiy me, “Hakwe siowp lokrue.”
aio hiy me ha-kwe siowp lokrue
father 3S.M speak 1S-TOP intestines die
‘Father said, “I am hungry.”’
The interrogative, however, is nearly always marked with a sentence
final speech utterance marker. The use of the interrogative speech marker
is sometimes left out when an adverbial interrogative marker (§7.5.3) is
253
used in combination with the inchoative marker ley (§5.3.1) and the
intentional marker ey (§5.3.2). This is demonstrated in (60) and (61).
(60) Naw mokwe, hromkwe pay non lowk
naw mo-kwe hrom-kwe po-ay non lowk
sago GL.PL-TOP 1PL-TOP Q-what CMT cut
mayr ley?
mayr ley
scrape INCH
‘As for the sago, with what are we going to cut and scrape the
sago?’
(61) Wueir hokwe penkin lwak ey?
wueir ho-kwe po-enkin lwak ey?
garden GL.M.S-TOP Q-MAN be INT
‘How will the garden be / What will the garden be like?’
The modal markers ley ‘INCH’ and ey ‘INTN’ can occur with a clause-
final speech utterance marker. See examples (85) and (86).
7.4.1 Use of the perfective speech markers so, ko and
mo
The same speech markers are used in verbal and verbless clauses. In
the latter case only the perfective speech utterance markers can be used
and never the imperfective speech marker o. The perfective speech marker
immediately follows the comment constituent of a verbless clause.
The following perfective (PFTV) speech utterance markers (SP) are
recognised:
so ‘SP.PFTV.M’
ko ‘SP.PFTV.F’
mo ‘SP.PFTV.PL’
The emphatic negation speech marker (sō, kō or mō) is used in short
verbless constructions. Examples (62), (63) and (64) show agreement in
number and gender between the speech utterance marker and the head of
the NP it follows.
254
(62) Hano a sō.

han-o a so
1S-GEN house NEG.SP.PFTV.M
‘This is not my house.’
(63) Sa sokukwe hano ipey kō.
sa so-ko-kwe han-o ipey ko
woman DDEM-GL.F-TOP 1S-GEN mother NEG.SP.PFTV.F
‘As for that woman, she is not my mother.’
(64) Huok somokwe, hno huok mō.
huok so-mo-kwe hwon-o huok mo
pig DDEM-GL.PL-TOP 2S-GEN pig NEG.SP.PFTV.PL
‘As for those pigs, they are not yours.’
As stated before (§7.3.2), the speech markers sō, kō and mō in (62-64)
can all be replaced by korey which has less emphasis.
The speech utterance markers have different modal force depending
on the intonation used: interrogative (Q), emphatic negation (NEG) and
emphatic declarative (EMPH).
Interrogative: The intonation over the speech marker is a glide
shifting from mid-level to low.
Emphatic negation: The intonation over the speech marker is a non-
changing pitch at mid level.
Emphatic declarative: The intonation over the speech marker is a
non-changing pitch at low level.
Neutral declarative Hano a. ‘This is my house.’
Interrogative Hano a sõ? ‘Is this my house?’
Emphatic negation Hano a sō. ‘This is (certainly) not my house.’
Emphatic declarative Hano a sö. ‘This is (certainly) my house.’
As stated above: direct speech is not obligatorily marked by the
markers so, ko and mo. A declarative verbless clause can be formed
without any of these markers present, as can be seen in example (65).
(65) Sa sokukwe hano ipey.
sa so-ko-kwe han-o ipey
woman DDEM-GL.F-TOP 1S-GEN mother
‘As for that woman, she is my mother.’
255
The interrogative speech marker ko exhibits a glide that starts at mid-

level falling to low.
(66) Sa sokukwe hano ipey kõ?
woman DDEM-GL.F-TOP 1S-GEN mother Q.SP.PFTV.F
‘As for that woman, is she my mother?’
The perfective emphatic negation speech marker ko exhibits a non-
changing pitch at mid level.
(67) Sa sokukwe hano ipey kō!
woman DDEM-GL.F-TOP 1S-GEN mother NEG.SP.PFTV.F
‘As for that woman, she is (certainly) not my mother!’
The perfective emphatic declarative speech marker ko exhibits a non-
changing pitch at low level.
(68) Sa sokukwe hano ipey kö.
woman DDEM-GL.F-TOP 1S-GEN mother EMPH.SP.PFTV.F
‘As for that woman, she (certainly) is my mother.’
The examples above deal with verbless clauses, but the same
distinctions between interrogative, negation and emphatic declarative can
be made in verbal clauses as is demonstrated in the three examples below.
The intonation contour as given in Table 44 distinguishes between
interrogative (69), emphatic negation (70) and emphatic declarative (71).
(69) Ipey hokwe payhokuaw saw kõ?
ipey hok-kwe po-ay-ho-kuaw saw ko
mother 3S.F-TOP Q-what-for.reason scream Q.SP.PFTV.F
‘Why did mother shout?’
(70) Hanekwe onon hiy supow sok peyk
han-e-kwe onon hiy supow sok peyk
1S-OBJ-TOP centipede 3S.M big.toe EXCT bite
ha sō!
ha so
OBJ<SUB NEG.SP.PFTV.M
‘A centipede did not bite me in my big toe!’
256
(71) Hanekwe onon hiy supow sok peyk

han-e-kwe onon hiy supow sok peyk
1S-OBJ-TOP centipede 3S.M big.toe EXCT bite
ha sö.
ha so
OBJ<SUB EMPH.SP.PFTV.M
‘A centipede bit me in my big toe.’
The perfective speech marker agrees in number and gender with a NP
within the sentence it modifies. In general that is the object NP. When no
object NP occurs, it agrees with the subject NP. See for more discussion
§7.4.4.
7.4.2 Usage of imperfective speech marker o
The imperfective speech marker, which overlaps with the present,
habitual and future is not differentiated for gender and number. Like the
perfective speech markers it exhibits various intonation contours that can
give the clause the modal force of emphatic negation, interrogative, or
emphatic affirmative. This marker can only be used in verbal sentences.
The intonation contour for the imperfective speech markers for these
three categories is not identical to the intonation contour for the perfective
speech markers. The perfective and imperfective markers agree for the
features of level pitch and falling pitch. The major difference is the pitch
height. The intonation contour for the imperfective exhibits for all three
categories a higher onset. E.g. the glide over the interrogative o starts and
ends at a higher pitch than the glide over the interrogative speech markers
so, ko and mo. The markers for the emphatic negation and the emphatic
declarative have a level intonation contour. The relative pitch height for
the imperfective is higher than for the corresponding imperfective
markers. In an attempt not to overload the examples with too many
diacritics I have not marked this difference in pitch height between the
perfective and imperfective.
The intonation contour associated with sentences encoding the
imperfective speech markers distinguishes the interrogative (72), the
negative (73), and the emphatic declarative (74).
In (72), the imperfective interrogative speech utterance marker o
exhibits a glide that starts at a high level falling to mid.
257
(72) Hunkwe ney swanyo prueysyar ke perey

hwon-kwe ney swanyo prueysyar k-e po-rey
2S-TOP child daughter two.CL1 3S.F-OBJ Q-place
hiy-ey õ?
hiy-ley o
CAUS-will Q.SP.IPFTV
‘Where are you bringing your two daughters to?’
In (73), the imperfective emphatic negation speech marker o exhibits
a non-changing pitch at a high-mid level (termed this way to indicate that
it is a higher pitch than the corresponding perfective negation speech
marker).
(73) Hunkwe i se-aw saw-sau e,
hwon-kwe i s-e-aw saw-sau e
2S-TOP leg 3S.M-OBJ-RSTR SPD-run OBJ.IMP
payhokuaw, enkin skul hokwe
po-ay-ho-kuaw enkin skul ho-kwe
Q-what-GL.M-for.reason.of MAN school GL.M-TOP
ohriar kiy-wak ō.
ohriar kiy-lwak o
near ACT-be NEG.SP.IPFTV
‘Run very quickly, because the school is not very close.’
The imperfective emphatic declarative speech marker ko in (74)
exhibits a non-changing pitch at mid-low level (termed this way to
indicate that it is a higher pitch than the corresponding perfective
emphatic declarative speech marker).
(74) Hiy lokre me, senkin, “Uwr prueyn hiykwe
hiy lokre me so-enkin uwr prueyn hiy-kwe
3S.M shout speak DDEM-MAN man one 3S.M-TOP
mango yokun lie owr a kok ö.”
mango yokun lie lowr la kok o
mango theft go.up pick eat day.time EMPH.SP.IPFTV
‘He shouted, “Someone has climbed up in the mango tree and
is picking and eating all the fruit right now.”’
258
7.4.3 Observed usage of the speech markers

Apart from the interrogative speech marker, speech utterance markers
are not used extensively, since there are other devices to make declarative
sentences or to negate predications.
The emphatic declarative is used to either contradict a possible
alternative or to stress the truth value of newly given information. The
device is available but many declarative statements can be made without
using this speech utterance marker.
Example (74) appears with a sentence final emphatic declarative speech
marker o. The emphatic marker does not occur obligatorily, since (74) can
also be expressed without the emphatic speech marker as in (75).
(75) Hiy lokre me, senkin, “Uwr prueyn
hiy lokre me so-enkin uwr prueyn
3S.M shout speak DDEM-MAN man one
hiykwe mango yokun lie owr a kok.”
hiy-kwe mango yokun lie lowr la kok
3S.M-TOP mango theft go.up pick eat day.time
‘He shouted, “Someone has climbed up in the mango tree and
is picking and eating all the fruit.”’
Several devices can be used to negate utterances, making e.g. use of
the negation markers pey and pa (see §7.3.1). Emphasis can even be
added by other means than the emphatic negation markers (see §7.3.3).
These other negation constructions are far more productive. So the
previous example (73) can also be expressed as:
(76) Hunkwe i se-aw saw-sau e,
hwon-kwe i s-e-aw saw-sau e
2S-TOP leg 3S.M-OBJ-RSTR SPD-run OBJ.IMP
payhokuaw, enkin skul hokwe
po-ay-ho-kuaw enkin skul ho-kwe
Q-what-GL.M-for.reason.of MAN school GL.M-TOP
ohriar kiy-wak pey.
ohriar kiy-lwak pey
near ACT-be NEG.IPFTV
‘Run very quickly, because the school is not very close.’
259
In (77), the final marker sō ‘NEG.SP.PFTV.M’ indicates negation in a

verbless clause. The markers pey and pa cannot occur in a verbless clause.
But the clause-final marker sō in (77) can be substituted by korey ‘NEG’ as
is shown in (78).
(77) Hrorkwe liy non-ey. Sawk hakwe uwr-ar
hror-kwe liy non-ley sawk ha-kwe uwr-ar
1DU-TOP DYN DU-go CHD 1S-TOP man-INTF
sō.
so
NEG.SP.PFTV.M
‘The two of us can go together. But I am not a real man.’
(78) Hrorkwe liy non-ey. Sawk hakwe uwr-ar
hror-kwe liy non-ley sawk ha-kwe uwr-ar
1DU-TOP DYN DU-go CHD 1S-TOP man-INTF
korey.
korey
NEG
‘The two of us can go together. But I am not a real man.’
7.4.4 Agreement of speech markers so, ko and mo
In verbless clauses the speech marker agrees in number and gender
with the NP topic. This is not surprising since the nature of verbless
clauses is such that only one topic is encoded. The comment constituent
only gives additional new information about the topic. In (79), the speech
marker mo agrees in number with the NP huok somokwe ‘those pigs’.
(79) Huok somokwe hano aio so
huok so-mo-kwe han-o aio s-o
pig DDEM-GL.PL-TOP 1S-GEN father 3S.M-GEN
huok mö.
huok mo
pig EMPH.SP.PFTV.PL
‘As for those pigs, they certainly are my father’s pigs.’
In verbal clauses with only one NP the speech marker will naturally
agree in number and gender with that NP as is shown in (80) where the
speech marker mo agrees with the NP ney homkwe ‘the children’.
260
(80) Ney homkwe perey ma-nakey mõ?

ney hom-kwe po-rey ma-nak-ley mo
child 2/3PL-TOP Q-place RPT-ACC-go Q.SP.PFTV.PL
‘Where are the children going to?’
If the clause hosts more than one NP, the choice can be difficult. Two
rules might compete with each other:
1. The speech marker agrees with the NP that has patient role.
2. The speech marker agrees with the NP that precedes the VP.
(This is frequently a non-topicalised NP but not always as (80)
demonstrates.)
There is no conflict between the two rules in (81). The speech marker
so agrees with the NP that has the patient role. The same NP also precedes
the VP. The singular masculine speech marker so agrees in gender and
number with the object NP hoko ney se.
(81) Pouh hokwe hoko ney se penkin
pouh hok-kwe hok-o ney s-e po-enkin
mother 3S.F-TOP 3S.F-GEN child 3S.M-OBJ Q-MAN
ma-hiy-sor kraipakrai sõ?
ma-hiy-sor kraipakrai so
RPT-CAUS-talk strongly Q.SP.PFTV.M
‘How did mother convince her son?’
There is a conflict between the two rules in (82). Based on the two
rules there were potentially two different choices since the NP that
precedes the VP and the NP that has patient role are two different NPs. In
(82), the speech marker agrees with huok ‘pig’ as the head of the NP,
based on the first rule that the speech marker agrees with the NP that has
patient role. The NP which precedes the VP (second rule) is the singular
interrogative posokwaw ‘who’ which is by default always masculine. If
the speech marker had agreed in gender and number with this NP the
sentence final marker would have been sõ. It is obvious from (82) that the
first rule was applied, in spite of the fact the patient NP is further to the left
and not even syntactically marked as object.
261
(82) Huok hir ouon ko mokwe

huok hir ouon k-o mo-kwe
pig fence under 3S.F-GEN GL.PL-TOP
posokwaw kampi kow ha mõ?
poso-kwaw kampi kow ha mo
Q-DDEM-RSTR.SUB open BEN OBJ<SUB Q.SP.PFTV.PL
‘As for the pigs inside the fence, who let them out?’
When these two rules conflict, it is up to the speaker to choose which
constituent to focus on. In (83), the choice of the speech marker ko can be
defended on the basis of rule 2 and the use of the speech marker so can be
defended on the basis of rule 1. If the speaker wants to focus on the
mother as actor, ko will be selected, if the speaker wants to focus on the
child as patient so will be selected.
(83) Ney se kokwe ipey hok
ney s-e ko-kwe ipey hok-kwe
child 3S.M-OBJ GL.F-TOP mother 3S.F.SUB-TOP
penkin lon kõ/sõ?
po-enkin lon ko/so
Q-MAN do Q.SP.PFTV.F/M
‘What did mother do to her child?’
In summary, the object NP is the most likely candidate to govern the
number and gender of the sentence final speech marker. Normally, it is the
object NP that precedes the verb phrase, which makes the choice of gender
and number for the speech marker straightforward, since the two rules
agree with each other. In (84), it would grammatically be incorrect to
establish agreement in gender and number between the subject and the
speech marker. (The feminine speech marker ko can only be utilised if the
object NP precedes the subject NP.)
(84) Ipey hokwe ney se penkin
ipey hok-kwe ney s-e po-enkin
mother 3S.F-TOP child 3S.M-OBJ Q-MAN
lon sõ?
lon so
do Q.SP.PFTV.M
‘What did mother do to her child?’
262
7.4.5 Speech markers following clause-final modal

markers
A clause marked by the modal marker ey ‘intention’ or by the modal
marker ley ‘inchoative’ (§5.3) can only be followed by a perfective speech
utterance marker and never by an imperfective speech marker. In (85), ey
‘INT’ necessitates the use of the perfective interrogative speech marker sõ
in spite of the fact that the event referred to is a future event. The reason
for this phenomenon is related to the fact that ey ‘INT’ and ley ‘INCH’ are
clause-final markers. The speech utterance marker is a sentential marker.
The use of the perfective speech marker treats the sentence it marks as a
single event.
(85) Ara, hrorkwe yawk lway nok
ara hror-kwe yawk lway nok
ADDR.M:listen 1DU-TOP fishing.net carry DUR
pa, pokon pay non leyway sakeyn
pa pokon po-ay non leyway sakeyn
NEG.PFTV today Q-what CMT scoop throw.in.water
ey sõ?
ey so
INTN Q.SP.PFTV.M
‘Man, we didn’t bring a fishing net, what do we intend to
scoop with?’
In (86), the clause-final inchoative aspect marker ley can only be
followed by the sentence-final perfective negation speech marker.
(86) Nwoh hiykwe senkin nan, “Hakwe liy
nwoh hiy-kwe so-enkin nan ha-kwe liy
dog 3S.M-TOP DDEM-MAN think 1S-TOP DYN
lono kow ley, hane pion me kow-a
lono kow korey han-e pion m-e kow-la
bark BEN NEG 1S-OBJ meat PL-OBJ BEN-eat
ley sō.”
ley so
INCH NEG.SP.PFTV.M
‘The dog thought, “I won’t bark, (because) they are not going
to give me any meat.”’
263
The last part of example (85) above can also be formed without the
intentional marker ey. When deleted, the speech marker follows the VP
and not a clause-final marker. The predication refers to a non-finished
present time event, which means that the imperfective speech marker
needs to be selected as is shown in (87).
(87) Hrorkwe pay non leyway sakeyn
hror-kwe po-ay non leyway sakeyn
1DU-TOP Q-what CMT scoop throw.in.water
õ?
o
Q.SP.IPFTV
‘What are we (or: will we be) scooping with?’
7.4.6 Emphatic declarative speech marker with the
addressee
As stated before the perfect speech utterance markers so, ko and mo
are mainly used to mark the interrogative mood, but also to indicate
emphatic negation and emphatic declarative.
The emphatic declarative speech marker can be suffixed with an
addressee morpheme. There are three independent vocatives which are
used to address one or more persons: masculine ara, feminine akwa and
plural ama. Their independent use is exemplified in (88).
(88) Hok mesopok “Ara, hno sa pokwo?”
hok me-sopok ara hwon-o sa po-kwo
3S.F.SUB speak-ask ADDR.M 2S-GEN wife Q-GL.F
Hiy ma-sahre me, “Akwa, hakwe
hiy ma-sahre me akwa ha-kwe
3S.M RPT-return speak ADDR.F 1S.SUB-TOP
nonkway lwak pey.”
nonkway lwak pey
know be NEG.IPFTV
‘She asked, “Man, where is your wife?” He answered,
“Woman, I do not know.”’
From the masculine ara, feminine akwa and plural ama a set of three
addressee suffixes -ra, -kwa, and -ma is derived. The initial a is absorbed
264
at the juncture when these addressee markers are suffixed to the three
emphatic declarative speech utterance markers so, ko, or mo.
When the three addressee markers are suffixed to the three speech
markers so, ko and mo a total of nine different surface forms result as can
be seen in Table 45.
TABLE 45: EMPHATIC SPEECH MARKERS SUFFIXED WITH THE
ADDRESSIVE MARKERS
Addressive markers Masculine Feminine Plural

speech speech speech
marker marker marker
so ko mo
Masculine addressee: ara so-ra ko-ra mo-ra
Feminine addressee: akwa so-kwa ko-kwa mo-kwa
Plural addressee: ama so-ma ko-ma mo-ma
In (89), the final marker so ‘EMP.SP.PFTV.M’ makes a spoken assertion

more emphatic.
(89) Sawk uwr sohokwe senkin ma-sahre
sawk uwr so-ho-kwe so-enkin ma-sahre
CHD man DDEM-GL.M-TOP DDEM-MAN RPT-return
me kow, “Hakwe Muruw seirpey
me kow ha-kwe mu-ruw seirpey
speak BEN 1S-TOP crocodile-man fierce
sö!”
so
EMP.SP.PFTV.M
‘And the man answered, “I myself am the fierce crocodile
man!”’
In (90), the same emphatic assertion is made with the inclusion of the
addressee. The marker so-ra consist of two parts: so- the emphatic
negation speech marker and -ra, the masculine singular addressee.
265
(90) Hakwe Muruw seirpey sora.

ha-kwe mu-ruw seirpey so-ara
1S-TOP crocodile-man fierce EMP.SP.PFTV.M-ADDR.M
‘Man, I myself am the fierce crocodile man!’
Careful attention need to be paid to the fact that each of the nine
forms in Table 45 consist of two morphemes. These two morphemes have
their own gender and number. The first morpheme (so, ko, or mo)
generally marks the gender and number of the object, or in its absence, the
gender and number of the subject (see §7.4.4 for exceptions). The second
morpheme (-ra, -kwa, or -ma) marks the gender and number of the
addressee(s).
In (91), the morpheme so agrees with the topic constituent of the
sentence, the subject hakwe, which is masculine, since it refers to a male
referent. The morpheme -ma agrees with the plural addressee (the older
brothers).
(91) Hiykwe senkin me, hyo oryay
hiy-kwe so-enkin me hiy-o oryay
3S.M-TOP DDEM-MAN speak 3S.M-GEN older.brother
me, “Hakwe, hmo nay arian
m-e ha-kwe hom-o nay arian
PL-OBJ 1S-TOP 2/3PL-GEN younger.sibling own
soma!”
so-ama
EMP.SP.PFTV.M-ADDR.PL
‘He said to his older brothers, “Men, I am your very own
younger brother!”’
In (92), the speech marker that includes the addressee kora is used in
a verbless clause. The first part of the marker ko-ra agrees with the
feminine topic constituent weyn ‘custom’ and the second part of ko-ra
agrees with the masculine gender of the addressee.
(92) Weyn sokukwe piap kora!
weyn so-ko-kwe piap ko-ara
custom DDEM-GL.F-TOP bad EMP.SP.PFTV.F-ADDR.M
‘Man, that deed is really bad!’
In (93), the speech and addressee marker so-kwa occurs sentence
finally. The first part so- agrees with the head of the masculine subject
266
kam ‘maternal uncle’ and the second part -kwa agrees with the feminine
addressee.
(93) Uwruh hiy ma-sahre me, hyo sah
uwr-ih hiy ma-sahre me hiy-o sa-uh
man-KIN 3S.M RPT-return speak 3S.M-GEN woman-KIN
ke, “Hno kam hiykwe lawk-lawk
k-e hwon-o kam hiy-kwe lawk-lawk
3S.F-OBJ 2S-GEN uncle 3S.M-TOP ignorant-ignorant
sokwa.”
so-akwa
EMP.SP.PFTV.M-ADDR.F
‘The husband said to his wife, “Woman, your maternal uncle
is really out of his mind.”’
7.4.7 Speech markers so, ko and mo suffixed for
dubitative
The speech markers so, ko and mo can be followed by the marker ney
which can also follow the future marker a (see §7.2). Whereas the future
marker a can be suffixed by both -ney and -ne, the speech utterance
markers so, ko and mo can only be suffixed by -ney which is analysed as a
marker that indicates uncertainty and doubt. The following forms can
occur: soney, koney and money. These sentence final markers obligatorily
co-occur with an interrogative preceding the verb phrase.
In (94), the first bolded speech marker is suffixed with the dubitative
marker -ney. An obligatory interrogative pay ‘what’ precedes the verb
phrase. The speech marker has feminine gender which is triggered by the
interrogative pay. The form of what was seen triggered the selection of
feminine gender (see §3.3 for form of noun and gender). The second
bolded speech marker ko- is suffixed by the plural addressive marker -ma.
(94) Hiy me, hyo wayh me, “Pay
hiy me hiy-o wayh me po-ay
3S.M.SUB speak 3S.M-GEN friend speak Q-what
koney? Ihey mo mein-owon
ko-ney ihey m-o mein-owon
Q.SP.PFTV.F-DUB white.man PL-GEN stone-half
267
hok lwon koma!”

hok lwon ko-ama
3S.F.SUB sleep EMP.SP.F-ADDR.PL
‘He said to his friends, “What might that be? Men, money is
lying there!”’
In (95), the speech utterance is marked by soney. The first part so-
agrees in gender and number with the subject, a male person (see text
“The two brothers” in appendix). The feminine noun yayh ‘song’ is an
incorporated noun and therefore does not determine the gender and
number of the speech marker as a NP object would. The dubitative marker
-ney is suffixed to the speech marker. The obligatory interrogative in this
example is paneke ‘why’.
(95) Hakwe yayh paneke lowk nayr soney?
ha-kwe yayh paneke lowk nayr so-ney
1S-TOP song why beat night Q-SP.PFTV.M-DUB
‘Towards what end might I have had a singsing last night?’
In (96), the speech marker ko- agrees in gender and number with the
head of the topic NP sa ‘woman’. It is suffixed by the dubitative marker
-ney. The obligatory interrogative is pay ‘what’ and occurs in the NP pay
sa where pay is used adjectivally in the meaning of what kind (§7.5.2).
(96) Sa hokwe pay sa koney?
uwr ho-kwe po-ay sa ko-ney
woman GL.M-TOP Q:what woman Q.SP.PFTV.F-DUB
‘What kind of woman might she be?’
In (97), the speech marker mo- agrees in number with the NP object
and is suffixed by -ney ‘DUB’. The object NP pay awia me (what kind of
enemies) also hosts the obligatory interrogative.
(97) Uwr hokwe pay awia me nuw-me
uwr ho-kwe po-ay awia m-e nuw-me
man GL.M-TOP Q-what enemy PL-OBJ INT-speak
su ha money?
su ha mo-ney
chase OBJ<SUB Q.SP.PFTV.PL-DUB
‘As for that man, what kind of enemies might he have chased
away?’
268
7.4.8 Agreement speech marker hi

When the speaker wants to express agreement or endorsement the
sentence will be marked with hi. This sentence final marker often co-
occurs with the object marker which marks the sentence as a command.
The sentence final hi expresses the speaker’s endorsement and agreement
with the given command.
In (98), the agreement marker hi is added to express full endorsement.
(98) Pouh-nawp hok me, ney ke, “Kwa nakey
pouh-nawp hok me ney k-e kwa nak-ley
mother-old 3S.F speak child 3S.F-OBJ HOR ACC-go
e hi.”
e hi
OBJ.IMP AGREE
‘The mother said to her daughter, “You should really feel free
to go.”’
The object marker e expressing imperative can be deleted, making the
statement less of a directive, as is shown in (99)
(99) Pouh-nawp hok me, ney ke, “Kwa nakey
pouh-nawp hok me ney k-e kwa nak-ley
mother-old 3S.F speak child 3S.F-OBJ HOR ACC-go
hi.”
hi
AGREE
‘The mother said to her daughter, “Feel free to go.”’
In (100), the speaker expresses endorsement or agreement by a
sentence final hi.
(100) Mu-pion mokwe ney mo ai-ar.
mu-pion mo-kwe ney m-o ai-ar
crocodile-meat GL.PL-TOP child PL-GEN food-INTF
Hunkwe ney sowpwareney-ar non lwak ankin,
hwon-kwe ney sowpwareney-ar non lwak ankin
2S-TOP child small-INTF CMT be if/when
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hunkwe hye mu-pion kwa kow a

hwon-kwe hiy-e mu-pion kwa kow la
2S-TOP 3S.M-OBJ crocodile-meat HOR BEN eat
e hi.
e hi
OBJ.IMP AGREE
‘Crocodile meat is the children’s favourite. If you have
children, you really should feed them crocodile meat.’
7.5 Interrogatives
All interrogatives are based on the bound morpheme po-
‘interrogative’. Vowel syncopation takes places in a number of
interrogatives, reducing po- to p-. These morphophonemic changes are
discussed in the relevant sections.
Interrogatives function either as an adverbial or as the head or a
modifying part of a noun phrase. or as an adverbial immediately preceding
the verb phrase. The overview of all interrogatives in Table 46 does not
list the possible feminine and plural forms in an attempt not to overload
the table with too much detail. The table also does not indicate which of
the listed interrogatives can also function as a modifier of the head of the
NP (§7.5.2)
TABLE 46: OVERVIEW OF ALL INTERROGATIVE TYPES
Subject Object Adverbial Predicate Section
Human posokwaw pose §7.5.1.1
who
Non-human pay pay se §7.5.1.2
what hiykwaw
Identifying poho §7.5.1.3
what/where
Selective pohiy pohe §7.5.2.1
which
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TABLE 46 (CONT’D)
Subject Object Adverbial Predicate Section

Location perey §7.5.3.1
where
Manner penkin §7.5.3.2
how
Measure pankaw §7.5.3.3
how much
Reason payhokuaw §7.5.3.4
why
Goal panoke §7.5.3.5
to what end
Interrogatives fill different grammatical slots. Three different
functions have been observed. The interrogative can function as:
a. a pronoun interrogative functioning as head of the NP (101). When
head of the NP, the pronoun interrogative can be marked for
subject or object or marked by a postpositional noun phrase
marker (§7.5.1).
b. a noun phrase modifier which either precedes or follows the head
of the NP (102). The interrogative modifies the head of the noun
phrase. This includes constructions with the interrogative marked
for genitive (§7.5.2).
c. an adverbial interrogative immediately preceding the verb phrase
(103). The adverbial interrogative is never part of the noun
phrase, but functions as a separate adverbial phrase (See §7.5.3).
In (101), the non-human pronominal interrogative pay is head of the
NP and marked for object.
(101) Hiykwe hane pay se kow so?
hiy-kwe han-e po-ay s-e kow so
3S.M-TOP 1S-OBJ Q-what 3S.M-OBJ BEN Q.SP.PFTV.M
‘What did he give me?’
In (102), the interrogative modifier pay modifies the head of the noun
phrase ahney ‘bird’.
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(102) Ahney sohokwe pay ahney so?

ahney so-ho-kwe po-ay ahney so
bird DDEM-GL.M-TOP Q-what bird Q.SP.PFTV.M
‘As for that bird, what kind of bird is it?’
In (103), the adverbial interrogative pankaw constitutes a separate
adverbial phrase that precedes the verb phrase. The use of pankaw in
forming polar and measurement questions is discussed in §7.5.3.3.
(103) Hano wueir-omeme mokwe pankaw lanio
han-o wueir-omeme mo-kwe po-ankaw lanio
1S-GEN garden-things GL.PL-TOP Q-DEGREE walk
opriy o?
opriy o
take Q.SP.IPFTV
‘Were my garden goods taken away?’
In the next two sections the interrogative as the head of the noun
phrase and the interrogative as a noun phrase modifier are discussed. The
adverbial interrogative is discussed in §7.5.3.
7.5.1 The interrogative as head of the noun phrase
The interrogative is the head of the noun phrase and can be marked
syntactically for subject and object. In some environments it can also be
marked by a postpositional marker.
The following interrogative pronouns have been observed that can
function as head of the NP:
a. Human interrogatives (seeking to identify from an open group)
b. Non-human interrogatives (seeking to identify from an open
group)
c. Location interrogatives (seeking to identify location or name).
7.5.1.1 Human interrogative functioning as head of the NP

The human interrogative is used for any living being treated as a
‘person’, including humans, spirits and animals behaving like humans.
They are not differentiated for gender or number on the interrogative word
itself. The human interrogative is used to select from an open group. (This
in contrast to the interrogative set represented by pohiy, which is used to
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seek the identity of an entity from a closed group of potential

alternatives.)
(104) Hano yoh mokwe, posokwaw nuw-a
han-o yoh mo-kwe po-so-kwaw nuw-la
1S-GEN banana GL.PL-TOP Q-HUM-RSTR.SUB INT-eat
mo?
mo
Q.SP.PFTV.PL
‘As for my bananas, who ate them?’
The analysis of so as a human marker is made with some hesitation,
because this distinction is not found elsewhere. Animate and inanimate
agents can often be referred to by the same referential markers (e.g.
compare the use of subject pronoun in §3.7.1). In spite of this hesitation
on the correct meaning of the morpheme so-, it is clear that the usage of
this particular interrogative is limited to human beings.
Table 47 shows the human interrogative in various functions. The
human interrogative is the head of the NP when it functions as subject or
object. The human interrogative can also precede the head noun of the NP.
In that position it should be analysed as either a modifier interrogative
(see §7.5.2) or a genitive interrogative.
TABLE 47: HUMAN INTERROGATIVE - IDENTIFICATION FROM OPEN GROUP
Surface form Underlying form Ex.

Subject posokwaw po-so-kwaw (104)
Q-HUM-RSTR.SUB
Genitive poso po-so-o (106)

Q-HUM-GEN
Object pose ~ pese po-so-e (108)

Q-HUM-OBJ
Modifier in poso NOUN po-so (118)

NP (§7.5.2) Q-HUM
The suffix -kwaw in posokwaw is analysed as a restrictive marker (see

§3.1.4 on the analysis of -kwaw when suffixed to pronouns). The
273
interrogative posokwaw references the subject in verbal clauses (104) or

can fill the comment slot in a verbless clause (105).
The question in (105) is asked of a female. This information is carried
by the feminine speech marker ko that follows the interrogative.
(105) Hunkwe posokwaw ko? Hno
hwon-kwe po-so-kwaw ko hwon-o
2S-TOP Q-HUM-RSTR.SUB Q.SP.IPFTV.F 2S-GEN
sau hane kwa me kow.
sau han-e kwa me kow
name 1S-OBJ HOR speak BEN
‘Who are you? Tell me your name.’
As stated above, the basic form for the personal interrogative is poso.
The genitive would be *poso-o, which reduces by vowel syncope to poso.
Examples (106) and (107) demonstrate the use of the genitive
interrogative.
(106) Hiykwe poso wayh so?
hiy-kwe po-so-o wayh so
3S.M.SUB-TOP Q-HUM-GEN friend Q.SP.PFTV.M
‘Whose friend is he?’
(107) Hai, yia-kuw somokwe poso
hai yia-kuw so-mo-kwe po-so-o
O.K. fire-smoke DDEM-GL.PL-TOP Q-HUM-GEN
yia-kuw mo?
yia-kuw mo
fire-smoke Q.SP.PFTV.PL
‘As for those smoke clouds, whose smoke clouds are they?’
The object form of the human interrogative is marked by -e. The
surface form pose (or pese when the optional vowel harmony rule is
applied) is not suffixed for gender or number.
(108) Hai, hiykwe mnuw mon pese
hai hiy-kwe mnuw mon po-so-e
O.K. 3S.M-TOP mountain LOC Q-HUM-OBJ
hiy-ie mo?
hiy-lie mo
CAUS-go.up Q.SP.PFTV.PL
‘Who (plural) did he lead up the mountain?’
274
Example (108) seeks to discover the identity of more than one person,
but the plural number is not indicated by the interrogative pese but by the
clause-final plural speech marker mo.
(109) Hiykwe pisu se kokwe pese
hiy-kwe pisu s-e ko-kwe po-so-e
3S.M-TOP knife S.M-OBJ GL.F-TOP Q-HUM-OBJ
kow so?
kow so?
give Q.SP.PFTV.S.M
‘To whom did he give the knife?’
In (109), the speaker anticipates that the answer to the question is a
single recipient and therefore the singular speech marker so is used. If the
speaker does not know if the answer will refer to a male or female
recipient, the masculine speech marker so is used. The feminine speech
marker ko is only used if the speaker knows that the recipient of the knife
is a female.
7.5.1.2 Non-human interrogative functioning as head of the NP

The non-human interrogative is pay ‘what’, derived from with the
interrogative prefix po- and the suffix -ay. (Vowel syncope rule:
VoØ/_V# )
This question word is used to seek to establish the identity of non-
human entities which includes animals (but not spirits) and all non-
animate nouns. The interrogative is marked for gender and number by a
separate pronoun or marker following the interrogative. The interrogative
can be followed by some of the postpositional markers or by a pronoun
that is syntactically marked for object and subject.
When the non-personal interrogative functions as subject, it is

obligatorily copied by a personal subject pronoun suffixed with -kwaw.
The marker -kwaw is analysed as the restrictive marker (see §3.1.4). In
combination with the non-human interrogative it can be translated as
‘what in particular’. In (110), hiykwaw follows the interrogative pay:
TABLE 48: NON-HUMAN INTERROGATIVE - IDENTIFICATION OF NON-HUMAN OBJECTS
Subject NP Genitive Object NP Postpositional Modifier

NP within NP
S.M pay hiykwaw Not pay se
observed
S.F pay hokwaw pay ke
DU pay hohkwaw pay se/ ke
PL pay homkwaw pay me
Modifier pay NOUN
with Comitative pay non
with Punctiliar pay sok
with Locative pay mon
Ex. (110) (111) (113) (117)

275
276
(110) Hoho owh mon kokwe pay hiykwaw

hoh-o owh mon ko-kwe po-ay hiy-kwaw
3DU-GEN body LOC GL.F-TOP Q-what 3S.M.SUB-RSTR
lousne ey so?
lousne ey so
appear INTN Q.SP.PFTV.M
‘As to the two of them, what thing appeared to them (= what
in particular happened to them)?’
In (111), the interrogative pay functions as the object of the clause and
is therefore followed by the object marker se.
(111) Hiykwe hane pay se kow
hiy-kwe han-e po-ay s-e kow
3S.M.SUB-TOP 1S-OBJ Q-what 3S.M-OBJ give
so?
so
Q.SP.PFTV.M
‘What did he give me?’
In verbless clauses the interrogative is pay. The speech marker
following in (112) functions on sentence level and corresponds in gender
and number with the topic noun phrase ai hokwe.
(112) Ai hokwe, pay so?
ai ho-kwe po-ay so
food GL.M-TOP Q-what Q.SP.PFTV.M
‘As for this food, what is it?’
The non-personal interrogative can be followed by the comitative non,
the locative mon or the exact locative sok, as can be seen from the column
which lists NPs with postpositional markers. No number and gender
distinctions occur in these postpositional constructions.
(113) Naw mokwe, hromkwe pay non lowk
naw mo-kwe hrom-kwe po-ay non lowk
sago GL.PL-TOP 1PL-TOP Q-what CMT cut
mayr a ley?
mayr la ley
scrape eat go
‘As for the sago, with which (thing) are we going to cut and
scrape it?’
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7.5.1.3 Verbless location interrogative

The three location interrogatives in this section poho, pokwo and
pomo are used exclusively as the comment constituent in verbless
questions. They are frequently used to seek information about the location
of an entity (114).
(114) Hno uwr poho? Hiykwe a mon lwak.
hwon-o uwr po-ho hiy-kwe a mon lwak
2S-GEN man Q-GL.M 3S.M.SUB-TOP house LOC be
‘Where is your husband? He is in the house.’
(115) Hyo ney pomo? Homkwe yier mon
hiy-o ney po-mo hom-mwe yier mon
3S-GEN child Q-GL.PL 2/3PL-TOP village/home LOC
lwak pey.
lwak pey
be NEG.IPFTV
‘Where are his chidren? They are not in the village.’
Location is always the focus, except when one wants information
about a person’s name. This is an interesting exception. Names in the
local culture form a major part of a person’s identity and their use (and
especially non-use) is controlled by many cultural customs. It is not
always appropriate to directly ask a person’s name. It is possible that these
cultural sensitivities have influenced the form of questions about names.
Example (116) contains a request to give name identification.
(116) Hno uru poho? Hano uru hokwe John.
hwon-o uru po-ho han-o uru ho-kwe John
2S-GEN name Q-GL.M 1S-GEN name GL.M-TOP John
‘What is your name? My name is John.’
7.5.2 The interrogative as nominal modifier
A number of interrogatives may precede the head of the NP. In that
position they classify the head phrase for categories as location, kind,
manner, uniqueness etc. The interrogative forms together with the noun it
precedes a unified stress unit. This stress unit is exceptional in the sense
that the interrogative takes the initial stress within the NP. This stress
contour is somewhat similar to the stress contour over compound nouns,
278
where the initial noun always has the primary stress, even when the first
noun within the compound noun modifies the second.
The following interrogatives can take the role of modifier within the
noun phrase.
pay – non-human entity identification
poso – human entity identification
perey – location identification
penkin – manner identification
pohiy, pohok, pohom – request identification in contrast to other
known entities (§7.5.2.1)
In (117), pay precedes the head of the NP and displays a very
prominent stress and forms with the noun it modifies one unified stress
unit. The interrogative is used to ascertain a certain subset of the entity it
modifies.
(117) Ahney sohokwe, pay ahney so?
ahney so-ho-kwe po-ay ahney so
bird DDEM-GL.M-TOP Q-what bird Q.SP.PFTV.M
Hromkwe pokon-aw kiy-onuayk nerie.
hrom-kwe pokon-aw kiy-lonuayk nerie
1PL-TOP today-RSTR ACT-hear morning
‘As for that bird, what (kind of) bird is it? We heard it just
now in the morning.’
The interrogative poso can be a modifier in a NP preceding the head of
the noun phrase as is exemplified in (118) and (119). The interrogative
poso is not an embedded NP marked for genitive case here as is true for
(106) and (107). In a genitive construction two entities are compared with
each other: the owner and the owned. In the examples below, however,
there is only one entity within the NP whose identity is enquired after by
means of the modifying interrogative.
279
(118) Hano owk, 'poso uwr hiykwaw huor

han-o owk po-so uwr hiy-kwaw huor
1S-GEN string.bag Q-HUM man 3S.M-RSTR hang
nok so?
nok so
DUR Q.SP.PFTV.M
‘As for my string bag, what man (or: who) took it?’
(119) Uwrsa serey ma lwak mokwe,
uwr-sa so-rey ma lwak mo-kwe
man-woman DDEM-there RCM be GL.PL-TOP
'poso uwrsa mo?
po-so uwr-sa mo
Q-HUM man-woman Q.SP.PFTV.PL
‘Those people over there, what people (or: who) are they?’
The intonation contour for poso functioning as a genitive interrogative
and for poso functioning as an interrogative modifier differs greatly. In
(118) and (119), the interrogative poso takes the most prominent stress (as
indicated by ') and the noun following has secondary stress. In (120), poso
is a genitive interrogative and has therefore a less prominent stress than
the noun owk ‘string bag’ it precedes.
(120) Owk sokukwe, poso
owk so-ko-kwe po-so-o
string.bag DDEM-GL.F-TOP Q-HUM-GEN
'owk ko?
owk ko
string.bag Q.SP.PFTV.F
‘As for this string bag, whose string bag is it?’
Usually the interrogative modifier follows rather than precedes the
noun it modifies. In (121), the location interrogative perey is used as a
modifier in the NP yier perey mon.
(121) Hokwe 'yier perey mon lwak o?
hok-kwe yier po-rey mon lwak o
3S.F-TOP place Q-place LOC be Q.SP.IPFTV
‘At what location is she?’
In (122), penkin occurs as a modifier within the NP peik penkin non.
280
(122) Hai, uwr sohokwe, 'peik po-enkin non

hai uwr so-ho-kwe peik penkin non
O.K. man DDEM-GL.M-TOP illness Q-MAN CMT
so?
so
Q.SP.PFTV.M
‘As for that man, what kind of sickness has he?’
The modifier penkin can also precede the noun it modifies. In (123), it
takes over the primary stress from the noun is modifies.
(123) Hai, uwr sohokwe 'po-enkin peik
hai uwr so-ho-kwe penkin peik
O.K. man DDEM-GL.M-TOP Q-MAN illness
non so?
non so
CMT Q.SP.PFTV.M
‘As for that man, what kind of sickness has he?’
There seems to be no semantic difference between (122) and (123).
7.5.2.1 Selective interrogatives functioning within the noun phrase

The interrogatives in this section correspond with the demonstrative
personal subject pronouns sohiy, sohok, sohoh, sohom, and the
demonstrative object markers sehe, sokwe, seme (see Table 26). These
interrogatives ask for identification of a referent from among a closed
group.
These interrogative forms are the only interrogatives that indicate
number and gender and which express syntactic roles. Like their
demonstrative counterparts, these interrogatives occur as NP final markers,
or occur in a NP with the head deleted. They cannot precede the noun and
never occur in the role of modifier.
The morpheme hiy in pohiy normally indicates subject, but not when
followed by another syntactic or semantic marker. The final marker
determines NP’s case. In the table below it is shown that the set pohiy,
pohok and pohom can be followed and ruled by the genitive marker
following or by the semantic markers non ‘comitative’ or sok ‘exactness’
following.
281
TABLE 49: SELECTIVE INTERROGATIVES
Subject Genitive Object NPs with non, sok

S.M po-hiy po-hiy so po-h-e po-hiy non / sok
(also: pehe)
S.F po-hok po-hok ko po-kwe po-hok non / sok
DU po-hoh po-hoh so / ko po-he / po-kwe po-hoh non / sok
PL po-hom po-hom mo po-me po-hom non / sok
(also: peme)
Ex. (124) (125) (126) (127) (128) (129)
In (124), the interrogative marker occurs NP finally, indicating the NP

functions as subject:
(124) Hye kokwe uwr pohiy ma-sahre
hiy-e ko-kwe uwr po-hiy ma-sahre
3S.M-OBJ GL.F-TOP man Q-3S.M.SUB RPT-return
onuayk me so?
lonuayk me so
hear speak Q.SP.PFTV.M
‘Which man did answer him?’
In (125), the genitive construction is shown. The embedded NP uwr
pohiy so modifies the head of the NP sa ‘woman’.
(125) Uwr prueysyar erey ma lwak ehe
uwr prueysyar erey ma lwak o-h-e
man two.CL1 here RCM be PDEM-3S.M-OBJ
me, hai, uwr pohiy so sa
me hai uwr po-hiy s-o sa
speak O.K. man Q-3S.M 3S.M-GEN woman
hok nakwon o?
hok nak-won o
3S.F ACC-lie Q.SP.IPFTV
‘Talking about these two men here, which man’s wife is lying
down (sick)?’
282
In (126), the head of the NP uru ‘name’ is modified by the selective

interrogative pehe. This interrogative belongs to the set of object
interrogatives. It is used because the questioner seeks information about a
member of a closed group:
(126) Hai, hiykwe uru pehe nakinariy
hai hiy-kwe uru po-h-e nakinariy
O.K. 3S.M.SUB-TOP name Q-3S.M-OBJ call
kow so?
kow so
BEN Q.SP.PFTV.M
‘OK, which name did he give?
In (127), the NP pome has an ellipted head awia ‘enemies’.
(127) Hai, hunkwe awia mokwe, pome
hai hwon-kwe awia mo-kwe po-m-e
O.K. 2S-TOP enemy GL.PL-TOP Q-PL-OBJ
lono o?
lono o
fight Q.SP.IPFTV
‘OK, in regard to enemies, which ones do you fight against?’
In (128), the interrogative is followed by the semantic case marker sok
in the NP enekwei pohiy sok ‘what exact time’.
(128) Hiykwe enekwei pohiy sok le so?
hiy-kwe enekwei po-hiy sok le so
3S.M.SUB-TOP time Q-3S.M EXCT come Q.SP.PFTV.M
‘What time exactly did he come?’
The selective interrogative is obligatorily accompanied by the
comitative postposition non when it occurs in a verbless clause, as in
(129) and (130).
(129) Kupe so pen hokwe, pohiy non
Kupe s-o pen ho-kwe po-hiy non
Kupe 3S.M-GEN pen GL.M-TOP Q-3S.M CMT
so?
so
Q.SP.PFTV.M
‘As for Kupe’s pen, which one is it?’
283
The use of non in the meaning of comitative seems strange here, since
there is no notion of ‘with’, unless we assume a non-expressed subject. In
that case example (129) can be translated: ‘As for Kupe’s pen, with which
one is he?’
(130) Uwr prueysyar sohohkwe aio so
uwr prueysyar so-ho-kwe aio s-o
man two.CL1 DDEM-GL.M-TOP father 3S.M-GEN
nayih hokwe pohiy non so?
nay-ih ho-kwe po-hiy non so
younger.sibling-KIN GL.M-TOP Q-3S.M CMT Q.SP.PFTV.M
‘As for these two men, which one is father’s younger
brother?’ (Or, taking into account the possible usage of non:
‘As for these two men, the younger brother of father, with
which one is he?’)
7.5.3 Adverbially used interrogatives
Section 7.5.2 dealt with interrogatives that function as a NP or as a
modifying part of a NP . Five interrogatives which are used adverbially are
discussed in this section. They cannot be marked for syntax and they are
listed in Table 50. When used adverbially these interrogatives
immediately precede the verb phrase.
Three of the five interrogative have counterparts that are adverbial
referents which indicate location, manner and measurement.
TABLE 50: INTERROGATIVES WHICH OCCUR AS AN ADVERBIAL PHRASE
Adverbial Demonstrative
counterpart
Location where perey (s)erey ‘there’
Manner how penkin (s)enkin ‘thus’
Measurement how many pankaw (s)ankaw ‘this much’
question
Polar question yes or no pankaw
Reason why payhokuaw
Goal to what end paneke
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7.5.3.1 Locative interrogative

The basic adverbs of location are serey ‘there’ and erey ‘here’. (These
forms are derived from ley ‘go’, prefixed by the distal demonstrative so-
and the proximal demonstrative o-, resulting in sorey and orey. (The
vowel harmony rule also allows the forms serey and erey.)
The derived location interrogative is perey ‘where’ (or the less
frequent po-erey; both forms are acceptable). In (131), the location
interrogative is used as an adverb.
(131) Sep hiy me, “Hano wayh hiykwe
Sep hiy me han-o wayh hiy-kwe
Sep 3S.M.SUB speak 1S-GEN friend 3S.M.SUB-TOP
perey ley ey?”
po-rey ley ey
Q-place go INTN
‘Sep said, “Where is my friend intending to go?”’
7.5.3.2 Manner/contents interrogative

The manner or contents interrogative is penkin ‘how’, derived from
po- prefixed to enkin. It is used adverbially as in (132) and (133).
(132) Hunkwe penkin nan o, hror
hwon-kwe po-enkin nan o hror
2S-TOP Q-MAN think Q.SP.IPFTV 1DU
ma-non-hiok e?
ma-non-hiok e
RPT-DU-paddle OBJ
‘How are you thinking (= what do you think), shall we paddle
on?’
(133) Hrorkwe penkin non-on a, arakwon
hror-kwe po-enkin non-lon a arakwon
1DU-TOP Q-MAN DU-do FUT earlier.today
hrore ma mon mawmaw mokwe?
hror-e ma mon mawmaw mo-kwe
1DU-OBJ RCM do offend GL.PL-TOP
‘What shall the two of us do, (regarding) how we were
offended against earlier today?’
285
7.5.3.3 Measurement and polar interrogative

The interrogative pankaw ‘to what extent’ is derived from po-ankaw
‘Q-Degree’. When used with perfective aspect, it is a request for
measurement or quantity. When used with imperfective aspect, it indicates
a polar question.
1. Measurement question
Example (134) shows the use of pankaw in a clause ending with a
perfective speech utterance marker, indicating a request for a
measurement or quantity.
(134) “Hai hiykwe hyo mey-uwr mokwe
hai hiy-kwe hiy-o mey-uwr mo-kwe
O.K. 3S.M.SUB-TOP 3S.M-GEN job-man GL.PL-TOP
pankaw me iaup mo?” “Iha seys.”
po-ankaw me liaup mo iha seys
to.what.extent speak mark Q.SP.PFTV.PL hand two.CL4
‘“As for his workmen how many did he appoint?” “Ten.”’
It is not obligatory that pankaw follows immediately the NP it
modifies for measurement. In (135) the subject hunkwe ‘2S.TOP’
intervenes. The determining factor is the clause-final speech marker so
that marks the clause for perfective.
(135) “Huok-won-hu mokwe, hunkwe pankaw
huok-won-hu mo-kwe hwon-kwe po-ankaw
pig-grease-water GL.PL-TOP 2S-TOP Q-to.what.extent
nakway so?” “Hakwe kamonaw
nak-lway so ha-kwe kamon-aw
ACC-carry Q.SP.PFTV.M 1S-TOP one-RSTR
nakway so.”
nak-lway so
ACC-carry Q.SP.PFTV.M
‘“Regarding the cooking oil, how many (bottles) did you
buy?” “I bought one.”’
In (136), the clause-final speech marker mo marks perfective aspect.
The question formed with pankaw is therefore not a polar question but a
quantity question.
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(136) Hunkwe youk mokwe pankaw

hwon-kwe youk mo-kwe po-ankaw
2S-TOP paddle GL.PL-TOP Q-to.what.extent
mo?
mo
Q.SP.PFTV.PL
‘How many paddles do you have?’
In (137), the topic marker mokwe which occurred in (136) has been
deleted. The noun phrase youk ‘paddle’ is separated by a pause from
pankaw. The clause is still marked by mo for perfective aspect, the
question is therefore a quantity question.
(137) Hunkwe youk pankaw mo?
hwon-kwe youk po-ankaw mo
2S-TOP paddle Q-to.what.extent Q.SP.PFTV.PL
‘As for paddles, how many do you have?’
Whenever pankaw occurs in a clause with perfective intonation, it
always co-occurs with a perfective speech utterance marker. No examples
of clauses with a request for measurement using the interrogative pankaw
have been observed without a speech utterance marker.
2. Polar question
When pankaw occurs in a clause with imperfective aspect, it indicates
a polar question.
In (138), the clause-final verb lwak ‘to be’ has imperfective aspect as
signalled by the clause intonation. The sentence is a polar question which
is not a request to give the number of workmen, but to verify or deny the
state as described in the predicate.
(138) “Hai, hiykwe mey-uwr kraiar non
hai hiy-kwe mey-uwr kraiar non
O.K. 3S.M.SUB-TOP job-man many CMT
pankaw lwâk?” “Ohow.”
po-ankaw lwak ohow
Q-to.what.extent be. IPFTV no
‘“Did he have many workmen?” “No.”’
In (139), the interrogative pankaw precedes a VP that is marked for the
imperfective. The clause therefore constitutes a polar question.
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(139) “Hunkwe wueir-aiai pankaw hiy-a

hwon-kwe wueir-aiai po-ankaw hiy-la
2S-TOP garden-food Q-to.what.extent CAUS-eat
kôk?” “Ha po hiy-a kôk.”
kok ha po hiy-la kok
day.time. IPFTV 1S PFT CAUS-eat day.time. IPFTV
‘“Did you provide (the people) with food during the day?”
“(Yes), I provided them with food during the day.”’
3. Use of measurement and polar questions in verbless clauses
Verbless clauses do differentiate between measurement and polar
questions in spite of the fact that verbless clauses do not differentiate
between perfective and imperfective aspect. When the interrogative
speech utterance marker is needed, only so, ko and mo are selected but
never o.
In (140), the interrogative pankaw occurs clause-finally in a verbless
clause. There is no co-occurring speech marker. The question is
understood as a polar question.
(140) “Hunkwe youk pankaw?” “Oo.”
hwon-kwe youk po-ankaw oo
2S-TOP paddle Q-to.what.extent yes
‘“Do you have any paddles?” “Yes.”’
When the interrogative speech utterance marker is added to a verbless
clause, it marks a measurement question.
(141) “Hunkwe youk pankaw mo?” “Iha sirom.”
hwon-kwe youk po-ankaw mo iha sirom
2S-TOP paddle Q-to.what.extent Q.PL hand one
‘“How many paddles do you have?” “Five.”’
7.5.3.4 Reason interrogative

The interrogative pro-word encoding reason consists of the non-
human interrogative pay ‘what’ (derived from po-ay ‘Q-what’) followed
by the pronoun hokuaw ‘for what reason?’. Hokuaw ‘for what reason?’
has as constituents: the general topical marker ho- and -kuaw ‘for reason
of’. Hokuaw is used by itself at clause level. (See for further discussion
§6.7)
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In (142) payhokuaw is used as an adverbial phrase.

(142) Homkwe hano owk kokwe
hom-kwe han-o owk ko-kwe
2/3PL-TOP 1S-GEN string.bag GL.F-TOP
payhokuaw lopru mo?
po-ay-ho-kuaw lopru mo
Q-what-GL.M-for.reason.of destroy Q.SP.PFTV.PL
‘Why did you (plural) destroy my string bag?’
In (143), it functions as the comment of a verbless sentence.
(143) Hai, sohokwe payhokuaw
hai so-ho-kwe po-ay-ho-kuaw
O.K. DDEM-GL.M-TOP Q-what-GL.M-for.reason.of
so?
so
Q.SP.PFTV.M
‘As for that (you just said), why is it?’
In (144), payhokuaw functions as a conjunction. It is possible that this
use of the interrogative ‘why’ as ‘because’ had been influenced by Tok
Pisin, where the interrogatives bilong wanem ‘why’ and long wanem
‘because’ are used as a reason conjunction. Although the constituents of
payhokuaw ‘because/why’ correspond closely to the constituents of Tok
Pisin long wanem ‘why’, people believe that the usage of this word is true
Abau, pre-dating the advent of Tok Pisin in the area (§9.3.3).
(144) Hiykwe nuw-hok, payhokuaw,
hiy-kwe nuw-hok po-ay-ho-kuaw
3S.M.SUB-TOP INT-fear Q-what-GL.M-for.reason.of
yier sohokwe aiopey hay.
yier so-ho-kwe aiopey hay
place DDEM-GL.M-TOP big very
‘He was really afraid, because that place was very big.’
7.5.3.5 Goal interrogative

The interrogative paneke ‘why’ is possibly derived from pay-nok e ‘in
order to do what’. The following sentence is correct in some dialects of
Abau.
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(145) Hunkwe paneke e le o?

hwon-kwe paneke e le o
2S-TOP why OBJ come Q.SP.IPFTV
‘Why did you come? (Lit. In order to do what did you
come?)’
The analysis above is given with some hesitation. The interrogative is
presently pronounced as paneke, while there seems to be no reason why
the first syllable was reduced from pay to pa. In light of the lack of
convincing evidence, the interrogative paneke will be simply labeled
‘why’ in the interlinear examples.
The interrogatives payhokuaw and paneke can be interchanged in
most contexts. But some speakers make a distinction. If the above analysis
on the semantic origin of both terms is correct it suggests a distinction
between reason and (mental) goal. The former (payhokuaw) might be
used when motives and explanations are asked for, the latter (paneke)
when intentions and objectives are sought after. It has been noted that
rhetorical questions tend to be constructed with paneke, although not all
the time. This is probably not surprising since a rhetorical question
sometimes focuses on the goal and sometimes on the reason of a certain
issue. The three examples with payhokuaw above all seem to fit the
definition here, since they can all be viewed as questions regarding
background and source motive.
Example (146) illustrates a rhetorical question. It is probably arbitrary
whether the question zooms in on the reason (for what reason) or the goal
(to what end).
(146) Hano ai ey, pa po ley sie. Hakwe yayh
han-o ai ey pa po ley sie ha-kwe yayh
1S-GEN food EXCL CUR PFT go EXCL 1S-TOP song
paneke lowk nayr soney?
paneke lowk nayr so-ney
why beat night SP.M-Q.wonder
‘My food is gone completely. Why did I do a singsing during
the night?’
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Example (147) illustrates goal.

(147) Hiykwe sawk hme senkin mesopok
hiy-kwe sawk hom-e so-enkin me-sopok
3S.M.SUB-TOP CHD 2/3PL-OBJ DDEM-MAN speak-ask
huon, “Homkwe paneke le mo?”
huon hom-kwe paneke le mo
OBJ>SUB 2/3PL-TOP why come Q.SP.PFTV.PL
‘He then said to them while they were coming to him, “Why
did you come?”’
8. Structure and function of
sentence topic and comment
Constituents within the sentence are marked or positioned in such a

way that the sentence can be easily divided in a topic part and a comment
part. Some sentences also have a third part: a phrase or clause in tail
position. The division between the topic and comment part is a prominent
feature of the language and plays an important role in the creation of
comprehensible and logical communication.
The focal point of this chapter is to shed light on the distinctions in
relative prominence of the various phrase constituents within a sentence.
It starts with a discussion on the concept of topic (§8.1) and the overall
structure of an Abau sentence (§8.2). This is followed by a presentation of
the structure and the internal ordering of the constituents within both the
topic part (§8.3) and the comment part (§8.4) of the sentence. A
discussion about the tail position (§8.5) is also included. The chapter
concludes with discussions how constituents within the sentence can be
given less or more prominence (§8.6), how participants are tracked (§8.7),
and lastly, what features distinguish the backgrounding, foregrounding
and climax within a discourse (§8.8).
8.1 Defining topic

Topic or givenness (which often implies definiteness) in Abau is
marked by -kwe and refers to all information that the speaker assumes is
present or readily accessible in the addressee’s consciousness. Chafe
(1976:30) defines givenness and the problems related to this choice of
terminology this way.
Given (or old) information is that knowledge which the
speaker assumes to be in the consciousness of the
addressee at the time of the utterance. So-called new
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292
information is what the speaker assumes he is introducing

into the addressee’s consciousness by what he says. The
terminology has been and continues to be misleading to
linguists and psychologists who use it. Calling something
‘old information’ suggests it is ‘what the listener is
expected to know already’ and ‘new information’ is ‘what
the listener is not expected to know already,’ something
that is being introduced into the addressee’s knowledge
for the first time… But a speaker who says ‘I saw your
father yesterday’ is unlikely to assume that the addressee
had no previous knowledge of his father, even though by
the usual criteria your father would be considered new
information. The point is that the speaker has assumed
that the addressee was not thinking about his father at the
moment. Terms like ‘already activated’ and ‘newly
activated’ would convey this distinction more accurately,
but are awkward; we will probably have to live with the
terms ‘given’ (or ‘old’) and ‘new’.
In Abau, the topic marker -kwe marks information that the speaker
presents as background information, whether or not the addressee has
ready access to it. Constituents marked by the topic marker -kwe occur
sentence initially. The topicalised constituents form together the setting or
the background against which the rest of the predication is asserted. This
topic part sets the stage for the rest of the predication. Participants and
props are mentioned as part of this stage setting. The comment part of the
sentence expresses new information.
8.2 Sentence structure

Dik’s language-independent pattern-schema can be applied to the
Abau sentence structure. His basic schema is: THEME, PREDICATION,
TAIL (Dik 1980: 15).
The same schema expressed with more detail (Dik 1980: 20)
P2, P1 (V) S (V) O (V), P3
This can be adopted for the Abau language to: P2 , P1 S O V , P3
The THEME is expressed by the left-dislocated P2 position and the
TAIL by the right-dislocated P3 position. The PREDICATION is everything
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in between. In this schema, S and O stand for the neutral or unmarked

positions of Subject and Object. The V indicates the position of the verb
phrase. P1, P2, and P3 indicate special positions used for special purposes,
and the commas stand for breaks in the intonation. P1 is the clause
internal topic, the P2 position is used for elements which are left-
dislocated, i.e. they are outside the intonational boundaries of the clause
(cf. Dooley and Levinsohn 2001: 67-69) and the P3 is the right-dislocated
constituent or tail.
Dik (1980: 16) defines THEME and TAIL as follows:
The theme specifies the universe of discourse with respect
to which the subsequent predication is presented as
relevant.
The tail is defined as an “afterthought” to the predication,
information meant to clarify or modify it.
Dik gives an English example that follows the schema THEME,
PREDICATION, TAIL.
(1) Theme (P2) Predicate (P1 S O V) Tail (P3)
As for my brother, he never saw her again, the poor child.
He adds that in certain languages, constructions like this may be
strongly marked or even at the fringe of grammaticality, whereas in other
languages, they may almost represent the usual way of constructing a
sentence. He also states that the theme will very often be some term
presented in “absolute” form, i.e. without any specified semantic or
syntactic function (1980:16).
As for the predication marked by P1 S O V, Dik (1980:20-21) states
the following:
The positions marked by S, V and O are called “pattern
positions” for Subj, Verb and Obj. These are the positions
where constituents of this type end up if they have not
been brought into P1 by the rules determining the use of
this special initial position.
Dik further comments about the P1 position that “either Topic or
Focus, or both will often favour the initial position in the clause, if this is
available.” In Abau, the P1 position is always a topicalised constituent and
never belongs to the comment part of the sentence.
294
Dik clearly distinguishes between the pragmatic functions of TOPIC

and FOCUS, and comments that they can be only assigned to the
constituents of the predication proper. (1980:16)
The topic presents the entity “about” which the
predication predicates something in the given setting.
The focus presents what is relatively the most important
or salient information in the given setting.
Alternatively, and much more simply applied to Abau: topic is the
given entity the sentence is about and comment is the new information
stated about the topic. The concepts above are very helpful, since the
majority of constituents are clearly marked for topic or comment function.
The P3 (tail) position also features extensively. Furthermore, there is a
clear tendency that all constituents containing background information are
placed to the left.
However, the formulaic distinction between P2 and the rest of the
predication is too rigid and too absolute. Constituents that could
potentially be analysed as setting the theme for the predication are indeed
left-located, but these constituents are heavily marked for the pragmatic
function of TOPIC. This contradicts Dik’s assumption that these THEME
constituents are unmarked.
In Abau there is, however, a very sharp separation between the topic
part and the comment part of the sentence. The topic part contains
constituents that are nearly all without exception topicalised by some
marker that hosts the topic marker -kwe. In contrast, none of the
constituents within the comment part of the sentence can be topicalised.
The topic part of the sentence often contains more than one constituent
and one could make further distinctions between them in how they relate
to the rest of the clause. However, a distinction between a P2 (Theme)
constituent as different from a topic-marked P1 constituent would seem to
be artificial. It does more justice to the language to focus on the clear
dichotomy between the topic part and the comment part of the sentence.
In later discussions further distinctions between the constituents of the
topic part will be made, but not with the goal to distinguish between a P2
theme constituent and a topic-marked P1 constituent. In the examples
below constituents are labelled P2 and P1. This distinction is made on the
following basis: the last topicalised constituent within the topic part of the
clause is labelled P1; all topicalised constituents preceding P1 are labelled
295
P2. The topicalised P1 also frequently displays syntactic or semantic

marking. And even when not syntactically marked as subject or object, P1
has agent or patient function within the predication. A P2 constituent is
placed in the beginning of the clause and is overtly marked. Its relation to
the rest of the sentence seems to be more than just “specifying the
universe of discourse.” For our purposes it is best to divide the Abau
sentence in TOPIC, COMMENT, TAIL. The topic part generally consists of
P1 and P2 constituents and the comment part consists of only non-
topicalised constituents. A predication nearly always consists of a topic
part and a comment part, although it is possible that the predication only
contains a comment part if the topic part is understood. The tail is not an
obligatory part of the predication. It mostly hosts only one constituent
which may occur with or without topic marking.
The Abau sentence can be divided into three parts: TOPIC, COMMENT,
TAIL asillustrated by Table 51.
This model includes the verbless clause where the topic part of the
predication is taken by topicalised constituents and the comment part is
taken by a non-topicalised constituent.
The topic constituents can be either NPs or clauses. Clauses in this
position are always marked by a topic marker or a subordinating
conjunction that takes the role of marking the subclause for topic. NPs in
this position are nearly always marked by a phrase final marker.
Exceptions to this rule are the temporal nouns pokon ‘today’ and peyr
‘firstly’ which can occur unmarked. (§8.3.1.2) Also, although rare,
unmarked NPs can occur in the topic part only set apart from the rest of
the predication by a pause. (§8.3.1.3 and also §3.11.2)
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TABLE 51: GENERAL ABAU SENTENCE STRUCTURE
Topic Comment Tail

Type of Background or New Modifying or
information: given information information clarifying
background
information
Position: Fronted beginning Follows the Follows the
of sentence last topicalised clause-final VP
constituent or the comment
constituent of a
verbless clause
Consists of: Constituents Non-topic- Either topic-
which are marked marked or non-
topicalised by phrases topic-marked
-kwe or by a includes the NPs
conjunction verb phrase
(more than 95%)
NPs marked by a
phrase final pause
Unmarked
temporals pokon
‘today’ and peyr
‘firstly’
8.3 The topic part of the sentence

Topicalised noun phrases, but also dependent clauses (§8.3.2), can
occur as constituents within the topic part of the sentence. The topicalised
noun phrases will be discussed first.
8.3.1 NPs with a noun as head
In Table 52, topicalised noun phrases are divided into seven
categories based on the NP final marking:
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TABLE 52: TOPICALISED NPS WITH A NOUN AS HEAD OF THE NP
Type of NP marking Phrase final marking for NPs

with a noun as head of the NP
M. S F.S PL
1 General topic pronoun hokwe kokwe mokwe

2 Demonstrative topic pronoun ohokwe okukwe omokwe
(proximal)
Demonstrative topic pronoun sohokwe sokukwe somokwe
(distal)
3 Topic marked subject pronoun hiykwe hokwe homkwe
4 Topic marked object pronoun se ke me
kokwe kokwe kokwe
5 Topic pronoun after postpositional PP PP PP
phrase (PP) kokwe kokwe kokwe
6 The temporal pokon ‘today future’ Zero marking
and peyr ‘firstly’ are zero marked
7 NPs with zero marking but Marked by distinctive pause
followed by a distinctive pause,
separating the NP from the rest of
the predication (§3.11)
The first five types of NPs are placed in a graded order for the degree
of background status. Noun phrases only marked for pragmatic role
(category 1 and 2) are likely to occur first within the topic slot of the
sentence. Topicalised noun phrases marked for syntactic or semantic case
(category 3, 4, and 5) will normally follow the NPs from the first two
categories. The last two categories mentioned (6 and 7) do no occur
frequently but are mentioned for the sake of completeness.
In general, the noun phrases in category 1 and 2 are higher in
background status than the noun phrases represented by category 3, 4 and
5. However, the decisive factor in determining the degree of background
status is not the marking but the position of the topicalised NP constituent
within the topic part of the sentence. The closer the constituent is near the
comment part of the sentence, the more it is removed from background
298
status. The last topic constituent of the topic part of the sentence is the
topicalised constituent that immediately precedes the comment part of the
sentence. This constituent is analysed as the P1 constituent in Dik’s
formula. In Abau, the P1 constituent is always topicalised, and so are all
the constituents preceding it, unless they are constituents belonging to
category 6 and 7. All constituents that precede this P1 constituent are
analysed as P2 constituents, although – as stated before – the Abau P2
seems to be too heavily marked to fit Dik’s definition of the P2 or Theme
constituent.
8.3.1.1 Category 1 to 5
As stated before, topicalised noun phrases marked for syntactic or
semantic case (category 3,4,5) normally follow NPs which are only
marked pragmatically (category 1 and 2).
In (2), the temporal NP, pokon kokwe, is only marked pragmatically
(category 1). It is followed by a NP that is both syntactically and
pragmatically marked (category 3). These two noun phrases together form
the topic slot of the sentence.
(2) P2(cat.1) P1(cat.3)
Pokon kokwe hano aio hiykwe
pokon ko-we han-o aio hiy-kwe
today GL.F-TOP 1S-GEN father 3S.M.SUB-TOP
Comment
yeyk kamon se meio ley.
yeyk kamon s-e meio ley
canoe one.CL2 3S.M-OBJ work go
‘As for today, my father is going to make a canoe.’
In (3), the expected order is observed: a topicalised NP only marked
pragmatically is placed before a NP marked pragmatically and
syntactically. The initial noun phrase is marked by the general masculine
topic marker, hokwe. The second NP is marked for subject and topic by
hiykwe.
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(3) P2(cat.1) P1(cat.3)

Wueir hokwe Maika hiykwe sawk
wueir ho-kwe Maika hiy-kwe sawk
garden GL.M-TOP Maika 3S.M.SUB-TOP CHD
Comment
yaprue meio.
yaprue meio
good work
‘As for the garden, Maika made it very well.’
It is possible for NPs from category 1 and 2 to follow NPs from
category 3, 4 and 5. In (4), the topic part of the sentence consists of 3
topicalised noun phrases. The first and the third one are only marked
pragmatically and belong to category 1. The second NP uwr prueyn hiykwe
‘a certain man’ is marked for both subject and topic and belongs to
category 3. The NP wueir hokwe ‘garden GL.M-TOP’ is the last topic-
marked constituent that precedes the comment part of the sentence. It
therefore takes the P1 position. It is important to note that the NP has
patient role, although it is not marked as an object NP. The patient role
gives the NP more prominence. It is the most important topic that the
speaker wants to make a comment about. The focus of the sentence is the
non-topicalised constituent that precedes the verb phrase, ki sapa-ar mon
‘in the real/deep forest area’.
(4) P2(cat.1) P2(cat.3)
Paraw kokwe uwr prueyn hiykwe
paraw ko-kwe uwr prueyn hiy-kwe
past GL.F-TOP man one 3S.M.SUB-TOP
P1(cat.1) Comment
wueir hokwe ki sapa-ar mon
wueir ho-kwe ki sapa-ar mon
garden GL.M-TOP ground forest-INTF LOC
meio kwawk sue.
meio kwawk sue
work put.inside hide
‘In the past, as for a certain man, concerning him, he made his
garden hidden away in the deep forest.’
Example (5) illustrates the same point. A NP that is marked
pragmatically and syntactically (hromo apaw-om homkwe) can precede a
300
NP that is only marked pragmatically (sowk-yia mokwe). Again, it is

important to note that the NP in the P1 slot has patient role.
(5) P2(cat.1) P2(cat.3)
Paraw paraw-ar kokwe hromo apaw-om
paraw paraw-ar ko-kwe hrom-o apaw-om
past past-INTF GL.F-TOP 1PL-GEN ancestor-group
P1(cat.1) Comment
homkwe sowk-yia mokwe mein non
hom-kwe sowk-yia mo-kwe mein non
2/3PL-TOP sago.jelly-fire GL.PL-TOP stone CMT
sian huwn a wayr.

sian huwn la lwayr
get.up rise eat stay
‘Long ago, as for our ancestors, they prepared the fire
(= cooked) sago jelly by boiling it with (the help of hot)
stones and (then) ate it.’
NPs from category 5 can also function as a P1 constituent as can be
seen in (6) and (7). The first NP in (6) is marked for location by the
postpositional marked mon.
(6) P1(cat.5) Comment
Yeyk mon kokwe sawk ha o, aio
yeyk mon ko-kwe sawk ha o aio
canoe LOC GL.F-TOP CHD 1S and father
o, hrorkwaw nonwak.
o hror-kwaw non-lwak
and 1DU-RSTR.SUB DU-be
‘As for (those) in the canoe, it was just I and my father who
sat there.’
In (7), a topicalised NP marked for subject (category 3) precedes a
topicalised postpositional noun phrase (category 5).
301
(7) P2(cat3) P1(cat.5) Comment

Hiykwe hehe nion kokwe ok
hiy-kwe hoh-e nion ko-kwe ok
3S.M-TOP 2/3DU-OBJ with GL.F-TOP talk
ma-non-ohruw-a pa.
ma-non-lohruwa pa
RPT-DU-talk NEG.PFTV
‘As for him, with the two of them, he did not talk to them
again.’
8.3.1.2 Category 6
In (8), the unmarked temporal peyr ‘firstly’ precedes a topicalised NP
and in (9), the unmarked temporal pokon ‘today’ precedes a topicalised
constituent. This is unusual, since all temporal noun phrases that occur in
the topic part of the clause are normally topicalised, e.g. see (11).
In (8), the unmarked temporal peyr ‘firstly’ precedes the topicalised
subject pronoun hromkwe ‘we’. The temporal is therefore part of the topic
and is analysed as a topicalised constituent in spite of the fact that it has
no surface marking.
(8) P2(clause with ankin) P2
Hromkwe how la e mon ankin, peyr
hrom-kwe how la e mon ankin peyr
1PL-TOP taro eat PURP do if/when firstly
P1 Comment
hromkwe ki-pay yaprue se lira
hrom-kwe ki-pay yaprue s-e lira
1PL.SUB-TOP ground-piece good 3S.M-OBJ see
pâwk.
pawk
search. IPFTV
‘When we want to eat taro, we will first look for a good piece
of land.’
In (9), pokon ‘today’ precedes the topical NP hromkwe ‘we’ which has
P1 position, and therefore the temporal constituent pokon is analysed as a
topicalised constituent, not by its marking but by its position. The speaker
might or might not pause after pokon.
302
(9) P2 P2 P1
Okpey ok okukwe pokon hromkwe
ok-pey ok o-ko-kwe pokon hrom-kwe
talk-part talk PDEM-GL.F-TOP today 1PL-TOP
Comment
uwr prueysyar so okpey ke
uwr prueysyar s-o ok-pey k-e
man two.CL1 3S.M-GEN talk-part 3S.F-OBJ
lonuayk ey.
lonuayk ey
hear INTN
‘As for this story, we are going to hear the story of two men
today.’
In (10), the unmarked temporal NP pokon ‘today’ precedes two
topicalised constituents: the NPs hunkwe ‘you’ and aiai somokwe ‘those
fish’.
(10) P2 P2 P1
Ara, pokon hunkwe aiai somokwe
ara pokon hwon-kwe aiai so-mo-kwe
ADDR.M today 2S-TOP fish DDEM-GL.PL-TOP
Comment
hnuaw nok nok, neyh.
hnuaw nok nok neyh
collect DUR SEQ wrap
‘Man, as for now, you should take those fish and then wrap
them up (in leaves).’
The NP pokon ‘today’ does not obligatorily occur without a noun
phrase final marker, as can be seen in (11) where pokon is followed and
marked by the general feminine topic pronoun kokwe.
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(11) P2 P1 Comment
Hakwe pokon kokwe kuey mo okpey
ha-kwe pokon ko-kwe kuey m-o ok-pey
1S-TOP today GL.F-TOP grubs PL-GEN talk-part
ke mesor ey.
k-e me-sor ey
3S.F-OBJ speak-count INTN
‘As for me, today I will pass on the story/information about
grubs.’
8.3.1.3 Category 7
A NP with zero-marking that precedes a topicalised NP is analysed as a
constituent with special topic status. For example, in (12), yeyk ‘canoe’ is
an unmarked NP which precedes a topicalised NP. It has patient role, but is
not marked as object, nor is it marked for topic. It is separated from the
main clause by a pause. It is therefore analysed as a part of the topic, but a
topic constituent with special status.
(12) Topic P1 Comment
Yeyk, hromkwe senkin lon.
yeyk hrom-kwe so-enkin lon
canoe 1PL-TOP DDEM-MAN do
‘As for canoes - we make them as follows.’
The example above is repeated in (13), but this time yeyk ‘canoe’ is
marked by a general topic marker. There is not a significant difference in
meaning. Example (13) displays the standard formation of a topic
followed by a comment. In (12), the absence of topic marking signals that
the topic itself is more than given information and has an element of
newness.
(13) P2 P1 Comment
Yeyk hokwe hromkwe senkin lon.
yeyk ho-kwe hrom-kwe so-enkin lon
canoe GL.M-TOP 1PL-TOP DDEM-MAN do
‘As for canoes, we make them as follows.’
See §3.11.2 for more discussion and examples.
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8.3.2 Subordinate clauses and relative clauses as topics

Subordinate clauses occur in a sentence initially with the rare
exception of a subordinate clause placed in tail position. Subordinate
clauses are marked by various clause-final conjunctions (e.g. menkin
‘when’, ankin ‘if’, nok ‘SEQ’ etc.) or marked by clause-final topic
pronouns. Temporal and locative subordinate clauses fall into this latter
category. These subordinate clauses are actually noun phrases with an
ellipted head and an embedded relative clause (see e.g. §6.6.3).
Subordinate clauses marked by clause-final conjunctions are discussed in
§9.5, but are mentioned here since they function as topicalised
constituents that occur sentence initial.
The subordinate clause functions as sentence topic. The main clause
always contains the comment part of the sentence. Subordinate clauses
differ from the main clause on the basis of the following criteria:
Intonational criteria:
Only main clauses have a sharp drop in pitch at their terminus.
Subordinate clauses preceding the main clause are marked by a mid-pitch
at their terminus and bracketed from the rest of the sentence by a pause.
Subordinate clauses that follow the main clause (i.e. in the P3 position)
are bracketed by an initial pause, and are also marked by a mid-pitch at
their terminus.
Grammatical criteria:
1. Main clauses terminate with a verb phrase (VP). Subordinate
clauses terminate with either a NP topic marker (e.g. hokwe) or a
clause marker (e.g. ankin ‘if’, menkin ‘when’).
2. In main clauses, the subject or object NP can be marked by the
topic marker -kwe. In subordinate clauses the topic marker -kwe
can only occur at the terminus. Any subject or object within the
subordinate clause cannot be topic-marked.
Two subordinate clauses are displayed in (14). The initial temporal
constituent (containing an embedded clause signalled by the relative
clause marker ma) is marked by the masculine topic pronoun hokwe that
agrees in gender and number with the ellipted head enekwei ‘time’. This
temporal constituent is followed by a second temporal constituent which
is marked by the clause marker menkin ‘when’. The internal subjects
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within both clauses (hiy and hom) are obligatorily not topic-marked by
-kwe. The subject hiykwe ‘3S.M.TOP’ is topic-marked, because it is part of
the main clause. It takes the P1 position since it precedes the comment
part of the predication.
(14) P2(NP with embedded clause)
Kupe hiy ma ley pie hokwe,
Kupe hiy ma ley pie ho-kwe
Kupe 3S.M.SUB RCM go firstly GL.M-TOP
P2(subordinate clause)
polis hom hye ihey mo
polis hom hiy-e ihey m-o
police 2/3PL.SUB 3S.M-OBJ white.skin PL-GEN
P1 Comment
aiai kow a menkin, hiykwe wouk
aiai kow la menkin hiy-kwe wouk
food BEN eat when 3S.M.SUB-TOP vomit
nak-e nonsay.
nak-le non-say
ACC-come pour-move.with.force
‘As for the time Kupe went away for the first time, when the
police gave him some white men’s food, he vomited.’
In (15), the second P2 constituent is an embedded clause which is
signalled by the relative clause marker ma. The embedded clause modifies
the deleted head enekwei ‘time’. The P2 constituents are marked by the
topic marker hokwe which agrees in gender and number with the ellipted
head. In these relatavised constructions no other internal topic markers are
allowed other than the constituent-final one. The noun phrase Sanow o,
nayih o, is only marked by hoh ‘2DU.SUB’ without the topic marker -kwe.
The sentence initial NP paraw-ar kokwe ‘long ago’ is analysed as a
separate P2 constituent containing background information.
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(15) P2 P2(NP with relative clause)

Paraw-ar kokwe, Sanow o, nay-ih
paraw-ar ko-kwe Sanow o nay-ih
past-INTF GL.F-TOP Sanow and younger.sibling-KIN
P2
o, hoh paswaw ma lwak hokwe, hohkwe
o hoh paswaw ma lwak ho-kwe hoh-kwe
and 2/3DU small RCM be GL.M-TOP 2/3DU-TOP
P1 Comment
a hokwe mnuw kamon mon meio wayr.
a ho-kwe mnuw kamon mon meio lwayr
house GL.M-TOP mountain one LOC work stay
‘Long ago, when Sanow and his younger brother were small,
as for the two of them, they built a house in the mountains.’
8.3.3 NPs with a personal pronoun as head
NPs that have a personal pronoun as head differ slightly from NPs that
have a noun as head. A topicalised NP with a noun as head of the NP can
be marked for both subject and topic or only for topic. A topicalised NP
with a personal pronoun as head of the NP has only the option to be
marked for the combination of subject and topic, but cannot be marked for
topic only. (See also §6.5.2)
NPs with a noun as head of the noun phrase can be marked in three
different ways, as Table 53 illustrates, using the noun uwr ‘man’. NPs with
a personal pronoun as head of the noun phrase can be marked in only two
different ways.
TABLE 53: SYNTACTIC MARKING AND TOPIC-MARKING ON PERSONAL PRONOUNS
Type of NP Subject Subject and Topic Topic

Head of NP is noun uwr hiy uwr hiykwe uwr hokwe
man 3S.SUB man 3S.SUB.TOP man 3S.TOP
Head of NP is hiy hiykwe *
personal pronoun 3S.SUB 3S.TOP
Topicalised NPs that have a subject personal pronoun as head will

always be given agent function within the sentence. However, a number
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of examples have been observed in which the same personal pronoun

occurs twice within the sentence. It seems that the first occurrence of the
personal pronoun focuses on the topic function of the referred-to
participant, while the second occurrence of the same personal pronoun
focuses on the subject function of the referred-to participant.
In (16), the noun phrase hunkwe occurs twice. The first hunkwe occurs
before the topicalised noun phrase marked by mokwe. Although its
marking already sets the NP apart for agent function, it still seems that the
topic status rather than the agent function of the personal pronoun is in
focus. It is therefore marked as a P2 constituent. The second hunkwe is the
last topicalised constituent before the comment part of the sentence and is
therefore analysed as a P1 constituent. Its subject function is central here.
(16) P2 P2
Hai, hunkwe hano i-mawk mokwe,
hai hwon-kwe han-o i-mawk mo-kwe
O.K. 2S-TOP 1S-GEN bone-head GL.PL-TOP
P1=S
hunkwe liy le ira o?
hwon-kwe liy le lira o
2S.SUB-TOP DYN come see Q.SP.IPFTV
‘As for my skull, can you come and check it?’ (Lit. ‘As for
you, as for my skull, can you come and check it?’)
In (17), the NP preceding the temporal relative clause, hiykwe ‘he’ is
topic-marked, and is therefore a separate sentential constituent in the P2
position. The relative clause skul me ma lanio ira hokwe is also a P2
sentential constituent. The second hiykwe is a P1 constituent with subject
function within the main clause.
(17) P2 P2
Hiykwe skul me ma lanio ira hokwe,
hiy-kwe skul m-e ma lanio lira ho-kwe
3S.M-TOP school PL-OBJ RCM walk see GL.M-TOP
P1=S Comment
hiykwe ihey mo youk non
hiy-kwe ihey m-o youk non
3S.M.SUB-TOP white.man PL-GEN paddle CMT
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nak-hiok-keyn ira.
nak-hiok-keyn lira
ACC-paddle-in.the.water see
‘When he was going around visiting the schools, he did the
visiting with an outboard motor (lit. white man’s paddle).’
In (18), the first hiykwe ‘3S.M-TOP’ occurs as a P2 constituent. It is
followed by a NP modified by a relative clause marked by sokukwe. The
second hiykwe ‘3S.M-TOP’ is a P1 constituent with clear subject function.
(18) P2 P2
Hiykwe sawk sah-nawp hok hyo owh
hiy-kwe sawk sah-nawp hok hiy-o owh
3S.M-TOP CHD wife-old 3S.F.SUB 3S.M-GEN body
P1=S
mon ma ar-nuw-sawan sokukwe, hiykwe
mon ma ar-nuw-sawan so-ko-kwe hiy-kwe
LOC RCM DIR:up-INT-hang DDEM-GL.F-TOP 3S.M-TOP
sawk preiryay hakan.
sawk preiryay hakan
CHD startled flee
(Context: a frightened wife falls on her husband in the middle
of the night) ‘As for him, in regard to his wife hanging on to
his body, he got startled and fled.’
8.4 The comment part of the sentence

The comment component of the sentence is marked by the obligatory
absence of the topic marker -kwe. The comment part is preceded by the
topic part of the sentence. The break between the topic component and the
comment component of the sentence is in nearly all cases marked by the
last constituent of the topic slot that hosts the constituent-final topic
marker -kwe.
Nearly all sentences occur with a topic and a comment part, but only
the latter is obligatory, as can be seen in (19). The example is taken from a
story in which a group of people cut trees in the forest until disaster hits.
Neither object NP nor the subject NP are topicalised; both belong to the
comment part of the sentence. It is very unusual to have a non-topicalised
NP object in a clause with OSV order. It is generally regarded as incorrect
grammar (see §6.5.1) but might be permitted here because it forms the
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climax of the story. The speaker treats both noun phrases as new
information, and no topic markers are used.
(19) OBJ SUB VP
Sawk uwr prueyn se now hiy yay
sawk uwr prueyn s-e now hiy lyay
CHD man one 3S.M-OBJ tree 3S.M place.down
kane kawk.
kane kawk
break.off put
‘A tree came down on a certain man, breaking (his back).’
The following table shows the various parts of the comment part of
the predication.
TABLE 54: CONSTITUENTS IN THE COMMENT PART OF THE PREDICATION
Constituents Abbr. Examples

Obligatory in single modifier Comment (20)
verbless predication or NP comment (21)
Obligatory in verbal verb phrase VP (22)
predication
Optional in verbless subject NP SUB (19)
predication
object NP object OBJ (23)
incorporated noun Incor.N (24)
preceding VP
adverbial phrase ADVP (25)
modal marker Modal (26)
preceding VP
postpositional PP (27) (28)
phrase (PP) (29)
In the examples below the comment part of each sentence is bolded.

The different constituents making up the comment part are labelled
separately. The various constituents making up the topic part are labelled
as well.
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In (20), the topic slot is filled with two constituents, hakwe ‘1S.TOP’
and huok mokwe ‘pigs.GL.PL.TOP’. The comment slot is filled by the
modifier phrase kamon-aw ‘one-RSTR’.
(20) P2 P1 Comment:Numeral
Hakwe huok mokwe, kamon-aw.
ha-kwe huok mo-kwe kamon-aw
1S-TOP pig GL.PL-TOP one.CL2-RSTR
‘As for me, regarding pigs, (I) have only one.’
One can delete the topic marker mokwe. As a result the topic part of
the sentence is only filled by one constituent, hakwe ‘I’, and the comment
part is filled by the NP comment huok kamon-aw ‘pig one-RSTR’.
(21) P1 Comment:NP
Hakwe huok kamon-aw.
ha-kwe huok kamon-aw
1S-TOP pig one.CL2-RSTR
‘As for me, I have only one pig.’
In (22), the comment part only contains the verb phrase. It is
relatively rare to only have the verb phrase fill the comment component of
the predication.
(22) P1 Comment:VP
sawk Ari hiykwe me-puar
sawk Ari hiy-kwe me-puar
CHD Ari 3S.SUB-TOP speak-refuse
‘but Ari refused’
In (23), a temporal NP and the subject NP are topicalised. The
comment part consists of a NP object and the verb phrase.
(23) P2 P1 Comment:OBJ
Onkioh kokwe hakwe hno
onkioh ko-kwe ha-kwe hwon-o
yesterday GL.F-TOP 1S-TOP 2S-GEN
+ VP
aio se lira.
aio s-e lira
father 3S.M-OBJ see
‘Yesterday, I saw your father.’
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In (24), both the NP subject and the NP object are topicalised. The
comment part consists of the incorporated noun hekweyr ‘laughter’ and
the verb phrase.
(24) P2 P1
Wo, uwr har homkwe sawk hye
wo uwr har hom-kwe sawk hiy-e
EXCL man some 2/3PL-TOP CHD 3S.M-OBJ
Comment:Incor.N+VP
kokwe hekweyr nuw-kweyr kow.
ko-kwe hekweyr nuw-kweyr kow
GL.F-TOP laughter INT-laugh BEN
‘Well, some people, they really laughed at him.’
In (25), the comment component consists of the adverbial phrase
yaprue ‘well’ and the verb phrase.
(25) P2 P1 Comment:ADVP+VP
Yeyk hokwe, hakwe yaprue meio lowpway.
yeyk ho-kwe ha-kwe yaprue meio lowpway
canoe GL.M-TOP 1S-TOP well work completely
‘As for the canoe, I made it well.’
The comment part of a sentence can be just the verb phrase, often
modified by a modal marker. In (26), the comment part consists of the
dynamic modal marker liy and the verb phrase it modifies.
(26) P2
Sawk howniy aiopey hay kamon lousne ankin,
sawk howniy aiopey hay kamon lousne ankin
CHD wind big very one appear if/when
P2 P1
hno a sohokwe howniy hokwe
hwon-o a so-ho-kwe howniy hok-kwe
2S-GEN house DDEM-GL.M-TOP wind 3S.F.SUB-TOP
Comment:Modal+VP
liy lway kros say kow.
liy lway kros say kow
DYN blow break move.PL BEN
‘If a big wind would come, as for your house the wind would
be able to blow it down destroying it.’
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In (27) and (28), the comment part is filled by a postpositional noun

phrase followed by the verb phrase.
(27) P1 Comment:PP
Hyo kasaw hokwe sawk inan-pi
hiy-o kasaw ho-kwe sawk inan-pi
3S.M-GEN nose GL.M-TOP CHD sago-sharp.edge
+ VP
se hieyn-aw nuw-ira.
s-e hieyn-aw nuw-lira
3S.M-OBJ like-RSTR INT-see
‘As for his nose, it looked as sharp as the edge of a sago
needle.’
(28) P2 P1 Comment:PP
Mu-ohi hokwe Kupe hiykwe kampani
mu-ohi ho-kwe Kupe hiy-kwe kampani
crocodile-skin GL.M-TOP Kupe 3S.M-TOP company
+ VP
mo mon nakey.
m-o mon nak-ley
PL-GEN LOC ACC-go
‘As for the crocodile skin, Kupe took it to a company.’
(29) P1 Comment:PP +
Kie hiykwe howk ouon ko se
kie hiy-kwe howk ouon ko s-e
lizard 3S.M-TOP lake under ABL 3S.M-OBJ
VP
leirsow heyh.
leirsow heyh
come.to.surface swim
‘The lizard came from the depths of the lake to the surface.’
8.5 Tail position

A NP marked for object and topic-marked by -kwe can also be placed
in tail position or P3 position, intonationally cut off from the preceding
predicate and separated by a pause. Tails are also referred to as
afterthoughts or right-dislocated elements. According to Dik (1981:152-
54) the P3 slot is not meant for new information or information totally
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independent of the predication, but rather information that supplements or

modifies the predication.
Givón (1987:182) suggests that P3 constituents only take the previous
clause in their scope, perhaps elaborating on what has already been said in
the clause. This is true in Abau, where the tail is always interpreted
anaphorically, i.e. it contains old information. The speaker is unlikely to
place a new referent in tail position to which the listener had no access
through previous reference or simple deduction.
The verb phrase is typically the last constituent of a sentence or
clause, unless a nominal constituent is placed in tail position. The final
intonation over the verb phrase is not affected by the P3 constituent
following. A short pause sets the two clearly apart. The P3 position is
normally filled by a noun phrase, ex. (30) and (31) or NPs with an
embedded modifying clause (ex. §8.5.1).
Right-dislocated noun phrases are marked in one of the following
three ways:
a. only marked pragmatically (30).
b. marked pragmatically and also for syntactic or semantic case (31).
c. marked grammatically and not pragmatically (32).
In (30), the speaker wants to ascertain that the listeners know what
participant has agent role, so the NP huok sohokwe ‘this pig’ is placed in
tail position, separated from the rest of the sentence by a pause. The NP
has agent role within the sentence but is only marked with the
demonstrative topic marker.
(30) P3
Sa hye lopri a kuayk, huok
sa hiy-e lopri la kuayk huok
then/and 3S.M-OBJ take.PL eat fall pig
sohokwe.
so-ho-kwe
DDEM-GL.M-TOP
‘And (the pig) grabbed and bit him, causing him to fall, that
pig.’
Example (31) is taken from a story about two birds. The listener
expects both participants to play a role within the story line. The activity
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of one of the two birds is mentioned. The speaker decides to refer to the
other participant as well and utilises the tail position. The NP in P3
position is topicalised and marked with a post-positional marker
indicating accompaniment.
(31) Mowr hiykwe sawk aw sehe lono,
mowr hiy-kwe sawk aw so-h-e lono
hornbill 3S.M-TOP CHD fight DDEM-3S.M-OBJ fight
P3
korwompow se nion kokwe.
korwompow s-e nion ko-kwe
k.o.bird 3S.M-OBJ ACC GL.F-TOP
‘So the hornbill fought with the korwompow bird.’
In (32), the NP in tail position does not host a topic marker, it is only
syntactically marked with the object marker me.
(32) Hiykwe omeme poya poya seme
hiy-kwe omeme poya poya so-m-e
3S.M-TOP things various various DDEM-PL-OBJ
P3
lowndiy kow lowpway, uwrsa serey
lowndiy kow lowpway uwr-sa so-rey
share BEN completely man-woman DDEM-there
kuko me.
kuko m-e
from.there PL-OBJ
‘He shared out all his various belongings, to the people from
there.’
NPsare placed in tail positions for pragmatic reasons. One can always
delete a NP in tail position with no damage to the grammatical correctness
of the sentence. However, the deletion might affect the clarity of the
communication. Some reasons for including a tail constituent:
1. To correct potential lack of information. The speaker fears that
the communication was incomplete or unclear and wants to
ensure that the listener can keep track of the identity and/or roles
of the various referents (30);
2. Avoid diverting information. An attempt is made to keep related
information together, and so additional, potentially interfering,
information is placed in tail position (34).
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In (30) above, the tail position is used for a participant that has been
introduced already and can be deduced from the context. The speaker
nevertheless adds the participant in the tail of the predication to rule out
any confusion.
Example (33) illustrates a similar point. One can delete the tail
without causing the sentence to be grammatically incorrect. The semantic
domain of the verb lwawk ‘step into’ anticipates an object that has sides.
This verb is frequently used with the noun yeyk ‘canoe’. In spite of the
fact that the listener can be expected to supply the location yeyk ‘canoe’,
the speaker still adds the information to rule out confusion.
(33) Sawk nyo-ar hiy lwawk pa, sa
sawk nyo-ar hiy lwawk pa sa
CHD lad-INTF 3S.M step.into NEG.PFTV then/and
P3
poup hiy lwawk, yeyk sohokwe.
poup hiy lwawk yeyk so-ho-kwe
spirit 3S.M step.into canoe DDEM-GL.M-TOP
‘The real (= human) lad did not step in, but the spirit did - in
regard to that canoe.’
In (34), a temporal NP occurs in the tail position. It is different from
example (33), where the information in the tail completes the thought
expressed in the main clause. In (34), the tail contains additional
information. Its absence would not lead to miscommunication, since the
main information preceding the P3 constituent is complete in itself. By
placing the additional information in the tail, the speaker keeps the central
information in the main clause concise and together.
(34) P2 P1 Comment
Hakwe hnekwe skul mon hiy-ey
ha-kwe hwon-e-kwe skul mon hiy-ley
1S-TOP 2S-OBJ-TOP school LOC CAUS-go
P3
ey, pokon-enekwei hokwe.
ey pokon-enekwei ho-kwe
INTN today-time GL.M-TOP
‘I will bring you to school, today.’
It is relatively rare for the tail position not to be topicalised. The
pragmatic topic marker consigns background status to the topicalised
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constituent. If the tail occurs without a topic marker, the status of the
constituent changes and it starts to have the capacity to mark new
information. Compare the following two examples:
Example (35) is part of a dialogue between two sisters. The tail could
have been deleted, as the listener only needed to keep track of two
participants.
(35) Pway-ih hokwe sawk ok piap ok
pway-ih hok-kwe sawk ok piap ok
older.sister-KIN 3S.F-TOP CHD talk bad talk
P3
sokwe nak-me, nay-ih
so-k-e nak-me nay-ih
DDEM-3S.F-OBJ ACC-speak younger.sibling-KIN
ke kokwe.
k-e ko-kwe
3S.F-OBJ GL.F-TOP
‘(Consequently) the older sister spoke bad words, to her
younger sister.’
In (36), the NP in tail position is not topic-marked and should
therefore not be treated as background information. Without the
information expressed in the tail, the listener could not have deduced with
certainty the identity of the recipient that kow ‘benefactive’ anticipated.
(36) Hiykwe hyo swawruh se
hiy-kwe hiy-o swawr-ih s-e
3S.M-TOP 3S.M-GEN brother.in.law-KIN 3S.M-OBJ
mesopok, hyo huok kreysyar ke
me-sopok hiy-o huok kreys-ar k-e
speak-ask 3S.M-GEN pig two.CL2-INTF 3S.F-OBJ
P3
me kow e, hye.
me kow e hiy-e
speak BEN OBJ 3S.M-OBJ
‘He asked his brother-in-law to give his two pigs, to him.’
8.5.1 Clauses in tail position
Although rare, a subordinate clause can be placed in tail position.
These clauses contain given information or information that can be easily
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accessed by deduction. These clauses can be deleted without affecting the

grammatical correctness or intonation of the main clause.
The following two examples have been taken from the story “The two
brothers” (§11.1.1). In (37), a subordinate clause with ankin is placed in
tail position. As the context of the story is the shooting of over-flying
birds, the contents of the clause in P3 position can be deduced by the
listener.
(37) Ara pokon yaprue non-aw hin e,
ara pokon yaprue non-aw hin e
ADDR.M today good CMT-RSTR shoot OBJ.IMP
P3
ahney sian ne ankin.
ahney sian ne ankin
bird get.up SUB>OBJ if/when
‘Man, you should only shoot your very best, when a bird flies
near.’
A noun phrase that contains a relative clause can also occur in tail
position. In (38), the relative clause (bolded) modifies the head of the
noun phrase now ‘tree’.
(38) Hom wueir se lousne menkin,
hom wueir s-e lousne menkin
2/3PL garden 3S.M-OBJ appear when
nay-ih hiy sa oryay-ih
nay-ih hiy sa oryay-ih
younger.sibling-KIN 3S.M then/and older.brother-KIN
P3
se sehe mesair kow, now aiopey
s-e so-h-e mesair kow now aiopey
3S.M-OBJ DDEM-3S.M-OBJ show BEN tree big
wueir ompok mon ma lorok se.
wueir ompok mon ma lorok s-e
garden middle LOC RCM stand 3S.M-OBJ
‘When they arrived in the garden, the younger brother
consequently showed the older brother - the large tree
standing in the middle of the garden.’
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Examples (37) and (39) are taken from the same story about two bird
hunters. In (39), the NP in tail position ahney senkin senkin ‘all kinds of
birds’ is modified by the bolded relative clause. The P3 constituent (as all
P3 constituents) can be deleted without loss of grammatical correctness.
The object noun phrase in the P3 slot is not present in the main clause.
However, the referent ahney ‘birds’ is signalled in the main clause by
huon ‘OBJ moves to SUB’. The listener can deduce the arrival of the birds
from the context, but the added tail constituent completes the information
and rules out ambiguity.
(39) Hoh non-ie yawriy iwak liok menkin, sa
hoh non-lie lyawriy liwak liok menkin sa
2DU DU-climb enter sit in.vain when then/and
P3
mei-aw ka-ira huon, ahney senkin
mei-aw ka-lira huon ahney so-enkin
long-RSTR DIR:side-see OBJ>SUB bird DDEM-MAN
senkin hom lon-sian on-sian ne me.
so-enkin hom lon-sian lon-sian ne m-e
DDEM-MAN 2/3PL do-get.up do.get.up SUB>OBJ PL-OBJ
‘When they had hardly climbed up and had entered and sat (in
their shelter), they saw (them) from far away, all kinds of
birds flying and coming towards them.’
8.5.2 Tail constituents in clauses with transitive verbs
Instead of occurring as clauses embedded in the main clause, cause
and reason clauses are often extraposed from the main clause to P3, the
tail position in the sentence.
These cause and reason constructions are primarily encoded by
clauses that look like headless relative clauses (see §6.6.3). The tail
constituents are terminated by a demonstrative marked for either subject
or object. A subject demonstrative in final P3 position indicates cause, an
object demonstrative indicates reason. Both reason and cause P3
constructions are preceded by an adverbial causal demonstrative in the
main clause.
These reason and cause clauses in the tail position have the following
features:
319
a. The normal relative clause features: no internal topic marking on

any of the constituents; the use of the relativiser ma preceding the
verb phrase.
b. Tail final marking consists of a demonstrative marker that is
either marked for subject (cause) or object (reason).
c. The tail construction makes the goal or cause explicit that the
adverbial causal demonstrative (§4.4.3) in the main clause already
referred to.
In (40), the P3-final demonstrative marker sokwe signals object and
therefore the tail functions as a reason clause. The main clause contains the
adverbial causal demonstrative sokwe which expresses a causal relationship
between this main clause and what went before in the previous sentence, or
wider previous context. By adding the optional P3 constituent, the speaker
makes the reason for the laughter explicit.
(40) Man hokwe sawk mowkwar ke
man ho-kwe sawk mowkwar k-e
crayfish GL.M-TOP CHD turtle 3S.F-OBJ
P3
sokwe nuw-kweyr kow, hok piaparaw
so-k-e nuw-kweyr kow hok piaparaw
DDEM-3S.F-OBJ INT-laugh BEN 3S.F.SUB bad
ma nokriy keyn sokwe.
ma nokriy keyn so-k-e
RCM roll in.the.water DDEM-3S.F-OBJ
‘So the crayfish laughed at the turtle, because she had rolled
into the water.’
The only difference between (40) and (41) is the final marking on the
P3 constituent. In (41), the clause-final demonstrative sohok signals
subject, and therefore the tail functions as a causal clause. The difference
is reflected in the alternative translation of these two examples. Like in
(40), the tail position is only added to avoid ambiguity, not to give totally
new information.
320
(41) Man hokwe sawk mowkwar ke

man ho-kwe sawk mowkwar k-e
crayfish GL.M-TOP CHD turtle 3S.F-OBJ
P3
sokwe nuw-kweyr kow, hok piaparaw
so-k-e nuw-kweyr kow hok piaparaw
DDEM-3S.F-OBJ INT-laugh BEN 3S.F.SUB bad
ma nokriy keyn sohok.
ma nokriy keyn so-hok
RCM roll in.the.water DDEM-3S.F.SUB
‘So the crayfish laughed at the turtle, because she rolled into
the water.’
An alternative free translation can be given for (41) that expresses the
agent role of the tail constituent: ‘The fact that (the turtle) rolled into the
water caused the crayfish to laugh at the turtle.’
In (42), the sentence-final sohiy marks the tail as subject. The tail
therefore has agent function and expresses cause. The tail makes the
causal relationship explicit that the adverbial causal demonstrative marker
sehe in the main clause already referred to. The tail-final masculine
subject marking sohiy ‘DDEM-3S.M.SUB’ agrees in gender and number
with the masculine subject of the tail hiy ‘3S.M.SUB’. The tail contains a
bolded complement clause marked by the object marker e (for similar
constructions see e.g. §6.6.4 and §9.4.1).
(42) Hokwe uwr-uh se kasaw
hok-kwe uwr-ih s-e kasaw
3S.F.SUB-TOP man-KIN 3S.M-OBJ nose
P3
sehe lon hohuaw, hiy sa
so-h-e lon hohuaw hiy sa
DDEM-3S.M-OBJ do angry 3S.M.SUB woman
321
prueyn ma-nak-huon e ma
prueyn ma-nak-huon e ma
one.CL1 RPT-ACC-marry PURP RCM
mon sohiy.
mon so-hiy
do/want DDEM-3S.M.SUB
‘The woman was consequently really angry with her husband
for the fact that he wanted to marry another woman.’
An alternative free translation can be given for (42) that expresses the
agent function of the tail constituent: ‘(The fact) that he wanted to marry
another woman made her really angry with her husband.’
In (43), the clause-final sohok marks the tail as subject. The tail has
therefore agent function and expresses cause. The tail makes the causal
relationship explicit that was referred to by the adverbial causal
demonstrative seme in the main clause. The tail final feminine subject
marker sohok agrees in gender and number with the feminine subject of
the tail hmo prueyn hok ‘one (F) of them’.
(43) Enkin hokwe peirsiow homkwe eheyr
enkin ho-kwe peirsiow hom-kwe eheyr
MAN GL.M-TOP frog 2/3PL-TOP crying
ipey-ar seme lyuk wayr wayr,
ipey-ar so-m-e lyuk lwayr lwayr
important-INTF DDEM-PL-OBJ cry stay stay
P3
hmo prueyn hok howk-hu yia non mon
hom-o prueyn hok howk-hu yia non mon
2/3PL-GEN one.CL1 3S.F.SUB lake-water fire CMT LOC
ma lorswakeyn okrue wakeyn sohok.
ma lorswakeyn lokrue lwakeyn so-hok
RCM jump.into.water die croak DDEM-3S.F.SUB
‘These days the frogs continually cry very loudly because one
of them jumped into the boiling lake water and died
croaking.’
8.5.3 Tail constituents in intransitive clauses
It was demonstrated in §6.7 that an Object NP in a clause that has a VP
filled by a motion verb functions as purpose constituent. Similarly, a
322
constituent that is marked for object indicates purpose, if the main clause
has a verb phrase filled by a motion verb. In (44), the constituent in tail
position is a NP with an embedded clause (bolded) that modifies the
masculine head om-huok. The NP final sehe agrees with the head of the NP
in gender and number.
(44) Uwr homkwe yerki kamon mon ley. Sa
uwr hom-kwe yerki kamon mon ley sa
man 2/3PL-TOP road one.CL2 LOC go woman
P3
homkwe umon mon ley, om-huok ma lira
hom-kwe umon mon ley om-huok ma lira
2/3PL-TOP one.CL6 LOC go village.pig RCM see
me pawk sehe.
me pawk so-h-e
speak search DDEM-3S.M-OBJ
‘The men went one way. The women went the other way for
the purpose of (the activity of) looking for the village pig.’
8.5.4 Contents or manner clauses in tail position
Apart from reason, cause and purpose, contents or manner can also be
expressed by a subordinate clause with the assistance of the manner
adverb senkin.
A main clause with the manner adverb senkin expresses the concept of
manner or contents. Additional information about the manner or contents
can be given by an optional constituent in tail position. The tail position
can be formed in three possible ways:
a. a relative clause with a deleted head, followed by a final senkin;
b. a relative clause with a deleted head, followed by a final senkin
plus the same verb repeated that occurred in the main clause;
c. a relative clause with a deleted head.
The most common form is to simply mark the clause with senkin,
which corresponds with the adverbial senkin in the main clause, as is
demonstrated in (45).
323
(45) Seseyn, nay-ih hiykwe

seseyn nay-ih hiy-kwe
accordingly younger.sibling-KIN 3S.M.SUB-TOP
senkin lon,
so-enkin lon
DDEM-MAN do
P3
oryay-ih hiy ma me sor-a-sor
older.brother-KIN 3S.M.SUB RCM speak tell-DUP-tell
kow senkin.
kow so-enkin
BEN DDEM-MAN
‘All right, the younger brother did as the older brother had
instructed him.’
Below, two more options are given for the formation of the tail
constituent. The first alternative is the adverbial senkin in tail position
followed by the verb of the main clause, in this case: senkin lon. Or lastly,
the tail constituent can occur without the adverbial senkin or any
additional verb. Both clauses have the same translation.
… oryay-ih hiy ma me sor-a-sor
old.brother-KIN 3S.M.SUB RCM speak tell-DUP-tell
kow, senkin lon.
kow so-enkin lon
BEN DDEM-MAN do
… oryay-ih hiy ma me sor-a-sor
old.brother-KIN 3s.m.Sub RCM speak tell-DUP-tell
kow.
kow
BEN
‘All right, the younger brother did as the older brother had
instructed him.’
In (46), the tail constituent expresses manner and is marked by senkin
which corresponds with senkin in the main clause.
324
(46) Hiykwe hyo wueir se senkin

Hiy-kwe hiy-o wueir se so-enkin
3S.M.SUB-TOP 3S.GEN garden M.OBJ DDEM-MAN
saro, hiy paraw kam so
saro, hiy paraw kam so
plant 3S.M in.the.past maternal.uncle M.S-GEN
yier mon ma lira senkin.
yier mon ma lira so-enkin
place LOC RCM see DDEM-MAN
‘He planted his garden (like this) the way he had seen in his
uncle’s village.’
8.6 Decreasing or increasing the prominence of

sentence constituents
Predications, nearly without exception, contain a topic and a comment
component. The speaker makes choices in what he marks as topic or
comment. The outcome of these choices determines the prominence of the
various sentence constituents. There are various ways to raise or lower the
prominence of the constituents.
The most common order within Abau is SOV, but this order can
easily be changed to OSV. The syntactic role of NPs is not determined by
their place within the sentence but by their NP marking. As stated before,
nearly all NPs are marked syntactically and/or pragmatically. A large
percentage of NPs is marked for either subject or object, and the speaker
might make use of SOV or OSV order depending on the prominence he
wants to assign to the NPs (see §8.6.1). NPs which are not marked for
subject or object are very often topicalised by general topic markers
(§3.6). In spite of this lack of syntactic marking, these NPs can still have
patient or agent function, which is mostly determined by the context.
Their marking, or lack of marking, also determines how NPs are given
more or less prominence (see §8.6.2).
8.6.1 Changing prominence of subject
Normal order within Abau is SOV, but based on prominence choices
a speaker can change this order. In (47), the order is changed to OSV. The
object NP Keno se kokwe is obligatorily topicalised, because it has been
left-located and is therefore placed in the topic part of the sentence (see
325
§8.3). The topicalised object precedes the non-topicalised subject ur hiy

‘vine 3S.SUB’, and as a result the subject is part of the comment part of the
sentence (see §8.4). The subject NP becomes the most prominent NP at the
expense of the object NP, which would have been the most prominent
constituent in an SOV clause.
(47) Keno se kokwe, ur hiy
lway-a-lway kuayk nayr
wrap-DUP-wrap fall night
‘In regard to Keno, (it was) a vine (that) wrapped around him
causing him to fall.’
In the example above the subject was given more prominence. It is
also possible to suppress the subject. A subject has to be expressed when
the object is not topicalised, but one can omit the subject if the object NP
is topicalised by -kwe. In examples (48) and (49) respectively, hmekwe
‘3PL.OBJ.TOP’ and hye kokwe ‘3S.M.OBJ.TOP’ are understood to undergo
the events encoded in the respective VPs. This construction is widely used
when there is no need or no desire to express the agent of the predication.
(48) Hmekwe iha nonaw liy nekie way.
hom-e-kwe iha non-aw liy nekie lway
2/3PL-OBJ-TOP hand CMT-RSTR DYN hold carry
‘They can be picked up by hand.’
In (49), no subject is expressed.
(49) Hye kokwe yeyn iha sirom senkin
hiy-e ko-kwe yeyn iha sirom so-enkin
3S.M-OBJ GL.F-TOP moon hand one.CL4 DDEM-MAN
hiy-mon sor-a-sor wayr.
hiy-mon sor-a-sor lwayr
CAUS-do tell-DUP-tell stay
‘He was taught for five months.’
A subject can be inserted in the examples above without changing the
form or order of the other constituents, e.g. example (48) is rewritten with
an inserted subject hromkwe ‘we’ in (50).
326
(50) Hmekwe hromkwe iha nonaw liy

hom-e-kwe hrom-kwe iha non-aw liy
2/3PL-OBJ-TOP 1PL.SUB-TOP hand CMT-RSTR DYN
nekie way.
nekie lway
hold carry
‘We can pick them up by hand.’
When the object NP is no longer topicalised, a subject needs to be
expressed in order to create a grammatically correct sentence. In (51), a
subject (filled by hakwe ‘1S.SUB’) is required since the NP object hye
‘3S.M’ is not topic-marked.
(51) Hakwe hye yeyn iha sirom senkin
ha-kwe hiy-e yeyn iha sirom so-enkin
1S.SUB-TOP 3S.M-OBJ moon hand one.CL4 DDEM-MAN
hiy-mon sor-a-sor wayr.
hiy-mon sor-a-sor lwayr
CAUS-do tell-DUP-tell stay
‘I taught him for five months.’
In (52), the non-topic-marked object hme requires a subject, which is
supplied by homkwe ‘2/3PL-TOP’.
(52) Homkwe hme iha nonaw liy nekie way.
hom-kwe hom-e iha non-aw liy nekie lway
2/3PL-TOP 2/3PL-OBJ hand CMT-RSTR DYN hold carry
‘You can pick them up by hand.’
8.6.2 Agents and patients without syntactic marking
In (53), the first two NPs are topicalised. Within the predication they
fill the semantic function of respectively agent and patient but they are not
syntactically marked for subject and object. The listener is able to assign
the roles of agent and patient based on the logics of the semantics rather
than word order. (It is possible to reverse the order of the two first NPs
with the same marking). The speaker suppresses in this way the
prominence of both NPs, enabling the time constituent preceding the VP
enekwei kamonaw (in one day) to be the most prominent constituent of the
sentence.
327
(53) P2 P1
Uwr sohokwe, yeyk hokwe,
uwr so-ho-kwe yeyk ho-kwe
man DDEM-GL.M-TOP canoe GL.M-TOP
Comment:ADVP + VP
enekwei kamon-aw saw-meio lowpway.
enekwei kamon-aw saw-meio lowpway
time one-RSTR SPD-work completely
‘As for that man, in regard to the canoe, he made it in only
one day.’
Inanimate nouns can be marked as subject, as has been seen from
previous examples (e.g. (§3.7.1, ex. (87)) and 47). In (54), the head of the
NP an-yeik ‘fishing hook’ is not marked by a topicalised subject pronoun
but by the general topic pronoun hokwe. This lowers the prominence of
this constituent and raises the prominence of the NP object (marked as
object by se).
(54) P1
Sawk hyo an-yeik hokwe sawk
sawk hiy-o an-yeik ho-kwe sawk
CHD 3S.M-GEN fish-arrow GL.M-TOP CHD
Comment:OBJ + VP
mnow aiopey se hin.
mnow aiopey s-e hin
eel big 3S.M-OBJ shoot
‘But, as for his fishing hook, it hooked a big eel.’
When the NP is marked by the topicalised subject pronoun hiykwe
‘3S.M-TOP’ the constituent still remains part of the topic part of the
predication, but it raises its prominence.
(55) P1
Sawk hyo an-yeik hiykwe sawk
sawk hiy-o an-yeik hiy-kwe sawk
CHD 3S.M-GEN fish-arrow 3S.M.SUB-TOP CHD
Comment:OBJ + VP
mnow aiopey se hin.
mnow aiopey s-e hin
eel big 3S.M-OBJ shoot
‘But his fishing hook hooked a big eel.’
328
In (56), the NP sok-uwr sohokwe ‘snake-man’ is only pragmatically

marked with the demonstrative topic pronoun. It has the role of agent
within the predication but is not syntactically marked as subject. This
construction raises the prominence of the object NP within the comment
part of the sentence.
(56) P1
Sawk sok-uwr sohokwe
sawk sok-uwr so-ho-kwe
CHD snake-man DDEM-GL.M-TOP
Comment:OBJ + VP
ney prueyn se lei a
ney prueyn s-e lei la
child one.CL1 3S.M-OBJ cut eat
‘The/this snake-man cut up and ate a certain child.’
8.7 Introduction and tracking of participants

Entities that have not been referred to within a discourse can be
introduced via NPs that are often marked by the numeral one. This is
certainly true for the introduction of animate participants but also true for
the introduction of major props. The numeral prueyn ‘one’ is used for the
introduction of a major human participant (see §8.7.1).
NPs not mentioned before can be introduced without the use of the
numeral one if the NP is considered to be part of an understood script, i.e.
a known setting, e.g. hunting or fishing, where the presence of certain
items do not need special introduction since they are assumed to be there
(see §8.7.2).
Once NPs are introduced they are tracked in various ways as described
in §8.7.3.
8.7.1 New entities introduced by the numeral one
The function of the numeral one is not to mark quantity (although it is
implied) but to establish identity. Out of a field with many possible
candidates, one particular entity is set apart and introduced within the
story. The numeral is not used if the head of the noun phrase can only
refer to one possible candidate (e.g. sun, moon, sea, etc.).
329
New major entities introduced within a discourse occur in a marked

noun phrase construction that contains the numeral one. In (57), the NP
uwr prueyn hiykwe ‘a certain man’ refers to a new participant. His identity
as an individual participant is established by the numeral prueyn ‘one’.
The NP is also marked for subject and topic. The NP hyo wueir iwon se ‘a
new garden’ is also a new entity; but the NP can be viewed to be part of
the script ‘garden making’.
(57) P2 P1=SUB
Enekwei kamon hokwe, uwr prueyn hiykwe
time one GL.M-TOP man one.CL1 3S.M-TOP
Comment
hyo wueir iwon se now lowk kok.
hiy-o wueir iwon s-e now lowk kok
3S.M-GEN garden new 3S.M-OBJ tree cut day.time
‘At a certain time, a certain man was making his new garden,
cutting trees during the day.’
It is possible to introduce a new participant with (57) or without (58) a
topic marker. When no topic marking occurs the quantifying meaning of
the numeral is also in focus (see also discussion on non-quantifying uses
of the numeral one in §3.4.4).
In (58), the participant ai ‘fish’ is introduced by the numeral kamon
‘one’ and marked for its grammatical function within the sentence by the
object marker ke. It is placed in the comment part of the sentence and can
therefore not be topicalised. The numeral kamon does double function,
introducing the new participant as well as quantifying the number of fish.
(58) P1 Comment
Wayp sohokwe ai kamon ke
wayp so-ho-kwe ai kamon k-e
eagle DDEM-GL.M-TOP fish one.CL2 3S.F-OBJ
nekie way nok nok, nak-sian a iwak.

nekie lway nok nok nak-sian la liwak
hold carry DUR SEQ ACC-get.up eat sit
‘The eagle took hold of a fish, carrying it away, and then flew
up (to something) and sat and ate it.’
330
Example (59) is taken from a text which describes a number of

accidents that happened when a group of people fell into the water. One
man of the group is singled out now by the use of the numeral one. The NP
is only marked pragmatically and not syntactically. The speaker makes the
nature of the accident (breaking of teeth) the focus of the sentence. The NP
that introduces the participant occurs sentence-initially and is therefore
treated as background information.
(59) P1 Comment
Uwr prueyn hokwe, nays me
uwr prueyn ho-kwe nays m-e
man one.CL1 GL.M-TOP tooth PL-OBJ
arnuw-kror say lowpway.
ar-nuw-kror say lowpway
DIR:up-INT-break.off move.PL completely
‘As for a certain man, his teeth were struck and broken off
completely.’
New entities can also be introduced in NPs that are marked for
semantic case. In (60), the noun yier ‘place’ is introduced and is marked
by the numeral kamon ‘one’ and the locative mon. The locative noun
phrase occurs in the comment part of the sentence and is therefore not
topicalised.
In the second sentence the introduced noun yier ‘place’ is referred to
again, this time by the demonstrative topic marker sohokwe since it is no
longer an indefinite entity. As stated before, the demonstrative topic
pronoun never introduces new entities but is used to keep track of already
introduced participants.
(60) Uwr oryay-kiy sohokwe yier kamon
uwr oryay-kiy so-ho-kwe yier kamon
man two.brothers DDEM-GL.M-TOP place one.CL2
mon non-wayr. Yier sohokwe seyr
mon non-lwayr yier so-ho-kwe seyr
LOC DU-stay place DDEM-GL.M-TOP and/also
331
uwrsa krai-ar senkin nuw-meio wayr.

uwr-sa krai-ar so-enkin nuw-meio lwayr
man-woman strength-INTF DDEM-MAN INT-work stay
‘The two brothers stayed together in a certain place. As for
that place there were also many people living and doing their
work.’
8.7.2 New entities introduced without the numeral one
Not all new entities referred to for the first time within a discourse
need to be introduced by the numeral one. A new entity only requires the
numeral one if there is a need to set it apart from other possibilities. E.g.
in (61) paraw kokwe ‘the past’ is not marked by the numeral one, since
the reference is not understood to have multiple meanings. Also when a
familiar setting assumes the presence of a certain entity, it does not need
to be modified by the numeral one. These entities are part of a script. E.g.
pisu ko-kwe ‘knife GL.F-TOP’ in (61), since all hunters are expected to
carry a knife with them.
(61) Paraw kokwe Kupe hiykwe sowm
paraw ko-kwe Kupe hiy-kwe sowm
past GL.F-TOP Kupe 3S.M-TOP fishing.basket
pror e ley nayr. Yerki ompok hokwe,
pror e ley nayr yerki ompok ho-kwe
place PURP go night road middle GL.M-TOP
sok aiopey hay hiykwe yerki mon hawon
sok aiopey hay hiy-kwe yerki mon hawon
snake big very 3S.M.SUB-TOP road LOC lie
huon. Kupe hiykwe pisu kokwe meiaw
huon Kupe hiy-kwe pisu ko-kwe mei-aw
OBJ>SUB Kupe 3S.M.SUB-TOP knife GL.F-TOP long-EMPH
mon sehe ka-nuw-sasow ha.
mon so-h-e ka-nuw-sasow ha
LOC DDEM-3S.M-OBJ DIR:side-INT-throw OBJ<SUB
‘A long time ago, Kupe went out in the night to place fish
baskets. Half way, a snake encountered him lying in the
middle of the road. So, as for his knife, Kupe threw it far
away.’
332
In (62), the first bolded noun phrase had not been referred to in the
discourse, but the context only allows one possible entity for sapa ‘forest’.
If the numeral one had been used here, it would have conveyed the
meaning that the subject fled to a different forest, rather than into the
surrounding forest.
The second bolded NP introduces the noun ur ‘vine’, which is part of
the script forest. The numeral one is not used, although it could have been
used. The fact that the speaker wanted to place the NP ur hiy ‘the vine’ in
the comment part of the predication possibly impacted choices. New
participants or important props are often introduced with the help of the
numeral one in the topic part of the predication and not in the comment
part. If a NP that hosts the numeral one is not topicalised, its function
becomes blurred. It seems to both quantify and introduce new participants.
The fact that the new entity is not backgrounded but foregrounded and has
agent function helps to build the climax of the story.
(62) Hoh sa sapa mon nak-hakan nok nayr.
hoh sa sapa mon nak-hakan nok nayr
2/3DU then/and forest LOC ACC-flee DUR night
Keno se kokwe ur hiy way-a-way
Keno s-e ko-kwe ur hiy way-a-way
Keno 3S.M-OBJ GL.F-TOP vine 3S.M tie-DUP-tie
kuayk nayr.
kuayk nayr
fall night
‘The two of them were fleeing into the forest during the night.
As for Keno, a vine tangled and tripped him in the night.’
8.7.3 Marking on previously introduced definite entities
Once an entity is introduced, the speaker has a number of reference
options. In comparing first and second occurrence of entities the following
differences are observed. When an introduced entity is referred to again, it
occurs without the numeral one and it may be marked by one of the
following markers:
a. general demonstrative pronoun (63);
b. a noun phrase with a personal pronoun as head of the NP (64);
c. a syntactically marked NP (65).
333
In (63), the participants nyo ‘lad’ and woyo ‘fowl’ are introduced with
the help of the numeral one. Both participants are referred to again with
the help of the demonstrative topic pronoun, respectively by the masculine
sohokwe and the feminine sokukwe.
(63) Paraw kokwe nyo prueyn hiykwe woyo-hne
paraw ko-kwe nyo prueyn hiy-kwe woyo-hne
past GL.F-TOP lad one.CL1 3S.M-TOP fowl-nest
ley orowh nerie, ki sapa mon. Nyo
ley lorowh nerie ki sapa mon nyo
go dig morning ground forest LOC lad
sohokwe sawk woyo kamon senkin
so-ho-kwe sawk woyo kamon so-enkin
DDEM-GL.M-TOP CHD fowl one.CL2 DDEM-MAN
hin way nok. Woyo sokukwe yeik
hin lway nok woyo so-ko-kwe yeik
shoot carry DUR fowl DDEM-GL.F-TOP arrow
non hin.
non hin
CMT shoot
‘A long time ago a boy went and dug out fowl nests in the
morning, in the forest. This boy shot a fowl and took it along.
This fowl was shot with an arrow.’
NPs consisting of only a third person personal pronoun refer
anaphorically to animate entities. In (64), homkwe ‘2/3PL-TOP’ refers to
the known entity ipey-aio ‘parents’ of the previous sentence.
(64) Ari hiykwe ipey-aio non. Homkwe
Ari hiy-kwe ipey-aio non hom-kwe
Ari 3S.M-TOP mother-father CMT 2/3PL-TOP
yier kamon aiopey hay mon non-wayr.
yier kamon aiopey hay mon non-lwayr
place one.CL2 big very LOC DU-stay
‘Ari has parents. They live in a big place.’
In (65), the entity nwoh ‘dog’ is introduced in the first sentence in a
comitative NP marked by non. In the second sentence this same participant
is referred to with a syntactically marked NP.
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(65) Enekwei kamon hokwe Kupe hiykwe nwoh

enekwei kamon ho-kwe Kupe hiy-kwe nwoh
time one.CL2 GL.M-TOP Kupe 3S.M-TOP dog
non hiy-ey nayr. Sawk hyo nwoh
non hiy-ley nayr sawk hiy-o nwoh
CMT CAUS-go night CHD 3S.M-GEN dog
hiykwe huok se lono nok.
hiy-kwe huok s-e lono nok
3S.M.SUB-TOP pig 3S.M-OBJ bark DUR
‘One day Kupe went out with his dog during the night. His
dog was barking at a pig.’
An introduced participant might be deleted altogether:
a. in predications in which the speaker only wants to express the
object, because there is no need or desire to express the subject
(see §8.6);
b. in predications with clause sequential markers with an
understood subject. See (66) and §9.5.4.
In (66), the first bolded NP introduces a new entity with the numeral
prueyn ‘one’. In subsequent clauses with the sequential marker nok, the
subject NP is understood and zero-marked. Below, the second sentence
refers to the introduced participant with the third person personal pronoun
hiykwe. After the sequential marker nok it can be deleted again. (The
omitted participant is indicated by Ø.)
(66) Ompeys kokwe uwr prueyn hiykwe
ompeys ko-kwe uwr prueyn hiy-kwe
two.days.ago GL.F-TOP man one.CL1 3S.M-TOP
Apaw mon liau nok, Ø huok kamon
apaw mon liau nok Ø huok kamon
Green.River LOC ascend SEQ Ø pig one.CL2
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se nakway. Hiykwe nakway nok nok,

s-e nak-lway hiy-kwe nak-lway nok nok
3S.M-OBJ ACC-carry 3S.M-TOP ACC-carry DUR SEQ
Ø yier mon ma-nak-e.
Ø yier mon ma-nak-le
Ø place LOC RPT-ACC-come
‘A couple of days ago a man went up to Green River and
bought a pig. He bought and carried it and then arrived with it
in the village.’
8.8 Backgrounding, foregrounding and climax

within narrative discourse
As stated before, the sentence has an obligatory comment component
and is nearly always preceded by a topic component. Sentences form
discourses; and within a discourse distinctions can be made between
backgrounded and foregrounded sentences. The climax of a discourse has
its own features.
8.8.1 Backgrounding within discourse
Backgrounding within a discourse is marked by clauses that display
very little syntactic marking. Constructions without a VP (§6.2) or with the
stative verb lwak ‘to be’ (§6.3), the use of NPs with only pragmatic
marking (§3.6.1) are typical within sentences that are part of
backgrounded text within a discourse. General time indications or local
settings often belong in this latter group.
The four sentences in (67) are all analysed as backgrounded text.
None of them contains a syntactically marked NP in the comment
component of the predication. The one entity with patient role within the
predication uwrsa mo pion mokwe ‘people’s flesh’ is not marked for
object but is marked by the general topic marker. In the last sentence the
agent huok sohokwe ‘this pig’ is not marked for subject but it is
pragmatically marked by the demonstrative topic pronoun.
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(67) Paraw paraw-ar hokwe huok seirpey

paraw paraw-ar ho-kwe huok seir-pey
past past-INTF GL.M-TOP pig fierceness-ADJR
kamon senkin lwak. Hiykwe uwrsa
kamon so-enkin lwak hiy-kwe uwr-sa
one.CL2 DDEM-MAN be 3S.M-TOP man-woman
mo pion mokwe won non nuw-a. Hiykwe
m-o pion mo-kwe won non nuw-la hiy-kwe
PL-GEN meat GL.PL-TOP grease CMT INT-eat 3S.M-TOP
senkinaw lon wayr. Omok eyn sawk sa
so-enkin-aw lon lwayr omok eyn sawk sa
DDEM-MAN-RSTR do stay later like CHD woman
prueyn hokwaw lwak menkin, huok
prueyn hok-kwaw lwak menkin huok
one.CL1 3S.F-RSTR.SUB be when pig
sohokwe nuw-ey ha.
so-ho-kwe nuw-ley ha
DDEM-GL.M-TOP INT-go OBJ<SUB
‘A very long time ago there was a fierce pig. It really liked to
eat human flesh. It just continued doing so. After some time,
when only one woman was left, the pig went away (from
there).’
Examples (68)-(69) are consecutive sentences from the same text.
Example (68) starts with a clause formed with the stative verb lwak
followed by a verbless clause. Two clauses are constructed with the
manner adverb senkin which gives the clause features that are similar to
verbless clauses (see §3.11.4). In (69), the change from background to
foreground is signalled by the presence of the syntactic marker hiykwe
‘3S.M.SUB.TOP’ in the last sentence followed by the non-topicalised object
NP hyo wueir se ‘his garden’.
In (68), the first four sentences do not have a syntactically marked NP

that is part of the comment component of a predication.
(68) P1 Comment
Paraw paraw-ar kokwe, uwr prueyn
paraw paraw-ar ko-kwe uwr prueyn
past past-INTF GL.F-TOP man one.CL1
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P1 Comment
senkin lwak. Hyo uru hokwe Kupe.
so-enkin lwak hiy-o uru ho-kwe Kupe
DDEM-MAN be 3S.M-GEN name GL.M-TOP Kupe
P1 Comment
Hiykwe wueir kamon senkin meio.
hiy-kwe wueir kamon so-enkin meio
3S.M-TOP garden one.CL2 DDEM-MAN work
P1 Comment
Wueir sohokwe yier ohriar mon
Wueir so-ho-kwe yier ohriar mon
garden DDEM-GL.M-TOP place near LOC
lwak pa.
lwak pa
be NEG.PFTV
‘A long time ago there was a man. His name was Kupe. He
had made a garden. This garden was not close to the village.’
In (69), the subject NP hiy-kwe ‘3S.M-TOP’ is topicalised, but the
object NP following (hyo wueir se) is not marked for topic. The absence of
topic marking and the increase of syntactically marked NPs signals the
change from backgrounded text to foregrounded text within the discourse.
(69) P2 P1=SUB
Enekwei kamon hokwe, hiykwe
enekwei kamon ho-kwe hiy-kwe
time one.CL2 GL.M-TOP 3S.M.SUB-TOP
Comment:O
hyo wueir se hor nok,
hiy-o wueir s-e hor nok
3S.M-GEN garden 3S.M-OBJ clean SEQ
Comment:O
ahney kamon se lira.
ahney kamon s-e lira
bird one.CL2 3S.M-OBJ see
‘One day he cleaned his garden and then he saw a bird.’
8.8.2 Foregrounding within a narrative discourse
Foregrounded text within a discourse is marked by predications that
have syntactically marked NPs within the comment component. Non-
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topicalised subject NPs, and to even a larger extent non-topicalised object

NPs mark foregrounded sentences. A series of sentences that have very
few non-topicalised subject and object NPs are likely to be regarded as
background text.
Examples (70) and (71) are consecutive sentences in the same text. In
(70), the first sentence contains a non-topicalised NP object (uwr
prueysyar so okpey ke), which could be a sign of foregrounded text.
However, the other two NPs in the sentence are topic-marked and one of
them is a general time reference which normally is not part of
foregrounded text.
(70) P2 P2 P1=SUB
Okpey-ok okukwe pokon hromkwe
okpey-ok o-ko-kwe pokon hrom-kwe
story-talk DDEM-GL.F-TOP today 1PL.SUB-TOP
Comment:OBJ
uwr prueysyar s-o okpey k-e
man two.CL1 3S.M-GEN story 3S.F-OBJ
lonuayk ey.
lonuayk ey
hear INTN
‘As for the story, we will hear today the story of the two
brothers.’
Example (71) does not contain any non-topicalised subject or object
NPs. The two sentences in (71) are therefore analysed as backgrounded
text.
(71) P1 Comment
Okpey okukwe senkin mesor.
okpey o-ko-kwe so-enkin me-sor
story PDEM-GL.F-TOP DDEM-MAN speak-count
P1 Comment
Uwr oryay-kiy sohokwe yier
uwr oryay-kiy so-ho-kwe yier
man older.brother-two DDEM-GL.M-TOP place
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kamon mon non-wayr.

kamon mon non-lwayr
one.CL2 LOC DU-stay
‘The story is told like this. Those two brothers stayed in a
certain place.’
Examples (72) and (73) are consecutive sentences of the same text.
Example (72) contains backgrounded information. The first sentence is a
construction with the adverbial modifier senkin. The second sentence is a
verbless clause.
(72) Seyr homkwe nwoh aiopey hay kamon
seyr hom-kwe nwoh aiopey hay kamon
and/also 2/3PL-TOP dog big very one.CL2
senkin kow-a. Nwoh sohiy so
so-enkin kow-la nwoh so-hiy s-o
DDEM-MAN BEN-eat dog DDEM-3S.M 3S.M-GEN
uru hokwe Bulet.
uru ho-kwe Bulet
name GL.M-TOP Bullet
‘They also looked after a dog. The name of this dog is
Bullet.’
In (73), the transition is made from backgrounded information to
foregrounded information. The first sentence contains a NP marked for
subject, but it is still topicalised. The second sentence contains the non-
topicalised subject NP Bulet hiy ‘Bulet 3S.M.SUB’ which is syntactically
marked and part of the comment component of the predication. This flags
the sentence as foregrounded information.
The marking on yokun-uwr sohokwe ‘this thief’ is noteworthy. In the
first occurrence the NP has patient role; in the second instance it has agent
role. However, the NPs are not marked for subject or object; they are only
marked by the demonstrative topic pronoun.
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(73) P2 P1=SUB
Enekwei kamon hokwe, yokun-uwr prueyn
enekwei kamon ho-kwe yokun-uwr prueyn
time one GL.M-TOP theft-man one.CL1
hiykwe le nok, Ari so a
hiy-kwe le nok Ari s-o a
3S.M.SUB-TOP come SEQ Ari 3S.M-GEN house
P1
mon lyawriy. Yokun-uwr sohokwe sa
mon lyawriy yokun-uwr so-ho-kwe sa
LOC enter theft-man DDEM-GL.M-TOP then
Comment:SUB
Bulet hiy sehe peyk hnar
Bulet hiy so-h-e peyk hnar
Bullet 3S.M DDEM-3S.M-OBJ bite tear.off
P1
mahnar kuayk. Yokun-uwr sohokwe
ma-hnar kuayk yokun-uwr so-ho-kwe
RPT-tear.off fall theft-man DDEM-GL.M-TOP
Comment
senkin nak-weyrweyr me, “Woiow ha e,
so-enkin nak-weyrweyr me woiow ha e
DDEM-MAN ACC-scream speak EXCL 1S OBJ
woiow ha e.”
woiow ha e
EXCL 1S OBJ
‘One time, a thief came and entered Ari’s house. As for the
thief, Bullet bit him to pieces and tripped him. The thief
screamed out, “Poor me, poor me.”’
8.8.3 Climax
The climax within a discourse is marked by a decrease in the number
of topicalised noun phrases and an increase in NPs that are syntactically or
semantically marked.
In (74), the NP sok hiy ‘snake 3S.M.SUB’ refers to a new participant
within the discourse. This participant is not introduced by the numeral
one, although the insertion of the numeral would be grammatically
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correct. In order to build the climax of the story, the new participant and
the action performed are immediately foregrounded.
(74) How hom loum menkin, hoh
How hom loum menkin hoh
taro 2/3PL.SUB cook when 3DU.SUB
non-wakiawkeyn a. Sa sok hiy lousne.
non-wakiawkeyn la sa sok hiy lousne
DU-sit eat then snake 3S.M.SUB appear
‘When the taroes were cooked, the two of them sat down and
ate (them). Then a snake appeared.’
The numeral can be inserted in the last sentence of the example above.
The presence of the numeral in (75) gives more emphasis to its status as
an individual participant. Its effect is that it lessens the prominence given
to the action performed. This type of construction does not signal the
climax of a story.
(75) Sa sok kamon hiy lousne.
sa sok kamon hiy lousne
then snake one.CL2 3S.M.SUB appear
‘Then a certain snake appeared.’
Three NPs are used in (76) and none of them are topicalised, but they
are all marked for subject or object. The absence of topic marking on
syntactically marked NPs signals the climax of the discourse.
(76) Hiy ma-hnuayk liok, sawk now hiy
hiy ma-hnuayk liok sawk now hiy
3S.M.SUB RPT-dive in.vain CHD tree 3S.M.SUB
hyo kasaw se say huon.
hiy-o kasaw s-e say huon
3S.M-GEN nose 3S.M-OBJ move.PL OBJ>SUB
‘He dived unsuccessfully again, but a tree struck his nose with
force.’
9. Complex sentences
Interclausal and intersentential relationships are the topic of this

chapter. A simple sentence consists of one clause. Complex sentences
contain two or more clauses in either coordinate (§9.3) or subordinate
(§9.4) relationship. The subordinate clause is marked by a clause-final
marker that is marked by a mid-level, i.e. non-final clause intonation.
These clause-final markers are not the only cohesive devices within
discourse. A number of connectives or cohesion markers can occur at
different places within the clause or sentence. The placement of these
cohesion markers impacts their scope (§9.1). Some cohesion markers only
occur clause or sentence-initially and are often separated by a pause from
the rest of the clause (§9.2).
9.1 Cohesive devices operating at sentence

and discourse level
The three cohesion markers sawk, sa and seyr are different from all
the other connectors mentioned in this chapter. All other connectors occur
clause-initially or clause-finally. The three cohesion markers sawk, sa and
seyr however, can be found following a noun phrase within a clause. They
are different from the cohesion markers in §9.2 which basically only occur
clause-initially. The three cohesion markers can also occur in main
clauses, as well as in subordinate clauses. This is different from the
conjunctions described in §9.3 which only join main clauses and different
from the conjunctions in §9.4 which only occur in subordinate clauses in
clause-final position.
These three cohesion markers have the same distribution, occurring
clause-initially or after a NP. The following observations can be made for
all three markers:
a. When the cohesion marker occurs clause-initially, it takes the
previous clause(s) into its scope. The cohesion marker relates the
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343
clause it is part of with the previous clause for the particular type
of cohesion the marker represents.
b. When the cohesion marker follows a NP, it takes that NP into its
scope. The cohesion marker relates this NP with the predication
that follows the NP for the particular type of cohesion the marker
represents.
Example (1) demonstrates that conjunctions and cohesion markers are
not mutually exclusive, since a cohesion marker like sa can follow a
conjunction like menkin ‘when’.
(1) Hiy yier kamon ko se ma-le
hiy yier kamon k-o s-e ma-le
3S.M place one 3S.F-GEN 3S.M-OBJ RPT-come
menkin, sa siowp nuw-okrue.
menkin sa siowp nuw-lokrue
when then/and intestines INT-die
‘When he had come back from a certain village, he then was
hungry.’
9.1.1 Cohesion marker sawk as developmental marker
The cohesion marker sawk sometimes expresses a contrastive
relationship between clauses or sentences. However, many occurrences of
sawk have been observed which cannot be translated by ‘but’. It is more
accurate to say that the cohesion marker sawk marks a change of direction
(CHD) from previously given information. Direction here is not to be
understood in a geographical sense, but as coherency in the stream of
continuing communication. The marker sawk is used when the speaker
wants to mark a change in focus in the developing stream of his
communication. The change referred to can be a major departure from the
previous communication or simply a minor adjustment in focus. The
cohesion marker sawk is analysed as a developmental marker based on the
description of Dooley and Levinsohn (2001:93):
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Whereas connectives like and and some additives instruct

the hearer to associate information together, some
conjunctions convey the opposite and constrain the reader
to move onto the next point. We will call these
connectives developmental markers because they indicate
that the material so marked represents a new development
in the story or argument, as far as the author’s purpose is
concerned.
The cohesion marker sawk represents a new step or development in
the author’s story or argument. It takes into its scope the previous phrase
if it follows a NP, and the previous clause/sentence if it occurs clause-
initially. The predication that follows contains the change in direction that
furthers the development of the author’s story or argument.
In (2), the first sawk occurs clause-initially and therefore takes into its
scope the preceding clause(s). The development marker sawk marks the
whole clause; it is part of as a new development within the story line. The
second sawk occurs after the NP Kupe hiykwe ‘Kupe 3S.M-TOP’ and
therefore its scope is restricted to this noun phrase. The change in
direction is a change in focus: The author marks this NP as the major
participant who will play a role in the further development of the story
line.
(2) Aio hiykwe yeyk non hiok nerie. Hiy
aio hiy-kwe yeyk non hiok nerie hiy
father 3S.M-TOP canoe CMT paddle morning 3S.M
urayh sok nuw-wak liok, sawk
urayh sok nuw-lwak liok sawk
upstream.land EXCT INT-be in.vain CHD
hyekwe Kupe hiykwe serey
hiy-e-kwe Kupe hiy-kwe so-rey
3S.M-OBJ-TOP Kupe 3S.M.SUB-TOP DDEM-there
wakiawk ira huon. Kupe hiykwe sawk
wakiawk lira huon Kupe hiy-kwe sawk
sit see OBJ>SUB Kupe 3S.M-TOP CHD
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hye sehe me kow huon,

hiy-e so-h-e me kow huon
3S.M-OBJ DDEM-3S.M-OBJ speak BEN OBJ>SUB
“Ara, hunkwe perey ley ley?”
ara hwon-kwe perey ley ley
ADDR.M 2S-TOP Q-place go INCH
‘Father took off by canoe in the morning. He had not yet
made it to the upstream part (of the village), but Kupe sat
there and saw him coming. Kupe now called to him (= father)
coming towards him (= Kupe), “Man, where are you going?”’
As can be expected, the usage of sawk increases in frequency when
the speaker wants to convey a rapid succession of changing or dramatic
events, or when the speaker comes to the climax of his story, as in (3) and
(4). By contrast, procedural texts and descriptive texts lacking a climactic
structure often have been found without a single occurrence of sawk. (See
examples in §11.3 and §11.4.)
Texts with action narratives evidence many occurrences of the word
sawk. In (3) and (4), the connective sawk occurs four times. The first
occurrence of sawk only takes the NP hohkwe ‘3DU-TOP’ into its scope.
The other three occurrences of sawk are clause-initial and they take the
previous clause(s) into their scope.
It is not simple to give an adequate free translation of the four
occurrences of sawk in (3) and (4). A translation for sawk is further
complicated when it co-occurs in the same clause with the cohesion
marker sa and the adverbial causal demonstrative sehe, as in (4). The
underlined object demonstrative sehe preceding the verb phrase expresses
a logical consequence relationship (§4.4.3). The underlined marker sa
(§9.1.2) is another connective that also helps to further the development of
the story. It has a temporal function.
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(3) Hohkwe sawk sehe ma-non-nakey

hoh-kwe sawk so-h-e ma-non-nak-ley
3DU-TOP CHD DDEM-3S-OBJ RPT-DU-ACC-go
kie. Sawk man non loway
kie sawk man non loway
go.downstream CHD crayfish CMT scoop
sakeyn kie.
sakeyn kie
throw.in.water go.downstream
‘So consequently the two of them now went back going
downstream. And/but they threw out (the hooks) with the
crayfish (being) downstream.’
(4) Sawk hyo wayh-ih Peni so huk
sawk hiy-o wayh-ih Peni s-o huk
CHD 3S.M-GEN friend-KIN Peni 3S.M-GEN hook
hokwe, man aiopey hay ke hin.
ho-kwe man aiopey hay k-e hin
GL.M-TOP crayfish big very 3S.F-OBJ shoot
Sawk Jon hiykwe sa sehe
sawk Jon hiy-kwe sa so-h-e
CHD Jon 3S.M.SUB-TOP then/and DDEM-3S.M-OBJ
am-saw-uwray nekie liok.
am-saw-luwray nekie liok
DIR:near-SPD-pull hold in.vain
‘But the hook of his friend Peni caught a big crayfish. And
consequently Jon now tried - unsuccessfully - to pull it in very
quickly.’
9.1.2 Sequential cohesion marker sa
The cohesion marker sa indicates sequential cohesion between two
events. It encodes temporal succession. The sequencing sa expresses is
not related to contrast or change in focus or direction, but to the iconic
order of the events in the real world.
When sa occurs after a NP, it takes this NP into its scope and
highlights its importance as participant in the subsequent action. In (5),
the connective sa is placed after the NP homkwe ‘2/3PL.TOP’. The
connective takes this NP into its scope and marks its importance as a
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participant in the event following. The connective itself sequences the two
events mentioned in the two sentences.
(5) Ipey-aio homkwe sawk kar ley pa.
ipey-aio hom-kwe sawk kar ley pa
mother-father 2/3PL-TOP CHD gladness go NEG.PFTV
Homkwe sa eheyr lyuk, hmo
hom-kwe sa eheyr lyuk hom-o
2/3PL-TOP then/and crying cry 2/3PL-GEN
ney se.
ney s-e
child 3S.M-OBJ
‘The parents were not happy. Then they mourned for their
child.’
When sa occurs clause or sentence-initially, it encodes temporal
succession.
Example (6) contains the sequential cohesion marker sa twice. It
marks the event in the clause it is part of as subsequent to the event
mentioned in the previous clause.
(6) Kenu hiykiaw seyr pa po ley, wueir
Kenu hiy-kiaw seyr pa po ley wueir
Kenu 3S.M-SLCT and/also CUR PFT go garden
mon kokwe. Sa Jon hiykwe yoh
mon ko-kwe sa Jon hiy-kwe yoh
LOC GL.F-TOP then/and Jon 3S.M-TOP banana
se lok liok. Sa Kenu hiykiaw
s-e lok liok sa Kenu hiy-kiaw
3S.M-OBJ move in.vain then/and Kenu 3S.M-SLCT
sehe le nok, lira, yokun-uwr se.
so-h-e le nok lira yokun-uwr s-e
DDEM-3S.M-OBJ come SEQ see theft-man 3S.M-OBJ
‘(Context: Jon had already secretly gone to Kenu’s garden)
Kenu himself had also left for the garden. Then Jon tried -
unsuccessfully - to take away bananas. So then Kenu himself
came and saw the thief.’
It is worthwhile to compare the sequential cohesion marker sa with
the clause-final sequential marker nok (§9.5.4). Whereas the cohesion
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marker sa can be used when there is a change of subject, the sequential

conjunction marker nok can only be used to describe a series of events
when there is no change of subject. The sequential marker sa is used in
two different clauses in (6) and both clauses host a subject that is different
from the previous clause. The sequential marker nok is used once to
connect two clauses which both have the same subject, though the subject
is only expressed in the first clause.
Example (7) illustrates the same point. The conjunction marker nok
connects two clauses with the same subject. The sequential cohesion
marker sa starts a clause which has a different subject than the preceding
clause.
(7) How hom loum menkin, ine-ih hok or
how hom loum menkin ine-ih hok or
taro 2/3PL burn when sister-KIN 3S.F blackness
me lowr say nok, liwak a. Sa
m-e lowr say nok liwak la sa
PL-OBJ scrape off SEQ sit eat then/and
sok hiy lousne.
sok hiy lousne
snake 3S.M.SUB appear
‘When the taros were cooked, the sister scraped off the black
(burned parts) and then sat down to eat. Then a snake
appeared.’
9.1.3 Addition cohesion marker seyr
Like sawk and sa, the cohesion marker seyr occurs clause-initially or
following a NP. It expresses added or extended information, and can often
be translated in English by ‘also’ or ‘as well’. The added information is
not time oriented. It supplies more information about an already
introduced participant. This information will never contradict what was
already known.
In (8), a town is described as having a large number of people. The
description of the town is extended. The cohesion marker seyr is followed
by the comment ki ko yeyk mokwe kraiar ‘a large number of cars’. This
does not contradict the information already given about the town, but is in
harmony with it.
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(8) Rabaul hokwe yier aiopey hay, uwrsa

Rabaul ho-kwe yier aiopey hay uwr-sa
Rabaul GL.M-TOP place big very man-woman
kraiar. Seyr ki ko yeyk
kraiar seyr ki k-o yeyk
many and/also ground 3S.F-GEN canoe
mokwe kraiar.
mo-kwe kraiar
GL.PL-TOP many
‘Rabaul is very big, there are many people. And also many
cars.’
In (9), the connective seyr takes the NP now hokwe (tree) it follows
into its scope. The tree was already introduced in the text. The predication
that follows the cohesion marker seyr gives additional information about
the tree.
(9) Hom sawk now mon lokuan liok, menki
hom sawk now mon lokuan liok menki
2/3PL CHD tree LOC cross.water in.vain other.shore
mon liau ha e. Now hokwe
mon liau ha e now ho-kwe
LOC ascend OBJ<SUB PURP tree GL.M-TOP
seyr sopruw.
seyr sopruw
and/also rotten
‘They tried without success to cross the tree to get to the other
side. As for the tree now, it was rotten.’
9.2 Clause-initial cohesive markers

The markers in §9.2 can only occur clause-initially, with the
exception of seseyn (§9.2.3) which can occur both clause-initially and
clause-finally.
9.2.1 Projected logical consequence
Suw occurs at the beginning of a main clause to indicate projected
logical consequence which will take place under certain future conditions
as indicated by the speaker. Suw is not used in sentences referring to the
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past. It often co-occurs with a subordinate clause marked with ankin, as is

demonstrated in (10) and (11).
(10) Hrorkwe senkin non-on ankin, suw yaprue-ar.
hror-kwe so-enkin non-lon ankin suw yaprue-ar
1DU-TOP DDEM-MAN DU-do if/when then good-INTF
‘If the two of us do it like that, then that’s good.’
(11) Hiykwe hreme nion noney lopa lwak ankin,
hiy-kwe hrom-e nion non-ley lopa lwak ankin
3S.M-TOP 1PL-OBJ with DU-go NEG be if/when
suw seyr hakwe liy noney ley.
suw seyr ha-kwe liy non-ley korey
then and/also 1S-TOP DYN DU-go NEG
‘If he is not going with us, then I cannot go along either.’
The marker suw can also occur in a sentence without a conditional
subordinate clause marked by ankin. However, its use still assumes that
certain conditions will need to be met in order for the projected logical
consequence to take place.
In (12), the action of raising a cat, has as its projected consequence
getting rid of rats.
(12) Hunkwe wompow me lo pror kawk
hwon-kwe wompow m-e lo pror kawk
2S-TOP rat PL-OBJ shoot drop.dead put.inside
e mon ankin, peyr pusi kamon kwa lway mno.
e mon ankin peyr pusi kamon kwa lway mno
OBJ do if/when firstly cat one HOR carry raise
Suw hno pusi hokwe hne liy hiy-mon.
suw hwon-o pusi hok-kwe hwon-e liy hiy-mon
then 2S-GEN cat 3S.F.SUB-TOP 2S-OBJ DYN CAUS-do
‘If you want to catch and kill rats, you should first raise a cat.
Then your cat will be able to help you.’
One might wonder if suw is the non-topic-marked form of the deictic
set represented by sohokwe. The fact that the connective refers
anaphorically to the previous clause seems to speak in favour of this
analysis. This analysis has not been accepted though, since the
phonological shift from so to suw is hard to explain. Secondly, the fact
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that its function is logical consequence, rather than just reference is also
somewhat puzzling.
9.2.2 Discourse cohesion markers sei and hai
The cohesion markers sei and hai are similar in distribution. They
occur clause-initially and are often set apart by a pause from the rest of the
clause. They are also semantically very similar. Their use not only
validates the sentence or discourse that went before as true, it also views it
as completed. The function of the cohesion markers is to bring closure to
what went before and to initiate a new starting point for the evolving
discourse. Some speakers use the two markers interchangeably, although
others feel they should be distinguished. Based on the observations of the
latter group the following distinctions are noted:
a. Sei ‘all right’ often expresses agreement to an already known or
anticipated plan of action, while hai ‘O.K.’ may introduce or
suggest a yet unknown or not expected plan of action.
b. Sei is mostly used in direct speech and not in descriptive texts.
c. Hai ‘O.K.’ is often used in questions.
d. Hai is also often used in procedural text introducing new steps or
activities. (Some speakers will use sei in procedural texts as well.)
Sei ‘all right’ often expresses agreement as can be seen in (13) and
(14).
(13) Aio hiy me, “Ara, hakwe hano lian
aio hiy me ara ha-kwe han-o lian
father 3S.M speak ADDR.M 1S-TOP 1S-GEN own
se meio, hunkwe hno lian se
s-e meio hwon-kwe hwon-o lian s-e
3S.M-OBJ work 2S-TOP 2S-GEN own 3S.M-OBJ
meio.” Ney hiy me, “Sei, ok lopa.”
meio ney hiy me sei ok lopa
work child 3S.M speak alright talk NEG
‘Father said, “Man, I build my own one and you build your
own one.” The son answered, “All right, no problem.”’
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(14) Aio hiy me, “Hrorkwe pokon kokwe ahney

aio hiy me hror-kwe pokon ko-kwe ahney
father 3S.M speak 1DU-TOP today GL.F-TOP bird
ki non-anio kok ey.” Ha ma-sahre me,
ki non-lanio kok ey ha ma-sahre me
ground DU-walk day.time INTN 1S RPT-return speak
aio se, “Sei, mo kwahnaw ley e.”
aio s-e sei mo kwahnaw ley e
father 3S.M-OBJ alright EMPH HOR.should go OBJ.IMP
‘Father said, “As for today, the two of us will go hunt birds.”
I answered my father, “All right, let’s go for it.”’
Hai occurs sentence-initially and gives special focus and importance
to the sentence it precedes. It is used in conversation to request special
attention for the statement it introduces. It is often used in questions as in
(15).
(15) Aio hiy mesopok, “Hai, homkwe penkin lon
aio hiy me-sopok hai hom-kwe po-enkin lon
father 3S.M speak-ask O.K. 2/3PL-TOP Q-MAN do
kok mo?”
kok mo
day.time Q.SP.PFTV.PL
‘Father asked, “OK, what did you do today?”’
Speakers disagree on whether or not sei and hai can be used
interchangeably. Some speakers feel strongly that sei can be only used in
direct speech. They would regard the substitution of hai in (16) with the
marker sei as incorrect language use.
(16) Mu mokwe penkin mon hre mo?
mu mo-kwe po-enkin mon hre mo
crocodile GL.PL-TOP Q-MAN do turn.into Q.SP.PFTV.M
Hiykwe peyr senkin lon, peyr yorho
hiy-kwe peyr so-enkin lon peyr yorho
3S.M-TOP firstly DDEM-MAN do firstly lizard.sp
se nekie way nok, mu kamon se
s-e nekie lway nok mu kamon s-e
3S.M-OBJ hold carry SEQ crocodile one 3S.M-OBJ
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mon hre won. Hai, hiykwe sapa mon

mon hre won hai hiy-kwe sapa mon
do turn.into lie O.K. 3S.M-TOP forest LOC
ma-ley nok, sawk kwekwe-ney se pawk ira.
ma-ley nok sawk kwekwe-ney s-e pawk lira
RPT-go SEQ CHD lizard.sp-small 3S.M-OBJ search see
‘How were crocodiles created? First he (= the ancestor) did
like this, he took a yorho-lizard and turned it into a crocodile.
OK, then he went into the forest and looked for a
kwekwe-lizard.’
9.2.3 Accordance cohesion marker (seseyn)
The cohesive marker seseyn can be paraphrased as ‘it was done as
was said’. It occurs sentence-initially and is often set apart from the rest of
the clause by a pause. This marker takes into its scope previous discourse
and relates it to the predicate following, marking this predicate in
accordance with the discourse that went before. Seseyn is always followed
by a distinctive pause. In (17), seseyn refers back to a single sentence:
(17) Hom me, “Har homkwe howk ke hrou
hom me har hom-kwe howk k-e hrou
2/3PL speak some 2/3PL-TOP lake 3S.F-OBJ stir.up
naruok e.” Seseyn, uwr har homkwe
naruok e seseyn uwr har hom-kwe
ANTCP PURP accordingly man some 2/3PL-TOP
howk ke hrou naruok.”
howk k-e hrou naruok
lake 3S.F-OBJ stir.up wait
‘They said, “Some should stir up the lake water in
preparation. It was done accordingly, some men stirred up the
lake in preparation.”’ (Context: Part of the group goes out
before the others to start the process of stirring up poison in
the water to kill the fish. The rest of the group joins in later
when the poison starts to take effect.)
In (18), seseyn occurs sentence-initially. It takes into its scope the
previous sentence, and connects it to the predication following, marking
the latter in accordance with the former.
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(18) Hiy me, sah-nawp ke, “Hunkwe anwaw

hiy me sah-nawp k-e hwon-kwe anwaw
3S.M speak woman-old 3S.F-OBJ 2S-TOP sleep
kwa lian, hakwe inaw liwak ey.”
kwa liawon ha-kwe inaw liwak ey
HOR lie.down 1S-TOP alive sit INTN
Seseyn, sah-nawp hokwe senkin meio.
seseyn sah-nawp hok-kwe so-enkin meio
accordingly woman-old 3S.F-TOP DDEM-MAN work
‘He said to his good old wife, “You lie down and sleep, I will
watch.” It was done accordingly, his good old wife did so.’
The cohesive marker seseyn can also occur sentence-finally in clauses
without a verb phrase. This construction is not completely similar to the
regular verbless clause, since a clause with a final seseyn does not contain
a topicalised constituent.
The last sentence of example (18) above is shortened into a verbless
clause in (19). The cohesive marker seseyn still relates the previous
discourse with the predication it is part of. The place of the cohesion
marker has changed from clause-initial to clause-final. It occurs in a
verbless clause which could be viewed as a verbless clause with seseyn as
the comment constituent. However, the initial NP sah-nawp hok is not a
topic marked constituent. The subject pronoun hok actually requires a VP.
Therefore it might be better to anaylyse this as a clause with a deleted
verb phrase. The verb phrase can be supplied from the previous sentence
(in this case meio ‘work’) or needs to be a verb that relates preceding
discourse in agreement with the statement seseyn occurs in.
(19) Sah-nawp hok seseyn.
sah-nawp hok seseyn
woman-old 3S.F.SUB accordingly
‘His good old wife did so.’
Example (20) demonstrates a similar construction. The marker seseyn
anaphorically refers to the preceding unit of discourse and expresses
agreement between the clause it occurs in and the preceding discourse.
Seseyn occurs clause-finally in a verbless clause hoh seseyn ‘3DU.Sub
accordingly’ which does not contain a topic marked constituent. The
subject pronoun hoh suggests that the VP has been deleted from the clause.
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(20) Wayp hiy areysie ke me, “Akwa,

wayp hiy areysie k-e me akwa
eagle 3S.M small.bird 3S.F-OBJ speak ADDR.F
hrorkwe hroro ki-wayr-om mon liy
hror-kwe hror-o ki-lwayr-om mon liy
1DU-TOP 1DU-GEN ground-stay-place LOC DYN
non-ey wayr nayr o?” Areysie hok
non-ley lwayr nayr o areysie hok
DU-go stay night Q.SP.IPFTV small.bird 3S.F
me, “Ok lopa, sa pay ok ke
me ok lopa sa po-ay ok k-e
speak talk NEG then/and Q-what talk 3S.F-OBJ
ma-lohruw a ley.” Hoh seseyn.
ma-lohruw la korey hoh seseyn
RPT-talk eat NEG 3DU.SUB accordingly
‘The eagle said to the small bird, “Woman, can we go and
hunt together nightly in our hunting area?” The small bird
said, “No problem (lit. no talk), nothing else needs to be said
about this.” The two of them did likewise.’
Seseyn occurs clause-finally in the last sentence of (20). It can occur
clause-initially if the clause contains a verb phrase, as is demonstrated in
(21).
(21) Seseyn, hohkwe senkin lon.
seseyn hoh-kwe s-enkin lon
accordingly 2DU.SUB-TOP DDEM-MAN do
‘It was done accordingly, the two of them did so.’
9.3 Coordination of clauses

Relationships between clauses are either coordinate or subordinate.
Section §9.3 details coordinate relationships and §9.4 deals with
subordinate main clausal relationships. Subordinate clauses that are
embedded in NPs or function as a nominal complement are detailed in
§6.6. They are not included in this discussion.
Coordination in sentences is indicated by mostly two and sometimes
more juxtaposed clauses. These clauses have a similar intonation pattern
and could be interchanged without any change in intonation pattern or
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grammatical features. The linking device between these juxtaposed

clauses is often only a pause, sometimes it is a marker, which can be
deleted. (This is in sharp contrast with the features of a subordinated
clause which has obligatory clause-final marking and exhibits a clause-
final intonation that differs greatly from the main clause’s intonation.)
Coordinate clauses do not have a clause-final marker bound
intonationally to the clause. If a marker occurs, it is separated from the
clauses it intervenes by pauses. (The pause preceding the marker is
normally longer than the pause following.)
Coordinate clauses are constructed as follows:
a. Coordinate clauses which are juxtaposed with no marking
(§9.3.1).
b. Alternative clauses which are broken up by the intervening
alternative marker o ‘or’ (§9.3.2).
c. Reason clauses which are broken up by the intervening
interrogative payhokuaw ‘why/because’ (§9.3.3).
9.3.1 Juxtaposed coordinate clauses
In (22), the two bolded alternatives have been juxtaposed without a
conjunction as marked by Ø. It is possible to insert the alternative marker
o ‘or’ in this slot.
(22) Hroro ney hokwe awia po lo pak,
hror-o ney hok-kwe awia po lo pak
1DU-GEN child 3S.F.SUB-TOP enemy PFT shoot DUB
po lokrue pak. Hrorkwe nonkway lwak pey.
po lokrue pak hror-kwe nonkway lwak pey
PFV die DUB 1DU-TOP know be NEG.IPFTV
‘Our daughter, the enemy might have shot her, or, she might
have died. The two us do not know.’
In (23), the two bolded clauses are juxtaposed and only separated by a
pause.
(23) Aio hiy me, “Ara, hakwe hano
aio hiy me ara ha-kwe han-o
father 3S.M speak ADDR.M 1S-TOP 1S-GEN
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lian se meio, hunkwe hno lian

lian s-e meio hwon-kwe hwon-o lian
own 3S.M-OBJ work 2S-TOP 2S-GEN own
se meio.”
s-e meio
3S.M-OBJ work
‘Father said, “Man, I build my own one and you build your
own one.”’
9.3.2 Use of the alternative marker o
Alternatives are not only expressed by juxtaposed main clauses.
Alternatives, especially when treated as a non-exhaustive list, can be an
unlimited number of main clauses, which are broken up by the intervening
marker o ‘or’.
Example (24) was taken from a graduation speech where the speaker
explained why not everyone passed the exam. The bolded alternative
marker o ‘or’ separates the two alternatives mentioned. This marker o
occurs between the clauses and is intonationally not part of either clause.
The use of the alternative marker o in oral texts is relatively rare. Like
payhokuaw in the next section, a pause precedes and follows the marker o,
setting it apart from the two clauses it joins.
(24) Homkwe sawk pese nan o, hmo
hom-kwe sawk pese nan o hom-o
2/3PL-TOP CHD PROH think/like NEG.SP 2/3PL-GEN
uron mokwe, ha mon piap-ay, o, tisa hom
uron mo-kwe ha mon piap-ay o tisa hom
heart GL.PL-TOP 1S do bad-PL or teacher 2/3PL
eksem-pepa me mon piapay, o, yaprue
eksem-pepa m-e mon piapay o yaprue
exam-paper PL-OBJ do badly or good
hiymon sor-a-sor popriy pa.
hiy-mon sor-a-sor popriy pa
CAUS-do count-DUP-count good NEG.PFTV
‘Do not think in your heart that I cheated or that the teachers
fouled up the exam papers or that (they) did not teach well.’
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This marker might have become part of the language through the
influence of Tok Pisin. Its intonation pattern has no counterpart elsewhere.
The vowel is drawn out and often preceded (and sometimes even
followed) by an unusually long pause that might simply be there to give
the speaker sufficient time to formulate the next alternative.
It is noteworthy that the alternative marker o can be added to example
(22) but not to (23). The first example can be thought of as a list that
could be added to with other possible alternatives regarding the one
referent (i.e. the daughter) discussed. The second example has two
referents (i.e. father and son) and the two alternatives given state what
each referent specifically will do. The use of the alternative marker would
be incorrect in such a context.
9.3.3 Use of payhokuaw
There are no structural or intonational clause changes when one
relates two clauses to each other by inserting the interrogative payhokuaw
between them. This interrogative has the semantic force of ‘because’ and
is preceded and followed by a marked pause.
In the two examples below one can simply delete the interrogative
payhokuaw ‘because’ without causing change to the intonation patterns of
each of the two clauses. The meaning of the sentence can still be
understood if the listener can make the deduction that the second clause
must express the reason for the main idea in the first clause.
(25) Hakwe nuw-hok, payhokuaw,
ha-kwe nuw-hok po-ay-ho-kuaw
1S.SUB-TOP INT-fear Q-what-GL.M-for.reason.of
Rabaul hokwe yier aiopey hay.
Rabaul ho-kwe yier aiopey hay
Rabaul GL.M-TOP place big very
‘I was really afraid, because, Rabaul is a very big place.’
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(26) Hakwe aiai la hain lopa,

ha-kwe aiai la hain lopa
1S-TOP food eat SUB<OBJ NEG
payhokuaw, hakwe
po-ay-ho-kuaw ha-kwe
Q-what-GL.M-for.reason.of 1S-TOP
arawh-aw nuw-ey nerie.
arawh-aw nuw-ley nerie
night-RSTR INT-go morning
‘I did not eat when (I) departed, because I went really early
(when it was still) night.’
This double use of the interrogative is comparable to the Papua New
Guinean trade language, Tok Pisin, where the interrogative bilong wanem
‘why’ is also used in the meaning of both ‘why’ and ‘because’. It is not
clear if this similar use of the Abau payhokuaw is the result of exposure to
Tok Pisin, but both uses of payhokuaw are frequently observed and widely
accepted both in written and oral expression.
9.4 Object complement clauses encoding

purpose
Purpose can be expressed by an embedded clause marked by the
purpose marker e, or, less frequently, by an object NP immediately
preceding a verb phrase that contains a motion verb.
The latter construction is shown in (27). The NP hmo ai la enekwei se
consists of an object NP modified by the embedded clause ai la. The head
of the noun phrase enekwei ‘time’ is marked by the singular masculine
object marker se. The object noun phrase cannot have the role of patient
within a clause that has a VP that consists of an intransitive motion verb
(le ‘come’). The object NP does not have the role of patient but of purpose.
(27) Uwrsa lowpwarowp homkwe hmo
uwr-sa lowpwarowp hom-kwe hom-o
man-woman all 2/3PL-TOP 2/3PL-GEN
ai la enekwei se po nuw-e.
ai la enekwei s-e po nuw-le
food eat time 3S.M-OBJ PFT INT-come
‘All the people had arrived for their food-eating time.’
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The purpose clause occurs more frequently. It is analysed as a

predicate complement clause which is embedded in the main clause. It
also precedes the VP that consists of one or more intransitive verbs. The
complement purpose clause modifies the VP it precedes. The modifying
purpose clause has its own verb phrase and is always marked by the
clause-final object complementiser e.
The embedded purpose clause can contain its own internal object as in
(28) or consist of just a single verb as in (29).
In (28), the NP object huk ‘hook’ in the underlined purpose clause is
not marked for topic or object, since it is an incorporated noun (see
§3.11.1). The purpose clause is a predicate complement to the main clause
verb ley ‘go’.
(28) Hohkwe sawk ki-mawk kamon mon
hoh-kwe sawk ki-mawk kamon mon
3DU-TOP CHD ground-area one.CL2 LOC
huk non-sakeyn e ley.
huk non-sakeyn e ley
hook DU-throw.in.water PURP go
‘The two of them went to a peninsula in order to throw out
hooks.’
In (29), the underlined purpose clause consists of just the VP.
(29) Hyo sah hok me, uwr-uh
hiy-o sa-uh hok me uwr-ih
3S.M-GEN woman-KIN 3S.F.SUB speak man-KIN
se, “Ara, hano man mokwe
s-e ara han-o man mo-kwe
3S.M-OBJ ADDR.M 1S-GEN crayfish GL.PL-TOP
la e loway pa.”
la e loway pa
eat PURP scoop NEG.PFTV
‘His wife said to the husband, “Man, I did not scoop crayfish
for the purpose of eating them.”’
It is important to note that this objective marker e does not exclusively
occur in complement clauses but also in main clauses as is illustrated in
the two examples below.
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In (30), the clause-final objective marker e occurs in two different

clauses. The objective marker e marks the clause for imperative with an
adhortative flavour (see §7.1). Adhortative mood does not have the force
of a command; it is rather an appeal to find a mutally agreeable plan of
action.
(30) Sawk prueyn hiy me, “Ki lous e,
sawk prueyn hiy me ki lous e
CHD one 3S.M speak ground chase OBJ.IMP
huok-pruam hin samapowr a e.”
huok-pruam hin samapowr la e
pig-cassowary shoot hunt eat OBJ.IMP
‘But one man said, “Let’s chase them, let’s hunt down and eat
pigs and cassowaries.”’
In a similar way in (31), the clause-final objective marker e marks the
clause for adhortative imperative.
(31) Ha ma-sahre me, “Ohow, hakwe senkin
ha ma-sahre me ohow ha-kwe so-enkin
1S RPT-return speak no 1S-TOP DDEM-MAN
nan, yier mon-aw ma-non-ey e.
nan yier mon-aw ma-non-ley e
think place LOC-RSTR RPT-DU-go OBJ
‘I replied, “No, I think that we should return to the village.
(Or: I think, let’s go back to the village.)”’
As already demonstrated above, the clause-final object marker e ‘OBJ’
is widely used to mark embedded clauses that express purpose. The
semantic meaning of the main verb modified by the complement clause
allows for various expressions of purpose, e.g. volition, desire, goal,
intention, etc.
Volition or desire is expressed by an object complement clause
marked by e ‘OBJ’ preceding the verb nan ‘think’ (32) or by preceding the
verb mon ‘do, make’ (33).
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(32) Enekwei kamon hokwe, uwr prueyn hiykwe

time one GL.M-TOP man one 3S.M-TOP
sapa mon ley e nan.
sapa mon ley e nan
forest LOC go PURP think/like
‘One day a certain man thought (= wanted) to go to the
forest.’
(33) Hiykwe kiaw lowk meio e mon.
hiy-kwe kiaw lowk meio e mon
3S.M-TOP drum cut work PURP do/plan
‘He planned (= wanted) to make a drum.’
Goal is expressed by an object complement clause marked by e ‘OBJ’
preceding any motion verb like ley ‘go’ (34) or hiok ‘paddle’ (35) or
loway ‘scoop’ (36).
(34) Enekwei kamon hokwe hano aio hiykwe
enekwei kamon ho-kwe han-o aio hiy-kwe
time one GL.M-TOP 1S-GEN father 3S.M-TOP
now lowk e ley nayr.
now lowk e ley nayr
tree cut PURP go night
‘One day my father went out in order to cut down trees while
it was still dark.’
(35) Enekwei kamon hokwe uwrsa lowpwarowp
enekwei kamon ho-kwe uwr-sa lowpwarowp
time one GL.M-TOP man-woman all
homkwe masi lorowh e hiok.
hom-kwe masi lorowh e hiok
2/3PL-TOP vine dig PURP paddle
‘One day all the people paddled upstream in order dig out
(poisonous) vines.’
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(36) Hokwe man mokwe la e loway pa.

hok-kwe man mo-kwe la e loway pa
3S.F-TOP crayfish GL.PL-TOP eat PURP scoop NEG.PFTV
Hokwe huk sakeyn e loway.
hok-kwe huk sakeyn e loway
3S.F-TOP hook throw.in.water PURP scoop
‘She did not scoop (her net) for crayfish in order to eat them.
She scooped (her net) in order (to have bait) to throw out
fishing hooks.’
9.4.1 Object complement clauses
It is possible to modify the head of a noun phrase with an embedded
clause that consists of an object complement clause plus the verb modified
by the complement clause. In order to demonstrate this a basic object
noun phrase is given in (37).
(37) Hiykwe sawk sa-sokruan prueyn ke lira.
hiy-kwe sawk sa-sokruan prueyn k-e lira
3S.M-TOP CHD woman-young one 3S.F-OBJ see
‘He saw a young woman.’
A noun phrase can be modified by an adjectival clause that marks
simultaneous or current action (§6.6.5). In (38), the underlined adjectival
clause hok le ‘3S.F come’ modifies the head of the noun phrase sa-sokruan
‘young woman’.
(38) Hiykwe sawk sa-sokruan prueyn hok le
hiy-kwe sawk sa-sokruan prueyn hok le
3S.M-TOP CHD woman-young one 3S.F come
ke lira.
k-e lira
3S.F-OBJ see
‘He saw a young woman coming.’
In (39), the object complement clause hu lows e is embedded within
the adjectival clause hok le. The complement clause modifies the
embedded clause for purpose. The noun phrase marker ke continues to
agree in gender and number with the head of the noun phrase sa-sokruan
‘woman-young’.
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(39) Hiykwe sawk sa-sokruan prueyn

hiy-kwe sawk sa-sokruan prueyn
3S.M-TOP CHD woman-young one
hok hu lows e le ke lira.
hok hu lows e le k-e lira
3S.F water collect PURP come 3S.F-OBJ see
‘He saw a young woman coming to get water.’
9.5 Subordinate clause relating to the main

clause
A subordinate clause precedes the main clause unless it is placed in
P3 position which is relatively rare. A subordinate clause contrasts with
the main clause in two areas.
a. Intonation. A subordinate clause does not have a sentence final
clause contour but ends with a mid-level tone that anticipates
another clause.
b. Marking. The subordinate clause occurs with a clause-final
marker which is intonationally bound to it.
9.5.1 Temporal construction consisting of a deleted NP
with a relative clause
One temporal construction already discussed before (§6.6.2) consists
of a noun phrase with a relative clause that modifies the deleted head of
the NP.
In (40), the bolded attributive clause modifies the deleted head
enekwei ‘time’. This construction is very commonly used to express
temporal relationships. The construction is marked by the masculine topic
marker hokwe. The intonation of this NP with an embedded clause is very
similar to temporal clauses marked by e.g. menkin ‘when’ and ankin ‘if’.
In (40), the bolded attributive clause modifies the deleted head enekwei
‘time’. (The latter is marked by Ø).
(40) Ø Ha serey ma lwak hokwe,
ha so-rey ma lwak ho-kwe
1S DDEM-there RCM be GL.M-TOP
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hakwe nuw-hok.
ha-kwe nuw-hok
1S-TOP INT-fear
‘When I was there, I was really afraid.’
The construction above can be used to express temporal, locative or
contents relationships. In (41), the bolded clause modifies an ellipted head
which refers to contents. One could posit ok ‘talk’ for the ellipted head.
(41) Ø Aio hiy huok ma inakok hokwe,
aio hiy huok ma inakok ho-kwe
father 3S.M pig RCM hunt GL.M-TOP
hakwe nonkway lwak pa.
ha-kwe nonkway lwak pa
1S-TOP know be NEG.PFTV
‘As for the talk that father was hunting pigs, I did not know
it.’
9.5.2 Subordinate clauses encoding past temporal
notions
All temporal clauses that refer to an event or state that is viewed as
belonging to the past, co-occur with a main clause marked for perfective.
Two temporal clauses should be distinguished: subordinate temporal
clauses marked by menkin ‘when’ and by ankin ‘as, while’. A subordinate
clause marked by menkin should be thought of as a single past event
which functions as a time referent for the main clause. This overlaps with
the perfective. A subordinate clause marked by ankin should be thought of
as a state of affairs in process which impacts the main clause. This
overlaps with the imperfective.
A clause marked by menkin views a time period as a single, unified
event belonging to the past. The state of affairs in the main clause is
placed within a time frame by the subordinate clause. This temporal
clause is not impacting the state of affairs in the main clause apart from
supplying it with a time referent. All subordinate clauses marked by
menkin ‘when’ are followed by a main clause that is marked for the
perfective.
In (42), the temporal clause is marked by menkin ‘when’. The event
marked in the subordinate clause is viewed as one single, completed
366
event. The temporal conjunction menkin relates the subordinate clause to

the main clause in regard to the specific time the activity took place.
(42) Uwr-sa hom yoh seme la menkin,
uwr-sa hom yoh so-m-e la menkin
man-woman 2/3PL banana DDEM-PL-OBJ eat when
homkwe sawk won non là.
hom-kwe sawk won non la
2/3PL-TOP CHD grease CMT eat.PFTV
‘When the people ate those bananas, they ate them with
appetite.’
Subordinate clauses are analysed as a topicalised constituent within
the topic part of a sentence. In (43), the temporal constituent marked by
menkin is analysed as a topicalised constituent, along with three other
constituents marked by -kwe. The subordinate clause marked by menkin
requires perfective marking for the main clause. The temporal subordinate
clause does not need to be the first constituent in the sentence, as can be
seen below.
(43) P2 P2
Sawk enekwei kamon hokwe, kwekwe hiykwe
sawk enekwei kamon ho-kwe kwekwe hiy-kwe
CHD time one.CL2 GL.M-TOP lizard 3S.M-TOP
P2(subordin. cl.)
hyo huok-naw ke ma-ley inakok nayr
hiy-o huok-naw k-e ma-ley inakok nayr
3S.M-GEN pig-trap 3S.F-OBJ RPT-go hunt night
P1 Sub
liok menkin, sawk hye kokwe ai
liok menkin sawk hiy-e ko-kwe ai
in.vain when CHD 3S.M-OBJ GL.F-TOP animal
VP
kamon hiy kiy-me huòn.
kamon hiy kiy-me huon
one.CL2 3S.M.SUB ACT-speak OBJ>SUB.PFTV
‘At a certain time, when the lizard went out - unsuccessfully -
during the night to his pig trap, a certain animal came and
spoke to him.’
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In (44), the two constituents marked by hokwe and menkin are both
analysed as temporal constituents that are part of the topic component of
the sentence. The clause marked by hokwe is a relative clause that marks
the deleted head enkewei ‘time’. The subordinate clause marked by
menkin supplies the main clause with a time referent. The verb phrase in
the main clause is marked for perfective.
(44) P2
Ø Kupe hiy ma ley pie hokwe,
Kupe hiy ma ley pie ho-kwe
Kupe 3S.M.SUB RCM go firstly GL.M-TOP
P2
polis hom hye ihey mo
polis hom hiy-e ihey m-o
police 2/3PL.SUB 3S.M-OBJ white.man PL-GEN
P1
aiai kow a menkin, hiykwe
aiai kow la menkin hiy-kwe
food BEN eat when 3S.M.SUB-TOP
Comment: Inc.N+VP
wouk nak-e nonsày.
wouk nak-le nonsay
vomit ACC-come throw.up.PFTV
‘As for the time that Kupe went for the first time, when the
police gave him white men’s food to eat, he had to vomit.’
Temporal clause marked by ankin
When ankin modifies a temporal clause, the state of affairs within the
clause is not viewed as a single completed past event, but as an open event
in process which contains conditions and circumstances that impact the
main clause. Ankin is more than a time reference; it indicates that the state
of affairs within the temporal clause impacts the state of affairs in the
main clause.
The marker ankin can either mark temporal clauses or conditional
clauses. This section deals with ankin as a temporal clause marker. When
ankin marks a temporal clause, the subordinate clause is followed by a
main clause marked for the perfective. When ankin marks a conditional,
or circumstantial clause (§9.5.3), the subordinate clause is followed by a
main clause marked for the imperfective.
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In (45), ankin marks a past temporal clause and the main clause is
therefore obligatorily marked for perfective. The state of affairs in the
subordinate clause and in the main clause effect one another.
(45) Hiykwe sawk kapa me lokin wor say
hiy-kwe sawk kapa m-e lokin wor say
3S.M-TOP CHD sago PL-OBJ hit remove move.PL
liok ankin, sawk hyo pisu hok hyo
liok ankin sawk hiy-o pisu hok hiy-o
in.vain while/as CHD 3S.M-GEN knife 3S.F 3S.M-GEN
woki ke nays non sehe
woki k-e nays non so-h-e
mouth 3S.F-OBJ tooth CMT DDEM-3S.M-OBJ
peyk iaròk.
peyk liarok
bite be.up.PFTV
‘While he was trying - with no good results - to cut sago
leaves, his knife cut his mouth with its sharpness.’
In (46), the use of ankin rather than menkin indicates that the state of
affairs in the subordinate clause is not only given as a single time
reference. The marker ankin indicates that there is a relationship between
the development of the state of affairs in the subordinate clause and the
state of affairs in the main clause.
(46) Huok hokwe sawk howk-oion mon nak-ey
huok ho-kwe sawk howk-oion mon nak-ley
pig GL.M-TOP CHD lake-peninsula LOC ACC-go
ankin, sawk Kupe hiy sehe
ankin sawk Kupe hiy so-h-e
while/as CHD Kupe 3S.M DDEM-3S.M-OBJ
hin piè.
hin pie
shoot firstly.PFTV
‘As the pig was going to the lake-peninsula, Kupe shot him
for the first time (or: as the first one).’
The subordinate clause in (47) states an ongoing process that led to
the state of affairs in the main clause.
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(47) Hiykwe ley owswa liok ankin, hyekwe

hiy-kwe ley lowswa liok ankin hiy-e-kwe
3S.M-TOP go drink in.vain while/as 3S.M-OBJ-TOP
sawk sehe nak-makuayk kèyn,
sawk so-h-e nak-makuayk keyn
CHD DDEM-3S.M-OBJ ACC-fall in.water.PFTV
hu mon.
hu mon
water LOC
‘While he was trying - unsuccessfully - to drink water, he fell
into the river.’
9.5.3 Conditional relationships between clauses
A subordinate clause marked by ankin that is followed by a main
clause marked for imperfective expresses a conditional or a circumstantial
relationship.
In the following three examples, circumstances or conditions are in
focus, rather than time of the event.
(48) Ney homkwe aiopey hay lwak ankin,
ney hom-kwe aiopey hay lwak ankin
child 2/3PL-TOP big very be if/when
homkwe now ayaw mon liê.
hom-kwe now ayaw mon lie
2/3PL-TOP tree high LOC go.up.IPFTV
‘When children are big they climb high in the trees.’
(49) Yaim homkwe uwrsa me lira huon
yaim hom-kwe uwr-sa m-e lira huon
duck 2/3PL-TOP man-woman PL-OBJ see OBJ>SUB
ankin, homkwe sawk hok sian nôk.
ankin hom-kwe sawk hok sian nok
if/when 2/3PL-TOP CHD fear get.up go. IPFTV
‘When ducks see people coming, they will fly away
frightened.’
370
(50) Hromkwe how la e mon ankin, peyr

hrom-kwe how la e mon ankin peyr
1PL-TOP taro eat PURP do if/when firstly
hromkwe ki-pay yaprue se
hrom-kwe ki-pay yaprue s-e
1PL.SUB-TOP ground-piece good 3S.M-OBJ
lira pâwk.
lira pawk
see search. IPFTV
‘When we want to eat taro, we will first look for a good piece
of land.’
In examples (51) and (52) there is no imperfective marked in the two
main clauses since both main verbs are followed by clause-final markers,
respectively ey ‘INTN’, and a which in combination with the modal marker
po indicates imminent future. The conjunction ankin functions in these
examples the same way as if the imperfective were used: the subordinate
clause specifies conditions or circumstances that impact the state of affairs
in the main clause.
(51) Hiykwe hane senkin me, “Pokon
hiy-kwe han-e so-enkin me pokon
3S.M-TOP 1S-OBJ DDEM-MAN speak today
hu non-hawr ankin, hrorkwe senkin
hu non-hawr ankin hror-kwe so-enkin
water DU-wash if/when 1DU-TOP DDEM-MAN
non-on ey.”
non-lon ey
DU-do INTN
‘He said to me, “When we wash ourselves today, we will do
as follows.”’
(52) Hunkwe mey kwa meio. Hunkwe senkin
hwon-kwe mey kwa meio hwon-kwe so-enkin
2S-TOP job HOR work 2S-TOP DDEM-MAN
lon ankin, hne kokwe sa po lira
lon ankin hwon-e ko-kwe sa po lira
do if/when 2S-OBJ GL.F-TOP woman PFT see
371
way a.
lway a
covet IMM.FUT
‘You should work. If you do that, as for you, a woman is
going to like you right away.’
9.5.4 Clauses in a sequential relationship
Clauses marked by the clause-final sequential marker nok are
subordinate clauses. A clause can only be marked by nok when the
subjects of both clauses are co-referential. Any clause that follows a
clause marked by the sequential conjunction nok undergoes obligatory
subject deletion and possibly even object deletion. The final main clause
is marked for imperfective, but is not, as is often the case with the Abau
imperfective, translated by an English present tense. From the perspective
of the story teller, the event of this final main clause is still in progress. It
has begun but it has not been terminated within the story line presented.
The final VP is therefore marked imperfective.
In (53), the main clause of the first sentence is yier mon nakey. The
subject hom ‘2/3PL.SUB’ is obligatorily deleted. It is repeated in the
subordinate clause of the second sentence, since this clause does not
immediately follow a clause marked by the sequential marker nok. The
main clause of the second sentence is la ‘eat’. The NP subject is
obligatorily deleted. The NP object is omitted as well, although this is not
a direct result of the sequential marker nok, since the NP object was
omitted in the subordinate clause as well.
(53) Hom huok se way nok nok, yier
hom huok s-e lway nok nok yier
2/3PL.SUB pig 3S.M-OBJ carry DUR SEQ place
mon nakey. Hom lei nok, lâ.
mon nak-ley hom lei nok la
LOC ACC-go 2/3PL.SUB cut SEQ eat.IPFTV
‘They carried the pig along and then brought (it) to the
village. They cut (it) up and then they were eating (it).’
In (54), the subject hakwe ‘I’ is obligatorily deleted in the two clauses
following the clause marked by the sequential marker nok. It is
noteworthy that the NP object mentioned in the second clause is also
omitted (along with the NP subject) in the main clause. The main clause
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only consists of the verb phrase hiy-naw, ‘roam’. It is set apart from the
preceding subordinate clauses by its distinctive clause-final intonation. It
is marked with imperfective aspect, which indicates that the event is in
progress, but has not been terminated.
(54) Sawk hakwe yier mon ma-ley nok,
sawk ha-kwe yier mon ma-ley nok
CHD 1S.SUB-TOP place LOC RPT-go SEQ
nwoh me huonok nok, hiy-nâw.
nwoh m-e huonok nok hiy-naw
dog PL-OBJ call SEQ CAUS-roam. IPFTV
‘But I went back to the village and then took the dogs and
then began roaming around with them.’
In (55), the subject hom ‘2/3PL.SUB’ is obligatorily deleted in all
clauses that follow a clause marked by the sequential conjunction nok. It
is noteworthy that the second and third clause refer to different direct
objects, yia ke ‘fire’ and an me ‘cat fish’. The final clause is the main
clause where both subject and object are deleted. The NP subject is
supplied from the first clause where it was referred to. The NP object is
supplied from the last clause that contained a NP object.
(55) Hom nuw-iau lowpway nok, yia ke
hom nuw-liau lowpway nok yia k-e
2/3PL.SUB INT-ascend completely SEQ fire 3S.F-OBJ
lunay nok, an me leynow nok,
lunay nok an m-e leynow nok
make.fire SEQ catfish PL-OBJ cook SEQ
wakiawk kreik â.
wakiawk kreik la
sit plenty eat.IPFTV
‘They climbed up all the way, and then made a fire and then
cooked catfish and then they were sitting down eating it all.’
In (56), the main clause is ma-le ‘RPT-come’ and occurs without a
subject. The subject hakwe ‘1S.SUB’ is supplied in the first subordinate
clause marked by nok. Since the verb in the last clause is a motion verb,
no NP object needs to be supplied.
373
(56) Hakwe naw la hain nok, ompow ke

ha-kwe naw la hain nok ompow k-e
1S.SUB-TOP roam eat SUB<OBJ SEQ bow 3S.F-OBJ
lokriy hain nok, ma-lê.
lokriy hain nok ma-le
leave SUB<OBJ SEQ RPT-come. IPFTV
‘I finished eating sago and then I left my bow behind and then
I started to go back.’
The sequential marker nok can be used in three different ways. In all
three constructions the marker nok places events referred to in a sequential
order. However, additional grammatical marking in the main clause
results in three different usages.
1. A sequence of events in the past. The main clause is marked for
imperfective. The overall sentence refers to events that took place
in the past, though from the perspective of the story teller, the
event in the main clause is described as still in progress. See
examples (53) and (54).
2. A sequence of events framed as an imperative. The main clause is
marked for perfective. The whole sentence has imperative force.
See examples (57) and (58).
3. A sequence of events which imply habitual or future aspect. The
main clause is marked by the clause marker ok. See examples (59)
through (61).
If a distinction exists between an intonation contour that marks the

perfective and an intonation contour that marks the imperative, then this
difference is very small. In (57) and (58) the intonation contour has been
analysed as the perfective. In combination with the sequential marker nok
and a second person subject, the examples have imperative force.
(57) Enkin kokwe hunkwe yier mon ma-ley nok,
enkin ko-kwe hwon-kwe yier mon ma-ley nok
MAN GL.F-TOP 2S.SUB-TOP place LOC RPT-go SEQ
uwrsa me hiy-mon sorasòr.
uwr-sa m-e hiy-mon sor-a-sor
man-woman PL-OBJ CAUS-do tell-DUP-tell.PFTV
‘Now, you should go back to the village and teach the
people.’
374
(58) Hiy me, “Ara, pokon hunkwe aiai

hiy me ara pokon hwon-kwe aiai
3S.M speak ADDR.M today 2S.SUB-TOP food
somokwe hnuaw nok nok, nèyh.”
so-mo-kwe hnuaw nok nok neyh
DDEM-GL.PL-TOP collect DUR SEQ wrap.PFTV
‘He said, “Man, today you should collect and take those fish
and then wrap them (in banana leaves).”’
When a sequence of events referring to the same subject is habitual or
procedural in nature, the sequence is closed off by the marker ok ‘Final
Sequential Marker’.
Examples (59) - (61) describe habitual or procedural behaviour:
(59) Masi-nioh hom hmo nene sok son
masi-nioh hom hom-o nene sok son
vine-blood 2/3PL 2/3PL-GEN eye EXCT destroy
ankin, uwrsa homkwe yawk non
ankin uwr-sa hom-kwe yawk non
if/when man-woman 2/3PL-TOP fishing.net CMT
loway kwawk nok, lokin kwor ok.
loway kwawk nok lokin kwor ok
scoop put.inside SEQ hit die FIN.SEQ
‘When the poison of the vine damages their eyes (i.e. the eyes
of the fish), the people scoop them up with the net and then
kill them.’
(60) Uwrsa homkwe lay saro e mon ankin,
uwr-sa hom-kwe lay saro e mon ankin
man-woman 2/3PL-TOP tapioc plant PURP do if/when
peyr wueir se hor nok, saro ok.
peyr wueir s-e hor nok saro ok
firstly garden 3S.M-OBJ clean SEQ plant FIN.SEQ
‘When the people want to plant tapioc, they first clear a
garden and then plant it.’
375
(61) Hiykwe senkinaw lon: awia aw

hiy-kwe so-enkin-aw lon awia aw
3S.M.SUB-TOP DDEM-MAN-RSTR do enemy fight
lono lowpway hain nok, yayh ma-nake
lono lowpway hain nok yayh ma-nak-le
fight completely SUB<OBJ SEQ song RPT-ACC-come
owk nayr ok.
lowk nayr ok
beat night FIN.SEQ
‘He just kept doing this: fighting off his enemies and then
coming back to have a singsing during the night.’
9.5.5 Counterfactual conditional
Counterfactual conditional sentences have the following
characteristics:
a. The conditional clause (protasis) is marked with the topic marker
hokwe while all NPs which occur within the clause are obligatorily
not marked for topic. (This is a normal feature of subordinate
clauses to only have clause-final topic marking, see also §9.5.2.)
b. The VP in the main clause (apodosis) is preceded by the perfect
aspect marker po, encoding perfect aspect: It refers to a
hypothetical action of which the effect would be felt in the
present.
c. The main clause is marked for perfective. (James (1982) notes
that it is very common for counterfactual clauses to be expressed
similarly to how events in the past would be expressed.)
It is noteworthy that a counterfactual condition is only marked by the
masculine hokwe and never by the feminine kokwe, or by the plural
mokwe. Normally, the marker hokwe (along with its counterparts kokwe
and mokwe) only marks phrases (§3.6.1) and not clauses. The subordinate
clause within a counterfactual conditional sentence seems to be the
exception, although it is possible to posit that the marker hokwe
nominalises the clause.
In (62), the underlined conditional clause has no clause-internal topic
marking. Only the clause-final hokwe is topic marked. The aspect marker
376
po in combination with the perfective marked on the main clause

expresses a hypothetical event.
(62) Homkwe hye ok non-sawksawk me
hom-kwe hiy-e ok non-sawksawk me
2/3PL-TOP 3S.M-OBJ talk DU-exchange speak
pa. Hom me hokwe, hiy po
pa hom me ho-kwe hiy po
NEG.PFTV 2/3PL speak GL.M-TOP 3S.M.SUB CFT
lo sày.
lo say
shoot many.PFTV
‘They did not say anything back to him. If they had spoken,
he would have shot (them).’
The same features are illustrated in (63). The underlined conditional
clause is marked by hokwe. The main clause is marked for the perfective
and contains the aspect marker po. (The clause-initial NP (hiykwe) is
analysed as a separate constituent set apart from the conditional clause by
a pause. If it had been part of the conditional clause it would not have
been topicalised by -kwe.)
(63) Sawk hiykwe, nioh ley lowpway hokwe,
sawk hiy-kwe nioh ley lowpway ho-kwe
CHD 3S.M-TOP blood go completely GL.M-TOP
hiykwe po lokruè.
hiy-kwe po lokrue
3S.M-TOP CFT die.PFTV
‘As for him, if he had lost his blood completely, he would
truly have died.’
In light of the similarity in appearance, it is worthwhile to compare
the subordinate counterfactual clause with a temporal construction marked
by hokwe. A comparison of (64) and (65) show that both subordinate
clauses are marked by a clause-final hokwe and also that both subordinate
clauses do not have a topicalised NP. Both clauses are identical apart from
the presence of the relativiser ma in (65), which always occurs to mark an
embedded clause. In this case the modifying clause marks the deleted
head enekwei ‘time’ (see §9.5.1). Both main clauses are marked for the
imperfective, but the main clause in (64) has the modal marker po which
in this context marks the counterfactual.
377
(64) Hom me hokwe, hiy po lo sày.

hom me ho-kwe hiy po lo say
2/3PL speak GL.M-TOP 3S.M.SUB CFT shoot hit.PFTV
‘If they had spoken, he would have shot them.’
(65) Ø Hom ma me hokwe, hiy
hom ma me ho-kwe hiy
2/3PL RCM speak GL.M-TOP 3S.M.SUB
lo sày.
lo say
shoot hit.PFTV
‘When they spoke, he shot them.’
A subordinate counterfactual clause can contain an embedded
complement clause (see §6.7). In (66), the purpose clause hu hawr e
‘in order to wash’ precedes the verb phrase ley ‘go’.
(66) Hunkwe, hu hawr e ley hokwe,
hwon-kwe hu hawr e ley ho-kwe
2S-TOP water wash PURP go GL.M-TOP
hunkwe paraw po ma-lè.
hwon-kwe paraw po ma-le
2S-TOP past CFT RPT-come.PFTV
‘As for you, if you had gone out to wash, you would have
returned a long time ago.’
9.5.6 Encoding concessions
A concession clause precedes the main clause, and is set apart from
the main clause by both a clause-initial and a clause-final pause.
The concession clause is characterised by:
a. an initial mo for emphasis, which can also function as a
concession in a similar way as ‘even’ is used in English;
b. a final hi ‘agreement’ which is a clause marker that encodes
endorsement/agreement (§7.4.8);
c. the absence of topic-marked NPs within the concession clause.
378
(67) Mo hano ney lowpwarowp hom

mo han-o ney lowpwarowp hom
even.EMPH 1S-GEN child all 2/3PL.SUB
lokrue lowpway hi, hakwe ok lopa.
lokrue lowpway hi ha-kwe ok lopa
die completely AGREE 1S-TOP talk NEG
‘Even if all my children die, I will not object.’
A verb phrase is not required in a concession clause, as is shown in
(68):
(68) Ara, mo hrom meinowon 200 Kina non
ara mo hrom meinowon 200 kina non
ADDR.M even.EMPH 1PL money 200 Kina CMT
hi, hromkwe ka liy nakway ley.
hi hrom-kwe ka liy nak-lway korey
AGREE 1PL-TOP car DYN ACC-carry NEG
‘Man, even if we had 200 Kina, we could not buy a car.’
In (69), the concession clause is followed by the existential verb lwak
and the object marker e. The verb lwak obligatorily occurs because of the
preceding negation marker (see discussion in§7.3.4). The object marker e
is harder to explain. The object marker e can be deleted without causing
grammatical changes to the sentence. Difference in meaning between
constructions with and without the object marker e have not been
discovered.
(69) Sawk uwrsa somokwe, mo hom
sawk uwr-sa so-mo-kwe mo hom
CHD man-woman DDEM-GL.PL-TOP even.EMPH 2/3PL
uru ipey-ar lopa lwak e hi, hno
uru ipey-ar lopa lwak e hi hwon-o
name important-INTF NEG be OBJ AGREE 2S-GEN
eir mon lwak.
eir mon lwak
top LOC be
‘But those people, even if it were so that they did not have
impressive names (= even if they are not admired), they will
be on top of you (= be more important).’
379
9.5.7 Interrogatives used as indefinite pronouns

A subordinate clause constructed with the help of an adverbial
interrogative preceding the verb phrase and followed by a clause-final
aspect marker can encode indefinite manner, contents or location. The
same semantic concept is expressed in English with the help of indefinite
specifiers like ‘whatever’ and ‘wherever.’
The syntactic form of these constructions can be diagrammed as
follows:
TABLE 55: ENCODING INDEFINITE LOCATION, MANNER AND CONTENTS
Adverbial interrogative VP Aspect Meaning

(may occur singly or marker
reduplicated)
perey (perey) VP e wherever
perey (perey) VP ley to wherever
penkin (penkin) VP e whatever (adverbial)
pay VP e whatever (adjectival)
The interrogatives perey and penkin can be used once in these
constructions or twice for emphasis. Example (70) would also be correct
with a single penkin and (71) would also be correct with a double perey.
(70) Nwoh hiy penkin penkin lon e, pareis
nwoh hiy po-enkin po-enkin lon e pareis
dog 3S.M.SUB Q-MAN Q-MAN do OBJ wallaby
hiy seyn, siraw non-mon.
hiy seyn siraw non-mon
3S.M.SUB too with DU-do
‘Whatever the dog did, the wallaby was also with him doing
everything along with him.’
The difference between clause-final e and ley is related to the focus on
location (e is used) or direction (ley is used). This type of subordinate
clause is also characterised by the absence of the topic marker -kwe on the
NP preceding the verb phrase.
In (71), the subject NP of the subordinate clause wayp hiy ‘eagle’

precedes the verb phrase and is obligatorily not topic-marked with -kwe.
380
The interrogative perey precedes the verb phrase, while the aspect marker
ley occurs clause-finally in the subordinate clause.
(71) Wayp hiy perey sian anio sue ley,
wayp hiy po-rey sian lanio sue ley
eagle 3S.M.SUB Q-place get.up walk hidden go
areysie po kiy-sian saman ha, hyo
areysie po kiy-sian saman ha hiy-o
bird.sp PFT ACT-get.up follow SUB<LOC 3S.M-GEN
meyki.
meyki
after
‘Wherever the eagle would fly to and hide, the areysie bird
would fly nearby following her.’
In (72), the NP preceding the verb phrase naw-pin-yiowk is not marked
with -kwe. The interrogative perey precedes the verb phrase and the aspect
marker e occurs clause-finally.
(72) Seyr homkwe yiowk kamon-aw mon ley
seyr hom-kwe yiowk kamon-aw mon ley
and/also 2/3PL-TOP swamp one.CL2-RSTR LOC go
pey. Naw-pin-yiowk perey lwak e,
pey naw-pin-yiowk po-rey lwak e
NEG.IPFTV sago.tree-sago-swamp Q-go be OBJ
senkin nuw-kuw liyay.
so-enkin nuw-kuw liyay
DDEM-MAN INT-cut lie-PL
‘They were not going to just one swamp. Wherever there was
a swamp with sago and pin palm trees, they cut them down.’
The interrogative pay ‘Q-what’ can only be used adjectivally and
cannot be reduplicated. In (73), pay ‘Q-what’ is followed by the plural
object marker me and occurs only once.
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(73) Hiykwe pay me la e, hiykwe

hiy-kwe po-ay m-e la e hiy-kwe
3S.M-TOP Q-what PL-OBJ eat PURP 3S.M-TOP
wouk nake.
wouk nak-le
vomit ACC-come
‘Whatever he eats, he vomits.’
9.5.8 Temporal cohesion: a limited time span
The temporal notion ‘until’ combines temporal duration with a time
limit. It is manifested as follows:
a. the initial clause contains the manner adverb senkinaw;
b. the final clause encodes a temporal limit and is marked for the
perfective;
c. the final clause does not have topic-marked constituents.
Example (74) has all these characteristics: The first clause contains
the restrictive manner adverb senkinaw to express the idea of duration.
The second clause has no topicalised constituents and is marked for the
perfective. The two clauses together express the concept of ‘until’.
(74) Arawh mei-a-mei senkinaw nuw-kuw
arawh mei-a-mei so-enkin-aw nuw-kuw
night long-DUP-long DDEM-MAN-RSTR INT-dance
nâyr, ey hiy lonkampru yay
nayr ey hiy lonkampru lyay
night. IPFTV sun 3S.M break place.down
neriè.
nerie
morning.PFTV
‘The whole long night he kept dancing, until the sun came
up.’
Sentences that express an event or state over a limited time span need
at least two clauses to express this notion. This particular construction is
problematic in its clausal analysis. Subordinate clauses never follow the
main clause, unless the subordinated clause is in tail (P3) position. The
latter is not a possible analysis here, because it is not possible to reverse
the order of the clauses, as can normally be done with P3 constituents.
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Also the tail should not contain new information as the second clause in
the construction above clearly does.
Alternatively, analysing the first clause as a subordinate clause is also
problematic. This is because the first clause has no final clause marking
that is comparable to other subordinate clauses, but ends with a VP, like all
verbal main clauses.
In spite of their dependence on each other, it is deemed best to treat
both clauses as main clauses which together express the concept of ‘until’.
In (75), the first clause occurs with the restrictive manner adverb
senkinaw to express duration. This time the first clause is not marked by
the imperfective as in (74), but by the modal marker ey ‘INTN’ which often
has future reference. The second clause is marked for the perfective.
Together they express the concept of ‘until’.
(75) Heyn sohokwe hano lian mon-aw
heyn so-ho-kwe han-o lian mon-aw
sin DDEM-GL.M-TOP 1S-GEN own LOC-RSTR
senkinaw lwak ey, ha lokruè.
so-enkin-aw lwak ey ha lokrue
DDEM-MAN-RSTR be INTN 1S die.PFTV
‘That guilt will continue to be on/with me, until I die.’
10. Discourse types
10.1 General discourse features and

organisation
Common features of nearly all oral and written discourses include:
1. an introduction;
2. a plot or a theme with its supporting arguments;
3. a conclusion.
Many texts also have a final formulaic closing statement, which often
includes the restrictive manner adverb senkinaw ‘that is all’. For some
discourse genres the introduction and conclusion can be as short as one
sentence.
Discourses are organised either
a. iconically, mirroring the order of events in the real world; or
b. thematically around major topics and supporting points.
Iconically ordered narrative discourses and legends usually have a plot
(build-up, crisis, resolution) for the main body of the discourse. Other
discourse genres (descriptive, explanatory, hortatory) have a set of
supporting points or arguments centred around a macro-theme. Even
though either time-iconicity or thematicity is the primary organising
strategy, most discourses manifest elements of both strategies.
10.1.1 Introduction to discourse
Introductions often convey background or known information, so it is
not surprising that introductions in discourses are generously sprinkled
with topic markers.
Example (1) is taken from the introduction of a letter (§11.7). It
consists of two clauses separated by a comma. Both clauses have their
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own topic and comment part. The constituents of the topic part of each
clause have been marked by P1 and P2. The remaining part of each clause
is marked comment.
(1) P1 Comment CONJ P2
Hakwe yaprue lwak, payhokuaw hromo
ha-kwe yaprue lwak po-ay-ho-kuaw hrom-e
1S-TOP good be Q-GL.M-for.reason.of 1PL.GEN
P1=OBJ
God ayaw ko hiykwe hreme kokwe
God ayaw ko hiy-kwe hrom-e ko-kwe
God above ABL 3S-TOP 1PL-OBJ GL.F-TOP
Comment
yaprue hiy-nuw-mon ihey.
yaprue hiy-nuw-mon ihey
good CAUS-INT-do excellent
‘I am doing well, because God from up high looks after us
well.’
Example (2) consists of two clauses each with its own topic and
comment part. It is taken from the first line of an expository text. All the
P1 and P2 constituents are topic-marked.
(2) P1=SUB Comment P2
Hromkwe nonkway, enekwei enkin ohokwe
hrom-kwe nonkway enekwei enkin o-ho-kwe
1PL-TOP know time MAN PDEM-GL.M-TOP
P1=SUB
uwr ompeys serey-uh homkwe
uwr ompeys so-rey-ih hom-kwe
man recent.past DDEM-there-? 2/3PL-TOP
Comment
sa po huon.
sa po huon
woman PFT marry
‘We know, that at this present time many men of this
generation are married.’
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At least one of the following elements is present in all introductions:

a. acknowledgement of the addressee(s);
b. the speaker’s self-identification;
c. an introduction to the contents to be presented;
d. a reference to the context in which the message is
communicated.
Example (2) above constitutes an introduction to the contents of an
expository text. The introduction also contains a reference to the context
in which the message is communicated enekwei enkin ohokwe ‘this
present time’. The addressees’ and the speaker’s identification have been
combined in the word hromkwe ‘we’.
Example (3) is taken from a procedural text (§11.3). The addressee
hunkwe ‘you’ is acknowledged and an introduction in regard to the
message is given (how to build a house).
(3) Hunkwe a meio ankin, hunkwe
hwon-kwe a meio ankin hwon-kwe
2S-TOP house work if/when 2S-TOP
senkin kwa lon pie.
so-enkin kwa lon pie
DDEM-MAN HOR do firstly
‘When you build a house, this is how you start out.’
Example (4) is taken from the story of “The two brothers” (§11.1.1).
The acknowledgement of the addressee and the identification of the
speaker are collapsed in the pronoun hromkwe (we). This introduction
references both the content (i.e. story of the two brothers) and the context
within which it is communicated (which includes speaker and listeners,
and also the temporal deictic centre of the current moment, when the story
is being told).
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(4) P2 P2 P1
Ok-pey-ok okukwe, pokon hromkwe
ok-pey-ok o-ko-kwe pokon hrom-kwe
talk-part-talk PDEM-GL.F-TOP today 1PL-TOP
Comment
man two 3S.M-GEN talk-part 3S.F-OBJ
lonuayk ey.
lonuayk ey
hear INTN
‘As for this story, we are going to hear now the story of two
men.’
The main point of hortatory and expository texts, and also letters, is
normally not revealed in the introduction, and not even early in the body
of the text. The main point of these three text types is often subjective and
might be controversial. The speaker tries to anticipate and overcome
potential resistance with introductory observations and statements. Only
after stating these presuppositions will the speaker make his main point.
(Examples are given in the sections dealing with hortatory and expository
texts, and letters.)
This is not the case with procedural and descriptive texts, since their
contents are mostly non-controversial and neutral. The theme of the text is
therefore often mentioned in the introduction. The topic of procedural
texts and descriptive texts can often be contained in a noun phrase or short
clause. See (3) and (5).
Example (5) is taken from a descriptive text (§11.4) which was
produced as a written text. The author gave it a title consisting of one non-
topicalised NP that immediately relays the theme of the descriptive text.
The title is sufficient introduction, so the description of the topic starts
immediately in the next sentence. This is realised by a clause formed with
the stative verb lwak ‘be’.
(5) Comment P1
Wondeis mo me-nonkway-ok. Wondeis mo
wondeis m-o me-nonkway-ok wondeis m-o
snake.sp PL-GEN speak-know-talk snake.sp PL-GEN
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Comment
owh mokwe ma me hieyn lwak.
owh mo-kwe ma m-e hieyn lwak
body GL.PL-TOP leaf PL-OBJ like be
‘The information about wondeis snakes. The body of the
wondeis snake is like leaves (= green).’
The introduction to the content in time-iconic ordered texts often
takes the form of
a. a temporal (nearly always) or spatial setting, or
b. an introduction of the principal participants.
Example (6) is taken from a non-fiction narrative which was produced
as a written text. The time setting and the participants are introduced as
background information and are therefore topicalised. The first line
functions as an introduction to the story, but it also starts the story line.
The second sentence moves the story line further along, which is
exemplified by the fact that there is only one short topicalised constituent
in the topic part of the clause versus various constituents in the long
comment part of the sentence.
(6) P2 P1=Sub
Enekwei kamon hokwe, Peni o, Jon o,
enekwei kamon ho-kwe Peni o Jon o
time one.CL2 GL.M-TOP Peni and Jon and
Comment P1=Sub
hohkwe arawh nonaw ley nayr. Hohkwe
hoh-kwe arawh non-aw ley nayr hoh-kwe
3DU-TOP night CMT-RSTR go night 3DU.SUB-TOP
Comment
sawk ki-mawk kamon mon huk
sawk ki-mawk kamon mon huk
CHD ground-head one LOC hook
non-sakeyn e ley nayr.
non-sakeyn e ley nayr
DU-throw.in.water PURP go night
‘One time Peni and Jon went out during the night. The two of
them went to a certain headland in order to throw out both
their hooks during the night.’
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Example (7) is taken from the beginning of a story. The first sentence
is framed with the stative verb lwak which is an indicator of background
information. Two topicalised NPs give the setting for the comment that is
expressed by the comment part of the first sentence. It is important to note
that in the second sentence the participant ohi-weys prueyn ‘a white
person’ is not introduced as background information. The second sentence
has no topicalised constituents and the newly introduced participant is
marked for subject. This is a clear indication that the story line has
changed from background to foreground and that this sentence points
towards a climactic event within the story line.
(7) P2 P1=Sub Comment
Paraw paraw-ar kokwe hromkwe ai uru
paraw paraw-ar ko-kwe hrom-kwe ai uru
past past-INTF GL.F-TOP 1PL-TOP food name
popo ok ma me sehiy lopa lwak.
popo ok ma me s-o-hiy lopa lwak
papaya talk RCM speak PDEM-3S.M NEG be
Comment Tail
Sawk ohi-weys prueyn hiy lousne, hromo
sawk ohi-weys prueyn hiy lousne hrom-o
CHD skin-white one 3S.M appear 1PL-GEN
P1 Comment
yier mon. Sawk hiykwe popo kamon
yier mon sawk hiy-kwe popo kamon
place LOC CHD 3S.M-TOP papaya one
senkin nak-e.
so-enkin nak-le
DDem-MAN ACC-come
‘Long ago we did not have this food called papaya. But a
white person came to our place. He brought a papaya like
this.’
An introduction to the contents of a thematically oriented text is
usually done in the very beginning of the text with a clearly stated
reference to the global theme. In (8) and (9), the author introduces the
theme for the whole discourse in the opening sentence and then continues
to give details related to this theme.
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(8) P2 P1 Comment
Wayh-om, hakwe pokon kokwe, kuey
wayh-om ha-kwe pokon ko-kwe kuey
friend-group 1S-TOP today GL.F-TOP grubs
mo okpey ke mesor ey.
m-o ok-pey k-e me-sor ey
PL-GEN talk-part 3S.F-OBJ speak-count/tell INTN
P1 Comment
Kuey homkwe ipey aio non.
kuey hom-kwe ipey aio non
grubs 2/3PL-TOP mother father CMT
‘Friends, today I will tell the story (= information) about
grubs. Grubs have parents.’
Introductions to thematic texts can be very short since they are
basically given to introduce the theme. In (9), the author has a very short
introduction with only one topicalised NP hakwe (I) in the opening
sentence that introduces the theme.
(9) Hakwe ahney horuom mesor ey.
ha-kwe ahney horuom me-sor ey
1S-TOP bird crowned.pigeon speak-recount INTN
Horuom mo owh penkin lwak e,
horuom m-o owh po-enkin lwak e
crowned.pigeon PL-GEN body Q-MAN be OBJ
seyr hmo yor o, hmo aiai o,
seyr hom-o yor o hom-o aiai o
and/also 2/3PL-GEN way and 2/3PL-GEN food and
hmo ney mow yier o, seme
hom-o ney mow yier o so-m-e
2/3PL-GEN child give.birth place and DDEM-PL-OBJ
me sor ey.
me sor ey
speak tell INTN
‘I am going to tell about the crowned pigeon. How the body
of the crowned pigeon is, and also their customs, their food,
their offspring, the place where they give birth, (I) am going
to tell that.’
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10.1.2 Iconic organisation in narrative and procedural

texts
If an Abau speaker’s communicative goal is to narrate or list a series
of events, he or she will encode these events in sentences using temporal
phrases, which chain the sentences in a coherent temporally ordered
pattern. Changes in spatial and temporal settings and participants are
significant elements in these discourses and may indicate new segments
within a discourse.
Of these last three elements, the change in temporal setting is the most
important indicator of a discourse break in narrative texts. NPs that may
mark a discourse section break are temporal NPs that are modified by the
numeral one e.g. enekwei kamon ‘a certain day’, wik kamon ‘a certain
week’ etc. Other temporal changes include predications that place the
story line in a different time setting with a temporal constituent that is not
dependent for its meaning on the rest of the discourse, e.g. a reference to a
date or to a known time period, like childhood, the days of the ancestors,
the day someone died, etc. In procedural texts the logical order rather than
the temporal order is in focus, although they might overlap.
Examples (10) and (11) are consecutive sentences in a story. The
temporal phrase enekwei kamon hokwe ‘a certain time’ starts a new
section within the discourse in (10). The next sentence (11) is part of the
same paragraph, since it contains two references or links to the first
sentence. Firstly, the temporal clause marked by menkin ‘when’ gives
further detail to the time phrase already mentioned in (10). Secondly, the
adverbial demonstrative sehe anaphorically refers to the previous sentence
and establishes a logical connection between this sentence (10) and the
main clause it occurs in.
(10) Enekwei kamon hokwe, aio hiykwe a
enekwei kamon ho-kwe aio hiy-kwe a
time one GL.M-TOP father 3S.M-TOP house
aiopey hay se meio e nanpanan.
aiopey hay s-e meio e nanpanan
big very 3S.M-OBJ work PURP think
‘One day father thought of building a big house.’
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(11) Leisnon lwak nerie menkin, hiykwe sawk

leisnon lwak nerie menkin hiy-kwe sawk
morning be morning when 3S.M-TOP CHD
a-now sehe ley kuw nerie.
a-now so-h-e ley kuw nerie
house-tree DDEM-3S.M-OBJ go cut morning
‘So when it was morning he went out to do timber cutting (for
the) house.’
A number of devices can be used to mark time within a text. These
time indications help to structure the text into a logical sequence of
events. Subordinate clauses with clause-final markers can mark time, e.g.
nok ‘SEQ’, menkin ‘when’, ankin ‘as/while’ (§9.5). Internal markers
within the verb phrase also mark time, e.g. nayr ‘night’, kok ‘day time’
etc. (§4.3.3.3). Temporal NPs like enekwei sohokwe ‘(at) that time’ or
postpositional phrases (§3.9) are also used to mark or sequence time
within a discourse.
Examples (12) through (14) are part of the same text. All constituents
that mark time have been bolded. In (12), the marker nok ‘SEQ’ places the
events in the first clause in sequential order: The Yabru man (lit. river-
man) spoke after they all ate. The temporal adverb kok ‘day time’ places
the given command in a time frame.
(12) Hom ai la lowpway nok, Yawpruw seirpey
hom ai la lowpway nok yawp-ruw seirpey
2/3PL food eat completely SEQ river-man fierceness
hiy sah ke me hain, “Hunkwe
hiy sa-uh k-e me hain hwon-kwe
3S.M woman-KIN 3S.F-OBJ speak SUB<OBJ 2S-TOP
wueir-aiai kwa hiy-a kok, hano wayh
wueir-aiai kwa hiy-la kok han-o wayh
garden-food HOR CAUS-eat daytime 1S-GEN friend
so ney-sa me.”
s-o ney-sa m-e
3S.M-GEN child-woman PL-OBJ
‘After they had eaten, the fierce Yabru man, said in parting to
his wife, “Supply my friend’s family with garden food during
the day.”’
392
In (13), the marker seseyn ‘it was done accordingly’ anaphorically

refers to the command given in the previous sentence. It has therefore
cohesive function and helps to keep track of the sequential order of the
various events. The temporal adverb kok ‘daytime’ and the temporal NP
enekwei sohokwe ‘that day’, supply the events of the sentence they occur
in with a time setting.
(13) Sah hok seseyn, wueir-aiai hiy-a
sa-uh hok seseyn wueir-aiai hiy-la
woman-KIN 3S.F accordingly garden-food CAUS-eat
kok, enekwei sohokwe. Yawpruw
kok enekwei so-ho-kwe yawp-ruw
day.time time DDEM-GL.M-TOP river-man
seirpey so sune non homkwe awia
seirpey s-o sune non hom-kwe awia
fierceness 3S.M-GEN group CMT 2/3PL-TOP enemy
aw lono kok.
aw lono kok
fight fight day.time
‘The wife did accordingly, and looked after (them) with food
during that day. The fierce Yabru man and company battled
enemies during the day.’
In (14), the underlined temporal clause marked by menkin gives a
time frame for the event described in the main clause.
(14) Ey hiy now-mour eir sok lwak menkin, hiy
ey hiy now-mour eir sok lwak menkin hiy
sun 3S.M tree-end top EXCT be when 3S.M
ma-hiy-e, yier mon.
ma-hiy-le yier mon
RPT-CAUS-come place LOC
‘When the sun set over the tree tops, he guided (the others)
back to the village.’
Procedural texts are often concerned with sequence rather than time,
although the two overlap. The sequential marker nok, or postpositional
phrases that indicate sequence, e.g. meyki mon ‘after’ are used very
frequently. The adverbial verb phrase modifier pie ‘firstly’ also helps to
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sequence events. These sequence indicators are demonstrated in (15) and

(16) which are taken from a procedural text.
(15) Seme lonhan lonhan so meyki
so-m-e lonhan lonhan s-o meyki
DDEM-PL-OBJ get.ready get.ready 3S.M-GEN after
mon hokwe, ki se meir pie,
mon ho-kwe ki s-e meir pie
LOC GL.M-TOP ground 3S.M-OBJ measure firstly
hno nop-i so meir mo
hwon-o nop-i s-o meir m-o
2S-GEN ironwood-post 3S.M-GEN measure PL-GEN
liyliy-aw.
liyliy-aw
similar-RSTR
‘After you have everything ready, the ground need be
measured first, in accordance with the number of ironwood
posts you have.’
(16) Senkin lon lowpway nok, ki-eyh lopru
so-enkin lon lowpway nok ki-eyh lopruw
DDEM-MAN do completely SEQ ground-ditch dig
nok, nop-i me way inon kreik
nok nop-i m-e lway linon kreik
SEQ ironwood-post PL-OBJ carry transport plenty
lopalop ok.
lopalop ok
finish.off FIN.SEQ
‘After having done that, dig holes and then finish (the job) of
placing all of the ironwood trees.’
10.1.3 Thematically organised texts
Thematically organised discourses and texts include descriptions,
expositions, hortatory discourses and letters. Rather than centring around
the activities of participants, they centre around a global theme supported
by local topics. Examples are listed below, including the appropriate
section of the appendix: a descriptive text about a certain type snake
(§11.4); an expository text about divorce (§11.5); a hortatory text about
care for a local aid post (§11.6).
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In text types where opinion or persuasive argumentation are central,

the speaker will make use of hortative commands and hypothetical
questions to mark paragraph boundaries and even episode boundaries.
Some connectives and conjunctions are very useful in building up
propositions that will support a certain premise or opinion. Examples
include:
x Frequent use of inclusive devices. E.g. the use of hromkwe ‘we’;
or the connective seyr ‘and also’ that joins constituents of equal
status. (Can be used to add support or further evidence for one’s
premise.)
x Frequent use of devices that express real or hypothetical
conditions or alternatives, e.g. conditional clauses marked by
ankin ‘if’; positing of hypothetical questions that will support the
main idea.
x Frequent use of devices that express reason or logical
consequences. E.g. conjunction payhokuaw ‘why, because’; the
adverbial demonstratives sehe, sokwe and seme, to establish
logical consequence.
x Frequent use of hortatory statements (let’s …) or value statements
(this is good/bad).
Examples (17-20) are consecutive sentences taken from a speech to
encourage better maintenance of the village clinic. The first sentence in
(17) is a value statement about the presence of the Aid Post. This is the
supposition that the speaker will build on.
(17) Aid Post hromo yier mon ma kiy-wak
aid post hrom-o yier mon ma kiy-lwak
aid post 1PL-GEN place LOC RCM ACT-be
ohokwe, yaprue ihey-ar.
o-ho-kwe yaprue ihey-ar
PDEM-GL.M-TOP good excellent-INTF
Hakwe kar ley.
ha-kwe kar ley
1S-TOP gladness go
‘(The fact) that the Aid Post is in our village is really
excellent. I am very happy (about that).’
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In (18), the audience is encouraged to rejoice in the presence of the

clinic. The connective seyr ‘and, also’ indicates that, in addition to the
speaker’s contentment with the clinic, the audience should also be pleased
with the clinic as an asset for the village.
(18) Homkwe seyr kar kwa ley.
hom-kwe seyr kar kwa ley
2/3PL-TOP and/also gladness HOR go
‘You should be happy as well.’
In (19), the conjunction payhokuaw ‘why, because’ is used to express
reason in support of the theme.
(19) Payhokuaw, Aid Post ohokwe
po-ay-ho-kuaw aid post o-ho-kwe
Q-what-GL.M-for.reason.of aid post PDEM-GL.M-TOP
hromo Uwrsa-ney lowpwarowp peik non
hrom-o uwr-sa-ney lowpwarowp peik non
1PL-GEN man-woman-child all ill CMT
me hiy-mon ey.
m-e hiy-mon ey
PL-OBJ CAUS-do INTN
‘Because - this Aid Post is here to help our people and all the
children with sickness.’
In (20), a closing hortatory remark is made that includes both speakers
and listeners.
(20) Hromkwe enkin ohokwe Aid Post se
hrom-kwe enkin o-ho-kwe aid post s-e
1PL-TOP MAN PDEM-GL.M-TOP aid post 3S.M-OBJ
nekie kraiay e.
nekie krai-ay e
hold strength-PL PURP
‘At this time we should hold on to our Aid Post in a strong
way.’
The following string of examples (21-22) are taken from a later part
of the same speech. In (21), the speaker makes use of a hypothetical
question to start a new paragraph.
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(21) Hai, hwon peik nakwon, hunkwe perey

hai hwon peik nak-won hwon-kwe po-rey
O.K. 2S.SUB ill ACC-lie 2S.SUB-TOP Q-there
nakey a?
nak-ley a
ACC-go INDF.FUT
‘If you are down with some illness, where would you go to?’
In (22), the speaker makes use of a conditional clause with ankin ‘if’
to support his main theme.
(22) Sawk hromkwe Aid Post se meio ihey
sawk hrom-kwe aid post s-e meio ihey
CHD 1PL-TOP aid post 3S.M-OBJ work excellent
pa lwak ankin, APO hiykwe uwr
pa lwak ankin APO hiy-kwe uwr
NEG.PFTV be if/when health.officer 3S.M-TOP man
hakamay Vanimo ko me liy me kow
hakamay Vanimo ko m-e liy me kow
oldest Vanimo ABL PL-OBJ DYN speak BEN
nonkwây, homkwe Aid Post ehe
nonkway hom-kwe aid post o-h-e
know. IPFTV 2/3PL-TOP aid post PDEM-3S.M-OBJ
liy piar sakawk.
liy piar sakawk
DYN fence.in stop
‘But if we do not do a good job in working on the Aid Post,
the APO (= local health officer) will inform the big men in
Vanimo, and they can close down this Aid Post here.’
10.1.4 Conclusion in texts
Most discourse genres conclude with a formulaic closing containing
the adverbial manner demonstrative senkin suffixed by the restrictive
marker -aw.
Example (23) is the final sentence in the legend “The two brothers”.
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23) Okpey ok okukwe, senkinaw.

ok-pey ok o-ko-kwe so-enkin-aw
talk-part talk PDEM-GL.F-TOP DDEM-MAN-RSTR
‘As for this story, it goes to here (= that is all).’
Example (24) is the final sentence of a letter.
(24) Hano ok o, mesopok sohom o,
han-o ok o me-sopok so-hom o
1S-GEN talk and speak-ask DDEM-2/3PL and
senkinaw.
so-enkin-aw
DDEM-MAN-RSTR
‘As for my messages and questions, that’s all.’
Procedural texts may end with the phrase senkinaw as well, or with
some other phrase that will indicate the end of the procedure explained.
Example (25) is the final sentence of a procedural text.
(25) Owah-mey somokwe mey pariawey-ar.
owah-mey so-mo-kwe mey pariawey-ar
sago.stalk-job DDEM-GL.PL-TOP job last-INTF
‘As for this job with the sago stalks, it is the last work.’
In some cases no formulaic expressions are used, but the speaker
terminates with a fitting ending, e.g. returning to the village, resolution of
a problem, or even advice to the addressee. The speaker links this ending
in some cohesive way to the preceding discourse.
Example (26) is the last sentence of a non-fiction narrative, when the
two men return home after an unsuccessful fishing trip. The object
demonstrative sehe preceding the verb phrase, anaphorically refers to the
reasons why they came home without food.
(26) Hohkwe sawk aiai lopa sehe
hoh-kwe sawk aiai lopa so-h-e
3DU-TOP CHD food NEG DDEM-3S.M-OBJ
ma-ley, a mon kokwe.
ma-ley a mon ko-kwe
RPT-go house LOC GL.F-TOP
‘So the two of them went back home without food.’
398
Example (27) is the last sentence of the hortatory text about the Aid
Post, which contains important advice to the addressees. The object
demonstrative sehe establishes a logical relationship with the preceding
discourse.
(27) Hakwe hme senkin sehe me,
ha-kwe hom-e so-enkin so-h-e me
1S-TOP 2/3PL-OBJ DDEM-MAN DDEM-3S.M-OBJ speak
homkwe Aid Post se yaprue nonaw
hom-kwe aid post s-e yaprue non-aw
2/3PL-TOP aid post 3S.M-OBJ good CMT-RSTR
hiy-wayr e.
hiy-lwayr e
CAUS-stay OBJ.IMP
‘That’s why I am telling you this, so that you should look
after the Aid Post in a good way.’
It is also not unusual, especially in hortatory or expository texts, to
add a new supporting argument to the main point in the last sentence of
the text. Example (28-29) is taken from an expository text that deals with
the question: can men send away their wives in a childless marriage? The
author argues against the dismissal of wives. He has several arguments,
but the new supporting argument that women cannot be blamed for
something they were born with is tagged nearly as an afterthought to the
end. The feature of closing the discourse with a new supporting argument
might in some cases be an indication of an ill-prepared speaker. However,
the technique has been observed enough in speeches to consider the
possibility that the speaker may use it as a device to convince his listeners.
By bringing up a new argument in his final sentence, he leaves the listener
with new evidence that supports his view. He thereby gives the impression
that many more arguments in favour of his point of view might have been
brought forward.
The speaker could have concluded with the hortatory remark in (28).
However, he adds a new argument (29) and makes this the closing remark
of the speech.
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(28) Ha seyr senkin nan, uwrsa homkwe

ha seyr so-enkin nan uwr-sa hom-kwe
1S and/also DDEM-MAN think man-woman 2/3PL-TOP
uwr non sa nonaw kwa lwak.
uwr non sa non-aw kwa lwak
man CMT woman CMT-RSTR HOR be
‘I think that people should remain with their husband and with
their wife.’
(29) Seyr sa ney lopa ma lwak
seyr sa ney lopa ma lwak
and/also woman child NEG RCM be
somokwe mo senkinaw
so-mo-kwe mo so-enkin-aw
DDEM-GL.PL-TOP EMPH DDEM-MAN-RSTR
le, ipey ko swaw mon kokwe.
le ipey k-o swaw mon ko-kwe
come mother 3S.F-GEN stomach LOC GL.F-TOP
‘And also women without children come like that out of the
mother’s womb (= these women are born like that).’
Examples (30-31) come from a speech about the ills of smoking. The
speaker has concluded his reasoning why he does not smoke. He could
have made the final sentence in (30) his closing remark, but in (31) he
adds one more argument (about the inability to play soccer) to convince
the listener.
(30) Dokta homkwe seyr senkin me, “Hope
dokta hom-kwe seyr so-enkin me hope
docter 2/3PL-TOP and/also DDEM-MAN speak tobacco
mokwe yaprue korey. Hope mokwe peik non.
mo-kwe yaprue korey hope mo-kwe peik non
GL.PL-TOP good no tobacco GL.PL-TOP ill CMT
Hno sawn se mon piapay. Hunkwe
hwon-o sawn s-e mon piapay hwon-kwe
2S-GEN lung 3S.M-OBJ do badly 2S-TOP
saw-okrue, hope-peik hok wanohyay ankin.” Hakwe
saw-lokrue hope-peik hok lwanohyay ankin ha-kwe
SPD-die tobacco-ill 3S.F spread if/when 1S-TOP
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hope loum pa sehe lwak.

hope loum pa so-h-e lwak
tobacco burn NEG.PFTV DDEM-3S.M-OBJ be
‘The doctor also says, “Tobacco is not good. It has diseases
with it. It destroys your lungs. You will die quickly when you
catch the tobacco sickness.” That’s why I do not smoke.’
(31) Soka-gem seyn, hunkwe soka-gem senkin
soka-gem seyn hwon-kwe soka-gem so-enkin
soccer-game too 2S-TOP soccer-game DDEM-MAN
senkin liy lonkuwseyn ley. Hano
so-enkin liy lonkuwseyn korey han-o
DDEM-MAN DYN play NEG 1S-GEN
ok senkinaw.
ok so-enkin-aw
talk DDEM-MAN-RSTR
‘Playing soccer too, you will not be able to play any kind of
soccer game. That’s all.’
10.2 Discourse genres

10.2.1 Narrative discourses
Legends do not contain formulaic expressions that would set them
apart from other non-fiction narratives, so the comments in this section
hold true for all narratives. The plot in iconically ordered narratives is
composed of a number of episodes, encoded by paragraphs. The
boundaries of episodes are indicated by two or more of the following:
a. a change (or introduction) of main participants (especially if
they occur without topic marking);
b. a change of spatial setting indicated by motion verbs;
c. a change of temporal setting.
A narrative can be divided into:
a. an introduction: the needed background information to
understand the plot;
b. a plot: a series of events that describe the build-up, the
handling and the aftermath of a crisis or challenge;
c. a conclusion: an evaluative or informative ending to the story.
401
Examples (32-34) are part of one text. The first two examples give the
needed background information to understand the plot of the story and the
last example (34) describes the beginning of the crisis. In (32), the first
participant how kamon aiopey ‘a certain big taro’ is introduced with a
topic marker and so is the next participant uwrsa homkwe ‘the people’ in
(33). The next NP how aiopey hay sohokwe ‘that big taro’ is also
topicalised and although it has the semantic role of patient it is not marked
for object. This demonstrates that (32) and (33) contain basically
background information that helps the build-up of events for the plot of
the story. All topic markers are bolded.
(32) How kamon aiopey hokwe ki-sapa kamon
how kamon aiopey ho-kwe ki-sapa kamon
taro one big GL.M-TOP ground-forest one
mon lwak.
mon lwak
LOC be
‘A certain big taro was located in a certain area in the forest.’
(33) Uwrsa homkwe how aiopey hay
uwr-sa hom-kwe how aiopey hay
man-woman 2/3PL-TOP taro big very
sohokwe nuw-hok wayr.
so-ho-kwe nuw-hok lwayr
DDEM-GL.M-TOP INT-fear stay
‘As for this taro, the people were really afraid of it.’
Example (34) does not contain any topicalised constituents and this
signals the sentence as foreground and even climactic. Temporal
references are often topic-marked and therefore the fact that the temporal
reference enekwei kamon ‘a certain day’ has no topic marking indicates
the speaker’s intent to highlight the event described in (34) as foreground.
This is also illustrated by the fact that the agent sa sokruan prueyn hok ‘a
certain young woman’ is introduced as a new participant without topic
marking. (See §8.7.1 on introduction of new participants.)
402
(34) Sawk enekwei kamon, sa-sokruan prueyn

sawk enekwei kamon sa-sokruan prueyn
CHD time one woman-young.woman one
hok ley nok, how sehe nekie.
hok ley nok how so-h-e nekie
3S.F.SUB go SEQ taro DDEM-3S.M-OBJ hold
‘One day, a certain young woman came and took this taro.’
The next short story (35-41) displays: (1) an introduction; (2) a plot;
and (3) a conclusion.
(1) Introduction: Background of the main character Keno is given.
The fact that he never shot a pig is mentioned as necessary background
information. It is marked with the negation marker lopa which
nominalises the clause. (All topic markers are bolded.)
(35) Paraw, paraw-ar kokwe nyo prueyn senkin
paraw paraw-ar ko-kwe nyo prueyn so-enkin
past past-INTF GL.F-TOP lad one DDEM-MAN
lwak, yier kamon mon. Hyo uru hokwe
lwak yier kamon mon hiy-o uru ho-kwe
be place one LOC 3S.M-GEN name GL.M-TOP
Keno. Hiykwe huok hin lopa.
Keno hiy-kwe huok hin lopa
Keno 3S.M-TOP pig shoot NEG.NOMS
‘A long time ago there was a boy in a certain place. His name
was Keno. He had never shot a pig.’
(2a) Plot: Build-up to the crisis or challenge. The information given
in the introduction about the main character proves to be a source of
derision that needs to be faced. The main character does not agree with the
opinion of the other villagers about his hunting abilities. These facts
establish the challenge. The storyline is moving from backgrounded
information to foregrounded information. This is displayed in (36) by the
use of direct speech and also by the use of the non-topicalised pronoun ha.
The answer given by the main character is a clause without any
topicalised constituent which is an indicator of foregrounded text.
(36) Uwrsa yier ko homkwe hye kweyr
uwr-sa yier ko hom-kwe hiy-e kweyr
man-woman place GEN 2/3PL-TOP 3S.M-OBJ laugh
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kow wayr, senkin, “Keno hunkwe huok liy

kow lwayr so-enkin Keno hwon-kwe huok liy
BEN stay DDEM-MAN Keno 2S-TOP pig DYN
hin ley.” Sa Keno hiykwe hme
hin korey sa Keno hiy-kwe hom-e
shoot NEG then/and Keno 3S.M-TOP 2/3PL-OBJ
senkin me kow, “Ha ya hin a.”
so-enkin me kow ha ya hin a
DDEM-MAN speak BEN 1S IND.FUT shoot FUT
‘The people of the village laughed at him, “Keno, you can’t
shoot a pig.” But Keno told them this, “Some day I will shoot
one.”’
(2b) Plot: Handling of the challenge. The clause-initial temporal noun
phrase marked by the numeral enekwei kamon hokwe (a certain day/time)
points towards a new paragraph. It describes the manner in which the
main character handles the challenge before him.
(37) Enekwei kamon hokwe, hiykwe naw-kuw
enekwei kamon ho-kwe hiy-kwe naw-kuw
time one GL.M-TOP 3S.M.SUB-TOP sago-axe
ke lway nok, sapa mon nak-ey. Hiykwe
k-e lway nok sapa mon nak-ley hiy-kwe
3S.F-OBJ carry SEQ forest LOC ACC-go 3S.M-TOP
seyp kamon se lira nok, lowk inor
seyp kamon s-e lira nok lowk linor
palm one 3S.M-OBJ see SEQ cut fence.off
hain. Wik hokwe kamon senkin
hain wik ho-kwe kamon so-enkin
SUB<OBJ week GL.M-TOP one DDEM-MAN
isay hawon.
isay hawon
permit lie
‘At a certain time he took his sago axe and went into the
forest. He saw a black palm, cut it down and constructed a
fence (nearby) and left. He let it lie there for a week.’
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(2c) Plot: Climax of challenge. The fact that the subject hiy is twice
not topicalised is a clear indication that this is foregrounded text. These
lines are part of the climax of the story.
(38) Peypey pa, hiy ma-ley ira. Keno hiy
peypey pa hiy ma-ley lira Keno hiy
to.last NEG.PFTV 3S.M again-go see Keno 3S.M
me, “Wo, hano naw pa la koma.
me wo han-o naw pa la ko-ma
speak EXCL 1S-GEN sago CUR eat EMPH.SP.F-ADDR.PL
Hakwe pokon liy hin.”
ha-kwe pokon liy hin
1S.SUB-TOP today DYN shoot
‘Not long (after that) Keno went back to see. He said, “OK,
my sago has been eaten from. I can shoot the pig today.”’
In (39-40), the plot further develops with the help of the marker
seseyn ‘done accordingly’ which makes the transition from planned action
to executed action. The subject hiy ‘3S.SUB’ is occurs three times in (39-
40) without topicalisation. Twice that is the result of the fact that it is
obligatorily not topicalised because it occurs in a subordinate temporal
clause. The subject hiy ‘3S.SUB’ occurs once (underlined) in the main
clause. In that environment the absence of topicalisation is an indication
that the subject is part of foregrounded text. In (40), the NP uwrsa homkwe
is topicalised, which is an indication that the story line has reached a less
climactic part of the story.
(39) Seseyn, ey hiy now-mowr eir mon liawon
seseyn ey hiy now-mowr eir mon liawon
accordingly sun 3S.M tree-top top LOC lie.down
hain menkin, hiy pa inakey. Sa
hain menkin hiy pa linakey sa
SUB>OBJ when 3S.M.SUB CUR hunt then/and
sehe ka-onuayk ne, “Pa la.”
so-h-e ka-lonuayk ne pa la
DDEM-3S.M-OBJ side-hear SUB>OBJ CUR eat
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Sa sehe hin nok, lie way nok.

sa so-h-e hin nok lie lway nok
then/and DDEM-3S.M-OBJ shoot SEQ go.up carry DUR
‘It went just like that, when the sun had just left the tops of
the trees, he went out to hunt. And then he heard (it) coming,
“It is eating now.” And so he shot (it) and took and carried
(it).’
(40) Hiy yier nak-ousne menkin, uwrsa
hiy yier nak-lousne menkin uwr-sa
3S.M.SUB place ACC-appear when man-woman
homkwe nays-aw peyk huon. Homkwe
hom-kwe nays-aw peyk huon hom-kwe
2/3PL-TOP tooth-RSTR bite OBJ>SUB 2/3PL.SUB-TOP
ok lopa lwak.
ok lopa lwak
talk NEG.NOMS be
‘When he arrived in the village, the people bit their teeth
(were dumbfounded). They were speechless.’
(3) Conclusion: Evaluative remarks in regard to the outcome of the
crisis.
(41) Uwrsa homkwe sa sehe
uwr-sa hom-kwe sa so-h-e
man-woman 2/3PL-TOP then/and DDEM-3S.M-OBJ
lei nok, lowndiy a nayr. Uwr hakamay
lei nok lowndiy la nayr uwr hakamay
cut SEQ share eat night man oldest
homkwe Keno se kar nuw-ey nok,
hom-kwe Keno s-e kar nuw-ley nok
2/3PL-TOP Keno 3S.M-OBJ gladness INT-go SEQ
hyo uru se nak-ie.
hiy-o uru s-e nak-lie
3S.M-GEN name 3S.M-OBJ ACC-go.up
‘So the people cut up the pig, shared it around and ate it in the
night. The big men were really happy with (= proud of) Keno,
and they complimented him greatly.’
406
10.2.2 Procedural texts

Procedural texts often have an introduction and a conclusion, but they
both can be very short. The ‘plot’ within a procedural text is concerned
with the description of sequenced or logical steps that will enable
someone to correctly perform an action. Procedural texts lack the
emotions, conflict and participant cast of a narrative text, because
procedural texts are in general not concerned with behaviour of people,
but on how particular activities need to be performed. The actor(s) in a
procedural text can be nameless or only be identified according to role.
Time is normally not indicated in absolute terms, since procedural
texts do not focus on the description of past or current events. The focus is
to give instruction on the right and logical sequence of actions related to a
specific context. Imperfective aspect is widely used in procedural texts.
Examples (42-50) are taken from the procedural text ‘House building’
(§11.3). The bolded words and phrases are characteristic of how sequence
is marked in procedural texts.
If a procedural text is produced in written form it might be supplied
with a name. This is often just a non topicalised NP. In (42), the head of
the NP is modified by the embedded clause a meio.
(42) A meio yor.
a meio yor
house work way
In (43), the text starts with an introduction where the author identifies
himself in combination with the theme that he will discuss. As in many
procedural texts, this introduction is very short and in (44), the author
immediately goes ahead to delineate the various steps of house building.
(43) Hakwe a meio yor ke me sor ley.
ha-kwe a meio yor k-e me sor ley
1S-TOP house work way 3S.F-OBJ speak count/tell go
‘I am going to tell about the way to make a house.’
The agent of the next sentence is hunkwe ‘you’. The singular second
personal pronoun stands here for any, not further defined, person who
wants to undertake the task of house building.
407

2S.SUB-TOP house work if/when 2S.SUB-TOP
senkin kwa lon pie.
The agent in procedural texts only needs to be mentioned once. After
that the agent does not need to be mentioned, except when the author
wants to draw special attention to the agent. But an agent is obligatorily
absent in a clause that follows a clause marked by nok ‘SEQ’.
In (45), hunkwe ‘you’ is the assumed agent, but does not need to be
mentioned. As can be seen from the rest of the examples, the agent
hunkwe is elided in all the examples following. The temporal adverb peyr
‘firstly’ and the adverbial constituent koruay ‘in preparation for’ help to
place the various activities in the right sequence.
(45) Peyr nop-i me kwa lowk hnar
peyr nop-i m-e kwa lowk hnar
firstly ironwood-post PL-OBJ HOR cut split
koruay.
koruay
preparingly
‘First you go out and you cut and split the ironwood posts in
preparation (for the building).’
The sentence-initial marker hai ‘O.K.’ makes a clear break between
the previous event and the one about to be mentioned. The one event is
assumed to be finished before the next event starts. The sequential marker
nok and a second use of koruay assist in establishing the sequence order.
408
(46) Hai, musow-now, pros-now, sowor-now,

hai musow-now pros-now sowor-now
O.K. bearer-tree floor.joist-tree roof.support-tree
yakwa-now, kekie-yeyryeyr-now seme
yakwa-now kekie-yeyryeyr-now so-m-e
horizontal.beam-tree place-connectors-tree DDEM-PL-OBj
lowk say koruay nok, mays me
lowk say koruay nok mays m-e
cut move.PL preparingly SEQ cane PL-OBJ
lokrwe say.
lokrwe say
cut.PL move.PL
‘OK, you cut in preparation all the bearers, floor joists,
vertical and horizontal roof beams, and all the wall post
connectors and then you cut all the vines.’
The verbal modifier lowpway expresses the completion of an action.
(47) Omeme somokwe yier mon-aw kekie
omeme so-mo-kwe yier mon-aw kekie
things DDEM-GL.PL-TOP place LOC-RSTR put
kekie lowpway.
kekie lowpway
put completely
‘All these things have to be completely stored in the village.’
The postpositional phrase marked by the locative mon indicates time
sequence here. Also the verbal modifier pie helps to establish the
sequential order of the events.
hno nop-i so meir
hwon-o nop-i s-o meir
2S-GEN ironwood-post 3S.M-GEN measure
409
mo liyliy-aw.
m-o liyliy-aw
PL-GEN similar-RSTR
‘After having prepared everything, you need to measure the
ground first, in accordance to the number of ironwood posts
you have.’
In (49), the right order of the events is established with the help of the
sequential marker nok and the final sequence-marker ok.
(49) Senkin lon lowpway nok, ki-eyh
so-enkin lon lowpway nok ki-eyh
DDEM-MAN do completely SEQ ground-ditch
lopru nok, nop-i me way inon
lopruw nok nop-i m-e lway linon
dig SEQ ironwood-post PL-OBJ carry carry
kreik lopalop ok.
kreik lopalop ok
plenty finish.off FIN.SEQ
In (50), the first sentence is a temporal construction with senkinaw,
marking a limited time span (§9.4.8). The NP mey pariawey-ar ‘very last
work’ forms the end and the conclusion of the procedural text. The abrupt
ending is not unusual within a procedural text, since there is often no need
for evaluative comments once the description of the procedure is finished.
(50) Senkin-aw-aw, a se nuw-piar
so-enkin-aw-aw a s-e nuw-piar
DDEM-MAN-RSTR-EMPH house 3S.M-OBJ INT-fence.in
sakoum kawk lowpwày. Owah-mey
sakoum kawk lowpway owah-mey
turn.to.sides put.inside completely.PFTV sago.stalk-job
somokwe mey pariawey-ar.
so-mo-kwe mey pariawey-ar
DDEM-GL.PL-TOP job last-INTF
‘Keep going, until you have fenced in the house on all sides.
The (wall) job with the sago stalks is the last one.’
410
10.2.3 Descriptive texts

Descriptive texts are similar to procedural texts in that they are
informative and non-emotive. Procedural and descriptive texts both make
extensive use of the imperfective, since these texts often prescribe or
describe general or habitual behaviour. This is in contrast with narrative
texts which make extensive use of the perfective to describe unique events
that in their totality took place in the past.
Whereas procedural texts are concerned with the correct manner to
perform a task, descriptive texts are concerned with the description of
observed behaviour or characteristics. Descriptive texts centre around a
global theme that is often a directly observable entity (e.g. animal, place,
custom, activity).
Descriptive texts make frequent use of verbless clauses: a topicalised
entity is supplied with a comment that either gives additional information
to that entity or supplies the entity with a certain identity. In (51), the first
topic NP is further defined for attributive characteristics, the second topic
NP is further identified for role.
(51) Topic Comment Topic Comment
Uwr sohokwe aiopey. Hiykwe tisa.
uwr so-ho-kwe aiopey hiy-kwe tisa
man DDEM-GL.M big 3S.M-TOP teacher
‘That man is big/tall. He is a teacher.’
Descriptions of customary activities often feature the habitual modal
marker seyn as illustrated in (52).
(52) Homkwe iwar me aw seyn mon pey.
hom-kwe iwar m-e aw seyn mon pey
2/3PL-TOP human PL-OBJ fight HAB do NEG.IPFTV
‘They are not in the habit of attacking people.’
Descriptive texts tend to have very few non-topicalised NPs that are
syntactically marked for subject or object. This in contrast to narrative
texts where non-topicalised NPs occur frequently. In (53-60), there is no
occurrence of a non-topicalised subject and only one example of a non-
topicalised object.
Descriptive texts are also characterised by a high number of verbless
clauses or clauses formed with the stative verb lwak like e.g. (53) and
411
(54). The two topicalised NPs marked by mokwe occur in clauses that are
formed with the stative verb lwak. (Below in (53-60), all topic markers are
bolded.)
(53) Wondeis mo owh mokwe ma me
wondeis m-o owh mo-kwe ma m-e
snake.sp PL-GEN body GL.PL-TOP leaf PL-OBJ
hieyn lwâk.
hieyn lwak
like be. IPFTV
‘The body of the wondeis snake is like leaves (= green).’
(54) Hmo owh mokwe nompou nompou lwâk.
hom-o owh mo-kwe nompou nompou lwak
2/3PL-GEN body GL.PL-TOP weak weak be. IPFTV
‘Their bodies are very soft.’
Non-topicalised NPs with syntactic marking are relatively rare in
descriptive texts. That is especially true for non-topicalised NPs marked
for subject and to a lesser extent for non-topicalised NPs marked for
object. The NP iwar me ‘people, human beings’ in (52) is an example of
such an occurrence.
The bolded NPs in (55) and (56) are respectively marked for object
and subject, but are topicalised as well.
(55) Hmekwe iha nonaw liy nekie wây.
2/3PL-OBJ-TOP hand CMT-RSTR DYN hold carry.IPFTV
‘You can grab them with (your) hand and carry them around.’
(56) Uwrsa homkwe senaw lâ.
uwr-sa hom-kwe senaw la
man-woman 2/3PL.SUB-TOP habitually eat.IPFTV
‘People are in the habit of eating (them).’
Participants and props that are referred to in a descriptive text often do
not represent an individual, unique entity. This in contrast to narrative
texts, where participants and props have their own identity and often play
roles in specific, unique events. Many of the entities referred to in a
descriptive text are not uniquely identifiable entities, but often function as
representatives for their type or category. The marking on the NPs reflects
this. In (57), hmo pion mokwe ‘their meat’ has patient role, but it is not
412
marked for object. It is only marked by the general topic marker mokwe.
This is in line with the fact that the NP does not represent a single
identifiable entity, but represents the meat of all other wondeis-snakes as
well.
(57) Hmo pion mokwe won non nuw-â.
hom-o pion mo-kwe won non nuw-la
2/3PL-GEN meat GL.PL-TOP grease CMT INT-eat.IPFTV
‘As for their meat, it is eaten with grease (= tastes really
good).’
In (58-60), the subject homkwe occurs three times topicalised. No
non-topicalised NPs that are syntactically marked occur in these sentences.
(58) Homkwe now mon hoaho
hom-kwe now mon ho-a-ho
2/3PL.SUB-TOP tree LOC twist.around-DUP-twist.around
inakrôk.
linakrok
stand. IPFTV
‘They are located in trees, curled up.’
(59) Homkwe aiai ki sankaw seyn
hom-kwe aiai ki so-ankaw seyn
2/3PL.SUB-TOP food ground DDEM-Degree HAB
lanio sayok a pey.
lanio sayok la pey
walk to.and.fro eat NEG.IPFTV
‘They don’t habitually go out to find their food.’
(60) Enekwei kraiar mokwe homkwe anwaw-aw
enekwei kraiar mo-kwe hom-kwe anwaw-aw
time many GL.PL-TOP 2/3PL.SUB-TOP sleep-RSTR
kor-iawon sokwây.
kor-liawon sokway
little-lie.down lie-many. IPFTV
‘Most of the time they just sleep for long periods.’
Descriptive texts can contain instructive sections that look very
similar to sections of a procedural text, e.g. the text “The snake” (§11.4)
moves from descriptive to instructive in the second part of the text. When
a descriptive text becomes instructive, an addressee is needed. Below, the
413
addressee is referred to by hwon ‘2S.SUB’ which functions as a universal

‘you’ taking into its scope all who hear or read this text.
In (61-63), possible scenarios are given in subordinate clauses marked
by ankin ‘if’ which are followed by a main clause expressing a command.
In (61), the command is marked by the prohibitive marker pese, and in
(63), the command is marked by the hortative marker kwa.
(61) Hmo weyn kamon, senkin: Enekwei hwon
hom-o weyn kamon so-enkin enekwei hwon
2/3PL-GEN custom one DDEM-MAN time 2S.SUB
wondeis ke lira irway ankin, peyr pese
wondeis k-e lira lirway ankin peyr pese
snake.sp 3S.F-OBJ see meet if/when firstly PROH
saw-okin kwor o.
saw-lokin kwor o
SPD-hit die NEG.IPFTV
‘One of their habits is like this: if you happen to see a wondeis
snake, do not be too quick in killing it.’
(62) Peyr kwa mesopok, wayhih non senaw
peyr kwa me-sopok wayh-ih non senaw
firstly HOR speak-ask friend-KIN CMT habitually
lwâk.
lwak
be. IPFTV
‘First ask (the snake); they often have a companion along.’
(63) Enekwei hwon mesopok ankin, woki mon
enekwei hwon me-sopok ankin woki mon
time 2S speak-ask if/when mouth LOC
kwa lira kraipakrài.
kwa lira krai-pa-krai
HOR see strong-DUP.strong
‘When you ask (the snake), closely watch his mouth.’
10.2.4 Hortatory and expository discourses
Hortatory discourse resembles expository discourse in that they are
both organised thematically and contain sentences that do not encode
events and are not ordered iconically. Both types of discourse want to
414
inform, defend a particular course of action, or express the speaker’s

viewpoint. The focus of an expository discourse is directed towards
building a sound argument, while the focus of a hortatory discourse is to
modify the addressee’s thinking or behaviour. Therefore, one will find
that a hortatory discourse is often punctuated at various intervals by value-
judgements, commands or suggestions using hortative forms and
assertions. An expository text deals with arguments and counter
arguments and the author can give a conclusion with or without
exhortation. For example, in the text on problems in childless marriages
(§11.5), the author only states his disapproval of men sending their wives
away in the final paragraph, after he has delineated arguments in favour
and against this behaviour.
Expository discourse deals with reasons, goals, contrasts,
comparisons, conditions linked to consequences, etc. The expression of
complicated ideas leads to the use of complex sentences with subordinate
clauses. An individual clause might be complex as well when e.g. a noun
is modified by embedded phrases or clauses, or when a subordinate clause
is placed in tail position when the speaker fears that the sentence might
not be fully understood.
In (64), the sentence contains a NP modified by a relative clause. It
also has an object clause in tail position. The modified NP is embedded at
two levels. The head of the NP uwr ‘man’ is marked for number by the
phrase final plural demonstrative somokwe. The NP head uwr is modified
by an embedded NP of which the head is sa ‘woman’. This head is
modified by the embedded relative clause ney lopa ma lwak. The
demonstrative seme that precedes the verb phrase establishes a logical
relationship between this clause and the previous one. The object clause in
tail position gives more detail to the idea expressed in the main clause.
(64) P1 (+embed.NP) (+embed.NP)
Uwr, hmo sa, ney lopa ma lwak
uwr hom-o sa ney lopa ma lwak
man 2/3PL-GEN woman child NEG RCM be
Comment
somokwe, sa uron irweyk seme
so-mo-kwe sa uron irweyk so-m-e
DDEM-GL.PL-TOP then/and heart different DDEM-PL-OBJ
415
Tail
kamahre kreik, hmo sa me lour
kama-hre kreik hom-o sa m-e lour
get.PL-turn.into plenty 2/3PL-GEN woman PL-OBJ step
swaweyr yay ha e.
swaweyr lyay ha e
cause.to.move.away place.down OBJ<SUB OBJ
‘As a result the men whose wives do not have children are
coming up with different ideas to send their wives away.’
Apart from the fact that the hortatory and the expository text differ in
focus, the discourse types have many similar features. Cohesive
connectives like seyr and sawk (§9.1) which are relatively rare in
descriptive and procedural texts often link or contrast arguments that
support the speaker’s main contentions. Conjunctions encoding reason
(payhokuaw §9.3.3), condition/circumstances (ankin §9.5.3), or logical
consequence (sehe, sokwe, seme §4.4.3) are used often.
In (65), the speaker makes use of reason and conditonal conjunctions
and links his argment to (66) by means of the contrastive connective sawk.
The speaker contrasts the group of men with children and the group of
men without children. All the conjunctions and cohesive markers in (65-
68) are bolded.
(65) Har, ney non ma lwak somokwe, kar
har ney non ma lwak so-mo-kwe kar
some child CMT RCM be DDEM-GL.PL-TOP gladness
ley. Payhokuaw hom uwr nawp lwak
ley po-ay-ho-kuaw hom uwr nawp lwak
go Q-what-GL.M-for.reason.of 2/3PL man old be
ankin, hmo ney homkwe hme
ankin hom-o ney hom-kwe hom-e
if/when 2/3PL-GEN child 2/3PL-TOP 2/3PL-OBJ
ma-hiymon.
ma-hiy-mon
RPT-CAUS-do
‘Those who have children are happy. Because, when they are
old men, their children will look after them.’
416
(66) Sawk har, ney lopa somokwe honon

sawk har ney lopa so-mo-kwe honon
CHD some child NEG DDEM-GL.PL-TOP difficult
honon, omok hom uwr nawp lwak ankin.
honon omok hom uwr nawp lwak ankin
difficult later 2/3PL man old be if/when
‘But those without children experience hardships, when they
have become old men.’
Subordinate clauses normally precede the main clause, but in (66) the
temporal clause is placed in tail position. As stated before, the tail position
is not used for new information. The speaker simply wants to avoid
ambiguity and adds the subordinate clause to make explicit what could
have been understood from the context already.
Quotes are introduced by the adverbial manner demonstrative senkin
(§4.4.2). The two consecutive arguments in (67-68) are linked by the
cohesive marker seyr ‘and, also’. The marker seyr links entities that are
similar to each other (§9.1.3). In this case it links two quotes that argue in
favour of the same point.
(67) God so ok senkin me, “Uwr, sa
God s-o ok so-enkin me uwr sa
God 3S.M-GEN talk DDEM-MAN speak man woman
ke huon our swaweyr yay ha
k-e huon lour swaweyr lyay ha
3S.F-OBJ marry step push.away place.down OBJ<SUB
ankin, hiykwe yokun-yor ke meio.
ankin hiy-kwe yokun-yor k-e meio
if/when 3S.M-TOP theft-way 3S.F-OBJ work
‘God’s word says this, “The man who marries his wife and
gets rid of her again, he commits adultery (lit. works the steal
custom).”’
417
(68) Seyr Pol so mamey kokwe senkin

seyr Po s-o ma-mey ko-kwe so-enkin
and/also Pol 3S.M-GEN leaf-write GL.F-TOP DDEM-MAN
me, “Enekwei ohokwe uwrsa
me enekwei o-ho-kwe uwr-sa
speak time PDEM-GL.M-TOP man-woman
hmo yokun-yor mokwe pa kraiar nuw-wak.
hom-o yokun-yor mo-kwe pa kraiar nuw-lwak
2/3PL-GEN theft-way GL.PL-TOP CUR many INT-be
Uwr lowpwarowp homkwe hmo sa
uwr lowpwarowp hom-kwe hom-o sa
man all 2/3PL-TOP 2/3PL-GEN woman
arian non lwak e.”
arian non lwak e
own CMT be OBJ
‘Paul’s letter states as follows, “In the present time the
people’s adultery is abundant. Let all men have their own
wife.”’
A hortatory text is marked by frequent exhortations. The examples
below are taken from a speech by the local government member exhorting
the people to show up for the village work party the next Monday (§11.6).
The arguments used are a combination of veiled threats and appeals to
parental concern for the well-being of their children. The speaker portrays
himself both as the village leader they need to obey and as the concerned
father figure who looks after everyone’s well-being.
His discourse expresses three times a general command to look well
after the Aid Post. This can be done by an adhortative command (§7.1)
with the clause-final goal marker e as is done in (69).
nekie kraiay e.
nekie krai-ay e
hold strength-PL OBJ
‘At this time we should really hold on to (= look after) our
Aid Post in a strong way.’
418
The speaker’s arguments are also made forceful by rhetorical

questions that underline his arguments. Example (70) is a question which,
though answered, is rhetorical in nature. It emphasises the fact that no
alternatives for medical help are available. In (71), the speaker emphasises
this point by listing the potential difficulties the people are likely to
encounter if no action is taken.
O.K. 2S ill ACC-lie 2S-TOP Q-there
nakey a?
nak-ley a
ACC-go INDEF
(71) Haus Sik aiopey hay hokwe meiaw-ar
haus sik aiopey hay ho-kwe mei-aw-ar
house sick big very GL.M-TOP long-RSTR-INTF
lwak, seyr yerki yaprue-ar lopa.
lwak seyr yerki yaprue-ar lopa
be and/also road good-INTF NEG.NOMS
Seyr meinowon non.
seyr meinowon non
and/also money CMT
‘The big hospital is far away, and also the road is not very
good. And it will (cost) money.’
Example (72) is another rhetorical question, with no need for further
commentary.
(72) Hromkwe meinowon pay non nakey a,
hrom-kwe meinowon po-ay non nak-ley a
1PL-TOP money Q-what CMT ACC-go INDEF
hrom peik lwak mokwe?
hrom peik lwak mo-kwe
1PL ill be GL.PL-TOP
‘With what money would we go, when we are ill?’
It is very rare that the main point of a public hortatory speech is made
in the opening lines and then followed by supporting evidence. A speaker
prefers to pave the way for his main point by mentioning supporting
419
reasons and arguments first. He anticipates potential resistance to his

opinion or proposal and tries to answer these objections before he comes
to his main point.
The local parliament member in his speech about the Aid Post had as
goal to make the village people show up for community work on Monday.
This point is only made towards the end of the speech (73), after the
benefits of having the Aid Post have been mentioned and negative
scenarios of the village without an Aid Post have been stressed. Even
then, the speaker stays away from a direct command, but rather describes
what should happen when he asks the people to work on the Aid Post.
(73) Hme ha senkin me ankin, ‘Ama,
hom-e ha so-enkin me ankin ama
2/3PL-OBJ 1S DDEM-MAN speak if/when ADDR.PL
Yabru-om, hromkwe Mande mokwe Aid
Yabru-om hrom-kwe mande mo-kwe aid
Yabru-group 1PL-TOP Monday GL.PL-TOP aid
Post-mey meio e’, homkwe hano ok
post-mey meio e hom-kwe han-o ok
post-job work OBJ.IMP 2/3PL-TOP 1S-GEN talk
ko meyki ley nok, meiò.
k-o meyki ley nok meio
3S.F-GEN after go SEQ work.PFTV
‘When I say to you, “Yabru people, every Monday we should
work on the Aid Post”, you should then listen to my words
and do the work.’
10.2.5 Personal letters
Personal letters have several features which distinguish them from
other thematically organised texts. They have five components:
a. name of the addressee;
b. introductory greetings;
c. stage setting or introduction to the main point;
d. main point or request;
e. closing, which has the writer’s signature.
420
a. The name of the addressee is preferably another name than the

officially given name. The addressee may be referred to by a nickname,
e.g. hiymei hay ‘the very tall one’ or a kinship term.
b. The introductory greetings include a statement about the author’s
wellbeing and may include an enquiry about the addressee’s health,
although the latter is not always needed as can be seen in §11.7. These
introductory greetings are rarely skipped, not even in letters expressing
anger. Like all discourse introductions, these greetings are heavily topic-
marked.
c. The author sets the stage for introducing his main point or request
first. This argumentation can either remove obstacles that hinder this main
point or request or state certain facts that buttress it, e.g. (74-75).
d. The main point or request may be made less direct by introductory
sentences that talk about the request but do not explicitly state it yet (76).
e. The conclusion consists of final greetings that focus primarily on
the addressee and his or her family. The formulaic closing often includes
senkinaw ‘that’s all’.
The letter in §11.7 contains a request to be allowed to work on a
building project. The author is an elementary teacher who has left his
work. The teacher removes the possible objection that he cannot be hired
for the building project, since he has left his responsibilities as a teacher.
He stresses the fact of his availability by explaining further why he is not
likely to return to his teaching role. In examples (74) and (74), he also
rules out the possibility of an offer to teach in a different village, by
stating that he is not really interested in being a teacher.
(74) Hunkwe hano ok, paraw ha ma me,
hwon-kwe han-o ok paraw ha ma me
2S-TOP 1S-GEN talk past 1S RCM speak
po lonuayk.
po lonuayk
PFT hear
‘You have heard the words that I have spoken in the past.’
421
(75) Hakwe senkin me, hakwe elementary tisa

ha-kwe so-enkin me ha-kwe elementary tisa
1S-TOP DDEM-MAN speak 1S-TOP elementary teacher
nuw-wak peyow ey hokwe, uron ipey
nuw-lwak peyow ey ho-kwe uron ipey
INT-be continually INTN GL.M-TOP heart important
hay nuw-wak pey.
hay nuw-lwak pey
very INT-be NEG.IPFTV
‘I said that as for continually being an elementary teacher, I
was not really interested (lit. I was not with very important
heart/thoughts).’
The main point, or main request of a letter is rarely placed in the
beginning of the letter. The actual request in the letter in §11.7 is made
towards the end of the letter, after the author has already elaborated on the
fact that he is fully available for the job he is requesting. The author wants
to make himself agreeable and non-controversial. The use of the non-
contrastive seyr is also a helpful device in that respect.
The final request is not stated abruptly, but is introduced with a short
introductory sentence that leads up to the question as is illustrated in (76).
(76) Hakwe hnekwe seyr mesopok kamon
ha-kwe hwon-e-kwe seyr me-sopok kamon
1S-TOP 2S-OBJ-TOP and/also speak-ask one
senkin mesopok ley.
so-enkin me-sopok ley
DDEM-MAN speak-ask go
‘I am going to ask you a question.’
This introduction sentence is followed by two very different,
unrelated requests (§11.7). The first request (to become enrolled in
medical training) is immediately followed by the second request to be
made part of the building crew for an upcoming building project. This last
request was in all likelihood the reason why the letter was written (see
§11.7 for last part of letter).
Appendices: Abau texts
11.1 Narrative (Legend)
The text of “The two brothers” has been analysed in reference to the
three positions in the Abau sentence structure: topic part (P1 and P2),
comment part (identified by the absence of topic marking) and tail (P3).
The last NP of the topic part of the sentence is always the P1
constituent and is by definition the most prominent constituent of the topic
part. All NPs preceding this P1 constituent are P2 constituents. The
comment part is marked by non-topicalised constituents like OBJ, SUB, PP,
ADVP, VP, PP and the comment part of a verbless clauses is simply marked
comment.) The tail is marked by a P3 constituent which is often
topicalised, but not obligatorily. The meaning of the labels used are
explained in the table below.
TABLE 56: LABELS USED TO MARK THE TEXT “THE TWO BROTHERS”
Topic part of the sentence

CL.M A subordinate clause marker. §9.4
NP (unm) A fronted NP which belongs in the topic part of §3.11.2
the sentence in spite of its lack of topic marking.
P1 P2 A non-syntactic, topicalised NP which occurs in §3.6.1
the topic part of the sentence that is only marked
pragmatically (hokwe, kokwe or mokwe).
P1(DET) A topicalised NP marked by a determiner: §3.6
P2(DET) non-syntactic demonstrative. §3.1
Other determiners: possessive pronoun, numeral. §3.4
P1(OBJ) A topicalised NP which is also marked for object. §3.7.4
P2(OBJ)
P1(PP) A topicalised NP which also hosts a §3.9
P2(PP) postpositional.
422
423
TABLE 56 (CONT’D)
Topic part of the sentence (cont’d)

P1(SUB) A topicalised NP which is also marked for subject. §3.7.2
P2(SUB)
Comment part of the sentence (beginning indicated by Æ)
ADV Adverbial phrase. The following categories have §4.4
been included below: §4.4.2
adverbial demonstratives, §7.5.3
adverbial interrogatives, §5.2
modal markers preceding the VP.
Comment The comment constituent in verbless clauses, §6.2
or in clauses formed with the stative verb lwak. §6.3
OBJ A non-topicalised NP that is only marked for §3.7
object.
OBJ (unm) A non-topicalised unmarked NP that relates to the §3.11.1
VP as an object, but is obligatorily not marked for
object (incorporated objects).
PP A non-topicalised NP that is only marked for §3.9
semantic case.
SUB A non-topicalised NP that is only marked for §3.7
subject.
VP Verb phrase. §4.3
Tail part is filled by a P3 constituent
(e.g. NP object or postpositonal phrase, subord. clause)
P3(OBJ) The tail is filled by an object NP. §8.5
P3(Sub. The tail is filled by a subordinate clause. §8.5.1
Clause)
The cohesive discourse markers seyr, sawk and sa (§9.1) have been left
unlabelled in the text below. Also clause-final markers (§5.3) and
sentence final markers (§7) which follow the VP have not been marked
separately. Subordinate clause markers are all indicated since, at sentence
level, they mark the subordinate clause as the topic part of the sentence.
424
Various constituents are marked with a cross reference to a section that

contains further clarification for the chosen label. The addressive (ADDR)
is marked.
The two brothers
As told by Obow Inaru from Yabru village. Estimated birth year:
1943. Date written: 1989. The narrative “The two brothers” has three
main participants: the older and younger brother, and a bush spirit.
Title is a NP that functions as a comment NP (see §6.2.1.2).
(1) ÆComment
Uwr oryay-kiy mo okpey ok.
uwr oryay-kiy m-o ok-pey ok
man older.brother-two PL-GEN talk-part talk
‘The story of the two brothers.’
(2) P2(DET) P2 P1(SUB)
Okpey-ok okukwe, pokon hromkwe
ok-pey-ok o-ko-kwe pokon hrom-kwe
talk-part-talk DDEM-GL.F-TOP today 1PL-TOP
ÆOBJ
man two.CL1 3S.M-GEN talk-part 3S.F-OBJ
VP
lonuayk ey.
lonuayk ey
hear INTN
‘As for this story, we are going to hear now the story of two
men.’
(3) P1(DET) ÆAdv VP
Okpey okukwe senkin mesor.
ok-pey o-ko-kwe so-enkin me-sor
talk-part DDEM-GL.F-TOP DDEm-MAN speak-count
‘This story goes like this.’
425
(4) P1(DET) ÆPP

Uwr oryay-kiy sohokwe yier
uwr oryay-kiy so-ho-kwe yier
man older.brother-two DDEM-GL.M-TOP place
VP
kamon mon non-wayr.
kamon mon non-lwayr
one.CL2 LOC DU-stay
‘These two brothers stayed together in a certain place.’
(5) P1(DET) ÆSUB
Yier sohokwe seyr uwrsa
yier so-ho-kwe seyr uwr-sa
place DDEM-GL.M-TOP and/also man-woman
ADV VP
krai-ar senkin nuw-meio wayr.
krai-ar so-enkin nuw-meio lwayr
strength-INTF DDEM-MAN INT-work stay
‘As for this place there were also many (other) people living
and doing their work.’
(6) P1(SUB) ÆComment
Hohkwe seyr ney non sa non.
hoh-kwe seyr ney non sa non
2DU.SUB-TOP and/also child CMT woman CMT
‘The two of them also had children and wives.’
(7) P1(SUB) ÆPP
Nay-ih hiykwe seyr sa
nay-ih hiy-kwe seyr sa
younger.sibling-KIN 3S.M.SUB-TOP and/also woman
P1(SUB) OBJ(unm) VP
non, sawk hiykwe ney lopa lanio wayr.
non sawk hiy-kwe ney lopa lanio lwayr
CMT CHD 3S.M.SUB-TOP child NEG walk stay
‘The younger brother had a wife, but he was without any
children.’
426
(8) P1(DET) ÆSUB

Enekwei kamon hokwe oryay-ih hiy
enekwei kamon ho-kwe oryay-ih hiy
time one GL.M-TOP older.brother-KIN 3S.M.SUB
VP P3(OBJ) ADDR P2
me, nay-ih se, “Ara, pokon
me nay-ih s-e ara pokon
speak younger.sibling-KIN 3S.M-OBJ ADDR.M today
P1(SUB) ÆOBJ
kokwe hrorkwe omkuw-i kreysyar
ko-kwe hror-kwe omkuw-i kreys-ar
GL.F-TOP 1DU-TOP banyan.tree.post two.CL2-INTF
VP
ke non-ie inor kok ey.”
k-e non-lie linor kok ey
3S.F-OBJ DU-climb fence.off day.time INTN
‘One day the older brother said to the younger one, “Man,
today we will climb into two banyan trees and build hiding
places there (= in order to shoot birds). ” ’
(9) ÆSUB VP P1(SUB) ÆADV
Nay-ih hiy me, “Hrorkwe liy
nay-ih hiy me hror-kwe liy
younger.sibling-KIN 3S.M.SUB speak 1DU-Top DYN
VP P1(SUB) ÆOBJ(unm)
non-ey inor. Seyr hakwe ahney-pion
non-ley linor seyr ha-kwe ahney-pion
DU-go fence.off and/also 1S-TOP bird-meat
VP
la ley.”
la ley
eat go
‘The younger brother said, “We can go together to make
hiding places. I want to eat bird meat.”’
427
(10) P1(SUB) ÆADV VP CL.M

Hohkwe sawk sehe non-ey nok,
hoh-kwe sawk so-h-e non-ley nok
they.DU-TOP CHD DDEM-3S.M-OBJ DU-go SEQ
ÆVP P3(DET)
non-ie inor kok, enekwei ohokwe.
non-lie linor kok enekwei o-ho-kwe
DU-climb fence.off day.time time PDEM-GL.M-TOP
‘The two of them then consequently went together and then
they went up (in the tree), during the day, making hiding
places.’
(11) P2 P1(SUB) ÆOBJ
Peyr hohkwe omkuw-i kamon ke
peyr hoh-kwe omkuw-i kamon k-e
first 2DU.SUB-TOP banyan.tree-post one.CL2 3S.F-OBJ
VP CL.M
non-ie meio lowpway hain nok, hai
non-lie meio lowpway hain nok hai
DU-climb work completely SUB<OBJ SEQ O.K.
ÆOBJ VP
omkuw-i kamon ke ma-sahre
omkuw-i kamon k-e ma-sahre
banyan.tree-post one 3S.F-OBJ RPT-return
lie inor.
lie linor
climb fence.off
‘First the two of them climbed up into the one banyan tree
finishing their work completely and then they went to the
other banyan tree climbing up and making a hiding place.’
(12) P1(DET)
Omkuw kreysyar sohok ko
omkuw kreys-ar so-hok k-o
banyan.tree two.CL2-INTF DDEM-3S.F.SUB 3S.F-GEN
ÆSUB
i mokwe ahney poya poya senkin
i mo-kwe ahney poya poya so-enkin
seeds GL.PL-TOP bird various various DDEM-MAN
428
VP
senkin hom nuw-a.
so-enkin hom nuw-la
DDEM-MAN 2/3PL INT-eat
‘As for the seeds of these two banyan trees, all kinds of birds
do eat them.’
(13) P1(DET)
Enekwei kamon leisnon hokwe sawk
enekwei kamon leisnon ho-kwe sawk
time one morning GL.M-TOP CHD
ÆADV VP
sehe non-ie wakiawk nerie.
so-h-e non-lie wakiawk nerie
DDEM-3S.M-OBJ DU-climb sit morning
‘So the next morning, they climbed up (in the tree) and sat
down.’
(14) ÆSUB VP P3(OBJ)
Oryay-ih hiy me, nay-ih
oryay-ih hiy me nay-ih
older.brother-KIN 3S.M.SUB speak younger.sibling-KIN
ADDR P1 ÆADV
se, “Ara pokon yaprue non-aw non-aw
s-e ara pokon yaprue non-aw non-aw
3S.M-OBJ ADDR.M today good CMT-RSTR CMT-RSTR
VP P3(Sub.Clause)
hin e, ahney sian ne ankin.
hin e ahney sian ne ankin
shoot OBJ.IMP bird get.up SUB>OBJ if/when
‘The older brother said to his younger brother, “Man, you
should only shoot your very best, if a bird flies near.”’
(15) P1(SUB) ÆADV VP
Hrorkwe puraw non-meio ie lak.”
hror-kwe puraw non-meio lie lak
1DU-Top nothing DU-work climb undesired
‘It would not be good if (the work) of climbing up and
building would be for nothing.’
429
(16) P1(SUB) ÆADV VP

Hohkwe sawk sehe non-ie
hoh-kwe sawk so-h-e non-lie
they.DU-Top CHD DDEM-3S.M-OBJ DU-climb
wakiawk nerie.
wakiawk nerie
sit morning
‘So in the morning the two of them climbed up and sat there.’
(17) ÆSUB OBJ
Oryay-ih hiy inor kamon ke,
oryay-ih hiy inor kamon k-e
older.brother-KIN 3S.M.SUB shelter one 3S.F-OBJ
ÆSUB OBJ
nay-ih hiy inor kamon ke.
nay-ih hiy inor kamon k-e
younger.sibling-KIN 3S.M.SUB shelter one 3S.F-OBJ
‘The older brother in one hiding place and the younger
brother in one hiding place.’
(18) SUB VP CL.M
Hoh non-ie yawriy iwak liok menkin,
hoh non-lie lyawriy liwak liok menkin
2DU DU-climb enter sit in.vain when
ÆADV VP P3(OBJ)
sa mei-aw ka-ira huon, ahney
sa mei-aw ka-lira huon ahney
then/and long-RSTR DIR:side-see OBJ>SUB bird
[RelativeClause
senkin senkin hom lon-sian
so-enkin so-enkin hom lon-sian
DDEM-MAN DDEM-MAN 2/3PL.SUB do-get.up
]
on-sian ne me.
lon-sian ne m-e
do-get.up SUB>OBJ PL-OBJ
‘When they had hardly climbed up and gone to sit down in
their shelter, they saw from far away all kinds of birds
coming, which were flying towards them.’
430
(19) ÆSUB ADV VP P3(OBJ)

Hoh pau non-hin, ahney seme.
hoh pau non-hin ahney so-m-e
they.DU CUR.CMPL DU-shoot bird DDEM-PL-OBJ
‘Together they shot at these birds.’
(20) ÆSUB VP ÆSUB
Nay-ih hiy hin, oryay-ih
nay-ih hiy hin oryay-ih
younger.sibling-KIN 3S.M.SUB shoot older.brother-KIN
VP
hiy hin.
hiy hin
3S.M shoot
‘The younger brother shot, and the older brother shot.’
(21) P1(SUB) ÆOBJ
Sawk nay-ih hiykwe simawr
sawk nay-ih hiy-kwe simawr
CHD younger.sibling-KIN 3S.M.SUB-TOP bird.of.paradise
VP CL.M P1(SUB)
se kiy-hin kuayk menkin, hiykwe
s-e kiy-hin kuayk menkin hiy-kwe
3S.M-OBJ ACT-shoot fall.down when 3S.M.SUB-TOP
ÆOBJ VP
sawk poup se lira huon,
sawk poup s-e lira huon
CHD spirit 3S.M-OBJ see OBJ>SUB
P3=RelativeClause
hiy le se.
hiy le s-e
3S.M.SUB come 3S.M-OBJ
‘When the younger brother shot a bird of paradise - which fell
down -, he saw a bush spirit coming towards him.’
431
(22) P1(SUB) ÆOBJ [RelativeClause

Poup hiykwe sawk ahney hiy ma
poup hiy-kwe sawk ahney hiy ma
spirit 3S.M.SUB-TOP CHD bird 3S.M RCM
] VP
hin ha seme la.
hin ha so-m-e la
shoot OBJ<SUB DDEM-PL-OBJ eat
‘The bush spirit ate the birds which he (= younger brother)
had shot.’
(23) ÆSUB VP P1(SUB) ÆOBJ
Poup hiy me, “Hunkwe hano a
poup hiy me hwon-kwe han-o a
spirit 3S.M.SUB speak 2S-TOP 1S-GEN house
VP
se meio ie.
s-e meio lie
3S.M-OBJ work climb
‘The bush spirit said, “You climbed up and built (your
shelter) in my house.”’
(24) P1(DET) ÆComment
Sohokwe now omkuw puraw
so-ho-kwe now omkuw puraw
DDEM-GL.M-TOP tree banyan.tree nothing
P2(SUB) P1 ÆADV VP
korey. Hunkwe pokon perey ley a?”
korey hwon-kwe pokon po-rey ley a
no 2S-TOP today Q-there go INDF
‘This is not a normal banyan tree [= it is my house]. Where
will you be going to now? [= you have no way to escape].”’
432
(25) P1(SUB) ÆOBJ

Nay-ih hiykwe sawk oryay-ih
nay-ih hiy-kwe sawk oryay-ih
younger.sibling-KIN 3S.M.SUB-TOP CHD older.brother-KIN
ADV VP ADDR
se sehe liwowr me, “Ara,
s-e so-h-e liwowr me ara
3S.M-OBJ DDEM-3S.M-OBJ shout speak ADDR.M
ÆComment OBJ
poup ehe o. Hano
poup o-h-e o han-o
spirit PDEM-3S.M-OBJ EMPH.SP.IPFTV 1S-GEN
VP P1(SUB) ÆOBJ
ahney me la. Seyr hiykwe hane
ahney m-e la seyr hiy-kwe han-e
bird PL-OBJ eat and/also 3S.M.SUB-TOP 1S-OBJ
VP
nak-a ley o.”
nak-la ley o
ACC-eat go EMPH.SP.IPFTV
‘Then the younger brother shouted to his older brother, “Man,
here is a bush spirit. He is eating my birds. And he is going to
eat me as well.”’
(26) SUB VP
Oryay-ih hiy lonuayk me hain
oryay-ih hiy lonuayk me hain
older.brother-KIN 3S.M.SUB hear speak SUB<OBJ
CL.M ÆPP
nok, nay-ih so owh
nok nay-ih s-o owh
SEQ younger.sibling-KIN 3S.M-GEN body
433
VP P1(SUB) ÆADV VP
mon ley, “Hunkwe peyr peie hakan
mon ley hwon-kwe peyr peie hakan
LOC go 2S-TOP firstly PROH flee
oksow o.”
loksow o
climb.down EMPH.SP.IPFTV
‘The older brother listened and then went to the younger
brother, saying, “Do not flee by going down yet.”’
(27) ÆOBJ ADV VP
“Peyr hane kwa liwak naruok.”
peyr han-e kwa liwak naruok
firstly 1S-OBJ HOR sit wait
‘“Firstly sit there waiting for me.”’
(28) SUB VP CL.M
Oryay-ih hiy sau ousne menkin,
oryay-ih hiy sau lousne menkin
older.brother-KIN 3S.M.SUB run appear when
ÆSUB VP P3(PP)
nay-ih hiy loksow, omkuw
nay-ih hiy loksow omkuw
younger.sibling-KIN 3S.M climb.down banyan.tree
ayaw ko hokwe.
ayaw k-o ho-kwe
top ABL GL.M-TOP
‘When the older brother quickly came near, the younger
brother climbed down from the top of the banyan tree.’
(29) P1(DET) ÆADV VP
Sawk poup sohokwe pase hakan e.
sawk poup so-ho-kwe pase hakan e
CHD spirit DDEM-GL.M-TOP NEG flee OBJ
‘But the bush spirit did not flee.’
434
(30) SUB OBJ(unm)

Nay-ih hiy ki ohriar
nay-ih hiy ki ohriar
younger.sibling-KIN 3S.M.SUB ground near
VP CL.M P1(SUB)
maka-wak menkin, oryay-ih
maka-lwak menkin oryay-ih
just/only-be when older.brother-KIN
ÆOBJ
hiykwe sawk iha kamon ke
hiy-kwe sawk iha kamon k-e
3S.M.SUB-TOP CHD hand one 3S.F-OBJ
ADV VP
sehe nekie huon.
so-h-e nekie huon
DDEM-3S.M-OBJ hold OBJ>SUB
‘When the younger brother came near towards the ground, his
older brother consequently took his one hand coming towards
him.’
(31) P1(DET) ÆOBJ
Poup sohokwe seyr, hyo iha
poup so-ho-kwe seyr hiy-o iha
spirit DDEM-GL.M-TOP and/also 3S.M-GEN hand
VP
kamon ke ar-nekie huon.
kamon k-e ar-nekie huon
one 3S.F-OBJ DIR:up-hold OBJ>SUB
‘And also the bush spirit grabbed one hand that came towards
him.’
(32) ÆADV VP
Sawk sehe non-owkway yakyak,
sawk so-h-e non-lowkway yakyak
CHD DDEM-3S.M-OBJ DU-pull back.and.forth
435
P3(OBJ)
nay-ih se kokwe.
nay-ih s-e ko-kwe
younger.sibling-KIN 3S.M-OBJ GL.F-TOP
‘Consequently, they were pulling the younger brother back
and forth.’
(33) ÆSUB VP P3(OBJ)
Nay-ih hiy me, oryay-ih
nay-ih hiy me oryay-ih
younger.sibling-KIN 3S.M.SUB speak older.brother-KIN
ADDR NP(unm)
se, “Ara, hano someykyow
s-e ara han-o someykyow
3S.M-OBJ ADDR.M 1S-GEN shoulder
ÆADV VP
pau lon-kair sow ohriar lwak.
pau lon-kair sow ohriar lwak
CUR.CMPL move-remove off near be
P1(SUB) ÆADV VP
Hunkwe kwahnaw preisia ha e.”
hwon-kwe kwahnaw preisia ha e
2S-TOP HOR.should release OBJ<SUB OBJ.IMP
‘The younger brother said to the older one, “Man, as for my
shoulder, it is about to come out, just let go of me.”’
(34) P1(SUB) ÆADV
Oryay-ih hiykwe sawk sehe
oryay-ih hiy-kwe sawk so-h-e
older.brother-KIN 3S.M-TOP CHD DDEM-3S.M-OBJ
VP P3(OBJ)
preisia ha, nay-ih se kokwe.
preisia ha nay-ih s-e ko-kwe
release OBJ<SUB younger.sibling-KIN 3S.M-OBJ GL.F-TOP
‘So the older brother released his younger brother.’
436
(35) ÆSUB VP P3(PP)

Sawk poup hiy way nak-ey, hyo
sawk poup hiy lway nak-ley hiy-o
CHD spirit 3S.M.SUB carry ACC-go 3S.M-GEN
yier mon.
yier mon
place LOC
‘And the bush spirit carried (him) away to his village.’
(36) P1(SUB) ÆPP
Oryay-ih hiykwe sawk hyo
oryay-ih hiy-kwe sawk hiy-o
older.brother-KIN 3S.M-TOP CHD 3S.M-GEN
VP
yier arian mon ma-ley pa.
yier arian mon ma-ley pa
place own LOC RPT-go NEG.PFTV
‘The older brother though, did not go back to his own
village.’
(37) P1(SUB) ÆPP
Hiykwe sawk poup so meyki meyki-aw
hiy-kwe sawk poup s-o meyki meyki-aw
3S.M-TOP CHD spirit 3S.M-GEN after after-RSTR
VP
lonsu nok.
lonsu nok
follow DUR
‘He kept following the bush spirit.’
(38) P1(SUB) ÆOBJ
Hiykwe nay-ih se
hiy-kwe nay-ih s-e
3S.M.SUB-TOP younger.sibling-KIN 3S.M-OBJ
OBJ(unm) VP
uron lowk.
uron lowk
heart beat
‘He felt pity on his younger brother.’
437
(39) ÆADV VP ÆSUB ADV

Senkin lon nok. Poup hiy sankaw,
so-enkin lon nok poup hiy so-ankaw
DDEM-MAN do DUR spirit 3S.M DDEM-Degree
ÆSUB ADV
hiy sankaw.
hiy so-ankaw
3S.M DDEM-Degree
‘It went on like this. The bush spirit went some distance, he
(= the older brother) went some distance.’
(40) ÆSUB PP
Poup hiy hyo yier arian
poup hiy hiy-o yier arian
spirit 3S.M.SUB 3S.M-GEN place own
VP
mon nak-ousne.
mon nak-lousne
LOC ACC-appear
‘The bush spirit appeared (= arrived) in his own village.’
(41) P1(SUB) ÆPP
Oryay-ih hiykwe seyr poup so
oryay-ih hiy-kwe seyr poup s-o
older.brother-KIN 3S.M-TOP and/also spirit 3S.M-GEN
VP
yier mon lousne.
yier mon lousne
place LOC appear
‘The older brother also arrived in the bush spirit’s village.’
438
(42) SUB PP VP
Poup hiy hyo a mon nak-ie
poup hiy hiy-o a mon nak-lie
spirit 3S.M.SUB 3S.M-GEN house LOC ACC-climb
CL.M ÆOBJ VP P3(PP)
nok, hye way kwawk, a-ohiysawk mon.
nok hiy-e lway kwawk a-ohiysawk mon
SEQ 3S.M-OBJ carry put.inside house-room LOC
‘The bush spirit climbed up into his house and then took and
locked him inside a room of the house.’
(43) OBJ VP
A-yerki se nak-piaray kraipakrai hain
a-yerki s-e nak-piaray kraipakrai hain
house-road 3S.M-OBJ ACC-lock strongly SUB<OBJ
CL.M P1(SUB) ÆOBJ(unm) ADV
nok, hiykwe sawk yayh seyn
nok hiy-kwe sawk yayh seyn
SEQ 3S.M.SUB-TOP CHD song HAB
VP
nak-ey owk nayr.
nak-ley lowk nayr
ACC-go beat night
‘He tightly locked the door behind him and then went and
kept dancing during the night.’
(44) P1(SUB) ÆADV VP OBJ(unm)
Poup hiykwe senkin lon, yayh
poup hiy-kwe so-enkin lon yayh
spirit 3S.M.SUB-TOP DDEM-MAN do song
ADV VP CL.M ÆOBJ
sankaw sankaw lowk nok, hye
so-ankaw so-ankaw lowk nok hiy-e
DDEM-Degree DDEM-Degree beat SEQ 3S.M-OBJ
439
VP ADV P1(SUB) ÆVP

ma-le mesopok, enkin, “Hunkwe liwak he?”
ma-le me-sopok enkin hwon-kwe liwak he
RPT-come speak-ask MAN 2S-TOP sit still.there
‘The bush spirit did as follows, he did a number of dances and
then came back asking him this, “Are you still sitting there?”’
(45) ÆSUB VP P1(SUB) ÆComment
Hiy lonuayk me, “Hakwe ehe
hiy lonuayk me ha-kwe o-h-e
3S.M.SUB hear speak 1S-TOP PDEM-3S.M-OBJ
lwak”.
lwak
be
‘He answered, “I am still here.”’
(46) P1(PP)
Hyo meyki mon hokwe sawk
hiy-o meyki mon ho-kwe sawk
3S.M-GEN after LOC GL.M-TOP CHD
SUB VP CL.M ÆVP
oryay-ih hiykiaw le nok, mesopok,
oryay-ih hiy-kiaw le nok me-sopok
older.brother-KIN 3S.M-SLCT come SEQ speak-ask
P3(OBJ) P1(SUB) ÆVP
nay-ih se, “Hunkwe lwak he?”
nay-ih s-e hwon-kwe lwak he
younger.sibling-KIN 3S.M-OBJ 2S-TOP be there
‘After him (= after the bush spirit arrived) the older brother
himself arrived and after that asked the younger brother, “Are
you there?”’
440
(47) ÆSUB VP P1(SUB)

Nay-ih hiy me, “Hakwe
nay-ih hiy me ha-kwe
younger.sibling-KIN 3S.M.SUB speak 1S-TOP
ÆComment
ehe lwak.”
o-h-e lwak
DEM-3S.M-OBJ be
‘The younger brother said, “I am here.”’
(48) ÆSUB VP
Hai, oryay-ih hiy ma-me-sopok,
hai oryay-ih hiy ma-me-sopok
O.K. older.brother-KIN 3S.M.SUB RPT-speak-ask
P3(OBJ) P1(SUB)
nay-ih se, “Hunkwe
nay-ih s-e hwon-kwe
younger.sibling-KIN 3S.M-OBJ 2S-TOP
ÆOBJ(unm) ADV VP
si pankaw nak-sese o?”
si po-ankaw nak-sese o
excrement Q-degree ACC-urged Q.SP.IPFTV
‘The older brother now asked the younger brother, “Do you
have to excrete?”’
(49) ÆSUB VP
Nay-ih hiy ma-sahre me kow,
nay-ih hiy ma-sahre me kow
younger.sibling-KIN 3S.M.SUB RPT-return speak BEN
P3(OBJ) P1(SUB)
oryay-ih se, “Oo, hakwe mo
oryay-ih s-e oo ha-kwe mo
older.brother-KIN 3S.M-OBJ yes 1S-TOP EMPH
ÆOBJ(unm) VP
si nak-sese o.”
si nak-sese o
excrement ACC-urged EMPH.SP.IPFTV
‘The younger brother responded to the older brother, “Yes, I
really have to excrete.”’
441
(50) ÆSUB VP P1(SUB)

Oryay-ih hiy ma-me kow, “Hunkwe
oryay-ih hiy ma-me kow hwon-kwe
older.brother-KIN 3S.M.SUB RPT-speak BEN 2S-TOP
ÆOBJ(unm) VP CL.M ÆOBJ
si low nok, seyr hno makwey
si low nok seyr hwon-o makwey
excrement defecate SEQ and 2S-GEN head
VP CL.M ÆPP
owhma se kanpre nok, si
owhma s-e kampre nok si
hair 3S.M-OBJ break.off SEQ excrement
VP
eir mon kiy-kekie hain.”
eir mon kiy-kekie hain
top LOC ACT-put SUB<OBJ.PFTV
‘The older brother said again, “You must defecate and then
you must break off a hair and then put it on top of the
excrement to leave behind.”’
(51) P1(SUB)
Seseyn, nay-ih hiykwe
seseyn nay-ih hiy-kwe
accordingly younger.sibling-KIN 3S.M.SUB-TOP
ÆADV VP P3(RelativeClause)
senkin lon, oryay-ih hiy ma me
so-enkin lon oryay-ih hiy ma me
DDEM-MAN do older.brother-KIN 3S.M RCM speak
sor-a-sor kow senkin.
sor-a-sor kow so-enkin
tell-DUP-tell BEN DDEM-MAN
‘So it happened - the younger brother did what the older
brother had instructed him to do.’
442
(52) P1(SUB) OBJ

Oryay-ih hiykiaw kokwe a-yerki
oryay-ih hiy-kiaw ko-kwe a-yerki
older.brother-KIN 3S.M-SLCT GL.F-TOP house-road
VP CL.M OBJ
se kampi nok, nay-ih
s-e kampi nok nay-ih
3S.M-OBJ open SEQ younger.sibling-KIN
VP CL.M ÆVP P3(PP)
se huonok nok, ma-non-ey, hoho
s-e huonok nok ma-non-ley hoh-o
3S.M-OBJ call SEQ RPT-DU-go 3DU-GEN
yier arian mon.
yier arian mon
place own LOC
‘The older brother himself opened the door and after than
took the younger brother and then the two of them set off
together to their own village.’
(53) P1(SUB) ÆOBJ(unm) VP
Poup hiykiaw kokwe yayh kay-owk
poup hiy-kiaw ko-kwe yayh kay-lowk
spirit 3S.M-SLCT GL.F-TOP song across-beat
neianei he.
neianei he
occupied there
‘The bush spirit himself kept busy with making dances there.’
(54) P1(SUB) ÆOBJ(unm) VP
Hiykwe nonkway lwak pa.
hiy-kwe nonkway lwak pa
3S.M.SUB-TOP knowledge be NEG.PFTV
‘He did not know (= what had happened).’
(55) SUB VP
Sawk ey hiy lon-kampru yay
sawk ey hiy lon-kampru lyay
CHD sun 3S.M.SUB move-break.off place.down
443
ADV.CL ÆSUB ADV

ohriar sok, hiy sa sehe
ohriar sok hiy sa so-h-e
near EXCT 3S.M.SUB then/and DDEM-3S.M-OBJ
VP
ma-ley mesopok.
ma-ley me-sopok
RPT-go speak-ask
‘But at the time that the sun was about to break out and to be
placed (on the horizon), he then went back to ask again.’
(56) P1(OBJ) ÆSUB VP
Hye kokwe sawk si hiy lonuayk
hiy-e ko-kwe sawk si hiy lonuayk
3S.M-OBJ GL.F-TOP CHD excrement 3S.M hear
me ha.
me ha
speak OBJ<SUB
‘But it was the excrement who responded to him.’
(57) P1(SUB) ÆADV VP P1
Hiykwe sawk senkin nanpanan, uwr
hiy-kwe sawk so-enkin nanpanan uwr
3S.M-TOP CHD DDEM-MAN think man
VP
hokwe lwak he.
ho-kwe lwak he
GL.M-TOP be still.there
‘He, however, thought that the man was still there.’
(58) P1(DET) ÆADV
Uwr oryay-kiy sohokwe sawk pa
uwr oryay-kiy so-ho-kwe sawk pa
man older.brother-two DDEM-3S.M-TOP CHD CUR
VP P3(PP)
po non-ey, hoho yier arian mon.
po non-ley hoh-o yier arian mon
PFT DU-go they.DU-Gen place own LOC
‘The two brothers had gone to their own village.’
444
(59) SUB VP
Ey hiy lon-kampru yay nerie
ey hiy lon-kampru lyay nerie
sun 3S.M.SUB move-break.off place.down morning
CL.M P1(SUB) OBJ
menkin, hiykwe sawk a-yerki se
menkin hiy-kwe sawk a-yerki s-e
when 3S.M.SUB-TOP CHD house-road 3S.M-OBJ
VP CL.M ÆVP P1(SUB) ÆVP
hror nok, mesopok, “Hunkwe liwak he?”
hror nok me-sopok hwon-kwe liwak he
loosen SEQ speak-ask 2S-TOP sit still.there
‘When the sun had risen in the morning, he then untied the
door and asked, “Are you still there?”’
(60) ÆSUB VP
Sawk si hiy ma-sahre lonuayk
sawk si hiy ma-sahre lonuayk
CHD excrement 3S.M.SUB RPT-return hear
me huon.
me huon
speak OBJ>SUB
‘But the excrement replied to (him) as he came near.’
(61) SUB PP VP
Hiy a ampok-ar mon nuw-yawriy ha
hiy a ampok-ar mon nuw-lyawriy ha
3S.M house inside-INTF LOC INT-enter SUB<LOC
CL.M ÆVP
nok, lira liok.
nok lira liok
SEQ see in.vain
‘He entered into the very inside of the house and then looked
– without success.’
(62) ÆOBJ VP P1(SUB)
Sawk si se lira. Hiykwe sawk
sawk si s-e lira hiy-kwe sawk
CHD excrement 3S.M-OBJ see 3S.M-TOP CHD
445
ÆOBJ(unm) ADV VP
uron sehe lowk.
uron so-h-e lowk
heart DDEM-3S.M-OBJ beat
‘But he saw excrement. So he felt really disappointed (lit. ‘his
heart was beating’).’
(63) NP(unm) ÆADV VP
“Hano ai ey pa po ley sie.”
han-o ai ey pa po ley sie
1S-GEN food EXCL:pity CUR PFT go EXCL
‘“Oh, my food is completely gone.”’
(64) P1(SUB) ÆOBJ(unm) ADV VP
Hakwe yayh paneke lowk nayr so-ney?”
ha-kwe yayh paneke lowk nayr so-ney
1S-TOP song why beat night Q.SP.PFTV.M-DUB
‘Why did I do dances all night?”’
(65) P1(SUB) ÆOBJ
Oryay-ih hiykwe nay-ih
oryay-ih hiy-kwe nay-ih
older.brother-KIN 3S.M.SUB-TOP younger.sibling-KIN
ADV VP ADDR OBJ
se senkin me kow, “Ara, hne
s-e so-enkin me kow ara hwon-e
3S.M-OBJ DDEM-MAN speak BEN ADDR.M 2S-OBJ
SUB VP CL.M P1(SUB)
poup hiy la hokwe, hakwe seyr
poup hiy la ho-kwe ha-kwe seyr
spirit 3S.M.SUB eat GL.M-TOP 1S-TOP and/also
ÆPP ADV VP
yier mon peie lousne wayr e.”
yier mon peie lousne lwayr e
place LOC PROH appear stay OBJ
‘The older brother said to the younger brother this, “Man, if
the bush spirit had eaten you, I as well would not have
returned to the village to live there.”’
446
(66) P1(OBJ) ÆSUB ADV VP

Hanekwe seyr poup po la.
han-e-kwe seyr poup po la
1S-OBJ-TOP and/also spirit CFT eat
‘The bush spirit would (eventually) have eaten me as well.’
(67) NP(unm)
Hno sa o, hano sa o,
hwon-o sa o han-o sa o
2S-GEN woman and 1S-GEN woman and
ÆOBJ(unm) ADV VP
sawin po non-iwak kok.”
sawin po non-liwak kok
widow CFT DU-sit daytime
‘Your wife and my wife as well they would have remained
widows.’
(68) P1(DET) ÆComment
Okpey ok okukwe senkinaw.
ok-pey ok o-ko-kwe so-enkin-aw
talk-part talk PDEM-GL.F-TOP DDEM-MAN-RSTR
‘This story goes to here.’
11.2 Narrative text

Written by Alex Nomben from Yabru village. Estimated year of birth:
1963. Date written: 1991. A story about two village boys on an ill-fated
fishing trip.
(69) Man
man
crayfish
‘Crayfish’
(70) Enekwei kamon hokwe, Peni o, Jon o,
enekwei kamon ho-kwe Peni o Jon o
time one GL.M-TOP Peni and Jon and
hohkwe arawh nonaw ley nayr.
hoh-kwe arawh non-aw ley nayr
3DU-TOP night CMT-RSTR go night
‘One time Peni and Jon went out during the night.’
447
(71) Hohkwe sawk ki-mawk kamon mon huk

hoh-kwe sawk ki-mawk kamon mon huk
3DU-TOP CHD ground-head one LOC hook
non-sakeyn e ley nayr.
non-sakeyn e ley nayr
DU-throw.in.water PURP go night
‘The two of them went to a certain headland in order to throw
out both their hooks during the night.’
(72) Hoh non-hiok kie menkin, sawk
hoh non-hiok kie menkin sawk
2/3DU DU-paddle go.downstream when CHD
Jon hiy me, Peni se,
Jon hiy me Peni s-e
Jon 3S.M speak Peni 3S.M-OBJ
‘When the two of them paddled together in downstream
direction, Jon then said to Peni,’
(73) “Ara, hrorkwe yawk lway nok pa,
ara hror-kwe yawk lway nok pa
ADDR.M 1DU-TOP fishing.net carry DUR NEG.PFTV
pokon pay non loway sakeyn
pokon po-ay non loway sakeyn
today Q-what CMT scoop throw.in.water
ey so?
ey so
INTN Q.SP.PFTV.M
‘“Man, we did not bring a fishing net along, with what thing
will we scoop from the water.’1
(74) Man non po loway sakeyn kie.”
man non po loway sakeyn kie
crayfish CMT CFT scoop throw.in.water go.downstream
‘We were supposed to throw out our hooks with the crayfish
we scooped up in the downstream area.”’
1
Cultural background: the fishing net was used to catch small crayfish to be used as bait.
448
(75) Hohkwe sawk sehe ma-non-hiok nok,

hoh-kwe sawk so-h-e ma-non-hiok nok
2/3DU-TOP CHD DDEM-3S.M-OBJ RPT-DU-paddle SEQ
yawk se ma-lway nok nok,
yawk s-e ma-lway nok nok
fishing.net 3S.M-OBJ RPT-carry DUR SEQ
ma-non-nak-ey kie.
ma-non-nak-ley kie
RPT-DU-ACC-go go.downstream
‘As a result they paddled back together again and then took
the fishing net along and then paddled in downstream
direction again.’
(76) Sawk man non seyn loway sakeyn
sawk man non senkin loway sakeyn
CHD crayfish CMT MAN scoop throw.in.water
kie.
kie
go.downstream
‘And they scooped into the water and threw out (their hooks)
with crayfish (on it) in the downstream area.’
(77) Sawk hyo wayh-ih Peni so huk
sawk hiy-o wayh-ih Peni s-o huk
CHD 3S.M-GEN friend-KIN Peni 3S.M-GEN hook
hokwe man aiopey hay ke hin.
ho-kwe man aiopey hay k-e hin
GL.M-TOP crayfish big very 3S.F-OBJ shoot
‘And as for the hook of his friend Peni, it hooked a very big
crayfish.’
(78) Sawk Jon hiykwe sa sehe
sawk Jon hiy-kwe sa so-h-e
CHD Jon 3S.M-TOP then/and DDEM-3S.M-OBJ
am-saw-luwray nekie liok.
am-saw-luwray nekie liok
DIR:near-SPD-pull hold in.vain
‘And so Jon quickly tried to pull it in - in vain.’
449
(79) Sawk man ko iha hok hyo

sawk man k-o iha hok hiy-o
CHD crayfish 3S.F-GEN hand 3S.F 3S.M-GEN
onomuein se nekie kan-sopio kawk.
onomuein s-e nekie kan-sopio kawk
testicles 3S.M-OBJ hold take-pierce put.inside
‘But the claw of the crayfish just got hold and pierced into his
testicles.’
(80) Wo, hiykwe sawk sehe nak-weyrweyr
wo hiy-kwe sawk so-h-e nak-weyrweyr
EXCL 3S.M-TOP CHD DDEM-3S.M-OBJ ACC-scream
ankin, hyo wayhih hiykwe sa
ankin hiy-o wayh-ih hiy-kwe sa
if/when 3S.M-GEN friend-KIN 3S.M-TOP then/and
sehe kweyr kow.
so-h-e kweyr kow
DDEM-3S.M-OBJ laugh BEN
‘Well, so when he screamed out, his friend just laughed at
him for that reason.’
(81) Wayh-ih hiy me, “Hunkiaw sara,
wayh-ih hiy me hwon-kiaw so-ara
friend-KIN 3S.M speak 2S-SLCT EMPH.SP.M-ADDR.M
hwon krikri lon se, hnekwe
hwon krikri lon s-e hwon-e-kwe
2S.SUB go.hurriedly do 3S.M-OBJ 2S-OBJ-TOP
sehe nekie sara.”
so-h-e nekie so-ara
DDEM-3S.M-OBJ hold EMPH.SP.M-ADDR.M
‘His friend said, “You yourself (= it’s your own fault), it was
you getting too excited and that’s why (he) got hold of you.”’
(82) Hoho yeyk hokwe sa sehe
hoh-o yeyk ho-kwe sa so-h-e
2/3DU-GEN canoe GL.M-TOP then/and DDEM-3S.M-OBJ
koum keyn.
koum keyn
turn.over in.water
‘As a result their canoe turned over in the water.’
450
(83) Hohkwe sawk aiai lopa sehe ma-ley,

hoh-kwe sawk aiai lopa so-h-e ma-ley
2/3DU-TOP CHD food NEG DDEM-3S.M-OBJ RPT-go
a mon kokwe.
a mon ko-kwe
house LOC GL.F-TOP
‘So the two of them went back home without food.’
11.3 Procedural text

Elicited from Obow Inaru from Yabru village. Estimated year of birth:
1943. Date written: 1985. A short step by step description of how one
should build a village house.
(84) A meio yor
a meio yor
house work way
2S-TOP house work if/when 2S-TOP
senkin kwa lon pie.
(86) Peyr nop-i me kwa lowk hnar
peyr nop-i m-e kwa lowk hnar
firstly ironwood-post PL-OBJ HOR cut split
koruay.
koruay
preparingly
‘First you go out and you cut and split the ironwood posts in
preparation (for the building).’
451
(87) Hai, musow-now, pros-now, sowor-now,

hai musow-now pros-now sowor-now
O.K. bearer-tree floor.joist-tree roof.support-tree
yakwa-now, kekie-yeyryeyr-now
yakwa-now kekie-yeyryeyr-now
horizontal.beam-tree wall.post.connectors-tree
seme lowk say koruay nok,
so-m-e lowk say koruay nok
DDEM-PL-OBJ cut move.PL preparingly SEQ
mays me lokrwe say.
mays m-e lokrwe say
cane PL-OBJ cut.PL many.PL
‘OK, you cut in preparation all the bearers, floor joists,
vertical and horizontal roof beams and all the wall post
connectors and then you cut all the vines.’
(88) Omeme somokwe yier mon-aw kekie
omeme so-mo-kwe yier mon-aw kekie
things DDEM-GL.PL-TOP place LOC-RSTR put
kekie lowpway.
kekie lowpway
put completely
‘All these things have to be all stored up in the village.’
hno nop-i so meir mo
hwon-o nop-i s-o meir m-o
2S-GEN ironwood-post 3S.M-GEN measure PL-GEN
liyliy-aw.
liyliy-aw
similar-RSTR
‘After having prepared everything, you need to measure the
ground first in accordance with the number of ironwood posts
you have.’
452
(90) Senkin lon lowpway nok, ki-eyh lopru

so-enkin lon lowpway nok ki-eyh lopruw
DDEM-MAN do completely SEQ ground-ditch dig
nok, nop-i me way inon kreik
nok nop-i m-e lway linon kreik
SEQ ironwood-post PL-OBJ carry carry plenty
lopalop ok.
lopalop ok
finish.off FIN.SEQ
(91) Hai, musow-now, peiryeyk-now me meio
hai musow-now peiryeyk-now m-e meio
O.K. bearer-tree bearer-tree PL-OBJ work
way ok.
lway ok
wrap.around FIN.SEQ
‘OK, then you do and fasten the bearers and the bearers
(= ones not directly supported by ironwood trees).’
(92) Hai, prosnow me meio way ok.
hai prosnow m-e meio lway ok
O.K. floor.joist PL-OBJ work wrap.around FIN.SEQ
‘OK, then you do the floor joists and fasten them.’
(93) Hai, a-suwr-now o, yakwa-now
hai a-suwr-now o yakwa-now
O.K. house-house.top-tree and horizontal.beam-tree
o, seme lyay sowkriy meio
o so-m-e lyay sowkriy meio
and DDEM-PL-OBJ place.down many.PL work
way ok.
lway ok
wrap.around FIN.SEQ
‘OK, then you do and fasten all the rooftop timber and the
horizontal roof beams.’
(94) Hai, sowor-now me kiy-nuw-sowor
hai sowor-now m-e kiy-nuw-sowor
O.K. roof.support-tree PL-OBJ ACT-INT-place.roof.support
453
lowpway ok.
lowpway ok
completely FIN.SEQ
‘OK, then you place all the vertical roofing beams.’
(95) Sohiy so meyki mon hokwe, naw-ma
so-hiy s-o meyki mon ho-kwe naw-ma
DDEM-3S.M 3S.M-GEN after LOC GL.M-TOP sago-leaf
me ma-kamanuor sei ok.
m-e ma-kamanuor sei ok
PL-OBJ RPT-take.off.PL fasten.leaves FIN.SEQ
‘After that you collect sago leaves and fasten them (to
rafters).’
(96) A-kopma kraiar nuw-sei kawk
a-kopma kraiar nuw-sei kawk
house-sago.leaves many INT-fasten.leaves put.inside
nok, say ok.
nok say ok
SEQ fasten FIN.SEQ
‘After you have made and heaped up many sago leaf rafters,
then you fasten them (= sago leaf rafters are layered and tied
to the roof).’
(97) Hai, air ma-lowk omniy son
hai air ma-lowk lomniy son
O.K. areca.palm RPT-cut beat lay.side.by.side
ok.
ok
FIN.SEQ
‘After that you cut and beat out (= flatten into pieces) areca
palms and lay (the flooring pieces) side by side.’
(98) Hai, owah ma-loun say nok, ma-piar
hai owah ma-loun say nok ma-piar
O.K. sago.stalk RPT-hit move.PL SEQ RPT-fence.in
ok.
ok
FIN.SEQ
‘OK, then you cut a lot of sago stalks and then you fence in
(the wall with these sago stalks).’
454
(99) Senkin-aw-aw, a se nuw-piar

so-enkin-aw-aw a s-e nuw-piar
DDEM-MAN-RSTR-EMPH house 3S.M-OBJ INT-fence.in
sakoum kawk lowpway.
sakoum kawk lowpway
turn.to.sides put.inside completely
‘Keep going, till you have fenced in the house on all sides.’
(100) Owah-mey somokwe mey pariawey-ar.
owah-mey so-mo-kwe mey pariawey-ar
sago.stalk-job DDEM-GL.PL-TOP job last-INTF
‘The (wall) job with the sago stalks is the last one.’
11.4 Descriptive text

Written by John Yauha from Dio village. Estimated year of birth:
1960. Date written: 1993. An informative text about the customs and
characteristics of the wondeis snake.
(101) Wondeis mo me-nonkway-ok.
wondeis m-o me-nonkway-ok
snake.sp PL-GEN speak-know-talk
‘The information about wondeis snakes.’
(102) Wondeis mo owh mokwe ma me
wondeis m-o owh mo-kwe ma m-e
snake.sp PL-GEN body GL.PL-TOP leaf PL-OBJ
hieyn lwak.
hieyn lwak
like be
‘The body of the wondeis snake is like leaves (= green).’
(103) Hmo owh mokwe nompou nompou lwak.
hom-o owh mo-kwe nompou nompou lwak
2/3PL-GEN body GL.PL-TOP weak weak be
‘Their bodies are very soft.’
(104) Homkwe iwar me aw seyn mon pey.
hom-kwe iwar m-e aw seyn mon pey
2/3PL-TOP human PL-OBJ fight HAB do NEG.IPFTV
‘They are not in the habit of attacking people.’
455
(105) Hmekwe iha nonaw liy nekie way.

2/3PL-OBJ-TOP hand CMT-RSTR DYN hold carry
‘You can grab them with (your) hand and carry them around.’
(106) Uwrsa homkwe senaw la.
uwr-sa hom-kwe senaw la
man-woman 2/3PL-TOP habitually eat
‘People are in the habit of eating (them).’
(107) Hmo pion mokwe won non nuw-a.
hom-o pion mo-kwe won non nuw-la
2/3PL-GEN meat GL.PL-TOP grease CMT INT-eat
‘Their meat is eaten with grease (= tastes really good).’
(108) Homkwe now mon hoaho
hom-kwe now mon ho-a-ho
2/3PL-TOP tree LOC twist.around-DUP-twist.around
inakrok.
linakrok
stand
‘They are located in trees, curled up.’
(109) Homkwe aiai ki sankaw seyn lanio
hom-kwe aiai ki so-ankaw seyn lanio
2/3PL-TOP food ground DDEM-Degree HAB walk
sayok a pey.
sayok la pey
to.and.fro eat NEG.IPFTV
‘They don’t habitually go out to find their food.’
(110) Enekwei kraiar mokwe homkwe anwaw-aw
enekwei kraiar mo-kwe hom-kwe anwaw-aw
time many GL.PL-TOP 2/3PL-TOP sleep-RSTR
kor-iawon sokway.
kor-liawon sokway
just/little-lie.down lie.PL
‘Most of the time they just sleep for long periods.’
456
(111) Hmo weyn kamon senkin, enekwei

hom-o weyn kamon so-enkin enekwei
2/3PL-GEN custom one DDEM-MAN time
hwon wondeis ke lira irway ankin,
hwon wondeis k-e lira lirway ankin
2S snake.sp 3S.F-OBJ see meet if/when
peyr pese saw-okin kwor o.
peyr pese saw-lokin kwor o
firstly PROH SPD-hit die IPFTV
‘One of their habits is like this: If you happen to see a
wondeis snake, do not be too quick in killing it.’
(112) Peyr kwa mesopok, wayhih non senaw lwak.
peyr kwa me-sopok wayh-ih non senaw lwak
firstly HOR speak-ask friend-KIN CMT habitually be
‘First ask (the snake), they often have a companion along.’
(113) Enekwei hwon mesopok ankin, woki mon kwa
enekwei hwon me-sopok ankin woki mon kwa
time 2S speak-ask if/when mouth LOC HOR
lira kraipakrai.
lira kraipakrai
see strongly
‘When you ask (the snake), closely watch his mouth.’
(114) Wayhih kamon hiy ohriar liarok ankin, hne
wayh-ih kamon hiy ohriar liarok ankin hwon-e
friend-KIN one 3S.M near be.up if/when 2S-OBJ
po mesair kow a, sane non.
po mesair kow a sane non
IMM show BEN FUT tongue CMT
‘If another snake is nearby, (he) will show it to you with his
tongue.’
(115) Sane penkin ka-lehokay e, suw
sane po-enkin ka-lehokay e suw
tongue Q-MAN side-move.tongue OBJ then
457
hunkwe serey kwa lira.

hwon-kwe so-rey kwa lira
2S-TOP DDEM-there HOR see
‘Wherever his tongue points, then that is where you should
look.’
(116) Enekwei har homkwe okar senaw mesair
enekwei har hom-kwe ok-ar senaw mesair
time some 2/3PL-TOP talk-INTF habitually show
kow, wayhih nayh hom ohriar lwak ankin.
kow wayh-ih nayh hom ohriar lwak ankin
BEN friend-KIN relative 2/3PL near be if/when
‘At certain times they really can indicate the truth, in the case
that the companions are nearby.’
(117) Sa wayhih nayh har homkwe ohriar
sa wayh-ih nayh har hom-kwe ohriar
then/and friend-KIN relative some 2/3PL-TOP near
lwak pa lwak ankin, suw hoko sane
lwak pa lwak ankin suw hok-o sane
be NEG.PFTV be if/when then 3S.F-GEN tongue
kokwe hne liy lehokay mesair kow ley.
ko-kwe hwon-e liy lehokay mesair kow ley
GL.F-TOP 2S-OBJ DYN move.tongue show BEN not
‘Whenever her companions are not near by, then her tongue
won’t be able to point you into any (direction).’
458
11.5 Expository text

Written by Jethro Iworiah from Yabru village. Estimated year of birth:
1970. Date written: 1998. A short text discussing reasons for and against
divorcing childless wives.
(118) Hromkwe nonkway, enekwei enkin ohokwe
hrom-kwe nonkway enekwei enkin o-ho-kwe
1PL-TOP know time MAN PDEM-GL.M-TOP
uwr ompeys serey-uh homkwe sa
uwr ompeys so-rey-ih hom-kwe sa
man recent.past PDEM-there-? 2/3PL-TOP woman
po huon.
po huon
PFT marry
‘We know, that at this present time many men of this
generation have married wives.’
(119) Har homkwe ney non lwak, sawk har
har hom-kwe ney non lwak sawk har
some 2/3PL-TOP child CMT be CHD some
homkwe ney lopa.
hom-kwe ney lopa
2/3PL-TOP child NEG
‘Some have children, but some have no children.’
(120) Har, ney non ma lwak somokwe kar
har ney non ma lwak so-mo-kwe kar
some child CMT RCM be DDEM-GL.PL-TOP gladness
ley, payhokuaw hom uwr nawp lwak
ley po-ay-ho-kuaw hom uwr nawp lwak
go Q-what-GL.M-for.reason.of 2/3PL man old be
ankin, hmo ney homkwe hme
ankin hom-o ney hom-kwe hom-e
if/when 2/3PL-GEN child 2/3PL-TOP 2/3PL-OBJ
ma-hiymon.
ma-hiy-mon
RPT-CAUS-do
‘Those who have children are happy, because when they are
old men, their children will look after them.’
459
(121) Sawk har, ney lopa somokwe honon

sawk har ney lopa so-mo-kwe honon
CHD some child NEG DDEM-GL.PL-TOP difficult
honon, omok hom uwr nawp lwak ankin.
honon omok hom uwr nawp lwak ankin
difficult later 2/3PL man old be if/when
‘But those without children experience hardships when they
have become old men.’
(122) Uwr, hmo sa, ney lopa ma lwak
uwr hom-o sa ney lopa ma lwak
man 2/3PL-GEN woman child NEG RCM be
somokwe, sa uron irweyk
so-mo-kwe sa uron irweyk
DDEM-GL.PL-TOP then/and heart different
seme kamahre kreik, hmo
so-m-e kama-hre kreik hom-o
DDEM-PL-OBJ get.PL-turn.into plenty 2/3PL-GEN
sa me lour swaweyr yay
sa m-e lour swaweyr lyay
woman PL-OBJ step cause.to.move.away place.down
ha e.
ha e
OBJ<SUB OBJ
‘So the men whose wives do not have children are coming up
with different ideas to send their wives away.’
(123) Okar, homkwe sa hmo sa
ok-ar hom-kwe sa hom-o sa
talk-INTF 2/3PL-TOP then/and 2/3PL-GEN woman
me seme lour swaweyr
m-e so-m-e lour swaweyr
PL-OBJ DDEM-PL-OBJ step cause.to.move.away
yay ha.
lyay ha
place.down OBJ<SUB
‘It is true, they then indeed get rid of their wives.’
460
(124) Sawk hakwe kar ley pey, yor, sa

sawk ha-kwe kar ley pey yor sa
CHD 1S-TOP gladness go NEG.IPFTV way woman
ney lopa me ma lour swaweyr
ney lopa m-e ma lour swaweyr
child NEG PL-OBJ RCM step cause.to.move.away
yay ha somokwe.
lyay ha so-mo-kwe
place.down OBJ<SUB DDEM-GL.PL-TOP
‘But I am not happy about the custom to get rid of the wives
that do not have children.’
(125) Payhokuaw, sa ney lopa
po-ay-ho-kuaw sa ney lopa
Q-what-GL.M-for.reason.of woman child NEG
mokwe, God so ney swanyo.
mo-kwe God s-o ney swanyo
GL.PL-TOP God 3S.M-GEN child daughter
‘Because, the women without children are God’s daughters.’
(126) God hiykiaw monhre.
God hiy-kiaw mon-hre
God 3S.M-SLCT do-turn.into
‘God himself created (them).’
(127) God so ok senkin me, “Uwr, sa
God s-o ok so-enkin me uwr sa
God 3S.M-GEN talk DDEM-MAN speak man woman
ke huon our swaweyr
k-e huon lour swaweyr
3S.F-OBJ marry step cause.to.move.away
yay ha ankin, hiykwe yokun-yor
lyay ha ankin hiy-kwe yokun-yor
place.down OBJ<SUB if/when 3S.M-TOP theft-way
ke meio.”
k-e meio
3S.F-OBJ work
‘God’s word says this, “The man who marries his wife and
gets rid of her again, he commits adultery (lit. works the steal
custom).”’
461
(128) Seyr Pol so mamey kokwe

seyr Po s-o ma-mey ko-kwe
and/also Pol 3S.M-GEN leaf-write GL.F-TOP
senkin me, “Enekwei ohokwe
so-enkin me enekwei o-ho-kwe
DDEM-MAN speak time PDEM-GL.M-TOP
uwrsa hmo yokun-yor mokwe pa
uwr-sa hom-o yokun-yor mo-kwe pa
man-woman 2/3PL-GEN theft-way GL.PL-TOP CUR
kraiar nuw-wak. Uwr lowpwarowp homkwe
kraiar nuw-lwak uwr lowpwarowp hom-kwe
many INT-be man all 2/3PL-TOP
hmo sa arian non lwak e.”
hom-o sa arian non lwak e
2/3PL-GEN woman own CMT be OBJ
‘Paul’s letter states as follows, “In the present time the
people’s adultery is abundant. Let all men have their own
wife.”’
(129) Ha seyr senkin nan, uwr homkwe
ha seyr so-enkin nan uwr hom-kwe
1S and/also DDEM-MAN think/like man 2/3PL-TOP
sa kwa huon liyay.
sa kwa huon liyay
woman HOR marry individually
‘I also think that men should each marry his own wife.’
(130) Seyr sa homkwe uwr kwa liwak
seyr sa hom-kwe uwr kwa liwak
and/also woman 2/3PL-TOP man HOR sit
liyay.
liyay
individually
‘And women should also marry their own husband.’
462
(131) Seyr sa ney lopa ma lwak

seyr sa ney lopa ma lwak
and/also woman child NEG RCM be
somokwe mo senkinaw le,
so-mo-kwe mo so-enkin-aw le
DDEM-GL.PL-TOP EMPH DDEM-MAN-RSTR come
ipey ko swaw mon kokwe.
ipey k-o swaw mon ko-kwe
mother 3S.F-GEN stomach LOC GL.F-TOP
‘And also women without children come like that out of the
mother’s womb (= these women are born like that).’
11.6 Hortatory text

As retold by Hunuk Nonsi from Yabru village. Estimated year of
birth: 1950. Date elicited: 1987. A speech by the local village leader (a
member of the local government) who attempts to motivate the people to
participate in community work parties and work on the maintenance of the
medical Aid Post.
(132) Memba so ok, Aid Post se ma
memba s-o ok aid post s-e ma
member 3S.M-GEN talk aid post 3S.M-OBJ RCM
me hiy non.
me hiy non
speak 3S.M CMT
‘The member’s speech about the Aid Post.’
(133) Ama, uwrsa lowpwarowp Yabru ko om,
ama uwr-sa lowpwarowp Yabru ko om
ADDR.PL man-woman all Yabru from village
hakwe hmo memba, homkwe hano ok
ha-kwe hom-o memba hom-kwe han-o ok
1S-TOP 2/3PL-GEN member 2/3PL-TOP 1S-GEN talk
ke kwa nuw-onuayk liyay.
k-e kwa nuw-lonuayk liyay
3S.F-OBJ HOR INT-hear individually
‘All people from Yabru village, I am your member, just listen
to all that I have to say.’
463
(134) Pokon ohokwe hme kokwe Aid Post

pokon o-ho-kwe hom-e ko-kwe aid post
today PDEM-GL.M-TOP 2/3PL-OBJ GL.F-TOP aid post
so mey ke kiy-me kow ey.
s-o mey k-e kiy-me kow ey
3S.M-GEN job 3S.F-OBJ ACT-speak BEN INTN
‘Today, I will talk to you about the work of the Aid Post.’
(135) Aid Post hromo yier mon ma kiy-wak
aid post hrom-o yier mon ma kiy-lwak
aid post 1PL-GEN place LOC RCM ACT-be
ohokwe, yaprue ihey-ar, hakwe
o-ho-kwe yaprue ihey-ar ha-kwe
PDEM-GL.M-TOP good excellent-INTF 1S-TOP
kar ley.
kar ley
gladness go
‘(The fact) that the Aid Post is in our village is really
excellent, I am very happy about that.’
(136) Homkwe seyr kar kwa ley.
hom-kwe seyr kar kwa ley
2/3PL-TOP and/also gladness HOR go
‘You should be happy as well.’
(137) Payhokuaw, Aid Post ohokwe
po-ay-ho-kuaw aid post o-ho-kwe
Q-what-GL.M-for.reason.of aid post PDEM-GL.M-TOP
hromo uwrsaney lowpwarowp peik non
hrom-o uwr-sa-ney lowpwarowp peik non
1PL-GEN man-woman-child all ill CMT
me hiy-mon ey.
m-e hiy-mon ey
PL-OBJ CAUS-do INTN
‘Because - this Aid Post is here to help our people and all the
children with sickness.’
464

nekie kraiay e.
nekie krai-ay e
hold strength.PL OBJ
‘At this time we should hold on to our Aid Post in a strong
way.’
(139) Aid Post ohokwe peik me mon sakawk
aid post o-ho-kwe peik m-e mon sakawk
aid post PDEM-GL.M-TOP ill PL-OBJ do stop
huon ey.
huon ey
OBJ>SUB INTN
‘This Aid Post stops the diseases coming (our) way.’
O.K. 2S.SUB ill ACC-lie 2S-SUB.TOP Q-there
nakey a?
nak-ley a
ACC-go INDF.FUT
(141) Haus Sik aiopey hay hokwe meiaw-ar
haus sik aiopey hay ho-kwe mei-aw-ar
house sick big very GL.M-TOP long-RSTR-INTF
lwak, seyr yerki yaprue-ar lopa.
lwak seyr yerki yaprue-ar lopa
be and/also road good-INTF NEG
‘The big hospital is far away, and also the road is not very
good.’
(142) Seyr meinowon non.
seyr meinowon non
and/also money CMT
‘And it will (cost) money.’
(143) Hromkwe meinowon pay non nakey a,
hrom-kwe meinowon po-ay non nak-ley a
1PL-TOP money Q-what CMT ACC-go INDEF
465
hrom peik lwak mokwe?

hrom peik lwak mo-kwe
1PL ill be GL.PL-TOP
‘With what money would we go, when we are ill?
[= we don’t have the money to travel when we are ill].’
(144) Hromo yier ohokwe haus sik aiopey
hrom-o yier o-ho-kwe haus sik aiopey
1PL-GEN place PDEM-GL.M-TOP house sick big
hay so meiaw mon lwak, hromkwe
hay s-o mei-aw mon lwak hrom-kwe
very 3S.M-GEN long-RSTR LOC be 1PL-TOP
Aid Post se sehe nekie
aid post s-e so-h-e nekie
aid post 3S.M-OBJ DDEM-3S.M-OBJ hold
kraiay e.
kraiay e
strongly OBJ.IMP
‘Our village is at a far distance from the hospital, therefore we
should look after our Aid Post in a strong way.’
(145) Hme ha senkin me ankin, “Ama,
hom-e ha so-enkin me ankin ama
2/3PL-OBJ 1S DDEM-MAN speak if/when ADDR.PL
Yabru-om, hromkwe Mande mokwe Aid Post
Yabru-om hrom-kwe mande mo-kwe aid post
Yabru-group 1PL-TOP Monday GL.PL-TOP aid post
mey meio e.”
mey meio e
job work OBJ.IMP
‘If I say to you this, “You Yabru people every Monday we
should work on the Aid Post.”’
(146) Homkwe hano ok ko meyki ley nok,
hom-kwe han-o ok k-o meyki ley nok
2/3PL-TOP 1S-GEN talk 3S.F-GEN after go SEQ
meio.
meio
work
‘You should then listen to my words and work.’
466
(147) Homkwe peie kamaun sow o.

hom-kwe peie kamaun sow o
2/3PL-TOP PROH ignore off IPFTV
‘Do not ignore (the command).’
(148) Homkwe lonuayk me yor ke-aw
hom-kwe lonuayk me yor k-e-aw
2/3PL-TOP hear speak way 3S.F-OBJ-RSTR
nakruok e.
nakruok e
hold OBJ.IMP
‘Just hold on to the custom of obeying.’
(149) Hmo yor ok me kamaun sow yor
hom-o yor ok m-e kamaun sow yor
2/3PL-GEN way talk PL-OBJ ignore off way
sokukwe kwahnaw lokriy ha e.
so-ko-kwe kwahnaw lokriy ha e
DDEM-GL.F-TOP HOR.should leave OBJ<SUB OBJ.IMP
‘The habit of ignoring the talk should be left behind
(= discarded).’
(150) Homkwe seyr memba, ha enkin ohiy
hom-kwe seyr memba ha enkin o-hiy
2/3PL-TOP and/also member 1S MAN PDEM-3S.M
o, uwr karmay har o, hmo ouon
o uwr karmay har o hom-o ouon
and man leader some and 2/3PL-GEN under
mon-aw lwak e.
mon-aw lwak e
LOC-RSTR be OBJ.IMP
‘You should subject yourselves to the member, as I am now,
and also to the big men.’
(151) Sawk hromkwe Aid Post se meio ihey
sawk hrom-kwe aid post s-e meio ihey
CHD 1PL-TOP aid post 3S.M-OBJ work excellent
pa lwak ankin, APO hiykwe uwr
pa lwak ankin APO hiy-kwe uwr
NEG.PFTV be if/when health.officer 3S.M-TOP man
467
hakamay Vanimo ko me liy me kow

hakamay Vanimo ko m-e liy me kow
oldest Vanimo ABL PL-OBJ DYN speak BEN
nonkway, homkwe Aid Post ehe
nonkway hom-kwe aid post o-h-e
know. IPFTV 2/3PL-TOP aid post PDEM-3S.M-OBJ
liy piar sakawk.
liy piar sakawk
DYN fence.in stop
‘But if we do not do a good job in working on the Aid Post,
the APO (= local health officer) will inform the big men in
Vanimo, and they can close down this Aid Post here.’
(152) Sawk yier kamon mon liy ma-nakey meio.
sawk yier kamon mon liy ma-nak-ley meio
CHD place one LOC DYN RPT-ACC-go work
‘And it can be moved to another village to be built there.’
(153) Gavman hom senkin lon ankin, homkwe
gavman hom so-enkin lon ankin hom-kwe
government 2/3PL DDEM-MAN do if/when 2/3PL-TOP
kwahnaw lokrue away keyn.
kwahnaw lokrue laway keyn
HOR.should die die everywhere
‘If the government does that, you will just die and perish
everywhere.’
(154) Hano uron hokwe hme nion lwak.
han-o uron ho-kwe hom-e nion lwak
1S-GEN heart GL.M-TOP 2/3PL-OBJ with be
‘I really care about you.’ (Lit. ‘My heart is with you.’)
(155) Hakwe hom peik nakwon sokway okrue e
ha-kwe hom peik nak-won sokway lokrue e
1S-TOP 2/3PL ill ACC-lie lie.PL die OBJ.IMP
nan pey.
nan pey
think NEG.IPFTV
‘I am not desiring that you would all come down with
sicknesses and die.’
468
(156) Hakwe hom owh yaprue lwak e nan.

ha-kwe hom owh yaprue lwak e nan
1S-TOP 2/3PL body good be OBJ.IMP think/like
‘I want you to be with good bodies (= healthy).’
(157) Hakwe hme senkin sehe me,
ha-kwe hom-e so-enkin so-h-e me
1S-TOP 2/3PL-OBJ DDEM-MAN DDEM-3S.M-OBJ speak
homkwe Aid Post se yaprue nonaw
hom-kwe aid post s-e yaprue non-aw
2/3PL-TOP aid post 3S.M-OBJ good CMT-RSTR
hiy-wayr e.
hiy-lwayr e
CAUS-stay OBJ.IMP
‘That’s why I am telling you this, that you should look after
the Aid Post in a good way.’
11.7 Letters
Written by Jethro Iworiah from Yabru village. Estimated year of birth:
1970. Date written: September 1997. Letter from a local teacher who
explains why he quit teaching. He has a request to be given a job on a
local building project that is about to start.
(158) Hiymei hay
hiymei hay
long very
‘Very tall one (nickname based on height)’
(159) Eyrowpwar yaprue-ar, Jisas hromo oryay
eyrowpwar yaprue-ar Jisas hrom-o oryay
afternoon good-INTF Jisas 1PL-GEN older.brother
so uru non.
s-o uru non
3S.M-GEN name CMT
‘Good afternoon, in the name of our older brother Jesus.’
469
(160) Hakwe okney har hne nion non-ohruw-a

ha-kwe ok-ney har hwon-e nion non-lohruw-la
1S-TOP talk-small some 2S-OBJ with DU-talk-eat
ley, mamey erey mon kokwe.
ley ma-mey erey mon ko-kwe
go leaf-write here LOC GL.F-TOP
‘I want to talk with you about some small things in this letter.’
(161) Hakwe yaprue lwak, payhokuaw
ha-kwe yaprue lwak po-ay-ho-kuaw
1S-TOP good be Q-what-GL.M-for.reason.of
hromo God ayaw ko hiykwe hreme kokwe
hrom-o God ayaw ko hiy-kwe hrom-e ko-kwe
1PL-GEN God top ABL 3S.M-TOP 1PL-OBJ GL.F-TOP
yaprue hiy-nuw-mon ihey. Arawh eypok arawh
yaprue hiy-nuw-mon ihey arawh eypok arawh
good CAUS-INT-do excellent night day night
eypok, senkin-awaw.
eypok so-enkin-aw-aw
day DDEM-MAN-RSTR-EMPH
‘I am doing well, because God from up high looks after us
well. Day and night, day and night, continuously.’
(162) Enekwei enkin ohokwe hakwe Sowkmayon
enekwei enkin o-ho-kwe ha-kwe Sowkmayon
time MAN PDEM-GL.M-TOP 1S-TOP Sowkmayon
mon kiy-wak pey.
mon kiy-lwak pey
LOC ACT-be NEG.IPFTV
‘At the present time I am not staying in Sowkmayon.’
470
(163) Sowkmayon ney har homkwe hano omeme

Sowkmayon ney har hom-kwe han-o omeme
Sowkmayon child some 2/3PL-TOP 1S-GEN things
har me yokun lopri, ha hano ney-sa
har m-e yokun lopri ha han-o ney-sa
some PL-OBJ theft take.PL 1S 1S-GEN child-woman
me Green River haus sik mon hiy-nakey
m-e Green River haus sik mon hiy-nak-ley
PL-OBJ Green River house sick LOC CAUS-ACC-go
non.
non
CMT
‘Some Sowkmayon children stole some of my possessions (at
the time when) I had taken my family to the Green River
health centre.’
(164) Hakwe Sowkmayon hokwe pa po
ha-kwe Sowkmayon ho-kwe pau po
1S-TOP Sowkmayon GL.M-Top CUR.CMPL PFT
lokriy hain.
lokriy hain
leave SUB<OBJ
‘I have left Sowkmayon.’
(165) Hakwe senkin me iaup, “Term foa hokwe,
ha-kwe so-enkin me liaup Term foa ho-kwe
1S-TOP DDEM-MAN speak mark Term 4 GL.M-TOP
hakwe ma-lohiok lopa.”
ha-kwe ma-lo-hiok lopa
1S-TOP RPT-move-paddle NEG
‘I marked the time for them as follows, “I will not paddle up
for term 4.”’
(166) Hunkwe hano ok, paraw ha ma me,
hwon-kwe han-o ok paraw ha ma me
2S-TOP 1S-GEN talk past 1S RCM speak
po lonuayk.
po lonuayk
PFT hear
‘You have heard the words that I spoke in the past.’
471
(167) Hakwe senkin me, hakwe elementary tisa

ha-kwe so-enkin me ha-kwe elementary tisa
1S-TOP DDEM-MAN speak 1S-TOP elementary teacher
nuw-wak peyow ey hokwe, uron ipey
nuw-lwak peyow ey ho-kwe uron ipey
INT-be continually INTN GL.M-Top heart important
hay nuw-wak pey.
hay nuw-lwak pey
very INT-be NEG.IPFTV
‘I said that as for continually being an elementary teacher, I
was not really interested (lit. I was not with very important
heart/thoughts).’
(168) Enkin ohokwe hakwe pa po lokriy
enkin o-ho-kwe ha-kwe pau po lokriy
MAN PDEM-GL.M-TOP 1S-TOP CUR.CMPL PFT leave
hain, hakwe Sowkmayon mo ney me
hain ha-kwe Sowkmayon m-o ney m-e
SUB<OBJ 1S-TOP Sowkmayon PL-GEN child PL-OBJ
hiy-mon sorasor pey.
hiy-mon sor-a-sor pey
CAUS-do tell-DUP-tell NEG.IPFTV
‘At the present time I have left, and I am not teaching the
Sowkmayon children.’
(169) Seyr Sowkmayon homkwe elementary klasrum
seyr Sowkmayon hom-kwe elementary klasrum
and/also Sowkmayon 2/3PL-TOP elementary class.room
o, a lwayr ey o, somokwe peyr
o a lwayr ey o so-mo-kwe peyr
and house stay INTN and DDEM-GL.PL-TOP firstly
korey meio kow pa.
korey meio kow pa
no work BEN NEG.PFTV
‘The Sowkmayon people still have not built the elementary
class room and a residence house (for the teacher to live in).’
472
(170) Hakwe sehe nak-wak.

ha-kwe so-h-e nak-lwak
1S-TOP DDEM-3S.M-OBJ ACC-be
‘That’s why I am staying (here).’
(171) Hakwe hnekwe seyr mesopok kamon
ha-kwe hwon-e-kwe seyr me-sopok kamon
1S-TOP 2S-OBJ-TOP and/also speak-ask one
senkin mesopok ley.
so-enkin me-sopok ley
DDEM-MAN speak-ask go
‘I am going to ask you a question.’
(172) Hunkwe hane mey kamon ke liy mon
hwon-kwe han-e mey kamon k-e liy mon
2S-TOP 1S-OBJ job one 3S.F-OBJ DYN do
sorasor meio kow o?
sor-a-sor meio kow o
tell-DUP-tell work BEN Q.SP.IPFTV
‘Can you teach me a certain job/profession?’
(173) Hakwe kuor-hro a mon meio e
ha-kwe kuor-hro a mon meio e
1S-TOP sore-dry house LOC work PURP
nanpanan.
nanpanan
think
‘I am thinking of working in an aid post (lit. house of drying
sores).’
(174) Hano mesopok kamon kokwe, hakwe kapenta,
han-o me-sopok kamon ko-kwe ha-kwe kapenta
1S-GEN speak-ask one GL.F-TOP 1S-TOP carpenter
projekt so a me meio kow ey
projekt s-o a m-e meio kow ey
project 3S.M-GEN house PL-OBJ work BEN INTN
me nion liy non-meio o?
m-e nion liy non-meio o
PL-OBJ with DYN DU-work Q.SP.IPFTV
‘One other question (is this), can I join the carpenters who are
going to build the project building?’
473
(175) Hakwe hne sehe mey mesopok.

ha-kwe hwon-e so-h-e mey me-sopok
1S-TOP 2S-OBJ DDEM-3S.M-OBJ write speak-ask
Hunkwe hane liy me meio o,
hwon-kwe han-e liy me meio o
2S-TOP 1S-OBJ DYN speak work Q.SP.IPFTV
kapenta me nion non-meio e?
kapenta m-e nion non-meio e
carpenter PL-OBJ with DU-work PURP
‘So I am writing to you; can you tell me to work with the
carpenters?’
(176) Hunkwe penkin nanpanan me, hunkwe
hwon-kwe po-enkin nanpanan m-e hwon-kwe
2S-TOP Q-MAN think PL-OBJ 2S-TOP
hane kwaw me nonkway kow.
han-e kwa-aw me nonkway kow
1S-OBJ HOR.RSTR speak know BEN
‘Whatever you think, just inform me.’
(177) Hano ok o, mesopok sohom o,
han-o ok o me-sopok so-hom o
1S-GEN talk and speak-ask DDEM-2/3PL and
senkinaw.
so-enkin-aw
DDEM-MAN-RSTR
‘As for my messages and questions, this is it.’
(178) Jethro P. Iwo
Jethro P Iwo
Jethro P Iwo
‘Jethro P. Iwo.’
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Volumes 1–57
Paper copies of the Data Papers can be ordered from [email protected], but
volumes marked with * are out of print. Most of these materials are now available
online at the following address:
http://www.sil.org/pacific/png/index.asp (Volumes 1-31 were titled
Workpapers in Papua New Guinea Languages.)
Volume Year Title of Volume, Languages, and Authors
*1 1973 Three Studies in Sentence Structure (Maring by L. B.
Woodward; Abulas by Patricia R. Wilson; Au by David
Scorza)
*2 1973 Phonologies of Three Languages of PNG (Biangai by
Raymond and Marjorie Dubert; Nii by Al and Dellene
Stucky; Yessan-Mayo by Velma Foreman and Helen
Marten)
*3 1974 Three Studies in Languages of Eastern Papua (Korafe by
Jim and Cindi Farr; Louisiade Achipelago by Jim and Anne
Henderson; Iduna by Joyce Huckett)
*4 1974 Phonologies of Four PNG Languages (Baining by Jim and
Diana Parker; Urii by Tom Webb; Boiken by Allen and
Marlene Freudenberg; Dadibi by George and Georgetta
MacDonald)
*5 1974 Golin Grammar by Gordon Bunn
*6 1974 Grammatical Studies in Three Languages of PNG (Washkuk
by Orneal Kooyers; Agarabi by Jean Goddard; Kobon by
Marcus and May Dawson)
*7 1974 Studies in Languages of the Ok Family (Mianmin by Jean
Smith and Pam Weston; Faiwol by Charlotte Mecklenburg;
Telefol by Alan Healy)
*8 1974 Suena Grammar by Darryl Wilson
*9 1975 Abau Language Phonology and Grammar by D. A. Bailey
*10 1976 Higher Level Studies of Two Related Highlands Languages
(Agarabi by Jean Goddard; Gadsup by Chester Frantz)
*11 1975 Studies on Literacy and Education (PNG Language and
Literature Directory by Joice Franklin; Bilingual Education
by Joy McCarthy; Language Learning Games by Rosemary
Young)
479
480
*12 1975 Papers in Five Austronesian Languages (Kiriwina Idioms

by John C. Noel; Tolai Comments by Karl J. Franklin; Dobu
Text Analysis by David Lithgow; Banoni Orthography by
Peter C. Lincoln; Iamalele Clauses by John and Margaret
Beaumont)
*13 1975 Phonologies of Five Austronesian Languages (Tinputz by
Roman and Carolyn Hostetler; Petats by Jerry Allen and
Matthew Beaso; Patep by Karen Adams and Linda Lauck;
Kela by Ken and Margaret Collier; Sursurunga by Don and
Sharon Hutchisson)
14 1975 Comparative Wordlists 1. (Gulf District by Karl J. Franklin
and John Z’graggen; Admiralty Islands by W. E. Smythe
and John Z’graggen)
15 1976 Grammatical Studies (Suena by Darryl Wilson; Iduna by
Joyce Huckett)
*16 1976 Surveys in Five PNG Languages (Eastern Trans Fly by
Lillian Fleischmann and Sinikka Turpeinen; Ambulas by
Patricia Wilson; Boiken by Allen Freudenberg; Schraeder
Ranges by John Tonson; English-Wasembo Vocabulary by
Kenneth McElhanon and Sigkepe Sogum)
17 1976 Grammatical Studies in Patep by Linda M. Lauck and
Karen L. Adams
18 1976 Student Research Papers in Literacy and Education (articles
by Yvonne Genat, Bruce A. Hooley, Gay Brown and
Chester S. Street)
19 1977 Phonologies of Five PNG Languages (Orokaiva by Robert
and Marlys Larsen; Yil by Mary Martens and Salme
Tuominen; Ningil by Margaret Manning and Naomi
Saggers; Dobu by Daphne Lithgow; Samo by R. Daniel and
Karen A. Shaw)
20 1977 Proceedings of the SIL Consultants Seminar, Ukarumpa
1976 (25 short articles)
21 1977 Language Variation and Survey Techniques (16 articles)
*22 1977 Miscellaneous Papers in PNG Linguistics (Mianim by Jean
Smith and Pam Weston; Selepet by Ken McElhanon;
Oksapmin by Marshall Lawrence; Bine by Lillian
Fleischmann and Sinikka Turpeinen)
23 1978 Grammatical Studies in Kunimaipa Morphophonemics to
Discourse by Elaine Geary
481
*24 1978 Language Planning and Grammatical Typologies by Robert

Litteral, Robert J. Conrad and Elizabeth Murane
25 1979 Miscellaneous Papers on Dobu and Arapesh (articles by
David Lithgow, Robert J. Conrad and Joshua Lukas)
*26 1980 Ambulas Grammar by Patricia R. Wilson
27 1980 Grammatical Studies (Fasu by Eunice Loeweke and Jean
May; Mt Koiali by Susan Garland)
28 1980 Reports of Vernacular Literacy Programs, edited by Mary
Stringer and Joice Franklin
29 1981 Sociolinguistic Surveys of Sepik Languages (Wom by Barry
and Bonnie Moeckel; Kombio by Nate and Judi Baker;
Mehek and Siliput by Robert D. Bugenhagen; Heyo, Pahi
and Mayo Pasi by Ian Hutchinson; Beli, Yahang and Laeko
Limgaut by Gregory Cooper; Namie by Ronald and Doris
Jane Pappenhagen; Busa and Nagatman by Glenn Graham,
Pagi and Kilmeri by Robert Brown; Abau by William H.
Martin III)
30 1982 Orokaiva Language Lessons and Grammar Notes by Robert
and Marlys Larsen
31 1985 Five Phonological Studies (Maiani, Miani, Mala and Maia
by Jean May and Eunice Loeweke; Burum by Soini
Olkkonen; Hewa by Paul W. Vollrath; Saniyo Hiyewe by
Jenny Hepburn; Urim by Pirkko Luoma)
32 1987 Halia Grammar by Jerry and Jan Allen
33 1987 Studies in Melanesian Orthographies, edited by John M.
Clifton (Kope by John M. Clifton; Mufian by Robert and Jo
Ann Conrad, Gahuku by Ellis W. Deibler; Kire by David
Pryor; Angave by Richard Speece; Karkar Yuri by Dorothy
Price; Kamasau by Arden and Joy Sanders, Orthography
Issues in New Caledonia by Stephen J. Schooling; Practical
Spelling by David and Daphne Lithgow; Madak by Robert
Lee; Patep by Linda Lauck Vissering)
34 1986 Manam Teaching Grammar by Blaine Turner
35 1989 Bound and Minor Words in Baruya by Richard Lloyd
36 1989 Studies in Componential Analysis, edited by Karl Franklin
(Kalo by Ali Laeka; Dobu by Gail Edoni; Kara by Ginny
Schlie; Mauwake by Kwan Poh San; Miniafia by David C.
Wakefield; Kara by Perry Schlie; Folopa by Neil Anderson)
482
37 1989 Two Grammatical Studies, edited by John R. Roberts

(Tungak by Lesley Fast; Nend by Kyle Harris)
38 1991 Reference Grammar of the Karo/Rawa Language by Norma
R. and Donald F. Toland
39 1992 Namia and Amanab Grammar Essentials, edited by John R.
Roberts (Namia by Tom and Becky Feldpausch; Amanab by
Andy Minch)
40 1993 Phonologies of Austronesian Languages No.2, edited by
John M. Clifton (Misiman by Bill Callister; Sio by Dawn
Soetenga Clark; Mengen by Daniel D. Rath; Kara by Perry
and Ginny Schlie; Patep by Linda Lauck Vissering)
41 1994 Phonology and Grammar of Nankina by Craig and Pat
Spaulding
*42 1996 Two Non-Austronesian Grammars from the Islands, edited
by John M. Clifton (Kuot by Chul-Hwa Chung and Kyung-
Ja Chung; Sulka by Doug Tharp)
43 1998 Orthography and Phonology Database: Islands and
Momase Regions, compiled by Ritva Hemmilä (Ambulas,
Amele, Boiken, Botn, Buin, Bukawa, Bukiyip, Central
Buang, Gende, Guhu Samane, Halia, Kalam, Kobon, Kube,
Kunimaipa, Kwanga, Lote, Manam, Menya, Mufian, Nahu,
Nehan, Oksapmin, Olo, Patpatar, Ramoaaina, Selepet,
Sissano, Sursurunga, Timbe, Tolai, Tungag, Urat, Vitu,
Wantoat, Waskia, Yupna)
*44 1999 Orthography and Phonology Database: Highlands and
Papuan Regions, compiled by Ritva Hemmilä (Agarabi,
Alekano, Chuave, Dadibi, Dobu, Enga, Ewage, Folopa,
Fore, Fuyuge, Gadsup, Gimi, Golin, Huli, Kafe, Kamano-
Kafe, Kanite, Kapau, Kewa, Kiriwina, Kiwai, Koriki,
Kuman, Managalasi, Maring, Mekeo, Melpa, Misima, Motu,
Narak, Nii, Orokaiva, Orokolo, Pawaia, Siane, Sinaugoro,
Tairora, Tawala, Toaripi, Umbu-Ungu, Upper Asaro,
Wahgi, Wiru, Yagaria)
*45 2000 Sociolinguistics and Literacy Studies: Highlands and
Islands, edited by John Brownie (Lembena by Paul
Heineman; Pinai-Hagahai by Markus Melliger; Bariai by
Steve and Carol Jean Gallagher)
*46 2000 Sociolinguistics and Literacy Studies: South-West, Sepik and
Morobe, edited by John Brownie (Kaluli by Andy and
Sylvia Grosh; Konai by Sören and Britten Årsjö; Pouye by
Steve Ferree; Hote by John and Amy Lindstrom)
483
47 2005 Phonological Descriptions of PNG Languages, edited by

Steve Parker (Baruga [Tafota] by James and Cynthia Farr;
Kuman by Daryl and Mary Pfantz; Mato by Scot and Cherie
Stober; North Wahgi [Yu We] by Don and Heather Mc
Clean, Sam [Songum, Songumsam] by Dave and Sarah
Troolin; Seimat [Ninigo] by Theresa Wilson and Beata
Wozna; Kaluli by Sylvia and Andy Grosh; Koluwawa by
Brad and Toni Guderian; Wuvulu-Aua by James A. Hafford;
Arop-Lokepby Jeff D’Jernes and Mary Raymond; Gizrra by
Nico and Elly van Bodegraven; Konai [Kalai] by Sören and
Britten Årsjö; Migabac by Steve McEvoy; Pinai-Hagahai
by Markus Melliger)
48 2005 Seimat Grammar Essentials by Beata Wozna and Theresa
Wilson
49 2005 Bariai Grammar Sketch by Steve Gallagher and Peirce
Baehr
50 2005 Siar-Lak Grammar Essentials by Karen Rowe
51 2006 Vitu Grammar Sketch by René van den Berg and Peter
Bachet
52 2007 Mussau Grammar Essentials by John and Marjo Brownie
53 2007 Fuyug Grammar Sketch by Robert L. Bradshaw
54 2008 Lote Grammar Sketch by Greg Pearson with René van den
Berg
55 2008 Kwomtari Phonology and Grammar Essentials, edited by
Murray Honsberger, Carol Honsberger and Ian Tupper
(Phonology Essentials of Kwomtari by Julia Drew;
Kwomtari Grammar Essentials by Katharine Spencer)
56 2009 Iyo Grammar Sketch by Paul Minter
57 2011 Abau Grammar by Arnold (Arjen) Hugo Lock

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Data Papers on

Papua New Guinea Languages

Arnold (Arjen) Hugo Lock

Printed by SIL Printing Press

ISBN 9980 0 3614 1

3.2.2 Compound nouns ...................................................... 44

3.9 Noun Phrases marked semantically – postpositional phrases .. 91

7.4.5 Speech markers following clause-final modal

9. Complex sentences ...................................................................... 342

Appendices: Abau texts ...................................................................... 422

Table 1: Dialect cognate percentages ..................................................... 4

Table 28: Overview of all possible syntactic NP markers ....................... 91

NOMS nominaliser SLCT selective

1.1 Location and population

1.2 Language name

1.3 Affiliation and earlier studies

description of the phonology (Laycock 1965b). A sociolinguistic survey

TABLE 1: DIALECT COGNATE PERCENTAGES

TABLE 2: DIALECT COGNATE BREAKDOWN

1.5 Language use and bilingualism

1.6 Use of the Abau language in writing

1.7 Typological overview of Abau

Abau appears to be an extreme example of the tendency to

1.8 Neighbouring languages

MAP 3: ABAU AND NEIGHBOURING LANGUAGES

Odiai (pop. 250) – also known as Busa; three village communities

1.9 Abau culture

vernacular until the provincial education office will establish an

This chapter presents a brief outline of the phonology of Abau,

2.1 Consonant phonemes and allophonic

Labial Alveolar Velar

Abau has no alveolar stop phoneme, although one of the allophones of

2.2 Vowel phonemes and allophonic variation

TABLE 5: ABAU VOCOIDS WORK CHART

Front Central Back

/ri/ >GL@ spear

TABLE 6: ALLOWED AND NON- ALLOWED SEQUENCES

/kior/ >NLƥӫ@ frog (sp.)

2.3 Tone, stress and syllables

sequential constraints which operate at the end of a word should be

Consonant clusters formed with Consonant clusters formed with

The following rules apply to divide words into syllables:

2.5 Word boundaries and stress

TABLE 8: DELETION OF VERB-INITIAL l WHEN PREFIXED

Prefix Meaning Affixed to verb Example Meaning

TABLE 9: NO DELETION OF VERB-INITIAL l WHEN VERBAL PREFIX ENDS IN

Prefix Meaning Affixed to verb Example Meaning

2.6.2 Vowel harmony

Citation Meaning Genitive Frequently Less frequently

Table 11 shows the application of morphophonemic Rule D. The first

Emphatic speech Alternative

TABLE 12: VOWEL HARMONY IN THE SUFFIXATION OF KINSHIP TERMS

Term of Term of Selection Relationship

and he posits the influence of Malay in the development of especially the

2.7 Reduplicated stems

Reduplicated form Base form

(9) Homkwe ai-ai senkin senkin mokwe

TABLE 14: FOUR TYPES OF REDUPLICATION

Example of reduplication Contrasting example in similar