History of Shi‘ah in Aceh

DOI: 10.15642/JIIS.2017.11.2.509-530

FROM POWER TO CULTURAL LANDSCAPES

Rewriting History of Shi‘ah in Aceh
Kamaruzzaman Bustamam-Ahmad
UIN Ar-Raniriy, Banda Aceh - Indonesia | [email protected]
Abstract: This article aims to re-examine the history of
Shi‘ah in Aceh by looking at the influence of Persian in
Acehnese political and cultural landscapes of the society.
There have been many studies on presence of Shi‘ah in
Aceh by local, national, and international scholars.
However, there is still gap among scholars about the
coming of Shi‘ah and it influence in the province, due to
the influence of Persian traditions. Through socio-historical
and socio-anthropological approaches, this study describes
the roots and influence of Persian in history of Aceh. This
is to say it is necessary to look at how the impact on
Persian in Acehnese society. It is also argued that the
presence of Shiah in Aceh in contemporary era has led to
cultural rather than politic and theology. However, because
of conflict between Sunni and Shi‘ah in Middle East, issue
on anti-Shi‘ah gives serious impact to religious life in the
province.
Keywords: Persian, Shi‘ah, Ahl al-Bayt Aceh, history,
culture, Peureulak

Introduction
This article aims to examine the history of Shi’ah 1 in Aceh by
looking at the influence of Persia in the province. There have been two

1 The overview on Shi‘ah in Indonesian languages, see Abdul Azis Dahlan (ed.),
Ensiklopedi Hukum Islam, vol. 5 (Jakarta: PT Ichtiar Baru van Hoeve, 1997), pp. 1072-
1708. Aboebakar Atjeh, Aliran Syi’ah Di Nusantara (Jakarta: Islamic Research Institute,
1977). Dicky Sofjan, ed., Sejarah & Budaya Syiah Di Asia Tenggara (Yogyakarta: Sekolah
Pascasarjana Universitas Gadjah Mada, 2013). Imam Ghozali, AM Safwan, and Edy Y.
Syarif, eds., Peran Ahlulbait Dalam Penyebaran Islam Di Nusantara (Yogyakarta: Rausyan
Fikr, 2013). On history of Shi‘ah in Indonesia, see Zulkifli, “The Struggle of the Shi’is
in Indonesia” (Ph.D. Thesis, Leiden University, 2009).

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groups of scholars who argue about the coming of Shi’ah to Aceh.

First, there is no evidence on the influence of this sect in the province.
This argument can be found in Azyumardi Azra’s works in which he
said that Shi’ah is only as myth in the history of Aceh.2 According to
Azra, the popularity of Shi‘ism in Indonesia was part of the impact of
Islamic Revolution in Iran.3 Second, Acehnese scholars who believed
that Aceh was a meeting place between Sunni and Shi’ah. I have
examined this issue in my previous works on the contribution of Aceh
to the development of Islamic law in Indonesia.4 In this study, I found
that there were many elements of Shi’ah in Acehnese culture. 5 My
point in that study was to show that three schools of Islamic legal
thought had been in Aceh namely: Shi’ah, Hanafi, and Syafi’i.
Regarding the issue of Kingdom of Peureulak, I used a manuscript
which has listed the genealogy of Sultan. The title of manuscript is
Tazkirah Thabaqât Jumu’ Sulthân al-Salâthîn, 6 which is authored by
2 Azyumardi Azra, Islam Reformis Dinamika Intelektual Dan Gerakan (Jakarta: Raja
Grafindo, 1999), pp. 129-155. Azyumardi Azra, “Kaum Syiah Di Asia Tenggara:
Menuju Pemulihan Hubungan Dan Kerjasama,” ed. Dicky Sofjan (Yogyakarta: Sekolah
Pascasarjana Universitas Gadjah Mada, 2012), p. 6.
3 Azra, “Kaum Syiah Di Asia Tenggara: Menuju Pemulihan Hubungan Dan

Kerjasama,” p. 6. On Islamic Revolution in Iran, see Ervand Abrahamian, “‘Ali

Shari’ati: Ideologue of the Iranian Revolution,” in Islam, Politics, and Social Movements, ed.
M. Ira Lapidus and Edmund Burke (London: I.B. Tauris, 1988), pp. 289–97. Mansoor
Moaddel, “Ideology as Episodic Discourse: The Case of the Iranian Revolution,”
American Sociological Review 57, no. 3 (1992), pp. 353–79. Paul Ludwig, “‘Iranian
Revolution’ and Iranian-Islamic Revolutionary Ideology,” Die Welt Des Islams 39, no. 2
(1999), pp. 183–217. Shahrough Akhavi, “The Ideology and Praxix of Shi’ism in the
Iranian Revolution,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 25 (1983), pp. 195–221.
4 Kamaruzzaman Bustamam-Ahmad, Islam Historis: Dinamika Studi Islam Di Indonesia,

Revised (Yogyakarta: Galang Press, 2017). Kamaruzzaman Bustamam-Ahmad,

“Kontribusi Daerah Aceh Terhadap Perkembangan Awal Hukum Islam Di
Indonesia,” Al-Jamiah XII, no. 64 (1999): pp. 143–75.
5 See also Yusny Saby, “Jejak Persia Di Nusantara: Interplay Antara Agama Dan

Budaya,” in Sejarah & Budaya Syiah Di Asia Tenggara (Yogyakarta: Sekolah Pascasarjana
Universitas Gadjah Mada, 2013), pp. 188-192.
6 In the manuscript, the title of Sulthan is always called Syah. According to this

manuscript the names of Sulthan of Peureulak are: Al-Malik al-Sulthan Ibrahim

Makhdûm (232 – 279 H.); Al-Malik al-Sulthân Mansyur Syah (279-282 H); al-Malik
Sulthan ‘Umar Syah (282-287 H.); al-Malik Sulthan Muhammad Syah (287-290 H); al-
Malik Sulthan Ahmad Zahid Syah (290-299 H); al-Malik Sulthan Mansur Muhammad
Sa’îd (299-315 H); al-Malik al-Sulthan Ahmad Sa’d (315-319 H); al-Malik Sulthan
Khadiwan Syah (319-325 H); al-Malik al-Sulthan Sa’îd Zayn al-Abidîn Syah (325-329
H); al-Malik Sulthan Ahmad Syah (329-333 H); al-Malik Sulthan Nashir Syah (333-342

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Syeikh Syamsul Bahri Abdullah al-Asyi. The text was re-written by Said
Abdullah Ibn Saiyid Habib Saifuddin on 1275 H.7 These findings are
published in 1999, when I investigated on the issue of early history of
the development of Islamic law in Indonesia.8
In 2013, I was invited in an international conference on the
presense of Shiah in Southeast Asia. In this meeting I argued that it is a
necessary to clarify on the coming and influence of Shi‘ah and Persia in
Aceh. Then, I expanded the paper which was published in Sejarah &
Budaya Syiah di Asia Tenggara (History and Culture of Shi‘ah in
Southeast Asia). 9 This article which is based on the paper that I
presented in the conference, is to examine some data on the influence
of Persia and Shi‘ah in Aceh. There have been bibliographic study on
the Persian and Shi‘ah studies in Southeast Asia by Majid Danesghar in
2014.10
However, in this article I will study the history of Shi‘ah through
socio-historical and socio-anthropological approaches. As an
Acehnese, I have witnessed that many of Acehnese traditions are still
as partly imported rituals.11 This is because we cannot disagree with the
fact that the impact of Persian tradition12 and its relationship with two

H); al-Malik al-Sulthan Muhammad al-Fath Amîn Syah (342-359 H); al-Malik al-
Sulthan Ibrahim Syah (359-377 H); al-Malik al-Sulthan Muhammad Syah (377-389 H);
al-Malik al-Sulthan Mahmud Syah (389-398 H); al-Malik Sulthan Mansur Syah (398-400
H); al-Malik Sulthan Ahmad Syah ‘Abid (400-406 H); al-Malik Sulthan ‘Abd Allah
Hamid Syah (406-410 H); al-Malik Sulthan Muhammad ‘Ali Syah (410-433 H). See
Bustamam-Ahmad, “Kontribusi Daerah Aceh Terhadap Perkembangan Awal Hukum
Islam Di Indonesia,” p.157-158.
7 A. Hasjmy, “Adakah Kerajaan Islam Perlak Negara Islam Pertama Di Asia

Tenggara,” in Sejarah Masuk Dan Berkembangnya Islam Di Indonesia (Jakarta: PT Al

Ma’arif, 1993), p. 144.
8 See also Bustamam-Ahmad, Islam Historis: Dinamika Studi Islam Di Indonesia.

9 Kamaruzzaman Bustamam-Ahmad, “Sejarah Syiah Di Aceh,” in Sejarah Dan Budaya

Syiah Di Asia Tenggara, ed. Dicky Sofjan (Yogyakarta: Sekolah Pascasarjana Universitas
Gadjah Mada, 2013), pp. 197–212.
10 Majid Daneshgar, “The Study of Persian Shi‘ism in the Malay-Indonesian World: A

Review of Literature from the Nineteenth Century Onwards,” Journal of Shi’a Islamic
Studies VII, no. 2 (2014): pp. 191–229.
11 See generally Kamaruzzaman Bustamam-Ahmad, Acehnologi, 6 vols. (Banda Aceh:

Bandar Publishing, 2017).

12 On the influence of Persian in Southeast Asia, see M. Ismail Marcinkowski, Contacts

Between Iran and Islam in 17 Century: From Isfahan to Ayutthaya (Singapore: Pustaka
Nasional, 2005). M. Ismail Marcinkowski, “Jejak Kehadiran Persia Di Asia Tenggara,”

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Islamic kingdoms in Aceh i.e. Peureulak and Samudra Pasai.

Historically, the first king of Peureulak was Sulthan Alaiddin Sayyid
Maulana Abdul Aziz Syah. The genealogy of this Sultan is: Abdul Aziz
bin Ali bin al-Muktabar al-Baqir bin ‘Ali Muhammad Zainal Abidin bin
Husin al-Syahid bin ‘Ali bin Abi Thalib. The coming of Shi’ah was due
to the conflict in the era of Khalifah Makmun (167-219), namely the
case of Muhammad bin Jakfar Shiddiq bin Muhammad Bakar bin ‘Ali
Zainul Abidin bin Hassan bin ‘Ali bin Abi Thalib who was against the
Khalifah Makmun. The Sultan had asked the group of Shi‘ah to
expand Islam to other regions such as Hindi and Southeast Asia. This
group had arrived in Peureulak and established the Kingdom of
Peureulak on 1 Muharram 225 H.13
Indeed, local scholars such as A. Hasjmy, Junus Djamil, and
Aboebakar Atjeh have argued that “there was Shi‘ah in Aceh.”14 This
statement needs to be reviewed on how Sunnis declare that they were
part of history of Shi‘ah in Southeast Asia. As many go further to claim
that Sunni in Aceh should “thank” to the teachings and traditions of
Shi‘ah. Why should the Acehnese do this? As we know in the history
of Aceh we might find that it is only the history of Sunni in Aceh, not
the history of Shi‘ah. In other words, the history of Islam in Aceh is
the history of Sunni. Why then, they (Acehnese) declare that Acehnese
tradition could not stand without Shi’ah tradition. An informant said,
the decline of Aceh in the 17th Century was because the issue of
Wahdatul Wujûd. And, some argued that this teaching such as hidden
Imâm15 was part of Shi‘ah teaching in Aceh. Can, then, we say that the

in Islam, Iran,& Peradaban: Peran Dan Kontribusi Intelektual Iran Dalam Peradaban Islam
(Yogyakarta: Rausyan Fikr, 2012), pp. 543–60. Imtiyaz Yusuf, “Pengaruh Historis
Persia Pada Islam Di Asia Tenggara Dan Kesatuan Umat Muslim,” in Sejarah & Budaya
Syiah Di Asia Teggara, ed. Dicky Sofjan (Yogyakarta: Sekolah Pascasarjana Universitas
Gadjah Mada, 2013), pp. 73–108.
13 Hasjmy, “Adakah Kerajaan Islam Perlak Negara Islam Pertama Di Asia Tenggara,”

pp. 155–57. See also Hilmy Bakar Almascaty, “Relasi Persia Dan Nusantara Pada Awal
Islamisasi -Sebuah Kajian Awal Pengaruh Persia Dalam Politik Aceh” (International
Conference The Contribution of Persia in Nusantara: Past, Present and Future, Banda
Aceh: Media Syariah IAIN Ar-Raniry, 2013), pp. 1–21.
14 See for example Atjeh, Aliran Syi’ah Di Nusantara.

15 See Abdulaziz Abdulhussein Sachedina, The Just Ruler (Al-Sultan Al-Adîl) in Shî’te

Islam: The Comprehensive Authority of the Jurist in Imamite Jurisprudence (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1988).

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teaching of Wahdatul Wujûd which was promoted by Hamzah Fansuri16

as the continuity of the concept of Imâm among Shi’ah? It is not easy
to answer this question without taking into account the concept if
Imâmah in Shi‘ah and Insân Kamil in Sunni. Thus, Ali Hasjmy put
forward by saying the concepts were Aceh and ended in the 17th
Century. After the decline of Acehnese Kingdoms, the dominance of
Muslim group in Aceh had been Sunni. It is argued that there have
been many evidences on the presence of Persian and Shi‘ah culture in
Aceh. However, it needs to differentiate on the impact of Persian and
Shi‘ah in the province. This article is divided into three parts. The first
part is an investigation on the influence of Persian and Shi‘ah
domination in the early of history of Aceh. This section will examine
the roots of the coming of both traditions in Aceh.

The Roots
Historically, the discussion of Shi‘ah and Persia in Aceh could be
categorized in five aspects. The first is Shi’ah as ideological power
during the first era of Peureulak, as the oldest of Islamic Kingdoms in
Aceh. The second is the problem of Shi‘ah in Aceh as part of conflict
among Muslim in Middle East. These historical facts have influenced
Acehnese, especially among Sunnis, where the conflict between Sunni
and Shi‘ah had always referred the history of Ahl al-Bayt. The third is
the influence of Persian language which is sometimes seen as part of
the internationalization of Shi‘ism in Southeast Asia. This can be
examined in the history of political languages in Aceh which are
adopted from Persian tradition.17 The fourth is the problem of Shi‘ah
that can be studied in the history of literature or art such as hikayat. It
is argued that many of hikayats in Aceh have been imported from the

16 On this teaching see Syed Muhammad Naquib Al-Attas, The Mysticism of Hamzah
Fansuri (Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1970). Abdul Hadi W.M., Tasawuf
Yang Tertindas: Kajian Hermeneutik Terhadap Karya-Karya Hamzah Fansuri (Jakarta:
Paramadina, 2001).
17 See Azyumardi Azra, Renaisans Islam Asia Tenggara: Sejarah Wacana Dan Kekuasaan

(Bandung: Rosdakarya, 1999), p. 77.

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Persian literature.18 The fifth is the problem of Shi‘ah in Aceh currently

is entrapped in the global conflict between West and Iran.19
Each of aspect underlines some concepts. The first tells us the
history of political power from Middle East to Aceh. Historically, the
coming of Islam to Aceh was during the era of Sahabat (companions).
Accordingly in this era there was no separation between Sunni and
Shi‘ah. But, some argued that after the death of the Prophet there were
two groups: ahl al-bayt and non-ahl al-bayt.20 From the first group it is
named as Shi‘ah,21 while the second is called as Sunni.22 I would not
open the conflict between the two groups, as many scholars have
elaborated on the issue,23 but the main problem is: why did and does
the issues of “should be” and “should not be” among the two still
influence our religious belief? M. Ismail Marcinkowski in his study on
the root of Persian tradition in Southeast Asia maintains that it is
mistaken to claim that all of Persian influences in the region remain
Shiite teaching. This is because the era of Shiite Kingdom in Persia was
started during the era of Dynasty of Safawi Shah Ismail I (1501-1524)
until early of the 16th Century.24 Majid Danesghar maintains that “this

18 See for example L.F. Brakel, Hikayat Muhammad Hanafiyyah, trans. Junaidah Salleh,
Mokgtar Ahmad, and Nor Azmah Shehidan (Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan
Pustaka, 1988). V.I Braginsky, Yang Indah, Berfaedah Dan Kamal: Sejarah Sastra Melayu
Dalam Abad 17-19 (Jakarta: INIS, 1998).
19 See generally Pirouz Mojtahed-Zadeh, “Iran: An Old Civilization and a New Nation

State,” Focus on Geography 49, no. 4 (2007): pp. 20–32.

20 Jalaluddin Rakhmat, “Tinjauan Kritis Atas Sejarah Fiqh: Dari Fiqh Tabi’in Hingga

Madzhab Liberalisme,” in Kontekstualisasi Doktrin Islam Dalam Sejarah, ed. Budhy

Munawar-Rachman (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1995), pp. 251–310.
21 Literally means follower, party, group, associate, partisan, or supporters. See Syed

Husain M. Jafri, “Shî’î Islam,” ed. John L. Esposito, The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern
Islamic World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), p. 55.
22 It has generally meaning of “customary practice.” See Michael E. Marmura and John

L. Esposito, “Sunnî Islam,” The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1995), p. 139.
23 See for example Devin J. Stewart, Islamic Legal Orthodoxy: Twelver Shiite Response to the

Sunni Legal System (Salt Lake City: The University of Utah Press, 1998).
24 Marcinkowski, “Jejak Kehadiran Persia Di Asia Tenggara,” p.545. On Dynast of

Shafawi, see Muhammad Hasyim Assagaf, Lintasan Sejarah Iran: Dari Dinasti Achaemenia
Ke Republik Revolusi Islam, ed. Smith Alhadar (Jakarta: The Cultural Section of Embassy
of the Islamic Republic of Iran, 2009). See also Daneshgar, “The Study of Persian
Shi‘ism in the Malay-Indonesian World: A Review of Literature from the Nineteenth
Century Onwards,” pp. 191–92.

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Persian Shi‘ah influence extended beyond South Asia into the Malay
Archipelago, yet the exact nature of this influence remains somewhat
unknown.”25
When Islam came to Aceh, Muslim did not declare that they were
Sunni or Shi‘ah. It is unlikely to find any resources about the
declaration of the first Muslim in Aceh claiming that they were the
follower of Shi‘ah or Sunni. But, their arrival of Shi‘ah to Aceh was as
an impact of conflict in Arab Peninsula. When I travelled in the area
where Aboebakar Atjeh claimed as the place of Shi’ah in North Aceh,
I found that many of the tombs were from Persia. It is important to
note that the area of these tombs is near the sea and river in North
Aceh. Taqiuddin Muhammad, a local archeologist told me that he did
not find any fact about the presence of Kingdoms of Peureulak in East
Aceh. 26 However, he found many of tombs that are through his
reading can be claimed from Persian’s name. What struck me is why
we should pay attention to the Kingdom of Peureulak, not the
mausoleums. A local archeologist informed us that the distance of
grave is about 30 km from the Strait of Malacca. However, many of
the tombs in the forest are not preserved by the government.27 This
tells us that many of archeological facts are not being investigated by
scholars. They focus on the nearest place to coastal area.28
Recently, Taqiuddin Muhammad during his archeological research
in North Aceh, has listed many of the graves in North Aceh which are
seen as impact of the coming of Persian to Samudra Pasai: First, Ibn
Khaddajih in Matang Ulim, Samudera, North Aceh. It is found the
date of his death was on 681/1283. The word of Khaddajih is from
Persian which means as teacher. This date is older than the grave of
Sultan al-Malik al-Shalih, dated 696/1297. 29 Second, according to
25 Daneshgar, “The Study of Persian Shi‘ism in the Malay-Indonesian World: A Review
of Literature from the Nineteenth Century Onwards,” p. 192.
26 See also Hasan Muarif Ambary, “Sejarah Masuknya Islam Di Negeri Perlak Ditinjau

Dengan Pendekatan Arkeolologi,” in Sejarah Masuk Dan Berkembangnya Islam Di

Indonesia (Jakarta: PT Al Ma’arif, 1993), p. 445.
27 Taqiuddin Muhammad, Daulah Shalihiyah Di Sumatera: Ke Arah Penyusunan Kerangka

Baru Historiografi Samudra Pasai (Lhokseumawe: Center for Information of Samudra

Pasai Heritage, 2011).
28 Taqiuddin Muhammad, “Jejak Kebudayaan Persia Di Kawasan Tinggalan Sejarah

Samudrai Pasai,” Media Syariah: Jurnal Hukum Islam Dan Pranata Sosial XV, no. 1 (2013),
pp. 31–41.
29 Ibid., p. 37.

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report of Ibn Baththuthah there were two Persian ulama’s in Samudera

Pasai: al-Qadhi asy-Syarif Amir asy-Syirazi (Syiraz) and Tajuddin Al-
Ashbahaniy (Isfahan). They were jurists during the era of Samudera
Pasai.30 Third, Nur Khatun ‘Umar (d. 805/1403). The location of this
gave is in Kuta Krueng, Samudera, North Aceh. The word of “khatun”
is from Persian which means as madam.31 Fourth, Na’ina Husamuddin
bin Na’ina Amin (d. 823/1420). The location of this grave is in
Gampong Pie, North Aceh. It is suspected that the title of Na’ina is
also from Persian word. In this tomb there is a poem from great
Persian Sufist, Sa’diy Syiraziy. 32 Fifth, Ash-Shadrul Ajal Khawwajah
Muhammad bin Sulaiman (d. 845/1445) in Kuta Krueng, Samudera,
North Aceh, near to grave of Nur Khatun ‘Umar. The titel of “ash-
shadrul ajal” is from Persian same as “khawwajah.”33 Sixth, Khawwajah
Tajuddin bin Ibrahim (d. 857/1453), near to the grave of Khawwajah
Muhammad. Seventh, Mir Hasan (d. 910/1505) in Kuta Krueng,
Samudera, North Aceh. The word of “mir” is from Persian language
which means prince.34 All of these evidences show that the coming of
Persian to Samudera Pasai has not been included in Islamic
historiography in Nusantara. Many of historical reports by scholars
always focus on the kingdom of Samudera Pasai, not on the role of
Persian ulama in the region.35
Furthermore, scholars who found the contact between Persia and
Samudera Pasai did not say much about the coming of Shi‘ah, but only
give historical narrative on Persian and ‘Ali bin Abi Thalib. 36 The
finding such as poem on the tomb of Sultan Malik al-Salih (1297) has

30 Ibid.
31 Ibid., p. 38.
32 Ibid. On dicussion of Persian poet in the tomb, see Daneshgar, “The Study of

Persian Shi‘ism in the Malay-Indonesian World: A Review of Literature from the

Nineteenth Century Onwards,” p. 193.
33 Muhammad, “Jejak Kebudayaan Persia Di Kawasan Tinggalan Sejarah Samudrai

Pasai,” p. 39.
34 Ibid.

35 See also Muhammad Gade Ismail, Pasai Dalam Perjalanan Sejarah: Abad Ke-13 Sampai

Awal Abad Ke-16 (Jakarta: Proyek Inventarisasi dan Dokumentasi Sejarah Nasional,
1993). Ghozali, Safwan, and Syarif, Peran Ahlulbait Dalam Penyebaran Islam Di Nusantara.
36 See for example Daniel Perret, “Aceh As a Field for Ancient History” (First

International Conference on Aceh and Indian Ocean Studies, Banda Aceh: Asia
Research Institute, 2007).

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not been claimed as the influence of Shi’ah, but ‘Ali bin Abi Thalib. 37
At the same time, the title of Sulthân al-Adîl in one of gold coin as the
oldest currency in Nusantara during era of Sultan Muhamad Malik al-
Zahir (1297-1326) was not seen as part Shi’ah’s concept on Just Ruler,
but it was taken from the Kitab Taj al-Salâtîn.38 The translator of this
kitab was Bukhari al-Jauhari in 1603 during the era of Kerajaan Aceh
Darussalam.39 In fact, the discussion of sultan al-‘adîl is one of Shi’ah’s
teaching on leadership such as concept of walaya. In doctrine of Shi’ah,
sultan al-‘adîl “was responsible for tadbîr al-anâm - that is, managing the
affairs of humanity. One of the fundamental functions of the sultan is
to implement the Islamic ideology based on the principle “enjoining
good and prohibiting evil” in Muslim society.”40 In Aceh, the title was
used not only in Samudera Pasai, but also Aceh Darussalam, from
Sultan ‘Ali Mughayat Syah (1514-1530-1530) until Sultan Ri’ayat Syah
(1589-1604).41 During the Pasai era, it is reported that a century later
that coinage came to be used in international trade throughout the
archipelago.42
In terms of the literature, as mentioned above, there has been
Persian spirit in some Acehnese literatures. Again, scholars would not
argue the influence of Shi’ah in this matter. Through Aceh era (1500-
1600), many Persian adab-works were translated or adapted into Malay
language.43 This can be found, for example, in the text of Tâj al-Salâtin,
37 See Ibrahim Alfian, “Samudra Pasai Dan Melaka Sebagai Bandar-Bandar Niaga Dan
Pusat Agama Dan Kebudayaan Di Sekitar Selat Melaka,” in Wajah Aceh Dalam Lintasan
Sejarah, by Ibrahim Alfian, ed. M. Hasan Basry (Banda Aceh: Pusat Dokuementasi dan
Informasi Aceh, 1999), p. 17.
38 On Taj al-Salatin, see Hussain Khalid, ed., Taj Us-Salatin (Kuala Lumpur: Dewan

Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1966).

39 Alfian, “Samudra Pasai Dan Melaka Sebagai Bandar-Bandar Niaga Dan Pusat

Agama Dan Kebudayaan Di Sekitar Selat Melaka,” p. 13.

40 Sachedina, The Just Ruler (Al-Sultan Al-Adîl) in Shî’te Islam: The Comprehensive Authority

of the Jurist in Imamite Jurisprudence, p. 99.

41 Alfian, “Samudra Pasai Dan Melaka Sebagai Bandar-Bandar Niaga Dan Pusat

Agama Dan Kebudayaan Di Sekitar Selat Melaka,” p. 4.

42 Amirul Hadi, Islam and State in Sumatra: A Study of Seventeenth-Century Aceh (Leiden:

Brill, 2004), p. 51.

43 Jelani Harun, Bustan Al-Salatin: A Malay Mirror for Rulers (Pulau Pinang: Universiti

Sains Malaysia Press, 2009), p. 82. On on the influence of Persian to Malay literature,
see Abdul Hadi W.M., “Jejak Persia Dalam Sejarah Kebudayaan Dan Sastra Melayu,”
in Islam, Iran, & Peradaban: Peran Dan Kontribusi Intelektual Iran Dalam Peradaban Islam
(Yogyakarta: Rausyan Fikr, 2012), pp. 447–72.

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which is according to Braginsky probably the author who came from

an Indian-Persia tradition. 44 Besides the Tâj al-Salâtin, in Aceh era,
there was a book written by Syaikh Nurdin Ar-Raniry entitled Bustân al-
Salatin. It is believed that the model of story in this kitab was
influenced by the Persian tradition. Jelani Harun says that:
Many Persian historians, who wrote in the Persian language,
emerged alongside the Arab historians and produced universal
histories. But, from the sixth century onwards … the Persian
historian began to diverge from Arabic historiography and to
form their own style of historical writing. Some of well-known
Persian historians are al-Bayhaqi (d.c. 470 A.H. /1077), al-Qashani
(d. 703 A.H./1303), al-Qazwini (d. 750 A.H. /1349), Mirkhwand
(d. 910 A.H./1504) and Khwandmir (d. 942 A.H. 1535). In all
their historical works, the influences of the Persian tradition are
very obvious, particularly in regard to the Persian tradition of the
stories of Creation and ancient kings. After the era of al-Tabari, al-
Mas’udi and Ibn Khaldun, the writing universal history moved
towards the Persian tradition. 45
Abdul Hadi has argued that several factors on the influence of
Persian in the text of Tâj al-Salâtin. 46 The explanation in his book
consists of humanity, justice, and morality. It also describes on how to
understand the concept of “self”. It is said that the chapters are
inspired by al-Ghazzali’s Kimiyah al-Sa‘adah. There are also some
Persian references such as Syiar al-Mulk and Siyasah Namah (1092 -
1108) by Nizam al-Mulk, Asrar an-Namah (1188) by Fariduddin al-
‘Attar, Akbar al-Mulk, Sifat al-Mulk, Sifat al-Salatin, Adab al-‘Umara, and
Akhlaq Mahasin by Husayn Wais al-Kasyfi (1495). There are also some
Persian words in in the text of Tâj al-Salâtin, such as nawruz for a new
year. It is safe to say that the intellectual contacts between Aceh and
Persian or Aceh and Shi’ah occurred before 17 Century. Nevertheless,

44 Harun, Bustan Al-Salatin: A Malay Mirror for Rulers, p. 82. Braginsky, Yang Indah,
Berfaedah Dan Kamal: Sejarah Sastra Melayu Dalam Abad 17-19, pp. 322–35.
45 Harun, Bustan Al-Salatin: A Malay Mirror for Rulers, p. 105.

46 Abdul Hadi W.M., “Jejak Persia Dalam Sastra Melayu,” Media Syariah: Jurnal Hukum

Islam Dan Pranata Sosial XV, no. 1 (2013): pp. 93-94.

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there was also impact of Persian in the mysticism of Hamzah Fansuri

as shown in his works.47
It is reported that the ultimate Acehnese civilization had declined
when the issue of Wahdatul Wujud48 and the fatwa from Mecca for the
abolishment of women as rulers. Ever since, the Kingdom of Aceh
was controlled by the family of Jamal al-Layl from Arab.49 Soon after
this tragedy, the Persian or Shi’ah traditions were seen as cultural
heritage. The people have practiced the tradition from Persian or
Shi’ah until today, which can be found in Acehnese arts and cultures.50
This is why local scholars from Aceh are still arguing that Acehnese
tradition cannot be separated from the Shi’ah or Persian traditions.51
However, the Acehnese would not claim themselves as the
followers of Shi‘ah. This is because every cultural heritage is seen as
part of endatu tradition. For them, endatu is a group of old generation
who came to Aceh for not only religious purposes, but also for trading.
The Acehnese may not focus on the background of their endatu, but on
what the endatu had inherited them as cultural which seen as reusam or
adat istiadat (customs). For religious teaching, the Acehnese will only
follow three aspects: Syafi’i, al-Ghazzali, and Asy’ari. These aspects
have been crystallized in the institution of dayah (traditional Islamic
boarding school). 52 It seems that the Shi‘ah traditions can be found
outside dayah. However, the elements of custom in Aceh have been
mixed in space, time, and history of the people. This is so because the
roots of Acehnese culture are imported from Middle East and South

47 Mohamad Nasrin bin Mohamad Nasir, “Pengaruh Persia Dalam Mistisisme Hamzah
Fansuri,” in Islam, Iran, & Peradaban: Peran Dan Kontribusi Intelektual Iran Dalam
Peradaban Islam (Yogyakarta: Rausyan Fikr, 2012), pp. 357–78.
48 On the controversy of Wahdat al-Wujud, see Azyumardi Azra, “Kontroversi Dan

Oposisi Terhadap Wahdah Al-Wujud: Wacana Sufisme Di Daerah Indonesia-Melayu

Pada Abad 17 Dan 18,” in Islam, Iran, & Peradaban: Peran Dan Konstribusi Intelektual Iran
Dalam Peradaban Islam (Yogyakarta: Rausyan Fikr, 2012), pp. 515–42.
49 Azyumardi Azra, Menuju Masyarakat Madani (Jakarta: Logos, 1999), p. 29.

50 Bustamam-Ahmad, Islam Historis: Dinamika Studi Islam Di Indonesia.

51 Almascaty, “Relasi Persia Dan Nusantara Pada Awal Islamisasi -Sebuah Kajian Awal

Pengaruh Persia Dalam Politik Aceh.”

52 On this see Yusny Saby, “Islam and Social Change: The Role of the Ulama’ in

Acehnese Society” (Ph.D. Thesis, Temple University, 1995). Yusny Saby, “The Ulama
in Aceh: A Brief Historical Survey,” Studia Islamika 8, no. 1 (2001), pp. 1–54.
Kamaruzzaman Bustamam-Ahmad, “Pesantren Sebagai Pusat Peradaban Muslim:
Pengalaman Indonesia Untuk Asia Tenggara,” Edukasi 8, no. 2 (2010), pp. 3939–66.

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Asian.53 The meetings of many traditions can be found near the coastal
areas.

Cultural Landscapes
It seems that the influence of Persian tradition is important in the
history of religious intellectual in Aceh. However, it is hard to conclude
that the Persians were Shi’ism, because the Acehnese had known
Persian intellectual tradition before the controversy of Shi‘ism in
Nusantara. 54 It is believed that the word “Aceh” is coming from
Achaemenia in the era of King of Darius (521-486 BC). 55 Some
Acehnese believe that the origin of Acehnese people were from the
Achaemenia people.56 Regarding the Achaemenian, it is said that “They
had created “world empire” encompassing of the oldest and most
honored kingdoms and peoples of the ancient Near East.” 57 In
addition, the Achaemenian along with Sasanian influenced Islamic or
Arabic civilization.58
It is interesting to note about the identity of Achaemenian. Local
scholars have argued on the impact of Achaemenian era in Nusantara.
There is a song by a local artist (Rafly Kande) on the honour of King
Darius as part of Acehnese dignity. The lyrics are as follow:
Beek tabeoh kada wangsa meutuwah; turounan meugah meuri-ri wangsa;
khujja ngoen majja lakap geupajah; turoenan meugah darius raja.59

53 See for example Kamaruzzaman Bustamam-Ahmad, “Faith on the Move: Inside of

the Ijtima’ of Jama’ah Tabligh in Pekan Baru,” Studia Islamika 18, no. 3 (2011): pp.
463–96.
54 Kamaruzzaman Bustamam-Ahmad, Acehnologi (Banda Aceh: Bandar Publishing,

2012).
55 On the history of Achaemenia, see Assagaf, Lintasan Sejarah Iran: Dari Dinasti

Achaemenia Ke Republik Revolusi Islam.

56 A. Jamuda and A.L. Wangsa, Pengajaran Peuturi Droe Keudroe (Sigli: Angkasa Muda,

2000).
57 John P. McKay, Benneth D. Hill, and John Buckler, A History of World Societies

(Boston: Houghton Miffin Company, 1984), p. 63.

58 Taqiuddin Muhammad, “Jejak Kebudayaan Persia Di Kawasan Tinggalan Sejarah

Samudra Pasai” (International Conference the Contribution of Persia in Nusantara:

Past, Present and Future, Banda Aceh: Media Syariah IAIN Ar-Raniry, 2013), p. 3.
59 Don’t refuse as a noble people; From glorious descent of nation; Khujja and Majja

are labelled; From glorius descent of King Darius.

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Local authors even go further by saying: “Persian people came to

Pulau Ruja (Island of Ruja) in the era of King Darius who had power
from Egypt Hindi until Pulau Ruja. Their coming to the island was to
establish a country which was later called as Aceh.” 60 Pulau Ruja is
another name for Aceh. Historically there were two groups from
outside Aceh who played an important role in establishing the Pulau
Ruja: suke imuem peut (group of four ‘ulamas) and suke tok bate (group of
technicians). They had come to Aceh from the Middle East and South
Asia. In fact, both of groups were a group of religious leaders from
Arab, Turkey, and Persian.61
Among the Acehnese society which is near the Strait of Malacca, 62
there is a triangle of cultural landscape: mosque, dayah, and market.
The triangle has been developed near the river. Thus, it is not
surprising that Acehnese villages were built by endatu (old generation)
near to river as a means for good transportation with both insiders and
outsiders. The reproduction of culture was started near to sea then
moved to village that was closed by river. After the triangle, the endatu
started to build the kampongs according their cosmological belief. The
name for this effort was called as puga nanggroe (build village). The
kampongs would not be far from the sea. The last destination of the
process was to establishment for another area for kampong near the
jungle. During my trip in North Aceh, the graves of unknown ‘ulama
were found in between the paddy field and the jungle. The grave of
Kings can be seen near the triangle of cultural landscape. The coming
of the Dutch was through the sea. They attacked the villages near to
triangle. 63 Many of Acehnese had to move to last front: jungle or
mountain. During this process, the Acehnese faced not only the

60 Jamuda and Wangsa, Pengajaran Peuturi Droe Keudroe, p. 3.

61 H.M. Zainuddin, Tarich Atjeh and Nusantara (Medan: Pustaka Iskandar Muda, 1961),
pp. 20-21.
62 On history of Malacca and it influence to Aceh, see Wazir J. Karim, ed., Straits

Muslims: Diasporas of the Northern Passage of the Straits of Malacca (Penang: Straits G.T.,
2009). Nordin Hussin, Trade and Society in the Straits of Melaka: Dutch Melaka and English
Penang, 1780-1830 (Singapore: NUS Press, 2007).
63 Anthony Reid, The Contest for North Sumatra: Atjeh, the Netherlands and Britain 1858-

1898 (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1969). Ibrahim Alfian, “Aceh and the
Holy War (Prang Sabil),” in Verandah of Violence: The Background to the Aceh Problem
(Singapore: Singapore University Press, 2006), pp. 109–20. Ibrahim Alfian, Perang Di
Jalan Allah: Perang Aceh, 1873-1912 (Jakarta: Sinar Harapan, 1987).

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destruction of Kingdoms by the Dutch, but also the custom which was
changed by Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje.64
What I would like to show is that the Acehnese culture has been in
catastrophic situation. Acehnese don’t have any single Kings or even
Kingdoms anymore. After the colonial period, the Acehnese were also
in a conflict between ‘ulama and ulee balang which is seen social
revolution. Soon after that, the Acehnese were in conflict with central
government. Thus, the roots and cultural production have become
unclear. The Acehnese society has attached their religious belief only
to the ‘ulama from dayah. At the same time, the people still see that
their endatu tradition could give spirit of identity for them. In this
situation, the people are likely to tailor themselves to what endatu have
done without asking their originality.
Given this process, it is not mistaken when Acehnese scholar who
tried to investigate the root of culture would meet “should not be…”
i.e. Shi‘ah. The Acehnese did not see Shi‘ah as “problem” as we might
found in Islamic history65 and what has been going on in the Middle
East.66 The Acehnese are in the position of seeking their root of endatu
tradition. Even there is a declaration that there were Shi‘ah’s elements
in their cultural life, the people would not visit the holy places in Iran.
The Acehnese would not publish Shi‘ah’s book as we found in Java. In
this context, the Acehnese understand Shi’ah for culture only, not for
political consciousness or even for political ideology. During the visit
of Iranian Ambassador to Aceh, an Acehnese student still asked: can
Sunni and Shi‘ah be an umbrella of the ummah. This situation has led to
efforts of intellectuality in Aceh without being entrapped in conflict
between Sunni and Shi‘ah. Some Acehnese, especially in urban area,
still see Shi‘ah as the enemy of Sunni. However, when they return to

64 Harry J Benda, “Christian Snouck Hurgronje and the Foundations of Dutch Islamic
Policy in Indonesia,” The Journal of Modern History 30, no. 4 (1958), pp. 338–47.
65 Marshall G.S. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, 3 vols. (Chicago: The University of

Chicago Press, 1974).

66 See Said Amir Arjomand, ed., From Nationalism to Revolutionary Islam (Albany: State

University of New York Press, 1984). Said Amir Arjomand, “A Victory for the
Pragmatists: The Islamic Fundamentalist Reaction in Iran,” in Islamic Fundamentalisms
and the Gulf Crisis, ed. James Piscatori (Chicago: The American Academy of Arts and
Science, 1991). Said Amir Arjomand, “Iran’s Islamic Revolution in Comparative
Perspective,” World Politics 38, no. 3 (1986), pp. 383–414. John L. Esposito, Political
Islam: Revolution, Radicalism, or Reform? (Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc., 1997).

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their originality of cultures, they might not challenge the Shi’ah’s or

Persian’s elements.
As I mentioned above, that the reproduction of religious
understanding has been in dayah. The reproduction of Acehnese
culture has been found outside dayah. Who does this process? How do
they manage the situation? Many Acehnese have said that the
originality of their culture have been related to Hinduism and
Buddhism. However, only Muhammadiyyah and Wahabism have
challenged the tradition by returning the society to the Qur’an and
Sunnah. Both of networks have established pesantren, school,
universities in Aceh to produce religious understanding. But, they
could not change culture in remote areas. The contestation between
dayah (traditional group) and pesantren (modern group) has been seen as
the transformation from teungku to ustaz. This symbolic title can be
used a symbol of the competition in religious learning in Aceh.67
Some of the graduates from Wahabism pesantren in Aceh would be
sent to Middle East. Shi’ah has not established any dayah or pesantren in
Aceh. Their network has not been opened to public. As Shi’ah’s
culture is seen as living tradition among Acehnese, so that the society
do not challenge Shi’ah. At the same time, the young generation who
are graduated from Middle East or Wahabism play important role
against Shi’ah in Aceh. Accordingly, they always refer to the argument
of Middle Eastern ulama. In a session of discussion about Shi’ah in
Aceh, the young speaker who is a graduate from Egypt brought many
kitab in front of audience to present his argument about anti-Shi’ah.
After his presentation, the participant asked him not to bring the
problem of Middle East to Acehnese society. We, according to a
participant, already in conflict for more three decades, please do not
bring another source of conflict to Aceh. An informant told me, that
the supporters for anti-Shi’ah in Aceh are Wahabism, an Islamic
political party, a group of young Acehnese who finished their study in
the Middle East. This group is young generation in Aceh. They play
their role in urban areas. After the Tsunami, many of pesantrens from
Wahabism were built in Aceh. They received funding from “outside”
Aceh. In contrast, the tradition of dayah would not receive any support
from other resources as pesantren did.

67Kamaruzzaman Bustamam-Ahmad, “A Current Portrait of Islamic Education in

Aceh,” Islamika Indonesiana 1, no. 1 (2014), pp. 1–16.

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However, the tradition and village that have practiced Shi’ah

tradition still can be found in some areas in the province.68 I was told
that in North Aceh, there is a group of Shi’ite. They live together with
Sunni without any conflicts. Meanwhile, in Pidie Jaya, there is a gampong
(village) which is seen as Shî’î. At the same time, a head of IJABI
(Ikatan Jama‘ah Ahlul Bait Indonesia [The Indonesian Council of Ahli
Bait Associations]) 69 of Aceh, informed me that they still celebrate
festival of Shî’î in Bireuen, Aceh Jeumpa. In addition, many of young
Acehnese who are from Sunni family are seen as pro-Shi’ah and stand
for this sect as “contestation power” of the domination of Sunni in
Aceh. They see that Shi’ah as very dynamic Muslim sects and it gives
them some inspirations for their intellectual and spiritual life. I was
informed that some of them are graduated from Iranian Universities
which is not funded by Acehnese or Indonesian government. This
situation is similar with young Muslim Iranians who live in Iran as the
largest Shi’ah population in the world, but they are silently in
agreement with their ancestor religion that is Zoroaster.70
While for those who see Shi’ah as part of Acehnese culture are
group of young Acehnese who began their religious understanding
with the term of Islam Warna Warni (Colorful Islam). They have
discussion on many of Islamic sects. The group who is anti-Shi’ah is
likely supported by the government on the ground of the
implementation of Islamic law. And, the issue of Shi’ah is seen as part
of deviant group in Islam. Therefore, the issue of Shi’ah has turned to
issue of sesat menyesatkan. Generally, in Indonesia, the sect is not
recognizable. This is why Acehnese always bring the discussion of
Shi’ah to cultural level.

Conclusion
This study has shown the impact of Shi‘ah in Aceh. However, it is
necessary to do more studies on Shi‘ah in the province, as historically
and anthropologically, might be connected with Persian traditions. As
we have examined, the element of Shi‘ah can be found not only in the
history of Islamic Kingdoms in Aceh, but also in many of cultural
aspects. In addition, the Acehnese still see that Shi‘ah and Persian have

68 Saby, “Jejak Persia Di Nusantara: Interplay Antara Agama Dan Budaya.”

69 On IJABI, see Zulkifli, “The Struggle of the Shi’is in Indonesia,” pp. 223–58.
70 Bustamam-Ahmad, Acehnologi, 2012.

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contributed to the identity of Aceh. That is why local scholars in Aceh

who understand the history of Islam would always claim Shi‘ah is not
an enemy or even competitor of Sunni. Nevertheless, it is necessary
not to bring the conflict between Sunni and Shi‘ah in Middle East to
Aceh.[]

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