I L

SfS
HK5M
SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT
Number 10 (Final Number in Series)

FIRST STEPS
TOWARD SPACE
Proceedings of the First and Second History Symposia
of the International Academy of Astronautics at
Belgrade, Yugoslavia, 26 September 1967, and
New York, U.S.A., 16 October 1968

EDITED BY

Frederick C. Durant III

and George S. James

*7
NATIONAL AIR AND SPACE MUSEUM
M SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION PRESS
 SFP 31974

SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT • NUMBER 10 (Final Number in Series)

FIRST STEPS
TOWARD SPACE
Proceedings of the First and Second History Symposia
of the International Academy of Astronautics at
Belgrade, Yugoslavia, 26 September 1967, and
Mew York, U.S.A., 16 October 1968

EDITED BY

Frederick C. Durant \\\

and George S. James

NATIONAL AIR AMD SPACE

MUSEUM-LIBRARY
ISSUH>
AUtt 131974

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION PRESS

City of Washington
1974
 A Bibliographic Note

T h e series Smithsonian Annals of Flight terminates with the present issue,

number 10. A new series—Smithsonian Studies in Air and Space—will present the
future publications of the Smithsonian Institution's National Air and Space
Museum. Following is a complete list of the previous titles in the old series:
VOLUME 1, NUMBER 1. "The First Nonstop Coast-to-Coast Flight and the Historic T-2 Airplane."
Louis S. Casey. 90 pages, 43 figures, appendix, bibliography. Issued 17 December 1964.
VOLUME 1, NUMBER 2. "The First Airplane Diesel Engine: Packard Model DR-980 of 1928."
Robert B. Meyer. 48 pages, 38 figures, appendix. Issued 30 April 1965.
VOLUME 1, NUMBER 3. "The Liberty Engine 1918-1942." Philip S. Dickey III. 110 pages, 20
figures, appendix, bibliography. Issued 10 July 1968.
VOLUME 1, NUMBER 4 (end of volume). "Aircraft Propulsion: A Review of the Evolution of
Aircraft Piston Engines." C. Fayette Taylor. 134 pages, 72 figures, appendix, bibliography
(expanded and arranged by Dr. Richard K. Smith). Issued 29 January 1971.
Volume designation terminated; issues hereafter referred to only as "numbers."
NUMBER 5. "The Wright Brothers' Engines and Their Design." Leonard S. Hobbs. 71 pages,
frontispiece, 17 figures, appendix, bibliography, index. Issued 27 October 1971.
NUMBER 6. "Langley's Aero Engine of 1903." Edited by Robert B. Meyer, Jr. 193 pages,
frontispiece, 44 figures. Issued 30 March 1971.
NUMBER 7. "The Curtiss D-12 Aero Engine." Hugo T. Byttebier. 109 pages, frontispiece, 46
figures. Issued 10 May 1972.
NUMBER 8. "Wiley Post, His Winnie Mae, and the World's First Pressure Suit." Stanley R.
Mohler and Bobby H. Johnson. 127 pages, 139 figures, appendix. Issued 22 November 1971.
NUMBER 9. "Japan's World War II Balloon Bomb Attacks on North America." Robert C.
Mikesh. 85 pages, 90 figures, appendixes, bibliography, index. Issued 9 April 1973.

OFFICIAL PUBLICATION DATE is handstamped in a limned number of initial copies and is

recorded in the Institution's annual report, Smithsonian Year. SI PRESS NUMBER 5003.
&t f;j•*.•••.£
Library of Congress cataloging in Publication Data
Symposium on the History of Astronautics, 1st, Belgrad, 1967.
First steps toward space.
(Smithsonian annals of flight, no. 10)
Supt. of Docs, no.: SI 9.9: 10.
1. Astronautics—History—Congresses. 2. Rocketry—History—Congresses. I. Durant, Frederick C ,
1916- ed. II. James, George S., ed. III. Symposium on the History of Astronautics, 2d,
New York, 1968. IV. International Academy of Astronautics. V. Title. VI. Series.
TL515.S5 no. 10 [TL787] 629.13'08s [629.4'09] 73-16298

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office

Washington, D.C. 20402 - Price $4.00
Stock Number 4705-00011
 Preface

T h e fabric of the history of astronautics is woven of stories of individuals and

small groups who developed the technologies of rocketry while dreaming of space
flight. At least this was true until World War II. Since then, the complexity of
guided missiles and rocket-powered aircraft has required much larger enterprises.
Official recognition and financial support for such developments were difficult to
obtain. Progress was made largely through the personal initiative and dedicated
effort of idealists who were deeply convinced that one day man would travel
through space.
Because much of the detailed history of these technical developments from
1900-1939 has not been available in the published literature, the International
Academy of Astronautics of the International Astronautical Federation (IAF)
commenced sponsorship of a series of symposia of the history of rocketry and
astronautics. T h e first symposium was held at Belgrade in 1967. Subsequent sym-
posia have been held at New York (1968), Mar del Plata (1969), Constance (1970),
Brussels (1971), Vienna (1972), and Baku (1973). T h e proceedings of the first two
symposia on the history of rocketry and astronautics form the contents of this
volume of the series Smithsonian Annals of Flight.
T h e combination of memoirs and papers from the first and second symposia
make it possible to present in one volume new information on the work of leading
investigators of astronautics and their associates in the first third of the 20th cen-
tury. Thus, the student of the history of astronautics can study independent and
parallel efforts which led to the Space Age.
"Pre-1939 Memoirs of Astronautics" was the theme of the first IAA History
of Astronautics symposium, organized with the cooperation of the International
Union of the History and Philosophy of Science, and held on Tuesday, 26 Sep-
tember 1967, in Belgrade, Yugoslavia, during the XVIII Congress of the IAF. T h e
philosophy of the organizing committee was to invite living pioneers in astronau-
tics so that they might present memoirs. Of the 13 presentations, three were made
by the men themselves: O. Lutz, F. J. Malina, and E. A. Steinhoff. T h e other ten
authors were unable to come to Belgrade and their papers were read by other
speakers. These papers appeared in Iz istorii astronavtiki i raketnoi tekhniki:
Materially XVIII mezhdunarodnogo astronavticheskogo kongressa, Belgrad, 25-29
Sentyavrya 1967 [From the History of Rockets and Astronautics: Materials of the
18th International Astronautical Congress, Belgrade, 25-29 September 1967], pub-
lished in Moscow in 1970.
T h e second IAA History of Astronautics Symposium, "New Contributions to
the Historical Literature on Rocket Technology and Astronautics, 1909-1939,"
was held on Wednesday, 16 October 1968, in conjunction with the XIX Congress
of the IAF in New York. Of the 14 papers, three memoirs were presented by early
investigators: R. Engel, C. D. J. Generales, and S. Herrick.
For reference purposes, the papers have been arranged alphabetically by the
principal author's last name. T h e particular symposium at which a paper was
presented is indicated by either (1967) or (1968) following the author's name in
the table of contents.

iii
 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

Through the resources of the National Air and Space Museum's documentary
files and library, it has been possible to add original source references for state-
ments in a number of the papers.
We wish to gratefully acknowledge the assistance and dedication of Frank H.
Winter, Research Historian of the National Air and Space Museum, in the prepa-
ration of the index. In addition, special appreciation is expressed to the staff
editor, John S. Lea, and the Series Production Manager, Charles L. Shaffer, of the
Smithsonian Institution Press, for their devoted efforts and assistance throughout
the many stages of a uniquely difficult manuscript.
It is our hope that this volume will be useful to those persons interested in
learning how the first steps were taken to advance the technologies that have
opened new avenues of exploration to the Moon and beyond.

FCD III
GSJ

Washington, DC
August 1973
 Contents
Page
Preface iii
1. SOME J E T PROPULSION FORMULAS OF OVER T H I R T Y YEARS AGO, by Aldo
Bartocci, Italy (1968) 1
2. ROBERT ESNAULT-PELTERIE: SPACE PIONEER, by Lise Blosset, France
(1968) 5
3. EARLY ITALIAN ROCKET AND PROPELLANT RESEARCH, by Luigi Crocco,
Italy (1967) 33
4. M Y THEORETICAL AND EXPERIMENTAL WORK FROM 1930 TO 1939, W H I C H
H A S ACCELERATED THE DEVELOPMENT OF MULTISTAGE ROCKETS, by Louis
Damblanc, France (1967) 49
5. ROBERT H . GODDARD AND THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, by Frederick C.
Durant III, United States (1968) 57
6. GIULIO COSTANZI: ITALIAN SPACE PIONEER, by Antonio Eula, Italy
(1968) 71
7. RECOLLECTIONS OF EARLY BIOMEDICAL MOON-MICE INVESTIGATIONS, by
Constantine D. J. Generales, Jr., United States (1968) 75
8. T H E FOUNDATIONS OF ASTRODYNAMICS, by Samuel Herrick, United States
(1968) 81
9. VLADIMIR MANDL: FOUNDING WRITER ON SPACE LAW, by Dr. Vladimir
Kopal, Czechoslovakia (1968) 87
10. DEVELOPMENTS IN ROCKET ENGINEERING ACHIEVED BY THE GAS DYNAMICS
LABORATORY IN LENINGRAD, by I. I. Kulagin, Soviet Union (1968) 91
11. A HISTORICAL REVIEW OF DEVELOPMENTS IN PROPELLANTS AND MATERIALS
FOR ROCKET ENGINES, by O. Lutz, German Federal Republic (1967) . . . 103
12. O N THE G A L C I T ROCKET RESEARCH PROJECT, 1936-38, by Frank J.
Malina, United States (1967) 113
13. M Y CONTRIBUTIONS TO ASTRONAUTICS, by Hermann Oberth, German
Federal Republic (1967) 129
14. EARLY ROCKET DEVELOPMENTS OF THE AMERICAN ROCKET SOCIETY, by G.
Edward Pendray, United States (1967) 141
15. LUDVI'K OCENASEK: CZECH ROCKET EXPERIMENTER, by R u d o l p h Pesek
and Ivo Budil, Czechoslovakia (1968) 157
16. EARLY EXPERIMENTS WITH R A M J E T ENGINES IN FLIGHT, by Yu. A. Pobedo-
nostsev, Soviet Union (1967) 167
17. FIRST ROCKET AND AIRCRAFT FLIGHT TESTS OF R A M J E T S , by Yu. A.
Pobedonostsev, Soviet Union (1968) 177
18. O N SOME WORK DONE IN ROCKET TECHNIQUES, 1931-38, by A. I.
Polyarny, Soviet Union (1967) 185
v
VI SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

Page
19. S. P. KOROLYEV AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF SOVIET ROCKET ENGINEERING
TO 1939, by B. V. Raushenbakh and Yu. V. Biryukov, Soviet Union
(1968) 203
20. T H E BRITISH INTERPLANETARY SOCIETY'S ASTRONAUTICAL STUDIES, 1937-
39, by H . E. Ross, F.B.I.S., United Kingdom (1967) 209
21. T H E DEVELOPMENT OF REGENERATIVELY COOLED LIQUID ROCKET ENGINES
IN AUSTRIA AND GERMANY, 1926-42, by Irene Sanger-Bredt and Rolf
Engel, German Federal Republic (1968) 217
22. DEVELOPMENT OF WINGED ROCKETS IN THE USSR, 1930-39, Ye. S.
Shchetinkov, Soviet Union (1967) 247
23. W I L H E L M THEODOR UNGE: A N EVALUATION OF H I S CONTRIBUTIONS, by
A. Ingemar Skoog, Sweden (1968) 259
24. SOME N E W DATA ON EARLY WORK OF THE SOVIET SCIENTIST-PIONEERS IN
ROCKET ENGINEERING, by V. N. Sokolsky, Soviet U n i o n (1968) 269

25. EARLY DEVELOPMENTS IN ROCKET AND SPACECRAFT PERFORMANCE, GUID-

ANCE, AND INSTRUMENTATION, by Ernst A. Steinhoff, United States (1967) 277
26. FROM THE HISTORY OF EARLY SOVIET LIQUID-PROPELLANT ROCKETS, by
M. K. Tikhonravov, Soviet Union (1967) 287
27. ANNAPOLIS ROCKET MOTOR DEVELOPMENT, 1936-38, by R. C. T r u a x ,
United States (1967) 295
Index 303
First Steps Toward Space
 1

Some Jet Propulsion Formulas of Over Thirty Years Ago

ALDO BARTOCCI, Italy

In two articles published in L'Aerotecnica in 1933 must be turned off to escape from terrestrial gravity
and 1934,1 some formulas were presented, together is given by the formula
with diagrams concerning the vertical motion of a
vehicle having constant acceleration and constant 2 w x = 19.62 (3)
exhaust velocity. x+r
It is very interesting to note that the braking Applying the formula (3) to some numerical ex-
effect produced by air on a rocket in vertical mo- amples, it appears that the initial mass necessary
tion, calculated by the formulas in the above 1934 for a given excursion diminishes with increasing
articles, coincides perfectly with results presented exhaust velocity of the jet, thus producing higher
for the U.S. Navy Neptune (Viking) sounding acceleration values.
rocket in a 1949 English publication. 2 T h e air resistance in kilograms, which has not
been taken into consideration in formula (1), is
given by the formula:
Vertical Motion by Constant Acceleration
1000 •*'
R = F(V)'d-a* (4)
The first formulas concern the vertical motion of
a space ship with a regulated jet for maintaining a where F(V) is a function depending on the speed of
constant acceleration w; with a given constant ex- vehicle V; d is the density of the air; a is the diam-
haust velocity of the jet v; with the earth considered eter, in meters, of the transverse section of the
fully spherical with a radius r; and with no allow- vehicle; and i is a shape coefficient.
ance for air friction. Assuming for the function F(V) the values in
The variation of mass m in the time t is given by function of speed adopted by ballistics, we obtain
the following formula: for air resistance the curves shown in Figure 1
correlating time and acceleration.
, . ,, w 9.81i / r
logm = l o g M 0 - — t / |_arctan(t|/f)
° cv CV \ 2^7
1 Vertical Motion by Constant Efflux
+-„sin 2 arctan

where M 0 is the initial value of mass and c — T h e second group of formulas concern vertical
2.30259 is the constant for conversion of a natural motion of an unmanned rocket with a constant
logarithm into a common logarithm. T h e altitude x thrust (constant mass efflux and constant exhaust
at which the motor must be turned off for reaching velocity).
the altitude h is given by the relation Not considering air friction and considering con-
stant acceleration of gravity during the operating
2 ivx = 19.62 r2 (— -j-^—X (2) time of the motor, we have formulas in which
\x + r h+r / M 0 is the initial mass of rocket, Mt is the final mass
and, in particular, the altitude x at which the motor at the end of the combustion, and n is the ratio be-
 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

T h e initial velocity V necessary to climb by force

of inertia from height h to height H, the latter
reached with zero velocity speed is given by

V* = 2g0r (_} LA (8)

\h + r H+r
H+r)'
where r is the radius of the earth considered as
spherical.
From the above formula we can obtain the value
of ratio M 0 necessary for reaching a previously
established altitude H with zero resulting velocity.
T h e rocket reaches this altitude by coasting from
altitude h where, at the end of the combustion, it
had velocity V. For this calculation a graph has
been prepared, shown in Figure 2, for a prompt
solution of the problems regarding the rocket's
vertical ascension without taking into account the
resistance of the air.
Regarding the resistance of the air, not considered
until now, and expressed by the above formula (8),
this can be expressed in function of ratio M0jm
where m is the value of the mass at any given time.
In Figure 3 are shown a diagram of function
F(V)'d of the resistance of the air; a diagram of the
relative retarding acceleration WA; and a diagram,
with a linear variation, of the rocket's acceleration
0 it 20 SO 40 90 60 10 BO 90 lot 110 Of 130 140 15V in the absence of air.
FIGURE 1.—Correlation of time and acceleration.

tween propulsion force and initial weight of the NOTES

rocket.
1. Aldo Bartocci, "Le Escursioni in altezza col motore a
T h e time T corresponding to the end of com- reazione," L'Aerotecnica, vol. 13, no. 12 (December 1933),
bustion is given by pp. 1646-66; and "II Razzo," L'Aerotecnica, vol. 14, no. 3
(March 1934), pp. 255-66.
, = v (l MA
(5) 2. In a letter to the author, dated 5 July 1949, General
G. A. Crocco said:
T h e rocket velocity Vt at the end of combustion I have indeed been pleased that Professor Eula has informed
is given by me that you are the author of the interesting articles pub-
lished in 1933, 34, and 38; and I was very glad to have this
confirmation authenticated in writing. .
„ r M0 i/. MtY
Vft—v \n— — ( 1 — -r-jT-] (6) I am glad then to tell you that the rate of retardation (drag)
Mt n\ M0/_ introduced by the air in the vertical movement of the rocket,
and which today is published by an English Review, the sub-
T h e altitude h reached at the end of combustion ject of which is the rocket "Neptune" of the U.S. Navy,
is given by coincides exactly with that which you designated certainly
for the first time, in 1934.
The article to which he refers may have been that by C. H.
[MJ. Mt , \ . 1 1 /, Mt\ Smith, M. W. Rosen, and J. M. Bridger, "Super Altitude
ht=
"go Research Rocket Revealed by Navy," Aviation, June 1947,
(V) pp. 40-43.—Ed.
NUMBER 10

— — —— . . . - — r ... 1

" ^ ^ -^ ^ -4 -4.-1
^ * ^ J I i
^ ^ \ ~\_ u IT a t
lo
^ ^ ^\ N r " _J T -£=—^-;<*
"^^^ ^ ^
v\ \\ 1\ — • 1 I ' I I
1 \ >A \_ , t-—Il — L"___-.-i_lj
1 ^s^ —s A IZ _LX ^ ^
S. *V ' ' / '
\ > 3 "^ !
s
—1 —* X X J Z_ _^ • ;
\, \ / / \ 1
[I J -I~ It. J__J
VV 1 /_ / \
^ \ —- / /
V\ * ~— 2^—^
\ \ , / / ~"~ : • - — - . _

HHa t o o K*
JxSt / <? L
jVi / /
1 I y^
V //1 / ^
fS go »0 6o Jo 40 4o to to
'K "T"^ no 9.«i. is*
T S~ J_ise 4««
_LZ]«
4-S» 5~> Kn>

FIGURE 2.—Graph for determining relationship of various

parameters during vertical ascent of rocket (omitting air
resistance).

jj „. 3K«/ /
g3 ft,. S. M
1" Si. »o
/
y

Vz

/
/
/
/ /
/ / •vA;

uy
FIGURE 3.—Relationships, with and without air resistance, of
rocket acceleration with drag and mass.
 Robert Esnault-Pelterie: Space Pioneer

L I S E BLOSSET, France

Robert Esnault-Pelterie (REP to his friends) was nal ideas, what would he not have achieved had he
one of the first pioneers who, by their theoretical been understood and helped!
and experimental work, foresaw the possibilities of Son of a textile manufacturer, Robert Esnault-
astronautics after those of aviation (Figure 1). Pelterie, born in Paris on 8 November 1881, took a
Despite his farsightedness and the broad scope of very lively interest in mechanics from his earliest
his work on space problems, however, he had to childhood. At the age of 13 he built by himself an
face a profound lack of understanding and over- entire electrical network, including lighting, switch-
whelming financial and material difficulties. ing panel, and automatic signals, for a miniature
He received very little support from government steam train he had received as a present. 1 At 17 he
and industry, who had no confidence in his projects. transformed his small machine shop into a veritable
In the light of the number and value of his origi- physics and chemistry laboratory and studied wire-
less telegraphy. 2 His originality was already express-
ing itself. Instead of buying or copying, he invented
the devices he needed. It was thus that he obtained
in 1902 his first patent for a highly sensitive electric
relay, 3 the same year that he received his science
degree at the Sorbonne (botany, general physics,
general chemistry). He was then 21 and immediately
devoted himself to research in a field that had just
been born, aviation. He supplemented his theo-
retical work by building and testing his own air-
planes, thereby personally checking his results.

Aeronautics

Let us briefly summarize REP's contributions to

aviation.
He built his first flying machine in 1904, a tailless
biplane glider with fabric-covered airfoils. His glider
tests included towing behind an auto (Figure 2) and
tests of wing sections and other components
mounted above the auto (Figure 3) at speeds up
to 60 miles per hour, thereby becoming the first to
undertake such direct testing. 1
By 1906, the results of these tests enabled him to
build the first all-metal monoplane, which he first
FIGURE 1.—Robert Esnault-Pelterie (1881-1957). flew on 19 October 1907.° In order that the engine
 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

!•-*»—

FIGURE 2.—Glider designed and constructed by Robert Esnault-Pelterie prior to towing test by
auto, 1904.

of his plane be as light as possible, he designed it to This 1907 airplane was, in addition, equipped
include an odd number of cylinders axially ar- with a large number of devices conceived by him
ranged and a single cam that ensured regular igni- and destined to become classic, notably the "joy-
tion in each cylinder at equal intervals.6 This system stick" (the single-lever elevator control device in-
(Figures 4-5) and the theory of the metallic pro- vented by him), a deformable trihedral landing gear
peller were the subject of a report to the Soci^t£ des consisting of two wheels without axle, oleo-pneu-
Ing^nieurs Civils de France (8 November 1907) matic dampened shock absorbing brakes, and so on.8
which awarded REP its annual grand prize (gold From 1908 to 1914, he built numerous airplanes
medal).7 Thirty years later, 75 percent of the air- that took part successfully in frequent competitions
craft built in the world were equipped with engines and broke many records.9 The photograph (Figure
based on his principle. he), used for his pilot license no. 4 of the Aero-Club
de France, shows him at the controls of the REP-2
monoplane.10 A large number of patents, in addi-
tion, show his constant concern for pilot safety:
safety belts, speed indicators, parachutes which
would release the pilot, double controls for pilot
instruction in air-schools, static tests of planes dur-
ing their construction, etc.11 Thus he created, a
quarter of a century beforehand, all the elements of
modern aircraft.12
REP was one of the founders, 29 January 1908, of
the Association des Industriels de la Locomotion
Aerienne.13 The latter combined, on 22 July 1910,
with the Chambre Syndicate des Industries Aero-
nautiques, over which he presided for 11 years.14 In
1909 he became president of the executive commit-
tee that organized the first international aeronautics
exhibition in France, predecessor of the present
Salon du Bourget.10 In 1913, he became president
FIGURE 3.—Test of airplane components from an instrumented
of the aviation committee of the Ae'ro-Club de
automobile at a speed of 100 km/hr, 1905. France.
NUMBER 10

FIGURE 4.—Exterior view and cross section of 7-cylinder, 35-hp, REP airplane engine, 1907.
 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

FIGURE 5.—a, T h e 5-cylinder, 65-hp, REP air-

plane engine, 1910; b, the 7-cylinder, 90-hp, REP
airplane engine, 1911; c, REP at the controls of
the REP-2 monoplane.

During these years, in which the future of avia- Astronautics—Historical Summary

tion became assured, REP foresaw its extension into
By 1908 R E P had already foreseen the possibility
the conquest of outer space.
of space travel. This early foresight is documented
It has been said (notably by Wernher von Braun
by Captain F. Ferber in a text dated 26 July 1908
in a recent encyclopedia) 1 6 that the great advantage which appeared in his work, "De Crete a crete, de
of R E P over other space pioneers was that he was ville a ville, de continent a continent," 18 where he
renowned during his lifetime. 17 This is perhaps true quotes REP's studies.
with respect to aviation but absolutely not with Unknown to REP, on 10 June 1911, Doctor Andre
respect to astronautics. In fact, as someone once Bing (whom he did not meet until near the end of
wrote, before World War II, it sufficed for a report 1912) was awarded a Belgian patent for an "appa-
to be signed Esnault-Pelterie for it to be filed in the ratus for exploring upper atmospheric regions how-
wastebasket by the government officials to whom it ever rarefied" in which he discussed the possibility
was addressed. of "traveling beyond the limits of the earth's at-
NUMBER 10

mosphere" with "successive rockets" using nuclear final mass, in view of the limited means available
energy. 19 at the time.
Shortly thereafter, first in a lecture at Saint Peters- T h e lecture contains all the theoretical bases of
burg (Leningrad; February 1912),20 then in a re- self-propulsion, destroying the myth that rockets
sounding report to the Soci^te Francaise de need atmospheric support and giving the real equa-
Physique, in Paris on 15 November 1912, R E P pre- tion of motion. Anticipated is the use of auxiliary
sented his studies and conclusions concerning the propulsion for guidance and complete maneuver-
results of the unlimited lightening of engines and, ability of rockets. Also contained are calculations of
in the face of sarcasm, for the first time demon- the escape velocity, the phases of a round-trip voy-
strated theoretically that it was possible for a craft age to the Moon, and the times, velocities, and
with special design and equipment to travel from durations, of trips to the Moon, Mars, and Venus,
the earth to the moon. 21 He also predicted the as well as thermal problems related notably to the
realization of interstellar vehicles once atomic surface facing the sun (polished metal or black
energy had been mastered. surface). This 1912 lecture is the first purely scien-
As is very often the case, several scientists pursue, tific study marking the birth of astronautics. While
at about the same time and without knowing it, Tsiolkovskiy had the prescience and talent to first
original works in the same field. T h u s in 1912 (REP suggest, in 1903, rocket propulsion to space,20 REP
mentioned this during a later lecture 22 ) Professor was the first to develop the equations of the prob-
Robert Goddard did theoretical calculations at lem and to establish the mathematical theory of
Princeton University regarding a method of reach- interplanetary flight.27 R E P is thus the founder of
ing extreme altitudes; 2 3 and in 1913 and 1916, at theoretical astronautics.
Clark University in Worcester, Massachusetts, he After World War I, he returned, in 1920, to his
carried out experiments on rockets for exploring work on escape velocity, 28 but the results, later
the upper atmosphere, 24 work based on ideas strik- mentioned by his friend Andre-Louis Hirsch, were
ingly similar to those of Dr. Bing. not published at the time.
In 1912 REP's lecture was published by the On 8 J u n e 1927, he gave a lecture at the Sor-
Journal de Physique. Because of the elimination of bonne on rocket exploration of the very high atmos-
large parts of the text due to page limitations and phere and the possibility of interplanetary travel, 29
editing by the secretary of the Journal, the author's in which he presented quite clearly the theoretical
thoughts were often hardly understandable. T h e basis showing the importance of the escape velocity
secretary had in fact been shocked by the contents and the ratio of initial to final mass, and presented
of the article, whose real purpose REP had pru- a theory of gas expansion in a convergent-divergent
dently disguised by an inoffensive title. An English nozzle.
translation of the complete text was distributed at T h e n REP undertook the construction of a strat-
the International Astronautics Congress in 1958 ospheric rocket and did numerous tests on liquid
(Amsterdam) as a memorial to R E P and is repro- fuels, which he preferred to solids for rocket pro-
duced as an appendix to this paper. pulsion, but his means were unfortunately quite
REP deplored the exaggerated condensation of insufficient.
the lecture, which was the cause for an apparent Since he considered liquid oxygen particularly
divergence between Goddard's and his own opin- dangerous to handle, he thought it more reasonable
ions concerning the possibility at the time of build- to use the explosive liquid tetranitromethane. Un-
ing vehicles capable of escaping from the earth's fortunately, on 9 October 1931, this ultrasensitive
gravitation. In fact, Goddard wanted only to send explosive caused an accident that cost him four
a projectile loaded with powder to the moon and fingers of his left hand. 30 Yet the accident did move
observe its arrival by telescope. 25 R E P considered the administration finally to grant a subsidy to
the conditions necessary for transporting living REP, on the initiative of General Ferrie. This sup-
beings from one celestial body to another and port, however, was so limited that it permitted him
returning them to the earth; his more pessimistic only to study a few devices but not to undertake
conclusions were based on considerations of the their fabrication. After the tetranitromethane acci-
substantial initial mass required for a rather small dent, REP returned to liquid oxygen and dealt with
10 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

the problem of precise and proportional flows of Die Erreichbarkeit der Himmelskorper, by Walter
oxygen and fuel. 31 H o h m a n n (1925);** and Der Vorstoss in den Wel-
As early as 1930, R E P studied, with the coopera- tenraum, by Max Valier (1925).35
tion of Pierre Montagne, the optimal theoretical He began to feel that it had become his duty to
conditions for reaction engine carburation. 32 This inform the government of his results, of the poten-
study permitted the determination of the mixture tial dangers and the means of developing methods
ratio of liquid oxygen and petroleum ether to for sending thousands of tons of projectiles several
provide optimum performance. hundred miles in a few hours. Using the calcula-
In 1932, REP, at his laboratory on Rue des tions he had first made in 1920 with two of his
Abondances, in Boulogne-sur-Seine, with Montagne collaborators, Seal and Marcus, he decided to pre-
and Salle, attacked the problem of constructing this pare a secret report which he sent on 20 May 1928
reaction engine and developed a test stand at Satory to his friend, General Ferris, who forwarded it to
which enabled him to study, from 1934 to 1937, the his chiefs.30 This theoretical report demonstrated
optimum output of his engine by injecting liquid that it was already possible to attain a range of
oxygen and petroleum ether into his graphite com- 2267 kilometers with an exhaust velocity of 2667
bustion chamber. T o deal with problems related to meters per second (REP recognized later that this
the use of graphite, REP fabricated a nozzle throat estimate was optimistic for the time). In addition,
from tungsten which he smelted in a high-frequency REP made a detailed study for the particular case
furnace also specially designed by him for this pur- of a rocket of 600-kilometer range, specifying all the
pose. mass ratios, and notably the ballistic yield (the
For these works, R E P obtained a small contract ratio between the weight of the necessary propellant
from the Direction des ELudes et Fabrications and that of the projectile for this range), both for
d'Armements, which assigned Ing^nieur General the mixtures of gasoline and nitrogen peroxide that
Desmazieres to supervise the execution of the he had taken as examples and for the special solid
project. propellant used by Professor Goddard.
In 1937, for dignitaries visiting REP's laboratory, T h e report ended with economic studies compar-
the engine operated 60 seconds without incident, ing rocket and aerial bombings and concluded that
with a thrust of 125 kg. T h e engine itself met the long-range rockets would be the artillery of the
qualification standard but the subsidy to enable future.
REP to construct the gyroscopic stabilization device After some months, the dossier was returned: it
that he considered necessary for his rocket was then had aroused absolutely no interest!
refused. R E P agreed to study a project for a finned No one at the time considered such works apt to
rocket, without gyroscopic guidance, but he bap- give useful results and the scientist was unable to
tized this the " N I C " for "n'importe comment" and overcome the inertia of government officials who
subsequently abandoned this project. T h e outbreak often systematically ignored anything coming from
of the 1939 War put an end to REP's activities in him.
astronautics. In 1931 the government nevertheless assigned a
lieutenant of the technical section of the artillery,
J. J. Barre, to work in REP's laboratory. Barre had
Projects Scorned by Authorities
been collaborating privately with REP since 1927
R E P was no doubt the first to recognize the and had helped with the calculations for the
danger of rockets as weapons capable of inter- memorandum. This assignment lasted only one
continental ranges, and this worried him. At first year, because it was not considered that "a study of
he thought it preferable to remain silent. But the rockets is worthy of the activity of an officer." In
publicity given by the press to his 1927 work, spite of this precise and prophetic memorandum,
"L'Exploration par fusees de la tres haute atmos- REP did not get the subsidies necessary to carry
phere et la possibility des voyages interplan^taires," out the studies he had proposed.
attracted a large correspondence from which he T h e situation was different in Germany, where
learned of works unknown to him: Die Rakete zu similar work led to the V-2 rockets. It should
den Planetenraumen by Hermann Oberth (1923); 33 nevertheless be noted that in 1931 Andr^-Louis
NUMBER 10 11

Hirsch visited Germany, on behalf of REP, to T h e Russian, Ary Sternfeld, who won the prize
witness the first rocket test at Reinickendorf, near in 1934,42 wrote to Andre-Louis Hirsch after the
Berlin, and that these tests were in no way held launching of the first satellite to say that REP's
secret, no doubt because the Germans did not yet books, translated by Rynin, 4 1 had exercised an im-
believe in their military possibilities. portant influence and that the Soviets had used
Because REP's work was not considered to have his mathematical theory of astronautics in their
useful applications and since the necessary support work.
has always been refused, when the war broke out, T h e last winner (1939) was Frank Malina, then a
REP had, according to his own estimate, gone young student in California. 44
about 1/100 of the way.37 T h a t is, he had conducted
static tests on rocket engines giving thrusts up to
REP's Important Publications on Astronautics
300 kg for 60 seconds: this corresponds to a rocket
of a total mass of 100 kg that could reach an alti- Oberth was the first to demonstrate that it was
tude of 100 km (realized by the Americans after technically possible for rockets to eject their gases
1945). at a velocity greater than 4000 meters per second (it
was for this work that he was awarded the REP-
REP-Hirsch International Astronautics Prize Hirsch prize). As Oberth had only stated the prin-
On 1 February 1928, together with Andre-Louis ciple without mathematical demonstration, R E P
Hirsch, REP founded the REP-Hirsch International worked from 1926 to 1930 on the mathematical
Astronautics Prize, awarded u p to 1939 to the best physics solution, which he published in his 1930
original theoretical or experimental work capable book. 45 He also computed the temperature in the
of promoting progress in one of the areas per- combustion chamber and showed that it was much
mitting the realization of interstellar navigation or lower than Oberth had thought, because of the
furthering knowledge in a field related to astro- increase of specific heats with the temperature.
nautics. 38 T h e term "astronautique" which REP From this he concluded that it would be possible
was then introducing into scientific language, had to construct combustion chambers and nozzles of
been pronounced for the first time on 26 December highly refractory materials.
1927 by the French writer, J. H . Rosny, Sr., then Note that REP's theoretical temperature calcula-
President of the "Academie Goncourt" and member tions were resoundingly confirmed during the
of the prize jury (Figure 6).39 stratospheric ascent of Professor Piccard. 46 T h e
Note that the Society Astronomique de France, basket was a sphere polished on one side and black
which was daring enough to sponsor the REP- on the other; the black side was exposed to the sun
Hirsch prize, was the first scientific society in the for a certain time, during which the temperature
world to recognize that this new science had a inside the cabin rose to 39° C.47 REP had predicted
future. a temperature of 42° C.
In the first year, the prize committee received a In 1930, REP gathered his results in his major
manuscript from Hermann Oberth, at the time a work, L'Astronautique,48 a veritable treatise on
professor in a small city, and awarded him the space vehicles that served as a basis for all later
prize.40 This enabled him to find a publisher and, works on this subject. It is a very profound theo-
when his book was published in 1929, Oberth men- retical study based on the thorough knowledge of
tioned, on the last page, that the Soci£t6 Astro- celestial mechanics, astrophysics, and ballistics, as
nomique de France had awarded him the REP- well as physical chemistry and physiology. Nothing
Hirsch prize and said: in it has yet been invalidated.
This book is a basic text for all interested in
It is reassuring to see that science and progress suffice astronautics. One needs only to scan the chapter
to overcome national prejudices. I can think of no better way
to thank the Societe Astronomique de France than to pledge titles to see that it is both a scientific and technical
myself to work on behalf of science and progress and to judge document and an encyclopedia of precious practical
people only on their personal merits. knowledge:
This paragraph survived in later editions, even —Rocket Motion in Vacuum and in Air
during World War II. 4 1 —Density and Composition of the Very High Atmosphere
12 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

FIGURE 6.—A meeting of French astronautical pioneers, Paris, 1927. Sitting, from left: Robert
Esnault-Pelterie and Andre-Louis Hirsch. Standing, from left: Henri Chretien, inventor of
Cinemascope; J. H. Rosny Sr., writer and president, Academic Goncourt; A. Lambert, astrono-
mer, Observatoire de Paris (or Professor Ch. Maurain, see note at end of caption); Jean Perrin,
Nobel Prize; R. Soreau, President, Societe des Ingenieurs Civil de France; General Ferrie (Head,
French Army Signal Corps), member, l'lnstitute de France; Jos. Bethenod, founder, Compagnie
Generate de T.S.F.; E. Fichot, president, Societe Astronomique de France; Em. Belot, astronomer.
Note: this individual is identified as A. Lambert on page 217 of Andrew G. Haley, Rocketry and
Space Exploration (New York: D. Van Nostrand Company, 1958), and as Ch. Maurain in a
caption supplied by Andre-Louis Hirsch to Woodford A. Heflin in 1960 and published in
"Astronautics," American Speech, vol. 36, October 1961, pp. 169-174.—Ed.

—Expansion of Combination Gases Through a Nozzle turn to earth, be turned and braked first by its own
—Combustion in a Chamber engines (today's retrorockets) and then by the use
—Possible Use of Rockets (high altitude exploration, launch-
of a parachute.
ing projectiles to the moon, high-speed travel around
the earth, and travel through the atmosphere) In May 1934, REP published a supplement to his
—Interplanetary Travel (with sections on the conditions 1930 book in which he presented the practical con-
under which trips around the moon will be carried out, ditions and the advantages of interplanetary trips. 49
the design of the spaceship, guidance, navigation and This work included a study of rocket motion
piloting devices, the conditions for habitation).
(velocity, trajectories as a function of the combus-
For these last points, REP states that the spaceship tion regimes and masses); a new study of combus-
could be^ filled with pure oxygen, which would tion gas expansion nozzles; combustion thermo-
reduce the pressure to about a tenth that of the dynamics (referring to the thermochemical studies
atmosphere and would also serve to substantially of Pierre Montagne, for which the latter was
reduce leakages. awarded the REP-Hirsch prize in 1931); prophetic
In the section on the guidance of a spaceship, we considerations on nuclear propulsion; and the use
already find the principle of stabilization by "three of radioactive elements (neutrons and atomic fission
small electric motors each one with a flywheel of had just been discovered) and of atomic hydrogen
sufficient moment of inertia and placed with their (REP was thus the first to consider using free
axes at right angles." radicals to ensure the maximum utilization of
REP also suggests that the spaceship, for its re- available energy for propulsion).
NUMBER 10 13

In addition to a study of orbital paths (corre-

sponding to our transfer orbits), this work includes
considerations on the application of relativity to
energy radiation (REP anticipated photonic pro-
pulsion, study of which has been undertaken re-
cently in some countries).
T h e principle of multistage rockets and the cal-
culations of mass ratios presented by R E P stimu-
lated the work of Louis Damblanc, who in 1936
was awarded a patent for "self-driven projectiles
whose propulsive charge is distributed in several
combustion stages along the axis of the rocket." 50
REP also foresaw the advantage of rockets for the
study of the aurora borealis, which is the purpose
of many current sounding rockets.
After the publication of the supplement to his
book, R E P was awarded his second annual Grand
Prize by the Societe des Ing^nieurs Civils de France.
On 22 J u n e 1936, he became a member of the FIGURE 7.—Device for injecting fuel and oxidizer into the
Acaddmie des Sciences in the division "applications combustion chamber. 1, Argon tank. 2, Coil exchanger. 3,
Liquid oxygen tank. 4, Release valve. 5, Petroleum ether tank.
de la science a l'industrie." 51
6, Pressure gauge. 7, Heating by-pass regulator. 8, Petroleum
ether outlet. 9, Liquid oxygen outlet.
Some Experimental Works
argon contained in tank (1). Relief valve (4), in
Let us review some of REP : s experimental works which the argon vapor is expanded at 25 hpz,
that enabled him to solve certain problems in an forces the petroleum ether from the tank (5) to-
original way (we owe the details of paragraphs 1—4 wards the jets 52 either directly or through exchange
to Ing£nieur General J.-J. Barre, who sent us copies coil (2).
of certain of REP's reports, the originals of which For the static tests at Satory (see 5, below), com-
have been destroyed). pressed nitrogen was used to feed the fuel through
1. Method of injecting fuel and oxidizer into the a relief valve. This device operated very safely,
combustion chamber.—REP first tried using a de- provided the regulators were defrosted when neces-
vice including volumetric pumps driven by a sort sary. T h e major advantage was the remarkably low
of gas turbine turned by part of the jet from the dead weight, but it was not entirely satisfactory
nozzle. This design was abandoned because of the when used for cold and dense gases, the mass of
difficulties due to p u m p lubrication and the poor which tends to become quite substantial.
behavior of the liquid-oxygen fittings. He then used 2. Vibrating volumetric feed regulator.—REP
pressurized tanks for feeding the fuel and oxidizer. then conceived of a vibrating volumetric feed regu-
This system worked by the pressure of an inert gas lator to control the liquid flow. Figure 8 shows the
on the fuel and by the action of a heater that raised working of a device designed according to the prin-
the pressure of the oxygen and vaporized part of it. ciple of a double pendulum. T h e liquid leaves tank
Figure 7 shows a particularly original device used (K) by two cylinders (C) and the ports of the slide-
by REP's team. It is based on the fact that the valves (T) connected to pistons (P) by springs. T h e
vapor pressure of liquid argon is 31.5 hpz at 140° K, slide-valves (T) were fixed to the cylinder frame by
while the vapor pressure of liquid oxygen at this springs. T h e entire system vibrated in resonance
temperature is 25 hpz. A bypass (7) operates at the with tank (K), whose vibrations could be tuned to
pressure of the liquid oxygen tank (3) and allows those of the piston/slide-valve assembly, by means
the petroleum ether to pass at a rate sufficient to of closed tube (A). T h e liquid flow was thus pro-
maintain the pressure at 25 hpz, taking into ac- vided by equal and synchronous volume. This
count the heat given off by the liquid oxygen to the device worked quite well during its first water test.
14 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

proved to be particularly good material for liquid

oxygen tanks because their mechanical character-
istics are better at very low temperatures. Since it
was not possible at this time to weld such alloys,
REP designed tanks of duralumin, using thin
rolled-up sheets and bonding successive layers to-
gether (Figure 10). Because of the low quality of
the available adhesives, he did not continue his
efforts to perfect this method at the time, but the
idea was adopted very much later in other coun-
tries.
5. Firing tests at Satory.—A test stand was built
at Satory in 1932. It was used for engines delivering
thrusts u p to 100 kg and later u p to 300 kg. Exhaust
velocities of 2400 m/sec were attained in 1936.
Figure 11 shows this apparatus in detail. T h e
compartment on the left housed the petroleum
ether tank; that in the center, the engine being
tested; and that on the right, the liquid-oxygen
tank.
Each of the tanks was mounted on a recording
balance. T h e engine, with its jet directed downward,
was suspended from a dynamometer having a power-
ful vibration damper that from the beginning
worked as R E P had calculated. T h e successive tests
enabled the measurement of the time, the pro-
FIGURE 8.—Vibrating volumetric feed regulator. pellant flow, the tank pressures, combustion cham-
ber pressure, pressure at the nozzle throat, the
engine thrust, and the inlet and outlet coolant
3. Constant pressure drop jet.—This jet was temperatures. These measurements were executed
intended to ensure a correct mixture ratio with con- automatically in the proper sequence by a mechan-
stant pressure drop whatever the liquid viscosity. ical timer invented by REP. It should be noted that
Figure 9 shows the inner surface of the jet, which this assembly worked correctly from the beginning.
is grooved. W h e n the depth (b) of these grooves is It was necessary to add only an electric heater in
equal to the distance (a) between them, the flow is order to pressurize the oxygen tank. For cooling
independent of the viscosity of the fluid. Naturally, R E P at first used water.
this arrangement increases the pressure drop be- A study of cooling by liquid oxygen was under-
tween the tank and the combustion chamber. taken next and tests were conducted on 15 October,
4. Means of lightening tanks.—Light alloys 3 and 16 December 1936.53

77/
W

FIGURE 10.—Rolled and adhesive-bonded sheets for the

FIGURE 9.—Inner surface of injector, showing grooves. manufacture of tanks.
NUMBER 10 15

FIGURE 11.—Experimental facility at Satory for static-test firing of rocket engines.

Figure 12 shows the system for cooling the nozzle of the nozzle and rings A and D, had been previ-
by circulation of the liquid oxygen before its intro- ously adjusted according to the results of water-flow
duction into the thrust chamber. T h e latter was tests.
made of duraluminum and contained a block of None of the three tests was successful, and REP
pure copper into which were screwed six pure abandoned the idea of cooling by liquid oxygen.
copper premixing chambers. T h e latter were T h e reason for his efforts to cool the nozzles in this
equipped with four rings of jet holes. way was that he feared it would not be possible to
T h e nozzle was made entirely of pure copper, and operate without cooling.
its outer surface had longitudinal 30° grooves 6. Uncooled refractory nozzles.—At the end of
which, while doubling the surface wetted by the 1936, R E P began to work on nozzles made of ultra-
oxygen, provided sufficient passage for the latter refractory materials. For this purpose he built an
even in the case that the nozzle, when expanding electric furnace of his own design. After many diffi-
to regulate the thickness of the cooling sheet of culties due to the outdated equipment he was
liquid oxygen would touch the outer ring (A). obliged to use because of lack of money, and after
T h e fuel arrived under pressure at B and, pass- many experiments 6 4 he managed to make con-
ing through the circular feeder (C), escaped by vergent parts of nozzles to the following dimen-
290 small triangular slits cut 0.5 mm into the sions: a cylinder 50 m m in diameter and 20 m m
upper part of ring D, and wet the external surface thick having, along its axis, a hole of which the
of the nozzle. T h e flow around the nozzle is con- diameter converged from 35 m m at the entrance to
trolled by ring A, whose cylindrical bore was 17 mm at the throat. At that time his tests nor-
threaded so as to provide a rough surface that en- mally lasted 60 seconds. In order to fabricate with
sured a constant pressure drop. T h e dimensions of this furnace the nozzles needed, he had in vain
the oxygen passages, that is, the relative positions asked the Caisse Nationale des Recherches Scienti-
16 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

nected to the control stick by a system in such a

way that the pilot would have only to make simple
instinctive movements. It would even be possible to
control the rocket automatically by means of a
system of pendulums." This idea was applied in
the V-2 integrating-accelerometer that guided the
rocket by controlling the jet deflectors. In fact this
accelerometer is composed of a gyroscopic pendu-
lum mounted on gimbals.

Other Technical and Scientific Fields

In addition to his work on aviation and astro-

nautics, R E P applied his exceptional vision to
many other fields—metallurgy, electricity, mag-
netism, viscosity, compressibility of liquids, and
thermodynamics. H e received more than 200 in-
ventor's patents 5 5 and built many devices involving
new principles, such as explosion and combustion
engines, combustion turbines, mechanical and hy-
draulic gear systems, automobile suspensions, elec-
tromagnetic devices, hardness measuring instru-
ments for metals, 56 a n d medical apparatus for
electrical shock treatments. His ballistic engine, on
which he worked from 1916 to 1921 (the energy of
the gas was transmitted to a liquid acting on a
hydraulic tank) corresponds to the first idea of
hydraulic power transmission which is only now
FIGURE 12.—Diagram showing method of cooling rocket nozzle beginning to be applied 5 7 (e.g., the German Klatte
with liquid oxygen, December, 1936. transmission).
In 1915, as a forerunner in yet another field, he
fiques for a grant that would allow him to buy a carried out extensive research on the use of tidal
secondhand 32,000 cycle alternator for 6000 francs energy in the Straits of Dover. 58
of the time, as well as various parts for measurement It is noteworthy that R E P never hesitated to go
instruments. In spite of the crippling conditions beyond the limits of his own field as soon as he was
under which he was obliged to work, his efforts to hampered by a lack of theoretical bases, nor did he
improve the material for his furnace nevertheless hesitate to carry out a number of basic research
enabled him to construct an electric furnace of projects, some of great value. For example, in his
highly original design, which he named "four- astronautics work, he made careful study of a great
fronde" and for which he used centrifugal force to many ideas relating to dimensional analysis, i.e.,
increase the compactness of the ceramic material the means of determining the form of equations
during the treatment. associating certain values.
It is noteworthy that he also experimented on In fact, in 1933, his work on rockets using oxygen
throatless nozzles, the cylindrical chamber opening and liquid fuels posed the problems of designing
directly into the diverging cone. a small injector for a rocket engine of some 20,000
7. Rocket guidance.—Some of the devices in- nominal horsepower that would weigh no more
vented by REP were used in the V-2 rockets and in than 2.5 kg and occupy a small volume. REP thus
the American Viking rockets derived from them. found himself faced with a flow problem where the
An example is the gimbaled nozzle proposed by equations of hydrodynamics were not easy to apply.
REP in 1927. REP described this nozzle as "con- T h e only solution was to carry out a series of
NUMBER 10 17

measurements and to complement his experiments

by theoretical study within the scope of dimen-
sional analysis. Since he was unable to find the
necessary information in existing publications, he
undertook the work himself. His findings, which he
communicated to the Acad^mie des Sciences in
1933, included notably the discovery of a particular
type of constant pressure drop flow ("isozemique")
FIGURE 13.—REP's apartment at 43 Boulevard Lannes, in
that, as demonstrated by dimensional analysis, is Paris, after attachment of his furniture by the Tax
independent of viscosity.59 T h e tests described Department.
above with petroleum ether and liquid oxygen,
using orifices determined by these calculations, con-
firmed his forecasts exactly. In his last years, R E P experienced many trying
T h e final result was the publication at Lausanne days. He who could have made a fortune thanks to
in 1948 of his book on dimensional analysis, his inventions, was harassed by the tax department
VAnalyse dimensionnelle, the preliminary manu- and his furniture was attached (Figure 13)—this on
script of which was written between September 1945 top of the indifference, the lack of understanding,
and April 1946.60 and the sarcasm he had suffered all his life.
Since we are conducting a symposium on the After participating in the exciting development
history of astronautics, I should like to draw atten- of aviation, REP, as a space pioneer had the some-
tion to the fact that in an appendix to this book, what bitter consolation, before his death on 6 De-
REP had proposed creating in each faculty a Chair cember 1957, of seeing his ideas confirmed abroad,
in the History of Science for the purpose of promot- first by the V-2 and later by the launching of the
ing a study of the errors in judgment which have first earth satellite, Sputnik I, in the USSR.
had to be overcome in order to make progress pos- On the day of his death, a Vanguard rocket was
sible and for comparing the various hypotheses that launched at Cape Canaveral (now Cape Kennedy)
had to be abandoned with those that have survived; like a salute in his honor.
for he said that knowledge of the reasons for these After looking into the laborious life of this in-
choices is frequently much more useful in the train- genious pioneer, we salute the memory of this uni-
ing of a scientific mind than the study of texts in versal man, hardly knowing what to praise the most
their definitive form, which leaves the student —the researcher's rich imagination; the theorti-
under the illusion that "all came about by itself." cian's rigorous reasoning; the experimentalist's
capability, boldness, and intrepidity; or the engi-
neer's concern for perfection.
Last Years I should like to express my appreciation to all
those who helped me in my library research on
After the war, REP, who had retired to Switzer- Robert Esnault-Pelterie and in particular, Gaston
land unknown and misunderstood, abandoned Palewski, former Minister of Scientific Research;
space research. This extremely unfortunate decision Ingenieur General J.-J. Barre; Pierre Montagne;
was a great loss for astronautics, particularly since Alexandre Ananoff; and George S. James.
almost all his unpublished work was lost. Moreover,
many documents in the possession of certain col-
NOTES
leagues had to be destroyed at the time our country
was occupied.
The author of this paper, Lise Blosset, is (1973) Directeur
However, on 9 May 1947, in a lecture given at the Adjoint, Charge de Mission aupres du Directeur General
Aero-Club de France, REP returned to the results Centre National d'Ltudes Spatiales, 129 rue de l'Universite,
of his calculations and conclusions concerning the Paris, France.—Ed.
mixtures previously studied (solid propellants and
1. Robert Esnault-Pelterie, Vie et travaux scientifiques
petroleum ether/liquid oxygen) and added to these
(Orleans, France: Henri Tessier, 1931), pp. 3-5 (hereafter
mixtures of liquid hydrogen/liquid oxygen and cited as REP, Vie et travaux).—Ed.
uranium 235 and plutonium. 6 1 2. REP, Vie et travaux, pp. 5-6.—Ed.
18 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

3. French Patent 318,667, 13 February 1902, Relais sensible 8. A. Dc Masfrand, "Premiers essais publics de l'aeroplane
dc telegraphic sans fil.—Ed. Esnault-Pelterie," L'Aerophile, vol. 15, October 1907, pp. 289-
4. The result of these gliding and automobile-towed glider 91; REP, "L'Aeroplane et le moteur extra-leger Robert
tests, conducted near Calais, and the flight performance Esnault-Pelterie," L'Aerophile, vol. 15, December 1907, pp.
measurements of components mounted above an automobile, 330-32; REP, Vie et Travaux, pp. 12-17. Legal acknowledg-
during high speed runs between Vierson and Salbris (South ment of Esnault-Pelterie's invention of the "manche a
of Orleans) were reported in: REP, "Experiences d'aviation, balai" (joy-stick) came, in France and other countries, only
executees en 1904, en verification dc celles des freres Wright," after many years of court litigation; see "Systems of Con-
L'Aerophile, vol. 13, June 1905, pp. 132-138 (presented at a trol," Flight, vol. 1, 2 January 1909, pp. 9-10; "The Esnault-
conference of the Aero Club of France on 5 January 1905); Pelterie 'Joy-Stick' Bombshell," and "The R.E.P. Litigation
REP, "Communication, faite a la Societe Francaise de in France," Flight, vol. 12, 12 August 1920, pp. 876, 878; "Un
Navigation Aerienne par M. Robert Esnault-Pelterie," Grand Conflit industriel," and Charles Weismann, "Les
L'Aeronaute, vol. 40, February 1907, pp. 31-40, and March Proces du manche a balai," L'Aerophile, vol. 28, 15 August
1907, pp. 61-72 (presented on 24 January 1907); REP, Vie 1920, pp. 251-52; "The R.E.P. Litigation," Flight, vol. 12,
et travaux, pp. 7-12, 47-59.—Ed. 19 August 1920, p. 915; REP, "Les Proces du manche a
5. "L'Aeroplane et le moteur extra-leger Esnault-Pelterie," balai," L'Aerophile, vol. 28, 15 September 1920, p. 268; C.
L'Aerophile, vol. 15, April 1907, pp. 100-101 (editorial com- Weismann, "Les Questions du manche a balai," L'Aerophile,
ments and a letter from REP, dated 22 March 1907 describing vol. 28, 15 October 1920, pp. 313-14; "The Joy Stick Liti-
research); A. de Masfrand, "Premiers essais publics de gation," Flight, vol. 12, 28 October 1920, p. 1136; "L'Affaire
l'aeroplane Esnault-Pelterie," L'Aerophile, vol. 15, October Esnault-Pelterie en Cour d'Appel," L'Aerophile, vol. 30,
1907, pp. 289-91; "M. Esnault-Pelterie's Experiments," The 15 November 1922, p. 339, and 15 December 1922, p. xix;
Automotor Journal, vol. 12, 26 October 1907, p. 1516; "The and L'Aerophile, vol. 31, 15 January 1923, pp. 23-24; 15
Esnault-Pelterie Flying Machine," The Automotor Journal, February 1923, pp, xix-xx; 15 March 1923, pp. 89-90; 15
vol. 12, 2 November 1907, pp. 1533-34; 'Portraits d'aviateurs April 1923, pp. 116-17; 15 May 1923, pp. 112-13; 15 July
contemporains" and REP, "L'Aeroplane et le moteur extra- 1923, pp. 220-22; "The 'Joy-Stick' Action," Flight, vol. 15,
leger Robert Esnault-Pelterie," L'Aerophile, vol. 15, December 24 May 1923, p. 280; "The 'Joy-Stick' Action," and "The
1907, cover and pp. 330-32; "Progress of Mechanical Flight, French 'Manche a Balai' Action," Flight, vol. 15, 31 May
Individual Performance to Date," Flight, vol. 1, 2 January 1923, pp. 288, 297; "The 'Joy-Stick' Claim," Aeroplane, vol.
1909, p. 12; REP, Vie et travaux, pp. 12-16.—Ed. 24, 30 May 1923, p. 404; and "Joy-Stick," Time, vol. 18,
6. "The 'R.E.P.' Aerial Motor—A Striking Design," The 5 October 1931, pp. 30 and 32.—Ed.
Automotor Journal, vol. 12, 2 November 1907, pp. 1534-35, 9. Georges Blanchet, "Experiences de M. R. Esnault-Pelterie,
and "The 7-Cyl. 'R.E.P.' Airship Motor," 30 November 1907, le nouvel aeroplane R.E.P.—a 30 metres de hauteur—les
p. 1719; REP, "Le Moteur R.E.P. sept cylindres," La Revue records du 'monoplan,'" L'Aerophile, vol. 16, 15 June 1908,
de I'Aviation, vol. 2, 15 November 1907, pp. 5-7; W. F. p. 226; Fred T. Jane, All the World's Air Ships (London:
Bradley, "Advance in Aeronautical Motor Building," The Sampson Low, Marston & Co., Ltd., 1909) pp. 121-22, 347,
Automobile, 13 August 1908, pp. 225-28; "Aeroplane Pro- 355; "R.E.P. (No. 2)," Flight, vol. 1, 9 January 1909, p. 19;
pellers; Table of Propellers at the Paris Salon," Flight, vol. L. Lagrance, "L'Aeroplane REP et les moteurs REP,"
1, 9 January 1909, pp. 22-23; "The First Paris Aeronautical L'Aerophile, vol. 17, 15 January 1909, pp. 33-37 and xi;
Salon; Engines for Airplanes," Flight, vol. 1, 16 January 1909, Oiseau, "Impressions of the Paris Show," Flight, vol. 2,
pp. 33-35, and 23 January 1909, p. 47; L. Lagrange, "L'Aero- 22 October 1910, p. 862, and 29 October 1910, p. 880; Jane,
plane REP et les moteurs REP," L'Aerophile, vol. 17, 15 All the World's Airships (London, 1910), pp. iii, iv, 129, 164,
January 1909, pp. 33-37, xi; H. Kromer, "Motor R. Esnault- 424, 437, 441, 446, 457, 463; "The Last Day," and "Laurens
Pelterie," Deutsche Zeitschrift fur Luftschiffahrt, 30 June Wins the Coupe Deperdussin," Flight, vol. 3, 7 January
1909, pp. 558-60; Rapport officiel sur la premiere Exposition 1911, pp. 8, 17; "Pierre Marie Bournique, sur 'REP,' vole
Internationale de Locomotion Airienne (Paris: Librairie 530 kilometres et etablit les nouveaux records du monde a
Aeronautique, 1910), pp. 45-47, 48, 59-60; "Les Moteurs partir de 250 kilometers," L'Aerophile, vol. 19, 15 January
d'aviation; le nouveaux moteur REP (50-60 chx), "L'Aero- 1911, 28; "Latest Official World's Records," Flight, vol. 3,
phile, vol. 18, 1 September 1910, pp. 401-02; "Les Moteurs 21 January 1911, p. 57; Mervyn O'Gorman, "Problems Re-
a l'Exposition [illus.], L'Aerophile, vol. 18, 15 November lating to Aircraft," Flight, vol. 3, 25 March 1911, p. 266; Paul
1910, p. 515; "The Vickers-R.E.P. Engines," The Aeroplane, Pouchet, "Les Aeroplanes REP et le moteur REP, 5 cylindres,"
vol. 1, 21 June 1911, pp. 50, 70; Paul Pouchet, "Le Nouveau L'Adrophile, vol. 19, 15 April 1911, p. 173-79; "The Latest
Moteur 'REP'; types 50/60 et 40/50 chx a 5 cylindres," R.E.P. Racing Monoplane, Le Poussin," Flight, vol 3, 13 May
L'Aerophile, vol. 19, 15 April 1911, pp. 177-179; Alex 1911, p. 425; "Gilbert's R.E.P., the only machine to go through
Dumas, "Les Moteurs et les helices," L'Aerophile, vol. 20, [the European Circuit] with the same engine from start to
1 January 1912, pp. 12-14.—Ed. finish," The Aeroplane, vol. 1, 13 July 1911, p. 127; "Aero-
7. "L'Aviation aux ingenieurs civils; M. Robert Esnault- planes REP," L'Aerophile, vol. 19, 1 November 1911, pp.
Pelterie laureat de la Societe des Ingenieurs Civils," L'Aero- 504-05; "The R.E.P. stand at the Paris Air Show, and the
phile, vol. 16, 1 July 1908, p. 255; REP, Vie et travaux, New 90 h.p. 7 cyl. R.E.P. motor," Flight, vol. 3, 30 Decem-
pp. 12-14, pp. 61-86 (reprint of 8 November 1907 lecture). ber 1911, p. 1135-36; Jane, All the World's Aircraft, 1912,
—Ed. pp. 149, 178, 347, 363; "World's Flying Records," Aero
NUMBER 10 19

Club of America Bulletin, vol. 1, June 1912, p. 17; "The 21. REP, "Consideration sur les rcsultats de l'allcgement
Latest R.E.P. Monoplane," Flight, vol. 4, 30 September 1912, indefini des moteurs [Considerations concerning the results
p. 854; "The 80 hp R.E.P. hydromonoplane," Flight, vol. 4, of the indefinite lightening of motors] (Fontenay-aux-Roses:
9 November 1912, p. 1028; Jane, All the World's Aircraft, L. Bcllcnand, 1916). Presented to the Societe Francaise de
1913, pp. 77, 100, l i b , 7c, Id, 25d; "R.E.P. Redivivus," The Physique on 15 November 1912 and originally published in
Aeroplane, vol. 4, 11 December 1913, p. 634; Jane, All the Journal de Physique, ser. 5, vol. 3, March 1913, pp. 218-30.
World's Aircraft, 1914, pp. 72, 92, l i b , 16d; "R.E.P.," Flight, Sec Appendix for a complete translation of this work.
vol. 6, 10 January 1914, p. 33; Jane, All the World's Aircraft, 22. REP, "L'Exploration par fusees de la tres haute atmos-
1916, pp. 123 and 15b; "Le Concours de la securite," I'Aero- phere et la possibility des voyages interplanetaires," [Rocket
phile, vol. 22, 1 July 1914, pp. 304-305; Owen Thetford, Exploration of the Very High Atmosphere and the Possi-
British Naval Aircraft, 1912-58 (London: Putnam, 1958) p. bility of Interplanetary Travel] (Paris: Societe Astronomique
382 (R.E.P. Parasol). A list of the records established by de France, 1928). Lecture given before the Society on 8 June
REP airplanes is presented in Lucien Marchis, Vingt cinq 1927.—Ed.
ans d'aeronautique francaise (Paris: edite par la Chambre 23. Robert H. Goddard, "A Method of Reaching Extreme
Syndicate des Industries Aeronautiques, 1934), vol. 1 (of 3), Altitudes," Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 72,
p. 194.—Ed. no. 2, December 1919, Preface and pp. 5-11. REP and
10. "Bulletin officiel de l'Aero-Club de France," L'Aero- Goddard exchanged an interesting series of letters dating
phile, vol. 17, 15 January 1909, p. 43; "Official Pilots," Flight, back to REP's first letter on 31 March 1920. The plans of
vol. 1, 16 January 1909, p. 39; "The Trials of a Pilot, Being both pioneers to meet each other were never fulfilled, see
Some Account of the Experiences of M. Esnault-Pelterie and The Papers of Robert H. Goddard, edited by Esther C.
Others in the Air," Flight, vol. 1, 30 January 1909, pp. 60-61; Goddard and G. Edward Pendray (New York: McGraw-Hill
"The First Aviation Pilots to Whom the Aero Club of France Book Company, 1970), vol. 1, pp. 432, 436-37, 442, 445, 448-49,
Have Granted Certificates and Their Credentials," Flight, 450, and vol. 2, pp. 646-47, 651, 931, 938, 940, 947, 999—Ed.
vol. 1, 6 March 1909, p. 131.—Ed. 24. Goddard, "A Method of Reaching Extreme Altitudes,"
11. "The R.E.P. Belt with Quick Detachment Device," The pp. 12-54.—Ed.
Aeroplane, vol. 1, 21 June 1911, p. 68; Henry Woodhouse 25. Op. cit., note 24, pp. 55-57, 67-68 (notes 19-21).—Ed.
"The R.E.P. Safety Belt," and "The R.E.P. Wings Supporting 26. Konstantin Eduardovich Tsiolkovskiy, "Issledovanie
a Load of 6,250 Kilograms of Sand," (in "What is Being mirovykh prostranstv reaktivnymi priborami" [Investigation
Done to Make Aviation Safe in Europe"), Aero Club of of Space by Means of Reaction Devices], Nauchnoye
America Bulletin, vol. 1, August 1912, pp. 15-16. His aviation obozreniye [Science Review], no. 5, 1903.—Ed.
safety procedures and a list of his aviation patents appear in 27. Op. cit., note 1.
REP, Vie et Travaux, pp. 14-19, 98-100.—Ed. 28. Op. cit., note 20, p. 20.—Ed.
12. REP, Quelques reseignements pratiques sur I'aviation 29. Op. cit., note 22.
(Paris: Librairie Aeronautique, 1912).—Ed. 30. REP, "De L'Aeronautique a l'astronautique," in:
13. "La Chambre Syndicate des Industries Aeronautiques," Quinze ans d'aeronautique francaise, 1932-1947 (edite par
L'Aerophile, vol. 16, 1 March 1908, p. 84.—Ed. l'Union Syndicale des Industries Aeronautiques, 1949), p.
14. "French Trade Societies Formally Amalgamated," 17.—Ed.
Flight, vol. 2, 30 July 1910, p. 601.—Ed. 31. Op. cit., note 30.
15. Philos, " I r e Exposition Internationale de Locomotion 32. In current American usage, the term carburetion has
Aerienne, organisee par l'Association des Industriels de la been replaced by the term injection for the process of in-
Locomotion Aerienne sous le patronage de l'Aero-Club de jecting, atomizing, and mixing the propellants of a liquid-
France," L'Aerophile, vol. 17, 1 October 1909, pp. 433-34 — fueled rocket engine.—Ed.
Ed.
33. [The Rocket Into Interplanetary Space], Munich-Berlin:
16. Wernher von Braun and Frederick I. Ordway III, His-
R. Oldenbourg, 1923.
toire Mondiale De'Astronautique (Larousse, Paris-Match,
34. [Accessibility of Celestial Bodies], Munich: R. Olden-
1968).—Ed.
bourg, 1924.
17. "Esnault-Pelterie etait le plus ecoute des quatre
pionniers de l'astronautique, car il fut le seul a etre celebre 35. [Moving Forward into Outer Space], Munich: R. Olden-
de son vivant. II a eu, comme Oberth, la joie de voir ses bourg, 1924.
reves entrer dans la voie des realisations, puisqu'il est mort 36. REP, Rapport a Monsieur le General Ferrie, (Paris, 20
apres le lancement des deux premiers 'Spoutnik,' " Histoire May 1928, unpublished.
Mondiale d'Astronautique, p. 79.—Ed. 37. The appraisal given by the Germans was: "Esnault-
18. "From Crest to Crest, From City to City, From Con- Pelterie experimented with liquid oxygen and gasoline as
tinent to Continent," in L"Aviation, ses Debuts—son develop- propellants. He worked there (near Paris) with more or less
ment (Paris, Nancy: Berger-Levrault & Cie, 1908), p. 161. success, until the War broke out. When the Germans later
REP's aviation achievements also are mentioned on pp. 132- investigated his facilities, they came to the conclusion that it
34.—Ed. would have taken him several years to accomplish the first
19. Belgian patent 236,377, 10 June 1911, A Device for convincing result." Walter R. Dornberger, "European Rock-
Studying the Upper Atmosphere.—Ed. etry After World War I," Journal of the British Inter-
20. REP, L'Astronautique (Paris: A. Lahure, 1930), p. 20, planetary Society, vol. 13, no. 5 (September 1954), pp. 245-55,
footnote 3.—Ed. 262; and "European Rocketry After World War I," in Reali-
20 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS O F FLIGHT

ties of Space Flight, edited by L. J. C a r t e r (London: P u t n a m , Piccard a n d M. Cosyns broke the previous record by reaching
1957), p . 390.—Ed. a height of 16,700 meters. "A Stratospherical Record, Balloon
38. E. Fichot, " L e Prix R E P - H i r s c h ' et les problems de Ascent by Prof. Piccard, 10i/£ Miles U p , " Flight, 26 August
l ' a s t r o n a u t i q u e , " Bulletin de la Societe Astronotnique de 1932, p . 798.—Ed.
France, vol. 42, February 1928, p p . 57-59; see editorial intro- 47. Charles Dollfus, "L'Ascension stratospherique d u pro-
duction to R E P , " L a Navigation intersiderale on astro- fessor Piccard et de Cosyns," L'Aeronautique, vol. 14, Septem-
n a u t i q u e , " L'Aerophile, vol. 36, 15 M a r c h 1928, p p . 67-70; ber 1932, p . 268.—Ed.
a n d "Preisausschreiben fiir eine Arbeit u b e r Raumschiffahrt," 48. O p . cit., note 2.
Der Flug, vol. 10, n o . 7 (April 1928), p . 130.—Ed. 49. R E P , L'Astronautique—Complement (Paris: Societe des
39. Woodford A. Heflin, "Astronautics," American Speech, Ingenieurs Civils d e France, 1935). Lecture given to the
vol. 36, October 1961, p p . 169-74, a n d " R o b e r t Esnault- Society on 25 May 1934.—Ed.
Pelterie," in Shirley T h o m a s , Men of Space (Philadelphia, 50. French p a t e n t 803,021, 29 J u n e 1936, " d e projectiles
New York, L o n d o n : Chilton Book Company, 1968), p p . 20-24, auto-propulseurs d o n t la charge propulsive est r e p a r t i e en
(conversation between the a u t h o r a n d Andre-Louis Hirsch). plusiers etages de combustion superposes suivant l'axe longi-
—Ed. t u d i n a l d e la fusee" [self-projectiles with propellant charge
40. A. H a m o n , "Assemblee generate annuelle d e la Societe divided into several combustion stages superimposed along
A s t r o n o m i q u e d e France" (5 J u n e 1929); Gabrielle Camille longitudinal axis of the rocket].—Ed.
F l a m m a r i o n , "Les Progres de la Societe Astronomique de 51. "Election a l'Academie des Sciences," Bulletin de la
France," a n d " P r i x et medailles decernes par la Societe," Societe Astronomique de France, October 1936, p . 487.
Bulletin de la Societe Astronomique de France, vol. 43, J u l y 52. American usage would define the term "jets" as in-
1929, p p . 301, 313, 314; and "Der REP-Hirsch-Preis Professor jector orifices.
H e r m a n O b e r t h zuerkannt," Die Rakete, vol. 3, 15 J u n e 1929, 53. R E P , "Reglage des orifices p o u r la p r e m i e r e experience
p . 75.—Ed. de refroidissement p a r oxygene l i q u i d e " [Adjustment of the
41. T h i s epilogue appears on p . 576 of Ways to Spaceflight, orifices for t h e first e x p e r i m e n t in cooling by liquid oxygen],
by H e r m a n n O b e r t h , NASA T T F-622, 1972, a translation R e p o r t no. 2125, Paris, September-October 1936; a n d "Essais
into English of t h e book Wege zur Raumschiffahrt (Munich- de mise a feu avec refroidissement p a r oxygene liquide,"
Berlin: R. O l d e n b o u r g , 1929).—Ed. [Firing tests for cooling by liquid oxygen], R e p o r t n o . 2163,
42. " T h e History of the R E P - H i r s c h Award," Astronautics, Paris, 15 October, 3 December, a n d 16 December 1936.—Ed.
no. 34 ( J u n e 1936), p p . 6-7, 13; Ary J. Sternfeld, "Initiation 54. R E P , " R e c a p i t u l a t i o n des resultats o b t e n u s au cours de
a la cosmonautique," French m a n u s c r i p t translated a n d p u b - l'anne 1937" [Review of t h e results obtained in 1937], R e p o r t
lished in Russian as Vvedenie v kosmonavtiku [Introduction no. 2333, Paris, 17 December 1937.—Ed.
to Cosmonautics], L e n i n g r a d and Moscow: O N T I Glavnaya 55. A list of the French patents awarded h i m (to J u n e
redaktsiya aviatsionnoi literatury, 1937. See also Joseph 1929) appears in R E P , Vie et travaux, p p . 93-100.—Ed.
Krieger, Behind the Sputniks, A Survey of Soviet Space 56. R E P , " A p p a r a t u s a n d Methods for Measurement of the
Science (Washington, D.C.: Public Affairs Press, 1958), p . 351. Hertzian Hardness," Engineer, vol. 146, nos. 3788, 3789, and
—Ed. 3790, 17, 24, a n d 31 August 1928, p p . 180-81, 196-97, and
43. See p p . 3-97 of Interplanetary Flight and Communica- 220-22. P a p e r r e a d on 24 November 1927 before the British
tion, vol. 3, (Theory of Space Flight), by Nikolai Alexeyevich Section of Societe des Ingenieurs Civils de France.—Ed.
R y n i n , NASA T T F-647, 1971, a translation into English of 57. " M o t e u r balistique" p p . 7-8 in Note 30 above.—Ed.
the book Mezhplanetnye soobshcheniya Tom 3, vypusk 8, 58. "Utilization de l'energie des marees," R E P , Vie et
Teoriya kosmicheskogo poleta (Leningrad: Izdatel'stvo Aca- Traveaur, p . 38.—Ed.
demii N a u k SSSR, 1932). It contains translations of R E P ' s 59. R E P , "Sur l'application d e l'analyse dimensionnelle a
"Consideration sur les resultats de l'allegement indefini des l'etude de l'ecoulement t u r b u l e n t , " Comptes Rendus de
m o t e u r s , " 1913 (see note 21); " L ' E x p l o r a t i o n p a r fusee de la l'Academie des Sciences, vol. 196, 26 J u n e 1933, p . 1968;
tres h a u t e a t m o s p h e r e et la possibilite des voyages inter- " E t u d e de l'ecoulement en regime t u r b u l e n t a travers des
planetaires," 1928 (see note 22); and "Astronautik u n d orifices," Chaleur et Industrie, vol. 15, nos. 171, 172, a n d 173,
Relativitatstheorie, 1928." T h i s last p a p e r by R E P first a p - July, August, and September, p p . 129-36, 189-98, a n d 235-42;
peared in Die Rakete, vol. 2, 15 August 1928, p p . 114-17; 15 a n d "Extension d u principe de la loi-limite en analysis
September 1928, p p . 130-34; and 15 October 1928, p p . 146-48, dimensionnelle," Comptes Rendus, vol. 203, 26 October 1936,
as translated from the French by J o h a n n e s Winkler. Sub- p . 755.—Ed.
sequently t h e p a p e r was e x p a n d e d a n d included as p p . 228-41 60. R E P , L'Analyse dimensionnelle, L a u s a n n e : F. Rouge,
in R E P , L'Astronautique (note 20).—Ed. 1948. Additional publications of his concerning dimensional
44. " P r i x et medailles descernes p a r la Societe," Bulletin de analysis include the following, all a p p e a r i n g in Comptes
la Societe Astronomique de France, vol. 53, J u l y 1939, p . 296. Rendus de l'Academie des Sciences: "Sur u n e confusion
—Ed. d'idees," vol. 225, 13 October 1947, p p . 606-09; "Sur u n e
45. O p . cit., note 20. demonstration illusoire," vol. 225, 27 October 1947; "Variables
46. 27 May 1931 record flight (16,000 meters) of Professor de Vaschy et similitude m e c a n i q u e , " vol. 226, 14 J u n e 1948,
Auguste Picchard a n d M. Kipfer is discussed in " L e Mois, les p p . 1935-38; "Action d ' u n e variation d u n o m b r e des gran-
records," L'Aerophile, vol. 39, 15 J u n e 1931, p p . 179-180, a n d d e u r s choisies c o m m e principales sur les variables d e Vaschy,"
15 August 1931, p p . 244-47. O n 18 August 1932, Professor vol. 227 30 August 1948, p p . 493-96; "Solution d ' u n para-
NUMBER 10 21

doxe," vol. 227, 15 November 1948, pp. 994-97; "Sur les 1. Alexandre Ananoff, L'Astronautique (Paris: Librairc
systemes a quatrc grandeurs principales," vol. 229, 14 Novem- Ai theme Fayard, 1950).
ber 1949, pp. 957-60; "Sur la distinction a faire entre systemes 2. Andre-Louis Hirsch, "Robert Esnault-Pelterie, genial
de grandeurs principales et systemes d'unites," vol. 229, pp. inventcur, pionnicr dc l'aviation, createur de I'astronautique
1041-44; "II n'y a pas de systemes UES ni UEM, il y a des [Robert Esnault-Pelterie, ingenious inventor, aviation pio-
systemes d"unites dimensionnellement amorphes dont les neer, creator of astronautics], unpublished lecture to the
unites sont reliees par des coefficients indimensionnes, syste- Automobile Club dc France, 28 March 1961.
mes dont chacun peut-etre fait a volonte electrostatiquc ou
3. J. J. Barre, Hislorique des etudes francaises sur les fusees
clectromagnetique," vol. 229, 5 December 1949, pp. 337-41.
a oxygene liquide [History of French Research in Liquid-
Also, Dimensional Analysis, Translated by the Author and
Oxygen Rockets] (Paris: Imprimcrie Nationale, 1961).
Entirely Recast From the French With Numerous Additions
(Lausanne: F. Rouge, 1950).—Ed. 4. J. J. Barre, Sur quelques particulates de la propulsion
spatiale et de Vautopropulsion [On Several Features of Space
61. REP, De la bombe atomique a I'astronautique [From
Propulsion and Autopropulsion] (Paris: Imprimerie Na-
the atomic bomb to astronautics] (Paris: Ed. Aero-Club,
1947).—Ed. tionale 1961).
5. J. J. Barre, Speech in Paris on the occasion of Esnault-
REFERENCES Pelterie Day, 18 November 1961 (unpublished).
In addition to the sources mentioned in the footnotes, the 6. J. J. Barre, Speech in Paris on the occasion of the
following documents were helpful in preparation of this inauguration of Rue Esnault-Pelterie, 14 March 1966
paper. (unpublished).
 Appendix

Considerations Concerning the Results of the Indefinite Lightening of Engines

This report was presented by Robert Esnault-Pelterie on 15 November 1912 to

the Societe Francaise de Physique and published in an abbreviated version in the
Journal de Physique (ser. 5, vol. 3, March 1913, pp. 218-30). The complete text,
presented here, is the English translation distributed at the International Astro-
nautics Congress at Amsterdam in 1958 as a memorial to REP and published in
that year in Rocketry and Space Exploration, by Andrew G. Haley (New York:
D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc., pp. 293-301).

T h e ideas which will be developed here in this paper have been suggested to the
author by the results that have already been achieved by light engines. H e has been
progressively led to ask himself what could possibly result from a further decrease in
weight. For instance, if the weight per horse-power could be decreased almost
entirely, what possibilities would be given to man? Would this progress only be
limited to greater refinements in flying or would it open new horizons? And what
would be these horizons?
Innumerable authors have thought of man travelling from planet to planet as a
subject for fiction. Everyone realizing without too much thought and effort the im-
possibility of such a dream, it therefore seems that no one has ever thought to seek the
physical requirements necessary for the realization of this dream and what would be
the order of magnitude of the means one had to introduce.
This is the only aim of the present study which is, it must be stressed, only a series
of thoughts based on mathematical derivations.

T h e first difficulty that strikes our mind is the fact that between planets there is no
atmosphere, and therefore even an airplane could not find the slightest support for
flight.
Physiological difficulties will be examined later on. Let us just concentrate on our
knowledge of Mechanics. If this knowledge will lead us to a realization of an engine,
which would need no support for flight, it would be able to propel a body. As strange
as it may seem to someone that hasn't thought about it, our knowledge gives us the
answer. This engine has existed for quite a time: it is the Rocket. (The gun imag-
ined by Jules Verne would crush the travellers as they departed and cannot qualify
as an engine capable of propelling a vehicle.)
It is often said that a rocket is propelled by a jet stream "through the air." T h e
first part of this expression is correct, but not the second. A rocket would move just
as well, if not better, in vacuum than in air.
23
24 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

Let us take a more striking example. Let us assume that a machine gun is fixed
on a car capable of sliding without friction on tracks parallel to the gun. At every
shot, the machine gun will move backwards according to a well established law in
Mechanics.
The respective momenta gained by the car plus machine gun and by the projectile
are equal in magnitude and opposite in sign. Air resistance only enters into the
phenomenon which decreases the resulting velocities.
In the rocket, the machine gun projectile is replaced by the combustion gases
which are emitted continuously.
Let M0 be the total initial mass of the rocket, M its mass at time t and dm the
element of mass of fluid which flows during the element of time dt considered.
Let us first assume that the fluid emission is done with a constant velocity v with
respect to the body and a constant decrease in mass per unit time ju. Let V be the
body's velocity, F the propelling force and its acceleration at time t.
The calculation shows that the phenomenon is described by the equations
MdV = vdm = \xvdt (1)
We will notice that if the whole body would be completely of consumable explosive
(purely theoritically speaking, which has its importance) it would completely be
used up after a time
M0
T - — (2)

The introduction of this time limit in the formula defining V as a function of t

yields the equation
(T - t)dV = vdt
T-t
thus V = v log (3)

which gives for t = T

V — — oo (assuming v > 0)
This is no surprise for us, since the propulsion has remained constant as long as
the mass was decreasing, due to the emission of the propelling gas until it vanished
completely. The acceleration should therefore have increased and approached
infinity.
The equation relating the displacement x a s a function of t is

'-"Hi^y^h'} (4)

and the corresponding distance travelled after complete consumption would be

XT = —vT
Aside from all external considerations, we have just seen that propulsion in vacuum
is not an impossibility. However, it is not sufficient to move the body, it must be
guided.
NUMBER 10 25

In the present case, there are no difficulties in theory. To alter the vehicle's direc-
tion, one need only incline the propulsor in such a way that the direction of the force
it develops would be at an angle with the trajectory. If the displacement of the
propulsor was not sufficient to obtain rotation in all directions, one or two smaller
auxiliary propulsors would be enough to obtain complete maneuverability.

II
To remove a heavy body from the attraction of a planet, one has to spend energy.
Let us consider a mass M at a distance x from the center of a planet whose radius
is R. Let 7 be the acceleration of gravity at the surface of this planet. To move the
body away a distance dx, it will be necessary to do an element of work

dZ = My —2 dx
— My
x
which gives
Z = MyR
(-3
We can readily see that to move a given mass to infinity the necessary work to be
done would be finite and given by
Z = MyR
Or if we let P be the weight of the body at the surface of the planet, then
Z = PR
We also see that if we consider the weight of the body as the result of the principle
of universal attraction applied to body and planet, we can write after letting U
denote the planet's mass
MU
R2
This gives for expressing the work necessary for removal of the body to infinity
MU
Z = k
R
Therefore, if we give initially to a body on the surface of a planet a sufficient velocity
to remove from the planet, this body would increase its distance indefinitely.
For the earth, the minimum velocity would be 11,280 m/s, i.e., a projectile launched
from the earth with a velocity larger than 11,280 m/s (not considering air resistance)
would never fall back.
This critical velocity is exactly the same as that which a body would acquire falling
toward the earth from infinity and having no initial velocity with respect to the planet.
The motion of such a body would be given by the equation

V2 = 2g —
26 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

We see that for X = R

1°) FB= -V2gR

2°) \mV2 = PR
and this velocity limit VR for the earth is also 11,280 m/s.
It was said before, that to remove to infinity a body from a planet, P being the
weight at the surface and R the radius of the planet, the work to be done will be

Z = PR
For a body weighing 1 kg on the earth, this work would be
Z = 6,371,103 kgm equivalent to 14,940 cal
Let us recall that 1 kg of hydrogen-oxygen mixture with appropriate fractions
contains 3860 cal for 1 kg; 1 kg of a powder containing gun-cotton and potassium
chlorate is equivalent to 1420 cal per kg. We can see that the hydrogen-oxygen
mixture contains slightly more than a fourth of what would be necessary to escape
from the earth. But 1 kg of radium, liberating during its entire life»2.9 X 109 cal,
would have 194,000 times more energy than needed. We will not talk here about
the efficiency of a jet engine.
If we consider a body which moves away from a planet according to any acceler-
ated motion, we can see that at the time when its velocity will be larger than the one
it would have at the same point moving in the opposite direction, falling from infinity
without any initial velocity, it would be useless to give it more energy to make it go
farther. Its kinetic energy would be sufficient for it to move indefinitely.
The motion of a body subject to a constant force F larger than its weight, directed
vertically upwards and away from the planet would be represented by the equation

2 R2
J S
v=\2Ax + 2R(A + g)
x
The body would acquire a sufficient velocity to permit the stoppage of propulsion
at a distance from the center of the planet equal to

-*H) F
where A = —
M
We can see that if a body could move away from the earth with an upward propel-
ling force exactly equal in magnitude to its weight, i.e., if A = g, it would reach that
critical speed at a distance from the center of the earth equal to twice the earth's
radius at an altitude equal to the earth's radius.
This remark calls our attention to the fact that a body could perfectly well move
away from a planet using a propelling force smaller than its weight. If the planet
has an atmosphere, the body could in fact function first as an airplane, rising gradu-
ally and increasing its velocity as this atmosphere became rarer and rarer, until it
reached the critical velocity corresponding to the given altitude.
NUMBER 10 27

III
Let us consider what would be the required energies if we wanted, by this method,
to transport a body from the earth to the moon and back.
Let us consider that the operation will take place in three phases:
1°) The body is accelerated until it reaches the critical velocity of liberation
2°) The motor is stopped, and the body keeps moving due to its acquired velocity
3°) At the desired point, the body is turned upside-down and the motor that has
been re-started diminishes the velocity until it becomes zero at the surface of
the moon.

First Phase
We apply to the body a force
F = ^P, therefore A = {fag
which seems acceptable assuming that the vehicle would carry live beings.
The critical distance is then

xv -— TT**
2JL.p

corresponding to an altitude of 5,780,000 m above the surface.

The velocity at that instant would be
V = 8180 m/sec

The time necessary to reach that point would be approximately

t — 24 min 9 sec

Second Phase
The body continues on its path due to its inertia; it is constantly attracted by the
opposite gravitational forces of the earth and its satellite.
Let P be the weight of the body at the earth's surface, Pt its weight at the moon's
surface and p the radius of the moon, D = x + y the distance between the two
planets; the calculation gives

v= 12 (g— + 0 . 1 6 5 - * - + 0.82 X 10 6 j

At the point where the respective gravitational forces of the earth and moon cancel
each other, the velocity would be
v = 2030 m/sec

It is the lowest velocity.

At the moon's surface it would become approximately
v = 3060 m/sec
28 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

The velocity of the body falling freely from infinity to the moon would be
Oao = 2370 m/sec
The time used to go through the second phase can be calculated approximately by
neglecting the moon's action which is entirely negligible during the total journey.
It would be the same time as that taken by the body during a free fall from the
moon to the point where we had stopped the engine:
t = 48 hr 30 min
Third Phase
One must now decrease the speed by turning the body upside-down as said before,
and by re-starting the motor.
What will be the law of this slowing down?
We would establish it in the same manner as we did for the earth; but the moon's
attraction being much smaller, and as we do not at this stage seek a great precision,
we will deduct from the acceleration due to the propulsor, half the acceleration due
to the moon, and we will assume the motion uniformly slowed down under the action
of this fictitious acceleration. We find that the body has to be turned upside-down
at a distance from the moon's surface equal to

d = 250,000 m approximately
This point is so close to the moon, and the present calculations not being rigorous,
the time necessary to reach the surface could be mistaken for the time necessary to
reach the moon itself.
The time of the slowing down will be
t — 226 sec = 3 min 46 sec
The total time for the whole process is approximately then:
First phase 0 hr 24 min 9 sec
Second phase 48 hr 30 min
Third phase 0 hr 3 min 46 sec

48 hr 58 min approximately
The return trip could be done by reversing the process and in the same time.
It must be pointed out that, by this means, the propulsor is used only 28 min going
and the same time coming back unless the earth's atmosphere is used for the slowing
down process, in which case the 28 min used for the departure, and the time necessary
to orient the body properly, would suffice.
We will now consider the power actually needed to realize these minimum condi-
tions and the resulting efficiency output of the motor with respect to the theoretical
work given.
If we consider a 1000 kg vehicle out of which 300 kg are consumable; and if the
engine has to work 27 min + 3 . 5 min and to have a sufficient flow margin 35 min
NUMBER 10 29

= 2100 sec, the rate will have to be

300
= 0.143 kg/sec
2100
and the fluid's expulsion velocity
v = 65,300 m/sec
Therefore, by providing per kilogram of fuel
T = 217.2 X 106 kgm or 512 X 103 cal
one sees that the mixture H 2 + O would contain 133 times too little energy and the
most powerful explosives 360 times too little.
On the other hand, 1 kg of radium would contain 5.670 times too much]
The power of the motor necessary for our 1000 kg vehicle would be
300 X 217.2 X 106
= 414,000 HP
2100 X 75
We could also see that the efficiency of the jet engine is in our particular case quite
bad. Since to remove a mass of 1 kg from the earth to °o, we have to apply to it
6,371,103 kgm and we have spent 217.2 X 106, so that the efficiency is
p = 0.0293
Moreover, to give a gas an ejection speed of 65,300 m/sec in vacuum, we would
have to reach the fantastic temperature of 2.525 X 106 degrees.
In air, it would be even worse, since added to this temperature one would need a
pressure of about the same magnitude.

IV
As an indication, we could assume the body moving to infinity, and also that we
have kept the motor working even after the critical speed is reached, so that it eventu-
ally acquires and conserves a speed near to 10 km/sec. The times necessary to reach
the closest planets as they attain their conjunction with the Earth are respectively:
For Venus 47 days 20 hr
For Mars 90 days 15 hr
These figures are merely mentioned for curiosity and we must also notice that the
amount of work to cover this distance would not be much larger than the minimum
necessary to remove the body from the earth. In fact, once the vehicle has reached a
sufficient distance, it would keep on going due to its inertia without being slowed
down by the earth's attraction which has become quite weak.
In other words, the difficulty would be to overcome the earth's attraction; but if
some day this difficulty would be overcome, it would hardly be more difficult to
reach a very distant planet than a close one. Subject, of course, to a cramped and
hermetically closed vehicle being inhabitable for a sufficient amount of time and to
another difficulty that we will consider later on.
30 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

In all the preceding sections we have only considered the theoretical possibility
for a body with special properties to travel between the earth and the moon. This is
a problem of pure mechanics which does not really answer the question of whether
man will be or will never be able to leave his world to explore others.
The complete study of the question will lead to the study of the physiological con-
ditions that must be fulfilled so that life will be possible under such conditions.
The progress made in submarines can already make us consider as quite feasible
in the future the regeneration of an atmosphere which has been confined for some
hundred hours.
The question of temperature deserves being particularly considered. It is often
said that the interplanetary spaces have an almost absolute zero temperature. The
author believes it is false.
The concept of temperature is only related to material bodies and therefore a
vacuum cannot have any.
If the amount of heat absorbed per unit time by our vehicle is less than the quantity of
heat that it radiates, its temperature will decrease. If the amount of heat received and
absorbed is greater than the amount that is radiated, the temperature will increase.
I t would therefore be possible to construct a vehicle in such a way that one half of
its surface would be of a polished metal and the inside insulated. The other half of
the surface, for example, would be covered of copper oxide to give a black surface.
If the polished face would face the sun, the temperature would decrease. In the
opposite position, the temperature would increase.
All the difficulties that we have just considered do not seem to be theoretically
impossible. But a new difficulty will arise which although a mechanical solution
offers itself, will nevertheless complicate further the problem.
In fact, in the calculations related to the vehicle's journey from the earth to the
moon, we have considered that we were applying an acceleration
A
— io£
and this up to a distance of 5780 km from the earth's surface. During all this phase
of the voyage, the travellers would therefore have the impression of weighing ^}/{Q
of their weight.
One may hope that as unpleasant as this sensation may be it will not cause any
disturbance to a human organism. But what is most alarming is what will happen
at the instant of sudden stoppage of propulsion. At this moment, the traveller would
suddenly cease to have any weight and he would have the sensation that both he and
his vehicle were falling in a void.
If the human organism cannot go through such vicissitudes, we would have to
replace the absence of a gravitational field by creating constant artificial acceleration
produced by the motor. If this acceleration is made equal to gravity, the traveller
will constantly feel he is weighing his normal weight, without any consideration of
the fact that he may or may not be in the gravitational field of a planet.
It is obvious that this kind of a process would introduce a very important difficulty
with regard to the amount of energy which would become necessary, and would
NUMBER 10 31

bring us far away from the conditions of realization which were studied previously
and which were already quite extreme.
If we use the formula representing the law of motion of a body acted on by a
constant force due to the earth and if we assume that until we have reached the maxi-
mum velocity between earth and moon, the acceleration used is equal to 1 K 0 g>
then the other maneuvres will be done with an acceleration equal to gravity. The
moon's influence can be neglected, it being so small. It is found that the vehicle has
to be reversed at a distance from the center of the earth equal to 29.5 times the earth's
radius.
The speed at this instant of time would be 61,700 m/sec, then the reversed vehicle
would be slowed down by a force equal to its weight on the earth.
The time used to reach the moon would be
t = 3 hr 5 min
But in this new case, the work to be furnished, using the assumption of a 1000 kg
vehicle of which 300 kg are consumable, would reach 67.2 X 106 cal/kg of fuel, i.e.,
131 times more than in the first case.
Dynamite would be 47,300 times too weak, but radium would still be 433 times
too powerful.
As to the necessary power, it would be
857 X 10 10
= 4.76 X 106 HP
24,000 X 75
If we now assume that this method of constant propulsion is used for voyages to
the closest planets and investigate what the times and velocities would be, we find for
the maximum velocity:
For Venus 643 km/sec
For Mars 883 km/sec
and the corresponding times:
For Venus 35 hr 4 min
For Mars 49 hr 20 min

VI
The maximum velocities we have just considered are evidently fantastic. However,
there exists at least one celestial body which reaches such velocities: Halley's comet.
Only the forces and energies which seem to be contained by molecules could
produce concentrations of power and work similar to those we just considered.
If we suppose for a moment that we have available 400 kg of radium in our 1000
kg vehicle and that we knew how to extract from it the energy within a suitable time,
we should see that these 400 kg of radium would be more than enough to reach
Venus and come back (with a constant acceleration), so that such a formidable
reservoir would be just enough for man to visit his closest planets.
 Early Italian Rocket and Propellant Research

LUIGI CROCCO, Italy

Introduction help to fill an inexcusable gap in the literature on

pioneering work in rocketry.
T h e person invited to present to this symposium
It all started as follows. My father has always
a review of our early work in the field of rockets,
been one of those scientists for whom the practical
was my father, General G. Arturo Crocco, a well
application of his scientific results counts as much
known personality in the aeronautical world be-
as the scientific effort itself. He intensively applied
cause of his extraordinary contributions to the de-
this double capacity for research and invention in
velopment of aviation, starting in 1904, and also a
the field of aeronautics for many years, including
pioneer in the field of rocketry. In view of his very
those of the first world war, as an officer of the
advanced age 1 he could not undertake the task,
Genio Militare Italiano. At the end of World War
which was then delegated to the son, his closest col- I, convinced, as were many others, that the time for
laborator during those pioneering efforts. wars was over, and after resigning from the armed
Considered retrospectively and objectively, this forces, he started an intense civilian activity in con-
research on solid and liquid propellant rockets (and nection with industry, which meant, at the time, in
associated fields) produced rather interesting re- non-aeronautical fields. However, his heart always
sults, especially considering that when it started in kept him thinking and working, as a hobby, on
1927 very little scientific effort had been devoted advanced aeronautical and propulsion concepts,
anywhere in the world to the problem, which had and indeed a number of his publications of the post
been tackled mostly empirically by more imagina- World War I period show his intense interest in
tive than scientifically grounded inventors (there rocketry and supersonic flight.3
were, of course, notable exceptions). Nevertheless,
In 1927 he gave a private lecture to the members
and unfortunately, none of this work was allowed
of the General Staff, headed then by General
to appear in the press at the time for security rea-
Badoglio, on the military possibilities of rockets,
sons. Even more strangely no internal classified
theoretically with unlimited terminal velocities, as
reports were ever submitted to the sponsors. T h e
compared to the fundamentally limited muzzle
relations with them were limited to verbal exposi-
tions of the results. Actually, the very idea of spon- velocities of artillery. Badoglio, quite impressed,
sored research at that time was completely extrane- gave him from his secret funds 100,000 lire (5,000
ous to the military organizations, and there were dollars) for research and development in the field
no rules whatsoever to regulate our exceptional re- of solid propellant rockets.
lations with the sponsoring agencies. Hence the Having, as a civilian, no laboratory wherein to
records of this research are entirely of a private conduct the research, my father made an agreement
nature, such as the record books of my father, or with one of the foremost Italian explosive manu-
my own notes, and in particular an internal report facturers, Bombrini-Parodi-Delfino (BPD), whereby
I wrote in 1935, summarizing the research up to the experiments would be carried out in their
that moment. From that report I extracted a few SEGNI facilities, free of charge, with the collabora-
items for a very short exposition which I published tion of their Technical Director, Dr. Marenco. My
in 1950.2 It may be, then, that this opportunity will father had to supply the apparatus and also the

33
34 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

propellant, unless available at BPD. Shortly there- was the precursor of project Orion! I would like to
after, my father was called to a Chair of Aero- add here that, in reality, the intuition of the rocket
nautics at the newly constituted School of Aero- pioneers may not have been so bad because it is
nautical Engineering of the University of Rome. clear today that the greatest present and future
achievements of solid propellant boosters follow a
line which, conceptually, is more directly derived
What Propellant and How Utilized? from pyrotechnics than from gunnery. As a sci-
entist, however, my father was definitely more at-
T h e choice of the propellant represented a very
tracted by the clear background of artillery powders
important initial step. Of course, an impressive
than by the obscure concoctions of fireworks, and
amount of very scientific data was already known to
his natural choice went immediately to the double-
the artillery people; it was, however, limited to base powders.
ranges of pressure suitable for guns but not for
T h e next step was to decide how to utilize these
rockets. Very little, if anything, was known, in-
powders so as to obtain the relatively long deflagra-
deed, about the behavior of conventional gun
tion times required by rockets, as compared to the
propellants at pressures below 100 atmospheres. extremely short times characteristic of guns. It was
It might have been for this reason, or out of a immediately clear that the key was to use the largest
lack of sufficient background, that so many rocket possible "grain" size, particularly of the "constant
pioneers derived their concepts from the very burning-area" type. However, the great advantages
empirical formulas of pyrotechnicians rather than that might derive from the possibility of "restricted-
from the science of artillery. A notable exception burning" grains did not escape my father's search-
to the rule was provided by an Italian pioneer who ing mind, and he decided to work in both direc-
proposed the use of dynamite for rockets. Maybe he tions.

FIGURE 1.—First solid propellant test chamber.

NUMBER 10 35

First Tests on Solid Propellants to find a reliable binder between the double-base
cylindrical charge and the brass case containing
T h e first experimental series was conducted in the charge, so as to inhibit burning on all but the
1927 and 1928 at BPD by my father, with the col- frontal surface. These attempts failed to attain the
laboration of Dr. Marenco. T h e n 18 and an engi- necessary reliability, and once in a while resulted in
neering student in my first years at the university, I strong overpressures, reaching once the burst limit
was the second collaborator, free of charge. T h e first of the nozzle end, because of the failure of the
chamber designed to test the above concepts is binder. As a result, my father decided that the
shown in Figures 1 and 2. T h e propellant in C was inhibition of the burning surface was too unreliable
ignited by an ignition charge set off via a percussion and he decided to concentrate on charges with un-
cap by a mechanical device p-m. T h e combustion restricted burning.
products were exhausted at the opposite end T h e propellant chosen for these initial tests was
through a nozzle F. T h e chamber was intended to cordite, readily available in appropriate sizes at the
contain at most 0.1 kg of propellant. With a total Naval Arsenal. T h e corresponding composition of
volume of 600 cc the maximum combustion pres- it is shown below:
sure was 2000 atm and the thick walls were calcu-
lated for 4000 atm at the elastic limit. As an addi- Nitroglycerin 25
Nitrocellulose 62
tional safety measure the nozzle end was designed
Vaseline 5
to burst open at 1000 atm. All these safety precau- Barium Nitrate 8
tions were, of course, necessary because the tests Total Too
involved a great amount of uncertainty and were
to be conducted on an open test-stand, under our T u b u l a r charges of approximately 21 m m outside
very eyes. Indeed, more than once during the pre- diameter and 7 mm inside diameter were used. T h e
liminary testing the protective action of the safety charges C were free to move in the brass case B
features of the nozzle end were called upon. T h e (Figure 3) but held within it by a charge-holder g.
chamber was free to move axially on rollers and T h e ignition charge c was a mixture of 2 g of bal-
listite and 1 g of black powder. In order to help the
the thrust was converted into oil pressure by a
propagation of ignition, because the ignition charge
piston P3. Both chamber pressure and thrust were
was located downstream of the main propellant,
recorded on a rotating drum by means of a double
three thin strips of ballistite were inserted into the
channel mechanical manograph of the kind used in
propellant hole. After the initial test, further to
gas engines.
improve the regularity of ignition, which still was
However, the preliminary tests were carried out not entirely satisfactory, the nozzle was provided
without the manograph. T h e only instrument was with a burst diaphragm. T h e diaphragm, visible in
a "crusher" (Cr, Figure 2) intended to provide the the details of Figure 2, kept the chamber closed
maximum pressure. Numerous attempts were made until a preassigned burst pressure was reached. T h e

FIGURE 2.—Schematic sketch of first solid propellant test chamber.

36 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

C \ff

FIGURE 3.—Propellant charge container.

nozzles used in these tests had throat diameters of Irregularities in the apparent duration of burning
either 7 or 8 mm. even at equal pressures, such as shown in Figure 4a,
Samples of three types of pressure records ob- were caused by irregularities of the drum revolving
served are shown in Figure 4: some were quite speed. This defect was inherent in the instrument
"normal" (4a); others were rather irregular (4&); and actually prevented accurate determination
and some definitely "abnormal" (4c). T h e cause of from individual tests of the burning rate and of the
the abnormalities was attributed to poor effective- specific impulse. T h e value of this last quantity
ness of the charge holder, and indeed a better oscillated between 150 and 170 seconds.
design of this essential detail resulted in complete Based on these results the small rocket stabilized
suppression of such anomalous tests. However, from by tail fins (Figure 5) was designed and launched.
the numerous tests it was clearly evident that the T h e corresponding charge was tested in a chamber,
equilibrium pressure was not very well defined and as shown in Figure 5, where only the pressure
could vary substantially from test to test, much could be recorded. Larger test rockets, also with
more than the small amount shown by Figure 4a, as aerodynamic stabilization, are shown in Figure 6.
a result of irregularities in the burst pressure, the T h e corresponding charge was divided into three
nozzle and throat area, and the grain dimensions. tubular grains of 300 g total weight and was tested

P
(atm)
zoo

100 ^ -- --—- — ---

0 a

« T(.01 sec)
FIGURE 4.—Pressure records (in atm vs. time in sec): a, Normal tests; b, irregular tests; c, abnormal tests.
NUMBER 10 37

this motion, stabilization by spinning the rocket

about its axis was attempted by impressing a fast
rotational speed to the rocket holder prior to igni-
tion. This launcher is shown in Figure 9. T h e whole
rocket holder was set in rotation by an electric
motor. Moreover, the three tilted exhaust nozzles
provided a tangential thrust component after
launching. T h e ignition burst diaphragms were
replaced by shear pins (r) which firmly held the
exhaust nozzle terminal sections pressed against a
terminal plate until a preassigned pressure was
reached. In another version of the spinning rocket
the initial rotation was obtained through a fast
burning charge located in an annual chamber
around the single exhaust nozzle. This charge was
ignited just prior to the main charge and exhausted
through small tangential nozzles. T h e spinning
rockets did not provide any more precise trajec-
tories than the fin stabilized rockets.

Further Research on Solid Propellants

Late in 1928 my father was called from the re-

serve back to active duty as a general and asked to
FIGURE 5.—Small fin-stabilized rocket, which used a single become Direttore Generale delle Costruzione
tubular grain, and test chamber for it (bottom). Aeronautice in the Ministry of Aeronautics, while
still continuing his teaching activity as a professor
in the chamber shown in Figure 7, where again only of the School of Aeronautical Engineering. This
the pressure was measured. Figure 8 shows, super- event had two important effects on our rocket re-
imposed, three pressure records from this apparatus, search program. First, the facilities of the Ministry
all corresponding to the same burst pressure of 100 Of Aeronautics became available for the continua-
atm (nominal). T h e poor reproducibility of the tion of our research; and, second, my father became
pressure level is evident, and as a result the rocket immediately deeply involved in pressing problems
wall had to be designed rather thick. However, it of broader and more immediate interest. T h e first
was still sufficiently thin to become overheated. In was a very welcome improvement of the situation,
the first rockets launched, the wall reached red heat especially in view of the fact that the 100,000 lire
at the end of the combustion time. T o avoid over- of the General Staff were almost exhausted. T h e
heating a thin insulating layer of asbestos was in- second was, on the contrary, a blow to the future
serted between the chamber wall and the propel- dynamic development of the applications, if not
lant. to the fundamental aspects of the research. Indeed
These rockets were launched with good results I was now, practically alone, in charge of our re-
and reached velocities of about 1000 fps, which search effort. My father only devoted a little time
were in agreement with the estimated velocity. T h e to it in the evenings, when we discussed our prob-
main inconvenience observed in the launching of lems at home. Because my mind has always been
both types of rockets was the lack of accuracy of more attracted by questions solved by basic re-
their trajectory. It was attributed to the erratic search, these naturally gained prevalence with
transverse displacement of the center of mass re- respect to questions regarding applied research. I
sulting from the fact that there was nothing to should add that, of course, my studies prevented
prevent the lateral motion of the three tubular me from devoting my full attention to the research
charges when their diameter decreased. T o restrict project. T h e experiments took place in Rome in an
38 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

FIGURE 6.—Large fin-stabilized rockets, which used three tubular propellant grains.

isolated suite of two rooms which was assigned to I compared the performance of tubular charges of
these tests at the Stabilimento di Costruzione the cordite used to that time, with a new double-
Aeronautiche (SCA), then on Viale Giulio Cesare. base powder used by the Navy, the so-called C-
There, assisted by Signor Laghi, an excellent tech- powder, the composition of which is as follows:
nician of the old school, I first carried out a series
of tests in the chamber shown in Figure 1, used as Nitroglycerin 23.5
Nitrocellulose 70.5
a constant volume chamber by closing the nozzle. Vaseline 5.0
Sodium Bicarbonate 1.0
Total HJOlT

T h e first advantage I expected from the change in

propellant was related to the higher regularity of
iil^i^Y,
=0=t=^=ft
irlr\ XI the grain dimensions, a consequence of the different
manufacturing process. T h e manufacture of cordite
requires the evaporation of a solvent which must
be added to reach the necessary plasticity. During
the drying process the grain shrinks, with resulting
roughness of the surface and irregularity of the
dimensions. In the case of the C-powder the neces-
sary plasticity is attained by performing the opera-
tions at 100°C without solvent; the surface of the
finished product remains quite smooth and the
FICURE 7.—Test chamber for larger rockets. dimensions quite regular. T h e second advantage I
NUMBER 10 39

P
(atm)

/( I n , . , -
Hvv/"
WM' = =a -- ^
3
J tf /.J /^ ?^ JP «
'
T (.01 sec)
FIGURE 8.—Pressure records (in atm vs. time in sec) of larger rockets, using cordite as propellant.

FIGURE 9.—Launcher for spin-stabilized rockets

hoped from the change was due to the different density ratio appears to follow very closely a p 0 - 25
composition, which led me to expect a smaller sensi- power law within the pressure range of these tests.
tivity of burning rate to pressure. I had reached the Tests conducted next in the chamber shown in
conclusion that the erratic behavior of the equi- Figure 1, with the C-powder and an exhaust orifice
librium pressure was due both to the geometric ir- of 7 mm, confirmed with their high regularity the
regularity of the cordite and to its high pressure superiority of this type of propellant as compared
sensitivity. This conclusion, subsequently confirmed to cordite. For example, Figure 11a shows two repre-
by the experiments, was based on simple calcula- sentative pressure curves. Figure 116 shows a record
tions showing that deviations within ± 5 percent of obtained in the small test chamber shown in Figure
the dimensions of the tubular charges (that is of
5. This chamber, of all those employed, allowed the
the order ± 0 . 5 mm, on the radius, a very realistic
highest charge density of 0.71 kg/dm 3 . In compari-
deviation for cordite) would result in a range of
son, the chamber in Figure 1 allowed a loading den-
equilibrium pressures from 30 to 186 atm for a
sity of 0.17 kg/dm 3 and the chamber shown in Fig-
nominal pressure of 100 atm if the burning rate
varied with the 0.875 power of the pressure, but ure 14, a charge density of 0.54 kg/dm 3
only in the range from 82 to 119 atm for an ex- T h e excellent behavior of these tests encouraged
ponent of 0.625. construction of the new test chamber (Figure 13)
for 300 g of nominal charge. For safety reasons an
T h e results of the constant-volume tests are sum-
expansion chamber 5 was attached to the test
marized in Figures 10 and 12. Figure 10 gives the
pressure history obtained with different amounts chamber to provide additional volume for the gases
of the two propellants. It was immediately evident in case the pressure would rise beyond 500 atm and
from the smaller curvature of the C-powder (Polvere break the diaphragm R. But this precaution was
C) records that the pressure sensitivity is decreased. proved superfluous by the great regularity of the
Figure 12, however, shows that where the terminal tests. T h e chamber B was mounted as a pendulum,
pressures are plotted against the charge weight, the as indicated in Figure 14, to allow measurement
"effectiveness" of the two powders is very nearly the of the thrust.
same. For both powders the pressure sensitivity de- T h e values of the burning rates obtained from
crease with decreasing pressure since the pressure/ the tests on the two propellants are summarized in
40 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

0 10 20 30 centesimi di wcondo t

FIGURE 10.—Comparative pressure records in closed chamber for cordite and C-powder.

us sir

E IS ft ZS 30 3S *0 IS
T (.01 sec)

FIGURE 11.—Pressure records (in atm vs. time in sec): a, C-powder combustion within test
chamber shown in Figure 1; b, C-powder combustion within test chamber shown in Figure 5.
 41
NUMBER 10
1 i p
— i — i
! r —' 1
Q-0,4p0-75
a
QK
-
r
i

. -, -
I. J

- — —-
i 11:
40 -\ i
V/^-
y^\
• : ! ; .r
• Cordite austHaca
n
o Polvere C
- - —-
•z • 1 ,
•
-4
30 i '
—<

:
i ,

,_.
i 1. 1
. 1
• i i ! ' ' •
j --
i
20 i
j
. i I
; x
i i_..:, i
i
i I i i
i
10 i i !
i i
i
i ; 1
1 1; •
_
i
i I 1
! ! ! !
! ' i
i i ! :
; i 1 ! 1
n* I 1 1 i 1 i i 1 1 J 1
100 200 300 400 500 p atm.

FIGURE 12.—Terminal pressure in closed chamber vs. charge weight for cordite and C-powder.

-J-H-i

FIGURE 13.—Test chamber for three tubular grains.

42 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

Figure 15. The dispersion of the measured values is c

1 T

- -- .... —

.s
again due substantially to the poor behavior of the 2
B • JRDITE

recording drum. The burning rate of the cordite C * ""

0 * ——
follows more or less a po.75-HO.7s i a w j " o r t he C- -- 6 •
—.... .._.
(A

powder an exponent of 0.53 best fits the results. E

o /
Several theoretical works were also carried out. /
1.5
Figure 16 shows, for instance, the results of a theory y
'/ i

developed for the calculation of the pressure distri- / /

bution within the hole of a tubular charge for a // —
burning rate given by apn. The coefficient £ is given ... 1 //
/ • v' •
• *
o /* • •
_ .1 ' _..
—
where 8 is the propellant density, r the hole radius >.•
assumed constant, and T the gas temperature at
the burning surface. R and y have the conventional —
meanings. The distance from the middle section of
the hole is indicated by s. The terminal points on 0
100 200
each curve correspond to choked conditions at the
two ends of the hole (this way my first contact with
the fundamental importance of Mach 1 even in the
presence of combustion phenomena). Choking ap-
1 1 1C 1
P0LVERE
1 •
LA
- ——
-

1.5 t i

i ^K
• / *
'# •
o
/< ... _.
/b rf>
- _
O
/
*/
0.5

- —__ —— • —

- —
150 200
FIGURE 15.—Burning rates for cordite (top) and for C-powder.

pears for a certain charge length, beyond which no

steady solution to the problem exists and the pres-
sure must steadily rise in the hole. It seemed to me
at first that this was an important finding, and I
FIGURE 14.—Front view of the pendulum test stand with was disappointed when I calculated that for the
chamber.
actual charges the maximum value of the abscissa
NUMBER 10 43

started, more suitable for possible future applica-

1
n-1
200
P
Jt>\
1
tions to aeronautical problems and supersonic
*A 0 flight.
E
a

150 Research on Biopropellant Rockets

^s0
/ \ This part of our research was also partially sup-
/ \ ported by the General Staff through a second allo-
/ \
00 cation of secret funds. My father discussed with
/ 'C 0 -
/ \ Professor Francesco Giordani, an eminent chemist
/ and personality of the Italian scientific world, the
i \
57 V choice of the liquid propellants. T h e preference
SO 50
being, for practical reasons, given to storables, the
-^s choice fell on benzene as fuel and nitrogen tetroxide
( as oxidizer, because of the easy availability and low
cost of both. Concentrated nitric acid was also con-
, 0
4 3 2 1 0 1 2 3 |p.| sidered, but the problem of the tanks appeared
more difficult than for nitrogen tetroxide. It must
be realized that stainless steel was only beginning
200 P
to appear on the horizon, in very limited forms, and
-
n = 0.5 "
A its technology was in its infancy.
E
<\ * My father decided that a chemist was needed to
\°o
150 help me in the manipulation of the hazardous
chemicals, and he hired a Dr. Corrado Landi, with
fr whom, indeed, I collaborated for nearly two years.
/ i\ He was in charge of the propellant supply, while I
100
was myself working on the design of the combustion
1 // s'*7 \
\ chamber. My father, of course, gave as much super-
vision and advice as his very busy time would allow.
i 14 A very conventional type of propellant feeding
50
^s
\ v
\
0
60 SO 40 30

FIGURE 16.—Theoretical internal pressure distribution for

tubular charges with burning rate proportional to p (top),
and proportional to p i

was around 1 for n = 1 . 0 0 and 3 for n = 0.5 (see

Figure 16), indicating that the actual conditions
were very much below choking.
By the end of 1929 the Italian General Staff, judg-
ing that the dispersion obtained in our tests was
too great if compared with the dispersion of guns,
and that the velocity was too low, lost its interest
in the powder rockets and the research was sus-
pended. However a new phase of our research was FIGURE 17.—Liquid bipropellant test rocket engine.
44 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

system with pressurized propellants was adopted, then be effected without difficulty.
but special bottles for the nitrogen tetroxide had to This chamber was successfully tested late in
be manufactured out of pure aluminum, in view of 1930 by Dr. Landi and myself in a room on the
the corrosiveness which could result from residual courtyard of the Institute of Chemistry of the Uni-
traces of water. T h e chamber is shown schematically versity of Rome, then located at via Panisperna. It
in Figure 17. It incorporated several features of had been graciously assigned to our research, upon
present day rockets, such as the regenerative cooling my father's request, by his director, Professor Nicola
and the impinging jet injector. Credit for the prac- Parravano. I suppose that this decision of my father
tical design of this chamber as well as of the other of not carrying the tests within the laboratories of
equipment described in the rest of this paper goes the Air Ministry was dictated by the sponsoring
to Ing. G. Garofoli. T h e nozzle, including the con- General Staff. During the ten-minute r u n our excit-
vergent part of the chamber, was cooled by fuel ment grew very high, reaching its climax with the
cooling passages / ; the rest of the chamber by the successful conclusion of the test. I n our enthusiasm
oxidizer cooling passages S. T h e propellant flow we did not realize what an extraordinary noise
was hand-controlled by means of valves Rp and R0 level we had introduced without warning in that
located at the entrance of the cooling passages. peaceful courtyard, all devoted to basic (and silent)
From the cooling ducts the propellants were chemical research. What an anti-climax it was when
brought to the injector /, consisting of three con- the noise subsided and we heard a loud voice asking
centric annular injector slots, the central one, p, what in the h— was going on there. Dashing to the
for the fuel; the other two, O, for the oxidizer, re- windows we saw the angry and puzzled faces of
sulting in three impinging jets. Shown on the Professors Parravano, Malquori, and De Carli at
figure is the rather unconventional use of a re- their respective windows. With an evident breach
fractory liner Z to decrease the heat transfer to the of security we had to provide the technical back-
chamber wall. T h e refractory material was zirconia, ground for the deafening noise, after which Profes-
chosen for its high melting temperature. sor Parravano had a meeting with my father. They
T h e whole chamber was built of stainless steel. agreed that the project had to be transferred to a
For the nozzle I had selected a steel developed in more suitable location. A few weeks later, while in
the United States, because it could be welded. his laboratory, Dr. Landi was suddenly struck and
Tungsten-arc welding was used, but the welding died without regaining consciousness. I always
was porous and gave lots of trouble. T h e complex- wondered whether his premature death (he was only
ity of the chamber design was necessary to make 25) could have had something to do with his han-
the chamber leakproof without welding. It was dling of nitrogen tetroxide and too frequent acci-
manufactured out of a block of stainless steel from dental inhaling of its toxic vapors. In which case,
COGNE Steelmills; so was the injector unit. Cham- Dr. Landi's name should deservedly be added to the
ber pressure and propellant injection pressures were human life toll of rocket development.
measured by gauges, as shown in Figure 17, and With the death of one of the principal collab-
the whole chamber was mounted on rollers to allow orators, and the fact that I had to concentrate on
the direct measurement of the thrust, which was the preparation of my theoretical thesis for my
designed to be around 1250 g, at 10 atm chamber forthcoming degree in engineering (which I ac-
pressure. T h e ignition sequence was rather in- quired in July 1931); the research was temporarily
volved. A small gas torch v was first inserted into stopped. T h e available funds were exhausted, and
the appropriate passage in the chamber walls. despite the promising results obtained, the General
Gaseous hydrogen and gaseous oxygen, provided Staff did not renew its contract.
by an auxiliary feed system, were then admitted
through the propellant valves under very moderate
Research on Monopropellants
pressures, resulting in nearly atmospheric combus-
tion. T h e torch was then retracted, the torch pas- Research was not resumed until the second half
sage shut off, and the pressure of the gases grad- of 1932, after I had graduated and satisfied my mili-
ually increased until a noticeable chamber pressure tary obligations. But in the meantime, as a result
resulted. T h e transition to liquid propellants could of long and fruitful discussions between my father
NUMBER 10 45

and myself, the aim of the research had switched idea of a solid propellant slurry, we chose to work
toward the study of monopropellants. Also, the re- with a liquid explosive, desensitized by dilution
search was now financially supported by a new with an inert solvent. T h e most easily available and
sponsor, the Italian Air Force. It had new head- one of the most effective liquid explosives being
quarters, the laboratories of the Istituto di Aero- trinitroglycerine, we decided to try it despite its
nautica Generale of the School of Aeronautical bad reputation. However, we also considered other
Engineering of the University of Rome. We also substances, such as dinitroglycerin or dinitroglycol.
welcomed to our program a new, very competent, We performed a limited number of tests with these
collaborator, the Doctor of Chemistry Riccardo M. substances. It was known that a relatively small frac-
Corelli, later Professor of Aeronautical Technology tion (30 percent) of an organic solvent such as
at the same school. methanol could practically make trinitroglycerin
I remember quite distinctly how the first idea of insensitive to shock. Dr. Corelli carefully checked
the monopropellant was born during an evening this and other statements in the literature on the
stroll under the trees of Via Nomentana. My father subject, with a small amount of the explosive pre-
was wondering about the possibilities of controlling pared in our laboratory. After this I felt sufficiently
solid propellant burning by introducing it in the
confident to carry personally on a night train from
combustion chamber as a slurry of fine solid-propel-
T u r i n to Rome a few liters of the mixture which
lant particles in suspension (but not solution) in a
had been prepared for us at the powder plants of
liquid. T h e discussion centered on the way combus-
Avigliana. This was, of course, a flagrant violation
tion of such a mixture could take place. I remember
how, in what was a sudden illumination for my to the official regulations concerning the transpor-
still unexperienced mind, I realized the meaning tation of explosive materials, and I shudder today
of thermochemical calculations which, independ- at the responsibility I was taking. However, it was
ently of the burning mechanism, allow a simple the only way to avoid the endless red-tape involved
prediction of the composition and state of the gases in legal shipment.
resulting from the combustion of any mixture of Gasification tests were conducted in the appa-
chemicals as soon as the temperature is sufficiently ratus shown in Figure 18. T h e monopropellant m
high. contained in the tank b was pressurized, through
In practice, abandoning the not very practical the separating piston p by the gas of bottle a. T h e

FIGURE 18.—Monopropellant gasification apparatus.

46 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

FIGURE 19.—Nitromethane engine.

combustion chamber C; all lined with insulating re- this reason. Hence Dr. Corelli prepared a list of
fractory material, contained at its bottom a crucible possible organic solvents, presumably better than
filled with pellets of refractory material. T h e cru- methanol with respect to separation, and I started
cible was electrically brought to a deep red tem- the thermochemical calculations using each of them
perature, after which the current was turned off as a diluent. This was the path that made me acci-
and the monopropellant injection through the in- dentally stumble on the exceptional properties of
jector was started. T h e resulting gases were evacu- mononitromethane.
ated through a small nozzle and collected in a I was indeed surprised to find that while, ac-
gasometer G, after cooling and separation of the cording to my calculations, other solvents provided
condensed fraction. results comparable to those of methanol, the out-
T h e nitroglycerin mixture responded exactly ac- come for nitromethane was well in excess of the
cording to the predictions of the thermochemical others from the point of view of the overall heat of
calculations, proving my point (if, indeed, it needed reaction and combustion temperature. Then,
proof!). More important, it provided a hint of the performing the calculations for nitromethane alone,
practical possibilities of liquid monopropellants. I found this compound to be in itself an excellent
However, this particular monopropellant was con- monopropellant, better than any of the safe nitro-
sidered to be unsafe because of the possibility of glycerin mixtures. Of course, this was a surprise,
separation, either by evaporation or by water addi- since the explosive character of nitromethane had
tion, of the two components. Indeed, we had our- never, to our knowledge, been pointed out.
selves experienced a delayed explosion in the feed- It is natural that after this find our research con-
ing line of Figure 18 which could be attributed to centrated on nitromethane. Dr. Corelli prepared
a good amount of it in our own laboratory because
it was not commercially available in Italy, although
at about that time it became available in U.S.A.
as a solvent of nitrocellulose. T o protect secrecy we
baptized nitromethane with the name of Ergol. (By
a strange coincidence this name was also used a few
years later in Germany to indicate any liquid pro-
pellant.) We studied carefully its stability against
mechanical shocks, which makes it very difficult to
detonate, and its resistance to thermal decomposi-
tion. We measured its vapor pressure up to 200 °C.
We determined its thermal stability by dropping
into baths of molten metal with increasingly higher
temperatures small sealed capsules containing nitro-
methane, so designed that they would explode only
FIGURE 20.—Demonstration turbine for operation with
nitromethane. if thermal decomposition took place. T h e lower
NUMBER 10 47

FIGURE 21.—General Crocco (1), Theodore von Karman (2), and the General's son (3) at the Fifth
Volta Conference, 1935.

explosion limit was found to be around 400°C. which could produce power in the absence of air.
Having, in 1933, reached the conclusion that T h e monocylinder engine, shown schematically
nitromethane is an easy substance to handle,' we in Figure 19, was designed and built. It was in-
tested its gasification in the apparatus of Figure 18, tended to work on the two-stroke cycle, whereby the
where it behaved according to the theoretical pre- nitromethane was injected in the residual gases of
dictions. the previous cycle recompressed to a high tempera-
Encouraged by these results and by the lack of ture during the compression stroke.
any adverse indications, my father and I started Fortunately high-pressure fuel injection systems
contemplating other uses for the interesting prop- for Diesel engines had become commercially avail-
erties of nitromethane. There was, indeed, very able in those years, thanks to the Bosch Company.
little interest among Air Force officials in the future For demonstration purposes, a hand-operated Bosch
of rockets. However, Italy had captured some high injection system was first tested in the apparatus
altitude airplane records, and high altitude flights shown in Figure 20. T h e gas generator B, similar to,
were fashionable. Consequently we thought of ap- but smaller than, that of Figure 18, was fed by the
plying nitromethane to the design of an engine p u m p P and discharged its gases on a small turbine
48 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

T , connected to an electric generator G. Although for many of the leaders in the story of high-speed
the overall efficiency of conversion was certainly flight to meet. However, generally speaking, the
well below 1 percent, for the high sponsoring offi- interest of the Italian sponsoring offices in rocketry
cials this device was more convincing than any was at a dead end.
scientific chart or presentation. It was only after the war, in 1947, that I became
Next the mechanically driven injection system again involved in experiments on the applications
to be used in the engine of Figure 19 was tested in of nitromethane to rocket propulsion for the Direc-
an apparatus designed to permit the atomization tion des £tudes et Fabrication d'Armements of the
characteristics of nitromethane to be observed. It French Ministry of Defense. It was there that I suc-
was unfortunate that the otherwise excellent Bosch ceeded in operating a rocket chamber of appreci-
injection pumps available at the time were designed able dimensions and relatively small L*, using
for Diesel oil and hence did not require any positive inward radial injectors uniformly distributed on
lubrication. During a particularly long r u n there the cylindrical wall of the chamber. After 1949 I
was an explosion which made the thick p u m p walls continued this work for some time in the United
literally disappear under my very eyes. I missed that States, with the authorization of the French author-
day my chance of being inscribed on the roll of ities and the collaboration of the Aerojet-General
victims of propellant research, escaping with rela- Corporation, where outward radial injection from
tively few injuries; after a month in bed I could a central pylon was also successfully tested. But
walk again. Dr. Corelli, who was standing next to all this is modern rocket history and not part of my
me, was also slightly injured. father's pioneering activity in the field of Italian
T h e cause of the explosion was attributed to the rocketry—the subject of this presentation.*
removal, after a few minutes of operation, of the
lubricating oil film from the p u m p plunger, with
NOTES
resulting seizure of its surface. T h e corresponding
hot spots acted as ignition sources for the closely Under the title Rannie issledovaniya v oblasti raket i
confined, high-pressure nitromethane. Indeed, it raketnogo topliva v Italii, this paper appeared on pages 34-55
of Iz istorii astronavtiki i raketnoi tekhniki: Materialy XVIII
was easy to reproduce the explosion under con- mezhdunarodnogo astronavticheskogo kongressa, Belgrad, 25-
trolled conditions. Because at the time no injection 29 Sentyavrya 1967 [From the History of Rockets and Astro-
systems with positive lubrication were available, nautics: Materials of the 18th International Astronautical
the high-pressure injection process for nitromethane Congress, Belgrade, 25-29 September 1967], Moscow: Nauka,
was judged too hazardous, and was abandoned. A 1970.
few years later Bosch produced such a positive 1. General Crocco was 90 at the time of this presentation
lubrication system for gasoline engines. and died the following 19 January 1968. See "Ex mundo
In the following years we designed other mono- astronautico," Astronautica Acta, vol. 14, no. 6 (October 1969),
propellant engines of different types. Let me only p. 689.—Ed.
2. Luigi Crocco, "Instruction and Research in Jet Propul-
mention a compressed-gas engine to be used in sion," Journal of the American Rocket Society, no. 80, March
underwater propulsion, utilizing the gases pro- 1950, pp. 32-43.
duced in a nitro-methane-plus-water gas generator, 3. Gaetano Arturo Crocco, "Sulla possibilits della naviga-
and a spark-ignition 4-stroke-cycle piston engine zione extra atmosferica, Rendiconti Accademia nazionale del
to be operated by nitromethane vapor alone. This Lincei (Rome), ser. 5, vol. 32, part 1, 1923, p. 461; "Possibilita
lead to a series of interesting studies and experi- di superaviarione," Rendiconti Accademia nazionale del Lincei
(Rome), ser. 6, vol. 3, 1926, pp. 241, 363; "II proiettile a
ments on the possibility of a decomposition-flame reazione," Revista aeronautica, vol. 2, no. 3 (March 1926), pp.
propagation in the vapor itself. But this reseach is 1-4; "La Velocita degli aerei e la superaviarione," Revista
too far removed from rockets to allow more than aeronautica, vol. 2, no. 9 (September 1926), pp. 3-52; "Un
this passing mention. paradosso del propulsore a reazione," Rendiconti Accademia
I also would like to mention our renewed in- nazionale del Lincei (Rome), ser. 6, vol. 3, 1926, p. 370.
terest, in those years, in bipropellant combinations, 4. An interesting account by Theodore von Karman of
General Crocco's Presidency of the Fifth Volta Congress of
and the interesting studies of Dr. Corelli on the
High Speed Flight in 1935 and von Kdrnran's meeting with
properties of tetronitromethane as an oxidizer. T h e General Crocco's son is given in his The Wind and Beyond,
Fifth Volta Conference, of which my father was written with Lee Edson (Boston: Little, Brown and Company,
president (see Figure 21), provided an opportunity 1967), pp. 216-23.—Ed.
 My Theoretical and Experimental Work from 1930 to 1939, Which
Has Accelerated the Development of Multistage Rockets

Louis DAMBLANC, France

Preamble which the propellant charge is distributed into

several superimposed combustion stages along the
Preamble to Mr. Louis Damblanc's paper by L. Blosset,
Deputy Director of the National Space Research Center longitudinal axis of the rocket." This priority also
(France). holds true for his corresponding U.S. patent of 12
April 1938, which covers the marine two-stage
Mr. Louis Damblanc, who is 78 years old today Terrier rocket. Another Damblanc United States
(26 September 1967)—Chevalier of the Legion of patent covers the test stands designed by him. Dur-
Honor, recipient of the International Astronautics ing World War II, both patents were sequestrated
Prize of 1935 and the Gold Medal of the National by the U.S. Alien Property Custodian under the
Research and Inventions Office, and a Laureate of "Trading With the Enemy Act," but as a result of
the Society for Encouragement of Progress—may be the Franco-American (Blum-Byrnes) agreement con-
considered as the father of our present multistage cluded after the war, the French Ministry of Fi-
rockets. nance and Economic Affairs in July 1965 granted
Passionately interested in research in fields as Damblanc an indemnity for the use of his two
different as aeronautics, astronautics, mechanics, patents by U.S. authorities, thus again confirming
and optics, his inventions have aroused the interest the priority of his inventions.
of scientific and technical circles, especially in the In addition, his research on rockets has been
years before World W a r I I (multistage rocket, 1 crowned with success in several other areas: he
rotary-wing airplane, 2 engine with variable stroke succeeded in "taming" black powder by increasing
and compression 3 ). its combustion time and by obtaining smooth com-
During the thirties, Louis Damblanc invented, bustion; he increased the strength of rocket bodies
built, and flight-tested the powder-propelled multi- by using the most modern materials available at
stage rockets which carry his name: T h e "Louis the time (such as the magnesium alloy, called at the
Damblanc" two- and three-stage rockets, of which time Metal M1 or "Electron"); he perfected a means
each stage became automatically detached after of stabilizing rockets in flight; and, above all, he
the end of combustion. This development is the
obtained effective separation of stages by means
subject of the paper given by him here, and it is in
of a process of fuse rings of his own invention, and
this field that he is the great pioneer, recognized as
by this means successfully launched numerous
such by both the French and United States gov-
multistage rockets.
ernments.
As a matter of fact, the International Patent In- Within the context of this Symposium on the
stitute of the Hague has confirmed the world pri- History of Astronautics, it is fitting that the Centre
ority of the French patent granted to Louis Dam- National d'ELudes Spatiales, of France, pay homage
blanc on 26 J u n e 1936 for automatically separable to a researcher who has contributed to the early
multistage rockets: "self-propelled projectiles of development of space research and who deserves a
49
50 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

place of honor among the pioneers of space ex- T h e test firing took place at the Bourges Firing
ploration. 4 Ground (Central Pyrotechnics School). A large
number of experiments were made at the test bench
and in vertical launches, because angular launching
Introduction
over a very extensive ground did not permit the
O n my own initiative and having remained to rockets to be recovered easily.
the very end the only technician working on this
great problem—the design, production, laboratory
Development of Test Means for Automatic
experimentation, static tests and numerous flight
Axial Pressure Recording
tests of rockets of my invention—I was able during
the years prior to 1939 to develop a number of My test stand, shown diagrammatically in Figure
rocket prototypes which, at that time, were in the 1, was designed to provide the following:
forefront of progress.
From the beginning, I used only solid fuels, in 1. Measurement of the maximum thrust value of
particular, fine-grain slow-burning mine powder. a rocket by the compression of a previously
This I succeeded in "taming" by markedly increas- calibrated spring.
ing the combustion time and by burning parallel
layers at a strictly constant speed. With the help
of the Central Pyrotechnics School of Bourges, I
was able to obtain blocks of a composite powder,
strongly compressed and homogeneous, which
always gave the best results. As often as possible,
I chose for my tests sunny days without appreciable
wind. My theoretical study and an analysis of the
combustion process may be found in my first book,
Self-propelled Rockets, published in April 1935.5 My
second book was published on 11 January 1938.
T h e use of my compressed powder with internal
nozzle enabled me to obtain the specific gravity of
1.48, as compared with 0.83 for uncompressed black
powder. Average combustion speeds always proved
to be remarkably constant. They varied, depending
on the type of Louis Damblanc rocket, between 13
and 20 mm per second. T h e combustion always took
place in successive concentric layers around the
internal conical area. During all our tests up to
1939, the combustion of the charge was always
constant and stabilized in each stage.
From the very beginning of my research, I was v
*$77w;
struck by how little care had been given to the
construction of the rocket. In my large rockets, we FIGURE 1.—General diagrammatic view of the rocket test
employed ordinary sheet metal from 2 to 3 mm stand. Tube (1) constitutes the combustion chamber intended
thick, singly-riveted along the whole length. Use of to receive the rocket, open at the upper end to let the com-
this primitive structure was feasible only because bustion products escape and including a bottom (2) intended
of the very small pressures developed during com- to receive and transmit the reactive forces resulting from
rocket operation. The forces are found by measuring the
busion. T h e very frequent overpressures, on the
elastic strains on a coil spring (3). Every stress on the bottom
order of 10 times ordinary pressure, resulted in
(2) results in depression of spring (3) and in displacement
immediate failure. T h e self-propelled rockets de- of tube (1), transmitted to a pointer (13) inscribing the
signed by me developed pressures 60 times greater corresponding curve on drum (15) driven by a clockwork
in ordinary operation. mechanism.
NUMBER 10 51

2. Measurement of thrust at all combustion mo-

ments by automatically recording the stress
curve as a function of time:

r. f(t)dt

3. Measurement of time by use of a pendulum

(Figure 2) which beat the seconds and was
clearly visible at a distance. In order to re-
ference pendulum oscillations easily on film,
the rod L was extended by another rod L1 with
a large disc D, white and bordered in black,
on its top.

For all tests of the experimental rockets, I filmed

in slow motion the incandescent jet caused by
powder combustion. The sound recording of the
"blow" enabled me to observe that the sound in-
tensity remained constant during a very large frac-
tion of the incandescent part of the total combustion
time. This coincided remarkably with the long
horizontal part of the curve representing the height

*-o

-;
FIGURE 3.—Slow-motion recording (left) of the incandescent
jet from powder combustion. The band on left side of film
shows the amplitude of sound intensity. Right: Filmed com-
FIGURE 2.—One-second-beating pendulum, serving as metro- bustion recording shows the displacement of the reference
nome, and filmed, together with the test stand, in operation. rod integral with the movable tube.
52 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

FIGURE 4.—Equipment for launching the Damblanc self-propelled variable-inclination rockets

(1939), and (right) more compact and simpler launching equipment for smaller diameter rockets
(the man in the photo is Damblanc's faithful assistant Maillard).

variations of the incandescent part of the flame. 1. Two-stage 35.5-mm-diameter rockets. The first
Figure 3 shows frames from the film of a bench stage was of steel, the second of magnesium, called
test, on which can be seen the amplitude of sound Metal Mx or "Electron," which represented at that
intensity and displacement of the recording pendu- time the summit of metallurgical technique. Weight
lum. On film I could observe that the vertical of illuminating flare without parachute, 500 g;
flame progression had a remarkably sharp outline. firing angle, 90° and altitude as measured by
Our recordings were made by means of a camera theodolite, 2,150 m, corresponding to a range of
provided with a sound-recording device. Two 6,325 m.
dynamic loudspeakers were interconnected. One, 2. Rocket of the same diameter but, for the first
placed near the rocket, served as a microphone time with both stages made of magnesium. The
while the other, in front of the recorder, was used altitude reached exceeded the one for the previous
as the receiver. In this way, I was able to co- rocket but could not be measured because of cloudy
ordinate temperature and sound recordings. The weather. All these tests were officially certified. This
receiver-recorder was equipped with a device to rocket, very light and extremely easy to handle,
translate sound into light beams and to synchron- was tested on 24 October 1939, and was intended
ously record it on the photographic film. to be mass-produced in several thousand units.
The same was true for the rocket of 72 mm
The Launching Apparatus diameter tested at the same time. Its first stage
The variable-inclination apparatus shown in was of duralumin and the second, of Metal Mi
Figure 4 (left) I designed, built, and experimented (Electron)—a great novelty at the time. This rocket
with as early as 1937. Thanks to these experiments could carry an illuminating flare weighing 10 kg
I could, in 1939, proceed succesfully to the launch- up to an altitude of 500 m. Obviously, on the
ing of my largest rockets (133-mm diameter) with eve of the Second World War, the practical applica-
several automatically separable stages. For launch- tions were subordinated to combat requirements.
ing smaller rockets, I used the simpler and more 3. Magnesium-alloy (Mx) rocket of 88-mm diam-
compact apparatus shown in Figure 4 (right). eter and a total length of 2.20 m. It had three
stages and triangular stabilization fins. Figure 5
Rockets Tested, 1935-1939 shows this as well as a two-stage, 55-mm-diameter
Thanks to my carefully preserved files, the fol- rocket with different stabilization tail planes for
lowing list may be given: each stage. These were successfully launched on
NUMBER 10 53

FIGURE 5.—Three-stage rocket of magnesium alloy, 88-mm diameter, 2.20-m long,

with triangular stabilization fins. Two-stage rocket, 55-mm diameter, with different
stabilization tail planes for each stage. Right: Successful launch of one of these at
Bourges in July 1938.

the Bourges firing ground in July 1938, as shown in • Short-distance postal rocket, of which the launch-
Figure 5. ing device is shown in Figure 6.
4. My 133-mm rockets, the most powerful ones • Highly successful experiments of vertical support
of steel wire ropes by self-propelled systems (anti-
built in France at that time, of which the structure
aircraft).
was obtained by cutting off a shell-body. Capable
of transporting heavy loads, its drift did not ex- • "Signal rockets" used in the Sahara in 1938,
rising above sand fogs which in this region, may
ceed 2 percent. It was built in three stages, each
be found at altitudes of 1,200 m and above.
automatically separable, after complete combus-
In them I used a special color to prevent their
tion of the lower stage, by means of a device I had
being confused with the stars, which are quite
invented.
bright in tropical countries.
Between 1935 and 1939, I launched 360 rockets • "Mooring-support" rockets with a range of 500 m.
of my invention. Listed below are a few of my • Self-propelled supply rocket with the payload
other special devices from that period: recovered by parachute.
• Takeoff booster for the Air Ministry. My principal invention is indubitably that of
multistage rockets whose length was shortened as
• "Ballistic wheel" of large diameter, built and the propellant was consumed. I applied for my
successfully experimented in 1938, for the under- French patent on 7 March 1936, my application
water study of self-propelled Damblanc rockets. in Belgium having taken place earlier—9 March
54 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

12 J2

FIGURE 6.—Launching equipment for Damblanc short-distance

postal rocket. This drawing apparently prompted the article
"Big Guns May Speed Mail Rockets" (Popular Science, vol.
128, April 1936, p. 41).—Ed.

1935. My French patent, 803,021, granted on 29

J u n e 1936, protected effectively the following
claims:
FIGURE 7.—Three cross-sections of rockets as shown in French
1. Radial combustion propagation of the powder patent 803,021, 29 June 1936.
grain with axial space.
2. Complete combustion before separation of each
In addition, on 11 May 1939, I took out French
stage.
patent 859,352, covering the replacement of screws
3. Separation by fuse ring and stage separation
by tapped sleeves in order to assemble two adjacent
by explosion.
components of a multistage rocket.
4. Consumable rocket bodies.
A preliminary very important trial of my test
5. Multistage rockets.
stand at the National Office of Research and In-
6. Use of light metals and alloys for the casings
ventions succeeded completely, as may be seen on
of rocket stages.
the official test report of 30 May 1936, shown in
Figure 7 shows a page from my French patent the appendix.
803,021. T h e corresponding patent taken out in Another of my French patents that marked an
the United States, "Self Propelling Projectile," important advance, 802,422, of 26 February 1936,
United States Patent 2,114,214, dated 12 April 1938, concerned the novel design of the rocket test stand
contains 7 claims and is a literal reproduction of I have described above. T h e corresponding United
my French patent. Similar patents were also granted States patent 2,111,315, of 15 March 1938, was en-
me in Germany, the United Kingdom, and Japan. titled "Force measuring devices for rockets."
T h e International Patent Institute, T h e Hague, My two United States patents were sequestrated
the highest court in this matter, in its consultation by the Government of the United States during
of 22 December 1960, cites as the first in the world World War II. After the war, as a result of the
my French patent 803,021 of 29 J u n e 1936, which Franco-American Blum-Byrnes agreement, 0 I re-
covers self-propelled projectiles "of which the pro- quested and obtained in 1965 indemnity for the
pellant charge is distributed into several super- use of my patents during that period.
imposed combustion stages along the longitudinal In 1935,1 received from the Societe Astronomique
axis of the rocket." de France the REP-Hirsch Astronautics prize, an
NUMBER 10 55

international award, in recognition of my role as Treaties (Washington, D.C.: United States Government Print-
ing Office, 1948).—Ed.
a pioneer. 7
7. "The History of the REP-Hirsch Award," Astronautics,
No. 34 (June 1936), pp. 6-7 and 13.

NOTES
Appendix
Under the title Teoreticheskie i eksperimental'nye raboty
vo Frantsii mnogostupenchatym raketam (1930-1939), this Official test report, dated 30 May 1936, from the
paper appeared on pages 25-33 of Iz istorii astronavtiki i French National Office of Scientific and Industrial
raketnoi tekhniki: Materialy XVIII mezhdunarodnogo astro- Research and of Inventions.
navticheskogo kongressa, Belgrad, 25-29 Senlyavrya 1967 T h e test was carried out on a body including two
[From the History of Rockets and Astronautics: Materials
metal armatures, with dimensions, diameter a n d
of the 18th International Astronautical Congress, Belgrade,
25-29 September 1967], Moscow: Nauka, 1970. thickness conforming to the actual model, those
two armatures being connected by an assembly con-
1. Louis Damblanc, "Les Fusee autopropulsives a explosifs;
forming to the invention.
essais au point fixe; Application des resultants, experimentaux
a l'etude du mouvement," L'Aerophile, vol. 43, July and
August 1935, pp. 205-09 and 241-47; and "I razzi autopro- AUTHENTICATION
pulsive ad esplosivo," Rivista Aeronautica, vol. 7, January
1936, pp. 87-100.—Ed. 1. T h e total assembly had the rigidity and solidity
2. L. Damblanc, "Les Helicopteres et les laboratoires permitting it to be handled under normal con-
d'essais," I'Adrophile, vol. 28, 15 October 1920, pp. 314-315; ditions with complete satisfaction.
and "The Problem of the Helicopter," Journal of the Royal 2. T h e rocket body was placed in accordance with
Aeronautical Society, vol. 25, January 1921, pp. 3-19.—Ed.
the experimental conditions (climbing flight).
3. L. Damblanc, "Sur un disposif applicable aux moteurs
d'aviation pour reduire les pertes de puissance en altitude," T h e upper body was restrained; the lower body
Comptes Rendus de l'Academie des Sciences, vol. 180, 14 included a sufficient powder charge for ensuring
April 1925, pp. 1161-64; and "Du moteur d'aviation au lining of the rocket up to the connecting as-
moteur d'automobile," VAerophile, vol. 35, 15 March 1927, sembly level.
pp. 67-70.—Ed.
4. Damblanc died in early December 1969. A necrology T h i s powder charge was ignited and after 7
appeared in the 10 December 1969 issue of Le Parisien seconds, the time corresponding exactly to the total
Libere, written by Louis Lamarre, "Louis Damblanc, le pere
combustion duration of the charge, the lower body
des fusees a etages est mort" [Louis Damblanc, The Father of
Staged Rockets Is Dead].—Ed. became detached sharply and fell on the ground,
the connecting assembly having melted only when
5. Louis Damblanc, Les Fusees autopropulsives a explosifs
(Paris: Ministere de l'Education Nationale, 1935).—Ed. the ignited powder came into contact with it.
6. "Memorandum of Understanding Between the Govern-
ment of the United States of America and the Provisional T h e Director of the National Office
Government of the French Republic Regarding Settlement of Research and Inventions
For Lend-Lease, Reciprocal Aid, Surplus War Property, and
Claims," pp. 4175-78, in United States Statutes at Large, vol. (Signed) J. L. Breton
61 (in 6 parts), p. 4, International Agreements Other Than Member of the Institute
 Robert H. Goddard and the Smithsonian Institution

FREDERICK C. D U R A N T III, United States

Robert Hutchings Goddard, American rocket letter was lengthy—six and one-half pages. I n it
theorist, inventor, and experimenter was associated he wrote:
with the Smithsonian Institution for nearly thirty
For a number of years I have been at work upon a method of
years. Throughout this period Charles G. Abbot, raising recording apparatus to altitudes exceeding the limit
fifth Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, was for sounding balloons; and during the last two years I have
the prime contact, supporter, mentor and trouble- tried-out the essential features of the method at the Labora-
shooter to whom Goddard unfailingly looked for tory of Clark University with very gratifying results. These
experiments are now completed, and I feel that I have settled
support and technical assistance in his experimental every point upon which there could be reasonable doubt.
efforts. Incidentally, I have reached the limit of the work I can do
T h e writer has been privileged since his associa- single-handed; both because of expense, and also because
further work will require more than one man's time.1
tion with the Smithsonian Institution in 1964 to
have access to a remarkable archival collection of He mentioned the military potential of his device
Dr. Robert H. Goddard's reports, correspondence, as a long-range weapon (it will be recalled that
and photographs as well as physical specimens of Europe was then embroiled in World W a r I) b u t
his rockets. T o study these materials is inspiring, added that, "exclusive use of the device for war-
for clearly their author was a brilliant, capable, and fare would, I am certain, be a loss to science . .
imaginative man. Goddard summarized his theoretical calculations
T h e first contact between Goddard and the and the results obtained experimentally firing
Smithsonian Institution was by letter, dated 27 smokeless powder in chambers with a tapered ex-
September 1916. At that time Goddard was thirty- haust nozzle. In these tests jet velocities as high
two years old. Born (5 October 1882) and educated as 8,000 feet per second had been achieved. H e
in Worcester, Massachusetts, Goddard received his listed his patent coverage, received in 1914, of
B.S. degree from Worcester Polytechnic Institute in multiple rockets powered by both single and re-
1908 and his M.S. and Ph.D. degrees from Clark petitive-firing solid propellants as well as by pump-
University in 1910 and 1911, respectively. H e con- fed liquid propellants. Goddard postulated that a
ducted research at Princeton University (1912-13) one-pound payload could be fired to an altitude
on a post-doctoral fellowship, b u t for reasons of of 200 miles and recovery of apparatus achieved
health returned to Worcester. Majoring in physics by a parachute. H e went on:
throughout his educational training, Goddard I hesitate to give my conclusion regarding the possibility of
(Figure 1) embraced the academic life and taught sending small masses (under what I feel sure are realizable
physics, first as an instructor and soon after as conditions) to very much greater heights than those I have
professor, when he was not engaged in research just mentioned. 2
on rockets. In 1916 Charles Greely Abbot (1872- He asked if the Smithsonian might have his pro-
1973) was Assistant Secretary of the Smithsonian posed method and techniques reviewed by a sci-
under Secretary Charles Doolittle Walcott (1850- entific committee and, if favorably received, that
1927). As an astrophysicist, Abbot had pioneered funds might be found to support further research.
in solar measurements and observations. Goddard's Goddard closed by stating:
57
58 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

FIGURE 1.—Robert H. Goddard at blackboard in physics laboratory, Clark University, 1924.

I realize that in sending this communication I have taken his approach on a year's program at an estimated
a certain liberty; but I feel that it is to the Smithsonian cost of 5,000 dollars. 6 More details were requested 7
Institution alone that I must look, now that I cannot continue
the work unassisted.3
and Goddard sent copies of his patents and a
lengthy manuscript; he also offered to come to
When Goddard's letter was received on 29 Sep- Washington to brief a deliberating committee. 8
tember, Secretary Walcott was on travel and the On 18 December Abbot wrote to Secretary Walcott
letter was brought to Abbot as Acting Secretary. that he had examined the manuscript carefully
There is no doubt that Abbot was immediately as well as the patent specifications, concluding—
intrigued. For Walcott he wrote a longhand sum-
mary of the letter, directing attention to Goddard's I believe the theory is sound, and the experimental work
both sound and ingenious. It seems to me that the character
specific requests and saying— of Mr. Goddard's work is so high that he can well be trusted
to carry it on to practical operation in any way that seems
I believe there are several meteorological problems . . . of
best to him. I regard the scheme as worth promoting.9
great interest which might be solved by aid of the device, as:
1. What is the composition of the highest atmosphere? An independent assessment of Goddard's concept
2. How does temperature fall at great altitudes? * and technique was solicited from the Bureau of
O n 11 October, Secretary Walcott acknowledged Standards in Washington. Dr. Edgar Buckingham,
receipt of Goddard's letter, indicating interest and a theoretical physicist there, agreed with Abbot,
inquiring as to the level of funds Goddard was albeit more cautiously, and closed by expressing
seeking. 5 Goddard responded with a summary of "hope that the Smithsonian Institution will see fit
NUMBER 10 59

to help Mr. Goddard in developing his inven- Weight (pounds)

tion . . . ." 10 Range
(miles) Rocket Propellant Warhead Total
On the basis of the two favorable opinions, 7 3 3 3 9
Secretary Walcott wrote Goddard on 5 January 120 4 25 32
1917 to announce that the Smithsonian Institution
had "verified the soundness of your theoretical work Since Walcott was Chairman of the Military Com-
mittee of the National Research Council in addition
and accuracy of the numerical data," that they were
to his Smithsonian position, this request carried
"favorably impressed with the ingenuity of your
some weight and Signal Corps support was forth-
mechanical and experimental dispositions, the clear-
coming. 17
ness of your exposition, and . . . the value of that
T h e next ten months saw a great increase in
which is proposed . . . ." Accordingly, a grant of
tempo. Goddard employed seven men, equipped
"$5,000 from the Hodgkins F u n d " was approved.
a shop and laboratory at Clark University, struggled
Reports were to be made "yearly or oftener if to obtain special powder formulations from the
notable progress" was made. A part-payment check Hercules Powder Company, procured special gun
for 1,000 dollars was enclosed. 11 steels, supervised modifications to rocket apparatus
Thus began the long relationship between C. G. design, performed tests, reduced data, and wrote
Abbot of the Smithsonian Institution and the reports. 18
physics professor, Robert H . Goddard. Secretary T h e Worcester draft board was on the point of
Walcott asked Dr. Abbot and Dr. Buckingham to drafting a key workman into the Army. Goddard
serve as a two-man advisory committee regarding appealed to the Smithsonian for assistance. 19 Abbot,
Goddard's activity. 12 T h u s all correspondence to after much effort managed to obtain a draft classifi-
cation change. 20 Goddard required special powder-
the Smithsonian was routinely brought to Abbot's
testing gauges (crusher blocks). 21 Abbot obtained
attention.
them. 22 An industrialist attempted to force revela-
Two months later, on 6 April 1917, the United tion of Goddard's work in order to produce the
States entered World War I. O n 11 April, Goddard military rockets himself. T h e Smithsonian came to
wrote to the Smithsonian and pointed out the the rescue. 23
possible value of his rocket concept to long-range There were other incidents. O n relocating test
bombardment because of its lightness of weight, work to Pasadena, California in June 1918 the
compared with artillery, and its ease of mobility. 13 staff increased, as did Army funds. 24 But now, a new
Abbot wrote to the Secretary that he believed that shop had to be equipped and staffed, special steels
the proposition had merit and "quite warrants the and tubing obtained, more special formulations
War Department in spending a sum not exceeding of powder, and so on. T h e Smithsonian Institution
$50,000 under his direction for experiments." 1 4 monitored all expenditures and Abbot sought to
obtain by request or demand each of Goddard's
On 20 August, Goddard wrote, "if the apparatus
requirements. By 10 July "excellent" results were
has any possibilities as regards warfare . . . it
obtained on a tube-launched rocket. 25 When the
should be ready for the drive by the Allies which
Smithsonian received the telegram requesting ord-
will probably take place next spring." 15 nance and ballistics experts to come and observe
Thus was displayed the strong faith of Abbot progress, Abbot made the arrangements. 20
and Goddard in the long-range rocket concept. O n
One of Goddard's young assistants, Clarence N.
22 January 1918 Walcott and S. W. Stratton, Direc- Hickman, lost parts of fingers of both hands in an
tor of the U. S. Bureau of Standards, jointly signed accident while handling explosive detonators. 27
a letter to the Chief Signal Officer, U. S. Army, Hospitalization and medical payments required
enclosing a report on Goddard's research activities much correspondence but this too, was settled
signed jointly by Abbot and Buckingham 1 0 and satisfactorily. 28
requesting a sum of $10,000 for purposes of devel- By late September 1918, firing tests were re-
opment. Based upon Goddard's successive-firing quested by the Army Ordnance Corps at Aberdeen
rocket, expectations might be: Proving Ground, Maryland. 29 O n 6 and 7 Novem-
60 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

FIGURE 2.—Goddard inserts 3-inch rocket in lightweight tube launcher. Demonstration tests
were made at Aberdeen Proving Grounds, 6-7 November 1918.

ber, one-, two-, and three-inch rockets (launched of Goddard had appeared and it seemed desirable
from lightweight tubes, see Figure 2), a double- to set down facts.34 Abbot replied in the affirma-
expansion trench mortar, and a multiple-charge tive; 35 Goddard made some modifications to his
repeating rocket (Figure 3) were demonstrated. 30 manuscript, and it was published by T h e Smith-
Witnesses agreed that the weapons systems showed sonian in December 1919 with the cautious title "A
great promise. 31 However, the war ended two days Method of Reaching Extreme Altitudes." 3e Seven-
later. National reversion to peacetime activities teen hundred and fifty copies of this 69-page paper
stopped further development of these wartime ap- were printed.
plications of Goddard's rockets and interest by
Little notice might have been given to the pub-
the military. 32
lication if the Smithsonian had not issued on
Returning to Clark University at Worcester,
11 January 1920 a press release which invited atten-
Goddard attempted to settle his accounts and wind
tion to Goddard's speculations on a shot to the
up the intensive effort of the past few months.
On 7 April 1919 Goddard wrote suggesting that Moon. 37 This portion of the paper was essentially
publication of the concept of his original high an extrapolation of the main techniques described,
altitude rockets might be desirable as a Smith- and in it the concept of a moon shot was under-
sonian paper. 33 Some highly sensational and irre- played. Typically, however, Goddard had made
sponsible newspaper articles on the military work experimental tests of the minimum quantity of
NUMBER 10 61

flash powder which might be observed if set off

on the dark part of a new moon.38
The newspapers leaped on this small element of
the report, ignoring the carefully delineated ele-
ments of the rocket theory and its promise for
upper atmospheric research. Goddard wrote to Wal-
cott on 19 January 1920:
Although there may very likely be ultimate possibilities of
even greater interest than the proposed flash powder experi-
ment—for it is difficult to see the limits of application of a
perfectly new method—people must realize, nevertheless, that
real progress is a succession of logical steps, and not a leap
in the dark, and hence it is very important that, for what-
ever reason interest is taken in the work, adequate support
and interest should be given the preliminary investigations.39
Shifting from repeating-charge solid propellants
to liquid propellants in September 1921, Goddard
experimented with liquid oxygen.40 Striving to
handle this cryogenic substance with lightweight
apparatus (Figure 4) was an enormous challenge
which occupied much of his attention over the
next few years. On 16 March 1926, after successful
static tests, he achieved his (and the world's) first
flight with a liquid propellant rocket.41 In a report
to Abbot on 5 May 1926, he wrote:
In a test made March 16, out of doors, with a model of this
lighter type, weighing 5% lb empty and IO14 lb loaded with
liquids, the lower part of the nozzle burned through and
dropped off, leaving, however, the upper part intact. After
about 20 sec the rocket rose without perceptible jar, with
no smoke and with no apparent increase in the rather small
flame, increased rapidly in speed, and after describing a
semicircle, landed 184 feet from the starting point—the
curved path being due to the fact that the nozzle had burned
through unevenly, and one side was longer than the other.
The average speed, from the time of the flight measured by
a stopwatch was 60 miles per hour. This test was very sig-
nificant, as it was the first time that a rocket operated by
liquid propellants traveled under its own power.*2
The necessary lightness of design of Goddard's
liquid oxygen and gasoline rocket (Figure 5) was
achieved with remarkable skill. The thrust of the
motor was about 9 pounds,43 apparently, because
on firing, the rocket remained in the launch stand
for some seconds. When the weight became less
the rocket lifted slowly on its short historic journey.
Although the rocket flew to an altitude of only
41 feet and landed at a distance of 184 feet, it may
be considered a bench mark in flight history as

FIGURE 3.—Multiple-firing, solid propellant rocket. Cartridges

contained in magazine at center are propelled forward by gas
pressure into firing chamber resulting in repeating, intermit-
tent thrust.
62 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGH'.

FIGURE 4.—Goddard with 1926 design liquid oxygen-gasoline rocket. Rocket motor is at top.
Right, world's first successful liquid propellant rocket before launching on 16 March 1926.

great as that of Orville Wright who in his first with large rockets of the later Roswell period.
flight achieved a distance of only 120 feet. Mrs. No public news release was made of the 16 March
Goddard was recording this event with a motion 1926 success. Goddard realized that further reduc-
picture camera which held only 7 seconds of film, tion in the weight of his small rocket was not
and unfortunately the film had run through before feasible. In the hope of a spectacular demonstration,
takeoff! he set at once to build a much larger rocket.47 The
Collecting all the pieces, Goddard reduced the designed motor thrust was 20 times greater, about
length of the nozzle, increased the throat diameter, 200 pounds, the rocket stood 109 inches tall, weighed
added some braces to the structure and flew the 76 pounds dry and carried about 80 pounds of
apparatus again on 3 April.44 Two more attempts propellants. Pressurizing gas was obtained by pass-
were made on 13 and 22 April but the motors ing liquid oxygen around the combustion chamber.
burned through the walls.*5 By 4 May the apparatus A spin-table, operated by a 50-pound drop-weight,
was rearranged (Figure 6), the motor being placed was incorporated to give the rocket spin-stabiliza-
in its more classic position at the lower end to tion at launch. In a static test on 20 July 1927
eliminate the need (and weight) of the long pro- there were problems involving initial pressurization
pellant line tubing in the earlier design.46 It was and combustion chamber failure.48 An alcohol
this rocket which Goddard later gave to the Smith- burner was added to aid liquid oxygen pressuriza-
sonian Institution and is on display today, together tion at start conditions but in a test on 31 August,
NUMBER 10 63

At this point substantial financial support became

available from Daniel Guggenheim, a wealthy and
philanthropic New Yorker who had been support-
ing development of aeronautics at the request of
his son Harry F. Guggenheim. Colonel Charles A.
Lindbergh had personally visited Goddard in No-
vember 1929 and had been impressed by potential
developments of rocket power. 57 At Lindbergh's
suggestion, 58 Guggenheim agreed to sponsor God-
dard's efforts.59 Officials of the DuPont Company
served as additional technical advisors to Guggen-
heim. Meanwhile, the Carnegie Institution in Wash-
ington in December 1929 advanced $5,000 to the
Smithsonian for Goddard's continuing research. 60
With the Guggenheim support, Goddard was
able to increase significantly the size and scope of
his work. 01 Moving to Mescalero Ranch at Roswell,
New Mexico, 61 privacy and adequate supporting
facilities permitted him to devote full effort to
developing the many elements of sounding-rocket
design which he had conceived. Such items included
gyro stabilization, steering-jet vanes in the rocket
exhaust as well as aerodynamic flaps, gas generators
and turbopumps for propellants, improved injector
heads, film cooling of combustion chambers, valv-
ing, igniters, launch controls, and parachute re-
FIGURE 5.—Modification of rocket design in, now classic, con-
figuration: motor at rear, surmounted by liquid oxygen and covery.62 Goddard recognized that although Abbot
gasoline propellant tanks. Rocket is on exhibit at Smith- would continue as a member of the Guggenheim
sonian Institution. advisory committee his work would no longer
be under the direct support of the Smithsonian
although a thrust of more than 200 pounds was Institution. T o Abbot he wrote:
obtained, the injector head burned through. 49
I am deeply appreciative of the support of the Smithsonian
T o reduce costs and construction effort Goddard has given this rocket work, from its start as a bare idea with
now turned to a medium-sized rocket design of little experimental verification, in 1917. I am so particularly
thrust equivalent to about 40 pounds. Components grateful for your interest, encouragement, and far-sightedness.
were simply designed and easily replaced. Test work I feel that I cannot overestimate the value of your backing,
at times when hardly anyone else in the world could see
on rockets of this general size continued for nearly anything of importance in the undertaking.63
three years. T w o more flights were achieved on
26 December 1928 50 and 17 July 1929.51 O n the As it turned out, however, Abbot continued his
latter flight a thermometer and barometer, together close and friendly relationship until Goddard's
with a camera to record data at zenith were carried untimely death on 10 August 1945. For example,
as payload. 52 when Goddard's basic 1914 patents were about to
All these flights were conducted on a farm at expire in 1931, 01 Abbot obtained sponsorship for
nearby Auburn, Massachusetts. Because the loud a special bill in Congress. 65 Military support of
noise resulted in unwelcome publicity 5 3 and such a bill was necessary. However, the Army
alarmed local authorities, 54 test work was shifted to Ordnance Corps declared that "no immediate or
the U. S. Army artillery range at Camp Devens, near future use of rockets for ordnance purposes
Massachusetts. 55 Once again the Smithsonian paved seems probable." 6 G T h e Navy, just as short-
the way with letters to the Army that secured the sightedly, declared that if rocket development were
necessary permission. 50 more public greater progress in national defense
64 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

could be expected. T h u s Abbot reluctantly wrote sent a complete 1934 Series A rocket to the Smith-
a half-dozen letters acknowledging the viewpoints sonian. Goddard asked that it not be placed on
of the military, requesting withdrawal of the bill exhibition until requested by him, or in the event
from committee action and to Goddard informing of his death, by Mr. Harry F. Guggenheim and
him of the lack of interest in his work. 67 Colonel Charles A. Lindbergh. 78 Goddard's wishes
In 1932, at the depth of the world financial were respected. When it arrived, the box containing
depression, Guggenheim funds became unavail- the rocket was bricked inside a false wall in the
able. 68 Goddard returned to Worcester and resumed basement of the Smithsonian to be exhumed and
teaching at Clark University. 69 He wrote to Abbot placed on display after World War II.
asking if the Smithsonian might find 250 dollars On 16 March 1936 the Smithsonian published
for specific tests aimed at reducing weight of rocket the second of Goddard's papers, entitled "Liquid-
designs. 70 Abbot found the money 71 and next year Propellant Rocket Development," covering his re-
on 2 September, Goddard wrote: search at Roswell from July 1930 to July 1932 and
from December 1934 to September 1935.79 Whereas
It made possible work which will save much time when the
the 1919 paper had concerned itself with the theory
development is continued later on a larger scale, and without
it things would have been stopped completely.?2 of rocketry and its potential, the 1936 paper de-
scribed progress made, established priority on the
If Abbot occasionally expressed impatience with world's first liquid propellant rocket flight, work
Goddard's penchant for becoming fascinated and on gyro-stabilization, static firings and flight tests
diverted by compelling and burgeoning new tech- to 7500 feet, and future plans to reduce weights
nical concepts, his interest was obviously sincere to a minimum.
and in the hope of successful demonstration of There was one further relationship between
high-altitude rocket flight. When Goddard wrote Goddard and the Smithsonian which is revelatory
to Abbot on 4 September 1934 73 that major funds both of the man and his view of the Smithsonian
had been resumed from the Daniel and Florence Institution. During the period 1920-1929 Goddard
Guggenheim Foundation, Abbot replied: wrote four unsolicited reports dated March 1920,
May I urge you to bend every effort to a directed high flight? August 1923, March 1924, and August 1929.
That alone will convince those interested that this project In these reports, which he asked the Smithsonian
is worth supporting. Let no side lines, however promising, not to make public, Goddard revealed his dreams
divert you from this indispensable aim . .?*
of interplanetary flight and how it could be accom-
O n 1 April 1935 Goddard mentioned in a letter plished by rocket power. H e also displayed his
to Abbot: trust and confidence in the Institution knowing
You may be interested to know that I followed your advice
that the reports would be safeguarded and pre-
last fall, and am glad I did so. I had planned on new con- served. Never publicly released until published in
trols, stabilization, and a large light model all at once. It The Papers of Robert H. Goddard, they set forth
seemed necessary to do this, as the time was so short. I see the principles of lunar and interplanetary flight,
now that I might have worked the whole year without having and they document Goddard's interest in and ap-
much in the way of flights to show for i t J 5
preciation of the potential of rocket power as well
When special problems of technical logistics arose, as his fertile, creative imagination.
such as supply of liquid oxygen and importing His March 1920 report, of 23 typewritten pages,
special equipment from abroad, it was to Abbot is entitled "Report on Further Developments of
and the Smithsonian that Goddard turned for the Rocket Method of Investigating Space." 80
help. It was in recognition of this relationship and Part I, "Investigation Conducted without an Op-
fully appreciating the historical importance of his erator," we would today entitle "Scientific Satellites
work that on 2 November 1935 Goddard, 76 on the and Space Probes." In this section Goddard sug-
strong urging of Guggenheim and Lindbergh, 77 gests the value of photographing the Moon and

FIGURE 6.—a, Larger rocket, developing about 200-lb thrust, tested 20 July 1927; b, "Hoop
Skirt" rocket, flown 26 December 1928; c, payload-carrying rocket, flown 19 July 1929; d, ba-
rometer and camera to photograph atmospheric pressure at zenith (rocket also carried alcohol
thermometer).
NUMBER 10
65
66 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

planets, the use of gyros and flight-path correction In March 1924 Goddard sent to the Smithsonian
by small rocket motors, an ablating reentry heat a nine-page "Supplementary Report on Ultimate
shield, tracking of vehicle on reentry, communica- Developments." 8 2 It represents, in the main, the
tion with planetary extra-terrestrials, and sets forth results of further thought and study on the various
the advantages of liquid hydrogen and liquid ox- aspects of interplanetary flight he had speculated
ygen as ideal propellants. In Part II, "Investigations about four years earlier in the March 1920 paper.
Conducted with an Operator" (today we would In it he treats of propellant mixture ratio with
say "Manned Space Flight"), Goddard considers excess hydrogen to reduce combustion chamber
man essential for landing upon and taking off temperature and discusses suggestions for hydrogen
from planets. T h e use of retro-rockets on lunar and oxygen tank arrangements, the rotation of
landings and tangential atmospheric drag on re- tanks (for stability), considerations of temperature
turn to Earth are mentioned as well as a launch and stress in tank design, a 1200-pound manned
vehicle with a desirable mass ratio of 0.93. "observation compartment," selection of the "most
Launch takeoff weights of 100 to 250 tons for economical acceleration" (about 4.8 g), atmospheric
lunar landings are given. A section is devoted to retardation, further considerations and calculations
the advantages of producing liquid hydrogen and on soft landing on the Moon, low-density lithium
liquid oxygen on a planet if water of crystallization as a construction material, and production of hy-
were available from the soil. Solar energy would be drogen and oxygen by solar energy on the Moon
used "except possibly on Venus." Goddard states, and planets (with the exception of cloud-shrouded
" T h e best location on the Moon would be at the Venus). "In the case of Venus," Goddard suggests,
north or south pole with the liquefier in a crater, "it is very likely that the wind could be used as
from which the water of crystallization may not motive power, as there appears to be good evidence
have evaporated, and with the [solar] power plant of strong winds . . . ."
on a summit constantly exposed to the Sun. Ade- T h e August 1929 "Report on Conditions for
quate protection should, of course, be made against Minimum Mass of Propellant" 83 contains 13 pages,
meteors, by covering the essential parts of the plus a 2-page Appendix and 4 pages of supple-
apparatus with rock." Goddard goes on to discuss mental notes referencing the March 1920 report
the advantages of shortening the time of journey and reflecting further study and new data. T h e first
by the use of electric propulsion. A solar powered 8 pages propose a space-launch vehicle consisting of
turbogenerator with a mirror collector 500 feet an airplane with transparent wings or a lighter-
square is discussed, as are methods of producing an than-air ship with a transparent envelope within
ionized jet of gas, and accelerating it electrostatic- which is contained solar collectors and power plant.
ally. Both positive and negative ions would be Goddard conceives of the possibility of accelerating
produced to prevent space charge effect. Techniques air mixed with charged particles. Both electrostatic
of producing ions are discussed and experiments and electromagnetic repulsion are discussed. Accel-
performed at Clark University in 1916-17 are eration of the vehicle about the Earth would con-
cited. Goddard concludes in his report that "it is tinue until escape velocity had been achieved. T o
believed that an appeal for public support is depress the trajectory at increasing velocity, God-
justifiable." dard suggests that it might fly inverted to give
T h e August 1923 report to the Trustees, Clark negative lift. Once escape velocity is achieved the
University, "Principles and Possibilities of Rocket vehicle would continue to accelerate at character-
Developed by R. H. Goddard," is eight pages long. 81 istically low-g ion-propulsion rates "for half the
T h e first four pages contain a documentary sum- journey, decelerating for the second half, in order
mary of his work to that date and elements of the to reduce the time of transit to a practicable
March 1920 report. T h e remaining pages are de- amount." Different techniques of ion accelerators
voted to a discussion of Herman Oberth's Die are discussed. "In space,' writes Goddard, "the best
Rakete zu den Planetenrdumen (Munich and method of propulsion, and the one involving least
Berlin: R. Oldenbourg, 1923) and of the many mass of ejected material, is undoubtedly the repul-
design elements which Goddard had suggested sion of low speed electrons, and positive metallic
previously and had treated experimentally. ions, the latter by means of an electrode, an applica-
NUMBER 10 67

tion for a U.S. patent on which has been filed by A special note of appreciation is given Mrs.
the writer." T h r e e possible methods are suggested Robert H. Goddard for her kindness in supplying
for "reaction against the air" electrostatically and detailed information not easily located, answering
electromagnetically. T h e next five pages list several questions, and otherwise generously assisting the
dozen notes on rocket and space propulsion tech- writer in understanding this remarkable man.
niques contained in Goddard's notebooks, together
with the dates recorded. T h e period covered is
NOTES
1906-1912.
Abbot's reaction to these four remarkable reports 1. Robert H. Goddard to President, Smithsonian Institu-
was not encouraging. In acknowledging the August tion, 27 September 1916, in The Papers of Robert H. God-
dard, edited by Esther C. Goddard and G. Edward Pendray
1923 report, Abbot wrote, ". . . very interesting
(New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1970), 3 vols.,
reading. I am, however, consumed with impatience, vol. 1, p. 170. (Hereafter cited as "Papers").
and hope that you will be able to actually send a 2. Papers, 1:174.
rocket up into the air some time soon. Inter- 3. Papers, 1:175.
planetary space would look much nearer to me 4. Abbot to Walcott, 2 October 1916, Papers, 1:175.
5. Walcott to Goddard, 11 October 1916, Papers, 1:176.
after I had seen one of your rockets go up five or
6. Goddard to Secretary, Smithsonian Institution (C. D.
six miles in our own atmosphere." 81 T h e March Walcott), 19 October 1916, Papers, 1:177-78.
1924 and August 1929 reports were each acknowl- 7. Walcott to Goddard, 29 November 1916, Papers, 1:179-80.
edged with a single sentence stating that the 8. Goddard to Walcott, 4 December 1916, Papers, 1:180.
material had been filed with the other papers 9. Abbot to Walcott, 18 December 1916, Papers, 1:181.
10. Buckingham to Walcott, 26 December 1916, Papers,
relating to his experiments. One has the feeling 1:181.
that Abbot may have shaken his head gently while 11. Walcott to Goddard, 5 January 1917, and Goddard to
doing so. Walcott, 9 January 1917, Papers, 1:190-91.
In summing u p this review of the relationship 12. Walcott to R. S. Woodward, President, Carnegie Insti-
tution of Washington, 1 June 1918, Papers, 1:232-33.
between Goddard and the Smithsonian, the follow-
13. Goddard to Walcott, 11 April 1917, Papers, 1:194.
ing points are clear: 14. Abbot to Walcott, 14 April 1917, and Walcott to God-
1. T h e Smithsonian Institution, primarily dard, 20 April 1917, Papers, 1:195-96.
through the efforts of Charles Greely Abbot, en- 15. Goddard to Walcott, 20 August 1917, Papers, 1:199.
16. Walcott and Stratton to Major General George O.
joyed 29 years of friendly association with Robert Squier, U.S. War Department, 22 January 1918, and report
Hutchings Goddard and continually supported his on Dr. Goddard's device by Abbot and Buckingham, 22
work. January 1918, Papers, 1:210-12.
17. Papers, see footnote, 1:213.
2. Professor Goddard was a man of great crea-
18. These activities are described in great detail in Papers,
tivity and inventiveness. A practical physicist, he 1:213-95.
displayed remarkable patience and persistence in 19. Abbot to Walcott, "Report on Trip to Schenectady and
his efforts to achieve successful sounding rockets Worcester," 19 March 1918. Robert H. Goddard-Smithsonian
for upper-atmosphere research. Institution Correspondence in the Archives of the Smith-
sonian Institution (hereafter cited as "S I Archives").
3. Goddard's unpublished papers show that he 20. Walcott to Squier, 19 March 1918; Abbot to Walcott,
dreamed of flight to the Moon and planets, and 29 March 1918; Walcott to Maj. Gen. E. H. Crowder, 1 April
was caught up in the excitement of exploring the 1918; Abbot to Goddard, 2 April 1918; SI Archives.
unknown. In a letter written in 1932 to H. G. Wells 21. Goddard to Walcott, 1 May 1918, SI Archives.
(Goddard, then 50 years old, had been strongly 22. Walcott to Squier, 3 May 1918; Capt. J. R. Hoover,
Office of Chief of Ordnance, U.S. Army, to Walcott, 10 May
influenced by Wells' War of the Worlds) he revealed 1918; SI Archives.
his inner drive by saying: 23. "Statement of C. G. Abbot," 31 May 1918, SI Archives.
Goddard to George I. Rockwood, 24 January 1918, Papers,
How many more years I shall be able to work on the prob- 1:212. Colonel E. M. Shinkle, Army Ordnance Department,
lem, I do not know; I hope, as long as I live. There can be to Rockwood, 27 May 1918; Memorandum by Brigadier Gen-
no thought of finishing, for "aiming at the stars," both eral C. McK. Saltzman, Signal Corps, for Acting Chief of
literally and figuratively, is a problem to occupy generations, Ordnance, 27 May 1918; Goddard to Walcott, 29 May 1918;
so that no matter how much progress one makes, there is Walcott to Squier, 31 May 1918; Papers, 1:228-32.
always the thrill of just beginning . . . .85 24. See note 12. Also Woodward to Walcott, 3 June 1918;
Walcott to Goddard, 3 June 1918; Goddard to Abbot, 4 June
68 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

1918; telegram. Abbot to Goddard, 5 June 1918; Papers, 1: 53. "Goddard Experimental Rocket Explodes in Air; Clark
233-34. Professor Making Tests on Auburn Farm," Worcester Evening
25. Telegram George E. Hale to Abbot, 10 July 1918; God- Gazette, 17 July 1929, reprinted in Papers, 2:673; "Moon
dard to Walcott, 15 July 1918; Papers, 1:246-48. Rocket-Man's Test Alarms Whole Countryside—Blast as
26. Goddard to Edmund C. Sanford, 15 July 1918; tele- Metal Projectile Is Fired Through Auburn Tower Echoes
gram, Abbot to Hale, 17 July 1917; Squier to Chief of For Miles Around, Starts Hunt for Fallen Plane, and Finally
Ordnance, 19 July 1918; Abbot to Goddard, 22 July 1918; Reveals Goddard Experiment Station," Boston Globe, 18 July
telegram, Goddard to Abbot, 1 August 1918; Papers, 1:248-49. 1929, reprinted (along with other newspaper clippings) in
27. Goddard to Walcott, 8 August 1918, Papers, 1:253. Papers, 2:674.
28. Memorandum, Abbot to Walcott, 14 October 1918; 54. Robert E. Molt, State Fire Inspector, to George C.
Chairman, U.S. Employees' Compensation Commission, to Neal, State Fire Marshal, Boston, 25 July 1929, Papers, 2:682.
C. N. Hickman, 10 October 1918; SI Archives. 55. Goddard to Abbot, 26 July 1929, Papers, 2:682-84. A
29. Telegram, Abbot to Goddard, 23 September 1918, summary of Dr. Goddard's experimental notes for the test
Papers, 1:288-89. at Camp Devens is presented in Goddard, Rocket Develop-
30. Program for Tests at Aberdeen Proving Ground, Pa- ment: Liquid Fuel Rocket Research 1929-1941 (hereafter
pers, 1:296-99. cited as Rocket Development), Esther C. Goddard and G.
31. Goddard to Walcott, 15 November 1918, Papers, 1:300- Edward Pendray, editors (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey:
301. Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1961), pp. 1-14.
32. Lieutenant Colonel Herbert O'Leary, Army Ordnance 56. The efforts which lead to the issuance of a license by
Department, to Secretary, Smithsonian Institution, 19 No- the War Department for use of the Camp Devens Reserva-
vember 1918; Abbot to Goddard 26 March 1919; Papers, tion for rocket experimentation are detailed in Papers, 2:
1:302-3, 315-16. 685-710.
33. Goddard to Abbot, 7 April, 1919, Papers, 1:320. 57. C. Fayette Taylor, Department of Aeronautical Engi-
34. "Invents Rocket with Altitude Range 70 Miles; Ter- neering, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, to Goddard,
rible Engine of War Developed in Worcester by Dr. Robert 22 November 1929, Papers, 2:713; and Diary, 23-27 November
H. Goddard, Professor of Physics at Clark in Laboratory of 1929, Papers, 2:713.
Worcester Tech, under Patronage of U.S. War Department," 58. The events of the eight months between Charles A.
Worcester Evening Gazette (Massachusetts), 28 March 1919, Lindbergh's initial meeting with Dr. Goddard and the subse-
Papers, 1:316. quent financial support by Daniel Guggenheim are described
35. Abbot to Goddard, 10 April 1919; Goddard to Abbot, in Papers, 2:713-44.
15 April 1919; Abbot to Goddard, 18 April 1919; Papers 59. Guggenheim to Wallace W. Atwood, 12 June 1930, and
1:322-23. Atwood to Guggenheim, 13 June 1930, Papers, 2:744-45.
36. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 71, no. 2, 60. John C. Merriam to Goddard, 19 December 1929, and
69 pp., 10 pis.; reprinted in Papers, 1:337-406. Goddard to Merriam, 26 December 1929, Papers, 2:726-28.
37. "New Rocket Devised by Prof. Goddard May Hit Face 61. Atwood and Goddard to Abbot and other members of
of the Moon; Clark College Professor Has Perfected Inven- the Advisory Committee, 14 June 1930, Papers, 2:746; and
tion for Exploring Space—Smithsonian Society Backs It," statement released by Clark University "for publication in
Boston Herald, 12 January 1920, reprinted in Papers, 1:406. newspapers of Thursday, July 10, 1930," 9 July 1930, Papers,
38. Papers, 1:393-95. 2:752-54.
39. Goddard to Walcott, 19 January 1920, Papers, 1:410. 62. A summary of Goddard's experimental notes for the
40. Goddard's Diary (hereafter cited as Diary), 11 July- tests conducted in New Mexico is presented in Rocket De-
13 September 1921, Papers, 1:474. velopment, pp. 15^46 and 57-215.
41. Diary, 16-17 March 1926, Papers, 2:580-82. 63. Goddard to Abbot, 28 May 1930, Papers, 2:742.
42. Goddard to Abbot, 5 May 1926, Papers, 2:587-90. 64. Goddard to John A. Fleming, 22 January 1931, and
43. Papers, 2:588. statement regarding the desirability of a reissue of U.S.
44. Diary, 1-11 April 1926; Papers, 2:584-85. Patents 1,102,653 and 1,103,503 from the standpoint of na-
45. Diary, 13 ApriI-5 May 1926; Papers, 2:586-87. tional defense, 22 January 1931, Papers, 2:782-84.
46. Diary, Papers, 2:585. 65. H.R. 16451, House of Representatives, 21 January 1931,
47. Goddard to Abbot, 29 June 1926, Papers, 2:597-98. and H.R. 7174, House of Representatives, 8 January 1926,
48. Diary, 20 July 1927, Papers, 1:620. SI Archives.
49. Diary, 31 August 1927, Papers, 2:621. 66. W. H. Tschappat to Abbot, 6 February 1931, SI Ar-
50. Diary, 24-26 December 1928, Papers, 2:651-53; Goddard chives.
to Abbot, 3 January 1929, Papers 2:654-55. 67. Abbot to Goddard, to W. W. Gilbert, to J. T. Robin-
51. Diary, 3-17 July 1929, Papers, 2:667-68; Description of son, to R. Luce, and to Goddard, all 1 February 1931, SI
Flight of 17 July 1929, Goddard's Notebook on Experiments, Archives.
Papers, 2:668-73. 68. Telegram from Goddard to Atwood, 2 June 1932; At-
52. Goddard to Abbot, 18 July 1929, Papers, 2:674-76; wood to the members of the Advisory Committee on the
Abbot to Goddard, 20 July 1929, Papers, 2:678. Memorandum Goddard Rocket Project, 14 June 1932; and Colonel Henry
to Associated Press by Smithsonian Institution, 20 July 1929, Breckinridge to Goddard, 16 June 1932; Papers, 2:830-32.
Papers, 2:679-81. 69. Diary, 28 June-2l July 1932, Papers, 2:833-34.
NUMBER 10 69
70. Goddard to Abbot, 5 August 1932, Papers, 2:837. 77. Abbot to Goddard, 2 October 1935, Papers, 2:938-39.
71. Abbot to Goddard, 25 August 1932, and Goddard to 78. See note 76.
Abbot, 12 September 1932, Papers, 2:838-39. 79. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 95, no. 3,
72. Goddard to Abbot 2 September 1933, Papers, 2:865. 16 March 1936, 10 pp., 11 pis., 1 fig.; reprinted in Papers,
Summaries of Dr. Goddard's experimental notes for the test 2:968-84.
conducted at Clark University, 1932-34, appear in Papers,
80. Papers, 1:413-30.
2:866-67 and 878-84. See also Rocket Development, pp. 47-
56. These activities were assisted by a grant from the Gug- 81. Papers, 1:509-17.
genheim family of $2500 on 15 July 1933, Papers, 2:850-51 82. Papers, 1:531-40.
and 860. 83. Papers, 2:688-98.
73. Goddard to Abbot, 4 September 1934, Papers, 2:878. 84. Abbot to Goddard, 3 November 1923, Papers, 1:519.
74. Abbot to Goddard, 17 September 1934, Papers, 2:887-88. 85. Goddard to H. G. Wells, London, England, 20 April
75. Goddard to Abbot, 1 April 1935, Papers, 2:910-11. 1932, and Wells to Goddard, 3 May 1932, Papers, 2:821-23,
76. Goddard to Abbot, 2 November 1935, Papers, 2:945. 825.
 Giulio Costanzi: Italian Space Pioneer

ANTONIO EULA, Italy

Giulio Costanzi was born in 1875. Originally an Such a clear intuition of what was to happen more
officer of artillery of the Royal Italian Army he than forty years later is astonishing, and because
joined in 1911 the Battaglione Specialisti del Genio. the paper is rather short, it is translated in its
This military corps, with its free and captive bal- entirety in the following paragraphs.
loons, airships, and hydrogliders, was the nucleus
It seems now that the heroic period of conquest of the air
of the Italian Air Force. Part of its facilities in-
is near its end. When, in the not too distant future, men
cluded a laboratory with wind tunnels and a towing seeking great achievements, having flown the Atlantic Ocean
tank. Costanzi, who had a university degree as a and made round-the-world flights, look for new obstacles to
civil engineer, was in charge of this laboratory, overcome, the Promethean age of the conquest of the sky will
which had been created by the well-known air and begin.
space pioneer Gaetano Arturo Crocco (1877-1968), Is it really the time to consider escape from the Earth and
to seek new colonies in space? As a matter of fact, it seems
who died on January 19 of this year [1968].x
that the Earth has already become too narrow an area to
During World War I Costanzi was commander contain such immense boldnesses, and that thoughtful auda-
of a reconnaissance airplane squadron of the Italian cious spirits can indeed seriously consider an undertaking
Air Force. At the end of the war, as a lieutenant born in the imagination of poets and novelists. These spirits
wonder whether the barriers that forbid the undertaking of
colonel, he headed the Experimental Station of the such a flight are really impenetrable, and whether the bonds
Air Force. In 1923, as a colonel, he joined the that hold mankind on the narrow surface of our planet will
newly established independent Royal Air Force be perennial. The planet's low, dense atmosphere ceases to
and was assigned various technical tasks. Later, he be attractive. It is so dense that monstrous ships filled with
was technical assistant to the Air Force Minister hydrogen can float in it and heavy-winged machines can
support themselves as on invisible rails. It is so impenetrable
and Professor at the Royal Air Force Academy in
that only with enormous power consumption is it possible
Caserta. to reach a speed of a few hundred kilometers per hour.
In 1928, he resigned from the Air Force as a Yet only a short distance from us, just a few kilometers from
our homes, it is possible to enter into free space that is
General and was appointed member of the Con-
endless, boundaryless, dragless, and nightless—where limita-
siglio di Stato. In 1938 he became President of the tions to velocity do not exist and the sunlight flashes in a
Registro Aeronautico Italiano, the Italian counter- cloudless sky.
part of the U.S.A. Federal Aviation Agency, and Some men endowed with faith and energy, and belonging
kept this official position until 1945. T h e author to the heroic generation which attained the previous goal,
of several technical papers, he died at the age of are preparing themselves for the new attempt. From Russia
ninety, in 1965. Riabouchinsky announces that he is going to begin some
preliminary experiments in his laboratory at Koutchino. In
In 1914 Costanzi published in the Italian maga- France Esnault-Pelterie,3 one of the first conquerors of the
zine AER,- a paper which can be considered the air, has demonstrated on the basis of sound and thoughful
first Italian contribution to the study of space calculations, that the present barriers, though severe and
insuperable to-day, are of a mechanical and structural char-
flight. Costanzi anticipated in a poetic and prophetic
acter, which is to say that the possibility of a practical
way some features and problems of space flight and realization docs exist.
also, though in a particular sense, the possibility Which kind of machines will prove capable of departing
of using nuclear forces for propelling spacecraft. from the atmosphere into space, where no air exists to give

71
72 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

lift and life? Has there yet been conceived by human genius, engine power should be 414,000 hp. Such a vehicle at the
or does it yet exist in embryo, an engine capable of thrusting speed of 10 km/sec would spend 47 days and 20 hours to
a vehicle into the vacuum of space.? reach Venus and 90 days and 15 hours to reach Mars.
For many years it has been recognized that such an engine The analysis of probable sensations of a space traveller
does exist. One need only to think of a machine-gun free during the trip deserves particular attention. Aside from
to recoil on its own carriage while launching shells at great difficulties arising from the temperature and space radiations,
velocity in order to concieve of a propelling unit which there exists a probably serious one of a physiological char-
would operate better in a vacuum. In any case, the principle acter. At a distance of 5,780 km from the Earth the traveller
of the so-called reaction engine is well known. The problem will feel as though his weight was eleven tenths of his
is to determine whether the energy required to attain this normal weight; this feeling, though unpleasant, will not be
goal does exist, or whether we here face an insuperable prejudicial to his organism. But, when, during the second
natural barrier. phase, weightlessness occurs, he will have the feeling of
It is known that the energy necessary to transfer a body falling with the vehicle which contains him. Then it would
from the surface of a star to infinity is given by be necessary to replace the force of gravity by a constant
acceleration of the engine so controlled as to provide an
mM
L-K acceleration that will at every moment replace the loss of
gravitational pull.
where A' is the universal gravitation constant, m the mass This method would eliminate the above mentioned incon-
of body, M that of the star, and R the radius of the star. venient, but would cause a progressive increase of velocity to
From this formula, it follows that a body on the Earth's 61,700 m/sec in the case of a lunar trip, with the advantage
surface, launched with a velocity equal to or larger than of reducing the required time to 3 hours and 5 minutes; but
11,280 m/sec, will not fall back but will continue traveling the required power would be 4,760,000 hp. Then, even
indefinitely. For a 1-kg body on the Earth, the energy to though the above assumed 300 kg of propellant were dyna-
attain this velocity would be 6,371,103 kgm, equivalent to mite, it would amount to -r^-o^jr of the propellant necessary;
14,970 cal. Now 1 kg of hydrogen-oxygen mixture contains but if radium were used it would still be 433 times that
a much smaller amount of energy, i.e. 1,420 cal-*; therefore required. Travelling at a constant acceleration, Venus could
I kg of such a mixture has not within itself the capability be reached in 35 hours and 4 minutes with a maximum
of transfering even a single gram of its own substance to speed of 643 km/sec and Mars in 49 hours and 20 minutes
infinity. with a maximum speed of 883 km/sec.
On the other hand, 1 kg of radium, which contains
2,900,000,000 cal, would have an energy 194,000 times greater The order of magnitude of such velocities is that of the
than the amount required of it. celestial bodies, and in order to obtain the necessary energy
Esnault-Pelterie has shown that a body on the Earth concentration at the start it would be necessary to seek them
subjected to a constant force greater than its weight and among atomic forces.
directed outwards would attain a velocity sufficient to make If a 1000-kg vehicle had on board 400 kg of radium and
its propulsion superflous at an altitude approximately equal we were able to extract from it the required energy, we
to an Earth radius. would have available the amount of propellant sufficient to
Let us analyze the order of magnitude of the energy in- a round-trip to Venus; but this amount would be hardly
volved if one were to transfer, for example, a body from the sufficient for an analogous trip to Mars, always assuming a
Earth to the Moon and bring it back again to Earth. Three flight with constant acceleration.
phases are to be considered: Thus the difficulties that prevent us from achieving this
ultimate human dream are not beyond human reason, but
First phase: the body accelerates up to an altitude of 5,780 are dependent only on the possibility of a practical realiza-
km; then its velocity will be 8,180 m/s and the time spent tion of the necessary means. Having observed the prodigi-
24 minutes and 9 seconds; ously accelerated development of findings in the field of
Second phase: the engine is cut off; the body continues to mechanics, we can therefore doubt but cannot deny such a
move on account of inertia; at the moment where the possibility.
attraction of both Earth and Moon become equal, the On the other hand argument and speculation are useless
velocity will be reduced to 2,030 m/sec and the time spent and unfruitful. The world advances, driven by tenacious
will be 48 hours and 30 minutes; willpower rather than by words and formulae. Perhaps
scientists will still be arguing when the first auto-meteor
Third phase: the engine is accelerated in the opposite di-
penetrates interplanetary space.
rection for descent onto the Moon; the time spent during
this phase is 3 minutes and 46 seconds. The total elapsed Some comments on Costanzi's text seen appro-
time from departure will be 48 hours and 58 minutes, and priate.
that for return will be the same. During this return trip the
engine will operate only 28 minutes, the time being the same
His clear intuition as to the advantage, from an
both going and returning. economical point of view, of flying at high alti-
Now let us assume that the vehicle weight is 1000 kg, of
tudes, of the need for jet engines, and of the
which 300 are consumable (this ratio is customary for enormous propellant consumption required by
present-day airplanes). A short calculation shows that the space flight, is remarkable.
NUMBER 10 73

As far as his considerations on Moon flights are NOTES

concerned, it is to be noted that the escape velocity 1. Sec Luigi Crocco, "Gaetano Arturo Crocco, 1877-1968,"
would not be reached, because the Moon is an Aslronautica Ada, vol. 14, no. 6 (October 1969), p. 689.—Ed.
Earth satellite and therefore is always subject to 2. Giulio Constanzi, "To Escape from The Planet," AER,
the Earth's attraction. Nevertheless, as is well no. 5, 1914.
known, the velocity necessary to fly to the Moon 3. Robert Esnault-Pelterie, "Considerations sur les resultats
d'un allegemcnt indefini des moteurs" [Considerations on the
is very near, although less than, the escape velocity.
Results of Indefinite Decrease in Weight of Engines], Journal
The considerations on the second phase of the lunar de Physique Theorelique et Appliquee, ser. 5, vol. 3, March
trip seem not to be completely clear. 1913, pp. 218-30.
The restarting of the engine during the third 4. Apparently Costanzi, basing his calculations on those
phase is probably intended to decelerate for descent of Robert Esnault-Pelterie, made a copying error in his
original article, where he is paraphrasing Esnault-Pelterie.
onto the Moon, but Mr. Constanzi does not say
The correct value should be 3,860 calories. See page 222 of
this explicitly. note 3, above, or page 296 of Andrew G. Haley, Rocketry
The ratio of propellant to total weight in and Space Exploration (Princeton, New Jersey: D. Van Nos-
present-day spacecraft is much higher than that trand Company, Inc., 1958), which contains a complete
assumed by the author but was valid for the English translation of Esnault-Pelterie's 1913 article (this is
reprinted as an appendix to Paper 2 of this series).—Ed.
airplanes of his day.
5. Walter Hohmann, Die Erreichbarkeit Der Himmelskor-
What is astonishing are the author's very clear per [The Attainability of Heavenly Bodies], Munich-Berlin:
conception of the physiological sensations that R. Oldenbourg, 1925. An English translation has been pub-
space travellers have experienced during the coast- lished by the National Aeronautics and Space Administration,
ing flight, and his concept of creating artificial Washington, D.C., November I960, as Technical Translation
NASA T T F-44—Ed.
gravity by means of acceleration to eliminate it.
6. An explanation of this figure appears on page 230 of
In order to obtain this result, which the author Esnault-Pelterie (see note 3), and on page 301 of the English
considered necessary, flights without acceleration translation thereof (see note 4), wherein Esnault-Pelterie
are not taken into consideration by him. Walter explains the need for 4,760,000 hp as follows:
Hohmann (in 1925) had not yet shown the ad- The time used to reach the moon would be
vantages of following cotangential trajectories.5 t = 3 hr 5 min.
It is not clear how the figure of 4,760,000 h p b But in this new case, the work to be furnished, using the
for the required power was calculated. It would assumption of a 1,000 kg vehicle of which 300 kg are con-
sumable, would reach 67.2 X 106 cal/kg of fuel, i.e., 131 times
undoubtedly have been better to have spoken in more than in the first case.
terms of thrust, which is well known, than in terms Dynamite would be 47,300 times too weak, but radium
would still be 433 times too powerful.
of power, or to have considered energy instead of As to the necessary power, it would be
power, as the author did at the start of his paper. 857 X IP10
= 4.76 X 106 hp.
The author's intuition of the advantages offered 24,000 X 75
by the use of atomic forces to make space flight If we now assume that this method of constant propulsion
is used for voyages to the closest planets and investigate
easier is extraordinary indeed. what the times and velocities would be, we find the maxi-
In conclusion, though some inexactness is ap- mum velocity
parent, Costanzi's paper is a most interesting, valu- for Venus 643 km/sec
able, and ingenious anticipation of the many space for Mars 883 km/sec
events which have now taken place, more than and the corresponding times
forty years later. for Venus 35 hr 4 min
for Mars 49 hr 20 min
 Recollections of Early Biomedical Moon-Mice Investigations

CONSTANTINE D. J. GENERALES, J R . , United States

The year was 1931. T h e place was Zurich. T h e the lunar satellite. My field was medicine a n d all
protagonists were two students, one aspiring to my subjects and efforts were directed toward ob-
become an engineer, the other, a physician. taining a medical degree. I just could not see, as a
It was in the beginning of March when I decided young student, how rockets and getting to the
to have my first lunch at the student cafeteria open moon were going to help me in taking care of sick
to matriculants of the University of Zurich and of people!
the Eidgenossische Technische Hochschule. I had T h e first conversation was quite brief, we finished
just arrived from an intersemester vacation in our lunch and parted. Approximately two weeks
Athens after having spent my sixth semester (third later we met again by chance and the topic again
year) at the University of Berlin, and I had found reverted to the construction of rockets to get to the
quarters at 34 Scheuchzerstrasse overlooking the moon. T o me, this whole thing, as I recall, seemed
beautiful lake of Zurich. My decision to continue rather ridiculous, and I began making fun of my
my medical studies at various university centers friend with "a one-track mind" until he reached
such as Athens, Heidelberg, Zurich, Paris and into his pocket and pulled out a letter and asked
Berlin was not a random one but based on a pre- me to read it. T h e envelope was postmarked Berlin.
conceived plan to combine study and travel with I remember staring at the indeciphrable equations
attendance at lectures by professors of note in the pertaining to mathematical problems and solutions
various fields of medicine, e.g., Menge, Naegeli, in rocket design and propulsion. I was dumb-
Gougerot, Sauerbruch, His. founded and deeply impressed when I recognized
As I was waiting in line at the cafeteria, I hap- the signature to be that of Professor Albert Einstein.
pened to overhear a brief conversation in English T h e recipient of the letter that I held in my hand
behind me. At that time this was unusual since was my newly found friend, Wernher Freiherr von
German and Schweizer Deutsch and some French Braun.
were the most frequently spoken languages in that As I read the letter and listened to Wernher I
part of the country. Curious and eager to speak became aware of the possibility of future space
English again, I turned around and faced a tall travel and realized that it was not as absurd as it
blond chap who informed me that he had just had seemed at first. Remember, the year was 1931,
arrived from Berlin. We lunched together. After two years before the founding of the famous British
the usual exchange of amenities, he unexpectedly Interplanetary Society. T h e question immediately
turned the conversation to rockets, and of all arose in my mind: what about man, can he with-
things, of using them to get to the moon. He men- stand all these unknown forces and new experiences
tioned Herman Oberth, the German genius of while being propelled by a sheet of flame into the
rocketry, and Goddard, the immortalized American vastness of space with the contemplated rocket?
rocket pioneer. This German lad was quite serious Right then and there I realized the inescapable
about space travel and especially, of getting to the necessity for the interdependence of medicine and
moon. I professed ignorance about the subject, even technology in this great venture and I became a
barely recollecting the distance between Earth and convert to the idea of exploration of space and

75
76 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

space travel. I remember clearly my verbal reaction bicycle wheel that was mounted on a stand. Thus,
as I handed the letter back to Wernher with the the centrifugal effect expressed in g's would be
caution, "Wenn Du zum Mond gehen willst ist es analogous to that experienced in rocket launchings.
besser zuerst mit Mausen zu versuchen!" x Years later, I discovered that a number of people
While Wernher was thinking in terms of linear had used the centrifuge principle experimentally.
propulsion and linear acceleration, I suggested that For example, Erasmus Darwin, a physician and
we might experiment with some mice and simulate grandfather of Charles, had reported the first ob-
the accelerative force by rotating them. T h e g factor servation on the effects of centrifugal force on
would be the same. T h e laboratory centrifuge, sec- man. 2 And a crude centrifuge had been used by a
ond in popularity to the microscope, was standard Dr. H o r n from 1814-1818 at the Charite Hospital
equipment in bacteriology. However, its basic con- of Berlin a in an attempt to improve the state of
struction and its short radius would not do. We mentally deranged patients. Also, I learned many
needed a larger contraption. What was wrong with years after our early experiments, the Wright
a wheel from my bicycle? Nothing! It was no prob- brothers had used the lowly bicycle wheel to ac-
lem to attach the pedal to the dismantled front quire aerodynamic data necessary for the construc-
wheel, which had a tachometer. tion of their first airplane.
A dozen white mice were easily "borrowed" from We had no idea what the tolerance of the mice
the animal caretaker in the biology lab with no might be. In the beginning, after a few turns of the
promise of return. At this time, we had no funds wheel, the poor mice, whose hearts you could feel
other than our monthly allowance. It was decided pounding in the palm of your hand, were placed
to use Wernher's room (Figure 1), as it was larger upon the table. They would not move. Were they
than mine, and so within a week's time, we were frightened? But frightened mice ordinarily tend
spinning mice arranged in four little hammock-like to run away! I nudged them and still they would
bags attached, 90° apart, to the perimeter of the not move. Their eyes were open and as they were
lying on their side I noticed a very rapid lateral
nystagmus. Only when the nystagmus began to
subside did the little creatures start to move in
ever widening spirals. Many of the mice succumbed
to the very high "acceleration" forces (to 220 g's).4
Autopsies that I performed showed a displacement
of the heart and lungs (Figure 2). There was bleed-
ing from the intrathoracic, intraabdominal, and in-
tracranial areas. All the organs in the chest and
abdominal cavities, as well as the brain, were dis-
placed and torn in varying degrees from the sur-
rounding tissues. It was obvious that the force
which we had achieved was far greater than the
mice could tolerate. I noticed that in some cases,
the entire cardiovascular system was disrupted.
Were some of the milder effects transitory? Could
they be prevented? Would permanent damage re-
sult? A new area of investigation was opening up,
that of g forces, whose limits had to be defined
before man was to attempt to reach the moon. The
investigations were proving very exciting.
Right at the height of our activities, a dramatic
incident occurred. A mouse accidentally slipped out
FIGURE 1.—In a corner room of this house in Zurich, Switzer- of its cradle and was dashed against the wall leaving
land, biomedical space-oriented experiments were conducted
bloody stains at the point of impact. T h e next day
in 1931 by students Constantine Generales and Wernher von
Braun. (I believe it was the third day of our experiments),
NUMBER 10 77

as countless generations had before him, watched

the smoke rise from the fire in the hearth. Now,
why couldn't the besieged English leave by air, he
mused. If clouds float in the sky, why not capture
a cloud of smoke in a bag? He obtained an oblong
bag of fine silk from his landlady and held the
open end over some burning paper. The bag
swelled into an awkward sphere and immediately
sailed to the ceiling much to his satisfaction and
her very great surprise.5 Thus, the first unmanned
balloon ascension was conceived and aeronautical
science was born in the western world.
Now back to the two police-threatened chagrined
students. We had no choice but comply with our
nonscientific but meticulous landlady. And, at the
same time, we were very sad about our first casualty,
which was, to the best of my knowledge, the first
fatality of biomedical research conducted under
admittedly crude but nevertheless effective simu-
lated space-flight conditions. As a redeeming meas-
r ure and to relieve our burdened conscience, we let
loose the remaining lucky four mice in the fields to
a happier life away from an institutional environ-
ment. Thus ended the Zurich portion of our experi-
ments.
After continuing my studies in Paris in the
autumn of 1931, at the Sorbonne, I resumed my
experiments with a large centrifuge (50 cm.) and
with the help of Helene, laboratory technician to
FIGURE 2.—First biomedical documentation of space-travel-
Professor Milian, Chief of the Dermatology Clinic
oriented studies. Photograph illustrates various degrees of of the Hospital St. Louis, who prepared parafin
damage in the paraffin-blocked histopathological stained sections for microscopic slides of the succumbed
slides of skull, brain, heart, and lungs of mice. mice, I was able to show, for the first time, histo-
pathologically, the effects of high g forces.6 Un-
we were not too surprised that the landlady who fortunately, my notes have not survived the usual
was not accustomed to the odor of small laboratory ravages of time, but I still possess some of those
animals, noticed "the blood on the wall"; became original slides.
infuriated; seized my notes as evidence of non- During summer 1931, Wernher and I traveled to
sensical cruelty and torture; and threatened to evict Greece in my Opel roadster (Figure 3), and after
us and notify the police unless we immediately we returned in October I visited with Wernher at
ceased these crazy experiments. the Raketenflugplatz in the outskirts of Berlin and
A long time ago, about a century and a half, met Rudolf Nebel and Klaus Riedel who were
before our space-minded experiments, there had engineering liquid-propelled rockets. There I had
been another landlady in Avignon. She was more the opportunity of seeing one of the launchings of
cooperative and indeed showed some courage. Her Mirak I which rose to over 1000 feet. It was a
boarder, a Joseph Michel Montgolfier, had been spectacular sight as the pencil-shaped rocket de-
gazing before a burning fireplace at an engraving scended, a small parachute attached to its tail. I
depicting the siege of British-held Gibraltar by shall never forget how the four of us, Wernher,
the allied French and Spanish land and sea forces. Nebel, Riedel, and I raced to the landing spot,
His eyes next wandered over to the fireplace and, crowded into my Opel.
78 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

It was that little Opel again that helped make rhage, pulmonary stelectasis, hemothorax, avulsion
history, for as Wernher wrote in the British Inter- or dislocation of the eyeballs, and so on. T o the
planetary Society Journal: green mind of this inquisitive and experimenting
student, thoughts of presenting a paper disclosing
Early one beautiful July morning in 1932 we loaded our two
available motor cars and set out for Kummersdorf which lay these pathological findings, so completely unrelated
some 60 miles south of Berlin. As the clock struck five, our to any orthodox discipline in the accepted medical
leading car with a launching rack containing the silver- curriculum of those days, never occurred.
painted Mirak II atop and followed by its companion vehicle
[the Opel] bearing liquid oxygen, petrol and tools, encoun- Finally, in J u n e 1960, the results of these original
tered Captain Dornberger at the rendezvous in the forests investigations first appeared in a medical journal. 8
south of Berlin." Indeed, according to Dr. von Braun, it took 20
years for researchers in this and other countries to
T h e successful launching of Mirak II convinced
verify these results, and it wasn't until 1958 that I
the German Ordnance Department of the feasibility
had an opportunity to present to Wernher several
of the rocket as a missile as well as progenitor for
tissue slides of the mice as a memento of our early
space travel.
work (see Figure 4). Edward Diamond, senior editor
Although our early experiments were unrefined in
of Newsweek, quoted Dr. von Braun as follows:
the face of today's sophisticated methods, the very
high g's over the many minutes of exposure pro- This was probably the first experiment in space medicine.
duced for the first time scientific evidence as to The Air Force has probably spent $7 million to find out
what we learned.9
what damage one might expect to unprotected
living organisms. I noted cases of cerebral hemor- In 1959 I proposed to the NASA, and in 1962 to
the U.S. Air Force, a centrifugal space-vehicle
simulator or Biocyclothanathron (Figure 5), to
simulate, on the ground, the many unique proper-
ties of space flight.10 Many of today's centrifugal
facilities have subsequently incorporated certain
features of the Biocyclothanathron.
It is of interest to note that in 1931, the same
year our space-minded biomedical experiments
were being performed, Karl Jansky was studying
peculiar static noises from outer-space which gave
birth to the new science of radio astronomy; Wiley
Post was successfully completing the first round-
the-world flight in his monoplane "Winnie Mae";
and an enthusiastic crowd, including von Braun
and the author, was greeting Auguste Piccard in
front of the Baur au Lac Hotel at Zurich, following
his first stratospheric flight, on 27 May with Charles
Knipfer, to 51,753 feet (15,786.5 m.), from Augs-
burg, Germany, to Glazier, Austria.
FIGURE 3.—Wernher von Braun and Constantine Generales,
on a pleasure trip to Greece in 1931, photographed in Incidentally, the Zurich-Paris research antedated
the Saint Gotthard Pass, where the author's Opel became my first flight experience in an airplane by two
overheated and chunks of snow and ice had to be used
years. Thinking of this always reminds me of the
to cool the motor. Upon our return, because I was to be in
Paris, the car was left in Wernher's care for the use of the quotation of Dr. M. P. Lansberg of Holland:
Raketenflugplatz experts—to further the cause of rocket
research. Shortly after my return from Paris I painted the Space flight is indeed many centuries the senior of aviation,
Opel red. Subsequently it was stolen while I was visiting my consequently, it was space medicine that preceded aviation
parents in the United States. medicine and not vice-versa.n
FIGURE 4.—Presentation by Dr. Constantine Generales to Dr. Wernher von Braun of the first
biomedical-histopathological tissue slides from the mice used in their early experiments.
Presentation took place during a testimonial dinner honoring Edward Teller and Wernher von
Braun, 15 May 1958, New York City.

FIGURE 5.—The Biocyclothanathron, or cosmic vehicle simulator, conceived by the author and
designed for him by the consulting engineering firm of McKiernan and Terry Corporation,
Dover, New Jersey.
80 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

NOTES will arise when terrestrial organisms enter into contact with
the various aspects of the lunar environment." The project
1. "If you want to get to the moon, it is better to try with was not pursued further.
mice first!" Parenthetically, I would like to mention the See also C. D. J. Generales, "Selected Events Leading to
Moonbeam Mouse Project that was the realization, thirty years the Development of Space Medicine," New York State Journal
later, of the foregoing statement. This project was presented of Medicine, vol. 63, no. 9 (May 1963), p. 1310.
before the 155th Annual Convention of the Medical Society 2. In his Zoonomia (1795), saying:
of New York at Rochester, New York, 12 May 1961. Its aim
was to acquire as much physiopathologic data as possible Another way of procuring sleep mechanically was related to
me by Mr. Brindley, the famous canal engineer, who was
from the moon for medical evaluation before the advent of brought up to the business of a mill-wright: he told me
man. The purpose was threefold: (1) to investigate the be- that he had more than once seen the experiment of a man
havior and effects of transplanted terrestrial life under extending himself across the large stone of a corn mill, and
physical lunar conditions, (2) to detect possible lunar micro- that by gradually letting the stone whirl, the man fell asleep,
before the stone had gained its full velocity, and he supposed
bial life, and (3) to study the effects of such captive hosts on would have died without pain by the continuance or increase
the terrestrial germ-free rodent guests. It represented a re- of the motion. In this case the centrifugal motion of the
fined inter-disciplinary study with multiple-channel telemetry head and feet must accumulate the blood in both extremities
of exquisite biomedical data for a predetermined length of of the body, and thus compress the brain.
time for recording respiration rate, body temperature, blood 3. William J. White, A History of the Centrifuge in Aero-
pressure, blood flow, red and white corpuscle count, also, space Medicine (Douglas Aircraft Company, Inc., Santa
determination of the gamma-globulin. Gamma-globulin itself Monica, California, 1964).
is almost completely absent in absolutely germ-free bred 4. Generales, "Space Medicine and the Physician," New
mice. The mice themselves were to be contained in a special York State Journal of Medicine, vol. 60, no. 11 (1 June 1960),
vehicle that would bore itself mechanically into the ground p. 1745.
up to ten meters. The lunar soil was to be drawn into the 5. Peter Lyon, "When Man First Left the Earth," Horizons,
specially designed capsule where the mice would be exposed vol. 1, September 1958, pp. 114-28.
to the radiation-free and temperature-constant subsurface 6. Erik Bergaust, Reaching for the Stars (New York City:
lunar soil. The mouse-carrying capsule was to be thoroughly Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1960), p. 59; and Project Satel-
sterilized with ethylene oxide and to have a self-supporting lite (New York City: British Book Center, Inc., 1958), p. 23;
ecology for a two-week life supporting period under the Wernher von Braun, "Reminiscences of German Rocketry,"
surface of the moon. Journal of the British Interplanetary Society, vol. 15, no. 3
Since mice do not catch colds, they would be spared the (May-June 1956), p. 128; "Constantine D. J. Generales, Jr.,"
discomfort of Astronauts Walter M. Schirra, Donn F. Eisele, Twenty-Fifth Anniversary Report, Harvard College—1954
and Walter Cunningham. Coryza was noticed first by Schirra (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Printing
within the first 24 hours; later the other astronauts became Office), p. 429; "Space Medicine," in History of Medicine
infected during the 11-day orbital flight of the Apollo 7 "An International Bibliography," The Welcome Historical
capsule, 11-27 October 1968, using 100-percent oxygen at Medical Library, vol. 27, no. 177 (April-May 1960); "Die
about 5 pounds pressure. Isolation of a period of 2-3 weeks Traene Der Ruehrung Quilt," Weltbild, Munich, June 2,
would be medically sound before extended space flights. 1958, p. 4; "Constantine D. J. Generales, Jr.," Explorers
What happened to the "Moonbeam Mouse Project"? It Journal, vol. 37, no. 4 (December 1959) p. 10; and "Mars-
died prematurely at the hands of a high NASA executive och Venus-skott at vanta nar som heist" (from page 1 of
in the life sciences (1960). He could not foresee "how mice Stockholms-Tidningen, 16 August 1960), Explorers Journal,
could survive in the moon's environment which does not vol. 38, no. 4 (December 1960), p. 18.
have an appreciable atmosphere," even though the major 7. "Reminiscences of German Rocketry," Journal of the
details of propulsion, landing, life-support, telemetry, etc., British Interplanetary Society, vol. 15, no. 3 (May-June 1956),
were workable. It received, however, recognition by two p. 129.
world-renowned scientists: a NASA rocket engineer who com- 8. See note 4.
mented that "this project could be of value for future 9. "His Eyes Are on the Stars," Saga, February 1961.
manned lunar landings"; and a microbiologist of the Rocke- 10. Generales, "The Dynamics of Cosmic Medicine," New
feller Institute, who stated that it "presents a great interest York State Journal of Medicine, vol. 64, no. 2 (15 January
from both the biological and medical points of view. In 1964), p. 231.
brief, I would be inclined to regard your project as a neces- 11. Martin Lansberg, A Primer in Space Medicine (New
sary first step in the analysis of the ecological problems that York City: Elsevier Publishing Company, 1960).
 8

The Foundations of Astrodynamics

SAMUEL HERRICK, United States

Astrodynamics is defined in terms of celestial ideal problems involving motion in a theoretically

mechanics and of space navigation in its broadest simple framework; astrodynamics is concerned with
sense: pre-Sputnik, including orbit determination fitting a theory to observation and to the coordinate
and correction, as well as post-Sputnik, which adds systems of the real world, and so is concerned with
control and optimization. precession, nutation, aberration, parallax, the re-
Basically there are three areas of celestial me- duction of observations (electronic as well as opti-
chanics: cal), and with all the force fields that are encoun-
1. Mathematical celestial mechanics is concerned tered in real problems. General methods and tools
with the existence of solutions to defined and re- (e.g., the method of least squares and Bessel's func-
stricted problems in celestial mechanics. It prefers tions) have often come out of the particular solu-
methods that have generality in the sense that they tions of these real problems.
are applicable to other fields of mechanics as well No "celestial mechanic" devotes himself ex-
as to a range of problems in celestial mechanics. clusively to one of these areas, but his heart is
But these methods tend to be restricted to a given likely to be in one of them, and his judgement less
type of problem: e.g., the elegant potential and than clairvoyant in the others. I shall indicate some
Hamiltonian methods are limited to conservative of the differences between the areas and their meth-
and quasi-conservative forces. ods in the following discussions of the historical
development of astrodynamics before 1940.
2. Physical celestial mechanics is concerned pri-
My own serious concern with astrodynamics and
marily with the use of celestial mechanics in the
space navigation began when I was an undergradu-
determination of physical constants that are of
ate student at Williams College. Four letters from
interest to other areas of physics, especially geo-
Dr. Robert H. Goddard survive to attest to my plan
physics and astrophysics.
for graduate study in the area, to Dr. Goddard's
3. Astrodynamics, as we term the third area of encouragement, and to his kindliness in taking time
celestial mechanics, is greatly interested in physical to give it even when his own prospects were bleak.
constants, but also in all other factors that con- I quote from two paragraphs of one of his letters,
tribute to accurate space navigation, such as inte- dated 15 J u n e 1932:
gration constants, integration procedures, singulari-
. owing to the depression, the rocket project is being
ties, and indeterminacies. Astrodynamics makes
discontinued July first, and the matter of its being resumed
fundamental use of the general methods of mathe- later is an uncertain one.
matical celestial mechanics, and also of special I cannot help feeling that a theoretical investigation such
methods that fit particular real problems. But as you mention has advantages over experimentation during
whereas mathematical celestial mechanics tends to such times as these
pursue one solution to a conclusion, with maximum These letters encouraged me to proceed to graduate
use of a particular class of elegant mathematical study under Armin Otto Leuschner, Russell Tracy
tools, astrodynamics seeks to develop all possible Crawford, and C. Donald Shane, at Berkeley, where
solutions for purposes of comparison and selection. I developed a thoroughgoing devotion to celestial
Mathematical celestial mechanics is concerned with mechanics as well as to space navigation.

81
82 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS O F FLIGHT

Early History Illuminates the Character of

A strodynamics

Physical celestial mechanics may be said to have

begun with Galileo Galilei, Isaac Newton, and the
laws of force and gravitation. Astrodynamics and
mathematical celestial mechanics, on the other
hand, date back at least to Heracleides of Pontus in
the fourth century B.C. T h e Greek invention of
epicycles and eccentrics was developed into a system
by Apollonius of Perga in the third century and
Hipparchus of Alexandria in the second century
B.C. It was refined and published by Ptolemy of
Alexandria in the second century A.D., and came to
be known as the Ptolemaic system. It is generally
assumed that the epicycle was discredited by Jo-
hannes Kepler some 1500 years later, but in point
of fact epicycles have persisted in astrodynamics
FIGURE 1.—a, Ptolemaic, b, Copernican, a n d c, Keplerian
down to the present day, and have extended their
systems.
domain into other areas of science under the guise
of Fourier series!
the relative orbit of the two bodies is an ellipse or
Hindsight is a valuable tool in the history of other conic section.
science and serves to illuminate on the one hand 3. T h e perturbed or Newtonian deviations,
the contemporary understanding and acceptance of caused by the attractions of the planets and their
an idea, and, on the other, its clarity and persistence. satellites for one another.
T h e historian of science is likely to emphasize the T h e Ptolemaic system explained all of these de-
former; the scientist himself is understandably viations by geocentric deferents surmounted by
more interested in the latter. epicycles piled upon epicycles (see Figure 1, in
My own hindsight theory has been presented to which the largest epicycle is the annual one, the
my students over the past 20 years, and by them second represents the elliptic ones, and the smallest
conveyed to others, but for the most part it has represents the perturbed-deviation epicycles).
remained unpublished in the conventional sense Aristarchus of Samos, and later Copernicus,
(except in preprints of my reference work Astro- eliminated the first deviation by shifting the center
dynamics 1). Basically it asserts that history has been of the system from the Earth to the Sun, but the
unjust to epicycles, and even to Nicolaus Coper- remaining deviations of the Copernican system still
nicus. (Some historians have gone so far as to say had to be accounted for by epicycles. It is this fact
that the system of Copernicus was just as cumber- that led to the dictum that the Copernican system
some as the Ptolemaic system, and that Kepler is "just about as complicated as the Ptolemaic sys-
was the real author of our modern heliocentric tem." It may have appeared so to contemporary
theory.) eyes, but in retrospect it is clear that the elimina-
W i t h hindsight we can see that there are in a tion of the five annual planetary epicycles—that is,
planet's motion three kinds of deviation from uni- one epicycle for each of the five known planets,
formity that confronted the Greeks and their suc- the total "population" as of that time—was a major
cessors, and required explanation by a "system" simplification of the mechanics of the system, so
such as the Ptolemaic or the Copernican: that Copernicus unquestionably deserves the popu-
1. T h e annual or Copernican or retrograde de- lar recognition accorded his name.
viation, caused by the motion of the Earth around Kepler accounted for the second class of deviation
the Sun. by his perspicuous laws of planetary motion. It is
2. T h e elliptic or Keplerian deviation, explained this fact that has generally been credited with the
in simple two-body motion by the discovery that destruction of the epicycle as a mechanical device.
NUMBER 10 83

But it should be recognized that there were per-

turbed deviations still unaccounted for in the Kep-
lerian system. These deviations are most conspicu-
ous in the motion of the Moon around the Earth, i° ( p . * . S)
but the observations of Kepler's time were suffi-
ciently accurate to show evidence also of the mutual
perturbations of Jupiter and Saturn. W h e n New-
ton's development of the law of gravitation made
it possible to explain these perturbed deviations by
mechanical means, the epicycles that had survived
Kepler's onslaught were adopted into Newtonian
mechanics. As a matter of fact, the basic epicyclic
theory re-expanded to include even the elliptic
deviations, thus rejecting the Keplerian system in
favor of the Copernican system, whose handling of
the elliptic terms by systems of epicycles (rechris-
tened "Fourier series") proves to be simpler than
the use of expressions in terms of Keplerian ellipses. FIGURE 2.—Effect of geocentric parallax on observations.
In a sense this development may be noted as
realistic astrodynamic replacement for a theoretical
cometary symbol "c£", the center of the Earth by E,
mathematical formulation.
and the observer by T (for Greek topos, place, and
We may note that Fourier series, with arguments for the adjective topocentric). T h e dynamical posi-
that are multiples of a single angle, are less flexible tion of c£ is defined by the vector r (i.e., the line
than the original "astrodynamic" concept of epi- segment of Sdr). T h e position of the Sun referred to
cycles, in which noncommensurate arguments are the center of the Earth is specified conventionally
used: consider, for example, the representation of by the "solar coordinates'' that are given in astro-
the geocentric motion of Venus, assuming that nomical almanacs, i.e., by the vector R (in the
Venus and Earth are both travelling in circular figure, ES). T h e geocentric position of the observer
heliocentric orbits. T h e Ptolemaic development is specified by rT (ET). Finally the topocentric posi-
would require only one epicycle; the Fourier devel- tion of the comet is specified by the vector p, which
opment would require a theoretically infinite num- represents the topocentric distance (today the
ber of terms or epicycles. In modern perturbation "range") p, right ascension a, and declination 8.
theory we actually take account of the original Classically the topocentric right ascension and
epicyclic concept by combining several Fourier declination are corrected for geocentric parallax to
series that have arguments based upon different what they would have been had the observation
angular variables. been made from the center of the Earth, so that we
have a single triangle relating E, S, and c£. In some
problems there is still justification for such a pro-
Astrodynamics Illuminated by Modern
cedure, but in preliminary orbit calculations based
Treatment of Parallax
upon observations of a and 8 the parallax can be
Recent developments in the treatment of geo- calculated only after a first approximation has
centric parallax illustrate the importance to astro- given a value of p. Successive approximations of
dynamics of physically real reference systems, and this character were standard practice in orbit deter-
of the reduction of observations, as contrasted with mination for a great many years more than should
developments in mathematical celestial mechanics, have been the case! There were clumsy experiments
in which the reference system is idealized and ob- with the "locus fictus" which is shown in Figure 2
servations are only theoretically taken into account. as the intersection of the line of T& with the line
Figure 2 shows how geocentric parallax enters ES. When Gibbs became interested in the orbit
into the observations. T h e position of the Sun is problem (1889),2 largely in connection with his
designated by S, that of the observed object by the development of vector analysis, he was fortunately
84 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

ignorant of astronomical practice. Consequently he Moon system (B in Figure 3). Williams (1934) 10
decided very simply to correct the solar coordinates attempted to make the Poincare method work by
or the vector R from the center of the earth to the correcting for geocentric parallax, but found that
observer, at the start of the problem, by subtracting barycentric parallax ultimately prevented the proc-
the known vector rT, thus replacing the triangle ess from converging. H e did not attempt to apply
ESc^by the triangle TScA We find in the literature Leuschner's (1913) X1 technique for complete elim-
that this thought had occurred previously to Challis ination of parallax. William's work came to my
(1848),3 and possibly to Leverrier (1855),4 but had attention when I was writing my thesis.
not taken hold. In fact astronomers were slow to In reviewing the matter I became aware that the
adopt Gibbs' simple solution to the parallax prob- "motion of the observer" has nothing whatsoever
lem until the much more recent contributions of to do with the problem, but is only a mathematical
Bower (1922, 1932),5 Merton (1925),6 Rasmusen fiction: the "observer" may actually be three differ-
(1951),7 and others. ent observers at three different observatories. Con-
My own contribution to revised thinking in this sequently I decided to assume that this fictitious
area is associated with my work on my thesis 8 in motion is determined by the real motion of the
1935 and 1936 and with a mathematically oriented object and by the further assumption that the
contribution of Poincare^ (1906).9 higher derivatives of the observed angular coordi-
Poincare^ had suggested a "second approximation" nates were zero. These assumptions made it possible
for the Laplacian method of determining orbits. In to carry the "second approximation of Poincard" to
the Laplacian method three observations of a and 8 a successful "real" conclusion.
are numerically differentiated in order to produce These assumptions also made it possible to relate
velocities and accelerations in these angular coordi- the basic first approximation of the Laplacian
nates (see Figure 3). T h e numerical differentiation methods exactly to the first approximation in the
ignores the higher derivatives in the first approxi- methods of Gauss, 12 Lagrange, 13 and Gibbs, 14 a
mation, and it was these that Poincare aimed to relationship that is necessary to the development
restore in his "second approximation." T h e Lap- of criteria for the selection of method in "real"
lacian solution usually involves an assumption that problems of orbit determination.
the observer is travelling in a two-body orbit, and
this assumption was uncritically accepted by Poin-
care. But it is not the observer (T in Figure 3) who Linearization in Astrodynamics
travels in a two-body orbit, nor is it even the center
One of the issues in astrodynamics that is still
of the Earth (£ in Figure 3) but (to a high degree
unresolved nearly three decades after 1939 is the
of approximation) it is the barycenter of the Earth-
use of linear methods in astrodynamics. Many linear
methods based upon the work of Poincare^ have
been brought back into celestial mechanics without
realization on the part of Poincare^ or his successors
that non-linear solutions to the problems considered
not only exist, but have been in constant use! Never-
theless some of the ideas have been provocative, and
newer uses may be found for them.
It seems clear at present that linear methods may
be used after a basic non-linear integration is com-
plete, especially to obtain partial derivatives, but
that their use in the basic integration is suspect,
and may be either erroneous or unnecessary or both.
T h e basic geometrical equation used in the com-
parison of a theory with observations is certainly
FIGURE 3.—Illustration of real problems of orbit deter-
in a category for which linearization is allowable,
mination. and I find that Stumpff (1931) 15 and I (1940) 16
NUMBER 10 85

were experimenting in the use linear combinations In Conclusion

of the residuals before 1940. The equation is
The foregoing remarks have been designed to
fcos 8 cos a give not a complete history of the pre-1940 founda-
aL=p = r+R L = J cos 8 sin a tions of astrodynamics, but rather samplings of
sin 8 these foundations that reveal the character of the
where r is SE in Figure 2 and R has been corrected subject, as it may be partially distinguished from
from ES to TS as discussed above. the more purely mathematical developments of
celestial mechanics. These samples nevertheless
Stumpff had already proposed the use of residuals
demonstrate again that universal principles and
in two of the ratios between the three components
ideas tend to crop up independently in more than
of L, selected according to size, when I, having
one time or place, that their excellence depends
proposed residuals in the interdependent compo-
upon provability, and that they will be used when
nents themselves, realized the equivalence of the
the time is ripe if they are continuous from sound
two proposals. Essentially their aim was the avoid-
antecedents.
ance of successive trigonometric recalculations of
a and 8 in comparisons of successive theories with Subsequent decades were to build enormously on
the observations. the pre-1940 foundations, and to expand them, in
conjunction with new instrumentation, with new
The basic Stumpff concept, I found, could be
vehicles, and with searches for previously inaccessi-
extended to residuals in p or r or even to the "ratios
ble physical constants or for greater accuracy in
of the triangles" used in preliminary orbit deter-
relativity constants, the solar parallax, and other
minations by the methods of Lagrange, Gauss, and
basic data of value both to physics and to precision
Gibbs.
space navigation.

Series Expansions
Preliminary orbit determination, perturbation NOTES
theory, correction theory, all make effective use of On 21 March 1974 Dr. Samuel Herrick Jr. died. His obitu-
series expansions of many kinds. The use of Fourier ary was carried in The Washington Post of 25 March 1974.
series (or epicycles) has been remarked upon in the —Ed.
foregoing. Power series now almost universally 1. Samuel Herrick, Astrodynamics (London, New York:
called the "f and g series" were developed by Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1971), vol. 1.
Lagrange (1783)17 for the equations 2. Josiah Willard Gibbs, "On the Determination of Elliptic
Orbits from Three Complete Observations," Memoirs of the
National Academy of Science, vol. 4, 1889, pp. 81-104; Ernst
Friedrich Wilhelm Klinkerfues, Theoretische Astronomie,
and from the series for / = 1, 3 (with 0 replaced by ed., edited by Hugo Buchholz (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1912),
2) were developed the series for the "ratios of the pp. 413-18; and The Collected Works of J. Willard Gibbs
triangles" referred to above. Gibbs (1889)18 reex- (New York: Longmans Green, 1928), vol. 2, pt. 2, pp. 118-48.
amined these expansions with his usual clear-sight- 3. James C. Challis, "A Method of Calculating the Orbit
of a Planet or Comet from Three Observed Places," Memoirs
edness and contributed new expressions for the of the Royal Astronomical Society, vol. 14, 1848, pp. 59-77.
"ratios" that have been the most generally recog- 4. Urbain Jean Joseph Leverrier's anticipation of the cor-
nized of his contributions to orbit theory. Happily, relation of solar coordinates to the observer was once shown
he left for me (1940) the extension of his develop- to the author by Ernest C. Bower, but he has not been able
ments to companion expressions, even simpler, for to find it for reference in this paper.
5. Ernest C. Bower, "On Aberration and Parallax in Orbit
the determination of velocity components from Computation," Astronomical Journal, vol. 34, 1922, pp. 20-30;
three sets of position components.19 These expres- and "Some Formulas and Tables Relating to Orbit Com-
sions have made the Lagrangian method for deter- putation and Numeric Integration," Lick Observatory
mining a preliminary orbit as effective as the Bulletin, no. 445, vol. 16, 1932, pp. 34-45.
Gaussian, but simpler. They enter also into orbit 6. Gerald Merton, "A Modification of Gauss's Method for
the Determination of Orbits," Monthly Notes (of the Royal
determinations that involve modern electronic ob- Astronomical Society), vol. 85, 1925, pp. 693-731; ibid., vol.
servations of "range-rate." 86, 1926, pp. 150-51; ibid., vol. 89, 1929, pp. 451-53. Also
86 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

see Russell Tracy Crawford, Determination of Orbits of 12. Carl Friedrich Gauss, Theoria motus corporum
Coinets and Asteroids (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1930), pp. coelestium in sectionibus conicis solera ambientium [Theory
103-35. of the Motion of the Heavenly Bodies Moving about the Sun
in Conic Sections] (Hamburg, 1809); translated by Charles
7. Hans Qvade Rasmusen, "Tables for the Computation
Henry Davis (Boston: Little, Brown, 1857).
of Parallax Corrections for Comets and Planets," Pub-
13. Joseph Louis Lagrange (1736-1813), "Sur le probleme
likationer og mindre Meddelelser fra K0benhavns Obser-
de la determination des orbites des cometes, d'apres trois
vatorium, no. 155, 1951, pp. 3-7.
observations" [On the Problem of the Determination of the
8. Herrick, "The Laplacian and Gaussian Orbit Methods," Orbits of Comets from Three Observations], Nouvelle
University of California Publication, Contributions of Los Memoire de I'Academy Royale des Sciences et Belles-Lettres
Angeles Astronomical Department, vol. 1, 1940, pp. 1-56. de Berlin; Oeuvres (Paris: Gauthier-Villars, 1869), vol. 4,
9. Jules Henri Poincare, "Sur la determination des orbites pp. 439-532.
par la methode de Laplace" [On the Determination of Orbits 14. See note 2.
by the Method of Laplace], Bulletin Astronomique, vol. 23, 15. Karl Stumpff, "Uber eine kurze Methode der Bahn-
1906, pp. 161-87. bestimmung aus drie oder mehr Beobachtungen" [On a
Short Method of Orbit Determination from Three or More
10. Kenneth P. Williams, The Calculation of the Orbits of Observations), Astronomischer Nachrichten, vol. 243, 1931,
Asteroids and Comets (Bloomington: Principia, 1934). pp. 317-36, and vol. 244, 1932, pp. 433-64.
11. Armin Otto Leuschner, "Short Methods of Determining 16. See note 8.
Orbits" (Second and third papers), Publication of the Lick 17. See note 13.
Observatory, University of California, vol. 7, 1913, pp. 217- 18. See note 2.
376 and 455-83. 19. See note 8.
 Vladimir Mandl: Founding Writer on Space Law

D R . VLADIMIR K O P A L , Czechoslovakia

In the industrial city of western Czechoslovakia, ations. Vladimir's father, Dr. Matous Mandl, was
Pilsen (Plzen), famous for its Skoda engineering an attorney and his son, though an engineering
enterprise and large breweries producing the famous enthusiast since his youth, decided to follow his
Pilsner beer, Dr. Vladimir Mandl (Figure 1) was father's career. After studies at the Pilsner high
born on 20 March 1899 and there lived the major school Vladimir entered the Czech Faculty of Law,
part of his life. H e became a pioneer in astronautics Charles University of Prague, where he graduated
in Czechoslovakia and, in particular, author of the on 21 November 1921. Following graduation, he
first monograph on legal problems of outer space first practiced for a short time at a district court
flights. in Prague and later in an attorney's office. In March
The family Mandl had lived in Pilsen for gener- 1927 he opened his own office in Pilsen.
While still a student Vladimir Mandl developed
a deep interest in legal theory, especially in private
law. Between 1921 and 1926 he was a member of
the seminar on civil law procedure directed by the
distinguished Czech scholar Professor Vaclav Hora.
In 1925 Mandl submitted an interesting report on
problems of evidence to the first Congress of Czech-
oslovak Lawyers. Later (1926), he wrote a mono-
graph on Czechoslovak civil law regarding marriage.
Finally, Mandl completed his specialization in civil
law procedure by postgradual studies at the Uni-
versity of Erlangen, in Germany, where he obtained
a doctorate by his dissertation on the law of
damages.
Having qualified for the bar with such excellent
scholarship, Vladimir Mandl was free to dedicate
his energy to actual legal problems created by indus-
trial and technological developments of the 1920s
and 1930s. First, he published a series of essays on
the legal aspects of motor vehicles. These he ampli-
fied, in 1929, into a monograph on the subject.
Simultaneously Mandl studied legal problems of
aviation which was developing rapidly in the years
following World War I. His enthusiasm was so
great that he became a pilot. T h e result of Mandl's
intensive work in this field was his study on air law, 1
FIGURE 1.—Dr. Vladimir Mandl (1899-1941). the first systematic treatise on this new subject writ-

87
 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

ten in Czechoslovakia. Following a historical intro- saying: " T h e glorious past and the promising pres-
duction, the author dealt first with the Czechoslovak ent of Czechoslovak aviation will certainly be re-
air regulations. In the second part he considered flected in one of the best collections of the Czecho-
some general problems of air law, such as liability slovak Technical Museum."
arising from international air transport contracts, Mandl thought about the Museum also during
conflicts of law concerning aviation, customs, and his "involuntary holidays in the sanatorium in
insurance against damage caused by aircraft. T h e Pies" when his illness was added to the tragedy of
final chapter dealt with air warfare. his nation. 7
Dr. Mandl submitted his book on air law as his His keen interest in aeronautics led Vladimir
advanced work in residence, hoping to gain a pro- Mandl to think about the more advanced means of
fessorship at the Faculty of Mechanical and Elec- space transport. While the pioneers of astronautics
trical Engineering, Czech Technical University of tested their modest rockets, Mandl thought of them
Prague. Documents deposited in the Archives of the as instruments of navigation in space which would
University of Prague demonstrate that Mandl ful- some day require new rules of law—space law. It
filled admirably all the conditions required and that was in this new field that he was able to apply crea-
his scholarly work and knowledge were highly re- tively his broad knowledge, which went well beyond
spected by the accreditation commission. 2 On 20 the usual limits of legal scholarship and which
September 1932 the Czechoslovak Minister of Edu- made it possible for him to contribute to the tech-
cation confirmed the decision of the Board of Pro- nical aspects of rocketry as well. T h e results of his
fessors of the Faculty concerning the granting of studies and thoughts in astronautics fall into two
venia docendi to Dr. Vladimir Mandl for the sub- categories.
ject, Law of Industrial Enterprises. 3 Although ap- T h e first is found in his book, " T h e Problem of
pointed for a different course, air law remained his Interplanetary Transport," which appeared in 1932
concern, as witnessed by his study of the Paris in Prague. 8 His treatise opened with a brief survey
Convention on the Regulation of Aerial Navigation of developments in astronautics, in which he de-
and by the substantial article on parachutes which scribed the work of Konstantin Tsiolkovskiy, Dr.
he published in 1935 in French. 4 Beginning with Robert H. Goddard, Dr. Franz von Hoefft, Pro-
the academic year, 1933-34, the course given by fessor Hermann Oberth, and others. In the second
Professor Vladimir Mandl on industrial law appears part he explained the basic principles of rocketry.
in the university curriculum, as it did in the year T h e book concluded by his own drawing of a high
1938-39. As is known, German troops occupied the altitude rocket (Figure 2) for which he applied, on
whole of Czechoslovakia in March 1939, and in 14 April 1932, for a Czechoslovak patent. 9 Mandl's
autumn of that year the Nazis closed all Czech rocket would have consisted of three cylinders, one
universities. T h a t also meant the end of Mandl's inserted into the other. T h e payload would have
University teaching. been placed in the head of the interior rocket
During the last few years before the occupation ("automatic instruments for measurements of pres-
Professor Mandl participated in the search of docu- sure, compositions of atmosphere, temperature,
ments and objects for the aeronautical collection of radiation, etc. in the stratosphere and beyond").
the National Technical Museum in Prague. 5 For Nozzles in the form of ring slots around the circum-
this purpose he visited the foremost foreign mu- ference of the rocket would be near the top of
seums and reported on them in Czech journals. rockets which should be fired successively. Both
For example, in 1937 he visited the Frunze Air solid and liquid propellants would have been used.
Museum in Moscow and in summer 1938 the avia- In the second category, however, without any
tion collection of the Smithsonian Institution in doubt falls the important work by which the name
Washington. 8 He was also familiar with the aero- of Professor Vladimir Mandl is recorded forever in
nautical collections in Paris and Munich. the history of astronautics. It is continued in his
T h e loss of independence in 1939 interrupted monograph on " T h e Law of Outer Space, a Prob-
the successful development of Czechoslovak avia- lem of Spaceflight," for which he finally found a
tion. Shortly before those events, Mandl concluded publisher in 1932 in Germany. 10 In this concise
his article about the Smithsonian's Museum by book Mandl placed before the reader many
NUMBER 10 89

PATENTNl OftAD PfOoha k patratoveau apian lb. wtM.

R E P U B L I K Y fi(W\ CESKOSLOVENSKfc

INiN *

PATENTOVY SPIS 6.52236.

Vya**» aaaaatajki
PHhliaeno M. dubna 1032. Chiintoo od 15. kvMna MU.

Pfedmetem vynilezu jeat vyioko itoupajid raketa, aMeni • aekollka

vilcovitycb raket do aebc zaaunutych, poatupne vypalovanych, pH (em!
po vypileni jedne rakety jcji prixdny ob»l jeet admritcn vybucbem rakety
dittl, clmi dociluje ae vyhudnijilho pohoou. Zuunutlm vtlcovych raket
atejne podoby da zebe st umoiAuje ipojcnl llbovolneho poMu raket, bn
ujmy aerodynamickych vlutnoati • rovnovahy celku. Rovnovtka in pod-
porovana tim, ae vyfuk vybuanych plynu dtje ae vpfedu kaade jednotlive
rakety. Vhodny pohon docllen apojenim tfaakavln dvojiho druhu, toUt
pevnych a kapalnych.
Na vykrtau jcat maiornte achematlcky pHklad provcdcnl vynaknu.
PHatroj jest seataven at tf I vakovttych raket I—III, vnunitych do acbc
(vntjal raketa i. I vymaiena jcat ailnijUml Carami, oatatni rakety jaou
postupn* menei a menai, avtak zafizeni jejlch jeat podoboe). Utlte6ni vaha
A (samcrfinne pfiatrojc k mircni tlaku a aloienl viduchu, teploty, atrenl
atd. ve vyai atratc«Kricki a i dalai) umlaUna jeat v blavt vnltfnl rakety
i. III. Vybu&nc plyny naboje rakety vyfukuji tryakou B ve tvaru pratenco-
ve itfrbiny kol ecleho obvodu rakety; tryace predchaai rovnei pratenoova
apalovaci komora C. Tryaka je umiatina bliie vrcholu rakety, 61ml mi bytl
cioaaieno rovnovahy lctu, ncbof pusobiite reakCniho u£lnku Jeat poaunuto
do vyae. pfed tfiiste rakety, takie naatavi ade til vyalednice ail, jakoby
raketa byla reakci taiena. nikoli tlacena jako u raket jtnycb; vedle toho
mi katda raketa sm^rovc tyiky F. SUrbina tryaky, jdouc kolem celebo
obvodu rakety, jeat zna(n# dlouha, fimi docUuje ae rycbMbo, udinoeho vy-
praadolni traakavinove nidrte: pfi dalaicb raketich jeat dtlka tryaky vidy
menii • menal. Vnltrnl rakety maji tea menil aaaobu traakavin a neaou
menai niklad (tci odporu viduchu ubyvi do vyae).
Pocinaje c. I. zapaluji ae rakety jedna po drub*. Kaidi raketa mi
dvcji trafkavinovy naboj: pt-vny D (atfelny pracb) a tekuty B (ikapalnrni
plyny nobo horlare tekutiny, alkoholy atd.). Nejprve vybuchne ciboj
prschu, ktery jest nacpan v tryace a apalovaci komore. a vyiene raketu
do vyae. Plameny vybuchujiclho prachu, ariicl z tryaky, ohrlvajl Uleao ra-
kety a kapaliny E. ktere tamte ae nalezajl, roiUbuji ae teplem, a proudi

FIGURE 2.—First page of Dr. Mandl's patent and the design of his high-altitude rocket.

thoughts which have not lost their relevance despite of States governs only the adjacent atmospheric
the passage of time. space. Beyond the "territorial spaces" a vast area
Attention should first be drawn to his concept of begins which is "independent on any terrestrial
the law of outer space as an independent legal State power and is coelum liberum." 1X
branch, based on specific instruments of space flight It is worth recalling, in this connection, that
and governed by different principles than is the law thirty years later the United Nations General As-
of the sea or the law of the air. Although the sembly recommended in its resolution 1721/XVI of
writer did not underestimate the examples of the 20 December 1961 such a principle as a starting
other legal branches for analogies in special cases, point of any space legislation, saying: "Outer space
he stressed the need for specific regulation of the and celestial bodies are free for exploration and use
legal problems of astronautics. From this point of by all States in conformity with international law
view he considered in the first part of his mono- and are not subject to national appropriation."
graph selected problems of civil law, criminal law, Furthermore, this principle has been developed and
and international law concerning outer space. inserted in Articles I—III of the Space Treaty of
Still more interesting is the second part of the 27 January 1967.
study, " T h e Future." It was not science-fiction, but T h e concluding part of Mandl's analysis is pre-
a number of serious predictions which have become ceded by his prediction of a surprising new progress
reality in our age. For example, Mandl opposed in physics, chemistry, and engineering that would
the then usual idea of sovereignty as applied to correspond to a similar epoch of the 19 th century—
space without limits and asserted that sovereignty in fact, a vision of the scientific and technical revo-
90 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

lution of our times. Moreover, as a consequence of members, 23 votes were cast for and only 1 against Dr. Mandl.
the penetration by men into outer space, Mandl 3. Decree of the Minister of Edueation 89212/3l-IV/3,
predicted a substantial change in relations between of 30 September 1932.
4. Mandl, "Mezinarodni limluva o uprav£ lectectvf ze dne
the State and its nationals which would not be
13.fijna 1919" (Praha, 1932); "Le Parachute," La revue
based on State domination, so that both State and generate de droit aerien, nos. 2, 3, 4, 1935 (reprint, Paris: Les
its nationals would become equal subjects. Accord- Editions Internationales, 1935).
ing to Mandl, territory would lose its importance 5. In a letter dated on 28 February 1939 and addressed to
as one of the basic dimensions of each State, and one of the main organizers of that collection, Ing. Karmazin,
new communities based exclusively on personal Mandl wrote with characteristic modesty: "I have followed
the history of aviation since its beginning during my child-
adherence would emerge. People would retain such hood, of course, only as an amateur, not a scientist. It will
new nationality when going to outer space and be a great pleasure for me to discuss with you on this sub-
other planets. ject of our common concern." In a series of letters Mandl
Finally, according to Mandl's conclusion, space offered original suggestions concerning the organization of
the collection.
law would become a new set of norms which will
6. "Aero-muzej im. M.V.Frunze v Moskve," Letectvi [Avi-
be "quite a different phenomenon than is the ation], Praha, August 1937, p. 365; and "Aircraft Building
present law of jurists." 12 ve Washingtone, U.S.A.," Letec [Aviator], October-November
Vladimir Mandl died on 8 January 1941 at the 1938, p. 165.
age of 41 and was buried on 13 January 1941 at the 7. "Let us hope to see as soon as possible the accom-
Central Cemetery in Pilsen. plishment of your life work—the Air Museum," wrote Dr.
Mandl in a brief, handwritten letter to Ing. Karmazin dated
Professor Mandl, who is recognized by the com- 22 September 1940, only a few months before his death.
munity of space lawyers as the founding writer in 8. "Problem Mezihvezdne Dopravy" (Prague, 1932), 100 pp.
this new branch of law embodied some of the 9. High Altitude Rocket, Patent 52236, Class 46d, granted
characteristic features of the people from a small on 25 September 1933. The patent provided protection from
country in the heart of Europe, Czechoslovakia. Its 15 May 1935. Mandl also described his rocket in his book
published in Germany: Die Rakete zur Hohenforschung, Ein
best creative men, whether scientists, philosophers,
Beitrag zum Raumfahrt problem (Leipzig and Berlin:
or artists, always blended into their ideas the par- Hachmeister & Thai, 1934), 16 pp.
ticular interests of their own nation in progress and 10. Das Weltraum-Recht: Ein Problem der Raumfahrt
freedom with the dreams and concerns of the whole (Mannheim, Berlin, Leipzig: J. Bensheimer, 1932), 48 pp.
of mankind. 11. Ibid., p. 33.
12. Ibid., p. 48. In the 1930s Mandl was also interested in
some more general problems of economics, science and
NOTES philosophy. He explained his economic views in the follow-
ing studies: Technokracie, hospoddfsky system budoucnosti?
1. Mandl, Letecke prdvo [Air Law] (Pilsen, 1928). [Technocracy—Economic System of the Future?] (Prague,
2. In a report of the Accreditation Commission on Dr. 1934); Pfirodovedni ndrodohospoddfskd teorie [Scientific Eco-
Vladimir Mandl, dated 6 February 1930, the "significant nomic Theory] (Prague, 1936); Stat a vedeckd organizace
juridical erudition of the author, great knowledge of liter- prdce [State and Scientific Management] (Pilsen, 1937). From
ature, unusual diligence and devotion to scientific work" was among his other writings the following studies should be
stressed. In his accreditation colloquium, Dr. Mandl received mentioned: "Vedecka metoda Einsteinova relativismu"
the unanimous approval of the seven examiners, on 20 [Scientific Method of Einstein's Relativisme] in Ceskd mysl,
April 1930. On 30 April 1930 he delivered a test lecture caspois filosoficky [Czech Thought, a Philosophical Journal]
before the Board of Professors on "Liability of Contractors (Prague, 1935), vol. 31, no. 3-4; Pficinnd teorie prdvni [Causal
for Damage"; and at a meeting of the Board, when a vote Theory of Law] (Prague, 1938); and Vdlka « mir [War and
in regard to his appointment was taken among the 24 voting Peace] (Prague, 1938).
 10

Developments in Rocket Engineering Achieved by the Gas

Dynamics Laboratory in Leningrad

I. I. KULAGIN, Soviet Unioi

The first rocket research and development body at the GDL, and underwent official tests. These
in the Soviet Union began its activities in Moscow rockets were intended for firing from ground and
in March 1921. aircraft. They were used during combat operations
Its foundation was proposed by Nikolay Ivano- on the Khalkhin-Gol River and, in a somewhat
vich Tikhomirov (1860-1930), a chemical engineer, modified form known as the "Katyusha," they were
the aim being to develop his invention in the field extensively employed in the Great Patriotic War of
of self-propelled (rocket) mortars. This organization 1941-45.
was originally named the Laboratory for Develop- T h e principal authors of all these developments
ment of Engineer Tikhomirov's Invention. N.I. were staff members of the GDL: N.I. Tikhomirov,
Tikhomirov's assistant and test superviser was V.A. Artem'yev, B.S. Petropavlovskiy, G.E. Lange-
Vladimir Andreyevich Artem'yev (1885-1962), who mak, and I.T. Kleymenov.
was appointed to the Laboratory in May 1921. In 1927, the GDL began to develop rocket-
The key problem encountered by the organizers assisted takeoff for aircraft, the aim being to shorten
of the Laboratory in the development of rocket the takeoff. Successfully completed during and after
mortars was the problem of propellant powder. 1932-1933 were tests of rocket-assisted takeoff units
The joint effort of the Laboratory and specialists for light and heavy aircraft (types 1-4, TB-1, TB-3,
from the Artillery Academy resulted in the develop- and others).
ment of granular smokeless powder with a thick Beginning with 1929, the GDL broadened its
web (slow-burning), based on a non-volatile trotyl- work program. In April 1929, organizational work
pyroxiline solvent. was begun to establish a GDL subdivision (later
Along with research in powders, the structural becoming Department II of GDL) for developing
design of missiles was developed and improved, electrical and liquid-propellant rocket engines. Ex-
thus modifying the original version of N.I. Tikhom- perimental work in this area started on 15 May
irov's rocket mortar. For example, ground-firing of 1929.
powder rockets was begun in 1924 near Leningrad. Department II of the GDL was the first state-
In 1928, after successful development of engines sponsored body in the USSR charged with practical
burning smokeless powder, significant advances implementation of the ideas conceived by K.E.
were made by powder rockets. However, a great Tsiolkovskiy, the founder of contemporary cos-
deal of experimental work on powders had to be monautics and rocket engineering.
done in Leningrad proper. This caused unnecessary Before Department II of the GDL inaugurated
inconveniences and difficulties. Consequently in its activities, there were in the Soviet Union public
1927, the entire Laboratory was transferred to bodies that engaged in investigation and populari-
Leningrad, where it acquired its final name, the zation of the problems of rocket engineering and
Gas Dynamics Laboratory (GDL). interplanetary travel. Thus, in May 1924 the Inter-
During 1928 and 1933, various caliber rockets planetary Travel Study Group at the Military-
burning granular smokeless powder were developed Research Society at the N.E. Zhukovskiy Air Force

91
92 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

Academy in Moscow was reorganized into the the aim of increasing the specific weight of fuel
Society for the Study of Interplanetary Communi- and enhancing its calorific value, including
cation, with G.M. Kramorov acting as chairman. (a) use of colloidal propellant for rocket
Participating in the work of the newly organized engines and (b) production of nitrogen tetrox-
society were K.E. Tsiolkovskiy, F.A. Tsander, V.P. ide;
Vetchinkin, and others. 11. investigation of the influence that the design
Among the personnel of the Department II of elements of the engine nozzle and combustion
GDL who took part in development of electrical chamber exert upon the value of the reaction
and liquid-propellant rocket engines were such force, and development of the exponential-
talented engineers and technicians as A.L. Malyy, contour nozzle;
V.I. Serov, Ye.N. Kuz'min, Ye.S. Petrov, N.G. 12. design of vehicles powered by liquid-propellant
Chernyshev, P.I. Minayev, B.A. Kutkin, V.P. Yukov, motors with nominal ceiling of up to 100 km
V.A. Timofeyev, N.M. Mukhin, I.M. Pankin, and (RLA-1, RLA-2, RLA-3, and RLA-100);x
others. 13. development of means for measuring pressure
The work of Department II was put on a scien- in the combustion chamber, the thrust of the
tific basis from the very beginning: first, a theoreti- rocket engine, propellant consumption, and
cal study was made of the problem, and then the other parameters.
theoretical principles were checked by experiment. In 1929 and 1930, Department II first proved
To accomplish the principal task of developing theoretically and experimentally the general ability
electrical and liquid-propellant rocket engines, a of an electrical rocket engine to function, using as
number of engineering problems had to be solved a working fluid liquid or solid conductors (continu-
in Department II of the GDL, among which were ously fed metal wires or liquid jets), exploded at a
the following: predetermined frequency by high-power electric
1. Working out a functional diagram of the elec- sparks in a thrust chamber. The injector and the
trical rocket engine; chamber body, separated by an insulator, were con-
2. selection of the working fluid (from among nected to wires running from an electric pulse
solid and liquid conductors) for the electrical generator facility of high power, whose principal
rocket engine; elements were a high-voltage transformer, four recti-
3. development of feeding devices to supply the fiers, and 4-mfd oil-filled capacitors charged to 40
working fluid to the thrust chamber of the elec- kv. Subjected to firing were carbon filaments, wires
trical rocket engine; of aluminium, nickel, tungsten, lead and other
4. selection of the method for feeding propellant metals, as well as such liquids as mercury and elec-
into the thrust chamber of the liquid-propel- trolytes.
lant engine; The working fluid was fed into the engine's com-
5. development of the most expedient forms for
mixing chambers and for injectors;
6. solution of the problem of pump-feeding pro-
pellant components;
7. investigation of the behavior of prepared pro-
pellant mixtures during combustion in an l***-^.
open vessel and in a semienclosed volume
(detonation in rocket engine);
8. development of methods for igniting propel-
lant mixtures (pyrotechnical, electrical, and
chemical ignition);
9. development of methods for cooling the thrust
chamber and selection of heat-insulating mate-
rial for the chamber;
io'r<r"T,arTl3r,'!i""ii"Tieriii
i ii i
10. selection and investigation of various types of
liquid propellants and special additives, with FIGURE 1.—The first electric rocket engine, 1929-1933.
NUMBER 10 93

bastion chamber by means of special devices known

as carburetors of the wire, liquid, or mercury type.
During 1932 and 1933, the electric rocket engine
was tested on a ballistic (gun) pendulum (see
Figure 1).
In 1930, Department II of GDL was the first to
propose the following substances to be used as
oxidizers in liquid-propellant engines: nitric acid
and its nitrogen tetroxide solutions, hydrogen per-
oxide, perchloric acid, tetranitromethane, and mix-
tures of these, while beryllium and other substances
were proposed as fuel. Exponential-contour nozzles
and combustion-chamber heat-insulation coatings
made of zirconium dioxide and other substances
were developed and tested in engines as far back
as 1930.
During 1930 and 1931, for the first time in the
USSR, three experimental liquid-propellant engines
(ORM, ORM-1, and ORM-2) 2 were designed and
manufactured at Department II of GDL. In 1931,
some 50 static firings of liquid-propellant rocket
engines were conducted with the engines firing
nitrogen tetroxide in association with toluene and
gasoline. In that same year there were proposed for
the first time a hypergolic propellant and method of
chemical ignition, as well as a gimbaled engine
with pump assemblies (see Figure 2).
Of particular interest from the historical and
technical points of view is the ORM-1 engine, the
first Soviet experimental liquid-propellant engine
designed in 1930 and manufactured in 1930-31
(see Figure 3).
The ORM-1 engine was intended for short-term
operation; it burned nitrogen tetroxide with tolu-
ene, or liquid oxygen with gasoline. When firing
liquid oxygen with gasoline, the engine developed
a thrust of up to 20 kg.
The inner surfaces of the steel thrust chamber
were copper-plated. The copper surfaces of the
6-jet injectors were gold-plated to ensure resistance
to the corrosive effect of propellant components.
Spring-loaded non-return valves with filters were
installed at the oxidizer and fuel inlets of the in-
jector. The combustion chamber was provided with
a set of nozzles having internal diameters of 10, 15,
and 20 mm. The engine was cooled with water
poured into the jacket.
Ignition was effected by means of a piece of
FIGURE 2.—The first experimental liquid-fuel rocket engine
in the USSR, the ORM-1, was designed in 1930 and built cotton soaked in fuel and fired with the help of
in 1930-31 at GDL. Bickford fuse.
94 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

T h e propellant components were pressure-fed

from the tanks by compressed nitrogen. T h e engine
was tested with the nozzle directed upwards.
T h e ORM-1 had 93 parts.
Experimental piston-type propellant pumps
driven by gases bled from the combustion chamber
were designed and tested in 1931-32.
In 1932, Department II of the G D L designed
and tested experimental engines from ORM-4
through ORM-22 to find the best type of ignition,
methods of start-up, and mixing systems for various
propellant components. W h e n these engines under-
went static tests in 1932, the oxidizers used were
liquid oxygen, nitrogen tetroxide, nitric acid, and
nitrogen tetroxide dissolved in nitric acid; the fuels
were gasoline, benzene, toluene, and kerosene.
T h e ORM-4, ORM-5, ORM-8, ORM-9, and
ORM-12 engines underwent several score of firing
tests. With the pressure in the combustion chamber
u p to 50 atm (gauge), the engines were r u n for up
to one minute. Spark plugs and pyrotechnical igni-
tion were used. T h e internal diameter of the cylin-
drical steel combustion chambers of the ORM-4
through ORM-8 engines was 40 mm. T h e combus-
tion chamber of the ORM-9 engine had an internal
diameter and height of 90 mm and a thermal
ceramic lining 10 m m thick (zirconium dioxide or
magnesium oxide with soluble glass). Its nozzle, 15
mm in diameter, was plated with an 8-mm layer
of red copper. T h e combustion chamber and nozzle
in the ORM-12, of the same dimensions as those in
the ORM-9, were copper-plated.
So that the best method for supplying propellant
components could be selected, various types of in-
jectors were tested in the engines: the ORM-4 en-
gine was provided with spray injectors, the ORM-5
with spray-split type, and the ORM-8 with split
injectors.
In the ORM-9 engine the split injector was lo-
cated in the combustion chamber head opposite the
nozzle (see Figure 4). In the ORM-11, it was placed
on the wall of the cylindrical combustion chamber.
T h e ORM-12 engine already featured two sepa-
rate swirl injectors, one for oxidizer and the other
for fuel. T h e injectors, provided with non-return
valves, were arranged opposite each other on the
wall of the cylindrical combustion chamber (see
Figure 5).
FIGURE 3.—The O R M rocket engine was designed a n d tested
T h e ORM-16 engine had swirl injectors of a
on the stand in 1931. more advanced design.
NUMBER 10 95

FIGURE 5.—ORM-12 engine, designed and tested in 1932. It

operated on lox with gasoline and nitric acid or nitrogen
tetroxide solutions in nitric acid with kerosene. For fuel
FIGURE 4.—The ORM-9 engine, designed and tested in 1932, injection, use was made of centrifugal nozzles with non-
used liquid oxygen with gasoline. return valves.

FIGURE 6.—Piston pump assemblies ORM-A, NA, and TNA.

96 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

E a r t h e n wall
aaahaffiaawtf <w MMrtfi nnm ijytf*?ia-i *• '4*trt<iAin/

FIGURE 7.—Diagram of a rocket engine

static test installation, 1930-32.

FIGURE 8.—Diagram of the rocket engine static test installation, 1933-38.

1. Air cylinder 11. Starting lever 21. Resistor
2 Air valve 12. Cable 22. Manometer for air
3. Reduction valve 13. Spring cylinder
4. T-connection 14. Engine 23. Manometer for the
5. Reverse valve (non- 15. Spark plug (current oxidizer cylinder
return valve) collector) 24. Manometer for fuel
6. T-connection 16. Wire cylinder
7. Drain valve 17. Storage battery 25. Manometer for measur-
8. Oxidizer tank 18. Plug ing the compression in
9. Fuel tank 19. Shut-off switch the engine
0. Starting valve 20. Control bulb
NUMBER 10 97

The experimental short-run ORM-23 engine was

specially developed and manufactured to work out
the method of initial ignition by means of an air-
gas flame (gasoline and air mixture). Satisfactory
results were obtained for the single as well as for
the repeated ignition.
The numerous tests of various types of experi-
mental rocket engines made by that time showed
that uncooled nozzles deteriorated rapidly; there-
fore, to increase the permissible rocket-firing dura-
tion, air-cooling of the nozzle was applied in the
ORM-24 and ORM-26 engines. The cooling was
effected by means of shaped adapters attached on
the outside (in the ORM-24) and shaped fins on the
nozzle (in the ORM-26).
The test runs indicated that air cooling was in-
adequate. Therefore, the design of the ORM-27
engine provided for a complete fluid-flow system to
cool the combustion chamber and the finned nozzle.
Temperature compensation of the nozzle expansion
was also provided in this engine.
Some other methods, in addition to those men-
tioned above, were suggested to protect the nozzle
against failure. For example, in the ORM-28 en-
gine, use was made of an uncooled thick-walled
nozzle, whereas in the ORM-30 engine, the nozzle
was protected by a fuel curtain produced by addi-
FIGURE 9.—ORM-50 engine on the test stand. tional injectors. Neither of these produced satis-
factory results.
In later designs (beginning with the ORM-34
engine), the problem of nozzle cooling was solved
more comprehensively: the nozzles began to be
Along with development of engine design, meth- designed with complete flow-cooling.
ods of propellant feeding were investigated, and as The most advanced engines developed at the De-
early as 1930 it was found that pressure-feeding was partment II of GDL were ORM-50 and ORM-52.
more efficient for small rockets, and pump-feeding The 150-kg-thrust ORM-50 engine burned a
for large rockets. nitric acid plus kerosene propellant ignited chem-
Proposed and tested in 1931-32 were a number ically; it was developed at the request of the Mos-
of piston-pump assemblies, such as the ORM-A en- cow Group for Study of Jet Propulsion (MosGIRD),
gine with a pump assembly (see Figure 6) capable and was intended for the 0 5 rocket. It passed the
of feeding nitrogen tetroxide plus toluene propel- static acceptance tests in 1933. The engine could
lant into the 300-kg thrust engine. undergo repeated tests. The steel cylindrical com-
In 1933, the ORM-23 through ORM-52 engines, bustion chamber, with an inside diameter of 120
burning a nitric acid plus kerosene propellant and mm, had a regeneratively acid-cooled cover and a
provided with pyrotechnical and chemical ignition conical nozzle with spiral fins. The diameter of the
systems, were developed and statically tested. The nozzle throat section was 23 mm. The chamber was
ORM-50 experimental engines with a thrust of 150 furnished with four swirl injectors having non-
kg and the ORM-52 engines with a thrust of 300 kg return valves (see Figure 9).
passed official static tests in 1933 (see Figures 7 and The 300-kg thrust ORM-52 engine, using nitric
acid plus kerosene propellant with chemical igni-
98 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

Total Wrapped in tin & soldered a l l around

View along arrow A

To manometer
Oxidizer

Section
Section along EF along CD

FIGURE 10.—The ORM-52 engine was designed in 1933 and passed static acceptance tests in
that year. Designated for experimental rockets and naval torpedoes, it used nitric acid and
kerosene as propellants. Engine data were as follows: Thrust at ground level 250-310 kg;
specific thrust 210 sec; chamber pressure 20-25 atm; excess oxidant ratio 1.08; fuel feed pressure
40 atm; ignition, hypergolic; combustion chamber volume 2.25 1; engine weight 14.5 kg.
NUMBER 10 99
Section
along AA

Firing ca Pressure
Electric primer, measure-
ment in
combus-
spark plug tion
chamber
current receiv
igniting compound
shunt diameter
Total length 465 Fuel 170
i nta ke
Qxj_d_izer
intake

B—MBaar"""'""!
w—IWIM. (mi

C e r t i f i c a t e to ""• Certificate to
l i q u i d fuel _. liretnopT^
nAcnopT liquid fuel
rocket engine „. qPfi-ti rocket engine
<^L-
ORM-65, No. 1 ORM-65, No. 2
—

FIGURE 11.—The ORM-65 engine, which passed the official tests in 1936, was designed lor tne
use in the RP-318 rocket glider and the KR-212 winged rocket. Its fuel and oxidant were
kerosene, OST 6460, and nitric acid, OST 5375; ignition was pyrotechnic, with electric starter;
and engine weight was 14.26 kg. Other engine data:
Maximum Normal Minimum
Thrust at ground level (kg) 175 155 50
Specific thrust (sec) 195 210
Chamber pressure (atm) 25 23 8
Fuel feed pressure (atm) 35 30 8
100 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

FIGURE 12.—Winged rocket 212, constructed in 1936 by S. P. Korolyev,

was powered with an ORM-65 engine and was equipped with an
automatic launching system containing an automatic, stabilized guid-
ance system. The rocket engine was installed on the air frame in the
tail section of the missile and covered with a streamlined metallic
^JL"^WP^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ shield to separate and protect the tail surfaces from the exhaust flame.
Propellants were fed by displacement. Before the summer test firing
of the 212 rocket, engines ORM-65-1 and 3, were ground-tested 8
times. Basic data were as follows: Wing spread 3060 mm, length 3160
mm, diameter 300 mm, area of wing 1.7 m 2 , flying weight 210 kg,
fuel weight 30 kg, weight of useful load 30 kg, length of flight 50 km.

Winged missile 212 on catapult

tion, was for rockets and naval torpedoes. This en- comprised of centrifugal pumps for feeding the
gine was also intended to power the experimental liquid propellant components into a 300-kg thrust
rockets RLA-1, RLA-2 and RLA-3. It passed static engine.
acceptance tests in 1933. T h e ORM-52 engine had a It should be noted that the engines developed
specific impulse of 210 seconds and a combustion and continuously modified in those years at the
chamber pressure of 25 atm (absolute). T h e 120-mm GDL were the most advanced engines of the time
steel cylindrical combustion chamber, featuring a and invariably met the approval of experts.
spherical head, was provided with internal cooling, Professor V.P. Vetchinkin of the Central Aero-
whereas the chamber cover and spirally finned noz- Hydrodynamics Institute (TsAGI) visited the GDL
zle were regeneratively acid-cooled. T h e nozzle was in December 1932 and witnessed the static tests of
conical (20°) with a throat section diameter of 32 the ORM-9 liquid-propellant engine. H e expressed
mm. There were six injectors provided with non- his impressions as follows: " T h e G D L has done the
return valves. T h e weight of the engine was 14.5 kg major part of the work in the creation of the rocket,
(see Figure 10). i.e., the liquid-propellant rocket motor . . . In this
In 1933, development of propellant-feed systems aspect the GDL's achievements may be considered
for rocket engines progressed. Also developed in brilliant."
that year was the design of a turbo-pump assembly In late 1933, the personnel of the GDL and

FIGURE 14.—Gas generator, designed in 1935-36 successfully passed the official stand tests in
1937. After 1 hour and 46 minutes of work it showed no defects and was useful in the further
studies. Basic data were as follows: Gas output 40-70 1/sec, gas pressure 20-25 atm (abs), gas
temperature 450-580°C, fuel use 0.15-0.17 kg/sec, water use 0.2 kg/sec, fuel feed pressure 30
atm, weight of gas generator 20 kg.
NUMBER 10 101

FIGURE 13.—The experimental RP-318-1 rocket-propelled aircraft designed by S.P. Korolyev was
created by modifying the two-seater SK-9 airframe with installation of ORM-65 engine con-
taining a fuel system. The fuel supply on the RPA provided 100 sec of continuous engine
operation with thrust of 150 kg. Fuel was delivered to the engine with compressed air, having
entered from tanks, via a pressure-reducing valve. The engine, mounted on a frame in the tail
of the fuselage, was covered with a metal jacket to protect the tail unit from flame. During
firing tests, maximal duration of continuous engine operation reached 230 sec.
Specifications of the rocket-propelled aircraft were: Wing span 17.0 m, length 7.44 m, mid-
section of fuselage 0.75 m 2 , supporting area of wing 7.85 m 2 , initial flight weight 700 kg, fuel
weight 75 kg. Flight tests of the RPA were run in 1940 by Pilot Fedorov; a modified ORM-65
(RDL-150-1) engine was mounted in the airframe.
The ground-based firing tests of the RPA with the ORM-65-1 and ORM-65-2 were con-
ducted from December 1937 to April 1938; after this the engines were transferred to the 212
winged rocket. Twenty-one launchings were made with the ORM-65-1 engine (total running
time 18 min 43 sec); with the ORM-65 No. 2, 9 launchings lasting for 13 min 37 sec were made.
With the ORM-65-1 engine 21 launchings were made (total running time 18 min 43 sec) and
with the ORM-65-2, 9 launchings (running time 13 min 37 sec).

ion along AA

Fuel 3*w

O x y g e n •-*•
Water
102 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

G I R D were merged into the Jet Propulsion Re- 5 starts in a KR-212 winged rocket and 9 starts in
search Institute (RNII). Within the walls of this an RP-318 rocket glider (see Figures 12, 13 and 14).
Institute was formed and tempered the creative T h e research work carried out by the GDL,
body of Soviet rocket engineers; also developed GIRD, and R N I I was a valuable contribution to
here were a number of experimental ballistic and the history of Soviet rocket science and engineering.
winged missiles and the engines for them. It was the GDL, the first Soviet establishment for
At the above Institute, the body of specialists in the development of rocket engines, that in 1929-
liquid-propellant engines, which stemmed from the 1933 created and successfully tested in operation the
GDL, between 1934 and 1938 developed the series world's first experimental electric rocket engines
of experimental engines ORM-53 through ORM- and the first Soviet liquid-propellant rocket engines
102 using nitric acid and tetranitromethane as oxi- O R M , ORM-1 through ORM-52 using liquid oxy-
dizers. They also designed the first Soviet gas gen- gen, nitrogen tetroxide, nitric acid and toluene,
erator, the GG-1, 3 that could operate for hours gasoline, and kerosene. T h e body of the research
using nitric acid with kerosene and water. workers stemming from the GDL, which later at the
T h e ORM-65 engine, which passed official tests R N I I and after R N I I continued to work on de-
in 1936, was the best engine of its time. Burning a velopment of liquid-propellant rocket engines oper-
propellant of nitric acid plus kerosene, it had a ating on various fuels, has created many other, more
controlled thrust of 50 to 175 kg, and a specific im- powerful engines which have found widest appli-
pulse of 210 sec; it could be started both manually cation.
and automatically (see Figure 11). T h e ORM-65
engine successfully withstood repeated starts. En- NOTES
gine ORM-65-1 was started 50 times on the ground, 1. RLA (Reaktivnyy Letatel'nyy Apparat) rocket vehicle.
this being adequate for 30.7 minutes of operation, 2. ORM (Opytnyy Raketnyy Motor) experimental rocket
engine.
including 20 stand firings, 8 firing in a KR-212
3. GG (Gazo-Generator) gas generator.
winged rocket 4 and 21 firings in an RP-318 rocket 4. KR (Krylataya Raketa) winged rocket.
glider. 5 Engine ORM-65-2 had 16 starts, including 5. RP (Raketoplaner) rocket glider.
 11

A Historical Review of Developments in Propellants and

Materials for Rocket Engines
x
O. LUTZ, German Federal Republic

In the early days of rocket propulsion the interest us at Brunswick—monergole, lithergole, proper-
of scientists and engineers centered on the right gole, hypergole—although some other types of
choice of propellants because these are of vital im- monergoles have been developed, for example, gel-
portance for quick and successful development. My propellants and thixotropic propellants.)
collaborator at that time, Dr. Noeggerath, in his T h e requirements for such a system were numer-
doctoral thesis compiled, from the thermodynamic ous. O u r special interest concerned instant ignition
standpoint, all practically applicable reactions. and complete reaction in the chamber. Many acci-
What is known generally today would have been dents showed us how difficult it is to avoid an igni-
most surprising in those days, i.e., that no combina- tion delay that results in a flashback of the com-
tion of chemical propellants could be discovered bustants into the propellant tank, and to maintain
which were exceptionally better in output of energy a controllable pressure distribution (Figure 1). In
than others. close cooperation with I. G. Farben we experi-
Starting in 1935 at Stuttgart and from October mented with the so-called "Divers' Liquid," a solu-
1936 at Brunswick, our work was oriented towards tion of ammonium nitrate in ammonia, named
increasing the output of energy and simplifying monergole H. This solution could easily be con-
the design of rockets by cooperation between chem- troled, from the point of view of safety, yet its cor-
ists and design engineers, because to carry out this rosiveness and the fact that the mixture tended to
task required not only the right engineering meth- separate brought u p new difficulties. Another
ods but also the right choice of propellant mixtures. trouble was that the ammonium nitrate, when
By this means we succeeded in discovering propel- atomized, caused deposits on the injector elements,
lants and processes reducing the difficulties of rocket constricting their cross section, while a strong vapor-
engineering and improving the performance of mis- ization of nitrous oxide was observed. We could not
siles and airplanes. eliminate this phenomenon. With monergole A, a
As you know, the simplest rocket possible can be solution of nitrous oxide in ammonia, we overcame
manufactured with powder, because both reacting most of the difficulties. We even succeeded in mak-
components of the propellant are already mixed in ing the engine explosion proof by installing high-
the right proportion in the reaction chamber. How- heat-absorbing material in the piping system, but
ever, even if one neglects other disadvantages, main- could not achieve absolute safety from shock waves
taining a continuous flow of powder into the reac- caused by detonations. These results brought about
tion chamber raises unique design problems. These suspension of further experiments, although we be-
problems can be avoided by using liquid propel- lieved that, due to the extraordinary simplicity of
lants. So one of our first steps led us to the moner- this type of engine, the monergoles would remain
goles—liquids containing fuel and oxidizer either useful in certain special applications.
mixed or dissolved, or even in the same molecule. After the war, when we again began our research
(By the way, I should like to mention here that all on rocket propellants and rocket engines in my
propellant names ending in "ergol" were created by institute, the Deutsche Forschungsanstalt fiir Luft-
103
104 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

Gunpowder plate
Injection nozzle
forN20

Active coat

Graphite Coal Soft coal

FIGURE 2.—Lithergol engine combustion chamber. Maximum

thrust was attained in 12 seconds.

FIGURE 1.—Interruption of a monergol explosion by safety

device.

FIGURE 3.—Simplified coal charges.

fahrt [German Aeronautical Research Institute] in
Trauen, we worked very successfully with a thixo-
tropic monergole based on ammonium perchlorate
suspended with higher alcohols and certain soaps
in nitromethane. We could control this system and
overcome all the difficulties which had troubled us
in the 1930s.
Another possibility in our effort to find an engine
system as simple as possible was to place one propel-
lant component as a solid in the reaction chamber
and to inject the other as a liquid, gas or vapor. We
called such a system a "lithergole." It was necessary
to find a suitable arrangement in the chamber to
obtain reaction everywhere on the surface of the
solid. It was Andrussow who proposed putting the
fuel in the reaction chamber in the form of coal and
injecting the oxidizer in the form of nitrous oxide.
T h e cross section through an experimental engine
in Figure 2 shows the coal charge consisting of
single discs with holes drilled axially. As coal has a
very low thermal conductivity, the outer shell did
not need heat protection, and only the area nearest
to the circumference was left unperforated. We
ignited the system (see Figures 3-5) by means of a FIGURE 4.—Partly burned coal charge of a lithergol engine.
NUMBER 10 105

ment to inject the liquid nitrous oxide into the air

intake of the supercharger. In the graph is plotted
the temperature of the air for different oxidizers
and for injection before and behind the super-
charger. The cooling of the air results in a greater
mass flow into the cylinder. Figure 7 illustrates the
increase of the cylinder pressure due to the injection
of N 2 0 and to varying the point of ignition. The
thermodynamic and physical properties of nitrous
oxide suit the requirements of a piston engine in
such a fortunate manner that the high altitude out-

-* |—10°
FIGURE 5.—Lithergol combustion chamber. —- Vr^7.9c
— IT" k8°
87.5
small charge of gunpowder. The problem was to
cause a simultaneous reaction over the full length 75
of the intake so that the charge would burn off not
from one end to the other but radially. We solved i No addition
BUS
b Addition of iMg/sectyO
it by a lining of celluloid inside each hole, which
Nv cAddition of &60g/sec N70
instantly heated the entire inside surface to igni- 50
tion temperature. In our experiments on the test
stand, full thrust could be reached within one sec- 37.5

ond and thrust oscillations could be reduced to less

than 5 percent. At that time we thought these simple 25

systems could be used for long burning times, al- B Ignition of b and c
12J5— A
though we realized that the necessary diameter sets
a limit on the overall impulse.
0
At this point it is pertinent to remark on the HB 120 90 60 30
1
TC 30 60 90
°KW
120 150

application of the oxidizer used in the lithergole -A26" —

-J7°-J
engine to increase the high-altitude output of piston
engines and pulse jets. Figure 6 shows an arrange-

Addition of 9.02g/sec N,0

L

-100

^4^=133^-
-E 90 120 150
*- m 9P
'HW

FIGURE 6.—Temperature distribution in the air intake to the FIGURE 7.—Pressure-time diagrams (T. C. = top center,
supercharger. °KW = crankshaft angle).
106 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

put of the aero engines of that time could be in- like to mention here Dr. Haussmann, Dr. Noeg-
creased by about 100 percent without any need for gerath, and Dipl.-Ing. Egelhaaf.
additional accessories for cooling or fuel injection. T h e first hypergole—this term was coined by
Figure 8 represents a booster unit for twin-engined Noeggerath—was a combination of hydrogen
reconnaissance planes which carried the nitrous peroxide and hydrazine hydrate, for which we ap-
oxide aboard as a non-pressurized liquid at about plied in Germany for a patent on 18 July 1936
-90°C. under the number L 90798 IV d/46a6.
As described above, with the monergole and the We experimented first with copper as a catalyst
lithergole systems we tried to simplify the entire and got ignition in less than .01 second with mix-
powerplant by the selection of a specially favour- tures of hydrazine hydrate and methanol 1:1 and 50
able process. T h e next step was to shift the empha- percent hydrogen peroxide at room temperature.
sis from construction to the propellants, considering At that time we found this hypergole very interest-
particularly the ignition process. This led to the ing because of the low carbon content (it burns
hypergolic principles, i.e., propellant combinations practically without residue). This combination,
which, due to chemical affinity, ignite without however, could not be used below — 25°C. T h e very
noticeable ignition delay. By use of this principle small contents of catalyst could not be brought into
we solved a lot of ignition problems, because explo- the hydrazine hydrate in the form of salts without
sive mixtures could not arise. It might not have being reduced to metallic copper. So we introduced
been of great merit to have proposed this idea, but colloidal copper in solution, using first gum arabic
I had the good fortune to have colleagues who— as a protection colloid, and later, cellulose ether of
after I had mentioned this principle in 1935— alkyls. We succeeded in getting solutions of very
worked for years with intuition and unfailing fine dispersed copper, stable for years, with very
energy towards the realization of this idea. I should good catalytic properties. Even at — 20 °C the igni-
tion had proved acceptable. Of course, this mate-
rial had to be stored under an air seal. For this
purpose we covered the solution with a thin layer
of wax and used nitrogen as the pressure gas. Of
course, it is possible to introduce the catalyst either
into the fuel or into the oxidizer, or it can be in-
jected separately. But the separate injection would
complicate the design. As we could not handle con-
centrated hydrogen peroxide at that time we
thought it even dangerous to put the catalyst into
the oxidizer. Difficulties in supplying the hydrazine
hydrate compelled us to lower its content from 50 to
30 percent. As this propellant combination was to
be used for our rocket-propelled fighter Me 163
and we were not allowed to exceed a temperature
of 1750°C we mixed 13 percent water with 30 per-
cent hydrazine hydrate and 57 percent methanol.
But with this mixture we did not get a stable solu-
tion. T h e Walter Works at Kiel tried rather success-
fully to use copper as catalyst bound to cyanogen.
I will not list here all the different ways we tried
to find out the right substance, all the discussions
about it, and the multiplicity of experiments and
theoretical considerations about the catalytic proc-
ess; but I must mention the difficulty, at that time,
of obtaining the necessary substances in the proper
FIGURE 8.—Booster unit for increase in performance. quantities and sometimes, even, quality. This meant
NUMBER 10 107

that the possibility of application in our research important one of their physical properties is a
and development was sometimes limited. For ex- high viscosity; however, their behavior in the
ample the proposed nitroprussid natrium at that cold was found to be unfavorable. Aldehydes
time was the only proved iron salt with catalytic (with vanadium or iron as catalyst), also show
effect that together with the described mixture of good ignition properties but are not as good as
hydrazine hydrate and methanol and water gave a hydrazine hydrate. Liquids normally used as de-
stable solution. But the application was limited be- velopers, such as hydroquinone and pryocatechol
cause the hydrazine hydrate we got contained zinc in a methanolic solution and with iron as cata-
which gave with the nitroprussid natrium insoluble lyst, gained importance as chemical byproducts
hydrazo- and nitroso-groups in zinc-iron-penta- and were taken into consideration to ensure a
cyanides. broader fuel basis for the Me 163 fighter plane.
In order to get instant ignition at even lower There were good results (Egelhaaf).
temperature we experimented with a group of sub-
In summing up, it can be said that "T-stoffs"
stances called "optoles'' (that means catechole). By
could not, even after intensive study, yield results
the way, the optoles proved to be important hyper-
as good as those obtained with hydrazine hydrate.
gol initiators, not only with hydrogen peroxide but
Another oxidizer we tested at that time for use in
also with nitric acid. In addition to the optoles, sev-
hypergolic systems was concentrated nitric acid. Be-
eral aldehydes were proposed as initiators with
sides the favorable thermal properties and the high
hydrogen peroxide. Further research was done with
specific density the acid could be supplied in any
cyclopentadiene, butynediol, and furfuryl alcohol.
quantity. Mainly, three groups of initiators deter-
But they never were used in action because those mined the new development of the new ergoles
substances could not be obtained in sufficient quan- based on nitric acid: organic amines, catecholes,
tities. At last we managed to develop substitutes for and furans. In the choice of the other components
the hydrazine component substances on the basis to be mixed with nitric acid, it was of importance
of optole and aldehydes for a propellant system that there was no need to be careful of the solubili-
using hydrogen peroxide as oxidizer. You may ties of metalsalts with a catalytic effect, nor was
imagine that it was not easy to find for this oxidizer there any temperature limit for the reaction in the
the most favorable hypergolic partner, one which chamber; therefore, the substances for the blend
would function even at low temperature. As already could be chosen freely. Typical components had
mentioned, a temperature limit had been set in been vinyl ether, benzene, and tetrahydro-furan.
connection with its use in our Me 163. Additional It was remarkably difficult to obtain good prop-
requirements were: burning without residues, no erties at low temperatures. As nitric acid solidifies
blocking of the chamber or nozzle, harmlessness of at — 40 °C, we used 98 percent nitric acid with
the exhaust gases, stability, no corrosion, and so on. 6 percent iron trichloride. As for the ergoles (the
Sometimes those requirements were contradictory, fuel portion in a hypergole) used, a mixture of
so that we had to make an optimal compromise. catecholes and tetrahydro-furan with 8 percent
As for hypergoles for hydrogen peroxide, here is furfuryl alcohol gave the best properties down to
a short summary of the groups discussed: — 50°C, with acceptable viscosity and very good
1. For low-percentage hydrogen peroxide: 50% ignition behavior.
N 2 H 4 H 2 0 , 4 7 % methanol, 3 % water plus 0.3% T h e following list indicates the diverse groups
colloidal copper. of hypergolic systems with nitric acid as oxidizer
2. For high-percentage hydrogen peroxide: 30% that we worked with:
N 2 H 4 H 2 0 , 57% methanol (called "C-stoff"), 1. Aliphatic amino compounds: e.g., Diethylene-
13% water, and traces of cupro-potassium- triamine, poly-alkyl-polyamines, triethylamine,
cyanide or colorless dissolved copper oxide. methylamine; these reacted very well with ordi-
3. Other hypergoles for H 2 0 2 : Hydrazine hydrate nary nitric acid, as well as with nitric acid to
substituted by aliphatic amino compounds: Di- which iron or vanadium catalysts were added, or
ethylene-triamine, ethylene-diamine, and tri- with mixed acid (MS 10).
ethylene-tetramine with a copper sulphate cata- 2. Aromatic amino compounds: Starting with
lyst show good ignition properties, and the most cyclo-hexylamine, the following amines proved
108 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

to be especially suitable: aniline and its mix- furyl alcohol, called "Fantol" (Egelhaaf). They
tures with other aliphatic or aromatic com- have particularly good hypergolity, especially
pounds (triethylene-amine, cyclo-hexylamine, with mixed acid, even when diluted to a high
methylaniline, pyridine, ethylaniline, xylidine, degree with xylol (up to 70 percent). Hydrazine
piperidine, pyrrole). Certain mixtures show a also reacts hypergolically with nitric acid.
"eutectic hypergolity." T h e hypergolity of the
Almost all proposed hypergolous propellants con-
above mentioned compounds is so good that
sisted of mixtures of different compounds. This re-
dilutions with inert fuels have been possible.
sults, of course, in a complication of the individual
T h e group of hypergoles mentioned was called
effects, yet mixing offers the possibility of intensify-
by BMW "Tonka," and at Brunswick, "Gola."
ing one or the other of the desired properties, for
T h e B M W research staff conducted studies
instance, the chemical affinity of a mixture of two
themselves in this field of hypergoles with ex-
substances is in some way analagous to the solidifi-
cellent results (Figure 9).
cation diagram of a system. Figure 10 shows this
Unsaturated compounds: Substances belonging affinity expressed as a limit concentration, i.e., the
to the acetylene group (Dr. Reppe) as, for in- acid concentration at which ignition takes place
stance, di-acetylene. Vinyl-ethers: vinyl-ethyl- without perceptible delay. It can easily be under-
ether, vinyl-isobutyl-ether, butane-diol-divinyl- stood that mixtures may have a considerably higher
ether, divinyl-acetylene, diketenes, cyclo-penta- affinity than the single components, an effect which
dine. T h e hypergoles of the vinyl-ether group has also been proved true with numerous other sub-
were called "Visoles" and were mostly used in stances. T h e same diagram shows the lowest admis-
combination with amino compounds. sible temperature, the so-called "cold point." This
Developers: Pyrocatechol, hydroquinone, pyro- cold point is given at both ends of the diagram by
gallol, and, in addition, "Optoles." T h e com- the solidification point, in the middle by the high-
ponents suitable for hydrogen peroxide proved est admissible viscosity, which was assumed to be
to be suitable also for nitric acid. 40 centi-strokes for a particular case. In this special
Others: Furan and derivates, in particular fur- case the optimum in regard to cold point as well
as that to ignition delay are almost identical. There
are, however, combinations of substances showing
20
-2
10 sec Mean sci \tter of
individua values
15
+Am
1 }-Am

qA>
CTS£L-

0 20 iO 60 80 % 100
Aniline
Methyl-anii ine 100 % 80 60 iO 20 0
Cydo-hexylamine
20
100 80
l>0 60 80
J FIGURE 10.—Characteristic values of the hypergolic fuel sys-
20 loo
Aniline tem with aniline and cyclo-hexylamine, showing limit con-
FIGURE 9.—Ignition delays of the hypergolic fuel "Gola," centration (i.e., acid concentration up to which no delay is
showing mean scatter of ten individual values. noticed.
NUMBER 10 109

the contrary; we then have to try to bring both the composition of the amino mixture. T h e dotted
optima into accordance by adding further com- lines correspond to the substances with 10 parts by
ponents. volume; the broken lines, to the substances with 15
Figure 11 shows different diagrams obtained in parts by volume; and the solid lines, to the sub-
the development of "visol" fuels. We are dealing stance with 20 parts by volume of amino mixture.
here with a mixture of four components: two differ- Finally, the four diagrams differ in their visole com-
ent visoles, the vinyl-butyl-ether (visole 1) and the position. Without going into more detail, as for
butane-diol-divinyl-ether (visole 4), and two differ- instance the conversion of a minimum into a maxi-
ent organic amino compounds, aniline and methyl- mum by changing the composition of the visole
aniline. T h e ignition delay is shown as a function of part, I want to draw attention to the extraordinary

\
\\ \
20 \
\ \
-2 \ \
ser \\ t
»i .c:
15 -r* \
\
I
f \ > x// '
If jT^ 1 ^
Y \ Vfc -dL \V
% '0 f f » |
w
\ ^ ^
55
Visol 1A 75 Visol 1A 69
Vxnl LA 25 Vhtnl LA 31

20 LO
J !
-2
sec \ * °C
1
>
15 L5
\
\
^-- \
10 ^V 50

Visol 1A eo 1/ ^ 55
VisoUA 37 U— Visol
VisolLA1A _L258

50—- 1MR 50 1MR

It? 50 1R 50
FIGURE 11.—Influence of the composition of the visol and
amine composition in visol fuels (proportionality factors
parts by weight).
110 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

differences caused by small changes in the absolute

contents of the amino components. This sensitivity
made studies very difficult from the point of view
of affinity; the systems shows all properties of multi-
component systems a n d the technician is tempted to
speak of a eutectic.
It should also be mentioned that the ignition
delays given are not claimed to be absolute values.
Ignition delay is more or less influenced by the way
in which the components are brought together. W e
might even arrive at a point where an arrangement
which is favorable for one combination of sub-
1 Reaction chamber.
stances results in long ignition delays for another 2 Thermostate tor low temperature,
fuel system. T h e ignition delay times were measured device for cooling the pot.
by a photoelectric cell by feeding the oxidizer uni- 3 CO2 solid
t> Sliding plug
formly and reducibly into the fuel, which was kept
5 Distributer plate.
in a crucible (Figure 12). Figure 13 shows a varia- 6 Starter
tion of an apparatus we developed for the measure- 7 Photocell
ment of ignition delay at low temperatures. Mill 6 Amplifier
9 Recorder
N2 or C0 2
Some remarks should be made on the ignition of
hypergoles a n d the relation to the design of mixing FIGURE 13.—Ignition-delay apparatus for low temperature.

injectors. W e found that generally the hypergoles

cannot be ignited in every case by quick and inti-
mate mixing in the stoichiometric ratio. W e postu-
lated a stoichiometric ignition ratio, that means the
ratio of the primary reactions which are taking
place at the boundary surface as the most important
first step for immediate ignition of hypergolic sys-
tems. But we could not complete our studies in this
interesting field of theory a n d practice. From the
development of suitable mixing injectors we
learned that the energy used for atomizing has to
be kept low. W e used mixing arrangements which
brought together both flows with a small amount of
energy, but with split-up boundary surfaces, and
they proved to be good.
This work, started in the thirties, was continued
until the end of World W a r II, during which time
about 1100 different combinations of hypergoles
were investigated, leading us to a broad view of
possible propellant systems.
T o complete this review of research done in the
beginnings of rocketry, I should like to report on
our efforts to discover new materials and cooling
systems for the rocket nozzle, which was exposed to
a high thermal load uncommon at that time. These
investigations were concentrated on "sweating" or
"transpiration" cooling systems, today widely
known a n d applied to turbine blades. It can be
FIGURE 12.—Device for measuring ignition delay. assumed that similar principles for the cooling of
NUMBER 10 111

rocket combustion chambers have been developed WOO

elsewhere, but I should like to mention at this point
my former colleague Meyer-Hartwig who devoted °c
intensive studies to these topics.
There are three significant effects which reduce
the surface temperature: heat absorption by passing \
the cooling liquid through the porous wall, heat 800
absorption by the evaporation of the cooling liquid, \
and the additional boundary layer consisting of the
mass addition of cooling liquid at the surface of the \
wall. A temperature profile for the cooling of a solid
600 1 \
and a porous wall is represented in Figure 14. At a
I N
s>
gas temperature of 1100°C a n d a velocity of 600-
700 m/s the surface temperature can be reduced to -" - —
COO
100°C applying 0.04 g/(s-cm 2 ) specific mass flow
rate (Figure 15).
Figure 16 shows the application of porous mate-
rial in a rocket nozzle. At a chamber pressure of 200
36 kp/cm 2 and a gas temperature of about 2500 °K,
0.6 g/(scm 2 ) of cooling liquid were fed through the
nozzle wall, which amounts to less than 2 percent of
02 g/cm2sec 01
the main mass flow rate of the combustion chamber.
The porous materials used for the research in sweat- k
cooling were made from powdered steel and copper. FIGURE 15.—Surface temperature as a function of specific
coolant flow rate.
The strength-to-weight ratio of this material was
almost equal to that of the compact material.

Figure 17 shows different test bars, orifices, a n d

Additional
Boundary-layer Boundary-layer rocket nozzles developed in our laboratories. T h e
development of porous materials for sweat-cooling
was started with nonmetallic ceramics, b u t in con-
nection with steel constructions a lot of difficulties
arose due to differing rates of thermal expansion.

.Cooling
Pressure-gas

Sweating-nozzle
Two -part tiller
Jacket
1
Cooling-distributer

Solid Wall Porous Wall Cooling -agent

FIGURE 14.—Temperature profiles for solid and porous walls. FIGURE 16.—Sweat-cooled material nozzle.
112 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

£!» a I I I *
^l^^r

FIGURE 17.—Development of sweat-cooled materials.

6r\ ^Ceramics
\ \
Thus, we switched over to metallic materials. Tak- \ Mixture (cermets)
ing advantage of the excellent properties of cer- 'Metal
amics we tried to weld metal and ceramics. Zones
of mixtures of ceramic and of increasing amount of
metal were sintered to the ceramic (Figure 18). By FIGURE 18.—Test rod and nozzle of compound material.
this process advantage could be taken of the differ-
ent properties of metal and ceramic. Today the
mixtures of metal and ceramics are known as April 1956, and appeared under the author's name in the
"cermets." History of German Guided Missiles Development (pp. 238-
252), edited by Th. Benecke and A. W. Quick and published
for and on behalf of The Advisory Group for Aeronautical
NOTES Research and Development, North Atlantic Treaty Orga-
nization (AGARD) by the Wissenschaftliche Gesellschaft fur
1. "Some Special Problems of Power Plants," of which this Luftfahrt E. V. (Brunswick, Germany: Verlag E. Appelhans &
paper is a revised and expanded version, was presented at the Co., 1957). From this source are taken Figures 1-4, 6-11, 15,
AGARD First Guided Missiles Seminar, Munich, Germany, and 18 in this paper.—Ed.
 12

On the GALCIT Rocket Research Project, 1936-38

FRANK J. MALINA, United States

Introduction part-time work as a member of the crew of the

G A L C I T (Guggenheim Aeronautical Laboratory,
The following recollections are based on memory, California Institute of Technology) ten-foot wind
on unpublished documents, and on published mate- tunnel. This led to my appointment in 1935 as a
rial available to me. I present them fully recogniz- graduate assistant in GALCIT.
ing the fallibility of memory, and the unavoidable T h e Guggenheim Laboratory, at this time, a few
injection of personal evaluations and judgments. years after its founding, was recognized as one of
Although in our youthful enthusiasm we were the world's centers of aeronautical instruction and
already convinced, in 1936, that rocket research for research. Under the leadership of Theodore von
space exploration was important, we made no sys- Karman (1881-1963), G A L C I T specialized in aero-
tematic effort to preserve our papers and photo- dynamics, fluid mechanics, and structures. 1 - a Von
graphic records. Karman's senior staff included Clark B. Millikan
My interest in space exploration was first aroused (1903-1966), Ernest E. Sechler, and Arthur L. Klein.
when I read Jules Verne's De la terre a la lune in the T h e laboratory was already carrying out studies
Czech language as a boy of 12 in Czechoslovakia, on the problems of high-speed flight, and the limits
where my family lived from 1920 to 1925. O n our of the engine-propeller propulsion system for air-
return to Texas, I followed reports on rocket work craft were beginning to be clearly recognized.
as they appeared from time to time in popular In 1935-36 William W. Jenney and I conducted
magazines. In 1933 I wrote the following paragraph experiments with model propellers in the wind
for a technical English Course at Texas A.&M. Col-
tunnel for our master's theses. My mind turned
lege:
more and more to the possibilities of rocket propul-
Can man do what he can imagine? - Now that man has con- sion while we analyzed the characteristics of pro-
quered travel through the air his imagination has turned to pellers.
interplanetary travel. Many prominent scientists of today In March 1935, at one of the weekly G A L C I T
say that travel through space to the Moon or to Mars is
seminars, William Bollay, then a graduate assistant
impossible. Others say, "What man can imagine, he can do."
Many difficulties present themselves to interplanetary travel. to von Karman, reviewed the possibilities of a
The great distance separating the heavenly bodies would rocket-powered aircraft based upon a paper pub-
require machines of tremendous speeds, if the distances are to lished in December 1934 by Eugen Sanger (1905-
be traversed during the lifetime of one man. Upon arrival 1964), who was then working in Vienna. 4 Bollay
at one of these planets the traveler would require breathing
apparatus, for the astronomers do not believe the atmosphere carried out independent design and performance
on these planets will support human life as our atmosphere studies of rocket-powered aircraft and presented
does. If a machine left the earth, its return would be them on 27 March 1935 at a Caltech seminar on
practically impossible, and those on the earth would never rockets.
know if the machine reached its destination.
Local newspapers reported on Bollay's lecture, 5
In 1934 I received a scholarship to study mechan- which resulted in attracting to G A L C I T two rocket
ical engineering at the California Institute of Tech- enthusiasts—John W. Parsons (1914-1952) and
nology. Before the end of my first year there I began Edward S. Forman. Parsons was a self-trained chem-

113
114 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

ist who, although he lacked the discipline of a ing to apply this type of propulsion to a vehicle for
formal higher education, had an uninhibited and carrying instruments to altitudes in excess of those
fruitful imagination. He loved poetry and the exotic that can be reached by balloons, an application call-
aspects of life. Forman, a skilled mechanic, had ing for an engine of much more modest perform-
been working with Parsons for some time on ance.
powder rockets. They wished to build a liquid- We were especially impressed by Sanger's report
propellant rocket motor, but found that they lacked of having achieved an exhaust velocity of 10,000 feet
adequate technical and financial resources for the per second (specific impulse of 310) with light fuel
task. They hoped to find help at Caltech. They oil and gaseous oxygen.8 Unfortunately, we were
were sent to me, and then began the series of events never able to understand the method Sanger used
that lead to the establishment of the Jet Propulsion for presenting his experimental results.
Laboratory.6 On the following 4th of October, We concluded from our review of the existing
Bollay gave a lecture before the Institute of the information on rocket-engine design, including the
Aeronautical Sciences in Los Angeles. He concluded results of the experiments of the American Rocket
by saying: Society, that it was not possible to design an engine
The present calculations show that we can achieve (by means to meet specified performance requirements for a
of rocket planes) higher velocities and reach greater heights sounding rocket which would surpass the altitudes
than by any other method known so far. The high velocities attainable with balloons. It appeared evident to us,
should prove an attraction to the sportsman, to the military after much argument, that until one could design a
authorities, and perhaps to a few commercial enterprises.
workable engine with a reasonable specific impulse
The high ceiling is of great interest to the meteorologist
and the physicist. There are thus potent reasons for the there was no point in devoting effort to the design
further development of the rocket plane. I hope I have of the rocket shell, propellant supply, stabilizer,
shown by these calculations that the idea of the rocket launching method, payload parachute, etc.
plane is not so fantastic as it at first appears and that at
We, therefore, set as our initial program the fol-
present it appears just at the border of the practically attain-
able and is certainly worthwhile working for. On the other lowing: (1) theoretical studies of the thermody-
hand, it seems improbable that the rocket plane will be a namical problems of the reaction principle and of
very hopeful contender with the airplane in ordinary air the flight performance requirements of a sounding
passenger transportation. For this purpose the stratosphere rocket, and (2) elementary experiments to deter-
plane seems eminently more suitable.
mine the problems to be met in making accurate
static tests of liquid- and solid-propellant rocket
engines. This approach was in the spirit of von
Formation of the GALCIT Rocket
Karman's teaching. He always stressed the impor-
Research Project
tance of getting as clear as possible an understand-
After discussion with Bollay, Parsons, and For- ing of the fundamental physical principles of a
man, I prepared in February 1936, a program of problem before initiating experiments in a purely
work whose objective was the design of a high-alti- empirical manner, for these can be very expensive
tude sounding rocket propelled by either a solid- or in both time and money.
liquid-propellant rocket engine. Parsons and Forman were not too pleased with
We reviewed the literature published by the first an austere program that did not include the launch-
generation of space-flight pioneers—Tsiolkovskiy ing, at least, of model rockets. They could not
(1857-1935), Goddard (1882-1945), Esnault-Pelterie resist the temptation of firing some models with
(1881-1957) and Oberth.7 In scientific circles, this black powder motors during the next three years.
literature was generally regarded more in the na- Their attitude is symptomatic of the anxiety of
ture of science fiction, primarily because the gap pioneers of new technological developments. In
between the experimental demonstration of rocket- order to obtain support for their dreams, they are
engine capabilities and the actual requirements of under pressure to demonstrate them before they
rocket propulsion for space flight was so fantas- can be technically accomplished. Thus one finds
tically great. This negative attitude extended to during this period attempts to make rocket flights,
rocket propulsion itself, in spite of the fact that which, doomed to be disappointing, made support
Goddard realistically faced the situation by decid- even more difficult to obtain.
NUMBER 10 115

T h e undertaking we had set for ourselves re- one that had been previously tried by the American
quired, at a minimum, informal permission from Rocket Society. For propellants we chose gaseous
Caltech and from the Guggenheim Laboratory be- oxygen and methyl alcohol.
fore we could begin. In March, I proposed to Clark Our work in spring 1936 attracted to our group
B. Millikan that I continue my studies leading to a two G A L C I T graduate students, Apollo M. O.
doctorate and that my thesis be devoted to studies Smith and Hsue-shen Tsien. Smith was working
of the problems of rocket propulsion and of sound- on his masters degree in aeronautics; Tsien, who
ing-rocket , flight performance. H e was, however, became one of the outstanding pupils of von
dubious about the future of rocket propulsion, and Karman, was working on his doctorate. Smith and
suggested I should, instead, take one of many engi- I began a theoretical analysis of flight performance
neering positions available in the aircraft industry of a sounding rocket, while Tsien and I began
at that time. His advice was, no doubt, also in- studies of the thermodynamic problems of the
fluenced by the fact that G A L C I T was then carry- rocket motor.
ing out no research on aircraft power plants. I Some of the members of our group in 1936 and
would like to add that later he actively supported Dr. von Karman are shown in Figure 1. T h e work
our work. of our group, once it was approved by von Karman,
I knew that my hopes rested finally with von had the benefit of advice from von Karman him-
Karman, the director of G A L C I T . Only much later self, C. B. Millikan, and other G A L C I T staff mem-
did I learn that already in the 1920s, in Germany, bers. We realized from the start that rocket research
he had given a sympathetic hearing to discussions would require the ideas of many brains in many
of the possibilities of rocket propulsion, 9 and that fields of applied science.
in 1927 he had included in his lectures in Japan a I was very fortunate at this time to enter von
reference to the problems needing solution before Karman's inner circle of associates because he
space flight became possible. H e was at this time needed someone to prepare illustrations for the text-
studying the aerodynamics of aircraft at high speeds, book Mathematical Methods in Engineering he was
and was well aware of the need for a propulsion writing with Maurice A. Biot. Bollay had been
system which would surmount the limitations of the assisting von Karman with the manuscript of the
engine-propeller combination. book, and introduced me to him. When Bollay left
After considering my proposals for a few days, he for Harvard University in 1937, I also inherited his
agreed to them. 10 H e also gave permission for Par- job as "caretaker" of the manuscript. Thereafter, I
sons and Forman to work with me, even though worked with von Karman on many projects until
they were neither students nor on the staff at Cal- his death in 1963. In a way be became my second
tech.11 This decision was typical of his unorthodox father. We worked so closely together during the
attitude within the academic world. He pointed formative years of the Jet Propulsion Laboratory,
out, however, that he could not find funds in the until he went to Washington in 1944, that it is not
budget of the Laboratory for the construction of always possible to separate the contribution either
experimental apparatus. of us made to technical and organizational de-
At Caltech, we were given further moral support velopments during the period 1939-44.
by Robert A. Millikan (1868-1953), then head of It is necessary to point out, however, that during
the Institute, who was interested in the possibilities the period of the G A L C I T Rocket Research Project
of using sounding rockets in his cosmic ray research, the initiative rested with our group, and it fell to
and by Irving P. Krick, then head of meterological me to hold the group together.
research and instruction.
During the next three years we received no pay
Relations between the Project and R. H. Goddard
for our work, and during the first year we bought
equipment, some secondhand, with whatever money T h e group heard with excitement in the summer
we could pool together. Most of our work was done of 1936 that Robert H. Goddard would come to
on weekends or at night. Caltech in August to visit R. A. Millikan, 12 who
We began our experiments with the construction was a member of a committee appointed by the
of an uncooled rocket motor similar in design to Daniel and Florence Guggenheim Foundation to
116 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

FIGURE 1.—a, John W. Parsons; b, Theodore von Karman; c, Frank J. Malina; d, Hsue-shen
Tsien (Chien Hsueh-sen); e, Apollo M. O. Smith.
NUMBER 10 117

advise on the support given by the Foundation to fundamental law of dynamics. He appeared to
Goddard for the development of a sounding suffer keenly from such nonsense directed at him.
rocket. 13 Millikan arranged for me to have a short T h e second impression I obtained was that he
discussion with Goddard on 28 August, during felt that rockets were his private preserve, so that
which I told him of our hopes and research plans. I any others working on them took on the aspect of
also arranged to visit him at Roswell, New Mexico, intruders. He did not appear to realize that in other
the next month, when I was going for a holiday to countries were men who, independently of him, as
my parents' home in Brenham, Texas. 14 I believe it so frequently happens in the history of technology,
was before Goddard's arrival in Pasadena that Mil- had arrived at the same basic ideas for rocket pro-
likan had already written for me a letter of intro- pulsion. His attitude caused him to turn his back
duction to him in connection with the possibility of on the scientific tradition of communication of
my visiting his Roswell station. 15 results through established scientific journals, and
In Milton Lehman's biography of G o d d a r d 1 0 ap- instead he spent much time on patents, especially
pears a rather strange and inaccurate account of my after he published his classic Smithsonian Institu-
visit to Roswell. No mention is made of the fact that tion report of 1919 on "A Method of Reaching Ex-
R. A. Millikan had arranged for me to meet with treme Altitudes." 19
Goddard during his visit to Caltech. Part of the As I departed, Goddard suggested that I come to
account by Lehman reads: work with him at Roswell when I completed my
studies at Caltech. This was intriguing to me; but
The Goddards had no sooner returned to Mescalero Ranch at
by the time I completed my doctorate in 1940 we
the end of August than they found one of Cal. Tech's
graduate students waiting to see the professor. The same day had obtained governmental support for rocket re-
Goddard received a note from Millikan asking him to extend search, and were building an effective research
"all possible courtesies" to the young student, Frank J. establishment.
Malina. A year later I wrote to Goddard in connection
My recollections of my visit to Roswell are that with an analysis of the flight performance of a
both Dr. and Mrs. Goddard received me cordially. sounding rocket with a constant thrust, which
My day with him consisted of a tour of his shop Smith and I were carrying out. 20 T o the request
(where I was not shown any components of his for flight data on his rockets, he answered on 19
sounding rocket), of a drive to his launching range October 1937, as follows:
to see his launching tower and 2000-pound-thrust I have your letter of the fourteenth relative to data for
static test stand, and of a general discussion during your study of vertical rocket flight.
and after lunch. H e did not wish to to give any The gyroscopically stabilized flights described in the report
technical details of his current work beyond that to which you refer were, as therein stated, for stabilization
during the period of propulsion, and not thereafter, and the
which he had published in his 1936 Smithsonian trajectories were accordingly not vertical throughout the
Institution report, with which I was already famil- flights. The data regarding heights and speeds, while suffi-
iar. This report, of a very general nature, was of ciently accurate to describe the performance in general terms,
limited usefulness to serious students of the sub- would therefore hardly be satisfactory for exact calculations
ject.17 On 1 October 1936 I wrote to Goddard: 18 made under the assumption that the flights were vertical.
Further, thrusts were not measured when the rockets were
I have just returned to the Institute after several weeks in used for flights, and I have reason to believe that we did not
Texas. I wish to thank you and your wife for the hospitality always have the high efficiencies, in flight, that we obtained
shown me and you for your kindness in allowing me to in certain of the static tests.
inspect that part of your work which you considered per- As stated in the paper, the main object was to obtain
missible under the circumstances. stabilization and satisfactory performance in flight, and I
should prefer to have any analyses of performance made for
i I recall two special impressions he made on me. flights in which height was the main consideration. We have
had further stabilized flights since the paper was written, but
The first was a bitterness towards the press. He
the work is not yet sufficiently complete for publication.
showed me a clipping of an editorial, which had The rockets used in the flights described were all 9 inches
appeared in the New York Times years earlier (13 in diameter, and the initial altitude was about 4000 feet.2i
January 1920), that ridiculed him, saying that a
professor of physics should know better than to In a letter home dated 23 October, I wrote:
make space flight proposals, as they violated a Smith and I are working on the performance paper sporad-
118 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

ically. I wrote to Goddard for some data not long ago; an our work can be made. This appears needed, for
answer arrived during the week. He wrote that he did not erroneous impressions exist as to his influence on
have the data desired. We have some data on his flights we
rocket research at Caltech.
want to use in our paper, now we are in a quandary over
its use. We may write the paper as originally planned and As I pointed out earlier, the stimulus leading to
let Goddard read it before publishing it. 22 the formation of the G A L C I T Rocket Research
Project was Sanger's work in Vienna. 27 Like God-
O n 7 June 1938,1 wrote home: dard, our group at first believed that the most
Had lunch at the Atheneaum with the head of the A.P. promising practical application of rocket propul-
science news service last Wednesday. He is making a trip sion would be a sounding rocket for research of
across the country looking for the spectacular. He saw the upper atmosphere, which was of interest at Cal-
Goddard and was impressed. Judging by his writeup of what tech in connection with cosmic ray studies and
he saw, Goddard is almost at the same place he was 2 years
ago. We find it difficult to understand Goddard's method of
with meteorology requirements. Actually it did not
attack of the whole research. Don't think it is the result of turn out this way, for the first application of rocket
personal jealousy on our part. It would be to our benefit if power we successfully made was in assisting the
he did get something significant.23 takeoff of aircraft.
O n 26 September 1938,1 wrote: Our group studied and repeated some of God-
dards' work with smokeless-powder impulse-type
The research is bogged down; however, some interesting motors, upon which he had reported in his Smith-
news was brought by Karman from New York. By the way, sonian report of 1919.28 Work on this type of solid-
for some reason he thought I was going to be at the meeting
in Boston. While in New York Karmdn and Clark Millikan propellant rocket motor was, however, dropped by
had a conference with Guggenheim and Goddard upon the the group in 1939 in favor of developing one of the
latter's invitation.2* It seems Goddard is beginning to believe constant-pressure, constant-thrust type. Goddard's
that perhaps our group may be of some use to him. Karman smokeless powder rocket engine did, however, find
told him that we would be glad to co-operate with him if he application in armament rockets during World
kept no secrets from us. Don't know what will develop.
Goddard may come to Pasadena in a couple of months.2s
War II.
T o the best of my recollection, we studied only
Von Karman, in The Wind and Beyond writes: a few of the patents Goddard had taken out up to
The trouble with secrecy is that one can easily go in the that time. As is well known, patents are not equiva-
wrong direction and never know it. I heard, for instance, that lent to know-how and rarely provide the analytical
Goddard spent three or four years developing a gyroscope for basis for engineering design. His publications, to-
his sounding rocket. This is a waste of time, because a high- gether with those of Tsiolkovskiy, Esnault-Pelterie,
altitude rocket does not need a complex tool like a gyroscope
Oberth, and Sanger, provided important leads, but
for stabilization in flight. At the start, the rocket can be
stabilized by a launching tower somewhat taller than the one much work remained to be done before rocket
Goddard actually used. After emerging from the tower, if it engines became a useful reality.
has been boosted to enough speed, it can be stabilized accu- There is no doubt that had Goddard been willing
rately enough with fixed fins. Malina and his Jet Propulsion to co-operate with our Caltech group, his many
Laboratory team demonstrated this in 1945 when they
years of experience would have had a strong in-
launched the WAC Corporal, America's first successful high-
altitude rocket, to a height of 250,000 feet. fluence on our work. As it happened, our group
I believe Goddard became bitter in his later years because independently initiated the development of liquid
he had had no real success with rockets, while Aerojet- and solid propellants different from those that
General Corporation and other organizations were making an Goddard studied. When finally in 1944 I initiated
industry out of them. There is no direct line from Goddard the construction of the WAC Corporal sounding
to present-day rocketry. He is on a branch that died. He was
an inventive man and had a good scientific foundation, but
rocket at the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, it bore
he was not a creator of science, and he took himself too little technical relation to Goddard's sounding
seriously. If he had taken others into his confidence, I think rocket of 1936, about which we still did not have
he would have developed workable high-altitude rockets and any detailed information.
his achievements would have been greater than they were.
But not listening to, or communicating with, other qualified
people hindered his accomplishments.26 Research Undertaken by the Group

With this background to the relations between On 31 October 1936, the first try of the portable
Goddard and the Project, a summary of his effect on test equipment was made for the gaseous-oxygen-
NUMBER 10 119

methyl-alcohol rocket motor in the area of the Rose Bowl, where we found an ideal location. Besides Parsons
Arroyo Seco back of Devil's Gate Dam, on the and me, there were two students working in the N.Y.A. work-
ing for us. It was 1:00 p.m. before all our holes were dug,
western edge of Pasadena, California, a stone's sand bags filled, and equipment minutely checked. By then
throw from the present-day Jet Propulsion Labora- Carlos Wood and Rockefeller had arrived with two of the
tory. I learned several years later from Clarence N. box type movie cameras for recording the action of the motor.
Hickman that he and Goddard had conducted Bill Bollay and his wife also came to watch from behind the
smokeless-powder armament rocket experiments at dump.
this same location during World War I. Very many things happened that will teach us what to do
next time. The most excitement took place on the last "shot"
On 1 November, I wrote home as follows: when the oxygen hose, for some reason, ignited and swung
This has been a very busy week. We made our first test on around on the ground, 40 feet from us. We all tore out
the rocket motor yesterday. It is almost inconceivable how across the country wondering if our check valves would work.
much there is to be done and thought of to make as simple Unfortunately Carlos and Rocky had to leave just before this
a test as we made. We have been thinking about it for about "shot" so that we have no record on film of what happened.
6 months now, although we had to get all the equipment As a whole the test was successful.29
together in two days, not by choice, but because there are
classes, and hours in the wind tunnel to be spent. Friday we A number of tests were made with this transport-
drove back and forth to Los Angeles picking up pressure able experimental setup (see Figures 2 and 3); the
tanks, fittings and instruments. Saturday morning at 3:30 a.m.
last one on 16 January 1937 when the motor ran
we felt the setup was along far enough to go home and
snatch 3 hours of sleep. At 9:00 a.m. an Institute truck took for 44 seconds at a chamber pressure of 75 pounds
our heaviest parts to the Arroyo, about 3 miles above the per square inch.30

/^ ""*
FIGURE 2.—-Members of GALCIT rocket research group during early test (1936): from left,
Rudolf Schott, Apollo M. O. Smith, Frank J. Malina, the late Edward S. Forman (died 1973), and
the late John W. Parsons.
120 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

COOLING
WATIR,

PuoTec-rive
'BARRIER fo«
OBSERVERS

FIGURE 3.—Schematic diagram of test setup similar to one used by GALCIT rocket research
group on 11 November 1936. Propellant was gaseous oxygen/methyl alcohol.

In March 1937, Smith and I completed our analy- Glendale a n d Caltech by bicycle, brought the first
sis of the flight performance of a constant-thrust 500 dollars for our project in one- and five-dollar
sounding rocket. T h e results were so encouraging bills in a bundle wrapped in newspaper! We never
that our Project obtained from von Karman the learned how he h a d accumulated them. When I
continued moral support of G A L C I T . W e were placed the bundle on the desk of C. B. Millikan
authorized to conduct small-scale rocket motor with the question "How do we open a fund at Cal-
tests in the laboratory. This permitted us to reduce tech for our project?," he was flabbergasted.
the time we wasted putting u p a n d taking down What has been called the original GALCIT
the transportable equipment we h a d used in the rocket research group was now complete. It con-
Arroyo Seco. Von Karman also asked me to give a sisted of Parsons, Forman, Smith, Tsien, Arnold,
report on the results of our first year's work at the and myself. In June 1937, studies made by the
G A L C I T seminar at the end of April. group u p to that time, including Bollay's paper
T h e unexpected result of the seminar was the of 1935, were collected together into what our
offer of the first financial support for our Project. group called its "bible." 31
Weld Arnold (1895-1962), then an assistant in the T h e "bible" contained the following papers:
Astrophysical Laboratory at Caltech, came to me 1. "Proposed Investigations of the GALCIT
and said that in return for his being permitted to Rocket Research Project; Discussions of Labora-
work with our group as a photographer he would tory for Conducting Tests, a n d Reports of Ex-
make a contribution of $1,000 for our work. His periments Conducted during the Fall of 1936,"
offer was accepted with alacrity, for our Project was by F. J. Malina, 10 April 1937.
destitute. 2. "Analysis of the Rocket Motor," by F. J. Malina,
This enabled Parsons and me to give u p our 10 April 1937.
effort to write an anti-war novel with a plot, of 3. " T h e Effect of Angle of Divergence of Nozzle
course, revolving around the work of a group of on the Thrust of a Rocket Motor; Ideal Cycle
rocket engineers. We had hoped to sell it for a of a Rocket Motor; Ideal Rocket Efficiency and
large sum to a Hollywood studio as a basis for a Ideal Thrust; Calculation of Chamber Tempera-
movie script to support the work of the project! ture with Dissociation," by H . S. Tsien, 29 May
This was of some relief to me, for I could then 1937.
spend less time in Parson's house, where he was 4. "A Consideration of the Applicability of Vari-
accumulating tetranitromethane in his kitchen. ous Substances as Fuels for J e t Propulsion," by
Arnold, who commuted the five miles between J. W. Parsons, 10 J u n e 1937.
NUMBER 10 121

5. "Rocket Performance" (Rocket Shell as a Body We selected the combination of methyl alcohol
of Revolution), by F. J. Malina and A. M. O. and nitrogen tetroxide for our initial try. Our
Smith, 15 April 1937. first mishap occurred when Smith and I were trying
6. "Performance of the Rocket Plane," by W. to get a quantity of the nitrogen tetroxide from a
Bollay (1935). cylinder that we had placed on the lawn in front
of Caltech's Gates Chemistry Building. T h e valve
T h e paper on the performance of a sounding
on the cylinder jammed, causing a fountain of
rocket by Smith and myself became in 1938 the
the corrosive liquid to erupt from the cylinder all
first paper published by the Institute of Aero-
over the lawn. This left a brown patch there for
nautical Sciences (now American Institute of Aero-
nautics and Astronautics) in the field of rocket several weeks, to the irritation of the gardener.
flight.32 Smith and I had worked on this paper When we finally tried an experiment with the
for many days and nights. O n 13 December 1937, motor on the pendulum, there was a misfire, with
I wrote home: the result that a cloud of nitrogen tetroxide and
alcohol permeated most of GALCIT, leaving be-
Smith and I were much disappointed last week when we hind a thin layer of rust on much of the permanent
found a French paper with a study similar to ours. >Have equipment of the Laboratory. We were told to
decided not to send our paper to France. (REP-Hirsch Prize
competition). The finding does not affect the N.Y.
move our apparatus outside the building at once.
presentation. Thereafter we also were known at Caltech as the
Caltech has been rather unlucky in having other men beat "Suicide Squad."
them to publication. My room-mate [Martin Summer field] We remounted the pendulum in the open from
also has the same misfortune.33
the roof of the building and obtained a limited
The French paper referred to above was "Les Fusses amount of useful information. We made the first,
volantes m£t£orologiques" published in October or one of the first, experiments in America with a
1936 by Willy Ley and Herbert Schaefer in rocket motor using a storable liquid oxidizer. On
L'Aerophile.34 Smith's and my paper was, however, the basis of this experience with nitrogen tetroxide,
more general in discussing the influence of design Parsons later developed red-fuming nitric acid as a
parameters, and more suitable for application to storable oxidizer which is still being used today.
particular cases of a sounding rocket propelled by Although rocket research unavoidably involves
a constant-thrust rocket engine. My paper on the experimentation of a dangerous nature, to my
analysis of the rocket motor, including Tsien's knowledge no one has suffered a fatal injury u p
calculation of the effect of the angle of divergence to the present day at JPL. Unfortunately, Parsons's
of the exhaust nozzle on the thrust of a rocket familiarity with explosives led to contempt, and
motor, was published by the Journal of the Frank- in 1952, when moving his Pasadena home labora-
lin Institute in 1940.35 T h e paper by Parsons led tory to Mexico, he dropped a fulminate of mercury
eventually to the development of red fuming nitric cap which exploded and killed him. I wish to take
acid as a storable oxidizer, and he also anticipated this occasion to express my appreciation for his
the use of boron hydride as a fuel.36 Many of his work, which was of great significance in the history
suggestions were incorporated in patents which he of the development of American rocket technology,
and I prepared in 1943 and assigned to the Aerojet- both as regards storable liquid propellants and
General Corporation of which we were co-founders composite solid propellants. 38
in 1942.37 During this period Tsien and I continued our
When von Karman gave the group permission to theoretical studies of the thermodynamic charac-
make small-scale experiments of rocket motors at teristics of a rocket motor. T o check our results,
GALCIT, we decided to mount a motor and pro- steps were taken to design and construct a test
pellant supply on a bob of a 50-foot ballistic stand for a small rocket motor burning gaseous
pendulum, using the deflection of the pendulum oxygen and ethylene gas. Von Karman reviewed our
to measure thrust. T h e pendulum was suspended plans and agreed that we could build the apparatus,
from the third floor of the Laboratory with the shown in Figures 4 and 5, on a platform on the
bob in the basement. It was planned to make tests eastern side of GALCIT. In 1939 this apparatus
with various oxidizer-fuel combinations. exploded. I escaped serious injury only because
122 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

CVUNOER LINE
PRESSURE PRESSURt

i—Uo
0j> (RO*»M)
al
CONTROL VALVES
BATTERY ^

PRESSURE D R O P
IN TANKS 2AND 3 COMPRESSED
\ A.R

V
Cfe FLOWMETER

/i> THRUST
MOTOR V INDICATOR

C2H4FLO*MME.TER ( S E E CL FLOWMETER)

HHHH—i
TRANSPORMCR HO
AC

CONTKOU VALVES
C
^—^l *0 I j

(P) (F.NE) (P)

LINE.
PRESSURE

FIGURE 4.—Schematic diagram of GALCIT rocket motor test stand at California Institute of
Technology.

von Karman had called me to bring a typewriter believe) on an oxy-acetylene torch and play it over a specimen
to his home. Parsons and Forman were shaken up for one minute. Some super refractories spalled and popped
like a pan of popcorn and some just melted. You obtained
but unhurt. a y2" cube of molybdenum and I tested that. It did not melt,
Smith made simple experiments to determine the but when I removed the neutral protecting atmosphere of
material from which we should make the exhaust the torch, before my very eyes I watched it literally go up in
nozzle of the motor. He describes these experiments smoke. While cooling, it dwindled from about a y2" cube to
as follows in a recent letter to me: a 14" cube giving off a dense white smoke. As part of this
phase you and I visited the Vitrefax Corporation in Hunting-
Sometime, perhaps in the 1937-1938 school year, perhaps ton Park to get help from them about super refractories. One
before [it was in the spring of 1938], we began investigation important refractory was forcefully brought to our attention.
of materials—ceramics, metals, carborundum, etc. I developed We watched them make mullite and saw large graphite
a standard simple test. I would use the largest tip (No. 10, I electrodes working unscathed in large pots of boiling super
NUMBER 10 123

FIGURE 5.—Overall view of G A L C I T test stand at

Caltech (top), details of control panel (center), and
ethylene tanks m o u n t e d in balance structure (bottom).
From Popular Mechanics (August 1940).
124 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

refractory. This opened our eyes to the possibilities of graph- in a combustion chamber in cigarette fashion. Par-
ite. It tested well under the torch. Later, shortly before I left
sons decided first to try extending the burning time
Caltech in June 1938, I happened to try the torch on a
1/2" x 2" x 12" long piece of copper bar stock. The torch of the black-powder pyrotechnic skyrocket. He
could not hurt this piece at all and this test opened our finally constructed a modified black-powder 12-
eyes to the possibilities of massive copper for resisting heat. 39 second, 28-pound-thrust rocket unit in 1941.46 T h e
results of L. Damblanc of France with black-powder
T h e first combustion chamber liner and exhaust
rockets published in 1935 were known to us. 47
nozzle of the motor were made of electrode graphite.
During the summer of 1938, Smith began work-
Later the exhaust nozzle was made of copper. An
ing in the engineering department of the Douglas
experiment made in May 1938, at a chamber pres-
Aircraft Company, where he is still employed.
sure of 300 pounds per square inch for a period
Arnold left Caltech for New York, and completely
of one minute, showed that the graphite had with-
vanished as far as we were concerned. It was not
stood the temperature and that the exhaust nozzle
until 1959 that I learned that he was a member
throat, which was 0.138 inch in diameter, suffered
of the Board of Trustees of the University of
only an enlargement of 0.015 inch. 40 T h e motor Nevada. We then corresponded until his death in
delivered a thrust of the order of 5 pounds. 1962. Tsien was able to devote less time to the
In March 1938, A. Bartocci in Italy published work of the project, as he was completing his
the results of his extensive experiments with a doctorate under von Karman. I struggled on with
rocket motor of dimensions similar to ours with Parsons and Forman, little suspecting that in the
cold oxygen gas. 41 His results were in close agree- next few months the project would become a full-
ment with the theoretical analysis which Tsien fledged G A L C I T activity supported financially by
and I had made. A report of the first series of the Federal government.
experiments with our apparatus is contained in
We also had less time to devote to rocket research,
my doctorate thesis of 1940.42 for we had to support ourselves. Parsons and For-
In the winter of 1938, Tsien and I also extended man took part-time jobs with the Halifax Powder
the study, by Smith and me, of the performance Company in the California Mojave Desert, and I
of a sounding rocket to the case of propulsion began to do some work on problems of wind ero-
by successive impulses from a constant-volume sion of soil with von Karman for the Soil Con-
solid propellant rocket engine. 43 We had reviewed servation Service of the U.S. Department of Agri-
Goddard's 1919 paper on "A Method of Reaching culture. 48
Extreme Altitudes" 44 and decided to find a math-
T h e work of the group on rocket research at
ematical solution for the flight calculation problem, GALCIT, from the beginning, attracted the atten-
which Goddard had not carried out. We did this tion of newspapers and popular scientific journals.
in spite of the difficult practical problem of devising Since our work was not then classified as "secret,"
a reloading mechanism for such a rocket engine, we were not averse to discussing with journalists
for at that time no propulsion method could be our plans and results. There were times that we
discounted. were abashed by the sensational interpretations
Parsons and Forman built a smokeless powder given of our work, for we tended to be, if any-
constant-volume combustion rocket motor similar thing, too conservative in our estimates of its
to the one tested by Goddard. With it they extended implications. 49
Goddard's results. 45 T o my knowledge, no practical
T h e fact that our work was having a real impact
solution has ever been found for a long-duration
in America came from two sources. In May 1938,
solid-propellant rocket engine using the impulse
von Karman had received an inkling that the U.S.
technique. T h e use of impulses from small atomic
explosions has been considered; however, no actual Army Air Corps (now the U.S. Air Force) was
tests of such a system have been as yet reported. becoming interested in rocket propulsion; as I will
T h e negative conclusions we reached as regards indicate later, however, it was only at the end of
the practicability of devising an impulse-system the year that we learned why.
rocket engine for long duration propulsion made us T h e n in August 1938, Ruben Fleet, president of
turn to the study of the possibility of developing the Consolidated Aircraft Company of San Diego,
a composite solid propellant which would b u r n California, approached G A L C I T for information
NUMBER 10 125

on the possibility of using rockets for assisting the "Facts and Fancies of Rockets" at a Caltech
take-off of large aircraft, especially flying boats. I luncheon of the Society of the Sigma Xi, I was in-
went to San Diego to discuss the matter, and pre- formed by von Karman, R. A. Millikan, and Max
pared a report, " T h e Rocket Motor and its Applica- Mason that I was to go to Washington, D. C , to
tion as an Auxiliary to the Power Plants of Con- give expert information to the National Academy
ventional Aircraft," no in which I concluded that of Sciences Committee on Army Air Corps Re-
the rocket engine was particularly adaptable for search. R. A. Millikan and von Karman were
assisting the take-off of aircraft, ascending to operat- members of this Committee.
ing altitude and reaching high speeds. T h e Con- One of the subjects on which Gen. H. A. Arnold,
solidated Aircraft Company appears to have been then Commanding General of the Army Air Corps,
the first American commercial organization to asked the Academy to give advice was the possible
recognize the potential importance of rocket assisted use of rockets for the assisted take-off of heavily
aircraft take-off. It was not, however, until 1943 loaded aircraft. In response, I prepared a "Report
that liquid-propellant rocket engines, constructed on Jet Propulsion for the National Academy of
by the Aerojet-General Corporation, were tested in Sciences Committee on Air Corps Research," which
a Consolidated Aircraft Company flying boat on contained the following parts: (1) Fundamental
San Diego Bay.51 concepts, (2) Classification of types of jet propulsors,
In October 1938, a senior officer of the U.S. Army (3) Possible applications of jet propulsion in con-
Ordnance Division paid a visit to Caltech, and nection with heavier-than-air craft, (4) Present state
informed our group that on the basis of the Army's of development of jet propulsion, and (5) Research
experience with rockets he thought there was little program for developing jet propulsion. 53 T h e word
possibility of using them for military purposes! "rocket" was still in such bad repute in "serious"
I had learned during the year of the REP-Hirsch scientific circles at this time that it was felt advisable
International Astronautical Prize, which was ad- by von Karman and myself to follow the precedent
ministered by the Astronautics Committee of the of the Air Corps of dropping the use of the word.
Societe Astronomique de France. T h e prize, named It did not return to our vocabulary until several
for the French astronautical pioneer Robert Es- years later, by which time the word "jet" had
nault-Pelterie (REP) and the banker rocket-en- become part of the name of our laboratory (JPL)
thusiast of Paris, AndreVLouis Hirsch (1900-1962), and of the Aerojet-General Corporation.
consisted of a medal and a cash sum of 1000 francs. I presented my report to the Committee on
As the money contributed by Arnold was rapidly 28 December 1938, and shortly thereafter the
being used up, I decided to enter the competition Academy accepted von Karman's offer to study,
by sending a paper on some of my work in the with our G A L C I T Rocket Research Group, the
hope of augmenting the funds of the Project. Not problem of the assisted take-off of aircraft on the
until 1946, when in Prague, did I learn that the basis of available information, and to prepare a
prize had been awarded to me in 1939.52 T h e out-
proposal for a research program. A sum of 1,000
break of the Second World War in Europe had
dollars was provided for this work. It is interesting
prevented the Astronautics Committee from notify-
to note that when Caltech obtained the first gov-
ing me. In 1958, Andrew G. Haley (1904-1966),
ernmental support for rocket research, Jerome C.
then president of the International Astronautical
Hunsaker of the Massachusetts Institute of Tech-
Federation, arranged for the medal to be presented
to me by AndreVLouis Hirsch at the IXth Inter- nology, who offered to study the de-icing problem
national Astronautical Congress at Amsterdam, but of windshields, which was then a serious aircraft
by then the prize was worth a fraction of its former problem, told von Karman, "You can have the
value. As it turned out, however, government sup- Buck Rogers' job." 54
port for our rocket research was forthcoming before Parsons and Forman were delighted when I
the contribution of Arnold was spent, and when returned from Washington with the news that the
I left J P L to work at UNESCO in Paris in 1946, work we had done during the past three years was
300 dollars still remained in the Arnold fund. to be rewarded by being given government financial
In December 1938, after giving a talk entitled support, and that von Karman would join us as
126 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

director of the program. W e could even expect to Laboratory," in The History of Rocket Technology, edited by
be paid for doing our rocket research! Eugene M. Emme (Detroit: Wayne State University Press,
1964), pp. 46-66; and "The Rocket Pioneers," Engineering
T h u s in 1939 the G A L C I T Rocket Research
and Science, vol. 31, no. 5 (February 1968), pp. 9-13 and 30-32.
Project became the Air Corps Jet Propulsion Re- 7. Th. von Karman and F. J. Malina, "Los Comienzos de la
search Project. In 1944 I prepared a proposal for Astronautica," ch. 1 in Ciencia y tecnologia del espacio
the creation of a section of jet propulsion within (Madrid: I.N.T.A.E.T., 1967). F. J. Malina, "A Short History
the Division of Engineering at Caltech. It was of Rocket Propusion up to 1954," in O. E. Lancaster, Jet Pro-
pulsion Engines, vol. 12, High Speed Aerodynamics and Jet
decided that it would be premature to do so.
Propulsion (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1959).
Instead, von Karman and I founded J P L . Of the 8. See note 4.
original G A L C I T Rocket Research G r o u p only I 9. Th. von Karman, "Jet Assisted Take-off," Interavia, vol.
remained at Caltech during the whole period, 7, 1952, pp. 376-79; and The Wind and Beyond (see note 2),
although Tsien had returned from M.I.T. in 1943 pp. 236-38.
10. The Wind and Beyond, pp. 234-35 and 238-40.
to work with us again. Parsons and Forman were
11. "Undergraduates Plan Rocket Study with New Society,"
employed, beginning in 1942, by the Aerojet-Gen- Science Newsletter, vol. 31, 8 May 1937, p. 296; and "Notes
eral Corporation; Smith was at the Douglas Air- and News," Astronautics, no. 39, January 1938, pp. 2 and 16.
craft Company; and Arnold's whereabouts were 12. Milton Lehman, This High Man (New York: Farrar,
then unknown to us. Straus and Co., 1963), pp. 234-35.
13. Esther C. Goddard and G. Edward Pendray, Editors,
In conclusion, I wish to express my appreciation
The Papers of Robert H. Goddard (New York: McGraw-Hill
to William Bollay and A. M. O. Smith for their Book Company, 1970) (hereafter cited as Papers), vol. 2, pp.
help to me during the preparation of this memoir, 665, 746, 804-06, 834, 919; and vol. 3, pp. 1199, 1353.
to Mrs. Robert H . Goddard for granting me per- 14. "Excerpts from Letters Written Home by Frank J.
mission to quote from my correspondence with her Malina Between 1936 and 1946," (unpublished; hereafter cited
as Letters).
husband, to Lee Edson for providing me with
15. Goddard, Papers, 2:1012-13, 1023.
text from T h . von Karman's autobiography before
16. See note 12.
its publication, and to George S. James for retriev- 17. Robert H. Goddard, "Liquid-Propellant Rocket Devel-
ing several references and illustrations used in the opment," Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 95, no.
text. 3, 10 pp., 11 pis., 16 March 1936.
18. Goddard, Papers, vol. 2, p. 1027.
19. In Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 71, no. 2,
NOTES
December 1919.
Under the title O nauchno issledovatel'skoy rabote gruppi 20. Goddard, Papers, vol. 2, pp. 1089-91.
GALCIT v 1936-1938, this paper appeared on pages 69-84 of 21. See note 20.
Iz istorii astronavtihi i raketnoi tekhnihi: Materialy XVIII 22. Letters (note 14).
mezhdunarodnogo aslronavticheskogo kongressa, Belgrad, 25- 23. Letters (note 14).
29 Sentyavrya 1967 [From the History of Rockets and Astro- 24. Goddard, Papers, vol. 3, p. 1199.
nautics: Materials of the 18th International Astronautical 25. Letters (note 14).
Congress, Belgrade, 25-29 September 1967], Moscow: Nauka, 26. The Wind and Beyond (see note 2), pp. 240-242.
1970. 27. See note 4.
1. Guggenheim Aeronautical Laboratory—The First 28. See note 19; also John W. Parsons and Edward S.
Twenty-Five Years (Pasadena: California Institute of Tech- Forman, "Experiments with Powder Motors for Rocket Pro-
nology, 1954). pulsion by Successive Impulses," Astronautics, no. 43 (August
2. Theodore von Karman (with Lee Edson), The Wind and 1939), pp. 4-11.
Beyond (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1967). 29. Letters (note 14).
3. Frank L. Wattendorf and Frank J. Malina, "Theodore 30. "Schematic Diagram of GALCIT Proving Stand," Astro-
von Karman, 1881-1963," Astronautica Acta, vol. 10, p. 81, nautics, no. 41 (July 1938), p. 1; and, same issue, F. J. Malina,
1964. "Rocketry in California, Plans and Progress of the GALCIT
4. Eugen Sanger, "Neuere Ergebnisse der Rakenflugtech- Rocket Research Group," pp. 3-6.
nik," Flug, Sonderheft 1 (December 1934), Vienna, H. Pittner. 31. F. J. Malina, Hsue Shen Tsien, Apollo M. O. Smith,
5. William Bollay, "Performance of the Rocket Plane," and William Bollay, "Report of the GALCIT Rocket Re-
GALCIT Rocket Research Project, Report 5, 27 March 1935; search Project," Report RRP-1, Guggenheim Aeronautical
"Rocket Plane Visualized Flying 1200 Miles an Hour," Los Laboratory, California Institute of Technology, 1937,
Angeles Times, 27 March 1935. unpublished.
6. F. J. Malina, "The Jet Propulsion Laboratory: Its Ori- 32. F. J. Malina and A. M. O. Smith, "Flight Analysis of a
gins and First Decade of Work," Spaceflight, September 1964, Sounding Rocket," Journal of the Aeronautical Sciences, vol.
pp. 160-65; "Origins and First Decade of the Jet Propulsion 5, 1938, pp. 199-202.
NUMBER 10 127

33. Letters (note 14). 48. The Wind and Beyond (note 2), pp. 206-07.
34. Willy Ley and Herbert Schaefer, "Les Fusees volantes 49. See note 5 and "Designs Rocket Ship to Fly at 4,400
meteorologiques," L'Aerophile, vol. 44, 1936, pp. 228-32. Miles an Hour," Chicago Daily News, 12 April 1935; "Pasa-
35. F. J. Malina, "Characteristics of the Rocket Motor Unit dena Men Aim at Rocket Altitude Mark," Pasadena Star
Based on the Theory of Perfect Gases," Journal of the News, 15 July 1938; Scholer Bangs, "Rocket Altitude Record
Franklin Institute, vol. 230, no. 4, 1940, pp. 433-54. Sought," Los Angeles Examiner, 15 July 1938; William S.
36. J. W. Parsons, "A Consideration of the Practicability of Barton, "Our Expanding Universe," Los Angeles Times, 26
Various Substances as Fuels for Jet Propulsion," GALCIT November 1939; and "Seeking Power for Space Rockets,"
Rocket Research Project, Report 7, 10 June 1937, unpub- Popular Mechanics, August 1940, pp. 210-13.
lished. 50. F. J. Malina. "The Rocket Motor and Its Application
37. F. J. Malina and J. W. Parsons, U. S. Patents 2,573,471, as an Auxiliary to the Power Plants of Conventional Air-
2,693,077, and 2,774,214. Originally filed 8 May 1943.
craft," GALCIT Rocket Research Project, Report 2, 24
38. See note 6.
August 1938, unpublished.
39. A. M. O. Smith in letter to the author, 29 December
1966. 51. C. W. Schnare, "Development of ATO and Engines for
40. See note 2 and also 42, below. Manned Rocket Aircraft," American Rocket Society, Preprint
41. A. Bartocci, "La forza di reazioni neU'efflusso di gas," 2088-61, p. 7; and R. C. Stiff, Jr., "Storable Liquid Rockets,"
L'Aerotecnica, March 1938. American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics, Preprint
42. F. J. Malina, Doctor's Thesis, California Institute of 67-977, p. 2 and fig. 11.
Technology, 1940. 52. Prix et medailles descernes par la Societe, Bulletin de la
43. H. S. Tsien and F. J. Malina, "Flight Analysis of a Societe Astronomique de France, vol. 53, 1939, p. 296.
Sounding Rocket with Special Reference to Propulsion by 53. F. J. Malina, "Report on Jet Propulsion for the Na-
Successive Impulses," Journal of the Aeronautical Sciences, tional Academy of Sciences Committee on Air Corps Re-
vol. 6, 1938, pp. 50-58. search," (Jet Propulsion Laboratory Report, Misc. No. 1),
44. See note 19. 21 December 1938 (unpublished).
45. See Goddard, Papers, vol. 3, p. 1199; and The Wind 54. Review by Th. von Karman of C. M. Bolster, "Assisted
and Beyond (note 2), pp. 240-42. Take-off of Aircraft" (James Jackson Cabot Fund Lecture,
46. See note 6. Norwich University, Northfield, Vermont, Publication no. 9,
47. Louis Damblanc, "Les fusees autopropulsives a explo- 1950.—Ed.), Journal of the American Rocket Society, no. 85,
sifs," L'Aerophile, vol. 43, 1935, pp. 205-09, 241-47. June 1951, p. 92; The Wind and Beyond (note 2), p. 243.
 13

My Contributions to Astronautics

HERMANN OBERTH, German Federal Republic

As a boy of eleven during the winter of 1905-06, Nevertheless, I soon saw that space flight in this
I read Jules Verne's From the Earth to the Moon way was impossible. Apart from all questions of
and A Trip around the Moon. If we disregard technical rationality there was one physiological
the novelistic side of these books, the following impossibility. Sitting in a car which is accelerating,
essential parts remain: Three travelers were shot we are pressed back in our seats. T h e greater the
in a projectile to the moon with a giant gun, acceleration, the more intense the pressure. If the
called the "Columbiade." It was planned to fall acceleration were as great as that of free fall, that
onto the moon, easing the fall with powder rockets. is, 9.8 m/sec 2 , the pressure experienced by a body
Since the book was written in 1860, other types would equal its own weight. With increasing ac-
of rockets were unknown. T h e projectile, however, celeration, the ratio would increase. Assuming it
missed the moon and returned in an astronomically were possible to reach a velocity of 11,000 m/sec
impossible, but literally very interesting, trajectory at a distance of 300 m, this pressure would be
to the earth, falling onto the Pacific from which more than 20,000 times as much as the passenger's
it was recovered. own weight.
I was fascinated by the idea of space flight, and Against this handicap Jules Verne proposed a
even more so, because I succeeded in verifying the water buffer; and he succeeded with it, too—on
magnitude of the escape velocity. Although I had paper, at least! Actually, this solution would be
not yet learned anything about infinitesimal cal- worthless, since man's internal organs could not
culus, by that time I did have the following in- tolerate this acceleration. Therefore, shooting some-
formation: In high school we had learned the one into space with a gun would not work, and
laws of free fall. Moreover, we had learned that I had to look for different kinds of space ships.
at an altitude of 6370 km (two radii away from Aside from some impracticable ideas, I was
the center of the earth) gravity is only a quarter, pushed more and more towards rocket propulsion.
and at an altitude of n radii from the center it is I cannot say that I favored it very much, because
only \/n2 as great as it is on the surface of the of the danger of explosion. I was also worried about
earth (one radius distance from the center). I then the disproportion between the propellant to be
divided the distance into intervals so small that taken along and the rest of the mass of the space-
gravity could virtually be considered as a constant, craft; but I saw no other way out.
and I calculated the velocity increase for the Jules Verne's idea of retarding the fall onto the
greatest accelerations in these intervals. T h e n I did moon by rockets had surprised me very much in
the same for the smallest accelerations of gravity the beginning, because there was nothing the escap-
in these intervals. In this manner, I found that the ing gas could push against. But, I said to myself:
escape velocity of 12,000 yards per second, which When someone jumps from a boat to the shore,
Jules Verne had used, was indeed within these the boat will receive an impulse in the opposite
two limits. Likewise I found that the time of flight direction. If we place a pole in outer space, away
was correct, if it is assumed that the projectile from the earth's atmosphere and field of gravita-
was traveling at minimum velocity. tion, and move it in a certain direction with a

129
130 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

certain speed, it will maintain its direction and ments. In order to accomplish something with
speed as long as nothing else happens. But, when my time, I pondered the theoretical problems of
a space pilot, sitting on the pole, cuts little pieces rocket technology and space travel, and attempted
off the end of the pole, and throws them backwards, to solve some of them. No one of whom I had
then not only will these small pieces change their knowledge had done so thoroughly. Dr. Goddard
speed, but also the remaining part of the pole will in 1919, for instance, wrote that it would be im-
get an impulse in the opposite direction. T h e for- possible to express for a rocket trajectory the
ward speed of the pole will be increased less if interactions of propellant consumption, exhaust
the cut-off pieces are small and move slowly, and velocity, air drag, influence of gravity, etc., in closed
more if the pieces are large and move at high speed. numerical equations. 1 In 1910 I had begun to
In the same way, the increase in speed would be investigate these mathematical relationships and
equally high if, instead of one big piece, many small to derive the equations; these investigations were
pieces were to be exhausted or thrown off. It does completed by 1929.
not matter whether these pieces push against some- One of my first discoveries was the optimum
thing, or whether they sail through the vacuum speed at which losses in performance, caused by
of space. There would also be an increase in speed air drag and gravity, were reduced to a minimum.
if the thrown-off parts were gas molecules. T h e in- I found this by a sort of differentiation process
crease can be considerable when large quantities of and called the term v. When a rocket rises per-
gas are exhausted at high speed. pendicularly to the earth's surface with the velocity
In general, it is not as important how much v, the air drag is equal to the weight of the rocket.
knowledge a person has, but, rather, what he does If the rocket rises faster, it has to fight against its
with his knowledge. In this sense, there were many weight for a shorter time; but since the air drag
stumbling blocks in the field of rocketry. Knowl- increases with the square of the velocity, the total
edgeable engineers and even university professors losses are greater; and if it rises too slowly, it has
had postulated that repulsion would not work in to fight against its own weight for a longer time.
a vacuum. I nevertheless continued in my belief
All rockets built before 1920 had flown too fast.
that it would prove out in actual fact. There was
Early rockets also were not large enough, for there
even a colonel, head of the German Missile Post
is a kind of competition between the weight of the
in East Prussia, who in 1927 tried to prove the
rocket and the air density. If, or example, vc — 2gH,
impossibility of space travel. Among other things,
then the optimum speed does not change at all
he said that although the law of the conservation
when the rocket rises. Consequently the rocket
of the center of gravity was valid, the gas would
can only escape from the atmosphere if the ratio
expand so much in outer space that it would
between takeoff mass and burnout mass is infinite;
lose its entire mass and therefore would not have
that is, if the propellant weighed infinitely as
any moment of inertia. T o the contrary, I main-
much as the rest of the rocket. In this equation c
tained that a pound of propellant would always
denotes the exhaust velocity, H the height at which
remain a pound of propellant, no matter how
the air pressure will have decreased to \/e, which
much space into which it might expand.
is 1 divided by the base of natural logarithms
From 1910 to 1912, I learned infinitesimal cal-
(1/2.71828 = 0.36788 of the initial value), and g
culus in the Bischof-Teutsch-Gymnasium in Schass-
denotes the acceleration of gravity.
burg. This school, more humanistic than scientific
in nature, resembled a car which has only small If the rocket were small, then even U would
headlights in front, but which illuminates very decrease with time: the air does not become thinner
brightly the way it has already traveled, thus help- at the same rate at which the rocket loses weight.
ing light the way for others. I also had bought the T h e rocket will, so to speak, remain stuck in the
book, Mathematik fur Jedermann [Mathematics air. If the rocket, however, is big and heavy, the
for Everybody], by August Shuster, which covered forces caused by the drag will be less in comparison
differential calculus and helped me overcome a to the other forces. In this case, v is higher, and
certain lack of training. the rocket reaches thinner layers of air sooner.
As a student I had little occasion to do experi- For example, a cannon ball will not be retarded
NUMBER 10 131

as much by a headwind as a gun bullet traveling tionship. By the way, I refer intentionally to "an
at the same speed. electronic brain of today," because computer tech-
If the rocket carries enough propellant, the nology is growing at such a fast rate. These ma-
rocket can leave the earth and even escape the chines can compute, in a very short time, certain
earth's field of gravitation. At inclined trajectories common traits that statisticians would require years
the optimum speed is the one at which the air to find out—if they could do it at all. No one can
drag is equal to the weight times the sine of the predict the performance of future computers.
angle at which the rocket rises. T h e rocket at that time resembled a talented
Concerning the propellant taken along, the fol- but poor boy with a small job in a big firm. Since
lowing rule applies: the propellant will be the he is not trained, he cannot work effectively, and
more effective, the higher the exhaust velocity it since he cannot produce in an outstanding manner,
can produce and the more of it that can be carried no one's attention is drawn to him. If some of his
compared to the rest of the rocket mass. In space friends were to say, "He is capable of doing better
with no atmosphere, and no gravitation, the in- work," the people in authority would not believe it.
crease in speed V2— V1 of a rocket would equal its I am thinking of the great but entirely misunder-
exhaust velocity if it were e times (i.e., 2.718) heavier stood German inventor, Hermann Ganswindt, of
with filled tanks than with empty ones. If the ratio whose inventions and tragic fate I did not learn
of the masses were e times e = e2 (7.389), the increase until 1926. He invented the helicopter; the free-
in speed would be v2 — v1 = 2c. At a ratio of e2 times wheeling mechanism; and in 1895(!) he proposed
e, which means a take-off mass 20 times the burn- a space ship powered by rocket propulsion. 4 I am
out mass, v.,— vl = Sc, etc. From this it can be seen also thinking of that Russian high-school teacher,
that v2 — vl can well be greater than c; thus, the Konstantin Eduardovitch Tsiolkovskiy, who in
statement made by Professor Dr. Kirchberger and 1896 also proposed a space ship powered by rocket
Dr. von Dallwitz-Wegner is not correct: " T h e pro- propulsion. 5 H e wasn't recognized until after 1924
pellant does not even contain enough energy to when, working independently, western physicists
lift its own weight beyond the earth's field of had similar ideas. Tsiolkovskiy's editor wrote in
gravitation. How should it be able to take along 1924: "Do we have to import everything that has
the weight of the rocket, too?" 2 already been born in our unmeasurable country and
T h e fact which proves these two professors wrong which had to perish because of neglect?" G
is that the propellant, to a large extent, remains in But I can tell a story myself.
the earth's field of gravitation and gives only part In fall 1917 I made a presentation to the German
of its energy to the rocket in the form of thrust. Ministry of Armament and proposed a long-range
Later on, the requirement for stages developed rocket powered by ethyl alcohol, water, and liquid
out of these formulas. If there is a small rocket on air, somewhat similar to the V-2, only bigger and
top of a big one, and if the big one is jettisoned, not so complicated. In the appendix, I expanded
and the small one is ignited, then their speeds are the principles mentioned in the text and proved
added. Councillor Lorenz, for example, had said them mathematically.
that he never understood this principle. 3 In this In spring 1918 I received my manuscript back.
case, the mass ratios have to be multiplied with T h e reviewer apparently had not read the appendix
each other, and when calculating the lower rocket, at all, for he only answered: "According to experi-
one has to take into account the entire mass of ence these rockets do not fly farther than 7 km,
the upper one as payload. and taking into account the Prussian thoroughness
These are only a few examples. I had entered an which is applied at our missile post, it cannot be
entirely new field of science with these calculations expected that this distance can be surpassed con-
and could, by using my formulas, determine the siderably."
important parameters for building a rocket. This I also experimented at the swimming school at
is the advantage of such algebraic formulas. An Schassburg. I filled a bottle a third to a half full
electronic brain of today will calculate infinitely with different liquids, corked it, and jumped with
faster and more accurately; but it gives only cer- it from a springboard into the water, holding the
tain numerical answers and not the general rela- bottle with its neck down. When I moved the tip
132 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

of the bottle slightly downward near the end of my he does not have to kill the mother's son. In the
free fall, in order to compensate for the retarding same way, we can study the psychological effects of
effect of the air drag, I saw that the liquids floated weightlessness if we know how to simulate it.
freely inside the bottle. While doing these experi- For three years during World War I, I had access
ments, I recognized that a human being could most to all drugs at a hospital and a military pharmaco-
assuredly endure this condition for one to two logical supply station. With the help of these drugs
seconds. It was clear to me that he could endure I numbed the sense of equilibrium in my muscles
weightlessness for days, physically. Whether he also and skin; so that by floating under water with my
could endure it psychologically was questionable. eyes closed; and by using an airhose wound around
However, an experiment which, by the way, almost my body, I could extend the psychological experi-
cost my life, brought me this confirming reassur- ence of weightlessness for hours. I noticed that I
ance. did not become nauseated when using these drugs.
One cold morning in fall 1911 I was all alone in During an actual space flight, a rendezvous maneu-
our swimming pool at the school. While attempting ver does not take more than a couple of hours; and
to cross the pool under water, diagonally, I hit a during the rest of the flight, gravitation can be
wall which seemed almost perpendicular to me. produced by rotation and by centrifugal force. I do
Feeling that I had missed my way, I swam along that not believe in the need of exposing man to unnatu-
wall to the left side until I tried to rise to the sur- ral conditions. In my opinion, it is the aim of tech-
face again—but I could not find the surface any- nology to provide man with conditions in space
where. From several encounters I finally recognized which correspond to his nature. I have been of this
that this "wall" was the bottom. I pressed against opinion since I was young, so no one can talk of
it and got to the surface in time to give you this calcification on my part.
account today. I do not mean to say, however, that the effects on
On my way home I thought about the incident man of weightlessness over long durations should
and concluded that we are informed about our not be studied. Everything suitable for research
orientation in space by (1) the Venier particles in should be investigated scientifically. But a perfect
the vestibule of the inner ear, (2) tensions in the technology should not make man live in adverse
muscles and tissue of our body, and (3) the parts conditions.
of skin against which the ground exerts a pressure. 7 Today we know that there are people who think
Because of the cold water in the pool, and the weightlessness is a pleasant feeling and who have
excess of carbon dioxide in my blood, my equilib- endured it without permanent harm. I am not
rium sensors had become insensitive. For the same surprised, but only puzzled about the little faith
reason, the sensing of the muscles was not entirely that was given to my observations and conclusions
effective any longer; and there was no surface at of so long ago.
all touching the body since it was floating free in After World War I, I changed from medicine to
the water. T h o u g h the Kantian category of "above" physics and turned to some German physicists and
and "below" was not ineffective, the feeling for the engineers with my ideas, but without success.
direction of a perpendicular line was lost. Today, I know why. People are too busy and overly
This meant that I had undergone the psycho- strained. If an ordinary professor wants to do his
logical experience of weightlessness! It was not a job correctly, he first must be very fast at writing
dramatic experience such as jumping off a trampo- and reading, because a publication is expected of
line and experiencing a sudden fall. Rather, it was him every year, no matter whether or not he has
experienced gradually by a numbing of the senses. anything to say. Second, he has to keep up to date
In order to examine psychological effects, it is on his discipline. In the third place, he has to be a
not necessary to create situations by real causes. It manager and a real diplomat to maintain the status
suffices to feign it to our senses. When the mother of his institute. Fourth, he must be talented in
receives the news of her son's death, and believes it, writing and presenting understandable lectures
she will react in exactly the same manner as if he because he has to teach his students. And fifth, he
had died; even if, in fact, he is still alive. Thus, if a has to be gifted as a research scientist; an effort that
psychologist wants to study the effects of such news, exceeds even the gift of inventing something.
NUMBER 10 133

But, which human being is excellently gifted in of a serious scientist to occupy himself with astro-
all these fields and is able to enjoy some of those nautics, especially manned space travel. And he
activities which often provide no monetary return? even carried on a controversy with me in a Salzburg
More could be achieved in science, by far, if periodical.
these matters were separated from each other. In any event, it turned out to be impossible to get
People with a gift or teaching should have no other authoritative scientists to listen to me or to think
obligations than to teach. Research scientists en- about my early proposals. In order to force them to
dowed by God with their gift, should not be both- examine my ideas, I had to turn to interesting the
ered by anything else. And managing should be public in space travel.
left to those born for it. But especially the following T h e results of my investigations had been com-
should be considered: People with a gift for fast piled in a manuscript originally intended only to
and voluminous writing and reading should be prove the possibility of space travel. But then I
employed to record everything currently known in began to fear that I would be reproached with:
manuals. These would be divided like the Bible "Dear friend, what you have calculated is all right,
into books, chapters and verses so that they could but today's technology cannot build such a thing."
be referred to quickly. Yearly supplements should In order to avoid this reproach, I began investigat-
be published and from time to time the manual ing solutions for problems not readily understood
should be revised. I do not have to mention that by an engineer of that day. I continue to be sur-
such manuals should have an alphabetical index prised at how much of my studies has entered
so that the author could quickly find the passage modern space technology. Among them, unfortu-
he wants to refer to. People who perform serious nately, were theoretical things I would have carried
scientific work should be reminded not to write out better had I been doing the development work
about anything already contained in the manual on the rocket. And on the other hand, sometimes
but to refer to all the passages in the manual related I did not want to state everything I knew because
to their particular subject. I did not want to be superfluous in the future
As things stand today, the average scientist looks development of rockets. I wanted to work as a
at the entire body of scientific knowledge like a technician and consulting engineer. Of course, some
stuffed goose looks at its food—for God's sake, no things I did not mention were subsequently in-
more! He studies only his special subject and is vented by other people, independently of me. I
often a layman on others. H e often opposes new want to mention the swiveling motor as an example.
ideas outside his specialty. If asked why he does not My intention to build it can be deduced from the
take interest in subjects other than his own—sub- fact that I left out the part between the p u m p and
jects in which all the world is interested—the easiest the combustion chamber and rudders in the ex-
answer is, "I do not think anything of it." If he did planatory drawings for the construction of a rocket
approve of another specialty, he would have to (Figures 1 and 2) in my first two books. 8
occupy himself with the subject, and would lose Other things were not mentioned in order to keep
valuable time in the area in which he is most pro- these drawings from becoming too complex. For
ficient. example, I knew at that time the optimum ratio of
In his defense, it must be said that out of a rocket stages, but mentioned it for the first time in
thousand proposed inventions, only one, at the 1941 in a secret note. At that time I knew most of
most, is worthy to be examined more closely! Good the things I published in 1958 in my book Das
ideas often take decades to establish themselves. Mondauto.0 Other things I showed in the design
This being so, which person has not committed an drawings but did not mention in the text included
error in his life? If I did not know something 20 the bell shape of the nozzles for high expansion or
years ago and know it today, I do not have to be the film-cooling of the thrust chambers.
treated as though I still did not know it. For in- But it was no work of witchcraft to invent those
stance, my very highly esteemed colleague, Professor things I had prophesied. My formulas showed me
Klaus Oswatitsch, is now a member of the Inter- what to pursue and what to ignore. For instance,
national Academy of Astronautics, although 15 the requirement of a high exhaust velocity led
years ago he maintained that it would be unworthy logically to the use of liquid propellants because
134 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

they provide a greater specific impulse. From the

requirement for a lightweight rocket structure came
the realization that ceramic materials could not be
used for rockets with liquid propellants. In these
rockets the combustion chamber has to be light in
weight and must have a thin wall, and the walls
have to be kept cool by flowing the fuel around
them. W i t h this method, regenerative cooling is
accomplished. T h e pressure in the combustion
chamber must not be too low, otherwise the gas
exhausts at too low a velocity. T h e tanks, however,
should be under low pressure so that the walls do
not have to be too thick. From this consideration
the need for fuel pumps resulted. By the way, the
paper also contained a relatively simple mathe-
matical criterion for determining the advantage or
disadvantage of using a device which increased the
exhaust velocity but diminished the mass ratio of
empty rocket to filled rocket.
In spite of regenerative cooling I did not want
the temperature of the combustion chamber to be
too high, especially because the titanium and vana-
dium-steel alloys of today were not known at that
time. A means of decreasing the temperature of the
combustion chamber without reducing the exhaust
velocity is available by adding another element to
the propellant which does not burn but only evapo-
rates, thus creating a specifically light vapor. When
combining hydrogen and oxygen, for example, the
excess of hydrogen creates that effect (Esnault-
Pelterie called it the "Oberth-effect").
In this way I had, in the 1920s, experimentally
achieved a propulsion system which reached ex-
haust speeds of 3,900 m/sec to 4,0000 m/sec. I used

A the propellants, however, in their gaseous state

because in Transylvania I could neither obtain
them in liquid form nor find means to liquefy them.
I wrote about this to some friends in Vienna;
whereupon a professor of the Vienna Technical
University answered that I must be a fraud. He had
calculated that hydrogen and oxygen, even when
used in their stoichiometrically correct proportion,
could not provide more than 3,200 m/sec because of
dissociation. However, he did not think of the fact
that dissociation is practically zero because of the
excess of hydrogen and the low temperature. Pure
hydrogen can be lighter and achieve a greater ex-
haust velocity at low temperature than dissociated
FICURE 1.—Model B rocket. From Oberth, Wege zur Raum- or even undissociated H 2 0 vapor at high tempera-
schiffahrt, 1929. ture. Today the Americans use H 2 and 0 2 in their
NUMBER 10 135

FIGURE 2.—Model E rocket. From Oberth, Wege zur Raumschiffahrt, 1929.

hydrogen-oxygen engines in propellant ratios of Later on, I had proposed electricity for the steer-
1:4 to 1:5 (instead of the stoichiometric ratio of 1:8) ing mechanism. For example, for the speed-control
and produce exhaust velocities up to 5,000 m/sec. system, I proposed that a mass should act against an
For the same reason, I proposed to add water to elastic resistance; its deflection would then be a
the alcohol in the first stages, even though these function of the acceleration. T h e mass was to act
engines do not develop the high exhaust velocities in such a way on a potentiometer (a variable electric
of hydrogen-oxygen engines. Water has since been resistor) that a current proportional to the accelera-
used in almost all engines burning alcohol. T h e tion would be produced. When this current is
demand for specifically heavier fuels in the first integrated, speed will be indicated. This instrument
stages, even though they do not develop such high can also be used to close the fuel valves automati-
exhaust velocities, and for lighter fuels with higher cally, when the desired speed is reached.
exhaust velocities in upper stages, also resulted T h e attitude of the rocket was to be controlled
from the mathematical formulas in my writings. by a gyroscope which caused the rudders to deflect
I tried to avoid static reinforcements by keeping the by electric control as soon as the gyroscope and
tanks under a light overpressure internally. This rocket axes were not parallel.
principle has been applied practically to the Atlas In my book I also proposed a centrifuge, with
booster by Karel J. Bossart, who developed it to an arm 35 meters long, to examine systematically
technical maturity. 1 0 the resistance of man to high accelerations, to train
Another proposal of mine which has found appli- man at high accelerations, and to select among the
cation is the use of parachutes for landing rocket applicants for space travel those with the best
vehicles. abilities.
136 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

Regarding space capsules, I proposed to paint least that he himself could not have invented it).
them black on one side and leave them shiny on As I said, Opel used his car only for advertising
the other, and to turn the desired side to the sun. purposes, and he succeeded—public interest was
I also proposed a spiral tube which had the function very much stimulated.
of cleaning the air by distillation. When shadowed During the years from 1922 to 1928 I finally
by the spacecraft, the tube would cool down, and learned that I was not alone in my ideas regarding
condense out the wastes of the spacecraft, because rocketry. As early as 1922 I had heard of Dr. Robert
they all have a higher freezing point than oxygen, H . Goddard and had written to him, whereupon he
nitrogen, and argon, which would remain as gases. sent me his publication "A Method of Reaching Ex-
These would first pass through a filter, and then be treme Altitudes." 13 In 1924 I heard of Konstkntin
warmed to a convenient temperature on the sunny Tsiolkovskiy for the first time. In 1925 he sent me
side of the spacecraft. T h e tube could be cleaned his book Rakyeta v kosmeetcheskoye prostranstvo/4
by turning the cold side to the sun and evaporating and I was helped with the translation by one of my
the condensates. During this process the condensates students, Arzamanoff, a Russian emigrant. T h e n in
could also be retained, cooled again, and stored for 1924, the city engineer of Essen, Walter Hohmann,
certain purposes. I also proposed a giant space published his book about rocket trajectories in
mirror in that book in order to offer something interplanetary space. 15 H e had made these calcula-
sensational to the reader. tions for his own enjoyment but had not published
I had submitted this manuscript of the University them because he feared ridicule. W h e n he sa^ that
of Heidelberg as a thesis for a Ph.D., but it was such far-out ideas could indeed be published, he
refused. Councillor Max Wolf, who was an astron- ventured into the public limelight. One of his cal-
omer, could not accept it because it dealt mainly culated trajectories was later used for the calcula-
with physical-medical subjects; he gave me a cer- tion of the trajectory for a spacecraft to MarfsJ a;nd
tificate, however, stating that he thought the work another for a spacecraft to Venus. In 1926 I heard
was scientifically correct and ingenious. for the first time of Hermann Ganswindt. 16 In 1929
With that certificate I offered my book to the I wrote about him: "Germany possesses the peculiar
publishing firm of R. Oldenbourg in Munich. T h i s gift of producing great men and then letting them
little book, which appeared in 1923 under the title perish through neglect!"
Die Rakete zu den Planetenrdumen,11 fulfilled its In 1929 I published Wege zur Raumschiffahrt,17
purpose. It stimulated public interest, and numer- in which I reported most of my theories on space
ous authors explained the difficult content to the travel and my inventions. I described manned space
layman, among them Max Valier, Otto Willi Gail, travel in detail, proposed the inclined trajectory
Willy Ley, Karl August von Laffert, and Felix towards the east for ascending space ships, investi-
Linke. 12 gated the relationships between consumption of
In 1928 Fritz von Opel revealed his famous propellant and gain of energy, commented on most
rocket-powered car. Maybe it will be of interest to of the errors in the literature of the day concerning
you to know that when I visited him, his first words rockets, and finally, described an electrostatic space
were, "Professor, do not judge me solely by the ship.
rocket-powered car. I do serious work, too." A It is well known that manned space travel has
rocket engine works most efficiently when the gas required fewer sacrifices than the development of
velocity ejected rearward is matched by the forward aviation. T h e main reason for this is that aviation
velocity of the vehicle. In the case of the rocket- meant a leap into an unknown element, whereas in
powered car, the efficiency was very poor. Opel space travel, most of the problems were solved theo-
knew that, but he showed his rocket car for pub- retically before being taken u p practically. And, in
licity. This, however, did not prevent Professor all humility, I think I contributed to that with my
Kirchberger, who was not aware of that fact, from theoretical preparatory work!
calculating the efficiency of Opel's rocket car from T h e time finally came when the German scientific
the consumed fuel and the power output. T h e n he world had to take a stand on the question of space
put the result into calculations for space rockets so travel. But, believe me, I was amazed upon seeing
as to prove that space travel is impossible (or at the lack of general education, the disinterest in new
NUMBER 10 137

:
\
1' - * • • •
1 i 1
1 Itfft*

(
1 -a? 1l
1

1
> ~
r' V

1
0 i
if 1

r •
pp
«

,1,5
Jft — •1

& Ji • .

i LgV
. - Sp—
* • • > •
jy
F"^'' •
•

K -^_F' V .
FIGURE 3.—Set of "Frau in Mond" with (from left) Otto Kanturck (who built sets), Hermann
Oberth, Fritz Lang (boy in front of him is one of the actors), the cameraman, Hermann Gans-
windt, and Willy Ley. Photo from Willy Ley collection.

ideas, and the vanity and self-complacency of certain but also a high kinetic energy which is destroyed
people! U p to that time, subconsciously, I had en- partly by the gas exhausting backward, but which
visioned a kind of worship of scientific research; has to re-appear somewhere; that the amount of
and I had considered German scientists as absolutely this energy can only be calculated according to the
the best. laws of thrust; and that the rocket is always at rest
Why, for example did Councillor Lorenz invent with respect to itself. Another time he integrated in
one objection after the other to space travel, one wrong intervals. If a student of his had done so in
more senseless than the other, and why did he, as an examination, he probably would have failed
second chairman of the VDI (Association of German him. About the inclined trajectory towards the
Engineers), make it impossible for me to comment east, which I had proposed, he said that every
on his objections in the V D I periodical. 18 I think sensible human being would have to understand
he did this because he had said once that space that a rocket will be most efficient if the thrust is
flight was impossible, and he did not want to retract always in one direction, upwards and perpendicular
his statement. H e had overlooked the fact that the to the earth.
problem of repulsion is mainly a problem of im- In addition to Lorenz, I would like to mention a
pulse, that propellants not only possess chemical certain major from the Reich Ministry of Arma-
138 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

FIGURE 4.—Professor H e r m a n n O b e r t h on the studio g r o u n d s of t h e UFA, d u r i n g t h e filming

of " F r a u in M o n d . " P h o t o from Frederick I. Ordway I I I collection.

ment who in 1928 still insisted to me that rockets listening to the objections of today's scientists
flying farther than artillery shells would be of no against new inventions and discoveries, the same
military interest. thing is found again. For example, let us look at
Professor Dr. von Dallwitz-Wegner maintained the rediscovery of Atlantis by Pastor Spanuth, or
that a change of speed of 30 m/sec 2 would be ex- at the objection against parapsychology, or at re-
perienced by a man jumping off a train going at search on Unidentified Flying Objects. Even in the
100 km/hr. 1 9 Apparently he confused speed with field of astronautics it appears quite often in Ger-
acceleration. many that people such as A. F. Staats, Hermann
Why do I say all this? Everything mentioned has Langkraer, or Schonenberger go unnoticed, whereas
been disproved and the people of that time are others who cannot measure u p to them get the lion's
dead and forgotten. Is it necessary to exhume dead share of research funds.
bodies? However, I do not want to close on a bitter note.
Ladies and gentlemen, I am not exhuming dead Instead let me tell you of a personal experience
bodies. I am talking about something living! When that has a brighter side. First, in 1927, the Verein
NUMBER 10 139

FIGURE 5.—Photo taken 5 August 1930 after Professor Oberth's successful "Kegelduse" test on
grounds of Chemisch-Technische Reichsanstadt, Berlin-Plotzensee. From left: Dr. Rudolf Nebel,
Dr. Ritter (of Chemisch-Technische Reichsanstadt), Mr. Bermueller, Kurt Heinisch, next man
unidentifiable (almost covered by Oberth), Professor Hermann Oberth, next man unknown,
Klaus Riedel ("Riedel II") in white coat, Wernher von Braun, next man unknown. Photo from
Fredrick I. Ordway III collection.

fiir Raumschiffahrt [Association for Space Travel] smith and then taught the courses of practical
was founded in Breslau, 20 and in 1928 Fritz Lang engineering at the Mediasch High School. Later,
(see Figure 3), made his well-known film "Frau in I also learned design engineering.
Mond" (The Girl in the Moon). 21 During that time Second, my nerves were almost shattered by an
I began my first firing tests at the UFA site in Berlin explosion in the fall of 1929.23 H a d I been as serene
(Figure 4). Subsequently I received certification for as I am today, I would have left everything as it
the first European rocket engine firing with gasoline was and cured my neurosis. But I did not want to
and liquid oxygen, 22 (Figure 5). T h e affair, by the give u p the exceptional opportunity to conduct
way, was nevertheless disgraceful. First, I was not a experiments, so I continued working. T h e explosion
trained mechanic; and Henry Ford was right when had made it clear to me that considerably faster
he said that one should not invent an engine if one combustion of gasoline and liquid oxygen was
could not assemble it with one's own hands. Let me possible in a limited, narrow space; and I discovered
tell you, that man was right. Realizing this, I set to the atomization phenomenon of burning liquid
work and in 1932 I passed my examination as lock- propellant droplets. This had been the only physi-
 140 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

cal-technical question that had troubled me secretly. ber 1927), pp. 163-66. Accounts of the Lorenz-Oberth debate
Fourteen days later I had my slit injector and at the WGL meeting appear in Willy Ley, Rockets, Missiles,
and Men in Space (New York: The Viking Press, 1968), pp.
nozzle. Another seven days later my cone combus- 109-110; and Theodore von Karman, with Lee Edson, The
tion chamber was ready to fire. With that the door Wind and Beyond (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1967), pp.
to space travel was pushed open. However, as a 236-37.—Ed.
consequence of my tension and taut nerves I had 4. Ley, op. cit. (note 3), pp. 85-93.
5. Konstantin E. Tsiolkovskiy, "Issledovaniye mirovykh
committed several grave blunders, especially in prostranstv reaktivnymi priborami [Investigation of Outer
treating people. Space by Means of Reactive Devices], Nauchnoye Obozreniye
But as I said, the combustion chamber for liquid [Science Review], no. 5 (May 1903), pp. 44-75, and Rakyeta
v kosmeetcheskoye prostranstv [The Rocket into Cosmic
propellants was invented, and it has been hailed as
Space] (Kaluga, 1924), 32 pp.—Ed.
a major contribution to astronautics. I was helped 6. Tsiolkovskiy, Rakyeta v kosmeetcheskoye prostranstv, p.
with my experiments by students of the Technical iii; and W. Ley, op. cit. (note 3), p. 96.—Ed.
University of Berlin. Among them was Wernher 7. I was exposed to medical information early in life be-
cause my father was a physician and a good friend of the
von Braun, who has since made space travel a
town's physician, Dr. Fritz Kraus. We visited him very often.
reality. He was a man with an incredible amount of knowledge; and
the conversations between my father and him were always
highly interesting and instructive. It was stated incorrectly,
NOTES therefore, in 1958 that I had acquired only a little general
Under the title Mop raboty po astronavtike, this paper education at the age of 30. I was also a very eager reader of
appeared on pages 85-96 of Iz istorii astronavtiki i raketnoi the Monthly Popular Science Journal Kosmos.
tekhniki: Materialy XVIII mezhdunarodnogo astronavtiches- 8. Oberth, Die Rakete zu den Planetenrdumen [The Rocket
kogo kongressa, Belgrad, 25-29 Sentyavrya 1967 [From the into Interplanetary Space] (Munich-Berlin: R. Oldenbourg,
History of Rockets and Astronautics: Materials of the 18th 1923), 92 pp.; and Wege zur Raumschiffahrt [Means for Space
International Astronautical Congress, Belgrade, 25-29 Septem- Travel] (Munich-Berlin: R. Oldenbourg, 1929), 431 pp.
ber 1967], Moscow: Nauka, 1970. 9. Oberth, The Moon Car, translated by Willy Ley (New
York: Harper & Brothers, 1959), 98 pp.
1. Robert H. Goddard, "A Method of Reaching Extreme 10. John L. Chapman, Atlas: The Story of a Missile (New
Altitudes," Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 71, no. York: Harper & Brothers, 1960), pp. 86-92.—Ed.
2, December 1919, p. 1: 11. See note 8.
The problem was to determine the minimum initial mass 12. Valier, Der Vorstoss in den Weltenraum [The Advance
of an ideal rocket necessary, in order that on a continuous into Space] (Munich-Berlin: R. Oldenbourg, 1924), 134 pp.;
loss of mass, a final mass of one pound would remain, at any Gail, Mit Raketenkraft ins Weltenall: Vom Feuerwagen zum
desired altitude.
An approximate method was found necessary, in solving Raumschiff, [With Rocket Propulsion into Space: From
this problem . . . . in order to avoid an unsolved problem Rocket Cars to Space Ship] (Stuttgart: K. Thienemann, 1928),
in the Calculus of Variations. The solution that was obtained 106 pp.; Ley, Die Fahrt ins Weltall [The Journey into Space]
revealed the fact that surprising small initial masses would (Leipzig: Hachmeister & Thai, 1926); and Linke, Das
be necessary . . . .—Ed.
Raketen-Weltraumschiff [The Rocket Spaceship] (Hamburg,
2. Dallwitz-Wegner, "Ober Raketenpropeller und die
1928), 100 pp.
Unmoglichkeit der Weltraumschiffahrt mittels Raketenschif-
fen" [The Rocket Propeller and the Impossibility of Space 13. See note 1 and Esther C. Goddard and G. Edward
Travel by Means of Rocket Ships], Autotechnik, 1929; K. Pendray, Editors, The Papers of Robert H. Goddard (New
Holzhausen, "Schuss und Rakete in den Weltenraum" [Pro- York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1970), vol. 1, pp. 485-86
jectiles and Rockets in Interstellar Space], Maschinen- and 545.—Ed.
Konstrukteur, vol. 61, no. 18 (15 September 1928), pp. 436- 14. See note 5.
437, and, same issue, H. Oberth, "Das Wesen der Rakete" 15. Hohmann, Die Erreichbarkeit der Himmelskorper [The
[Principle of the Rocket], pp. 438-441.—Ed. Attainability of Celestial Bodies] (Munich-Berlin: R. Olden-
bourg, 1925), 88 pp.
3. H. Lorenz, "Die Moglichkeit der Weltraumfahrt" [The
Possibility of Space Travel], Zeitschrift des Vereins Deutscher 16. See note 4.
Ingenieure, vol. 71, no. 19, 7 May 1927, pp. 651-657, and 17. See note 8.
Supplements 1 (vol. 71, no. 32, 6 August 1927, p. 1128) and 2 18. See note 3.
(vol. 71, no. 35, 27 August 1927, p. 1236); and "Der Rakenten- 19. See note 2.
flug in der Stratosphare" [Rocket Flight in the Stratosphere] 20. 5 June 1927, see Heinz Gartman, The Men behind the
and "Die Ausfuhrbarkeit der Weltraumfahrt" [The Feasibil- Space Rockets (New York: David McKay, 1956), pp. 48-73.
ity of Space Travel], Jahrbuch der Wissenschaftlichen Gesell- 21. Ley, Rockets, Missiles, and Men in Space (see note 3),
schaft fur Luftfahrt, 1928. Hermann Oberth, "1st die Wel- pp. 114-24.
traumfahrt Mciglich? [Is Space Travel Possible], Die Rakete, 22. Ibid., pp. 121-24.
no. 11 (15 November 1927), pp. 144-52, and no. 12 (15 Decem- 23. Ibid., p. 118.
 14

Early Rocket Developments of the American Rocket Society

G. EDWARD PENDRAY, United States

The first issue of the Bulletin of the American Method of Reaching Extreme Altitudes," brought
Interplanetary Society, better known later as the out by the Smithsonian Institution in December
American Rocket Society,1 appeared in J u n e 1930. 1919, dealing entirely with solid propellant rock-
It consisted of four single-spaced mimeograph pages, ets. 3 From time to time newspaper stories indicated
carrying news of the Society's founding on 4 April that he was making considerable progress, but mem-
of the same year; * a summary of a paper on " T h e bers of the Society could learn almost nothing about
Historical Background of Interplanetary Travel" the technical details of this work.
by Fletcher Pratt, the writer and historian; an item There had appeared in American newspapers and
about the tragic death of the German rocket pio- popular magazines, however, numerous articles
neer, Max Valier, which had occurred in the previ- about rocket experiments in other countries, espe-
ous month; a prediction by Robert Esnault-Pelterie, cially in Europe. These included the work of
the French aircraft builder and inventor, "A trip to Oberth, Heylandt, Valier, Esnault-Pelterie, the
the Moon may be possible within fifteen years"; and Verein fiir Raumschiffahrt, and others.
an announcement that the Society was undertaking
At the time of the Society's founding I had been
"a survey of the entire field of information relating
elected vice-president, with the assignment of help-
to interplanetary travel."
ing to get a research program going. Early in 1931 it
This latter survey was the beginning of the So- became possible for Mrs. Pendray and me to go
ciety's program to promote the development of abroad, and we planned our trip in such a way as to
rockets. As planned, it was to consist of a series of enable us to see, we hoped, what some of the
studies by various members of the Society, sum- European experimenters were doing. T h e Society
marizing the literature then available on the physics, named us its official representatives, but in view of
chemistry, technology, and history of rockets, as well the state of the treasury, we paid for the trip our-
as current thinking on what later came to be known selves. Mrs. Pendray was one of the twelve founders
as astronautics. Several of these summary papers of the Society, which number also included myself.
were completed and presented at subsequent So- After some unsuccessful attempts to get in con-
ciety meetings. Others were begun but later aban- tact with Darwin O. Lyon * in Italy and Robert
doned, for it early became evident that a wide gap Esnault-Pelterie in France, both of whom were
existed between current ideas and technical litera- away at the time of our arrival, our journey at
ture about rockets and the practical task of develop- length brought us to Berlin, where we found Willy
ing them as potential vehicles for space exploration. Ley very much at home and eager to show us the
Dr. Robert H. Goddard, the American rocket and work of the Verein fiir Raumschiffahrt, which was
space flight pioneer, was then at work on his highly engaged in a modest experimental program at the
significant rocket development in Massachusetts, "Raketenflugplatz," its "rocket flying field" at
and was soon to continue it on a greatly increased Reinickendorf on the outskirts of Berlin.
scale in New Mexico, financed by a grant from We had not previously met Ley, one of the
Daniel Guggenheim. Dr. Goddard had published founders, and at that time secretary of the VfR, but
very little, his principal paper having been "A had corresponded with him. There was, however,
141
142 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

something of a communications problem; Ley's of the four original founders of Reaction Motors,
English wasn't very good at that time, and our Inc., proposed that the Society delay no longer the
German was nonexistent. It was not easy to carry beginning of its own experimental program. An
on technical conversations, but with the aid of Experimental Committee was formed, with myself
drawings, sketches, and patient explanation on as chairman, and the Society's Rocket No. 1 was
Ley's part, we managed it after a fashion. 5 designed by Pierce and me. It was patterned in
Ley and his VfR associates, who included Ru- general after the "Two-Stick Repulsor" rocket of
dolph Nebel, Klaus Riedel, and several others, then the VfR, designs for which I had discussed with
gave us the most memorable experience of the en- Ley in Berlin. 7
tire trip—a proving-stand test (Figure 1) of a small T h e rocket (Figure 2) was constructed in a small
liquid-propellant rocket motor employing liquid machine shop Pierce had established in the base-
oxygen and gasoline. Mrs. Pendray and I were not ment of the apartment house where he lived. T h e
aware at the time that Goddard's successful shots propellant tanks consisted of two parallel cylin-
since 1926 had been accomplished with liquid drical tubes of aluminum, each 5i/£ feet long and
propellants, and this experiment at the Raketen-
flugplatz was the first of its kind we had witnessed.
Upon our return I reported fully to the Society, on
the evening of 1 May 1931, both the method and
the promise of the German experiments. 6
A few days later H u g h F. Pierce, who was subse-
quently to become president of the Society and one

FIGURE 2.—ARS No. 1, during a demonstration and lecture

at New York University (Washington Square Campus), in
spring 1932. Hugh F. Pierce, who constructed the rocket, is
packing the parachute in its container (made from a ten-
cent-store saucepan) as G. Edward Pendray, co-designer of
the rocket, holds the parachute. The cone-shaped nose was
designed to open up at the height of the flight and eject
FIGURE 1.—Author in 1931 visiting the proving ground of the parachute. The parachute itself, made by Mrs. Leatrice
the Verein fiir Raumschiffahrt near Berlin. An early type M. Pendray from a scaled-down design for a professional
of liquid-fuel rocket motor is in the thrust frame. From left, aviation parachute, was of silk pongee. Photo from Pendray
Willy Ley, Klaus Riedel, Rudolf Nebel, G. Edward Pendray. Collection, Princeton University Library.
 NUMBER 10 143

,*4 4*J

gt/tmm

RKJ^iu

FIGURE 3.—a, Testing ground, on a

I
farm loaned to the Society near Stock-
ton, New Jersey, used for test of ARS
No. 1 on 12 November 1932. Near the
trench is Mrs. Pendray, charter mem-
ber of the society and an active par- \
ticipant in the experimental program.
Working at the wooden launching rack
are Pendray (left), Pierce (rear, facing W X
camera); David Lasser (overcoat and
hat) one of the founders of the society
and its first president, and Dr. William
Lemkin, member of the Experimental
Committee.
b, Pouring liquid oxygen into the <*. &X»1 ^*Ni
0
tank of ARS No. 1 preparatory to test-
ing, Pendray, chairman of the ARS
5*
Experimental Committee. On brace of
the launching rack is electrical ap-
paratus designed by Pierce for remote ••••4
ignition and release of rocket.
Photos from Pendray Collection, . \
Princeton University Library.
144 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

2 inches in diameter. They were clamped at the cooling. Smith's drawing of this rocket is shown in
top by a yoke, or framepiece, which supported the Figure 4.
motor and its cooling jacket, the turn-on valves that This rocket, known as ARS No. 2 (see Figure 5),
could be operated electrically, and a cone-shaped was shot from a temporary proving field at Marine
nosepiece containing a parachute. At the rear of the Park, Great Kills, Staten Island, New York, on
rocket were four fixed vanes of sheet aluminum for 14 May 1933.9 It reached an altitude of about 250
guidance in vertical flight. feet, after firing about two seconds, and was still
T h e propellants were gasoline and liquid oxygen, going well when the oxygen tank exploded, appar-..
forced into the motor by gas pressure at approxi- ently as the result of a stuck safety valve. It had
mately 300 psi. T h e oxygen pressure was produced been calculated that the rocket would reach an
by partial evaporation. T h e gasoline was pressur- altitude of about a mile, but of course the bursting
ized by nitrogen supplied from an auxiliary tank. oxygen tank released the pressure, the motor ceased
T h e parachute mechanism was kept closed by the functioning, and the rocket dropped into the water
pressure of nitrogen in the gasoline tank, and was of lower New York Bay, from which it was rescued
set to spring open when the pressure dropped at by rowboat.
the termination of firing. T h e motor was an alumi- In spite of the accident, the members of the So-
num casting, 3 inches in outside diameter and 6 ciety's Experimental Committee considered the shot
inches long, with walls i/2 inch thick. Loaded with successful. It was the first liquid propellant rocket
fuel, this first ARS rocket weighed 15 pounds. T h e
motor was designed to provide a thrust of 60
pounds, giving an expected acceleration of 3G at
launching.
T h e first static test of the rocket occurred on
-PRESSURE NIPPLE
12 November 1932, on a farm near Stockton, New
Jersey. 8 Members of the Society had hauled lumber
and built a small wooden launching rack (Figure 3), Ml
equipped with a spring-operated measuring device.
-GASOLINE TANK
In the test the motor burned satisfactorily for a
period of from 20 to 30 seconds, and provided the -DELIVERY PIPE

expected 60 pounds maximum thrust.

During these ground tests, however, the rocket
was accidentally damaged, and as a consequence,
was never flight tested. Its fragility, and the diffi-
culty of getting all the parts to operate satisfactorily
at the right time—still a problem with rockets—
caused the members of the experimental group to
decide on a thorough reconstruction, of such a
radical nature as to constitute a new rocket.
This task was put in the capable hands of Bernard
Smith, a young member with considerable mechan-
ical aptitude, later Technical Director of the FINS
Naval Weapons Laboratory at Dahlgren, Virginia.
Smith removed the superstructure containing the
parachute, the water jacket, and other items that
had proved to have little or no value. H e clamped
the motor securely between the upper portion of the
two propellant tanks, substituted light balsa-wood FULL VIEW SECTION
fins for the aluminum vanes, and rounded the for-
FICURE 4.—Design of ARS Rocket No. 2. From The Coming
ward end of the rocket with a streamlined alumi- of Age of Rocket Power (New York: Harper & Brothers,
num bonnet containing a large inlet port for air 1945) p. 124.
NUMBER 10 145

FIGURE 5.—a, Setting the propellant valves of ARS No. 2 rocket just
prior to test at Marine Park on 14 May 1933. From left, Laurence
Manning, Carl Ahrens, Bernard Smith (who designed and built the
rocket), G. Edward Pendray, Alfred Best, and Alfred Africano—all
members of the Experimental Committee. The rocket stands in its
launching tower, complete except for a nose cone which was slipped
over the valve assembly just before the shot. It had no parachute or
other landing equipment. The launcher was aimed with a five-degree
tilt to seaward, where rocket was expected to land.
b, The take-off of rocket shown in 5a. It was about 6 feet tall and
weighed about 15 pounds loaded and ready for the shot. Propellants
used were gasoline and liquid oxygen pressured by nitrogen drawn
from the pressure cylinder standing to the right of the launcher. At
the end of the countdown, when the ignition apparatus failed to work,
Smith ran out and ignited it with a gasoline torch. Here, he is return-
ing to the barricade. The rocket is already in the air. Note crude
barricades for protection of participants and spectators.
c, Post-mortem on flight shown in 5b. From left, Max Kraus, secre-
tary of the Society; Pendray (behind rocket) and Smith.
Photos from Pendray Collection, Princeton University Library.
146 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

T h e design designated as ARS No. 4, constructed

Stud Attached To Parachute Box.
£ Inch Pluj by J o h n Shesta and a small group he had selected
to aid him, was completed first. As can be seen in
Water Jacket Figures 6 and la, its motor was placed ahead of the
center of gravity as in the case of all these early
rockets, on the theory—mistaken, as it later proved
ft ' QD. Copper Tube —that greater flight stability could be achieved in
f Off. Copper Tube that configuration. ARS Rocket No. 4 had a single
motor with four nozzles. T h e nozzles were so placed
^V^AIum. Cattinj No WPI4IZ as to direct the jet gases rearward but slightly away
from the sides of the cylindrical gasoline tank, on
/ Onus Nozzle the upper end of which the motor was mounted.
jf Throat Diameter T h e oxygen tank was mounted directly behind the
F/are Angle If JO'
length -Zj' gasoline tank, in tandem fashion. A small cylin-
Angle With Axh drical case for a parachute projected ahead of the
of Rochet * £0' motor, and the motor itself was encased in a water-
jacket.
T h e first attempt to fire this rocket failed.12 Ex-
amination revealed that the fuel inlet ports were
not large enough and the rocket, though it fired,
Jt'd. i Orasi Pipe failed to develop enough power to rise. For the
Oxygen feed second attempt, it was slightly modified by enlarg-
Quick Opening -Hon Return ing the fuel ports and omitting the water jacket.
y Fuel and Oxyjen Valves T h e shot (Figures lb, c) occurred on 9 September
1934, also at Marine Park, Staten Island. 13 The
slender rocket rose from the launching rack most
f Alum. Plate
satisfactorily, and in flight performed excellently
hhi' Alum. Tee for a few seconds, until one of the four nozzles
Connected to Tank J
burned out. T h e rocket, which had by this time
reached an altitude of several hundred feet, yawed
over, went into a long, fast trajectory over New
FIGURE 6.—Detail of ARS Rocket No. 4. From Astronautics, York Bay, and struck the water still vigorously;
no. 30 (October-November, 1934), p. 3. firing. Calculations based on the data of three ob-
servers at triangulation stations, and confirmed by
motion picture and still photographs, indicated
that at its maximum the velocity of this rocket
any of us had seen get off the ground, and consider-
exceeded 1,000 feet per second.
ing the state of the art at that time, it was something
ARS No. 3, designed by Bernard Smith and my-
of an achievement. It was not history's first operat-
self, was completed next. In this one (Figures 8 and
ing liquid-propellant rocket, of course, the Verein
9), the propellant tanks were nested one inside the
fiir Raumschiffahrt had anticipated us by a few
months, and Goddard by seven years and two other, with the gasoline tank inside, surrounding a
months, his first successful liquid-propellant shot long motor nozzle, which ran the length of the
having been made near Auburn, Massachusetts, on rocket, and the oxygen tank on the outside, sur-
16 March 1926.10 rounding the gasoline tank. This design produced
Following the shot of ARS No. 2, plans for new a compact, professional looking rocket, but it was
rockets began to burgeon in the Society. Designs very troublesome to construct because of the many
for several were submitted, and the three most welded seams. What was worse, it proved impossible
promising ones were quickly approved by the Ex- to fuel or shoot, because the liquid oxygen, exposed
perimental Committee. 11 to so much warm metal in the large outer tank,
NUMBER 10 147

FIGURE 7.—a, Preparing for a ground firing test of ARS No. 4 at

Marine Park in summer 1934. From left, John Shesta, designer and
builder of the rocket; Carl Ahrens, member of the group which aided
in its construction; and Pendray. In this preliminary version, no means
were provided for cooling the four nozzles of the rocket motor. The
test indicated need for several modifications, including addition of a
water jacket to cool the nozzles.
b, ARS No. 4 in flight at Marine Park on 9 September 1934. It
emerged from the launcher satisfactorily, and performed very well for
the first few seconds, reaching an altitude of several hundred feet, at
which point one nozzle burned out, causing the rocket, still firing
rapidly, to tilt over toward New York Bay, where it struck the water
at a velocity that observers at three triangulation stations estimated
to be in excess of 1,000 feet per second.
c, Post-mortem on flight shown in Figure 11. Shesta, left, holds the
propellant-tank portion of the rocket; Pendray points to the damaged
but unopened parachute case.
Photos from Pendray Collection, Princeton University Library.
148 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

A--combustion chamber
B--expansion nozzle
C--gasoline tank
D--nitrogen pressure tank
E—oxygen tank
F--venturi tube
G--parachute and instrument
compartment
H--overall view

a y_

FIGURE 9.—ARS Rocket No. 3, at Marine Park for launch

attempt in September 1934. From left, Shesta, Pendray, and
Smith. The gasoline tank is being pressurized with nitrogen
through a valve in the cone. The oxygen fill-hole is visible
just below the pressure inlet. Photo from Pendray Collection,
Princeton University Library.

FIGURE 8.—Detail of ARS Rocket No. 3. From Astronautics,

no. 27 (October 1933), p. 3.
With this equipment the Society then began a
long, often discouraging, but finally successful series
simply evaporated and blew out of the fill-hole as of motor development tests. These were conducted
fast as it could be poured in. 14 at various places and sometimes under great diffi-
T h e other rockets which had been designed by culties because, in the vicinity of New York, rocket
Committee members were in various stages of con- shots or motor tests were not welcomed by neigh-
struction, but one by one they were abandoned, for bors, or approved by the police, and there was no
it had become clear that building and shooting way of obtaining permission to carry on such ex-
whole rockets, when so many components—particu- periments in peace. As a consequence the Society
larly the motor—were in such an unsatisfactory performed many of these tests under some harass-
state of development, was really not productive. ment, and found frequent and unannounced mov-
T h e Experimental Committee had already devised ing of the testing ground to be a wise and sometimes
a small proving stand for individual motor tests, necessary precaution. Despite these problems, the
with a view to developing a motor that would work tests provided much data, increasing sophistication,
reliably and not burn out. J o h n Shesta designed useful experience and know-how, and finally cul-
this first ARS proving stand, and in constructing it minated in the development of a practical liquid-
used the tanks, valves, and other parts of his rocket, cooled regenerative motor designed by James H.
ARS No. 4. Wyld, a long-time member of the Experimental
NUMBER 10 149

Crestwood. 17 A Nichrome nozzle stood up well in

this series, but not perfectly. All the others burned
out.
A third series was shot at Crestwood on 25 August
1935. There were five runs, and this time various
fuels as well as nozzles and cooling systems were
tried. 18 A fourth series of tests was made at the same
place soon afterward, on 20 October 1935.19
By this time a great deal of information had been
obtained. It had been definitely shown that water
would not work effectively as a coolant in these
small motors, and also that alcohol was a better
fuel for small motors than gasoline. It began to be
FIGURE 10.—Liquid-propellant motor under test at the ARS
clear that no uncooled motor, of whatever available
testing ground at Crestwood, New York, in 1935. Dials on the material, would stand u p under more than a few
panel mounted on a sawhorse registered pressure in each seconds of firing, and that some dynamic means of
propellant tank and in the motor, thrust, and the time in cooling must be devised. T h e tests also indicated
seconds. Motion pictures of dials preserved data for later
study. Photo from Pendray Collection, Princeton University
Library.
.//icimve Moult
i m Tiroa/ />/'*/#.
/A M J6*4 fan. "J/ *
Committee. Development of this motor led directly
to the founding on 18 December 1941 of Reaction
Motors, Inc., later a division of Thiokol Chemical
Corporation, by Lovell Lawrence, John Shesta,
James H. Wyld, and H u g h F. Pierce, all of whom
had been active in the Society's experimental pro-
gram.15
Until the beginning of these tests the Society had
been using cast aluminum motors, some cooled with Duralumin *5ec//hn3
water, others depending on the metal mass to soak
up heat during the relatively short period of firing.
In the proving stand tests, motors and nozzles of
carbon steel, stainless steel, Nichrome, carbon,
"hard-surfacing" metals, and other allegedly heat-
resistant materials were tried. Various members
suggested tests to be run, or constructed motors to
be tested.
In the first series of runs undertaken at Crest-
wood, New York, a suburb of New York City, on
21 April 1935, five types of motors were tested (Fig- Fue,' Fee of
ure 10), but none stood up. 1 6 T h r e e months later, —~«=53
Copper lute £ m /'/?.

a new series of motors was ready. T o simplify

FIGURE 11.—Segmented liquid-propellant rocket motor made
changing styles, shapes, and nozzle material on the to facilitate tests of various motor shapes and materials. By
proving stand, a "sectional motor" had been con- increasing or reducing the number and shape of segments,
structed (Figure 11), the nozzle and body sections the size and shape of the combustion chamber could be
of which could readily be replaced by others of quickly altered. Nozzles of various shapes and materials
could also be readily tested. The design and the actual
different shape or material after each run. Six runs
motor and alternative parts were by Shesta, in late 1935.
were made in the second series of tests, also at From Pendray Collection, Princeton University Library.
150 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

CHAMBER 3YLPHON BELLOWS

PRESSURE GAGE
0-300
R E A C T I O N GA6C
o-eoo~

EMCROCMCY
tteUhSE \h\LV£
QUICK OPENING

AMERICAN ROCKET SOCIETY

TESTING STAND I SHEET NO- ONE
ttes£*vr SCHEMATIC PIPING UtYOvf
NtT/WKN DESIGNED BV ' JOHN 3HEZTA
FOR
H. FBAMMLIN PtCRCC
PHOT wuve DRAWN ay men iiMecm
it
a.* - a i
FIGURE 12.—Schematic Diagram of Proving Stand No. 2. From Astronautics, no. 42
(February 1939), p. I.

that the Society's first proving stand, while practical launching schemes, flight stabilization devices, and
for short runs of motors of less than one hundred parachutes and parachute releases.
pounds thrust, was too small for the sort of tests These tests were carried on at several sites, prin-
now indicated. Shesta was asked to build a new, cipally one near Pawling, New York. T h e solid-
bigger and better stand, aided by Wyld, Alfred propellant rocket vehicles tested, shown in Figures
Africano, Peter van Dresser, and others. T h e group 13 and 14, were made by members of the Society,
immediately started work on the project. 20 and consisted of head-drive and tail-drive types,
During the period required for completion of long bodies, short bodies, finned and unfinned
the new stand (Figures 12 and 16), the Experimen- rockets, and many other varieties all propelled by
tal Committee turned to the problem of aerody- commercial skyrocket motors. T h e tests continued
namic design, and began a series of tests, with at intervals over about four years, beginning in the
solid-propellant rockets of many sizes and shapes, summer of 1935 and continuing until November
undertaken to determine empirically some of the 1939. T h e results of all these tests were reported in
principles of rocket stability and guidance in flight, detail in Astronautics.21
as well as the mechanics of catapults and other During the latter part of this period the liquid-
NUMBER 10 151

FIGURE 13.—H. F. Pierce, with solid-fuel rockets of various designs

tested by the Committee to determine the best aerodynamic shape
and other characteristics of high-altitude rockets. These tests took place
principally at a site near Pawling, New York, where this picture was
taken in 1935, during one of the earliest series. These rockets and
those in Figure 14, were constructed by various members of the Ex-
perimental Committee and were powered by commercial 4-pound and
6-pound skyrocket motors.
FIGURE 14.—Members of the ARS Experimental Committee at Midvale,
New Jersey, in summer 1937. From left, Shesta, Healy, Pendray, and
Africano.
Photos from Pendray Collection, Princeton University Library.

propellant motor tests were resumed, and now be- delivering a thrust of somewhat over 90 pounds and
gan to repay the effort. Motors of increasing effec- producing a jet velocity of well over 6,000 feet per
tiveness and sophistication began to appear for second. Because of an oxygen shortage at the test
testing. The Wyld regenerative motor (Figure 15) site that day, the first run was brief—only about
most successful of all, was first presented in idea 13i/^ seconds.23 Also tested, earlier on this day, were
form in an article by Wyld in the April 1938 a tubular monel motor built by Pierce and a
Astronautics. The same issue carried an article tubular regenerative motor submitted by Truax.
describing a new experimental motor by Midship- The Wyld motor (Figure 17) was subsequently
man Robert C. Truax of the United States Naval tested more fully in runs on the ARS No. 2 proving
Experiment Station, and an account of its per- stand at Midvale, New Jersey, on 8 June 1941,24 and
formance at tests carried out at Annapolis.22 again on 22 June and 1 August.25 Other interesting
Shortly after disclosing his idea, Wyld constructed motors also tested on these occasions included those
a working model of his motor. It received its first submitted by Africano (Figure 18),26 with the So-
test on the Society's new proving stand (Figure 16) ciety, co-winner of the REP-Hirsch Prize in 1936;27
at New Rochelle, New York, on 10 December 1938, by Robertson Youngquist (Figure 19), then a stu-
152 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

LIQUID OXYGEN

JACKEK ^UNER

- """> (
COMBUSTION SPACE

MOTOR HEAD

FIGURE 15.—Design for the Wyld liquid-propellant rocket

motor, the first successful regenerative motor of its type, and
culmination of the American Rocket Society's long series of
experiments aimed at developing an efficient, burnout-
resistant rocket motor. From Astronautics, no. 40 (April 1938),
p. 11.

dent at the Massachusetts Institute of Technol-

ogy; 28 and by Nathan Carver, a long time member
of the Society.29 Active experimentation by the So-
ciety and its Experimental Committee as a group
ceased after the 1 August 1941 tests. A photograph
of the Wyld motor in operation during this last
test series is shown in Figure 20.
During the experimental period, several other
rockets and motors were built and tested as well by
members individually, including Pierce, Constan- FIGURE 16.—The American Rocket Society's second proving
tine P. Lent, and others. 30 O n 2 February 1936 a stand for tests of liquid-propellant motors. Larger, sturdier,
well-publicized "mail rocket" shot occurred at and with a larger propellant capacity than the first, it was
Greenwood Lake, a small body of water which lies constructed by John Shesta, aided by several other members
of the ARS Experimental Committee. The series, date and
on the border of the states of New York and New run were chalked on the blackened board at the right (date
Jersey. T h e project, sponsored by F. W. Kessler, a of this test was 10 December 1938). The dials registered
Brooklyn philatelist, was designed by Dr. Alexander pressure in the propellant tanks and motor, thrust, time in
Klemin, of the Guggenheim School for Aeronautics seconds, and other data, all preserved on motion picture for
at New York University, and a group of associates later study. From left, Shesta (behind the stand), Louis
Goodman, and Alfred Africano. Photo from Pendray Col-
including Pierce, Carver, and Ley. 31 T w o rockets—
lection, Princeton University Library.
actually small gliders equipped with liquid-propel-
lant rocket motors—were prepared for the shot.
T h e excessive power of the motors, and other
mechanical problems, caused the gliders to perform T h e end of active rocket experimentation on the
erratically, but one craft nevertheless succeeded in part of the Society was brought about principally
crossing the ice of the lake from one state to the by the imminence of World War II; the develop-
other, thus validating the regular postage and ment of renewed interest by the United States mili-
special rockets stamps on the mail they carried. tary authorities in rockets, particularly solid pro-
Reaction Motors, Inc., continued its successful pellant rockets; and the realization by most of us
development of the Wyld motor, at first with the aid that small-scale development and testing such as
of the Society's second proving stand, borrowed could be done by the Society, with the resources
from the ARS for that purpose. T h e Society later available to it, had been carried about as far as was
formally presented the stand to RMI's historical
museum, and in 1965 R M I in turn presented it to
the National Air and Space Museum of the Smith-
sonian Institution, in Washington, D.C. FIGURE 19.—MIT motor of Robertson Youngquist during test.
NUMBER 10 153

FIGURE 17.—James H. Wyld and a model of his liquid-propellant

regenerative rocket motor at Midvale, New Jersey, on 8 June 1941,
just prior to a successful test of the motor. In subsequent tests on
the ARS No. 3 proving stand, which provided larger fuel capacity
and hence longer runs, the Wyld motor did not burn out, and it
delivered a thrust of somewhat more than 90 pounds and a jet
velocity of well over 6,000 feet per second.
FIGURE 18.—H. F. Pierce making final adjustments preparatory to
testing a large liquid-propellant motor, designed and constructed by
Alfred Africano, on the ARS No. 3 proving stand on 22 June 1941.
Photos from Pendray Collection, Princeton University Library.
154 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

notes published as Rocket Development: Liquid-Fuel Rocket

Research, 1929-1941 (New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1948;
rev. ed., paperback, 1961) and also with Mrs. Goddard, he
recently completed editing The Papers of Robert H. Goddard
(New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1970).

1. "The Forthcoming Annual Meeting," Astronautics (offi-

cial publication of the American Interplanetary Society), no.
28 (March 1934); reprinted edition (New York: Kraus Reprint
Corporation, 1958), p. 7. The name of the American Inter-
planetary Society was changed to the American Rocket Society
at the annual meeting on the evening of 6 April 1934.
2. G. Edward Pendray, "The First Quarter Century of the
American Rocket Society," Jet Propulsion (Journal of the
American Rocket Society), vol. 25, no. 11 (November 1955),
p. 586.
3. Robert H. Goddard, "A Method of Reaching Extreme
FIGURE 20.—Wyld motor in action. From Astronautics, no. 50 Altitudes" (Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 71, no.
(October 1941), p. 8. 2, 69 figs., 11 pis., December 1919) and "Liquid Propellant
Rocket Development" (ibid., vol. 95, no. 3, 10 pp., 11 pis.,
16 March 1936) were republished by the American Rocket
Society in one volume entitled Rockets in 1945, with a new
possible: subsequent development would necessarily
foreword by Dr. Goddard and Pendray. Goddard began
depend on massive support, large-scale engineering correspondence with Pendray early in the history of the
teamwork, and government interest. In the end, American Interplanetary Society. Both men wrote each other
so it proved. and occasionally met throughout Goddard's life. One result
Meanwhile the American Rocket Society con- of this association was the American Rocket Society combined
edition of Goddard's classic reports. (See Esther C. Goddard
tinued to develop rapidly as a technical society,
and G. Edward Pendray, editors, Tl :• Papers of Robert H.
especially after about 1944. By 1 February 1963, Goddard (New York: McGraw Hill Book Company, 1970),
when it merged with the Institute of the Aerospace vol. 2, pp. 795-96, 1073, 1074 and 1084; and vol. 3, pp. 1346,
Sciences to form the American Institute of Aero- 1540-45, 1548-56, 1581, and 1598—Ed.)
nautics and Astronautics, the American Rocket 4. "Has Two-Step Rocket Ready," Bulletin, American
Society had more than 20,000 members. 32 T h e Interplanetary Society, no. 6 (January 1931); reprinted edition
(New York: Kraus Reprint Corporation, 1958), p. 1; "Ameri-
combined organization, of course, is now almost
can Rocket Pioneers, No. 3, Dr. Darwin O. Lyon," Journal
twice that size, and is, I believe, the largest tech- of the American Rocket Society, no. 61 (March 1945), p. 11.
nical society in the world devoted to the more rapid 5. Willy Ley, in a footnote on page 129 of his Rockets,
development of the related sciences of aeronautics Missiles, and Men in Space (New York: Viking Press, 1968),
and astronautics. comments on a misunderstanding regarding the evolution of
the German VfR Miraks which apparently resulted from
these conversations.
NOTES 6. Pendray, "The German Rockets," Bulletin, American
Under the title Ranniy period deyatel'nosti Amerikanskogo Interplanetary Society, no. 9 (May 1931), pp. 5-12.
raketnogo ovshchestva, this paper appeared on pages 97-108 7. Pendray, "The Conquest of Space by Rocket," Bulletin,
of Iz istorii astronavtiki i raketnoi tekhniki: Materialy XVHI American Interplanetary Society, no. 17 (March 1932), pp.
mezhdunarodnogo astronavticheskogo kongressa, Belgrad, 25- 3-7. Discusses the evolution of ARS Rocket No. 1.
29 Sentyavrya 1967 [From the History of Rockets and Astro- 8. Pendray, "History of the First A.I.S. Rocket," Astro-
nautics: Materials of the 18th International Astronautical nautics, no. 24 (November-December 1932), pp. 1-5; and
Congress, Belgrade, 25-29 September 1967], Moscow: Nauka, Pendray, "Why Not Shoot Rockets?" Journal of the British
1970. Interplanetary Society, vol. 2, no. 2, 1935, pp. 9-12. This
G. Edward Pendray has been closely associated with the account discusses the cost of ARS Rocket No. 1.
development of rockets since 1929, being one of the founders 9. Pendray, "The Flight of Experimental Rocket No. 2,"
and a director and advisor of the American Rocket Society Astronautics, no. 26 (May 1933), pp. 1-13.
(which merged in January 1963 with the Institute of the 10. Goddard, "Liquid-Propellant Rocket Development" (see
Aerospace Sciences to form the American Institute of Aero- Note 3), pp. 2-3.
nautics and Astronautics). He wrote the influential book, 11. "Three New Rockets Being Built," Astronautics, no. 27
The Coming Age of Rocket Power (New York: Harper & (October 1933), pp. 1-8; and "Society's Rockets Near Com-
Brothers, 1945), in which many of the details here presented pletion," Astronautics, no. 28 (March 1934), pp. 2-6.
are to be found on pages 118-130. With Mrs. Esther C. 12. "Rocket Experiments of 1934," Astronautics, no. 29
Goddard, he edited a collection of Dr. Goddard's research (September 1934), pp. 1-3.
NUMBER 10 155

13. "The Flight of Rocket No. 4," Astronautics, no. 30 23. John Shesta, H. Franklin Pierce, and James H. Wyld,
(October-November 1934), pp. 1-4. "Report on the 1938 Rocket Motor Tests," Astronautics, no.
14. "Test Report on Rocket No. 3," Astronautics, no. 30 42 (February 1939), pp. 2-6.
(October-November 1934), pp. 5-6. 24. Reports on these tests were published in Astronautics,
15. "December 18, 1941—Reaction Motors, Inc., was organ- no. 49 (August 1941), as follows: Shesta and Healy, "Report
ized to continue development of Wyld thrust chamber." This on Motor Tests, pp. 3-5; J. J. Pesqueira and Cedric Giles,
statement was attributed to Lovell Lawrence in letter from "Report on Flame and Sound," pp. 6-7; Cedric Giles, "The
H. A. Koch, Reaction Motors Division, Thiokol Chemical Nozzle-less Motor," pp. 8-10, and "Mr. Carver Explains,"
Corporation to A. J. Kelley, Aerojet-General Corporation, 7 p. 10.
July 1961, regarding preparation of chronology by George S. 25. Reports on these tests were published in Astronautics,
fames for American Rocket Society Space Flight Report to no. 50 (October 1941), as follows: Healy and Shesta, "Report
the Nation. on Motor Tests of June 22," pp. 3-6; Lovell Lawrence, Jr.,
16. John Shesta, "Report on Rocket Tests," Astronautics, "Timing and Ignition Control," p. 6; Africano, "The Afri-
no. 31 (June 1935), pp. 1-6; and, same issue, p. 12, Nathan cano Motor," p. 7; and Healy, "Wyld Motor Retested," p. 8.
Carver, "Flame Data for Test Runs." 26. See Astronautics, no. 49, p. 7.
17. "Report on Motor Tests of June 2nd," Astronautics, 27. [Award of REP-Hirsch Prize for 1936], Astronautics,
no. 32 (October 1935), pp. 3-4. no. 35 (October 1936), p. 17. Africano, "The Design of a
18. Alfred Africano, "Report on the Rocket Motor Tests Stratosphere Rocket," Journal of the Aeronautical Sciences,
of August 25th," Astronautics, no. 33 (March 1936), pp. 3-5. vol. 3, June 1936, pp. 287-290.
19. "Rocket Motor Tests of October 20, 1935," Astronautics, 28. See Astronautics, no. 50, pp. 4-5.
no. 34 (June 1936), p. 5.
29. See Astronautics, no. 49, p. 10.
20. "ARS No. 2 Proving Stand," Astronautics, no. 40 (April
30. "Tubular Motors," Astronautics, no. 37 (July 1937),
1938), pp. 15-17.
pp. 9-10; and, same issue, p. 11, "Spear Rocket."
21. Pendray, "Rocket Tests at Pawling," Astronautics, no.
31. "The First Rocket Air Mail Flight," Popular Mechanics,
38 (October 1937), pp. 9-10; and, same issue, pp. 10-12,
vol. 65, no. 5 (May 1936), pp. 641-642. Alexander Klemin,
Africano, "Report on Model Flight Tests." Peter van Dresser,
"Dry Fuel Experiences," Astronautics, no. 41 (July 1938), "On the Aerodynamic Principles of the Greenwood Lake
pp. 9-12. Africano, "New Model Stability Tests," Astronautics, Rocket Aeroplane," Astronautics, no. 36 (March 1937), pp.
no. 44 (November 1939), pp. 1-6; and, same issue, pp. 11-13, 7-9. [Results of Greenwood Lake Motor Tests; comments by
Roy Healy, "Model Rockets." Shesta, "Powder Flight Tests," Nathan Carver], Astronautics, no. 38 (October 1937), p. 16.
Astronautics, no. 45 (April 1940), p. 3. Jesse T. Ellington and Perry F. Zwisler, Rocket Mail Catalog:
22. Robert C. Truax, "Gas, Air, Water," Astronautics, 1904-1967 (New York, 1967), p. 215.
no. 40 (April 1938), pp. 9-11; and, same issue, pp. 1.1-12, 32. "ARS Membership Votes Merger With IAS," Astronau-
James H. Wyld, "Fuel as Coolant." tics, vol. 8, no. 1 (January 1963), p. 9.
 15

Ludvik OcenaSek: Czech Rocket Experimenter

R U D O L P H PESEK AND IVO BUDIL, Czechoslovakia

The first Czechoslovak rockets were launched at Creativity marked his entire life, from the merry-
the end of the 1920s. The largest public demon- go-round he designed and constructed at the age of
stration, of a whole range of rockets, including two- eight to the new type of recoil device for firearms—
stage ones, was held on 2 March 1930 near Czecho- for which a patent was awarded to him two days
slovakia's capital city Prague. The rockets, some after his death on 10 August 1949. In the first decade
of which are shown in Figure 1, were about 20 of the 20th century, his interest centered on avia-
inches in length and one at least reached the re- tion. In 1905 Ocenasek designed and built an aero-
markable altitude, for that time, of 4,700 feet. nautical rotary engine (Figure 4), which was similar
They were designed, constructed and tested by to the subsequently famous French Gnome engine.
the Czech inventor and entrepreneur Ludvik Oce- This eight-cylinder radial rotary engine was intro-
nasek (1872-1949). This typically self-made man duced in 1908 at the industrial exposition in
had an unusually wide span of interests, both tech- Prague. A letter describing it was published in the
nical and political, which warrants our interest in French review Le Monde Industriel.1 The motor is
his life work. He is shown in Figure 2 with his son, preserved in Prague's Technical Museum. Another
Miroslav, a graduate electrical engineer who worked French journal, Encyclopedic Contemporaine2,
with his father on one of the latter's projects, a praised Ocenasek's engine for its light weight and
hydrodynamic boat. high output. It developed 12 horsepower and
Born into a poor mining family, Ludvik Oce- weighed only 165 pounds (13.8 lb/hp).
nasek taught himself to be a mechanic, and while Ocenasek of course built his radial rotary air-
working at that trade succeeded in completing his plane engine because he wanted to fly. In 1910 and
education in a middle vocational school. At the age 1911 he built a monoplane which ranged among the
of 22, after working in a patent office, he opened in largest aircraft of its time (see Figure 4). It had a
Prague his own machine shop which in time grew wing span of 39 feet (12 m), an over-all length of
into a medium-sized industrial plant. At first his 36 feet (11 m), and its propeller diameter was 8i/2
plant limited itself to electrical appliances, but feet (2.6 m). Its "Gnome type" rotary engine de-
later proved equally successful in producing a veloped 50 horsepower. The plane's total loaded
variety of technical developments such as an im- weight, with pilot, 75 kilograms of fuel and 8 kilo-
proved bicycle; crystals for radio receivers; a sys- grams of lubricant, amounted to approximately
tem of underground loudspeakers that he perfected 1325 pounds (600 kg). The entire flying machine
and produced for stadiums; and eventually new could be transported in three crates and assembled
machines for the pharmaceutical industry, and mili- in two hours.
tary weapons. His enterprise did not restrict itself In this plane, through constant improvements,
to the mass production of existing products, how- Ocenasek on 30 November 1910 attained a maxi-
ever; the plant also produced the new inventions mum flight distance of not quite 100 feet (30 m).
Ocenasek had patented. His original workshop, However, when his chief mechanic Serntner, during
where he developed his first "noiseless" machine- a test flight in 1911, lost control and the plane
gun, is shown in Figure 3. burned, Ocenasek was obliged to abandon his ex-
157
158 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

FIGURE 1.—Some of the solid propellant rockets developed by Ludvik OcenaSek.

pensive experiment in aviation. Meanwhile his firm, a self-employed designer and builder of machinery
transformed into a limited liability stock company, for the pharmaceutical industry. As late as 1949,
declared bankruptcy. when he was 77, he won three prizes for his ap-
A similar interest by Ocenasek in rocketry and paratus in this field.
jet-propelled boats marked the decade from 1928 Such is the irony of fate, however, that Ludvik
to 1938. These years, just before World War II are Ocenasek gained high recognition in his own coun-
also characterized by Ocenasek's efforts to improve try not as an inventor but as a fighter for Czecho-
the weaponry of the Czechoslovak armed forces. slovak independence. Toward the end of World
Toward the end of his life he supported himself as War I he became a member of the Mafia, which was
NUMBER 10 159

The name of Ocenasek did win world fame once

in connection with rocketry, early in 1930. This was
due to a journalist's hoax. A newspaperman ran a
fanciful article in his Christmas (1929) issue to the
effect that Ludvik Ocenasek was planning to send
his rocket to the moon in 1930 with a crew of nine
aboard. The lunar space ship was described as hav-
ing six rockets for thrust and two for braking. The
news item was picked up and copied by papers in
Austria, Denmark, Germany, Italy, the Nether-
lands, Poland and Switzerland, Ocenasek took it as
the joke for which it was meant. This did not, how-
ever, prevent him from receiving several hundred
letters from all over Europe, and even from the
United States, written by volunteers eager to ac-
company him on his trip to the moon. Perhaps one
of these would-be moon-trotters, Miss Sally Gallant
of New Castle, Pennsylvania, is still alive. Her letter
was typical of many American offers:
I am five feet four inches tall, weight 138 pounds, am blonde,
speak Polish and English. I work as a nurse, I am 20 years
old, and would like to fly with you to the moon.3

Of course that newspaper prank did have its

kernel of truth—Ocenasek's serious experiments in
rocketry. He began them in 1928, inspired by re-
ports of successful experiments performed by Dr.
Robert H. Goddard, engineer Max Valier, Professor
Hermann Oberth and others. He corresponded with
Professor Oberth, who at Ocenasek's invitation,
came to see him in Prague. The two are shown to-
gether in the Czechoslovak capital in Figure 5. In-
FIGURE 2.—Ludvik Ocenasek (1872-1949) and his son Ing. cidentally, in the same city Ocenasek met with
Miroslav Ocenasek (1898-1955).
another pioneer of high altitude flights, Professor
then a secret underground organization of patriots August Piccard.
striving for national liberation from the Austro- Ocenasek thoroughly studied Goddard's initial
Hungarian Empire. He detected the existence of a results and similarly concluded that gunpowder was
secret telephone line between the Austro-Hungarian not the ideal propellant for rocket acceleration.4 He
and German general staffs, tapped the conversa- planned to use liquid propellants as advocated by
tions, and passed the resulting intelligence to the both Goddard and Oberth, such as alcohol or hy-
resistance movement. In 1918 he took an active part drogen and oxygen. His objective however was far
in organizing the Czechoslovak army. This gained less fantastic than a flight to the moon. His aim was
him immense popularity during the 1920s. A small to utilize rockets for delivering mail between conti-
footnote to Ocenasek's life story is that in his old nents via high altitude trajectories.
age, during World War II, he again participated Fortunately a series of photographs of Ocenasek's
actively in the resistance, this time against the 1930 rocket tests have survived, and these are shown
Nazis, and under the German occupation was fol- in Figure 6. The motion pictures of these public
lowed and interrogated by the Gestapo. During demonstrations on 2 March 1930 constitute a
the Prague uprising of May 1945, at the age of 73, unique document.
he fought on the barricades, rifle in hand, and sus- However, more concrete data is lacking thus far.
tained serious multiple wounds. Ocenasek feared that once again, as in the case of
160 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

FIGURE 3.—OcenaSek's workshop and his first noiseless machine gun.

FIGURE 4.—a, Ocenasek's aircraft rotary engine of 1908, which produced 12 hp at 600 rpm and
weighed 165 lb (75 kg); b, his monoplane of 1910-1911, showing placement of rotary engine;
c, control surfaces of the monoplane.
NUMBER 10 161

sion principle. Since rocket flights were too fantastic

for his time, he tried to adapt the reaction principle
to powering a boat for shallow waters. H e found
support and encouragement in the Bata Shoe Com-
pany. T h e company welcomed a source of cheap
motive power for its flat-bottomed river craft which
delivered its footwear via the shallow unregulated
rivers of central Europe.
In 1933 he tested his first hydrodynamic boat
(No. 1), a small craft on which the entire four-
horsepower power plant was mounted as an a u x i -
liary power package. These trials proved promising.
FIGURE 5.—Ludvik OcenaSek and Professor Hermann Oberth Streams of water were forced through jet nozzles
in Prague. placed just above the surface of the water in the
river (see Figure 7). He subsequently constructed a
his radial aircraft engine, he might be deprived of larger boat (No. 2) weighing 1.4 metric tons to
priority in his invention, and, therefore, concealed carry six passengers (Figure 7c). With the equipment
technical details. Only a single model has survived still relatively unperfected, this craft achieved good
to the present day. It apparently is a second stage results. With a draft of 7 inches (18 cm) it attained
which still contains its unburned propellant charge. speeds of 9 miles per hour (14 kph) and above all
Ludvik Ocenasek's daughter has kept it, propellant displayed considerable towing potential for pulling
charge and all, in her household for nearly 40 years. barges, with unusual maneuverability.
Chemical analysis reveals that the propellant con- In 1935 the Czechoslovak armed forces ordered
sists of ordinary gunpowder loaded in a specially such a jet-powered boat (No. 3) from Ocenasek, and
shaped paper container which by its form consti added it as an operational unit to its Danube River
tutes a nozzle. fleet. Under full load, the boat could cruise at 15
After further experimentation, Ocenasek is said miles per hour (24 kph), developed a pull of 1650
to have devised a ground-launching apparatus to pounds (750 kg) and could haul 300 metric tons of
aid in overcoming the obstacles to rapid rocket freight at 5 miles per hour (8 kph). A publicity film
acceleration. This equipment reportedly proved about Ocenasek's hydrodynamic boat was prepared
successful, and was tested by having it catapult a at the time, but we have thus far been unable to
heavy sack of sand straight u p into the air. Informa- find a copy. Latest reports suggest it may have been
tion on this device, however, has not yet been sent to Amsterdam.
verified. Further orders for boats came in. Ocenasek's son
Ludvik Ocenasek was obliged to foresake further assembled four such boats in Poland; interest was
investigation in the rocket field, owing to the de- expressed by Japan, Rumania, and the Netherlands.
pression of the 1930s, which caused him to lose his There exists a project design for a very large pas-
business enterprise and left him with no funds for senger-carrying river craft. But World War II and
such research. However he continued to believe in the occupation of Czechoslovakia in 1939 put an
the feasibility of his idea—the transporting mail end to all of Ocenasek's activities in this direction.
from Europe to America by rocket. H e was certain Thus, his most outstanding technical achievement
it would be developed in the immediate future. In never was able to realize its potential.
April 1930, The New York Sun carried an article In the years just before World War II, however,
on his activities in which he stated: Ocenasek had turned again to the technology of
military weapons, out of a desire to improve the
Indeed, rockets with human crews (to quote the terminology
of that time) are not improbable, although in this case many arsenal of Czechoslovakia's Army. And once again
difficult problems concerning the physiological reactions of he worked with rockets. If we know little of his first
the human body will arise.s generation of rockets, of the latter military ones
However, Ocenasek did not abandon his attempts we knew even less. Ludvik Ocenasek performed
to find some practical application of the jet propul- these experiments secretly in an unknown rock
162 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT
NUMBER 10 163

FICURE 6.—a, Launching site and rack used during a demonstration

of OcenaSek's solid propellant rockets on White Mountain, near
Prague, 2 March 1930; b, OdenaSek preparing rocket for launch;
c, demonstration rocket being placed in rack; d, larger rack used
for some rockets; e, OcenaSek inspecting rocket prior to launch;
/, two-stage rocket, being placed in launcher; g, successful launch
from larger rack; h, explosion of rocket during take-off; i, OcenaSek
and his son inspecting rockets following tests; /, Miroslav OCen&Sek
and co-worker inspecting damage to fins and nozzle of demonstra-
tion rocket following test.
 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT
164

FIGURE 7.—a, Ocenasek's water-jet propelled boat No. 1,

showing exhaust nozzles; b, rear of boat No. 1; c, water-
jet propelled boat No. 2; d, boat No. 3 during demonstra-
tion test; e, water exhaust ducts of boat No. 3.
NUMBER 10 165

quarry near Prague. Even his family learned of this

,nfl B R 0 D 5 K f l
activity only by chance, when he come home one
day injured. Naturally, since that work involved
military secrecy no photographs of the actual de-
vices have been found. All we have located is a

wgmw
photograph (Figure 8) of two models of these
rockets. The projectiles were streamlined and pro-
vided with fins. At their rear was located a metal
cartridge for the solid propellant. These rockets,
RS
moreover, were launched by being fired from a gun.
Thus they were really a combination of projectile
and rocket, a grenade-rocket similar to the British
infantry anti-tank grenade rocket (PIAT) of World
War II. The projectile, according to confirmed re-
ports, had a range of 1.6 miles (2.5 km) with little
dispersion.
Ocenasek wanted to share the designs for this new
weapon with Czechoslovakia's foreign allies. In this
he was unsuccessful, and the plans remained all
through the war sealed up in the house where he
lived. He died on 10 August 1949 and his son died
six years later, on 3 August 1955. His tombstone at
the Olsary Cemetery is shown in Figure 9.
(Professor Pesek's presentation concluded with a
motion picture film showing the 2 March 1930 pub-
lic demonstration of Ludvik Ocenasek's first-gener-
ation rockets at the White Mountain near Prague.)
FIGURE 9.—OcenaSek's grave in the Olsary cemetery in Prague.

NOTES

1. M. Guerin, "Nouveau moteur a explosion et lampe a

arc-systeme L. OcenaSek," Le Monde Industriel, 13th year,
31 December 1908, pp. 438-39.
2. Louis Davia, "Exposition jubilaire de Prague," Encyclo-
pedic Contemporaine, 1908, p. 204.
3. Theodor Prochazka, "Seek to Go on Flight to Moon;
Five Men and a Girl in U.S. Write to Inventor; Take Joke
Story Seriously," The New York Sun, 20 March 1930, p. 24.
4. Goddard, "A Method of Reaching Extreme Altitudes,"
Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 71, no. 2, Decem-
ber 1919, pp. 67-68.
5. Theodor Prochazka, "Mail by Rocket Is Latest Plan;
Czech Inventor Working on Device to Cross Ocean; Confi-
dent He Will Succeed," The New York Sun, April 1930. See
also "News From Abroad," Bulletin of the American Inter-
FIGURE 8.—Two models of Ocenasek's grenade rocket. planetary Society, no. 1 (June 1930), p. 4.
 16

Early Experiments with Ramjet Engines in Flight

Yu. A. POBEDONOSTSEV, Soviet Union

. . . currently the application of ramjets for space vehicles can be seen in their
use for accelerating a rocket xvithin the limits of a continuous atmosphere up to
a velocity of mach 7-10. Academician B. S. Stechkin

Development of space rockets represents an ex- mental studies published in the world press indicate
tremely complex scientific problem. But among the that the use of air-breathing engines in the first
many problems, solution of which determines prog- stages of carrier rockets permits a severalfold in-
ress in rocketry, that of the energy content of the crease of the mass of sputniks to be orbited, while
propellant heads the list. It can be said with good maintaining unchanged the launching weight, or
reason that the launching of sputniks, rocket flight even decreasing it appreciably, yet maintaining the
to the Moon, Venus and Mars, manned orbital payload weight.
flights, and soft landing on the Moon—all these In 1907-13 Rene Lorin, a French engineer, sug-
remarkable achievements are the gigantic strides gested the concept of a ramjet engine. 3 Its first theo-
in the development of Soviet science and rocket- retical foundation, the design and experiments with
power engineering. It is quite evident that the de- ramjet engines, however, were carried out much
velopment and modification of jet engines and the later by Soviet scientists.
selection of the most efficient propellants for them One of the closest disciples and followers of N.Ye.
is still going to be one of the fundamental determi- Zhukovskiy, Boris Sergeyevitch Stechkin, now Aca-
native tasks of cosmonautics for many decades to demician, delivering a course of lectures on hydro-
come, as it was at the very outset of the cosmic era. dynamics at the Mechanics Department of the
Conducting research of energy content of propel- Moscow N. E. Bauman Higher Technical School in
lants on a wide scale, Soviet scientists from the very 1928 expounded his new theory of ramjet engines.
beginning advanced and developed the concept of Strictly following the classical principles of gas
using air-breathing engines in space engineering in dynamics, he derived for the most general case the
addition to other types of rocket engines. equation for thrust and efficiency of ramjet engines
At the beginning of this century K.E. Tsiolkovskiy in a resilient medium.
put forward the concept of using engines propelled T h e problem of the reactive force of fluid flow,
by air oxygen for the boost of spacecrafts during passing through a jet engine (for an incompres-
their flight in the atmosphere. 1 sible fluid, when there is no thermal aspect) was
F A . Tsander, as well as other scientists, has de- developed in detail earlier by N.Ye. Zhukovskiy and
voted much of his effort to the investigation of this expounded in his classic works On Reaction of
problem. 2 Fluid Inflow and Outflow and Contribution to the
The concept of using air-breathing engines to Theory of Ships Propelled by the Reactive Force of
boost space rockets is universally recognized at the Water.
present time. Numerous theoretical and experi- B.S. Stechkin investigated in a similar way the

167
168 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

resilient medium flow for the first time. Moreover he fected by the Technical Council composed of the
showed how the efficiency of a ramjet engine could most qualified specialists. Sergei Pavlovitch Koro-
be determined if the external energy was partially lyev, who afterwards became an Academican and a
or fully supplied to the air, and he investigated the spacecraft designer, was Chairman of the Technical
case of air flow compression due to the loss of free Council.
stream momentum, as was suggested by Rene Lorin One of GIRD's team, headed by myself, was en-
in his time. In this case the air characteristics are trusted with investigations and experimental test-
changed according to the "Brayton cycle" and its ing of ramjet engine performance. At the beginning
thermal efficiency will equal the difference between we devoted several months to theoretical calcula-
unity and the ratio of air temperature at the com- tions and research into possible fields of such en-
pletion of compression to its initial value at the gines application. T h e n the time was ripe to com-
inlet to the engine. mence the practical work, i.e., investigations of
Rumors about this lecture quickly spread among models and separate units of ramjet engines.
the advanced scientific and technical circles at that Test stand IU-1 was constructed in G I R D by
time interested in rocketry, and B.S. Stechkin was March 1933. It comprised a high-pressure compres-
asked to deliver the lecture once more for a wider sion station, a battery of tanks accumulating the air
audience. compressed u p to 200 kg/cm 2 and a stop valve
Soon such a lecture was held at one of the public measuring the air supply from the gas pressure
lecture halls of the Soviet Army House. T h e hall tanks to the receiver. T h e latter damped the pres-
was overcrowded and many of those who wished to sure fluctuations of the air supplied to the experi-
be present failed to get in. T h e n Boris Sergeyevitch mental engine. T h e design of the test stand, pre-
served among other papers of that time, is shown
was asked to publish the lecture. With the aid of
in Figure 1, and the ramjet engine model being
his students and disciples Stechkin prepared the
tested is shown in Figure 2. Air entered the model
lecture for publication as the article "Theory of a
at various preset values of excess pressure which
Ramjet Engine," first published in February 1929,
simulated the dynamic pressure in the inlet diffuser
thus becoming known not only to specialists in the
of the engine.
USSR but in other countries as well. 4 In this article
Experimental laboratories as well as workshops
the equations of ramjet engine thrust and efficiency
and design rooms of G I R D were housed at that
were given for the first time.
time in the basement of an apartment building.
Soon after the publication of Stechkin's work,
T h e first test of IU-1 was carried out on 26 March
reviews, comments, and references to it, as well as
unanimous recognition of USSR priority in this
field, began to appear in the technical literature
abroad. For instance, the famous Italian scientist
Arturo Giovanni Crocco in his monograph "Super-
aviation and Hyperaviation," published in 1931,
wrote that "the classic theory of ramjet engines had
been formulated for the first time in the USSR by
the Moscow professor Stechkin." 5
T h e theory worked out by B.S. Stechkin opened -fe^fe^^J
the way for practical works in developing ramjet
engines.
In autumn 1931 in the USSR a group of ardent
enthusiasts and advocates of rocket engineering was
set up as a voluntary society which afterwards was ( Compressed air
t
vMM//A>//,V//w})//,

}=M (
-120
iX
Hydrogen tank J=*
named the Group for Study of Jet Propulsion —x T

(GIRD). Mainly they were young students and ( >

aviation specialists who set for their task the prac-
—a: x-
J^
tical development of jet vehicles. G I R D conducted FIGURE 1.—Diagram of IU-1 facility for ramjet engine testing
its work in teams while general guidance was ef- (from GIRD archives).
NUMBER 10 169

FIGURE 2.—Experimental ramjet engine.

1933. T h e test records of this new field of engineer- varying from 1 to 3.2 atm. During the test period
ing, i.e., engineering of ramjet engines, have been the engine was started 3 times and it was established
preserved to this day. 6 Record No. 1 briefly stated: that "under normal engine performance the igni-
At 2:30 a.m. the knife switch of the facility electric motor tion of hydrogen-air mixture should be done only
was activated. . . The compressor was stopped at 2:45 a.m. once, on starting the engine. T h e combustion cham-
. . . After 15 minutes had elapsed pressure in the final ber having been heated, the ignition may be cut
compression stage had reached 190 atm. off and the power is adjusted only by means of air
Owing to the participation and support of the and propellant supply."
whole personnel of G I R D the testing and the final As the work of testing the ramjet engine models
adjustment of the facility successfully advanced proceeded, the methods of investigation were grad-
and after six tests it was fully prepared for the in- ually modified. From 9 J u n e 1933, the thrust de-
vestigation of the ramjet engine model. veloped by the engine under the test was measured
Figure 3 shows the ignition of various com- during experiments on the IU-1 test stand.
bustible air-fuel mixtures and their rates of com- T o make the ramjet engine effective not only at
bustion. supersonic velocities but at subsonic ones as well,
It was decided to carry on the experiments on designs of ramjet engines were researched in which
ramjet engine models in the IU-1 test stand with the air, in addition to being compressed in the dif-
gaseous hydrogen, the most available and con- fuser due to the air flow kinetic energy, was also
venient from the point of operation, which when compressed by means of certain devices. One of such
mixed with air is ignited in a very wide range and design was the pulse-jet engine (PuVRD), with the
ensures the highest rate of combustion. valve at the entry (the prototype jet engine of a
In the early morning of 15 April 1933 the first pilotless "flying bomb" known later in Germany
test of the ramjet engine model was conducted. It as the V-l).
lasted 5 minutes. T h e conclusion of the test results T o investigate the possibility of developing the
stated: " T h e first starting of the engine has proved pulse-jet engine in GIRD, in June 1933 an experi-
the theoretical suppositions about jet engines pro- mental combustion chamber with a valve labelled
pelled by a gaseous propellant." T h e test marked EK-3, was constructed.
the beginning of experimental research on ramjet T h e test of pulse-jet engines in 1933 in G I R D
engines. permitted a determination of the main problem
Four days after the first test the second one was occurring when developing the design of engines
carried out on the IU-1 stand. This time the engine of such type, and an estimate of the volume and
was tested at pressures in the combustion chamber difficulties of their solution. It was decided for the
170 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

I g n i t i o n l i m i t s of c o m b u s t i b l e m i x t u r e s a
% gas (by v o l ) i n m i x t u r e Spec,
I Gases 10 30 SO 70 90 wt.
Acetylene fy "2 V73
FIGURE 3.—Parameters of fuel-air mixtures
Hydrogen H% 0.09 used in tests: a, Ignition limits of com-
Carbon d i o x i d e CO 1.25 bustible mixtures; b, burning rate of mix-
Water ( b l u e ) gas C0*H2 ture versus combustible gas content.
Hydrogen s u l f i d e H%S
Ethylene fy^ f.ZS
Dithiane C% Hi
Ethane Z% Hs r.357
Methane jjf^ . 0.7t7 V(cm/sec)
Ammonia NH3 0.7ft
Butylene ^H2 • \«Z
—
Propylene Cj Hg •
Pentane tjH^ ••
too
Propane fyHj • 2.02
fO *h
Butane Ct, Hfo • i m —Ci H? -
l»Z"Z
I I Vapors
Carbon b i s u l f i d e C$i
Ethyl e t h e r Ci,H^0 700
Methyl a l c o h o l CH<,0 J&HJ/CnyHj
Ethyl a l c o h o l fyfyfl .
Acetone CjHjO too
CO
Oil m
Benzene C5H5 m
0
Toluole CjHg mj 20 HO 50 10a
% ga3 ( t y v o l )

immediate years to direct all efforts toward research an engine of such a type is capable of developing
on ramjet engines. thrust. At that time, when the question was still
Experimental works on investigating the ramjet being raised as to whether it was advisable to work
engines, from April 1933 in GIRD, were conducted on developing ramjet engines at all, an answer could
for the whole year without interruption. Success of only be given by an actually operating ramjet en-
the first investigations made it possible to com- gine having shown its working ability in flight.
mence the construction and testing of a ramjet Selection of the propellant for such a ramjet
engine in free flight. A bold idea discussed and ap- engine model was of great significance. As a result
proved by the G I R D Technical Council was to of a thorough investigation of all conditions of a
arrange for the engine to be tested in the body of ramjet engine performance during the forthcoming
an artillery projectile and to test ramjet engines at tests, the following requirements were suggested for
supersonic velocities, i.e., in the region where the the propellant: (1) it should be solid; (2) it should
ramjet engines are the most efficient. It was neces- be inflammable and should have a high combustion
sary to prove experimentally the feasibility of de- rate in a wide range of air mixtures; and (3) it
veloping a ramjet engine—an engine which at that should have calorific capacity per liter as high as
time had been built nowhere in the world—and possible. Having investigated a number of propel-
also to prove in practice the correctness of theo- lants we decided to choose white phosphorus as the
retical statements, i.e., to prove in principle that one most convenient for the purpose (see figure 4).
NUMBER 10 171

heat
content
(cal/1)

10000 - Cast magnesium

Gasoline, kerosene
8000
•Benzine

6000 Phosphorus
Lithium o°c Ethylene
[ A l 2 ] powder ^.^£20°C
^50°C
4000 blue gas
o i l gas
Methane
2000 l i g h t i n g gas
hydrogen

0
200 400 600. P(abs
atm")
FIGURE 4.—Calorific content per liter of fuel at various pressures.

As the work procedure has shown, our choice of long-range shell of a 76-mm (3-in.) cannon (Figure
propellant was a good one. At the same time, we 5). T h e internal part of a ramjet engine comprised
also decided to use "solid benzene" as a propellant. an entry channel, a combustion chamber and a noz-
Therefore the ramjet engine intended for the oper- zle. T h e propellant grain was placed directly in the
ation on an artillery projectiles was designed with combustion chamber. In order to prevent the pene-
due regard to the possibility of using both phos- tration of combustion gases into the internal cavity
phorus and benzene. of the engine, the exit nozzle was plugged with a
T o prepare a ramjet engine model for free flight metal stopper (part 4 in Figure 6) prior to firing the
testing, a special mobile test stand was constructed cannon. After the ramjet engine had cleared the
in which the rotating combustion chamber of a jet cannon channel, the plug would detach from the
engine was installed and on 12 July 1933, at one of projectile and fall near the cannon.
the proving grounds near Moscow, the first test of
the phosphorus-operated combustion chamber in Direction of f l i g h t
the rotating ramjet engine was carried out. T h e
aim of the first test was to investigate the properties
of phosphorus as a propellant for a jet engine, and
in particular for an engine installed on an artillery a
projectile.
T h e whole second half of 1933 was devoted to the
preparation of the ramjet engine to the flight tests.
Owing to the harmonious and cohesive work of
a small group of the third team of GIRD, all the
bench tests and preparatory work that had been set
by the program to pave the way for the beginning FIGURE 5.—Ramjet engine under study: a, Plan view; b, de-
of flight tests were effected in a short period of time, sign; c, rear part of missile, with plug.
and in autumn 1933 the ramjet engines were given 1, ogival part (nose) 5, nozzle
2, fuel cap 6, cavity for payload
their first flight tests. 3, shell body 7, intake channel
T h e ramjet engine models had the contour of a 4, plug 8, air inlet
172 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

The first version of the projectile with a ramjet of impact could not be determined because all the
engine was provided with an empty cavity for hous- observers had been positioned further down range.
ing the pay load (see 6 in Figure 5). Then 9 shots were fired with ramjet engines, with
The propellant grain was a metal frame filled results as shown in Table 1.
with white phosphorus (2 in Figure 6). Inside the
grain, along its axis, was a conical cavity positioned TABLE 1.—Results of first test
with its wide end towards the exit nozzle. In order
to prevent the propellant grain from premature self- Test d, dB dCr dcr/dt 1 fit Range
ignition during the transportation and preparation no. (mm ) (mm) (mm) (*g) (H) (m)
for model testing, the phosphorus grains were 0" — — — — 6.30 — 7200
coated on all sides with a thin layer of varnish. The 1" 28 28 32.0 1.140 6.17 — 2000
longitudinal ribs of the metal frame of the grain 2 30 28 32.0 1.070 6.13 0.380 5300
were manufactured of 2-mm-thick sheet steel and 3 30 28 34.5 1.150 6.18 0.340 8000
4 25 25 29.0 1.160 6.20 0.400 5350
the transverse plates were of electron, a magnesium
5 30 25 31.0 1.030 6.22 0.390 4900
alloy. It was understood that the electron plates 6 28 25 32.0 1.140 6.35 0.390 5300
would burn together with phosphorus and thus con- 7 30 25 34.0 1.135 6.25 0.415 6000
siderably increase the total calorific capacity of the 8 30 28 32.0 1.070 6.23 0.390 4500
grain. 9 25 25 28.0 1.120 6.30 0.415 3200
10 30 28 32.0 1.070 6.06 0.430 6000
For the first tests, 10 projectiles with ramjet en-
a b
gines were prepared. They were fired from the 76- Modernized shrapnel-filled shell. Without fuel.
mm cannon of 1902 pattern at 20° angle of eleva-
tion. The speed of the projectile as it left the barrel Data from these first tests confirmed the possi-
of the cannon was 588 m/sec. bility of using the artillery cannon for catapulting
Prior to firing the projectiles with ramjet engines ramjet engines, and the experiment proved the
two shots were fired with a modernized shrapnel- absolute safety of firing projectiles of the adopted
filled shell, which fell at a distance of 7200 m. Then design. In all cases the ignition of propellant in
projectile No. 1 was fired without propellant. In- the chamber of the ramjet engine did not fail, the
stead of a phosphorus grain the frame of the grain propellant having ignited 10-15 m away from the
filled with sand of the same weight was fitted in its cannon.
chamber. The flight of this projectile was accom- The first tests of ramjet engines in flight, carried
panied by strong whistling. Its flight range was out in September 1933, proved that an engine of
roughly estimated at 2000-3000 m, since the point such a type was capable of operation. The increase
in flight range of the projectile with a ramjet en-
gine (projectile no. 3) of almost 1 km compared to
that of a standard projectile is the most convincing
evidence of this fact. The increase was obtained in
spite of the fact that, from an aerodynamic point
of view, a projectile with a through bore is much
less efficient than a conventional one and, therefore,
at that part of flight trajectory where the engine
was out of operation the projectile with a ramjet
engine experienced higher drag than a standard
projectile. In all cases the projectiles with operating
ramjet engines flew further than a projectile of the
same weight and shape but without propellant.
Thus, the only explanation of the flight range in-
crease can be the fact that the ramjet engine de-
1 ~~ Z J veloped some positive thrust during the flight. This
FIGURE 6.—Combustion elements of ramjet engines developed fact was of a great fundamental significance.
by GIRD.
1, ogival part (nose) 3, shell body
The results of these flight tests of artillery projec-
2, fuel charge 4, plug tiles with ramjet engines made it possible not only
NUMBER 10 173

to establish the fact of positive performance of a compared with the designed value, and the increase
ramjet engine, but also to determine the amount in drag was a valuable result of the first set of ex-
of thrust developed. Based on the preliminary calcu- periments. As soon as the causes of the deficiency
lations, the values were defined for drag experienced in ramjet engine performance were known, it be-
by the projectile body and for thrust developed by came possible to look for methods to eliminate
a ramjet engine. When the flight velocity with them and to modify the engine.
which the shell escaped the cannon barrel was 588 After the first set of experiments the second set
m/sec, the calculated drag was 20 kg and the ram- of flight tests on ramjet engines were carried out in
jet engine thrust equalled 18 kg; i.e., it was some- February 1934 and the third, in 1935. Six additional
what less than the drag (Figure 7). Therefore, the models of ramjet engines were designed for these
engine was able to compensate 90% of the drag, but tests, which were positioned in the body of a 76-mm
was not able to overcome it completely or to impart projectile. Some versions of ramjet engines comprise
positive boost to the projectile. As the projectile several groups differing in the size of diffuser entry
drag exceeded the engine thrust, its velocity should section or nozzle throat, and some test models of
decrease as the flight proceeded. T h e decrease of projectiles with ramjet engines differed in the
velocity caused even greater difference between the amount of propellant used.
drag and the thrust. Thus, as at the moment of T h e second version of projectiles with ramjet en-
escaping the cannon, at the initial velocity stated, gine differed from the first one only in the design of
so in further flight the designed thrust of ramjet the phosphorus-grain frame. T o decrease the distor-
engines was less than the drag. This did not in any tion of the longitudinal ribs of the frame it was
way confuse us, as the results of flight tests, even decided to make it possible for the grain to rotate
with such a thrust-drag ratio, enabled us to establish freely in the chamber. With such a design, the rise
the fact of the ramjet engine operation and to deter- of the grain angular velocity occurred not instantly,
mine the degrees to which the thrust obtained in but gradually, thus preventing distortion of the
practice approximated that designed. grain ribs. Owing to the modifications of the jet
Processing the flight-test data showed that the engine design, the results of the test were appre-
actual drag in fact exceeded that calculated and the ciably better.
actual thrust was somewhat below that designed. T o prevent fuel loss, the grain framework of the
It could be explained by a number of causes, such third version of the engine was made so as to de-
as deformation of the metal frame of the phos- crease the ejection of bits of phosphorus, and phos-
phorus grain, inadequate flight stability of pro- phorus with lower melting temperature was used.
jectiles with ramjet engines, and so on. Due to this modification of the propellant grain, the
Disclosure of the causes for the decrease in thrust, value of specific impulse in the engines of the third
version increased to 423 kg sec/kg of propellant.
kg In these engines the propellant grain framework
was intended to retain phosphorus during the pe-
80 riod of the projectile boost inside the cannon, and
then it was used as a propellant. T h a t is why the
60 test of this group of projectiles was quite significant.
U p to that time, the interesting concepts of F A .
- Tsander and Yu.V. Kondratyuk, of using metal
fc
HO r propellant in jet engines, were developed only
^
V* theoretically or by means of experimental testing

20 A\ V iJ
under bench conditions. Ramjet engines designed
by the G I R D third team were the first jet engines
in the world operated in flight using metal propel-
lant not in the form of powder but as an element
0
200 WO BOD S00 fOOO v(m/sec) of structure.
FIGURE 7.—Air drag versus thrust developed by ramjet
During these tests the projectiles with ramjet en-
engine. gine covered a distance of 12 km (Table 2).
174 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

TABLE 2.—Results of flight tests on air-breathing jet engines of versions 2,3, 4,5, and 6

Version d, dCr der/df q q< w„ Range P No. Diagram of

(mm) (mm) (kg) (kg) (m/sec) (m) Shots jet engine
28 34 1.22 5.600 0.300 600 8500 185 5
28 35 1.25 5.600 0.300 600 10000 320 5
2 28 36 1.29 5.600 O.300 600 9500 300 5
28 37 1.32 5.600 0.300 600 9500 300 5

28 35 1.25 6.200 0.277 680 10700 423 10 Second version, stabilized phosphorus
3
30 35 1.17 6.200 0.270 680 10500 400 10 cap Electron metal shell

4 30 35 1.17 6.095 0.645 680 12500 346 3

.. n

30 35 1.17 5.850 0.400 680 11807 364 4

30 35 1.17 5.925 0.580 680 12021 334 6

30 35 1.17 5.662 0.620 680 12100 396 5

30 35 1.17 5.867 0.620 680 10600 330 5

During the test quite high efficiency was ob- further increase in this case evidently leads to some
tained. Its value in the best experiments was as decrease in flight range, though a slight one.
high as 16 percent, and taking into account that a A brief enumeration of the results of the first ex-
large part of propellant was exhausted from the periments with ramjet engines shows that even
engine at the initial moment of the projectile flight then, at the very outset of the rocketry development
in the air, the actual efficiency was considerably and with very limited experimental possibilities,
higher. the research workers tried to investigate the per-
Figure 8 displays the dependence of the flight formance of the new-type engines as thoroughly as
range of the projectile with a ramjet engine (which possible and to comprehend the regularities govern-
was obtained from the results of the trial firing) on ing the processes which occurred in them.
the ratio of diameter of the engine nozzle throat T h e principal result of these experiments demon-
(d cr ) to the diameter of the air inlet (d f ). As seen strating the success of the work commenced at
from the curve in figure 8, the optimum value of the G I R D on ramjet engines was the experimental
relation d cr :df is quite close to the value 1.25-1.27; proof of the capabilities of these engines. T h e main
the curve has a gently sloping maximum, and its question, Will a ramjet engine perform? was clearly
answered: "Yes, a ramjet engine designed on the
basis of Stechkin's theory is able to run in flight and
WOOD to develop thrust." It was an important conclusion.
1 " •—•
One more fact of historical significance should
5000 _^-fr^^?I^ be noted. Ramjet engines of G I R D design were the
o1—a first jet engines to attain supersonic velocity. Not a
single rocket in the world had achieved such a
I 1.05 /JO U5 f.ZO /.25 /JO <*cr/df velocity by that time.
FIGURE 8.—Flight range versus ratio of nozzle diameter to T h e study of projectiles with ramjet engines was
air intake diameter. carried out by the personnel of the G I R D third
NUMBER 10 175

team, which included M.S. Kisenko, A.B. Ryazan- 1. Konstantin Eduardovich Tsiolkovskiy, "Issledovaniye
kin, G.V. Shibalov, LA. Merkulov, L.E. Bryuker and mirovykh prostranstv reaktivnymi priborami," [Investigation
O.S. Oganesov. of Outer Space by Means of Reactive Devices], Nauchnoye
obozreniye [Science Review], no. 5, May 1903. An English
The experiment confirmed the workability of translation of this paper appears on pp. 24-59 of Works on
engines of such a type; therefore, the theoretical Rocket Technology, by K. E. Tsiolkovskiy, NASA T T F-243,
conclusions of B.S. Stechkin as well as of other November 1965, which is a translation of Trudy po raketnoy
Soviet and foreign scientists, and primarily those of tekhnike, M. K. Tikhonravov, ed., (Moscow: Oborongiz,
FA. Tsander and Italian Academician A. Crocco, 1947).—Ed.
were proved valid. 2. F. A. Tsander, Problema poleta pri pomoshchi reaktiv-
nykh apparatov: Mezhplanetnyye polety [Problems of Flight
Having completed these first experiments the sci-
by Jet Propulsion: Interplanetary Flights] (Moscow, 1932).
entists were faced with the second task: to solve the Available in English as NASA T T F-147.—Ed.
problem of possible practical use of ramjet engines 3. Rene Lorin, "Note sur la propulsion des vehicules
on vehicles having scientific or defense significance. aeriens," VAerophile, vol. 15, November 1907, pp. 321-22;
and "Une experience simple relative au propulseur 1 reac-
tion directe," L'Aerophile, vol. 21, 15 November 1913, p. 514.
NOTES —Ed.
Under the title O pervykh ispytaniyakh v polete pryamoto- 4. B. S. Stechkin, "Teoriya vozdushnogo reaktivnogo dviga-
'nykh vozdushno-reakyivnykh dvigateley, this paper appeared telya" [Theory of the Ramjet Engine], Tekhnika Vozdushnogo
on pages 109-121 of Iz istorii astronavtiki i raketnoi tekhniki: Flota [Air Force Technology], no. 2, February 1929.—Ed.
Materialy XVIII mezhdunarodnogo astronavticheskogo kon- 5. G. A. Crocco, "Iperaviazione e superaviazione," [Hyper-
gressa, Belgrad, 25-29 Sentyavrya 1967 [From the History of aviation and Superaviation] L'Aerotecnica, vol. 11, October
Rockets and Astronautics: Materials of the 18th International 1931, pp. 1173-1220.—Ed.
Astronautical Congress, Belgrade, 25-29 September 1967], 6. Here and elsewhere, cited from papers in the GIRD
Moscow: Nauka, 1970. archives.
 17

First Rocket and Aircraft Flight Tests of Ramjets

Yu. A. POBEDONOSTSEV, Soviet Union

Introduction chanics Department of the Moscow N.E. Bauman

Higher Technical School in 1923, set forth a new
T h e development of space rockets presents a
theory of a ramjet engine. Strictly following the
rather complex scientific problem. Among all the
classic gas-dynamics laws, he derived for the most
problems which affect the successful development
general case equations for the thrust and efficiency
of space technology that of rocket power engineer-
of a ramjet engine operating in an elastic medium.
ing is the most important one. We may confidently
For an incompressible fluid, without thermal ef-
say that the launching of Earth satellites, rocket
fects being considered, the problem of a reaction
flights to the Moon, Venus, and Mars, manned
force of a fluid jet through a jet engine was de-
orbital flights, and soft landing on the Moon are
veloped in detail earlier by N.Ye. Zhukovskiy and
the significant steps in the development of the
presented in his classical works: " O n Reaction of
Soviet space technology. Therefore it is quite clear
Fluid Inflow and Outflow" and "Contribution T o
that the creation and improvement of rocket en-
the Theory of Ships Propelled by the Reactive
gines and the choice of the most efficient propellants
Flow of Water."
for them will remain one of the key and governing
problems in modern space technology for many T h e analogous investigation of the compressible
decades to come, just as at the dawn of the space flow was carried out for the first time by B.S.
age. Stechkin. H e detailed the problem of energy input
to the air jet inside the ramjet; and he concluded
The first to advance and substantiate the idea of
that the law of heat transfer to the air can be arbi-
applying engines using atmospheric oxygen for
trary, but the integral defining the operation must
boosting space vehicles during their motion in the
be taken in a closed loop (in the coordinates pv)
atmosphere was Konstantin Eduardovich Tsiol-
presenting the process of changing the state of the
kovskiy.1
air passing through the ramjet. Thus, the thermal
Fridrikh Arturovich Tsander and other investi-
efficiency of the heating cycle of the air in a ramjet
gators made a great contribution to the study of
was immediately determined. T h e total efficiency of
this problem. 2
a ramjet was defined as the product of the thermo-
At present the idea of using ramjet engines for dynamic efficiency and the propulsion-unit effi-
boosting space rockets is generally recognized. Num- ciency, or, as it is now called, "the efficiency of
erous theoretical and experimental investigations motion" or "propulsive efficiency."
published in the world press show that the use of In addition, he showed how to define the effi-
ramjet engines in the first stages of carrier-rockets ciency of a ramjet engine when the air gets energy
will allow a severalfold increase in the mass of a partly or wholly from the outside, and considered
satellite put into orbit, with the rocket launching the case of air-jet compression at the expense of a
weight being unchanged. free stream impulse loss, as it was proposed by Rene
Academician Boris Sergeyevich Stechkin, one of Lorin. 5 I n this case the air passes on the Brayton
the closest pupils and followers of N.E. Zhukovski, cycle and its thermal efficiency will equal the dif-
delivering lectures on hydrodynamics at the Me- erence between unity and the ratio of the air tem-

177
178 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

perature at the completion of compression to its bustion-chamber cross-section in proportion to the

initial temperature at the inlet to the engine. temperature increase. Thrust augmentation there-
Soon after the publication of B.S. Stechkin's work, fore requires increasing simultaneously the ramjet
comments on and references to it began to appear dimensions and, hence, the value of its drag.
in the technical literature abroad. Soviet Union However, this unfavorable circumstance did not
priority in this field was unanimously acknowl- stop our work. It was proved that if the thermal
edged. For example, G. A. Crocco, the famous efficiency of the cycle was deliberately decreased by
Italian scientist on hydrodynamics, recognized in burning the fuel at a decreased pressure; the ramjet
his fundamentally new work "Hyperaviation and dimensions could then be greatly reduced and,
Superaviation" published in 1931,4 that the classical hence, the drag could be decreased at the expense of
theory of a ramjet engine was first developed by losing some thrust. The question naturally arose as
Professor B.S. Stechkin in the USSR.5 to what extent the radial dimensions of the ramjet
In autumn 1967, at the first symposium on the combustion chamber should be reduced.
history of astronautics, held in Belgrade, Yugo- It was necessary to choose ramjet dimensions such
slavia, I presented a report (see Paper 16) on "Early that they would allow the greatest free thrust (i.e.,
Experiments with Ramjet Engines in Flight," the difference between the ramjet thrust and the
which gave the results of experiments with ramjet drag).
models installed in a 3-inch projectile for a field Having analyzed the results of the aerojet engine
gun. thermal cycles, Merkulov determined for the engine
Flight tests of supersonic ramjets installed in an the optimal parameters which permitted it to de-
artillery-type projectile proved in practice that velop thrust greatly exceeding its drag. Based on
under certain conditions engines of this type could the theoretical investigations carried out by the
develop a reaction force, and that, due to this, a Osoaviakhim Central-Council Stratospheric-Com-
ramjet-type projectile had a greater range than that mittee Jet Section, some ramjet engine test models
of a standard projectile. were designed in 1936. All investigations and design
of ramjet engines were performed by space technol-
ogy enthusiasts of the Stratospheric Committee
Ramjet Test in a Rocket without compensation. These engines were designed
by A.F. Nistratov, O.S. Oganesov, B.R. Pastukhov-
Having confirmed the performance capability of
skiy, L.E. Bryukker, M.A. Merkulova, B.I. Ro-
the ramjet, the experimental investigations car-
manenko, L.K. Bayev, and others. Many computa-
ried out also showed that these ramjets developed
tions in theoretical investigations of ramjet cycles
extra thrust of a comparatively small value. Then
were made by A.D. Merkulova.
there arose a question of the possible creation of a
Then it was necessary to test the efficiency of the
ramjet developing thrust much higher than the
ramjet during flight tests and to show that this ram-
drag experienced by the ramjet body within a suit-
jet was able to impart a positive acceleration to the
able streamlined fairing.
vehicle on which it was installed. It was decided
To create this, LA. Merkulov, an engineer,
that it would be tested first in a rocket.
started investigating the thermodynamic cycle of a
The rocket equipped with a ramjet naturally
ramjet, and his first conclusion was that a ramjet
could be tested only as the second stage. As the first
operating on the proper Brayton cycle, that is, with
stage, it was desirable to use a rocket with a differ-
combustion at p = constant, where p=velocity of air,
ent engine (e.g., a liquid-fueled one) or a powder
could not develop thrust substantially above the
rocket. For simplicity and reliability in performing
drag experienced by the ramjet body, and, in fact,
the tests it was decided to use a powder rocket as
the engine could not thrust even itself, much less
the first stage, and a two-stage rocket was designed
impart a positive acceleration to any vehicle. This
that consisted of a powder rocket as the first stage
results from the fact that to develop as great a
and a ramjet rocket as the second stage. This proj-
thrust as possible, the air within the ramjet combus-
ect drew on the experience of GIRD. The second
tion chamber must be heated to a high temperature.
stage also used solid fuel placed within the combus-
But to keep the pressure constant while raising the
tion chamber as a grain.
gas temperature it is necessary to increase the com-
NUMBER 10 179

T h e rocket project was approved by scientists. total impulse was 260 kg/sec, maximum thrust was
For example, professor V.P. Vetchinkin, also one 450 kg, average thrust was 118 kg. and powder
of the closest pupils of N. Ye. Zhukovskiy, rated burning time was 2.24 sec; the ramjet rocket (second
highly the plan for the ramjet rocket. T h e support stage) weighed 4.5 kg and its diameter was 121
of the ramjet rocket project by famous scientists mm; and total initial weight of the two-stage rocket
and foremost specialists in space technology allowed was 8.3 kg.
this project to be put into effect. In 1937 a special T h e next versions of the P-3 rockets had a some-
design department (headed by A. Ya. Shcherbakov) what lighter structure compared with the rockets
of an aircraft plant started constructing ramjet of the first series.
rockets. First, two ramjet models were designed While testing the P-3-2B rockets, powder rockets
there for performing systematic investigations of of 82-mm missiles were used as the first stages, and
processes occurring in subsonic ramjets. T o solve as they had the following characteristics: total rocket
quickly as possible the basic problem, i.e., to prove weight was 3.510 kg, the " H " ballistite powder
the possibility of creating a ramjet engine that weight ranged from 1.050 to 1.079 kg, and the
could develop a thrust exceeding the drag and im- powder-gas exhaust velocity was 1860 m/sec.
part an acceleration to a vehicle, the P-3 rocket T h e first step of experimentation included in-
was designed. This engine was to use solid grains vestigations of rockets in a wind tunnel. A score or
consisting of aluminum and magnesium powders two of ramjet rocket blowdowns were made
mixed with other substances. Cylindrical grains throughout 1938 and at the beginning of 1939.
with a through channel grains were placed in the These investigations permitted a determination of
engine chamber. the rocket's coefficients of drag and selection of aero-
Two types of grains were used in rockets. T h e dynamic brakes to achieve quick separation of the
type manufactured by V.A. Abramov, a chemist first and the second stages. At the same time the
from the Moscow State University, consisted of burning process in a ramjet chamber was studied.
aluminium and magnesium powders bonded with In February 1939, flight tests of the ramjet began
an organic filler. These grains were very stable and at the airfield near the Planernaya Station, near
burned uniformly in the engine chamber. T h e Moscow (Figures 1 and 2). T h e rocket was launched
heat-producing capability of the grain equalled vertically upwards using a launching device. During
4200 kg-cal/kg. T h e rocket propellant charge con- the first tests the rocket take-off, stage separation,
tained two grains of equal outer diameters, while and fuel ignition in a ramjet were developed. T h e
the diameters of the central perforations used for first successful flight, which took place on 5 March
introducing air into the combustion chamber from 1939, clearly showed the increase of the rocket
the engine diffuser were different. velocity due to the ramjet operation. T w o rockets
The grain was ignited with black powder which, tested on that day contained grains manufactured
in turn, was ignited by means of a "stopin" fuse. by V.A. Abramov. These tests convincingly showed
The total grain weight was 2.1 kg, burning time a reliable operation of the whole system. It was
being 8 sec. therefore decided to conduct official tests. T o deter-
Grains of another type were manufactured at the mine precisely the flight velocities and rocket alti-
D.I. Mendeleyev Moscow Chemical-Engineering In- tudes, a group of astronomers was invited; they
stitute. T h e work was directed by scientific staff used the methods of meteorite observations for this
worker Dergunov. T h e grains were made by com- purpose.
pressing aluminium and magnesium powders under Official tests of the ramjet rocket, which took
high pressure. T o intensify the burning process and place on 19 May 1939, were performed at night to
increase the engine thrust some oxidizer (potassium permit the rocket motion to be followed against the
chlorate) was added to those grains. background of the dark sky by watching the trace of
Three series of ramjet rockets (16 in all) were exhaust gases. T h e grain used in the rocket was
manufactured for testing in flight. made at the D.I. Mendeleyev Chemical-Engineering
The ramjet rocket of the first series had the fol- Institute. After the powder was ignited the rocket
lowing specifications: the first stage weighed 3.8 kg left the launching device and went upward. T h e
and the powder it contained weighed 1.4 kg, its first stage having separated, the second stage of the
180 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

FIGURE 1.—Two-stage ramjet rocket being prepared on launching rack, showing first-stage solid
propellant rocket below fins.

ramjet rocket climbed with increasing velocity. and drag, was equal to 20 kg, the coefficient of
Those present at the tests could see distinctly that thrust being 0.7. During the entire rocket flight with
the rocket flight was successful. the ramjet cut in, the average acceleration was 23
T h e observations made by the group of astrono- m/sec 2 .
mers established the following pattern of the rocket Test results of these world's first ramjet rocket
flight: launches were set down in a statement worthy of
T h e first stage having burned out, the rocket being quoted in full:
acquired a velocity of 200 m/sec and reached a
height of 250 m. After the burnout, the first stage Statement on ramjet engine test:
was separated from the second one by its aerody- On May 19, 1939, the ramjet engine constructed by I. A.
namic brake. T h e interval between powder burnout Merkulov was tested at an airfield near the Planernaya
and ignition of the ramjet engine was about 2.5 Station (near Moscow).
The test object was a wingless torpedo with a ramjet
sec. During this period the rocket traversed 375 m engine.
and attained a height of 625 m, at which point the The fuel blend for this engine was prepared at the Men-
rocket velocity had decreased to 105 m/sec. At this deleyev Chemical-Engineering Institute.
velocity the ramjet cut in, and it burned for 5.12 For boosting the torpedo a conventional powder rocket
sec. By the end of the engine burn, the rocket was used.
reached 1317 m and acquired a velocity of 224 Ignition of the fuel composition and the powder rocket
m/sec. After burnout of the ramjet, the rocket was performed with electric plugs fed from a battery. To
delay the ignition of the fuel for 1 sec after the powder
coasted upward for 6.06 sec, climbing to a height of rocket ignition, a stopin fuse was placed between the fuel
1808 m. By the end of the engine burn, the value and the electric plug. The torpedo flight height and velocity
of extra thrust, that is, the difference between thrust were determined by the group of astronomers.
NUMBER 10 181

FIGURE 2.—Second stage of ramjet-rocket vehicle being lowered onto launching rack.

For launching the torpedo into the air, it was installed Ramjet Flight Tests in Aircraft
in a launching ramp.
The launch took place at 22.40. The creation of a ramjet engine for aircraft was
The torpedo tests yielded the following results. also of great importance. It opened the way for the
The torpedo left the launching device and rose vertically.
A second later, due to the aerodynamic brake, the powder
development of those engines and their subsequent
rocket separated from the torpedo and fell. At that moment use in rockets. Aircraft could serve as excellent fly-
die ramjet engine cut in. A trace of hot exhaust products ing laboratories for carrying out thorough investi-
directed downward followed the exhaust nozzle. The engine gations of ramjets in flight.
burn was smooth and steady, and lasted 5.5 sec (according On 3 July 1939, Merkulov presented to a meet-
to the fuel available). The engine cut-in resulted in a great
increase in flight velocity, the torpedo moving upwards with
ing of the Technical Council of the Aircraft In-
an increasing velocity during the entire period of the engine dustry Peoples' Commissariat a report that gave
burn. The fuel having been consumed, the torpedo went on the experimental results on ramjets used in rockets
coasting. The whole flight was stable and precisely vertical. and set forth further objectives for ranijet investiga-
The rocket flight allowed us to establish the fact that the tions, including improvement of its structure, and
operation of the ramjet engine was reliable and the flight its application in aviation.
velocity increased owing to this engine operation.
The rocket tests clearly demonstrated the fact of an ac- He proposed to use the ramjet in combination
celerated vertical flight upward of the ramjet vehicle. with the engine of a propeller-driven aircraft. The
These tests proved in practice the possibility of creating ramjets were to be used as auxiliary engines to in-
a ramjet that can develop at subsonic velocities a positive crease maximum flight velocity. At that time the
thrust that will exceed the drag and even the sum of drag internal-combustion unit was the only powerplant
forces and weights
applicable in aircraft in practice. It provided a high
That was the end of the second phase of the ef- take-off and cruise economy plus good maneuver-
forts by Soviet scientists and designers to create ram- ability of the aircraft in flight. At the same time a
jets. lightweight ramjet could allow the pilot to in-
182 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

crease greatly the maximum flight velocity at a re- made during the tests and to monitor the engine
quired moment. Besides, it was advantageous to use operation and its condition.
the ramjet as an auxiliary engine because it did not Test of two DM-2 models began in October,
require special fuel supplies such as were necessary, 1939, and on 22 October 1939, official tests of the
for example, for a liquid rocket engine, but could DM-2 in a tunnel were performed. T h e results of
use the same gasoline as the main engine did. these tests were summarized in a statement which
In August 1939, a prototype airborne ramjet said:
(auxiliary engine DM-1, intended for ground tests) During the tests the engine was started three times. The
was designed and manufactured. T h e engine diam- controls functioned well. The engine appeared to be com-
eter was 240 mm. Bench tests of this engine were pletely reliable and explosion-proof.
performed in September 1939. During the engine tunnel test the air flow developed a
A successful testing of the DM-1 permitted its velocity of 120 km/hr. At this velocity the engine thrust was
about 10 kg which corresponded to designed values.7
manufacture to be undertaken for on-board instal-
lation, and in September 1939, three DM-2 auxili- After successful wind tunnel tests of the ramjet
ary engines were built. engines, they were installed in the aircraft shown
Burnout of the thrust chamber of the auxiliary in Figure 3 for testing in flight.
engine was prevented by a special cooling system, During these first ramjet engine tests the aircraft
the gasoline entering the engine being used as a where those engines were installed was essentially a
cooling liquid. Burning stability of the gasoline in flying laboratory for the investigation of ramjet
the combustion chamber was achieved by a special operation.
device, the so-called protective ring, within the T o protect the fuselage and the tail from the pos-
chamber. These protective rings formed small sible effect of DM engine combustion products, the
regions within the chamber in which the air flow I-15-bis tail was covered with sheet duralumin be-
had low velocities. In these protected regions (pre- fore the tests.
combustion chambers) the ignition and smooth Flight tests of the I-15-bis aircraft with two ram-
burning of a small quantity of gasoline took place. jets as auxiliary engines installed under the wings
T h e flame that escaped the protective rings propa- began in December 1939. T h e first ramjet aircraft
gated burning through the main mass of the air- was tested by test-pilot Petr Yermolayevich Loginov.
gasoline mixture. T o assure ignition within the T h e flights performed by P.Ye. Loginov in De-
temperature range from —60° to -f 60 °C and mul- cember 1939, were the world's first made in a ram-
tiple starts in flight at any velocities, a special jet aircraft. It is interesting to note that the first
electrical ignition device was designed which was flight of a foreign semijet aircraft, constructed by
used throughout all flights. the Italian Caproni Company's Campini project
DM-2 engines were very compact. Their length and widely publicized by the press abroad, did
was 1500 mm, maximum diameter was 400 mm, not take place until August. This was seven months
nozzle exit diameter was 300 mm, and the weight later than the flight of the I-15-bis ramjet aircraft.
of one engine without the engine frame was 12 kg Pilot Loginov's conclusions about the operation
and with the frame, 19 kg. of jets constructed by LA. Merkulov:
T o investigate operation of the ramjet before 1. The engines provide some marked velocity increment of
flight tests the AT-1 special tunnel was built (after the 1-152 aircraft.
some modification it was designated the AT-2). 2. The engine operation control is simple and readily done
Maximum air-flow velocity within its working sec- (one handle with a switch).
tion was 75 m/sec. T h e test of the auxiliary engines 3. The engine operation is smooth at any speed and with a
first in the AT-1 tunnel and then in the AT-2 veri- protective metal sheathing on the underside of the air-
craft's wing, it is fireproof.
fied their safe operation, and permitted the develop-
ment of an ignition device and a smooth burning In all, the I-15-bis aircraft with the DM-2-type
process, as well as the determination of the main ramjets, piloted by different airmen, made 54 flights.
ramjet parameters. These tests were carried out Cut-in of the DM-2 increased the aircraft velocity
throughout the whole period of the DM develop- an average of 18-20 k m / h r . Tests were performed at
ment, both to check the structural improvements flight velocities of 320-340 k m / h r . T h e DM-2 had
NUMBER 10 183

FIGURE 3.—DM-2 ramjet engines suspended beneath wings of N. N. Polikarpov aircraft I-15-bis
(1-152), No. 5942.

the following parameters: the length, was 1.5 m, a resulting velocity of 440 k m / h r . During the Great
maximum diameter was 400 mm, nozzle exit diam- Patriotic War (World War II) DM-4C engines were
eter was 300 mm, engine weight was 12 kg, and sup- installed in the Yak-7b aircraft (Figure 4) and in
porting frame-suspension weight was 7 kg. other combat aircraft.
T h e n new aircraft appeared which had ramjets of
improved characteristics, the DM-4, etc., for ex- Conclusion
ample. T h e installation of DM-4 auxiliary engines
in the 1-153 aircraft resulted in a velocity increment T h e examples given here show how extensively
of 51 k m / h r at a flight velocity of 389 km/hr, with the work on creation of ramjets and their flight

FIGURE 4.—DM-4 ramjet engines mounted beneath wings of A. S. Yanovlev aircraft Yak-7b to
supplement performance.
184 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

tests was carried out in our country, even many jets" by Doctor of Technical Sciences, Professor
decades ago. T h e main result of bench and flight Mikhail Makarovich Bondaryuk and Doctor of
tests made in those years was that they confirmed Technical Sciences Sergei Mikhailovich Il'yash-
the correctness of the theory and computation chenko.
methods developed earlier, and showed in practice
the performance capability and reliability of en-
NOTES
gines of a new type. They also allowed more pre-
cise choices to be made concerning the trend of 1. K. E. Tsiolkovskiy, "Issledovaniye mirovykh prostranstv
further research and development. reaktivnymi priborami" [Investigation of Outer Space by
Means of Reactive Devices], Nauchnoye Obozreniye [Science
Concurrently with the flight tests, our country Review], no. 5, May 1903. An English version of this paper
carried out theoretical and experimental investiga- appears on pp. 24-59 of Works on Rocket Technology, by
tions of the processes in ramjets, and undertook the K. E. Tsiolkovskiy, NASA T T F-243, November 1965, which
study and development of separate ramjet elements is a translation of Trudy po raketnoi tekhnike, M. K. Tikhon-
as well as engines as integral units. All this work ravov, ed. (Moscow: Oborongiz, 1947).—Ed.
2. F. A. Tsander, Problema poleta pri pomoshchi reaktiv-
was begun at G I R D . Particular attention was paid
nykh apparatov: mezhplanetnyye polety [Problems of Flight
to the study of the fuel-burning process and the by Jet Propulsion: Interplanetary Flights] (Moscow, 1932).
development of the combustion chamber, the in- Available in English as NASA T T F-147.—Ed.
vestigation of air intakes for supersonic ramjets, 3. Rene Lorin, "Une Experience simple relative au pro-
and the development of control methods and pulseur a reaction directe," L'Aerophile, vol. 21, 15 November
systems. 1913, p. 514.—Ed.
4. G. Arturo Crocco, "Iperavmazione e superaviazione"
Comparison of the results of ramjet flight tests [Hyperaviation and Superaviation], L'Aerotecnica, vol. 11,
carried out in 1939-42 and analogous tests made in October 1931, pp. 1173-1220.—Ed.
1948 indicates convincingly what great successes 5. B. S. Stechkin, "Teoriya vozdushnogo reaktivnogo
dvigatelya" [Theory of the Air-Breathing Jet Engine], Tekh-
Soviet science and engineering achieved in creating
nika Vozdushnogo Flota [Air Force Technology] no. 2, 1929.
ramjets during those years. —Ed.
A rather valuable work on investigating and 6. In those years there was no fixed terminology. There-
developing ramjets was performed at the Moscow fore a two-stage ramjet rocket was called a "wingless torpedo
Aviation Institute 1942-43. with an air jet engine."
7. "A Brief Report of Airborne Air Jet Engine Tests to
T h e achievements of Soviet scientists in creating Increase the Maximum Flight Velocity," p. 74 (in the
theoretical and experimental principles of ramjets Scientific Archives of the Natural Science and Engineering
are exemplified in the scientific work, " T h e Ram- History Institute, USSR Academy of Sciences).
 18

On Some Work Done in Rocket Techniques, 1931-38

A. I. POLYARNY, Soviet Union

Beginning of Studies (1931-34) type. T h e optimum pressure in the engine was

determined by taking into consideration the change
Development in 1931 of a meteorological rocket in specific thrust and engine weight depending on
for systematic sounding of the atmosphere was the the engine pressure and resultant altitude change.
first attempt of the author of this paper to work T h e optimum pressure was within the range of
independently in the field of rocketry. During that 30-40 atm. T h e diameter of the rocket was 60 mm
period the author worked at the Scientific Research and the length, 1000 mm. T h e requirements for an
Institute of the Civil Air Force. For meteorological end-burning charge were determined. But the de-
purposes, sounding of the atmosphere with a sign was not put into effect, because I moved to
meteorological rocket could, to some extent, re- the Institute of Aircraft Engine Construction
place such soundings with the help of a plane, (IAM), to the group headed by F.A. Tsander.
which was a common practice at that time. Later, nevertheless, along with my other work,
It was envisaged by the design (Figure 1) that attempts were made to develop a charge with
after the rocket's ascent to a prescribed height end-burning for solid-propellant engines (with in-
(6000 m), a telemetry device would become ac- creased rate of burning). One might expect that
tivated. As a result, there would occur a separation the porous charge with retarded surface of small
of the rocket's lower part from the upper, and the channels evenly spaced in the charge would burn
release of a parachute. During descent, a meteoro- at a constant pressure with stable and increased
graph would record the atmospheric data. Plans linear rate as compared with a standard charge.
called for the subsequent radio transmission of Fixed volume burning would not change to ex-
these data earthward. plosive burning and detonation.
The engine was of a solid-propellant (powder) Aluminum powder was used as the retarding

KsfcllN
FIGURE 1.—Meteorological rocket with solid-propellant engine: I, meteorograph; 2, parachute;
3, remote-controlled unit for opening the parachute; 4, solid-propellant engine.
185
 186 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

agent. Small chips of smokeless powder were mixed several seconds and then was shut down because
with aluminum powder. Grains of that mixture, the nozzle burned out.
15 mm in diameter and about the same length, T o add to the service life of the OR-2 engine
were compressed. A special bomb fitted with a we used refractory coatings for the nozzle and the
diaphragm pressure transmitter and photorecorder chamber (corundum, magnesite, natural and artifi-
registering the pressure data on a rotating cylinder cial graphite, etc.). At the same time we tried to
was employed to determine the linear rate of burn- improve the external cooling system (see Figure 2).
ing of these grains. T h e burning rate of the grains For the chamber, the corundum coating proved
in the bomb (at the pressure of 50 atm) was con- quite suitable, but the nozzle coated with this
stant. T h e linear rate of burning could be changed material soon disintegrated.
from 2 to 600 mm/sec, depending on the percentage By the middle of August the tests showed that
of aluminum powder (0.5-8.0%), temperature of best results were achieved when natural graphite
the mixture while compressing it (from 0° to 44°C) was used without any traces of other minerals. The
engine thus lined with graphite operated for 30-40
and pressure used (not more than 100 atm). Re-
seconds with only slight erosion of the nozzle throat.
producibility of the results proved satisfactory.
Soon after F.A. Tsander died, on 28 March 1933,
At the close of 1931 I received an invitation to
L.K. Korneyev was appointed chief of the team.
take part in the organization meeting of the Group
T h e GIRD-Kh rocket was launched on 25 Novem-
for Study of Jet Propulsion (GIRD). I met F.A. ber 1933 (see Figure 3).
Tsander at that meeting and after we had a talk
By the end of August 1934 L.K. Korneyev, A.Y.
he proposed that I work with him. I consented.
At the beginning we worked at the IAM. Under
the guidance of F.A. Tsander I made thermo-
dynamic calculations for a rocket engine, did some
development work, and carried out experiments
with a OR-1 engine, which was the prototype of a
liquid-propellant rocket engine.
After a short period in the IAM, the group,
which was given the name of a team, moved to
the premises of G I R D . S.P. Korolyev was appointed
chief of the G I R D . One of the projects of the
team headed by F.A. Tsander was to develop the
OR-2 liquid-propellant rocket engine for the RP-1
rocket glider. In addition to development of a
liquid-propellant rocket engine, their task was to
accumulate experience in relation to control of a
liquid-propellant rocket engine under flight condi-
tions and to investigate future possibility of devel-
oping a composite space aircraft, with the last
stage entering outer space (that was the idea of
F.A. Tsander). Another aspect of their work con-
cerned creation of the liquid-oxygen rocket which
later came to be known as the GIRD-Kh rocket.
T h e design of the OR-2 engine and the GIRD-Kh
rocket was published in the collection of works <>
by Tsander edited by L.K. Korneyev in 1961. <&
I had to make calculations, perform develop-
mental work, and conduct experiments on the
OR-2 engine and the GIRD-Kh rocket. T h e engine FIGURE 2.—Combustion chamber with graphite lining of
was first started on 18 March 1933. It operated for OR-2 engine.
NUMBER 10 187

out of the tank with the help of gaseous oxygen

formed from a partial evaporation of the lox. A
heat exchanger, which was essentially a coil of pipe
in the interior of the oxygen tank, was employed
to intensify evaporation of the liquid oxygen. In
passing through the combustion chamber jacket
the oxygen was heated, and flowed back through
the coil. T h a t rocket was never used, due to lack
of money.

The Osoaviakhim Rocket (1934-35)

In the period 1934-35, the Association for Pro-

moting Aerochemical Defense (Osoaviakhim) under-
took the task of developing a very simple liquid-
fuel rocket which could be utilized in meteorology.
In cooperation with E.P. Sheptitskiy, I developed
such a rocket functioning on liquid oxygen (lox)
and ethyl alcohol, the fuel feed from the tank
being achieved by self-pressure through partial
evaporation of the lox. T h e other fuel tank was
filled one-third with alcohol and two-thirds with
compressed air, which forced the alcohol into the
combustion chamber when the valve was opened.
FICURE 3.—Launching of GIRD-Kh rocket. T h e basic characteristics of the rocket (see Figures
5 and 6) were as follows: the rocket diameter was
Polyarny, L.S. Dushkin, and I worked out a draft 126 mm; length with stabilizers, 1700 mm; launch-
project of a liquid oxygen KPD-1 rocket (see Figure ing weight, 10 kg; payload, 0.5 kg; fuel weight,
4). This development was performed independently 2.4 kg; engine operation time, 14 sec; pressure in
from the Jet Propulsion Research Institute (RNII), the alcohol tank varied from 25 to 16 atm and
having been created by them. T h e characteristics in the combustion chamber, from 13 to 10 atm;
of the rocket were as follows: the launching weight thrust varied from 40 to 25 kg; estimated rated
was 220 kg; pay load, 50 kg; fuel weight, 75 kg; vertical flight altitude was 5000 m and estimated
length, 3300 mm; diameter, 400 mm; thrust, 550 inclined flight range, 650 m. T h e rocket descended
kg; and the estimated flight range, 12 km. Liquid with the help of a parachute.
oxygen was supplied to the engine by forcing it With the participation of the Osoaviakhim and

3cku3uuu npo^wn wuMQcmHOti pat&mu kWhl

FIGURE 4.—KPD-1 lox and ethyl-alcohol powered rocket.

188 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

FIGURE 5.—Osaviakhim rocket, operating on lox and ethyl alcohol: 1, setup for parachute open-
ing; 2, parachute; 3, oxidizer tank; 4, fuel tank; 5, engine.

FIGURE 6.—Osoaviakhim all-metal engine.

its active members, (V.A. Sytin, LA. Merkulov,

K.K. Fedorov, N.N. Krasnukhin, and others), a
rocket was made ready and a test stand was built.
Initially the engine was checked out on the stand
and by mid-1935 the entire rocket as a unit was
brought to the prescribed parameters.
During the engine test procedure, consumption
of liquid oxygen could be varied by means of a
device (Figure 7) developed for the purpose. A
specially designed float-type recording instrument
was used to measure the lox flow rate during the
rocket-engine testing. One of its basic parts was
a float with a rod and disk on the end. On the
oxygen tank cover, there was a pipe closed at the
top; through an opening in the cover, the float's
rod entered the pipe. Against the pipe's inner wall
a spring pressed a plate equipped with a smoked
paper tape rotating around a vertical axis; the
plate's length equalled the float's depth of lowering.
At specific times during the test an electromagnet
fixed to the outside surface of the tube turned the
plate with the smoked tape and pressed it against FIGURE 7.—Float-type device for recording lox consumption
the float disc. In so doing, the disc made a mark rate.
NUMBER 10 189

on the smoked tape. After the test was completed, located in a tube closed from the bottom, the tube
the tape with the marks on it was treated with being an extension of the rotameter casing. T h e
a shellac and alcohol solution to fix the recordings tube was placed in three successively mounted
so they could later be read. tripe-phase coils. As the float moved, the plunger
caused a phase shift that was indicated by the
instrument mounted on the control panel and
The R-03 and R-06 Rockets recorded by means of an oscillograph.
In August 1935, I began working as deputy 4. For direct observation of the engine's opera-
director at the recently organized Design Bureau tion a special PER-1 periscope was designed, manu-
No. 7 (KB-7) dealing with liquid-propellant rockets; factured, and assembled on the test stand of the
L.K. Korneyev had been appointed its director. KB-7 by the Leningrad Optical Institute in 1938.
E.P. Sheptitskiy who had headed up a design sub- Three people could simultaneously make observa-
division, P.L Ivanov (director of the aerodynamic tions from the control room. Magnification was u p
group), the highly skilled mechanics M.G. Vorob'yev to ± 2 . 5 . T h e periscope was provided with a scale
and A.S. Rayetskiy, plus a number of other spe- for determining the size of the flame, and with
cialists, transferred to the KB-7. a device for the measurement of angles. T h e plan
T h e first task of KB-7 (apart from organization of the test stand is shown in Figure 12 and the
of the design and production sections) was to set control and instrumentation panel in Figure 13.
up a station for testing rocket units and rockets, T h e test station was furnished with equipment
taking into consideration the latest achievements and instruments at such a rapid pace that we could
in measuring techniques in allied fields. start carrying out tests on the stand in the second
T h e test station (Figure 8) was comprised of the half of 1936. Before KB-7 was set up, L.K. Korneyev
following: a reinforced concrete tower for static was engaged in development of the R-03 rocket and
firing tests, compartments for tanks with propel- I worked on a rocket which later came to be known
lants, air pressure cylinders, a compressor and other as the R-06 rocket.
equipment, a control room, a rocket assembly T h e attempt in spring 1936 to launch the R-06
room, electrotechnical and ceramics laboratories rocket, which had passed tests in Osoaviakhim,
(to be set up later), and some utility rooms. It was showed normal operation of the power plant and
designed by the Kuibyshev Military Engineering satisfactory interaction of all rocket parts. At the
Academy and its construction was completed in six same time the mechanism used for separation of
months. the rocket from the hand device employed to open
In addition to visual measurement of rocket fuel values was unreliable when the speed of the
parameters by means of instruments, photographs rocket movement in the launch device was great.
were taken and data were recorded by means of T h e first task of KB-7 was to perform adjustment
an oscillograph. A number of instruments were operations on R-03 and R-06 rockets for flight test.
designed by KB-7 in collaboration with scientific Direct-action (Figure 14) and breakdown (Figure
research institutes. Four examples are given below: 15) explosive valves served to ensure reliable condi-
tions for the launching of rockets. Using break-
1. A dynamometer with a capacitance pickup for
down explosive valves precluded the possibility of
thrust measurement was designed at KB-7 jointly
high-temperature gases penetrating the pipeline
with the Moscow N.E. Bauman Higher Technical
filled with a highly explosive mixture. A current
School.
of 0.08 ampere was sufficient to ignite the squib.
2. KB-7 developed and constructed capacitance
Before the rocket was launched the squib had to
pressure pickups (Figure 9) and dynamometers
be checked by way of remote control.
(Figure 10) to measure a change in the weight of
T h e engine was started in two stages: first the
the oxygen tanks during the test procedure.
3. Assisted by the Ail-Union Power Engineering engine operated with low propellant consumption
Institute, KB-7 developed and constructed a "rota- and then, after a certain period of time, it changed
meter" (Figure 11) for remote measurement of fuel over to the main power rating. For pressurization
consumption. As a float moved it moved a plunger of the fuel system, diaphragms calibrated for a
of Armco iron fixed to the float. T h e plunger was preset bursting pressure were used.
 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT
190

FIGURE 8.—General view of KB-7 test station

(top) and section of firing bay: 1, firing bay; 2,
shaft for escape of spent gases.

For remote observation of pressure change in the factured in the electrotechnical laboratory of KB-7
propellant tanks during starting, and for automatic (Ye. M. Kurilov).
switching of separate rocket elements, miniature Utilization of the system of explosive valves,
pressure gauges (Figure 16) of the contact and calibrated bursting diaphragms, pressure and time
rheostat type, which at the same time functioned relays, switched into a united electric system, made
as time relays, were used. These instruments and launching of the rocket fully automatic.
also the squibs for explosive valves were manu- A mobile field shop on a truck and a mobile
NUMBER 10 191

FIGURE 9.—Indicating sensor for remote pickup of pressure.

control panel on a trailer were organized on the

launching range for preparation of rockets for
starting and for effecting launching.
After these measures had been undertaken,
within a short time drawings for manufacturing
R-03 and R-06 rockets were issued, the models
underwent wind-tunnel tests in the Central In-
stitute of Aerohydrodynamics (TSAGI), a series of
the rockets were manufactured, and required tests FIGURE 10.—Tank suspension on dynamometer (pressure
pickup) for remote determination of lox weight in tank dur-
were carried out on the test stand. A general view ing engine testing: 1, load cell; 2, tank containing lox.
of the final version of the R-03 rocket, and of the
M-3 engine for this rocket, is given in Figure 17.
The main characteristics of the rocket were: E N G I N E S AND FUEL

diameter, 200 mm; length, 2600 mm; launching Study of different ignition systems for com-
weight, 34 kg; fuel weight, 12.5 kg; thrust, 120 kg; bustible mixtures proved that the most reliable
time of engine operation, 21 sec; flight range, system was to use a multispark plug mounted on a
8500 m. pipe through which hydrogen was supplied to the
Those of the R-06 rocket did not differ much chamber during launching. This device was in-
from the parameters established in Osoaviakhim. serted into the chamber from the side of the
Changes made in the design of this R-06 rocket, nozzle.
when a series was manufactured, were limited to Experiments on finding thermal-protective coat-
replacement of starting equipment and introduc- ings for nozzle and chamber were carried out in
tion of two-step starting of the engine, instead of a cooperation with the Kharkov Refractory Insti-
prolonged one-step starting.
From early 1937 to February 1938, ten R-03
rockets and nine R-06 rockets were launched (see a &
Figure 18) at different angles to the horizon. In-
flight stability of the rocket depended greatly on
the speed and direction of the wind. Maximum
inclined flight range reached by the R-03 was
about 6 km, by the R-06, about 5 km.

Work on Improving the Rocket Design

Beginning in 1936, together with work on the

R-03 and R-06 rockets at KB-7, research and
FIGURE 11.—Rotameter circuit for remote measurement of
development was undertaken on (1) engines and fuel flow rate, showing (right) connection of unit for telem-
fuel, and (2) providing in-flight stability for rockets. etry transmission of rotameter readings: 1, pickup; 2, selsyn.
 ^ ^ ^
FIGURE 12.—Layout of KB-7 engine test stand in 1937, prior to installation of periscope: 1, firing
bay; 2 shaft for escape of spent gases; 3, lox bay; 4, alcohol bay; 5, bay for spectrographic
measurement; 6, bay for compressed nitrogen and air.
 NUMBER 10 193

FIGURE 15.—Breakdown explosive valve: 1, diaphragm; 2,

punch; 3, spring; 4, explosive valve.

tested in which the casing of the nozzle was made

of welded coils of square tubing. All-metal engines
with smooth wall surface from the side of cooling
FIGURE 13.—Control and instrument panel for visual measure- liquid (F. L. Yakaytis) were designed.
ment and making motion picture records at KB-7 test stand.
To obtain more accurately the characteristics of
the combustion products of different types of fuels,
tute. In 1937 a ceramic laboratory (chief of the a method of calculation of I-S diagrams for com-
laboratory was M.Yu. Gollender) was organized. A bustion products of fuels, taking into considera-
ceramic developed for the nozzle was manufactured tion the latest data on dissociation, was worked
of chemically purified electrically molten mag- out for KB-7 by the Institute of Chemical Physics
nesium oxide with prolonged calcination carried (Ya.B. Zeldovich and D.A. Frank-Kamenetskiy).
out according to a special program. During opera- Investigations of complete fuel combustion in the
tion of the engine for 60-90 sec the throat diameter engine by the method of chemical analysis, carried
of these nozzles increased by 0.5-1.5 mm. out at KB-7 in cooperation with the Institute,
Together with utilization of ceramics in the showed that with accepted volumes of combustion
engine all-metal cooled structures of the engine chambers, completeness of combustion at first in-
were partly developed, the nozzle mainly was manu- creased (this may be related to the influence of
factured with a multiple thread from the side of the walls) and then became constant and main-
the cooling liquid (see, for example, Figure 26). tained a comparatively high level. The test results
An experimental engine was designed, built, and proved the balanced exhausting of the combustion
products of alcohol with oxygen.
Research into special problems involved in mix-
ture formation and combustion in a rocket engine
required a more profound knowledge of changes
developing in the composition of combustion pro-
ducts and temperature in different sections of the

FIGURE 14.—Direct-action explosive valve: 1, electric primer; FIGURE 16.—On-board remote-reading manometers: a, Con-
2, non-return valve; and 3, diaphragms. tact-type; b, Rheostat-type.
194 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

FIGURE 17.—R-03 lox and ethyl-alcohol rocket: 1, air pressure tank; 2, fuel tank; 3, oxidizer
tank; 4, M-3 engine.

chamber. For this purpose, at the behest of KB-7, At the request of KB-7, UFTI investigated the
the Ukrainian Physicotechnical Institute (UFTI) possibility of obtaining fuel with concentrated
worked out a method of determining the tempera- hydrogen through saturating the fuel with hydrogen
ture and composition of combustion products in in liquid state at ultra-high pressures (from 5000
different sections of the combustion chamber with atm and up), with further freezing and cooling of
the help of spectral analysis. The problem was fuel to low temperatures. It was assumed that a
assumed to be solved by measuring the strength of subsequent reduction in pressure at low fuel tem-
the free radical spectral line C-C, C—H, CH-O, perature would not greatly influence the separation
O-H and also C0 2 , H z O, CO and different nitrogen of hydrogen from the fuel.
oxides in the spectrum range from 2811 Angstroms During this period more than 25 different types
(A) for free hydroxyl to 147,800 A for COz. Temp- of engines, many of which underwent tests that gave
erature was hypothetically determined by the positive results, were designed for the above-men-
3064-A band, belonging to free hydroxyl, the force tioned investigations and for various types of
factors of which were known precisely. rockets.
After preliminary spectrographs investigations
of combustion products in the engine with quartz IN-FLIGHT STABILITY
windows were carried out at KB-7, spectrographs
were ordered from the Leningrad Optical Insti- A version of an R-04 spinning liquid-propellant
tute: a quartz spectrograph capable of photograph- rocket (Figure 19) was investigated. Diameter of
ing the spectrum from 2100 A to 7000 A, with the rocket was 160 mm; length, 1100 mm; thrust,
dispersion in the range of 3000 A not more than 45 kg. Pressurization of supply system components
5 A/mm; and a spectrograph for the infrared was with oxygen vapor.
section of the spectrum, with fluorite optics. Before launching, the rocket was spun up to
NUMBER 10 195

FIGURE 18.—R-06 rocket in flight.

2000 rpm by rotating the launching device. Four launching device was equal to the length of the
grains mounted in the nose cone of the rocket rocket. To check vertical in-flight stability, six
made it possible to spin the rocket additionally in rockets were manufactured. Later flight tests of the
flight. The rocket was manufactured and under- ANIR-5 rocket showed that under proper condi-
went stand tests. tions utilization of a gyroscope rigidly bound to
Investigations to ensure in-flight stability of the the rocket body could provide satisfactory in-flight
rocket with the help of a gyroscope rigidly bound to stability of the rocket. However, calculations showed
the rocket body (suggestion of P.I. Ivanov) were that this method of ensuring stability of the rocket,
carried out in consultation with Academician A.N. when the size of the rocket was increased, became
Krylov. The R-06 rocket, in which a gyroscope was less profitable than ensuring stability with the help
mounted, was used for this purpose. Correspond- of a gyroscope linked to aerodynamic control sur-
ingly, stabilizers were modified appropriately. The faces. Experiments in this direction were made
code name of this rocket (Figure 20) was ANIR-5. under the ANIR-5 project. Calculations were made
Before launching, the gyroscope was rotated up and drawings of a model were prepared for wind-
to 19,000 rpm. In seven minutes the speed of rota- tunnel tests in TSAGI.
tion had decreased to 4500 rpm. The length of the The AR-07 solid-propellant rocket with different
196 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

removable cap
parachute head section along SD

oxygen starter
valve

Sf
manometer
signaling device oxygen
operating
oxygen tank valve

gyroscope

alcohol tank

section along AB
operating
alcohol valve

engine

alcohol
starter valve
FIGURE 19.—R-04 liquid-propellant spinning rocket: 1,
powder charges for additional spinning of rocket during FIGURE 20.—ANIR-5 rocket (with gyroscope rigidly connected
flight; 2, fuel tank; 3, oxidizer tank; 4, engine. to rocket frame).

empennage was designed and developed to provide A rocket with a combine engine (suggested by
in-flight stability by imparting high speeds to the V.S. Zuyev) was one of the variants of a liquid-
rocket on escape from the launching frame. At the propellant-engine rocket having increased speeds on
same time various techniques of parachute opening emergence from the launching device. T h e M l 7
were tested. Six vertical launchings of the R-07 engine (Figure 21) was designed in KB-7 and de-
rocket were effected. These showed that, with ade- veloped on the test stand. First a powder grain
quate selection of the empennage, when the rocket burned out in the engine. At the same time plugs
left the launching frame at a speed not less than covering the outlet of the atomizers burned out. On
40-50 m/sec it was possible to ensure satisfactory completion of the powder-grain burning, when the
in-flight stability of the rocket. supply pressure of liquid propellants exceeded the
T h e following methods of parachute opening pressure in the chamber, the engine changed from
were tested at the same time on the R-07m rocket: solid-propellant to liquid-propellant operation. T h e
1, By firing a Bickford fuse with an incandescent wooden grid which earlier supported the powder
filament at launching (opening mechanism activated grain burned out during the liquid-propellant
after a fixed time lapse); 2, by firing Bickford fuse phase.
from a firing pin with a blasting cap when the One project to ensure in-flight stability of the
rocket was boosted during launching (parachute rocket involved monitoring the rocket by means of
opened after a fired time lapse); and 3, by means of a projected infrared beam. Stability was effected by
a gyroscope which closed the fuse igniter contact means of a photoelectric device (as a sensor)
when the rocket deflected 50° from the vertical mounted on the rocket and an actuating mechanism
(the opening depended on the position of the consisted of four microthrusters creating the re-
rocket). T h e last method proved to be the most quired thrust in response to operation of the photo-
reliable for opening the parachute after the rocket electric device (named ENIR-7).
reached the maximum altitude. Under an assignment from DB-7, U F T I (R.N.
 NUMBER 10 197

Lubricant

FIGURE 22.—Directional relay: 1, lines; 2, matte glass; 3, cross

of thin sheet brass; 4, photocells at section A-B.

^ 9a' "
beam consisted of four photo-cells located at the
FIGURE 21.—Combined (solid- liquid-propellant) M-17 engine:
I, oxidizer and fuel nozzles; 2, ceramic lining; 3, solid-pro- ends of the stabilizers. Photo-resistances (thallofide
pellant charge; 4, wooden diaphragm. cells) were used as photo-elements. T h e inner re-
sistance of these was 10 megohms in the darkness
Garber) developed a photoelectric device reacting and with illumination 2 lux the resistance decreased
to the rocket's position vis-a-vis the projector beam to 5 megohms. A one-stage amplifier was used for
direction and preventing the rocket's deflection. photo current amplification. Each of four units of
Also included were an amplifier, a spark discharger, control had its own independent anode circuit, to
and a current source. which a spark gap was connected.
The experimental direction relay, shown in Fig- T h e spark gap and the combustion chamber of
ure 22, had a diameter of 18 mm and a length of the microengine are shown in Figure 23. T h e com-
60 mm. T h e lens (1) of the direction relay focused bustion chamber was made of material with low
light on a frosted glass, (2), lying over a crosspiece magnetic permeability. Gaseous oxygen and hydro-
of thin sheet brass, in each of the four quadrants of gen were used as propellants. This mixture was
which a photoelement (4) was located. If the direc- readily inflammable from a spark in a wide range
tion of the light beam coincided with the direction of mixture ratio.
of the relay axis, the focal point of the beam coin- Propellants were supplied to the combustion
cided with the point intersection of the crosspiece through tubes (2 and 3). Combustion products
blades, and the same amount of light would fall on emerged through channel (1) of the gas exhaust.
all four photo-elements. When the direction-relay T h e combustion chamber had two molybdenum
axis deviated from the direction of the light beam, electrodes (5) and (6) which were soldered in the
the focus would shift to one of the photo-elements plug made of molybdenum glass. A sleeve nut (10)
and actuate the mechanism. connected the plug (4) with the combustion cham-
The device limiting escape from the infrared ber. A spring (7) provided with an armature of soft
198 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

R-05 rocket. W i t h direct participation on his part,

such questions were discussed as the rocket's param-
eters, the instruments installed on board and their
characteristics, the pattern of performing the tasks
in developing the item, and so on. In this R-05
rocket (Figure 24), reduction in design weight was
achieved by delivering the fuel components (alcohol
and liquid oxygen) with the aid of a solid-reactant
gas generator.
In the first launches, the rocket's in-flight stability
was hypothetically assured by increasing its initial
emergence velocity from the ramp to 40-50 m/sec
FIGURE 23.—Mockup of combustion chamber in micromotor by the additional operation, during takeoff, of two
with spark gap. solid-propellant launching engines which separated
from the rocket after completion of their work. Its
iron (8) and platinum contact (9) was fixed to elec- characteristics were: diameter, 200 mm; length,
trode (5). T h e second platinum contact was fixed 2250 mm; initial weight without boosters, 55 kg;
to the electrode (6). T h e iron tips of an electro- payload (with parachute), 4 kg; weight of propel-
magnet (11) were inserted into the plug case from lants (alcohol and lox), 30 kg; thrust, 175 kg; time
the side. This electromagnet was connected to the of operation, 37 sec; full impulse of the two launch-
anode circuit in series with the contact (9) and was ing boosters, 1250 kg/sec.
shunted with a 2-mfd electrolytic condenser. W h e n
an electric impulse activated the electric fuel inlet Equipment mounted on the rocket included the
valves, the electromagnet attracted the core, open- FTI-5 unit, the DTU-I aggregate, and other instru-
ing the contact, and simultaneously a spark ignited ments. T h e FTI-5 was a miniature camera for
the fuel mixture. By means of this circuit (without automatically photographing the earth's surface
transformer, inductor, etc.) the ignition of fuel was during descent at specific time intervals. It had been
assured. T h e lamps were fed from the 160-v, 5-ma designed and manufactured by the Leningrad
anode battery. Optical Institute on the order of KB-7.
T h e DTU-1 was a complex instrument assembly
consisting of two barometers (registering from 769-
R-05 Rocket with Altitude of 50 km
15 and 15-0.5 m m / h g , respectively), a noninertial
Without waiting for the results of all the above- thermometer, and accelerometer, a pressure gauge
mentioned research and development, a strato- for measuring pressure in the engine, a coding and
spheric variant of a rocket with 50-km altitude was distributing device, a timepiece, an electrical sup-
designed for the Geophysical Institute of the Acad- ply, and a miniature radio-transmitter. Readings of
emy of Sciences of the USSR. Its director, Academi- the measuring instruments were coded with the
cian O. Yu. Shmidt, showed keen interest in the help of special mechanisms for periodic transmission

FIGURE 24.—R-05 rocket, designed to reach altitudes of 50 km: 1, device for opening the para-
chute; 2, parachute; 3, instruments; 4, fuel tank; 5, PAD; 6, oxidizer tank; 7, engine; 8, powder
launching rocket engines (can be jettisoned).
NUMBER 10 199

of radio signals to the earth. Weight of the instru- T h e photo range-finder consisted of four blocks
ment assembly was 1.5 kg. of cameras, located at points marked by geodesic
T o receive signals from DTU-1, a receiving- layout. T h e flight trajectory was defined by record-
decoding unit was used which consisted of a radio- ing the luminous trail of burning grains mounted
receiver, a "shorinophon" and a decoding unit. on the rocket, on photographic plates which were
The shorinophon recorded sound signals from the later developed.
DTU-1 on a tape. This instrument, which weighed T h e M-29e rocket engine (Figure 25) was devel-
1.5 kg, was developed on the order of KB-7 in the oped for the R-05 rocket. It operated at rated
Main Geophysical Observatory of the Hydromete- parameters not less than 50 sec. T h e solid-propel-
orological Service (Professor P A . Molchanow). A lant hot-gas generator (PAD) with an operation
photo range-finder, for determining the flight path time of 40-42 sec was developed by A.B. Ionov.
and defining the impact place of the rocket (in Extensive tests of the engine with the PAD, and
night flights with utilization of powder, leaving a with tanks, the design of which was the same as for
trace when burning) was worked out in KB-7 with those of the rocket, but smaller, were carried out in
participation of the P. K. Shternberg Astronomical 1939. They showed that the characteristics of the
Institute. engine in the main rating (thrust, pressure in the

View along
arrow A

FIGURE 25.—M-29e engine for R-05 rocket: 1, injector; 2,

lining; 3, nozzle which is being cooled.

G
n (SeC)
R P oxygen &
(kg)(atm) alcohol

350 ;
End of lox outflow
mY
250

200

150-

SO",

55 time (sec)

FIGURE 26.—Graph reflecting variation in parameters of R-05 rocket with PAD during complex
stand tests: 1, thrust; 2, chamber pressure; 3, pressure in powder cell; 4, per-second use of lox;
5, pressure in oxygen tank; 6, per-second use of alcohol; 7, alcohol tank pressure; 8, powder
launching-rocket engine (can be jettisoned).
200 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

PAD, tanks and chamber, and also propellant con- Characteristics of the R-10 rocket second stage
sumption per second) were close to design char- were: diameter, 126 mm; total weight, 12 kg; weight
acteristics (Figure 26). of liquid propellants (alcohol and liquid oxygen),
A variant of the R-05 rocket (the R-05g) was also 4.2 kg; weight of powder grain in combined engine,
designed in KB-7 for flight at an angle to the 1.3 kg; payload, 0.5 kg; firing time of powder
horizon. grain, 2.58 sec; thrust of the engine when operating
on liquid propellants, 35 kg; firing time on liquid
R-10 Rocket with Altitude of 100 km propellants, 24 sec; burnout velocity of the rocket,
1113 m/sec; burnout altitude of the rocket, 39.6 km.
T o increase further the rocket altitude (as there This rocket was launched with the objectives of
was no possibility of constructing large-scale rockets (1) attaining a maximum altitude at comparatively
in KB-7) the R-10 composite rocket with an initial low expense; (2) discovering the most effective
weight of 100 kg, was designed in 1938-39 to attain method of ensuring in-flight stability of the rocket
an altitude of 100 km. This rocket was powered by at altitudes up to 100 km; and (3) separating the
liquid-propellant first and the second stages, with rocket first and second stages and recovering the
two coupled solid-propellant boosters. Figure 27
rocket from high altitudes by parachute.
shows the R-10 rocket without boosters.
T o reduce the weight of the rocket structure of
the first and second stage, liquid propellants were Conclusion
supplied with the help of the PAD.
T h e aforementioned facts show that after a series
T o choose the method of ensuring in-flight sta-
of launching of the R-05 and R-10 rockets we could
bility for the R-10 rocket, it was necessary to obtain
start designing large-scale rockets with flight ranges
data on: launching of the R-05 rocket with solid
greater than those mentioned above, and with a
propellant boosters, tests of automatic gyro control
large payload.
linked with aerodynamic stabilizers (ANIR-6), and
tests of rocket monitoring by the projected infrared
beam, with utilization of a photoelectric device REFERENCES
(ANIR-7).
Under the title O nekotorykh rabotakh po raketnoy
Characteristics of the R-10 rocket first stage were:
tekhnike v SSSR v period 1931-1938, this paper appeared on
diameter, 320 mm; total weight, 88 kg; weight of pages 122-44 of Iz istorii astronavtiki i raketnoi tekhniki:
propellants (alcohol with oxygen), 45 kg; thrust, Materialy XVIII mezhdunarodnogo astronavticheskogo kon-
160 kg; speed at end of operation of boosters (to- gressa, Belgrad, 25-29 Sentyavrya 1967 [From the History
gether with liquid propellant engine), 250 m/sec; of Rockets and Astronautics: Materials of the 18th Inter-
time of operation of liquid propellant engine, 60 national Astronautical Congress, Belgrade, 25-29 September
1967], Moscow: Nauka, 1970.
sec; speed of rocket at end of operation of the first
The following sources, all in the Archives of the USSR
stage, 560 m/sec; altitude of the rocket at separation Academy of Sciences, were listed at the end of this paper
of first and second stages, 21.2 km. there (p. 144).

FIGURE 27.—R-10 composite rocket designed to reach 100-km altitude: 1, second rocket stage;
2, fuel tank; 3, PAD (high-pressure storage vessel); 4, oxidizer tank; 5, rocket engine. (2-5 are
first-stage units).
NUMBER 10 201

1. Register of experiments on OR-2 motor, 1932-34 (razr. 22. Maps, plans, and timetable for Design Office No. 7
4, op. 14, d. 2). (KB-7), 1939 (razr. 4, op. 14, d. 177).
2. Correspondence and calculations about the KPD-1 23. List of components for KB-7, 1939 (razr. 4, op. 14,
rocket, 1934 (razr. 4, op. 14, d. 52). d. 178).
3. Rocket according to L. K. Korneyev system. Calculations 24. Work plan for KB-7, 1938-39 (razr. 4, op. 4, d. 179).
and correspondence, photographs, 1935 (razr. 4, op. 14, d. 55). 25. Minutes of the technical meetings of NKB, 1939 (razr. 4,
4. Testing of individual components of R-06, 1936 (razr. 4, op. 14, d. 180).
op. 14, d. 58). 26. Balancing data of KB-7 (razr. 4, op. 14, d. 181).
5. Register of experiments on R-03 (of separate com- 27. Archives material (copies of newspaper articles and
ponents and parts). Register of the summer experiments. journal articles) about actions of TSGIRD and TSS (Osoviak-
General view of R-03, 1937 (razr. 4, op. 14, d. 59). him) in the 1930s in the field of rocket technology (razr. 4,
6. Designs of R-07 Rocket, 1937 (razr. 4, op. 14, d. 60). op. 14, d. 222).
7. Reports and data of summer experiments on R-06 and 28. Archival material of actions taken by stratosphere com-
R-03 in Leningrad and Pavlograd, 1937-38 (razr. 4, op. 14, mittee Aviavnito and Moscow conference, 1935 (razr. 4, op. 14,
d. 61). d. 235).
8. Designs of R-05 rocket, 1938 (razr. 4, op. 14, d. 62). 29. Recollections of Merkulov about the work of Osoaviak-
9. Designs of R-05 rocket, 1938 (razr. 4, op. 14, d. 63). him, 1961-62 (razr. 4, op. 14, d. 237).
10. Designs of R-05 rocket, 1938-39 (razr. 4, op. 14, d. 64). 30. Material on KB-7, 1937 (razr. 4, op. 14, d. 244).
11. Register of summer experiments of ANIR-5 rocket, 31. Work plan UVI for 1935 (1934) (razr. 4, op. 14, d. 246).
1938-39 (razr. 4, op. 14, d. 65). 32. Benzine-oxygen liquid rocket motor, GIRD and RNII,
12. Design of composite R-10 rocket, 1938-39 (razr. 4, op. 1933-34 (razr. 4, op. 14, d. 255).
14, d. 66). 33. Motors at KB-7, 1936-39 (razr. 4, op. 14, d. 256).
13. Design of R-05 rocket, 1939 (razr. 4, op. 14, d. 67). 34. Archives (razr. 4, op. 14, d. 262).
14. Technical conditions for R-05 rocket (item 602), 1939 35. Experimental Station KB-7, 1935-38 (razr. 4, op. 14,
(razr. 4, op. 14, d. 69). d. 267).
15. Rocket R-04, designs, general appearance, 1937 (razr. 4, 36. Rocket R-06 (razr. 4, op. 14, d. 271).
op. 14, d. 70). 37. Rocket R-03 (razr. 4, op. 14, d. 272).
16. Correspondence about apparatus at KB-7, 1939 (razr. 4,
38. General views of rockets (razr. 4, op. 4, d. 278).
op. 14, d. 119).
39. Starting stand for R-06, PS (razr. 4, op. 14, d. 279).
17. Various correspondence about apparatus (razr. 4, op.
14, d. 120). 40. Mobile launching ramp for R-06, PS (razr. 4, op. 14,
18. Correspondence about apparatus at KB-7, 1936-39, d. 279).
(razr. 4, op. 14, d. 150). 41. Motor M-29 (razr. 4, op. 14, d. 280).
19. Technical report about work at KB-7, 1938 (razr. 4, 42. Recollections of the employees of the enterprise KB-7
op. 14, d. 153). (razr. 4, op. 14, d. 291).
20. Designs based on experimental station KB-7 1937 (razr. 43. F. A. Tsander, Problema poleta pri pomoshchi reak-
4, op. 14, d. 174). tivnykh apparatov: mezhplanetnyye polety [Problems of
21. Maps, plans, and timetable for KB-7, 1939 (razr. 4, op. Flight by Jet Propulsion: Interplanetary Flights] Moscow,
14, d. 176). 1961.
 19

S.P. Korolyev and the Development of Soviet Rocket Engineering to 1939

B. V. RAUSHENBAKH AND Y U . V. BIRYUKOV, Soviet Union

At the turn of this century K.E. Tsiolkovskiy means projects of interplanetary flights. It was a
formulated the basic principles of exploring space vicious circle: the idea of a rocket flight needed
by means of rockets, but these ideas were propagated support which could come about through public
and developed in the course of the next 20-30 years recognition, but on the other hand, public recogni-
mainly within a theoretical context by enthusiasts tion could best be won only by a real rocket flight.
who considered them realizable only in the distant Korolyev broke the cycle, and thus asserted him-
future. T o translate these ideas from the sphere of self as a leading scientist. He understood that the
theory and scientific fiction into practicable reality huge problem of space exploration must be solved
required people who could perceive in contempo- by stages, rockets being used first for low-altitude
rary technology those elements which might be flights, then in the stratosphere, and only later,
extended to space flight. when sufficient experience was acquired, outside
Sergei Pavlovitch Korolyev, a pioneer rocket- the atmosphere. Having met F.A. Tsander and seen
builder, was a man of that caliber. H e became active how much the man's aspirations and aims coincided
in rocket engineering in the early 1930s. with his own, and how far his scholarship and ex-
Tsiolkovskiy's ideas on space conquest were im- perience of 20 years in the field exceeded his own,
pressive in the grandeur of perspectives they opened Korolyev was quick to direct his efforts to the
up before mankind, they captured bold and talented realization of Tsander's projects. Studying the de-
people with the alluring opportunity of contribut- sign of an OR-2 engine he understood it to be the
ing to a romantic cause, they suggested the feasi- missing link for his projected rocket aircraft and a
bility in principle of space flights, and they laid out realistic basis for a wide-scale assault on the realiza-
tion of a rocket flight. So he proposed to start on a
courses to follow; but they failed to answer whether
simple flying machine incorporating that engine.
space flight itself could be achieved immediately or
must be left for the future. This question con- This project he undertook on an unpaid basis,
fronted everyone dealing with problems of space a way followed at that time by many young de-
flight. Quite a group of young fledglings in the signers of gliders and light airplanes. It became the
scientific community during the early 1920s insisted rallying idea for the establishment in late 1931 of
on immediate space flights, but most of them failed the Group for Study of Jet Propulsion (GIRD),
to see the difficulties implicit in the proposal, and the first Soviet team to seek ways of constructing a
gave up when the task became hard. T h a t was how piloted liquid-fuel jet airplane. T h e group was
the Society for the Study of Interplanetary Commu- under the scientific direction of F.A. Tsander, but
nication came to its end in 1924, to be followed in the work on the rocket glider was controlled by
its fate by the Interplanetary Section of Inventors S.P. Korolyev.
in 1927, and by other space-oriented circles and T h e new tailless airplane (BICh-11) of B.I.
groups. T h e development of rocket technology re- Cheranovsky, built according to the same delta-
quired funds—indeed appreciable amounts. It was wing pattern as the preceding BICh-8 glider,
only natural that the country at that time could formed the basis of the rocket aircraft. Korolyev,
only afford realistic, short-term projects, but by no who was also a pilot, had shortly before made some

203
204 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

test flights in that glider.1 The BICh-11 airplane wrote the book "Rocket Flight in the Strato-
was turned over to GIRD in February 1932, but sphere." 3 This, although meant to popularize sci-
the OR-2 engine could not be developed within so ence, proved to be an important contribution to
short a term. Both funds and skilled workers were the rocket engineering of that time. Tsiolkovskiy
lacking, and the seemingly simple task of creating found it to be a "clever, informative and useful
a liquid-fuel jet engine and installing it in the book." 4
glider, grew, in the process, into an aggregation of Attaching high value to "group work," Korolyev
most complicated scientific and research problems. was no less active in the personal selection of
Wanted were new people not merely interested in specialists, thus turning GIRD into a strong, viable
space flights but capable of contributing to the team of engineers, designers, and mechanics, who
practical development of rocket engineering. had come from the aircraft industry, many of them
That was how practical activities revealed the Korolyev's long-time colleagues. To GIRD, and
deficiency of personnel and special knowledge. then to the whole Soviet rocket industry, it brought
The orientation of technical training also had to be high technological standards.
changed in favor of the practical aspects of rocket Korolyev's part was highly esteemed from the
engineering and its importance for the country's very beginning. Thus, the secretary of GIRD wrote
progress, rather than theoretical ideas, the feasi- to Tsiolkovskiy:
bility of space flights, etc. The personnel training
problem was especially acute. Korolyev had been Our experimental work on the GIRD-RP-1 rocket aircraft,
is nearing its completion . . . . Many highly qualified
an experienced exponent of practical knowledge engineers work with us, and best of them all is the chairman
in aviation and technology ever since his school of our Technical Council S. P. Korolyev. He has already done
days and in this respect, therefore, also took a more than a lot for all of us. He is also going to pilot the
leading role in GIRD. first rocket aircraft.5
He was quick to understand that both aviation The emphasis, in the technical training, on im-
and especially rocketry require the effort of large mediate practical targets of rocket technology and
teams of subject specialists, and had therefore on the solution of urgent problems of the philos-
attached a very great importance to personnel ophy and technology of flights brought recognition
training and selection. The result was that GIRD to GIRD, and this was further enhanced by the
offered the world's first courses on jet motion and weighty argument it had advanced in the form of a
the whole character of training was revised. This virtually completed (as it seemed at the time) RP-1
change was described in Korolyev's letter of 31 July rocket aircraft. As a result, considerable support
1932 to an advocate of cosmonautics, writer Ya.I. for GIRD had been developed, and the Central
Perel'man: Council of Osoaviakhim, a voluntary society re-
Though extremely busy with experimentation, we are very sponsible, among other things, for aviation and
much concerned about the development of our mass technical sports and for supporting the construc-
work . . No time is to be lost. The immense local tion of gliders and sports aeroplanes, in April
initiative is to be received and digested in such a manner 1932 decided to organize an industrial support
as to create a positive public opinion around the problem
of reactive motion, stratospheric flights and (in the future)
facility to be known as the GIRD experimental
interplanetary travels. The need to develop a body of liter- plant. S.P. Korolyev became Director of both the
ature is also very urgent, for it is practically absent, except plant and the whole GIRD. Thus a center was
for two or three books, and these are not generally available. created, quite large for the time, possessing impres-
We think the time is right for publishing a series (10-15 sive design, research, and production facilities.
items) of semitechnical booklets on jet motion, each one Korolyev's organizing talent played a decisive role
clarifying a single problem, such as "What is jet motion?"
"Fuel for jet motion," "Applications of jet motion," etc.
in the whole affair.
These may later be replaced by more specialized liter- Speaking on the emphasis of GIRD's promotional
ature. . .2
and production activities on immediate practical
In this context Korolyev paid much attention to goals, one question is to be answered: what was, at
the training department of GIRD. He delivered that time, Korolyev's actual attitude towards inter-
lectures, wrote papers, advocated a new journal planetary flights? From official documents and his
Sovetskaya Raketa (Soviet Rocket), and finally, own papers it appears that Korolyev tried in those
 NUMBER 10 205

years to attract general attention to practical, T h e purposeful efforts of GIRD's Director S.P.
down-to-earth use of rockets, insisting that "this Korolyev, its brigade leaders F.A. Tsander, M.K.
very thing must command the attention of all those Tikhonravov, Y A . Pobedonostsev, and the whole
interested in the field, rather than as yet unsubstan- staff put the " G I R D plant" to work. Prototypes of
tiated fancies about lunar flights and record speeds engines, rockets, experimental installation were
of non-existing airplanes." G turned out in metal, field and flight tested, and
This quotation seems to conflict with the aura of improved. Although work on the RP-1 rocket air-
a great enthusiast and champion of cosmonautics craft was slowed down and then stalemated because
that history has given him. When properly inter- of difficulties connected mostly with the OR-2 en-
preted, however, the statement only reflects the gine (designed as a liquid-fuel jet engine with
complexity of conditions under which the pioneers sophisticated controls) this did not affect the other
in cosmonautics started their work. Alert to the activities of GIRD, for the RP-1 was by that time
fact that fancy talk of space flights at that stage only one point of the challenging program, which
would only compromise rocketry in the eyes of was otherwise successfully fulfilled. T h e first Soviet
those lacking foresight, Korolyev chose not to dis- liquid-fuel rocket, GIRD-09, was successfully
cuss problems of cosmonautics but to put all his launched on 17 August 1933, followed by the liquid-
efforts to developing it in practice. His attitude fuel rocket GIRD-10 on 23 November of the same
towards the problem is explicitly stated in his year.
letter of 18 April 1936 to Perel'man: T h e Jet Propulsion Research Institute (RNII),
I would only like that you, an expert in rocket engineering established in 1934 as the world's first state-owned
and an author of excellent books, pay more attention not to research facility for rocketry, was a product of the
interplanetary problems but to the rocket engine itself, to government's support of promising branches of sci-
the stratospheric rocket, etc., since all this is closer, clearer,
ence and technology, of the country's industrial
and more urgent for us now. . . .
I would very much like to see your excellent books among progress, and of the combined efforts of G I R D and
those which champion the cause of rocket-building and the former Gas Dynamics Laboratory (GDL), of
which teach and struggle for its flowering. Should it be so, Leningrad, both of which became the nucleus of
the time will come for the first terrestrial ship to leave the the Institute. In the Institute, fairly large for that
Earth. We probably will not live to see it, and are destined
time, S.P. Korolyev concentrated exclusively on
to spend out life pottering about here below, yet successes
are also attainable on this earth J tasks of fundamental and applied nature, heading
research on rocket planes.
Nevertheless, Korolyev did all he could to bring
that time closer. H e was a real champion of the Following the experience of GIRD, Korolyev, in
cause. Workers at G I R D testify that he was as his initial period in the Institute, saw a reliable
engine as the immediate goal. In his book he wrote:
enthusiastic as Tsander about the concept of inter-
planetary flights. A lunar flight was his cherished Each researcher, each worker in this field must concentrate
dream. T h e work program of G I R D provides a on the motor. Other problems, complicated as they might
most convincing evidence of his devotion to this be, will undoubtedly find solution in the course of work on
models of flying objects and the objects themselves (which
idea. It had three goals: first and most immediate—
certainly will fly, provided there is a reliable engine) .8
practical proof of the feasibility of jet flight and
its expediency; second and basic—extensive research Korolyev himself did not become a designer of
for optimal solutions and for a substantial practical rocket engines, however, and still continued re-
output in terms of new flying machine; third and search on rocket-propelled vehicles, concentrating
long range—primary attention to those research on complex problems. Such an attitude is explained
problems which would clearly contribute to making by the fact that by 1936-37 the R N I I had developed
space flight practical. These research problems in- rocket engines meeting existing requirements,
cluded use of liquid oxygen as the most promising among them the ORM-65 nitric-acid liquid-fuel jet
rocket fuel; the technological, medical, and bio- engine with a thrust of 150 kg, and the 12/K oxygen
logical factors associated with manned flight; and, liquid-fuel jet engine with thrust of 300 kg and
finally, the use of metal fuel and development of adequate operational time. T h e engine problem
an air-breathing jet engine for acceleration in the was therefore less acute. Korolyev told his colleagues
atmosphere. that problems of flight dynamics and stability were
206 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

becoming imperative. Main efforts therefore had to tanks and feed systems); cabin sealing; the aerody-
be directed towards the development of experi- namics of high (supersonic) speeds; and the flight
mental rocket-propelled craft with stabilization and dynamics and other problems also of importance
control systems on different principles. Engines for carrier missiles and space ships.
could be further improved on test benches, whereas Korolyev understood that unmanned rocket
problems of flight dynamics could only be solved craft are good enough for solving certain technical
by way of flight tests. In Korolyev's opinion, the problems, and he therefore organized in the R N I I
flight of piloted rocket craft continued to be the tests of numerous small-size winged rockets. T h e
main prospective task. At the 1934 Ail-Union con- first such rocket started on 5 May 1934.
ference on atmosphere studies, under sponsorship T h e 212 rocket with the previously mentioned
of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, he read ORM-65 engine and a gyroscopic automatic sta-
a paper devoted to manned rocket flight problems. 9 bilizer was the best known of that type. Its esti-
In March 1935 the R N I I and the Aviation De- mated range was 80 km. It was started from a
partment of the All-Union Engineering Society on rocket-powered sled by a powerful accelerator. T h e
Korolyev's initiative convened the Ail-Union Con- 212 was flight tested in 1938-1939.
ference on the Use of Jet-Propelled Aircraft in the T h e most complicated problem involved in de-
Exploration of the Stratosphere. T h e r e Korolyev signing unmanned winged rockets had long been
delivered a detailed report entitled "Winged Rocket flight stability, and Korolyev turned for help to
for Manned Flight," in which he summarized the specialists in mechanics and mathematics. In 1936
results of his investigations and for the first time he made a detailed progress report on winged
described unique features and possible designs of rockets at a session at the Mechanics Research Insti-
the rocket plane, its calculated weight analysis, and tute of the Moscow State University, where he
its flight characteristics. T h e report proposed the posed the task of investigating the motion of un-
development of a rocket-plane laboratory for purely controlled and controlled winged rockets and solv-
experimental flights at low altitudes. It would thus ing the flight stability problem. Such a study, under-
be "possible to make a systematic study of the opera- taken on a contract basis by a group of young
tion of rocket elements in flight. W h e n secured at a mechanics and mathematicians, was the first case of
required altitude, it might be used for experiments pure science put to solve causal problems of rock-
with an air-breathing jet engine and a whole series etry.
of other experiments." 10 Korolyev not only had Moscow University under-
Korolyev's preference for rocket gliders rather take the solution of prospective problems in
than ballistic missiles originated not by virtue of mechanics, he also employed prominent scientists
his profession as an aircraft designer but by the for advisory service, in addition to similar work
limitations of the engine industry in those years. carried on in R N I I itself.
T h e characteristics of the already existing liquid- He organized a special department for the devel-
fuel jet engines and those under design (thrusts of opment, production, and adjustment of gyroscopic
the order of 100-300 kg and specific thrusts of control instruments; for the enormous role to be
about 210-230 sec—rather modest from today's played in rocketry by automatic flight-control sys-
point of view), were useful only in comparatively tems was clear to him. His people had to solve a
small wingless rockets for experimentation pur- new and, for that time, difficult problem of bring-
poses (such rockets were actually built, including ing the characteristics of these instruments into
those for the stratosphere studies). T h u s , winged accord with dynamic properties of the rocket. It is
rockets were the only possibility to airlift weighty worth mentioning that the level at which some
objects, including man. T h e development and dynamics problems connected with rocket-propelled
flight tests of such rockets were well within the aircraft were treated in his department was higher
frame of Korolyev's idea of the time-spaced develop- than in the aviation industry.
ment of rocketry. In the process of developing Having accumulated the necessary experience
piloted winged rockets, various problems were to and having developed suitable engines, R N I I could
be solved involving superlight structures; sophisti- proceed with the rocket plane. In contrast to ex-
cated, safe, and reliable engines (including fuel tensive activities on smaller unmanned rockets, all
NUMBER 10 207

efforts on a manned flying machine with a rocket major goals for the future. T h e principles of a
engine, which was a far more expensive and labor- fighter-interceptor and an experimental aircraft for
consuming project, were focused on the rocket- studying the stratosphere and the aerodynamics of
plane laboratory. T h e experience obtained while high speeds were scientifically expounded. A four-
working on the RP-1 rocket glider and testing un- stage project for such an aircraft was proposed:
manned rocket gliders became useful here. Korolyev 1, T h e initial variant, to utilize the results obtained
came to the conclusion that the "flying-wing" in the R N I I earlier (when starting from the earth,
scheme should not necessarily be used for a rocket- it was to reach an altitude of 9 km, and starting
engine flight, that all attempts to adjust the exist- from a height of 8 km, an altitude of 25 km); 2, a
ing gliders to liquid-fuel jet engines made the task modified variant, designed for a more prolonged
unnecessarily cumbersome, and that, therefore, a flight; 3, a record variant; and 4, a prospective
normal glider specially designed for the purpose variant. T h e fourth rocket plane, when carried by
was wanted. a mother aircraft, was to reach in the rocket flight
In his step-by-step approach to the problem, an altitude of 53 km. T h e project had many fea-
Korolyev designed, on his own initiative, the tures common to the experimental aircraft of today.
double-seated SK-9 glider, which was presented in In 1939 the SK-9 got a new rocket engine, the
1935 to the All-Union Conference of Glider Build- RDA-1-150, and on 28 February 1940 pilot V.P.
ers in the Crimea. Unaware of the designer's plans, Fyedorov performed the first flight in a rocket
the delegates were puzzled by the glider: it seemed plane.
too sturdy, the wing surface was comparatively After successful flights of the RP-318, the Insti-
small, the second pilot's seat was uncomfortable. tute's primary attention turned to studies on the
All these apparent drawbacks turned to advantage rocket plane. They also drew the attention of other
when rocket-fuel tanks replaced the second seat and research agencies, and by 1942 the first rocket
the increased sturdiness allowed for speeds during fighter BI-1, a joint undertaking of the R N I I and
a rocket flight unattainable by conventional gliders. the aviation industry under the guidance of V.F.
While in the Crimea, during prolonged aircraft- Bolkhovitinov, performed its first successful flight.
towed flights and in the course of extensive summer T h u s it follows that S.P. Korolyev's part in start-
tests performed mostly by himself, Korolyev man- ing and developing Soviet rocketry, which is the
aged to solve all the problems he considered to be avant-garde of world rocket engineering, is very
the first stage in the development of a rocket glider. great. Great also is his contribution to the develop-
T h e SK-9 having passed all-around tests, the ment and popularization of rocket engineering, to
Technical Council of the R N I I , on the basis of this the education of rocketeers. He was a distinguished
glider and the work program for the future, dis- organizer and manager, research worker, and de-
cussed Korolyev's design of an experimental rocket signer—in fact the leading specialist in the develop-
plane. It was decided to put the rocket plane on a ment of rocket-propelled aircraft. All these quali-
priority basis for 1937." In that year the SK-9 was ties predetermined his outstanding role in the de-
brought to the Institute, and a propeling installa- velopment of rocketry in its decisive stage, i.e., in
tion with an ORM-65 rocket engine was mounted the 1950s and 1960s, and Sergei Pavlovitch
on it. T h e machine, designated RP-318, had to Korolyev performed his part brilliantly. I n the
serve as an experimental laboratory for testing and history of the progress of humanity, his name
elaborating ideas to be put into the design of a stands as a founder of practical cosmonautics.
future high-altitude rocket plane. Firing tests of the
propelling plant, mounted on the glider, started
NOTES
toward the end of the year. T h e r e were dozens of
them. 1. Samolyet [Aircraft], 1931, no. 11-12, p. 36.
In February 1938, in a paper written jointly with 2. Arkhiv AN SSSR [Archives, USSR Academy of Sciences],
Ye.S. Shchetnikov and entitled "Research Work f. 796, op. 3, d. 36,1. 271.
3. S. P. Korolyev. Raketniy polet v stratosfere. Moscow,
on a Rocket Plane," Korolyev for the first time 1934.
defined the purpose of rocket aircraft, delineated 4. Arkhiv AN SSSR, f. 555, op. 3, d. 152, 1. 10-11 ob.
optimal regions of their use, and formulated the 5. Arkhiv AN SSSR f. 555, op. 4, d. 652, 1. 15-15 ob.
208 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

6. See note 3. March-6 April 1934], Leningrad, Moscow, 1935, pp. 849-55.
7. Arkhiv AN SSSR f. 796, op. 3, d. 36, 1. 234-235. 10. "Air Engineering," 1935, no. 7, pp. 35-56.
8. See note 3. 11. Arkhiv AN SSSR razr. 4, op. 14, d. 105, 1. 9.
9. Trudy Vsesoyusnoy Konferentsii po izucheniyu stra- 12. Vestnik vozdushnogo flota [Herald of the Air Force],
tosfery. 31 Marta-6 Aprelya 1934 g. [Transactions of the 1957, no. 9, pp. 68-73.
Ail-Union Conference on Study of the Stratosphere, 31 13. Arkhiv AN SSSR, razr. 4, op. 14, d. 103, 1. 83-95.
 20

The British Interplanetary Society's Astronautical Studies, 1937-39

H. E. Ross, F.B.I.S., United Kingdom

T h e British Interplanetary Society was founded certain concepts. 7 Most active in this capacity were
by Mr. Philip E. Cleator, a contracting engineer, in Smith, Edwards, and Cowper-Essex. A number of
October 1933.* A Journal and a Bulletin were pub- the members are shown in Figure 1, a photo I took
lished from Liverpool, lectures were given, and in July 1938 during the visit of, then, Midshipman
articles written to stimulate interest whenever op- Robert C. T r u a x .
portunities arose. Membership (though never more T h e main project undertaken by the Technical
than about one hundred until after 1945) soon be- Committee was a feasibility study of a manned
came international, attracting such well-known vehicle designed for a round trip to the Moon,
pioneers and personalities as Ing. Baron Guido von projected in terms of then-existing techniques and
Pirquet (Austria), Robert Esnault-Pelterie (France), materials, or reasonable extrapolations of them. In
Willy Ley, Dr. Otto Steinitz, and the Count and other words, the requirements of such a mission
Countess von Zeppelin (Germany), G. Edward would be surveyed, outstanding problems exposed,
Pendray (USA), and Dr. Yakov Perelman and and solutions attempted. T h e function of the Ex-
Professor Nikolai Rynin (USSR). Correspondence perimental Committee was to deal in a practical
with other astronautically-minded societies was way with such proposed solutions as might be
maintained, and during 1934 Cleator visited Ger- developed within the limit of a minute research
many and contacted members of the then dis- fund which had been established.
banded VfR. 2 In 1936 Cleator's Rockets Through Credit for rapid progress in overall design must
Space awakened general interest in Britain, and be given chiefly to Edwards and Smith, who had
paved the way to a better understanding of astro- been close friends and interested in the possibility
nautical possibilities. 3 of space travel since schooldays. In fact, the idea of
By 1936, however, the numerically strong London cellular-step construction was Edwards' and the
branch of the Society dominated affairs.4 As a result, engineering embodiment Smith's. 8 It will be con-
headquarters were officially transferred to the venient to describe the vessel after recounting cer-
metropolis early in 1937, and Professor A. M. Low tain supporting work done by members of the two
was elected the new president. 5 A Technical Com- Committees.
mittee then began work under the direction of Since the feasibility of space flight rests primarily
J. Happian Edwards. 6 Members of this committee, with a sufficiently powerful means of propulsion,
with their nominal assignments, were: H . Bramhill a survey of between 80 and 120 possible propellant
(draftsman), A. C. Clarke (astronomer), A. V. combinations was made by Janser (an Austrian re-
Cleaver (aircraft engineer), M. K. Hanson (mathe- search chemist) and Edwards, working in collabora-
matician), Arthur Janser (chemist), S. Klemantaski tion. 9 It is interesting to note that the possibilities
(biologist), H . E. Ross (electrical engineer), and considered included colloids with metallic additives,
R. A. Smith (turbine engineer). Aid was also pro- and that evidence was given for the development
vided from time to time by Richard Cox Abel, J. G. of solid propellants competing, systemwise, with
Strong, and C. S. Cowper-Essex. An Experimental liquid combinations. A small rocket proving stand
Committee was formed a little later to develop was later designed and made by Smith to conduct

209
210 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

FIGURE 1.—Members of the British Interplanetary Society and R. C. Truax in July 1938. From
left: J. H. Edwards, Research Director, British Interplanetary Society; Eric Burgess, Founder
and President, Manchester Interplanetary Society; H. E. Turner, Editor, Manchester Inter-
planetary Society Journal; Midshipman Robert C. Truax, USN, holding liquid propellant
rocket motor of his design; R. A. Smith, engineer and well-known illustrator of space subjects;
M. K. Hanson; and Arthur C. Clarke.

motor and propellant tests, but experimentation tion out of balance by an amount proportional to
was arrested by lack of money and facilities. Suitable the acceleration. T h e double integral was effected
materials for spacecraft construction, including by setting the out-of-balance force to operate a
plastics, were considered and reported upon by flywheel, the revolutions of the flywheel then giving
Janser. a reading of the altitude reached by the vessel. This
T h o u g h in prewar days it was known that short- was not the best kind of mechanism for the job, but
wavelength radio would be a possible means of the cost was small. Unfortunately, lack of engineer-
communication across space, the efficacy had not ing facilities and intervention of other activities
been explored. And radar as a navigational aid was aborted progress. Similarly, development of a high-
then a secret military art. Because of this lack of energy lightweight primary battery, based on a
information, the Technical Committee preferred magnesium reaction, intended to avoid heavy con-
to suggest transit navigation principally by optical ventional batteries, had to be abandoned. 1 1
observations of the planets and stars. However, In prewar days nothing certain was known about
navigation during main thrust periods was to be the physiological effects of zero gravity. Some people
done automatically by inertial instruments—a prin- believed that derangement would be complete or
ciple since commonly used in complex guidance persistently severe; others thought that there would
and control systems of rockets and spacecraft. An be some derangement but fairly rapid acclimatiza-
inertial altimeter, a speedometer, an impulse meter, tion; few maintained that no ill-effects would occur.
and an accelerometer were listed for development, In any case, it was generally accepted that work in-
but only the altimeter was worked on. 10 This con- volving motion would be rendered difficult. Faced
sisted in essence of a weight, a spring, and a fly- with uncertainty (and with rather unaccustomed
wheel. T h e idea was that when the spaceship ac- deference to prevailing pessimism), the Technical
celerated there would be a charge in the internal Committee decided that the ship would have to
"gravitation" putting the spring-weight combina- rotate in order to furnish a gravitational datum—
NUMBER 10 211

FIGURE 3.—Mock-up of the Coelostat as demonstrated at the

Science Museum, London.

working model of this instrument is shown in

Figure 3. Probably the first ever produced solely
for use in a spaceship, it was made by Smith, 12 and
was demonstrated, immobilizing a rotating disc, at
a meeting of the Society held in the Science Mu-
seum, South Kensington, London, on 7 March 1939.
Another type of coelostat for radial viewing was
FIGURE 2.—Principal features of the Coelostat. discussed but not developed.
We may now pass on to examine the "Moon-
with the extra advantage that stability at launch ship" evolved by the Technical Committee and
from Earth and during flight would be improved. integrated by R. A. Smith, whose drawings are
Only at lunar touchdown, when spin must be reproduced in Figure 4. In the drawings each of six
annulled, need a condition of zero gravity exist main "Steps" consisted of a hexagonal honeycomb
momentarily. It was obvious that spin could either formation of individually complete solid propellant
be annulled during observations, or television used. rockets. This novel constructional approach origi-
But cessation of spin, even for short periods, would nated with Edwards, who maintained that solid
be a retrograde step to be avoided if possible, while systems competing with liquid complexes could be
viewing by television entailed heavy gear and would developed, and who in any case was disposed to
in any case, unless much refined, be incapable of inventive heterodoxy. Certainly, solid units, lacking
showing stars. However a neat solution was pro- complicated pumps, valves and plumbing, were far
vided by Edwards in the form of a light and simple simpler and more compact affairs than liquid pro-
optical device which in essence is a slow-motion pellant systems. Moreover, with the proposed cellu-
stroboscope. Briefly, the "Coelostat," as it was lar construction it would be possible to keep dead
named (see Figure 2), consisted of two mirrors (A weight at a minimum by jettisoning used units
and B) placed at 90° to each other and revolving piecemeal instead of as whole steps, with a conse-
together. T w o more mirrors (C and D) formed a quently much improved overall performance. It
stationary periscope into which the observer looked. will also be apparent that the thrust would be
Light falling on mirror B from the scene was re- controllable simply by regulating the frequency at
flected on to A, C, and D in turn and then passed which units are ignited. Indeed, this battery system
via a suitable eyepiece to the eye of the observer. seems to have been the first practical scheme for
When the mirror-pair A / B was revolved at half the controlling the thrust of large solid propellant
speed at which the ship was rotating the exterior rockets. T h e design also differed from all its con-
scene would appear stationary to an observer. A temporaries, and presaged modern practice, in be-
212 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

3-

7.

FIGURE 4.—Design for the British Interplanetary Society lunar spaceship.

ing unstreamlined and devoid of aerodynamic fins.13 T h e conically stacked units comprising a Step
With overall dimensions of about 32 m by 6 m, were held in position by light transverse webs and
the ship was calculated to weigh 1,000,000 kg. Of interlinked release bolts. A light hexagonal sheath
this, 900,000 kg would be propellant graded to yield encased each Step, serving as a heat shield as well
an exhaust velocity of 3.4 km/sec with the largest as contributing to strength. Webs and sheath would
rockets and 3.7 km/sec with the smaller. Burning fall away when all the units of a Step had fired and
times would also differ. T h e biggest rockets were jettisoned.
nearly 4.6 m long and 38 cm diameter—small by T h e corners of the hexagonal compartment be-
modern standards but incredibly enormous at that tween the sixth Step and cabin contained six groups
time to anyone not astronautically minded. There of liquid propellant motors pointing rearwards.
were 168 in each of the first five Steps and Step six These hydrogen-peroxide units were for the fine
held 450 of medium size and two tiers each of 600 control of velocity and for tilting the ship before
small units, making a total of 2490 solid propellant directional corrections. They were also for balanc-
units. A central conduit down the ship carried the ing the ship at lunar touchdown. Just under the
electrical wiring. cabin were six sets of liquid-propellant opposed
NUMBER 10 213

tangential jets. These controlled spin as required in ever confirmed by A. V. Cleaver. 15 T h e cabinet at
furnishing a gravitational datum during flight; they the base of the dome support was to contain the
were also used to stop rotation prior to lunar touch- flight programmer and electrical power-pack for all
down. This compartment also had two airlock purposes. T h e flight programmer (Figure 5) was
vestibules; the rest was storage space. One of six designed around selector switches of the automatic
liquid-buffered landing legs is shown in Figure 4. telephone exchange type. 16 T h e system is too com-
These were to be retracted close to the ship at plex to detail here, but a few points may be men-
launch from Earth and would be spread for lunar tioned: In association with the inertial altimeter,
landing. accelerometer, etc., and a pendulum stabilizer and
A blunt, radially segmented, reinforced ceramic gyro destabilizer, the programmer was (in intention
carapace covered the plastic-domed cabin to protect at least), capable of stabilizing the ship, holding a
it from heating during ascent through Earth's course, regulating acceleration, and ceasing opera-
atmosphere, after which it would be jettisoned. tion when the required flight-stage velocity had
Although this amount of protection revealed un- been achieved. In short, it was a complete robot
warranted fear of high temperature during ascent, pilot. There was, however, provision for overriding
it is worth remarking that the carapace was visual- manual operation and corrections by any one of
ized as functioning partly by acting as a heat sink the three crew members, should necessity arise.
and partly by ablation. Moreover, the liquid propellant motors were avail-
able for fine control. T h e ascent acceleration, start-
T h e cabin contained three radial couches for the
ing at 1 g, was to be limited to a modest 3 g at cut-
crew—notably, form-fitting, as is current practice. off. It was calculated that at lunar touchdown all
Motor ignition and other flight controls were on the but the top 600 small rocket units would have been
arms of the couches to afford fingertip manipula- used and jettisoned. Before ascent from the Moon,
tion. T h e couches were hinged for automatic re- and with the object of lightening the ship as much
sponse to the prevailing gravitational datum if as possible, everything not needed during the return
desired, and mounted on rails to permit change of flight would be removed from the cabin and cached.
radial position. A circumferential walkway was And the landing legs would be unbolted so that
provided for crew movement, with a handrail above they simply support the ship, forming a launching
attached to the central supporting frame. Three cradle left behind on ascent. Finally, a parachute
forward-view windows are shown in Figure 4 and would be fitted atop the cabin. It was calculated
there were six rear-view lunettes where the circular that the remaining 600 solid propellant rockets plus
cabin juts beyond the ship's hexagonal body. Coelo- remaining liquid propellant would suffice to carry
stats of the type described gave views in these two the ship back to Earth and provide terminal brak-
directions with the ship spinning. In addition, port- ing down to a safe parachuting velocity, after some
holes just above the walkway permitted observation air braking.
in twelve radial directions—which multiplicity
might be useful while at rest on the Moon. Coelo- T h e ship's payload was discussed by M. K. Han-
stats of the second, undeveloped, type afforded a son in the January 1939 Journal.11 Consumable
stationary view from these portholes with the ship stores sufficient for three men for twenty days would
in flight and rotating. All the windows were double- be carried. Air and water would be obtained by
glazed, and were to be covered when not in us as catalysis of 227 kg of concentrated hydrogen perox-
additional safeguard against meteor puncture. T h e ide, but a little liquid oxygen would also be taken
cabin dome was depicted as having a single wall. for emergency and spacesuit use. Soda lime or other
However, in fact, it was to be double-walled to suitable chemical means would be used to remove
improve thermal insulation and to act as a "meteor- carbon dioxide and water vapor from the cabin's
bumper." Unfortunately the drawings do not show atmosphere. Food would be chosen for energy yield
this feature, as they were completed before all rather than protein content, with attention to vita-
details had been settled. Unfortunately, too, I for- min and salt needs. It was suggested that perishable
got to mention this innovation in my original stores might be kept in a container outside the ship,
article. 14 My recollection of Technical Committee where refrigeration could be obtained. Cocoa and
discussions on the utility of double-walling is how- coffee were to be the main beverages. A general re-
 A^ D+ VE B+VE p + VB C+vc E+VE
-/••••••.\ ••••, »•••.
:> *0
*i A • yf • Vt> W M./
_uu MM.$ »'»*«! JULJUJT JLuUt
JUJJ -UttJ

A.VE D-vc B-VB p-VE C-VE E-vs

g>
• • z

(U^JLLULT" juSftS! 355? MISJU MMA MMJ3

ZONE ^ELECTOR.

A~~
T /> rf1 < rf •» ' v X
ACCELEKOMT*. S
I * IS • > »\ i>

SINGLE IMPULSE.
.\ «-*' « / \ » i1 > « fAANUAL
CONTROL KEYS
3 « OPERATOR. V V V, V V, V
r
GYRO <|>

SINGLE IMPULSE WANUAL

CONTROL KEYS
*."• OPERATOR V. V, Vi U V V
* N * 1 s 1 S r iP" e
AUTO

SINGLE IMPULtf VANUAL.

.\ I " OPERATOR,
AUTO

G/«P

i ' V
IF —3£
•^~v •

/3 T
GYRO
3E -*L—<v
iPEND.

•vVWWWV-
RESISTANCf.

FIGURE 5.—Diagram of the flight programmer for the lunar spaceship.

NUMBER 10 215

pair kit and medicine chest would be carried—the The main article on the British Interplanetary
latter containing a little alcohol which might be Society spaceship concluded with a note that a
raided to celebrate the lunar landing. The impera- "launching device" for the vessel would be discussed
tive need to minimize dead weight is humorously in a subsequent issue of the Journal. But war inter-
reflected in the spartan culinary outfitting. There vened and the article was not written. A few details
was to be only one electrically-heated pan for boil- were however given in the July 1939 Journal.1"
ing and frying, one cup, one spoon and one plate These, slightly augmented by remarks elsewhere
for each of the crew—and only one knife and fork,
and the present writer's recollections, are as follows:
passed hand to hand, between all three. Power for
cooking, lighting and heating was to be obtained The ship was imagined as being launched almost
from the main battery. All waste products would vertically from a flooded rotating caisson submerged
be disposed of through one of the airlocks. in water. Said Smith, this floatation would have
Since the ship was to be self-reliant as regards "distributed the load over a greater area." High
navigation, various necessities were mentioned, such pressure steam was to be injected into the caisson
as geometrical instruments, mathematical tables, to start the vessel upwards, and almost immediately
almanacs, etc. With weight-saving always in mind, afterwards 126 of the first Step rockets would be
indelible balsa-wood pencils would be supplied and ignited by impulse from a running dynamo situated
light rice-paper used for printed and written mat- in the conduit at the bottom of the Step. This was
ter. A rangefinder, small telescope, sextants, and a intended to avoid excessive instantaneous load on
chronometer were to be carried to obtain star-fixes the ship's power-pack.
while in transit and also for use on the Moon.
Launching was to take place from a high-altitude
Four spacesuits were to be taken—that is, one lake situated as near the Equator as possible. Rea-
spare in reserve. The helmets were to be roomy,
sons for this choice were: maximum advantage from
oxygen in liquid form probably used, and arrange-
Earth's rotation, minimum air-resistance loss, mini-
ments would be made for heating. Dark goggles and
sunburn lotion would guard against the Sun's mization of launch weight, a range-head more
actinic rays. It was suggested that rubber mem- easily sequestered and patrolled than one on land,
branes might be provided which could be inflated and less damage to surroundings in event of explo-
balloonwise over the head and arms, inside the sion. Most favoured location was the Andean Lake
atmosphere of which the astronauts might eat and Titicaca, 3800 m high, partly in Bolivia and partly
drink while on a long exploratory trek. (This idea in Peru, centered on about 16° south latitude, and
might be extended, with several obvious advantages, with access by railroad from the Pacific Coast.19
to use of a gas-proof membrane, attached to a Upon outbreak of war, further concerted work
thermally-insulating base, to contain the whole became impossible, and the Society's activities were
spacesuited individual.)
suspended. However, some leading members main-
A light canvas tent and light camp beds were to tained contact, and work was still done, the fruits
be carried by the party to improve thermal insula- of which are found in post-war publications.
tion during rest periods while abroad on the Moon.
I think I am justified in saying that the foregoing
Contact with the ship would be maintained either
by signal rockets or light flashes. It was also re- much abridged account of the work of the pre-war
marked that reports and commentaries might be British Interplanetary Society's Technical and Ex-
transmitted to Earth as signals or speech via a light perimental Committees reveals original and sound
beam. Today, xenon flashers and lasers are pro- technical thinking on many of the problems in-
posed possibilities for this purpose. volved. Indeed, at the time of publication, the Brit-
The program of exploration was visualized as ish Interplanetary Society spaceship was in overall
including checking the Moon's gravitation with a conception and detail by far the most realistic and
spring-balance and gravity pendulum, geological competent embodiment existing. At this later and
surveying, photographing and mineralogical sam- technically more potent date, we may perhaps sum
pling. The field and laboratory equipment proposed its virtues and failings by saying: "If not true, it
for this work was given. was well invented."
216 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

NOTES planetary Society, vol. 4, no. 2 (no. X, December 1937),

pp. 8-15.—Ed.
Under the title Astronavti'eskie issledovaniya Britanskogo 7. J. Happian Edwards, "The British Interplanetary
mezhplanetnogo obshchestva v 1937-1938, this paper ap- Society Technical Report," The Journal of the British Inter-
peared on pages 145-53 of Iz istorii astronavtiki i raketnoi planetary Society, vol. 5, no. 1 (no. XI, January 1939), pp.
tekhniki: Materialy XVIII mezhdunarodnogo astronavt- 17-23.—Ed.
icheskogo kongressa, Belgrad, 25-29 Sentyavrya 1967 [From 8. See note 6.
the History of Rockets and Astronautics: Materials of the 9. Arthur Janser, "A Contribution to the Fuel Problem,"
18th International Astronautical Congress, Belgrade, 25-29 The Journal of the British Interplanetary Society, vol. 4,
September 1967], Moscow: Nauka, 1970. no. 2 (no. X, December 1937), pp. 18-20; and A. Janser,
"Fuels and Motors," ibid., vol. 5, no. 1 (no. XI, January
L P . E. Cleator, "Retrospect and Prospect," Journal of
1939), pp. 23-25.—Ed.
the British Interplanetary Society, vol. 1, no. 1 (January 1934),
10. See note 6 above, and J. H. Edwards, "Report of the
pp. 2-4.—Ed.
Technical Committee," Journal of the British Interplanetary
2. Cleator, "Editorial," Journal of the British Inter- Society, vol. 5, no. 2 (no. XII, July 1939), pp. 17-21.—Ed.
planetary Society, vol. 1, no. 2 (April 1934), pp. 13-15.—Ed. 11. See note 10.
3. A Review by E. F. Russell of Rockets Through Space, 12. R. A. Smith, "The British Interplanetary Society
by P. E. Cleator (London: George Allen & Unwin, Ltd., 1936) Coelostat," Journal of the British Interplanetary Society, vol.
appeared in "For the Astronautical Library," Journal of the 5, no. 2 (no. XII, July 1939), pp. 22-27.—Ed.
British Interplanetary Society, vol. 4, no. 1 (no. IX, February 13. H. E. Ross, "The British Interplanetary Society Space-
1937), pp. 11-12.—Ed. ship," Journal of the British Interplanetary Society, vol. 5,
4. J. H. Edwards, "A London Section?" Journal of the no. 1 (no. XI, January 1939), cover and pp. 4-9.—Ed.
British Interplanetary Society, vol. 3. no. 2 (no. VIII, June 14. See note 13.
1936), p. 32; and "The London Branch of the Society, 15. H. E. Ross, "The Pre-War Contribution of the British
Proceedings," ibid., vol. 4, no. 1 (no. IX, February 1937), pp. Interplanetary Society," Spaceflight, vol. 3, no. 5 (September
18, ff.—Ed. 1961), pp. 164-168.—Ed.
5. Edward J. Carnell, "Editorial," Journal of the British 16. J. H. Edwards and H. E. Ross, "The Firing Control
Interplanetary Society, vol. 4, no. 2 (no. X, December 1937), of the British Interplanetary Society Lunar Spaceship,"
p. 3; and same issue, p. 3, A. M. Low, "Pioneering" (Presi- Journal of the British Interplanetary Society, vol. 5, no. 2
dent's Message), and pp. 5-8, R. A. Smith, "Policy of The (no. XII, July 1939), cover and pp. 4-12.—Ed.
British Interplanetary Society."—Ed. 17. Maurice K. Hanson, "The Payload of the Lunar Trip,"
6. "Technicalities" (Being the Report of the Technical Journal of the British Interplanetary Society, vol. 5, no. 1
Committee up to October 1937. Compiled by R. A. Smith, A. (no. XI, January 1939), pp. 10-16.—Ed.
Janser, H. E. Ross, H. Bramhill, and A. C. Clarke, under the 18. See note 10.
direction of J. H. Edwards), Journal of the British Inter- 19. See note 15.
 21

The Development of Regeneratively Cooled Liquid Rocket Engines

in Austria and Germany, 1926-42

I R E N E SANGER-BREDT AND R O L F E N G E L , German Federal Republic

Introduction in Munich. T h e work of the German group re-

ceived additional stimulation by direct co-operation
With the ultimate goal of conquering the vastness with Hermann Oberth during the years 1929 and
of space outside the earth's atmosphere, the tech- 1930. Members of both groups also indicated, how-
nical development of a suitable propulsion system, ever, that Kurd Lasswitz' science-fiction novel Auf
the liquid-propellant rocket engine, began during zwei Planeten (On T w o Planets) published in 1897,
the mid-twenties of this century at two different had been the very first stimulus to setting their
places within the boundaries of the German speak- technical goals.
ing countries. Both developments were carried out
Both groups also had in common that they
independently of each other and almost simultane-
worked on their own, without public funds, fi-
ously, but with slightly different technical ob-
nanced only by small donations from a few in-
jectives.
dustrialists and private associations, and that some-
In northern Germany, in Reinickendorf on the times their efforts were barely tolerated or even
outskirts of Berlin, a group of young enthusiasts met with opposition from their contemporaries. It
from the "Verein fiir Raumschiffahrt" (Society for is well known that some of them who were less well
Space Travel) under the direction of Rudolf Nebel off, and their families, went hungry in order to be
and Klaus Riedel tried to implement man's first able to go on with their work; and they even had to
step into space by developing a wingless liquid- pay for the printing of their publications that later
propellant rocket based on the Oberth concept and were to attract world fame. Also, with the exception
designed to take off vertically. Among others in of one person, none of them ever got a penny in
this group were Wernher von Braun, Rolf Engel, license fees for the patents which opened a new era
and Willy Ley. for mankind and are still being used by the major
In Austria, Eugen Sanger, a young civil engineer- aerospace companies all over the world. Rudolf
ing candidate at the Technical University in Nebel was the one exception: upon disbandment
Vienna, tried to pursue the same goal by develop- of the Rakentenflugplatz Berlin (Rocket Field
ing a manned spacecraft with liquid propulsion. Berlin) in 1934, he received 75,000 reichsmarks from
During most of his experimental work on propul- the T h i r d Reich as a one-time indemnification.
sion systems, carried out in a shed of the old As to their technical approach, both groups chose
"Bauhof" building on Dreihufengasse, he was as- as energy source for their propulsion system the
sisted only by two other students, the brothers combustion heat of various hydrocarbons in oxygen.
Friedrich and Stefan Sztatecsny. T h e two propellants were fed separately, either by
Both groups had been encouraged in their efforts compressed gas or pumps, into the injection system
by the publications of Hermann Oberth, especially of the combustion chamber formed by metal walls
by his book Die Rakete zu den Planetenraumen leading, in most cases, into a Laval-type nozzle.
(The Rocket into Interplanetary Space), brought While the work of the German group clearly
out in 1923 by the publishing firm of Oldenbourg aimed at launch and ballistic flight tests, Sanger in
217
218 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

Vienna—because his goal was to develop an air- capacity (capacitance, or heat-soak) and dynamic
craft engine—limited his efforts to testing propul- cooling.
sion units, but he proceeded very systematically and Capacitance cooling is a static process whereby
obtained valuable test data. heat flowing from the combustion chamber is stored
T h o u g h Sanger started his tests later than the by the solid chamber walls and—if they are pres-
German group and worked mainly by himself, he ent—also by the walls of a cooling jacket surround-
was in a more advantageous position: from the ing the thrust chamber. T h e heat thus received is
very beginning, because of his different objective, continually collected within the coolant material,
he devoted more attention to the problem of cool- but this method does not result in an equilibrium
ing his rocket engine than the German group did. condition and is useful for a limited time only, i.e.,
T h e latter, when not simply relying on the heat until the heat storage capacity is exhausted. A limit
capacity of the combustion chamber walls, placed case of capacity cooling is represented by ablation
the engine into a container filled with a stagnant cooling; here heat is dissipated by successive melt-
coolant, although Oberth had already proposed in ing or subliming of a suitable protective layer
his book a regenerative cooling process. Since (e.g., nylon, phenolic resin, or graphite) covering
Sanger wanted to develop a rocket engine for a parts endangered by heat.
manned aircraft and not a ballistic projectile to be T h e term dynamic cooling covers any method
launched vertically, he had to build his engine so using conduction, convection, or radiation to dis-
carefully and so safe that it would be reusable sipate from the endangered zone that amount of
many times. Thus, he initially concentrated on the heat which cannot be stored by the combustion
development of the engine itself, without facing chamber walls. There are two ways to accomplish
the complex problems of producing a flightworthy this:
overall system. Consequently, he could devote more
attention to the so-called "braking tests" in a 1. T o minimize heat transfer from the combustion
ground test facility than other researchers did who gas into the heated wall side either by reducing
were interested in reporting as fast as possible on the temperature difference between both (high
flight altitudes and ranges obtained by their ballistic wall temperatures with refractory wall materials,
rocket models. (He called these "braking tests" in artificial reduction of combustion temperature
analogy with tests of internal combustion engines, by water injection, etc.) or by influencing the
in which torque is braked and measured, whereas boundary layer (coolant mist, optically reflective
in his tests the thrust was being sustained and wall surfaces, electrical fields for sufficiently
measured.) Sanger prepared his tests in a most ionized combustion gases, etc.).
systematic and logical way and, especially in study- 2. T o dissipate as Tapidly as possible the heat con-
ing cooling problems, took advantage of tapwater tained in the chamber wall by maximizing heat
available from a stationary source. From the very transfer from the cooled chamber-wall side into
beginning, Sanger's tests aimed at obtaining high an adjoining suitable and efficiently ducted
exhaust velocities which are accompanied by high coolant.
combustion temperatures and chamber wall stresses, Gartmann proposed the terms "internal," and "ex-
whereas Oberth and his followers tried to achieve
ternal" cooling for these two methods.
first of all simply a "functioning" of the rocket en-
Film cooling, invented by Oberth and achieved
gine and artificially lowered the combustion tem-
by injecting water into the boundary layer, is an
peratures by water injection.
example of internal dynamic cooling. In the case of
T o aid in understanding the development ap- external dynamic cooling—where the amount of
proaches taken in the early German and Austrian heat from the hot combustion gases, passing to and
rocket projects described herein, a systematic synop- across the combustion chamber wall and then into a
sis of possible and so far known cooling methods flowing coolant, is carried off with the coolant—a
for rocket engines is being attempted. In principle, state of equilibrium can be obtained if the coolant
two methods can be distinguished for cooling can be ducted in such a way that the heat amount
rocket engine parts exposed to combustion gases— received by the heated chamber wall side equals
 NUMBER 10 219

that dissipated into the coolant from the cooled Regenerative cooling combined with propellant
wall side. feeding improves simple regenerative cooling; the
Two more alternate dynamic cooling methods heat received by the propellant coolant preheats
can be distinguished: (1) surface area cooling or this propellant and with it directly enters the com-
forced flow cooling, respectively, and (2) supple- bustion chamber. T h e heat extracted from the com-
mentary cooling or regenerative cooling. Both meth- bustion chamber walls during the cooling process
ods are independent of each other and permit all not only warms up, but even evaporates, the cool-
combinations between them, e.g., regenerative sur- ant; then the heat powers an auxiliary vapor-driven
face area cooling or forced flow supplemental cool- prime mover which in turn drives the propellant
ing, etc. feed pumps. T w o variations of this combined re-
Surface area cooling, in the case of external cool- generative cooling exist: either a propellant or a
ing, denotes a process in which the flowing coolant non-propellant intermediate coolant can be used.
circulates with two degrees of freedom within a In the first case, the coolant passes through the
non-subdivided jacket around the combustion turbine into a condenser and, after being relique-
chamber. Adequate flow velocity and heat dissipa- fied on the cold propellant tank walls, finally enters
tion are not assured at every point. An example for the combustion chamber; in the second case, the
internal surface cooling is the continuous liquid coolant returns to the inlet side of the cooling
coolant mist injected into the boundary layer of channels.
the combustion gases. Under forced-flow cooling,
in the case of external cooling, the coolant is one- Work of the Berlin Team
dimensionally ducted through tubes which com-
pletely cover the surface areas of the combustion Among other contemporaries, Willy Ley, Rudolf
chamber and nozzle so that flow velocity and ther- Nebel, and Alexander Scherschevsky reported in the
modynamic state of the coolant can be determined 1930s on the development of liquid-propellant
for any flow path point. Any defined, one-dimen- rockets in Germany. Also, records of the experi-
sional guiding of ionized combustion gases within ments conducted on the Raketenflugplatz Berlin
the combustion chamber core by a field of electro- (Berlin Rocket Field) still exist in Rolf Engel's
magnetic forces would exemplify internal forced archives.
cooling. In Ley's Grundriss einer Geschichte der Rakete
(Outline History of Rocketry), 1 published in No-
Supplemental cooling, as its name implies, in-
vember 1932, the following list of important mile-
stead of propellants, catalysts, or working fluids
stones is given:
contained within the propulsion system, uses sup-
plemental coolants. 1923. Professor H. Oberth publishes his fundamental work
Die Rakete zu den Planetenraumen (The Rocket into
In a regenerative cooling scheme, however, the Interplanetary Space).
coolant is a propellant or working fluid and part of 1926. On 24 November, Heinrich Schreiner, Graz is granted
the propulsive energy supply system. T h e heated the German patent DRP 484,064, entitled "Mit
coolants fed into the combustion chamber, together fluessigen Betriebsstoffen betriebene Gasrakete"
with the energy carried by them, are not wasted; (Liquid-Propellant Gas Rocket). The liquid or
liquefied propellant is fed into the combustion cham-
they aid in processing for combustion. A special ber by piston or other pumps.
type of regenerative surface cooling, e.g., the mist, 1927. In June, the Verein fiir Raumschiffahrt e.V. (Society
or film cooling, method, was mentioned earlier; a for Space Travel) is founded in Breslau by Max Valier
propellant component, not water, is injected into and Johannes Winkler. Its monthly magazine Die
the combustion chamber in such a way that a pro- Rakete (The Rocket) appears until the end of 1929. In
1930, the Society transfers its activities to Berlin.
tective layer of film is being formed between wall
1929. On 10 April, Dr. W. Sander launches a rocket using
and combustion gas or circumferentially around an liquid propellants. However, this is not a true liquid-
intermediate wall. Furthermore, there is the trans- propellant rocket, i.e., a rocket using liquid fuel and
piration cooling method in which a cool propellant liquid oxygen, but some sort of a pyrotechnical rocket
forced into the combustion chamber through a using liquid substances.
1930. On 19 April, the first test run of a liquid-propellant
permeable material keeps the hot combustion gases
rocket automobile built by Valier and the
off the wall. Heylandtwerke takes place.
220 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

1930. In May, a 14-day exhibition of liquid-propellant had proposed a two-stage high-altitude probe,
rockets and experimental equipment is held by the
Model B, and a manned spacecraft, Model E, with
Society for Space Travel in Berlin on the Potsdamer
Platz and afterwards in the Wertheim department the first stage in both cases burning an alcohol-water
store. mixture and liquid oxygen, and the second stage
1930. On 17 May, Max Valier is killed by an exploding burning liquid hydrogen instead of the alcohol-
liquid-propellant rocket. water mixture. As proposed, the thrust chamber of
1930. On 27 September, the Raketenflugplatz Berlin (Berlin
the second stage would be fitted into the liquid
Rocket Field) is founded by Rudolf Nebel.
1931. On 14 March, near Dessau, Johannes Winkler launches hydrogen tank and use the heat capacity of the
a rocket using methane and oxygen. Altitude about propellant for cooling; for the first stage, a novel
600 meters. The second Winkler rocket explodes dur- dynamic cooling process was proposed. Necessary
ing launch on 6 October 1932, on the Frische Nehrung cooling was to be achieved by varying the mixture
near Pillau.
ratio of the propellants. 2 thus reducing the combus-
1931. On 11 April, at the Berlin Central Airport, Chief
Engineer Pietsch of the Heylandtwerke demonstrates tion temperature, and by insulating the combustion
an improved Valier rocket automobile. Propellants: chamber walls by a dynamic cooling film of evapo-
alcohol and oxygen. rating fuel which is the simplest method of regen-
1931. On 14 May, at the Berlin Rocket Field, a Miter liquid- erative cooling. T h e absorbed heat was to pre-heat
propellant rocket (Double-Stick Repulsor) is launched
to a height of 60 meters. the fuel, while the film of evaporating fuel would
1931. On 23 May, at the Berlin Rocket Field after com- protect the chamber walls from the hot combustion
pletion of the workshops and static test run of the gases. Oberth described this as follows:
engine, a Riedel Repulsor, using gasoline and oxygen,
attains a distance of more than 600 meters. A fort- The combustion chamber does not join directly with the
night before, the same device had already reached jacket surfaces. In between, there is a thin wall connected
an altitude of 100 meters. Meanwhile, improved to the jacket by metallic braces and thus held in the correct
repulsors of the same dimensions have reached dis- position. Liquid from the atomizer flows between this thin
tances of 5 kilometers and altitudes of about 1.5 wall and the jacket, vaporizes, and thus protects the cham-
kilometers. Thus, the technical development of the ber walls from burning. The vapor discharges between
liquid-propellant rocket has begun. atomizer and jacket into the chamber. Within the chamber,
the vapor remains near the walls; thus, with high vapor-
One very important date is missing in this list, ization, the walls are being insulated from the hot gas . . . .
namely 23 July 1930, the day when Hermann This arrangement allows the dry weight of the rocket to be
Oberth together with Rudolf Nebel, Klaus Riedel, much less than it would be if chamber and nozzle were lined
with fireproof materials on the inside, and this is a con-
Rolf Engel, and Wernher von Braun (who had just siderable advantage. It also permits the gases to pass along
received his high school diploma) demonstrated the metallic surfaces which retard the flow less than asbestos
his "Kegelduse" (cone-shaped nozzle) to Dr. Ritter, or chamotte.s
the director of the Chemisch-Technische Reichsan-
stalt (Government Institute for Chemistry and In this description, the coolant is simply called a
Technology with functions similar to the U.S. "liquid" and no indication exists where a supple-
Bureau of Standards). On a rudimentary test rack of mental cooling system or regenerative cooling is
the Institute, the Kegelduse produced about 7.7 kg considered. In a different paragraph additional
maximum thrust for a total combustion time of information is given:
96 sec. and a nearly constant thrust of 7 kg for 50.8 Nevertheless, in order to obtain lower combustion chamber
sec with a sub-stoichiometric composition of liquid temperatures for the Model B, I considered weaker com-
oxygen and gasoline. T h e demonstration proved so positions; i.e., for the alcohol rocket, instead of rectified
successful that Dr. Ritter recommended further alcohol, a 13.4 percent dilute alcohol, which only gives a
work on this rocket engine as worthy of support by combustion chamber temperature of about 1400°C and an
exhaust velocity of about 1700 m/sec . . . .
the Deutsche Notgemeinschaft (German Founda-
An additional feature of Models B and E is the insulation
tion providing funds for selected projects).
of the wall by the vapor of the coolants . . . so that burning
T h e rocket projects suggested by Oberth in 1923 of the chamber wall is definitely avoided . . . . With Models
that influenced the overall development of liquid B and E, this dynamic cooling can become very effective by
letting gas, of the same chemical composition as the forming
rockets in Germany and Austria, had already in- gas, flow along the walls. According to Kirchhoff, this
cluded combustion chambers with inner dynamic absorbs almost completely the heat radiated from the inner
regenerative surface cooling. For example, Oberth chamber.*
NUMBER 10 221

Actually, the technology of the A-4 rocket, which chronicle, was held by Heinrich Schneider, a former
became operational 19 years later, included all Austrian Marine officer, with whom Hermann
essential details of Oberth's suggestions for the first Oberth had corresponded for a short while in 1924.
stage of his Models B and E that he made in 1923. T h e patent was based on an earlier Austrian patent
But still, there was a long way to go. As to the of 25 November 1925, and referred only to sugges-
cooling method, the first rocket engines developed tions for propellant flow, not to any cooling systems.
after 1923 used much more primitive processes. Entitled "Mit fliissigen Betriebsstoffen betriebene
In his Wege zur Raumschiffahrt5 Oberth still Gasrakete" (Gas Rocket Using Liquid Propellants),
suggested a simple sounding rocket, Model A, with it contained no less than 16 claims. According to
the liquid-propellant engine encased by the fuel the then existing state of the art in rocketry, the
tank in the lower part and the liquid oxygen tank sketch of the overall design of the rocket thrust
in the upper part. Capacitive cooling was to be chamber, attached to the patent specifications,
applied; the pre-heated oxygen was to be fed into showed a static liquid cooling system. T h e combus-
the combustion chamber by its own vapor pressure tion chamber and the first quarter of the nozzle
and the fuel by a pressurizing gas. were surrounded by a jacket filled with non-circu-
Oberth's first rocket engine test model, the "cone- lating liquid; the rest of the exhaust nozzle was un-
shaped nozzle," built in the same year according to cooled. T h e descriptive test simply mentioned that
the specifications of the German patent D R P "the space around the nozzle and the combustion
549,222, had capacitive cooling only—even without chamber may be filled by a coolant."
a cooling jacket—but with oxygen-rich combustion Ley also reported briefly on the firing of a liquid-
resulting in low combustion-gas temperatures. For propellant rocket by Friedrich Wilhelm Sander,
example, during the famous demonstration at the the owner of a factory in Wesermuende, which pro-
Chemisch-Technische Reichsanstalt, the amount of duced rescue and signal rockets, and since early
oxygen injected was 1.9 times the stoichiometric 1928, solid-propellant rocket motors for the first
value. According to Willy Ley's notes, one of the Opel-Rak test runs by Max Valier. In his book
combustion chambers of this series was lined with a Raketenfahrt, Valier himself wrote in 1929:
ceramic material (steatite magnesium). T h e text of
In the field of liquid-fuel rockets, Sander must be mentioned
the patent did not include any details regarding the as the most successful research engineer of the year. On
cooling system, only the somewhat vague phrase: 10 April 1929, he was the first who succeeded in launching
"The inner lining can be of clay, asbestos, mineral such a rocket on a free-ascent trajectory. According to his
wool, platinum sponge, or similar materials. It can specifications, the rocket was 21 cm in diameter, 74 cm long,
also be omitted entirely, for example, when using and weighed 7 kg without and 16 kg with propellants. The
burning time was 132 sec, maximum thrust 45 to 50 kg. The
copper sheets adequately cooled from the outside." propellant, which Sander keeps secret, had a combustion
Actually, the combustion tests with the lined com- heat of 2380 k cal/kg. It seems that he used gasoline and a
bustion chamber proved unfavorable. In his publi- suitable oxidizer under special burning conditions. As con-
cation Rakentenflug, 6 Nebel commented on the struction materials, steel and light metals were used.
tests with Oberth's combustion chamber models that This first liquid-propellant rocket took off so rapidly that
it was impossible to track its flight or to recover it. Sander
"Use of fireproof material did not prove to be suc-
therefore repeated the experiment two days later, attaching
cessful, either, and in many tests the material burnt 4000 m of 3-mm rope to the rocket and applied all pre-
up." Still, this led to the development of the so- cautions known to him from his marine rescue rocket oper-
called "Spaltduese" (slot nozzle) providing a thrust ations. In spite of its heavy load, the rocket took off like
of 2.5 kg. After the slot nozzle, the cone-shaped a bullet, taking with it 2000 m of rope, and disappeared
forever with the torn-off part.
nozzle was developed with a thrust of 7.5 kg. Soon,
this conical nozzle attained a constant thrust of 7.5 After this success, Sander concentrated again on rocket pro-
pulsion for manned aircraft. By May 1929, he had succeeded
kg over a combustion time of 100 sec. Because of in producing a thrust of 200 kg for a period of more than 15
the rudimentary equipment, the tests progressed minutes, and in July, at the Opel plant in Russelsheim, he
very slowly. Materials problems were especially attained combustion times of more than 30 minutes with a
hard to solve because all "fireproof" materials thrust of 300 kg. Sander was most concerned with achieving
burned u p at these high temperatures. operational safety and using low-priced fuels. Using a waste
product of the chemical industry, he succeeded in reducing
The German patent 484,064, mentioned in Ley's the price for one kilogram of fuel to 20 pfennige.
222 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

Considering this state of development, economical rocket course, this increased the cooling problem. Riedel
flight operations over distances of several thousand miles
reported on this as follows:
may be possible in the foreseeable future, as soon as the
remaining deficiencies in Sander's rocket engines can be Instead of using alcohol, as before, Shell oil had to be used.
eliminated.? Alcohol is a fuel that can be mixed with water in any
desired proportion, allowing reduction and determination of
Afterwards, however, no one ever heard again of
the combustion temperature. With kerosene, this is not that
Sander's liquid-propellant rockets, and it has re- easily done. By adding water to kerosene and shaking it, an
mained unknown whether the reasons were per- emulsion forms for a short while, during which kerosene
sonal or due to actual deficiencies in his liquid- and water mix; afterwards, they quickly separate again. In
rocket engines. As far as the co-author remembers, order to maintain the integrity of the combustion chamber
walls, the gas temperature had to be kept within certain
Sander's liquid rockets had capacitive cooling only
limits. The problem was solved by feeding the kerosene,
and oxygen-rich combustion. prior to entry into the combustion chamber, through a
At least from 1924 on, Max Valier had dreamed so-called emulsion chamber.9
of a spacecraft with rocket propulsion as the ulti-
mate goal of his work, but had never put into writ- On 17 May 1930, Valier was killed during pre-
ing any details regarding the proposed propulsion liminary tests with this emulsion chamber. Less
system. Thus, for a long time, the question re- than a year later, on 11 April a n d 3 May 1931,
mained open whether he envisaged a turbo-engine Alfons Pietsch, a senior engineer of the Heylandt-
or a solid- or liquid-propellant rocket as the final werke, made another test run of the RAK-7 with
solution. Only in January 1930 did he begin to de- an improved rocket engine weighing about 18 kg.
velop his own liquid-propellant rocket engine after According to Willy Ley 1 0 this engine must have
having received, at the end of 1929, some support yielded a thrust of 160 kg and been cooled by the
for his project from the Heylandtwerke in Berlin- fuel, but no proofs or any further data on the type
Britz. After preliminary combustion tests with of cooling used were ever found.
alcohol and gaseous oxygen, he ran his engine, At the end of 1929, Johannes Winkler, in the
called "Einheitsofen" (standard combustion cham- journal Die Rakete, suggested the construction of
ber), for the first time on 26 March 1930, with liquid long cylindrical combustion chambers for methane-
oxygen. With this combustion chamber, weighing liquid oxygen with ceramic lining of the nozzles
about 4 kg, Valier made the first successful test near the throat area. In summer 1930, he began to
runs of the RAK-7 automobile on 17 and 19 April build his first liquid-propellant rocket engine, which
1930. T h e fuel and liquid-oxygen tanks were com- he called a Strahlmotor (jet engine), and at the end
pletely separated from each other, one located in of the year he started to r u n his first ground tests.
front and the other in back of the driver's seat. As T h e first firing attempt, on 21 February 1931, was a
to the cooling problem, the Einheitsofen did not failure; but the second firing of the complete aggre-
show any fundamental improvement over the con- gate HW-1 (Hiickel-Winkler-Astris 1), at Gross-
ical nozzle. T h e combustion gas temperature was Kuehnau near Dessau on 14 March 1931 has been
kept low by adding water to the alcohol, so that recorded in the annals as the first flight of a liquid-
capacitive cooling was sufficient. One of Valier's propellant rocket in Europe. T h e rocket—about 60
associates, Walter J. H . Riedel, wrote about the cm long, its main structure made of aluminum
Einheitsofen: sheet, and with a launch weight of about 5 kg—
consisted of a triangular arrangement of three tube-
The chamber was made of standard steel tubing. At one end like containers for methane, liquid oxygen and
was the expansion nozzle and at the other the propellant compressed nitrogen for pressurization. T h e engine,
injection system. Oxygen was fed through a number of small
45 cm long, was made of seamless steel tubing and
bore holes from the pre-mix chamber into the combustion
chamber. The fuel was injected into the chamber against positioned approximately along the centerline of
the flow of the oxygen gas. A drag disk reduced the velocity the assembly.
of the oxygen gas flow by producing vortex fields.s
In October 1931, in a rented room of the Berlin
Valier had planned to continue the development Rocket Field, Winkler and his first assistant, Rolf
of his combustion chamber with the aid of the Shell Engel, began construction of the HW-2, bigger and
Oil Company, and thus had to commit himself to with a length of 1.50 m and take-off weight of 50 kg.
using Shell oil (kerosene) instead of alcohol. Of This rocket—with spherical propellant tanks ar-
NUMBER 10 223

ranged one above the other, a parachute in its nose, walls, in a deep hollow, is situated the newly erected static
engine in the aft part, stabilizer fins, and a stream- test stand. In the administration building there are two
rooms used as living quarters, an office, a drafting room, a
lined hull of very thin Electron sheet metal—had
reception room, etc. Three more dwellings at other locations
a mass ratio of 4.8, which was superior to the mass of the site complete the complex. Far away from the living
ratio of the later V-2. After its completion in sum- quarters and the workshop is the firing shed, the historical
mer 1932, the first launching was scheduled for site where the launchings of the first liquid-fuel rockets took
autumn after only one ground test, in which major place.* *
parts of the expansion nozzle had melted. During About fourteen years later, in his book Rockets and
the first launch attempt on 29 September 1932, in Space Travel, Willy Ley wrote a bit less enthusi-
Pillau, the propellant valves froze, blocking the astically, but with humor:
flow of the propellants into the combustion cham-
The place itself was suitable for practically nothing. Half
ber. During the second launch attempt, on 6 Octo- of it was hilly and covered with trees, and some of the
ber 1932, propellant leaking through the valves depressions between the hills were swampy.
formed a flammable mixture outside the combus- To make it worse from a businessman's point of view, the
tion chamber so that the rocket exploded im- jurisdiction was somewhat doubtful. During the First World
mediately after ignition. All of Winkler's rockets War, when the police garrison had been an army garrison,
the place had been used to store ammunition and the War
had capacitive cooling and operated with oxygen- Ministry had erected storage buildings. These were massive
rich combustion. concrete barracks with walls a foot thick, surrounded by blast
The Berlin Rocket Field, founded on 27 Septem- guards in the form of earth walls, 40 feet high and about 60
ber 1930, may be considered the true center of Ger- feet thick at the base. . . .
We had to make an enormous number of promises. We
man liquid-fueled rocket development before
were to use only one of the two gates, we were to occupy
World War II. Its somewhat pretentious name— only two of the buildings and were not to enter any of the
like Sanger's German Rocket Flight Yard (Deutsche others . . . , we were not to make any changes in the two
Raketenflugwerft) in Vienna—was born out of the buildings we were permitted to use, and we were not to
highspirited and romantic mood of the space pio- move in machinery and/or equipment which could not be
moved out within forty-eight hours. We promised every-
neers of the early 1930s; they were a mixture of thing . . .
clear-thinking engineers and hopelessly idealistic The smaller building next to the gate, not surrounded by
universalists who were closer to the sky than all the an earth wall, had only one story. It had obviously
perfectionist but demystified super-rocket and satel- been the guardhouse, with a rest room and an office for the
lite teams of today. T h e dedication took place after officer in charge and a room for the soldiers of the guard. . . .
During the interval between the time the guard had moved
a visit to Berlin by Henry Ford, whose attention
out and we had moved in, somebody had used it to store
they had hoped to capture with this name. A fine lumber which was afterwards forgotten. When we finally got
but—in view of their different goals—meaningful the door open, we found a solid layer of thoroughly rotted
distinction exists between the names chosen by wood, a yard thick. It was a full day's work to drag this
Nebel and Sanger: a "rocket field" is a place from wood out into the open, to burn it, and to clean the house.
After that, Nebel and Riedel set up a bachelor household
which to launch rockets, whereas a "rocket yard"
in the two small rooms and used the larger room as tem-
denotes a place where rockets are built. porary storage space for our equipment. . .
T h e site covered about 4 km 2 and was rented This room was later used as a combination office, reception,
from the city of Berlin for a symbolic fee of 10 conference, and board of directors' meeting room; I called it
reichsmarks per year, but with some restrictions the chambre a tout faire. But during the winter it became an
incredible jungle of machinery and raw materials. We wrote
concerning the buildings and facilities, which be- hundreds of letters to firms manufacturing things we could
longed to the German War Department. Jointly use. . . .12
in charge of the test facilities were the engineers
Unfortunately, of the many tests conducted on the
Klaus Riedel and Rudolf Nebel, the latter of whom
Berlin Rocket Field between 1930 and its forced
enthusiastically described the facilities in 1932:
abandonment in 1934, no official accurate records
The workshop building includes the workshop with two exist. As Walter Dornberger commented: "It was
lathes, one milling machine, and two drill presses, plus work not, for instance, possible before the middle of
benches, an assembly room with welding equipment, a forge
1932 to obtain from the 'Raketenflugplatz' in Berlin
and ancillary equipment, living quarters, and a big storage
room for materials of all kinds. The workshop is protected any sort of records showing performance and fuel
against explosions by high earth walls, and behind these consumption during experiments." 13
224 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

Also, many of the personal documents of the tested. Used as raw material for the new "big test stand" . . .
various scientists working at the Berlin Rocket was the launch rack which originally had been constructed
for the launching of Oberth's rocket near Horst on the
Field may have been confiscated during the purge
Baltic Sea. And on this "big test stand" a breakthrough
in 1933 and 1934 when, among others, Rolf Engel occurred. Someone had had the idea to test a new type of
and his associate Heinz Springer were arrested; the combustion chamber and no longer use iron and "fireproof
documents may have disappeared in some archives materials"—which all burnt—but a light metal combustion
or been destroyed during the war. chamber with cooling. No one knows whose idea this was;
but I remember that months ago, Riedel had told me of
T h e first tests on the Rocket Field were per- such plans; thus, I am inclined to assume that he was the
formed with the Minimum-Rakete (MIRAK), one originator of this improvement."
of the first variations of which had been tested with
little success in Bernstadt, Saxony, in August 1930. T h e German patent 633,667, dated 13 June 1931,
MIRAK-1, a concept of Rudolf Nebel's, still bore was granted to the inventors Rudolf Nebel and
strong resemblance to a solid rocket. T h e guiding Klaus Riedel for the new cooling process, using the
stick of the 30-cm-long rocket was an aluminum heat capacity of a non-circulating liquid. It carried
tube which served also as propellant tank and con- the title "Riickstossmotor fiir fliissige Treibstoffe"
tained half a liter of gasoline to be fed into the (Reaction Motor for Liquid Propellants) and listed
combustion chamber by the pressure from a C 0 2 the following claim:
cartridge. In the nose of the rocket, a 1-liter liquid- Reaction motor for liquid propellants, fuel and oxygen,
oxygen tank was mounted; by its own vapor pres- which are fed separately into the combustion chamber where
sure the contents was to be fed into the combustion they are mixed and burn; the motor characterized by having
chamber located under the tank. T h e cone-shaped a combustion chamber made of metal with high heat con-
ductivity, with high pressure from an outside coolant exerted
engine, made of cast iron, had only capacitive cool-
against the thin chamber walls to counteract the pressure
ing and was unlined. About 2 kg of thrust was of the combustion gases in the chamber, and injection nozzles
achieved, which hardly surpassed the take-off weight with separate fuel supply control, positioned in such a way
of the rocket. that the fuels injected in opposite direction to the exhaust of
the combustion gases still mix in the upper part of the
MIRAK-2, aside from having a larger diameter, combustion chamber.
did not differ much from its predecessor that had
exploded during a static test early in September. T h e new egg-shaped motor weighed only 250 g, in
Instead of the C 0 2 cartridge, a tubelike compressed comparison to the 3 kg of the old conical nozzle.
gas container was provided which also formed the T h e walls were of aluminum. Rudolf Nebel de-
second guiding stick of the rocket. This time, the scribed the new model of the rocket motor as fol-
rocket engine was not positioned below the liquid lows:
oxygen tank but protruded into it, thus accelerat- The now smallest rocket motor provided a maximum thrust
ing through heat dissipation from the motor the of 32 kg. For reasons of greater safety, maximum perform-
vaporization of the fuel in the tank and the oxygen ance was soon limited to 25 kg. With this type of motor, the
supply to the combustion chamber. T h e bottom of first liquid-propellant rockets were built. The development
took place in March 1931.15
the aluminum rocket head was made of copper and
formed in such a way that the cone-shaped nozzle Ley reported on the progress of this work:
protruded into the interior of the rocket head and After this success, the second MIRAK, which also had
thus into the lox tank. At the top, above the lox exploded in the meantime, was to be replaced by a third and
tank, a safety valve was mounted. But MIRAK-2 different looking MIRAK . . . Of course, the new com-
also proved to be too heavy for the thrust that it bustion chamber was to be used and placed, not into the
produced. In the spring of 1931 it exploded because bottom but under the bottom of the lox tank. But MIRAK-3
was never put together, only parts of it were completed.
the walls of the lox tank could not withstand the Riedel, meanwhile, had told me of another plan that he
increasing gas pressure resulting from the rising did not yet reveal to anyone else. . . . When the new device
heat of the tank's contents. was ready, he showed it to Nebel and I suggested that we
call this new device "Repulsor" in order to distinguish it
In Briigel's Manner der Rakete Ley wrote:
from MIRAK on the one hand and a solid-propellant rocket
Soon it was found that the main emphasis had to be placed on the other.is
on the development of the combustion chamber. A special
testing stand for combustion chambers became necessary, The so-called "Zweistab-Repulsor" (two-stick
where the engine itself, not the entire rocket, could be thruster) was completed in early May 1931. After
NUMBER 10 225

the first attempt failed on 10 May 1931, it was larger rocket engine with 64-kg thrust were started
launched on 14 May 1931, and climbed to an alti- in April 1931. T o distinguish it from the smaller
tude of 60 m. Thus, two months after Winkler's egg-shaped Repulsor engine, Ley called it the
rocket had been launched, a second successful "Aepyornis-Ei" (Giant Ostrich Egg). Tests of this
launch of a liquid rocket in Europe took place and engine, using 0.8 liter of gasoline and 3 liters of lox,
demonstrated the flying capability of the Repulsor. were unsatisfactory with respect both to thrust and
As to the cooling, a few problems still remained. cooling. Again, static cooling had been applied, but
Ley described the situation in Manner der Rakete: was not sufficient for these much bigger engines.
". . . T h e rocket took off well, but immediately hit T h e decision was made to develop an engine for
some trouble . . . and made several loops in the 250-750 kg of thrust with regenerative cooling, using
air. T h e cooling water ran out of the container, fuel as coolant. Also with respect to the fuels, varia-
which was open on top, and the engine burnt tions were tested. In winter 1931 Riedel had already
through." 17 thought of using a water-alcohol mixture which
Up to June 1931, three models of the Zweistab- Oberth had proposed. He hoped to maintain toler-
Repulsor were tested and launched; they did not able chamber temperatures without too greatly
differ much from one another. diminishing the performance, as is the case when
In August 1931, the first launch of an improved gasoline is burned oxygen-rich. Preliminary tests
model, the "Einstab-Repulsor" (one-stick thruster), were run between August 1932 and March 1933
took place. T h e rocket reached a height of 1000 m with gasoline and also with alcohol-water mixtures
on the first launch. It resembled a four-pronged fork of 40 to 90 percent alcohol. Construction of the
with prongs placed upward and the handle formed engine began, according to a report by Herbert
by the lox tank. T w o of the prongs were propellant Schaefer, a colleague at the Rocket Field, about
lines and the other two were braces. T h e fuel tank Christmas 1932.18 On 9 March 1933 the new engine
was arranged in line with and below the lox tank. was tested for the first time on a provisional test
Under it, near the tail fins, was the container for rack. During March and April 1933, a new test
the parachute. Mounted on top and supported by stand for 1000-kg-thrust rocket engines was finished,
the four prongs was the old engine surrounded by a and a series of tests with eight models was started.
jacket filled with non-circulating cooling water. On March 25 and April 3, the first and second
The tests with the Einstab-Repulsor were extremely models, respectively, exploded immediately after
successful. ignition. During April about 20 additional tests
were run and produced good results, providing
T h e May 1932 edition of the journal Raketenflug thrusts of 150 to 200 kg.
included the proud announcement: " U p to May
1932, the Berlin Rocket Field can claim 220 static In autumn 1933, Riedel and Nebel applied for
tests and 85 launches of liquid-propellant rockets.' a patent on their method of regenerative dynamic
In spite of these impressive figures, the activities on surface cooling. T h e application was declared secret
the Rocket Field had reached a climax with the and filed under the No. 32,827 I 46 g. It could not
deevlopment of the Repulsor; during 1932, the crew be determined whether national security, political,
began to disperse. Johannes Winkler and his first or objective reasons prevented their being granted a
assistant, Rudolf Engel, were the first to transfer patent. But it is a fact that their inventive idea was
to the newly founded Raketenforschungsinstitut- not new when the application was filed. In 1928,
Dessau (Dessau Rocket Research Institute). A few Konstantin Eduardovitch Tsiolkovskiy had al-
months later, on 1 October 1932, Wernher von ready published a proposal for such a method of
Braun accepted employment with the Heereswaffe- dynamic regenerative cooling, and in Manner der
namt (Army Ordnance Department) which asked Rakete (1933) Tsiolkovskiy reported: " . . . Fig-
him to carry out experimental work in their Sub- ure 34 shows a rocket motor of my own design that
Office for Rocket Development under the direction was published in Technische Rundschau [Technical
of Walter Dornberger. Review], 1928, no. 31. T h e principle of pre-heating
Work on the Rocket Field under Nebel and the propellant in a cooling jacket surrounding the
Riedel still continued. Besides flight tests of various chamber was used for this motor." 19 Moreover, in
Repulsor models, the design and development of a 1929, Alexander Boris Scherschevsky, a Russian stu-
226 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

dent and former assistant to Oberth and Nebel in Thrust 185 kg. Guide roll jams in rack and breaks;
Berlin during 1928-29, had published in his book a rocket tilts. After reaching height of 30 m, rocket
falls back, burns out on the ground.
design sketch by Tsiolkovskiy and commented
14 July 1933, 5:45 a.m.:
about it: Lindwerder Island in Lake Tegel. Rocket reaches height
Tsiolkovskiy's rocket engine consists of a spherical com- of 600 m, then makes 3 loops of about 30 m radius;
bustion chamber and a conical nozzle . The cold pro- parachute opens shortly before impact on water; prob-
pellants enter the combustion chamber at opposite sides ably failure of oxygen valve.
at the top and, separated by a partition, flow from the inlet 21 July 1933, 5:00 p.m.:
into a platelet grid. Each propellant after passing through Lindwerder Island in Lake Tegel. Rocket reaches height
its grid made of platelets inclined towards the center, mixes of 100 m; burns out on the water.
with the other. An electric glow plug initiates ignition at the 5 August 1933, 8:00 a.m.:
grid until the latter starts glowing. The combustion chamber Launch from raft in-Lake Schwielow near Potsdam.
is cooled by a fuel (hydrocarbon) and this in turn by Valve fails; rocket reaches height of 60 m, then burns out
surrounding lox.2° on the water.
11 August 1933, 12 noon:
T h e new engine with regenerative cooling was to Launch from raft in Lake Schwielow near Potsdam.
have served as the propulsion system for a big Valve fails; rocket reaches height of 80 m, falls into the
water with engine still burning; in spite of rescue efforts,
demonstration rocket to be launched during the
could not be found again.
spring 1933 air show in Magdeburg. T h e rocket, 1 September 1933, 3 p.m.:
referred to in the literature as the Magdeburg Launch from raft in Lake Schwielow near Potsdam.
Startgerat, or 10-L Rocket, was a modest prototype Rocket reaches height of 30 m, then starts to spin;
of a projected m a n n e d rocket 10 m in height, called submerges in water, then reappears with engine still
Piloten-Rakete (Piloted Rocket). T h e 10-L had been burning, parachute opens too early and stops ascent.
9 September 1933.
built simultaneously with the construction of the
Launch from raft in Lake Schwielow near Potsdam.
big test stand. After unsuccessful launch attempts Pipe breaks and parachute burns.
in Magdeburg, the 10-L was modified for launch-
General details:
ings from Lindwerder Island in Lake Tegel. Under
Pressurization: oxygen by self-evaporation, gasoline and
the name Vierstab-Repulsor (Four-Stick Thruster)
nitrogen pressurant prior to lift-off.
it made history. Details of its test launches, which Propellants: Liquid oxygen and gasoline.
were carried out between J u n e and September 1933, Cooling: Forced fuel flow and excess 0 2 .
with the propulsive energy provided by the combus-
Measurements (slightly different for all types):
tion of gasoline and oxygen, were recorded in the
Length: 280 cm.
following documents which belong to the few
Max. diameter: 75 cm.
records still existing today: Configuration: 4 tanks in square formation. Magdeburg type
with shroud (first launches without shroud). Lake
10-liter rocket (Magdeburger Startgerat) Schwielow type in longitudinal formation, length about
Built by: Rudolf Nebel, Klaus Riedel, Hans Hueter, Kurt 4.5 m.
Heinisch, and the mechanics Bermueller, Ehmeyer, and Stabilizer fins: In most cases none.
Zoike.
Date: 1933 (January-April). Weight and other data (Approximations):
Purpose: Rocket built for demonstration at air show in Engine: 3.5 kg.
Magdeburg. Tank, structural elements and valves: 60.0 kg.
Coordinator: Mr. Mengering. Air frame: 6.5 kg.
Ground tests: August 1932 to March 1933. Payload: 0 kg.
Launching rack: Vertical double rail, 12 m high. Dry weight (without payload): 70.0 kg.
Launch tests: Volume: 1.0 m8 per tank (Duralumin).
8 June 1933, 4 a.m.: Combustion chamber: Duralumin and Pantal.
On the Mose estate near Magdeburg. Oxygen tank leak- Tensile strength: 11-13 kg/mm 2 .
ing; experiment stopped. Specific weight: 2.7 g/cm8.
11 June 1933, 11 a.m.: Elongation: 20 to 25%.
On the Mose estate near Magdeburg. Oxygen valve fails; Combustion chamber: Bondur.
experiment stopped. Tensile strength: 40 to 45 kg/mm 2 .
13 June 1933, 6 p.m.: Elongation: 16 to 20%.
On the Mose estate near Magdeburg. Oxygen valve fails; Length (total): 70 cm.
experiment stopped. Length (Inside): 62 cm.
29 June 1933, 6:45 p.m.: Configuration: Elongated ellipsoid.
NUMBER 10 227

Max. inner diameter: 16.8 cm. From the military point of view, Walter Dorn-
Max. O.D. combustion chamber: 30.0 cm. berger gave the following account:
Throat diameter: 5.03 cm.
Nozzle exit diameter: 8.4 cm. This office, to which problems of rocket development had
Injection element configuration: 3 counterflow systems. been transferred in 1929, was confronted at first by a muddle
Max propellant capacity: 34 kg 0 2 , 6 kg gasoline. difficult to straighten out. Neither industry nor the technical
Stoichiometric propellant weights: 3.5 kg 0 2 (includes 62% colleges were paying any attention to the development of
0 2 excess) + 1 kg gasoline — 4.5 kg. high-performance rocket propulsion. There were only in-
dividual inventors who played about without financial sup-
Operational data:
port, assisted by more or less able collaborators. . Until
Tank pressure 20 kg/cm 2 (gauge). 1932, no solid scientific research or development work was
Combustion pressure 18 kg/cm 2 (gauge). done in this field in Germany . The Army Weapons De-
Burning time (full thrust) 32.5 sec. partment was forced to get in touch with the individual in-
Average thrust 250 kg. ventors, support them financially, and await results. For two
Specific propellant consumption 6.8 kg/ton sec. years, the department tried in vain to obtain something to
Propellant flow rate 1.7 kg/sec. go on. No progress was being made in the work. There was
also the danger that thoughtless chatter might result in the
Propulsion system data: department's becoming known as the financial backer of
Exhaust velocity: 805 m/sec. rocket development. We had therefore to take other steps. As
Engine weight/impulse: 14.0 kg/ton sec. we did not succeed in interesting heavy industry, there was
nothing left to do but to set up our own experimental
Rocket stage data: station for liquid-propellant rockets at the department's
Tank and structural weight/impulse 240 kg/ton sec. proving ground in Kummersdorf near Berlin. We wanted to
Air frame weight/impulse 26.0 kg/ton sec. have done once and for all with theory, unproved claims, and
boastful fantasy, and to arrive at conclusions based on a
Seen historically, these tests with the 10-L rocket sound scientific foundation. 22
indicated progress, at least with regard to the engine
development; but this did not suffice to maintain Among the first members of the experimental sta-
operations of the Rocket Field and the Verein fiir tion—besides the then very young Wernher von
Raumschiffahrt. W i t h the Magdeburg adventure, Braun and the mechanic Heinrich Griinow—were
the people in charge had gone too far! Not only did two former employees of the Heylandtwerke,
they hurt their professional reputation by quackish Walter Riedel, a close collaborator of Max Valier,
advertisement of a m a n n e d rocket flight and lose the and Arthur Rudolph, who, after Valier's death, had
confidence of their contract partners because they continued with Alphons Pietsch the development
did not fulfill their promises regarding schedules of Valier's "Standard Combustion Chamber."
and performance for which they had been paid in T h e first engine, built at the end of 1932 by this
advance; they also lost complete control over their group according to Walter Riedel's suggestions, had
finances by inadequate calculations and bookkeep- regenerative surface cooling, using fuel as coolant.
ing. Dornberger described the engine:
All this was sufficient reason for intervention by
The combustion chamber, with its round head and taper-
those who had assumed political power in Germany
ing exhaust nozzle, was calculated to develop a thrust of 300
in the spring of 1933. Herbert Schaefer r e p o r t e d 2 1 kg. On the right side of the measuring room . . a spherical
that an inspector who supervised all activities was aluminum container with liquid oxygen was suspended. . . .
assigned to the Rocket Field and, a short time later, A similar container hung on the left-hand side. It contained
the Gestapo confiscated all journals and news- 75 percent alcohol. The alcohol duct forked into two
papers, books, and working papers. In 1934, the branches, each connected to the bulbous edge of the exhaust
organization was dissolved and similar incorpora- nozzle. Thin piano wires from the tanks led over rollers
tions prohibited. T h e most competent technician through the concrete wall to instruments that would trace the
and designer in the group was doubtlessly Klaus graphs of fuel consumption during firing. The rocket motor
itself had double walls. Between them rose cooling alcohol
Riedel, who was hired by Walter Dornberger, Chief
at a high rate of flow from bottom to top. T h e alcohol,
of the Sub-Office for Rocket Development in the
warmed to 70° C, entered the inner chamber through small
German Ordnance Department. T h e talented or- sievelike injection nozzles in the chamber head. It was met
ganizer and spiritus rector of the group, Rudolf there by liquid oxygen ejected from a centrally placed brass
Nebel, received a good sum of money as indemnifi- sprayer shaped like an inverted mushroom and perforated
cation payment. with many small holes. 23
228 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

T h e first test, on 21 December 1932, was a failure. formed between the heat of the combustion gas and the
T h e engine and test rack b u r n t out after a detona- wall? If we sprayed the inner wall of the chamber with
alcohol, it would of course evaporate and burn, but the
tion.
temperature of this layer could never equal that inside the
A smaller version of the 300-kg combustion cham- chamber. Such was the origin of film-cooling. A large number
ber had already been ordered in 1931 from the of small perforations at the endangered sections admitted
Heylandtwerke, according to Dornberger's account. alcohol to the motor and especially to the exhaust nozzle
Cylinder-shaped, it had been designed for a thrust under slight differential pressure. The holes in the wall were
filled, after drilling, with Wood's metal, which melted as
of 20 kg, with double iron walls for cooling pur-
soon as the flame formed, thus allowing the cooling alcohol
poses; thus, most likely, the first combustion cham- to enter.24
ber with regenerative surface cooling was built in
1931 by Heylandt. Toward the end of 1933, after a T h e first large 25-ton engines which were tested
series of significant modifications but without in spring 1939 on test stand 1 at Peenemuende,
fundamental changes in the cooling system, the used this new cooling process. Thus, after 15 years,
300-kg engine finally operated and developed ex- in 1938, an idea first proposed by Oberth in his
haust velocities u p to 1800 m/sec in static testing. famous book Die Rakete zu den Planetenrdumen,
For the rockets following the A-l with its 16-sec had finally been realized. O n 3 October 1942, the
burning time, engines with longer operation times, first successful launch of an A-4 rocket provided the
higher performance, and better cooling systems had climax of this development and represented an
to be built. T h e 1000 kg engine of the A-2 rocket, important milestone.
however, that reached altitudes of more than 2000
m during the first launches in December 1934, did Work of Eugen Sanger in Vienna
not show any significant modifications compared to
the A-l. In a curriculum vitae presented in 1934, Eugen
Subsequently, between the groundbreaking cere- Sanger wrote:
mony for the new test facilities in Peenemuende in During physics classes in high school we were at times
August 1936 and the first test firing of the A-3 from introduced to the field of rocketry. After 1926, when the use
the new test area in December 1937, the new A-3 of rocket propulsion for very fast stratosphere airplanes had
been recognized as feasible, I began to study this problem
rocket with a height of 6.5 m and take-off weight of more seriously.
0.75 tons was developed; there also was developed
by Wernher von Braun, Walter Dornberger, Walter In August 1931, Sanger started to summarize his
Riedel, and Walter Thiel, in close cooperation, a occasional studies and their results in the form of a
new and considerably improved engine developing book published by R. Oldenbourg, Munich, in the
a thrust of 1500 kg. T h e modifications included an spring of 1933 under the title Raketenflugtechnik
improved injection system with centrifugal injection (Technology of Rocket Flight). Having temporarily
nozzles, a mixing chamber between injection head completed his preliminary theoretical studies,
and combustion zone, and improved gas flow Sanger began in 1933 to conduct experiments at the
through conical form of the lower part of the Technische Versuchsanstalt (Technical Research
combustion chamber. But, again, cooling problems Institute) regarding the selection of materials for a
increased with improvements in performance and reaction motor. In autumn of 1933, he proposed to
rise of combustion chamber temperature in the the Verband der Freunde der Technischen Hoch-
1500-kg engine. schule Wien (Society of Friends of the Technical
University of Vienna), a brief, well-defined program
During the development and construction of the
for "Model Tests with Uniform-Pressure Rocket
next prototype, a 4500-kg engine, using an assembly
Engines." In addition, a program for the practical
of three injection heads from the 1500-kg engine in
development of rocket flights was set up and pre-
one combustion chamber, one of Thiel's associates,
sented to the public. Actually, the true inspiration
Wilhelm Poehlmann, suggested a decisive innova-
for Sanger's work in the field of spaceflight and
tion. Dornberger described this event as follows:
rocketry had been a science fiction novel that he had
Yet the motors still burned through, from time to time, at received on 7 February 1919, at the age of 13, as a
points along the wall or at the throat of the nozzle. Dr. gift from his physics teacher, Dr. Gustav Schwarzer.
Thiel's engineer colleague, Poehlmann, made a useful sug-
It was the book Auf zwei Planeten (On Two
gestion: How would it be if a sort of insulating layer were
NUMBER 10 229

Planets) by Kurd Lasswitz, published in 1897, to skip this step (as it later actually happened). In
which Rudolf Nebel had also mentioned in his line with his studies as a civil engineer, he began
book Raketenflug20 as one of his sources of inspira- with the design of the airframe and the study of its
tion. aerodynamical flight behavior. During this time,
On 28 January 1964, a few days before his death, the first direct meeting between Eugen Sanger and
Sanger said in an interview with a reporter from the two Austrian space flight pioneers, Guido von
RIAS Berlin: Pirquet and Franz von Hoefft, took place; but it
did not lead to any technical cooperation. Guido
Indeed, my first contact with astronautics took place in
high school when my physics teacher, whose favorite pupil von Pirquet wrote about it:
I was because I had shown special interest in his experiments,
In 1927, Hoefft had the idea to have a rocket model tested
presented me with the book Auf zwei Planeten by Kurd
in the wind tunnel of the Institute of Aerodynamics at the
Lasswitz. . . . Of course, I read the novel with fascination
Technical University of Vienna. Based on the concepts of
and later dreamt that this would be a task for my whole
Hoefft, I built the test model. While the test results were
life. But, of course, at that time, no one ever thought that
satisfactory, they did not find any immediate technical appli-
this could really become a professional career. I started to
cation. But we learned at that time that a young assistant
study these questions seriously when I got hold of the first
of the Institute was a great rocket enthusiast. Thus, for the
publication by Hermann Oberth. This happened while I was
first time, I heard of Eugen Sanger.
enrolled at the Technical University in Vienna. I was pre-
Somewhat later I learned that Sanger was looking for a
paring myself for the tests in mechanical engineering and
place to test rockets. As I owned a vacant field near Vienna,
had studied these subjects very thoroughly. When I began to
1 km in length and 140 m wide, which I considered suitable
recalculate Oberth's formulae, I became convinced that there
for such tests, I contacted him and he came to see me and
was much behind his writings which had to be taken seri-
my wife in Hirschstetten and we met personally for the first
ously. From that moment on, I started to delve more and
time. However, the tests were not made on my property after
more into this area. An additional problem for me was that
all and I also did not discuss with Sanger the possibility of
I had studied civil engineering at the Technical University
testing my nozzle configurations.
. . . and that I had to change my major considerably toward
the field of aviation and whatever might follow. Still existing today is a letter to Guido von
Pirquet, then secretary of the Wissenschaftliche
These historical aspects and Sanger's inclination
Gesellschaft fiir Hohenforschung (Scientific Society
toward a systematic approach may explain why he
for High Altitude Research), dated 27 March 1928,
did not try, as the Berlin group did, to use Oberth's
in which Sanger applied for membership in the
plans for developing and testing single- or multi- society and offered his assistance for Dr. Hoefft's
stage ballistic rockets, but rather followed in the preliminary experiments at the Institute for Aero-
Austrian tradition of von Hoefft and Valier and dynamics.
pursued the logical course from aeronautics via
Among the fragments of papers listed in Sanger's
stratospheric flight to the gradual exploration of first "life plan" was a draft for Raketenflugtechnik
space. In the papers that Sanger left behind were (Technology of Rocket Flight). T h e cover page
several plans that he had made during different carries the additional inscription "Thesis to Obtain
times of his life. In these he had formulated the a Doctorate in the Engineering Sciences, Submitted
goals of his various activities and carefully checked to the Technical University Vienna in Summer
off the milestones already reached. One of the 1929 by Eugen Sanger. Studies on the problems of
earliest plans dated back to about 1929 and 1931. high altitude flights of rocket airplanes." T h e draft
Under the entry "constructions" he listed the fol- is divided into four sections: (1) General Com-
lowing steps: ments; (2) Ascent; (3) Free Flight; (4) Descent. It
Stratosphere Plane—Space Ferry—Space Station—Planetary does not include studies on propulsion systems. Ap-
Spacecraft—Space Ship; and under the heading "Publications parently, Eugen Sanger had prepared the draft for
—Major Studies" the planned books: Stratospheric Flight— this thesis after he had passed his oral examinations
Cosmo-Technology—Biotechnology, and a philosophical
for a doctor's degree on 27 June 1929. In his last
novel "The Road to Thule."
interview with RIAS in 1964, he explained:
From the very beginning, Eugen Sanger con-
I wanted to write my doctoral thesis on a subject in the
sidered space travel as a manned flight venture.
field of space flight. My very wise old teacher Katzmayr,
Thus, the realization of his first project, a strato- however, under whom I was studying aeronautics, told me
sphere plane, simply seemed to him the very first at that time: "Well, I believe it is more practical if you
step toward true space flight; and he did not want write your doctoral thesis on a more classical subject. Things
230 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

will then go much smoother. If you try today to write your conditions within the tank and do not absorb heat prior to
thesis on space flight, you may be an old man with a long evaporation.
beard before you get your degree."
According to the notes of his later Vienna log
Dutifully and successfully, Sanger wrote his thesis book, Sanger's first designs for a combustion cham-
on " T h e statics of multi-spar truss wings with ber and his preliminary practical experiments date
parallel webs, cantilevered and half-supported, di- back to 1932, the year in which he also started to
rectly and indirectly loaded," and was awarded a lecture on this subject at the Technical University
doctor's degree on 5 July 1929. in Vienna.
From February 1930 on, Sanger worked as assist- T h e oldest of Sanger's still-existing test logs dates
ant to Professor Rinagl at the Institute for Mate- from December 1932. W i t h a welding torch Sanger
rials Research of the Technical University, in spot heated the 3-mm-thick steel wall of a cylin-
Vienna. His private work continued nevertheless. drical container filled with water and recorded the
In the second chapter of a manuscript entitled following: " T h e wall becomes red hot; a layer of
"Cosmo-Technology" he listed under the heading steam forms at the hot spot and displaces the water;
"Ship Propulsion - T h e Rocket as Prime Mover" afterwards, the wall melts very quickly."
the following outline: (1) General Remarks; (2) In this Vienna log book one of the first sketches,
Rocket Theory; (3) T h e Chemical Rocket; (4) T h e dating from 3 January 1933 bears the designation
Radium Rocket; (5) T h e X-Ray Rocket. As "Ra- "Basic Project." It depicts a simple conical nozzle
dium Rocket" Sanger described what we would call with a small opening angle (about 8°), an extended
today an isotope-heated propulsion system. In the exhaust, and double-path cooling. T h e portions of
chapter "X-Ray Rocket" he put on paper some the engine steel jacket exposed to combustion gases
preliminary studies on what many years later be- are lined with magnesium oxide. Also provided is a
came known as his theory of the "Photon Rocket." jacket for dynamic cooling by means of a propellant
U p to mid-1931, Eugen Sanger still spent most of which is pumped from the tank through the cooling
his time on wind-tunnel tests with three-dimension- jacket—in counter flow to the exhaust gases—into
ally curved flight profiles. Apparently, no records the injector. Altogether, the proposal combines
are left, but the results were published by Sanger in capacity cooling by a ceramic liner with a high
an article, "Cber Fliigel hoher gute" (On High- melting point and regenerative surface cooling.
Performance Wings), that appeared in the magazine Since his primary duties were as assistant at the
Flugsport (Air Sports) on 24 J u n e 1931. Institute for Materials Research, it is understand-
Immediately following, he began to summarize able that in the beginning Sanger was preoccupied
the results of his fundamental studies on rocket by materials testing, especially by screening poten-
flight, using many elements from his earlier drafts tial structural and heat-resistant materials for the
for "Stratospheric Flight" and "Cosmo-Technol- rocket engine. U p to February 1933, after his first
ogy." In May 1933, they were published under the test firings with chamber walls of steel and static
title "Raketenflugtechnik." 26 T h e 222-page treatise water cooling had been unsatisfactory, he exposed
with chapters on "Propulsive Forces, Aerodynamic plates, or pipes of electrode graphite, thorium
Forces, Trajectories" was to be a fundamental theo- oxide, tungsten, and magnesium oxide to flames of
retical textbook. In the introduction, Sanger speci- a welding torch. During all these tests he studied
fied that design details were intentionally omitted with special interest the effect of oxygen-rich com-
in all discussions. Yet, some comments on the cool- bustion and the rate of dissociation of the welding
ing problems encountered with liquid rocket en- flame.
gines were included on page 53: For a few months after 3 February 1933, there are
One of the significant physical properties of the propellants no notes in the log book, only blank but numbered
is their cooling capacity. . . . This cooling capacity is of pages. It is not clear whether the experiments were
importance because the propellants themselves must probably interrupted due to other commitments—such as the
be used to cool the engine instead of having a special coolant publication of Raketenflugtechnik—or whether
dissipate heat across combustion chamber and nozzle walls to test logs from this period were lost.
the outside air. As a rule, the cryogens (liquid hydrogen,
liquid oxygen, liquid nitrogen) are unsuitable for wall cool- During this time, the only known direct contact
ing since they boil off under the pressure and temperature between the Berlin and the Vienna group occurred.
NUMBER 10 231

Rudolf Nebel, who had somehow heard very Katzmayr, chief of the Department of Aeronautics;
quickly of the contract signed on 11 March 1933 and also to the Association of Friends of the Tech-
between Sanger and the publishing house Olden- nical University in Vienna, asking for their support
bourg, wrote Sanger on 25 March 1933: for his efforts. With regard to the cooling problem
Dear Dr. Sanger:
he mentioned in this paper:
We heard that you are planning to complete your manu- A key problem in building a rocket thruster burning at
script on rocket technology by April 1. Herewith, we are constant pressure is the thermal design of the combustion-
taking the liberty of forwarding you some informational data chamber wall. It essentially consists of a load-carrying outer
and asking whether you might need additional material for shell, which has to withstand the very high combustion
your book. We could also supply photographic material. We pressures, and of an inner liner, which has to meet the follow-
assume that you are interested in including in your book ing requirements:
the latest research and are looking forward to hearing from
you. 1. Adequate high-temperature service life, i.e., sufficient
Sincerely yours, mechanical strength at temperatures around 3500° C.
Berlin Rocket Field, Nebel. Because of low heat transfer and a very thin temperature
boundary layer, the inner surfaces of the combustion
Attached to his letter was Nebel's paper "Rocket chamber liner attain almost the same temperature as the
Flight" dating from the year 1932. Eugen Sanger, on combustion gases.
April 5, sent the following thank-you letter: 2. Adequate resistance against chemical reactions with high-
temperature combustion products, thus assuring that a
Dear Mr. Nebel: liner lasts at least for a maximum operating time of 20
This is to thank you for your letter of March 25 and your minutes.
paper "Rocket Flight" which I read with very great interest. 3. Adequate thermal insulation assuring that the penetrating
I am continuing with my work and would, of course, be heat can be absorbed by the propellants; the use of pro-
glad to accept your kind offer, should you be able to relate pellants as coolants is feasible if the heat flux through the
to an outsider some of your apparently considerable experi- liner is less than 1% of the liberated chemical propellant
ence. First of all, I would like to mention that my book energy.
"Technology of Rocket Flight" that has already gone to print, 4. Minimum weight.
discusses in a purely theoretical manner the scientific aspects
Because of the first requirement, from the currently known
of the indicated subject. Structural details and photos of
high-temperature resistant materials only a few metals, metal-
structural elements are not included. My studies are limited
lic oxides, carbides and pure carbon may be considered,
to liquid-propellant rockets. In comparison to your practical
mainly: thorium oxide, rhenium, zirconium carbide, titanium
experiments a difference exists in that I have eliminated on
carbide, tungsten, tantalum carbide, niobium carbide, haf-
the basis of my theoretical studies any static liquid cooling
nium carbide, a mixture of hafnium and tantalum carbide,
of the rocket because of the chill-down problems that would
and carbon. A final selection from among these materials
occur at high flight speeds. Partly, this is due to the fact
would have to be based on screening tests. . . . To cool the
that I have considered the rocket purely from the standpoint
walls of the combustion chamber and nozzle directly by air
of a propulsion system for aircraft.
stream during flight or by circulating a coolant around the
Thus, it would be of special interest for me to hear of the combustion chamber wall and through an air-cooled heat
experience that you gained earlier when still using heat- exchanger, as used for internal combustion engines, is im-
blocking, highly refractory materials for nozzle walls, in possible. The huge amount of heat to be dissipated in a very
particular I am interested in the type of materials used. short time approximates 150,000 kilowatts for an aircraft
For lecture purposes I would appreciate receiving from weighing only 10,000 kilograms at take-off. . . . Direct or
you some technical slides and detail drawings showing the indirect air-cooling must be ruled out because the air stream-
actual configuration, if these can be made public. ing past the aircraft is heated by stagnation and friction.
May I thank you again for your kind offer. With best . Consequently, the temperature difference between am-
regards, bient air and cooled wall at first diminishes and at very high
Sincerely yours, flight speeds turns zero or negative. . . . The walls exposed
E. Sanger. to the burning gases must be highly heat-insulating and
without cooling withstand chemical reactions of high-
No reply to this letter was ever received from Berlin, temperature combustion gases. Cooling of the combustion
perhaps because of the poltical changes occurring at chamber and heat flux across its walls is limited by the
that time. heat-ingesting capability of the propellants serving as cool-
ants prior to their evaporation and injection into the com-
On 10 October 1933, Sanger presented a compre-
bustion chamber. . . . The design considerations valid for
hensive plan, "Testing Models of Constant-Pressure the combustion chamber apply also to the structural and
Rocket Engines," to Professor Rinagl, his superior liner materials of the nozzle. . . . Of course, even the most
and the director of the Technical Research Institute careful precautions cannot prevent relatively rapid wear of
of the Technical University in Vienna; to Professor the liner material of the combustion chamber and nozzle
232 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

throat. For the initial development it would be satisfactory his development plan, augmented by the prelimi-
if the liner lasted for one flight (principle of ablation cool- nary design of a liquid-oxygen-cooled rocket propul-
ing) and be replaced each time thereafter. . . . A complete
combustion chamber wall with graphite liner can be built sion system SR-2 which he described as follows:
according to the following scheme [a drawing showing a wall The principle is that the diesel fuel flows from the tank
section]. The porous graphite liner can also be replaced by through the pump into the combustion chamber as a liquid,
a porous carbon liner of higher mechanical strength and whereas the oxygen passes as a liquid from the tank through
another high-temperature chemically resistant material, such the pump, is forced (while evaporating) through the cooling
as magnesium oxide, thorium oxide or the like. . One jacket passages, and enters the combustion chamber as a gas
should also investigate whether the wear of the combustion of approximately 100° C. Thus the thermal stresses across
chamber wall could be reduced by a fuel additive (perhaps the injector elements are reduced and about 55% of the fuel
iron carbonyl, asphalt, etc.) which burns and leaves deposits caloric value can be absorbed by the coolant.
on the wall, as for example in internal combustion engines,
and thus regenerates the chamber liner. . . . Finally, meth- This concept combined cooling by storing heat in
ods for cooling the chamber walls and nozzle throat have to the liner with independent external cooling by
be developed. From the previous discussions it follows that
tapwater and forced regenerative cooling (oxygen
only the propellants qualify as coolants. Of these, liquid
oxygen must initially be eliminated; prior to its evaporation coolant channels).
it cannot absorb any additional heat, and evaporation must By the way, shortly after the release of the de-
not occur since only as a liquid can it be fed into the com- velopment plan in October 1933, the Viennese
bustion chamber at a tolerable power consumption. How-
journal Radio-Welt (Radio World), (No. 43, 22
ever, one could take advantage of the fact that an increase in
pressure raises the saturation of the liquid oxygen and October 1933) published for the first time for wide
results in a temperature difference which would permit the distribution a design sketch of a rocket engine by
liquid oxygen to absorb a certain amount of heat; the liquid Sanger. T h e sketch did not contain any new items
oxygen, only after its discharge from the pumps, could be on cooling methods or propellant feeding beyond
passed through the cooling jacket of the thrust chamber, but
the original proposal of 5 January 1933, but instead
this method would necessitate extremely thick cooling-jacket
walls. . . . of a conical chamber it showed a spherical combus-
tion chamber with a Laval-type nozzle attached.
T h e report also proposes three test series, the first T h e first version of the research proposal
involving "small thrust devices producing 10 to 20 prompted Professor Rinagl to make available for
kilograms of thrust." Suggested test objectives of the first test runs some unoccupied buildings located
the first series are: in the old "Bauhof," on Dreihufeisengasse near the
1. Find suitable high-temperature-resistant materials for lin- Electrotechnical Institute, which were modified in a
ing combustion chamber and nozzle throat. makeshift fashion to provide a test area open to the
2. Determine magnitude of exhaust velocity and its depend- outside and some sort of an adjoining operations
ence on combustion pressure and mixture ratio. and observation bunker. Sanger also gained the
3. Determine allowable ratio of propellant mass flow to com- support of two of Rinagl's assistants, the Sztatecsny
bustion chamber volume. brothers Friedrich and Stefan. With them he
4. Find suitable configurations and structural materials for
founded a cooperative association which truly en-
building the nozzle.
5. Gather experience on auxiliary equipment. dured the upcoming tough and critical months.
T h e trio proudly called the old shed in the Bauhof
As to the hardware of the first test series, the following "Deutsche Raketenflugwerft" (German Rocket
ground rules apply: weight does not matter; tapwater is used
Flight Yard).
to cool the combustion chamber, thus the chamber material
need not be a highly effective thermal insulator; external Less successful was Sanger's second version of the
energy drives the propellant pumps, etc.—or briefly, let test research proposal submitted to the Austrian De-
objectives predominate. partment of Defense, through Dr. Leitner, Superin-
tendent General. In early February 1934, the manu-
In these initial proposals for methodical rocket
script was returned to Sanger with the following
propulsion research, Sanger suggested that details
reply:
of the propellant coolant loop and the feed-pump
drive system be clarified only during the second test Concerning your letter of December 26, 1933, you are in-
series. formed herewith that after evaluation of your rocket develop-
ment proposal the Department of Defense does not intend
In December 1933, Sanger submitted to the to pursue this matter any further since the basic design
Austrian Defense Department a revised version of concept (use of liquid hydrocarbons and liquid oxygen)
NUMBER 10 233

appears non-feasible because of the unavoidable detonations sures up to 45 atm, thrust levels u p to 1 kg and
connected with the combustion of the said propellants. exhaust velocities up to more than 830 m/sec were
February 3, 1934 For the State Secretary
measured during test runs exceeding 26 min. There-
Dr. Leitner, Superintendent General.
after, for some tests, the throat diameter was varied
Not even was an effort made, prior to returning the between 1.2 and 2.5 mm—and correspondingly the
manuscript, to erase the reviewer's vitriolic pencil nozzle area ratio—with the result that the exhaust
notes from the submitted pages. velocities increased up to at least 1460 m/sec and
T h e youthful research team, however, could not the thrust levels up to 2.80 kg.
be discouraged; from that time on they began to On 20 March 1934, while still running these tests,
look more and more beyond the border, especially Sanger—drawing from his experience gained on
toward Germany, as the defiant name of a "Ger- February 7—conceived the first thrustor featuring
man" Rocket Flight Yard demonstrated. forced regenerative cooling with the cooling coils
On 7 February 1934, preliminary tests were run wrapped around the smooth walls of the combus-
again, of which the very first established the trend tion chamber and nozzle. By 14 April 1934, this
for future cooling methods. Sanger's log book reads: concept was incorporated into the design of SR-4.
Half-inch steel and copper tubing with a wall thickness of Copper tubing of 8/10 mm (id/od), tightly wound,
1 to 2 millimeters is connected to a water line and water is with wall-to-wall contact, was to be brazed to the
passed through. An attempt is made to melt the tubing by 3-mm-thick cylindrical combustion chamber shell
heating it on the outside with a welding torch (largest avail-
and the adjoining nozzle. T h e total thrustor length
able burner No 22-30). But as long as running water com-
pletely fills the tube, the torch can cut neither copper nor was to be 283 mm and the maximum outside diam-
steel tubing. eter 95 mm. For the first time, a short nozzle with
an 8° half-angle, a 2.4-mm throat diameter and
At the end of the detailed test report it says: " T h e
again an area ratio of 10:1 was proposed.
experiments are considered decisive for testing
However, on 23 April 1934, based on analytical
thrustor models with metallic combustion chamber
studies, Sanger terminated the work on SR-4 in
walls cooled by fuel."
favor of a new design (SR-5) with thrustor walls
T h e next combustion chamber design, SR-3, was
made u p solely of coiled tubing welded on the
first hot-fired on 14 March 1934, after completion
outside; thus, the load-carrying shell portions were
of the test set-up. It no longer had a liner, only bare
exposed to lower temperatures and the heat-dissi-
steel walls which were still water-cooled during the
pating surfaces enlarged in comparison to those of
first test series. Otherwise, SR-3 consisted of a cylin-
a smooth inner wall. T h e shell of the elongated
drical combustion chamber and an attached Laval
cylindrical combustion chamber of SR-5 consisted
nozzle with a 6° half-angle, a 1.2-mm throat diam-
of coiled double tubing with the coolant in counter-
eter and a nozzle-area ratio of 10:1. A cylindrical
flow so that both coolant inlet and outlet were close
cooling jacket surrounded chamber and nozzle. T h e
to the injector. T h e short nozzle with a 4° half-
total length of the thrustor was 180 m m and its out-
angle had a 2.3-mm throat diameter and a 4:1 area
side diameter 57 mm. During Sanger's first test
ratio. SR-5 tests were run between 7 and 14 May
series, Shell diesel fuel from a three-cylinder, manu-
1934. During a burning time of 260 sec at a chamber
ally operated p u m p was burned with gaseous oxy-
gen supplied from bottles with a volume of 6 m 3 pressure of 47 atm this model realized an exhaust
and under storage pressure of 150 atm. During the velocity of 1750 m/sec comparable to a theoretical
test the thrustor was suspended from the ceiling in value of 1913 m/sec.
a hinged frame which could move only in the direc- During one of these firings Sanger, for the first
tion of the horizontal thrustor axis. A horizontal time, thought about vapor as a potentially feasible
spring dynamometer, firmly braced to the ground, coolant and on 9 May 1934, wrote about test run
accepted the full thrust. Also recorded, in addition 83 in his log book:
to thrust, were chamber pressure, flow rate, and For the time being, since a water pump is not available and
cooling-water temperature, fuel and oxygen con- cooling by vapor to be investigated, partial evaporation of
sumption, total thrustor operating time, and overall cooling water is acceptable. . . . During the test run, strong
test duration. By 6 April 1934, this type of thrustor evaporation at the cooling water outlet can be observed, and
at times reading of the dynamometer is difficult. After 260
was tested 60 times and combustion chamber pres- sec, at test cut-off, the nozzle is thrown out; at the top,
234 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

water passages have been leaking slightly, but apparently, Summary of essential test results obtained to date:
due to the manufacturing, the walls were already very thin
A. Principal items:
and only kept leakproof by brazing them to the nozzle. In
1. Liquid coolants for metallic combustion chamber walls
any case, cooling by coolant evaporation is feasible.
2. Heat flux of about 0.3 PS/cm2 independent of thrust
O n May 12, he wrote: 3. Combustion and detonation speed (combustion cham-
ber reaction rate)
The tests in Vienna aim at developing a rocket engine of 4. High efficiencies of nozzles with small half-angle
100-kg thrust with self-contained propellant feeding and 5. High-pressure fuel as coolant
self-contained cooling. 6. High-pressure oxygen as potential supplemental coolant
B. Design:
O n May 13: 1. Patent on combustion chamber wall (5 June 1934)
Since detonations cannot be eliminated whenever diesel fuel 2. Thrustor without combustion chamber (5 January
and liquid oxygen are burned, the rocket combustion cham- 1933)
ber must be designed to permit reaction rates of 500 PS/cm3. 3. Propellant pumps (26 April 1934)
Under these conditions the combustion chamber volume of 4. Monolithic structure (partly SR-6, totally SR-7)
the 100-kg thrust rocket engine shrinks to 7 cm3, thus making C. Performances achieved:
the project of 5 January 1933, important again. All the same 1. Thrust of about 5.5 kg
time, detonations in such a thrustor are harmless! Heat 2. Exhaust velocity of about 1780 m/sec in spite of wrong
transfer drops to a minimum! The operational limits of a nozzle area ratio.
cooling method using solely liquid oxygen can be determined
on small scale thrustors. . . One must try to obtain opti- Furthermore, during these tests Sanger was able to
mum atomization by forcing Oa and fuel through many small increase the combustion chamber pressure to 17 atm
orifices, with the propellants impinging on each other per- under entirely stable combustion with oxygen sup-
pendicularly to the thrustor axis! One should also consider plied at 50 atm pressure. H e then decided to modify
splash plates with concentric tube injector elements and short
his test program and instead of the liquid oxygen
cylindrical combustion chambers!
firing tests to develop the high-pressure fuel cooling
T h u s , according to the "Basic Project", the SR-6 method conceived in 1932. For these tests—in con-
was built without cylindrical combustion chamber trast to the ones r u n at Berlin—he planned to feed
as a purely conical thrust chamber with a half-angle liquid oxygen by p u m p through the cooling pas-
of 3°, a throat diameter of 5.0 mm, a total nozzle sages into the combustion chamber. O n 4 J u n e 1934,
length of 200 mm, and an area ratio of 9.6:1. It was Sanger explained his decision as follows:
made of 1-mm-thick Caro bronze. O n May 21,
Eugen Sanger wrote in his log book with regard to The Linde Corporation offers oxygen pumps of about 1500
PS with a weight of 1000 kg, which is still unacceptable; also,
SR-6:
the high-pressure gasifiers operating above the critical pres-
Design and construction of SR-6 will be based on experience sure of 51 atm only furnish gaseous oxygen and they cannot
gained by tests on be used either. Hence, the tests with gaseous oxygen in
Vienna will be terminated. This is no problem, since self-
1. Liquid cooling of metallic combustion chamber walls
contained cooling can be accomplished with fuel. At the same
(7 February 1934)
time, the specified combustion chamber pressure is reduced to
2. Total heat flux across chamber walls (22 April 1934)
50 atm in order to obtain improved nozzle dimensions and
3. Reaction rates of high pressure combustion chambers
reduce the residual oxygen in the storage bottles. When
(13 May 1934 and 5 January 1933)
injecting liquid oxygen into the latest thrustor model built
4. Nozzle efficiencies (20 May 1933) in Vienna, the operational characteristics are not expected to
For future designs the experience on differ from the performances to be obtained with gaseous
5. Liquid oxygen as high-pressure coolant (19 October 1933) oxygen injection up to thrust levels of 50 kg.
6. Steam as high-pressure coolant (9 May 1934)
T h e new test model, SR-7, used fuel as a coolant
7. Propellant feeding (26 April 1934)
and provided for optional liquid or gaseous oxygen
will be applied. injection. T h e nozzle had a length of 110 mm, a
Original plans called for operating SR-6 with liquid half-angle of 6° and an area ratio of 5.3:1. It was
oxygen; b u t since delivery of adequate liquid oxy- made of non-scaling bronze and its top part of
gen pumps from Germany was delayed, it was nickel steel. T h i s time, instead of cooling passages
decided to start testing the SR-6 with available of coiled tubing brazed to the chamber wall, a novel
gaseous oxygen and water as a coolant. After testing monolithic process was applied whereby integral
of the model was completed, Sanger wrote on circumferential grooves were milled into the
9 J u n e 1934: chamber wall and welded tightly on the outside.
NUMBER 10 235

While the new nozzle was being built, Sanger regenerative cooling system with forced fuel flow
worked again on the fuel problem. On 18 June, he as coolant, the investigations on burning and cool-
recognized that even with Laval nozzles only a ing effects of liquid oxygen progressed in spite of
fraction of the theoretical exhaust velocity could temporary disappointments. Sanger, unable to ob-
be attained; for diesel fuel and oxygen burning at tain a suitable oxygen pump, decided on 4 July
100 atm the exhaust velocity would not be much 1934, to run his ground tests, for the time being,
higher than 3000 m/sec because of limited chamber with pressure-fed liquid oxygen, and he designed
pressures and losses caused by dissociation and fric- a special set-up for it. T h e simple testing equipment
tion. Thus, even before completion of SR-7, he consisted of the following components:
conducted several preliminary tests on 22 July
1. High-pressure gas supply system consisting of a 40-liter
1934, with light metal powder suspended in diesel bottle under an initial pressure of 150 atm and suspended
fuel. on a scale.
On 23 J u n e 1934, the first test with a closed fuel- 2. Liquid oxygen tank—a 6-liter bottle enclosed in a vacuum-
coolant loop was run. With pumps built by the tight jacket filled with about 100 kg of mineral wool; the
Bosch Company, diesel fuel was forced at a pressure bottle had a thin riser line connected with the supply
line, also a port with a burst-diaphragm and a filler line
of 60 atm through the cooling channels of the branching off to the high-pressure gas tank.
rocket engine being fired; the diesel fuel was water-
3. Measuring system for consumables—a spring scale holding
cooled and returned to the storage tank. During 15 the high-pressure gas bottle and lox tank (together weigh-
tests, operating times up to 9 minutes and thrust ing about 200 kg) and clearly indicating weight changes
levels up to 12 kg were demonstrated. of about 0.1 kg.
T h e following test models, SR-8 and SR-9, did 4. System of supply lines—lox supply lines of 5-mm-id cop-
not differ from SR-7 except for nozzle length, nozzle per tubing, thermally insulated with asbestos cardboard;
a conventional oxygen bottle shut-off valve with hard-
half-angle, and area ratio. O n 24 July 1934, SR-8 rubber gaskets replaced by copper gaskets; valve could be
produced a thrust of more than 27 kg, and on 31 operated from the blockhouse.
July 1934, SR-8 delivered a thrust of 30 kg. How-
This set-up allowed, over a limited but sufficient
ever, on 1 August 1934, Sanger wrote:
time, lox to be injected under high and constant
It seems that the allowable combustion chamber reaction rate pressure through an injector element mounted at
is being exceeded, as combustion partly occurs in the open. the end of a 10-m-long copper line into the com-
During the last test series, increases in thrust reduced the
temperatures of the fuel coolant, thus indicating that a larger bustion chamber or into the open, and the oxygen
and larger part of the nozzle was used for mixing instead of to be measured consumption during this time. O n
burning. This is in agreement with observations made on 20 July 1934, the facility was ready for operation.
very short nozzles on 26 July 1934 (SR-8). Apparently, propel- Oringinally, tests were to be run with the SR-8
lant, mixing was not completed entirely within, but partly model burning lox and diesel fuel. But it turned
outside the nozzle.
out that the close spacing of lox and fuel injection
Therefore, the configuration of SR-10, SR-11, and elements, unavoidable in Sanger's model combus-
SR-12 was again based on Sanger's design published tion chambers, caused the exiting lox to freeze u p
in the October 1933 issue of the magazine Radio- the fuel passages even when they were under full
Welt (Radio World); but it included forced coolant flow at a pressure of 200 atm. Therefore, testing
flow as proposed on 15 May 1934, and utilized was limited to firing in the open; fuel and lox im-
previous test experience on allowable combustion pinged on each other and were ignited by a gas
chamber reaction rates. Model SR-11 delivered flame. T h e tests were run up to 20 minutes; lox
again an exhaust velocity of over 2700 m/sec. T h e and fuel injection pressures and impingement angles
coolant tubing could be separated at midlength for were varied. O n 24 August 1934, Sanger concluded:
easier disassembly of a defective thrust chamber
In summary, the open firings with lox have shown:
portion. Furthermore, for the first time, the fuel
coolant of SR-12 could be chilled twice, as it was 1. Under continuous ignition, a mixture of atomized lox and
atomized diesel fuel burns very much like gaseous oxygen.
found that the fuel exiting from the cooling pas- The oxygen mist seems to ignite only after complete
sages was critically close to its upper temperature evaporation.
limit. 2. A mixture of lox and frozen fuel droplets does not de-
Along with these tests for the development of a tonate, but burns stably and quite rapidly.
236 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

In contrast to the comments from the Austrian Department lar to the wall (minimum turbulence, no perpendicular
of Defense, the test results prove the outstanding feasibility flow; walls as smooth as possible).
of the propellant combination. Future engine developemnt 2. Reject radiative heat by reflective surfaces.
tests will be run alternately with gaseous and with liquid 3. Minimize heat-exposed surface areas by avoiding pro-
oxygen, the latter ones only as complementary tests. trusions, bends, etc.
4. Maximize combustion-gas boundary-layer temperature
In spite of fuel-rich combustion and correspond- to reduce temperature difference of combustion gas
ingly low combustion gas temperatures, the fuel bulk and boundary layer (reduces radiative and con-
coolant temperatures in the cooling passages of SR- vective heat flow).
11 and SR-12 went up to 450° C. To find the causes 5. Reduce combustion-gas density (reduces convection).
B. The coolant-side heat flux must be maximized.
of this temperature rise, SR-13 was equipped with
1. Provide very high coolant flow velocities for better
separate cooling passages for chamber and nozzle. heat transfer.
The combustion chamber was made of 6/8 mm (id/ 2. Increase the heat dissipating surface areas by cooling
od) copper tubing wound to shape for water and fins (for example, by internally grooved tubing, accord-
later for lox as coolant and the thrust chamber of ing to Sztatecsny).
2/4 mm (id/od) copper tubing was wound to 3. Provide for coolant flow mainly perpendicular to wall
(direct impingement, highly turbulent).
shape for fuel as coolant. The coolant velocities
4. Increase coolant density (high pressure for gases, metal-
ranged from 10 to 15 m/sec. After eight tests with lic powder added to diesel fuel).
SR-13, Sanger wrote in his log book on 18 Septem- 5. Increase temperature difference on coolant side by use
ber 1934: of cryo-coolants (for example, lox).
6. Increase coolant boundary-layer temperature for rea-
The current situation is as follows:
sons identical to those on the hot side.
The combustion chamber made of carefully wound copper
tubing, faultlessly connected at both ends and brazed tight If these steps necessitate uneconomical efforts or fail to obtain
on the outside with bronze wire, withstands all loads with wall equilibrium temperatures below 1000° C, then high-
both water and fuel as coolants. temperature-resistant nozzle materials have to be used.
However, the same thermal design does not work at the
throat. Thrust chambers, whether cooled by fuel or water Based on this knowledge, SR-14 was built and
and whether made of copper or steel, are burning through fired on 4 October 1934. During the second test, it
near the inlet and in the throat area. Fuel-cooled copper produced a thrust of 2 kg and obtained an exhaust
nozzles behave best and water-cooled steel nozzles worst. But velocity of around 3000 m/sec for a chamber pres-
it seems that burn-through can be avoided by smooth surfaces sure of 16 atm and highly fuel rich combustion;
inside the nozzle. Obviously, the rough surfaces in the throat
area greatly increase the combustion gas-to-wall heat flux up
the steady-state run-time, however, was not deter-
to 1.7 PS/cm2 as measured under oxygen-rich combustion. mined very accurately. During a later test, with
Convection heat transfer seems to be important. . . . The 30% fuel-rich combustion, a chamber pressure of
wall thickness, especially that of copper tubing, is less impor- 22 atm and a steady-state run duration of 63 sec, a
tant for the required heat flow rates across the wall. Of thrust of 4.5 kg and an exhaust velocity of 2760
decisive importance is the ratio of combustion-gas heat flow
to wall and wall-to-coolant heat flow, as determined by the
m/sec were obtained. During both tests, the tem-
boundary layers on each side. perature of the fuel and water coolant stayed
The hot-side heat transfer is determined by (1) radiation within allowable limits and the rocket engine was
and (2) convection. Convective heat transfer peaks especially undamaged.
around the throat area because of gas velocity and density.
Regrettably, the testing of this model was limited
The coolant-side heat transfer is determined by convection
and increases with coolant flow velocity and temperature
to five runs. On 17 October 1934, Professor Rinagl
difference between coolant boundary layer and coolant bulk. forbade further testing because the noise allegedly
Equilibrium between the heat flows on both wall sides annoyed the neighbors. The 135th and also the last
must be obtained at wall temperatures compatible with the test, on 23 October 1934, was a demonstration run
wall material. for Count Max von Arco-Zinneberg; the test opera-
During a number of previous thrust-chamber tests run tion was smooth and no hardware was damaged.
within the allowable wall temperature range, the hot-side
Based on his test experience, Sanger recorded the
heat flow indeed exceeded that on the coolant side.
In the first place one must try to keep the equilibrium wall following notes as patent claims:
temperature below the melting temperature of customary 1. High-pressure combustion chamber characterized by duct-
metals, such as copper or bronze. ing the propellants around the chamber in such a way
A. The hot-side heat flux must be minimized. that they enter it in a preheated condition and cool the
1. Eliminate all heat transfer caused by flow perpendicu- chamber walls.
NUMBER 10 237

2. Use of metals as fuels, either in pure form or as additive or partly under increased pressure.
to other fuels. 8. . . . by reducing to a desired level the amount of com-
3. Use of rocket engine combustion gases to drive propellant bustion-gas heat radiation to the wall through properly
feed pumps. heat-reflecting wall surfaces.
4. Special tubing for building thrust chambers; proper tub- 9. . . . by applying improved wear-resistant coatings to
ing profiles provide for a smooth inside wall and large chamber wall areas subject to wear by impinging com-
surface areas for cooling. bustion gases.
5. High-speed lox pumps to prevent oxygen evaporation. 10. . . . by exploiting the wall-to-coolant heat flux for pre-
6. Manufacture of combustion and thrust chambers by wind- heating the propellant prior to injection into the com-
ing tubes to proper shape. bustion chamber.
7. Wall-cooled nozzles characterized by an average divergence 11. . . . by actually using the propellants (i.e., fuel, lox, etc.)
angle larger than 25° and smaller than 27° (shortened partly or entirely as coolants.
nozzle).
12. . . . by adding to the propellants suitable ingredients,
Sanger, in December 1934, published a short re- such as catalysts, amylic nitrate, etc., to vary the speed
of combustion.
port on his tests and their technical conclusions in
a special edition of the magazine Flug (Flight). In In addition to this basic patent, many patents of
the following months, he applied for an Austrian addition in various countries were granted; among
patent on some of his ideas including, on 9 Febru- others, on 11 December 1941, the German patent
ary 1935, a claim for the regenerative forced-flow D R P 716,175; the Italian patent 334,064; the
cooling of rocket engines. T h e Austrian patent French patent 792,596; the British patent 459,924;
144,809, "Raketenmotor und Verfahren zu seinem and in the United States, patent application USA
Betrieb" (Rocket Engine and Method for its Serial 33,516 was filed, but the patent was not
Operation), reads in part: granted, probably due to the war.
The coolant must be carefully ducted around the combustion Effective 1 February 1936, Sanger accepted a
chamber through a specially designed cooling jacket so that contract with the Deutsche Versuchsaustalt fur
a prescribed coolant flow velocity is safely maintained over Luftfahrt (German Research Institute for Aero-
the entire combustion chamber wall in order to assure at all nautics) at Berlin-Adlershof that committed him to
places the required heat transfer and avoid spot heating of
prepare plans for the establishment of a Raketen-
the wall material beyond an allowable limit.
technisches Forschungsinstitut (Rocket Research
Twelve patent claims followed: Institute) and a research program for liquid rocket
propulsion systems. Construction of the institute
1. Rocket engine with essentially continuous combustion,
characterized by forcing a coolant along walls exposed began in February 1937 at T r a u e n near Lueneburg.
to the combustion so that a specified coolant flow velocity Sanger was able to continue his Viennese tests on
is safely maintained at any given spot of the combustion a larger scale only after he had moved to Fassberg,
chamber wall; the ratio of useful combustion chamber
volume to the throat cross-sectional area ranges from
near Trauen, on 25 August 1937, and after the
50 to 5000 cm3/cm2. "most vital" parts of his new test facility had been
2. Rocket engine according to claim no. I, characterized by completed. This actually happened after the 1926-
grooves machined into the combustion chamber wall, 36 period that was to be covered by this report.
which serve as coolant passages and are properly covered Nevertheless, a short historical summary of the
to form a leak proof channel. later investigations, as far as they concern the com-
3. . . . by winding tubes of arbitrary cross-section around
the combustion chamber wall to provide coolant passages.
pletion of his cooling method developed in Vienna,
4. . by joining together tubing of any chosen cross- will be presented on the following pages.
section to form coolant passages with the combustion On 25 October 1938, prior to resuming his test
chamber wall; the tubes to be properly connected to
runs and based on his experience with vapor cool-
each other.
5. . . . by providing for the combustion chamber wall tubes ants dating from 9 May 1934, Sanger applied for a
of such cross-section that joining them together results, patent on an improved, closed regenerative coolant
without trouble, in a properly shaped, smooth wall surface loop using supplemental coolants. In the main
on the combustion side. process fuel and lox are separately forced by high-
6. . . . by ducting connections, injection passages, etc., into pressure pumps through the injector into the com-
the combustion chamber between the cooling channels in
such a way that no uncooled material concentrations bustion chamber, where they burn together and
occur. then expand across the nozzle and gain exhaust
7. . by keeping the coolant along its flow path entirely velocity. T h e supplemental cooling process handles
238 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

about 2% of the reaction energy of the main process. circulates several times towards the nozzle exit and
Under a pressure of about 250 atm water as supple- is tapped off as superheated steam under high
mental coolant is pumped at the nozzle throat into pressure to expand across a turbine down to about
the cooling channels of the thrust chamber heated 5 atm. In a lox-cooled condenser, the exhausted
by combustion gases; the water circumferentially steam turns to water and thereby preheats the lox

FIGURE 1.—Schematic representation of the main about 28 kg/sec of water, under 250-atm pres-
components of the rocket engine, shown installed sure, into the coolant tubes at the nozzle throat
in the interior of the rocket bomber proposed (H) whence the water flows toward the nozzle
by Sanger (see reference 14). Its operation is as exit (I), being heated to 3000° C in the process.
follows: The fuel goes from the fuel tank (A) Still above the critical pressure, the water is
to the fuel pump (B), where, compressed to then forced through the tubes of the combus-
150 atm, it is then fed continuously through tion chamber (J) where it vaporizes in the criti-
valve 5 to the injection head of the combustion cal pressure range. Finally, the resulting highly
chamber. The oxygen goes from the thin-walled compressed, superheated steam is removed at
uninsulated oxygen tank (C) into the oxygen the injector head (K) and used to drive the
pump (D), where it is compressed to 150 atm, steam turbine. In the process, the steam expands
then forced through valve 6 and the tubes of to about 6 atm and passes into the liquid-
the condensers (E) into the injection head of oxygen-cooled condensers, where the steam is
the combustion chamber (F), after being warmed condensed back into water, giving up consider-
to 0° C. In the combustion chamber the pro- able energy to the oxygen, and then repeats the
pellants burn at a constant pressure of 100 atm, cooling cycle by again passing through the
and a temperature of 4000° C, producing an water pump (G). The steam turbine drives all
exhaust velocity of between 3000 and 4000 m/sec, three pumps from the same shaft. During the
with a thrust of 100,000 kg and a propellant process valves 3, 4, 5, and 6 are open; 1 and 2
consumption of 245-327 kg/sec. It was proposed are closed; while 7 serves as a safety valve against
that the aircraft carry a 90,000-kg propellant too high rotation of the turbine. The pumping
supply and that the rocket engine operate for process is started with the aid of an external
from 275 to 367 seconds. steam generator, which produces by chemical
The turbopump assembly is driven by steam means the small amounts of steam required; in
generated through the cooling of the combus- this process the valves 3 and 4 are closed and
tion chamber (F). The water pump (G) delivers 1, 2, 5, 6, and 7 are opened.
NUMBER 10 239

by transmitting a considerable amount of residual chamber wall and is then used to power the supplemental
heat. In a closed loop, the water finally is taken in steam-driven prime mover.
by the p u m p . T h e steam turbine drives the fuel-, 2. . by circulating in a closed loop the coolant used for
cooling the chamber wall and driving the steam engine.
lox-, and water-fed pumps mounted on a common
3. . . by exhausting the coolant for the chamber walls and
shaft. the steam engine into the open directly after exiting from
T h e patent, "Verfahren zum Betrieb eines Raket- the steam engine or after passage through the thrust
enmotors mit Dampfkraftmaschinenhilfsantrieb" chamber.
4. . . . by a coolant which cools the chamber wall, drives
(Procedure for Operating a Rocket Engine with a
the steam engine, consists of rocket propellants and, after
Supplemental Steam-Driven Prime Mover), was having performed its turbine work, is fed into the rocket
granted on 15 March 1940, and filed as German engine combustion chamber to burn.
secret patent 380/40, class 46 g. It contained 5 claims 5. Process according to claims nos. 1 and 2, characterized by
(the concepts described in this patent are shown in using a coolant with high thermal conductivity; for ex-
ample, mercury.
Figure 1):
O n 9 January 1939, assembly began of a test
1. Procedure for operating a rocket engine, the propellants stand for the first rocket engine with 1000-kg thrust
of which are entirely carried on-board the propelled vehi-
and regenerative forced-flow cooling; and on 24
cle, with cooled thrust-chamber walls and supplemental
steam-driven prime mover for feeding propellants and February 1939, the test area G 1 was officially turned
coolants, characterized by a combustion-chamber coolant over to Sanger. O n 27 J u n e 1939—still with pres-
which evaporates solely by cooling the combustion- sure-fed propellants—the first test firings with

FIGURE 2.—Supersonic exhaust gases from the nozzle of 100-kg experimental rocket motor using
aluminum dispersed in diesel oil fuel.
240 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

diesel fuel and lox began on the test stand (Figure realization of his plans for the development of
2) at Trauen. On 28 August 1939, a high-pressure rocket propulsion systems.
lox tank with a capacity of 56 tons was put into 8 January 1940: Up to this time, thrust chambers designed
operation. On 3 February 1940, a test series was for combustion pressures of 15 atm (d'/d = 0.56) were
started for the development of a high-pressure actually operated at 60 atm; therefore, only a 775/870 = 0.89
pump for lox, based on Sanger's design. Earlier, portion of the exhaust velocity amounting to c = 2700/0.89
= 3040 m/sec could be realized.
on 11 November 1939, Sanger had his drafting shop
2 February 1940: Gear pump tests with lox successful up to
make the first drawings for a planned 100,000-kg 2200 rpm.
engine. On 1 August 1940, the first test firings began 5 February 1940: For first time, lox gear pump—with no
of the 1000-kg engine with both propellants pump- bearing in lox—run at 1200 rpm.
fed (Figure 3). The official log books of this time 8 February 1940: For first time, lox gear pump—with no
bearing in lox—run at discharge pressure of 5 atm. First
remained with the German Research Institute for successful Roots-type lox pump run!
Aviation in Braunschweig and may have been lost 12 February 1940: Decided to build: (1) helical impeller
during the war or due to other circumstances. pump for diesel fuel and aluminum powder; (2) centrifugal
impeller pump for lox to permit direct turbine drive for
Excerpts from Sanger's personal notes taken in both pumps.
the years 1940-41, however, permit an overview of 14 February 1940: Helical impeller pump run at 200 rpm
the tests which were of decisive importance for the with diesel fuel and aluminum powder!

FIGURE 3.—Overall view of a 1000-kg, high-pressure combustion chamber experiment using

cooling by evaporation. Propellent tanks are above the roof, to the left. The propellant pumps
are directly underneath. Combustion chamber is in operation in center. Note the cloud of
condensed cooling agent. The observation stand is above on the right.
NUMBER 10 241
15 February 1940: Helical impeller pump run at 9000 rpm flow rates, Edur-pump, Sihi-pump or boost pump) or by
with diesel fuel and aluminum powder and a discharge pumping gox (Apollo-pump).
flow of 2 kg/sec.
29 February 1940: First successful Roots-pump run with diesel
fuel and aluminum at 12,000 rpm (30% aluminum powder).
1 March 1940: First successful centrifugal pump run with lox.
22 March 1940: First successful test with combination of
rotating water-ring and centrifugal pump serving as lox
boost pump.
2 April 1940: First high-pressure lox pump run! (Combina-
tion of water-ring and gear pump A p i = +0.5 atm, i p 2 =
+ 10 atm abs (atii), A p a = +95 atm abs).
26 April 1940: Successful lox pumping tests with a customary
centrifugal pump; a water-ring pump takes in gaseous
oxygen from the first stage of the centrifugal pump
(Apollo-pump MK 30; 1450 rpm). . . . Lox pump tests
conducted so far show that lox can be fed by any standard
high-pressure system (centrifugal, gear), if temperature
influences and chemical properties are taken into account
for the setup; especially no grease and no steel are ac-
ceptable; instead, copper alloys must be used and initially FIGURE 4.—Experimental high-pressure 6-stage rotary pump
developing gaseous oxygen (gox) be removed, e.g., by sub- for liquid 0 3 pump. At 15,000 rpm it pumps 5 kg/sec of
cooling through prepressurization (gravitational head, high liquid 0„ at 150 atm.

FIGURE 5.—Rocket motor test stand. This motor produced 1000 kg of thrust for a duration
of 5 min.
242 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

14 May 1940: Reviewed layout for rocket of 100,000 kg thrust! Second test: 45 sec, p ' = 1100 kg, p„ = 89 atm.
22 July 1940: Smooth test run of first lox pump (6 radial 20 November 1940: Third test: 40 sec, p ' = 1100 kg, p 0 =
stages) discharging at 150 atm abs [see Figure 4]. 89 atm.
I August 1940: First test at a thrust of 1000 kg during 120 30 November 1940: Long duration test of 510 sec at p' =
sec, both propellants fed by high-pressure pumps. 800 kg and p 0 = 90 atm.
II August 1940: Decided to operate 100,000-kg thrust engine 14 February 1941: First combustion chamber for 100-kg thrust
from the very beginning with mercury coolant and steam with cast outer wall successfully tested! Test data: t = 120
turbine with system-contained waste heat. sec, p ' = 750 kg, p 0 = up to 65 atm.
19 September 1940: 1000-kg thrust under stable operation for 18 February 1941: %-liter thruster with combustion pressure
5 min! [see Figure 5]. Measured data: t = 304 sec, p' = 1000 of 1 atm abs (gauge) cooled for first time by steam at
kg, p„ = 40 atm, p fue i = 55 atm, p ox = 100 atm.
100 atm and 400° C! Test duration 8 min (copper coolant
24 October 1940: First long duration test at combustion pres-
tubing).
sure of 75 atm!
19 February 1941: %-liter copper thruster cooled by steam
28 October 1940: Water-coolant velocity for combustion
at 125 atm and up to 450° C for 15 min.
chamber 31.8 m/sec, for nozzle 30.5 m/sec.
(0 2 = side: 2 x 7 holes of 2.8 mm 0 ; fuel-side: 1 x 7 holes 26 February 1941: Test runs of %-liter steel thruster with
of 1.5 mm 0 ; p o r = 100 abs atm, p f u e l = 9 0 atm abs, ratio steam at
fuel/O„=l:10) 130 atm and 250° C for 2 x 5 min at p 0 = 1 atm abs;
First test: 300 sec, p' = 500 kg, p 0 = 38 atm abs. 120 atm and 450° C for 2 x 5 min at p 0 = 1 atm abs;
Second test: 240 sec, p' = 800 kg, p 0 = 93 atm abs. 130 atm and 250° C for 2 x 5 min at p 0 = 1 atm abs;
29 October 1940: (0 2 = side: 2 x 7 holes of 2.8 mm 0 ; fuel- 130 atm and 410° C for 2 x 5 min at p 0 = 1.5 atm abs;
side: 1 x 3 holes of 3 mm 0 ; p 0 = 110 abs atm, p ( u e i = 9 0 5 March 1941:
atm abs); t = 40 sec, p ' = 1000 kg, p 0 = 80 atm abs. 130 atm and 410° C for 2 x 10 min at p 0 = 31 atm abs;
7 November 1940: Water-coolant velocity for combustion 130 atm and 410° C for 2 x 10 min at p 0 = 31 atm abs;
chamber 25.5 m/sec (2 paths), for nozzle 33.5 m/sec (1 path) 7 March 1941: %-liter steel thruster, wound tubing with
(0 2 = side: 2 x 7 holes of 2.8 mm 0 , fuel = side: 1 x 3 holes circular cross-section and 1-mm wall thickness, run with
of 3 mm 0 ; p o x = 110 atm, p f u e , = 95 atm, p' = 7.25 cm2). steam at 100 atm and 410° C for 5 min at 1 atm abs; test
First test: 45 sec, p ' = 900 kg, p 0 = 80 atm. run completely stable and without trouble.
Second test: 66 sec, p' = 1000 kg, p 0 = 83 atm. 18 March 1941: Firing of 1000-kg-thrust rocket engine (nozzle:
17 November 1940: Water-coolant velocity for combustion Cu-tubes, 1 mm thick, 2 paths; water coolant velocity
chamber 24.5 m/sec, for nozzle 32 m/sec. ~ 45 m/sec; combustion chamber: Cu-tubes, 3.5 mm thick,
First test: 40 sec, p' = 800 kg, p 0 = 77 atm. 2 paths; water coolant velocity ~ 30 m/sec).

FIGURE 6.—Instruments and propellent lines during a test on 20 March 1941: chamber pressure
100 atm, thrust 1100 kg, duration 3.5 min.
NUMBER 10 243

Test results: t = 70 sec, p' =•• 830 kg, p 0 = 80 atm; k = 1.31, alloyed steel and aluminum shell; nozzle consisting of
mixture ratio 1:3.9 10-path Cu-tubing). Water coolant flow rate 1.1 liter/sec,
(nozzle tubes buckled by combustion pressure). p0 = 80 atm abs, t = 200 sec with increasing thrust and
19 March 1941: Firing of 1000 kg thrust rocket engine (nozzle: highly oxygen-rich (about 1:10); water coolant temperature
profiled Cu-tubes, 4 mm thick, reduced to 2.85 mm for of 280° C under pressure of 80 atm.
throat area, 1 path, water coolant velocity 40 m/sec; com- 24 November 1941: During discussions showed Mr. Brisken
bustion chamber: same as on 18 March 1941). (German Air Ministry) completed forms for winding tubes
Test results: t = 195 sec, p' = 989 kg, p 0 up to 87 atm, of 100,000-kg-thrust rocket engine [see Figure 8].
k = 1.46, mixture ratio 1:3 (combustion chamber melted 11 December 1941: First 1000-kg-thrust engine with high-
in places of great material concentration). pressure combustion chamber. Test results: t=140 sec,
20 March 1941: Firing of 100-kg thrust rocket engine (nozzle p0 = 36 atm abs; water coolant temperature 240° C at
and coolant data same as of 19 March 1941, but wall thick- 100 atm abs pressure; wound steel tubing of combustion
ness of throat tubes reduced to 2.50 mm; combustion chamber showed signs of melting at locations of maximum
chamber data same as of 18 March 1941, but water coolant water coolant temperature for water velocity of 11 m/sec.
velocity ~ 28 m/sec) 12 December 1941: First 1000-kg-thrust engine with high-
Test results: t = 218 sec, p ' = 1085 kg, p 0 up to 100 atm, pressure combustion chamber. Test results: t = 200 sec,
k = 1.4, mixture ratio 1:3.9; during steady state operation: p0 = 40 atm abs; water coolant: 200°C, 60 atm abs,
mixture ratio 1:4.8, c = 2060 m/sec. [see Figures 6 and 7]. 15m/sec; wound-steel tubing showed signs of melting at
16 May 1941: Fired 1000-kg thrust engine, steam cooled: locations of maximum water temperature.
p0 = 10 atm; t = 10 sec.
19 December 1941: Reached conclusion that combustion
4 June 1941: Fired 1000-kg thrust engine, steam cooled:
chambers using evaporating coolants burn through on
p0 = 20 atm; t = 20 sec (steel injector started to melt).
combustion-gas side because centrifugal forces displace
17 June 1941: First 1000-kg-thrust engine with steel injector;
portion of liquid coolant to opposite side of tube wall.
steam cooled: p 0 = 50 atm; t = 120 sec, injector heat sep-
arated; bolts too weak. February 1942: Development of a coolant evaporator, the
3 November 1941: Mailed to German Air Ministry request tubing of which is convexly bent towards the combustion
to authorize printing of manuscript "Raketenbomber" gas side.
(Rocket-Propelled Bomber). March 1942: Construction of 1000-kg-thrust, high-pressure
13 November 1941: Fired 1000-kg-thrust engine with high- combustion chamber equipped with new coolant evaporator.
pressure combustion chamber: (injector head made of 27 April 1942: Termination of firing on large rocket test
wound Cu-tubes, combustion chamber of chromium-nickel stand at Trauen.

FIGURE 7.—Small water-cooled combustion chamber and test instrument in duration test. Water
was heated at 400° C at 100 atm pressure in the cooling system.
244 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

FIGURE 8.—Experimental construction of the cooling system of a 100,000-kg high-pressure com-

bustion chamber.

Summary concept of an invention into a design suitable for

production represents a second step, and its success-
Walter Dornberger appropriately wrote in his
ful solution also is an original accomplishment.
book V 2: "Man's technical progress does not come
T h e same holds true for the next step; to demon-
only from men with great ideas, but almost as
strate successfully the manufactured hardware of a
frequently from those who first apply unshakable
faith and tireless energy to an idea's materializa- novel system by testing is also no routine work,
tion." 27 but a pioneering feat. In technically defining these
three steps, each has its own designation, namely
Besides patentable intellectual authorship, in-
"Research," "Development," and "Testing," which
vestigations of priority claims to technical inven-
tions should consider two more achievements which in turn require different skills from the technolo-
are almost equivalent to mental conception but gist.
require such entirely different human talents that Considering these facts, a timetable on priorities
priority in all three phases of a forthcoming inven- of the most important cooling methods for liquid
tion is seldom combined in one and the same rocket powerplants would, as far as is known, stand
engineer. T h e process of transforming the mental as follows:

LIKELY PRIORITIES FOR DEVELOPMENT O F DYNAMIC, REGENERATIVE COOLING METHODS FOR LIQUID-FUEL ROCKETS

Internal External External forced- Combined regenerative

cooling surface cooling flow cooling cooling with steam
Conception Oberth 1923 Tsiolkovskiy 1928 Sanger 7 February 1934 Sanger 9 May 1934
Patent nothing known nothing known Sanger 9 February 1935 Sanger 25 October 1938
Hardware Pohlmann 1938 Walter Riedel and Sanger 20 March 1934 Sanger August 1940
Arthur Rudolph (probably earlier)
winter 1932 (or
perhaps spring 1931)
Testing Peenemunde Walter Riedel, von Sanger 7 May 1934 Sanger 18 February 1941
team 1939 Braun, Dornberger
21 December 1932
NUMBER 10 245

T h e development of a successful cooling method the rame time dynamically and regeneratively
for the liquid propulsion systems of space rockets cooled combustion chambers.
was lengthy and troublesome. In the first place, T h e Swiss researcher Josef Stemmer, perhaps
most of the senior rocket pioneers took somewhat somewhat unjustly neglected, is an exception; with
amateurish approaches, aiming more or less at his privately financed ground and flight tests, start-
short-duration demonstration flights of their small ing in 1934 (somewhat later than but certainly
rockets. Naturally, they were mostly interested in independent of Sanger), he used force-flow cooling
rocket flight behavior or stability, guidance, and for models of combustion chambers and rockets.
mass properties, whereas the thrustor, if considered
at all, was thought to be a necessary but secondary NOTES
obligation. Powerplants of the past remained mostly
anonymous, whereas rocket stages received from To Ruth von Saurma, of the George C. Marshall Space
their fathers the finest names of fantasy. If the Flight Center Plans and Resources Control Office, and to
Hans G. Paul, chief of the MSFC Astronautics Laboratory
pioneers dealt with powerplant problems at all, they Propulsion and Thermodynamics Division, the editors ex-
concentrated on, propellant feeding, atomization, press gratitude for their assistance in checking and revising
and conditioning. Very few recognized the funda- the translation of this paper. Throughout, the abbreviation
mental importance of cooling for the development "at" has been translated as atm (atmospheres) and atii as
atm abs (atmospheres absolute (excess) pressure). PS is under-
of a ground-tested rocket powerplant; most in-
stood to equal 0.9863 hp, equals 0.735 kw.
ventors started to take care of cooling problems
only after there was no other way out. 1. Leipzig: Verlag Hachmeister & Thai, 1932.
2. H. Oberth, Die Rakete zu den Planetenraiimen [The
For example, in the November-December 1929 Rocket into Interplanetary Space] (Munich and Berlin:
issue of Die Rakete (The Rocket), certainly in self- R. Oldenbourg, 1923), p. 27.
criticism, it is stated: " U p to the end of 1928, the 3. Ibid., pp. 53-54; and Oberth, Wege zur Raumschiffahrt
term heat transfer hardly exists in the literature on [Methods of Space Travel] (Munich and Berlin: R. Olden-
bourg, 1929), pp. 241-42.
space travel:" From this insight, however, no con-
4. Ibid., p. 5.
clusions result as to cooling methods related to the 5. Ibid., p. 5.
heat transfer from combustion gas to chamber wall; 6. R. Nebel, Raketenflug [Rocket Flight] Mitteilungsblatt
only those heat fluxes between combustion gas and des Raketenflugplatzes Berlin Nr. 7, Raketenflugplatz Berlin,
atomized liquid important for propellant condition- December 1932, pp. 27-28.
7. Max Valier, Raketenfahrt [Rocket Journey] (Munich:
ing are considered. It is amazing how little informa-
R. Oldenbourg, 1930).
tion on cooling methods is contained in the old 8. W. H. J. Reidel, "Ein Kapitel Raketengeschichte der
1932 test reports; this type of information is more neueren Zeit." Weltraumfahrt, no. 3, July 1953.
or less accidentally mentioned and then only in 9. Op. cit. (note 8).
subordinate sentences. 10. W. Ley, Rockets, Missiles, and Men in Space (New
York: The Viking Press, 1968), ed. 3, p. 134.
This is true even with Goddard, who in his 11. Op. cit., note 6, pp. 16-17.
famous papers "A Method of Reaching Extreme 12. Op. cit., note 10, pp. 126-28.
Altitudes' (1919) 28 and "Liquid Propellant Rocket 13. W. Dornberger, V2—der Schuss ins Weltall [V2—The
Development" (1936) 20 does not even mention cool- Shot into Space] (Esslingen: Bechtle-Verlag, 1952), p. 26.
14. Werner Briigel, Manner der Rakete [Rocket Men]
ing methods for liquid rocket engines. His first
(Leipzig: Hachmeister & Thai, 1933), p. 129.
treatments of cooling methods are found in the 15. Op. cit. (note 6), p. 28.
U.S. patents 2,016,921, 8 October 1935, "Means for 16. Op. cit. (note 14).
Cooling Combustion Chambers," and 2,122,521, 17. Ibid.
5 July 1938, "Cooling Jacket Construction." 18. Ley, op. cit. (note 10), p. 146.
19. In Briigel, Manner der Rakete (see note 14).
In his early layouts, the pioneer of spaceflight 20. Alexander Boris Scherschewsky, Die Rakete fiir Fahrt
technology, K.E. Tsiolkovskiy, also assessed the und Flug (Berlin: C. J. E. Volckmann, 1928), p. 106.
dangers to the outer skin of his rocket from aero- 21. Ley, Rockets, The Future of Travel beyond the Strato-
dynamic heating as clearly more important than the sphere (New York: The Viking Press, 1944), p. 157.
22. Op. cit. (note 13), p. 26.
still neglected risks of an uncooled rocket engine.
23. Ibid., pp. 31-32.
It took him 43 years—from 1885 until 1928—until 24. Ibid., pp. 60-61.
he published a rocket design indeed embodying at 25. See note 6.
246 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

26. [Rocket Flight Technique] (Munich and Berlin: R. Old- 8. C. P. Lent, Rocket Research - History and Handbook.
enbourg, 1933). New York: The Pen-Ink Publishing Co., 1945.
27. Op. cit. (note 13), p. 28. 9. W. Ley, Grundriss einer Geschichte der Rakete. Lcipsig:
28. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 71, no. 2, Hachmeister & Thai, 1932.
1919. 10. Die Rakete, Offizielles Organ des Vereins fiir Raum-
29. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 95, no. 3, schifffahrt e.V., 2, 1928.
1936. 11. W. H. J. Ridel, "Ein Kapitel Raketengeschichte der
neueren Zeit," Weltraumfahrt, no. 3, July 1953.
REFERENCES 12. E. Sanger, "Neuere Ergebnisse der Raketenflugtechnik,"
Flug, special issue 1, Wien: Verlag Flug, 1934.
In addition to those sources cited in the footnotes, the follow- 13. E. Sanger, "Der Verbrennungsraketenmotor," Schweizer
ing were used in the preparation of this paper. liauzeitung vol. 107, no. 2, 11 January 1936.
1. A. Ananoff, Des premieres fusees a la V2, 14 problemes. 14. E. Sanger and I. Bredt, "Uber einen Raketenantrieb
Paris: Edition Elzevier, 1947. fiir Fernbomber" [A Rocket Motor for Long-Range Bomber],
2. A. Ananoff, L'Astronautique. Paris: Librairie Artheme Deutsche Luftfahrtforschung UM 3538, Ainring, August 1944.
Fayard,1950. (Translated into English by M. Hamermesh, Radio Research
3. P. von Dresser, "The Rocket Motor - a Survey of Known Laboratory, and reproduced by Technical Information
Types," Astronautics, no. 33 (March 1936), p. 8. Branch, BuAer, United States Navy Department, as Transla-
4. R. Engel, CERVA-Report No. 6, 1954. tion CGD-32. A condensed version of this translation was
5. I. Essers, Max Valier - ein Vorkampfer der Weltraum- published by Mr. Robert Cornog, 990 Cheltenham Road,
fahrt. Dusseldorf: VDI-Verlag, 1968. Santa Barbara, California, on 16 November 1952).—Ed.
6. H. Gartmann, Weltraum-ABC. Dusseldorf: ECON- 15. I. Sanger-Bredt, Entwicklungsgesetze der Raumfahrt.
Verlag, 1958. Mainz: Krausskopf-Flugwelt-Verlag, 1964.
7. H. Gartmann, Traumer - Forscher - Konstrukteure. 16. I. Sanger-Bredt und K. Reiniger, Requiem fiir Eugen
Diisseldorf: ECON-Verlag, 1955. Sanger Herausgeber L. Bolkow (to be published).
 22

Development of Winged Rockets in the USSR, 1930-39

Y E . S. SHCHETINKOV, Soviet Union

T h e work of the winged-rocket team of the There were, however, other circumstances which
Group for Study of Jet Propulsion (GIRD) and of urged us to study winged rockets. T h e 1930s in a
the Jet Propulsion Research Institute (RNII) was certain sense were critical in the development of
performed under the guidance of the author of this aviation. A piston engine with a propeller was the
paper during the period 1933-37. Naturally, this main and only type. T h e absolute world speed
work covered a range of problems allied to those records established during the aircraft races for the
carried out by other teams of workers, employed at Schneider-Creuzot prize were close to 700 km/hr.
the Gas Dynamics Laboratory (GDL), GIRD, and T h e rise in the speed of aircraft registered every
RNII, who designed and investigated solid-propel- year, if shown diagramatically, would produce a
lant winged rockets, liquid-propellant rocket en- curve asymptotically approaching the limit of 700-
gines, aircraft boosters, etc. Moreover, when it was 800 km/hr.
necessary, the efforts of different teams and groups Much more favorable prospects could be seen for
were temporarily combined. liquid-propellant rocket engines, whose weight in-
Thus, it would be wrong to dwell on the history creased in proportion to the second, not the third,
of the work done by only one team engaged in power of the speed, as was the case with a piston
research on liquid-propellant winged rockets with- engine. From this point of view better character-
out mentioning the work of all other groups of istics were to be obtained for ramjet engines, their
workers engaged in allied fields. It would also be theory having been worked out by B. S. Stechkin. 3
wrong to overlook the conditions prevailing in our And I remember very well lively discussions among
country, and even in the world, which prompted the members of our team caused by G. A. Crocco's
our work, for in that case the general picture would article about the flight performances of ramjet
be incomplete and lacking in breadth. aircraft. 4
When discussing the origin of ideas on the use Mathematical calculations of the flight perform-
of jet engines on winged vehicles, one must first ances of the liquid-propellant rocket engines dem-
speak of F. A. Tsander. It was he who suggested the onstrated that flight speed "limits" posed by the
use of wings on rocket vehicles. His "Flights to piston engine could be readily overcome. Flight
Other Planets" was completed in 1924 and was altitude limits could be overcome as well. It seemed
published in the magazine "Technology and Life" feasible to build a liquid-propellant rocket aircraft
appearing that same year. 1 A similar suggestion can which could be used to improve considerably
be also found in the work of K. E. Tsiolkovskiy, world speed and altitude records. Such aircraft,
published in 1926, "Investigation of Outer Space used as an interceptor, would also be of interest
by Means of Reactive Devices," in which he men- from the military viewpoint. Moreover, winged
tioned the use of hydrodynamic lift force to reduce flight vehicles with liquid-propellant rocket engines
the required liquid-propellant-engine thrust (in- or ramjet engines could be considered as the first
clined trajectory flight).2 Influenced by these ideas, step toward spaceships. F. A. Tsander also drew
a special winged-rocket team (the fourth team) was attention to this prospect. Such was the sequence
formed in G I R D in 1932, under S. P. Korolyev. of arguments of the engineers and enthusiasts in

247
248 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

the field of rocketry who worked jointly in G I R D . Now, let us proceed with a consideration of the
All of us were young and full of optimism. Finan- actual work on winged rocket vehicles performed at
cial troubles and hardships could not frighten us. G I R D and R N I I .
And though our country was experiencing hard
times, we were ready to work, ignoring our own Rocket-propelled Aircraft
discomforts, although we were aware that our
strenuous labor would not soon bear fruit. In 1932-33 G I R D attempted to design the OR-2
T h e first calculations of optimum parameters for alcohol-oxygen engine with a thrust of 50 kg and to
the liquid-propellant rocket aircraft (we then mount it on the BICh-11 tailless glider designed by
called them "rocket planes") showed that maximum B. I. Cheranovskiy. T h e work was headed by S. P.
flight altitudes were obtained when the ratio of Korolyev.
thrust to takeoff weight was slightly less than unity. This RP-1 rocket aircraft is shown in Figure 1,
In 1933 liquid-propellant rocket motors available together with a diagram of its engine fuel-supply
at G I R D had a thrust of 30-50 kg; therefore, dy- system. Tanks, valves, and other equipment were
namic flight parameters of rocket-propelled aircraft manufactured and mounted on the RP-1 rocket
closest to the optimum values could be obtained aircraft during that period, and it underwent test
only if the takeoff weight of winged rockets was less trials in an engine-off gliding flight. After GIRD
than 40 to 60 kg. Thus, we came also to think of and GDL were merged, the work on this rocket
designing pilotless free-flight models which could aircraft stopped because the glider was worn out. 5
be used to study the flight dynamics of rocket planes. In 1936 research on rocket-propelled aircraft was
resumed. Figure 2 shows a general view of the RP-
Later, in the period 1935-36, a separate team
218 two-seated experimental rocket aircraft with a
(group) engaged in studying solid-propellant winged
cluster of three nitric acid-kerosene engines having
rockets was formed in R N I I to investigate the possi-
a total thrust of 900 kg, a takeoff weight of 1600 kg,
bilities of their use as guided antiaircraft rockets.
a wing area of 7.2 m 2 ; a climbing speed of 850
As indicated above, at GDL, and later at R N I I , km/hr, a ceiling of 9(20) km from a ground takeoff,
another trend of great importance arose in the field and 25(37) km from a TB-3 aircraft at an altitude
of winged flight vehicles with rocket engines: that is, of 8 km (figures in parentheses indicate the ceiling
the use of solid-propellant booster rockets to reduce for a single-seat variant). T h e project was under the
the takeoff run of overloaded aircraft. Experimental guidance of S. P. Korolev and Ye. S. Shchetinkov.
investigation in this area was carried out from 1930
During the first stage of the RP-218 project, at-
until the war broke out.
tempts were made to mount an ORM-65 nitric acid-
All the above-mentioned three main areas of kerosene engine, with a maximum thrust of 175 kg,
interest, i.e., the rocket aircraft, pilotless winged on the SK-9 glider and to undertake test flights.
rockets, and aircraft takeoff boosters were investi- Work on this rocket-propelled aircraft, known as
gated by various departments of R N I I . Their work RP-318 (Figure 3a-c) was headed by S. P. Korolev.
was based on the same scientific interests. In par- Its takeoff weight was 660 kg, the wing area was
ticular, certain problems—the flight dynamics of 22 m 2 , and weight of propellant 75 kg. During
winged vehicles acted upon by a reactive force, the 1938-39 the ORM-65 engine was modified and
effect of a jet on the control system and strength came to be known as the RDA-1-150 engine, with
of structure—were treated as common in all areas. maximum and minimum thrusts of 150 kg and 50
This fact contributed to the mutual interests in the kg, respectively. T h e fuel-supply system was of the
scientific results obtained by the various depart- gas-pressurizing type, and the thrust control was
ments. performed by throttling.
In addition, it should be noted that the organiza- T o ensure full safety of the pilot, both the fuel
tional structure of the departments dealing with supply system and the engine underwent most care-
winged rockets in R N I I was not stabilized during ful bench tests over a period of three years (1937-
the period 1934-38. For example, the author of this 40). Altogether, several hundred bench tests and 16
report had to take part, one way or another, in the preliminary flight experiments were undertaken.
work carried out in all above-mentioned three areas T h e chief engineer on the engine installation was
as different times. A. V. Pallo.
 NUMBER 10 249

l&B

Spar No. 3 Rib No. 3

- ^
Rib No. 1

Rib No. 1

Rib. No. 3

Instrument panel > J

><^ Spar No. 1

Spar No. 2

FIGURE 1.—Rocket-propelled aircraft (Raketoplan) RP-1 (top) and schematic diagram of rocket
engine system for RP-1.

On 28 February 1940 the pilot V. P. Fedorov (Due to wear of its structural members the speed of
performed the first powered flight with the RDA-1- the rocket aircraft was limited to 160 km/hr.)
150 cut in. The RP-318-1 rocket aircraft was towed The entire operating time of the engine
aloft by a P-5 aircraft. After disengagement, the amounted to 110 sec. It was the first manned flight
rocket engine was cut in at 2600 m with a thrust of of a liquid-propellant flight vehicle accomplished
90 kg; the speed increased from 80 to 120 km/hr, in the Soviet Union. Repeated flights confirmed the
while the altitude increased by 300 m (Figure 3d). design flight data of the RP-318 and showed the
250 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

tl , i •/.'| .L--'"'A1S

1t-
« I :: *

FICURE 2.—Layout of RP-218.

reliability and safety of the power plant. fitted with an 09 oxygen engine having a maximum
The work on the rocket aircraft was carried on thrust of approximately 50 kg. The rocket weighed
at the design office headed by V. F. Bolkhovitinov, 30 kg. Research on the 06/I-06/III was guided by
where an experimental model of the BI-1 rocket Ye. S. Shchetinkov.
fighter (Figure 4) was designed and manufactured. The rocket takeoff was similar to that of an air-
The fighter Was fitted with a powerful nitric acid- craft, i.e., it was performed from horizontal guide
kerosene engine with thrust of over 1000 kg. rails.
During the war, in 1942, the BI-1 fighter was The winged rocket was expected to climb along
flown by the pilot G. Ya. Bakhchivandzhi.0 an inclined trajectory (at an angle of about 60° to
Pilotless Winged Rockets
The 06/1—the first winged rocket—was a smaller FIGURE 3.—a, Layout and b, tail surfaces of RP-318; c, rocket
geometrical model of the RP-7 rocket aicraft. It was engine for the 318; d, RP-318-1 in flight, 28 February 1940.
252 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

FIGURE 4.—Rocket fighter plane BI-1.

the horizon) and after the engine stopped, to pass

on to a gliding flight. For this purpose the rocket
was provided with an automatic device, of a fairly
primitive type, to deflect the elevators as predeter-
mined by a prescribed time program. T h e first
flights, however, performed in May 1934, showed (z.^-PCo^-^-Gointf-
that the 06/1 rocket motion was unstable. T h e
rockets caused it to do loops, barrel-rolls, and other f
aerobatic figures but the design trajectory could not
be obtained. $-v&=P-6in«+R-60>!>fr
Therefore, the next 0 6 / I I I winged rocket (known
later as a 216 rocket) was provided with ailerons in
1 M I
addition to elevators. For this purpose a two-axis
gyroscopic autopilot was specially designed at R N I I
under the guidance of S. A. Pivovarov.
T h e methods of trajectory calculation in 1934-35 a
could be understood by referring to a system of FIGURE 5.—Equations used for flight trajectory calculations.
equations (Figure 5) which were to be solved mathe-
matically. Later, in 1936-38, the methods of calcu-
lating dynamic flight were considerably improved T h e 216 rocket was fired from a special catapult
by engineer B. V. Raushenbakh; the rocket motion (Figure 6d) which was, essentially, a launching trol-
relative to the center of gravity acted upon by the ley, complete with one or three solid-propellant
autopilot was given special attention; and dynamic rockets, that slid on guide rails over a distance of
stability of the rocket was also considered. 60 m. Figure 7 compares the design and experi-
Characteristics of the 216 rocket were: Takeoff mental results for two launchings of reduced-size
weight, 80 kg; maximum thrust of the 02 alcohol- mockups of the 216 rocket.
oxygen engine (OR-2 modified), 100 kg; propellant During the test flights, motion pictures of the
weight, 12 kg; wing area, 1.5 m 2 ; takeoff speed, 36 takeoff were taken to determine the speed at which
m/sec; and maximum flight speed, 180 m/sec. the rocket left the trolley. Special recording devices
Figure 6a shows a full-size 216 rocket under wind- were employed to register the movement of the
tunnel tests. Figure 6b shows the main power plant elevator and ailerons. Some of the rockets were
elements mounted on the rocket thrust frame, also provided with sodium flares to indicate flight
the wing-mounted oxygen tanks, a cylindrical alco- trajectories.
hol tank, an 02 engine, and tanks of air to force the Four 216 winged rockets were tested between
propellants out of the tanks and to drive the auto- 9 May and 4 November 1936, but only two firings
pilot servo units. Figure 6c shows the GPS-2 gyro- went relatively successfully off the trolley. One of
scopic two-axis autopilot. the rockets began to make a dead loop because of
NUMBER 10 253

FIGURE 6.—a, Model of the 216 winged rocket (1933-36) mounted in wind tunnel; b, basic
components of the 216 winged rocket; c, gyroscopic autopilot GPS-2 for the 216 rocket;
d, catapult for winged rockets 216 and 212.
254 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

theoretical curve
Tests on 10 March
Tests on 8-9 Ma re h \
>>30

10 , 13
Time in seconds
FIGURE 7.—Takeoff performance of 216 rocket on catapult.

apparent autopilot failure. T h e second rocket, mov-

ing along an ascending straight-line trajectory,
reached an altitude of about 500 m and then fell off
on the right wing with the motor still running.
Even before tests of the 06/111-216 rocket were
completed, the decision was made to start designing
a 212 winged rocket of greater efficiency with three-
axis GPS-3 autopilots and an ORM-65 nitric acid-
kerosene motor. Provision was made for rocket
recovery by means of a parachute. This work was
headed by S. P. Korolyev.
Figure 8a shows the 212 rocket, the main design FIGURE 8.—a, Winged rocket 212 (1934-39); b, gyroscopic
characteristics of which were: takeoff weight, u p to autopilot GPS-3 for 212 rocket.
230 kg; wing area, 1.7 m 2 ; thrust of liquid-propel-
lant engine, 150 kg; and maximum speed in hori- Solid-propellant winged rockets were developed
zontal flight, 280 m/sec. Figure 8b shows the GPS-3 at R N I I under the guidance of M. P. Dryazgov. Ini-
autopilot mounted in the body compartment. tially, the rockets were thought to be a simple and
Several hundred preliminary tests of both the cheap means for carrying out experiments on a
propellant supply system and the control system large scale to solve the problems of control and
were carried out. In contrast to the operations with stability of liquid-propellant winged rockets (model
the 216 rocket, static firing of engine with the on- 48).
board supply system was performed. Accelerographs Very soon, however, the rockets proved to be of
and other measuring instruments were also used. special interest as antiaircraft rockets (model 217).
Test flights of the full-scale rocket were not made At the same time we considered the fact that by
until 1939. T w o rockets were tested, and in each all 1936-37 the means of radio guidance and homing
the systems of rocket engine, boost, and takeoff were of flight vehicles were being developed in the
activated normally. However, the designed ascent Soviet Union.
trajectory was achieved only in the initial part of Variants of rockets, types 48 and 217 are shown in
the flight path. In the first case, the parachute was Figure 9, and a 217/11 rocket in the launching posi-
prematurely opened at an altitude of about 250 m tion in Figure 10. It can be seen that by that time,
and in the second, stability of the flight was dis- R N I I was developing symmetric four-wing config-
turbed. No further experiments of the 212 rocket urations providing good airborne maneuverability
were made. of rockets. Aircraft-type configurations were also de-
NUMBER 10 255

kg; engine thrust, 1850 kg; design flight speed, 260

m/sec; design altitude of ballistic flight, 3300 m.
As to its flight stability, the tests of the 217/11
rocket proved it to be fairly satisfactory. No tests of
that rocket together with the control systems were
carried out.

Rocket-assisted Takeoff for Aircraft

The airfield experiments on the use of solid-
propellant rocket engines for aircraft takeoff started
at GDL in 1930 (they had been suggested by V. I.
Dudakov and V. A. Konstantinov as far back as
1927). The work was continued at RNII under the
guidance of V. I. Dudakov. The author of this paper
contributed to this work only from time to time.
Figure 11 shows the first Soviet rocket booster
unit mounted in the U-l light training aircraft.
When the experiments proved to be successful in
1931, the decision was made to install rocket
boosters on the TB-1, a heavier type aircraft (Figure
11 bottom) whose weight was 7 tons. During the
period 1931-33 theoretical and experimental re-
search to determine optimum sizes of rocket boost-
FIGURE 9.—Winged rockets 48 and 217 using solid propellant
(1935-38).

veloped with various wing contours. Special men-

tion should be made of delta wings, which recently
have come to be widely used in aviation.
Of interest is the 217/11 rocket. Based on a four-
wing pattern, its characteristics were: total wing
area, 0.74 m2; wing aspect ratio, 0.83; takeoff weight,
120 kg; weight of charge of T N T propellant, 17.5

FIGURE 11.—Takeoff-assist rocket on the U-l aircraft and

FIGURE 10.—Winged rocket 217/11 on the launcher. (bottom) in operation on TB-1 aircraft.
256 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

ers and where to locate them was conducted, a study T h e first flight of the 216 winged vehicle
of the dynamics of rocket boosters for aircraft was equipped with an autopilot was accomplished
being made, and methods to obtain more rigid on 9 May 1936.
structural members were being sought. 3. T h e first flight of the Soviet 48 unguided winged
T h e final tests, carried out in October 1933, dis- vehicle of aircraft-type configuration with a
closed that due to the boosters, the runway length solid-propellant rocket engine was made in
for aircraft of 7-ton takeoff weight was reduced from January 1935, and the flight of the 217/11 four-
330 to 80 m, and for the 8-ton weight the corre- wing vehicle of axis-symmetric configuration
sponding figures were 480 and 110 m. This result took place on 19 November 1936.
was achieved with six chambers mounted on the 4. T h e first flight of the Soviet RP-318 rocket
wings and connected to each other by a crossover glider with a liquid-propellant engine was ac-
tube. T h e total weight of the powder grain was 60 complished by V. P. Fedorov on 28 February
kg. T h e average thrust amounted to 10,400 kg dur- 1940.
ing a period of 2 seconds.
T h e following years saw a number of aircraft of From the engineering viewpoint, the following
other types equipped with rocket boosters. T h e main results should be noted:
studies were also continued to make rocket boosters 1. T h e tehnical feasibility of safe manned flight on
more sophisticated and, in particular, to reduce a glider equipped with a liquid-propellant
their weight. T h e above-mentioned rocket booster rocket engine was experimentally proved.
employed on the TB-1 aircraft was quite heavy be- 2. A number of pilotless winged vehicles, equipped
cause its weight amounting to 470 kg (the weight with oxygen and nitric-acid liquid-propellant
required to strengthen the aircraft structural mem- rocket engines and gyroscope autopilots were
bers being also taken into account). tested. Automatic takeoff of rockets from a
catapult trolley was realized, and stable flight
Conclusions was obtained in the initial part of the ascent
trajectory.
From a purely practical point of view, of the Reliability of all the elements of the rocket
three main areas of winged-flight-vehicle develop- was one of the main problems in the develop-
ment at GDL, GIRD, and R N I I u p to 1939, only ment of the winged vehicles. T h e r e cannot be
aircraft rocket boosters received their "start in life" any doubt that if the number of firings had been
directly from R N I I before 1939, i.e., began to be greater (e.g., 15-20) a 212 winged rocket would
used by other organizations and teams of scientific have completed the entire prescribed flight
workers. Rocket-propelled aircraft and winged trajectory.
rockets came into wide use only after 1939. 3. Engineering methods were developed to calcu-
Such a conclusion, however, would be narrow and late flight performances of rocket aircraft and
one-sided. T h e work of teams of scientific workers winged rockets. T h e possibility of obtaining
concerned with the rocket-powered winged flight record speeds and flight ceilings for aircraft with
vehicles in the period of 1930-38 should be also a liquid-propellant engine was theoretically
assessed and viewed from different aspects—scien- proved.
tific, historical, and engineering.
4. Antiaircraft solid-propellant winged rockets
From the scientific and historical viewpoint, the with axis-symmetric and with delta-type two-
following basic dates should be noted: wing configurations, both adapted for automatic
1. T h e takeoff of the first Soviet U-l aircraft as- control, were developed and approved.
sisted by a solid-propellant rocket engine oc- Methods of calculating the dynamic stability
curred in May 1931. In October 1933, rocket of winged rockets were worked out.
boosters were adjusted and tested on the TB-1 5. Aircraft solid-propellant boosters were tested
aircraft. and developed to the operational stage. Recom-
2. T h e first flight of the 06/1 unguided winged mendations on designing and selection of opti-
vehicle with a liquid-propellant rocket engine mum parameters of rocket boosters were worked
occurred in the Soviet Union on 5 May 1934. out.
NUMBER 10 257

6. Small gyroscopic autopilots were designed and 6. Additional details on the BI-1 aircraft are found in
tested in laboratories and on winged vehicles in The Soviet Encyclopedia of Space Flight, G. V. Petrovich, ed.
(Moscow: Mir Publishers, 1969), pp. 54 and 104; and in
flight. Methods of calculating the dynamic sta-
"Red Rocket: William Green Relates the Little Known
bility of winged rockets were developed. Story of the Development, Production, and Flight Testing
From 1927 on, a number of young engineers, of a Rocket Interceptor in the Soviet Union During 1942,"
by William Green, Flying Review International, June 1969,
enthusiasts in rocketry, were involved in research
pp. 79-81.—Ed.
and designing on jet-propelled, winged flight
vehicles. In the course of this research, their ex- REFERENCES
perience and knowledge became far more profound.
The following references, appearing at the end of this
As a result, in the period of 1934-39, RNII pro- paper in the Russian publication cited above (p. 193), are
duced highly-skilled specialists in winged rockets to material in the Archives of the USSR Academy of Sciences.
who made significant contributions to the develop- 1-3. See footnotes 1-3, respectively, above.
ment of Soviet rocketry. 4. Calculations, rocket plane 318 (1937). Arkhiv AN SSSR,
razr. 4, op. 14, d. 103.
5. Reports on tests, 318-1 and 218-1 (1937). Arkhiv AN
NOTES SSSR, razr. 4, op. 14, d. 104.
Under the title Razvitie krylatykh apparatov v SSSR v 6. Calculations, objectives for 218 and 318 (1936-1939).
1930-1939, this paper appeared on pages 179-93 of Iz istorii Arkhiv AN SSSR, razr. 4, op. 14, d. 105.
astronavtiki i raketnoi tekhniki: Materialy XVIII mizhduna- 7. Initial report of experiments on rocket plane 818 (1940).
rodnogo astronavticheskogo kongressa, Belgrad, 25-29 Sentya- Arkhiv AN SSSR, razr. 4, op. 14, d. 106.
vrya 1967 [From the History of Rockets and Astronautics: 8. Calculations, winged rocket 06 (1934). Arkhiv AN SSSR,
Materials of the 18th International Astronautical Congress, razr. 4, op. 14, d. 79.
Belgrade, 25-29 September 1967], Moscow: Nauka, 1970. 9. Winged rocket 216, reports, calculations, experiments,
photographs (1936). Arkhiv AN SSSR, razr. 4, op. 14, d. 81.
1. F. A. Tsander, "Perelety na drugiye planety," Tekhnika 10. Winged rocket, objective 212 (1936). Arkhiv AN SSSR,
i Zhizn [Technology and Life], 1924, no. 13, pp. 15-16. razr. 4, op. 14, d. 82.
2. K. E. Tsiolkovskiy, Issledovaniye mirovykh prostranstv 11. Winged rocket, reports and photographs (1935-1936).
reaktivnymi priborami, Kaluga, 1926. Arkhiv AN SSSR, razr. 4, op. 14, d. 83.
3. B. S. Stechkin, "Teoriya vozdushnogo reaktivnogo dviga- 12. Objectives, 312. Calculations, reports on testing of
telya" [Theory of Air-breathing Jet Engines], Tekhnika Voz- objectives 312, 212, 216. Arkhiv AN SSSR, razr. 4, op. 14,
dushnogo Flota [Air Force Technology], 1929, no. 2. d. 84.
4. G. Arturo Crocco, "Iperavmazione e Superaviazione," 13. Winged Rocket. Reports, objective 212 (1938). Arkhiv
L'Aerotecnica, vol. 2, October 1931, pp. 1173-1220—Ed. AN SSSR, razr. 4, op. 14, d. 85.
5. Additional information on the RP-1 rocket aircraft 14. Winged Rocket. Reports, objective 212 (1938). Arkhiv
appears in the paper by A. I. Polyarny in this volume and AN SSSR, razr. 4, op. 14, d. 86.
in Problems of Flight by Jet Propulsion: Interplanetary 15. Winged Rocket. Acts and reports on object 212 (1938).
Flights, by F. A. Tsander and L. K. Korneev, NASA-TT-F- Arkhiv AN SSSR, razr. 4, op. 14, d. 87.
147, 2 ed., 1964, 401 pp., a translation into English of Pro- 16. Calculations on acceleration of airplane No. 25 (1933-
blema poleta pri pomoshchi reaktivnykh apparatov: mezh- 34). Arkhiv AN SSSR, razr. 4, op. 14, d. 110.
planetnye polety, Moscow: Gos. Nauchno-Tekhn. lzd. Obo- 17. Diary of experiments on acceleration of TB-1 (1932).
rongiz, 1961.—Ed. Arkhiv AN SSSR, razr. 4, op. 14, d. 111.
 23

Wilhelm Theodor Unge: An Evaluation of His Contributions

A. INGEMAR SKOOG, Sweden

In Sweden as in most European countries, the first T h e first rocket, tested in 1892 (Figure 2a), was
small steps towards rocketry were taken when Con- made of brass, with a diameter of 20 mm (0.8 in.),
greve rockets were introduced in 1810. But giant 1-mm wall thickness (0.4 in.) and a length of 150
steps were taken at the end of the 19th century when mm (6 in.). T h e conical burning area was placed
Wilhem Theodor Unge started working with with the base at the top of the rocket, which meant
rockets—at the same time as Konstantin Tsiol- that the gas had to turn 180° in order to accelerate
kovskiy in the U.S.S.R. and about 10 years before the rocket forward. T h e turning of the gas was
Robert H. Goddard in the United States of achieved by a cupola at the top of the rocket. T h e
America. greatest disadvantage of this rocket was the heating
Wilhelm Theodor Unge (Figure 1) was born in of the cupola and even the body, when the gas
Stockholm in 1845. H e graduated from the College stream was forced to turn. Unge also found that this
of Technology and started his military career in type of rocket had already been patented in
1866. As a very promising young officer he was ap- England.
pointed to the Military College and afterwards he T h e next two types of rockets were very like those
was attached to the General Staff. Soon his technical of William Hale, but they had only two instead of
education became predominant and he started a three exhaust pipes at the rear end. In one (Figure
career as an inventor in the field of military tech- 2b), the exhaust pipes were cut along the center axis
nology. His first patented invention was a telemeter, opposite each other and bent at the ends to form a
in 1887, and in a short time he patented several "spoon" which would cause rotation of the rocket
improvements for an automatic rifle. when the gas streams passed through. Unfortu-
In the late 1880s Unge became interested in artil- nately the rotation was not great enough to stabilize
lery and he regarded rocketry as a possible way to the rocket, and it did not help to make two combus-
improve artillery and to use the new sensitive high- tion chambers inside the rocket (Figure 2c). In order
explosive nitroglycerin as a war-head in artillery to improve the rotation in the initial part of the
shells. Unge made contact with Alfred Nobel in trajectory the launch tube was replaced by a rota-
1891 and managed to get him interested in his ideas. tion gun. Other methods to create rotation were also
In 1892 Unge formed his company, called the Mars used, but none was sufficiently effective.
Company, with Nobel and the Swedish King among New designs were tried, and one of the more
the shareholders. T h e purpose of the company was significant details were oblique exhaust orifices.
to develop, manufacture, and sell the inventions of These were first uniformly thick (Figure 2d), but
Captain Wilhelm Theodore Unge. As a matter of soon Unge tested rockets with conical orifices (Fig-
fact, the company soon became a workshop for ure 2e). T h e rocket of the first type had already
developing ideas brought to light through an ex- been patented by Hale, and besides it did not have
tensive collaboration between Unge and Nobel. All the characteristics required by Unge and Nobel.
this work was financed by Nobel until his death in T h e second modified type was also fitted with a
1896, and after that for five more years by his estate. guidance tube with a length of about 300 mm
During the first five years Alfred Nobel invested (12 in). This modification, with its "guideline
about 20,000 dollars in the Mars Company. stick," might suggest the Congreve rocket but in
259
260 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

FIGURE 1.—Wilhelm Theodor Unge, 1845-1915. Photo from Kungl. Armemuseum Archives,
Sweden.

fact the conical orifice is the first step to the final 97, he finally designed the turbine shown in a draw-
solution to the problem of stabilization by rotating ing (Figure 3) from Swedish patent 10,257.
the rocket. The description makes clear Unge's ideas for this
A few years earlier, in 1888, Gustaf de Laval had new and unique invention. The gas turbine was
made the first sketches of the later well-known Laval fitted with exhaust outlets so designed that they
nozzle, and in 1892 the approved patent was pub- would create the most effective pressure for combus-
lished in a paper. This new idea, which showed how tion. The rounded central portion of the turbine
to get maximum force out of a high-pressure gas transformed the centered stream of gas from the
stream, was obviously soon adopted by Unge. His combustion chamber into a hollow stream distrib-
efforts to find a way to impart the proper revolution uted without shock to the periphery of the turbine
to the rocket gave excellent results when, in 1896- by means of two or more gas canals through the
 NUMBER 10 261

txs/
a
FIGURE 2.—Unge's early rockets: a, First rocket tested in 1892. b, Second type, with two exhaust
pipes and one combustion chamber, diameter 50 mm (2 in), length 300 mm (12 in), c, Third
type, with two combustion chambers, d, Type with uniformly thick, oblique exhaust orifices.
e, Modification, with conical, oblique exhaust orifices and a 300-mm (12 in) guidance tube.

turbine "consisting of conical inlet canal (a) and plification of the launch tube made the field han-
likewise conical outlet canal (b), which at (c) en- dling of the rocket much more sophisticated, and
counter the smaller section (minima-section)," ac- there were no longer any restrictions on the design-
cording to the patent. This is also the definition of ing of bigger rockets.
the de Laval nozzle, even if the construction was not T h e name "aerial torpedo" was for the first time
as finished and complete as today, but it was the officially used in this turbine patent of 1897. T w o
first time the de Laval nozzle principle had been years after this invention Dr. Gustaf de Laval joined
used in rocketry by a designer who knew why it was the board of the Mars Co., which even more stresses
applied to the rocket. Patents on this gas turbine the fact, that Unge was well aware of the de Laval
were approved in 12 countries. nozzle principle through early contacts with its
A calculation, using the dimensions of the tur- inventor.
bine and the pressures to be found in one of Unge's Parallel with the work on the stabilization prob-
notebooks, gives the exit mach number as M = 2.9. lem, Unge gave his attention to improving the
Unge scaled the dimensions of the turbine to fulfill rocket propellant. In the first types of rockets Unge
the requirements of an isentropic expansion usable used a propellant consisting of ordinary gunpowder,
in all three types of rockets he had in production. but his collaboration with Alfred Nobel gave rise
This invention turned out to be so effective that to an extensive series of experiments to improve
the use of a rotation gun was no longer necessary. ballistite, invented by Nobel in 1888. T h e first
Unge therefore designed new types of lightweight known "successful" firing of a ballistite rocket (Fig-
launching tubes, consisting simply of a number of ure 5) was made on 12 September 1896 in Stock-
cylindrically arranged guides (Figure 4). T h e sim- holm.
262 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

N? 10257,

FIGURE 3.—Gas-turbine for which Swedish patent 10,257 was received in 1897.

After having completed the design of the gas rocket-body. To prevent the propellant charge from
turbine and made a number of tests on this one, expanding along the central axis of the rocket, a
Unge found that the ballistite propellant was diffi- plate with the same geometrical form as the end
cult to handle and, most of all, it did not provide as surface of the propellant was fastened immediately
much gas an gunpowder. The results of the bal- after the propellant had been pressed into the
listite experiments forced Unge back to a propellant rocket body. This technique was patented in most
composition of 78.3% niter, 8.4% sulphur, and countries in 1903.
13.3% carbon. Later on this composition was To simplify manufacturing of the rocket, the
changed to 81.3% niter, 5.4% sulphur, and 13.3% propellant in its final form was shaped in small
carbon. These compositions made optimum use of cylindrical pieces (cartouches) covered with paper
the qualities of the turbine, but they gave Unge yet or felting soaked in oil (Figure 6 and 7). This cover
another problem to solve. It turned out to be im- served three purposes: first to make the charge
possible to store a charged rocket because the pro- elastic when pressed into the body, second to pro-
pellant shrank and cracked during drying, and this tect the propellant when transporting and handling
resulted in an explosion because of the increase in the rocket, and third, to provide a heat insulation
the burning area. The first idea tried, in which it around the charge. Rockets fitted with this propel-
was intended to retain the moisture with gypsum, lant could be stored for years unaffected by tem-
turned out to be useless, because even if the gypsum perature changes between —25°C and -j-30°C
swelled in absorbing the water, it, too, shrank after ( —15°F and +85°F), and still deliver the same
3 or 4 days. thrust when fired. Unge heat tested the propellant
Tests over several years at the turn of the century from - 2 0 ° C to +80°C ( - 5 ° F to + 175°F) without
finally solved the problem: when mixed with 0.1- any trouble. The use of the gas turbine and the new
0.6% of a nonvolatile oil, the propellant always storage propellant also brought into use higher
tried to expand after having been pressed into the pressures than before, and this forced Unge to give
 NUMBER 10 263

FIGURE 4.—The lightweight launching barrel consisting of cylindrically arranged guides. Photo
from Armemuseum Archives, Sweden.

FIGURE 5.—The first known ballistite rocket, fired 12 Sep- FIGURE 6.—Rocket manufactured according to the cartouche
tember 1896 in Stockholm. In Tekniska Museet, Stockholm. system. Photo from Armemuseum Archives, Sweden.
264 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

Till Patentet N* 194tl7.

a a >///,sr/////•///////////////////
?¥< ////////////////j/////////7?rr777\

M
=-3fe ///////////s/////i////rr

V,l >///!////>/////iii/m/illll
~F,tyr$-
I ill i Hi i II/////////S///iiii//J///^

i>//i>/////;//// if/// ijii/iii-iiiiiiiiini////i///i st q u a j a m Hi

B C
FIGURE 7.—Drawing from Swedish patent 19,130, showing
c A
\ i i i i i i i i i i i , i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i i r r r ? ,l,ll,///lll>llllll>llillilS7\
X
Unge's system of manufacturing the propellant in cylindrical
pieces.
JJfyJ.
y:iiii>iii/ii>/iti/uUlUiiitittfrU>lt/((((iittiU?(ttlHllff.

up the use of brass and aluminum for the rocket-

body. He changed its material to steel, which could
withstand the high pressures encountered in manu-
bT-rr7/si >>>>//>>
¥%
n
iiii/>/>>/iii>f'ff*/iii/'/f'ft//ftM'iiJJ.

facturing the rocket charge.

FIGURE 8.—Drawing from Swedish patent 19,417, showing the
T h e improvements of the rocket in all the above- final solution to the problem of stabilizing the trajectory.
mentioned respects were still not sufficient to make
it a complete success, for the rocket made sudden,
quick changes of direction at the beginning of its inside the barrel during its rotation. Therefore the
trajectory. T h e reason for this deviation was that rocket could rotate freely around the axis through
while inside the launching barrel the rocket ro- its center of gravity, after a few revolutions, even
tated around its geometric axis, but as soon as it if it started rotating around the geometric axis,
left the barrel it started rotating around the axis when still in the barrel.
through its center of gravity. If these axes did not Because of imperfections in the rocket manu-
coincide, the change in its axis of rotation caused facturing it could be assumed that the center of the
it to move in spirals proportional to the speed of outer diameter of the balance ring would not always
rotation. fall on the axis through the center of gravity. There-
This difficult problem was solved very simply by fore the balance ring was made out of a soft mate-
fitting the rocket with a balance-ring of copper or rial, like copper or brass, with a wedge-shaped cross
brass (Figure 8) at the center of gravity, or close to section that could wear down during its rotation,
it. T h e outer diameter of the ring was made large so that the center of the outer diameter would even-
enough so that the tip of the turbine could not tually coincide with the axis through the center of
touch the walls of the barrel when the rocket swung gravity.
 NUMBER 10 265

a. c t

\ »
. . ' '—
J£
' >. >1 >}llll/?it
% ft »
!/>> TrT7TTTS7*CIZZBBec*~- I

b i f

FIGURE 9.—The 20-cm rocket of 1905: 1, Rocket body. 2, Warhead. 4, Rounded tip. 5, Front
cover of tip. 6, Balance ring. 7, Threads for cover of propellant during storage. 8, Intermediate
wall. 12, Ring which transfers the propulsion thrust from the turbine to the rocket body.
13, Edge on which the turbine rests. 14, Turbine. 15, Exhaust orifices. 16, Space for igniter.
17, Igniter cover. 18, Holder of igniter. 19, Rounded center body of the turbine. 20, Ignition
channel. 21, Ring for holding the end-plate. 22, End plate of combustion chamber. 23, Orifice
of combustion chamber. 24, Cartouches. 25, Combustion chamber. 26, End cone of combustion
chamber. 28, Edge to carry felt plate (29) and wooden plate (30). 31, Charge of explosive.
33, Impact fuse. 34, Ring for holding the charge.

T h e rocket as completed (Figure 9) showed good New types of barrels were designed for such differ-
accuracy at test launchings. T h e maximum range ent purposes as mountain artillery and man-carried
was about 4 kg (2.5 mi) for the 10-cm rocket and artillery. T h e prices were about 60 dollars for the
7 km (5 mi) for the 30-cm rocket. T h e spread was 10-cm rocket and u p to 600 dollars for the 30-cm
generally within an area of 100 m (300 ft) times 50 rocket. T h e price of the barrel for the 10-cm rocket
m (150 ft), 50 m along the trajectory. Measurements was about 240 dollars. T h o u g h different countries
and dimensions of the rockets were as follows: expressed some interest, no large-scale production
was started, mainly because the Swedish military
Rocket Weight (kg) Launch barrel authorities were completely indifferent.
T h e German company Friedrich Krupp in Essen
Warhead

became interested in the rockets designed by Unge,

Caliber

Length

Length

Weight
Model

(cm)
(cm)

(*g)

and in 1908 Krupp bought all seven rocket patents

(m)

o, F- and a large number of rockets from Unge for tests

1905 10 90 2 4.4 17 2.5 64
at their Meppen testing ground in Germany. A few
1909 10 88 4.1 5.1 18.3 1.7 66
1905 20 155 15.8 30.9 135.5 4.6 235 years later Krupp ceased the experiments with
1905 30 235 58.0 116.0 363.5 7.0 708 Unge's rockets because of their inaccuracy, accord-
266 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

ing to information of questionable accuracy given m (900 ft) with very good accuracy, even in storms.
to Unge by Krupp. T h e price for a set-up was 80 to 100 dollars.
After the unlucky affairs with Krupp, Unge con- Unge spent a lot of effort on improving manu-
tinued his experiments with lifesaving rockets, facturing methods. A way to make a more inex-
which had begun in 1907. T h e work was based pensive rocket body was introduced in 1912. T h e
upon two patents, one for a new ignition system cartouches, the turbine, and the forward wall of the
and the other for "improvements in or relating to combustion chamber were pressed together into the
the means for connecting lines, cables or the like to final form of the propellant charge by means of a
rotatory projectiles for conveying them through the hydraulic press, and then a steel band was wrapped
air" (Swedish patent 26,991, received in 1908). Test around the propellant and fastened at the ends to
launchings were made not only in Sweden but also the turbine and to the forward wall by screws.
in England for the Board of Trade, and Unge man- Another idea, tried with great success, was the
aged to sell some of these life-saving rockets (Figure manufacturing of a very inexpensive turbine out of
10) to England, India, Australia, and Greece. T h e clay. Most of the smaller rockets tested after 1912
weight of the system, including one rocket (based were produced with the clay turbine. T h e turbine
upon the 10-cm rocket), 400 m of line (400 yd), line- was also modified to provide greater thrust by
holder, and the transportation box with launch means of a conical hole in the central portions of
barrel was 105 kg (230 lb). T h e usable range was 300 the turbine. T h e dimensions of the 10-cm rocket

FIGURE 10.—Complete lifesaving rocket system, m a n u f a c t u r e d by the Mars C o m p a n y . P h o t o from

A r m e m u s e u m Archives, Sweden.
NUMBER 10 267

were changed to a new model called the 10.8-cm application is therefore marked secret, according to
rocket. the patent law of that time.
New ideas for the use of the rockets were de- Wilhelm Theodor Unge, retired as lieutenant
veloped by Unge when he started to calculate how colonel from the Army, died in 1915. Subsequently,
the heavy guns on armored vessels could be replaced in 1917, the Mars Company went into liquidation,
with batteries of his aerial torpedoes. Fixed bat- and was dissolved in 1922 after having been man-
teries for coast defence were also suggested, as well aged by his sons.
as rocket-armed dirigibles. However, most of the
experimental work during 1913 and 1914 was with REFERENCES
the life-saving rockets.
1. Unge, Fliegender Torpedo (Stockholm, 1907).
One of Wilhelm Theodor Unge's later ideas was
a system to propel and guide rockets, aeroplanes, 2. Swedish Patents 5,556, 10,036, 10,257, 19,113, 19,130,
19,417, 19,946, 26,814, and 26,991.
and airships by using the reaction force of a jet of
3. Unge's notebooks from 1899-914 in Swedish Kungl.
gas. Unfortunately this idea will be a secret forever, Armemuseum Archives.
because it is only to be found in a 1909 patent ap- 4. The correspondence between W. T. Unge and Alfred
plication which Unge did not carry through; the Nobel, 1891 to 1896, in Nobel Foundation Archives.
 24

Some New Data on Early Work of the Soviet Scientist-Pioneers

in Rocket Engineering

V. N. SOKOLSKY, Soviet Union

Recent advances in space exploration have 8. Use of other planets' gravitational fields to in-
aroused considerable interest in the history of crease the velocity of space vehicles.
cosmonautics as well as in the people who founded
this science and developed theories on interplane- A study of the scientific legacy bequeathed by
tary travel. these founders is of great scientific and cognitive
Among the pioneers in rocketry in the first third interest, for it enables us to trace the development
of the twentieth century, a prominent place is oc- of this branch of engineering and provides for a
cupied by the Soviet scientists Kostantin Eduardo- better insight into the psychology of the scientific
vitch Tsiolkovskiy (1857-1932), founder of theo- creativity of these outstanding scientists, engineers,
retical cosmonautics, Fridrikh Arturovich Tsander and inventors.
(1887-1933), one of the pioneers of Soviet rocketry, Recently, a group of Soviet historians of rocket
Yuri Vasilyevich Kondratyuk (1897-1942), a gifted and space engineering have studied the scientific
scientist and inventor. Because of their talents and legacy of Tsiolkovskiy, Tsander, and Kondratyuk,
efforts, as early as in the first third of the century the founders of rocket engineering. Space limita-
the Soviet Union had made substantial contribu- tions do not permit us to deal at great length with
tions toward the development of interplanetary all the results obtained; we shall therefore dwell
travel. only on those aspects associated with the initial
In their works are encountered many interesting period of the activities of each of these scientists, as
proposals, among which the following deserve spe- well as on several fundamental principles that will
cial mention: permit us to clarify certain points in the history of
rocket engineering.
1. Employment of liquid-propellant rocket engines. Until recently in many works and especially in
2. Use of highly reactive metal-base fuel. foreign publications, it has been said that Tsiol-
3. Use of other kinds of energy (atomic and electro- kovskiy devoted himself to problems of interplane-
thermal rocket engines, solar light pressure). tary travel only in the late 19th and early 20th
4. Creation of intermediate interplanetary bases centuries, having been influenced by scientific fic-
utilizing artificial satellites of the Earth and tion, particularly that of Jules Verne.
other celestial bodies. In reality, he was interested in this problem as
5. Employment of multistage rockets and develop- early as 1873-76, during his stay in Moscow, when
ment of their theory. he conjectured that cosmic velocities could be
6. Use of rocket structures as an additional source achieved by utilizing the properties of centrifugal
of fuel. force.
7. Fitting the first rocket stages with airfoils, and During the years 1878-79, Tsiolkovskiy began to
employment of airfoils for re-entry to Earth or compile his astronomic drawings. In the same years
for a gliding descend onto planets possessing an he proposed a device for investigating the effect of
atmosphere. gravitational acceleration on living organisms.
269
270 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

of a simple gyroscopic device to stabilize the space-

craft in flight. In the same work, he considered such
problems as the conditions required for the exist-
ence and growth of vegetation and living organisms
in interstellar space—their forms and sizes.
There are no quantitative data in this manu-
script, and therefore all the conclusions are based
on qualitative deductions. Besides, it does not con-
FIGURE 1.—Excerpt from 1883 manuscript, in which Tsiol- sider possible means for overcoming the Earth's
kovskiy discusses the reactive effect of gasses, saying, in part,
gravity and placing a spacecraft into a near-Earth
"If we open one of the [illegible] valves, gas will flow
in a constant stream from the barrel; moreover the elasticity or near-Sun orbit. However, the necessity of using
of the gas forcing its particles into space will also steadily jet reaction was clearly understood and formulated
repel the barrel as well." in the manuscript. Therefore, as noted by Professor
A. A. Kosmodem'yanskiy, one of the experts on
Four years later, in 1883, in his manuscript "Free K. E. Tsiolkovskiy, the earlier works of Tsiolkovskiy
Space." Tsiolkovskiy stated for the first time the were undoubtedly associated with his fundamental
possibility of using reaction as a propulsive force work, "Investigation of Outer Space by Means of
for motion in outer space (Figure 1). This manu- Reactive Devices," published in 1903.
script, not published during his lifetime, is of con- His ideas about interplanetary flights found
siderable interest to those who study his work, for further development in his scientific fiction, namely,
it contains the embryos of many ideas expressed in "On the Moon" (1893) and "Visions of the Earth
a general way and developed in his later works. and the Sky, and the Effects of Universal Gravita-
In this manuscript, Tsiolkovskiy analyzed the tion" (1895). In the latter work he expressed the
simple cases of mechanical motion in space without novel idea of creating an artificial Earth satellite
any attraction and resistance, gave a schematic draw- and clearly posed the problem of "imparting to a
ing of a spacecraft (Figure 2), and proposed the use body the velocity required to generate a centrifugal
force that would overcome Earth's gravity when this
velocity amounted to 8 versts per second [10,675 m/
sec]."x
Trajectory axis
In 1896 Tsiolkovskiy began the theoretical study
of the problem of interplanetary flights by means
of rockets. A perusal of his papers in the Archives
of the USSR Academy of Sciences, shows that
Tsiolkovskiy's well known equation was derived as
far back as 1897 (Figure 3).2
Of undoubted interest is the design of his first
rocket. As is known, his paper "Investigation of
Outer Space by Means of Reactive Devices," pub-
lished in the "Scientific Review" (St. Petersburg,
1903) did not contain any figures or drawings, al-
though they are referred to in the text.
A drawing of K. E. Tsiolkovskiy's rocket was pub-
lished for the first time in the periodical "Herald
meridian of Aeronautics" (No. 19, 1911) under the heading
"Summary of the First Paper." Most authors have
attributed this drawing to the time when the first
paper was written and considered this drawing to
be the "schematic drawing of Tsiolkovskiy's rocket
Launching of [word i l l e g i b l e ] and f r e e space of 1903" (Figure 4&). This conclusion, however, is
FIGURE 2.—Schematic diagram from 1883 manuscript. erroneous, for during the past few years researchers
NUMBER 10 271

•'/- / &rtX******* m 4**2r

/# £X_
*7 Tt'

r
yWmv
r 2* t*0)&Q Liquid hydrogen

c Liquid
absorbers of
carbon dioxide
free 1iquid" and miasmas
evaporating
at very low personnel,
temperatures
<r> breathing
equipment,
l i q u i d hydrocarbon
etc.

d
jy.. %.
^
FIGURE 4.—Sequence of Tsiolkovskiy's spacecraft designs.
FIGURE 3. -Excerpt from Tsiolkovskiy manuscript bearing
date 10 May 1897.
that the majority of his manuscripts (over five
thousand pages) in the Archives of the USSR Acad-
studying Tsiolkovskiy's manuscripts have discov- emy of Sciences are in shorthand and are difficult
ered a thus-far unknown drawing of Tsiolkovskiy's to decipher because he employed an obsolete system.
rocket dated 1902 (Figure 4a).3 The drawing, in his Besides, until recently part of Tsander's papers
own hand, Jully agrees with the description given were in the scientist's personal archives, in the cus-
in the paper of 1903. Thus, it has finally been estab- tody of his family, and inaccessible to researchers.
lished what was actually the design of the rocket It was only in 1968, when a commission was set up
described by Tsiolkovskiy in 1903, and the sequence to study Tsander's works, that his daughter, Astra
of the other spacecraft versions proposed by him in Fridrikhovna Tsander, released these papers to the
subsequent years (see Figure 4). Archives of the USSR Academy of Sciences, which
In prerevolutionary Russia, in addition to Tsiol- now contains almost all his papers.
kovskiy, several other scientists and inventors Among these materials, of great interest are his
worked on the problem of interplanetary travel. first working notebooks, wherein he wrote down his
Among them, F. A. Tsander deserves special men- observations, experimental results, calculations, and
tion. He was the first engineer in our country to estimates, as well as his views on various problems.
devote himself to the problem of interplanetary These notes indicate that as early as in 1907
flights. He was the only scientist among the first Tsander conceived the notion of interplanetary
generation of Soviet pioneers in cosmonautics (be- travel. For example, on 23 June 1907, he made an
fore the 1930s), who undertook practical realization entry in his notebook on the motion of a body
of his ideas in the field of rocket engineering. propelled by the reaction of issuing particles. On
A study of Tsander's work is of considerable 10 November of the same year he made a brief men-
interest, although it is greatly hampered by the fact tion (see Figure 5) of the problems associated with
 272 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

(Atherschiffe) die den Verkehr zwischen der

Sternen ermoglichen sollen. Die Bewegung im
Weltenraum" (Spacecraft (Ether craft) Will Make
Possible Interstellar Travel. Movement in Space).5
In that notebook, he poses such problems as a
determination of the energy required to reach any
star, work needed to move a certain mass to a par-
<%+<£**&**' ***'***£**• 4e*^6^-^"2 m**-^
ticular distance from the Earth, the amount of
oxygen required for man's existence in a spacecraft,
etc. He also considers the question, in how many
flight days can Mars or Venus be reached? and he
also sets himself the task of theoretically determin-
• *«*«fj?^p a±*g^u~~p
ing the conditions of motion in space under (1)
minimum energy, and (2) in the shortest possible
time. From page 8 onward, the notes are in short-
FIGURE 5.—Excerpt (translated in the text) from Tsander hand and have not yet been deciphered.
manuscript dated 10 November 1907.
In 1909, Tsander expressed for the first time the
idea of utilizing the solid structural material of the
creation of a spacecraft ("Fragen zum Bau eines rocket as an additional fuel, and between 1909 and
Weltschiffes") as follows: 1911 carried out further calculations on a jet engine
Conditions which determine the shape of the spacecraft. and the work required for boosting a spacecraft to
Number of outside walls. Bays in . . [illegible]. Appliances great heights.
for keeping the floor of the frame in horizontal position. The third Soviet researcher who worked on the
Can it be so? [a drawing is appended] as a gyrocompass on problem of interplanetary travel was Y. A.
seagoing ships? Present-day air compressors. Substances which
absorb carbon dioxide and other gases which develop. Re- Kondratyuk, whose life and activities have not thus
generation of oxygen. Conversion of wastes: a small garden far been studied in detail.
in the spacecraft. Fuel storage. Utilization of solar heat. Kondratyuk began working on interplanetary
Selection of propulsive force. Construction of a hangar for travel problems during World War I. At that time
building and accommodation of the spacecraft.4
the only works published on this subject were
On 8 February 1908 Tsander returned again to Tsiolkovskiy's papers (1903, 1910, 1911-12, and
the design of a spaceship and in autumn 1908, he 1914) and a paper read by R. Esnault-Pelterie in
set aside a special note-book for spacecraft design 1912 and published in 1913 in France.0 At that
calculations (see Figure 6) entitled "Die Weltschiffe time R. H. Goddard, H. Oberth, and F. A. Tsander
were already carrying out investigations in the field
of rocket engineering and cosmonautics, although
II
/o their papers had not yet been published.
2, tir Qf8_ wit iyr 3JM It is evident that Kondratyuk could not have
77 jm (jUl & it? s,Zfr d,f6i known the results obtained by the above-mentioned
AiTf W? 16U yjl WO M.0/J3 scientists.7 Neither was he aware, according to his
9 own statement, of the papers published by Tsiol-
1
<&f&00t<. -****£'•**£• *5fc#^ #Se^ <f.i*r kovskiy and Esnault-Pelterie. Consequently, in his
investigations Kondratyuk often repeated some of
fay*** the statements already made by others. Generally
216 £1,3
he proceeded along his own special and unique
path, and evolved different methods for solving one
and the same problem.
While studying Kondratyuk's manuscripts, one
can trace how his views on problems associated with
<***«. a£o •**** a%*+~ - ^ ^ 1'"*^ dfcyf&dsx- ^ ^
conquering outer space were gradually formed over
FIGURE 6.—Spacecraft calculations by Tsander in 1908. a number of years. It is apparent how from his first
NUMBER 10 273

conclusions, which were not yet mature in every body (e.g., the Moon), first to place the spacecraft
detail and were sometimes even naive, Kondratyuk into lunar orbit, with the subsequent separation of
developed the views expressed in his book "Con- a special bay which should alight on the Moon.
quest of Interplanetary Spaces," published 10 years In the section " T h e Theory of Landings" (page
later (1929). 18 of the first version of his manuscript) Kondratyuk
T h e first version of Kondratyuk's manuscript on wrote:
interplanetary travel (as yet unpublished) 8 is in the Landing on some other celestial body in no way differs from
form of preliminary notes and cannot be considered a takeoff and landing on the Earth, except for the magnitude
a complete work. In these notes, written in the form and the potential. In order to avoid too much consumption
of a diary wherein the author is sometimes in error, of the active substance [fuel, as opposed to "non-active part,"
the spacecraft without fuel], it is possible not to land the
he argues with himself, and in a number of cases re-
whole rocket, but only to reduce its velocity to such a degree
writes and re-calculates separate sections of his that it would revolve uniformly around and as near as
work. However, even in the early notes, a number possible to the body on which landing must be made. Then,
of interesting statements can be encountered. the non-active part should be detached with such an amount
of active substance needed for the non-active part to make
Like Tsiolkovskiy, Kondratyuk first of all en-
a landing and subsequently to return to the rest of the
deavored to find out whether one could make an rocket.
interplanetary flight by a reactive device, using cur-
rently available materials. Having completed the He formulated this more distinctly on page 126
calculations, he derived independently and in a of the second version of the manuscript, wherein
different way Tsiolkovskiy's basic equation for he wrote:
rocket flight. For landing on some planet, it is necessary to multiply the
Having been convinced that flight by rocket was ratio for takeoff from and return to the Earth by the respec-
in principle possible, Kondratyuk started refining tive ratio for the other planet. Therefore, it is more advan-
tageous not to land the whole rocket on the other planet,
a number of problems associated with flight in
but to turn it into a satellite [around the planet], while the
outer space. In his first manuscript he considered landing should be made with such part of the rocket as is
the effect of gravitation and resistance of the required to land on the planet and to return back and join
environment, acceleration and launching methods, the rocket.
arrangement of various parts of the spacecraft, its T h e second version of Kondratyuk's manuscript,
controllability and stability, conditions of flights which is a refinement of the previous work, differs
within the solar system, creation of intermediate from the first in being a more systematized and
interplanetary bases, etc. And he made a number detailed presentation. Also, several new sections
of proposals which are of considerable interest were included in the second version, such as "Ac-
even today, with due regard to present achieve- tive Substance and its Combustion," "Orientation
ments in cosmonautics. In particular, the sequence Instruments,'' "Acceleration Indicator," "Shape of
of first steps in conquering outer space that Kon- the Rocket to Provide for Atmospheric Landing
dratyuk presented in his manuscript undoubtedly and Landing Control," "Utilization of the Relative
deserves our attention. H e envisaged the following Motions of Celestial Bodies," "Electric Gun," etc. 9
(from page 25 of the first version): (1) to test out Kondratyuk's manuscripts of this period are
the operation of the equipment for ascent in the characterized by a great number of spectacular and
atmosphere; (2) flight to near-Ear th distances for interesting ideas not quite comprehensively de-
several thousands of versts; (3) flight to the Moon veloped from the technical point of view. Among
without landing, i.e., a circumlunar flight; (4) them are his proposals of jettisoning the unneces-
flight to the Moon with landing thereon. sary passive parts of the rocket mass, creation of
Of considerable interest is his method of sending electric rockets (see Figure 7) and nuclear engines,
an expedition to the Moon and to other celestial use of solar energy, utilization of the Earth's atmo-
bodies. H e clearly understood that the amount of sphere during re-entry, creating some intermediate
energy required for landing and subsequent take- bases in the form of an artificial lunar satellite,
off from some celestial body, is directly proportional using gravitational fields and the relative motions
to the mass of the spacecraft. Therefore, he pro- of celestial bodies, etc.
posed, when arranging a flight to some celestial In evaluating the early works of Kondratyuk
274 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

interplanetary travel after 1914, and returned to

these problems only in 1923 after the publication
of H. Oberth's Die Rakete zu den Planetenrdumen
(The Rocket into Interplanetary Space).
In fact, this last statement is erroneous, as evi-
denced by the unpublished notes, "Extension of
Man into Outer Space," dated 1921. Until recently,
these notes were probably not within the reach of
researchers, because they were kept, not with his
manuscripts devoted to the problems of reaction
propulsion and interplanetary travel, but with his
manuscripts on the universe. They came to light
only when a research group of the Institute of the
History of Natural Science and Technology of the
USSR Academy of Sciences began a systematic
study of all his manuscripts.
These notes cannot be considered as completed
work. Rather, they are rough drafts which never-
" AliM theless are of considerable interest, for they evi-
^ - ^ dently represent the first attempt made by Tsiol-
kovskiy after the first world war to return to the
s
v problems of conquering outer space with reaction
(jet-propelled) vehicles.
In the very beginning of the manuscript (dated
21 September 1921), Tsiolkovskiy enumerated the
possible methods for attaining cosmic velocities.
FIGURE 7.—Excerpt from Kondratyuk's second manuscript, in
which he discusses "Reaction from repulsion by electrical
He points out that the following means can be
charges of material particles . Based on such a method, used to achieve this aim:
I am thinking of inventing a powerful vehicle. Only suitable 1. Repulsion of gases, solids, and liquids (reaction vehicles).
when the rocket reaches the void of outer space." 2. Electric flux . . Outflow of negative or positive elec-
tricity.
3. Pressure of light rays.
from the viewpoint of their importance to the 4. Radiation of matter, for example, radium .1°
history of science and technology, it should be
borne in mind that these manuscripts were not Somewhat later (11 October 1921), Tsiolkovskiy
published in time, and their contents did not returned to this problem again and answered his
become known earlier than 1925. Consequently, own question (what can the engines be used for?)
before 1925, they could not have had any influence as follows:
in the development of rocket engineering, and, 1. Direct light-pressure provides motion in space, making it
as far as that period is concerned, they are of possible to move away from the Sun, to approach it, to
interest only as part of the evolutions of ideas of restore velocities.
interplanetary travel. 2. Motors serve for movement in gaseous medium, to obtain
a velocity or the first impulse . A1
Let us now return to Tsiolkovskiy's works. As
is known, they were published in 1903, 1911-12, It is notable that here Tsiolkovskiy touches upon
and 1914 (we are considering here only his research the use of various types of engines. He points out
works, not his scientific fiction). Then, after a ten- that for the purpose of overcoming gravity and
year interval, in 1924, his first work (1903) was atmospheric resistance, use should be made of re-
republished as a separate brochure, with minor action engines operating on chemical fuel, but
corrections and additions. This caused some his- once the spacecraft travels beyond the Earth's
torians to suppose that Tsiolkovskiy had ceased gravitational field and is in a dynamically balanced
working on the problems of rocket engineering and state, it is more appropriate to make use of low-
NUMBER 10 275

thrust engines. A fortnight later (27 October 1921),

he made the following entry: "Writing of the
complete rocket theory should be started." 12
Evidently associated with the same record and
dated 23 October is the outline of an article entitled
"The Rocket," 13 in which he suggested considering
a number of problems of reaction-propulsion flights
in free space as well as within the atmosphere.
In the same manuscript, Tsiolkovskiy for the
first time poses the problem of transportation using
an "air cushion." Thus far, biographers of Tsiol-
kovskiy have believed that his interest in the prob-
lem of transportation using an air cushion arose in f M ;--r wy * j,.. Jtf"**?^] 1 TT
1926, when he was working on the manuscript ^ '1 ^ ' > ' .<•'** tiy~». ,,-u. fV*
•nuts' ••'/ ., >. 'te ~/j am* ' *r"/ -./Leuj * *
"Gas Friction," 14 and that it found expression in
his work "Air Resistance and an Express Train,"
published in 1927. =1 A > • ' •' fry; •"*' \
It now appears that Tsiolkovskiy already was . ) ; • . . *>****>

aware of this principle and clearly understood it in

1921, tiiis being evident from the above-mentioned
work "Extension of Man into Outer Space," where, &toHto*frr<7'<.' /*- ''4^y_•&
in the section "Rapid Translational Motion on the
Earth," he points out that "gliding on a liquid or
a gas," (Figure 8) as one of the possible means of
movement, when the movement of ground (or
water) transportation is achieved as the result of
gliding of a carriage on an elastic air cushion
—I — "tf
created by powerful engines. He mentioned that
"With polished surfaces, the gas layer between such >
surfaces may be very thin. This resembles flight." 15 FIGURE 8.—Excerpt, dealing with "rapid translational motion
Later on, the air cushion idea found further on the Earth," from manuscript of Tsiolkovskiy's unpub-
development in his works "An Express Train" and lished notes of 1921 on "Extension of Man into Outer Space."
"General Conditions of Transportation."
In conclusion, I would like to trace how the
ideas in rocket engineering were converted to
attitude toward Tsiolkovskiy has changed over the
reality and the number of adherents to his con-
years. Before the October Revolution he was con- cepts increased in number. The first liquid-propel-
sidered to be an eccentric, an unsuccessful but lant rockets were launched in our country, as well
gifted self-educated man without a degree. After as abroad. In various parts of the world, organiza-
the revolution, this attitude underwent radical tions were set up to study rocket engineering and
changes. He was elected a member of the Socialist interplanetary travel. For these people and organ-
Academy, was allotted a personal pension, and had izations, Tsoilkovskiy was a spiritual leader, a
the opportunity to set aside teaching and devote pioneer in rocket engineering and a patriarch of
himself completely to research. However, he de- interstellar navigation. This attitude can be seen
voted his activities to the development of aviation in the greetings sent him on his seventy-fifth birdi-
at that time. The State allotted a personal pension day by the German Verein fiir Raumschiffahrt
to him, "in view of the great merits of the scientist- (Society for Space Travel). It read:
inventor, an expert in aviation and aeronautics."
No mention whatever was made about his research Dear Sir,
Since the day of its foundation the Society for Space
in rocket engineering and interplanetary travel. Travel, has always held you to be one of its spiritual leaders,
More than ten years passed. K. E. Tsiolkovskiy's and has never missed any occasion to point out—orally, as
276 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

well as in the Press—your merits and your indisputable pri- of the creative work of this amazingly gifted and
ority in the development of this great idea. 16 truly inexhaustible scientist. It is quite possible that
T h e same sentiments were expressed in letters a time will come when our notions about him will
from the Head of the Reactive Scientific Research again undergo radical change. As our knowledge of
Institute, in one of which it was stated: the Universe increases, a time will come when more
attention will be paid to his works on the cosmos,
It is no mystery that most of the workers now engaged in and his works on the theory of interplanetary travel
rocketry became acquainted for the first time with the funda-
will be considered only as a specific problem in the
mentals of reaction propulsion in your wonderful books,
learned from them, were infected with your enthusiasm and general theory of mankind's conquest of the
confidence that our cause will be crowned with success.17 Universe.

But for most people the name of K. E. Tsiol-

kovskiy was, as before, associated principally with
aeronautics and dirigibles. Such an estimation of NOTES
his activities can be seen in the press report on
his death (19 September 1935).18 His works in the 1. K. E. Tsiolkovskiy, Grezy o Zemle i neve i effekty vsemir-
field of rocket engineering were not mentioned nogo tyagoteniya [Visions of the Earth and the Sky, and
the Effects of Universal Gravitation] (Moscow 1895), p. 50.
either in this press report or in the decision of
2. Arkhiv AN, SSSR [Archives, USSR Academy of Sciences],
the government on the perpetuation of the memory f. 555, op. 1, d. 32. 1.
of K. E. Tsiolkovskiy. 19 . 3. Arkhiv AN, SSSR, f. 555, op. 1, d. 32. 1.
Another decade passed. T h e attitude toward 4. From Tsander's working notebook. Arkhiv AN, SSSR, f.
rocket engineering changed fundamentally. World 573, op. 2.
5. Arkhiv AN, SSSR, f. 573, op. 2.
War II, which had just ended, clearly showed what
6. R. Esnault-Pelterie. "Consideration sur les resultats de
possibilities were associated with solid-propellant l'allegement indefini des moteurs" [Considerations concerning
and, to a greater extent, with liquid-propellant the results of the indefinite lightening of motors]. Journal de
rockets. T h e n only was the great scientist mainly Physique Theoretique et Appliquee. ser. 5, vol. 3, March
referred to as the founder of the theory of jet 1913, pp. 218-30.
7. From autobiography of Yu. V. Kondratyuk in "Inter-
propulsion and a pioneer in rocket engineering,
planetary Travel" (in Russian), by N. A. Rynin (Leningrad,
whereas his involvement in the problems of aero- 1932), issue 8.
nautics was almost buried in oblivion. 8. The manuscripts of Yu. V. Kondratyuk were released by
Another 10 to 15 years passed. T h e notion about the author to the well-known historian of aviation B.-N.
the potentialities of rocketry during this time Vorob'yev in July 1938. They are now kept in the Institute
of History of Natural Science and Technology of the USSR
changed fundamentally again. W h a t seemed, even
Academy of Sciences.
recently, to be a matter of a very distant future, 9. This work was published for the first time in 1964. See
became a today's reality. Artificial Earth satellites Pioneers in Rocket Engineering: Kibal'tchitch, Tsiolkovskiy,
and spacecraft, were launched in the USSR and Tsander, Kondratyuk. Selected Works (in Russian), com-
USA, automatic stations were sent toward the piled and edited by B. N. Vorob'yev and V. N. Sokolskiy
(Moscow: Nauka, 1964).
Moon, Mars, and Venus, and man's flight into
10. Arkhiv AN, SSSR, f. 555, op. 1, d. 246, 1. 11 ob.
outer space was ultimately realized. 11. Ibid., 1. 11 ob.
So the notion about Tsiolkovskiy changes again. 12. Ibid., 1. 18.
Before us, in all its grandeur, arises the figure of the 13. Arkhiv AN, SSSR, f. 555, op. 1, d. 39.
founder of cosmonautics, of the first man who had 14. Arkhiv AN, SSSR, f. 555, op. 1, d. 12.
15. Arkhiv AN, SSSR, f. 555, op. 1, d, 246, 1. 6 ob.
the courage to announce that "mankind will not
16. Translated from the German. The original is published
stay on the Earth forever," and who proved this in Konstantin Eduardovitch Tsiolkovskiy, 1857-1932 (in Rus-
point scientifically. Now K. E. Tsiolkovskiy is sian), a jubilee collection dedicated to K. E. Tsiolkovskiy's
mainly spoken of as a man who has shown the way 75th birthday and the 40th anniversary of the publication of
to the Universe, as the founder of the theory of his first works on dirigibles (Moscow-Leningrad, 1932), p. 55.
interplanetary travel, and his works on the theory 17. From the correspondence between K. E. Tsiolkovskiy
and the Reactive Scientific Research Institute. Arkhiv AN,
of reaction propulsion are considered only as a SSSR, f. 555, op. 3, d. 108, 1. 14.
specific problem in the theory of cosmonautics. 18. Izvestiya, no. 220 (5773), 20 September 1935.
Perhaps this, too, may not be the final assessment 19. Izvestiya, no. 221 (5774), 21 September 1935.
 25

Early Developments in Rocket and Spacecraft Performance,

Guidance, and Instrumentation

ERNST A. STEINHOFF, United States

Introduction measurements were needed to control with repeat-

able accuracy the flight paths of unmanned vehicles.
Late in 1938, I was invited to join Dr. Wernher Among the concepts worked on which found ap-
von Braun at Peenemunde, Germany, to take over plication and actual use in the post-1938 era were
the development of guidance and control systems low-altitude recovery of missiles by using the rate
for rocket vehicles and to direct activities in the of pitot pressure change to initiate the recovery
areas of test instrumentation, flight testing, and sequence; use of angle-of-attack vanes to limit air
flight performance measurements. My selection was loads under wind shear; the application of ac-
based on the recommendation of Dr. Hermann celeration and rate sensors in addition to displace-
Steuding at Peenemunde, a colleague and former ment sensors along with hydraulic servomotors to
head of the Flight Mechanics Department at the achieve the high response rates needed for repeat-
Deutsche Forschungsanstalt fiir Luftfahrt (DFS— able guided-missile trajectories; and the use of the
German Research Institute for Motorless Flight) integration of acceleration for precision propulsion
at Darmstadt, Germany. H e felt that the work cut-off. Much of the pre-1938 flight-performance
I was doing at DFS was directly applicable to the measurement, data acquisition, and evaluation at
control of rockets and spacecraft. 1 DFS were directly applied to subsequent rocket and
T h e work performed in the period 1936-38 at missile work.
DFS by myself and my teammates dealt with con- As a student working at DFS, I followed u p
ceptual studies for guidance of high-volume-to- earlier rocket-powered glider experiments of Fried-
surface-ratio, rocket-propelled guided missiles; the rich Stamer. 2 While employed there, my group
analysis of strap-down gyro references on flight- supported flight-performance measurements on a
path-oriented reference signals; and the study of prototype of what later became the Me 163 of
the coordinate transfers required. W e also worked Alexander Lippisch (Figure 1).
on sensors for acceleration, rate of speed change,
aerodynamic angle of attack; on measurement
Sensor Developments
methods of angular rate and angular acceleration,
and on the compensation for effects of angular T h e need to determine stability parameters for
rate and angular acceleration on flight-measurement the flight performance of powered and unpowered
equipment. Also conducted were experiments with aircraft became more and more urgent at DFS
autopilots and flight-control systems using these during the period 1936-38. T h e need for more
sensors; wind tunnel experiments with sensors in accurate flight test instrumentation became obvious
the flow field of the main body; tests of hydraulic particularly under flight-test conditions, when an
amplifiers for control actuators in flight-control aircraft was towed by another aircraft to an altitude
systems; a n d flight tests in aircraft of such systems of from 3,000 to 4,000 meters, so that performance
suitable for missile application. About this time and stability parameters, independent of propeller
it became recognized that rate and acceleration interference, could be determined in the subsequent

277
278 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

differential impedance to produce the desired

signal.
While he was at Darmstadt Institute of Tech-
nology, Dr. Helmut Schlitt, later at Peenemunde,
originally used the same type of accelerometer to
develop a lateral inertial flight-path control for
missiles. However, he changed the pickup to an
a.c. current-modulation system, the current was
proportional to lateral acceleration and the integral
of the current proportional to the lateral velocity.
3 K
For stability measurements, of interest were not
only deviations in attitude and the easily determin-
able damping increment—to determine deviation
from linear behavior during flight-path oscillations
FIGURE 1.—Model of DFS-194, a further development of the —but also the angular rates, angular accelerations,
DFS-39 which was flown by R. Opitz without engine in and angle of attack. Also important were changes
1937. The next model, DFS-40, since the H 2 0 2 rocket engine in pitot pressure during, for instance, a complete
was not ready yet, was equipped with an Argus aircraft Phugoid oscillation cycle, and changes in actual
engine in 1938 and flown by H. Dittmar. The follow-on,
DFS-194, was flown by H. Dittmar in the winter of 1938-39 attitude to account for all effects either observed or
and became the forerunner of the Me 163. Alexander Lip- recorded.
pisch was the designer of all of these planes. Photo courtesy Although rate gyros were initially satisfactory
R. Opitz.
to determine pitch, yaw and roll rates, their own
deflection introduced errors due to their finite
glide flight. Dr. Werner Spilger, one of my team- spring constants. Introduction of angular acceler-
mates, developed a linear accelerometer (Figure 2), ometers—in which was measured the torque of an
sensitive to a single measuring axis only, which inertial mass constrained to movement in one axis
deflected the mirror of an Askania 4-element optical of rotation—permitted resolving errors of angular
recorder. The link between the mirror and the rates and attitudes. Since, particularly for Phugoid
accelerometer mass consisted of a small metal analysis, angles of attack were of importance, a
channel with flexures of specific axis of rotation, dual-vane angle-of-attack meter was developed. Due
so as to minimize the effect of the linkage of to the inertia of the vanes, this instrument was
inertial components on the measured acceleration. sensitive to angular accelerations and gave read-
These flexures caused real problems owing to the ing errors proportional to the instantaneous ac-
fatigue resulting from high frequency vibrations celeration; it also tended to oscillate. To eliminate
caused by boundary-layer separations. this effect, a rotating mass of equal inertia was
Dr. Spilger at that time invented a link, con- installed, with its steel wire pulleys reversing the
sisting of a very small beryllium-copper alloy sense of rotation of the compensating mass torque.
channel, flexible on the suspension points at each If no aerodynamic forces were acting, and only
end. This solution proved very successful, and not angular acceleration tended to displace the angle-
only permitted measurement of large variations in of-attack meter, the inertia of the compensator
linear acceleration, but also reproduced the fine prevented any deflection. In the event of the pres-
structure of acceleration and vibration. These ac- ence of aerodynamic forces, these permitted proper
celerometers (used in triplets with their axes rotation of the angular acceleration compensation
mutually perpendicular to each other) were later and the angle-of-attack meter. With this arrange-
used at Peenemunde for early rocket flight-path and ment, angular acceleration effects on angle-of-attack
velocity-control purposes. Because electric outputs measurements were satisfactorily eliminated, but its
rather than optical light-beam deflections were overall inertia to aerodynamic forces was twice as
needed to produce the control signals for flight- high as that of the vane alone.
control equipment, pickups were developed which In order to measure the actual pitch displace-
used a differential change in capacity ratio or ment, either optical cinetheodolite measurements
NUMBER 10 279

Time reference 5 sec separation

FIGURE 2.—a, Rear view of Askania light beam optical re-

corder with acceleration sensor in lower left side. Three other
instruments are ambient pressure, pitot pressure and rate of
climb, b, Sensor traces of Askania optical recorder, c, Linear
accelerometer element on instrument mount. Accelerations
deflect light beam by deflecting mirror, d, Linear acceler-
ometer sensor for Askania 4-trace optical recorder, e, Acceler-
ometer sensor installed in housing. Deflectable mirror in
center. Photos courtesy Dr. W. Spilger.
280 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

of high resolution or barometric measurements of was later used at Peenemunde to arm the parachute
equally high (or even higher) resolutions were recovery system of A-5 missiles during the ascent
needed. Neither existing altimeters nor rate-of- flight path; it released the brake and later the main
climb indicators were adequate at that time to parachute at certain stagnation pressure conditions,
measure vertical displacement of the order of only based on the rate of change of pitot pressure rather
a few feet or meters. T o solve this problem, the than fixed altitude. This method proved more de-
author started the development of a rate-of-climb pendable and desirable than using an altimeter to
indicator in which the pressure gauge consisted of initiate the recovery sequence.
a single grounded corrugated beryllium-copper While stabilized platforms were under develop-
diaphragm (Figure 3). This diaphragm acted as a ment for missile use during this period—at Kreisel-
variable capacitance insulated between two elec- geraete, under the direction of Captain Johan M.
trodes, the measuring volume of which was con- Boykow 3 —these were too bulky to be installed in
nected with the ambient pressure source, and the the aircraft we had to test. We therefore attached
other volume was connected with a 250-cc reference to the vehicle (strap-down system) conventional
air volume within a thermos bottle. Both volumes single- and two-axis-free gyros, mounting them in
were interconnected by a capillary such that the three mutually perpendicular axes (directional and
time constant of the rate indicator was in the horizon gyro arrangement). T o resolve gyro read-
order of 10 milliseconds. T h e capillary could be ings and to determine actual displacement angles
closed off so that a sensitive statoscope could be referred to the flight path (rather than the inertial
obtained which permitted horizontal flight within reference axes), coordinate transfer equations were
a meter of a reference altitude. derived and published. These equations established
T h e same technique was applied to obtain either the relation between gyro read-out and actual atti-
a pitot pressure rate-of-change indicator or a stag- tudes with reference to the flight path. Later, in
nation pressure variometer. This type of instrument 1939 and 1940 at Peenemunde, this system was
further expanded to determine proper propulsion
and cut-off velocities through reference axes fixed
to the body axes.
At that time the author proposed to improve
such systems by use of thrust-control to make the
trajectories more reproducible and to reduce the
range errors of such systems. This approach com-
pensated for the effect of time variation on cutoff
velocity, as proposed at that time by Dr. Walter
Schwidetzki. Much of the refinement of the theo-
retical analysis of these techniques was later per-
~ 400 VAC 9 - • - formed by the Institute of Practical Mathematics
of the Darmstadt Institute of Technology under
Professor Dr. Alvin Walther, and at Professor
Wilhelm Wolman's Electronic Institute at the
Dresden Institute of Technology. Also Dr. Steuding,
1. COPPER-BERYLLIUM DIAPHRAGM
2. ADJUSTABLE ELECTRODES (ALUMINUM) one of my colleagues at Darmstadt, continued much
3. MAIN SENSOR BODY, ALUMINUM, ANODIZED OUTER SURFACES
4. INSULATING RINGS (BAKELITE TYPE PLASTIC) of his work at Peenemunde and made major theo-
5. HOSE CONNECTOR, AMBIENT PRESSURE retical and practical contributions to the state of
6. HOSE CONNECTOR, TO REFERENCE AIR VOLUME OF 250 CCM THERMOS
BOTTLE the art of that time. One of the results of his work
7. ANODIZED ELECTRODE SURFACES
8. GROUNDED ELECTRODE CONNECTOR (DIFFERENTIAL ZERO) was that, for the A-series type of missile (A-3 to
9. OUTER CONNECTORS (VARIABLE CAPACITY ~400 VAC)
A-8), positive stabilization and flight control was
FIGURE 3.—Sketch of principle of variable capacitance pres- introduced in the period 1938-39. T h e originally
sure differential sensor for electronic variometer. Pressure
considered mode of spin stabilization was aban-
range +0-1 to 0-10 mm H a O. Pressure adjustable; orifice-
or capillary-type pressure gradient elements for 0.1-second doned, because of its sensitivity to wind shear in
response time. Photo courtesy Dr. W. Spilger. ascent and descent.
NUMBER 10 281

During measurement of aircraft flight perform- engine aircraft by using angle-of-attack meters in
ance, knowledge of the actual angle of attack is connection with pneumatic amplifiers. Experience
of great value for the analysis and interpretation with these techniques, and having observed the
of flight-performance data. In addition, angle-of- need for higher response rates in missile applica-
attack meters can also be used to limit or control tions, later led me to use hydraulic amplifiers.
the range of angle of attack. While working at During this period, close contact developed with
DFS at Darmstadt, I used the above-described angle- Askania-Berlin in pneumatic as well as hydraulic
of-attack meter to limit the angle-of-attack range servo applications. This cooperation led to the
during high-speed cruise, which reduced structural modification of hydraulic servomotors to meet re-
loads due to gusts. I also introduced the angle-of- sponse and torque requirements of control actuators
attack reading to bias gyro displacements on an on the A-4 and A-5 missiles at Peenemunde. T h e
hydraulic or pneumatic autopilot. Another bias was original servomotors were improved to torques
the pitot pressure rate of change. Both techniques several times their original torque rating through
led to flight control modes more closely related mutual programs which increased control response
to the pilot's feel of flying. Particularly, limitation and dynamic range of controllability. T h e A-5,
of angle of attack to a prescribed range can reduce Wasserfall and A-4 flew with these servomotors.
structural loads. Therefore this method was con- Parallel work with Siemens was also successful,
sidered at Peenemunde to limit the angle of attack permitting alternate use of Siemens actuators. In-
to reduce the structural weight of the missile. Since sight gained in flight performance testing also found
theoretical analysis showed that lateral forces, angle application during the 1939-40 period in beam-
of attack, and speed or stagnation pressure have riding systems flight tested in aircraft.
mutual relations, the angle-of-attack measurement
was replaced by normal force measurement and the
velocity measurement was replaced by electronic Flight Performance Measurements
means. However, wind-shear reduction by installing
angle-of-attack vanes for the bias of autopilots was Next in importance to sensor developments for
later used again by my colleagues on the Redstone facilitating measurement of flight performance, was
missile at Huntsville, Alabama. the development of ground-based optical equip-
Many of the thoughts derived in flight-perform- ment—the ballistic cameras and cinetheodolites
ance testing at Darmstadt were actually put to which later played an increasingly important role
use at Peenemunde by one of my colleagues, also in missile and rocket development testing. Wilhelm
from the Darmstadt Institute of Technology, Dr. Harth and Dr. Paul Raetjen who, at DFS during
Helmut Hoelzer. T h e use of accelerometers and the period 1931-39, devoted considerable time to
rate indicators induced him to find electronic the improvement of optical precision equipment,
methods of integrating and differentiating sensor sponsored the development of what became cineth-
displacements, and to mix the results in accordance eodolites for flight performance measurement. T h e
with stability requirements. His familiarity with original design was an intermediate of the ballistic
Dr. Harry Nyquist's work then led to applications camera and the well-known Askania cinetheodolite
which, late in 1939, resulted in possibly the first (Figure 4). In this design the target was tracked
electronic analog computer to simulate flight per- and superimposed on a precision-grid fixed back-
formance in the laboratories, rather than through ground, as shown in Figure 5. In order to achieve
tedious and time-consuming flight tests or static the required high resolution, the graduation of a
tests, and resulted in simplification of autopilots. hollow hemisphere required a mechanical skill
This work eventually led to the A-4, or V-2, auto- available in only a few precision mechanics. This
pilot, which was fully electronic. was a biggest obstacle to serial production of these
cameras. Harth's efforts and Askania's design capa-
bilities led to the later well-known Askania ballis-
Flight Control Developments tic cameras and the Kth 39 and Kth 41 models used
at Peenemunde and later at many other missile
During the 1936-38 period, the author worked proving grounds.
to improve flight and landing qualities of single- However, the use of on-board recording and
282 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

sensor data was the next step to make flight per-

formance measurement more efficient. At Darmstadt
we only pondered how to combine these various
techniques to achieve an autonomous data system.
However, Dr. Gerhard Reisig at Peenemunde, to-
gether with Dr. Rudolf Hell at Berlin-Dahlem,
developed the first missile-borne recorder, using a
picture tube to electronically present sensor data by
sub-commutating it to read-out, and to photograph
traces of a multitude of sensor data. The next step
was to be radio transmission to the ground.
Even prior to World War II, work on pulse time,
pulse code, AM-telemetry and possibly also AM/FM
and FM/FM were not only on the drawing board,
but in laboratory tests. Team members participat-
FIGURE 4.—First Askania cinetheodolite, used at the DFS- ing in this effort, which I coordinated from 1939
Darmstadt, Germany, 1935-39 for flight performance measure- on, were Dr. Reisig, Dr. Hans-Heinrich Emscher-
ments. Photo courtesy R. Opitz. mann, Dr. Hans J. Rittinghausen, and Dipl. Ing.
Helmut Grottrup.
In 1938 one of the tasks we handled in our
ground-tracking led to another technological devel- flight performance group was the engineless proto-
opment of even greater importance. While at DFS type (see Figure 1) of what later became the Me
(1931-33 and 1936-39), I worked on airborne com- 163.4 This prototype aircraft, designed by Alexander
munication transponders and transmitters for trans- Lippisch and his team, did not yet have its rocket
mitting messages from aircraft to aircraft, and air- engine. While waiting for the completion of its
craft to ground. The transmission of instantaneous development, it underwent considerable flight test-
ing with Rudi Opitz as test pilot. During one of
these test flights, Opitz had extreme difficulties in
recovering the aircraft from a spin, and had to
bail out at an altitude below 100 meters. My col-
leagues and I saw the parachute blossoming at the
time Opitz disappeared in the forest surrounding
our test center. We were amazed to find him alive,
although badly shaken emotionally. He told us
later that because his parachute did not sufficiently
decelerate his fall, he spread himself out during
the fall and tried to catch some branches of the
fir trees he was falling through; these he managed
to hang on to until the parachute lines started to
stretch. The force of the impact would still have
been too great, however, if the moss and soft soil
had not further moderated his impact. The German
Army officers, arriving at the scene, asked Opitz if
they could be of any help. Opitz replied: "If you
should have a cigarette, it will help me most." We
were glad to see him alive. Rudi Opitz has recently
FIGURE 5.—In-flight picture of glider "Rhoeneagle" taken by recovered from a severe helicopter accident, which
Askania cinetheodolite. The grid indicates azimuth and he sustained while a test pilot at Lycoming. His
elevation angles, under which picture was taken. For flight 14-year-old son, like his father, is an ardent glider
performance measurements, two to three stations were used. pilot and looks forward to becoming a test pilot.
Photo courtesy R. Opitz.
NUMBER 10 283

First Personal Involvement with a Missile Moeller at Askania, Dr. Wilfried Fieber and Dr.
Gerald Klein at Siemens, all worked on different
It must have been in 1937 or 1938 when my solutions to the same problems, and they were
team was asked to look into conceptual solutions able to fill in the gaps we found at Peenemunde
for an air-to-surface missile which would be dropped one to two years later.
out of the bomb bay of a conventional bomber, Also during this time, as the theory of flight
and which would be controlled or could be guided dynamics was perfected, it was learned that with
to its target. Being familiar with our institute's higher speed and required tighter flight-path con-
prior work with rocket propulsion (Friedrich trol, the response rate of contemporary autopilots
Stamer's pioneering work at the Wasserkuppe), 5 we was insufficient. T h e importance of the higher
decided that this vehicle could be either rocket- derivatives of sensor displacement became more and
propelled or unpropelled, since space available and more obvious. T h e need to reduce lag in the control
other dimensional constraints indicated that no circuits and to improve damping coefficients became
wings could be used. In contrast to Lippisch's ap- increasingly accepted. Dr. Oppelt, Prof. Dr. Maxi-
proach, we selected solid-fueled motors of the type milian Schuler, Prof. Dr. Kurt Magnus, and Dr.
used by German Army units for rocket propulsion. Steuding were key individuals in developing the
About two years later I used the same type for theoretical background needed to assist Dr. Hoelzer
missile firings from my brother's submerged sub- and his team in finding the electronic circuits most
marine. 6 Instead of using the conventional body of suitable to meet these requirements.
revolution approach, we selected a low-aspect-ratio
(AR=0.5) lifting-body configuration operating
within the subsonic speed range. T h e project never The Challenge of Inertial Reference Systems
went beyond its initial conceptual analysis because
I left for Peenemunde soon after the beginning At the time that Dr. Paul von Handel, Dr.
of this work. However, other solutions were later Johannes Plendl, and others conceived fundamental
dealt with by various DFS personnel. Alexander radio navigation systems, it became obvious that
Lippisch's Me 163 rocket airplane became one of these systems could not cover all the needs of the
the major projects to be tested in subsequent years advancing fields of rocketry and aeronautics. At a
at Peenemunde. time when we found that radio propagation through
rocket exhaust had its problems, Dr. von Braun and
Captain Boykow discussed the potential of fully
Flight Dynamics Aspects of Flight Testing Work inertial platforms and the use of Professor Schuler's
earth radius pendulum for rocket and spacecraft
Many of the problem areas which later became navigation. 7 At the DVL, tests of aircraft navigation
key issues in missile developments, hinted at their devices showed that the most difficult areas of
importance early in the flight-performance work at technological requirements were those involving
the DFS because of the considerable attention given gyro drift and inaccuracy of accelerators. I am told
to flight handling qualities; to judgment of inter- that an aircraft, departing from Adlershof near
action between configuration peculiarities, flight Berlin and approaching the Netherland border,
performance, and flight handling; as well as to indicated 'Australia" on its navigation system as
mutual interference between powerplants, aerody- the current position.
namics, and stability. T h e realization that many Drift rates of gyros produced at Kreiselgeraete,
parameters other than attitude, speed, and altitude Berlin, reduced drift rates to below a degree per
represented the complex dynamic behavior of hour; platform designs, using "Schulerloops" pro-
missiles and aircraft, led to the development of gressed subsequently to the point to be flown in
many types of sensors in order to obtain a better V-2s during 1943. While strapdown systems, as
insight into areas of flight dynamics, the importance initially used at Darmstadt, appeared to be no
of response rates, and the requirements on control match to gyro-stabilized space-reference systems,
parameters. Consequently much work was going on there are many applications in which these still
during the 1936-38 period in quite a few labora- hold their own. Progress made in digital computers
tories. Dr. Oppelt at the DVL, Dipl. Ing. Waldemar has contributed much to their improvement, in-
284 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS O F FLIGHT

dividual gyro and accelerometer performance being technique to determine flame temperature was one
of equal importance in each application. Also the of the new techniques in which Dr. Martin Schilling
two original modes of air- and fluid-suspended gyros was instrumental.
are still in competition with each other, the former
originally sponsored by Kreiselgeraete and the latter Summary
by Siemens.
Much of the research in the area of gyro-platform T h e preceding paragraphs are an historical ac-
improvement and error-source analysis has been count of the developments and contributions made
performed by an outstanding U.S. scientist, Dr. by the author and his team to the instrumentation,
Charles S. Draper, and his team, who, as the current flight testing, flight dynamics, guidance, and control
president of the International Academy of Astro- of missiles. Broad technological fields provided ini-
nautics, is the chairman of this Symposium. T h e tial answers to many technical and developmental
current state of the art in this field owes much to problems; they also outlined the avenues along
Dr. Draper and his group at the Massachusetts which much of the subsequent research would have
Institute of Technology. 8 I am proud to pay him to be directed before it could meet the increasingly
this tribute at this time and place. difficult requirements resulting from supersonic
flight through dense and rarefied atmospheres.
Rocket Engine Developments at Kummersdorf It is not possible to credit every person who was
involved in this effort. My account must be a tribute
While I personally was not involved in rocket- to those who were not individually named, but
engine development, I became involved in the whose contributions provided the multitude of
instrumentation and analysis of rocket-engine tests scientific and engineering building blocks. As to my
and data transmission to a central recording station own contributions, I was at all times supported by
near the end of the period covered in this presenta- dedicated teams and colleagues of exceptional train-
tion. In this connection, I would like to report on ing for the tasks assigned to them.
the development work of some of my colleagues In addition to particularly crediting Dr. Draper,
at Kummersdorf and Peenemunde which I think I feel compelled to give credit to Dr. Wernher von
was fundamental in rocket-engine development and Braun, whose broad engineering abilities, excep-
therefore deserves mention on this occasion. tional insight into the entire spectrum of missile
From 1937 through 1939, a 1500-kg thrust high- and spaceflight, and whose broadminded leadership
pressure rocket engine (750 psi or 50 kg/cm 2 ) was permitted me, subsequent to 1938, to implement the
developed in which aluminum was used for the many solutions found prior to that time for missile
combustion chamber and exit nozzle. This required and spaceflight guidance applications.
cooling of the entire chamber and nozzle. In order
to accomplish this, transpiration cooling was intro-
duced to produce a fuel-rich, cool envelope sur- NOTES
rounding the hot combustion gases (2200° to 2400 °C Under the title Razrabotka sistem upavleniya ismeritel'noy
depending on the fuel and oxidizer selection), to apparatury i metodov opedeleniya letnykh kharakteristik per-
protect the chamber itself. T h e introduction of this vykh raketnykh letatel'nykh apparatov, this paper appeared
on pages 169-78 of Iz istorii astronavtiki i raketnoi tekhniki:
technique, to be credited to Dr. Walter Thiel, Klaus
Materialy XVIII mezhdunarodnogo astronavticheskogo kon-
Riedel, Dr. h. c. Arthur Rudolf, Mr. Albert Pullen- gressa, Belgrad, 25-29 Sentyavrya 1967 [From the History of
berg and others, is one which brought rocket-engine Rockets and Astronautics: Materials of the 18th International
technology a substantial step forward and could be Astronautical Congress, Belgrade, 25-29 September 1967],
classed the first modern rocket engine. Moscow: Mauka, 1970.
My team's involvement toward the end of our 1. For accounts of Dr. Steinhoff's employment and first day
work at Peenemunde also dealt with flame tempera- at Peenemunde, see Wernher von Braun, "Reminiscences of
ture measurements, exhaust gas composition meas- German Rocketry," Henry J. White, ed., Journal of the
urements and causes of radio-transmission black- British Interplanetary Society, vol. 15, no. 3 (no. 70), May-
June 1956, p. 138; and Walter Dornberger, V-2, James Cleugh
out. For some of this work, my organization issued and Geoffrey Halliday, translators (New York: The Viking
research contracts to groups of universities, sup- Press, 1955), p. 15.—Ed.
porting our work. Use of sodium-D line reversal 2. The early tests by Friedrich Stamer and Alex Lippisch
NUMBER 10 285

on the Wasserkuppe, one of the Rhon Mountains in Western 6. Dornberger, V-2 (see note 2), p. 245.—Ed.
Germany, are described in Willy Ley's Rockets, Missiles, and 7. For Professor Maximilian Schuler's classic paper on his
Men in Space (New York: The Viking Press, 1968), pp. 419- earth radius pendulum, see Pitman, op. cit. (note 3), pp. 443-
21.—Ed. 54: Appendix A, "The Disturbance of Pendulum and Gyro-
3. For information on this inventor see George R. Pitman, scopic Apparatus by the Acceleration of Vertical," by Maxi-
Jr., ed., Inertial Guidance (New York: John Wiley & Sons, milian Schuler, translated from the German by John M.
1962), p. 10 ("Introduction," by John M. Slater) and p. 34 Slater; the article originally appeared in Physikalische Zeit-
("V-2," by Dornberger).—Ed. schrift, vol. 24, July 1923, pp. 334-50—Ed.
4. For a summary of the evolution of this aircraft, see 8. Charles S. Draper, Walter Wrigley, and John Hovorka,
William Green, Famous Fighters of the Second World War Inertial Guidance, (New York: Pergamon Press, 1960), 130
(Garden City, New York: Hanover House, 1960), pp. 124-28 — pp.; and Sidney Lees, ed., Air Space and Instruments: Draper
Ed. Anniversary Volume (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1963), 516 pp.
5. See note 2. —Ed.
 26

From the History of Early Soviet Liquid-Propellant Rockets

M . K. T I K H O N R A V O V , Soviet Union

Thirty-five years is a very long time, but for us into a higher level organization, the Jet Propulsion
it is a part of our lives which we lived through and Research Institute (RNII). T h e different fates of
we still recall in every detail the events of so distant both OIMS and G I R D were partially due to the
a past. different conditions existing in the Soviet Union at
My presentation covers the story of GIRD, or, the time of their formation.
to give its full title, the Group for Study of Jet T h e Soviet Union, an agrarian country in 1924,
Propulsion. had become an industrial nation by the beginning
T h e history of G I R D , organized in 1931, is some- of the thirties. By this time, the heavy machinery
what similar to that of the Society for the Study of and aviation industries were developing through-
Interplanetary Communication (OIMS), which had out the USSR.
been founded in 1924. Both G I R D and OIMS began By the 1930s the future course of aircraft devel-
as public organizations to unite enthusiasts in opment was already beginning to be clearly visible.
rocketry and cosmonautics. T h e task both groups Even then the limits of propeller driven planes
established for themselves was that of spreading Were apparent. A number of young aviation work-
Tsiolkovskiy's ideas and of helping to bring these ers, in search of how to go beyond these limits,
ideas into practice. concentrated their attention on the problems of jet
Both organizations contacted K. E. Tsiolkovskiy propulsion. Consequently, even though they had
and he kindly gave them advice. T h e members of accepted Tsiolkovskiy's ideas, they did so because of
G I R D and OIMS were people who profoundly their aspiration to fly higher, faster and farther,
believed in the vast future of rocket technology and rather than to fly to Mars as soon as possible.
cosmonautics. It was particularly fortunate that these young
In spite of general similarities, however, the re- people, in addition to their aspirations, had experi-
sults of the activities of the two societies were quite ence in aircraft engineering. Many had already
different. OIMS managed to successfully conduct developed their own aircraft designs and were
publicity programs and meetings for the general planning further developments using rocket pro-
public, 1 but it was not able to undertake practical pulsion. They could use the aviation industry as a
research work or obtain equipment for construction base for their work on reaction-propelled aircraft.
of experimental devices. After having existed for Among these enthusiasts with aviation background
less than a year, it disbanded. O n the other hand, was the chief of GIRD, Sergei Pavlovitch Korolyev,
GIRD, which had acquired facilities for experi- an outstanding designer who possessed profound
mental work and had rallied a considerable engi- scientific intuition and brilliant organizing abilities.
neering staff, achieved great success not only in Other individuals with backgrounds in aviation
programs of public interest but also obtained prac- were the team leaders and most of the leading
tical results with experimental rockets and com- workers of G I R D .
ponents. Approximately two years after it was From its inception, G I R D was given the com-
formed, G I R D , having merged with the Leningrad plete support of the powerful mass organization,
Gas Dynamics Laboratory (GDL), was converted the Society for Assisting Defense and Aviation and

287
288 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

Chemical Construction in the USSR (Osoaviakhim). partly by M. K. Tikhonravov, and by Yu. A.

It should be noted that the greater part of GIRD's Pobedonostsev, who came to work in GIRD.
funds was obtained not only through the efforts of By the latter half of 1932, after a great many
its leaders but also because these efforts met with organizational difficulties had been solved, such as
complete understanding on the part of M. N. the search for premises and equipment and the
Tukhachevsky. arrangement of supply sources for materials, the
Thus, the establishment of G I R D as an organiza- G I R D plant became a research laboratory having
tion to develop rocket technology was due to the four design teams and manufacturing workshops
rise of science and technology in the USSR. Several to serve them. T h e first team was headed by F. A.
favorable factors influenced its development, but it Tsander, the second by M. K. Tikhonravov, the
was the members of G I R D who, by their hard work third by Yu. A. Pobedonostsev, and the fourth
and dedication, brought about fulfillment of their by S. P. Korolyev. T h e concepts and projects devel-
historic mission as pioneers of Soviet liquid-pro- oped in G I R D carried serial numbers preceded by
pellant rockets. zero (0), when the number was a single digit. Alto-
gether, ten design and research projects were desig-
T h e Moscow Group for Study of Jet Propulsion
nated for development by G I R D .
(MosGIRD) was established in August 1931. T h e
decision to organize the group was preceded by It is my privilege to tell you about the work of
S. P. Korolyev's work in creating a rocket-propelled the GIRD second team of which I was scientific
aircraft with the OR-2 liquid-propellant engine leader. Our team worked on the following projects:
designed by F. A. Tsander. 1. Project 03, the RDA-1 engine, with pump-fed
G I R D conducted a large-scale publicity campaign propellants, designed for a rocket aircraft.
and on 13 November 1931, the Leningrad G I R D 2. Project 05, A flight rocket for installation of the
(LenGIRD) was formed. Subsequently OSOAVIA- nitric-acid engine ORM-50 designed by the
K H I M began to found GIRDs in other areas. Leningrad Gas Dynamics Laboratory (GDL).
T h e Moscow G I R D became the central group 3. Project 07, A flight with a liquid oxygen/kero-
(CGIRD), and directed all the other GIRD's. Early sene engine.
in 1932, C G I R D established courses, the first in the 4. Project 09, A flight rocket using a semisolid
world, on jet propulsion, which contributed to (hybrid) fuel and liquid oxygen.
training and education of rocket engineers in the During the work on Project 03, attention was
USSR. concentrated on the development of the liquid-
On 3 March 1932, at a meeting with Tukhachev- oxygen-driven pump. T h e suggested fuel for this
skiy as chairman, the C G I R D leaders presented a 100-kg-thrust engine was benzine. T h e p u m p was
report on jet propulsion problems. As a result a designed to operate on oxygen vapor created by
decision was adopted to establish the Rocket Re- evaporation of a portion of the oxygen in the tank.
search Institute, and to allocate to R N I I the neces- T h e majority of the oxygen was fed into the
sary funds. In April 1932, the decision was made to rocket engine from the pressure generated by its
create the C G I R D Experimental Rocket Plant. S. P. own vaporization in the tank. In 1932 the working
Korolyev was appointed plant director, chief of drawings of the p u m p had been made, but actual
C G I R D , and chairman of its technical council. fabrication of the p u m p was delayed because it had
T h e C G I R D and local GIRD's had been open to to be constructed in facilities other than those of
all rocket and space-flight enthusiasts. 2 However, GIRD.
the Experimental Rocket Plant of G I R D accepted Subsequently, the work was transferred to RNII,
only specialists having the necessary background where a test stand for the p u m p was constructed.
and training in rocketry. At first, all were voluntary However, even here the manufacture of the pump
workers, but later, as individuals became involved could not be completed. By this time it was appar-
in the work, they were accepted on the G I R D staff. ent that development of the combustion chamber
T h e funds allocated did not limit the work of would prove to be very difficult, and all efforts were
G I R D to the field of rocket aircraft, thus enabling concentrated on this problem. T h e work on the
G I R D to begin work on a number of concepts sug- p u m p was temporarily stopped.
gested partly by S. P. Korolyev and F. A. Tsander, T h e 07 Project was the first flight rocket program
NUMBER 10 289

FIGURE 1.—Propellant tanks for Rocket 07.

to be undertaken by the second team. The engine

of this rocket operated on liquid oxygen/kerosene.
The propellant tanks were located in stabilizers
with the rocket engine between them (Figures 1 and
2). The fuel was fed into the engine by oxygen
pressure. However, development of the 07 rocket
and its engine were not completed in GIRD. The
project was passed on to RNII where the rocket FIGURE 2.—Rocket 07 mounted on test stand.
was completed and later flown.
The next flight rocket for the second team was
the 09 (Figure 3). It's engine operated on liquid chamber with a bronze injector head and a bronze
oxygen and a semisolid (hybrid) fuel called "con- socket for the exit nozzle. The nozzle was of steel.
densed benzine." This "condensed benzine," pre- The inlet valve was screwed into the injector head
pared in Baku, was a solution of colophony, a and was directly connected with the oxygen tank,
natural resin, in benzine. Under normal conditions, made from a duraluminum tube. The oxygen was
the condensed benzine had the consistency of grease fed into the combustion chamber by its own vapor
and burned in successive layers. The heat of com- pressure. A pressure gauge was fitted to the tank.
bustion of colophony is about 9,000 kg-cal/kg. The The condensed benzine entered the combustion
09 rocket engine had a sheet-brass combustion chamber between a special cylindrical metal grid

FIGURE 3.—Drawing of Rocket 09.

 290 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

and the chamber walls. An aircraft spark plug

screwed into the combustion chamber served as the
igniter. T h e body of the 09 rocket, constructed of
0.5-mm-thick aluminum, contained the engine and
the tanks. T h e fins were made of Electron, a magne-
sium alloy. T h e fully equipped rocket weighed 19
kg. Photos of it were repeatedly printed in technical
and scientific publications (see Figure 4). 3
T h e engine for the 09 rocket was developed
during the spring and summer of 1933. T h e thrust,
measured on a balancing beam test stand (Figure 5)
averaged 37 kg. T h e first launching of the 09 rocket
took place on 17 August 1933 and was a success.
T h e rocket was launched vertically and reached an
altitude of about 400 m. It is shown being loaded
with liquid oxygen in Figure 6 and in flight in
Figure 7. This was the first flight of a Soviet liquid-
propellant rocket.
T h e 09 rocket was launched for the second time
late in the fall of 1933. This time its thrust chamber
exploded in the air, for an undetermined reason,
when the rocket reached an altitude of about 100 m.
R N I I later made a series of six 09 rockets, desig-
nated series "13," which were successfully launched
FIGURE 4.—Rockets 07 (left) and 09. at various angles of elevation to investigate the

FIGURE 5.—Test stand for Rocket 09 engine tests.

FIGURE 6.—Loading a Rocket 09 with liquid oxygen.
FIGURE 7.—Launch of Rocket 09.
NUMBER 10 291

possibilities of using liquid propellant rockets for The (light was an extremely impressive and beautiful spec-
flights with low trajectories. tacle. A flame rushed out of the motor nozzle. The rapid
flow of gas was accompanied by a low-pitched roaring sound.
After the 07 and 09 rocket projects, work on the A parachute opened showing its white canopy after the
05 rocket was begun. This rocket (Figure 8) was rocket reached a low altitude and then landed smoothly on
designed to use the nitric acid/kerosene ORM-50 a snow field/'
engine developed by GDL. Design of the rocket was
For subsequent launchings a wooden tower was
completed in 1933 when the Rocket Research Insti-
constructed with a guide, 48 m long, constructed
tute was being organized, and R N I I continued its
from a narrow-gauge rail, which engaged the
further development.
launching lugs of the rocket.
On the basis of the 05 rocket's design, R N I I On 15 August 1937 an Aviavnito rocket reached
developed, under the sponsorship of the Ail-Union an altitude of 3000 meters, 6 but on descent the
Aeronautic Research and Technical Society parachute was torn from the rocket, and the rocket
(Aviavnito) the stratospheric rocket "Aviavnito" was severely damaged upon impact.
(Figure 9). It used the 12-K liquid rocket engine Some of the individuals working on the second
which operated on liquid oxygen/96% alcohol team were, F. L. Yakitis, V. S. Suyev, V. N. Galkov-
and generated 300 kg thrust for a duration of sky, S. I. Kruglova, O. K. Parovina, N. I. Shul'gina,
60 sec. However, the flat stabilizing fins of the V. A. Andreyev, E. I. Snegireva, and N. I. Yefremov.
05 rocket were replaced with new, profiled hollow
In summary, the results of the G I R D second
fins. T h e initial rocket weighed approximately
team's activity were as follows:
100 kg, of which 32 kg was propellant. T h e 12-K
motor developed a specific impulse of 205-207 1. Bringing about the flights of early liquid pro-
kg-sec/kg. T h e entire engine installation weighed pellant rockets.
15 kg.4 T h e rocket was designed to reach an altitude 2. First use of liquid oxygen and other oxidants
of 10,800 m and contained a parachute. An altim- in combination with various fuels.
eter, of the barograph type developed by S. A. 3. T h e first rocket to use liquid oxygen and a
Pivovarov, was mounted on the rocket. semisolid (hybrid) fuel.
4. Initiation of the development of a p u m p driven
T h e initial launching of the Aviavnito rocket took
by liquid oxygen.
place on 6 April 1936. Pravda published a article
5. Developing and experimentally proving methods
about the launching which included a photo of the
of calculating rocket design and performance.
rocket in the launching position prior to take-off.
T h e correspondent described the rocket flight as All the above problems were studied experimentally
follows: and in most cases results were obtained which sub-
sequently served as the basis for realistic tasks and
The engineer has switched on the electric ignition plug. development programs.
Gray smoke of evaporating propellant. Spark. And suddenly
T h e main task of G I R D and its second team was
a dazzling yellow flame appeared at the base of the rocket.
The rocket moved slowly up the guide rods of the launching to prove that the principle of jet propulsion was
frame, slipped out of its steel embrace and rushed upwards. quite workable even with the state of the art of

"••"

FIGURE 8.—Drawing of Rocket 05.

292 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

those early years.7 That was accomplished and the

proof was convincing because it was done at a high
scientific and technical level and in a surprisingly
short time.

NOTES
Under the title Iz istorii sozdaniya pervykh sovetskikh
raket na zhidkom toplive, this article appeared on pages 154—
61 of Iz istorii astronavtiki i raketnoi tekhniki: Materialy
XVIII mezhdunarodnogo astronavticheskogo kongressa, Bel-
grad, 25-29 Sentyavrya 1967 [From the History of Rockets
and Astronautics: Materials of the 18th International Astro-
nautical Congress, Belgrade, 25-29 September 1967], Moscow:
Nauka, 1970.
On 4 March 1974 Mikhail K. Tikhonravov died in Moscow.
His obituary was carried in The Washington Post, 7 March
1974.—Ed.
1. Additional information on the formation of the Society
for Studying Interplanetary Travel is presented on p. 377
of The Soviet Encyclopedia of Space Flight (translated from
the Russian), G. V. Petrovich, ed., (Moscow: MIR Publishers,
1969); a reproduction of an OIMS meeting poster announcing
a public debate of 4 October 1924 in Moscow regarding a
reported launching of a moon rocket by Dr. Robert H.
Goddard on the previous 4 August and an account of F. A.
Tsander's participation in this delate appears on pp. 19-21
of F. A. Tsander's Problema poleta pri pomoshchi reaktivnykh
apparatov: Mezhplanetnyye polety [Problems of Flight by
Jet Propulsion: Interplanetary Flights], L. K. Korneyev, ed.,
2nd ed., enlarged (Moscow: Gos. Nauchno-Tekhn. lzd. Obo-
rongiz, 1961); translated from the Russian and published
for the U.S. National Aeronautics and Space Administration
and the National Science Foundation, Washington, D.C., by
the Israel Program for Scientific Translations, ed. Y. M.
Timnat, NASA T T F-147, (Jerusalem, 1964).—Ed.
2. "Soviet Engineers Constructing Two Rockets," Bulletin
of the American Interplanetary Society, no. 15 (January 1932),
p. 1.—Ed.
3. An 09 rocket on display is shown in Yu. A. Pobedo-
nostsev, "Behind the Luniks," Astronautics, January 1960,
p. 31; additional data on the 09 Project appears on pp. 126,
166, and 461 of The Soviet Encyclopedia of Space Flight
(see note 1)—Ed.
4. A sectioned 12-K engine is shown in Pobedonostsev,
"Behind the Luniks," p. 33.—Ed.
5. "Rocket Enters the Air," Pravda, no. 99 (6705), 9 April
1936.
6. An Aviavnito rocket on display is shown in Pobedo-
nostsev, "Behind the Luniks," p. 32.—Ed.
7. M. K. Tikhonravov and Yu. V. Biryukov, "Expression
of Ideas of K. E. Tsiolkovskiy in the Work of GIRD," Pro-
ceedings of the First Symposium Dedicated to the Develop-
ment of the Scientific Principles and to the Development of
the Ideas of K. E. Tsiolkovskiy, Moscow, 1967, pp. 5-15.
Available in English translation as NASA TI F-0544, Trans-
FIGURE 9.—The Aviavnito rocket. actions of the First Lectures Dedicated to the Development
of the Scientific Heritage of K. E. Tsiolkovskiy, A. A. Blagon-
ravov et al., ed. (Washington: NASA, April 1970), 117 p.—Ed.
NUMBER 10 293

REFERENCES 2. Test data from the testing of separate components for

Rocket 07 (1933). Archiv AN SSSR, razr. 4, op. 14, d. 51.
The following references appeared at the end of this 3. Rocket Aviavnito, calculations and photographs (1935-
paper (p. 161) in the Russian publication cited above: 1936). Archiv AN SSSR, razr. 4, op. 14, d. 57.
4. The work plan of "GIRD" for 1933-34 for all teams
1. Test data from tests of the Rocket 09 assembly and an (1933-1934). Archiv AN SSSR, razr. 4, op. 14, d. 1.
account of the launch on 17 August 1933 of Rocket 09. 5. Launching test of Rocket 05 and the test firing of the
Archiv AN SSSR (Archives of the USSR Academy of Sciences), motor 0-10 (1934). Archiv AN SSSR, razr. 4, op. 14, d. 3.
razr. 4, op. 14; d. 50. 6. Pravda, no. 99 (6705), 9 April 1936.
 27

Annapolis Rocket Motor Development, 1936-38

R. C. TRUAX, United States

I was bitten by the rocket bug at a very tender features of the thrust chamber are shown in Fig-
age. As a high school student in the late 1920s and ure 1.
early 1930s, I avidly read all the material available During this period, I was a midshipman at the
in the local libraries in my home town of Alameda, U.S. Naval Academy, subject to the severe restric-
California. This included, as I remember, God- tions of time and opportunity associated with
dard's Smithsonian reports, the occasional articles studying at Annapolis. 2 There were, however, two
in Sunday supplements and accounts of the exploits compensating advantages; the Naval Academy had
of Fritz von Opel and Max Valier which appeared a machine shop, and across the Severn River from
in such magazines as Popular Mechanics. Of course, the Academy was the U.S. Naval Engineering Ex-
"Buck Rogers in the 25th Century" was my con- periment Station.
tinuing inspiration. During the 1935-36 period, I had designed a
My first venture into the field of hardware was to liquid propellant sounding rocket embodying a
help a friend pry open shotgun shells to get out the regeneratively cooled thrust chamber, tanks of seam
powder. This we poured into a tube inside a very welded, 3/4-inch hard-rolled stainless steel, gyro-
beautifully constructed balsa-wood rocket. When scopic controls, etc. 3 T h e thrust chamber shown in
the rocket exploded in a shower of flying splinters Figure 1 was the first step toward development of
and soda straws (rocket tubes), my friend proceeded this sounding rocket. As can be seen, the design
to build another beautifully painted model, but I involved regenerative cooling for the entrance sec-
concentrated on making an engine that would tion of the nozzle, water film cooling at the throat,
work. I tried paper tubes, small metal carbon and an uncooled metal diverging section.
dioxide cylinders, etc., with the usual black powder T h e Naval Academy was not noted for the
and gum arabic propellant formulations. I also amount of free time it gave to midshipmen, and
found old nitrate movie film to have interesting my rocketeering had to be sandwiched in between
properties. T h e rocket case for this propellant was the termination of classes and evening formation.
an old tooth-powder can. This one burst at a As a matter of fact, it developed that my time for
height of several feet and scattered strips of flaming building rocketeering devices was even more re-
celluloid all over my back yard. stricted because electric power in the shop was
My "thesis" in mechanical drawing during my turned off at 5 p.m.
sophomore year in high school was a drawing of a After I had completed the design of the thrust
regeneratively cooled rocket motor, labelled Hey- chamber in my room in Bancroft Hall, I went over
landt Liquid Rocket, which I had never seen, but to Isherwood Hall to the machine shop to get on
of which I had read a description. 1 with the job of fabrication. Mr. Harold Lucas, the
I count my significant work in rocketry from the machinist in charge, listened sympathetically as I
time I made my first engineering measurements on explained my requirements for materials and then
an operating rocket engine. These measurements asked me whether or not I had the proper requisi-
were made during December 1937 on a thrust tions. Of course I had none, and after a somewhat
chamber constructed earlier that year. T h e essential crestfallen silence on my part, Mr. Lucas offered

295
296 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

»*y\

To PaessuAe

A
FIGURE 1.—First thrust chamber.

r^r

a way out. He led me down to the scrap box and led me down the long line of lathes to the smaller
said, "If you can find anything in there that can be and older ones. He finally stopped in front of a
used for your rocket, go ahead and take it." I ten-inch South Bend lathe, of about 1917 vintage,
selected as the main body of the thrust chamber a and told me that I was free to use that one.
nickel-steel pinion gear. The hub of this gear ap- In spite of the age and decrepit condition of the
peared to be of proper thickness and quality to lathe, I am sure that Mr. Lucas' machinist's soul
withstand almost any pressures which might be winced each time the lathe went clank, clank, clank
generated. I took the gear back to Mr. Lucas and with the cutter hitting the case-hardened teeth as
asked him if I might use one of the machine-shop I proceeded to machine them off the pinion gear.
lathes. He asked me whether I had ever used a I am not sure whether I lost more teeth off the
lathe before. When I replied that I had only that driving gears of the lathe or off the work in the
instruction given all midshipmen in shop work, he chuck. At length, however, this task was completed.
NUMBER 10 297

I remember being so frustrated by the fact that the mounted in a nozzle-up position. In operation, the
power was cut off at 5 p.m. that many times I would beam rider on the scale was set to the thrust
set u p to take a cut, lose the power, and then pull desired, and the valves were opened until that
the lathe through by hand. Under such circum- thrust was obtained. T h e instruments were then
stances, it is not surprising that it took about eight photographed with a Boy Scout camera at intervals
months to complete the first test combustion cham- determined primarily by the time required to wind
ber. the film on the camera. T h e fuel consumption was
When my masterpiece was completed, I took it measured by means of a boiler gauge glass.
to the head of the Marine Engineering Department Although such flow measurements were undoubt-
and requested permission to set it u p in the foundry edly highly inaccurate, they were no more inac-
and fire it. In perhaps justifiable concern over the curate than the measurement of the thrust itself.
future of Isherwood Hall, permission was denied. And at any rate, it was not accuracy, but the prin-
I found a much more receptive climate, however, ciple of the thing that counted at this stage of the
across the Severn River at the Experiment Station. game.
After a third-degree interrogation by several heads
of departments, concerning in particular the safety
Tests of December 1937
of my proposed operations, it was decided to let
me have a go at it. Not only was I given permission Before completion of the test stand, I went to the
to work at the Experiment Station, but some Industrial Superintendent, Mr. J o h n K. Amos, and
assistance was provided in the form of materials. announced that I was ready for my tests and would
In addition, a little welder named Sugar Evans need an adequate supply of liquid oxygen and
was assigned to give me a hand in the construction gasoline. I might as well have asked for an atomic
of the rocket test stand. bomb. Mr. Amos replied that the U.S. Naval
In order to complete the test that I had pro- Welding Regulations specifically forbade the use
grammed, I had to forego my September leave, and of oils or hydrocarbons in conjunction with oxygen
I was most annoyed to find that construction of an of any kind, and there was no supply of liquid
item as prosaic as a test stand required nearly half oxygen at the Experiment Station or any place in
of my leave period. Nowadays, of course, construc- the vicinity. Mr. Amos volunteered, however, that
tion of a rocket test stand requires upwards of 18 there was an adequate supply of compressed air at
months and many millions of dollars. Sugar Evans very high pressure available from some torpedo air
and I took a very practical approach, although not compressors, and that I would be allowed to use
a very elegant one. In making the propellant tanks, this compressed air as the oxidizer for the gasoline.
we went out to the stock rack, selected some steel This fact probably proved to be a very favorable
pipe of approximately the right size, and pulled it turn of fate, since the compressed air supply
out to what appeared to be about the right length.
allowed me to r u n my thrust chamber for relatively
Sugar, whiz that he was with the cutting torch, then
long periods of time. It also avoided the difficulties
cut the pipe off at the proper length without even
which undoubtedly would have been encountered
removing it from the stock rack. We then made
in the use of liquid oxygen.
closures for the tanks by burning circles out of
boiler plates, welding them in, and providing them Figure 2 shows one of the first tests in progress.
with gussets which appeared to both of us to be T h e thrust chamber rested on a beam balance with
about adequate in thickness and strength. There the nozzle pointed skyward. T h e thrust and mixture
was a tank for the fuel, a tank for the liquid oxygen, ratio were controlled by hand valves in the pro-
and since the thrust-chamber design utilized a nozzle pellant lines.
cooled in part by an injection of water, there was Thrust and chamber pressure were the only
also a tank for cooling water. variables of significance measured. T h e motor oper-
Instrumentation was characteristically simple and ated for several seconds but was initially very
direct, involving the use of Bourdon tube pressure difficult to control. T h e maximum chamber pressure
gauges, an Eastman Kodak timer, and best of all, a attained was 150 pounds per square inch. T h e
stock-room scale on which the thrust chamber was thrust was about ten pounds.
298 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

was used, and the gauges were photographed by a

still camera at intervals determined by the length
of time required to wind the film. Figure 3 shows a
typical photographic record of the instrument panel.
In September 1938, another series of tests was
made, again using compressed air and gasoline.
Three types of refractory nozzles were used; graph-
ite, fireclay, and aluminum oxide cast from thermit
slag. Except for the nozzle change, the motor was
identical to that used previously. Only the alumi-
num oxide nozzle was found satisfactory; the others
eroded too rapidly. With the A1 2 0 3 nozzle, how-
ever, runs of many minutes could be made before
the chamber became overheated. 5
For record purposes, runs from 15 to 45 seconds
FIGURE 2.—First test in progress. were made. T h e data obtained in these September
1938 tests are summarized in the following tabula-
tion:
With the first combustion chamber we made a
considerable number of more-or-less successful tests
at increasing thrusts, finally running the apparatus
for periods as long as several minutes at a time. I
would frequently r u n the tests during the lunch
hour when the workmen from the shop would
come out, gather around the rocket, and amuse
themselves by throwing stones into the jet to see
how high they would be hurled. I remember once
two of the men got a large board and attempted to
force it into the jet. Although the thrust of the
rocket was only about 25 pounds, they found it
difficult to hold the board in position against this
force.
T h e tests were duly reported in the April 1938
issue of the journal of the American Rocket Society 4
and constitute some of the very earliest measure-
ments on rockets ever described.

Tests of September 1938

After the first set of tests, it was obvious that a

man with only two hands could not juggle three
valves—air, gasoline, and water—simultaneously,
especially since smooth combustion could be ob-
tained only at certain very delicate settings of the
mixture ratio. During the succeeding months, the
chamber was modified to eliminate the water by
using refractory nozzles. A continuously indicating
thrust measuring device was provided and a gauge
glass was added to the gasoline tank. A Kodak timer FIGURE 3.—Instrument panel.
NUMBER 10 299

R, <xn num ber gasoline.'1 It was reported "the motor ran quite well
i 2 3 4 5 6 7 for several seconds, developing about 20 lbs. of
S 300 300 300 300 300 400 400 thrust before it burned out." This provided a
P. (P»i) 100 110 140 160 200 — — rather charitable evaluation of its performance.
P, (psi) 100 160 200 225 250 — —
Po (psi) 70 90 100 120 170 180 190
T (lb) 6 7 10.4 15 16.5 22 25 Tests of December 1938
t (sec) 19 15 20 15 13 45 20
f (lb)
Because two series of tests had been performed
0.12 0.065 0.13 0.11 0.09 0.40 0.20
v (fps) 2010 3250 3220 4260 4900 5000 5040 without loss of life or limb, Mr. Amos finally agreed
Eth (%) 6.5 16.8 16.6 29.0 38.0 40.0 40.3 to allow me to use gaseous oxygen in place of the
compressed air. However, since the welding regula-
A second design of thrust chamber was tested
tions so dictated, he specified that a welding regula-
with lesser success. T h i s chamber, shown in Figure
tor be used in conjunction with the oxygen bottles.
4, was regeneratively cooled by the fuel. It con- T h e welding regulators available to me at the
sisted of a tubular outer jacket, about V-fa. inches Experiment Station were far too small to permit
in diameter, containing a combustion chamber and passage of enough oxygen to give significant thrust,
a long nozzle. T h e fuel was injected towards the and I protested this restriction as strenuously as I
head end on two sides of the chamber, and the could. Mr. Amos, however, felt that he had stuck
oxidizer through an annulus surrounding the spark his neck out far enough, and he insisted on the
plug. Only intermittent combustion was obtained. welding regulator. I found a way around the diffi-
This same thrust chamber was later tested by the culty by the simple expedient of interchanging the
American Rocket Society using liquid oxygen and high-pressure gauge commonly found on welding

FIGURE 4.—Tubular engine mounted on horizontal test stand.

300 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

regulators with the outlet connection. I n this

fashion I was able to completely bypass the regu-
lator, conforming to the letter, if not the spirit, of
the rule book, giving the appearance (see Figure 5),
at least to the casual observer, that the regulator was
being employed!
For this series of tests, a new thrust chamber was
built of light-gauge stainless steel, designed to be
water cooled and equipped to accept interchange-
able nozzles, either metal or refractory. W i t h this
chamber, and the test stand modified for the use
of gaseous oxygen, a final program of tests was per-
formed in December 1938. T h e initial tests were
performed to evaluate refractory nozzles. Silica,
alumina, and tungsten carbide were tried. Only
the latter gave reasonable success, although it
tended to oxidize. T h e tungsten carbide nozzle also
cracked from thermal shock, but the pieces re-
FIGURE 5.—Oxygen test stand. mained in place. 7

r1 )l

*& ar
*T fr - ^

- •<fe
FIGURE 6.—Thrust chamber tests, using gaseous oxygen with water cooling.
NUMBER 10 301

FIGURE 7.—Proposed rocket engine for aircraft take-off assist.

Figure 6 shows these tests in progress. Note the 29 Sentyavrya 1967 [From the History of Rockets and Astro-
blow torch for igniting* the motor, the natural con- nautics: Materials of the 18th International Astronautical
vection water cooling jacket, and the different ap- Congress, Belgrade, 25-29 September 1967], Moscow: Nauka,
1970.
pearance of the flame under different operating
conditions. 1. "Light Weight Rocket Motor Developed in Germany,"
Tests of this nature were continued for five or six Bulletin of the American Interplanetary Society, no. 8, March-
months into 1939 and culminated in operation of a April 1931, p. 14; and "German Rocket Car Tested," ibid.,
no. 9, May 1931, p. 1.
motor having forced convective cooling with water. 2. Robert C. Truax, "Rocket Development," U.S. Naval
At this point, the U.S. Navy expressed an interest in Institute Proceedings, September 1964, pp. 81-94.
the work, looking to the use of rockets to assist the 3. Truax had written Dr. Robert H. Goddard during this
takeoff of large flying boats. My design for such a time and received a reply with comments to his questions and
rocket, prepared in October 1939, is shown in suggesting that he obtain a copy of his "Liquid-Propellant
Rocket Development" (Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections,
Figure 7. This particular drawing was used as an
vol. 95, no. 3, 1936). See Esther C. Goddard and G. Edward
instrument for getting a development program Pendray, editors, The Papers of Robert H. Goddard (New
started. This program, initiated two years later York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1970), vol. 2, pp. 985,
under my direction, continued the development of 988.—Ed.
rockets for JATO and guided missiles throughout 4. Truax, "Gas, Air, Water," Astronautics, no. 40 (April
World War II. 1938), pp. 9-11.
5. Truax, "Annapolis Motor Tests," Astronautics, no. 42
(February 1939), pp. 6-10.
NOTES 6. John Shesta, H. Franklin Pierce, and James H. Wyld,
Under the title Razrabotka raketnykh dvilateley v Annapo- "Report on the 1938 Rocket Motor Tests," Astronautics,
lise v 1936-1938, this paper appeared on pages 162-68 of Iz no. 42 (February 1939), pp. 2-6.
istorii astronavtiki i raketnoi tekhniki: Materialy XVIII 7. Truax, "Addenda to September Report," Astronautics,
mezhdunarodnogo astronavticheskogo kongressa, Belgrad, 25- no. 42 (February 1939), p. 10.
 Index
Abbot, Dr. Charles Greely, 57-59, 61, 63, Bartocci, Aldo, 1-3, 124 Crawford, Russell Tracy, 81
64,67 Bayev, L.K., 178 Crocco, General Gaetano Arturo, 33-48,
Abel, Richard Cox, 209 Bclot, Em., 12 71, 168, 175,178,247
Aberdeen Proving Ground, Maryland, Berlin Rocket Field. See Raketenflug- Crocco, Luigi, 33-48
59-60 platz
Abramov, V.A., 179 Bermueller, 139, 226 Damblanc Louis, 13, 49-55, 124
Aerojet-General Corporation, 118, 121, Best, Alfred, 145 Darwin, Charles, 76
125-26 Bethenod, Jos., 12 Darwin, Erasmus, 76
Africano, Alfred, 145, 150-53 Bing, Dr. Andre, 8-9 De Carli, Prof., 44
Ahrens, Carl, 145, 147 Biot, Maurice A., 115 De Laval, Dr. Gustaf, 260-61
Aircraft, BICh-8, 203 Biryukov, Yuri V., 203-08 Dergunov, 179
BICh-11, 203-04, 248 Blosset, Lise, 5, 49 Desmazieres, Ingenieur General, 10
Damblanc helicopter, 49 < BMW Company, Germany, 108 Deutsche Raketenflugwerft, 223, 232
DFS-39,278 Bolkhovitinov, V.F., 207, 250 Deutsche Forschungsanstalt fiir Luft-
DFS-40,278 Bollay, William, 113, 115, 121, 126 fahrt (DFS), 103-104, 237, 277,
Ganswindt helicopter, 131 Bondaryuk, Prof. Mikhail Makarovich, 281-82
1-4,91 184 Devens, Camp (later, Fort), Mass., 63
1-15 bis, 182-83 Bossart, Karel J., 135 Diamond, Edward, 78
Ocenasek 1910-1911, 157-58 Bourges Firing Ground, France, 50, 53 Dittmar, H., 278
P-5,249 Bower, Ernest C , 84 Dornberger (General), Dr. Walter
REP glider, 5 Boykow, Captain Johan M., 280, 283 Robert, 78, 223, 225, 227-28, 244
REP metal monoplane, 5 Bramhill, H., 209 Draper, Dr. Charles Stark, 284
REP 1907, 6 Brisken, 243 Dryazgov, M.P., 254
REP-2, 6 British Interplanetary Society (BIS), 75, Dudakov, V.I., 255
Rhoeneagle glider, 282 78, 209-16 Durant, Frederick Clarke III, iv, 57
SK-9 glider, 207, 248 Briigel, Werner, 224 Dushkin, L.S., 187
TB-1, 91, 255-56 Bryuker, L.E., 175, 177
TB-3,91,248 Buckingham, Dr. Edgar, 58-59 Edson, Lee, 126
U-l, 255 Budil, Ivo, 157 Edwards, J. Happian, 209-11
Winnie Mae, 78 Burgess, Eric, 210 Egelhaaf, Dipl.-Ing. Hermann, 106-08
Yak-7b,185 Ehmeyer, 226
Aircraft engines, Argus, 278 California Institute of Technology (Cal- Einstein, Prof. Albert, 75
Damblanc, 49 tech), 113, 115, 117, 120-121, 124, Emschermann, Dr. Hans-Heinrich, 282
Diesel, 46 126 Engel, Rolf, iii, 217, 219-20, 222, 224-25
Gnome rotary, 157 Camera, rocket, FTI-5, 198 Esnault-Pelterie, Robert, 5-31, 71-72,
Ocenasek rotary, 157, 160 Goddard, 63 114,118,125,134,141,272
REP 5-cylinder, 8 Cape Canaveral, Florida, 17 Eula, Prof. Antonio, 71
REP 7-cylinder, 8 Carver, Nathan, 152
American Institute of Aeronautics and CGIRD (Moscow Central Group for the
Fedorov, K. K., 188
Astronautics (AIAA), 154 Study of Reactive Motion), 288.
Fedorov, Vladimir Pavlovich, 101, 207,
American Interplanetary Society, 141 See also GIRD and MosGIRD
249, 256
American Rocket Society, 141-55, 298-99 Challis, James C , 84
Ferber, Captain Ferdinand, 8
Amos, John K., 297, 299 Cheranovsky, B.I., 203, 248
Ananoff, Alexandre, 17 Chernyshev, N.G., 92 Ferrie, General Gustav Auguste-, 9-10, 12
Andreyev, V.A., 292 Chre'tien, Henri, 12 Fichot, E., 12
Apollonius of Perga, 82 Clarke, Arthur Charles, 209-10 Fieber, Dr. Wilfried, 283
Arnold, General Henry A., 125 Cleator, Philip Ellaby, 209 Fifth Volta Congress of High Speed
Arnold, Weld, 120,124, 126 Cleaver, Arthur Valentine, 209, 213 Flight, Rome, 48
Artem'yev, Vladimir Andreyevich, 91 Coelostat, 211,213 First International Aeronautics Exhibi-
Arzamanoff, 136 Congreve, Sir William, 259-60 tion, Paris, 6
Copernicus, Nicolaus, 82-83 Fleet, Ruben Hollis, 124
Badoglio, General Pietro, 33 Corelli, Dr. Riccardo M., 44 46 Ford, Henry, 139, 223
Bakhchivandzhi, G. Ya., 250 Costanzi, Giulio, 71-73 Forman, Edward S., 113-115, 119-120,
Barre\ Ingenieur General J.J., 10, 13, 17 Cowper-Essex, C.S., 209 122, 124-126

303
304 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

Frank-Kamenetskiy, D.A., 193 Hell, Dr. Rudolf, 282 Korolyev, Sergei Pavlovitch, 100-01, 168,
Frau im Mond, motion picture, 138-39 Heracleides of Pontus, 82 186, 203-08, 247-48, 254, 287-88
Herrick, Dr. Samuel, iii, 81-86 Kosmodem'yanskiy, A.A., 270
GALCIT (Guggenheim Aeronautical Heylandt, Paul, 141,295 Koutchino Laboratory, near Moscow, 71
Laboratory, California Institute Heylandtwerke, 219-20, 222, 227-28 Kramorov, G.M., 92
of Technology), 113-127 Hickman, Clarence N., 59, 119 Krasnukhin, N.N., 190, 188
Galilei, Galileo, 82 Hipparchus of Alexandria, 82 Krick, Irving P., 115
Galkovsky, V.N., 292 Hirsch, Andr^-Louis, 9-12, 125 Kruglova, S.I., 292
Gallant, Miss Sally, 159, 161 His, Prof., 75 Krylov, A.N., 195
Ganswindt, Hermann, 131, 137 Hodgkins, Thomas G., 59 Kulagin, I.I., 91
Garber, R.N., 196-97 Hoelzer, Dr. Helmut, 281, 283 Kummersdorf (test site), Germany, 78,
Garofoli, Ing. G., 43 Hohmann, Dr. Walter, 72, 136 284
Gartman, Heinz, 218 Hora, Prof. Vaclav, 87 Kurilov, Ye. M., 190
Gas Dynamics Laboratory, Leningrad. Horn, Dr., 76 Kutkin, B.A., 92
See GDL Hueter, Hans Herbert, 226 Kuz'min, Ye. N., 92
Gas generators, GG-1, 102 Hunsaker, Jerome Clarke, 125
Gauss, Carl Friedrich, 84-85 Laghi, Signor, 38
GDL (Gas Dynamics Laboratory, Lenin- Il'yashchenko, Dr. Sergey, 184 Lagrange, Joseph Louis, 85
grad), 91-102, 205, 247-48, 255-56, International Academy of Astronautics Lambert, A., 12
287,291 (IAA), Paris, iii Landi, Dr. Corrado, 43-44
Generales, Dr. Constantine Demosthenes International Astronautical Federation Lang, Fritz, 137
John, Jr., iii, 75-80 (IAF), Paris, iii, 9, 23, 125 Langemak, Georgi Erikhovich, 91
German Rocket Flight Yard. See International Astronautics Prize (REP- Langkraer, Hermann, 137
Deutsche Raketenflugwerft Hirsch Prize). See REP-Hirsch Lansberg, Dr. M.P., 78
German Rocket Society. See Verein fur International Astronautics Prize Laplace, Pierre Simon, Marquis de, 84
Raumschiffahrt Interplanetary Section of Inventors, Lasser, David, 143
Gibbs, Josiah Willard, 83-85 Soviet Union, 203 Lasswitz, Kurd, 217, 229
Giordani, Prof. Francesco, 43 Interplanetary Travel Study Group, Lawrence, Lovell, Jr., 149
GIRD (Group for Study of Jet Propul- Military Research Society, N.E. Lehman, Milton, 117
sion, Soviet Union), 102, 168-75, Zhukovsky Air Force Academy, Leitner, Dr., 232-33
178, 184, 186, 203-05, 247-48, 256, Moscow, 91-92 Lemkin, Dr. William, 143
287, 290, 292 Ionov, A.B., 199 Leningrad Gas Dynamics Laboratory.
Goddard, Dr. Robert Hutchings, 9-10, See GDL
57-69, 75, 81, 88, 114, 116-19, 124, James, George Serge, iv, 17, 126 Lent, Constantine Paul, 152
130,136, 141, 159,272,295 Leuschner, Armin Otto, 81
Janser, Arthur, 209-10
Goddard, Mrs. Robert H. (Esther), 67, Leverrier, Urbain Jean Joseph, 84
Jansky, Karl, 78
117, 126 Ley, Willy, 121, 137, 141-42, 209, 217-
Jenney, William W., 113
Gollender, M. Yu., 193 Jet propelled boat, Ocenasek, 158, 161 219, 221-25
Goodman, Louis, 152 Jet Propulsion Laboratory, Pasadena, Lindbergh, Charles Augustus, 63-64
Gougerot, Prof., 75 Calif., 114-115, 118, 125-126 Lippisch, Dr. Alexander, 277-78, 282-83
Grottrup, Dipl. Ing. Helmut, 282 Jet Propulsion Research Institute, Soviet Loginov, Petr Yermolayevich, 182
Group for Study of Jet Propulsion, Lorenz, Dr. Hermann, 131, 137
Union. See RNII
Soviet Union. See GIRD Lorin, Rene, 167-68, 177
Griinow, Heinrich, 227 Low, Prof. Archibald Montgomery, 209
Kanturck, Otto, 137 Lucas, Harold, 295-96
Guggenheim, Daniel, 63, 65, 116-18, 141
Kirchberger, Prof., 131 Lutz, Dr. Otto, iii, 103-112
Guggenheim, Harry Frank, 63, 65
Katzmayr, Prof., 231 Lyon, Dr. Darwin Oliver, 141
Guggenheim Foundation, Daniel and
Kepler, Johannes, 82-83
Florence, New York City, 116-18
Guggenheim School for Aeronautics, Khalkhin-Gol River (Outer Mongolia), Magnus, Dr. Kurt, 283
United States, 152 Battle of, 91 Malina, Dr. Frank Joseph, iii, 11, 113—
Gyroscopic Control System, 10, 63, 195, Kisenko, M.S., 175 127
200, 252-54, 277-85 Klein, Arthur L., 113 Malquori, Prof., 44
Klemantaski.S., 211,209 Malyy, A.L., 92
Hale, William, 259 Klemin, Dr. Alexander, 152 Mandl, Dr. Matous, 87
Haley, Andrew Gallagher, 12, 23, 125 Kleymenov, Ivan Terent'evich, 91 Mandl, Dr. Vladimir, 87-90
Hanson, M.K., 209-10, 213 Knipfer, Charles, 78 Manning, Lawrence E., 145
Harth, Wilhelm, 281 Kondratyuk, Yuri Vasilyevich, 173, 269, Marcus, 10
Haussmann, Dr. Hans, 106 272,274 Marenco, Dr., 33, 35
Healy, Roy, 151 Konstantinov, V.A., 255 Mars Company, 259, 261, 266-67
Heflin, Woodford A., 12 Kopal, Dr. Vladimir, 87 Maurain, Prof. Ch., 12
Heinisch, Kurt, 139,226 Korneyev, L.K., 188, 191, 186, 189 Menge, Prof., 75
NUMBER 10 305

Mengering, Franz, 226 Pendray, Gwaine Edward, 141-55, 209 Rocket, liquid and solid propellant
Meppen Testing Ground, Germany, 267 Pendray, Mrs. G. Edward (Leatrice M.), Soviet Union
Merkulov, Igor A., 175, 178, 181-82, 188 141-43 ANIR-6,200
Merkulova, A.D., 178 Perelman, Dr. Yakov, 204-05, 209 ANIR-7,200
Merkulova, M.A., 178 Perrin, Jean, 12 R-05, 198-200
Merton, Gerald, 84 PeSek, Rudolf, 157 R-10,200
Mescalero Ranch, Roswell, New Mexico, Petropavlowskiy, Boris Sergeivich, 91 Rocket, liquid-propellant
63,117 Petrov, Ye. S., 92 Germany
Meyer-Hartwig, 111 Piccard, Auguste, 11, 78 A-l, 228
Milian, Prof., 77 Pierce, Hugh Franklin, 142-43, 149, 151- A-2, 228
Millikan, Prof. Clark Blanchard, 113, A-3, 228, 280
53
115, 118, 120 A-4 (V-2), 10, 16-17, 131, 223, 228,
Pietsch, Alphons, 220, 222, 227
Millikan, Prof. Robert Andrews, 115, 244,281,283
Pivovarov, S.A., 252, 291
117, 125 A-5, 280-81
Planernaya Station, Soviet Union, 179
Minayev, P.I., 92 A-8, 280
Plendl, Dr. Johannes, 283
Moeller, Dipl.-Ing. Waldemar, 283 Einstab-Repulsor, 225
Pobedonostsev, Yuri Aleksandrovich,
Molchanow, Prof. P.A., 199 HW-1 (Huckel-Winkler Astris 1),
167-S4, 205, 288-89
Montagne, Pierre, 10, 12, 17 222
Montgolfier, Joseph Michel, 77 Poehlmann, Wilhelm, 228, 244
HW-2 (Huckel-Winkler Astris 2),
Moscow Group for Study of Jet Propul- Poincare, Jules Henri, 84
222
sion. See MosGIRD Polikarpov, N. N., 183
Magdeburg Startgerat—10-L, 226-
MosGIRD (Moscow Group for Study of Polyarny, Alexander Ivanovich, 185-201
27
Jet Propulsion), 97, 288 Post, Wiley, 78 Mirak-1,77, 224
Mukhin, N.N., 92 Pratt, Fletcher, 141 Mirak-2, 78, 224
Ptolemy of Alexandria, 82 Oberth Model A, 221
Naegeli, Prof., 75 Piillenberg, Albert, 284 Oberth Model B, 220-21
Nebel, Rudolph (Rudolf), 77, 139, 142, Pulse-jet engine, PuVRD, 169 Oberth Model E, 135, 220-21
217, 220, 223, 226-27, 231 Repulsor, 224-25
Newton, Sir Isaac, 82 Raetjen, Dr. Paul, 281 Sander, 219, 221
Nistratov, A.F., 178 Raketenflugplatz, Berlin, 77-78, 141-42, Vierstab-Repulsor, 226
Nobel, Alfred, 259, 261 217, 220, 223, 231 Wasserfall, 281
Noeggerath, Dr. Wolfgang C , 103, 106 Ramjet engine Zweistab-Repulsor, 224-25
Nyquist, Dr. Harry, 281 Soviet Union Soviet Union
DM-1, 182 05, 97, 289, 291
Oberth, Prof. Hermann Julius, 11, 66, DM-2, 182-83 06/1, 250, 252, 256
75, 88, 114, 129-140, 141, 159, 217- DM-4,183 06/111, 250, 252-53
21, 225, 228-29, 244, 272, 274 P-3, 179 06/111-216, 254
Ocenasek, Ludvik, 157-65 P-3-2B, 179 07, 289-91
Rasmusen, Hans Qvade, 84 09, 289-91
Oganesov, O.S., 175, 178
Raushenbakh, B.V., 203-08, 252 212, 206, 254, 256
OIMS (Society for the Study of Inter-
Rayetskiy, A.S., 189 216, 252, 254, 256
planetary Communication, Soviet
Reaction Motors, Incorporated, New ANIR-5, 195-96
Union), 92, 203, 287
Jersey, 142, 149, 152 Aviavnito, 291
Opitz, Rudi, 278, 282
GIRD-10, 205
Oppelt, Dr.-Ing. Winfried, 283 Reinickendorf test site, Germany, 11
GIRD-Kh, 186
Ordway, Frederick Ira III, 138-39, 140 Reisig, Dr. Gerhard, 282
KR-212, 99-100, 102
Orion, Project, 34 REP-Hirsch International Astronautics
R-03, 1^89, 191, 194
OSOAVIAKHIM (Society for Assisting Prize, 11-12, 49, 54-55, 121, 125,
R-04,194
Defense and Aviation and Chem- 151 R-06, 189, 191, 195
ical Construction in the USSR), Reppe, Dr., 108 RLA-1,92, 100
178, 187-89,204,288 Riabouchinsky, Prof. Dmitri, 71 RLA-2, 92, 100
Riedel, Klaus, 77, 139, 142, 217, 220, RLA-3, 92, 100
Palewski, Gaston, 17 223-26, 284 RLA-100,92
Pallo, A.V., 248 Riedel, Walter J.H., 222, 227-28, 244 ARS (American Rocket Society)
Pankin,I.M.,92 Rinagl, Prof., 230-32, 236 No. 1, 143, 144
Parovina, O.K., 292 Ritter, Dr., 139, 220 ARS No. 2, 143, 144, 145
Parravano, Prof. Nicola, 44 Rittinghausen, Dr. Hans J., 282 ARS No. 3, 146, 148
Parsons, John W.( 113-115, 119-22, 124- RNII (Jet Propulsion Research Institute, ARS No. 4, 146-148
26 Soviet Union), 102, 187, 205-07, Goddard 16 March 1926 flight (first
Pastukhovskiy, L.E., 178 247-48, 252, 254-57, 287-93 liquid rocket), 61-62
Peenemunde, 228, 244, 277-78, 280-84 Rocket, hybrid, Soviet Union, 09, 289-91 Goddard 3 April 1926 flight, 62
306 SMITHSONIAN ANNALS OF FLIGHT

Rocket, liquid propellant—Continued Sanger SR-8, 235-36 ORM-52 300-kg, 97-98, 100, 102
United States Sanger SR-9, 235 ORM-53, 102
Goddard 26 December 1928 flight, Sanger SR-10, 235 ORM-65 50-175-kg, 99, 101-02,
63,64 Sanger SR-11, 235-36 205-07, 248, 254
Goddard, 17 July 1929 flight, 63, 64 Sanger SR-12, 235-36 ORM-65-1 50-175-kg, 100, 101, 102
Neptune, 1 Sanger SR-13, 236 ORM-65-2 50-175-kg, 101, 102
Redstone, 281 Sanger SR-14, 236 ORM-102, 102
Vanguard, 17 Sanger 1000-kg, 239-43 RDA-1 100-kg, 289
Viking, 1, 16 Sanger 1100-kg, 242 RDA-1-150 50-150-kg, 207, 248-49
WAC Corporal, 118 Sanger 100,000-kg, for rocket RDL-150-1 (modified ORM-65)
Rocket, solid-propellant bomber, 238, 242 150-kg, 101
Czechoslovakia France 300-kg pump-fed, 100
OCenasek 1930, 159, 161-63 REP 1937, 10 Tsiolkovsky, 226
Ocenasek 1939, 161, 165 REP 100-kg, 14 12-K 300-kg, 291
England REP 300-kg, 14 Switzerland
Congreve, 259-60 REP 20,000-hp, 16 Stemmer 1934, 245
Hale, 259 Germany United States
PI AT, 165 Aepyornis-El, 225 Africano, 152
France Kummersdorf 20-kg, 228 American Rocket Society, 148-152
Damblanc 35.5-mm, 52 Kummersdorf 300-kg, 227-28 GALCIT, 115, 118-121, 124
Damblanc 55-mm, 53 Kummersdorf 1000-kg, 228 Goddard, 62-64
Damblanc 72-mm, 52 Magdeburger Startgerat engine Truax, 151,295-301
Damblanc 88-mm, 52-53 250-kg, 226-27 Wyld, 152-54
Damblanc 133-mm, 52-53 Oberth 2.5-kg Spaltduese, 221 Youngquist, 151
Damblanc multistage, 49 Oberth 7-kg Kegelduse, 139, 220-21 Rocket mortar, Goddard, 60
Damblanc postal, 53-54 Peenemunde 1500-kg, 228 Tikhomirov, 91
Germany Peenemunde 4500-kg, 228 Rocket nozzle, de Laval, 232, 235, 261
Sander 200-kg, 221-22 Peenemunde 25-ton, 228 REP, gimbaled, 16
Italy Pietsch, 222, 227 Rocket piston pump assembly, Soviet
Crocco, 36-38, 43 Valier Einheitsofen, 222 Union, 95
Soviet Union Winkler Strahlmotor, 222 Rocket-propelled aircraft
48, 254-56 Italy BI-1, 250
217, 254-55 Crocco, 43-17 DFS-194, 278
217/11, 254-56 Soviet Union Greenwood Lake mail rocket, 152
AR-07, 195 02 (OR-2 modified) 100-kg, 252 Me 163, 106-107, 277-78, 282-83
R-07, 196 GIRD 30-50-kg, 248 Raketenbomber, 243
Katyusha, 91 M-3 120-kg, 191, 194 RP-1, 204, 207, 248-49
Meteorological rocket, 185 M-17, 196-97 RP-7, 250
Sweden M-28e, 199 RP-218, 248, 250
Unge, 259-67 OR-1, 186 RP-318, 99, 102, 207, 248^9
United States OR-2, 186, 203-05, 248 RP-318-1, 101,249
American Rocket Society, 150 ORM, 93, 94, 102 Rocket-propelled car, Opel-RAK, 221
Forman and Parsons, 114, 118, 124 ORM-A 300-kg, 95, 97 RAK-7, 222
GALCIT, 114, 118, 124 ORM-1 20-kg, 93-94, 102 Rocket Research Institute. See RNII
Goddard, multiple-charge repeat- ORM 2, 93 Rosny, J.H., Sr., 11-12
ing, 60-61 ORM-4, 94 Ross, Harry Ernest, 211-216
Goddard, tube-launched, 59 ORM-5, 94 Rudolph, Arthur, 227, 244, 284
Goddard, 1-inch tube-launched, 60 ORM-8, 94 Ryazankin, A.B., 175
Goddard, 2-inch tube-launched, 60 ORM-9, 94-95, 100 Rynin, Nikolai Alexeyevich, 11, 209
Goddard, 3-inch tube-launched, 60 ORM-11,94
Rocket engine, electric, Soviet Union, 92 ORM-12, 94, 95 Salle, 10
Rocket engine, hybrid, Soviet Union, 09, ORM-16, 94 Sander, Friedrich Wilhelm, 219-22
205, 250, 288-89 ORM-22, 94 Sanger, Dr. Eugen, 113, 118, 217-18, 223,
Rocket engine, liquid-propellant ORM-23, 97 228-45
Austria ORM-24, 97 Sanger-Bredt, Dr. Irene, 217-46
Sanger SR-2, 232 ORM-26, 97 Satellites, Sputnik, 17, 81
Sanger SR-3, 233 ORM-27, 97 Satory (REP static test site, near Paris),
Sanger SR-4, 233 ORM-28, 97 10, 13-15
Sanger SR-5, 233-34 ORM-30, 97 Sauerbruch, Prof., 75
Sanger SR-6, 234 ORM-34, 97 Seal, 10
Sanger SR-7, 234-35 ORM-50 150-kg, 97, 289, 291 Schaefer, Herbert, 121, 225, 227
NUMBER 10 307

Scherchevsky, Alexander Boris, 219, 225 Steinmer, Josef, 245 Valier, Max, 136, 141, 159, 219-22, 227,
Schilling, Dr. Martin, 284 Sternfeld, Ary, 11 229, 295
Schlitt, Dr. Helinutt, 278 Steuding, Dr. Hermann, 277, 280, 283 Van Dresser, Peter, 150
Schmidt, O. Yu., 198 Stratton, S.W., 59 Verein fur Raumschiffahrt (VfR), 138-
Schneider, Heinrich 221 Strong, J.G., 209 39, 141-42, 217, 219-20, 227, 275
Schneider-Creuzot Prize, 247 Stumpff, Karl, 84-85 Verne, Jules, 113, 129, 269
Schonberger, 138 Suminerfield, Dr. Martin, 121 Vctchinkin, Prof. Vladimir Pctrovich,
Schott, Rudolf, 119 Suyev, V.S., 292 92, 100, 179
Schreiner, Heinrich, 219 Sytin, V.A., 188 Von Arco-Zinneberg, Count Max, 236
Schuller, Dr. Maximilian, 283 Sztatecsny, Friedrich, 232 Von Braun, Dr. Wernher, 8, 75-79, 139,
Schwarzer, Dr. Gustav, 228 Sztatecsny, Stefan 232 217, 220, 225, 227-28, 244, 277,
Schwidetzki, Dr. Walter, 280 283-84
Sechler, Ernest E., 113 Teller, Dr. Edward, 79 Von Dallwitz-Wegner, Dr., 138
Serntner, 157 Test stand Von Handel, Dr. Paul, 283
Serov, V.I., 92 American Rocket Society, 148-54 Von Hoefft, Dr. Franz, 88, 229
Shane, C. Donald, 81 AT-1, Soviet Union, 182 Von Karman, Dr. Theodore, 48, 113,
Shchetinkov, Ye. S. 207, 247-57 AT-2, Soviet Union, 182
115,118,120-22, 124-26
Sheptitskiy, E.P., 187, 189 British Interplanetary Society, 209
Von Opel, Fritz, 136, 221, 295
Sherbakov, A. Ya., 179 Damblanc, 50
Von Pirquet, Baron Dr. Guido, 209, 229
Shesta, John, 144, 147-52 GIRD IU-1, Soviet Union, 168-69 Von Zeppelin, Count Ferdinand and
Shibalov, G.V., 175 REP, 10, 13-15 Countess, 209
Shul'gina,N.L, 292 Thiel, Walter, 228, 284 Vorob'yev, M.G., 189
Skoog, Dr. A. Ingemar, 259 Thiokol Chemical Corporation, 149
Smith, Apollo Milton Olin, 115, 119, 121, Tikhonravov, Mikhail I., 205, 287-93 Walter Works, Kiel, 106
124, 126 Tikhomirov, Nikolay Ivanovich, 91 Walther, Prof. Alvin, 280
Smith, Bernard, 144, 146, 148 Timofeyev, V.A., 92 Wells, Herbert George, 67
Smith, Ralph Andrew, 209-11, 215 Truax, Robert Collins, 151, 209-10, Williams, Kenneth P., 84
Smithsonian Institution, Washington, 295-301 Winkler, Johannes, 219-20, 222, 225
D.C. 57-59, 64, 88, 141,297 TsAGI. See Central Aero-Hydrodynam- Wolcott, Dr. Charles Doolittle, 57-59
Snegireva, E.I., 292 ics Institute Wolf, Max, 13
Society for the Study of Interplanetary Tsander, Astra Fridrikhovna, 271 Wolman, Prof. Wilhelm, 280
Communication, Soviet Union, Tsander, Fridrikh Arturovich, 91, 167, Wood, Carlos, 119
See OIMS 173, 177, 185-86, 203, 205, 247, Wright brothers (Wilbur and Orville),
Sokolsky, Dr. Viktor N., 269 269, 271-72, 288
76
Soreau, R., 12 Tsien, Dr. Hsue-shen, 115, 120-121, 124,
Wyld, James Hart, 149, 151-53
Spaceship, lunar, British Interplanetary 126
Society, 211-12,215 Tsiolkovskiy, Konstantin Eduardovich,
Yakaytis, F.L., 193, 292
Columbiade (Jules Verne), 129 9, 88, 91-92, 114, 118, 131, 136,
Yanovlev, A.S., 183
Spanuth, Pastor 138 167, 177, 203-04, 225-26, 244-45,
Yefremov, N.I., 292
Spilger, Dr. Werner, 278, 280 247, 269-76, 287
Youngquist, Robertson, 151
Springer, Heinz 224 Tukhachevskiy, Mikhail Nikolavich, 288
Yukov, V.P., 92
Staats, Dr.-Ing. August F., 138 Turner, H.E., 210
Stamer, Friedrich 277, 283 Unge, Lieutenant-Colonel Wilhelm Zeldovich, Ya. B., 193
Stechkin, Dr. Boris Sergyevitch, 167-68, Theodore, 259-67 Zhukovskiy, Prof. Nikolai Yegorovich,
175, 177-178, 249 167, 177, 179
Steinhoff, Dr. Ernst A., iii, 277-85 V-l missile, 169 Zoike, Ing. Helmuth, 226
Steinitz, Dr. Otto, 209 V-2 rocket. (See Rocket, German, A-4) Zuyev, V.S., 196

•&U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1974 O—521-480

 TUT10N NOIifUIISNt NVINOSHlitNS S 3 f y V H 8 n LIBRARIES SMITHSONIAN I N S T I T U T I O N N O U f U U S N I NVWU
Z r* z r~ "Z. *~ ~z r~

p / ^ w ) ^ " ^aSte P /3&¥TC& 5 /^nw^ P w ^ S m^ms P

w \ 2 w — o> * — w'
WVUail LIBRARIES SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION N O U f U U S N I NV1N0SH1IWS $ 3 l U V c i 8 n L I B R A R I E S SMITH
Z .*. CO Z w to Z CO 2 «... CO

K
tO * Z CO ~Z • V) Z tO
riTUTlON N Q U f U U S N T NVIN0SH1IWS S 3 i a v a a i l L I B R A R I E S SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION N O I i n i l l S N l NVINC
^__ co 5 .«. co = ^^ to 2 ^^ to -

CO CO

avasn^LtBRARlES^SMJTHSONIAN^INSTITUTION NOUOlUSNI^NVINOSHliWS S3 I H VH 3 H ^ L I B R AR I ES^SMITb

<o 5 to £ co ± w
ITUTiON NOUfUUSNI NVINQSHIIWS S 3 I H V H a n L I B R A R I E S , SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION NOIinillSNl NVINC
Z

<

'•$ co \^®Kmk v*

HVH a I " f L I BR AR i ES"'SM1THS0NIAN~INSTITUTIQN " N 0 U n j . U S N I _ N V I N 0 S H l l W S W S 3 I h VH a l l ^ L I B RAR I E s " ' s M I T H

w
.—. ^ to — to ^^ z \

Z _j 2 _i ^ _j 2: j
riTUTlON NOIinillSNl NVINQSH1IWS S3IHVHan LIBRARIES SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION NOUfUUSNI NVINO
z !7J 2: r- 2: r-

en \ ± to ± to £: co
yvaan L I B R A R I E S SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION NouruusNi NVINOSHUWS S 3 i a v a a n L I B R A R I E S SMITH
z .,-. to z to z • co z .... CO
H
:r
co
O

to * Z CO * - 2 C O Z to * Z
ruuTiON NouniusNi NVINOSHUWS S 3 i a v a a n L I B R A R I E S SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION NouniusNi NVSNC
co — to 5 to — to —

—J ~Z. * __J !2 J- ~2L —1 "^

avnan LIBRARIES SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION NouniusNi NVINOSHUWS ssiavaan LIBRARIES SMITI-

>

co «
5- Art
co s^ rn
to •' ~
±: ^rt
tn Z,
ITUTION NOUfUUSNI NVINOSHUWS S 3 J c J V M a n L I B R A R I E S SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION N O I i n i l l S N l NVINC
W Z CO . X \ ' W jr • co z

H Z ,