Music and Arts in Action | Volume 6 | Issue 2 | 2018

Special Edition – Keywords for Music in Peacebuilding

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Harmony
GILLIAN HOWELL
Queensland Conservatorium Research Centre | Griffith University | Australia*

ABSTRACT
Harmony’s semantic links across music and the social domain mean that when
evoked in the context of music in peacebuilding, harmony provides both a description
of musical action, and an aspirational projection of the desired social outcome.
However, in both domains, harmony’s foundational values and implied practices
raise questions of how apt it is as a representation, tool, or goal of contemporary
peacebuilding. This article seeks to answer these questions. Conceptual in scope, it
examines the multiple concepts attached to harmony in the musical and sociocultural
domains, and discusses these in relation to peacebuilding, illustrating some of the
possible alignments and alliances with examples of cross-community music projects.
It offers a heuristic for considering harmony and its values, practices, affordances,
and implications from a more critical and nuanced perspective.

KEYWORDS
conflict; cross-community ensembles; harmony; music; peacebuilding; social

* [email protected]

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HARMONY
Harmony is a word with broad appeal but conceptual ambiguity. Located primarily
in music and in the social domain, its evocation conjures ways of being and
sounding that are generally accepted as desirable and uncontroversial. Its semantic
links across music (as a description of sonic structures and of practices) and the
social domain (as an idealised state of societal functioning) provide copy editors
the world over with rich opportunities for attention-capturing headlines and pithy
wordplays in media stories about music and social change. Harmony has been used
to frame entire music education conferences (such as the 29th World Conference of
the International Society for Music Education in 2010, Harmony And The World’s
Future) and music programmes with social change or equity agendas (consider In
Harmony and Harmony In Strings, Sistema-inspired music and social action
programmes in England and Australia, respectively; and Cultures In Harmony, a
U.S.-based organisation promoting intercultural understanding through music and
musician exchanges).
In such usage, harmony offers both a description of musical action, and an
aspirational projection of the desired project outcome. It claims harmony as a public
and moral good, a model of how the world is supposed to be, and positions harmony
as a universal value. Such associations are widely accepted. However, they contain
embedded assumptions and elisions that can obfuscate the relationships between
music and social dynamics, and therefore between music in peacebuilding
processes.
My interest in exploring harmony as a keyword for music in peacebuilding was
prompted in large part by my discomfort with one association in particular: the
suggestion that learning and playing music in harmony is a way to promote and
create the conditions for living together harmoniously, beyond the boundaries of
the musical project. This is an enduring – if romantic – notion. Orchestras and other
large ensembles are frequently held up as ideal crucibles for this transference,
particularly if their musicians represent ethno-religious groups currently in conflict.
At the Afghanistan National Institute of Music, for example, students from a wide
range of tribal affiliations and language groups form hybrid ensembles that blend
Afghan and Western classical instruments and repertoire. The school’s founder and
director Ahmad Sarmast believes that:
When those kids are sitting in orchestra, listening to each other, playing
together in harmony, respecting each other’s melodic lines and instruments,
it also teaches them that they can live in peace and harmony outside of the
practice room and also have respect for each other’s languages, way of life,
or religious sects. (Ahmad Sarmast interview, Canadian Broadcasting
Corporation, 2015)
Similar rhetoric accompanies other ‘orchestras as social action’ projects, such as
those linked to the Sistema music education model in Venezuela. Sistema alumnus
and LA Philharmonic conductor Gustavo Dudamel contends that making
‘harmony’ is akin to a process of negotiation, claiming that “[w]hatever your
differences are, you have to solve problems to make harmony [emphasis added]”
(Swed, 2014, cited in Baker, 2014, p. 204). The conviction that orchestral playing
creates a space for dialogue and negotiation forms the foundational narrative of the
West-Eastern Divan Orchestra, an orchestra made up of young musicians of Arab
and Israeli backgrounds. For chief conductor Daniel Barenboim, co-founder of the
Divan with the late Edward Said, the agreement that is necessary for playing in
harmony creates a metaphysical space for the possibility of dialogue. Music is
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the language of the continuous dialogue that these young people have with
each other. Music is the common framework, their abstract language of
harmony [emphasis added]. (Barenboim, 2006, p. 3).
Not only do these examples imply contrasting conceptualisations of harmony, they
make problematic elisions between the sonic properties of harmony, the practices
and enactment of harmony, and the social challenges of the contexts the players
represent. ‘Harmony’ thus performed becomes both a symbolic representation of
an ideal social future, and a feasible vehicle for bringing it into existence. In the
world of media hits and marketing, there may seem little harm in such wordplay.
However, the implicit moral claim attached to harmony can seduce audiences with
the idea that ‘this is how things should be,’ and mask a more complex socio-political
reality. In time, harmony – like the ‘power of music discourse’ identified by Bergh
(2010) – acquires ‘black box’ status so that it is offered up as an explanation for
social transformations in the context of music-making, rather than one of many
phenomena to examine. The semantic slippage functions as an “intellectual ‘sleight-
of-hand’ between the material and ideal formulations” of how music functions and
what its properties may afford (Fink, 2016, p. 36).
This is not to discard the beneficial social transformations that may occur through
intercultural soundings and performances of harmony. Nor is it to ignore the
opportunities that harmony’s conceptual ambiguities may afford in critical
scholarship. For John Morgan O’Connell, writing in the Introduction to Music and
Conflict (2010), harmony’s semantic associations and applications enable it to cut
through the conceptual murkiness of the various relationships between music and
conflict to provide an anchoring point for theoretical and practical explorations of
those two words. However, as a keyword for the field of music in peacebuilding,
harmony’s ambiguities and dubious claims point to the need for a deeper
interrogation.
This article is conceptual in scope. I first examine the concepts attached to harmony
in the musical and sociocultural domains. I then map these onto contemporary
peacebuilding practices in order to explore what harmony in its varied guises may
contribute to peacebuilding, and the values and practices it implies. The goal is to
provide conceptual tools that support actors in the interdisciplinary field of music
in peacebuilding to consider harmony and its affordances from a more critical
stance. The findings I present make the case for deeper reflection on the use of the
word harmony in music in peacebuilding, and increased scrutiny for its
implications.
HARMONY IN MUSIC
Let’s come together right now, oh yeah, in sweet harmony. (The Beloved,
1993).
Harmony in music has both technical and vernacular conceptualisations that lend it
broad and narrow definitions. From the perspective of a dominant Western
discourse, a widely accepted (albeit subjective) definition of musical harmony
refers to “the simultaneous combination of tones, especially when blended into
chords pleasing to the ear” (harmony, n.d.). This connects to a concept of ‘harmony-
as-consonance,’ where harmony is understood as an absence of dissonance (Fink,
2016). However, harmony in a technical sense includes both consonance and
dissonance. The technical concept is far broader, but less embedded in the public
imagination than the presumption of sweetness and pleasantness.

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This vernacular conceptualisation reflects the cultural dominance of Western

harmonic language, also known as tonal functional harmony, which is built around
triadic chords, and characterised by the establishment of a tonal centre (tonic, or
home key) and the sequential relationship of the chords to each other and to the
tonic. The creation of tensions and resolutions back to the tonal centre (often by
increasingly expansive routes) creates an effect of linearity. Some have suggested
that tonal functional harmony is to music what perspective is to visual art (Small,
1977): as techniques they are logical, replicable, and meticulously documented, and
their development in post-Renaissance Europe mirrored the tremendous shifts in
consciousness towards rationality and science that occurred at that time (Goehr,
2007; Small, 1977).
‘Harmony-as-tonal-and-functional,’ like harmony-as-consonance, is an incomplete
concept of harmony from a technical (i.e. musicological) perspective; however, its
prominence as a lay concept is understandable, given the ubiquity of this harmonic
language in Western music practices, and its penetration into the music practices of
other non-Western cultures. Contemporary composition in jazz and art music may
subvert or liberate new music from standard harmonic theory, and related ‘dialects’
can be observed in rock and popular music (Björnberg, 1989); however, the rules
of triadic harmony and tonal pulls remain the norm against which developments are
compared and to which they are added.
The subjectivity of the definition of harmony presented earlier in this section
immediately flags it as a concept arising within a specific cultural context, as the
rules that govern what is considered to be ‘pleasing’ in music are culturally learned
(Merriam, 1964, p. 27). Harmony specifically refers to the pitch domain, so if
reference to chords is removed, the definition of harmony as “the simultaneous
combination of tones […] pleasing to the ear” (harmony, n.d.) theoretically
becomes broad enough to encompass the many culturally-inflected ways to
combine pitches for aesthetic interest. However, the concept of harmony is not
universal (Merriam, 1964, p. 27). In many of the world’s musical cultures, pitch
attracts considerably less interest than musical elements such as rhythm and timbre.
Pitches may be combined by all kinds of compositional or organisational devices,
but the sounds created do not necessarily generate aesthetic interest as ‘harmony’
for those living within that culture. Hearing these sounds and appreciating them as
‘harmony’ requires some level of cultural conditioning and may be more a case of
making sense of the sounds through the conceptual language of Western European
music than an alternative, more culturally-inclusive concept of ‘harmony.’
‘Harmony’ might also be attributed to a musical performance in reference to the
social phenomenon (symbolic or actual) of people working cooperatively together
to make music, which leads to the concept of ‘harmony-as-performance’.
Harmony has a performative element: one can harmonise a voice or instrument with
another or play/sing in harmony. These imply a degree of actor agency, where those
producing the sounds are also in control of the harmony. However, a more passive
experience of ‘harmonising’ also exists, where a single actor harmonises (i.e.
combines, blends, balances) the voices or sounds of others, and in doing so, assumes
considerable control over the sonic environment. Similarly, while most musicking
requires a willingness to conform to the rules and parameters of the specific
practice, some systems (such as the rationality and rules of tonal functional
harmony) are more strictly codified and less open to exploration or subversion of
the rules. There are thus varying degrees of agency available within the concepts of
harmony presented above. These implications are useful to keep in mind as we

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approach the task of exploring the relationships and interactions that different
concepts of harmony may be modeling in a peacebuilding context.
HARMONIOUS SOCIETIES
In the social domain, perhaps even more so than in music, harmony resists easy
definition, and can be conceptualised as both a value and a practice (Beyer and
Girke, 2015). As a concept it is deeply rooted in both Eastern and Western antiquity.
In Plato’s Republic, the desired harmony was ‘harmony-as-order’, characterised by
strong and stable government, and obedient, compliant masses. Harmony-as-order
could be realised when layers of society—guardians (those that could hold power),
auxiliaries (soldiers and warriors, from whom the guardians would be chosen) and
producers (everybody else)—conformed to the expectations of their roles and life
station. In other words, when rulers ruled, auxiliaries supported and enforced, and
producers obeyed, social harmony would ensue. Furthermore, it was the ruler’s job
to harmonise the different elements: different roles and interests were to be blended
according to an overriding hierarchy of authority, supported by clear and
unambiguous rules.
Once the different elements have been harmonised, a new concept emerges:
‘harmony-as-blend.’ Harmony-as-blend is constituted through the combining and
blending of all the diversity (social roles, but also backgrounds, languages, beliefs,
opinions) in society towards a functional whole. This model of harmony may place
the ‘notes’ of the blend in a hierarchy so that some are more dominant than others;
harmony-as-blend can privilege those at the top of a social hierarchy, as in Plato’s
Republic, leaving those at the bottom more vulnerable to exploitation. However,
this is not always the case: harmony that blends difference into a single collective
of common interests and action can also be a source of power for marginalised or
oppressed groups (Nader, 1990). Speaking as one harmonious voice may be an
effective way to get your voice heard.
Eastern ancient philosophers also established a concept of harmony-as-order as
central to creating a functional and stable society (Brindley, 2012) and it remains a
prominent value in contemporary North Asian and Southeast Asian societies, where
‘order’ is represented by political stability, and achieved through deference and
respect for authority. However, Chinese concepts of harmony have evolved over
time. Early Chinese writings emphasised harmony’s man-made quality, achieved
through effort and finesse (Brindley, 2012, p. 14). By the late fourth and early third
centuries BCE, this began to shift to a more naturalistic conceptualisation, one
where harmony “implied the intrinsic balance of cosmic forces in the world, in
people, and in things, […] a fundamental characteristic, pattern, and even structure
of the cosmos” (p. 16). This was a development of harmony-as-order into
‘harmony-as-balance.’ As this idea became more prevalent, music (in the form of
musicians, instruments, and sounds) came to be seen as important tools for helping
to keep the cosmos – and the state as a micro-cosmos – functioning smoothly and
ensured that Heaven and Earth remained within the parameters of their requisite
roles (p. 21). In ancient China, therefore, we find an interesting precedent for the
deployment of musical practices towards the task of realising and maintaining
harmony.
Classical Confucian texts also emphasise harmony as consisting of higher-order
values of benevolence and righteousness, and concern for humanity in general
(Leung, Koch and Lu, 2002, p. 207), establishing an ideal of ‘harmony-as-moral-
behaviour.’ Such behaviour did not preclude or avoid conflict, recognising that
conflict can arise in the pursuit of righteousness and care for others. However, in
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contemporary interpretations of Confucian philosophy, these values have been

subsumed into a model of ‘harmony-as-conflict-avoidance,’ where individuals
subordinate their personal interests to those of the collective (Leung et al., 2002).
Cultural idealisation of conflict avoidance can be mobilised to pressure less-
powerful individuals to accept personal transgressions in support of the status quo.
A concept of harmony-as-conflict-avoidance is also found in what anthropologist
Laura Nader has termed the ‘harmony model’ of dispute resolution (2001). A
harmony model in justice systems prioritises compromise and consensus over an
adversarial or litigious model. While such an approach may be considered to be
supportive of community bonds, Nader contends that, as with the neo-Confucian
concept of harmony, it functions as an ideology, placing high moral value on
agreement (presuming that everyone shares the same goals and that consensus is
possible) and framing conflict as a source of tremendous social disturbance rather
than a constructive human process. In this formulation, dissenting voices and
legitimate claims for justice can be swept aside. Leung et al. (2002) suggest that
this creates only a ‘surface harmony,’ leaving any unresolved conflict simmering
below the surface.
These five concepts – order, blend, balance, moral behaviour, and conflict-
avoidance – correspond with long-running debates in anthropological literature
about the social and power dynamics of harmony (Beyer and Girke, 2015). This
collection of characteristics (the blending of social roles; the avoidance of conflict;
the coercion, imposition or presumption of consensus; and an approach to solidarity
in order to resist and challenge) together indicates a social harmony achieved
through the subordination of individual voices to the interests of a collective or
imposed goal. This supports what Baker (2014) has noted, that historically,
‘harmonious society’ as an ideal has its roots in a strictly controlled social
environment (p. 208). However, it is also useful to note that each of these
conceptualisations of harmony – of living within a clear social order; of blending
differences towards a greater social interest; of seeking consensus and avoiding
divisive conflict; of living with balance and sensitivity in a complex cosmos – may
hold great salience at all levels of a society, rather than just serving the interests of
the most powerful. As Beyer and Girke (2015) observe, “there are people
everywhere pursuing harmony and worrying that their societies, for whatever
reasons, might fall apart” (p. 235). Harmony in the social domain can be
depoliticising and coercive but can also be communitarian and a source of security
and reassurance for small and vulnerable groups.
Thus, across both the musical and social domains multiple concepts of harmony
prevail, spanning broad and narrow definitions, and suggestive of both open-ended
and more rigidly-defined social dynamics. Often, it would appear that harmony
relies on a degree of co-optation or coercion in order to reach consensus and unity,
and the above discussions allude to the way that this may result in the muting of
discordant voices. However, individuals with differing opinions may also relinquish
their preferences willingly in support of a harmonious outcome, valuing this above
their personal interests.
With these findings in mind, what is the role of harmony in contemporary
peacebuilding? Where does it contribute, how is it manifested, and whose interests
does it serve in its musical manifestations? The next section addresses these
questions, exploring the different ways that the above concepts of harmony
correspond with practices and values of peacebuilding, and illustrating some of the

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possible alignments and alliances with examples of cross-community music

projects.
MAPPING CONCEPTS OF MUSICAL AND SOCIAL HARMONY ONTO
PEACEBUILDING
Peacebuilding is multifaceted. It is a complex of tasks (structural, political,
interpersonal, long-term, short-term) involving a vast array of actors (including
community members, peacekeepers, religious leaders, relief workers, government
and traditional leaders, and intermediaries) with component parts and priorities that
represent entire fields of scholarship and practice (e.g. state-building, nation-
building, reconciliation, human rights, law, justice, and security, etc.). All these
approaches must be integrated and pursued, some from the top down, and others
from the bottom up, some by insiders, others by outsiders or intermediaries, in order
build a sustainable and just peace (Bloomfield, 2006; Lederach and Appleby, 2010;
Schirch, 2004).
Differing concepts of peace also prevail. Negative peace (the absence of war)
predominates in the security sector but provides scant tools for identifying or
tackling the root causes of conflict. Positive peace (a term first coined by Nobel
Peace Prize winner Jane Addams in 1907) embraces a wider set of values and
concepts, including justice, democracy, equality, collaboration, and liberation
(Shields, 2017). Many argue that if the goal is sustainable peace, then social and
economic justice are essential and central components, prompting the concept of
‘just peace’ (Lederach and Appleby, 2010; Schirch, 2004). Positive peace has
strong intercultural salience: “most of the world’s cultures have a concept of peace
that goes well beyond the absence of war” (Shields, 2017, p. 8), including Indian
‘ahimsa’ (non-violence to all living creatures) and ‘shanti’ (maintaining a peaceful
mindset), and the South African concept of ‘ubuntu’ (a person is a person through
other persons).
Similarly, there are differing concepts for how peace should be built, ranging from
the institutional focus (and arguably Western-centric templates) of the liberal peace
model (Richmond, 2008), to agonistic approaches that accept conflicts as
inevitable, potentially constructive of peaceful and just societies, and best
transformed into non-violent relationships, rather than presumed to be resolvable
(Klem, 2018). Connected to the agonistic approach is Lederach’s (2005) concept of
‘the moral imagination’ as a key component of transforming conflict and building
peace. Lederach emphasises the unpredictable and complex nature of
peacebuilding, noting its necessary navigation of multiple competing interests and
cultural norms. Rather than a linear process following a predictable trajectory of
stages and phases, and applying a standardised set of tools, Lederach understands
peacebuilding as a creative process, defining moral imagination as:
the capacity to imagine something rooted in the challenges of the real world
yet capable of giving birth to that which does not yet exist . . . to imagine and
generate constructive responses and initiatives that, while rooted in the day-
to-day challenges of violence, transcend and ultimately break the grips of
those destructive patterns and cycles. (Lederach, 2005, p. 29).
In this approach, peacebuilding is an engagement with the unknown. It is less about
striving towards a predetermined end-state than engaging in a fundamentally
creative process that rejects dualistic thinking, and that will repeatedly envision and
re-envision a possible, yet inherently mysterious and not-yet-existing future.

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Lederach’s process creates the space for engagement with existing contestations,
bringing injustices, diverse voices, and constructive conflict to the fore.
Lastly, it is useful to note Bloomfield’s (2006) observation that peacebuilding
requires both bottom-up and top-down initiatives. Bottom-up efforts are essential
for transforming interpersonal relationships and rebuilding local-level trust;
however, they need to be complemented with top-down political and structural
initiatives aimed at societal shifts in norms and attitudes. Bloomfield emphasises
that bottom-up peacebuilding work cannot be sustained without top-down efforts
that communicate political/institutional support for peaceful co-existence and
shared interests.
With these delineations in mind, we can explore how harmony in both the musical
and social domains is located within the peacebuilding landscape. I shall refer to
the conceptual labels introduced in the preceding sections in order to differentiate
between concepts and minimise slippage.
I opened the music section of this article with the concept of harmony-as-
consonance. Harmony-as-consonance offers a set of sonic relationships in which
resolution prevails, and where dissonant elements are absent, or manipulated
towards resolution. In this way, it functions metaphorically as a kind of negative
peace (harmony-as-conflict-avoidance), characterised by the absence of something.
The contribution of harmony-as-consonance to peacebuilding is in offering a
representation of an ideal; albeit one that is likely to be of greatest interest to those
that identify with the consonant elements within it (the dominant group, the
majority), rather than those that identify with the muted dissonant elements. As a
utopian representation, it can provide a source of meaning, motivation, and hope:
an appealing version of a future world, and an end-state to aspire towards.
However, a projected end-state can be a source of tension for those living with the
aftermath of war or protracted social division, particularly among victim groups.
Idealised end-states “where all is harmony, where all are equals, and, in particular,
where all is forgiven” (Bloomfield, 2006, p. 7, emphasis added) can provoke
feelings of resistance. Declarations of peace may require victim groups to
compromise or ‘forgive’ perpetrators without first receiving justice for their
suffering. Harmony-as-consonance therefore does not necessarily correspond with
delivery of justice.
It is also interesting to consider that when it occurs, the ‘pleasing effect’ of
consonance is likely achieved through compliance with a particular tuning system.
Read as a metaphor for a social environment, such systems share some
characteristics with the concept of harmony-as-order with its pressure from the top-
down and within peer groups to obey the established rules and conform. While the
system’s parameters effectively minimise new violence (discordance), they do so
by removing the possibility of contestation from non-conformist elements. The
resulting harmony is the product of this suppression, making it a problematic
metaphor for building an inclusive or just peace.
Harmony-as-order may contribute to peaceful experiences in other relevant ways.
When the external social context is not ordered or predictable, the experience of
existing within a harmonious, ordered, predictable environment may provide
individuals with much-needed respite. For example, in ‘Most Duša’, a multiethnic,
interreligious choir in post-war Sarajevo (Robertson, 2010), choir members found
tremendous meaning and comfort in singing material organised within the
structures of tonal function harmony. In the choir, roles were prescribed, the rules

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were clear, order abounded, and the music followed familiar and predictable
trajectories. The experience allowed them to “transform into their musical
identities” (p. 47), distancing themselves from the chaos, disorder, and corruption
of life in post-war Sarajevo, and affording them a weekly opportunity to re-live
(temporarily) their pre-war ‘normality’ of interethnic cooperation and cultural
participation. For these singers, unambiguous rules and conformist behaviors were
a relief. The certainty of the score and the trusted leadership of the director enabled
the singers to place themselves under the protection of another. The desire and
gratitude for a lived experience of order is not necessarily peacebuilding; however,
the Most Duša example does suggest a possible bottom-up benefit of harmony-as-
order for those trying to sustain resilience and hope in an un-peaceful, chaotic, and
corrupted society.
While the experience of singing choir music in the Western harmonic tradition is
part of the European heritage in Bosnia-Herzegovina, its deployment in aid of peace
in other parts of the non-Western and post-colonial world warrants some critical
reflection. This harmonic language remains entangled with the problematic,
Eurocentric social roles and values that have long been assigned to Western
Classical music. Particularly concerning in peacebuilding contexts is its historical
role as a mechanism for ‘civilising,’ ‘pacifying,’ and ‘saving’ individuals and
masses (Bull, 2014; Green, 2003; Mantie, 2018). Teaching the working classes and
colonised peoples to sing in harmony (Beckles Willson, 2011; McGuire, 2009;
Southcott and Lee, 2008) was benignly framed as benevolent care and provision of
a “culturally-uplifting moral vaccine” (Booth, 2012, p. 229, cited in Mantie, 2018)
but its paternalistic delivery ensured it was part of a larger apparatus of social
control. Such ideas about the moral benefits of singing in harmony may now be
outdated but their influence can linger in former colonised settings as part of the
residue of the colonial values system, particularly among those elites that benefited
(and continue to benefit) from it. Offering experiences of harmony-as-order to those
still dealing with the ravages of imperialism requires considerable reflexivity and
context sensitivity (an example of this is discussed in Howell, 2017).
Harmony-as-blend is similarly equivocal in its role and contributions to
peacebuilding. This kind of harmony is produced by blending multiple different
voices (ideas, opinions, interests) into a single unified whole, a homogenous blend,
through which the many voices will speak as one. It can be seen in two particular
political processes: the aforementioned combining of marginalised voices on a
single issue in order to amplify them and more effectively lobby for political
change; and top-down efforts to inculcate a population with a desired national
narrative.
Harmony-as-blend brings to the latter process a symbolic representation of the task
of constructing a nation out of disparate and possibly hostile tribes and clans
through building a shared sense of nationhood. This enormous political task often
arises in the aftermath of identity-based conflict and can be an important component
of a larger peacebuilding project (Beyer and Girke, 2015), helping to reduce
factional violence while also bestowing legitimacy upon an incumbent government.
Music ensembles made up of representatives from the conflicting constituent
groups offer both sonic and visual representations of harmony-as-blend. The
multiethnic ensembles of the Afghanistan National Institute of Music are often
rhetorically framed as models of this version of social harmony, symbolising
“tomorrow’s Afghanistan […] which embraces diversity and equal opportunity for
everyone [and a] most beautiful mosaic of Afghan ethnicity” (ANIM founder and
director Ahmad Sarmast, in Rasmussen, 2015, para. 20).
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However, harmony-as-blend contains some ambiguous messages about diversity.

Where Lederach’s agonistic process seeks out diversity in order to be strengthened
by it, harmony-as-blend gives greater value to the finished blend in which the
distinctive edges and accents of the contributing voices have been smoothed away.
There are numerous examples of nation-building projects that sideline the interests
and rights of vulnerable groups, producing the appearance (but not the reality) of
national unity (as has happened in Rwanda, for example, Thomson, 2011). A
harmony resulting from blending therefore requires a very nuanced reading in order
to identify its relationship to a socially just peace.
Thinking about the ways a cross-community ensemble may deliver wider national
messaging brings the performative aspect of harmony to the fore. Music and
musicians have long played an important role in providing symbolic language that
reinforces the prevailing social system (Gad, 2017, p. 83), and harmony-as-
performance has a potentially powerful role in embodying a model of future
peaceful society.
Such performances of harmony are intended to generate hope, but they have
multiple audiences beyond the citizenry. Both Dardashti (2013) and Brinner (2009)
describe government and foreign instigation of ‘co-existence music collaborations’
in the Middle East that provide a symbolic representation of conflict transformation
between Israelis and Palestinians. During times of heightened crisis (e.g. when
negotiations stalled or when the ongoing conflict had escalated to be impacting
daily life), local interest in these performances evaporated, as the relationships they
depicted were incongruent with the local lived experience. Conversely, the appeal
of cross-community ensembles to foreign audiences surged during times of crisis.
The presentation of highly-curated and idealised harmony and cooperation helped
distract foreign audiences’ attention from the deteriorated political environment,
giving motivation for the continued sponsorship of negotiations, and reassurance of
their value (Dardashti, 2013, p. 36).
Similar marketing of a desired future is attached to performances by the West-
Eastern Divan Orchestra, whose Arab and Israeli musicians perform European
orchestra music for predominantly European audiences and sponsors. Its modeling
of co-existence both symbolises a complex conflict and simultaneously erases it for
an audience eager for reassuring and optimistic endings (Beckles Willson, 2009a,
2009b; Riiser, 2010). Meanwhile, the ensembles of the Afghanistan National
Institute of Music that integrate Western and Afghan instruments and repertoire
symbolise a possible future of harmonious cooperation between two very different
cultures. I have argued elsewhere (Howell, 2017) that ANIM’s performances of
harmony and hope are valuable currency for its high-powered Western sponsors
(including the World Bank and the U.S. Government), enabling them to show their
domestic audiences the positive results of intervention in Afghanistan. This in turn
helps shore up continued support for aid and military interventions there (Howell,
2017; Turner, 2013), and avoid the political consequences of a military intervention
deemed ‘unsuccessful’.
An alternative reading of harmony-as-performance finds it offering cross-
community ensemble members valuable experiences of harmonising and working
in harmony with ‘the other.’ The intense process of engaging in aesthetic creation
with others creates potential space for the interpersonal relationship-building,
cultural sharing and dialogue that are important peacebuilding processes
(Bloomfield, 2006; Cohen, 2005). Cheah (2009), for example, has documented
examples of constructive relationship-building and dialogue among members of the
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West-Eastern Divan Orchestra. Performances of harmony can therefore be

crucibles of a dialogic and bottom-up interpersonal harmony while simultaneously
symbolising an idealised surface harmony to specific targeted audiences.
Lastly, projects that work away from the structures of a pre-existing harmonic
system merit some discussion, not least because they might offer the closest musical
representation of Lederach’s improvisatory, context-responsive, transformative
approach to peacebuilding. Lederach likens building sustainable peace with a
process that is in essence an engagement with the unknown, one that brings qualities
of curiosity, creativity, discovery, and invention to the fore. The Arab-Israeli music
collaborations that Brinner (2009) describes offer an example of how this might
work in musical action.
These collaborations were cross-community bands, initiated by musicians rather
than cultural or political brokers. Groups such as Al Bustan and Alei Hayazit
explored, performed, and recorded hybrid music drawing on a wide range of
influences: Arab, Jewish, Western, Middle Eastern, Central Asian, and Afro-
diasporic practices. Through their navigations of multiple musical and sociocultural
divides and using improvisation and composition, they created original bodies of
work that were grounded in local musical idioms but that generated a new musical
grammar (Brinner, 2009, p. 326). Their motivations and goals were musical rather
than political.
The absence of external sponsorship in the instigation of these collaborations is
significant. Several scholars have observed that musician-initiated cross-
community projects tend to feature more negotiated and collaborative processes,
reflecting and featuring (rather than homogenising) the voices and interests within
the group. Unsurprisingly, the musical outcomes of these collaborations tend to
hold greater significance for local audiences (Bergh, 2010; Brinner, 2009;
Dardashti, 2013). These accounts suggest that the more bottom-up the process, and
the less external interest or sponsorship is involved in a music project, the more it
will resemble and function as a locally-driven dialogue than a top-down harmony,
and the more closely it will resemble Lederach’s principles for “giving birth to that
which does not yet exist” (2005, p. 29).
The ensembles that Brinner describes do not neatly align with any of the concepts
of harmony previously described. Harmony-as-balance – where balance refers to a
dynamic process of maintaining equilibrium in response to constant small changes
and shifts in a large, inter-dependent ecology – is perhaps the closest because of its
engagement with constant change. However, it falls somewhat short of capturing
the exploratory and creative characteristics of these ensembles’ work. Harmony-as-
balance presumes that balance is the ideal and natural state of things, returned to
and maintained through constant calibration or fine-tuning. In contrast, the cross-
community ensembles that Brinner describes are engaged in processes of
construction and creation of something new. These processes share considerable
common ground with the characteristics and qualities that Lederach assigns to his
concept of the moral imagination, including the collective willingness to engage
with ‘conflict’ (in the form of diverse and often divergent practices) in order to
transform it. Arguably, Brinner’s groups are not modelling harmony in any of its
conceptualisations; rather, they are offering a metaphor for the building component
of peacebuilding.
The cross-community ensembles discussed in this section illustrate the predominant
ways that harmony, played or performed, might contribute to the larger
peacebuilding endeavor. The contributions have both top-down and bottom-up
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orientations. Bottom-up contributions tend to work at the interpersonal level and

can be very meaningful for those involved, such as the tranquility that individuals
found within the sonic and social order of an inter-ethnic choir, or the formation of
constructive inter-communal relationships through performing musical harmony
together in a cross-community orchestra. Meanwhile, top-down contributions may
be more superficial, or mask agendas more concerned with social control.
The ambivalence of harmony’s potential contributions to peacebuilding in these
different conceptualisations suggests that harmony requires scrutiny when evoked
in the context of conflict and social divisions. We might ask: what kind of harmony,
and who is calling for it? Who will enact it? Who benefits, and how, from this
particular performance? Is anyone excluded from this harmony? If the intention is
to deliver a just peace rather than a surface harmony, then these are important
questions, and uncritical acceptance of harmony as a goal, value, process or
experience may undermine projects with more progressive or radical intentions.
CONCLUSION: HARMONY AS A KEYWORD FOR MUSIC IN PEACEBUILDING
Harmony therefore often comes with strings attached (to extend the musical
metaphor a step further), presenting both limitations and possibilities as a keyword
for the field of music in peacebuilding. Through an examination of different
conceptualisations of harmony in both the musical and social domains, I have
created a heuristic through which harmony, its values, practices and affordances
might be understood more critically. I have interrogated the ways that these
contrasting concepts of harmony are enacted or metaphorically represented in
music, referencing cross-community music projects that are often cited as modeling
harmony in the public imaginary. The resulting discussion offers a more nuanced
reading of harmony as a contributor to the task of building a more peaceful society
than the word’s definitional slippage often provides. My hope is that this can
stimulate a more critical assessment of how and when harmony is rhetorically
attached to music in peacebuilding work, and deeper reflection on the implications
of those attachments, as well as any potential contributions.

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ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Gillian Howell is an Adjunct Research Fellow at the Queensland Conservatorium
Research Centre, Griffith University, where she completed her PhD in 2017. Working
across community music, applied ethnomusicology, and music education, her
research examines the contributions of participatory music and arts to post-war
community building, wellbeing, and reconciliation, and the interactions of these
efforts with international aid and development. She is a Commissioner for the
Community Music Activity Commission of the International Society for Music
Education, and a former Australian Endeavour Research Fellow. An active
participatory music and community cultural development practitioner, Gillian has
directed projects in many complex settings, including in remote Indigenous Australia
and in post-conflict settings in the Balkans, the Caucasus, and Asia.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Thank you to Geoff Baker, Louise Godwin, and Huib Schippers for their helpful
comments on early drafts, and to the three anonymous reviewers whose thoughtful
and constructive feedback greatly improved the article.

This article is published in Open Access and licensed under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC-
ND 4.0 licence – full information at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/

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