Gadd - The Harran Inscriptions of Nabonidus PDF

The Harran Inscriptions of Nabonidus
Author(s): C. J. Gadd
Source: Anatolian Studies, Vol. 8 (1958), pp. 35-92
Published by: British Institute at Ankara
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3642415
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THE HARRAN INSCRIPTIONS OF NABONIDUS
By C. J. GADD
Discovery and Present Location
THE THREE STELAE bearing the inscriptions here published were
by Dr. D. S. Rice at Harran in August-September 1956, w
engaged in examining the architecture of the ruined Gre
that place. A preliminary account of his work, which is s
convey the essential information about the positions and arra
these stones in the paving or steps of the Mosque, has been g
discoverer in the Illustrated London News of 21st September, 1957
All readers of this must admire the acumen which enabled Dr. Rice to
" turn but a stone ", where so many " estranged faces " had missed its
promise. The original monuments are stated to be kept for the present
at a school-house in Urfa until arrangements have been made for their
permanent conservation.
Nomenclature
Four monuments of the reign of Nabonidus having now been found

at (or near) Harran, it will be convenient to give them the short title
NABON. H (i.e. Harran). These four monuments carry two different
inscriptions, there being two copies of each. It appears possible that one
monument stood originally somewhere on each of the four sides of the
Moon-god's temple, and thus we may be now in possession of all the
memorials set up there by Nabonidus; in that event it would be enough
to number them I, 2, 3, 4. But on the contrary, yet other copies or even
other inscriptions may have existed 1 and may be found in the future.
Therefore, at the cost of a little more complication, numbers will be
reserved for each of the two inscriptions I for that of the royal Mother
and 2 for that of the king himself. The two copies of each will then be
distinguished as A and B :
NABON. H I, A, the stele discovered by H. Pognon in 19o6 at Eski
Harran, and now in the Archaeological Museum
at Ankara. Inscription of the royal Mother.
,, H I, B, the stele discovered by D. S. Rice, 1956, in the pave-
ment of the North entrance to the Great Mosque
at Harran. Same inscription as preceding.
1 One such is already extant in the long-known fragment of a stele in the British
Museum, no. 90o837: see L. W. King, Babylonian Boundary Stones, etc., P1. XCIII f.,
pp. 128 f. (reproduced here, Plate III(a)), and for later references R. Borger, Die Inschriften
Asarhaddons (AfO., Beiheft 9), p. I2I. Owing to absence of all direct information of
provenance for this important object, which will several times be mentioned in the
succeeding pages, I do not venture to give it the designation Nabon. H 3, although its
inscription was clearly different from the two here in question, and its origin from
Harran must be considered probable. It had already been acutely assigned to Nabonidus
by Professor B. Landsberger, in his study to be named immediately.
35
36 ANATOLIAN STUDIES
NABON. H 2, A, the stele, discovered as ab

East entrance to the Mosque.
King.
,, H 2, B, the stele, discovered as above, at the West entrance.
Same inscription as preceding.
These designations allow for possible expansion in the future, and
they may sometimes be further shortened for convenience in the following
pages.
Description of the Monuments

H I, A.-For this all descriptive information has been given by
Professor B. Landsberger in his contribution (I947) to Halil Edhem Hatira
Kitabz, Cilt I, pp. 15 ff- + 3 illustrations.' All that need be added for the
present purpose is (i) that the existence originally of a sculptured scene
at the top of the stele, rightly assumed by that author, can now be regarded
as certain, and (2) that especial notice should be taken of his observation
(p. I17) that the stone found at Eski Harran bears clear evidence of a
secondary architectural use, as a threshold." Dr. Rice's discoveries allow
us to believe with some confidence that it also had been incorporated in
the steps of an entrance to the Great Mosque-and, it may be con-
jectured, somewhere on the South side, a point which further examination
should verify-from which it had been taken by some unknown hands
and abandoned where it was found by Pognon. The argument derived
from this, doubtless accidental, position for the site of the ancient Harran
has now lost any force it might have had, especially as we are also told
that nothing whatever is to be seen at that locality to indicate the presence
of any great city in the past.
H I, B.-Basalt stele, height I.90 m., width I -oo m., front to back
20o cm. The front surface of this is complete except at top and bottom.
At the bottom is an irregular but generally horizontal break, which has
carried away the end lines of the two front columns of the inscription;
in the right column, where the break can more easily be estimated, about
nine lines are missing, but these include an uncertain number missing
from the top of col. III. With the base of the stone has also disappeared
1 This article, when quoted in the following pages, will sometimes be indicated simply
by the letter L, with page or plate numbers.
2 In a work of the Muslim author called Ibn al-Kalbi, Kitdb al-Asndm (which I was
recommended to consult by Professor R. B. Serjeant), occurs the following very pertinent
account (tr. Nabih Amin Faris, The Book of Idols, Princeton Oriental Series, vol. 14,
pp. 29 ff.) : " Among these idols too was dhu-al-Khalasah. It was a carved piece of
white quartz with something in the form of a crown upon its head. It stood in Tabfilah,
between Mecca and San'S, at a distance of seven nights' journey from Mecca." After
a slight anecdote about its disappointing performance as an oracle, and some verses, the
author relates that the Prophet sent Jarir to destroy this false god. By dint of a bloody
combat with its guardians "' he demolished the building which stood over dhu-al-
Khalasah and set it on fire ". The account continues with these words: " at the
present time dhu-al-Khalasah constitutes the threshold of the gate of the mo
Tablahl ". One wonders whether he is still there, hiding his face in some negl
pavement.
THE HARRAN INSCRIPTIONS OF NABONIDUS 37
the massive tenon which doubtless existed for fixing the stele into i
pedestal (as it is preserved in H 2, A). Although the back was the s
which was turned upwards and walked over when used for access to t
Mosque, there is no reason to think it was once inscribed, for the te
however unclear at this point owing to damage, evidently ends on th
edge of the stone, and has, indeed, been begun very high up on the t
curve so as to ensure room to finish it. This suggests that, in its origi
position, the monument was not free-standing but reared against a wa
and the same is true of the others which are studied here.
At the top nearly all of the original curved arch has been lost, but
the sculpture which occupied the tympanum still remains in its lowest
margin. It was a bas-relief a fond dvid6; the depth of sinking appears to
be slight. The object at the left, approached by the other figures, is much
disfigured ; it appears as a low base,' upon which stood either an upper
pedestal of columnar function (supporting a divine emblem ?) or a human
form, doubtless a god, facing the other figures and possibly holding a staff
upright against his body, for its lower end can doubtfully be discerned.
To the right of this subject appear the lower extremities and feet of four
persons who face and approach in procession the subject aforesaid ; they
are evidently worshippers, the ensemble and grouping of this kind being
very familiar.2 The last two, on the right, are smaller, plain, figures,
showing nothing but their " cylindrical " dress 3 and their feet, the right
in advance of the left. Whatever may have been their gesture, they seem
clearly attendants-priests or servants-one, presumably, for each of the
leading figures.4 These two, in their turn, have almost a total resemblance
with each other, but the leader looks, in the photograph at least, somewhat
larger (that is, wider) than the second. Both of these, besides the
" cylindrical " dress and the similarly-posed feet, carry before them
curiously-adorned staves which either rest upon the ground or are held
just above the feet. The peculiarity of these staves is that they are ringed,
as it seems, at regular intervals by convex bands, perhaps of metal. Since
these appear more clearly in the better-preserved H 2, A and B (as well
1 It is very hazardous to make any suggestion about the form of this base, but close
scrutiny of the photograph (which may be very deceptive) seems to reveal one end of
a boat, with upturned in-raking contour, such as are often depicted in art as well as
found in ancient models, and such as are used in the marsh-country of Southern Iraq
to this day; their likeness to the boat-shaped crescent moon, in its passage over the
waters, led early to similes in the literature. Most like the outline which can (possibly)
be discerned in this relief is the boat sculptured on a fragment of a boundary-stone from
Susa, see G. Contenau, Manuel d'Archologie Orientale, II, pp. 768, 90o4 f., fig. 624 ; also
E. Dhorme, Les Religions de Babylonie et d'Assyrie, p. 85 ; K. Tallqvist, Akkadische Gotterepi-
theta, p. 445. On the top of the staff borne by the figure of B.M. 90837 is a crescent
upon an unclear base.
2 See some recent observations by R. D. Barnett, Catalogue of the Nimrud Ivories in
the British Museum, p. 78.
3 In the first figure this can be seen to have the curved rising edge of the outside
fold richly embroidered and fringed, as in the better-preserved examples on H 2, A and B,
and many similar figures.
4 It is not impossible that this arrangement in line really depicts two pairs (a) King
and Mother, and (b) their respective attendants, each side by side.
as in the B.M. fragment 90837), they will

Seeing that the inscription is mostly a
Nabonidus, who is therein exalted as King
Moon-god's temple at Harran, there need b
leading figures as (I) Nabonidus himself, a
the Moon-god throughout her long life.'
The inscription in two columns upon
needs little remark. The surface, apart fro
stone, is not marred by particular faults o
somely chiselled, arranged and displayed, wit
col. I into the inter-columnar margin, but
the right edge into col. III. After the end of
less competence is manifested ; the mason,
space, seems to have become alarmed on fin
the end of his matter. He began his last (
top curve of the relief, and with the disap
lines of col. III have also vanished. His alar
he does seem to have in fact completed hi
leaves this in some uncertainty) he had by
the bottom of the stone. A similar situatio
where the mason seems not so much to
have been driven to overflow on to the ed
p. I18, although it does not now 2 seem li
finitus plena iam margine). In neither of the
to use the reverse of the stone, which sugges
original positions they were erected agains
were not alike, in respect that H I, A had
compared with two on H I, B. It must b
different settings.
H 2, A.-Basalt stele, extreme height I -98
tympanum 92"5 cm. wide at base and 68 c
virtually complete although both sculpture
thing from natural decay and from human
a tablet which tapers upwards very little, if
contour and the semicircular sunk panel o
plain border around the arc is fully prese
extremity, the base-line of the monument it
stone tenon 12 cm. deep, which fixed the s
was found, adapted and re-used, in the Mu
1 Appearance of a female in a religious rite bes

paralleled by a bronze fragment in the Louvre, r
J. Nougayrol in Syria, XXXIII, pp. 147 ff., which
able Mother Naqi'a. This remarkable likeness betwe
beyond artistic innovation to a striking similarit
character.
2 Because it is clear from the fuller text of H I, B that it did not deal with all those
concluding topics which L. p. 145 presumed.
stone tenon occupies about the same width (about 31 cm.) as the m
column of the inscription with the margins at either side of it.
Within the semicircle of the tympanum are found sculptured i
relief the subjects shown in Plate II. The figure of the King, facin
holds in his left hand a long staff upright and raises his right in ador
of three divine emblems floating freely in space side by side just
the level of his face. The King's face has been deliberately hamm
destroyers, but this appears to be the only inflicted damage to th
Identical with this group in everything but details of preservation
which appears on H 2, B, and a third example, unmistakably simi
the relief upon the fragment B.M. 90837 already mentioned, altho
this are various differences-the figure faces right and the middle
is not the same.
In all of these scenes are found certain features which distinguish
them from many other such representations of royal worship ;
these differences lie in (I) the headdress, (2) the staff and (3) the
emblems.
(i) The headgear in form of a military helmet is peculiar to the
ceremonial dress of the later Babylonian kings. It is in shape much like
the Assyrian helmet worn by both cavalry and infantry from the 9th
century onwards, sometimes with crests added, but such helmets are never
worn by the Assyrian king, who appears always 1 in his peculiar " fez "
surmounted by a blunt upright appendix. On the other hand, several of
the later kings of Babylon wear " mitres " of the pointed form.2 Two
features are worthy of note-they seem to culminate in a veritable spike,
and they have attached at the back a long tail or riband. This is much
more familiar, being worn both by Babylonian and Assyrian kings, and
has its descendents in the ribboned wreaths of emperors and elsewhere in
Hellenistic 3 and Sasanian 4 art, and is employed up to the present day
in ecclesiastical,5 honorary and funerary symbolism. In carefully-executed
sculptures of Assyrian kings these ribands can be seen as the hanging ends
of a headband, rising at the front, which encircles the " fez " and is tied
at the back-this was doubtless the article of dress called parsigu.6 As
worn by Babylonian kings, this ornament looks to be no more than a
1 This characteristic article of dress is alone retained by the curious bronze figure of
an Assyrian king in penance published in the British Museum Quarterly, XIX (0954),
pl. xviii, p. 51. A possible explanation of its conical upright may be furnished by the
headdress called khlaw, worn by the better sort of the population in Southern Kurdistan,
and recently described as " not the ordinary skull-cap, but a rather stiff cone made of
green, purple, or orange velvet " (C. J. Edmonds, Kurds, Turks, and Arabs (1957), p. 90
and Plate I (a)). Around this other wrappings are worn, and at least one such detachable
piece can be observed (see below) in the Assyrian " crown ".
2 See the description by B. Meissner in OLZ. 21 (1918), IIq f., of the figure on
B.M. 90837, to which many comparisons are adduced.
3 H. Seyrig and J. Starcky in Syria, XXVI, p. 232.
4 R. Ghirshman in Artibus Asiae, XVI, p. 58.
6 A. Parrot in Syria, XXXIII, p. 148.
6 W. F. Leemans, Ishtar of Lagaba and her Dress, pp. 12 ff.
pipe-like appendage, a kind of " pigta

some original function.1
(2) The peculiarity of the staves borne b
ments is the presence of convex rings at
not particularly clear in either H 2, A o
they seem closer together at the low
prominent ring under the finial at the t
there were ornaments of different shap
to be sure. These rings were no doubt o
which tipped the staff at the bottom,
slightly curved in 90o837. For these rin
exist among the royal sceptres depicted
is perhaps the metal bands which enc
" sacred tree " in the Assyrian sculptur
significant than the rings are the finia
each of these three monuments. In H 2,
the well-known " wedge " symbol associ
the finial is formed by the moon-crescent
immediately below is unfortunately not
Thus, in these sculptures, the King c
symbols of three divinities, a sceptre w
and has a unique kind of decoration. In
of the god Nabu, but we may anticipate th
the prominence at Harran of another g
Sadarnunna was brought back to dwel
the Moon-god and goddess. There was a
Nusku and Nabu, insomuch that it has be
not essentially the same." Nusku was a g
emblem (especially on the " boundary-st
called nmiru " light " and (d)LAH " god
present connexion is the epithet applied
the shining sceptre ".A If the rings upo
sculptures were of gold, silver or even b
be more appropriate to them.
In the sculptures of H 2, A and B, we
king who yet holds a staff decorated w
1 On the Merodach-baladan Stone it has the

the point of the hat.
2 See the description by L. W. King, op. cit. p
3 S. Smith in BSOAS. IV (1926), p. 72 ; H. Dant
sacres, I, pp. 79 f., 138 f.
4 It is enough here to direct attention to the
in Orientalia, 1948, pp. 146 ff. See also JCS.
Tallqvist, Gitterepitheta, p. 143. Nabonidus hims
him by the god Nabu in a shrine named after t
24-9 ; new translation in ANE T. p. 310).
Especially Minm. Dle'gat. en Perse, I, fig. 379, a
6 Tallqvist, loc. cit., where the sceptre is also cal
PLATE I
71
Q
z
CT
Cl
.a
PLATE II
(a) Stele H2.A : the sculptured top.
(b) Stcl tI12.B : the sculptured top.
(a) Sculptured stele of uncertain origin. British Museum, 90o837.
PLATE IV
Stele HI.B : col. I, lines 1-25.
PLATE V
Stele HI.B : col. I, lines 21-46.
PLATE VI
AL 00
Ayr 1k
? 1A,
14?
f io
f r
VA
Jo
or, le,? oi
Af v
Ire of
44
41
All
,et
NT
J*
Ae.. 4r.
14?
At
ow
4r
, Nv .
ji,
A*,j
ri
TI#
Stele HI.B : col. II, lines 1-29.
PLATE VII
,ip~ 11 !Icr~iF
-A AA~f,?~f ;r, VC lip a-"r = + a. s~ 7~El~Lic.~g ~ ?i~$ ~ ~ l
i? tf ~ ,~,,.t 3~,R -~a~?-- *~'p-~~qC~POW
Ala _.~i?~ 7~~?~-~L?- i
14*0 4: IlW* ~~1Lg~ AJ:,* ~
Ir~!WIT
~~C~la _0 IT # arm .~~i ~~~ B3T"- l

b ~?f~t?I?itEI ~ $j~ia~~room.jf.0
~rt?ip~C2 :~ . F *r ~ t~-2~-~vn
?w 0 00 old,? CC~'l
zv! :
~k~1-J~ rJlit -7,
p'ylL-t Be ~jr~8it~ a~i 13 ~ ~ PfirWA

J?& ~ a i
3VF~Z~F~I~~a*F~-slt. lk
T~i~~~f~~~
d eb-b~i; J
Jt -;4~dii ~~~f-?3Z9l
rj
-r~H?, n,? r?rlip

- -?W
_VJ -0 iv fill
. . . . . . . . . . .c
a~,~B Ld~tVI~r
~c~b~'z~ a~rra.4P9 ~ 6~0 1~31# 41C!e
~B"T~E~3 if
; wl-ar5
A~?"
Stele HI.B : col. II,
PLATE VIII
T':
4*, ,Ar*
r' P;Paa , -%~~F" 3t ;-
A~e
l f Ott
;
' Itj
t~ -P -14
vtt Alt~s
A'?t;
&
j L~O~rq?i
74
V
I*W
Y
AN yi;Nw-~L
F44*1
ilk * all r 4p~= k ~-i
lkia,~4T- i'5h-~ ?i~;-.

~.4
umu .4. to& OS'A V~ p
4L v. 4:
,_it
V~~ V
ir Ab? Wa ILbq~P
I -
Stele Hi.B, col. III.

Lines 1-30. Lines 26-56.
PLA TE IX
rI
AN Ir
.Al~
't??1 ~ 'I~arits 1, F~C~
si
lo
ARD IUO~u
ki
14 A 4
i fI'l 1J
jw,
41 I 't 1
tot
lw? "yA tw
7"A" A
U f
Stele H2.A : col. I, lines 1-27.
PLA TE X
Is-
Tt
?VS
? V, z
4 IL
iAi
rz t
.sc
tkl4k
r:V
Stele H2.A
PLATE XI
t -7 ,
iAl
'r'44
At I
~n,, IE~AL.
i6A i.. V
...t ~ g ??,F-4.
~i~t~(~b ~ i"~ igA A4W&--S~

r?, A4?.
vt J4 ir~
Stele H2.A : col. II, lines 1-26.
PLA TE XII
41
T1
,. T '.?
44!
Stele H2.A : col. II, li
PLATE XIII
Ow
. eN.
jv;;
-v
.Al
k, ANIL,;~~L:~ 2~"I~
If!
ItI
O~rd
j r
2A-
Stele H2.A : col. III, lines 1-27.
PLATE XIV
Si ~ : ~k I Lmlwl? r
a~'r' .-I
IS W
4,1~~d~~w y* - .p '
fig ?r Pf-
4: 4? - T
lip.
41
t N
Stele H2.
PLATE XV
,t
ii
iv
rJo
14
>
',4;7 Tr
? I ,
Stele I 11. : cols. I and II.
PLA TE X VI
I Al,
: 4? 2 . f
4' *
- EVIL
N- RiCi ri.*
-'I
?
?ti~r rr~ jl-' E \~ ??M ,,? r; t 4
J ? l
aa
-5 V 8 ~ ?,:t~hLv
low, 31 .JST 1 ~ ICf ?'~~~~r ~$~?a l?~
-,opt 31 t l ~ ;-??-:
-A% ;r _ -., L4 ?f ;
'4,11 11j': W VM?'
low *m"
?i Olm
:,h~c1:i"~~: 1141 14. ~ t... rileI
r r ?",W,-K'I i 'M ~ ~ i %~? ?
:9 :*+
C4 jo1' 2 ~? :k~3 ' t:-~~iic

?107 '-.sl
':%;?';: n.?!:. ?Ali l

. 4 -4?
Stele H2.B : cols. II and III.
ornaments which make it to be well described as a " shining scept

In 90837 a staff with similar ornamentation is topped by a moon-cr
the mark of the god Sin himself. It is appropriate also to notice her
in 90837 the figure has in his right hand the curious " ba"tonnet "
the hand of other kings engaged in worship of emblems.-
(3) The divine emblems worshipped by the figure upon H 2, A a
are well known, being those of (from right to left) the Moon (whol
with crescent below),2 the Sun (disc with internal pattern of four
and spreading " rays " between these) and Ishtar-Venus (seven-poi
star in circle). In go837 the winged disc takes the (middle) place o
Sun; this is in accord with, and corroborates, the general opinion
the winged disc was a sun-symbol 3 in Western Asia as it was in Eg
It is now time to bring into comparison with these monum
closely similar figure which is sculptured upon a celebrated stone
Taima Stele,4 now in the Musie du Louvre (A.O. 1505), particul
its place of origin gives it a near relationship with the author
Harran stelae, and above all with the events so explicitly described
text of H 2, A and B. There in the upper register and apparently re
the sacrifice of the lower personage is a figure almost exactly repro
the form of those three already considered. He faces right, like 908
is capped with the same kind of tall pointed helmet with a " peak
the back, like H 2, B; he carries in his left hand a staff surmount
a prominent feature, and probably with encircling rings ; he rais
right hand in worship of a winged disc which hovers above him.
the Taima Stele this is the representation of a god named Sal
"Image ", and the inferior figure has taken his name from this go
he is called Salm-sezib, i.e. " O (divine) Image, save (me)". In
example the image bears upon the head of his staff a kind of spear
which might pass for the well-known " lance " 5 of the god Marduk
making symbols of three different gods to be carried on the heads of
staves, Wedge (Nabu) on H 2, A and B; Crescent (Sin) on 90
Lance (Marduk) on the Taima Stele. The curious situation thus
that certain figures decidedly represent a King in three of the monum
for he is there seen worshipping gods, while he yet carries divine insig
whereas in the fourth case a figure almost completely identical re
1 A. Parrot and J. Nougayrol, Syria, XXXIII, pp. 148, 159. On the Louvre
of Esarhaddon and Naqi'a this has a peculiar character in that the figures are ap
these closely to their noses ; for a possible parallel Dr. H. W. F. Saggs has poin
to me the unexplained allusion in Ezekiel VIII, 17 (the house of Judah commit ab
tions), " and, lo, they put the branch to their nose."
2 Possibly the atalu, " eclipsed moon " of the Verse Account, I, 25.
3 E. D. Van Buren, Symbols of the Gods, pp. 94 ff.; A. Roes in JEOL.
Introd. xvii ff., and A. H. Gardiner in JEA. 30, pp. 46 ff.
4 CIS. Pars II, tome I, tabl. IX, pp. io8- 115. A new photograph of the
figure sent to me by the courtesy of Monsieur A. Parrot, is given here on Pl. III(b).
5 marru, but this is now thought to describe a triangular-shaped spade-m
references, see last G. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, The Babylonian Laws, II, p. 172
Verse Account, col. V, 21, is related an argument of Nabonidus concerning this
in a sense which his enemies denounced as blasphemous.
worship itself in the name of " Image

stands under a winged disc, i.e. under th
The god Salmu was by no means unkno
where he appears as a projection of gods
statue or picture. But he was a projectio
also their " divine images "-especially na
pileser I. A cult could therefore be pa
probably after death, but here somethi
The " image " of a king, bearing sym
worships greater gods, has become a god
taken as a name by its local priest. If t
Account " were better preserved there mi
for it appears that Nabonidus was therein
a novel and travestied figure of the Mo
With respect to the Taima Stele itself o
be made. First the date of this was form
B.c., but there has been afterwards a di
Persian period (Darius I), because a " 2
and this opinion is still maintained by
with their remarkably similar figures are
earlier dating, which it might not now be
years of Nabonidus' reign. Secondly, th
appearing have been the object of vario
very convincing, and none has gained a
on the stele (much in the guise, as show
is called " Image (slm) of h g m ", and he i
to have been introduced into Taima u
(superior) deities slm zi mhrm wingl' w
that these enigmatic names are in any w
made here, it is still worthy of note th
peculiarly-attired figure as worshipping
Ishtar-Venus, the second of which has (
disc, and this is the emblem which appear
of slm zi hgm on the Taima stele. Comp
of '1r' with Asherah-Ishtar-Venus have
although difficult and unconvincing in
would certainly fit the iconographic situat
stelae, for in the latter the characteristical
his principal patron (figured as the solar w
might thus be the " image " of a sun-g
very imprudent to go.
To complete the description of H 2,
columns all on the front of the stele. T
1 Many Assyrian references to figures of this k

of R. Frankena, Tdkultu, p. i 12.
2 Upon this see S. Smith, Isaiah Ch. XL-L V,
still supported by C. Brockelmann in Handbuch de
to bottom and from side to side. Moreover, the inscription is completed,

for it can be seen to finish, with room for several more lines remaining,
at the bottom of col. III. Spared or unnoticed by man (except for some
mutilation of the king's features), the monument and text have suffered
somewhat from time and climate, for the surface is much pitted, decayed
and encrusted in various places, which the photographs and the state of
the text will reveal better than any written description. Decay is worst
down the right side of the face (col. III), widening and worsening as it
goes down, and spreading across the bottom of all three columns of text.
This has its most serious effect in col. II, where the prudent scribe,
forecasting the extent of his matter, carried his work far down the column,
and has thus had several lines made illegible, and the end of that column
obscured. By contrast, both in cols. I and III, as said above, the end of
the inscription can be seen.
H2, B.-Basalt stele, extreme height I187 nm., width I.oi m. This
monument being in style and outward respects no less than in its written
text a replica of H 2, A, can be more briefly despatched. Like its counter-
part it has survived virtually complete in its outline, but it has suffered
more damage. The top, with its rounded arch and its sunk semicircular
panel containing figures in bas-relief is entirely similar, but the border
round the arch is damaged. The sculptured forms, both human and
symbolic, do not differ noticeably from H 2, A, either in positioning or
pose in the space and relatively to each other or as concerns internal
detail. The human figure is here, however, less severely battered, so that
his face, beard and back-hair appear better, and his tall " helmet " has
a more definite "spike" at the top. More visible, too, is the bottom line
of the headdress, which shows it to have a distinct " peak " at the back,
just like the personage of no. 90837, but especially like him of the Taima
stele, and to this " peak'" is attached the riband or tail-like appendage
already described.
This monument also is complete at the bottom and retains, like
H 2, A, its massive stone tenon, about 18 cm. deep. Likewise the left and
right edges of the stone are practically whole. Its great damage is in a
complete break across, with irregular edges, which has divided the stone
into two: dropping slightly from left to right, it has carried away from
three to six lines in each of the three columns of text and has mutilated
several more. To this must be added a vertical break with a short branch
to the left edge, detaching the left side of col. I into two separate fragments
which, however, join closely.
As in H 2, A, the inscription is in three columns of about fifty lines
each. The damage noticed above has greatly affected the beginnings of
all three columns but below the break the text is well preserved in all
places and is generally clearer than in H 2, A. The ends of all three
columns can be plainly seen, and this makes it the more peculiar that with
the end of col. III the inscription is not finished, for it stops in the middle
of a phrase, and H 2, A, has seven more lines beyond it. Examination of
the original is reported, nevertheless, to have found no trace of continua
tion either on the right edge or on the

supposed that the mason preferred to leav
rather than to mar it by a pedantic ins
would be hazardous to impute this to a
message.
Materials and Methods for Edition of the Texts

Since no epigraphist of cuneiform was present when the Harran
monuments were discovered, the texts had to be recorded by impression
and photography. This edition is doubtless the worse for lack of direct
examination of the originals,1 but all possible aid short of this has been
given by the results of the two above-mentioned processes. For H I, B,
the editor has been able to use squeezes of two kinds, on paper taken by
Dr. D. S. Rice, at Harran, and on rubber latex, taken partly by the same
at Harran and partly by another hand at Urfa. Large-sized photographs
taken by Dr. Rice cover the upper, middle and lower parts of the front
face, and there are three more for the edge (col. III). The editor is also
much indebted to Mr. P. Hulin for prints of photographs taken by him
at Urfa-one of the lower part of the face (cols. I, II) and three smaller
of the upper, middle and lower edge (col. III).
For H 2, A, there are rubber latex squeezes made by Dr. Rice at
Harran-two sheets both embracing the whole height of the inscribed
surface. The first is of col. I with a narrow overlap on to col. II; the
second has the whole of cols. II and III, with a narrow overlap on to
col. I. Photographs of large size by Dr. Rice cover each of the columns
successively, overlapping each other. Mr. P. Hulin has furnished four
large photographs showing two the upper, and two the lower, face of the
inscription as well as a small vue d'ensemble and two small partial pictures
of the text. For H 2, B, there are rubber latex squeezes made by Dr. Rice
at Harran, the principal sheet covering the whole of the inscribed surface
below the transverse break. A second narrow strip covers all three columns
above the break, the surface here being decayed and much of the inscrip-
tion obliterated. There is also a small independent squeeze covering only
col. I, line 26 to the end, with beginnings of corresponding lines in col. II.
Mr. P. Hulin has supplied large photographs accounting for most of the
inscribed surface, including the break, and a small general view of the
upper left quarter of the stone.
From these materials the following texts have been made up as well
as possible without recourse to the ultimate authority of the stones
themselves. By far the best are the rubber latex impressions, of which
the principal disadvantage is that their inscription necessarily appears in
reverse and the signs have to be read backwards. The transliterations were
in fact made in this manner, direct from the squeezes with some not very
effective aid from mirrors, but the resources of modern photography have
1 It is much to be desired that the reading here presented may now be carefully
collated with these by a scholar fortunate enough to have access.
made it possible to present the texts here as they appear upo

monuments. After many experiments we now publish the prod
negatives photographed from the squeezes by Dr. D. S. Rice and (rev
prints made from these by R. B. Fleming & Co. Despite their defe
those passages where the originals are damaged or unclear, they ena
texts to be checked without more than occasional difficulty. The qu
of adding hand-copies was carefully considered, but it seemed to the w
in the present case these could be of no real service, for they
unavoidably have a far stronger subjective element than such copie
always, in the last resort, contain. The originals themselves were in
ible, and on the squeezes the signs appeared in reverse. To make h
copies of these would therefore be no more than to draw out in cuneif
the other way about, signs which had already been identified in t
reversed position, and would consequently add nothing material t
transliteration, which represents in itself all that the writer believes h
able to make out.
From this account of circumstances attending the publication I would
by no means omit to acknowledge the obligations which I have most
willingly incurred to colleagues who have given me help and advice in
the course of its preparation. First to the discoverer himself, Dr. D. S.
Rice, who not only entrusted all of his materials to my hands, including
the remarkable products of his photographic skill, but has also given me
various information, especially notable in the section concerning places in
north-western Arabia. Dr. H. W. F. Saggs has taken the trouble to collate
carefully my transliterations with the latex squeezes, and has thereby
contributed both some better readings and some improved translations,
which are noted in their places. To my Arabist colleagues, Professor R. B
Serjeant and Dr. J. M. B. Jones, I am much indebted for some very
fruitful suggestions and references, and to Mr. D. J. Wiseman for discussion
of particular subjects. Professor B. Landsberger, of the Oriental Institute,
University of Chicago, generously put at my disposal the photographs of
H i, A, which he had made in Ankara, and Professor A. L. Oppenheim,
of the same Institute, suggested translations of several difficult passages
I have also had the benefit of suggestions and references from Professor
W. F. Albright, of Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, and from the
Rev. Pe're A. van den Branden, of Beirut. Monsieur A. Parrot very kindly
sent me a new photograph of the figures upon the Taima Stele in th
Musie du Louvre, and Mr. P. Hulin, of Oxford, sent me photographs
taken by himself from the original monuments in temporary storage at
Urfa. To all of these gentlemen I gladly take the opportunity of offerin
my sincere thanks.
NABONIDUS H i, B
TRANSLITERATION
Col. L.
I. a-na-ku (SAL. d.)adda-GU-up-pi-'i AMA
2. (m.d.)na-bi-um-na-'a-id sdr TIN. TIR.IKI
3. pa-li-ih-tu (d.)XXX (d.)nin-gal (d.)nusku
4. U (d.)sa-ddr-nun-na ilani(MES)-id
5. ad ul-tu mi-is-hi-ru-ti-ia da-te-'e-u
6. ilu-u-ut-su-un &d ina MU XVI(KAM) (d.)PA-A-JES
7. -ar TIN. TIR.KI (d.)XXX sar ilani(ME?) it-ti ali-vu
8. u biti-4i iz-nu-i i-lu-t fd-ma-mis alu i,
9. nisd(ME?) id ina lib-bi-~i il-li-ku(?) kar(?)-mu-ti
I o. ina lib-bi isd a-ra-a-td (d.)XXX (d.)nin-gal (d.)nusku
II . u (d.)sa-ddr-nun-na di-te-'e-u pal-ha-ku ilu-ut-su-un
I 2. Id (d.)XXX sar ili TUG.SIG-4i as-bat-ma mu-si u ur-ra
I3. ds-te-ni-'i-a ilu-ut-su rabiti(ti) u4-mi-sam la na-par-ka-a
14. id (d.)XXX (d.)samal (d.)XV u (d.)adda ma-la bal-ta-ku

15. ina fame(e) u irsiti(ti) pa-li-ha-at-su-nu ana-ku 'al-mu-u-a
I 6. dam-qa sd id-di-nu-nu umu mu-si arhu u sattu ad-din-d-nu-tu
I 7. TUG. SIG (d.)XXX sdr ilani(ME?) as-bat-ma mu-si u ur-ra
1 8. ind(H)-ia it-ti-st ba-sd-a ina su-pi(?)-e u la-ban ap-pi

19. ku-um-mu-sak ina mah-ri-si-un um-ma ta-a-a-ru-tu-ku
20. a-na ali-ka lib-sd-ma ni-si sal-mat qaq-qa-du
2 1. lip-la-hu ilu-u-ut-ka rabiti(ti) a-na nu-uh-hu
22. libbi ili-ia u (d.)XV-ia lu-bu-su SIG.SAG vu-kut-ti
23. kaspu hurasu su-ba-a-ti el-vit ?IM. HI.A u NI. GI9. DUG
24. la u-tah-ha a-na zu-um-ri-id su-bat nak-su
25. la-ab-svd-ku-ma mu-si-e-a saq-qu-um-mu a-dal-lal
26. da-li-li-sd-un ta-nit-td ali-id u (d.)is-tar-id
27. ina lib-bi-ia ii-Id-kin-ma massarti(ti) -&i-nu as-sur
28. mim-mu-u-a dam-qa la e-zib-ma na-sd-ku ma-har-Id-un
29. ul-tu MU 2o(KAM) (d.)HI.DtU.A sdr (mat)as-sur &d al-da-ku
30. a-di MU 42(KAM) (d.)HI.DU.A MU 3(KAM) (d.)as-4ur-e-til-lu-ili
31. mari-iT MU 2T(KAM) (d.)PA.A.PAP MU 43(KAM) (d.)PA.NIG.
DU.PAP
32. MU 2(KAM) (m.)L(J-(d.)marduk MU 4(KAM) (m.d.)ner
33. ina 95 MU. MES (d.)XXX sdr ilani(ME?) id Aamd(e) u irs
34. sd di-ra-a-ti ilu-2-ti-id rabiti(ti) di-te-'e-u
35. ip-le-ti-id SIG5. ME? ha-dii ip-pal-sa-an-ni-ma
36. su-pi-e-a ii-mu-u im-gu-ru qi-bi-td ug-ga-ti
37. lib-bi-4d i-nu-uh-ma a-na e-hdl-h/l bit (d.)XXX
38. Id qi-rib (alu)harrani &u-bat /tu-ub lib-bi-iS is-li-mu ir-fu-u
NABONIDUS H I, B
TRANSLATION
Col. L.
i. I (am) the lady Adda-guppi', mother
2. of Nabium-na'id, king of Babylon,
3. votaress of the gods Sin, Nin-gal, Nusku,
4. and Sadarnunna, my deities;
5. who, from my childhood, have sought after
6. their godheads. Whereas in the i6th year of Nabopolassar,
7. king of Babylon, Sin, king of the gods, with his city
8. and his temple was angry and went up to heaven-the city and
9. the people that (were) in it went to ruin.
10. (Now) forasmuch as the shrines of Sin, Nin-gal, Nusku,
I i. and Sadarnunna I sought after and was worshipper of their godhead,
12. (and) that I laid hold on the hem of the robe of Sin, king of the gods,
night and daytime
13. I had ever in mind his great godhead--daily, without ceasing,
14. of Sin, Sama', Ibtar, and Adda, so long as I am alive,
15. I (am) their votaress (both) in heaven and earth. My blessings,
16. the goodly things which they gave me, I (too) by day, night, month,
and year, gave (back) to them.
17. I laid hold on the hem of the robe of Sin, king of the gods, night and
daytime
18. my two eyes were with him, in prayer and humility of face
19. was I bowed before them (and) thus (I prayed), " May thy return
20. to thy city be (vouchsafed) to me, that the people, the black-headed,
2 I. may worship thy great godhead." For calming
22. the heart of my god and my goddess, a dress of fine wool, jewels,
23. silver, gold, a new shift, perfumes, sweet oil,
24. I applied not to my body, (but in) a torn shift
25. I went clothed, my goings-out were noiseless, I proclaimed
26. their praises : the glory of my city and of my goddess
27. was (ever) set in my heart, I kept watch upon them,
28. anything good of mine I did not omit, but carried it (ever) before them.
29. From the 20th year of Assurbanipal, king of Assyria, that I was born (in)
30. until the 42nd year of Asurbanipal, the 3rd year of Asur-etillu-ili,
31. his son, the 21st year of Nabopolassar, the 43rd year of Nebuchadrezzar,
32. the 2nd year of Awal-Marduk, the 4th year of Neriglissar,

33. in 95 years of the god Sin, king of the gods of heaven and earth,
34. (in) which I sought after the shrines of his great godhead,
35. (for) my good doings he looked upon me with a smile
36. he heard my prayers, he granted my saying, the wrath
37. of his heart calmed. Towards E-hul-ijul the temple of Sin
38. which (is) in Harran, the abode of his heart's delight, he was reconciled,
he had
39. ta-a-a-ri (d.)XXX sar ilani(ME?) ip-pa

40. (m.d.)PA .I maru e-du si-it libbi-id a-na
41. im-bi-e-ma sarru-u-ti (mat) u-me-ri u (
42. ul-tu pa-tu (mat)mi-sir tam-ti e-lit a-di ta
43. Sap-li-ti nap-har KUR. KUR u-tak-la-a
44. -SU(II)-us-s qa-ta-a-a di-si-ma a-na (
45. pal-hi-is ina te-me-qa [um-ma (m.d.)
46. mar si-it lib-bi-id na-ra-am um-mi-su]
(Perhaps no line missing)
Col. II.
I. at-ta a-na larru-t-ti tam-bi-Iu-ma taz-ku-ru zi-kir-&I
2. ina qi-bit ilu-u'-ti-ka rabiti(ti) ilani(ME?) rabuti(ME?)
3. i-da-a-dd lil-li-ku li-lam-qi-tud ga-ri-id
4. e tam-s ei'-/d-hdl it s'uk-lu-lu-td ufii(?) -i Jul-lim
5. qa-ta-a-sv ina MA. GE6-ia ki-i is-Sak-nu (d.)XXX isr ili(?)

6. i-qab-ba-a um-ma it-ti-ka ta-a-a-ra-tzd ilani(MES)
7. su-bat (alu)harrani ina ?U(II) (m.d.)PA.I mari-ka a-lak-kan
8. -h4il-hudl ip-pu-uf-ma -sak-lal i-pir-?I (alu)harranu

9. eli sd ma-har t-sak-lal-ma a-na ds-ri-st z-ta-ri(!)
io. qdt (d.)XXX (d.)nin-gal (d.)nusku u (d.)sa-ddr-nun-na
I . i-sab-bat-ma a-na 1-i-i-hd-ul -e-rib a-mat (d.)XXX
12. sIar ilani(ME9) iq-ba-a at-ta-'a-id-ma a-mur a-na-ku
13. (m.d.)PA.IM. TUK maru e-du si-it lib-bi-id par-si

14. ma-su-ti id (d.)XXX (d.)nin-gal (d.)nusku it
15. (d.)sa-dar-nun-na it-&ak-lil i-hid-hid
16. es-sil i-pu-us-ma u- ak-lil h i-pir-s (alu)harranu e-li
I 7. sd ma-har u-sak-lil-ma a-na das-ri-sI t-tir qa-ti
18. (d.) XXX (d.) nin-gal (d.) nusku u (d.) sa-ddr-nun-na ul-tu
19. ru-an-na dl sarru-i-ti-si is-bat-ma ina qi-rib (alu)harrani
20. ina i-hid-hid .u-bat tu-ub lib-bi-d-nu ina hi-da-a-td
2 i. u ri- d-a-tt v- e-lib d ul-tu pa-na-ma (d.)XXX isr ili
22. la i-pu-it-ma a-na man-ma la id-di-nu ina na-ra-mi-ia
23. Id ilu-ut-su pal-ha-ku TUG. SIG-zi as-ba-ti (d.)XXX .sdr ili
24. ri-fi-ia ul-li-ma MU. DUG. GA ina mati it-ku-na-an-ni

25. u4-me dr-ku-ti MU.AN.NA. ME? !tu-ub libbi us-si-pa-am-ma
26. ul-tu pa-ni (m.d.)II.DUJ.A id r (mat)as!-sur(KI) a-di MU 9(KAM)
27. (m.d.) PA. IM. TUK Id r TIN. TIR. KI mar si-it lib-bi-ia
28. i me 4 MU. AN. NA. ME? SIG5. MES i-na pu-luh-ti Id (d.) XXX Ier
ilani( ME?)
39. regard. Sin, king of the gods, looked upon me and

40. Nabu-na'id (my) only son, the issue of my womb, to the kingsh
41. he called, and the kingship of Sumer and Akkad
42. from the border of Egypt (on) the upper sea even to the lower
43. all the lands he entrusted hither
44. to his hands. My two hands I lifted up and to Sin, king of the
45. reverently with imploration [(I prayed) thus, " Nabu-na'id
46. (my) son, offspring of my womb, beloved of his mother,]
Col. II.
i. thou hast called him to the kingship, thou hast pronounced his name,
2. at the command of thy great godhead may the great gods
3. go at his two sides, may they make his enemies to fall,
4. forget not, (but) make good E-hul-hul and the finishing of its founda-
tion(?) ".
5. When in my dream, his two hands had been laid on, Sin, king of the gods,
6, 7. spoke to me thus, " With thee I will put into the hands of Nabu-
na'id, thy son, the return of the gods and the habitation of
Harran;
8. He shall build E-bul-hul, shall perfect its structure, (and) Harran
9. more than (it was) before he shall perfect and restore it to its place.
i o. The hand of Sin, Nin-gal, Nusku, and Sadarnunna
i i. he shall clasp and cause them to enter E-hul-bul ". The word of Sin,
12. king of the gods, which he spoke to me I honoured, and I myself saw
(it fulfilled) ;
13. Nabu-na'id, (my) only son, offspring of my womb, the rites
14. forgotten of Sin, Nin-gal, Nusku, and
I5. Sadarnunna he perfected, E-hul-hul
I6. anew he built and perfected its structure, Harran more
17. than before he perfected and restored it to its place ; the hand
I8. of Sin, Nin-gal, Nusku, and Sadarnunna from
19. uanna his royal city he clasped, and in the midst of Harran
20. in E-hul-hul the abode of their hearts' ease with gladness
21. and rejoicing he let them dwell. What from former times Sin, king of
the gods,
22. had not done and had not granted to anybody (he did) for the love
of me
23. who had ever worshipped his godhead, laid hold on the hem of his
robe-Sin, king of the gods,
24. uplifted my head and set upon me a good name in the land,
25. long days, years of heart's ease he multiplied upon me.
26. From the time of Aiurbanipal, king of Assyria, until the 9th year
27. of Nabu-na'id king of Babylon, the son, offspring of my womb
28. I04 years of happiness, with the reverence which Sin, king of the gods,
D
29. ina lib-bi-ia i?-ku-nu u-bal-lit-an-ni id-a
30. na-mir-ma fu-tu-rak ha-si-si qa-ti u GIR
3 1. nu-us-su-qa a-ma-tu-u-a ma-ka-li-e u ma3-

32. su-lu-ku eli-ia &ira(ME?)-u-a ta-bu-ma ul
33. TUR. TUR. TUR. TUR. ME?-i a-di 4 li-
34. a-mur-ma d.-ba-a lit-tu-tu (d.)XXX &d
35. tap-pal-sa-an-ni-ma u4-mi-id tu-ri-ki (d
36. maru-tu-a a-na (d.)XXX bl-ia lu-ap-qid a

37. la i-ha-a.t-ak-ka AN.KAL-dum-qi AN.KA
38. tap-qi-du-ma tu-lak-i-dan-nu a-na lit-tu-tu
39. pi-qid-ma sit-ti hi-ti sd ilu-zi-ti-ka ra-bi-ti

40. e tdk-ku-lu ilu-u-ut-ka rabiti(ti) li-ip-ld
41 . -Id (m.d.) PA. A. ?ES dlr TIN. TIR. K
(m.d.)PA.NIG.DU
42. mar (m.d.)PA.A.?SE? u 4 MU. ME? Id
TIN. TIR. KI
43. Sarru-u-ti i-te-ip-pu-su-'u 6o(-vu) 8 MU. AN. NA . ME?
44. ina gab-bi lib-bi-ia ap-ldh-19-nu-ti EN. NUN-ti-19-nu as-s[ur-ma]
45. (m.d.)PA. I maru si-it lib-bi-id ina IGI (m.d.)PA.NIG.DU-u'-sur
46. mar (m.d.)PA. A. ?E9 u (m.d.)nergal-fdr-?E? & dr TIN. TIR.IKI uJ-ziz-
47. ur-ri u mu-si EN.NUN-ti-4-nu is-sur(?)-ma

48. Id e-li-1-nu ta-a-bi i-te-ip-pu-svu ka-a-a-na
49. [MU]-a bab(?)-ba(?)-nu-z (?) ina pa-ni-s-nu(?) iW-ku-un ki-[ma]
50. [TUR.SAL si-it lib-bi-sz-nu] ul-lu(?)-zt ri(?)-li-i[a]
(About 9 lines missing between this and the first preserved line of
Col. III)
Col. III (numbering of the lines is from the first legible in the column,
beginning of which is not preserved).
I. [a]-kds-sap-?-nu-ti-ma s[ur-qin-nu]
2. [tah]-du-ti i-ri-Si t[a-a-bi]
3. a-na gi-na-a [t4-kin]-&-[nu-ti-ma]
4. di-tak-kan ina mal-ri-[id-un]
5. ina MU 9(KAM) (m.d.)PA. [IM. TUK]
6. Idzr TIN. TIR.KI li-[im-tu]
7. ra-man-ni-idt &-[bil-{z]-ma(?)
8. (m.d.) PA.IM. TUK &dr TIN. TIR.KI
9. mar si-it lib-bi-Iz x x x x
lo. AD6-su z-kdm-mis-ma x x x
29. placed in me, he made me flourish, my own self: the sight of m

eyes
30. is clear, I am excellent in understanding, my hand and both fee
sound,
31. well-chosen are my words, meat and drink
32. agree with me, my flesh is goodly, glad is my heart.
33. My descendents to four generations from me flourishing in themselves
34. I have seen, I am fulfilled (with) offspring. O Sin, king of the gods,
for favour
35. thou hast looked upon me, thou hast lengthened my days: Nabu-
na'id, king of Babylon,
36. my son, to Sin my lord I have devoted him. So long as he is alive
37. let him not offend against thee ; the genius of favour, genius of favour
which (to be) with me
38. thou hast appointed and they have caused me to attain offspring,
with him (too)
39. appoint (them), and wickedness and offence against thy great godhead
40. endure not, (but) let him worship thy great godhead. In the 21 years
41. of Nabopolassar, king of Babylon, in the 43 years of Nebuchadrezzar,
42. son of Nabopolassar, and 4 years of Neriglissar, king of Babylon,
43. (when) they exercised the kingship, for 68 years

44. with all my heart I reverenced them, I kept watch over them,
45. Nabu-na'id (my) son, offspring of my womb, before Nebuchadrezzar
46. son of Nabopolassar and (before) Neriglissar, king of Babylon, I caused
him to stand,
47. daytime and night he kept watch over them
48. what was pleasing to them he performed continually,
49. my name he made (to be) favourite in their sight, (and) like
50. [a daughter of] their [own] they uplifted my head
Col. III. (Translation of lines i-i9 is supplemented from the duplicate

inscription, as rendered by B. Landsberger, loc. cit.)
i. I nourished (their spirits), and incense offering
2. rich, of sweet savour,
3. I appointed for them continually and
4. laid ever before them.
5. (Now) in the 9th year of Nabu-na'id,
6. king of Babylon, the fate
7. of herself carried her off, and
8. Nabu-na'id, king of Babylon,
9. (her) son, issue of her womb, ...............
10. her corpse entombed, and [robes]
I i. SIG5-ti qi-tu-u n[a-am-ri] x x

I12. [KU.G]I ? ? ? nam-[ru-tu]
13. NA4.SIG5-ti NA4 x x x
14. NA4 su-qu-ru-ti x x x
15. NI.GIS.DUG AD6-su tU x x x
I 6. iS-ku-nu ina ni-sir-ti x x
I 7. UDU. NITA. MES ma-ru-tu u-[ta-ab-bi-ih
18. ma-har-s zu-pa-hir-ma x x x
19. TIN. TIR. KI u bar-sib(KI) it(?)-[ti UK
20. a-fib na-gi-i ni-su-tz [LUGAL. ME& NUN
21. u GIR. NITA. ME? ul-tu [pa-a.t]
22. (mat)mi-sir tam-ti e-[li-ti]
23. a-na tam-ti lap-li-ti u-[Sat-ba-am-ma]
24. si-pi-it-ti u ? x x
25. bi-ki-ti lu-pOl-ma x x x x
26. id-du-u ri-Ju(?)-?g-un 7 u[r-ri]
27. - 7 mu-Id-a-ti ina(?) x x x
28. uh-tal-li-lu lu-bu-I[[i(?)-?9-un]
29. sa-ah-pu ina 7-i u4-mu x x
30. ERIM(??). MES(?) mdti ka-la-ma pi-i[r(?)-
31. ii-gal-li-bu-ma ? x x x
32. lu-bu-li-S9-nu ta-pacr(?) x x x
33. GIS su-us(?)-lu(?) lu-bu-fi-?9-nu x x
34. ina(?) ma-ka-ni-?d-nu qu x x
35. i-tib(?)-bu-ni a-na x x x
36. ina ma-ka-li-e ? x x x
37. ?IM hal-sa -kdm(?)-m[ir(?)] x x
38. NI. GI..D'UG. GA a-na SAG x x x
39. d-lap-pi-ik lib-bi-4(?)-[nu] x x
40. d-?d-li-is-ma -[nam-mir]
41. te4(?)-mi-Sz-un 2-ru-uh(?) x x x
42. ul(??) I-la-az/s/s.-?-I-nu-ti x
43. a-na a-lar-u-nu i-li-[ku]
44. at-ta lu-a Jarru lu-z' rubii x x x
45. si-?-ti ? BE (d.)XXX lIr [ilani(ME?)]
46. bil ilani(MES) Id lami(e) u irsiti[ ti]
47. ilu-ut-su rabiti(ti) mu-fi u u[r-ri]
48. (d.)>amal (d.)adda u (d.)XV EN x x x
49. [u] irsiti(ti) d x x x x x x x
50. [ a]-lib d-sag (?) -il(?) u i(?) x x
5 . pu-luh-ma ina lami(e) u irsiti(tl)
52. su (?) -up(?) -pi-Idt-nu-ti-ma la x x
53. pi-i Id (d.) XXX u (d.) INANNA Md
54- it-.ti-ru ? ? x x x x
55. ? ? -ma ziri-ka Sul-lim x
56. [da(??) ]-ri-[il(??)] a-na da(?)-r[i-a-ti?]
i i. splendid, a bright mantle . . . . . ..

12. gold, bright . . . . . . . .
I3. beautiful stones, [precious] stones,
14. costly stones . . . . . . . .
15. sweet oil her corpse he [anointed]
I6. they laid it in a secret place. [Oxen and]
I17. sheep (especially) fattened he [slaughtered]
18. before it. He assembled [the people]
19. of Babylon and Borsippa, [with the people]
2o. dwelling in far regions, [kings, princes, and]
21. governors, from [the border]
22. of Egypt on the Upper Sea
23. (even) to the Lower Sea he [made to come up],
24. mourning and . . . . . . . .
25. weeping he performed, [dust ?]
26. they cast upon their heads, for 7 days
27. and 7 nights with . . . . . . . . .
28. they cut themselves(?), their clothes
29. were cast down(?). On the seventh day ..........
30. the people(?) of all the land their hair(?)
31. shaved, and . . . . . . . .
32. their clothes . . . . . . . .
33. the . . . . . . . . of their clothes ........
34. in(?) their places(?) . . . . . . . . . . . . .
35. they ? to . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
36. at meat(?).. . .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
37. perfumes refined he amassed(?) ......
38. sweet oil upon the heads [of the people]
39. he poured out, their hearts ... ........
40. he made glad, he [cheered(?)]
41. their minds, the road [to their homes]
42. he did not(?) withhold(?) .. .........
43. to their own places they went.
44. Do thou, whether a king or a prince ...........
(Remainder too fragmentary for translation until :-)
51. Fear (the gods), in heaven and earth

52. pray to them, [neglect] not [the utterance]
53. of the mouth of Sin and the goddess .......
54..............................
55[ever(?)]
56. ........ and
make saf
for [ever
NOTES ON THE TEXT OF NABON.

Col. L
i. In the first line of this completed inscription are finally established the two
central facts about the author, which were long in dispute-that it was
a woman, and that it was the Mother of Nabonidus. These truths were
acutely perceived by Professor E. Dhorme as long ago as 1908 (Revue
biblique of that year, pp. 130-5), and he reinforced his arguments in 1947
(Revue d'Assyriologie, XLI, pp. I ff. ; cf. Recueil ?douard Dhorme, pp. 325 if.
and p. 766).
The second element in the Mother's name is written with exactitude, leaving
only in possible doubt whether the first consonant is to be read g or q ;
but if the latter were intended there is no reason why it should not have
been written with the most appropriate sign, qu. The final 'aleph-
containing sign is no more than the usual New Babylonian practice to
mark the pronunciation of the last vowel, in this case the long i of the
suffixed pronoun ; see P. Hyatt, The Treatment of Final Vowels in Early
Neo-Babylonian; the nearest parallel quoted in that work, p. 7, is from
F. Thureau-Dangin, Tablettes d'Uruk, no. 58, line 3, li-is-sa-ni-'i. There
can be no doubt that the Mother's name is of a form signifying " The
Weather-god (is) my . . . -. For g(q)uppi I have neither found nor had
suggested to me a satisfying explanation, either from Akkadian or from
Aramaic-this being premised, one might think the best possibility is the
Aram. [gaph] (Akk. kappu) " wing, arm ", and so " strength ", which is
perhaps connected with the Heb. [gaph], giph, " body, self". The name
is, in any case, as unlike as possible to the " Nitokris " who is the mother
of" Labynetos " in Herodotus I, I88, and also to the " Amyitis" who is
the wife of Nebuchadrezzar in Berossus (P. Schnabel, Berossos, pp. 270-3),
or the other Amyitis, wife of Cyrus, who had a state fiuneral, according
to the Chronicle, col. II, 23 f. (see also J. Gilmore, Fragments of the Persika
of Ktesias, p. 127). There is nothing in this inscription, now fully revealed,
to support the suggestion (JNES. XI, p. 278) that the Mother of
Nabonidus was a descendant of the celebrated Assyrian queen Naqi'a,
like as these two evidently were in origin, history, and doubtless character.
8. i-lu-u d-ma-mi', for the same situation of gods abandoning an earthly seat among
their people, in anger, and taking refuge in the heavens compare a passage
in Esarhaddon, most recently edited by R. Borger, Die Inschriften Asar-
haddons (A.f.O. Beiheft 9), P. 14, Episode 8. But still they were not quite
inaccessible (C. J. G., Ideas of Divine Rule, p. 64).
9. il-li-ku(?) kar(?)-mu-ti. This is not according to the squeeze, which seems to
have clearly il-li LU TE mu-ti, making no sense. But the reading here
given was acutely suggested by Dr. O. R. Gurney, who observed that it
is strongly supported by VAB. IV, p. 218, col. I, I3, z-Sd-lik-N kar-mu-tu
(said of the same disaster). Moreover, a rough copy made by Mr. P. Hulin
from the stone at Urfa also shows -ku(!) and some traces after TE which
may indicate that kar was intended. This, and its inherent probability,
justify adoption of this reading until the original can be collated.
13. Written across the margin into col. II, and followed there by a dividing-line:
similarly line 19 below.
14. Here begins the inscription H I, A, probably at the point u (d.)adda.
27. "I kept watch upon them" in the sense of "I waited upon them ":
same phrase is used below (col. II, 44 and 47) of the attendance of herself
and of her son upon the kings who patronised them.
29. The double " corner-wedge " (for 2o) is not very clearly written, and m
be taken for one (io), but it does exist, and is of course demanded
the arithmetic.
38. Last two signs -lu-u written in the margin.
4o. H i, A, col. I, ends here at libbi-[id].
Co1. II.
6, 7. The use of the suffix -ka, in the masc. form, is to be compared with that of
-Ju elsewhere in this inscription, although no farther proof is now needed
that the person thus indicated was in fact female.
9. Last sign seems to be certainly -ri, which may be a scribal error (defective
writing of -ar).
I i. H i, A, col. II, begins with a-na 6-hil-h4l, etc.
13. H I, A, inserts 1dr bdbili after the name, and omits e-du after maru.
28, 29. ina pu-luh-ti ... is probably correct (as proposed by L. p. 142 and recom-
mended by Dhorme, R.A. XLI, p. 6, n. i), and this avoids the difficulty
of pu-ti-ti as read before; d and luh are very similar in this text, but d
seems always to have the projecting "tails" of the two horizontal strokes,
which cannot be seen here (for an example of tU and luh close together
cf. col. II, 40). Ifpu-d-ti is right after all (and H I, A. col II, 28 should be
re-collated) it would have to be explained by giving patu a full substantival
sense as " personality ", for which reasons might be found.
33. The " four generations " here are another link with the inscription of the
priest Agbur (G. A. Cooke, North Semitic Inscriptions, pp. 189 ff., line 5)
which has already been compared for other similarities by L., pp. 14o f.
So also Job (XLII, 16).
37. The lamassu on each side of the king mentioned separately; for his human
bodyguard see note on H 2, col. I, 30, 31.
40. The Spartan mother begs for no mercy upon her son if he is unfaithful to
her god. A close verbal parallel is found in Isaiah I, I13, 16 'dkhal 'dwen,
"I endure not iniquity ".
47. Here begins H I, A, col. III, and happily supplies the gap of some 9 lines
missing in B, partly at the end of col. II and partly from the missing
curved top of col. III.
Col. III.
5. The addition in the 3rd person to the Mother's inscription begins here with
a new line, in contrast with H I, A, which makes no division at all.
6--7. For other examples of Jimtu.. . abdlu see R. Borger, Die Inschnften Asarkaddons,
p. 54, Kommentar I9, also in A.f.O. XVIII, ii6.
I2. It is still not possible to read the three signs in the middle of this line-the
second is possibly si or mar.
2o-3. Restorations attempted here from the Sippar cylinder (Langdon, VAB. IV,
pp. 22o f., col. I, 38-43).
25 ft. The mourning customs described in these lines, obscured though they are by
damage to the text, are unattested in Babylonian religion but are all
familiar from the Biblical world of the Old and the New Testaments.
In line 25 we have possibly to restore [SAIAR.HI. A] and thus to find
the often attested practice of throwing

line 28 uhtallilu probably describes the
after their manner " like the prophets
to express any kind of excitement as well
abuse was forbidden to the Israelites (Deuteronomy XIV, i, and
Jeremiah XVI, 6, 7), and so was that of shaving and plucking the hair
(Leviticus XIX, 27, 28) which again seems to be indicated in this passage
(line 31, ugallibu, although the restoration pi[rtu] in line 30 is extremely
doubtful) ; while the frequent allusions to clothes, unclear as they are
through damage, must almost certainly involve the " rending of gar-
ments ". For a combination, as here, of several such gestures, cf. Acts of
the Apostles XXII, 23 (there expressing fanatical rage). In the Nabonidus
Chronicle, col. III, 24, the people " bared(?) their heads " as a sign of
NABONIDUS H2, A AND B
(Lines numbered according to the arrangement of H 2, A)

TRANSLITERATION
Col. I.
I. i-pit-ti (d.)XXX GAL-ti Id ilani (ME?) iU (d.)iI-tar1

2. ma-am-ma-an 2 NU. (U-_ (d ul-tu u4-mu ru-qu-tu
3. a-na KUR 3 la tu-ri-du 4 ni`(MES) mdti ip-pal-su-ma
4. i-na tup-pi 5 la il.-tu-ru-ma la i&-tak-ka-nu

5. a-na u4-mu sa-a-ti (d.)XXX bil ilani(ME9) u (d.)INANNA 6 a-li-bu-ut
6. Jame(e) d ina pa-ni (m.d.)PA.IM. TUK S 8ir bdbili(KI)
7. ul-tu kame(e) tal-li-ku a-na-ku (m.d.)PA. I
8. ni(?)-e(?)-du .id man-ma-an la i-su-i u id 3arru-u-th
9. ina lib-bi-ia la tab-u-su ilani(MES) u (d.)INANNA a-na muhhi-
I o. ia(?) zt-sal-lu-zi it (d.)XXX a-na &arru-z-ti 10
II. ib(?)-ba-an-ni i-na id-at mu-si MA?. GE6 -~'ab-ra-an-n[i]
12. um-ma e-h d-hdl bit (d.)XXX Id (dlu)harrani ha-an-tzi
I 3. e-pu-ui matati(MES) ka-la-&i-na a-na qatd(II) -ka

14. lu-tdk-la niA'( ME?) mdrd(ME?) bdbili(KI) bdr-sip(KI)
I5. nippuri(KI) uri(KI) uruk(KI) larsa(KI) (awil)&angi(MES)
I6. nild(ME$)
167. rabiti(ti) ama-ka-zi
ih-.tu-'u 11 (mat)akkadi(KI)
i ma a-na ilu-ixt1-ti-Ju
i-e-ti-u (It-gal-li-lu
i8. la i-du-u e-zi-i(s)-z1(s)u (qablitu) 14 sid ir ilani(ME?) (d.)nanna-ri
19. par-sid--nu im-,u-'u i ma i-dab-bu-bu sur-ra-a-tit

I B has (d.)XV. 6 B (d.)XV. 1x B -zu.
2 B -man. 7 B reads -tt't 1d. 12 om.0B.
3 B ma-a-tu. 8 B (d.)PA.L a13 B -ttd.
4 B inserts -u(?)-ni(?). 1 Two lines missing from B.14 A e-zi-is-su, B e-zti-iz-zu
5 B DUB. o10 B -ti. MORUB.
mourning-but in the Verse Account, col. V, 26, this is a solemn ges

before taking an oath.
36 ff. Other royal feasts are observed by H. Lewy in Orientalia, 1958, pp. 57
40. The conjectural restoration is based upon a passage in Sennacherib (D
Luckenbill, The Annals of Sennacherib, p. 52, line 33)-
42. It is not necessarily

would an aobjection
thereby follow dental, forto
Dr.the
O. R.reading u-sa-a.s-bit(!)-Iu-nu-ti
Gurney has kindly pointed that -.
out two examples of this in texts recently published by himself and
Dr. J. J. Finkelstein, The Sultantepe Tablets I, no. I, line 10 o3 (ha-am-mat-li-na)
and no. 43, line 9 (Su-bat-ld-nu). The ul at the beginning is against this
reading, but is itself very uncertain. As an alternative I suggest -sih, but
cannot justify such a phrase as urhu . . . nasdhu.
56. Suggested restorations and resultant translation are mere possibilities.
NABONIDUS H 2, A AND B
(Lines numbered according to the arrangement of H 2, A)
TRANSLATION
Col. I.
I. The operation of Sin, greatest of the gods and goddesses,
2. nobody knows it, since from distant days
3. it came not down to the land, (wherefore) the people of the land saw
it (indeed), but
4. wrote it not on a tablet and set it not (down)
5. for days to come. Sin, lord of the gods and goddesses, dwellers
6. of the heavens, (thou art he) who, in front of Nabonidus king of Babylon,
7. camest from the heavens. I (am) Nabonidus,
8. who have not the honour(?) of (being a) somebody, and kingship
9. is not within me, (but) the gods and goddesses prayed for
Io. me, and Sin to the kingship
I I. called me. In the night season he caused me to behold a dream
I2. (saying) thus "E-iul-iul the temple of Sin which (is) in Harran
quickly
I13. build, (seeing that) the lands, all of them, to thy hands
14. are verily committed ". (But) the sons of Babylon, Borsippa,
15. Nippur, Ur, Erech, Larsa, priests (and)
16. people of the capitals of Akkad, against his great
I17. divinity offended, whenever(?) they sought after (anything) they did
wickedly,
I8. they knew not the wrath, (the resentment), of the king of the gods,
(even) Nannar,
19. they forgot their duty, whenever(?) they talked (it was) treason
20. u la ki-na-a-ta ki-ma kalbi it-ta-nak-ka-lu 15

2 i. a-ha-mel ti-'i u su-gi-z ina lib-bi-J-nu
22. a4-ab-?u-9 zi-sa-ah-hi-ir 18 nifi(ME?) mati
23. ul-tu dli-ia babili(KI) d-le-ri-qa-an-ni-ma
24. 9-ru-uh (ilu)te-ma-a s18 (dlu)da-da-(nu) 19 (i
25. (dlu)hi-ib-ra-a ta (alu)id-di-hu u a-di (dlu)2id
26. ro MU. AN. NA. MES a[t-tal-l]a-ku 23 qi-ri
27. ali-ia bdbili(KI) la e-ru-ub ina a-mat (d.)X
28. 3dr ilani(ME?) EN.EN.EN Id ilani(ME?) u
29. ?d Sam6(e) u-Sal-lim 26 qi-bit (d.)XXX (d.)n
30. (d.)4amal (d.)INANNA (d.)adda u (d.)
balati (TIN)
31. ip-qi-du it-ti-ia ina MU ?d-a- ?27 ina 28 (arah)nisanni
32. u (arah)tadriti nill(ME?) (mdt)akkadi(KI) u (mdt)hat-ti hi-sib ladi(i) 29
33. u tam-ti i-liq-qu-nim-ma ina dan-na-tg 30 um-ma-a-tg

34. (arah)simani (arah)du'uzi (arah)abi (arah)ululi (arah)talriti ina arhi(MES)
an-nu-ta
35. [ina ka]l 31 MU. AN. NA. ME9 an-na-a-ti 32 la ba-ta-a 33-lu
36. ina qi-bit (d.)XXX (d.)adda ga-gal laml(e) u irsiti(fi) mi(ME9)
37. zunni &u(?)

38. ina(?) i-Md-aq 34-qi-u-nu-ti
36-lum NIG.
ir-ru-bu-nu a-naU(?) 35"--nu
mah-ri u bu-Md-Sg-nu
37'-id ina a-mat
39. (d.)XXX u (d.)INANNA 38 be-lit ME 3 sd nu-kar-ti o40 u su-lum-mu-
40. ina ba-li-fu ina mdti la ib-ba-dM-'u 41-u i kak-ku
41. la in-ni-ip-pu-Su qdt-su ina 42 muh-hi-a-nu
42. ta-ap-ri 43-ik-ma ldr (mat?) 44 mi-sir (dlu) ma-da-a-a 4
43. (mdt)a 46-ra-bi u nap-har larrdni(ME?) na-ki-ru-ta a-na

44. su-lum-mu-z" u tu-ub-ba-a-ti i-lap-pa-ru-nu
45. a-na mah-ri-ia niS(ME?) (mat)a-ra-bi Md (is)kakku
46. il(?)-u(?) x x x x Id (mdt)ak-ka-di-i(?KI)
47- u e x x x x x x hu(?) fu(?) a-na
48. ha-ba-ti u la-qi(?)-e(?) fd bu-fe-e iz-zi-zu(?) 47
x5 B i-ta-na-kal. prob. scribal omission 3 B ta-ha-zu.

x1 B z-;a-hi-ri. o40 B -tu.
17 B a-na-. for ina.
28 B. om. (Jd)-a-z. 41 B GAL-Uf.
18 B (a1u) te-ma-'a. 29 B KUR. MES. 42 B a-na.
19 -nu only in B. o30 B -ti. 43 Rest. from B.
20 poss. -ki in A; B has -ka. 31 rest. from B.
21 B reverses order of Pa-
* So app. A; B has (alu).
32 B -t4. *4 This name, illegible in A,
dakka and IjibrA. 3 B om. -a-. is preserved only in B,
22 B ia-. 34 B -Saq-. col. I of which ends
2s B at-tal-lak. 35 uncert. in A ; B reads here.
24 B (d.)il-tar. NIG-Jd-nu. 46 From this point A mostly
25 B -tt. 38 A illegible, B prob. as illegible ; the foll. text
2" B 4-3al-li-mu-'u. text.
partly rest. from B,
27 B has MU.AN.NA-a-16, 3 B IGI.L
38 B (d.)i?-tar. col.
'4 End ofII,A,1'-6.
col. I.
20. and not loyalty, like a dog they devoured
21. one another; fever and famine in the midst of them
22. they caused to be, it minished the people of the land. But I
23. hied myself afar from my city of Babylon
24. (on) the road to Tema', Dadanu, Padakku[a],
25. Hibra, Iadiiu, and as far as Iatribu;
26. ten years I went about amongst them, (and) to
27. my city Babylon I went not in. At the word of Sin,
28. king of the gods, lord of lords of the gods and goddesses, dwellers
29. of the heavens, they accomplished the word of Sin-Nannar,
30. of gamav, Istar, Adda, and Nergal; a guard of (my) safety and life
31. they appointed (to be) with me. In that year, in the month of Nisannu
32. and the month of Tasritu, the people of Akkad and of the Hatti-land
the produce of the plains
33. and of the sea received. In the rigour of summer,
34. the month(s) of Siwanu, Du'uzu, Abu, Ululu, Tairitu, in these months
35. in all these years without ceasing.

36. at the command of Sin the god Adda, lockkeeper of heavens and earth,
waters
37. of rain gave them to drink, their property and possessions

38. in peace they brought before me. At the word
39. of Sin also I'tar, lady of battle, without whom hostility and p
40. exist not in the land, and a weapon
41. is not forged, her hand(s) over them
42. she crossed(?) and the king(s ?) of the land(?) of Egypt, the city
Medes,
43. the land of the Arabs, and all the kings (who were) hostile, for
44. peace and good relations sent (messengers)
45. before me. People of the land of the Arabs, who weapons
46. ................ of the land of Akkad
47. and... .............for
48. plunder and capture of property they ...................
Col. II.
i. i-na a-mat (d.) XXX (d.) nergal kak-ki-?u-nu

2. i-s'ab-bir 48-ma nap-har-id-nu ik-nu-'u a-na x x
3. (d.) amal bil ur-ti sid ina ba-li- pu-u
4. la ip-pat-tu-ut u pu-zi la uk-ta-at-ta-mu
5. mu- al-lim qi-bit (d.)nanna-ri abi(AD) ba-ni-id
6. nilv (MEg) (mdt)akkadi(KI) u (mdt)hat-ti sd (-tdk-lu-u
7. il-kun-vid-nu-ti-ma
8. qatd (II)-u-a pu-4 u lib-bi ki-ni it-ti(?)-ia(?)
i-na-as-sa-ru EN. NUN-ti
9. z4-al-la-mu qi-bi-ti " ina pi-rik
I.V, Aadi(i. MEN)
I 0. ni-su-ti ur-hu pa-rik-tk id at-tal-la-ku
I i. io MU. AN. NA. ME? ik-su-dam-ma 50 a-dan-nu
12. im-lu-i u4-mu sd iq-bu-u sir ili (d.)nanna-ri
i 3. ina (arah)tafriti umu i7(KAM) u4-mu (d.)XXX im-ma-ag-gdr 6'
14. pi-fir-sI (d.)XXX bilu id ilani(MEg) 52 id ina umi I(KAiM)
15. mi.t.ti (d.)a-ni zi-kir-Vu Vam"(e) ta-lap-pa-t'
16. u irsiti(ti) ta-hi-ip-pu-zi ha-mi-im PA. AN
I 7. (d.)a-nis-z-tz mu-gam-mi-ir PA . AN 53 (d.)en-lil-z-tz
18. li-qu-u' pa-ra-as 54 (d.)ed-a-u'-ti 55
I 9. Sd nap-har gi-mi-ir pa-ra-as 56 Jame(e) ina qatd(II)-ti 7
20. tam-hu (d.)en-lil ilani(ME?) LUGAL.LUGAL.LUGAL EN.EN.EN
21. 3d a-na qi-bi-ti-vu la i-tur-ru
22. i' a-mat-su la ta-qab-bu-u 3ini(II)-3i 58
23. Id pu-luh-ti ilu-ti- V, rabiti(ti) vami(e)
24. u irsiti(ti) ma-lu-ut ki-ma zi-mi-s3 6 3ame(e)

25. u irsiti(ti) sah-pu 'd la ka-a-sii man-nu o60
26. mi-na-a ip-pu-ui mdtu 3d lib-bi-ka a-?ab-i 61
27. ub-lu pu-luh-td ilu-ti-ka rabiti(ti) ina lib-bi-3 62
28. ta-sak-kan-ma a-na u4-mu ru-qu-ti

29. idzM(ME) -sti i-ku-un-nu 63 m dtu 3d lib-ba-ka
30. ha-pu-Vi ub-l 64 pu-luh-ta-ka ul-tu
3 i. lib-bi-si ta-ni-is-si-e-mu 6 ta-na-an-di-iS(?)
32. a-na u~-mu ruquti(ME?) 3d nap-har ilani(MES) u (d.)XV
33. a-3i-bu-ti 66 37d am(e) i-na-as-sa-ru
34.
35. nsi-it pi-i- aiDbal-la-mu
(d.)4nanna-ri qi-bi-ti
abi(AD) ba-ni- u6 mu-gam-mi-ir *
q-un
48 After this B, col. II, has 54 B has PA. AN. 61 End of line from B.
lost one line and seven 55 B has (d.)BE-d-tu. 62 End of line from B.
more are defective. 56 B has PA .AN. 63 B-na.
41 B qi-bit. 57 B qa-ti-vd. 64 B-la.
50 B om. -ma. 58 Thus both A and B, but65 -mu ends a line in B.
51 B i-ma-ag-gdr. not clear. 66 B has -td.
52 B has EN.AN. -9 B supplies this word. 67 B qi-bit.
60 Partly indistinct both in 68 B -mir.
53 B mu-gam-mi-ru pa-ra-a,. A and B.
Col. II.
i. at the word of Sin, Nergal their weapons

2. shattered and all of them he bowed down at [my feet].
3. -Samag, lord of the oracle, without whom a mouth
4. is not opened and a mouth is not shut,
5. (he), accomplishing the command of Nannar, the father who created
him,
6. made the people of the land of Akkad and the Hatti-land, whom he
had committed
7. to my hands, (to be) of true mouth and heart with me;
8. they kept guard for me
9. they accomplished my command in the seclusion of tracts
I0. far distant and roads secluded which I travelled.
I I. (In) ten years arrived the appointed time
I12. the days were fulfilled which Nannar, king of the gods, had spoken;
13. on the 17th day of the month Ta'ritu, the day when Sin vouchsafes
14. his revelation, Sin, lord of the gods, who on the Ist (of the month)
15. (as) the scimitar of Anu his name invoked attacks the heavens
I6. and shatters the earth-uniting the functions
17. of Anu's office, completing the functions of Enlil's office,
I8. occupying the functions of Ea's office,
19. in whose hands all of every function of heaven
20. is held, Enlil of the gods, king of kings, lord of lords,
21. upon whose command they go not back
22. and his word is not spoken twice,
23. with the fear of whose great godhead heavens
24. and earth are filled, like his countenance heavens
25. and earth are outspread ; without thee who
26. does anything ? A land whereof thy heart has devised its habitation
27, 28. thou puttest into it the fear of thy great godhead and for days to
come
29. its foundations are secure. (But) a land whereof t

30. has devised its ruin, the fear of thee from
31. the heart of it thou sunderest, thou overthrowest it
32. for days to come: of whom all the gods and god
33. inhabitants of heaven, observe
34. what proceeds from his mouth, they accomplish t
35. of Nannar, the father who created them; comple
36. PA.AN Iame(e) u irsiti(ti) Id a-

37. sir-tz d du 7O-mi-am-ma ina Id-m
38. i-qab-bu-u 72 mdtu la ta-an-na-d
39. u nu-zr ina 74 mati la ib-ba-d1-?
40. ildni(MES) kima 76 x x i-ru-bu
41. (d.)a-nun-na-ki 7 ?d la-pa-ni qi-b
42. rabiti(ti) Id la x x x x x nu(?)
43. ma(?) x x x x x x x x x ma-

44. X x x x x x x x x xd(?
45.x x x x x x x x x x rizimu
46. x x x x x x x x x a-nuilani(ME?)
47.x x x x x x x x x x x li(?)a(?)
48.x xxxxxxxxxxka(?)-ti
49, 50. (These lines probably existed in A, but ar
uncertain. The corresponding passage in B,
also illegible.)
Col. III.
I. x x x x x x x x x x x it-ti LOJ.HAL81
2. LO.EN. ME.LI a-lak-tz" ul-tam-mad um(?)-mid(?)-ma
3. ina Idt mu-ri MA?. GE6 par-da-at a-di a-mat x x

4. im-li MU ik-&u-du a-dan-nu sd x x x x x
5. ul-tu (dlu)te-ma-a z- x x x x x x xx
6. TIN. TIR.KI dl be-lu-t[i-ia] x x x x x
7. i-mu-ru-ma x x x x x x x x x x x
8. Destroyed, but B has a line :
Jul(?)-ma qat(?)-ra-a il(?)-qu-u" a-na x x x x x )
9. x x x x x x x x x x &arrdni(ME?) qir-bu-tu 82
I o. il-lu-nim-ma 83 u-na-d?-?d-qu lepd(II)-id 8
I I. u ru-qu-td* il-mu-u 85 ip-la-hu ilu-ut-su rabitu(td")
I12. ilani(MES) u (d.)INANNA. ME9 86 ?d ip-par-du-ma i-ri-qa
13. is-sah-ru-nim-ma 87 i-qab-bu-u ba-ni-ti
I 4. u ina par-su L(. HAL 88 i&-d-kin fir dum-qi-id ina nu-uh-Si
S5. u .tuh-du u P 89-gdl-la niS(AME)~-id ina .adf(i. ME)9g ni-su-ti

6 So in B, end of sign only 1 From B, col. III, i. 83 From B.
in A. "77 From B. 84 B has ,e-pi-id.
70 Begin. of line from B. 78 From B. 85 From B.
71 B -mu. 79 B ld-di-i. 8" B has INANNA and A
72 From B. 80 Ends of lines 43-8, invis- has ME?.
73 B tan-na-an-du-u. ible in A, are taken 87 From B.
74 From B, where followed from ends of broken 88 From B.
by ma-a-tu'. lines in B. 89 From B.
71 B ib-ba-3u-u, and here 81 From B. 90 From B.
ends B, col. II. 82 From B.
36. the functions of heaven and earth, without(?) whose exalted comma
37. which day by day in heaven
38. they pronounce the land is not founded(?)
39. and there is no light in the land.
40. The gods like ? ? quake and tremble,
41. the Anunnaki who before the command of his great
42. godhead, which (is) not . . . . . . . . . . . . . . the mountains
(Rest of column fragmentary and unintelligible)
Col. III.
I.. ... . .................. ... .. .. .. .. .. .. ...........................
with diviners
2. and interpreters I instructed myself (in) the way, I laid (my hands
to it?)
3. In the night season a dream was disturbing, until the word.......
4. Fulfilled was the year, came the appointed time which ..........
5. from the city of Tema' I (returned?)...................
6. Babylon, my seat of lordship, (I entered) ....................
7. they beheld me, and............................
8. reconciliation, presents they took to .......................

9 ....................... the kings (that were) near
Io. came up and kissed my feet
I i. and those far away heard it, and feared his great godhead.
12. The gods and goddesses who had appeared and were afar off
13. returned back and spoke good for me,
14. and in the oracle of the diviner the organs were disposed favour
for me. In plenty
I5. and wealth and abundance my people in the distant tracts
16. ar 9oa-te-it-tam-ma ina Sd-lim-ti as-bat 91

I 7. ma-ti 92-ia a-mat ilu-ti-sd rabiti(ti) at-ta-s
I8. la e-gi la a-4it a-hi la ad-du zt4-ad-kam-m
I 9. nise( MES) (mdt)akkadi(KI) u (mdt)hat-t
20. tam-ti e-lit a-di tam-ti lap-lit Id (d.)XXX
21. z-tdk-lu-u qatd(II) --a 6-h4il-htl bit (d.)
22. e-pu-ul t-Sak-lil li-pir-ld qatd(H) (d.)X
23. (d.)nin-gal (d.)nusku u (d.)sa-ddr-nun-na
24. Su-an-na dl Sarru 93-ti-ia a-sa-bat-ma ina h
25. u ri-Sd-a-t' u-Ye-rib u-Ye-lib parakku(BA
26. ni-qu-u tu-uh-tu ma-har-d-nu aq-qi-ma
27. U-Iar-ri-hi qat-ra-a e-hdl-hdl resa-lu(? 94

28. z-kal-li-ma - 'd-li-is lib-bi nie( MES) -sI
29. u-1al-lim qli-bi-ti (d.)XXX Sdr ili EN.
30. a-ib Sd-ma-mu Id an ld ilani(MES) ina f
31. (d.)4ama? Sd ni-bu-16 (d.)nusku (d.)INA
32. Id u-1al-lim-'u ql-bit (d.)nanna-ri

33. -u-tuq-s-nu e-ma (is)kakki( ME) -id an
34. a-na e-ma?-ha(?) 97 la-pdn(IGI)-id a`l-kun
35. a-na ful-lu-mu qi-bit (d.)nanna-ri man-nu
36. Id (d.)XXX a-na sarru-u-ti 98 i-nam-bu-k
37. maru-z mar-ia-ma 99 i-qab-bu-ka as-rat
38. a-Sib Sd-ma-me x x x x x x x -u
39. u a-mat-su la ta- x x x x x -Ix
40. Md x x z-ma(?) x x x x x x -nu
41. ina GI?(?). TUKUL(?)-1 ina x x x x

42. x x x x x x x x mu-?l(?)
43 and 44. Illegible traces only.
NOTES ON THE TEXT OF NABON. H 2, A AND B

Col. L
i. For GAL-ti (rabiti) as a superlative see W. von Soden, Grundriss der Akkadischen
Grammatik, ? 68b.
3. ip-pal-su-ma is the certain reading of both A and B, and this provides a contact
for the text of B.M. 90837, line 13 (L. W. King, Boundary Stones, P1. XCIV
and p. I 29), which, after collation of the original, might now be read and
restored as"
90o B has al-. 4 Last sign illegible in A, 9 Uncert. remains in A:

9x From B. uncertain in B. B has only a-na e-ma
92 B has KUR. 95 B has EN. EN.EN. la-pan-id al-ku-un-ma.
93 B inserts -u-. A is very96 A has line-ending -d(k?)i-98 B -tz.
defective from here iq-ma, B reads an-na-9 B apparently mdru-u-id??.
onwards : text mostly d(k?)i-ma. After al-rat?? B ends
from B but alignment abruptly (col. III, 5 1).
of A observed.
I6. I spread abroad, and in prosperity I took the road
17. to my own land. The word of his great godhead I observed,
18. I stayed not, I shrank not, I rested not ; I let summon
I19. the peoples of Akkad and of the Hatti-land from the border of Egypt
20. on the Upper Sea as far as the Lower Sea, whom Sin, king of the gods,
21. had committed to my hands. E-bul-bul the temple of Sin anew
22. I built, I finished its work. The hands of Sin,
23. of Nin-gal, Nusku, and of Sadarnunna from
24. -uanna my royal city I clasped, and with joy
25. and gladness I made them enter and dwell in their lasting sanctuary,
26. generous libations before them I poured out and
27. I multiplied gifts. The " head " of E-iul-iul
28. I supported, I brought pleasure to the hearts of its people,
29. I accomplished the command of Sin, king of the gods, lord of lords,
30. dwelling in the heavens, who, in comparison of the gods in heaven,
his name is surpassing:
3'. (also) of Samas, who is his brightest (peer), of Nusku, Itar, Adda,
Nergal,
32. (those) who accomplish the command of Nannar
33. their surpasser. Wheresoever I put on my arms
34. (even) to wheresoever (I put them off?), I have set before me
35. to accomplish the command of Nannar. Whoso thou (art)
36. whom Sin shall call to the kingship and
37. shall say to thee "O son, my son ", the shrine of Sin
38. dwelling in the heavens (thou shalt seek ?)
39. and his word thou shalt not (disregard . . . . . . . ...... .)
40. (he) who . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
41. with his weapon, with ...................... (shall smite ?)

(Rest illegible)
13. [nill(MES) ] (m&t) akkadi (KI) i-f il-tM (d) XXX ip-a-um(?
14. [ip-la-hu ilu]-ut-su rabitu(tu) u (d)XXX s!r ilani(MES)

the second line being restored after col. III, I I, of the present inscription.
The above passage and its preceding tariff of prices may now be connected
with the rains and the abundance reported here in col. I, 31-8.
ana mdti la turidu: this expression is elsewhere used of coming down to
earth from heaven like the n am - lu g a 1 which, in the king-list,
an - ta 6 - d 6 - a - b a, or the alalu-song when it ur-da ana ma-ti, JNES.
XVII (1958), p. 56, line 5I. In the present passage it seems applied to
news coming down from Harran to Babylon.
8. ni(?)-e(?)-du, the first two signs are at least very probable in A, the whole
missing in B. Such a form is otherwise unknown, but the sense (s.v.l.) is
quite acceptable : the king plays slightly on the meaning of his own name
(" Nabu is honoured ") and contrasts this with the ordinary phrase mdr
la manman which denoted an usurper or any successor to the throne not
of royal birth, and this applied particularly to Nabonidus, according to
the emphatic description of Abydenus (in P. Schnabel, Berossos, p. 274),
B
Napovvi'8oxov r1To5EiKVJ c Gi pX
in legitimation that Nabonidu
not belonging to the line o
70 years before, claimed with
mdr la manmanim (S. Langdon, Di
no. 4, line 4)-
9, 10o. The very unusual division
B, col. II, 25, 26 (d)a-nt-(-tu'.
17-19. These lines have two difficu
9. With some doubt I have trie
by Dr. A. L. Oppenheim that
writing of the not uncommo
indefinite pronoun in the sen
usage as expressing indefinite p
more difficult. A further objec
occurs twice in its usual form
of Dr. H. F. Saggs, to take -i-m
verbs which they follow-this
cannot suitably be discussed h
nected in transliteration, and t
In line 18 there is a difference
B e-zi-iz-zu followed by anothe
L. W. King, Babylonian Magic
e-zis(var. zi)-su a-bu-bu. The f
probably intended for MURUB.
which it bears in religious text
21, 22. The only evidence of famin
year-see the references and par
in Iraq, XVII, p. 72.
30, 31. There is a little uncertainty
both are possible, but the latte
col. I, 44, su-lum-mu-z u .tu-ub-
appointment of a bodyguard fo
which is commonly expressed a
Glossar zu den neubabylonisch
Dr. Saggs). As used here paqdd
received in recent discussions,
the authors in Anatolian Studie
the ordinary sense of " appoi
Herodotus (I, 59) are especially
being deceived by a feigned
having picked them from amon
spearmen of Peisistratus, bu
bearing wooden clubs." The 7
the " tyrants " in Greece, and
Asia Minor as its origin" " Gy
of the Greek Tyrants " (Cambrid
bodyguard was, as it were, th
that Solon declared himself read
against the grant of these henc
of Athens, ch. XIV), and they a
the traitorous accomplice Aegisthus, now erected into a tyrant, in the
stirring scene which closes the Agamemnon of Aeschylus. It is strange indeed
to find Nabonidus among that company: and these bodyguards were
only his human protection, for if his Mother's prayers could avail (H I,
B, col. II, 37-9) his god had also appointed (paqddu) a favouring spirit
(lamassi dumqi) to go on either side of him (ittilu).
31-7. A passage of interest for the calendar. The separate peculiarities noted her
are :
(a) Harvest about a month earlier than usual (Nisan inst

Siwan).
(b) Second harvest in Tisri (7th month).
(c) This engendered by rains in five months of the year (Siwan to Tisri)
which were normally rainless, expressed by the phrase ina dannatu ummatu.
These details should be compared with the general discussion by B. Lands-
berger in JNES. VIII, 248 ff.; and note the parallel phraseology in
B.M. 90837, lines 2, 3. The year or years when these abnormal blessings
prevailed is by no means clear from this rather confused account: the
king was absent from Babylon for io years (lines 26, 27), but his subjects
repented and returned to their allegiance (line 31), and in that year
(presumably the tenth-of his reign, or at least of his absence) they
enjoyed harvest in both the first and in the seventh month (31, 32), and
yet "in all these years without ceasing" (35) there were rains (37) in all
the dry months of the year, and the inhabitants brought in their produce
before the king (38). If so, he must have been in Arabia; but then the
recipients of this divine favour cannot have been the still-contumacious
people of Akkad, who are yet named in line 32. For rain as a reward of
piety cf. VAB. IV, I76, lines 20 f. (now ANET. p. 307).
41, 42. pardku as the action of the goddess to restrain the enemies is taken as the
interposition of her hands across their path, the sense given by recent
discussions being " to lay across " (often of furrows in a field), and thus
" to bar off" by obstacles. This sense can be extended to pirik and
pariktu applied to inaccessible tracts in col. II, 9, I 0.
Col. II.
4. Pu la ippattu u . . . la uktattamu, cf. the passage of ludlul bil nimeqi discussed in
Anatolian Studies, IV, 95, but the reference to speaking is plain here, and
since the other line is explained by the ancient commentator as meaning
"day and night" the god Samas is probably involved there as well as
here, in his dual capacities as god of the day and of righteousness.
I2. On iml. mu see references in R. Borger, Asarhaddon, p. 15, and for the phraseo-
logy compare both col. III, 4, and Ezechiel VII, 7 and I2.
13-15. One part of the astrological allusion is explained by the hemerology of this
date (Tairitu I7th) in V R, 48-9, col. vii, x9, (d)EN.ZU NA i-man-gar,
" the Moon-god will favour a man," cf. R. Labat, Hdmirologies d'Assur,
p. I I9, n., and the same author's edition of the Kassite version in Sumer,
VIII, 23, 31 (rev. col. VII, i7), where the reading is IDIM. SE, trans-
lated " un personnage important sera favorable ", but the reference there
also is perhaps to the Moon-god. What is intended by pilir-Ju is not
altogether clear-according to a recent critical examination (A. L. Oppen-
heim, The Interpretation of Dreams in the Ancient Near East, 220) a generally
acceptable equivalent would be " solution ", but here must be meant
some interpretable sign correspo

the Assyrian reports and lette
this by " revelation ". In the fol
as the KU of Anu on the first of
is a potent weapon; thus it see
though it were in full GIS.K
(Deimel, Sumer. Lex. 536, 85) a
For references to mit.tu see now
16-18. Note the three different term
functions of the three supreme g
25. If the suggested translation is
second person from the third,
and then is dropped again, cf. al
rather incoherent style of this
begun and to launch into a pae
p. 91. . d la ka-a-4i, see O. E. R
Accadian, pp. 101 f., also MSL. IV, 53, me-en-z6-en-na-an-na:
sa la [ku-nu-ti), and a number of recent references in Orientalia 1958,
p. 149, 14. The whole passage translated there (p. 144 f.) from the Irra-
myth has a strong similarity with the praises of the Moon-god here.
26-32. This rendering was suggested by Professor A. L. Oppenheim, who perceived
that the key-word is dblu (to be taken as pret. of (w)abdlu) ; the best
parallel is perhaps Gilgamesh XI (ed. Thompson), line 14, d-kan a-bu-bi
ub-la lib-ba-su-nu.
36. a-b/pal so clearly in B, and app. the end of-[ba]l in A. Taken as shortened from
ana ball, so as to fit the sense, but that combination is not otherwise
known to me : contrast ina ba-li, col. 1.40, II.3.
Col. III.
I ff. Here the narrative is found again, having been resumed in the lacuna, after
the long digression in praise of the Moon-god, from col. II, 13, onwards.
The return from Taima must be understood as beginning on the I7th of
Tairitu, but here the king is still engaged in divination to choose the
right day for it, with results at first ambiguous.
2. um-mid-ma very uncertain in A, better in B, but not to be much relied upon.
If correct it must be used in the sense of qatd ummudu, " to put (one's)
hands (to a task)."
3. pardat, of dreams, recently translated " confused " (Oppenheim, op. cit. p. 229)
see also A. Goetze in JAOS. 1939, p.- 15, where applied to omens from
the entrails but in a context which includes dreams ; also C. J. Mullo-
Weir, Lexicon of Accadian Hymns and Prayers, p. 259. In any case, dreams
giving no encouragement.
7-1o. Compare with this the words of Idrimi at a similar juncture: S. Smith,
The Statue of Idri-mi, p. I4, line 24.
12. ippardu describes the gods coming out of their temples and appearing to men
when they took their flight. For a similar appearance (ittapardu) of
goddesses at Erech in a time of disaster see Th. Bauer, Das Inschriftenwerk
Assurbanipals, II, p. 73, A, line 2, also line 4.
17. mati-ia, which land is meant here ? He had already returned to Babylon (line 6
above), so that Harran is perhaps indicated, whither he now went to
realise his desire of restoring the god's habitation.
18. In the parallel passage (Langdon, op. cit. Nabon. I, col. I, 38) we ha
u-1at-ba-am-ma.
33, 34. The text of this difficult passage is either illegible (A) or defective origin
(B). Its purport is to say " from the time that I put on (edjqu IV) m
armour until I put it off", but this latter half of the phrase is omitte
by B. If . . . ha . . . is correctly read in line 34 (A) it suggests th
presence of sahdtu, "to put off (attire)," for which there is Gilgamesh I,
iii, 43, and a recent possible example in Gurney and Finkelstein, Th
Sultantepe Tablets; no. 38, obv. col. I, 12, 14 (Anatolian Studies VI, pp. 150 f
but also VII, p. 135), and other recent occurrences in Orientalia, 1956
p. I46, and I958, p. 143, line 8. Read perhaps [a-sa-(or aJ)]-ha-[at].
34, 35. For the Aramaic form of la-pdn-ia and construction with ana see W. v
Soden, Grundziige d. akkad. Grammatik, ? I I4e. The whole turn of expressio
here is familiar from several O.T. passages, e.g. Daniel X, 12, ndthatt
eth-libbkhad l'hdbhtn, also Jeremiah XXX, 21, "'. . . pledged (Z"JV) h
heart to approach," and other phrases with gim.
37. Cf. Psalm II, 7," Yahweh said to me [the king]' thou art my son' ", and perhap
Creation I, IOI.
CHRONOLOGY AND HiSTORY
(i) The Last Kings of Assyria

The inscription H i (of the royal Mother) gives, in its present more
complete form (B),1 no less than three arithmetical summaries covering
the end of Assyrian rule and almost the whole of the Chaldaean dynasty
in Babylonia:
Col. I, 29-35.
The narrator was born in the 20th year of Assurbanipal.
She survived the 42nd year of Assurbanipal,
vv
3rd
21St ,, ,, Nabopolassar,
43rd ,, ,, Nebuchadrezzar
2nd ,, ,, Evil-Merodach,
4th ,, ,, Neriglissar.
A total of 95 years.
Col. II, 26-8.
She lived from the time 2 of AMurbanipal to the 9th year of
Nabonidus her son, o104 years.
Col. II, 40-3.
She served the kings of Babylon during
21 years of Nabopolassar,
43 ,, ,, Nebuchadrezzar,
4 ,, ,, Neriglissar.
A total of 68 years, before her son's accession.
1 The first two of these summaries were already present in A, but the former wa
defective, and most of the figures missing.
2 Lit. " from before ", i.e. she came into the world during the lifetime of AMurbanipal.
The last of these merely repeats figures

omitting Evil-Merodach, from whose cour
herself, no doubt for the reasons, whateve
king an evil repute in the official tradition
in Nabonidus,1 and also by a statement in
he ruled " lawlessly and wantonly ". The brief interlude of Labasi-
Marduk is nowhere noticed.2
From the second summary one factor is omitted, the year of her
birth, one added, her death in the 9th year of her son's reign, and a total
for the whole term of her life is supplied, by 'adding the nine years of
her son 3 to the 95 of the first summary.
Restoration of the complete figures in the first summary is one of the
principal services of the new inscription, for the lengths of all but two
reigns were missing from the earlier-found copy. Most valuable in it is
the first statement which has ever been available for the full extent of
Assurbanipal's reign, 42 years ; this compares with the latest date hith
obtained, from a contract of his 38th year.1 Since we may not ven
doubt this explicit statement of a contemporary, making a caref
calculated reckoning,5 we now have to recognise that the reig
Asurbanipal lasted until the year 627-626. After this there w
according to the inscription, three years " of Assur-etillu-ili, his son,
the first year of Nabopolassar. But it is now fixed by a chronicle
Nabopolassar ascended the throne of Babylon in November 626, s
his " first year " began in March 625. Taking the earliest possible
Assurbanipal's death cannot have occurred before April 627. From
to the accession of Nabopolassar (November 626) is 18 months,
beginning of his first year (March 625) something less than 24 m
and of course the actual interval, depending upon the time of yea
Assurbanipal died, may have been still less. How the - three year
AVsur-etillu-ili are to be fitted into this space is a problem indeed.
A similar difficulty is encountered if the figures of this new inscr
1 S. Langdon, VAB. IV, Nabon. no. 8, col. IV, 37 ff.; cf. ANET. p. 309.
2 Reason enough ; for according to the same authority Nabonidus himself was a
the " friends " by whom that hapless youth " was clubbed to death ".
3 This statement, occurring in the " ist. person" part of the inscription,
conceivable as made by the deceased herself, but has been intruded by the author o
concluding (" 3rd person ") part.
4 Quoted in D. J. Wiseman, Chronicles of Chaldaean Kings, p. 92, see n. 2.
5 Somewhat in the manner which Herodotus (II, 143) attributes to Hecatae
6 This is, in fact, where it used to be given, on the supposition that Allur
was identical with Kandalanu. The " 42jahrige Regierung " attributed in A. S
und A. Moortgat, Agypten und Vorderasien im Altertum, p. 425, evidently depends u
same assumption.
7Clearly, this does not indicate the whole reign of Aiiur-etillu-ili, for there is a
contract dated in the latter part of his 4th year (Wiseman, loc. cit. gives the reference).
The royal Mother, however, rigidly confines herself to those whom she regarded as
legitimate kings of Babylon. After the accession of the family to which she adhered all
other pretenders are ignored.
8 Wiseman, op. cit. p. 50, lines 14, 15, cf. pp. 7, 93.
are compared with the Ptolemaic Canon.1 There, as is well known, the
reign of A9urbanipal is not mentioned, for it is represented, in the
Babylonian succession, by the subordinate kings Saosduchinos (20 years)
and Kineladanos (22 years). The first of these was the successor of
Asaradinos (Esarhaddon), who died in 669; 2 the "first year" of
Samas-4um-ukin was 667, and he himself died at the capture of Babylon
by his brother in 648. Kandalanu in turn died in 626, after a reign of
22 years, that is, in all probability, one year after Agurbanipal, for
although the aggregate of Saosduchinos (2o) and of Kineladanos (22)
now equals the attested reign of Asurbanipal (42) it is to be noticed that
the Assyrian king's years began to be counted one year before those of
his "Babylonian" brother.3 Thus, the same situation is reached:
AVurbanipal died (at the very earliest) in April 627, Kandalanu in 626
and very soon afterwards (November 626) Nabopolassar succeeded.
Between the death of the first and the accession of the last probably not
more than one year, in no case more than I8 months, can be reckoned,
and not so much as two years even if the interval be extended to the
beginning of Nabopolassar's " first year ". The required " three years "
of Asur-etillu-ili seem, therefore, to posit about two years more than our
evidence makes available.
Yet again the discrepancy appears in the account given by the Mother
herself: she was born in the 20th year of Asurbanipal, and she died,
aged 104, in the 9th year of her son's reign, i.e. in 547. Reckoning back
from this, she should have been born in 547 + 104=651. But the 20th
year of Asurbanipal began in 649.
This difficulty is much increased when the reign of Sin-sar-iskun is
also taken into consideration, for there has appeared to be sufficient
indication that he too was king of Assyria before the accession of Nabo-
polassar. The evidence is as follows:
(I) In a chronicle * of the year 626, two months before the accession
of Nabopolassar, Sin-var-i'kun was in command of an
Assyrian army.
(2) A contract from Babylon itself s is dated in his accession-year.
(3) According to Berossus,6 it was " Sarakos " (Sin-sar-ilkun) himself
who sent " Bupalossoros " (Nabopolassar) to command his
army in Babylonia, after which the latter revolted and
marched against Nineveh.
Nothing is known about the relations of Avur-etillu-ili and of Sin-
Mar-ilkun, both of whom were successors of AlAurbanipal, one, probably
both, being his son. The former is shown by contracts to have ruled for
1 F. K. Ginzel, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, I, p. 139.

SW. H. Dubberstein in JNES. III (1944), P. 38.
3W. H. Dubberstein, loc. cit.
4 D. J. Wiseman, Chronicles, pp. 50 ff., cf. pp. 43, 90.
- Quoted by A. Goetze, in JNES. III, 44, with n. 15.
6 P. Schnabel, Berossos, p. 271.
at least four, the latter for at least seven, ye

disappeared at the fall of Nineveh in 612
of the reigns may have overlapped.2 However this may be, the new
evidence from Harran makes it extremely difficult to insert any part of
the reign of Sin-'ar-ivkun in the very brief interval between Asurbanipal
and Nabopolassar, where not even enough space is left for the posited
" three years " of Assur-etillu-ili. The suggestion made recently,3 for which
there seemed good reasons, that Sin-var-ivkun came to the throne of Assyria
in 629 must now, it appears, be discarded ; and yet to suppose (as would
otherwise be most natural) that his reign fell wholly within the first
14 years of Nabopolassar is put in very serious difficulty by the three
pieces of evidence quoted above.
In the present state of our knowledge 4 it is hardly worth while
elaborating conjectures to account for these seeming discrepancies
(a) that the Harran inscription appears to require about two years
more between the death of Asurbanipal and the accession
of Nabopolassar than our evidence, including the Ptolemaic
Canon, puts at our disposal;
(b) that the reign of Sin-'ar-ivkun, which otherwise should have begun
before that of Nabopolassar, is now seemingly excluded from
the brief interval then occurring.
(2) Events at Harran

At the beginning of his reign Assurbanipal had restored the temple of
the Moon-god in Harran 5 after a long period of decay and had appointed
one of his brothers urigallu priest there, as a mark of his signal favour
this action was remembered and celebrated with due gratitude by the
devout Nabonidus.6 But the new dispensation was short-lived, and came
to a tragic end in October 61o with a disaster of which we now have the
following accounts:
(a) Nabonidus, Harran i, B, col. I, 6-9, " in the i6th year of Nabo-
polassar, king of Babylon, Sin, king of the gods, was angry with his city
1 See M. San Nicol6, Babylonische Rechtsurkunden ... 8. und. . . 7. jahrhunderts v. Chr.,

p. 129 (at Erech).
2 It is possible, of course, that Assurbanipal, having two sons, purported before his
death to appoint them kings of Assyria and of Babylon respectively, following the
precedent of his own accession. But there is absolutely no evidence of this, and nothing
to show that they ever acted in these separate characters. In their scanty inscriptions
both use the title " king of Assyria " ; cf. also the " Nabopolassar Chronicle ", line 44.
3 D. J. Wiseman, op. cit. pp. 5 f., 91 f., also W. von Soden in a review of that work,
WZKM. 53 (1957), P. 319.
4 There is no little irony in this situation-what more should a chronologist desire
than a plain statement from an exceptionally long-lived contemporary, making a careful
count of years ?
5 D. D. Luckenbill, Ancient Records, II, ?? 914, 983; T. Bauer, Das Inschriftenwerk
Assurbanipals, II, pp. 33 ff. It is mentioned also in the great slab from the Ninlil temple
at Nineveh, R. C. Thompson in LAAA. XX, p. 83, lines 6o ff., one of the last inscriptions
of the reign.
6 VAB. IV, p. 220, lines 47 ff. ; P- 224, lines 43 ff. (Nabonid no. I).
and his house and went up to heaven, the city and people who were i
it went to ruin."
(b) Nabonidus, cylinder from Sippar,1 col. I, 8 ff. " E-Iul-hul the
house of Sin which is in Harran... against that city and house his heart
was angry, and he caused the Umman-manda to come up, and he
destroyed that house and let it go into ruin."
(c) Nabonidus, stele from Babylon,2 col. X, 12 ff. " (at) Harran
which was in ruins for 54 years, through devastation of the Umman-
mandu the sanctuaries were laid waste."
(d) Nabopolassar Chronicle,3 lines 59-64 (Nabopolassar, year 16
"in the month of Marcheswan the Umman-manda came to the help of
the king of Akkad, and they united their armies and to the city of Harran
after Assur-uballit, who had sat upon the throne of Assyria, they marched
Avur-uballit and the army of Egypt which had come to his help, fear o
the enemy fell upon them ; they abandoned the city and . . . crossed th
Euphrates. The king of Akkad reached Harran... the city was captured
they carried off much spoil from the city and temple."
(e) A more general account is also given by an earlier passage of the
Nabonidus stele from Babylon, (c) above, col. II, 14 ff., " the king of th
Umman-manda without remorse demolished the sanctuaries of all the go
of Subartu (i.e. Assyria)." The following lines allude to the despair
the Babylonian king at his powerlessness to prevent these sacrileges.
The new version of the Mother's inscription (Nabon. Harran, i, B)
contributes to the history of this disaster a chronological note and a bri
reference. The former (16th year of Nabopolassar) agrees with the othe
items set out above, especially with the chronological note in (c), whic
we now see to be counted from the beginning of her son's reign: Nabo
polassar, 2I minus 16 =5 years, Nebuchadrezzar 43, Evil-Merodach 2
Neriglissar 4, the sum of these being 54-
As to the disaster itself, we are rather fully informed of its occasio
and result by the chronicle. Without this we should have been limited
the knowledge that it was inflicted by the Umman-manda, who, in thi
case at least, were certainly the Medes, whatever forces may have bee
covered by that name at the fall of Nineveh 4 in 612. The Mother
inscription is, on the contrary, as concerns this disaster, brief and vagu
to a degree, and by itself would intimate nothing but the occurrence o
some religious crisis. Her interests are, indeed, represented throughout
1 ibid. pp. 218 ff.

2 ibid. pp. 284 ff., recently translated in ANET. p. 311.
3 D. J. Wiseman, Chronicles concerning Chaldaean Kings, pp. 6o ff., cf. p. 45.
4 This still-dubious question has been discussed recently by D. J. Wiseman, op. ci
pp. 16, 81. A coincidence which has perhaps not been remarked is that another decisi
contest, involving at least some of the same antagonists, occurred at exactly the sam
place at very nearly the same time after the Christian era began, when Heraclius defeated
the general of Chosroes II on 12th December, 627, in a great battle fought over the ruins
of Nineveh itself (Gibbon, chapter XLVI). In view of the controversies in the middle
of the 19th century it is also of interest to observe that Gibbon, writing about 1785, was
in no doubt as to the site of Nineveh, and even twits Niebuhr for having " passed ov
Nineveh without perceiving it ".
almost exclusively religious 1 (with the par

brilliant fortune), but the suppression of all
less due to considerations which applied l
need to avoid giving offence to the Mede
the place.2
A question which the new inscription of Nabonidus himself (H. 2)
leaves in doubt is, when was E-Lul-hul actually restored ? The admonitory
dream appeared in the king's accession-year (VAB. IV, 218, line 16, and
the same is implied by H 2, col. I, i I, though without specific note of
time). In the Harran inscription the king is enjoined to undertake the
work " quickly ", but this is immediately followed by the mutiny of the
Babylonians, which seemed to frustrate his plan. Again, in reckoning the
desolation of Harran to have lasted for 54 years (see above) both mother
and son date its restoration at the beginning of Nabonidus' reign. There-
after he withdrew to Taima for io years, and according to H. 2, col. III,
the work of rebuilding the temple and restoring the gods was not under-
taken (or at least completed) until after his return to Babylon. Even
according to the Sippar cylinder already quoted (VAB. IV, 220) work at
Harran was possible only after the king's third year, when the Median
hold upon Harran was broken by the victory of Cyrus. Yet another indica-
tion is found in the Mother's inscription ; she died in the king's ninth
year, but in col. II, 12 ff., she describes as fulfilled within her own
knowledge (" I saw it myself") the rebuilding of E-hul-bul and Harran,
and the re-introduction of its gods and its cult. Finally, the Nabonidus-
Cyrus chronicle makes the defeat of Astyages by Cyrus to happen in the
6th year of Nabonidus, and shows that he was engaged in expeditions to
1 Although the reference to her own, and her son's, long service at the court of the
Chaldaean kings insinuates clearly enough the powerful influence which she certainly
exercised there.
2 There seems no need to suppose, as some have done, that Harran was effectively
occupied by the Babylonians in 61o, and that the situation in 556, when it was certainly
controlled by the Medes, had been caused by some subsequent rupture, presumed to have
occurred under Neriglissar. There is no evidence for this, and it is implied by the
language of Nabonidus himself (extract (e) above) that the Babylonian king had not at
the beginning (nor is he likely to have acquired afterwards) more than a subordinate
control of affairs at Harran.
With this discretion, of adapting the account to the readers, may be compared the
respective descriptions of the famous dream in which the command was given to restore
the cult of Harran. In the version known hitherto (VAB. IV, 218 f., of which there is
a recent new translation by A. L. Oppenheim, Interpretation of Dreams in the Ancient Near
East, p. 250, cf. p. 203) there is not only the prophecy of the defeat of Astyages and the
Medes (which of course had to be omitted at Harran) but there is an opposite addition
for the benefit of another audience, the Babylonians. This comprises (i) the introduction
of Marduk as the principal figure (called " Enlil of the gods ") and as the sole speaker,
reducing the Moon-god to a mere spectator, and (2) the injunction to bring the bricks
in the royal chariot, evidently from Babylon, with the notion of authenticity thence
derived. All of this is in stark contrast with the brief, direct and independent command
of the Moon-god related in H. 2, col. I, 12-14. The artful elaboration of this incident
to the taste of Babylonian readers is as deliberate as it is disingenuous (they had not
been rightly informed, it seems, as H.2 is at pains to explain at its outset). I am not
sure whether political reporting of this kind remains within " the stylistic requirements
evolved in this specific type of literature ".
Syria early in his reign, apparently in his second and third years. Som
time between these and his sixth year the retreat to Taima had alread
taken place, in his seventh he was installed there, and so continued throug
his 9th, i oth and I ith years, when the record is interrupted. Owing
the chronological vagueness of the Harran inscriptions and the loss of
relevant passages in the chronicle it is not possible to define when th
exile of Nabonidus began and consequently its end also (after io years)
uncertain. For the restoration of E-hul-hul evidently all the statements
the original sources are not fully reconcilable, but this does not mean ther
was deliberate misleading ; it is only that exact times are not state
There must have been some work done at Harran immediately after t
king's accession, to justify the appearance of the dream then, and to ma
possible dating from that moment the end (after 54 years) of the desolatio
of the city. Perhaps no serious operations were possible until after th
Median defeat, whether this was in the third or in the sixth year, as
divergently reported. At some time within this period must have occurred
the Babylonian revolt, certainly before the sixth year, when the king w
already in exile at Taima. Despite this, the work at Harran proceed
sufficiently for it to be said that before the Mother died (9th year) sh
could witness the restoration of the gods to Harran ; 1 and the proce
was completed after the king's return from his ten-year exile, some ti
after his i i th year, when the Babylonians also were prepared to co-operat
The resulting picture is not other than we should expect ; the restorati
of the temple and the city was a work de longue haleine, which, begun
quickly as possible after Nabonidus thought himself in a position to realise
his own and his Mother's dearest wishes, was variously hindered, first
Median opposition, then by the Babylonian revolt, was pursued witho
Babylonian aid during the years spent at Taima, and was pressed to it
conclusion in the brief interval between the king's return and the w
with Cyrus. How the gods of Harran were affected by the last has
concentration in Babylon and by the subsequent dispersal at the orders
Cyrus we do not hear.
(3) External Relations
The restoration of Harran is not in general viewed by either of the H.
inscriptions as anything more than a matter between the Moon-god, t
king, his Mother, and. his subjects. But elsewhere is the well-know
" dream " revealing that its accomplishment was at any rate great
hindered by the Median occupation,2 and that the work could not
1 Yet how could this be, when the king was still refusing to enter Babylon, whe
the gods of Harran were in temporary residence (in Guanna) ?
2 Their opposition was probably motivated by dislike of seeing re-created what they
had themselves destroyed, and especially by the fear of a new Assyrian power gathering
in the place where it had made its last stand. For the importance of Harran during
last years of the Assyrian monarchy see the observations of R. C. Thompson in Liverpool
Annals, XX, I 12. The elaborate works there of Ailurbanipal at the outset of his rei
might seem to attest his appreciation of the dangers then already menacing the old
Assyrian homeland.
effectually taken in hand until the Median

nevertheless, two passages in the king's ins
foreign powers and relate them indirectly
first is col. I, 38-col. II, 2 (end of col. I b
IJtar also, lady of battle, without whom ho
the land, and a weapon is not forged, her h
and the king of the land(?) of Egypt, the city
Arabs, and all the kings (who were) hostile sen
peace and good relations ". This is followed
damage, but describing how certain Arabs, in
a plundering raid but were defeated, wher
mission. The second passage is in very gene
the king's return to Babylon), " the kings
kissed my feet, and those far away heard o
head."
Whatever information is conveyed by the first and more import
of these allusions is made partly ineffectual by its tantalising vaguen
for no names are given to kings or representatives of the powers concern
nothing is said of previous relations (except that they were " hostile
and, especially, there is no note of the time when these reconciliatio
were made.
The only unequivocal figure among these rulers is the king of Egyp
he must be Amasis II (569-525 B.c.) who, whether or not he owed h
elevation to Nebuchadrezzar, certainly lost no time in falling out wit
him (if the name of Amasu is rightly restored in the unique historic
fragment 1 relating to the 37th year (568-7) of Nebuchadrezzar). Sinc
nothing else is known of this obscure period we can only assume that t
long-standing enmity between Egypt and the Babylonian kings was brough
to an end by this accord in the reign of Nabonidus. If that seems surprisin
in view of the latter's incursion and settlement upon the trade rou
through the northern Hijaz, which Egypt must have viewed with
jealousy,2 the explanation probably lies in a necessity being felt to uni
against a common danger which already threatened.
That danger is represented by the next name among the peace
makers, " the city of the Medes," which must be Ecbatana. But th
oddly impersonal 3 description might seem designed to cover an unsett
political situation, and this, in its turn, may be indicative of the time whe
peace was made. We are not informed what had been the course
relations between Medes and Babylonians since 6lo, but there was
evidently a mutual incompatibility,4 if no more, and the Median occupa-
1 Re-published recently by D. J. Wiseman, Chronicles of Chaldaean Kings, pls. XX,

XXI, see p. 94.
2 S. Smith, Isaiah, Ch. XL-LV, pp. 38 ff., 140; R. P. Dougherty, Nabonidus and
Belshazzar, pp. 152 ff.; B. Segall, American Journal of Archaeology, 59 (1955), PP. 315 ff.
3 Almost ominal: e.g. CT. XX, pl. vii, 9, " thy enemy will send (overtures of)
peace to thee." To extend the idea of" king " over the two following descriptions would
be contrary to Babylonian usage.
4 See above, p. 74, n. 2.
tion of Harran was, we know, a positive bar to its restoration by t

Babylonians. The end of this condition and the conclusion of an accor
with Babylon was a natural consequence of the overthrow of Astyages a
the Median kingdom, and the date of this accord may be immediately
after the victory of Cyrus, who had perhaps not secured or assumed h
official titles,1 and was for the nonce viewed only as the new master
Ecbatana. If then the peace between " the city of the Medes " an
Nabonidus was made by Cyrus soon after his victory, this would have
been either in the third year (553-2) of Nabonidus or in his sixth (55
49)-for, as is well known, these alternative dates are given by the Sipp
cylinder and by the Chronicle.2 If in the latter (6th) year, Naboni
was already installed in his Arabian realm, and this is consonant w
H.2, which begins to describe his return to Babylon (col. II, I I-13) aft
the conclusion of peace (col. I, 42-5) with external enemies. We m
consider it probable, then, that peace was made with the Iranian pow
in or about the year 548, and in the residence of Taima. Proximity an
common interests are enough to suggest' that the peace with Egypt w
also made in the Arabian oasis, the foreign ambassadors being suitabl
received there in the " palace " which perhaps remains for the spade
a future investigator to discover.
That the peace with the Arabs was also made at Taima is almos
self-evident. The questions are, with whom was it made, and who wer
the people who subsequently attempted to break it ? The last is, no dou
insoluble ; whatever authority it was who purported to make peace w
the invader, he could not answer for all the disunited and unruly tribe
As to the ruler himself, he was certainly a figure of the kind which begin
to be named in the Assyrian annals from the 9th century onward as ki
(or not infrequently queens) of the Aribi. The story of these begins
take on a more personal colour with Sennacherib's campaign again
Ijaza-il, his captivity and his subsequent release by Esarhaddon, togeth
with the priestess Te'elhunu 4 and her associate Tabua, who were urgen
required by HIaza-il to perform the rites of his goddess. What Asurban
himself did in this affair no longer remains in the record, but his ann
have much to tell of subsequent relations with the two next members
the " dynasty ", the son Uate' and his supplanter Abiate', who, despit
his temporary espousal of the cause of Samas-sum-ukin, was taken ba
into favour by Assurbanipal, and given the kingdom "of the Arib
which had been held by Uaza-il and Uate'. But another Uate', uncle
the former, is said to have ruled over the people of Qedar (qa(i)-id-ri
and after the ignominious submission of Uate', son of IHaza-il, there ar
1 On the titles of Cyrus see G. B. Gray in Cambridge Ancient History, IV, 8.

2 See, however, a different interpretation by S. Smith, op. cit. pp. 33, 128.
3 Their rivalries are clearly displayed in Al'urbanipal's account of his dealings w
them, and are reflected in the " haters of peace " whom the Psalmist (120, 5 f.) deprecat
as typical inhabitants of the " tents of Qedar ".
4 She is called kumirtu, " priestess " and also apkallatu, " wise-woman " (for the latte
see R. Borger in Orientalia, 1957, pp. 8 ff.).
in his place a certain Ammuladi, who is cal

of the Assyrians. In Biblical references belong
is associated with Tema and Dedan (Isaiah
and other Arabian lands (Ezekiel XXVII, 20
28 ff., preserves the only testimony that
chadrezzar over Qedar. Somewhat after t
opinion which now seems to be confirmed, be
found near al-'Ul, site of the ancient Dedan
compiled a list of rulers over that place.1
Jsm, son of Shr, who has been very proba
the Arabian ", a persistent and powerful op
undertook to rebuild the wall of Jerusalem
seems to have been wide, for his name, or
" Qainfi son of Ge'em," has recently been
bowl 2 which had been dedicated to an Ara
there is reason to believe, comes from the
Tell el-Maskhfita in Lower Egypt. It appear
time of Nehemiah (about 440) there was
authority, of course, in trust from the Per
extended at least from Dedan as far as the eas
he was, then, who made peace with Nabonid
the Aribi ", he may be viewed as, in some s
whether more or less powerful, whether or
Qedar ", but living about a hundred years
placed before Ga'mu, for epigraphical reaso
whose name he vocalises as Mati'-'il, son of Kabar'il, "between c. 6oo
and 450 B.C." There is, of course, no special reason to suggest this ruler
as the opponent of Nabonidus-he is merely one who may be viewed as
belonging to about the time in question. We are brought still closer to
the event by a very recently published 4 Thamudic inscription which,
without naming its author, relates that he had taken for himself the
" spear of the king of Babel ", while another says that he had participated
in the " war of Dedan ". This is a sign that the invasion of Nabonidus
(for to this it surely refers) made a vivid impression upon the native
inhabitants, already literate enough to record their recollections of so
stirring an episode.
1 W. F. Albright, Dedan, p. 6 (in Geschichte und Altes Testament, Festschrift fir Albrecht
Alt, 1953) ; see also A. van den Branden in Bibliotheca Orientalis, XIV (1957), 13 if.
2 For this see a recent article by I. Rabinowitz in JNES. XV (1956), pp. i ff.
(inscription C). In that place will also be found a large number of references which it
would be superfluous to repeat here ; in view of this the present account has been made
quite summary.
3 W. F. Albright, loc. cit. p. 6.
4 By A. van den Branden in Textes Thamoudlens de Philby, vol. II, pp. 54 ff., and
p. xiv, also his article entitled L'Uniti de l'Alphabet Thamoudden in R. Brunschvig and
J. Schacht, Studia Islamica, fasc. vii, pp. 12 f. I owe knowledge of these to the kindness
of Pare van den Branden himself, who also sent me a copy of the latter publication.
THE KINGDOM OF NABONIDUS IN ARABIA
A sojourn of Nabonidus in a town called Tema 1 was first revealed by

the " Nabonidus-Cyrus Chronicle " which was published by T. G. Pinches
in 1882.2 This begins its record of the king's 7th, 9th, Ioth and I Ith years
with the words " the king (was) in the town of Tema ". Historians and
critics, although alive to the great similarity of the names, were neverthe-
less not bold enough for many years to believe that a king of Babylon
might have travelled to a place so obscure and remote 3 as the oasis of
Taima in N.W. Arabia, and actually passed a great part of his reign there.
At about the same time as this publication a discovery made at Taima
itself, of an inscribed stele with the sculptured figure of a god in Babylonian
dress, suggested that the connexion might not be so improbable, but the
first definite proposal 4 to identify the two names as indicating the same
place was made only a little before the appearance of another cuneiform
text which put the matter beyond doubt: This was a remarkable composi-
tion called since its first editor 5 a " Verse Account of Nabonidus ", a
hostile and perhaps travestied description of that king's personality and
actions, full of a party spirit conceived in circumstances which the inscrip-
tion here published describes with formidable candour. The " Verse
Account " makes much of the expedition to Tema, which it calls a place
"in the midst of the West " and emphasises this by repeating that it
was "a distant journey . . . a journey distant (upon) a road not to be
accomplished from (days) of old ".6 Since the appearance of this
unequivocal statement no writer has doubted that Nabonidus did in fact
spend many years of his reign in residence at this unlikely-seeming spot,
and most subsequent discussion has attempted to fathom the reasons for
such odd behaviour.
The inscription of Nabonidus discovered at Harran in 1956 (H 2),
published herewith, makes very important allusions to this episode, which
will best be set out together:
(I) Col. I, 14-27. (The king, prompted by a dream, ordered his
people to proceed with the rebuilding of the Moon-god's
temple at Harran. But they refused ; internal strife, accom-
panied by pestilence and famine, prevailed in the cities of
1 The name is written in the present inscription H 2, col. I, 24, as (dl)te-ma-a (in A),
(al)te-ma-'a (in B) ; col. III, 5, (dl)te-ma-a (in both). Elsewhere in the texts connected
with Nabonidus it appears indifferently as te-ma-a and te-ma (e.g. in the Chronicle, col. II,
5, 10, 19, 23), te-ma-'a in the "Verse Account " (see below). For other mentions, in
contracts (all te-ma-a), see R. P. Dougherty, Nabonidus and Belshazzar, pp. 14, 116, 139.
2Republished most recently by S. Smith, Babylonian Historical Texts, 98 ff.
3 Some 500 miles even in a straight line. For the actual route taken see S. Smith,
Isaiah: Chapters XL-LV, Literary Criticism and History (The Schweich Lectures of the
British Academy, I940), 37 f., I36 f., 139-
4 R. P. Dougherty, op. cit. p. 105, n. 344 for references.
5 S. Smith, Babylonian Historical Texts, 27 ff.
6 This rendering, although it has been altered by subsequent translators, certainly
gives the best sense ; it has been defended by its author in his Isaiah : Chapters XL-L V,
p. 136. The other version has nevertheless been accepted by the contributor of this piece
to J. B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, p. 313.
Babylonia) " (but) I hied myself afar (user
city of Babylon (on) the road to Tema',
HIibra^, Iadiiu, and as far as latribu; ten y
amongst them (and) to my city of Babylo
(2) Col. I, 45-II, 2 (much broken) " people of th

who weapons . .. (broken description of
at the word of the Moon-god, Nergal shatt
and all of them he bowed down at (my fe
(3) Col. II, 9-14. " (The people) accomplish
the seclusion of tracts far distant and roads secluded which
I travelled. (In) ten years arrived the appointed time, the
days were fulfilled which Nannar, king of the gods, had
spoken. On the I7th day of the month Tavritu, the day
when Sin vouchsafes his revelation... "
There follows a long passage of fanatical praise of the Moon-god,
and the return from exile is not taken up until
(4) Col. III, 4-6. " Fulfilled was the year, came the appointed time
.. . from the town of Tema' (I returned) . . . Babylon my
seat of lordship (I entered)."
(5) Col. III, 14-17. " In plenty and wealth and abundance my
people in the distant tracts I spread abroad, and in prosperity
I took the road to my own land."
These five references may be shortly examined seriatim
(i) The king's departure was voluntary, or rather he was constrained
by the horror and disgust which he felt at the impiety and lawlessness o
his subjects. But of the first interest in this passage are the names of those
places over which he extended his authority in Arabia:
TEMA', the identity of which with the oasis of Taima is not now in
doubt, has long been known as the king's residence in Arabia, and the
place where he founded a considerable settlement. The " Verse Account "
goes so far as to write " that town he made glorious, he made . . . ; like
the palace of Babylon they made it . . . ". However much of this may
be put down to exaggeration 1 (for the writer was doubtless appealing to
the jealousy of the Babylonians) it may be safely assumed that Nabonidu
did not make this place his principal seat for as long as ten years without
leaving there a material installation adequate to his kingly state and to
the requirements of his worship, that is, some sort of palace and some
sort of temple. Of all this the only presumptive relic at present extant
is the Taima Stele, now in the Musde du Louvre. With the publication
of these pages an added interest and curiosity must attach to the scene of
this long royal exile, and the present writer can only express the earnest
1 As no more than a general testimony to the prestige of Babylon, for a similar

compliment, with as little reason, is lavished upon Sennacherib's settlement at Tarsus by
the excerptors of Berossus : P. Schnabel, Berossos, pp. 269 f.
hope that the government now in control of this fam

moved to permit a thorough scientific exploration of what
and what may be concealed underground at Taima.
DADANU. In one of the two stelae (A) bearing this i
(dl)da-da is written (through scribal omission ?), but th
appears in B. There need be no doubt of this repr
(Dedhcin) of the Old Testament, in which the place
Taima (Tema) several times, and Dedan has long been se
by inscriptions found in that vicinity, with the place nam
70 miles 2 south-west from Taima.
PADAKKU.-With this name we enter less familiar co
to be passing in a general southerly direction from Ta
possible to believe that the name Padakku can be app
but the place called Fadak, a settlement of some impor
of Islam, but little known since, and apparently unvis
in recent times. It was the objective of two raids in the
the Prophet was fighting to establish his local ascenda
death it was one of the possessions claimed unsuccessful
Fatima. Its position has been given 3 as two or three d
northwards from Khaybar. Orthographically it is no d
that Padakku has a doubled consonant at the end, but t
be explained as a common formation of substantives fro
in Akkadian.4
HIBRA.-Mentioned in one of the inscriptions (B) before Padakku, in
the other after it, from which it may be concluded that they were closely
connected. This as well as the general appearance of the name undoubtedly
suggests the well-known oasis of Khaybar, for this place and Fadak were
not only at a comparatively short distance, but also their ties were par-
ticularly close in the days of the Prophet. Both were attacked by his
forces, and it is said that Fadak was involved because its Jewish inhabitants
were giving aid to their co-religionists in Khaybar ; both places were
subdued in the years 6 and 7 of Islam,5 and both were claimed by
Fatima as her inheritance. Khaybar belongs to the ambit of Taima and
Medina-according to Doughty (vol. II, 69) at a point on his journey it
was four days by dromedary to Taima, four and a half to al-'Ula and
" three nights out to Kheybar ", while (ibid. p. 121) " Kheybar is but
1 Further discussion of Dedan and al-'Uld is not necessary in this place, for they
have been the subject of an important book and two valuable articles recently, viz.
W. Caskel, Li4yan und Li4yanisch (K61n, 1954) ; W. F. Albright, " Dedan," in Geschichte
und Altes Testament (Festschrift A. Alt, I953), pp. I ff.; A. van den Branden, " La
Chronologie de Dedan et de Lihyan," in Bibliotheca Orientalis, XIV (i957), 13 ff.
2 According to A. Musil, Arabia Deserta, p. 519 (from Taima to al-Hijr, 105 km.).
3 F. Wikstenfeld, Das Gebiet von Medina, pp. 70-2 (Abhandl. Konig. Gesells. Wissens.
G6ttingen, XVIII, 1873).
4 W. von Soden, Grundriss der Akkadischen Grammatik, ? 58 (mainly from Sumerian
which, of course, is not in question here).
5 W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p. 218 ; J. M. B. Jones in BSOAS.
XIX (0957), 253 ff.
F
one long thelil journey from

reckons Taima to al-Hijr 105 km
An objection to this proposed ide
diverse vocalisation of IHIibra (o
been pointed out to me a that in
the 7th to the 2nd centuries B.c
found, so that ai appears as i,4
accordance with the local usage,
pronunciation and not merely a g
Hibar is enough like the cuneifor
the difficulty.
If less direct evidence is of any
name of Khaybar has always been
Ydqilt writes 6 that it belonged t
it signified " castle " ; but if th
Hebrew or Aramaic, which have
A tradition 8 which now seems to have some share of truth ascribes the
name of Khaybar to a certain Jewish settler IHeber, said to have bee
the grandson of the brother of a man Amariah, who is mentioned (wit
the same genealogy) in the Book of Nehemiah, ch. XI, 4. This immigran
is described as having taken up his dwelling with his family in Khayba
at the time of Nebuchadrezzar's conquest of Jerusalem.9 Although the
personage may be imaginary and although the name of the place is
evidently much older than the generation of Nebuchadrezzar, connexion
with the Chaldaean kings of Babylon and the allusion to Jewish settlemen
1 But F. Wiistenfeld, in another monograph, Die von Medina auslaufenden Hauptstrassen

(published in the same Abhandlungen XI, 1862), p. 15, makes it 3 days.
2 A. Musil, Arabia Deserta, p. 519.
3 By Professor W. F. Albright, who also kindly referred to W. Caskel, op. cit. p. 6o,
and to A. van den Branden, Les Inscriptions Thamoudiennes, p. 33.
4 Analogous contractions are found in bt for bayt, and hl for hayl, and trqh for
tarqaiha, cited by the above-named authorities.
5 Caskel, however, writes that they have " selbstverstandlich nichts mit der Aus-
sprache zu tun ". Yet how lightly such difference could be taken by Arabic tradition
is shown by the explanation of the name Khaybar as derived from the Hebrew nam
Heber ; see above.
6 Dr. D. S. Rice gives this reference as vol. II (ed. F. Wilstenfeld), p. 503, which
he translates as follows : " the term means ' fort' in the language of the Jews. As thi
region numbers [several of] these forts it has been named Khayabir ".
I Their dialect is generally described by H. Lammens, L'Arabie occidentale avant
l'higire, p. 8i.
8 See R. P. A. Dozy, Die Israeliten zu Mekka von Davids Zeit, etc., pp. 136 ff., also id
Suppliment aux Dictionnaires Arabes, I, p. 415a.
9 Another form of this tradition has been found by Dr. Rice in al-Samhfidi; he gives
the following reference and translation: Kitdb wafd' al-wafi bi-akhbdr ddr al-mustafd, Cairo,
I326 A.H., vol. II, p. 305, " Khaybar is a wildya which includes many forts, fields, palm
trees. In the language of the Jews Khaybar means fort, hence also Khayabir because
its forts are so numerous. Abu l-Qisimni al-Zajaji said : It was named after Khaybar,
brother of Yathrib, sons of Qani'a, son of Mahalil, son of Aram, son of 'Abil. 'Abil wa
the brother of 'Ad and the uncle of Rabda, Zarfid, and Safra. He (Khaybar) was the
first to settle there, etc."
at Khaybar are elements of authenticity in this explanation which can

be disregarded.
In view of what has preceded it may be superfluous to look in th
topography of North Arabia about the region of Taima for some oth
place with a spelling nearer to the Babylonian form Hi(e)bra than
Khaybar. But it will not be amiss to quote a short passage which
Dr. D. S. Rice has translated thus from Hamdani, Sifat jazirat al-'a
(ed. D. H. Miuller, Leiden, 1884, p. 144, line 23), "proceeding to t
.jijaz al-Khabrd'
then and Hadb toal-Qandn...
the right ofand Sarah
this and both
Yansfi'a, Dhu watering-points
'Aj, a watering-pon
Basra road." To this may be added that A. Musil, Northern Hegadz, p.
notes a number of place-names incorporating the word for "a large ra
water pond or habra' ". Yet indeed the context of the other well-loca
places in H 2, as well as the antiquity, importance and celebrity of Khayba
itself, make it most unlikely that any other locality, merely some spot upo
map, can be indicated here in the company of Taima, Dedan and Med
If the identification of Khaybar may be accepted for this earlies
mention, there is one more curious coincidence, namely, that the earl
mention hitherto has occurred in one of the first Arabic inscription
which was found, very singularly, at Harran also. In this bilingual te
of the year A.D. 568, the Arabic version is dated (in true Sumerian sty
as written in the " year after the destruction of Khaybar ".
IADIHU is the most obscure of all the places named in this list, a
must be identified with some reserve. But the following is to be fou
in F. Wuistenfeld, Das Gebiet von Medina, p. I6I, " Von Cheibar liegen
dem Wege dahin [i.e. to Fadak] der Wadi AchthMl, dann die Geg
von Jadi' mit Wasser und Quellen, an denen die Murra wohnen." T
(as again Dr. Rice informs me) is from Ydqfit, vol. IV, p. 1013, " Yad
a district between Fadak and Khaybar. There are waters and springs
the Banfi Fazara and Banfi Muirra. (It is situated) between W
Akhthal and before the Water of Hamaj." Orthographically the na
Iadihu and Yadi' correspond perfectly, for according to New-Babylon
practice Iadilu writes Iadii, and the use of cuneiform h to render 'ay
in names from other Semitic dialects is well established.2 Two possib
objections may be urged against this identification, one particular, t
other general: geographically, if that is the order observed, Iadi
should come south of Padakku and Hiibra, whereas Yadi' is betw
Fadak and Khaybar (assuming these to be correctly identified). T
general objection is to the obscurity of the spot called Yadi', which se
to have little existence outside of an Arab geographer's 3 page--can it e
1 E. Combe, J. Sauvaget, et G. Wiet, Ripertoire chronologique d'ipigraphie arabe

p. 3, no. 3 (with bibliography).
2W. von Soden, Grundriss der Akkadischen Grammatik, ? 25 a.
3 One more allusion to Yadi' in Arabic literature has been found by Dr. D. S. R
who contributes the following note : " that the place is not altogether obscure is ev
from Hamdani, op. cit. p. 218, line 26, where the name is mentioned in a mnemotec
poem on Arabian place-names composed by al-'Ajldni, 'well-watered Khaybar and
Yadi', whose star is Gemini, well-soaked.' "
F*
have been worthy of remark in the same s

To this we have no means of answering, th
here beyond our ken. Yadi', like Fadak, now awaits its modern
rediscoverer.
IATRIBU.-The identity of this with Yathrib, Medina, cannot be in
doubt and needs no comment; but nobody could fail to observe at this
point the truly remarkable coincidence of two illustrious fugitives, separated
by thirteen centuries, both exiles from their own homes, both expelled in
the cause of their religions, both taking refuge in the same city and both
returning thence after respectively ten and eight years in partial or in
complete triumph. Medina has twice been the City of a Prophet.
The character of the ascendancy exercised by Nabonidus over a desert

tract studded with oases extending some 250 miles (from Taima to Medina)
and of irregular width up to about ioo miles is well described in the
king's own words (col. II, 26) " ten years I went about amongst them ".
He adopted something of the local manner of life; this was, in a local
expression, his dira, and when he quitted his more permanent " dwelling "
at Taima, which he had made " like the palace of Suanna ", he probably
removed and tarried from place to place not unlike any nomad prince of
the last centuries.
(2) The second passage quoted at the beginning of this chapter (col. I,
45-II, 2) is an account, unfortunately damaged, of a fight with " people
of the land of the Arabs ", which resulted in a victory for Nabonidus.
Its circumstances cannot be made out from the broken text, but it seems
to be represented as a plundering attack by these people upon the
(invading) " Akkadians ", which was repulsed. This is the more likely
since it follows immediately upon a statement that all hostile powers,
including [the king of?] the Arabs, had made peace with Nabonidus.
The only observation that need be made here (for the historical position
has been considered in the preceding chapter) is that the fight in question,
whatever the alternations of war and peace, occurred in the hostilities
which are now faintly reported by two Thamudic inscriptions ' referring
to the " spear of the king of Babel " and the " war of Dedan ", and
more fully described from the Babylonian side by the Verse Account,
col. II, 25, " he killed with weapons the prince (malku) of Tema," and
carried out a massacre (so his opponents said) in the town and its environs.
The inclusion of Dedan tacitly confirms from the Babylonian side that
a combat occurred there also. According to the Verse Account this affray
was followed by a settlement of the king and of the " forces of Akkad "
in Tema, and the same may be presumed of Dedan-in both towns
colonies were forcibly established, the invaders taking possession of the
homes and property of the Arab inhabitants.
(3 and 4). These refer to the return of Nabonidus from Tema' to
Babylon after Io years' absence, and have been included in the estimate
of the historical situation in the preceding chapter.
1 See above, p. 78, n. 4-
(5) A noticeable feature of the inscription H 2 is its emphasis

the military activity 1 of Nabonidus, an emphasis which would for
(at least) have been thought out of keeping with his character.
recently-published record 2 has revealed something more of the ext
and arduous operations which were undertaken by the last New Baby
kings, and it gives point to another sentence which may be quoted
H 2, col. II, 6-1o, " the people of Akkad and of the Hatti-land . . .
guard for me, they accomplished my command in the seclusion of
far distant and roads secluded which I travelled." If these words m
be applied equally to Neriglissar's campaign in Cilicia, they w
doubt intended by Nabonidus to describe here his marches in A
But it was more than marches and forays-these troops "kept guar
me ", that is, they were established as garrisons, occupying in Ara
localities mentioned, while the king passed periodically from one
other. All of this would demand a considerable force, and it becom
a question how that force was constituted. In view of the conditio
frankly described at the outset of this inscription it must seem un
that the army of Nabonidus, when he withdrew to Arabia, cou
composed mainly of native Babylonians (using this term to de
inhabitants of the ancient cities and country of Lower Iraq). Acco
to col. I, 29, 30, these did indeed, at some later time, become reco
with him, and (col. II, 6-io) served on distant campaigns. They
called, in the latter passage, "people of Akkad and of the HIatti-la
whereas the " Verse Account " (col. II, 22) writes of the Arabian e
tion " the forces of Akkad marched with'him ", but this is prece
the statement (II, 18, i9) that he entrusted the camp (perhaps
karasu) to his eldest son and gave him command of the troops mdt
In any case it is clear that some division of forces must have been
between the king and his son, and it may be supposed that tho
accompanied Nabonidus into Arabia were contingents from the "
land " rather than native Babylonian soldiers.
If now the list of places in north-west Arabia occupied by Nabo
be set side by side with a recent list drawn up for another pur
remarkable coincidence will result:
Proposed
Inscr. H 2. identifications. Recent list.
(d1) Te-ma-a Taima Tabofik
(al)Da-da-(nu) Dedan---al-'Ula Taima
(i) Pa-dak-ku Fadak Al-'Old
(1l)kli-ib-ra-a Khaybar Fadak
(1)
(al)Iat-di-bu Yadi'Yathrib-Medina
IA-at-ri-bu Mbdine Khaiba
1 Col. II, I, 2, 6-io ; col. III, 14-16, 18-20, 33 f. Note also th
(col. I, 30)above
Euphrates and the place
Sippar, called
where Dfr-karagu
the (" Fort
king's Mother Camp ") whi
was interred (Ch
to enter Babylon. This suggests a military cantonment where
land " were embodied.
2D. J. Wiseman, Chronicle of Chaldaean Kings, pp. 74 ff., and ibid. pp. 95 f., for the
general activity of the New Babylonian armies.
3 This has always been translated " all lands " (cf. Delitzsch, HWB. 435a) and
The third column is taken, m

H. Lammens, L'Islam: croyances e
panied by the following observat
"A l' poque de l'hegire toutes
etaient occupies et mises en valeu
It is at once apparent that th
complete. Tabfik, specifically exc
absent from the first, and only
from the third. Coincidence goes
" mises en valeur " from the abov
of the inscription (col. III, I14,
ance ". The inhabitants of these
of nascent Islam, both from the na
from their position upon a wealth
Nabonidus could hardly have be
what he did in Arabia than in h
section-" my people in the dist
he planted colonies of his subje
himself travelled for sojourn and
his strongholds, Dedan, was to
process, for that place came to be
and was afterwards occupied by
all cases, and for this Nabonidus
to Taima and Dedan, made peace a
the inhabitants who are called " A
thereafter made himself master of
This was done with a corps of m
suggested, probably drawn from
empire rather than from the me
H 2 combined with the known sit
infer, with some confidence, that
in Babylonia or from those remai
represented among these soldiers
recently, in this passage, " everywhere

p. 313), but here at least it might have rat
was given command only of the territo
king himself).
1 Cf. also his other work, L'Arabie occid
The Relations between Arabs and Israelites p
Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p. 192, n. 2.
zur Zeit Mohammeds is not available to me
2 See some references below, on p. 89,
3 W. F. Albright, Dedan, pp. 2, 7; W.
A. van den Branden in Bibliotheca Oriental
4 See E. Janssen, Juda in der Exilszeit
Jewish military colony, under officer
established at Elephantine in the next c
conjecture, recently discussed by E. G. K
pp. 41-8. Still more recently another p
pp. 56 ff. (" a Judean enclave in Aram "
A long succession of authors, first Muslim and then weste

considered and discussed the origin of those Jewish commun
northern and southern Arabia which were so important before an
the 7th century A.D. Their coming has been variously connected
or another of the more striking events and characters in the hi
the Jewish nation '-it may be the Exodus and Moses, the visi
Queen of Sheba to Solomon, Nebuchadrezzar's conquest and the d
tion of the Temple,2 the return from the Exile and the leade
Ezra-all these and more are the subject of traditions purport
account for the immigration of Jews into parts of Arabia, but
general clear that such stories are little more than constructions
familiar background, and it seems to be the opinion of recent
that no objective evidence is available to shew how the powerful
communities in the north and (later?) in the south of the peninsu
to be established there. With the appearance of the inscriptio
least a presumptive occasion is found for a widespread Jewish oc
of the northern I-Iijz, an occupation identified with those places
are both inclusively and exhaustively named in its text. Short of
naming the Jews, its implication could scarcely be stronger.
If it were possible to feel more confidence in a heavily-restor
of a document recently published, these indications of a Jewish pene
into Arabia under the leadership of Nabonidus would find another
At about the time when the new Harran inscriptions were di
there appeared in print 3 certain fragments of an Aramaic story con
Nabonidus and his sojourn at Taima, which had been found am
celebrated manuscripts of Qumran. While it is needless to rec
here its general purport, a part of the fourth line may be cited in th
form given to it by the translator,
....... (Dieu) m'accorda un devin; c'etait un [homme]

d'[entre les exilds de Babylonie .........]
He goes on to point out that the diviner is represented as send
advice to the king by writing, and may therefore be supposed non
at Taima himself. But this is quite secondary to the question whet
reference at all was in fact made to the ' children of captivity in
who here depend entirely upon restoration of a missing text. At
character was 'a Jew' (the word is preserved), and was repres
the late tradition (Ist century .c., according to the translator) as
some fragmentary lines (A.f.O. XIV, 42) that Sargon II in 716 left some such
Nahial Musur, upon the border of Egypt.
SA long bibliography of the subject can be found appended to th
H. Z. Hirschberg, Yisrd'il ba-'Ardb, pp. 332-9. I have also obtained inform
E. Brauer, Ethnologie derjemenitischen Juden.
2And this, with the common substitution of Nebuchadrezzar for Nabon
place in Jewish and Arabic tradition: see R. P. A. Dozy, Die Israeliten zu M
Davids Zeit, etc., p. I43.
3 J. T. Milik, " Priere de Nabonide," in Revue biblique, 63 (1956), 407 ff.
influential with Nabonidus duri

Taima, suffering from a plague
because of his idolatry. The be
interesting in itself and so timely
or distorted in the Book of Dan
himself and by a subsequent writ
conversion is edifying rather th
inexact tradition, and that its
century ample direct connexion
more testimony to the particular
episode of the years-long exile of
and one more reason for believing
own in that episode.
It remains to consider, in the
discussed but still open question
is now seen to be considerably th
his capital, in a roving life among
To this the new inscription H 2 gi
the king withdrew before a mut
cities of Babylonia, led by their
obey his command to assist in t
but did not amount to a total rejec
words plainly declare, who sepa
people so disobedient, so sinful,
manifest plagues as a punishmen
himself to mingle with them ag
a better frame of mind is not clea
willing to bear their part in the k
Against the natural protest tha
by itself for an absence so prolon
power, must be summoned the f
convincing reason 4 at all. The q
was embittered-there is ample
unfortunate, though perhaps inten
recorded in H 2 is vague, for neith
nor that in which the Babylonian
1 In this document " years " (senin

"Nebuchadnezzar " lasted for seven " t
of uncertain significance, that when
Nabonidus from exile after ten years it c
perhaps loan-word (see G. R. Driver in Di
Compare Ezechiel VII, 7 and I2.
2 For the possible connexion of this
col. I, 21, 22, and with the motive for
SD. N. Freeman in BASOR. no. 145,
4 Various proffered explanations ha
Dougherty, Nabonidus and Belshazzar,
of them.
to co-operate in his projects are specified-both, indeed, are co

by half-a-dozen lines (col. I, 26-31). Yet in fact the Babylonians on
side were prepared to forgo their New-Year festival for ten years, no
sacrifice, and on the other side the state of feeling is dramatically evin
as late as the king's ninth year, by the funeral of the royal Mother ha
to be conducted far from the capital at a military cantonment ; it is h
imaginary to conceive the grief of her devoted son that she could
neither at Harran which was not in a condition to receive her, no
Babylon which was not willing.
If, despite all this, there is still felt a necessity to look for more s
seeming motives, the new inscription is not entirely without some
hints. First, concerning the king's health 1 (which, as a supposed r
cannot be taken very seriously) there is the new revelation (col. I,
of plague being prevalent at Babylon when the withdrawal took pla
obviously this would be at most a very temporary constraint. For
other attempted explanation, of the quest for trading advantages,2
could be adduced in support the reference, already used in anothe
nexion, to the 'plenty and wealth and abundance' (col. III, I
enjoyed by the colonists whom the king planted in his Arabian possess
But neither of these is more than incidental, and certainly in the p
of Nabonidus, so far as he was willing to reveal it, they played no
at all.
PURPOSE AND STYLE OF THE H ARRANINSCRIPTIONS
While nothing can be averred with certainty about the places for
which the Harran stelae were designed, everything suggests that they
occupied a very prominent situation in the Moon-god's temple as rebuilt
and refurnished by Nabonidus. The two monuments inscribed with H 2,
with their similar (single-figure) reliefs, were laid by the Muslim builders
at the east and west entrances of their own structure. H I, B with its
multiple-figure relief was laid at the north entrance, and it is a very
permissible conjecture that the damaged monument found at Eski-Harran
in 19o6 (H I, A), which also had been visibly adapted to a later architectural
use, had originally borne a similar relief and had been laid somewhere at
a south entrance to the Mosque.3 This symmetry may, of course, have
been due to the Muslim builders arranging the reliefs in opposite pairs,
just as the laying of them face downwards in the passages where they
would be most trodden underfoot by the Faithful was dictated by religious
1 R. P. Dougherty, op. cit. p. I59. If it was a more salubrious climate which the
king was seeking, he should not have visited Khaybar, for that locality in recent times
had a very evil reputation for a pestilent air : Doughty, Arabia Deserta, II, p. 126.
2 Dougherty, op. cit. pp. 14 ff. ; S. Smith, Isaiah XL-LV, pp. 37-4o ; D. J. Wise-
man, Chronicles of Chaldaean Kings, pp. 32, 48, 70 (Nebuchadrezzar's campaign in Arabia,
599 B.c.); B. Segall, " The Arts and Nabonidus " in American Journal of Archaeology, 59
(1955), PP. 316, 318.
3 See D. S. Rice in Illustrated London News, 2Ist September, 1957, pp. 468 ff., also
B. Landsberger in Halil Edhem Hattra Kitabi, Cilt I, p. 117.
sentiment.1 Yet the fact that, at the east

stele H 2, A had been laid in the pavemen
that the original position of this monument
spot where it was re-used. Only excavatio
the Mosque occupies the same site as the
then it might also be found that the four
entrances to the Temple, just as Assyrian k
similarly shaped, similarly figured, and s
close by the entrances of temples.
Internal evidence is no less suggestive o
the clear purpose of these inscriptions was p
the one pair shewed the devout re-founde
the other pair depicted with him (it is alm
fragment) the figure of his Mother. To th
was more direct. The Mother's inscription
teristic of funerary records 3 ; it includes th
paid by the dutiful subject to her royal
her son to herself (col. III, 5-43), yet it is
epitaph. Two-thirds of its length is oc
servant of the Moon-god and of the Ch
by the story of her double triumph in obt
obscurely hints) for her son, and in realising
desire to restore the dwelling and the wo
Harran. In contents therefore the Mother
ingredients all more or less novel to Baby
a building-inscription, for the actual re
cursorily mentioned: it is not in purpose f
upon a tomb nor is the death and burial o
own ostensible purport, but an incongruo
best be called a manifesto, the drift of
claim of Nabonidus as a monarch legitimated
god imparted expressly to his life-long 4
not the paternity,5 of his royal predecesso
to extricate how much of this document is due at first hand to the matriarch
herself and how much to the surviving son who evidently composed the
text as we read it-the distinction would be unimportant, for their purpose
was the same.
The king's own inscription (H 2), discursive as its contents are, is
1 See above, p. 36, n. 2.

2 Yet a strange disregard for the reader is evinced by the heedlessness which permitted
H 2, B, to end before the inscription was finished, see above, pp. 43 f-
3 B Landsberger, loc. cit. pp. 140 ff.
4 The exceptionally long life of the " speaker " is artfully employed to insinuate the
deliberation of the god's choice and the certainty of its interpretation.
- Yet the total omission of any reference to a father of her son, in all this lengthy
disquisition and amid all these biographical, even personal, details, is very noticeable
and can hardly be inadvertent. However, the son himself, in his own words (H 2, col. I,
8, 9 as elsewhere), is at pains to disclaim a royal lineage.
more regular in theme, for it is a building-inscription of Harran a

especially of E-iul-iul, thus resembling in its main purport other buildin
inscriptions of the New Babylonian period. Unlike these, however,
gives prominence throughout to the figure of the author, conveying som
of the secular history of his time coloured by ex parte statements and
self-justification, elements which are not, indeed, absent from oth
inscriptions of this uneasy usurper, but here reveal much more of the
stresses which forced his reign into its peculiar form. If the Mother's
inscription aims at establishing her son's 'legitimacy', the son attempt
to prove this by asserting the rightness and above all the success of h
policy, which at length became, according to him, so evident that
domestic opponents were reconciled, his foreign enemies appeased, and
his people prosperous both at home and abroad.
In addition to these novelties of aim, the Harran inscriptions exhib
a number of peculiarities which seem to distinguish them not only fro
the generality of Babylonian royal pronouncements but from the custom
and even the language usually found in these:
Funerary customs
The last column of H I contained an elaborate description of th

mourning for the deceased Mother which was decreed and directed
the king, and observed by contingents of mourners said to represent
the peoples of his 'empire' from west to east. Unfortunately the text
in poor condition, but clearly enough it described rites which are n
known to have been used in Babylonia, but are familiar from later literatur
of the western Semitic world---casting dust upon the head, flinging o
or rending of garments, shaving or plucking the hair and cutting t
flesh so as to be disfigured by bloodstains ; see pp. 55 f.
Peculiarities of style
(a) H i is a formal inscription (andku ............. ), of a woman

which is without parallel in Assyro-Babylonian. In this the writer assum
undisguisedly her influence upon the accession, rule and policy of her so
Still more unconventional is the beginning of H 2, where the introducti
of the author is actually preceded by an apologetic (and rather disingenuous
' preface ', and accompanied by a candid avowal of his irregular accessio
which is excused by alleging the divine summons.
(b) The authorship of H i is equivocal, for the last part (from col. II
5 to the end) is contributed by her son, with no formal transition, bu
mere change of grammatical person.
(c) Other abrupt changes of person-H I, col. I, I9: between cols
I and II : col. II, 6 : col. II, 34 (prayers to, and dialogue with, the Moon
god) : H 2, col. I, 7, I2 (similar) : col. II, 25 (from 3rd pers. to 2nd,
praises of the god) : II, 34 (back to 3rd pers.) : col. III (Ist per
resumed) : col. III, 25 (2nd pers.-address to reader).
It is interesting to observe these sudden and sometimes illogica
changes of person as a feature of the confused 'proclamation' o
Nebuchadnezzar which constitutes the IWth

JVth c
c
the awkwardness
awkwardness of
of these
these has
hasbeen
beennote
not
embarrassment by critics. J. A. Montgo
Commentary
Commentary on
onDaniel,
Daniel,p.p.
223, has
223, compared
has compare
(d) Inconsequence of subjects : H 2, Col.
col. I
apology,
apology, praise
praise and
andmessage)
message): :Col.
col.1,
I,27
27ff.
ft.(a
(
of events) ; col. II, 13, 14 ff. sudden interrup
until broken end of col. II).
(e) Repetition of phrases and words such
and the overall prevalence of common clic
to these
these prolix
prolix inscriptions
inscriptions (cf.
(cf. also
also L.L. pp.
pp. 1
1
(f) Unusual constructions and
(f) Unusual constructions and words: Hwords : H
afkunma ana ?ullumu (see p. 69 above) ; H i,
name
name ;; HH 2,
2, Col.
col. I,
I, 17,
17, 19,
19, ii ma
ma ; ; col.
col. II,
II,36,
36,

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What are the main discoveries discussed in the text?

What are the main discoveries discussed in the text?

What peculiarities of style are exhibited in the Harran inscriptions?

What peculiarities of style are exhibited in the Harran inscriptions?

The Harran Inscriptions of Nabonidus

Four monuments of the reign of Nabonidus having now been found

NABON. H 2, A, the stele, discovered as ab

Description of the Monuments

as in the B.M. fragment 90837), they will

1 Appearance of a female in a religious rite bes

pipe-like appendage, a kind of " pigta

1 On the Merodach-baladan Stone it has the

(a) Stele H2.A : the sculptured top.

(b) Stcl tI12.B : the sculptured top.

Stele HI.B : col. I, lines 1-25.

Stele HI.B : col. I, lines 21-46.

Stele HI.B : col. II, lines 1-29.

~~C~la _0 IT # arm .~~i ~~~ B3T"- l

p'ylL-t Be ~jr~8it~ a~i 13 ~ ~ PfirWA

-r~H?, n,? r?rlip

~c~b~'z~ a~rra.4P9 ~ 6~0 1~31# 41C!e

Stele HI.B : col. II,

r' P;Paa , -%~~F" 3t ;-

lkia,~4T- i'5h-~ ?i~;-.

umu .4. to& OS'A V~ p

Stele Hi.B, col. III.

't??1 ~ 'I~arits 1, F~C~

Stele H2.A : col. I, lines 1-27.

~i~t~(~b ~ i"~ igA A4W&--S~

Stele H2.A : col. II, lines 1-26.

Stele H2.A : col. II, li

Stele H2.A : col. III, lines 1-27.

Stele I 11. : cols. I and II.

low, 31 .JST 1 ~ ICf ?'~~~~r ~$~?a l?~

C4 jo1' 2 ~? :k~3 ' t:-~~iic

':%;?';: n.?!:. ?Ali l

Stele H2.B : cols. II and III.

ornaments which make it to be well described as a " shining scept

worship itself in the name of " Image

1 Many Assyrian references to figures of this k

to bottom and from side to side. Moreover, the inscription is completed,

tion either on the right edge or on the

Materials and Methods for Edition of the Texts

made it possible to present the texts here as they appear upo

I3. ds-te-ni-'i-a ilu-ut-su rabiti(ti) u4-mi-sam la na-par-ka-a

14. id (d.)XXX (d.)samal (d.)XV u (d.)adda ma-la bal-ta-ku

I 7. TUG. SIG (d.)XXX sdr ilani(ME?) as-bat-ma mu-si u ur-ra

1 8. ind(H)-ia it-ti-st ba-sd-a ina su-pi(?)-e u la-ban ap-pi

32. the 2nd year of Awal-Marduk, the 4th year of Neriglissar,

39. ta-a-a-ri (d.)XXX sar ilani(ME?) ip-pa

(Perhaps no line missing)

5. qa-ta-a-sv ina MA. GE6-ia ki-i is-Sak-nu (d.)XXX isr ili(?)

8. -h4il-hudl ip-pu-uf-ma -sak-lal i-pir-?I (alu)harranu

13. (m.d.)PA.IM. TUK maru e-du si-it lib-bi-id par-si

22. la i-pu-it-ma a-na man-ma la id-di-nu ina na-ra-mi-ia

23. Id ilu-ut-su pal-ha-ku TUG. SIG-zi as-ba-ti (d.)XXX .sdr ili

24. ri-fi-ia ul-li-ma MU. DUG. GA ina mati it-ku-na-an-ni

39. regard. Sin, king of the gods, looked upon me and

29. ina lib-bi-ia i?-ku-nu u-bal-lit-an-ni id-a

~~C~la _0 IT # arm .i ~ B3T"- l