The Saga of The Argonauts A Reflex of TH PDF
The Saga of The Argonauts A Reflex of TH PDF
The Saga of The Argonauts A Reflex of TH PDF
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BAR S2432
The Black Sea, Paphlagonia, Pontus and Phrygia in Antiquity: Aspects of archaeology and ancient history
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THE SAGA OF THE ARGONAUTS: A REFLEX OF THRACO-PHRYGIAN
MARITIME ENCROACHMENT ON THE SOUTHERN PONTIC
LITTORAL*
Fred C. WOUDHUIZEN
Dutch Archaeological and Historical Society, c/o Het Hoekstuk 69, 1852 KX Heiloo, The Netherlands
[email protected]
Abstract: The saga of the Argonauts is generally assumed to be a reflex of Greek maritime activity in the Black Sea region, either
during the Early Iron Age or even during the Late Bronze Age. In accordance with this assumption, the presence or absence of Greek
or Mycenaean archaeological material is used as a criterion for verification or falsification of the historical validity of the myth. This
approach, however, disregards the fact that the saga in question is embedded in the ‘Minyische Schicht’ of the royal house of Iolkos,
in which qualification Minyan refers to the original inhabitants of Greece encountered by the first Greeks at the time of their arrival
in this country, dateable to the period of the shaft graves (ca. 1600 BC). In this paper, then, I will argue that among the pre-Greek
population groups a dominant position was taken by Phrygian and Thracian tribes, which, if they refused to submit to the rule of
their new overlords, were driven from their homeland by the Greek conquerors and forced to take refuge in the North Aegean and
southern Pontic region. Such a population drift would go a long way to explain, for example, why the Kaskans posed an ever
growing threat to Hittite control of their northern provinces from the later phase of the Old Kingdom period, i.e. the 16th century
BC, onwards, whereas before this even the coastal town of Zalpa formed an integral part of the Hittite realm and relations with it
were only disturbed by dynastic troubles. If the saga of the Argonauts is indeed a reflex to this particular population drift, or of
maritime contacts between Greece and the southern Pontic region anterior to this, its historical nucleus is not only much more
ancient than commonly assumed, but generations of scholars have also been looking for the wrong set of archaeological data to
either substantiate or dismiss it.
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THE BLACK SEA, PAPHLAGONIA, PONTUS AND PHRYGIA IN ANTIQUITY: ASPECTS OF ARCHAEOLOGY AND ANCIENT HISTORY
Fig. 1: Frieze of the Schimmel vase (after Watkins 2002, 170, fig. 1)
reflection of an historical reality altogether? Against such On the other hand, it is worth noting that the general
a conclusion militates the fact that the motif of the setting of the Argonauts’ sage is situated in the reign of
Golden Fleece, as observed by Victor Haas, although king Pelias over Iolkos, who belongs to the ‘Minyische
faintly traceable in Greek myth (viz. in the competition Schicht’ in the royal house in question, and hence is
for the kingship of Mycenae between the sons of Pelops, datable in archaeological terms to the earlier phase of the
Atreus and Thyestes), strikingly recalls the Hittite Late Bronze Age, say Late Helladic I-IIB (ca. 1600-1400
KUŠ
kurša, a royal symbol of prosperity, which was hung in BC), which is still characterised by Minyan ware and cist
a certain species of tree in the neighbourhood of an altar, graves typical of the Middle Helladic period.7 As a con-
and the disappearance and recovery of which symbolised sequence, if we take this setting seriously, we should not
the change from the winter to the summer season or the be looking to Mycenaean Greek contacts with Anatolia in
recovery of natural abundance to the kingdom.3 This general and the southern Black Sea region in specific, but
Hittite symbol of prosperity, then, is depicted on the so- those of the original Middle Helladic population groups,
called Schimmel vase next to a tree and in association usually grouped together in the literary sources under the
with a quiver and the head and hoofs of a stag (see Fig. blanket terms Minyans or Pelasgians.
1), and, as stipulated by Calvert Watkins, actually
consists of a hunting bag, in which the hunter gathers his In order to determine the validity of this entirely new
trophies.4 It seems unlikely to assume that the Greeks corner of incidence, I will in the following survey the
preserved the memory of such a specific Hittite religious relevant data, first from an Anatolian viewpoint and then
item as the KUŠkurša in such astonishing detail without from a Greek.
intimate contacts, in whatever form, actually having taken
place in the period in question, which means the Late
Bronze Age.5 ANATOLIAN PERSPECTIVE
In this connection, it deserves our attention that the Working from an Anatolian perspective, there are three
contacts between the Mycenaean Greeks and the Hittites, questions of relevance to our topic:
though directly attested in the form of, for example, the
correspondence between the Hittite king Muwatallis II (1) Why did Palaic die out already during the Old Hittite
and the king of AÌÌiyawa, were of a superficial nature, period, presumably sometime in the 16th century
and, as most recently shown by Jorrit Kelder, Mycenaean BC?8
influence in Anatolia as reflected in the distribution of (2) Where did all the Kashkans come from, who troubled
Mycenaean pottery was confined to the margins of the the Hittites in the northern parts of their realm from
western coastal zone.6 At any rate, in later Greek literary an advanced stage of the Old Hittite period (from
sources the memory to the Hittites is almost negligible, Ëantilis I onwards) only, whereas formerly for
being largely confined to the mythical Amazons upon example the northern coastal town of Zalpa had
which those penetrating into the Anatolian heartland, like formed an integral part of the Hittite realm,
Bellerophon going from Lycia to the interior or the endangered only by dynastic troubles?9
Phrygians under Otreus and Mygdon along the Sangarios,
are reported to have stumbled. (3) How can we explain for the fact that Mita of
PaÌÌuwa, a ruler of the region to the northeast of the
3
Haas 1978. Hittite heartland at the time of TudÌaliyas II and
4
Watkins 2002. Arnuwandas I in the late 15th and beginning of the
5
Note that the appointment of a wasÌaī kursà ‘lord of the fleece’ by the 14th century BC bears a Phrygian royal name,
Phrygian king Midas according to a Luwian hieroglyphic inscription namely Midas?10
from Babylon of the late 8th century BC indicates that the religious
practice continued into the Early Iron Age among the Phrygians, so that 7
the possibility of a transfer to Greece in the latter period, though Woudhuizen 2006a, 62.
8
less likely, cannot be entirely excluded (see Woudhuizen 2004, 105- Melchert 1994, 10.
9
06). Bryce 1998, 74, 90.
6 10
Kelder 2004-05. Bryce 1998, 155-56.
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F.C. WOUDHUIZEN: THE SAGA OF THE ARGONAUTS: A REFLEX OF THRACO-PHRYGIAN MARITIME ENCROACHMENT…
In order to answer these questions, we will have to Within the frame of this reconstruction of the northern
address the problem of the Hittite northern frontier, often limits of the Hittite empire, it is noteworthy that, for
left as a blank zone in the maps, in general and that of the example, the Hittite king Ëattusilis III was so proud of
ethnic make-up of the Kashkans more in particular. his recovery of Nerik, just a little south of Zalpa along the
Halys river, that he named his son Nerikkailis after it.
In his 1965 work on the Kashkans, Einar von Schuler And yet, even this king who put the greatest effort of all
distinguished a group to the west of the mouth of the to integrate the Kashkans within the empire, was not able
Halys and one to the east of it. The western Kashkans are to reconquer Zalpa along the coast just a few kilometres
recorded to have taken possession of the province of north of Nerik. If we add to this that the Hittite kings for
Tumana in the reign of Suppiluliumas I. This latter a long period exercised a strategy of depopulation in the
province is associated with the River DaÌara and the territory in control of the Kashkans and these still were
mountain Kassu, which, against the backdrop of Tumana eager to encroach on Hittite lands, one cannot but
corresponding to classical Domanitis, can positively be conclude that in the course of time there just happened to
identified with respectively the River Amnias (present- arrive more and more of them, probably by sea.
day Gök Irmak) and Mount Olgassys (present-day Ilgaz
Dağları). As specified by von Schuler,11 there are no This brings us to the ethnic make-up of the Kashkans. In
Kashkans recorded west of the river called Parthenios in line with the observations of von Schuler, it cannot be
the classical sources (present-day Filyos). The eastern denied that the majority of the place and personal names
Kashkans feature prominently in the texts from Tapika or of the Kashkans are just straightforwardly Anatolian, if
Maşat Höyük,12 dated to the reign of Suppiluliumas I’s not IE Anatolian. Nevertheless, there can be distinguished
father TudÌaliyas III, and are located along the among them a category which is definitely not Anatolian,
KummesmaÌa river, positively identified with the classi- but either Thracian or Phrygian. Among the first category
cal Lykos (present-day Kelkit Irmak). The source of this I would classify the personal names Pittagatallis,
river lies a little south of classical Trapezus (present-day Pittaparas, Pendumlis, and the place names PittalaÌsa,
Trapzon), to the east of which the bordering kingdom and Zagapura, ËuÌazalma, Aripša, among which we can
later Hittite province of Azzi-Ëayasa must be situated, determine the Thracian onomastic or toponymic elements
where in Urartian and classical sources QulÌa13 or the Pitta-, Bend-, -para, -poris, -zelmis, and the Homeric
Kolkhoi and Makrones are located. Although the border Trojan place name Arisbē, sometimes in combination
with the eastern Kashkans, like the one in the west, with IE Anatolian elements, like the formation of agent
shifted in time, von Schuler places it along the line of nouns in -talli- and -ÌuÌa- ‘grandfather’.17 To the second
Osmancık–Gümuş (north of Amasya) –Turhal–Kelkit category, on the other hand, belong the personal names
Irmak.14 AsÌapalas, Kurijallis, Taskuwalis,18 and the place names
Midduwa,19 Duma or Tumma (from which Tumana is
If we realise that the entry to the province of Pala is derived), Kurtalisa, Pargalla, ZidaparÌa, Taskulija,
formed by mountains west of Mount Kassu, it lies at hand bearing testimony of the onomastic or toponymic
to assume that it was situated south of the cluster of elements Aska-, Kurija-, Dasky-, Mida-, Gord-, and
mountains to be found here (present-day Isik Dağ, Briga-,20 etc., sometimes in combination with IE
Yıldırum Dağ, Külüklü Dağ and Benli Dağ) and hence is Anatolian elements, again, like adjectival -ali- and zida-
not to be identified with classical Blaende along the upper ‘man’, and the vocabulary word duma- for some sort of
Amnias. At any rate, it is clear from the relevant sources social organisation.21 In view of this evidence, it stands to
that Pala formed an integral part of the Hittite empire, reason to assume that the Kashkans consisted of Thraco-
whereas the region north of the aforesaid cluster of Phrygian population groups, who infiltrated the Anatolian
mountains, stretching out to west of the Parthenios river, heartland from the European continent already before
certainly did not. Accordingly, Gordion along the upper their kinsmen from the Early Iron Age did so. This
Sangarios, to be identified with Hittite SaÌiriya (present- Thraco-Phrygian population drift from the European
day Sakariya), may well have belonged to the province of continent, then, helps us to explain why Palaic died out,
Pala, which coincides with the fact that its Late Bronze as its speakers were probably ousted by the newcomers
Age levels are characterised by Hittite pottery and who, in contrast to their kinsmen to the north,
Luwian hieroglyphic sealings.15 In fact, the northern limit subsequently integrated into the Hittite empire.
of the distribution zone of Luwian hieroglyphic seals and
sealings may give us a fair idea of the northern border of 17
Woudhuizen 1993b; cf. Detschew 1976.
18
the province of Pala or the northern limits of Hittite 19
Mora 1987, group VIb 1.22.
influence in this region more in general (see Fig. 2).16 If we realise that the current toponymic element -nuwa ‘new’ can be
represented by syncopated -nwa, or perhaps even by the reversal of its
11 middle vowel as -unwa, in Sakkadunwa, it may reasonably be argued
von Schuler 1965, 62. that Mudduwa originates from *Middunwa by apokope of syllable-final
12
Alp 1991. [n] and hence belongs to this rather common group of IE Anatolian
13
Salvini 1995, maps. place names indicating one time new foundations.
14
von Schuler 1965, 52. 20
Note that the different forms of the Phrygian ethnonym, like Briges or
15
Güterbock 1980; Henrickson and Voigt 1998. Brugoi or Phruges or Phrugoi, epichoric vrekun-, and the related
16
Marazzi 1986 and 1990, Tav. XXI: no. 17 Gordion; no. 60 Yağri; no. personal name (W)rakios or Awarkus (see Forlanini 1996), just like the
7 Bıtık; no. 15 Eskiyapar; no. 14 Doğantepe. Marazzi 1986 and 1990, toponymic element parga- or parÌa- all seem to be derived from PIE
Tav. XXI also include a Luwian hieroglyphic inscription on an orthostat *bhṛĝh(i)- ‘high’ as a reference to dwellers of heights comparable to
from İnandık, which, however, I could not trace in the sources referred Celtic Brigantes.
21
to and therefore have omitted from my Fig. 2. Cf. Woudhuizen 2008-09.
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THE BLACK SEA, PAPHLAGONIA, PONTUS AND PHRYGIA IN ANTIQUITY: ASPECTS OF ARCHAEOLOGY AND ANCIENT HISTORY
Fig. 2: Map of Anatolia with distribution of findspots of (a) Hittite cuneiform texts and (b) Luwian
hieroglyphic Late Bronze Age inscriptions (b1) on rock and stone monuments, (b2) on seals and sealings,
and (b3) on a bronze bowl, and the extent of the Hittite empire based hereon (after F. Starke, In Die
Hethiter und ihr Reich, Das Volk der 1000 Götter [Bonn 2002], 55)
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F.C. WOUDHUIZEN: THE SAGA OF THE ARGONAUTS: A REFLEX OF THRACO-PHRYGIAN MARITIME ENCROACHMENT…
Fig. 3: Map of Anatolia with distribution zones of (a) Luwian hieroglyphic inscriptions
and (b) Minyan ware (after Palmer 1965, 326, fig. 46)
If we next continue with the Greek evidence concerning further attested by the place name Phrixopolis (Ideëssa)
the region behind Troy, about which the Hittite sources to the north of the River Phasis (Strabo 11. 2. 18) and the
appear to be silent, we are confronted with Thraco- ethnonym Moskhoi (a variant spelling of Muski),25 in
Phrygians, again. In the first place, there is Merops of between Colchis and Armenia, after whom Moskhike, the
Perkote, the father of the leader of the Trojan contingent Moskhian mountains, and Moschorum tractus are named
from the district of Adresteia, Pityeia, and Tereia (Homer (DNP s.v. Moschoi). Next, the origin of the Armenian
Iliad 2. 828-834), whose name is of the same type as that tribe of the Makrōnes, inhabiting the coastal zone to the
of Pelops, Mopsops, and Phainops, whereas the place east of the later Greek colony Trapezus, is according to a
names are of Phrygian (Adrāstos) or Thracian (gloss pitúē scholium to Apollonius of Rhodes Argonautica 1. 1024
‘treasure’, Tērēs) type. Secondly, we are informed that traced back to Pelasgians from Euboia, which in
Priamos when still able to fight himself, which means the given context appears to coincide reasonably well
about a generation before the Trojan war of ca. 1280 BC, with Herodotus’ view (7. 73) that the Armenians
had come to the aid of the Phrygians under Otreus and are a[poikoi of the Phrygians.26 Against the backdrop of
Mygdon who had mustered their forces along the banks these eastern Phrygians, then, the identification of the
of the Sangarios in order to ward off the threat by the name of Mita of PaÌÌuwa, whose realm shared a number
Amazons (Homer Iliad 3. 184-187). Finally, the of places with that of Azzi-Ëayasa,27 located, as we have
Kaukones, who are stated by Herodotus (4. 148) to seen, to the south-east of the source of the present-day
ultimately originate from Triphylia in the Peloponnese, Kelkit Irmak, in the habitat of the Kolkhoi and the
especially the region where later places like Lepreon, Makrōnes, as a Phrygian royal name needs no special
Makistos, Phrixai, and Pyrgos are found, and who are pleading.
identified by Paul Kretschmer24 as Phrygians, probably
had already taken their historic position in the region 25
Pace Wittke 2004, who maintains that the ethnonym Muski does not
across the lower Sangarios up to the Parthenios river in refer to Phrygians; note, however, that the presence of Muski in the
classical Paphlagonia (see Strabo 12. 3. 5) at the time of neighbourhood of the realm of TarÌuntassa is documented already by a
Luwian hieroglyphic inscription of king Ëartapus dated to the 12th
the Trojan War (cf. Homer Iliad 10. 429; 20. 329). It century BC, bearing testimony of the country name Masàkana- (see
should be noted, however, that this latter possibly Woudhuizen 2004, 36). The ultimately western origin of the ethnonym
Phrygian population group originating from southern Muski and related country name Masakana, moreover, can further be
Greece penetrated into a region which apparently falls underlined by the fact that both are derivatives from the ethnonym or
country name Masa or Mysia (cf. Luwian hieroglyphic Muśaī-
outside the distribution zone of the Minyan ware. ‘Mysian’), the former in -k- and N(m/f) pl. in -i (cf. Phoini-k-es, Cretan
hieroglyphic Payaki ‘Phaiakians’ of seal no. 296 and Etrus-c-i
On the analogy of the Kashkans being divided into a ‘Etruscans’, etc.) and the latter in -kana- < PIE *ĝenh1- (for comparative
evidence of ethnonyms showing a reflex of PIE *ĝenh1-, cf. Etruscan
western and an eastern group, the Greek literary sources Tursikina- and Avhircina- as attested for Rix 1991, Cl 2.3 and AT 3.2,
also inform us, alongside the Phrygians in the west just respectively).
mentioned, about Phrygians in the east. Thus, the one 26
Note in this connection that within the Indo-European group of
who preceded Jason in his voyage to Colchis and left the languages Phrygian, Armenian, possibly Thracian, and Illyrian are most
closely related to Greek (see Woudhuizen 2006a, 65-67; 2006b, 139-
Golden Fleece there, Phrixos, is nothing but a heroe’s 40); and that Phrygian for its close relation to Mycenaean must have
eponym of the Phrygians, whose presence in the region is split off from Greek during the Late Bronze Age (see Woudhuizen
1993a; 2008-09).
24 27
Kretschmer 1896, 207. del Monte and Tischler 1978, s.v. Azi.
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THE BLACK SEA, PAPHLAGONIA, PONTUS AND PHRYGIA IN ANTIQUITY: ASPECTS OF ARCHAEOLOGY AND ANCIENT HISTORY
Fig. 4: Map of the Mediterranean with distribution of (a) Linear A inscriptions found
outside Crete and (b) places referred to by Linear B forms related to toponyms located
outside Crete and the Greek mainland (including Euboea); note that the remaining legends
refer to locations with tin deposits presumably mined already during antiquity
CONCLUSION APPENDIX
From the preceding survey it may safely be concluded (a) Distribution of Linear A inscriptions found outside
that the relevant Hittite and Greek sources are largely Crete
complementary about a Thraco-Phrygian population drift 1. Monte Morrone, Sulmona (Facchetti and Negri
from the southern Balkans if not altogether middle and 2003, tav. I)
southern Greece to northwest Anatolia and the southern 2. Ayos Stephanos (HS Zg 1)
shores of the Black Sea from the beginning of the Late 3. Kythera (KY Zg 1; Za 2)
Bronze Age (ca. 1600 BC) onwards. Evidently, this 4. Kea (KE 1; Wc 2; Zb 3-5)
population drift had been set in motion by the conquest of 5. Melos (MI Zb 1; 2)
southern Greece by a Hyksos-like gang of chariot 6. Thera (THE Zb 1-4)
fighters, some of whose leaders were buried in the shaft 7. Samothrace (SA Wc 1)
graves at Mycenae.28 Although it cannot be strictly 8. Drama (DRA Zg 1)
proven, it seems, on the basis of the prominent position of 9. Troy (TRO Zg 1-2)
the Argo in the saga of the Argonauts, that shipping 10. Miletos (MIL Zb 1)
played a role in the given population drift (note that the 11. Lycia (Meriggi)30
inability of the Hittites to reconquer Zalpa along the shore 12. Amisos (Bossert 1942, Abb. 6)
of the Black Sea serves as a hint to Thraco-Phrygian 13. Tel Haror (Oren 1996, 99, fig. 1a)
maritime supremacy in this region). In any case, such a
Sources: Godart and Olivier 1976-85; Niemeier 1996
scenario may well receive further emphasis from the fact
(Miletos), 99, fig. 3 (overview); Godart 1994 and Faure
that the Minoans from Crete and after them the 1996 (Troy); Oren 1996, 99, fig. 1a (Tel Haror); Facchetti
Mycenaean Greeks can, on the basis of the distribution 2002, 138 (Samothrace); Facchetti and Negri 2003, 188-
of Linear A inscriptions (including Amisos or Eski 91, tav. I (Monte Morrone); Bossert 1942, Abb. 6 (Eski
Samsun) and reflexes of toponyms in onomastics (i.c. pa- Samsun = Amisos); Meriggi (Lycia); cf. Woudhuizen
pa-ra-ko ‘Paphlagon’ and ko-ki-da ‘Kolkhidas’ or ko-ki- 2006b, 35, fig. 8.
de-ja ‘Kolkhideios’) be shown to have been at least
indirectly (probably through the intermediary of Thraco- 30
The Lycian evidence, referred to in a note by Meriggi which
Phrygian inhabitants of the north Aegean region) in unfortunately I cannot trace back, consists of the attestation of only one
contact with the southern littoral of the Black Sea (see sign in form of a spoked wheel, which in terms of Cretan Linear A
means L 29 ka. Admittedly, this particular sign may alternatively come
Fig. 4).29 into consideration as an instance of Luwian hieroglyphic *290 Ìa+r(a/i)
without the ‘thorn’ *383 +r(a/i), 2. Notwithstanding this fact, its Cretan
28
Woudhuizen 2006a, 59-67. Linear antecedents appear to receive further emphasis from the fact that
29
The given Minoan contacts may be assumed to have culminated in a signs of Cretan Linear origin like, for instance, the double-axe L 52 a,
dynastic marriage, as the owner of the Cretan hieroglyphic royal seals can be found in the later Lycian alphabet, in the given case for
nos. 255 and 300 bears the Kashkan name Pittaparas (see Woudhuizen secondary e (= ẽ), whereas such an observation does not apply to the
2006b, 80-81). possible Luwian hieroglyphic option.
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F.C. WOUDHUIZEN: THE SAGA OF THE ARGONAUTS: A REFLEX OF THRACO-PHRYGIAN MARITIME ENCROACHMENT…
(b) Linear B forms related to toponyms located outside Crete and the Greek mainland (including Euboia)
Sources: Ventris and Chawick 1973, glossary, s.v.; Smit 1986-87, 50, n. 14 (mi-ra, ma-sa-de); Palaima 1991, 280, n. 37
(pa-pa-ra-ko), 307 (ku-pa-si-ja); Hiller 1991, 214 (ko-ki-da, ko-ki-de-jo); Plath 1994, 403 (pe-ri-te-u); Parker 1999 (ki-
ni-di-ja, mi-ra-ti-ja, ra-mi-ni-ja, ki-si-wi-ja, a-swi-ja, to-ro, pa-pa-ra-ko, wo-di-jo, i-mi-ri-jo, ru-ki-jo); Morris 2001 (a-
pa-si-jo); Aravantinos et al. 2001 (mi-ra-ti-jo); cf. Woudhuizen 2004-05.
31
Mira is the name for the remainder of the kingdom of Arzawa after its defeat by Mursilis II in 1319 BC, whereas Aššuwa or Asia refers to a short-
lived coalition of forces from Wiluša or Troy in the north to Lycia in the south headed by the royal house of Arzawa, which dissolved after its defeat
by the Hittite king TudÌaliyas II sometime during the final decades of the 15th century BC or the beginning of the 14th.
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THE BLACK SEA, PAPHLAGONIA, PONTUS AND PHRYGIA IN ANTIQUITY: ASPECTS OF ARCHAEOLOGY AND ANCIENT HISTORY
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F.C. WOUDHUIZEN: THE SAGA OF THE ARGONAUTS: A REFLEX OF THRACO-PHRYGIAN MARITIME ENCROACHMENT…
271