A Grammar of Mapuche. Ineke Smeets

Mouton Grammar Library
A Grammar of Mapuche
≥
Mouton Grammar Library 41
Editors
Georg Bossong
Bernard Comrie
Matthew Dryer
Mouton de Gruyter
Berlin · New York
A Grammar of Mapuche
by
Ineke Smeets
Mouton de Gruyter
Berlin · New York
Mouton de Gruyter (formerly Mouton, The Hague)
is a Division of Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, Berlin.
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Smeets, Ineke, 1950!

A grammar of Mapuche / by Ineke Smeets.
p. cm. ! (Mouton grammar library ; 41)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN-13: 978-3-11-019558-3 (cloth : alk. paper)
1. Mapuche language ! Grammar. 2. Mapuche language !
Phonology. 3. Mapuche language ! Morphosyntax. I. Title.
PM5463.S64 2007
4981.72!dc22
2007026801
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ISBN 978-3-11-019558-3
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Printed in Germany.
To Luis Quinchavil
Preface
This book presents a description of the native language of the Mapuche (or Arau-
canians) in Chile, more specifically of the Mapuche language spoken in the cen-
tral Mapuche territory around the city of Temuco in the province of Cautín. This
description of the Mapuche language is based on research and interviews with na-
tive speakers between 1977 and 1981 in Chile and the Netherlands. The present
book is a corrected, slightly revised, and enlarged version of my doctoral disserta-
tion (Smeets 1989). The considerable delay of the final publication was due to
health problems. Continuous requests for a copy of the dissertation and the need
to make the linguistic data available ensured that cancellation of the publication
never became an option.
This book contains a grammar, a collection of texts and a Mapuche-English
dictionary. It is divided into nine parts. The Introduction (Part I, chapters 1-3)
touches upon the ethnohistory of the Mapuche people and the previous study of
the Mapuche language. An outline of the grammar is presented in chapter 3. The
phonology and morphophonology are discussed in Part II (chapters 4-9). Part III
(chapters 10-21) deals with nominal morphology and morphosyntax. Noun phras-
es and nominal sentences are treated in Part IV (chapters 22-24). The morphology
and morphosyntax of the verb, which are the core of the Mapuche grammar, are
described in Part V (chapters 25-31). Part VI (chapter 32) deals with particles.
Part VII (chapters 33-35) contains further notes on syntax. A collection of texts is
presented in Part VIII. Part IX contains a Mapuche - English dictionary. A survey
of the intransitive and transitive conjugations is given in an appendix.
My greatest thanks are due to Luis Quinchavil, who was my principal Ma-
puche informant, and to Rafael Railaf, Mario Millapi, Jacinta Mena and Maria
Huenchun for initiating me to their language. I am very grateful to my promotor
Frits Kortlandt for his acute comments, which gave rise to many stimulating con-
versations, and my co-promotor Willem Adelaar who helped me in more than one
way with his vast knowledge of Amerindian linguistics. I am indebted to Aert
Kuipers who started the project off, to Carl Ebeling for his stimulating criticism
and to my brother Rieks Smeets for answering my numerous questions. Many
thanks are due to Sjors van Driem who offered valuable advice on the dissertation
and generously corrected some of its English. It goes without saying that all er-
rors in this book are mine. I am very grateful to Andrea de Leeuw van Weenen
who converted the original files, collected specific parts of the material for the
dictionary and co-edited portions of the book. I wish to thank Robert Croese who
viii PREFACE
offered my brother Rudolf Smeets and me a safe home in what can only be de-
scribed as rough times in the early eighties in Chile. I thank my brother for his
companionship in Chile. I am very grateful to Arie Speksnijder who typed the en-
tire first manuscript, drew the maps and offered all sorts of practical help in the
first phase of the project. I want to thank Friso den Hertog, Sue Tanner-Paterson,
Willem Vermeer, Jos Weitenberg, Ana Fernández Garay and James Oerlemans
for specific assistance and comments. I thank Jos Pacilly (Phonetic Laboratory,
Leiden University) for preparing the CD and the Benneker brothers, Hans Jr. and
Bas, for the final preparation of two files. I am indebted to the Netherlands Orga-
nisation for Scientific Research (NWO) for providing a salary for Luis Quincha-
vil. I acknowledge the support of the Netherlands Foundation for the Advance-
ment of Tropical Research (WOTRO) which enabled me to travel to Chile. The
publication of this book was made possible by a publication grant from the Neth-
erlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO). Finally, I wish to thank my
husband Hans Benneker and my sons Luuk and Simon who offered vital practical
help and moral support during the entire rather bumpy course of this project.
Ineke Smeets
Contents
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . v
Contents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii
Abbreviations and conventions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xv
Part I INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1 The Mapuche people . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
2 The Mapuche language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
3 This grammar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
3.1 Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
3.2 Outline of the grammar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Part II PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOPHONOLOGY . . . . . . 21
4 Phonemes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
4.1 Consonants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
4.1.1 Phonetic specification of consonant phonemes . . . . . . . . 25
4.1.2 On the orthography of consonant phonemes . . . . . . . . . 25
4.2 Vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
4.2.1 Phonetic specification of vowel phonemes . . . . . . . . . . 25
4.3 Vowels and glides . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
4.3.1 i, u vs y, w . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
4.3.1.1 Contrast between vowels or glides and homorganic sequences 27
4.3.1.2 Contrast involving non-homorganic sequences . . . . . . 28
4.3.2 ü and q . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
4.4 Evidence for an interdental-alveolar contrast . . . . . . . . . . 30
4.5 Phoneme alternation and free variation . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
4.5.1 Phoneme alternation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
4.5.2 Free variation of vowel phonemes . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
4.6 Idiolectal differences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
5 Phonemic structure of roots, suffixes and words . . . . . . . 37
5.1 Root structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
5.2 Suffix structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
5.3 Structure of words . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
5.4 The influence of borrowing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
6 Distribution of phonemes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
6.1 Single consonants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
6.1.1 Single consonants in roots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
x Contents
6.1.2 Single consonants in suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43

6.2 Biconsonantal clusters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
6.2.1 Biconsonantal clusters in roots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
6.2.2 Biconsonantal clusters in suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
6.2.3 Biconsonantal clusters at morpheme boundaries . . . . . . . 44
6.3 Triconsonantal clusters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
6.3.1 Triconsonantal clusters in borrowed roots . . . . . . . . . . 45
6.3.2 Triconsonantal clusters at morpheme boundaries . . . . . . 45
6.4 Single vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
6.4.1 Single vowels in roots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
6.4.2 Single vowels in suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
6.5 Sequences of two vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
6.5.1 Sequences of two vowels in roots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
6.5.2 Sequences of two vowels in suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
6.5.3 Sequences of two vowels at morpheme boundaries . . . . . . 47
6.6 Sequences of three vowels in morphologically complex forms . . . 48
7 Stress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
8 Morphophonology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
8.1 Variation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
8.1.1 Schwa-insertion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
8.1.2 -insertion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
8.1.3 Sequences of identical consonant phonemes . . . . . . . . . 51
8.1.4 Vowel sequences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
8.1.4.1 ae . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
8.1.4.2 ee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
8.1.4.3 ie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
8.1.4.4 iea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
8.1.5 fu + fi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
8.1.6 fu + e . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
8.1.7 -iy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
8.1.8 ñ-insertion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
8.2 Radical consonant alternation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
9 Loans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
9.1 Spanish loans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
9.2 Other loans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
Part III MORPHOLOGY AND MORPHOSYNTAX OF THE NOUN59
10 Nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
10.1 The instrumental -mew ∼ -mu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
10.2 Adverbially used nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
10.3 Quantity nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68
10.4 Postposition pülé . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
10.5 Preposition pu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
11 Adjectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71
11.1 pu collective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72
Contents xi
12 Adverbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73
13 Numerals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
14 Demonstrative and anaphoric pronouns . . . . . . . . . . 83
14.1 Demonstrative pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
14.2 fey ‘that’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84
14.3 Anaphoric pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
14.3.1 ta and ti as modifiers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
14.3.2 Dummy ta . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90
14.3.3 ta and ti in independent compounds with a demonstrative
pronoun . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92
14.3.4 tain a compound with a possessive pronoun . . . . . . . 94
14.3.5 ta and chi with a particle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95
15 Personal pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
15.1 Substitutive personal pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
16 Possessive pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
17 Interrogative pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
17.1 Analysis of interrogatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
18 Suffixation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
18.1 Suffixes which do not change class . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
18.1.1 -(e)ntu group . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
18.1.2 -wen relative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
18.1.3 -em / -yem ex . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110
18.1.4 -(ü)rke reportative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110
18.1.5 -ke distributive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
18.1.6 -we temporal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
18.2 Class changing suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
18.2.1 -tu adverbializer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
18.2.2 -chi adjectivizer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114
18.3 Improductive suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
19 Compounding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
20 Reduplication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
21 Verbalization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
21.1 Verbalizer -∅- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
21.2 Verbalizer -nge- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122
21.3 Verbalizer -tu- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126
21.4 Verbalizer -(n)tu- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
21.5 Verbalizer -l- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
21.6 Verbalizer -ye- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128
Part IV NOUN PHRASES AND NOMINAL SENTENCES . . . 129
22 Simple noun phrase . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131
23 Complex noun phrase . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
23.1 Possessive noun phrase . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
23.2 Partitive noun phrase . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
23.3 Genitive noun phrase . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136
xii Contents
23.4 Comitative noun phrase . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138

23.5 Coordinative noun phrase . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140
24 Nominal sentences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
Part V MORPHOLOGY AND MORPHOSYNTAX OF THE VERB147
25 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149
25.1 Verb stem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150
25.2 Person markers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151
25.2.1 Subject (slot 3) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151
25.2.2 Direct object (slot 6) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153
25.2.3 Dative subject (slot 1) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154
25.2.4 -mu- 2A23 and -(u)w- 1A23 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159
25.3 Aspect . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165
25.4 Auxiliaries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175
26 Slots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177
26.0 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177
26.1 Slot 1. Dative subject . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178
26.2 Slot 2. Number . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178
26.3 Slot 3. Subject . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 180
26.4 Slot 4. Mood and flectional nominalization . . . . . . . . . 180
26.4.1 Introduction to mood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
26.4.2 Indicative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182
26.4.3 Conditional . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182
26.4.4 Imperative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185
26.4.5 Introduction to flectional nominalization . . . . . . . . 188
26.4.6 -(ü)n Plain verbal noun . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192
26.4.6.1 Infinitive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192
26.4.6.2 Adjective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 198
26.4.6.3 Substantive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199
26.4.7 -el Objective verbal noun . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200
26.4.7.1 Passive participle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200
26.4.7.2 Infinitive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201
26.4.7.3 Special uses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204
26.4.8 -m Instrumental verbal noun . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 206
26.4.8.1 Instrumental/locative -m . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 206
26.4.8.2 Infinitive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207
26.4.8.3 Final -a-m . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 208
26.4.8.4 Temporal -ye-m . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209
26.4.9 -fiel Transitive verbal noun and -t- agentive verbal noun . . 211
26.4.9.1 Infinitive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213
26.4.9.2 Instrumental/locative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 214
26.4.9.3 Passive participle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215
26.4.9.4 Final clause . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215
26.4.9.5 Active participle -t- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215
26.4.9.6 Special uses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 216
Contents xiii
26.4.10 -lu ∼ -∅ Subjective verbal noun . . . . . . . . . . . . 217

26.4.10.1 Active participle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217
26.4.10.2 Temporal/causal -lu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219
26.4.10.3 Special uses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 222
26.4.11 -(ü)wma Completive subjective verbal noun . . . . . . 224
26.5 Slot 5. -ye- constant feature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225
26.6 Slot 6. Direct object . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 226
26.7 Slot 7. -mu- pluperfect . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229
26.8 Slot 8. -fu- impeditive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 230
26.8.1 Special uses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232
26.8.2 Discussion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233
26.9 Slot 9. -a- non-realized situation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235
26.9.1 Uses of the suffix -a- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 236
26.10 Slot 10. Negation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243
26.11 Slot 11. -lle- affirmative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 245
26.12 Slot 12. -(ü)rke- reportative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 246
26.13 Slot 13. -pe- proximity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247
26.14 Slot 14. -ke- constant feature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251
26.15 Slot 15. -(ü)wye- pluperfect . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 254
26.16 Slot 16. -tu- repetitive/restorative, -ka- continuative . . . . 254
26.17 Slot 17. -pa- hither, -pu- locative . . . . . . . . . . . . . 257
26.18 Slot 18. -(ü)r- interruptive, -yekü- interruptive . . . . . . . 258
26.19 Slot 19. -we- persistence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 260
26.20 Slot 20. -me- thither . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261
26.20.1 Order of the fillers of slots 17–20 . . . . . . . . . . . 262
26.21 Slot 21. -fem- immediate, -rume- sudden . . . . . . . . . 263
26.22 Slot 22. -kantu- play, -faluw- simulation . . . . . . . . . . 264
26.23 Slot 23. -nge- passive, -(u)w- first person agent,
-mu- second person agent . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 267
26.23.1 Position of slot 23 fillers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 270
26.24 Slot 24. -ye- pluralizer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 271
26.24.1 Position of the pluralizer -ye- . . . . . . . . . . . . . 272
26.25 Slot 25. -fal- force, -(ü)ñmu- satisfaction . . . . . . . . . 272
26.25.1 Position of the suffixes -fal- and -(ü)ñmu- . . . . . . . 275
26.26 Slot 26. -(ü)ñma- indirect object . . . . . . . . . . . . . 276
26.26.1 Position of the indirect object suffix -(ü)ñma- . . . . . . 278
26.27 Slot 27. -(l)el- beneficiary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 278
26.27.1 Position of the beneficiary suffix -(l)el- . . . . . . . . . 280
26.28 Slot 28. -(kü)le- stative, -meke- progressive . . . . . . . . 280
26.28.1 Uses of -(kü)le- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 284
26.28.2 -meke- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 286
26.28.3 Position of -(kü)le- and -meke- . . . . . . . . . . . . 287
26.29 Slot 29. -(ü)l- more involved object . . . . . . . . . . . . 287
26.30 Slot 30. -(k)iaw- circular movement, -(kü)tie- intensive . . . 288
xiv Contents
26.31 Slot 31. -(u)w- reflexive/reciprocal . . . . . . . . . . . . 290

26.31.1 -(u)w- ref31 vs. -(u)w- 1A23 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 293
26.32 Slot 32. -nie- progressive persistent, -künu- perfect persistent 293
26.33 Slot 33. -tu- transitivizer, -ka- factitive . . . . . . . . . . 297
26.34 Slot 34. -(ü)m- causative, -(ü)l- causative . . . . . . . . . 299
26.35 Slot 35. -(ñ)ma- experience, -ye- oblique object . . . . . . 301
26.36 Slot 36. Verbalizers and stem formatives in reduplicated forms 304
26.36.1 -tu- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 304
26.36.2 -nge- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 305
26.36.3 -ye- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 306
26.36.4 -∅- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 306
26.36.5 Other cases of reduplication . . . . . . . . . . . . . 307
27 Unnumbered suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 309
27.1 Unnumbered productive suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 309
27.2 Improductive verbal suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 310
28 Derivational nominalizers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 311
28.1 Productive derivational nominalizers . . . . . . . . . . . . 311
28.2 Improductive derivational nominalizers . . . . . . . . . . . 313
29 Compounding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315
29.1 V + V > V . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315
29.2 V + N > V . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 318
29.3 Nominal compounds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 319
30 Deictic verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 321
31 Defective verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325
Part VI PARTICLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 327
32 Particles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 329
32.1 The particle chi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 329
32.2 The particle am . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 330
32.3 The particle nga . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 331
32.4 The particle kay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 332
32.5 The particle may . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333
32.6 The particle llemay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 334
32.7 The particle chemay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 334
32.8 The particle chekay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 335
32.9 The particle anta . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 335
32.10 The particle anchi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 336
32.11 The particle chiam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 337
32.12 The particle kam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 338
32.13 The particle amá . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 338
32.14 The particle em . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 339
32.15 The particle amfe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 339
32.16 The particle ka ∼ qa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 340
32.17 The particle ke . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 341
Part VII FURTHER NOTES ON SYNTAX . . . . . . . . . . 343
Contents xv
33 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 345
34 Word order . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 347
34.1 Word order in main clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 347
34.2 Word order in subordinate clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . 354
35 Coordination and subordination . . . . . . . . . . . . . 357
35.1 Juxtaposition of main clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 357
35.2 Conditional clauses and main clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . 360
35.3 Direct speech . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 360
Appendix PARADIGMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 363
Paradigms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 365
Part VIII TEXTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 369
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 371
Text 1. Demons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 372
Text 2. Work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 379
Text 3. Youth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 381
Text 4. Missionary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 384
Text 5. The war . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 389
Text 6. An old man . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 398
Text 7. Olden times . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 405
Text 8. Conversation about demons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 415
Text 9. Conversation about youth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 426
Text 10. Conversation about work on big farms . . . . . . . . . . 436
Text 11. Conversation about land disappropriation . . . . . . . . . 445
Text 12. Our reservation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 451
Text 13. My father . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 456
Text 14. Brick . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 468
Text 15. Song 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 478
Text 16. Song 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 484
Text 17. Song 3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 485
Part IX DICTIONARY MAPUCHE - ENGLISH . . . . . . . . 489
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 491
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 581
Abbreviations and Conventions
1 first person
2 second person
3 third person
A agent
adj. adjective
Adj adjective (dictionary)
adj adjectivizer
adv. adverb
Adv adverb (dictionary)
adv adverbializer
aff affirmative
aiml aimless
avn agentive verbal noun
Aux auxiliary (dictionary)
ben benefactive
C consonant/complement
ca causative
cf constant feature
circ circular movement
coll collective
cond conditional
Conj conjunction (dictionary)
csvn completive subjective verbal noun
d dual
do direct object
ds dative subject
distr distributive
edo external direct object
exp experience
fac factitive
gr group
hh hither
ido internal direct object
imm immediate
xviii Abbreviations
imp imperative
improd. improductive suffix
ind indicative
inst instrumental object
int intensive
intr. intransitive
inv involuntarily
io indirect object
ipd impeditive
itj interjection
itr interruptive
ivn instrumental verbal noun
JM Jacinta Mena
loc locative
L.A. Latin America(n)
LQ Luis Quinchavil
mio more involved object
MH Maria Huenchun
MM Mario Millapi
N noun
Na anaphoric pronoun (dictionary)
Nd demonstrative pronoun (dictionary)
neg negation
Ni interrogative pronoun (dictionary)
Np personal pronoun (dictionary)
NP noun phrase
Nposs possessive pronoun (dictionary)
nrld non-realized
ns non-singular
Num numeral (dictionary)
oo oblique object
ovn objective verbal noun
∅ zero
p plural (after 1,2,3 and in translations)
part particle
Part particle (dictionary)
pass passive
pfps perfect persistent
pl plural
plpf pluperfect
poss possessive pronoun
pr progressive
Prep preposition (dictionary)
prps progressive persistent
Abbreviations xix
ps persistence
pvn plain verbal noun
px proximity
Qu Quechua
re iterative/restorative
ref reflexive/reciprocal
rel relative
rep reportative
RR Rafael Railaf
S subject
sat satisfaction
sfr stem formative in reduplicated forms
s singular
sim simulative
so. someone
Sp. Spanish
st stative
sth. something
sud sudden
svn subjective verbal noun
temp temporal
th thither
tr transitivizer
tr. transitive
tvn transitive verbal noun
v verb
V vowel
verb verbalizer
Vi intransitive verb
Vt transitive verb
Mapuche material is printed in italics.
[ ] include phonetic transcriptions, and supplementary words in Eng-
lish translations which are not represented in the Mapuche text
( ) include etymological notes
⟨ ⟩ include notes which do not refer immediately to the grammatical
topic under discussion
+ + include underlying forms analyzed in morphemes
“ ” quotation marks
‘ ’ include translations
- separates constituent morphemes of a word form. In otherwise
unanalyzed forms it separates stems in a compound.
/ separates synonymous Mapuche forms
zero morphs are represented by underlined glosses
xx Abbreviations
. separates constituent elements of a gloss

´ indicates primary stress in phonetic transcription
` indicates secondary stress in phonetic transcriptions
* reconstructed or rejected form
→ direction of a transitive relationship; develops into
Superscript numbers indicate slot numbers.
Single numbers between round brackets refer to examples. Complex numbers
between round brackets refer to texts and lines, e.g. (1,14) refers to text 1, line
14. Chapter and section are indicated by numbers separated by a dot, e.g. 16.3
refers to chapter 16, section 3.
A portemanteau morph is represented by glosses which are not separated, e.g.
-(ü)n Ind1s indicates indicative mood and first person singular person subject.
The alfabetical order used in this book is the following:
a, b, ch, , d, e, f, g, i, y, k, l, ll, m, n, ñ, ng, o, p, q, r, s, sh, t, tr, u ü, w, x.
Part I
Introduction
Map 1: Topographic map of central Chile
Legend: B — Boyeco, C — Concepción, F — Freire, L — Lautaro, NI —
Nueva Imperial, PM — Puerto Montt, T — Temuco, V — Valdivia, Vi —
Valparaı́so/Viña del Mar.
Chapter 1
The Mapuche people
The majority of the Mapuche people live in Chile in an area which extends
from the river Bı́o-Bı́o (lat. 36◦ ) to Lake Llanquihue (lat. 41◦ ), in particular
in the (ninth) Region of La Araucanı́a (provinces of Cautı́n and Malleco). The
city of Temuco is the geographical and socio-economic centre of the Mapuche
territory. A substantial number of Mapuche live in the metropolitan area of
Santiago.
Estimates of the Mapuche population in Chile today vary from 400,000 to
1,000,000. According to the Chilean 2002 census 442,840 people of 15 years
and older declared themselves to be of ethnic Mapuche origin (out of a total
of 604,000 Mapuche). The 1992 census, however, shows a number of 907,406
people of 15 years and older who declared to belong to the Mapuche people.
The great discrepancy in the outcome of the two censuses leaves doubt about
the validity of these numbers, which may be partly explained by the difference
in the wording of the two questionnaires. By means of the Ley Indı́gena no.
19,253 Chile acknowledges the existence of eight indigenous peoples within
its boundaries (Aymará, Rapa Nui, Quechua, Mapuche, Atacameños, Colla,
Kawashkar and Yagán) of which the Mapuche are by far the largest in number.
According to the 2002 census the Mapuche people constitute 87% of the total
indigenous population of Chile.
About 300,000 Mapuche live in Argentina, in the provinces of Neuquén, Rı́o
Negro, Chubut, Buenos Aires and la Pampa. The majority of them live in the
province of Neuquén (Fernández Garay 2005: 20).
Mapuche ‘people of the land’ is the name by which the Mapuche call them-
selves. It is derived from the Mapuche words mapu ‘land’ and che ‘person,
people’. The Mapuche people are also referred to as Araucanians (see below).
The Actual Situation

The majority of the Mapuche today are small scale farmers practising sub-
sistence agriculture on badlands. The products, such as barley, chickens, geese,
sheep and fruit, are used for domestic consumption or sold on local markets.
Traditional products of handicraft, in particular textiles and jewelry, find their
way to the global market through international companies and the internet.
4 The Mapuche people
The systematic reduction of Mapuche territory, which started in the 1880s

with the confinement of the Mapuche in reserved areas and the selling of Ma-
puche land to Chilean peasants and immigrants from Europe, undermined the
social organization of the Mapuche. Mapuche communities today are local
units of individual families who participate in social or economic events on an
individual basis. Originally the patrilineal, extended family, consisting of the
man and his wife or wives, his sons and their wives and children, used to live
and work together on the ancestral land. Nowadays, after a long process of
usurpation and constant division and subdivision of land, the nuclear families
of a patrilineage find themselves more and more spread out over the land of the
community. Outside the local Mapuche communities life is dominated by the
Spanish speaking, Western-European Chilean society in which the Mapuche
have unwittingly become a minority. Over the past decades a growing number
of Mapuche left the rural areas in search of work in the cities. Today about
40% of the Mapuche live in the metropolitan area of Santiago. Loss of culture,
social marginalization and discrimination go hand in hand as a result of this
rural exodus. The Mapuche, however, do not give up on their land and lan-
guage, two important pillars of their culture. They resist their loss of autonomy
brought about by the laws and practices of the government, local authorities
and forestry companies. There is a multitude of Mapuche organizations ran-
ging from small, local cultural organizations to militant political groups which
strive for autonomy. Unfortunately there is not one organization which repre-
sents the interests of the entire population. However, the slogan nütuayiñ mapu
‘wep will take [our] land back’ rallies many different groupings. The Mapuche
make full use of modern media like the internet to argue their case. Within the
inner circle of the family and their community the Mapuche continue to speak
their native language. There are no reliable figures concerning the number of
speakers but in the rural areas in particular a substantial part of the Mapuche
speak their own language. For what it is worth, the Wikipedia internet site
2006 mentions a total number of 400,000 Mapuche speakers in Chile and 40,000
in Argentina (without reference to their source).
Names and subgroups

At the time of the arrival of the Spanish invaders in the sixteenth century, the
indigenous population of Chile is estimated at one million people. The majority,
about 600,000, lived in the area between the rivers Bı́o-Bı́o and Toltén (Salas
1992b: 28). Before the Spanish, the Inca’s had tried to subjugate the indigenous
people they met in the area between the rivers Maule and Bı́o-Bı́o. The Inca’s
called them, in reference to their fierce resistance, awka (from Quechua awqa
‘enemy’, ‘rebel’) or purum awqa ‘uncivilised enemy’.
The Spanish called the area south of the river Bı́o-Bı́o, between the mountain
Nahuelbuta and the ocean, Arauco and its inhabitants Araucanos. The term
Arauco was first used in writing by Alonso de Ercilla, the author of the Spanish
epic “La Araucana” (1569–89), which relates the history of the war between
1 The Mapuche people 5
the Spanish and the indigenous inhabitants of central Chile. In the book, the
latter are referred to as the Indians of the locality of Arauco ‘muddy water’
(derived from the Mapuche words raq ‘clay’ and ko ‘water’). Later the term
Arauco was used for the entire area between the rivers Bı́o-Bı́o and Toltén,
which the Spanish failed to conquer (see below). As a consequence, the term
Araucano got the wider, generic meaning of referring to the independent indi-
genous inhabitants of the area that was not submitted to the Spanish crown.
Later still the autonomous area was called La Araucanı́a ‘land of the Arauca-
nos’ (Salas 1992a: 30–31). Today this area more or less overlaps with the ninth
Region of Chile, which comprises the provinces of Neuquén and Cautı́n, and
is called La Araucanı́a. The Mapuche never adopted the name of Araucanians
as a self-designation. For them, the term is wingka (the Mapuche word for
‘stranger, non-Mapuche, aggressor, thief’).
Salas (1992a) claims that in the sixteenth century the indigenous population
did not have a specific name by which they called themselves. He supposes
that the presence of invading aggressors called for the need of self-identification
which led to phrases like re che ‘authentic/pure people’ and mapuche ‘people
of the land/indigenous people’ as a means of self-identification. Various names
have been given to subgroups of Mapuche. In the historical and anthropological
literature one uses the term Picunche (pikum ‘North’) to refer to the Mapuche
who, at the time of the arrival of the Spanish, lived north of the river Bı́o-Bı́o,
between the rivers Mapocho and Maule. According to Salas (1992a) there is
no ground for this use of the name Picunche. The term, he says, is a deictic
term (‘northerner’) and not the name of a subgroup. Today the term Picunche
is used as such and refers to Mapuche people from the north, i.e. north of
the river Bı́o-Bı́o. For the Mapuche people who lived in the south, between the
province of Valdivia and the island of Chiloé, one used the term Huilliche (willi
‘south’). According to Salas (1992a) this term is also a deictic term and does
not refer to a particular subgroup of Mapuche. Today the term is actually used
as a deictic term and refers to the Mapuche people who live in the provinces
of Valdivia, Osorno and Chiloé. The Pehuenche inhabited the eastern Andean
slopes in what is today the Argentinian province of Neuquén. Their name
is derived from the Mapuche word pewen ‘pine-nut (of the Araucaria tree)’.
These nomadic Pehuenche depended on the collection of the pine-nuts. They
had a language and identity of their own, distinct from the ones of the Mapuche
(Adelaar 2004: 505). According to Salas a number of these Pehuenche crossed
the Andes in the eighteenth century and settled on the upper reaches of the
river Bı́o-Bı́o. The indigenous people who live in that area today are called
Pehuenche and speak a Mapuche dialect. They are not necessarily related to
the historical Argentinian Pehuenche (Adelaar 2004). The name Moluche (or
Ngoluche or Nuluche) has been used (by Lenz 1895–7 among others) to refer
to the inhabitants of the southern part of La Araucanı́a. This name was not
used by the people themselves, but rather by the Mapuche in the mountains
who called the people in the plains Moluche (ngull- ‘to set (of the sun)’.
Other names for groups of Mapuche used by others than themselves include
Puelche, (puel ‘east’) for the inhabitants of the eastern slopes of the Andean
cordillera and Lafkenche (lafken ‘sea’) for the Mapuche who live in the coastal
areas. In the present book the term Mapuche is used to designate all indigenous
inhabitants of central Chile. For more details on the subgroups of Mapuche,
see Cooper 1946: 690–694, Salas 1978: 361–6 and Salas 1992a: 29–32.
Origin of the Mapuche

There is uncertainty about the origin of the Mapuche people. One hypothesis,
brought forward by Tomás Guevara, claims that there was a people speaking
one language who lived in Chile between latitudes 25◦ and 44◦ . This people
descended from the first settlers in the area, fishermen who, coming from the
north, gradually occupied the coastal areas up to the isle of Chiloé.
Another theory, formulated by Ricardo E. Latcham, claims that initially there
used to be two peoples. One people consisted of fishermen in the coastal area
who eventually spread into the central valley where they developed into hunters
and collectors. Another people which practised agriculture and cattle breeding
joined them from the North. This group mixed with the original inhabitants
and they gradually occupied the area which extended from Coquimbo to Chiloé.
In the thirteenth and fourteenth century a group of invaders from the Argenti-
nian pampa occupied a strip of land between the rivers Itata and Toltén, thus
dispersing the original inhabitants to the north and to the south. This led to
the groups Picunche in the north, Huilliche in the south, and Mapuche in the
middle.
On the basis of archeological evidence the second hypothesis meets with less
and less enthusiasm (Salas 1992a: 34). Lately there seems to be a consensus
that the Mapuche are one people with a single language, originated in Chile
(Bengoa, pers. comm.). The Argentinian Mapuche stem from the Chilean
Mapuche. In the seventeenth century economic necessity drove the Mapuche
across the Andean cordillera to settle in the Argentine territory. (Fernández
Garay 2005: 16).
History
The recorded history of the Mapuche begins with the Inca invasion under Tupac
Yupanqui in the second half of the 15th century. The Incas occupied the ter-
ritory as far south as the river Maule. The Inca penetration stopped either at
the river Maipo (Cooper 1946: 696) or at the river Bı́o-Bı́o (Salas 1992a: 35).
There is also disagreement on the extent of the influence of the Inca’s on the
Mapuche culture. Whereas Cooper claims that the Inca influence “ . . . does not
appear to have been very profound” (Cooper 1946: 696), Salas states that the
Inca empire imposed its complex socio-political organization on the indigenous
inhabitants who lived north of the river Maule. The Inca influence on them was
“massive” (Salas 1992a: 35). The Mapuche who lived south of the river Maule,
however, managed to prevent Inca occupation of their territory (around 1480)
1 The Mapuche people 7
and kept their freedom, their loose tribal organization and their semi-nomadic
lifestyle of hunters and collectors (Salas 1992a: 35–38).
At the time of the Spanish invasion, in the mid sixteenth century, the Ma-
puche formed a sedentary people of farmers with a democratic, decentralized
political organization. Military leaders, which were chosen for their capacities,
held their function only during war time. Kinship heads and local chiefs, which
were as a rule hereditary, had little power and there was no overall chief (Coo-
per 1946: 724). Social organization was based on the extended family. Several
extended families, who worked together on communal land, formed a lof, which
is now the Mapuche term for a reservation. In the entire Mapuche territory
which ran from Coquimbo to the isle of Chiloé the people spoke one language.
They joined in religious ceremonies and social events like sports activities. In
Mapuche religion, the central figure is the Supreme Being, the Creator, who is
both male and female, both young and old. He/she is called ngüne-che-n (‘ruler
of people’) or ngüne-mapu-n (‘ruler of land’). The Mapuche recognize various
personal and impersonal demons. The machi is the intermediary between the
real world and the supernatural.
For more than three centuries the Mapuche fought the Spanish, mostly in
the central Mapuche territory. The Spanish conquered the territory north
of the river Bı́o-Bı́o with relative ease (in the sixteenth century). Penetration
further south met with particularly fierce resistance of the Mapuche population
so much so that the Spanish were driven to defend what they had conquered
north of the river Bı́o-Bı́o. The Mapuche astounded the Spanish with their
martial tactics, courage and perseverance. In 1641 the river Bı́o-Bı́o was for-
mally acknowledged by the Spanish crown as the border south of which began
the autonomous territory of the Mapuche people, the area between the rivers
Bı́o-Bı́o and Toltén. This area has since that time been known as La Fron-
tera ‘the frontier’ (or La Araucanı́a). South of the river Toltén the Spanish
penetrated with less violence and more efficiency. Through the recognition of
Mapuche authorities and the conclusion of military and economic treaties with
various indigenous groups, helped by the missionary activities of the Jesuit and
Capuchin orders, the Spanish effectively colonized the southern part of the Ma-
puche territory (Salas 1992a: 37). By the time Chile became an independent
state (1818), the Mapuche in the north were completely assimilated and the
Mapuche in the south dwindled in numbers as a result of assimilation (Adelaar
2004: 507). Once the new republic had secured its independence and set up its
political organization, the Chilean government proceeded to the incorporation
of the autonomous Mapuche territory into the new state. The Mapuche were
settled in reserved areas (‘reducciones’) in what once was their own territory.
The rest of their land was used to build cities, roads and railroads and to estab-
lish farms for Chilean peasants and European immigrants. The Mapuche who
considered these actions invasive responded in the way they had responded to
the Inca and Spanish aggression, that is with constant raids and revolts. The
last revolt took place between 1880 and 1882 when the Mapuche were finally
subdued in the military campaign known as the Campaña de pacificación de

la Araucanı́a. The process of incorporation of Mapuche territory proceeded
and was considered to be finished at the end of the nineteenth century. Ci-
ties were founded, a rural population of Chilean and European farmers was
settled in privately owned farms and the Mapuche were confined to formally
defined areas, assigned by means of title deeds. The organization of the land in
privately owned plots undermined the unity and organization of the Mapuche
people. It created animosity between the Mapuche and the non-Indian popula-
tion, and it still does. The land which the Mapuche were allowed was little and
of poor quality. Consequently, the Mapuche suffer from social marginalization,
poverty and discrimination. The Mapuche were particularly oppressed during
the years of the dictatorial regime of Pinochet (1973–1989). A great number
of them fled their native territory and migrated to cities. Others were exiled
from their country and started a new life in Europe.
From the seventeenth century economic necessity had driven groups of Ma-
puche to enter the Argentine pampas and Patagonia in search for horses and
cows which roamed about freely (Fernández Garay 2005: 16–19). The Mapuche
were feared for their violent and efficient raids (known as malón). Part of the
Mapuche invaders settled down and established colonies. They made contact
with the local Tehuelche which was at times peaceful and at times hostile. The
Mapuche language and culture slowly penetrated the indigenous inhabitants of
the pampa and eastern Patagonia. Practically all Tehuelche groups which lived
in the central-northern part of Patagonia have been ‘araucanized’ (Fernández
Garay 2005: 16–19). By the end of the nineteenth century the Indians in the
pampas and Patagonia were finally subdued by military campaigns and inte-
grated in the new Argentinian state. The Mapuche in Argentina suffered from
similar integration politics as the Chilean Mapuche. They were confined in
reservations with little and poor land. Many of them migrated to cities in
search of work. Missionaries and schooling enhanced the disintegration of the
Mapuche culture.
Chapter 2
The Mapuche language
At the time of the arrival of the Spanish the Mapuche language was the only
language spoken in central Chile, that is from Coquimbo to the island of Chiloé.
The Jesuit priest Luis de Valdivia, who made the first description of the Arauca-
nian language (1606), wrote that the language was used in the entire Kingdom
of Chile (“. . . la lengua que corre en todo el Reyno de Chile”). The linguistic
homogeneity of central and southern Chile in the mid-sixteenth century stands
in “. . . marked contrast with the situation of linguistic diversity and multilin-
gualism emerging from seventeenth-century descriptive accounts of almost any
other area in the Americas” (Adelaar 2004: 508). Valdivia mentions differences
between the dialect of the bishopric of Santiago, known as Mapocho or Mapuchu
(named after the river of that name), and a dialect further south which he cal-
led “Beliche”. Adelaar states that some of the characteristics Valdivia ascribed
to the Beliche dialect nowadays apply to the language of the Mapuche in the
provinces of Malleco and Cautı́n (Adelaar 2004: 508). The Mapocho dialect,
spoken in the area which the Spanish had conquered in an early stage, has long
been extinct. The dialects which survived are the dialects which were spoken in
the area between the rivers Bı́o-Bı́o and Toltén, the former Araucanı́a, and the
dialects further south. The Argentinian Mapuche variety was brought there by
Mapuche from the former Araucanı́a. The Chilean and Argentinian Mapuche
varieties bear a strong linguistic similarity.
Names and dialects

Missionaries who studied and described the Mapuche language referred to the
language as Chili ungu, Chili üngu or Chili dugu. The Mapuche call their
language mapu ungu, mapu ungun or simply Mapuche (mapu ‘land’, ungu
‘idea, language, word’; -n is a verbal noun marker, see 26.4.6). The Mapuche
who speak the southern dialect and live in the provinces of Valdivia, Osorno and
Chiloé, the Huilliche, call their language tsesungun ‘language of the people’. At
the end of the nineteenth century Rodolfo Lenz observed, quite like Valdivia
before, that the dialectal differences within the Araucanian territory were insig-
nificant (Lenz 1895-7: XXII). Lenz distinguished the Picunche in the north, the
Moluche or Ngoluche in the southern part of Araucanı́a, the Pehuenche in the
10 The Mapuche language
Map 2: Distribution of Mapuche dialects. Dialect subgroup boundaries after

Croese (1980).
2 The Mapuche language 11
Andean cordillera in what is now the province of Malleco and the Huilliche in
the south. In his opinion the differences were minimal between Pehuenche and
Moluche, more noticeable between the latter two and Pikunche, and substantial
between Pehuenche-Moluche and Huilliche.
The only recent attempt at classifying Mapuche dialects was made by Robert
A. Croese (1980). On the basis of a dialect survey which he held at the end
of the 1970’s, Croese distinguishes eight dialects divided over three branches.
The northern branch comprises dialects I and II, the southern branch consists
of dialect VIII and the central branch comprises dialects III-VII. The geograp-
hical distribution of the dialects is indicated in map 2. The dialectal subgroups
I and II correspond to the Picunche in Lenz’ classification. Subgroups III-
VII correspond to the Moluche-Pehuenche whereas the dialectal subgroup VIII
corresponds to the Huilliche. The differences between the dialects are largely
phonetic, and primarily concern the sonority of fricatives. Croese’s classifica-
tion confirms the one made by Lenz in a northern, central and southern branch.
Salas (1992a: 61) feels that the differences between the Mapuche in the Andean
cordillera and the Mapuche in the valleys in the province of Malleco are too
few and too small so as to justify the classification in two subgroups. Likewise,
the differences between the speech of the Mapuche on the coast, in the valleys
and in the cordillera in the province of Cautı́n are so small that a classifica-
tion in three different groups is exaggerated (Salas 1992a: 61). Croese finds
that dialects I and II are mutually intelligible as are dialects III-VII. He finds
some initial communication problems beteeen the dialects I-II and II-VII and
establishes no mutual intelligibility between the speakers of dialects I-VII and
VIII. Salas feels that Croese overestimates the differences between the dialects
I-II and III-VII. He agrees with Croese and Lenz in concluding that Huilliche
(dialect VIII) and the other seven dialects are not mutually intelligible. For a
discussion of the phonetic characteristics of Huilliche, see Salas (1992a: 86–92).
The actual situation

The majority of the Mapuche population today correspond with the Moluche
group in Lenz’ classification. The present-day Huilliche are few in number.
They live in the southern provinces of Valdivia and Osorno (in particular
around Lago Ranco and in the area of San Juan de la Costa) and Chiloé.
As it seems, the vitality of their language is waning (Salas 1992a: 62). One can
only guess at the total number of Mapuche speakers in Chile. It is estimated at
40% of the total Mapuche population (Adelaar 2004: 14) or at 400,000 speakers
(Wikipedia 2006). The socio-linguistic situation of the Mapuche has changed
rapidly. At the time of the incorporation of the Mapuche into the new Chi-
lean state (at the end of the nineteenth century) the majority of the Mapuche
population of La Araucanı́a spoke only Mapuche (Salas 1992a: 43). Today
practically all Mapuche speakers are bilingual. Given the dominance of the
Spanish speaking society the Mapuche were forced to speak Spanish. As the
non-Mapuche inhabitants of La Araucanı́a (and elsewhere) do not speak Ma-
puche there is an absolute need for the Mapuche to speak Spanish if they wish
to participate in Chilean society. The degree of bilingualism is very much de-
pendent on residency in the Mapuche community, participation in the Chilean
society and, generally speaking, the orientation in life of the individual, towards
the traditional or the modern-urban way of life. Elderly people and young
children living in the Mapuche community are on the one end of the spectrum,
speaking predominantly Mapuche, with, on the other end, urban Mapuche
professionals who speak Spanish only. Many Mapuche who have had little edu-
cation speak a Mapuchisized Spanish (“castellano mapuchizado”) (Hernández
and Ramos 1978, 1979, 1984) for which they are ridiculed. The problem is that
many Mapuche who want to provide their children with an important tool for
social promotion, raise their children in poor Spanish. For a vivid picture of
the situation of Mapuche-Spanish bilingualism, see Salas (1992a: 43–49).
The Indigenous Law of 1993 (Ley Indı́gena 1993 ) states in article 32 that
the State will provide for a system of bilingual, intercultural education. So far,
this promise has not yet materialized. The Mapuche strife for equal, bilingual,
intercultural education. To this end they aim for official recognition of their
language in the constitution and for the development of a standardization of the
Mapuche language laid down in an official grammar. So far, bilingual education
has meant that the Mapuche learn - a little - Spanish. They are not taught
Mapuche nor are they taught in their own language. The Spanish speaking
residents of La Araucanı́a do not speak Mapuche nor do they have any know-
ledge of the Mapuche culture. At present, small-scale experiments are made in
primary schools in La Arucanı́a to teach Mapuche children in both Mapuche
and Spanish. The rather egalitarian traditional Mapuche society, characterized
by a low degree of specialization and internal stratification is reflected in the
rather uniform use of the language. There is no difference in appreciation of
the one (local) variety over the other, nor are there major differences in the
speech of men, women, children, youngsters, adults and elderly people (Sa-
las 1992a: 63). There are, however, differences in style, notably emotionally
affected speech versus neutral speech, see section 4.5.
Whilst an official grammar has not yet been produced, several attempts have
been made to standardize the orthography. The most widely used orthography
(including in this book) is the one drawn up by a committee of Mapuche repre-
sentatives and linguists, the Alfabeto Mapuche Unificado (Sociedad Chilena de
Lingüı́stica 1986). The Mapuche have a rich tradition of oral literature. Typical
forms of narratives are stories of fiction (epeo or apeo) such as myths, fables and
stories about the deceased, demons or witches, and stories about real-life events
(ngütram or nütram). See Salas 1992a: 211–332 for a discussion of Mapuche
literature and a presentation of texts. See below for publications of Mapuche
stories. The oratory art (wewpin) was and still is highly valued. Since the
middle of the twentieth century Mapuche writers have emerged, mainly poets.
They publish in Mapuche or Spanish or both.
The Mapuche language is not widely used in the media. It may be heard on
2 The Mapuche language 13
the radio, but not on television. The Mapuche who make use of the internet,
do so almost exclusively in Spanish. There is a great number of social and
political Mapuche organizations, many of which publish a leaflet or a paper,
mainly in Spanish.
In Argentina the Mapuche language is in the process of extinction. Children
and youngsters do not speak Mapuche. The language has for them merely
symbolic value (Fernández Garay 2005: 22).
Linguistic Classification
The relationship between Mapuche and other South American languages has
not yet been established. So far, various suggestions have been made. In 1896
Lenz claimed that Mapuche is an isolated language, as did McQuown (1955:
512), Chamberlain (1913: 245), Voegelin and Voegelin (1965: 76) and Swadesh
(1959: 22) (cited by Stark (1970: 58)). Englert (1936) suggested a relati-
onship between Mapuche, Quechua and Aymara (Salas 1980: 49). Greenberg
(1987: 99) classifies Mapuche together with Tehuelche, Puelche (Gününa Küne)
and the languages of Tierra del Fuego in the Southern Andean branch. Stark
(1970) and Hamp (1971) propose a genetic relationship between Mapuche and
Maya. Key (1978ab) classifies Mapuche in the Tacana-Panoan group. Payne
and Croese (1988) suggest a relation between Mapuche and the Arawak family.
Their hypothesis is based on sets of lexical cognates, grammatical correspon-
dences, and non-linguistic factors such as the original habitat of the Mapuche
and the original Mapuche culture “being essentially of the Tropical Forest type”
(Croese 1987: 5). Conclusive evidence for the genetic status of the Mapuche
language is lacking. Adelaar describes the Andes and the pre-Andean lowlands
as an area in which genetically isolated languages and small language families
predominate. “Not the number of languages, but rather the number of irreduci-
ble genetic units constitutes its most striking feature. The resulting impression
of extreme linguistic diversity is partly due to insufficient documentation . . . ”
(Adelaar 2004: 22). Adelaar points out that in the Andes more languages be-
came extinct during the last five centuries than anywhere else on the South
American continent. The majority of these languages have remained undocu-
mented. The loss of so many undocumented languages “implies the loss of just
as many potential links between the languages still in use” (Adelaar 2004: 22).
Mapuche studies
The Mapuche language has been studied and documented since the seventeenth
century. Adalberto Salas, a prolific writer on Mapuche, presents an excellent bi-
bliography in “La Lingüı́stica Mapuche, guı́a bibliográfica” (Salas 1992b) which
is an enlarged and updated version of “La Lingüı́stica Mapuche en Chile” (Sa-
las 1980). The first grammars were written by priests of the Jesuit or Capuchin
order to serve as teaching material for missionaries who sought to spread the
Christian faith among the indigenous people of Chile. The grammars of Val-
divia (1606), Febrés (1765) and Havestadt (1777) are written in the scholastic
tradition. The fourth grammar (1903) is by the German Capuchin missionary
Félix de Augusta, who collected his material in the field and used his own
analytical devices beyond the limitations of the Latin-based tradition. In 1910
Augusta published a number of texts collected by himself and the priest Sieg-
fried de Fraunhaeusl in Huapi and Panguipulli, in the central and southern part
of the Mapuche territory (“Lecturas Araucanas”). Augusta completed his work
with an excellent and extensive dictionary “Araucano-español” and “Español-
araucano” (1916). The fifth Mapuche grammar was published in 1962, “Idioma
mapuche”, written by Ernesto Moesbach. This grammar, which is a poor copy
of Augusta’s, suffers from a latinizing interpretation of the Mapuche language.
Adalberto Salas (1938-2000) has made a significant contribution to the study
of Mapuche with a great number of articles on Mapuche phonology and mor-
phology and his book “El mapuche o araucano” which presents a phonological
and grammatical “panorama” of the Mapuche language for a non-specialist au-
dience. In 1989 I published a Mapuche grammar with texts in a limited edition
(“A Mapuche grammar”). The present book is a revised and enlarged version
of the 1989 edition. A classroom textbook is Catrileo (1987). A short refe-
rence grammar is Zúñiga (2000). In his book on Andean Languages Adelaar
discusses the Mapuche language in the chapter on the “Araucanian sphere”
(2004, 502-544). Fernández Garay (2005) is a short grammatical description of
the Argentine Mapuche language for an audience of non-specialists.
Since the middle of the twentieth century a growing number of articles have
been published on the Mapuche language. A rather exhaustive bibliography
may be found in Salas 1992a and 1992b. I will mention a selection of arti-
cles, on phonology: Suárez (1959), Echeverrı́a and Contreras (1965), Rivano
(1990), on morphology: Salas (1970a, 1970b, 1978, 1979a, 1979b), Grimes
(1985), Harmelink (1986, 1987, 1988, 1990a, 1990b, 1992), Rivano (1988, 1989),
Arnold (1996), on Huilliche: Contreras and Alvarez-Santullano Busch(1989),
Alvarez-Santullano Busch (1992), and on historical-comparative linguistics:
Stark (1970), Key (1978), Croese (1980). Argentinian varieties of Mapuche are
dealt with in Fernández Garay (1981, 1988, 1991, 1998, 2001, 2005), Fernández
Garay and Malvestitti (2002) and Golluscio (1997, 1998, 2000).
Several collections of texts have been published. Before the publication of
“Lecturas Araucanas” by Augusta (1910), Rodolfo Lenz had collected a large
number of texts in different parts of the Mapuche territory. He published them
between 1895 and 1879 together with ethnographic and linguistic notes in the
“Anales de la Universidad de Chile” under the title “Estudios araucanos”.
Moesbach followed with the publication of the autobiography and memoirs
of Pascual Coña, a Mapuche leader, in “Vida y costumbres de los indı́genas
araucanos en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX” (Moesbach 1930). The texts
give an invaluable insight in the beliefs, customs and lives of the Mapuche at
the end of the nineteenth century. Salas (1992a) discusses the different genres in
Mapuche oral literature and includes a number of texts. Argentinian Mapuche
stories are presented in Golbert de Goodbar (1975), Fernández Garay (2002)
and Fernández Garay in collaboration with Poduje and Crochetti (1993).
Chapter 3
This grammar
This book presents a description of the Mapuche language as it is spoken in

the central area of Mapuche territory in Chile, that is in the ninth Region of
La Araucanı́a, in the province of Cautı́n, around the city of Temuco. The data
for this book were collected by the author in collaboration with five Mapuche
speakers. This book does not follow a specific theoretical model. The primary
goal is to make the language facts accessible. The author has received her
linguistic training in the Department of Comparative Linguistics of Leiden
University the general theoretical orientation of which was inspired by Pragian
structuralism.
3.1 Sources
During a period of four years (1977–1981) I worked intermittently with two
Mapuche speakers, who at the time stayed in the Netherlands as political exiles.
My main informant was Luis Quinchavil, who was born in 1938 and raised in
Nueva Imperial. He was a serious man, who devoted himself to the struggle
for a just society in Chile. He has been reported missing since 1981, when,
determined to fight, he returned to his native land. This book is dedicated to
Luis Quinchavil in honour of his exemplary Mapuche dignity and perseverance.
My second informant was Rafael Railaf, born in 1933 in Lautaro, a flam-
boyant man, who was engaged, with humour and optimism, in opposing the
injustice done to his people and his country.
Toward the end of 1981 I spent two months in Chile and worked there with
Mario Millapi from Boyeco, a perceptive man, in his late forties. He was a far-
mer living in the traditional way, and converted to Christianity. He presented
a Christian religious program on the radio. In Chile I occasionally checked lexi-
cal material with Jacinta Mena, a woman from a village between Temuco and
Freire. I checked phonetic details with Maria Huenchun from Nueva Imperial.
See map 2 for the locality of Nueva Imperial, Lautaro, Boyeco and Freire.
All informants were bilingual and fluent speakers of Mapuche. The medium
of conversation was mainly Spanish. Luis Quinchavil and Mario Millapi used
little Spanish loans unlike Rafael Railaf.
16 This grammar
This grammar is a description of the dialect of Luis Quinchavil from Nueva

Imperial, with reference to the differences recorded from the other informants.
3.2 Outline of the grammar

This section gives a brief survey of the main linguistic features of the Mapuche
language. Mapuche is a highly agglutinative language. It makes use of suffixa-
tion, compounding and reduplication. Verbal morphology is complex. Word
order is relatively free.
The phonetics and phonology of Mapuche are rather simple. Mapuche has
the following 25 native phonemes:
five plosives: bilabial p, alveolo-dental t, palatal ch [č], retroflex tr [c],
velar k,
four fricatives: labio-dental f, interdental [θ], alveolar s, palatal sh [š],
four glides: bilabial w, palatal y, retroflex r [ ], velar q [γ],
four nasals: bilabial m, alveolo-dental n, palatal ñ, velar ng [ ]
two laterals: alveolo-dental l, palatal ll [l̃ ],
six vowels: a (low central), e (mid front), o (mid back rounded), i (high
front), u (high back rounded) and ü (mid central [ ] in unst-
ressed position and high central [ı̈ ] in stressed position).
The Mapuche phonemic system includes the following four consonants which
are restricted to Spanish loans: bilabial plosive b, (inter-)dental plosive d, velar
plosive g and velar fricative x. Spanish r, rr are usually replaced by the Mapuche
retroflex r.
The transcription used in this book is in line with the “Alfabeto Mapuche
Unificado”, drawn up by the Sociedad Chilena de Lingüı́stica (1986), except
for two characters. Whereas the SCL write d for the interdental fricative [θ], I
write , in order to distinguish [θ] from the voiced plosive d [d ], which occurs
in Spanish loans. The SCL write g for the velar glide [γ]. I use the character
g for the voiced velar plosive which can be found in Spanish loans and I use q
for the velar glide.
Stress has a limited functional load. There is a tendency to have stress
before the last consonant of a word. Chapters 4–9 contain a description of the
phonology and morphophonology.
Mapuche has nouns, pronouns, adjectives, adverbs, numerals, verbs and par-
ticles. Verbs are clearly distinct from non-verbs since verbs do not occur unin-
flected.
Nouns which are coreferential with a person marker in the verb are not in-
flected. Such nouns can have the function of subject, direct object or dative
subject (see below). Nouns can be inflected by the instrumental -mew ∼ -mu.
This suffix covers a wide semantic range. It indicates instrument, time, place,
circumstance, cause, and is also used in comparative constructions. Nouns
which take -mew ∼ -mu do not corefer with a person marker and are referred
to as instrumental object (inst, see 10.1). Nouns which are not coreferen-
3.2 Outline of the grammar 17
tial with a person marker or inflected by the instrumental have the function
of complement (see below). Nouns can be modified by pronouns, adjectives
and numerals. Modifiers precede the constituent which they modify. Relati-
ons between nouns -spatial, quantitative, partitive, possessive, comitative or
coordinative- are expressed by juxtaposition (see chapter 23).
There are demonstrative, personal, possessive and interrogative pronouns.
Mapuche has a three-term system of demonstrative pronouns. It distinguishes
two frames of reference, context and situation (14.3). Personal and possessive
pronouns distinguish singular, dual and plural in first and second person forms.
For the third person number is optional. Pronouns can have the instrumental
object marker -mew ∼ -mu. For pronouns, see chapters 14–17.
Nominal morphology is relatively simple. There is some suffixation, com-
pounding and reduplication (see chapters 18, 19 and 20 respectively). Trans-
position of nouns and adjectives into verbs takes place by means of verbalizing
suffixes (chapter 21). Suffixes which change verbs into nouns are discussed in
Part V. For flectional nominalization, see 26.4, for derivational nominalizers,
see chapter 28.
A simple verb stem consists of a simple uninflected verbal root or of a simple
or compound nominal root which is immediately followed by a verbalizing suffix
(in slot 36). A complex verb stem contains more than a single stem (see 25.1).
Mapuche has about 100 verbal suffixes. They occur in a more or less fixed
position relative to one another. On the basis of their relative position in the
verb form, and their function, verbal suffixes have been assigned to a slot.
There are 36 slots. These are numbered from the end of the verb form toward
the beginning, slot 1 occupying word final position, slot 36 being closest to the
root. Certain slots contain a number of mutually exclusive fillers, one of which
may be a zero marker. Suffixes which occupy different slots may exclude one
another for grammatical or semantic reasons.
Slots 1–15 contain flectional suffixes, which have a fixed position. They in-
clude suffixes indicating person, number, mood, nominalization, aspect, tense,
negation and truth value. Slots 16–27 contain derivational suffixes most of
which are semantic modifiers. Aspect markers and valency modifiers fill slots
28–36. Most fillers of slots 16–36 have a fixed position.
A Mapuche verb form consists of a root followed by one or more optional
derivational suffixes and at least one inflectional suffix. A predicate is a finite
verb form which obligatorily contains a subject marker in slot 3. A slot 3 filler
necessarily combines with a modal marker in slot 4.
(1) amu-y-m-i
4 3 2
go-ind –2 -s
‘yous went’
A verb form which has an empty subject slot contains a nominalization marker
in slot 4. Such a form is non-finite and is called a subordinate. Subordinates
18 This grammar
may indicate an event as such or the patient or agent of an event. They can
be used as an instrumental or locative, or as a temporal, causal or final clause.
(2) amu-lu
go-svn4
‘the one who went’
The subject of most subordinates is expressed by a possessive pronoun.
(3) iñché ñi amu-mu-m
I poss1s go-plpf7-ivn4
‘where I went’, ‘with which I went’
There are three groups of person markers. They indicate subject (slot 3),
direct object (slot 6) or dative subject (slot 1). In a verb form which contains
one person marker, the subject is by definition the single argument. Subject is
first, second or third person. First and second person subject are obligatorily
marked for number (slot 2), which may be singular, dual or plural. Number is
optional for third person subject. In a verb form which contains only a subject
and a direct object marker, the subject is the agent and the direct object is
the patient. There are two direct object markers: -fi- and -e-. The suffix -fi-,
the external direct object marker (EDO), indicates that the patient has to be
looked for in the situation at large, outside the speech act. The referent of -fi-
always is a third person. The number of the -fi- referent is optionally indicated
by means of a personal pronoun.
(4) pe-fi-y-m-u
6 4 3 2
see-edo -ind –2 -d
‘youd saw him/her/it/them’
The suffix -e-, the internal direct object marker (IDO), indicates that the
referent of the subject is to be identified on the basis of the discourse and is the
patient and not the agent of the event. The patient may be a first or second
person or a contextually determined third person. The agent is indicated by
the dative subject marker (slot 1). The suffix -e- necessarily combines with a
slot 1 filler.
Dative subject is either a third person (marked -(m)ew ) or a non-third person
(marked -∅).
(5) pe-e-y-m-u-mew
6 4 3 2 1
see-ido -ind –2 -d -ds
‘he/she/they saw youd’
For the sake of brevity, a third person subject, direct object or dative subject
will usually be translated as ‘he’ or ‘him’.
Slots 6 and 1 can be filled in predicates and subordinates. Verbs which can
contain a slot 6 filler (and a slot 1 filler in case slot 6 is occupied by -e-) are
transitive. Intransitive verbs contain a subject marker only. They cannot have
3.2 Outline of the grammar 19
slots 6 and 1 filled (for person markers, see 25.2, 26.1, 26.3 and 26.6 and the
appendix with the transitive and intransitive paradigms).
Mapuche has a formally unmarked perfective and a number of aspectuals,
most of which have imperfective meaning. There are very few verbs that have
imperfective meaning without taking an aspectual suffix (for aspect, see 25.3).
A distinction which bears on aspectual meaning is the distinction between
realized and non-realized situations. A verb which contains the suffix -a-, which
marks non-realization and fills slot 9, denotes a situation which is presented
as not being an actual fact, i.e. a situation that will, must or can take place.
The suffix -a- is primarily used to indicate that a situation will take place and
is therefore usually translated as future tense. A verb with an empty slot 9
denotes a situation which is presented as realized. Such an unmarked form
will usually be interpreted by the hearer as denoting a situation which is an
actual fact. All verb forms, except infinitives and imperatives and forms which
contain -(ü)wma 4 Completive Subjective Verbal Noun or -mu-7 Pluperfect, are
specified for the distinction realization/non-realization.
Perfective verbs which do not contain -a- in slot 9 are translated as past tense.
They denote either a complete event which is presented as having actually
taken place or the transition from one situation to another which is presented
as having actually taken place. Verbs which have imperfective meaning and
do not contain -a- in slot 9 may be translated as present or past tense. They
denote a situation which is presented as an actual fact and which may continue
to be so up to the present moment.
Chapter 25 presents a coherent survey of both person and aspect markers.
The fillers of the slots 1–36 are discussed in detail in chapter 26. The num-
ber of the subsections corresponds with the slot number of the suffixes under
discussion. For an inventory of the slot fillers I refer to the table of contents.
Syntactic relations are expressed by verbal suffixes and, to some extent, by
word order. A verb can occur without any noun phrase. There are no more
than two noun phrases which are coreferential with a person marker in a single
verb form. One of them specifies the subject, the other specifies either the
direct object or the dative subject. Furthermore, a verb can be accompanied
by one or more instrumental object noun phrases, which are marked by -mew ∼
-mu, and an indefinite number of complements. The term complement refers to
any constituent that is subordinate to the verb and does not have the function
of subject, direct object, dative subject or instrumental object. A complement
may be an adverb(ial phrase) or a noun phrase (including a subordinate).
Complements cover a wide semantic range. Complement noun phrases may
for instance denote an object which does not form part of the core situation.
Compare:
(6) nü-fi-n
6 3
take-edo -ind1s
‘I took it/him/her/them’
20 This grammar
(7) nü-n mapu

take-ind1s3 land
‘I took land’
(8) nü-fi-n mapu

6 3
take-edo -ind1s land
‘I took the land’
(9) nü-ñma-fi-n mapu

take-io26-edo6-ind1s3 land
‘I took land from him/her/them’
In (7) mapu ‘land’ is not coreferential with a person marker and therefore
has the function of a complement. In (8) mapu is coreferential with -fi-6 and
therefore is a direct object. In example (8) mapu specifies the referent of -fi-.
It denotes a specific piece of land, whereas mapu in (7) is used generically.
When a verb has a direct object and a complement object, the animate, more
agentive or definite object is assigned direct object function, see (9). For the
difference between an instrumental object and a complement, see 10.1.
Word order in a phrase is fixed (see chapter 23 and 25.4). Word order in
a sentence is basically free. There is, however, a preferred order, which is
influenced by:
1. the semantic role of the noun phrase referents. The agent in a transitive
event precedes the verb. The patient or the subject of an intransitive verb
follow the verb form.
2. topicality. The entity under discussion tends to take sentence initial position.
See chapters 33–35 for notes on syntax (Part VII). The chapters on morpho-
logy also contain a huge amount of information on syntax.
Particles constitute a separate, small class of morphemes which express the
attitude of the speaker towards what has been said. They modify a noun
phrase, a verb phrase or an entire sentence. Seventeen particles are discussed
in Part VII (chapter 32).
This book concludes with a presentation of analyzed and translated texts
(Part VIII) and a Mapuche-English dictionary (Part IX).
Part II
Phonology and morphophonology

Chapter 4
Phonemes
The Mapuche sound system contains 19 consonant phonemes and 6 vowel pho-
nemes. Unless specified otherwise, the description of the phonetic realization
of phonemes holds for all four informants (LQ, MH, RR and MM).
4.1 Consonants
The Mapuche consonant phonemes are presented in the chart below.
lab. interdent.-alv. pal. retr. vel.

plosives p t ch tr k
fricatives f s sh
glides w y r q
nasals m n ñ ng
laterals l ll
The Mapuche phoneme system includes the following consonants which occur
exclusively in loans: the voiced plosives b, d, g and the voiceless fricative x.
My data do not call for a distinction between an interdental series t, n, l and
an alveolar series t, n, l (contrary interpretations are dealt with in 4.4).
Due to the very low frequency of sh, the functional load of the opposition
s-sh is rather limited. In quite a few cases sh alternates with s (see 4.5.1). The
situation is not the same for all four informants. In the speech of LQ and MH,
sh occurs in a limited number of native roots and in a very few Spanish loans
(see below). In the speech of RR and MM, sh is even less frequent. Below I list
the -native and borrowed- roots which contain sh in the speech of LQ. These
roots have been checked with MH and RR, who did not know some of them
(indicated by “no” in the chart below). With MM they have not been checked
systematically. In a number of roots listed below sh alternates with s, , r or
y. These cases are mentioned in 4.5.1. Whenever information is not available
for a specific informant, this is indicated by a hyphen.
24 Phonemes
LQ MH RR MM
ash ‘beautiful’, ‘trick’ id. a a
allush ‘tepid’ no no no
aposh- ‘to help to walk’ id. no −
chüngküsh ‘round’ − chüngkü −
füshkü ‘fresh’ id. füskü −
kashü ‘grey’ ka ü no −
kawüsh ‘spoon’ − kawü −
kishu ‘alone’ id. id. id.
kushe ‘old woman’ id. id. id.
llikosh- ‘to sit on one’s heels’ id. no id.
meshken ‘dried and milled peppers’ id. mesken −
misha- ‘to share food’ id. no −
pañush ‘soft’ no pañu −
pishku- ‘to cook pulse without salt’ − pi ku- −
pishpish- ‘to peep’ id. no pispis-
shañe ‘nest’ añe añe −
shañwe ‘pig’ sañwe no −
shingé ‘moving along’ − singé singé
shiwill- ‘to stir’ − iwill- −
shuchetu- ‘to break wheat-ears’ id. id. −
shüllo ‘partridge’ id. sillo −
shüllwiñ ‘bumblebee’ id. no −
üllesh ‘sweet (of fruit)’ id. no −
weshá ‘bad’ id. we á id.
angkash- ‘to take on the back’ − no −
(cf. Sp. llevar en ancas id.)
llashu ‘lasso’ − − −
(cf. Sp. lazo id.)
shanchu ‘pig’ no chanchu shañchu
shiweñ ‘acorn’ iweñ diweñ −
(cf. Sp. dihuén id.)
ufisha ‘sheep’ id. ufisa ufisa
(cf. old Sp. owesha id. and
contemporary Sp. oveja id.)
In the speech of LQ s occurs in only three native roots:
LQ MH RR MM
masew ‘shrimp’ mashew no −
muska ‘brandy of maize’ id. id. −
peskiñ ‘flower’ peshkiñ perkiñ −
In the speech of RR and MM, s is more frequent in native material (I did not
check the frequency of s in the speech of MH). All informants use s frequently
in Spanish loans.
4.2 Vowels 25
The relation of the palatal and labial glides y and w to the high vowels i
and u is dealt with in 4.3.1. For the relation between the velar glide q and the
central high vowel ü, see 4.3.2.
4.1.1 Phonetic specification of consonant phonemes

p, m and w are bilabial, whereas f is labiodental.
Apart from the usual realization of tr as a retroflex affricate [c], RR also has
a retroflex stop [t. ], e.g. nütram [nı̈cám ∼ nı̈t.ám] ‘conversation’.
is a voiceless interdental fricative [θ] with three of my informants (LQ,
MH and MM). In the speech of RR, word initial and intervocalic is realized
as a voiced fricative [δ], as a voiced stop [d ] or, less frequently, as a voiceless
fricative [θ], e.g. uam [δuám ∼ duám ∼ θuám] ‘necessity, need’.
The articulation of the alveo-dentals t, n, l is relatively front before i and e,
and relatively back before u and o. Before other vowels (ü, a) either variant
may be found. With RR, the alveolar articulation is more frequent than with
other informants.
k is palato-velar before i, e, and velar in other environments.
r is a retroflex resonant with a little friction [ ].
y before u may also be realized as a voiced palatal fricative [ž ] (RR), e.g.
yuw [yuu ∼ žuu] ‘nose’.
4.1.2 On the orthography of consonant phonemes

In order to avoid confusion between the Mapuche retroflex affricate tr [c] and
the Spanish cluster tr, as in patrón ‘master’, I write the latter t.r, thus: pat.ron
‘master’.
A cluster of two interdental-alveolar laterals is written l.l, in distinction to the
palatal lateral ll [l̃ ]. A cluster of an interdental-alveolar and a palatal lateral
is written l.ll. A cluster of a palatal lateral and an interdental-alveolar lateral
is written ll.l. A cluster of two palatal laterals is written ll.ll.
4.2 Vowels
Mapuche has six vowel phonemes: a, e, o, i, ü, u. They are presented in the
following chart.
front central back
high i ü u
mid e o
low a
4.2.1 Phonetic specification of vowel phonemes

The pronunciation of ü tends to be mid [ ] in unstressed position and high
[ı̈ ] in stressed position. Word final ü is optionally followed by a voiced velar
glide [γ], e.g. antü [ánt ∼ antıγ] ‘day, sun’ (for a more detailed discussion
of this phenomenon, see 4.3.2; for stress, see chapter 7). In my data there
is no evidence for a phonemic distinction between mid [ ] and high [ı̈ ] (such
26 Phonemes
a distinction is suggested by the graphs and ü, used in the dictionary of

Augusta (1916)).
The mid vowels e and o are relatively high before a homorganic glide. This
is obligatory with o but optional with e, e.g. llowün [l̃owın] ‘I received’, toki
[t ki ] ‘axe’; fey [fϵi ∼ fei ] ‘he, she, it’, newen [nϵwϵ́n] ‘strength’ (high-mid [e]
is found less frequently with LQ than with RR and MM).
The low vowel a is slightly retracted [α] before ng, before consonant clusters
and before final consonants except q, e.g. ange [ά ϵ] ‘face’, narki [nάrki ] ‘cat’,
küpan [k pάn] ‘I came’.
The vowel a is slightly fronted [a] before q and before word final CV (except
-ngV), e.g. chaq [čaγ ∼ čá γ] ‘both’, kapi [kápi ] ‘pod’. In other environments
(before word medial CV, before a vowel or in word final position) both [α] and
[a] can be found, but a fronted pronunciation is preferred before an intervocalic
consonant.
Henceforth, the allophonic variation of vowel phonemes, treated in this sec-
tion, will not be reflected in the phonetic notation.
4.3 Vowels and glides

This section deals with the high vowels i, u, ü in relation to the glides y, w, q.
The vowels i and u are phonemically distinct from their respective glide
counterparts y and w (see 4.3.1 below). The vowel ü and the glide counterpart
q could be interpreted as belonging to a single phoneme, but for reasons to be
discussed in 4.3.2 below I prefer a two-phoneme analysis.
4.3.1 i, u vs y, w
In order to establish the phonemic status of the high vowels and the glides
one must consider the sequences in which they occur. i, y and u, w occur in
sequences with non-high vowels:
(a) penien [penién ] ‘I see’
eluen [eluén ] ‘yous gave me’
(b) tranyen [canyén ] ‘I fell carrying sth.’
alwe [álwe ] ‘soul’
(c) fey [fei ] ‘he, she, it’
chew [čeu] ‘where?’
([i ] and [u ] are used for high vocoids which constitute the least prominent
member in a diphthong).
In all cases the high vowels and the glides are less prominent than the adjacent
non-high vowels. Nevertheless, the high vowels in (a) are more prominent than
the glides in (b). i and u in (a) are part of the vocalic nucleus of the syllable,
whereas y and w in (b) are not. This will suffice to show that high vowels and
corresponding glides are phonemically distinct before non-high vowels. There
is no such distinction after non-high vowels (c).
In (c) a morphophonological argument underlies the choice for an interpre-
4.3 Vowels and glides 27
tation y, w rather than i, u. Suffixes that have the shape -y- or -w- remain
consonantal when preceded by another consonant and require the insertion of
an additional vowel, e.g. (allfül + w + y) → allfüluwüy [al̃fıluwıi ] ∼ allfülü
wüy [al̃fılı̈wıi ] ‘he wounded himself’ (´ indicates primary stress; ` secondary
stress).
High vowels i, u and glides y, w form sequences in the following ways:
– glide-vowel sequences: yi, yu, wi, wu
– vowel-glide sequences: iy, uy, iw, uw
– vowel-vowel sequences: iu, ui, ii, uu (uu only in compounds).
In sequences involving glides, the vowel element is clearly more prominent;
in vowel-vowel sequences both vowels have equal prominence. Examples:
yu: lefyu [lefyú] ‘wed ran’
iu: iñchiu [iñčiú ] ‘wed’
iw: küchiw [kı̈čı́u] ‘arse’
wi: pefwiy [pefwı́i] ‘he saw him’
ui: ponui [ponuı́] ‘outside’ (also ponwı́)
uy: pefuy [pefúi] ‘he saw’
yi: konyiñ [konyı́ñ] ‘wep entered’
ii: peliiñ [pelı́iñ ∼ pelı́ iñ] ‘if wep see’ (for [ ], see 8.1.2)
iy: koniy [konı́i] ‘he entered’ (also konüy)
wu: fey kü awuwma [kı̈θawúuma] ‘he had worked’ (also kü awüwma)
uu: aku-umawün [akúumàwı̈n ∼ ‘I got sleepy’ (LQ)
akú umàwı̈n]
uw: eluwken [elúuken] ‘I usually give myself’
4.3.1.1 Contrast between vowels or glides and homorganic sequences

y vs iy in word initial position, before a vowel:
yall [yál̃ ] ‘child (of a man)’
iyal [iyál ] ‘food’
i vs yi in word initial position, before a consonant:
in [in] ‘I ate’
yiñ [yiñ] ‘ourp’
y vs yi in word final position, after a vowel:
may [mai ] ‘yes’
tayı́ [tayı́ ] ‘a moment ago’ (this is the only example of word final yi )
i vs iy in word final position, after a consonant:
mi [mi ] ‘yours’
koniy [konı́i ] ‘he entered’ (also konüy)
Note fayiy [fayı́i ] ‘it fermented’ (also fayüy) (MM)
i vs iy word medially, before a vowel:
lelien [lelién] ‘yous looked at me’
leliyen [leliyén] ‘I looked at many things’
28 Phonemes
i vs iy word medially, before a consonant:

koñiwen [koñı́wen] ‘mother and child’
weniywen [wenı́iwen] ‘friends of one another’
(weniy ∼ wenüy RR, wenüy LQ, MH, MM)
ii vs iyi word medially:
akuliiñ [akúliı̀ñ ∼ akúli ı̀ñ] ‘if wep bring’
leliyiñ [lèliyı́ñ] ‘wep looked’
y vs yy word medially:
meyem [meyém] ‘when he defecates’
feyyem [feiyém ∼ feyém] ‘when it fits’
In casual speech sequences of identical consonants are usually realized as a
single consonant (see 8.1.3).
w vs uw in word initial position, before a vowel:
wariya [warı́ya] ‘city’
uwa [úwa] ‘maize’
u vs wu in word initial position, before a consonant:
umaw [umáu] ‘sleep’
wutruy [wucúi ] ‘it fell down’ (MM only; in his speech this is the only example
of word initial wu-)
u vs uw word medially, before a vowel:
eluan [eluán] ‘I shall give’
eluwan [eluwán] ‘I shall give myself’
u vs uw word medially, before a consonant:
eluken [elúken] ‘I usually give’
eluwken [elúuken] ‘I usually give myself’
w vs ww word medially:
llowen [l̃owén] ‘yous received me’
llowwelan [l̃òuwelán ∼ l̃òwelán] ‘I received no more’
4.3.1.2 Contrast involving non-homorganic sequences

iu vs iyu:
iñchiu [iñčiú ] ‘wed’
lelifiyu [lelı́fiyù ] ‘wed looked at him’
ui vs uwi :
ponui [ponuı́ ] ‘outside’ (also ponwı́ )
allfüluwiy [al̃fıluwı̀i ] ‘he wounded himself’ (also allfülüwüy)
ui vs uyi :
ponui [ponuı́ ] ‘outside’ (also ponwı́ )
lelifuyiñ [lelı́fuyı̀ñ] ‘wep looked’
4.3.2 ü and q
The vowel ü and its glide counterpart q are presented as separate phonemes.
4.3 Vowels and glides 29
An alternative analysis would assign all realizations of ü and q to a single

phoneme Ü, as the distribution of [ı̈ ] and [γ] is complementary:
– word initially one finds [γı̈ ] (LQ, MH) and, with some speakers, also [ı̈ ] (RR,
MM), e.g. üllesh [γı̈l̃éš ∼ ı̈l̃éš] ‘sweet (of fruit)’. Word initial [γ] followed by
another vowel than [ı̈ ] does not occur.
– after a vowel one finds [γ], e.g. reqle [ éγle] ‘seven’, but one finds [γ] and [ı̈γ]
in free variation in word final position after a, e.g. chaq [čaγ ∼ čáı̈γ] ‘both’.
– after a consonant one finds [ı̈ ], e.g. mülen [mı̈lén] ‘I stay’. Word finally both
[ı̈ ] and [ı̈γ] are found in this case, e.g. kelü [kélı̈ ∼ kelıγ] ‘red’.
Between consonants, however, several complex sequences occur:

– the sequence [ı̈γ] in, for instance, [lıγle] ‘if it turns white’. If Ü were set up
as a phoneme covering the realizations of both ü and q, the sequence [ı̈γ] in
[lıγle] would have to be written ÜÜ, lÜÜle ‘if it turns white’, in contrast with
for instance [mı̈lén] ‘I stay’, which would be written mÜlen.
– the sequence [ı̈γı̈ ] in [lı̈γılfin] ‘I made it white’ could also be written ÜÜ,
lÜÜlfin, for the difference in environment (C - CV vs C - CC) would indicate
satisfactorily which sequence ÜÜ stands for.
– however, in a case such as [lı̈γı̈lán] ‘I shall make white’, the sequence [ı̈γı̈ ]
would have to be written ÜÜÜ, lÜÜÜlan, in order to show the contrast
between [ı̈ ], [ı̈γ] and [ı̈γı̈ ] in the environment C - CV.
In order to avoid orthographic confusion and the formulation of excessively

complicated rules I prefer to treat ü and γ as separate phonemes.
Two other considerations favour such an analysis:
– one informant (RR) shows alternation between k and q (see 4.5.1).
– a historical alternation q ∼ k is reflected in verbal morphology:
naq- ‘to go down’, naküm- ‘to carry down’, naqüm- ‘to cause to go down’
lleq- ‘to grow’ (intr.), lleqüm- ∼ lleküm- ‘to grow sth.’
Compare: lef- ‘to run’, lepüm- ‘to make run’ (for causative -(ü)m-, see 26.34).
Since in word initial position one finds either [γı̈ ] (LQ, MH) or [γı̈ ] and [ı̈ ]
in free variation (RR, MM), I write only ü in that position. Word final [ı̈ ] and
[ı̈γ], which occur in free variation in the speech of all four informants, are also
written ü.
The monosyllabic root lüq [lı̈γ] ‘white’ is analyzed Cüq, even before pause.
This analysis is imposed by the following considerations:
– the presence of [γ] is compulsory, not optional, as it is with polysyllabic roots.
– morphophonologically, lüq is treated as a root with a final consonant; poly-
syllabic roots ending in [ı̈(γ)] are treated as vowel final (cf. lüq-küle-y ‘it is
white’; antü-le-y ‘there is sun’, for -(kü)le- Stative (-küle- after C, -le- after
V), see 26.28).
– instead of final üq [ı̈γ] (only found with LQ), the other informants use iq [iγ];
liq ‘white’ (RR, MM, MH).
30 Phonemes
4.4 Evidence for an interdental-alveolar contrast

A distinction between an interdental series t, n, l and an alveolar or plain series
t, n, l was recorded as early as 1606. Lenz (1896: 128–129) summarizes the
observations in earlier sources, to one of which, Valdivia (1606), I had no access.
According to Lenz, Valdivia (1606) recognized a distinction between dental
t, n, l (written t`, n`, l`) and “prepalatal” t, n, l (written t´, n´, l´). In
Valdivia’s wordlist, Lenz found l` in only three entries (“cal`, là, pellè”) and
n` in only five entries (“caven`, chunìl, cunà, nò, ven`”). Lenz does not
give examples with t`.
Febrés (1765) mentions the existence of dental n and l (not t), but prefers
to neglect them, because the dentals are seldom used and because he finds the
difference between dentals and alveolars hard to perceive (Lenz 1896: 129).
Havestadt (1777) does not give evidence of a(n inter-)dental-alveolar distinc-
tion.
After a long period of fieldwork, Lenz (1896: 129–132) noted a difference bet-
ween the two series. As he found it difficult to hear, he asked his informant Cal-
vun to nodd each time a dental was pronounced. He listed the words in which
he found either t, n, l, or t, n, l, or both in free variation. For lack of sufficient
material he leaves the phonemic status of the dentals and alveolars undecided.
In his dictionary, Augusta (1916) lists various lexemes which have dental n
or l in contrast with n and l. Dental t is not mentioned.
Moesbach (1962: 28) could not find uniformity in the use of the dental and
alveolar series and therefore rejects the distinction.
Suárez (1959), whose article is based on material collected by Lenz, gives both
the three dentals t, n, l and the three alveolars t, n, l as separate phonemes.
A similar analysis is found in Echeverrı́a and Contreras (1965) and in Key
(1978ab). Neither Suárez, nor Echeverrı́a and Contreras, nor Key give instances
of contrast between the dental and alveolar series.
Salas (1970a: 92–93) distinguishes “interdental t., n., l.”, and “alveolar t,
n, l ” (“müt.a ‘cuerno/puesto al animal’, tu ‘tomar’; n.engem ‘moverse’, nepe
‘despertar’; l.a ‘morir’, lef ‘correr’ ”).
Croese (1980: 14) could not find a native speaker who distinguished con-
sistently between a dental and an alveolar series. He concludes: “Encontramos
que la antigua distinción entre dental y alveolar es irrelevante para cualquier
diferencia dialectal actual. A través de las preguntas no encontramos ninguna
conciencia entre los nativos de la separación de los fonemas aludidos”.
Both Golbert de Goodbar (1975) and Fernández Garay (1981) base their
analysis on material collected in Argentinian Mapuche territory. Golbert de
Goodbar distinguishes both t, n, l (which she calls “dental or interdental”) and
alveolar t, n, l (“matu ‘rápido’, puwtui ‘llegó’; nome ‘al otro lado’, naiı̈ ‘el bajó’;
palu ‘tı́a paterna’, pilu ‘diciendo’” (Golbert de Goodbar 1975: 179). Fernández
Garay (1981) distinguished dental n, l from alveolar n, l, and mentioned only
dental t, not alveolar t fot the dialect spoken in the province of Rı́o Negro
(Fernández Garay 1981: 21–22). However, with the progressive loss of the
4.5 Phoneme alternation and free variation 31
language and its replacement by Spanish the distinction is now lost. In the
province of La Pampa a dental-alveolar distinction was never heard (personal
comment Fernández Garay 2006).
Because of these differences in the analysis of the interdental and alveolar
series, I gave the matter special attention. The instances given by Lenz (1896:
131–132) and other authors were checked with LQ. He seemed to be familiar
with the distinction, but could not make it consistently. My data, in agreement
with Croese’s findings, do not call for a distinction between an interdental series
t, n, l and an alveolar series t, n, l. A tentative conclusion might be that the
distinction is dying out.
4.5 Phoneme alternation and free variation

Alternation of phonemes in specific morphemes and morpheme sequences is a
notable and frequent phenomenon, which chiefly affects the fricatives. Phoneme
alternation seems to express an emotion on the part of the speaker. It is
discussed in 4.5.1. In specific morphemes and morpheme sequences, pairs of
vowels occur in free variation, without involving a semantic difference. Free
variation of vowel phonemes is treated in 4.5.2.
4.5.1 Phoneme alternation

RR, with whom phoneme alternation is more frequent than with the other
informants, suggested that phoneme alternation expresses a difference in emo-
tional value, in degree of formality and in size of the person or object referred
to. The use of phoneme alternation would also be related to the age and sex
of the speaker. My data do not permit a definite statement on this matter.
Phoneme alternation was mentioned by Febrés (1765: 5–6). He says that “t”
and “th” are replaced by “ch” to express affection: fotüm ‘son’, fochüm ‘dear
son’, and that “r” is replaced by “d” and [ž ] (“el ja, jo, ju Catalan, o gia Italiano,
o ge, gi Frances”) in order to speak affectedly (“melindroso”). Havestadt (1777:
273–292) states that “softer letters” (that is, palatal consonants in relation to
their non-palatal counterparts) denote a diminutive: fotüm ‘son’, fochüm ‘little
son’, and says that phoneme alternation serves to express love and affection
and shows a certain eloquence. Lenz (1896: 130–131) lists the instances of
alternation he found and adds that his data are insufficient to allow for an
explanation.
Other authors, Augusta (1916: XVI), Erize (1960: 16–17), Key (1978b: 284),
Moesbach (1962: 28) and Croese (1980: 26) also mention this type of phoneme
alternation. So far, however, the semantic implications of phoneme alternation
have not been described satisfactorily. More research needs to be done.
Below I present instances of phoneme alternation found with my informants.
Alternation involving fricatives is more frequent than any other type of pho-
neme alternation, and will be dealt with first. The unmarked member of each
pair is given in the left column. With each pair mention is made of the speaker
who used it. Whereas alternation of phonemes was not explicitely checked with
32 Phonemes
MH and MM, the matter was gone through with LQ and RR. Whenever men-
tion is made of LQ or RR, this implies exclusion of the others. As far as MH
and MM are concerned, I only mention the instances I found accidentally.
Whenever participates in the alternation, it seems to represent the regular,
least ‘marked’ form (a few items are exceptional in that the sh-variant is the
unmarked one). can be replaced by s, by sh and, more rarely, by r or y. As
was noted earlier (4.1), for some speakers (RR and MM) sh is virtually lacking.
These speakers have mostly s, where others have sh, or both s and sh.
and sh alternate in:
(LQ) a ∼ ash ‘form’, ‘habit’
chüngkü ∼ chüngküsh ‘round’
kawü ∼ kawüsh ‘spoon’
pañush ∼ pañu ‘soft’
pi ku ∼ pishku ‘legume’
shiwill- ∼ iwill- ‘to stir’
(LQ/MH) angka - ∼ angkash- ‘to have so. on the back of one’s horse’
(MH) üllesh ∼ ülle ‘sweet (of fruit)’
and s alternate in:
(RR) a ∼ as ‘form’, ‘habit’
üllwi ∼ süllwi ‘worm’
pi ku ∼ pisku ‘legume’ (elder women use pisku, RR)
wü ko ∼ wüsko ‘a bird’
(MM) irrespective of the environment, s is often used instead of , e.g.
ungu [θú u ∼ sú u] ‘matter, idea’, a ün [aθın ∼ asın] ‘I am nice’,
a kawünngey [áθkawı̈n èi ∼ áskawı̈n èi ] ‘he is whining’.
, sh and s alternate in:
(all) ku e ∼ kushe ∼ kuse ‘old woman’
(LQ) weshá ∼ we á ∼ wesá ‘bad’
, s and r alternate in:
(RR) chüngkü ∼ chüngküs ∼ chüngkür ‘round’
we á ∼ wesá ∼ werá ‘bad’ (we á is more strongly negative than
wesá)
, s and y alternate in:
(RR) pañu ∼ pañus ∼ pañuy ‘soft’
and r alternate in:
(LQ) achi kon ∼ achirkon ‘gastric acid’
s and sh alternate in:
(LQ) sañwe ∼ shañwe ‘pig’
sanchu ∼ shanchu ‘pig’
(LQ/RR) suchetu- ∼ shuchetu- ‘to break wheat-ears’
(MH) muska ∼ mushka ‘liquor of maize’
peshkiñ ∼ peskiñ ‘flower’
4.5 Phoneme alternation and free variation 33
(RR/MM) kisu ∼ kishu ‘alone’

sh and r alternate in:
(MH) füshkü ∼ fürkü ‘fresh, cool’
pishpish- ∼ pirpir- ‘to peep’
r and y alternate in:
(RR) mürke ∼ müyke ‘roasted flour’ (müyke is used by elderly people)
ñarki ∼ ñayki ‘cat’ (ñayki ‘small cat’)
pakarwa ∼ pakaywa ‘toad’ (pakaywa ‘small toad’)
würá ∼ wüyá ‘bad’
tr and t alternate in:
(RR) itrokom ∼ itokom ‘everybody’
kutran ∼ kutan ‘illness’
nütram ∼ nütam ‘conversation’
pütrün ∼ pütün ‘many’
trana- ∼ tana- ‘to fall’
trünün- ∼ tünün- ‘to gallop’
ütrüf- ∼ ütüf- ‘to throw’
(LQ uses only tr in these cases)
t and ch alternate in:
(RR) fotüm ∼ fochüm ‘son (of a man)’ (fotüm ‘my son’) (LQ: fotüm)
fütá ∼ füchá ‘old (man)’ (füchá refers to a man with whom the
speaker has an emotional relation) (LQ: füchá)
püchü ∼ pütü ‘small’
tata ∼ chacha says a child to his father (chacha shows more affec-
tion)
tatay ∼ chachay says a father to his child (chachay shows more af-
fection) (LQ: chachay)
ti ∼ chi ‘the’ (LQ: ti )
tunté ∼ chunté ‘how much?’ (chunté refers to a greater quantity or
a larger distance) (LQ: tunté)
tr and ch alternate in:
(LQ) tripa- ∼ chipa- ‘to leave’
k and q alternate in:
(RR) the suffix -künu- ∼ -qünu- (see 26.32), e.g. traf-künu-fi-n ∼ traf-
qünu-fi-n ‘I let it fastened’ (LQ: -künu-)
the particle ka ∼ qa (see 32.16), e.g.
welu fali-y ta-mün kellu-el ka / . . . qa
but/it is worth/yourp/ being helped/part
‘but it is wonderful that youp were helped’
w and q alternate in:
(MM) umaw- ∼ umaq- ‘to sleep’ (LQ, RR: umaw-tu-)
q and r alternate in:
34 Phonemes
(RR) liq ∼ lir ‘white’ (LQ: lüq)

naq- ∼ nar- ‘to go down’ (LQ: naq-)
n and ñ alternate in:
(LQ) achellpen ∼ achellpeñ ‘floating ashes’
4.5.2 Free variation of vowel phonemes

Free variation of vowel phonemes has been attested for
e and i in:
(all) -lle- (26.11) and suffixes which consist of, or end in, Ce (C stands
for a velar) when they are followed by the endings -y 3IND, -y-ngu
3dIND or -y-ngün 3pIND (see 26.4.2), e.g.
fe-m-lle-y may ∼ fe-m-lli-y may ‘they certainly did that’
kü aw-ke-y-ngün ∼ kü aw-ki-y-ngün ‘theyp always work’
fey-pi-rke-y ∼ fey-pi-rki-y ‘they say he said it’
elu-nge-y ∼ elu-ngi-y ‘he was given’
külen-nge-y ∼ külen-ngi-y ‘he has a tail’
(RR) nge-la-y ∼ ngi-la-y ‘there is no . . . ’
nie-n ∼ nee-n ‘I have’
(MM) wesa-ka- ungu-n ∼ wisa-ka- ungu-n ‘wretched talker’
küme-y ∼ kümi-y ‘it is good’
e and ü alternate in:
(all) the suffix -we- (see 26.19) when it is followed by the endings -y,
3IND, -y-ngu 3dIND, or -y-ngün 3pIND (see 26.4.2), e.g. nie-we-y
mapu ∼ nie-wü-y mapu ‘they still have land’
the postconsonantal variant of the suffix -(ı̈)l- (see 26.34) in:
kü aw-ül- ∼ kü aw-el- ‘to make so. work’
leq-ül- ∼ leq-el- ‘to cause to hit’
trupef-ül- ∼ trupef-el- ‘to frighten so.’
the postconsonantal variant of the suffix -(ü)l- (see 26.29) in:
wirar-ül- ∼ wirar-el- ‘to shout at’
(LQ/RR) angken ∼ angkün ‘dry’
(MM) üyew ∼ üyüw ‘over there’
tüyew ∼ tüyüw ‘over there’
ü and i alternate in:
(all) when followed by -y (see 26.4.2), the connective vowel ü (see 8.1.1)
alternates with i, e.g.
lef-üy ∼ lef-iy ‘he ran’
(LQ/RR) konüy ∼ koniy ‘he entered’
(RR) pichi ∼ püchi ∼ püchü ∼ püti ∼ pütü ‘small’
weniy ∼ wenüy ‘friend’
wükeñü- ∼ wikeñü- ‘to whistle’
ü and u alternate in:
(all) before w, e.g.
4.6 Idiolectal differences 35
ayü-w-ün ∼ ayu-w-ün ‘I am glad’

fey kü aw-üwma ∼ fey kü aw-uwma ‘he had worked’
(LQ) mufü ∼ müfü ‘how much?’
ngullu - ∼ ngüllu - ‘to wipe’
u and o alternate in:
(all) before a, e.g.
uam ∼ oam ‘necessity, need’
the suffix -nu- ∼ -no- (see 26.10), e.g.
kim-nu-chi ∼ kim-no-chi pichi che ‘innocent child’
(MM) wampu ∼ wampo ‘boat’
For o ∼ u alternations in loans, see 9.1 below.
Vowel alternation occurs both in stressed and unstressed syllables.
4.6 Idiolectal differences

In this section I am concerned with form differences in specific morphemes
and morpheme sequences, manifested between the idiolects of the individual
informants. These differences are not numerous. They mainly concern the
use of sh or s (see 4.1). A variety of other phoneme differences in specific
morphemes is dealt with below:
The suffix sequence -fi-n (-fi-, see 26.6, -n, see 26.3) in the speech of LQ and
RR is -fi-ñ in the speech of MM, e.g.
pe-fi-n ‘I saw him’ (LQ, RR), pe-fi-ñ (MM).
ñarki ∼ narki ‘cat’ (LQ, MH), ñarki ‘cat’, ñayki ‘small cat’ (RR), ñarki ∼
ñayki (MM)
ngüküf- ‘to wink’ (LQ), nüküf- (MM)
waqllepeñ ‘deformed living creature’ (LQ), wayllepeñ (RR,MM)
lüq ‘white’ (LQ), liq ∼ lir (RR), liq (MH, MM),
koñü-ntu ‘nephews’ (LQ, MH), koñi-ntu (RR)
wenüy ‘friend’ (LQ, MM, MH), weniy ∼ wenüy (RR)
llawfeñ ‘shade’ (LQ, MM), llawfüñ (RR)
kütó ‘also, even’ (LQ), kütú (RR)
kuwü ‘hand’ (LQ), küwü (RR, JM).
Chapter 5
Phonemic structure
of roots, suffixes and words
A Mapuche word consists either of a root only or of a root followed by one or

more suffixes. It is not exceptional for a verbal root to be followed by as many
as seven suffixes, e.g.
(1) ütrüf-tuku-künu-me-tu-fi-y-m-ün
32 20 16 6 4 3 2
throw-put.at-pfps -th -re -edo -ind -2 -p
‘youp threw him out and left him there’ (where he had come from)
Compounding is productive; some Mapuche words can comprise two or even
three roots, e.g.
(2) kellu-nü-kawell-me-a-fe-n?
help-take-horse-th20-nrld9-ipd8.edo6-ind1s3-ds1
‘would yous go and help me fetch the horse?’
Both reduplicated roots and roots containing reduplicated elements are found
in Mapuche (see 26.36).
In this chapter I discuss the structure of roots (5.1), suffixes (5.2) and words
(5.3). In section 5.4 the influence of borrowing on the structure of words will
be dealt with.
5.1 Root structure

A Mapuche root consists of a sequence of consonants and vowels with the res-
triction that a cluster of two consonants is allowed between vowels only. Larger
clusters do not occur. A root cannot contain more than a single consonant clus-
ter. Sequences of vowels were found in the following roots only: uam ∼ oam
‘necessity, need’, miaw- ‘to wander’, nie- ‘to have’, piuke ‘heart’, ponui ∼ ponwı́
‘outside’, trapial ‘tiger’. In these sequences the initial vowel is never stressed.
For sequences which are otherwise similar, but which have stress on the first
vowel, a vowel-glide-vowel interpretation is chosen, e.g. wariya [warı́ya] ‘city’,
trafiya [cafı́ya] ‘tonight’, luwa [lúwa] ‘seaweed’, kuwü [kúwı̈ ] ‘hand’.
38 Phonemic structure of roots, suffixes and words
Roots consist of one, two or three syllables. Trisyllabic roots are not frequent.
The minimal root comprises a single vowel.
Examples of Mapuche roots:
V i- ‘to eat’
CV ka ‘other’
VC am ‘soul’
CVC kal ‘hair’
VCV ale ‘moon’
CVCV ruka ‘house’
VCVC aling ‘fever’
VCCV alka ‘male’
CVCCV lewfü ‘river’
VCCVC aywiñ ‘shadow’
CVCVC yiwiñ ‘fat’
CVCCVC changkiñ ‘island’
VCVCV ekepe ‘lever’
CVCVCV kollella ‘ant’
CVCCVCV kollkoma ‘coot’
CVCVCCV pifüllka ‘flute’
VCVCCVC achellpen/ ‘floating ashes’
achellpeñ
CVCVCVC kuñifall ‘orphan’
CVCCVCVC liwpüyiñ ‘a pine bush’
Not recorded are roots of the types VCCVCV, VCVCCV, VCVCVC, VC-
CVCVC and CVCVCCVC.
5.2 Suffix structure

Suffixes have the same phonological structure as roots except for the fact that
an initial consonant cluster is allowed, while consonant clusters do not occur
non-initially in suffixes. A sequence of vowels was found in the following three
suffixes: -nie- (see 26.32; -nie- is related to the root nie- ‘to have’), -(kü)tie-
(MM only, see 26.30) and -(k)iaw- (see 26.30, cf. miaw- ‘to wander’).
There are nonsyllabic, monosyllabic and disyllabic suffixes, e.g.
V a nrld9 amu-a-n ‘I shall go ’

C l ca34 amu-l-a-n ‘I shall send ’
VC el ovn4 ñi amu-l-el ‘what I sent ’
CV fi edo6 amu-l-a-fi-n ‘I shall send it ’
CVC fem imm21 amu-fem-ün ‘I went immediately ’
CCV wma csvn4 amu-wma ‘I had gone ’
CVCV rume sud21 amu-rume-n ‘I went suddenly’
Not recorded are suffixes of the types VCV, VCVC and larger.
5.4 The influence of borrowing 39
5.3 Structure of words

The general restrictions which apply to roots also hold for words. There are,
however, three exceptions for which suffixation is responsible:
a. Sequences of two or even three vowels, e.g. fey-pi-a-n ‘I shall say’, fey-pi-
a-e-n ‘yous will say to me’. In one case I found a sequence of four vowels:
ina-nie-a-e-lu-mu ti añchü-malleñ troki-w-ü-y ‘they thought that the midget
would follow them’ (see 8.1.4.4).
b. Words containing more than a single consonant cluster, e.g. ellka-ñma-fi-n ñi
libru ‘I hid his book from him’.
c. A sequence of three consonants: Cfw (see 6.3.2 and 8.1.5), e.g. angka -fwi-n
(+ angka -fu-fi-n +) ‘I had him on the back of my horse’.
Stems containing a reduplicated element and compounds comprising several
root morphemes may also contain more than a single consonant cluster, e.g.
würwür-würwür-nge- ‘to be steaming’, angka -püra- ‘to mount on the back’.
5.4 The influence of borrowing

Roots borrowed from Spanish may contain more than a single consonant cluster,
initial consonant clusters, and initial au (which is never the case in native
roots), e.g. pwente ‘bridge’, Sp. puente, auri-w-ü-n [aú iwın] ‘I was bored’, Sp.
aburrirse ‘to be bored’.
Chapter 6
Distribution of phonemes
In this chapter I first discuss the distribution of consonants (single consonants,

biconsonantal and triconsonantal clusters) in roots, in suffixes and at morpheme
boundaries. Subsequently I deal with the distribution of vowels (single vowels
and sequences of two or three vowels) in the same environments.
6.1 Single consonants

6.1.1 Single consonants in roots
All consonants except q occur in initial position (initial q [γ] is analyzed as
part of the phonetic realization of ü, see 4.3.2).
Examples:
p pilu ‘deaf’
t tunté ‘how much?’
k kulliñ ‘animal’
b basu ‘glass’ (Sp. vaso)
d depwé ‘after that’ (Sp. después)
g gayeta ‘biscuit’ (Sp. galleta)
ch cha i ‘salt’
tr trawma ‘blind’
f filu ‘snake’
ulli- ‘to choose’
s sapatu ‘shoe’ (Sp. zapato)
sh shüllo ‘partridge’
x xulio ‘July’ (Sp. julio)
w wenüy ‘friend’
y yall ‘child (of a man)’
r re ‘merely’
m may ‘yes’
n nor ‘straight’
ñ ñochi ‘slow’
ng ngolli- ‘to get drunk’
42 Distribution of phonemes
l la ‘the deceased’
ll llum ‘in secret’
All consonants occur intervocalically.
Examples:
p tripa- ‘to leave’
t petú ‘still’
k ruka ‘house’
b resibi- ‘to receive’ (Sp. recibir)
d radio ‘radio’ (Sp. radio)
g ortiga ‘stinging nettle’ (Sp. ortiga)
ch füchá ‘big’
tr kütral ‘fire’
f tüfá ‘this’
ka i ‘side’
s masew ‘crawfish’
sh kishu ‘alone’
x fiaxe ‘journey’ (Sp. viaje)
w trewa ‘dog’
y aye- ‘to laugh’
r püra- ‘to climb’
q kaqül ‘phlegm’
m umiñ ‘dark’
n küna ‘reed’
ñ kiñe ‘one’
ng ungu ‘idea, matter, language’
l kolü ‘brown’
ll filla ‘scarcity’
All consonants except x and the plosives and affricates occur in final position.
Examples:
f lif ‘clean’
pü ‘thick’ (of substance)
s lápis ‘pencil’ (Sp. lápiz)
sh pañush ‘soft’
w füw ‘wool’
y lloy ‘stupid’
r trukur ‘mist’
q lüq ‘white’
m nütram ‘conversation’
n namun ‘foot’
ñ ku añ ‘testicle’
ng lipang ‘arm’
l kuyül ‘charcoal’
ll kuñifall ‘orphan’
6.1 Single consonants 43
6.1.2 Single consonants in suffixes

The phonemes t, w, y, r, m, n, ng and l may constitute suffixes by themselves.
Examples:
t avn4 pe-e-t-ew ‘when he saw him’
w ref31 pe-w-ü-n ‘I saw myself’
y ind4 pe-y-iñ ‘wep saw’
r itr 18
anü-r-pa-n ‘on my way here I sat down’
m 23 pe-y-m-ün ‘youp saw’
n ind1s 3
pe-n ‘I saw’
ng 3ns3 pe-y-ng-ün ‘theyp saw’
l cond4 allfü-l-e ‘if he gets wounded’
All consonants except tr, , s, sh and q occur in initial position (in the speech
of RR initial q occurs as variant of k : -künu- ∼ qünu-32).
Examples:
p pe px13 e.g. nütram-ka-pe-n ‘I just talked ’
t tu re16 e.g. amu-tu-n ‘I went back’
k ke cf14 e.g. kü aw-ke-n ‘I work’
ch chi imp1s3 e.g. amu-chi ‘I’m off’
f fal force25 e.g. i-fal-ün ‘I must eat’
w we ps19 e.g. müle-we-y ‘he still is’
y ye pl24 e.g. wül-ye-y ‘he gave many things’
r rume sud21 e.g. pe-rume-n ‘I suddenly saw’
m mu plpf7 e.g. yall-nge-mu-m ‘where I was born’
n nu neg10 e.g. küpa-nu-l-i-i-ñ ‘if wep do not come’
ñ ñma io 26
e.g. weñe-ñma-nge-n ‘I was robbed’
ng nge pass23 e.g. kücha-nge-y ‘it was washed’
l la neg10 e.g. i-la-n ‘I did not eat’
ll lle aff11 e.g. kü aw-ke-lle-fu-y ‘of course they worked’
The phonemes t, k, , r, m, n, l, as well as in alternation with s occur
intervocalically.
Examples:
t kütie int30 e.g. trari-kütie-fi-ñ ‘I fastened it tight’(MM)
k yekü itr18 e.g. anü-yekü-pa-n ‘on my way here I sat
down now and then’
pü a aiml e.g. treka-yaw-pü a-lu engün ‘theyp wandered’
∼s pü a∼püsa (RR, MM), for -pü a-, see 27.1.
m rume sud21 e.g. wirar-rume-y ‘he suddenly screamed’
n künu pfps32 e.g. nürüf-künu-fi-n ‘I let it closed’
r püra inv e.g. aye-püra-y ‘he laughed without
wanting it’
(for -püra-, see 27.1)
l faluw sim22 e.g. allkü-faluw-ün ‘I pretended to listen’
Only w, m, n, ñ and l occur in final position.
Examples:
w faluw sim22 e.g. kim-faluw-ün ‘I pretended to know’
m fem imm21 e.g. küpa-fem-ün ‘I came immediately’
n ün p2 e.g. küpa-y-m-ün ‘youp came’
ñ iñ p2 e.g. küpa-y-iñ ‘wep came’
l el ovn4 e.g. ñi kim-el ‘what I know’
6.2 Biconsonantal clusters

The restrictions which apply to the occurrence of Mapuche consonant phonemes
in root final position (6.1.1) also hold for the occurrence of consonants as the
first member of a cluster in medial position. Plosives do not occur in that
position except for a few clusters which are restricted to borrowed items (pt,
pl, pw, pr, t.r, kt, kw, kl, br, by).
6.2.1 Biconsonantal clusters in roots

The consonants , s, sh, y and r do not occur as the second member of a cluster
in native roots.
The following clusters occur in roots which neither are borrowed, nor contain
a reduplicated element:
fk, ftr, k, sk, shk, wk, wch, wf, wm, wng, wl, yt, yk, ych, yf, yw, ym, yñ, yl, yll,
rp, rk, rf, rw, qy, ql, qll, mp, mt, mk, mf, mng, nt, nch, ntr, nf, nw, nm, ñk, ñch,
ngk, ngl, lp, lt, lk, lch, ltr, lf, lw, lm, lng, llp, llk, llf, llw, llm.
The cluster qt is found only in the verb pülleqtu- ‘to be alert’. pülleqtu- is
probably made up of a root *pülleq- and a suffix -tu-. *pülleq- does not occur
without -tu-.
The following clusters occur only in roots which contain a reduplicated ele-
ment:
fn, shp, ngtr, wñ, ytr, yng.
The following clusters occur in borrowed roots only:
pt, pw, pr, pl, t.r, kt, kw, kl, by, br, dr, fy, fr, fl, st, sy, sm, wt, wy, rt, rb, rd, rg,
rm, rn, nd, ns, ls.
Among the borrowed clusters nine occur initially: pl, pw, pr, kw, fy, fr, sy,
wy and nw . All other clusters, whether borrowed or not, are intervocalic.
6.2.2 Biconsonantal clusters in suffixes

The clusters wy, wm, rk, nt and ñm occur initially in suffixes.
Medially, only nt occurs, in -kantu- (26.22).
A suffix never ends in a consonant cluster.
6.2.3 Biconsonantal clusters at morpheme boundaries

The following clusters occur at morpheme boundaries between a root and a
suffix or between suffixes, but not in native roots:
fp, ft, fch, ff, fw, fy, fr, fq, fm, fng, fl, fll, p, t, ch, f, w, y, r, q, m, n,
ng, l, ll, sp, st, sch, sf, sw, sy, sr, sm, sn, sng, sl, sll, sht, shk, shf, shw, shy,
6.4 Single vowels 45
shr, shm, shn, shng, shl, shll, mch, mw, my, mr, mm, mn, ml, mll, np, nk, ny,
nr, nn, nng, nl, nll, ñp, ñt, ñf, ñw, ñy, ñr, ñm, ñn, ñng, ñl, ñll, ngp, ngt, ngch,
ngf, ngw, ngy, ngr, ngm, ngn, ngng, ngll, ly, lr, ln, l.l, l.ll, llt, llch, lly, llr, lln,
llng, ll.l, ll.ll, wp, wt, ww, wy, wr, wn, wll, yp, yy, yr, yn, rt, ry, rr, rm, rn, rng,
rl, rll, qp, qk, qch, qtr, qf, qr, qw, qy, qm, qn, qng, ql, qll .
There are no suffixes with initial tr, , s or sh, which explains why these
phonemes do not occur after a morpheme boundary such as mentioned above.
Suffix initial ñ is only found in the suffixes -ñmu- sat25, -ñma- io26 and -ñma-
oo35, which cannot occur immediately after a consonant.
Clusters with initial s occur only in the speech of RR and MM.
The clusters fq and q occur only in the speech of RR in a verb containing
the suffix -qünu- ∼ -künu-32 (see 4.5.1 and 26.32).
The phonemes tr ∼ ch and occur as a second member of a cluster in
compounds comprising the roots tripa- ∼ chipa- ‘to leave, to become’ and
uam- ‘to wish, to become half. . . ’.
The following clusters occur at morpheme boundaries in compounds, but not
at morpheme boundaries such as mentioned above, nor in native roots:
f , tr, , shch, shtr, sh , ntr, l , r , w .
The clusters wd and wtr were found in compounds of partly Spanish origin:
chaw-dios ‘God-the-father’ (chaw ‘father’, Sp. Dios ‘God’), pilla-w-tripa-l-e ‘if
he is caught’ (pilla-w-, Sp. pillado ‘caught’ (from pillar ‘to catch’), tripa- ‘to
leave’, ‘to become’).
6.3 Triconsonantal clusters

6.3.1 Triconsonantal clusters in borrowed roots
The following triconsonantal clusters occur in borrowed roots, in medial posi-
tion: nt.r and spw, e.g. ent.rega- ‘to hand’, Sp. entregar, ispwela ‘spur’, Sp.
espuela.
6.3.2 Triconsonantal clusters at morpheme boundaries

Cfw is the only type of triconsonantal cluster found in native words. The
following clusters were recorded: ffw, fw, shfw, wfw, rfw, mfw and lfw .
The cluster fw added to the Spanish root kompañ- (Sp. acompañar) produces
the triconsonantalcluster ñfw, e.g. kompañ-fwi-n ‘I accompanied him’.
6.4 Single vowels

6.4.1 Single vowels in roots
All vowels occur in initial position. The phoneme o, however, occurs initially
in only one root: orkon ‘house-post’ (which may be a Spanish loan: horcón
‘big fork’). The phoneme u is not very frequent in initial position.
Examples:
a ale ‘moon’
e elu- ‘to give to’

i ilo ‘meat’
ü ülchá ‘girl’
u umaw-tu- ‘to sleep’
All vowels occur between consonants.
Examples:
a rapi- ‘to vomit’
e lef- ‘to run’
o po ‘dirt’
i lif ‘clean’
ü füw ‘wool’
u kurü ‘black, dark’
All vowels occur in final position.
Examples:
a mara ‘hare’
e kofke ‘bread’
o foro ‘bone’
i kapi ‘Spanish pepper’
ü antü ‘day, sun’
u filu ‘snake’
6.4.2 Single vowels in suffixes

The occurrence of the vowel o in suffixes is restricted to the suffix -nu- ∼
-no- neg10, where u varies freely with o, e.g. allkü-pe-nu-el ∼ allkü-pe-no-el
‘unheard of’.
The phonemes a, e, i and u occur as suffixes by themselves.
Examples:
a nrld9 e.g. kon-a-n ‘I shall enter’
e 33 e.g. kon-l-e ‘if he enters’
i 13 e.g. kon-l-i ‘if I enter’
u d2 e.g. kon-y-u ‘wed entered’
The vowel ü is not a suffix. It is often inserted to avoid awkward sequences
(see 8.1.1).
The phonemes e and i occur in initial position.
Examples:
e el ovn4 e.g. ñi kim-el ‘what I know’
i iñ p2 e.g. pe-l-i-iñ ‘if wep see’
Both u and ü occur as variants in the postconsonantal variant of the suffix
-(u)w- ∼ -(ü)w- ref31, e.g. wül-uw-ün ∼ wül-üw-ün ‘I surrendered’.
The vowels a, e, u and ü occur between consonants.
Examples:
a fal force25 e.g. amu-fal-ün ‘I have to go’
6.5 Sequences of two vowels 47
e fem imm21 e.g. amu-fem-ün ‘I immediately went’

u rume sud21 e.g. amu-rume-n ‘I suddenly went’
ü künu pfps32 e.g. anü-künu-fi-n ‘I let him sit down’
The vowels a, e, i, u and ü occur in final position. Examples:
a wma csvn4 e.g. füta-nge-wma ‘she had been married’
e ye pl24 e.g. wül-ye-n ‘I gave many things’
i chi imp1s3 e.g. leli-mu-chi ‘look at me!’
u mu plpf7 e.g. ñi kü aw-mu-m ‘where I had worked’
ü yekü itr18 e.g. lef-yekü-pa-n ‘on my way here I ran now and then’
6.5 Sequences of two vowels

6.5.1 Sequences of two vowels in roots
Sequences of two vowels occur in no more than six Mapuche roots (mentioned
in 5.1). They are the following:
in medial position: ia, ie, iu, ua,
in final position: ui .
The following vowel sequences occur in borrowed roots only:
in initial position: au,
in medial position: ao, ei, ia, io,
in final position: ea, ia, io.
6.5.2 Sequences of two vowels in suffixes

Two sequences of two vowels were found in suffixes: ia, ie (the suffixes were
mentioned in 5.2).
6.5.3 Sequences of two vowels at morpheme boundaries

The chart below presents the sequences of two vowels found at morpheme
boundaries. Sequences occurring only between root morphemes in a compound
are underlined.
a e o i ü u
a aa ae ai
e ea ee
o oa oe
i ia ie
ü üa üe
u ua ue ii uu
The sequence aa occurs only in the speech of MM, as a variant of aya. Other
informants always have aya instead, see 26.9.
As there is no suffix with initial u, vowel sequences with u as their second
member do not occur outside compounds.
The sequence ou was found in a compound of partly Spanish origin: ilo-
ufisha- ‘to slaughter sheep’ (ilo- ‘to slaughter’, ufisha ‘sheep’, derived from Sp.
oveja).
6.6 Sequences of three vowels in morphologically complex

forms
The following sequences of three vowels are found in forms consisting of a root
and suffixes:
iae e.g. feypi-a-e-n ‘yous will say to me’
eae e.g. ye-a-e-n-ew ‘he will carry me’
üae e.g. nü-a-e-n ‘yous will take me’
uae e.g. elu-a-e-n ‘yous will give to me’
Chapter 7
Stress
Stress has a limited functional load. Minimal pairs do not occur. In phonetic
transcriptions stress is indicated by a stress mark on the stressed vowel (´ for
primary stress and ` for secondary stress).
The tendency is to have stress on the vowel before the last consonant of the
word. Trisyllabic words tend to have the second vowel stressed, e.g.
ruka [ úka] ‘house’
ruka-mu [ ukámu] ‘in the house’
lef-üy [lefıi ] ‘he ran’
kuñifall [kuñı́fal̃ ] ‘orphan’
chüngkü -y-iñ [čı̈ kıθyiñ ] ‘wep rolled (intr.)’
Longer words may have several stressed syllabes. In general, every second
and every last vowel is stressed. The second vowel usually has primary stress,
e.g.
af-ma-tu-la-n [afmátulàn] ‘I did not admire’
nak-üm-fi-y-u [nakımfiyu] ‘wed brought him down’
allkü-pe-nu-el [allkıpenuèl ] ‘unheard of’
kellu-pu-tu-ke-fu-n [kel̃úputùkefùn] ‘I usually went back there to help’
In longer forms two main accents may be heard, e.g.
anü-ñma-ñma-ki-e-l-i ñi makuñ [anıñmañmàkiéli ] ‘don’t yous sit on my pon-
cho!’
kü aw-el-me-we-la-fi-y-iñ [kı̈θáwelmèweláfiyı̀ñ ] ‘wep did not work there for
him any more’
This general rule is modified by several factors:
(a) In a sequence of two vowels it is always the second vowel which is stressed,
e.g. iñchiu [iñčiú] ‘wed’, piuke [piúke] ‘heart’.
(b) Several words have fixed stress. Unpredictable stress is indicated by a
stress mark ´ on the stressed vowel.
A number of disyllabic words of the type (C)V(C)CV have final stress.
They include the following nouns and pronouns: fütá ‘husband’, iñché
‘I’, pülé ‘side’, tunté ∼ chunté ‘how much?’, tüfá ‘this’, tüyé ‘that over
50 Stress
there’, ülchá ‘girl’, üná ‘itch’ and üñı́ ‘myrtle-berry’ (for an interpretation
of iñché, see chapter 15). The others are adjectives, numerals, adverbs
and auxiliaries. They rarely occur in isolation. They are the following:
anú ‘in case’, ewmá ‘nearly’, epé ‘almost’, fewlá ‘now’, füchá ‘old’, füré
‘savoury’, külá ‘three’, kümé ‘good’, kuyfı́ ‘former(ly)’, küpá ‘wishing’,
kütó ‘even’, müná ‘very’, müté ‘very’, newé ‘not very’, ngellú ‘hardly’,
penú ‘maybe’, pepı́ ‘being able’, petú ‘still’, ponwı́ ‘outside’, reké ‘like’,
rumé ‘very’, ‘-ever’, shingé ‘moving up’, tayí ‘just now, a moment ago’,
weshá ‘bad’, wülá ‘then’ and wüné ‘first’. The particle amá (32.13) always
receives stress on the final vowel.
One trisyllabic root has final stress: achawáll ‘chicken’ (possibly a Quechua
loan, see 9.2 below).
(c) The following suffixes have fixed stress: -yékü- itr18, -rumé- sud21, -kántu-
play22, -falúw- sim22, -(kü)lé- st28 and -künú- pfps32.
The suffix sequence -ng 3-ün 2 3p is unstressed.
(d) Five-syllable words tend to have the penultimate vowel stressed, e.g.
ilo-kulliñ-fe [ilòkul̃ı́ñfe] ‘butcher’, ramtu-pe-a-y-mün [ àmtupeáimı̈n] ‘youp
may ask’.
(e) A reduplicated element is stressed according to the general rules stated
above, e.g.
külol-külol [kı̈lólkı̈lól ] ‘throat’
tranga-tranga [cá acá a] ‘cheek’.
Reduplicated elements are equally prominent: no syllable is predominantly
stressed, e.g.
kuykuy-pangi [kúikúipá i ] ‘rafter’.
(f) One-syllable words may receive stress when they are preceded or followed
by one, or at most two, unstressed syllable(s), e.g.
papel-tu-y kom ‘he read everything’ [papéltui kóm].
kom fey kim-el-ke-f-e-y-iñ-mu ‘he used to teach usp everything’ [kom féi
kimélkefeyı́ñmu].
Chapter 8
Morphophonology
8.1 Variation
8.1.1 Schwa-insertion
A schwa (phonemicized as ü) is obligatorily inserted in (a) clusters of three
consonants, and (b) clusters of two consonants in word final position. In this
way awkward sequences are avoided. The inserted schwa may receive the stress,
e.g.
kü aw-üñmu-n [kı̈θawıñmun] ‘I worked for my own pleasure’;
lef-ün [lefın] ‘I ran’.
A schwa is optionally inserted between a consonant and the suffix sequence
-l-e -cond4-33, e.g. kim-l-e ∼ kim-ü-l-e ‘if he knows’, and between a consonant
and the suffix sequences -y-iñ -ind4-1ns3-p2 and -y-u -ind4-1ns3-d2, e.g.
lef-y-iñ ∼ lef-ü-y-iñ ‘wep ran’. This schwa is never stressed.
In the speech of MM, one may find either ü or i between a consonant and
-y-iñ or -y-u, e.g. lef-y-iñ ∼ lef-ü-y-iñ ∼ lef-i-y-iñ ‘wep ran’. Neither -ü- nor
-i- are stressed.
8.1.2 -insertion
A glottal stop is obligatory between vowels belonging to different root morphe-
mes in compounds (this glottal stop is optional in the speech of RR), e.g. kim
ewma-iyal-la-y [kı́m θeumá iyallài] ‘he does not know how to prepare food’.
An optional glottal stop occurs in the sequences ii and uu, e.g.
leli-l-i-iñ [lelı́liı̀ñ ∼ lelı́li ı̀ñ] ‘if wep look’,
aku-umaw-ün [akúumàwı̈n ∼ akú umàwı̈n] ‘I got sleepy’.
8.1.3 Sequences of identical consonant phonemes

In casual speech, sequences of identical consonant phonemes are realized as
single consonants. In a more distinctive pronunciation these sequences are
realized as geminates, e.g.
kon-nu-l-i [konúli ∼ konnúli ] ‘if I do not enter’.
52 Morphophonology
8.1.4 Vowel sequences
8.1.4.1 ae
The sequence ae is usually realized as a diphthong [ae], but may be replaced by
a. However, when a is followed by the suffix sequences -e-n-ew -ido6-ind1s3-
ds1 or -e-n -ido6-ind1s3-ds1, the sequence ae was never found replaced by a,
e.g.
leli-la-e-y-u [lelı́laèyu] ∼ leli-la-y-u [lelı́layù] ‘I shall not look at yous’; feyentu-
la-e-n-ew [feyéntuláenèu] ‘he did not believe me’.
When a is followed by the suffix -el ovn4, the sequence -ae- is always replaced
by -a- (LQ, RR). Only in the speech of MM both -ae- and -a- are found in this
case, e.g. ayü-la-y ñi küpa-y-al (+ küpa-y-a-el +) (LQ, RR) ‘he did not want
to come’; iñché elu-fi-n ñi iy-a-el ‘I let her eat’ (MM); werkü-fi-y ñi i-me-al
(+ i-me-a-el +) (MM) ‘he ordered him to go and eat’.
Along with tüfá-engu ‘theyd here’ and tüfá-engün ‘theyp here’ (tüfá ‘this’,
engu ‘theyd’, engün ‘theyp’) one finds tüfá-y-engu and tüfá-y-engün respecti-
vely.
8.1.4.2 ee
The sequence ee is realized as [ee], [e:] or [e], e.g. pülcha-ye-e-y-ew [pı̈lčáyeeyèu
∼ pı̈lčáye:yèu ∼ pı̈lčáyeyèu] ‘they carried him in their hands’.
8.1.4.3 ie
When the negative marker -ki- (slot 10) is followed by e, the sequence ie [ie] is
optionally replaced by ee or contracted to e [e: ∼ e], e.g. sungu-we-ki-e-l-i ∼
sungu-we-ke-e-l-i ∼ sungu-we-k-e-l-i [sungúwekè:li ∼ sungúwekèli ] ‘don’t speak
to me any more’.
8.1.4.4 iea
When the root nie- ‘to have’ or the homophonic suffix -nie- (see 26.32) are
followed by -a- (see 26.9), the expected sequence iea is optionally contracted
to ia, e.g. ina-ni-a-lu-mu ti añchü-malleñ troki-w-ü-y (+ina-nie-a-e-lu-mu +)
‘they thought that the midget would follow them’.
8.1.5 fu + fi
The combination fu + fi yields fwi [fwi ], e.g. iñché pe-fwi-l-i (+pe-fu-fi-l-i +),
feypi-a-fwi-n (+feypi-a-fu-fi-n +) ‘I would have told him, if I had seen him’
(see 26.8 for -fu- ipd8 and 26.6 for -fi- edo6).
8.1.6 fu + e
The combination fu + e yields fe, e.g. ellka-l-ke-rke-f-e-y-ew (+ellka-l-ke-rke-
fu-e-y-ew +) ‘she hid him, they say’ (for -e- ido6, see 26.6).
8.1.7 -iy
Word finally after -fi-, -y optionally yields ∅, e.g. feypi-fi-y [feipı́fii ∼ feipı́fi ]
8.2 Radical consonant alternation 53
‘he told him’ (for -y- ind4, see 26.4.2).
8.1.8 ñ-insertion
In a few compounds, of which the first stem ends in a vowel and the second
element is the stem püra-m- (püra- ‘to go up’, -m- causative, see 26.34), ñ is
inserted. They are the following:
anü-ñ-püra-m- ‘to make sit up’, cf. anü-püra- ‘to sit up’
tofkü-ñ-püra-m- ‘to spit up’
tralka-tu-ñ-püra-m- ‘to shoot in the air’
witra-ñ-püra-m- ‘to make rise’.
Other cases of ñ-insertion are:
motri-ñ-ke ‘fat (people)’ (motri ‘fat’, -ke Distributive, see 18.1.5)
epu-ñ pülé ‘on both sides’ (epu ‘two’, pülé ‘side’)
ka-ñ pülé ‘on the other side’ (ka ‘other’)
ka-ke-ñ pülé ‘at other places’ (-ke distr, see 18.1.5)
küla-ñ pülé ‘on three sides’ (külá ‘three’)
illku-ñ-pe-fi-n ‘I scolded him’ (illku- ‘to become angry’)
lla kü-ñ-pe-fi-n ‘I scolded him’ (lla kü- ‘to become angry/sad’)
uma-ñ-pa-ke-la-y ‘he does not stay here’ (uma- ‘to stay (as a guest)’).
Compare -ñ, which is a variant of -(ü)n pvn4 (see 26.4.6.3), e.g. trari-ñ
kawellu ‘a team of horses’ (tie-pvn4 horse).
8.2 Radical consonant alternation

In etymologically related pairs of transitive and intransitive verbs a number of
alternations are found. Here we have to do with unproductive relic phenomena.
The following list is exhaustive:
p ∼ f ; k ∼ q; ng ∼ ∅
apüm- ‘to finish’, af- ‘to come to an end’
lepüm- ‘to cause to run (animals)’, lef- ‘to run’
trapüm- ‘to cause to fit in/on’, traf- ‘to fit in/on’ (intr.)
lleküm- ‘to plant’ (tr.), lleq- ‘to come up (plants)’, cf. lleqüm- ‘to make come
up’
naküm- ‘to carry down’, naq- ‘to go down’, cf. naqüm- ‘to take down’
langüm- ‘to kill’, la- ‘to die’.
Chapter 9
Loans
9.1 Spanish loans

As a result of borrowing, new phonemes and phoneme combinations were in-
troduced into the language.
Spanish verbs were often borrowed in the third person singular, e.g. pwede-
‘to be able’, Sp. puede ‘he can’.
A few Spanish nouns were borrowed in their plural form, e.g. napor ‘turnips’,
Sp. nabos.
The following reflexes of Spanish v, b have been found:
p e.g. patiya ‘basin’, Sp. batea
impol- ‘to wrap up’, Sp. envolver
b e.g. basu ‘glass’, Sp. vaso
gobyernu ‘government’, Sp. gobierno
serbesa ‘beer’, Sp. cerveza
b ∼ f e.g. pobre ∼ pofre ‘poor’, Sp. pobre
f e.g. faril ‘barrel’ Sp. barril
lofo ‘wolf’, Sp. lobo
yerfa ‘grass’, Sp. hierba
w e.g. waka ‘cow’, Sp. vaca
kawell(u) ‘horse’, Sp. caballo
kawle ‘cable’, Sp. cable.
In one instance Spanish t has been replaced by the retroflex affricate [c]:
trafla ‘plank’, Sp. tabla.
Spanish d is replaced by:
f in: felantar ‘apron’, Sp. delantal
r in: sera ‘silk’, Sp. seda.
Spanish g is g or k in Mapuche:
gayeta ‘cookie’, Sp. galleta
enggaña- ‘to deceive’, Sp. engañar
kana- ‘to earn’, Sp. ganar.
Spanish j [x ] has been replaced by k in:
56 Loans
keka-w- ‘to complain’, Sp. quejarse.

In clusters with p and in word final position, s is lost, as in Chilean Spanish,
e.g.
depwé ‘after that’, Sp. después
repeta- ‘to respect’, Sp. respetar. But note ispwela ‘spur’, Sp. espuela.
In clusters with consonants other than p, s remains, e.g.
estudio ‘study’, Sp. estudio
entusiasma-w- ‘to become enthusiastic’, Sp. entusiasmarse.
One exception: sosialimu ‘socialism’, Sp. socialismo.
Elsewhere, Spanish s, z have been replaced
by s, e.g. kosina ‘kitchen’, Sp. cocina
sapatu ‘shoe’, Sp. zapato
lápis ‘pencil’, Sp. lápiz
by r, e.g. awar ‘beans’, Sp. habas
napor ‘turnips’, Sp. nabos
by sh ∼ e.g. angkash- ∼ angka - ‘to take so. on the back of one’s horse’,
Sp. llevar en ancas
by , e.g. püre u ‘prisoner’, Sp. preso.
Spanish s, z are lost in:
aretu-lapi- ‘to lend a pencil’, Sp. lápiz ‘pencil’
kapata-nge- ‘to be the leader’, Sp. capataz ‘leader’.
The old Spanish pronunciation of jota [š] (Entwistle 1969: 231) is reflected
in:
akucha ‘needle’, Sp. aguja
allfi a ‘pea’, Sp. arveja
ufisha ‘sheep’ (LQ, MH), Sp. oveja.
Spanish l has been replaced by r in:
felantar ‘apron’, Sp. delantal.
Spanish ll may be replaced by y, but it may also remain ll, as happens in
Chilean Spanish, e.g.
kaweyu ∼ kawellu ‘horse’, Sp. caballo
gayeta ‘cookie’, Sp. galleta
kuchillu ‘knife’, Sp. cuchillo.
Spanish r, rr are usually replaced by the Mapuche retroflex r . In recent loans
Spanish r, rr can still be heard, as in presedente ‘president’.
Spanish r is replaced by ll in:
allfi a ‘pea’, Sp. arveja.
In the speech of RR I have recorded the verbal root deyuni- ‘to unite’, Sp.
reunir, where r is replaced by a voiced dental fricative [δeyúni ].
The sequence -sc- is replaced by -x- in:
rexata- ‘to take back’, Sp. rescatar, and by k in:
peka- ‘to fish’, Sp. pescar.
The sequences gua-, hue-, -bue-, and -eo are replaced by wa-, wü-, -we- and
-ew respectively, in:
9.1 Spanish loans 57
wapo ‘brave’, Sp. guapo

würta ‘vegetable garden’, Sp. huerta
awela ‘grandmother’, Sp. abuela
tornew ‘tournament’, Sp. torneo.
In the Spanish endings -ador and -ado, d is lost, as it is in Chilean Spanish,
e.g.
gobernaor ‘governor’, Sp. gobernador
pillaw ‘caught’, Sp. pillado
awokaw ‘lawyer’, Sp. abogado.
In most cases a schwa (ü) is inserted in the following consonant clusters: pr,
br, fl, fr, kl (pr, br and kl do not occur in Mapuche), e.g.
püre u ‘prisoner’, Sp. preso
kabüra ‘goat’, Sp. cabra
fülor ‘flower’, Sp. flor (RR)
füri- ‘to bake’, Sp. freı́r
külafo ‘nail’, Sp. clavo.
Spanish a is replaced by e in:

kawell(u) ‘horse’, Sp. caballo
kanesta ‘basket’, Sp. canasta.
The vowels i and e alternate in:
resiwi- ∼ resiwe- ‘to receive’, Sp. recibir.
Spanish e is replaced by i in:
patiya ‘basin’, Sp. batea
ispwela ‘spur’, Sp. espuela.
Spanish i is replaced by e in:
presedente ‘president’, Sp. presidente.
Spanish initial o is replaced by u in:
ufisha ‘sheep’, Sp. oveja.
Spanish word final o either remains o, or is replaced by u. Often o and u
occur in free variation, e.g.
toro ‘bull’, Sp. toro
sapatu ‘shoe’, Sp. zapato
awto ∼ awtu ‘car’, Sp. auto
kampo ∼ kampu ‘country’, Sp. campo.
The first syllable is lost in:
kompañ- ‘to accompany’, Sp. acompañar
fürolla- ‘to muddle’, Sp. embrollar
kalera ‘stairs’, Sp. escalera.
Note also the following cases:
auri-w- ‘to be bored’, Sp. aburrirse
chumpiru ‘hat’, Sp. sombrero
fülang ‘white’, Sp. blanco (MM)
fürolla- ‘to muddle’, Sp. embrollar
58 Loans
impol- ‘to wrap up’, Sp. envolver

kaniru ‘mutton meat’, Sp. carnero
lichi-tu- ‘to milk’, Sp. leche ‘milk’ (possibly through Qu. lichi ‘milk’, pers.
comm. W. Adelaar)
moda- ‘to move’, Sp. mudarse
sanchu ∼ shanchu ‘pig’, L.A. Sp. chancho.
9.2 Other loans

The following words are derived from Quechua and/or Aymara (pers. comm.
W. Adelaar):
achawáll ‘chicken’, (probably derived) from Qu. atawallpa ‘cock’
awka ‘wild’, Qu. awqa ‘enemy, rebel’
chillka ‘letter’, Qu. qillqa ‘inscription, writing’
ekota ‘sandal’, Qu. ushuta (via Sp. ojota)
ichona ‘scythe’, Qu. ichuna
kangka- ‘to roast’, Qu. kanka-
kawitu ‘bed’, Qu. kawitu
minggako- ‘to farm in common’, Qu. minkaku- ‘to hire labourers’
wampo ∼ wampu ‘canoe’, Qu. wampu ‘vessel’
warangka ‘thousand’, Qu. or Aymara waranqa
pataka ‘hundred’ is borrowed from Aymara pataka.
Payne and Croese (1988) mention also:
challwa ‘fish’, Qu. chalwa
kalku ‘witch’, Qu. qarqu (“mal agüero”)
mishki ‘sweet’, ‘honey’, Qu. mishki.
Part III
Morphology and morphosyntax of the noun

Chapter 10
Nouns
Nouns which are coreferential with a person marker are not inflected. Such
nouns can have the function of subject (1), direct object (2) or dative subject
(4). Nouns which take the instrumental suffix -mew ∼ -mu are not coreferential
with a person marker and are referred to as instrumental object (inst), see 10.1
below. Nouns which are neither coreferential with a person marker nor inflected
by the instrumental, have the function of complement (3).
(1) iñché ñi ñuke ngüma-y
I poss1s mother cry-ind4-33
‘my mother cried’
(2) leli-fi-n ñi ñuke

watch-edo6-ind1s3 poss1s mother
‘I watched (her) my mother’
(3) leli-n ñi ñuke

watch-ind1s3 poss1s mother
‘I watched my mother’
In (2), the attention of the subject is focused on the mother. In (3) the
subject is less concentrated on the mother. For -fi-, see 25.2.2 and 26.6.
(4) leli-e-n-ew ñi ñuke
6 3 1
watch-ido -ind1s -ds poss1s mother
‘my mother watched me’
Nouns are not inflected for number. Plurality of a nominal referent can be
expressed by lexical means or implied by the preposition pu Collective (11.1)
or the suffix -ke Distributive (18.1.5).
10.1 The instrumental ∼

The instrumental suffix -mew ∼ -mu is affixed to nouns (including verbal
nouns) and pronouns only. It indicates instrument (5–7), place (8–16), time
(17–19), cause (20–22) and is used in comparative and partitive constructions
62 Nouns
(23–24, 25–27). The suffix -mew ∼ -mu may also refer to the circumstances
under which an event takes place (28–29).
(5) anel-tu-fi-ñ kiñe kuchillo-mew
33 6 3
threaten-tr -edo -ind1s one knife-inst
‘I threatened him with a knife’
(6) apo-li-y ta-ñi nge küllewün-mew

28 4 3
become.full-st -ind -3 the-poss3 eye tear-inst
‘her eyes are full of tears’
(7) are-tu-n-mew monge-li-y

lend-tr33-pvn4-inst get.life-st28-ind4-33
‘he lives of borrowing’
The instrumental does not only indicate a place where, but also a direction in
which, from which, etc. The ambiguity of the suffix -mew as a direction marker
may be cleared up by adding a verb which indicates direction, as in (11) below.
(8) fey-mew füchá puru-y-ng-ün
4 3 2
that-inst long dance-ind -3ns -p
‘there theyp danced for a long time’
(9) uma-pu-n ta-ñi peñi-mu

17 3
stay-loc -ind1s the-poss1s brother-inst
‘I stayed at my brother’s’
(10) ewma-ke-fu-y-iñ linea kiñe wariya-mu ka wariya-mu

14 8 3 2
make-cf -ipd -ind4 -1ns -p cable one town-inst other town-inst
‘wep used to make a cable from one town to another (town)’
(11) potrü-tripa-n ti wangku-mu

fall.backward-leave/go.out-ind1s3 the chair-inst
‘I fell backward from the chair’
(12) tüfá püntü-le-y ka-ke-lu-mew

this separate-st28-ind4-33 other-distr-svn4-inst
‘this stands apart from the others’, ‘this stands apart among the others’
The suffix -mew ∼ -mu is left out when the place or the direction is specified
by a name. Leaving out -mew ∼ -mu changes the function of the noun from
instrumental object into complement. Compare (13) and (14):
(13) amu-a-y wariya-mew
9 4 3
go-nrld -ind -3 town-inst
‘he will go to town’
10.1 The instrumental -mew ∼ -mu 63
(14) amu-a-y Temuko

go-nrld9-ind4-33 Temuco
‘he will go to Temuco’
Some locational and temporal nouns may be used adverbially (see 10.2 be-
low). With these nouns -mew ∼ -mu is optional.
(15) furi-mew müle-y /furi müle-y

4 3 4 3
back-inst be-ind -3 /back be-ind -3
‘he is at the back’
The relation between a locational noun and another noun is expressed by
juxtaposition (see 23.3). The second noun optionally takes the affix -mew ∼
-mu.
(16) furi ruka-mew müle-y /furi ruka müle-y
back house-inst be-ind4-33/back house be-ind4-33
‘he is at the back of the house’
Instrument and location are also expressed by the nominalizing suffix -m
ivn4 (instrumental verbal noun, see 26.4.8.1). In order to disambiguate -m,
the suffix -mew ∼ -mu can be added, but only when -m indicates location.
When the suffix -mew ∼ -mu has temporal meaning, it may indicate a period
of time during which an event takes place or a moment, before or after an
orientation moment, at which an event takes place.
(17) külá antü-mew kutran-fu-n
three day-inst illness-ipd8-ind1s3
‘I have been ill for three days’
(18) külá antü-mew tripa-n

three day-inst leave-ind1s3
‘I left three days ago’, ‘I left three days later’
(19) külá antü-mew tripa-ya-n

9 3
three day-inst leave-nrld -ind1s
‘I will leave in three days’, ‘I will leave three days later’
The noun antü ‘day’ is one of the nouns which may be used adverbially. As a
result, -mew ∼ -mu can be left out in (17–19) without creating a clear semantic
difference.
When -mew ∼ -mu has causal meaning as in (20–22), it is found especially
with subordinates (21–22). Compare:
(20) chafo-a-fu-y-m-i wütre-mew

9 8 3 2
catch.a.cold-nrld -ipd -ind4 -2 -s cold-inst
‘yous could catch a cold in view of the cold’
64 Nouns
(21) pepı́ wiri-la-n rumé wütre-le-n-mew

being.able write-neg10-ind1s3 very cold-st28-pvn4-inst
‘I cannot write because it is very cold’
(22) ayü-w-küle-n eymi mi fey-pi-n-mew ti ungu

like-ref31-st28-ind1s3 yous poss2s that-say-pvn4-inst the word/idea
‘I am glad because of yous saying that’
In (23) and (24), -mew ∼ -mu serves to introduce the standard of comparison.
(23) Rude iñché-mew ina-n
Rude I-inst next-pvn4
‘Rude [is] younger than me’
(24) iñché ñi trewa oy-üy fey ñi trewa-mew

I poss1s dog more-ind4-33 he poss3 dog-inst
‘my dog is bigger than his dog’
The examples (25–27) show -mew ∼ -mu in partitive constructions.
(25) itro-kom-mew wente-le-lu
quite-all-inst top-st28-svn4
‘the topmost of all’
(26) wüne-lu-mew müle-pu-y

4 17 4
first-svn -inst be-loc -ind -33
‘he is among the first’
(27) iñchiu misha-w-a-y-u korü-mew

31 9 3 2
wed share.with-ref -nrld -ind4 -1ns -d soup-inst
‘wed will eat some of the soup together’
The suffix -mew ∼ -mu is not often used to express the circumstances under
which an event takes place. One prefers to use -(kü)le-n -st28-pvn4. Compare
(28) and (29):
(28) re llüka-n-mew müle-ke-fu-y-ng-ün
only fear-pvn4-inst be-cf14-ipd8-ind4 -3ns3-p2
‘theyp lived only in fear’
(29) llüka-le-n amu-y-ng-ün

fear-st28-pvn4 go-ind4-3ns3-p2
‘afraid theyp went away’
The instrumental object is the argument which is lowest in agentivity. It
refers to the actant which is least involved in the event. Compare the following
pairs of examples:
10.1 The instrumental -mew ∼ -mu 65
(30) allkü-tu-le-n fey-mew

hear-tr33-st28-ind1s3 he-inst
‘I overhear him’
(31) allkü-tu-nie-fi-n
hear-tr33-prps32-edo6 -ind1s3
‘I am listening to him’
(32) ungu-nge fey-mew!

speak-imp2s3 he-inst
‘tell him!’
(33) ungu-fi-nge!
6 3
speak-edo -imp2s
‘talk to him!’
(34) elfal-ke-fu-y ti wawa ñi pu wenüy-mew

14 8 3
entrust-cf -ipd -ind4 -3 the baby poss3 coll friend-inst
‘he would entrust the baby to his friends’
(35) elfal-ke-fwi-y ti wawa ñi pu wenüy

14 8 4 3
entrust-cf -ipd .edo6 -ind -3 the baby poss3 coll friend
‘he would entrust his friends with the baby’
In (34) and (35), ti wawa (34–35) is a complement, ñi pu wenüy (35) is
coreferential with -fi- and is the direct object.
(36) illu-le-n serbesa-mew
28 3
feel.like-st -ind1s beer-inst
‘I feel like [having] a beer’
(37) illu-le-n serbesa-tu-al

28 3 36 9
feel.like-st -ind1s beer-verb -nrld .ovn4
‘I feel like having a beer’
(38) raki uam-küle-n fey-mew

28 3
think-st -ind1s he-inst
‘I am thinking of him’
(39) raki uam-küle-n fey ñi tripa-yal

28 3 9 4
think-st -ind1s he poss3 leave-nrld .ovn
‘I think that he is going to leave’
With transitive verbs, the instrumental may be used to indicate an additional
actant, after subject, direct object and complement:
66 Nouns
(40) iñché trafkintu-l-fi-n kiñe ufisha Xuan kiñe sako ketran-mew

I exchange-ben27-edo6-ind1s3 one sheep Juan one sack wheat-inst
‘I exchanged with Juan one sheep for one sack of wheat’
In (40), iñché ‘I’ is the subject. Xuan is the direct object and coreferential
with -fi- edo6. Addition of the suffix -(l)el- ben27 changes the patient into the
beneficiary of the event. The phrase kiñe ufisha is a complement and denotes
the patient of the event. Kiñe sako ketran-mew is the instrumental object.
The suffix -mew ∼ -mu also occurs in the following expressions:
(41) müná nümü-le-y pütrem-mew

very smell-st28-ind4-33 tobacco-inst
‘it smells very much of tobacco’
(42) küme-y kutran-pütra-mew

4 3
good-ind -3 illness-stomach-inst
‘it is good against stomach-ache’
(43) küme-y püto-ko-nge-n-mu

4 3 23 4
good-ind -3 drink-water-pass -pvn -inst
‘it is good to be drunk’
(44) müna-li-y teki-mu

28 4
skilful-st -ind -33 weave-inst
‘she is skilful at weaving’
⟨teki is derived from Sp. tejar ‘to weave’.⟩
(45) fey petú pule-y pali-n-mew

he still be.adept-ind4-33 ball.game-pvn4-inst
‘he is still adept in playing the ball game’
(46) mañum-nie-e-y-u witran-mew

32 6 3 2 1
thank-prps -ido -ind4 -1ns -d -ds visit-inst
‘I am grateful to yous for [your] visit’
(47) tuku-nge-ke-fu-y kü aw-mew

23 14 4 3
put.at-pass -cf -ipd8 -ind -3 work-inst
‘he was put to work’
(48) mari pesu-mew antü kü aw-ke-fu-n

14 8
ten peso-inst day work-cf -ipd -ind1s3
‘I used to work for ten pesos a day’
10.2 Adverbially used nouns 67
(49) a -nu-mew
form-neg-inst
‘for no reason’
(50) ella-mew (RR)

a.bit-inst
‘at the beginning’, ‘in a while’
10.2 Adverbially used nouns

Certain nouns which indicate time, location or quantity can be used adverbially.
They are the following:
antü ‘sun, day’, ‘one day, by day, daily, in . . . days, . . . days ago’
semana ‘week’, ‘weekly, in . . . weeks, . . . weeks ago’
küyen ‘moon, month’, ‘monthly, in . . . months, . . . months ago’
tripantu ‘year’, ‘a year, in . . . years, . . . years ago’
pukem ‘winter’, ‘in winter’
liwen ‘morning’, ‘in the morning’
wün ‘dawn’, ‘at dawn’
trafiya ‘evening’, ‘in the evening’
pun ‘night’, ‘one night, by night’
and the days of the week, e.g.
lune ‘Monday’ (Sp. lunes ‘Monday’)
furi ‘back’, ‘at the back’
miñche ‘bottom, underside’, ‘under’
wente ‘top, upperside’, ‘on top of’
wenu ‘space above something’, ‘above, at the top’
wif ‘breadth, row’, ‘along’
wülngiñ ‘front’, ‘in front’
pülé ‘side, direction’ (see 10.4)
angka ‘half, trunk’
llaq ‘half, part’
mür ‘pair, couple’, ‘in pairs’
rupa ‘time’, ‘once, after’
and the compounds fach-antü ‘today’ (this-day) and ka-mapu ‘far’ (other-land).
(51) alü pun tripa-y

much night leave-ind4-33
‘he left late at night’
(52) wente ruka müle-y

top house be-ind4-33
‘he is at the house’
68 Nouns
(53) wenu ruka müle-y

above house be-ind4-33
‘he is upstairs in the house’
(54) angka rüpü müle-y

4 3
half way be-ind -3
‘he is half-way’
The use of -mew inst is optional with adverbially used nouns:
(55) kiñe mamüll müle-y wülngiñ ruka(-mew)
4 3
one tree be-ind -3 front house(-inst)
‘there is a tree in front of the house’
Nouns which may be used adverbially can, like other nouns, take a verbalizer.
Thus, one may find:
(56) külá antü-nge-y ñi puw-ün
three day-verb36-ind4-33 poss1s arrive-pvn4
‘it is three days ago that I arrived’
or:
(57) külá antü puw-ün /külá antü-mew puw-ün
three day arrive-ind1s3/three day-inst arrive-ind1s3
‘I arrived three days ago’
Compare (53)with the following example:
(58) wenu-le-y ruka-mew
28 4
above-st -ind -33 house-inst
‘he is upstairs in the house’
10.3 Quantity nouns

Certain nouns are derived from an adverb or a numeral. They indicate quantity
or size. These quantity nouns end in the suffix -n, which is probably related to
the plain verbal noun marker -(ü)n 4. In this case, these -n forms are derived
from a verbalized adverb, see 26.4.6.3. I refer to the following nouns:
alü-n ‘much’ (alü-verb36-pvn4 ; alü ‘much’)
fante-n ‘this much’ (fante ‘this much’)
fente-n ‘that much’ (fente ‘that much’)
fentre-n ‘much’ (fentre ‘much’)
pütrü-n ‘much’ (pütrü ‘much’)
pichi-n ∼ pichi-ñ ‘a few’ (pichi ‘little’)
rangi-ñ ‘middle’ (rangi ‘mid’)
tunte-n ‘how much?’ (tunté ‘how much?’)
wüne-n ‘first, elder, eldest’ (wüné ‘first’)
10.4 Postposition pülé 69
ina-n ‘last, younger, youngest’ (ina ‘next’)

and nouns which are derived from a numeral, e.g. mari-n ‘ten’ (mari ‘ten’)
Examples:
(59) külá oy fentre-n epu-mew
three more much-verb36-pvn4 two-inst
‘three [is] a higher number than two’, ‘three [is] more than two’
(60) ngilla-y pichi-n mapu
4 3 36 4
buy-ind -3 little-verb -pvn land
‘he bought a little land’
(61) iñché mari-n kulliñ
36 4
I ten-verb -pvn cattle
‘the ten animals [are] mine’
(62) pichi-ñ-mew tripa-wye-y
little-verb36-pvn4-inst leave-plpf15-ind4-33
‘he had left shortly before’
(63) fante-n-mu ngilla-n
36 4 3
this.much-verb -pvn -inst buy-ind1s
‘I bought [it] for this much’
Quantity nouns are mentioned here because they are widely used, and often oc-
cur in partitive noun phrases (see 23.2). Quantity nouns do not contain verbal
suffixes. They can only take -ke distr, which is a nominal suffix (see 18.1.5).
Quantity nouns are treated as a unit. Henceforth they will not be analyzed in
morphemes.
10.4 Postposition
The noun pülé ‘side, direction’ is connected to a preceding word by juxtaposi-
tion. The preceding word may be a noun, a pronoun, a numeral or an adjective.
The resulting noun phrase can be used adverbially.
(64) lafken pülé
sea side
‘the direction of the sea’, ‘in the direction of the sea’, ‘at the seaside’
(65) tüfá pülé
this side
‘this side’, ‘hither’
(66) iñchiñpülé
wep side
‘ourp side’, ‘towards usp ’
70 Nouns
(67) kom pülé

all side
‘all sides’, ‘everywhere’
(68) kiñe pülé

one side
‘one side’, ‘at one side’
(69) kañ pülé

other side
‘the other side’, ‘to the other side’
The postposition pülé is also found with the adverb üyüw ‘over there’: üyüw
pülé ‘at that side over there’.
10.5 Preposition
The preposition pu indicates location. It does not occur without a following
noun. It is not frequent. The preposition pu loc is mainly used by elderly
people.
(70) iñché müle-n pu wariya
I be-ind1s3 loc town
‘I am in town’
(71) puw-üy kiñe pu malliñ

4 3
arrive-ind -3 one loc lake
‘he landed in a lake’
(72) pu trafiya
loc evening
‘in the evening’
Note the order of the constituents of (71): pu loc follows a numeral.
Preposition pu is probably related to pu(w)- ‘to arrive’, ‘to stay’ and the
verbal suffix -pu- loc, which fills slot 17 (see 26.17).
Chapter 11
Adjectives
An adjective is used as a modifier of a following noun.
(1) kümé wentru

good man
‘a good man’
An adjective does not occur as a nominal predicate. Instead, one can use a
verbal predicate which is derived from an adjective.
(2) ti wentru küme-y
the man good-verb36-ind4-33
‘the man is good’
For verbalization, see chapter 21.
The adjectives man ‘right’ and wele ‘left’ can be used as nouns:
(3) man kuwü-mew nü-fi-nge!

right hand-inst take-edo6-imp2s3
‘take it with the right hand!’
(4) man-mew nü-fi-nge!

right-inst take-edo6-imp2s3
‘take it with the right [hand]!’
The noun po ‘dirt’ can be used as an adjective.
The following adjectives can be used as adverbs:
füchá ‘long, old’, ‘much, a long time’
pichi ‘small, young’, ‘a little, a short while’
kümé ‘good’, ‘well’
weshá ‘bad’, ‘badly’
ñochi ‘slow’, ‘slowly’
rüf ‘true’, ‘truthfully’
we ‘young, fresh, new, unripe’, ‘just, recently’
72 Adjectives
(5) pichi wentru nie-n

small man have-ind1s3
‘I have a small man’
(6) pichi ungu-n

small speak-ind1s3
‘I spoke for a short while’
By means of the nominalizer -(ü)n pvn4, adjectives can be derived from
verbal roots, e.g. arkü- ‘to evaporate’, arkü-n ∼ arke-n ‘evaporated’; kangka-
‘to roast’, kangka-n ‘roasted’. This special use of -(ü)n pvn is dealt with in
section 26.4.6.2.
11.1 collective
The morpheme pu modifies a noun, which usually refers to human beings. Pu
indicates that the noun refers to a collective, which consists of two or more
component parts. These parts share a common feature which is expressed by
the noun, e.g.
(7) ñi pu che
poss1s coll person
‘my people’, ‘my family’
(8) ñi pu wenüy aku-a-y

9 4
poss1s coll friend arrive-nrld -ind -33
‘my friends will arrive’
(9) kümé wenüy-ka-w-y-iñ ta ti pu wingka iñchiñ, pu italiano

good friend-fac33-ref31-ind4-1ns3-p2 the the coll stranger wep , coll Italian
iñchiñ
wep
‘I became good friends with these strangers; with the Italians’
(10) fey-pi-mu-chi, pu fotüm!

23 3
that-say-2A -imp1s , coll son
‘tell me, sons!’
The morpheme pu has a counterpart in the suffix -ke distr (distributive).
Whereas pu stresses the unity of the various component parts, -ke stresses their
individuality by indicating that each single part bears the feature referred to by
the word that takes -ke. Neither pu nor -ke are genuine pluralization markers,
although each of them refers to a whole that consists of two or more items. For
-ke, see 18.1.5.
Chapter 12
Adverbs
Mapuche has the following adverbs:
anú ‘in case’

aymüñ ‘fairly, somewhat, not very’
alü ‘much’
allwe ‘somewhat, a little’
chaq ‘both, equally’ (LQ only)
chumül ‘recently’
ew ‘already’, ‘yet’
ewmá ‘almost, nearly’
oy ‘more’
ella ‘a bit, shortly after’
epé ‘almost’
fante ‘this much’ (derived from fa- ‘to become like this’)
fente ‘that much’ (derived from fe- ‘to become like that’)
fentre ‘much’
ina ‘near, next to, behind’
itro ‘quite’ (in compounds only)
yaq ‘both’ (LQ), ‘together (but not equally)’ (RR)
yochi ‘enough’
yom ‘too, over-’
ka ‘different, also, again, and’
kam ‘or’
kishu ‘alone’
kom ‘all, completely’
kuyfı́ ‘formerly, a long time ago’
kütó ‘even, also’
may ‘yes’
mungel ‘especially, precisely, always’
müchay ‘in a little while, soon’
müná ‘very’
mür ‘in pairs, together’
74 Adverbs
müté ‘very, (too) much’

mütem ‘only, after all, nevertheless, yet’ (LQ, RR) (MM: müten)
newé ‘not so very’ (with negative verb)
ñall ‘just (when . . . ), surely (because . . . )’
ngellú ‘only after a long while’
penú ‘maybe’
petú ‘still’
ponwı́ ∼ ponuı́ ‘outside’
pülle ‘close’
püntü ‘separately’
pürüm ‘in a moment, quickly’
pütrü ‘much’
rangi ‘mid’
re ‘only, merely’
reké ‘like, likewise, as it were’
rul ‘all the time’
rumé ‘very, (too) much’, ‘-ever’
rumel ‘always’
tayı́ ‘just now a moment ago’
tunté ‘how much?’
turpu ‘never’ (with negative verb)
trür ‘together, equally’
wechu ‘on top’
wekun ‘outside’
welu ‘wrong, reverse, in turns, but, all the same’
well ‘sometimes’, ‘incomplete’
weñche ‘not very, a little’
wichu ‘separately’
wiya ‘yesterday’
wülá ‘then, until’
wüle ∼ wile ‘tomorrow’
wüné ‘first’
An adverb is used as a modifier of a verb (1–2), of another adverb (3–4) or
of an adjective (5–6).
(1) epé puw-üy

almost arrive-ind4-33
‘he almost arrived’
(2) alü püra-n

much climb-ind1s3
‘I climbed high’
12 Adverbs 75
(3) rumé alü püra-n

very much climb-ind1s3
‘I climbed very high’
(4) pichi oy alü-y
little more much/big-ind4-33
‘he has grown a little bigger’
(5) rumé kümé wentru
very good man
‘a very good man’
(6) allwe allush ko
somewhat tepid water
‘fairly tepid water’
The adverbs kütó ‘even’, mungel ‘precisely’, reké ‘like’ and rumé in the me-
aning of ‘-ever’ follow the noun phrase or verb which they modify.
(7) kom amu-a-y-iñ wariya-mew, fey kütó amu-a-y
all go-nrld9-ind4-1ns3 -p2 town-inst, he even go-nrld9-ind4-33
‘wep will all go to town; even he will go’
(8) iñché eymi reké kü aw-a-n
9 3
I yous like work-nrld -ind1s
‘I will work like you [do]’
s
(9) nge-we-la-y reké

19 10 4
be-ps -neg -ind -33 as.it.were
‘there is nothing left as it were’
(10) tuchi kalle-mew mungel nge-me-y-m-i?
20 4 3
which street-inst precisely be-th -ind -2 -s2
‘in which street have you been exactly?’
s
(11) ngolli-le-ke-y-m-i mungel!

get.drunk-st28-cf14-ind4 -23-s2 always
‘yous are always drunk!’
The adverb rumé ‘very’ has a second function; it renders a preceding noun
indefinite. It is especially used with interrogative pronouns (see chapter 17).
The negation marker nu (slot 10) can precede rumé, e.g. chew ‘where?’, chew
rumé ’wherever’, chew nu rumé ‘nowhere’.
(12) kiñe-ke-mew plata rumé elu-nge-ke-la-y che
one-distr-inst money -ever give-pass23-cf14-neg10 -ind-33 person
‘sometimes people were not even given money’
76 Adverbs
(13) kiñe rumé elu-e-n

one -ever give-ido6-ind1s3-ds1
‘give me at least one!’
When rumé follows a verb, it adds a concessive value:
(14) kure-nge-fu-y rumé, welu nie-la-y fotüm
36 8 4 3 10 4 3
wife-verb -ipd -ind -3 -ever -ever but have-neg -ind -3 son
‘even though he is married, he does not have sons’
The adverbs oy ‘more’, kuyfı́ ‘formerly’ and well ‘incomplete’ may be used
as an adjective:
(15) fey iñché-mew oy pichin libru nie-y
he I-inst more small.quantity book have-ind4-33
‘he has fewer books than I [have]’ Compare (4).
(16) kuyfı́ pichi-ka-el . . .
a.long.time.ago small-cont16-ovn4
‘a long time ago, when I was still young . . . ’
(17) iñché nütram-ka-n kiñe kuyfı́ che iñchiu
33 3
I conversation-fac -ind1s one former person wed
‘I talked with one of the elderly men’
The morphemes ka ‘different, and, again, also’ and kom ‘all, completely’
can also be used as adjectives. Kom ‘all, completely’ and kishu ‘alone’ are
mentioned here because they are frequently used as adverbs. They are discussed
in section 15.1 on substitutive personal pronouns.
The adverbs anú ‘in case’ and kam ‘or’ are used as conjunctions. The mor-
pheme anú is found with conditional forms only:
(18) anú mawün-l-e tripa-la-y-a-y-m-i
in.case rain-cond4-33 leave-neg10-nrld9-ind4-23 -s2
‘in case it rains, yous must not go out’
(19) iney oy kim-üy? eymi kam iñché?
who more know-ind4-33? yous or I?
‘who knows more? you or me?’ s
The morpheme kam is also used as a question marker and as a particle

meaning ’since’ (32.12).
One also finds ka ‘and’, welu ‘but’, wülá ‘until’ and well ‘sometimes’ as
conjunctions.
(20) . . . pi-y ta-ñi omo ka ta-ñi llalla ka
4 3
say-ind -3 the-poss1s woman and the-poss1s mother.in.law also
‘. . . said my wife and my mother-in-law too’
12 Adverbs 77
The conjunction ka can be used with ta in a preceding conditional clause ‘if

. . . , then . . . ’ (see ta, 14.3.2 (47)). The adverb ka is probably related to the
particle ka, for which see 32.16.
(21) lewfü-mew müle-y kochü ko, welu lafken kotrü ko nie-y
river-inst be-ind4-33 sweet water, but sea salt water have-ind4-33
‘in a river there is fresh water, but the sea has salt water’
(22) tripa-la-ya-y-m-i ruka-mew, iñché wiño-l-i wülá

10 9 3 2 4 3
go.out-neg -nrld -ind4 -2 -s house-inst, I return-cond -1 -s2 then
‘yous must not go out of the house until I come back’
(23) well putu-ke-n, well putu-ke-la-n

sometimes drink-cf14-ind1s3, sometimes drink-cf14-neg10-ind1s3
‘sometimes I drink, sometimes I don’t’
The following adverbs are derived from a verb and contain the nominalizer
-(ü)n pvn4 (see 26.4.6.2):
chumngen ‘then, while’ (cf. chum ‘how?’)
femngen ‘at last, yet’ (cf. fe- ‘to become like that’)
femngewen ‘scarcely, barely’
rupan ‘after’ (cf. ru- ‘to cross’)
Chapter 13
Numerals
Mapuche has a decimal numerical system which comprises the following nume-
rals:
kiñe ‘one’
epu ‘two’
külá ‘three’
meli ‘four’
kechu ‘five’
kayu ‘six’
reqle ‘seven’
pura ‘eight’
aylla ‘nine’
mari ‘ten’
pataka ‘hundred’ (derived from Qu/Ay)
warangka ‘thousand’ (derived from Qu/Ay)
A complex number higher than ten is expressed by a sequence of numerals.
A sequence in which a lower number precedes a higher number indicates mul-
tiplication:
(1) epu mari
two ten
‘twenty’
A sequence in which a higher number precedes a lower number indicates
addition:
(2) mari epu
ten two
‘twelve’
Multiplication takes precedence over addition:
(3) epu mari kechu
two ten five
‘twenty-five’
80 Numerals
(4) pataka epu mari kechu

hundred two ten five
‘hundred and twenty-five’
(5) kechu warangka kayu mari

five thousand six ten
‘five thousand and sixty’
(6) külá pataka warangka

three hundred thousand
‘three hundred thousand’
High numbers like the one in (6) cause confusion (cf. (11,19)). Complex
high numbers are more commonly expressed in Spanish. Ordinal numerals
are derived from a numeral, which is followed by the verbalizer -nge-36, the
subjective verbal noun marker -∅-4 and the adjectivizer -chi, e.g. kiñe-nge-chi
‘first’, ’unique’, see 18.2.2.
Numerals are used as modifiers of a noun (7–8) or a verb (9), but can also
be used independently (10–11).
(7) mari kechu tripantu nie-y

ten five year have-ind4-33
‘he is fifteen years’
(8) mari kiñe antü amu-le-y ta-chi küyen

28 4 3
ten one day go-st -ind -3 the-adj month
‘it is the eleventh of this month’ (lit.: this month is going eleven days)
(9) epu uma-me-y-u

two stay-th20-ind4-1ns3 -d2
‘wed went to stay there twice’
(10) külá nie-n

three have/get-ind1s3
‘I have got three’
(11) külá fe-m-nge-y

three become.like.that-ca34-pass23-ind4 -33
‘it looks like a three’
The adverb rumé ‘-ever’ can follow a numeral: kiñe rumé ‘if only one’, kiñe
nu rumé ‘not even one’.
Before pülé ‘side, direction’, the numerals epu ‘two’ and külá ‘three’ have the
alternants epuñ and külañ respectively: epuñ pülé ‘at both sides’, külañ pülé
‘at three sides’.
13 Numerals 81
The numeral kiñe is also used in the following ways:

a) as an impersonal pronoun:
(12) ñochi treka-le-y kiñe (8,63)
slowly walk-st28-ind4-33 one
‘one walked slowly’
b) as an indefinite article:
(13) . . . ye-ke-fu-y engün kiñe sako-mew
14 8 4
carry-cf -ipd -ind -33 theyp one sack-inst
‘ . . . they carried in a sack’
p
This use of kiñe is probably derived from Spanish. The more a speaker uses
Spanish words while speaking Mapuche, the more he will use kiñe as an inde-
finite article.
c) as a modifier meaning ‘some’, ‘unique, only’ or ‘particular’:
(14) kiñe epu mari kechu tripantu-nge-y . . . (4,1)

one two ten five year-verb36-ind4-33
‘it was some twenty-five years ago . . . ’
(15) nü-ñma-nge-n ñi kiñe kulliñ!

26 23
take-io -pass -ind1s3 poss1s one animal
‘my only animal was taken away from me!’ (lit.: I was taken away my
only animal)
(16) fey-mu fey entu-fi-y-iñ tüfa-chi kiñe kü aw (14,29)

that-inst that take.out-edo6-ind4-1ns3-p2 this-adj one work
‘that is why we set up this particular work’
p
d) in the following expressions:

kiñe mufü ‘quite a few’ (mufü ‘how much?’), cf. Sp. unos cuantos ‘a few’
kiñe-ke ‘some, a few’ (cf. -ke distr, 18.1.5)
ka-ke kiñe-ke ‘each apart’ (other-distr one-distr).
Chapter 14
Demonstrative and anaphoric pronouns
This chapter deals with pronouns which are almost exclusively demonstrative
(14.1), with fey ‘that’, which may have demonstrative and anaphoric meaning
(14.2), and with the pronouns ta and ti which are used anaphorically only
(14.3).
14.1 Demonstrative pronouns

Mapuche has a three-term system of demonstrative pronouns:
tüfá ‘this’
tüfey ∼ tüfiy ‘that’
tüyé ‘that over there’ (in derivates also üyé, tié)
The pronoun tüfey takes standard stress (on the vowel before the last con-
sonant). The element tü- is never stressed. The demonstrative pronouns tüfá,
tüfey and tüyé refer to animate and inanimate entities. The pronoun tüfá may
have anaphoric meaning, see (8), (10), (19) and 14.3. The demonstrative pro-
nouns occur independently, as modifiers of a noun phrase (with -chi adj, see
below), in pronominal compounds with fey (see 14.2) or with an anaphoric
pronoun (see 14.3). The pronoun tüfá may be used as a temporal or locational
adverb.
(1) tüfá nor-küle-y

28 4 3
this straight-st -ind -3
‘this is straight’
(2) tüyé leli-fi-nge!

6 3
that.over.there look-edo -imp2s
‘look at him over there!’
(3) tüfá ruka

this house
‘this [is a] house’ (for nominal sentences, see chapter 24)
84 Demonstrative and anaphoric pronouns
(4) iñchiñ tüfá kon-a-y-iñ

wep this enter-nrld9-ind4-1ns3 -p2
‘at this moment wep will enter’
Demonstrative pronouns take adjectivizer -chi (18.2.2) when used as modi-
fiers of a noun phrase:
tüfa-chi ‘this’
tüfey-chi ‘that’
tüye-chi ‘that over there’
The modifier tüye-chi alternates with üye-chi and tie-chi .
(5) tüfa-chi pichi ruka müle-n
this-adj small house be-ind1s3
‘I live in this small house’
(6) tüfey-chi fülor, chem üy nie-y am?
these-adj flower, what name have-ind4-33 part
‘these flowers, what name do they have?’
Instead of tüfey(-chi), which does not occur often, fey(-chi) is commonly used.
Thus one finds tüfa-mew ‘here’, tüye-mew ‘over there’ and fey-mew ‘there’, not
*tüfey-mew ; and tüfá pülé ‘this side’, tüyé pülé ‘that side over there’ and fey
pülé ‘that side’, not *tüfey pülé. For pülé, see 10.4.
In a few cases I found fa-chi instead of tüfa-chi : fa-chi pülé ’this side’, fa-chi
a ‘this side’. The modifier fa-chi also occurs in two compounds, see remark
(i) at the end of this chapter.
The demonstrative pronouns tüfá and tüfey may be derived from a root *fa-
and *fe- respectively, which are also found in the deictic verbs fa- ‘to become
like this’ and fe- ‘to become like that’ (see chapter 30).
14.2 ‘that’
The pronoun fey ∼ fiy ‘that’ has both demonstrative and anaphoric meaning.
It also forms part of the personal pronominal system as indicator of the third
person. When used independently or inflected with -mew inst, fey indicates
third person unmarked for proximity/distance or else it is used adverbially (fey
‘he, she, it, then’ or ‘certainly’ (in answer to a question), e.g. fey-mew ‘to, for,
by, etc. him/her/it, therefore, then’).
The adnominal adjective fey-chi is used as a modifier of a noun phrase whose
referent is usually defined by the context.
A compound consisting of fey and a demonstrative pronoun indicates third
person marked for proximity/distance (fey-tüfá ‘this here’, fey-tüfey ‘that there’,
fey-tüyé ‘that over there’). These compounds can take -chi adj or -mew inst.
One finds fey-tüfa-chi ‘this’, not *fey-chi tüfa-chi.
The pronoun fey can also form part of a compound with an anaphoric pro-
noun, for fey-ta, fey-ti and fey-ta-tí, see 14.3 below. Personal pronominal fey
14.2 fey ‘that’ 85
is further discussed in chapter 15.

Most examples given in this chapter are taken from texts, since anaphoric (or
anaphorically used) pronouns are best understood in their context. Reference
to the text and line is given between brackets.
(7) fey-chi fülor, chem üy nie-y am?
4 3
that-adj flower, what name have-ind -3 part
‘these flowers, what name do they have?’
In (7) fey-chi has anaphoric meaning. Compare with (6) where tüfeychi has
demonstrative meaning.
(8) fey-chi kü aw nie-y tüfa-chi laftra pichi-ke wekufü (LQ;1,39)
4 3
that-adj work have-ind -3 this-adj stunted little-distr demon
‘that is the work these stunted little demons do’
Like fey, fey-chi can be used adverbially. Adverbial fey-chi does not occur
often. Compare:
(9) fey pichin mapu nie-y-iñ (MM; 12,3).
4 3 2
then small.quantity land have-ind -1ns -p
‘wep then had a bit of land’
(10) fey-chi iñché oy pe-we-la-fi-n tüfa-chi misionero (LQ; 4,41)

that-adj I more see-ps19-neg10-edo6-ind1s3 this-adj missionary
‘[and] then I did not see this missionary any more’
In (10) the noun rupa ’time’ has probably been left out after fey-chi, cf.
fey-chi rupa ‘that time, then’.
(11) fey-tüfa-chi achawáll kewa-y-ng-u tüye-chi achawáll yengu
4 3 2
that-this-adj chicken fight-ind -3ns -d that.over.there-adj chicken theyd
‘this chicken here fought with that chicken over there’
(12) fey-tüfa-mew müle-y ta-yu kü aw-pe-ye-m

that-this-inst be-ind4-33 the-poss1d work-px13-cf5-ivn4
‘here is [the place] where wed work’
In a few rare cases I found an independent adjectivized pronoun:
(13) fey-tüfa-chi ungu-y
4 3
that-this-adj speak-ind -3
‘this one spoke’
In (13) a noun has probably been left out after fey-tüfa-chi .
The pronoun fey forms part of a compound with pi- ‘to say, to want’: fey-pi-
’to tell something to somebody’ and with engu 3d and engün 3p. See remark
(ii) at the end of this chapter, and chapter 15.
14.3 Anaphoric pronouns

There are two anaphoric pronouns: ta and ti . They reflect a distinction bet-
ween two frames of reference: context and situation. Both express the presup-
position of the speaker that the referent of the pronoun can be identified by
the hearer. The referent of ta is to be found in the context. The referent of
ti is to be found in the situation at large. Whereas ta refers to information
shared by speaker and hearer only, ti refers to general information. Examples
(14) and (15) illustrate the difference of frame of reference between ta and ti .
In these examples both morphemes are used as a definite article. Compare:
(14) fey ta doktor

he the doctor
‘he [is] the doctor’ (i.e. the doctor we talked about)
(15) fey ti doktor

he the doctor
‘he [is] the doctor’ (i.e. he has the generally known profession of doctor)
The referent of a noun phrase can simultaneously be defined contextually and
situationally, in which case both ta and ti are used, or either ta or ti, depending
on the speaker (see 14.3.1).
The morpheme ta nearly always refers to what has been said. It may, howe-
ver, refer to what follows, as in
(16) depwé welu ta: . . .

later but the
‘but later [they were told] this: . . . ’
The element ta is an important discourse guide. It is not just an ‘ornamental
particle’ (Augusta 1916: 225, Moesbach 1962: 177). By means of ta, the
speaker checks if the hearer can follow him. The use of ta urges the hearer to
identify the referent. A great storyteller like RR uses ta continuously, much
like someone who never stops saying ‘you know’. LQ is extremely economical
with ta. He is a very deliberate speaker. He would first write his stories down
and then have them taped, which explains the extremely low frequency of ta
in his texts. MM takes a position in between. He uses ta, but not so much as
RR.
The distinction context/situation is not only reflected by ta/ti, but also by
the verbal roots fa- ‘to become like this’/fe- ‘to become like that’ (chapter 30)
and the direct object markers -e- ido6/-fi- edo6 . For -e-/-fi- see 25.2.2 and
26.6.
Below I discuss the use of ta and ti . Unless they form part of a compund, ta
and ti do not take the instrumental object marker -mew ∼ -mu inst.
The morphemes ta and ti occur as modifiers of a following noun phrase,
in which function they are uninflected (cf. (14) and (15)), or form part of an
14.3 Anaphoric pronouns 87
adjectivized compound with a demonstrative pronoun. Attested are: fey-ta-chi

and fey-ti-chi (see 14.3.1).
Unlike ti, the morpheme ta can take the adjectivizer -chi .
The element ta is used as an anaphoric dummy (see 14.3.2). Both ta and ti
form part of a demonstrative pronominal compound which can be used inde-
pendently. Attested are: ta-tı́, tüfa-ta, ta-tüfá, fey-ta, fey-ti and fey-ta-tı́. The
demonstrative pronoun tüfá ’this’ is not compatible with ti (see 14.3.3).
The morpheme ta may occur in a compound with a possessive pronoun (see
14.3.4).
The elements ta and chi (alternant of ti ) are found in the particles anta and
anchi (see 14.3.5, 32.9 and 32.10).
14.3.1 ta and ti as modifiers

The modifiers ta and ti precede the noun phrase they modify. In the speech of
LQ, the modifier ta does not occur without -chi adj. Attested are fey-ta-chi
and occasionally ta-chi . Most frequently, however, (fey-)tüfa-chi is used as a
contextually defined modifier.
(17) fey-ta-chi pu Mapuche kim-ke-fu-y-ng-ün ñi fende-n ñi
this-the-adj coll Mapuche know-cf14-ipd8-ind4-3ns3-p2 poss3 sell-pvn4 poss3
mapu (LQ: 5,45)

land
‘these Mapuche knew they sold their land’
(18) fey-tüfá ta-chi toki ta-ñi kü aw-mu-m
that-this the-adj axe the-poss1s work-plpf7-ivn4
‘this here [is] the axe I have worked with’
(19) kom tüfa-chi ungu rumé lla kü-n-nge-y
4 36 3
all this-adj matter very get.sad-pvn -verb -ind4 -3
‘all these things are very distressing’
The modifier ta is rare in the speech of MM. He also uses fey-ta-chi, ta-chi
and tüfa-chi . In the speech of RR (and JM), ta regularly occurs uninflected.
(20) ewma-ke-fu-n ta tore
make/finish-cf14-ipd8-ind1s3 the tower
‘I used to make these masts, you know’
(21) ta makuñ-mu ta kim-e-y-u
the poncho-inst the learn-ido6-ind4-1ns3-d2-ds1
‘I knew yous by the poncho’ (i.e. I recognized you because of the poncho
you wear, the one we discussed)
Only RR uses ta and ti simultaneously as modifiers of a noun phrase. The
referent is usually only contextually defined. The sequence ta ti is distinguished
from the compound ta-tı́ by a pause which can be heard between ta and ti
in careful speech and by stress: ta and ti take equal stress, whereas ta-tı́ is
stressed on the last vowel. The compound ta-tı́ is discussed in 14.3.2 below.
The element ta always precedes ti .
(22) may, ta ti wingka, chew am amu-tu-y? (RR; 11,30)
yes, the the stranger, where part go-re16-ind4-33
‘yes, and as for that stranger, where did he go back to?’ (LQ told RR
about a non-Mapuche neighbour, who had taken Mapuche land and was
eventually thrown out)
(23) la-y kiñe pichi che; weñe-nentu-nge-r-pu-y ta ti

die-ind4-33 one small person; steal-take.out-pass23-itr18-loc17-ind4-33 the the
pichi che (RR; 8,5)

small person
‘when a child died, it would eventually be robbed [of a finger]’
However seldom, fey-ta may occur as a modifier (see MM; 14,44).
In the speech of LQ, the referent of ti may be situationally or contextually
defined or both.
(24) kü aw-el-me-we-la-fi-y-iñ ti ülmen . . . (LQ; 3,14)
work-ben27-th20-ps19-neg10-edo6-ind4-1ns3-p2 the rich
‘wep did not go and work for the rich any more . . . ’
(25) iñché ramtu-fi-n: “chem wekufü miaw-ki-y pun,

6 3 14 4 3
I ask-edo -ind1s : “what demon wander-cf -ind -3 night,
chum-nge-y ti pu wekufü?” (LQ; 1,6)

how-verb36-ind4-33 the coll demon
‘I asked them: “which demons wander at night [and] what are these
demons like?” ’
The referent of ti is situationally defined in (24), but contextually defined in
(25).
In the speech of RR and MM, the referent of ti is nearly always defined
situationally. Occasionally, ti alternates with chi (for t ∼ ch alternation, see
4.5.1).
(26) kom i-nge-lu chi iy-a-el, fey amu-tu-y
all eat-pass23-svn4 the eat-nrld9-ovn4, then go-re16-ind4-33
‘when all the food was eaten, then he went back’
(27) kulli-ke-fwi-y ti nge-n ruka (MM; 13,12)

14 8 6 4 3 4
pay-cf -ipd .edo -ind -3 the have-pvn house
‘he used to pay the house owner’
The compound fey-ti is also used as a modifier of a noun phrase. In the

speech of LQ, the referent of fey-ti may be both situationally and contextually
defined. In the speech of RR and MM, it can only be defined situationally. In
non-elicited speech fey-ti usually occurs as the head of a relative clause. This
holds for all informants.
(28) fey-ti pu ñuwa trem-üm-fi-y ti pichi-ke omo (LQ; 5,20)

that-the coll bandit grow-ca34-edo6-ind4-33 the small-distr woman
‘and the bandits raised those girls’
(29) fey-ti küpa-lu anü-a-y

that-the come-svn4 sit.down-nrld9-ind4-33
‘those who have come will have to sit down’
Compare the modifiers fey-ti ‘the, that’ and fey-chi ‘that’ (see 14.2). All
informants use both fey-ti and fey-chi . Unlike ti ∼ chi ‘the’, fey-ti and fey-chi
are not interchangeable. Whereas fey-ti may occur as the head of a relative
clause, fey-chi cannot. Fey-chi often occurs as a modifier of a noun, fey-ti
seldom does. Both fey-ti and fey-chi may occur independently: fey-ti as a first
argument in a nominal sentence, fey-chi as an adverb ‘then’. The compound
fey-ti can take -chi adj. Fey-ti-chi does not occur often. It is attested about
eight times. In all cases, the referent of fey-ti-chi is contextually defined.
(30) fey-ti-chi ruka-mew rumé kutran-ka-w-pu-ki-y fey-ti

that-the-adj house-inst very illness-fac33-ref31-loc17-cf14-ind4-33 that-the
feyentu-nu-wma (LQ; 4,10)

believe-neg10-csvn4
‘in this house they suffer a lot, those who have not believed [in Him]’
For fey-ti-chi, see also (1,4; 8,15; 8,45; 11,44; 11,47; 14,20; 14,43). The
use of anaphoric modifiers by the three speakers is summarized in the chart
below. C stands for contextually defined, S for situationally defined and D for
demonstrative.
LQ RR MM
ta - C C
ta-chi C C C
fey-ta - - C
fey-ta-chi C C C
tüfa-chi C,D C,D C,D
ti S,C S S
ta ti - C -
fey-ti S,C S S
fey-ti-chi C C C
fey-chi C C C
14.3.2 Dummy ta
The morpheme ta is used as an anaphoric dummy. It may be coreferential with
an element of a preceding sentence:
(31) rangiñ-mu ta müle-n (JM)
middle-inst the be-ind1s3
‘I am in between [of them]’
More frequently, however, the dummy ta is coreferential with an element of
the same sentence, usually the subject noun phrase. This noun phrase often
occurs in apposition, in sentence initial or in sentence final position. This use
of dummy ta has been recorded from all informants.
(32) witral, pi-nge-y ta Mapuche
loom, say-pass23-ind4-33 the Mapuche
‘witral, it is called in Mapuche’
(33) chum-nge-y ta, ka-ke kiñe-ke wekufü? (LQ; 1,8)
36 4 3
how-verb -ind -3 the, other-distr one-distr demon
‘what are they like, each of them demons?’
(34) as-ka-w-ün-nge-y, ta tüfá! (RR)
33 31 4 36 4 3
trick-fac -ref -pvn -verb -ind -3 , the this
‘he is capricious, this one is!’ (is said of a child which is obnoxiously
capricious)
(35) küla-nge-rke-y-ng-ün, ta ti (RR)
36 12 4 3 2
three-verb -rep -ind -3ns -p , the the
‘apparently there are three of them’
(36) wisa-ka-sungu-n, ta eymi (RR)
s
bad-fac33-speak-pvn4, the you
‘what a wretched talker yous [are]!’
In these constructions where ta is coreferential with a fronted predicate (34–
35) or a noun phrase (36), ta constitutes a nominal sentence with ti, tüfá,
a personal pronoun or a noun. The morpheme ta always precedes the second
nominal argument. Without a second argument ta does not make up a nominal
sentence. Compare:
(37) ñisol ta, manta-nie-fi-y fey-chi pu che
leader the, order-prps32-edo6-ind4 -33 that-adj coll person
‘[he is] the leader, he commands the people’
(38) iniy tüfá? iñché ta
who this I the
‘who [is] this?/who [did] this?/whose [is] this? I [am]/I [did]/mine’
The phrases ñisol ta (37) and iñché ta (38) are responsives. They do not
constitute a sentence. However, ñisol ta ti ‘that is a leader’ and iñché ta ti
‘that is me’ are full sentences. Compare also the following examples:
(39) iñché ñi che kuy, ta ti
I poss1s father.in.law/son.in.law, the the
‘it [is] my in-law’ (i.e. my in-law, that is him)
(40) korü, ta ti
soup, the the
‘it [is] soup’ (in answer to the question: ‘what is that in that pot?’)
(41) korü nu, ta ti

soup neg, the the
‘it [is] not soup’
For nominal sentences, see chapter 24.
Dummy ta also occurs as a modifier of a preceding word or phrase. This use
of ta is recorded from RR, MM and JM. In the speech of MM, ta alternates
with fey-ta and ta-tı́ when it follows a conjunctional.
(42) kuyfı́ ta nge-ke-la-fu-y ta papel (RR; 7,18)
a.long.time.ago the be-cf14-neg10-ipd8-ind4-33 the paper
‘a long time ago, you know, there was no such paper’ (i.e. a title deed)
(43) lang-üm-üy engün ta (RR; 7,66)

34 4 3 p
die-ca -ind -3 they the
‘they killed them , you know . . . ’ (i.e. the Mapuches who are introduced
p
later in the sentence)

(44) fey-mew ta anü-künu-w-pu-y (RR; 8,71)
that-inst the sit.down-pfps32-ref31-loc17-ind4-33
‘and there, they sat down’ (i.e. on the road, near the hill, mentioned in
the preceding sentences)
(45) fey-mu fey-ta faw müle-pa-tu-y-iñ fey-tüfa-chi lelfün-mew
that-inst that-the here be-hh17-re16-ind4-1ns3-p2 that-this-adj field-inst
(MM; 12,27)
‘therefore, for this reason, you know, wep are back here on this plot’
(46) tüfa-chi mesa ka fe-li-y ka-nge-lu mesa ta

28 4 3 36 4
this-adj table also be.like.that-st -ind -3 other-verb -svn table the
chum-le-n
28 4
how-st -pvn
‘this table is like the other table’
The verbal noun chum-le-n ‘being how’ in (46) is an irregular form. It con-
tains a suffix -le- which is probably to be associated with the stative marker
-(kü)le-28. This suffix is connected with the verb müle- ‘to be’ (locative). This
might explain the fact that chum- is not followed by -küle-, the regular post-
consonantal variant of -(kü)le-28, but by -le- ∼ -üle- (chumlen ∼ chumülen).
In (46) and also in (47), ta behaves as a sort of conjunctional element. . . .
ta, . . . ka may be rendered ‘if . . . , then . . . ’:
(47) mawün-l-e ta, amu-la-ya-y-iñ ka

4 3 10 9 3 2
rain-cond -3 the, go-neg -nrld -ind4 -1ns -p then
‘if it rains, then wep won’t go’
Dummy ta-tı́ may also occur as a complement of a verb. This is recorded for
RR and MM only.
(48) fey-pi-le-y ta-tı́

that-say-st28-ind4-33 the-the
‘he said so’
(49) fe-m-nge-we-n ta-tı́

34 23 3
become.like.that-ca -pass -ps19 -ind1s the-the
‘I still am like that’
14.3.3 ta and ti in independent compounds with a demonstrative

pronoun
Recorded are ta-tüfá, tüfa-ta, fey-ta, fey-ti and fey-ta-tı́. They cannot take the
instrumental object marker -mew inst.
The compounds ta-tüfá, tüfa-ta, fey-ta, fey-ti and fey-ta-tı́ occur as first no-
minal argument in a nominal sentence, whereas ta-tı́ does not occur in that
position. The independent use of demonstrative anaphoric pronominal com-
pounds has been recorded from all informants.
(50) fey-ta doktor

that-the doctor
‘he [is] a doctor’ (i.e. he, the one we talked about, you know, he is a
doctor)
Compare (14): there is a pause between fey and ta in (14) which cannot be
heard in (50). The compund fey-ta (50) is stressed on the first vowel while fey
and ta in (14) take equal stress.
(51) fey-ta chum-nge-chi ñi la-n ñi chaw-em (MM; 13,77)

36 4 4
that-the how-verb -svn -adj poss3 die-pvn poss1s father-ex
‘this [is] how my late father died’
In (51) ta refers forwards, to the story which is to come.
The compound fey-ti may have demonstrative meaning:

(52) fey-ti nu, welu tüfá
that-the not, but this
‘it [is] not that, but this’
(53) fey-ti ñi müle-n chi pichi che kewa-fi-lu ñi chaw
that-the poss3 be-pvn4 the small person hit-edo6-svn4 poss3 father
‘that [is] the boy who hit his father’
Compare (54) and (55):
(54) fey-ta-tı́ doktor

he-the-the doctor
‘he [is] a doctor’ (i.e. the person we talked about and which I point out
to you is a doctor)
(55) fey-ta ti doktor

he-the the doctor
‘he [is] the doctor’ (i.e. the person we talked about is the one who is the
doctor)
A pause can be heard between fey-ta and ti in (55). Theoretically, *fey ta ti
doktor should be possible in the speech of RR, but he considered either ta or
ti sufficient. *Fey-ti ta doktor is not acceptable.
Only fey-ta is attested as an argument of a verb:
(56) fey-ta kümé che-nge-y
36 4
that-the good person-verb -ind -33
‘that is a good man’ (i.e. the person just discussed is a good person)
(57) nel-üm-nge-l-e fey-ti-mu, nie-la-y chew ñi

become.loose-ca34-pass23-cond4 -33 that-the-inst, have-neg10-ind4-33 where poss3
puw-al (LQ; 10,62)

9 4
stay-nrld .ovn
‘if they are set free from there, they have nowhere to stay’ (i.e. if people
are fired from the fundo by the landowner, they have nowhere to go)
(58) fey-ta-mu ñi kü aw-pe-ye-m

that-the-inst poss1s work-px13-cf5-ivn4
‘there [is] the place where I work’ (i.e. the place we discussed is where I
work)
Compare fey-ta-mu ‘in there’ with fey-mu ta and fey-mu fey-ta ‘there/
therefore/then, you know’ in (44) and (45). Compare also fey-tüfá-mew in
(12).
14.3.4 tain a compound with a possessive pronoun

In the speech of RR and MM, ta may be the first member of a compound with
a possessive pronoun. RR hardly ever uses a possessive pronoun without ta-.
With MM, ta- is not that frequent.
(59) ta-ñi chaw
the-poss1s/3 father
‘that father of mine/his/her/theirs’
Ta- is generally absent in possessive phrases like:
(60) chaw ñi ruka
father poss3 house
‘fathers’ house’
Ta- is always used in the following type of phrase:
(61) ta-yiñ pu Mapuche-nge-n
the-poss1p coll Mapuche-verb36-pvn4
‘wep /usp Mapuche’
In this type of phrase, ta enhances the in-group notion. The use of ta in a
compound with a third person possessive pronoun does not reflect a suus/eius
distinction, as in Latin. The morpheme ta can be used whether or not it is
coreferential with a topic noun phrase or a personal suffix in the verb.
Possessive pronouns are very frequent in Mapuche. They are used to indicate
the subject (or direct object) of a subordinate. The element ta is often used
before a possessive pronoun to insert a pause, to take a breath or to think
about what one is going to say.
(62) . . . küme-ke kona nü-y ta-ñi kwida-ya-m ta-ñi kulliñ,
good-distr servant take-ind4-33 the-poss3 watch-nrld9-ivn4 the-poss3 cattle,
ta-ñi kwida-ya-m ta-ñi ye-w-ün ta-ñi nie-ke-el

the-poss3 watch-nrld9-ivn4 the-poss3 carry-ref31-pvn4 the-poss3 have-cf14-ovn4
(RR; 7,4)
‘they took good servants to look after their cattle [and] the stuff they
have’
(63) . . . fiy pe-me-e-n-ew ñi kiñe peñi, ñi malle ñi fotüm.
then see-th20-ido6-ind1s3-ds1 poss1s one cousin, poss1s uncle poss3 son.
“fey perdi-y ta-ñi tı́o, ta-ñi malle” pi-me-e- -n-ew,

“he die-ind4-33 the-poss1s uncle, the-poss1s uncle” say-th20-ido6- -ind1s3-ds1,
“ta-mi chaw”, pi-me-e-n-ew (MM; 13,95–97)

20 6 3 1
“the-poss2s father”, say-th -ido -ind1s -ds
‘. . . [and] he went to see me, my only cousin, my uncles’ son, “he died,
my uncle, my uncle” he told me, “your father”, he told me’
14.3.5 ta and chi with a particle

The morphemes ta and chi are probably part of the particles anta and anchi
respectively. When combined with the particle an, ta is used to indicate that
the topic of the question is determined contextually and chi is used to indicate
that the topic of the question is determined situationally. See 32.9 and 32.10.
(64) iney anta eymi?
who part yous
‘who [are] yous ?’
(65) iney anchi?

who part
‘who [is] that?’
Remarks
(i) There are a few compounds which contain a demonstrative pronoun:
fach-antü ‘today’, derived from tüfa-chi ‘this’ and antü ‘day’; fachi-pun ‘to-
night’ (pun ‘night’); fewlá ‘now’, derived from fey ’that’ and wülá ‘then’.
(ii) Personal pronominal fey forms part of a compound with the personal pro-
nouns engu (3d) and engün (3p). Fey-engu/fey-engün precede the predicate.
Engu/engün follow the predicate. One also finds:
fey-ta-engu/fey-ta-engün ‘thesed/p’ (anaphoric)
tüfá-engu/tüfá-engün ‘thesed/p’ (anaphoric and demonstrative) (also tüfá-
yengu/tüfá-yengün).
Chapter 15
Personal pronouns
Mapuche distinguishes three persons and three numbers. In the system of

personal pronouns and that of personal suffixes, indication of number is obli-
gatory for first and second person and optional for the third person. There is
no inclusive/exclusive distinction. There is no male/female distinction.
The personal pronouns are:
iñché I 1s
iñchiu we 1d
iñchiñ we 1p
eymi you 2s
eymu you 2d
eymün you 2p
fey he/she/it 3s
fey-engu they 3d
fey-engün they 3p
Whereas fey ’he/she/it’ refers to animate and inanimate entities, fey-engu/
fey-engün ‘theyd/theyp’ refer to animate entities only. The morpheme fey is
actually a demonstrative pronoun. In contrast with the personal pronouns for
first and second person, fey can take the adjectivizer -chi adj, and it can form
part of a compound with a demonstrative or anaphoric pronoun (14.2, 14.3).
The pronouns (fey-)tüfá ‘this’ and (fey-)tüyé ‘that over there’ are also used as
third person pronouns. They do not occur frequently, for they are the marked
members of the proximity/distance distinction in the demonstrative series.
Number is optional for the third person. Direct object and dative subject
suffixes do not differentiate number. Conditional and imperative forms do
not contain number markers that are coreferential with a third person subject
suffix. Indicative forms show a two-term number distinction for the third per-
son, with an unmarked term (-∅-3) referring to the third person irrespective of
number and a marked term (-ng-3) referring to the third person non-singular.
The morpheme -ng- refers to animate participants only and is obligatorily fol-
lowed either by -u- d or -ün p. The ending -ng-u/-ng-ün is the bound form
of engu/engün. Both the bound and the free form are used to indicate third
98 Personal pronouns
person subject (see (3–4) below). The nominal referent of -∅-3 can be singular,
dual or plural if it is inanimate. It can be singular or plural if it is animate. A
dual animate nominal referent is always coreferential with -ng-u.
(1) fey aku-y

he/she/it arrive-ind4-33
‘he/she/it arrived’
(2) fey-engu aku-y-ng-u

4 3 2
that-theyd arrive-ind -3ns -d
‘theyd arrived’
(3) fey-engün aku-y/aku-y-ng-ün

p
that-they arrive-ind4-33/arrive-ind4-3ns3-p2
‘theyp arrived’
For the sake of brevity, fey will be rendered by the gloss ‘he’.
First and second person pronouns and fey can have any syntactic function.
Whereas fey occurs before and after verbs, fey-engu/fey-engün are used in pre-
verbal position. They are coreferential with subject markers. The pronouns
engu/engün (∼ yengu/yengün after a vowel) occur in post-verbal position and
also in comitative constructions (23.4). In post-verbal position, engu/engün
may be coreferential with s, do or ds markers in the verb. When coreferential
with an s marker, engu/engün can follow a do noun phrase.
(4) aku-y engün

4 3 p
arrive-ind -3 they
‘theyp arrived’
(5) anü-m-ka-y pinu yengün

34 33 4 3 p
sit.down-ca -fac -ind -3 cane they
‘theyp planted cane’
(6) leli-fi-n engu

6 3
watch-edo -ind1s theyd
‘I watched the two of them’
Not only third person pronouns but also first and second person pronouns
are used to disambiguate or emphasize the referent of personal suffixes and
possessive pronouns (chapter 16). Compare:
(7) eymu leli-mu-y-iñ iñchiñ

23 4 3 2 p
youd watch-2A -ind -1ns -p we
‘youd watched usp’
15.1 Substitutive personal pronouns 99
(8) eymün leli-mu-y-iñ iñchiñ

p p
you watch-2A23-ind4-1ns3-p2 we
‘youp watched usp’
Personal pronouns can also be used to indicate possession. As such they
occur only as the second element in a nominal sentence:
(9) tüfá eymi
this yous
‘this [is] yous’, ‘this [is] yours’
Possessive pronouns are not used independently.
The first person pronouns iñché ‘I’, iñchiu ‘wed’ and iñchiñ ‘wep’ may be
interpreted as * -n-che, * -n-che-u and * -n-che-iñ respectively: is fronted
before ñ; n indicates first person singular subject in indicative forms and is
palatalized under the influence of ch; che ‘person’; u marks dual number; -iñ
marks plural number in combination with a 1ns subject.
The morph e- in eymi ‘yous’, eymu ‘youd’ and eymün ‘youp’ is probably
related to the internal direct object marker -e- ido6 (see 26.6); -m- indicates
second person subject; -i, -u and -ün indicate singular, dual and plural number
respectively, in combination with a second person subject. Note also the forms
emu ‘youd’ and emün ‘youp’ which are found in comitative constructions instead
of the more regular forms eymu and eymün (see 23.4).
15.1 Substitutive personal pronouns

The following words (or expressions) can be used as substitutive pronouns:
kishu ‘self’
kom ‘all’
fill ‘all sorts’
kiñe ‘one’
kiñe-ke ‘some’
ka-ke kiñe-ke ‘each one’
These words can take the place of a personal pronoun.
The morpheme kishu indicates ‘I myself’, ‘you yourself’, etc., or ‘my own’,
‘your own’, etc. It also occurs as an adverb meaning ‘alone’.
(10) kishu ewma-n
3
self finish-ind1s
‘I finished [it] myself’
(11) nie-ke-fu-y kishu ta-ñi kolexio kishu ñi ruka-mew

have-cf14-ipd8-ind4-33 self the-poss3 school self poss3 house-inst
(MM; 13,9)
‘he used to have his own school, in his own house’
In the speech of RR and MM, kishu is often used to indicate third person,
100 Personal pronouns
without the additional meaning of ‘self’, ‘own’, etc. The referent of kishu
is always contextually determined, which is not necessarily so with the third
person pronouns fey/fey-engu/fey-engün.
(12) kishu yengün küpá perder-nu-lu (RR; 9,81)

self theyp wishing lose-neg10-svn4
‘(after all) theyp did not want to lose’
The morpheme kom ‘all’ is found as a substitutive personal pronoun and also
as an adjective or an adverb.
(13) kom amu-y-ng-ün

all go-ind4-3ns3-p2
‘they all went’
p
(14) inché kom kim-ün

I all know-ind1s3
‘I know [them] all’
(15) kom antü

all day
‘all days’, ‘the entire day’
(16) kom kurü

all black
‘entirely black’
The morpheme fill ‘all sorts’ occurs as a substitutive pronoun and as an
adjective.
(17) fill miaw-ke-y

14 4 3
all.sort wander-cf -ind -3
‘all sorts [of people] wander’
(18) fill meke-y

all.sort be.busy-ind4-33
‘he is busy with all sorts [of things]’
(19) nie-n fill ropa

3
have-ind1s all.sort clothes
‘I have all sorts of clothes’
The numeral kiñe ‘one’ is used as an impersonal pronoun (see chapter 13,
example 12). When kiñe takes the distributive marker -ke distr, as in kiñe-ke
‘some’ and ka-ke kiñe-ke ‘each one’ (ka ‘other’), it may occur independently or
as a modifier.
15.1 Substitutive personal pronouns 101
(20) kiñe-ke wüné wiño-y, ka-ke-lu oy

one-distr first return-ind4-33, other-distr-verb36-svn4 more
alü-ntu-y-ng-ün
much-verb36-ind4-3ns3-p2
‘some went back earlier, others stayed longer’
Chapter 16
Possessive pronouns
Mapuche has the following possessive pronouns:

ñi mine/his/hers/its/their 1s/3
yu our 1d
yiñ our 1p
mi your 2s
mu your 2d
mün your 2p
Possessive pronouns occur only as modifiers. They precede the noun phrase
which they modify. A possessive pronoun and the modified noun may be sepa-
rated by an adjective and/or a numeral.
(1) mi füchá ruka

poss2s big house
‘yours big house’
The morpheme ñi is the possessive pronoun for first person singular and for
third person singular, dual or plural.
(2) ñi ruka

‘my/his/her/their house’
Personal pronouns can be used to disambiguate or to emphasize the referent
of a possessive pronoun:
(3) inché ñi ruka

‘my house’
fey ñi ruka
‘his/her house’
fey-engu ñi ruka
‘theird house’
fey-engün ñi ruka
‘theirp house’
In the speech of RR one also finds:
104 Possessive pronouns
(4) ñi ruka engu

‘theird house’
ñi ruka engün
‘theirp house’
Yet ñi can still be ambiguous when it is preceded or followed by a personal
pronoun. In a sentence like (5), ñi ‘his/her’ may or may not be coreferential
with the subject.
(5) fey müle-la-y fey ñi ruka-mew
he/she be-neg10-ind4-33 he/she poss3 house-inst
‘he/she is not in his/her house’
However, there is a tendency to add fey before ñi when ñi is not coreferen-
tial with the subject noun phrase. Otherwise, such sentences will have to be
disambiguated by the context.
For the sake of brevity, ñi will be labelled either poss1s or poss3 in the
following examples.
Possessive pronouns do not occur independently. Personal pronouns can be
used instead. These occur only as the second element in a nominal sentence
(see (9) in chapter 15) or with the verbalizer -nge- (21.2).
(6) inché kintu-n kiñe ruka ta-ñi püñeñ-nge-a-lu
3
I look.for-ind1s one house the-poss1s son-verb36-nrld9-svn4
‘I looked for a house for my son’ (lit.: I looked for a house which will be
my son’s)
See also (211) in 26.4.10.1.
Sentences such as ‘I lost mine’ do not have a Mapuche equivalent. The noun
phrase referring to the lost object would be preceded by a possessive pronoun
(ñam-üm-ün ñi libru ‘I lost my book’).
Chapter 17
Interrogative pronouns
A sentence acquires the character of a question by the presence of an interro-

gative pronoun, the interrogative verb chum- ‘to do how/what?’ or a question
particle (see chapter 32). Question particles may also occur in combination
with interrogative pronouns or chum-. A question which contains an interro-
gative pronoun or chum- requires a specific answer. Mapuche has the following
interrogative pronouns:
iney ∼ iniy ‘who?’
chem ‘what, which?’
chew ‘where?’
chumül ‘when?’
chumal ‘for what purpose?’
chumngelu ‘why?’
chumngechi ‘how?’
tuchi ∼ chuchi ‘which one of . . . ?’
tunté(-n) ∼ chunté(-n) ‘how (much)?’
mufü ‘how much?’
For an analysis of interrogative pronouns, see 17.1. The interrogative pronoun
iney ∼ iniy ‘who?’ refers to persons only. The pronouns chem ‘what?’, tuchi ∼
chuchi ‘which one of . . . ?’, tunté(n) ∼ chunté(n) ‘how much?’ and mufü ‘how
much?’ refer to animate and inanimate entities. The interrogative chumngechi
‘how (much)?’ indicates extent, size or quantity, while mufü ‘how much?’ only
indicates quantity. The pronoun mufü ‘how much?’ does not often occur. It is
found more frequently in the meaning of ‘a pair of’, ‘a few’. The interrogative
tunten ∼ chunten is a quantity noun, which contains the plain verbal noun
marker -(ü)n pvn4 (see 10.3 and 26.4.6.3).
The pronouns tunté ∼ chunté ‘how (much)?’, chumngechi ‘how?’ and mufü
‘how much?’ are used independently.
The pronouns chem ‘what?’ and tuchi ∼ chuchi ‘which one of . . . ?’ are
used both independently and as modifiers of a noun phrase. Finally, iney ∼
iniy ‘who?’, chew ‘where?’, chumül ‘when?’, chumal ‘for what purpose?’ and
chumngelu ‘why?’ only occur independently.
106 Interrogative pronouns
Interrogative pronouns take sentence initial position.
(1) iniy ñi chaketa am?

who poss3 coat part
‘whose coat [is] it?’
(2) tunté püra-y?

4 3
how go.up/climb-ind -3
‘how high is it?’
(3) chew amu-le-y?

where go-st28-ind4-33
‘where is he going?’
Interrogative pronouns can be used in indirect questions.
(4) ramtu-fi-n chew ñi amu-le-n

6 3 28 4
ask-edo -ind1s where poss3 go-st -pvn
‘I asked him where he is going’
(5) kim-la-n iniy ñi fey-pi-n

10 3 4
know-neg -ind1s who poss3 that-say-pvn
‘I don’t know who said that’
Relative clauses which are preceded by an antecedent do not contain a relative
pronoun. An exception is chew ‘where’, which may be used for the purpose of
disambiguating the instrumental verbal noun marker -m ivn4, which can refer
to either instrument or place.
(6) ti papel chew ñi tuku-mu-m ñi changüll-kuwü . . . (5,39)

the paper where poss3 put.at-plpf7-ivn4 poss3 finger-hand
‘the paper on which they had put their finger(print) . . . ’
Addition of rumé ‘-ever’ renders an interrogative pronoun indefinite (iney
rumé ‘who-ever’). Negation marker nu (see slot 10) can be inserted, iney nu
rumé ‘nobody whatsoever’. For rumé ‘-ever’, see chapter 12.
The pronouns iney ‘who?’ and chem ‘what?’ take the instrumental object
marker -mew inst. RR often uses chem-mew ‘what-for?’ instead of chumngelu:
(7) chem-mew am fe-m-lle-nu-a-fu-lu?

what-inst part become.like.that-ca34-aff11-neg10-nrld9-ipd8-svn4
‘why wouldn’t they do that?’ (i.e. but of course they did that!)
(8) chem-mew nu rumé

what-inst neg -ever
‘not under any condition’, ‘by no means’
17.1 Analysis of interrogatives 107
Remarks.
(i) chem ‘what?’ may form part of a compound; chem-pi- ‘to say what?’ (pi-
‘to say’, ‘to want’).
(ii) chumül ‘when?’ is also used as an adverb meaning ‘recently’, ‘ever’.
17.1 Analysis of interrogatives

The majority of interrogative pronouns and the interrogative verb chum- ‘to
do how/what?’ share the interrogative element ch-. The element *chu does
not occur as a free morpheme. In the dictionary of Augusta (1916: 28), chu-
occurs in chu-pi- ‘to say what?’, which is said to alternate with chem-pi- ’to
say what?’. In the book chum is mentioned as a short form for chumngechi
‘how?’ (Augusta 1916: 26).
I found chum ‘how?’ only in derivations with the verbalizers -nge- verb36
(chum-nge- ‘to be how?’) and -∅- verb36 (chum- ‘to do how/what?’) and in
compounds (chum-miaw- ‘to walk round doing what?’). The verb chum- ’to
do how/what?’ probably contains the causative marker -(ü)m- ca34 on the
analogy of fe-m- ’to make like that’ (become.like.that-ca34-). Forms which are
derived from chum parallel forms derived from fa-/fe- ‘to become like this/that’
(see chapter 30). Below I give a further analysis of interrogative pronouns which
contain ch-.
chuchi: chu-chi: interrog-adj (see 18.2.2)
chunté: chu-nté: interrog-adv (see 18.3)
chumül: chu-m-ül: interrog-ca34-?
chumal: chu-m-a-el: interrog-ca34-nrld9-ovn4
chumngelu: chu-m-nge-lu: interrog-ca34-pass23-svn4
chumngechi: chu-m-nge-chi: interrog-ca34-pass23-svn4-adj
The meaning of -ül in chumül is unknown. It is not found elsewhere.
The meaning of -m in chem is unknown. It is likely not to be associated with
-(ü)m- ca34.
The element -w in chew is probably an adverbializer. It is reflected in fa-w
‘here’, tüye-w ‘over there’ and kiñe-w ‘together’ (see 18.3).
Chapter 18
Suffixation
18.1 Suffixes which do not change class

18.1.1 -(e)ntu group
The suffix -(e)ntu (-entu after C, -ntu after V) is affixed to a noun. It refers to
a group as a whole or a place which is characterized by the presence of many
items referred to by the noun. The suffix -(e)ntu is labelled gr.
koñü-ntu ‘nephews’, ‘young ones’ (koñü ‘nephew’, ‘young one’)
mansana-ntu ‘apples’, ‘appleyard’ (mansana: Sp. mansana ‘apple’)
pinu-ntu ‘reed’, ‘place with much reed, haystack’ (pinu ‘reed’)
kura-ntu ‘stones’, ‘stony land’ (kura ‘stone’)
koyam-entu ‘oaks’, ‘place with many oaks’ (koyam ‘oak’)
(1) rangi mamüll-entu

mid tree-gr
‘in the middle of trees’
(2) umaw-tu-ke-fu-y-iñ pinu-ntu-mew

36 14 8 4 3 2
sleep-verb -cf -ipd -ind -1ns -p reed-gr-inst
‘wep used to sleep in a haystack’
18.1.2 -wen relative

The suffix -wen is affixed to a noun. It refers to a group of two or more persons
who are related to each other through a relation which is indicated by the noun.
The suffix -wen is labelled rel.
laku-wen ‘paternal grandfather and grandson(s), namesakes’
(laku ‘grandfather, grandson’)
fotüm-wen ‘father and son(s)’ (fotüm ‘son (of a man)’)
a -wen ‘kin’ (a ‘relative’)
müri-wen ‘co-wives’ (müri ‘co-wive’)
kompañ-wen ‘partners, fellows’ (kompañ: Sp. compañero ‘comrade’)
110 Suffixation
(3) peñi-wen iñchiu

brother-rel wed
‘wed [are] brothers’
(4) kom wenüy-wen-nge-a-y-iñ
all friend-rel-verb36-nrld9-ind4-1ns3-p2
‘wep will all be friends’
18.1.3 -em / -yem ex

The suffix -em is used by LQ and MM. RR uses -yem instead. The suffix
-em/-yem is affixed to a noun. It indicates that the person or thing referred
to by the noun is dead, defunct or no longer in function, e.g.
ñuke-yem ‘late mother’ (ñuke ‘mother’) (RR)
longko-yem ‘former leader’ (longko ‘head, leader’) (RR)
(5) fey-ta chumngechi ñi la-n ñi chaw-em (MM; 13,77)
that-the how poss3 die-pvn4 poss1s father-ex
‘this [is] how my late father died’
(6) fey-tüfá ñi kü aw-yem (RR)
that-this poss1s work-ex
‘this [is] my former job’
The suffix em / -yem is probably related to the particle em which is attested
after verbs which contain the impeditive marker -fu-8. The particle -em indi-
cates that the speaker deplores a past situation or a situation which has not
come about (see 32.14).
(7) kisu fill domingu amu-ke-fu-y em iglesia-mew
self every sunday go-cf14-ipd8-ind4-33 ex church-inst
‘he used to go to church every Sunday’
18.1.4 -(ü)rke reportative

The suffix -(ü)rke (-ürke after C, -rke after V) is affixed to a noun. It is actually
a verbal suffix which indicates that the situation expressed by the -(ü)rke- form
has not been witnessed by the speaker himself. The suffix -(ü)rke-12 indicates
that the speaker is informed by others, that he has heard rumours or that he has
deduced a conclusion. When -(ü)rke- follows a noun, it has the same meaning as
the verbal suffix -(ü)rke-. Nominal -(ü)rke- is also used to express surprise. The
suffix -(ü)rke does not often occur with nouns. It is labelled rep (reportative).
(8) trewa-rke!
dog-rep
‘a dog!’, ‘what a big dog!’ / ‘it must have been a dog’ (e.g. when the
speaker sees that all the meat has been eaten)
18.1 Suffixes which do not change class 111
18.1.5 -ke distributive

The suffix -ke is affixed to adjectives, adverbs and numerals. It indicates that
the referent of the noun or the verb which is modified by the -ke form is a
whole which consists of several component parts, each of which has the feature
expressed by the -ke form.
(9) lüq-ke ruka

white-distr house
‘white houses’
The referent of the noun ruka ‘house’ consists of several parts and each part
has the feature ‘white’ expressed by the adjective lüq.
(10) pichi-ke ngül-üm-nie-y plata

34 32 4 3
little-distr get.together-ca -prps -ind -3 money
‘little by little he saves money’
The referent of the verb ‘saving money’ consists of several situations and each
situation is characterized by the feature pichi ‘little’, i.e. each time money is
saved, a little money is put aside.
The suffix -ke is the counterpart of the word pu coll which refers to a
collective (see 11.1). Whereas pu stresses the whole of the collective, the suffix
-ke stresses the composition of the entity as consisting of distinct parts. Neither
pu nor -ke are genuine plural markers. The plurality of the referent can only
be understood by implication. The suffix -ke and the word pu coll can be
used simultaneously, e.g.
(11) tüfa-chi pu we a-ke che kom pülé miaw-üy-ng-ün

this-adj coll bad-distr person all side walk.round-ind4-3ns3-p2
‘these bad people walked round everywhere’ (i.e. a collection of people of
which each member is bad)
(12) kom ñi pu yall fücha-ke-we-y

all poss3 coll child big-distr-ps19-ind4-33
‘all his children were already big’ (i.e. each of his children were already
grown up)
Compare also the following examples of -ke:
(13) fill pulku

every wine
‘all sorts of wine’
(14) fill-ke pulku

every-distr wine
‘all sorts of different wines’
112 Suffixation
(15) iñché nie-n we-ke tomate

I have-ind1s3 fresh-distr tomato
‘I have fresh tomatoes’ (each of my tomatoes is fresh)
(16) epu-ke tripantu nge-me-n
20 3
two-distr year be-th -ind1s
‘I have been there every two years’
(17) küla-ke amu-y-ng-ün
three-distr go-ind4-3ns3-p2
‘theyp went in groups of three’
(18) küla-ke elu-fi-n mansana
6 3
three-distr give-edo -ind1s apple
‘I gave them three apples each’
‘I gave an apple to each three of them’
‘I gave them three apples at the time’
(19) wichu-ke ye-nie-y-iñ makuñ
apart-distr carry-prps32-ind4-1ns3-p2 coat
‘wep carry the coats separately’
(20) welu-ke kü aw-y-u
in.turns-distr work-ind4-1ns3-d2
‘wed worked in turns’
(21) pütrü-ke-n mansun-mew kü aw-ke-fu-y che
36 4 14 8 4 3
much-distr-verb -pvn ox-inst work-cf -ipd -ind -3 person
‘people used to work each with a great number of oxen’
(22) pichi-ke-n karta aku-aku-nge-y
36 4 36 4 3
small-distr-verb -pvn letter arrive-arrive-sfr -ind -3
‘little by little small numbers of letters arrived’
In (21–22) -ke forms part of a quantity verbal noun (for this type of noun,
see 10.3).
Although -ke is not usually affixed to a noun, it is attested after a noun in
the following noun phrases:
faril-ke pulku ‘barrels of wine’ (faril : Sp. barril ‘barrel’)
nge-n-ke mapu ‘landowners’ (have-pvn4-distr land)
wenu-ke mamüll ‘high in each tree’ (above-distr tree)
The suffix -ke occurs in the following expressions:
kiñe-ke ‘some’ (kiñe ‘one’)
kiñe-ke-ntu ‘some’ (one-distr-gr)
18.2 Class changing suffixes 113
kiñe-ke-mew ‘sometimes’ (one-distr-inst)

ka-ke kiñe-ke ‘each of them’ (other-distr one-distr)
ka-ke-lu ‘others’ (other-distr-verb36-svn4)
kishu-ke-ntu ‘each alone’ (alone-distr-gr)
ngellu-ke ‘with difficulty’ (ngellú ‘only after a long while’)
müchay-ke ‘all the time’ (müchay ‘soon’)
The suffix -ke is also used with adjectivizer -chi . For -ke-chi, see 18.2.2.
It is interesting to connect the nominal suffix -ke distr with the verbal suffix
-ke- cf14 (constant feature). The constant feature marker -ke- is used to express
iterativity or habituality, see 25.3 and 26.14.
18.1.6 -we temporal

The suffix -we is affixed to numerals. It indicates a period subsequent to an
orientation moment. The suffix -we is labelled temp.
(23) epu-we
two-temp
‘the day after tomorrow’, ‘two days later’
When the instrumental object marker -mew inst is affixed to a -we form,
the resulting form refers to a period which precedes an orientation moment.
(24) epu-we-mew
two-temp-inst
‘two days ago’, ‘two days before’
The suffix -we is also found with the following adverbs:
alü ‘much’; alü-we ‘later, after that’ (it is seldom used and RR does not use
it.)
fente ‘that much’; fente-we ‘on that day’
müté ‘(too) much’; müte-we ‘(too) much’
18.2 Class changing suffixes

Suffixes which change a non-verb into a verb are not treated in this section.
They are dealt with separately in chapter 21.
18.2.1 -tu adverbializer

The suffix -tu changes a noun or a verbal noun containing -(ü)n pvn4 into an
adverb. It indicates (a) manner, (b) place or direction or (c) time:
(a) namun-tu ‘on foot’ (namun ‘foot’)
newen-tu ‘forceful’ (newen ‘force’)
welu-ke-n-tu ‘in turns’ (in.turns-distr-verb36-pvn4-adv)
(b) waywün-tu ‘at the south end’ (waywün ‘south’)
inal-tu ‘along, about, next to’ (inal ‘bank, side’, see 18.3, cf. ina ‘near, next’,
ina- ‘to follow’)
114 Suffixation
naqel-tu ‘downwards, in the direction of the sea’ (naqel, see 18.3, cf. naq- ‘to
descend’)
tüfá püle-tu ‘in this direction’ (tüfá pülé ‘this side’)
küpa-n-tu ‘coming, on my way here’ (come-pvn4-adv)
amu-n-tu ‘going, on my way there’ (go-pvn4-adv)
(c) liwen-tu ‘early’ (liwen ‘morning’)
alü-n-tu ‘for a long time’ (much-verb36-pvn4-adv)
tunte-n-tu ‘for how long?’ (how.much-verb36-pvn4-adv)
fante-n-tu ‘so far, until this moment’ (this.much-verb36-pvn4-adv)
The suffix -tu adv is furthermore found in the following expressions:
kiñe-tu ‘in one go, (for) once’ (kiñe ‘one’)
kishu-tu ‘on one’s own initiative, for one’s own account’ (kishu ‘alone, self’)
wüne-tu ‘once’ (LQ, MM), ‘for the first time’ (RR) (wüné ‘first’)
af-ke-n-tu ‘the whole time, continuously, for a long time’ (end-cf14-pvn4-adv)
traf-tu ‘altogether, total’ (cf. traf- ‘to fit’ (intr.))
no-pa-tu ‘at this side (of a river)’ (cross-hh17-nom-adv)
no-me-tu ‘at that side (of a river)’ (cross-th20-nom-adv), see 28.2.
18.2.2 -chi adjectivizer

The suffix -chi changes a noun into an adjective. It can be affixed to a de-
monstrative or anaphoric pronoun (e.g. tüfá ‘this’, tüfa-chi ‘this’, see 14.1) or
to a verbal noun which contains -∅ svn4 (subjective verbal noun), -el ovn4
(objective verbal noun), -fiel tvn4 (transitive verbal noun) or -t- avn4 (agen-
tive verbal noun). A verbal noun to which -chi adj has been affixed always
precedes the modified noun. A modifying verbal noun which does not take -chi
follows the modified noun. The subjective verbal noun marker -∅ svn4 does
not occur without -chi .
(25) lef-chi che
run-svn4-adj person
‘running person, running people’
(26) lang-üm-el-chi ufisha

die-ca34-ovn4-adj sheep
‘killed sheep’
(27) ufisha lang-üm-el

sheep die-ca34-ovn4
‘sheep that was/were killed’
For verbal nouns, see 26.4.
The following -chi forms can be used as modifiers of a noun or a verb:
fey-chi ‘that, then’ (fey ‘that’)
ina-nge-chi ‘last’ (next-verb36-svn4-adj)
18.3 Improductive suffixes 115
ka-nge-chi ‘different’ (other-verb36-svn4-adj)

fa-m-nge-chi ‘thus, such’ (become.like.this-ca34-pass23-svn4-adj)
fe-m-nge-chi ‘thus, such’ (become.like.that-ca34-pass23-svn4-adj)
and -chi forms which are derived from a numeral, e.g.
kiñe-nge-chi ‘once, first’ (one-verb36-svn4-adj)
epu-nge-chi ‘twice, second’, etc. (two-verb36-svn4-adj)
The suffix -chi is also found in the following expressions:
chum-nge-chi ‘how?’ (how-verb36-svn4-adj)
kiñe-chi ‘one time’ (kiñe ‘one’) (JM)
In a few rare cases, -chi adj is preceded by -ke distr. Such a -ke-chi form
is used adverbially. All attested -ke-chi forms are enumerated below:
ñochi-ke-chi ‘slowly’ (ñochi ‘slow, slowly’)
matu-ke-chi ‘quickly’ (matu/matukel ‘quick, quickly’)
mür-ke-chi ‘in pairs’ (mür ‘pair, in pairs’)
llüka-n-ke-chi ‘fearing’ (fear-pvn4-distr-adj)
chum-nge-n-ke-chi ‘in one way or another’ (how-verb36-pvn4-distr-adj)
chum-nge-nu-ke-chi ‘without difficulty’ (LQ) (how-verb36-neg10-distr-adj)
(this form seems to lack a nominalizer)
chum-nge-nu-n-ke-chi ‘without difficulty’ (MM) (how-verb36-neg10-pvn4-
distr-adj)
18.3 Improductive suffixes

All attested instances of improductive suffixes are enumerated below.
-ngel
a -ngel ‘gifts for a deceased friend’ (a ‘form’, ‘habit’)
-kiñ
a -kiñ ‘view’ (a ‘form’, ‘position’, a -kin-tu- ‘to watch’, kintu- ‘to look for’)
traf-kiñ ‘somebody of one’s own kind, a trading partner’ (traf ‘colleague’, traf-
‘to fit’ (intr.), ‘to meet’, traf-kin-tu- ‘to trade’)
-tu
ka-ruka-tu ‘neighbour’ (ka-ruka ‘neighbour’ (other-house))
-l
kuwü-l ‘sleeve’ (kuwü ‘hand’)
apo-l ‘filling (of dried peppers)’ (apo- ‘to become full’)
kiñe-püle-l-pun ‘after midnight’ (kiñe pülé ‘one side’, pun ‘night’)
kura-l-nge ‘iris’ (kura ‘stone’, nge ‘eye’)
-el
naq-el-tu ‘downwards, towards the west/the sea’ (naq ‘bottom’, naq- ‘to go
down’)
-em
fill-em ‘all sorts’ (fill ‘all sorts’)
116 Suffixation
-w
kiñe-w ‘together, as one’ (kiñe ‘one’)
tüye-w ∼ tüyü-w ∼ üye-w ∼ üyü-w ‘over there’ (tüyé etc. ‘that over there’)
che-w ‘where?’ (cf. chem ‘what?’)
-pu
fa-nte-pu ‘by this time’ (fa-nte ‘this much’, see 28.2)
fe-nte-pu ‘by that time’ (fe-nte ‘that much’, see 28.2)
tu-nte-pu ‘by when?’ (tu-nté ‘how much?’, see 28.2)
-ñma
fücha-ñma ‘very long’ (LQ) (füchá ‘long’)
we-ñma ‘very new’ (LQ) (we ‘new’)
wesha-ñma ‘very bad’ (LQ) (weshá ‘bad’)
rume-ñma ‘extremely’ (rumé ‘very’)
welu-ñma ‘wrong, reversely’ (welu ‘but, wrong, reversely’)
alü-ñma ‘for a long time’ (alü ‘much’), cf. alü-ñma-mew ‘much later, a long
time after that’
fentre-ñma ‘for a long time’, RR also: fentre-yma (fentre ‘much’)
epu-ñma ‘with the two of us’ (RR) (epu ‘two’)
ka-ruka-ñma ‘neighbour’ (ka-ruka ‘neighbour’ (other-house))
-ka-
ella-ka-mu ‘in the beginning, not much later’ (ella ‘a little’; -mu inst)
-a-
fül-a ‘close’ (fül ‘close’).
Chapter 19
Compounding
Compounding is a productive process. The common type is a noun which

consists of two nominal root morphemes in an attributive relationship. In an
attributive compound the first noun modifies the second, e.g.
mapu-che ‘Mapuche’ (land-person)
wariya-che ‘townspeople’ (town-person)
garbanso-korü ‘chickpea soup’ (chickpea-soup)
pulku-fotella ‘wine bottle’ (wine-bottle)
kutran-che ‘sick person’ (illness-person)
mapuche- omo ‘Mapuche woman’ (mapuche-woman)
Other nominal compounds which consist of two nominal root morphemes are
the following:
chaw-dios ‘God the father’ (father-God)
wenu-mapu ‘heaven’ (above-land)
poso-ko ‘well’ (well-water)
af-ka i ‘side, neighbour’, ‘close’ (end-side)
The following compound words are nouns which contain one or two unknown
members:
mellfu-wün ‘lip’ (wün ‘mouth’)
ke-wün ‘tongue’ (wün ‘mouth’)
külle-wün ‘tear’ (wün ‘mouth’ ?)
korko-pel ‘throat’ (pel ‘front part of the neck, throat’)
to-pel ‘back part of the neck’
wichill-ko ‘creek’ (ko ‘water’) (JM: willki-ko/willkil-ko ‘creek’)
wiyo-longko ‘crown (of a head)’ (LQ, RR) (longko ‘head’)
wiyo-llollo ‘crown (of a head)’ (MM, JM), ‘crown (of a tree)’, ‘outlet for smoke
in the roof of a house’ (cf. lolo ‘hole’)
añchü-malleñ ‘midget’ (a spirit) (cf. añchü ‘remainder of wheat in a sieve’
(RR). Midgets are said to be fond of roasted flour)
One nominal compound which consists of two nouns is used as an adjective:
piru-longko ‘crazy, daft’ (worm-head)
118 Compounding
Compound words that are not nouns are infrequent. There are compound
adjectives which consist of two adjectives:
kurü-kelü ‘dark-red’ (black-red)
lüq-kelü ‘light-red’ (white-red)
There are compound adverbs which consist of two adverbs:
müchay-mütem ‘immediately’ (soon-only)
we-wlá ‘just now’ (we-wülá; new-then)
tayı́-wülá ‘just now’ (just.now-then)
wüle-wla ‘first thing in the morning’ (wüle-wülá,
tomorrow-then)
fewla ‘now’ (fey-wülá: that-then)
fewlawla ‘right now’ (fewla-wülá; now-then)
ina-fül ‘close’, ‘neighbour’ (next-close)
itro-re ‘only’ (quite-only)
There are a number of compounds which consist of two words that belong to
different word classes. All recorded instances are listed below:
fücha-chaw ‘grandfather’ (old-father)
trem-che ‘a grown-up’ (grown-person)
ka-ruka ‘neighbour’ (other-house)
ka-mel ‘next year’ (ka ‘other’, mel ‘time’, Augusta 1916: 144)
ka-mapu ‘far’ adv. (other-land)
alü-mapu ‘far’ adv. (much-land)
fachi-pun ‘tonight’ (this-night)
fach-antü ‘today’ (this-day)
we-che ‘young’ adj. (new-person)
welu- uam ‘crazy’ adj. (reverse-intention)
itro-tripa ‘right in front’ (tripa ‘exit’, in compounds only)
itro-kom ‘all, everyone’ (kom ‘all, completely’)
itro-fill ‘every kind’ (fill ‘every kind’) (itro ‘quite’ is found in compounds only)
Chapter 20
Reduplication
Reduplication is not a productive process in nominal morphology. Nouns which

consist of a reduplicated element refer to body parts, plants or animals. The
repeated element does not occur as a free morpheme. All recorded cases are
listed below:
tüki-tüki ‘Adam’s apple’
külol-külol ‘throat, larynx’
püla-püla ‘handpalm’
tranga-tranga ‘jaw’
truli-truli ‘elbow’
ku a-ku a ‘kidneys’
kalle-kalle ‘wild plant with long roots’ (”Liertia ixiodes iridacea”, Augusta
1916: 81)
kül-kül ‘sort of fern’ (used by medicine-women for medical purposes)
truf-truf ‘loose soil’
treng-treng ‘steep mountain’ (from myths: mountain that rises when the water
rises)
chon-chon ‘flying head’ (a demon)
kill-kill ‘nightbird’
kong-kong ‘owl’
kow-kow ‘night-bird’ (Sp. el nuco)
wür-wür ‘steam’ (RR, MM) (würwen ‘steam’ (LQ))
Along with luwa-luwa ‘seaweed’, one finds luwa ‘seaweed’.
Other nouns which contain a reduplicated element are the following:
keñ-keñ-ko ‘waterplant’ (ko ‘water’)
tru-tru-ka ‘big horn’
kuy-kuy-pangi ‘ridge-pole (of a house)’ (pangi ‘species of tiger’) (JM: kuykuy
‘bridge’ of any kind: beam, tree, etc.)
moyotil-tililil (LQ) ‘song of a blackbird’ (JM: moyotil-tiltil idem)
Adverbial reduplicated forms consist of a repeated root which can occur as

a free morpheme. I have recorded have only very few:
120 Reduplication
matu-matu ‘very quick(-ly)’ (matu ‘quick(-ly)’)

müchay-müchay ‘as soon as possible’ (müchay ‘soon’)
rangi-rangi ‘right in the middle’ (rangi ‘mid’)
ka-ka ‘repeatedly’ (ka ‘other, and, also’)
Note also mari-mari ‘hello’, which is the common Mapuche greeting. It is
not clear whether its base is mari ‘ten’ or another word.
Chapter 21
Verbalization
Nouns, adjectives, adverbs and numerals can be changed into verbs by means
of affixation. There are six verbalizing suffixes: -∅-, -nge-, -tu-, -(n)tu-, -l- and
-ye-. They immediately follow the root and fill slot 36.
21.1 Verbalizer ∅
Any noun, adjective or numeral and a number of adverbs can serve as a verbal
stem.
Verbs which are derived from an adjective or a numeral always have inchoative
meaning. Verbs which are derived from a noun or an adverb may or may not
have inchoative meaning:
aling ‘fever’; aling- ‘to get fever’
che ‘person’; che- ‘to become a person’, ‘to become sober’
trangliñ ‘ice’; trangliñ- ‘to become ice’, ‘to freeze’
lif ‘clean’; lif- ‘to become clean’
loko ‘crazy’; loko- ‘to become crazy’ (Sp. loco ‘crazy’)
lüq ‘white’; lüq- ‘to become white’
külá ‘three’; küla- ‘to become three’
ew ‘already’; ew- ‘to become ready’
fente ‘that much’; fente- ‘to become that much’
A verb which is derived from an adjective may contain the distributive marker
-ke distr, see (12) in 18.1.5.
A verb which contains -∅- verb and is derived from a noun may have factitive
meaning, e.g.
kofke ‘bread’; kofke- ‘to make bread’
ruka ‘house’; ruka- ‘to make a house’
püñeñ ‘child (of a woman)’; püñeñ- ‘to give birth’
kuram ‘egg’; kuram- ‘to lay an egg’
kütrüng ‘parcel, bundle’; kütrüng- ‘to make a parcel/a bundle, to wrap’
Many verbs which contain -∅- verb and are derived from a noun or an ad-
verb are difficult to classify semantically. However, the semantic relationship
between a noun or an adverb and the derived verb is not unpredictable. In al-
122 Verbalization
most all cases the referent of the verb seems to be the most obvious or natural
to cross one’s mind when thinking of the referent of the noun or the adverb.
Compare:
challwa ‘fish’; challwa- ‘to fish’
moyo ‘breast’; moyo- ‘to suck’
arof ‘sweat’; arof- ‘to sweat’
chilla ‘saddle’; chilla- ‘to saddle’
kü aw ‘work’; kü aw- ‘to work’
mafü ‘dowry’; mafü- ‘to give a dowry’
nütram ‘conversation’; but nütram- ‘to report a conversation’ (cf. nütram-ka-
’to talk to’, -ka- Factitive, see 26.33)
ina ‘next’; ina- ‘to follow’
trafiya ‘tonight’; trafiya- ‘to stay the night’
namuntu ‘on foot’; namuntu- ‘to go on foot’
may ‘yes’; may- ‘to consent, to obey, to wish’
Verbs which are derived from a temporal noun can be rendered as ‘to last’ or
‘to have spent’ a period of time indicated by the noun. When the verb means
‘to have spent’, it obligatorily contains direction marker -me- th20 (thither) or
-pa- hh17 (hither), e.g.
(1) külá antü-a-y

three day-verb36-nrld10-ind4-33
‘it will last three days’
(2) külá antü-me-n

36 20 3
three day-verb -th -ind1s
‘I was there for three days’
In this chapter, the zero verbalizer will be labelled in the morpheme gloss; it
is not written elsewhere in this book.
21.2 Verbalizer
Nouns, adjectives, numerals and the interrogative element chum ‘how?’ may
take the verbalizer -nge-. The resulting verb indicates an intrinsic quality or a
permanent characteristic or trait.
wentru ‘man’; wentru-nge- ‘to be a man’
küntro ‘cripple’; küntro-nge- ‘to be cripple’
külá ‘three’; küla-nge- ‘to be three’
chum ‘how?’; chum-nge- ‘to be how?’
A -nge- form is intransitive. It cannot be transitivized; an intrinsic quality
or a permanent charateristic or trait cannot be caused or aquired. Examples:
21.2 Verbalizer -nge- 123
(3) rumé kümé wentru-nge-y

very good man-verb36-ind4-33
‘he is a very good man’
(4) wenüy-wen-nge-y-u
friend-rel-verb36-ind4-1ns3-d2
‘wed are friends’
(5) kü aw-nge-y

work-verb36-ind4-33
‘it is difficult/ it takes an effort’
(6) kishu-nge-y
36 4 3
alone-verb -ind -3
‘he is alone’ (i.e. he is always alone)
(7) nor-nge-y
36 4 3
straight-verb -ind -3
‘it is straight’ (i.e. it is always straight)
(8) küla-nge-y
36 4 3
three-verb -ind -3
‘there are three of them’ (e.g. in a family there are three children)
The verbal suffix -(kü)le- Stative28 (-küle- after C, -le- after V) may be used
to indicate a quality or characteristic that is not permanent or intrinsic (see
25.3 and 26.28). Compare the following two examples with (6) and (7):
(9) kishu-le-y
alone-verb36-st28-ind4-33
‘he is alone’ (e.g. all other people left and now he is alone)
(10) nor-küle-y
36 28 4 3
straight-verb -st -ind -3
‘it stands upright’
With a noun root, -nge- is not only ‘to be’ but also ‘to have’ a permanent
characteristic or trait:
(11) trewa-a -nge-y
36 4 3
dog-face-verb -ind -3
‘he has the face of a dog’
(12) kümé trawa-nge-y

36 4 3
good body-verb -ind -3
‘she has a fine body’, ‘it is a fine body’
124 Verbalization
(13) karü-ke nge-nge-y

green-distr eye-verb36-ind4-33
‘he has green eyes’, ‘they are green eyes’
(14) karü-nge-y
green-verb36-ind4-33
‘it has green’ (i.e. that dress has green in it), ‘it is green’ (it is the colour
green)
A verb which is derived from a word that refers to a colour by means of the
verbalizer -∅- may refer not only to a temporary characteristic or trait or to
one that is the result of a change of state, but also to an intrinsic quality, e.g.
(15) karü-y
36 4 3
green-verb -ind -3
‘it has become green, it is green’
Note that colour words can be used both as an adjective or as a noun.
A -nge- form which is derived from a noun can also indicate that it is charac-
teristic for the referent of the subject to cause a certain effect indicated by the
noun, e.g.
(16) kutran-nge-y
36 4 3
illness/pain-verb -ind -3
‘it inflicts pain’
(17) ngüñü-n-nge-y
4 36 4 3
get.hungry-pvn -verb -ind -3
‘it causes hunger/ it makes hungry’
A -nge- form which is derived from a noun that indicates a period of time
may be rendered as ‘ago’:
(18) mari tripantu-nge-y
36 4 3
ten year-verb -ind -3
‘it was ten years ago’
This use of -nge- is also found with we ‘new, recent(ly)’:
(19) we-nge-y
36 4 3
recent-verb -ind -3
‘recently’
A -nge- form can also be used to indicate the weather. The root of such a
form is either a noun or the adjective kümé ‘good’:
(20) kürüf-nge-y
36 4 3
wind-verb -ind -3
‘there is wind’
21.2 Verbalizer -nge- 125
(21) antü-nge-y
day/sun-verb36-ind4-33
‘there is sun’
(22) weshá antü-nge-y

bad day-verb36-ind4-33
‘it is bad weather’
The suffixes -nge- verb36 and -(kü)le- st28 can be used simultaneously, but
this is infrequent (see also 25.3):
(23) weshá antü-nge-le-y

36 28 4 3
bad day-verb -st -ind -3
‘it is still bad weather’
A -nge- form which is derived from a noun or a nominalized verb and ends
in the plain verbal noun marker -(ü)n pvn4 refers to a period of time which is
characterized by the circumstance or event referred to by the noun or the verb
-nge-n is added to, e.g. filla-nge-n ‘time of scarcity’, kosecha-nge-n ‘harvest sea-
son’, ketra-w-ün-nge-n ‘ploughing season’, pewü-n-nge-n ‘budding season’. The
ending -nge-n is also found in the expression pu Mapuche-nge-n ‘we Mapuche’
(see (7, 68)).
The verbalizer -nge- used to be identical with the verb root nge-. The verb
nge- is translated as ‘to be’ (existential) or ‘to have been’. In the latter case
the verb contains direction marker -me- th20 or -pa- Hh17.
(24) nge-we-la-y
19 10 4 3
be-ps -neg -ind -3
‘there is no more’
(25) iñché nge-pa-n

17 3
I be-hh -ind1s
‘I have been here [before]’
The verb nge- ‘to be’, ‘to have’ is left in the noun nge-n ‘master, boss, owner’
which contains the plain verbal noun marker -(ü)n 4.
The verbalizer -nge- and the verb nge- differ in a few respects:
The verbalizer -nge- does not occur without a nominal element immediately
preceding it. Nothing can be inserted between the nominal stem and -nge-. A
form which is derived from nge- ‘to be’ may occur without a noun phrase (see
(24)), it may be preceded by a subject noun phrase (see (25)) or followed by a
subject noun phrase:
(26) nge-la-y cha i
10 4 3
be-neg -ind -3 salt
‘there is no salt’
126 Verbalization
Compare:
(27) cha i-nge-la-y
36 10 4 3
salt-verb -neg -ind -3
‘it lacks salt’, ‘it is not salty’
A subject noun phrase which precedes a nge- form is usually found with nge-
‘to have been’; a subject noun phrase which follows a nge- form is usually found
with nge- ‘to be’ (existential).
The verb stem nge- ‘to be’ may be transitivized; a stem which takes -nge-
verb cannot.
(28) nge-l-me-fi-ñ tüyüw chi waka
34 20 6 3
be-ca -th -edo -ind1s over.there the cow
‘I have taken the cows over there’
21.3 Verbalizer
The verbalizer -tu- is affixed to nouns. The resulting verb can be rendered as
‘to consume’, ‘to use’ or ‘to take’ what is referred to by the noun. A -tu- form
may be transitive or intransitive.
kofke ‘bread’; kofke-tu- ‘to eat bread’
pulku ‘wine’; pulku-tu- ‘to drink wine’
füñapuwe ‘poison’; füñapuwe-tu- ‘to take poison, to poison’
kitra ‘pipe’; kitra-tu- ‘to smoke a pipe’
antü ‘sun’; antü-tu- ‘to take sun’, ‘to have sexual intercourse by day’
umaw ‘sleep’; umaw-tu- ‘to sleep’
trutruka ‘horn’; trutruka-tu- ‘to play the horn’
torompe ‘trumpet’; torompe-tu- ‘to play the trumpet’
tralka ‘gun’; tralka-tu- ‘to shoot’
namun ‘foot’; namun-tu- ‘to go on foot’
taku-n ‘dress’; taku-n-tu- ‘to put on a dress’ (taku- ‘to cover’)
peshkiñ ‘flower’ (LQ), ‘feather’ (RR, JM); peshkiñ-tu- ‘to put on flowers/feathers’
üy ‘name’; üy-tu- ‘to call by the name’
añil ‘indigo’; añil-tu- ‘to paint indigo’
papel ‘paper’; papel-tu- ‘to read’
lichi ‘milk’; lichi-tu- ‘to milk’
mamüll ‘wood’, ‘tree’; mamüll-tu- ‘to fetch wood’
(29) trutruka-tu-fi-ñ
horn-verb36-edo6-ind1s3
‘I played that horn’ (lit.: I horn-played it)
(30) trutruka-tu-n
36 3
horn-verb -ind1s
‘I played horn’
21.5 Verbalizer -l- 127
(31) üy-tu-fi-ñ
name-verb36-edo6-ind1s3
‘I called him by the name’
A -tu- form can also be rendered as ‘to go to’:
wariya ‘town’; wariya-tu- ‘to go to town’
kolexio ‘school’; kolexio-tu- ‘to go to school’
The verbalizer -tu- occasionally occurs as a factitive:
kallfü ‘purple’; kallfü-tu- ‘to make purple’
lif ‘clean’; lif-tu- ‘to clean’
kütral ‘fire’; kütral-tu- ‘to make fire’
(32) kütral-tu-fi-ñ ti mamüll
36 6 3
fire-verb -edo -ind1s the wood
‘I made a fire of that wood’
The verbalizer -tu- is found in a number of ‘unpredictable’ cases, e.g.
kutran ‘illness, pain’; kutran-tu- ‘to hurt’
kü aw ‘work’; kü aw-tu- ‘to have difficulty in, to do one’s best’
payun ‘beard’; payun-tu- ‘to shave’, ‘to take someone by the beard’
machi ‘medicine-woman’; machi-tu- ‘to work as a medicine-woman’
Note the difference between a verb that contains -tu- verb and a verb derived
from the same root that contains -tu adv and -∅- verb, e.g. namun-tu- ‘to eat
a foot’ (foot-verb36-) vs namun-tu- ‘to go on foot’ (foot-adv-verb36-)
The verbalizer -tu- is probably related to the transitive verb tu- ‘to take’.
21.4 Verbalizer
The verbalizer -(n)tu- (-ntu- after V, -tu- after C) is affixed to adjectives. The
resulting verb may be translated as ‘to consider an object to be’ what is referred
to by the adjective, e.g.
kümé ‘good’; küme-ntu- ‘to like, to think it is good’
are ‘warm’; are-ntu- ‘to feel warm’
fane ‘heavy’; fane-ntu- ‘to think it is heavy’
alü ‘much’, big/ tall’; alü-ntu- ‘to think it is big/ tall’
The suffix -(n)tu- is also found in the following verbs:
chum-nge-n-tu- ‘to think what of it?’ (chum-nge-n; what/how-be-pvn4)
fali-l-tu- ‘to think it worthwhile’ (cf. Sp. valer ‘to be worth’)
Note the difference between alü-ntu- ‘to think it is big/ tall’, and alü-n-tu-
‘to stay a long time’, which is analyzed: much-verb36-pvn4-adv-verb36-.
21.5 Verbalizer
The verbalizer -l- is affixed to nouns, adverbs, numerals and the interrogative
pronoun tunté ‘how much?’. The resulting verb may be rendered as ‘to give
128 Verbalization
somebody something’, e.g.

man kuwü ‘right hand’; man-kuwü-l- ‘to give the right hand’
alü ‘much’; alü-l- ‘to give much’
kiñe ‘one’; kiñe-l- ‘to give one’
(33) tunte-l-e-y-mew?
how.much-verb36-ido6-ind4-23-s2-ds1
‘how much did he give to yous?’
(34) alü-l-e-n-ew mapu

36 6 3 1
much-verb -ido -ind1s -ds land
‘he gave me a lot of land’
(35) küla-l-fi-ñ engün mansana

36 6 3 p
three-verb -edo -ind1s they apple
‘I gave them three apples’
p
The verbalizer -l- is probably connected with the verb wül- ‘to give some-
thing’.
21.6 Verbalizer
The verbalizer -ye- can be affixed to nouns. The resulting verb indicates the
relationship denoted by the noun whereby the subject is related to another
person.
(36) llalla-ye-w-y-u
36 31 4 3 2
mother./son.in.law-verb -ref -ind -1ns -d
‘she is my mother-in-law; I am her son-in-law’ (lit.: wed are llalla to one
another)
Most Mapuche kinship terms are self-reciprocal terms; the mother-in-law calls
her son-in-law llalla and he refers to his mother-in-law by the same term.
(37) Xuan üñam-ye-fi-y Lisa
36 6 4 3
Juan lover-verb -edo -ind -3 Lisa
‘Juan has Lisa for a lover’
(38) üñam-ye-w-küle-y-ng-u
36 31 28 4 3 2
lover-verb -ref -st -ind -3ns -d
‘theyd are lovers’
(39) chem-ye-w-üy-m-u?
36 31 4 3 2
what-verb -ref -ind -2 -d
‘how are youd related?’
The verbalizer -ye- may be related to the verb ye- ‘to carry’.
Part IV
Noun phrases and nominal sentences

Chapter 22
Simple noun phrase
A simple noun phrase contains a head which may be a (common) noun, a

pronoun or a proper noun.
A noun can be modified by
(a) any number of adjectives, although a noun phrase does not normally contain
more than one adjective,
(b) a numeral, or
(c) a pronominal modifier (either demonstrative/anaphoric or possessive).
These constituents occur in the following, fixed order: pronominal modifier -
numeral - adjective - noun.
(1) külá lüq ruka

three white house
‘three white houses’
(2) tüfa-chi lüq ruka

this-adj white house
‘these white houses’
(3) tüfa-chi külá lüq ruka

this-adj three white house
‘these three white houses’
A noun phrase does not usually contain more than two modifiers, although
(3) is perfectly acceptable.
An adjective may be modified by an adverb. The adverb immediately prece-
des the adjective:
(4) rumé pichi ruka

very small house
‘a very small house’
132 Simple noun phrase
(5) oy pichi ruka

more small house
‘a smaller house’
The word pu coll (see 11.1) stands between a pronominal modifier and the
first adjective:
(6) ñi pu küme-ke wenüy
poss1s coll good-distr friend
‘my good friends’
(7) tüfa-chi pu fücha-ke longko

this-adj coll old-distr head/leader
‘these old leaders’
A possessive pronoun may be preceded by a specifying personal or substitu-
tive personal pronoun, e.g.
(8) iñché ñi pu küme-ke wenüy
I poss1s coll good-distr friend
‘my good friends’
(9) kom ñi pu küme-ke wenüy

all poss1s coll good-distr friend
‘all my good friends’
A noun which can be used adverbially (10.2) may be modified by an adverb:
(10) alü pun
much night
‘late at night’
A noun phrase whose head can be a (common) noun, a pronoun or a proper
noun may be modified by a postpositional adverb, e.g.
(11) chem lüq ruka rumé
what white house -ever
‘whatever white house’
(12) Maria kütó ngüma-y

Maria even cry-ind4-33
‘even Maria cried’
Chapter 23
Complex noun phrase
A complex noun phrase contains more than one noun. The relation between
the nouns is either subordinative or coordinative. There are various types of
subordinative complex noun phrases: possessive, partitive and genitive. Coor-
dinative noun phrases include comitative constructions.
23.1 Possessive noun phrase

The noun phrase which refers to the possessor precedes the noun phrase which
indicates the possessed. A possessive pronoun which corefers to the possessor
noun phrase stands in between:
(1) chaw ñi wenüy

father poss3 friend
‘father’s friend’
(2) iñché ñi wenüy

I poss1s friend
‘my friend’
(3) iñché ñi chaw ñi pu kümé wenüy

I poss1s father poss3 coll good friend
‘my father’s good friends’
(4) Xoan ñi pu wenüy ñi chaw

Joan poss3 coll friend poss3 father
‘the father(s) of Joan’s friends’
(5) ta-ñi lamngen ñi fütá

the-poss1s/3 sister poss3 husband
‘my/her/his/their sister’s husband’
134 Complex noun phrase
(6) tüfa-chi kawellu ñi pilun

this-adj horse poss3 ear
‘the ear of this horse’
(7) omo ñi kü aw lif-tu-al ruka

36 9 4
woman poss3 work clean-verb -nrld .ovn house
‘it [is] a woman’s work to clean the house’ (cf. omo-kü aw ‘woman’s
work’)
(8) kolü tren ñi chofer

red train poss3 chauffeur
‘the engine-driver of the red train’
(9) ta-ñi wangku ñi a

the-poss1s/3 chair poss3 colour
‘the colour of my/his/her/their chair’
Genitive constructions are preferred in order to refer to an object which
belongs to, forms part of or is connected to something else, see 23.3 below.
The possessor noun phrase may be placed after the noun phrase that refers
to the possessed. The possessive pronoun keeps its position before the noun
phrase that refers to the possessed. This order may occur
(a) when the referent of the possessive pronoun is known from the context or
the situation, e.g.
(10) . . . pi-y ñi raki uam kümé kim-ke wentru
4 3
say-ind -3 poss3 thought good wise-distr man
‘. . . relate their thoughts, of good wise men’
(b) when the head of the possessed noun phrase is an intransitive subordi-
nate. The possessor noun phrase indicates the subject and follows the verb, as
subjects of intransitive verbs often do:
(11) kim-la-n ñi chum-le-n ñi püñeñ
learn-neg10-ind1s3 poss3 how-st28-pvn4 poss1s child
‘I don’t know how my child is doing’
The order possessed noun phrase - possessor noun phrase occurs often when
the possessor noun phrase contains a relative clause, e.g.
(12) fey-ti ñi müle-n chi pichi che kewa-fi-lu ñi chaw
that-the poss3 be-pvn4 the small person hit-edo6-svn4 poss3 father
‘here is the child that hit his father’ (lit.: that [is] his being [of] the boy
who hit his father)
The possessive pronoun may be left out in expressions with uam ‘need,
intention’, e.g.
23.2 Partitive noun phrase 135
(13) kishu uam

self need
‘on his own account’
(14) plata uam

money need
‘for money’
(15) kü aw-ke-n ñi pu che ñi uam

work-cf14-ind1s3 poss1s coll person poss3 need
‘I work for my family’
(16) fey montu-rki-y ñi lamngen ñi uam

he escape-rep12-ind4-33 poss3 sister poss3 need
‘he escaped through his sister’
23.2 Partitive noun phrase

The first noun phrase indicates measure, size or quantity; the second noun
phrase refers to the object measured:
(17) kongka küna
sheaf rush
‘a sheaf of rush’
(18) wikef kofke

piece bread
‘a piece of bread’
(19) pichin plata

bit money
‘a bit of money’
(20) fotella kümé pulku

bottle good wine
‘a bottle of good wine’ (cf. pulku-fotella ‘wine bottle’)’
(21) külko kelü üñı́

basket red cherry
‘a basket of red cherries’
(22) füta-ke kaman Mapuche

big-distr quantity Mapuche
‘large numbers of Mapuche’
(23) tunten kilo ilo ufisha?

how.much kilo meat sheep
‘how many kilos of mutton?’
(24) kiñe-ke ñi pu wenüy

some-distr poss1s coll friend
‘some of my friends’
23.3 Genitive noun phrase

The object referred to by the first noun phrase forms part of, belongs to or is
connected to the referent of the second noun phrase.
(25) namun mesa

leg table
‘table-leg’
(26) tüfa-chi pilun kawellu

this-adj ear horse
‘this horse ear’
Compare (6): tüfachi kawellu ñi pillun ‘the ear of this horse’.
(27) a mapu
habit land
‘customs of a country’, ‘things associated with the country’
(28) mollfüñ che

blood person
‘human blood’
(29) ilo ufisha

meat sheep
‘mutton’
(30) ti a ta-ñi wangku

the colour the-poss1s/3 chair
‘the colour of my/his/her/their chair’
Compare (9): ta-ñi wangku ñi a ‘the colour of my/his/her/their chair’.
The first noun phrase may consist of a locational noun which can be used
adverbially (see 10.2). A complex noun phrase which contains such a noun can
also be used adverbially:
23.3 Genitive noun phrase 137
(31) wif lewfü

width river
‘width of the river’, ‘along the river’
(32) rangiñ rüpü

middle road
‘middle of the road’, ‘in the middle of the road’
(33) wülngiñ iñché ñi ruka

front I poss1s house
‘front of my house’, ‘in front of my house’
(34) wenu pu mamüll

above coll tree
‘(space) above the trees’, ‘high up in the trees’
A locational noun phrase can also consist of an adverbialized noun and ano-
ther noun.
(35) furi-tu wingkul
back-adv hill
‘behind the hill’
Compare:
(36) furi wingkul
back hill
‘the back of the hill’, ‘behind the hill’
Note also the following genitive noun phrases. The first component is a verbal
noun derived from an intransitive verb. The second noun has the function of
subject.
(37) naq-ün antü
4
go.down-pvn sun
‘afternoon’ (when the sun has reached its highest point and goes down)
(38) kon-ün antü

4
enter-pvn sun
‘twilight after sunset’ (lit.: when the sun enters [the earth])
A complex noun phrase of which the first component is a verbal noun has
normally a ‘genitive object’, i.e. the second component is the object of the verb:
(39) wiri-n longko
4
stripe-pvn head
‘hair parting’
(40) nge-n ruka

have-pvn4 house
‘house owner’
(41) nge-n ko
4
have-pvn water
‘master over water’
The noun nge-n ‘master’ may take the distributive marker -ke distr:
(42) nge-n-ke mapu

4
be-pvn -distr land
‘land owners’ (i.e. various people each of which has a piece of land (of his
own))
(43) nengüm-ün ti ruka

4
move-pvn the house
‘movement of the house’
In (43) ti ruka ‘the house’ may be subject or object of the preceding verbal
noun.
23.4 Comitative noun phrase

A comitative noun phrase consists of two or three noun phrases, e.g.
(44) iñché eymi iñchiu i-y-u

s
I you wed eat-ind4-1ns3-d2
‘yous and I ate’
One noun phrase denotes the principal participant, cf. iñché ‘I’ (44). Another
noun phrase denotes the companion, cf. eymi ‘yous’ (44). The third noun phrase
is a personal pronoun which agrees in person with the principal participant but
in number with the total number of participants involved in the event, cf. iñchiu
‘wed’ (44).
The noun phrase which denotes the companion precedes the noun phrase
which indicates the total number of participants. The noun phrase which deno-
tes the principal participant is optional. It precedes the noun phrase which
denotes the companion. Compare with (44):
(45) eymi iñchiu i-y-u
yous wed 4 3
eat-ind -1ns -d
2
‘yous and I ate’

The following personal pronouns are used to denote the total number of
participants:
23.4 Comitative noun phrase 139
iñchiu ‘wed’
iñchiñ ‘wep’
emu ‘youd’
emün ‘youp’
engu ‘theyd’
engün ‘theyp’
Note emu 2d and emün 2p instead of the regular personal pronoun for 2d
and 2p: eymu, eymün.
The principal participant may be first, second or third person. The com-
panion may be second or third person. A first person principal participant
may have a second or third person for companion. A second or third person
principal participant can only have a third person for companion.
The principal participant is coreferential with the subject marker (slot 3); the
number marker (slot 2) indicates either the number of the principal participant
(see (46)) or the total number of participants involved in the event (see (47)).
(46) fey iñchiu nütram-ka-n
he wed conversation-fac33-ind1s3
‘I talked with him’ (lit.: he, wed, I talked)
(47) fey iñchiu nütram-ka-y-u
33 4 3 2
he wed conversation-fac -ind -1ns -d
‘he and I talked together’ (lit.: he, wed talked)
For Salas’ informants, however, forms which take a number marker indicating
the number of the principal participant (like in (46)) “sound funny” (“suenan
raro” (Salas 1981: 124)).
(48) yiñ karukatu iñchiñ i-y-iñ kiñe sanchu
poss1p neighbour wep 4 3 2
eat-ind -1ns -p one pig
‘we ate a pig with our neighbours’
p
(49) pu longko iñchiñ nge-me-n Santiago

p
coll leader we be-th20-ind1s3 Santiago
‘I have been to Santiago with the leaders’
(50) amu-a-y-m-i Pedro emu
go-nrld9-ind4-23-s2 Pedro youd
‘yous will go with Pedro’
(51) kom ñi pu che engün kañ pülé amu-y
p
all poss3 coll person they other side go-ind4-33
‘he went elsewhere with his entire family’
(52) aku-ke-fu-y-ng-ün ñi pichi-ke che engün
p
arrive-cf14-ipd8-ind4-3ns3-p2 poss3 small-distr person they
‘theyp arrived with their children’

The pronouns engu 3d and engün 3p may be used as a connective between
two noun phrases:
(53) püntü-ke fende-a-n mesa engün wangku
9 3 p
separately-distr sell-nrld -ind1s table they chair
‘I shall sell the tables and chairs separately’
(54) alü kamapu-le-y Peru engu Arxentina

much far-st28-ind4-33 Peru theyd Argentina
‘Peru and Argentina are far away’
23.5 Coordinative noun phrase

A coordinative noun phrase consists of an unlimited number of noun phra-
ses which are simply enumerated without any special connective. Such noun
phrases are connected by ‘and’ or ‘or’ in English.
(55) elu-nge-ki-y yerfa, asukar, rüngo
give-pass23-cf14-ind4-33 herb, sugar, flour
‘they were given herbs, sugar [and] flour’
(56) kuyfı́ üyüw müle-ke-fu-y-iñ ñuke iñchiñ, lamngen,

14 8 4 3 2 p
a.long.time.ago over.there be-cf -ipd -ind -1ns -p mother we , sister,
peñi (12,2)
brother
‘a long time ago wep used to live there, [my] mother, [my] sister [and]
brother’
(57) . . . külá inkilinu, epu inkilinu, kiñe inkilinu (10,48)
three tenant, two tenant, one tenant
‘[they had] . . . three tenants, or two or one’
Sometimes ka ‘also, and, other’ is inserted before the last noun phrase:
(58) . . . kim-püra-me-n ñi pu pichi-ke peñi, pu wenüy ka
20 3
learn-climb-th -ind1s poss1s coll small-distr brother, coll friend and
ñi pu chaw (3,1)

poss1s coll father
‘I became aware of my brothers, friends and (my) parents’
The word kam ‘or’ is used when the hearer is given an option of two possibi-
lities:
(59) iney oy kim-üy, eymi kam iñché?
s
who more know-ind4-33, you or I
23.5 Coordinative noun phrase 141
‘who knows more, yous or I?’

Instead of a series of coordinated noun phrases one may find the verb being
repeated:
(60) ye-y ta plata yengün, ye-y ta rali, ye-y
4 3 p 4 3 4 3
bring-ind -3 the money they , bring-ind -3 the plate, bring-ind -3
ta ufisha, ye-y ta kiñe trari-ñ kawellu, ye-y ta

4 3 4 4 3
the sheep, bring-ind -3 the one tie-pvn horse, bring-ind -3 the
waka, . . .
cow, . . .
‘theyp brought money, they brought plates, they brought sheep, they
brought one team of horses, they brought cows . . . ’
Chapter 24
Nominal sentences
A nominal sentence consists of two nominal arguments. It denotes a situa-

tion which is characterized by the presence of one entity which is identical to
another. The second argument in a nominal sentence identifies the first.
(1) fey wentru

that/he man
‘that/he [is] a man’
(2) fey-chi omo ñi ina-n lamngen; tüfá iñché

4
that-adj woman poss1s next-pvn sister; this I
‘that woman [is] my youngest sister; this [is] me’
(3) tuchi ta-mi lamngen?

which the-poss2s sister
‘which one [is] yours sister?’
(4) tüfá ñi küpa-le-n

this poss3 come-st28-pvn4
‘here he comes’
(5) femngechi ta-ñi orden . . .

such the-poss3 order
‘such [was] the order . . . ’
The word femngechi is used both as an adverb and as an adjective (18.2.2).
(6) kuyfı́ ñi yi-we-no-n poroto

a.long.time poss1s eat-ps19-neg10-pvn4 bean
‘[it has been] a long time since I ate beans’
The element nu is used to indicate that the situation denoted by the preceding
nexus is not the case. Note that the suffix -nu-10 occurs as a negation marker
in conditional forms and verbal nouns (see 26.10).
144 Nominal sentences
(7) fey wentru nu

that/he man neg
‘that/he [is] not a man’ (it is not the case that he is a man, cf. (1))
(8) tüfa-chi pu che kom Mapuche nu?

this-adj coll person all Mapuche neg
‘[are] these people not all Mapuche?’ (is it not the case that these people
are all Mapuche?)
(9) tunté kulli-lle-l-i rumé, mütewe nu

how.much pay-aff11-cond4-13-s2 -ever, much/very neg
‘no matter how much I paid, [it was] not much’
In (9) the nominal sentence consists of an adverb (mütewe) and the nexal
negator nu. Because of the presence of the adverb one may assume that a verb
has been left out. The morpheme nu negates the situation denoted by the verb.
The second argument can occur in fronted position. Compare:
(10) fey iñché ñi ñuke

she I poss1s mother
‘she [is] my mother’
(11) iñché ñi ñuke, ta ti

I poss1s mother, the the
‘that [is] my mother’
The anaphoric pronoun ta, which is coreferential with the fronted noun
phrase, is qualified by ti ‘the’.
(12) iñché, ta ti
I, the the
‘that [is] me’, ‘that [is] mine’
(13) iñché nu, ta ti

I neg, the the
‘that [is] not me’, ‘that [is] not mine’
Instead of ti, one may find tüfá, a personal pronoun or a noun.
(14) machi, ta ti ruka

medicine.woman, the the house
‘to the medicine-woman belongs the house’
For ta in nominal sentences, see 14.3.2 (34–38).
Note that ta may occur as a dummy in a nominal sentence. Compare the
following two examples:
24 Nominal sentences 145
(15) iñchiu ta omo

d
we the woman
‘wed [are] women’
(16) iñchiu omo

d
we woman
‘we [are] women’
d
Part V
Morphology and morphosyntax of the verb

Chapter 25
Introduction
A Mapuche verb form consists of a root followed by one or more optional de-
rivational suffixes and at least one inflectional suffix. The group of inflectional
markers, which make up the end of the verb form, contains suffixes which
indicate person, number, mood, flectional nominalization, tense, aspect and
negation. Mapuche has about 100 verbal suffixes. They can be roughly distin-
guished into a number of categories which occur in the following order:
(Root) - Valency modifiers - Aspect - Semantic modifiers - Truth value -
Flection
On the basis of their relative position and their function the verbal suffixes
have been assigned to a slot. I have distinguished 36 slots, which are numbered
from the end of the verb form toward the root. The verbal suffixes are dealt
with in more detail in chapter 26.
A verbal predicate is a finite verb form which obligatorily contains a subject
marker in slot 3 and a coreferential number marker in slot 2. A predicate has
a modal marker in slot 4. Three moods can be distinguished: the indicative
(ind), the conditional (cond) and the imperative (imp).
A subordinate is a non-finite form (i.e. has an empty subject slot) and con-
tains a flectional nominalization marker in slot 4 (for the difference between a
flectional and a derivational nominalizer, see 26.4.5). A subordinate can have
the same arguments and complements as any other verb. It combines with
a verb as a subject, a direct object, an instrumental object or a complement
noun phrase. It may also combine as a modifier with a noun.
A verb form takes at least one suffix and generally no more than ten. A
subordinate takes less suffixes than a predicate.
In predicates, there are three functional positions for person markers: slot 3
has subject function (s), slot 6 has direct object function (do) and slot 1 has
dative subject function (ds). The lack of subject markers in subordinates is
compensated for by the use of possessive pronouns. Subordinates can take slot
6 and slot 1 fillers. Since person markers are distributed over several slots, they
are briefly discussed together in the present chapter for the sake of coherence
(25.2).
150 Introduction
The same holds for aspectuals. Mapuche has a formally unmarked perfective
and a number of aspectuals which fill slots 5, 8, 14, 16, 18, 28 and 32. Aspect
and the distinction between realization and non-realization (slot 9) are treated
in section 25.3. For the discussion of aspect I heavily rely on Comrie (1976)
and on Comrie (in Shopen (1985)).
This chapter begins with a section on the verb stem (25.1) and is concluded
with a section on auxiliary verbs (25.4).
Chapters 26 - 31 deal with verbal morphology. After a description of the
verbal suffixes which fill each of the 36 positions (chapter 26), I discuss suffixes
which have not been assigned a functional position because of their infrequency
(chapter 27). Chapter 28 deals with derivational nominalizers. Compounding
is discussed in chapter 29. Deictic and defective verbs are dealt with in chapters
30 and 31 respectively.
25.1 Verb stem

A simple verb stem consists of a single uninflected verbal root, e.g.
anü- ‘to sit down’,
or of a single or compound nominal root which is followed by a verbalizing
suffix in slot 36, e.g.
umaw-tu- ‘to sleep’ (sleep-verb36-),
kofke- ‘to make bread’ (bread-verb36-),
kutran-longko- ‘to get headache’ (illness-head-verb36-).
A complex verb stem contains two or three stems. It may consist of two verb
stems, e.g.
anü-püra- ‘to sit up’ (sit.down-go.up-), which consists of two uninflected verbal
roots.
A complex verb stem may consist of a reduplicated root and a stem formative
in slot 36, e.g.
anü-anü-tu- ‘to sit down repeatedly’, ‘to pretend to sit down’, (sit.down-
sit.down-sfr36-) (a reduplicated verbal root does not occur without a stem
formative in slot 36).
It may consist of a verbal root and a verbal stem which is derived from a
nominal root, e.g.
ungu-nütram-ka- ‘to have a conversation with’ (speak-conversation-verb36-
fac33-).
A complex verb stem may also consist of a verb stem and a nominal stem.
The nominal stem follows the verb stem, e.g.
kintu-kü aw- ‘to look for work’ (look.for-work-verb36-),
wenüy-ka-che- ‘to make friends with people’ (friend-verb36-fac33-person-
verb36-).
Nominal stems are usually incorporated into transitive verbs with the func-
tion of a direct object. Combinations of intransitive verbs and nominal stems
in subject function occur as well, e.g.
25.2 Person markers 151
aku-umaw- ‘to get sleep’ (arrive-sleep-verb36-),

afü-wün- ‘to get an infected mouth’ (get.cooked/ripe/rotten-mouth-verb36-).
The first verb stem in a compound may contain a suffix in slot 35, 34 or 33,
e.g. amu-l-nü- ‘to continue to take’ (go-ca34-take-). Albeit seldom, the first
verb stem in a compund may take another derivational suffix together with a
suffix in slot 35, 34 or 33, e.g. ru-l-pa-nütram- ‘to interpret’ (pass-ca34-hh17-
conversation-verb36-).
I found only two complex verb stems that contain three consecutive roots.
Both stems consist of two verbal roots followed by a noun:
angka -püra-kawellu- ‘to take someone/to ride behind on the back of a horse’
(take/ride.on.the.back-go.up-horse-verb36-)
kellu-nü-kawell- ‘to help catch the horse’ (help-take-horse-verb36-) (kawell(u)
Sp. caballo ‘horse’).
25.2 Person markers

In this section I discuss subject markers (25.2.1), direct object markers (25.2.2),
dative subject markers (25.2.3) and two suffixes which fill slot 23 and are used
to complete the agent-patient paradigm (25.2.4). A survey of all person markers
is presented in the appendix (p. 363).
25.2.1 Subject (slot 3)

The subject can be first, second or third person. The following subject markers
fill slot 3:
-(ü)n (-ün after C, -n after V) is a portemanteau morph and indicates indicative
mood and first person singular subject. label: ind1s
-∅- indicates first person non-singular subject in indicative forms. label: 1ns
-i marks first person subject in conditional forms. label: 1
-y- marks first person non-singular subject in conditional forms which con-
tain the dative subject marker -∅ or -(m)ew ds1. This holds for LQ and
RR. MM uses -iy. label:1ns
-chi is a portemanteau morph and marks imperative mood and first person
singular subject. label: imp1s
-m- marks second person subject in indicative, conditional and imperative
forms, except second person singular subject in imperative forms. label:
2
-nge is a portemanteau morph and marks imperative mood and second person
singular subject. label: imp2s
The indicative differentiates a third person subject which is not marked for
number and a non-singular third person subject:
-∅ marks third person subject, unmarked for number. label: 3
-ng- marks third person non-singular subject. label: 3ns
The conditional and the imperative do not differentiate number for a third
person subject:
-e marks third person subject in conditional forms. label: 3
152 Introduction
-y- marks third person subject in conditional forms which contain -(m)ew
ds1. label: 3
-pe is a portemanteau morph and indicates imperative mood and third person
subject. label: imp3
Portemanteau morphs which include a subject marker are assigned subject
position (slot 3).
Number markers (slot 2), which distinguish singular, dual and plural, are co-
referential with subject markers. There are two exceptions to this rule: 1s→2s
(see 25.2.3) and 1→2 (with a total number of participants greater than two),
in which case the total number of participants involved in the action is indi-
cated by the number marker, see 25.2.4. First and second person subject are
obligatorily marked for number. With a third person subject number marking
is optional. The suffix -ng- is obligatorily followed by a number marker in slot
2: -u for dual or -ün for plural. The endings -ng-u and -ng-ün can be replaced
by postposed independent elements engu and engün respectively. Singularity
of a third person is not formally marked.
In the chart below I summarize the subject and number markers:
mood/person Ind Cond imp
1s -(ü)n 3
-i -∅
3 2
-chi 3
1d -∅ -u
3 2
-i -u
3 2
1p -∅3-iñ2 -i 3-iñ2
2s -m -i
3 2
-m3-i 2 -nge3
2d -m -u
3 2
-m -u
3 2
-m3-u2
2p -m -ün
3 2
-m -ün
3 2
-m3-ün2
3 -∅3 -e3 -pe3
3d -ng -u
3 2
3p -ng3-ün2
There is no imperative form for first person non-singular subject. The indica-
tive 1d and 1p may be used adhortatively (see 26.4.4). Note that the endings
which indicate subject and number show formal similarities with personal and
possessive pronouns (cf. chapters 15 and 16).
(1) iñché umaw-tu-n
36 3
I sleep-verb -ind1s
‘I slept’
(2) amu-y-m-i
4 3 2
go-ind -2 -s
‘yous went’
(3) wirar-üy
4 3
scream-ind -3
‘he/she/they screamed’
(4) fey-engün kü aw-üy-ng-ün

p
that-they work-ind4-3ns3-p2
‘theyp worked’
(5) kiñe nge umer-küle-y

one eye shut-st28-ind4-33
‘one eye is shut’
The nature of the involvement of the subject in the situation denoted by the
verb is determined by the meaning of the verb. In a verb which takes one person
marker (a one-place verb) the subject is by definition the single argument. In a
verb which takes a subject marker and the direct object marker -fi- (a two-place
verb) the subject is the agent and the direct object the patient (see 25.2.2). In
a verb which takes a subject marker, the direct object marker -e- and a dative
subject marker (a three-place verb) the subject is the patient and the dative
subject the agent (see 25.2.3). The direct object marker in a three-place verb
indicates that the referent of the subject marker is the patient of the event and
that it is determined by the context. The semantic role of subject and direct
object markers is also determined by the presence of slot 26, 27, 29 and 35
fillers. The filler of slot 27 for instance turns the patient into the beneficiary of
the event.
25.2.2 Direct object (slot 6)

Only transitive verbs have an occupied slot 6. Slot 6 is filled by either of two
direct object markers: -fi- and -e-. They are mutually exclusive. Both suffixes
occur in predicates and in subordinates.
The suffix -fi- is actually a deictic element (cf. the pronoun fey ∼ fiy ‘that’
(14.2) and the deictic verb fe- ‘to become like that’ (chapter 30)). Its field
of reference is the situation. The suffix -fi- refers to a participant which is to
be found in the situation at large outside the speech act. Such a participant
cannot be a first or a second person, since they participate in the speech act,
nor can it be a third person which is identified by the context. The referent of
-fi- is therefore a third person which is identified by the situation. It is labelled
External Direct Object (edo). The suffix -fi- does not differentiate number;
its referent may be singular, dual or plural. Personal pronouns can be used to
specify the number of the direct object. The referent of -fi- may be animate
or inanimate. The suffix -fi- is used with definite objects; it can be left out
with less definite objects, see (8) below. The referent of the subject marker in
a -fi- form is the agent of the event and is a first or a second person, or a third
person which is more prominent in discourse than the referent of -fi-.
(6) leli-fi-nge
6 3
look.at-edo -imp2s
‘look at him/her/it/them !’
s
154 Introduction
(7) fey kellu-fi-y ñi chaw engu ñi ñuke

he help-edo6-ind4-33 poss3 father theyd poss3 mother
‘he helped his father and mother’
(8) fey kellu-y ñi chaw engu ñi ñuke

he help-ind4-33 poss3 father theyd poss3 mother
‘he helped his father and mother’
The difference between (7) and (8) lies in the use of -fi-: -fi- specifies the
direct object noun phrase in (7). The implication of (7) is that the subject
helped his parents in particular or only his parents, whereas (8) means that
the subject helped and that his parents were amongst the persons he helped.
In (8) the noun phrase ñi chaw engu ñi ñuke has the function of a complement:
it is not coreferential with a person marker, nor does it take the instrumental
-mew . For -fi-, see also 26.6. The use of -fi- in the ending -fi-el tvn (transitive
verbal noun) is dealt with in 26.4 and 26.6.
The suffix -fi- is mutually exclusive with the other slot 6 filler: the suffix -e-.
Whereas the suffix -fi- points to the situation outside the speech act and refers
to an object or person which is less prominent in terms of discourse than the
referent of the subject, the suffix -e- does the reverse: -e- urges the hearer to
identify the subject on the basis of the discourse and indicates that the referent
of the subject is the patient and not the agent of the event. The subject may be
a first or a second person, or a third person which is in focus at the moment of
speaking. In other words, the subject is either a participant in the speech act or
a person which can be identified on the basis of the context. The suffix -e- allows
the principal participants to keep subject position, in the role of patient. The
suffix -e- is labelled Internal Direct Object. The distinction between -e- and
-fi-, between between context and situation, is also shown in the demonstrative
and anaphoric pronouns tüfá ‘this’, ta ‘the (you know)’ vs. fey ∼ fiy ’that’,
ti ’the’ and the deictic verbs fa- ‘to become like this’ and fe- ‘to become like
that’ and their derivates (see chapter 14). The suffix -e- is also analysed as an
inverse marker (to be discussed in 25.2.4 below). However, the frequency of
references to either context or sitation as the basis for identification leads me
to believe that the suffix -e- has a dual function: it indicates that the referent
of the subject marker is the patient of the event and can be identified on the
basis of the context. The agent of the event denoted by an -e- form is indicated
by a suffix which follows the subject and number markers, and occupies slot 1
(see 25.2.3 below). Since the suffix -e- necessarily co-occurs with a slot 1 filler,
the actor of an -e- form can always be identified. The suffixes -fi- and -e- may
be used with all (transitive) verbs. For examples of -e-, see 25.2.3 below; for
-e-, see also 26.6.
25.2.3 Dative subject (slot 1)

Slot 1 has one overt filler, -(m)ew and one zero filler. The suffix -(m)ew
indicates a third person agent unmarked for number. The referent of -(m)-ew
may be animate or inanimate. A zero filler in slot 1 marks a first or second
person singular agent.
A dative subject marker necessarily co-occurs with the internal direct ob-
ject marker -e- ido6 (25.2.2). The subject, which is contextually determined
(marked by -e-6), is the patient.
(9) mangkü-e-n-ew
kick-ido6-ind1s3-ds1
‘he/she/they kicked me’
The form mangkü-e-n-ew may be interpreted as ‘I had myself kicked by him’.
This interpretation reflects the prominent position of the subject (see also 25.2.4
below where the suffix -e- is compared with the second person agent/ reflexive
marker -(u)w-). In order to avoid confusion with the instrumental object mar-
ker -mew (see 10.1), the filler of slot 1, (-(m)ew or -∅-), is labelled Dative
Subject, and not instrumental subject. Predicates can take -(m)ew or the
zero filler in slot 1. Subordinates do not take -∅1. The suffix -(m)ew1 is only
combined with the nominalizers -lu svn4 (subjective verbal noun) or -t- avn4
(agentive verbal noun).
The distribution of -(m)ew is as follows: -ew is found after -n (Ind1s3), -m-
(23), -∅- (33) and -t- (avn4); -mew is found elsewhere. An alternant of -mew is
-mu. In combination with the subjective verbal noun marker -lu svn, however,
one finds only -mu, never -mew .
A predicate which contains a dative subject marker takes regular slot 3 fillers,
with the following exceptions:
(i) in conditional forms, third person subject is indicated by -y-3 and, as in
indicative forms, not by -∅-, see (11–12),
(ii) the number marker for 2s is -∅-, see (13),
(iii) instead of -i-3 one finds -y-3 to mark 1ns subject in conditional forms which
take the dative subject marker -∅ or -(m)ew ds1. This holds for LQ and RR.
MM uses -iy,
(iv) the suffix -(m)ew does not co-occur with -ng-u (3d) or -ng-ün (3p). A third
person subject in a three-place verb can never be marked for number,
(v) there is one regular imperative form that takes a slot 1 filler: -e-chi-mew for
3→1s. Other imperative forms with a slot 1 filler have been elicited, but
speakers were not consistent, nor did they agree with each other (see 26.4.4).
Below I summarize the endings which include -e-6, the dative subject marker
-(m)ew-1 and the markers for mood (slot 4), subject (slot 3) and number (slot
2).
Ind.
3→1s -e6-n3-ew1
3→1d -e6-y4-∅3-u2-mew1
3→1p -e6-y4-∅3-iñ2-mew1
156 Introduction
3→2s -e6-y4-m3-∅2-ew1
3→2d -e6-y4-m3-u2-mew1
3→2p -e6-y4-m3-ün2-mew1
3→3 -e6-y4-∅3-ew1
Cond.
3→1s -e6-l 4-i 3-∅2-mew1
3→1d -e6-l 4-y3-u2-mew1 (-e-l-iy-u-mew (MM))
3→1p -e6-l 4-y3-iñ2-mew1 (-e-l-iy-iñ-mew (MM))
3→2s -e6-l 4-m3-∅2-ew1
3→2d -e6-l 4-m3-u2-mew1
3→2p -e6-l 4-m3-ün2-mew1
3→3 -e6-l 4-y3-ew1 (-e-l-iy-u (MM))
Imp.
3→1s -e6-chi 3-mew1
3→1d -pe-y-u-mew
3→1p -pe-y-iñ-mew
3→2s -pe-y-mew
3→2p -pe-y-mu-mew
3→2p -pe-y-mün-mew
The imperative forms containing -pe- were elicited from LQ only. The relia-
bility of these forms is doubtful, see also 26.4.4.
(10) fey kom kulli-e-y-iñ-mu

he all pay-ido6-ind4-1ns3-p2-ds1
‘he paid usp all’
(11) ñi chaw kewa-e-y-ew

poss1s father beat-ido6-ind4-33-ds1
‘my father beat him’
(12) pewmangen ñi chaw kewa-fe-l-y-ew

8 6 4 3 1
hopefully poss1s father beat-ipd .ido -cond -3 -ds
‘if only my father would beat him’
(13) mütrüm-e-y-m-ew
call-ido6-ind4-23-s2-ds1
‘he/she/they called yous’
(14) mütrüm-e-y-m-ün-mew
6 4 3 2 1
call-ido -ind -2 -p -ds
‘he/she/they called youp’
The patient of a -lu- form which contains -mu ds1 is expressed by a personal
pronoun which follows the verb (see also 26.4.10.2):
(15) mütrüm-e-lu-mu eymi, amu-la-y-m-i

s
call-ido6-svn4-ds1 you , go-neg10-ind4-23-s2
‘when he/she/they called yous, yous did not go’
The patient of an event denoted by a subordinate that takes -t- avn4 and
-ew ds1 is expressed by a possessive pronoun which precedes the verb (see also
26.4.9):
(16) eymi ayü-w-üy-m-i fey mi pe-me-e-t-ew

yous love-ref31-ind4-23-s2 he poss2s see-th20-ido6-avn4-ds1
‘yous were glad that he/she/they came to see yous’
A zero filler in slot 1 occurs in predicates only. It depends on the filler of slot
3 whether -∅1 denotes a first person singular or a second person singular agent.
When -∅1 co-occurs with a first person singular subject, the dative subject
marker indicates a second person singular:
(17) pe-e-n
6 3 1
see-ido -ind1s -ds
‘you saw me’
s
(18) anel-tu-e-n kuchillo-mew

33 6 3 1
threaten-tr -ido -ind1s -ds knife-inst
‘yous threatened me with a knife’
(19) nel-üm-e-n
get.loose-ca34-ido6-ind1s3-ds1
‘yous set me free’, ‘set me free!’
When -∅1 co-occurs with a first person non-singular in slot 3 and a dual
number marker in slot 2, the relationship denoted is 1s→2s.
(20) pe-e-y-u
see-ido6-ind4-1ns3-d2-ds1
‘I saw yous’
(21) anel-tu-la-e-y-u
threaten-tr33-neg10-ido6-ind4-1ns3-d2-ds1
‘I did not threaten yous’
Below I summarize the endings which include -e-6, the dative subject marker
-∅ and the markers for mood (slot 4), subject (slot 3) and number (slot 2).
1
Ind. Cond. Imp.

2s→1s -e6-n3-∅1 -e6-l 4-i 3-∅2-∅1 -e6-chi 3-∅1
1s→2s -e6-y4-∅3-u2-∅1 -e6-l 4-y3-u2-∅1
(-e6-l 4-iy3-u2-∅1 (MM))
158 Introduction
There is no imperative form for 2s→1s and 1s→2s. The indicative form for
2s→1s may be used as an imperative.
Note that where 1s and 2s are involved in a situation, slot 3 is always filled
by a first person marker.
The expression of a 1s→2s relationship is one of the two cases in which the
number marker in slot 2 refers to the total number of participants involved in
the event instead of referring to the subject only. The other case, the expression
of a 1→2 relationship in which the total number of participants is greater than
two, is dealt with below (25.2.4).
It follows from the above that there are two ways of expressing a 3 → 3
relationship. The suffixes -fi-6 and -e 6 . . . -ew 1 can both co-occur with a third
person subject marker. The difference between a -fi- form and an -e- . . . -
ew form which both contain a third person subject marker lies in the field of
reference. The referent of the subject of an -e . . . -ew form is in focus at the
moment of speaking and is the patient of the event. The agent of the event,
indicated by a Dative Subject marker, is less prominent in terms of discourse
than the referent of the subject. With -fi- it is the other way around: the
referent of the subject is more prominent than the referent of -fi- and the agent
of the event, while the patient denoted by -fi- can be identified on the basis of
the situation, outside the context. Compare:
(22) fey amu-y; chali-fi-y ñi wenüy
he go-ind4-33; greet-edo6-ind4-33 poss3 friend
‘he went [and] greeted his friend’
(23) fey amu-y; chali-e-y-ew ñi wenüy

he go-ind4-33; greet-ido6-ind4-33-ds1 poss3 friend
‘he went [and] was greeted by his friend’
(24) kellu-fi-y ñi pu wenüy

6 4 3
help-edo -ind -3 poss3 coll friend
‘he helped his friends’
(25) kellu-e-y-ew ñi pu wenüy

6 4 3 1
help-ido -ind -3 -ds poss3 coll friend
‘he was helped by his friends/ his friends helped him’
Note that the dative subject noun phrase (usually) follows the verb when both
the subject and the object are a third person (for word order, see chapter 3).
Mapuche has a true passive, indicated by the suffix -nge-23. An -e . . . -ew form
differs from a passive form that takes a third person subject in the following
respect: the actor of an -e . . . -ew form is obligatory and its identity can always
be established, either on the basis of the discourse or because it is specified by
an overt noun phrase. The agent of an event denoted by a passive form is not
indicated.
(26) kellu-nge-y
help-pass23-ind4-33
‘he/she/they was/were helped’
Compare also the sentences (50) and (51) in story 6. Note that the agent of
an -e . . . -ew form may be animate or inanimate (for the latter see (2) in 26.6).
25.2.4 -mu- 2A23 and -(u)w- 1A23

Two suffixes which are situated in slot 23 complete the agent- patient paradigm.
They are -mu- and -(u)w-.
They do not co-occur with a do or a ds marker. The morpheme -mu-23 always
co-occurs with a first person subject, which may be marked as singular, dual
or plural by a suffix in slot 2. The subject denotes the patient. The morpheme
-mu- indicates a second person agent unmarked for number. The agent may
be singular, dual or plural provided that the total number of participants is
greater than two. The morpheme -mu- is labelled second person agent (2A).
It occurs in predicates and in subordinates that take -lu svn4.
(27) ungu-mu-n
23 3
speak-2A -ind1s
‘youd/p spoke to me’
The addressee in (27) may be dual or plural. Personal pronouns can be used
to specify the referent of -mu-.
(28) eymu kellu-mu-la-y-iñ
you
d
help-2A23-neg10-ind4-1ns3-p2
‘youd did not help usp’
The morpheme -(u)w- (-uw- after C, -w- after V) is used to indicate a 1→2
relationship in which the total number of participants is greater than two. Slot
3 is filled by a first person non-singular marker and slot 2 is filled by a plural
number marker. The suffix -(u)w- is labelled first person agent (1A). It is found
in indicative and conditional forms and in subordinates that take -lu svn4.
(29) kellu-w-y-iñ
23 4 3 2
help-1A -ind -1ns -p
‘I helped youd/p’, ‘wed/p helped yous/d/p’
The number of patient and agent may be specified by the use of personal
pronouns.
(30) iñchiñ üngüm-uw-y-iñ eymi
wep wait.for-1A
23 4 3 2
-ind -1ns -p you
s
‘wep waited for yous’

Below I summarize the endings which include the suffix -mu-2A or -(u)w-1A
(slot 23) and the markers for mood (slot 4), subject (slot 3) and number (slot
2).
160 Introduction
Ind. Cond. Imp.

2d/p→1s -mu23-n3 -mu23-l 4-i 3-∅2 -mu23-chi 3
2s/d/p→1d -mu23-y4-∅3-u2 -mu23-l 4-i 3-u2
2s/d/p→1p -mu23-y4-∅3-iñ2 -mu23-l 4-i 3-iñ2
1→2 -(u)w23-y4-∅3-iñ2 -(u)w23-l 4-i 3-iñ2
The indicative 2s/d/p→1d and 2s/d/p→1p may be used adhortatively.
In Huilliche, the southernmost dialect of Mapuche, the 1→2 relationship
(with a total number of participants of greater than two) is indicated by the
combination of -e- and a second person subject marker in slot 3 (Moesbach
1962: 80, and Augusta 1903: 84–86 (cited by Salas 1979a: 307)), e.g. pe-e-y-
m-i ‘I saw yous’, pe-e-y-m-u ‘I saw youd’; pe-e-y-m-ün ‘I saw youp’.
The morpheme -(u)w-23 is originally the same as the morpheme -(u)w-31
which indicates reflexivity or reciprocity. Synchronically, the two suffixes differ
in meaning and in position, see (26.31.1). The reflexive/reciprocal marker
-(u)w-31 indicates that agent and patient are identical.
(31) kellu-w-y-iñ
help-ref31-ind4-1ns3-p2
‘wep helped each other’, ‘wep helped ourselves’ (cf. (29))
The use of the combination of -(u)w- 2A23 and a 1p subject to indicate
a relationship 1→2 (with a total number of participants greater than two)
implies the inclusion of the addressee in the role of patient within the group
of the speaker. The use of the combination of -e- ido6 and a 1d subject to
indicate 1s→2s holds the same implication. Compare (29) with:
(32) kellu-e-y-u
6 4 3 2 1
help-ido -ind -1ns -d -ds
‘I helped yous’
The combination of -e-6 and a 1s or 1d subject is used in a minimal speech
situation in which the referent of both 1 and 2 includes one person (“diálogo
minimo”, Salas 1979a: 39). The suffixes -(u)w-23 and -mu-23 are used in an
expanded speech situation in which the referent of 1 and/or 2 includes more
than one person (“diálogo expandido”, Salas 1979a: 39).
The internal direct object marker -e-6 has a function which is comparable to
that of -(u)w-. The suffix -e-6 is coreferential with the subject marker.
(33) kellu-e-n-ew
help-ido6-ind1s3-ds1
‘he/she/they helped me’
(I had myself helped by a third person)
(34) kellu-e-n
help-ido6-ind1s3-ds1
‘yous helped me’ (I had myself helped by yous)
It is remarkable that the subject-object paradigm is completed with suffixes
which occupy a position in between derivational suffixes, away from the inflecti-
onal block at the end of a verb form. The suffixes -mu- 2A and -(u)w- 1A share
their position, slot 23, with the passive marker -nge-. All three suffixes may be
analyzed as derivational suffixes which remove one argument and indicate an
implicit agent. The suffix -mu- for instance, which combines with a first person
subject marker, implies that the agent is a second person: the agent does not
come from outside because in that case the passive marker -nge- would be used.
The agent does not make part of the group of the patient because in that case
the suffix -(u)w- would be used. Therefore the agent is implied to be a second
person. The fillers of slot 23, -mu- and -(u)w- on the one hand and -nge- on
the other hand, show a distinction between an internal and an external agent,
just like -e- and -fi- distinguish between an internal and an external patient.
In conclusion, the Mapuche subject-object paradigm has led to various in-
terpretations (to be discussed below). It is not a straightforward system with
one single underlying basic principle. Discourse seems to be an important or-
ganizing guide. The most prominent position, that of the subject, is taken by
either a first, a second or a prominent third person in a relationship, either as an
agent or as a patient, with a third person, an outsider. In relationships which
involve a first and a second person, it is the first person which takes the subject
position, either with a coreferential number marker, or with a number marker
which refers to the total number of the participants involved. In other words,
the first person takes precedence over the second, which takes precedence over
the (prominent or ‘proximate’) third person, which takes precedence over the
distant or ‘obviative’ third person, that is in predicates. In subordinates it is
the second person which is marked in relationships which involve a first and a
second person, not the first person (see 26.4.5).
Finally, a comment on Salas’ interesting and extensive studies of Mapuche
person markers (Salas 1978 and 1979a) and on Arnold’s analysis of Mapuche
as an inverse voice system (Arnold 1994 and 1996). Salas’ analysis is based on
“northern dialects”. The Huilliche dialect, spoken in the southern part of the
Mapuche territory, is explicitely excluded (Salas 1978: note 13). Salas’ data
correspond to mine. Salas distinguishes a “persona focal” (i.e. “la persona
gramatical a la cual el tema verbal está adscrito”) and a “persona satélite”
(i.e. “una persona o entidad interactuante con la persona focal”, Salas 1978:
173). Persona focal may be first, second or third person. A verb obligatorily
contains a persona focal marker. Persona focal corresponds to what I have
named ‘subject’.
A “persona satélite” is optional and is only found with transitive verbs. Salas
lists the following persona satélite markers, which indicate person and gram-
162 Introduction
matical function:
-fi-, definite third person patient
-e . . . meo, definite third person agent
-nge, indefinite third person agent (passive voice)
-e, second person agent in “diálogo minimo”
-mu, second person agent in “diálogo expandido”
-u, second person patient, incorporated in the persona focal.
A persona satélite implicitely indicates the semantic role of the persona focal ;
where the persona satélite is agent, the persona focal is patient and vice versa.
Salas established a hierarchy of grammatical persons which is based on the
inventory of persona focal and persona satélite markers:
persona focal may be: 1s, 1d, 1p, agent or patient
2p, agent or patient
3 definite, agent or patient
persona satélite may be: 2 agent in diálogo minimo (-e)
2 agent in diálogo expandido (-mu)
2 patient (-u)
3 definite agent (e . . . meo)
3 definite patient (-fi-)
3 indefinite agent (-nge)
This inventory shows that a first person is never persona satélite, a second
person and a definite third person may be persona focal or persona satélite, but
an indefinite third person is never persona focal. In this way Salas establishes a
one-way hierarchy of grammatical persons in which 1 has the highest ranking,
followed by 2, definite 3 and, finally, indefinite 3. The person highest in the
hierarchy is persona focal, the person lower in the hierarchy is persona satélite.
Thus, given an interaction between 1 and 2, 1 is persona focal and 2 is persona
satélite. Since this hierarchy is independent of the function of the grammatical
persons, Salas is of the opinion that the distinction between persona focal and
persona satélite is the basic distinction in the person marking system, which
leads Salas to the conclusion that this system reflects an egocentric organization
of the universe (1978: 177).
This conclusion is not entirely justified because it is based on person marking
in predicates only. Subordinates do not take a persona focal at all. It is
furthermore at variance with the fact that in Huilliche 2 is persona focal in a
1→2 relationship (see above).
A serious shortcoming of Salas’ analysis is that the suffixes are not assigned a
functional position. The establishment of the relative position and the function
of the suffixes reveals that there is a single suffix -e- instead of three (Salas lists
-e . . . meo, definite third person agent; -e, second person agent in “diálogo
minimo”, and -e as allomorph of -u, second person patient incorporated in the
persona focal ). The establishment of the relative position and function of the
verbal suffixes also reveals that -e- has the same function and position as -fi-
(slot 6) and that -mu-, -(u)w- and -nge- have the same function and position
(for a detailed discussion of the function of slot 23, see 26.23). Although Salas
shows that the suffixes -e and -fi-, on the one hand, and -nge, -mu-, -u, on the
other, occupy a different position in the suffixal string, he confines himself to
stating that these are “dos manifestaciones posicionales del casillero de persona
satélite” (Salas 1979a: 150).
Arnold (1994 and 1996), based on descriptions by Salas (1978, 1979a, 1980,
1992a) and myself (Smeets 1989), and following Grimes (1985), puts Mapuche
in the grammatical tradition of the Algonquian languages as an inverse voice
system. A central feature of an inverse system, Arnold states, is the interac-
tion between a saliency hierarchy (1 > 2 > 3proximate > 3obviative, where
proximate means more salient in terms of discourse structure and obviative
indicates a more distant third person argument) and a thematic relations hier-
archy (agent > goal > benefactive > theme) such that the direct verbal form is
used when the actor is higher on the saliency hierarchy than the undergoer but
the inverse is used when the undergoer is higher on the saliency hierarchy. In
Mapuche, Arnold continues, the difference between the direct and the inverse
is “whether the actor is the grammatical Subject (direct) or the grammatical
Object (inverse). In other words, the higher argument is always the gramma-
tical Subject of the sentence, whether or not it is the Actor (“logical Subject”)
(Arnold 1996: 26). Arnold bases her analysis of Mapuche as an inverse system
on three arguments: the use of -fi- or -e- together with subject markers in
predicates, the use of the subordinates -fi-el and -e-t-ew with person marking
possessive pronouns, and the word order of coreferential noun phrases. Thus, in
predicates one finds the direct form when a first, second or third person is the
actor (indicated by subject markers) and a third person is the patient, indicated
by -fi- (labelled as object marker by Arnold). In the reverse case, when a third
person actor is combined with a first, second or third person, the latter (the
patient) is indicated by the subject markers, -fi- is replaced by -e- and the actor
is indicated by an “object marker” -(m)ew ) following the subject markers. In
case of two third person arguments both direct and inverse forms are possible.
If the proximate third person is actor, the form is direct, if it is the undergoer
and the obviative third person is the actor, the form is inverse, and the actor
is indicated by an object marker. Inverse forms are also used for interactions
between a second person actor and a first person patient. In case of 2s→1s, Ar-
nold analyses, the form includes -e-, the subject marker indicates the patient,
followed by a second person marker (a zero), which indicates the actor. When
the total number of participants involved in the action is greater than two, -e-
is replaced by -mu- (“2A”), and the patient is indicated by subject markers.
While the analysis of -mu- rather remains in the dark (is it an inverse marker?,
where is the object marker?), interactions between a first person actor and a
second person patient present a greater problem in the analysis of present-day
Mapuche as an inverse system. Contrary to what one would expect on the
basis of the saliency hierarchy, the 1s→2s form includes -e-, but the subject
164 Introduction
marker does not indicate the patient. The subject is the first person dual, i.e.
the total number of participants involved in the action. Historically however,
and in Huilliche today, 1s→2s follows Arnold’s lines. In 1 → 2 interactions
it is the total number of participants involved in the action which decides for
either -e- (in Salas’ terms in “diàlogo minimo”) or the reflexive -w- (in “dia-
logo expandido”) in case of 1→2 and a total number of participants greater
than two. As I have said before (see also 26.31.1) the reflexive -(u)w- and the
suffix -(u)w- which is used in 1→2 forms (total greater than two), although
historically probably one and the same morpheme, synchronically differ, both
in meaning and in position. Arnold places the 1→2 forms at a level between
Inverse and Direct. “It seems that while the historical placement of 2nd person
in Subject position is preserved, placing 1st person in a lower position than
2nd person is avoided, following the inherent force of the saliency hierarchy.
The result is the extension of the 1st person dual and plural forms to include
the total number of Actor and Undergoer” (Arnold 1994: 32). Resuming, the
saliency hierarchy is followed in the codification of the interactions 1→3, 2→3
and 3prox. →3obv. In case of 3→1 and 3 → 2 there is but one, inverse, form,
which does not allow for the distinction between a third person proximate and
a third person obviative in the role of actor. Only 3→3 forms may be either di-
rect or inverse. Interactions between a first and a second person present indeed
a middle ground, not only in predicates, but also in subordinates. In section
26.4.9 the subordinate markers -fi-el and -e-t-ew are discussed together with
the preceding possessive pronouns which indicate either actor or undergoer.
Where -fi-el and -e-t-ew are used to indicate 1,2,3prox→3 and 3→1,2,3prox
interactions respectively, the codification follows the lines of Arnold. The pro-
blem is, again, with interactions which involve a first and a second person. In
these cases the subordinate is marked by -fi-el and preceded by a possessive
pronoun which always indicates the second person, be it actor or patient. Ar-
nold explains this phenomenon as a result of the wish to avoid placing the one
person above the other. Another possible explanation, but these are merely
guesses, is more pragmatic. The possessive pronoun (ñi ), which indicates first
person singular and third person, combined with a subordinate marked by -fi-el
is used to indicate the actor in 1s→3 and 3prox→3obv interactions. To use ñi
to indicate the actor in a 1s→2 interaction would only add to the ambiguity.
The third argument for Arnold’s analysis of Mapuche as an inverse system lies
in the word order of overt noun phrases. Arnold argues, based on data from Ri-
vano 1988, that “the exact mirror placement of the Actor and the Undergoer in
the direct and inverse sentences indicates that the Subject and Object switch
in the inverse, thus producing a unified account of the word order” (Arnold
1996: 33). According to my data (see chapter 34) word order in Mapuche is
Agent Verb Patient for 1, 2, 3prox→3, 1→2 and 2→1 interactions. When a
third person actor is combined with a first or second person the actor generally
precedes the verb. In case of 3obv→3prox, the order tends to be Patient Verb
Actor. However, as the patient is in focus at the moment of speaking, it is often
25.3 Aspect 165
not expressed by a noun phrase. Although the rules for word order in Mapuche
are not strict, and therefore counter-examples are easy to find, it is difficult
to accept the SOV and VOS examples presented by Arnold, based on Rivano
(all examples of 3obv→3prox). I have never come across such word orders in
spontaneous speech and, in my experience, elicitation of all mathematically
possible word orders tends to create great confusion. The argument of word
order is weak in an otherwise stimulating analysis.
25.3 Aspect
Verbs without an overt aspectual suffix have perfective meaning (for ‘aspectual’
see Comrie in Shopen 1985,3: 343). The perfective denotes a situation in its
entirety without regard to its internal temporal constituency. It can be used
to denote a punctual situation, i.e. a situation which is conceived of as having
no duration. This does not, however, preclude the use of the perfective in
combination with a noun phrase or an adverb to denote a situation of some
duration or a situation which is internally complex, e.g.
(35) lef-üy
4 3
run-ind -3
‘he ran’
(36) epu antü lef-üy

two day run-ind4-33
‘he ran for two days’
(37) pichi-ke lef-üy

little-distr run-ind4-33
‘he ran a little every now and then’
The perfective denotes a complete event with beginning, middle and end
included. It can therefore be used to express the transition of one situation to
another with emphasis on the beginning or the end of a situation.
(38) pe-fi-n fey
see-edo6-ind1s3 he
‘I saw him’, ‘I got sight of him’
(39) lüq-üy
white-ind4-33
‘it became white’, ‘it has become white’
The perfective implies the successful completion of an event. The impeditive
marker -fu-8 can be added to indicate that an event has not successfully reached
its termination (see (72) below and 26.8 for -fu-).
The imperfective makes explicit reference to the internal temporal consti-
tuency of a situation. Mapuche has very few verbs that have imperfective
166 Introduction
meaning without taking an aspectual suffix. These lexically stative verbs are:
meke- ‘to be busy’ and nge- ‘to be’ (existential). A small number of verbs have
both perfective and imperfective meaning without taking an aspectual suffix.
The verbs kim- ‘to learn, to know’ and nie- ‘to get, to have’ may denote either
the beginning of a situation or the result of an event.
(40) iñché kim-üñma-fi-n ñi lamngen
26 6 3
I learn/know-io -edo -ind1s poss3 sister
‘I got acquainted with his sister’
(41) iñché kim-fi-n

6 3
I learn/know-edo -ind1s
‘I know/knew her’
The verbs troki- ‘to opine’, uam- ‘to need, to want’, miaw- ‘to wander’
and the auxiliaries pepı́ ‘being able’, küpá ‘wishing’ and kim ‘knowing how to’
denote a complete event or an ongoing event which may or may not exist in
the present, e.g.
(42) kom pülé miaw-üy
all side walk.round-ind4-33
‘he walks/walked about everywhere’
The verbs müle- ‘to be’ (locative) and nge- ‘to be’ (existential) denote an
ongoing event or the completion of an event, e.g.
(43) iñché müle-n Temuko
I be-ind1s3 Temuco
‘I live/lived in Temuco’
(44) iñché müle-me-n Temuko

I be-th20-ind1s3 Temuco
‘I have been in Temuco’
Mapuche has various overt aspectuals. Since the majority of the verbs that
are not marked for aspect have perfective meaning, most aspectuals have im-
perfective meaning.
The suffix -ke-, which fills slot 14, is used to express a constant feature of the
subject (cf). A -ke- form denotes a situation which is characteristic over an
extended period of time. The situation may consist of several individual situa-
tions which occur at intervals and during which the same event, denoted by the
verb, takes place every time the situation occurs. The individual events occur
so often that they make up a situation which is described as a characteristic or
constant feature of the subject.
(45) rumé i-ke-y
(too).much eat-cf14-ind4-33
25.3 Aspect 167
‘he eats (too) much’
(46) iñché re kurü lápi-mew wiri-ke-n

14 3
I only black pen-inst write-cf -ind1s
‘I only write with a black pen’
A -ke- form may denote a situation in which the event denoted by the verb
takes place during an extended period of time. The period of time is so long
that the situation is presented as a characteristic or constant feature of the
subject.
(47) rüf ungu-ke-n

14 3
true speak-cf -ind1s
‘I always speak the truth’
Stative verbs can take the constant feature marker -ke- cf, except nge- ‘to be’
(existential) and verbs that contain the verbalizer -nge-36 (permanent quality),
e.g.
(48) kom pülé müle-ke-y

all side be-cf14-ind4-33
‘He is always everywhere’
The situation denoted by the -ke- form continues in the present. Discontinu-
ation of the situation is indicated by the impeditive -fu-8.
(49) katrü-ketran-me-ke-fu-n
20 14 8 3
cut-corn-th -cf -ipd -ind1s
‘I used to go to mow corn’
The combination -ke 14-fu 8- occurs frequently in narratives. It denotes a
characteristic situation which no longer holds.
The suffix -ye-5 occurs in complementary distribution with -ke-14. Like -ke-,
-ye- denotes a characteristic or constant feature. The suffix -ye- cf5 is found
with the nominalizers -m ivn4 and (only in a few cases) -fiel tvn4. The suffix
-ke-14 occurs elsewhere.
(50) kü aw-ye-m, wüywü-ke-n
work-cf5-ivn4, become.thirsty-cf14-ind1s3
‘every time I work, I get thirsty’
The stative suffix -(kü)le-28, the progressive marker -meke-28, the progressive
persistent action marker -nie-32 and the perfect persistent action marker -künu-
32
are used to denote a state. With verbs which indicate a posture of the body
the suffixes -meke- and -künu- may co-occur. Otherwise these four suffixes are
mutually exclusive.
The suffixes -(kü)le- (-küle- after C, -le- after V), -nie- and -künu- have dif-
ferent ramifications for telic and atelic verbs. A telic verb denotes a process or
168 Introduction
event that leads up to a terminal point (e.g. lüq- ‘to become white’, anü- ‘to
sit down’, ellka- ‘to hide’). An atelic verb denotes a situation which does not
have a terminal point built into it (e.g. raki uam- ‘to think’, rüngkü- ‘to jump’,
umaw-tu- ‘to sleep’). Verbs which denote a process or event that leads up to
an inevitable terminal point behave like atelic verbs (e.g. ürfi- ‘to drown’, la-
‘to die’, fücha- ‘to become old’, see also 26.28).
A telic verb that contains -(kü)le-, -nie- or -künu- is result-oriented. An atelic
verb that contains one of these suffixes is event-oriented. The change of state
which is the result of an event is attributed to the patient or the intransitive
subject of the corresponding perfective.
(51) lüq-küle-y
white-st28-ind4-33
‘it is white’ (being white is neither an intrinsic nor a permanent quality
of the subject; it is the result of an event)
(52) lüq-nie-fi-n
32 6 3
white-prps -edo -ind1s
‘I keep/kept it white’
(53) lüq-künu-fi-n
white-pfps32-edo6-ind1s3
‘I left it white’
With a transitive telic verb the subject of the -nie- or -künu- form is implied
to be the actor of the foregoing event, e.g.
(54) lüq-üm-nie-fi-n
white-ca34-prps32-edo6-ind1s3
‘I keep/kept it white’
In (54) the subject has caused the patient to be and stay white. Example
(52) gives no information about the way the state of being white came about.
With atelic verbs, -(kü)le-, -nie- and -künu- denote an ongoing event.
(55) weyel-küle-n
swim-st28-ind1s3
‘I am/was swimming’
(56) weyel-nie-fi-n
32 6 3
swim-prps -edo -ind1s
‘I keep/kept him swimming’
(57) weyel-künu-fi-n
32 6 3
swim-pfps -edo -ind1s
‘I let him swim’
25.3 Aspect 169
An intransitive atelic verb that takes -nie- or -künu- denotes a situation in

which the patient may or may not be agentive (cf. (57) and (53)). The subject
of a transitive atelic verb is coreferential with the subject of the corresponding
-nie- or -künu- form. The subject is the agent; the direct object is the patient.
(58) leli-fi-n
watch-edo6-ind1s3
‘I watched him’
(59) leli-nie-fi-n
32 6 3
watch-prps -edo -ind1s
‘I am/was watching him, I keep/kept an eye on him’
Verbs that contain -nie- or -künu- are transitive; the action is directed to-
wards the direct object. Verbs that contain -(kü)le- are intransitive; they do
not take a suffix in slot 6. Therefore, verbs that logically need a patient do not
take -(kü)le-, e.g.
(60) pe-nie-fi-n fey

32 6 3
see-prps -edo -ind1s he
‘I keep/kept an eye on him’
and not *pe-le-n.
Both -nie- and -künu- indicate that a state - either an ongoing event or the
result of an event - persists. In the case of -nie-, the subject makes an effort to
keep the state as it is (‘I keep/kept it white’ (52)). In the case of -künu-, the
subject makes no effort to change the state (‘I left it white’ (53)). The suffix
-nie- denotes an ongoing event which may or may not continue in the present;
-nie- is labelled Progressive Persistent (prps). The morpheme -künu- denotes
a past situation; the moment at which the state of the patient came about is
over; the state persists; the subject refrains from changing the state as it is.
The suffix -künu- is labelled Perfect Persistent (pfps).
The suffix -(kü)le- is labelled Stative (st). It denotes a state which may
or may not involve agentivity on the part of the subject, cf. amu-le-n ‘I am
going’, ellka-le-y ‘it is hidden’. With a few verbs, -(kü)le- may denote either
an ongoing event or the resulting state (26.28), e.g.
(61) la-le-y
28 4 3
die-st -ind -3
‘he is dead’, ‘he is dying’
The suffix -meke- which shares slot 28 with -(kü)le- stresses the agentivity
of the subject. It denotes an ongoing event. It is labelled Progressive (pr).
Forms which contain the morpheme -meke- may be transitive or intransitive.
Compare:
170 Introduction
(62) iñché ülkantu-meke-n

I sing-pr28-ind1s3
‘I am/was busy singing’
(63) iñché ülkantu-le-n

I sing-st28-ind1s3
‘I am/was singing’
(64) nütram-ka-w-meke-y-u
conversation-fac33-ref31-pr28-ind4-1ns3-d2
‘wed are/were busy talking to one another’
(65) nütram-ka-w-küle-y-u
33 31 28 4 3 2
conversation-fac -ref -st -ind -1ns -d
‘wed are/were talking to one another’
The suffix -meke- is infrequent. It may easily cause confusion with the se-
quence -me 20-ke 14- which consists of the direction marker -me Thither (Th)
and the constant feature marker (cf) -ke (see (49)).
Instead of the suffix -meke-, one often uses the adverb petú ‘still’ to denote
an ongoing event. One finds petú with telic and atelic verbs. A verb preceded
by petú denotes an event which continues beyond a certain point. Combined
with a perfective verb, petú denotes progress:
(66) petú lüq-üy

4 3
still white-ind -3
‘it is becoming white’ (compare (39))
When petú combines with an imperfective verb it is translated as ‘still’.
(67) petú ülkantu-le-y

still sing-st28-ind4-33
‘he is/was still singing’
Compare also the following forms (pinta- ‘to paint’):

pinta-y ‘he painted’
pinta-ke-y ‘he is/was a painter’
pinta-le-y ‘it is/was painted’
pinta-nie-fi-y ‘he keeps/kept it painted’
pinta-künu-fi-y ‘he left it painted’
pinta-meke-y ‘he is/was busy painting’
petú pinta-y ‘he is/was (still) painting’
Stative suffixes may co-occur with the constant feature markers -ke- cf14 or
-ye- cf5.
25.3 Aspect 171
(68) pinta-meke-ke-y
paint-pr28-cf14-ind4-33
‘he is always busy painting’
The suffix -(kü)le-, however, seldom co-occurs with -ke- cf or -ye- cf.
The verbs meke- ‘to be busy’, müle- ‘to be’ (locative), miaw- ‘to wander’ and
nie- ‘to get, to have’ do not take a suffix in slots 32 or 28.
The verb nge- ‘to be’ (existential) and verbs that contain the verbalizer -nge-
36
(permanent quality) may co-occur with -(kü)le-28:
(69) witran-nge-le-pa-y
28 17 4 3
visitor-be-st -hh -ind -3
‘he is being a visitor’ cf. (7) in 26.28
The verbs troki- ‘to opine’ and uam- ‘to need, to want’ and verbs preceded
by the auxiliaries küpá ‘wishing’, pepı́ ‘being able’ and kim ‘knowing how to’
can take a suffix in slots 32 or 28:
(70) küpá leli-fi-n
wishing look.at-edo6-ind1s3
‘I want to look at him’
(71) küpá leli-nie-fi-n

wishing look.at-prps32-edo6-ind1s3
‘I want to keep an eye on him’
The imperfective aspectuals, in particular -ke-, -(kü)le- and -nie- are very
frequent. After all, the large majority of the verbs without an aspectual have
perfective meaning. Mapuche has a few aspectuals which co-occur with both
perfective and imperfective verbs. They are the impeded action marker -fu-8,
the repeated action marker -tu-16, the continued action marker -ka-16, the in-
terrupted action marker -(ü)r-18 and the repeatedly interrupted action marker
-yekü-18.
The suffix -fu- fills slot 8. It is labelled Impeditive (ipd). It is used to indicate
the unsuccessful completion of an event, e.g.
(72) anü-fu-n
sit.down-ipd8-ind1s3
‘I sat down’ (and something went wrong; e.g. the chair fell, or I did not
feel comfortable)
With verbs that denote a characteristic or constant feature, -fu- has a rather
neutral meaning: it indicates that the situation has ended. Compare:
(73) turpu nie-ke-la-fu-n koche
never have-cf14-neg10-ipd8-ind1s3 car
‘I never had a car’ (but now I have)
172 Introduction
(74) turpu nie-ke-la-n koche

never have-cf14-neg10-ind1s3 car
‘I never had a car’ (and I still don’t)
The suffixes -tu- and -ka- fill slot 16. They are mutually exclusive. The suffix
-tu- indicates that a situation is repeated or restored. Since it parallels the
meaning of the Latin prefix re-, -tu- is labelled re.
(75) amu-tu-y-iñ
go-re16-ind4-1ns3-p2
‘wep went again’, ‘wep went back’
The suffix -ka- indicates that a situation is continued beyond a certain mo-
ment. It is labelled Continuative (cont).
(76) müle-ka-y ta-mi chaw?
16 4 3
be-cont -ind -3 the-poss2s father
‘is yours father still there?’
The suffixes -(ü)r- (-ür- after C, -r- after V) and -yekü- fill slot 18. They
do not co-occur. Both suffixes denote a situation which is interrupted by the
occurrence of an event. The morpheme -(ü)r- indicates that the situation is
interrupted once whereas the morpheme -yekü- indicates that the situation
is interrupted repeatedly. They are labelled Interruptive (itr). Both -(ü)r-
and -yekü- obligatorily co-occur with a direction marker. The suffix -(ü)r- co-
occurs with -pa- Hither17 (towards the speaker) or -pu- Locative17 (location
elsewhere). The suffix -yekü- co-occurs with -pa- hh17 or -me- Thither20 (away
from the speaker).
(77) anü-r-pa-n
18 17 3
sit.down-itr -hh -ind1s
‘on my way here, I sat down’
(78) anü-yekü-pa-n
18 17 3
sit.down-itr -hh -ind1s
‘on my way here, I sat down every now and then’
The suffix -(ü)r- is also used to denote a dynamic situation which is viewed
as consisting of several successive phases and develops gradually towards the
present (when -(ü)r- co-occurs with -pa- hh17) or towards another moment of
orientation (when -(ü)r- co-occurs with -pu- loc17).
(79) kim-nie-r-pu-y kom tüfa-chi ungu
32 18 17 4 3
learn-prps -itr -loc -ind -3 all this-adj matter
‘he gradually became aware of all these things’
The suffix -(k)iaw-30 (-kiaw- after C, -yaw- after V) is not an aspectual but
implies imperfective meaning. It denotes an ongoing event which involves mo-
25.3 Aspect 173
vement in no particular direction. The suffix -(k)iaw- is labelled Circular mo-

vement (circ).
(80) wirar-kiaw-üy
30 4 3
scream-circ -ind -3
‘he screams/screamed all over the place’
The suffixes -nie- (Progressive Persistent), -künu- (Perfect Persistent) and
meke- (Progressive) parallel the verbal stems nie- ‘to get, to have, to hold’,
künu- ‘to let (something or someone be)’ and meke- ‘to be busy’ respectively.
The stative suffix -(kü)lest and the circular movement marker -(k)iaw- circ
are clearly associated with the verbal stems müle- ‘to be’ (location) and miaw-
‘to wander’ respectively. These verbal stems do not co-occur with the homop-
honous suffixes. I treat -nie-, -künu-, -(kü)le-, -meke- and -(k)iaw- as suffixes
for reasons to be discussed in section 29.1.
An important distinction which bears on aspectual meaning is the distinction
between realized and non-realized situations. Slot 9 is filled by the suffix -a-
which indicates non-realization. A verb which contains -a- nrld9 denotes a
situation which is presented as not being an actual fact. It denotes a situation
that will, must or may take place. In the latter case, -a- is combined with the
impeditive marker -fu-8, see 26.8.
(81) chew amu-a-y-m-i?
where go-nrld9-ind4-23-s2
‘where do yous go?’, ‘where will yous go?’
(82) amu-la-ya-y-m-i
10 9 4 3 2
go-neg -nrld -ind -2 -s
‘yous will not go’, ‘yous shall not go’
(83) amu-a-fu-y-m-i
9 8 4 3 2
go-nrld -ipd -ind -2 -s
‘yous could go’, ‘yous might go’
The most frequent use of the suffix -a- nrld9 is to indicate that a situation
is expected to take place at some moment following the speech moment or
another orientation moment. An -a- form is therefore usually translated as
future tense. The suffix -a- occurs in perfective and imperfective verbs.
(84) leli-a-e-y-u
9 6 4 3 2 1
watch-nrld -ido -ind -1ns -d -ds
‘I shall watch yous’
(85) leli-nie-a-e-y-u
32 9 6 4 3 2 1
watch-prps -nrld -ido -ind -1ns -d -ds
‘I will keep an eye on you ’ s
174 Introduction
A perfective verb that denotes the transition from one situation to another
and takes -a- tends to stress the beginning of the situation.
(86) lüq-a-y
9 4 3
white-nrld -ind -3
‘it will become white’
A verb with an empty slot 9 denotes a situation which is presented as realized.
Such an unmarked form will usually be interpreted by the hearer as denoting
a situation which is an actual fact. He will understand that the denoted event
has taken place or that the transition from one situation to another has taken
place.
Any verb form except the imperative, the infinitive (marked -(ü)n pvn4)
and the completive subjective verbal noun which is marked -(ü)wma 4 may
take the suffix -a- with the restriction that the aspectuals -ke- cf14 and -ye-
cf5, which mark for constant feature, and the pluperfect tense marker -mu-7
cannot co-occur with -a- nrld9. There is an obvious semantic reason for this
incompatibility: a completed event denoted by -(ü)wma 4 or an event which
results in a situation which is presented as a characteristic or constant feature
denoted by -ke-14 or -ye-5, or an event which is realized before an orientation
moment in the past denoted by -mu-7 has ipso facto taken place.
Verbs that denote a situation of some duration - i.e. lexically imperfective
verbs, verbs that take an imperfective aspectual (-ke-, -ye-, -meke-, -(kü)le-,
or -nie-) or perfective verbs which are preceded by petú ‘still’ - and are not
marked -a- nrld9 denote a situation which is presented as an actual fact and
which may continue up to the present moment. Such verbs may be translated
as present or past tense.
(87) nie-y-iñ weshá kosecha

have-ind4-1ns3-p2 bad harvest
‘we have/had a bad harvest’ (nie- ‘to have’ is imperfective, nie- ‘to get’
p
is perfective)
A situation denoted by the constant feature markers -ke- cf14 or -ye- cf5
which takes place during an extended period of time is implied to continue
up to the present moment unless explicitly disclaimed by -fu- ipd8. Durative
situations denoted by a lexically imperfective verb or a stative suffix may or
may not continue in the present. If they do not, this can be specified by -fu-
ipd8, the pluperfect markers -mu-7 or -(ü)wye-15, the nominalizer -(ü)wma 4
which denotes the completion of an event, by lexical means or by the context.
(88) kiñe tripantu-mu nie-y-iñ weshá kosecha

4 3 2
one year-inst have-ind -1ns -p bad harvest
‘a year ago, wep had a bad harvest’
25.4 Auxiliaries 175
(89) pepı́ kü aw-ün

being.able work-ind1s3
‘I can/could work’
(pepı́ denotes a durative situation: the subject has acquired an ability and
continues to have that ability)
(90) fücha-lu newé pepı́ kü aw-we-la-n
old-svn4 not.very being.able work-ps19-neg10-ind1s3
‘when I got old, I could not work much any more’
Perfective verbs that do not take -a- nrld in slot 9 are translated as past
tense. They denote either a complete event which is presented as having actu-
ally taken place (see (35–37)) or the transition from one situation to another
which is presented as having actually taken place (see (38–39)). A -künu- form
that does not contain -a- is translated as past tense because the choice of tense
is contingent upon the moment the subject refrains from changing the state of
the patient. That moment has actually passed (cf. (53) lüq-künu-fi-n ‘I (have)
left it white’, (52) lüq-nie-fi-n ‘I keep/kept it white’).
For the sake of convenience, imperfective verbs will hence be translated as
present tense.
25.4 Auxiliaries
An auxiliary is an uninflected verb stem which immediately precedes the verb
with which it is combined. Mapuche has the following auxiliaries:
pepı́ ‘being able’
kim ‘knowing how to’
küpá ‘wishing’
shingé ‘moving up’
kalli ‘enabling’
(91) pepı́ kü aw-la-n
being.able work-neg10-ind1s3
‘I am not able to work’
(92) küpá pu-le-n liwen

wishing arrive-st28-ind1s3 morning
‘I want to arrive in the morning’
(93) kim tuku-fi-n

knowing put.at-edo6-ind1s3
‘I know how to put it’
(94) pichi shingé amu-m-ün

little moving.up go-imp4-23-p2
176 Introduction
‘move up a little, youp’

The morpheme kalli ‘enabling’ is seldom used. It indicates that the event
denoted by the verb is allowed, possible or at least not impeded. The auxiliary
kalli combines with third person imperatives.
(95) kalli ungu-pe
enabling speak-imp33
‘let him speak’
According to Augusta (1916: 81–82) kalli can also combine with first person
imperatives and with subordinates.
The stems pepı́ ‘being able’, kalli ‘enabling’ and kim ‘knowing how to’ can be
inflected in other contexts. The stem pepı́ obligatorily takes the transitivizer
-l-33 or the factitive -ka-33, e.g. pepi-l- ‘to be able to do something’, pepi-ka-
‘to prepare’. The morpheme kalli combines with -ka- fac33, e.g. kalli-ka-w- ‘to
take one’s ease’. The verb root kim- can be translated as ‘to learn’, ‘to know’.
Compare with (93):
(96) kim-tuku-fi-n
learn-put.at-edo6-ind1s3
‘I gradually got to understand/know it’
Between kim and tuku-fi-n in (93) a pause can be heard which is lacking in
(96). In a few compound verbs the verb tuku- adds aspectual value (29.1).
Chapter 26
Slots
26.0 Introduction
Verbal suffixes have been assigned to a slot on the basis of their relative position
in the verb form and their function. There are 36 slots. They are numbered
from the end of the verb form toward the beginning, slot 1 occupying word
final position and slot 36 being closest to the root. Some slots have several
mutually exclusive fillers, one of which may be a zero marker. Suffixes which
occupy different slots may exclude one another for grammatical or semantic
reasons.
Slots 1–15 contain flectional suffixes, which have a fixed position. Slots 16–
27 contain derivational suffixes, some of which are mobile. Slots 27–36 contain
derivational suffixes which have a fixed position, except for the rather mobile
suffix -(u)w-, which usually fills slot 31 and marks reflexivity/reciprocity. Mo-
bile suffixes have been assigned to the position in which they most frequently
occur. A difference of order of the suffixes does not always result in a semantic
difference.
The mobility of some verbal suffixes does not fail to affect the validity of the
system of assigning each suffix to a slot. The slot system is more rigid than can
be accounted for by the data. However, the great majority of the verbal suffixes
have a fixed position and a clear function, which permits the establishment of
slots. Wherever a suffix deviates from the rule, this will be mentioned in the
section in which the relevant suffix is described.
Suffixes which indicate direction and the reflexive/reciprocal marker -(u)w-31
may be part of the stem. The first member of a compound may take a suffix
in slots 33, 34 or 35.
In this chapter each slot will be discussed, starting with slot 1 and finishing up
with slot 36. A few suffixes which are so infrequent that it has not been possible
to establish their position among the other suffixes are described in chapter 27.
Derivational nominalizers are discussed in chapter 28. Improductive suffixes
are dealt with in 27.2 and 28.2.
178 Slots
26.1 Slot 1. Dative subject

Slot 1 has one overt filler, -(m)ew, and one zero filler. The suffix -(m)ew
indicates a third person agent, unmarked for number. A zero filler in slot
1 marks a first or second person singular agent. When -∅1 co-occurs with a
1s subject, it indicates a 2s agent. When -∅1 co-occurs with a 1d subject, it
indicates a 1s agent. A dative subject marker (ds) necessarily co-occurs with
the internal direct object marker -e- ido6. The suffix -e- indicates that the
referent of the subject marker is the patient of the event and can be identified
on the basis of the context. The subject may be a first or a second person, or a
third person which is in focus at the moment of speaking. The dative subject
marker occurs with all (transitive) verbs.
(1) pataka aylla tripantu nie-n, pi-e-n-ew
hundred nine year have-ind1s3, say-ido6-ind1s3-ds1
‘“I am 109 years old”, he told me’
(2) chem-pi-e-n rumé, feyentu-ke-la-e-y-u

what-say-ido6-ind1s3-ds1 -ever, believe-cf14-neg10-ido6-ind4-1ns3-d2-ds1
‘no matter what you say to me, I don’t believe yous’
s
Note that the sequence ae is usually realized as a diphtong but may be

replaced by a (see 18.1.4.1 and (156–157) in 26.4.8.3).
(3) Xuan nü-tu-y ñi libru fey ñi nü-ñma-wye-e-t-ew
16 4 3
Juan take-re -ind -3 poss3 book he poss3 take-io26-plpf15-ido6-avn4-ds1
Luis
Luis
‘Juan took back his book which Luis had taken away from him (Juan)’
For the use and distribution of ds markers I refer to the introduction on verbal
morphology, section 25.2.3. Historically, the dative subject suffix -(m)ew may
be connected with the nominal suffix -mew ∼ -mu which marks an instrumental
object (see 10.1). Synchronically, the two are definitely distinct. The suffix -
mew inst, which alternates with -mu, is a nominal suffix, whereas -(m)ew ds1,
which does not alternate with -mu, is a verbal suffix. In the verbal noun in (4)
the two suffixes occur together.
(4) poye-ke-la-n ñi chaw ñi kewa-ke-e-t-ew-mew
14 10 3 14 6 4 1
like-cf -neg -ind1s poss1s father poss1s beat-cf -ido -avn -ds -inst
‘I don’t like my father because he always beats me’
26.2 Slot 2. Number

All number markers are slot 2 fillers. They differentiate singular, dual and
plural. The dual is both inclusive and exclusive. The following suffixes indicate
number:
26.2 Slot 2. Number 179
-∅ singular , for 1Cond and 2Ind in forms that contain -(m)ew ds1
-i singular , for 2Ind and 2Cond
-u dual , for 1nsInd, 1Cond, 2Ind, 2Cond, 2Imp and 3Ind
-iñ plural , for 1nsInd and 1Cond
-ün plural , for 2Ind, 2Cond, 2Imp, and 3Ind
In the chart in 25.2.1, the number markers are presented in combination with
the subject markers. Number markers are coreferential with subject markers
except where the relationships 1s → 2s and 1 → 2 (total > 2) are concerned,
for which see 25.2.3 and 25.2.4. Since only predicates take subject markers, it
follows that number markers occur in predicates only.
Number marking is obligatory for the first and second person; it is optional
for the third person.
Indicative forms show a two-term number distinction for the third person,
with an unmarked term referring to the third person irrespective of number and
a marked term (-ng-) referring to the third person non-singular. The morpheme
-ng- is obligatorily followed by either -u d or -ün p. The sequence -ng-u/-ng-ün
is the bound form of engu/engün 3d/3p (see chapter 15). Number marking for
third person subject does not co-occur with a dative subject marker.
Personal pronouns may be used to indicate third person number in conditi-
onal and imperative forms. Compare:
(1) fey amu-nu-l-e, amu-la-ya-n

he go-neg10-cond4-33, go-neg10-nrld9-ind1s3
‘if he does not go, I won’t go either’
(2) amu-nu-l-e engu, amu-la-ya-n

10 4 3 10 9 3
go-neg -cond -3 theyd, go-neg -nrld -ind1s
‘if theyd dont’t go, I won’t go either’
(3) amu-nu-l-e engün, amu-la-ya-n

p
go-neg10-cond4-33 they , go-neg10-nrld9-ind1s3
‘if theyp don’t go, I won’t go either’
(4) (fey-engün) amu-la-y-ng-ün

(that-theyp) go-neg10-ind4-3ns3-p2
‘theyp did not go’
(5) amu-la-y engün

p
go-neg10-ind4-3 they
‘theyp did not go’
Third person number tends not to be indicated when the referent of the
subject marker is inanimate or its number is indicated or implied by nominal
suffixes, lexical means or the context.
180 Slots
(6) kallfü-nge-y ñi nge

blue-verb36-ind4-33 poss1s eye
‘my eyes are blue’
(7) kallfü-le-y ñi nge

blue-st28-ind4-33 poss1s eye
‘my eye is blue’ (i.e. my eye is bruised)
(8) re pu longko traw-uw-ke-fu-y

only coll leader get.together-ref31-cf14-ipd8-ind4-33
‘only the leaders used to get together’
(9) alün Mapuche la-y

large.quantity Mapuche die-ind4-33
‘many Mapuche died’
There is a striking difference between the speakers LQ and RR in the use of
third person number markers. In the speech of LQ, who is a very articulate
speaker, third person number is nearly always indicated, whereas it is often left
out in the lively speech of RR.
Salas (1979b) calls -ng-u and -ng-ün pseudo-suffixes, “resultantes de una
reducción por enclisis de las formas libres engu y engün” (Salas 1979b: 227).
Based on the lack of third person number markers, the obligatory use of number
markers for the first and second person, the lack of a third person pronoun
(fey is a “deı́ctico anafórico” (Salas 1979b: 231)), the existence of first and
second person pronouns which differentiate number and the lack of number
marking in substantives, Salas concludes once more that “. . . dialogismo y
egocentrismo no son rasgos aislados en la estructura gramatical del Mapuche
sino son omnipresentes en sus puntos cruciales” (Salas 1979b: 236).
26.3 Slot 3. Subject

Subject markers are slot 3 fillers. Predicates obligatorily take a subject marker
and have a modal marker in slot 4. Subordinates have an empty subject slot
and take a flectional nominalization marker in slot 4.
For a presentation and discussion of subject morphemes I refer to the in-
troduction on verbal morphology, section 25.2.1. The analysis of the subject
markers presented in this book is accounted for in the following chapter, section
26.4.1. See also the appendix for the transitive and intransitive paradigms.
26.4 Slot 4. Mood and flectional nominalization

Every verb form takes a slot 4 filler. A predicate takes a modal suffix in slot 4;
a subordinate takes a flectional nominalizer in slot 4. A modal suffix is always
followed by a slot 3 filler. A subordinate has an empty slot 3.
The moods are the indicative, the conditional and the imperative. They are
26.4 Slot 4. Mood and flectional nominalization 181
dealt with in sections 26.4.1–26.4.4. Mapuche has seven flectional nominalizers.

They are discussed in sections 26.4.5–26.4.11.
There are three negation markers: -la- for indicative forms, -ki- for imperative
forms and -nu- for conditional forms and subordinates. The negation markers
fill slot 10, see 26.10.
26.4.1 Introduction to mood

The following suffixes indicate mood:
-(ü)y- Indicative, -üy in the environments C-# or C-C,
-y- elsewhere,
-(ü)l- Conditional, -ül- in the environment C-C,
-ül- ∼ -l- in the environment C-e#,
-l- elsewhere,
-∅- Imperative, with 2d and 2p. With 1s, 2s and 3,
the imperative mood is encoded in portemanteau morphs.
The chart below gives a summary of mood, subject and number markers.
mood IND COND IMP
person
1s -(ü)n3 -l 4-i3-∅2 -chi3
1d -y -∅ -u
4 3 2
-l -i -u
4 3 2
1p -y4-∅3-iñ2 -l 4-i3-iñ2
2s -(ü)y4-m3-i2 -(ü)l 4-m3-i2 -nge3
2d -(ü)y -m -u
4 3 2
-(ü)l -m -u
4 3 2
-∅4-m3-u2
2p -(ü)y -m -ün
4 3 2
-(ü)l -m -ün
4 3 2
-∅4-m3-ün2
3 -(ü)y4-∅3 -(ü)l 4-e3 -pe3
3d -(ü)y -ng -u
4 3 2
3p -(ü)y4-ng3-ün2
Portemanteau morphs which include a subject marker are assigned subject
position (slot 3), see 25.2.1. After C, the ending -yiñ (1pind) alternates with
-üyiñ, and -yu (1dind) alternates with -üyu (MM: also -iyiñ and -iyu), see
8.1.4.
There are no 1d and 1p imperative forms, 1d and 1p indicative forms may
be used adhortatively, see 26.4.3.
An alternative analysis of the endings of indicative forms would be the follo-
wing: y indicates 1ns in indicative forms. This would be supported by the fact
that -i- is a first person marker in conditional forms and that y can be found
in the 1d and 1p possessive pronouns, yu poss1d and yiñ poss1p.
A second alternative analysis would be: y indicates third person. This would
be supported by the fact that y marks third person subject in conditional forms
that take the dative subject marker -(m)ew 1.
However, comparing 2ind and 2cond, it is obvious that -y- is not a person
marker. The fact that -y- and -l- occupy the same position and the fact that
182 Slots
-l- is a mood marker press the conclusion that -y- is a mood marker.
A different analysis, -y- is a mood marker and -y- is a person marker, has to
be refuted on the following grounds:
1. the second -y- does not have distinctive features. Replacement of the second
-y- by another element does not result in a different verb form.
2. a sequence of three consonants is impossible in Mapuche and would neces-
sarily lead to -insertion. A schwa is found between the endings -yu or -yiñ
and a preceding consonant (also -i- in the speech of MM) but is optional
and infrequent.
Finally, I have analyzed -pe imp3 as a portemanteau morph on the analogy of
the two other portemanteau morphs which can be found in the same paradigm:
-chi imp1s and -nge imp2s. One might analyze -pe as consisting of -p- imp4 and
-e 3 third person, considering that third person subject in conditional forms is
indicated by -e. It is, however, not evident that an imperative and conditional
form with -e- share a semantic element which distinguishes them from an indi-
cative form. For a résumé of all subject and mood markers, see the appendix.
26.4.2 Indicative
An indicative form expresses a statement about an event taking place.
(1) karü mollfüñ-tu-y ta ti che
green/raw blood-verb36-ind4-3 the the person
‘he ate raw blood, that one!’
(2) fey-ta-chi silla tüyé fente-y
that-the-adj chair that.over.there that.much-ind4-33
‘this chair is as big as that chair’
(3) inché fey-pi-e-y-u welu feyentu-la-e-n
I that-say-ido6-ind4-1ns3-d2-ds1 but believe-neg10-ido6-ind1s3-ds1
‘I told you but you did not believe me’
s s
(4) tuchi rüpü ina-ya-n?

which road follow-nrld10-ind1s3
‘which road shall I follow?’
(5) ew angi -üy chiam tüfa-chi ilo sanchu?
already dry-ind4-33 part this-adj meat pig
‘did this pork dry up yet?’
For interrogative indicative forms, see chapter 17 and chapter 32. 1d and 1p
indicative forms may express exhortation, for which see 26.4.4, (32) and (33).
26.4.3 Conditional
A subordinate conditional form expresses a contingency. It generally precedes
the main clause. The verb in the main clause indicates an event the realization
of which is dependent on the fulfilment of the condition put forward in the

conditional clause.
(6) mawün-l-e, tripa-la-ya-n

rain-cond4-33, leave-neg10-nrld9-ind1s3
‘if it rains, I will not go out’
(7) allkü-tu-nie-l-e-n; ngüma-l-e ñi pichi-che

hear-tr33-prps32-ben27-ido6-ind1s3-ds1; cry-cond4-33 poss1s small-person
fey-pi-a-e-n
9 6 3 1
that-say-nrld -ido -ind1s -ds
‘listen for me; if my baby cries, yous will/must tell me’
(8) iñché pe-rume-l-i plata, ruka ngilla-fem-a-fu-n

21 4 3 2 21 9 8 3
I see-sud -cond -1 -s money, house buy-imm -nrld -ipd -ind1s
‘if I were suddenly to see money, I would immediately buy a house’
(9) eymi petú i-l-m-i, chilla-l-a-e-y-u mi

s
you still eat-cond4-23-s2, saddle-ben27-nrld9-ido6-ind4-1ns3-d2-ds1 poss2s
kawellu
horse
‘if meanwhile yous go on eating, I will saddle yours horse for yous’
(10) ew moyo-l-ül-m-i mi püñeñ, kellu-pa-ya-e-n

already suck-ca34-cond4-23-s2 poss2s child, help-hh17-nrld9-ido6-ind1s3-ds1
‘if you have finished nursing your child, yous will/must come and help
s s
me’
Concessive value is added by the adverb rumé ‘-ever’.
(11) mawün-l-e rumé, tripa-ya-n (Compare with (6))

4 3 9 3
rain-cond -3 -ever, leave-nrld -ind1s
‘even if it rains, I will go out’
(12) tunté kulli-l-i rumé, mütewe nu

how.much pay-cond4-13-s2 -ever, much neg
‘no matter how much I pay, [it is] not enough’ (lit.: . . . it is not much)
For rumé see also chapter 12 (14).
A conditional form seldom takes the non-realized action marker -a- nrld9. A
conditional form which takes -a- denotes an event which is presented as going
to take place in the immediate future, whereas an event which is denoted by a
conditional form not containing -a- may or may not take place.
184 Slots
(13) fey-pi-a-l-m-i, kümé witra-künu-w-a-y-m-i

that-say-nrld9-cond4-23-s2, good get.up-pfps32-ref31-nrld9-ind4-23-s2
‘if yous are going to speak, yous must stand up right’
For -a- nrld9, see 26.9.
A conditional form can take the impeditive marker -fu-8. When it combines
with the conditional, -fu- indicates that the event did not take place or did not
take place according to expectation (for -fu-, see 26.8). Compare:
(14) eymi müle-fu-l-m-i, kü aw-a-fu-y-u

s 8 4 3 2 9 8 4 3 2
you be-ipd -cond -2 -s , work-nrld -ipd -ind -1ns -d
‘if yous had been [here], wed could have worked’
(15) eymi müle-l-m-i, kü aw-a-fu-y-u

yous be-cond4-23-s2, work-nrld9-ipd8-ind4-1ns3-d2
‘if yous are [here], wed might work’
(16) aku-wye-fu-l-m-i, pe-pa-ya-fwi-y-m-i

arrive-plpf15-ipd8-cond4-23-s2, see-hh17-nrld9-ipd8.edo6-ind4-23-s2
‘if yous had arrived [by then], yous would have seen him’
The conditional clause generally precedes the main clause unless wülá ‘then’
follows the conditional form, e.g.
(17) iñché amu-a-n rupan kü aw-l-i wülá

9 3 4 3 2
I go-nrld -ind1s after work-cond -1 -s then
‘I shall go if I am through with my work’ (lit.: I shall go if I have finished
working then)
Compare:
(18) fey-pi-e-l-y-u, wülá ungu-a-y-m-i

6 4 3 2 1 9 4 3 2
that-say-ido -cond -1ns -d -ds , then speak-nrld -ind -2 -s
‘if I tell yous, then yous must speak’
(19) ungu-la-ya-y-m-i, fey-pi-e-l-y-u wülá

10 9 4 3 2 6 4 3 2 1
speak-neg -nrld -ind -2 -s , that-say-ido -cond -1ns -d -ds then
‘yous will not speak until I tell yous so’
A conditional form can be the main verb of a sentence. In that case it
necessarily takes the impeditive suffix -fu-8. Such a conditional form expresses
a wish or a proposition.
(20) fey-engün aku-nu-fu-l-e!

that-theyp arrive-neg10-ipd8-cond4-33
‘if only theyp would not arrive!’
(21) iñché ewma-fe-l-y-u kay makuñ?

I make-ipd8.ido6-cond4-1ns3-d2-ds1 part coat
‘what if I would make a coat for yous?’
(22) kom amu-fu-l-i-iñ kay?

8 4 3 2
all go-ipd -cond -1 -p part
‘why don’t wep all go?’ (lit.: if wep all go?)
The particle kay can be used to express a proposition, see 33.4.
When a conditional clause which occurs as a main clause contains the ex-
pression pewmangen ‘hopefully’, the suffix -fu- is optional.
(23) pewmangen fach-antü mawün-l-e
4 3
hopefully this-day rain-cond -3
‘if only it would rain today’
⟨ The word pewmangen may be derived from pewma- ‘to dream’, which may
contain pe- ‘to see’ and uma- ‘to stay’ ⟩
The conditional marker -l- combines with negative imperative forms, for
which see 26.4.4.
26.4.4 Imperative
An imperative form which takes a second person subject expresses an order or
a prohibition.
(24) matukel-m-ün!
quick-imp4-23-p2
‘hurry up youp!’
(25) wirar-ki-l-nge
10 4 3
shout-neg -cond -imp2s
‘don’t shout!’
With a first or third person subject, the imperative indicates a proposition
or a wish.
(26) amu-chi may!
go-imp1s3 part
‘I’m off’
(27) entu-chi tüfá

take.out-imp1s3 this
‘let me take this out’
(28) i-pe mütem engün!

3
eat-imp3 only theyp
‘let them just eat’
p
186 Slots
(29) chew rumé rüngkü-pe!

where -ever jump-imp33
‘let him jump wherever he wants to’
(30) küme-le-pe ñi fochüm!

good-st28-imp33 poss1s son
‘may my son be all right’
(31) koyla-tu-ki-l-pe engün!

p
lie-tr33-neg10-cond4-imp33 they
‘may theyp not lie’
There is no 1d and 1p imperative. Instead, 1d and 1p Ind may express
adhortation.
(32) i-y-u
4 3 2
eat-ind -1ns -d
‘wed ate’, ‘let’sd eat’
(33) püra-kawellu-nge, anay, amu-y-u!

3 4 3 2
climb-horse-imp2s , friend, go-ind -1ns -d
‘get on yours horse, friend, let’sd go!’
Note that when 1d and 1p Ind are used adhortatively, negation is indicated by
-ki-l-, which combines with imperative forms, and not by -la-, which combines
with indicative forms, e.g. amu-ki-l-y-u ‘let’s not go!’ (for negative imperative
forms, see below, 26.10 and the appendix).
The transitive imperative paradigm is incomplete:
1. There is no 2s → 1s imperative form. Instead, 2s → 1s Ind may express an
order, e.g. leli-e 6-n 3 ‘yous watched me’, ‘watch me!’
The other subject markers in 2 → 1 imperative forms are regular: -mu 23-
chi 3 for 2 → 1s, -mu 23-y 4-u 2 for 2 → 1d and -mu 23-y 4-iñ 2 for 2 → 1p, e.g.
leli-mu-chi ‘watch me!’, leli-mu-ki-l-chi ‘don’t watch me!’.
2. Transitive imperative forms with a third person agent are uncommon. Only
3 → 1s and 3 → 3 imperative forms (with the external direct object suffix
-fi- edo6) occur in spontaneous use.
(34) leli-e-chi-mu!
6 3 1
watch-ido -imp1s -ds
‘may he watch me’
(35) ramtu-fi-pe ñi ñuke!

6 3
ask-edo -imp3 poss3 mother
‘may he ask his mother’
Imperative forms with a third person agent and a first person dual or plural
patient or a second person patient have been elicited from LQ only. He used
the following endings:
-pe-y-u-mu 3 → 1d
-pe-y-iñ-mu 3 → 1p
-pe-y-mu 3 → 2s
-pe-y-m-u-mu 3 → 2d
-pe-y-m-ün-mu 3 → 2p
e.g. leli-pe-y-mu ‘may he watch yous’, leli-ki-l-pe-y-mu ‘may he not watch yous’.
The reliability of these forms is doubtful. I never found them in spontaneous
use. LQ did not always confirm them. RR did not accept them. And MM
would translate leli-pe-y-mu as ‘he just looked at yous’, interpreting -peas the
proximity marker which fills slot 13.
Imperative forms which express an X → 3 relationship are regular. Beside
-fi-nge imp2s → 3 one may find -fe, e.g.
(36) i-fi-nge/i-fe
6 3 6 3
eat-edo -imp2s /eat-edo .imp2s
‘eat it!’
Negative imperative forms present a few problems:
The suffix -ki- indicates negation in imperative forms. Compare:
(37) amu-ki-l-y-u
10 4 3 2
go-neg -cond -1ns -d
‘let’sd not go’
(38) amu-la-y-u
go-neg10-ind4-1ns3-d2
‘wed did not go’
(39) amu-nu-l-i-u
go-neg10-cond4-13-d2
‘if wed don’t go’
The suffix -ki- obligatorily combines with the conditional marker -l- in slot
4. This poses the problem of two mood markers in one form, e.g.
(40) leli-ki-l-nge!
watch-neg10-cond4-imp2s3
‘don’t watch!’
Beside -ki-l- one may use -ki 10-nu 10-l 4-, e.g. leli-ki-nu-l-nge ‘don’t watch!’.
The sequences -ki-l- and -ki-nu-l- do not seem to differ semantically. This is
the only exeption to the rule that suffixes which fill one slot do not co-occur.
The subject slot of negative imperative forms is filled by suffixes which other-
wise combine with non-negative imperative forms. However,
188 Slots
1. the subject marker in 2s → 1s negative imperative forms is -i, and not -chi,
which indicates 1s subject in imperative forms, nor -n as in leli-e-n ‘you
looked at me/ look at me’:
(41) leli-ki-e-l-i
10 6 4 3 2 1
watch-neg -ido -cond -1 -s -ds
‘don’t watch me!’
Compare:
(42) leli-nu-e-l-i
10 6 4 3 2 1
watch-neg -ido -cond -1 -s -ds
‘if yous don’t watch me’
2. the subject of 3 → 1s negative imperative forms is marked by either -chi or
-i, e.g.
(43) leli-ki-e-l-chi-mu/leli-ki-e-l-i-mu
10 6 4 3 1 10 6 4 3 2 1
watch-neg -ido -cond -imp1s -ds /watch-neg -ido -cond -1 -s -ds
‘may he not watch me’
In non-negative imperative 3 → 1s forms only -chi is used, see (34). For the
negative imperative paradigm see also the appendix.
Negative imperative froms are infrequent. Note that a negative command
can also be expressed by a negative indicative form which is marked -a- nrld9
for non-realized action, e.g. amu-la 10-ya 9-y 4-m 3-i 2 ‘yous must not go’, see 26.9.
26.4.5 Introduction to flectional nominalization

Subordinates are non-finite verb forms which have an empty subject slot (slot
3) and a flectional nominalizer in slot 4. There are seven flectional nominalizers:
-(ü)n Plain Verbal Noun (pvn), -ün after C, -n after V
-el Objective Verbal Noun (ovn)
-m Instrumental Verbal Noun (ivn)
-fiel Transitive Verbal Noun (tvn)
-t- Agentive Verbal Noun (avn)
-lu ∼ -∅ Subjective Verbal Noun (svn)
-(ü)wma Completive Subjective Verbal Noun (csvn), -üwma after C,
-wma after V.
Basically, all forms which take a flectional nominalizer occur as
1. subordinates of verbs, as subject, direct object, instrumental object or com-
plement noun phrase, indicating an event as such, a participant, an instru-
ment, time, place, reason, purpose or background event,
2. subordinates of nouns: they modify a noun,
3. predicates in a nominal sentence.
Some nominalized forms can be used as a finite verb form. The subject of a
subordinate is usually indicated by a possessive pronoun, which immediately
precedes the subordinate. However, when a subordinate is used as a temporal

or causal clause or as a finite verb form, the subject is indicated by a personal
pronoun.
(44) ramtu-e-y-u chew ñi müle-n
ask-ido6-ind4-1ns3-d2-ds1 where poss3 be-pvn4
‘I asked yous where he lives’
(45) lla kü-le-y-iñ ta-mi pi-el-mew

28 4 3 2 4
get.angry-st -ind -1ns -p the-poss2s say-ovn -inst
‘wep are angry because yous said [that]’, ‘wep are angry because of what
yous said’
(46) kim-nie-n mi entu-el
32 3 4
learn-prps -ind1s poss2s take.out-ovn
‘I know that yous took [it] out’, ‘I know what yous took out’
(47) kim-nie-n chem mi entu-el

learn-prps32-ind1s3 what poss2s take.out-ovn4
‘I know what yous took out’
(48) chew am ta müli-y ti ufisha ñi lang-üm-el?

where part the be-ind4-33 the sheep poss1s die-ca34-ovn4
‘where is the sheep that I killed?’
(49) ngilla-la-ya-y kofke nie-nu-lu plata

10 9 4 3 10 4
buy-neg -nrld -ind -3 bread have-neg -svn money
‘he who has no money will not buy bread’
(50) tüfá ñi küpa-le-n

28 4
this poss3 come-st -pvn
‘here he comes’
Forms which contain a flectional nominalizer are regularly inflected. Apart
from a subject marker and a coreferring number marker, subordinates can take
any verbal suffix. Forms which contain a derivational nominalizer do not take
verbal flectional suffixes. They can take derivational suffixes only. Nominalized
forms which contain a derivational nominalizer do not behave as verbs. They
are deverbal nouns, which do not contain reference to time, cf. (11–13) in 26.13.
Derivational nominalizers are dealt with in chapter 28.
The flectional nominalizers differ as follows:
1. The plain verbal noun suffix -(ü)n pvn cannot co-occur with the non-
realization marker -a- nrld9. An -(ü)n form is therefore unspecified for the
distinction realization/non-realization. The suffix -(ü)wma, which denotes
an event which has taken place and reached completion, can evidently not
190 Slots
combine with -a- nrld9 either. All other subordinates can take -a- nrld9.
The instrumental verbal noun suffix -m obligatorily co-occurs with either
the non-realized action marker -a- nrld9, the pluperfect tense marker -mu-
plpf7, the constant feature suffix -ye- cf5 or the sequence -pe-ye- px13-cf5
which contains the proximity marker -pe- and the constant feature suffix
-ye-.
2. Forms which contain the plain verbal noun marker -(ü)n, the objective
verbal noun suffix -el or the instrumental verbal noun marker -m are in-
transitive. They cannot take the internal direct object suffix -e- ido6, the
external direct object suffix -fi- edo6, the second person agent marker -mu-
2A23 or the first person agent marker -(u)w- 1A23. Forms which take the
transitive verbal noun suffix -fiel or the agentive verbal noun marker -t- are
by definition transitive. The transitive verbal noun marker -fiel obviously
contains the external direct object suffix -fi-. The suffix -fiel is, however,
treated as a single suffix because the use of -fi- in combination with -el is
very different from the use of -fi- edo6. The suffix -fiel cannot co-occur
with -e- ido6, -mu- 2A23 or -(u)w- 1A23. The agentive verbal noun marker
-t- obligatorily co-occurs with the external direct object suffix -e- ido6 and
the dative subject marker -ew ds1. It does not combine with -mu- 2A23 or
-(u)w- 1A23. The agent of an -e-t-ew form is always third person, unmarked
for number. The agent of a -fiel form can be first, second or third person.
A subordinate which contains the subjective verbal noun morpheme -lu can
take slot 6 and slot 23 fillers. The subjective verbal noun suffix -∅ and the
completive subjective verbal noun marker -(ü)wma do not combine with
-e-6, -fi-6, -mu-23 or -(u)w-23. In some exceptional cases I found -(ü)n, -el
and -fiel in combination with -mu-23 or -(u)w-23. They are mentioned in
section 26.23.
3. All subordinates, except those with -∅ svn, can occur as independent noun
phrase or as modifier of a noun phrase. The subjective verbal noun marker -
∅ occurs as modifier only. It obligatorily combines with the adjectivizer -chi .
For -chi, see 18.2.2. The modifiers -∅ svn and -(ü)n pvn always precede
the modified, whereas the modifier -lu svn always follows the modified.
Modifiers which contain -el, -m, -fiel, -t- or -(ü)wma may follow or precede
the modified. When these subordinates precede the modified they combine
with -chi adj. In careless speech -chi is sometimes left out.
The flectional nominalizers are used in various ways:

-(ü)n indicates an event as such, unspecified for the distinction realization/non-
realization.
An -(ü)n form occurs as an adjective denoting an attribute or quality of
the modified noun.
A third use of -(ü)n is to form a substantive denoting a person or thing
involved in the event referred to by the verb. Label: Plain Verbal Noun.
-el is primarily used as a passive participle, indicating the patient of the event.
It can also be used to indicate an event as such. The event denoted by

-el is either non-realized (marked -a- nrld9) or realized (unmarked).
The morpheme -el is seldom used as an instrumental/locative. Label:
Objective Verbal Noun.
-m is primarily used as an instrumental or a locative. It may also indicate an
event as such. In combination with -a- nrld9, -m may denote a purpose.
In combination with the constant feature suffix -ye- cf5, -m may be
used to form a temporal clause. The morpheme -m never denotes a
participant. Label: Instrumental Verbal Noun.
-fiel and -t- can be used as an infinitive, passive participle, locative or instru-
mental. The distinctions between -(ü)n, -el and -m are neutralized in
-fiel and -t-. Whereas -(ü)n, -el and -m are used in an intransitive scena-
rio, -fiel or -t- are used in a transitive scenario. Label of -fiel : Transitive
Verbal Noun.
The suffix -t- can also be used to denote the agent of an event. In that
case it alternates with -lu ∼ -∅. Label of -t-: Agentive Verbal Noun.
-lu, -∅ and -(ü)wma are used to denote the subject of an event. Label of -lu ∼
-∅: Subjective Verbal Noun.
The morpheme -(ü)wma, which is used to denote the subject of a com-
pleted event which has no present relevance, is labelled: Completive Sub-
jective Verbal Noun.
The morpheme -lu, and in special cases also -el, -fiel and -t-, can occur
as a temporal or causal clause. The subject is indicated by a personal
pronoun.
A form that contains -a 9-lu or -(ü)wma or, in special cases, -a 9-el or
-a 9-e-t-ew can be used as a finite verb form.
In short, the -(ü)n form (primarily an infinitive) is intransitive and unspe-
cified for the distinction realization/non-realization. Forms which contain -el
(primarily a passive participle) or -m- (primarily an instrumental/locative) are
intransitive but can take the non-realization marker -a-. The distinctions bet-
ween -(ü)n, -el and -m are neutralized in -fiel and -t- which may be used as an
infinitive, a passive participle or an instrumental/locative, are transitive and
can take the non-realization marker -a-.
It follows from the above that flectional nominalizers have a number of over-
lapping functions. It is nevertheless clear that most of these suffixes have one
primary function. One may therefore assume that historically the flectional
nominalizers had one distinct function and that the complexity and ambiguity
of the subordinates today is the result of a merger of functions. This process
is a likely consequence of the use and distribution of the nominalizers.
Much of the ambiguity of nominalized forms can be removed by the use of
interrogative pronouns, the instrumental -mew ∼ -mu or the context. Howe-
ver, speakers occasionaly prefer to use a predicate where a subordinate is not
satisfactory or too complicated.
For the sake of descriptive convenience I use the primary function as a starting
192 Slots
point for the discussion of each of the flectional nominalizers.

Subordinates do not often take aspectuals or tense markers. Subordinates
which can take -a- nrld9 and therefore denote a situation which is presented
as either realized or non-realized, can take the impeditive morpheme -fu- ipd8
(a suffix which specifies the course or the result of a situation). A situation
which is presented as realized or non-realized is by implication placed within
a certain time. A subordinate which denotes such a situation may therefore
take a tense marker (-mu- plpf7 or -(ü)wye- plpf15). Subordinates take less
derivational suffixes than predicates generally do.
Although verbal nouns can function as subject, direct object, instrumental
object or complement, they do not often occur in the function of direct object.
The suffixes are treated in the following order: -(ü)n pvn (26.4.6), -el (26.4.7),
-m (26.4.8), -fiel and -t- (26.4.9), -lu ∼ -∅ (26.4.10) and -(ü)wma (26.4.11).
26.4.6 -(ü)n Plain verbal noun

The three uses of -(ü)n are discussed in the following order: infinitive -(ü)n
(26.4.6.1), adjective -(ü)n (26.4.6.2), substantive -(ü)n (26.4.6.3).
26.4.6.1 Infinitive
The suffix -(ü)n indicates an event as such, unspecified for the distinction
realization/non-realization. It follows that -(ü)n does not co-occur with tense
markers. The suffix -(ü)n may combine with the aspectuals -ke- cf14, -(kü)le-
st28 or -meke- pr28.
An -(ü)n form does not contain reference to actants. It may, however, be
preceded by a possessive pronoun, which indicates the subject. The possessive
pronoun may be left out when the subject of the predicate and the subject of
the subordinate are referentially identical (e.g. (58)). A subject noun phrase
follows the -(ü)n form, as subject noun phrases of intransitive verbs tend to do
(e.g. (58)). For word order, see chapter 34.
Infinitive -(ü)n may function as subject (51–54), direct object (55–56), in-
strumental object (57–61) or complement (62–87). In (88) and (89), -(ü)n is
used as a predicate.
(51) pütrem-tu-n küme-la-y

cigarette-verb36-pvn4 good-neg10-ind4-33
‘smoking is not good’
(52) af-a-y kewa-n

9 4 3 4
stop-nrld -ind -3 fight-pvn
‘the fighting will stop’
(53) mari tripantu-nge-y ñi lantu-n

36 4 3 4
ten year-verb -ind -3 poss3 become.widower-pvn
‘it was ten years ago that he became a widower’
(54) . . . enggaña-nge-ki-y ta-yiñ pu familia, ta-yiñ pu

. . . deceive-pass23-cf14-ind4-33 the-poss1p coll family, the-poss1p coll
kü aw-fe-nge-n (10,16)
work-nom-verb36-pvn4
‘ourp families were deceived, and so were wep workers’ (lit.: they are
deceived our families, our being workers)
Compare also: ta-yiñ mapuche-nge-n ‘we Mapuche’ (lit.: our being Ma-
puche). See also 21.2.
(55) ta-mi wülel-ün ayü-la-fi-n

the-poss2s beat-pvn4 love-neg10-edo6-ind1s3
‘I don’t like yous to beat’
(56) kümé pe-nie-la-fi-n ñi pinta-le-n kam ñi

32 10 6 3 28 4
good see-prps -neg -edo -ind1s poss3 paint-st -pvn or poss3
pinta-le-nu-n
28 10 4
paint-st -neg -pvn
‘I can’t see (it) well whether it is painted or not’
A predicate can have two co-ordinate subordinates (56). The subjects of the
two subordinates are referentially identical. The adverb kam ‘or’ can, but need
not, stand between the subordinates, see also (65). Instead of two co-ordinate
subordinates, two co-ordinate predicates may be used. Thus, instead of (56)
one may find kümé pe-nie-la-fi-n pinta-le-y chi pinta-le-la-y chi ‘I can’t see (it)
well whether it is painted or not’, lit.: I can’t see it well, it is painted maybe, it
is not painted maybe. In such a construction, chi is obligatory. The morpheme
chi is a particle which expresses doubt, see 32.1.
In combination with subordinates, the instrumental suffix -mew ∼ -mu inst
often has causal meaning (57–59). With -(ü)n, however, -mew ∼ -mu may also
occur as an instrumental (60) or in the meaning of: ‘as far as . . . is concerned’,
‘with regard to’ (61).
(57) ñall anta mi ülmen-nge-n-mew llüka-ya-e-y-u!

36 4 9 6 4 3 2 1
just part poss2s rich-verb -pvn -inst become.afraid-nrld -ido -ind -1ns -d -ds
‘just because yous are rich yous expect me to be afraid of yous!’
(58) lla kü-le-n kim-nu-n-mu ñi chum-le-n ñi püñeñ

become.sad-st28-ind1s3 know-neg10-pvn4-inst poss3 how-st28-pvn4 poss1s son
‘I am sad because I don’t know how my son is doing’ (lit.: I am sad for
not knowing his how being my son)
Example (58) shows that a subordinate (ñi chum-le-n) can be subordinate
to another subordinate (kim-nu-n-mu).
194 Slots
(59) ayü-w-küle-n fey ñi müle-pa-n-mew

love-ref31-st28-ind1s3 he poss3 be-hh17-pvn4-inst
‘I am glad because he is here’
(60) itro-re weñe-n-mew monge-l-uw-küle-ke-fu-y-ng-ün

merely-only steal-pvn4-inst get.life-ca34-ref31-st28-cf14-ipd8-ind4-3ns3-p2
‘merely by stealing theyp kept themselves alive’
(61) allush-ye-m ko, fey küme-y püto-ko-nge-n-mu

5 4 4 3 23 4
tepid-cf -ivn water, then good-ind -3 drink-water-pass -pvn -inst
‘when water gets tepid, then it is good to drink’
A subordinate can occur as an object clause with both transitive and intran-
sitive predicates. When it is coreferential with a do marker, the subordinate
noun phrase has the function of do (see (55–56)). When it does not corefer to
a do marker, it has the function of complement (62–69).
(62) lluwatu-nie-a-fi-n ñi aku-tu-n

32 9 6 3 16 4
pay.attention-prps -nrld -edo -ind1s poss3 arrive-re -pvn
‘I shall watch him coming back’
(63) allkü-la-y-m-i mungel chem mi pedi-nge-n

10 4 3 2 23 4
hear-neg -ind -2 -s exactly what poss2s request-pass -pvn
‘yous did not hear exactly what yous were requested’
(64) kim-nie-ke-n kuyfı́ ñi nge-nu-n t.raktor

32 14 3 10 4
know-prps -cf -ind1s formerly poss3 be-neg -pvn tractor
‘I know that in the old days there were no tractors’
(65) iñché akorda-nie-la-n fey ñi

32 10 3
I remember-prps -neg -ind1s he poss3
kure-nge-n ñi kure-nge-nu-n

36 4 36 10 4
wife-verb -pvn poss3 wife-verb -neg -pvn
‘I don’t remember whether he is married or not’ (lit.: I don’t remember
he his having a wife his not having a wife)
(66) meke-w-üy ñi fey-pi-w-ün

31 4 3 31 4
be.busy-ref -ind -3 poss3 that-say-ref -pvn
‘they are busy speaking to each other’
(67) kon-ke-fu-y-ng-ün ñi ngan-ün

14 8 4 3 2 4
enter/start-cf -ipd -ind -3ns -p poss3 sow-pvn
‘theyp used to start sowing’
(68) wim-tu-le-n ñi kishu-le-ke-n

get.used-tr33-st28-ind1s3 poss1s alone-st28-cf14-pvn4
‘I am used to being alone’ (lit.: I am used to my characteristic being
alone)
(69) iñché küpá kon-ün tüfa-chi ruka-mu chum-le-n ta ti ruka ta

3 28 4
I wishing enter-ind1s this-adj house-inst how-st -pvn the the house the
ponuı́
inside
‘I want to go into this house [to see] how it is inside’
The Plain Verbal Noun may occur as a complement to the verb nge- ‘to be’
in constructions which can be rendered by ‘it is (im)possible to . . . ’.
(70) ru-me-n nge-la-y faw

pass.through-th20-pvn4 be-neg10-ind4-3 here
‘it is impossible to pass here’
The auxiliary pepı́ ‘being able’ may precede the subordinate:
(71) pepı́ amu-n nge-la-y

being.able go-pvn4 be-neg10-ind4-3
‘it is impassable’
(72) allke-n nge-y ti nengüm-ün ti ruka

hear-pvn4 be-ind4-3 the move-pvn4 the house
‘one can hear the house moving’, ‘one can hear the movement of the
house’ (lit.: the moving of the house is to be heard)
The verb nengüm- ‘to move’ (72) can be either transitive or intransitive. The
word allke-n is derived from allkü- ‘to hear’. In this type of construction,
allke-n is used instead of allkü-n.
The suffix -(ü)n may indicate the circumstances in which the subject is invol-
ved in the event. It obligatorily combines with the stative morpheme -(kü)le-
st28. This construction does not contain a possessive pronoun.
(73) müpü-le-n puw-üy

28 4 4 3
fly-st -pvn arrive-ind -3
‘he arrived flying’
(74) ina-nge-chi kom kümé uam-küle-n chali-w-üy-ng-ün

36 4 28 4 31 4 3 2
next-verb -svn -adj all good wish-st -pvn greet-ref -ind -3ns -p
‘in the end they all greeted each other cheerfully’
p
196 Slots
(75) kom kulliñ-küle-n kañ pülé amu-y

all cattle-st28-pvn4 other side go-ind4-33
‘he went elsewhere with all his cattle’
Combined with negation marker -nu-10, the suffix -(ü)n forms a subordinate
clause meaning ‘without . . . ’. The subordinate clause may or may not contain
a possessive pronoun; the subjects of the predicate and the subordinate are
referentially identical.
(76) fey ñi ngüma-nu-n kutran-ka-w-üy
he poss3 cry-neg10-pvn4 illness-fac33-ref31-ind4-33
‘he suffered without crying’
(77) chem-pi-nu-n rumé anü-y

10 4 4 3
what-say-neg -pvn -ever sit.down-ind -3
‘he sat down without saying anything (whatsoever)’
Preceded by petú ‘still’ and containing -nu- neg10, the -(ü)n form is used as
a subordinate clause meaning ‘before . . . ’. The subject of the subordinate may
or may not be coreferential with the subject of the predicate. The subject of
the subordinate is always explicitly indicated.
(78) iñché petú ñi amu-nu-n entu-permiso-fi-ñ ñi ñuke
10 4 6 3
I still poss1s go-neg -pvn take.out-permission-edo -ind1s poss1s mother
‘before going I asked my mother permission’
(79) petú yu kü aw-nu-n ngilla-me-a-n kofke

still poss1d work-neg10-pvn4 buy-th20-nrld10-ind1s3 bread
‘before wed start working I’ll go and buy bread’
A complement pvn may have concessive meaning. In that case it is often
preceded by an interrogative pronoun.
(80) chew ñi amu-n amu-pe!
where poss3 go-pvn4 go-imp33
‘let him go wherever he wants to!’ (lit.: where his going let him go)
(81) chem ñi küpá i-n i-pe!

what poss3 wishing eat-pvn4 eat-imp33
‘let him eat whatever he wants to!’
Instead of (80) and (81) one may use chew rumé amu-pe ‘let him go wher-
ever [he wants to]’ and chem rumé i-pe ‘let him eat whatever [he wants to]’
respectively. Compare also:
(82) kiñe-ke-mew pun-ma-y-iñ; chew yiñ pun-ma-n
one-distr-inst night-exp35-ind4-1ns3-p2; where poss1p night-exp35-pvn4
umaw-tu-ke-fu-y-iñ (2,5–6)
sleep-verb36-cf14-ipd8-ind4-1ns3-p2
‘sometimes wep were overtaken by the night; wherever wep were (overta-
ken by the night) wep used to sleep’
(83) kiñe-ke rumé ngolli-n welu ye-nie-tu-y-ng-ün

4 32 16 4 3 2
one-distr very get.drunk-pvn but carry-prps -re -ind -3ns -p
fentren ilo (6,59)

large.quantity meat
‘some, although very drunk, nevertheless took a large quantity of meat
back home’ (lit.: some very getting drunk, but they took back large
quantity of meat)
A complement pvn may have causal meaning even though it does not take
the instrumental suffix -mew ∼ -mu. This does not occur often.
(84) kisu may ñi küpá amu-n wariya-mew amu-y
self part poss3 wishing go-pvn4 town-inst go-ind4-33
‘because he himself wanted to go to town, he went’
(85) pichi kosecha-y ketran re ñi chofü-nge-n müten

little harvest-ind4-33 corn only poss3 lazy-verb36-pvn4 only
‘he harvested little corn merely because he is lazy’
In the speech of LQ, the plain verbal noun suffix -(ü)n pvn may indicate a
location:
(86) kim-nie-n fey ñi müle-n
32 3 4
know-prps -ind1s he poss3 be-pvn
‘I know where he is’, ‘I know that he is present’
This use of -(ü)n occurs in the speech of LQ only. It is, however, not uncom-
mon to use -(ü)n pvn in a locative relative clause, see (80) and (82). Compare
also:
(87) ellka-l-ke-rke-fe-y-ew mawi a-ntu-mew, chew ñi
hide-ca34-cf14-rep12-ipd8.ido6-ind4-33-ds1 wood-gr-inst, where poss3
müle-n oy fentren ngakiñ (5,6)

4
be-pvn more large.quantity bird
‘he used to be kept hidden by her, I am told, in a wooded place, where
there are rather many birds’
(88) tüfá ñi müle-n mi changüll-kuwü

this poss3 be-pvn4 poss2s finger-hand
‘this [is] yours finger(-print)’
198 Slots
(89) eymi may ta-mi küpá Temuko-tu-n!

s
you part the-poss2s wishing Temuco-verb36-pvn4
‘after all, yous wanted to go to Temuco!’
26.4.6.2 Adjective
The suffix -(ü)n may be used as an adjective, modifying a following noun. It
denotes an attribute or quality of the modified noun.
(90) fey re are-tu-n ropa nie-y
he only borrow-tr33-pvn4 clothes have-ind4-33
‘he has only borrowed clothes’
(91) pe-n kiñe pewü-n mamüll

3 4
see-ind1s one bud-pvn tree
‘I saw one budding tree’
In four instances I found the modifier -(ü)n in combination with a possessive
pronoun denoting the subject. They are the following:
(92) chew müli-y chi omo ta-ñi ungu-n? (MM)
where be-ind4-33 the woman the-poss1s speak-pvn4
‘where is the woman I spoke with?’
(93) chew müli-y iñché ñi ngilla-n libru? (MM)

where be-ind4-33 I poss1s buy-pvn4 book
‘where is the book I bought?’
(94) ta-ñi organisasion ta-ñi nie-n engün (RR; 7,14)

4 p
the-poss3 organization the-poss3 have-pvn they
‘the organization theyp have’
(95) ta-ñi fente ta-ñi pichi-ke nie-n engün (RR; 7,54)

the-poss3 that.much the-poss3 little-distr have-pvn4 theyp
‘the little theyp each have’
These instances are found in spontaneous speech, but they were not always
confirmed, nor could similar cases be elicited. Sepúlveda in an article on relati-
vization in Mapuche (1978) presents -(ü)n and -el as equivalent alternatives to
form a (passive) relative clause (Sepúlveda 1978: 165). According to my data,
however, -(ü)n and -el differ in the following respects:
(i) -(ü)n forms a one-word clause, whereas -el forms a relative clause which
may contain a subject and other constituents such as instrumental objects
or complements.
(ii) an -(ü)n form occurs as a modifier only. An -el form may occur indepen-
dently or as a modifier.
(iii) modifier -(ü)n does not combine with -a- nrld9. Indeed, it does not
combine with any suffix other than a stem formative. When -el is used
as an adjective, it can take -a- nrld9, aspectuals or tense markers. The
suffix -el denotes an event which is placed within a stretch of time, whereas
-(ü)n indicates a timeless feature. Compare:
(96) ti füñapuwe-tu-n wentru
36 4
the poison-verb -pvn man
‘the poisoned man’
(97) ti wentru iñché ñi füñapuwe-tu-el fach-antü
the man I poss1s poison-verb36-ovn4 this-day
‘the man I poisoned today’
The relation between infinitive -(ü)n and adjective -(ü)n is unclear. I found
adjectival -(ü)n only in combination with verb stems ending in a vowel. The
-(ü)n forms given by Sepúlveda are also derived from verb stems which end in
a vowel. For the sake of completeness, I list the adjectival -(ü)n forms I found:
ali-n ‘hot’, angkü-n ∼ angke-n ‘dry, parched’, arkü-n ∼ arke-n ‘evaporated’,
are-tu-n ‘borrowed’, ayü-n ‘loved’, apo-n ‘full’, entri-n ‘hungry, starved’, funa-
n ‘rotten, putrid’, füñapuwe-tu-n ‘poisoned’, füri-n ‘fried’, kangka-n ‘roasted’,
kofi-n ‘heated’, kuchu-n ‘wet’, kufü-n ‘warm’, lla kü-n ‘sad, distressing’, llocho-
n ‘loose’, llüka-n ‘afraid’, meño-n ‘full’ (RR, JM), monge-n ‘alive’, motri-n
‘fat’, ngolli-n ‘drunk’, ngüfo-n ‘wet, soaked’, ngülü-n ‘picked, gleaned’, pelo-n
‘lightened, lit’, piwü-n ‘dried up, dry’, poye-n ‘liked’, rütra-n ‘forged’, rünga-n
‘buried, under the ground’, trafo-n ‘broken’, üfi-n ‘tight’, üñü-n ‘hungry’ (RR),
üre-n ‘wet’, wa kü-n ‘boiled’, welli-n ‘empty’, weñe-n ‘stolen’, wera-n ‘hurt’.
The following adverbs contain -n:
chumngen ‘then, while’, possibly chum-nge-n how-verb36-pvn4 or how-ca34-
pass23-pvn4,
femngen ‘at last, yet’, possibly fe-m-nge-n become.like.that-ca34-pass23-pvn4,
femngewen ‘scarcely, barely’, possibly fe-m-nge-we-n become.like.that-ca34-
pass23-ps19-pvn4,
rupan ‘after’, possibly ru-pa-n cross-th17-pvn4
The relation between final -n in these forms and -(ü)n pvn4 cannot be exactly
determined.
26.4.6.3 Substantive
The suffix -(ü)n may be used to form a substantive, which indicates a person
or thing involved in the event denoted by the verb. An -(ü)n substantive does
not take any other suffix than a stem formative.
kawell-tu-n ‘a person on a horse’ (horse-verb36-pvn4)
ngüne-che-n ‘God’ (rule-person-pvn4)
kata-n ‘hole’ (pierce-pvn4)
kücha-tu-n ‘laundry’ (wash-tr33-pvn4)
200 Slots
taku-n ‘dress’ (cover-pvn4)

lepü-n ‘patio’ (sweep-pvn4)
mawün-nge-n ‘rainy season’ (rain-verb36-pvn4) (see also 21.2)
In a few cases one finds -en, -eñ or -ñ instead of -(ü)n, e.g.
tofken ‘spittle’, tofkü- ‘to spit’
allfeñ ‘wound’, allfü- ‘to get wounded’
kulliñ ‘cattle’, kulli- ‘to pay’
A number of quantity nouns which are derived from a verbalized adverb or
numeral form a subgroup of -(ü)n substantives, e.g.
alü-n ‘large quantity’ (much-verb36-pvn4)
pichi-n ∼ pichi-ñ ‘small quantity’ (little-verb36-pvn4)
(98) pichi-ñ-mew fente-nge-y
36 4 23 4 3
small-verb -pvn -inst sell-pass -ind -3
‘it was sold for a low price’
⟨The verb fente- ‘to sell’ is derived from Sp. vender id.⟩ The quantity nouns
are listed in section 10.3.
26.4.7 -el Objective verbal noun

The suffix -el can combine with the non-realized action marker -a- nrld9. The
event denoted by -el may therefore be presented either as non-realized (marked
-a- nrld9) or as realized (unmarked). The sequence -a 9-el 4 is nearly always
contracted into -al by LQ and RR. MM prefers -a-el . The suffix -el does not
combine with the pluperfect tense markers -mu- plpf7 or -(ü)wye- plpf15.
The Objective Verbal Noun is used as a passive participle (26.4.7.1) or as an
infinitive (26.4.7.2).
26.4.7.1 Passive participle

The possessive pronoun which may precede the subordinate denotes the agent
of the event.
(99) tüfá ñi pi-el ñi ñuke
this poss3 say-ovn4 poss1s mother
‘this [is] what my mother said’
(100) nge-la-y iy-al, welu petú müle-we-y putu-al

10 4 3 9 4
be-neg -ind -3 eat-nrld .ovn , but still be-ps19-ind4-33 drink-nrld9.ovn4
‘there is no food, but there still is [something] left to drink’ (lit.: what
one can eat [there] is not, but there is still left what one can drink)
⟨ The word iyal is the common word for ‘food’, cf. also (102).⟩
(101) fey-chi chanchu eymi mi ngilla-el trongli-le-y
that-adj pig yous poss2s buy-ovn4 lean-st28-ind4-33
‘that pig yous bought is lean’
(102) eymi mi iy-a-fel-chi iy-al ütrüf-entu-fi-n

s
you poss2s eat-nrld9-ipd8.ovn4-adj eat-nrld9.ovn4 throw-take.out-edo6-ind1s3
‘I have thrown away the food that yous would have eaten’
(103) kiñe ungu allkü-pe-nu-el fey-pi-a-y-u iñché

one matter hear-px13-neg10-ovn4 that-say-nrld9.ido6-ind4-1ns3-d2-ds1 I
‘I will tell yous something that is unheard of’ (lit.: I will tell yous one
matter which has not been heard)
In one instance (RR; 7,71) the modifier -el combines with the passive marker
-nge- pass23. This form was confirmed by MM.
(104) itro-kom pülé müli-y ta ti pepi-l-nge-nu-el ungu

quite-all side be-ind4-33 the the be.able-ca34-pass23-neg10-ovn4 matter
‘everywhere there is this impossible situation’ (lit.: all sides there is the
the matter which is not handled)
I found the following two examples of a passive participle marked for pluper-
fect tense:
(105) iñché ñi wüne-tu trafie-wye wenüy fewlá la-y
15 4 4 3
I poss1s first-adv come.across-plpf -ovn friend now die-ind -3
‘the friend of mine whom I had come across the other day is now dead’
(106) iñché ñi angka -uwye iñché ñi wenüy

I poss1s take.on.the.back-plpf15-ovn4 I poss1s friend
‘the one I had taken on the back [of my horse] [is] a friend of mine’
Since I could not elicit more instances of -(ü)wye as a pluperfect marker in
a passive participle I tentatively assume a zero morph as the alternant of -el
after -(ü)wye- to indicate a passive participle. Note that -el does not combine
with -(ü)wye-.
26.4.7.2 Infinitive
The suffix -el may be used to denote an event as such. Since -el can take
-a- nrld9, the event is presented as non-realized (marked -a-9) or as realized
(unmarked). Whereas -(ü)n denotes an event as such which is devoid of any
time reference, -el refers to an event which, by implication, is placed within a
stretch of time.
Infinitive -el occurs most frequently as a complement (111–122). It may,
however, also function as subject ((107) and (108)) or as instrumental object
(110).
(107) fali-y ta-mün kellu-el

4 3 4
be.worth-ind -3 the-poss2p help-ovn
‘it was worthwhile that youp helped’
202 Slots
(108) kuyfı́ ñi yi-we-no-el ta ilo

formerly poss1s eat-ps19-neg10-ovn4 the meat
‘[it has been] a long time since I ate meat’ (lit.: my not having eaten the
meat any more [has been] a long time)
Compare:
(109) kuyfı́ ñi yi-we-no-n ta ilo
formerly poss1s eat-ps19-neg10-pvn4 the meat
‘it has been a long time since I ate meat’ (lit.: my not eating the meat
any more [has been] a long time)
(110) lla kü-le-n kim-nu-el-mu ñi chum-le-n ñi püñeñ

28 3 10 4 28
become.sad-st -ind1s know-neg -ovn -inst poss3 how-st -pvn4 poss1s son
‘I am sad because I don’t know how my son is doing’
Compare (110) with (58): lla kü-le-n kim-nu-n-mu ñi chum-le-n ñi püñeñ
‘I am sad for not knowing how my son is’. In cases where infinitive -(ü)n
and infinitive -el are alternatives, i.e. in cases where the event as such is not
presented as non-realized, -(ü)n is preferred over -el, e.g. (58) is preferred over
(110). In the speech of LQ and RR, subordinate clauses introduced by ‘without’
or ‘before’ are indicated by the plain verbal noun marker -(ü)n pvn4 only. MM
uses either -(ü)n or -el but prefers -(ü)n. Thus, he prefers (76) over (111) .
(111) fey ñi ngüma-nu-el kutran-ka-w-üy

he poss3 cry-neg10-ovn4 illness-fac33-ref31-ind4-33
‘he suffered without having cried’
The ending -al ∼ -a 9-el 4 often occurs as an object clause, in the function of
complement.
(112) nie-la-y-ng-ün chew ñi müle-al

10 4 3 2 9 4
have-neg -ind -3ns -p where poss3 be-nrld .ovn
‘theyp have nowhere to live’
(113) iñché kim-ün fey ñi küpa-yal

3 9 4
I learn-ind1s he poss3 come-nrld .ovn
‘I have learnt that he will come’
(114) raki uam-küle-n ñi tripa-yal

think-st28-ind1s3 poss1s leave-nrld9.ovn4
‘I am thinking of leaving’
(115) pi-y-m-i mi kü aw-al

4 3 2 9 4
want-ind -2 -s poss2s work-nrld .ovn
‘yous wanted to work’
(116) elu-ñma-e-y-u fey emu mi tripa-yal

give-io26-ido6-ind4-1ns3-d2-ds1 he youd poss2s leave-nrld9.ovn4
‘I gave yous permission to leave with him’
(117) illu-e-n-ew ta-ñi lang-üm-nge-al iñché

desire-ido6-ind1s3-ds1 the-poss1s die-ca33-pass23-nrld9.ovn4 I
‘he wants me to be killed’ (lit.: he wants me my future being killed I)
(118) reye-y ñi amu-al

4 3 9 4
insist-ind -3 poss3 go-nrld .ovn
‘he insists on going’
(119) iñché epera-n ñi wün-al

I wait.for-ind1s3 poss3 dawn-nrld9.ovn4
‘I waited till it was dawn’ ⟨ epera- is Sp. esperar ‘to wait for’.⟩
(120) amu-n kim-al chem ungu ñi nie-n

3 9 4 4
go-ind1s learn-nrld .ovn what matter poss3 have-pvn
‘I went to learn what news he has’
Note that the possessive pronoun, which indicates the subject of the subor-
dinate, may be left out when the subject of the predicate and the subject of
the subordinate are coreferential.
(121) fey kon-ke-fu-y-ng-ün ñi kekaw-al

then start-cf14-ipd8-ind4-3ns3-p2 poss3 complain-nrld9.ovn4
‘then theyp usually started to complain’
Compare (67) where kon- has a pvn complement.
The verb kon- ‘to start’ belongs to a group of verbs which can have a com-
plement which is marked either -al ∼ -a-el or -a 9-lu 4 when the subject is third
person, see 26.4.10.3.
Compare (68) with:
(122) wim-tu-le-n ñi kishu-pe-el

get.used-tr33-st28-ind1s3 poss1s alone-px13-ovn4
‘I am used to being alone’
The constant feature suffix -ke-14 does not combine with -el . The proximity
marker -pe-13 does not combine with -(ü)n.
The predicate müle-y ‘there is’ forms a debitive construction with an -al ∼
-a-el subordinate. It denotes an obligation, a duty, a necessity or an otherwise
inevitable situation.
204 Slots
(123) iñché wüné müle-y ñi kümé rüngü-m-al

I first be-ind4-33 poss1s good become.ground-ca34-nrld9.ovn4
‘first I have/had to grind well’
In a construction with müle-y, it is the subordinate which takes the deriva-
tional suffixes if any.
(124) müle-y ñi küpa-fem-al
be-ind4-33 poss3 come-imm21-nrld9.ovn4
‘he has/had to come immediately’
Since müle- is a stative verb, the müle-y construction may be translated as
either past or present tense. See also the debitive use of -a-9, 26.9.
NB. The fact that -el may be used as a passive participle or as an infinitive
may cause ambiguity, e.g. (46): kim-nie-n mi entu-el which can be rendered
‘I know that yous took [it] out’, or ‘I know what yous took out’. Interrogative
pronouns or the context may disambiguate a sentence like (46). Cf. (47) kim-
nie-n chem mi entu-el ‘I know what yous took out’.
The suffix -el is seldom used to denote an instrument by means of which or
a location where an event has taken place, e.g. nü-w-el take-ref31-ovn4 ‘the
thing with which I held myself’. The instrumental verbal noun marker -m is
used instead, see 26.4.8 below.
26.4.7.3 Special uses

The suffix -el is used as a passive complement when it combines with the verb
troki- ‘to opine’ (troki- combines with -lu svn4 for an active complement, see
26.4.10.3).
The subject of a complement of troki- is indicated by a personal pronoun.
(125) iy-el troki-fi-ñ

eat-ovn4 opine-edo6-ind1s3
‘I thought it had been eaten’
⟨The suffix sequence -fi-n edo6-ind1s3 in the speech of LQ and RR is -fi-ñ
in the speech of MM, see 4.6.7.⟩
(126) iñché fach-antü pe-pa-yal troki-w-küle-n

17 9 4 31 28 3
I this-day see-hh -nrld .ovn opine-ref -st -ind1s
‘I think that someone will come to visit me today’ (lit.: I today being
come and seen I think of myself)
The suffix -el may be used to indicate a passive temporal clause. The subject
is always third person.
(127) kü aw ewma-el tripa-y-iñ

4 4 3 2
work finish-ovn leave-ind -1ns -p
‘when the work was done, we went away’ p
The suffix -el may indicate an active temporal clause with a 1s subject. The
subject is indicated by a personal pronoun.
(128) fey-engün ayü-w-üy-ng-ün iñché amu-el ñi umaw-tu-al
p
that-they love-ref31-ind4-3ns3-p2 I go-ovn4 poss1s sleep-verb36-nrld9.ovn4
‘theyp were glad when I went to sleep’
Compare:
(129) fey-engün ayü-w-üy-ng-ün iñché ñi amu-el ñi
p
that-they love-ref31-ind4-3ns3-p2 I poss1s go-ovn4 poss1s
umaw-tu-al
sleep-verb36-nrld9.ovn4
‘theyp were glad that I went to sleep’
Instead of passive temporal -el, one may use -nge-lu. Instead of active tem-
poral -el, one may use -lu. For temporal -lu, see 26.4.10.2.
A form containing -fal-fel may be the main verb of a sentence The ending
-fel is probably a contraction of -fu 8-el 4. The suffix -fal-25 indicates force. The
subject may be indicated by a personal pronoun.
(130) ungu-fal-fel mapu- ungu-mew
speak-force25-ipd8.ovn4 country-language-inst
‘one should speak the Mapuche language’
(131) iñchiñ amu-fal-tu-fel
p
we go-force25-re16-ipd8.ovn4
‘wep should go back’
The ending -fel is also used in cases in which -fel does not bear upon
flection:
1. -fel combines with a conditional form which expresses a wish, e.g.
(132) küpa-fu-l-e-fel, müná küme-a-fu-y!
come-ipd8-cond4-33-ipd8.ovn4, very good-nrld9-ipd8-ind4-33
‘if only he would come, that would be very nice!’
For -fel see also -fu-8, 26.8.
2. -fel combines with a noun and seems to add concessive value, e.g.
(133) wenüy-wen-fel eymu welu fe-m-fal-la-y-m-i
friend-rel-ipd8.ovn4 youd but become.like.that-ca34-force25-neg10-ind4-23-s2
‘although youd are friends, yous should not do that’
The relation between -fel as it is used in (130–131) and -fel as it is found in
(132–133) is unclear.
Finally, -al ∼ -a-el may be used as a finite verb form with a 1s subject. The
sequence -a-lu may be used instead. For this use of -al and -a-lu I refer the
reader to sections 26.4.10.3 and 26.9.
206 Slots
26.4.8 -m Instrumental verbal noun

The suffix -m ivn4 obligatorily co-occurs with the non-realized action suffix -a-
nrld9, the pluperfect tense marker -mu- plpf7, the constant feature morpheme
-ye- cf5 or the sequence -pe-ye- px13-cf5 which contains the proximity marker
-pe- and the constant feature suffix -ye-. The sequence *-pe-m does not occur.
The suffix -mu- plpf7 indicates pluperfect tense. It occurs in subordinates
only. For -mu-7, see 26.7. The suffix -ye-5 marks a characteristic or constant
feature. It combines only with -m 4 and, in special cases, with -fiel 4. For -ye-
cf5, see 25.3 and 26.5. The suffix -pe-13 indicates proximity to the speaker
and is labelled Proximity (px). When the suffix -pe-13 is used in combina-
tion with the constant feature morpheme -ye-5, -pe- indicates a constant and
characteristic situation. For -pe-, see 26.13.
The instrumental verbal noun may indicate an instrument or a location
(26.4.8.1) or an event as such (26.4.8.2). The suffix -m may indicate pur-
pose when it co-occurs with -a- nrld9 (26.4.8.3). In combination with -ye-
cf5, -m forms a temporal clause (26.4.8.4).
26.4.8.1 Instrumental/locative -m
Instrumental/locative -m is found in combination with -mu- plpf7, -pe-ye-
px13-cf5 or -a- nrld9.
(134) po -küle-we-y ti kareta amu-mu-m che
dirty-st28-ps19-ind4-33 the cart go-plpf7-ivn4 person
‘the cart in which the people have gone is still dirty’
When the possessive pronoun is left out, the subject may be impersonal.
(135) chüngar-mu-m
7 4
stab-plpf -ivn
‘stabber/ a thing with which one has stabbed’
(136) tüfá ta-mi firma ta-mi fende-mu-m ta mapu
this the-poss2s signature the-poss2s sell-plpf7-ivn4 the land
‘this [is] yours signature with which yous have sold the land’
(137) iñchiñ ta-yiñ lleq-mu-m
p 7 4
we the-poss1p grow.up-plpf -ivn
‘where wep have grown up’
(138) chew chi müle-ke-fu-mu-m-chi koyam-entu?
where part be-cf14-ipd8-plpf7-ivn4-adj oak-gr
‘where [is the place where there] used to be a group of oaks?’
Locative -m may co-occur with -mew inst (139) or chew ‘where?’ (143) .
(139) fey pe a-y iñché ñi pe-mu-m-mew
he find-ind4-33 I poss1s see-plpf7-ivn4-inst
‘he found it where I had seen it’

In combination with -pe 13-ye-5, the suffix -m denotes an instrument or place
which is characterized by the lexeme without reference to time.
(140) nü-nge-pe-ye-m
take-pass23-px13-cf5-ivn4
‘a handle’
(141) chew müli-y ñi kücha-tu-pe-ye-m?

where be-ind4-33 poss1s wash-tr33-px13-cf5-ivn4
‘where is [the thing] I always wash with?’
(142) üyüw nie-y ruka umaw-tu-pe-ye-m che ka re ñi

over.there have-ind4-33 house sleep-verb36-px13-cf5-ivn4 people and only poss3
kosina-pe-ye-m mütem
kitchen-px13-cf5-ivn4 only
‘over there people have a house in which they sleep and one in which they
only cook’
(143) chew mün ngilla-ka-pe-fu-ye-m fende-nge-y

where poss2p buy-fac33-px13-ipd8-cf5-ivn4 sell-pass23-ind4-33
‘[the place] where youp used to do yourp shopping has been sold’
Instrumental/locative -m does not often occur with -a- nrld9.
(144) nie-la-y-ng-ün chew ñi müle-a-m

10 4 3 2 9 4
have-neg -ind -3ns -p where poss3 be-nrld -ivn
‘theyp don’t have [a place] where they can stay’
Instead of -a-m in (144), one may use -al ∼ -a-el .
26.4.8.2 Infinitive
When -m is used to denote an event as such, it may combine with -mu- plpf7
or -pe-ye- px13-cf5. It follows that in the infinitive series there is an opposition
between -(ü)n (unspecified for realization), -el (realized) and -mu-m (realized
before an orientation moment in the past). Compare:
(145) iñchiñ illku-le-y-iñ eymün mün pi-mu-m

p p
we get.angry-st28-ind4-1ns3-p2 you poss2p say-plpf7-ivn4
‘wep were angry that youp had said [that]’
208 Slots
(146) iñchiñ illku-le-y-iñ eymün mün pi-n

p p
we get.angry-st28-ind4-1ns3-p2 you poss2p say-pvn4
‘wep are/were angry that youp said [that]’
(147) illku-le-y-iñ eymün mün pi-el

p
get.angry-st28-ind4-1ns3-p2 you poss2p say-ovn4
‘wep are angry that youp said [that]’
(148) kiñe epu mari kechu tripantu-nge-y ñi la-mu-m

36 4 3 7 4
one two ten five year-verb -ind -3 poss3 die-plpf -ivn
‘it had been 25 years since he died’ (lit.: his having died is 25 years)
(149) kiñe epu mari kechu tripantu-nge-y ñi la-n

36 4 3 4
one two ten five year-verb -ind -3 poss3 die-pvn
‘it has been 25 years since he died’ (lit.: his dying is 25 years)
(150) kechu antü-y fey ñi pe-nge-mu-m

five day-ind4-33 he poss3 see-pass23-plpf7-ivn4
‘it had been five days since he was seen’
Infinitive -pe-ye-m occurs seldom. Compare:
(151) iñché wim-tu-le-n ñi lef-pe-ye-m

33 28 3 13 5 4
I get.used-tr -st -ind1s poss1s run-px -cf -ivn
‘I am used to running’ (lit.: I am used my characteristic running)
(152) iñché wim-tu-le-n ñi lef-pe-el

33 28 3 13 4
I get.used-tr -st -ind1s poss1s run-px -ovn
‘I am used to running’ (lit.: I am used my realized running)
(153) iñché wim-tu-le-n ñi lef-ke-n

33 28 4 14 4
I get.used-tr -st -pvn poss1s run-cf -pvn
‘I am used to running’ (lit.: I am used my characteristic running)
The sequence -a-m is not used as an infinitive; -al ∼ -a-el is used instead.
For -a-m, see below.
26.4.8.3 Final -a-m

In combination with -a- nrld9, the instrumental verbal noun may be used to
form a final clause.
(154) iñché kellu-a-e-y-u kishu mi meke-nu-a-m
I help-nrld9-ido6-ind4-1ns3-d2-ds1 alone poss2s be.busy-neg10-nrld9-ivn4
‘I will help yous so that yous don’t have to do it on your own’
(155) ina-ye-ngüma-y-iñ ta-ñi ñawfü-a-m

follow-oo35-cry-ind4-1ns3-p2 the-poss3 get.consolation-nrld9-ivn4
‘wep cried with [her] so that she would find comfort’
Note the difference between final -a-m and infinitive -a-el . Compare:
(156) elu-a-y-u permisio ta-mi amu-tu-a-m

9 6 4 3 2 1 16 9 4
give-nrld .ido -ind -1ns -d -ds permission the-poss2s go-re -nrld -ivn
‘I will give yous permission so that yous can go back’
(157) elu-a-y-u permisio ta-mi amu-tu-a-el

9 6 4 3 2 1 16 9 4
give-nrld .ido -ind -1ns -d -ds permission the-poss2s go-re -nrld -ovn
‘I will give you permission to go back’
s
(158) fey amu-y ngilla-ka-yal chem rumé ye-nu-n ñi

he go-ind4-33 buy-fac33-nrld9.ovn4 what -ever carry-neg10-pvn4 poss3
küpa-l-tu-a-m ñi ngilla-ka-n

34 16 9 4 33 4
come-ca -re -nrld -ivn poss3 buy-fac -pvn
‘she went shopping without taking anything (whatsoever) in which to
bring back her purchases’
(159) fey amu-y ñi ngilla-ka-ya-m

she go-ind4-33 poss3 buy-fac33-nrld9-ivn4
‘she went in order to go shopping’
(160) traw-uw-üy-ng-ün ñi fyesta-ya-m

gather-ref31-ind4-3ns3-p2 poss3 feast-nrld9-ivn4
‘theyp gathered together in order to feast’, ‘. . . so that theyp could feast’
(161) traw-uw-üy-ng-ün ñi fyesta-yal

gather-ref31-ind4-3ns3-p2 poss3 feast-nrld9.ovn4
‘theyp gathered together to feast’
26.4.8.4 Temporal -ye-m

The suffix -m may indicate a temporal clause when it combines with -ye- cf5,
which marks a characteristic or constant feature. Temporal -ye-m is used to
denote a situation which has the characteristic feature that every time event
A (denoted by the subordinate) takes place, event B (denoted by the predi-
cate) takes place. Temporal -ye-m may combine with -a- nrld9. Since the
subject of the subordinate and the subject of the predicate are referentially
identical, the possessive pronoun, which may be used to denote the subject of
the subordinate, is practically always left out.
210 Slots
(162) che-le-ye-m rumé kümé che-nge-fu-y (6,36)

person-st28-cf5-ivn4 very good person-verb36-ipd8-ind4-33
‘when he was sober, he was a very good man’
(163) amu-ye-m ñi familia-mu rumel ye-ke-y ye-w-ün

5 4 14 4 3 31 4
go-cf -ivn poss3 family-inst always carry-cf -ind -3 carry-ref -pvn
‘every time she goes to her family, she takes presents’
(164) soam-ke-la-y kuchara iy-a-ye-m

14 10 4 3 9 5 4
need-cf -neg -ind -3 spoon eat-nrld -cf -ivn
‘one does not need a spoon when one is going to eat’
(165) pe-ye-m kü aw, fey fente-künu-ke-fu-y-iñ yiñ

see-cf5-ivn4 work, then that.much-pfps32-cf14-ipd8-ind4-1ns3-p2 poss1p
treka-n
walk-pvn4
‘every time wep found work, wep stopped walking’
Instead of -ye-m, one may find a predicate marked indicative mood. Such a
predicate does not take an aspectual. Thus, instead of (165) one may find:
(166) pe-y-iñ kü aw, fey fente-künu-ke-fu-y-iñ yiñ
see-ind4-1ns3-p2 work, then that.much-pfps32-cf14-ipd8-ind4-1ns3-p2 poss1p
treka-n (2,4)
walk-pvn4
‘every time wep found work, wep stopped walking’ (lit.: wep found work,
then wep used to stop walking)
For juxtaposition of predicates expressing iterativity, see 35.1.
A remarkable feature of a -ye-m form is that it can take the suffix -fi- edo6.
The sequence -ye-m is the only exception to the rule that -m, -(ü)n and -el do
not take person markers.
(167) pe-fi-ye-m pu kamañ utu-ke-fwi-y ñi
6 5 4 14 8 6 4 3
see-edo -cf -ivn coll shepherd go.to-cf -ipd .edo -ind -3 poss3
nütram-ka-pa-ya-fiel (6,39)
33 17 9 4
conversation-fac -hh -nrld -tvn
‘every time he saw the shepherds he went over to talk to them’
In one instance I found instrumental -m in combination with -mu- plpf7, -fi-
edo6 and -ye- cf5:
(168) chew müli-y mi chüngar-mu-fi-ye-m?
where be-ind4-33 poss2s stab-plpf7-edo6-cf5-ivn4
‘where is [the thing] with which yous stabbed him?’
26.4.9 -fiel Transitive verbal noun and -t- agentive verbal noun
The suffixes -fiel and -t- may denote an event as such, an instrument or location
or the patient of an event. The morpheme -t- may also denote the agent of an
event. Whereas -(ü)n pvn, -el ovn and -m ivn denote a situation in which
only one actant may be involved, -fiel and -t- denote a situation in which more
than one actant is involved.
The suffix -t- obligatorily co-occurs with the internal direct object marker -e-
ido6 and the dative subject morpheme -ew ds1. The suffix -e- indicates that the
subject of the relevant form is contextually determined (or more prominent in
terms of discourse) and the patient of the event. The morpheme -ew indicates
third person agent. The subject of an -e-t-ew form is indicated by a possessive
pronoun which precedes the subordinate. The subject may be first, second or
third person.
Compare:
ñi pe-e-t-ew my/his/her/their being seen by him/her/it/them
yu pe-e-t-ew ourd being seen by him/her/it/them
yiñ pe-e-t-ew ourp being seen by him/her/it/them
mi pe-e-t-ew yours being seen by him/her/it/them
mu pe-e-t-ew yourd being seen by him/her/it/them
mün pe-e-t-ew yourp being seen by him/her/it/them
The suffix -fiel is used to indicate a 1 → 2 or 2 → 1 relationship or an X →
3 relationship in which any person may be agent.
When a -fiel subordinate is preceded by a possessive pronoun which indicates
second person, the relationship is either 1 → 2 or 2 → 1. Compare:
mi pe-fiel yours seeing me/usd/usp or my/ourd/ourp seeing yous
mu pe-fiel yourd seeing me/usd/usp or my/ourd/ourp seeing youd
mün pe-fiel yourp seeing me/usd/usp or my/ourd/ourp seeing youp
Thus, where 1 and 2 are involved in a situation denoted by -fiel, 2 is indicated
by a possessive pronoun, whether it has the function of agent or patient. Note
that -fiel does not combine with -mu- 2A23 or -(u)w- 1A23.
Personal pronouns may be used to disambiguate -fiel subordinates. The
personal pronoun which precedes the possessive pronoun indicates the agent,
whereas the pronoun which indicates the patient follows the subordinate, e.g.
iñché mi pe-fiel eymi my seeing yous
eymi mi pe-fiel iñché yours seeing me
In a few doubtful cases I found iñchiñ yiñ pe-fiel ‘ourp seeing yous’ and iñché
ñi pe-fiel ‘my seeing yous’.
The agent in an X → 3 relationship is indicated by a possessive pronoun
which precedes the subordinate. The patient can be specified by a personal
pronoun which follows the subordinate, e.g.
mi pe-fiel fey yours seeing him/her/it
mu pe-fiel engu yourd seeing themd
212 Slots
The agent of an event denoted by -fiel may be specified or emphasized by

means of a personal pronoun which precedes the possessive pronoun. Compare:
ñi pe-fiel fey my/his/her/their seeing him/her/it
iñché ñi pe-fiel fey my seeing him/her/it
iñché mi pe-fiel my seeing yous
The personal pronouns are often left out. The forms can then be disambi-
guated by the context only. Compare:
(169) küpá kim-fu-n chumngechi mi pe-fiel (8,1)

8 3 4
wishing know-ipd -ind1s how poss2s see-tvn
‘I would like to know how yous see him’, ‘. . . what yous think of him’
(170) kim-la-y-u mi chem-pi-a-fiel

know-neg10-ind4-1ns3-d2 poss2s what-say-nrld10-tvn4
‘wed don’t know what to tell yous’
In the speech of MM, -fiel forms which are preceded by a possessive pro-
noun which indicates second person are disambiguated by the fact that these
constructions are only used to indicate a 2 → 1 relationship (or a 2 → 3 re-
lationship). A 1 → 2 relationship is indicated by a co-ordinated predicate.
Compare:
(171) chew anta müli-y ti makuñ wiya mi elu-fiel?

where part be-ind4-33 the poncho yesterday poss2s give-tvn4
‘where is the poncho which yous gave me/usd/p/him/her/themd/p yester-
day?’
(172) chew anta müli-y ti makuñ; wiya elu-e-y-u?

where part be-ind4-33 the poncho; yesterday give-ido6-ind4-1ns3-d2-ds1
‘where is the poncho I gave yous yesterday?’ (lit.: where is the poncho?
yesterday I gave to yous)
It follows from the above that both -e-t-ew and -fiel may indicate a 3 → 3
relationship. Whereas -e-t-ew marks a contextually determined patient (or a
patient which is more prominent than the agent in terms of discourse), -fiel
indicates a situationally determined patient which is less prominent than the
agent. Compare:
(173) Rosa werkü-fi-y Maria ñi kellu-a-fiel

Rosa order-edo6-ind4-33 Maria poss3 help-nrld9-tvn4
‘Rosa ordered Maria to help him/her/them’
(174) Rosa werkü-fi-y Maria ñi kellu-a-e-t-ew

Rosa order-edo6-ind4-33 Maria poss3 help-nrld9-ido6-tvn4-ds1
‘Rosa ordered Maria to help her’ (i.e. Rosa)
For -e-6 vs -fi-6, see 25.2.3 and 26.6. The ending -fiel is treated here as one
suffix although it is made up of the suffixes -fi- and -el . Combined with -el,
the suffix fi- covers a wider semantic range than the direct object marker -fi-
which indicates a third person patient. The sequence -fi-el is used to denote
all interactions between a first, second and third person except 3 → 1, 3 → 2,
and 3 → 3 when the patient is more prominent than the agent. The suffix
-fi- acts as a general transitivizer when it is combined with -el . The ending
-fi-el may be considered a form of object-incorporation, a phenomenon which
is frequent in the Mapuche language, see 29.2. The ending -fi-el is used as
a transitive counterpart of the suffixes -(ü)n, -el and -m and has therefore a
larger semantic range than -el. For these reasons the sequence -fi-el is treated
here as one suffix, -fiel, labelled as transitive verbal noun marker.
Both -fiel and -t- can take -a- nrld9 and may therefore indicate a situation
which is presented as non-realized (marked -a-9) or as realized (unmarked).
Mapuche does not have a transitive counterpart of the plain verbal noun marker
-(ü)n pvn4.
The pluperfect marker -mu-7 may combine with -fiel when this suffix is used
as a locative. The pluperfect marker -(ü)wye- plpf15 may co-occur with -fiel or
-t- when they are used as a passive participle. The suffixes -mu-7 and -(ü)wye-15
are infrequent. The functions of -fiel and -t- are dealt with in the following
order: infinitive (26.4.9.1), instrumental/locative (26.4.9.2), passive participle
(26.4.9.3), final clause (26.4.9.4) and active participle -t- (26.4.9.5). Special
uses of -fiel and -t- are dealt with in 26.4.9.6.
26.4.9.1 Infinitive
(175) eymi may ta-mi pedi-fiel!
s 4
you part the-poss2s ask.for-tvn
‘yous asked for it, didn’t you!’ (is said to a child which refuses the porridge
she has asked for) Compare with (89).
(176) iñché ñi sungu-fiel ta-ñi ñuke ayü-la-y
4 10 4 3
I poss1s speak-tvn the-poss1s mother love-neg -ind -3
‘my mother did not like me to speak to him’
(177) yewe-n mi fey-pi-a-fiel eymi
s
be.ashamed-ind1s3 poss2s that-say-nrld9-tvn4 you
‘I am ashamed to tell yous’
Compare (178) and (179) :
(178) kim-nie-n fey ñi ayü-nie-e-t-ew
32 3 32 6 4 1
know-prps -ind1s she poss3 love-prps -ido -tvn -ds
‘I know that he loves her’
The conversation is about a man and a woman. In the sentence(s) preceding
(178), the woman has the function of the subject. In (178) the woman is the
214 Slots
patient of the event, but, being the topic of the conversation, she must have
the function of subject. So, -e-t-ew is used. In (179) the woman is the agent
of the event. Being agent and topic she naturally has the function of subject.
So, -fiel is used.
(179) kim-nie-n fey ñi ayü-nie-fiel
32 3 32 4
know-prps -ind1s she poss3 love-prps -tvn
‘I know that she loves him’
The suffix -fiel is also used when it is irrelevant whether one of the partici-
pants is the topic of the conversation.
(180) poye-ke-la-n ñi chaw ñi rumé kewa-ke-e-t-ew-mew
like-cf14-neg10-ind1s3 poss1s father poss1s very beat-cf14-ido6-avn4-ds1-inst
‘I don’t like my father because he beats me a lot’
(181) fey rupa-y mi chem-pi-nu-e-t-ew rumé

4 3 10 6 4 1
he pass-ind -3 poss2s what-say-neg -ido -avn -ds -ever
‘he passed without saying anything to yous’
(182) petú ñi ramtu-nu-fiel fey-pi-e-n-ew

still poss1s ask-neg10-tvn4 that-say-ido6-ind1s3-ds1
‘before I had asked him, he told me’
26.4.9.2 Instrumental/locative
(183) chew müli-y mi chüngar-fiel?
where be-ind4-33 poss2s stab-tvn4
‘where is [the thing] yous stabbed me/usd/p/him/her/it/them with?’
‘where is [the thing] I/wed/p stabbed yous with?’
‘where is the one yous stabbed?’
(184) ñi anel-tu-e-t-ew ñam-küle-y

poss3 threaten-tr33-ido6-avn4-ds1 get.lost-st28-ind4-33
‘[the thing] he/she/they threatened me/him/her/them with is lost’
Locative subordinates are often preceded by chew ‘where?’ in order to mini-
mize ambiguity.
(185) ti ruka chew ñi pe-mu-fiel la pampa fewlá
the house where poss3 see-plpf7-tvn4 the plains now
nge-we-tu-la-y
19 16 10 4 3
be-ps -re -neg -ind -3
‘that house [from] where one saw the plains is not there any more’
⟨ la pampa is Sp. la pampa ‘the plains’. ⟩
26.4.9.3 Passive participle

(186) tüfá ñi pi-e-t-ew
this poss1s/3 say-ido6-avn4-ds1
‘this [is] what he/she/they told me/him/her/them’
(187) Xoanna nü-tu-y ti libru ñi nü-ñma-wye-e-t-ew Lisa

16 4 3 26 15 6 4 1
Joanna take-re -ind -3 the book poss3 take-io -plpf -ido -tvn -ds Lisa
‘Joanna took back the book that Lisa had taken away from her (Joanna)’
(188) Xoanna nü-tu-y ti libru ñi nü-ñma-wye-fiel Lisa

16 4 3 26 15 4
Joanna take-re -ind -3 the book poss3 take-io -plpf -tvn Lisa
‘Joanna took back the book that she had taken away from Lisa’ (‘she’
may be either Joanna or anyone else)
26.4.9.4 Final clause

When -fiel or -t- combine with -a- nrld9, they may indicate a purpose, thereby
neutralizing the distinction between -a-el and -a-m, see 26.4.8.3.
(189) fey müná kutran-ka-w-üy mi trem-üm-a-t-ew

33 31 4 3 34 9 6 4 1
she very illness-fac -ref -ind -3 poss2s grow-ca -nrld .ido -avn -ds
‘she made a lot of sacrifices in order to raise yous’
(190) fey-mu iñché küpa-n mün fey-pi-pa-ya-fiel: müle-y mün

3 17 9 4 4 3
that-inst I come-ind1s poss2p that-say-hh -nrld -tvn : be-ind -3 poss2p
allkü-tu-ñma-ya-fiel ñi ungu (4,5)

23 26 9 4
hear-tr -io -nrld -tvn poss3 matter
‘therefore I have come to tell youp this: “youp must listen to His Word” ’
(191) traw-uw-üy-ng-ün ñi rünga-l-a-fiel

31 4 3 2 34 9 4
gather-ref -ind -3ns -p poss3 dig-ca -nrld -tvn
‘theyp gathered together to bury him’
26.4.9.5 Active participle -t-

The suffix -t- may denote the agent of an event. The agent is always third
person. The patient is first or second person or a contextually determined
third person. An active participle with a third person agent and a situationally
determined third person is indicated by -fi-lu. Instead of -e-t-ew, one may find
-e-lu-mu, see -lu, 26.4.10.1.
(192) tüfá nga ñi pi-el ñi werkü-e-t-ew

this part poss3 say-ovn4 poss1s order/send-ido6-tvn4-ds1
‘this [is] what he who has sent me said’
216 Slots
(193) kim-nie-fi-y-m-i ti wentru mi leli-nie-e-t-ew?

know-prps32-edo6-ind4-23-s2 the man poss2s watch-prps32-ido6-avn4-ds1
‘do yous know that man who is watching yous?’
(194) kiñe-ke petaf elu-fi-y ta-ñi pu wenüy ta-ñi petú ñi

one-distr piece give-edo6-ind4-33 the-poss3 coll friend the-poss3 still poss3
kellu-e-t-ew
6 4 1
help-ido -avn -ds
‘he gave one piece to each of his friends who were helping him’ (Subjects
of predicate and subordinate are referentially identical.)
Instead of an -e-t-ew form (194), one may use a predicate: kiñe-ke petaf elu-
fi-y ta-ñi pu wenüy petú kellu-e-y-ew lit.: each one a piece he gave his friends,
he is helped by them.

Forms which contain -fiel or -t- may be used as a complement of the verb troki-
‘to opine’ when 1s is involved in the situation denoted by the subordinate. The
suffix -fiel is used to indicate a 1s → 2s, 2s → 1s or 1s → 3 relationship. The
morpheme -t- is used to indicate 3 → 1s. The subject is indicated by a personal
pronoun.
(195) iñché trupef-el-a-e-t-ew troki-w-ün

34 9 6 4 1 31 3
I get.frightened-ca -nrld -ido -tvn -ds opine-ref -ind1s
‘I thought that he was going to frighten me’
The suffix -fiel may also be used to indicate a 1 → 2 or a 2 → 1 relationship
when more than two persons are involved in the event. See also -fi-lu and
-e-lu-mu as a complement of troki- (26.4.10.3).
The suffixes -fiel and -t- may form a temporal clause: -fiel for 1s → 2s, 2s →
1s or 1s → 3 and -t- for 3 → 1s. Subject and object are indicated by personal
pronouns.
(196) fey ayü-w-üy iñché pe-me-fiel fey

he love-ref31-ind4-33 I see-th20-tvn4 he
‘he was happy when I went to see him’
Compare:
(197) fey ayü-w-üy iñché ñi pe-me-fiel fey

he love-ref31-ind4-33 I poss1s see-th20-tvn4 he
‘he was happy that I went to see him’
When -fiel forms a temporal clause and indicates a 1s → 3 relationship, -fiel
alternates with -fi-lu. However, when -fiel indicates a 1s →2s or a 2s → 1s
relationship in a temporal clause, -fiel does not have a -lu alternant.
(198) eymi mütrüm-fiel iñché küpa-n mi pe-pa-ya-fiel

s
you call-tvn4 I come-ind1s3 poss2s see-hh17-nrld9-tvn4
‘when yous called me, I came to see yous’
(199) añi -üy ñi trawa wima-e-t-ew kuri

burn-ind4-33 poss1s body flog-ido6-avn4-ds1 stinging.nettle
‘my body burned when I was stung by a stinging nettle’
Instead of temporal -e-t-ew 3 → 1s, -e-lu-mu may be found, see temporal
-lu, 26.4.10.2.
A -fiel or -t- form which takes -a- nrld9 may be used as a finite verb form:
-a-fiel for 1s → 3 and -a-e-t-ew for 3 → 1s. As such -fiel and -t- are used to
complete the -lu paradigm, see 26.4.10.3
26.4.10 -lu ∼ -∅ Subjective verbal noun

The suffixes -lu and -∅ may be used as an active participle (26.4.10.1). The
morpheme -lu can also form a temporal or causal clause (26.4.10.2). In 26.4.10.3
special uses of -lu are dealt with.
26.4.10.1 Active participle

The suffixes -lu and -∅ may be used to form an active participle denoting the
subject when the subordinate is intransitive or the agent when the subordinate
is transitive. A -lu subordinate can be used as an independent noun or as a
relative clause which follows the modified noun and which can contain several
constituents such as a direct object, an instrumental object or a complement
noun phrase.
The suffix -∅4 is obligatorily followed by -chi adj. A form that contains -∅-
chi can be used as a modifier only. It precedes the modified. A -∅ subordinate
forms a one-word clause.
Both -lu and -∅ may combine with the non-realization marker -a- nrld9.
They do not combine with either one of the pluperfect markers -mu- plpf7 or
-(ü)wye- plpf15. Compare:
(200) miaw-chi che

wander-svn4-adj person
‘wandering people’
(201) che miaw-lu

4
person wander-svn
‘people who wandered’
(202) kim-nu-chi pichi che

10 4
know-neg -svn -adj small person
‘an ignorant/innocent child’
218 Slots
(203) pichi che kim-nu-lu

small person know-neg10-svn4
‘a child that doesn’t know’
(204) ti wentru füñapuwe-tu-nge-lu wesha-l-ka-le-y

36 23 4 34 33 28 4 3
the man poison-verb -pass -svn bad-ca -fac -st -ind -3
‘the man who has been poisoned is in bad shape’
(205) ti füñapuwe-tu-nge-chi wentru wesha-l-ka-le-y

the poison-verb36-pass23-svn4-adj man 34 33
bad-ca -fac -st -ind -3
28 4 3
‘the poisoned man is in bad shape’

Compare:
(206) ti füñapuwe-tu-el-chi wentru wesha-l-ka-le-y
the poison-verb36-ovn4-adj man bad-ca34-fac33-st28-ind4-33
(207) ti füñapuwe-tu-n wentru wesha-l-ka-le-y

the poison-verb36-pvn4 man 34 33
bad-ca -fac -st -ind -3
28 4 3

(207) contains the general statement that poisoned people are in bad shape.
The man in (204–206) has actually been poisoned.
(208) iñché uam-ün kiñe mákina katrü-ke-lu ka ketra-ke-lu

I need-ind1s3 one machine cut-cf14-svn4 and plough-cf14-svn4
‘I want one cutting and ploughing machine’
⟨ mákina is Sp. máquina ‘machine’. ⟩
(209) fey-chi wentru lang-üm-lu ñi peñi faw pülle-le-y

34 4 28 4 3
that-adj man die-ca -svn poss3 brother here close-st -ind -3
‘that man who killed his brother lives nearby’
(210) elu-e-n fey ti oy wenu-le-lu

6 3 1 28 4
give-ido -ind1s -ds he the more top-st -svn
‘yous gave me the topmost’, ‘give me the topmost!’
(211) müli-y kiñe trari-ñ mansun ka kiñe kareta müli-y tüfá ta-ñi
be-ind4-33 one tie-pvn4 ox and one cart be-ind4-33 this the-poss1s
ñawe-nge-a-lu
36 9 4
daughter-verb -nrld -svn
‘there is one team of oxen and one cart here which will be for my daughter’
(lit.: which will be my daughter’s)
The suffix -∅ svn4 cannot combine with person markers. The active participle
-lu may co-occur with either one of the direct object markers -fi-6 or -e-6. The
internal direct object marker -e-6 necessarily co-occurs with the dative subject
suffix -mu ds1, which marks third person agent. Both -fi-lu and -e-lu-mu
(never *-e-lu-mew ) indicate a 3 → 3 relationship. The sequence -e-lu-mu is
used when the patient is contextually determined. Instead of -e-lu-mu, one
may use -e-t-ew (see 26.4.9.5). Compare:
(212) kim-nie-fi-n ti wentru petú kewa-fi-lu Xuan

32 6 3 6 4
know-prps -edo -ind1s the man still beat-edo -svn Juan
‘I know that man who is beating Juan’
(213) kim-nie-fi-n ti wentru petú kewa-e-lu-mu Xuan

know-prps32-edo6-ind1s3 the man still beat-ido6-svn4-ds1 Juan
‘I know that man who is beaten by Juan’
(214) fey üyaqtu-ke-fwi-y chem che rumé

14 8 6 4 3
he get.irritated.with-cf -ipd .edo -ind -3 which person -ever
illku-tu-nie-ñma-e-lu-mu ñi wenüy

33 32 26 6 4 1
get.angry-tr -prps -io -ido -svn -ds poss3 friend
‘he got irritated with whomever got angry with his friends’
(215) kiñe-ke petaf elu-fi-y ta-ñi pu wenüy petú kellu-e-lu-mu

one-distr piece give-edo6-ind4-33 the-poss3 coll friend still help-ido6-svn4-ds1
‘he gave one piece each to his friends who were helping him’
In (215) the subjects of the predicate and the subordinate are referentially
identical, cf. (194).
Forms which contain -e-lu-mu or -e-t-ew do not often occur as an active par-
ticiple. I have not found -e-lu-mu as an active participle in spontaneous speech.
The sequence -e-t-ew, which can be used as an active or passive participle, is
clearly ambiguous. An -e-lu-mu form can also be ambiguous: I found it as a
passive participle in a few unreliable cases which were elicited and later denied.
It is difficult to elicit a relative clause which expresses a 3 → 3 relationship.
The informant is quickly confused and avoids this kind of construction by using
a predicate. Forms that contain -e-lu-mu or -fi-lu are primarily interpreted as
temporal clauses (see below). Note that Mapuche does not have an active
participle the head of which is first or second person ‘I who . . . ’, ‘you who
. . . ’).
26.4.10.2 Temporal/causal -lu

A -lu subordinate may be used to form a temporal or causal clause. A causal
clause which is marked by -lu often contains the particle kam ‘since’ (see 32.12).
In the speech of MM, a -lu subordinate has temporal meaning only. In the
220 Slots
speech of RR, a causal -lu clause may be preceded by porke ‘since’, ‘because’
(Sp. porque ‘since’, ‘because’). The subject can be indicated by a personal
pronoun.
(216) fey la-y pataka mari kechu tripantu nie-lu
he die-ind4-33 hundred ten five year have-svn
4
‘he died when he was 115 years old’

(217) ñall ungu-a-lu iñché ka che ungu-y
just speak-nrld9-svn4 I other person speak-ind4-33
‘just when I was about to speak, someone else spoke’
(218) tüfa-chi omo engu kiñe yall rumé nie-la-y ew füchá
10 4 3
this-adj woman theyd one child -ever have-neg -ind -3 already old
che-lu kam (6,25)

4
person-svn part
‘with this woman he did not even have a single child, since they were old
already’
(219) . . . porke wim-küle-we-fu-lu ta-ñi enggaña-che-al
28 19 8 4 9 4
since get.used-st -ps -ipd -svn the-poss3 deceive-person-nrld .ovn
engün kay nga ti?

p
they part part the?
‘. . . since theyp were already used to the fact that theyp deceived people,
weren’t they?’
When the suffix -lu is used to form a temporal or causal clause, it may
combine with the suffixes -e-6, -fi-6, -mu- 2A23 or -(u)w- 1A23.
The suffix sequence -mu-lu is used to indicate a 2 → 1 relationship in which
the total number of participants is greater than two.
The sequence -(u)w-lu is used to indicate a 1 → 2 relationship in which the
total number of participants is greater than two.
For 1s → 2s and 2s → 1s relationships, the morpheme -fiel is used.
The suffix sequence -fi-lu is used when the patient is third person. The agent
may be first, second or third person.
The sequence -e-lu-mu is used to indicate a third person agent. The patient
may be first, second or third person.
The agent may be expressed by a personal pronoun which precedes the sub-
ordinate. The patient may be expressed by a personal pronoun which follows
the subordinate.
Compare the following constructions (allkü-tu- hear-tr33- ‘to listen to’):
eymi allkü-tu-mu-lu iñchiñ ‘when yous listened to usp’
eymün allkü-tu-mu-lu iñché ‘when youp listened to me’
iñché allkü-tu-w-lu eymu ‘when I listened to youd’
iñchiu allkü-tu-w-lu eymi ‘when wed listened to yous’

iñché allkü-tu-fiel eymi ‘when I listened to yous’
eymi allkü-tu-fiel iñché ‘when yous listened to me’
iñché allkü-tu-fi-lu fey ‘when I listened to him’
fey allkü-tu-fi-lu fey ‘when he listened to her’
fey allkü-tu-e-lu-mu iñché ‘when he listened to me’
fey allkü-tu-e-lu-mu fey ‘when he was listened to by her’
Instead of -fi-lu 1s → 3, -fiel may be used. Instead of -e-lu-mu 3 → 1s,
-e-t-ew may be used. In the speech of MM, -e-t-ew may be used for 3 → 1s
and 3 → 2s relationships.
NB. Subject and object of -fiel and -t- forms which indicate a temporal/causal
clause are indicated by personal pronouns.
(220) küpa-la-y-m-i fey mütrüm-e-lu-mu eymi

10 4 3 2 6 4 1 s
come-neg -ind -2 -s he call-ido -svn -ds you
‘yous did not come when he called yous’
(221) allkü-tu-fi-lu iñchiñ ngüma-y-iñ

33 6 4 p 4 3 2
hear-tr -edo -svn we cry-ind -1ns -p
‘when we listened to it, wep cried’
(222) lang-üm-fi-lu ñi peñi püre u-nge-y

die-ca34-edo6-svn4 poss3 brother prisoner-pass23-ind4-33
‘when he had killed his brother, he was taken prisoner’
‘the one who killed his brother was taken prisoner’
⟨ The Mapuche word püre u is derived from Spanish preso ’imprisoned, priso-
ner’. ⟩
(223) püre u-nge-y lang-üm-fi-lu kam ñi peñi

23 4 3 34 6 4
prisoner-pass -ind -3 die-ca -edo -svn part poss3 brother
‘he was taken prisoner because he had killed his brother’
(224) pe-fi-lu ñi chaw amu-tu-y

6 4 16 4 3
see-edo -svn poss3 father go-re -ind -3
‘when he saw his father, he went back’
(225) pe-e-lu-mu ñi chaw amu-tu-y

6 4 1 16 4 3
see-ido -svn -ds poss3 father go-re -ind -3
‘when he was seen by his father, he went back’
The suffix -lu may combine with the passive morpheme -nge- pass23. Instead
of temporal/causal -nge-lu, the objective verbal noun marker -el may be used
(see also (127).
222 Slots
(226) fey ew fey-pi-nge-lu/fey-pi-el, fey tuw-üy ta-ñi

he already that-say-pass23-svn4/that-say-ovn4, then start-ind4-33 the-poss3
ngüma-n
cry-pvn4
‘after he had been told, he started to cry’

The suffix -lu may be used as a complement of the verb troki- ‘to opine’. Subject
and object may be indicated by a personal pronoun.
(227) wenu-mapu küpa-lu troki-nge-y

4 23 4 3
above-land come-svn opine-pass -ind -3
‘he seemed to come from heaven’
The objective verbal noun marker -el ovn4 may be used instead of -nge-lu
pass23-svn4 (see 26.4.7.3), e.g.
(228) i-nge-lu/iy-el troki-fi-n

23 4 4 6 3
eat-pass -svn /eat-ovn opine-edo -ind1s
‘I thought it had been eaten’
(229) ina-ni-a-lu-mu ti añchümalleñ troki-w-üy (8,32)

follow-prps32-nrld9-ido6-svn4-ds1 the midget opine-ref31-ind4-33
‘they think that they are being followed by the midgets’
Agent-patient relationships in subordinates which combine with troki- are
indicated in the way described for temporal/causal -lu, with the exception of
1 → 2 and 2 → 1 relationships in which the total number of participants is
more than two. 1 → 2 (total > 2) and 2 → 1 (total > 2) relationships may be
indicated by the suffixes -(u)w-lu or -mu-lu respectively or by -fiel .
In combination with the non-realized action marker -a- nrld9, the suffix -lu
may occur as a complement of the following verbs: amu- ‘to go’, küpa- ‘to
come’, lef- ‘to run’, treka- ‘to walk’, tripa- ‘to go out’, ‘to leave’, kon- ‘to start’,
‘to enter’, llitu- ‘to start’, ‘to come from’, kü aw-tu- ‘to have difficulty in’, llüka-
‘to become afraid of’, pi- ‘to want’ and werkü- ‘to order’.
The subject of the predicate is referentially identical with the subject of the
subordinate and can only be third person. The subject of the subordinate is
not indicated explicitly. In the speech of MM, this type of construction may
also have a 1s subject. MM was, however, not very sure about this.
(230) pi-la-y üy-a-lu

10 4 3 9 4
want-neg -ind -3 burn-nrld -svn
‘it does not want to burn’
(231) tripa-y kü aw-a-lu

go.out-ind4-33 work-nrld9-svn4
‘he went out to work’
(232) kon-üy-ng-ün nütram-ka-ya-fi-lu

4 3 2 33 10 6 4
start-ind -3ns -p conversation-fac -nrld -edo -svn
‘theyp started to talk with him’
These verbs may also occur with an -el/-fiel complement, in which case the
subject can be first, second or third person, cf. (232): kon-üy-ng-ün ñi nütram-
ka-ya-fiel ‘theyp started to talk with him’.
A -lu form may occur as an inflected verb form: it takes a zero verbalizer, sta-
tive marker -(kü)le-28 and flectional suffixes, as in the following constructions:
(233) mawün-a-lu-le-y
9 4 36 28 4 3
rain-nrld -svn -verb -st -ind -3
‘it looks as if it is going to rain’
(234) angkü-le-lu-le-y
get.dry-st28-svn4-verb36-st28-ind4-33
‘it looks as if it is dry’
(235) küpá umaw-küle-lu-le-y-m-i

wishing sleep-st28-svn4-verb36-st28-ind4-23-s2
‘yous look as if yous want to go to sleep’
(236) fe-le-a-lu-le-y
become.like.that-st28-nrld9-svn4-verb36-st28-ind4-33
‘it looks as if it is going to be like that’
A form which takes the suffixes -a- nrld9 and -lu svn4 may be used as a
finite verb form. Such a form denotes a situation which is expected to take
place at an indefinite moment in the future. Compare:
(237) fey füta-nge-a-lu
she husband-verb36-nrld9-svn4
‘she’ll get married’ (I expect her to get married sometime)
(238) fey füta-nge-a-y

she husband-verb36-nrld9-ind4-33
‘she is going to get married’ (there is a plan for her to get married)
(239) kiñe antü amu-tu-a-lu Olanda

16 9 4
one day go-re -nrld -svn Netherlands
‘one day I will go back to the Netherlands’
224 Slots
(240) kiñe antü amu-tu-a-n Olanda

one day go-re16-nrld9-ind1s3 Netherlands
‘one day I shall go back to the Netherlands’
Sentence (239) indicates that the subject may go back to the Netherlands
some day. Example (240) indicates that the subject intends to go back to the
Netherlands in the near future.
When the subject is 1s, the morpheme -al ∼ -a-el may be used instead of
the suffix -a-lu, e.g. kiñe antü amu-al Olanda ‘one day I will go back to the
Netherlands’.
Agent-patient relationships are indicated in the way described for tempo-
ral/causal -lu with one exception: the suffix -fiel, which is otherwise used to
complete the -lu paradigm to indicate a 1s → 2s or 2s → 1s relationship, cannot
be used as a finite verb form for 1s → 2s or 2s → 1s relationships. The suffix
-fiel can be used as an alternant for -fi-lu in 1s → 3 relationships.
For the non-realized action marker -a-9, see 26.9.
26.4.11 -(ü)wma Completive subjective verbal noun

The suffix -(ü)wma (-üwma after C, -wma after V) indicates the subject of a
completed event. It does not combine with the internal direct object suffix -e-
ido6, the external direct object marker -fi- edo6, the second person agent mor-
pheme -mu- 2A23, the first person agent marker -(u)w- 1A23 or the impeditive
suffix -fu- ipd8. The suffix -(ü)wma is infrequent.
(241) puw-tu-ye-m ruka-mew ti kekaw-kiaw-uwma

16 5 4 30 4
arrive-re -cf -ivn house-inst the complain-circ -csvn
kintu-ka-w-pu-tu-ke-fu-y ñi chem

33 31 17 16 14 8 4 3
look.for-fac -ref -loc -re -cf -ipd -ind -3 poss3 what
küpa-l-el-a-fiel tüfa-chi ülmen (5,51)

come-ca34-ben27-nrld9-tvn4 this-adj rich
‘when the one who had made a complaint came back home, he would look
there for all kinds of things to bring to these rich [people]’
(242) kom ti pu che müle-wma tüfa-chi eluwün-mew

all the coll person be-csvn4 this-adj funeral-inst
amu-ye-tu-y-ng-ün ñi ruka-mew (6,58)

16 4 3 2
go-carry-re -ind -3ns -p poss3 house-inst
‘all the people who had been at this funeral went back home taking [food
with them]’
A form which takes the suffix -(ü)wma may be used predicatively.

26.5 Slot 5. -ye- constant feature 225
(243) welu iñché rumé llüka-nten-nge-wma pichi-ka-lu (8,34)

but I very become.afraid-nom-verb36-csvn4 small-cont16-svn4
‘but when I was still young, I was a coward’ (but I [am] someone who was
someone who easily gets very frightened when I was still young)
Sometimes the subject is missing. The context must disambiguate such forms.
(244) law-üwma
become.bald-csvn4
‘he has become bald’ (X is someone who has become bald)
(245) kurü-wma
4
black-csvn
‘it has become black’ (X is something which has become black)
(246) nütram-ka-e-n-ew chum-nge-wma ti walon (5,3)

33 6 3 1 36 4
conversation-fac -ido -ind1s -ds how-verb -csvn the war
‘he told me how the war had been’
In (246) the suffix -(ü)wma seems to be used as an infinitive marker. This
idea is corroborated by the fact that MM would add a possessive pronoun:
nütram-ka-e-n-ew ñi chum-nge-wma ti walon, lit.: he told me its how having
been the war. I have not found comparable -(ü)wma forms.
26.5 Slot 5. constant feature

The suffix -ye- cf denotes a characteristic or constant feature. It can combine
with the instrumental verbal noun marker -m ivn4 only (see 26.4.8). the suffix
-ye- occurs in complementary distribution with -ke- cf14, which also denotes a
characteristic or constant feature.
A form which contains -ye 5-m 4 forms a temporal clause. It denotes a situation
which is characterized by the fact that every time when event A (denoted by
the subordinate) occurs, event B (denoted by the main predicate) occurs. The
sequence -ye-m may combine with the non-realized action marker -a- nrld9.
(1) trana-nge-ye-m pañillwe tripa-ki-y ñi eskoria

beat-pass23-cf5-ivn4 iron go.out-cf14-ind4-33 poss3 slag
‘when iron is beaten, slags come off’
⟨ eskoria is Sp. escoria ‘slag’. ⟩
(2) wiño-ye-m ketra-pa-tu-ke-n tüfa-chi mapu

return-cf5-ivn4 plough-hh17-re16-cf14-ind1s3 this-adj land
‘every time I come back, I plough this land here’
226 Slots
(3) pelo-ke-la-y tuku-nie-nu-ye-m ñi gafa

get.light-cf14-neg10-ind4-33 put.on-prps32-neg10-cf5-ivn4 poss3 glasses
‘he does not see well when he does not wear his glasses’
⟨ gafa is Sp. gafas ‘glasses, spectacles’ ⟩
See also 26.4.8.4 for temporal -ye-m.
The suffix -ye-5 may occur in combination with the proximity morpheme
-pe- px13 and the instrumental verbal noun suffix -m ivn4 simultaneously. A
form which takes -pe-ye-m may be used as an instrumental/locative or as an
infinitive. The sequence -pe-ye-m does not combine with the non-realization
suffix -a- nrld9.
(4) kü aw-pe-ye-m
13 5 4
work-px -cf -ivn
‘a place where/a thing with which one works’
(5) fey-ta-chi trafla rumel müle-pe-ye-m kafé

that-the-adj shelf always be-px13-cf5-ivn4 coffee
‘this shelf [is the place] where the coffee always is’
⟨ trafla ‘shelf’ is derived from Sp. tabla ‘shelf, plank’; kafé is Sp. café. ⟩
For the sequence -pe-ye-m, see also 26.4.8.1 and 26.4.8.2.
The suffix -ye- does not combine with the pluperfect tense marker -(ü)wye-
plpf15. In one instance I found the sequence -ye-m in combination with the
pluperfect tense morpheme -mu- plpf7 and the external direct object marker
-fi-, see (168) in 26.4.8.4. For -ye-, see also 25.3 (50).
26.6 Slot 6. Direct object

Slot 6 is filled by either of two suffixes: -fi- and -e-. Both suffixes are deictic
elements. The field of reference of -fi- is the situation at large, outside the
speech act. The field of reference of -e- is the speech situation. The suffix -fi-
indicates that beside the most prominent participant a second participant is
involved in the event. The prominent participant has the function of subject
and the role of agent. It follows that the second participant denoted by -fi- has
the function of direct object and the role of patient. A participant which is to
be identified by the situation cannot be a first or a second person -since they
participate in the speech situation- nor a third person which is to be found in
the context. The referent of -fi- is therefore a third person which is identified
by the situation. It is unmarked for number and may be animate or inanimate.
The subject of a -fi- form may be first, second or third person. For the suffix
-fi-, which is labelled External Direct Object (edo), see also 25.2.2.
The suffix -e- indicates that the most prominent participant, which is denoted
by a subject marker, is determined by the context and has the role of patient.
A participant which can be identified by the context may be a first or second
person or a third person which is in focus in terms of discourse. The subject
26.6 Slot 6. Direct object 227
of an -e- form may therefore be first, second or third person. For the suffix -e-,
which is labelled Internal Direct Object (ido), see also 25.2.2 and 25.2.3.
The agent of an event denoted by an -e- form is indicated by a dative subject
marker (slot 1) with which the suffix -e- obligatorily combines. For dative
subject (ds), see 25.2.3 and 26.1.
The suffixes -fi- and -e- occur in predicates and certain subordinates. The suf-
fix -e- combines with the agentive verbal noun marker -t- avn4 or the subjective
verbal noun morpheme -lu svn4. The suffix -fi- combines with the subjective
verbal noun suffix -lu svn4 or the suffix sequence -ye-m- cf5-ivn4. See 26.4.9
for the suffix -t-, 26.4.10 for the suffix -lu and 26.4.8.4 for the sequence -ye-m.
When the external direct object marker -fi- co-occurs with the objective verbal
noun morpheme -el ovn4, it does not merely indicate a situationally defined
patient. The patient of a -fiel form may be first, second or third person. Syn-
chronically, the suffix -fiel simply seems to indicate that there is a patient in-
volved in the event. Historically, the ending -fiel may have resulted from object
incorporation. The ending -fiel is treated as a single suffix, for which see 26.4.9.
The suffix -e- enables the speaker to maintain the prominent participant in
the function of subject while in the role of patient.
(1) kim-ürke-la-y ñi ñuke. ñi chaw

12 10 4 3
know-rep -neg -ind -3 poss3 mother; poss3 father
uam-ürke-la-e-y-ew. yall-tuku-rke-e-y-ew ka
care.for-rep12-neg10-ido6-ind4-33-ds1; child-put.in-rep12-ido6-ind4-33-ds1 other
omo-mew (6,4)
woman-inst
‘he did not know his mother. his father did not care for him. he begot him
as an illegitimite child with another woman’ (lit.: he did not know his
mother, it is reported. He did not have himself cared for by his father, it
is reported. He was begotten as an illegitimite child by him with another
woman, it is reported)
There is one exception to the rule that the subject of an -e- form denotes
the patient: the subject of an -e- form which expresses a 1s → 2s relationship
indicates a first person, see (20) and (21) in 25.2.3. For the suffix -e-, see also
25.2.2 and 25.2.3.
Although an -e- form is marked for subject, direct object and dative subject,
it cannot have more than two noun phrases which are coreferential with a
person marker in the verb: one noun phrase which is coreferential with the
subject marker (or with the possessive pronoun when the suffix -e- combines
with the suffix -t-4) and one noun phrase which is coreferential with the dative
subject marker.
228 Slots
(2) Xasinta püna-e-y-ew ti chiklet

Jacinta paste-ido6-ind4-33-ds1 the chewing.gum
‘Jacinta got stuck onto the chewing gum’
In (2) Xasinta is the subject noun phrase. The constituent Xasinta is co-
referential with the slot 3 filler. The phrase ti chiklet is dative subject noun
phrase: it is coreferent with the slot 1 filler.
The subject noun phrase is often omitted, as its referent is obvious from the
context.
(3) ür-e-y-ew ti alka
cover-ido6-ind4-33-ds1 the cock
‘she [the chicken] was mounted by the cock’
Note that the agent noun phrase which is coreferential with the slot 1 filler
follows the verb and the patient noun phrase which is coreferential with the
slot 3 filler precedes the verb. This order illustrates the prominence of the
subject (patient) in an -e- form which indicates a 3 → 3 relationship. The
word order in transitive constructions which express a 1 → 2, a 2 → 1 or an
X → 3 relationship is usually: agent verb patient. This order may also be
found in -e- forms which contain a third person subject marker.
(4) fentren che pülcha-ye-y-ew (+ pülcha-ye-e-y-ew +) (4,37)
large.quantity person lift-carry-ido6-ind4-33-ds1
‘it was lifted up and carried away by a large number of people’
For word order, see chapter 34.
An noun phrase which is coreferential with the external direct object marker
-fi- is a direct object noun phrase.
(5) llüka-l-ka-ke-fwi-y-ng-ün ti nge-n ruka
become.afraid-ca34-fac33-cf14-ipd8.edo6-ind4-3ns3-p2 the have-pvn4 house
‘theyp used to intimidate the house owner’
In such a construction, in which the external direct object is denoted by an
noun phrase, the suffix -fi- may be left out. In case the suffix -fi- is left out
(6), the noun phrase ti nge-n ruka has the function of a complement. A direct
object noun phrase is more definite than a complement object noun phrase.
Compare:
(6) llüka-l-ka-ke-fu-y-ng-ün ti nge-n ruka
34 33 14 8 4 3 2 4
become.afraid-ca -fac -cf -ipd -ind -3ns -p the have-pvn house
‘theyp used to intimidate the house owner’
The patient in (5) is one particular house owner. The patient in (6) is a
person who is referred to as a member of a class of house owners. See also (7)
and (8) in 25.2.2.
With some verbs the do marker does not indicate the patient but the recipient
of the event. These verbs include: elu- ‘to give to’ (which contrasts with wül- ‘to
26.7 Slot 7. -mu- pluperfect 229
give something’), fey-pi- ‘to say to’, kulli- ‘to pay to’ and verbs which contain
the verbalizer -l-36, e.g. kiñe-ke-l- ‘to give one each to’. Compare:
(7) elu-fi-n kiñe trewa
6 3
give-edo -ind1s one dog
‘I gave him/her/them one dog’
(8) wül-fi-n ti trewa

6 3
give-edo -ind1s the dog
‘I gave the dog [away]’
These verbs and other verbs like ngilla-tu- ‘to ask something from someone’,
are-l- ‘to lend something to someone’ or elfal- ‘to entrust someone with’ may
take two objects. The animate, more agentive or definite object is encoded in
the verb and has the function of do (or s in the case of a passive verb). The
other object is not coreferential with a do marker and has the function of a
complement.
(9) iñché ngilla-tu-fi-n kofke ta-ñi palu
I buy-tr33-edo6-ind1s3 bread the-poss3 aunt
‘I asked my aunt for bread’
(10) elu-nge-ke-fu-y-iñ iy-al

give-pass23-cf14-ipd8-ind4-1ns3-p2 eat-nrld10.ovn4
‘wep were given food’
The complement noun phrase may be incorporated into the stem.
(11) entu-tün-fi-n ñi yall
take.out-louse-edo6-ind1s3 poss1s son
‘I loused my son’
(12) fey-pi-fi-n
6 3
that-say-edo -ind1s
‘I told him/her/them that’
The distinction between situation and context which characterizes -fi- vs. -e-
is also reflected in the anaphoric pronouns ti ‘the’ and ta ‘the’ (14.3) and in
the deictic verbs fa- ‘to become like this’ and fe- ‘to become like that’ (chapter
30).
26.7 Slot 7. pluperfect

The suffix -mu- plpf indicates that an event is realized before an orientation
moment in the past. The suffix -mu- occurs in complementary distribution
with the suffix -(ü)wye-15, which also marks pluperfect tense. The morpheme
-mu- is infrequent. It can only combine with the instrumental verbal noun
marker -m ivn4, which denotes an event as such, an instrument or a location,
230 Slots
or, when this suffix is used as a locative, with the transitive verbal noun suffix
-fiel tvn4. The suffix -mu- does not combine with the non-realization marker
-a-9.
In the intransitive infinitive and instrumental/locative series, there is an
opposition between the plain verbal noun suffix -(ü)n pvn4 (unspecified for
the distinction realization/non-realization), the objective verbal noun suffix
-el ovn4 (marked for non-realization or unmarked) and the sequence -mu7-m 4
(marked for pluperfect tense). Note that the suffix -el is not frequent as a mar-
ker of the infinitive and seldom occurs as an instrumental/locative. Compare:
(1) epu antü-nge-y ñi kutran-küle-n
two day-verb36-ind4-33 poss1s illness-st28-pvn4
‘two days ago I was ill’ (my being sick is two days ago)
(2) epu antü-nge-y ñi kutran-küle-el

36 4 3 28 4
two day-verb -ind -3 poss1s illness-st -ovn
‘two days ago I was ill’ (my realized being sick is two days ago)
(3) epu antü-nge-y ñi kutran-küle-mu-m

two day-verb36-ind4-33 poss1s illness-st28-plpf7-ivn4
‘two days ago I was ill’ (my having been sick is two days ago)
In contrast with (1) and (2), sentence (3) implies that the subject is no longer
ill.
(4) fey kim-nie-y chew ta-yu pe-w-mu-m
he know-prps32-ind4-33 where the-poss1d see-ref31-plpf7-ivn4
‘he knows/knew where wed (had) met’
For more examples of instrumental/locative -mu-m, see 26.4.8.1 (134–139).
I found the combination -mu-fiel plpf7-tvn4 only twice in spontaneous
speech.
(5) welu pülle-pu-el chew ñi pe-mu-fiel engu
but near-loc17-ovn4 where poss1s see-plpf7-tvn4 theyd
pe-we-tu-la-fi-n (8,46)
see-ps19-re16-neg10-edo6-ind1s3
‘but when I came near the place where I had seen themd, I did not see
them any more’
See also (185) in 26.4.9.2. The suffix -mu- is attested once in combination
with the sequence -ye 5-m 4, for which see (168) in 26.4.8.4.
26.8 Slot 8. impeditive

The suffix -fu- ipd indicates the unsuccessful realization of an event. The
denoted event does not have the expected consequences or is prevented from
26.8 Slot 8. -fu- impeditive 231
reaching its completion. A -fu- form actually evokes a double image. On the
one hand, an event takes place, and on the other, an expected event or state
does not take place or does not come about. There is always a ‘but’.
The suffix -fu- may occur in indicative and conditional forms and in subordi-
nates except those marked with the plain verbal noun suffix -(ü)n pvn4 or the
completive subjective verbal noun suffix -(ü)wma csvn4. The morpheme -(ü)n
cannot combine with the suffix -fu- because the suffix -(ü)n denotes an event
which is not specified for the distinction realization/ non-realization. The suf-
fixes -(ü)wma and -fu- are incompatible because the ending -(ü)wma indicates
a completed event.
(1) nge-me-fu-n, müle-rke-la-y-ng-ün

be-th20-ipd8-ind1s3, be-rep12-neg10-ind4-3ns3-p2
‘I was there [but] theyp were not in [yet]’
(2) küpá amu-fu-y-iñ welu elu-ñma-nge-la-y-iñ

8 4 3 2 26 23 10 4 3 2
wishing go-ipd -ind -1ns -p but give-io -pass -neg -ind -1ns -p
‘we wanted to go but were not allowed to’
p
The expected event or state which is not realized is not always mentioned
explicitly. In most cases it can be understood from the context.
(3) iñché reye-fu-n ta-ñi müle-al tüfa-chi ruka-mew

8 3 9 4
I want.badly-ipd -ind1s the-poss1s be-nrld .ovn this-adj house-inst
‘I wanted to live in this house so badly’ (but it never came to anything)
(4) ayü-fe-y-u (17.7)

8 6 4 3 2 1
love-ipd .ido -ind -1ns -d -ds
‘I loved yous’ (but yous did not love me)
The unexpected consequence or result is not always negative.
(5) pichin plata nie-fu-y welu fill antü ngilla-ki-y kofke

small.quantity money have-ipd8-ind4-33 but every day 14 4 3
buy-cf -ind -3 bread
‘he had little money but still he would buy bread every day’
For other examples of the suffix -fu-, see (49) and (72–73) in 25.3. When the
morpheme -fu- combines with the non-realized action marker -a-, it indicates
that the planned event fell through or did not have the expected consequences.
(6) faw müle-la-ya-fu-y-m-i

here be-neg10-nrld9-ipd8-ind4-23-s2
‘yous would not be here’ (the plan that yous would not be here has not
been realized successfully)
The sequence -a-fu- indicates a hypothetical possibility.
232 Slots
(7) amu-a-l-m-i wekun, makuñ-tu-nge.

go-nrld9-cond4-23-s2 outside, coat-verb36-imp2s3;
chafo-a-fu-y-m-i wütre-mew
catch.a.cold-nrld9-ipd8-ind4-23-s2 cold-inst
‘if yous go outside, put on a coat. yous might catch a cold in view of the
cold’
(8) chumngechi chi kim-a-fu-y-iñ?
how part know-nrld9-ipd8-ind4-1ns3-p2
‘how could wep know?’
In section 26.9 (30–44), the sequence -a-fu- is dealt with more extensively.
(9) mari-we aku-fu-l-m-i, pe-pa-ya-fwi-y-m-i
ten-nom arrive-ipd8-cond4-23-s2, see-hh17-nrld10-ipd8.edo6-ind4-23-s2
‘if yous had arrived ten days ago, yous would/might have seen him’
For the suffix -fu- in conditional forms see also (14) and (16) in 26.4.3.
With verbs which denote a lasting situation or a characteristic or constant
feature, i.e. with verbs which denote a situation which is implied to continue
into the present, the suffix -fu- indicates that the denoted situation has ended.
(10) pichi-ka-lu kampu müle-ke-fu-n
16 4 14 8 3
small-cont -svn country be-cf -ipd -ind1s
‘when I was (still) young, I lived in the country’
The combination -ke 14-fu- is very frequent in narratives.
(11) . . . tripa-ke-fu-n ñi kü aw-tu-al. fey-chi plata ta-ñi
leave-cf14-ipd8-ind1s3 poss1s work-re16-nrld9.ovn4. that-adj money the-poss1s
gana-ke-fel ta ti pu ülmen-mew gana-ke-fu-n ta-ñi

earn-cf14-ipd8.ovn4 the the coll rich-inst earn-cf14-ipd8-ind1s3 the-poss1s
libru, gana-ke-fu-n ta-ñi weshakelu. femngechi ta

14 8 3
book, earn-cf -ipd -ind1s the-poss1s things. thus the
chillka-tu-ke-fu-n ta ta-ñi mapu-mew (9, 19–21)

36 14 8 3
inscription-verb -cf -ipd -ind1s the the-poss1s land-inst
‘I would go out to find work again. [With] that money, which I would
earn from those rich people, I would earn my books and things. That
way I used to study in my country’
⟨weshakelu ‘things, stuff’ may be derived from weshá ‘bad’ (bad-distr-
svn4).⟩
26.8.1 Special uses

When a conditional form occurs as the main verb of a sentence it necessarily
takes the suffix -fu-. Such a conditional form expresses a wish or a proposition.
26.8 Slot 8. -fu- impeditive 233
(12) wew-fu-l-i-fel!
win-ipd8-cond4-13-s2-ipd8.ovn4
‘if only I would win!’
For the morpheme -fu- in desiderative conditional forms, see also 26.4.3 (20–
22). The ending -fel is not obligatory in a conditional form which expresses a
wish. For the sequence -fel , see 26.4.7.3 (130–133).
The suffix -fal- force25 may indicate an obligation or duty. In combination
with the suffix -fu-, it expresses a friendly suggestion or advice to perform a
certain action, or an unfulfilled duty.
(13) eymün amu-fal-fu-y-m-ün
youp 25 8 4
go-force -ipd -ind -2 -p
3 2
‘you ought to go’

p
(14) iglesia-mew amu-fal-fu-y welu amu-la-y

25 8 4 3 10 4 3
church-inst go-force -ipd -ind -3 but go-neg -ind -3
‘he should have gone to church but he didn’t (go)’
⟨ iglesia ‘church’ is Sp. iglesia ‘church’.⟩
(15) fe-le-fal-nu-fel
become.like.that-st28-force25-neg10-ipd8.ovn4
‘it should not be that way’, ‘it should not have been that way’
(16) eymi kücha-w-fal-fel

s
you wash-ref31-force25-ipd8.ovn4
‘yous should have washed yourself’
For the combination -fal-fel, see also 26.4.7.3 (130–131). For the force marker
-fal-25, see 26.25.
A -fu- form which is preceded by the auxiliary küpá ‘wishing’ may express a
polite wish:
(17) küpá kim-fu-n chumngechi mi pe-fiel
wishing know-ipd8-ind1s3 how poss2s see-tvn4
‘I would like to know how yous see him’, ‘. . . what yous think of him’
Note that the suffix -fu- can also have its original meaning in a verb form
which is preceded by küpá ‘wishing’, cf. (2) of this section.
26.8.2 Discussion
Traditionally, the suffix -fu- has been analyzed as a past tense marker. Croese
(1984: 64–65) summarizes the labels which have been attached to the mor-
pheme -fu- in the literature. They are the following: “pretérito imperfecto”
(Valdivia 1606: 13, Golbert de Goodbar 1975: 100), “imperfecto” (Havestadt
1777: 19, Lenz 1944: 439) or “copretérito” (Augusta 1903: 25–27, Moesbach
234 Slots
1962: 67–68). Salas (1970a: 80–81), Fernández Garay (1981) and Croese (1984)
ascribe both temporal (-fu- as a past tense marker) and modal value (-fu- as
counterfactual) to the suffix -fu- (or -fü-, which is the Argentinian Mapuche
variant of -fu-). I agree with Croese when he states that the function of -fu-
“es una noción de contraexpectación que significa, ‘consecuencia no esperada’
. . . ” (Croese 1984: 67). Croese adds, however, that “el mayor uso discursivo
de -fu, sin embargo, da una referencia de tiempo pasado . . . ” (Croese 1984:
68).
The analysis of the suffix -fu- as a tense marker is not unique. The suf-
fixes -a- and -afu- are also analyzed as tense markers. The morpheme -a- is
analyzed as a future tense marker by all the authors mentioned above. The
sequence -afu- is treated as a single suffix and is labelled “mixto primero” by
Valdivia or “pospretérito” by Lenz, Augusta and Moesbach (Croese 1984: 64–
65). Golbert de Goodbar (1975: 100) states that the morpheme -afu- indicates
probability, impossibility or a polite request. Salas (1970a: 81) states that “el
sufijo temporal -afu . . . expresa una acción hipotética anterior, la que actúa
como una condicionante . . . para peticiones corteses . . . para negativas corteses
. . . acciones que no se cumplieron porque dejó de cumplirse la acción que las
condicionaba . . . y situaciones actuales negativas que han sido posibles porque
se dejó de hacer algo en el pasado”. Although Fernández Garay (1981: 14)
states that the sequence -afü- consists of the suffixes -a- and -fü-, she continues
to discuss -afü- as a single suffix, to which she ascribes modal value. The suffix
-afü- would express doubt, a hypothetical possibility, a wish or add concessive
meaning (Fernández Garay: 14–19).
Croese (1984: 69) divides -afu- into -a- and -fu-. The combination -a-fu-, he
states, expresses a doubtful situation in the future or a polite request.
As I have demonstrated above, the suffix -fu- is not a tense marker. The
implication of a -fu- form depends on the combination which the suffix -fu-
forms with either the non-realization marker -a- nrld9 or a form which is
unmarked for the distinction realization/non-realization. A -fu- form unmarked
for this distinction denotes an event which has not been realized successfully
or according to expectation. The implication of such a -fu- form is that the
denoted event took place in the past. When the suffix -fu- combines with the
non-realized action marker -a-, it indicates that a non-realized event, one which
is planned, expected or held possible, may not, will not or cannot be realized
or could not have been realized. When the suffix -fu- combines either with
the morpheme -a- nrld9 or with an unmarked form, it expresses a ‘but’, an
incompleteness, a frustrated expectation, plan or wish. The meaning of the
suffix -fu- is essentially the same, whether it combines with the non-realization
marker -a- nrld9 or with an unmarked form. The combination -a-fu- must
therefore be analyzed as a sequence of two suffixes. Note that the suffixes -a-9
and -fu-8 cannot be separated by another suffix.
In an interesting study of the suffix “-Fı̈” (a variant of -fu- in Argentinian Ma-
puche) Lucia Golluscio (2000) elaborates on the pragmatic function of the suffix
26.9 Slot 9. -a- non-realized situation 235
-Fı̈ which she classifies as “a metapragmatic operator which acts to alert to, in-
terrupt, or rupture conventional implicature in speech”. Following a discourse-
oriented approach Golluscio states that “ . . . when the speaker adds -Fı̈ to a
verb in discourse, a process of (counter)inference is triggered in his/her addres-
see. In other words, a member of the Mapuche speech community knows that
the occurrence of -Fı̈ after the verbal stem means the rupture of some kind
of pragmatic relationship created in speech” (Golluscio 2000: 259). Golluscio
concludes by saying that the suffix -Fı̈ bears upon “the Tense-Aspect-Modality
relationships in Mapudungun” in the sense that the rupture indicated by -Fı̈
and the speaker’s evaluation of the event “creates a close, but not automatic,
relationship of -Fı̈ with past events or states”. As far as aspect is concerned,
“-Fı̈ generally triggers meanings related to completion . . . ”. Finally, Golluscio
links the suffix -Fı̈ with the “Irrealis domain in Mapudungun” pointing at “the
combination of the meaning of -Fı̈ as a marker of alerting to, blocking, or rup-
turing conventional implicature in speech and its consequent task in indexing
the speaker’s subjective evaluation” (Golluscio 2000: 260).
26.9 Slot 9. non-realized situation

The suffix -a- indicates that the denoted situation is not realized (nrld). A
verb which takes the morpheme -a-9 denotes a situation which is presented as
not being an actual fact. The basic interpretation of a verb marked with the
suffix -a- is that the denoted situation will take place at a moment subsequent
to the orientation moment. An -a- form is therefore often translated as future
tense. In the speech of LQ and RR, the suffix -a- has an allomorph -ya- after
the phoneme a.
(1) trür amu-a-y-u üyüw
together go-nrld9-ind4-1ns3-d2 over.there
‘together wed will go over there’
The various uses of the non-realization marker -a- will be discussed below
(26.9.1). A verb with an empty slot 9 denotes a situation which is presented
as realized. Such an unmarked form will usually be interpreted by the hearer
as denoting a situation which is an actual fact. He will understand that the
denoted event has taken place or that the transition has taken place from one
situation to another.
(2) trür amu-y-u üyüw
together go-ind4-1ns3-d2 over.there
‘together wed went over there’
Both perfective and imperfective verbs can take the non-realization marker
-a-9 or be unmarked for the distinction realization/non-realization (see 25.3
(81–89)). Imperative forms and subordinates which are marked either with the
plain verbal noun suffix -(ü)n pvn4 or the completive subjective verbal noun
suffix -(ü)wma csvn4 cannot take the non-realization marker -a-9. The suffix
236 Slots
-a- does not combine with the pluperfect marker -mu-7 nor with the debitive
-fal-25. All other forms and all other suffixes including -(ü)wye- plpf15 can
combine with the suffix -a- (see also 25.3).
26.9.1 Uses of the suffix -a-

(i) The suffix -a- indicates a plan or an intention to realize or a prospect of
realizing the denoted event.
(3) tunten antü aku-a-y-m-i?
9 4 3 2
how.much day arrive-nrld -ind -2 -s
‘at what time do you arrive?’ s
(4) naq-ün antü aku-a-n

4 9 3
descend-pvn day arrive-nrld -ind1s
‘I will come in the afternoon’ (when the sun starts going down)
(5) iñché llellipu-pu-fi-n ti omo küpa-yal
I request-loc17-edo6-ind1s3 the woman come-nrld9.ovn4
‘there I requested the woman to come’
(6) iñché kim-la-n fey ñi chem chum-al
I know-neg10-ind1s3 he poss3 what do.what/how-nrld9.ovn4
‘I don’t know what he is going to do’
(7) ñall küpa-ya-el iñché, ka wentru aku-y
just come-nrld9-ovn4 I, other man arrive-ind4-33
‘just when I was about to come, another man arrived’
(8) eymi ka antü mapu- ungu-a-y-m-i
s 9 4 3 2
you other day country-language-nrld -ind -2 -s
‘one day you will speak Mapuche’ (i.e. your knowledge of the Mapuche
s
language is increasing in such a way that you are bound to speak Ma-
puche)
(ii) The suffix -a- expresses the probability of an event taking place under the
condition put forward in the subordinate clause.
(9) tüfá fey-l-e tüye-mew, fey kümé ungu-a-y
this fit-cond4-33 that.over.there-inst, that/then good 9 4
speak-nrld -ind -3
3
‘if this fits in there, then it will work fine’ (i.e. if the tape fits into the
recorder, the apparatus will ‘speak’ well)
(10) tüfá iñchiu amu-l-i-u, rupan antü puw-a-y-u
4 3 2 9 4 3 2
this wed go-cond -1 -d , after sun arrive-nrld -ind -1ns -d
‘if we go now, we will arrive after noon’ (when the sun passes in our
d d
direction)
(11) kelü-künu-w-l-e antü, wün-ma-n-mew kümé

red-pfps32-ref31-cond4-33 sun, dawn-exp35-pvn4-inst good
antü-nge-a-y
sun/weather-verb36-nrld9-ind4-33
‘if the sun turns red, the weather will be nice at dawn’
(iii) In indicative forms, the suffix -a- is used to express an obligation imposed by
the speaker on the listener.
(12) küpá amu-la-fu-y-iñ welu “amu-a-y-m-ün”

10 8 4 3 2 9 4 3 2
wishing go-neg -ipd -ind -1ns -p but go-nrld -ind -2 -p
pi-nge-y-iñ
23 4 3 2
say-pass -ind -1ns -p
‘wep did not want to go but wep were told “youp must go”’
An imperative form expresses a more direct command. Compare:
(13) sungu-a-fi-y-m-i
speak-nrld9-edo6-ind4-23-s2
‘yous must speak with him’
(14) sungu-fe
speak-edo6-imp2s3
‘speak with him’
A negative -a- form may express a command or the absence of a need or
obligation.
(15) sungu-la-ya-fi-y-m-i
10 9 6 4 3 2
speak-neg -nrld -edo -ind -2 -s
‘yous must not speak with him’, ‘yous need not speak with him’
The debitive construction which consists of the verb müle-y (be-ind4-33)
‘there is’ and a subordinate which takes the suffix -a- expresses an exigency,
duty, obligation or necessity, an inevitable situation or an inductive statement.
The müle-y construction does not express a direct command. The subject of
the subordinate is indicated by a possessive pronoun. Personal pronouns may
be used to disambiguate the phrase or to put emphasis on the subject. When
the subordinate denotes a situation in which more than one actant is involved,
subject and object are indicated in the same way as noted for transitive verbal
nouns (see 26.4.9)
(16) iñché müle-y mi pe-a-fiel

4 3 9 4
I be-ind -3 poss2s see-nrld -tvn
‘I have to see yous’
238 Slots
(17) müle-y ñi aye-al pe-e-l-y-u eymi

s
be-ind4-33 poss1s laugh-nrld9.ovn4 see-ido6-cond4-1ns3-d2-ds1 you
‘I have to laugh when I see yous’
(18) müle-y ñi we we -küle-al ñi tripa-yal

be-ind4-33 poss3 crazy-st28-nrld9.ovn4 poss3 go.out-nrld9.ovn4
femngechi antü-mew
such sun/weather-inst
‘he must be crazy to go out in such weather’
(19) epu rupa-chi müle-la-y ta-ñi depide-w-tu-al;

two time-adj be-neg10-ind4-33 the-poss3 say.goodbye-ref31-re16-nrld9.ovn4;
kiñe rupa müten

one time only
‘one does not say goodbye twice to one another; just once’
⟨ for -chi , see 18.2.2. The verb depide- is derived from Sp. despedirse ‘to say
goodbye to one another’.⟩
(20) iñché müle-y ñi amu-nu-a-el Temuko
I be-ind4-33 poss1s go-neg10-nrld9-ovn4 Temuco
‘I don’t have to go to Temuco’
The müle-y construction cannot occur as a subordinate. It is not used in
indirect speech, for instance, although it may occur as a (direct or alleged)
quote.
(21) wüné fey-pi-y-ng-ün: müle-y yiñ oy
4 3 2 4 3
first that-say-ind -3ns -p : be-ind -3 poss1p more
pülle-ke-tu-w-küle-al (5,29)
33 31 28 9 4
near-distr-tr -ref -st -nrld .ovn
‘first theyp said [that] wep must live closer to each other’
Debitive -a- can occur in subordinates. In contrast with the direct command
expressed by an indicative -a- form, a subordinate which is marked with the
suffix -a- may not only express an indirect command which is not exclusively
addressed to the listener, but also an exigency, duty, obligation, etc.
(22) iñché manta-fi-ñ ta-ñi tuku-a-fiel ta-ñi ropa
6 3 9 4
I order-edo -ind1s the-poss3 put.at-nrld -tvn the-poss3 clothes
‘I told her that she had to put on her clothes’
(23) fey ewma-y ñi chum-al

he make-ind4-33 poss3 do.how/what-nrld9.ovn4
‘he did what he had to do’
(24) petú alü-le-y rüpü ñi ina-yal

still big-st28-ind4-33 road poss1s follow-nrld9.ovn4
‘the road which I have to follow is still long’
(25) müchay oy are-nge-a-lu troki-fi-n

shortly more warm-verb36-nrld9-svn4 opine-edo6-ind1s3
‘I think it should be warmer in a little while’
(26) kellu-a-e-y-u kishu mi ewma-nu-al

help-nrld9-ido6-ind4-1ns3-d2-ds1 alone poss2s do-neg10-nrld9.ovn4
‘I will help yous so that yous won’t have to do [it] on your own’
For the müle-y construction, see also 26.4.7.2 (123–124).
Another debitive construction may be formed with the suffix -fal- force25.
The morpheme -fal- indicates either that the subject is forced to perform an
action or that the subject forces someone else to perform an action.
(27) ewma-fal-fi-n ti ruka

25 6 3
make-force -edo -ind1s the house
‘I must build the house’, ‘I gave orders to build the house’ (I must have
the house built)
The suffix -fal- is used differently in the speech of the speakers LQ, RR and
MM. For the suffix -fal-, see 26.25.
(iv) The suffix -a- expresses an advice or permission to perform an action.
(28) mexor amu-tu-a-y-m-i

16 9 4 3 2
better go-re -nrld -ind -2 -s
‘you better go back’
s
⟨ mexor is Sp. mejor ‘better’.⟩
(29) fiy wülá fiy tüfá küpá amu-tu-l-m-i amu-tu-a-y-m-i

that then that this wishing go-re16-cond4-23-s2 go-re16-nrld9-ind4-23-s2
‘and then, if yous want to go back then, yous may go’
(v) When the suffix -a- combines with the impeditive marker -fu-8, it expresses
a hypothetical possibility. The sequence -a-fu- can be used to express an
open-ended possibility.
(30) nü-ki-fi-l-nge. trafo-l-a-fu-y-m-i

10 6 4 3 34 9 8 4 3 2
take-neg -edo -cond -imp2s ; break-ca -nrld -ipd -ind -2 -s
‘don’t take it. you might break [it]’
s
240 Slots
(31) pepı́ amu-n nge-la-y kawellu-mu, welu namun-tu

being.able go-pvn4 be-neg10-ind4-33 horse-inst, but foot-adv
puw-a-fu-y che
arrive-nrld9-ipd8-ind4-33 person
‘it is impossible to go on a horse, but people might get there on foot’
The sequence -a-fu- expresses the possibility of an event taking place under
the condition put forth in the conditional clause.
(32) iñché kü aw-me-nu-l-i Arxentina, pepı́

I work-th20-neg10-cond4-13-s2 Argentina, being.able
wew-la-ya-fu-n plata
earn-neg10-nrld9-ipd8-ind1s3 money
‘if I did not go to work in Argentina, I would not be able to earn money’
Compare:
(33) iñché kü aw-me-nu-fu-l-i Arxentina, pepı́

20 10 8 4 3 2
I work-th -neg -ipd -cond -1 -s Argentina, being.able
10 9 8 3
earn-neg -nrld -ipd -ind1s money
‘if I had not gone to work in Argentina, I would not have been able to
earn money’
(34) eymi oy pichi tayı́ aku-pe-l-m-i,

s
you more little a.moment.ago arrive-px13-cond4-23-s2,
pe-pa-ya-fwi-y-m-i
17 9 8 6 4 3 2
see-hh -nrld -ipd .edo -ind -2 -s
‘if yous had arrived a little bit earlier, yous would have seen him’
(35) fenten pichi-ke achawáll müle-la-ya-fu-y

10 9 8 4 3
that.much small-distr chicken be-neg -nrld -ipd -ind -3
‘there would not have been that many chickens’ (if we had not taken care
of them)
The sequence -a-fu- indicates that a prospective situation does not, will not
or did not take place.
(36) sungu-wye-a-fwi-y
15 10 8 6 4 3
speak-plpf -nrld -ipd .edo -ind -3
‘he would have spoken with him’ (but he didn’t)
(37) küpa-la-ya-fu-y rangi antü?

come-neg10-nrld9-ipd8-ind4-33 mid day
‘wasn’t he supposed to come at noon?’ (he hasn’t shown up yet)
(38) tüfá ñi fe-m-a-fel

34 9 8 4
this poss1s become.like.that-ca -nrld -ipd .ovn
‘this [is] what I should have done’
Finally, the sequence -a-fu- may indicate either a potentiality, e.g.
(39) iñché kim-la-n chew ta-ñi umaw-tu-a-fel tüfa-chi

10 3 36 9 8 4
I know-neg -ind1s where the-poss1s sleep-verb -nrld -ipd .ovn this-adj
pun
night
‘I don’t know where I can sleep tonight’
or a polite, friendly request, e.g.
(40) kellu-nü-kawell-me-a-fe-n?
help-take-horse-th20-nrld9-ipd8.ido6-ind1s3-ds1
‘could yous help me to catch the horse?’
or a wish, e.g.:
(41) küpa-fu-l-e-fel, müná küme-a-fu-y!

come-ipd8-cond4-33-ipd8.ovn4, very good-nrld9-ipd8-ind4-33
‘if only he would come, that would be very nice!’
For the ending -fel , see 26.4.7.3 (130–133).
(vi) A conditional form seldom takes the non-realized action marker -a-. When
the suffix -a- combines with the conditional, it indicates a plan or intention
to perform an action in the immediate future. A conditional form marked
with the suffix -a- may also have debitive meaning.
(42) fey aku-a-l-e, ew aku-a-fu-y
he arrive-nrld9-cond4-33, already arrive-nrld9-ipd8-ind4-33
‘if he were going to come, he would have arrived by now’
The suffix sequence -a-fu- has been found only once or twice in a conditional
form.
(43) wiño-a-fu-l-i, i-pa-tu-a-fu-n
return-nrld9-ipd8-cond4-13-s2, eat-hh17-re16-nrld9-ipd8-ind1s3
‘if I had to go back, I would come to eat’
(44) iñché kü aw-me-nu-a-fu-l-i Arxentina, pepı́

I work-th20-neg10-nrld9-ipd8-cond4-13-s2 Argentina, being.able
242 Slots
earn-neg10-nrld9-ipd8-ind1s3 money
‘if I had not gone to work in Argentina, I would not have earned money’
MM opines that (44) and (33) have the same meaning.
(vii) A subordinate which takes the non-realization marker -a- may be used as a
finite verb form. In contrast with an indicative -a- form which indicates a plan
or intention to perform an action at a definite point of time, a subordinate
which is marked with the suffix -a- expresses a prospective situation which
will be realized at an indefinite moment in the future.
(45) ta-ñi ñawe-nge-a-lu fey-ta-chi kulliñ
the-poss1s daughter-verb36-nrld9-svn4 that-the-adj cattle
‘[one day] this cattle will be my daughter’s’
(46) iñché kücha-w-a-lu

31 9 4
I wash-ref -nrld -svn
‘I will wash myself’
(47) eymi ka antü mapu- ungu-a-lu

s
you other day country-matter/language-nrld9-svn4
‘one day you will speak the Mapuche language’ (Compare with (8) in
26.9)
For the ending -a-lu, see also (237) and (239) in 26.4.10.3. I found a few
finite -a-lu forms which contain the impeditive marker -fu-:
(48) fey aku-a-fu-lu welu aku-la-y
he arrive-nrld9-ipd8-svn4 but 10
arrive-neg -ind -3
4 3
‘he would come but he didn’t’
(49) eymi amu-a-fu-lu España welu kutran-üy-m-i

yous go-nrld9-ipd8-svn4 Spain but 4
illness-ind -2 -s
3 2
‘yous were going to go to Spain but yous fell ill’
(50) chem-mew am fe-m-lle-nu-a-fu-lu?

‘why shouldn’t they have done that?’ (of course they did)
The morpheme sequence -a-fu-lu is also found in the following construction:
(51) oy kümé awkan-tu-a-fu-lu, oy weshá
36 9 8 4
more good game/match-verb -nrld -ipd -svn , more bad
awkan-tu-y
36 4 3
game/match-verb -ind -3
‘instead of playing better, they played worse’
26.10 Slot 10. Negation 243
I found one instance of an -a-lu form which expressed a supposition:

(52) aku-a-lu kiñe witran, fey ungu-a-lu:
9 4
arrive-nrld -svn one visitor, he speak-nrld9-svn4:
“chum-nge-n-tu-y-m-i?”
36 4 36 4 3 2
how-verb -pvn -verb -ind -2 -s
‘suppose a visitor comes [and] says: “what do yous think [about it]?” ’
26.10 Slot 10. Negation

Slot 10 may be filled by either one of the following negation markers: -la-, -ki-
or -nu-.
The suffix -la- neg10 occurs in indicative forms.
(1) la-le-la-y
28 10 4 3
die-st -neg -ind -3
‘he/she is not dead’
The suffix -ki- neg10 is found in imperative forms only. The morpheme -ki-
obligatorily combines with -l- which I interpret as the conditional marker -l-
cond4 on the basis of its position in the suffixal string.
(2) lang-üm-ki-fi-l-nge tüfa-chi üñüm
34 10 6 4 3
die-ca -neg -edo -cond -imp2s this-adj bird
‘don’t kill that bird!’
The sequence -ki 10-nu 10-l 4- may occasionally be found instead of the se-
quence -ki 10-l 4-. Thus, instead of the previous example (2) one may find:
(3) lang-üm-ki-nu-fi-l-nge tüfa-chi üñüm
die-ca34-neg10-neg10-edo6-cond4-imp2s3 this-adj bird
‘don’t kill that bird!’
This form presents the problem of two negation markers and two mood mar-
kers in one form. The morpheme sequence ki-nu-l- is not frequent.
As I stated before (in 25.2.1), the intransitive imperative paradigm is not
complete. There is no imperative form for first person non-singular subject.
The indicative 1d and 1p may be used adhortatively, e.g. leli-y-iñ ‘wep looked’,
‘let usp look’. However, the suffix -la- which is used for negation of the indicative
form is replaced by the sufiix sequence -ki-l- to indicate negation when the verb
form is used adhortatively. Compare leli-la-y-iñ ‘wep did not look’ and leli-ki-
l-y-iñ ‘let usp not look’. Likwewise, 2 → 1 indicative forms which may also be
used adhortatively are marked with the negation marker la- for the indicative
but with -ki-l- when they are used adhortatively, e.g. leli-mu-y-iñ ‘yous/d/p
looked at usp’, ‘look at usp’, leli-mu-la-y-iñ, ‘yous/d/p did not look at usp’,
leli-mu-ki-l-y-iñ ‘do’nt yous/d/p look at usp’. In 2s → 1s negative imperative
forms the subject marker is -i and not -chi , which indicates a 1s subject in
244 Slots
imperative verb forms e.g. leli-ki-e-l-i ‘ don’t look at me’. Note that the ending
-ki-e-l-i alternates with ke-e-l-i or ke-l-i (see 8.1.4.3). The subject of 3 → 1s
negative imperative forms is marked by either -chi or -i , e.g. leli-ki-e-l-chi-mu
∼ leli-ki-e-l-i-mu ‘may he not look at me’. For other examples of the negation
marker -ki-, see (25), (31), (37), (40), (41) and (43) in 26.4. For the negative
transitive paradigm, see the appendix.
The negation marker -nu- occurs in conditional forms, subordinates or nomi-
nal constructions. The suffix -no- may be found instead of -nu-.
(4) petú ku u-nu-l-m-i, ye-l-me-a-e-n fürkü

10 4 3 2 27 20 9 6 3 1
still lay.down-neg -cond -2 -s , carry-ben -th -nrld -ido -ind1s -ds cool
ko
water
‘if yous are not going to bed yet, yous must bring me cool water’
For more examples of the negation marker -nu- in conditional forms, see (20)
in 26.4, and (32–33) and (44) in 26.9.
(5) petú ñi nie-nu-n kayu tripantu kolexio-tu-y

still poss3 have-neg10-pvn4 six year 36 4
school-verb -ind -3
3
‘he started going to school before he was six years old’

For more examples of the suffix -nu- in subordinates, see (49), (56), (58),
(64), (65), (76–79), (103) , (104) , (109–111), (158) and (181) in 26.4.
The suffix -nu- may occur as a nexal negator in a nominal sentence.
(6) fey-ti ruka nu

that-the house neg
‘that [is] not a house’
See also chapter 24 (7–9).
The suffix -nu- may be used as a negator of nominal constructions which
contain rumé ‘-ever’:
iney rumé ‘who-ever ’; iney nu rumé ‘nobody’
chem rumé ‘what-ever ’; chem nu rumé ‘nothing’
chew rumé ‘wherever ’; chew nu rumé ‘nowhere’
Compare:
(7) oy chem rumé nie-ke-la-fu-y-iñ

more what -ever have-cf14-neg10-ipd8-ind4-1ns3-p2
‘wep did not have anything more’
(8) oy chem nu rumé nie-ke-fu-y-iñ

more what neg -ever have-cf14-ipd8-ind4-1ns3-p2
‘wep had nothing more’
26.11 Slot 11. -lle- affirmative 245
(9) iney rumé nge-la-y faw

who -ever be-neg10-ind4-33 here
‘there isn’t anyone here’
The morpheme nu is also found in other nominal constructions, e.g.
(10) ewmá mari tripantu nie-l (+nie-el+) tripa-n ñi

4 3 9 4
almost ten year have-ovn leave-ind1s poss1s work-nrld .ovn ,
kü aw-al, welu müté ka-mapu nu

but very other-country neg
‘when I was almost ten years old, I went away to work, but not very far
away’
Note that the adverb turpu ‘never’ combines with negative verbs.
(11) eymi turpu kellu-ke-la-y-m-i

yous never help-cf14-neg10-ind4-23-s2
‘yous never help’
26.11 Slot 11. affirmative

The suffix -lle- adds emphasis. It occurs in predicates and subordinates.
(1) fe-m-lle-n may; chem-mew am

34 11 3
become.like.that-ca -aff -ind1s part; what-inst part
fe-m-lle-nu-a-fu-lu iñché! (9,12–13)

34 11 10 9 8 4
become.like.that-ca -aff -neg -nrld -ipd -svn I
‘I certainly did that. why shouldn’t I have?!’
(2) kwida-kulliñ-ke-fu-y ka kü aw-ke-lle-fu-y may ka

14 8 4 3 14 11 8 4 3
tend-cattle-cf -ipd -ind -3 also work-cf -aff -ipd -ind -3 part part
‘they tended the cattle, and they also worked of course’
⟨ kwida- ‘to tend [a flock]’ is derived from Sp. cuidar ‘to look after’, ‘to care
for’. ⟩
With the exception of conditional verbs, verbs which take the suffix -lle- are
very often followed by the affirmative particle may (32.5). The affirmative suffix
llemay also occur outside the verb and form a compound with the particle
may, see 32.6. Compare:
(3) fe-m-lle-y may

become.like.that-ca34-aff11-ind4-33 part
‘they certainly do, yes’
246 Slots
(4) fi-y llemay

become.like.that-ind4-33 part
‘certainly, yes’ (lit.: that is certainly so)
The particle may is related to the adverb may ‘yes’. Note that in answer
to a question or in response to a statement either the verb is repeated (e.g.
ewma-y-m-i tüfa-chi kü aw? ‘did yous finish this work?’ ewma-la-n ‘no, I
didn’t’, lit.: I did not finish), or the deictic verb fe- ‘to become like that’ is
used. There is no Mapuche equivalent for English ‘no’, and may ‘yes’ or may
may ‘yes yes’ seldom occurs as an answer.
(5) tunté i-lle-l-i rumé, motri-la-ya-n

how.much eat-aff11-cond4-13-s2 -ever, 10 9
get.fat-neg -nrld -ind1s
3
‘no matter how much I eat, I won’t get fat’

The infix -kelle-, which indicates an urgent order or need, may be found in
imperative forms. The morpheme sequence -kelle- may consist of the constant
feature marker -ke- cf14 and the affirmative suffix -lle- aff11. The sequence
-ke-lle- is infrequent.
(6) iñché wüné amu-ke-lle-chi

I first go-cf14-aff11-imp1s3
‘let me go first!’
(7) pichi fe-le-ke-lle-m-ün!

little become.like.that-st28-cf14-aff11-imp4-23-p2
‘youp wait a minute!’ (lit.: be a little like that)
26.12 Slot 12. reportative

The suffix -(ü)rke- (-ürke- after C, -rke- after V) indicates that the denoted si-
tuation has not been witnessed by the speaker himself. The morpheme -(ü)rke-
indicates that the speaker is informed by others, has heard rumours or has de-
duced a conclusion. Although the source of information is left unspecified, it is
usually obvious who or what the source of information is. The suffix -(ü)rke-
is also used to express unawareness. I found the suffix -(ü)rke- in indicative
forms only. The reportative marker -(ü)rke- is very frequent in narratives.
(1) amu-rke-lle-y-ng-ün
go-rep12-aff11-ind4-3ns3-p2
‘[oh yes,] theyp certainly went, I am told’
(2) antü-kü aw-kiaw-ke-rke-fu-y

30 14 12 8 4 3
day-work-circ -cf -rep -ipd -ind -3
‘he used to work here and there as a day-labourer, they say’
26.13 Slot 13. -pe- proximity 247
(3) we we -pe-rke-la-y, ta tüfá. amu-ru-me-y fenten

crazy-px13-rep12-neg10-ind4-33, the this. go-cross-th20-ind4-33 that.much
mawün-mew
rain-inst
‘he must be crazy, that one. he went through all that rain’
(4) iñché ta kom i-nge-y pi-n welu petú müle-we-rke-y

23 4 3 3 19 12 4 3
I the all eat-pass -ind -3 think-ind1s but still be-ps -rep -ind -3
‘I thought [that] everything had been eaten, but there appeared to be
[something] left’
(5) anü-rke-n
12 3
sit.down-rep -ind1s
‘I sat down thoughtlessly’
Instead of the suffix -ürke-, one may find the morpheme -erke-.
(6) ariñ-erki-y
12 4 3
get.burned-rep -ind -3
‘it’s got burned’ (I can taste it)
The suffix -(ü)rke- may express unawareness on the part of a participant
other than the speaker.
(7) fey montu-rki-y ñi lamngen ñi oam (5,5)
12 4 3
he escape-rep -ind -3 poss3 sister poss3 care
‘he escaped, he was told, with the help of his sister’
(8) weñe-nie-ñma-rke-fi-y-ng-ün ñi mapu

steal-prps32-io26-rep12-edo6-ind4-3ns3-p2 poss3 land
‘theyp kept robbing them of their land without them being aware of it’
(9) kiñe korona amá ye-nie-tu-rke-la-y-u nga? (8,66)

one crown part carry-prps32-re16-rep12-neg10-ind4-1ns3-d2 part
‘aren’t you aware that wed wore a crown?’ (don’t you remember? it was
in the month of All Saints. we wore a crown)
The suffix -(ü)rke- may be affixed to a noun, in which case it can also express
surprise, see 18.1.4.
26.13 Slot 13. proximity

The suffix -pe- is difficult to assess. The morpheme -pe- is infrequent in spon-
taneous speech and the common ground of its semantic characteristics is not
clear. The suffix -pe- occurs in predicates and subordinates, in affirmative and
negative sentences as well as in questions. A verb form marked with -pe- ap-
pears to indicate an event in the recent past, a feature, a strong probability
248 Slots
and doubt. There is no reason to assume more than one suffix -pe-. I have not
come across a verb form marked with more than one suffix -pe-. The relative
position of the morpheme -pe- in the attested verb forms seems to justify the
assignation of -pe- to one slot, that is slot 13, before the reportative marker
-(ü)rke-12 (see (3) in 26.12) and after the continuative marker -ka-16 (see (15
below).The suffix -pe- does not co-occur with a suffix in slot 14 or 15. In the
past (Smeets 1989: 324) I have labelled the suffix -pe- Time Deletor because
addition of the morpheme -pe- seemed to result in an attributive relationship
between the subject and the verb: the subject is left characterized or defined by
the action he performed or the situation he was in shortly before the moment
of speech.
(1) ñi püto-ko-pe-el

13 4
poss1s drink-water-px -ovn
‘my drink’ (i.e. that of which I have recently been drinking)
(2) iñchiu kwida-kulliñ-pe-y-u

d 13 4 3 2
we tend-cattle-px -ind -1ns -d
‘wed have been tending cattle’
The subject of (2) has just arrived in his house and he is asked ‘what have
you been doing?’. The answer (2) may be interpreted as ‘we are cattle tenders’.
The interpretation of the suffix -peas a time deletor was not satisfactory as
it did not explain the entire range of meanings of -pe-. Lucia Golluscio (2000)
offers a better suggestion, when she states: “The suffix -pe is an evidential mar-
ker originally associated with direct perception which diachronically developed
a deictic value of ‘immediacy/proximity to speaker’. In line with this indexical
meaning, the occurrence of -pe also signals the speaker’s commitment to the
factuality of the situation referred to by the verb marked by -pe. In other
words, the occurrence of -pe creates both a pragmatic relationship of ‘proxi-
mity’ between the situation referred to by the verb and the moment of speech
and, at the same time, a pragmatic inference of ‘validity’ of the facts spoken
about” (Galluscio 2000: 252). Golluscio suggests a relationship between the
suffix pe- and the verb pe- ‘to see’ (Zuñiga 2000: 53). I will use the label “proxi-
mity” (px) for the suffix -peas the term seems best to cover most, though not
all, manifestations of the suffix -pe-.
The suffix -pe- expresses temporal proximity in cases where the verb form
marked with -pe- denotes a situation which has taken place shortly before the
moment of speech.
(3) pi-pe-y
13 4 3
say-px -ind -3
‘he just said’
26.13 Slot 13. -pe- proximity 249
(4) ew amu-pe-n
already go-px13-ind1s3
‘I have just been there’
(5) we yall-pe-y
new/recent get.child-px13-ind4-33
‘he got a child recently’
(6) chew anta müli-y ta ti ufisha ñi fewlá lang-üm-pe-el?

where part be-ind4-33 the the sheep poss1s now 34 13
die-ca -px -ovn
4
‘where is the sheep I just killed?’

Note that the meaning of the suffix -pe- ‘recently’ is often, but not always,
supported by lexical means.
(7) minggako reké troki-ke-fu-y ta-ñi kü aw-pe-l engün
14 8 4 3
collective.labour like opine-cf -ipd -ind -3 the-poss3 work-px13-ovn4 theyp
(10,30)
‘theyp considered their work as collective labour’
In (7) ta-ñi kü aw-pe-l ‘the work theyp have been doing shortly before the
moment of speech’ indicates a feature of the situation the subject has been
involved in for a while before the moment of speech. “The work” is defined
by the fact that the subject has been doing it recently. In (8) below a place is
defined as a “closet” because the subject has recently left his clothes in that
place for a while. It need not be a proper closet, it may be just a corner of the
house.
(8) ñi el-pe-mu-m
poss1s leave-px13-plpf7-ivn4
‘my “wardrobe”’ (i.e. the place where I have been leaving my clothes for
a while shortly before the moment of speech)
(9) allkü-pe-nu-el-chi ungu allkü-n
hear-px13-neg10-ovn4-adj word hear-ind1s3
‘I heard something unheard of’
(10) ñi ye-pe-fel-chi bolsa ñam-küle-y

poss3 carry-px13-ipd8.ovn4-adj bag get.lost-st28-ind4-33
‘the bag he used to carry got lost’
In (10) the suffix -pe- seems to have lost the notion of ‘recently’. The verb
form marked with -pe- was translated as ‘la bolsa que siempre llevó’. Instead
of ye-pe-fel-chi one could have used ye-ke-fel-chi . I found more nominalized
verb forms marked with -pe in which the suffix -pe- indicates a constant or
characteristic feature (like the suffix -ke-) rather than a situation which has
recently taken place.
250 Slots
(11) iñché wim-tu-le-n ñi lef-pe-el (MM)

I get.used-tr33-st28-ind1s3 poss1s run-px14-ovn4
‘I am used to run’
The use of the suffix -peas an indicator of a characteristic or constant situa-
tion may have resulted from the use of the morpheme -pe- with the instrumental
verbal noun marker -m 4. The suffix sequence -ye-m which contains the con-
stant feature marker -ye-5 is exclusively used to indicate a temporal clause.
The instrumental verbal noun marker -m can only be used as an instrumen-
tal/locative or infinitive marked for characteristic or constant feature when it
is combined with the sequence -pe13-ye5 (see 26.4.8). Note that the suffix -pe-
does not co-occur with the constant feature marker -ke-14.
When -pe- combines with the negation marker -la-10, it expresses an assump-
tion on the part of the speaker that something is very likely to be the case.
(12) aña-pe-la-ya-y
13 10 9 4 3
hurt-px -neg -nrld -ind -3
‘it is probably going to hurt’
(13) ütrüf-tuku-n kiñe fotella pulku pu lewfü. fantepu, pulku

3
throw-put.at-ind1s one bottle wine loc river. by.now, wine
utru-l-e, re fotella müle-we-pe-la-y

4 3 19 13 10 4 3
stream-cond -3 , only bottle be-ps -px -neg -ind -3
‘I threw a bottle of wine into the river; I suppose that, if the wine has
streamed out, only the bottle is left by now’
(14) pelo-le-pe-la-ya-y ka kiñe mari tripantu

28 13 10 9 4 3
get.light-st -px -neg -nrld -ind -3 other one ten year
‘he will probably be able to see for another ten years’
(15) akorda-nie-ka-pe-la-y-m-i?
32 16 13 10 4 3 2
remember-prps -cont -px -neg -ind -2 -s
‘yous probably still remember that, don’t you?’
(16) lef-we-pe-la-ya-fu-y may?

19 13 10 9 8 4 3
run-ps -px -neg -nrld -ipd -ind -3 part
‘won’t he run any more?’ (I think he will)
When the suffix -pe- is used in non-negative predicates, it may express doubt.
Compare with (16):
(17) lef-we-pe-a-fu-y
19 13 9 8 4 3
run-ps -px -nrld -ipd -ind -3
‘he may not run anymore’ (he may still run, but I don’t think so)
26.14 Slot 14. -ke- constant feature 251
(18) amu-pe-a-n may?

go-px13-nrld9-ind1s3 part
‘shall I go?’
(19) . . . welu fewlá chum-le-pe-y-ng-ün chemay?

28 13 4 3 2
but now do.what-st -px -ind -3ns -p part
‘. . . but as for what theyp are doing now? . . . ’ (I don’t know)
A non-negative predicate which is marked with -pe and expresses doubt usu-
ally occurs in questions which contain the question particle may or -chemay
(see chapter 32).
In three instances the suffix -pe- was found in a position behind the suffix -tu-
which occupies slot 16 and marks for repetition or restoration of a situation
(see (7-9) in 26.16).
Proximity between the situation referred to and the moment of speech, and
proximity in the sense of commitment of the speaker to the factuality of the
situation cover the majority of the cases in which I found the suffix -pe-, but
not all. More data are needed to ascertain the origin and meaning of the
morpheme.
26.14 Slot 14. constant feature

The suffix -ke- expresses a constant or characteristic feature of the subject, see
25.3 (45–50).
The suffix -ke 14 and the suffix -ye- cf5, which also indicates a constant fea-
ture, are mutually exclusive. The suffix -ye- combines only with the instru-
mental verbal noun marker -m ivn4, the morpheme -ke- is used elsewhere.
A -ke- form denotes a situation which may continue into the present. A form
marked with -ke- is therefore often translated as present tense. Discontinuation
of a situation denoted by a -ke- form is indicated by the impeditive -fu- ipd8.
(1) po -küle-ke-y
dirty-st28-cf14-ind4-33
‘it is always dirty’
(2) küpá leli-ke-n pelı́kula

wishing watch-cf14-ind1s3 movie
‘I like to watch movies’
⟨ pelı́kula is Sp. pelı́cula ‘movie’.⟩

30 14 12 8 4 3
day-work-circ -cf -rep -ipd -ind -3
‘he used to work as a day-labourer’
252 Slots
(4) tüfa-mew pe-ke-e-y-u kuyfı́

this-inst see-cf14-ido6-ind4-1ns3-d2-ds1 formerly
‘I used to meet yous here’
A -ke- form may be used to express a general rule.
(5) umañ-pa-ke-la-y ta witran ta

17 14 10 4 3
stay-hh -cf -neg -ind -3 the visitor the
‘a visitor does not stay here’
(6) kisu am ñi ñawe kure-ye-tu-ke-nu-lu am wentru

self part poss3 daughter wife-verb36-re16-cf14-neg10-svn4 part man
‘for a man does not have his daughter for a wife’
The suffix -ke- cf14 seldom occurs in conditional forms.
(7) eymi kuyfı́ sungu-ke-l-m-i iñché
s
you formerly speak-cf14-cond4-23-s2 I
aye-nie-a-fe-y-u
32 9 8 6 4 3 2 1
laugh-prps -nrld -ipd .ido -ind -1ns -d -ds
‘in former times when you would speak, I could not help but laugh at
s
yous’
In conditional forms, the combination of the constant feature marker -ke-
cf14 and the impeditive marker -fu- ipd8 does not indicate discontinuation of
a characteristic situation. In conditional forms, -fu- indicates that the denoted
situation has not been realized, e.g.
(8) eymi kuyfı́ sungu-ke-fu-l-m-i . . .

s
you formerly speak-cf14-ipd8-cond4-23-s2
‘if yous had spoken in former times . . . ’
The sequence -ke-fu- is very infrequent in conditional forms.
The suffix -ke- does not often occur in subordinates.
(9) kuyfı́ ñi soam-ke-nu-n ñi chaw iñché
formerly poss1s care.for-cf14-neg10-pvn4 poss1s father I
‘it has been a long time that I stopped caring for my father’
In (9), instead of the suffix -ke- the proximity marker -pe- may be used.
(10) eymi kim-fi-y-m-i ti pichi somo kuyfı́ ta-yu

s 6 4 3 2
you know-edo -ind -2 -s the little woman formerly the-poss1d
awkan-tu-ke-fel?
36 14 8 4
play-verb -cf -ipd .ovn
‘do you know the girl I used to play with a long time ago?’
s
26.14 Slot 14. -ke- constant feature 253
(11) fill antü miaw-ke-fu-chi wentru wariya-mew la-y

every day walk.round-cf14-ipd8-svn4-adj man town-inst die-ind4-33
‘the man who walked round in town every day has died’
(12) ewmá ngilla-ka-ke-fu-ye-m

33 14 8 5 4
finished buy-fac -cf -ipd -cf -ivn
ñam-üm-künu-fem-ke-tu-y
34 32 21 14 16 4 3
get.lost-ca -pfps -imm -cf -re -ind -3
‘every time she has done her shopping she immediately loses [it]’
For the position of the repetition marker -tu- re16 in (11), see 26.16. The
suffix -ke- may combine with the instrumental verbal noun marker -m ivn4
when it co-occurs with the pluperfect marker -mu- plpf7.
(13) fey-ta-chi trafla rumel müle-ke-mu-m kafé
14 7 4
that-the-adj shelf always be-cf -plpf -ivn coffee
‘this shelf [is] where the coffee used to be’
Compare:
(14) fey-ta-chi trafla rumel müle-pe-ye-m kafé
that-the-adj shelf always be-px13-cf5-ivn4 coffee
‘this shelf [is] where the coffee always is’
(15) el-ke-mu-m taku-n

14 7 4 4
leave-cf -plpf -ivn cover-pvn
‘a wardrobe’ (where one used to leave clothes)
(16) el-pe-mu-m taku-n

leave-px13-plpf7-ivn4 cover-pvn4
‘a wardrobe’ (where one has left clothes)
The suffix -ke- cf14 cannot combine with the completive subjective verbal
noun marker -(ü)wma csvn4. I have found one form in which the suffix -ke-14
co-occurs with the proximity marker -pe-13 and the negation marker -la-10.
(17) yewe-ke-pe-la-y-ng-ün ñi tripa-yal
14 13 10 4 3 2 9 4
be.ashamed-cf -px -neg -ind -3ns -p poss3 leave-nrld .ovn
‘theyp must be ashamed to go away’
Compare (17) and (18) below. In (17), -ke- cf14 follows the progressive
persistent marker -nie-32. In (18), the distributive, nominal suffix -ke- distr
is part of the nominal stem and precedes the suffix -nie-32:
(18) kom pe-nie-ke-y-m-ün-mew mün chum-meke-n (4,3)
32 14 4 3 2 1 28 4
all see-prps -cf -ind -2 -p -ds poss2p do.what/how-pr -pvn
‘He sees everything youp are doing’
254 Slots
(19) püntü-ke-nie-w-üy-ng-u?
apart-distr-prps32-ref31-ind4-3ns3-d2
‘are theyd apart from each other?’
26.15 Slot 15. pluperfect

The suffix -(ü)wye- (-üwye- after C, -wye- after V) indicates that an event is
realized before an orientation moment in the past or in the future. The suffix
-(ü)wye- can combine with the non-realization marker -a- nrld9.
(1) füta-nge-wye-rke-y
husband-verb36-plpf15-rep12-ind4-33
‘she had been married, they say’
(2) fanten antü aku-wye-a-y-m-i

this.much day arrive-plpf15-nrld9-ind4-23-s2
‘that day yous will have arrived’
The suffix -(ü)wye- may be found in indicative or conditional forms or in
subordinates which are marked either by the zero morph -∅ ovn4 (see (105–
106) in 26.4), the morpheme -fiel tvn4 (see (188) in 26.4) or the morpheme -t-
avn4 (see (187) in 26.4). These subordinates can take the pluperfect marker
-(ü)wye- when they are used as a passive participle. The suffix -(ü)wye- occurs
in complementary distribution with the pluperfect marker -mu-7 (see 26.7).
The suffix -(ü)wye- can combine with the proximity marker -pe- px13 or the
impeditive marker -fu- ipd8. The morpheme -(ü)wye- is infrequent.
(3) aku-wye-l-m-i, pe-pa-ya-fwi-y-m-i

15 4 3 2 17 9 8 6 4 3 2
arrive-plpf -cond -2 -s , see-hh -nrld -ipd .edo -ind -2 -s
‘if yous had arrived, yous would have seen him here’
The morpheme -üwye- alternates with its optional allomorph -uwye-.
(4) law-uwye-fu-y
15 8 4 3
become.bald-plpf -ipd -ind -3
‘he had become bald’ (but he is not bald any more)
26.16 Slot 16. repetitive/restorative, continua-

tive
The suffix -tu- indicates that a situation is repeated or restored. It is labelled
re.
(1) nel-üm-tu-fi-n
34 16 6 3
become.loose-ca -re -edo -ind1s
‘I set him free again’, ‘I restored his freedom to him’
Slot 16. -tu- repetitive/restorative, -ka- continuative 255
(2) nor-tu-y
straight-re16-ind4-33
‘he/it became straight again’, ‘he got on the right path again’
(3) oy küme-l-ka-le-tu-n
more good-ca34-fac33-st28-re16-ind1s3
‘I am better again’
(4) witra-tripa-tu-y
16 4 3
get.up-leave-re -ind -3
‘he got up and left [for home]’
(5) ütrüf-tuku-künu-me-tu-fi-y-iñ (11,36)

32 20 16 6 4 3 2
throw-put.at-pfps -th -re -edo -ind -1ns -p
‘wep threw him out and left him where he came from’
(6) wiño-tu-ke-fu-y-iñ
return-re16-cf14-ipd8-ind4-1ns3-p2
‘wep always went back [home] again’
The suffix -tu-16 normally occurs before a filler of slots 15–1 (see (6) above,
and (9) in 26.12). However, when the morpheme -tu- combines with the proxi-
mity marker -pe- px13, the suffix -tu- follows the suffix -pe-, e.g.
(7) amu-pe-tu-la-y
go-px13-re16-neg10-ind4-33
‘he probably went back’
(8) aku-pe-tu-a-fu-n
13 16 9 8 3
arrive-px -re -nrld -ipd -ind1s
‘I may arrive’ (where I was before)
(9) treka-ka-pe-tu-la-ya-y
16 13 16 10 9 4 3
walk-cont -px -re -neg -nrld -ind -3
‘he may still walk again’
This irregular word order is probably due to the suffix -tu-, which is a bit
versatile, and not to the suffix -pe-, which is otherwise regular. The suffix
-tu-16 may occasionally be found after -ke-14, cf. (12) in 26.14. Note that in (9)
-tu- combines with -ka- cont. These suffixes are otherwise mutually exclusive.
Maybe a second, homophonous, suffix -tu- will have to be assumed.
In one instance, the morpheme -tu-16 has a lexicalized meaning: fey-pi-tu-
‘to say something different all the time’ (fey-pi- that-say-).
The suffix -ka- indicates that a situation is continued beyond a certain mo-
ment.
256 Slots
(10) iñché leli-n ñi ruka-mew ñi

I watch-ind1s3 poss1s house-inst poss3
müle-ka-n ñi müle-ka-nu-n ñi narki

be-cont16-pvn4 poss3 be-cont16-neg10-pvn4 poss1s cat
‘I looked in my house [to see] if my cat was still there or not’
(11) pichi-ka-y
16 4 3
small-cont -ind -3
‘he is small (for his age)’
(12) mawün-lle-fu-l-e rumé, fe-le-ka-ya-y

11 8 4 3 28 16 9 4 3
rain-aff -ipd -cond -3 -ever, become.like.this-st -cont -nrld -ind -3
müten mapu
only land
‘even though it may rain, the land will stay just like this’
See also (15) in 26.13 for the suffix -ka-.
The morpheme -ka- is not frequent. The adverb petú ‘still’ is used more often
and seems to compete with -ka-. This may be due to a historical process in
which the gradual loss of the morpheme -ka- proceeds through a stage where
the adverb petú and the morpheme -ka- are used simultaneously (13–14) and
ends up with petú being exclusively used to express continuation (15–16) and
-ka- used only in marginal and petrified cases (17–19).
(13) petú meke-ka-y-m-i i-n?

16 4 3 2 4
still be.busy-cont -ind -2 -s eat-pvn
‘are yous still eating?’
(14) kuyfı́ iñché petú pichi-ka-el . . .

formerly I still small-cont16-ovn4
‘a long time ago when I was still young . . . ’
(15) petú leli-le-n

still watch-st28-ind1s3
‘I am still watching’
(16) petú pelo-y

still become.light-ind4-33
‘it is getting light’
(17) kom amu-ka-fu-l-i-iñ kay rüngü-m-al?

16 8 4 3 2 34 9 4
all go-cont -ipd -cond -1 -p part become.ground-ca -nrld .ovn
‘why don’t wep all go to grind [stuff]?’ ([what] if wep all went to grind?)
26.17 Slot 17. -pa- hither, -pu- locative 257
(18) leli-mu-ka-chi
watch-2A23-cont16-imp1s3
‘youd/p may look at me’
(19) fey-pi-ka-fi-chi
that-say-cont16-edo6-imp1s3
‘I had better tell him, why don’t I tell him’
26.17 Slot 17. hither, locative

The use of direction/location markers is very frequent in Mapuche. The suffix
-pa- indicates that the denoted situation either involves a movement towards
the speaker or takes place at a location near the speaker. The suffix -pa- is
labelled Hither (hh).
(1) traf-pa-ya-e-n estasion-mew

17 9 6 3 1
meet-hh -nrld -ido -ind1s -ds station-inst
‘come and meet me at the station’
(2) iñché üyüw müle-n, welu fewlá faw müle-pa-n

I over.there be-ind1s3, but now here be-hh17-ind1s3
‘I live over there, but I am here now’
The suffix -pa- may indicate that the denoted situation involves a develop-
ment towards the present.
(3) ka fe-le-pa-tu-n (15,26)
and become.like.that-st28-hh17-re16-ind1s3
‘and I was again as I was before’
(4) welu iñché kim-kon-pa-n nie-we-rke-y-iñ kayu mari

but I learn-enter-hh17-ind1s3 have-ps19-rep12-ind4-1ns3-p2 six ten
kechu mütem
five only
‘but I realized we apparently only had 65 left’
The suffix -pa- forms part of the stem when it combines with the verbs nge-
‘to be’ (see (5) in 26.30) or ye- ‘to carry’; ye-pa- ‘to take after someone’.
Another suffix which may fill slot 17 is -pu-. The morphemes -pa- and -pu-
do not co-occur. The suffix -pu- indicates that the denoted event takes place
at a location away from the speaker. It is labelled Locative (loc).
(5) pe-pu-fi-y
17 6 4 3
see-loc -edo -ind -3
‘he saw it there’
258 Slots
(6) fey-ta-chi wentru puw-lu nütram-ka-pu-fi-y kom

that-the-adj man arrive-svn4 conversation-fac33-loc17-edo6-ind4-33 all
pu Mapuche (4,2)
coll Mapuche
‘when this man arrived, he talked there with all the Mapuche’
(7) traf-pu-a-e-n estasion-mew

17 9 6 3 1
meet-loc -nrld -ido -ind1s -ds station-inst
‘meet me (there) at the station’ (Compare (1))
The meaning of the morpheme -pu- does not imply motion. The suffix -pu-
indicates a situation which is presented as permanent and takes place at a
location away from the speaker.
(8) tüfá ñi lamngen fey müle-pu-y San KarloBarilochi

this poss1s sister that/then be-loc17-ind4-33 San Carlos.de.Bariloche
‘this sister of mine then settled down in San Carlos de Bariloche’
(9) ent.rega-pu-y ta-ñi plata

17 4 3
deliver-loc -ind -3 the-poss3 money
‘they handed over their money’ (which will remain in the possession of
the bride-takers)
The suffix -pa- is probably related to the verb küpa- ‘to come’, and the suffix -
pu- is probably related to the verb pu(w)- ‘to arrive, to stay’ and the preposition
pu, which indicates location (10.5). Certain motion or location verbs require a
directional. They are mentioned in chapter 31.
A third directional suffix is -me- Thither. This suffix fills slot 20 and indicates
motion away from the speaker, with a connotation of temporariness. The
suffix -me- does not combine with -pu- and can combine with the suffix -pain
marginal cases only. For the suffix -me-, see 26.20. For more information on
the relative position of the fillers of slots 17-20, see 26.20.1
26.18 Slot 18. interruptive, interruptive

The suffixes -(ü)r- (-ür- after C, -r- after V) and -yekü- indicate that the
situation is interrupted in order to perform the action referred to by the verb.
The suffix -(ü)r- indicates that the situation is interrupted once, whereas the
suffix -yekü- indicates that the situation is interrupted repeatedly. Both suffixes
are labelled Interruptive (itr). The morphemes -(ü)r- and -yekü- do not co-
occur.
Both -(ü)r- and -yekü- obligatorily co-occur with a direction marker. The
suffix -(ü)r- goes together with the venitive marker -pa- hh17 or the locative
marker -pu- loc17. The suffix -yekü- goes together with the suffix -pa- hh17 or
the andative morpheme -me- th20. The suffix -me-20 always follows -yekü-18.
26.18 Slot 18. -(ü)r- interruptive, -yekü- interruptive 259
(1) fey-pi-nge-r-pa-n
that-say-pass23-itr18-hh17-ind1s3
‘on my way here, I was told’
(2) ramtu-nie-r-pu-ke-fu-y-iñ ñi nie-n kü aw
ask-prps32-itr18-loc17-cf14-ipd8-ind4-1ns3-p2 poss3 have-pvn4 work
‘on our way there, wep asked if they had work’
(3) lef-yekü-pa-n
18 17 3
run-itr -hh -ind1s
‘I have come running every now and then’
(4) . . . re putu-yekü-me-tu-y-ng-ün, re
only drink-itr18-th20-re16-ind4-3ns3-p2, only
witra-künu-w-yekü-me-tu-y-ng-ün (8,62)
32 31 18 20 16 4 3 2
get.up-pfps -ref -itr -th -re -ind -3ns -p
‘all the time theyp drank [and] stood still on their way back’
The sequence -ye-amu- may be found instead of -yekü-me- (MM) (cf. amu-
‘to go’), e.g. anü-yekü-me-n/anü-ye-amu-n ‘on my way there, I sat down every
now and then’.
The sequence -(ü)r-pu- may be used to denote a dynamic situation which is
viewed as consisting of several successive phases and develops gradually towards
an orientation moment.
(5) femngechi fücha-ke wentru-nge-r-pu-y-iñ (3,23)
thus big-distr man-verb36-itr18-loc16-ind4-1ns3-p2
‘[and] thus each of usp became an adult’
(6) fentren-mew oy aku-le-r-pu-y ka-mapu-le-chi
large.quantity-inst more arrive-st28-itr18-loc17-ind4-33 other-land-st28-svn4-adj
pu Mapuche
coll Mapuche
‘after a long time, more and more Mapuche kept coming who lived far
away’
With the verb amu- ‘to go’, the interruptive marker -(ü)r- may be rendered
‘to proceed’.
(7) iñché Temuko ñi tuw-ün amu-r-pu-n Lautaro
I Temuco poss1s arrive-pvn4 go-itr18-loc17-ind1s3 Lautaro
‘I passed through Temuco and proceeded to Lautaro’ (lit.: arriving in
Temuco I proceeded to Lautaro)
For more information on the relative position of the fillers of slots 17-20, see
26.20.1.
260 Slots
26.19 Slot 19. persistence

The suffix -we- indicates a situation which persists after a previous event has
taken place. It is labelled ps. The suffix -we- is probably related to the adjective
we ‘new, young, fresh’, which can also be used as an adverb meaning ‘just,
recently’.
(1) müle-we-y ko tetera-mew?
19 4 3
be-ps -ind -3 water kettle-inst
‘is there water left in the kettle?’
(2) kishu-le-we-pe-la-y
28 19 13 10 4 3
alone-st -ps -px -neg -ind -3
‘he has probably been left alone’
(3) fe-m-nge-we-n ta-tı́
34 23 19 3
become.like.that-ca -pass -ps -ind1s the-the
‘that’s how I am now’ (lit.: I have been left like that)
(4) iñché küpá yi-we-la-n
I wishing eat-ps19-neg10-ind1s3
‘I don’t want to eat any more’
(5) fewlá ewma-nge-we-nu-lu troki-fi-n
23 19 10 4 6 3
now do-pass -ps -neg -svn opine-edo -ind1s
‘I thought that nowadays it was not done any more’
The suffix -we- may be used to denote a situation which existed earlier and
still exists or exists again.
(6) wütre-we-y
19 4 3
cold-ps -ind -3
‘she is cold already’ (It is cold outside. Why does she go out? She is cold
already)
(7) fey la-y fücha-ke-we-lu ñi pu fotüm
he die-ind4-33 big-distr-ps19-svn4 poss3 coll son
‘he died when his sons had already grown up’
(8) ngüküf-küle-we-tu-y
quiet.down-st28-ps19-re16-ind4-33
‘it is already quiet again’
Compare:
(9) ngüküf-küle-tu-y
28 16 4 3
quiet.down-st -re -ind -3
‘it is quiet again’
26.20 Slot 20. -me- thither 261
(10) alü-we-l-i, füta-nge-a-n

big-ps19-cond4-13-s2, husband-verb36-nrld9-ind1s3
‘when I am big, I shall get married’
(11) lef-we-pe-a-fu-y
19 13 9 8 4 3
run-ps -px -nrld -ipd -ind -3
‘he may run again’
(12) lef-we-ka-pe-la-ya-fu-y
run-ps19-cont16-px13-neg10-nrld9-ipd8-ind4-33
‘he will probably go on running again’
For more information on the relaive position of the fillers of slots 17-20, see
26.20.1
26.20 Slot 20. thither

The suffix -me- indicates that the denoted situation involves motion away from
the speaker or another orientation point. In contrast with the locative marker
pu- loc17, the suffix -me- has a connotation of temporariness. The suffix -me-
is labelled Thither (Th). The relative position of the suffix -me is discussed in
26.20.1 below.
(1) eymi ayü-w-üy-m-i fey mi pe-me-e-t-ew
yous love-ref31-ind4-23-s2 he poss2s see-th20-ido6-avn4-ds1
‘yous were glad that he went to see yous’
(2) ku u-le-me-we-la-n
lay.down-st28-th20-ps19-neg10-ind1s3
‘I am not going to lay down there any more’
(3) traf-me-a-e-n estasion-mew

20 9 6 3 1
meet-th -nrld -ido -ind1s -ds station-inst
‘go meet me at the station’
Compare sentence (3) with example (7) in 26.17. The suffix -pu-17 in (7)
indicates that speaker and addressee will meet at the station. The suffix -me-
in (3) indicates that the addressee must go to the station in order to meet the
speaker. Compare also:
(4) kü aw-me-n
work-th20-ind1s3
‘I went to work’
(5) kü aw-pu-n

17 3
work-loc -ind1s
‘I worked there’
262 Slots
The suffix -me- may be used to indicate a stay at a location away from the
speaker. The duration is limited. The suffix -pu- would be used to indicate a
permanent stay.
(6) külá tripantu-me-n Arxentina
three year-th20-ind1s3 Argentina
‘I was in Argentina for three years’
(7) kiñe epu mari kechu tripantu-nge-y miaw-me-y kiñe

36 4 3 20 4 3
one two ten five year-verb -ind -3 walk.round-th -ind -3 one
misionero (4,1)
missionary
‘some 25 years ago, a missionary walked around over there’ (the missio-
nary did not stay there)
(8) tüng-me-pe-la-ya-n
20 13 10 9 3
delay-th -px -neg -nrld -ind1s
‘I will probably be delayed over there’
The suffix -me- may be used to indicate a gradual development towards an
orientation moment. As such it may co-occur with the venitive suffix -pa- hh17.
The sequence -me 20-pa-17 only combines with the verb kim- ‘to learn’.
(9) iñché kim-püra-me-pa-n kayu mari tripantu-nge-rki-y ñi
20 17 3 36 12 4 3
I learn-go.up-th -hh -ind1s six ten year-verb -rep -ind -3 poss3
puw-ün ti wingka (11,11)

4
arrive-pvn the stranger
‘I realized [that] that that stranger had stayed for sixty years’
(10) kim-püra-me-pa-fi-ñ ñi fe-le-we-n

20 17 6 3 28 19 4
learn-go.up-th -hh -edo -ind1s poss3 become.like.that-st -ps -pvn
‘I have come to know him the way he is’
26.20.1 Order of the fillers of slots 17–20

The suffixes which fill slots 17–20 do not always occur in the order in which
I have presented them. The order presented is the most frequent and can be
explained as follows:
(i) The fillers of slot 17 have the same function and are mutually exclusive. The
same holds for the fillers of slot 18.
(ii) The fillers of slot 18 always precede the fillers of slot 17. The suffix -(ü)r-18
can be separated from a slot 17 filler by the suffixes -we- ps19, -fal- force25
or -(u)w- ref31. I have not been able to establish whether or not a suffix can
separate the suffix -yekü- itr18 from a slot 17 filler because the interruptive
marker -yekü- is an infrequent suffix.
26.21 Slot 21. -fem- immediate, -rume- sudden 263
(iii) Although the suffix -me- th20 has the same function as the fillers of slot 17
and follows one filler of slot 18 (-yekü-), it is not assigned to slot 17 for the
following reasons:
– Unlike the other directionals, which fill slot 17, the andative marker -me-
can have a quite different position. The suffix -me- may precede the passive
marker -nge- pass23, the second person agent marker -mu- 2A23 (see (16)
in 26.23.1) and the plural marker -ye- pl24.
– The andative suffix -me-20 usually precedes the persistence marker -we-
ps19. In a few instances, which have been elicited and may not be very
reliable, I found the suffix -me-20 after the suffix -we-19. The persistence
marker -we-19 may occur between a slot 18 and a slot 17 filler. In rare cases
the suffix -we-19 may follow a slot 17 filler, but most frequently the suffix
-we-19 precedes a slot 18 filler.
For my informants, a different order of the slots 17–20 fillers does not result
in a semantic difference. Compare:
(11) i-me-we-ke-la-y/i-we-me-ke-la-y
20 19 14 10 4 3 19 20 14 10 4 3
eat-th -ps -cf -neg -ind -3 /eat-ps -th -cf -neg -ind -3
‘he does not always go to eat there any more’
(12) leli-w-ür-pa-we-la-y-iñ/
watch-ref31-itr18-hh17-ps19-neg10-ind4-1ns3-p2/
leli-w-ür-we-w-pa-la-y-iñ
31 18 19 31 17 10 4 3 2
watch-ref -itr -ps -ref -hh -neg -ind -1ns -p
‘on our way here wep did not look at each other any more’
I have never found the persistence marker -we-19 immediately preceded by
the reflexivity/reciprocity marker -(u)w- ref31. A form like *leli-w-we-r-pa-
la-y-iñ is unacceptable. The reason for this probably is that -w- before -we-
cannot be heard distinctly. Note that the reflexive morpheme -(u)w- ref31 can
occur twice in a verb form (12).
26.21 Slot 21. immediate, sudden

Slot 21 can be filled by either the immediate action marker -fem- or the sudden
action marker -rume-. A verb form which takes -fem- denotes immediate action.
The suffix -fem- is labelled Immediate (imm).
(1) kintu-fem-fu-y ka omo
21 8 4 3
look.for-imm -ipd -ind -3 other woman
‘he immediately looked for another woman’ (but did not succeed in finding
her)
(2) ye-nge-fem-pa-y/ye-fem-nge-pa-y
23 21 17 4 3 21 23 17 4 3
carry-pass -imm -hh -ind -3 /carry-imm -pass -hh -ind -3
‘it was brought here immediately’
264 Slots
(3) fey müle-y ñi küpa-fem-al

he be-ind4-33 poss3 come-imm21-nrld9.ovn4
‘he has to come immediately’
The suffix -fem- is attested after the reflexive marker -(u)w- ref31, the passive
marker -nge- pass23, the simulative suffix -faluw- sim22, and before the reflexive
suffix -(u)w- ref31, the passive marker -nge- pass23 and the interruptive suffix
-(ü)r- itr18. A different suffix order does not result in a semantic difference.
A verb form which takes the suffix -rume- denotes sudden action. The suffix
-rume- is labelled Sudden (sud).
(4) chüngar-rume-fi-y
stab-sud21-edo6-ind4-33
‘he suddenly stabbed him’
(5) aling-rume-r-pa-n
21 18 17 3
fever-sud -itr -hh -ind1s
‘on my way here, I suddenly got fever’
(6) ta-ñi omo llüka-le-y iñché ta-ñi ñuke
the-poss1s woman become.afraid-st28-ind4-33 I the-poss1s mother
wülel-rume-a-e-t-ew
21 9 6 4 1
hit-sud -nrld -ido -avn -ds
‘my wife is afraid that my mother will suddenly hit her’
The suffix -rume-21 is attested after the reflexive suffix -(u)w- ref31, the
passive marker -nge- pass23, the playful activity marker -kantu- play22 and
the simulative suffix -faluw- sim22 as well as before the persistence suffix -we-
ps19, the interruptive suffix -(ü)r- itr18, etc. I have not found the sudden
action suffix -rume-21 to occur in combination with the andative suffix -me-
th20. In one form, the sudden action marker -rume-21 is found to precede the
indirect object marker -(ü)ñma- io26:
(7) oy-rume-ñma-e-n-ew ñi fotüm
21 26 6 3 1
more-sud -io -ido -ind1s -ds poss1s son
‘he suddenly became taller than my son’
26.22 Slot 22. play, simulation

Slot 22 can be filled by either one of the suffixes -kantu- or -faluw-.
A verb which takes the suffix -kantu- denotes an action which is performed
in jest, for fun or not in earnest. The suffix -kantu- is labelled play.
(1) melkay-kantu-y-iñ
22 4 3 2
slide-play -ind -1ns -p
‘we slid for fun’
p
26.22 Slot 22. -kantu- play, -faluw- simulation 265
(2) poye-kantu-fi-ñ
caress-play22-edo6-ind1s3
‘I caressed him’
(3) ina lewfü treka-kantu-me-n

next river walk-play22-th20-ind1s3
‘I went for a walk along the river’ (just for fun)
(4) kawüs-kantu-we
spoon-play22-nom
‘a thing with which one can spoon something out’ (but which is not meant
to serve that purpose, e.g. a piece of wood)
The suffix -kantu- is attested after the sequence -fal-uw- force25-ref31 and
before the sudden action marker -rume- sud21, the andative suffix -me- th20,
the persistence marker -we- ps19, etc. In the following examples, the suffix
-kantu- takes a different position:
(5) wikür-kantu-l-fi-ñ ta-ñi chaw
22 29 6 3
tear-play -mio -edo -ind1s the-poss3 father
‘I made faces at his father’
(6) lep-üm-kantu-nge-y
34 22 23 4 3
run-ca -play -pass -ind -3
‘they made her run’ (they made a mare run for exercise)
(7) wikeñ-kantu-meki-y
22 28 4 3
whistle-play -pr -ind -3
‘he is whistling’
The suffix -faluw-, the other filler of slot 22, indicates simulation. It is labelled
Simulative (sim).
(8) weyel-faluw-ün
swim-sim22-ind1s3
‘I pretended to swim’
(9) illku-le-faluw-ün
get.angry-st28-sim22-ind1s3
‘I pretended to be angry’
Compare:
(10) illku-faluw-küle-n
22 28 3
get.angry-sim -st -ind1s
‘I am pretending to be angry’
266 Slots
Note that the different order of the suffixes in (9) and (10) reflects a semantic
difference. It is only when the simulative suffix -faluw- combines with the
stative marker -(kü)le- st28 that a difference in element order proves to result
in a semantic difference.
Negation markers, which fill slot 10, cannot change position. In Mapuche
one cannot distinguish between ‘not to pretend to’ and ‘to pretend not to’.
(11) pe-w-faluw-la-e-y-u
see-ref31-sim22-neg10-ido6-ind4-1ns3-d2-ds1
‘I did not pretend to see yous’, ‘I pretended not to see yous’
The combination of the simulative suffix -faluw- and a negation marker is
practically always used to render ‘not to pretend to’.
(12) llaq allkü-n, welu allkü-w-faluw-la-n

3 31 22 10 3
half hear-ind1s , but hear-ref -sim -neg -ind1s
‘I half heard it, but I pretended not to hear it’
Note the suffix -(u)w- in (11) and (12). The morpheme -(u)w- fills slot 31
and is a reflexive/reciprocal marker. The majority of the verbs which contain
the simulative marker -faluw- take the reflexive suffix -(u)w-31. These verbs
may be either transitive (as in (11–12)) or intransitive (as in (14–16)). The
presence of the reflexive suffix -(u)w-31 does not seem to add anything to the
meaning of the verb. Although the suffix -(u)w-31 can be left out without
creating a semantic difference, the speakers MM and JM, with whom I checked
these forms in particular, agreed that a -faluw- form with the morpheme -(u)w-
is “clearer” than a -faluw- form without it.
An actually reflexive or reciprocal verb, which contains the reflexive marker
-(u)w-31, does not take a second suffix -(u)w-, e.g.
(13) ina-w-küle-faluw-y-u
31 28 22 4 3 2
next-ref -st -sim -ind -1ns -d
‘we pretended to be following each other’
d
The use of an ‘empty’ reflexive/reciprocal marker -(u)w- in combination with

the simulative suffix -faluw- may be explained by the correspondence with
the Spanish verb hacerse ‘to pretend’, which contains the reflexive/reciprocal
pronoun se.
(14) loko-w-faluw-ün
31 22 3
crazy-ref -sim -ind1s
‘I pretended to be crazy’ (Sp. me hice que soy loco)
(15) pelo-w-faluw-la-n
31 22 10 3
get.light-ref -sim -neg -ind1s
‘I pretended that I could not see’ (Sp. me hice que no veo)
26.23 Slot 23. -nge-, -(u)w- , -mu- 267
(16) wentru-w-faluw-üy
man-ref31-sim22-ind4-33
‘she pretended to be a man’ (Sp. se hizo que es hombre)
The inchoative meaning of the verbs loko- ‘to go crazy’ (14), pelo- ‘to become
light’ (15), wentru- ‘to become a man’ (16) and illku- ‘to get angry’ (10) seems
to be lost when these verbs take the simulative suffix -faluw-.
The suffix -faluw- is attested after the reflexive suffix -(u)w- ref31 and the
passive suffix -nge- pass23 and before the sudden action suffix -rume- sud21,
the immediate action suffix -fem- imm21, the interruptive suffix -(ü)r- itr18,
the venitive suffix -pa- hh17 etc.
The suffix -faluw- can be analyzed as: -fa-l-uw- become.like.this-ca34-ref31-
‘to make oneself become like this’.
26.23 Slot 23. passive, first person agent,

second person agent
Slot 23 can be filled by either one of the suffixes -nge-, -(u)w- (-uw- after C,
-w- after V) or -mu-. Only transitive verbs can take a suffix in slot 23.
A suffix which fills slot 23 indicates that a participant has been deleted from
the situation described by the sentence. The suffix -nge- indicates that the de-
leted participant is to be found in the situation at large, outside the speech act;
the deleted participant is, therefore, a third person. The subject of a -nge- form
may be first, second or third person and has the role of patient. The deleted
participant has the role of agent. The suffix -nge- is labelled Passive (pass).
(1) lang-üm-nge-y
34 23 4 3
die-ca -pass -ind -3
‘he/she/it/they was/were killed’
The agent of the event denoted by a -nge- form may or may not be identifiable
for the listener. It is essential that the agent not be mentioned. In example (2)
the agent can be identified on the basis of the context:
(2) fey nü-nge-y ti awion (4,36)
then take-pass23-ind4-33 the plane
‘[and] then the plane was taken’ (i.e. by the people who had seen the
crash)
The suffix -(u)w- indicates that the deleted participant can be determined
on the basis of the context. The subject marker of an -(u)w- form indicates
first person non-singular and implicitly includes the other participant in the
speech act, the listener. The suffix -(u)w-23, which is originally the same as the
reflexive/reciprocal suffix -(u)w- ref31, is not a true reciprocal marker. The
morpheme -(u)w-23 indicates that the subject is an agent and the other person,
which is included in the subject referent, is a patient. The morpheme -(u)w-23
is labelled first person Agent (1A).
268 Slots
(3) lang-üm-uw-y-iñ
die-ca34-1A23-ind4-1ns3-p2
‘I/we killed you’
The first person agent marker -(u)w- is used when the total number of parti-
cipants is greater than two. Thus, example (3) may be rendered ‘I killed youd/s’
or ‘wed/p killed yous/d/p’. An -(u)w- form always takes a plural number marker
in slot 2. For a discussion of the first person agent morpheme -(u)w- 1A23 vs.
the reflexive/reciprocal morpheme -(u)w- ref31, see 26.31.1.
The subject of a verb which takes the morpheme -mu-23 indicates first person.
The participant which is deleted from the situation indicated by a -mu- form
must be second person. It cannot be first person because the subject marker
indicates first person. The participant which is deleted from the situation
cannot be third person (for then one would have used the passive marker -nge-),
nor can it be included in the subject referent (for then one would have used the
reflexive marker -(u)w-). The subject of a -mu- form has the role of patient.
The deleted participant has the role of agent. The suffix -mu- is labelled second
person Agent (2A).
(4) lang-üm-mu-n
34 23 3
die-ca -2A -ind1s
‘youd/p killed me’
The suffix -mu- is used when the total number of participants is greater
than two. The number marker (slot 2) corefers to the subject marker and
may indicate singular, dual or plural. For the first person agent marker -(u)w-
1A23 and the second person agent marker -mu- 2A23, see also 25.2.4. For the
transitive paradigm, see the appendix.
The subject of a -nge- form is the patient of the denoted event. The subject of
the passive verb form has the same role as the direct object of the corresponding
active verb.
(5) füñapuwe-tu-nge-y ti wentru
36 23 4 3
poison-verb -pass -ind -3 the man
‘the man was poisoned’
(6) epé ap-üm-nge-pa-fu-y-iñ

almost end.(intr.)-ca34-pass23-hh17-ipd8-ind4-1ns3-p2
‘wep were almost finished’
(7) nü-ñma-nge-me-ke-fu-y-ng-ün ñi pu kulliñ

26 23 20 14 8 4 3 2
take-io -pass -th -cf -ipd -ind -3ns -p poss3 coll cattle
‘one used to go and take their cattle away from themp’ (lit.: theyp used
to be deprived of their cattle)
26.23 Slot 23. -nge-, -(u)w- , -mu- 269
(8) kulli-nge-ke-fu-y kiñe pichi waka

pay-pass23-cf14-ipd8-ind4-33 one small cow
‘he was paid one calf’
(9) elu-ñma-nge-la-y-iñ
give-io26-pass23-neg10-ind4-1ns3-p2
‘wep were not given permission’
(10) “Landesa” pi-nge-y ta ti

Landesa say-pass23-ind4-33 the the
‘it is called “Landesa”’
Note that the subject noun phrase of an intransitive verb usually follows the
verb. The same applies to the subject noun phrase of a -nge- form: it follows
the verb (cf. (5)).
When a verb takes an agent noun phrase and a patient noun phrase, the agent
noun phrase precedes and the patient noun phrase follows the verb. Therefore,
verbs which take the first person agent marker -(u)w-23 or the second person
agent marker -mu-23 are preceded by the agent noun phrase (which may or
may not corefer to the subject marker) and followed by the patient noun phrase
(which may or may not corefer to the subject marker).
(11) eymün allkü-y-m-ün iñchiñ mütrüm-uw-lu eymün
p p p
you hear-ind4-23-p2 we call-1A23-svn4 you
‘youp heard [it] when wep called youp’
(12) akorda-nie-la-n eymün fey-pi-mu-n chi

32 10 3 p 23 3
remember-prps -neg -ind1s you that-say-2A -ind1s part
fey-pi-mu-la-n chi
that-say-2A23-neg10-ind1s3 part
‘I don’t remember whether youp told me or not’
The suffix -nge- may occur in predicates and subordinates. The suffixes
-(u)w- and -mu- may occur in indicative and conditional forms and in subor-
dinates which are marked with the subjective verbal noun marker -lu svn4. In
approximately ten instances, the suffix -mu- was found co-occurring with the
nominalizer -fiel tvn4, e.g.
(13) ayü-y-m-ün mün muntu-ñma-mu-a-fiel ñi kiñe kulliñ?
4 3 2 26 23 9 4
love-ind -2 -p poss2p take.away-io -2A -nrld -tvn poss1s one animal
‘do you want to take away my only animal?’
p
(14) iñché epera-n mün fey-pi-mu-a-fiel iñché

3 23 9 4
I wait.for-ind1s poss2p that-say-2A -nrld -tvn I
‘I waited for youp to tell me’
270 Slots
Usually the second person agent marker -mu- is left out when the transitive
verbal noun marker -fiel is used to denote a 2 → 1 relationship with a total
number of more than two persons. Personal and possessive pronouns may be
used to reduce ambiguity.
(15) iñchiñ fey-pi-w-y-iñ eymi petú mi fey-pi-nu-fiel iñchiñ
p 4 3 2 s 10 4 p
we that-say-1A-ind -1ns -p you still poss2s that-say-neg -tvn we
‘we told you before you told us ’
p s s p
In one case, the second person agent marker -mu- 2A was found in combina-
tion with -el / ovn4. In such a case one would expect the form -kellu-mu-fiel.
(16) ayü-y-m-ün mün kellu-mu-al kü aw-mew?
love-ind4-23-p2 poss2p help-2A23-nrld9.ovn4 work-inst
‘do youp want to help me with [my] work?’
The suffix -(u)w-23 is not attested with either the suffix -fiel tvn4 or the
suffix -el ovn4.
Subordinate clauses with a second person agent and a first person patient or,
the other way around, with a first person agent and a second person patient
seldom occur in spontaneous speech and are hard to elicit. They often give rise
to ambiguity. Juxtaposed main clauses are often preferred.
(17) chem rumé mi pedi-fiel elu-e-y-u
what -ever poss2s ask.for-tvn4 give-ido6-ind4-1ns3-d2-ds1
‘whatever yous asked from me, I gave [it] to yous’
Compare:
(18) chem rumé pedi-e-n elu-e-y-u
6 1 6 4 3 2 1
what -ever ask.for-ido -ind1s3-ds give-ido -ind -1ns -d -ds
‘whatever yous asked from me, I gave [it] to yous’
26.23.1 Position of slot 23 fillers

The suffixes -mu- and -(u)w- are not attested in combination with a great
variety of derivational suffixes. The second person agent marker -mu- is found
after the beneficiary marker -(l)el- ben27, the indirect object marker -(ü)ñma-
io26 and the debitive suffix -fal- force25 and before the venitive suffix -pa-
hh17, the repetition marker -tu- re16 and the continuative suffix -ka- cont16.
The andative marker -me- th20 has been attested before the second person
agent suffix -mu- 2A23 twice, e.g.
(19) ngilla-l-me-mu-y-iñ kofke?
buy-ben27-th20-2A23-ind4-1ns3-p2 bread
‘did you go and buy bread for usp?’
The first person agent suffix -(u)w- is found after the progressive persistent
action marker -nie- prps32, the beneficiary suffix -l(el)- ben27 and the indirect
26.24 Slot 24. -ye- pluralizer 271
object marker -(ü)ñma- io26 and before the venitive suffix -pa- hh17. The pas-
sive suffix -nge- is relatively mobile. It always follows the benefactive marker
-(l)el- ben27 or the indirect object marker -(ü)ñma- io26, but the passive suffix
-nge- may either precede or follow the debitive suffix -fal- force25, the plurali-
zer -ye- pl24, the immediate action suffix -fem- imm21, the sudden action suffix
-rume- sud21 or the andative suffix -me- th20. According to the informants,
order differences do not result in semantic differences. Compare:
(20) ye-nge-fem-üy/ye-fem-nge-y
bring-pass23-imm21-ind4-33/
‘it was brought immediately’
The suffix -nge- most frequently occurs after the pluralizer -ye- pl24 and
before a slot 22 or 21 filler. In one instance I found the passive suffix -nge-
twice in the same form:
(21) ye-nge-fal-nge-pa-y
23 25 23 17 4 3
bring-pass -force -pass -hh -ind -3
‘it must be brought here’
In the verb pe-nge-l- see-pass23-ca34- ‘to show’ (lit.: to cause to be seen),
the passive suffix -nge- forms part of the stem.
26.24 Slot 24. pluralizer

The suffix -ye- is a pluralizer (pl). When the suffix -ye- occurs with an intran-
sitive verb, it indicates a multiple subject.
(1) anü-le-ye-y
sit.down-st28-pl24-ind4-33
‘they sit’
Since a first or a second person subject are obligatorily marked for num-
ber, the pluralizer -ye- is especially used with verbs which take a third person
subject. With a first or second person plural subject, the plural marker -ye-
indicates that the referents of the subject are numerous.
(2) amu-ye-fal-y-iñ
24 25 4 3 2
go-pl -force -ind -1ns -p
‘we have to go in great numbers’
p
When the plural marker -ye- occurs with a transitive verb, it indicates that
the patients of the event are numerous. The pluralizer -ye- corefers to the
external direct object marker -fi- edo6 when -fi- denotes the patient (3). The
pluralizer -ye- corefers to a complement noun phrase when this noun phrase
denotes the patient (4–5). The plural marker -ye- can denote numerous patients
without coreferring to a do marker or a complement noun phrase (6).
272 Slots
(3) we a-l-ka-künu-ye-fi-n
get.full-ca34-fac33-pfps32-pl24-edo6-ind1s3
‘I let them be satiated’
(4) wiri-lel-ye-fi-n karta ñi ñuke

write-ben27-pl24-edo6-ind1s3 letter poss1s mother
‘I wrote a number of letters for my mother’
(5) traf-nie-ye-r-pu-n pütrün che

32 24 18 17 3
meet-prps -pl -itr -loc -ind1s large.number people
‘on my way here, I kept meeting lots of people’
(6) iñché ye-ye-pa-n

24 17 3
I bring-pl -hh -ind1s
‘I brought many [things]’
26.24.1 Position of the pluralizer -ye-

The suffix -ye- does not often occur in spontaneous speech. I found the plu-
ral marker -ye- in many elicited forms where -ye- proves to be a very mobile
suffix. The pluralizer -ye- may precede the beneficiary marker -(l)el- ben27,
the indirect object marker -(ü)ñma- io26 or the debitive marker -fal- force25.
The suffix -ye- may occur following the passive suffix -nge- pass23, the andative
marker -me- th20 or the persistence marker -we- ps19. The suffix -ye- always
precedes fillers of slots 18, 17, etc. The plural marker -ye- is not attested in
combination with a filler of slot 22 or 21. The suffix -ye- may co-occur in any
position with fillers of slots 27, 26, 25, 23, 20 and 19 mentioned above. Once
again, an order difference does not seem to result in a semantic difference.
26.25 Slot 25. force, satisfaction

The suffix -fal- indicates either (1) that there is a necessity or obligation for
the subject to perform the action, or (2) that the subject orders someone else
to perform the action. The suffix -fal- is labelled force.
(1) iñché ngilla-fal-ün kamisa

I buy-force25-ind1s3 shirt
‘I had to buy a shirt’, ‘I had a shirt bought’
In the speech of LQ, the morpheme -fal- (1) ‘to have to’ occurs in intransitive
and transitive verbs, and the morpheme -fal- (2) ‘to order’ is more frequent in
transitive verbs than in intransitive verbs. The suffix -fal- is infrequent.
(2) üyüw weyel-kiaw-fal-ün

over.there swim-circ30-force25-ind1s3
‘I have to swim around over there’
26.25 Slot 25. -fal- force, -(ü)ñmu- satisfaction 273
(3) ellka-künu-lel-fal-ye-nge-y
hide-pfps32-ben27-force25-pl24-pass23-ind4-33
‘various [things] have to remain hidden from him/her/them’
(4) ew moyo-l-lu mi pichi-che, fey-chi

already breast-ca34-svn4 poss2s small-person, that-adj
kellu-fal-pa-fe-n
25 17 8 6 3 1
help-force -hh -ipd .ido -ind1s -ds
‘after yous had fed yours baby, (then) yous had to help me’
The suffix -fal- (1) ‘to have to’ is also used to indicate that it is desirable or
advisable to perform the action.
(5) wenüy-wen-fel iñchiu welu fe-m-fal-la-y-m-i

friend-rel-ipd8.ovn4 wed but become.like.that-ca34-force25-neg10-ind4-23-s3
‘even though wed are friends, yous must not do that’
(6) fey lang-üm-fal-ma-e-n-ew ñi ufisha

he die-ca34-force25-io26-ido6-ind1s3-ds1 poss1s sheep
‘he had my sheep killed’, ‘he has to kill my sheep’
Note that the agent of the action, the one who is ordered to perform the action
denoted by the verb, is not encoded in the verb form. The direct object of a
verb form which contains the suffix -fal- ‘to order’ indicates the patient of the
action. The following example is the only case I found in which the agent of
the action is mentioned. The agent is instrumental object indicated by the the
instrumental suffix -mew inst.
(7) Luis-mew ellka-l-fal-fi-n tabako

34 25 6 3
Luis-inst hide-ca -force -edo -ind1s tobacco
‘I ordered Luis to hide the tobacco’, ‘I have to hide the tobacco with Luis’
A verb which takes the suffix -fal- (1) ‘to have to’ denotes a lasting situation,
i.e. a situation which may or may not continue into the present. Such a -fal-
form is therefore usually translated in the present tense.
I did not find the morpheme -fal- in combination with the constant fea-
ture marker -ke- cf14. The debitive suffix -fal- does not combine with the
non-realization marker -a- nrld9. Note that the suffix -a- can have debitive
meaning (see 26.9 (12–13)).
In combination with the impeditive suffix -fu- ipd8, the suffix -fal- indicates
an unfulfilled duty or a friendly suggestion to perform a certain action.
274 Slots
(8) ellka-w-fal-fu-y-ng-ün ti pu weñe-fe, welu

hide-ref31-force25-ipd8-ind4-3ns3-p2 the coll steal-nom, but
lef-ma-w-üy-ng-ün
run-exp35-ref31-ind4-3ns3-p2
‘the thieves should have hidden, but theyp fled (instead)’
(9) pütrem-tu-fal-la-fu-y-m-i
36 25 10 8 4 3 2
cigarette-verb -force -neg -ipd -ind -2 -s
‘yous should not smoke’
For the sequence -fal-fu-, see also 26.8.1 (13–16) and 26.4.7.3 (130–131). In
the speech of MM, the suffix -fal- (1) ‘to have to’ is only used when -fal-
combines with the impeditive marker -fu- ipd8. When it does not combine
with the suffix -fu-, the suffix -fal- indicates that the subject forces someone
else to perform the action. Thus, in the speech of MM, (1) iñché ngilla-fal-ün
kamisa can only be rendered ‘I had a shirt bought’.
The suffix -fal- may be derived from fa- ‘to become like this’ and contain
the causative -(ü)l-34 (-fa-l- ‘to cause to become like this’). Note that not
only the non-realization marker -a-9 but also the müle-y construction (müle-y
be-ind4-33 followed by a subordinate marked with the non-realization marker
-a-) may be used to express an obligation or necessity (see 26.9.1 (iii)). The
debitive marker -fal-25 must not be confused with the derivational nominalizer
-fal- which indicates that the action denoted by the verb can be done (see 28.1).
The suffix -(ü)ñmu- (-üñmu- after C, -ñmu- after V) indicates that the subject
is involved in the situation on his own behalf, for his own pleasure. The suffix
-(ü)ñmu- is labelled Satisfaction (sat). The suffixes -(ü)ñmu- and -fal- are
mutually exclusive. The morpheme -(ü)ñmu- is infrequent.
(10) treka-ñmu-a-n
25 9 3
walk-sat -nrld -ind1s
‘I am going to have a nice walk’
(11) kintu-tie-ñmu-fu-n
30 25 8 3
look.for-int -sat -ipd -ind1s
‘I have been looking the whole time’ (i.e. I have been looking intensively
for something on my own behalf but did not find it)
(12) kü aw-üñmu-n

25 3
work-sat -ind1s
‘I worked for my own benefit’
26.25 Slot 25. -fal- force, -(ü)ñmu- satisfaction 275
(13) kü aw-tu-ñmu-n ñi ni-a-el ñi manta

work-verb36-sat25-ind1s3 poss1s have-nrld9-ovn4 poss1s coat
‘I have done my very best to get my coat’ (I worked hard to be able to
buy the coat and I won’t lend it to anyone)
For another example of the suffix -(ü)ñmu-, see (5, 48). The suffix -(ü)ñmu-
cannot combine with the benefactive marker -(l)el- ben27 or the indirect object
marker -(ü)ñma- io26.
26.25.1 Position of the suffixes -fal- and -(ü)ñmu-

The suffix -fal- is mobile. It may precede the reflexive suffix -(u)w- ref31,
the beneficiary suffix -(l)el- ben27 or the indirect object marker -(ü)ñma- io26.
Compare:
(14) ye-lel-fal-nge-me-y-m-i
27 25 23 20 4 3 2
carry-ben -force -pass -th -ind -2 -s
kofke/ye-fal-el-nge-me-y-m-i kofke
25 27 23 20 4 3 2
bread/carry-force -ben -pass -th -ind -2 -s bread
‘someone has to get bread for yous’ (lit.: yous have to be brought bread)
(15) ina-nie-fal-uw-y-u
follow-prps32-force25-ref31-ind4-1ns3-d2
/ina-nie-w-fal-y-u
32 31 25 4 3 2
/follow-prps -ref -force -ind -1ns -d
‘wed have to follow each other’
(15) can also be interpreted as:
(16) ina-nie-faluw-y-u
32 22 4 3 2
follow-prps -sim -ind -1ns -d
‘we pretended to follow’
d
I have not found the simulative suffix -faluw- sim22 in combination with the
debitive marker -fal-25. The plural marker -ye- pl24 may precede the debitive
suffix -fal-, albeit very infrequently. The passive suffix -nge- pass23 may precede
the debitive suffix -fal-:
(17) amu-l-fal-ye-nge-y/amu-l-nge-fal-ye-y
34 25 24 23 4 3 34 23 25 24 4 3
go-ca -force -pl -pass -ind -3 /go-ca -pass -force -pl -ind -3
‘many [things] have to be sent’
I have not observed the suffix -fal- in combination with a slot 22 or 21 filler.
The debitive marker -fal- does not occur after the andative suffix -me- th20 or
the persistence marker -we- ps19.
The mobility of “mobile” suffixes is influenced by the number of derivational
suffixes in a verb. The more suffixes there are, the less mobile they are.
276 Slots
(18) llellipu-ñma-fal-ye-nge-me-y ñi pu fotüm

request-io26-force25-pl24-pass23-th20-ind4-33 poss3 coll son
‘someone has to go and ask my sons for a lot of things’
Instead of the expression in (18) one may use llellipu-ye 24-ñma 26-fal 25-nge 23-
me 20-y. A different order of suffixes was not acceptable. If one or two deri-
vational suffixes are ommitted in a form like (17), the remaining suffixes may
assume various positions. Note that, in spontaneous speech, a verb is generally
not found with more than about five derivational suffixes.
The suffix -(ü)ñmu- has not been attested as often as the suffix -fal-. The
satisfaction marker -(ü)ñmu- is found following the intensive action marker -
(kü)tie- int30 and the stative marker -(kü)le- st28, and preceding the constant
feature marker -ke- cf14. The suffix -(ü)ñmu- has been assigned to slot 25
because of its relative position and its function and because it is mutually
exclusive with the debitive marker -fal- force28.
26.26 Slot 26. indirect object

Addition of the indirect object suffix -(ü)ñma- (-ñma- after V, -üñma- after C,
-üñma- ∼ -ma- after w , l , y, or sh) changes the patient into
1. a participant who is adversely affected by the event, e.g.
(1) nü-fi-n
6 3
take-edo -ind1s
‘I took him/her/it/them’
(2) nü-ñma-fi-n
26 6 3
take-io -edo -ind1s
‘I took something away from him/her/them’
(3) femngechi weñe-nie-ñma-rke-fi-y-ng-ün ñi mapu pu Mapuche
32 26 12 6 4 3 2
thus steal-prps -io -rep -edo -ind -3ns -p poss3 land coll Mapuche
‘in that way, I heard, theyp kept robbing the Mapuche of their land’
2. a participant who is indirectly affected by the event, viz. through possession
of or relationship with the patient. The patient is indicated by a complement
noun phrase.
(4) angkash-ma-nge-n ñi pichi wentru
take.behind.one-io26-pass23-ind1s3 poss1s small man
‘they took my little boy on the back [of the horse]’
(5) i-ñma-nge-y kiñe sanchu ñi karukatu
26 23 4 3
eat-io -pass -ind -3 one pig poss1s neighbour
‘they ate a pig of my neighbour’s’ (lit.: my neighbour was eaten one pig)
⟨ the expression karukatu may be analyzed as ka-ruka-tu other-house-impro-
ductive suffix. For the improductive suffix -tu, see 18.3. ⟩
26.26 Slot 26. -(ü)ñma- indirect object 277
Note that the indirect object of an -(ü)ñma- form is not necessarily injured
by the event. He may be indirectly affected in a neutral way.
(6) iñchiñ nü-ñma-fi-y-iñ kellu

p 26 6 4 3 2
we take-io -edo -ind -1ns -p help
‘wep accepted help from him’
Whereas the indirect object marker -(ü)ñma- is used to indicate a detrimental
or neutral effect on a participant, the beneficiary marker -(l)el- ben27 is used
to denote the beneficiary of an event, see 26.27.
The referent of the indirect object marker is animate.
(7) lang-üm-üñma-nge-n ñi fotüm

34 26 23 3
die-ca -io -pass -ind1s poss1s son
‘they killed my son’
(8) ñi ngünen-nge-n-mew feyentu-ñma-nge-ke-la-y ñi

poss3 mendacious-verb36-pvn4-inst believe-io26-pass23-cf14-neg10-ind4-33 poss3
ungu-n
4
speak-pvn
‘because he is a liar nobody believes what he says’
(9) kim-üñma-fi-ñ ñi lamngen

26 6 3
know-io -edo -ind1s poss3 brother/sister
‘I know her brother/sister’
⟨ lamngen (9) denotes a brother or sister of a woman or the sister of a man.⟩
(10) are-ngül-üm-üñma-e-n-ew ñi mansun ta-ñi

34 26 6 3 1
lend-get.together-ca -io -ido -ind1s -ds poss1s ox the-poss3
karukañma-mew
neighbour-inst
‘he lent my oxen to his neighbour’
⟨ the expression karukañma may be analyzed as ka-ruka-ñma other-house-
improductive suffix. For the improductive suffix -ñma, see 18.3. ⟩
(11) müle-y mün allkü-tu-ñma-ya-fiel ñi ungu (4,5)

4 3 33 26 9 4
be-ind -3 poss2p hear-tr -io -nrld -tvn poss3 matter
‘youp have to listen to His word’
(12) ka pichi putu-ñma-pu-fi-y-iñ (6,55)

and little drink-io26-loc17-edo6-ind4-1ns3-p2
‘and there wep drank to him’ (to the deceased)
278 Slots
(13) ye-ñma-fi-n ñi ngülam ñi chaw

carry-io26-edo6-ind1s3 poss3 advice poss1s father
‘I took my fathers’ advice’
In the speech of RR, the indirect object marker -ñma- has an optional allo-
morph -yma-.
(14) nü-yma-k-e-l-i (+nü-yma-ki-e-l-i+) ta-ñi araw!

take-io26-neg10-ido6-cond4-13-s2 the-poss1s plough
‘don’t take my plough away from me!’
The direct object of the verbs elu- ‘to give to someone’ and fey-pi- ‘to say
(that) to someone’ indicates the recipient, not the patient of the event. These
verbs do not take the indirect object marker -(ü)ñma- in slot 26 but may
incorporate the morpheme -(ü)ñma- into the stem, e.g., fey-pi-ñma- ‘to say
something about, to speak ill of’, elu-ñma- ‘to give permission’.
The suffix -(ü)ñma- may combine with the beneficiary suffix -(l)el- ben27,
for which see 26.27.
26.26.1 Position of the indirect object suffix -(ü)ñma-

The suffixes -fal- force25 and -ye- pl24 may precede the morpheme -(ü)ñma-.
(15) fey lang-üm-fal-ma-e-n-ew /lang-üm-üñma-fal-e-n-ew

he die-ca34-force25-io26-ido6-ind1s3-ds1/die-ca34-io26-force25-ido6-ind1s3-ds1
ñi ufisha
poss1s sheep
‘he had my sheep killed’, ‘he has to kill my sheep’
26.27 Slot 27. beneficiary

Addition of the suffix -(l)el- (-lel- ∼ -l- after V; -el- after C) changes the patient
of an event into the beneficiary. The beneficiary is always animate. Compare:
(1) nie-e-y-u
6 4 3 2 1
have-ido -ind -1ns -d -ds
‘I hold you ’ s
(2) nie-l-e-y-u
27 6 4 3 2 1
have-ben -ido -ind -1ns -d -ds
‘I hold [something] for yous’
The patient of a -(l)el- form is denoted by a complement noun phrase.
(3) nie-l-e-y-u mi kulliñ

27 6 4 3 2 1
have-ben -ido -ind -1ns -d -ds poss2s cattle
‘I take care of yours cattle for yous’
26.27 Slot 27. -(l)el- beneficiary 279
(4) nie-l-nge-y-m-i mi kulliñ

have-ben27-pass23-ind4-23-s2 poss2s cattle
‘one takes care of yours cattle for yous’ (lit.: yous are taken care of yours
cattle)
(5) kü aw-el-me-ke-fwi-y-iñ ñi mapu
work-ben27-th20-cf14-ipd8.edo6-ind4-1ns3-p2 poss3 land
‘wep used to go and till his land for him’
Compare:
(6) kü aw-üñma-nge-y-m-i ta-mi mapu
26 23 4 3 2
work-io -pass -ind -2 -s the-poss2s land
‘yours land was tilled’ (without your permission)
(7) tüye-chi pantalon kücha-lel-fal-nge-y
27 25 23 4 3
that.over.there-adj trousers wash-ben -force -pass -ind -3
‘those trousers over there have to be washed for him’
(8) are-tu-lel-e-n-ew kiñe makuñ
lend-tr33-ben27-ido6-ind1s3-ds1 one poncho
‘he borrowed a poncho for me’
In a few elicited instances, the suffix -(l)el- occurs twice. These forms may
be unreliable.
(9) anü-künü-lel-el-fi-ñ ñi tasa
32 27 27 6 3
sit.down-pfps -ben -ben -edo -ind1s poss3 cup
‘I left his cup for him’ (lit.: I left his cup seated for him)
⟨ tasa is Sp. tasa ‘cup’. ⟩
The beneficiary suffix -l(el)- may combine with the indirect object marker
-(ü)ñma-26. When the suffix -(ü)ñma- combines with the morpheme -(l)el-,
the suffix -(ü)ñma- indicates that the indirect object is the possessor of the
patient.
(10) ye-lel-fal-ma-nge-y-m-i mi maleta
27 25 26 23 4 3 2
carry-ben -force -io -pass -ind -2 -s poss2s suitcase
‘they have to carry yours suitcase for yous’
⟨ maleta is Sp. maleta ‘suitcase’. ⟩
(11) anü-künu-lel-ma-fi-n ñi tasa
32 27 26 6 3
sit.down-pfps -ben -io -edo -ind1s poss3 cup
‘I left his cup for him’ Compare with (9)
The combination of the suffixes -(l)el- and -(ü)ñma- is infrequent. Usually,
when the beneficiary and the indirect object are coreferential, only the suffix
-(l)el- is used.
280 Slots
In this connection, my data on the morphemes -(l)el- and -(ü)ñma- differ from
the data which Salas (1970a) presents. According to my data, the sequence -lel-
ma- is infrequent (in the speech of LQ and RR) or non-existent (in the speech
of MM), and the sequence -ñma-ñma- unacceptable. Note that I did attest the
sequence -(ñ)ma 35-(ü)ñma-26 (see 26.35). In Salas (1970a), the sequences -lel-
ma- and -ñma-ñma- are presented as perfectly normal. The sequence -lel-ma-
is used to indicate that the indirect object is the possessor and the beneficiary.
The sequence -ñma-ñma- is used to indicate that the indirect object is the
possessor and adversely affected by the event (Salas 1970a: 78). In contrast to
Salas, who only found the suffixes -(l)el- and -(ü)ñma- in passive constructions
(Salas 1970a: 76), I found the morphemes -(l)el- and -(ü)ñma- both in passive
and in non-passive constructions.
The verbs elu- ‘to give somebody something’ and wül- ‘to give something’
do not take the beneficiary marker -(l)el-. There is, however, a verb wülel- ‘to
beat’ which may be derived from wül- ‘to give’ and contains the beneficiary
suffix -(l)el-. The verb wülel- can take the beneficiary suffix -(l)el-: wülel-el-
‘to beat somebody for somebody’.
26.27.1 Position of the beneficiary suffix -(l)el-

The suffix -(l)el- has a rather stable position. It always precedes the indirect
object marker -(ü)ñma- io26. The suffix -(l)el- may be preceded by the debitive
marker -fal- force25. In rare instances, the benefactive marker -(l)el- may be
preceded by the pluralizer morpheme -ye- pl24.
26.28 Slot 28. stative, progressive

The suffixes -(kü)le- (-küle- after C, -le- after V) and -meke-, as well as the
suffixes -nie- prps and künu- pfps, which fill slot 32, denote a state. The
suffixes -künu- and -meke- may co-occur when they are added to posture verbs
and verbs which indicate a way of moving the body (posture verbs are verbs
which refer to a way of holding the body, such as ‘to lean’). Otherwise these
four suffixes are mutually exclusive. The fillers of slots 28 and 32 have been
briefly discussed in 25.3. The present section and section 26.32 deal with these
suffixes in greater detail.
The suffixes -(kü)le-, -nie- and -künu- have different ramifications for telic
and atelic verbs. Telic verbs include verbs which can be rendered ‘to become’,
‘to get’ or ‘to make’ and posture verbs. Atelic verbs denote a situation which
does not have a terminal point built into it. Atelic verbs include motion verbs,
verbs which indicate bodily or mental activity, static verbs and verbs which
denote a process or event which leads up to an inevitable point. The latter
category of verbs include: af- ‘to end’ (intr.), la- ‘to die’, fücha- ‘to become
old’ (of a man), kushe- ‘to become old’ (of a woman), llüpañ- ‘to brood’, püñeñ-
‘to give birth to’, küllew- ‘to burst open’ (of grain), ürfi- ‘to drown’, aku- ‘to
arrive’, ‘to reach’ and pu(w)- ‘to arrive’, ‘to stay’.
26.28 Slot 28. -(kü)le- stative, -meke- progressive 281
A telic verb which contains -(kü)le-, -nie- or -künu-, is result-oriented. An

atelic verb which contains one of these suffixes is event-oriented. The change
of state which is the result of an event denoted by a telic verb is attributed to
the intransitive subject or to the patient of the corresponding perfective, e.g.
fay-küle-y ‘it has fermented’ (ferment-st28-ind4-33)
motri-le-y ‘he is fat’ (motri- ‘to become fat’)
weñangkü-le-y‘he is homesick’ (weñangkü- ‘to become homesick’)
wüywü-le-y ‘he is dizzy’ (wüywü- ‘to become dizzy’)
wef-küle-y ‘it is visible (wef- ‘to appear’)
/has come into view’
wecho -küle-y ‘it has a hole’ (wecho - ‘to get a hole’)
ngüfo-le-y ‘it is wet’ (ngüfo- ‘to become wet’)
welli-le-y ‘it is empty’ (welli- ‘to become empty’)
ngüñü-le-y ‘he is hungry’ (ngüñü- ‘to get hungry’)
ñam-küle-y ‘it is lost’ (ñam- ‘to get lost’)
nüla-le-y ‘it is open’ (nüla- ‘to open’)
pimu-le-y ‘it is inflated’ (pimu- ‘to inflate something’)
lepü-le-y ‘it is swept’ (lepü- ‘to sweep’)
anü-m-küle-y ‘it is planted’ (anü-m- ‘to make sit down’, ‘to plant’)
kupaf-küle-y ‘he is beaten up’ (kupaf- ‘to beat up’)
trari-le-y ‘it is tied’ (trari- ‘to tie’)
ngüre-le-y ‘it is woven’ (ngüre- ‘to weave’)
anü-le-y ‘he is sitting’ (anü- ‘to sit down’)
rekül-küle-y ‘he is leaning’ (rekül- ‘to lean’)
Note that posture verbs do not occur without the morpheme -künu- pfps32
when they denote the inception of an event (rekül-künu-w-üy ‘he leaned over’),
see 26.32.
With atelic verbs, the stative suffix -(kü)le- denotes an ongoing event, e.g.
weyel-küle-y ‘he is swimming ’ (weyel- ‘to swim’)
ru-pa-le-y ‘he is passing ’ (ru-pa- ‘to pass’)
wifül-küle-y ‘he is zigzagging ’ (wifül- ‘to zigzag’)
nufnuftu-le-y ‘he is sniffing ’ (nufnuftu- ‘to sniff’)
wawlutu-le-y ‘it is lowing ’ (wawlutu- ‘to low’)
raki uam-küle-y ‘he is thinking ’ (raki uam- ‘to think’)
allkü-tu-le-y ‘he is listening ’ (allkü-tu- ‘to listen’)
reye-le-y ‘he is insisting ’ (reye- ‘to insist’)
umawtu-le-y ‘he is sleeping ’ (umaw-tu- ‘to sleep’)
ülkantu-le-y ‘he is singing ’ (ülkantu- ‘to sing’)
af-küle-y ‘it is coming to an end ’ (af- ‘to end’ (intr.))
aku-le-y ‘he is arriving ’ (aku- ‘to arrive’)
kushe-le-y ‘she is getting old ’ (kushe- ‘to become old’
‘’ (of a woman))
ürfi-le-y ‘he is drowning ’ (ürfi- ‘to drown’)
282 Slots
With certain verbs, the suffix -(kü)le- denotes either a change of state which
is the result of an earlier event or an ongoing event, e.g.
püra-le-y ‘he is upstairs’ (püra- ‘to go up’)
‘he is climbing’
pire-le-y ‘it is covered with snow’ (pire- ‘to snow’)
‘it is snowing’
arof-küle-y ‘he is covered with sweat’ (arof- ‘to sweat’)
‘he is sweating’
The presence of an adverb (2) or a compound verb (4) can narrow down the
meaning of the suffix -(kü)le-. Compare:
(1) po -küle-y
dirty-st28-ind4-33
‘he is dirty’
(2) müchay-ke po -küle-w-üy
soon-distr dirty-st28-ref31-ind4-33
‘he is getting dirtier and dirtier’
(3) añi -küle-y
28 4 3
get.hot/scorch-st -ind -3
‘he has been scorched’, ‘it is scorching’
(4) añi -kon-küle-y
get.hot/scorch-enter-st28-ind4-33
‘it is scorching’
(5) wiri-le-y
28 4 3
write-st -ind -3
‘it is written’
(6) wiri-kon-küle-y
28 4 3
write-enter-st -ind -3
‘he is writing’
For the verb kon- ‘to enter’ in compound verbs, see 29.1.
It is not always clear beforehand whether a -(kü)le- form is result-oriented or
event-oriented or both. Compare for instance the verb küllew- ‘to burst open’
(of grain), which behaves like an atelic verb (küllew-küle-y ‘it is bursting open’),
and the verb pawkü- ‘to burst open, to explode’ (of an egg or gas bottle), which
behaves like a telic verb (pawkü-le-y ‘it is exploded’). Take for instance tripa-
‘to leave’, which behaves like an atelic verb (tripa-le-y ‘he is leaving’), and
tripa- ‘to go out’, which behaves like a telic verb (tripa-le-y ‘he is outside’).
Also compare atelic witra- ‘to pull’ (witra-le-y ‘he is pulling’) and telic witra-
‘to get up’ (witra-le-y ‘he is standing’).
Not all factitive verbs behave like telic verbs, e.g.

wi i-le-y ‘he is making pottery ’ (wi i- ‘to make pottery’)
rütra-le-y ‘he is forging ’ (rütra ‘to forge’)
iwüll-küle-y ‘he is stirring ’ ( iwüll- ‘to stir’)
A result-oriented -(kü)le- form denotes a present feature which the subject
has acquired as a result of an earlier process or event. Apparently the verbs
mentioned above do not result in a change of characteristics of the patient.
They do not denote a process or event which results in a present feature of the
subject. Likewise, *rapi-le-y ‘it is vomited’ or *muntu-le-y ‘it is taken away’ are
unacceptable utterances. Instead, the passive rapi-nge-y ‘it has been vomited’
or muntu-nge-y ‘it has been taken away’ should be used.
Factitive verbs which have an incorporated object or are derived from a noun
behave like atelic verbs, e.g.
rüngo-le-y ‘he is making flour ’ (rüngo- ‘to make flour’)
ewma-iyal-küle-y ‘he is preparing food ’ ( ewma-iyal- ‘to make food’)
A result-oriented -(kü)le- form is used to denote a non-intrinsic quality, i.e.
a quality which is the result of an earlier process or event, or a temporary qua-
lity. The verbalizer -nge-36 (21.2) denotes the presence of an intrinsic quality.
Compare the following -(kü)le- and -nge- forms:
küntro-le-y ‘he limps’; küntro-nge-y ‘he is lame’
fentre-le-y ‘they are many’ (Sp. están muchos); fentre-nge-y ‘they are many’
(Sp. son muchos)
welu- uam-küle-y ‘he is/has gone out of his mind’; welu- uam-nge-y ‘he is
crazy’
pilu-le-y ‘he is deaf’ (temporarily or he is pretending to be deaf); pilu-nge-y
‘he is deaf’ (always)
kallfü-le-y/kallfü-y ‘it is blue’; kallfü-nge-y ‘it is blue’ (always)
The suffixes -nge- verb36 and -(kü)le- may co-occur. Their combination is
infrequent. It means that the subject temporarily finds itself in a state of
having the intrinsic quality denoted by the root.
(7) witran-nge-le-pa-y
visitor-verb36-st28-hh17-ind4-33
‘he is a visitor here’ (he is behaving formally, as a visitor)
(8) nge-n-nge-le-lu
4 36 28 4
have-pvn -verb -st -svn
‘the one who is the owner/boss’ (lit.: he who is being the one who is the
one who has)
The suffix -nge- verb36 may indicate a weather condition or celestial pheno-
menon:
284 Slots
(9) ale-nge-le-y
moon-verb36-st28-ind4-33
‘the moon is still there’
A -(kü)le- form is intransitive and cannot take a slot 6 filler. This implies
that verbs which logically need a patient do not take the morpheme -(kü)le-.
Thus, *utu-le-y does not occur. Instead, the expression utu-nie-fi-y ‘he is
approaching it’ is found. Instead of the expressions *ngoyma-le-y and *pe-le-y,
the expressions ngoy-ma-nie-fi-y ‘he forgets it’ and pe-nie-fi-y ‘he sees it’ are
found.
A -(kü)le- form may occur with an incorporated object (10), with an instru-
mental object (11) or with a complement noun phrase (12).
(10) kintu-kü aw-küle-n

look.for-work-st28-ind1s3
‘I am looking for work’
(11) raki uam-küle-n fey-mew

28 3
think-st -ind1s he-inst
‘I am thinking of him’
(12) raki uam-küle-n ñi tripa-yal

28 3 9 4
think-st -ind1s poss1s leave-nrld .ovn
‘I am thinking of leaving’
Verbs which denote a lasting situation and are not marked with the suffix -a-
nrld9 denote a situation which is an actual fact and may continue to be so up
to the present moment. Such verbs may be translated in the present or past
tense. For the sake of brevity, -(kü)le- and -meke- forms are translated in the
present tense only.
26.28.1 Uses of -(kü)le-

In combination with the plain verbal noun marker -(ü)n pvn4, the suffix
-(kü)le- denotes a background event.
(13) witra-le-n ungu-a-y-m-i

28 4 9 4 3 2
get.up-st -pvn speak-nrld -ind -2 -s
‘yous must speak standing up’
A -(kü)le- form is not only used to denote a temporary quality, but also to
indicate that the subject seems to have the quality denoted by the nominal
stem.
(14) añil-küle-y
28 4 3
indigo-st -ind -3
‘it looks indigo’
(15) achawall-küle-y
chicken-st28-ind4-33
‘it looks like a chicken’
(16) peñi-ye-w-küle-y-u
36 31 28 4 3 2
brother-verb -ref -st -ind -1ns -d
‘wed look as if we are brothers’
(17) mawün-küle-lu-le-y
rain-st28-svn4-st28-ind4-33
‘it looks as if it is raining’
For the combination of the subjective verbal noun marker -lu svn4 and the
stative suffix -(kü)le-, also see 26.4.10.3 (233–236).
(18) mawün-ke-chi-le-y
rain-distr-svn4-adj-st28-ind4-33
‘it is rainy, it looks like rain’
(19) la-ke-chi-le-y
4 28 4 3
dead.person-distr-svn -adj-st -ind -3
‘it looks like a corpse’
For the combination of the distibutive suffux -ke- and the adjectivizer -chi ,
-ke-chi-, see 18.2.2.
When the stative marker -(kü)le- combines with motion verbs, it may indicate
that the subject moves in one particular direction.
(20) weyel-küle-y
28 4 3
swim-st -ind -3
‘he is swimming in one direction’
Compare:
(21) weyel-kiaw-üy
swim-circ30-ind4-33
‘he is swimming around’
The suffix -(kü)le- may be used to indicate that the subject is still capable
of performing the action denoted by the verb.
(22) püñeñ-küle-n
28 3
child-st -ind1s
‘I am still capable of having a child’
286 Slots
(23) iñché pu-le-n tüfa-chi kü aw-mew

I arrive-st28-ind3 this-adj work-inst
‘I am still capable of doing this work’
26.28.2 -meke-
The suffix -meke- denotes an ongoing event and stresses the agentivity of the
subject. The suffix -meke- is labelled Progressive (pr). Forms which take the
morpheme -meke- may be transitive or intransitive.
(24) iñché kücha-tu-meke-fi-ñ ti ropa

33 28 6 3
I wash-tr -pr -edo -ind1s the clothes
‘I am busy washing the clothes’
(25) iñché pe-fi-lu i-meke-n Pati iñché ka ina-ye-ngüñü-n

6 4 28 4
I see-edo -svn eat-pr -pvn Pati I also follow-oo35-get.hungry-ind1s3
‘when I saw Pati eating, I got hungry too’
(26) añütu-meki-y
be.drowsy-pr28-ind4-33
‘he is drowsy’
In comparison with the suffix -(kü)le-, the morpheme -meke- is used more
often to indicate the main event rather than a background event. The suffix
-meke- is far less frequent than the suffix -(kü)le-. For a juxtaposition of -(kü)le-
and -meke- forms, see (62–65) in 25.3.
Instead of a -meke- form, a construction may be used consisting of the verb
meke- ‘to be busy’ and a subordinate. Compare:
(27) iñché meke-n ta-ñi kutran-tu-n

3 36 4
I be.busy-ind1s the-poss1s illness-verb -pvn
‘I am suffering’
(28) iñché kutran-tu-meke-n

I illness-verb36-pr28-ind1s3
(29) meki-y ñi katrü-ka-n ilo

be.busy-ind4-33 poss3 cut-fac33-pvn4 meat
‘he is busy cutting the meat into pieces’
(30) katrü-ka-meki-y ilo

33 28 4 3
cut-fac -pr -ind -3 meat
‘he is busy cutting the meat into pieces’
26.29 Slot 29. -(ü)l- more involved object 287
26.28.3 Position of -(kü)le- and -meke-

The suffixes -(kü)le- and -meke- have been assigned to slot 28 on the basis of
their common function and mutual exclusiveness. The suffix -meke- is attested
following the more involved object marker -(ü)l- mio29 (see (5) in 26.29). I
have not found either the stative marker -(kü)le- or the progressive action
marker -meke- in combination with the intensive action marker -(kü)tie- int30
or the circular movement marker -(k)iaw- circ30. The suffixes -(kü)le- and
-meke- probably do not combine with the suffix -(k)iaw- because the mor-
pheme -(k)iaw- implies imperfective meaning, denoting an ongoing event which
involves movement in no particular direction.
The suffixes -(kü)le- and -meke- are usually preceded by the reflexive marker
-(u)w- ref31, although the suffix -(u)w-31, being a very mobile suffix, may
follow the stative marker -(kü)le-. I have not encountered *-meke-w-31.
Since -(kü)le- forms are intransitive, the suffix -(kü)le- does not combine with
a suffix in slot 27, 26, 23, 6 or 1. The stative suffix -(kü)le- is attested following
the simulation marker -faluw- sim22 (see (10) in 26.22). Otherwise the suffixes
-(kü)le- and -meke- always precede a suffix in slots 27–1.
26.29 Slot 29. more involved object

The suffix -(ü)l- (-ül- after C, -l- after V) indicates a more direct, intense or
complete involvement of the patient in the event. The suffix -(ü)l- is labelled
More Involved Object (mio). Compare:
(1) kintu-yaw-ül-üy ñi trewa

look.for-circ30-mio29-ind4-33 poss3 dog
‘he is searching for his dog all over the place’
(2) kintu-yaw-üy ñi trewa

30 4 3
look.for-circ -ind -3 poss3 dog
‘he is looking around for his dog’
(3) wirar-el-fi-ñ
shout-mio29-edo6-ind1s3
‘I shouted at him’
(4) wirar-fi-ñ
6 3
shout-edo -ind1s
‘I shouted to him’
In (3) the shouting is more directly aimed at the patient. Note that with the
verb wirar- ‘to shout’, the morpheme -el- is an allomorph of the suffix -ül-, cf.
4.5.2.
288 Slots
(5) iñche illku-le-n eymi mi wirar-ül-meke-ke-fiel-mew iñché

s
I get.angry-st28-ind1s3 you poss2s shout-mio29-pr28-cf14-tvn4-inst I
‘I am angry because yous are always shouting at me’
The suffix -(ü)l- is not very productive.
(6) koyla-tu-künu-l-fi-ñ
lie-verb36-pfps32-mio29-edo6-ind1s3
‘I lied to him’
(7) maychü-l-fi-ñ
29 6 3
wave-mio -edo -ind1s
‘I signaled to him’
Compare:
(8) maychü-fi-ñ
wave-edo6-ind1s3
‘I waved at him’
(9) fey müná küme-y kompañ-kiaw-ül-ün-mew

he very good-ind4-33 accompany-circ30-mio29-pvn4-inst
‘it is very good to have him as a companion’
26.30 Slot 30. circular movement,

intensive
The suffix -(k)iaw- (-kiaw- after C, -yaw- after V) denotes an ongoing event
which involves movement in no particular direction. The suffix -(k)iaw- is
labelled Circular Movement (circ). A verb which takes the morpheme -(k)iaw-
denotes an ongoing event and can therefore be translated in the present or past
tense.
(1) llüngüs-uw-kiaw-üy
31 30 4 3
drag-ref -circ -ind -3
‘he drags/dragged himself around’
(2) rüngkü-yaw-ün
jump-circ30-ind1s3
‘I jump/jumped around’

day-work-circ30-cf14-rep12-ipd8-ind4-33
‘he used to work here and there as a day-labourer, I am told’
Slot 30. -(k)iaw- , -(kü)tie- 289
(4) iñché ngüñu-n waria-tu-yaw-lu

I get.hungry-ind1s3 town-verb36-circ30-svn4
‘I got hungry when I walked around in town’
(5) mungel nge-pa-yaw-ki-y-m-i faw?

17 30 14 4 3 2
always be-hh -circ -cf -ind -2 -s here
‘are yous always around here?’
In the expression nge-pa- ‘to be here, to have been here’, the suffix -pa- is
part of the stem.
(6) puw-tu-ye-m ruka-mew ti kekaw-kiaw-uwma

arrive-re16-cf5-ivn4 house-inst the complaint-circ30-csvn4

look.for-fac33-ref31-loc17-re16-cf14-ipd8-ind4-33 poss3 what
küpa-l-el-a-fiel tüfa-chi ülmen (5,51)

34 27 9 4
come-ca -ben -nrld -tvn this-adj rich
‘when the one who had been complaining arrived back home, he would
look for all kinds of things back there which he could bring to this rich
man’ (lit.: . . . he used to look there for himself for all kinds of things his
what bringing to this rich)
The suffix -(k)iaw- is not found in combination with a slot 28 or 32 marker.
The suffix -(k)iaw- implies an ongoing event.
Slot 30 can be filled by either the suffix -(k)iaw- or the suffix -(kü)tie-. The
suffix -(kü)tie- indicates that an action is performed with great intensity. It is
labelled Intensive (int). The morphemes -kütie-, -küte- or -tie- may be found.
The distribution is not quite clear; the morpheme -kütie- ∼ -küte- is found after
u, i , n, r or q. The morpheme -tie- is found after u, i , a, ü, m, w or l .
The suffix -(kü)tie- is attested with MM only.
(7) ütrüf-tu-tie-fi-ñ kura-mew

33 30 6 3
throw-tr -int -edo -ind1s stone-inst
‘I threw stones at him vehemently’
(8) üfi-küte-fi-ñ
30 6 3
tie-int -edo -ind1s
‘I tied it firmly’
(9) wirar-kütie-l-fi-y-u
shout-int30-mio29-edo6-ind4-1ns3-d2
‘wed shouted at him very loudly’
290 Slots
(10) ungu-kütie-fi-ñ
speak-int30-edo6-ind1s3
‘I gave him a piece of my mind’
(11) kintu-tie-ñmu-fwi-n
look.for-int30-sat25-ipd8.edo6-ind1s3
‘I carefully looked for it for my own benefit’ (but in vain)
26.31 Slot 31. reflexive/reciprocal

The suffix -(u)w- (-uw after C, -w- after V) indicates reflexivity when combined
with a singular subject. The reflexive morpheme -(u)w- indicates reflexivity or
reciprocity when it combines with a dual or plural subject.
(1) petú üna-w-ün

still scratch-ref31-ind1s3
‘I am scratching myself’
(2) leli-nie-w-üy-ng-u
32 31 4 3 2
watch-prps -ref -ind -3ns -d
‘theyd are watching each other’, ‘theyd are watching themselves’
(3) chem-ye-w-üy-m-u?
what-verb36-ref31-ind4-23-d2
‘what is the nature of yourd relationship?’ (lit.: what are youd vs. one
another?)
(4) peñi-ye-w-y-u
36 31 4 3 2
brother-verb -ref -ind -1ns -d
‘wed are brothers’
(5) misa-w-küle-y-ng-u
31 28 4 3 2
share.food-ref -st -ind -3ns -d
‘they are sharing their food’ (they eat from one plate)
d
(6) lif-tu-w-ün-nge-n
clean-tr33-ref31-pvn4-verb36-ind1s3
‘I am cleanly’
(7) ngilla-ñma-w-ke-fu-y omo

26 31 14 8 4 3
buy-io -ref -cf -ipd -ind -3 woman
‘they used to buy women from each other’
26.31 Slot 31. -(u)w- reflexive/reciprocal 291
(8) kümé wenüy-ka-w-y-iñ ta ti pu wingka iñchiñ, pu

p
good friend-fac33-ref31-ind4-1ns3-p2 the the coll stranger we , coll
italiano iñchiñ (9,46)

p
Italian we
‘I made good friends with those strangers, with the Italians’
The suffix -(u)w- may indicate that the subject is the beneficiary of the event.
The reflexive marker -(u)w- does not combine with the benefactive suffix -(l)el-
ben27.
(9) pichi-ke kintu-ka-w-küle-pe-la-y-ng-ün

32 31 28 13 10 4 3 2
small-distr look.for-fac -ref -st -px -neg -ind -3ns -p
‘bit by bit theyp probably looked for all kinds of things for themselves’
The suffix -(u)w- does not combine with a suffix in slot 23, 6 or 1. The
reflexive morpheme -(u)w- may occur with intransitive verbs, i.e. with verbs
which do not take a suffix in slot 6.
(10) fey-chi mungel nge-la-y chem kellu-w-ün rumé

that-adj particularly be-neg10-ind4-33 what help-ref31-pvn4 -ever
‘in that period in particular, people did not help each other’ (lit.: in that
period in particular there was no helping each other whatever)
(11) iñchiu inafül-ma-w-küle-y-u

d 35 31 28 4 3 2
we close/next-exp -ref -st -ind -1ns -d
‘wed sit close/next to each other’
(12) a kintu-w-küle-y-iñ
31 28 4 3 2
look.at-ref -st -ind -1ns -p
‘wep are looking at each other’
(13) anü-m-uw-küle-n ungu-mew

sit.down-ca34-ref31-st28-ind1s3 matter-inst
‘I insist on this matter’ (lit.: I have sat myself down in this matter)
A verb which takes the perfective persistent morpheme -künu- and therefore
indicates that the action is directed towards the direct object requires the
reflexive morpheme -(u)w- ref31 in order to indicate that subject and direct
object are referentially identical.
(14) lüq-künu-w-üy
white-pfps32-ref31-ind4-33
‘it remained white’ (it left itself white)
292 Slots
(15) witra-künu-w-nge!
get.up-pfps32-ref31-imp2s3
‘get up and stay up!’
The suffix -(u)w- may be used to denote a process.
(16) kura-w-üy
31 4 3
stone-ref -ind -3
‘it became stony’
(17) kelu-w-üy
red-ref31-ind4-33
‘he became red, he blushed’ (cf. kelü-y ‘it has become red, it is red’)
(18) pichi-w-üy
31 4 3
small-ref -ind -3
‘he became small’ (cf. pichi-y ‘he has become small, he is small’)
A large number of reflexive/reciprocal forms are lexicalized, e.g.
(19) kutran-ka-w-küle-n
illness-fac33-ref31-st28-ind1s3
(20) ayü-w-küle-n
31 28 3
love-ref -st -ind1s
‘I am content/happy’
(21) elu-w-küle-fu-n ñi tripa-yal

give-ref31-st28-ipd8-ind1s3 poss1s leave-nrld9.ovn4
‘I was ready to leave’
(22) wisha-ñma-w-küle-y
35 31 28 4 3
bad-exp -ref -st -ind -3
‘it is broken’, ‘it has gone to pieces’
(23) aye-ka-w-küle-n
laugh-fac33-ref31-st28-ind1s3
‘I am roaring with laughter’
In the majority of forms in which the reflexive suffix -(u)w- combines with
the simulative suffix -faluw- sim22, the suffix -(u)w- seems to be semantically
void, see 26.22 (11), (12) and (14–16).
Slot 32. -nie- , -künu- 293
26.31.1 -(u)w- ref31 vs. -(u)w- 1A23

The morpheme -(u)w-23, which indicates first person agent, was originally the
same as the reflexive morpheme -(u)w- ref31. Synchronically, the two suffixes
differ both in meaning and in position.
The first person agent marker -(u)w- 1A23 combines with a 1p subject. This
combination, which is used to indicate a 1 → 2 relationship (with a total number
of participants greater than two), implies the inclusion of the addressee in the
role of patient in the group of the speaker. In contrast to the reflexive suffix
-(u)w- ref31, which indicates that the subject and object are coreferential, the
first person agent marker -(u)w- 1A23 indicates that the object is part of the
subject. The subject and object of an -(u)w-23 form are not coreferential.
The position of the two suffixes -(u)w-23 1A and -(u)w- ref31 in the verb is
clearly different. The first person agent marker -(u)w-23 is attested following the
progressive persistent marker -nie- prps32, the benefactive suffix -(l)el- ben27
and the indirect object marker -(ü)ñma- io26 and never following a suffix in
slots 22–1. The reflexive marker -(u)w-31 is normally found following a slot
32 filler and before a slot 30 filler. The reflexive suffix -(u)w- is, however, a
mobile suffix. It may occur after the stative suffix -(kü)le- st28, the debitive
-fal- force25, the playful activity marker -kantu- play22, the immediate action
marker -fem- imm21, the sudden action suffix -rume- sud21, the andative suffix
-me- th20, the persistence marker -we- ps19 and the interruptive suffix -(ü)r-
itr18.
(24) leli-w-fem-üy/leli-fem-uw-üy
31 21 4 3 21 31 4 3
look.at-ref -imm -ind -3 /look.at-imm -ref -ind -3
‘he immediately looked at himself’
In a few forms which I found by elicitation, the reflexive suffix -(u)w-31 occurs
twice.
(25) leli-w-ür-pa-we-w-la-y-iñ
look.at-ref31-itr18-hh17-ps19-ref31-neg10-ind4-1ns3-p2
‘on our way here, wep did not look at ourselves/each other anymore’
(26) allfü-l-uw-ür-we-w-pa-la-y-iñ
34 31 18 19 31 17 10 4 3 2
get.wounded-ca -ref -itr -ps -ref -hh -neg -ind -1ns -p
‘on our way here, we did not wound ourselves/each other anymore’
p
26.32 Slot 32. progressive persistent, perfect

persistent
Slot 32 may be filled by either one of the suffixes -nie- and -künu-. A -nie-
form denotes a lasting situation in which the agent makes an effort to keep the
patient in the state in which it finds itself. A -künu- form denotes a situation
in which the agent makes no effort to change the state in which the patient
finds itself.
294 Slots
Like the stative suffix -(kü)le- st28, the suffixes -nie- and -künu- have different
ramifications for telic and atelic verbs (for a description of telic and atelic verbs,
see 25.3 and 26.28). A telic verb which contains the suffix -nie- or the suffix
-künu- is result-oriented. An atelic verb which contains one of these suffixes is
event-oriented.
When the suffixes -nie- or -künu- combine with a telic verb, the state of the
patient is the result of an earlier event.
(1) püntü-nie-fi-ñ
separate.(intr.)-prps32-edo6-ind1s3
‘I keep it separated’
(2) püntü-künu-fi-ñ
separate.(intr.)-pfps32-edo6-ind1s3
‘I left it separated’
With a transitive telic verb, the subject of the -nie- or -künu- form is implied
to be the agent of the preceding event.
(3) kütrüng-nie-fi-n
wrap-prps32-edo6-ind1s3
‘I keep it wrapped’ (I wrapped it up and keep it that way)
A -nie- or -künu- form which is based on an intransitive telic verb gives no
information about the way the state in which the patient finds himself has come
about (cf. (1) in the present section).
When the suffixes -nie- or -künu- combine with an intransitive atelic verb,
the patient of the -nie- or -künu- form may or may not be agentive.
(4) müpü-nie-fi-n
fly-prps32-edo6-ind1s3
‘I keep him flying’, ‘I hold him in the air’
(5) angi -nie-fi-n

dry/scorch-prps32-edo6-ind1s3
‘I keep it drying/scorching’ (I hold it while it gets dry/scorched)
The subject of a transitive atelic verb has the same role as the subject of the
corresponding -nie- or -künu- form. The subject is the agent. The object is
the patient.
(6) ayü-nie-e-y-u
32 6 4 3 2 1
love-prps -ido -ind -1ns -d -ds
‘I love you ’
s
Slot 32. -nie- , -künu- 295
(7) wirar-nie-e-n-ew
shout-prps32-ido6-ind1s3-ds1
‘he is shouting at me’
A -nie- form denotes an ongoing event which may or may not continue into
the present. A -nie- form may therefore be translated in the present or past
tense. Both the morpheme -nie- and the morpheme -künu- indicate that a
state, whether an ongoing event or the result of an event, persists. The suffix
-nie- is labelled Progressive Persistent (prps). A form which takes the suffix
-künu- denotes a past situation. The moment at which the state of the patient
came about has passed. The agent refrains from changing the current state. A
-künu- form is translated in the past tense. The suffix -künu- is labelled Perfect
Persistent (prps). Forms which contain -nie- or -künu- are transitive.
The suffix -nie- is related to the verb nie- ‘to get, to have’.
(8) iñchiu inafül-ma-nie-w-y-u

d 35 32 31 4 3 2
we next/close-exp -prps -ref -ind -1ns -d
‘we keep close to one another’
d
(9) ngoyma-nie-fi-n
forget-prps32-edo6-ind1s3
‘I don’t remember it’
(10) payun-tu-nie-fi-n
36 32 6 3
beard-verb -prps -edo -ind1s
‘I am shaving him’, ‘I am holding him by his beard’
(11) kü aw-nie-n ñi mapu

32 3
work-prps -ind1s poss1s land
‘I cultivate my land’ (i.e. it does not lie fallow. The subject is not neces-
sarily working the land at the moment of speaking)
(12) raküm-künu-fi-n ti pwerta

shut-pfps32-edo6-ind1s3 the door
‘I left the door shut’
⟨ pwerta is Sp. puerta ‘door’. ⟩
(13) fey wesha-l-ka-künu-ke-y iy-al

34 33 32 14 4 3 9 4
he bad-ca -fac -pfps -cf -ind -3 eat-nrld .ovn
‘he always makes a mess of the food’
(14) pe-künu-fi-n
32 6 3
see-pfps -edo -ind1s
‘I saw it’ (and let it stand where it was)
296 Slots
The suffix -künu- may be used to stress either the end of an event, e.g.
(15) iñchiu pütrem-tu-künu-a-y-u

36 32 9 4 3 2
wed cigarette-verb -pfps -nrld -ind -1ns -d
‘wed will finish this cigarette first’ (lit.: wed will let the cigarette be
smoked)
(16) me-künu-fi-n
32 6 3
shit-pfps -edo -ind1s
‘I shat it out’
or the beginning.
(17) fey treka-künu-w-a-n

then walk-pfps32-ref31-nrld9-ind1s3
‘then I’ll go for a walk’
The perfective form of posture verbs obligatorily contains the suffix -künu-.
Since a -künu- form is transitive, the reflexive marker -(u)w-31 must be added
when the goal of the action is not specified. Compare:
(18) trongo-künu-y tol (MM)

32 4 3
frown-pfps -ind -3 forehead
‘he frowned, thereby causing wrinkles to appear on his forehead’
(19) trongo-künu-w-üy
frown-pfps32-ref31-ind4-33
‘he frowned’ (he drew his eyebrows together)
(20) potri-künu-w-ün
bend.forward-pfps32-ref31-ind1s3
‘I bent forward’
(21) üñif-künu-a-fi-ñ ti manta

32 9 6 3
lay.down-pfps -nrld -edo -ind1s the coat
‘I will spread out the coat’
When the suffix -künu- combines with a posture verb or a verb which indicates
body motion, -künu- can co-occur with the progressive marker -meke-28. Fillers
of slots 28 and 32 are otherwise mutually exclusive.
(22) trelü-künu-meke-y-m-i
32 28 4 3 2
belch-pfps -pr -ind -2 -s
‘yous are belching’
The suffix -künu- is related to the verb künu- ‘to let be’. The verb künu- is
highly infrequent.
26.33 Slot 33. -tu- transitivizer, -ka- factitive 297
(23) müchay künu-y

soon let.be-ind4-33
‘she did [it] quickly’
(24) kiñe pülé künu-w-a-n

31 9 3
one side let.be-ref -nrld -ind1s
‘I will stay on one side’
(25) Galvarino pülé künu-w-pu-a-y-m-i am?

Galvarino side let.be-ref31-loc17-nrld9-ind4-23-s2 part
‘do yous come from Galvarino?’
The position of both suffixes -nie- and -künu- is fixed. Both suffixes always
precede fillers of slots 31–1 and follow fillers of slots 36–33.
26.33 Slot 33. transitivizer, factitive

Slot 33 can be filled by either the suffix -tu- or -ka-.
The suffix -tu- may be added to intransitive and transitive verbs. The suffix
-tu- adds an object. When the suffix -tu- is combined with an intransitive verb,
the resulting -tu- form has one object. When the suffix -tu- is combined with
a transitive verb, the resulting -tu- form has two objects. The suffix -tu- is
labelled Transitivizer (tr).
yafkü- ‘to get angry’ yafkü-tu- ‘to get angry with somebody ’
müri- ‘to become jealous’ müri-tu- ‘to become jealous of somebody’
kon- ‘to enter’ (intr.) kon-tu- ‘to enter into’, ‘to attack’
wiño- ‘to return’ (intr.) wiño-tu- ‘to go back for’, ‘to return to’
pelo- ‘to become light’ pelo-tu- ‘to light’, ‘to illuminate’
ñi üf- ‘to sew’ ñi üf-tu- ‘to sew sth. at sth.’, ‘to mend’
ütrüf- ‘to throw’ ütrüf-tu- ‘to throw something at somebody ’
tofkü- ‘to spit’ tofkü-tu- ‘to spit sth. at ’
tuku- ‘to put somewhere’ tuku-tu- ‘to put sth. somewhere’
anel- ‘to threaten’ anel-tu- ‘to threaten somebody with sth.’
When a verb takes two objects, the animate, more agentive or more definite
object is encoded in the verb and has the function of direct object. The second
object is not encoded in the verb and has the function of complement.
(1) tofkü-tu-fi-ñ kiñe garbanso Luisa
33 6 3
spit-tr -edo -ind1s one pea Luisa
‘I spat out a pea at Luisa’
⟨ garbanso is Sp. garbanzo ‘(chick-)pea’. ⟩
(2) tuku-tu-a-e-y-u tüfa-chi pantalon
33 9 6 4 3 2 1
put.at-tr -nrld -ido -ind -1ns -d -ds this-adj trousers
‘I will put these trousers on yous’
298 Slots
The second object can be incorporated into the stem, e.g.
(3) are-tu-ketran-e-n
33 6 3 1
borrow-tr -wheat-ido -ind1s -ds
‘yous borrowed wheat from me’
or form the basis of the stem, e.g.
(4) kura-tu-e-n-ew
33 6 3 1
stone-tr -ido -ind1s -ds
‘he threw stones at me’
As example (3) shows, the transitivizer -tu- may be part of the first stem of
a compound.
A number of -tu- forms have lexicalized meaning. Compare:
leli- ‘to watch’ leli-tu- ‘to fool’
aye- ‘to laugh’ aye-tu- ‘to laugh at, to make fun of somebody ’
allkü- ‘to hear’ allkü-tu- ‘to listen’
katrü- ‘to cut’ katrü-tu- ‘to block somebody’s way’
witra- ‘to pull’ witra-tu- ‘to take by the arm’
The suffix -ka- is labelled Factitive (fac) and indicates that the agent causes
the event denoted by the verb to take place.
(5) watro-ka-w-üy
33 31 4 3
break.(intr.)-fac -ref -ind -3
‘it broke into (various) pieces’
(6) iñché pepi-ka-fi-ñ ñi kümé kü aw-fe-nge-al

I be.able-fac33-edo6-ind1s3 poss3 good work-nom-verb36-nrld9.ovn4
‘I prepared him to be a good worker’
(7) wüné wenüy-ka-fi-y pu Mapuche engün

33 6 4 3
first friend-fac -edo -ind -3 coll Mapuche theyp
‘first they made friends with the Mapuche’
(8) ngünen-ka-l-fi-n
lie-fac33-mio29-edo6-ind1s3
‘I lied to him’
(9) iñché ta-ñi wenüy tayı́ aye-ka-fi-ñ

I the-poss1s friend just.now laugh-fac33-edo6-ind1s3
‘that friend of mine just joked with him’
The factitive suffix -ka- often adds intensive value, e.g.
26.34 Slot 34. -(ü)m- , -(ü)l- causative 299
(10) ngünüy-ka-fi-y-ng-ün ti pu añchümalleñ

observe-fac33-edo6-ind4-3ns3-p2 the coll midget
‘theyp watched the midgets carefully’
The suffix -ka- may be part of the first stem of a compound, e.g.
(11) ramtu-ka-sungu-fi-ñ
ask-fac33-speak-edo6-ind1s3
‘I questioned him’
A number of -ka- forms have lexicalized meaning. Compare:
kutran ‘illness’ kutran-ka-w- ‘to suffer ’
aye- ‘to laugh’ aye-ka-w- ‘to roar with laughter’
trüfon- ‘to cough’ trüfon-ka-w-küle- ‘to be coughing’
kachu ‘grass’ kachu-ka-l- ‘to make [an animal] eat grass’
The suffix -ka- may be added to the auxiliaries pepı́ ‘being able’ (see (6)
above) and kalli ‘enabling’, e.g. kalli-ka-w- enabling-fac33-ref31- ‘to take one’s
ease’, see 25.4.
The suffixes -tu- and -ka- may combine with a slot 34 filler, for which see
26.34.
26.34 Slot 34. causative, causative

Slot 34 may be filled by either one of the causative suffixes -(ü)m- (-üm- after
C, -m- after V) or -(ü)l- (-ül- after C, -l- after V). Both are labelled Causative
(ca). The suffix -(ü)m- is not productive and combines with only about 35
roots. The causative morpheme -(ü)m is found with intransitive verbs only.
Compare:
ñam- ‘to get lost, to disappear’ ñam-üm- ‘to lose’
are- ‘to become hot’ are-m- ‘to heat’
trem- ‘to grow’ trem-üm- ‘to raise’
la- ‘to die’ lang-üm- ‘to kill’
af- ‘to end’ (intr.) ap-üm- ‘to finish’ (tr.)
lleq- ‘to come up’ lleq-üm- ∼ llek-üm- ‘to cause to come up’
The suffix -(ü)m- is the only suffix which brings about phonological changes
in the verb root to which it is added. See the last three examples above and
8.2.
(1) ütrüf-nak-üm-e-y-u mi wangku-mew
34 6 4 3 2 1
drop-go.down-ca -ido -ind -1ns -d -ds poss2s chair-inst
‘I dropped yous in yours chair’
The suffix -(ü)l- is productive. It combines with transitive and intransitive
verbs and with loan verbs (unlike -(ü)m).
küpa- ‘to come’ küpa-l- ‘to bring’
apo- ‘to become full’ apo-l- ‘to fill’
300 Slots
ürkü- ‘to become tired’ ürkü-l- ‘to make tired’

pelo- ‘to become light’ pelo-l- ‘to make somebody see’
putu- ‘to drink’ putu-l- ‘to make somebody drink’
ungu- ‘to speak’ ungu-l- ‘to make somebody speak’
tuku- ‘to put at’ tuku-l- ‘to make somebody put at’
pofre- ‘to become poor’ pofre-l- ‘to make poor’ (cf. Sp. pobre ‘poor’)
(2) apo-l-ma-fi-n ñi wün iy-al-mew

become.full-ca34-io26-edo6-ind1s3 poss3 mouth eat-nrld9.ovn4-inst
‘I filled his mouth with food’
The suffix -ül- has an optional allomorph -el- in the following verbs:
kü aw- ‘to work’ kü aw-ül ∼ kü aw-el- ‘to make work’
trupef- ‘to get frightened’ trupef-ül- ∼ trupef-el- ‘to frighten’
leq- ‘to hit’ (intr.) leq-ül- ∼ leq-el- ‘to hit’ (tr.)
The allomorph -el is found instead of -ül- in the following verbs:
af- ‘to end’ (intr.) af-el- ‘to end’ (tr.), ‘to be bored with’
aywiñ- ‘to become a shadow’ aywiñ-el- ‘to cast a shadow on’
kim- ‘to learn, to know’ kim-el- ‘to inform’, ‘to let somebody know’
ariñ- ‘to get burned’ ariñ-el- ‘to burn’
traf- ‘to fit’ trap-el- ‘to fasten, to tie’
mutrur- ‘to bump against’ mutrur-el-‘to make somebody bump against’
wim- ‘to get used’ wim-el- ‘to accustom to’
a - ‘to become beautiful’ a -el- ‘to make beautiful’
lingar- ‘to become white’ lingar-el- ‘to make white’, ‘to bleach’ (MM)
fülang- ‘to become white’ fülang-el- ‘to make white’
(cf. Sp. blanco ‘white’)
Instead of the suffix -(ü)l-, the morpheme -lel- is found in combination with
the verb i- ‘to eat’, e.g. i-lel- ‘to make somebody eat’.
The suffix -(ü)l- may be added to the adverb petú ‘still’, yielding petu-l- ‘to
continue to’, and to the auxiliary pepı́ ‘being able’, to yield pepi-l- ‘to be able
to, to handle’.
The suffix -(ü)l- may be part of the first stem of a compound.
(3) amu-l-nü-nie-r-pu-tu-y-iñ
34 32 18 17 16 4 3 2
go-ca -take-prps -itr -loc -re -ind -1ns -p
‘wep gradually continued taking [it] back’
A few -(ü)l- forms and the verb stems from which they are derived show a
distinction between unintentional/intentional action. They are the following:
llocho- ‘to loosen’, ‘to become loose’ llocho-l- ‘to loosen unintentionally’
ngüfo- ‘to make/become wet’ ngüfo-l- ‘to make wet unintentionally’
wacho- ‘to break’ (tr./intr.) wacho-l- ‘to break unintentionally’
katrü- ‘to cut’ katrü-l- ‘to cut unintentionally’
26.35 Slot 35. -(ñ)ma- , -ye- 301
A number of -(ü)l- forms have lexicalized meaning. Compare:

rünga- ‘to dig’ rünga-l- ‘to bury’
puw- ‘to arrive’ puw-ül- ‘to achieve’
There are but a few verbs which may take either -(ü)m- or -(ü)l-. They are
the following:
lüq- ‘to become white’
lüq-üm-/lüq-ül- ‘to make white’
wim- ‘to get used’ wim-üm-/wim-el- ‘to accustom’
cf. wim-tu- ‘to get used to’
lef- ‘to run’ lep-üm- ‘to make run’ (animals)
lef-ül- ‘to make run’ (people)
The suffixes -(ü)m- and -(ü)l- can combine with a slot 33 filler. Compare:
pelo- ‘to become light’
pelo-m- ‘to illuminate’, ‘to turn on the light’
pelo-m-tu- ‘to illuminate’, ‘to give light to’
angkü- ‘to become dry’ angkü-m- ‘to dry’ (tr.)
angkü-m-tu- ‘to dry something on something else’
anü- ‘to sit down’ anü-m- ‘to seat’
anü-m-ka- ‘to plant’
kim- ‘to learn, to know’ kim-el- ‘to inform’
kim-el-tu- ‘to make sb. acquainted with sth.’
wim- ‘to get used’ wim-el- ‘to accustom’
wim-el-ka- ‘to make accustomed to’
putu- ‘to drink’ putu-l- ‘to make somebody drink’
putu-l-ka- ‘to make somebody drink a lot’
pepı́ ‘being able’ pepi-l- ‘to be able to’
pepi-l-ka- ‘to arrange, to prepare’
A number of verbs do not take the causative suffix -(ü)l- ca34 without simul-
taneously taking the factitive morpheme -ka- fac33, e.g.
aye- ‘to laugh’ aye-l-ka- ‘to make somebody laugh’
küme- ‘to become good’ küme-l-ka- ‘to treat well’, ‘to be good at’
llüka- ‘to become afraid’ llüka-l-ka- ‘to frighten’
lla kü- ‘to become sad’ lla kü-l-ka- ‘to make sad’
wesha- ‘to become bad’ wesha-l-ka- ‘to treat badly’, ‘to make bad’
26.35 Slot 35. experience, oblique object

Slot 35 may be filled by either the experience marker -(ñ)ma- or the oblique
object marker -ye-. The experience marker -(ñ)ma- (-ñma- after V, -ma- after
C) indicates that the subject of an intransitive verb experiences the process or
event denoted by the verb. The suffix -ñma- is labelled Experience (exp).
(1) poy-ma-y
35 4 3
boil-exp -ind -3
‘he got a boil’
302 Slots
Compare:
(2) poy-üy
boil-ind4-33
‘a boil appeared’
(3) iñché aku-ñma-n kiñe kümé ungu

35 3
I arrive-exp -ind1s one good matter
‘I received a nice message’
(4) iñché af-ma-n kofke

I end.(intr.)-exp35-ind1s3 bread
‘I ran out of bread’
(5) alü-pun-ma-n
35 3
much-night-exp -ind1s
‘I went to bed late at night’ (lit.: I experienced much night)
(6) pichi-ñma-y ñi ewma-ya-fiel

little-exp35-ind4-33 poss3 finish-nrld9-tvn4
‘it did not take him long to finish it’
(7) pichi-ñma-pa-y
35 17 4 3
little-exp -hh -ind -3
‘he was only here for a moment’
(8) iñché kon-ma-n trufür ñi nge-mew

I enter-exp35-ind1s3 dust poss1s eye-inst
‘I got dust in my eye’
(9) trangliñ-ma-le-y
35 28 4 3
ice-exp -st -ind -3
‘it is frozen, it is covered with ice’
(10) afü-ñma-w-küle-y ñi wün

get.cooked-exp35-ref31-st28-ind4-33 poss1s mouth
‘my mouth is inflamed’
In the following examples the -ñma- form, derived from an intransitive verb,
is transitive.
(11) weñche-ñma-fi-n ti yerfa
35 6 3
on.top-exp -edo -ind1s the herb
‘I put it on top of the herbs’
26.35 Slot 35. -(ñ)ma- , -ye- 303
(12) anü-ñma-nie-ñma-e-n ñi makuñ

sit.down-exp35-prps32-io26-ido6-ind1s3-ds1 poss1s coat
‘yous sat on my coat’ (lit.: yous sat on me my coat)
(13) anü-ñma-e-y-ew wekufü

35 6 4 3 1
sit.down-exp -ido -ind -3 -ds demon
‘he was possessed by a demon’
(14) cha i-ñma-fi-ñ ti katrü-n ilo

salt-exp35-edo6-ind1s3 the cut-pvn4 meat
‘I put salt on the piece of meat’
The suffixes -ma- exp35 and -(u)w- ref31 may form part of the stem, e.g.
(15) lef-ma-w-e-n-ew/lef-ma-w-tu-e-n-ew
35 31 6 3 1 35 31 33 6 3 1
run-exp -ref -ido -ind1s -ds /run-exp -ref -tr -ido -ind1s -ds
‘he ran away from me, he escaped from me’
Note the verb witran-ma- visitor-exp35-, which means ‘to visit’ and ‘to receive
a visitor’:
(16) witran-ma-n/witran-ma-nge-n
visitor-exp35-ind1s3/visitor-exp35-pass23-ind1s3
‘I’ve got a visitor’
(17) witran-ma-nie-pa-e-n-ew
35 32 17 6 3 1
visitor-exp -prps -hh -ido -ind1s -ds
‘he is paying me a visit here’
Addition of the oblique object suffix -ye- changes the direct object into an
oblique object. The oblique object marker -ye- is infrequent. Compare:
ungu- ‘to speak to’ ungu-ye- ‘to speak about’, ‘to speak ill of’
ngüma- ‘to cry’ ngüma-ye- ‘to weep for’
allkü- ‘to hear’ allkü-ye- ‘to hear about’
uam- ‘to want’ uam-ye- ‘to need’
traf- ‘to fit, to get stuck, traf-ye- ‘to come across’
to wait for, to meet’
(18) iñché uam-nie-n mi kellu

I want-prps32-ind1s3 poss2s help
‘I want yours help’
(19) uam-ye-nie-fi-n ñi kellu-a-e-t-ew

35 32 6 3 9 6 4 1
want-oo -prps -edo -ind1s poss1s help-nrld -ido -avn -ds
‘I need him to help me’
304 Slots
(20) iñché ngüma-ye-n ñi lamngen

I cry-oo35-ind1s3 poss1s sister
‘I wept for my sister’
Compare:
(21) iñche ina-ye-ngüma-n ñi lamngen
35 3
I follow-oo -cry-ind1s poss1s sister
‘I wept with my sister’
(22) traf-ye-n kiñe wenüy estasion-mew

meet-oo35-ind1s3 one friend station-inst
‘I came across a friend at the station’
Compare:
(23) traf-me-n kiñe wenüy estasion-mew
20 3
meet-th -ind1s one friend station-inst
‘I went to meet a friend at the station’
26.36 Slot 36. Verbalizers and stem formatives in redu-

plicated forms
Slot 36 may be filled either by a verbalizing suffix or by a stem formative. The
stem formative is found with verbs which contain a reduplicated element.
Nouns, adjectives, adverbs and numerals can be changed into verbs by means
of affixation. There are six verbalizing suffixes: -∅-, -nge-, -tu-, -(n)tu-, -l- and
-ye-. These have all been discussed in chapter 21.
Mapuche has a number of reduplicated verb forms which contain a redupli-
cated element and a stem formative. The reduplicated element may or may
not occur as a verb root. The stem formative is an obligatory suffix.
There are four stem formatives which may occur in reduplicated verb forms:
-tu-, -nge-, -ye- and -∅-. These suffixes are labelled Stem Formatives in Redu-
plicated forms (sfr). Verbal reduplication is productive.
26.36.1 -tu-
A stem which contains the stem formative -tu- is based on a reduplicated
verb root. The verb root may be transitive or intransitive. The resulting
reduplicated verb has the same valence as the verb root. A reduplicated -tu-
form denotes a non-serious event and indicates that the action is performed
for fun, in a playful way, or that the subject is pretending or just attempting
to perform the action. Some reduplicated -tu- forms are clearly onomatopoeic.
Compare:
anü-anü-tu- ‘to pretend to sit down’ anü- ‘to sit down’
la-la-tu- ‘to faint’ la- ‘to die’
kinging-kinging-tu- ‘to whine like a dog’ kinging- ‘to whine’
Slot 36. Verbalizers 305
aye-aye-tu- ‘to smile’ (LQ) aye- ‘to laugh’

küllü-küllü-tu- ‘to aim’ küllü- ‘to hit’
nü-nü-tu- ‘to grope about’ nü- ‘to take’
malü-malü-tu- ‘to explore by feeling’ malü- ‘to feel’
nengüm-nengüm-tu- ‘to move for fun, nengüm- ‘to move’
or to feel whether some- (tr./intr.)
thing is solid’ (tr.)
wal-wal-tu-pel- ‘to gargle’ wal-wal- ‘to babble’
(of water);
pel ‘throat’
The following reduplicated -tu- form does not have a verb root:
nuf-nuf-tu- ‘to sniff’ (tr.).
(1) kona-kona-tu-tu-y-m-ün? (11,27)

soldier-soldier-sfr36-re16-ind4-23-p2
‘did youp get courage again?’
The root of kona-kona-tu- ‘to pretend to be a soldier’, ‘to get courage’ (1) is
the noun: kona ‘soldier, fighter, servant’.
26.36.2 -nge-
A stem which contains the stem formative -nge- is based on a reduplicated verb
root. The verb root may be transitive or intransitive. The resulting redupli-
cated verb is intransitive. A reduplicated -nge- form denotes a lasting situation
in which the event takes place repeatedly and with intensity. Compare:
aku-aku-nge- ‘to arrive bit by bit’ aku- ‘to arrive’

lüykü-lüykü-nge- ‘to drip constantly’ lüykü- ‘to drip’
nengüm-nengüm-nge- ‘to move constantly’ nengüm- ‘to move’
mawün-mawün-nge- ‘to drizzle’ mawün- ‘to rain’
ngüma-ngüma-nge- ‘to cry constantly’ ngüma- ‘to cry’
wirar-wirar-nge- ‘to shout constantly’ wirar- ‘to shout’
kinging-kinging-nge- ‘to whine like a dog’ kinging- ‘to whine’
pensa-pensa-nge- ‘to think hard’ pensa- ‘to think’
cf. Sp. pensar ‘to think’
würwür-würwür-nge- ‘to be steaming’ würwür- ‘to steam’
(2) fill antü weyel-weyel-ngi-y

36 4 3
every day swim-swim-sfr -ind -3
‘he swims every day’
306 Slots
26.36.3 -ye-
The root of a reduplicated -ye- form is a transitive verb root. The reduplicated
verb which contains the stem formative -ye- is transitive and denotes a lasting
situation in which the event takes place repeatedly and with intensity. The
stem formative suffix -ye-36 is infrequent. Compare
resibi-resibi-ye- ‘to receive constantly’ resibi- ‘to receive’,
(cf. Sp. recibir ‘to receive’)
nengüm-nengüm-ye- ‘to move constantly’ nengüm- ‘to move’
(3) üna-üna-ye-e-n-ew
tickle-tickle-sfr36-ido6-ind1s3-ds1
‘it tickles me’
A reduplicated -ye- form is the transitive counterpart of a reduplicated -nge-
form. Compare:
ap-üm-ap-üm-ye- ‘to finish up bit by bit’ ap-üm-‘to finish’ (tr.)
af-af-nge- ‘to end bit by bit’ (intr.) af- ‘to end’ (intr.)
pi-pi-ye- ‘to say constantly’ (tr.) pi- ‘to say’
pi-pi-nge- ‘to say constantly’ (intr.) pi- ‘to say’
26.36.4 -∅-
A verb containing a reduplicated element, which does not occur as a stem, and
an empty slot 36 is onomatopoeic and denotes a sound made by men, animals
or by things. Such a reduplicated form is intransitive.
kar-kar- ‘to quack, to croak, to cackle’
ki -ki - ‘to squeek, to giggle’
ñaw-ñaw- ‘to meow’
ngay-ngay- ‘to bray’ (LQ), ‘to neigh’ (RR)
pish-pish- ‘to chirp, to peep’
tral-tral- ‘to snore’
tril-tril- ‘to shiver’ (of cold or fever)
truf-truf- ‘to boil over, to overflow’
wal-wal- ‘to stream, to flow’ (water)
wir-wir- ‘to squeal, to squeak’ (pigs, new chairs, etc.)
(4) ñawñaw-küle-y tüye-chi narki

meow-sfr36-st28-ind4-33 that.over.there-adj cat
‘that cat over there is meowing’
A zero stem formative can be added to a reduplicated verb root which, in
most cases, denotes a posture. The resulting reduplicated verb denotes a state
which is the present result of an earlier event and is attributed to a manifold
subject. The subject slot (slot 3) is filled by a third person marker.
Slot 36. Verbalizers 307
(5) anü-anü-y
sit.down-sit.down-sfr36-ind4-33
‘they are sitting [there]’
(6) trana-trana-y
36 4 3
fall/throw-fall/throw-sfr -ind -3
‘they are all over the floor’
(7) pü -pü -üy

spread.out-spread.out-sfr36-ind4-33
‘they are spread out higgledy-piggledy’
In two instances, a reduplicated verb with a zero stem formative in slot 36
denotes an action which is performed quickly (MM):
(8) yi-yi-künu-fi-ñ
eat-eat-sfr35-pfps32-edo6-ind1s3
‘I ate it quickly’
(9) püra-püra-künu-w-nge!
36 32 31 3
go.up-go.up-sfr -pfps -ref -imp2s
‘get upstairs quickly!’
26.36.5 Other cases of reduplication

The verb a -entu-(n)entu- ‘to copy exactly, to make a picture of, to photo-
graph’, ‘to render the last honours to’ is the only verb in which the second
element of a compound is found reduplicated, cf. a -entu- ‘to copy’, a ‘form,
image’, (n)entu- ‘to take out’.
(10) a -entu-nentu-fi-ñ ti la
image-take.out-take.out-sfr36-edo6-ind1s3 the dead
‘I rendered the last honours to the deceased’
Another case of partial reduplication is yielded by the verb (fey)pi- ‘to say’,
e.g. (fey)-pi-pi-ye- ‘to say constantly’ (tr.) and (fey)-pi-pi-nge- ‘to say con-
stantly’ (intr.).
The verb trüqüy-trüqüy- ‘to burst open’ (leaves) is the only verb in which the
repeated element is not a root but an inflected verb form, cf. trüq- ‘to burst
open’, trüq-üy burst.open-ind4-33 ‘it burst open’.
Chapter 27
Unnumbered suffixes
This chapter deals with unnumbered productive suffixes (27.1) and improduc-
tive suffixes (27.2).
27.1 Unnumbered productive suffixes

Two productive suffixes have not been assigned to a slot; they are too infrequent
to establish their relative positions. These suffixes are -pü a- and -püra-.
The suffix -pü a- denotes an aimless event (aiml). It is situated in the verb
form somewhere after the circular motion suffix -(k)iaw- circ30 or the stative
event marker -(kü)le- st28 and before the non-realization morpheme -a- nrld9.
(1) treka-yaw-pü a-ya-lu engün (10,74)

30 9 4 p
walk-circ -aiml-nrld -svn they
‘theyp will walk about aimlessly’
(2) kishu-le-pü a-y mapu (12,2)

alone-st28-aiml-ind4-33 land
‘the land lies idle’
(3) chum-a-el am amu-pü a-y-m-i Temuko?

what-nrld9-ovn4 part go-aiml-ind4-23-s2 Temuco
‘for what reason did yous go to Temuco?’ (there is no point in going to
Temuco)
In examples given by Salas (1970b: 128–129), the aimless event morpheme
-pü a- occurs after the venitive suffix -pa- hh17 and before the pluperfect tense
morpheme -(ü)wye- plpf15.
The suffix -püra- indicates that the subject performs an action involuntarily.
The morpheme -püra- is labelled Involuntarily (inv).
(4) i-püra-fi-ñ
6 3
eat-inv-edo -ind1s
‘I ate it reluctantly’
310 Unnumbered suffixes
(5) aye-püra-n
laugh-inv-ind1s3
‘I laughed unwillingly’
27.2 Improductive verbal suffixes

All attested instances of improductive suffixes are mentioned below.
- a- pe- a- ‘to find by chance’ (pe- ‘to see’)
-f- trangaf- ‘to chew’ (cf. trangatranga ‘jaw’)
-ka- chum-ka-w-mew rumé (LQ) ∼ chum-ka-nu rumé (RR)
‘(in) no way, for no reason’ (chum ‘to do what/how?’; -mew inst;
rumé ‘-ever’)
-lla- awü-nge-lla-n! ‘how wretched I am!’ (awü- ‘to cause pain to’)
-mpe- ∼ illku-mpe- ‘to rebuke someone’ (LQ) (illku- ‘to get angry’)
-ñpe- illku-ñpe- ‘to call someone names’ (MM) (illku- ‘to get angry’)
lla kü-ñpe- ‘to rebuke someone’ (MM) (lla kü- ‘to get sad’)
ñiwa-ñpe- ‘to cheat on (husband or wife)’
-ntu- nü-ntu- ‘to rape’, ‘to take away’ (nü- ‘to take’)
kintu-ntu- ‘to look everywhere for’ (kintu- ‘to look for’)
ina-ntu- ‘to chase’ (ina- ‘to go behind, to follow’)
la-ntu- ‘to become a widow/widower’ (la- ‘to die’)
-tu- tran-tu- ‘to turn over’ (tran(a)- ‘to fall’)
-o- tremo- ‘to recover from illness’ (trem- ‘to grow up’).
Chapter 28
Derivational nominalizers
This chapter deals with productive derivational nominalizers (28.1) and impro-
ductive derivational nominalizers (28.2).
28.1 Productive derivational nominalizers

There are four suffixes by means of which a noun or an adjective can be derived
from a verb: -fe, -we, -fal and -(ü)nten. These suffixes may be added to any
verb stem, including compounds, reduplicated verbs and verbalized roots. The
verb stem may take a suffix in slot 35, 34 or 33. Derivational nominalizers are
labelled Nominalizer (nom).
The suffix -fe denotes a characteristic agent.
(1) kofke-tu-fe
36
bread-verb -nom
‘bread-eater’
(2) lawen-tu-che-fe
36
medicine-verb -person-nom
‘doctor’ (someone who cures people)
(3) ñü üf-ka-fe

33
sow-fac -nom
‘someone who sews all kinds of things’
(4) ilo-kulliñ-fe
36
meat-cattle-verb -nom
‘a butcher’ (a person who makes animals into meat)
The suffix -we denotes a characteristic place or instrument.
(5) anü-we
sit.down-nom
‘bottom’ (of a person or a cup)’
312 Derivational nominalizers
(6) anü-tu-we
sit.down-tr33-nom
‘a seat, a thing on which one sits down’
(7) müle-we
be-nom
‘place where one resides’
(8) angkü-m-tu-we
get.dry-ca34-tr33-nom
‘a poison’, ‘a device to dry something on’
(9) püra-püra-we
go.up-go.up-nom
‘stairs’
The suffix -fal indicates that the event denoted by the verb can be done. The
morpheme -fal occurs with transitive verbs only.
(10) i-fal
eat-nom
‘edible’
(11) allkü-fal
hear-nom
‘audible’
(12) pepi-l-fal
be.able-ca34-nom
‘feasible, practicable’
The suffix -(ü)nten (-ünten after C, -nten after V) indicates that the event
denoted by the verb can be realized quickly and easily.
(13) angkü-nten
get.dry-nom
‘dries quickly’
(14) afü-nten
get.cooked-nom
‘gets done quickly’ (of food)
A form which contains a derivational nominalizer can take one or more ver-
balizers.
28.2 Improductive derivational nominalizers 313
(15) müchay ap-üm-fal-iy tüfa-chi kü aw

quickly/soon end(intr.)-ca34-nom-verb36-ind4-33 this-adj work
‘this work can be finished quickly’
(16) . . . iñché rumé llüka-nten-nge-wma pichi-ka-lu (8,34)

I very get.afraid-nom-verb36-csvn4 small-cont16-svn4
‘I really used to be someone who easily got scared when I was young’
Example (17) shows that a form can take several suffixes which convert an
element from one part of speech to another.
(17) wisa-ka- ungu-fe-nge-y-m-i

bad-verb36-fac33-speak-nom-verb36-ind4-23-s2
‘yous are someone who always does and says nasty things’
A form which ends in a derivational nominalizer does not contain any refe-
rence to time. This lack of the feature time and the lack of verbal flectional
suffixes is what distinguishes a derivational nominalizer from a flectional nomi-
nalizer. Compare:
(18) trari-we
tie-nom
‘a belt’
(19) trari-pe-ye-m
tie-px13-cf5-ivn4
‘with which one usually ties’
(20) kü aw-fe

work-nom
‘worker’
(21) kü aw-lu

4
work-svn
‘people who have worked’
28.2 Improductive derivational nominalizers

All attested instances of improductive suffixes are mentioned below.
-l apo-l ‘filling (of dried peppers)’ (apo- ‘to become full’)
ina-l ‘the next’, ‘bank’ (of river) (ina- ‘to follow’)
wüne-l ‘the first’ (wüne- ‘to precede, to be the first’)
tripa-l ‘end’ (tripa- ‘to leave, to go out’)
montu-l ‘protector’ (montu- ‘to escape’; montu-l- ‘to save’)
-lo i-lo ‘meat’ (i- ‘to eat’)
314 Derivational nominalizers
-nte fa-nte ‘this much’ adv. (fa- ‘to become like this’)
fe-nte ‘that much’ adv. (fe- ‘to become like that’)
tu-nté ‘how much?’ (chu- interrogative element; tu-chi ‘which?’)
-ntu ayü-ntu ‘big potato’ (ayü- ‘to like, to love’; ayü-ntu- ‘to select the
best’)
tripa-ntu ‘year’ (tripa- ‘to leave, to go out’)
-ñko awki-ñko ‘echo’ awki- ‘to reflect’
-tu trape-tu ‘braid’ (trape- ‘to plait’)
-w uma-w ‘sleep’ (uma- ‘to stay for the night’; umaw- ∼ umaw-tu- ‘to
sleep’)
fa-w ‘here’ (fa- ‘to become like this’)
-∅ anü-m-ka ‘planting’ (sit.down-ca34-fac33-nom)
a -üm-ka ‘concern, preparation’ (form-ca34-fac33-nom)
pekan-ka ungu ‘a bad, harmful, injurious thing or situation’
(pekan-ka-w- ‘to become bad, unsound, inferior, to fail’; cf. Sp.
pecar ‘to sin’; ungu ‘matter’)
la-ntu ‘widow(er)’ (la- ‘to die’; la-ntu- ‘to become a widow(er))’
a -kantu ‘non-relative which is treated as if he were a relative’ (LQ)
(relative-play22-nom)
ül-kantu ‘song’ (song-play22-nom)
a -ngel-kantu ‘someone who is given a -ngel ’ (a -ngel ‘gifts for a
deceased friend’, see 18.3)
yall-tuku ‘illegitimate child’ (child-put.in-nom)
katrü-ntuku ‘a piece, partition’ (cut-put.in-nom)
no-me ‘the opposite’ (cross-th20-nom)
no-pa ‘the opposite’ (cross-hh20-nom)
ru-pa ‘time’ (pass-hh17-nom)
Chapter 29
Compounding
Compounding is a productive process. A verb stem may form a compound

with another verb stem (29.1). A noun stem may be incorporated into a verb
stem (29.2). Section 29.3 deals with nominal compounds which contain a verb
stem.
29.1 V+V>V
The first member of a compound which consists of two verb stems is a simple
verb root or a non-verbal root which is followed by a verbalizing suffix (slot
36). Both the first and the second verb stem of such a compound may take a
suffix in slots 33–35. The resulting compound verb derives its valence from the
second member. Compare:
V + Vi > Vi
anü-püra- ‘to sit up’ (sit.down-go.up-)

ütrüf-kon- ‘to fall in’ (fall/throw-enter-)
katrü-ru-me- ‘to go through’ (cut-cross-th20-)
af-naq- ‘to stop going down’ (stop.(intr.)-go.down-)
V + Vt > Vt
af-nak-üm- ‘to stop taking down’ (stop.(intr.)-go.down-ca34-)

tran-ye- ‘to fall while carrying sth.’ (fall-carry-)
witra-nentu- ‘to pull out’ (pull-take.out-)
angka -küpa-l- ’to bring on the back’ (of a horse) (take.on.the.back-come-
ca34-)
The semantic relationship between the two members of a compound verb

may be of various types. The second member may specify the direction of the
event denoted by the first member (1–3). The compound verb may denote a
situation in which two events take place simultaneously (4–6). The relationship
between the first and the second member may be comparable to the relationship
between an auxiliary and a predicate (7).
316 Compounding
(1) angka -küpa-l-nie-nge-n

take.on.the.back-come-ca34-prps32-pass23-ind1s3
‘I was brought here on the back (of a horse)’
(2) anü-nak-üm-el-nge-y iy-al

34 27 23 4 3 9 4
sit.down-go.down-ca -ben -pass -ind -3 eat-nrld .ovn
‘the food was put down for him’ (lit.: he has been put down food)
(3) witra-ñpüra-m-fi-y-u tüfa-chi mesa

34 6 4 3 2
pull-go.up-ca -edo -ind -1ns -d this-adj table
‘wed lifted up this table’
(4) weyel-no-nie-ñma-e-y-u mi ufisha

32 26 6 4 3 2 1
swim-cross-prps -io -ido -ind -1ns -d -ds poss2s sheep
‘I took yours sheep across swimming’
(5) fül-üm-tuku-fi-n ti maleta kawitu-mew

34 6 3
near-ca -put.at-edo -ind1s the suitcase bed-inst
‘I put the suitcase closer to the bed’
(6) rumé ayü-w-üy-ng-ün pülle-tu-pe-fi-lu ti fücha üñüm (4,26)

very love-ref31-ind4-3ns3-p2 near-tr33-see-edo6-svn4 the big bird
‘they were enthusiastic when they came close (to) and saw the big bird’
p
(viz. airplane)
(7) af- ungu-y-iñ

stop.(intr.)-speak-ind4-1ns3-p2
‘wep stopped speaking’
When the first member of a compound verb ends in a vowel and the second
member is the verb püra- ‘to go up’, a linking phoneme ñ is inserted before
püra- in a few unpredictable cases, see (3) above and 8.1.8.
After a vowel, the verb -tuku- alternates with -ntuku- as second member of a
compound verb.
The second member of a compound verb may serve to add aspectual value.
When uam- ‘to need, to want’, naq- ‘to go down’, kon- ‘to enter, to begin’,
püra- ‘to go up’ or tuku- ‘to put at’ occur as the second member of a compound
verb, they may add aspectual meaning to the compound (they may also occur
as a second member in a purely lexical meaning). The verbs uam- and naq- are
productive as aspectuals. When the verb uam- combines with an intransitive
verb, it denotes a process which is half-way completed, e.g.
angi - uam- ‘to become dry’ angi - ‘to become dry’
kushe- uam- ‘to become old’ (of a woman) kushe- ‘to become old’ of a
woman)
29.1 V+V>V 317
küme- uam- ‘to become content’ küme- ‘to be(come) good’

When the verb uam- combines with a transitive verb, the resulting com-
pound denotes a half finished situation, e.g.
ap-üm- uam- ‘to have half finished’ ap-üm- finish.(intr.)-ca34-
nor-üm- uam- ‘to have half nor-üm- straight-ca34-
straightened up’
we a-l- uam- ‘to have half satisfied’ we a-l- become.satisfied-ca34-
When the verb naq- ‘to go down’ occurs as the second member of a compound
verb, it may indicate that the process denoted by the first member is reaching
completion, e.g.
kushe-naq- ‘to become old’ (of a woman) kushe- ‘to become old’ (of a
woman)
ngüküf-naq- ‘to die down’ (noise) ngüküf- ‘to die down’
tüng-naq- ‘to quiet down’ (person) tüng- ‘to quiet down’
The verbs kon- ‘to enter, to begin’, püra- ‘to go up’ and tuku- ‘to put at’ add
aspectual meaning in the following compound verbs:
añi -kon-küle- ‘to be scorching’ (scorch-enter-st28-), cf. añi -küle- ‘to be
scorching’, ‘to be scorched’
wiri-kon-küle- ‘to be writing’ (write-enter-st28-), cf. wiri-le- ‘to be written’
putu-kon-küle- ‘to be addicted to liquor’ (drink-enter-st28-), cf. putu-le- ‘to
be drinking’
kim-kon- ‘to find out, to understand’ (learn-enter-)
kim-püra-me-(pa-) ‘to realize’ (learn-go.up-th20-(hh17-))
kim-tuku- ‘to have come to know bit by bit’ (learn-put.at-)
gana-ntuku- ‘to continue to earn’ (earn-put.at-), cf. Sp. ganar ‘to earn’
It is not unusual to incorporate a verb stem in order to add aspectual me-
aning. The aspectuals -nie- prps32, -künu- pfps32, -(kü)le- st28 and -meke-
pr28 could be analyzed as incorporated verb stems: -nie-, -künu- and -meke-
parallel the verb stems nie- ‘to have, to get, to hold’, künu- ‘to let be’ and
meke- ‘to be busy’ respectively. The static event marker -(kü)le- is related to
the verb müle- ‘to be’.
The position of the suffixes -nie- and -künu- (in slot 32) is a position which
can be taken by the second member of a compound verb. The suffixes -(kü)le-
and -meke-, however, occupy a position which is too far away from the stem to
validate their analysis as an incorporated verb.
In contrast with most verbs which are part of a compound verb stem, the
morphemes -nie-, -künu- and -meke- have aspectual rather than lexical mea-
ning.
On the basis of their position, meaning, and distribution (künu- only occurs
as a free morpheme in a few exceptional cases and the form -(kü)le- is different
from müle-), the morphemes -nie-, -künu-, -meke- and -(kü)le- are treated as
suffixes. It is clear, however, that these suffixes are relics of verb compoun-
ding processes which have developed into productive systems of suffixation.
318 Compounding
It is probable that other derivational suffixes, e.g. the circular motion marker
-(k)iaw- circ30, the debitive morpheme -fal- force25, the playful activity mar-
ker -kantu- play22, the simulation marker -faluw- sim22, the immediate action
morpheme -fem- imm21, the sudden action suffix -rume- sud21, the locative
suffix -pu- loc17 and the venitive suffix -pa-17, are the result of a historical
process of verb compounding.
Although most compound verbs acquire a meaning which is predictable on
the basis of their constituent elements, there are a number of idiomatic cases,
traf-entu- ‘to bewitch’ (fit/meet-take.out-)
af-ma-ye- ‘to support, to provide for’ (end-exp35-carry-)
la-ye-l- ‘to lose someone through his death’ (die-carry-ca34-)
leli-wül- ‘to glance at’ (look.at-give-)
yall-tuku- ‘to get an illegitimate child’ (multiply/get.child-put.at-)
chali-ntuku- ‘to introduce one’s fiancé(e) to one’s parents’ (greet-put.at)
ap-üm-püra- ‘to stop doing something without wanting it’
29.2 V+N>V
Both transitive and intransitive verbs can form a compound stem with an
incorporated noun. The valence of the resulting verb does not change as a
result of the noun incorporation. When the incorporated noun combines with
a transitive verb, the relationship between verb and incorporated noun is one
between event and patient.
entu-poñü- ‘to dig up potatoes’ (take.out-potato-)
kintu-mara- ‘to hunt hares’ (look.for-hare-)
püto-ko- ‘to drink water’ (drink-water-)
llüka-l-ka-che- ‘to frighten people’ (become.afraid-ca34-fac33-person-)
kücha-kuwü- ‘to wash your hands’ (wash-hand-)
The incorporated object does not have a specific referent. Verbs with incor-
porated objects indicate unitary, institutionalized events (Mithun 1984). When
the patient has a specific referent, the noun is not incorporated and has the
function of direct object or complement. Compare:
(8) nentu-antü-y ti pu che
4 3
take.out-day-ind -3 the coll person
‘those people fixed a date’ (those people did the date-fixing)
(9) oy pichin antü nentu-y

4 3
more small.quantity day take.out-ind -3
‘they fixed a shorter term’
I have not attested a verb with both an incorporated object and a coreferen-
tial do marker or external object NP. When a verb takes a direct object and an
incorporated object, the animate, more agentive or more definite object is refer-
red to by a person marker, and the other object is incorporated into the stem.
29.3 Nominal compounds 319
(10) are-tu-ketran-e-n-ew
borrow-tr33-wheat-ido6-ind1s3-ds1
‘he borrowed wheat from me’ (he wheat-borrowed me)
(11) utru-ko-ñma-ya-e-n ñi peshkiñ

26 9 6 3 1
pour-water-io -nrld -ido -ind1s -ds poss1s flower
‘yous will water my flowers’ (yous will pour water on me my flowers)
I have found three compound verbs which contain two verb stems and an
incorporated noun:
kellu-nü-kawell- ‘to help catch horses’ (help-take-horse-)
nie-püñeñ-el- ‘to leave someone pregnant’ (have-child-leave-)
angka -püra-kawellu- ‘to take someone/to ride on the back of a horse’
(take/ride.on.the.back-climb-horse-verb36-). ⟨ angka - is derived from Sp.
anca ‘haunch’, a ancas ‘behind another person’. ⟩
When a noun combines with an intransitive verb, the noun has subject func-
tion. The person referred to by the subject marker (slot 3) experiences the
process or event denoted by the verb.
(12) waw-yuw-küle-y-m-i
28 4 3 2
leak-nose-st -ind -2 -s
‘you have a bloody nose’
s
(13) lef-umaw-pa-n
run-sleep-hh17-ind1s3
‘my sleep is gone’
(14) ewmá puw-trafiya-l-e, amu-tu-a-n

finished arrive-evening-cond4-33, go-re16-nrld9-ind1s3
‘when the evening has fallen, I shall go back’
(15) kon-antü-le-y ta ti ko
28 4 3
enter-sun-st -ind -3 the the water
‘the water is warm because of the sun’
Noun incorporation is more frequent with transitive verbs than with intran-
sitive verbs.
29.3 Nominal compounds

A noun stem may be formed by compounding a verb and a noun. This process
is not productive. I found the following nominal compounds which consist of
a verb and a noun:
anü-ruka/anü-naq-ruka ‘a round house with a round roof’
(sit.down-house/sit.down-go.down-house)
320 Compounding
trap-el-akucha ‘breast decoration for women’ (fit-ca34-needle), cf. Sp. aguja

‘needle’
trari-kuwü ‘bracelet’ (bind-hand)
trari-longko ‘head decoration’ (bind-head)
chafo-kutran ‘coughing disease’ (cough-illness)
shiwill-ko ‘porridge’ (stir-water)
I have found one compound adverb which consists of a verb stem and an
adverb:
(16) amu-pichi-ke lef-ün
go-little-distr run-ind1s3
‘I went running every now and then’
Chapter 30
Deictic verbs
Deictic verbs are derived from the roots fa- ‘to become like this’ and fe- ‘to
become like that’. These roots do not occur without a derivational suffix.
A verb which is derived from the root fa- denotes a situation which is contex-
tually determined. A verb which is derived from the root fe- denotes a situation
which is situationally determined. Compare:
(1) fa-le-wma iñché

28 4
become.like.this-st -csvn I
‘that is how I was’ (referring to what has been said before)
(2) pichi fe-le-nge!

little become.like.that-st28-imp2s3
‘stay like that for a minute!’,‘ hold on a minute!’ (a picture is being taken
of the addressee)
The roots fa- and fe- also reflect a proximity/distance distinction, in physical
distance as well as in time.
(3) iñché ñi tasa eymi mi tasa fante-n-üy

s 4 36 4 3
I poss1s cup you poss2s cup this.much-pvn -verb -ind -3
‘my cup is as big as your cup here’
s
(4) iñché ñi tasa eymi mi tasa fente-n-üy

I poss1s cup yous poss2s cup that.much-pvn4-verb36-ind4-33
‘my cup is as big as yours cup over there’
(5) fantepu la-pe-la-y

by.this.time die-px13-neg10-ind4-33
‘he is probably dead by now’
322 Deictic verbs
(6) fentepu wülá amfe!

by.that.time then part
‘only then?!’ (speaker and addressee discuss the moment at which they
will sell the bricks they have made. The speaker considers the suggested
moment to be too far away in time)
Derivatives of the root fe- are more frequent and numerous than derivatives
of the root fa-. Some fa- derivatives are used so seldom that fe- derivatives
have acquired a general deictic function. The field of reference may be either
contextual or situational.
(7) ka fe-le-pa-tu-n (15,26)

28 17 16 3
again become.like.that-st -hh -re -ind1s
‘I was in the same situation as before’
(8) chem-mew am fe-m-lle-nu-a-fu-lu?!

‘why shouldn’t [they] have done that?!’ (but of course they did)
(9) fente-l-e-n
36 6 3 1
that.much-verb -ido -ind1s -ds
‘give me that/this much!’, ‘yous gave me that/this much’
(10) fa-m-nge-chi kü aw-ke-n

become.like.this-ca34-pass23-svn4-adj work-cf14-ind1s3
‘this is how I work’
(11) fe-m-nge-chi fey-ta oy pichin mapu-mu

become.like.that-ca34-pass23-svn4-adj that-the more small.quantity land-inst
wirko-le-la-y-iñ (12,16)
28 10 4 3 2
heap-st -neg -ind -1ns -p
‘this way wep are not crowded together on a rather small piece of land’
(12) kawellu fe-m-nge-y

34 23 4 3
horse become.like.that-ca -pass -ind -3
‘it looks like a horse’
The verb fe-m-nge- ‘to look like’ does not have a counterpart *fa-m-nge-.
(13) kom trür fente-ke-fu-y-iñ (3,9)

all equal that.much-cf14-ipd8-ind4-1ns3-p2
‘wep were all the same age’
30 Deictic verbs 323
(14) fente-künu-e-n!
that.much-pfps32-ido6-ind1s3-ds1
‘leave me in peace!’
The verb fe- ‘to become like that’ is often used as a verbal dummy, e.g. in
answer to a question or in response to a statement, see (9,6), (9,12), (9,73),
(9,78) and 26.11 (3) and (4).
Chapter 31
Defective verbs
This chapter deals with verbs that do not occur without a particular suffix.
When used as simple verb roots, posture verbs obligatorily combine with
either the perfect persistence marker -künu- pfps32, the progressive persistence
marker -nie- prps32 or the stative morpheme -(kü)le- st28, e.g.
(kopü - ‘to lay down on one’s belly’)
kopü -künu- ‘to lay someone down on his belly’
kopü -künu-w- ‘to lay oneself down on one’s belly’
kopü -küle- ‘to lie on one’s belly’
kopü -nie- ‘to hold someone on his belly’
In compounds, posture verbs occur without the suffixes -künu-, -nie- or
-(kü)le-, e.g. külü-naq- ‘to lean down on one’s elbow’ (lean.on.elbow-go.down-).
The group of posture verbs includes the following verbs:
ku u- ‘to lie down’ (to sleep)
kopü - ‘to lie down on one’s belly’
üñif- ‘to lie down on the floor’
külü- ‘to lean on one’s elbow’
llikosh- ‘to sit down on one’s heels’, ‘to squat’
payla- ‘to lie down on one’s back’
potri- ‘to lean over’
potrong- ‘to bow forward’ (the head)
potrü- ‘to bow forward’ (the body)
rekül- ‘to lean’
wira- ‘to sit down with spread legs’
The following verbs require a directional (slots 17 and 20):
fül- ‘to come near’ requires the suffixes -me- th20, -pa- hh17 or -pu- loc17
llekü- ‘to approach’ requires the suffixes -me- th20, -pa- hh17 or -pu- loc17
pülle- ‘to come near’ requires the suffixes -me- th20, -pa- hh17, or -pu- loc17
ru- ‘to pass, to go through’ requires the suffixes -me- th20 or -pa- hh17
nge- ‘to have been’ requires the suffixes -me- th20 or -pa- hh17 (nge-la-10 ‘not
to be’ does not require a directional)
antü- ‘to spend a day’, küyen- ‘to spend a month’ and tripantu- ‘to spend a
326 Defective verbs
year’ require the suffixes -me-20 th, -pa-17 hh or -pu-17 loc.

When these verbs take a transitivizer or a causativizer, the directional is
optional.
The following three compound verbs obligatorily take a directional:
kim-püra- ‘to realize’ (learn-go.up-) requires the suffixes -me- th20 or -pa-
hh17 and may take both suffixes
kim-kon- ‘to find out, to understand’ (learn-enter-) requires the suffix -pa-
hh17
trem-tripa- ‘to become conscious of while growing up’ (grow.up-go.out-) re-
quires the suffix -pa- hh17.
Part VI
Particles
Chapter 32
Particles
The particles constitute a separate, small class of morphemes which express the
attitude of the speaker towards what has been said. They do not occur without
a noun phrase or verb phrase with which they are related. Particles can modify
an entire sentence. They occur in interrogative and affirmative sentences.
Particles follow the noun phrase or verb phrase with which they are related;
they can take sentence final position; they never occur in sentence initial posi-
tion. A sentence may contain more than one particle.
32.1 The particle

The particle chi expresses doubt. It is most frequent in questions. An inter-
rogative sentence which contains chi expresses a question which the speaker
poses himself; the question does not require an answer.
(1) chum-a-n chi?
9 3
do.what/how-nrld -ind1s part
‘what shall I do?’
(2) mawün-a-y chi?

rain-nrld9-ind4-33 part
‘will it rain?’
(3) monge-le-ka-y chi?

28 16 4 3
get.life-st -cont -ind -3 part
‘is he still alive?’
(4) chumngechi chi ewma-a-fi-ñ?

how part finish/make-nrld9-edo6-ind1s3
‘how shall I finish/make it?’
(5) amu-y chi

4 3
go-ind -3 part
‘maybe he went away’
330 Particles
(6) kim-la-n kim-üy chi kam kim-la-y chi

know-neg10-ind1s3 know-ind4-33 part or know-neg10-ind4-33 part
‘I don’t know if he knows or not’ (lit.: I don’t know he knows maybe or
he does not know maybe)
32.2 The particle

A question which contains am is based on previous knowledge of the situation
on the part of the speaker. An am question is used to ask for more precise
information, to express surprise or to provoke. In affirmative sentences am has
causal meaning, ‘since’.
(7) chumül mungel am amu-a-y-m-ün eymün?
when exactly part go-nrld9-ind4-23-p2 youp
‘when exactly do youp go?’
(8) chumngechi am ewma-a-fi-ñ?

9 6 3
how part finish/make-nrld -edo -ind1s
‘how shall I finish/make it?’
The task is nearly finished and the speaker asks his principal how precisely
he has to finish his work (8). Compare (4): the speaker wonders how he will
finish his work.
(9) fey chumal am rekülama-pa-fi-y-m-i? (7,65)
then why part claim-hh17-edo6-ind4-23-s2
‘then what have yous come to claim it for?’
The person addressed has come to reclaim his land after he had realized that
he had “sold” it by signing a title-deed.
(10) nepe-le-y ñi püñeñ am?
wake.up-st28-ind4-33 poss1s child part
‘is my child awake?” (the mother has heard sounds)
(11) kam nge-nge-la-y-m-i am?!

36 10 4 3 2
or eye-verb -neg -ind -2 -s part
‘don’t yous have eyes?’
(12) kam kim wiri-nu-lu troki-mu-n am?!

or knowing write-neg10-svn4 opine-2A23-ind1s3 part
‘and you think that I don’t know how to write?!’
(13) chem-mew am fe-m-lle-nu-a-fu-lu?!

‘why shouldn’t they have done that?!’ (of course they did!)
32.3 The particle nga 331
(14) ew am kure-nge-lu iñché, müle-y ta-ñi

already part wife-verb36-svn4 I, be-ind4-33 the-poss1s
ewma-ya-el kiñe ruka

make/finish-nrld9-ovn4 one house
‘since I had gotten married, I had to build a house’
(15) küme-ntu-nu-lu am iñché, fey-mu küpá i-we-la-n

good-verb36-neg10-svn4 part I, that-inst wishing eat-ps19-neg10-ind1s3
‘since I did not like it, I did not want to eat [it] any more’
32.3 The particle

The particle nga is used to recall a past situation, often with an undertone of
sadness or regret.
(16) tüfá nga ñi fe-m-a-fel

34 9 8 4
this part poss1s become.like.that-ca -nrld -ipd .ovn
‘this [is] what I should have done’
(17) müná nga kutran-tu-y nga ñi piwke pobre-nge-lu nga

very part illness-verb36-ind4-33 part poss1s heart poor-verb36-svn4 part
iñché . . . (15,2–3)
I
‘my heart ached a lot, for I was poor . . . ’
Other examples in which the particle nga is used to recall a past situation
can be found in texts 9 (9,20), 10 (10,76) and 11 (11,44).
(18) fe-m-ke-fu-y nga yiñ chaw (13,70)
become.like.that-ca34-cf14-ipd8-ind4-33 part poss1p father
‘that is how ourp father used to do things’ (the father is dead now)
The songs which are presented in texts 15–17 abound with the particle nga
expressing sadness or regret. In the speech of MM in particular, nga can be
used in an affirmative answer.
(19) ew nge-me-y-m-i nga?

already be-th20-ind4-23-s2 part
‘have yous been there yet?’
(20) may, chumül nge-me-n nga

20 3
yes, once be-th -ind1s part
‘yes, I have been there once’
332 Particles
(21) kim-üy nga

know-ind4-33 part
‘yes, he knows’
Instead of nga one may occasionally find nga ti. The expression nga ti seems
to have a stronger meaning than nga (see example (29) below).
32.4 The particle

The particle kay is used to suggest to the listener a situation presented in
contrast to a previous situation.
(22) iñché amu-tu-a-n; eymi kay?

16 9 3 s
I go-re -nrld -ind1s ; you part
‘I am going back, [and] what about yous?’
(23) fey kay kümé wentru-ngi-y?

he part good man-verb36-ind4-33
‘as for him, is he a good man?’
(24) welu chem wiño-l-e kay, chem-pi-me-a-fu-y fewlá?

but what return-cond4-33 part, what-say-th20-nrld9-ipd8-ind4-33 now
‘but what, on the other hand, if they do come back, what would they say
then?’
The particle kay ‘on the other hand’ also occurs in non-interrogative senten-
ces, cf. (10,69).
The morpheme kay is used to express a proposition. As such it often combines
with a conditional form which contains the impeditive marker -fu- ipd8.
(25) kom amu-ka-fu-l-i-iñ kay?

16 8 4 3 2
all go-cont -ipd -cond -1ns -p part
‘why don’t wep all go?’ (lit.: if wep all would go?)
(26) iñché ewma-l-fe-l-y-u kay kiñe manta?

I make-ben27-ipd8.ido6-cond4-13-d2-ds1 part one coat
‘what if I were to make you a coat?’
s
The particle kay is used when the speaker has an interest in the activity of
the addressed person.
(27) eymi amu-a-lu kay wariya-mew ru-pa-n antü?

yous go-nrld9-svn4 part town-inst 17 4
pass-hh -pvn sun
‘will yous be going to town this afternoon?’ (the speaker wants the listener
to go to town)
In some cases kay merely seems to have an exclamatory function.
32.6 The particle llemay 333
(28) chum-a-fu-y kay?

do.what/how-nrld9-ipd8-ind4-33 part
‘what can he do?!’ (someone who is poor, what can he do?)
‘how could he?!’ (he should never have done that)
In the following example kay combines with nga ti :
(29) porke wim-küle-we-fu-lu ta-ñi enggaña-che-al
28 19 8 4 9 4
because get.used-st -ps -ipd -svn the-poss3 deceive-person-nrld .ovn
engün kay nga ti?

theyp part part the
‘because theyp were already used to deceiving people, weren’t they?’
32.5 The particle

The particle may is used in questions which are expected to provoke an affir-
mative answer.
(30) amu-pe-a-n may?
13 9 3
go-px -nrld -ind1s part
‘so I had better go now?’
(31) eymi may ta-mi pedi-fiel?!

yous part the-poss2s request-tvn4
‘after all, yous asked for it, didn’t you?!’
(32) eymi may ta-mi küpá Temuko-tu-n?!

s 36 4
you part the-poss2s wishing Temuco-verb -pvn
‘you wanted to go to Temuco, didn’t you?!’
s
With imperative forms, may is used to change a command into friendly coer-
cion.
(33) amu-nge may
go-imp2s3 part
‘yous go now’
(34) amu-chi may

3
go-imp1s part
‘I’m off, let’s go” (this is the usual way to introduce one’s leaving)
(35) yi-ki-fi-l-nge may

10 6 4 3
eat-neg -edo -cond -imp2s part
‘yous need not eat it’
The particle may is related to the adverb may ‘yes’.
334 Particles
32.6 The particle

The particle llemay conveys certainty on the part of the speaker. The particle
llemay consists of the affirmative suffix -lle- aff11 and the particle may.
(36) fe-y llemay
4 3
become.like.that-ind -3 part
‘that is so’, ‘certainly’
(37) depwé fe-m-üy-ng-ün llemay (10,37)

later become.like.that-ca34-ind4-3ns3-p2 part
‘sure, later theyp certainly did that’
⟨ depwé ‘later’ is derived from Sp. después ‘later’. ⟩
(38) ka nie-rki-y llemay ungu yengün

also have-rep12-ind4-33 part matter theyp
‘of course theyp also had problems’
A llemay answer is stronger than a nga answer. Compare:
(39) kim-üy llemay
know-ind4-33 part
‘oh, he knows allright!’ Compare (21)
The particle llemay is used to deny a negative supposition or statement.
(40) chumül nge-me-n llemay
20 3
once be-th -ind1s part
‘I have actually been there once’ Compare (20)
Instead of llemay one may find -lle- aff11 inside the verb and may after the
verb.
(41) fe-m-lle-y-m-i may
34 11 4 3 2
become.like.that-ca -aff -ind -2 -s part
‘yous certainly did that’
For the affirmative suffix -lle- aff11, see 26.11.
32.7 The particle

The particle chemay expresses amazement on the part of the speaker.
(42) wiya trür amu-a-y-u pi-e-n-ew, fewlà
yesterday together go-nrld9-ind4-1ns3-d2 say-ido6-ind1s3-ds1, now
chem-pi-le-pe-tu-y chemay . . .
what-say-st28-px13-re16-ind4-33 part
‘yesterday he told me wed would go together, [but] what does he think
[of it] now . . . ?!’
32.9 The particle anta 335
(43) welu fewlá chum-pe-tu-y chemay; müchay pun ka

but now do.what/how-px13-re16-ind4-33 part; soon night again
nütram-ka-tu-a-fi-n
conversation-fac33-re16-nrld9-edo6-ind1s3
‘but what is he up to now!; tonight I will talk to him again’
The particle chemay may consist of chem ‘what? and may ‘yes’. chemay is
infrequent.
32.8 The particle

The particle chekay indicates that the speaker does not have the faintest idea.
(44) chew chekay amu-y-ng-ün?

where part go-ind4-3ns3-p2
‘where the hell did theyp go?’
(45) iniy iñchiu chekay kü aw-a-y-u?

who wed part work-nrld9-ind4-1ns3-d2
‘with whom, for God’s sake, shall I work?’
(46) chem chekay ru-pa-y trafiya?

what part pass-hh17-ind4-33 evening
‘what the hell happened last night?’
As for example (46), the speaker heard noises and is eager to learn what
happened. Compare (47) which indicates that the speaker wonders about what
has happened:
(47) chem chi ru-pa-y trafiya?

‘what happened last night?’
The particles chekay and chi can co-occur.
(48) chem chekay chi?

what part part
‘what the hell [is] that?’ (the speaker asks himself)
The relation between kay and chekay is unclear.
32.9 The particle

The particle anta is used to indicate that the topic of the question is contex-
tually determined.
336 Particles
(49) fey anta fey tüfá?

she part that this
‘[is] this her?’ (the adressed person is asked whether the woman who is
present is the one they had been talking about)
(50) chum-a-n anta tüfá?
do.what/how-nrld9-ind1s3 part this
‘what must I do now?’
(51) chumngelu anta?

why part
‘why [did he do] that?’
The particle anta is used when the question relates to the addressed person
or to something close to the speaker and the addressed person.
(52) iney anta eymi?
s
who part you
‘who [are] yous?’
(53) chem anta ru-pa-y trafiya?

‘what happened last night?’ (the speaker knows that the addressed person
knows what has happened, cf. (46) and (47))
The particle anta can occur in affirmative sentences.
(54) ñall anta mi ülmen-nge-n-mew
surely part poss2s rich-verb36-pvn4-inst
llüka-ya-e-y-u!
9 6 4 3 2 1
become.afraid-nrld -ido -ind -1ns -d -ds
‘surely because yous are rich, yous expect me to fear you!’
The particle anta probably contains the particle am and the anaphoric pro-
noun ta ‘the’ (14.3).
32.10 The particle

The topic of the question which contains anchi is situationally determined.
(55) fey anchi fey tüfá?
she part that this
‘[is] that her?’ (the woman is pointed out, cf. (49))
(56) chem anchi?

what part
‘what [is] that?’ (it is pointed out)
32.12 The particle kam 337
The topic of an anchi question is not close to the speaker and the listener.
(57) iney anchi?

who part
‘who [is] that?’ (the person in question is rather far away)
The particle anchi can occur in affirmative sentences.
(58) fey anchi kümé wentru-nge-y

36 4 3
he part good man-verb -ind -3
‘he is a good man’
The particle anchi is infrequent. Its meaning is not altogether clear. It
probably consists of the particle am and the anaphoric pronoun chi ‘the’, which
has a situationally determined referent. anchi is to anta as chi/ti is to ta (14.3).
32.11 The particle

The particle chiam is used to express something which the speaker wonders
about, but which he puts to the listener. A chiam question requires an answer.
(59) mawün-a-y chiam?

9 4 3
rain-nrld -ind -3 part
‘will it rain, what do you think?’
Compare (2) mawün-a-y chi?, in which the speaker ponders a query.
(60) monge-le-ka-y chiam?

get.life-st28-cont16-ind4-33 part
‘is he still alive?’
Compare (3) monge-le-ka-y chi?, in which the speaker ponders the proposi-
tion.
(61) eymi amu-a-y-m-i chiam wariya-mew ru-pa-n antü?
s
you go-nrld9-ind4-23-s2 part town-inst pass-hh17-pvn4 sun
‘will yous be going to town this afternoon?’ (the speaker does not want
the listener to go to town)
Compare (27), which expresses self-interest on the part of the speaker.
(62) Soyla entu-y chiam kulliñ?

Soyla take.out-ind4-33 part cattle
‘did Soyla release the cattle?’ (the speaker hears the sound of a gate
being opened and wonders about it, and then he puts the question to
the listener)
The particle chiam probably consists of the particles chi and am. chiam is
infrequent.
338 Particles
32.12 The particle

The particle kam can be used in both interrogative and affirmative sentences.
As the morpheme kam is infrequent in interrogative sentences, its meaning as a
question particle is difficult to establish. The particle kam seems to be used in
rhetorical questions and in questions put to ask for more precise information. In
affirmative sentences the particle kam has causal meaning, ’since’. The particle
am may often be used as an alternant of kam. MM does not use kam.
(63) iñché kam wariya-che?

I part town-person
‘[am] I a townsman?’ (you can see I am not!)
(64) katrü-mamüll-nu-a-lu troki-mu-n kam?

10 9 4 23 3
cut-wood-neg -nrld -svn opine-2A -ind1s part
‘do you think that I can’t cut wood?!’ (of course I can)
(65) Galvarino pülé künu-w-pa-y-m-u kam

Galvarino side let-ref31-hh17-ind4-23-d2 part
‘after all, youd come from Galvarino’
(66) püre u-nge-y lang-üm-lu kam ñi ngillañ

prisoner-pass23-ind4-33 die-ca34-svn4 part poss3 brother.in.law
‘he was taken prisoner because he had killed his brother-in-law’
(67) iñché kam wariya-che

I part town-person
‘after all, I [am] a towns-man’ Compare (63)
For more examples of kam in affirmative sentences, see (4,22), (5,9), (5,24),
(6,25), (6,44), (7,10) and (11,75). The particle kam is probably related to the
adverb kam ‘or’.
32.13 The particle

The particle amá is used to ask confirmation of the listener concerning some-
thing the speaker does not exactly recall.
(68) küpa-nu-a-fu-lu rangi antü amá?

10 9 8 4
come-neg -nrld -ipd -svn mid day part
‘wasn’t he supposed to come at noon?’
(69) chum-a-n amá?

do.what/how-nrld9-ind1s3 part
‘what was it again that I have to do?’
The particle amá can be used when the listener does not exactly recall.
32.16 The particle ka ∼ qa 339
(70) kiñe korona amá ye-nie-tu-rke-la-y-u nga? (8,66)

one crown part carry-prps32-re16-rep12-neg10-ind4-1ns3-d2 part
‘don’t you remember, wed wore a crown on the way back?’
32.14 The particle

The particle em indicates that the speaker deplores a past situation or a situ-
ation which has not come about.
(71) kisu fill dominggu amu-ke-fu-y em iglesia-mew
self every Sunday go-cf14-ipd8-ind4-33 part church-inst
‘he used to go to church every Sunday’ (the deceased father of MM)
(72) tüyé ñi miaw-ün ti wentru ta-ñi elu-a-fe-t-ew

over.there poss3 wander-pvn4 the man the-poss3 give-nrld9-ipd8.ido6-avn4-ds1
em kü aw
part work
‘the man who would give me work wanders over there’
(73) fach-antü fey-pi-a-fel em ñi ewma-ya-fiel ñi

9 8 4 9 4
this-day that-say-nrld -ipd .ovn part poss1s finish-nrld -tvn poss1s
ewma-nu-a-fiel
10 9 4
finish-neg -nrld -tvn
‘today I was going to say whether I would be able to finish it or not’ (but,
I’m sorry, I can’t say)
Compare the nominal suffix -em / -yem ex (18.1.3).
32.15 The particle

The particle amfe is used in exclamations.
(74) fentepu wülá amfe!

that.moment then part
‘only then!?!’ (the speaker considers the agreed date to be too late)
(75) fey kütú amfe!

he even part
‘even he!?!’
(76) fe-m-üy amfe!

become.like.that-ca34-ind4-33 part
‘did he do that just like that!?!’
The particle amfe may be related to am.
340 Particles
32.16 The particle ∼

The meaning of the particle ka (ka ∼ qa in the speech of RR) is not altogether
clear.
The particle ka may be used
1. to present a situation as a matter of course.
(77) . . . ta-ñi oy kümé ta-ñi müle-a-m ka (10,58)

the-poss3 more good the-poss3 be-nrld9-ivn4 part
‘[they did it] to be more sure, of course’
(78) entonse fiy fende-w-ke-fu-y reké ta-ñi pu

then that sell-ref31-cf14-ipd8-ind4-33 as.it.were the-poss3 coll rich-inst
ülmen-mu (10,68)
part
‘[and] therefore they used to hire themselves out, as it were, to their rich
[bosses]’ (of course they did that, why shouldn’t they have?!)
(79) fey-ti newé kristianu-nge-nu-lu kay fiy-ta newé

36 10 4
that.the not.very Christian-verb -neg -svn part that-the not.very
oam-la-y ka (14,13)
10 4 3
need/want-neg -ind -3 part
‘it is obvious that those who are not so very Christian do not want [it] so
much’
2. to express indignation or cynicism.
(80) püti-ke llemay, ka fali-la-y ta ti plata ka! (9,70)

little-distr part, and be.worth-neg10-ind4-33 the the money part
‘little indeed!, and that money wasn’t worth anything either!’
(81) fiy llemay; pulku kütó ta nie-l-nge-y ka (9,78)

that part; liquor even the have-ben27-pass23-ind4-33 part
‘sure, they even had liquor for them too!’
(82) may, ka-nge-lu, fey ayü-w-üy ka (11,8)

yes, other-verb36-svn4, he/they love-ref31-ind4-33 part
‘yes, as for the others, they were glad’ (LQ talks about the fact that some
people laugh at the misery of the Mapuche)
(83) fütá kaman plata pi-n iñché welu qa! (10,9)

big quantity money think-ind1s3 I but part
‘and I thought that that was a lot of money!’
32.17 The particle ke 341
32.17 The particle

The suffix ke is highly infrequent. It seems to be used to present a situation in
contrast with another situation or contrary to a certain expectation.
(84) tüfá ke ta küme-y
this part the good-ind4-33
‘this one is good’ (not that one)
(85) fewlá ke ka
now part part
‘Oh yes, now!’
(86) kümé antü-nge-l-e ke ta

36 4 3
good weather-verb -cond -3 part the
‘if, on the other hand, the weather is good . . . ’
See also (11,40) and (13,10).
Part VII
Further notes on syntax

Chapter 33
Introduction
A sentence consists of one or more predicates (i.e. verb forms with a subject
marker in slot 3 and a modal marker in slot 4) with or without a subject noun
phrase, a direct object noun phrase, a dative subject noun phrase, instrumental
object noun phrases or complements. Noun phrases which have the function of
subject (s), direct object (do) or dative subject (ds) are not inflected. Noun
phrases with the function of instrumental object (inst) are marked by the
instrumental morpheme -mew ∼ -mu (see 10.1).
A complement is any constituent which is subordinate to the verb and does
not have the function of s, do, ds or inst. A complement may be a noun phrase
(including a subordinate), an adverb or an adverbial phrase. A complement
noun phrase is not inflected. A predicate which can constitute a sentence is
marked for indicative or imperative mood. A conditional form usually occurs
in or constitutes a subordinate clause. It forms a main clause in marginal cases
only (for which see 26.4.3).
A subordinate (i.e. a non-finite verb form with an empty subject slot and
a flectional nominalization marker in slot 4) can be used as a finite verb in a
few exceptional cases only (see 26.4.7.3 and 26.4.10.3). A subordinate com-
bines with a verb as a subject, a direct object, an instrumental object or a
complement. It can have the same arguments and complements as any other
verb form. A subordinate clause has fewer constituents than a main clause (see
34.2).
Verb forms, either finite or non-finite, may combine with an auxiliary. An
auxiliary always precedes the verb immediately (see 25.4 for examples).
Word order in main clauses is discussed in 34.1, word order in subordinate
clauses in 34.2. Coordination and subordination are treated in 35.3. Nominal
sentences, which do not contain a verb form, have been dealt with in chapter
24.
Chapter 34
Word order
34.1 Word order in main clauses

A sentence may consist of a single predicate, e.g.
(1) umaw-tu-la-n
36 10 3
sleep-verb -neg -ind1s
‘I did not sleep’
or a predicate preceded by an auxiliary, e.g.
(2) küpá umaw-tu-la-n

wishing sleep-verb36-neg10-ind1s3
‘I did not want to sleep’
A transitive verb can be accompanied by four arguments, two of which may
corefer to a person marker in the verb form (see 25.2). An intransitive verb
can have two arguments, one of which is coreferential with the subject marker.
The subject noun phrase (which is usually third person) of an intransitive
verb tends to follow the verb form, e.g.
(3) af-iy ñi raki uam pu Mapuche

end.(intr.)-ind4-33 poss3 thought coll Mapuche
‘the patience of the Mapuche has run out’
(4) . . . kim-nge-ke-la-fu-y ñi müle-n pichi-ke che (5,8)

23 14 10 8 4 3 4
know-pass -cf -neg -ipd -ind -3 poss3 be-pvn small-distr person
‘one does not know that there are babies’
This is especially the case when
(a) the verb is preceded by another constituent, e.g.
(5) rumé kuñiwün-nge-y kishu-yaw-ün (1,3)

36 4 3 30 4
very dangerous-verb -ind -3 alone-circ -pvn
‘it is very dangerous to walk about alone’
348 Word order
(6) fey-chi perdi-y ta-yiñ chaw-em (13,41)

that-adj pass.away-ind4-33 the-poss1p father-ex
‘[and] then ourp (late) father passed away’
⟨ perdi- is derived from Sp. perderse ‘to get lost, to die’. ⟩
(b) the subject noun phrase contains a number of constituents, e.g.
(7) kuyfı́ üyüw müle-ke-fu-y-iñ ñuke iñchiñ, lamngen, peñi

formerly over.there be-cf14-ipd8-ind4-1ns3-p2 mother wep, sister, brother
(12,2)
‘a long time ago, wep used to live over there, [my] mother, sister [and]
brother’
(c) the verb is a subordinate (see 34.2 below).
The subject noun phrase may also precede an intransitive verb, e.g.
(8) kiñe-ke ñi pu ñawe füta-nge-y
one-distr poss3 coll daughter husband-verb36-ind4-33
‘some of his daughters were married’
The noun phrase which expresses the agent in a transitive event precedes the
verb. The agent noun phrase can corefer to the subject marker (9), the suffix
in slot 23 (10) or to the dative subject marker (11):
(9) iñché allkü-fi-ñ ñi chaw
6 3
I hear-edo -ind1s poss1s father
‘I heard my father’
(10) eymün kellu-mu-la-y-iñ

youp help-2A23-neg10-ind4-1ns3-p2
‘youp did not help usp’
(11) iñché werkü-e-y-u

I send-ido6-ind4-1ns3-d2-ds1
‘I sent yous’
The noun phrase which expresses the patient follows the verb. The patient
may be coreferential with the direct object marker (see (9) above) or with the
subject marker, as in
(12) eymün kellu-mu-la-y-iñ iñchiñ
youp help-2A
23 10 4 3 2
-neg -ind -1ns -p we
p
‘youp did not help usp’

When the dative subject marker indicates third person agent and the subject
marker indicates third person patient the order is often: Patient-Verb-Agent.
This has to do with the fact that the patient in such a situation is often the topic
of the conversation and therefore has an advanced position in the sentence.
34.1 Word order in main clauses 349
(13) tüfá-engün ngüne-ke-e-y-ew pu machi (1,26)

p
this-they guide-cf14-ido6-ind4-33-ds1 coll medicine.woman
‘these [spirits] are directed by machis’
In potentially ambiguous situations the order is always: Agent-Verb-Patient.
(14) Xuan chem-pi-e-y-ew Winsente feyentu-ke-la-fwi-y

Juan what-say-ido6-ind4-33-ds1 Vincente believe-cf14-neg10-ipd8.edo6-ind4-33
‘whatever Juan said to Vincente, he (Vincente) did not believe him’
The patient may be indicated by a noun phrase which does not corefer to a
person marker in the verb. This noun phrase has the function of complement.
Again, the order is: Agent-Verb-Patient.
(15) iñché wül-ün kiñe trewa

I give-ind1s3 one dog
‘I gave one dog’
An intransitive verb can also have a complement object. The order is:
(Subject-)Verb-Complement.
(16) iñché ñi chaw kon-üy ngan-ün

I poss1s father start-ind4-33 sow-pvn4
‘my father started sowing’
(17) llüka-le-n ñi ku u-pu-a-el

become.afraid-st28-ind1s3 poss1s go.to.bed-loc17-nrld9-ovn4
‘I am afraid to go to bed’
A third argument can be introduced when a (transitive) verb combines with
two objects or contains the indirect object suffix -(ü)ñma- io26 or the benefac-
tive suffix -(l)el- ben27. The order is: Agent-Verb-Complement-Direct Object.
When a verb has a direct object and a complement object, it is the animate,
more agentive or more definite object which is encoded in the verb.
(18) Maria püto-l-fi-y ko Rosa

Maria drink-ca34-edo6-ind4-33 water Rosa
‘Maria made Rosa drink water’
Rosa is coreferential with the external direct object marker -fi- edo6 and has
do function.
When a verb contains the indirect object marker -(ü)ñma-26 or the bene-
factive -(l)el-27, the patient is changed into an adversely or indirectly affected
participant or into a benificiary respectively. The noun phrase which refers to
the patient functions as a complement and nearly always precedes the direct
object noun phrase.
350 Word order
(19) iñché allkü-ñma-fi-ñ ñi ungu ñi chaw

I hear-io26-edo6-ind1s3 poss3 word poss1s father
‘I heard my fathers’ words’ (cf. (9))
(20) iñché ewma-l-e-y-u kiñe ruka mi wenüy

I make-ben27-ido6-ind4-1ns3-d2-ds1 one house poss2s friend
‘I made a house for yours friend’
A verb can be accompanied by two objects, both of which have the function
of a complement. The animate, more agentive or more definite object occurs
last, i.e. has the position in the sentence of a direct object noun phrase.
(21) iñché wül-ün kiñe trewa kiñe wentru
3
I give-ind1s one dog one man
‘I gave one dog to one man’
A transitive verb can take a direct object noun phrase and an object clause.
The object clause, not being coreferential with a person marker in the verb,
has the function of a complement. The order is: (Agent-)Verb-Direct Object-
Complement.
(22) llellipu-fi-n ti omo ñi küpa-yal
request-edo6-ind1s3 the woman poss3 come-nrld9.ovn4
‘I asked the woman to come’
A transitive verb can be accompanied by a fourth argument. This argument
is lowest in agentivity, least involved in the situation and is marked by the
instrumental suffix -mew ∼ -mu, i.e. has the function of an instrumental ob-
ject (10.1). The order is Agent-Verb-Complement-Direct Object-Instrumental
Object. Verb forms with four arguments are rare.
(23) iñché trafkintu-l-fi-n kiñe ufisha Xuan kiñe sako ketran-mew
I exchange-ben27-edo6-ind1s3 one sheep Juan one sack wheat-inst
‘I exchanged with Juan one sheep for one sack of wheat’
An intransitive verb can also take an instrumental object noun phrase as an
argument.
(24) allkü-tu-le-n fey-mew
hear-tr33-st28-ind1s3 he-inst
‘I can overhear him’ (cf. (31) in 10.1)
I have not found intransitive verbs accompanied by an object complement
and an instrumental object argument simultaneously.
Note that the order of the arguments presented above is the order in which
the arguments are most frequently found. Word order in a sentence is basically
free, and it is not difficult to find examples which contradict just about every
statement made on the subject.
The position in a sentence of elements other than the verb and its arguments
can only roughly be indicated.
Instrumental objects or complements which modify the relation between the
principal participant (the subject or the agent) and the event usually occur
immediately before the verb.
(25) ti pu ngakiñ pichi-ke che reké ngüma-ki-y (5,7)

the coll bird small-distr person like cry-cf14-ind4-33
‘these birds cry like babies’
(26) . . . müpu-le-n puw-üy (4,20)

28 4 4 3
‘he arrived by plane’
(27) kishu ñi oam la-ke-fu-y ta-ñi pu kulliñ (7,21)

self poss3 need die-cf14-ipd8-ind4-33 the-poss3 coll cattle
‘their cattle used to die a natural death’
Instrumental objects which indicate instrument, place or direction usually
follow the verb (and its arguments).
(28) monge-le-ki-y ta ti mollfüñ che-mew mungel (8,10)

28 14 4 3
get.life-st -cf -ind -3 the the blood person-inst especially
‘they live primarily on human blood’
(29) masom-tuku-fi-ñ ti mamüll kütral-mew

6 3
light-put.at-edo -ind1s the wood fire-inst
‘I put wood on the fire’
Adverbs or adverbial phrases which indicate place, direction and time can
be found almost anywhere before or after the verb or between the verb and its
arguments.
(30) fey-mu fey-ta faw müle-pa-tu-y-iñ fach-antü fey tüfa-chi

that-inst that-the here be-Hh17-re16-ind4-1ns3-p2 this-day that this-adj
lelfün-mew (12,27)
field-inst
‘so, for this reason, wep are back here today on this plot’
(31) tüfa-chi wentru fill dominggu nie-pu-ke-fu-y trawü-n (4,16)

this-adj man each Sunday have-loc17-cf14-ipd8-ind4-33 gather-pvn4
‘this man held a meeting there every Sunday’
352 Word order
(32) müté fentre pun kishu miaw-ke-la-ya-y-m-i (1,2)

very much night alone wander-cf14-neg10-nrld9-ind4-23-s2
‘yous must not wander about alone very late at night’
(33) kom kulliñ-küle-n kañ pülé amu-y

all cattle-st28-pvn4 other side go-ind4-33
‘he went elsewhere with all his cattle’
The elements which together present the main situation (the verb, its argu-
ments, the adverbials which modify the relation between the principal parti-
cipant and the verb, and the adverbials which indicate how, when and where
the situation took place) can be followed by words, phrases or clauses which
indicate the reason or purpose of the event.
(34) tripa-ke-y-ng-ün pun wül-kutran-a-lu pu karukatu-mew
leave-cf14-ind4-3ns3-p2 night give-sickness-nrld9-svn4 coll neighbour-inst
(1,12)
‘theyp go out at night to inflict illness on the neighbours’
(35) weñe-ñma-fi-ñ kawell ta-ñi chaw ta-ñi wenüy elu-a-fiel

26 6 3 9 4
steal-io -edo -ind1s horse the-poss1s father the-poss1s friend give-nrld -tvn
‘I stole a horse from my father to give it to my friends’
(36) amu-n wariya-mew ñi ngilla-tu-al kofke mi

3
go-ind1s town-inst poss1s buy-tr33-nrld9.ovn4 bread poss2s
entri-we-nu-a-m
19 10 9 4
get.hungry-ps -neg -nrld -ivn
‘I went to town to buy bread so that yous would not be hungry any more’
(37) pepı́ wiri-la-n rumé wütre-le-n-mew ñi kuwü

being.able write-neg10-ind1s3 very 28 4
cold-st -pvn -inst poss1s hand
‘I cannot write because my hand is very cold’
(38) tüfa-chi omo engu kiñe yall rumé nie-la-y ew fücha-che-lu

this-adj woman theyd one child -ever get-neg10-ind4-33 already old-person-svn4
engu kam (6,25)

d
they part
‘with this woman he did not get any children because theyd were already
old’
The elements which make up the main situation may be preceded by words,
phrases or clauses which describe a background situation.
(39) chumngen ñi trem-küle-n oy fill ungu, oy fill kü aw
while poss1s grow-st28-pvn4 more all.kind matter/idea, more all.kind work
kim-nie-r-pu-n (3,2)
learn-prps32-itr18-loc17-ind1s3
‘while I grew up, I gradually became acquainted with all kinds of ideas
and practical matters’
(40) kuyfı́ iñché petú pichi-ka-el, kiñe mari tripantu
16 4
formerly I still small-cont -ovn , one ten year
nie-pe-la-n fey-chi, ñi chaw engu ñi ñuke

13 10 3
have-px -neg -ind1s that-adj, poss1s father theyd poss1s mother
nütram-ka-e-n-ew (1,1)
33 6 3 1
conversation-fac -ido -ind1s -ds
‘a long time ago, when I was still young -I probably was about ten years
old at the time- my father and mother talked to me’
(41) amu-ye-m ñi familia-mew rumel ye-ke-y ye-w-ün
go-cf5-ivn4 poss3 family-inst always bring-cf14-ind4-33 bring-ref31-pvn4
‘whenever she goes to her family, she brings presents’
Conjunctionals, i.e. words or phrases which refer to the preceding sentence
or sentences, occupy sentence initial position.
(42) fey-mew ngüma-ye-m rumé kim-nge-ke-la-fu-y ñi
that-inst cry-cf5-ivn4 very 23 14 10 8 4 3
know-pass -cf -neg -ipd -ind -3 poss3
müle-n pichi-che (5,8)

4
be-pvn small-person
‘therefore, when they cry, one does not know very well that there are
babies’
See also (30) in the present chapter.
(43) fey-mu fey-ta re kim-uw-küle-y-iñ kom
that-inst that-the merely know-ref30-st28-ind4-1ns3-p2 all
‘that’s why, you know, wep all know each other’
Interrogatives occupy sentence initial position.
(44) chew nge-me-y-m-i?
where be-Th20-ind4-23-s2
‘where have yous been?’
Word order can be summarized as follows: the verb and the arguments are
grouped together in the middle of the sentence in the order A-V-C-DO-INST,
interspersed with adverbials which modify the relation between the principal
participant and the verb and preceded or followed by adverbials which indi-
cate instrument, time, place or direction. Causal and final phrases or clau-
ses generally occupy sentence final position. Words, phrases or clauses which
354 Word order
describe the background of the main situation generally precede the elements
which denote the main situation. These may in turn be preceded by conjunc-
tionals. This order is the one most frequently found. Temporal clauses, for
instance, may also occur in final position. Causal clauses may also be found in
initial position.
Word order is influenced by topicality: the entity under discussion tends to
occupy sentence initial position (see also (13) and (38) above).
(45) fey-chi kü aw-mew ta kü aw-ün (9,44)

that-adj work-inst the work-ind1s3
‘that [is the] kind of work I did, you know’
(46) chillka-tu-n pi-nge-y ta mapuche-mew (7,19)

inscription-verb36-pvn4 say-pass23-ind4-33 the Mapuche-inst
‘ “chillkatun” it is called in Mapuche’
(47) fey-chi ungu fey ta-tı́ ka nütram-ye-pe-n fach-antü pichin

that-adj idea that the-the also conversation-oo35-px13-ind1s3 this-day a.little
(14,67)
‘as for this idea, you know, I also discussed it a little today’
(48) rumé ka-mapu kam müle-pu-lu engün kü aw-tu-y-ng-ün ñi

very other-land part be-loc17-svn4 theyp 36 4 3 2
work-verb -ind -3ns -p poss3
puw-al (6,44)
arrive-nrld9.ovn4
‘since theyp lived very far away, it required effort for them to arrive’
Furthermore, one tends to avoid a sequence of two instrumental objects and
a heap of adverbials before the verb and its arguments which instead tend to
be spread over the sentence.
34.2 Word order in subordinate clauses

Word order in a subordinate clause is not essentially different from word order
in a main clause. The subject noun phrase of an intransitive verb usually
follows the verb. With a transitive verb the order is Agent-Verb-Complement
Object-Direct Object.
(49) ñall tripa-ya-el iñché, kiñe wentru aku-y

9 4 4 3
just leave-nrld -ovn I, one man arrive-ind -3
‘just when I was about to leave, a man arrived’
(50) Xosé ñi ngilla-ñma-fiel-chi libru Xuan ñam-küle-y

José poss3 buy-io26-tvn4-adj book Juan 28 4
get.lost-st -ind -3
3
‘the book which José bought from Juan is lost’

34.2 Word order in subordinate clauses 355
A subordinate clause has less adverbials than a predicate. It may take an

adverbial which modifies the relation between the principal participant and
the verb or one which indicates instrument, place or time. A subordinate
clause seldom contains another subordinate clause in the function of adverbial
complement, as in
(51) nie-ke-fu-y fillem engün ñi fundu-mew ñi
14 8 4 3 p
have-cf -ipd -ind -3 every.kind they poss3 farm-inst poss3
tripa-no-a-m ñi pu kü aw-pe-lu ñi amu-al

10 9 4 13 4 9 4
leave-neg -nrld -ivn poss3 coll work-px -svn poss3 go-nrld .ovn
wariya-mew (9,77)
town-inst
‘theyp used to have all kinds of things on their farms so that their labou-
rers did not have to go out in order to go to town’
A subordinate has a few special characteristics:
(i) the possessive pronoun which refers either to the agent or to the patient
(see 26.4.6–26.4.11) always precedes the subordinate,
(ii) an interrogative pronoun can only be preceded by a possessive pronoun.
Compare:
(52) iñché fey-pi-a-e-y-u chumngechi ñi ru-pa-n
9 6 4 3 2 1
I that-say-nrld -ido -ind -1ns -d -ds how poss3 pass-Hh17-pvn4
ta ungu
the matter
‘I will tell yous how things develop’
(53) petú nütram-ka-y-u yu chumngechi resibi-al

still conversation-fac33-ind4-1ns3-d2 poss1d how 9
receive-nrld .ovn
4
yu pu witran
poss1d coll visitor
‘wed are discussing how wed are going to receive ourd visitors’
⟨ resibi- is derived from Sp. recibir ‘to receive’. ⟩
Chapter 35
Coordination and subordination
This chapter deals with juxtaposition of main clauses (35.1), subordination of

conditional clauses to main clauses (35.2) and with direct speech (35.3).
35.1 Juxtaposition of main clauses

Juxtaposition of main clauses can express
1) coordination
(1) ye-y ta plata yengün, ye-y ta rali, ye-y ta ufisa,

4 3 p 4 3 4 3
bring-ind -3 the money they , bring-ind -3 the plate, bring-ind -3 the sheep,
ye-y ta kiñe trari-ñ kawellu, ye-y ta waka, ye-y

bring-ind4-33 the one tie-pvn4 horse, bring-ind4-33 the cow, bring-ind4-33
ufisa
sheep
‘theyp bring money, you know, [and] plates, sheep, a team of horses, cows
and sheep’
Such clauses can also be connected by ka ‘and’. It is quite common to have
long enumerations with continuous repetition of the verb. However, it is also
possible to name the verb just once, as in (55) and (56) in 23.5.
2) contrast
(2) pero tüfá kiñe-ke-ntu fiy müle-wü-y, kiñe-ke-ntu fiy

but this one-distr-gr that be-ps19-ind4-33, one-distr-gr that
wiño-tu-y
16 4 3
return-re -ind -3
‘whereas some are still there now, others have gone back’
3) a causal relationship
(3) i-la-ya-fi-ñ tüfá. ngüñü-le-la-n

10 9 6 3 28 10 3
eat-neg -nrld -edo -ind1s this. get.hungry-st -neg -ind1s
‘I will not eat this. I am not hungry’
358 Coordination and subordination
4) a temporal relationship
(4) la-y kiñe pichi che, weñe-nentu-nge-r-pu-y ta ti

die-ind4-33 one small person, steal-take.out-pass23-itr18-loc17-ind4-33 the the
pichi che (8,5)

small person
‘when a child died, that child would eventually be robbed’
(5) kiñe-ke-mew wentru-w-üy-ng-ün, nü-nge-ke-fu-y, kiñe

31 4 3 2 23 14 8 4 3
one-distr-inst man-ref -ind -3ns -p , take-pass -cf -ipd -ind -3 , one
mamüll-mew trari-ntuku-künu-nge-ke-fu-y (5,16)

32 23 14 8 4 3
tree-inst tie-put.at-pfps -pass -cf -ipd -ind -3
‘sometimes when theyp resisted, they were caught [and] left tied to a tree’
(6) umaw-tu-le-y ti pu nge-n kulliñ, fey-engün

36 28 4 3 4 p
sleep-verb -st -ind -3 the coll have-pvn animal, that-they
a kintu-yaw-ül-ki-y . . . (1,17)
30 29 14 4 3
watch-circ -mio -cf -ind -3
‘when the cattle owners are asleep, they go about watching . . . ’
5) iterativity
Every time event A takes place, event B place takes place (event A being
expressed by the first clause).
(7) fey kü aw-ün, wüywü-ke-n
that work-ind1s3, get.thirsty-cf14-ind1s3
‘every time I work, I get thirsty’
(8) nie-la-y-ng-ün chum-al rumé, pe-fi-y pun

10 4 3 2 9 4 6 4 3
have-neg -ind -3ns -p do.how/what-nrld .ovn -ever, see-edo -ind -3 night
che, ñuwi-l-ke-fi-y, ka rüpü-mew

person, get.lost-ca34-cf14-edo6-ind4-33, other road-inst
amu-l-ke-fi-y (1,35–36)
go-ca34-cf14-edo6-ind4-33
‘when they have nothing to do [and] see people in the night, they make
them get lost [and] go astray’
6) correlation
(9) chunté puw-üy ta-ñi mapu, ta chunté puw-ke-fu-y

how.much arrive-ind4-33 the-poss3 land, the how.much arrive-cf14-ipd8-ind4-33
engün (7,23)
theyp
35.1 Juxtaposition of main clauses 359
‘theyp settled everywhere as far as their land extended’ (lit.: how much
the land stretched, how much theyp did stay. The Mapuche did not have
fences, so they could settle down anywhere and use the land)
(10) chew yiñ pun-ma-n umaw-tu-ke-fu-y-iñ (2,6)
where poss1p night-exp35-pvn4 sleep-verb36-cf14-ipd8-ind4-1ns3-p2
‘wherever night fell upon us, wep would sleep’
(11) chem rumé pedi-e-n, elu-e-y-u

what -ever request-ido6-ind1s3-ds1, give-ido6-ind4-1ns3-d2-ds1
‘whatever yous asked of me, I gave to yous’
A main clause may be used instead of a subordinate relative clause, as in
(12) chew anta müle-y ta-chi makuñ wiya nga elu-e-y-u?
where part be-ind4-33 the-adj coat yesterday part give-ido6-ind4-1ns3-d2-ds1
‘where is that coat I gave yous yesterday?’
Main clauses may be connected by kam ‘or’, Sp. o ‘or’ or by the adverb welu
‘but’:
(13) epu waka ilo-ngi-y o kiñe kawellu o ka kiñe waka
two cow slaughter-pass23-ind4-33 or one horse or also one cow
ilo-ngi-y
23 4 3
slaughter-pass -ind -3
‘two cows are slaughtered, or one horse, or also one cow’
(14) kiñe tripantu puw-puw-nge-y ñi awtu-mew, welu ka tripantu-

36 4 3
one year arrive-arrive-sfr -ind -3 poss3 car-inst, but other year-inst
mew müpü-le-n (4,19–20)

28 4 4 3
‘one year he kept on coming by car, but the next year he came by plane’
In the speech of RR, main clauses can be connected by porke, which is Sp.
porque ‘because’.
(15) ta depwé, nee-n mari reqle tripantu, amu-tripa-r-pu-n, porke
3 18 17 3
the later, have-ind1s ten seven year, go-leave-itr -loc -ind1s , because
auri-w-ün ta-ñi mapu-mew, porke

31 3
get.bored-ref -ind1s the-poss1s land-inst, because
gana-ke-la-fu-n reké ta plata (9,22–23)

earn-cf14-neg10-ipd8-ind1s3 as.it.were the money
‘then later, when I was seventeen years old, I followed my own path
because I was bored in my country, because I did not earn money, as it
were’
The more Spanish words a speaker uses while speaking Mapuche, the more
he will use juxtaposed main clauses instead of a main clause and a subordinate.
Especially subordinate clauses which have more than one argument tend to be
avoided by less fluent speakers.
35.2 Conditional clauses and main clauses

A conditional form occurs as a finite form in marginal instances only (see
26.4.3). A conditional clause is usually subordinated to a main clause and
generally precedes the main clause.
(16) eymi amu-l-m-i, iñché ka amu-a-n

s
you go-cond4-23-s2, I also go-nrld9-ind1s3
‘if yous go, I’ll go too’
(17) pofre-le-l-e rumé, elu-a-fe-n-ew

28 4 3 9 8 6 3 1
poor-st -cond -3 -ever, give-nrld -ipd .ido -ind1s -ds
‘even if he were poor, he would give [it] to me’
If the conditional clause contains the adverb wülá ‘then’, it follows the main
clause.
(18) müle-fal-fu-y-m-i faw, iñché ew wiño-fu-l-i wülá

25 8 4 3 2
be-force -ipd -ind -2 -s here, I already return-ipd8-cond4-13-s2 then
‘yous should stay here until I get back’ (lit.: yous should be here if I am
back then)
See also (17–19) in 26.4.3.
35.3 Direct speech

Direct quotes may be introduced by a verb (72) or concluded with a verb (73).
They may occur without an introducing verb or a concluding verb (74), and
they may occur with either (75).
(19) fey-pi-pu-y: “iñché werkü-e-n-ew chaw-dios eymün mün

p
that-say-loc17-ind4-33: I send-ido6-ind1s3-ds1 father-God you poss2p
nütram-ka-pa-ya-fiel: müle-y wenu kiñe wentru, rumé

conversation-fac33-Th17-nrld9-tvn4: be-ind4-33 above one man, very
kim-üy . . . ” (4,3)
4 3
know-ind -3
‘there he said this: “I have been sent by God the Father to tell youp:
there is a man, he knows a lot . . . ” ’
35.3 Direct speech 361
(20) i depwé fiy kintu-ntu-e-n-ew ta-ñi pu wenüy. “tüfá

and later then look.for-improd.-ido6-ind1s3-ds1 the-poss1s coll friend. this
ñi fe-le-n ñi ungu. femngechi

poss3 become.like.that-st28-pvn4 poss1s matter. so
nü-ntu-nie-ñma-nge-n mapu. tüfá ñi müle-n ñi planu.

32 26 23 3
take-improd.-prps -io -pass -ind1s land. this poss3 be-pvn4 poss1s map.
fanten nü-ntu-nie-ñma-nge-n” pi-r-pu-e-n-ew

this.much take-improd.-prps32-io26-pass23-ind1s3, say-itr18-loc17-ido6-ind1s3-ds1
ta-ñi pu wenüy
the-poss1s coll friend
‘and then, after that, those friends of mine looked for me everywhere.
“this is the matter. this is how I have been robbed of land. this is my
map. this much they have taken from me”, those friends of mine told
me’
⟨ i is Sp. y ‘and’. -ntu- in kintu-ntu- and nü-ntu- (73) is an improductive

suffix, see 27.2. ⟩
(21) “bweno nü-tu-a-y-iñ.

right, take-re16-nrld9-ind4-1ns3-p2
chum-qünu-w-a-y-iñ am?”
32 31 9 4 3 2
do.how/what-pfps -ref -nrld -ind -1ns -p part
‘allright, are wep going to take [it] back? how are wep going to prepare
ourselves?’
(21) is the answer of RR to his friends in (20).

⟨ bweno is Sp. bueno ‘right’. ⟩
(22) fey-engu fey-pi-e-n-ew: “müté fentre pun kishu

6 3 1
that-theyd that-say-ido -ind1s -ds : very much night alone
miaw-ke-la-ya-y-m-i, rumé kuñiwün-nge-y

14 10 9 4 3 2 36 4 3
wander-cf -neg -nrld -ind -2 -s , very dangerous-verb -ind -3
kishu-yaw-ün”, fey-pi-e-n-ew ñi chaw engu ñi ñuke

30 4 6 3 1
alone-circ -pvn , that-say-ido -ind1s -ds poss1s father theyd poss1s mother
(1,2–3)
‘theyd said to me: “yous must not wander about alone very late at night.
Going about alone is very dangerous”, my father and mother told me’
But usually direct quotes are pre-posed.

(23) “ruka-w-pu-a-y-u” pi-y ta-ñi omo ka

house-ref31-loc17-nrld9-ind4-1ns3-d2 say-ind4-33 the-poss1s woman and
ta-ñi llalla ka. “kishu-le-pü a-y mapu”, pi-y

the-poss1s mother.in.law also. alone-st28-aiml-ind4-33 land, say-ind4-33
(12,20–21)
‘ “wed will build a house and settle down” said my wife and my mother-
in-law. “the land lies idle”, they said’
The verb (fey)pi- always combines with direct quotes, never with subordinate
clauses. One usually finds feypi- when the verb precedes the direct quote and
pi- when it follows the direct quote. The verbs ramtu- ‘to ask’, kim-püra-me-pa-
‘to realize’ and kim-kon- ‘to find out, to understand’ usually combine with a
subordinate but may also combine with direct quotes (cf. (25) in 14.3, (4) in
26.17 and (9) in 26.20).
Appendix
Paradigms
Paradigms
Introduction
All Mapuche verbs follow the same pattern of conjugation. Intransitive pre-
dicates are minimally marked for mood (indicative, conditional or imperative,
slot 4), subject (slot 3) and number (slot 2). Apart from these suffixes, transi-
tive predicates may contain a direct object marker in slot 6, a dative subject
marker in slot 1 and an agent marker in slot 23. The suffixes are discussed in
chapters 25 and 26. The tables below give a résumé of the morphemes of the
intransitive conjugation (table 1) and the transitive conjugation (table 3). The
conjugation of intransitive verbs is given for the verbs amu- ‘to go’ and kon- ‘to
enter’. The conjugations of the transitive verbs leli- ‘to look at’ and mütrüm-
‘to call’ illustrate the transitive paradigm.
Intransitive verbs
Table 1. Intransitive paradigm
Indicative Conditional Imperative
Slot 4 3 2 4 3 2 4 3 2
1s (ü)n l i ∅ chi
1d y ∅ u l i u (y ∅ u)
1p y ∅ iñ l i iñ (y ∅ iñ)
2s (ü)y m i (ü)l m i nge
2d (ü)y m u (ü)l m u ∅ m u
2p (ü)y m ün (ü)l m ün ∅ m ün
3 (ü)y ∅ (ü)l e pe
3d (ü)y ng u
3p (ü)y ng ün
There is no imperative form for first person non-singular subject. The indica-
tive 1d and 1p may be used adhortatively. The relevant morphemes are given
between brackets in tables 1 and 3. Note that negation in adhortatively used
indicative forms is marked by -ki-(nu-)l-, the negation marker for imperative
forms.
366 Appendix
Table 2: Conjugations of the intransitive verbs amu- ‘to go’ and kon-
‘to enter’
Ind. Cond. Imp. Ind. Cond. Imp.
1s amun amuli amuchi konün konli konchi
1d amuyu amuliu amuyu konyu konliu konyu
1p amuyiñ amuliiñ amuyiñ konyiñ konliiñ konyiñ
2s amuymi amulmi amunge konüymi konülmi konnge
2d amuymu amulmu amumu konüymu konülmu konmu
2p amuymün amulmün amumün konüymün konülmün konmün
3 amuy amule amupe konüy konle konpe
3d amuyngu konüyngu
3p amuyngün konüyngün
Transitive verbs
Table 3. Transitive paradigm
Slot 23 6 4 3 2 1 23 6 4 3 2 1 23 6 4 3 2 1
1s→2s e y∅ u ∅ e l y u ∅
1→2 (u)w y∅ iñ (u)w l i iñ
total > 2
2s→1s e n e l i ∅ ∅ (e n)
2dp→1s mu n mu l i ∅ mu chi
2sdp→1d mu y∅ u mu l i u (mu y ∅ u)
2sdp→1p mu y∅ iñ mu l i iñ (mu y ∅ iñ
1s→3 fi n fi l i ∅ fi chi
1d→3 fi y ∅ u fi l i u (fi y∅ u)
1p→3 fi y ∅ iñ fi l i iñ (fi y∅ iñ)
2s→3 fi y m i fi l m i fi nge
2d→3 fi y m u fi l m u fi ∅m u
2p→3 fi y m ün fi l m ün fi ∅m ün
3→3 fi y ∅ fi l e fi pe
3d→3 fi y ng u
3p→3 fi y ng ün
3→1s e n ew e l i ∅ mew e chi mew
3→1d e y ∅ u mew e l y u mew
3→1p e y ∅ iñ mew e l y iñ mew
3→2s e y m ∅ ew e l m ∅ ew
3→2d e y m u mew e l m u mew
3→2p e y m ün mew e l m ün mew
3→3 e y ∅ ew e l y ew
Paradigms 367
The ending -fi-nge 2s→3 Imp alternates with fe.

In the speech of MM a short hight front vowel (only phonetic and never
stressed) may be heard between a consonant and the glide y: -iy-u Ind1d,
-iy-iñ Ind1p, -e-l-iy-u Cond1s→2s, -e-l-iy-u-mew Cond3→1d, -e-l-iy-iñ-mew
Cond3→1p.
In 2s→1s negative imperative forms the subject is indicated by -i-. The resul-
ting ending -kieli alternates with -keeli and -keli. In 3→1s negative imperative
forms the subject may be indicated by -chi or -i. The endings for the transitive
negative imperative paradigm are summarized below:
2s→1s -kieli ∼ -keeli ∼ -keli
2d/p→1s -mukilchi
2s/d/p→1d -mukilyu
2s/d/p→1p -mukilyiñ
1s→3 -kifilchi
1d→3 -kifilyu
1p→3 -kifilyiñ
2s→3 -kifilnge
2d→3 -kifilmu
2p→3 -kifilmün
3→1s -kielchimu ∼ -kielimu
Table 4: Conjugations of the transitive verbs leli- ‘to look at’ and
mütrüm ‘to call’
1s→2s lelieyu lelielyu
mütrümeyu mütrümelyu
1→2 leliwyiñ leliwliiñ
total > 2 mütrümuwyiñ mütrümuwliiñ
2s→1s lelien lelieli lelien
mütrümen mütrümeli mütrümen
2d/p→1s lelimun lelimuli lelimuchi
mütrümmun mütrümmuli mütrümmuchi
2s/d/p→1d lelimuyu lelimuliu lelimuyu
mütrümmuyu mütrümmuliu mütrümmuyu
2s/d/p→1p lelimuyiñ lelimuliiñ lelimuyiñ
mütrümmuyiñ mütrümmuliiñ mütrümmuyiñ
1s→3 lelifin lelifili lelifichi
mütrümfin mütrümfili mütrümfichi
1d→3 lelifiyu lelifiliu lelifiyu
mütrümfiyu mütrümfiliu mütrümfiyu
1p→3 lelifiyiñ lelifiliiñ lelifiyiñ
mütrümfiyiñ mütrümfiliiñ mütrümfiyiñ
2s→3 lelifiymi lelifilmi lelifinge
368 Appendix
mütrümfiymi mütrümfilmi mütrümfinge

2d→3 lelifiymu lelifilmu lelifimu
mütrümfiymu mütrümfilmu mütrümfimu
2p→3 lelifiymün lelifilmün lelifimün
mütrümfiymün mütrümfilmün mütrümfimün
3→ 3 lelifiy lelifile lelifipe
mütrümfiy mütrümfile mütrümfipe
3d→3 lelifiyngu
mütrümfiyngu
3p→3 lelifiyngün
mütrümfiyngün
3→1s lelienew lelielimew leliechimew
mütrümenew mütrümelimew mütrümechimew
3→1d lelieyumew lelielyumew
mütrümeyumew mütrümelyumew
3→1p lelieyiñmew lelielyiñmew
mütrümeyiñmew mütrümelyiñmew
3→2s lelieymew lelielmew
mütrümeymew mütrümelmew
3→2d lelieymumew lelielmumew
mütrümeymumew mütrümelmumew
3→2p lelieymünmew lelielmünmew
mütrümeymünmew mütrümelmünmew
3→3 lelieymew lelielyew
mütrümeymew mütrümelyew
Part VIII
Texts
371
Introduction
The texts presented here consist of stories, conversations and songs. Texts 1-6
are stories told by Luis Quinchavil (1938) of Nueva Imperial. Although he was
a fluent Mapuche speaker, Luis Quinchavil insisted on preparing his stories and
reading them aloud from paper. Rafael Railaf (1933) and Mario Millapi (born
around 1934) spoke spontaneously. Text 7 is a story told by Rafael Railaf of
Lautaro. Discussions between Luis Quinchavil and Rafael Railaf are presented
in texts 8-11. Railaf’s wife, Rosa, is a third participant in the first discussion
(text 8). Mario Millapi of Boyeco is the author of three stories presented in
texts 12-14. The songs (texts 15-17) are interpreted by Rafael Railaf.
Texts 1-11 and 15-17 were recorded on tape in 1978 and 1979 in the Nether-
lands, in the house of the author (texts 1-6) or in the house of the author’s
mentor, Professor Willem Adelaar (texts 8-11 and 15-17). The texts were tran-
scribed and translated (into Spanish) with the help of Luis Quinchavil. Texts
12-14 were recorded on tape in Chile in 1980, in the field just outside the house
of Mario Millapi.
Within each text, Mapuche sentences are numbered. The first line contains
Mapuche forms divided into morphemic segments. The corresponding English
glosses and grammatical abbreviations immediately follow in the second line.
The English translations is in the third line. The texts are presented in the
same lay-out as the Mapuche examples in the grammar. A row of dots . . .
indicates a pause followed by a renewed start. Notes on the content or the
grammar are printed at the end of each text.
372 Texts
Text 1. Demons
In this text Luis Quinchavil talks about demons. Above the earth, wenu-mapu,
in the blue sky, live the Gods, who have mastery over man and nature, who give
life and fecundity to men, animals and plants, and control the forces of nature.
The God known as ngüne-che-n rule-man-PVN4 ‘the ruler of men’ or ngüne-
mapu-n ’the ruler of the land’ combines two pairs of opposite characteristics,
male-female and old-young, and is addressed as chaw ‘father’, chaw ngünechen
or rey chaw ‘king father’, as kushe ‘old (woman)’, kushe ngünechen or rey
kushe, as wentru ngünechen ‘young man ngünechen’ or as malen ngünechen
‘young woman ngünechen’ (Cooper 1946: 742). According to Schindler (1990:
63) the young man God and the young woman God are called pillañ wentru
‘pure young man’ and pillañ malen ‘pure young woman’, respectively. Cooper
on the other hand (Cooper ibid.: 747) states that pillañ is associated with
volcanic eruptions, thunder and lightning, river floods and tidal waves. The
term pillan is also used for spirits of the deceased of a lineage (Jofre: 10). The
spirits of deceased headmen, warriors and machi (medicine women), who also
reside in the world above, are called for help by the living headmen, soldiers and
machi respectively. Whereas the inhabitants of the world above,wenu-mapu,
provide for the good, for fecundity, prosperity and happiness, demons are held
responsible for the bad. Demons live on or in the earth, in woods or caves,
and have the fysical appearance of a human or an animal (partly or entirely).
They live on human blood and flesh and bring about illness, misfortunes or
disaster. Witches (kalku) or machi have the power to call the demons into
action. Witches are women and live alone in woods or caves (Jofre ibid.: 12).
Machi, nearly always women, are the intermediaries between the real world
and the world above. They are able to read the will of the Gods, they heal the
sick and perform rituals.
The following story was first written down by LQ. It was then read by him
from a paper while it was recorded. This may account for the clearly articulated
speech reflected in the text. The subject of the text, demons, adds to the
aloofness of the speaker. Even though LQ does not believe in demons, he does
not like to talk about them, lest he should provoke their anger. For demons,
see also text 8.
1. kuyfı́ iñché petú pichi-ka-el, kiñe mari tripantu nie-pe-la-n

formerly I still small-cont16 -ovn4 , one ten year have-td13 -neg10 -
fey-chi, ñi chaw engu ñi ñuke nütram-ka-e-n-ew.
ind1s3 that-adj, poss1s father theyd poss1s mother conversation-fac33 -ido6 -
ind1s3 -ds1
‘a long time ago, when I was still young -I probably was about ten years old
at the time- my father and mother talked to me.’
Text 1. Demons 373
2. fey-engu fey-pi-e-n-ew: “müté fentre-pun kishu miaw-ke-la-

that-theyd that-say-ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1 : very much-night alone wander-cf14 -
ya-y-m-i”.
neg10 -nrld9 -ind4 -23 -s2
‘theyd said to me: “yous must not wander about alone very late at night”.’
3. “rumé kuñiwün-nge-y kishu-yaw-ün”, fey-pi-e-n-ew
very dangerous-verb36 -ind4 -33 alone-circ30 -pvn4 , that-say-ido6 -ind1s3 -
ñi chaw engu ñi ñuke.
ds1 poss1s father theyd poss1s mother
‘ “it is very dangerous to go about alone”, my father and mother said to me.’
4. fey-mew iñché ramtu-fi-n: “chumngelu kuñiwün-nge-y
that-inst I ask-edo6 -ind1s3 : why dangerous-verb36 -ind4 -33
fentre-pun miaw-ün?”.
much-night wander-pvn4
‘then I asked them: “why is it dangerous to wander about late at night?”.’
5. fey-mew fey-pi-e-n-ew engu: “pun fill wekufü
that-inst that-say-ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1 theyd : night all.sorts demon
miaw-ki-y”.
wander-cf14 -ind4 -33
‘then theyd said to me: “at night all sorts of demons wander about”.’
6. iñché ramtu-fi-n: “chem wekufü miaw-ki-y pun,
i ask-edo6 -ind1s3 : what demon wander-cf14 -ind4 -33 night,
chum-nge-y ti pu wekufü?”.
how-verb36 -ind4 -33 the coll demon
‘I asked them: “what kind of demons wander about at night?, what are these
demons like?”.’
7. fey-engu fey-pi-e-n-ew: “rumé fill wekufü müle-y,
that-theyd that-say-ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1 : very all.sorts demon be-ind4 -33 ,
müle-y ta-chi chonchon1 wekufü, müle-y ti witra-n-alwe2
be-ind -3 the-adj flying.head demon, be-ind -3 the stand.up-pvn4 -soul
4 3 4 3
wekufü ka müle-y ti añchümalleñ3 wekufü”.

demon and be-ind -3 the midget
4 3
demon
‘theyd said to me: “there is a whole lot of different demons, there is a flying
head demon, there is a raised soul demon, and there is a midget demon”.’
8. fey-mew iñché ramtu-fi-n: “chum-nge-y ta ka-ke
that-inst i ask-edo6 -ind1s3 : how-verb36 -ind4 -33 the other-distr
kiñe-ke wekufü?”
one-distr demon
‘then I asked them: “what is each of these demons like?”’
374 Texts
9. fey-pi-e-n-ew engu: “pu chonchon wekufü müpü-yaw-ki-y

that-say-ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1 theyd : coll flying.head demon fly-circ30 -cf14 -
pun”.
ind4 -33 night
‘“flying head demons fly about at night”.’
10. “pe-nge-ke-la-y, welu longko-che pi-nge-y ñi
see-pass23 -cf14 -neg10 -ind4 -33 , but head-person say-pass23 -ind4 -33 poss3
miaw-ke-n”.
wander-cf14 -pvn4
‘ “one cannot see them, but one says that head-beings roam about”.’
11. “fey-ta-chi pu chonchon nge-n-nge-y4 pu kalku-mew”.
that-the-adj coll flying.head have-pvn4 -verb36 -ind4 -33 coll witch-inst
‘ “these flying heads are owned by witches”.’
12. “tripa-ke-y-ng-ün pun wül-kutran-a-lu pu ka-ruka-tu-
go.out-cf14 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 night give-illness-nrld9 -svn4 coll other-house-
mew5 ka ngünüy-kiaw-ül-ki-y-ng-ün chum-le-n pu
improd.-inst and spy-circ30 -mio29 -cf14 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 how-st28 -pvn4 coll
che”.
person
‘ “theyp go out at night to inflict illness on the neighbours and theyp spy
around [to see] how people are”.’
13. “ka-nge-lu witra-n-alwe wekufü pi-nge-y”.
other-verb36 -svn4 stand.up-pvn4 -soul demon say-pass23 -ind4 -33
‘ “another [demon] is called a raised soul demon”.’
14. “fey-ti-chi witra-n-alwe rumé fücha-ke-y-ng-ün”.
that-the-adj stand.up-pvn4 -soul very big-distr-ind4 -3ns3 -p2
‘ “these raised soul demons are very big”.’
15. “fey-engün a kintu-yaw-ül-ki-y6 kulliñ”.
that-theyp watch-circ30 -mio29 -cf14 -ind4 -33 cattle
‘ “theyp go about watching cattle”.’
16. “fey-ta-chi fücha-ke witra-n-alwe nie-y re pu ülmen
that-the-adj big-distr stand.up-pvn4 -soul have-ind4 -33 only coll rich
che, nie-lu fentre-n kulliñ”.
person, have-svn4 big.verb36 -pvn4 cattle
‘ “only rich people who have much cattle have these big raised souls”.’
17. “umaw-tu-le-y ti pu nge-n kulliñ, fey-engün
sleep-verb36 -st28 -ind4 -33 the coll have-pvn4 cattle, that-theyp
a kintu-yaw-ül-ki-y ñi weñe-nge-nu-al
watch-circ30 -mio29 -cf14 -ind4 -33 poss3 steal-pass23 -neg10 -nrld9 .ovn4
Text 1. Demons 375
kiñe kulliñ rumé”.

one animal -ever
‘ “when the cattle owners sleep, theyp (the raised souls) go about to see that
not even one animal is stolen”.’
18. “tüfá-engün rumé kümé tuku-tu-l-uw-küle-ki-y-ng-ün”7.
this-theyp very good put.at-tr33 -ca34 -ref31 -st28 -cf14 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2
‘ “theyp are very well dressed”.’
19. “kiñe-ke-mew kawell-kiaw-ki-y-ng-ün”.
one-distr-inst horse-circ30 -cf14 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2
‘ “sometimes theyp ride about”.’
20. “miaw-ül-ki-y-ng-ün fücha-ke ispwela”8 .
wander-ca -cf -ind -3ns -p big-distr spur
34 14 4 3 2
‘ “theyp wander about with big spurs”.’

21. “ñi foro pun achef-küle-ke-y”.
poss3 tooth night shine-st28 -cf14 -ind4 -33
‘ “their teeth shine in the night”.’
22. “kiñe-ke-mew ayü-y-ng-ün pe-nge-l-uw-ki-y-ng-ün9
one-distr-inst love-ind -3ns -p see-pass23 -ca34 -ref31-cf14 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2
4 3 2
kishu miaw-chi che-mew”.

alone wander-svn4 -adj person-inst
‘ “sometimes theyp like to show themselves to people who wander about
alone”.’
23. “ka-nge-lu kiñe pichi wekufü”.
other-verb36 -svn4 one small demon
‘ “another [demon is] a small demon”.’
24. “trem-ke-la-y”.
grow-cf14 -neg10 -ind4 -33
‘ “he does not grow”.’
25. “rumé ash-ün-nge-y, awka-n-tu-fe-nge-y10 ,
very naughty-pvn -verb -ind -3 , wild-pvn4 -verb36 -nom-verb36 -ind4 -
4 36 4 3
aye-fe-nge-y, welu rumé llüka-l-ka-che-ke-y”.

33 , laugh-nom-verb36 -ind4 -33, but very become.afraid-ca34 -fac33 -person-
cf14 -ind4 -33
‘ “he is very naughty, he is playful, he laughs, but he frightens people a lot”.’
26. “tüfá-engün ngüne-ke-e-y-ew pu machi”.
this-theyp direct-cf14 -ido6 -ind4 -33 -ds1 coll medicine.woman
‘ “these [spirits] are directed by machis”.’
27. “püñeñ reké nie-ke-e-y-ew; rumé kümé af-ma-ye-nie-nge-ki-y12,
son like have-cf -ido -ind -3 -ds ; very good end.(intr.)-exp35 -carry-
14 6 4 3 1
376 Texts
rumé i-lel-nge-ki-y,
prps32 -pass23 -cf14 -ind4 -33 , very eat-ca34 -pass23 -cf14 -ind4 -33 ,
ilo-kulliñ-el-nge-ki-y”.
meat-animal-ben27 -pass23 -cf14 -ind4 -33
‘ “they are treated by them as sons; they are very well taken care of, they are
fed a lot, animals are slaughtered for them”.’
28. “fey-ta-engün i-ke-y re mollfüñ”.
that-the-theyp eat-cf14 -ind4 -33 only blood
‘ “these [spirits] eat only blood”.’
29. “pun werkü-nge-ki-y fill pülé ñi tripa-yal
night send-pass23 -cf14 -ind4 -33 all.sorts direction poss3 go.out-nrld9 .ovn4
ñi fill-a -tu-al chem che rumé”.
poss3 wicked-trick-verb36 -nrld9 .ovn4 what person -ever.
‘ “at night they are sent off in every direction (to go out) to play tricks on
whomever [they come across]”.’
30. “kiñe-ke-mew ti pu machi illku-tu-nie-fi-ye-m
one-distr-inst the coll medicine.woman become.afraid-tr33 -prps32 -
kiñe-ke ñi pu ka-ruka-tu, fey-mew oy
edo6 -cf5 -ivn4 one-distr poss3 coll other-house-improd., that-inst more
müchay-ke werkü-nge-ki-y”.
fast-distr send-pass23 -cf14 -ind4 -33
‘ “sometimes, when the machis are angry with some of their neighbours, (then)
they are sent off on a mission all the time”.’
31. “fey-mew allkü-tu-yaw-me-ki-y-ng-ün chem pi-pi-nge-n
that-inst hear-tr33 -circ30 -th20 -cf14 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 what say-say-sfr36 -
ti pu che”.
pvn4 the coll person
‘ “then theyp wander about listening to what people are saying”.’
32. “wiño-me-ye-m, kom fey-pi-pa-tu-ke-fi-y ti
return-th20 -cf5 -ivn4 , all that-say-hh17 -re16 -cf14 -edo6 -ind4 -33 the
machi”.
medicine.woman
‘ “when they go back, they tell everything to the machi”.’
33. “fey-mew kom kim-ke-y chem nütram-ka-meke-n
that-inst all know-cf14 -ind4 -33 what conversation-fac33 -pr28 -pvn4
ñi pu kayñe”.
poss3 coll enemy
‘ “this way they know everything their enemies are talking about”.’
34. “fey-ta-engün ka pe-nge-l-uw-ki-y fentre-pun kishu-
that-the-theyp also see-pass23 -ca34 -ref31 -cf14 -ind4 -33 much-night alone-
Text 1. Demons 377
yaw-chi che-mew”.
circ30 -svn4 -adj person-inst
‘ “these [spirits] also show themselves to people who go about alone late at
night”.’
35. “nie-la-y-ng-ün chum-al rumé, pe-fi-y
have-neg10 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 do.how/what-nrld9 .ovn4 -ever, see-edo6 -ind4 -
pun che, ñuwi-l-ke-fi-y”.
33 night person, get.lost-ca34 -cf14 -edo6 -ind4 -33
‘ “[when] theyp have nothing to do [and] see people in the night, they make
them to get lost”.’
36. “ka rüpü-mew amu-l-ke-fi-y”.
other road-inst go-ca34 -cf14 -edo6 -ind4 -33
‘ “they make them go astray”.’
37. “puw-tu-ye-m ruka-mew, fey-pi-pu-tu-ke-fi-y
arrive-re16 -cf5 -ivn4 house-inst, that-say-loc17 -re16 -cf14 -edo6 -ind4 -33
ti machi ñi chem che ñi pe-n, chem che ñi
the medicine.woman poss3 what person poss3 see-pvn4 , what person poss3
ñuwi-l-fiel”.
get.lost-ca34 -tvn4
‘ “when they return, there they say to the machi which person they have seen
[and] which person they have made to get lost”.’
38. “fey-mu ti machi kom kim-ke-y chem che ñi
that-inst the medicine.woman all know-cf14 -ind4 -33 what person poss3
miaw-ke-n pun”.
wander-cf14 -pvn4 night
‘ “that’s the way the machis know everything, [about] which people roam
about at night”.’
39. “fey-chi kü aw nie-y tüfa-chi laftra pichi-ke wekufü”.
that-adj work have-ind4 -33 this-adj stunted small-distr demon
‘ “that is the job of these stunted small demons”.’
Notes
1. According to Augusta (1916: 26) choñchoñ is a big nocturnal bird. I write

chonchon: although the first n is slightly palatalized under the influence of
the following ch, the final n is definitely not palatalized.
2. In Augusta (1916: 274) one finds wichan alwe “almas de muertos las cuales
según la creencia antigua de los indı́genas están al mando de unos brujos a
quienes se compran con el fin de hacer mal al prójimo, pues introduciéndose
en el cuerpo de sus vı́ctimas le agujerean el corazón y chupan la sangre”.
According to Augusta, the noun wichan alwe could be derived from “wi-
378 Texts
chaln . . . aliarse, coligarse con alguno”. My informants use witra-n-alwe,

which is probably derived from witra- ‘to stand up’ and contains the plain
verbal noun marker -n pvn4 . Witches are able to create a supernatural
being from the remains of a deceased person.
3. Because of its length, “añchümalleñ” is bound to be a compound. It may
contain añchü ‘what remains in a sieve’ (see chapter 19). According to
Augusta (1916: 10) “añchimalleñ” is a “sustantivo compuesto” and means
“trasgo, duende pigmeo <que se ve como luz en la pampa>, <que hace mil
desórdenes traviesos en la casa>”, but there is no mention of the elements
of which it is composed.
4. The noun nge-n have-pvn4 usually means ‘owner’. In this case it must refer
to what is owned, for flying head spirits are at the service of machis.
5. The suffix -tu is an improductive suffix (18.3).
6. The origin of the verb a kintu- is not altogether clear. a ‘form, habit,
character, circumstances, direction, place fitted for . . . ’; a -kiñ ‘view’ (-kiñ
is an improductive suffix, see 18.3); -tu- is probably -tu- verb36 (21.3).
7. The verb shows an anomalous suffix order. For -l 34 -tu 33 -, see 26.34.
8. ispwela is Sp. espuela ‘spur’.
9. The suffix -nge- pass23 forms part of the stem (26.23.1). The reflexive
marker -(u)w- ref31 is a mobile suffix (26.31).
10. awka ‘wild’; awka- ‘to become wild’, ‘to wage war on’; awka-n ‘war’, ‘play’;
awka-n-tu- ‘to play, to sport’.
Text 2. Work 379
Text 2. Work
In this story Luis Quinchavil tells the author how he used to leave his home,
from the age of ten years, in order to find work and earn a little money for his
parents.
1. liwen-tu tripa-ke-fu-y-iñ yiñ kintu-kü aw-al.
morning-adv leave-cf14-ipd8-ind4-1ns3-p2 poss1p look.for-work-nrld9.ovn4
‘wep used to go out in the morning to look for work.’
2. kom pu ülmen müle-lu ina rüpü ramtu-nie-r-pu-ke-fu-y-iñ
all coll rich be-svn4 next/near road ask-prps32 -itr18 -loc17 -cf14 -ipd8 -
ñi nie-n kü aw.
ind4 -1ns3 -p2 poss3 have-pvn4 work
‘on our way wep used to ask all the rich [people] who lived along the road
whether they had work.’
3. kom antü treka-ke-fu-y-iñ.
all day step-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘wep used to walk all day.’
4. pe-y-iñ kü aw, fey fente-künu-ke-fu-y-iñ
see-ind4-1ns3-p2 work, that/then that.much-pfps32-cf14-ipd8-ind4-1ns3-p2
yiñ treka-n
poss1p step-pvn4
‘every time wep found work, (then) wep used to stop walking.’
5. kiñe-ke-mew pun-ma-y-iñ.
one-distr-inst night-exp35 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘sometimes night fell1 on usp .’
6. chew yiñ pun-ma-n, umaw-tu-ke-fu-y-iñ.
where poss1p night-exp35 -pvn4 , sleep-verb36 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘[and] wherever night fell upon usp , wep would sleep.’
7. iñchiñ2 kü aw-ka-we re ichuna3 mütem ka yiñ lipang.
we p
work-fac -nom only sickle merely and poss1p arm
33
‘ourp only tools [were] a sickle and ourp arms.’

8. oy chem rumé nie-ke-la-fu-y-iñ.
more what -ever have-cf14 -neg10 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘wep did not have anything else.’
9. pe-y-iñ kü aw, itro-re külleq-mu katrü-ketran-ke-fu-y-iñ.
see-ind4 -1ns3 -p2 work, quite-only hill-inst cut-wheat-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -
1ns3 -p2
‘every time wep found work, wep only cut wheat on slopes.’
10. elu-nge-ke-fu-y-iñ iy-al.
give-pass23 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 eat-nrld9 .ovn4
‘wep were given food.’
380 Texts
11. umaw-tu-ke-fu-y-iñ pinu-ntu-mew.

sleep-verb36 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 hay-gr-inst
‘wep used to sleep in haystacks.’
Notes
1. In the transitive sense of colloquial English ‘it got dark on us’.
2. LQ has left out the possesssive pronoun yiñ poss1p after iñchiñ ‘wep ’.
3. ichuna is Sp. echona ∼ echuna ‘sickle’.
Text 3. Youth 381
Text 3. Youth
In reply to the author who asked where he went to work and in which circum-
stances he used to work Luis Quinchavil told the following story.
1. iñché pichi-ka-lu, kim-püra-me-n ñi pu pichi-ke
I small-cont16 -svn4 , learn-go.up-th20 -ind1s3 poss1s coll small-distr
peñi1 , pu wenüy ka ñi pu chaw.
brother, coll friend and poss1s coll father
‘when I was still young, I came to appreciate my little brothers, friends and
my parents.’
2. chumngen ñi trem-küle-n, oy fill ungu, oy fill
while poss1s grown-st28 -pvn4 , more all.kind matter/idea, more all.kind
kü aw kim-nie-r-pu-n.
work learn-prps32 -itr18 -loc17 -ind1s3
‘while I was growing up, I gradually became acquainted with all kinds of ideas
[and] all kinds of work.’
3. aylla tripantu puw-ül-el, kolexio-tu-n.
nine year arrive-ca34 -ovn4 , school-verb36 -ind1s3
‘when I became nine years old, I went to school.’
4. wiño-me-ye-m kolexio-mew, puw-tu-n ruka-mew fill
return-th20 -cf5 -ivn4 school-inst, arrive-re16 -ind1s3 house-inst all.kind
kü aw-mu kellu-pu-tu-ke-fu-n ñi chaw engu ñi
work-inst help-loc17 -re16 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind1s3 poss1s father theyd poss1s
ñuke.
mother
‘whenever I returned from school [and] arrived back home, I used to help my
father and mother there with all kinds of work.’
5. ewmá mari tripantu nie-l 2 , tripa-n ñi kü aw-al,
almost ten year have-ovn4 , go.out-ind1s3 poss1s work-nrld9 .ovn4 ,
welu müté ka-mapu nu.
but very other-land neg
‘when I was almost ten years old, I went away to work, but not very far.’
6. fill kosecha mungel tripa-ke-fu-n.
every harvest especially go.out-cf14 -ipd8 -ind1s3
‘I especially went away every harvest season.’
7. kü aw-el-me-ke-fwi-n kiñe ülmen,
work-ben27 -th20 -cf14 -ipd8 .edo6 -ind1s3 one rich,
katrü-ketran-el-me-ke-fwi-n.
cut-wheat-ben27 -th20 -cf14 -ipd8 .edo6 -ind1s3
‘I usually went to work for a rich [man], I usually went to cut wheat for him.’
8. ka wenüy iñchiñ tripa-ke-fu-y-iñ.
other friend wep go.out-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
382 Texts
‘we used to go with other friends.’

9. kom trür fente-ke-fu-y-iñ.
all equal that.much-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘wep were all the same age.’
10. kiñe epu küyen kü aw-el-me-ke-fwi-y-iñ ti ülmen.
one two month work-ben27 -th20 -cf14 -ipd8 .edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 the rich
‘for about two months wep used to go working for the rich.’
11. ewma-y ñi katrü-w-ün3 , fey kom kulli-e-y-iñ-mu
finish-ind -3 poss3 cut-ref31 -pvn4 , that/then all pay-ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 -
4 3
yiñ kü aw, fey wülá wiño-tu-ke-fu-y-iñ

ds1 poss1p work, that/then then return-re16 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
yiñ ruka-mew.
poss1p house-inst
‘when they had finished the harvesting, then they paid usp all for ourp work,
[and] then wep used to go back to ourp homes.’
12. yiñ wew-el plata elu-pu-tu-ke-fu-y-iñ4 yiñ
poss1p earn-ovn money give-loc17 -re16 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 poss1p
4
ñuke.
mother
‘the money wep earned wep used to give to ourp mothers back home.’
13. oy fücha-ke we-che wentru-lu iñchiñ, oy ka-mapu chipa-y-iñ
more old-distr young-person man-svn4 wep , more other-land go.out-ind4-
kü aw-al.
-1ns3 -p2 work-nrld9 .ovn4
‘when each of usp had become (an) older (young man), wep went further away
to work.’
14. kü aw-el-me-we-la-fi-y-iñ ti ülmen
work-ben27 -th20 -rem19 -neg10 -edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 the rich
katrü-w-ün-nge-n5 .
cut-ref31 -pvn4 -verb36 -pvn4
‘wep did not work for the rich any more in the harvest season.’
15. fewlá wariya-ülmen kü aw-el-me-fi-y-iñ.
now town-rich work-ben27 -th20 -edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘now wep went to work for rich townsfolk.’
16. fücha-ke wariya-mew fill kü aw-mew ru-pa-y-iñ.
big-distr town-inst all.kind work-inst pass-hh17 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘in the big towns wep passed through all kinds of work.’
17. kiñe-ke-ntu tripa-y-iñ oy kiñe tripantu.
one-distr-gr go.out-ind4 -1ns3 -p2 more one year
‘some of usp left for more than a year.’
Text 3. Youth 383
18. kiñe-ke wüné wiño-y, ka-ke-lu oy

one-distr first go.back-ind4 -33 , other-distr-svn4 more
alü-n-tu-y-ng-ün.
much-pvn4 -verb36 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2
‘some went back earlier, others stayed longer.’
19. kiñe-ke wariya-mew kure-nge-pu-y-ng-ün.
one-distr town-inst wife-verb36 -loc17 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2
‘some got married in town (and stayed there).’
20. fey-engün oy kü aw-tu-y-ng-ün ñi wiño-al.
that-theyp more work-verb36 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 poss3 go.back-nrld9 .ovn4
‘theyp had more trouble in going back.’
21. kiñe-ke wiño-y-ng-ün, welu ñi kure mapu-mew.
one-distr go.back-ind4 -3ns3 -p2 , but poss3 wife land-inst
‘some went back, but to their wife’s land.’
22. ka-ke-lu wiño-y ñi rüf mapu-mew.
other-distr-svn4 go.back-ind4 -33 poss3 true land-inst
‘others went back to their own land.’
23. femngechi fücha-ke wentru-nge-r-pu-y-iñ.
thus big-distr man-verb36 -itr18 -loc17 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘that’s how wep gradually became grown-up men.’
Notes
1. peñi is used by a man and denotes his brother, his mother’s brother’s son
or a close friend.
2. nie-l is short for nie-el have-ovn4 .
3. katrü-w- cut-ref31 - ‘to cut oneself’ and also ‘to harvest’.
4. -pu- loc17 indicates that the money will stay in the possession of the mo-
thers.
5. -nge-n verb36 -pvn4 is used to denote a characteristic period, e.g. filla-nge-
n scarcity-verb36 -pvn4 ‘a period of scarcity’; mawün-nge-n rain-verb36 -
pvn4 ‘rainy season’, see 21.2.
384 Texts
Text 4. Missionary
Luis Quinchavil talks about the presence of Christian missionaries in the Ma-
puche reservations in his youth, which would be between 1945 and 1960.
1. kiñe epu mari tripantu-nge-y, miaw-me-y kiñe misionero
one two ten year-verb36 -ind4 -33 , wander-th20 -ind4 -33 one missionary
iñché ñi lof-mew.
I poss1s reservation-inst
‘(it was) some twenty years ago, a missionary walked around in my reserva-
tion.’
2. fey-ta-chi wentru puw-lu nütram-ka-pu-fi-y
that-the-adj man arrive-svn4 conversation-fac33 -loc17 -edo6 -ind4 -33
kom pu mapuche.
all coll Mapuche
‘when this man arrived, he talked to all the Mapuche.’
3. fey-pi-pu-y: “iñché werkü-e-n-ew chaw-dios eymün
that-say-loc17 -ind4 -33 : I send-ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1 father-god youp
mün nütram-ka-pa-ya-fiel: “müle-y wenu kiñe wentru;
poss2p conversation-fac33 -hh17 -nrld9 -tvn4 : be-ind4 -33 above one man;
rumé kim-üy; kom pülé müle-ke-y; kom pe-nie-ke-y-m-ün-mu1
very know-ind -3 ; all side be-cf -ind -3 ; all see-prps32 -cf14 .ido6 –
4 3 14 4 3
mün chum-meke-n.
ind4 -23 -p2 -ds1 poss2p do.what/how-pr28 -pvn4
‘there he said this: “I have been sent by God the Father to come to tell youp :
“there is a Man above; He knows a lot; He is everywhere; He sees everything
youp are doing”.’
4. “weñe-y-m-ün, kewa-tu-y-m-ün, feyentu-la-fi-y-m-ün; fey
steal-ind4 -23 -p2 , beat-tr33 -ind4 -23 -p2 , believe-neg10 -edo6 -ind4 -23 -p2 ; he
kom kim-nie-y”.
all know-prps32 -ind4 -33
‘ “[whether] youp steal, [whether] youp fight, [whether] youp don’t believe in
Him; He knows [it] all”.’
5. fey-mu iñché küpa-n mün fey-pi-pa-ya-fiel: “müle-y
that-inst I come-ind1s3 poss2p that-say-hh17 -nrld9 -tvn4 : be-ind4 -33
mün allkü-tu-ñma-ya-fiel ñi ungu”.
poss2p hear-tr33 -io26 -nrld9 -tvn4 poss3 matter
‘ “that’s why I have come to say this to youp : “youp must listen to His Word”.’
6. “allkü-tu-ñma-nu-fi-l-m-ün, la-rume-l-m-ün,
hear-tr33 -io26 -neg10 -edo6 -cond4 -23 -p2 , die-sud21 -cond4 -23 -p2 ,
wenu-mapu pe-pu-a-fi-y-m-ün”.
above-land see-loc17 -nrld9 -edo6 -ind4 -23 -p2
‘ “if youp don’t listen to His [Word], if youp suddenly die, youp will meet Him
Text 4. Missionary 385
in heaven”.’
7. “welu fey kom llow-la-ya-y-m-ün-mew”.
but he all receive-neg10 -nrld9 .ido6 -ind4 -23 -p2 -ds1
‘ “but He will not receive all of youp ”.’
8. “fey llow-ke-fi-y re ñi pu küme-ke yall”.
he receive-cf14 -edo6 -ind4 -33 only poss3 coll good-distr child
‘ “He receives only His good children”.’
9. “ka-ke-lu, fey-ti feyentu-nu-wma, mapu-mew nie-l-fi-y
other-distr-svn4 , that-the believe-neg10 -csvn4 land-inst have-ben27 -
ka ruka”.
edo6 -ind4 -33 other house
‘ “for the others, for those who have not believed in Him, He has another
house on earth”.’
10. “fey-ti-chi ruka-mew rumé kutran-ka-w-pu-ki-y
that-the-adj house-inst very illness-fac33 -ref31 -loc17 -cf14 -ind4 -33
fey-ti feyentu-nu-wma”.
that-the believe-neg10 -csvn4
‘ “in this house those who have not believed in Him suffer greatly”.’
11. “fey-mew iñché werkü-pa-e-n-ew eymün mün küpa-l-el-a-fiel
that-inst I send-hh17 -ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1 youp poss2p come-ca34 -ben27-
tüfa-chi kümé ungu”.
nrld9 -tvn4 this-adj good matter
‘ “that’s why I was sent here to bring this good message for youp ”.’
12. rüf wüne-tu puw-lu tüfa-chi misionero, trawü-w-üy
true first-adv arrive-svn4 this-adj missionary, get.together-ref31 -ind4 -33
fentren mapuche.
large.quantity Mapuche
‘the very first time this missionary arrived, a large number of Mapuche got
together.’
13. rumé afmatu-nge-y; wenu-mapu küpa-lu troki-nge-y;
very admire-pass23 -ind4 -33 ; above-land come-svn4 opine-pass23 -ind4 -33 ;
rumé yewe-nge-y; feyentu-nge-y ñi chem-pi-n;
very respect-pass23 -ind4 -33 ; believe-pass23 -ind4 -33 poss3 what-say-pvn4 ;
rume-ñma afmatu-nge-y.
very-improd. admire-pass23 -ind4 -33
‘he was admired a lot; they thought that he came from heaven; he was res-
pected a lot; they believed what he said; he was admired an awful lot.’
14. turpu pe-nge-ke-la-fu-y femngechi wentru: kolü
never see-pass23 -cf14 -neg10 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 such man brown
longko-nge-y, karü nge-nge-y, fücha-y, kümé
head/hair-verb36 -ind4 -33 ; green eye-verb36 -ind4 -33 ; big-ind4 -33 ; good
386 Texts
tuku-tu-l-uw-küle-y, awto-mew puw-üy.

put.at-tr33 -ca34 -ref31 -st28 -ind4 -33 ; car-inst arrive-ind4 -33
‘one had never seen such a man: he had brown hair, he had green eyes, he
was tall, he was well dressed, [and] he arrived by car.’
15. fey-chi newé petú kümé kim-nge-la-y müle-n awto.
that-adj not.very still good know-pass23 -neg10 -ind4 -33 be-pvn4 car
‘at that time one did not yet know very well that there were cars.’
16. tüfa-chi wentru fill dominggu nie-pu-ke-fu-y
this-adj man every Sunday have-loc17 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
trawü-n.
get.together-pvn4
‘this man held a meeting there every Sunday.’
17. fentren-mew oy aku-le-r-pu-y ka-mapu-le-chi
large.quantity-inst more arrive-st28 -itr18 -loc17 -ind4 -33 other-land-st28 -
pu mapuche.
svn4 -adj coll Mapuche
‘after some time more and more Mapuche came who lived far away.’
18. aku-ke-fu-y-ng-ün ñi pichi-ke che engün, ñi pu
arrive-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 poss3 small-distr person theyp , poss3 coll
lamngen2 engün, kim-lu engün tüfa-chi wentru ñi miaw-pu-n
brother/sister theyp , know-svn4 theyp this-adj man poss3 wander-loc17 -
fey pülé.
pvn4 that side
‘theyp used to come with their children and their brothers and sisters, when
theyp knew that this man walked around in that area.’
19. kiñe tripantu puw-puw-nge-y ñi awtu-mew.
one year arrive-arrive-sfr36 -ind4 -33 poss3 car-inst
‘one year he kept on coming in his car.’
20. welu ka tripantu-mew müpü-le-n puw-üy.
but other year-inst fly-st28 -pvn4 arrive-ind4 -33
‘but the other year he arrived flying.’
21. fey-chi puw-lu, rumé fentren che puw-üy.
that-adj arrive-svn4 , very large.quantity person arrive-ind4 -33
‘that time, when he arrived, a very large number of people arrived.’
22. kuyfı́ kam pe-ke-fu-y-iñ awion ru-pa-ye-m wenu
formerly part see-cf14-ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 airplane pass-hh17 -cf5 -ivn4 above
mapu mütem.
land only
‘after all, in former times wep saw an airplane only when it passed over the
land.’
Text 4. Missionary 387
23. welu tüfa-chi wentru puw-lu ñi awion-mew, oy füchá

but this-adj man arrive-svn4 poss3 airplane-inst, more big
afmatu-n müle-y.
admire-pvn4 be-ind4 -33
‘but when this man arrived in his airplane, there was an [even] greater admi-
ration.’
24. kom pu che komütu-y chum-le-n ponwı́,
all coll person gaze.with.rapture-ind4 -33 how-st28 -pvn4 inside,
chum-le-n wekun ti awion.
how-st28 -pvn4 outside the airplane
‘all the people gazed with rapture at how the plane looked from the inside
and from the outside.’
25. fey-chi aku-y oy fücha-ke ka-mapu-le-chi pu
that-adj arrive-ind4 -33 more big-distr other-land-st28 -svn4 -adj coll
che.
person
‘this time people came who lived even further away.’
26. rumé ayü-w-üy-ng-ün pülle-tu-pe-lu ti füchá üñüm.
very love-ref31 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 near-tr33 -see-svn4 the big bird
‘theyp were enthusiastic when they came close (to) and saw the big bird.’
27. femngechi kom ti pu che fill dominggu küpa-ke-fu-y-ng-ün.
thus all the coll person every Sunday come-cf14-ipd8-ind4-3ns3-p2
‘[and] so all these people used to come every Sunday.’
28. fentren-tu femngechi puw-puw-nge-y tüfa-chi misionero.
large.quantity-adv thus arrive-arrive-sfr36-ind4-33 this-adj missionary
‘for a long time this missionary kept coming this way.’
29. welu kiñe rupa üllüf-üy.
but one time get.an.accident-ind4 -33
‘but one day he got an accident.’
30. kiñe dominggu pichi-ke mawün-mawün-nge-y; mapu ngüfo-le-y,
one Sunday little-distr rain-rain-sfr36 -ind4 -33 ; land get.wet-st28 -ind4 -
küpa-tu-a-lu wariya-mew.
33 , come-re16 -nrld9 -svn4 town-inst
‘one Sunday it drizzled a bit; the land was wet, when he was about to come
back into town.’
31. petú dewmá müpü-a-lu, katrü-tu-y kiñe koral-mew.
still almost fly-nrld9 -svn4 , cut-tr33 -ind4 -33 one fence-inst
‘when he was almost about to fly, he bumped against a fence.’
32. fey ütrüf-naq-üy; puw-üy kiñe pu malliñ.
he throw/fall-go.down-ind4 -33 ; arrive-ind4 -33 one loc lake
‘he crashed [and] landed in a lake.’
388 Texts
33. welu chum-la-y rumé ti wentru, welu ñi awion

but do.how/what-neg10 -ind4 -33 -ever the man, but poss3 airplane
watro-ka-w-üy.
break.(intr.)-fac33 -ref31 -ind4 -33
‘but the man was unhurt, although his plane was destroyed.’
34. kom ti pu che müle-wma trawü-n-mew lef-üy-ng-ün
all the coll person be-csvn4 get.together-pvn4 -inst run-ind4 -3ns3 -p2
ñi pe-me-al chum-le-n ti wentru.
poss3 see-th20 -nrld9 .ovn4 how/what-st28 -pvn4 the man
‘all the people that had been at the meeting ran to see how the man was.’
35. rumé ayü-w-üy-ng-ün ñi chum-nu-n rumé.
very love-ref31 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 poss3 how/what-neg10 -pvn4 -ever
‘theyp were very glad that he was unhurt.’
36. fey nü-nge-y ti awion.
that/then take-pass23 -ind4 -33 the airplane
‘then the plane was taken up.’
37. fentren che pülcha-ye-y-ew3 .
large.quantity person pick.up.together-carry.ido6 -ind4 -33 -ds1
‘it was lifted up and carried away by a large number of people.’
38. el-nge-pu-y ina ruka.
leave-pass23 -loc17 -ind4 -33 close house
‘it was left behind close to the houses.’
39. fey-mew fentren-tu müle-y tüfa-chi awion.
that-inst large.quantity-adv be-ind4 -33 this-adj airplane
‘there this plane remained for a long time.’
40. ngellú ye-me-nge-tu-y.
only.after.a.long.time carry-th20 -pass23 -re16 -ind4 -33
‘only after a long time was it carried back.’
41. fey-chi iñché oy pe-we-la-fi-n tüfa-chi misionero.
that-adj I more see-ps19 -neg10 -edo6 -ind1s3 this-adj missionary
‘[and] then I did not see this missionary any more.’
Notes
1. pe-nie-ke-y-m-ün-mu = +pe-nie-ke-e-y-m-ün-mu +.
2. lamngen denotes a woman’s brother or sister or a man’s sister.
3. pülcha-ye-y-ew = + pülcha-ye-e-y-ew +.
Text 5. The war 389
Text 5. The war

In this story Luis Quinchavil talks about the colonization of the Mapuche by
the Spaniards, which lasted for 300 years and is referred to by my informants
as walon ‘the war’. In various publications the word malon is used instead
of walon (malon ‘guerilla, correrı́a para saquear las casas o llevarse animales’
(Augusta: 139)). For a brief description of the history of the Mapuche people,
see chapter 1.
1. iñché kiñe rupa nütram-ka-n kiñe-le-we-chi kuyfı́
I one time conversation-fac33 -ind1s3 one-st28 -ps19 -svn4 -adj former
che iñchiu.
person wed
‘once I talked to one of the remaining people of former times.’
2. tüfa-chi füchá chaw fey-chi “pataka aylla tripantu nie-n”,
this-adj old father that-adj hundred nine year have-ind1s3 ,
pi-e-n-ew.
say-ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1
‘this old man then said to me: “I am 109 years old”.’
3. nütram-ka-e-n-ew chum-nge-wma walon.
conversation-fac33 -ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1 how/what-verb36 -csvn4 war
‘he told me how the war had been.’
4. fey oy pichi füchá wentru-lu, fey-pi-rke-e-y-ew ñi
he more small big man-svn4 , that-say-rep12 -ido6 -ind4 -33 -ds1 poss3
lamngen chumngechi ñi montu-n.
sister how poss3 escape-pvn4
‘when he was a rather young man, he was told by his sister how he had
escaped.’
5. fey montu-rki-y ñi lamngen ñi oam.
he escape-rep12 -ind4 -33 poss3 sister poss3 need/care
‘he had escaped, so she said, with the help of his sister.’
6. ellka-l-ke-rke-fe-y-ew mawi a-ntu-mew, chew ñi
hide-ca34 -cf14 -rep12 -ipd8 .ido6 -ind4 -33 -ds1 wood-gr-inst, where poss3
müle-n oy fentren ngakiñ.
be-pvn4 more large.quantity bird
‘he used to be kept hidden by her, she said, in a wooded place where there
were rather many birds.’
7. ti pu ngakiñ pichi-ke che reké ngüma-ki-y.
the coll bird small-distr person like cry-cf14 -ind4 -33
‘these birds cry like babies.’
8. fey-mew ngüma-ye-m rumé kim-nge-ke-la-fu-y ñi
that-inst cry-cf5 -ivn4 very know-pass23 -cf14 -neg10 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 poss3
390 Texts
müle-n pichi-ke che.

be-pvn4 small-distr person
‘therefore, when they cry, one does not exactly know whether there are babies
[there].’
9. tüfa-chi pu ñuwa kam ye-ke-rke-fu-lu pichi-ke che
this-adj coll bandit part carry-cf14 -rep12 -ipd8 -svn4 small-distr person
kütó.
even
‘for these bandits used to take even babies, so they say.’
10. ti pu ñuwa tripa-ke-rke-fu-y-ng-ün ella pun.
the coll bandit go.out-cf14 -rep12 -ipd8 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 a.bit night
‘the bandits used to set out shortly after nightfall.’
11. fentre-nge-ke-rke-fu-y-ng-ün.
much-verb36 -cf14 -rep12 -ipd8 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2
‘there were always many of themp .’
12. kintu-ke-fu-y-ng-ün chew ñi müle-n mapuche ruka.
look.for-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 where poss3 be-pvn4 Mapuche house
‘theyp used to look for [places] where there were Mapuche houses.’
13. pe-y-ng-ün kiñe ruka, wüné llüka-l-ka-ke-fwi-y-ng-ün
see-ind4-3ns3-p2 one house, first become.afraid-ca34-fac33-cf14-ipd8 .edo6 -
ti nge-n ruka.
ind4 -3ns3 -p2 the be/have-pvn4 house
‘whenever theyp saw a house, theyp first intimidated the house owner.’
14. fey-pi-ke-fwi-y-ng-ün: “elu-mu-nu-l-i-iñ eymi
that-say-cf14 -ipd8 .edo6 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 : give-2a23 -neg10 -cond4 -13 -p2 yous
mi chem nie-n, lang-üm-uw-a-y-iñ eymi ka mi
poss2s what have-pvn4 , die-ca34 -1a23 -nrld9 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 yous and poss2s
pichi-ke che”.
little-distr person
‘theyp said to him: “if you don’t give usp what yous have, we will kill yous
and yours children”.’
15. ti wesha-ke1 mapuche llüka-ye-m, kom ñi nie-n
the bad-distr Mapuche get.afraid-cf5 -ivn4 , all poss3 have-pvn4
wül-ke-fu-y-ng-ün.
give-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2
‘when the poor Mapuche became afraid, theyp gave [them] everything they
had.’
16. kiñe-ke-mew wentru-w-üy-ng-ün, nü-nge-ke-fu-y,
one-distr-inst man-ref31 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 , take-pass23 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
kiñe mamüll-mew trari-ntuku-künu-nge-ke-fu-y.
one tree-inst tie-put.at-pfps32 -pass23 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
Text 5. The war 391
‘sometimes [when] theyp resisted, they were taken [and] left tied to a tree.’
17. fey nü-ñma-nge-ke-fu-y ñi kulliñ, ketran, achawáll.
that/then take-io26 -pass23 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 poss3 cattle, wheat, chicken
‘then they were left bereft of their cattle, wheat [and] chickens.’
18. nie-ye-m kawchu-ñawe, kawchu-kure ka
have-cf5 -ivn4 young.lady-daughter, young.lady-wife also
nü-ñma-nge-ke-fu-y-ng-ün.
take-io26 -pass23 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2
‘whenever they had a young daughter [or] a young wife, theyp were bereft [of
them] too.’
19. kiñe-ke-mew nie-la-y fücha-ke ülcha-ñawe
one-distr-inst have-neg10 -ind4 -33 big-distr teenage.girl-daughter
ye-ñma-nge-ke-fu-y ñi pichi-ke omo.
carry-io26 -pass23 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 poss3 small-distr woman
‘sometimes, when they did not have big teenage daughters, their young girls
were taken along.’
20. fey-ti pu ñuwa trem-üm-fi-y ti pichi-ke omo,
that-the coll bandit grown-ca34 -edo6 -ind4 -33 the little-distr woman,
fey kure-ye-ke-fwi-y-ng-ün.
that/then wife-verb36 -cf14 -ipd8 .edo6 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2
‘[when] these bandits had raised those young girls, then they took them for a
wife.’
21. ñi wiño-nu-a-m ñi ruka-mew, chaf-ma-ke-fwi-y-ng-ün
poss3 go.back-neg10-nrld9-ivn4 poss3 house-inst, peel-io26-cf14-ipd8 .edo6-
ñi namun, ñi pepı́ treka-no-a-m.
ind4 -3ns3 -p2 poss3 foot, poss3 being.able walk-neg10 -nrld9 -ivn4
‘so that they would not go back home, theyp used to peel their feet so that
they were not able to walk.’
22. pichi-ke wentru ka ye-nge-ke-fu-y.
little-distr man also carry-pass23 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
‘boys were also taken away.’
23. chumngen ñi trem-küle-n tuku-nie-nge-ke-fu-y
while poss3 grown-st28 -pvn4 put.at-prps32 -pass23 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
kü aw-mew.
work-inst
‘while they were growing up, they were put to work.’
24. ti pu ñuwa kam kü aw-ke-nu-fu-lu itro-re weñe-n-mew
the coll bandit part work-cf14-neg10-ipd8-svn4 quite-only steal-pvn4-inst
monge-l-uw-küle-ke-fu-y-ng-ün.
get.life-ca34 -ref31 -st28 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -3ns 3 -p2
‘since these bandits did not work, theyp used to keep themselves alive merely
392 Texts
by stealing.’
25. fey tüfa-chi pu mapuche re llüka-n-mew
that this-adj coll Mapuche only become.afraid-pvn4 -inst
müle-ke-fu-y-ng-ün.
be-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2
‘these Mapuche only lived in fear.’
26. ewmá pun-ye-m, pülleqtu-le-ke-fu-y-ng-ün chem ñuwa
almost night-cf5 -ivn4 , watch.out-st28 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 what bandit
ñi pe-pu-a-t-ew engün.
poss3 see-loc17 -nrld9 .ido6 -avn4 -ds1 theyp
‘whenever the night was about to fall, theyp were on the watch [to see] which
bandit would visit themp .’
27. welu ewmá kom pülé kim-el ñi chum-miaw-ün
but almost all side know-ovn4 poss3 do.what/how-walk.round-pvn4
tüfa-chi pu we a-ke che, llum pichi-ke trawü-w-üy-ng-ün
this-adj coll bad-distr person, in.secret little-distr get.together-ref31 -
ti pu mapuche longko
ind4 -3ns3 -p2 the coll Mapuche head
‘but when one knew about everywhere that these awful people walked about
doing what [they do], little by little the Mapuche chiefs gathered together in
secret.’
28. fey-mew nütram-ka-y-ng-ün ñi chum-al,
that-inst conversation-fac33 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 poss3 do.what/how-nrld9 .ovn4 ,
chumngechi ñi ingka-w-al.
how poss3 defend-ref31 -nrld9 .ovn4
‘then theyp talked about what they should do, how they should defend them-
selves.’
29. wüné fey-pi-y-ng-ün: “müle-y yiñ oy pülle-ke-tu-w-küle-al,
first that-say-ind4 -3ns3 -p2 : be-ind4 -33 poss1p more near-distr-tr33 -
ewma-yal ñi ruka engün2 wingkul-mew,
ref -st -nrld .ovn , make-nrld .ovn poss3 house theyp hill-inst,
31 28 9 4 9 4
nie-al kiñe kungkull, chem ungu rumé müle-l-e,

have-nrld9 .ovn4 one horn, what matter -ever be-cond4 -33 ,
kungkull-tu-fem-al, fey-mew kom pu che oy
horn-verb36 -imm21 -nrld9 .ovn4 , that-inst all coll person more
pülle-le-lu ñi trawü-w-fem-al.
near-st28 -svn4 poss3 get.together-ref31 -imm21 -nrld9 .ovn4
‘first theyp said [that] wep must stay closer to one another, that they must
build theirp house on hills, that they must have a horn, that, if there were
any news, they must play the horn immediately, that therefore all the people
must live closer together in order to be able to assemble immediately.’
Text 5. The war 393
30. ka kishu-ke ewma-y-ng-ün ñi mapuche tralka ñi

and self-distr make-ind4 -3ns3 -p poss3 Mapuche gun poss3
kewa-tu-a-fi-ye-m ti pu ñuwa.
hit-tr33 -nrld9 -edo6 -cf5 -ivn4 the coll bandit
‘and theyp each made their own Mapuche gun for whenever they would have
to fight the bandits.’
31. ewmá fentren newen nie-lu engün, kon-tu-nge-we-la-y-ng-ün.
finished large.quantity force have-svn4 theyp , enter-tr33 -pass23 -
ps19 -neg10 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2
‘when theyp developed great strength, theyp were not attacked any more.’
32. welu ti pu ñuwa ka rüpü ina-y-ng-ün.
but the coll bandit other road follow-ind4 -3ns3 -p2
‘but the bandits took another road.’
33. pepı́ muntu-we-nu-lu, wüné wenüy-ka-fi-y
being.able take.away-ps19 -neg10 -svn4 , first friend-fac33 -edo6 -ind4 -33
pu mapuche engün.
coll Mapuche theyp
‘when they could not take away [anything] any more, theyp first made friends
with the Mapuche.’
34. fill pulku ye-lel-fi-y-ng-ün, ka pütrem
all.sorts wine/liquor bring-ben27 -edo6 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 , and/also tobacco
ye-ke-fwi-y-ng-ün ñi ruka-mew.
bring-cf14 -ipd8 .edo6 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 poss3 house-inst
‘theyp brought them all sorts of liquor and theyp also used to bring tobacco
to their houses.’
35. fey-mew ngolli-l-fi-ye-m, chem papel rumé
that-inst get.drunk-ca34 -edo6 -cf5 -ivn4 , what paper -ever
pe-nge-l-el-fi-ye-m kümé ungu reké
see-pass23 -ca34 -ben27 -edo6 -cf5 -ivn4 good matter like
fey-pi-ke-fwi-y-ng-ün:
that-say-cf14 -ipd8 .edo6 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2
‘then, every time they had made them get drunk, every time they showed
them some paper, theyp used to explain it to them as if it were fair:’
36. “faw tuku-l-m-ün changüll-kuwü, fey
here put.at-cond4 -23 -p2 finger-hand, that/then
chum-nge-we-la-ya-y-m-ün rumé”.
do.what/how-pass23 -ps19 -neg10 -nrld9 -ind4 -23 -p2 -ever
‘ “if youp put a finger[print] here, then youp will not be harmed any more at
all”.’
394 Texts
37. “af-a-y kewa-n, kom wenüy-wen-nge-a-y-iñ”.

end(intr.)-nrld9 -ind4 -33 beat-pvn4 , all friend-rel-verb36 -nrld9 -ind4 -
1ns3 -p2
‘ “the fighting will stop, wep will all be friends”.’
38. fey-chi kam kiñe mapuche rumé kim papel-tu-nu-lu, kom
that-adj part one Mapuche -ever knowing paper-verb36 -neg10 -svn4 , all
feyentu-ke-fu-y-ng-ün ñi chem-pi-e-t-ew ti pu
believe-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 poss3 what-say-ido6 -avn4 -ds1 the coll
ñuwa.
bandit
‘since not even one Mapuche could read at that time, theyp all used to believe
what these bandits told them.’
39. welu ti papel chew ñi tuku-mu-m ñi changüll-kuwü ti pu
but the paper where poss3 put.at-plpf7 -ivn4 poss3 finger-hand the coll
mapuche, fey-pi-ke-rke-fu-y fey-chi:
Mapuche, that-say-cf14 -rep12 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 that-adj
‘but that paper on which the Mapuche had put their finger[print] ran as
follows:’
40. “chem che rumé tuku-l-e ñi changüll-kuwü faw, ew
what person -ever put.at-cond4 -33 poss3 finger-hand here, already
fende-y ñi mapu, ew nü-y fentren plata”.
sell-ind4 -33 poss3 land, already take-ind4 -33 large.quantity money
‘ “whoever puts his finger[print] here, has sold his land [and] received a lot of
money”.’
41. “chew rumé kekaw-me-l-e3 , fali-la-ya-y”.
where -ever complain-th20 -cond4 -33 , be.worth-neg10 -nrld9 -ind4 -33
‘ “wherever he goes to complain, it will not be worth [anything]”.’
42. femngechi weñe-nie-ñma-rke-fi-y-ng-ün ñi mapu pu
thus steal-prps32 -io26 -rep12 -edo6 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 poss3 land coll
mapuche.
Mapuche
‘in that way the Mapuche were being robbed of their land.’
43. tüfa-chi pu ñuwa trür kü aw-ke-rke-fu-y-ng-ün pu
this-adj coll bandit together work-cf14 -rep12 -ipd8 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 coll
ñi ol-longko engün.
chief-head theyp
‘these bandits used to work together with the head chiefs.’
44. fey-mew kom a -künu-ke-fu-y-ng-ün ñi
that-inst all right.direction-pfps32 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 poss3
Text 5. The war 395
chum-a-fiel pu mapuche.
do.what/how-nrld9 -tvn4 coll Mapuche
‘that way theyp arranged everything that they would do with the Mapuche.’
45. fey-ta-chi pu mapuche kim-ke-fu-y-ng-ün ñi fende-n
that-the-adj coll Mapuche know-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 poss3 sell-pvn4
ñi mapu.
poss3 land
‘these Mapuche knew that they sold their land.’
46. raki uam-nu-n rumé wemü-ntu-nge-rume-ye-m4 ,
think-neg10 -pvn4 -ever chase.away-take.out-pass23 -sud21 -cf5 -ivn4 ,
fey kon-ke-fu-y-ng-ün ñi kekaw-al.
that/then enter/start-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 poss3 complain-nrld9 .ovn4
‘every time they were suddenly expelled without realizing [it], (then) theyp
started making complaints.’
47. welu ti pu ñi ol-longko wariya-mew, kom kim-nie-lu tüfa-chi
but the coll chief-head town-inst, all know-prps32 -svn4 this-adj
ungu, fey-pi-ke-fwi-y ti pu mapuche:
matter, that-say-cf14 -ipd8 .edo6 -ind4 -33 the coll Mapuche
‘but the head chiefs in town, who knew everything about this business, told
the Mapuche:’
48. “küpa-l-el-mu-l-i kiñe ofisha ñi ilo-tu-ñmo-al,
come-ca34 -ben27 -2a23 -cond4 -13 -s2 one sheep poss1s meat-verb36 -sat25 -
müchay-mütem nü-tu-a-y-m-ün mapu”.
nrld9 .ovn4 , soon-only take-re16 -nrld9 -ind4 -23 -p2 land
‘ “if you bring one sheep for me to eat, youp can take back [your] land as soon
as possible.’
49. “nie-nu-l-m-ün ofisha, küpa-l-el-mo-a-n kiñe
have-neg10 -cond4 -23 -p2 sheep, come-ca34 -ben27 -2a23 -nrld9 -ind1s3 one
epu fücha-ke achawall”.
two big-distr chicken
‘ “if youp don’t have a sheep, you must bring me one [or] two big chickens”.’
50. “femngechi oy müchay miaw-a-y mün ungu”.
so more soon wander-nrld9 -ind4 -33 poss2p matter
‘ “that way yourp case will be handled more quickly”.’
51. puw-tu-ye-m ruka-mew ti kekaw-kiaw-uwma
arrive-re16 -cf5 -ivn4 house-inst the complain-circ30 -csvn4
look.for-fac33 -ref31 -loc17 -re16 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 poss3 what
küpa-l-el-a-fiel tüfa-chi ülmen.
come-ca34 -ben27 -nrld9 -tvn4 this-adj rich
‘when the one who had been complaining arrived back home, he would look
396 Texts
back there for all kinds of things which he could bring to this rich man.’
52. ew wül-üy ñi wül-al, ka chem ngünen rumé
already give-ind4 -33 poss3 give-nrld9 .ovn4 , other what lie -ever
fey-pi-nge-ke-fu-y-ng-ün.
that-say-pass23 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2
‘after they had given what they had to give, theyp were told some other lie.’
53. femngechi wünü-le-ke-fu-y-ng-ün ñi ungu.
thus stretch.out(intr.)-st28 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 poss3 matter
‘so their problems increased.’
54. ewmá ti pu ñi ol-longko kim-üy oy chem rumé ñi
almost/finished the coll chief-head learn-ind4 -33 more what -ever poss3
nie-we-nu-n ti kekaw-fe, fey-wülá fey-pi-ke-fu-y:
have-ps19 -neg10 -pvn4 the complain-nom, that-then that-say-cf14 -ipd8 -
ind4 -33
‘after the head chiefs had learned that the complainer had nothing left, then
they used to say:’
55. “eymi mi ungu fali-la-y, ew fende-y-m-i mapu”.
yous poss2s matter be.worth-neg10 -ind4 -33 , already sell-ind4 -23 -s2 land
‘ “yours case is worthless, yous have sold [your] land”.’
56. “tüfá ñi müle-n mi changüll-kuwü, fewlá ka che nge-n-nge-y”.
this poss3 be-pvn4 poss2s finger-hand, now other person be/have-pvn4 -
verb36 -ind4 -33
‘ “here is yours finger[print], another person is the owner now”.’
57. “müle-y mi allkü-al, küpá püre u-le-nu-l-m-i”.
be-ind4-33 poss2s hear-nrld9.ovn,4 wishing prisoner-st28-neg10-cond4-23-s2
‘ “yous must listen, if yous don’t want to be imprisoned”.’
58. kom tüfa-chi ungu rumé lla kü-n-nge-y.
all this-adj matter very get.sad-pvn4 -verb36 -ind4 -33
‘all these things are very distressing.’
59. fey-chi mungel chem kellu rumé nie-nu-lu engün.
that-adj especially what help -ever have/get-neg10 -svn4 theyp
‘especially at that time, when theyp did not get any help.’
60. kim-nu-n rumé wül-nie-lu ñi mapu ti pu mapuche.
know-neg10 -pvn4 -ever give-prps32 -svn4 poss3 land the coll Mapuche
‘when the Mapuche kept giving their land away without knowing [it].’
61. fey-mew fey-pi-e-n-ew tüfa-chi füchá chaw:
that-inst that-say-ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1 this-adj old father
‘then this old man said to me:’
Text 5. The war 397
62. “papel-tu-a-y-m-i, kellu-a-y-m-i pu peñi

paper-verb36 -nrld9 -ind4 -23 -s2 , help-nrld9 -ind4 -23 -s2 coll brother
yiñ ngünen-ka-l-nge-we-no-a-m iñchiñ”.
poss1p lie-fac33 -mio29 -pass23 -ps19 -neg10 -nrld9 -ivn4 wep
‘ “yous must study, yous must help [your] brothers so that wep are not lied to
any more”.’
63. tüfa-chi füchá chaw trem-lu ka kim-nie-r-pu-y kom
this-adj old father grown-svn4 also learn-prps32 -itr18 - loc17 -ind4 -33
tüfa-chi ungu.
all this-adj
‘when this old man grew up, he too had learned all these things.’
64. fey-mew rumel ngülam-ka-ke-fwi-y we-che-ke
that-inst always advise-fac33 -cf14 -ipd8 .edo6 -ind4 -33 young-person-distr
wentru.
man
‘therefore he always gave advice to young men.’
65. fey la-y pataka mari kechu tripantu nie-lu.
he die-ind4 -33 hundred ten five year have-svn4
‘he died when he was 115 years old.’
66. iñchiñ pülé oy nge-we-la-y femngechi kuyfı́ che.
wep side more be-ps19 -neg10 -ind4 -33 so former person
‘in our parts such an agèd man is no more.’
p
Notes
1. weshá ‘bad’ also means ‘poor’, cf. kümé ‘good’, ‘rich’.

2. Note that the subject is changed from 1p into 3.
3. kekaw- is derived from Sp. quejarse ‘to complain’. fali- ‘to be worth’ is
derived from Sp. valer.
4. wemü-ntu-nge-rume-ye-m = + wemü-entu-nge-rume-ye-m +.
398 Texts
Text 6. An old man

In the following text Luis Quinchavil talks about an old man he once knew in
Chili.
1. amu-l-a-n ñi nütram tunté ñi kim-fiel

go-ca34 -nrld9 -ind1s3 poss1s conversation how.much poss1s know-tvn4
tüfa-chi füchá chaw.
this-adj old father
‘I shall continue my story [and tell you] as far as I knew this old man.’
2. wüné, Xoan Soñan Kinchekew pi-nge-fu-y ñi üy.
first, Joan Soñan Kinchekew say-pass23 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 poss3 name
‘first of all, his name was Joan Soñan Kinchekew.’
3. we-che wentru-nge-lu, fill pülé antü-kü aw-kiaw-ke-rke-fu-y1.
young-person man-verb -svn , all.sorts side day-work-circ30 -cf14 -rep12 -
36 4
ipd8 -ind4 -33

‘when he was a young man, he used to work around in all sorts of places as a
day-labourer.’
4. rumé weshá trem-ürki-y, kim-ürke-la-y ñi ñuke,
very bad grown-rep12 -ind4 -33 , know-rep12 -neg10 -ind4 -33 poss3 mother,
ñi chaw uam-ürke-la-e-y-ew, yall-tuku-rke-e-y-ew
poss3 father care.for-rep12 -neg10 -ido6 -ind4 -33 -ds1 , child-put.at-rep12 -
ka omo-mew.
ido6 -ind4 -33 -ds1 other woman-inst
‘he grew up in great misery, he did not know his mother, his father did not
care for him, he begot him as an illegitimate child with another woman.’
5. chumngen ñi kü aw-kiaw-ül-el-fiel fill pu ülmen,
while poss3 work-circ30 -mio29 -ben27 -tvn4 all.sorts coll rich,
pichi-ke ngül-üm-nie-rki-y plata ngilla-ya-m
little-distr join(intr.)-ca34 -prps32 -rep12 -ind4 -33 money buy-nrld9 -ivn4
kulliñ.
cattle
‘while he worked around for all sorts of rich [people], little by little he saved
money to buy cattle.’
6. ngilla-ye-m elfal-ke-fu-y ñi pu wenüy-mew.
buy-cf5 -ivn4 entrust-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 poss3 coll friend-inst
‘whenever he bought [some], he used to entrust [them] to his friends.’
7. kiñe-ke-mew alkila-w-ke-fu-y2 kiñe tripantu.
one-distr-inst hire.out-ref31 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 one year
‘sometimes he would hire himself out for one year.’
8. kulli-nge-ke-fu-y kiñe pichi waka.
pay-pass23 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 one small cow
Text 6. An old man 399
‘he used to be paid one calf.’

9. femngechi ngül-üm-ürki-y fentren kulliñ.
thus join(intr.)-ca34 -rep12 -ind4 -33 large.quantity cattle
‘that way he gathered a lot of cattle.’
10. la-lu ñi chaw, elu-nge-y fentren mapu.
die-svn4 poss3 father, give-pass23 -ind4 -33 large.quantity land
‘when his father died, he was given a lot of land.’
11. ew nie-lu mapu, ewma-y ñi ruka ka kintu-y kiñe
already get-svn4 land, make-ind4 -33 poss3 house and look.for-ind4 -33 one
omo ñi kishu-le-no-a-m.
woman poss3 alone-st28 -neg10 -nrld9 -ivn4
‘after he had gotten land, he built his house and looked for a woman so that
he would not be alone.’
12. pe-rki-y señora- omo3 .
see-rep -ind -3 lady-woman
12 4 3
‘he found a non-Mapuche woman, so they say.’

13. tüfa-chi omo-mew nie-fu-y epu wentru, külá omo-yall.
this-adj woman-inst get-ipd8 -ind4 -33 two man, three woman-child
‘with this woman he had two boys [and] three girls.’
14. fewlá meli-le-we-y-ng-ün.
now four-st28 -ps19 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2
‘now there are four of themp left.’
15. la-y kiñe omo.
die-ind4 -33 one woman
‘one girl has died.’
16. welu wüné la-ntu-y4 .
but first die-improd.-ind4 -33
‘but first he became a widower.’
17. pichin-mew ka kure-nge-tu-y.
small.quantity-inst again wife-verb36 -re16 -ind4 -33
‘a little while later he got married again.’
18. fewlá pe-y mapuche- omo.
now see-ind4 -33 Mapuche-woman
‘this time he found a Mapuche woman.’
19. müté tunte-ntu-la-y, ka la-ntu-y.
very how.much-verb36 -neg10 -ind4 -33 , again die-improd.-ind4 -33
‘it did not last very long, he became a widower again.’
20. epu wentru-yall el-el-e-y-ew ñi kure.
two man-child leave-ben27 -ido6 -ind4 -33 -ds1 poss3 wife
‘his wife left him two boys.’
400 Texts
21. ka kintu-fem-fu-y ka omo.

again look.for-imm21 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 other woman
‘again he immediately looked for another woman.’
22. ka kiñe señora pe-y.
again one lady see-ind4 -33
‘again he found a non-Mapuche woman.’
23. tüfa-chi señora kiñe pichi omo-püñeñ nie-fu-y.
this-adj lady one small woman-child have-ipd8 -ind4 -33
‘this lady had a little daughter.’
24. füta-nge-wma-rke, ka la-ntu-rke5 .
husband-verb -csvn -rep, also die-improd.-rep
36 4
‘she had reportedly been married [before and] was also a widow.’
25. tüfa-chi omo engu kiñe yall rumé nie-la-y, ew füchá
this-adj woman theyd one child -ever get-neg10 -ind4 -33 , already old
che-lu engu kam.
person-svn4 theyd part
‘with this woman he did not get even one child, for theyd were already old.’
26. fey newé pepı́ kü aw-we-la-y, welu kom ñi pu yall
he not.very being.able work-ps19 -neg10 -ind4 -33 , but all poss3 coll child
fücha-ke-we-y.
big-distr-ps19 -ind4 -33
‘he could not work very well any more, but all his children were already big.’
27. kiñe-ke ñi pu ñawe füta-nge-y.
one-distr poss3 coll daughter husband-verb36 -ind4 -33
‘some of his daughters were married.’
28. ka ñi fotüm kure-nge-y.
also poss3 son wife-verb36 -ind4 -33
‘his sons were also married.’
29. ewmá rumé füchá che-lu, fey ka-ke kiñe-ke ñi pu yall
finished very old person-svn4 , he other-distr one-distr poss3 coll child
elu-fi-y mapu, kishu-ke ñi kü aw-al engün.
give-edo6 -ind4 -33 land, self-distr poss3 work-nrld9 .ovn4 theyp
‘when he had become a very old man, he gave land to each of his children so
that theyp could work [it] for themselves.’
30. ka kiñe-ke-l-fi-y kulliñ.
also one-distr-verb36 -edo6 -ind4 -33 cattle
‘he also gave each of them some cattle.’
31. tüfa-chi füchá che rumé mallma-nge-fu-y.
this-adj old person very boastful-verb36 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
‘this old man was very boastful.’
32. mallma-w-ke-fu-y ñi nie-n fentren

become.boastful-ref31 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 poss3 have-pvn4 large.quantity
kulliñ, fentren mapu.
cattle, large.quantity land
‘he used to boast of having a lot of cattle [and] a lot of land.’
33. chem fyesta-mew rumé ewmá ngolli-ye-m, üyaqtu-ke-fu-y
what feast-inst -ever finished get.drunk-cf5 -ivn4, pick.a.quarrel-cf14 -ipd8 -
chem che rumé ñi illku-tu-nie-fiel.
ind4 -33 what person -ever poss3 get.angry-tr33 -prps32 -tvn4
‘at whatever feast, whenever he had become drunk, he picked a quarrel with
whomever he was angry with.’
34. rumé we a-ka-ke-fwi-y fey-ti oy nie-nu-lu.
very bad-fac33 -cf14 -ipd8 .edo6 -ind4 -33 that-the more have-neg10 -svn4
‘he used to treat very badly those who had less [than he had].’
35. welu kewa-tu-fe-nge-la-fu-y.
but hit-tr33 -nom-verb36 -neg10 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
‘but he was not a fighter.’
36. che-le-ye-m6 rumé, kümé che-nge-fu-y.
person-st28 -cf14 -ivn4 -ever, good person-verb36 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
‘when he was sober, he was a good man.’
37. ewmá turpu kü aw-we-nu-lu, fill antü tripa-ke-fu-y
finished never work-ps19 -neg10 -svn4 , every day go.out-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
ñi witran-ma-me-a-fiel ñi pu ka-ruka-tu.
poss3 visit-exp35 -th20 -nrld9 -tvn4 poss3 coll other-house-improd.
‘when he had reached the stage that he did not work any more, he used to go
out every day to pay a visit to his neighbours.’
38. ka chipa-ke-fu-y wingkul-mew ñi a kintu-al chem
also go.out-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 hill-inst poss3 look.at-nrld9 .ovn4 what
rumé.
-ever
‘he also used to go to the hills to have a look at whatever.’
39. pe-fi-ye-m pu kamañ, utu-ke-fwi-y ñi
see-edo6 -cf5 -ivn4 coll shepherd, approach-cf14 -ipd8 .edo6 -ind4 -33 poss3
nütram-ka-ya-fiel.
conversation-fac33 -nrld9 -tvn4
‘whenever he saw shepherds, he would approach them to talk to them.’
40. femngechi puw-ül-üy ñi antü la-y.
thus arrive-ca34 -ind4 -33 poss3 day die-ind4 -33
‘thus he reached his day [and] died.’
402 Texts
41. la-lu, rumé füchá eluwün7 müle-y yiñ lof-mew.

die-svn , very big funeral be-ind4 -33 poss1p reservation-inst
4
‘when he died, there was a very big funeral in ourp reservation.’

42. epé kayu antü nie-nge-y ñi rünga-l-nge-nu-n.
nearly six day have-pass23 -ind4 -33 poss3 dig-ca34 -pass23 -neg10 -pvn4
‘for nearly six days he was not buried.’
43. wüné üngüm-nge-y ñi pu fotüm ka wariya-mew müle-pu-lu.
first wait-pass23-ind4-33 poss3 coll son other town-inst be-loc17-svn4
‘first, one waited for his sons who lived in another town.’
44. rumé ka-mapu kam müle-pu-lu engün, kü aw-tu-y-ng-ün ñi
very other-land part be-loc17-svn4 theyp , work-verb36-ind4-3ns3-p2 poss3
puw-al.
arrive-nrld9 .ovn4
‘since theyp lived very far away, it required effort for themp to arrive.’
45. kom fey-chi antü müle-y pepi-ka-w-ün.
all that-adj day be-ind4 -33 be.able-fac33 -ref31 -pvn4
‘all these days, preparations were going on.’
46. kom yiñ pu lof ngilla-y-iñ pulku, ilo-y-iñ
all poss1p coll reservation buy-ind4-1ns3-p2 liquor, slaughter-ind4-1ns3-p2
kulliñ yiñ llow-a-m yiñ pu witran.
cattle poss1p receive-nrld9 -ivn4 poss1p coll visitor
‘with all [the people from] ourp reservation wep bought liquor [and] wep sl-
aughtered cattle in order to be able to receive ourp visitors.’
47. aku-lu eluwün-antü, liwen-tu entu-nge-y ina ruka.
arrive-svn4 funeral-day, morning-adv take.out-pass23 -ind4 -33 close house
‘when the day of the funeral had come, he was taken out [of the house] early
in the morning [and put] near the houses.’
48. ka pichin-mew wenche-ñma-nge-y8 .
and small.quantity-inst top-oo35 -pass23 -ind4 -33
‘and a little while later the course of his life was discussed.’
49. ew wenche-ñma-el, fey kishu-ke yiñ pu wenüy
already top-oo35 -ovn4 , that/then self/own-distr poss1p coll friend
elu-fi-y-iñ ilo, pulku.
give-edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 meat, liquor
‘after the course of his life had been discussed, (then) wep gave each of ourp
friends meat [and] liquor.’
50. ewmá rangi antü kom pu che ngolli-le-y.
almost mid day all coll person get.drunk-st28 -ind4 -33
‘around noon everyone had become drunk.’
51. ella naq-ün antü awiñma-nge-y9 .

a.bit go.down-pvn sun ride.around.deceased-pass23 -ind4 -33
4
‘when the sun went down a bit, everyone rode around the deceased.’
52. rumé fentren kawellu-tu-n awiñma-e-y-ew.
very large.quantity horse-verb36 -pvn4 ride.around.deceased-ido6 -ind4 -33 -
ds1
‘a very large number of horsemen rode around him.’
53. kiñe-ke wentru nie-lu tralka tralka-tu-ñpüra-m-üy10 wenu
one-distr man have-svn gun gun-verb36 -go.up-ca34 -ind4 -33 above
4
kümé amo-a-m ñi am.

good go-nrld9 -ivn4 poss3 soul
‘some of the men who had a gun shot it up in the air so that his soul would
be allright.’
54. epé kon-ün antü ye-fi-y-iñ eltun-mew11 yiñ
almost enter-pvn sun carry-edo -ind -1ns -p cemetery-inst poss1p
4 6 4 3 2
rünga-l-a-fiel.
dig-ca34 -nrld9 -tvn4
‘when the sun had almost set, wep brought him to the cemetary to bury him.’
55. ka pichi putu-ñma-pu-fi-y-iñ.
and little drink-io26 -loc17 -edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘and there wep drank a little to him.’
56. fey taku-fi-y-iñ tuwe-mew.
that/then cover-edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 soil-inst
‘then wep covered him with soil.’
57. fante-pu re ñi foro müle-we-pe-la-y.
this.much-improd. only poss3 bone be-ps19 -px13 -neg10 -ind4 -33
‘by now only his bones will be left.’
58. kom ti pu che müle-wma tüfa-chi eluwün-mew amu-ye-tu-y-ng-ün
all the coll person be-csvn4 this-adj funeral-inst go-carry-re16 -ind4 -
ñi ruka-mew.
3ns3 -p2 poss3 house-inst
‘all the people who had been at this funeral went back home taking [food with
them].’
59. kiñe-ke rumé ngolli-n welu ye-nie-tu-y-ng-ün
one-distr very get.drunk-pvn4 but carry-prps32 -re16 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2
fentren ilo.
large.quantity meat
‘some, although very drunk, nevertheless took a lot of meat back home.’
60. femngechi af-iy yiñ eluwün.
thus end(intr.)-ind4 -33 poss1p funeral
404 Texts
‘[and] so ourp funeral ended.’
Notes
1. -(ü)rke- reps12 indicates that the denoted situation was not witnessed by
the speaker himself. In narratives which relate such a situation, -(ü)rke- is
frequently repeated.
2. alkila- is derived from Sp. alquilar ‘to rent’, ‘to hire’.
3. señora is Sp. señora ‘lady, woman’,
4. for improductive -ntu-, see 27.2.
5. -(ü)rke(-) may be combined with nouns, see 18.1.4.
6. che- ‘to become a person’, ‘to become sober’.
7. eluwün ‘funeral’ may be analysed as el-uw-ün leave-ref31 -pvn4 . Compare
eltun ‘cemetary’ (line 54), which may be analysed as el-tu-n leave-re16 -
pvn4 .
8. Friends of the deceased discuss the course of his life while sitting around
him in a circle.
9. awiñma- ‘to dance and/or ride a horse around a deceased to pay honour
to the deceased’ is probably derived from “awn . . . la danza y vueltas a
caballo que se ejecutan alrededor del rewe en las rogativas o del muerto
en los entierros” (Augusta 1916: 13). (rewe is a carved tree trunk used
in religious ceremonies). Augusta (ibid.) mentions “awünman hacer a un
difunto el honor de awn”.
10. In compounds of which the second member is püra(-m)- climb-(ca34 )-, ñ
may be inserted, see 8.1.8.
11. See note 7 above.
Text 7. Olden times 405
Text 7. Olden times

In the presence of his wife and eldest son, the author’s mentor, Professor Willem
Adelaar, and the author, Rafael Railaf talks freely, without any preparation,
about how the Mapuche used to live in olden times.
1. fach-antü pichi nütram-ka-w-a-y-iñ.

this-day little conversation-fac33 -1a23 -nrld9 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘today I am going to tell you [something].’
2. kuyfı́ müli-y füta-ke kim-ke wentru1 .
formerly be-ind -3 old-distr wise-distr man
4 3
‘a long time ago there used to be ancient wise men.’

3. müli-y pu longko nie-ke-lu ta-ñi pu weycha-fe.
be-ind4 -33 coll head have-cf14 -svn4 the-poss3 coll make.war-nom
‘[and] there were leaders who had their own warriors.’
4. küla-ke pataka küme-ke kona nü-y ta-ñi
three-distr hundred good-distr servant take-ind4 -33 the-poss3
kwida-ya-m2 ta-ñi kulliñ, ta-ñi kwida-ya-m
look.after-nrld9 -ivn4 the-poss3 cattle, the-poss3 look.after-nrld9 -ivn4
ta-ñi ye-w-ün3 ta-ñi nie-ke-el.
the-poss3 carry-ref31 -pvn4 the-poss3 have-cf14 -vn4
‘they each hired 300 good servants to look after their cattle, [and] the stuff
they had.’
5. puw-ke-fu-y ta-ñi nütram-ka-n engün ta
arrive-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 the-poss3 conversation-fac33 -pvn4 theyp the
ata4 puel-mapu.
as.far.as puel-mapu
‘theirp conversations reached as far as puel-mapu 5 .’
6. puel-mapu pi-nge-y ta mapuche-mew Arxentina.
puel-mapu say-pass23 -ind4 -33 the Mapuche-inst argentina
‘Argentina is called puel-mapu in Mapuche.’
7. ka femngechi trawu-w-ke-fu-y ta ti kim-ke
and thus get.together-ref31 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 the the wise-distr
wentru chum-künu-al ta-ñi a -qünu-al
man do.how/what-pfps32-nrld9.ovn4 the-poss3 form-pfps32-nrld9.ovn4
ta-ñi küme-ke ungu, . . . ta-ñi nütram-ka-w-al
the-poss3 good-distr matter, the-poss3 conversation-fac33 -ref31 -
ta-ñi a -entu-al küme-ke ungu,
nrld9 .ovn4 the-poss3 form-take.out-nrld9 .ovn4 good-distr matter,
chuchi-künu-al küme-ke nütram6 .
which-pfps -nrld .ovn good-distr conversation
32 9 4
‘and so the wise men used to meet [in order to discuss] how they should
406 Texts
arrange their business . . . , in order to discuss with one another [how] they
should settle their affairs, how they should carry on their deliberations.’
8. fiy, trawu-w-ke-fu-y ta ti pu longko.
that, get.together-ref31 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 the the coll head
‘[and] so the leaders used to meet.’
9. ngilla-yma-w-ke-fu-y ta-ñi pu omo yengün7 ,
buy-io26 -ref31 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 the-poss3 coll woman theyp ,
wül-ke-fu-y kulliñ, wül-ke-fu-y plata.
give-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 cattle, give-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 siver/money
‘theyp used to buy their women from each other, they used to give cattle,
they used to give silver.’
10. kuyfı́ kam müle-ke-fu-y ta ti rütra-n plata.
formerly part be-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 the the forge-pvn4 silver
‘for in the olden days there was this forged silver, you know.’
11. kishu ñi oam ewma-ke-fu-y ta ti plata yengün.
self poss3 need make-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 the the silver theyp
‘theyp used to make this silver for themselves.’
12. ta ti plata ewma-nge-ke-lu, rütra-nge-ke-lu, ye-ke-fu-y
the the silver make-pass23 -cf14 -svn4 , forge-pass23 -cf14 -svn4 , carry-cf14 -
engün kiñe saku-mew, pi-y.
ipd8 -ind4 -33 theyp one bag-inst, say-ind4 -33
‘theyp carried this silver, which they used to make, which they used to forge,
in a bag, they say.’
13. ngilla-nge-ke-fu-y ta küme-ke ye-w-ün.
buy-pass23 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 the good-distr carry-ref31 -pvn4
‘[with this silver] they used to buy good things.’
14. ka ta-ñi organisasion ta-ñi nie-n engün chumkanu rumé8 ta
and the-poss3 organization the-poss3 have-pvn theyp no.way
4
-ever the
kishu uam ta pu kona manda-w-ke-la-fu-y kishu
self need the coll servant send-ref31 -cf14 -neg10 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 self
uam.
need
‘and the organization theyp had . . . , in any case they never sent their servants
for their own needs.’
15. pi-y ta ti pu longko, pi-y ta ti kim-ke
want/say-ind4 -33 the the coll head, want/say-ind4 -33 the the wise-distr
wentru, ta ti a -qünu-lu ungu, fiy-mew kishu engün kon-ke-fu-y
man, the the form-pfps32 -svn4 matter, that-inst self theyp enter-cf14 -
ungu-mu yengün.
ipd8 -ind4 -33 matter-inst theyp
‘[when] the leaders wanted . . . , [when] the wise men wanted to plan something,
then they used to take up some matter themselves.’

16. pekanka9 ungu ta müle-ke-la-fu-y ta kuyfı́.
disorder matter the be-cf14 -neg10 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 the formerly
‘in former times there was no such disorder.’
17. sosialimu reké ta müle-ke-fu-y ta-ñi pu raki oam ta ti
socialism like the be-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 the-poss3 coll thought the the
füta-ke longko; müle-ke-la-fu-y ta koral, nge-ke-la-fu-y
old-distr head; be-cf14-neg10-ipd8-ind4-33 the fence, be-cf14-neg10-ipd8-
ta . . . , ent.rega-nge-ke-rke-tu-y tüfa-ta papel.
ind4 -33 the , hand.over-pass23 -cf14 -rep12 -re16 -ind4 -33 this-the paper
‘these ancient leaders used to have socialist ideas; there were no fences, there
was no such . . . , one did not hand over such a paper10 .’
18. kuyfı́ ta nge-ke-la-fu-y ta papel.
formerly the be-cf14 -neg10 -ipd8 -ind3 -33 the paper
‘in earlier days no such paper existed, you know.’
19. chillka-tu-n, pi-nge-y ta mapuche-mew.
inscription-verb36 -pvn4 , say-pass23 -ind4 -33 the Mapuche-inst
‘chillkatun it is called in Mapuche.’
20. sosialimu reké ta itro-kom ta reuni-ke-fu-y ta-ñi awka
socialism like the quite-all the join-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 the-poss3 wild/mare
yengün ta-ñi weycha-ya-m.
theyp the-poss3 make.war-nrld9 -ivn4
‘like in socialism theyp joined everything, [they joined] their mares in order
to make war.’
21. nie-ke-fu-y ta füta-ke kaman ta kulliñ; kishu oam
have-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 the big-distr quantity the cattle; self need
la-ke-fu-y ta-ñi pu kulliñ.
die-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 the-poss3 coll cattle
‘they used to have large numbers of cattle; their cattle used to die a natural
death.’
22. ka nge-ke-la-fu-y ta koral.
and be-cf14 -neg10 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 the fence
‘and these fences did not exist.’
23. chunté puw-üy ta-ñi mapu, ta chunté puw-ke-fu-y
how.much arrive-ind4 -33 the-poss3 land, the how.much arrive-cf14 -ipd8 -
engün.
ind4 -33 theyp
‘theyp settled everywhere, as far as their land extended.’
24. depwé aku-y ta ti pu epañole; weycha-nge-pa-y,
later arrive-ind4 -33 the the coll spaniard; make.war-pass23 -hh17 -ind4 -33 ,
408 Texts
kiñeñ pülé tayma-entu-nge-pa-y ta füta-ke longko-yem.

one side remove-take.out-pass23 -hh17 -ind4 -33 the old-distr head-ex
‘later the Spaniards came; the former ancient leaders were fought [and] put
aside.’
25. kim-ke wentru meki-y ñi kümé a -qünu-n ungu
wise-distr man be.busy-ind4 -33 poss3 good form-pfps32 -pvn4 matter
ñi weycha-yal, ta-ñi defende-al ta-ñi mapu,
poss3 make.war-nrld9 .ovn4 , the-poss3 defend-nrld9 .ovn4 the-poss3 land,
defende-al ta-ñi kulliñ, defende-al ta-ñi pu
defend-nrld9 .ovn4 the-poss3 cattle, defend-nrld9 .ovn4 the-poss3 coll
püñeñ, defende-al ta-ñi oro, defende-al ta-ñi
son, defend-nrld9 .ovn4 the-poss3 gold, defend-nrld9 .ovn4 the-poss3
plata.
silver
‘wise men11 were busy organizing their affairs well to make war, to defend
their land, their cattle, their sons, their gold [and] their silver.’
26. külá pataka tripantu meki-y weycha-n pu mapuche.
three hundred year be.busy-ind4 -33 make.war-pvn4 coll Mapuche
‘for 300 years the Mapuche were engaged in warfare.’
27. aku-y wülá küme-ke tralka, fiy wülá epé
arrive-ind4 -33 then good-distr gun, that then almost
ap-üm-nge-pa-fu-y-iñ12 .
end(intr.)-ca34 -pass23 -hh17 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘then good guns came [and] then wep were almost finished off.’
28. ka tüfá ru-pa-aku-lu chi pu epañole, aku-y
and then pass-hh17 -arrive-svn4 the coll spaniard, arrive-ind4 -33
ka-ke wingka.
other-distr stranger
‘and then, when these Spaniards had gone by, other strangers came along.’
29. wül-pa-y planu yengün.
give-hh17 -ind4 -33 plan theyp
‘theyp gave out title-deeds.’
30. pichi-ke-l-nge-tu-y mapu füta-ke longko-yem.
little-distr-verb36 -pass23 -re16 -ind4 -33 land old-distr head-ex
‘little land was given back to each of the former ancient leaders.’
31. pichi-ke-l-nge-pa-tu-y mapu ta-yiñ pu familia.
little-distr-verb36-pass23-hh17-re16-ind4-33 land the-poss1p coll family
‘little land was given back to each of ourp families.’
32. nge-we-la-y ta küme-künu-al ta ungu.
be-ps19 -neg10 -ind4 -33 the good-pfps32 -nrld9 .ovn4 the matter
‘there were no more [people] who could organize things.’

33. müle-tu-y13 presedente.
be-re16 -ind4 -33 president
‘[suddenly] there was a president.’
34. kuyfı́ ta nge-ke-la-fu-y ta presedente.
formerly the be-cf14 -neg10 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 the president
‘in olden times, there was no such [thing as] a president, you know.’
35. re pu longko ta trawu-w-ke-fu-y ta-ñi
only coll head the get.together-ref31 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 the-poss3
a -qünu-al ungu.
form-pfps32 -nrld9 .ovn4 matter
‘leaders merely got together in order to organize things.’
36. nge-ke-la-fu-y ta . . . , elixi-nge-ke-la-fu-y14
be-cf -neg -ipd -ind -3 the , choose-pass23 -cf14 -neg10 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
14 10 8 4 3
chumkanu rumé ta presedente.

no.way -ever the president
‘there was no such . . . , in any case one did not have the habit of choosing
such a president.’
37. aku-y ta ti pu wingka, elixi-nge-fu-y fiy
arrive-ind4 -33 the the coll stranger, choose-pass23 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 that/then
wülá presedente.
then president
‘[from the moment] those strangers came, a president was chosen.’
38. “wota-ya-y-iñ”, pi-y ta ti pu wingka.
vote-nrld9 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 , say-ind4 -33 the the coll stranger
‘ “wep shall vote”, those strangers said.’
39. “tüfá kümé ungu müli-y”.
this good matter be-ind4 -33
‘ “that is a good thing”.’
40. “kümé presedente ulli-entu-a-y-iñ”, pi-y. engün.
good president choose-take.out-nrld9 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 , say-ind4 -33 theyp
‘ “wep will choose a good president”, theyp said.’
41. oy küme-künu-a-fu-lu ungu yengün, oy we a-künu-y
more good-pfps32-nrld9-ipd8-svn4 matter theyp , more bad-pfps32-ind4-33
ñi ungu yengün.
poss3 matter theyp
‘instead of making things better, theyp made things worse.’
42. af-iy ñi raki uam pu mapuche.
end(intr.)-ind4 -33 poss3 thought/patience coll Mapuche
‘the patience of the Mapuche ran out.’
410 Texts
43. tüfá aku-lu ka weycha-n ungu, wiño-tu-tu-fu-y15

this arrive-svn other make.war-pvn matter, return-re16-re16 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
4 4
kümé raki uam.

good thought
‘now that another method of warfare had set in, good16 ideas kept coming
back.’
44. küme-ke kim wentru ta kümé a -qünu-fu-y ta ungu.
good-distr wise man the good form-pfps32 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 the matter
‘good wise men planned things well.’
45. wüya-ke kim wentru kay ka künu-y ta-ñi ungu, kishu
bad-distr wise man part also let.be-ind4 -33 the-poss3 matter, self
mütem ta nie-a-lu ta-ñi pu interese.
only the have-nrld9 -svn4 the-poss3 coll interest
‘bad wise men, on the other hand, also organized their things, [but] only for
their own interests.’
46. ka-ke-lu pi-la-y ta-ñi elu-a-fiel.
other-distr-svn4 want-neg10 -ind4 -33 the-poss3 give-nrld9 -tvn4
‘they did not want to give to others.’
47. fey-chi füta-ke ungu ta ru-pa-y ta füta-ke kuyfı́ mapu,
that-adj big-distr matter the pass-hh17-ind4 -33 the old-distr former land,
füta-ke kuyfı́ che.
old-distr former person
‘these big events occurred in ancient lands of yore, with the ancient people of
yore.’
48. tüfá petú müle-we-y mapuche.
this/now still be-ps19 -ind4 -33 Mapuche
‘today there are still Mapuche left.’
49. Chile petú müle-wü-y külá warangka chi, meli warangka chi
chile still be-ps19 -ind4 -33 three thousand part, four thousand part
mapuche müle-wü-y.
Mapuche be-ps19 -ind4 -33
‘in Chile there are still about 300,000 or 400,000 Mapuche left.’
50. “el prowinsia Kautin” pi-nge-y ta ti prowinsia chew ta-ñi
the province cautı́n say-pass23 -ind4 -33 the the province where the-poss3
müle-mu-m, ta ti chew ta-ñi ringkona-nge-mu-m17 ta ti
be-plpf -ivn , the the where the-poss3 corner-pass23 -plpf7 -ivn4 the the
7 4
pu mapuche.
coll Mapuche
‘ “the province of Cautı́n” is called the province in which the Mapuche lived,
where they have been cornered.’
51. püti-ke-y ñi mapu yengün.

small-distr-ind4 -33 poss3 land theyp
‘theirp pieces of land are small.’
52. kiñe-ke metro-y18 mapu engün.
one-distr metre-ind4 -33 land theyp
‘theirp land measures a few metres.’
53. fende-ke-l-chi tukuyu-ke-chi-le-wü-y19 ta-ñi mapu engün.
sell-cf -ovn -adj cloth-distr-adj-st28-ps19-ind4 -33 the-poss3 land theyp
14 4
‘theirp land looks like cloth that is sold [by the metre].’
54. ta-ñi fente ta-ñi pichi-ke nü-n engün.
the-poss3 that.much the-poss3 little-distr take/get-pvn4 theyp
‘so little [it is] what theyp each got.’
55. “chofü-nge-y pu mapuche”, pi-y-ng-ün.
lazy-verb36 -ind4 -33 coll Mapuche, say-ind4 -3ns3 -p2
‘ “Mapuche are lazy”, theyp said.’
56. “kü aw-la-y engün”, pi-y, “putu-kon-küli-y engün”,
work-neg10-ind4-33 theyp , say-ind4-33 , drink-enter-st28-ind4-33 theyp ,
pi-y.
say-ind4 -33
‘ “theyp don’t work”, they said, “theyp drink”, they said.’
57. chem-mew am fe-m-lle-nu-a-fu-lu?!
what-inst part become.like.that-ca34 -aff11 -neg10 -nrld9 -ipd8 -svn4
‘[but] why shouldn’t [they] do that?!.’
58. kishu engün püti-ke-l-ke-fi-y mapu.
self theyp little-distr-verb36 -cf14 -edo6 -ind4 -33 land
‘theyp themselves used to give each of them little land.’
59. ka enggaña-fi-y pulku-mu.
and deceive-edo6 -ind4 -33 liquor-inst
‘and they deceived them with liquor.’
60. wim-el-ka-fi-y engün ta ti pu mapuche ta-ñi
get.used-ca34 -fac33 -edo6 -ind4 -33 theyp the the coll Mapuche the-poss3
putu-n-mew ngolli-l-ka-fi-lu engün.
drink-pvn4 -inst get.drunk-ca34 -fac33 -edo6 -svn4 theyp
‘theyp accustomed the Mapuche to drinking by making them get drunk.’
61. re enggaña-mew ta nü-ntu-ñma-fi-y ta-ñi mapu,
only deceit-inst the take-improd.-io26 -edo6 -ind4 -33 the-poss3 land,
pulku-mew.
liquor-inst
‘with plain deceit they took their land away from them, with liquor.’
412 Texts
62. ka kim-nu-lu rumé chillka-tu-al ti pu

and know-neg10 -svn4 -ever inscription-verb36 -nrld9 .ovn4 the coll
mapuche, ngilla-yma-nge-y ta mapu, putu-l-ka-künu-fi-y
Mapuche, buy-io26-pass23-ind4-33 the land, drink-ca34-fac33-pfps32-edo6-
engün.
ind4-33 theyp
‘and because the Mapuche did not know how to write, their land was sold
[after] they had made them drink.’
63. “tüfá ta-mi firma ta-mi fende-mu-m ta mapu”.
this the-poss2s signature the-poss2s sell-plpf7 -ivn4 the land
‘ “this [is] yours signature by means of which yous have sold the land”.’
64. “fanten ta kulli-e-y-u”.
this.much the pay-ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -d2 -ds1
‘ “I have paid yous this much”.’
65. “fey chumal am rekülama-pa-fi-y-m-i?”20 , pi-fi-y.
that/then what.for part claim-hh17 -edo6 -ind4 -23 -s2 , say-edo6 -ind4 -33
‘ “then what have yous come to claim it for?”, they said to them.’
66. kupaf-ka-künu-fi-y engün, la-ngüm-üy engün ta . . . ,
beat-fac33 -pfps32 -edo6 -ind4 -33 theyp , die-ca34 -ind4 -33 theyp the ,
lang-üm-üy füta-ke kaman mapuche engün.
die-ca34 -ind4 -33 big-distr quantity Mapuche theyp
‘theyp beat them up and left them that way, theyp killed the . . . , theyp killed
large numbers of Mapuche.’
67. re kupaf-ka-n-mu.
only beat-fac3 -pvn4 -inst
‘just by beating [them] up.’
68. femngechi ta ap-üm-ap-üm-ye-nge-y
thus the end(intr.)-ca34 -end(intr.)-ca34 -sfr36 -pass23 -ind4 -33
ta-yiñ pu mapuche-nge-n.
the-poss1p coll Mapuche-verb36 -pvn4
‘and so, you know, wep Mapuche have gradually been finished off.’
69. fey-chi ungu-mew ta epe-ke af-iy ta-yiñ
that-adj matter-inst the almost-distr end(intr.)-ind4 -33 the-poss1p
mapuche-nge-n ta Chile.
mapuche-verb36 -pvn4 the chile
‘with these methods wep Mapuche have gradually almost ceased to exist in
Chile.’
70. ka-ke mapu, Arxentina, may ka müli-y mapuche, Boliwia
other-distr land, argentina, part also be-ind4 -33 mapuche, bolivia
müli-y.
be-ind4 -33
‘in other countries, in Argentina, there are also Mapuche for certain, in Bolivia
too.’
71. itro-kom pülé müli-y ta ti pepi-l-nge-nu-el ungu.
quite-all side be-ind4 -33 the the be.able-ca34 -pass23 -neg10 -ovn4 matter
‘everywhere you have this impossible situation.’
72. fey ta ti füta-ke riku.
that the the big-distr rich
‘[and] that is because of these awful rich [people].’
Notes
1. kim-lu wentru or kim wentru ‘wise men’ form a group of intellectual leaders.
The longko (cf. line 3) form another group of leaders who were responsible
for more practical matters, mainly warfare.
2. kwida- is derived from Sp. cuidar ‘ to look after’.
3. ye-w-ün carry-ref31 -PVN4 is translated as ‘stuff’; it can refer to all kinds
of material things.
4. ata is Sp. hasta ‘as far as’.
5. The etymology of puel-mapu is not clear; it may be rendered ‘the land to
the east’. Augusta (1916: 199) mentions puel-mapu “la Argentina” under
the entry pue “la región superior del abdómen; la inferior e interior; el
abdómen”.
6. This sentence is an anacoluthon. lit.: and thus the wise men used to meet
one another how to leave their future giving form to their good matters,
. . . their future discussing their future picturing good matters, which future
leaving good conversations. a -entu- ‘to copy, to make a drawing, a picture’.
7. After a vowel engün ‘theyp ’ optionally alternates with yengün.
8. chumkanu rumé is an irregular construction, see 27.2.
9. pekanka is probably derived from Sp. pecar ‘to sin, to do wrong’.
10. i.e. land was communal property. ‘A paper’ refers to a title-deed.
11. The longko ‘leaders, chiefs’ were put aside; the kimke wentru, who were
the more intellectual leaders, took over the job of the longko.
12. -fu- IPD8 is used to indicate that the purpose (of finishing off the Mapuche)
has not been achieved altogether.
13. -tu- RE16 has iterative/restorative meaning. Yet, sentence 33 expresses that
the phenomenon of president suddenly presented itself. Maybe we have to
assume two homophonous suffixes -tu-.
14. elixi- is derived from Sp. elegir ‘to select’.
15. Repetition of the same suffix in a verbform is not usual.
16. Good = left-wing; bad = right-wing.
17. ringkona is derived from Sp. rincón ‘corner’.
18. metro is Sp. metro ‘metre’.
414 Texts
19. For -ke-chi-le-, see (18-19) in 26.28.1.

20. rekülama- is Sp. reclamar ‘to claim’.
Text 8. Conversation about demons 415
Text 8. Conversation about demons

In the following text Luis Quinchavil, Rafael Railaf and his wife Rosa talk
about demons.
1. LQ: iñché ramtu-fi-n1 : “kim-la-fi-n ti añchümalleñ;
I ask-edo6 -ind1s3 : know-neg10 -edo6 -ind1s3 the midget;
küpá kim-fu-n chumngechi mi pe-fiel”.
wishing know-ipd8 -ind1s3 how poss2s see-tvn4
LQ: ‘I asked him: “I don’t know this midget; I would like to know how yous
see him”.’
2. RR: ti añchümalleñ müle-y ta renü-mew2 .
the midget be-ind -3 the cave-inst
4 3
RR: ‘the midget lives in this cave.’

3. kuyfı́ ñi müle-n ta ti renü.
formerly poss3 be-pvn4 the the cave
‘this cave has been there for a long time.’
4. trem-tripa-pa-y ta ti pu fücha-ke longko.
grown-go.out-hh17 -ind4 -33 the the coll old-distr head
‘the old leaders grew up [knowing about these caves].’
5. la-y kiñe pichi che, weñe-nentu-nge-r-pu-y ta
die-ind4 -33 one small person, steal-take.out-pass23 -itr18 -loc17 -ind4 -33 the
ti pichi che.
the small person
‘when a child died, that child would eventually be robbed.’
6. we la-ye-m, nentu-ñma-nge-y kiñe changüll-kuwü.
recent die-cf5 -ivn4 , take.out-io26 -pass23 -ind4 -33 one finger-hand
‘whenever [a child] had just died, he would be robbed of one finger.’
7. tüfey-chi changüll-kuwü ye-nge-y renü-mew, fey
that-adj finger-hand carry-pass23 -ind4 -33 cave-inst, that/then
ewma-me-nge-ke-fu-y ti añchümalleñ.
make-th20 -pass23 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 the midget
‘that finger was taken to the cave [and] then the midget was made.’
8. re kiñe changüll-kuwü-mew mütem.
only one finger-hand-inst merely
‘of just one finger only.’
9. “amu-a-y-m-i tüfey-chi ruka-mew, ka tüfey-chi ruka-mew
go-nrld9 -ind4 -23 -s2 that-adj house-inst, and that-adj house-inst
amu-a-y-m-i”.3
go-nrld9 -ind4 -23 -s2
‘ “yous must go to that house, and to that house (yous must go)”.’
416 Texts
10. monge-le-ki-y ta ti4 mollfüñ che-mew mungel.

get.life-st -cf -ind -3 the the blood person-inst especially
28 14 4 3
‘they live especially of human blood.’

11. awkan-tu-ki-y pichi che reké, rüngkü-kantu-ki-y ka
play-verb36 -cf14 -ind4 -33 small person like, jump-play22 -cf14 -ind4 -33 and
puru-ki-y.
dance-cf14 -ind4 -33
‘they play like children, they jump for fun and they dance.’
12. ngüñü-le-ye-m engün, fey ngüma-ki-y pichi che
get.hungry-st28 -cf14 -ivn4 theyp , that/then cry-cf14 -ind4 -33 small person
reké.
like
‘whenever theyp are hungry, they cry like babies.’
13. pe-fi-n pun iñché ta-ñi pu wenüy iñchiñ.
see-edo6 -ind1s3 night I the-poss1s coll friend wep
‘I saw him in the night with my friends.’
14. “tüfá ta añchümalleñ”, pi-e-n-ew.
this the midget, say-ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1
‘ “this [is] the midget”, they told me.’
15. chum-la-e-n-ew rumé fey-ti-chi añchümalleñ.
do.what/how-neg10 -ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1 -ever that-the-adj midget
‘that midget did not do anything to me.’
16. kon-ki-y fill ungu-mew; kon-ki-y putu-n-mew;
enter-cf14-ind4-33 all.sorts matter-inst; enter-cf14-ind4-33 drink-pvn4-inst;
kon-ki-y ngilla-tu-n-mew5 ; kon-ki-y kewa-n-mew,
enter-cf -ind -3 request-tr33-pvn4-inst; enter-cf14-ind4-33 hit-pvn4-inst,
14 4 3
ku e-n-mew; kon-ki-y pali-n-mew6 , welu oy

competition/race-pvn -inst; enter-cf -ind -3 ball-pvn4 -inst, but more
4 14 4 3
miaw-ki-y pali-n-mew.
wander-cf14 -ind4 -33 ball-pvn4 -inst
‘they take to all kinds of things; they take to drinking; they take to praying
[and feasting]; they take to fighting [and] to racing; they take to hockey, but
most of all they are engaged in hockey.’
17. fücha-ke pali-n-mew kon-kiaw-ki-y ti añchümalleñ.
big-distr ball-pvn4 -inst enter-circ30 -cf14 -ind4 -33 the midget
‘they join in big hockey games, the midgets.’
18. kawellu ku e-y, ka kon-üy-ng-ün ka.
horse race-ind4 -33 , also enter-ind4 -3ns3 -p2 also
‘[when] there are horse races, theyp compete too.’
19. kim-nie-nge-wye-y külá antü-mew, meli antü-mew tuchi

know-prps32 -pass23 -plpf15 -ind4 -33 three day-inst, four day-inst which
kawellu ñi wew-nge-al, tuchi kawell ñi wew-al,
horse poss3 win-pass23 -nrld9 .ovn4 , which horse poss3 win-nrld9 .ovn4 ,
tuchi kawell ñi ütrüf-entu-al ñi kuwü.
which horse poss3 throw-take.out-nrld9 .ovn4 poss3 hand
‘three or four days before it was known which horse would lose, which horse
would win and which horse would win by the length of a hand.’
20. entonse ku e-y-ng-ün kiñe waka, kiñe kawell, kiñe trari-ñ mansun.
at.that.time race-ind4 -3ns3 -p2 one cow, one horse, one tie-pvn4 ox
‘at that time a cow, a horse [and] a yoke of oxen raced.’
21. femngechi newen ta nü-w-küle-y ta fücha-ke longko kuyfı́.
such force the take-ref31 -st28 -ind4 -33 the old-distr head formerly
‘with such force the old leaders of former times competed with each other.’
22. kiñe-ke-mew pun aymüñ perimontu-ki-y reké che,
one-distr-inst night rather see.ghosts-cf14 -ind4 -33 as.it. were
‘sometimes at night, [when] people more or less see ghosts, as it were,’
23. fillem nengüm-nengüm-tu-ki-y mesa, wangku, chem rumé.
all.sorts move(tr.)-move(tr.)-sfr36 -cf14 -ind4 -33 table, chair, what -ever
‘[then] they (the midgets) are busy moving all sorts of things, tables, chairs,
anything.’
24. fey kon-ke-fu-y nütram-ka-n ñi
that/then start/enter-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 conversation-fac33 -pvn4 poss1s
fücha-ke che.
old-distr person
‘then my elders used to start talking.’
25. iñché allkü-tu-ke-fu-n.
I hear-tr33 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind1s3
‘I listened.’
26. “fey am wekufü pi-nge-ke-y ñi miaw-ün”.
that soul demon say-pass23 -cf14 -ind4 -33 poss3 wander-pvn4
‘ “one says that it is the soul of the demon that wanders”.’
27. pichi-ka-lu kam iñché, pun mungel nütram-ka-ke-fu-y-ng-ün
small-cont16 -svn4 part I, night especially conversation-fac33 -cf14 -
ñi fücha-ke che.
ipd8 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 poss1s old-distr person
‘for, when I was still young, my elders used to especially talk at night.’
28. fey rumé llüka-ke-fu-n ñi ku u-pu-al
that/then very become.afraid-cf14 -ipd8 -ind1s3 poss1s lay.down-loc17 -
418 Texts
iñché femngechi kishu.

nrld9 .ovn4 I thus alone
‘then I became very much afraid to go to bed all alone.’
29. üyüw nie-y ruka umaw-tu-pe-ye-m che ka re
over.there have-ind4 -33 house sleep-verb36 -px13 -cf5 -ivn4 person and only
ñi kosina-pe-ye-m mütem.
poss3 cook-px13 -cf5 -ivn4 merely
‘over there7 people have a house in which they sleep and one in which they
only cook.’
30. pun nütram-ka-y fücha-ke che.
night conversation-fac33 -ind4 -33 old-distr person
‘at night elderly people talked.’
31. fey müná llüka-ki-y pichi-ke che ñi
that/then very become.afraid-cf14 -ind4 -33 small-distr person poss3
ku u-pu-al.
lay.down-loc17 -nrld9 .ovn4
‘then children become very much afraid to go to bed.’
32. ina-ni-a-lu-mu8 ti añchümalleñ troki-w-ki-y.
follow-prps32-nrld9.ido6-svn4-ds1 the midget opine-ref31-cf14-ind4-33
‘they think that the midgets are following them.’
33. pewma-ki-y fill kütó.
dream-cf14 -ind4 -33 all.sorts even
‘they dream all kinds of things.’
34. welu iñché rumé llüka-nten-nge-wma pichi-ka-lu.
but I very get.afraid-nom-verb36 -csvn4 small-cont16 -svn4
‘as for me, I was very much someone who easily became afraid when I was
still young.’
35. welu trem-el, pun miaw-ke-fu-n kishu umiñ-mew.
but grown-ovn4 , night wander-cf14 -ipd8 -ind1s3 alone dark-inst
‘but, when I was grown up, I used to wander alone at night in the dark.’
36. pukem mungel müná umiñ-nge-y.
winter especially very dark-verb36 -ind4 -33
‘especially in winter, it is very dark.’
37. fey pichi-ke akorda-ke-fu-n9 ti nütram:
that/then little-distr remember-cf14 -ipd8 -ind1s3 the story
‘in that [context] I remember saying this:’
38. “chumngechi ñi pe-rume-a-fiel fewlá pe-rume-me-a-fi-n
how/while poss1s see-sud21 -nrld9 -tvn4 now see-sud21 -th20 -nrld9 -
chiam”, pi-ke-fu-n.
edo6 -ind1s3 part, say-cf14 -ipd8 -ind1s3
‘ “shall I suddenly see him now or shan’t I?”, I used to say10 .’

39. welu kiñe rupa nu rumé pe-la-n.
but one time neg -ever see-neg10 -ind1s3
‘but I did not see [him] even once.’
40. fey-mew iñché newé feyentu-ke-la-n.
that-inst I not.very believe-cf14 -neg10 -ind1s3
‘therefore I do not believe [in him] very much.’
41. kiñe rupa antü, epé kon-ün antü, epu pichi-ke che pe-n,
one time day, almost enter-pvn4 sun, two small-distr person see-ind1s3 ,
epu pichi-ke che, femngechi müté ka-mapu nu.
two small-distr person, so very other-land neg
‘once, in the daytime, when the sun was almost down, I saw two children, two
children, not so very far away.’
42. kiñe pichi wingkul-mew awkan-tu-le-n amu-y-ng-u.
one small hill/mountain-inst play-verb36 -st28 -pvn4 go-ind4 -3ns3 -d2
‘theyd were playing on a hill.’
43. iñché newé uam-künu-la-fi-n.
I not.very need/attention-pfps32 -neg10 -edo6 -ind1s3
‘I did not pay much attention to them.’
44. ina rüpü müle-y epu mapuche ruka.
along road be-ind4 -33 two Mapuche house
‘along the road there were two Mapuche houses.’
45. “fey fey-ti-chi ruka-mew müle-chi pichi-ke che penú
that that-the-adj house-inst be-svn4 -adj small-distr person maybe
pi-n”.
say/think-ind1s3
‘ “maybe the children live in those houses”, I thought.’
46. welu pülle-pu-el chew ñi pe-mu-fiel engu,
but near-loc17 -ovn4 where poss1s see-plpf7 -tvn4 theyd ,
pe-we-tu-la-fi-n.
see-ps19 -re16 -neg10 -edo6 -ind1s3
‘but when I went near [the place] where I had seen themd , I did not see them
again any more.’
47. kiñe-ke ñi pu wenüy we-che-ke wentru-lu iñchiñ, ewmá
one-distr poss3 coll friend young-person-distr man-svn4 wep , almost
tornew müle-ye-m tripa-ke-fu-y-iñ
tournament be-cf5 -ivn4 go.out-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
pelota-tu-al.
ball-verb36 -nrld9 .ovn4
‘with some of my friends wep used to go out, when wep were young men, to
play with the ball whenever a tournament was on.’
420 Texts
48. kiñe-ke epé wün puw-tu-ke-fu-y-iñ.

one-distr almost dawn arrive-re16 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘some of usp used to get back when it was almost dawn.’
49. kiñe-ke-mew püntü-w-ke-fu-y-iñ; trür
one-distr-inst separate-ref31 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 ; together
puw-tu-ke-la-fu-y-iñ; kiñe wüné puw-tu-y,
arrive-re16 -cf14 -neg10 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 ; one first arrive-re16 -ind4 -33 ,
ka-nge-lu ina-nge-chi.
other-verb36 -svn4 next-verb36 -svn4 -adj
‘sometimes wep separated; wep did not get back together; one got back first,
another later.’
50. kiñe rupa fey-pi-e-n-ew kiñe ka-ruka-tu:
one time that-say-ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1 one other-house-improd.:
‘one time a neighbour told me:’
51. “trür trem-y-u ti we a ünu-n11 iñchiu”.
together grown-ind -1ns -d the bad loath-pvn4 wed
4 3 2
‘ “wed grew up together, the bastard and I”.’

52. fey fey-pi-e-n-ew: “pe-n añchümalleñ”, pi-y.
he that-say-ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1 : see-ind1s3 midget, say-ind4 -33
‘then he told me: “I have seen a midget”, he said.’
53. “küñatu-e-n-ew”, pi-y.
take.by.the.hand-ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1 , say-ind4 -33
‘ “he took me by the hand”, he said.’
54. “rüf nelküm-la-e-n-ew12 , amu-maynatu-e-n-ew”.
true let.lose-neg10 -ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1 , go-tangle.up-ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1
‘ “he really didn’t let go of me, he made me stumble”.’
55. “ella pichi fante-y”.
a.bit small this.much-ind4 -33
‘ “he was a bit small like this”.’
56. “iñché wülel-ke-fwi-n, welu turpu llüka-la-y”.
I hit-cf14 -ipd8 .edo6 -ind1s3 , but never get.afraid-neg10 -ind4 -33
‘ “I used to hit him, but he was never afraid”.’
57. “ngüma-y pichi che reké”.
cry-ind4 -33 small person like
‘ “he cried like a baby”.’
58. LQ: welu iñché newé feyentu-ke-la-n ñi kiñe rupa nu
but I not.very believe-cf14 -neg10 -ind1s3 poss1s one time neg
rumé ñi pe-nu-fiel-mew penú, welu küpá
-ever poss1s see-neg10 -tvn4 -inst maybe, but wishing
pe-ke-fwi-n.
see-cf14 -ipd8 .edo6 -ind1s3
LQ: ‘but I do not believe [in him] very much because I did not see him even
once, although I did want to see him.’
59. eymi kam pe-lu, eymi feyentu-a-e-y-u.
yous part see-svn4 , yous believe-nrld9 -ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -d2 -ds1
‘since yous saw him, I will believe yous .’
60. Rosa: kiñe-chi amu-le-tu-y-iñ, kuyfı́ am müle-ke-la-fu-y
one-adj go-st28 -re16 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 , formerly part be-cf14 -neg10 -
weı́kulo, namun-tu amu-le-tu-y-iñ.
ipd8 -ind4 -33 car, foot-adv go-st28 -re16 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
Rosa: ‘once we were walking home; as there were no cars in the old days,
p
wep were walking home on foot.’

61. tüfa-yengün kiñe fotella pulku ye-nie-tu-y.
this-theyp one bottle wine/liquor carry-prps32 -re16 -ind4 -33
‘this one here13 [and his companions], theyp had one bottle of wine on their
way back.’
62. re putu-yekü-me-tu-y-ng-ün, re
only drink-itr18 -th20 -re16 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 , only
witra-künu-w-yekü-me-tu-y-ng-ün14.
get.up/stand.still-pfps32 -ref31 -itr18 -th20 -re16 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2
‘all the time theyp drank and theyp stood still on their way back.’
63. ñochi treka-le-y kiñe.
slow walk-st28 -ind4 -33 one
‘one walked slowly.’
64. müná kümé antü-le-y ta ti ale15 .
very good sun-st -ind -3 the the moon
28 4 3
‘the moon looked a lot like a sun.’

65. RR: San-Xoan-küyen-mew.
San-Joan-month-inst
RR: ‘[it was] in the month of Saint John.’
66. Rosa: no, Tosanto-küyen-mew: kiñe korona amá ye-nie-tu-rke-la-y-u
no, All.Saints.Day-month-inst: one crown part carry-prps32 -re16 -
nga!
rep12 -neg10 -ind4 -1ns3 -d2 part
Rosa: ‘no, in the month of All Saints’ Day: [don’t you remember] wed wore
a crown on our way back?’
67. fey anü-künu-w-pu-y kiñe ruka-mew.
he sit.down-pfps32 -ref31 -loc17 -ind4 -33 one house-inst
‘he sat down in a house.’
422 Texts
68. machi ta ti ruka.

medicine.woman the the house
‘that house [belonged to] a machi.’
69. tüfá ta ti wingkul.
this the the hill/mountain
‘there [was] the hill16 .’
70. kiñe rüpü müle-y.
one road be-ind4 -33
‘there was a road.’
71. fey-mew ta anü-künu-w-pu-y tüfa-yengün.
that-inst the sit.down-pfps32 -ref31 -loc17 -ind4 -33 this-theyp
‘there, you know, theyp sat down.’
72. iñché fey oy alü-mapu anü-künu-w-pu-n.
I that/then more much-land sit.down-pfps32 -ref31 -loc17 -ind1s3
‘then I sat down a bit further away.’
73. fey-mew aku-y ta ti machi.
that-inst arrive-ind4 -33 the the medicine.woman
‘and then came this machi.’
74. ngolli-le-y.
get.drunk-st28 -ind4 -33
‘she was drunk.’
75. “fey-mew, eymün am ti chaw?”
that-inst, youp part the father/man
‘ “well, are youp men?”17 ’
76. “no chaw iñché, ta nie-n ta kollü wentru”, pi-y,
not father/man I, the have-ind1s3 the brown man, say-ind4 -33 ,
“kollü wentru ta nie-n”.
brown man the have-ind1s3
‘ “I [am] not a man, I have a brown man”, she said, “this brown man I have”.18 ’
77. “kwida-lel-mu-chi, kümé wentru-nge-pe-ye-m ta che”.
take.care-ben27 -2a23 -imp1s3 , good man-verb36 -px13 -cf5 -ivn4 the person
‘ “take care [of him] for me because the man is a good man”.’
78. “no chaw, fey-pi-ki-l-nge;
no father/man, that-say-neg10 -cond4 -imp2s3 ;
yafka-w-a-fu-y-u!”
make.angry-ref31 -nrld9 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -d2
‘ “no man, don’t yous say that; wed may make ourselves angry!”.19 ’
79. en ese momento küpa-y ta ti kiñe kollü.
at this moment come-ind4 -33 the the one brown
‘at that moment this brown one came.’
80. küpa-y!, küpa-y!.

come-ind4 -33 , come-ind4 -33
‘he came! he came!’
81. leli-nie-fi-n iñché, ka ta-ñi lamngen ka pe-rki-y
watch-prps32 -edo6 -ind1s3 I, and the-poss3 brother/sister and see-
ka.
rep12 -ind4 -33 also
‘I watched him, and this brother of mine saw [him] too.’
82. antü-le-chi ale kam.
sun-st28 -svn4 -adj moon part
‘after all, [there was] a moon which looked like a sun.’
83. welu fantre-y ñi külen ka!
but this.much-ind4 -33 poss3 tail part
‘but his tail was this big!’
84. LQ: külen-ngi-y?
tail-verb36 -ind4 -33
LQ: ‘did he have a tail?’
85. Rosa: may, külen-ngi-y.
yes, tail-verb36 -ind4 -33
Rosa: ‘yes, he had a tail.’
86. RR: narki-l-uw-ki-y-ng-ün, trewa-l-uw-ki-y-ng-ün,
cat-ca34 -ref31 -cf14 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 , dog-ca34 -ref31 -cf14 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 ,
che-l-uw-ki-y-ng-ün.
person-ca34 -ref31 -cf14 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2
RR: ‘theyp turn themselves into cats, dogs [or] men.20 ’
87. Rosa: fey-mew küpa-y nga kollü wentru.
that-inst come-ind4 -33 part brown man
Rosa: ‘[and] then came a brown man.’
88. RR: fey utru-nentu-y ñi pulku.
she pour-take.out-ind4 -33 poss3 liquor/wine
RR: ‘she spilled her wine.21 ’
89. Rosa: i ese fantre-chi füchá kuchillu miaw-ül-ki-y.
and this this.much-svn4 -adj big knife wander-ca34 -cf14 -ind4 -33
Rosa: ‘and this one here walked about with a knife this big.’
90. amu-le-tu-lu kam pun iñchiñ, entu-fem-pa-y ñi
go-st28 -re16 -svn4 part night wep , take.out-imm21 -hh17 -ind4 -33 poss3
füchá kuchillu.
big knife
‘as wep were going back into the night, he22 immediately drew his big knife.’
424 Texts
91. “no chaw, fe-m-üñma-ki-e-l-i

no father/man, become.like.that-ca34 -io26 -neg10 -ido6 -cond4 -13 -s2 -ds1
ñi kollü wentru ñi kümé wentru-nge-pe-ye-m che, ñi
poss1s brown man poss3 good man-verb36 -px13 -cf5 -ivn4 person, poss3
repeta-nge-pe-ye-m che”, pi-y.
respect-pass23 -px13 -cf5 -ivn4 person, say-ind4 -33
‘ “no man, don’t yous do that against my brown man, for he is a good [and]
respected man”, she23 said.’
92. Rosa: i le manda la kuchilla.24
and him he.sends the big.knife
Rosa: ‘and he threw the big knife [at him].’
93. rangi-rangi furi wülel-fi-y.
mid-mid back hit-edo6 -ind4 -33
‘he hit him right in the middle of his back.’
94. RR: pichi wüne-ntuku-künu-lel-fi-n.
little first-put.at-pfps32 -ben27 -edo6 -ind1s3
RR: ‘I left it stuck [in the ground] a bit before him.’
95. LQ: wirar-üy kay?
scream-ind4 -33 part
LQ: ‘did he scream?’
96. Rosa: no, püna-kon-lu mapu-mew fe-m-üy.
no, stick/glue-enter-svn4 land-inst become.like.that-ca34 -ind4 -33
Rosa: ‘no, he pretended to press himself against the ground.’
97. después pe-we-tu-la-fi-y-iñ.
afterwards see-ps19 -re16 -neg10 -edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘after that wep did not see him any more.’
Notes
1. LQ addresses the author, telling what he had asked RR; -fi- in ramtufin
refers to RR.
2. renü is a cave in which witches meet or a “. . . cueva subterránea en que se
forman los hechiceros” (Augusta 1916: 208).
3. Note that this quote is not introduced by or concluded with a verb. Line
(9) denotes the order given by the machi to the midget.
4. ta ti is probably coreferential with the subject marker and refers to the
midgets.
5. A ngillatun is a religious ceremony led by a machi which serves to make
contact with the supernatural, cf. ngilla-tu- ‘to ask something from some-
one’. Today, a ngillatun is the most important way to express and celebrate
a common Mapuche identity. The festivities may take several days and in-
volve a lot of drinking and dancing.

6. pali-n is a century-old Mapuche game, comparable to hockey.
7. RR, being in the Netherlands, refers to Chile as üyüw ‘over there’.
8. ina-ni-a-lu-mu is short for ina-nie-a-e-lu-mu.
9. akorda- is derived from Sp. acordarse ‘to remember’.
10. lit.: how my suddenly going to see him now I shall suddenly go and see
him, I used to say.
11. ünu- ‘to loath’; ünu-n ‘an awful person’. we á ünu-n is a word with a
strongly pejorative connation.
12. nelküm- = nel-üm- become.loose-ca34 -.
13. Rosa points at her husband RR.
14. The suffix -me- th20 always follows -yekü- itr18 .
15. i.e. the moon was full and produced a lot of light.
16. i.e. the hill referred to in line 42.
17. I don’t know why the machi asked this question. Line 75 was translated
by LQ as ‘sois hombres?’.
18. The midget can present itself as a bird, which is called a ‘brown man’.
19. The meaning of line 78 is unclear to me.
20. i.e. midgets can present themselves as cats, dogs or men.
21. The subject is Rosa.
22. i.e. RR drew his knife.
23. The subject is the machi.
24. Note that the sentence is entirely Spanish.
426 Texts
Text 9. Conversation about youth

In the following text Luis Quinchavil and Rafael Railaf discuss their lives when
they were young.
1. LQ: iñchiu newé müté kuyfı́ kim-uw-la-y-u, Rafael.
wed not.very very formerly learn-ref31 -neg10 -ind4 -1ns3 -d2 , Rafael.
LQ: ‘not so very long ago wed got to know each other, Rafael.’
2. kiñe rupa, epu rupa chi pe-w-y-u Temuko nga.
one time, two time part see-ref31 -ind4 -1ns3 -d2 Temuco part
‘one time, maybe two times wed saw each other in Temuco, didn’t we?’
3. akorda-nie-ka-pe-la-y-m-i?
remember-prps32 -cont16 -px13 -neg10 -ind4 -23 -s2
‘yous probably still remember, don’t you?’
4. RR: akorda-nie-n.
remember-prps32 -ind1s3
RR: ‘I remember.’
5. LQ: welu ew fücha-ke wentru-y-u, wülá kim-uw-y-u,
but already big-distr man-ind4-1ns3-d2, then know-ref31-ind4-1ns3-d2,
no?
no
LQ: ‘but wed got to know each other when wed were already grown men,
didn’t we?’
6. RR: fe-m-y-u.
become.like.that-ca34 -ind4 -1ns3 -d2
RR: ‘wed did.’
7. LQ: fey, petú ñi fücha-ke wentru-nu-n che, fill ungu-mew
that, still poss3 old-distr man-neg10 -pvn4 man, all.sorts matter-inst
ru-pa-ki-y.
pass-hh17 -cf14 -ind4 -33
LQ: ‘well, before people become grown men, they go through all kinds of
things.’
8. fey küpá kim-fu-n eymi mi chumngechi mi
that/then wishing know-ipd8 -ind1s3 yous poss2s how poss2s
trem-ün, chew mi trem-ün.
grown-pvn4 , where poss2s grown-pvn4
‘now I would like to know how yous grew up [and] where yous grew up.’
9. kiñe rupa kisá1 tripa-y-m-i kintu-kü aw-al.
one time maybe go.out-ind4 -23 -s2 look.for-work-nrld9 .ovn4
‘maybe yous once went away to look for work.’
10. ülmen syempre2 kü aw-el-nge-me-ki-y.
rich always work-ben27 -pass23 -th20 -cf14 -ind4 -33
‘one always went to work for rich [people].’
Text 9. Conversation about youth 427
11. eymi femngechi kü aw-pe-la-y-m-i ka pichi-ka-lu?

yous thus work-px13 -neg10 -ind4 -23 -s2 also small-cont16 -svn4
‘yous probably also did that kind of work when you were still young?’
12. RR: fe-m-lle-n may.
become.like.that-ca34 -aff11 -ind1s3 part
RR: ‘I certainly did, yes.’
13. chem-mew am fe-m-lle-nu-a-fu-lu
iñché?!
I
‘why shouldn’t I have?!3 ’
14. ta-yiñ pu che4 ta nie-ke-fu-y ta kulliñ, ka
the-poss1p coll person the have-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 the cattle, and
nie-ke-fu-y . . . , ta pichi-ke nie-y ta mapu yengün.
have-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 , the small-distr have-ind4 -33 the land theyp
‘ourp family had cattle, they also had . . . theyp each had a little land, you
know.’
15. tüfá petú müli-y ta ti mapu.
this still be-ind4 -33 the the land
‘that land is still there now.’
16. welu chumkanu rumé ta ngilla-l-ke-la-fe-n-ew ta
but no.way -ever the buy-ben27 -cf14 -neg10 -ipd8 .ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1 the
sapatu ta-ñi ñuke-yem, ta-ñi chaw-yem.
shoe the-poss1s mother-ex, the-poss1s father-ex
‘but on not one occasion did my late mother and father buy shoes for me.’
17. chumngechi ta-ñi trem-ün syempre ta pofre-le-ke-fu-n.
while the-poss1s grown-pvn4 always the poor-st28 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind1s3
‘when I grew up, I was always poor.’
18. afkentu5 kü aw-ka-künu-ke-fu-n ruka-mew.
for.a.long.time work-fac33 -pfps32 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind1s3 house-inst
‘for a long time I used to do all kinds of work in the house.’
19. rupa kü aw-ün, tuku-ka-künu-n ka kosecha-künu-n,
over work-ind1s3 , put.at-fac33 -pfps32 -ind1s3 and harvest-pfps32 -ind1s3 ,
tripa-ke-fu-n ñi kü aw-tu-al.
go.out-cf14 -ipd8 -ind1s3 poss1s work-re16 -nrld9 .ovn4
‘after I had finished working, after I had done all kinds of planting and after
I had harvested, I used to go out to work again.’
20. fey-chi plata ta-ñi gana-ke-fel ta ti pu ülmen-mew,
that-adj money the-poss1s earn-cf14 -ipd8 .ovn4 the the coll rich-inst,
428 Texts
gana-ke-fu-n ta-ñi libru, gana-ke-fu-n weshakelu6 .

earn-cf -ipd -ind1s the-poss1s book, earn-cf -ipd -ind1s things
14 8 3 14 8 3
‘[with] that money which I used to earn with those rich [people], I used to
earn my books [and] things.’
21. femngechi ta chillka-tu-ke-fu-n ta ta-ñi
thus the inscription-verb36 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind1s3 the the-poss1s
mapu-mew.
land-inst
‘that’s how I used to study in my country.’
22. ta depwé nee-n7 mari reqle tripantu, amu-tripa-r-pu-n.
the later have-ind1s3 , ten seven year, go-leave-itr18 -loc17 -ind1s3
‘then later, [when] I was seventeen years old, I followed my own path.’
23. porke auri-w-ün8 ta-ñi mapu-mew, porke
because be.bored-ref31 -ind1s3 the-poss1s land-inst, because
gana-ke-la-fu-n reké ta plata.
earn-cf14 -neg10 -ipd8 -ind1s3 as.it.were the money
‘because I was bored in my country, because I did not earn money as it were.’
24. nie-ke-la-fu-n ta chumngechi ta-ñi amu-l-ni-al
have-cf14 -neg10 -ipd8 -ind1s3 the how the-poss1s go-ca34 -prps32 -
ta-ñi chillka-tu-al.
nrld9 .ovn4 the-poss1s inscription-verb36 -nrld9 .ovn4
‘I did not have any [means] to continue my studies.’
25. amu-tripa-r-pu-n Arxentina.
go-leave-itr18 -loc17 -ind1s3 Argentina
‘I left for Argentina.’
26. külá tripantu-me-n Arxentina.
three year-th20 -ind1s3 Argentina
‘I spent three years in Argentina.’
27. kiñe lamngen iñchiu amu-y-u.
one sister/brother wed go-ind4 -1ns3 -d2
‘I went with one sister9 .’
28. tüfá ñi lamngen fey müle-pu-y San
this poss1s sister/brother that/then be-loc17 -ind4 -33 San
Karlobarilochi.
Carlos.de.Bariloche
‘this sister then settled down in San Carlos de Bariloche.’
29. LQ: petú müle-pu-ka-y?
still be-loc17 -cont16 -ind4 -33
LQ: ‘does she still live there?’
30. RR: petú müle-pu-y.
still be-loc17 -ind4 -33
RR: ‘she does.’

31. füta-ngi-y, kiñe pichi wentru nie-y ka kiñe pichi
husband-verb36 -ind4 -33 , one small man have-ind4 -33 and one small
omo.
woman
‘she is married [and] she has one boy and one girl.’
32. külá tripantu-me-n Arxentina.
three year-th20 -ind1s3 Argentina
‘I spent three years in Argentina.’
33. itro-kom rekore-n10 ta Arxentina; anduve11 Kórdowa, Baı́a Blanka,
quite-all go.over-ind1s the Argentina; I.went
3
Córdova, Bahia Blanca,
Mendosa, Bwenos Ayres, de la Plata, la Rioxa, Tukumán.
Mendosa, Buenos Aires, de la Plata, la Rioja, Tucumán
‘I went all over Argentina, you know; I have been in Córdoba, Bahia Blanca,
Mendosa, Buenos Aires, de la Plata, la Rioja [and] Tucumán.’
34. i12 kiñe fütá firma-mew kon-ün.
and one big firm-inst enter/start-ind1s3
‘and I started in a big firm.’
35. la firma se llama “firma Landesa” pi-nge-y ta ti firma13 .
the firm ref it.is.called firm Landesa say-pass -ind -3 the the firm
23 4 3
‘the firm is called “firma Landesa”, that firm is called.’

36. LQ: Landesa?
Landesa
LQ: ‘Landesa?’
37. RR: Landesa.
Landesa
RR: ‘Landesa’
38. LQ: chum-ke-fu-y-m-i?
do.what/how-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -23 -s2
LQ: ‘what did yous do?’
39. RR: ewma-ke-fu-n ta tore, ewma-ke-fu-n ta
make-cf14 -ipd8 -ind1s3 the tower, make-cf14 -ipd8 -ind1s3 the
RR: ‘I used to make these towers, I used to make these . . . ’
40. nie-ke-fu-n kwadriya14 ; külá mari wentru nie-ke-fu-n.
have-cf -ipd -ind1s team;
14 8 3
three ten man have-cf14 -ipd8 -ind1s3
‘I used to have a team; I used to have thirty men.’
41. ewma-ke-fu-y-iñ tore ka ewma-ke-fu-y-iñ tendido
make-cf14-ipd8-ind4-1ns3-p2 tower and make-cf14-ipd8-ind4-1ns3-p2 laying
de kawle15 .
of cable
430 Texts
‘wep used to make towers and lay down cables.’

42. “la linea alta tensión”, pi-la-y anta ti pu wingka?
the cable high tension, say-neg10 -ind4 -33 part the coll stranger
‘ “la linea alta tensión”, the strangers call it, don’t they?’
43. LQ: hmmmm, may
hmmmm, yes
LQ: ‘hmmmm, yes.’
44. RR: fey-chi kü aw-mew ta kü aw-ün.
that-adj work-inst the work-ind1s3
RR: ‘that kind of work I did, you know.’
45. kayu küyen obreru-le-n16.
six month labourer-st28 -ind1s3
‘I was a labourer for six months.’
46. depwé fiy kayu küyen-mu iñché kümé wenüy-ka-w-y-iñ ta
later that six month-inst I good friend-fac33 -ref31 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 the
ti pu wingka iñchiñ, pu Italiano iñchiñ.
the coll stranger wep , coll Italian wep
‘after those six months I became good friends with those strangers, with
Italians.’
47. fiy elu-nge-n lugar17 .
that/then give-pass -ind1s place/post
23 3
‘then I was given a post.’

48. “kapata-nge-y-m-i18 ”, pi-e-n-ew engün.
foreman-verb36 -ind4 -23 -s2 , say-ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1 theyp
‘ “yous are the foreman”, theyp told me.’
49. “wüne-l-küle-y-m-i”, pi-e-n-ew.
first-ca34 -st28 -ind4 -23 -s2 , say-ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1
‘ “yous are the foreman”, they told me.’
50. fiy iñché fiy we trem-küle-n, porke apena19
that/then I that/then new/recent grown-st -pvn , because scarcely
28 4
mari pura tripantu nee-n, yewe-ke-fu-n ta-ñi

ten eight year have-ind1s3 , be.ashamed-cf14 -ipd8 -ind1s3 the-poss1s
werkü-a-fiel ta ti füta-ke wingka.
order-nrld9 -tvn4 the the old-distr stranger
‘then, just being grown-up, because I was scarcely 18 years old, I was ashamed
to order about these old strangers.’
51. LQ: si.
yes
LQ: ‘yes.’
52. RR: füta-ke kordofese20 pütrü-ki-y; küla-ke mari tripantu nie-y

old-distr Cordovan big-cf14 -ind4 -33 ; three-distr ten year have-
engün, epu-ke mari kechu tripantu nie-y engün.
ind4 -33 theyp , two-distr ten five year have-ind4 -33 theyp
RR: ‘the old Cordovans were older; theyp were 30 [or] 25 years old.’
53. fiy yewe-ke-fwi-n.
that be.ashamed-cf14 -ipd8 .edo6 -ind1s3
‘therefore I was ashamed before them.’
54. fiy depwé fiy gana-ke-fu-n fütá kaman plata.
that/then later that earn-cf14 -ipd8 -ind1s3 big quantity money
‘then, after that, I used to earn large sums of money.’
55. syempre ka newé entusiasma-w-ke-la-fu-n
always part not.very become.enthusiastic-ref31 -cf14 -neg10 -ipd8 -ind1s3
ta-ñi plata-mew ta-ñi ni-al21 .
the-poss1s money-inst the-poss1s have/get-nrld9 .ovn4
‘I have never been very enthusiastic about getting that money of mine.’
56. fiy depwé fiy ewma-ke-fu-y-iñ linea kiñe wariya-mu
that/then later that make-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 cable one town-inst
ka wariya-mu.
other town-inst
‘then, after that, wep laid a cable from one town to another.’
57. ka wariya-mu amu-l-ke-fu-y-iñ.
other town-inst go-ca34 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘wep extended [it] to other towns.’
58. depwé fiy manda-nge-n22 Komodoro Ribadawia.
later that order/send-pass23 -ind1s3 Comodoro Ribadavia
‘after that I was sent to Comodoro Ribadavia.’
59. Komodoro Ribadawia depwé fiy ewma-y-iñ una linea.
Comodoro Ribadavia later that make-ind4 -1ns3 -p2 a cable
‘then wep made a cable in Comodoro Ribadavia.’
60. “piku t.runkaw” pi-nge-y ta ti mapu.
peak truncated say-pass23 -ind4 -33 the the land
‘ “pico truncado” that land is called.’
61. LQ: chumngechi mapu am ti? ta üy . . .
how land part the the name
LQ: ‘how [is] that land? [is that] the name . . . ?’
62. RR: ta ti üy ta ti mapu; “piku t.runkaw” pi-y engün.
the the name the the land; peak truncated say-ind4 -33 theyp
RR: ‘that [is] the name of the land; “pico truncado”, theyp say.’
432 Texts
63. entonse fiy ata23 Komodoro ewma-y-iñ kiñe fütá linea alta
well that as.far.as Comodoro make-ind4 -1ns3 -p2 one big cable high
tension.
tension
‘well, wep laid a big high-tension cable as far as Comodoro.’
64. depwé ru-pa-y ta . . . , aku-y ta ti teremoto24 .
later pass-hh -ind -3 the , arrive-ind -3 the the earthquake
17 4 3 4 3
‘after that happened the . . . , the earthquake came.’

65. ka radio-mew allkü-tu-y-iñ.
and radio-inst hear-tr33 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘and wep heard [it] on the radio.’
66. fiy fiy-chi tripantu fiy küpa-tu-n iñché Chile.
that/then that-adj year that/then come-re16 -ind1s3 I Chile
‘then, in that year, I came back to Chile.’
67. femngechi ta amu-tripa-ki-y ta pofre-nge-ye-m ta che
thus the go-leave-cf14 -ind4 -33 the poor-verb36 -cf5 -ivn4 the person
ta-ñi oy kümé iy-a-m.
the-poss3 more good eat-nrld9 -ivn4
‘that’s why people go away, when they are poor, to eat better.’
68. porke Chile nunka25 küme-ke kü aw müle-ke-la-y; syempre ta
because Chile never good-distr work be-cf14 -neg10 -ind4 -33 always the
we a-ke kü aw müle-ki-y.
bad-distr work be-cf14 -ind4 -33
‘because in Chile there is never nice work; there is always awful work, you
know.’
69. LQ: we a-ke kü aw ka rumé pichi-ke kulli-nge-y che.
bad-distr work also very little-distr pay-pass23 -ind4 -33 person
LQ: ‘[and] for that awful work people are paid very little too!’
70. RR: püti-ke llemay, ka fali-la-y26 ta ti plata ka!
little-distr part, also be.worth-neg10 -ind4 -33 the the money part
RR: ‘little for sure! and that money wasn’t worth anything either!’
71. LQ: kiñe-ke-mew plata rumé elu-nge-ke-la-y che.
one-distr-inst money -ever give-pass23 -cf14 -neg10 -ind4 -33 person
LQ: ‘sometimes people did not even get money!’
72. elu-nge-ki-y ketran, elu-nge-ki-y yerfa
give-pass23 -cf14 -ind4 -33 wheat, give-pass23 -cf14 -ind4 -33 herb
‘they were given wheat, herbs . . . 27 ’
73. RR: ka fe-m llemay!28
also become.like.that-ca part
34
RR: ‘Oh yes, sure!’

74. LQ: . . . asúkar, rüngo

sugar, meal
LQ: ‘. . . sugar, meal . . . ’
75. RR: may, “pulperia” pi-y ta ti pu wingka.
yes, grocer’s.shop say-ind4 -33 the the coll stranger
RR: ‘Oh yes, “puperia”, the strangers said.’
76. LQ: kuyfı́ rumé müle-ke-fu-y fey-chi ungu, no?
formerly very be-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 that-adj matter, no
LQ: ‘in earlier days these things happened a lot, didn’t they?’
77. nie-ke-fu-y fill-em engün ñi fundu-mew ñi
have-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 all.sorts-improd. theyp poss3 farm-inst poss3
tripa-no-a-m ñi pu kü aw-pe-lu amu-al
go.out-neg10 -nrld9 -ivn4 poss3 coll work-px13 -svn4 go-nrld9 .ovn4
wariya-mew.
town-inst
‘theyp used to have all kinds of things on their farms so that their labourers
did not have to go out to go to town.’
78. RR: fiy llemay; pulku kütó ta nie-l-nge-y ka!
that part; liquor even the have-ben27 -pass23 -ind4 -33 part
RR: ‘sure, they even had liquor for them too!’
79. LQ: byen29 , ka femngechi oy fali-n-mew elu-nie-nge-y
right, and thus more be.worth-pvn4 -inst give-prps32 -pass23 -
ti pu kü aw-pe-lu.
-ind4 -33 the coll work-px13 -svn4
LQ: ‘right, and that was given to the labourers for a rather high price.’
80. RR: chem-mew am fe-m-lle-nu-a-fu-lu?!
RR: ‘why wouldn’t [they] have done that?!’
81. kishu yengün küpá perder-nu-lu yengün, gana-ntuku-le-a-lu30 !
self they wishing lose-neg -svn theyp , earn-put.at-st28 -nrld9 -svn4
p 10 4
‘after all, theyp did not want to lose; they wanted to earn [even more]!’
82. pichi oy barato ngilla-y ta-ñi ye-w-ün engün.
little more cheap buy-ind4 -33 the-poss3 carry-ref31 -pvn4 theyp
‘theyp bought their stuff rather cheap.’
83. depwé oy fali-n-mew wül-tu-y engün.
later more be.worth-pvn4 -inst give-re16 -ind4 -33 theyp
‘[and] later theyp sold [it] again for a higher price.’
84. itro-kom pülé ta nentu-ñma-ngi-y ta-ñi kü aw ta ti pu
quite-all side the take.out-io26 -pass23 -ind4 -33 the-poss3 work the the coll
434 Texts
kü aw-fe engün, itro-kom pülé.

work-nom theyp , quite-all side
‘everywhere the labourers are put off as far as their work is concerned, every-
where.’
85. wesakelu; kofke-mew, rüngo-mew, asukar-mew, yerfa-mew, cha i-mew,
things; bread-inst, meal-inst, sugar-inst, herb-inst, salt-inst,
yiwiñ-mew, ilo-mu, pulku-mew.
fat-inst, meat-inst, liquor-inst
‘with things; with bread, with meal, with sugar, with herbs, with salt, with
fat, with meat [or] with liquor.’
86. chem-lle-a-l-e rumé, reklama-l-e ka, “ka chew am
what-aff11 -nrld9 -cond4 -33 -ever, claim-cond4 -33 part, also where part
pe-a-y-m-i, ka amu-l-m-i wariya-mew, oy fali-a-y
see-nrld9 -ind4 -23 -s2 , also go-cond4 -23 -s3 town-inst, more be.worth-
ta-mi ye-w-ün ta-mi ye-me-al”,
nrld9 -ind4 -33 the-poss2s carry-ref31 -pvn4 the-poss2s carry-th20 -
pi-künu-nge-y.
nrld9 .ovn4 , say-pfps32 -pass23 -ind4 -33
‘whatever they would do, even if they would protest, “yous will see [it] else-
where too, also when yous go to town; things yous are going to get there are
more expensive”, they were told.’
87. konforma-y31 füta-ke mapuche, kam mapuche newé kim
comply-ind4 -33 old-distr Mapuche, part Mapuche not.very knowing
chillka-tu-nu-lu.
inscription-verb26 -neg10 -svn4
‘the ancient Mapuche complied, for, after all, the Mapuche could not read
and write very well.’
Notes
1. kisá is Sp. quizás ‘maybe’.
2. syempre is Sp. siempre ‘always’.
3. i.e. ‘of course I did!’.
4. pu che (coll-person) is used to refer to a closely related group of people,
e.g. a family or the residents of a reservation.
5. afkentu is probably derived from af- ‘to end’ (intr.).
6. weshakelu may be analyzed as wesha-ke-lu bad-distr-svn4 . It denotes a
miscellaneous collection of goods.
7. Along with nie- ‘to have’, RR uses nee-.
8. auri-w- is derived from Sp. aburrirse ‘to be bored’. Note that porke, which
is Sp. porque ‘because’, introduces a predicate.
9. Since the speaker is a man, lamngen denotes ‘sister’.

10. rekore- is Sp. recorrer ‘to go over’.
11. anduve ‘he went’ is a Spanish word and has Sp. flection. It is derived from
Sp. andar ‘to walk, to go’.
12. i is Sp. y ‘and’. firma is Sp. firma ‘firm’.
13. This first half of this sentence Spanish; se llama is a form of Sp. llamarse
‘to be called’.
14. kwadriya is Sp. quadrilla ‘team’.
15. tendido de kawle is Sp. tendido de cable ‘laying of cable’.
16. obreru is Sp. obrero ‘labourer’.
17. lugar is Sp. lugar ‘place, post, office’.
18. kapata- is derived from Sp. capataz ‘foreman’.
19. apena is Sp. apenas ‘hardly, scarcely’.
20. kordofese are residents of the city of Córdoba.
21. ni-al is short for nie-al have-nrld9 .ovn4 .
22. manda- is derived form Sp. mandar ‘to order, to send’.
23. ata is Sp. hasta ‘up to, as, as far as.’
24. teremoto is Sp. terremoto ‘earthquake’.
25. nunka is Sp. nunca ‘never’. Note that nunka (like Mapuche turpu ‘never’)
combines with a negative verb, .
26. fali- is derived from Sp. valer ‘to be worth’.
27. yerfa is Sp. hierba ‘grass, herbs’. LQ is interrupted by RR (line 73), then
continues (line 74) and is interrupted again (line 75).
28. fe-m llemay lacks flection markers. It is a petrified construction meaning
‘sure, certainly’.
29. byen is Sp. bien ‘well’.
30. After a vowel tuku- ‘to put at’ is replaced by ntuku- when is occurs as the
second member of a compound.
31. konforma- ‘to comply’ is Sp. conformar.
436 Texts
Text 10. Conversation about work on big farms

In the following text Luis Quinchavil and Rafael Railaf discuss the circumstan-
ces in which they used to work when they were young.
1. LQ: ka rumé kü aw-ül-nge-y che kuyfı́, nu1 ?
and very work-ca34 -pass23 -ind4 -33 person formerly, no
LQ: ‘and in earlier days people were very much forced to work, weren’t they?’
2. ella chipa-y2 antü, kon-üy antü wülá fente-kü aw-üy-ng-ün3 .
a.bit go.out-ind -3 sun, enter-ind -3 sun then that.much-work-ind4 -
4 3 4 3
3ns3 -p2
‘[they worked] from early sunrise, [and only when] the sun went down, theyp
stopped working.’
3. RR: meli mari antü kü aw-ün.
four ten day work-ind1s3
RR: ‘I worked for forty days.’
4. pichi ka-mapu-le-y ti fundu.
little other-land-st28 -ind4 -33 the farm
‘the farm was a bit far away.’
5. a la nwewe4 kon-ke-fu-n, tripa-ke-fu-n rangi pun.
at.nine enter/start-cf14-ipd8-ind1s3 , leave-cf14-ipd8-ind1s3 mid night
‘I started at nine o’clock, I left at midnight.’
6. LQ: rangi pun?
mid night
LQ: ‘at midnight?’
7. RR: rangi pun.
mid night
RR: ‘[yes] at midnight.’
8. mari pesu-mew antü.
ten peso-inst day
‘for ten pesos a day.’
9. fütá kaman plata pi-n iñché welu qa.
big quantity money say/think-ind1s3 I but part
‘and I thought that that was a lot of money!5 ’
10. LQ: chumngechi kulli-nge-ke-fu-y-m-i?
how pay-pass23 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -23 -s2
LQ: ‘how were yous paid?’
11. antü kulli-nge-ke-fu-y-m-i?
day pay-pass23 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -23 -s2
‘were yous paid by the day?’
12. RR: mari pesu kulli-nge-ke-fu-n antü.
ten peso pay-pass23 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind1s3 day
Text 10. Conversation about work on big farms 437
RR: ‘I was paid ten pesos a day.’

13. ka fürolla-ka-künu-nge-n6 ka.
also fool-fac33 -pfps32 -pass23 -ind1s3 part
‘and I was fooled in various ways too!’
14. “rekülama-l-m-i, püreso-a-y-u”, pi-e-n-ew
claim-cond4 -23 -s2 , prisoner-nrld9 -ind4 -1ns3 -d2 -ds1 , say-ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1
ñi pat.ron7 .
poss1s boss
‘ “if yous protest, I will put yous in prison”, my boss told me.’
15. ası́ konformabamo8 .
so we.complied
‘[and] so we complied.’
16. femngechi ta fente ka enggaña-nge-ki-y9 ta-yiñ pu
thus the that.much also deceive-pass23 -cf14 -ind4 -33 the-poss1p coll
familia, ta-yiñ pu kü aw-fe-nge-n.
family, the-poss1p coll work-nom-verb36 -pvn4
‘that way, you know, they also deceived ourp families [and] usp labourers.’
17. LQ: fill-em-mew chem-mew rumé wew-ke-la-y-iñ.
all.sorts-improd.-inst what-inst -ever win-cf14 -neg10 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
LQ: ‘in every respect wep never win, in no way.’
18. RR: chumkanu rumé wew-ke-la-y-iñ, pwe10 .
no.way -ever win-cf -neg -ind -1ns -p , part
14 10 4 3 2
RR: ‘[oh no!] in no way do wep ever win!’

19. LQ: iñché kim-nie-ke-n kuyfı́ . . . , welu ella pichi-ka-el,
I know-prps32 -cf14 -ind1s3 formerly , but a.bit little-cont16 -
kiñe rupa rumé kü aw-me-la-n femngechi fücha-ke
ovn4 , one time -ever work-th20 -neg10 -ind1s3 such big-distr
fundu-mu . 11
farm-inst
LQ: ‘I know that in earlier days . . . , but when I was still a bit young, I have
never gone to work on such big farms.’
20. welu kim-nie-ke-n ñi peñi kü aw-ke-fu-y iñché
but know-prps32 -cf14 -ind1s3 poss1s brother work-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 I
petú pichi-ka-el.
still little-cont16 -ovn4
‘but I know [that] my brothers used to work [there] when I was still young.’
21. pichi-ke kim-nie-ke-n, kuyfı́ kam nge-nu-lu
little-distr know-prps32 -cf14 -ind1s3 , formerly part be-neg10 -svn4
t.raktor, pütrü-ke-n mansun-mew kü aw-ke-fu-y che.
tractor, big/much-distr-pvn4 ox-inst work-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 person
438 Texts
‘I know a little [that], since in earlier days tractors did not exist, people used
to work with a number of oxen.’
22. RR: fe-m-ke-fu-y.
become.like.that-ca34 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
RR: ‘they did [yes].’
23. LQ: femngechi ka-mapu pe-ke-fu-n, no?
so other-land see-cf14 -ipd8 -ind1s3 , no
LQ: ‘I used to see [that] from a distance, you know?’
24. pülle iñchiñ inafül müle-y kiñe füchá fundu.
near wep close be-ind4 -33 one big farm
‘close to usp there was a big farm.’
25. fey-mu wirar-kiaw-ke-fu-y ti pu
that-inst shout-circ30 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 the coll
‘there they used to go about shouting, the . . . ’
26. RR: . . . pu kü aw-fe.
coll work-nom
RR: ‘. . . the labourers.’
27. LQ: . . . pu kü aw-fe, welu fentren trari-ñ mansun, külá mari,
coll work-nom, but large.quantity tie-pvn4 ox, three ten,
epu mari
two ten
LQ: ‘[yes] the labourers, but [there were] many teams of oxen, thirty [or]
twenty . . . ’
28. RR: meli mari!
four ten
RR: ‘forty!’
29. LQ: hmmmm, külleq-mu mungel.
hmmmm, hill-inst especially
LQ: ‘hmmm, especially on the slopes.’
30. RR: minggako12 reké troki-ke-fu-y ta-ñi kü aw-pe-l
collective.labour like opine-cf14-ipd8-ind4-33 the-poss3 work-px13-ovn4
engün.
theyp
RR: ‘theyp viewed the work they did as collective labour.’
31. LQ: hmmmm, welu depwé ewmá13 puw-lu t.raktor, ya14 newé
hmmmm, but later finished arrive-svn tractor, already not.very
4
llow-we-la-y che engün ka, no?

receive-ps19 -neg10 -ind4 -33 person theyp part, no
LQ: ‘hmmmm, but later when the tractors had come, then theyp did not hire
so many people any more, did they?’
32. RR: kü aw ta nge-we-la-y.

work the be-ps19 -neg10 -ind4 -33
RR: ‘indeed, there was no work any more.’
33. LQ: pichi-ke nie-we-y kü aw-pe-lu re külleq
little-distr have-ps19 -ind4 -33 work-px13 -svn4 only slope
kü aw-a-lu.
work-nrld9 -svn4
LQ: ‘they kept a few labourers only to work on the slopes.’
34. RR: re külleq-mew qa.
only slope-inst part
RR: ‘only on the slopes [yes].’
35. tuku-we-la-y-ng-ün rumé ta-ñi külleq-mew ka.
put.at-ps19 -neg10 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 -ever the-poss3 slope-inst part
‘theyp did not plant anything at all on their slopes.’
36. re tuku-y ta chem . . . anü-m-ka-y15 pinu yengün.
only put.at-ind -3 the what
4 3
sit.down-ca34 -fac33 -ind4 -33 reed theyp
‘they just put some . . . theyp planted reed.’
37. LQ: depwé fe-m-üy-ng-ün llemay.
later become.like.that-ca34 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 part
LQ: ‘sure, later theyp did that.’
38. ella-mew kü aw-ka-ke-fu-y külleq engün.
a.bit-inst work-fac33 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 slope theyp
‘[but] in the beginning theyp used to cultivate the slopes.’
39. RR: kü aw-ka-ke-fu-y.
work-fac33 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
RR: ‘right.’
40. LQ: welu ewmá rüf nie-we-nu-al kü aw, kü aw-pe-lu
but almost true have-ps19 -neg10 -nrld9 .ovn4 work, work-px13 -svn4
parese ke16 mungel kü aw-we-la-y ñi külleq engün.
it.seems that especially work-ps19 -neg10 -ind4 -33 poss3 slope theyp
LQ: ‘but when one practically had no work left, it seems that labourers did
not cultivate theirp slopes any more at all.’
41. itro-re anü-m-ka-y-ng-ün.
quite-only sit.down-ca34 -fac33 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2
‘theyp just planted [it].’
42. RR: anü-m-ka-y-ng-ün.
sit.down-ca34 -fac33 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2
RR: ‘right.’
43. LQ: welu kiñe-ke fücha-ke fundo müli-y, huh?.
but one-distr big-distr farm be-ind4 -33 , huh
440 Texts
LQ: ‘but there were some big farms, weren’t there?!’

44. RR: ta-tüfá tüfá petú may.
the-this this still part
RR: ‘there still [are] today.’
45. LQ: may, petú müli-y.
yes, still be-ind4 -33
LQ: ‘yes, there still are.’
46. kuyfı́ ñi müle-n . . . , welu nie-ke-fu-y-ng-ün ñi inkilinu17
formerly poss3 be-pvn , but have-cf -ipd -ind -3ns -p poss3 tenant
4 14 8 4 3 2
engün, no?
theyp , no
‘a long time ago there were . . . , but theyp used to have their own tenants,
didn’t they?’
47. RR: nie-ke-lle-fu-y may inkilinu engün, pero chumkanu rumé
have-cf14-aff11 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 part tenant theyp , but no.way -ever
mari inkilinu nie-ke-la-fu-y engün ka.
ten tenant have-cf14 -neg10 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 theyp part
RR: ‘theyp certainly had tenants, but theyp surely did not have ten of them!’
48. külá inkilinu, epu inkilinu, kiñe inkilinu, ta ti inkilinu moso-le-ke-fu-y;
three tenant, two tenant, one tenant, the the tenant servant-st28 -cf14 -
kwida-kulliñ-ke-fu-y ka kü aw-ke-lle-fu-y-ng-ün
ipd8 -ind4 -33 ; take.care-cattle-cf14 -ipd8-ind4-33 and work-cf14 -aff11 -ipd8 -
ka.
ind4 -3ns3 -p2 part
‘[they had] three tenants [or] two [or] one, these tenants used to be servants;
they used to look after cattle and they certainly did all kinds of work.’
49. ka pichi-ke ka ta ti orixeru18 , pi-la-y engün anchi?
and little-distr also the the earpiece, say-neg10 -ind4 -33 theyp part
‘and theyp also [worked] a bit as eavesdroppers, don’t theyp call [them] that?’
50. ta ti allu-ntuku-che-lu?19
the the consult/accuse-put.at-person-svn4
‘the ones who betrayed people?’
51. ası́ ke20 itro-kom pülé ta allkü-tu-yaw-üy ta ta-ñi21
thus that quite-all side the hear-tr -circ -ind -3 the the-poss3
33 30 4 3
‘and so, they walked about everywhere listening to . . . ’

52. LQ: . . . chem-pi-y . . .
what-say-ind4 -33
LQ: ‘. . . what they said . . . ’
53. RR: . . . chem-pi-y ta-ñi pu kü aw-fe.
what-say-ind4 -33 the-poss3 coll work-nom
RR: ‘. . . what their labourers said.’
54. fey-pi-ntuku-y22 ñi pat.ron-mew.

that-say-put.at-ind4 -33 poss3 boss-inst
‘they passed [it] on to their boss.’
55. femngechi ta ta-ñi chem . . . , ta-ñi femngechi ta-ñi orden
such the the-poss3 what , the-poss3 such the-poss3 order
ta-ñi nie-lel-e-t-ew ta-ñi ülmen ka.
the-poss3 have-ben27 -ido6 -avn4 -ds1 the-poss3 rich part
‘such was the . . . , such was the order their rich [bosses] had [given] them23 .’
56. LQ: welu fey-engün oy kulli-nge-ke-la-fu-y rumé, no?
but that-theyp more pay-pass23 -cf14 -neg10 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 -ever, no?
LQ: ‘but in any case theyp did not get paid more, did they?’
57. RR: chumkanu rumé oy kulli-nge-ke-la-fu-y.
no.way -ever more pay-pass23 -cf14 -neg10 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
RR: ‘in any case they did not get paid more.’
58. ta-ñi oy kümé ta-ñi müle-a-m ka.
the-poss3 more good the-poss3 be-nrld9 -ivn4 part
‘[they did it] to be more sure.’
59. LQ: ta-ñi nelküm-nge-nu-a-m24 .
the-poss3 lossen/fire-pass23 -neg10 -nrld9 -ivn4
LQ: ‘so that they would not get fired.’
60. RR: may, ta-ñi nelküm-nge-nu-al.
yes, the-poss3 loosen/fire-pass23 -neg10 -nrld9 .ovn4
RR: ‘sure, not to get fired.’
61. LQ: welu fey-mu mungel inkilinu kü aw-ki-y pu wingka, pofre
but that-inst especially tenant work-cf14-ind4-33 coll stranger, poor
wingka, no?
stranger, no
LQ: ‘but especially strangers, poor strangers, did that kind of work as a
tenant, didn’t they?’
62. oy nie-ke-nu-lu reké ñi chew ñi amu-al;
more have-cf14 -neg10 -svn4 as.it.were poss3 where poss3 go-nrld9 .ovn4 ;
nel-üm-nge-l-e fey-ti-mu, nie-la-y
become.loose-ca34 -pass23 -cond4 -33 that-the-inst, have-neg10 -ind4 -33
chew ñi puw-al.
where poss3 arrive/stay-nrld9 .ovn4
‘because they sort of have less places to go; if they get fired from there, they
have nowhere to go.’
63. iñché femngechi kim-fi-n oy ewmá nü-lu fundu iñchiñ.
I thus learn-edo6 -ind1s3 more finished take-svn4 farm wep
‘I learned that after wep had taken over a farm.’
442 Texts
64. chew rumé kasi25 pe-la-n mapuche inkilinu iñché!

where -ever almost see-neg10 -ind1s3 Mapuche tenant I
‘almost nowhere did I see a Mapuche tenant.’
65. wingka mungel.
stranger especially
‘mostly strangers.’
66. ka-keñ pülé welu müle-pe-la-y.
other-distr side but be-px13 -neg10 -ind4 -33
‘but there probably were at other places.’
67. RR: chem-mew am fe-m-lle-nu-a-fu-lu,
kwando pu wingka nie-nu-lu ñi chew puw-al!
when coll stranger have-neg10 -svn4 poss3 where stay-nrld9 .ovn4
RR: ‘why wouldn’t the strangers do that when they have nowhere to go!’
68. entonse fiy fende-w-ke-fu-y reké ta-ñi pu
then that sell-ref31 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 as.it.were the-poss3 coll
ülmen-mu ka.
rich-inst part
‘[and] therefore they used to hire themselves out, as it were, to their rich
[bosses].’
69. fey-ti pu mapuche kay syempre kay wiño-tu-ke-fu-y
that-the coll Mapuche part always part go.back-re16 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
ta-ñi mapu-mew.
the-poss3 land-inst
‘the Mapuche, however, always used to go back to their land.’
70. chunté pichi nie-wü-y rumé mapu ta-ñi chaw-mapu-mu
how.much little have-ps19 -ind4 -33 -ever land the-poss3 father-land-inst
puw-tu-y.
arrive/stay-re16 -ind4 -33
‘no matter how little land they had left, they went back to live in their fa-
therland.’
71. fey-ti pu wingka kay fey nie-la-y ñi
that-the coll stranger part that/then have-neg10 -ind4 -33 poss3
puw-a-m.
arrive/stay-nrld9 -ivn4
‘the strangers, on the other hand, did not have a place to stay.’
72. fey tripa-la-y engün, pwe?
that leave-neg10 -ind4 -33 theyp , part
‘so theyp did not go away, huh?’
73. chum-a-fu-y engün kay?
do.what/how-nrld9 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 theyp part
‘what could theyp do?’

74. amu-l-e kañ pülé, pe-nu-l-e kü aw, treka-yaw-pü a-ya-lu26
go-cond -3 other side, see-neg -cond -3 work, walk-circ30 -aiml-
4 3 10 4 3
engün.
nrld9 -svn4 theyp
‘if they go elsewhere [and] do not find work, they will walk about aimlessly.’
75. LQ: welu kiñe-ke ti pofre wingka ella-mu, iñchiñ yiñ
but one-distr the poor stranger a.bit-inst, wep poss1p
mapuche-nge-n kam rumé kümé piwke-nge-lu, no? . . .
Mapuche-verb36 -pvn4 part very good heart-verb36 -svn4 , no?
kiñe-ke fücha-ke longko fey elu-ñma-fi-y27 engün ñi
one-distr old-distr head that/the give-io26 -edo6 -ind4 -33 theyp poss3
inafül puw-al.
nearby stay-nrld9 .ovn4
LQ: ‘but in the beginning some of those poor strangers — for wep , Mapuche,
have a big heart, don’t we? — . . . some ancient leaders allowed them to live
nearby.’
76. welu depwé fey-ti-chi we a-ke wingka nü-nie-ñma-r-pu-tu-e-y-iñ-mu
but later that-the-adj bad-distr stranger take-prps32 -io26 -itr18 -loc17 -
mapu nga?
re16 -ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 -ds1 land part
‘but later these awful strangers continued to take land back from usp , remem-
ber?’
Notes
1. Note that word final o varies freely with u even in loans.

2. chipa- ∼ tripa- ‘to leave’ (LQ).
3. When fente ‘that much’ occurs as the first member in a compound verb it
must be rendered ‘to stop’. Line 2 runs literally: the sun came up a bit,
the sun went down then theyp stopped working.
4. a la nwewe is Sp. a las nueve ‘nine o’clock’.
5. RR is bitter; his salary was very low.
6. fürolla- is derived from Sp. embrollar ‘to muddle, to confuse’.
7. rekülama- ∼ reklama- is Sp. reclamar ‘to claim’, püresu- is derived from Sp.
preso ‘prisoner’, pat.ron is Sp. patrón ‘boss’.
8. This sentence is entirely Spanish.
9. enggaña- is Sp. engañar ‘to deceive’.
10. pwe is Sp. pues ‘well, right?’.
11. The sentence iñché kimnieken kuyfı́ . . . is not finished; LQ interrupts himself
and starts again in line 20.
444 Texts
12. minggako ‘collective labour’; minggako- ‘to farm in common’ is a Quechua

loan, cf. Qu. minkaku- ‘to hire labourers’.
13. ewmá usually means ‘almost’ but is also used to denote that an event is
already taking place or has already taken place, cf. ewma- ‘to make, to
finish’; ew ‘already’.
14. ya is Sp. ya ‘already’.
15. anü-m-ka- is the common word for ‘to plant’. RR means to say that the
farm owners did not cultivate the slopes any more. They just planted reed,
which does not require maintenance.
16. parese ke is the Spanish construction parece que ‘it seems that’.
17. inkilinu is Sp. inquilino ‘tenant’.
18. orixeru is derived from Sp. orejera ‘earflap, earpiece’.
19. allu-ntuku- consult/accuse-put.at- ‘to betray’ has lexicalized meaning.
20. ası́ ke is Sp. ası́ que ‘so, consequently’.
21. Considering the possessive pronoun ta-ñi , RR is about to use a verbal noun.
But, after being interrupted by LQ who uses a predicate, RR continues with
the predicate which is suggested to him by LQ.
22. fey-pi-ntuku- that.say-put.at- ‘to tell, to pass on’ has lexicalized meaning.
23. Lit.: . . . the order which their rich had for them.
24. nelküm- = nel-üm- get.loose-ca34 - ‘to loosen’.
25. kasi is Sp. casi ‘almost’.
26. -pü a- aiml has not been numbered, see 27.1.
27. elu-ñma- give-io26 - ‘to allow’ has lexicalized meaning.
Text 11. Conversation about land disappropriation 445
Text 11. Conversation about land disappropriation

After the “final pacification” of Araucania in the 1880s, the Mapuche were
confined to specific areas (reducciones ‘reservations’). Larger and better pieces
of land were handed out to non-Indian Chilean farmers and immigrants from
Europe. The resentment the Mapuche feel about this policy and the resulting
antagonism between the Indian and non-Indian population are still vivid today.
1. LQ: iñchiñ inafül femngechi puw-üy kiñe wingka.

wep near/close thus arrive/stay-ind4 -33 one stranger
LQ: ‘for instance, a stranger settled down near usp .’
2. RR: yana wüyá wingka?
half.breed bad stranger
RR: ‘a half-breed wicked stranger?’
3. LQ: hmmm, fey elu-ngi-y, turpu nie-rke-la-fu-y
hmmm, he give-pass23 -ind4 -33 , never have-rep12 -neg10 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
chew ñi müle-al, no?
where poss3 be-nrld9 .ovn4 , no
LQ: ‘hmmm,they gave him land, he never had a place to stay, you know?’
4. RR: püchi-künu-l-nge-y mapu?
little-pfps32 -ben27 -pass23 -ind4 -33 land
RR: ‘did they let him [have] a little land?’
5. LQ: may, pichi-l-ngi-y mapu ñi chew . . .
yes, little-verb36 -pass23 -ind4 -33 land poss3 where
LQ: ‘yes, they gave him little land where he . . . ’
6. RR: . . . chew ñi müle-al.
where poss3 be-nrld9 .ovn4
RR: ‘. . . where he could stay.’
7. LQ: . . . ñi ewma-yal ñi ruka.
poss3 make-nrld9 .ovn4 poss3 house
LQ: ‘. . . where he could build his house.’
8. welu ru-pa-le-chi1 tripantu-mew fey oy amu-l-nie-y
but pass-hh17-st28-svn4-adj year-inst he more go-ca34-prps32-ind4-33
ñi ...
poss3
‘but as years went by, he went on [and took] more and more . . . ’
9. RR: amu-l-nie-tu-y!
go-ca34 -prps32 -re16 -ind4 -33
RR: ‘he kept on [taking]!’
10. LQ: amu-l-nie-tu-y.
go-ca34 -prps32 -re16 -ind4 -33
LQ: ‘he kept on [taking].’
446 Texts
11. iñché kim-püra-me-pa-n . . . , kayu mari tripantu-nge-y ñi

I know-go.up-th20 -hh17 -ind1s3 , six ten year-verb36 -ind4 -33 poss3
puw-ün ti wingka, welu oy rangiñ nü-nie-ñma-rke-e-y-iñ-mu
arrive-pvn4 the stranger, but more half take-prps32 -io26 -rep12 -ido6 -
yiñ ...
ind4 -1ns3 -p2 -ds1 poss1p
‘I realized that . . . , that stranger stayed for sixty years, but he had taken
from usp more than half of ourp . . . ’
12. RR: . . . mapu?
land
RR: ‘. . . land?’
13. LQ: may, yiñ lof.
yes, poss1p reservation
LQ: ‘of ourp reservation, yes.’
14. iñchiñ2 fücha-ke che, fey-engün kewa-kewa-nge-ki-y.
wep big/old-distr person, that-theyp fight-fight-verb36 -cf14 -ind4 -33
‘ourp elders, theyp were constantly fighting.’
15. RR: kishu yengün welu3 qa?
self theyp but part
RR: ‘with each other?’
16. LQ: kishu yengün.
self theyp
LQ: ‘right.’
17. RR: kim-la-y rumé chew ñi iniy ñi nie-n . . . , ñi
know-neg10 -ind4 -33 -ever where poss3 who poss3 have-pvn4 , poss3
nü-nie-ñma-e-t-ew ñi mapu engün.
take-prps32 -io26 -ido6 -avn4 -ds1 poss3 land theyp
RR: ‘they did not even know where nor from whom he had . . . , that he had
taken their land from themp .’
18. LQ: may, ka-nge-lu, fey ayü-w-üy ka.
yes, other-verb36 -svn4 , he/they love-ref31 -ind4 -33 part
LQ: ‘yes, the others, they were glad.’
19. iñchiñ4 lof ella-mu, kishu-ke lof elu-el ñi mapu,
wep reservation a.bit-inst, self-distr reservation give-ovn4 poss3 land,
kiñe warangka5 epu mari kechu ektária6 .
one thousand two ten five hectare
‘in the beginning, ourp reservation [had] 1025 hectares, when each reservation
was given its land.’
20. RR: nü-ntu-nie-y?
take-improd.-prps32 -ind4 -33
RR: ‘did he take [it] away?’

21. LQ: no, nie-y ta-yiñ lof.
no, have-ind4 -33 the-poss1p reservation
LQ: ‘no, ourp reservation had.’
22. RR: ah, nie-y ta-mün lof ?
ah, have-ind4 -33 the-poss2p reservation
RR: ‘ah, yourp reservation had!’
23. füta-ke kaman mapu, hey?
big-distr quantity land, hey
‘a lot of land, hey?’
24. LQ: welu iñché kim-kon-pa-n nie-we-rke-y-iñ
but I know/learn-enter-hh17 -ind1s3 have-ps19 -rep12 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
kayu mari kechu mütem, ka-nge-lu kom nie-y.
six ten five only, other-verb36 -svn4 all have-ind4 -33
LQ: ‘but I understood [that] wep had only 65 left, the other one had every-
thing.’
25. RR: oy rangiñ nü-ntu-nie-ñma-y-m-ün-mu reké?!
more half take-improd.-prps32 -io26 -ind4 -23 -p2 -ds1 as.it.were
RR: ‘he had more or less taken away from youp more than half?!’
26. LQ: may, fey-chi ewmá7 ya8 oy kim-kon-y-iñ
yes, that-adj finished already more know/learn-enter-ind4 -1ns3 -p2
ka.
part
LQ: ‘yes, but this time wep had become more aware!’
27. RR: kona-kona-tu-tu-y-m-ün?
soldier-soldier-sfr36 -re16 -ind4 -23 -p2
RR: ‘youp got courage again?’
28. LQ: kona-kona-tu-tu-y-iñ.
soldier-soldier-sfr36 -re16 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
LQ: ‘wep did.’
29. fey nü-tu-y-iñ mapu.
that/then take-re16 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 land
‘wep then took [our] land back.’
30. RR: may, ta ti wingka, chew am amu-tu-y?
yes, the the stranger, where part go-re16 -ind4 -33
RR: ‘yes, [and] that stranger, where did he go back to?’
31. tripa-tu-y kam pichi-künu-l-tu-fi-y-m-ün mapu?
leave-re16 -ind4 -33 or little-pfps32 -ben27 -re16 -edo6 -ind4 -23 -p2 land
‘did he go back home or did youp let him [have] a little land again?’
448 Texts
32. LQ: no, entu-fi-y-iñ wekun.

no, take.out-edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 outside
LQ: ‘no, wep evicted him.’
33. fey ñi inafül kiñe pichi . . . , ngilla-y pichin mapu.
he poss3 near/close one little , buy-ind4 -33 small. quantity
‘close to his own [former land] a little . . . , he bought a little land.’
34. welu mapuche ngilla-ñma-la-fi-y.
but Mapuche buy-io26 -neg10 -edo6 -ind4 -33
‘but he did not buy it from a Mapuche.’
35. RR: ka wingka?
other stranger
RR: ‘[from] another stranger?’
36. LQ: may, fey-mew ütrüf-tuku-künu-me-tu-fi-y-iñ.
yes, that-inst throw-put.at-pfps32 -th20 -re16 -edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
LQ: ‘yes, [and] then wep threw him out again.’
37. kom nü-tu-y-iñ.
all take-re16 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘wep took back everything.’
38. fewlá petú kom kü aw-küle-y, yiñ fücha-ke che.
now still all work-st28 -ind4 -33 , poss1p big-distr person
‘today they all still cultivate it, ourp elders.’
39. wü a-m-nge-la-y.
split.up(intr.)-ca34 -pass23 -neg10 -ind4 -33
‘it has not been split up.’
40. RR: chum-ka-la-y ke9 tüfá?
do.what/how-cont16 -neg10 -ind4 -33 part this
RR: ‘they did not do anything about it?’
41. LQ: no, chum-la-y rumé.
no, do.what/how-neg10 -ind4 -33 -ever
LQ: ‘no, they did not do anything at all.’
42. iñchiñ petú ñi müle-n Frey kü aw-fi-y-iñ, pwe.
wep still poss3 be-pvn4 frey work-edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 , part
‘wep still cultivated it when Frey was there.’
43. RR: ahyaya.
ahyaya
RR: ‘ahyaya.’
44. LQ: ewmá müle-a-lu eleksion nga setenta, fey-mew fey-ti-chi
almost be-nrld9 -svn4 election part seventy, that-inst that-the-adj
gobyernu Frey entonse rumé fali-li-y, pwe.10
government frey then very be.worth-st -ind -3 , part
28 4 3
LQ: ‘when the elections were imminent, in the seventies, then this Frey go-
vernment was very good, you know.’
45. RR: fali-li-y ta-chi fey-chi ungu.
be.worth-st28 -ind4 -33 the-adj that-adj matter
RR: ‘[yes], that was good.’
46. LQ: may, ka müle-fu-y ti gowernaor11 wariya-mew.
yes, and be-ipd8 -ind4 -33 the governor town-inst
LQ: ‘yes, and there was this governor in town.’
47. fey-ti-chi gowernaor trem-ürki-y iñchiñ pülé.
that-the-adj governor grown-rep12 -ind4 -33 wep side
‘this governor had grown up in ourp region.’
48. fey rumé kümé kom kim-nie-rki-y chumngechi yiñ
he very good all know-prps32 -rep12 -ind4 -33 how poss1p
nü-ñma-nge-n yiñ mapu.
take-io26 -pass23 -pvn4 poss1p land
‘he knew everything very well about how wep had been robbed of ourp land.’
49. fey fey-ta ka uam-nie-lu woto12 kam, fey-chi engün
that/he that-the also need-prps -svn vote part, that-adj theyp
32 4
kellu-kantu-e-y-iñ-mu ka.
help-play22 -ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 -ds1 part
‘since they needed votes, these [people] sort of helped usp .’
50. welu iñchiñ nü-ñma-fi-y-iñ kellu ka.
but wep take-io27 -edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 help part
‘as for us, wep accepted [their] help, of course.’
51. fey kom küme-l-ka-künu-y-iñ ungu fey-chi.
that/then all good-ca34 -fac33 -pfps32 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 matter that-adj
‘then wep all had [our] affairs nicely settled that way.’
52. fey-mu tüfá tüfa-chi gobyernu-mu chum-nge-la-y
that-inst this this-inst government-inst do.what/how-pass23 -neg10 -ind4 -
rumé.
33 -ever
‘therefore, you know, under that government, one was not harmed at all.’
53. RR: welu fali-y ta-mün kellu-el qa, porke
but be.worth-ind4 -33 the-poss2p help-ovn4 part, because
nü-ntu-tu-lu mün mapu eymün.
take-improd.-re16 -svn4 poss2p land youp
RR: ‘but it was good that youp were helped, because youp have taken back
yourp land.’
54. LQ: fali-y llemay, welu fey-engün ka uam-ma-nie-fe-y-iñ-mu
be.worth-ind4 -33 part, but that-theyp also need-exp35 -prps32 -
450 Texts
ka!
ipd8 .ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 -ds1 part
LQ: ‘sure, that was good, but theyp also wanted something from usp !’
55. fey-mu llemay fey-engün uam-fu-y woto fey-chi, pwe!
that-inst part that-theyp need-ipd8 -ind4 -33 vote that-adj, part
‘obviously theyp needed votes in exchange for that, didn’t they?!’
56. iñchiñ aprowecha-fi-y-iñ13 ka fey ka.
wep take.advantage-edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 also that/he/they also
‘wep took advantage of them too.’
57. chum-a-fu-y-iñ kay?
do.what/how-nrld9 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 part
‘what [else] could wep do?’
Notes
1. -pa- hh17 is part of the stem.
2. The speaker probably omitted the possessive pronoun yiñ poss1p.
3. welu ‘but, although, reverse, in exchange, mutually’.
4. See note 2.
5. warangka is borrowed from Quechua or Aymara waranqa ‘thousand’. Con-
sidering lines 24 and 25, LQ probably means to say that his reservation
contained 125 hectares.
6. ektária is Sp. hectárea ‘hectare’.
7. ewmá ‘almost, finished’, cf. ewma- ‘to make, to finish’; ew ‘already’.
8. ya is Sp. ya ‘already’.
9. For ke, see 32.17.
10. Note that this sentence contains an uncommon amount of Spanish loans
for LQ: eleksion is Sp. elección ‘election’; setenta is Sp. setenta ‘seventy’;
gobyernu is Sp. gobierno ‘government’; entonse is Sp. entonces ‘then’; fali-
is derived from Sp. valer ‘to be worth’; pwe is Sp. pues ‘well, right, you
know?’.
11. gowernaor is Sp. gobernador ‘governor’.
12. woto is Sp. voto ‘vote’.
13. aprowecha- is derived from Sp. aprovechar ‘to take advantage of’.
Text 12. Our reservation 451
Text 12. Our reservation

In this story Mario Millapi talks about the land where he lives with his relatives
and his wife’s relatives. The land is situated in Boyeco, north of the city of
Temuco. The reservation as such is not marked visibly.
1. iñché müle-pa-tu-y-iñ faw oy külá tripantu-mew.
I be-hh17 -re16 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 here more three year-inst
‘I, wep have been back here for more than three years.’
2. kuyfı́ üyüw müle-ke-fu-y-iñ ñuke iñchiñ, lamngen,
formerly over.there be-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 mother wep , sister,
peñi.
brother
‘a long time ago, wep used to live over there1 , [my] mother, sister [and] bro-
ther.’
3. fey-mu fey aku-tu-lu ñi peñi . . . , kañ pülé miaw-ke-y
that-inst he arrive-re16 -svn4 poss1s brother , other side wander-cf14 -ind4 -
kishu, Santiago miaw-ke-y, kü aw-kiaw-ke-y ...
33 self, Santiago wander-cf14 -ind4 -33 , work-circ30 -cf14 -ind4 -33
‘and then, when my brother came back . . . , he hung around elsewhere, he
hung around in Santiago, he worked around . . . ’
4. aku-tu-lu fey kishu kü aw-a-m, wichu kü aw-a-m kisu,
arrive-re16 -svn4 he self work-nrld9 -ivn4 , apart work-nrld9 -ivn4 self,
fey el-künu-fi-ñ ñuke engu.
that/then leave-pfps32 -edo6 -ind1s3 mother theyd
‘when he came back to work on his own, to work separately on his own, then
I left him with my mother2 .’
5. iñché fiy küpa-n fey tüfa-chi mapu-mew, ta-ñi omo
I that/then come-ind1s3 that this-adj land-inst, the-poss1s woman
ñi mapu.
poss3 land
‘then I came to this land here, my wife’s land.’
6. fey küpa-y-iñ kom.
that/then come-ind4 -1ns3 -p2 all
‘then wep all came.’
7. üyüw ñi peñi fey müle-y kisu, ñi lamngen engu, ina-n
over.there poss1s brother he be-ind4 -33 self, poss1s sister theyd , follow-
lamngen, ka ñi ñuke.
pvn4 sister, and poss1s mother
‘over there my brother lives on his own, with my sister, a younger sister, and
my mother.’
8. fey oy kümé kü aw-küle-tu-y.
he more good work-st28 -re16 -ind4 -33
452 Texts
‘he is fairly good at work again.’

9. ka nie-y waka.
also have-ind4 -33 cow
‘he also has cows.’
10. el-el-künu-fi-ñ ti waka kisu ñi kü aw-a-m kümé,
leave-ben27-pfps32-edo6-ind1s3 the cow self poss3 work-nrld9-ivn4 good,
ni-a-m3 plata.
have-nrld9 -ivn4 money
‘I left him the cows so that he could work fine on his own, so that he would
have money.’
11. kishu am kañ pülé miaw-ke-fu-lu, fey küme-l-ka-yaw-la-y
self part other side wander-cf14 -ipd8 -svn4 , he good-ca34 -fac33 -circ31 -
oy kañ pülé miaw-lu.
neg10 -ind4 -33 more other side wander-svn4
‘for he used to go about on his own elsewhere, [and] he was not doing well
when he hung around elsewhere.’
12. aku-tu-lu fey, müle-naq-pa-tu-y,
arrive-re16 -svn4 he, be-go.down-hh17 -re16 -ind4 -33 ,
wim-pa-tu-y.
get.used-hh17 -re16 -ind4 -33
‘when he came back, he settled here again [and] got used [to it] again.’
13. fey-mu fach-antü petú müle-ka-y.
that-inst this-day still be-cont16 -ind4 -33
‘therefore he still lives [here] today.’
14. kü aw-küle-y ka iñché tüfa-mu fey ka kü aw-küle-n ka.
work-st28 -ind4 -33 and I this-inst that also work-st28 -ind1s3 also
‘he works and I work here too.’
15. kellu-w-küle-y-iñ kom.
help-ref31 -st28 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 all
‘wep all help each other.’
16. femngechi fey-ta oy pichin mapu-mu
thus that-the more small.quantity land-inst
wirko-le-la-y-iñ.
pile.up-st28 -neg10 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘this way wep are not heaped up all together on a rather small piece of land.’
17. kisu kalli-ka-w-kü aw-küle-y-iñ4, oy ka faw fiy oy
self enable-fac33 -ref31 -work-st28 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 , more also here that more
müle-lu am lelfün.
be-svn4 part field
‘wep work on our own and leave each other in peace, especially since there is
quite a lot of space here.’
18. kisu-le-fu-y tüfa-chi lelfün.

alone-st28 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 this-adj field
‘this plot lay fallow.’
19. fey iñché pe-pa-fi-ñ.
that/then I see-hh17 -edo6 -ind1s3
‘then I came to have a look at it.’
20. “ruka-w-pu-a-y-u”, pi-y ta-ñi omo,
house-ref31 -loc17 -nrld9 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 , say-ind4 -33 the-poss1s woman,
ka ta-ñi llalla ka.
and the-poss1s mother.in.law also
‘ “wed will build a house and settle down”, said my wife and my mother-in-law
too.’
21. “kishu-le-pü a-y mapu”, pi-y.
alone-st28 -aiml-ind4 -33 land, say-ind4 -33
‘ “the land lies fallow”, she said.’
22. “ka che üta-l-uw-küle-a-fu-y, ka che
other person graze-ca34 -ref31 -st28 -nrld9 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 , other person
trem-üm-kulliñ-küle-a-fu-y”, pi-fi-y.
grown-ca34 -cattle-st28 -nrld9 -ipd6 -ind4 -33 say-edo6 -ind4 -33
‘ “other people might graze [their cattle], other people might be raising cattle”,
she said to her.’
23. “faw kwida-pa-fi-y-iñ ta-chi mapu”.
here take.care-hh17 -edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 the-adj land
‘ “let usp take care of this land here.”’
24. fey-ti ka-ke-lu, omo ñi lamngen, fey nge-la-y
that-the other-distr-svn4, woman poss3 sister, he/they be-neg10 -ind4 -33
faw, kañ pülé miaw-üy.
here, other side wander-ind4 -33
‘the others, my wife’s sister [for instance], they are not here, they are else-
where.’
25. kü aw-kiaw-ki-y-ng-ün.
work-circ30 -cf14 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2
‘theyp work here and there.’
26. kiñe-ke monge-le-y ka kiñe-ke la-y.
one-distr get.life-st28 -ind4 -33 and one-distr die-ind4 -33
‘some are alive, and others have died.’
27. fey-mu fey-ta faw müle-pa-tu-y-iñ fach-antü fey tüfa-chi
that-inst that-the here be-hh17 -re16 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 this-day that this-adj
lelfün-mew.
field-inst
‘therefore, for this reason, wep are back here today on this plot.’
454 Texts
28. welu kiñe lof-mu müten5 müle-ka-y; kañ pülé

but one reservation-inst only be-cont16 -ind4 -33 ; other side
tripa-la-n.
go.out-neg10 -ind1s3
‘but it is still in one and the same reservation; I did not go out to other places.’
29. kiñe lof-mu müten ka-ruka-tu-le-y-iñ kom.
one reservation-inst only other-house-improd.-st28 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 all
‘wep are all neighbours in one reservation.’
30. faw trem-y-iñ kom.
here grown-ind4 -1ns3 -p2 all
‘wep all grew up here.’
31. ka ñi omo ka trem-üy faw tüfa-chi lof-mew.
also poss1s woman also grown-ind4 -33 here this-adj reservation-inst
‘my wife grew up here too, in this reservation.’
32. iñché ka fey kañ pülé tuw-no-chi che iñchiñ re faw
I also that other side come.from-neg10 -svn4 -adj person wep only here
trem-ka-lu müten.
grown-cont16 -svn4 only
‘me too, I am [one of those] people that do not come from somewhere else,
since wep have been [born and] raised right here.’
33. fey-mu fey-ta re kim-uw-küle-y-iñ kom.
that-inst that-the only know-ref31 -st28 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 all
‘therefore, you know, wep all know each other.’
34. kom re familia-wen müle-y.
all only familia-rel be-ind4 -33
‘it is all [in the] family.’
35. tute-w-küle-tu-y-iñ oy fach-antü.
please-ref31 -st28 -re16 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 more this-day
‘wep like each other better again today.’
36. fey-mu ta tuku-l-pa-meke-tu-fi-ñ6 fach-antü
that-inst the put.at-ca34 -hh17 -pr28 -re16 -edo6 -ind1s3 this-day
fey-tüfa-chi ungu.
that-this-adj matter
‘therefore I have brought up this matter again today.’
Notes
1. MM points in the direction of his mother’s house.
2. MM is the eldest and is therefore responsible for the well-being of his bro-
ther.
3. ni-a-m is short for nie-a-m have-nrld9 -ivn4 .

4. kalli-ka-w- followed by a verb indicates ‘to let each other perform the event
denoted by’ the verb.
5. müten (MM) = mütem (LQ,RR) ‘only’.
6. tuku-l-pa- ‘to bring to mind, to remember’ has a lexicalized meaning. The
suffixes -l- ca34 and -pa- hh17 are part of the stem.
456 Texts
Text 13. My father

In this story Mario Millapi talks about his late father.
1. iñché may tüfá ka ka1 pichi nütram-ka-ya-n . . . , fiy

I part this also also little conversation-fac33 -nrld9 -ind1s3 , that
ta-ñi chaw-em tuku-l-pa-a-fi-ñ.
the-poss1s father-ex put.at-ca34 -hh17 -nrld9 -edo6 -ind1s3
‘yes, I will now tell a bit . . . , well, I will remember my late father.’
2. ta-ñi chaw epu mari tripantu-mew nge-tu-y ta-ñi
the-poss1s father two ten year-inst be-re16 -ind4 -33 the-poss3
la-mu-m.
die-plpf7 -ivn4
‘it has been twenty years now since my father died.’
3. ta kuyfı́ pichi-ke wentru-ngi-y, ta-ñi pu peñi
the formerly little-distr man-verb36 -ind4 -33 , the-poss3 coll brother
el-künu-y.
leave-pfps32 -ind4 -33
‘in earlier times he had little boys, he left his brothers behind.’
4. iñché fiy wüne-n.
I that/then first-pvn4
‘I [was] then the eldest.’
5. iñché nge-la-n fey-tüfa-mew ta-ñi ruka-mew fey-chi la-lu.
I be-neg10-ind1s3 that-this-inst the-poss3 house-inst that-adj die-svn4
‘I was not here in his house when he died.’
6. iñché etudiya-le-fu-n2 Temuko fiy la-lu ta-ñi chaw.
I study-st28 -ipd8 -ind1s3 Temuco that/then die-svn4 the-poss1s father
‘I was a student in Temuco at the time my father died.’
7. kishu kuyfı́ etudiya-y ka, kishu fey-ta
self formerly study-ind4 -33 also, self that-the
profesor-nge-fu-ye-m3 .
teacher-verb36 -ipd8 -cf5 -ivn4
‘in former times he studied, when he was a teacher.’
8. kim-el-tu-che-ke-fu-y.
learn/know-ca34 -tr33 -person-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
‘he used to teach people.’
9. nie-ke-fu-y kishu ta-ñi kolexio kishu ta-ñi ruka-mew.
have-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 self the-poss3 school self the-poss3 house-inst
‘he used to have his own school in his own house.’
10. welu wüné nie-nu-lu ruka kañ pülé nie-ke-fu-y
but first have-neg10 -svn4 house other side have-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
Text 13. My father 457
ta-ñi kolexio ka ruka-mew.

the-poss3 school other house-inst
‘but, because he did not have a house at first, he used to have his school
elsewhere, in another house.’
11. arenda-ke-fu-y4 chi ruka.
lease-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 the house
‘he rented that house.’
12. are-tu-ke-fu-y5 fiy kulli-ke-fwi-y ti nge-n
lend-tr33 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 that pay-cf14 -ipd8 .edo6 -ind4 -33 the be/have-
ruka.
pvn4 house
‘he rented it [and] paid the house owner.’
13. fey-mu müle-ke-fu-y.
that-inst be-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
‘he used to live there.’
14. femngechi iñché kim-pa-fi-ñ.
thus I learn/know-hh17 -edo6 -ind1s3
‘that is how I got to know him.’
15. miaw-ke-fu-y kañ pülé pukem.
wander-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 other side winter
‘he used to hang around elsewhere in winter time.’
16. kutran-ka-w-ke-fu-y-iñ no-a-m ko-mew,
illness-fac33 -ref31 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 cross-nrld9 -ivn4 water-inst,
no-me ko müle-ye-m ewmá fey-tüfey-chi
cross-th20 -nom water be-cf5 -ivn4 almost/finished that-that-adj
kolexio-tu-a-m.
school-verb36 -nrld9 -ivn4
‘wep used to suffer whenever we had to cross the water, whenever we were on
the other side of the water, to get in that school.’
17. ka kishu ka miaw-ke-fu-y femngechi, kishu fiy
and self also wander-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 thus, self that/then
kutran-ka-w-ke-fu-y.
illness-fac33 -ref31 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
‘he also went about like that, he used to suffer too.’
18. iñchiñ kim-el-tu-e-y-iñ-mu kom faw müle-chi
wep learn/know-ca34 -tr33 -ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 -ds1 all here be-svn4 -adj
pu we-che-ke wentru.
coll new/young-person-distr man
‘he taught all of usp young men who lived there.’
458 Texts
19. kishu kim-el-e-n-ew.

self learn/know-ca34 -ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1
‘he taught me.’
20. welu rumé wenüy-nge-fu-y kishu.
but very friend-verb36 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 self.
‘besides he had many friends.’
21. rumé kümé che pi-nge-fu-y.
very good person say/think-pass23 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
‘he was considered a very good person.’
22. trap-üm-ke-fwi-y che, wenüy-ka-ke-fwi-y,
fit(intr.)-ca34-cf14-ipd8.edo6-ind4-33 person, friend-fac33-cf14-ipd8.edo6-
wingka-wenüy6 nie-fu-y, mapuche ka kañ pülé müle-lu.
ind -3 , stranger-friend have-ipd8 -ind4 -33 , Mapuche also other side be-svn4
4 3
‘he used to bring people together, he used to make friends, he had wingka
friends [and] also Mapuche [friends] who lived elsewhere.’
23. rumé küme-ke wenüy nie-ke-fu-y.
very good-distr friend have-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
‘he used to have very good friends.’
24. ka iñché ka fiy ka femngechi kim-pa-fi-ñ tüfá ta-ñi
and I also that also thus learn/know-hh17 -edo6 -ind1s3 this the-
chaw.
poss1s father
‘and I know my father that way now too.’
25. fey epu mari tripantu-mu la-y, pen nga ti7 .
he two ten year-inst die-ind -3 , alas part the
4 3
‘he died twenty years ago, God bless him.’

26. fey kishu-le-we-y-iñ.
that/then alone-st28 -ps19 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘wep remained alone then.’
27. kishu8 la-lu, profesor-küle-fu-y, petú petú kim-el-tu-nie-fu-y
self die-svn4 , teacher-st28 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 , still still learn/know-ca34 -tr33 -
pichi-ke che.
prps32 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 little-distr person
‘when he died, he was a teacher, he was still teaching children.’
28. rangiñ tripantu amu-le-y, xunio-küyen-mu9 fiy fey la-y.
middle year go-st -ind -3 , june-month-inst that/then he die-ind4 -33
28 4 3
‘it was getting on toward the middle of the year, toward the month of June,
[and] then he died.’
29. fey-mu fey-ta fach-antü ewmá epu mari tripantu amu-le-y.
that-inst that-the this-day almost two ten year go-st28 -ind4 -33
‘from then until today almost twenty years have passed.’

30. iñchiñ fiy ta-yiñ pu peñi-wen-nge-n lamngen fey
wep that/then the-poss1p coll brother-rel-verb36 -pvn4 sister that
müle-ye-lu, fiy kom re ina-n-nge-y-ng-ün; iñché
be-pl24 -svn4 , that/then all only next-pvn4 -verb36 -ind4 -3ns3 -p2 ; I
fiy wüne-n.
that/then first-pvn4
‘wep , [my] brothers and sisters [and I], who were numerous, were all younger;
I [was] the eldest then.’
31. iñché la-lu ñi chaw fiy müle-pa-tu-n.
I die-svn4 poss1s father that/then be-hh17 -re16 -ind1s3
‘when my father died, I came back here.’
32. kampu-mew aku-tu-n.
field-inst arrive-re16 -ind1s3
‘I came back to the country.’
33. iñché am wüne-n; ñuke kishu-le-wü-y, ka ñi pu
I part first-pvn4 ; mother alone-st28 -ps19 -ind4 -33 , and poss1s coll
peñi ka pichi-ke-nge-y.
brother also little-distr-verb36 -ind4 -33
‘after all, I [was] the eldest; mother was left alone, and my brothers were
young.’
34. fey-mu fey iñché müle-y ñi müle-pa-tu-a-el,
that-inst that/then I be-ind4 -33 poss1s be-hh17 -re16 -nrld9 -ovn4
kwida-pa-tu-a-fiel ti ruka, kwida-pa-tu-a-fiel
take.care-hh17-re16-nrld9-tvn4 the house, take.care-hh17-re16-nrld9-tvn4
ti mapu, kom, ka kü aw-a-el ka, ka-ke-lu am
the land, all, and work-nrld9 -ovn4 also, other-distr-svn4 part
pichi-ka-lu.
little-cont16 -svn4
‘therefore, I then had to be back here to take care of the house, the land [and]
everything and also to work, for the others were still young.’
35. femngechi el-künu-r-pu-e-y-iñ-mu ta-yiñ chaw.
thus leave-pfps32-itr18-loc17-ido6-ind4-1ns3-p2-ds1 the-poss1p father
‘[and] so ourp father left usp .’
36. reqle-nge-fu-y-iñ ta-yiñ pu
seven-verb36 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 the-poss1p coll
peñi-wen-lamngen-wen-nge-n.
brother-rel-sister-rel-verb36 -pvn4
‘wep were seven, my brothers and sisters [and I].’
460 Texts
37. külá wentru ka meli omo.

three man and four woman
‘three boys and four girls.’
38. kiñe ñi ina-n lamngen fey kim-la-y ñi chaw.
one poss1s follow-pvn4 sister she know-neg10 -ind4 -33 poss1s father
‘only my youngest sister, she did not know my father.’
39. kim-pa-la-y.
learn/know-hh17 -neg10 -ind4 -33
‘she did not get to know him.’
40. petú müle-la-y.
still be-neg10 -ind4 -33
‘she was not there yet.’
41. fey-chi perdi-y10 ta-yiñ chaw-em.
that-adj pass.away-ind4 -33 the-poss1p father-ex
‘[and] then ourp (late) father passed away.’
42. fey fente kümé trap-üm-nie-ke-fe-y-iñ-mu
he that.much good fit(intr.)-ca34 -prps32 -cf14 -ipd8 .ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 -ds1
kom.
all
‘he used to unite usp so well.’
43. piwke-ye-fe-y-iñ-mu.
heart-carry-ipd8 .ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 -ds1
‘he felt for usp .’
44. kom trap-üm-ke-fe-y-iñ-mew.
all fit(intr.)-ca34 -cf14 -ipd8 .edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 -ds1
‘he used to unite usp all.’
45. nütram-ka-ke-fe-y-iñ-mew: “kümé ungu-mu
conversation-fac33 -cf14 -ipd8 .ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 -ds1 : good matter-inst
müten müle-a-y-m-ün”, pi-ke-fe-y-iñ-mu kom.
only be-nrld9 -ind4 -23 -p2 , say-cf14 -ipd8 .edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 -ds1 all
‘he used to tell usp : “youp must be involved with good things only”, he used
to say to all of usp .’
46. “pekan11 ka ungu-mu kon-ke-la-ya-y-m-ün”,
sin part matter-inst enter/start-cf14 -neg10 -nrld9 -ind4 -23 -p2
pi-nie-ke-fe-y-iñ-mu.
say-prps32 -cf14 -ipd8 .ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 -ds1
‘ “youp must not get into anything sinful”, he used to say to usp .’
47. femngechi nütram elu-elu-ye-ke-fe-y-iñ-mu,
such conversation give-give-sfr36 -cf14 -ipd8 .ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 -ds1 ,
pun ewmá müle-tu-y-iñ, kom trawü-le-tu-y-iñ.

night almost be-re16 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 , all get.together-st28 -re16 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘he used to have such conversations with usp , [when] night was falling [and]
wep were all together again.’
48. fiy kishu am kim-fu-lu, kishu am kim-lu,
he self part learn/know-ipd8 -svn4 , self part learn/know-svn4 ,
estudiya-y, papel-tu-y kom.
study-ind4 -33 , paper-verb36 -ind4 -33 all
‘for he had learned himself, for he had learned himself; [after all] he studied,
he read everything.’
49. kim-üy chumngechi ñi müle-ke-fel kuyfı́ füta-ke
know-ind4 -33 how poss3 be-cf14 -ipd8 .ovn4 formerly old-distr
che, ta-yiñ pu küpalme chumngechi ta-yiñ
person, the-poss1p coll family how the-poss1p
trawü-l-uw-meke-ke-fel, kom fey
get.together-ca34 -ref31 -pr29 -cf14 -ipd8 .ovn4 , all he
kim-el-ke-fe-y-iñ-mu.
learn-ca34 -cf14 -ipd8 .ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 -ds1
‘he knew how ancient people used to live a long time ago [and] how ourp
family used to get together, he taught usp everything.’
50. fey-mu fey fey nie-ñma-fi-ñ ta-ñi ungu, iñché
that-inst that/then he have-io26 -edo6 -ind1s3 the-poss3 matter/idea, I
tuku-l-pa-ke-fi-ñ.
put.at-ca34 -hh17 -cf14 -edo6 -ind1s3
‘therefore I have his ideas; I regularly bring them to mind.’
51. femngechi ewmá chem ungu rumé kon-a-n; fey ka kishu
thus finished what matter -ever enter-nrld9 -ind1s3 ; that part self
ta-ñi ungu fey tuku-l-pa-ñma-ke-fi-ñ,
the-poss3 matter/idea/word that/then put.at-ca34 -hh17 -io26 -cf14 -edo6 -
fey-mu fey küme-yaw-ke-n.
ind1s3 , that-inst that/then good-circ30 -cf14 -ind1s3
‘that is how I deal with any matter; then I bring his words in mind [and] then
I am all right.’
52. kishu am fey pekan ungu uam-la-fu-y.
self part he sinful matter want-neg10 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 .
‘for he himself did want want wrong things.’
53. weñe-fe-nge-la-fu-y.
steal-nom-verb36 -neg10 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
‘he was not a thief;’
462 Texts
54. re wenüy-ka-che-fe-nge-fu-y müten.

only friend-fac33 -person-nom-verb36 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 merely;
‘he was a man who only made friends.’
55. ayü-la-fu-y fey-ti wesa-ke ungu.
love-neg10 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 that-the bad-distr matter
‘he did not like these bad things.’
56. ayü-ke-la-fu-y kon-al chem ungu rumé ka.
love-cf14 -neg10 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 enter-nrld9 .ovn4 what matter -ever part
‘he did not like to get mixed up with just anything.’
57. iñchiñ ka fey ka fey-pi-ke-fe-y-iñ-mu ka.
wep also that also that-say-cf14 -ipd8 .ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 -ds1 part
‘he used to tell usp that also.’
58. “kon-la-ya-y-m-ün chem wesa-ke ungu-mu rumé”,
enter-neg10 -nrld9 -ind4 -23 -p2 what bad-distr matter-inst -ever,
pi-ke-fe-y-iñ-mu.
say-cf14 -ipd8 .ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 -ds1
‘ “don’t youp get involved with anything bad”, he used to say to usp .’
59. kümé kü aw-fe-nge-y.
good work-nom-verb36 -ind4 -33
‘he was a good worker.’
60. tunté pofre-nge-y rumé, fiy yam-nge-y,
how.much poor-verb36 -ind4 -33 -ever, he respect-pass23 -ind4 -33
piwke-ye-nge-y.
heart-carry-pass23 -ind4 -33
‘although he was poor, he was respected [and] loved.’
61. kom fe-le-y ta-ñi pu
all become.like.that-st28 -ind4 -33 the-poss1s coll
peñi-wen-nge-n.
brother-rel-verb36 -pvn4
‘my brothers are all like that.’
62. re kü aw-fe-nge-y, kümé kü aw-fe.
only work-nom-verb36 -ind4 -33 , good work-nom
‘they are just workers, good workers.’
63. pofre-nge-y-iñ ka, nie-la-y-iñ müté, welu kümé
poor-verb36 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 part, have-neg10 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 very but good
ru-l-pa-antü-le-y-iñ.
pass-ca34 -hh16 -day-st28 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘wep are poor; wep do not have much, but wep live through the day all right.’
64. fey femngechi fey kiñe-w12 . . . , kiñe mapu-mu el-künu-r-pu-e-y-iñ-mu,
he thus that one-improd. , one land-inst leave-pfps32 -itr18 -
kiñe ruka-mu el-künu-r-pu-e-y-iñ-mu

loc17 -ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 -ds1 , one house-inst leave-pfps32 -itr18 -loc17 -
ta-yiñ kiñe-w-küle-a-m.
ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 -ds1 the-poss1p one-improd.-st28 -nrld9 -ivn4
‘[and] so united, . . . he left usp behind on one [piece] of land, in one house so
that wep would be united.’
65. ñuke fiy petú monge-le-y.
mother that/then still get.life-st28 -ind4 -33
‘mother was still living then.’
66. fiy kwida-nie-fi-y-iñ ta-yiñ ñuke
that/she take.care-prps32 -edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 the-poss1p mother
kutran-ka-w-küle-no-a-m.
illness-fac33 -ref31 -st28 -neg10 -nrld9 -ivn4
‘wep take care of ourp mother so that she does not have to suffer.’
67. fey femngechi amu-le-y-iñ tüfá.
that thus go-st28 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 this
‘that is how wep get on today.’
68. tuku-l-pa-meke-ke-fi-y-iñ13 rumel ta-ñi chaw-em.
put.at-ca34 -hh17 -pr28 -cf14 -edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 always the-poss1s father-ex
‘wep always recall my late father.’
69. fey-ti kim-pa-lu fey tuku-l-pa-ke-y kom.
that-the learn/know-hh17 -svn4 that put.at-ca34 -hh17 -cf14 -ind4 -33 all:
‘those who knew him remember everything.’
70. “fe-m-ke-fu-y nga yiñ chaw14 ;
become.like.that-ca -cf -ipd -ind -3 part poss1p father;
34 14 8 4 3
piwke-ye-fe-y-iñ-mu”, pi-ke-y.
heart-carry-ipd8 .ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 -ds1 , say-cf14 -ind4 -33
‘ “that is what ourp father used to do; he felt for usp ”, they say.’
71. fey-mu fey ta-tı́ ka iñché ka tuku-l-pa-meke-tu-y-iñ
that-inst that the-the also I also put.at-ca34 -hh17 -pr28 -re16 -ind4 -1ns3 -
fach-antü kümé chaw-em.
p2 this-day good father-ex
‘therefore, you know, I, wep remember [our] good late father today.’
72. fey-mu fiy ta yepa-le-r-pu-y-iñ iñchiñ,
that-inst that the take.after-st28 -itr18 -loc17 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 wep ,
yepa-ntu-nie-r-pu-fi-y-iñ kümé ungu-mu
take.after-tr33 -prps32 -itr18 -loc17 -edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 good matter-inst
yiñ kon-küle-al, trawü-l-uw-meke-al.
poss1p enter-st28 -nrld9 .ovn4 , get.together-ca34 -ref31 -pr28 -nrld9 .ovn4
‘in this respect, wep are alike, wep take after him in that wep want to be
involved in good things [and] that we will stick together.’
464 Texts
73. kom fey-chi ungu rumé ayü-ke-fu-y, organisasion-mu ñi

all that-adj matter very love-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 , organization-inst poss3
müle-al kom.
be-nrld9 .ovn4 all
‘he liked these things a lot, [you know] that everybody would be [together] in
one organization.’
74. fey-mu fey ta-tı́ iñché ka fe-le-r-pu-n
that-inst that the-the I also become.like.that-st28 -itr18 -loc17 -ind1s3
ka fach-antü.
also this-day
‘in this respect I have become that way too.’
75. fey-chi ungu “erensiya” pi-ke-y ta pu che.
that-adj matter inheritance say-cf14 -ind4 -33 the coll person
‘people call that “herencia”.’
76. fey reké ta nie-ñma-fi-ñ ñi ungu
that/then as.it.were the have-io26 -edo6 -ind1s3 poss3 matter/word/idea
ta-ñi chaw.
the-poss1s father
‘I more or less have my father’s ideas.’
77. fey-ta ñi chumngechi ñi la-n ñi chaw-em15 .
that-the poss3 how poss3 die-pvn poss1s father-ex
4
‘this [is] how my father died.’

78. fey may ka fey-pi-a-fi-ñ.
that part also that-say-nrld9 -edo6 -ind1s3
‘I will tell that too, sure.’
79. iñché wariya müle-pu-fu-n.
I town be-loc17 -ipd8 -ind1s3
‘I lived in town.’
80. estudiya-le-pu-n kurso agrı́kola ta-ñi kim-a-fel
study-st28 -loc17 -ind1s3 course agriculture the-poss1s know-nrld9 -
oy chumngechi ñi kümé kü aw-meke-n mapu.
ipd8 .ovn4 more how poss1s good work-pr28 -pvn4 land
‘I took a course there in agriculture so that I would know more about how to
cultivate the land in the right way.’
81. fey-chi estudio fey-chi kim-el-tu-n, llow-pu-fu-n
that-adj study that-adj know-ca34-tr33-ind1s3 , receive-loc17-ipd8-ind1s3
iñché petú fiy la-rume-y ñi chaw.
I still that/then die-sud21 -ind4 -33 poss1s father
‘I taught, I took that course [when] suddenly my father died.’
82. sabado-antü-mu16 .
saturday-day-inst
‘on a Saturday.’
83. fiy pe-me-e-n-ew, nütram-ka-me-e-n-ew.
that/then see-th20-ido6-ind1s3-ds1, conversation-fac33-th20-ido6-ind1s3-ds1
‘he went to see me then, he went to talk to me.’
84. trawü-y-u chew ñi müle-mu-m.
get.together-ind4 -1ns3 -d2 where poss1s be-plpf7 -ivn4
‘wed met [at the place] where I lived.’
85. nie-y apoderaw17 iñché
have-ind -3 authorized I
4 3
‘he authorized me.’

86. fey-mu fey tarde18 wü a-tu-y-u.
that-inst that/then afternoon separate(intr.)-re16 -ind4 -1ns3 -d2
‘then in the afternoon wed separated again.’
87. fey kishu aku-tu-lu pichi putu-rki-y.
he self arrive-re16 -svn4 little drink-rep12 -ind4 -33
‘when he came home, he drank a little, I am told.’
88. pichi putu-rki-y pulku.
little drink-rep12 -ind4 -33 liquor/wine
‘he drank a little wine.’
89. fey kutran pulku reké fe-m-üy ka antü-mu,
he illness liquor/wine like become.like.that-ca34 -ind4 -33 other day-inst,
dominggu-antü19 .
sunday-day
‘he behaved as if he had something like wine disease the other day, on Sunday.’
90. fey pütra-mu, pi-y am, kom antü, kiñe kom antü ñi
that stomach-inst, say-ind4 -33 part, all day, one all day poss3
kutran-küle-n.
illness-st28 -pvn4
‘in the stomach, they said, for one day, for one whole day he was ill.’
91. lawen elu-nge-fu-y.
medicine give-pass23 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
‘he was given medicine.’
92. fey küme-l-ka-la-y.
that good-ca34 -fac33 -neg10 -ind4 -33
‘it did not work.’
93. fiy tarde fiy perdi-y.
that/then afternoon that/then pass.away-ind4 -33
‘then in the afternoon he passed away.’
466 Texts
94. iñché nge-la-n.

I be-neg10 -ind1s3
‘I was not there.’
95. fey ka antü-mu, dia lune20 , lune-antü, fiy
that/then other day-inst, day Monday, Monday-day, that/then
pe-me-e-n-ew ñi kiñe peñi21 , ñi malle ñi fotüm.
see-th -ido -ind1s -ds poss1s one brother, poss1s uncle poss3 son
20 6 3 1
‘then, the other day, on Monday, (on Monday, then) my only cousin, my
uncle’s son went to see me.’
96. “fey perdi-y ta-ñi tio22, ta-ñi malle”,
he pass.away-ind -3 the-poss3 uncle, the-poss3 uncle,
4 3
pi-me-e-n-ew.
say-th20 -ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1
‘ “he passed away, my uncle, my uncle”, he said to me.’
97. “ta-mi chaw”, pi-me-e-n-ew.
the-poss2s father, say-th20 -ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1
‘ “yours father”, he said to me.’
98. fey iñché kim-we-la-n ñi chum-al.
that/then I know-ps19 -neg10 -ind1s3 poss1s do.what/how-nrld9 .ovn4
‘then I did not know what to do any more.’
99. fey küpa-tu-n.
that/then come-re16 -ind1s3
‘then I came back.’
100. fey kiñe antü-y müten ta-ñi chaw.
he one day-ind4 -33 merely the-poss1s father
‘it lasted only one day [for] my father.’
101. kutran-ka-w-la-y ke23 .
illness-fac -ref -neg -ind -3 part
33 31 10 4 3
‘he did not suffer.’

102. kiñe antü kutran-ka-w-üy.
one day illness-fac33 -ref31 -ind4 -33
‘he suffered one day.’
103. fey pürüm perdi-y, kutran-la-fu-y.
that/then quickly pass.away-ind4 -33 , illness-neg10 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
‘then he passed away quickly, he had not been ill.’
104. fey ñi küme-le-n fiy perdi-y femngechi.
he poss3 good-st28 -pvn4 he pass.away-ind4 -33 thus
‘while he was in good health, (then) he passed away.’
Notes
1. MM has the speech habit of using ka ‘and, also, other’ as an expletive.

2. etudiya- ∼ estudiya- is derived from Sp. estudiar ‘to study’.
3. profesor is Sp. profesor ‘teacher’.
4. arenda- is derived from Sp. arrendar ‘to lease’, ‘to rent’.
5. are- ∼ are-l- ‘to let, to lease’, are-tu- ‘to borrow from’, are-ngül-üm- let-
get.together-ca34 - ‘to let, to lease’.
6. A wingka is a non-Mapuche,
7. pen nga ti is a petrified expression indicating sorrow or regret. The etymo-
logy of pen is not clear.
8. kishu ∼ kisu ‘alone, self, own’ is often used by MM to indicate third person.
9. xunio is Sp. junio ‘June’.
10. perdi- ‘to pass away’ is derived from Sp. perderse ‘to get lost, to disappear’.
11. pekan ‘disorder, sin’ is derived from Sp. pecar ‘to sin’.
12. kiñe-w ‘as one, united’ contains an improductive suffix -w , cf. 18.3.
13. -pa- hh17 forms part of the stem.
14. chaw ‘father’ also denotes a close male relative of one’s father’s generation.
15. MM had told me that he would speak about his father’s death. Line 76
was MM’s last sentence. I then asked him: “but you were going to tell me
about your father’s death?”. MM then continued with line 77 in answer to
my question.
16. sabado is Sp. sabado ‘Saturday’.
17. apoderaw is derived from Sp. apoderar ‘to empower, to authorize’. Line
85 means that MM’s father, knowing that he is about to die, passes his
authority on to his eldest son.
18. tarde is Sp. tarde ‘afternoon, evening’.
19. dominggu is Sp. domingo ‘Sunday’.
20. dia lune is Sp. dı́a ‘day’ and lunes ‘Monday’.
21. peñi ‘brother’ can also denote a close male relative of one’s own generation.
22. tio is Sp. tio ‘uncle’.
23. For ke, see 32.17.
468 Texts
Text 14. Brick

In 1980, when this story was recorded, Mario Millapi and many other Mapuche
were unemployed. Like many of his relatives and friends, Millapi did not parti-
cipate in the Chilean economy at all. Between them they exchanged food and
clothing. In this story Mario Millapi tells how he and his friends join hands
in an effort to make some money. With the help of the one horse they own
together, Millapi and his friends mix mud and straw. The mixture is dried in
the sun in wooden moulds. The resulting bricks are piled up in a mound and
dried and hardened by the fire that is lit inside. The bricks are sold as building
material.
1. ka pichi nütram-ka-ya-n may tüfá, ka

and/also little conversation-fac33 -nrld9 -ind1s3 part this, and/also
fach-antü ñi ta-yiñ1 antü-mew müle-el, ta-yiñ
this-day poss1s the-poss1p day-inst be-ovn4 , the-poss1p
chumngechi kü aw-küle-n, chum-le-r-pu-n.
how work-st28 -pvn4 , do.how/what-st28 -itr18 -loc17 -pvn4
‘sure, I will now tell a little [about] . . . , how wep are during the day nowadays,
how we are working [and] what is going on.’
2. ka-ke antü-nge-y oy ta-ñi pepi-l-nge-we-nu-n
other-distr day-verb36 -ind4 -33 more the-poss3 be.able-ca34 -pass23 -ps19 -
kü aw.
neg10 -pvn4 work
‘these are different times in which it is no longer possible to work.’
3. pepi-l-nge-we-nu-n chum-künu-a-el
be.able-ca34 -pass23 -ps19 -neg10 -pvn4 do.what/how-pfps32 -nrld9 -ovn4
kü aw-mew ta che.
work-inst the person
‘in which what people want to achieve through [their] work is no longer pos-
sible.’
4. kishu ñi kü aw-küle-a-el kam kiñe-w2 kü aw-a-el
self poss3 work-st -nrld -ovn or
28 9 4
one-improd. work-nrld9 -ovn4
pepi-l-uw-we-la-y.
be.able-ca34 -ref31 -ps19 -neg10 -ind4 -33
‘it is no longer possible to work on your own or to work together.’
5. fey-mu fey fach-antü ta-yiñ lof-mew tüfá
that-inst that this-day the-poss1p reservation-inst this
kiñe-w-küle-y-iñ.
one-improd.-st28 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘therefore wep are united today in ourp reservation here.’
6. müle-y fentre-ke-n wenüy.
be-ind4 -33 much-distr-pvn4 friend
Text 14. Brick 469
‘there are many friends.’

7. aku-ke-y ñi nütram-ka-pa-a-lu3 fey tüfa-chi
arrive-cf -ind -3 poss3 conversation-fac33-hh17-nrld9-svn4 that this-adj
14 4 3
lof-mew.
reservation-inst
‘they come to talk in this reservation.’
8. ka iñché ka pe-nge-pa-ke-n.
and I also see-pass23 -hh17 -cf14 -ind1s3
‘and they come and see me too.’
9. “kümé ungu ta müli-y trawü-l-uw-a-y-m-ün”,
good matter the be-ind4 -33 get.together-ca34 -ref31 -nrld9 -ind4 -23 -p2
pi-nge-pa-ke-n.
say-pass23 -hh17 -cf14 -ind1s3
‘ “it is a good thing [that] youp are going to join [hands]”, they come and tell
me.’
10. fey iñché fey-pi-ke-n ñi pu wenüy:
that/then I that-say-cf14 -ind1s3 poss1s coll friend
‘I then say to my friends:’
11. “kiñe-w kü aw-ül-m-ün, müná küme-a-fu-y”.
one-improd. work-cond4 -23 -p2 , very good-nrld9 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
‘ “it would be very good if youp work together”.’
12. fey-ti pu . . . , wül-kiaw-ül-üy tüfa-chi ungu welu oy
that-the coll , give-circ30 -mio29 -ind4 -33 this-adj matter but more
kristianu-nge-lu.
christian-verb36 -svn4
‘those who . . . , they go about with this message for those who are fairly
Christian.’
13. fey-ti newé kristianu-nge-nu-lu kay fiy-ta newé
that-the not.very christian-verb36 -neg10 -svn4 part that-the not.very
oam-la-y ka.
need/want-neg10 -ind4 -33 part
‘those who are not so very Christian do not want [it] that much.’
14. fey-tüfey-chi küme-ke ungu, kiñe-w kü aw-a-el-chi ungu, kümé
that-that-adj good-distr matter, one-improd. work-nrld9 - matter, good
trawü-l-uw-küle-al, organisasion nie-al a
get.together-ca34-ref31-st28 -nrld9 .ovn4 organization have-nrld9 .ovn4 on
dominggu-mu4 antü-mu yiñ ka ngilla-tu-al
sunday-inst day-inst poss1p part buy-tr33 -nrld9 .ovn4
chaw-ngüne-che-n-mu ka, fey-chi ungu fiy fach-antü
father-rule-person-pvn4 -inst part, that-adj matter that this-day
470 Texts
müle-y.
be-ind4 -33
‘these good things, to work together, to be closely united, to have a meeting
on Sunday to pray to God the Father, these things are here today.’
15. kuyfı́ nge-ke-la-fu-y.
formerly be-cf14 -neg10 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
‘in earlier times they were not.’
16. nge-ke-la-fu-y kapilla tüfa-chi lof-mew.
be-cf14 -neg10 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 chapel this-adj reservation-inst
‘there was no chapel on this reservation.’
17. kolexio müten müle-ke-fu-y welu aku-ke-la-fu-y
school merely be-cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 but arrive-cf14 -neg10 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
turpu chem relixion rumé newé.
never what religion -ever not.very
‘there was only a school but, there has never been any church.’
18. femngechi folil-uw-pa-ke-la-y.
thus root-ref31 -hh17 -cf14 -neg10 -ind4 -33
‘that has not taken roots here.’
19. fach-antü fiy müle-tu-y oy; nie-tu-y-iñ kapilla katólika
this-day that be-re16 -ind4 -33 more; have-re16 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 chapel catholic
ka kiñe-ke ewanxeliku-nge-lu ka.
and one-distr preacher-verb36 -svn4 part
‘there are more of them5 today; wep have a catholic chapel and some [men]
who are preachers.’
20. welu fach-antü kiñe-w-küle-y-iñ fey-ti-chi kiñe-ke
but this-day one-improd.-st28 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 that-the-adj one-distr
ewanxeliku.
preacher
‘but today wep are one with these preachers.’
21. kiñe-w kü aw-küle-y-iñ.
one-improd. work-st28 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘wep work together.’
22. nie-fi-y-iñ ti kiñe organisasion “a mapu”
have-edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 the one organization form/habit land
pi-nge-lu.
say-pass23 -svn4
‘wep have this one organization “a mapu”6 it is called.’
23. re mapuche ta-ñi trawü-l-uw-küle-n.
only Mapuche the-poss3 get.together-ca34 -ref31 -st28 -pvn4
‘only Mapuche join [it].’
Text 14. Brick 471
24. fey-mu fey iñchiñ kiñe kü aw ina-nie-y-iñ kom ta-yiñ

that-inst that wep one work follow-prps32 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 all the-poss1p
chumngechi wew-a-m plata, chumngechi ta-yiñ kümé
how earn-nrld9 -ivn4 money, how the-poss1p good
ruka-nge-a-m.
house-verb36 -nrld9 -ivn4
‘therefore wep join in one project7 so that wep can all earn money [and] have
good houses.’
25. fente fali-we-lu am tüfá ngilla-ya-m mamüll, trafla
that.much be.worth-ps19 -svn4 part this buy-nrld9 -ivn4 wood, plank
ruka ewma-nge-a-m.
house make-pass23 -nrld9 -ivn4
‘for today it is so very expensive to buy wood and planks to build a house.’
26. rumé fali-y, plata nge-la-y.
very be.worth-ind4 -33 , money be-neg10 -ind4 -33
‘it is very expensive [and] there is no money.’
27. ka yiñ nie-el, pichi-ke kulliñ, ka fali-we-la-y.
and poss1p have-ovn4 , little-distr cattle, also be.worth-ps19 -neg10 -ind4 -33
‘and what wep have, [some] small cattle, is not worth much any more either.’
28. manel-uw-ün nge-la-y.
trust/give.guarantee-ref31 -pvn4 be-neg10 -ind4 -33
‘there is no guarantee.8 ’
29. fey-mu fey entu-fi-y-iñ tüfa-chi kiñe kü aw.
that-inst that take.out-edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 this-adj one work
‘therefore wep have undertaken this particular project.’
30. fey ewma-y-iñ petú ladrillo9 .
that make-ind -1ns -p still brick
4 3 2
‘wep make bricks.’

31. ladrillo kü aw ewma-ina-nie-fi-y-iñ.
brick work make-follow-prps32 -edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘wep do this brick-project together.’
32. fey-mu trawü-l-uw-meke-ki-y-iñ.
that-inst get.together-ca34 -ref31 -pr29 -cf14 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘through that [project] wep make an effort to become united.’
33. kom pu wenüy müle-y-iñ.
all coll friend be-ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘wep are all friends.’
34. ayu-w-küle-y femngechi kü aw-mu yiñ kon-ün.
love-ref31 -st28 -ind4 -33 thus work-inst poss1p enter/start-pvn4
‘it is satisfying that wep start on a project like this.’
472 Texts
35. ayu-w-ma-nie-fi-y-iñ kom ka yiñ pichi-ke

love-ref31 -exp35 -prps32 -edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 all and poss1p little-distr
pe-a-m plata.
see-nrld9 -ivn4 money
‘wep are all happy with it, and (we are happy) to have bits of money.’
36. fey-mu ka manel-uw-küle-y fey oy kümé
that-inst also/again trust-ref31 -st28 -ind4 -33 that/then more good
monge-nie-tu-a-fu-m, küme-ke ruka yiñ
get.life-prps32 -re16 -nrld9 -ipd8 -ivn4 , good-distr house poss1p
nie-tu-a-fu-m kom.
have-re16 -nrld9 -ipd8 -ivn4 all
‘therefore there is confidence again that [we] might have a better life again
[and] that wep all might have good houses again.’
37. wesa-ke ruka müle-lu, nge-la-y plata, nge-ke-nu-lu
bad-distr house be-svn4 , be-neg10 -ind4 -33 money, be-cf14 -neg10 -svn4
küme-ke ruka.
good-distr house
‘for there are bad houses - there is no money - there are no good houses, are
there?’
38. fey-mu fey ta-tı́ iñchiñ trawü-l-uw-ün-mu ka
that-inst that the-the wep get.together-ca34 -ref31 -pvn4 -inst and
kim-ün-mu pichi-ke-n papel-tu-n ka kim-ün-mu
know-pvn4 -inst little-distr-pvn4 paper-verb36 -pvn4 and know-pvn4 -inst
pichi-ke-n ngüne-che-n ñi ungu, fey-mu fey-ta
little-distr-pvn4 rule-person-pvn4 poss3 matter/word, that-inst that-the
oy troki-tu-le-y-iñ ta-yiñ kümé kü aw-küle-al,
more opine-tr33 -st28 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 the-poss1p good work-st28 -nrld9 .ovn4 ,
ta-yiñ kümé ina-ni-a-fiel tüfa-chi organisasion
the-poss1p good follow-prps32 -nrld9 -tvn4 this-adj organization
trawü-l-uw-meke-al, nütram-ka-ya-el,
get.together-ca34 -ref31 -pr28 -nrld9 .ovn4 , conversation-fac33 -nrld9 -ovn4
oy ta-yiñ kim-uw-a-el.
more the-poss1p know/learn-ref31 -nrld9 -ovn4
‘therefore, you know, because we join [hands] and because [we] know a little
[how] to write and because [we] know a little of God’s Word, therefore, you
know, wep rather think that wep must be doing it the right way, that wep
must join this project in a good way, in order to make an effort become
united, to talk, [and] to get to know each other better.’
39. kuyfı́ newé nge-ke-la-fu-y femngechi
formerly not.very be-cf14 -neg10 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 such
Text 14. Brick 473
trawü-l-uw-ün.
get.together-ca34 -ref31 -pvn4
‘in former days there was no such unity.’
40. müle-ka-ke-fu-y, welu pichi-n-tu-ki-y.
be-cont16 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 , but little-pvn4 -verb36 -cf14 -ind4 -33
‘there used to be [unity], but it lasted [only] a short time.’
41. fey tüfey-chi pu wingka kim-lu fey müten fey-ta
that that-adj coll stranger know-svn4 that/then merely that-the
a -nie-ke-fe-y-iñ-mu.
form/position-prps32 -cf14 -ipd8 .ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 -ds1
‘because these strangers knew [how], just because of that, they used to keep
usp in our place.’
42. fach-antü fiy ewmá kisu petú a -üm-uw-ka-fu-y-iñ10
this-day that/then almost/finished self still form/position-ca34 -ref31 -
ta-yiñ mapuche-nge-n.
cont16 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 the-poss1p Mapuche-verb36 -pvn4
‘today wep Mapuche learned various skills.’
43. müle-ye-y kiñe-ke kim-lu, mapuche, fey fey-ta welu
be-pl24 -ind4 -33 one-distr learn/know-svn4 , Mapuche, that that-the but
kümé piwke-nge-lu ka pichin kim-lu fey-ti-chi
good heart-verb36 -svn4 and small.quantity learn/know-svn4 that-the-adj
relixion ungu, Kristu ta-ñi ungu.
religion matter, christ the-poss3 matter/word
‘there are many Mapuche who have learned and have a good heart nonetheless
and know a bit of this religion, of Christ’s Word.’
44. fey fey-ta küme-ke ungu elu-elu-ye-e-y-iñ-mu
that that-the good-distr matter give-give-sfr36 -ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 -ds1
fach-antü.
this-day
‘He gives usp these good things all the time now.’
45. welu iñchiñ ka kim-nie-y-iñ ewmá, ta-yiñ
but wep also learn/know-prps32 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 almost/finished the-poss1p
pu mapuche-nge-n.
coll Mapuche-verb36 -pvn4
‘but wep know [these things] too, wep Mapuche.’
46. a -üm-fi-y-iñ ewmá fey-ta-chi trawü-l-uw-ün
form-ca34-edo6-ind4-1ns3-p2 finished that-the-adj get.together-ca34-ref31-
ta-yiñ kiñe-w-a-el, oy kim-uw-a-el,
pvn4 the-poss1p one-improd.-nrld9 -ovn4 , more learn/know-ref31 -nrld9 -
oy kellu-w-a-el.
ovn4 , more help-ref31 -nrld9 -ovn4
474 Texts
‘wep have learned how to gather together, how to become united, to get to
know each other better [and] to help each other better.’
47. fey-mu fiy fach-antü fey-chi ungu püra-m-ye-nie-fi-y-iñ
that-inst that this-day that-adj matter/idea go.up-ca34 -carry-prps32 -
tüfá.
edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 this
‘therefore wep keep up this thought today.’
48. femngechi iñchiñ ta-yiñ pu mapuche-nge-n am kiñe-ke
thus wep the-poss1p coll Mapuche-verb36 -pvn4 part one-distr
newé ayü-ke-nu-lu ka fey tüfa-chi trawü-l-uw-ün
not.very love-cf14 -neg10 -svn4 also that this-adj get.together-ca34 -ref31 -
ungu.
pvn4 matter
‘for there are some of usp Mapuche who do not appreciate this get-together
business very much.’
49. welu kuyfı́ pi-y am ta-yiñ pu küpalme kümé
but formerly say-ind4 -33 part the-poss1p coll family good
feyentu-w-küle-fu-y.
believe/trust-ref31 -st28 -ipd8 -ind4 -33
‘in earlier times, so they say, there was trust within ourp families.’
50. fach-antü nge-we-la-y newé fey-ti feyentu-w-ün.
this-day be-ps19 -neg10 -ind4 -33 not.very that-the believe/trust-ref31 -pvn4
‘today there is not so much trust any more.’
51. aymüñ aye-tu-w-ki-y che.
rather laugh-tr33 -ref31 -cf14 -ind4 -33 person
‘people rather laugh at each other.’
52. aye-nie-w-ki-y ka fey-ti nütram-ka-fu-lu
laugh-prps32-ref31-cf14-ind4-33 also that-the conversation-fac33-ipd8-svn4
“kümé ungu püra-m-a-n” pi-fu-lu.
good matter go.up-ca34 -nrld9 -ind1s3 say-ipd8 -svn4
‘they laugh at those who talked, who said: “I will bring out something good”.’
53. newé feyentu-nge-la-y.
not.very believe/trust-pass23 -neg10 -ind4 -33
‘there is not much faith.’
54. welu tüfá ñochi-nge-ka-fu-y ta-yiñ feyentu-w-ün
but this slow-verb36 -cont16 -ipd8 -ind4 -33 the-poss1p believe/trust-ref31 -
petú.
pvn4 still
‘but now ourp trust in each other is slowly growing.’
55. fiy ewma-l-i-iñ fey-chi kü aw, pe-nge-l-i-i-ñ
that/then make/finish-cond4 -13 -p2 that-adj work, see-pass23 -ca34 -
Text 14. Brick 475
ta-yiñ kü aw-mu-m ka, fey-mu fey-ta oy

cond4 -13 -p2 the-poss1p work-plpf7 -ivn4 part, that-inst that-the more
feyentu-al troki-w-küle-y-iñ tüfá.
trust/believe-nrld9 .ovn4 opine-ref31 -st28 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 this
‘then, if wep finish this work, if wep show that wep have worked, then wep
believe that there will be more trust today.’
56. femngechi ungu-mu ta kü aw-küle-y-iñ fach-antü.
thus matter/idea-inst the work-st28 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 this-day
‘wep work in this spirit today.’
57. femngechi ungu ina-nie-tu-fi-y-iñ.
such matter/idea follow-prps32 -re16 -edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘wep adhere to this idea.’
58. kishu a -üm-uw-a-el-chi ungu, kishu ta-yiñ
self form/position-ca34 -ref31 -nrld9 -ovn4 -adj matter, self the-poss1p
pepi-l-uw-a-m chem ungu-mu rumé, ta-yiñ
be.able-ca34 -ref31 -nrld9 -ivn4 what matter-inst -ever, the-poss1p
üngüm-küle-nu-a-m kañ pülé küpa-l-el-nge-al
wait.for-st28 -neg10 -nrld9 -ivn4 other side come-ca34 -ben27 -pass23 -
ta itro-fill.
nrld9 .ovn4 the quite-all.kind
‘the idea that one has to learn oneself how to do things in order get prepared
for whatever so that wep do not wait till everything is brought to [usp ] from
elsewhere.’
59. afkentu fe-m-iy-iñ11 ka.
for.a.long.time become.like.that-ca34 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 part
‘wep have done that for so long.’
60. afkentu üngüm-küle-y-iñ.
for.a.long.time wait.for-st28 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘wep have been waiting for so long.’
61. kisu nie-nu-lu pepi-l-uw-ün reké
self have-neg10 -svn4 be.able-ca34 -ref31 -pvn4 like
fe-le-ke-fu-y-iñ.
become.like.that-st28 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘wep were like that because we did not have anything like support for one
another.’
62. welu tüfá ewmá kim-lu am iñchiñ ka pichi-ke-n, ka
but this finished learn/know-svn4 part wep also little-distr-pvn4 , also
iñchiñ tunten ñi kim-ün ñi nie-n wingka, ka
wep how.much poss3 learn/know-pvn4 poss3 have-pvn4 stranger, and
femngechi kim-ün ta ka nie-ka-rke-fu-y-iñ
thus learn/know-svn4 the also have-cont16 -rep12 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
476 Texts
ta-yiñ mapuche-nge-n, tüfá wülá fey-ta

the-poss1p Mapuche-verb36 -pvn4 this then that-the
pelo-tu-tu-y-iñ.
get.light-tr33 -re16 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘but now, since wep have also learned a little bit, [since we have learned]
how much strangers know and have - wep Mapuche apparently had such
knowledge also — (but . . . ) now, you know, wep have seen the light again.’
63. fey-mu ka ta-yiñ kishu ta-yiñ mapuche ungu-n ka, ka
that-inst also the-poss1p self the-poss1p Mapuche speak-pvn4 also, also
petú ina-tu-tu-fi-y-iñ wülá.
still follow-tr33 -re16 -edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 then
‘therefore since that time wep have also been close to ourp own . . . , to ourp
Mapuche language again.’
64. petú wiño-kintu-tu-fi-y-iñ12 .
still return-look.for-re16 -edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘wep take notice of it again.’
65. fey-mu ta-tı́ ka rumé ayü-w-küle-y-iñ ka femngechi petú
that-inst the-the also very love-ref31 -st28 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 and thus still
ayü-ñma-nge-n müté yiñ kewün ta-yiñ mapuche ungu-n13 .
love-io26-pass23-ind1s3 very poss1p tongue the-poss1p Mapuche speak-pvn4
‘because of this, wep are very happy and ourp tongue, ourp Mapuche language,
is very much loved.’
66. fey-mu fiy oy ayü-w-ün müle-tu-y.
that-inst that more love-ref31 -pvn4 be-re16 -ind4 -33
‘therefore there is more happiness again.’
67. fey-chi ungu fey ta-tı́ ka nütram-ye-pe-n
that-adj matter/idea that the-the also conversation-oo35 -px13 -ind1s3
fach-antü pichin.
this-day small.quantity
‘I have talked a little today about this idea.’
Notes
1. MM corrects ñi poss1s for ta-yiñ the-poss1p.

2. -w is an improductive suffix, see 18.3.
3. Note that after a the non-realization marker -a- varies with -ya- in the
speech of MM, cf. line 1 of the present text.
4. a dominggu is Sp. a domingo ‘on Sunday’.
5. ‘Them’ refers to churches.
6. a mapu may be rendered as ‘customs of the country’ or ‘things associated
Text 14. Brick 477
with the land’. The organization “a mapu” is an important organization

which stands up for the interests of the Mapuche people.
7. MM refers to the brick making project which has been initiated by him and
his fellows on the reservation.
8. MM probably means to say that they cannot get a loan to furnish starting
capital.
9. ladrillo is Sp. ladrillo ‘brick’.
10. a ‘form, position, face, habit, view, skill’, a -üm- ‘to learn how to do/make
something’.
11. In the speech of MM, ü or i may be inserted between a consonant and -y-u
or -y-iñ, cf. 8.1.1.
12. wiño-kintu- return-look.for- ‘to look back’.
13. ayü-ñma-nge-n . . . yiñ kewün . . . should be either ayü-ñma-nge-n . . . ñi
kewün . . . (lit.: I am loved my tongue) or ayü-ñma-nge-y-iñ . . . yiñ kewün
. . . (lit.: wep are loved ourp tongue). The Mapuche language is referred to
in Mapuche either by mapu- ungu land-matter/word/language, by ungu,
by mapu- ungu-n land-speak-pvn4 or by mapuche.
478 Texts
Text 15. Song 1

The songs in texts 15-17 are interpreted by Rafael Railaf. The theme and the
melody of a Mapuche song are fixed; the words can be varied by the singer.
1. kuyfı́, kuyfı́, iñché we-che-nge-lu, we-che

formerly, formerly, I young-person-verb36 -svn4 , young-person
wentru-nge-lu iñché, we-che wentru-nge-lu nga1 iñché,
man-verb -svn I,
36 4
young-person man-verb -svn part I
36 4
‘a long time ago, a long time ago, when I was young, when I was a young
man, when I was a young man,’
2. müná nga kutran-tu-y nga ñi piwke.
very part illness-verb36 -ind4 -33 part poss1s heart
‘my heart ached very much.’
3. pobre-nge-lu nga iñché.
poor-verb36 -svn4 part I
‘for I was poor.’
4. chuchi pülé künu-a-n nga ñi raki oam? (2×)
which side let-nrld9 -ind1s3 part poss1s thought
‘how must I know my own mind?’ (2×)2
5. kon-ün nga ungu-mew, kon-ün nga küme-ke
enter/start-ind1s3 part matter-inst, enter/start-ind1s3 part good-distr
ungu-mew.
matter-inst
‘I undertook things, I undertook good things.’
6. müle-pu-y nga, müle-pu-y, müle-pu-y nga
be-loc17 -ind4 -33 part, be-loc17 -ind4 -33 , be-loc17 -ind4 -33 part
küme-ke ungu ka müli-y nga wüya-ke ungu ka ma3
good-distr matter and be-ind -3 part bad-distr matter and itj
4 3
müli-y nga wüya-ke ungu.

be-ind4 -33 part bad-distr matter
‘there were bad things, there were . . . , there were good things and there were
bad things and there were good things.’
7. fente nga ñi pobre-nge-n amu-tripa-n, amu-tripa-n
that.much part poss1s poor-verb36 -pvn4 go-leave-ind1s3 , go-leave-ind1s3
mu4 .
itj
‘being so poor, I went away, I went away.’
8. chum-a-n nga (2×), pi-y nga ñi raki oam.
do.how/what-nrld9 -ind1s3 part , say-ind4 -33 part poss1s thought
‘what must I do? (2×), I thought.’
Text 15. Song 1 479
9. chum-a-n nga, pi-y nga ñi raki oam.

do.how/what-nrld9 -ind1s3 part, say-ind4 -33 part poss1s thought
‘what must I do?, I thought.’
10. nge-nu-n-mu nga kofke, nge-nu-n-mu nga ilo,
be-neg10 -pvn4 -inst part bread, be-neg10 -pvn4 -inst part meat,
nge-nu-n-mu nga küme-ke raki oam.
be-neg10 -pvn4 -inst part good-distr thought
‘for there was no bread, there was no meat, there were no good ideas.’
11. amu-tripa-n (3×) nga ñi mapu-mew.
go-leave-ind1s3 part poss1s land-inst
‘I went and left (3×) my country.’
12. müná nga weñangkü-y nga ñi piwke (2×).
very part feel.grieve/pain-ind4 -33 part poss1s heart
‘my heart ached very much.’ (2×)
13. el-künu-n nga ñi küme-ke weniy, el-künu-n
leave-pfps32 -ind1s3 part poss1s good-distr friend, leave-pfps32 -ind1s3
nga ñi küme-ke familia.
part poss1s good-distr family
‘I left my good friends behind, I left my good relatives behind.’
14. chuchi pülé künu-w-a-n rumé, pi-y nga ñi
which side let-ref31 -nrld9 -ind1s3 -ever, say-ind4 -33 part poss1s
raki oam (2×).
thought
‘which way shall I go?, I thought.’ (2×)
15. amu-tripa-n nga (2×) puel mapu5 .
go-leave-ind1s part
3
puel land
‘I went away and left (2×) for puel mapu.’
16. külá tripantu-me-n nga ka mapu.
three year-th20 -ind1s3 part other land
‘I stayed in an other land for three years.’
17. kana-me-n nga plata (2×).
earn-th20 -ind1s3 part money
‘I earned money there.’ (2×)
18. fali-la-y nga ñi fe-m-yaw-ün (2×),
be.worth-neg10 -ind4 -33 part poss1s become.like.that-ca34 -circ30 -pvn4 ,
pi-y nga ñi raki oam (2×).
say-ind4 -33 part poss1s thought
‘it is no use to walk around like this (2×), I thought.’ (2×)
19. chumül chi nga wiño-tu-a-n, chumül nga ñi
when part part return-re16 -nrld9 -ind1s3 , when part poss1s
480 Texts
wiño-tu-al?
return-re16 -nrld9 .ovn4
‘when shall I go back? when will be my return?’
20. müná nga akorda-n nga ñi pu weniy.
very part remember-ind1s3 part poss1s coll friend
‘I thought of my friends a lot.’
21. müná küme-ke weniy nga nge-n nga ñi mapu-mew (2×).
very good-distr friend part have-ind1s3 part poss1s land-inst
‘I had very good friends in my country.’ (2×)
22. chum-künu-chi li6 nga müli-we-n tüfa-chi mapu-mew.
do.how/what-pfps -imp1s itj part be-ps19 -ind1s3 this-adj land-inst
32 3
‘what shall I do?, I am still in this country.’

23. fali-pa-la-n (2×) tüfa-chi mapu-mew.
be.worth-hh17 -neg10 -ind1s3 this-adj land-inst
‘I am worthless here (2×) in this country.’
24. mexor7 nga amu-tu-a-n (2×), pi-y nga ñi raki oam.
better part go-re16 -nrld9 -ind1s3 , say-ind4 -33 part poss1s thought
‘I’d better go (2×), I thought.’
25. mexor nga amu-tu-a-n, pi-y nga ñi raki oam.
better part go-re16 -nrld9 -ind1s3 , say-ind4 -33 part poss1s thought
‘I’d better go, I thought.’
26. aku-tu-lu nga Chile iñché, iñché, kure-nge-pa-tu-lu nga
arrive-re16 -svn4 part chile I, I, wife-verb36 -hh17 -re16 -svn4 part
iñché, ka fe-le-pa-tu-n.
I, also/again become.like.that-st28 -hh17 -re16 -ind1s3
‘when I came back to Chile, when I got married here, I was in the same
situation as before.’
27. ngi-la-y8 nga plata, ngi-la-y nga kulliñ, ngi-la-y
be-neg10 -ind4 -33 part money, be-neg10 -ind4 -33 part cattle, be-neg10 -
nga mapu nga ñi kü aw-a-m.
ind4 -33 part land part poss1s work-nrld9 -ovn4
‘there was no money, there was no cattle, there was no land to work on.’
28. fe-m-nge-we-y nga ñi oam.
become.like.that-ca34 -pass23 -ps19 -ind4 -33 part poss1s need
‘my needs were still the same.’
29. ka femngechi nga müná würá nga
and thus part very bad part
kutran-ka-w-küle-pa-tu-n.
illness-fac33 -ref31 -st28 -hh17 -re16 -ind1s3
‘and so I suffered very much [when I came] back here again.’
Text 15. Song 1 481
30. epu ne-n9 nga ñi fochüm, külá ne-n nga ñi
two have/get-ind1s3 part poss1s son, three have/get-ind1s3 part poss1s
fochüm.
son
‘I got two sons, I got three sons.’
31. pi-la-n10 nga, nge-la-y, are-l-nge-la-y11.
see-neg -ind1s part, be-neg -ind -3 , lease-ca34 -pass23 -neg10 -ind4 -33
10 3 10 4 3
‘I did not see [anything], there was [nothing], [nothing] was lent11.’
32. re napor12 nga müli-y ñi ruka-mew.
only turnips part be-ind4 -33 poss1s house-inst
‘there were only turnips in my house.’
33. ñiwa-ñiwa-tu-fu-n em (2×).
do.one’s.best-do.one’s.best-sfr36 -ipd8 -ind1s3 part
‘all the time I did my best.’ (2×)
34. kana-la-n nga plata (2×).
earn-neg10 -ind1s3 part money
‘[but] I did not earn money.’ (2×)
35. fe-m-nge-we-y nga ñi oam.
become.like.that-ca34 -pass23 -ps19 -ind4 -33 part poss1s need
‘my needs were still the same.’
36. mexor nga kon-a-n nga weycha-n-mew.
better part enter/start-nrld9 -ind1s3 part fight-pvn4 -inst
‘I had better join the struggle.’
37. nü-ntu-ñma-tu-a-fi-y-iñ nga yiñ mapu
take-improd.-io26 -re16 -nrld9 -edo6 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2 part poss1p land
nü-ntu-nie-ñma-e-t-ew nga tüfa-chi füta-ke riku.
take-improd.-prps32 -io26 -ido6 -avn4 -ds1 part this-adj big-distr rich
‘wep are going to take ourp land back from them, [our land] which these fat
rich [people] have taken away [from us].’
38. la-kon-a-n rumé (2×).
die-enter-nrld9 -ind1s3 -ever
‘even if I die.’ (2×)
39. akorda-we-tu-la-n rumé nga ñi pu weniy (2×).
remember-ps19-re16-neg10-ind1s3 very/-ever part poss1s coll friend
‘I did not even think of my friends any more.’ (2×)
40. ütrüf-el nga ñi piwke reké fe-m-ün.
throw-ovn4 part poss1s heart like become.like.that-ca34 -ind1s3
‘I did as if my heart had been thrown away.’
41. kishu-tu nga ñi piwke-mew, raki oam-mew lla kü-tu-w-ün.
alone-adv part poss1s heart-inst, thought-inst get.sad-tr33-ref31-ind1s3
482 Texts
‘I became sad, alone, in my heart, in [my] thoughts.’

42. kümé tripa-l-i nga, kümé tripa-ya-n; we á tripa-l-i
good leave-cond4 -13 -s2 part, good leave-nrld9 -ind1s3 ; bad leave-cond4 -
nga, we á tripa-ya-n.
13 -s2 part, bad leave-nrld9 -ind1s3
‘if it turns out all right for me, I will end up all right; if it turns out bad for
me, I will end up in a bad way.’
43. ew nga ñi reké well nga ñi fe-m-ün,
already part poss1s like incomplete/damaged part poss1s become.like.that-
pi-y nga ñi raki oam.
ca34 -ind1s3 , say-ind4 -33 part poss1s thought
‘I already felt as if I had been damaged, I thought.’
44. weycha-n-mew nga kon-a-n.
fight-pvn4 -inst part enter/start-nrld9 -ind1s3
‘I will start fighting.’
45. chum-a-n? (3×)
do.how/what-nrld9 -ind1s3
‘what shall I do?’ (3×)
46. chunté weñangkü-lle-fu-l-i rumé, ewmá wedá
how.much feel.grieve/pain-aff11 -ipd8 -cond4 -13 -s2 -ever, finished bad
tripa-y-iñ.
leave-ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘no matter how much pain I feel, wep are already bad off.’
47. afkentu nga weñangkü-n (2×).
a.long.time part feel.grieve/pain-ind1s3
‘I have grieved for so long already.’ (2×)
Notes
1. nga part is used to recall a past situation, often with an undertone of

sadness or regret.
2. ( ) include the number of times (the part of) the sentence is repeated (which
follows the last punctuation marker).
3. ma has been labelled itj: interjection. I cannot determine its meaning. I
have the impression that ma is only added to fit the melody.
4. mu is probably only used to fit the melody.
5. Argentina is called puel mapu, see note 5 of text 7.
6. I am not sure about the interpretation of chum-künu-chi li nga. -chi may
be imp1s3 or the adjectivizer -chi (18.2.2) or the particle chi (32.1). li is
unknown.
7. mexor is Sp. mejor ‘better’.
Text 15. Song 1 483
8. nge- ∼ ngi- ‘to be’ (existential) (RR).

9. ne- ∼ nie- ‘to have, to get’ (RR).
10. pe- ∼ pi- ‘to see’ (RR).
11. Nobody lent him anything.
12. napor is derived from the plural form of Sp. nabo ‘turnip’.
484 Texts
Text 16. Song 2

1. epu-nge-a-y ta-ñi kure pi-fu-n, anay
two-verb36 -nrld9 -ind4 -33 the-poss1s wife want-ipd8 -ind1s3 , itj
ñaña1 . 2×
dear
‘I had wanted to have two wives, [my] dear.’ 2×
2. ka antü (3×), la-l-i anay ñaña (2×),
other day, die-cond4 -13 -s2 itj dear
‘[then] some day (3×), if I die, [my] dear (2×),’
3. kiñe ta longko pülé ta meke-a-y ñi ngüma-n,
one the head side the be.busy-nrld9 -ind4 -33 poss3 cry-pvn4 ,
ka-nge-lu ta namun pülé anay ñaña (2×).
other-verb36 -svn4 the foot side itj dear
‘one will cry at the head [of the bed], the other at the foot-end, my dear (2×).’
4. chum-a-n? (3×)
do.how/what-nrld9 -ind1s3
‘what shall I do? (3×)’
5. ewmá el-künu-a-n nga ñi epu nga ñi kure (2×).
finished leave-pfps32 -nrld9 -ind1s3 part poss1s two part poss1s wife
‘I will leave my two wives behind (2×).’
6. kiñe nga meke-a-e-n-ew nga ñi ekull-e-t-ew
one part be.busy-nrld9-ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1 part poss1s shawl-ido6 -avn4 -ds1
nga ñi longko, ka-nge-lu nga ñi namun.
part poss1s head, other-verb36 -svn4 part poss1s foot
‘one will be busy wrapping up my head [in her shawl], the other my feet.’
7. ungu-ye-meke-nge-tu-a-n (2×).
speak-oo35 -pr28 -pass23 -re16 -nrld9 -ind1s3
‘they will talk about me all the time (2×).’
8. ka antü (2×) fütá kümé fütá kaman küme-ke weniy el-künu-a-n,
other day big good big quantity good-distr friend leave-pfps32 -
anay ñaña (2×).
nrld9 -ind1s3 , itj dear
‘one day (2×), I will leave behind a large number of good friends, my dear
(2×).’
Notes
1. anay is said to men and women and has a friendly connotation. It may be
used by both men and women. ñaña is a respectful term. It is used by men
only and refers to a female relative or friend.
Text 17. Song 3 485
Text 17. Song 3

The introduction to this love-song (lines 1 - 5) is spoken.
1. kuyfı́ kiñe omo pe-n.

formerly one woman see-ind1s3
‘a long time ago I met a woman.’
2. müná würá ayü-fi-n.
very bad love-edo6 -ind1s3
‘I loved her very much.’
3. müná küpá kure-ye-fu-y-iñ1.
very wishing wife-verb36 -ipd8 -ind4 -1ns3 -p2
‘wep very much wanted to get married1 .’
4. akel-fi-n, ayü-la-e-n-ew.
declare.one’s.love-edo6 -ind1s3 , love-neg10 -ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1
‘I declared her my love, [but] she did not love me.’
5. kiñe fütá trawü-n-mew pe-fi-lu iñché, fe-m-nge-we-n2
one big get.together-pvn -inst see-edo -svn I,
4 6 4
become.like.that-
nga ñi oam ülkatu-lel-fi-n3:
ca -pass -ps -pvn part poss1s need sing-ben27 -edo6 -ind1s3
34 23 19 4
‘when I saw her at a big get-together, I desperately sang for her:’

6. chum-a-n ñaña, chum-a-n
do.what/how-nrld9 -ind1s3 dear, do.what/how-nrld9 -ind1s3
ñaña? (2×).
dear
‘what must I do, [my] love, what must I do, [my] love? (2×).’
7. müná fütá kuyfı́ nga4 ayü-fe-y-u ñaña.
very big formerly part love-ipd8 .ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -d2 -ds1 dear
‘a long time ago I loved yous very much, [my] love.’
8. ayü-fe-y-u nga ñaña.
love-ipd8 .ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -d2 -ds1 part dear
‘I loved yous , [my] love.’
9. fali-l-la-e-n5 (2×) ñaña.
be.worth-ca34 -neg10 -ido6 -ind1s3 -ds1 dear
‘yous thought nothing of me (2×), [my] love.’
10. chum-künu-w-a-n nga (2×) chi, pi-n6 nga
do.what/how-pfps32 -ref31 -nrld9 -ind1s3 part part, say-ind1s3 part
ñaña.
dear
‘what shall I do with myself (2×), I thought, [my] love.’
486 Texts
11. kure-nge-a-n, pi-fu-n nga, kure-nge-a-n

wife-verb36 -nrld9 -ind1s3 , say-ipd8 -ind1s3 part, wife-verb36 -nrld9 -
ñaña, pi-fu-n ñaña.
ind1s3 dear, say-ipd8 -ind1s3 dear
‘I am going to get married, I thought, I am going to get married, [my] love, I
thought, [my] love.’
12. akel-fe-y-u nga, akel-fe-y-u
declare.one’s.love-ipd8 .ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -d2 -ds1 part, declare.one’s.love-
eymi nga.
ipd8 .ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -d2 -ds1 yous part
‘I declared yous my love, I declared my love to yous .’
13. allkü-tu-ñma-la-y7 nga ñi ungu ñaña.
hear-tr33 -io26 -neg10 -ind4 -33 part poss1s matter/word dear
‘she did not listen to my words, [my] love.’
14. chem nga chem nga rüpü nga ina-ya-n nga, pi-fu-n
what part what part road part follow-nrld9 -ind1s3 part say-ipd8 -ind1s3
nga ñaña.
part dear
‘which road must I follow?, I thought, [my] love.’
15. müná nga ayü-fe-y-u ñaña (2×).
very part love-ipd8 .ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -d2 -ds1 dear
‘I loved yous very much, [my] love (2×).’
16. ka antü, ka antü kure-ye-w-l-i-u nga ñaña,
other day, other day wife-verb36 -ref31 -cond4 -13 -d2 part dear,
kim-entu-a-n nga, kim-entu-a-n
learn/know-take.out-nrld9-ind1s3 part, learn/know-take.out-nrld9-ind1s3
ñaña (2×).
dear
‘one day, one day, if wed get married, love, I shall declare, I shall declare [my
love] (2×) dear.’
17. pe-ka-ke-fu-n nga (2×) küme-ke omo.
see-fac33 -cf14 -ipd8 -ind1s3 part good-distr woman
‘I used to see (2×) various good women.’
18. fente nga ayü-ke-la-fi-n ñaña.
that.much part love-cf14 -neg10 -edo6 -ind1s3 dear
‘I did not love them that much, [my] love.’
19. fanten-mu nga (2×) kim-nie-fe-y-u
this.much-inst part learn/know-prps32 -ipd8 .ido6 -ind4 -1ns3 -d2 -ds1
ñaña.
dear
‘so far (2×) I have known yous , [my] love.’
Text 17. Song 3 487
20. chumal am kay ta fente ta lla kü-tu-e-n

why part part the that.much the become.sad/angry-tr33 -ido6 -ind1s3 -
ñaña?
ds1 dear
‘why did yous make me so sad, [my] love?’
Notes
1. It is not clear why RR uses 1p subject. The use of the suffix -fu- indicates
that the woman did not want to marry him.
2. femngewen is a petrified form meaning ‘with difficulty, scarcely, just in
time’.
3. ülkatu- ‘to sing’ is derived from ül ‘song’. LQ and MM use ülkantu- for ‘to
sing’.
4. nga part is used to recall a past situation, often with an undertone of
sadness or regret.
5. fali- is derived from Sp. valer ‘to be worth’.
6. pi- ‘to say, to want’ can also be rendered ‘to talk to oneself, to think’.
7. In the speech of RR, -ñma-26 and -yma- occur in free variation.
Part IX
Dictionary Mapuche - English

Introduction
This dictionary contains the lexical data which have been gathered during
fieldwork sessions with Luis Quinchavil Suárez (LQ) from Nueva Imperial, Ra-
fael Railaf (RR) from Lautaro, Mario Millapi (MM) from Boyeco and Jacinta
Mena (JM) from a village between Temuco and Freire. The dictionary is based
on the speech of Luis Quinchavil Suárez. Nearly all lexical data were checked
with Rafael Railaf. The recorded differences are mentioned in the dictionary.
The lexical material thus collected has not been checked systematically with
Mario Millapi and Jacinta Mena. The differences which were recorded at ran-
dom are are also mentioned. This dictionary does not pretend to give a com-
plete list of all lexical items of the Mapuche language. It contains all lexical
items which occur in the grammar and the texts, and many more. Borrowed
items are included when they differ in form, meaning or use from the corre-
sponding Spanish (or Quechua or Aymará) items. The dictionary also contains
derived forms which show semantic, phonological or grammatical particulari-
ties, idiomatic expressions and many sentences and phrases to illustrate the
use of the relevant lexical items. Suffixes are not included in the dictionary.
For the botanical nomenclature of the names I am indebted to Félix José de
Augusta (1966).
The lexical items are presented in the following alfabetical order: a, b, ch,
, d, e, f, g, i, y, k, l, ll, m, n, ñ, ng, o, p, q, r, s, sh, t, tr, u, ü, w. Each
entry contains minimally a monomorphemic item followed by an indication of
the wordclass and the meaning. If any, derived compound forms are presented
before other derivatives. Derived forms which do not change the word class
of the lexical item under discussion are presented before derivatives which do
change the word class. Forms which are derived from derivatives follow their
source. Illustrative phrases and sentences immediately follow the relevant (mo-
nomorphemic or derived) form. Segmentation of derived forms is indicated
by hyphens. Segmentation of forms in illustrative phrases and sentences is
not marked. A monomorphemic item which does not occur by itself but has
derivatives is marked with an asterisk.
492 Dictionary
Class-membership, which is given with each entry and each derived form, is
indicated by the following symbols:
Adj adjective
Adv adverb
Aux auxiliary
Conj conjunction
ITJ interjection
N noun
Na anaphoric pronoun
Nd demonstrative pronoun
NEG negation
Ni interrogative pronoun
Np personal pronoun
Nposs possessive pronoun
Num numeral
Part particle
Prep preposition
Vi intransitive verb
Vt transitive verb
Dictionary 493
achawáll (N) chicken; (probably) derived from Qu. atawallpa cock.

achef-küle- (Vi) to shine.
achellpen ∼ achellpeñ (N) floating ashes.
achi kon ∼ achirkon (N) gastric acid.
a ∼ ash; a ∼ as (RR) (N) 1. form, exterior, appearance, face, colour, beauty,
picture, image, copy; a pülé ‘front, to the front’; ka a ‘other side, back side’;
tañi wangku ñi a ‘the colour of the chair’; 2. direction, side, right place; a
lafken ‘(in) the direction of the sea’; wenu a pülé ‘upwards’; 3. habit, custom,
trick; a mapu ‘customs of the land’; weshá a ‘bad habit’; 4. relative; ñi
a wen ‘my relatives, my folk’;
a - ∼ ash- ∼ as- (Vi) to become beautiful; a üy ‘she is beautiful, sympathetic,
funny’; a küley ‘she looks beautiful, she is being funny, it is in the right place’;
a -amu- (Vi) to go in a certain direction;
a -el- (Vt) to arrange, to settle, to point out; a elen rüpü ‘show me the road’;
a -el-fal (Adj) manageable, easy to handle, useful;
a -entu- (Vt) to copy, to make a picture/photo of, to bring out, to manage to
do something; kümé a entuy ñi ungu ‘he speaks well’;
a -entu- ti la (Vt) to pay a last tribute of respect to the deceased;
a -entu-w- (Vi) to get used to (-mew);
a -entu-nentu- (Vt) to make an exact copy of;
a -ye- (Vt) to have someone for a relative, to look like, to resemble, to carry
in a certain direction, to direct in a certain direction, to follow the customs of;
a -kiñ- (Vi) to have a look;
a -kiñ-küle- (Vi) to be in sight;
a -kiñ-nge- (Vi) to be visible;
a -kin-tu- (Vt) to look at, to watch, to observe;
a -tuku- (Vt) to put in the right position, to put in the right direction;
a -ka- (Vt) to outwit, to manoeuvre, to handle;
a -ka-w-küle- (Vi) to be fidgety/restless/annoying;
a -künu- (Vt) to leave something in the right position/direction/situation;
a -ma-nie- (Vt) to be in the right position with respect to, to have the disposal
of;
a -nie- (Vt) to hold in a certain position; a nien ñi pilun ‘I have my ears
raised’;
fill a -nge- (Vi) to be cute/naughty;
kümé a -nge- (Vi) to have a pretty face, to be sympathetic;
a -nge-l (N) present for a deceased relative or close friend to be buried with
the body of the deceased;
a -nge-l-kantu (N) friend to whom one would give an a ngel;
a -üm- (Vt) to learn how to;
a -üm-el- (Vt) to teach how to;
a -üm-ka- (Vt) to prepare;
a -üw- (Vi) to gain an insight, to see the light, to come to an understanding;
a üwyu ‘wed came to an understanding’.
494 Dictionary
af (N) end; af metawemew ‘at the end of a row of jars’;

af- (Vi) to come to an end; afay kewan ‘the fighting will stop’; afküley ‘it is
coming to an end’;
af- uam- (Vt) to get bored with;
af- uam-ün-nge- (Vi) to be boring;
af- ungu- (Vt) to be done talking to;
af-ina-n (N) the last, the youngest;
af-ka i (N, Adv) side, person by one’s side, close friend, close to, next to; afka i
ruka ‘close to the house’; afka iley ‘he is by my side’;
af-ka i-nie- (Vt) to be by the side of, to assist someone;
af-kentu (Adv) continuously, for a long time, since a long time;
af-kentu- (Vi) to linger;
af-el- (Vt) to stop, to cease, to lose interest in;
af-el-uw- (Vi) to get bored;
af-el-uw-ün-nge- (Vi) to be boring;
af-ma- (Vi) to become broke/penniless;
af-ma-ye- ∼ af-ma-nie- (Vt) to keep someone, to maintain someone;
af-ma-tu- (Vt) to admire;
ap-üm- (Vt) to bring to an end, to finish; müchay apümelenew ñi ungu ‘he
settled my affairs quickly’;
ap-üm-tuku- (Vt) to make full use of, to invest all one’s money in;
ap-üm-fal- (Vi) to be easy to deal with.
afkentu (Adv) continuously, for a long time, since a long time; see af-.
afkentu- (Vi) to linger; see af-.
afmatu- (Vt) to admire; see af-.
afü- (Vi) to get cooked, to ripen;
afü-wün- (Vi) to get an inflamed mouth/lips; afüñmawküley ñi wün ‘my mouth
is infected’;
afü-m- (Vt) to cook, to ripen, to cause to boil;
afü-m-tuku- (Vt) to put something in a pot to cook;
afü-n (Adj) cooked; afün ilo ‘cooked meat’; afün kachu ‘matured grass, grass
that is ready to be mowed’;
aye- (Vi, Vt) to laugh (about);
aye-ka- (Vt) to laugh with someone;
aye-ka-w- (Vi) to roar with laughter;
aye-ka-we (N) joke, instrument to entertain with;
aye-l- (Vt) to smile at;
aye-l-ka- (Vt) to make someone laugh;
aye-tu- (Vt) to laugh at, to mock.
aylen (N) ember; aylen kütral ‘fire of embers’;
aylen- (Vi) to catch fire.
aylla (Num) nine.
aymüñ (Adv) fairly, somewhat, not very, rather; fachantü aymüñ alingkülen ‘I
have a little fever today’;
Dictionary 495
aymüñ-el- (Vt) to make out with difficulty.

ayü- (Vt) to like, to love; feyengu ayüniewüy ‘theyd love each other’;
ayü-w- (Vi) to become/be happy/content; müná ayüwüy iñchiu yu puwel ‘he
was very glad that wed came’;
ayü-n (Adj) loved.
aywiñ (N) shadow; cf. llawfeñ ‘shade’; aywiñ kütral ‘shadow caused by the light
of the fire’;
aywiñ- (Vi) to become a shadow;
aywiñ-el- (Vt) to cast a shadow on.
akorda- (Vt) to remember; Sp. acordarse.
aku- (Vi) to arrive (here), to reach maturity; cf. puw- ‘to arrive (there)’;
aku-ñma- (Vt) to get, to receive, to have something coming to maturity; iñché
akuñman awar ‘I have my beans almost ripe’;
aku-nten (Adj) ripening easily;
aku-nten-nge- (Vi) to be something that ripens easily.
akucha (N) needle; Sp. aguja.
ale (N) moon, moonlight; aleley ‘it looks like the moon, it looks like moonlight’;
alengey ‘there is moonlight, there is a moon’.
ali- (Vi) to become hot;
ali-m- (Vt) to make hot;
ali-n (Adj) hot.
aling (N) fever;
aling- (Vi) to get fever.
alka (Adj) male (birds, poultry).
alkila- (Vt) to rent; Sp. alquilar.
alof- (Vi) to shine, to sparkle, to glitter (by night).
alü (Adv) much, very; alü ikey ‘he eats a lot’; alüke kamapuley ‘they are each
very far away’;
alü-antü (Adv) when the sun is high;
alü-pun (Adv) in the middle of the night;
alü- (Vi) to become much, to become big;
alü-l- (Vt) to give much to;
alü-ntu- (Vi) to stay for a long time;
alü-ñma- (Vi) to stay for a long time, to take much time; ewmá alüñmapaymi?
‘have yous been here long?’;
alü-n (Adj) much, a lot of; niey alün ruka ‘he has a lot of houses’;
alü-n-mew ∼ alü-ñma-mew (Adv) after a long time.
alwe (N) spirit of a dead person, dead person;
witra-n-alwe (N) raised spirit (demon); see witra-; alwe mapu ‘land of the dead’;
alweley ‘he looks like a dead man’.
allfeñ (N) wound; see allfü- ‘to get wounded’.
allfi a (pea) ; Sp. arveja.
allfü- (Vi) to get wounded;
allfü-l- (Vt) to injure someone;
496 Dictionary
allfü-l-tu- (Vt) to damage (plants, seedlings); fey ñi kulliñ allfültuñmaenew ñi
poñü ‘his cattle damaged my potatoes’;
allfeñ (N) wound.
allkü- (Vt) to hear;
allkü-tu- (Vt) to listen to, to pay attention to;
allke-n (Adj) audible;
allke-n-nge- (Vi) to be audible.
allush (Adj) tepid (only LQ);
allush- (Vi) to become tepid.
allwe (Adv) somewhat, a little (of quality, not quantity); allwe cho i ‘yellow-
ish’; allwe ayeyawüy ‘he walks around with a faint smile on his face’.
allwiñ (N) bundle; meñkuniey ñi allwiñ ‘she has her bundle on her back’.
am (N) soul.
am Part see 32.2.
amá Part see 32.13.
amu- (Vi) to go, to continue; tunté amuley ∼ konüy tachi küyen? ‘which day of
the month is it?’ (lit: ‘how far has this month gone/entered?’); mari kiñe antü
amuley ∼ konüy ‘it is the eleventh’;
amu-l- (Vt) to send, to continue, to start up (a machine);
amu-l-tuku- ∼ amu-ntuku- (Vt) to loose something which cannot be retrieved;
iñché amultukun küchatun witrun komew ‘I lost a piece of laundry in the current
of the water’.
anay ITJ is said to men and women. anay has a friendly connotation; eymi
amunge, anay ‘[it is better that] yous go!’; see (16, 1).
anchi (Part) see 32.10.
anel- (Vt) to threaten, to menace;
anel-tu- (Vt) to threaten someone with something.
anta (Part) see 32.9.
antü (N, Adv) sun, day, weather, one day, daily, in . . . days, . . . ago; tripay
antü ‘the sun is up’; fachantü ‘today’; nieyiñ weshantü ∼ weshá antú ‘wep have
bad weather’; antü tripantu ‘dry year’; fachantü afantüy ‘the term has expired
today’; alüantü ∼ rupan antü ‘when the sun is high’; rangi antü ‘at midday’;
ellá naqün antü ‘when the sun is almost going down’; epé konün antü ‘when
the sun is about to set’;
antü- (Vi) to be . . . days ago, to last . . . days; küla antüy ‘it is three days ago’;
nentu-antü- (Vt) to fix a date;
antü-ñma- (Vi) to stay . . . days, to have a . . . day, to get sun; rangi antüñma-
men ‘I stayed there half a day’;
antü-tu- (Vi, Vt) to sunbathe, to have sexual intercourse by day.
anú (Adv) in case; anú mawünmali ‘in case it rains’.
anü- (Vi) to sit down, to take root;
anü-naq- (Vi) to sit down;
anü-nak-üm- (Vt) to put down;
anü-ntuku- (Vt) to put down in;
Dictionary 497
anü-ñma- (Vt) to sit down on/in, to bewitch; iñché ñi che kuy ñi ruka anü-
ñmaley kutranmew ‘the house of my brother-in-law is full of disease’; anüñma-
nieñmaen ñi makuñ ‘yous are sitting on my poncho’; anüñmaley ñi wekufümew
‘he is possessed by demons’;
anü-m- (Vt) to make sit down, to plant;
anü-tu-we (N) seat;
anü-we (N) buttocks.
añchü (N) remainder of wheat in a sieve.
añchümalleñ (N) midget (demon), see (1, 7). añchümalleñ possibly contains
añchü ‘remainder of wheat in a sieve’. Midgets are said to be fond of roasted
flour. The anchümalleñ is a small, deformed, childlike creature raised by the
witches (kalku) in order to play tricks on people or cause them harm, see (1).
añi - (Vi) to become very hot/dry (by the heat of fire), to prick; añi tukukünu-
pafinge! ‘let it dry by the fire!’; añi üy ñi trawa wimamuetew kuri ‘my skin
itched where a nettle had stung me’.
añil (indigo) N, Adj; Sp. añil; añil takun ‘dress dyed indigo’; añilküley ‘it appears
indigo’;
añil-tu- (Vt) to dye something indigo.
añütu- (Vi) to doze, to drowse.
angi - (Vi) to become dry, to become scorched (by fire), to prick; ew angi üy
tüfachi ilo? ‘is this meat dry yet?’; iñché angi külen kütralmew ‘I am very close
to the fire, I get scorched by the fire’; angi üy ñi trawa ortigamew ‘my skin
tingled from the nettle’.
angim (Adj) dried; angim uwa ‘dried corn’;
angim- (Vt) to dry something (by the fire).
ange (N) face.
angka (N, Adv) half, trunk, half-way; angka rüpü wiñomey ‘half-way he went
back’; angka wenu ‘between heaven and earth’;
angka- (Vi) to become half; angkalewey ñi tasa ‘my cup is still half full’.
angka - ∼ angkash- (Vt) to take someone behind one (on a horse); Sp. llevar
en ancas; cf. manka - (JM) and mangka-tu- (RR); iñché angka küpalngen ‘I
was brought here on a horse’.
angken ∼ angkün (Adj) dry; see angkü-.
angkü- (Vi) to become dry/arid (by the sun), to become barren, to dry out; cf.
piwü- ‘to become dry (what was wet)’;
angkü-m- (Vt) to make dry;
angkü-m-tu- (Vt) to make something dry on/with something;
angkü-m-tu-we (N) a place to dry something, a thing to dry with;
angkü-ñma- (Vi) to become dry/constipated; angküñman ñi pel ‘my throat got
parched’;
angkü-n ∼ angke-n (Adj) dry, parched;
angkü-nten (Adj) drying fast.
apena (Adv) scarcely; Sp. apenas.
apew (N) story; epew (RR);
498 Dictionary
apew-tu- (Vi) to tell stories.

apo- (Vi) to become full; apoley ‘it is full, it is high tide’;
apo-l- (Vt) to fill;
apo-l (N) stuffed sheep or goat (a dish);
apo-l-tu- (Vt) to eat stuffed sheep or goat;
apo-ñma- (Vi) to get full with;
apo-ñma-le- (Vi) to be pregnant, to have a lot of milk (after giving birth);
apo-n (Adj) full.
aposh- (Vt) to help (a child) to walk (not RR).
ap-üm- (Vt) to finish; see af-.
are (Adj) warm. are is as warm as kufü ‘warm’ and warmer than eñum ‘warm’.
are is much more frequent than kufü.
are- (Vi) to become warm; areley ‘it is warm’; arengey ‘it is warm (weather)’;
are-m- (Vt) to make warm;
are-ntu- (Vi) to become warm/drowsy (a person);
are-ñma-w- (Vi) to get inflamed/infected, to get heated (hay); areñmawaymi
mi changüllkuwü ‘yous will have infected toes’; areñmawüy ketran ‘the hay got
heated’.
are- (Vt) to lend to; are-l- ‘to lend to’ is more frequent; arelenew kiñe mansun
‘he lent me one ox’;
are-ngül-üm- (Vt) to lend something; arengülümkelan plata mapuchemew ‘I
don’t lend money to a Mapuche’;
are-tu- (Vt) to borrow from; aretuenew ketran ∼ aretuketranenew ‘he borrowed
wheat from me’;
are-tu-n (Adj) borrowed; fey re aretun ropa niey ‘he only has borrowed clothes’.
arenda- (Vt) to lease; Sp. arrendar.
ariñ (Adj) burnt, scorched;
ariñ- (Vi) to get burnt, scorched; ariñüy ñi iyal ‘my food got burnt’;
ariñ-el- (Vt) to burn.
arken (Adj) evaporated; see arkü-.
arkü- (Vi) to evaporate; arküley ‘it is evaporating’;
arkü-n ∼ arken (Adj) evaporated.
arof (N) sweat;
arof- (Vi) to sweat;
arof-el- (Vt) to make someone sweat.
as see a .
asúkar (N) sugar; Sp. azúcar.
asul (Adj) blue; Sp. azul;
asul- (Vi) to become blue; asulüy ‘it became blue, it is blue (always)’; asulküley
‘it is blue (now), it looks blue’; asulngey ‘it is partly blue, there is some blue’;
asul-tu- (Vt) to dye something blue.
ash see a .
ata (Adv) as far as; Sp. hasta.
auriw- (Vi) to get bored; Sp. aburrirse; auriwkülen ‘I am bored’.
Dictionary 499
awar (N) beans; Sp. habas.

awela (N) grandmother; Sp. abuela.
awi (Adj) hot, heated; awi kuyüm ‘hot sand’;
awi- (Vi) to become hot/heated;
awi-ñ (N) a small portion of something to be roasted, movement of hot air
above hot sand or above a fire, glowing embers;
awi-ñ- (Vi) to glow from heat.
awiyaw- (Vi) to glide around (eagles, vultures).
awiñma- (Vt) to ride around the deceased; awü-ñma- (MM). The deceased is
placed on a bier and the visitors at the funeral ride several rounds on horseback
around the bier to pay a last tribute of respect.
awion (N) airplane; Sp. avion.
awka (N) wild horse, herd; Qu. awqa enemy, rebel;
awka- (Vi) to become wild, to go to war;
awka-ntu- (Vt) to play, to play a match;
awka-n (Adj, N) wild, play; awkan kawellu ‘wild horse’.
awki- (Vi) to reflect;
awkiñko (N) echo.
awokaw (N) lawyer; Sp. abogado.
awto ∼ awtu (N) car; Sp. auto.
awü- (Vt) to hurt, to cause pain to; awüenew ñi fotüm, kom fendeñmaenew ñi
kulliñ ‘my son hurt me, he has sold all my cattle’; awüngellan ‘how miserable
I am!’;
awü-ka- (Vt) to beat up badly;
awü-nge-n (N) suffering.
awü-ñma- (Vt) to ride around the deceased (MM); see awi-ñma-.
basu (N) glass; Sp. baso.
byen (Adv) right; Sp. bien.
chacha ∼ chachay (N) says a child to his father, also tata ∼ tatay. chacha ∼
chachay is more affectionate.
cha i (N, Adj) salt, salty;
cha i-nge- (Vi) to contain salt; cha ingelay ti korü ‘there is no salt in the soup’;
cha i- (Vi) to be salty;
cha i-ñma- (Vt) to put salt in/on something.
chaf- (Vt) to peel.
chafo- (Vi) to catch a cold, to cough; amualmi wekun, makuntunge, chafoafuymi
wütremew ‘if yous go outside, put on a coat, yous might catch a cold’;
chafo-kutran (N) cold (illness of nose and throat).
chali- (Vt) to say hallo to, to say words of welcome to;
chali-ntuku- (Vt) to introduce someone.
chakül (N) skeleton, framework; chakülküley ‘[the fence] is a skeleton (shows
gaps)’;
chakül-künu- (Vt) to clean an animal untill you are left with the bones.
challa (N) pot, ketlle.
500 Dictionary
challwa (N) fish; Qu. chalwa;

foro-challwa (N) fish-bone;
challwa- (Vt) to fish.
chamall (N) black dress for women which leaves one shoulder bare and reaches
down to the ankles;
chamall-tu- (Vt) to put on a chamall; chamalltukünungey ‘she was put on a
chamall’.
chang (N) foot.
changkiñ (N) island.
changüll (N) finger;
changüll-kuwü (N) finger, fingerprint.
chaq (Adv) both, equally.
chape- (Vt) to plait;
chape-tu (N) braid;
chape-tu- (Vt) to put someone’s hair into braids.
chaq (Adv) both (not RR); cf. yaq.
chaw (N) father;
fücha-chaw (N) grandfather;
malle-chaw (N) stepfather.
chaw- (Vi) to hatch out, to come out of the egg;
chaw-üm- (Vt) to hatch.
chaway (N) earring.
che (N) human being, person; fentren che ‘lots of people’; ñi pu che ‘my family,
my folk’;
che- (Vi) to become sober;
che-le- (Vi) to be sober, to be healthy.
che kiy (N) (maternal) grandfather, grandchild; che kingean ‘I will have grand-
children’.
che kuy (N) father-in-law (of a man), son-in-law (of a man);
che kuy- (Vt) to make someone a father-in-law.
chefkü- (Vi) to bound, to bounce; chefkülpüramfin ti pelota ‘I made the ball
bounce up’.
chekay (Part) see 32.8.
cheko - (Vi) to squat, to sit down on one’s heels.
chem (Ni) what?, which?; cf. tuchi ; chem rumé ‘whatever’; chemmew nu rumé
‘not under any circumstance’; chemyewüymu? ‘how are youd related?’.
cheripa (N) trousers.
cherufe see chewürfe.
chew (Ni) where?, from where?, whereto?; chew tuwüymi? ‘where are yous
from?’; chew rumé ‘wherever’; chew nu rumé ‘nowhere’.
chewürfe (N) fireball; cherufe (RR). A fireball, which appears with loud noises
coming from volcanoes and mountains, is held responsible for a volcanic erup-
tion. In old stories, the chewürfe is a giant who keeps girls in captivity and robs
people of their head. Pieces of the chewürfe, probably pieces of meteorites, are
Dictionary 501
used by the machi to predict the future.

chi ∼ ti (Na) the; see 14.3.
chiam (Part) see 32.11.
chilla (N) saddle;
chilla- (Vt) to saddle up a horse.
chillka (N) letter, inscription; Qu. qillqa inscription, writing;
chillka-tu- (Vt) to write, to study.
chipa- ∼ tripa- (Vi) to leave, to go out, to turn out; see tripa-.
cho (Adj) yellow, orange;
cho - (Vi) to become yellow/orange; cho üy ‘it is yellow/orange’.
chofü (Adj) lazy.
chonchon (N) flying head. The chonchon is a demon which appears at night as
a flying head or a bird. The witches send the chonchon out to cause harm to
mankind.
chong- (Vi) to go out (fire, machines);
chong-üm- (Vt) to put out, to extinguish, to switch off; allkütulelen, wa küle,
chongümelaen ‘listen for me, if it boils, put [it] out for me’.
chuchu (N) (maternal) grandmother, grandchild.
chuchi ∼ tuchi (Ni) which?; tuchi is more frequent.
chum- (Vt) to do how/what?; chuman? ‘what must I do?’; welu fewlá chum-
petuy chemay, müchay pun ka nütramkatuafin ‘but what he is up to now . . . ,
I will have a word with him again in a little while this evening’; chumngen?
‘what did they do to me?’;
chum-miaw- (Vi) to walk around doing what?;
chum-al (Ni) for what purpose?; chumal eluafiymi iyal? ‘what do yous bring
her food for?’;
chum-nge-chi (Ni) how?; chumngechi chi kimafuyiñ? ‘how could wep know?’;
chumngechi wirarülleli rumé iniy rumé allküñmalayaenew ‘no matter how hard
I scream, no-one will hear me’;
chum-nge-lu (Ni) why?; chumngelu rumé ‘for whatever reason’;
chum-nge-n (Adv) while; see (3, 2); chumngenkechi akun ‘I arrived one way or
another’; chumngenunkechi akun ‘I arrived without trouble’;
chum-nge-n-tu- (Vt) to feel how about, to think what of;
chum-ül (Ni, Adv) when?, recently, at some time, once; chumül amuaymi chile?
‘when will yous go to Chile?’; chumül ngemen nga ‘I have once been there, I
have been there recently’; chumül rumé ‘any time’; chumül nu rumé ‘never’;
chum-ka nu rumé ∼ chum-ka-w-mew nu rumé (Adv) in no case, by no means
(RR).
chumal (Ni) for what purpose?; see chum-.
chumngechi (Ni) how?; see chum-.
chumngelu (Ni) why?; see chum-.
chumngen (Adv) while; see chum-.
chumpiru (N) hat; Sp. sombrero.
chumül (Ni, Adv) when?, recently, at some time; see chum-.
502 Dictionary
chunté ∼ tunté (Ni) how much?; see tunté.

chü kü- (Vi) to drip, to flow; chü küley ti ko ‘the water is running’.
chüngkü ∼ chüngküsh (Adj) round; chüngkü ∼ chüngküs ∼ chüngkür (RR);
chüngkü - (Vi) to roll.
chüngküll (N) wheel.
akel- (Vt) to declare one’s love to someone, to woo.
allu- (Vt) to consult, to submit a proposal to someone;
allu-ntuku- (Vt) to accuse, to betray.
eyiñ (N) volcano.
ew (Adv) already, any more (with negation), after; ew pürapuy ‘he is already
at the top’; ew uamwelay ‘there is no need any more’; ew mütrümkünueyu,
iñché amutun ‘after I called you, I walked away’;
ew- (Vi) to draw to a close, to end; iñchiu kiñew ewüy tayu kü aw ‘wed were
done with ourd work simultaneously’.
ewmá (Adv) almost, nearly, about to; ewmá afüy ‘it was about to end’;
ewmá alüñmapaymi? ‘have yous been here long?’;
ewma- (Vt) to make, to finish; kim ewmaiyallay ‘he does not know how to
cook’.
ewü (N) mouse.
i(-tu)- (Vt) to reach, to attain, to catch up with.
iwüll- (Vt) to stir.
oam ∼ uam (() MM); see uam.
oy (Adv) more. oy is also used to form the comparative and the superlative
of an adjective or adverb; küla oy fentren epumew ‘three [is] more than two’;
oy fentreley ‘he is bigger’; fey itrokommew oy inanngey ‘he is the youngest
of all’;
oy- (Vt) to surpass; oyüy ñi chaw ‘he is taller than his father’.
omo (N) woman; omoüñüm ‘female bird’;
omo- (Vi) to become a woman;
omo-tu- (Vt) to have sexual intercourse with (a woman).
uam ∼ oam (N) need, attention; ülkantuken ñi ñuke ñi uam ‘I sing for my
mother’;
kintu- uam- (Vt) to provoke, to jeopardize;
kintu-ka- uam- (Vt) to look for trouble;
uam- (Vt) to want, to need, to care for; iñché uamfiñ tüfachi omo ‘I need
this woman’; uamüymi kiñe galleta? ‘do yous want a cookie?’; uamlan ‘no’;
uamkülelay ‘he does not care’;
raki- uam- (Vi, Vt) to think (of). As a second member of a compound uam-
may indicate that the situation or event referred to is half-way completed (see
29.1); rüngüm uamfin ‘I was half-way with the milling’;
uam-ye- (Vt) to need something or someone for a purpose; uamyefin ñi chaw
‘I need to see my father (about something)’; uamkülelay ‘he is not in a hurry,
he has got plenty of time’;
uam-nge- (Vi) to have a business to attend to.
Dictionary 503
ulli- (Vt) to choose.

um um (N) twilight;
um um- (Vi) to become twilight;
um um-nge- (Vi) to be twilight.
umiñ (N, Adj) dark; iñché anülen umiñmew ‘I am sitting in the dark’;
umiñ-nge- (Vi) to be dark.
ungu (N) idea, matter, language, word; ramtuenew tüfachi ungu ‘he asked
me this (question)’; iñchiu allküfiyu feychi ungu ‘wed heard that story’;
mapu- ungu ∼ mapu- ungu-n (N) the Mapuche language;
ungu- (Vt) to talk to someone;
mapu- ungu- (Vi, Vt) to speak Mapuche.
üllwi (N) worm; also süllwi (RR).
üñi (N) eyebrow.
defende- (Vt) to defend; Sp. defender.
depwé (Adv) after that, later; Sp. despues.
dia (N) day; Sp. dia.
dominggu (N) Sunday; Sp. domingo.
echi - (Vi) to sneeze (LQ); cf. echiw-.
echiw- (Vi) to sneeze (RR); cf. echi -.
eymi (Np) yous.
eymu (Np) youd.
eymün (Np) youp.
eyütu- (Vi) to groan, to moan.
ekepe (N) lever.
ekota (N) sandal; Qu. ushuta (via Sp. ojota).
ektária (N) hectare; Sp. hectárea.
ekull (N) shawl;
pichi-ekull (N) nappy.
el- (Vt) to let someone or something behind, to leave someone or something in a
certain condition; elelürputuafiymi ‘on your way back yous must leave it there
for him’; ew kümeelküley ‘it has already been taken care of, it is already fixed’;
el-tu- (Vt) to bury someone;
el-tu-n (N) cemetary;
el-uw-ün (N) funeral.
eleksión (N) election; Sp. elección.
elfal- (Vt) to entrust someone with something or someone; elfalfiñ ñi püñeñ ‘I
entrusted her with my baby’.
elixi- (Vt) to choose, to select; Sp. elegir.
eltun (N) cemetery; see el-.
elu- (Vt) to give to; cf. wül- (Vt) ‘to give something’; elungekefuyiñ iyal ‘wep
were given food’; iñchiú eluwyu kuwü ‘wed shook hands’;
elu-ñma- (Vt) to give permission to someone, to allow someone; iñché lleküpuel,
eluñmangelan ñi konal ‘when I had come near, I was not allowed to enter’.
eluwün (N) funeral; see el-.
504 Dictionary
ella (Adv) a bit, shortly after; ella naqün antü ‘when the sun is going down a
little bit (shortly after noon)’;
ella-mew (Adv) in a little while, at first; also ella-ka-mu (RR).
ellka(-l)- (Vt) to hide; ellkalüñmafichi? ‘shall I hide it from him?’;
ellka-fey-pi- (Vt) to tell someone in secret;
ellka-nie- (Vt) to keep something hidden;
ellka-w-kantu- (Vi) to play hide and seek.
em (Part) see 32.14.
entonse (Adv) at that time, then, well; Sp. entonces.
ent.rega- (Vt) to hand over; Sp. entregar.
entu- ∼ nentu- (Vt) to take out/away;
nentu-antü- (Vt) to fix a term;
entu-permiso- (Vt) to ask someone permission;
entu-poñü-nge-n (N) the season for lifting potatoes;
entu-püñeñ- (Vt) to perform an abortion on someone;
rünga-entu- (Vt) to dig up;
tayma-entu- (Vt) to remove, to dispose.
entri- (Vi) to become very hungry, to become starved;
entri-n (Adj) very hungry, starved.
eñum (Adj) warm; eñum ko ‘warm water’;
eñum- (Vi) to become warm;
eñum-tu- (Vt) to make warm, to think something is warm.
enggaña (N) deceit;
enggaña- (Vt) to deceive; Sp. engañar; enggañacheley ‘he is cheating people’.
engkañ (Adj) defective, handicapped; engkañngeymi mi lipang ‘yours arm is
deformed’; rumé engkañngey ‘he has many handicaps’.
engu (Np) theyd; engu after C, yengu after V.
engün (Np) theyp; engün after C, yengün after V; Payllalef engũn ‘the family
Payllalef’.
epañole (N) Spaniards; Sp. españoles.
epé (Adv) almost, nearly; epé akuley ‘he is almost there’; epéwün ‘at dawn, at
daybreak’.
epew (N) story (RR, MM); cf. apew (LQ);
epew- (Vi) to tell a story;
epew-tu- (Vt) to tell someone a story.
epu (Num) two; epuñ pülé ‘on two sides’;
epu-nge-chi (Adj, Adv) second;
epu-we (Adv) the day after tomorrow;
epu-we-mew (Adv) the day before yesterday;
epu-ntu- (Vi) to get a pair of twins.
ewanxeliku (N) preacher; Sp. evangélico.
fa- (Vi) to become like this;
fa-pi- (Vt) to speak thus to someone;
fa-le- (Vi) to be like this; faley ‘it is like this (the speaker shows something)’;
Dictionary 505
cf. feley ‘it is like that, it is so, that is right (affirmation of what has just been
said)’;
fa-m- (Vt) to do like this (the action is shown to the listener);
fa-m-nge-chi (Adv) thus, so, like this; famngechi kü awken ‘I am used to work
like this’; cf. femngechi ‘like that’;
fa-chi ∼ tüfa-chi (Adj) this; fachi pülé ‘this side, this way’;
fa-ch-antü (Adv) today;
fa-chi-pun (Adv) tonight;
fa-nté (Adv) this much. -nte is an improductive suffix, see 27.2. fanté alüy ‘it
is this big’;
fa-nte- (Vi) to be this big/much; iñché fantekünufiñ tachi wirin ‘I finished
writing at this point’;
fa-nte-l- (Vt) to give this much to someone; iñché fantelayu asúkar ‘I will give
yous this much sugar’;
fa-nte-n (N) this quantity, this size; fanten küpalelaen kofke ‘bring me this much
bread’; fanten antü akuwyeaymi ‘yous will have arrived by that day’;
fa-nte-n- (Vi) to be this big/much; iñché ñi trewa fantey ∼ fantenüy ‘my dog
is this big’;
fa-nte-n-mu (Adv) so far, for/with/out of this much; fantenmu ngillan ‘I bought
[it] for this much’;
fa-nte-n-tu (Adv) so far, until this moment;
fa-nte-pu (Adv) by this time, around this day; fantepu afpelay ‘it is probably
finished/exhausted by now’;
fa-w (Adv) here.
fachi (Adj) this; see fa-.
fachantü (Adv) today; see fa-.
fachipun (Adv) tonight; see fa-.
fay- (Vi) to ferment; fayküley ‘it has fermented’;
fay-üm- (Vt) to cause to ferment.
fali- (Vi) to be worth; Sp. valer; faliy ‘it is expensive’; falilay ‘it is cheap’;
fali-l- (Vt) to value, to have a high opinion of.
fam- (Vt) to do like this; see fa-.
famngechi (Adv) in this way; see fa-.
fane- (Vi) to weigh; faniy ti maleta ‘the suitcase is heavy’;
fane-tu- (Vt) to think something is heavy, to weigh. pesa- (Vt) ‘to weigh’, Sp.
pesar, is preferred;
fane-fane-tu- (Vt) to try to establish the weight of something by weighing it in
the hand or by touching it;
fane-n (Adj) heavy.
fante (Adv) this much; see fa-.
fantentu (Adv) so far, untill this moment; see fa-.
fantepu (Adv) by this time, around this day; see fa-.
faril (N) barrel; Sp. barril.
faw (Adv) here; see fa-.
506 Dictionary
fe- (Vi) to become like that; cf. fa- ‘to become like this’;
fe-le- (Vi) to be like that; tüfachi mesa ka feliy kangelu mesa ta chumlen/chum-
ngen ‘this table is like that one’; felenge anay! ‘stay like that!’; felefalnufel ‘it
should not be that way’;
fe-m- (Vt) to do something like that/that way, to do something the same way;
kuyfı́ femngekelafuy ‘in olden times it was not done that way’. fe-m- is also
used as a verbal dummy, e.g. (in answer to a question like ’did they clean the
house?’) femüy ‘yes, they did’;
fe-m-nge- (Vi) to look like, to resemble, to be like that; fey ñi chaw femngey
‘he looks like his father’; piku femngey ‘it looks like northern wind’;
fe-m-nge-chi (Adv, Adj) thus, in that way, such;
fe-m-nge-chi-le- (Vi) to be thus;
femngen (Adv) at last, after all, with great difficulty; femngen akukan ‘I came
after all’;
femngewen oam (Adv) hardly, scarcely; femngewen ñi oam ewman ‘I have
only just finished [it]’;
fe-nté (Adv) that much, thus. -nte is an improductive suffix, see 27.2. iñché ñi
tunté nün, fey ka fente nüy ‘he took as much as I had taken’ (lit.: my taking
how much, he too took that much);
fe-nte- (Vi) to be that much; iñché fey fentey ‘he is as big as I am’;
fe-nte-l- (Vt) to give that much to; fentelen! ‘give me that much!’;
fe-nte-künu- (Vt) to stop, to cease, to leave alone; iñché fentekünun ñi kü aw
‘I stopped working’;
fe-nte-n (N) that much; fenten! ‘that much!, enough!’ (someone is offered food
and indicates the quantity he likes);
fe-nte-n- (Vi) to be that much/big; fey ñi ruka tüfá fentenüy ‘his house is as
big as this one’;
fe-nte-pu (Adv) then, by that time; fentepu wülá amfe! ‘then!!’ (someone
suggests a date, the listener thinks the date is too far away and says: that
late!);
fe-nte-we (Adv) then, that day; fentewe refers to a specific day, is more precise
than fentepu. iñché fentewe ka amuan ‘I will also go that day’.
fey (Np, Adv) he, she, it, that, they, the, then; probably derived from fe-;
eluñmaeyu fey emu mi tripayal ‘I give yous permission to leave with him’;
fey wülá (Adv) then, that moment;
fey-engu (Np) theyd;
fey-engün (Np) theyp;
fey-tüfá (Np) this here;
fey-tüfey (Np) that there;
fey-tüyé (Np) that over there;
fey-chi (Adj, Adv) that, then;
fey-mew (Adv) then, there, from/in/out of there, because of that.
fey- (Vi) to fit; feywelay tañi pantalon ‘my trousers do not fit any more’;
fey-üm- (Vt) to fit; feyümfiñ ti sapatu ‘I fit in the shoes’.
Dictionary 507
feychi (Adj, Adv) that, then; see fey.

feyengu (Np) theyd; see fey.
feyengün (Np) theyp; see fey.
feypi- (Vt) to say to someone; also, but less frequent, pi-;
ellka-fey-pi- (Vt) to tell someone in secret;
fey-pi-ntuku- (Vt) to accuse, to denounce, to give away;
fey-pi-le- (Vi) to think, to say to oneself.
feyentu- (Vt) to believe, to trust, to obey.
felantar (N) apron; Sp. delantal.
femngechi (Adv, Adj) so, thus, such; see fe-.
femngen (Adv) at last, after all, with great difficulty; see fe-.
femngewen (Adv) hardly, scarcely; see fe-.
fende- ∼ fente- (Vt) to sell; Sp.vender.
fenté (Adv) that much, thus; see fe-.
fenten (N) that much; see fe-.
fentekünu- (Vt) to stop, to cease, to leave alone; see fe-.
fentepu (Adv) then, by that time; see fe-.
fentewe (Adv) then, that day; see fe-.
fentre (Adv) much, very; cf. alü and pütrü; fentre konüy ‘he entered deep inside’;
fentre-pun (Adv) late at night;
fentre-ñma (Adv) very much, too much; fentreñma rumé faney ‘he weighs far
too much’;
fentre-ñma- (Vi) to stay a long time;
fentre- (Vi) to become much;
fentre-l- (Vt) to give much to;
fentre-le- (Vi) to be much; miñché ruka fentreley ewü ‘under the house [the
place] is swarming with mice’;
fentre-n (N, Adj) a large quantity, much, many; külá oy fentren epumew ‘three
[is] more than two’; fentren che ‘many people’;
fentre-n-tu- (Vi) to stay a long time, to take along time, to linger; fentrentuy
mi kartalnufiel ‘it has been a long time since yous wrote to me’.
fentren (N, Adj) a large quantity, much, many; see fentre.
fewlá (Adv) now, just now; is a contraction of fey-wülá; fewlá akuymi? ‘did
yous just arrive?’;
fewlawla (Adv) right now; is a contraction of fewlá-wülá.
fiaxe (N) journey; Sp. viaje.
fiy ∼ fey (Np) he, she, it, that, then.
filu (N) snake.
fill (Adj) all kind, all sorts, every; fill pichike kü awken ‘I do all sorts of small
jobs’; fill pülé ‘in different places, on different sides’; fillke pülé ‘everywhere’;
fill-antü (Adv) dayly;
fill-pun (Adv) every night;
itro-fill (Adj) every kind; itrofill nütram ‘light conversation about all sorts of
things’;
508 Dictionary
fill-em (N) all sorts of things. -em is an improductive suffix, see 18.3. niekefuy
ñi fillem engün ñi fundumew ‘theyp had all sorts of things on their farm’.
fill (Adj) naughty, wicked, troublesome;
fill a -nge- (Vi) to be naughty/wicked/troublesome;
fill a -tu- (Vt) to do naughty things to someone;
fill-miaw- (Vi) to hang around doing naughty things;
fill-pi- (Vt) to say naughty things to;
fill-küle- (Vi) to be dirty;
fill-meke- (Vi) to be busy doing naughty things.
filla (N) scarcity, lack;
filla-ngen (N) time of scarcity;
filla- (Vi) to become in want of, to run short of; fillalen ‘I have got nothing
left’.
fillem (N) all sorts of things; see fill .
fillka (N) the wife of a man’s brother, the brother of a woman’s husband.
fillkuñ (N) lizard.
fitrun (N) smoke; pitrun (RR);
fitrun- (Vi) to become smoke;
fitrun-uw- (Vi) to burn almost completely;
fitrun-tu- (Vi) to be bothered by smoke, to get smoke in the eyes.
fochi - (Vt) to suck.
fochüm ∼ fotüm (N) son (of a man) (RR); see fotüm.
foki (N) climbing plant.
folil (N) root.
foro (N) bone, tooth;
foro-challwa (N) fishbone;
llangka-foro (N) collarbone.
fotella (N) bottle; Sp. botella.
fotüm (N) son (of a man); fochüm ∼ fotüm (RR);
fotüm-wen (N) father and son.
fotra (N) swamp, mud.
fotrü (ITJ) exclamation of regret; ay fotrü ‘what a shame!, what a pity!’.
funa- (Vi) to become rotten, to become putrid;
funa-n (Adj) rotten, putrid; funan ilo ‘putrid meat’.
fundo ∼ fundu (N) farm; Sp. fundo.
furi (N, Adv) back (human body, object), at the back of; furi pwerta müley ‘he
is behind the door’; furimu müliy ‘he is at the back’;
furi-ntuku- (Vt) to turn one’s back to;
furi-rekül-küle- (Vi) to be seated while leaning backwards;
furi-tripa-le- (Vi) to be outside a group, to be far away from one’s family, to
be off the right path;
furi-le- (Vi) to be at the back of, to be behind, to be outside a group;
furi-nie- (Vt) to have behind one’s back;
furi-nge- (Vi) to have a back.
Dictionary 509
futrül- (Vt) to pile up, to heap up.

füchá (Adj, Adv) old, big, tall, very, a long time; also, but less frequent, fütá;
kiñe füchá trewa ‘old dog’; füchá wentru ‘adult (man)’;
fücha-chaw (N) grandfather;
fücha-che (N) old man;
fücha-pun (Adv) late at night;
fücha-kon- (Vi) to be deep, to be big inside;
fücha-rume- (Vi) to be broad, to be thick;
fücha-tuw- (Vi) to be long;
fücha- (Vi) to become old;
fücha-l- (Vt) to make big.
fü o (N) navel (JM); pü o (RR).
fü ü (N) partridge; also shüllo, sillo (RR).
fül*;
ina-fül (N, Adv) side, near, close; iñché eymi mi inaful mülen ‘I am (sitting)
next to yous’;
ina-fül-tu- (Vt) to approach;
fül-küle- (Vi) to be near; iñché fülkülen Pedromew ‘I am close to Pedro’;
fül-ma- + direction marker (Vt) to go/come close to;
fül-me- (Vi) to go near;
fül-pa- (Vi) to come near;
fül-pu- (Vi) to arrive close to;
fül-üm- (Vt) to bring close/near;
fül-üm-tuku- (Vt) to put close to.
fülang (Adj) white (MM); pülang ∼ pilang (JM); derived from Sp. blanco;
fülang- (Vi) to become white;
fülang-el- (Vt) to make white.
fülor (N) flower; Sp. flor.
füntro- (Vi) to smoke (fire).
füñapuwe (N) poison;
füñapuwe-tu- (Vt) to poison someone, to take poison;
füñapuwe-tu-n (Adj) poisoned.
füré (Adj) spicy, hot; füré korü ‘hot/spicy soup’;
füre- (Vi) to become hot/spicy; fürey ilo ‘the meat is spicy’.
fürene- (Vt) to do someone a favour; pengelen rüpü, füreneen ‘show me the way,
please’.
füri- (Vt) to fry, to bake; Sp. freı́r; fürin ilo ‘fried meat’; fürin kofke ‘baked
bread’.
fürolla- (Vt) to muddle; Sp. embrollar.
füshkü (Adj) fresh, cool; füskü (RR); füshkü antü ‘a fresh, cool day’;
füshkü- (Vi) to become fresh;
füshkü-tu- (Vi) to take shade.
fütá ∼ füchá (Adj) big, old; see füchá.
füta (N) husband;
510 Dictionary
füta-nge- (Vi) to have a husband, to be married (a woman); küpá fütangen ‘I

want to get married’.
füw (N) wool;
füw- (Vt) to spin.
gayeta (N) cookie, biscuit; Sp. galleta;
gayeta-tu- (Vi) to eat cookies.
gobyernu (N) government; Sp. govierno.
gowernaor (N) governor; Sp. gobernador.
i- (Vt) to eat; also yi-, often in case of a preceding vowel; iy- before V; iyalafiymi
tüfá ‘yous must not eat that’; iñché küpá yiwelan ‘I don’t want to eat any more’;
iy-al (N) food; also yael (RR);
kim ewma-iyal- ∼ kim ewma-yael- (Vt) to know how to cook;
i-lel- ∼ i-lel-tu- (Vt) to make someone eat; yiyikünufiñ ‘I ate that very quickly’.
ichona ∼ ichuna (N) scythe; Sp. echona ∼ echuna.
iy- (Vt) to eat; see i-.
iyal (N) food; see i-.
ilo (N) meat; ilo trokifiñ ‘it looks like meat to me’;
ilo- (Vt) to slaughter;
ilo-ufisha- (Vt) to slaughter sheep;
ilo-tu- (Vi) to eat meat;
ilo-n (Adj) slaughtered.
illam- (Vt) to despise, to depreciate (MM); iñché pobrengelu nga iñché illam-
ngekefun ‘when I was poor, I used to be despised’.
illku- (Vi) to become angry;
illku-l- ∼ illku-l-ka- (Vt) to make someone angry;
illku-l-uw- (Vi) to become angry, to make oneself angry;
illku-mpe- (Vt) to rebuke someone (LQ);
illku-ñpe- (Vt) to call someone names, to abuse someone (MM). See 27.2 for
-mpe- ∼ -ñpe- improd. suffix.
illku-tu- (Vt) to become angry with someone.
illu- (Vt) to feel like, to get an appetite for; rume illulen serbesa ‘I very much
feel like a beer’; illuniengen tañi langümngeal ‘they want to kill me’.
impol- (Vt) to wrap up; Sp. envolver.
ina (Adv) along, next to, near, behind; ina lewfü trekan ‘I walked along the
river’;
ina-fül (N, Adv) side, near, next to; inafül lewfü trekan ‘I walked close to the
river’; fey ñi inafül ngillay mapu ‘he bought land next to him’;
ina-fül- (Vi) to get near/next to (-mew); inafülküley ‘it is close by’;
ina- (Vi) to follow, to go behind someone; petú alüley rüpü ñi inayal ‘it is still
a long way to go’; inamefin ‘I went behind her’;
ina-amu- (Vi) to go behind;
ina-ye- (Vt) to join in, to follow someone in; iñché pefilu imeken Pati iñché ka
inayengüñün ‘when I saw Pati eating I also got hungry’;
ina-ye-ngüma- (Vt) to cry with someone (in order to give comfort);
Dictionary 511
ina-küpa- (Vi) to come behind;

ina-l (N) bank, side, next; pu inal ‘the next ones’;
ina-l-tu (Adv) along, alongside, next to. ina-l-tu is more frequent than ina
(Adv). ina ∼ inaltu ruka ‘next to the house’; inaltu lewfü trekan ‘I walked on
the banks of the river (following exactly the course of the river)’; inaltu wingkul
‘at the foot of the mountain, around the mountain (following its outline)’; ina-
yawün ‘I walked about behind’, cf. inaltuyawün ‘I walked about alongside’;
ina-l-tuku- (Vt) to sow late, to put in the soil late;
ina-n (N, Adj) last, younger, youngest; fey itrokommew oy inanngey ‘he is the
youngest of all’;
af-ina-n (N) very youngest;
ina-n-tu- (Vt) to run after someone;
ina-nge-chi (Adj, Adv) last, behind; feytüfá oy inangechi akuy feytüfachi epu
chemew ‘he arrived after these two people’.
inafül (N, Adv) side, near, next to; see ina-.
inal (N) bank, side, next; see ina-.
iney ∼ iniy (Ni) who?; iniyemu ngemeymi Santiago? ‘with whom have yous
been to Santiago?’; iney rumé ‘whoever’; iney nu rumé ‘nobody whatsoever’.
iniy ∼ iney (Ni) who?.
interese (N) interest; Sp. interés.
iñché (Np) I; iñché ñi ‘my’.
iñchiñ (Np) wep; iñchiñ yiñ ‘ourp’.
iñchiu (Np) wed; iñchiu yu ‘ourd’.
ingka- (Vt) to defend.
ispwela (N) spur; Sp. espuela.
itro (Adv) quite, completely, straight; occurs only in compounds;
itro-fill (Adj, N) all sorts; itrofill ungu nütramkawayiñ ‘wep are going to talk
about all sorts of things’;
itro-kom (N) all, everybody; itrokommu trapümün plata ‘I collected money from
everybody’;
itro-re (Adv) merely;
itro-tripa (N, Adv) area before/in front of something, before (space or position);
itrotripa rukamu nen kiñe wangku ‘I have a chair in front of my house’.
itrokom (N) everybody; see itro.
yafka- (Vt) to make someone angry; cf. yafkü-.
yafkü- (Vi) to get angry (MM);
yafkü-tu- (Vt) to get angry with someone.
yafü (Adj) hard; yafü pañillwe ‘hard iron’;
yafü- (Vi) to become hard;
yafü-l- (Vt) to cheer up, to animate;
yafü-l-uw- (Vi) to muster up one’s courage.
yall (N) child (of a man); feychi wentru meli niy yall feychi omomu ‘that man
has four children with that woman’;
yall- (Vt) to beget, to multiply; yallngey ‘he was begotten’;
512 Dictionary
yall-üm- (Vt) to multiply;

yall-tuku (N) illegitimate child;
yall-tuku- (Vt) to get an illegitimate child.
yam- (Vt) to respect.
yana (N) half-breed.
yanchü- (Vi) to shiver;
yanchü-wütre- (Vi) to shiver with cold.
yaq (Adv) both, together (but not equally); yaq tremkülerpuyiñ ‘wep grew up to-
gether (being of different age/in different circumstances)’; cf. trür tremkülerpu-
yiñ ‘wep grew up together (being of more or less the same age/in more or less
similar circumstances)’.
ye- (Vt) to bring, to carry; yeniey ina lewfü ‘he carries [it] along the river’;
yelelenew ‘he brought [it] for me’; kümé yenien ñi kü aw ‘I am good at my
work’;
ina-ye- (Vt) to join someone in, to follow someone in;
ye-ñma- (Vt) to follow the advice of.
yengu (Np) theyd; see engu.
yengün (Np) theyp; see engün.
yene (N) whale.
yepa- (N) to take after (in character and features); yepa- ∼ yepa-ntu- (MM);
yepaenew ‘he takes after me’.
yerfa (N) grass, herb; Sp. hierba.
yewe- (to be ashamed to, to respect someone, to be shy with) ; rumé yewengey
‘he was much respected’; yewefiñ ‘I respected him, I was shy towards him’;
iñché yewefun ñi feypiafiel ‘I was ashamed to tell him’;
yewe-l-ka- (Vt) to bring shame on someone, to embarrass;
yewe-n (N) shame, fiancé(e) and future parent-in-law.
yewün (N) things, stuff, belongings; probably drived from ye-.
yiñ (Nposs) ourp.
yiwiñ (N, Adj) fat (human and animal); yiwiñ sañwe ‘pig’s fat’.
yiwül (N) loop, noose; yüwül (JM);
yiwül-kuwü (N) ring (ornament worn round a finger);
yiwül- (Vt) to work with a shuttle;
yiwül-we (N) shuttle.
yochi (Adv) enough, sufficient;
yochi- (Vi) to be enough; yochilefuy chiam ñi iyael? ‘would the food be
enough?’.
yom (Adv) too, over-;
yom ru-me- (Vi) to go on, to go beyond what is planned for/what is advisable),
to go too far, to do better than others; yom dewmay ‘he built another, bigger
one)’;
yom uam- (Vi) to be a loud-mouth.
yu (Nposs) ourd.
yungum (Adj) sharp; yungumke kuchillu nien ‘I have sharp knives’;
Dictionary 513
yungum- (Vt) to sharpen;

yungum-wili- (Vi) to file one’s fingernails.
yuw (N) nose;
way-yu- (Vi) to get a nosebleed.
ka (Adj, Adv, Conj) other, different, also, again, and; kake che ‘other people’;
ka tasa ‘a different cup’; ka semana ‘next week’; ka ñi olküley ‘he is also the
leader’; ka lantuy ‘he became a widower again’; ewmay ñi ruka ka kintuy kiñe
omo ‘he built his house and looked for a woman’; kañ pülé ‘on the other side’;
ka-ka (Adv) again and again;
ka-mapu (Adj, Adv) far;
ka-mel (Adv) next year; mel ‘time’ (Augusta);
ka-ruka ∼ ka-ruka-tu (N) neighbour;
ka-ruka-tu- (Vt) to visit a neighbour, to move next to a person;
ka-ke kiñe-ke (N, Adj) each one;
ka-ke-lu (N) the others;
ka-le- (Vi) to be different (not character); kaleay chi tañi pipingen ‘perhaps he
will strike a different note’;
ka-nge- (Vi) to be different (character); kangey ‘he is different, he is peculiar’;
ka-nge-chi (Adj, Adv) different, differently;
ka-nge-lu (N) the other .
ka (Part) see 32.16.
kabüra ∼ kapüra (N) goat; Sp. cabra.
kachilla (N) wheat.
kachu (N) grass, pasture; eymi ta küpalelafilu ta kachu ‘yous must bring him
grass’;
kachu- (Vi) to come up (grass);
kachu-ka-l- (Vt) to make an animal graze, to pasture.
ka i (N) side, rib, bed-fellow;
af-ka i (N) person next to another person, bosom friend, companion, advisor;
af-ka i-le- (Vi) to be next to a person;
af-ka i-nie- (Vt) to have someone at one’s side;
ka i-l-entu- (Vt) to put aside, to catch up with someone.
kafé (N) coffee; Sp. café;
kafe- (Vi) to make coffee;
kafe-tu- (Vi) to drink coffee.
kafkü- (Vi, Vt) to whisper (to);
kafkü-l- (Vt) to whisper to.
kafü - (Vt) to scrape, to scratch.
kay (Part) see 32.4.
kaykay- (Vi) to cackle (sound made by a hen after laying an egg) (JM), cf.
kuchacha-.
kayñe (N) enemy.
kayu (Num) six.
kakak(ü)- (Vi) to crow, to make the sound of a cock; kakara- (MM), kakaya-
514 Dictionary
(JM); kiñetu kakaküle alka ‘at the first crowing sound of the cock, at dawn’.
kakül (Adj) sideways; kakülküliy ‘he is lying/sitting sideways’.
kal (N) hair, fleece, pelt;
kal-cha (N) pubic hair, hair in the armpits; kal küwü ‘hair on one’s hand’; kal
ufisha ‘fleece of a sheep’.
kalera (N) staircase, ladder; Sp. escalera.
kalku (N) witch. Witches, usually male, occasionally female, bring harm to
people and animals. They use stones, birds and supernatural creatures like the
añchümalleñ, the chonchon and the witranalwe for their practice of witchcraft.
Witches are held responsible for illness and death.
kallekalle (N) wild plant with long roots; Liertia ixiodes iridacea, iridácea (Au-
gusta). The roots of the plant are used to make a comb.
kallfü (Adj) purple, blue;
kallfü- (Vi, Vt) to become purple, to be purple, to make purple; kallfüy ‘it is
purple (permanent characteristic)’; petú kallfüy ‘it is becoming purple’; kallfüley
‘it is purple (having become purple)’; kallfüngey ‘it has purple’.
kalli (Aux) enabling; see 25.4; kalli amupe! ‘let him go!’;
kalli-ka-w- (Vi) to be at ease, to feel at ease; kallikawkü awkülen ‘I am working
without hurry’.
kam (Conj) or; feyta kam kangelu? ‘this one or the other one?’; iniy oy kimüy,
eymi kam iñché? ‘who knows more, yous or me?’
kam (Part) see 32.12.
kama (N) big quantity (RR); kaman (MM); iñché kaman ilo nien ‘I have a lot
of meat’; kamalekefuy che ‘there were a lot of people’.
kamañ (N) shepherd, guardian (a person or a dog); kulliñ kamañ ‘herdsman’.
kamapu (Adj, Adv) far; see ka.
kamel (N) next year; see ka.
kampo ∼ kampu (N) country; Sp. campo.
kana- (Vt) to earn; Sp. ganar.
kanesta (N) basket; Sp. canasta.
kanin (N) vulture.
kaniru (N) mutton; Sp. carnero.
kañ (Adj, Adv, Conj) variant of ka ‘other’; see ka.
kansu (N) goose; Sp. ganso.
kangka- (Vt) to roast;
kangka-n (Adj) roasted;
kangka-we (N) spit.
kapata (N) foreman; Sp. capataz.
kapi (N) pod; füreke kapi niey tüfachi trapi ‘this red pepper has hot seed-pods’.
kapun- (Vt) to castrate (RR, JM).
kapüra ∼ kabüra (N) goat; Sp. cabra.
kaqül (N) spittle, spit.
kara (N) town. Is an old word, still found in names of places, e.g. Carahue.
karkar- (Vi) to quack (chicken, cock, goose).
Dictionary 515
karuka (N) neighbour; see ka, ruka.

karü (Adj) green, raw; pilang ∼ pülang karü ‘light-green’; kurü karü ‘dark-green’;
karü- (Vi) to become green, to be green.
kasa- (Vt) to hunt; Sp. cazar.
kashü (Adj) grey (not RR); kashü ngürü ‘grey fox’;
kashü- (Vi) to become grey, to be grey.
kata- (Vt) to pierce;
kata-ru-l-me- (Vt) to pierce through;
kata-n (N) hole;
kata-we (N) dagger.
katrü- (Vt) to cut, to mow, to cut someone off; iñché katrün ñi changüllkuwü
‘I cut my finger’; katrükonkilnge kangelu petú nütramkale! ‘don’t interrupt
someone when he is talking!’;
katrü-ketran- (Vi) to mow wheat;
katrü-ka- (Vt) to cut into several pieces;
katrü-ka-w- (Vi) to cut oneself several times;
katrü-l- (Vt) to cut unwittingly, to pull to pieces;
katrü-ntuku- (Vt) to cut off, to cut without wanting to;
katrü-ntuku-n (N) room (in a house), part that is cut off;
katrü-tu- (Vt) to cut someone off, to block someone’s way, to bump against
(-mew);
katrü-w- (Vi) to harvest;
katrü-w-ün-ngen (N) harvest season;
katrü-n (N) piece, cut.
kawallete (N) ridge (of a roof); Sp. caballete.
kawchu (N) young lady.
kaweyu (N) horse; Sp. caballo; kawell(u) is more frequent.
kawell(u) (N) horse; Sp. caballo; also kaweyu;
angka -püra-kawellu- (Vi) to mount a horse behind another person;
(püra-)kawell-küle- (Vi) to ride horse;
kawellu-tu- (Vt) to sit/ride on something or someone, as if on a horse;
kawellu-tu-n (N) a person on horseback.
kawe- (Vi) to row;
kawe-pe-ye-m (N) stick to row with, oar.
kawitu (N) bed; Qu. kawitu.
kawle (N) cable; Sp. cable.
kawlitu- (Vt) to scratch.
kawüsh ∼ kawü (N) spoon; see kawü -.
kawü ∼ kawüsh (N) spoon; kawü - ∼ kawüsh- (Vt) to spoon out;
kawü -we (N) spoon, a thing to spoon something out with;
kawü -kantu-we (N) a piece of wood to spoon something out with.
ke (Part) see 32.17.
kechu (Num) five.
ke iñ- (Vt) to shear (sheep).
516 Dictionary
kekaw- (Vt) complain; Sp. quejarse.

kele (N) rheum (in the corners of the eye when waking up).
kelü (Adj) red;
kelü- (Vi) to be red;
kelü-tripa- (Vi) to go red, to blush;
kelü-w- (Vi) to become red.
kellu- (Vt) help;
kellu-ntuku- (Vt) to help out.
keñkeñko (N) waterplant; probably consisting of keñkeñ(?) and ko ‘water’.
ketra- (Vt) to plough;
katrü-ketran- (Vi) to mow;
ketra-n (N) crop (corn, wheat, potatoes etc.);
ketra-w-ün-ngen (N) ploughing season.
ketre (N) chin.
ketro (Adj) mute.
kewa- (Vt) to hit, to beat (to defeat), to fight; kewakewangekiy ‘they were
fighting all the time’; kewafin ‘I hit him, I fought with him’; kewangen ‘I was
hit, I was beaten’;
kewa-l- (Vt) to let fight;
kewa-tu- (Vt) to fight, to combat, to go to war against; ka kisuke ewmayngün
ñi Mapuche tralka ñi kewatuafiyem ti pu ñuwa ‘each one of themp prepared his
Mapuche gun in order to fight the thieves’.
kewün (N) tongue; probably contains wün ‘mouth’.
ki ki - (Vi) to squeak, to giggle.
kilkay (N) necklace (silver necklace with a coin on each link).
killkill (N) night-bird.
kim (Adj) knowing, wise, well-behaved;
kim (Aux) to know how to, see 25.4; kim ungulay ‘he does not know how to
speak’;
kim- (Vt) to know, to learn (to gain knowledge of, to be informed), to remem-
ber; kimüñmalafin ñi raki uam ‘I don’t know what his thoughts are’; iñché
kimlan ‘I don’t know’; iñché pichi kimnien ‘as far as I know’; kimnuchi pi-
chiche ‘innocent child’; iñché petú kimün fey akulu fey ‘I have just learned that
he has arrived’; newé kümé kimnielan ‘I don’t remember very well’;
kim-kon- (Vi) to find out;
kim-püra- (Vi) to realize;
kim-tuku- (Vt) to have known for some time;
kim-el- (Vt) to teach, to let someone know;
kim-el-tuku- (Vt) to let someone know (as a warning);
kim-el-fal- (Vt) to make generally known;
kim-el-fe ∼ kim-el-che-fe (N) teacher;
kim-küle- (Vi) to be prudent, sensible, conscious, aware;
kim-tu- (Vt) to remember;
kim-fal (Adj) known, recognizable;
Dictionary 517
kim-fal-uw- (Vi) to make oneself known; kimfaluwpalay ‘when he came in, he

did not make himself known’.
kincha (N) vegetable garden.
kintu- (Vt) to look for, to search, to look;
kintu- uam- (Vt) to look for trouble, to pick a quarrel with someone;
kintu-mara- (Vi) to look/hunt for hare;
kintu-ka-w-küle- (Vi) to be looking for all kind of stuff for oneself, to be shop-
ping.
kiñe (Num, Adv, Adj) one, once, about/more or less (with numbers), single.
kiñe is sometimes used as an indefinite article. kiñe umameyu ‘wed stayed
there one night’; kiñe pülé ‘on one side’; kiñe rumé ‘if only one’; kiñe nu rumé
‘not even one’; kiñe epu küyen ‘for about two months’; kiñe mufü ‘quite a few’;
kiñe-chi (Adv) once;
kiñe-ke (Adj, N) some, a few, one by one, one each;
ka-ke kiñe-ke (Adj, N) each one; kake kiñeke yenieyiñ makuñ anu mawünle ‘wep
take each of us a coat with us in case it rains’;
kiñe-ke-mew (Adv) sometimes;
kiñe-ke-ntu (N) some; kiñekentu tripayiñ ‘some of usp left’;
kiñe-l- (Vt) to give one to;
kiñe-le- (Vi) to be one, to be single/alone;
kiñe-le-chi (Adj) single;
kiñe-nge- (Vi) to be single/alone (always);
kiñe-nge-chi (Adj, Adv) first, unique, alone, for the first time, (for) once;
kiñe-tu (Adv) (for) once, for the first time;
kiñe-w (Adv) together.
kinging- (Vi) to whine (sound made by a dog);
kinging-kinging-nge- (Vi) to be whining constantly;
kinging-kinging-tu- (Vi) to imitate the whining of a dog;
kinging-kinging-tu-l- (Vt) to imitate the whining of.
kisá (Adv) maybe; Sp. quizá(s).
kishu (Adv) alone, self/own (giving emphasis to the individual character of the
person referred to); kishu ∼ kisu (RR, MM). kishu is also used as a substitutive
personal pronoun, see 15.1. kishu kü awkülen ‘I am working alone’; kishukentu
amuayu ‘wed will go alone (each of us)’; kishu unguaymew eymi ‘he will talk
to yous himself’; kishu engün amufaltunofel ‘theyp should not go’;
kishu-le- (Vi) to be alone;
kishu-tu (Adv) on one’s own initiative, for one’s own account.
kitra (N) pipe;
kitra-tuwe (N) clay to make pipes from, also a place-name;
kitra-tu- (Vt) to smoke a pipe.
ko (N) water;
püra-n-ko (N) spring;
wichill-ko (N) creek.
kochü (Adj) sweet (sugar, appels, oranges), as opposed to kotrü ‘salt, sour’;
518 Dictionary
kochü- (Vi) to become sweet, to be sweet;

kochü-l- (Vt) to make sweet.
kofi- (Vi) to become (burning) hot/heated;
kofi-m- (Vt) to heat up;
kofi-n (Adj) hot; kofin pañillwe ‘hot iron’.
kofke (N) bread;
kofke- (Vt) to make bread;
kofke-fe (N) baker;
kofke-tu- (Vi) to eat bread;
kofke-tu-fe (N) bread-eater.
koyam (N) young oak tree; Nothofagus obliqua (Augusta).
koyla (N, Adj) lie, deceitful; iñché koyla ungu pin ‘I told a lie’;
koyla-nge- (Vi) to be deceitful;
koyla-tu- (Vt) to lie to someone;
koyla-tu-fe (N) liar;
koyla-tu-n (N) lie.
kolexio (N) school; Sp. colegio;
kolexio-tu- (Vi) to go to school.
kolü ∼ kollü (Adj) brown, reddish brown, beige;
kolü- (Vi) to become brown, to be brown.
kollella (N) ant.
kollkoma (N) coot (not RR, not JM).
kollü ∼ kolü (Adj) brown, reddish brown, beige; see kolü.
kom (Adj, Adv) all, entire, completely; kom kurü ‘entirely black’; kom pun ‘all
nights, the entire night’; iñché ta kom kimün ‘I know everything’.
kompañ (N) comrade; Sp. compañero; kompañwen ‘friends/partners of one ano-
ther’;
kompañ- (Vt) to accompany; fey müná kümey kompañkiawülünmew ‘he is very
good to hang around with’.
komütu- (Vt) to gaze with rapture.
kon (N) opponent (in a game).
kon- (Vi) to enter, to start; konpange! ‘come in!’; füchá konüy ‘it is deep’; tunté
konüy tachi küyen? ‘which day of the month is it?’; mari kiñe antü konüy
‘it is the eleventh’; konayiñ nganün ‘wep will begin to sow/plant’; kiñe fütá
firmamew konün ‘I joined a big firm’; konün antü ‘when the sun goes down’;
konün pun ‘at nightfall’;
anü-kon- (Vi) to sit down in, to move in with in-laws;
kon-antü- (Vi) to get the heat of the sun;
ütrüf-kon- (Vi) to fall in;
kon-ma- (Vi) to get, to take in; konmay trufür ñi nge ‘I got dust in my eye’;
kon-tu- (Vt) to enter, to go into, to invade; ruka kontungen ‘my house was
broken into’;
lef-kon-tu- (Vt) to attack suddenly.
koná (N) young man, soldier, servant;
Dictionary 519
kona-kona-tu- (Vi) to take courage, to pretend to be a young man;

kona-kona-tu-l- (Vt) to encourage.
koñoll (Adj) (deep) purple;
koñoll- (Vi) to become purple, to be purple;
koñoll-tu- (Vt) to dye purple;
koñoll-we (N) purple dye.
koñü (N) baby/young (of a woman or an animal), child of a woman’s sister(-in-
law) or brother(-in-law); koñi (RR);
nie-koñü-le- (Vi) to be pregnant/with young;
koñü-ntu (N) nephews and nieces;
koñü-wen (N) mother and young;
koñü-nge- (Vi) to have a young;
koñü- (Vi) to give birth; kiñe koñün waka ‘a cow which has calved’.
kongka (N) sheaf; kongka küna ‘a bundle of reed’.
kongkong (N) owl.
kongkül- (Vi) to growl (pigs).
kopü -*;
kopü -küle- (Vi) to lie face downward;
kopü -künu-w- (Vt) to lie/sit down face downward;
kopü -nie- (Vt) to hold in a face downward position.
koral (N) fence, yard; Sp. corral; mamüll koral ‘wooden fence’.
korkopel (N) throat; cf. pel ‘neck, throat’.
korü (N) soup;
korü- (Vi) to make soup;
korü-tu (Vi) to eat soup.
kosecha (N) harvest; Sp. cosecha; kosechangen ‘harvest season’;
tripa-l-kosecha (N, Adv) (at) the end of the harvest season.
kotrü (Adj) salt, salty, sour;
kotrü- (Vi) to be salt; rumé kotrüy lafkenko ‘seawater is very salt’; kotrüy ti
kesu ‘this cheese is (too) salt’; kotrüy ti mansana ‘the apple is sour’;
kotrü-künu- (Vt) to salt;
kotrü-l- (Vt) to salt; kotrülngey ti korü ‘the soup was salted’;
kotrü-le- (Vi) to be salty.
kotror (Adj) faded, greyish (colour of dirty white clothes), foul; kotror che
‘foul/dirty people’.
kowkow (N) owl;
kowkow- (Vi) to howl.
kristianu (Adj) Christian; Sp. cristiano.
kuchacha- (Vi) to cackle (after laying an egg) (MM).
kuchi (N) vagina (RR).
kuchilla ∼ kuchillu (N) knife; Sp. cuchillo.
kuchu- (Vi) to get wet; kuchulen ‘I am wet’;
kuchu-n (Adj) wet; kuchun libru ‘wet book’.
ku aku a (N) kidneys.
520 Dictionary
ku añ (N) testicle.

ku e ∼ kushe ∼ kuse (Adj, N) old, old woman; see kushe.
ku e- (Vi) to play (in a contest/game), to bet;
ku e-l- (Vt) to have a horse running a race;
ku e-fe (N) jockey;
ku e-n (N) horserace.
ku i (N) millstone (the bottom stone which does not move);
ñum-ku i (N) the millstone on top of the bottom stone.
ku u- (Vi) to lie down, to go to bed.
kufü- (Vi) to become warm; kufüy ko ‘the water has warmed up’;
kufü-n (Adj) warm.
kuyfı́ (Adv, Adj) formerly, a long time ago, former; kuyfı́ rumé mülekefuy feychi
ungu ‘in earlier days these things happened a lot’; iñché nütramkan kiñe kuyfı́
che iñchiú ‘I talked to an elderly person’.
kuykuy (N) bridge which consists of one pole or a framework of poles which
rests on either side of a stream or a river;
kuykuy-pangi (N) ridgepole.
kuyül (N) charcoal.
kuyüm (N) sand.
kuliw (N) distaff.
kultraf- (Vt) to slap with the palm of the hand or with a whip;
kultraf-tuku- (Vt) to slap on something;
kultraf-tu- (Vt) to slap.
kultrung (N) drum (wooden dish covered by a goat’s skin, is used by the machi);
trüpu-kultrung- (Vi) to beat the kultrung.
kulli- (Vt) to pay someone; fey kom kullieyiñmu ‘he paid all of us’;
kulli-ñ (N) animal, cattle.
kullkull (N) flute made of horn.
kullumtu- (Vi, Vt) to wash one’s face, to wash the face of someone.
kum (Adj) red, iron-coloured red;
kum-püllü (N) red earth.
kunaw- (Vi) to swell up, to inflate, to become inflamed.
kuñifall (N) orphan.
kuñil- (Vt) to feel pity for;
kuñil-tu- (Vt) to feel pity/ sorry for, to take care of.
kuñiwün (Adj) dangerous.
kungkull (N) horn (music instrument made of horn);
kungkull-tu- (Vi) to play the horn.
kupaf- (Vt) to beat someone up with a stick;
kupaf-ka- (Vt) to give someone a good beating.
kupül- (Vt) to fasten (a baby) to the cradleboard;
kupül-we (N) cradleboard.
kura (N) stone, rock; la kura ‘loose rock, rock debris’ (lit. dead stone); mongen
kura ‘solid rock’ (lit. living stone);
Dictionary 521
kura-l-nge- (N) pupil;

kura-tu- (Vt) to throw stones at;
kura-w- (Vi) to turn into stone.
kuram (N) egg;
antü-kuram (N) unfertilized egg;
kuram- (Vi) to lay an egg.
kure (N) wife;
kure-wen (N) husband and wife; kiñeke wariyamew kurengepuyngün ‘some got
married in town and stayed there’;
kure-ye- (Vt) to take for a wife, to marry;
kure-ye-w- (Vi) to marry each other;
kure-nge- (Vi) to have a wife, to get married (to a woman);
kure-tu- (Vt) to have sexual intercourse with a woman.
kuri (N) stinging-nettle.
kurü (Adj) black, dark; kurükelü ‘dark-red’; kurükechiley ‘it seems black’;
kurü- (Vi) to become black, to be black; kurüy ‘it is black (always)’, cf. kurüley
‘it is black (has become black)’; kurüngey ‘it has black (in it)’.
kushe ∼ kuse (N, Adj) old woman, granny, old (woman, house);
kushe-papay (N) old dear;
kushe- (Vi) to be/become an old woman;
kushe- uam- (Vi) to (be middle-aged and) get older, to advance in years;
kushe-naq- (Vi) to get old; kushenaqüy ‘she has become old (and did not get
any children or has not travelled anywhere)’;
kushe-le- (Vi) to be in the process of becoming an old woman.
kutran (N) illness;
kutran-che (N) sick person, patient;
chafo-kutran (N) cold (illness of nose and throat);
kutran-longko (N) headache;
kutran- (Vi) to fall ill;
kutran-pütra-le- (Vi) to have stomach-ache;
kutran-ka-w- (Vi) to suffer;
kutran-nge- (Vi) to feel pain;
kutran-longko-nge- (Vi) to have headache;
kutran-tu- (Vi, Vt) to hurt.
kuwü (N) hand; küwü (RR, JM);
changüll-kuwü (N) finger;
yiwül-kuwü (N) ring (ornament worn round a finger);
trari-kuwü (N) bracelet;
troy-kuwü (N) wrist;
kuwü-l (N) sleeve;
man-kuwü-l- (Vt) to shake someone’s right hand.
kücha(-tu)- (Vt) to wash;
kücha-fal (Adj) washable;
kücha-tu-fe (N) someone who washes;
522 Dictionary
kücha-tu-n (N) piece of laundry.

küchiw (N) arse.
kü aw (N) work;
kü aw-nge- (Vi) to be difficult;
kü aw- (Vi, Vt) to work;
antü-kü aw- (Vi) to work as a day-labourer;
kü aw-ka- (Vi) to do all kind of jobs;
kü aw-ka-we (N) tool;
kü aw-ma-nge- (Vi) to become bewitched;
kü aw-pie-nie- (Vt) to be concerned with;
kü aw-tu- (Vt) to have difficulty to, to take trouble to; iñché kü awtun kimal
olandés ‘I had difficulty learning Dutch’.
kü e (N) torch (of reed or wood);
kü e-tu- (Vt) to light, to illuminate.
küfiw- (Vi) to swell; iñché küfiwkülen ñi pütra ‘my stomach is swollen’.
küyen (N, Adv) moon, month, monthly, in . . . months, . . . months ago;
küyen- (Vi) to elapse (a month), to be a month ago, to spend a month.
külá (Num) three;
küla-n (N) trio, set of three.
külafo (N) nail; Sp. clavo.
külchaf- ∼ kültraf- (Vt) to soak, to drench.
külche (N) intestine.
külen (N) tail.
külko (N) basket, made of foki.
külkül (N) sort of fern, used to cover wounds and heal them.
külolkülol (N) throat, larynx.
külow (N) bar of a loom (the upper and lower bar of a loom on which the warp
threads are stretched).
külto- (Vi) to become loose.
kültraf- ∼ külchaf- (Vt) to soak, to drench.
külü- (Vi, Vt) to lean;
külü-naq- (Vi) to lean down; külürupan antü ‘after midday, around 14.00 hours,
when the sun is going down’;
külü-künu-w- (Vi) to lie to one side;
külü-le- (Vi) to bend, to lean.
küllaytu- (Vt) to wash someone’s head;
küllaytu-w- (Vi) to wash one’s head.
külle (N) tear (RR); külle-wün (JM); apoliy tañi nge küllewünmew ‘her eyes
are full of tears’.
külleq (N) hill, slope;
külleq-tu- (Vi) to climb a hill in a zigzagging manner.
küllew (N) seed, grain;
küllew- (Vi) to burst open (grain, corn while being roasted); küllewküllewerkiy
‘it is on the verge of bursting open’.
Dictionary 523
küllmatu- (Vt) to lick.

küllü- (Vt) to hit;
küllü-küllü-tu- (Vt) to take aim at.
kümé (Adj, Adv) good, nice, well; kümé che ‘good person’; müná kümé dungu!
‘how good!, isn’t that good!’; müná kümé a ngey ‘she looks very pretty’; kümé
antü ‘good/nice weather’;
kümé rüngüm- (Vt) to grind fine;
küme- (Vi) to be good/nice; feyta oy kümey ‘this one is better’; kümey ‘it is
good, it tastes good’;
kümé- uam- (Vi) to feel better;
küme-el- (Vt) to arrange, to repair;
küme-el-peshkiñ-fe (N) gardener;
küme-küme-tu- (Vt) to taste;
küme-le- (Vi) to be good/well done/allright; kümeley ‘he is allright (not sick)’;
küme-l-ka- (Vi, Vt) to do right (to), to be good at, to treat well; kümelkan ñi
amunuel ‘I made the right decision by not going’;
küme-l-ka-le- (Vi) to be (doing) allright, to be well off;
küme-l-ka-w- (Vi) to brighten up, to become better;
küme-nie- (Vt) to let someone be, to treat someone well;
küme-ntu- (Vt) to like, to think it is nice/good;
küme-ñma- (Vi) to experience something good, to have a good day;
küme-nge- (Vi) to be good, to be nice weather.
küna (N) reed, used for thatching (about one metre high green, flexible grass);
küna ruka ‘a house with a thatched roof’.
küntro (Adj) crippled, lame;
küntro-le- (Vi) to be crippled/lame (temporarily);
küntro-nge- (Vi) to be crippled/lame (always).
küñatu- (Vt) to take by the hand.
küñe (N) twins.
küpá (Aux) wishing, see 25.4; upa (JM); küpá amulafuyiñ ‘wep did not want to
go’; küpá pütokon ‘I like to drink water’.
küpa- (Vi) to come; pichi küpange! ‘come here for a second!’;
küpa-l- (Vt) to bring; küpaleleyu tüfá ‘I brought this for yous’; llüngü küpa-l-
‘to drag this way (in the direction of the speaker)’; rütreküpal- ‘to push this
way (in the direction of the speaker)’.
küpalme (N) family (group of persons descended from a common ancestor);
probably related to küpa- ‘to come’.
küpam (N) dress; same as chamall.
kürew (N) starling.
küri (Adj) lustful (women only);
küri- (Vi) to be lustful.
kürun (N) sister of a man’s wife, sister’s husband (of a woman); kürunwen
iñchiu ‘wed [are] kürun’.
kürüf (N) wind; kürüfngey ‘there is wind’; kürüftukumawünngey ‘it is windy and
524 Dictionary
stormy’;
kürüf- (Vi) to get up (wind).
kütó (Adv) even, also; kütu (RR); kom amuayiñ wariyamew, fey kütó amuay
‘wep will all go to town, even he’; iñché witranmamean ñi lamngen welu ñi
chaw kütó pemean ‘I will go and visit my sister but I will see my father too’.
kütral (N) fire; anükonkülen kütralmew ‘I am sitting near the fire’;
kütral-tu- (Vt) to make fire, to light a fire, to burn; kütraltufiy mamüll ‘he set
fire to the wood, he burned the wood’.
kütrü- (Vt) to wring; kütrüfiñ ti ropa ‘I wrung water out of the clothes’.
kütrüng (bunch, bundle, parcel) ;
kütrüng- (Vt) to tie, to bind, to wrap up (in a shawl or a piece of cloth).
la (N, Adj) deceased, corpse, dead; la wentru ‘dead man’; la kura ‘loose rock,
rock debris’ (lit. dead stone);
la- (Vi) to die; petú lay ‘he is dying’;
la-ye-l- (Vi) to lose someone (through death); iñché layelün ñi ñuke ‘I lost my
mother (she died)’;
la-kon- (Vi) to be still-born, to die of boredom;
la-la-tu- (Vi) to faint;
la-le- (Vi) to be dying, to be half-dead;
la-ngüm- (Vt) to kill; langümngey ‘he was killed’; langümüñmangen tañi fotüm
‘I was confronted with the death of my son’;
la-ntu (N) widower;
la-ntu- (Vi) to become a widower.
laf (Adj) flat, level;
lap-üm- (Vt) to stretch (out), to comb; lapümüñmuwan ‘I am going to strech
my legs’.
lafken (N) sea, lake, fontanelle;
lafken-longko (N) fontanel(le (JM).
laftra (Adj) short, stunted.
laka- (Vt) to divide, to split, to break (bread), to crack (nuts), to cut (apple,
wood); lakafiñ kofke ‘I broke the bread’;
laka-n (N) piece.
laku (N) grandfather, grandson.
lamngen (N) sister (of a woman or a man), brother (of a woman), children of
father’s brother and children of mother’s sister (of a woman);
lamngen-wen (N) brother(s) and sister(s), sisters.
lantra (Adj) big(-boned), thick, sturdy, swollen;
lantra- (Vi) to become thick/sturdy/swollen; lantrakünuñmakeeymu tañi trawa
tati nerüm ‘that flee caused yous a swollen skin’.
lapatu- (Vt) to patch up.
law- (Vi) to become hairless/featherless (animals only); lawüy ñi kal ufisha ‘the
sheep lost its fleece’;
law-üm- (Vt) to pluck, to fleece.
lawen (N) medicine;
Dictionary 525
lawen- (Vt) to make medicine;

lawen-tu- (Vt) to cure;
lawen-tu-che-fe (N) doctor.
lef- (Vi) to run;
lef-umaw-pa- (Vi) not to be able to sleep again;
lef-kon-tu- (Vt) to attack suddenly;
lef-el- ∼ lef-ül- (Vt) to make (a person or an animal) run;
lef-ma-w(-tu)- (Vt) to run away from;
lep-üm- (Vt) to race, to run.
lelfün (N) (open) field, plain, pampa.
leli- (Vt) to watch, to look at;
leli-ntuku- (Vt) to have a look inside;
leli-wül- (Vt) to look at (a less examining, less conscious way of looking than
leli-);
leli-kantu- (Vt) to have a quick look at;
leli-le- (Vi) to be focused; leliniefin ‘I am watching her’;
leli-tu- (Vt) to pull someone’s leg.
lem- (Vt) to be able to carry/lift something; kiñe füchá wangku eluen, lemlafin,
feymew küpaltulafin ‘yous gave me a big couch, I could not carry it, [and]
therefore I did not bring it’;
lem-fal (Adj) portable.
lepü- (Vi, Vt) to sweep;
lepü-lepü-nge- (Vi) to be sweeping;
lepü-n (N) yard;
lepü-we (N) broom.
leq- (Vi) to hit, to touch; leqniey kechu ‘he has got five hits’;
leq-el- ∼ leq-ül- (Vi, Vt) to guess right, to hit in a deliberate attempt.
lewfü (N) river.
li (ITJ).
libru (N) book; lifro ∼ lifru (JM); Sp. libro.
lichi (N) milk; Sp. leche, possibly through Qu. lichi milk;
lichi- (Vi) to produce milk (a woman or a cow);
lichi-tu- (Vt) to milk.
lif (Adj) clean;
lif- (Vi) to become clean;
lif-tu- (Vt) to clean, to wipe; we liftuley ‘it has just been cleaned’; liftuñmafiy
ñi arof ‘he wiped off his sweat’; liftun che ‘proper people’; liftuwün che ‘people
who take good care of themselves’.
lingar- (Vi) to turn white, to show white (snow, ice, laundry); lingarkünuan ñi
sabana ‘I am going to have my sheets white’;
lingar-el- (Vt) to whiten;
lingar-küle- (Vi) to be white.
lipang (N) arm.
liq ∼ lir (Adj) white (RR); cf. lüq (LQ, MM).
526 Dictionary
liwen (N, Adv) morning, in the morning, early; rumé liwen puwün ‘I arrived
very/too early’;
pu liwen (Adv) in the morning;
wülé liwen (Adv) tomorrow morning; müná kümé liwen(antü)ngiy! ‘it is a
beautiful morning!’;
liwen-tu (Adv) early;
liwen-tu- (Vi) to become morning.
liwpüyiñ (N) a pine bush.
lof (N) reservation.
lofo (N, Adj) wolf, wild; Sp. lobo; lofo kawellu ‘wild horse (not tame)’;
lofo-le- (Vi) to be wild;
lofo-l-ka- (Vt) to make wild, to scare, to frighten.
loyo (N) some edible mushroom (not JM).
lolkiñ (N) flute, a plant; Senecio otites Kuze, fam. Compositae (Augusta). The
plant has 1.5 meter long, hollow branches which are used to make a flute.
lolo (N) hole; lolomu ta ngürü ‘the fox [is] in his hole’;
lolo-malliñ (N) a lake with many holes (in which the frogs live);
lolo-le- (Vi) to be a hole;
lolo-nge- (Vi) to have a hole, to have holes;
lolo-w- (Vi) to dig yourself a hole;
lolo-w-küle- ∼ lolo-kon-küle- (Vi) to be inside a hole.
longko (N) head, leader;
wiyo-longko (N) crown (of the head).
lu(w)a (N) seaweed; also lu(w)a-lu(w)a.
luan (N) guanaco.
luyufluyuftu- (Vi) to flash (lightning).
luku (N) knee;
luku-tu- (Vi) to kneel down.
lutu (N) mourning; Sp. luto;
lutu-le- (Vi) to be in mourning;
lutu-tu- (Vt) to mourn for.
lune (N) Monday; Sp. lunes.
lüf (Adj) burnt; lüf kofke ‘burnt bread’;
lüf- (Vi) to get burnt, to burn; lüfüy ñi kuwü ‘my hand got burnt’; lüfay, külüay
antü ‘the sun will turn red and go down’;
lüf-üm- (Vt) to burn (RR);
lüp-üm- (Vt) to burn, to set fire to;
lüp-üm-tuku- ∼ lüp-om-tuku- (Vt) to set fire to something big.
lüykü (N) drop;
lüykü- (Vi) to drip; cf. lüylüy- (MM);
lüykü-lüykü-nge- (Vi) to be dripping; lüykü-lüykü-nge- ∼ tüykü-tüykü-nge (MM,
JM).
lüylüy- (Vi) to drip (MM); lüylüyküley ta che ‘that man is dripping’.
lükay (N) sling (ropes with metal balls at the end).
Dictionary 527
lüpü-*;
lüpü-le- (Vi) to lie flat on one’s stomach.
lüpüm- (Vt) to burn, to set fire to; see lüf .
lüq (Adj) white; liq (RR, JM);
lüq- (Vi) to become white, to be white;
lüq-küle- (Vi) to be white;
lüq-nge- (Vi) to have the colour white;
lüq-ül- ∼ lüq-üm- (Vt) to make white.
lla kü- (Vi) to become sad, to get angry. For MM and JM lla kü- means above
all ’to get angry’; iñché lla kün kutranlu ñi ñuke ‘I got distressed because my
mother fell ill’;
lla kü-le- (Vi) to be sad;
lla kü-l-ka- (Vt) to make sad, to cause grieve to;
lla kü-ñpe- ∼ illku-ñpe- (Vt) to rebuke someone (MM); for (-ñpe-), see 27.2;
lla kü-tu- (Vt) to be angry with someone;
lla kü-w-faluw- (Vi) to pretend to get angry;
lla kü-n (Adj) sad, distressed;
lla kü-n-nge- (Vi) to cause sorrow.
llako (Adj) lukewarm.
llalla (N) mother-in-law (of a man), son-in-law (of a woman);
llalla-ye- (Vt) to have a mother-in-law/son-in-law relationship with someone.
llangi (N) cupboard (not MM, JM).
llangkatu (N) beads of glass (used to make a necklace), necklace. These beads
are also used to fill the wa a ‘rattle’.
llangkü- (Vi) to drop;
llangkü-naq- (Vi) to drop;
llangkü-m- (Vt) to drop; ñi tasa llangkümüy ‘she dropped her cup’;
llangkü-m-tuku- (Vt) to drop something in something.
llaq (N) part, half. llaq is not exactly a half, but rather a big part, cf. angka
‘half’ and rangiñ ‘middle’. llaq eluen ‘give me a part’; llaqküley ñi kulliñ ‘it is
a part of my cattle’;
llaq- ewma-künu- (Vt) to leave something half done.
llaq- (Vt) to drink a toast to someone, to offer a drink to someone; probably
derived from llaq ‘part’. Someone proposes a toast to a friend, drinks from his
glass and offers his glass to his friend. llaqkünungey ‘he was proposed a toast’.
llashu (N) lasso; laso (JM); Sp. lazo.
llawe (N) groin.
llawfeñ (N) shade; llawfüñ (RR);
llawfeñ-tu- (Vi) to sit down in the shade.
llekü- (Vi) to approach, to draw near (-mew). llekü- obligatorily contains a
direction marker. iñché lleküpuel, eluñmangelan ñi konal ‘when I had drawn
up very close, I was not allowed in’;
lle-küm-; see lleq-.
llemay (Part) see 32.6.
528 Dictionary
llepü (N) flat, wicker dish.

lleq- (Vi) to grow, to come up (seedlings); antümew müchay lleqkiy ngan ‘thanks
to the sun the seeds come up quickly’; tayiñ lleqmum ‘[the land] where wep grew
up’;
lleq-üm- (Vt) to make seeds come up (the sun);
llek-üm- (Vt) to grow, to cultivate; petú llekümfiñ sanaoria ‘I am growing
carrots’; llekümküleluley ‘it looks like a nursery’.
llellipu- (Vt) to request, to ask from; llellipupifin ta omo ñi küpayal ‘I asked
the woman there if she came’.
llikosh-*;
llikosh-küle- (Vi) to squat, to crouch;
llikosh-künu-w- (Vi) to squat down, to crouch down.
llitu- (Vi, Vt) to start; llituy ta mawün ‘it started to rain’; llituy tachi kü aw
‘he started with that work’.
lliw- (Vi) to melt (MM); cf. lluw- (LQ, RR), llüw- (JM).
lliwa- (Vt) to sense, to notice (MM); cf. lluwatu-;
lliwa-tu- (Vt) to be on the watch for, to be attentive to.
llocho- (Vi, Vt) to come loose, to loosen; llocholey ‘it is loose’; llochowüy trewa
‘the dog set itself free’;
llocho-tripa- (Vi) to break out/away;
llocho-l- (Vt) to loosen, to unfasten;
llocho-n (Adj) loose.
lloy (Adj) foolish, stupid.
lloyü- (Vi) to bend over, to bow down; lloyüy ti ketran ‘the wheat bent over
(with the weight of its spikes)’;
lloyü-naq- (Vi) to bend over/down, to bow (people).
llongkoño (N) a mushroom.
llow- (Vt) to receive; llowüñmaenew ñi ungu ‘he received my message’;
llow- ungu- (Vt) to answer (RR);
llow-tu- (Vt) to catch in, to receive in; llowtufiy ti ketran ‘he caught the wheat
(in his hands, when the bag burst open)’.
llufü (Adj) deep; llufüngerkiy, konpulayaymi ‘it is deep, yous must not go in
there’; feytati llufü(n) lafken ‘that [is] a deep lake’.
llum (N, Adv) something secret, in secret (not RR); pu llum ‘in secret’.
lluw- (Vi) to melt; cf. lliw- (MM), llüw- (JM); lluwüy trangliñ ‘the ice has
melted’.
lluwatu- (Vt) to sense, to notice, to be on the watch for; lluwatuniefalün ‘I have
to be alert, I have to watch [it]’.
llüfke (N) lightning.
llüka- (Vi, Vt) to become afraid, to fear; llükangey ‘he was feared’;
llüka-l-ka- (Vt) to frighten, to scare;
llüka-n-che (N) someone who gets frightened easily, fearful person;
llüka-nten (Adj) easily frightened, fearful;
llüka-nten-nge- (Vi) to be frightened easily, to be fearful.
Dictionary 529
llüngki (N) frog.

llüngü - (Vt) to drag; llüngü kiawülfiy ‘she trailed it along’; llüngü uwkiawüy
ti wawa ‘the baby crawled around’;
llüngü -amu-l- (Vt) to push, to shovel;
llüngü -küpa-l- (Vt) to drag.
llüpañ- (Vt) to brood; llüpañmaniey ñi kuram ‘she is hatching out her eggs’;
kiñe llüpañ achawall ‘a broody chicken’ (JM);
llüpañ-ül- (Vt) to set [eggs] to be hatched.
llüw- (Vi) to melt (JM); cf. lliw-, lluw-.
ma (ITJ).
macha (N) vagina.
machi (N) medicine woman, medicine man (but usually a woman). On the basis
of her capacity to communicate with the Gods, the machi performs a key role
in rituals such as the ngillatun and the machitun.
machi- (Vi) to become a machi;
machi-l- (Vt) to make someone a machi;
machi-tu- (Vt) to cure someone, to perform a healing practice (as a machi) on
behalf of someone.
ma omtuku- ∼ masomtuku- (Vt) to arrange burning logs in order to stir the
fire; probably derived from ma om (N) ‘burning log’ (Augusta); mosomtukufiñ
mamüll kütralmew ‘I put wood in the fire’.
mafü (N) brideprice;
mafü- (Vt) to pay a brideprice to the (family of the) fiancée;
mafü-w-ün (N) the exchange of gifts at the occasion of a wedding.
may (Part) see 32.5-32.7. may is also used to confirm what has just been said;
‘yes, certainly, sure, that’s right’, etc. maymay is used not only as a firm
confirmation, but also as a greeting (‘hallo’);
may- (Vt) to agree to, to obey, to want; maypeay chi ñi chaw ‘I am not sure if
my father will consent’;
may-pi- (Vt) to say yes to, to agree to, to want.
maychü- (Vt) to wave to (to indicate a direction), to lure;
maychü-l- (Vt) to wave hallo/goodbye to, to give signs to.
maykoño (N) dove.
mayna- (Vt) to tie the legs of an animal;
mayna-le- (Vi) to be tied;
mayna-tu- (Vt) to trip someone (up);
mayna-tu-w- (Vi) to trip over.
makuñ (N) poncho (for men).
malal (N) fenced area (to keep animals from straying).
malen (N) girl.
malon (N) surprise attack, raid, war.
malü- (Vt) to feel, to examine;
malü-pe-ye-m ∼ malü-we (N) colour chart, pattern book;
malü-tu- (Vt) to go through; malütuñmafiñ ñi maleta ‘I went through his
530 Dictionary
suit-case’;
malü-malü-tu- (Vt) to grope, to feel for.
malle (N) uncle, nephew. Originally malle referred to an uncle and nephew from
father’s side. My informants use weku ‘uncle from mother’s side’ to refer to
an uncle from father’s as well as mother’s side. One female informant referred
to the husband of her mother’s sister as malle. malle is found in the following
compounds:
malle-chaw (N) husband of the sister of a man’s mother, brother of a woman’s
father, stepfather;
malle-fotüm (N) nephew (son of a man’s brother), stepson;
malle-ñawe (N) niece (daughter of a man’s brother), wife of the son of a man’s
brother, stepdaughter.
malliñ (N) lake, puddle, pool.
mallkotu- (Vt) to catch (with the hands).
mallma- (Vi) to become boastful/presumptuous;
mallma-nge- (Vi) to be boastful/presumptuous;
mallma-w- (Vi) to boast; mallmawkefuy ñi nien fentren kulliñ ‘he used to boast
that he had a lot of catlle’;
mallma-n (Adj) boastful, presumptuous.
mamakü- (Vi) to moo.
mamüll (N) wood, tree;
mamüll-koral (N) wooden fence;
mamüll-tu- (Vi) to get wood.
man (Adj, N) right (in contrast with left), the right; ñi man pülé ‘(on) my right
hand/side’; epu man küwü nen ‘I have got two right hands’;
man-küle- (Vi) to be on the right side.
mandal- (Vt) to order, to send; Sp. mandar.
manel (N) trust;
manel- (Vt) to vouch for/to stand surety for, to trust; iñché kiñe warangka
manelayu ‘I will lend yous hundred peso’s’;
manel-nie- (Vt) to have confidence in;
manel-uw-küle- (Vi) to be confident;
manel-uw-ün (N) trust, garantee, confidant;
manel-uw-ün-nge- (Vi) to be trustworthy, to be a trusty.
mansana (N) apple; Sp. manzana.
mansun ∼ man un (N) ox.
mañiw (N) a tree; Podocarpus chilina (Augusta).
mañku (N) condor.
mañum- (Vt) to thank, to be grateful;
mañum-küle- (Vi) to be grateful;
mañum-nie- (Vt) to be grateful to.
mangiñ (N) flood.
mangka - (Vt) to take someone on the back (of a horse) (JM); cf. angka - and
mangkatu-.
Dictionary 531
mangkatu- (Vt) to take someone on the back (of a horse) (RR).

mangkü (N) kick;
mangkü- (Vt) to kick; welemew mangküfiy ‘he kicked him with the left [foot]’.
mapu (N) land, ground, earth, country; rüngalfin mapumew ‘I buried him in
the ground’;
mapu-che (N) Mapuche, man/woman of the land;
alü-mapu ∼ ka-mapu (Adj, Adv) far; kamapu tuwün ‘I came from far away’;
ka-mapu-le- (Vi) to be far away.
mara (N) hare;
kintu-mara- (Vi) to hunt hare.
mari (Num) ten; mari kiñe ‘eleven’; epu mari ‘twenty’;
mari-mari (ITJ) hallo;
mari-ke (Adv) in groups of ten;
mari-we (Adv) ten days later.
masew (N) crawfish, shrimp (not RR, JM).
matu (Adv, Adj) quick(ly), fast; kiñe matu amuachi wampo oamün ‘I want a
boat that goes fast’; feychi wentru rumé matungiy ‘that man is very fast’;
matu-matu (Adv) quickly;
matu-ka-w- (Vi) to hurry;
matu-ke (Adv) quickly, fast; matuke kimelngepe Pedro ‘let him inform Pedro
quickly/at once!’;
matu-ke-chi (Adv) quickly; matukechi! ‘hurry up!, come on!’;
matu-kel (Adv) quickly, fast; matukel amunge! ‘go quickly!’;
matu-kel- (Vi, Vt) to hurry; matukelnge! ‘hurry up!’; matukelküley ‘he is going
fast’.
matukel (Adv) quickly, fast; see matu.
matra (N) marrow;
matra-tu- (Vi) to eat marrow.
mawi a (N) wood (small forest);
mawi -antu (N) place with a lot of wood.
mawün (N) rain; wutruy mawün ‘rain poured down’;
mawün- (Vi) to rain; petú mawünüy ‘it is raining’;
mawün-mawün-nge- (Vi) to be raining;
mawün-ma- (Vi) to get rain; mawünmapalan ‘I did not get rain on my way
here’;
mawün-nge-n (N) rainy season.
me (N) excrement, crap (humans and animals); me nümünngey ‘it smells of
crap’;
me-waka (N) cow-dung;
me- ∼ me-me-tu- (Vi) to defecate, to crap;
me-künu- (Vt) to have a crap.
meke- (Vi, Vt) to be busy; mekekaymi kü awün? ‘are yous still busy working?’;
wisake sungu mekefiy ‘he is involved in bad things’.
mel (N) time (Augusta);
532 Dictionary
ka-mel (Adv) next time, next year.

meli (Num) four.
melkay (Adj) slippery, smooth;
melkay- (Vi) to slide, to glide;
melkay-nge- (Vi) to be slippery.
mellfüwün (N) lip; probably contains wün ‘mouth’; mellfü*.
memekü- (Vi) to bleat; memekükey ufisha ‘a sheep bleats’.
meñku- (Vt) to sling up [a load] on one’s back; meñkuniey ñi allwiñ ‘she carries
her bundle on her back’;
meñku-we (N) earthen vat which is carried on the back.
meño- (Vi) to become full; meñoy ‘it has filled up’; epé meñoliy ‘it is almost
full’;
meño-n (Adj) full; kiñe meñon metawe ‘a full jar’.
merun (N) mucus.
meshken (N) dried and milled pepper; probably derived from me kü- ‘to grind,
to crumble’ (Augusta).
meta- (Vt) to take in one’s arms;
meta-nie- (Vt) to have in one’s arms;
meta-we (N) earthen jar.
metrül (N) pillow.
mi (Nposs) yours.
mewlen (N) whirlwind.
miaw- (Vi) to wander, to walk around;
miaw-ül- (Vt) to carry around, to have on one’s person, to wear; fey miawülüy
aretun ropa ‘he walks around in borrowed clothes’.
miñche (N, Adv) bottom, space underneath, under, underneath; miñche karüy
‘the bottom is green’; miñche ruka(mew) fentreley ewü ‘underneath the house
there are a lot of mice’.
minggako (N) collective labour;
minggako- (Vi) to farm in common; Qu. minkaku- to hire labourers.
misha (N) person who eats from the same plate;
misha-wen (N) two or more persons who have a misha-relation with oneanother
(good friends);
misha- (Vt) to share food with someone; iñchiu mishawayu korümew ‘wed are
going to eat the soup together’.
mishki (Adj, N) sweet, honey.
modaw- (Vi) to change (clothes), to move (house); Sp. modarse.
moy (N) boil;
moy- (Vi) to get a boil.
moyo (N) woman’s breast, nipple;
moyo- (Vt) to suck (baby);
moyo-l- (Vt) to breast-feed; ew moyolülmi mi püñeñ, kellupayaen ‘when yous
have fed yours child, yous must come and help me’;
moyo-nge- (Vi) to have a nipple.
Dictionary 533
moyotiltililil ∼ moyotiltiltil (N) song of a blackbird.

mollfü- (Vi) to bleed;
mollfüñ (N) blood;
mollfüñ-tu- (Vi) to drink/eat blood, to get stained with blood; karü mollfüñtuy
tati che ‘that guy drinks/eats raw blood’.
montu- (Vi) to escape, to manage to get away, to survive; meli montuyiñ, kiñe
lay ‘the four of us escaped, one died’;
montu-l- (Vt) to save, to set someone free;
montu-l-che-fe (N) the Saviour.
montron- (Vt) to heap up; Sp. montón heap.
monge- (Vi) to get life, to recover (to get well again);
monge-l- (Vt) to resuscitate, to heal, to cure;
monge-l-uw- (Vi) to perk up, to pick up, to make a living;
monge-l-uw-küle- (Vi) to keep oneself alive, to support oneself, to be feeling
better again;
monge-le- (Vi) to be alive, to be healthy, to live;
monge-n (Adj) living, alive; mongen kura ‘solid rock’;
monge-we (N) something that keeps one alive (wheat, harvest, food).
mongkol (N, Adj) something globe-shaped, round (spherical); cf. triwür ‘so-
mething round (circular)’.
moso (N) servant; Sp. mozo.
motri- (Vi) to become fat;
motri-l- ∼ motri-l-tu- (Vt) to make fat, to fatten (up);
motri-le- (Vi) to be fat;
motri-n (Adj) fat; niey motriñke ufisha ‘they have got fat sheep’.
mu (Nposs) yourd.
mu ay (N) sort of chicha (liquor made of maize, wheat or peas). MM and JM
use mu ay to refer to liquor made of wheat only; cf. muska ‘maize liquor’;
uwamu ay ‘maize liquor’;
mu ay- (Vi, Vt) to become mu ay, to make mu ay of; mu ayfiñ ti ketran ‘I
made mu ay of the wheat’.
mufü ∼ müfü (Ni, Adj) how much?, some; mufü uamüymi? ‘how much do
yous want?’; müfü yall nieymi? ‘how many children do yous have?’; kiñe mufü
‘some’;
mufü- (Vt) to give some to.
mukur (Adj) bitter; mukur ∼ mukür (JM);
mukur- (Vi) to become bitter; mukurüy tati rüngo ‘the flour has gone bitter
(when kept too long)’.
mulpun (N) soot (JM); cf. mülpun.
muntu- (Vt) to take away; muntunieñmaenew ñi wangku ‘he took my chair
away’.
munu- (Vt) to carry (in an apron) (JM); munufiñ ti mansana ‘I carried the
apples in my apron’;
munu-l- (Vt) to wrap up (a child);
534 Dictionary
munu-l-küle- (Vi) to be wrapped up.

mungel (Adv) especially, precisely (when mungel follows the noun phrase it
modifies), always (not MM); chew mungel ngemeymi? ‘where eactly have yous
been?’; pukem mungel müná umiñngey ‘especially in the summer it is very
dark’; mungel ngepayawkiymi faw? ‘do yous always hang around here?’; ngol-
lilekiymi mungel! ‘yous are always drunk!’.
mupi- (Vi) to tell the truth;
mupi-nge-n (N) truth.
muska (N) liquor of maize (not LQ); cf. mu ay.
mutrur- (Vi, Vt) to stumble, to trip, to run into;
mutrul-tuku-w- (Vi) to stumble (JM);
mutrur-el- (Vt) to make someone bump against.
müchay (Adv) in a little while, soon, fast; iñché müchay amuan pilen ‘I intend
to go soon’; müchay eluayu ‘I will give [it] to yous in a little while’; müchay
pürange! ‘go up fast!’;
müchay-müten (Adv) at once, immediately; müchaymüten pürange ‘go up at
once!’;
müchay-ke (Adv) all the time; müchayke konpay pichike achawall ‘the little
chickens come in all the time’.
müfü (Ni, Adj) how much?, some; is infrequent; cf. mufü.
müküf- (Vt) to tighten;
müküf-naküm- (Vt) to tighten down, to fasten down (e.g. reed onto a bamboo
cane in order to make a thatched roof).
müle- (Vi) to be (in a place), to live (to reside); kamel mülemen Arxentina ‘I
was in Argentina last year’; iñché üyüw mülen, welu fewlá faw mülepan ‘I live
over there, but I am here now’; iñché ñi mülen ‘the place where I live’. In com-
bination with a possessive pronoun (indicating the subject) and a nominalized
verb form müley forms a debitive construction, e.g. müley mi allküal ‘yous must
listen’, see 26.4.7.2.
mülpun (N) soot.
mültrün (N) cake of boiled wheat;
mültrün-tu- (Vi) to eat mültrün.
müllo (N) brain.
mün (Nposs) yourd.
müná (Adv) very, a lot, too much; müná asiy ‘she is very pretty’; múná ikey
‘he eats a lot, he eats too much’.
münale- (Vi) to be good at something, to be handy; münaliy ta tekimu ‘she is
good at weaving’; münaliy ti wentru ‘that man is skilful’.
müñetu- (Vi, Vt) to take a bath, to bath someone.
müpü (N) wing;
müpü- (Vi) to fly;
müpü-nge- (Vi) to have wings.
mür (N, Adv) pair, couple, in pairs, together; tüfachi epu mesa mür femngerkiy
‘these two tables seem to be a pair’; tayu epu püñeñ mür amuy engu Temuko
Dictionary 535
‘my two sons went to Temuco together’;

mür-ke-chi (Adv) in pairs, together;
mür-küle- (Vi) to be together.
müri (N) co-wive;
müri-wen (N) co-wives;
müri-tu- (Vt) to become jealous with someone (women);
müri-tu-le- (Vi) to be jealous;
müri-tu-fe (N) jealous woman;
müri-tu-fe-nge-l- (Vt) to make someone jealous.
müri- (Vi, Vt) to choke (over); iñché mürin ‘I choked’; mürifiñ ti pan ‘I choked
over the bread’;
müri-le- (Vi) to be choking.
mürke (N) roasted flour; mürke ∼ müyke (RR);
mürke- (Vt) to make roasted flour, to grind; mürkechi, yewüntukuan ta mürke
‘let’s make mürke, [then] I will take it with me as a present’.
müta (N) horn;
müta-nge- (Vi) to have a horn/horns;
müta-tu- (Vt) to take by the horns.
müté (Adv) very, (too) much; müté kümé unguy ‘he speaks very well’; müté
unguy ‘he talks a lot’; müté küpakelay ‘he comes almost never’;
müte-we (Adv, Adj) very, (too) much; mütewe no ‘it [is] not (too) much’.
mütem (Adv) merely, only, after all, nevertheless, yet; müten (MM, JM); iñché
nien külá peso, eymi nieymi kiñe mütem ‘I have three peso’s, yous have got
only one’; ipe mütem! ‘let him just eat!’; iñché mütem kü awken ‘I am the only
one who works’; pichintuy mütem ‘he has been here for just a little while’; ew
lay ñi ñuke welu iñché amutuan mütem ‘my mother died but I will go all the
same’;
müchay-müten (Adv) immediately.
müten (Adv) merely, only, after all, nevertheless, yet (MM, JM); cf. mütem.
mütratu- (Vi) to wrestle, to fight.
mütrüm- (Vt) to call.
naytu- (Vt) to untie (a knot, a rope); naytuwüy ti wawa ‘the baby untied itself’.
naküm- (Vt) to carry/put down; cf. naq-.
namun (N) foot;
namun-tu (Adv) on foot;
namun-tu- (Vi) to go on foot;
namun-tu-le- (Vi) to be standing.
nanüng (N) mother-in-law, daughter-in-law (of a woman), wife of the son of a
woman’s paternal aunt.
nangka- (Vt) to fuck (rude).
napor (N) beet (vegetable); Sp. nabo.
naq (N) lower level, lowland; naw (JM); naqmapumu ‘in the lowlands’;
naq pülé (Adv) downwards, in the direction of the sea;
naq-mu (Adv) down, downwards;
536 Dictionary
naq- (Vi) to go down, to descend; naq- ∼ nar- (RR); naw- (JM). naq- occurs
frequently in compounds to indicate a downward direction or a deterioration.
anü-naq- (Vi) to sit down;
trana-naq- (Vi) to fall down;
kushe-naq- (Vi) to become old (woman); naqküley ‘he is going down’; petú
naqmey ‘it is low tide’ (lit.: it is going down); petú naqmelay ‘it is high tide’
(lit.: it is not going down); nawpay tañi umaw ‘I got sleepy’;
naw-pa kürüf (N) wind that comes from the East;
nak-üm- (Vt) to get/take down;
anü-nak-üm- (Vt) to put down;
naq-ün antü ∼ naq-antü (N, Adv) (in the) afternoon, when the sun is going
down;
naq-el-tu (Adv) downwards, in the direction of the sea.
narki ∼ ñarki (N) cat; cf. ñayki .
nawel (N) tiger; nawel buta ‘name of a mountain in the West’.
nee- ∼ nie- (Vt) to have, to get (RR); cf. nie-.
neykü- (Vi) to get loose (JM); cf. nel-;
neykü-m- (Vt) to let loose, to let go;
neykü-m-uw- (Vi) to break loose, to set oneself free.
neyü- (Vi) to breathe;
neyü-le- (Vi) to be breathing;
neyü-neyü-nge- (Vi) to be breazing heavily;
neyü-n ∼ neye-n (N) breath.
nel- (Vi) to get loose;
nel(k)-üm- (Vt) to let loose, to let go, to set free, cf. neykü-m- (JM).
nentu- (Vt) to take out/away; also entu-;
rapi-nentu- (Vt) to throw up;
rüfü-nentu- (Vt) to serve out, to dish up.
nengüm- (Vi, Vt) to move; petú nengümüy ‘it is moving’; petú nengümfiy ‘he is
moving it’;
nengüm-küle- (Vi) to be moving; allkenngey ti nengümün ti ruka ‘one can hear
the house shaking’.
nepe- (Vi) to wake up; nepele ñi pichiche, feypiaen ‘tell me if my child wakes
up’;
nepe-l- (Vt) to wake up;
nepe-le- (Vi) to be awake.
nerüm (N) flea.
newé (Adv) not very. newé combines with a negative verb. newé kümentukelan
‘I don’t really like it’; newé oy alülay ‘he is not that much taller’.
newen (N) force, strength;
newen-küle- (Vi) to be firm/strong/tight;
newen-nge- (Vi) to have strength/power;
newen-pe- (Vt) to stand up for;
newen-tu- (Vi, Vt) to make an effort, to exert force (on), to put pressure on;
Dictionary 537
newentukieli ‘don’t be hard on me!’.

nie- (Vt) to have, to hold, to get; nee- ∼ nie- (RR); nieyiñ weshá kosecha ‘wep
have a bad harvest’; nieleyu ‘I will hold [it] for yous’; femngen nierpun kiñe
ruka ‘I finally got a house’;
nie-püñeñ- (Vi) to become pregnant;
nie-püñeñ-küle- (Vi) to be pregnant; cf. püñeñ nie- ‘to have a child’;
nie-w- (Vi) to get each other, to get married; eluñmangelayu yu niewal ‘wed
did not get permission to get married’.
nikef- (Vi) to wink;
nikef-tu- (Vt) to wink at.
no- (Vi) to cross; occurs seldom without a direction marker; nopatunge ‘come
to this side!, this way!’. Only JM uses no- as a transitive verb; iñché nofiñ ti
lewfü ‘I crossed the river’;
no-l- (Vt) to take across; nolniey lewfümew ‘he carries [it] across the river’;
no-me-tu (Adv, Adj, N) across, (on) the opposite side; fey petú weyeliy tañi
nometu lewfü puwam ‘he swims to get across the river’; nometu ruka ‘the house
on the opposite side’; penien nometu ‘I see the other side’;
no-pa (Adv) on this side; nopa pwente ‘on this side of the bridge’;
nopatu (Adv, Adj) across, (on) this side, this way.
nor (Adj) straight;
nor- (Vi) to become straight, to go straight (lead an honest life); nortuy ‘he
went straight again’;
nor-küle- (Vi) to be straight, to stand up straight, to be in a line; norkülechi
kalle ‘a straight street’; norkülelay ‘it is crooked/curved/bent’;
nor-nge- (Vi) to be straight; norngiy ti mapu ‘the land is flat’.
notuka- (Vt) to dispute with.
nu (NEG) not. The negation marker -nu- occurs as a nexal negator, see 26.10.
fey nu ‘that [is] not him, he [is] not the one’; tüfachi pu che kom mapuche nu?
‘[are] these people not all Mapuche?’.
nufnuftu- (Vi, Vt) to sniff (RR), ‘to smell something from a distance’ (MM).
nüyu (N) fruit of the chupón, nursing bottle. nüyu is the fruit of the plant
Greigia sphacelata (Augusta).
nü- (Vt) to take, to grasp, to get, sometimes nüq-; nütuayiñ mapu ‘wep are going
to take ourp land back’; are nüfin ñi te ‘he took his tea hot’;
nü-nie- (Vt) to hold, to hold on to;
nü-ntu- (Vt) to rape;
nü-ñma- (Vt) to take away from someone;
nü-tu- (Vt) to take someone prisoner;
nü-nü-tu- (Vt) to grope about for something, to hold and let go every now and
then;
nü-w-el (N) handle;
nüwel toki (N) helve of an axe.
nüyün (N) earthquake;
nüyün- (Vi) to shake; petú nüyünüy ‘it is shaking’.
538 Dictionary
nüla- (Vt) to open; nülakünuñmakielimu tañi malal ‘[make sure] that he does
not leave my fence open’;
nüla-le- (Vi) to be open.
nüm (N) North; nüm pülé ‘to the North’.
nümü- (Vi) to smell; müná nümüley ta ruka pütremmew ‘the house smells very
much of cigarettes’;
nümü-tu- (Vt) to smell, to have a sniff at; nümütufiñ ti rayen ‘I smelled that
flower’;
nümü-nümü-tu- (Vt) to use one’s smell to learn what it is;
nümü-n (N) smell; kümé nümünngey ‘it has a nice smell’.
nüngay- (Vi) to get irritated/annoyed;
nüngay-ül- ∼ nüngay-tu- (Vt) to irritate; nüngayülmukilyiñ! ‘don’t irritate
usp!’.
nürüf- (Vt) to close;
nürüf-künu- (Vt) to close and let it be closed.
nütram (N) conversation, story;
ru-l-pa-nütram-ke-lu (N) interpreter;
nütram- (Vt) to tell someone, to pass on to;
nütram-ka- (Vt) to talk to, to have a conversation with;
nütram-ka-n (N) conversation.
nüwkü- (Vt) to hand over, to pass on;
nüwkü-l- (Vt) to hand over to, to pass on to.
ñachi (N) jelly of raw blood. Raw, warm blood of a sheep or a goat is mixed
with lemon, salt and a sort of parsley to form a jelly. iñché ñachi ta ewman
‘I made ñachi’;
ñachi-tu- (Vi) to eat ñachi.
ñachi (Adj) ticklish (people only); cf. nayi ;
ñachi-ka-l- (Vt) to tickle;
ñachi-nge- (Vi) to be ticklish.
ña u (N) sister-in-law (sister of a woman’s husband, wife of a woman’s brother);
ña u-wen (N) sisters-in-law;
ña u-ye-w- (Vi) to be sisters-in-law.
ñayi (Adj) ticklish (children and animals, especially wild horses); cf. ñachi ;
ñayi-nge- (Vi) to be ticklish.
ñayki (N) (small) cat (RR, MM); cf. narki, ñarki .
ñall (Adv) just (when), once (if ever), surely (because); ñall küpayael iñché,
kiñe wentru akuy ‘just when I was about to come, a man arrived (and held
me up)’; ñall ungualu iñché, ka che unguy ‘just when I was about to speak,
another man started to talk’; ñall amule, amuay ‘once it moves, there is no
stopping it (e.g. a heavy stone on the edge of a cliff)’ (lit.:if it goes, it will
go); ñall anta mi oy kimünmu lesulafin pifen ‘just because yous know more,
yous think you can wrong me’; ñall anta mi ülmenngenmew llükayaeyu ‘just
because yous are a cacique, yous expect me to be afraid of yous’; ñall anta tami
longkongenmew a kayafin pifen ‘just because yous are the leader, yous think
Dictionary 539
yous can manipulate me’.

ñam- (Vi) to get lost, to lose one’s way; petufiymi ñamkülechi mansun? ‘did
yous find the lost ox?’;
ñam-ko- (Vi) to sink;
ñam-kon-pu- (Vi) to disappear in;
ñam-üm- (Vt) to lose; iñché ñamümün ñi bolsa ‘I lost my bag’.
ñamko (N) buzzard.
ñaña (ITJ) dear (says a man to a woman).
ñarki (N) cat (LQ, RR); also narki (LQ), cf. ñayki.
ñaw-ñaw- (Vi) to meow;
ñawñaw-küle- (Vi) to be meowing constantly.
ñawe (N) daughter (of a man).
ñawfü- (Vi) to find comfort/solace; inayengümayiñ tañi ñawfüam ‘wep cried
with her so that she would find solace’;
ñawfü-l- (Vt) to comfort someone.
ñi (Nposs1s,3) my, his, her.
ñi ol (N) chief, leader, boss, master; tati ñi ol ta, mantaniefiy feychi pu che ‘he
[is] the boss, he commands these people’;
ñi ol-küle- (Vi) to be the leader, to be in command;
ñi ol-künu- (Vt) to put someone in command.
ñi üf- (Vt) to sow (in little holes in the soil).
ñif- (Vi) to become dry (laundry) (MM);
ñip-üm- (Vt) to dry.
ñimi- (Vt) to weave a pattern; ñimifin makuñ ‘she weaved a poncho with a
pattern’;
ñimi-le- (Vi) to be weaving with a pattern;
ñimi-nge- (Vi) to have a pattern;
ñimi-n (N) pattern.
ñimitu- (Vt) to pick up; ñimitufiñ ta rüpümu ‘I picked it up from the street’.
ñimkun (N) spindle.
ñiwa-*;
ñiwañpe- (Vt) to cheat on (wife or husband);
ñiwa-ñiwa-tu- (Vi) to do one’s best (15, 33); cf. ñua- ‘to be dishonest, to
commit adultery’ (Augusta).
ño- (Vt) to get enough of, to get fed up with; ñoy kofke tachi pichiche ‘the baby
has had enough of the bread’; iñché ñofiñ ‘I am fed up with it’.
ñochi (Adj, Adv) slow(ly); tüfachi awto müná ñochi amuley ‘that car goes very
slowly’; kiñe ñochi wentru ‘a man who walks slowly, an easy going man’;
ñochi-ke-chi (Adv) slowly.
ñochi- (Vi) to fit (JM);
ñochi-le- (Vi) to look good, to fit.
ñoy (Adj) foolish, stupid.
ñom (Adj) tame; ñom kawellu ‘a tame horse’;
ñom-küle- (Vi) to be tame;
540 Dictionary
ñom-üm- (Vt) to tame.

ñuke (N) mother (of a man or a woman);
ñuke-ye-(e)l (N) mother’s sister, stepmother (lit.: the one I have for a mother);
ñuke-ntu (N) daughter of mother’s brother.
ñum;
ñum-ku i (N) millstone (the top stone, the moving part).
ñum- (Vi) to go to waste (JM); ñumiy ti kusi ‘the millstone has gone to
waste/cannot be used any more’.
ñuwa (N) bandit.
ñuwi- (Vi) to lose one’s way;
ñuwi-l- (Vt) to make someone lose his way.
ñü üf- (Vt) to sew;
ñü üf-tu- (Vt) to mend, to repair;
ñü üf-ka-fe (N) seamstress.
ñüküf- (Vi) to calm down (MM); cf. ngüküf-; ñüküfkületuy ‘it is quiet again’;
ñüküf-naq- (Vi) to die down (noise).
nga (Part) see 32.3.
ngayngay- (Vi) to bray, to neigh.
ngakiñ (N) a bird. It is said that this bird lives close to the earth and makes
the sound of a crying baby. No-one has actually seen this bird.
ngan- (Vt) to sow, to plant (beans, carrots, potatoes);
ngan-poñü- (Vi) to plant potatoes;
ngan-küle- (Vi) to be sown/planted;
ngan-fe (N) planter, someone who sows;
ngan-üw-ün-ngen (N) sowing/planting season.
nge (N) eye;
kura-l-nge (N) pupil;
relmu-nge (N) iris.
nge- (Vi) to be (existential), to have been (here/there); also ngi- ‘to be’ (RR);
faw ngelay mara ‘there are no hare here’; ngewelay ‘it is no more, it is finished’;
fachantü ngepachi omo ‘the woman who was here today’; chew mungel nge-
meymi? ‘where exactly have yous been?’; ngemefuliiñ kay? ‘what if wep went
there?’;
nge-l- (Vt) to take, to bring; iñché ngelmefiñ chi waka ‘I took the cow over
there’;
nge-n (N) owner, master; ngen ko ‘the master of the water’; eymi ngenolanda-
ngeymi? ‘are yous the boss of Holland?’;
nge-n-pi-n (N) master of speech (the one who says the prayers and conducts the
offering of animals during the ngillatun-ceremony). See 21.2 for the verbalizer
-nge-.
nge iñ (N) eyebrow.
nge u- (Vt) to eradicate; nge uley ‘it has been pulled up by the roots’.
ngefüñ (N) hazel (bush).
ngellú(-ke) (Adv) only after a long time, only just, with great difficulty/effort;
Dictionary 541
ngellú amuy ‘he went only after a long time’; ngellú ewmafiñ ‘he finished [it]
with great difficulty/only just’.
ngen (N) owner, master; see nge-.
ngeñika- (Vt) to urge, to press; ngeñikakieli ‘don’t push me!’.
ngi- (Vi) to be (existential) (RR); see nge-.
ngila- (Vi) to wade; ngilaley komew ‘he wades through the water’.
ngillá (Aux) ordering, see 26.4; ngillá ewmalfin ruka ‘I had a house built for
him’; ngillá ketrañmafalfin ñi mapu ‘I have to order him to plough his land’.
ngilla- (Vt) to buy; ngillalelfin ruka ‘I bought him a house’; ngillaniefin ‘I bribed
him’;
ngilla-ka- (Vi) to shop;
ngilla-tu- (Vt) to ask of, to pray; iñché ngillatun kiñe trewa ñi chaw ‘I asked
my father for a dog’;
ngilla-tu-n (N) a feast of one or more days during which people pray, sing
and eat together. During the ngillatun, the Mapuche ask the Gods and their
ancestors for a good harvest and plenty of food for the entire community.
ngillañ (N) brother-in-law (a sister’s husband, husband of a sister-in-law).
nginuf- (Vi) to inhale through the nose;
nginuf-nginuf-tu (Vi) to sob, to sniff.
nginul- (Vi) to blow one’s nose.
ngoyma- (Vt) to forget; ngoymaniefin ‘I have forgotten [all] about it, I don’t
remember’; ngoymangekey fürenengemum ‘one forgets the favours received’.
ngolli- (Vi) to get drunk;
ngolli-le- (Vi) to be drunk;
ngolli-fe (N) drunkard;
ngolli-n (Adj) drunk.
nguy(ü?)- (Vt) to forget (MM); iñché nguyün feychi asul libru ‘I forgot that
blue book’.
ngullu - ∼ ngüllu - (Vt) to wipe (stains, small wounds); wullu - (JM).
ngü i (N) earwax;
ngü i- (Vt) to stop up, to plug, to put the stop on;
ngü i-we (N) plug, top.
ngüfo- (Vi, Vt) to become wet, to make wet; ngüfor- (MM); ngüfofin ‘I made it
wet (deliberately)’;
ngüfo-ntuku- (Vt) to dip in and make wet;
ngüfo-l- (Vt) to make wet (unwittingly);
ngüfo-n (Adj) wet.
ngüfor- (Vi, Vt) to become wet, to make wet (MM); cf. ngüfo-.
ngüküf- (Vi) to die down, to quiet down; nüküf- (MM); ngüküfkülewetuy tati
ruka ‘it has already become quiet again in the house’;
ngüküf-naq- (Vi) to quiet down.
ngül- (Vi) to come together, to gather; ngülüy ti ko ‘the water came together’;
ngül-üm- (Vt) to bring together, to gather, to collect; arengülüm- ‘to lend
something’.
542 Dictionary
ngülam (N) advice;

ngülam- ∼ ngülam-ka- ∼ ngülam-tu- (Vt) to give advice to.
ngülü- (Vt) to take the seeds/stones out of (fruit), to shell (beans, peas), to
remove stones out of a piece of land;
ngülü-n (Adj) without pits, stoned; ngülün mapu ‘land from which stones have
been removed’.
ngülla (N) udder (MM, JM).
ngülliw (N) pinecone.
ngüllu - ∼ ngullu - (Vt) to wipe (stains, small wounds).
ngüma- (Vi) to cry; wirarüy ñi ngüman ‘she cried her heart out’;
ngüma-ye- (Vt) to cry for;
ina-ye-ngüma- (Vt) to cry with;
ngüma-ngüma-nge- (Vi) to be crying all the time, to sob one’s heart out;
ngüma-ngüma-tu- (Vi) to cry in a melodramatic/theatrical way.
ngümfa (Adj) soft (not rigid/stiff) (JM); ngümfa kawitu ‘a soft bed’.
ngünaytu- (Vt) to keep, to preserve, to look after; ngünaytuñmamutuayiñ ‘pre-
serve usp (from evil, Oh Lord)’; ngünaytuniey ñi poroto ‘she preserves her beans
for a long time’.
ngüne- (Vt) to rule, to govern, to manage;
ngüne-che-n (N) God, The one who rules over people;
ngüne-mapu-n (N) God, The one who rules over the land;
ko-ngüne-che-n (N) God of the water;
mapu-ngüne-che-n (N) God of the land;
ngüne- uam- (Vt) to examine, to investigate, to scrutinize, to realize;
ngüne-fal (Adj) flexible, supple;
ngüne-fe (N) driver, horseman.
ngünel (Adj) serious, honest, righteous, quiet;
ngünel-küle- (Vi) to be serious, honest, righteous, quiet.
ngünen (N, Adj) lie, deceitful;
ngünen-ka(l)- ∼ ngünen-ka-ntu(l)- (Vt) to lie to, to fool, to cheat, to take
someone in;
ngünen-ka-che-fe (N) someone who likes to fool people;
ngünen-ka-ntu-fe (N) liar;
ngünen-nge- (Vi) to be deceitful; ñi ngünenngenmew feyentuñmangekelay ñi
ungun ‘because he is a liar no-one believes what he tells’.
ngünüy- (Vi) to spy, to observe;
ngünüy-kiaw-ül- (Vt) to go around spying on.
ngüño (N) crop (part of a bird’s throat).
ngüñü- (Vi) to get hungry;
ngüñü-le- (Vi) to be hungry; ngüñülen akuayngu ‘theyd will be hungry when
theyd arrive’;
ngüñü-n (N) hunger, appetite;
ngüñü-n-nge- (Vi) to make hungry.
ngüre- (Vt) to weave;
Dictionary 543
ngüre-le- (Vi) to be woven;

ngüre-we (N) wooden stick to weave the weft through, comb to press down the
woven material.
ngürü (N, Adj) fox, cunning/deceitful; kiñe ngürü wentru ‘a cunning man’;
ngürü-ka-l- (Vt) to deceive.
ngütantu (N) bed (MM).
obreru (N) labourer; Sp. obrero.
ofisha ∼ ufisha (N) sheep; Sp. oveja.
oyma- (Vt) to forget (JM); see ngoyma-.
ora (N) hour; Sp. ora; chem oray? ‘what is the time?’.
orixeru (N) earpiece; Sp. orejera.
orkon (N) house-post (not RR); Sp. horcón. A house generally has tree posts.
pachüq- (Vt) to spread, to disperse;
pachüq-küle- (Vi) to be jumbled up.
pafu (N) turkey; Sp. pavo.
payla*;
payla-künu-w- (Vi) to lie down on one’s back;
payla-le- (Vi) to be lying on one’s back.
payun (N) beard, moustache, whiskers;
payun- (Vi) to get a beard/moustache;
payun-tu- (Vt) to shave someone, to grasp someone by the beard.
pakar- ∼ pakaka- (Vi) to croak (frogs, toads);
pakar-wa (N) toad;
pakaywa (N) small toad (RR).
pali (N) ball, wooden ball with the size of a billiard ball;
pali- (Vi) to play hockey;
pali-fe (N) hockey-player;
pali-n (N) hockey;
pali-we (N) hockey-stick.
palu (N) a man’s or a woman’s paternal aunt, children of a woman’s brother or
sister;
palu-ngillañ (N) husband of a paternal aunt.
palüm (N) lizard.
panü (N) armful;
panü- ∼ panü-künu- (Vt) to take on the shoulders;
panü-nie- (Vt) to carry on the shoulders, to have an armful.
pañillwe (N) iron.
pañu (N) handkerchief; Sp. paño, pañuelo.
pañush ∼ pañu (Adj) soft (skin, cloth); pañu ∼ pañus ∼ pañuy (RR).
pañü (N) a sheltered place in the sun;
pañü-tu- (Vi) to sunbathe in a sheltered place.
pangi (N) puma; Felis concolor (Augusta).
pangil (N) medicinal herb.
pangkul- (Vi) to swell up;
544 Dictionary
pangkul-küle- (Vi) to be swollen.

papay (ITJ) dear; is a respectful, sympathetic term to address women. tranki-
nulnge, papay! ‘don’t fall, dear!’; marimari, papay! ‘hallo, dear!’;
kushe-papay (N) old lady, granny.
papel (N) paper; Sp. papel;
papel- (Vt) to make paper;
papel-tu- (Vt) to read.
pataka (Num) hundred; Aymara pataka; epu pataka ‘two hundred’; pataka kiñe
mari epu ‘hundred and twelve’.
patiya (N) basin; Sp. batea.
pator (N) shepherd; Sp. pastor;
che-pator (N) shepherd;
trewa-pator (N) sheepdog.
patu (N) duck; Sp. pato; karkarkey patu ‘a duck quacks’.
pawkü- (Vi) to burst open, to explode (an egg or a gasbottle); pawküy ñi
chüngküllawto ‘my tire burst’;
pawkü-le- (Vi) to be burst open, to be exploded.
pe- (Vt) to see, to find, to get; kechu antüy fey ñi pengemum ‘it has been five
days since anyone saw him’; petufiymi ñamkülechi mansun? ‘did yous find the
lost ox?’; iñché perumeli fentren plata, kiñe we ruka ngillafemafun ‘if I would
suddenly get a lot of money, I would immediately buy a new house’;
pe-me- (Vt) to go to visit;
pe-ntuku- (Vt) to greet, to say words of welcome to; pentukuwüy ‘they ex-
changed greetings’;
pe-nge-l- (Vt) to demonstrate, to show; pengelen rüpü ‘show me the road!’;
pengelelfinge ‘show it to him!’;
pe-pa- (Vt) to come to visit; pepaeyumew tayu kümé karukatu ‘ourd good neigh-
bour came to visit usd’;
pe-w-ka-lle-al (ITJ) goodbye!, see you!.
pe a- (Vt) to find by chance, to come across; also pesha- (JM).
peyllen (N) wart.
peka- (Vt) to fish (RR); Sp. pescar.
pekan (Adj) worthless, bad; Sp. pecar; pekan ungu ‘nonsense, lie, something
stupid’; pekan ungu mekey ‘he does all sorts of stupid things (drinking, figh-
ting)’;
pekan-ka (N) something worthless, trouble; tüfata pekanka ungu nu ‘this [is]
serious/this [is] not rubbish’;
peka-n-ka- (Vt) to mess something up, to ruin something, to spoil;
peka-n-ka-w- (Vi) to behave nasty, to make trouble.
pekeñ (N) little owl; Speotyto cunicularia (Augusta).
pel (N) throat;
korko-pel (N) where one cuts off an animal’s head;
to-pel (N) neck (front part); to*.
pele (N) clay soil; cf. raq ‘clay used for pottery’;
Dictionary 545
añil-pele (N) indigo clay (to dye with).

pelo (N) light, clearness;
pelo- (Vi) to get light, to be able to see; peloy ‘he can see’; pelolay ‘he cannot
see, he is blind’;
pelo-l- (Vt) to make someone see;
pelo-le- (Vi) to be light/bright/clear/visible, to be able to see, to have good
eyes; peloley ‘it is clear, it is visible, there is light’;
pelo-m(-tu)- (Vt) to illuminate, to light;
pelo-m-tu-we (N) lamp;
pelo-nge- (Vi) to have light, to be light/bright; pelongiy ti pyesa ‘the room is
bright’;
pelo-tu- (Vt) to give light, to see clearly; pelotufiñ ‘I gave him light, I saw him
clearly’;
pelo-n (Adj) light, bright; pelon ruka ‘a light/bright house’.
pellin (N) the hard trunk of a tree (e.g. of an oak tree).
pen (ITJ) alas; see (13.25).
penú (Adv) maybe; peno (MM); kuyfı́ we akulu iñché, rumel peniekefuyiñ wenüy,
tüfá pewetulafiñ, penú müliy chi, mülelay chi ‘in olden times, when I came back,
wep used to see friends, [but] then I did not see them any more, [and I wondered
if] they were there or not’;
penú pi- (Vi) to think that maybe . . . , to guess; iñché wülewlá penó pin ‘I
thought [that it would be] tomorrow’; iñché feymew penó pin ‘I thought that
maybe [he would come] from there’.
peñi (N) a man’s brother, a man’s cousin (son of a paternal uncle or a mater-
nal aunt). peñi is also used by men of more or less equal status to address
oneanother.
malle-mew peñi (N) son of the brother of a man’s father;
ngillañ-peñi (N) husband of the sister of a man’s wife;
peñi-wen (N) peñi to oneanother;
peñi-ye- (Vt) to be peñi in relation to.
pepı́ (Aux) being able, see 25.4; pepı́ kü awlan ‘I cannot work’; pepı́ weyelün ‘I
can swim’; cf. kim weyelün ‘I know how to swim’;
pepi-ka- (Vt) to prepare, to get ready, to arrange; pepikafiñ ñi kümé kü awfe-
ngeal ‘I prepared him so that he would be a good worker’;
pepi-ka-w- (Vi) to prepare oneself, to get ready;
pepi-l- (Vt) to be able to do, to understand how to; pepillafin ‘I can’t do it’;
pepiluwlayu ‘wed don’t understand each other’;
pepi-l-fal (Adj) possible, manageable; pepilfallay ‘it cannot be done’.
perdi- (Vi, Vt) to pass away, to lose; Sp. perder(se).
perimontu- (Vi, Vt) to see ghosts, to have a vision, to see something unusual,
to become frightened of.
perkiñ (N) feather, bundle of feathers (worn as ceremonial attire) (RR, JM);
cf. peskiñ;
perkiñ-tu- (Vi) to put on feathers.
546 Dictionary
perkü- (Vi) to fart.

permis(i)o (N) permission; Sp. permiso; eluayu permisio tami amutual ‘I gave
yous permission to go back’;
entu-permiso- (Vt) to ask someone for permission; iñché petú ñi amunun en-
tupermisofiñ ñi ñuke ‘before I went, I asked my mother for permission’.
peskiñ ∼ peshkiñ (N) flower; cf. perkiñ (RR, JM).
pesu (N) peso; Sp. peso.
peshkiñ ∼ peskiñ (N) flower; cf. perkiñ.
petaf (N) piece, portion (RR); kiñeke petaf elufiy tañi pu wenüy ‘he gave a piece
to each of his friends’.
petú (Adv) still, yet. Combined with a perfective verb, petú denotes progress,
see 25.3. petú naqüy ‘he is going down’; cf. naqüy ‘he went down’; petú naqküley
‘he is still down’; petú ñi naqnun kullumtuken ‘before I go down, I wash my
face’;
petu-l- (Vi, Vt) to go on, to be busy (with); petulüy ñi kü awün ∼ petú kü awüy
‘he is working’.
petraf (Adj) thin, skinny;
petraf-küle- (Vi) to be thin, skinny; petrafküley ti kawchu ‘that girl has a flat
belly’.
pewen (N) pine tree, pine cone; Araucaria imbricata (Augusta);
peweñ-che (N) people from the East (who live in the mountains and collect
pine cones).
pewma (N) dream;
pewma- (Vi, Vt) to dream (of), probably contains pe- ‘to see’ and uma-w- ‘to
sleep’; iñché pewmaeyu ‘I dreamt of yous’;
pewma-ng-e-n (ITJ) oh! I wish/hope . . . ; pewmangen akunufule! ‘Oh! I wish
they would not come!’.
pewü- (Vi) to bud, to sprout; petú pewüy koyam ‘the oak tree is budding’;
pewü-le- (Vi) to have sprouted;
pewü-n (Adj, N) in bud, bud;
pewü-n-nge-n (N) budding season.
pi- (Vt) to say, to intend, to want (to do). The verb pi- ‘to say’ is predominantly
used to close a direct quote, whereas fey-pi- ‘to say (to)’ is used to introduce
a direct quote; wotayayiñ, piy tati pu wingka ‘ “wep shall vote”, the strangers
said’; wüle tripayan pilen ‘I intend to leave tomorrow’; fey piy ñi amual, iñché
pilan ‘he wanted to go, I did not’; müley ñi pial ‘he has to want [it]’;
pi-pi-nge- (Vi) to say the same thing over and over again.
pichi (N) a herb; Fabiana imbricata R. et Pav., fam. Solanaceae (Augusta).
pichi (Adj, Adv) little, small, young, a little; pichi ∼ püchi ∼ püchü ∼ püti ∼
pütü (RR); fill pichike kü aw müley ‘there are all sorts of small jobs [to do]’;
pichi mawünüy ‘it rained a little’; pichi alün waka ‘cow of an average size’;
pichi-che (N) baby;
pichi-wentru (N) young man;
pichi-achawall (N) chick;
Dictionary 547
pichi-waka (N) calf;

pichi-ntu (Adv) a little while;
pichi-ntu- (Vi, Vt) to stay a little while, to take a little while; pichintuy ñi
kü aw ‘my work did not take long’; pichintufiñ ñi kü aw ‘I spent a little time
on my work’;
pichi-ñma (Adv) a little while;
pichi-ñma- (Vi) to stay/take a little while; pichiñmamen Temuko ‘I was in
Temuco for a little while’; pichiñmay mikro ‘the bus was delayed for a little
while’;
pichi- (Vi) to be little/small; pichilan ‘I am not small’;
pichi-tuw- (Vi) to be short;
pichi-ru-me- (Vi) to be narrow;
pichi-le- (Vi) to be little/small; pichiley ‘there is little’;
pichi-n (N) a small quantity; ngillay pichin mapu ‘he bought a little land’; oy
pichin lifru ‘less books’; cf. oy pichi lifru ‘smaller books’;
pichi-n-mew (Adv) after a little while, a little while later;
pichi-n-tu- (Vt) to think it is small/little;
pichuñ (N) feather.
pi ku ∼ pishku (N) legume (peas and beans); pi ku- ∼ pisku- (RR);
pi ku-awar (N) bean;
pi ku-allfi a (N) pea;
pi ku- (Vt) to prepare legumes;
pisku-tu- (Vi) to eat legumes.
pi oy (N) disc made of clay or lead attached to the end of a distaff.
pifüllka (N) flute, wooden flute of about 25 centimeters long.
piku (N) North, northern wind;
piku-n-che ∼ piku-m-che (N) people from the North;
piku- (Vi) to veer towards the North, to become northern wind;
piku-le- (Vi) to be northern wind, to look like northern wind;
piku-nge- (Vi) to be northern wind.
pilu (Adj) deaf; pilutripay ‘he was born deaf’;
pilu- (Vi) to become deaf;
pilu-le- (Vi) to be deaf (temporarily), to play deaf;
pilu-nge- (Vi) to be deaf (always);
pilu-n (N) ear (organ), ear (of an object like a cup).
pilla- (Vt) to catch, to surprise; Sp. pillar.
pimu- (Vt) to blow (up), to inflate; pimuenew ti nge ‘he blew in my eye’.
pinu (N) straw, also used as a general term for reed; pinu ruka nien ‘I have a
house with a thatched roof’; pinu küna ‘küna reed’; pinu rüme ‘rüme reed’;
pinu-ntu (N) a place with a lot of reed, haystack.
pire (N) snow, hail;
pire- (Vi) to snow, to hail; petú pirey ‘it is snowing, it is hailing’;
pire-le- (Vi) to be covered with snow/hail, to be snowing, to be snowy, to rain
down, to be hailing, to look like hail.
548 Dictionary
piru (N) worm;

piru-longko (Adj) crazy, mad (lit.: worm-head);
piru-longko-le- (Vi) to be crazy (temporarily), to act crazy;
piru-longko-nge- (Vi) to be mentally ill, to be crazy.
pisku (N) legume (peas and beans) (used by old women (RR)); pisko (JM); see
pi ku.
pispis- (Vi) to peep (MM, JM); also pishpish-; pispismekey pichike achawall
‘the chicks are peeping’.
pishku (N) legume (peas and beans); see pi ku, pisku.
pishpish- (Vi) to peep; cf. pispis-.
pitraw (N) blister;
pitraw- (Vi) to get a blister; pitrawüy ñi namun ‘my foot blistered’;
pitraw-küle- (Vi) to be blistered.
pitrong- (Vt) to peck, to pick; feytüfachi achawall pitrongfiy tüyechi achawall
‘this chicken pecked at that chicken over there’.
pitru (N) scabies, itch;
pitru- (Vi) to get scabies; pitruley ‘he has got scabies’.
pitrun (N) smoke (RR); cf. fitrun.
piwke (N) heart; piuke ∼ piwke (JM);
kümé-piwke-nge- (Vi) to have a warm heart, to be generous.
piwü- (Vi) to dry (up); cf. angün ‘dry (bone dry)’;
piwü-m- (Vt) to dry; petú piwümuwün ‘I am drying myself’;
piwü-n (Adj) dried up, dry; cf. angkün ‘dry (bone dry)’; piwün küchatun ‘dry
laundry’; piwün mamüll ‘dry wood’;
piwü-nten (Adj) dries easily, quick-drying.
pyesa (N) room; Sp. pieza.
plata (N, Adj) money, silver; Sp. plata; plata trarilongkotukünungiy ‘she was
put on a silver headdress’.
pobre ∼ pofre (Adj) poor; Sp. pobre; see pofre.
po (N, Adj) dirt, dirty; po mew ‘in the dirt’;
po - (Vi) to become dirty;
po -üm- (Vt) to make dirty.
pofre ∼ pobre (Adj) poor;
pofre- (Vi) to become poor;
pofre-l- (Vt) to make poor;
pofre-le- (Vi) to be poor (temporarily), to have little money;
pofre-nge- (Vi) to be poor (always).
poy (N) boil, abscess, risen dough;
poy- (Vi) to swell, to rise;
poy-ma- (Vi) to get a boil, to get a swollen . . . ; poyman ñi namun ‘I got an
abscess in my foot’.
poye- (Vt) to caress, to fondle, to be fond of, to respect;
poye-fal (Adj) amiable, sympathetic;
poye-n (Adj) beloved, well-liked, respected, spoilt; rumé poyen wentru tüfá
Dictionary 549
‘that [is] a well-beloved man’.

ponon (N) lung(s).
ponson (N) broche, a needle of 10-20 centimetres with a silver ball on the top
end.
ponün*;
ponünponün-nge- (Vi) to flicker (light), to waver; ponünponünngey kü e ‘the
torch is wavering’.
ponuı́ ∼ ponwı́ (Adv) inside.
poñü (N) potato;
poñü-l- (Vt) to sow potatoes.
pongko- (Vt) to embrace, to hug (JM).
porke (Conj) because, since; Sp. porque.
poso (N) well; Sp. pozo; feytichi poso alükonüy ‘that well is very deep’;
poso-ko (N) well.
potri- (Vi) to lean (over);
potri-tripa- (Vi) to topple; potritripan ti wangkumu ‘I toppled out of the chair’;
potri-le- (Vi) to be leaning (over).
potrong (Adj) bent; potrong- ‘to bow forward’ (the head);
potrong-küle- (Vi) to be bent;
potrü-*
potrü-künü-w- (Vi) to bow forward (the body).
presedente (N) president; Sp. presidente.
prowinsia (N) province; Sp. provincia.
pu (Prep) in, see 10.5; puwüy pu malliñ ‘he landed in a lake’; pu wallentu ‘in the
middle of the bushes’; ütrüftukun kiñe fotella pulku pu lewfü ‘I threw a botlle
of wine in the river’.
pu(w)- (Vi) to arrive. The distribution of pu(w)- is not entirely clear. puw- is
most frequent. I found pu-fu-n ‘I arrived, but’ (RR) and iñché pu-n ‘I arrived’
(JM), and I found puw-küle-28 (RR) only once; müná ayuwüy iñchiu yu puwel
‘he was very glad that wed had arrived’; küpá pulen liwen ‘I want to arrive
early’; petú puwlaymi kü awmew ‘yous are too young to work’;
puw-trafiya- (Vi) to become late;
pu-le- (Vi) to be good at; iñché pulen tüfachi kü awmew ‘I am good at this
work’; iñché petú pulen lefünmew ‘I can still run’;
puw-ül- (Vt) to fulfill, to reach, to deliver, to arrive with; femngechi puwülüy ñi
antü, lay ‘and thus his time had come and he died’; puwülüy epu mari tripantu
‘he reached the age of twenty’; meñku puwülüy ‘he arrived with a bag’.
puel (N) East;
puel-che (N) people from the mountains/the East;
puel-mapu (N) Argentina.
pukem (N, Adv) winter, in winter.
pulku (N) wine, liquor; metawe pulku ‘a jar of wine’; pütokofiñ ti pulku ‘I drank
that wine’;
pulku-tu- (Vi) to drink wine; pichi pulkutukünuan ‘I am going to have a few
550 Dictionary
drinks’.
pun (N, Adv) night, one night, by night;
alü-pun ∼ fücha-pun (Adv) late at night; alüpuniy ‘it has become/is late at
night’;
ella-pun (Adv) in the evening;
fachi-pun (Adv) tonight;
kon-ün pun (Adv) late in the evening (after about 21.00 hours);
kiñe-püle-l-pun (Adv) after midnight;
rangi-pun (N, Adv) (at) midnight;
pun-ma- (Vi) to be at nightfall, to spend the night;
kom-pun-ma- (Vi) to spend the whole night;
rangi-pun-ma- (Vi) to spend half the night;
alü-pun-ma- (Vi) to go to bed late at night.
pura (Num) eight.
puru- (Vi) to dance.
putu- (Vt) to drink (alcohol); putukonküliy ‘he drinks’;
putu-l- (Vt) to make someone drink.
pu(w)- (Vi) to arrive; see pu-.
pü (Adj) thick (liquids); pü korü ‘thick soup’;
pü - (Vi) to become thick, to spread, to become dispersed; püdiy ti ufisha ‘the
sheep dispersed’; pü pü küley ‘it is all over the place’;
pü -üm- (Vt) to thicken.
pü o (N) navel (RR); fü o (JM).
pülay (N) inside of the hand/foot (RR); cf. pülapüla;
pülay kuwü (N) handpalm;
pülay namun (N) inside/bottom of the foot.
pülay (N) climbing plant (JM); Mühlenbeckia tamnifolia Meisn., fam. Polygona-
ceae (Augusta).
pülang ∼ pilang (Adj) white (JM); cf. fülang (MM); Sp. blanco.
pülapüla (N) handpalm (LQ only); cf. pülay.
pülapüla (N) plant with seven veins (JM); Modiola caroliniana Don, fam. Mal-
vaceae (Augusta).
pülcha- (Vt) to lift up together.
pülé (N, Adv) side, direction, see 10.4; külañ pülé po küliy ‘it is dirty on three
sides’;
lafken pülé (Adv) in the direction of the sea; tüfá pülé mülekefun kuyfı́ ‘I used
to live here’;
epu-ñ pülé(-tu) (Adv) on both/two sides;
fill-ke pülé (Adv) everywhere;
kiñe-püle-l-pun (Adv) after midnight, more than halfway through the night;
naq pülé (Adv) in the direction of the sea, downwards;
wente pülé (Adv) to the East (where the sun comes up).
pülef (Adj) thin (paper).
pültrü- (Vt) to hang; pültrüley ‘it is hanging’.
Dictionary 551
pülü (N) fly;

pichi-pülü (N) midge.
pülle (Adv) close, near; pülle ta müliy tañi ruka ‘the house is nearby’; Xasinta
kü awkiy pülle iñchiu ‘Jacinta works near usp’;
pülle- + direction marker (Vi) to approach, to come/go near;
pülle-nie- (Vt) to have nearby;
pülle-tu- (Vt) to approach, to come/go near; pülleketuniewüymu kam kamapu
niewüymu? ‘do youd live close to one another or far away from each other?’;
pülle-tu-pe- (Vt) to approach and see.
pülleqtu- (Vt) to watch out for;
pülleqtu-le- (Vi) to be alert.
püllü (N) soul, spirit, earth (land that lies fallow, e.g. wasteland or the floor in
a house); kolü püllü ‘brown earth’;
kum-püllü (N) red earth;
püllü-tu- (Vt) to invoke the spirit of a sick person in order to establish the
nature of his disease (work of the machi).
püna- (Vt) to stick, to glue; pünaeyew ti chiklet ‘she got stuck to her chewing
gum’; pünafiñ ‘I stuck to her, I hung around her’;
püna-m- (Vt) to glue something to.
püne- (Vt) to use, to employ; iñché arelfiñ kiñe kareta eymi mi püneal ‘I bor-
rowed a cart so that yous could use it’; pünefiñ ti kawellu ‘I used the horse’;
püne-le- (Vi) to be occupied/engaged.
püno- (Vt) to step on, to trample on, to humiliate;
pünon (N) track, footprint.
püntü (Adv) apart, separately; püntü amuley ‘they go separately’; püntüke fen-
delan mesa engün wangku ‘I don’t sell the tables without the chairs’;
püntü- (Vi) to separate; püntüwüyngu ‘theyd separated’; püntüley ti ufisha ‘that
sheep goes on its own’;
püntü-l- (Vt) to separate.
pünün (N) penis.
püñeñ (a woman’s child, her sister’s child, child of her husband’s brother, child
of her father’s sister) ; iñché püñeñ nien ‘I have a child’;
entu-püñeñ- (Vt) to abort;
nie-püñeñ- (Vi) to become pregnant;
nie-püñeñ-el- (Vt) to leave [a woman] pregnant;
püñeñ- (Vi) to give birth;
püñeñ-küle- (Vi) to be giving birth, to be still able to get children;
püñeñ-nge- (Vi) to have a child.
püñmo (N) a man’s daughter-in-law, a woman’s father-in-law, brother of her
husband’s mother, brother of her husband’s father.
püra- (Vi) to climb, to go up;
anü-püra- (Vi) to sit up straight;
püra-m- (Vt) to bring/take up, to raise; pichi püramüy ketran re ñi chofüngen
mütem ‘he produced little wheat just because he is lazy’;
552 Dictionary
anü-ñ-püra-m- (Vt) to sit someone up;

tofkü-ñ-püra-m- (Vt) to spit up;
alü-püra ∼ fücha-püra (Adj) high;
alü-püra- ∼ fücha-püra- (Vi) to be high;
alü-püra(-pa)-n ∼ fücha-püra(-pa)-n antü (Adv) (too) late.
püre u (N) prisoner; püreso (JM); Sp. preso;
püre u- (Vt) to imprison, to catch/capture.
püro- (Vt) to make a knot in, to tie;
püro-n (N, Adj) knot, tied with a knot/knots; püron llasu ‘a rope with knots,
a fastened rope’.
pürüm (Adv) in a moment, immediately, quickly; pürüm amuan ‘I will go in a
moment’; pürüm pürange! ‘go up immediately!’; pürüm eluayu ‘I will give [it]
to yous quickly’.
pütef- (Vi, Vt) to sputter, to splash, to sprinkle; püteftripay ‘[sparks] sputtered
out’;
pütef-nak-üm- (Vt) to sprinkle down;
pütef-püra-m- (Vt) to sprinkle up.
püto- (Vt) to drink (not alcohol);
püto-ko- (Vt) to drink (not alcohol), to drink water; contains ko ‘water’. püto-
ko- is more often used as a general term for drinking non-alcoholic beverages
than the verb püto-; rumë küpá pütokon ‘I would very much like to drink
(water)’; küpá pütokon ko ‘I want to drink water’. JM uses püto-ko- as a
general term for drinking (alcoholic and non-alcoholic beverages); pütokofiñ ti
pulku ‘I drank that wine’;
püto-ko-l- (Vt) to make someone drink (water).
pütra (N) stomach, belly;
kutran-pütra-nge- (Vi) to cause stomach-ache.
pütrar (N) louse (on the body); cf. tün.
pütre- (Vt) to burn; pütrefiñ ñi kuwümew ‘I burned it in my hand’.
pütrem (N) tobacco, cigarette, cigar;
pütrem-tu- (Vt) to smoke; feyengün pütremtukelay ‘theyp don’t smoke’; pütrem-
tukünayu ‘let usd smoke first’.
pütrü- (Vi) to be tall, to be big (age), to be much;
pütrü-kon- (Vi) to be deep;
pütrü-le- (Vi) to be much; pütrüley ‘there is a lot’;
pütrü-n (Adj) big, much; iñché pütrün ungu kimnien ‘I know a lot of things’;
pütrüken mansunmew kü awkefuy che ‘people worked with a lot of oxen’;
pütrü-n-tu (Adv) for a long time.
pwe (ITJ) well, so, allright; Sp. pues.
pwede- (Vi) to be able; derived from Sp. poder; pwedenuliiñ ‘if wep can’t’.
pwente (N) bridge; Sp. puente.
qa (Part) see 32.16.
ray- (Vi) to flower; petú rayüy ti mamüll ‘that tree is in bloom’;
rayen (N, Adj) flower, in flower;
Dictionary 553
rayen-wa (N) corn-cob.

raki- (Vt) to count, to calculate;
raki-le- (Vi) to be counted/calculated;
raki- uam (N) thought, raki- uam ∼ raki- oam (RR); feypiley ñi raki uam
‘this reflects my feelings’;
raki- uam- (Vt) to think; raki uamkülen feymew ‘I am thinking of him’; raki-
uammaniefin ‘I am thinking of him (I want him to do something for me)’.
raküm (N) little wall/screen made of twigs, stuck in the floor to shelter from
the wind that comes in through the door or used to fill a gap in a fence;
raküm- (Vt) to close off; iñché rakümfiñ ‘I closed it off, I put a screen [before
the door]’; rakümfiñ ti sañwe ‘I shut the pig in’; rakümkonküliy tati sañwe ‘the
pig is shut in’; rakümkünufiñ ti pwerta ‘I shut the door’.
rali (N) plate.
ramtu- (Vt) to ask someone; kom pu ülmen mülelu ina rüpü ramtunierpukefuyiñ
ñi nien kü aw ‘on our way wep asked all the rich people who lived along the
road if they had any work’; ramtulelen ‘ask [it] for me’; ramtuniefiñ ‘I am asking
him, I am questioning him’;
ramtu-ka- ungu- (Vt) to interrogate someone.
rangi (Adv) mid, in the middle of; rangi rüpü amulen ‘I am walking in the
middle of the road’;
rangi-antü (Adv, N) (in) the middle of the day, (at) noon;
rangi-pun (Adv, N) (in) the middle of the night, (at) midnight; rangi pu trawün
‘in the middle of the meeting’; rangi mamüllentu ‘amidst/in the middle of trees’;
rangiñ (N) middle, half; kiñe rangiñ kofke ‘half a loaf’;
rangi-ñ-el-we (N) beam used to separate the warp (of a loom);
rangiñ- (Vi) to arrive in the middle; rangiñkonkülen tañi lamngenmu tañi
ñukemu ‘I am sitting in between my brother and my mother’.
rapi- (Vi) to vomit; petú rapiy ‘he is vomiting’;
rapi-nentu- (Vt) to throw up.
raq (N) clay, potter’s clay.
re (Adv) only, merely; iñché re waka nien ‘I have got only cows’;
itro-re (Adv) only, merely;
re falta (Adv) in vain, for nothing; Sp. en balde; re falta amuy ‘he went there
for nothing’.
reye- (Vi) to want eagerly, to want at any price/all costs; iñché reyefun tañi
müleal tüfachi rukamu ‘I very much wanted to stay in this house (but)’; fey
reyeley ‘he is being stubborn’.
reyü- (Vi) to get together, to mix; reyüy ñi kulliñ ‘my cattle came together’;
reyü-l- (Vt) to bring together, to mix; rüngo engu cha i reyülan ‘I will mix the
flour and the salt’;
reyü-le- (Vi) to be together (in a group), to be mixed.
reka-*;
reka-künu-w- (Vi) to adopt a position with the legs apart;
reka-le- (Vi) to be in a position with the legs apart.
554 Dictionary
reké (Adv) like, something like, as it were, actually, really; iñché reké kü awkelay
‘he does not work the way I do’; alengey reké ‘it seems to be something like a
streak of moonlight’; oy rangiñ muntunieñmaeyiñmu reké ‘they actually took
more than half [of our land]’; iñché kü awyem elungekelafun reké ta iyal ‘when
I worked they practically gave me nothing to eat’; see also (5, 35).
rekore- (Vi) to go through/over; Sp. recorrer.
rekül-*;
rekül-küle- (Vi) to lean (upon one’s elbow, on one’s arm, against a wall);
rekül-künu-w- (Vi) to sit/lay down leaning (upon one’s elbow/on one’s arm/
against a wall).
rekülama- ∼ reklama- (Vt) to claim (RR); Sp. reclamar.
rele- (Vi) to have time, to be without work; relepelayan ‘I may have some time’.
relmu (N) rainbow;
relmu-nge (N) iris.
renü (N) cave. Witches meet in caves at night.
reng- (Vi) to cake (onto) (JM); rengiy ti trangliñ ‘the ice has become thick’;
reng-küle- (Vi) to be caked; rüngküliy ti asukura ‘the sugar is caked (after one
has drunk the tea and a surplus of sugar remains on the bottom of the cup)’;
reng-üm-nak-üm- (Vt) to cause something to settle and thicken.
repeta- (Vt) to respect; Sp. respectar.
reqle (Num) seven.
resibi- ∼ resiwi- ∼ resiwe- (Vt) to receive; Sp. recibir.
retrontu (N) a place with a lot of reed; probably contains -ntu, see 18.1.1.
retrü (N) walking stick;
retrü-tu- (Vi) to walk with a stick; retrütuyawün tati kuselu ta iñché ‘I walk
with a stick because I am an old woman’.
reuni- (Vt) to join; Sp. reunir.
rewe (N) pole of the machi. The rewe is a trunc of a tree, about 1.5 to 2 meters
high, in which 4 to 6 or even 8 steps have been carved on the front side and
which is adorned at the top with a human head carved out of the trunk. The
machi climbs the rewe during religious ceremonies. The rewe stands outside
the house of the machi.
rewe-tu- (Vt) to perform a healing ceremony, to cure.
rexata- (Vt) to take back; Sp. rescatar.
riku (Adj, N) rich, rich man; Sp. rico. The term riku is also used to refer to
‘white’ Chileans who earned money or got land at the expense of the Mapuche.
riku- (Vi) to become rich.
ringkona- (Vt) to corner; derived from Sp. rincón.
roni- (Vt) to scratch/to pull/to get hold of with nails/claws (JM);
roni-w- (Vi) to scratch oneself.
ropa (N) clothes; Sp. ropa;
ropa-tu- (Vt) to dress someone.
rosaw (Adj) pink (JM); Sp. rosado.
row (N) branch;
Dictionary 555
row-rewe (N) branch of the rewe.

ru-* does not occur without the direction markers -me- or -pa-;
ru-me- (Vi, Vt) to cross/to pass in that direction, to be thick (in diameter),
to overtake, to surpass; rumenngelay faw ‘it is impossible to cross here’; petú
rumelay ‘there is still time (it has not passed yet)’; tunte rumey? ‘how thick is
it?’; kiñe rumey ‘it has one fibre/thread’;
ru-pa- (Vi) to cross, to pass in this direction, to be wide (measuring from side
to side); petú rupay ñi kutranlongko ‘my headache goes away’; rupachi semana
‘last week’; tunté rupay? ‘how wide is it?’; alü rupay ‘it is wide’;
ru-l- (Vt) to pass on; rulelpaen ‘pass on to me, give me’;
a kintu-ru-l- (Vt) to watch something/someone passing in the distance;
kata-ru-l-me- (Vt) to pierce through;
ru-l-me-we (N) throat;
ru-l-pa-nütram-ke-lu (N) interpreter;
ru-pa ∼ ru-pa-n (Adv) after, when done; rupan ilu iñchiñ amuyiñ ‘when wep
were done eating, wep went’; iñchiñ fewlá rupan porotutuyiñ ‘wep have just
eaten beans’;
külü-ru-pa-n antü (Adv) after noon, in the afternoon.
ruka (N) house; ka ruka ‘a different house’;
ka-ruka ∼ ka-ruka-tu (N) neighbour;
ka-ruka-tu- (Vt) to visit a neighbour;
ruka- (Vt) to build a house out of/from; rukafiñ tachi trafla ‘I built a house
from these planks’;
ruka-ntuku- (Vt) to put/store something in the house;
ruka-ntu- (Vt) to take someone in the house, to provide a home for;
ruka-w-pu- (Vi) to settle down.
ruku (N) chest.
rul (Adv) all the time; rul ngümangümangekey ‘he is always crying and crying’.
rumé (Adv) very, (too) much; rumé no ‘[it is] not much’; rumé inal(tu) ‘just
beside’; rumé wüya che ‘very bad people’; rumé faney ‘it weighs a lot’;
rume-ñma (Adv) very, much, too (much); rumeñma faney ‘it weighs too much’;
fentreñma rumé faney ‘it weighs much too much’.
rumé (Adv) at least, -ever, even. rumé follows the noun or clause it modifies, see
chapter 17; kiñe rumé eluen ‘give me at least one’; chem rumé ipe ‘let him eat
whatever [he wants]’; chem fyestamew rumé ‘at what-ever party’; plata rumé
elungekelay che ‘people did not even get money’; chipayan mawünkülele rumé
‘I will leave even if it rains’; oy newentu rumé wülelelimu, feypilayafin iñché
ñi kimel ‘no matter how hard they beat me, I will not tell them what I know’;
chum-kanu rumé ∼ chum-ka-w-mew rumé (Adv) no way, under no circumstan-
ces (RR); chumkawmew rumé yefallay tüfachi mesa ‘it is absolutely impossible
to carry this table’. Combined with a negative subordinate, rumé means ’wit-
hout’; chem pinun rumé anüy ‘he sat down without saying anything’.
rumel (Adv) always; rumel küpalay yewün ‘they will always bring presents’.
runa- (Vt) to scoop up, to lift with the hands (JM); cf. truna-.
556 Dictionary
rupa(n) (Adv) after, when done; see ru-* .

rupa (N) time; kiñe rupa müten amun ‘I went only once’.
rutratu- (Vt) to pick up between thumb and finger(s).
rütretu- (Vt) to pinch; cf. wutretu-.
rüf (Adj, Adv) true, truthfully, really; kakelu wiñoy ñi rüf mapumew ‘some went
back to their real country’; rüf langümngele ‘if he is really killed’;
rüf-dungu (N) truth;
rüf-dungu- (Vt) to tell the truth;
rüf-tripa- (Vi) to be the truth; rüftripay nga ti ungu ‘it is true what you said’;
rüf-künu- (Vt) to tell the truth;
rüf-el- (Vt) to make come true.
rüfe- (Vi) to root (turn up the ground with the snout);
rüfe-rüfe-nge- (Vi) to be rooting;
rüfe-tu- (Vt) to root something up.
rüfü- (Vt) to serve out, to dish up;
rüfü-nentu- (Vt) to serve out, to dish up; rüfünentumekiy ti korü ‘he is busy
serving out the soup’;
rüfü-we (N) ladle, tablespoon.
rükü (Adj) miserly, stingy;
rükü- (Vi) to become miserly/stingy;
rükü-le- (Vi) to behave as a miserly/stingy persom;
rükü-nge- (Vi) to be miserly/stingy; kiñe rüküngechi wentru ‘a miserly/stingy
man’.
rüme (N) reed; higher reed than küna, also used for thatching;
rüme-ntu (N) place with a lot of reed.
rümpel (Adj) jealous;
rümpel- (Vi) to become jealous; fey rümpelkefiy ‘he is jealous of him’;
rümpel-küle- (Vi) to be jealous;
rümpel-fe (N) jealous man/woman; rümpelfengelfiy ‘he made him jealous’.
rüna (N) root of a plant, used to comb hair with.
rünga- (Vt) to dig (up), to excavate; rüngafiñ ti mapu ‘I dug up the earth’;
rünga-entu- (Vt) to dig out/up;
rünga-l- (Vt) to bury; rüngalfiñ mapumu/trufkenmu ‘I buried/covered it with
earth/ashes’;
rünga-l-küle- (Vi) to be buried;
rünga-n (Adj) buried; rüngan ko ‘well (buried water)’.
rüngi (N) bamboo.
rüngkü- (Vi) to jump; ringkü- (JM);
rüngkü-le- (Vi) to be jumping.
rüngo (N) meal (coarsely ground);
rüngo- (Vt) to make meal; rungoley ‘he is making meal, it looks like meal’; cf.
rüngü-.
rüngü- (Vi, Vt) to become ground (grain, sugar etc.), to turn, to grind;
rüngü-le- (Vi) to be ground; rüngüniey ‘he is grinding’;
Dictionary 557
rüngü-m- (Vt) to grind, to mill.

rüpü (N) road.
rütra- (Vt) to forge;
rütra-le- (Vi) to be forging;
rütra-fe (N) smith, silversmith;
rütra-n (Adj) forged.
rütre- (Vt) to push;
rütre-amu-l- (Vt) to push forward;
rütre-küpa-l- (Vt) to pull towards oneself.
rütro (N) small braid in women’s hair;
rütro-lonko-le- (Vi) to wear small braids.
rüwew- (Vt) to scratch; rüwewfiñ ti longko ‘he scratched his head’;
rüwew-küle- (Vi) to be scratching.
sayuna- (Vi) to have breakfast; Sp. desayunar.
saku (N) sack, bag; Sp. saco.
sanchu ∼ shanchu (N) pig; Sp. chancho; sañchu (MM), chanchu (RR).
sañwe ∼ shañwe (N) pig.
sapatu (N) shoe; Sp. zapato.
semana (N, Adv) week, weekly, in . . . weeks, . . . weeks ago; rupachi semana
‘last week’.
seña- (Vt) to mark; Sp. seña sign; pepı́ señafiñ ti waka ‘I have not been able to
mark the cows’.
señora (N) lady; Sp. señora;
señora- omo (N) non-Mapuche woman.
sera (N) silk; Sp. seda; sera pañu ‘silk scarf’.
serbesa (N) beer; Sp. cerveza.
sillo (N) partridge (RR); cf. shüllo.
syempre (Adv) always; Sp. siempre.
sosialimu (N) socialism.
suchetu- ∼ shuchetu- (Vt) to take/break off the heads.
süllwi (N) worm (RR).
shanchu ∼ sanchu (N) pig; see sanchu.
shañe (N) nest; añe (RR);
shañe-üñüm (N) bird’s nest.
shañwe (N) pig; sañwe (MH).
shingé (Aux) moving along/up; singé (RR); shingé amunge ‘move up!’.
shiweñ (N) acorn; Sp. dihueñ.
shiwill- ∼ diwill- (Vt) to stir;
shiwill-küle- (Vi) to be stirring;
shiwill-ko (N) porridge.
shuchetu- ∼ suchetu- (Vt) to take/break off the tops, to head; shuchetufiñ ti
kachilla ‘I took off the wheat-ears’.
shüllo (N) partridge; cf. sillo.
shüllwiñ (N) bumblebee.
558 Dictionary
ta (Na) the; see 14.3; pepillafin ta kü aw ‘I can’t do this job’;

ta-ti (Na) the; ta-tüfá, tüfa-ta, ta-chi, see tüfá; fey-ta, see fey.
tachi (Nd) this; see tüfá.
tayı́ (Adv) just now, a moment ago; iñché tayı́ pu liwen mikrotupen ‘I have
taken the bus this morning’; iñché oy tayı́ akutuafun ‘I might have come a
little bit sooner’.
tayma- (Vt) to remove;
tayma-entu- (Vt) to remove, to depose; taymaentungepay ta fütake longkoyem
‘the former old leaders have been deposed’.
taku- (Vt) to cover; iñché takuwün ‘I covered myself’;
taku-n (N) dress, clothing.
tapül (N) leaf.
tata (ITJ) daddy; also chacha, which has a more affectionate connotation.
tewfü- (Vt) to destroy, to take apart.
ti (Na) the, ti ∼ chi (RR); see 14.3; kümé a ngey ti/chi pichi señora ‘that young
lady looks pretty’;
ta-ti (Na) the; fey-ti, see fey.
tiyechi (Adj) that over there; see tüyé.
tofken (N) spittle; see tofkü-.
tofkü- (Vi) to spit;
tofkü-nak-üm- (Vt) to spit down;
tofkü-ñ-püra-m- (Vt) to spit up;
tofkü-tu- (Vt) to spit at, to spit out;
tofkü-n ∼ tofken (N) spittle.
toki (N) axe, war-chief.
tol (N) forehead.
tonon- (Vt) to weave;
tonon-we ∼ püra-m-tonon-we (N) stick on which the warp is fastened with
threads in order to make a weaving pattern.
topel*; see pel .
tornew (N) tournament; Sp. torneo.
torompe (N) trumpet; Sp. trompeta.
Tosanto (N) All Saints’ Day; Sp. (fiesta de) Todos los Santos.
tu- (Vt) to get hold of, to take (out); tun ñi kutran tranel ñi rukamew ‘I got
injured when I fell in my house’; tuñmafiñ Rosa ñi kutran ‘I contracted my
illness from Rosa’;
tu-w- (Vi) to come from, to start; cf. tuw-.
tuchi (Ni) which?; tuchi ∼ chuchi (RR); tuchi rüpü inayan? ‘which way shall I
go?’; tuchi tami lamngen? ‘which one [is] yours sister?’;
tuchi rumé (Ni) which-ever;
tuchi nu rumé (Ni) not any, none; tuchikünu-w- ‘to go where?’.
tuku- (Vt) to put (in/on/at), to plant; in compounds also -ntuku-; iñché tuku-
künulelfiñ kiñe trapelakucha tami kure ñi üküllamew ‘I put a broche on the
shawl of yours wife’; tukufiñ kasetmew ‘I put it (the tape) in the tape recorder’;
Dictionary 559
tukuniengekefuy kü awmew ‘they used to be put to work’;

yall-tuku (N) illegitimate child;
anü-ntuku- (Vi) to sit down in;
yall-tuku- (Vt) to get an illigitimate child (man);
kim-tuku- (Vt) to have known/understood for some time; kimtukufiñ ‘I have
known him for ever’;
kim-el-tuku- (Vt) to let someone know beforehand, to warn;
ütrüf-tuku- (Vt) to throw in;
wül-tuku- (Vt) to surrender;
tuku-tu- (Vt) to dress;
tuku-tu-w- ∼ tuku-tu-l-uw- (Vi) to get dressed;
tuku-tu-l-uw-ün (N) clothes, dress.
tukuyu (N) fabric.
tunté (Ni) how (much)?; tunté ∼ chunté (RR); tunté püray? ‘how high is it?’;
tunté kamapuleyngu chiam? ‘how far away are theyd?’; iñché ñi mapu petú
kimlan ñi tunté puwün ‘I still don’t know how far my land extends’;
tunte-ntu (Ni) how much time?; tuntentu müleayu? ‘for how long shall wed
stay?’;
tunte-ntu- (Vi) to stay/to be for how long; tuntentuy faw? ‘how long did he
stay here?’;
tunte-l- (Vt) to give how much to;
tunte-ñma- (Vi) to stay/be for how long, to take how long; tunteñmamen? ‘for
how long did I stay there?’; müté tunteñmakelay ñi ewmangeayem kiñe ruka
‘it does not take that much time to build a house’;
tunte-n (N, Adj) how much?; tuntenmu ngillaymi? ‘for how much did yous buy
[it]?’; tunten antü? ‘how late is it?’;
tunte-n-tu- (Vi) to take how much.
tupu (N) broche, a silver disc with a needle of about 25 centimeters.
turpu (Adv) never (with negative verb); eymi turpu tripakelaymi ‘yous never go
out’.
tute- (Vt) to please, to satisfy, to do good; tuteay mi ungu ‘it will do yours
business good’; tunté kümelkakünulelfili rumé, tutelayafin ‘no matter how well
I do it for him, I can’t satisfy him’;
tute-w-küle- (Vi) to be pleased (with what one has (done)), to get on well
together.
tuw- (Vi) to come from, to originate from, to begin. tuw- may be related to tu-
‘to get hold of, to take (out)’. chew tuwüymi? ‘where do yous come from?’;
iñché Chile tuwün ‘I come from Chile’; iñché tuwün ñi kü awal ‘I began to
work’. tuw- (?) is also found in: alü-tuw- ‘to be long’; fentre-tuw- ‘to be long’;
fücha-tuw- ‘to be long’; pichi-tuw- ‘to be short’; pütrü-tuw- ‘to be long’; tüfachi
kalle pichituwüy ‘this street is short’; fey müná tuwüy ‘he can run fast’.
tuwe (N) earth, soil, lump; fey takufiyiñ tuwemew ‘wep covered him with earth’.
tüfá (Nd) this, then, now; tüfá norküley ‘this (one) is straight’; tüfá ruka ‘this
[is] a house’; iñchiñ tüfá konayiñ ‘at that moment wep will come in’; tüfá pülé
560 Dictionary
‘(on) this side’;

tüfá engün (Nd) these people;
fey-tüfá (Nd) this here;
tüfa-ta ∼ ta-tüfá (Nd) this, see 14;
tüfa-chi (Adj) this; tüfachi ruka pichikay ‘this house is small’;
tüfa-mew (Adv) here.
tüfey (Nd) that; tüfey ∼ tüfiy (RR); tüfey! ‘here! (take it)’; tüfey chem chekay?
‘what [would] that be?’;
tüfey-mew (Adv) there;
tüfey-chi (Adj) that; tüfeychi wentru ellá ayeley ‘that man is laughing a bit’.
fey is used much more often than tüfey, see 14.
tüyé (Nd) that over there; also üyé; tüyé iniy chekay? ‘who [is] there? / who
would that be?’; tüyé pülé ‘in that direction over there’;
tüye-chi (Adj) that over there; also üye-chi, tie-chi;
tüye-mew ∼ üyemew ∼ üyümu ∼ tüyü-w ∼ üyüw (Adv) over there.
tüykü*;
tüykü-tüykü-nge- (Vi) to be dripping; also lüykü-lüykü-nge-.
tüyüw (Adv) over there; tüyüw ∼ tüyew (MM); see tüyé.
tükitüki (N) Adam’s apple.
tün (N) louse (on the head);
entu-tün- (Vt) to louse.
tüng- (Vi) to calm down, to take long, to stay on;
tüng-naq- (Vi) to die down, to decrease, to become quiet;
tüng-küle- (Vi) to be quiet;
tüng-me- (Vi) to stay/linger there;
tüng-pa- (Vi) to stay/linger here;
tüng-ün (N) peace.
tüngkül (N) wheel.
traf (N) colleague; ñi pu traf moso ‘my colleagues’;
traf- (Vi) to fit, to join, to fix; iñché trafün tüfachi wangkumew ‘I fit in this
chair’; kümé trafküleymi? ‘are yous comfortable?’; trafüy kay? ‘is it fixed?’;
traf-kon- (Vi) to fit in;
traf- + direction marker (Vt) to meet, to wait for; trafmetuaen ‘wait for me
there when I get back’;
traf-ye- ∼ traf-iye- (Vt) to meet, to come across, to stumble on; trafyeyeken ∼
trafiyeyeken fillantü fentren che faw ‘I meet a lot of people here every day’;
trap-üm- (Vt) to unite, to put together, to assemble; iñché tüfá trapümafin faw
‘I will gather it here’; traftu trapümyiñ plata ‘wep all put money together’; cf.
trapel ;
traf-kiñ (N) person with whom one exchanges food and goods; iñché tañi trafkiñ
tati ‘that [is] my mate/partner/kind’; trafkiñ ta leliniealu kay ‘always look at
your own kind (for a marriage partner)’;
traf-kiñ-ye- (Vt) to have someone for an exchange partner; trafkiñyewküleyu
‘wed are exchange partners, wed are mates’;
Dictionary 561
traf-kin-tu- (Vt) to exchange; trafkintuñmafiñ tati lapi tati relomu ‘I swopped

a pencil with her for a watch’;
traf-tu (Adv) together, in company, united; traftu kelluayiñ ‘wep will help to-
gether’.
trafiya (N, Adv) (in the) evening, tonight;
wiya-trafiya (Adv) yesterday evening;
puw-trafiya- (Vi) to fall (the night); ewmá puwtrafiyale amutuan ‘I will go
back when the night has fallen’;
trafiya- (Vi) to spend the night; kiñe trafiyameyu ‘wed spent one night there’.
trafiye- ∼ trafye-; see traf .
trafkintu-; see traf .
trafla (N) plank; Sp. tabla; feytachi trafla rumel mülekemum kafé ‘the shelf
where the coffee always was’.
trafo- (Vi) to break; trefo- (JM); trafotripalu tasamu ‘(a piece) which broke off
from the cup’;
trafo-l- (Vt) to break; trafolafuymi ‘yous might break them (eggs, cups)’;
trafo-le- (Vi) to be broken; trafoley ñi anüwe ‘the bottom (of the cup) is
broken’;
trafo-n (Adj) broken.
traytray- (Vi) to gurgle;
traytrayküle- (Vi) to be gurgling.
tralka (N) gun;
tralka- (Vi) to thunder;
tralka-tu- (Vt) to shoot;
tralka-n (N) thunder.
tralof- (Vt) to hit, to beat (with a fist or a stick);
tralof-küle- (Vi) to be hit/beaten.
traltral- (Vi) to snore.
tran(a)- (Vi) to fall. The distribution of tran-/trana- is not entirely clear.
tranüy ‘he fell’; tranay ‘he will fall’;
tran-ye- (Vt) to fall whilst carrying something;
trana-naq- (Vi) to fall down;
trana-tripa- (Vi) to fall from;
trana-künu- (Vt) to throw on the floor;
trana-künu-w- (Vi) to fall on the floor;
trana-le- (Vi) to be lying down, to be spread out;
tran-tu- (Vt) to topple, to throw on the floor, to turn over;
tran-üw-tu ∼ tran-uw-tu (Adv) falling, staggering; tranüwtu amuy ‘he went
staggering’.
trana- (Vt) to hammer, to pound, to crush; tranangeyem pañillwe tripakiy ñi
eskoria ‘when the iron is hammered, slags come off’;
trana-trapi-we (N) stone to crush peppers with.
trañma- (Vt) to squash, to crush.
trangatranga (N) jaw.
562 Dictionary
trangliñ (N) ice;

trangliñ- (Vi) to freeze; trangliñküley ti mapu ‘the earth is frozen’;
trangliñ-ma- (Vi) to get frozen, to get covered with ice;
trangliñ-nge- (Vi) to be ice.
trapel- (Vt) to make fast, to tie (up); probably derived from traf-; trapelfiñ ti
waka ‘I tied the cow (to a pole)’;
trapel-küle- (Vi) to be tied;
trapel-akucha (N) silver pendant. This piece of jewelry is tied to a necklace.
It is about 20 centimeters long and consists of several rows of jacquets linked
together with thread and silver disks. At the bottom of the pendant there often
is a silver cross. The term trapelakucha is also used to refer to a large silver
broche (20 cm long and 10 cm wide) which consists of an upper plate in the
form of two birds which is linked by means of three chains of about 12 flat links
to a bottom plate adorned with a row of silver coins.
trapi (N) (red) pepper; füreke kapi niey tüfachi trapi ‘this pepper has hot seeds’;
angim trapi ‘dried peppers’;
meshken-trapi (N) dried and ground peppers;
trana-trapi-we (N) millstone.
trapial (N) puma; Felis concolor (Augusta).
trapilko- (Vi) to choke.
trapüm-; see traf .
trar (N) pus;
trar- (Vi) to fester, to discharge pus;
trar-üm- (Vt) to squeeze out pus.
trari- (Vt) to tie, to fasten; trarikünufiñ trapemu ti ufisha ‘I tied the sheep with
a rope’;
trari-kuwü (N) bracelet;
trari-longko (N) head-band for women decorated with silver coins;
trari-longko-tu- (Vt) to put on a headband;
trari-ñ-kawellu (N) a pair of horses;
trari-ñ-mansun (N) yoke of oxen;
trari-le- (Vi) to be tied; ñi sapatu trariliy ‘my shoes are tied’;
trari-we (N) belt.
trawa (N) body, skin, shell; kümé trawa niey ‘she has a beautiful body/skin’;
trawa-mamüll (N) bark.
trawma (Adj) blind.
trawü- (Vi) to get together, to join;
trawü-l- (Vt) to bring together, to join, to collect;
trawü-l-uw- (Vi) to get together, to meet, to assemble;
trawü-w- ∼ trawu-w- (Vi) to get together, to gather, to meet; külá wentru
trawüwüyngün wiya ‘yesterday three men got together’;
trawü-n (N) group of people, meeting; niepukefuy trawün ‘he used to hold a
meeting there’; wiya kiñe füchá trawün müley Temuko ‘yesterday there was a
big crowd in Temuco’.
Dictionary 563
trefo-; see trafo-.

treka- (Vi, Vt) to walk, to step, to measure; kom antü trekakefuyiñ ‘wep used
to walk all day long’;
treka-künu-w- (Vi) to set off, to set out for;
treka-le- (Vi) to be walking;
treka-tu- (Vt) to walk up to;
treka-treka-tu- (Vi) to walk a bit, to walk to and fro;
treka-n (N) step.
trelü- (Vi, Vt) to burp, to belch; trülkü- (RR);
trelü-künu- (Vt) to belch out; trelüfiñ ∼ trelükünufiñ ti iyal ‘I belched the food’.
trem (Adj) grown;
trem-che (N) adult, grown-up;
trem- (Vi) to grow (up);
trem-tripa- (Vi) to grow up;
trem-küle- (Vi) to be growing (up);
trem-üm- (Vt) to raise.
tremo (Adj) healthy;
tremo- (Vt) to get well, to recover;
tremo-l- (Vt) to cure, to heal.
trengtreng (N) (mythological) steep mountain. Mountains which rise when the
water level rises.
treq- (Vi) to burst open (JM); see trüq-.
treqül (N) lapwing.
trewa (N) dog.
trilil- ∼ triltril- (Vi) to sing (a bird, for instance the lapwing (treqül)); triltrikü-
(JM).
tri(l)trang (Adj) naked;
triltrang-küle- (Vi) to be naked;
triltrang-künu- (Vt) to undress, to strip;
triltrang-tu- (Vt) to undress, to strip;
triltrang-tu-w- (Vi) to get undressed, to strip.
triltrikü- (Vi) to sing (a bird, sound of the treqül) (JM); cf. trilil-.
trinin- (Vt) to hit someone hard, to smash (MM); trininkütiefiñ ti ñarki ‘I
smashed the cat hard on the floor’.
trintri (N) curl; iñché trintrilongko ta nien ‘I have got curls’;
trintri- (Vi) to curl;
trintri-longko- (Vt) to make into curls;
trintri-l- (Vt) to make into curls; iñché trintrilongkoan/trintrilan tañi longko
‘I am going to curl my hair’.
tripa- ∼ chipa- (Vi) to go out, to leave, to come up (sun), to turn out;
tripalayaymi rukamew iñché wiñoli wülá ‘don’t go outside until I get back’;
potrütripan ti wangkumu ‘I toppled from the chair’; pilu tripay ‘he was born
deaf’; epé tripay antü ‘the sun is almost up’; kelü tripay ‘it turned out red, he
blushed’;
564 Dictionary
a -tripa- (Vi) to leave in that direction, to turn out well (photo, painting);
kümé tripa- (Vi) to turn out well, to come through allright, to pass (exam);
kümé tripan ñi külá eksamenmew ‘I passed for my three exams’;
weshá tripa- (Vi) to turn out badly, to fail;
kümé tripa- ungu-nge- (Vi) to speak well (to have a good way of speaking, i.e.
a loud voice);
ka tripa-miaw- (Vi) to have a different way of walking;
kümé tripa-tuku-l-uw-ün-nge- (Vi) to have a good way of dressing;
anü-tripa- (Vi) to sit down outside;
trana-tripa- (Vi) to fall down on the floor;
witra-tripa- (Vi) to get up and leave;
tripa-l- (Vt) to reach the end of, to do until the end; tripalawkantuyiñ ‘wep
were at the end of the game’; tripalpuniy ‘he stayed up all night’;
tripa-l-kosecha-nge-n (N) at the end of the harvest season;
tripa-tu- (Vt) to leave from someone’s house, to go away from; tripatuy ‘he got
out [of prison]’;
itro-tripa (N, Adv) area before/in front of, before (space/position.
tripantu (N, Adv) year, a year, in . . . years, . . . years ago; chem tripantu
nieymi? ‘how old are yous?’; mülepatuyiñ faw oy külá tripantumew ‘wep have
been back here for more than three years’;
tripantu- (Vi) to reach the age of . . . years;
tripantu- + direction marker (Vi) to stay/spend . . . years;
tripantu-nge- (Vi) to be . . . years ago; kayu mari tripantungey ñi puwün ti
wingka ‘that stranger stayed for sixty years’.
triwe (N) laurel; Laurelia aromatica (Augusta).
triwür (Adj, N) round (circular); cf. mongkol ‘round (spherical)’;
triwür-kunu-w- (Vi) to present itself round; rupachi mawünmew triwürkünuwüy
relmu ‘after the rain a rainbow showed itself a half circle’.
trof- (Vi) to explode, to crack, to make the sound of a whip;
trop-üm- (Vt) to crack.
troy (N) joint (medical);
troy-kuwü (N) wrist.
troki- (Vt) to consider to be, to think of, to respect; ruka trokifwin ‘I thought
that that was a house (but)’; ilo trokiniefin ‘it looks like meat to me’; iñché fey
trokifwin ‘I thought that it was him (but)’; eymi putulelu trokieyu ‘I thought
that yous were drunk’; pobrengelu am iñché feymew che trokingelan ‘because I
am poor, people don’t respect me’;
troki-w- (Vi) to think that; iñché fey pepayaetew trokiwün ‘I thought that he
was going to see me’; iñché kutranalu trokiwkülen ‘I think I am going to be ill’.
troltro (N) cardoon; Sonchus asper Hill., fam. Compositae (Augusta).
tromfül (Adj) twisted, bent (RR); see trümfül .
tromü (N) cloud; tromükechilelu ‘it looks cloudy’;
tromü- (Vi) to get clouded;
tromü-le- (Vi) to be clouded.
Dictionary 565
trongkü- (Vt) to bump against/into (walking in the dark) (MM); trongküy ñi
namun ‘I bumped my foot’.
trongli (Adj) thin, skinny;
trongli- (Vi) to become thin;
trongli-le- (Vi) to be thin;
trongli-nge- (Vi) to be slender (from birth).
tror (N) foam, froth; petú tripay tror ‘foam is coming out (of the casserole)’;
tror- (Vi) to foam, to froth;
tror-küle- (Vi) to be foaming/emitting froth.
trufken (N) ash.
truftruf (N) loose soil;
truftruf- (Vi) to boil over, to flow over;
truftruf-kon- (Vi) to boil over.
trufür (N) dust;
trufür- (Vi) to become dust, to raise (as dust); trufürüy ti trufken ‘the ashes
raised in the air as dust’.
trukur (N) mist.
truli (N) deer.
trulitruli (N) elbow.
truna- (Vt) to gather/to pick up by the handful;
truna-nie- (Vt) to hold by the handful;
truna-tu- (Vt) to gather a little heap/pile and pick it up by the handful; tru-
natun eluayu ‘I will give yous a handful’.
trupef- (Vi) to get scared, to get shocked, to get frightened;
trupe-küle- (Vi) to be scared/shocked/frightened;
trupef-ül- ∼ trupef-el (Vt) to scare, to frighten; iñché trupefülngepelayan ‘maybe
they are going to scare me’.
trutruka (N) horn; music instrument, about two to three meters long, made of
bamboo;
trutruka- (Vi) to make a trutruka;
trutruka-tu- (Vt) to play the trutruka.
trüfon (N, Adj) cough, someone with a cold, having a cold; trüfon wentru ‘a
man with a cough/cold’; trüfonkutranngen ‘I am ill and have a cough’;
trüfon- (Vi) to cough;
trüfon-ka-w-küle- (Vi) to be coughing;
trüfon-küle- (Vi) to have a cough.
trüfül (Adj) crooked (not straight).
trüla- (Vi, Vt) to break, to split; trülafiñ ti mamüll ‘I split the wood’;
trüla-n (N) piece; kiñe trülan kofke ‘a piece of bread’.
trülke (N) hide, skin, leather;
trülke- ∼ trülke-ntu- (Vt) to skin, to take the skin off.
trülkü- (Vi) to burp, to belch (RR); cf. trelü-;
trülkün (N) burp.
trümfül ∼ trünfül (Adj) twisted, bent; tromfül (RR);
566 Dictionary
trümfül- ∼ trünfül- (Vi) to become twisted/bent;

trümfül-küle- ∼ trünfül-küle- (Vi) to be twisted/bent.
trüntrün- (Vi) to shiver, to shudder (with cold/fever).
trüpu- (Vi) to drum;
trüpu-kultrun- (Vi) to play the drum;
trüpu-kultrun-küle- (Vi) to be playing the drum;
trüpu-we ∼ trüpü-we (N) drumstick.
trüq- (Vi) to crack, to burst open; treq- (JM); trüqüy ‘it cracked (leaves/
seedpods)’;
trüqüy-trüqüy-nge- (Vi) to be cracking/bursting open.
trür (Adv) equally, similarly; kom trür fentekefuyiñ ‘wep were all of the same
age’; trür tremküleyiñ ‘wep grew up in a similar way’;
trür- (Vi) to become as tall as;
trür-küle- (Vi) to be the same height, to be together; epuke trürkülerpuaymün
‘ youp must go together by twos’;
trür-üm- (Vt) to make equal/even.
ufisha (N) sheep; ufisa (RR); Sp. oveja.
uma- ∼ umañ- (Vi) to stay the night; iñché uman trafiya Arturomew ‘I spent
the night at Arturo’s’; umañpakelay ta witran ‘visitors don’t stay here’;
umaw (N) sleep; akuy tañi umaw ‘I got sleepy’;
umaw- (Vi) to sleep; umaw- ∼ umaq- (MM). In the speech of LQ, umaw- is
infrequent. It is found in the following cases:
küpá umaw- (Vi) to feel sleepy;
umaw-faluw- (Vi) to pretend to sleep;
umaw-küle- (Vi) to be asleep;
aku-umaw- (Vi) to get sleepy;
lef-umaw-pa- (Vi) not be able to sleep any more.
umaw-tu- (Vi) to go to sleep, to fall asleep, to sleep; is more frequent than
umaw-; küpá umawtun ‘I want to go to sleep’; iñché trafiya kümé umawtun ‘I
slept well last night’;
umaw-tu-faluw- (Vi) to pretend to sleep;
umaw-tu-l- (Vt) to put to sleep, to put to bed;
umaw-tu-le- (Vi) to be sleeping/asleep;
umaw-tu-we (N) place where one sleeps.
umaw-tu- see uma-.
umer-*;
umer-küle- (Vi) to have one’s eyes closed; kiñe nge umerküley ‘one eye is
closed’.
umül- (Vi) to roll (JM);
umül-amu-l- (Vt) to make something roll;
umül-umül-nge- (Vi) to be rolling.
unu- (Vt) to feel disgust with/at, to loath (JM); cf. ünu-; unufiñ ‘I felt disgusted
with him’; unufalün ‘I must throw up, I feel like throwing up’.
upa (Aux) wishing (JM); cf. küpá.
Dictionary 567
upe- (Vt) to forget; upenien ‘I have forgotten’.

utu- (Vt) to approach, to come near to; utungey tati ngenñawe ‘the father of
the girl was approached’.
utru- (Vi, Vt) to pour; witru- (JM); utruy ko ‘water poured out’;
utru-ko- (Vt) to pour water; utrukoñmaen ñi peshkiñ ‘yous are going to water
my flowers’;
utru-nentu- (Vt) to pour out, to spill; fey utrunentuy ñi pulku ‘he spilled his
wine’;
utru-ntuku- (Vt) to pour in; utrunutukuan ko tasamew ‘I will pour water in the
cup’;
utru-l- (Vt) to pour out, to throw out.
utruf- (Vt) to throw;
utruf-tu- (Vt) to throw at.
uwa (N) maize, corn; wa (JM).
ü e- (Vt) to hate;
ü e-nie- (Vt) to have a grudge against.
üfi- (Vi, Vt) to become tight, to tighten; üfifiñ ‘I tightened it’;
üfi-le- (Vi) to be tight;
üfi-n (Adj) tight; üfin weshakelu ‘tight things/clothes’.
üy- (Vi) to catch fire; üyle kütral amuntukuan tetera ‘if the fire starts to burn,
I will put the kettle on’;
üy-üm- (Vt) to set fire to.
üy (N) name; Xoan pingefuy ñi üy ‘his name was Juan’; a üy ‘a beautiful
name’;
üy-el- (Vt) to name (not JM);
üy-el-ka- (Vt) to give a nickname (not JM);
üy-üm- (Vt) to name;
üy-üm-el- (Vt) to give a name to;
üy-üm-ka- (Vt) to give a nickname;
üy-üm-ka-n (N) nickname;
üy-üm-tuku- (Vt) to give one’s name to; üyümtukuaymi tami püñeñ ‘yous will
give your name to yours child’;
üy-tu- (Vt) to call someone by his name.
üyaqtu- (Vt) to pick a quarrel, to look for trouble;
üyaqtu-le (Vi) to be looking for trouble.
üyé (Nd) that over there; see tüyé.
üyüw (Adv) over there; see tüyé.
ükülla (N) shawl; a large black shawl for women, fastened with a silver broche.
üküm- (Vi) to fall silent;
üküm-küle- (Vi) to be silent.
ül (N) singing, song;
ül- (Vi) to sing. More frequent is
ül-kantu- (Vi) to sing; iñché petú ülkantun ‘I am singing’;
ül-kantu-le- (Vi) to be singing.
568 Dictionary
ülchá (N) (teenage) girl (unmarried girl/young woman); üllchá (JM); petú ülcha-
omo ‘[I am] still a girl’.
ülen (N) glowing piece of wood.
ülkantu- (Vi) to sing; see ül .
ülmen (Adj, N) rich, rich person, noble person, leader (in olden times); ñall
anta mi ülmenngenmew llükayaeyu ‘yous expect me to be afraid of you just
because yous are a cacique’; kü awelmekefwiyiñ ti ülmen ‘wep went to work for
that rich man’;
ülmen-küle- (Vi) to be rich.
ültre- (Vt) to push; also rütre-.
ülwen (N) dew.
üllchá (N) teenage girl (unmarried girl/young woman (JM); see ülchá.
üllesh (Adj) sweet (fruit) (not RR).
üllüf- (Vi) to get an accident;
üllüf-el- (Vi) to cause an accident.
ümi (N) eyelash.
üna- (Vi, Vt) to tickle; ünaenew ‘he tickled me’; petú ünawün ‘I am scratching
myself’;
üna-üna-ye- (Vt) to tickle (all the time);
üna-le- (Vi) to be tickling;
üna-tu- (Vt) to bite, to sting; petú ünatuenew nerüm ‘a flea has stung me’; fey
tüfachi achawall ünatufiy tüyechi achawall ‘this chicken has bitten that chicken’.
ünif- (Vt) to stretch out, to spread out; üñif- (MM); ünifkünuafin ti makuñ ‘I
will spread out the coat for him’;
ünif-künu-w- (Vi) to lie down all stretched out.
ünu- (Vt) to feel disgust at/with, to loath; unu- (JM);
ünu-le- (Vi) to be disgusted;
(we a) ünun (N) something disgusting, a repulsive person, bastard, son-of-a-
bitch (rude); matuke amunge, we aünun pichi wentru, kulliñmew! ‘go imme-
diately, stupid boy, go to the cattle!’.
üñam (N) lover, mistress; üñamyewküleyngu ‘theyd are lovers’.
üñı́ (N) myrtle-berry.
üñiftu- (Vt) to glean.
üñü- (Vi) to become hungry;
üñü-n (Adj) hungry.
üñüm (N) bird;
kalku-üñüm (N) witch-bird.
üngapu- (Vi) to yawn; üngaf- (JM);
üngapu-le- (Vi) to be yawning;
üngapu-üngapu-nge- (Vi) to be yawning all the time.
üngko (N) stake, post, wooden pole (RR).
üngüm- (Vt) to wait for; üngümngey ñi pu fotüm ‘they waited for his sons’;
üngüm-küle- (Vi) to be waiting.
ür- (Vt) to mate; üreyew ti alka ‘the cock covered her’.
Dictionary 569
üre- (Vi) to become wet;

üre-le- (Vi) to be wet;
üre-m- (Vt) to make wet, to soak;
üre-n (Adj) wet; üren weskakelu ‘wet clothes’.
ürfi- (Vi) to drown;
ürfi-le- (Vi) to be drowning.
ürkü- (Vi) to become tired; ürkiy tañi namun ‘my legs got tired’;
ürkü-l- (Vt) to tire;
ürkü-le- (Vi) to be tired;
ürkü-tu- (Vi) to rest, to relax;
ürkü-tu-le- (Vi) to be resting/relaxing;
ürkü-n (Adj) tired.
üta- (Vi, Vt) to graze; ütay ti ufisa ‘the sheep grazed’; ütafiy ti kachu ‘he ate
the grass’;
üta-le- (Vi) to be grazing.
ütren (N) nit (egg of a louse).
ütrüf- (Vt) to throw; ütrüfün kiñe kura ‘I threw a stone’;
ütrüf-entu- (Vt) to throw out;
ütrüf-entu- ñi kuwü (Vt) to beat by a nose length;
ütrüf-kon- (Vi) to fall in;
ütrüf-naq- (Vi) to fall down;
ütrüf-nak-üm- (Vt) to throw down, to hurl down;
ütrüf-nak-üm-uw- (Vi) to throw oneself down;
ütrüf-tuku- (Vt) to throw in;
ütrüf-tuku-tu-l-uw- (Vi) to throw oneself in;
ütrüf-künu- (Vt) to throw;
ütrüf-tu- (Vt) to throw at; ütrüftuen kuramew ‘yous threw a stone at me’;
ütrüf-ül- (Vt) to throw away
wa (N) maize, corn (JM); see uwa.
wachi (N) trap;
wachi- (Vt) to catch with a trap.
wacho- (Vi) to get off the breast; wachoy ti püñeñ ‘the child got off the breast’;
wacho-l- (Vt) to wean; wacholpüñeñnien ‘I have a child that is weaned off’.
wa a (N) rattle; a dried gourd with dried seeds inside, used by the machi.
wa kü- (Vi) to boil;
wa kü-le- (Vi) to be boiling; wa külechi ko ‘boiling water’;
wa kü-m- (Vt) to cause to boil;
wa kü-n (Adj) boiled.
waychüf- (Vi, Vt) to fall over, to turn over, to turn round, to turn (wheel,
handle);
waychüf-tuku- (Vt) to put on inside out;
waychüfkü-le- (Vi) to be fallen, to be turned over, to be upside down.
wayun (N) thorn.
waywün (N) South.
570 Dictionary
waka (N) cow; Sp. vaca.

walon (N) war.
walwal- (Vi, Vt) to ripple, to gargle; walwaliy ti ko ‘the water rippled’; walwalfiñ
ti ko ‘I gargled [with] the water’;
walwal-küle- (Vi) to be rippling;
walwal-tu- ∼ walwal-tu-pel- (Vt) to gargle.
walle (N) young tree; Nothofagus obliqua (Augusta).
wampo ∼ wampu (N) canoe, boat; kiñe matu amuachi wampu uamün ‘I want
a fast boat’.
wangku (N) chair, bench;
wangku-tu- (Vt) to sit down on a chair.
wangkü- (Vi) to bark.
wang(ü)len (N) star.
wapi (N) shallow area.
wapo (Adj) brave, good-looking; Sp. guapo.
waqllepeñ (N) deformed person or animal; wayllepeñ (RR, MM);
waqllepeñ-küle- (Vi) to be a deformed person/animal.
warangka (N) thousand; Qu. or Aymara waranqa; kechu warangka kayu mari
‘five thousand and sixty’.
wariya (N) town, city;
wariya-che (N) townsfolk;
wariya-tu- (Vi) to go to town.
watro- (Vi, Vt) to break; ngüne oamlafiñ tañi watroafel ‘I did not realize that
it might break’; watrokay ñi tasa ‘he broke his cup in various pieces’;
watro-l- (Vt) to break (unintentionally).
waw- (Vi) to leak; iñché ñi ruka petú wawiy ‘my house leaks’; petú wawüy iñché
ñi rukamew ‘it leaks in my house’;
waw-yu- (Vi) to get a nosebleed;
waw-küle- (Vi) to be leaking.
wawlutu- (Vi) to low;
wawlutu-le- (Vi) to be lowing.
we (Adj, Adv) young, fresh, new, unripe, just, recently; we akutun ‘I just retur-
ned’;
we-che (N) young person;
we-wülá (Adv) just (now);
we-ñma (Adj) brand-new;
we-le- (Vi) to be new/fresh; weletuy ‘it is renewed’;
we-nge- (Vi) to be recent; wengey ‘it is a little while ago’.
wechar- (Vt) to tear up, to tear to pieces, to take apart (JM).
wecho (N) hole;
wecho - (Vi) to get a hole;
wecho -küle- (Vi) to have a hole;
wecho -nge- (Vi) to have a hole (always).
wechu (Adv) on top (RR);
Dictionary 571
wechu-ntu (Adv) on top; wechuntu kordillera ‘on top of the mountain’;

wechu-ka- (Vt) to go to the top, to climb up; wechukatumekekilnge wangkumew
‘stop jumping up and down the chair!’;
wechu-n (N) top.
we á ∼ weshá ∼ wesá (Adj, Adv) bad, badly; see weshá.
we a- (Vi) to become full, to become satisfied (hunger);
we a-l- (Vt) to stuff someone with food;
we a-le- (Vi) to be full/satisfied;
we a-l- uam- (Vt) to stuff someone half full with food;
we a-l-ka- (Vt) to cram someone with food (too full).
we kan (N) piece, part; cf. wü ka-.
we we (Adj) crazy, naughty, mad, reckless;
we we - (Vi) to become crazy;
we we -ka-w- (Vi) to play the fool;
we we -küle- (Vi) to be crazy, to behave foolishly; müley ñi we we küleal
tripayal femngechi antümew ‘he must be mad to go out in such a weather’;
we we -nge- (Vi) to be crazy (always).
wef- (Vi) to appear, to come into view; müná ashkiy wefpayem antü ‘it is very
beautiful when the sun appears’;
wef-küle- (Vi) to be visible.
weı́kulo (N) car; Sp. vehı́culo.
weycha- (Vt) to fight, to wage war on; petú weychayu ‘wed are at war with
oneanother’;
weycha-le- (Vi) to be at war;
weycha-fe (N) soldier, fighter;
weycha-n (N) fight, war; konan weychanmew ‘I will engage in the (political)
struggle’.
weyel- (Vi) to swim;
weyel-ye-nie- (Vt) to swim with/carrying something;
weyel-no- (Vi) to swim across;
weyel-küle- (Vi) to be swimming.
weyu- (Vi) to leak out, to drain, to drip;
weyu-le- (Vi) to be draining/leaking; ti challa weyuliy ‘the pot is leaking’;
weyu-nge- (Vi) to have a leak.
weku (N) uncle. Originally a maternal uncle, weku refers nowadays to father’s
brother (also malle, malle-chaw), mother’s brother, the husband of father’s
sister or the husband of mother’s sister (the latter also malle, malle-chaw).
wekufü (N) demon. Demons such as añchümalleñ, chonchon and witranalwe
are used by witches (kalku) to cause people harm. The word wekufü refers to
something diabolic rather than to a specific creature. eymi wekufüleymi ‘yous
look like a demon’.
wekun (Adv) outside;
wekun rukamew (Adv) outside the house;
wekun-küle- (Vi) to be outside.
572 Dictionary
wekür- (Vi) to get worn-out;

wekür-küle- (Vi) to be worn-out.
welang (Adj) half-ripe; welang ketran ‘wheat that is half-ripe’;
welang-küle- (Vi) to be half-ripe.
wele (N, Adj) left; mangküfinge welemew ‘kick him with the left (foot)’.
welu1 (Conj) but, nevertheless, all the same; lewfümew müley kochü ko, welu
lafken kotrü ko niey ‘in the rivers there is freshwater, but the sea has got salt
water’; kutrankülefuy rumé welu kofketuy ‘although he was ill, he ate some
bread’; ew lay ñi ñuke welu iñché amutuan mütem ‘my mother died, but I
will go all the same’.
welu2 (Adv) wrong, instead, by turns;
welu- uam- (Vi) to become daft, foolish, absent-minded;
welu- uam-küle- (Vi) to be daft, foolish, absent-minded;
welu allkü- (Vt) to hear wrong;
welu kon- (Vi) to enter/to start in the place of someone else;
welu leq- (Vi) to be/fall wide of the mark;
welu nü- (Vt) to grap for wrong, to fail to grap;
welu ∼ welu-ke(-n) ∼ welu-ke-ntu (Adv) by turns; weluke(ntu) iyngu ‘theyd ate
by turns’;
welu-ñma (Adv) the other way round, upside down, inside out;
welu- (Vi) to get exchanged; ti lifru weluy ‘the book was exchanged’ (I have
this book in exchange for another);
welu-künu- (Vt) to make an exchange, to leave something in the place of so-
mething else, to ignore a passer-by;
welu-le- (Vi) to be exchanged, to be wrong, to be inside out;
welu-l-ka- (Vt) to make a mistake, to do something wrong, to exchange, to
do something with the opposite effect; welulkañmafiñ tañi tasa ta lifrumu ‘I
exchanged my cup for that book’.
welu uam- see welu2.
welulka- see welu2.
well (Adv, Adj) sometimes, unequal, dissimilar;
well . . . well (Adv) now . . . then . . . ; well amuken, well amukelan ‘sometimes
I go, sometimes I don’t go’;
well-küle- (Vi) to be dissimilar/unequal.
welli- (Vi) to become empty; petú wellilay ñi tasa ‘my cup is not empty yet’;
welli-le- (Vi) to be empty;
welli-m- (Vt) to make empty, to vacate;
welli-n (Adj) empty.
wemul (N) deer.
wemü- (Vt) to chase away; wemüfiñ ti achawall; ‘I chased away the chickens’.
wenche ∼ weñche (N, Adv) top, on top of (JM); cf. wente.
weniy ∼ wenüy (N) friend (RR); cf. wenüy.
wente (N, Adv) top, on top of; wenche (JM); wentemu tukufinge ti mamüll ‘put
it on top of the wood’; wente pülé ‘to the top, to the East’; feychi wente ‘the
Dictionary 573
one on top’; oy wentemu mülelu ‘the one at the top, the highest one’ (of a
pile, for instance); wente mesa müliy ‘it is on top of the table’;
wente-ko- (Vi) to float;
wente-kon- (Vi) to enter (the household) as second wife;
wente-(n)tuku- (Vt) to put on top of; wenchetukuan myel tüfamew ‘I will put
honey on this’;
wenche-ñma- ∼ weñche-ñma- (Vt) to put on top of, to discuss the life of (a
deceased). When someone has died, his relatives and friends gather around his
body and discuss the course of his life while they eat and drink. wencheñmafiyiñ
‘wep discussed his life’; wenche yiñmafiyiñ ‘wep ate around him (the deceased)’;
wente-tu (Adv) on top;
wente-le- (Vi) to be on top, to be the top; itrokommew wentelelu ‘the highest
of all’;
wente-lli (N) rump.
wencheñma- ∼ weñche-ñma- (Vt) to discuss the life of (a deceased); see
wente.
wentru (N) man; wentrupüñeñ ‘son (male child of a woman)’; wentruüñüm
‘male bird’; pichiwentru ‘young man’;
wentru- (Vi) to become a man; iñché füchá wentrun ‘I am an adult, I have
become a grown-up’;
wentru-nge- (Vi) to be a man, to be macho;
wentru-tu- (Vt) to have sexual intercourse with (a man);
wentru-w- (Vi) to resist.
wenu (N, Adv) space above something, firmament, above; wenu ruka(mew)
müpüyawüy ‘he is flying around above the house’; wenuke mamüll ‘above each
tree’; wenu ashün ‘the beauty of the firmament’;
wenu a pülé (Adv) upwards, uphill;
wenu-mapu (N) heaven;
wenu-le- (Vi) to be above; oy wenulelu ‘the uppermost’.
wenüy (N) friend; also weniy (RR);
wenüy-wen (N) friends among each other;
wenüy-wen-nge- (Vi) to be friends among/with each other;
wenüy-ka- (Vt) to make friends with.
weñangkü- (Vi, Vt) to get sad, to get homesick (for), to long for; wüñangkü-
(MM); weñangküy ñi mapu ‘he started to feel homesick for his country’;
weñang-küle- (Vi) to feel grief, to be homesick, to be longing; weñangküley ñi
mapumew ‘he is homesick for his country, he is longing for his country’;
weñangkü-tu- (Vt) to long for, to miss; weñangkütufiñ ñi püñeñ ‘I miss my
child’.
weñche (Adv) more or less, not very, rather, a little; weñche kurüy ‘it is rather
black’; weñche peniefin ‘I see it vaguely’.
weñcheñma- ∼ wencheñma- (Vt) to discuss the life of; see wente.
weñe- (Vt) to steal; weñeñmaenew ñi mapu ‘he stole my land from me’;
weñe-w- (Vi) to run off, to go away;
574 Dictionary
weñe-fe (N) thief;

weñe-n (Adj) stolen.
werá ∼ we á ∼ wesá (Adj) bad (RR); cf. weshá.
werá (Adj) rather/quite a lot, a great deal; werá kuyüm müley inaltu lafken
‘there is a great deal of sand along the sea’; iñchiñ tayiñ mapumew rumé werá
pofrengey che ‘in our country people are very poor’.
wera- (Vi) to get hurt, to get injured/damaged;
wera-le- (Vi) to hurt;
wera-n (Adj) hurt; weran kawell ‘an injured horse’.
werkü- (Vt) to order, to send; iñché werkün ñi fotüm kiñe kawellu ngillamealu
‘I sent my son to buy a horse’;
werken (N) boss, messenger.
wesá ∼ weshá ∼ we á (Adj, Adv) bad, badly; see weshá.
wesakelu ∼ weshakelu (things, clothes, goods, merchandise) ; probably deri-
ved from weshá.
weshá ∼ we á ∼ wesá (Adj, Adv) bad, badly; we á ∼ wesá ∼ werá (RR);
wisá ∼ wisá (JM); weshá chengey ‘he is a bad person’; eymi ta fill wisake sungu
ta mekeymi ‘yous are involved in all kind of bad things’; weshá a niey ‘he has
bad manners’;
weshá a -nge- (Vi) to be ugly;
weshá antü-nge- (Vi) to be bad weather;
we a- uam- (Vi) to be in a bad way (unhappy, unhealthy);
wesha-sungu- (Vt) to abuse someone, to call someone names;
wesha-pi- (Vi, Vt) to speak ill/ badly of;
wesha-miaw- (Vi) to hang around making mischief;
(we a-)ünu-n (N) disgusting person, used as a term of abuse: bastard, son-of-
a-bitch;
wesha-ñma (Adv) badly;
wesha-ñma-nge- (Vi) to be a bad person;
weshañma-w- (Vi) to break down, to fall apart, to become a bad person;
wisha-ñma-w-küle- (Vi) to be broken/in pieces, to feel awful;
wesha-ka- (Vt) to treat someone badly;
wisa-ka-w-ün sungu-n (N) dispute, quarrel in words;
wesha-le- (Vi) to be bad, to be bad weather;
wesha-l-ka- (Vt) to do something badly, to treat someone badly;
wesha-l-ka-le- (Vi) to be in a bad condition (broken down, in need of repair,
ill-situated).
weshakelu ∼ wesakelu (N) things, clothes, goods, merchandise; probably de-
rived from weshá.
wew- (Vt) to earn, to win, to beat; yiñ wewel plata ‘the money wep earned’;
wewfiñ ‘I earned it, I beat him’;
wew-küle- (Vi) to be winning;
wew-nge- (Vi) to be beaten.
wewpi- (Vi) to make a speech/an oration;
Dictionary 575
wewpi-fe (N) orator.

wewülá (Adv) just (now); consists of we and wülá.
wichar- ∼ witraf- (Vt) to tear up; see witraf-.
wichill*;
wichill-ko (N) creek; willkiko ∼ willkilko (JM); witrullko (MM).
wichu (Adv) apart, separately; Alfonso kü awkiy wichu iñchiumew ‘Alfonso
works on his own, apart from usp’; wichu amuley ‘he goes on his own’; wichuke
yenieyiñ makuñ ‘wep carry the coats each apart’;
wichu- (Vi) to separate, to go apart; iñché wichuken ayünufiyem ti ungu ‘I
always retire when I don’t like the things (that are going on)’; puwliiñ wariy-
amew wichukeyawpuayiñ ‘when wep arrive in town, wep will each go our own
way’;
wichu-l- (Vt) to separate;
wichu-le- (Vi) to be apart/separate; tüfá wichuley kakelumew ‘this stands apart
from the other ones’.
wichün- (Vt) to twist, to turn round (MM); cf. wüchür- (JM);
wichün-wichün-nie- ∼ wichün-ka-meke- ti nge (Vt) to roll one’s eyes.
wi i- (Vi) to make pottery (JM); cf. wü ü-;
wi i-fe (N) potter.
wif (N, Adv) length, strip, row, lengthwise, along; kiñe wif eluenew mapu ‘he
gave me a strip of land’; wif metawemew ‘in a row of jars’; wif lewfü fentreyawüy
che ‘a lot of people walk along the river’;
wif- (Vi) to broaden, to spread out, to occupy the full length/width; wifpuy ti
lewfü ‘the river widens over there’;
wif-küle- (Vi) to be wide;
wif-künu- (Vt) to stretch out at full length; wifkünuwüy ti trewa ‘the dog stret-
ched himself out’;
wif-ül- (Vt) to zigzag; ti filu wifülüy ‘the snake zigzagged’; wifülkülen kontuy
rümemew ‘he went zigzagging in the reed’;
wifon- (Vt) to soak;
wifo-ntuku- (Vt) to dip in.
wifül- (Vi) to zizag; see wif .
wiya (Adv) yesterday;
wiya-trafiya (N) yesterday evening.
wiyo*;
wiyo-longko (N) crown (head);
wiyo-llollo (N) crown (head, tree).
wiyu (N) little bird with a white crest.
wiyü- (Vi) to get dizzy, to get sick (JM); cf. wüyü-;
wiyü-longko-nie- (Vi) to be dizzy;
wiyü-l- (Vt) to make someone dizzy;
wiyü-le- (Vi) to be dizzy, to be sick.
wikef- (Vi) to break off; wikefüy ti tasa ‘a piece broke off the cup’;
wikef-küle- (Vi) to be broken off; tasa wikefküley ‘the cup has a piece missing’.
576 Dictionary
wikeñ- ∼ wükeñ- (Vi) to whistle (birds, people, wind) (RR); cf. wükeñ-.
wikür- (Vt) to tear, to rip; wikürfiñ ti makuñ ‘I tore the coat’;
wikür-wün-tu- (Vt) to make silly faces at someone;
wikür-kantu-l- (Vt) to make silly faces at, to pull a face at (jeering).
wile ∼ wüle (Adv) tomorrow; cf. wüle.
wili (N) nail.
wilki (N) thrush (bird); willki (JM).
wilpa (N) rope of peppers or garlic; wilpa trapi ‘a rope of peppers’;
wilpa- (Vt) to thread, to string.
wilüf- (Vi, Vt) to gleam, to shine, to glitter, to sparkle (glass, mirror, silk, paper,
stars); ewmá wilüfniefin ‘I have got it almost shiny’; wiyapun wangülen rumé
kümé wilüfüy ‘last night the stars sparkled’; wilüfÿ ñi nge ‘her eyes sparkled’;
wilüf-küle- (Vi) to be gleaming/shining/glittering/sparkling;
wilüf-ül- (Vt) to make something gleam/shine/glitter/sparkle.
wille-*;
wille-künu- (Vi) to urinate;
wille-ñ (N) urine (JM); cf. wülleñ,
willi (N) South;
willi-che (N) people from the South, Huilliche.
willki (N) thrush (bird) (JM); cf. wilki ;
willki(l)-ko (N) creek; cf. wichill-ko.
wim- (Vi) to get used; ew wimün ‘I already got used [to it]’;
wim-el- ∼ wim-üm- (Vt) to make someone used to (-mew);
wim-el-ka- ∼ wim-üm-ka- (Vt) to take much trouble making someone used to;
wim-tu- (Vt) to get used to.
wima- (Vt) to hit someone (with something flexible like a belt or a branch), to
lash; añi üy ñi trawa wimamuetew kuri ‘my skin pricked where the nettle had
stung me’.
wimültu (N) framework of sticks or bamboo on which straw and reed are fas-
tened in order to make a thatched roof;
wimültu- (Vi, Vt) to make a framework.
winol- (Vi) to crawl;
winol-küle- (Vi) to be crawling in one direction.
wiño- (Vi) to go back, to return; petú wiñolay ‘he is not back yet’;
wiño-kintu- (Vt) to look back;
wiño-tu- (Vt) to go back to, to go back for.
wingka (N) stranger, a non-Mapuche, a white man who abuses the Mapuche
people; pichike wingkaniey ‘he has got a little bit of a wingka’;
wingka-w- (Vi) to become estranged, to abandon Mapuche ways.
wingkul (N) hill, mountain.
wingü - (Vt) to drag along.
wira*;
wira-künu-w- (Vi) to adopt a position with the legs apart;
wira-le- (Vi) to sit with the legs apart.
Dictionary 577
wiraf- (Vi) to gallop;

wiraf-küle- (Vi) to be running at a gallop.
wirar- (Vi, Vt) to shout; wirarnieenew ‘he is shouting at me’;
wirar-wirar-nge- (Vi) to be shouting all the time; wirarwirarngey ñi ngüman
‘she was crying loudly’;
wirar-el- (Vt) to shout at (someone far away).
wiri- (Vt) to write, to draw a line/lines;
wiri-l- (Vt) to write to;
wiri-l-ka- (Vt) to make someone write;
wiri-n (N) line; tüfá wirinlonko ‘that [is] a parting (in the hair)’.
wirko (N) pile;
wirko-l- (Vt) to pile up, to heap up;
wirko-le- (Vi) to be piled up, to be cramped; femngechi feyta oy pichin mapu
wirkolelayiñ ‘now wep are no longer crowded on a small piece of land’.
wirwir- (Vi) to squeal (pigs), to squeak (new chairs); wirwirüy sañwe ‘the pig
squealed’.
wisá ∼ wishá (Adj, Adv) bad, badly (JM); cf. weshá.
wita- (vi) to beat, to pulse, to throb; petú witay tañi kuwü ‘my hand is throb-
bing’;
wita-le- (Vi) to be beating, to be throbbing.
witra-1 (Vi) to stand up, to get up; iñché witran epé rangi antü ‘I got up just
before noon’; kom anüleyiñ welu iñché witran yemeal ko ‘wep were all seated
but I got up to fetch water’; witrange! ‘get up!’; witrawitray ‘they are standing’;
witra-witra-tu- (Vi) to get up and sit down again;
witra-ñ-püra-m- (Vt) to put straight; epuñma witrañpüramfiyu tüfachi mesa
‘the two of us wed put this table straight’;
witra-künu- (Vt) to put straight and leave it straight;
witra-künu-w- (Vi) to get up and stay put, to come to a stand still; witrakünu-
wnge! ‘get up and stand still!’; iñché trekalefun, perumen fentren che, fey
witrakünuwün ‘[while] I was walking, I suddenly saw a lot of people [and] then
I stopped’;
witra-l- (Vt) to make someone get up;
witra-le- (Vi) to be standing up;
witra-ñma-nie- (Vt) to stand up/to stop next to someone;
witra-n-alwe (N) raised soul (demon). Witches (kalku) can raise the spirit of
the dead and transform it into a witranalwe, a tall, well dressed, usually male,
apparition with sparkling eyes. The witranalwe leaves a bad smell behind, see
also text 1.
witra-2 (Vt) to pull, to draw; witraniengen ‘I am being pulled’;
witra-nentu- (Vt) to pull out;
witra-ntuku- (Vt) to pull in;
witra-tu- (Vt) to pull, to draw, to lead someone by the arm/hand; witrayuwyu
‘wed walked arm in arm’; witratunien ñi trewa ‘I keep my dog on the leash’.
witraf- (Vt) to tear (up), to slice; witraffiñ ti koral ‘I tore the fence’ (in order
578 Dictionary
to get through); pürüm mekiy ñi witrafkan ilo ‘they were immediately busy
cutting the meat up’;
witraf-küle- (Vi) to be torn.
witral (N) warp, loom;
witra-witral-we (N) one of the two vertical posts which make up the side of the
framework of a loom;
witral- (Vt) to form the warp, to weave; ti füw witralngey ‘the wool was wound
to form the warp’;
witral-nge- (Vi) to have a loom.
witran (N) visit, visitor; kiñe witran nien ‘I have got one visitor’;
witran-ma- (Vi, Vt) to get a visitor/visitors, to visit; witranmamefin ‘I went to
pay him a visit’; witranmapaenew ‘they came to visit me’; witranmaniepan ñi
ñuke ‘I am visiting my mother’; witranmaniepaenew ‘she is visiting me’;
witran-nge- (Vi) to pay a visit; witranngepun tañi lamngenmu ‘I paid my bro-
ther a visit’.
witror- (Vi) to hiccup, to hiccough;
witror-küle- (Vi) to have the hiccups.
witru- (Vi, Vt) to stream, to throw; witruy ko ‘the water streamed’;
witru-amu-le- (Vi) to be streaming;
witru-ko- (Vt) to throw water on;
witru-naq- (Vi) to flow down;
witru-nentu- (Vt) to throw out;
witru-witru-nge- (Vi) to be streaming;
witru-le- (Vi) to be streaming;
witru-n (N) stream;
witru-we (N) sling.
witrullko (N) creek (MM); cf. wichill .
witrur (N) tendon (RR), back of the knee (JM).
woto- (Vi) to vote; Sp. votar.
wu a- (Vi) to separate (JM); cf. wü a-.
wullu - (to wipe, to clean) (JM); cf. ngullu - ∼ ngüllu -;
wullu -küle- (Vi) to be wiped, to be cleaned.
wutretu- (Vt) to pinch, to squeeze (JM); cf. rütretu-.
wüchür- (Vt) to twist, to turn round (JM); cf. wichü-;
wüchür-küle- (Vi) to be twisted/distorted.
wü a- (Vi) to split up, to separate; wu a- (JM, MM); wü ayngu ‘theyd split
up’;
wü a-le- (Vi) to be separated;
wü a-m- (Vt) to split up; wu a-m- ∼ wü a-m- (JM);
wü a-m-el- (Vt) to split up and give away;
wü a-m-ka- (Vt) to split up in many parts;
wü am-küle- (Vi) to be split up.
wü ka- (Vi) to break;
wü ka-n (N) piece; wü kan kofke ‘a piece of bread’.
Dictionary 579
wü ko ∼ wüsko (N) a bird (RR).

wü ü- (Vt) to make pottery; wi ü- (JM);
wü ü-le- (Vi) to be making pottery;
wü ü-fe (N) potter.
wüyá ∼ würá (Adj, Adv) bad, badly (RR); cf. weshá.
wüyü- (Vi) to become dizzy, to become sick; wiyü- (JM);
wüyü-le- (Vi) to be dizzy/sick.
wüywü- (Vi) to become thirsty; iñché wüywün kü awel ‘I got thirsty when I
was working’;
wüywü-le- (Vi) to be thirsty.
wükeñ- (Vi) to whistle; wikeñ- ∼ wükeñ- (RR); wükeñkiy wiyu ‘the wiyu whist-
les’.
wül- (Vt) to give something, to hand over; cf. elu- ‘to give to’; wülüy aywiñ ‘it
gave shade’; iñché wülün kiñe trewa kiñe wentru(mew) ‘I gave a dog to a man’;
wül-tuku- (Vt) to promise (one’s daughter); wültukuy ñi ñawe feychi wentrumew
‘he promised his daugther to that man’;
wül-uw- (Vi) to give oneself, to surrender, to lend oneself.
wülá (Adv) then, until; ku uleay ta kutran, tremole wülá witrayay ‘the patient
must stay in bed, if he gets better, then he may get up’; küpale wülá amuan ‘I
will go the moment he comes’; tripalayaymi rukamew iñché wiñoli wülá ‘don’t
go out of the house until I get back’; epu mari tripantu wülá puwülüymi fey
pütremtuaymi ‘when yous will be twenty years old, yous are allowed to smoke
(don’t smoke before you are twenty years old)’;
fey wülá (Adv) then, that moment;
fewlawla ( + fey-wüla-wüla + ) (Adv) right now, this minute;
wülewla ( + wüle-wüla + ) (Adv) tomorrow (with emphasis).
wüle ∼ wile (Adv) tomorrow; only wüle (JM, MM);
wülewla ( + wüle-wüla + ) (Adv) tomorrow (with emphasis).
wülel- (Vt) to hit, to slap, to smack, to stump.
wülngiñ (N, Adv) front, (immediately) in front, near the door; wülngiñ ñi
ruka(mew) müliy kiñe walle ‘right in front of my house there is a tree’.
wüllü-*;
wüllü-künu- (Vi) to urinate;
wüllü-tu- ∼ wülli-tu- (Vi) to urinate (RR):
wülleñ (N) urine; cf. willeñ (JM).
wün (N, Adv) dawn, at dawn; epé wün tripay ‘he left when it was almost dawn’;
wün- (Vi) to dawn; petú ñi wünnun rumé ‘before it dawns’;
wün-ma- (Vi) to experience dawn, to see the sun rise;
wün-ma-n-mew (Adv) the next day, the following morning.
wün (N) mouth;
ke-wün (N) tongue;
mellfu-wün (N) lip.
wüné (Adj, Adv) first(ly), sooner, in front; wüné puwüy ‘he arrived first’;
iñchiumew wüné puwüy ‘he arrived ahead of usd’; wüneke puwchi che ‘the ones
580 References
who arrived first’;

wüné pülé (Adv) to the front;
wüne-tu (Adv) first;
wüne- (Vi, Vt) to be the first, to precede; wünenge ‘after you!’;
wüne-le- (Vi) to be first, to be in front;
wüne-lu-mew (Adv) first (MM); wünelumew mülepuy ‘he is there first’;
wüne-l (N) the first;
wüne-l- (Vt) to let someone go first, to do something first (before somebody
else);
wüne-l-küle- (Vi) to be the first/leader/captain;
wüne-l-tuku- (Vt) to sow/plant early/first;
wüne-n (N) first, elder, eldest; iñché ñi wünen ‘my elder (brother or sister)’.
wünfü- (Vi) to snap;
wünfü-ka-w- (Vi) to snap all of them/everywhere; wünfükawkülerkiy ti mamüll
wenu ‘(I understand that) a lot [of branches] high up in the tree have snapped’.
wünü- (Vi) to stretch, to become longer;
wüne-le- (Vi) to be stretched; wünülefuy ñi ungu ‘their problems had accu-
mulated’;
wünü-m- (Vt) to stretch.
wüñangkü- (Vi) to become sad, to become homesick (for), to long for (MM);
cf. weñangkü-.
wüngü - (Vt) to drag (along).
würá ∼ wüyá (bad) (RR); cf. weshá.
würta (N) vegetable garden; Sp. huerta.
würwan (N) smell, odour; kümé würwanngey ‘it has a nice smell’;
würwan-tuku- (Vt) to inhale the odour, to sniff up.
würwen (N) steam; cf. würwür .
würwür (N) steam (RR, MM);
würwür- (Vi) to steam;
würwür-küle- (Vi) to be steaming;
würwür-würwür-nge- (Vi) to be steaming a lot.
wütre (N, Adj, Adv) cold; wütre antü ‘a cold day’; makuntunge chafoafuymi
wütremew ‘put on a coat, yous might catch a cold because of the cold’;
wütre- (Vi) to become cold;
yanchü-wütre- (Vi) to shiver with cold;
wütre-ntu- (Vt) to find it cold;
wütre-nge- (Vi) to be cold weather.
wütrü (N) wooden ladle, portion.
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Contents of the CD
1. Demons, Luis Quinchavil (text 1)

2. Missionary, Luis Quinchavil (text 4)
3. Olden Times, Rafael Railaf (text 7)
4. Conversation about youth, Luis Quinchavil and Rafael Railaf (text 9)
5. Our reservation, Mario Millapi (text 12)
6. Song 1, Rafael Railaf (text 15)

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Mouton Grammar Library

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Smeets, Ineke, 1950!

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek

6.1.2 Single consonants in suﬃxes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43

23.4 Comitative noun phrase . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138

26.4.10 -lu ∼ -∅ Subjective verbal noun . . . . . . . . . . . . 217

26.31 Slot 31. -(u)w- reflexive/reciprocal . . . . . . . . . . . . 290

. separates constituent elements of a gloss

The Mapuche people

The Actual Situation

The systematic reduction of Mapuche territory, which started in the 1880s

Names and subgroups

Origin of the Mapuche

subdued in the military campaign known as the Campaña de pacificación de

The Mapuche language

Names and dialects

Map 2: Distribution of Mapuche dialects. Dialect subgroup boundaries after

The actual situation

This book presents a description of the Mapuche language as it is spoken in

This grammar is a description of the dialect of Luis Quinchavil from Nueva

3.2 Outline of the grammar

(7) nü-n mapu

(8) nü-fi-n mapu

(9) nü-ñma-fi-n mapu

Phonology and morphophonology

lab. interdent.-alv. pal. retr. vel.

4.1.1 Phonetic specification of consonant phonemes

4.1.2 On the orthography of consonant phonemes

4.2.1 Phonetic specification of vowel phonemes

a distinction is suggested by the graphs and ü, used in the dictionary of

4.3 Vowels and glides

4.3.1.1 Contrast between vowels or glides and homorganic sequences

i vs iy word medially, before a consonant:

4.3.1.2 Contrast involving non-homorganic sequences

An alternative analysis would assign all realizations of ü and q to a single

Between consonants, however, several complex sequences occur:

In order to avoid orthographic confusion and the formulation of excessively

4.4 Evidence for an interdental-alveolar contrast

4.5 Phoneme alternation and free variation

4.5.1 Phoneme alternation

(RR/MM) kisu ∼ kishu ‘alone’

(RR) liq ∼ lir ‘white’ (LQ: lüq)

4.5.2 Free variation of vowel phonemes

ayü-w-ün ∼ ayu-w-ün ‘I am glad’

4.6 Idiolectal diﬀerences

A Mapuche word consists either of a root only or of a root followed by one or

5.1 Root structure

5.2 Suﬃx structure

V a nrld9 amu-a-n ‘I shall go ’

5.3 Structure of words

5.4 The influence of borrowing

In this chapter I first discuss the distribution of consonants (single consonants,

6.1 Single consonants

6.1.2 Single consonants in suﬃxes

6.2 Biconsonantal clusters

6.2.1 Biconsonantal clusters in roots

6.2.2 Biconsonantal clusters in suﬃxes