Essentials of Sociology 6th Ed
Essentials of Sociology 6th Ed
Essentials of Sociology 6th Ed
Essentials
of Sociology
Recent Sociology Titles from
W. W. Norton
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Essentials
of Sociology
Anthony Giddens
London School of Economics
Mitchell Duneier
City University of New York Graduate Center
Princeton University
Richard P. Appelbaum
University of California, Santa Barbara
Deborah Carr
Rutgers University
Copyright © 2017, 2015, 2013, 2011, 2008 by Anthony Giddens, Mitchell Duneier,
Richard P. Appelbaum, and Deborah Carr
Copyright © 2006 by Anthony Giddens, Mitchell Duneier, and Richard P. Appelbaum
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1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0
Contents
PREFACE xix
Contents v
5. Carry Out the Research 25
6. Interpret the Results 25
7. Report the Findings 26
vi Contents
Globalization by the Numbers: Internet Connectivity 67
Globalization and Local Cultures 68
The Big Picture 70
Contents vii
HOW DO WE MANAGE IMPRESSIONS IN DAILY LIFE? 109
Impression Management 109
Focused and Unfocused Interaction 109
Audience Segregation 111
viii Contents
Technology and Modern Organizations 146
The “McDonaldization” of Society 148
Contents ix
Chapter 7: Stratification, Class, 190
and Inequality
WHAT IS SOCIAL STRATIFICATION? 193
Slavery 193
Caste Systems 194
Class 195
Theories of Stratification in Modern Societies 196
Digital Life: Does the Digital Divide Still Matter? 197
x Contents
Digital Life: Can Apps Heal Global Inequalities? 233
Hunger and Malnutrition 234
Education and Literacy 235
Child Labor 235
Contents xi
WHAT ARE THE GLOBAL CONSEQUENCES 278
OF GENDER INEQUALITY?
How Gender Inequality Affects Our Lives 279
The Big Picture 280
xii Contents
HOW DO SOCIOLOGICAL THEORIES 320
CHARACTERIZE FAMILIES?
Functionalism 320
Feminist Approaches 321
New Perspectives in the Sociology of Families 323
Contents xiii
The Social Reproduction of Inequality 363
Intelligence and Inequality 364
Educational Reform in the United States 365
xiv Contents
WHAT ARE KEY ELEMENTS OF THE MODERN ECONOMY? 411
Corporations and Corporate Power 411
Contents xv
Sexual Orientation 449
How Does the Social Context of Bodies, Sexuality, and Health 453
Affect Your Life?
The Big Picture 454
x vi Contents
Chapter 16: Globalization in a 494
Changing World
HOW DOES GLOBALIZATION AFFECT SOCIAL CHANGE? 497
The Physical Environment 498
Political Organization 499
Culture 500
Economic Factors 501
GLOSSARY A1
BIBLIOGRAPHY A11
CREDITS A41
INDEX A43
INDEX OF INFOGRAPHICS A60
Contents x vii
Preface
We believe that sociology plays an essential role in modern intellectual culture
and occupies a central place within the social sciences. We have aimed to write
a book that merges classic sociological theories with up-to-the-minute social
issues that interest sociologists today. We also believe that sociologists must
use rigorous research methods in order to study and understand human behavior. We
highlight findings from ethnographic studies to document the hows and whys of social
behavior, and also present current statistical data to document important social trends.
We aim to present material in a “fair and balanced” way. Although each of the authors has
his or her own perspective on social theories, methods, and social policy, we have worked
hard to ensure that our treatment is unbiased and non-partisan. We strive to present the
most complete picture of sociology possible. Given the vast array of topics encompassed
by sociology, however, we made difficult choices about what the most essential topics in
sociology are today. We hope readers are engaged, intrigued, and occasionally inspired by
the ideas presented in this book.
Major Themes
The book is constructed around four basic themes that provide its character. The
newest theme is applying sociology to everyday life. Sociological thinking enables
self-understanding, which in turn can be focused back on an improved understanding of
Preface xix
the social world. Studying sociology can be a liberating experience: It expands our sympa-
thies and imagination, opens up new perspectives on the sources of our own behavior,
and creates an awareness of cultural settings different from our own. Sociological ideas
challenge dogma, teach appreciation of cultural variety, and allow us insight into the
working of social institutions. At a more practical level, the text shows how technology
affects our daily experiences (new “Digital Life” sections) and how countries across the
globe compare on key metrics such as incarceration rate, maternity leave benefits, and
gender inequality (full-page “Globalization by the Numbers” infographics).
Our second theme is inequalities. Throughout the text, we highlight that import-
ant resources—whether education, health, income, or social support—are not fairly or
evenly distributed to all individuals. We highlight the ways that gender, race, social class,
and age shape our daily lives in the United States. We also pay keen attention to global
inequalities, and reveal how differences in economic and natural resources throughout
the world powerfully influence even very personal experiences—including health, reli-
gion, and relationships.
A third theme of the book is that of social and historical context. Sociology was
born of the transformations that wrenched the industrializing social order of the
West away from the lifestyles characteristic of earlier societies. The pace of social change
has continued to accelerate, and it is possible that we now stand on the threshold of
transitions as significant as those that occurred in the late eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries. Sociology has the prime responsibility for charting the transformations of
our past and for grasping the major lines of development taking place today. Our under-
standing of the past also contributes to our understanding of institutions in the present
and future.
The fourth fundamental theme of the book is globalization. For far too long, sociology
has been dominated by the view that societies can be studied as independent entities.
But even in the past, societies never really existed in isolation. Today we can see a clear
acceleration in processes of global integration. This is obvious, for example, in the expan-
sion of international trade across the world. The emphasis on globalization also connects
closely with the weight given to the interdependence of the industrialized and develop-
ing worlds today.
Despite these interconnections, however, societies have their own distinctive attri-
butes, traditions, and experiences. Sociology cannot be taught solely by understanding the
institutions of any one particular society. While we have slanted our discussion toward the
United States, we have also balanced it with a rich variety of materials drawn from other
regions—especially those undergoing rapid social change, such as the Middle East, Asia,
Africa, and Eastern Europe. The book also includes much more material on developing
countries than has been usual in introductory texts.
All of the chapters in the book have been updated and revised to reflect the most recent
available data. Each chapter opens with a contemporary news event or social trend—
ranging from the most local and seemingly trivial (like an email from Yale University
administrators about Halloween costumes) to the most global and profound (such as the
catastrophic earthquakes in Haiti and Japan). These events are used to motivate and explain
the key sociological concepts, themes, and studies that are elaborated throughout the text.
Other substantive changes include:
xx Preface
Chapter 1 Sociology: Theory and Method
The chapter opener has been updated with more current data on cyberbullying and also
includes the findings of a new school climate study focused on the experiences of LGBT
students. The Digital Life box, “Bullying Goes Viral,” has been reworked to reflect the
recent use of anonymous messenger apps like Yik Yak as a medium for cyberbullying,
highlighting the controversies the app has caused on multiple college campuses. The
chapter also features a new discussion of the work of Herbert Spencer. The discussion of
conflict theories in sociology has been expanded. A new full-page Globalization by the
Numbers infographic, titled “Opinion of the United States,” captures the considerable
differences among nations in the proportion of the population that holds favorable atti-
tudes toward the United States—and how these attitudes have changed over time. This
data is also now presented in a new table.
Chapter 4 Social Interaction and Everyday Life in the Age of the Internet
A new discussion of Internet “trolling” has been added in the section on interactional van-
dalism. The section on race in the public sphere has been expanded with a new discussion
Preface x xi
of Elijah Anderson’s recent work The Cosmopolitan Canopy. A new Digital Life box, titled
“Turning Away from Face-to-face Interaction,” explores how technology is changing the
nature of face-to-face communication by making it possible to hold simultaneous conver-
sations online and in real life. The box draws on a 2015 Pew Research Center study on how
often people use their phones during social activities as well as MIT researcher Sherry
Turkle’s recent work on how smartphone usage has detrimental effects on our ability to
experience empathy. A new full-page Globalization by the Numbers infographic compares
the rates of smartphone ownership in different countries across the globe to provide a
picture of this new digital divide. The section on women and men in public now includes a
discussion of a recent video demonstration conducted on the streets of New York City that
brought attention to the issue of street harassment.
x xii Preface
distribution, mean household income by income group and race, and racial disparities in
wealth have all been updated. The discussion of poverty in the United States has been
updated with more current statistics, including poverty rates by age and race. The figure on
the relative social prestige of U.S. occupations has been updated. The new edition explores
how the 2008 recession and slow economic recovery have affected Americans’ perceptions
of whether they consider themselves to be middle class or lower class, whether poverty
is a result of circumstances beyond one’s control or the fault of individuals, and feelings
regarding the U.S. economic climate. A new Digital Life box, titled “Does the Digital Divide
Still Matter?” provides an up-to-date look at the state of the digital divide in 2015. The box
looks at gaps in smartphone ownership and highlights a new Pew Research Center report
on how people of varying socioeconomic backgrounds use technology to search and apply
for jobs. The full-page Globalization by the Numbers infographic on income inequality now
reflects the most recent data. The discussion of homelessness has been updated with more
current statistics, including the number of homeless, the demographic breakdown of the
homeless population, and the proportion of renters who spend more than 30 percent of
their income on rent.
Preface x xiii
participation, representation in government, and participation in secondary school. A new
section on gender inequalities in entrepreneurship provides statistics on women-owned
business firms and discusses Sarah Thébaud’s 2015 experimental research on perceptions
of female business owners. Global data on women’s labor force participation have been
updated. The section on balancing work and child care now includes the term motherhood
penalty, introduces the topic of public policies that can be effective in counteracting employ-
ers’ stereotypical views of mothers in the workplace, and references Michelle Budig’s 2012
cross-cultural study of public attitudes toward working mothers in twenty-two countries.
The section on housework and the second shift now includes a discussion of a 2015 study of
young adults and how they would like to share earning and household/caregiving respon-
sibilities as well as a 2015 study on how same-sex couples share household responsibilities.
The data in the section on gender inequality in politics have been updated. Data on intimate
partner violence have been updated. The section on rape now discusses recent protests
against sexual assault on college campuses, highlighting Emma Sulkowicz’s 2015 protest at
Columbia University. A new “Theories of Intersectionality” section includes a discussion of
transnational feminism, which has been added as a key term.
x xiv Preface
families and the rise of single-person households. The discussion of divorce has been
reworked and now includes coverage of recent research. The section on child abuse has
been updated with more current research. The section on intimate partner violence now
includes a discussion of the National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey. The
discussion of cohabitation now includes coverage of research into men’s and women’s
differing reasons for cohabitating as well as cohabitation as a “stage in the process.” The
section on same-sex-parent families has been updated with the most recent data and
now introduces the terms second-parent adoption and joint adoption. The discussion of
same-sex-parent families now discusses the controversial Regnerus study of children of
same-sex parents. The Globalization by the Numbers infographic for this chapter, titled
“Maternity Leave,” has been updated with new data on countries’ current leave policies.
The Digital Life box, titled “Dating and Mating Online,” has been updated with references
to new dating apps and now discusses Kevin Lewis’s research on the preferences of dat-
ing site users.
Preface xxv
on where Americans receive their news have been updated. In the section on voting, the
authors have added more current data on party identification. The discussion of interest
groups now highlights a statistical analysis of nearly 1,800 policy issues and the role of
money in politics. Data on incumbents was updated to consider the 2014 elections, and
data on women’s participation in politics were updated. The discussion of military spend-
ing, as well as the accompanying figure, were updated with 2015 data. A new discussion
of terrorism considers ISIS and Boko Haram as well as hate groups in the United States.
The section on labor unions includes updated statistics on labor union membership and
public opinion of unions as well as a new discussion of why labor unions have confronted
difficulties in the past few decades. The figure showing work stoppages has been updated.
The coverage of types of corporate capitalism now features a new discussion of global
capitalism, whereby giant transnational entities are becoming increasingly stateless. The
new Digital Life box, titled “Will a Robot Take Your Job?” looks at how American com-
panies are employing fewer workers thanks to advances in technology and how rapid
advances in software hold the promise of automating occupations that currently require
college degrees. It also discusses strides in additive manufacturing, or 3D printing. Data
on unemployment, as well as the number of people who have given up looking for work,
have been updated.
x x vi Preface
urbanization have been updated and the discussion of the environmental challenges of
urbanization now considers climate-related problems in Pakistan, including the country’s
water woes. The discussion of possible consequences of demographic changes has been
expanded to include a discussion of widespread migration, referencing the Syrian civil
war and Syrian refugee crisis. A new table detailing the five countries with the oldest and
youngest populations in 2015 has been added. Data on birth rates, death rates, and infant
mortality rates across the globe have been updated. The global map detailing population
growth rates around the world has been updated with new data, and a new figure on the
demographic transition has been added. The section on the demographic transition now
includes a discussion of what the United Nations have deemed the “least developed coun-
tries.” The discussion of global warming and climate change now includes a comparison
of China and the United States, summaries of recent IPCC reports on global warming,
and a discussion of the 2015 Paris agreement. A new section, titled “A New Ecological
Paradigm?” has been added that details the historical treatment of environmental issues
within the field of sociology, introducing the terms human exceptionalism paradigm, new
ecological paradigm and Anthropocene. The new Digital Life box, titled “Tracking Your
Ecological Footprint,” encourages readers to think critically about their current energy
consumption and to visit a site whereby they can learn how many Earths would be
required if every person were to achieve that same lifestyle.
Organization
There is very little abstract discussion of basic sociological concepts at the beginning of
this book. Instead, concepts are explained when they are introduced in the relevant chap-
ters, and we have sought throughout to illustrate them by means of concrete examples.
Preface x x vii
While these are usually taken from sociological research, we have also used material from
other sources (such as newspaper or popular magazine articles). We have tried to keep the
writing style as simple and direct as possible, while endeavoring to make the book lively
and full of surprises.
The chapters follow a sequence designed to help achieve a progressive mastery of the
different fields of sociology, but we have taken care to ensure that the book can be used
flexibly and is easy to adapt to the needs of individual courses. Chapters can be skipped or
studied in a different order without much loss. Each has been written as a fairly autono-
mous unit, with cross-referencing to other chapters at relevant points.
Study Aids
Every chapter in the Sixth Edition of Essentials of Sociology features:
■■ “Digital Life” boxesin every chapter get students thinking critically about how
the Internet and smartphones are transforming the way we date, manage our
health, and even practice religion.
■■ “Big Picture” Concept Mapsat the end of every chapter, which integrate the
“Big Questions,” key terms, and “Concept Checks” into a handy and visually
interesting study tool, serve as both a pre-reading guide to the chapter as well as
a post-reading review.
■■ Learning Goalsare outlined at the start of the chapter and then recur throughout
the chapter in marginal notations at the beginning of the relevant sections to
promote active learning.
Acknowledgments
Many individuals offered us helpful comments and advice on particular chapters, and, in
some cases, large parts of the text. They helped us see issues in a different light, clarified
some difficult points, and allowed us to take advantage of their specialist knowledge in
their respective fields. We are deeply indebted to them. Special thanks go to Jason Phillips,
who worked assiduously to help us update data in all chapters and contributed significantly
to editing as well; and Dmitry Khodyakov, who wrote thought-provoking Concept Check
questions for each chapter.
We would like to thank the many readers of the text who have written us with
comments, criticisms, and suggestions for improvements. We have adopted many of
their recommendations in this new edition.
x x viii Preface
Adalberto Aguirre, University of California, Kalyna Lesyna, Palomar College
Riverside Danilo Levi, Delgado Community College
Colleen Avedikian, University of Ke Liang, Baruch College
Massachusetts Dartmouth
Devin Molina, Bronx Community College
Debbie Bishop, Lansing Community College
Jayne Mooney, John Jay College of Criminal
Kim Brackett, Auburn University Justice
Joy Branch, Southern Union State Community Kendra Murphy, University of Memphis
College
Rafael Narvaez, Winona State University
Edith Brotman, Towson University
Takamitsu Ono, Anne Arundel Community
Tucker Brown, Austin Peay State University College
Susan Cody-Rydzewski, Georgia Perimeter Carolyn Pevey, Germanna Community College
College
Robert Pullen, Troy University
Caroline Calogero, Brookdale Community
Matt Reynolds, College of Southern Idaho
College
Fernando Rivera, University of Central Florida
Paul Calarco, Hudson Valley Community College
Dan Rose, Chattanooga State Community
Karen Coleman, Winona State University
College
Dawn Conley, Gloucester County College
Rachel Stehle, Cuyahoga Community College
Raymonda Dennis, Delgado Community College
Larry Stern, Collin College
Jason Dixon, Walters State Community
Daniel Steward, University of Illinois at
College
Urbana-Champaign
Jonathon Fish, Trident Technical College
Karen Stewart-Cain, Trident Technical College
Matthew Flynn, University of Texas at Austin
Richard Sweeney, Modesto Junior College
Clare Giesen, Delgado Community College
Adrienne Trier-Bieniek, Valencia College
Ron Hammond, Utah Valley University
Thomas Waller, Tallahassee Community
Nicole Hotchkiss, Washington College College
Howard Housen, Broward College Candace Warner, Columbia State Community
Annie Hubbard, Northwest Vista College College
Onoso Imoagene, University of Pennsylvania Tammy Webb, Goodwin College
Kristin Ingellis, Goodwin College Jessica Williams, Texas Woman’s University
Jennifer Jordan, University of Kristi Williams, Ohio State University
Wisconsin-Milwaukee Annice Yarber, Auburn University
Ryan Kelty, Washington College Erica Yeager, Anne Arundel Community
Andrew Lash, Valencia College College
We have many others to thank as well. Nina Hnatov did a marvelous job of copyedit-
ing the new edition. We are also extremely grateful to project editor David Bradley , who
managed the countless details involved in creating the book. Assistant editor Miranda
Schonbrun skillfully tracked all the moving parts that go into publishing this compli-
cated project. Production manager Sean Mintus did impressive work guiding the book
through production, so that it came out on time and in beautiful shape. We also thank
Eileen Connell, our e-media editor, and Mary Williams, our associate e-media editor, for
developing all of the useful supplements that accompany the book. Agnieszka Gasparska
and the entire team of designers at Kiss Me I’m Polish gave the Sixth Edition a stunning
new design and also managed to digest a huge amount of data to create the “Globalization
by the Numbers” infographics throughout Essentials of Sociology.
Preface x xix
We are also grateful to our editors at Norton—Steve Dunn, Melea Seward, Karl
Bakeman, and Sasha Levitt—who have made important substantive and creative contri-
butions to the book’s chapters and have ensured that we have referenced the very latest
research. We also would like to register our thanks to a number of current and former grad-
uate students—many of whom are now tenured professors at prestigious universities—
whose contributions over the years have proved invaluable: Wendy Carter, Audrey
Devin-Eller, Neha Gondal, Neil Gross, Black Hawk Hancock, Paul LePore, Alair MacLean,
Ann Meier, Susan Munkres, Josh Rossol, Sharmila Rudrappa, Christopher Wildeman,
David Yamane, and Katherina Zippel.
Anthony Giddens
Mitchell Duneier
Richard Appelbaum
Deborah Carr
xxx Preface
SIXTH EDITION
Essentials
of Sociology
1
THE BIG QUESTIONS
Theory and
tions sociologists address in their research.
Method
Learn the steps of the research process and
be able to complete the process yourself.
Sociology is the scientific study of human social life, groups, and societies. It is a
dazzling and compelling enterprise, as its subject matter is our own behavior as
social beings. The scope of sociological study is extremely wide, ranging from the
analysis of how people establish social connections with one another to the investi-
gation of global social processes such as the rise of Islamic fundamentalism.
Sociology teaches us that what we regard as natural, inevitable, good, or true may not be
such and that the “givens” of our life—including things we assume to be genetic or biological—are
strongly influenced by historical, cultural, social, and even technological forces. Understanding
the subtle yet complex and profound ways in which our individual lives reflect the contexts of
our social experience is central to the sociological outlook. A brief example will provide a taste
of the nature and objectives of sociology.
Anyone who has attended middle school or high school knows that bullying is a common
occurrence. Through much of history, teachers, principals, and parents turned a blind eye, often
far-reaching solutions. Sociology can help us understand the questions of what, why, and how
public issues and personal troubles arise.
Studying Sociology
The sociological imagination allows us to see that many behaviors or feelings that we view
as private and individualized actually reflect larger social issues. Try applying this sort of
outlook to your own life. Consider, for instance, why you are attending college right now.
You may think that you worked hard in high school, or that you have decided to go to col-
lege so that you have the academic credential required to find a good job; yet other, larger
social forces may also have played a role. Many students who work hard in high school
cannot attend college because their parents cannot afford to send them. Others have their
schooling interrupted by large-scale events like wars or economic depressions. The notion
that we need college to find a good job is also shaped by social context. In past eras, when
most people worked in agricultural or manufacturing rather than professional jobs, college
attendance was rare—rather than an expected rite of passage.
Although we are all influenced by the social contexts in which we find ourselves, none
of us is simply determined in his or her behavior by those contexts. We possess and create
our own individuality. It is the goal of sociology to investigate the connections between what
society makes of us and what we make of ourselves. Our activities structure—give shape
to—the social world around us and at the same time are structured by that social world.
Social structure is an important concept in sociology. It refers to the fact that the social
contexts of our lives do not just consist of random assortments of events or actions; they
are structured, or patterned, in distinct ways. There are regularities in the ways we behave
and in the relationships we have with one another. But social structure is not like a physical
structure, such as a building, which exists independently of human actions. Human societ- structuration
ies are always in the process of structuration. They are reconstructed at every moment by The two-way process
the very “building blocks” that compose them—human beings like you. by which we shape our
social world through our
individual actions and by
Developing a Global Perspective which we are reshaped
As we just saw in our discussion of the sociological dimensions of drinking a cup of by society.
coffee, all our local actions—the ways in which we relate to one another in face-to-face
4. How does the concept common. Individuals began to initiate marriage relationships on the bases of emotional
of social structure help attraction and personal fulfillment. The idea of “falling in love” as a precondition for mar-
sociologists better under- riage was formed in this context.
stand social phenomena? Sociology was founded by thinkers who sought to understand the initial impact of
5. What is globalization? How transformations that accompanied industrialization in the West. Although our world today
might it affect the lives of is radically different from that of former ages, the original goal of sociologists remains: to
college students today? understand our world and what future it is likely to hold for us.
What Theories Do
Sociologists Use?
Learn about the Sociologists do more than collect facts; they also want to know why things happen. For
development of sociology
instance, we know that industrialization has had a major influence on the emergence of
as a field. Be able to
name some of the leading modern societies. But what are the origins and preconditions of industrialization? Why
social theorists and the is industrialization associated with changes in methods of criminal punishment or in
concepts they contributed family and marriage systems? To respond to such questions, we must construct explana-
to sociology. Learn the tory theories.
different theoretical
Theories involve constructing abstract interpretations that can be used to explain a
approaches modern
wide variety of situations. Of course, factual research and theories can never be completely
sociologists bring to
the field. separated. Sociologists aiming to document facts must begin their studies with a theory
that they will evaluate. Theory helps researchers identify and frame a factual question,
yet facts are needed to evaluate the strength of a theory. Conversely, once facts have been
obtained, sociologists must use theory to interpret and make sense of these facts.
Theoretical thinking also must respond to general problems posed by the study of
human social life, including issues that are philosophical in nature. For example, based on
their theoretical and methodological orientations, sociologists hold very different beliefs
about whether sociology should be modeled on the natural sciences.
Early Theorists
Humans have always been curious about why we behave as we do, but for thousands of
years our attempts to understand ourselves relied on ways of thinking passed down from
AUGUSTE COMTE
Many scholars contributed to early sociological thinking, yet particular credit is given to
the French philosopher Auguste Comte (1798–1857), if only because he invented the word
sociology. Comte originally used the term social physics, but some of his intellectual rivals Auguste Comte (1798–1857)
at the time were also making use of that term. Comte wanted to distinguish his own
views from theirs, so he introduced the term sociology to describe the subject he wished
to establish.
Comte believed that this new field could produce a knowledge of society based on
scientific evidence. He regarded sociology as the last science to be developed— following
physics, chemistry, and biology—but as the most significant and complex of all the
sciences. Sociology, he believed, should contribute to the welfare of humanity by using
science to understand, predict, and control human behavior. Late in his career, Comte
drew up ambitious plans for the reconstruction of both French society in particular and
human societies in general, based on scientific knowledge.
HERBERT SPENCER
Herbert Spencer (1820–1903) — a British philosopher, biologist, anthropologist, and
political theorist—was both highly influenced by and highly critical of Comte’s writing.
Spencer held that development is a natural outcome of individual achievement. In The
Study of Sociology (1873), he argued that society can change and improve the quality of
life for all people only when everyone changes their behavior to maximize their indi-
vidual potential. In other words, he believed privileged members of society enjoyed a
high quality of life because they had earned this status. He further argued that the state
should not assist in improving the life chances of individuals, as it interferes with the
natural order: The best persons succeed and the rest fall behind due to their own lack of
effort or ability.
While Spencer’s writings are considered an important influence on functionalist per-
spectives, which we will learn about later in this chapter, his ideas have fallen out of favor
with many contemporary sociologists. His ideas were roundly attacked by Lester Frank
Herbert Spencer (1820–1903)
Ward, the first president of the American Sociological Association (Carneiro and Perrin
2002). However, Spencer’s belief in the “survival of the fittest” had a profound influence on
economics and political science, especially among scholars and policymakers endorsing a
“laissez-faire” approach.
under communal ownership, and a more equal society than we know at present will
be established. materialist
Marx’s work had a far-reaching effect in the twentieth century. Through most of the conception of
century, until the fall of Soviet communism in the early 1990s, more than a third of the history
world population lived in societies whose governments claimed to derive their inspiration The view developed by Marx,
from Marx’s ideas. In addition, many sociologists have been influenced by Marx’s ideas according to which material,
about class inequalities. or economic, factors have
a prime role in determining
MAX WEBER historical change.
Like Marx, Max Weber (pronounced “VAY-ber”; 1864–1920) cannot be labeled simply a
sociologist; his interests and concerns ranged across many areas. Born in Germany, where capitalism
he spent most of his academic career, Weber was educated in a range of fields. Like other
An economic system based
thinkers of his time, Weber sought to understand social change. He was influenced by on the private ownership of
Marx but was also strongly critical of some of Marx’s views. He rejected the materialist wealth, which is invested
conception of history and saw class conflict as less significant than Marx did. In Weber’s and reinvested in order to
view, economic factors are important, but ideas and values have just as much effect on produce profit.
social change.
Neglected Founders
Durkheim, Marx, and Weber are widely acknowledged as foundational figures in sociology,
yet other important thinkers from the same period made valuable contributions to sociolog-
ical thought as well. Very few women or members of racial minorities were given the oppor-
tunity to become professional sociologists during the “classical” period of the late nineteenth
and early twentieth centuries. Their contributions deserve the attention of sociologists today.
HARRIET MARTINEAU
Harriet Martineau (1802–1876) was born and educated in England. She was the author
of more than fifty books and numerous essays. Martineau is now credited with intro-
ducing sociology to England through her translation of Comte’s founding treatise of the
field, Positive Philosophy (Rossi 1973). She also conducted a firsthand systematic study of
American society during her extensive travels throughout the United States in the 1830s,
which is the subject of her book Society in America.
Martineau is significant to sociologists today for several reasons. First, she argued
that when one studies a society, one must focus on all its aspects, including key political,
religious, and social institutions. Second, she insisted that an analysis of a society must
include an understanding of women’s lives. Third, she was the first to turn a sociological
eye on previously ignored issues such as marriage, children, domestic and religious life,
and race relations. Finally, she argued that sociologists should do more than just observe;
they should also act in ways that benefit society. Martineau herself was an active propo-
Harriet Martineau
(1802–1876) nent of women’s rights and the emancipation of slaves.
W. E. B. DU BOIS
W. E. B. Du Bois (1868–1963) was the first African American to earn a doctorate at Harvard
University. Du Bois made many contributions to sociology. Perhaps most important is the
Marx 1. The main dynamic of modern development is the expansion of capitalism. Rather than being cohesive,
society is divided by class differences.
2. Marx believed that we must study the divisions within a society that are derived from the economic
inequalities of capitalism.
Weber 1. The main dynamic of modern development is the rationalization of social and economic life.
2. Weber focused on why Western societies developed so differently from other societies. He also emphasized the
importance of cultural ideas and values on social change.
concept of “double consciousness,” which is a way of talking about identity through the
lens of the particular experiences of African Americans (Morris 2015). He argued that
American society lets African Americans see themselves only through the eyes of others:
“It is a particular sensation, this double consciousness, this sense of always measuring
one’s soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity. One ever
feels his two-ness—an American, a Negro, two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled
strivings, two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from
being torn asunder” (1903). Du Bois made a persuasive claim that one’s sense of self and
one’s identity are greatly influenced by historical experiences and social circumstances—
in the case of African Americans, the effect of slavery and, after emancipation, segregation
and prejudice.
Throughout his career, Du Bois focused on race relations in the United States. As he
said in an often-repeated quote, “The problem of the twentieth century is the problem of
the color line.” His influence on sociology today is evidenced by continued interest in the
questions that he raised, particularly his concern that sociology must explain “the contact
of diverse races of men.” Du Bois was also the first social researcher to trace the problems
faced by African Americans to their social and economic underpinnings, a connection that
most sociologists now widely accept. Finally, Du Bois became known for connecting social
analysis to social reform. He was one of the founding members of the National Association
W. E. B. Du Bois
for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and a longtime advocate for the collec-
(1868–1963)
tive struggle of African Americans.
Later in his life, Du Bois became disenchanted by the lack of progress in American
race relations. He moved to the African nation of Ghana in 1961 when he was invited
by the nation’s president to direct the Encyclopedia Africana. He died in Ghana in 1963.
SYMBOLIC INTERACTIONISM
The work of George Herbert Mead (1863–1931), a philosopher teaching at the University of
Chicago, had an important influence on the development of sociological thought, in partic-
symbolic ular through a perspective called symbolic interactionism. Mead placed great importance
interactionism on the study of language in analyzing the social world. He reasoned that language allows
A theoretical approach in us to become self-conscious beings—aware of our own individuality. The key element in
sociology developed by this process is the symbol, something that stands for something else. For example, the
George Herbert Mead that word tree is a symbol that represents the object tree. Once we have mastered such a con-
emphasizes the role of
cept, Mead argued, we can think of a tree even if none is visible; we have learned to think
symbols and language as
core elements of all human of the object symbolically. Symbolic thought frees us from being limited in our experience
interaction. to what we actually see, hear, or feel.
Unlike animals, according to Mead, human beings live in a richly symbolic universe.
This applies even to our very sense of self. Each of us is a self-conscious being because we
symbol learn to look at ourselves as if from the outside—we see ourselves as others see us. When a
One item used to stand for child begins to use “I” to refer to that object (herself) whom others call “you,” she is exhibi
or represent another—as ting the beginnings of self-consciousness.
in the case of a flag, which
Virtually all interactions between individuals involve an exchange of symbols, accord-
symbolizes a nation.
ing to symbolic interactionists. When we interact with others, we constantly look for clues
to what type of behavior is appropriate in the context and how to interpret what others are
doing and saying. Symbolic interactionism directs our attention to the detail of interper-
sonal interaction and how that detail is used to make sense of what others say and do. For
instance, suppose two people are out on a date for the first time. Each is likely to spend a
good part of the evening sizing the other up and assessing how the relationship is likely to
develop, if at all. Both individuals are careful about their own behavior, making every effort
to present themselves in a favorable light; but, knowing this, both are likely to be looking
for aspects of the other’s behavior that would reveal his or her true beliefs and traits. A com-
plex and subtle process of symbolic interpretation shapes the interaction between the two.
functionalism
A theoretical perspective FUNCTIONALISM
based on the notion that
Symbolic interactionism is open to the criticism that it concentrates too much on things
social events can best be
that are small in scope. Symbolic interactionists have found difficulty in dealing with
explained in terms of the
functions they perform— larger-scale structures and processes—the very thing that a rival tradition of thought,
that is, the contributions functionalism, tends to emphasize. Functionalist thinking in sociology was originally
they make to the continuity pioneered by Comte and by Spencer.
of a society. To study the function of a social activity is to analyze the contribution that the activ-
ity makes to the continuation of the society as a whole. The best way to understand this
CONFLICT THEORIES
conflict theories
A third influential approach is conflict theory. In general, conflict theories underscore
A sociological perspective
the role of coercion and power in producing social order. Social order is believed to be that emphasizes the role
maintained by domination, with power in the hands of those with the greatest political, of political and economic
economic, and social resources; historically, this would include white men with ample power and oppression as
economic and political resources. Two particular approaches typically classified under the contributing to the existing
social order.
broad heading of conflict theories are Marxism and feminist theories.
Marxism Marxists, of course, trace their views back to the writings of Karl Marx. But
numerous interpretations of Marx’s major ideas are possible, and today there are schools Marxism
of Marxist thought that take very different theoretical positions. In all of its versions, A body of thought deriving
Marxism differs from non-Marxist perspectives in that its adherents see it as a combi- its main elements from
nation of sociological analysis and political reform. Marxism is supposed to generate a Karl Marx’s ideas.
and Macrosociology
One important distinction among the different theoretical perspectives we have dis-
cussed in this chapter involves the level of analysis at which each is directed. The study
of everyday behavior in situations of face-to-face interaction is usually called micro
sociology. Macrosociology, by contrast, is the analysis of large-scale social systems, like
the political system or the economy. It also includes the analysis of long-term processes of CONCEPT CHECKS
change, such as industrialization. At first glance, it may seem as though micro and macro
perspectives are distinct from each other. In fact, the two are closely connected (Giddens 1. What role does theory
play in sociological
1984; Knorr-Cetina and Cicourel 1981).
research?
Macro analysis is essential if we are to understand the institutional background of
daily life. The ways in which people live their everyday lives are shaped by the broader 2. According to Émile
Durkheim, what makes
institutional framework. For example, because of societal-level technological develop-
sociology a social
ments, we have many ways of maintaining friendships today. We may choose to call, send science? Why?
an email or text message, or communicate via Facebook or Skype, yet we may also choose
3. According to Karl Marx,
to fly thousands of miles to spend the weekend with a friend.
what are the differences
Micro studies, in turn, are necessary for illuminating broad institutional patterns. between the classes
Face-to-face interaction is clearly the main basis of all forms of social organization, no that make up a capitalist
matter how large scale. Suppose we are interested in understanding how business corpo- society?
rations function. We could analyze the face-to-face interactions of directors in the board- 4. What are the differences
room, staff working in their offices, or workers on the factory floor. We would not build between symbolic
up a picture of the whole corporation in this way, since some of its business is transacted interactionist and
through printed materials, letters, the telephone, and computers. Yet we would certainly functionalist approaches
gain a good understanding of how the organization works. to the analysis of society?
In later chapters, we will explore further examples of how interaction in micro 5. How are macro and
contexts affects larger social processes, and how macro systems in turn influence more micro analyses of
confined settings of social life. society connected?
Developmental Has this happened What have been the patterns of childbearing
Question over time? over time?
Theoretical What underlies Why are more women now waiting until
Question this phenomenon? their thirties and older to bear children?
What factors would we look at to explain
this change?
CONCEPT CHECKS
to real-world concerns. In this chapter, we further explore such issues by asking
whether it is possible to produce objective knowledge. First, we examine the steps 1. Why is sociology
involved in sociological research. We then compare the most widely used research considered a science?
methods as we consider some actual investigations. As we shall see, there are often 2. What are the differences
significant differences between the way research should ideally be carried out and between comparative and
real-world studies. developmental questions?
Ethnography
One widely used qualitative method is ethnography, or firsthand studies of people using
qualitative observations, interviews, or both. Here, the investigator socializes, works, or lives with
methods members of a group, organization, or community. In the case of participant observation, the
Approaches to sociological researcher may participate directly in the activities he or she is studying. An ethnographer
research that often rely on
cannot secretly infiltrate the groups she studies but must explain and justify her presence to
personal and/or collective
its members. She must gain the cooperation of the community and sustain it over a period
interviews, accounts, or
observations of a person of time if any worthwhile results are to be achieved. Other ethnographers, by contrast, may
or situation. observe at a distance and may not participate directly in the activities under observation.
For a long while, research reports based on participant observation usually omitted
any account of the hazards or problems that the researcher had to overcome, but more
quantitative recently the published reminiscences and diaries of field-workers have been more honest
methods
and open. The researcher may be frustrated because the members of the group refuse to
Approaches to sociological
talk frankly about themselves; direct queries may be welcomed in some contexts but met
research that draw on
with a chilly silence in others. Some types of fieldwork may be emotionally isolating or
objective and statistical
data and often focuses even physically dangerous; for instance, a researcher studying a street gang might be seen
on documenting trends, as a police informer or might become unwittingly embroiled in conflicts with rival gangs.
comparing subgroups, or In traditional works of ethnography, accounts were presented without very much infor-
exploring correlations. mation about the observer. It was believed that ethnographers could present “objective”
observations of the things they studied. More recently, ethnographers have been willing to
talk and write about themselves and the nature of their connection to the people under study,
even acknowledging possible sources of bias in their observations. For example, a researcher
ethnography
might discuss how her race, class, gender, or sexual orientation affected the work, or how
The firsthand study of
the status differences between observer and observed distorted the dialogue between them.
people using observation,
in-depth interviewing, or
ADVANTAGES AND LIMITATIONS OF FIELDWORK both. Also called fieldwork.
Where it is successful, ethnography provides rich information on the behavior of people in
real-world settings. We may develop a better understanding not only of the group but of
social processes that transcend the situation under study.
participant
observation
But fieldwork also has serious limitations. Only fairly small groups or communities
A method of research
can be studied. And much depends on the skill of the researcher in gaining the confi-
widely used in sociology
dence of the individuals involved; without this skill, the research is unlikely to get off the
and anthropology in which
ground at all. The reverse is also possible. A researcher may begin to identify so closely the researcher takes part in
with the group that she loses the perspective of an objective observer. Or she may reach the activities of the group or
conclusions that are more about her own effects on the situation than she or her readers community being studied.
ever realize. Finally, the findings of field studies are seldom generalizable, meaning that
researchers’ conclusions may not hold true for other groups or settings.
survey
Surveys A method of sociological
research in which
Quantitative methodologists have a range of analytical tools and data resources at questionnaires are
their disposal, but surveys are the most commonly used. When conducting a survey, administered to the
researchers ask subjects to provide answers to structured questionnaires. The population being studied.
researcher may administer the survey in person or mail it to a study participant who
Ethnography Usually generates richer and more in-depth Can be used to study only relatively small
information than other methods. groups or communities.
Provides a broader understanding of social Findings might apply only to groups or
processes. communities studied; not easily generalizable.
Surveys Make possible the efficient collection of data Material gathered may be superficial; if
on large numbers of individuals. questionnaire is highly standardized, important
differences among respondents’ viewpoints
Allow for precise comparisons to be made
may be glossed over.
among the answers of respondents.
Responses may be what people profess to
believe rather than what they actually believe.
Experiments Influence of specific variables can be Many aspects of social life cannot be brought
controlled by the investigator. into the laboratory.
Are usually easier for subsequent researchers Responses of those studied may be affected by
to repeat. the experimental situation.
SAMPLING
Often sociologists are interested in the characteristics of large numbers of individuals—
for example, the political attitudes of the American population as a whole. It would be
impossible to study all these people directly, so researchers’ solution is to use sampling—
they concentrate on a sample, or small proportion, of the overall group. Sampling strat-
egies, or the processes through which one selects cases or individuals to study, is an representative
important step in both quantitative and qualitative research. However, for reasons we sample
will see later, it is much more likely that a quantitative sample will be generalizable to A sample from a larger
the overall population. We can usually be confident that results from a population sample population that is
can be generalized to the total population, as long as the sample was properly chosen. statistically typical of
that population.
Studies of only 2,000–3,000 voters, for instance, can give a very accurate indication of
the attitudes and voting intentions of the entire population. But to achieve such accuracy,
we need a representative sample: The group of individuals studied must be typical of the
random sampling
population as a whole.
Sampling method in which
A single best procedure for ensuring that a sample is representative is random sam
a sample is chosen so
pling, in which a sample is chosen so that every member of the population has an equal that every member of
probability of being included. The most sophisticated way of obtaining a random sample the population has the
is to assign each member of the population a number and then use a computer to generate same probability of
a random numbers list from which the sample is derived—for instance, by picking every being included.
tenth number. Random sampling is often done by researchers doing large population-based
Experiments
An experiment enables a researcher to test a hypothesis under highly
controlled conditions established by the researcher. Experiments are often
used in the natural sciences and psychology, as they are considered the best
method for ascertaining causality, or the influence of a particular factor on
the study’s outcome. In an experimental situation, the researcher directly
controls the circumstances being studied. Because most experiments occur
in laboratories, however, the scope of topics explored is quite restricted.
We can bring only small groups of individuals into a laboratory setting,
and in such experiments, people know that they are being studied and
may behave unnaturally. Experiments also neglect the macrosocial con-
text, such as historical or political influences. Experiments are generally
considered quantitative studies, because researchers often want to mea-
sure quantitatively the effect of the study’s manipulation. For example, do
young people commit a greater number of aggressive acts while playing a
video game if they have just been exposed to a violent film clip as opposed
In Philip Zimbardo’s make-believe prison,
to a peaceful film clip?
tension between students playing guards
and students playing prisoners became Although experiments are much more common in psychology than
dangerously real. sociology, several experimental studies have made important contribu-
tions to sociological knowledge. Perhaps the most infamous example is the
Stanford prison experiment carried out by Philip Zimbardo (1972), who set
up a make-believe prison, randomly assigning some student volunteers to
the role of prison guards and others to the role of prisoners. His aim was
to see how social role shaped attitudes and behavior. The results shocked the investiga-
tors. Students who portrayed the guards quickly assumed an authoritarian manner; they
experiment
displayed genuine hostility toward the prisoners, ordering them around and verbally
A research method in which
abusing and bullying them. The prisoners, by contrast, showed a mixture of apathy and
variables can be analyzed in
rebelliousness—a response often noted among inmates in real prisons. These effects were
a controlled and systematic
way, either in an artificial so marked and the level of tension so high that the experiment had to be called off at an
situation constructed by the early stage. Zimbardo concluded that behavior in prisons is influenced more by the nature
researcher or in naturally of the prison situation itself than by the individual characteristics of those involved.
occurring settings.
Comparative and Historical Research
comparative Comparative research is of central importance in sociology because it enables
research researchers to document whether social behavior varies across time and place and
Research that compares one by one’s social group memberships. Most comparative work is quantitative, in that
set of findings on one soci- researchers aim to document whether behaviors and attitudes change over time and
ety with the same type of place; thus, a consistent metric is required to make comparisons. For example, divorce
findings on other societies. rates rose rapidly in the United States after World War II, reaching a peak in 1979.
Since then, the divorce rate has dropped by nearly a quarter, with only 18 marriages
Research in sociology often makes use of statistical tech- distribution of the data—that is, the range of figures covered.
niques in the analysis of findings. Some are highly sophis- The most frequently occurring case in a set of figures is not
ticated and complex, but those most often used are easy to necessarily representative of their distribution as a whole and
understand. The most common statistics are measures of thus may not be a useful average. In this case, $40,000 is too
central tendency (ways of calculating averages) and correla- close to the lower end of the figures.
tion coefficients (measures of the degree to which one vari- The third measure is the median, which is the middle of
able relates consistently to another). any set of figures; here, this would be the seventh figure, again
There are three methods of calculating averages, each of $40,000. Our example gives an odd number of figures, thir-
which has certain advantages and shortcomings. Take as an teen. If there had been an even number—for instance, twelve—
example the amount of personal wealth (including all assets such the median would be calculated by taking the mean of the two
as houses, cars, bank accounts, and investments) owned by thir- middle cases, items 6 and 7. Like the mode, the median gives
teen individuals. Suppose the thirteen own the following amounts: no idea of the actual range of the data measured.
Sometimes a researcher will use more than one measure
1. $0 8. $80,000 of central tendency to avoid giving a deceptive picture of the
2. $5,000 9. $100,000 average. More often, he or she will calculate the standard
3. $10,000 10. $150,000 deviation for the data in question. This is a way of calculat-
4. $20,000 11. $200,000 ing the degree of dispersal, or the range, of a set of figures—
5. $40,000 12. $400,000 which in this case goes from $0 to $10,000,000.
6. $40,000 13. $10,000,000 Correlation coefficients offer a useful way of expressing
7. $40,000 how closely connected two (or more) variables are. Where two
variables correlate completely, we can speak of a perfect pos-
itive correlation, expressed as 1.0. Where no relation is found
The mean corresponds to the average, arrived at by adding between two variables—they have no consistent connection at
together the personal wealth of all thirteen people and dividing all—the coefficient is 0. A perfect negative correlation, expressed
the result by thirteen. The total is $11,085,000; dividing this by as –1.0, exists when two variables are in a completely inverse
thirteen, we reach a mean of $852,692.31. The mean is often relation to each other. Perfect correlations are never found in
a useful calculation because it is based on the whole range of the social sciences. Correlations of the order of 0.6 or more,
data provided. However, it can be misleading where one or a whether positive or negative, are usually regarded as indicating
small number of cases are very different from the majority. a strong degree of connection between whatever variables are
In our example, the mean is not in fact an appropriate mea- being analyzed. Positive correlations on this level might be found
sure of central tendency because the presence of one very between, say, social class background and voting behavior.
large figure, $10,000,000, skews the picture. One might get
the impression when using the mean to summarize these data
that most of the people own far more than they actually do. In degree of
such instances, one of two other measures may be used. dispersal
The mode is the figure that occurs most frequently in a The range or distribution
given set of data. In our example, it is $40,000. The problem of a set of figures.
with the mode is that it doesn’t take into account the overall
You will often come across tables when reading sociological information is likely to be, while also indicating where to
literature. They sometimes look complex, but they are easy to find the original data. In our table, the source note makes
decipher if you follow a few basic steps, listed here; with prac- clear that the data have been taken from one international
tice, these will become automatic. (See Table 1.4 as an exam- organization.
ple.) Do not succumb to the temptation to skip over tables; they
contain information in concentrated form, which can be read 3. Read the headings along the top and left-hand side of the
more quickly than would be possible if the same material were table. (Sometimes tables are arranged with “headings” at
expressed in words. By becoming skilled in the interpreta- the foot rather than the top.) These tell you what type of
tion of tables, you will also be able to check how justified the information is contained in each row and column. In read-
conclusions a writer draws actually seem. ing the table, keep in mind each set of headings as you
scan the figures. In our example, the headings on the left
1. Read the title in full. Tables frequently have long titles that give the countries involved, whereas those at the top refer
represent an attempt by the researcher to state accurately the to proportion who hold a “favorable” opinion of the United
nature of the information conveyed. The title of Table 1.4 first States and the years for which data are available.
reveals the subject of the data. Next it indicates that the table
provides material for comparison. And finally, it specifies that 4. Identify the units used; the figures in the body of the table
the data are given only for a limited number of countries. may represent cases, percentages, averages, or other
measures. Sometimes it may be helpful to convert the fig-
2. Look for explanatory comments, or notes, about the ures to a form more useful to you: If percentages are not
data. A source note at the foot of Table 1.4 indicates that provided, for example, it may be worth calculating them.
the data were obtained from the Pew Research Center, a
large international survey organization. It also notes that 5. Consider the conclusions that might be reached from the
data were not available for all nations for all years. Notes information in the table. Most tables are discussed by the
may say how the material was collected or why it is dis- author, and what he or she has to say should, of course, be
played in a particular way. If the data have not been gath- borne in mind. But you should also ask what further issues
ered by the researcher but are based on findings originally or questions could be suggested by the data: How might
reported elsewhere, a source will be included. The source you explain some of these declines? Or the sudden and
sometimes gives you some insight into how reliable the precipitous drops?
stigmatized. If Humphreys had been completely frank at every stage of the research, his
study might not have gotten as far as it did. At the same time, the costs to the research
subjects were potentially high. The observational part of his study posed only modest risk:
Humphreys did not collect information about the participants that would have identified
them. What he knew about them was similar to what all the other people in the tearoom
knew. His presence did not expose them to any more risk than they already encountered
in their everyday lives.
The more problematic aspect of Humphreys’s study was that he wrote down the
license plate numbers of the people who came into the tearooms, obtained their home
PERCENTAGE OF PERSONS WHO HOLD A FAVORABLE (VS. “UNFAVORABLE) OPINION OF THE UNITED STATES
COUNTRY 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015
China 42 47 34 41 47 58 44 43 40 50 44
Egypt - 30 21 22 27 17 20 19 16 10 -
France 43 39 39 42 75 73 75 69 64 75 73
Germany 42 37 30 31 64 63 62 52 53 51 50
Indonesia 38 30 29 37 63 59 54 - 61 59 62
Japan - 63 61 50 59 66 85 72 69 66 68
Jordan 21 15 20 19 25 21 13 12 14 12 14
Mexico - - 56 47 69 56 52 56 66 63 66
Pakistan 23 27 15 19 16 17 12 12 11 14 22
Poland 62 - 61 68 67 74 70 69 67 73 74
Russia 52 43 41 46 44 57 56 52 51 23 15
South Korea - - 58 70 78 79 - - 78 82 84
Turkey 23 12 9 12 14 17 10 15 21 19 29
United Kingdom 55 56 51 53 69 65 61 60 58 66 65
United States 83 76 80 84 88 85 79 80 81 82 83
Note: Data not available for all nations for all years.
addresses from the DMV, and visited their homes under the guise of conducting a sur-
vey for Washington University. Even though Humphreys did not reveal to the men’s
families anything about the activities he observed in the tearooms, and even though
he took great pains to keep the data confidential, the knowledge he gained could have
been damaging. Because the activity he was documenting was illegal at the time, police
officers might have demanded that he release information about the men’s identities. A
less skilled investigator might have slipped up when interviewing the subjects’ families.
Humphreys could have lost his notes, which could then have been found later by some-
one else.
The
a global perspective, and understanding
social change.
p. 5
Big Picture
What Theories Do
Learn about the development of sociology as
Sociologists Use?
Sociology: a field. Be able to name some of the leading
eory and Method p. 10
social theorists and the concepts they
contributed to sociology. Learn the different
theoretical approaches modern sociologists
bring to the field.
What Kinds
of Questions
Can Sociologists
Answer?
Thinking Sociologically Be able to describe the different types
p. 22 of questions sociologists address in their
research.
1. Healthy older Americans often
encounter discriminatory treatment
when younger people assume they What Are the
Steps of the
are slow and thus overlook them for
Research Learn the steps of the research
jobs they are fully capable of doing.
Process? process and be able to complete the
How would each of the theoretical
process yourself.
perspectives—functionalism, class
p. 23
conflict theory, and symbolic interac-
tionism—explain the dynamics of
prejudice against older adults?
What Research
Familiarize yourself with the methods
2. Explain in some detail the advantages Methods Do
available to sociological researchers, and
Sociologists Use?
and disadvantages of doing compara- know the advantages and disadvantages
tive or historical research. What will it of each. See how researchers use multiple
p. 26
yield that will be better than experi- methods in a real study.
mentation, surveys, and ethnographic
fieldwork? What are its limitations?
What Ethical
3. Let’s suppose the dropout rate in Dilemmas Do
your high school increased dramati- Sociologists Face? Recognize the ethical problems researchers
may face, and identify possible solutions to
cally. The school board offers you
p. 32 these dilemmas.
a $500,000 grant to do a study to
explain the sudden increase. Following
the study procedures outlined in your
text, explain how you would go about How Does the
doing your research. What might be “Sociological Understand how adopting a sociological
some of the hypotheses to test in your Imagination” Affect perspective allows us to develop a richer
study? How would you prove or Your Life? understanding of ourselves, our significant
disprove them? others, and the world.
p. 37
Terms to Know Concept Checks
sociology • personal troubles • public issues 1. How does sociology help us understand the causes of bullying?
2. Contrast public issues and personal troubles.
3. What is the sociological imagination, according to C. Wright Mills?
4. How does the concept of social structure help sociologists better
understand social phenomena?
sociological imagination • structuration • 5. What is globalization? How might it affect the lives of college students today?
globalization
What is culture?
Know what culture consists of, and recognize
how it differs from society.
Culture and
tried to refute these ideas by emphasizing
cultural differences.
1. For a funny costume, is the humor based on “making fun” of real people, human traits,
or cultures?
4. For a religious costume, does it mock or belittle someone’s deeply held faith tradition?
A few days after the Intercultural Affairs Committee sent out this advice to students,
the deputy director of one of the Yale dormitories wrote a pointed response that questioned
cultural
appropriation whether it was appropriate for college administrators to police the costumes of young adults.
In an email to the dorm residents, she asked, “Is there no room anymore for a child or young
When members of one
cultural group borrow person to be a little bit obnoxious, a little bit inappropriate or provocative, or yes, offensive?
elements of another American universities were once a safe space not only for maturation but also for a certain
group’s culture. regressive, or even transgressive, experience; increasingly, it seems, they have become places
of censure and prohibition.”
This email set in motion a series of protests, with many students calling for her resignation
(and that of her husband, who defended her email in his capacity as the dorm’s director). Many
felt that she was dismissing the power of harmful stereotypes to further degrade marginalized
groups by encouraging those who take offense to a person’s costume to “look away.” Although
the president of Yale and the Yale College dean came out in support of the dorm director and
his wife keeping their jobs, she ultimately decided to resign from teaching at the college.
So why were the Yale students so upset? At the heart of this controversy over Halloween
costumes is a concept that sociologists refer to as cultural appropriation, which occurs when
members of one cultural group borrow elements of another’s culture, such as when a non-
Indian person dons a sari or a non-Japanese person wears a kimono. Is it always offensive
to take on elements of a culture to which you don’t belong? Even the most well-intentioned
and seemingly benign decisions to borrow the cultural style of another group can be under-
stood quite differently by those who come from that culture. There are no hard and fast rules
that can resolve such conflicts. One thing we can do is be aware of what is at stake here.
Sometimes cultural appropriation can reduce an entire way of life to a demeaning stereotype
that exacerbates historically unequal power relations. For this
reason, many schools have banned the use of Native American
“We’re a culture, not a mascots. Similarly, it was this sociological insight that led the
costume” was a poster Intercultural Affairs Committee to urge students to be particu-
campaign launched by Ohio larly thoughtful and sensitive to others’ feelings on Halloween.
University that sparked
As the protests at Yale demonstrate, issues related to cultural
a national conversation
appropriation often come to a head at Halloween and at other
about racially insensitive
Halloween costumes. campus parties. But culture is more than just how we dress. In
this chapter, we will look at what culture is and its role in encour-
aging conformity to shared ways of thinking and acting. We then
consider the early development of human culture, emphasiz-
ing features that distinguish human behavior from that of other
species. After assessing the role of biology in shaping human
behavior, we examine the aspects of culture that are essential for
What Is Culture?
The sociological study of culture began with Émile Durkheim in the nineteenth century Know what culture
consists of, and recognize
and soon became the basis of anthropology, a social science specifically focused on the
how it differs from society.
study of cultural differences and similarities among the world’s peoples. Early social scien-
tists assumed that “primitive” cultures were inferior, lagging far behind modern European
“civilization.” Sociologists and anthropologists now recognize that different cultures each
have their own distinctive characteristics. The task of social science is to understand this
cultural diversity, which is best done by avoiding value judgments.
What Is Culture? 43
eyes, while the tourist’s cultural norm calls for direct eye contact. The result is likely to
be a misunderstanding: The Navajo may see the tourist as impolite and vulgar, while the
tourist may see the Navajo as disrespectful or deceptive. Such cultural misunderstandings
may lead to unfair generalizations and stereotypes and even promote outright hostility.
Values and norms work together to shape how members of a culture behave within their
surroundings. Even within a single culture, the norms of conduct differ by age, gender, and
other important social subgroups. Gender norms are particularly powerful; women are
expected to be more docile, caring, and even more moral than men.
material goods Finally, material goods refer to the physical objects that individuals in society create.
The physical objects that These objects, in turn, influence how we live. They include the food we eat, the clothes
a society creates; these we wear, the cars we drive to the homes we live in; the tools and technologies we use to
influence the ways in make those goods, from sewing machines to computerized factories; and the towns and
which people live. cities that we build as places in which to live and work. As we saw in the case of the Yale
Halloween incident, material goods such as costumes can communicate very powerful
social meaning. While dressing up like a Native American might be deeply offensive on
a college campus, the response might be different at a Chicago Blackhawks hockey game
where there is no expectation that students will be in a “safe space.”
When we use the term culture in daily conversation, we often think of “high culture”—
like fine art, literature, classical music, ballet. From a sociological perspective, the concept
includes these activities, but also many more. Culture refers to the ways of life of the indi-
vidual members or groups within a society: their apparel, marriage customs and family
life, patterns of work, religious ceremonies, and leisure pursuits. The concept also covers
the goods they create and the goods that become meaningful for them—bows and arrows,
plows, factories and machines, computers, books, dwellings. We should think of culture
as a “design for living” or “tool kit” of practices, knowledge, and symbols acquired—as we
shall see later—through learning rather than by instinct (Kluckhohn 1949; Swidler 1986).
Is it possible to describe an “American” culture? Although the United States is cultur-
ally diverse, we can identify several characteristics of a uniquely American culture. First, it
reflects a particular range of values shared by many, if not all, Americans, such as the belief
in the merits of individual achievement or in equality of opportunity. Second, these values
are connected to specific norms: For example, it is usually expected that people will work
hard to achieve occupational success (Bellah et al. 1985; Parsons 1964). Third, it involves
the use of material artifacts created mostly through modern industrial technology, such as
cars, mass-produced food, clothing, and so forth.
Values and norms vary enormously across and even within cultures. Some cultures
value individualism highly, whereas others place great emphasis on collectivism. A simple
example makes this clear. Most pupils in the United States would be outraged to find another
student cheating on an examination. In the United States, copying from someone else’s paper
goes against core values of individual achievement, equality of opportunity, hard work, and
respect for the rules. Russian students, however, might be puzzled by this sense of outrage
among their American peers. Helping one another pass an examination reflects the value
Russians place on equality and on collective problem solving in the face of authority. Think of
your own reaction to this example. What does it say about the values of your society?
Within a single society or community, values may also conflict: Some groups or indi-
viduals may value traditional religious beliefs, whereas others may favor freedom of
expression, individual rights, and gender-based equality. Some people may prefer material
comfort and success, whereas others may favor simplicity and a quiet life. In our changing
age—filled with the global movement of people, ideas, goods, and information—it is not
surprising that we encounter instances of cultural values in conflict.
Norms, like the values they reflect, also change over time. For example, beginning in
1964, with the U.S. surgeon general’s report “Smoking and Health,” which presented defin-
itive medical evidence linking smoking with a large number of serious health problems,
the U.S. government waged a highly effective campaign to discourage people from smok-
ing. A social norm favoring smoking—once associated with independence, sex appeal, and
glamour—has given way to an equally strong antismoking social norm that depicts smok-
ing as unhealthful, unattractive, and selfish. In 2014, the proportion of American adults
who smoked was 17 percent, compared to 42 percent in 1964, when the surgeon general’s
report was issued (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 2015a).
Many of our everyday behaviors and habits are grounded in cultural norms.
Movements, gestures, and expressions are strongly influenced by cultural factors. A clear
example can be seen in the way people smile—particularly in public contexts—across
different cultures. Among the Inuit (Eskimos) of Greenland, for example, one does not find
the strong tradition of public smiling that exists in many areas of Western Europe and
North America. This does not mean that the Inuit are cold or unfriendly; it is simply not
their common practice to smile at or exchange pleasantries with strangers. As the ser-
vice industry has expanded in Greenland in recent years, however, some employers have
made efforts to instill smiling as a cultural value in the belief that smiling and expressing
“polite” attitudes toward customers are essential to competitive business practices. Clients
who are met with smiles and told “Have a nice day” are more likely to become repeat
customers. In many supermarkets in Greenland, shop assistants are now shown train-
ing videos on friendly service techniques; the staff at some have even been sent abroad
What Is Culture? 45
for training courses. Initially these requirements were met with discomfort by some
staff, who found the style insincere and artificial. Over time, however, the idea of public
smiling—at least in the workplace—has become more accepted.
As these pictures of
members of a North Pole
community (left) and a
desert community (right)
demonstrate, culture is
powerfully influenced by
geographic and climate
conditions.
Nature or Nurture?
Because humans evolved as a part of the world of nature, it would seem logical to assume
that human thinking and behavior are the result of biology and evolution. In fact, one of
the oldest and most enduring controversies in the social sciences is the “nature/nurture”
debate: Are we shaped by our biology, or are we products of learning through life’s
experiences—that is, of nurture? Biologists and some psychologists emphasize biological
factors in explaining human thinking and behavior. Sociologists, not surprisingly, stress
the role of learning and culture. They are also likely to argue that because human beings
are capable of making conscious choices, neither biology nor culture wholly determines
human behavior.
The nature/nurture debate has raged for more than a century. In the 1930s and
1940s, many social scientists focused on biological factors, with some researchers seek-
ing (unsuccessfully), for example, to prove that a person’s physique determined his or
her personality. In the 1960s and 1970s, scholars in different fields emphasized culture.
For example, social psychologists argued that even the most severe forms of mental ill-
ness were the result of the labels that society attaches to unusual behavior rather than
of biochemical processes (Scheff 1966). Today, partly because of new understandings in
is with how our different ways of thinking and acting are learned through interactions
with family, friends, schools, television, and every other facet of the social environment.
For example, sociologists argue that it’s not an inborn biological disposition that makes
American heterosexual males feel romantically attracted to a particular type of woman.
Rather, it is the exposure they’ve had throughout their lives to tens of thousands of mag-
azine ads, TV commercials, and film stars that emphasize specific cultural standards of
female beauty.
Early child rearing is especially relevant to this kind of learning. Human babies have
a large brain, requiring birth relatively early in their fetal development, before their heads
have grown too large to pass through the birth canal. As a result, human babies are totally
unequipped for survival on their own, compared with the young of other species, and must
spend a number of years in the care of adults. This need, in turn, fosters a lengthy period of
learning, during which the child is taught his or her society’s culture.
Because humans think and act in so many different ways, sociologists do not
believe that “biology is destiny.” If biology were all-important, we would expect all
cultures to be highly similar, if not identical. Yet this is hardly the case. This is not to
say that human cultures have nothing in common. Surveys of thousands of different
cultures have concluded that all known human cultures have such common charac-
teristics as language, forms of emotional expression, rules that tell adults how to raise
children or engage in sexual behavior, and even standards of beauty (Brown 1991). But
there is enormous variety in exactly how these common characteristics play them-
selves out.
All cultures provide for childhood socialization, but what and how children are
taught varies greatly from culture to culture. An American child learns the multiplica-
tion tables from a classroom teacher, while a child born in the forests of Borneo learns
to hunt with older members of the tribe. All cultures have standards of beauty and orna-
mentation, but what is regarded as beautiful in one culture may be seen as ugly in another
(Elias 1987; Elias and Dunning 1987; Foucault 1988). However, some feminist scholars
have argued that with global access to Western images of beauty on the Internet, cul-
tural definitions of beauty throughout the world are growing narrower and increasingly
emphasize the slender physique that is so cherished in many Western cultures (Sepulveda
and Calado 2012).
SUBCULTURES
Small societies tend to be culturally uniform, but industrialized societies are themselves
culturally diverse or multicultural, involving numerous subcultures. As you will discover subcultures
in the discussion of global migration in Chapter 10, practices and social processes such Cultural groups within a
as slavery, colonialism, war, migration, and contemporary globalization have led to pop- wider society that hold
ulations dispersing across borders and settling in new areas. This, in turn, has led to the values and norms distinct
emergence of societies that are cultural composites, meaning that the population is made from those of the majority.
Cultural Universals
Amid the diversity of human behavior, several cultural
universals prevail. For example, there is no known cul-
ture without a grammatically complex language. All cul-
tures possess some recognizable form of family system,
in which there are values and norms associated with the
care of children. The institution of marriage is a cultural
universal, as are religious rituals and property rights. All
cultures also practice some form of incest prohibition—
the banning of sexual relations between close relatives,
such as father and daughter, mother and son, and brother
Marriage is an example of a cultural universal, a value shared by and sister. A variety of other cultural universals have
all human cultures. been identified by anthropologists, including art, danc-
ing, bodily adornment, games, gift giving, joking, and
rules of hygiene.
Yet there are variations within each category.
Consider, for example, the prohibition against incest.
Incest is typically defined as sexual relations between
members of the immediate family, but in some cultures “the family” has been expanded to
cultural include cousins and others bearing the same family name. There have also been societies
universals in which a small proportion of the population has been permitted to engage in incestuous
Values or modes of practices. Within the ruling class of ancient Egypt, for instance, brothers and sisters were
behavior shared by all permitted to have sex with each other.
human cultures. Among the cultural characteristics shared by all societies, two stand out in particular.
All cultures incorporate ways of communicating and expressing meaning. All cultures also
depend on material objects in daily life.
language
A system of symbols that LANGUAGE
represent objects and
Language is one of the best examples for demonstrating both the unity and the diversity of
abstract thoughts; the pri-
mary vehicle of meaning and human culture because there are no cultures without language, yet there are thousands of
communication in a society. different languages spoken in the world. Anyone who has visited a foreign country armed
with only a dictionary knows how difficult it is either to understand anything or to be
understood. Although languages that have similar origins have words in common with
marriage one another—as do, for example, German and English—most of the world’s major lan-
A socially approved sexual guage groups have no words in common at all.
relationship between
Language is involved in virtually all of our activities. In the form of ordinary talk or
two individuals. Marriage
speech, it is the means by which we organize most of what we do. (We discuss the impor-
normally forms the basis
of a family of procreation— tance of talk and conversation in social life at some length in Chapter 4.) However, lan-
that is, it is expected that guage is involved not just in mundane, everyday activities but also in ceremony, religion,
the married couple will poetry, and many other spheres. One of the most distinctive features of human language
produce and raise children. is that it allows us to vastly extend the scope of our thought and experience. Using lan-
guage, we can convey information about events remote in time or space and can discuss
MATERIAL CULTURE
The symbols expressed in speech and writing are the chief ways in which cultural mean-
ings are formed and expressed. But they are not the only ways. As we saw earlier in this
chapter, both material objects and aspects of behavior can be used to generate meanings.
signifier A signifier is any vehicle of meaning—any set of elements used to communicate. The
Any vehicle of meaning sounds made in speech are signifiers, as are the marks made on paper or other materials
and communication. in writing. Other signifiers, however, include dress, pictures or visual signs, modes of
eating, forms of building or architecture, and many other material features of culture
(Hawkes 1977).
Styles of dress, for example, normally help signify differences between the sexes. Even
colors can signify important aspects of culture. In contemporary society, young girls are
typically dressed in pink while boys are dressed in blue—but this wasn’t always the case
(Paoletti 2012). In the nineteenth century, both boys and girls wore frilly white clothing.
A June 1918 article in Ladies’ Home Journal stated, “The generally accepted rule is pink for
the boys, and blue for the girls. The reason is that pink, being a more decided and stronger
color, is more suitable for the boy, while blue, which is more delicate and dainty, is prettier
for the girl” (Paoletti 2012).
Material culture is not simply symbolic; it is also vital for catering to physical needs—
in the tools or technology used to acquire food, make weaponry, construct dwellings, man-
ufacture our clothing, and so forth. We have to study both the practical and the symbolic
aspects of material culture in order to understand it completely.
Norms are widely agreed-upon principles or rules that people weed.” This postcard reveals the violations of several important
are expected to observe; they represent the dos and don’ts of norms and values (and laws): that we should not steal (espe-
social life. One way to illustrate the power of a social norm cially from children), that we should not do drugs, and that
is to examine reactions to norm violations. Those who vio- poverty is a stigmatized status—and one that people are often
late norms are often subject to the overt or subtle disapproval ashamed of.
of others. Common reactions might include being scolded or A simple scroll through the postcards on the PostSecret
mocked by friends for minor breaches of etiquette, being gos- website reveals the many social norms at play in our culture
siped about behind our backs, or being ostracized from the and the deep shame or fear of reprisal that comes from vio-
social group. Yet norms are so powerful that violators often feel lating these behavioral expectations. Yet the fact that peo-
shame or self-criticism even in the absence of others’ words ple throughout the world are willing to anonymously share
or actions. their transgressions with others shows just how common
A vivid display of the power of norms is PostSecret, an on norm violations are. It also shows just how powerful and
going community art project where people mail in their secrets even oppressive norms can be, given how many seek ref-
anonymously on one side of a homemade postcard. The post- uge by silently and anonymously “confessing” their wrongs
cards are then posted online for others to view or comment on. on PostSecret.
What does it tell us about social norms when a young woman A quick look at the site also reveals that the vast majority
confesses, “He found my vomit in the sink. . . . I said I was fine. of participants are women. As we noted earlier in the chap-
I LIED”? In American society, eating disorders like bulimia vio- ter, some scholars have argued that norms regarding women’s
late a social norm that says we shouldn’t hurt ourselves. Yet it behavior are more rigid than those guiding men’s behavior.
also subtly conveys another norm: Young women are expected Can you think of secrets that men may post, and how they
to be thin in order to live up to our cultural ideals of “beauty.” might differ from those posted by women? How might sites
Using means other than the socially approved strategies of like PostSecret reinforce or challenge social norms, espe-
healthy diet and exercise, however, is a source of shame. cially gender norms? Do you think a forum like PostSecret
Other postcards make claims like “I’ve been stealing $$$ would work in a venue other than the anonymous world of the
from the piggy banks of the kids I babysit to buy groceries and Internet?
What Happened to
Premodern Societies?
Premodern societies can actually be grouped into three main categories: hunters and gath-
Learn how societies have
changed over time. erers, larger agrarian or pastoral societies (involving agriculture or the tending of domes-
ticated animals), and nonindustrial civilizations or traditional states. We shall look at the
main characteristics of these societies in turn.
was horticulture could develop larger stocks of material possessions than people in either
hunting-and-gathering or pastoral communities. Some peoples in the world still rely pri-
marily on horticulture for their livelihood.
industrialism, which has undermined the earlier, more traditional systems that were in place.
■■ Television, which brings U.S. culture (through networks such as MTV and
shows such as The Big Bang Theory) into homes throughout the world daily
Does the Internet Promote a Transnational corporations such as Starbucks and McDonald’s
Global Culture? are one force contributing to the creation of a global culture.
p. 43
Culture and Socie
cultural appropriation
pastoral societies • agrarian societies 1. Compare the two main types of premodern societies.
2. Contrast pastoral and agrarian societies.
nationalism
Socialization,
What are the five major stages of
the life course?
Learn the various stages of the life course,
and Aging
Understand that aging is a combination of
biological, psychological, and social processes.
Consider key theories of aging, particularly
those that focus on how society shapes the
social roles of older people and that emphasize
aspects of age stratification.
PEER RELATIONSHIPS
Another socializing agency is the peer group. Peer groups consist of individuals of a sim- peer group
ilar age. The family’s importance in socialization is obvious because the experience of the A friendship group
infant and young child is shaped more or less exclusively within it. It is less apparent, espe- composed of individuals
cially to those of us living in Western societies, how significant peer groups are. Children of similar age and social
status.
over age four or five usually spend a great deal of time in the company of friends the same
age. Given the high proportion of women now in the workforce whose young children play
together in day-care centers and preschool, peer relations are more important than ever
before (Corsaro 1997; Harris 1998).
Peer relations are likely to have a significant effect beyond childhood and adolescence.
Informal groups of people of similar ages, at work and in other situations, are usually of
enduring importance in shaping individuals’ attitudes and behavior. Peer groups also play
an important role in changing norms, with more contemporary peer groups upholding or
promoting behaviors that might not have been supported in earlier generations. While
Bruce Jenner’s classmates in the 1950s no doubt promoted gender conformity, Coy Mathis
and her young friends may grow up to hold, and encourage in one another, much more
open-minded views about gender, identity, and gender roles.
researched topic, however, is the impact of television on propensities to crime and violence.
In recent years researchers have become interested in studying the ways that video
games (especially violent video games) affect children. Nearly three-quarters (72 percent)
of teenagers play video games on their phone, computer, or a console such as PlayStation,
XBox, or Wii, including 84 percent of teenage boys and 59 percent of teenage girls (Lenhart
2015). Given what we’ve learned about socialization, is this a potentially harmful trend?
It is doubtful that a child’s involvement with most video games harms his or her
achievement at school. While at times increased video game use and decreased school per-
formance go hand in hand, it is unlikely that video games cause a decline in school perfor-
mance. It is also possible that video games can help youth develop skills and behaviors that
are good for their physical, emotional, intellectual, and social well-being. Recent work by
neuroscientists and psychologists find that some types of action-packed video games boost
children’s brain stimulation, cognitive development, spatial abilities, problem-solving
skills, and even self-esteem (Granic, Lobel, and Engels 2014).
WORK
Across all cultures, work is an important setting within which socialization processes
operate, although it is only in industrial societies that large numbers of people go out to
work—that is, go each day to places of work separate from the home. In traditional com-
munities, many people farmed the land close to where they lived or had workshops in their
dwellings. “Work” in such communities was not as clearly distinct from other activities as
it is for most members of the workforce in the modern West. In the industrialized coun-
tries, joining the workforce ordinarily marks a much greater transition in an individual’s
life than beginning work in traditional societies.
Social Roles
Through the process of socialization, individuals learn about social roles—socially defined social roles
expectations that a person in a given social position follows. The social role of doctor, for Socially defined
example, encompasses a set of behaviors that should be enacted by all individual doctors, expectations of an
regardless of their personal opinions or outlooks. Because all doctors share this role, it is individual in a given status,
or occupying a particular
possible to speak in general terms about the professional behavior of doctors, regardless of
social position. In every
the specific individuals who occupy that position.
society, individuals play
Some sociologists, particularly those associated with the functionalist school, regard a number of social roles,
social roles as fixed and relatively unchanging parts of a society’s culture. According to this such as teenager, parent,
view, individuals learn the expectations that surround social positions in their particu- worker, or political leader.
lar culture and perform those roles largely as they have been defined. Social roles do not
involve negotiation or creativity. Rather, they prescribe, contain, and direct an individual’s
behavior. Through socialization, individuals internalize social roles and learn how to carry
them out.
This view, however, is mistaken. It suggests that individuals simply take on roles, rather
than creating or negotiating them. Socialization is a process in which humans can exer-
cise agency; we are not simply passive subjects waiting to be instructed or programmed.
Individuals come to understand and assume social roles through an ongoing process of
social interaction.
Identity
The cultural settings in which we are born and mature to adulthood influence our behav-
ior, but that does not mean that humans are deprived of individuality or free will. Some
sociologists do tend to write about socialization as though this were the case. But such a
view is fundamentally flawed—socialization is also at the origin of our very individuality
and freedom. In the course of socialization, each of us develops a sense of identity and the
capacity for independent thought and action.
Identity is a multifaceted concept—it relates to the understandings people hold about
who they are and what is meaningful to them. Some of the main sources of identity include
gender, sexual orientation, nationality or ethnicity, and social class. Sociologists typically social identity
speak of two types of identity: social identity and self-identity (or personal identity). Social The characteristics that
identity refers to the characteristics that other people attribute to an individual. These can other people attribute to
be seen as markers that indicate who the individual is. At the same time, they place that an individual.
individual in relation to other individuals who share the same attributes. Examples of
GENDER LEARNING
Gender learning by infants is almost certainly unconscious. Before a child can accurately
label itself as either a boy or a girl, it receives a range of preverbal cues. For instance, male
and female adults usually handle infants differently. The cosmetics women use contain
scents different from those the baby might learn to associate with males. Systematic dif-
ferences in dress, hairstyle, and so on provide visual cues for the infant in the learning
process. By age two, children have a partial understanding of what gender is. They know
whether they are boys or girls, and they can usually categorize others accurately. Not until
five or six, however, does a child know that everyone has gender and that sex differences
between girls and boys are anatomically based.
The toys, picture books, and television programs with which young children come
into contact all tend to emphasize differences between male and female attributes. Toy
stores and department stores usually categorize their products by gender. Even toys
that seem neutral in terms of gender are not always so in practice. For example, toy kit-
tens and rabbits might be thought of as appropriate for girls, whereas lions and tigers
RACE SOCIALIZATION
Scholars have long recognized the ways that we Sociologists are interested in how children learn what it means to be a
learn to be male or female, but how did you learn member of a particular racial group, especially one that is devalued.
about your racial or ethnic heritage? Did your par-
ents ever teach you what it means to be white,
black, Asian, or Latino? Sociologists have recently
explored the process of race socialization, which
refers to the specific verbal and nonverbal mes-
sages that older generations transmit to younger generations regarding the meaning
and significance of race, racial stratification, intergroup relations, and personal identity
CONCEPT CHECKS
(Lesane-Brown 2006).
The research team of sociologist Tony Brown and psychologist Chase Lesane-Brown 1. What is social
have examined the messages that parents teach and the effects of this socialization on reproduction? What are
children’s lives. Their work rests on the assumption that while ethnic minority parents some specific ways that
the four main agents of
(especially black parents) must socialize their children to be productive members of soci-
socialization contribute
ety, just as white parents do, they also face an additional task: raising children with the
to social reproduction?
skills to survive and prosper in a society that often devalues blackness. As part of race
2. According to Mead, how
socialization, black parents also prepare their children to understand their heritage, their
does a child develop a
cultures, and what it means to belong to a racial group that has historically occupied a low social self?
and stigmatized status in the United States (Lesane-Brown 2006).
3. What are the four
Understanding race socialization will become increasingly important for future stages of cognitive
cohorts of young people. In our increasingly global society, children and young people development according
will need to develop the skills and capacities to negotiate multicultural contexts in their to Piaget?
everyday lives (Priest et al. 2014). Parents, teachers, and other agents of socialization must 4. How do the media
also promote positive racial attitudes, counter negative attitudes, and enable effective contribute to gender
responses to racism when it occurs. Although race socialization has historically focused role socialization?
on raising black children to fit in and get ahead in a racist world, scholars today recognize 5. What are the main
that white children, too, should be socialized to recognize and fight racism when they see components of race
it unfold (Priest et al. 2014). socialization?
Young Adulthood
Young adulthood is a stage of exploration, often before one settles on a permanent job,
spouse, or home. This stage of personal and sexual development is unique to modern soci-
eties (Furstenberg et al. 2004). Particularly among more affluent groups, people in their
early twenties are taking the time to travel; to explore sexual, political, and religious affil-
iations; to try out different careers; and to date and live with several romantic partners
before eventually marrying. The importance of this postponement of the responsibilities
of full adulthood is likely to increase, given the extended period of education many people
now undergo.
Although it is difficult to pinpoint precisely when one makes the “transition to adult-
hood,” one team of researchers identified five benchmarks of adulthood: leaving one’s
parents’ home, finishing school, getting married, having a child, and achieving financial
independence. In 1960, fully 65 percent of men and 77 percent of women had achieved
all five benchmarks by age thirty. By
contrast, only 25 percent of men and
39 percent of women had done so in F I G U R E 3.1
2010 (Furstenberg and Kennedy 2013;
Furstenberg et al. 2004). These statis- Thirty-Year-Olds: 1975 vs. 2015
tics clearly show that the transition to
adulthood is being delayed today and 1975 2015
that some benchmarks historically 100
90
considered as signifiers of adulthood, 83
89 81
76
such as becoming a parent, may be less 80
70 71
central to one’s identity as an adult in
PERCENTAGE
57 56
the twenty-first century (Figure 3.1). 60
47
Midlife or “Middle 40
Age”
20
Most young adults in the West today
can look forward to a life stretching 0
right through to old age. In premod- Living on Ever Living with In the Owns a
their own married a child labor force home
ern times, few could anticipate such
a future with much confidence. Death Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census 2016b
through sickness or injury was much more frequent among all age groups than it is today.
Given these advances in life expectancy, a “new” life course stage has been recognized in
the twentieth century: midlife, or middle age (Cohen 2012). Midlife, the stage between
young adulthood and old age, is generally described as the years between ages forty-five
and sixty-five.
Midlife is distinct from other life course stages in that there is not an “official” or legal
age of entry. For example, American youth become legal adults at age eighteen, whereas
age sixty-five is generally believed to signify the transition to old age and the receipt of
retirement benefits. One’s entry to midlife, by contrast, tends to be signified by the social
roles one adopts (or relinquishes). While some scholars believe that menopause, or the
loss of reproductive potential, signals women’s transition to midlife, others believe that
for both men and women, midlife is marked by transitions such as the “empty nest” stage
(when children leave the family home).
Midlife is also a psychological turning point where men and women may assess their
past choices and accomplishments and make new choices that prepare them for the second
half of life. Keeping a forward-looking outlook in middle age has taken on a particular
importance in modern societies. Most people do not expect to be doing the same thing
their whole lives, as was the case for the majority in traditional cultures. For example,
women who spent their early adulthood raising a family and whose children have left
home may feel free to pursue new personal goals, whereas men who stayed at financially
stable jobs while supporting their young families may choose to pursue their earlier career
dreams (Lachman 2001).
F I GU RE 3.2
80
60
15
50
40
10
30
20
5
10
0 0
1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2020 2030 2040 2050
projected
Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census 2010e
the physical body; (2) a psychological one, which refers to the mind and mental capabilities;
and (3) a social one, which refers to cultural norms, values, and role expectations having
to do with age. Our notions about the meaning of age are rapidly changing, both because
recent research is dispelling many myths about aging and because advances in nutrition
and health have enabled many people to live longer, healthier lives than ever before.
Theoretical perspective
family—is associated with good mental and physical health (Birren and Bengtson 1988;
on aging that specifies Rowe and Kahn 1987; Schaie 1983). Yet critics observe that not all activities are equally
that older adults fare best valuable, giving rise to continuity theory. This theory specifies that older adults fare best
when they participate in when they participate in activities that are consistent with their personalities, prefer-
activities consistent with ences, and activities from earlier in life (Atchley 1989). For instance, a retired elementary
their personalities, prefer-
school teacher may find volunteering at a local elementary school to be much more satis-
ences, and activities from
earlier in life. fying than playing bingo at a local community center.
Critics of functionalist theories of aging argue that these theories emphasize the need
for older adults to adapt to existing conditions, either by disengaging from socially useful
roles or by actively pursuing them, but that they do not question whether the circum-
stances faced by older adults are just. In response to this critique, another group of theo-
rists arose—those growing out of the social conflict tradition (Hendricks 1992).
intellectually disengaged, as they exit the workforce and struggle to find new activities manage the physical realities
to round out their days. While games like “Words with Friends” might be viewed as a of aging.
silly distraction for younger persons, these word-based games are praised by geron-
tologists as a way to keep older adults’ minds active, engaged, and nimble. Some apps
are designed especially for older adults suffering from cognitive impairment or the early
stages of dementia. For example, Clevermind is a voice-activated app that links older
adults to brainteaser puzzles like card-matching memory games, weather and news sites,
medical and nutrition information, and shortcuts to social networking sites that bring
older adults in contact with their caregivers, children, and friends (Barry 2015).
Smartphones are often criticized for keeping people socially isolated, yet they can be
critical to the social engagement of older adults. Although young people may take Skype
for granted, it can be a lifeline for older adults. As Americans are increasingly geographi
cally mobile, older adults may live miles, if not oceans, away from their children and
grandchildren. Skype allows older adults to “watch” their grandchildren grow up, even if
they have real face-to-face contact only once every several years (Lajeunesse 2013). In
this way, smartphone apps are helping older adults to manage and thrive, even in the face
of biological, social, and psychological aging.
Think about the biological, psychological, and social aspects of aging described earlier
in this chapter. What kind of apps might you design to help older adults adjust to each of
these distinctive aspects of the aging process?
and Proctor 2016). However, even today the poverty rate among older adults is as high as
CONCEPT CHECKS 40 percent among unmarried black and Hispanic older women (Carr 2010).
three persons age eighty-five or older reported the same (Federal Interagency Forum on
Aging-Related Statistics 2013). It is not surprising that the percentage of people needing
help with daily activities increases with age: Only one in ten persons between the ages
of sixty-five and seventy-five report needing daily assistance, yet this figure rises to one
in five for people between seventy-five and seventy-nine and to one in three for peo-
ple between eighty and eighty-four. Half of all people over eighty-five require assistance
(Federal Interagency Forum on Aging-Related Statistics 2013).
Paradoxically, there is some evidence that the fastest-growing group of the aged pop-
ulation, the oldest old (those eighty-five and older), tend to enjoy relative robustness, which
partially accounts for their having reached their advanced age. This is possibly one of the
reasons that health-care costs for a person who dies at ninety are about a third of those for
a person who dies at seventy (Angier 1995). Unlike many other Americans, persons age
sixty-five and older are fortunate in having access to public health insurance (Medicare)
and, therefore, medical services. The United States, however, stands virtually alone among
the industrialized nations in failing to provide adequately for the complete health care of
its most senior citizens (Hendricks and Hatch 1993).
Nearly all (about 93 percent) of older Americans are covered to some extent by
Medicare. But because this program covers about half of the total health-care expenses of
individuals age sixty-five and older, 62 percent of older people supplement Medicare with
their own private insurance (Smith and Medalia 2015). The rising costs of private insurance
have unfortunately made this option impossible for a growing number of older adults. On
average, older Americans paid nearly $6,000 out-of-pocket for health care—an increase of
50 percent since 2004. Despite Medicare, health care costs still comprise 13 percent of older
adults’ total expenses (Administration on Aging 2015).
When older adults become physically unable to care for themselves, they may move
into assisted-living facilities, long-term care facilities, or nursing homes. Only about
1 percent of people between age sixty-five and seventy-four are in a nursing home, a figure
Elder Abuse
Mistreatment and abuse of older adults may take many forms, including physical, sexual,
emotional, or financial abuse; neglect; or abandonment (National Center on Elder Abuse
1999). Elder mistreatment is very difficult to measure and document. Older adults who are
embarrassed, ashamed, or fearful of retaliation by their abusers may be reluctant to report
such experiences. As a result, official prevalence rates are low. Worldwide, it is estimated
that between 4 and 6 percent of older adults experience some form of abuse at home. The
National Social Life, Health and Aging Project (NSHAP) is the first nationally represen-
tative population-based survey to ask older adults about their recent experiences of mis-
treatment. Laumann and colleagues (2008) found that 9 percent of older adults reported
verbal mistreatment, 3.5 percent reported financial mistreatment, and less than 1 percent
reported physical mistreatment by a family member. Women and persons with physical
disabilities were most likely to report abuse.
It is widely believed that abuse results from the anger and resentment that adult chil-
dren feel when confronted with the need to care for their infirm parents (King 1984;
Steinmetz 1983). Most studies have found this to be a false stereotype, however. In the
NSHAP study, most mistreatment was perpetrated by someone other than a member
of the elder’s immediate family. Of those who reported verbal mistreatment, 26 percent
named their spouse or romantic partner as the perpetrator, 15 percent named their child,
and 57 percent named someone other than a spouse, parent, or child. Similarly, 56 percent
of elders who reported financial mistreatment said that someone other than a family
member was responsible; of family members, though, children were mentioned most
often while spouses were rarely named. Other studies show that when a child abused
an aged parent, he or she was more likely to be financially dependent on the parent. The
child may feel resentment about being dependent, whereas the parent may be unwilling
Social Isolation
One common stereotype about older adults is that they are socially isolated. This is not
true of the majority of older people: Four out of five older persons have living children, and
the vast majority can rely on their children for support if necessary (Federal Interagency
Forum on Aging-Related Statistics 2013). More than nine out of ten adult children believe
that maintaining parental contact is important to them, including the provision of financial
support if it is needed (Finley, Roberts, and Banahan 1988). The reverse is also true: Many
studies have found that older parents continue to provide support for their adult children,
particularly during times of difficulty such as divorce. Being geographically distant from
family members does not seem to be a problem either. Among older adults who do not live
with their child, approximately three-quarters live within a thirty-five-minute drive of at
least one child (Lin and Rogerson 1995). This arrangement is exactly what most older adults
want; studies repeatedly show that they prefer to remain independent and reside in their
own homes (albeit near their children). In other words, they want “intimacy at a distance”
(Gans and Silverstein 2006).
Future generations may suffer more from social isolation than older people do today.
Changing patterns of family structure, including increases in divorce and a decline
in remarriage, may mean that an increasing proportion of older people will live alone
(Goldscheider 1990). In 2015, 36 percent of older women and 20 percent of men lived alone
(Administration on Aging 2015). Women are more likely than men to live alone because
they are more likely to outlive their spouse; they are also less likely than men to remarry
following widowhood or divorce. While 70 percent of older men are married, the same
can only be said of 45 percent of older women. Women are also more likely than men to
be widowed. In 2015, 34 percent of older women and only 12 percent of older men were
widowed (Administration on Aging 2015).
Part of the reason that older women are less likely than men to remarry is the highly
skewed sex ratio among older adults. In 2014, there were 127 older women for every
100 older men; for those eighty-five or older, this ratio increases to 192 women for every
100 men (Administration on Aging 2015). The fact that women outlive men means that older
women are more likely to experience problems of isolation and loneliness. These problems
are compounded by cultural values that make growing old gracefully easier for men than
for women. In U.S. culture, youth and beauty are viewed as especially desirable qualities
for women. Older men, on the other hand, are more likely to be valued for their material
success: Graying at the temples is a sign of distinction for a man, rather than a call for a visit
to the hair salon. As a result, older divorced or widowed men are much more likely to find
a mate than older women who are living alone because the pool of eligible mates for older
men is more likely to include potential partners who are many years younger.
The mere presence of social relationships does not ward off loneliness, however. An
ageism estimated 29 percent of older married persons report some symptoms of loneliness; this
Discrimination or prejudice pattern is particularly common among persons whose spouses are ill, have a dissatisfying
against a person on the (or nonexistent) sexual relationship, or have infrequent or conflicted conversations (AARP
basis of age. 2012; de Jong Gierveld et al. 2009). As de Jong Gierveld and Havens (2004) noted, loneliness
depends on one’s “standards as to what constitutes an optimal network of relationships.”
Prejudice
Discrimination on the basis of age, or ageism, is
now against federal law. The Age Discrimination in
Employment Act of 1967 (ADEA) protects job appli-
cants and employees forty years of age and older The social meaning of age
from discrimination on the basis of age in hiring, shifts over time. Gloria
Estefan was fifty-six when
firing, promotion, and pay. Nonetheless, prejudices
she appeared on the cover
based on false stereotypes are common. Older adults of AARP magazine, an age
are frequently seen as perpetually lonely, sad, infirm, now considered midlife.
forgetful, dependent, senile, old-fashioned, inflexible,
and embittered (Palmore 2015).
There are a number of reasons for such prejudice. The American obsession with
youthfulness, reflected in popular entertainment and advertising, leads many younger
people to disparage their elders, frequently dismissing them as irrelevant. The new infor-
mation technology culture undoubtedly reinforces these prejudices because youthfulness
and computer abilities seem to go hand in hand. In the fast-paced world of Twitter and
dot-com businesses that seem to flourish and perish overnight, young people may come
to view older adults as anachronistic.
These stereotypes are harmful, especially if they translate into discriminatory or ageist
treatment. The actions of the aging baby boom cohort may help chip away at outdated and
inaccurate notions of what old age is. Consider that folk music luminary Bob Dylan graced
the cover of AARP magazine in 2013, the year he turned seventy-three. Just four years
earlier, in 2009, Bruce Springsteen was featured on the cover; that same year, Springsteen
and the E Street Band had the second-highest-grossing concert tour—topped only by the
then-fifty-year-old Bono and his bandmates in U2.
Just as older adults are a vital part of popular culture, they are becoming an increas-
ingly large presence online. In 2015, 58 percent of Americans sixty-five and older used the CONCEPT CHECKS
Internet, and more than a quarter (27 percent) of older adults use social networking sites
such as Facebook (Perrin and Duggan 2015). Experts agree that baby boomers may play a 1. Contrast the young old,
critical role in further helping to dissolve stereotypes of the frail, senile older adult. old old, and oldest old.
In many ways, older adults face some of the same problems experienced by Coy 2. Describe at least three
Mathis and Caitlyn Jenner, whom we met at the beginning of the chapter. Young boys common problems that
older Americans often
are expected to be strong and tough—not “sissies.” Girls, but not boys, are believed to like
confront.
pink, wear skirts, and behave in a feminine way. Likewise, older adults are stereotyped as
3. What characteristics
being old-fashioned and out of it. Even though these two examples are very different—one
differentiate those
involving the youngest stage of the life course, and the other involving the oldest—they
older adults who
both reveal the power of social expectations. However, social expectations can change over are emotionally and
time, and as old “cohorts” or generations die out and are replaced with younger generations physically well from
holding more contemporary beliefs, we might expect that stereotypes—whether based on those who face great
age or gender—may slowly fade away. distress in later life?
The
Big Picture
Socialization, the Life Learn about socialization (including
gender socialization), and know the most
Course, and Aging How Are
important agents of socialization.
Children
Socialized?
p. 75
1. What is social reproduction? What are some specific ways that the four
main agents of socialization contribute to social reproduction?
cognition • social self • self-consciousness • 2. According to Mead, how does a child develop a social self?
generalized other • sensorimotor stage • 3. What are the four stages of cognitive development according to Piaget?
preoperational stage • egocentric • concrete 4. How do the media contribute to gender role socialization?
operational stage • formal operational stage • 5. What are the main components of racial socialization?
agents of socialization • nuclear family •
peer group • social roles • social identity •
self-identity • gender socialization •
race socialization
life course
young old • old old • oldest old • ageism 1. Contrast the young old, old old, and oldest old.
2. Describe at least three common problems that older Americans
often confront.
3. What characteristics differentiate those older adults who are emotionally
and physically well from those who face great distress in later life?
4 Notre Dame football star Manti Te’o was widely
ridiculed when news broke that Lennay Kekua, his
girlfriend of nearly a year, never existed. Kekua,
constructed as part of an elaborate “catfishing”
hoax by an acquaintance of Te’o’s, existed only on
social media.
Social Interaction
Familiarize yourself with the study of
everyday life. Know the various forms of
nonverbal communication.
and Everyday
How do we manage impressions
in daily life?
Learn about the ways you carefully choose
Social Interaction and Ever yday Life in the A ge of the Internet 103
the Heisman Trophy, Te’o was a highly decorated college football player. But Te’o was more
than a football star; he became a hometown hero when he led his team to victory on the same
day in September 2012 that he learned of the deaths of both his grandmother and girlfriend.
Despite his heartbreak, Te’o did not miss a single football game that season, telling reporters
and teammates that he had promised his girlfriend, Lennay Kekua, that he would play regard-
less of what happened to her. Kekua, a Stanford University student, had been battling leukemia.
In January 2013, Te’o made headlines again. The sports blog Deadspin broke the shocking
news that Te’o’s girlfriend, Lennay Kekua, hadn’t died. In fact, she had never existed at all.
Kekua was entirely fictional, constructed as part of an elaborate Internet hoax by a distant
acquaintance of Te’o’s.
How was it possible that Te’o had maintained a nearly yearlong “relationship” with a fic-
tional young woman? In a public statement, Te’o explained, “This is incredibly embarrassing to
talk about, but over an extended period of time, I developed an emotional relationship with a
woman I met online. We maintained what I thought to be an authentic relationship by communi-
cating frequently online and on the phone, and I grew to care deeply about her” (ESPN 2013b).
Te’o had previously lied to his family, teammates, and the press about meeting Kekua in person,
afraid they would think he was “crazy.” Was Te’o crazy, or was he simply trying to maintain a
social interaction
long-distance online relationship while also juggling his busy schedule as a student athlete? Is
The process by which
an exclusively online relationship really a form of social interaction?
we act with and react to
those around us.
Throughout most of human history, people have communicated mainly face-to-face. The
U.S. Postal Service was established in the late eighteenth century, making it easier than ever
to communicate through writing. Then, in the nineteenth century, the advent of the telephone
microsociology revolutionized how Americans interacted with one another. In the last two decades, email,
The study of human SMS, and social networking sites have once again revolutionized the way humans commu-
behavior in contexts of nicate. In this chapter, we will explore how each of these forms of communication—along
face-to-face interaction. with subtle, nonverbal aspects of communication—constitutes social interaction and carries
important messages about how our society functions.
10 4 CHAPTER 4 Social Interaction and Ever yday Life in the A ge of the Internet
believed that such small gestures are meaningful and rich with
messages about human interaction. When passersby—either
strangers or intimates—quickly glance at each other and then
look away again, they demonstrate what Goffman (1967, 1971)
calls civil inattention. Civil inattention is not the same as merely
ignoring another person. Each individual indicates recognition
of the other person’s presence but avoids any gesture that might
be taken as too intrusive. Goffman argued that the study of such
apparently insignificant forms of social interaction is of major
importance in sociology and, far from being uninteresting, is one
of the most absorbing of all areas of sociological investigation.
There are three reasons for this.
First, our ordinary routines give structure and form to what
we do. We can learn a great deal about ourselves as social beings,
and about social life itself, from studying them. Our lives are
While riding the elevator, we engage in civil inattention
organized around the repetition of similar patterns of behavior
by acknowledging the other riders’ presence but avoiding
from day to day, week to week, month to month, and year to year. eye contact.
Think of what you did yesterday, for example, and the day before
that. If they were both weekdays, you probably woke up at about
the same time each day (an important routine in itself). You may
have gone to class fairly early in the morning, making a jour-
ney from home to school that you make virtually every weekday. You perhaps met some
friends for lunch, returning to classes or private study in the afternoon. Later, you retraced
your steps back home or to your dorm, possibly going out later in the evening with friends.
Of course, the routines we follow are not identical from day to day, and our patterns of
activity on weekends usually contrast with those on weekdays. If we make a major change civil inattention
in our life, like leaving college to take a full-time job, alterations in our daily routines are The process whereby
usually necessary, but then we establish a new and fairly regular set of habits again. individuals in the
Second, the study of everyday life reveals to us how humans can act creatively to same physical setting
demonstrate to each other
shape reality. Although social behavior is guided to some extent by forces such as roles,
that they are aware of the
norms, and shared expectations, individuals also have agency, or the ability to act, think, other’s presence.
and make choices independently (Emirbayer and Mische 1998). The ways that people
perceive reality may vary widely based on their backgrounds, interests, and motiva-
tions. Because individuals are capable of creative action, they continuously shape reality agency
through the decisions and actions they take. In other words, reality is not fixed or static— The ability to think,
it is created through human interactions. However, as we shall see later in this chapter, act, and make choices
even our most private or seemingly minor interactions are shaped by structure, or the independently.
recurrent patterned arrangements and hierarchies that influence or limit the choices and
opportunities available to us.
structure
Third, studying social interaction in everyday life sheds light on larger social
The recurrent patterned
structures, systems, and institutions. All large-scale social systems depend on the
arrangements and
patterns of social interaction we engage in daily. This is easy to demonstrate. Let’s hierarchies that influence
reconsider the case of two strangers passing on the street. Such an event may seem to or limit the choices and
have little direct relevance to large-scale, more permanent forms of social structure. opportunities available
But when we take into account many such interactions, they are no longer irrelevant. to us.
In modern societies, most people live in towns and cities and constantly interact with
Nonverbal Communication
nonverbal Social interaction requires many forms of nonverbal communication—the exchange of
communication information and meaning through facial expressions, eye contact, gestures, and movements
Communication between of the body. Nonverbal communication, sometimes referred to as “body language,” often alters
individuals based on
or expands on what is said with words. In some cases, our body language may convey a mes-
facial expression or bodily
sage that is discrepant with our words.
gestures rather than on
language.
FACE, GESTURES, AND EMOTION
One major aspect of nonverbal communication is the facial expression of emotion. Paul
Ekman and his colleagues developed what they call the Facial Action Coding System
(FACS) for describing movements of the facial muscles that give rise to particular expres-
Paul Ekman’s photographs
sions (Ekman and Friesen 1978). By this means, they tried to inject some precision into an
of facial expressions from
a tribesman in an isolated area notoriously open to inconsistent or contradictory interpretations—for there is little
community in New Guinea agreement about how emotions are to be identified and classified. Charles Darwin, one of
helped test the idea that the originators of evolutionary theory, claimed that basic modes of emotional expression
basic modes of emotional are the same in all human beings and across all cultures. Although some have disputed
expression are the same
the claim, Ekman’s research among people from widely different cultural backgrounds
among all people. Here the
instructions were to show seems to confirm Darwin’s view. Ekman and W. V. Friesen carried out a study of an isolated
how your face would look if community in New Guinea, whose members previously had virtually no contact with out-
you were a person in a story siders. When they were shown pictures of facial expressions conveying six emotions, the
and (a) your friend had
come and you were happy,
(b) your child had died,
(c) you were angry and
about to fight, and (d) you
saw a dead pig that had
been lying there a long time.
a b c d
106 CHAPTER 4 Social Interaction and Ever yday Life in the A ge of the Internet
Hand gestures are
one form of nonverbal
communication. Unlike facial
expressions, hand gestures
vary widely by culture.
New Guineans identified the same emotions (happiness, sadness, anger, disgust, fear, sur-
prise) we would.
According to Ekman, the results of his own and similar studies of different peoples
support the view that the facial expression of emotion and its interpretation are innate
in human beings. He acknowledges that his evidence does not conclusively demonstrate
this, and it’s possible that widely shared cultural learning experiences are involved; how-
ever, his conclusions are supported by other types of research. Irenäus Eibl-Eibesfeldt
(1972) studied six children born deaf and blind to determine to what extent their facial
expressions were the same as those of sighted and hearing individuals in particular emo-
tional situations. He found that the children smiled when engaged in obviously plea-
surable activities, raised their eyebrows in surprise when sniffing at an object with an
unaccustomed smell, and frowned when repeatedly offered a disliked object. Because the
children could not have seen other people behaving in these ways, it seems that these
responses must be innately determined.
By contrast, there are no gestures or bodily postures that are universally known
and understood in all cultures. In some societies, for instance, people nod when they
mean no, the opposite of Anglo-American practice. Gestures Americans tend to use
a great deal, such as pointing, seem not to exist among certain peoples (Bull 1983).
Similarly, a straightened forefinger placed in the center of the cheek and rotated is
used in parts of Italy as a gesture of praise but appears to be unknown elsewhere
(Donadio 2013).
Like facial expressions, gestures and bodily posture are continually used to fill out
utterances as well as to convey meanings when nothing is actually said. All three can
be used to joke, show irony, or indicate skepticism. The nonverbal impressions that we
convey may inadvertently indicate that what we say is not quite what we really mean.
Blushing is perhaps the most obvious example, but innumerable other subtle indicators
can be picked up by other people. Genuine facial expressions tend to evaporate after four
or five seconds. A smile that lasts longer could indicate deceit. An expression of surprise
:) or :-)
As time passed, a need for greater subtlety resulted in other widely understood varia-
tions, such as this winking smiley face:
;-)
Email may have once been devoid of facial expression, but today the average email
user may insert different emotions into a message. Strongly felt sentiments might be
typed in all capitals, a gesture that is considered “shouting.” The strong need human
beings feel to communicate with their faces has also led to other innovations, like Skype
and Facetime. But in general, people who communicate over email or the phone lack the
benefit of seeing the faces of their conversational partners as they speak. If they could,
then perhaps Manti Te’o would not have been duped into thinking that Lennay Kekua
was a real woman, rather than a virtual creation. This is especially true of text messag-
ing, which strips away both faces and voices.
Why and how does this matter for human relationships and interactions? On the
phone, whether it’s a cell phone or landline, an individual will frequently talk for a longer
stretch of time than he or she would in a face-to-face conversation. Unable to see the face
of a conversational partner, the speaker can’t as readily adjust what he or she is saying in
response to clues from the listener that he or she “gets it.” Yet, the phone maintains at least
CONCEPT CHECKS
some immediacy of feedback that email and text messages, to a lesser extent, lack. This is
1. What is microsociology? why in email disputes, people who are unable to make mutual adjustments in response to
verbal or facial cues will end up saying much more—communicated in the form of long
2. What are three reasons messages—than they would need to say in spoken conversation.
why it is important
Which is best? Would you prefer to make your point via email or text message, over
to study daily social
interaction? the phone or Skype, or in person? Using sociological insights like these might make
you prefer electronic communication at certain times and face-to-face communication
3. What is nonverbal at others. For example, if you are dealing with a powerful person and want to get your
communication?
thoughts across, you may want to avoid a situation in which he or she can signal with
4. Describe several facial gestures that your idea is silly and thus inhibit you from making all your points.
ways that individuals The power to signal with facial gestures is one of the things that people do to control
communicate their the flow of a conversation. On the other hand, face-to-face communication gives you an
emotions to one another.
opportunity to try out an idea on someone more powerful than yourself without going
5. How do email and too far down the road if he or she is actually unreceptive. You probably would not want
in-person communication to conduct an important conversation via text message, instead limiting its use to minor
differ? or immediate issues.
108 CHAPTER 4 Social Interaction and Ever yday Life in the A ge of the Internet
How Do We Manage
Impressions in Daily Life?
Goffman and other writers on social interaction often draw on imagery from drama and Learn about the ways you
theater in their analyses. The concept of a social role, which we learned about in Chapter 3, carefully choose to present
yourself to others in daily
is an important component of social interaction. Roles are socially defined expectations
interactions—both face-to-
that a person in a given status (or social position) follows. For example, most children face and virtually.
are socialized to conform to gender-specific behavioral expectations that are consistent
with their biological sex. Roles can also be much more specific; for example, the teacher’s
role involves acting in specified ways toward his or her pupils. Goffman sees social life as
though played out by actors on a stage, or on many stages, because how we act depends on
the roles we are playing at a particular time.
Impression Management
People are sensitive to how they are seen by others (that is, their “audience”) and use many
forms of impression management to compel others to react to them in the ways they status
wish. Although we may sometimes do this in a calculated way, usually it is among the The social honor or prestige
things we do without conscious attention. When going on a job interview, a person will that a particular group is
typically dress more formally and try to put his or her best foot forward; however, when accorded by other members
of a society. Status groups
going out with friends, he or she might dress down, use slang, and act in ways that are
normally display distinct
unlikely to impress a prospective employer.
styles of life—patterns of
A crucial observation of social interaction is that every human being possesses a self behavior that the members
that is forever fragile and vulnerable to embarrassment or even humiliation. People are of a group follow. Status
intensely attuned to what others think of them and how they are being viewed. That’s part privilege may be positive
of the reason that we’re so careful about what we post on Facebook and why we cringe or negative.
and are expected to act a certain way when you are around your professors.
110 CHAPTER 4 Social Interaction and Ever yday Life in the A ge of the Internet
Audience Segregation
Although people cooperate to help one another “save face,” they also endeavor individ-
ually to preserve their own dignity, autonomy, and respect. One of the ways that people
do this is by arranging for “audience segregation” in their lives. In each of their roles
they act somewhat differently, and they endeavor to keep the roles both distinct and
separate from one another. This means that they can have multiple selves. Frequently
these selves are consistent, but sometimes they are not. People find it very stressful
when boundaries break down, or when they cannot reconcile their role in one part
of life with their role in another. For example, some college freshmen try to distance
themselves from former classmates in order to carve out a new “college” identity that
won’t be tainted by embarrassing stories from high school. Or, some people live very
different lives at home and at work. For example, due to discrimination against gays
and lesbians, someone who appears “straight” at work may live happily with a same-sex
partner at home. Like all people who engage in audience segregation, they show a dif-
ferent face to different people. Audience segregation implicitly encourages impression
management.
What do you think is happening here? What is the relation between the speakers?
What if you were told that this is a conversation between a prospective tenant and a
landlord? The conversation then becomes sensible: Some landlords accept children but
don’t permit their tenants to keep pets. Yet if we don’t know the social context, the
responses of individual B seem to bear no relation to the statements of A. Part of the
sense is in the words, and part is in the way in which the meaning emerges from
the social context.
The most inconsequential forms of daily talk presume complicated, shared knowledge
brought into play by those speaking. In fact, our small talk is so complex that it has so far
proved impossible to program even the most sophisticated computers to converse with
human beings. The words used in ordinary talk do not always have precise meanings, and
we “fix” what we want to say through the unstated assumptions that back it up. If Maria
asks Tom, “What did you do yesterday?” the words in the question themselves suggest no
obvious answer. A day is a long time, and it would be logical for Tom to answer, “Well, at
7:16, I woke up. At 7:18, I got out of bed, went to the bathroom, and started to brush my
teeth. At 7:19, I turned on the shower. . . .” We understand the type of response the question
calls for by knowing Maria, what sort of activities she and Tom consider relevant, and what
ethnomethodology
Tom usually does on a particular day of the week, among other things.
The study of how people
make sense of what
others say and do in
Ethnomethodology
the course of day-to- Ethnomethodology is the study of the “ethnomethods”—the folk, or lay, methods—
day social interaction. people use to make sense of what others do and particularly of what they say. We all apply
Ethnomethodology is
these methods, normally without having to give any conscious attention to them. This field
concerned with the
“ethnomethods” by which was created by Harold Garfinkel, who, along with Goffman, was one of the most important
people sustain meaningful figures in the study of microinteraction.
exchanges with one Garfinkel argued that in order to understand the way people use context to make
another. sense of the world, sociologists need to study the “background expectancies” with
which we organize ordinary conversations. He highlighted these in some experiments
112 CHAPTER 4 Social Interaction and Ever yday Life in the A ge of the Internet
DIGITAL LIFE
Interactional Vandalism
We have already seen that conversations are one of the main ways in which our daily lives
are maintained in a stable and coherent manner. We feel most comfortable when the tacit
conventions of small talk are adhered to; when they are breached, we can feel threatened,
confused, and insecure. In most everyday talk, conversants are carefully attuned to the
cues they get from others—such as changes in intonation, slight pauses, or gestures—
to facilitate conversation smoothly. By being mutually aware, conversants “cooperate” in
conversation opening and closing interactions and in taking turns to speak. Interactions in which one
analysis
party is conversationally “uncooperative,” however, can create tension.
The empirical study of
Garfinkel’s students created tense situations by intentionally undermining conver-
conversations, employing
techniques drawn from sational rules as part of a sociological experiment. But what about situations in the real
ethnomethodology. world in which people make trouble through their conversational practices? One study
Conversation analysis investigated verbal interchanges between pedestrians and street people in New York
examines details of City to understand why such interactions are often seen as problematic by passersby.
naturally occurring
The researchers used a technique called conversation analysis to compare a selection of
conversations to reveal
street interchanges with samples of everyday talk. Conversation analysis is a methodology
the organizational
principles of talk and that examines all facets of a conversation for meaning—from the smallest filler words
its role in the production (such as um and ah) to the precise timing of interchanges (including pauses, interruptions,
and reproduction of and overlaps).
social order. The study looked at interactions between black men—many of whom were homeless
or addicted to drugs or alcohol—and white women who passed by them on the street.
114 CHAPTER 4 Social Interaction and Ever yday Life in the A ge of the Internet
The men often try to initiate conversations with passing women by calling out to them,
complimenting them, or asking them questions. But something “goes wrong” in these con-
versations because the women rarely respond as they would in a normal interaction. Even
though the men’s comments are rarely hostile in tone, the women tend to quicken their
step and stare fixedly ahead (Duneier and Molotch 1999).
The term interactional vandalism describes cases like these in which a subordi- interactional
nate person breaks the tacit rules of everyday interaction that are of value to the more vandalism
powerful. Men on the street often do conform to everyday forms of speech in their The deliberate subversion
interactions with one another, local shopkeepers, the police, relatives, and acquain- of the tacit rules of
tances. But when they choose to, they subvert the tacit conventions for everyday conversation.
talk in a way that leaves passersby disoriented. Even more than physical assaults or
vulgar verbal abuse, interactional vandalism leaves victims unable to articulate what
has happened.
This study of interactional vandalism provides another example of the two-way links
between micro-level interactions and forces that operate on the macro level. To the men
on the street, the white women who ignore their attempts at conversation appear distant,
cold, and bereft of sympathy—legitimate targets for such interactions. The women, mean-
while, may often take the men’s behavior as proof that they are indeed dangerous and
best avoided. Interactional vandalism is closely tied up with overarching class, gender,
and racial structures. The fear and anxiety generated by these mundane interactions help
reinforce the outside statuses and forces that, in turn, influence the interactions them-
selves. Interactional vandalism is part of a self-reinforcing system of mutual suspicion
and incivility.
How might interactional vandalism play out on the Internet? Can we think of ways in
which less powerful people engaged in electronic communications undermine the taken-
for-granted rules of interaction that are of value to the more powerful? The very exis-
tence of the Internet creates spaces in which less powerful people can hold their superiors
accountable in ways they never were before. Think of all the blogs in which workers talk
anonymously about their bosses or situations in which workers forward rude messages
from their boss to other employees. Because of the Internet, powerful people are less able
to segregate their audiences—treating some people poorly behind the scenes and treating
others nicely in public.
The concept of “trolling” might be seen as an interactional mode that shares certain,
though not all, aspects of interactional vandalism. A troll is someone who disrupts the
taken-for-granted purposes of an online community such as a forum, message board, or
blog. As such, he or she might post items that are deliberately provocative. Such provo-
cations might have the effect of undermining the civility that is a foundation for the kind
of communication envisioned by the site’s founders. Or the controversies raised by trolls
can sometimes increase traffic to the site. Some readers of a comment posted by a troll
might be lured further into the interaction while others might attempt to restore normal
order by dismissing the actions of the troll.
To what extent is trolling an example of interactional vandalism of the kind found
in face-to-face communication on the sidewalk? Like the poor black men who act sin-
cere as they pretend not to understand that a two-second pause is a signal to close a con-
versation, trolls pretend not to understand certain assumptions of the conversational
Personal Space
There are cultural differences in the definition of personal space. In Western culture, peo-
ple usually maintain a distance of at least three feet when engaged in focused interaction
with others; when standing side by side, they may stand closer together. In the Middle East,
people often stand closer to each other than is thought acceptable in the West. Westerners
visiting that part of the world might find themselves disconcerted by this unexpected
physical proximity.
Edward T. Hall (1969, 1973), who has worked extensively on nonverbal communica-
Cultural norms frequently
tion, distinguishes four zones of personal space. Intimate distance, of up to one and a half
dictate the acceptable
feet, is reserved for very few social contacts. Only those involved in relationships in which
boundaries of personal
space. In the Middle East, for regular bodily touching is permitted, such as lovers or parents and children, operate within
example, people frequently this zone of private space. Personal distance, from one and a half to four feet, is the nor-
stand closer to each other mal spacing for encounters with friends and close acquaintances. Some intimacy of con-
than is common in the West. tact is permitted, but this tends to be strictly limited. Social distance, from four to twelve
feet, is the zone usually maintained in formal settings such as interviews. The fourth zone
is that of public distance, beyond twelve feet, preserved by those who are performing to
an audience.
116 CHAPTER 4 Social Interaction and Ever yday Life in the A ge of the Internet
In ordinary interaction, the most fraught zones are those of intimate and personal
distance. If these zones are invaded, people try to recapture their space. We may stare at the
intruder as if to say, “Move away!” or elbow him or her aside. When people are forced into
proximity closer than they deem desirable, they might create a kind of physical boundary:
A reader at a crowded library desk might physically demarcate a private space by stacking
books around its edges (Hall 1969, 1973).
Eye Contact
Eye contact is yet another aspect of social interaction that illustrates important social
norms and reveals (and perpetuates) power differentials. As we saw earlier in this
chapter, we are guided by a powerful norm that strangers should not make eye contact.
Strangers or chance acquaintances virtually never hold the gaze of another. To do so
may be taken as an indication of hostile intent. It is only where two groups are strongly
antagonistic to each other that strangers might indulge in such a practice —for example,
when whites in the United States have been known to give a “hate stare” to blacks walk-
ing past.
Studies show that we tend to rate a person who makes eye contact as more likable,
pleasant, intelligent, credible, and dominant than a person exhibiting less or no eye
contact. However, excessive eye contact may make an observer feel uncomfortable in
certain situations. To look too intently might be taken as a sign of mistrust. Eye con-
tact also reveals power relations. Looking at a colleague when speaking conveys con- CONCEPT CHECKS
fidence and respect. Prolonged eye contact during a debate or disagreement can signal
1. What is interactional
you’re standing your ground. It also signifies your position in the hierarchy. People who vandalism?
are high status tend to look longer at people they’re talking to, compared with others.
2. Give an example of a
Culture also guides how we look at each other. In many Eastern and some Caribbean
response cry.
cultures, meeting another’s eyes is considered rude. Asians are more likely than persons
from Europe or the United States to regard a person who makes eye contact as angry or 3. What are the four zones
unapproachable (Akashi et al. 2013). of personal space?
bus from one area of a city to another or perhaps commute in from the suburbs. When we
On a Sunday morning, a whole household can use the wall around its
domestic establishment to conceal a relaxing slovenliness in dress and civil
endeavor, extending to all rooms the informality that is usually restricted to
the kitchen and bedrooms. So, too, in American middle-class neighborhoods,
on afternoons the line between children’s playground and home may be
defined as backstage by mothers, who pass along it wearing jeans, loafers,
and a minimum of make-up.
The Internet is another example of how closely forms of social life are bound up with
our control of space and time. The Internet makes it possible for us to interact with people
we never see or meet, in any corner of the world. Such technological change rearranges
space—we can interact with anyone without moving from our chair. It also alters our
experience of time because communication on the Internet is almost immediate. Until
about fifty years ago, most communication across space required a duration of time. If you
sent a letter to someone abroad, there was a time gap while the letter was carried by ship,
train, truck, or plane to the person to whom it was written.
Today, people still write letters by hand and send cards, of course, but instantaneous
communication has become basic to our social world. Our lives would be almost unimag-
inable without it. We are so used to being able to watch our favorite TV show online or
clock time send an email to a friend in another part of the world, at any hour of the day, that it is hard
Time as measured by the for us to imagine what life would be like otherwise.
clock, in terms of hours,
minutes, and seconds. Clock Time
Before the invention of
In modern societies, the zoning of our activities is strongly influenced by clock time.
clocks, time reckoning
was based on events in Without clocks and the precise timing of activities, and their resulting coordination across
the natural world, such as space, industrialized societies could not exist (Mumford 1973). Today the measuring of
the rising and setting of time by clocks is standardized across the globe, making possible the complex international
the sun. transport systems and communications we now depend on. World standard time was first
introduced in 1884 at a conference of nations held in Washington, D.C. The globe was then
118 CHAPTER 4 Social Interaction and Ever yday Life in the A ge of the Internet
Who Owns a Smartphone?
Globalization
by the Numbers
While rates of smartphone ownership in developing countries have skyrocketed in recent years, there remains a
significant digital divide, with richer countries reporting higher levels of ownership. Across the globe, an average
of 43 percent of people report owning a smartphone, or a cell phone with Internet access.
45%
Russia
60%
72% 49% 88%
Germany 39%
United States South Korea
France
Japan
58%
17%
China
4%
India
28%
65%
Uganda
Nigeria
Malaysia
65%
Chile
120 CHAPTER 4 Social Interaction and Ever yday Life in the A ge of the Internet
The G7 summit, a face-to-
face meeting of the heads
of governments of seven
leading industrialized
countries, is an example
of what Molotch and
Boden call the compulsion
of proximity. Individuals,
including world leaders,
prefer face-to-face
interactions because they
provide richer information
about how people think
and feel.
people can communicate with those who don’t share their geographic region; perhaps you
have reconnected via Facebook with childhood friends who live hundreds of miles away.
compulsion of
Recent research shows that social networking may even enhance social integration proximity
and friendships (Hampton et al. 2011). A recent survey of teens and technology use found
People’s need to interact
that 57 percent of teens between the ages of thirteen and seventeen had made new friends with others in their presence.
online (Lenhart 2015). Another survey found that persons who use social networking sites
are more trusting, have more close relationships, receive more emotional and practical
social support, and are more politically engaged than those who do not use such sites. For
many people, online relationships are quite meaningful. Fully 40 percent of Facebook users
say that they “friend” only those people whom they consider close confidants (Pew Internet
and American Life Project 2013).
Who is right in this debate? How far can electronic communication substitute for
face-to-face interaction? Sociologists Deirdre Boden and Harvey Molotch (1994) argue
that there is no substitute for face-to-face interaction. They argue further that humans
have a true need for personal interaction, which they call the “compulsion of proximity.” CONCEPT CHECKS
People put themselves out to attend meetings, Boden and Molotch suggest, because situ-
ations of co-presence provide much richer information about how other people think and 1. How does time
feel, and about their sincerity, than any form of electronic communication. Only by actu- structure human life?
ally being in the presence of people who make decisions affecting us in important ways
2. Is face-to-face
do we feel able to learn what is going on and confident that we can impress them with our interaction, or
own views and our own sincerity. And as Manti Te’o learned, electronic communication co-presence, an important
in the absence of accompanying face-to-face communication may provide a platform for aspect of human action?
highly insincere and dishonest behavior. Why or why not?
122 CHAPTER 4 Social Interaction and Ever yday Life in the A ge of the Internet
Understanding a seemingly
micro-level interaction
such as street harrassment
through a macro analytical
perspective, sociologists
can analyze broader social
issues such as gender
inequality.
normalized in our society. . . . I didn’t want my daughter to think that was a normal way to
think about men yelling at women” (Karas 2012). Sociologist Gwen Sharp (2012) observed
that street harassment (and the celebration of it through the MarketFair Mall sign) not
only perpetuates the assumption that women are sexual objects to be admired but also
that working-class men such as construction workers are sexist, uncouth, and unable to
restrain their lustful thoughts.
Following Goffman’s lead, Anderson asked, What types of behavioral cues and signs
make up the vocabulary of public interaction? He concluded that the people most likely to
pass inspection are those who do not fall into commonly accepted stereotypes of danger-
ous persons: “Children readily pass inspection, while women and white men do so more
124 CHAPTER 4 Social Interaction and Ever yday Life in the A ge of the Internet
The dynamic that Anderson highlights over and over is the self-fulfilling nature of the
interaction: The interaction and the sight of it makes it so. Most who come are probably
repeat players, and they have long visualized different kinds of people getting along in the
space. For newcomers, on the other hand, such visualization of tolerance is “infectious.” In
the Rittenhouse Square Park and the streets surrounding it, other social cues serve to bring
about similar results. There is, for example, a fountain and a statue of a goat that attracts
mothers, nannies, and children. The sight of “public mothering” is a cue that indicates that
this is a civil place. A sense of safety and protection underlies good behavior and, in turn,
leads to a virtuous circle of other acts of goodwill. Dog walkers are also crucial, with inter-
action naturally occurring between them and others (including children) as they form a
critical mass in the park throughout the day.
The Galleria is a different story. Anderson describes it as the “ghetto downtown,”
a community of close-minded poor blacks (“ethnos”) in one mall. What makes it a can-
opy, albeit not a cosmopolitan one, is that various elements of the black community—the
“street” and the “decent”—can coexist here. People feel free to be themselves, “loud and
boisterous and frank in their comments, released from the inhibitions they might feel CONCEPT CHECKS
among whites.” The code of the street threatens to undermine the public order at any
moment, but everyone is on their best behavior, with security guards reinforcing deco- 1. How would sociologists
rum. Nevertheless, Anderson stresses that through a negative feedback loop this place has explain the street
a self-reinforcing negative reputation among cosmopolitan whites and blacks. harassment that women
often experience?
One of the great puzzles that social scientists will seek to resolve in the coming
decades is whether “new” forms of social interaction, such as social networking sites, will 2. How would sociologist
alter gender relations and race relations. As we have seen throughout this chapter, vir- Elijah Anderson define
tual communication shares many of the same properties as face-to-face communication. streetwise?
For instance, we carefully impression manage in both venues. Yet we have also seen that 3. Can you identify any
online communication has started to chip away at hierarchies based on power and status, examples of cosmopolitan
perhaps paving the way for a future where race and class will no longer matter as they did canopies in your
in the days when Anderson conducted his Streetwise research. neighborhood?
Big Picture
everyday life. Know the various forms
What Is Social of nonverbal communication.
Interaction?
p. 122
Terms to Know Concept Checks
1. What is microsociology?
2. What are three reasons why it is important to study daily social interaction?
3. What is nonverbal communication?
4. Describe several ways that individuals communicate their emotions to
one another.
social interaction • microsociology • civil 5. How do email and in-person communication differ?
inattention • agency • structure • nonverbal
communication
Groups,
How do we benefit from social
networks?
Understand the importance of social
Networks, and
networks and the advantages they confer
on some people.
Organizations
Know how to define an organization and
understand how organizations developed
over the last two centuries. Learn Max
Weber’s theory of organizations and view
of bureaucracy.
examine the effects of size on both the quality of interaction in the group and the effec-
tiveness of the group in accomplishing certain tasks (Bales 1953, 1970; Hare, Borgatta, and
Bales 1965; Homans 1950; Mills 1967).
DYADS
The simplest group, which Simmel (1955) called a dyad, consists of two persons. Simmel dyad
reasoned that dyads, which involve both intimacy and conflict, are likely to be simultane- A group consisting of
ously intense and unstable. To survive, they require the full attention and cooperation of two persons.
both parties. If one person withdraws from the dyad, it vanishes. Dyads are typically the
source of our most elementary social bonds, often constituting the group in which we are
most likely to share our deepest secrets. But dyads can be very fragile. That is why, Simmel
triad
believed, a variety of cultural and legal supports for marriage—an example of a dyad—are A group consisting of
three persons.
found in societies where marriage is regarded as an important source of social stability.
TRIADS
According to Simmel, triads, or three-person groups, are more stable than dyads because
the third person relieves some of the pressure on the other two to always get along and
energize the relationship. In a triad, one person can temporarily withdraw attention from
the relationship without necessarily threatening it. In addition, if two of the members
have a disagreement, the third can play the role of mediator, as when you try to patch
up a falling-out between two of your friends. Yet triads are not without potential prob-
lems. Alliances (sometimes termed coalitions) may form between two members of a triad,
enabling them to gang up on the third and thereby destabilize the group.
groupthink
GROUPTHINK AND GROUP PRESSURES TO CONFORM:
A process by which the
JANIS’S RESEARCH
members of a group ignore
ways of thinking and plans The pressure to conform to group opinions may occasionally lead to bad decisions, rather
of action that go against than creative new solutions to problems. Irving L. Janis (1972, 1989; Janis and Mann
the group consensus. 1977) called this phenomenon groupthink, a process by which the members of a group
ignore those ideas, suggestions, and plans of action that go against the group consensus.
How Do Organizations
Function?
Know how to define People frequently band together to pursue activities that they could not otherwise accom-
an organization,
plish by themselves. A principal means for accomplishing such cooperative actions—
and understand how
whether it’s raising money for cancer research, winning a football game, or becoming a
organizations developed
over the last two profitable corporation—is the organization, a group with an identifiable membership
centuries. Learn Max that engages in concerted collective actions to achieve a common purpose (Aldrich and
Weber’s theory of Marsden 1988). An organization can be a small primary group, but it is more likely to be
organizations and view a larger, secondary one: Universities, religious bodies, and business corporations are all
of bureaucracy.
examples of organizations. Such organizations are a central feature of all societies, and
their study is a core concern of sociology today.
Organizations tend to be highly formal in modern industrial and postindustrial
societies. A formal organization is rationally designed to achieve its objectives, often
by means of explicit rules, regulations, and procedures. As Max Weber (1979, orig. 1921)
first recognized almost a century ago, there has been a long-term trend in Europe and
North America toward formal organizations. This rise of formality in organizations is in
organization
part the result of the fact that formality is often a requirement for legal standing. For a
A large group of individuals
college or university to be legally accredited, for example, it must satisfy explicit writ-
with a definite set of
authority relations. Many ten standards governing everything from grading policy to faculty performance to fire
types of organizations safety. Today, formal organizations are the dominant form of organization throughout
exist in industrialized the entire world.
societies, influencing It is easy to see why organizations are so important to us today. In the premod-
most aspects of our lives.
ern world, families, close relatives, and neighbors provided for most needs —food, the
While not all organizations
instruction of children, work, and leisure-time activities. In modern times, the major-
are bureaucratic, there
are close links between ity of the population is much more interdependent than was ever the case before. Many
the development of of our requirements are supplied by people whom we never meet and who indeed
organizations and might live many thousands of miles away. A substantial amount of coordination of
bureaucratic tendencies. activities and resources —which organizations provide —is needed in such circum-
stances. A downside, however, is that organizations take things out of our own hands
Theories of Organizations
Max Weber developed the first systematic interpretation of the rise of modern
organizations. Organizations, he argued, are ways of coordinating the activities
of human beings, or the goods they produce, in a stable manner across space and
time. Weber emphasized that the development of organizations depends on the
control of information, and he stressed the central importance of writing in this
process: An organization needs written rules in order to function and files in
which its “memory” is stored. Weber saw organizations as strongly hierarchical,
with power tending to be concentrated at the top.
Was Weber right? If he was, it matters a great deal to us all. For Weber detected Bureaucracies are often perceived as
a clash as well as a connection between modern organizations and democracy inefficient and fraught with red tape.
that he believed had far-reaching consequences for social life.
BUREAUCRACY
All large-scale organizations, according to Weber, tend to be bureaucratic in nature. The
word bureaucracy was coined by Monsieur de Gournay in 1745, who combined the word
bureau, meaning both an office and a writing table, with the suffix cracy, derived from the formal
Greek verb meaning “to rule.” Bureaucracy is thus the rule of officials. The term was first organization
applied only to government officials, but it was gradually extended to refer to large orga- Means by which a group
nizations in general. Perceptions of “bureaucracy” range from highly negative—fraught is rationally designed to
with red tape, inefficiency, and wastefulness—to quite positive—a model of carefulness, achieve its objectives, often
precision, and effective administration. using explicit rules, regula-
tions, and procedures.
Weber’s account of bureaucracy steers between these two extremes. He argued that
the expansion of bureaucracy is inevitable in modern societies; bureaucratic authority is
the only way of coping with the administrative requirements of large-scale social sys- bureaucracy
tems. Yet he also conceded that bureaucracy exhibits a number of major failings that have
A type of organization
important implications for the nature of modern social life. marked by a clear hierarchy
To study the origins and nature of the expansion of bureaucratic organizations, Weber of authority and the exis-
constructed an ideal type of bureaucracy. Ideal here refers not to what is most desirable, tence of written rules of
but to a pure form of bureaucratic organization. An ideal type is an abstract descrip- procedure and staffed by
full-time, salaried officials.
tion constructed by accentuating certain features of real cases in order to pinpoint their
most essential characteristics. Weber (1921) listed several characteristics of the ideal type
of bureaucracy: ideal type
1. A clear-cut hierarchy of authority, such that tasks in the organization A “pure type,” constructed
are distributed as “official duties.” Each higher office controls and supervises by emphasizing certain
traits of a social item that
the one below it in the hierarchy, thus making coordinated decision making
do not necessarily exist
possible. in reality. An example is
2. Written rules govern the conduct of officials at all levels of the organization. Max Weber’s ideal type of
The higher the office, the more the rules tend to encompass a wide variety of cases bureaucratic organization.
eliminates time spent by workers commuting to and from the office, permitting greater
concentration of energy on work-related tasks (Hartig, Johansson, and Kylin 2003).
However, these flexible new work arrangements have repercussions. First, the employ-
ees lose the human side of work; computer terminals are not an attractive substitute for
face-to-face interaction with colleagues and friends at work. The flexibility of telework cre-
ates new types of stress stemming from isolation, distraction, and conflicting demands of
work and home responsibilities (Ammons and Markham 2004; Raghuram and Wiesenfeld
2004). Nearly 59 percent of telecommuters say that they work longer hours because they
are working at home, though employers view this increased productivity as a primary ben-
efit of telecommuting (International Telework Association and Council 2004).
On the other hand, management cannot easily monitor the activities of employees not
under direct supervision (Dimitrova 2003; Kling 1996). While this may create problems for
employers, it allows employees greater flexibility in managing their nonwork roles, thus
contributing to increased worker satisfaction (Davis and Polonko 2001). Telecommuting
also creates new possibilities for older workers and those with physical limitations to
remain independent, productive, and socially connected (Bouma et al. 2004; Bricout 2004).
The growth of telecommuting is sparking profound changes in many social realms.
It is restructuring business management practices and authority hierarchies within busi-
nesses (Illegems and Verbeke 2004; Spinks and Wood 1996), as well as contributing to
new trends in housing and residential development that prioritize spatial and technolog-
ical requirements for telework in homes, which are built at increasing distances from city
centers (Hartig et al. 2003).
The experiences of telecommuters clearly show how organizational adaptations to
new technologies can have both positive and negative consequences for workers. While
computerization has resulted in a reduction in hierarchy, it has created a two-tiered occu-
pational structure composed of technical “experts” and less-skilled production or clerical
What is McDonaldization?
What are the consequences
of highly standardized
experiences?
Most people join organizations to gain connections and increase their influence. The time
and energy invested in an organization can yield valuable rewards. Parents who belong to
the PTA, for example, are more likely to be able to influence school policy than those who
do not belong. The members know whom to call, what to say, and how to exert pressure on
school officials. social capital
Sociologists call these benefits of organizational membership social capital, the The social knowledge and
social knowledge and connections that enable people to accomplish their goals and connections that enable peo-
extend their influence (Coleman 1988, 1990; Loury 1987; Putnam 1993, 1995, 2000). ple to accomplish their goals
Social capital is a broad concept and encompasses useful social networks, a sense of and extend their influence.
Conclusion
The primary groups of your earliest years were crucial in shaping your sense of self—a
sense that changed very slowly thereafter. Throughout life, groups also instill in their
members norms and values that enable and enrich social life. You may have found that
close-knit, democratic groups with fair-minded leaders are better equipped to achieve
their goals than less-close-knit groups or those with dictatorial or narrow-minded
leaders.
Although groups remain central in our lives, group affiliation in the United States
is rapidly changing. As you have seen in this chapter, conventional groups appear to be
losing ground in our daily life. For example, today’s college students are less likely to join
civic groups and organizations than were their parents, a decline that may well signal a
weaker commitment to their communities. Some sociologists worry that this signals a
weakening of society itself, which could bring about social instability. Yet others argue
that group life has been redefined, as young people belong to virtual groups and commu-
nities via social networking websites like Facebook and LinkedIn.
The global economy and information technology are also redefining group life in many
diverse ways. For instance, your parents are likely to spend much of their careers in a
handful of long-lasting, bureaucratic organizations; you are much more likely to be part
of a larger number of networked, “flexible” ones. As we just noted, many of your group
Conclusion 15 3
CHAPTER 5 Learning Objectives
The
Learn the variety and characteristics of
groups, as well as the effect of groups on
What Are an individual’s behavior.
p. 130
Groups, Networks,
and Organizations
Understand the importance of social
How Do We networks and the advantages they confer
Benefit from on some people.
Social Networks?
p. 137
Thinking Sociologically
network
social capital
Deviance,
and biological theories of deviance and how
each is useful in understanding crime.
and Crime
Recognize the usefulness and limitations
of crime statistics. Learn some important
differences between men and women related
to crime. Familiarize yourself with some of
the varieties of crime.
norms Rates of imprisonment, in turn, have a profound impact on U.S. society. When individuals
are in prison, they are not part of the labor force and thus are not counted in the rates of unem-
Rules of conduct that
specify appropriate behav- ployment reported by the government. As a result, estimates of unemployment among some
ior in a given range of subgroups, such as African American men, may be understated. At the same time, incarcera-
social situations. A norm tion increases the long-term chances of unemployment even after someone is released from
either prescribes a given prison (Western and Beckett 1999).
type of behavior or forbids
The study of crime is one of the most important in sociology. But criminal behavior—
it. All human groups follow
whether dealing drugs or committing murder—is just one category of a much larger field
norms, which are always
backed by sanctions of one of study called “deviance” or “deviant behavior.” Deviants are those individuals who do not
kind or another—varying live by the rules that the majority of us follow. Some do so by choice; others are incapable
from informal disapproval of following the rules because they lack the resources to do so. Sometimes they’re violent
to physical punishment. criminals, drug addicts, or down-and-outs who don’t fit in with what most people would
define as normal standards of acceptability. These are the cases that seem easy to identify.
What Is Deviance?
Deviance may be defined as nonconformity to a given set of norms that are accepted by
a significant number of people in a community or society. No society can be divided up in
a simple way between those who deviate from norms and those who conform to them.
Most of us on some occasions violate generally accepted rules of behavior. Although a
for behavior that does not conform). They can also be formal or informal. Formal sanctions
are applied by a specific body of people or an agency to ensure that a particular set of norms
is followed, such as a speeding ticket or expulsion from school for cheating. Informal sanc-
tions are less organized and more spontaneous reactions to nonconformity, such as when a
student is teasingly accused by friends of being a nerd for deciding to stay home and study
CONCEPT CHECKS
rather than go to a party.
1. How do sociologists
The main types of formal sanctions in modern societies are those represented by the define deviance?
courts and prisons. The police, of course, are the agency charged with bringing offenders
2. Is all crime deviant? Is all
to trial and possible imprisonment. Laws are norms defined by governments as principles
deviance criminal? Why?
that their citizens must follow; sanctions are used against people who do not conform to
them. Where there are laws, there are also crimes, since crime can most simply be defined 3. Contrast positive and
as any type of behavior that breaks a law. negative sanctions.
identified by the shape of the skull. He accepted that social learning could influence the
FUNCTIONALIST THEORIES
Functionalist theories see crime and deviance as resulting from structural tensions and
a lack of moral regulation within society. If the aspirations held by individuals and groups
in society do not coincide with available rewards, this disparity between desires and
fulfillment will lead to deviant behavior.
Crime and Anomie: Durkheim and Merton As we saw in Chapter 1, the notion of
anomie was first introduced by Émile Durkheim, who suggested that in modern societ- anomie
ies, social norms may lose their hold over individual behavior. Anomie exists when there A concept first brought
are no clear standards to guide behavior in a given area of social life. Under such circum- into wide usage in
stances, Durkheim believed, people feel disoriented and anxious; anomie is therefore one sociology by Durkheim,
of the social factors influencing dispositions to suicide. referring to a situation in
which social norms lose
Durkheim saw crime and deviance as social facts; he believed both to be inevitable and
their hold over individual
necessary elements in modern societies. According to Durkheim, people in the modern age behavior.
are less constrained by social expectations than they were in traditional societies. Because
there is more room for individual choice in the modern world, nonconformity is inevitable.
Durkheim recognized that modern society would never be in complete consensus about
the norms and values that govern it.
Deviance is also necessary for society, according to Durkheim; it fulfills two
important functions. First, deviance has an adaptive function. By introducing new
ideas and challenges into society, deviance is an innovative force. It brings about
Conformity Innovation
CULTURAL GOALS
values and the means of pursuing them but wish actively to substitute new values and
reconstruct the social system. The members of radical political and religious groups, such
as the Heaven’s Gate cult, fall into this category.
Merton’s writings addressed one of the main puzzles in the study of criminology: At
a time when society as a whole is becoming more affluent, why do crime rates continue to
rise? By emphasizing the contrast between rising aspirations and persistent inequalities,
Merton points to a sense of relative deprivation, or the recognition that one has less than relative
his or her peers, as an important element in deviant behavior. deprivation
Subcultural Explanations Later researchers located deviance in terms of subcul- The recognition that
one has less than his
tural groups that adopt norms that encourage or reward criminal behavior. Like Merton,
or her peers.
Albert Cohen saw the contradictions within American society as the main cause of crime.
However, Cohen saw the responses occurring collectively, through subcultures, while
Merton emphasized individual responses. In Delinquent Boys (1955), Cohen argued that
boys in the lower working class who are frustrated with their positions in life often join
together in delinquent subcultures, such as gangs. These subcultures reject middle-class
values and replace them with norms that celebrate defiance, such as delinquency and other
acts of nonconformity.
Richard A. Cloward and Lloyd E. Ohlin (1960) argued further that such gangs arise
in subcultural communities where the chances of achieving success legitimately are slim,
such as among deprived ethnic minorities. Cloward and Ohlin’s work emphasizes con-
nections between conformity and deviance: Individuals follow rules when they have the
opportunity to do so, and break rules when they do not. As a result, they develop subcul-
tures with deviant values in response to the lack of legitimate opportunities for success as
defined by the wider society. This lack of opportunity is the differentiating factor between
those who engage in criminal behavior and those who do not.
Functionalist theories rightly emphasize connections between conformity and devi-
ance in different social contexts. We should be cautious, however, about the idea that people
INTERACTIONIST THEORIES
Sociologists studying crime and deviance in the interactionist tradition focus on deviance
as a socially constructed phenomenon. They reject the idea that there are types of conduct
that are inherently “deviant.” Rather, interactionists ask how behaviors initially come to be
defined as deviant and why certain groups and not others are labeled as deviant.
Control Theory Control theory posits that crime occurs as a result of an imbalance
between impulses toward criminal activity and the social or physical controls that deter it.
Core assumptions are that people act rationally and that, given the opportunity, everyone
would engage in deviant acts. Many types of crime, it is argued, are a result of “situational
decisions”—a person sees an opportunity and is motivated to act.
One of the best-known control theorists, Travis Hirschi, has argued that humans are
fundamentally rational beings who make calculated decisions about whether to engage
in criminal activity by weighing the potential benefits and risks of doing so. In Causes of
Delinquency (1969), Hirschi claims that there are four types of bonds that link people to soci-
ety and law-abiding behavior: attachment, commitment, involvement, and belief. Attachment
refers to emotional and social ties to persons who accept conventional norms, such as a peer
group of students who value good grades and hard work. Commitment refers to the rewards
obtained by participating in conventional activities and pursuits. For example, a high school
dropout has little to lose by being arrested, whereas a dedicated student may lose his or her
chance of going to college. Involvement refers to one’s participation in conventional activities
such as paid employment, school, or community activities. Finally, beliefs involve upholding
morals and values that are consistent with conventional tenets of society.
When sufficiently strong, these four elements help maintain social control and confor-
mity by rendering people unfree to break rules. If these bonds with society are weak, how-
ever, delinquency and deviance may result. Hirschi’s approach suggests that delinquents
are often individuals whose low levels of self-control are a result of inadequate socializa-
tion at home or at school (Gottfredson and Hirschi 1990).
CONFLICT THEORY
Adherents of conflict theory seek to identify why people commit crime. Conflict theorists
draw on elements of Marxist thought to argue that deviance is deliberately chosen and
often political in nature. Conflict theorists reject the idea that deviance is “determined” by
factors such as biology, personality, anomie, social disorganization, or labels. Rather, indi-
viduals purposively engage in deviant behavior in response to the inequalities of the capi-
talist system. For example, many of the protesters who were arrested at Occupy Wall Street
rallies were engaging in political acts that challenged the social order.
Conflict theorists frame their analysis of crime and deviance in terms of the structure
of society and the preservation of power among the ruling class. For example, they argue
that laws are tools used by the powerful to maintain their own privileged positions. They
reject the idea that laws are neutral and are applied evenly across the population. Instead,
they claim that as inequalities increase between the ruling class and the working class,
How Do We Document
Crime?
Recognize the usefulness
Crime statistics are a constant focus of attention in the media. Most TV and newspaper
and limitations of crime
reporting is based on official statistics on crime, collected by the police and published by
statistics. Learn some
the government. Most of these reports are based on two sources: Uniform Crime Reports important differences
(UCR) and victimization studies. Each has its own limitations and offers only a partial between men and women
portrait of crime in American life. related to crime. Familiarize
Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) contain official data on crime that is reported yourself with some of the
varieties of crime.
to law enforcement agencies across the country that then provide the data to the FBI
(see Figure 6.3). UCR focus on “index crimes,” which include serious crimes such as
murder and nonnegligent manslaughter, robbery, forcible rape, aggravated assault, bur-
glary, larceny/theft, motor vehicle theft, and arson. Critics of UCR note that the reports do
not accurately reflect crime rates because they include only those crimes reported to law
enforcement agencies; they don’t, for example, include crimes reported to other agencies,
such as the IRS. Further, the index crimes do not include less serious crimes. Some argue
300
2,000
250
1,500
200
150 1,000
100
500
50
0 0
1995 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 1995 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014
Note: The murder and nonnegligent homicides that occurred as a result of the events of September 11, 2001, are not included in this table.
Source: Federal Bureau of Investigation 2015e
that by excluding crimes that are traditionally committed by middle-class persons, such as
fraud and embezzlement, UCR reify the belief that crime is an activity of ethnic minorities
Uniform Crime
Reports (UCR) and the poor.
Because the UCR program focuses narrowly on crimes reported to the police,
Documents that contain
official data on crime that criminologists also rely on self-reports, or reports provided by the crime victims
is reported to law enforce- themselves. This second source of data is essential, as some criminologists think that
ment agencies that then about half of all serious crimes, such as robbery with violence, go unreported. The
provide the data to the FBI. proportion of less serious crimes, especially small thefts, that don’t come to the atten-
tion of the police is even higher. Since 1973, the Census Bureau has been interviewing
households across the country to find out how many members were the victims of
particular crimes over the previous six months. This procedure, which is called the
National Crime Victimization Survey, has confirmed that the overall rate of crime is
higher than the reported crime index. Crimes where victims may feel stigmatized are
most likely to go unreported. For instance, in 2014, only 34 percent of rape or sexual
assault victimizations were reported, compared with 61 percent of robberies and
60 percent of burglaries (Truman and Langton 2015).
Public concern in the United States tends to focus on crimes of violence—murder,
assault, and rape—even though only about 12 percent of all crimes are violent (Federal
Bureau of Investigation 2015e). To put this in perspective, roughly 1.2 million violent
crimes occurred in the United States in 2014 compared with 8.3 million property offenses,
including vandalism and home break-ins. In general, whether indexed by police statistics
or by the National Crime Victimization Survey, violent crime, burglary, and car theft are
the globe. Pollution, product mislabeling, and violations of health and safety regulations
affect much larger numbers of people than petty criminality does. Both quantitative and
corporate crime
qualitative studies of corporate crime have concluded that a large number of corpora-
Offenses committed
tions do not adhere to the legal regulations that apply to them (Slapper and Tombs 1999).
by large corporations in
Corporate crime is not confined to a few bad apples but is instead pervasive and widespread. society, including pollution,
Studies have revealed six types of violations linked to large corporations: administrative false advertising, and
(paperwork or noncompliance), environmental (pollution, permit violations), financial (tax violations of health and
violations, illegal payments), labor (working conditions, hiring practices), manufacturing safety regulations.
(product safety, labeling), and unfair trade practices (anticompetition, false advertising).
also located in North Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America. Supply lines also pass 4. Give one example of an
through Vancouver and other parts of Canada; from those places, drugs are commonly activity classified as
organized crime.
supplied to the United States.
F I GU RE 6.5
1,600,000
1,400,000
TOTAL PRISON POPULATION
1,200,000
1,000,000
800,000
600,000
400,000
200,000
0
1978 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2013
More than 10.3 million people are currently being held in penal institutions across the globe. Although the United States
is home to less than 5 percent of the global population, it accounts for more than 20 percent of the world's prisoners.
Switzerland
India 84
33
France
103 Mexico
China Mexico
Myanmar (2015)
212
118 212
Brazil 113
307
South
Iraq Africa Israel
123 292 Cuba 265
510
Rwanda
434
Russian
Federation
United States 451
693
Female
Hispanic Violent
Black 7.2%
21.6% offenders
35.8%
47.3%
Under 18 Public-order
0.07% offenders
14.2%
Non-U.S.
Other White citizens
9.0% 33.6% 4.3% Property Drug
offenders offenders
Source: International Centre for Prison Studies 2016,
17.6% 20.2%
Bureau of Justice Statistics 2015
brutalized by the experience. Yet if prisons were made into attractive and pleasant places
to live, would they have a deterrent effect?
Although prisons do keep some dangerous men (and a tiny minority of dangerous
women) off the streets, evidence suggests that we need to find other means to deter crime.
A sociological interpretation of crime makes clear that there are no quick fixes. The causes
of crime, especially violent crimes, are bound up with structural conditions of American
society, including widespread poverty, the condition of the inner cities, and the deteriorat-
ing life circumstances of many young men.
Mass incarceration has had a particularly deleterious effect on black communities.
African Americans make up around 36 percent of the current prison population, though
they represent only 13 percent of the U.S. population (U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics
2015b). In The New Jim Crow, legal scholar Michelle Alexander (2012) argues that mass
incarceration creates a kind of caste system in the United States. According to Alexander,
understanding mass incarceration means understanding not only the criminal justice sys-
tem, but also the entire structure of policies and practices that stigmatize and marginalize
those who are considered criminals.
Policing
Some sociologists and criminologists have suggested that visible policing techniques, such
as patrolling the streets, are reassuring for the public. Such activities are consistent with the
perception that the police are actively engaged in controlling crime, investigating offenses,
and supporting the criminal justice system. But sociologists also suggest that we need
to reassess the role of policing in the early twenty-first century. Although maintaining
law and order, interacting with citizens, and providing services are part of contemporary
policing, they represent only a fraction of what the police actually do. Policing, sociologists
argue, is now less about controlling crime and more about detecting and managing risks.
Most of all, it is about communicating knowledge about risk to other institutions in society
that demand that information (Ericson and Haggerty 1997).
According to this view, police are first and foremost “knowledge workers.” As such,
the vast majority of police time is spent on activities aimed at processing information,
drafting reports, or communicating data. The “simple” case of an automobile accident
in Ontario, Canada, illustrates this point. A police officer is called to the scene of an
COMMUNITY POLICING
One idea that has grown in popularity in recent years is that the police should work closely
with citizens to improve local community standards and civil behavior, using education,
community persuasion, and counseling instead of incarceration. Community policing implies not only
policing drawing in citizens themselves but changing the characteristic outlook of police forces. A
A renewed emphasis on renewed emphasis on crime prevention rather than law enforcement can go hand in hand
crime prevention rather with the reintegration of policing within the community and reduce the siege mentality
than law enforcement to
that develops when police have little regular contact with ordinary citizens.
reintegrate policing within
In order to work, partnerships among government agencies, the criminal justice sys-
the community.
tem, local associations, and community organizations have to be inclusive; all economic
and ethnic groups must be involved (Kelling and Coles 1997). Government and business
can act together to help repair urban decay. One model is the creation of urban enterprise
zones, which provide tax breaks for corporations that participate in strategic planning and
invest in designated areas. To be successful, such schemes demand a long-term commit-
ment to social objectives.
Emphasizing these strategies does not mean denying the links between unemploy-
ment, poverty, and crime. Rather, the struggle against these social problems should be coor-
dinated with community-based approaches to crime prevention. These approaches can in
fact contribute directly and indirectly to furthering social justice. Where social order has
decayed along with public services, other opportunities, such as new jobs, decline as well.
Improving the quality of life in a neighborhood can revive them.
TARGET HARDENING
Community policing is just one strategy that falls under a larger set of strategies that
target hardening criminologists call target hardening. Consistent with the core notions of control the-
Practical measures used ory, this practice makes it more difficult for criminals to commit crimes by minimizing
to limit a criminal’s ability their opportunities to do so. Rather than changing the criminal, the best policy is to take
to commit crime, such as practical measures to control the criminal’s ability to commit crime by promoting the use
community policing and
of crime-deterring technologies and practices like community policing, private security
use of house alarms.
services, car alarms, house alarms, guard dogs, and even gated communities.
Target-hardening techniques have gained favor among politicians in recent years and
appear to have been successful in some contexts in curtailing crime. But criticisms of such
an approach can also be made. These tactics do not address the underlying causes of crime
but instead are aimed at protecting and defending certain elements of society from its
reach. There is another unintended consequence of such policies: As popular crime targets
are “hardened,” patterns of crime may simply shift from one domain to another. Target-
hardening approaches run the risk of displacing criminal offenses from better-protected
areas to more vulnerable ones. Neighborhoods that are poor or lacking in social cohesion
may well experience a growth in crime and delinquency as target hardening in affluent
regions increases.
users can set the app to automatically upload recordings to YouTube. And while most apps are resident Eric Garner was
focused on recording police encounters gone wrong, Five-O aims to capture the good with placed in a chokehold and
dragged to the ground by police
the bad. The app, which was developed by three teenagers from Atlanta, prompts users to
officers attempting to arrest
rate officers with whom they’ve interacted and provide details of their encounters in order to
him. The fatal encounter was
collect data that can then be used to promote positive change (The Economist 2015a).
recorded on a cell phone and
These apps have both fans and critics. Some opponents maintain that civilian video
Garner’s last words, “I can’t
graphers can interfere with police work and scare off witnesses and that video often omits
breathe,” became a rallying
important context (Calvert and Bauerlein 2015). Other opponents cite privacy concerns.
cry for the Black Lives Matter
Whereas advocates say that these new technologies can help prevent police brutality, even
movement.
those within the movement are sometimes skeptical. They point to the many cases in which
videos were used to bring cops to trial, only to result in jury verdicts that exonerated the
police. Yet, advocates argue that it’s not merely about jury verdicts; these technologies put
police on notice and change the balance of power in significant ways. Some cops have been
known to retaliate, grabbing cameras or even finding ways to arrest the people taking videos.
Courts, however, have generally upheld a person’s constitutional right to film police activity.
Have you ever been afraid in the presence of a police officer? Have you ever used a cop-
watch app? Would you? Do you think cop-watches and recording apps are effective ways
to hold police accountable for their actions? Some police departments, including the NYPD,
are implementing body camera programs in order to increase transparency and account-
ability. Do you think all police officers should have to wear body cameras?
SHAMING AS PUNISHMENT
shaming In recent years, shaming, a form of punishing criminal and deviant behavior that attempts
A way of punishing crim- to maintain the ties of the offender to the community, has grown in popularity as an alter-
inal and deviant behavior native to incarceration. According to some criminologists, the fear of being shamed within
based on rituals of public one’s community is an important deterrent to crime. As a result, the public’s formal disap-
disapproval rather than proval could achieve the same deterrent effect as incarceration without the high costs of
incarceration. The goal of
building and maintaining prisons.
shaming is to maintain the
ties of the offender to the Criminologist John Braithwaite (1996) has described two types of shaming: stigmatiz-
community. ing and reintegrative. Stigmatizing shaming is the process whereby a criminal is labeled as
a threat to society and is treated as an outcast. The labeling process has potentially damag-
ing consequences, as we learned earlier in this chapter. A negative label may trigger oth-
ers’ efforts to marginalize the individual, perhaps leading to future criminal behavior and
higher crime rates. Reintegrative shaming, by contrast, involves rather than marginalizes
the offender. People central to the criminal’s immediate community—such as family mem-
bers, employers and coworkers, and friends—are brought into court to state their condem-
nation of the offender’s behavior. At the same time, these people accept responsibility for
reintegrating the offender back into their community. The goal is to rebuild the social bonds
of the individual to the community as a means of deterring future criminal conduct.
Japan, with one of the lowest crime rates in the world, has been quite successful in
CONCEPT CHECKS implementing this approach. The process is largely based on a voluntary network of over
500,000 local crime-prevention associations dedicated to facilitating reintegration into
1. How does imprisonment
the community and on a criminal justice system that is encouraged to be lenient for this
affect the life chances
of ex-cons? purpose. As a result, in Japan only 5 percent of persons convicted for a crime serve time in
prison, as compared with 30 percent in the United States. Though reintegrative shaming is
2. Why has the U.S. prison
population grown so not a standard practice in the American criminal justice system, it is a familiar practice in
steeply over the past other social institutions such as the family. A parent may express disapproval of a child’s
three decades? naughty behavior and try to make the child feel ashamed, but the parent may also reassure
3. What are the primary the child that he or she is a loved member of the family.
tasks that police Could reintegrative shaming succeed in the United States? Skeptics say these tactics
officers do each day? are soft on crime, that Americans are too individualistic to participate in community-based
4. Name at least two policing, and that high-crime areas are less community oriented. However, community
specific ways that networks have been successful in working with the police to prevent crime. These social
community members bonds could also be fostered to increase the power of shame and reintegrate offenders into
can combat local crime. local networks of community involvement.
Big Picture What Is Deviant and how it is closely related to social power
Behavior? and social class. See the ways in which
conformity is encouraged.
p. 159
and Crime
Know the leading sociological,
Why Do People psychological, and biological theories of
Commit Deviant Acts? deviance and how each is useful in
understanding crime.
p. 161
Thinking Sociologically
p. 186
Terms to Know Concept Checks
1. What are the main similarities and differences between biological and
psychological views of deviance?
2. How do Merton’s and Durkheim’s definitions of anomie differ?
3. According to subcultural explanations, how does criminal behavior get
psychopath • anomie • relative deprivation •
transmitted from one group to another?
differential association • labeling theory •
4. What is the core idea behind differential association theory?
primary deviance • secondary deviance •
5. What are two criticisms of labeling theory?
control theory • conflict theory
6. What are the root causes of crime according to conflict theorists?
1. What are the main sources of crime data in the United States?
2. Contrast Uniform Crime Reports and the National Crime Victimization Survey.
Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) 3. Describe crime trends in the 1970s through today.
4. How would sociologists explain the high rate of violent crime in the
United States?
1. Contrast the following two explanations for the gender gap in crime:
hate crime • white-collar crime • corporate behavioral differences and biases in reporting.
crime • organized crime 2. What is the age-crime curve, and what factors have contributed to this pattern?
3. What are some of the consequences of white-collar crime?
4. Give one example of an activity classified as organized crime.
Class, and
Understand the social causes and
consequences of social class in U.S.
society, as well as the complexities and
challenges of defining class.
p. 207
When she was a middle-school student in Thornton, Colorado, Viviana Andazola
Marquez struggled to find a place to do her homework, traveling around town in
search of open Wi-Fi networks. Her single mother, an undocumented Mexican
immigrant, struggled to make ends meet, and Viviana and her three siblings often
found themselves homeless. Because of her mother’s legal status, not even homeless shelters
welcomed Viviana and her family. As a result, Viviana spent her early teenage years negotiating
for late payment with motel managers and sleeping on the floors of kind-hearted strangers.
Viviana’s life reached a low point when she was thirteen. Her mother was arrested for dis-
turbing the peace, jailed for two weeks by Immigration and Customs Enforcement, then placed
under house arrest for six months. Viviana was forced to grow up fast. As she put it in a recent
interview, “I saw so many examples of what my life could end up being. . . . I thought one way or
another, I have to leave this place” (Bronner 2015). Viviana started researching which colleges
and universities offered the best financial aid packages for students with no financial resources
Clearly her story struck a chord: Viviana was offered full scholarships to Harvard,
Princeton, and Yale. She’s now at Yale—class of 2018—making her not only the first in her
family to attend college, but the first from her entire school district ever to attend an Ivy League
university. She plans to major in history—or chemistry—or perhaps both. And even though
she has financial aid, Viviana works two jobs, sending money home to help support her family
(Bronner 2015).
For most Americans, one’s socioeconomic background powerfully shapes one’s future.
Yet in Viviana’s case, early life poverty didn’t stop her from excelling in high school and eventu-
ally going on to an Ivy League university. How did she transcend her roots? Viviana was smart,
tenacious, and determined to escape her circumstances in order to live a better life. She also
had strong support from her middle and high schools, including advisers and teachers who not
only mentored and encouraged her but sometimes even picked her up and drove her to school
from wherever she had spent the night (Bronner 2015).
While such a combination of factors may sometimes enable a person to overcome great
obstacles and rise out of poverty and even homelessness, as we shall see in this chapter this
is far more likely to be the exception than the rule. Understanding the complex interplay of
personal effort and social circumstance—of biography and history—remains one of the key
challenges of sociological understanding.
social Sociologists speak of social stratification to describe inequalities among individuals and
stratification groups within human societies. Often we think of stratification in terms of wealth or property,
The existence of struc- but it can also occur on the basis of other attributes, such as gender, age, race, ethnicity, or
tured inequalities among religious affiliation. An important area of research in social stratification is social mobility, or
groups in society in terms one’s movement up or down social class strata; an extreme example of this is Viviana Andazola
of their access to material
Marquez. The three key aspects of social stratification are class, status, and power (Weber
or symbolic rewards.
1947). Although they frequently overlap, this is not always the case. The “rich and famous”
often enjoy high status; their wealth often provides political influence and sometimes direct
access to political power. Yet there are exceptions. While often wealthy and powerful, drug
lords, for example, usually enjoy low status.
In this chapter, we focus on stratification in terms of inequalities based on wealth and
income, status, and power. In later chapters, we will look at the ways in which gender
(Chapter 9) and ethnicity and race (Chapter 10) all play a role in stratification.
3. The ranks of different social categories tend to change very slowly over time.
In U.S. society, for example, only during the last half-century have women begun
to achieve economic equality with men (see Chapter 9). Similarly, only since the
1970s have significant numbers of African Americans begun to obtain economic
and political equality with whites—even though slavery was abolished nearly
a century and a half ago and discrimination was declared illegal in the 1950s
and 1960s (see Chapter 10).
As you saw in Chapter 2, stratified societies have changed throughout human his-
tory. The earliest human societies, which were based on hunting and gathering, had
very little social stratification—mainly because there were few resources to be divided
up. The development of agriculture produced considerably more wealth and, as a result,
a great increase in stratification. Social stratification in agricultural societies came to
resemble a pyramid, with a large number of people at the bottom and a successively
smaller number of people as one moves toward the top. Today, advanced industrial
societies are extremely complex; their stratification is more likely to resemble a tear-
drop, with a large number of people in the middle and lower-middle ranks (the so-called
middle class), a slightly smaller number of people at the bottom, and very few people as
one moves toward the top.
But before turning to stratification in modern societies, let’s first review the three
basic systems of stratification: slavery, caste, and class.
Slavery
Slavery is an extreme form of inequality in which certain people are owned as property by slavery
others. Sometimes slaves have been deprived of almost all rights by law, as was the case A form of social stratifica-
on Southern plantations in the United States. In other societies, their position was more tion in which some people
akin to that of servants. For example, in the ancient Greek city-state of Athens, some slaves are owned by others as
their property.
occupied positions of great responsibility.
Systems of slave labor have tended to be unstable, because slaves have historically
fought back against their subjection. Slavery also is not economically efficient, as it requires
constant supervision and often involves severe punishment, which impedes worker
2. Class positions are in some part achieved. An individual’s class is not simply
assigned at birth, as is the case in the other types of stratification systems. Social
mobility—movement upward and downward in the class structure—is relatively
common.
4. Class systems are large-scale and impersonal. In the other types of stratifi-
cation systems, inequalities are expressed primarily in personal relationships of
duty or obligation—between slave and master or lower- and higher-caste individ-
uals. Class systems, by contrast, operate mainly through large-scale, impersonal
associations such as pay or working conditions.
F I GU RE 7.1
$350,000
Top 5%
MEAN HOUSEHOLD INCOME (IN 2014 DOLLARS)
$300,000
$250,000
$200,000
Top 20%
$150,000
$100,000
Second-highest 20%
Occupation
In the United States and other industrialized societies, occupation is an important indica-
tor of one’s social standing. Occupational status depends heavily on one’s level of educa-
tional attainment. In fact, in studies where persons are asked to rate jobs in terms of how
“prestigious” they are, those requiring the most education are often—but not always—
ranked most highly (see Table 7.1). The top-ranked occupations appear to share one of two
characteristics: They either require a fair amount of education, or a fair amount of pub-
lic service. These rankings have been fairly consistent for nearly four decades (Griswold
2014). There are some interesting differences by age, however. Millennials seem more
Note: Respondents were asked to rank the occupations’ prestige on a scale of 1–9, with 1 as the least prestigious and 9 as the most prestigious.
Source: Smith and Son 2014
inclined than older Americans to value fame: Professional athletes, actors, and entertain-
ers move up in the rankings (Harris 2014).
The Upper Middle Class The upper middle class consists of highly educated profes-
sionals (for example, doctors, lawyers, engineers, and professors), mid-level corporate man-
agers, people who own or manage small businesses and retail shops, and some large-farm
owners. Household incomes range quite widely, from about $100,000 to perhaps $200,000.
The lower end of the income category would include college professors, for example, while
the higher end would include corporate managers and small business owners. The upper
middle class includes approximately 20 percent of all American households (Elwell 2014).
Its members are likely to be college educated (as are their children) with advanced degrees.
They own comfortable homes, drive expensive late-model cars, have some savings and
investments, and are often active in local politics and civic organizations. However, they
tend not to enjoy the same high-end luxuries, social connections, or extravagancies as
members of the upper class.
The Lower Middle Class The lower middle class consists of trained office workers
(for example, secretaries and bookkeepers), elementary and high school teachers, nurses,
blue- and pink- mortgage, put food on the table, and perhaps save for a summer vacation. As you will see
collar jobs later in this chapter, many blue-collar jobs in the United States are threatened by economic
income, for example, averages between 60 and 70 percent that of whites (Figure 7.2). Since
1972, the black-white income ratio has remained essentially unchanged while the income
of Hispanics has fallen relative to whites (DeNavas-Walt and Proctor 2015). In 2014 the
median income of white households was $60,256 compared to $35,398 for black house-
holds and $42,491 for Hispanic households. For blacks, this is a slight improvement over
previous years, as a growing number have gone to college and moved into middle-class
occupations. For Latinos, however, the situation has worsened, as recent immigrants from
rural areas in Mexico and Central America find themselves working at low-wage jobs
(U.S. Bureau of the Census 2001f).
Oliver and Shapiro (1995) found that the “wealth gap” between blacks and whites is
even greater than the income gap. Recent data show that the wealth gap has increased in
the aftermath of the Great Recession. In 2013, white households had a median net worth
of $141,900—thirteen times the median net worth of black households ($11,000) and the
largest gap since 1989. In 2007, the wealth of white households was ten times the wealth
of black households (Kochhar and Fry 2014). Oliver and Shapiro also found that when
blacks attained educational or occupational levels comparable with that of whites, the
wealth gap still did not disappear.
Oliver and Shapiro (1995) argued that blacks in the United States have encountered
many barriers to acquiring wealth throughout history. After the Civil War ended slavery
in 1865, legal discrimination (such as mandatory segregation in the South and separate
schools) tied the vast majority of blacks to the lowest rungs of the economic ladder. Racial
discrimination was made illegal by the Civil Rights Act of 1964; nonetheless, discrimina-
tion has remained, and although some blacks have moved into middle-class occupations,
many have remained poor or in low-wage jobs where the opportunities for accumulating
wealth are nonexistent. Less wealth means less social and cultural capital: fewer dollars to
invest in schooling for one’s children, a business, or the stock market—investments that in
the long run would create greater wealth for future investments. We will further explore
issues of racial inequality in Chapter 10.
What A re the Causes and Consequences of Social Inequalit y in the United States? 209
F I GU RE 7.2
70
PERCENT OF WHITE MEDIAN
HOUSEHOLD INCOME
65
60
Black Household Income
55
50
0
1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014
their children.
What A re the Causes and Consequences of Social Inequalit y in the United States? 211
Race and education play a major part in determining upward mobility. Sixty-three
percent of black children born into the bottom fourth of the U.S. income distribution
CONCEPT CHECKS
remained in the bottom fourth, while only 4 percent made it into the top fourth. Among
1. What are two pieces of white children, 32 percent of those born into the bottom fourth remained there, while
statistical evidence used 14 percent made it into the top fourth. In other words, while upward mobility is not high
to support the claim that for anyone, it is far lower for blacks than it is for whites. Differences in education account
the gap between the rich for at least part of the racial differences: because schools remain highly segregated by race
and the poor is growing
in many parts of the country, poor black children often do not have the same educational
in the United States?
opportunities as whites (Hertz 2006).
2. Contrast intragenerational
and intergenerational DOWNWARD MOBILITY
mobility.
Downward mobility occurs when one’s own wealth, income, or occupational status is
3. According to classic lower than what one’s parents had. Downward mobility is less common than upward
studies of mobility in
mobility; nevertheless, an estimated one-third of all Americans raised in the middle
the United States, how
does family background class— defined as households between the thirtieth and seventieth percentile of the
affect one’s social class income distribution—fall out of the middle class when they become adults (Acs 2011).
in adulthood? A person with short-range downward mobility moves from one job to another that
is similar in pay and prestige —for example, from a routine office job to semiskilled
4. According to Pierre
Bourdieu, how does the blue-collar work. Downward intragenerational mobility is often associated with psy-
family contribute to the chological problems and anxieties. Some people are simply unable to sustain the lifestyle
transmission of social into which they were born. But another source of downward mobility among individuals
class from generation to arises through no fault of their own. During the late 1980s and early 1990s, and again
generation?
in the late 2000s, corporate America was flooded with instances in which middle-aged
5. Describe at least two men lost their jobs because of company mergers, takeovers, or bankruptcies. These exec-
reasons for downward utives either had difficulty finding new jobs or could only find jobs that paid less than
mobility. their previous jobs.
Most Americans think of the poor as people who are unemployed or on welfare. Data on
who the poor actually are show that blacks and Latinos are more likely than whites to
live in poverty, but poverty strikes members of all ethnic and racial backgrounds. Surveys
show that Americans are split on whether the poor are responsible for their plight. An
NBC News/Wall Street Journal poll in 2014 found that 46 percent believe that poverty is
the result of circumstances beyond people’s control, while 44 percent believe it is because
people do not do enough to lift themselves out of poverty (Wessler 2014). This represents
a significant shift in opinion from twenty years earlier, when fewer than a third of respon-
dents believed poverty to be caused by conditions beyond one’s control, and more than
half believed that the poor were responsible for their plight. This shift in opinion may well
reflect the lingering aftermath of the recent recession, which affected many working- and
10%
THE FEMINIZATION OF POVERTY 10
CHILDREN IN POVERTY
Given the high rates of poverty among families headed by single women, it follows that chil-
dren are the principal victims of poverty in the United States. As noted earlier, the United
States ranks second among the nation’s wealthiest countries with respect to its child pov-
erty rates (defined as poverty among people under eighteen). Nonetheless, the child poverty
from investments and private pension funds, and sometimes earnings. Low-income
households are particularly likely to rely heavily on Social Security, which accounts for
94 percent of income for beneficiaries who live on less than $12,554 a year (Social Security
Administration 2012).
many poor people. According to Lewis, poverty is not a result of individual inadequacies
HOMELESS PERSONS
No discussion of social exclusion is complete without reference to the people who are tradi-
tionally seen as at the very bottom of the social hierarchy: homeless persons. The growing
problem of homelessness is one of the most distressing signs of changes in the American
stratification system. Homeless people are a common sight in nearly every U.S. city and
town and are increasingly found in rural areas as well. On a single night in January 2015,
more than half a million (564,708) people were homeless (U.S. Department of Housing
and Human Development 2015). Two generations ago, homeless populations were mainly
elderly, alcoholic men who were found on the skid rows of the largest metropolitan areas.
Today they are primarily young single men, often of working age.
The fastest-growing group of homeless people, however, consists of families with chil-
dren, who make up more than a third (37 percent) of those currently homeless (National
Center on Family Homelessness 2014). In 2015, men comprised 60 percent of the homeless
How Is Social
Class Defined in
the United States?
Understand the social causes and
p. 199 consequences of social class in U.S.
society, as well as the complexities and
Thinking Sociologically challenges of defining class.
1. What are two pieces of statistical evidence used to support the claim that
the gap between the rich and the poor is growing in the United States?
2. Contrast intragenerational and intergenerational mobility.
social mobility • intragenerational mobility • 3. According to classic studies of mobility in the United States, how does
intergenerational mobility • social reproduction family background affect one’s social class in adulthood?
cultural capital • downward mobility • 4. According to Pierre Bourdieu, how does the family contribute to the
short-range downward mobility transmission of social class from generation to generation?
5. Describe at least two reasons for downward mobility.
absolute poverty • relative poverty • poverty 1. What is the poverty line, and how does the U.S. government calculate
line • working poor • feminization of poverty • this statistic?
Social Security • Medicare • culture of poverty • 2. Describe the demographic characteristics of the poor in the United States.
dependency culture • social exclusion • agency 3. Why are women and children at a high risk of becoming impoverished in
the United States today?
4. Contrast the culture-of-poverty argument and structural explanations
for poverty.
5. Describe the concept of social exclusion.
6. Describe the demographic characteristics of the homeless population in the
United States today. What are the main reasons people become homeless?
1. How has globalization affected the life chances of young adults in the
United States today?
2. How has the recent recession affected the life chances of young adults in
the United States today?
8 Residents scavenge for food in a massive garbage
dump near Port-au-Prince, Haiti, after the 2010
earthquake that killed an estimated 300,000
people.
Global
throughout the world.
Inequality
economies.
An Unequal World
p. 229
The nations of Haiti and Japan have little in common, at first glance. Haiti, an
island in the Caribbean, is one of the world’s poorest nations. Haiti ranked 163 of
188 countries in the 2015 United Nations Human Development Index and is ranked
poorly on a range of quality-of-life indicators, including education, life expec-
tancy, sanitation, access to clean water, and quality of housing (United Nations Development
Programme 2015). The average adult in Haiti has completed only 4.9 years of schooling, and life
expectancy at birth is only 63 years. According to the United Nations, the island nation suffers
from a shortage of skilled labor and from widespread unemployment and underemployment,
where more than two-thirds of the labor force do not have formal jobs. As recently as 2016,
Haiti was described as the “poorest country in the Western Hemisphere, with 80 percent of the
population living under the poverty line and 54 percent in abject poverty (Central Intelligence
Agency 2016b).” More than half of Haitians live on $2.41 or less per day (World Bank 2014d).
High-Income Countries
High-income countries are generally those that were the first to industrialize, a pro-
cess that began in England some 250 years ago and then spread to Europe, the United
States, and Canada. In the 1970s, Japan joined the ranks of high-income, industrialized
nations, while Singapore, Hong Kong, and Taiwan moved into this category only within
the last decade or so. The reasons for the success of these Asian latecomers to industri-
alization are much debated by sociologists and economists; we will look at them later in
the chapter.
High-income countries are home to 16 percent of the world’s population, or nearly
1.2 billion people, yet they lay claim to 64 percent of the world’s annual output (World
Bank 2016g). High-income countries offer adequate housing and food, drinkable water,
and other comforts unknown in many parts of the world. Although these countries often
have large numbers of poor people, most of their inhabitants enjoy a standard of living
unimaginable by the majority of the world’s people.
Gross
National
Income
per Capita
(current U.S. $)
$620 $2,035 $8,113 $41,366
Total
Population
(in millions)
638 2,927 2,550 1,187
Annual
Population
Growth
2.7% 1.6% 0.8% 0.7%
Life
Expectancy
at Birth
(in years)
Fertility
Rate
(average # of
births per woman) 4.8 2.8 1.8 1.7
Infant
Mortality
Rate
(# of infant deaths
per 1,000 births)
53 40 15 6
Low-Income Countries
Finally, the low-income countries include much of eastern, western, and sub-Saharan
Africa; North Korea in East Asia; Nepal in South Asia; and Haiti in the Caribbean. These
countries have mostly agricultural economies and have only recently begun to industrial-
ize. Scholars debate the reasons for their late industrialization and widespread poverty, as
we will see later in this chapter.
In 2015, the low-income countries accounted for less than 9 percent of the world’s
population (638 million people) yet produced only 0.5 percent of the world’s yearly out-
put of wealth (World Bank 2016g). Moreover, this inequality is increasing. Fertility rates
are much higher in low-income countries than elsewhere, with large families providing
additional farm labor or otherwise contributing to family income. (In wealthy industrial
societies, where children are more likely to be in school than on the farm, the economic
benefit of large families declines, so people tend to have fewer children.) In fact, there is an
inverse relationship between income level and population growth: In general, the poorer
the country, the faster the growth in population. Between 2000 and 2015, the population
of high-income countries increased 10 percent; upper-middle-income countries, 12 per-
cent; lower-middle-income countries, 27 percent; and low-income countries, 51 percent.
In many of these low-income countries, people struggle with poverty, malnutrition,
and even starvation. Most people live in rural areas, although this is rapidly changing:
Hundreds of millions of people are moving to huge, densely populated cities, where they
live either in dilapidated housing or on the open streets (see Chapter 15).
High: $12,476 or more Upper middle: $4,036–$12,475 Lower middle: $1,026–$4,035 Low: $1,025 or less
Health
People in high-income countries are far healthier than their counterparts in low-income
countries. Low-income countries generally suffer from inadequate health facilities, and
their hospitals and clinics seldom serve the poorest people. People living in low-income
countries also lack proper sanitation, drink polluted water, and run a much greater risk
of contracting infectious diseases. They are more likely to suffer malnutrition, starvation,
and famine. All of these factors contribute to physical weakness and poor health, mak-
ing people in low-income countries susceptible to illness and disease. There is growing
evidence that the high rates of HIV/AIDS infection found in many African countries and
Haiti are due in part to the weakened health of impoverished people, especially children
(Mody et al. 2014).
One chilling example of the relationship between global poverty and disease is the
Ebola epidemic that broke out in West Africa in 2014. Ebola is a deadly disease that is
spread through contact with the blood or bodily fluids of infected persons who are show-
ing symptoms. The illness spread rapidly partly because it was new to this region of
Africa and so went unrecognized: Caregivers, from family members to professional health
workers, initially believed it to be malaria or some other disease that is transmitted by
mosquitoes rather than human contact. Ebola also spread rapidly in West Africa because
there were no health care facilities capable of dealing with the large and growing number
The “Ebola Must Go”
campaign is an attempt of Ebola patients, who need to be completely isolated and treated by trained medical per-
to educate and mobilize sonnel wearing special (and costly) protective suits.
communities without proper Many victims were in remote rural areas that lacked usable roads or other infra-
resources to recognize and structure, making it difficult to identify, isolate, and treat them; when they flooded into
isolate Ebola.
crowded cities in search of treatment, the disease quickly spread. The borders between
Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Guinea are open in many places, making containment of the
disease difficult. And years of war and corrupt governments in this region meant that
a concerted state-led response was unlikely (Fox 2014). As a result, during the first
Child Labor
In low-income countries, children are often forced to work because of a combination of
family poverty, lack of education, and traditional indifference among some people in many
countries to the plight of those who are poor or who are ethnic minorities. Worldwide
more than 120 million children between the ages of five and fourteen are engaged in child CONCEPT CHECKS
labor. The incidence of child labor is highest in low-income countries: Nearly 23 percent
of all children in low-income countries are engaged in child labor, compared to 9 percent 1. Why do people who live
for lower-middle-income countries and 6 percent from upper-middle-income countries in high-income countries
have better health than
(International Labor Organization 2013). Most working children labor in agriculture, with
those who live in low-
the rest in manufacturing, wholesale and retail trade, restaurants and hotels, and a variety income countries?
of services, including working as servants in wealthy households. At best, these children
2. What is one global
work for long hours with little pay and are therefore unable to go to school and develop the
cause of poor health?
skills that might eventually enable them to escape their lives of poverty. Many, however,
work at hazardous and exploitative jobs under slavelike conditions, suffering a variety of 3. What are two causes of
illnesses and injuries. global hunger today?
the high point of the Cold War, when the United States and its allies, in erecting a defense
against communist China, provided generous economic aid that fueled investment in new
technologies such as transistors, semiconductors, and other electronics, contributing to
the development of local industries (Amsden 1989; Castells 1992; Cumings 1987, 1997;
Deyo 1987; Evans 1987; Haggard 1990; Henderson 1989; Mirza 1986). Fourth, many of the
East Asian governments enacted strong policies that favored economic growth by keeping
labor costs low, encouraging economic development through tax breaks and other eco-
nomic policies, and offering free public education.
Finally, some have argued that cultural traditions, including a shared Confucian phi-
losophy, contributed to these economic advances. Scholars such as Weber (1977, orig. 1904),
who viewed the rise of capitalism in Western Europe as a function of the Protestant belief in
thrift, frugality, and hard work, have observed a similar process in Asian economic history.
Confucianism, it is argued, inculcates respect for one’s elders and superiors, education, hard
work, and proven accomplishments as the key to advancement, as well as a willingness to CONCEPT CHECKS
sacrifice today to earn a greater reward tomorrow. As a result of these values, the Weberian
1. What are the five factors
argument goes, Asian workers and managers are highly loyal to their companies, submissive
that have facilitated the
to authority, hardworking, and success oriented. Workers and capitalists alike are said to be economic success of
frugal. Instead of living lavishly, they are likely to reinvest their wealth in further economic the East Asian emerging
growth (Berger 1986; Berger and Hsiao 1988; Helm 1992; Redding 1990; Wong 1986). economies?
Recent social and cultural changes may undermine the influence of traditional values
2. What are potential
on Asian economic development. For example, thrift, a central Confucian cultural value, obstacles to the
appears to be on the decline in Japan and the East Asian emerging economies, as young continued economic
people—raised in the booming prosperity of recent years—increasingly value conspicu- success of the emerging
ous consumption over austerity and investment (Helm 1992). economies?
Market-Oriented Theories
Fifty years ago, the most influential theories of global inequality advanced by American
market-oriented economists and sociologists were market-oriented theories. These theories assume
theories that the best possible economic consequences will result if individuals are free, unin-
Theories about economic hibited by any form of governmental constraint, to make their own economic decisions.
development that assume Unrestricted capitalism, if allowed to develop fully, is said to be the avenue to economic
that the best possible eco-
growth. Government bureaucracy should not dictate which goods to produce, what prices
nomic consequences will
to charge, or how much workers should be paid. According to market-oriented theo-
result if individuals are free
to make their own economic rists, governmental direction of the economies of low-income countries results only in
decisions, uninhibited by blockages to economic development (Berger 1986; Ranis and Mahmood 1992; Ranis 1996;
governmental constraint. Rostow 1961; Warren 1980). While market-oriented theories remain generally accepted
among economists, sociologists are unlikely to accept the notion that the “invisible hand”
of the marketplace, by itself, will lead to desirable outcomes for the world’s poor (Slater and
modernization
Tonkiss 2013).
theory
Market-oriented theories inspired U.S. government foreign-aid programs that
A version of market-
attempted to spur economic development in low-income countries by providing money,
oriented development
theory that argues that expert advisers, and technology, paving the way for U.S. corporations to make investments
low-income societies in these countries. One of the most influential early proponents of such theories was
develop economically W. W. Rostow, an economic adviser to former U.S. president John F. Kennedy, whose
only if they give up their ideas helped shape U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America during the 1960s. Rostow’s
traditional ways and
explanation is one version of a market-oriented approach, termed modernization theory.
adopt modern economic
institutions, technologies,
Modernization theory argues that low-income societies can develop economically only if
and cultural values that they give up their traditional ways and adopt modern economic institutions, technologies,
emphasize savings and and cultural values that emphasize savings and productive investment.
productive investment. According to Rostow (1961), the traditional cultural values and social institutions
of low-income countries impede their economic effectiveness. For example, many peo-
ple in low-income countries, in Rostow’s view, would rather consume today than invest
Dependency Theories
During the 1960s, a number of theorists questioned market-oriented explanations
of global inequality. Many of these critics were sociologists and economists from the
low-income countries of Latin America and Africa who rejected the idea that their coun-
tries’ economic underdevelopment was due to their own cultural or institutional failings.
Instead, they built on the theories of Karl Marx, who argued that world capitalism would
create a class of countries manipulated by more powerful countries just as capitalism
within countries leads to the exploitation of workers. Dependency theories, as they are dependency
called, argue that the poverty of low-income countries stems from their exploitation by theories
wealthy countries and the multinational corporations that are based in wealthy coun- Marxist theories of
tries. In this view, global capitalism locked many countries into a downward spiral of economic development
that maintain that the
exploitation and poverty.
poverty of low-income
Dependency theorists argue that this exploitation began with colonialism, a political-
countries stems directly
economic system under which powerful countries establish, for their own profit, rule over from their exploitation by
weaker peoples or countries. Powerful nations have colonized other countries usually to wealthy countries and the
procure the raw materials needed for their factories and to control markets for the prod- multinational corporations
ucts manufactured in those factories. Although colonialism typically involved European that are based in wealthy
countries.
countries establishing colonies in North and South America, Africa, and Asia, some Asian
countries (such as Japan) had colonies as well.
Colonialism ended throughout most of the world after World War II, but the exploita- colonialism
tion did not: Transnational corporations continued to reap enormous profits from their
The process whereby
branches in low-income countries. According to dependency theory, these global compa- Western nations estab-
nies, often with the support of the powerful banks and governments of rich countries, lished their rule in parts of
established factories in poor countries, using cheap labor and raw materials to maximize the world away from their
production costs without governmental interference. In turn, the low prices set for labor home territories.
and raw materials prevented poor countries from accumulating the profit necessary to
industrialize themselves. Local businesses that might compete with foreign corporations
were prevented from doing so. In this view, poor countries are forced to borrow from rich
countries, thus increasing their economic dependency.
World-Systems Theory
During the last quarter-century, sociologists have increas-
ingly seen the world as a single (although often conflict-
ridden) economic system. While dependency theories hold that individual countries are
world-systems economically tied to one another, world-systems theory argues that the world capitalist
theory economic system is not merely a collection of independent countries engaged in diplo-
Pioneered by Immanuel matic and economic relations with one another but rather must be understood as a single
Wallerstein, a theory that unit. The world-systems approach is most closely identified with the work of Immanuel
emphasizes the intercon-
Wallerstein and his colleagues. Wallerstein showed that capitalism has long existed as a
nections among countries
global economic system, beginning with the extension of markets and trade in Europe in
based on the expansion
of a capitalist world the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries (Hopkins and Wallerstein 1996; Wallerstein 1974a,
economy. This economy is 1974b, 1979, 1990, 1996a, 1996b, 2004). The world system is seen as comprising four over-
made up of core countries, lapping elements (Chase-Dunn 1989):
semiperipheral countries,
and peripheral countries. ■■ A world market for goods and labor
■■ The carving up of the world into three unequal economic zones, with the
wealthier zones exploiting the poorer ones
State-Centered Theories
Some of the most recent explanations of successful economic development emphasize the
role of state policy in promoting growth. Differing sharply from market-oriented theories,
■■ Technology innovators are those regions that provide nearly all of the world’s
technological inventions; they account for no more than 15 percent of the
world’s population.
■■ Technology adopters are those regions that are able to adopt technologies invented
elsewhere, applying them to production and consumption; they account for
50 percent of the world’s population.
■■ Finally, the technologically disconnected are those regions that neither innovate
nor adopt technologies developed elsewhere; they account for 35 percent of the
world’s population.
p. 227
p. 232
Thinking Sociologically
globalization
1. Explain how the World Bank measures global inequality, and discuss some
of the problems associated with measuring global inequality.
2. Compare and contrast high-income, middle-income, and low-income
global inequality countries.
emerging economies 1. What are the five factors that have facilitated the economic success of the
East Asian emerging economies?
2. What are potential obstacles to the continued economic success of the
emerging economies?
Inequality
these inequalities take in social institutions
such as the workplace, the family, the
educational system, and the political system
in the United States and globally.
p. 265
By many indications, it looks like women have made it in the high-pressure,
male-dominated fields of business, finance, and technology. Women like Mary
Barra, CEO of General Motors; Susan Wojcicki, CEO of YouTube, and Sheryl
Sandberg, COO of Facebook, serve as role models for young women hoping to
ascend the ranks of corporate America. However, despite the tremendous successes of
Barra, Sandberg, Wojcicki, and other high-ranking professional women today, it’s still not easy
for women to make it to the top. Discrimination, both overt and subtle, still hurts millions
of women in the workforce today. Witness the case of Merrill Lynch, a venerable brokerage
firm that is owned by Bank of America. In September 2013, Bank of America agreed to pay
$39 million to nearly 5,000 women who worked at Merrill Lynch as part of a discrimination
case filed by the employees (McGeehan 2013).
What was the basis of the lawsuit? The three plaintiffs, Judy Calibuso, a financial adviser
at Merrill Lynch, and Julie Moss and Dianne Goedtel, former financial advisers at Bank of
Gender Socialization
Another explanation for gender differences is gender socialization, or ways that individ-
uals learn gender roles from socializing agents such as the family, peers, schools, and the
media (as discussed in Chapter 4). Through contact with various agents of socialization,
children gradually internalize the social norms and expectations that are seen to corre-
spond with their sex. In other words, gender differences are not biologically determined;
they are culturally produced. The concept of gender socialization teaches us that gender
inequalities result because men and women are socialized into different roles.
The process of gender
People create gender through social interactions with others, such as family mem- socialization begins at
bers, friends, and colleagues. This process begins at birth when doctors, nurses, and family birth when babies are
members—the first to see an infant—assign the person to a gender category on the basis immediately assigned to a
of physical characteristics. Babies are immediately dressed in a way that marks the sex gender category.
category; for instance, a girl may wear a little pink bow while a boy may wear a sailor suit.
“Parents don’t want to be constantly asked if their child is a boy or a girl” (Lorber 1994).
Once the child is marked as male or female, everyone who interacts with the child will
treat it in accordance with its gender. They do so on the basis of the society’s assumptions,
which lead people to treat women and men differently, even as opposites (Renzetti and
Curran 1995).
Gender socialization is very powerful, and challenges to it can upset one’s sense of
order. Think about the controversy surrounding young Coy Mathis, who was born male
but identified as female, preferring to wear girls’ clothing and play with girls’ toys. As gender
sociological studies repeatedly show, once a gender is “assigned,” society expects individu- socialization
als to act like “females” and “males.” These expectations are fulfilled and reproduced in the The learning of gender
practices of everyday life, and challenges to these expectations are not yet widely accepted roles through social factors
(Bourdieu 1990; Lorber 1994). such as schooling, peers,
the media, and family.
characterized by physical strength and tough attitudes will encourage men to cultivate a
specific body image and set of mannerisms (Butler 1989; Connell 1987; Scott and Morgan
1993). Men who fail to comply with what scholars call “hegemonic masculinity,” or the
social norms dictating that men should be strong, self-reliant, and unemotional, may be
subtly sanctioned for not enacting gender roles in a way that is consistent with prevailing
cultural norms (Connell and Messerschmidt 2005).
DOING GENDER
According to social constructionist perspectives, gender is not something that we are,
but something that we “do” (West and Zimmerman 1987) or a role that we perform. That
means that we learn how to present ourselves as “male” or “female” through our choice
of behaviors, clothing, hairstyle, stance, body language, and tone of voice. For example,
a number of scholars have uncovered the discouraging finding that some young women
“play dumb” both because they believe it is consistent with gendered expectations for how
girls should act and because they believe that doing so may help bolster the feelings of
masculinity among the boys they are hoping to attract as romantic partners (Gove, Hughes,
and Geerken 1980). As sociologist Maria do Mar Pereira discovered in her 2014 qualitative
study of fourteen-year-old boys and girls, “Young people try to adapt their behavior accord-
ing to these pressures to fit into society. One of the pressures is that young men must be
more dominant—cleverer, stronger, taller, funnier—than young women, and that being
in a relationship with a woman who is more intelligent will undermine their masculinity”
(University of Warwick 2014).
But precisely how we “do gender” varies widely by race, social class, and social context.
We selectively choose to enact different aspects of gender expectations based on what we
think will work best in a particular setting. For example, sociologist Nikki Jones (2009)
NEW GUINEA
In her classic New Guinea study Sex and Temperament in Three
Primitive Societies, Margaret Mead (1963, orig. 1935) observed
wide variability among gender role prescriptions—and
such marked differences from those in the United States—
that any claims to the universality of gender roles had to be
rejected. Mead studied three separate tribes in New Guinea.
In Arapesh society, both males and females generally exhib-
ited characteristics and behaviors that would typically be
associated with the Western female role. Both sexes among
the Arapesh were passive, gentle, unaggressive, and emo- Margaret Mead conducts fieldwork with a mother and child in
tionally responsive to the needs of others. In contrast, Mead the Admiralty Islands, part of Papua New Guinea, in 1953. Her
found that in another New Guinea group, the Mundugumor, classic study Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies
both the males and females were characteristically aggres- found that gender roles there differed dramatically from those
in the United States.
sive, suspicious, and, from a Western observer’s perspective,
excessively cruel, especially toward children. In both cul-
tures, however, men and women were expected to behave
very similarly. In a third group, the Tchambuli tribe of New
Guinea, gender roles of the males and females were almost exactly reversed from the roles
traditionally assigned to males and females in Western society. Women “managed the
business affairs of life” while “the men . . . p
ainted, gossiped and had temper tantrums”
(Mead 1972).
THE !KUNG
Among the !Kung of the Kalahari desert, who refer to themselves as zhun/twasi or “the
real people,” it is very common for both men and women to engage in child care (Shostak
1981). Due to the nonconfrontational parenting practices of the !Kung, who oppose violent
conflict and physical punishment, children learn that aggressive behavior will not be tol-
erated by either men or women. Although the !Kung abide by the seemingly traditional
arrangement where “men hunt and women gather,” the vast majority of their food actually
comes from the gathering activities of women (see Draper, as cited in Renzetti and Curran
2000). Women return from their gathering expeditions armed not only with food for the
community but also with valuable information for hunters.
Education
If you look around your college campus, you might notice roughly equal numbers of men
and women and may think that gender no longer affects whether and how one receives an
education. There is some truth to this. College campuses today are roughly 50:50 when it
comes to the number of men and women filling undergraduate classrooms; in fact, women
slightly outnumber men on college campuses today. This gender gap is much larger among
blacks and Latinos than among whites (Pollard 2011). Yet aggregate numbers are only part
of the story. As we will see next, subtle dynamics, starting in primary school, teach boys
and girls different skills and direct young men and women into divergent career paths.
TABLE 9.1
F I GU RE 9.1
60 Women’s
labor force*
participation
50 rate
PERCENTAGE
40
30 Women as a
percentage
of the total
20
labor force†
10
0
1950 1954 1958 1962 1966 1970 1974 1978 1982 1986 1990 1994 1998 2002 2006 2010 2014
*
Women in the labor force as a percent of all civilian women age sixteen and over.
†
Women in the labor force as a percent of the total labor force (both men and women) age sixteen and over.
Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics 2015f
In 2014, 57 percent of women ages sixteen and older were in the labor force, compared
to 38 percent in 1960. An even greater change in the rate of labor force participation has
gender typing
occurred among married mothers of young children. In 1975, only 39 percent of married
Designation of occupations
women with preschool-age children (under six years old) were in the labor force; this
as male or female, with
“women’s” occupations, figure had increased to 64 percent by 2014 (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics 2015f).
such as secretarial and How can we explain this increase? One force behind women’s increased entry into
retail positions, having the labor force was the increase in demand, since 1940, for clerical and service work-
lower status and pay, and ers, as the U.S. economy expanded and changed (Oppenheimer 1970). From 1940 until
“men’s” occupations, such
the mid- to late 1960s, labor force activity increased among women who were past their
as managerial and profes-
sional positions, having prime child-rearing years. During the 1970s and 1980s, as the marriage age rose, birth
higher status and pay. rates declined, and women’s educational attainment increased, the growth in labor force
participation spread to younger women. Many women now postpone family formation
to complete their education and establish themselves in the labor force. Despite family
obligations, today a majority of women of all educational levels now work outside the home
during their child-rearing years.
INEQUALITIES AT WORK
Until recently, women workers were
overwhelmingly concentrated in routine,
F I GU RE 9.2 poorly paid occupations. The fate of the
PERCENTAGE
and managerial occupations has steadily
increased to be the largest occupa- 70
tional category for women (29 million,
or 42 percent, in 2014), a considerable
60
proportion of women workers are still
employed in sales and office adminis-
trative support occupations (21 million, 50
1979 1982 1985 1988 1991 1994 1997 2000 2003 2006 2009 2012 2014
or 30 percent, in 2014) (U.S. Bureau of
Labor Statistics 2015f). Note: Data relate to annual averages of median usual weekly earnings for full-time wage and
Another important economic trend salary workers.
since the 1970s has been the narrow- Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics 2015f
ing of the gender gap in earnings (see
Figure 9.3). Between 1979 and 2014,
the ratio of women’s to men’s median
weekly earnings among full-time, year-round workers increased from 62 percent to 83
percent. Moreover, this ratio increased among all races and ethnic groups (U.S. Bureau of
Labor Statistics 2015f). Some researchers have noted that the narrowing of the gender gap
is less a reflection of improvement in women’s economic standing than a decline in men’s
economic standing. The recent recession was dubbed the “he-cession” or “man-cession”
because the types of jobs and industries hardest hit were those in which men were over-
represented, such as construction and finance (Rampell 2009). As men’s earnings erode, the
female-male earnings ratio starts to inch upward.
Sociologists have identified many reasons why a gender pay gap persists. Although
direct discrimination is certainly one explanation, there are other, more subtle rea-
sons why women typically earn less than their male counterparts. Many sociologists
point to sex segregation— or the concentration of men and women in different occu- sex segregation
pations— as an important cause of the gender gap in earnings. While the Equal Pay Act The concentration of men
of 1963 holds that men and women must earn equal pay for performing equal work, and women in different
women tend to hold different jobs, typically jobs that are dominated by women. These jobs. These differences
are believed to contribute
jobs, on average, pay less than occupations dominated by men. For instance, in 2015,
to the gender pay gap.
occupations with the highest proportion of women included preschool and elementary
school teacher (97 percent), dental hygienist (96 percent), child-care worker (95 per-
cent), secretary (95 percent), and hairdresser (94 percent) (Bureau of Labor Statistics
2016k). This is not surprising, given what we learned earlier about the concentration of
women in health- and education-related college majors. Occupations with the highest
proportion of male workers included construction worker, truck driver, taxi driver,
plumber, electrician, carpenter, firefighter, and auto mechanic (U.S. Bureau of Labor
Statistics 2016k).
The Gender Inequality Index (GII), which is used to compare gender inequality across countries, looks at women’s
educational attainment, labor force participation, and representation in governmental bodies, among other metrics.
In the graphic below, the countries’ GII rankings are displayed in the white circles.
9 25 40 55 71 80 130
sector. Because of persistent discrimination and lower wages, women represent 60 percent
of the world’s 550 million working poor (International Labor Organization 2004b). The
feminization of the global workforce has brought with it the increased exploitation of
young, uneducated, largely rural women around the world. These women labor under con-
ditions that are often unsafe and unhealthy, at low pay and with nonexistent job secu-
rity. For instance, the collapse of the Rana Plaza building in Bangladesh in 2013 was a
tragic depiction of the unsafe work conditions facing garment workers, most of whom are
women, in parts of the developing world. More than 1,000 workers died in the building
collapse, many of whom had been toiling for low wages in a building that had been deemed
an unsafe structure.
At the other end of the occupational spectrum, a recent study by the International
Labor Organization concludes that women throughout the world still encounter a glass
ceiling that restricts their movement into top positions. In 2013, women made up only
17.6 percent of board members of major companies in the European Union (European
Parliament 2013). In recognition of these low rates, several national governments have
recently passed legislation to increase women’s participation in the highest echelons
of business. In Japan, for example, women have been particularly likely to face barri-
ers to career advancement, especially in professional and managerial positions. Only
11 percent of such positions are now held by women, due both to discriminatory hiring
practices and the fact that fully 70 percent of Japanese women exit the workforce when
they have their first child (Cunningham 2013; Simms 2013). However, policymakers
in Japan have recently recognized that this is a tremendous loss of worker potential,
especially when low birth rates mean that the nation may soon face a dearth of young
workers. In 2013, the government issued a mandate that by 2020, women should hold
30 percent of all upper-management positions in major corporations (Cunningham
2013). Similar quota-based policies have already been passed in France, Iceland, the
in national legislatures is highest in the Nordic countries (41 percent); in the Arab 4. What are some important
differences between
states, the figure is less than 20 percent (Inter-Parliamentary Union 2016).
men’s and women’s
The United Nations ranks countries according to a measure of gender inequality, called
political participation in
the Gender Inequality Index (GII), which covers three dimensions of inequality: reproduc- the United States?
tive health, including maternal mortality rate; empowerment, including shares of seats in
5. What are some signs
parliament held by women; and participation in the labor force. By this measure, in 2015 of progress in terms
the United States ranked fifty-fifth out of 155 countries—behind the Scandinavian and of women’s political
other northern and western European countries as well as Canada, the United Kingdom, equality from a global
New Zealand, Japan, and China. perspective?
Rape
Rape can be sociologically defined as the forcing of nonconsensual vaginal, oral, or anal
intercourse. As one researcher observed, between consensual sex and rape lies “a contin-
uum of pressure, threat, coercion, and force” (Kelly 1987). Common to all forms of rape is
the lack of consent: At least in principle, “no” means “no” when it comes to sexual relations
in most courts of law in the United States. The vast majority of rapes are committed by men
against women, although men rape other men in prisons and other all-male institutional
environments. However, recent studies have documented cases where women take sexual
infanticide advantage of young men who may be insecure, intoxicated, or of a lower status position
The intentional killing of a (Anderson and Struckman-Johnson 1998).
newborn. Female babies Rape is an act of violence, rather than a purely sexual act. It is often carefully planned
are more likely than male rather than performed on the spur of the moment to satisfy some uncontrollable sex-
babies to be murdered
ual desire. Many rapes involve beatings, knifings, and even murder. In some instances,
in cultures that devalue
sexual assault is facilitated by alcohol, or women having their drinks spiked with the
women.
sedative Rohypnol (i.e., “roofies”) or drugs referred to as “date-rape drugs” (Michigan
Department of Community Health 2010). Even when rape leaves no physical wounds,
rape it is a highly traumatic violation of the victim’s person that leaves long-lasting psycho-
The forcing of logical scars.
nonconsensual vaginal, It is difficult to know with accuracy how many rapes actually occur, since most rapes
oral, or anal intercourse. go unreported. According to the National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey,
nearly one in five women (19 percent) in the United States has been raped (Breiding
ing them (Brownmiller 1986). This socialization context, described as a “rape culture” by
Functionalist Approaches
As we saw in Chapter 1, the functionalist approach sees society as a system of interlinked
parts that, when in balance, operate smoothly to produce social solidarity. Thus, functional-
ist and functionalist-inspired perspectives on gender seek to show that gender differences
contribute to social stability and integration. Though such views once commanded great
support, they have been heavily criticized for neglecting social tensions at the expense of
consensus and for promoting a conservative view of the social world.
Talcott Parsons, a leading functionalist thinker, concerned himself with the role of
the family in industrial societies (Parsons and Bales 1955). He was particularly interested
in the socialization of children and believed that stable, supportive families are the key
to successful socialization. In Parsons’s view, the family operates most efficiently with a
clear-cut sexual division of labor in which females act in expressive roles, providing care
and security to children and offering them emotional support, and men perform instru-
mental roles—namely, being the breadwinner in the family. This complementary division
of labor, springing from a biological distinction between the sexes, would ensure the sol-
idarity of the family according to Parsons.
Feminists have sharply criticized claims of a biological basis to the sexual division of
labor, arguing that there is nothing natural or inevitable about the allocation of tasks in
feminist theories
Feminist Approaches
The feminist movement has given rise to a large body of theory that attempts to explain
A sociological perspec-
tive that emphasizes the gender inequalities and set forth agendas for overcoming those inequalities. As we learned
centrality of gender in in Chapter 1, feminist theories related to gender inequality contrast markedly with one
analyzing the social world another. Feminist writers are all concerned with women’s unequal position in society, but
and particularly the experi- their explanations for it vary substantially. Competing schools of feminism have sought to
ence of women. There are
explain gender inequalities through a variety of deeply embedded social processes such as
many strands of feminist
theory, but they all seek to sexism, patriarchy, capitalism, and racism. In the following sections, we look at the arguments
explain gender inequalities behind three main feminist perspectives: liberal, radical, black, and transnational feminism.
in society and to work to
overcome them. LIBERAL FEMINISM
Liberal feminism looks for explanations of gender inequalities in social and cultural atti-
tudes. Unlike radical feminists, liberal feminists do not see women’s subordination as part
liberal feminism
of a larger system or structure. Instead, they draw attention to many separate factors that
Form of feminist theory
contribute to inequalities between men and women. For example, liberal feminists are con-
that believes that gender
inequality is produced by cerned with sexism and discrimination against women in the workplace, educational insti-
unequal access to civil tutions, and the media. They tend to focus their energies on establishing and protecting equal
rights and certain social opportunities for women through legislation and other democratic means. Legal advances
resources, such as edu- such as the Equal Pay Act of 1963 and the Sex Discrimination Act of 1984 were actively sup-
cation and employment,
ported by liberal feminists, who argued that enshrining equality in law is key to eliminating
based on sex. Liberal
discrimination against women. Liberal feminists seek to work through the existing system
feminists tend to seek
solutions through changes to bring about reforms in a gradual way. In this respect, they are more moderate in their
in legislation that ensure aims and methods than radical feminists, who call for an overthrow of the existing system.
that the rights of individu- While liberal feminists have contributed greatly to the advancement of women over
als are protected. the past century, critics charge that they are unsuccessful in dealing with the root cause of
gender inequality and do not acknowledge the systemic nature of women’s oppression in
society. They say that by focusing on the independent deprivations that women suffer—
radical feminism
sexism, discrimination, the “glass ceiling,” unequal pay—liberal feminists draw only a par-
Form of feminist theory
tial picture of gender inequality. Radical feminists accuse liberal feminists of encouraging
that believes that gender
inequality is the result women to accept an unequal society and its competitive character.
of male domination in
all aspects of social RADICAL FEMINISM
and economic life. At the heart of radical feminism is the belief that men are responsible for and benefit
from the exploitation of women. The analysis of patriarchy—the systematic domination of
Big Picture
Differences Due of biological factors or social and cultural
to Nature, Nurture, influences.
or Both?
p. 251
Intersectionality
1. What is the difference between sex and gender?
2. How do both biology and gender socialization contribute to differences
between men and women?
3. What is “doing gender”? Give an example of a way that you have “done
gender” in your daily life.
4. How can studies of gender in other cultures contribute to the argument
that gender is socially constructed?
sex • gender • biological essentialism • gender 5. What is intersex? How does it challenge the male-female sex dichotomy?
socialization • social construction of gender •
transgender • intersex
infanticide • rape • rape culture 1. Name three different kinds of violence against women.
2. How common is violence against women in the United States?
3. Why are women more likely than men to be the targets of sexual violence?
1. The message emerging from the World Conference on Women was that
when cultural traditions conflict with women’s rights, women’s rights should
take precedence. Do you agree with this? Why or why not?
2. How did gender inequality in the workplace affect the women plaintiffs in
the Merrill Lynch lawsuits?
10
The multiracial family of Bill de Blasio, his wife,
Chirlane McCray, and his children, Chiara and Dante,
became a topic of interest during his campaign
for mayor of New York City and was highlighted
even further by the public backlash to a Cheerios
commercial featuring the daughter of parents of
different races. What do the advertisement, viewer
response, and de Blasio’s election say about race
relations in America today?
and Race
different models for a multiethnic society.
p. 291
When Cheerios unveiled a new television commercial in 2013, ad execs never could
have predicted the firestorm that would follow. In the commercial, an adorable
young girl, about five years old, asks her mother if Cheerios “are good for your
heart.” Her mother reads the cereal box and notes that Cheerios’ whole-grain oats
are “heart healthy.” The young girl runs over to her father, who is asleep on the sofa, and
sprinkles Cheerios on his heart.
At first blush, the ad shows a little girl who wants her father to stay healthy by eating
a low-fat cereal. But some people saw an entirely different scenario. The little girl, with her
caramel complexion and bouncy ringlets, was clearly the daughter of a white mother and a
black father (Elliott 2013). This simple fact triggered an onslaught of racist comments—so
much so that YouTube promptly shut down the “comments” section on the video’s web page
(Goyette 2013). Angry bloggers noted that the ad was “disgusting” and made them “want to
Racism
Some see racism as a system of domination that operates in social processes and social
institutions; others see it as operating in the individual consciousness. Racism can refer racism
to explicit beliefs in racial supremacy such as the systems established in Nazi Germany, in The attribution of charac-
the United States before the civil rights movement, and in South Africa under apartheid. teristics of superiority or
Yet many have argued that racism is more than simply the ideas held by a small num- inferiority to a population
ber of bigoted individuals. Rather, racism is embedded in the very structure and operation sharing certain physically
inherited characteristics.
of society. The idea of institutional racism suggests that racism pervades all of society’s
structures in a systematic manner. According to this view, institutions such as the police,
the health care industry, and the educational system all promote policies that favor certain institutional
groups while discriminating against others. racism
The concept of institutional racism was developed in the United States in the late Patterns of discrimination
1960s by black power activists Stokely Carmichael and Charles Hamilton, who believed based on ethnicity that
that white supremacy structured all social relations and that racism was the foundation have become structured
of the very fabric of U.S. society, rather than merely representing the opinions of a small into social institutions.
minority. The term was taken up by civil rights campaigners, and in subsequent years the
MINORITY GROUPS
The term minority group as used in everyday life can be quite confusing. This is because minority group
the term refers to political power and is not simply a numerical distinction. There are many A group of people who,
minorities in a statistical sense, such as people with red hair or people who weigh more because of their distinct
than 250 pounds, but these are not minorities according to the sociological concept. In physical or cultural char-
acteristics, find themselves
sociology, members of a minority group are disadvantaged as compared with members of
in situations of inequality
the dominant group (a group possessing more wealth, power, and prestige) and have some within that society.
sense of group solidarity, of belonging together. The experience of being subject to prejudice
and discrimination usually heightens feelings of common loyalty and interests. For exam-
ple, several major U.S. cities, including Miami, San Antonio, and El Paso, have majority- dominant group
Latino populations, while Atlanta; Detroit; Baltimore; Gary, Indiana; and Washington, The group that possesses
D.C., have predominantly black populations—yet both ethnic groups still lag behind more wealth, power, and
whites in terms of outcomes like education and income (Fulwood 2010). prestige in a society.
Members of minority groups, such as Spanish speakers in the United States, tend to
see themselves as a people separated or distinct from the majority. Minority groups are
sometimes, but not always, physically and socially isolated from the larger community.
Although they tend to be concentrated in certain neighborhoods, cities, or regions of a CONCEPT CHECKS
country, their children may often intermarry with members of the dominant group. People
who belong to minority groups (for example, Jews) sometimes actively promote endogamy 1. Explain the difference
(marriage within the group) in order to keep their cultural distinctiveness alive. between ethnicity and race.
The idea of a minority group is more confusing today than ever before. Some groups 2. What does the term
that were once clearly identified as minorities, such as Asians and Jews, now have more racialization refer to?
resources, intermarry at greater rates, and experience less discrimination than they did 3. How does prejudice
when they were originally conceived of as minority groups. This highlights the fact that operate in society?
the concept of a minority group is really about disadvantage, rather than a numerical 4. Why are Hispanics and
distinction. Perhaps in the future it would be more meaningful for sociologists to use the African Americans
terms dominant and disadvantaged to avoid these misunderstandings; of course, these new considered minority groups
terms would be fraught with their own problems. in American society?
The racial and ethnic categories that are relevant in a particular nation change over time and vary widely among countries.
Israel
Black African White Colored* Indian/Asian *“Colored” is a term used in South Africa
80.2% 8.4% 8.8% 2.5% for persons of mixed-race ancestry.
Brazil
has been estimated that the world’s migrant population in 1990 was more than 80 million
emigration important political issue in many countries. Rising immigration rates in many Western
societies have challenged commonly held notions of national identity and have forced a
The movement of people
out of one country in order
reexamination of concepts of citizenship.
to settle in another. In examining recent trends in global migration, Stephen Castles and Mark Miller
(2009) have identified four tendencies that they claim characterize migration patterns
today and that are expected to persist in the coming years:
GLOBAL M AP 10 .1
To From
CANADA Australasia CHINA South
EUROPE To North America
NORTH America
From
Asia AMERICA
USA JAPAN
ASIA
To North
Arab America
Oil Fr
Countries om
INDIA Am So
er uth
ica
Atlantic
Ocean AFRICA To North
America
SOUTH
To Japan
AMERICA
Indian
Ocean INDONESIA
To Australia
AUSTRALIA From
South
America
Pacific
Ocean
From
UK
NEW
ZEALAND
Early Colonization
The first European colonists in what was to become the United States were actually
of a quite homogeneous background. At the time of the Declaration of Independence,
the majority of the colonial population was of British descent, and almost everyone
was Protestant. Settlers from outside the British Isles were at first admitted only with
reluctance, but the desire for economic expansion meant having to attract immigrants
from other areas. Most came from countries in northwest Europe, such as Holland,
Germany, and Sweden; such migration into North America dates initially from around
1820. In the century following, about 33 million immigrants entered the United States.
No migrant movement on such a scale had ever been documented, nor has such a migra-
tion occurred since.
The early waves of immigrants came mostly from the same countries of origin as
the groups already established in the United States. They left Europe to escape economic
hardship and religious and political oppression, and for the opportunity to acquire land
as the drive westward gained momentum. As a result of successive potato famines that
had produced widespread starvation, 1.5 million people migrated from Ireland. The
Irish were accustomed to a life of hardship and despair. In contrast with other immi-
grants from rural backgrounds, most Irish settled in urban industrial areas, where they
sought work.
A major new influx of immigrants arrived in the 1880s and 1890s, this time mainly
from southern and eastern Europe—the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Russia, and Italy. Each
successive group of immigrants was subject to considerable discrimination on the part
of people previously established in the country. Negative views of the Irish, for example,
emphasized their supposedly low level of intelligence and drunken behavior. But as they
were concentrated within the cities, the Irish Americans were able to organize to protect
their interests and gained a strong influence over political life. The Italians and Polish,
when they reached America, were in turn discriminated against by the Irish.
Asian immigrants first arrived in the United States in large numbers in the late
nineteenth century, encouraged by employers who needed cheap labor in the developing
industries of the West. Some 200,000 Chinese immigrated to the United States during this
period. Most were men, who came with the idea of saving money to send back to their fam-
ilies in China, anticipating that they would also later return there. Bitter conflicts broke
out between white workers and the Chinese when employment opportunities diminished.
The Chinese Exclusion Act, passed in 1882, cut down further immigration to a trickle until
after World War II.
Japanese immigrants began to arrive not long after the Chinese Exclusion Act was
passed. They were also subject to great hostility from whites. Opposition to Japanese immi-
gration intensified in the early part of the twentieth century, leading to strict limits, or
quotas, being placed on the numbers allowed to enter the United States.
Most immigrant groups in the early twentieth century settled in urban areas and
engaged in the developing industrial economy. They also tended to cluster in ethnic
100
80
60
PERCENTAGE
40
20
0
1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000* 2010 2020 2030 2040 2050
Estimated
*Total percentage exceeds 100 percent because starting in 2000, respondents were allowed to identify themselves as belonging to more than
one racial category.
Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2004, 2010f
whom were Mexican (Krogstad and Passel 2015). The number of immigrants from
Mexico, however, has been declining in recent years, from a high of 6.4 million in
2009. While immigration from Latin America has slowed, immigration from Asia has
increased; Asian immigrants are projected to become the largest immigrant group
by 2055.
Most of these new immigrants have settled in six “port of entry” states: California,
New York, Texas, Illinois, New Jersey, and Massachusetts. These states are attractive to
new immigrants not necessarily because of the job opportunities they afford, but because
they house large immigrant communities into which newcomers are welcomed (Frey and
Liaw 1998). As the flow of Asian and Hispanic immigration continues, and as some non-
immigrants respond by moving to regions of the country with smaller immigrant popu-
lations, the percentage of residents of port-of-entry states who are white will continue to
drop. California was approximately 52 percent white in 1996; in 2015 this proportion had
dropped to 38 percent (U.S. Bureau of the Census 2016c).
MEXICAN AMERICANS
Mexican Americans reside mainly in California, Texas, and other southwestern states,
although there are substantial groups in the Midwest and in northern cities as well. The
Educational Attainment
Differences between blacks and whites in levels of educational attainment have decreased,
but these seem more the result of long-established trends rather than the direct outcome of
the struggles of the 1960s. After steadily improving their levels of educational attainment
for the last fifty years, African Americans are for the first time close to whites in terms
of finishing high school (see Figure 10.2). The proportion of black adults with at least a
high school education has increased from about
20 percent in 1960 to 87 percent in 2015. By con-
trast, 93 percent of white adults and 89 percent of
F I G U R E 1 0 .2
Asian adults, have completed high school (Ryan and
Bauman 2016). But not all signs have been positive. Educational Attainment by Race
While more blacks are attending college now than
in the 1960s, a much higher proportion of whites
and Ethnicity in 2015
than blacks graduate from college today. The situ-
High school College
ation is even more dire for black men; throughout
100
the first decade of the twenty-first century, two-
PROPORTION WHO GRADUATED
est high school dropout rate of any group in the Source: Ryan and Bauman 2016
United States—10.6 percent compared to 5.2 percent for whites and 7.4 percent for blacks.
While rates of college attendance and success in graduation have gradually improved for
other groups, the rate for Hispanics has held relatively steady since the mid-1980s. In
2015, 67 percent of Hispanic adults had completed high school and less than 16 percent
held bachelor’s degrees (Ryan and Bauman 2016). It is possible that these poor results can
be attributed to the large number of poorly educated immigrants from Latin America who
have come to the United States in the last two decades. Many of these immigrants have
poor English language skills and their children encounter difficulties in schools.
20,000
10,000
0
1967 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2014
Though the economic status of blacks appears to have improved, prospects for Hispanics
have stagnated or worsened over the same time period (Kochhar, Fry, and Taylor 2011).
Between 2000 and 2008, Hispanic household incomes (adjusted for inflation) decreased
significantly. Still, Hispanic household poverty remained very similar to that of blacks. In
2014, the poverty rate for Hispanics was 24 percent versus 26 percent for blacks (DeNavas-
Walt and Proctor 2015). The large influx of immigrants, who tend to be poor, has caused
some of the decline in average income, but even among Hispanics born in the United States,
income levels declined as well. As one Latino group leader commented, “Most Hispanic
residents are caught in jobs like gardener, nanny, and restaurant worker that will never
pay well and from which they will never advance” (quoted in Goldberg 1997). As a result,
Hispanic households lag far behind white households; in 2013, the median white household
wealth was ten times that of Hispanics ($141,900 versus $13,700) (Kochhar and Fry 2014).
Health
A team of social scientists surveyed the evidence linking health to racial and economic
inequalities. After studying data for a number of countries, including the United States,
they concluded that for people in the poorest 20 percent of the income distribution, death
rates were 1.5–2.5 times those of the highest 20 percent of income earners (Najman 1993).
In the United States, the rate of infant mortality for the poorest 20 percent was four times
higher than for the wealthiest 20 percent (Najman 1993). When differences were measured
between the wealthiest whites and the poorest African Americans, the contrast in infant
Residential Segregation
Neighborhood segregation seems to have declined little over the past quarter-century.
Studies show that discriminatory practices toward black and white clients in the housing
market continue (Pager and Shepard 2008). Black and white children now attend the same
schools in most rural areas of the South and in many of the smaller- and medium-size
cities throughout the country. Most black college students now also go to the same col-
leges and universities as whites, instead of the traditional all-black institutions (Journal
of Blacks in Higher Education 2007). Yet in the larger cities a high level of educational
segregation persists as a result of the continuing movement of whites to suburbs or rural
environs.
In American Apartheid (1993), Douglas Massey and Nancy A. Denton argue that the
history of racial segregation and its specific urban form, the black ghetto, are responsible
for the perpetuation of black poverty and the continued polarization of black and white.
The persistence of segregation, they say, is not a result of impersonal market forces. Even
many middle-class blacks still find themselves segregated from white society. For them, as
for poor blacks, this becomes a self-perpetuating cycle. Affluent blacks who can afford to
live in comfortable, predominantly white neighborhoods may deliberately choose not to
because of the struggle for acceptance they know they would face. The black ghetto, the
authors conclude, was constructed through a series of well-defined institutional practices
of racial discrimination—private behavior and public policies by which whites sought to
contain growing urban black populations. Until policymakers, social scientists, and pri-
Barack Obama became
vate citizens recognize the crucial role of such institutional discrimination in perpetuat-
the first African American
president of the United ing urban poverty and racial injustice, the United States will remain a deeply divided and
States in the historic troubled society.
election of 2008.
Political Power
Barack Obama made history when he was elected the first black president of the United
States in 2008. His election is part of a larger trend of blacks making tremendous gains in
much as their male counterparts (U.S. Bureau *Includes full-time and salary workers.
of Labor Statistics 2016h). Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics 2016h
However unequal their status and pay, minority women play a critical role in their
communities. They are often the major or sole wage earners in their families. As we saw
earlier, black women are much more likely than their male counterparts to graduate from
college. Yet their incomes are not always sufficient to maintain a family. Nearly half of all
families with children headed by African American or Latino women live at poverty levels.
Divergent Fortunes
When we survey the development and current position of the major ethnic groups in
America, one conclusion that emerges is that they have achieved varying levels of suc-
cess. Whereas successive waves of European immigrants managed to overcome most of
the prejudice and discrimination they originally faced and become assimilated into the
wider society, other groups have not. These latter groups include two minorities who have
lived in North America for centuries, Native Americans and African Americans, as well as
Mexicans and Puerto Ricans.
How Does Racial and Ethnic Inequalit y Affect Your Life? 311
LATINOS: A TALE OF TWO CITIES
Miami and Los Angeles both have substantial Latino populations.
In Los Angeles, the large majority of Latinos are well down the lad-
der of privilege and power. But even though both cities experience
ethnic tensions, in Miami, Latinos have achieved a position of eco-
nomic and political prominence not found elsewhere.
In Miami, those of Cuban origin have often moved into posi-
tions of considerable influence. Some Cubans have become very
successful in business and have become wealthier than the “old”
white families that once ran the city. They haven’t been assimi-
lated into the white community but maintain their own customs,
institutions, and language. Miami is now a place of “parallel struc-
tures” existing alongside one another, each including powerful
and wealthy people, not integrated into one unified group. There is
much tension, but some Anglo and Cuban politicians now speak of
Miami as the capital of the Caribbean—a city not only part of the
United States but also looking to the other societies, mostly devel-
oping countries, surrounding it.
Los Angeles has been referred to as “the capital of the Third
World” because of its large Latino and Asian populations. The city
already contained the largest group of Mexicans in the United
Hundreds of thousands of people march in Los
States in the 1920s. Then, as now, it was Mexicans who performed
Angeles to demand basic rights for immigrants.
most of the menial jobs. Then, as now, most Anglos “were at once
aware that this was the case,” and “yet they would act as if these
people, once they had finished working, went home not to the Old
Plaza or, as now, to East L.A., but to another planet” (Rieff 1991).
How Does Racial and Ethnic Inequalit y Affect Your Life? 313
CHAPTER 10 Learning Objectives
Big Picture
and Ethnicity? create sharp divisions in society. Learn
the leading psychological theories and
sociological interpretations of prejudice
p. 285
and discrimination.
How Do Ethnic
Groups Coexist Recognize the importance of the historical
and Compete? roots, particularly in the expansion of
Western colonialism, of ethnic conflict.
p. 290 Understand the different models for a
Thinking Sociologically multiethnic society.
1. What are three reasons racism has flourished in the United States?
2. Compare and contrast three forms of ethnic conflicts.
3. What is the difference between assimilation and melting pot strategies of
ethnic integration?
1. What are some of the main reasons there is a large gap in educational
attainment between Hispanics and blacks in the United States?
2. How do Massey and Denton explain the persistence of residential
segregation?
3. Some sociologists argue that racial inequalities should be explained in terms
of class rather than race. What are some of the problems associated with
social class–based explanations of racial inequalities?
11 Same-sex marriage supporters celebrate outside
the Supreme Court building in Washington, D.C.
On June 26, 2015, the Court ruled in Obergefell
v. Hodges that same-sex couples have the right to
marry nationwide.
Families and
How have families changed over time?
Understand how families have changed
over the last 300 years. See that although
Intimate
a diversity of family forms exists in
different societies today, widespread
changes are occurring that relate to the
spread of globalization.
Maternity Leave
p. 345
In the early 1960s, Edith Windsor was a young woman living and working in New
York. With her master’s degree in math from New York University, she was the rare
woman working at IBM as a computer programmer. Edith was also a woman in love.
She had met Thea Spyer, a clinical psychologist, at Portofino, a restaurant in New
York’s Greenwich Village that was a popular hangout for gay women. After several years of
dating, Thea proposed to Edith in 1967, offering her a brooch, rather than an engagement ring,
to symbolize their commitment. Even though Thea and Edith couldn’t legally marry at that time,
they went on to live together as a loving couple for more than four decades.
In 2007, Thea’s health declined, and doctors told the couple that Thea had only a short time
to live. The couple wanted to formalize their union before Thea died, so they promptly flew to
Toronto, Canada—one of the few places where a same-sex couple could marry at the time—and
tied the knot. Just two years later, Thea died (Gabbatt 2013).
Basic Concepts
Before delving into questions about why and how people form their families, some basic
concepts require review. A family is a group of persons directly linked by kin connections, nuclear family
the adult members of which assume responsibility for caring for children. Kinship refers to A family group consisting of
connections among individuals, typically established either through marriage or through the an adult or adult couple and
their dependent children.
lines of descent that connect blood relatives (mothers, fathers, offspring, grandparents, etc.).
Marriage can be defined as a socially and legally acknowledged and approved sexual union
between two adult individuals. When two people marry, they become kin to each other; the extended family
marriage bond also, however, connects a wider range of kinspeople. Parents, brothers, sisters, A family group consisting
and other blood relatives become relatives of the partner through marriage. of more than two genera-
In virtually all societies, sociologists and anthropologists have documented the pres- tions of relatives.
ence of the nuclear family, two adults living together in a household with biological or
adopted children. In most traditional societies, the nuclear family was part of a larger
kinship network of some type. When close relatives in addition to a married couple and
family of
orientation
children live either in the same household or in a close and continuous relationship with one
The family into which an
another, we speak of an extended family. An extended family might, for example, include
individual is born or adopted.
grandparents, brothers and their wives, sisters and their husbands, aunts, and nephews.
Families can also be divided into families of orientation and families of procre-
ation. The first is the family into which a person is born or adopted; the second is the family of
family into which one enters as an adult and within which a new generation of children procreation
is brought up. A further important distinction concerns place of residence. In the United The family an individual
States, when a couple forms a permanent union, they are usually expected to set up an initiates through marriage
independent household, separate from either partner’s family of orientation. This can be in or by having children.
the same region in which one of the partner’s parents live, but it may be in some different
polygamy also Gray 1998). There are two types of polygamy: polygyny, in which a man may be
married to more than one woman at the same time, and polyandry, much less common,
A form of marriage in
which a person may have in which a woman may have two or more husbands simultaneously. Of the 1,231 societies
two or more spouses tracked, Murdock found that just 15 percent were monogamous, 37 percent had occasional
simultaneously. polygyny, 48 percent had more frequent polygyny, and less than 1 percent had polyan-
dry (Murdock 1981). Yet recent work suggests that polygamy has grown less common
over time, due to multiple social and economic conditions, including increasing levels of
polygyny democracy, a declining acceptance of arranged marriage, an increase in marriages based
A form of marriage in on a desire for love and companionship, and strides in the education and human rights
which a man may have
protections afforded to women. Polgyny is widely considered disadvantageous to women,
two or more wives
simultaneously. and as such, has declined as women gain more rights and power in many parts of the
world (Bailey and Kaufman 2010).
How Do Sociological
Theories Characterize
Families?
Review the development of
Sociologists with diverse theoretical orientations have studied family life. Many of the
sociological thinking about
perspectives that prevailed just a few decades ago now seem much less convincing in light
families and family life.
of recent research and important changes in the social world. Nevertheless, it is valuable
to briefly trace the evolution of sociological thinking before turning to contemporary
approaches to studying families.
Functionalism
The functionalist perspective sees society as a set of social institutions that perform specific
polyandry functions to ensure continuity and consensus. According to this perspective, families per-
A form of marriage in form important tasks that contribute to society’s basic needs and help perpetuate the exis-
which a woman may have tence of major social institutions and practices. Sociologists working in the functionalist
two or more husbands tradition have regarded the nuclear family as fulfilling certain specialized roles in modern
simultaneously. societies. With the advent of industrialization, families became less important as a unit of
economic production and more focused on reproduction, child rearing, and socialization.
Feminist Approaches
For many people, families provide a vital source of solace and comfort, love and companion-
ship. Yet families can also be a locus for exploitation, loneliness, and inequality. Feminism
has had a great impact on sociology by challenging the vision of the family as a harmoni-
ous and egalitarian realm. In the 1960s, one of the first dissenting voices was that of the
American feminist Betty Friedan. In The Feminine Mystique, Friedan described the isolation
as more remote regions in Asia, Africa, and the Pacific Rim, traditional family systems
are little altered. In most countries in the Global South, however, widespread changes are
occurring. The origins of these changes are complex, but several factors can be picked out
as especially important. One is the spread of Western culture. Western ideals of romantic
love, for example, have spread to societies in which they were previously unknown. One
study found evidence of romantic love in nearly 147 of the 166 traditional societies studied
in sub-Saharan Africa, East Eurasia, and elsewhere (Jankowiak and Fisher 1992).
Another factor is the development of centralized government in areas previously
composed of autonomous smaller societies. People’s lives are influenced by their involve-
ment in a national political system; moreover, governments make active attempts to alter
traditional ways of behaving. Because of the problem of rapidly expanding population
growth, states frequently introduce programs advocating smaller families, for example,
by promoting the use of contraception. One of the world’s most effective population con-
trol programs was the one-child policy in China, implemented in 1978. Births subse-
quently dropped from 5 per woman in the 1970s to 3 in 1980 to an estimated 1.6 in 2015
(Central Intelligence Agency 2015). However, in November 2015, the Chinese govern-
ment relaxed this policy. Married couples are now allowed to have a second child. There
are many reasons behind the government’s decision to change the policy, including pub-
lic anger about a policy viewed as highly restrictive, widespread use of abortion when
women became pregnant with a second child, and fears that the small cohorts of young
people would not be sufficient to support much larger cohorts of older adults in China
(Buckley 2015).
A further influence on family life is the large-scale migration from rural to urban areas.
Often men go to work in towns or cities, leaving family members in the home village.
Alternatively, a nuclear-family group will move as a unit to the city. In both cases, tradi-
tional family forms and kinship systems may become weakened. Finally, and perhaps most
important, employment opportunities away from the land and in such organizations as
DIRECTIONS OF CHANGE
Families are being transformed throughout the globe today, with extended family sys-
tems giving way to the predominance of the nuclear family. This was first documented
by William J. Goode in his book World Revolution in Family Patterns (1963), and subsequent
research has shown that these changes continue. Building on Goode’s work, sociologists
have identified seven important changes that have characterized global family change over
the past half-century:
1. Clans, or small family groups based on shared heredity, and other types of kin
groups are declining in their influence.
3. The rights of women are becoming more widely recognized, in respect to both the
CONCEPT CHECKS initiation of marriage and decision making within families.
F I GU RE 1 1.1
28
Women
26
AGE (IN YEARS)
24
22
20
18
1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2015
PERCENTAGE
60 Other family
Family structures and patterns households
are powerfully shaped by both struc-
40 Married couples
tural and cultural factors. Structural
without children
factors—including shifts in educa-
20
tional attainment, economic prospects Married couples
of young adults, and whether one with children
0
has the legal right to marry—have a 1970 1980 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2012
powerful influence on the ways fam-
Source: U.S. Bureau of the Census 2013a
ilies are formed. At the same time,
cultural factors—ranging from atti-
tudes toward marriage, sexuality, and
cohabitation to beliefs about the appropriate context for raising children—shape family
lives. For these reasons, American families vary widely based on factors such as social class,
race, ethnicity, religion, and even the geographic region where one lives. We briefly focus
on the ways that race and social class shape family life in the contemporary United States.
What Do Marriage and Family in the United States Look Like Today? 329
Native American women have a low overall birth rate, but a high percentage of these
births occur outside of marriage and to teenage women. Compared to all U.S. women, a
high proportion of Native American births are to women under age twenty (11 percent
compared to 6 percent for women of all ethnicities) and Native American women have the
youngest mean age of mother at first birth (twenty-three). Furthermore, nearly two-thirds
of all births to Native American women in 2014 were to unmarried women (Hamilton
et al. 2015). These patterns are powerfully shaped by structural factors, including limited
access to higher education, high unemployment rates, high levels of poverty, and high rates
of mortality and imprisonment among young men, thus leaving young women without
steady partners (Sandefur and Liebler 1997). Native Americans are also at particularly high
risk of domestic violence; yet, as we will see later in this chapter, family violence can afflict
persons of any ethnicity (Grossman and Lundy 2007).
LATINO FAMILIES
Latinos are heterogeneous when it comes to family patterns. Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, and
Cubans are three of the largest Hispanic subgroups (Stepler and Brown 2016). In 2014,
Mexicans constituted 64 percent of the Hispanic population, Puerto Ricans constituted
10 percent (down from 12.0 percent in 1990), and Cubans were just 3.7 percent; the rest of
the Hispanic population was made up of much smaller groups from many Latin American
nations (Stepler and Brown 2016).
Mexican American families have a high birth rate and often live in multigenerational
households. Economically, Mexican American families are more successful than Puerto
Rican families but less so than Cuban families. Defying cultural stereotypes of a Mexican
American home with a male breadwinner and female homemaker, more than half of all
Mexican American women are in the labor force (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics 2015c).
However, this is often out of necessity rather than desire. Many Mexican American fam-
ilies would prefer the breadwinner-homemaker model but are constrained by finances
(Hurtado 1995).
Mexican family members often must grapple with separation from one another. Often,
family members will migrate from Mexico to the United States sequentially, where one
person (usually the father) secures a job and sends money or “remittances” back to his
family. The plans for the rest of the family to move to the United States and reunite are
often delayed or halted due to immigration laws (Smokowski and Bacallao 2011). Even after
family members arrive, those who are undocumented may risk deportation, again causing
family separation (Chang-Muy 2009).
The case is very different for Puerto Ricans, because Puerto Rico is a U.S. common-
wealth. Because of their status as U.S. citizens, Puerto Ricans move freely between Puerto
Rico and the mainland. When barriers to immigration are high, only the most able (physi-
cally, financially, and so on) members of a society can move to another country; but because
Puerto Ricans face fewer barriers, even the least able can manage the migration process.
Thus, they are the most economically disadvantaged of all the major Hispanic groups.
Puerto Rican families have a higher percentage of children born to unmarried mothers
than any other Hispanic group— 64 percent in 2014 (Hamilton et al. 2015). Only African
Americans (70 percent) and Native Americans (66 percent) had higher rates of births to
unmarried women (Hamilton et al. 2015). However, consensual unions—cohabiting
What Do Marriage and Family in the United States Look Like Today? 333
White young adults of
lower- and working-class
backgrounds are more likely
to marry young and bear
children young.
Gerstel 2004). Most scholars today agree that cultural factors are less significant than
structural obstacles.
This leads to a thought-provoking and policy-relevant question: Are racial differences
in family formation due primarily to economic or to cultural factors? One of the prob-
lems with the culture versus structure debate is that there is relatively little research on
middle-class black families or low-income white families, which makes it difficult to disen-
tangle whether cultural factors or structural factors are primarily driving racial differences
in terms of family formation.
Recent studies show that race and class each have distinctive and often complicated
influences on family behavior. For instance, while whites from working-class and poor
backgrounds—often residing in the southern United States—report very strong ideo-
logical support for marriage and bearing children within marriage, their behaviors often
depart from these conservative ideals. White young adults of lower- and working-class
backgrounds are much more likely than their wealthier peers to get pregnant prior to
marriage, to marry young, and subsequently to divorce (Cahn and Carbone 2010). Because
they often do not attend college, they marry young and bear children young— often before
they are financially or emotionally prepared. As a result, they often struggle unsuccess-
fully with the challenges of marriage and babies, and ultimately they divorce. Middle-
class young adults, by contrast, often cohabit while in school or working in their first jobs,
so they marry later and bear children later. Delaying marriage until they are emotion-
ally and financially ready is one of the key reasons college-educated young whites have
lower rates of divorce than their more economically disadvantaged counterparts (Cahn
and Carbone 2010).
■■ Parental divorce (people whose parents divorce are more likely to divorce
themselves)
■■ Premarital childbearing (people who marry after having children are more likely
to divorce)
■■ Marriage at an early age (people who marry as teenagers have a higher divorce rate)
■■ Low incomes (divorce is more likely among couples with low incomes) (Amato 2010)
What Do Marriage and Family in the United States Look Like Today? 3 37
siblings, the availability of grandparents and other relatives, the child’s relationship with
his or her individual parents, and how frequently the child continues to see both parents
can all affect the process of adjustment. Since children whose parents are unhappy with
each other but stay together may also be affected, assessing the consequences of divorce for
children is doubly problematic.
Some of the earliest studies of divorce consequences were based on clinical samples—
that is, populations of people seeking counseling; these found that children often suffer
a period of marked emotional anxiety following the separation of their parents. Judith
Wallerstein and Joan Kelly (1980) studied 131 children of 60 families in Marin County,
California, following the separation of the parents. The researchers found evidence of
both short- and long-term deleterious consequences of parental divorce. Almost all the
children experienced intense emotional disturbance at the time of the divorce. Yet even
ten or fifteen years later, nearly half the then-young-adult children reported difficulties in
their romantic relationships, compromised self-esteem, and a sense of underachievement.
However, these harmful effects partly reflect the fact that the study was based on a clinical
sample; by definition, all had already been seeking professional help for their troubles prior
to the start of the study.
In sharp contrast, more recent studies based on population-based samples find that
the majority of people with divorced parents do not have serious mental health problems.
Syntheses of decades of research have identified several common consequences of divorce
for children (Amato 2001; Amato and Keith 1991):
■■ Almost all children experience an initial period of intense emotional upset after
their parents separate.
■■ Most resume normal development without serious problems within two years
after the separation.
Single-Parent Households
Single-parent households have become increasingly common.
There are two main pathways to single-parent households:
divorce and nonmarital childbearing. In 1950, only 4 percent
of all children in the United States were born to unmarried
parents; by 2014, 40 percent of all children were born outside
of marriage (Hamilton et al. 2015). Although we often think
of nonmarital births as births to teenagers— often aban-
doned by their male partners—the data show otherwise. An
increasingly large number of nonmarital births are to men
and women in their twenties who are delaying marriage but
not delaying childbearing (Cherlin 2010). In fact, the majority
of all nonmarital births today occur within cohabiting rela-
tionships (Curtin, Ventura, and Martinez 2014). Although the
mother may be legally “unmarried,” both she and her child
may very well have a dedicated and involved male figure in
their lives and in their home (Kennedy and Bumpass 2008).
The vast majority of single-parent households are headed
by women because unmarried women often do not maintain
contact with the birth father of the child and may even prefer to
There is a strong link between single parenthood and
raise a child on their own. Moreover, in the case of divorce, the
poverty. More than a third of black single mothers live
mother usually obtains primary custody of the children. There in poverty.
were 11.8 million single-parent families in the United States in
2015. Of these, 84 percent were headed by women and 16 per-
cent by men. Overall, 30 percent of all families with children
under eighteen are single-parent families, while an additional
What Do Marriage and Family in the United States Look Like Today? 3 39
5 percent are cohabiting parents who are not legally married to one another (U.S. Bureau
of the Census 2015e).
Most people do not wish to be single parents, but a growing minority choose to become
so, setting out to have a child or children without the support of a spouse or partner. “Single
mothers by choice” is an apt description of some parents, normally those who possess suf-
ficient resources to manage satisfactorily as a single-parent household. According to the
National Center for Health Statistics, the most rapidly increasing rates of nonmarital births
between the years 2007 and 2012 were to unmarried women ages thirty-five and older.
During the same time period, rates of nonmarital births among younger women either
declined or stayed stable. Women in their late thirties and forties today recognize that
they can have a child on their own without facing the stigma that plagued single moth-
ers in earlier generations. Many also have the financial means to support a child on their
own (Curtin, Ventura, and Martinez 2014). For the majority of unmarried or never-married
mothers, however, the reality is different: There is a high correlation between the rate of
births outside marriage and indicators of poverty and social deprivation. As we saw earlier,
CONCEPT CHECKS these influences are very important in explaining the high proportion of single-parent
households among black families in the United States.
1. Briefly describe
A debate exists among sociologists about the impact on children of growing up
changes in family
with a single parent. The most exhaustive set of studies carried out to date, by Sara
structure in the United
States since 1960. McLanahan and Gary Sandefur (1994), rejects the claim that children raised by only
one parent do just as well as children raised by both parents. A large part of the rea-
2. Contrast both general and
son is economic —the sudden drop in income associated with divorce. But about half
nonmarital fertility rates
among whites, blacks,
of the disadvantage comes from inadequate parental attention and lack of social ties.
Hispanics, Asians, and Separation or divorce weakens the connection between child and father, as well as the
Native Americans in the link between the child and the father’s network of friends and acquaintances. On the
United States. basis of wide empirical research, the authors conclude that it is a myth that there are
3. What are the main usually strong support networks or extended family ties available to single mothers
reasons divorce rates (McLanahan and Sandefur 1994).
increased sharply Others have been quick to point out that although children who grow up in a
during the latter half of single-parent home are on average disadvantaged, it is better for children’s mental health
the twentieth century?
if parents in extremely high-conflict marriages divorce than if they stay together (Amato
4. How does divorce et al. 1995; Musick and Meier 2010). This suggests that divorce may benefit children grow-
affect the well-being of ing up in high-conflict marriages but may harm children whose parents have relatively low
children? levels of marital conflict before divorcing.
Child Abuse
The most common definition of child abuse is serious physical harm (trauma, sexual
abuse with injury, or willful malnutrition) with intent to injure. One national study of
married or cohabiting adults indicated that about 3 percent of respondents abused their
children in 1993, though cohabiting adults are no more or less likely to abuse their chil-
dren than married couples (Brown 2004; Sedlak and Broadhurst 1996).
More recent statistics are based on national surveys of child welfare professionals.
However, these surveys miss children who are not seen by professionals or reported to
state agencies. Researchers estimate that as many as 50 to 60 percent of child deaths from
abuse or neglect are not recorded (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services 2008).
Statistics based on the National Child Abuse and Neglect Data System indicate that in
2014 an estimated 702,000 children were victims of abuse or neglect. Of these, 75 percent
suffered neglect, 17 percent suffered physical abuse, and 8 percent were sexually abused.
Also, 92 percent of child abuse or neglect was perpetrated by the child’s parents, and
6 percent by other relatives of the victim. Fully 44 percent of all victims of child abuse
or neglect were white, and 21 percent were black (U.S. Department of Health & Human
Services 2016).
The effects of child abuse can linger for years, if not decades, after the child escapes the
abusive situation; recent studies show that adult men and women who suffered physical
or sexual abuse in childhood are at elevated risk of multiple health conditions in midlife,
including depression, chronic pain (Goldberg 1994), sleep problems (Greenfield et al. 2011),
and metabolic syndrome (Lee, Tsenkova, and Carr 2014). Some evidence also suggests that
victims of child abuse are more likely to commit abuse against partners and their own chil-
dren, thus amplifying and perpetuating the cycle of abuse for future generations (Widom,
Czaja, and DuMont 2015).
Same-Sex-Parent Families
LGBT college students today can look forward to a much more accepting social world than
the one that greeted generations before them. Many gays and lesbians now live in sta-
ble relationships as couples, and this number is projected to increase dramatically with
the 2015 Supreme Court decision guaranteeing the right to marriage for all. According to
estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau, there are currently more than 780,000 same-sex
families in the United States, roughly 334,000 of whom report themselves as married
(U.S. Bureau of the Census 2015a).
Alongside the increase in same-sex marriage, same-sex couples are forming families
with children in unprecedented numbers. Nearly one-fifth of same-sex-couple households
include children, 72 percent of whom live with female same-sex couples and 28 percent
of whom reside with male same-sex couples (Payne and Manning 2015). According to
the Williams Institute, an estimated 37 percent of LGBT-identified persons have been a
parent, and an estimated 6 million children in the United States have lived with a gay
parent at some point in their lives (Gates 2013). Although lesbian couples may have a child
by donor insemination and gay men may rely on a surrogate to carry a biological child,
LGBT-identified persons are far more likely than heterosexuals to have a child through
adoption. Same-sex couples raising children are four times more likely than their hetero-
sexual counterparts to be raising an adopted child, and more than six times as likely to be
raising foster children (Gates 2013).
The legal, cultural, and technological landscapes facing gay parents and their chil-
dren have changed dramatically in recent years. Increasingly tolerant attitudes toward
LGBT persons have been accompanied by a growing tendency for courts to allocate
Of the 185 countries included in a 2014 report by the International Labor Organization, all but two countries—the
United States and Papua New Guinea—mandate paid leave for new mothers. In Eastern Europe and Central Asia,
new mothers are given an average of almost 27 weeks of leave.
52
weeks
45 weeks
26 weeks
20 weeks
GG
U
UU
Note: All the countries featured pay 80%–100% of previous earnings for the entire period of leave. Source: International Labor Organization 2014
custody of children to mothers living in lesbian rela-
tionships. Roughly one out of every five same-sex cou-
ples is raising adopted children, and all 50 states now
allow LGBT individuals to adopt a child, although states
vary in their policies regarding second parent adoption
(where one partner adopts a child and the partner applies
to be a second or co-parent) and joint adoption (where
the partners adopt a child together) (Family Equality
Council 2014). Popular media images in recent years,
such as the film The Kids Are All Right, depict same-sex
parents as providing the same love and guidance as het-
erosexual parents.
One reason for this growing acceptance of gay adop-
tion and parenting is that widespread consensus has
emerged among scholars that the ability to parent effec-
tively is not related to sexual orientation. Although one
recent and controversial study argued that children of
parents who had ever had a same-sex relationship would
go on to face greater adversity, this study has since been
discredited for its serious methodological limitations
(Regnerus 2012). The most persuasive and comprehen-
sive reviews of scientific research to date, including the
American Psychological Association’s (2005) review of
sixty studies and the American Academy of Pediatrics’
(2013) seminal report, have concluded that “children
growing up in households headed by gay men or lesbians
are not disadvantaged in any significant respect relative
to children of heterosexual parents” (Perrin, Cohen, and
Caren 2013). The sixty studies considered a range of out-
The balance of studies shows that sexual orientation has no
comes, including school performance, social adjustment,
bearing on one’s capacity to be a loving parent.
and emotional well-being, concluding that children’s
well-being is much more closely tied to their parents’
“sense of competence and security”— and the “social and
economic support” they provided their children—than
sexual orientation.
For example, Rosenfeld (2010) finds that children of gay parents are just as likely
as the children of straight parents to progress successfully throughout their school
grades without being left back. Part of the reason children fare equally well regard-
second parent
adoption less of parental sexual orientation is that sexual orientation has no bearing on one’s
capacity to be a loving parent. Moreover, children of same-sex couples usually share a
A family in which one
partner adopts a child and common peer and school environment with children of heterosexual couples. As such,
the other partner applies their experiences at school and with peers are very similar regardless of their parents’
to be a second parent or romantic preferences (Rosenfeld 2010). Most studies also show no differences in the
co-parent. psychological adjustment of children raised by same-sex or opposite-sex parents; for
example, several studies of teenagers show no differences in their depressive symptoms,
Being Single
The broad category of “single” encompasses both people who have never married and those
who have married but are now single due to divorce, separation, or widowhood. The num-
ber of people classified as single has increased dramatically in recent decades. Several fac-
tors have contributed to this trend. First, people are marrying later than ever. That means
that more and more people in their twenties, thirties, and even forties are unmarried, either
cohabiting with a nonmarital partner or waiting for the “right one” to come along. Second,
the rise and stabilization of divorce rates over the past half-century mean that many more
people are living on their own when their marriage ends. Third, the “graying of the U.S.
population” is accompanied by growing numbers of older adults whose partners have died
and who now are technically “single” and live alone as widows and widowers. Fourth, the
“stigma” of being single has diminished, due in part to television shows such as Sex and the
City, which glamorized the lifestyles of “single and fabulous” women. As such, many more
Americans are happily choosing to live their lives on their own (Byrne and Carr 2005;
Klinenberg 2012a).
Yet are people really happy on their own, or are they better off being married? A large
literature dating back to Émile Durkheim’s classic Suicide (1966; orig. 1897) argues that
social ties, especially marriage and parenthood, are essential to one’s physical, social, and
emotional well-being. Contemporary studies also show that divorced and widowed people
report more sickness, depression, and anxiety compared with their married counterparts,
although much of this disadvantage reflects the strains that precede a marital transition
(such as a husband’s illness or marital strife) as well as the strains that follow from the dis-
solution, such as financial worries or legal battles (Carr and Springer 2010).
But what about people who are long-term singles or who choose to live alone with-
out a spouse or partner? To date, these individuals are relatively rare, as more than
90 percent of American adults do ultimately marry. However, researchers have pro-
jected that as many as one in five Millennials (those born in the 1980s and thereaf-
ter) will never marry. Many reasons are given, including the four reasons cited in this
Being Child-Free
The number of Americans who do not have children increased steadily throughout the
1980s and 1990s, yet has recently dipped (Livingston 2015). Calculating precisely who is
childless is difficult; researchers historically have classified a woman as having no children
if she has had zero children by age forty-four. Using this metric, the proportion of women
ages forty to forty-four with no children climbed from 10 percent in 1986 to 15 percent in
1986 to 20 percent in 2006; rates dropped to 15 percent by 2014.
White women are considerably more likely than black, Asian, or Hispanic women to
be child-free (17 versus 15, 13, and 10 percent, respectively). Women with a college degree
or higher are more likely than high school graduates or dropouts to have no children. Most
studies find that a relatively small fraction of these women are involuntarily childless;
with advances in health and technology, the proportion who cannot physically bear chil-
dren is modest. Rather, the reasons are often social and psychological, including not having
a partner with whom one would want to have a child, a preference for a child-free lifestyle,
concerns about the environment and bringing a child into an unsafe world, and concerns
about whether one has the financial and emotional wherewithal to have a child (Connidis
& McMullin 1996; Jacobson & Heaton 1991).
Childlessness was historically viewed as a stigmatized identity, a mark of a “bar-
ren” woman or a woman who was “selfish” and prioritized her own career pursuits over
motherhood (May 1997). However, in recent decades, childlessness has been increasingly
recognized as a status that is desirable and even preferable for many women and men.
Those who do not have children have myriad opportunities to “give back” to the next
generation by volunteering or caring for nieces or nephews, should they choose to do so
(Sandler 2013).
anteeing individuals the right to same-sex marriage. This historic verdict ensures that all 4. What are two main
Americans have the right to marry, eliminating once and for all a structural barrier to reasons for being
marriage equality. child-free?
How Do Sociological
Big Picture
Review the development of sociological
thinking about families and family life.
p. 320
Families and
Intimate Relationships
How Have Families
Understand how families have changed
Changed over Time?
over the last 300 years. See that although a
diversity of family forms exists in different
p. 323 societies today, widespread changes are
occurring that relate to the spread of
globalization.
Thinking Sociologically
What Do Marriage
1. Using this textbook’s presentation, and Family in the
compare the characteristics of United States Look
contemporary white non-Hispanic, Like Today?
Learn about patterns of marriage,
Asian American, Latino, and African childbearing, divorce, remarriage, and
American families. p. 328 child-free families. Analyze how different
these patterns are today compared with
2. Increases in cohabitation and single- other periods.
parent households suggest that
marriage may be beginning to fall by
the wayside in our contemporary Why Does Family
society. However, this chapter claims Violence Happen?
that marriage and family remain
firmly established institutions in our p. 340
Learn about sexual abuse and violence
society. Explain the rising patterns within families.
of cohabitation and single-parent
households and show how these
seemingly paradoxical trends can be
reconciled with the claims offered How Do New
by this textbook. Family Forms
Affect Your Life?
Learn some alternatives to traditional
marriage and family patterns that are
p. 342
becoming more widespread.
Terms to Know Concept Checks
1. Briefly describe changes in family size over the past three centuries.
2. How has Stephanie Coontz dispelled the myth of the peaceful and
harmonious family believed to exist in past decades?
3. Give two examples of problems facing families in past centuries.
4. What are four conditions that have contributed to changing family forms
throughout the world?
5. Name at least two recent shifts in family life that relate to the spread
of globalization.
6. How has migration from rural to urban areas affected family life?
7. What are the seven most important changes occurring in families worldwide?
stepfamily 1. Briefly describe changes in family structure in the United States since 1960.
2. Contrast both general and nonmarital fertility rates among whites, blacks,
Hispanics, Asians, and Native Americans in the United States.
3. What are the main reasons divorce rates increased sharply during the latter
half of the twentieth century?
4. How does divorce affect the well-being of children?
Education
Become familiar with the most important
research on whether education reduces or
perpetuates inequality. Learn the social and
and Religion
cultural influences on educational achievement.
Most young American men and women take for granted that they will graduate high
school, and even go on to college or graduate school. Yet in some parts of the world,
young women have to fight to receive even a middle-school education. For the remarkable
Malala Yousafzai, her desire to receive an education nearly cost the teenager her life.
In October 2012, when Malala was just fifteen years old, she was shot in the head and neck
as she rode the bus home from her school in Mingora in the Swat district of Pakistan’s Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa province. The gunmen were members of the Taliban, an Islamic fundamentalist
group that has long oppressed women. The Taliban had set an edict that girls in Mingora could
not attend school after the age of fifteen. They had reportedly blown up more than 100 schools
and threatened to blow up others. But why would they single out Malala for attack?
Several years earlier, Malala had maintained a blog and had spoken out publicly against
the Taliban’s mistreatment of girls and women. In one of her early public speeches, the bold
teenager asked, “How dare the Taliban take away my basic right to education?” By challenging
social habits and work skills as their elders. Learning was a family affair—there were no
schools for the mass of the population. Since children often started to help with domestic
duties and farming work at very young ages, they rapidly became full-fledged members of
the community.
Education in its modern form, the instruction of pupils within specially constructed
school premises, gradually emerged in the first few years of the nineteenth century, when
primary schools began to be constructed in Europe and the United States. One main
reason for the rise of large educational systems was the process of industrialization, with
its ensuing expansion of cities.
not only broaden people’s minds and perspectives but are expected to prepare new
generations of citizens for participation in economic life. Think about your own college
education. Perhaps you’re required to take certain general-education courses to provide
you with a broad base of knowledge; you might also take very specific courses in your
major that help prepare you for your future career. It can be difficult to achieve the right
balance between receiving a generalist education and mastering concepts and skills
related to one’s chosen profession. Specialized forms of technical, vocational, and profes-
sional training often supplement pupils’ liberal arts education and facilitate the transition
from school to work. Internships, for example, allow young people to gain specific knowl-
edge applicable to their future careers.
Although schools and universities seek above all to provide students with a well-
rounded education, policymakers and employers are concerned with ensuring that
education and training programs produce a stream of graduates who can meet a coun-
try’s employment demands. Yet in times of rapid economic and technical change, the
priorities of the educational system don’t always match up with the availability of
professional opportunities. The rapid expansion of a country’s health care system, for
example, would dramatically increase the demand for trained health professionals, labo-
ratory technicians, capable administrators, and computer systems analysts familiar with
public health issues.
The complex relationship between the educational system and the country’s employ-
ment demands may be further complicated by an emerging trend: home schooling. Between
2000 and 2011, the number of students who were home schooled increased steadily;
an estimated 1.8 million (or 3.4 percent of all) children are currently home schooled
94% 87%
85% 84%
India Kenya
52%
Mean Years of Schooling**
*Proportions can exceed 100% due to the inclusion of over-aged and under-aged
students because of early or late school entrance and grade repetition.
**Average number of years of education received by people ages 25 and older.
Senegal Source: United Nations Development Programme 2015
What Is the Linkage
between Education
and Inequality?
Become familiar with the
The expansion of education in both developing and wealthy nations has always been
most important research
closely linked to the ideals of democracy. Reformers value education for its own sake—
on whether education
reduces or perpetuates for the opportunity it provides for individuals to develop their capabilities. Yet education
inequality. Learn the social has also consistently been seen as a means of promoting equality. Access to universal
and cultural influences on education, it has been argued, could help reduce disparities of wealth and power. But are
educational achievement. educational opportunities truly equal for everyone? Has education in fact proved to be a
great equalizer? Much research has been devoted to answering these questions.
The hidden curriculum addresses the fact that much of what is learned in school has
nothing directly to do with the formal content of lessons. The hidden curriculum teaches
hidden
curriculum children that their role in life is “to know their place and to sit still with it” (Illich 1983).
Children spend long hours in school and get an early taste of what the world of work will
Traits of behavior or
attitudes that are learned be like, learning that they are expected to be punctual and apply themselves diligently to
at school but not included the tasks that those in authority set for them.
within the formal In their classic study of social reproduction, Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis (1976)
curriculum—for example, provide an example of how the hidden curriculum works. Modern education, they propose,
gender differences.
is a response to the economic needs of industrial capitalism. Schools help provide the techni-
cal and social skills required by industrial enterprise, and they instill discipline and respect
for authority in the future labor force. Authority relations in school, which are hierarchical
and place strong emphasis on obedience, directly parallel those dominating the workplace.
Under the current system, schools “are destined to legitimize inequality, limit personal
development to forms compatible with submission to arbitrary authority, and aid in the pro-
cess whereby youth are resigned to their fate” (1976, 266). If there were greater democracy
in the workplace and more equality in society at large, Bowles and Gintis argue, a system of
education could be developed that would provide for greater individual fulfillment.
Adherents of this perspective don’t completely dismiss the content of the official
curriculum. They accept that the development of mass education has had many benefi-
cial consequences, including low illiteracy rates compared with premodern times. But
because education has expanded mainly as a response to economic needs, schooling has
not become the “great equalizer”; rather, within the current economic and political system,
schooling reproduces social class stratification and merely produces for many the feelings
of powerlessness that continue throughout their experience in industrial settings.
in other areas.
Since the concept has proved so resistant to definition, some psychologists have pro- IQ (intelligence
posed (and many educators have by default accepted) that intelligence should simply be quotient)
regarded as “what IQ (intelligence quotient) tests measure.” Most IQ tests consist of a A score attained on tests
mixture of conceptual and computational problems. The tests are constructed so that the of symbolic or reasoning
average score is 100: Anyone scoring below is thus labeled “below-average intelligence,” abilities.
and anyone scoring above is “above-average intelligence.” In spite of the fundamental dif-
ficulty in measuring intelligence, IQ tests are widely used in research studies, as well as in
schools and businesses.
Scores on IQ tests do in fact correlate highly with academic performance (which
is not surprising, since IQ tests were originally developed to predict success at school).
They therefore also correlate closely with social, economic, and ethnic differences, since
these are associated with variations in levels of educational attainment. White students
score better, on average, than African Americans or members of other disadvantaged
minorities. The relationship between race and intelligence is best explained by social
rather than biological causes, according to a team of Berkeley sociologists in their 1996
book Inequality by Design: Cracking the Bell Curve Myth (Fischer et al. 1996). The authors
conducted this research as a way to rigorously evaluate the controversial claims made by
Richard J. Herrnstein and Charles Murray in their book The Bell Curve (1994), which argued
that the black-white gap in IQ is due in part to genetic differences in intelligence. All soci-
eties have oppressed ethnic groups. Low status, often coupled with discrimination and
mistreatment, leads to socioeconomic deprivation, group segregation, and a stigma
of inferiority. The combination of these forces often prevents racial minorities from
obtaining education, and consequently, their scores on standardized intelligence
tests are lower.
The average lower IQ score of African Americans in the United States is remarkably
similar to that of deprived ethnic minorities in other countries—such as the “untouch-
ables” in India (who are at the very bottom of the caste system), the Maori in New Zealand,
and the burakumin of Japan. Children in these groups score an average of 10 to 15 IQ points
below children belonging to the ethnic majority. Such observations strongly suggest that
the IQ variations between African Americans and whites in the United States result from
social, cultural, and economic—rather than genetic—factors.
1. Religion is a form of culture. You will recall from Chapter 2 that culture consists
of the shared beliefs, values, norms, and material conditions that create a common
religion
identity among a group of people. Religion shares all of these characteristics.
A set of beliefs adhered
to by the members of a 2. Religion involves beliefs that take the form of ritualized practices. All religions
community, incorporating have a behavioral aspect—special activities that identify believers as members of
symbols regarded with a the religious community.
sense of awe or wonder
together with ritual 3. Perhaps most important, religion provides a sense of purpose —a feeling that
practices. Religions do not life is meaningful. It does so by explaining what transcends or overshadows
universally involve a belief everyday life in ways that other aspects of culture (such as an educational system
in supernatural entities. or a belief in democracy) typically cannot (Geertz 1973; Wuthnow 1988).
1. Sociologists are not concerned with whether religious beliefs are true or
false. From a sociological perspective, religions are regarded not as being decreed
by God but as being socially constructed by human beings. As a result, sociol-
ogists put aside their personal beliefs when they study religion. They are con-
cerned with the human rather than the divine aspects of religion. Sociologists
ask: How is the religion organized? How is it related to the larger society? What
explains its success or failure in recruiting and retaining believers? The question
of whether a particular belief is “good” or “true,” however important it may be to
the believers of the religion under study, is not something that sociologists are
able to address as sociologists. (As individuals, they may have strong opinions,
but one hopes that they can keep these opinions from biasing their research.)
a primary source of the deepest-seated norms and values. At the same time,
religions are typically practiced through an enormous variety of social forms.
The sociology of religion is concerned with how different religious institu-
tions and organizations actually function. The earliest European religions
were often indistinguishable from the larger society, as religious beliefs and
practices were incorporated into daily life. This is still true in many parts of
the world today. In modern industrial society, however, religions have become
established in separate, often bureaucratic, organizations, and so sociologists
focus on the organizations through which religions must operate in order to
survive (Hammond 1992).
Theories of Religion
Sociological approaches to religion are strongly influenced by the classical theories of Marx,
Durkheim, and Weber. None of the three was religious himself, and they all believed that
religion would become less and less significant in modern times. Each argued that religion
was fundamentally an illusion: The very diversity of religions and their obvious connection
to different societies and regions of the world made the claims by their advocates inherently
implausible. An individual born into an Australian society of hunters and gatherers would
hold different religious beliefs from someone born into the caste system of India or into the
Catholic Church of medieval Europe.
to claim that religion often has ideological implications, serving to justify the interests
of ruling groups at the expense of others. There are innumerable instances of this in
history. For example, the European missionaries who sought to convert “heathen” peoples
to Christian beliefs were no doubt sincere in their efforts. Yet their teachings contributed
to the destruction of traditional cultures and the imposition of white domination. Almost
secular thinking all Christian denominations tolerated, or endorsed, slavery in the United States and other
Worldly thinking, parts of the world into the nineteenth century. Doctrines were developed proclaiming
particularly as seen slavery to be based on divine law, disobedient slaves being guilty of an offense against God
in the rise of science, as well as their masters (Stampp 1956).
technology, and rational
Weber also emphasized the unsettling and often revolutionary impact of religious ide-
thought in general.
als on the established social order. In spite of many churches’ early support for slavery in
the United States, church leaders later played a key role in fighting to abolish the institution.
secularization Religious beliefs have prompted social movements seeking to overthrow unjust systems
A process of decline in of authority; for instance, religious sentiments played a prominent part in the civil rights
the influence of religion. movement of the 1960s.
Secularization can refer to These divisive influences of religion, so prominent in history, find little mention in
levels of involvement with Durkheim’s work. Durkheim emphasized the role of religion in promoting social cohe-
religious organizations
sion. Yet it is not difficult to redirect his ideas toward explaining religious division, con-
(such as rates of church
flict, and change as well as solidarity. After all, much of the strength of feeling that may
attendance), the social and
material influence wielded be generated against other religious groups derives from the commitment to religious
by religious organizations, values generated within each community of believers. Among the most valuable points
and the degree to which of Durkheim’s writings is his stress on ritual and ceremony. All religions comprise reg-
people hold religious beliefs. ular assemblies of believers, at which ritual prescriptions are observed. As Durkheim
rightly points out, ritual activities also mark the major life stages—birth, the transition
CONTEMPORARY APPROACHES:
“RELIGIOUS ECONOMY”
One of the most influential contemporary approaches to the
sociology of religion is tailored to societies such as the United
States that offer many different faiths from which to pick and
choose. Sociologists who favor the religious economy approach
argue that religions can be thought of as organizations in compe-
tition with one another for followers (Finke and Stark 1988, 1992;
Hammond 1992; Moore 1994; Roof and McKinney 1990; Stark and
Bainbridge 1987; Warner 1993).
Like contemporary economists who study businesses, these
sociologists argue that competition is preferable to monopoly
when it comes to ensuring religious vitality. This position is According to the religious economy approach, religions
exactly opposite to that of the classical theorists. Marx, Durkheim, are like organizations that are competing for followers.
CATHOLICISM
Catholics make up about a fifth (21 percent) of the U.S. population. Currently, a third of
Catholics in the United States are Hispanic, and this proportion is likely to grow in the
coming decades. While the Catholic share of the U.S. population has been relatively stable
over the long-term, the number of Catholics appears to be declining. Part of this decline is
due to the fact that more people are leaving Catholicism for another faith than are joining
the Church: of the nearly one-third of Americans who were born Catholic, 41 percent no
longer identify with the Catholic Church.
Church attendance declined sharply in the 1960s and 1970s, leveling off in the mid-
1970s. While the reasons for this decline are unclear, one reason likely has to do with
the papal encyclical of 1968 that reaffirmed the ban on the use of contraceptives by
Catholics. The encyclical offered no leeway for people whose conscience allowed for the
use of contraceptives. They were faced with disobeying the Church, and many Catholics
How Does Religion Affect Your Life in the United States? 383
CHAPTER 12 Learning Objectives
The
Why Are Education
and Literacy So Know how and why systems of mass
Important? education emerged in the United States.
1. Why did schooling become widespread only after the Industrial Revolution?
2. What are some of the functions of formal schooling?
3. What are the three main motivations for home schooling?
4. What are some of the reasons there are many illiterate people in the
developing world?
home schooling • literacy
Politics and
associated with modern-day democracy.
What is terrorism?
Learn how social scientists define terrorism, and
Economic Life
understand why terrorism is on the rise today.
NATIONALISM
citizens Nation-states are associated with the rise of nationalism, which can be defined as a set of
Members of a political com- symbols and beliefs providing the sense of being part of a single national political com-
munity, having both rights
munity. Thus, individuals feel a sense of pride and belonging in being American, Indian,
and duties associated with
that membership.
or Chinese. Probably people have always felt some kind of identity with social groups of
one form or another—their family, village, or religious community. Nationalism, however,
made its appearance only with the development of the modern state. It is the main expres-
nationalism sion of feelings of identity with a distinct national political community.
A set of symbols and beliefs Nationalistic loyalties do not always fit the physical borders marking the territories
expressing identification of states in the world today. Virtually all nation-states were built from communities of
with a national community. diverse backgrounds. As a result, local nationalisms have frequently arisen in oppo-
sition to those fostered by the states. Thus, in Canada, for instance, nationalist feelings
CITIZENSHIP RIGHTS
Some modern nation-states first became centralized, effective political systems through
the activities of monarchs, such as kings or queens, who successfully concentrated more Feelings of nationalism
are on full display at
and more power in their own hands. Citizenship did not originally carry rights of politi-
international events like the
cal participation in these states. Such rights were achieved largely through struggles that Olympic Games.
limited the power of monarchs, as in Britain, or actively overthrew them—sometimes by a
process of revolution, as in the cases of the United States and France, followed by a period
of negotiation between the new ruling elites and their subjects (Tilly 1996).
Three types of rights are associated with the growth of citizenship (Marshall 1973).
Civil rights refer to the rights of the individual by law. These include privileges many
of us take for granted today but that took a long time to achieve (and are by no means local
fully recognized in all countries). Examples are the freedom of individuals to live where nationalisms
they choose, freedom of speech and religion, the right to own property, the right to The belief that communities
legally marry, and the right to equal justice before the law. These rights were not fully that share a cultural identity
established in most European countries until the early nineteenth century. Although in should have political auton-
omy, even within smaller
1789 the U.S. Constitution granted such rights to Americans well before most European
units of a nation-state.
states had them, African Americans were excluded. Even after the Civil War, when
blacks were formally given these rights by the 14th Amendment to the Constitution,
they were not able to exercise them. Women also were denied many civil rights; for civil rights
example, at the turn of the nineteenth century in the United States, women had few Legal rights held by
rights independent of their husbands. They could not own property, write wills, collect all citizens in a given
an inheritance, or even earn a salary. Throughout the nineteenth century, states slowly national community.
and gradually began affording such rights to women regardless of their marital status
(Speth 2011).
political rights
The second type of citizenship rights consists of political rights, especially the right
Rights of political partici-
to participate in elections and to run for public office. Again, these were not won easily or
pation, such as the right to
quickly. Except in the United States, the achievement of full voting rights even for all men vote in elections and to run
is relatively recent and was gained only after a struggle in the face of governments reluc- for office, held by citizens
tant to admit the principle of the universal vote. In most European countries, the vote was of a national community.
at first limited to male citizens owning a certain amount of property, which effectively
limited voting rights to an affluent minority. Universal franchise for men was won in
most Western nations by the early years of the twentieth century. Women had to wait
franchise
longer; in most Western countries, the vote for women was achieved partly as a result The right to vote.
Participatory Democracy
In participatory democracy decisions are made communally by those affected by them.
This was the original type of democracy practiced in ancient Athens. Those who were democracy
citizens, a small minority of Athenian society, regularly assembled to consider policies and
A political system that
make major decisions. Participatory democracy is of limited importance in modern societ- allows the citizens to
ies, where the vast majority of the population has political rights, rendering it impossible participate in political
for everyone to participate actively in the making of all the decisions that affect them. In decision making or to
modern societies, direct democracy is a much more realistic approach to engaging citizens elect representatives to
government bodies.
in decisions. A direct democracy is a form of participatory democracy in which citizens
vote directly on laws and policies; however, they do not need to convene in one setting to
do so. For example, Americans can visit voting booths in their hometowns to vote directly participatory
on legislation that affects their lives. democracy
Yet some facets of participatory democracy do play a part in modern societies. The A system of democracy
holding of a referendum, for example, whereby the majority express their views on a par- in which all members of
ticular issue, is one form of participatory democracy. Direct consultation of large numbers a group or community
of people is made possible by simplifying the issue to one or two questions to be answered. participate collectively in
making major decisions.
Referenda are employed frequently on a state level in the United States to decide contro-
versial issues such as the legalization of marijuana.
direct democracy
Monarchies and Liberal Democracies A form of participatory
Some modern states, including Britain and Belgium, still have monarchs, but these are democracy that allows
few and far between. Where traditional rulers of this sort are still found, their real citizens to vote directly on
laws and policies.
power is usually limited or nonexistent. In a tiny number of countries, such as Saudi
Arabia and Jordan, monarchs continue to hold some degree of control over government,
but in most cases they are symbols of national identity rather than personages having constitutional
any direct power in political life. The queen of England, the king of Sweden, and even monarchs
the emperor of Japan are all constitutional monarchs: Their real power is severely Kings or queens who are
restricted by the constitution, which vests authority in the elected representatives of largely figureheads. Real
the people. The vast majority of modern states are republican—there is no king or queen. power rests in the hands
Almost every modern state, including constitutional monarchies, professes adherence of other political leaders.
to democracy.
A political party is an organization of individuals with broadly similar political aims, ori-
ented toward achieving legitimate control of government through an electoral process. proportional
Two parties tend to dominate the political system where elections are based on the princi- representation
ple of winner take all, as in the United States. Where elections are based on different prin- An electoral system in
ciples, as in proportional representation, five or six different parties, or even more, may be which seats in a represen-
represented in the assembly. An advantage to the system of proportional representation is tative assembly, often called
a Parliament, are allocated
that minority political parties have a say. For example, in the United States, the Green Party
according to the proportions
has almost no presence at the national level. Yet in Germany, which abides by the propor-
of the vote received; the
tional representation system, new and smaller political parties that are supported by even a head of state (called a
small part of the electorate have a chance of being represented in Parliament; these parties prime minister) is the head
are far-ranging and include the Green Party as well as the Christian Democratic Union/ of the party that has the
Christian Social Union, Social Democratic Party, and Free Democratic Party (Krennerich largest number of seats.
2014). When they lack an overall majority, some of the parties have to form a coalition—an
deciding on legislation. The American Medical Association, the National Organization for
Research Center 2010). Lobbyists for pharmaceutical companies, hospitals, and insurance
companies spent millions of dollars in an effort to shape the final outcome in ways they
favored (Eggen 2009). A study by the Center for Public Integrity found that nearly 1,800
firms and other organizations hired more than 4,500 lobbyists to influence the outcome
of the health care debate—effectively eight lobbyists for each member of Congress (Eaton
and Pell 2010).
225
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With the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the United States has emerged as the
world’s unrivaled military superpower, accounting for 36 percent of total world military
spending—more than that of the next seven countries combined (Figure 13.2) (Stockholm
International Peace Research Institute 2016). The global “war on terror,” discussed later, has
instead triggered yet another cycle of military spending. Eisenhower’s dire warning seems
no less apt today than when he uttered it over fifty years ago.
Democracy in Trouble?
Democracy almost everywhere is in some difficulty today. Even in the United States, voter
turnout is low, and many people tell pollsters that they don’t trust politicians. In 1964,
confidence in government was fairly high: Nearly four of five people answered “most of
the time” or “just about always” when asked, “How much of the time do you trust the
government in Washington to do the right thing?” Americans’ confidence in government
dropped steadily throughout the late 1960s and 1970s, rising somewhat in the 1980s, then
dropping to a low of one in five in 1994. Following the terrorist attacks of September 11,
2001, a solid majority (55 percent) of Americans reported that they trust the government
“most of the time” or “just about always.” However, as we saw in Chapter 5, confidence in
the U.S. government has waned again in the past few years, especially upon the public’s
daily activities.
Industrial Conflict
There have long been conflicts between workers and those with economic and political
authority over them. Riots against high taxes and food riots at periods of harvest fail-
ure were common in urban areas of Europe in the eighteenth century. These “premodern”
forms of labor conflict continued up to the late nineteenth century in some countries. Such
traditional forms of confrontation were not just sporadic, irrational outbursts of violence:
The threat or use of violence had the effect of lowering the price of grain and other essential
foodstuffs (Booth 1977; Rudé 1964; Thompson 1971).
Industrial conflict between workers and employers at first tended to follow these older
patterns. In situations of confrontation, workers would quite often leave their places of
employment and form crowds in the streets; they would make their grievances known
through their unruly behavior or by engaging in acts of violence against the authorities.
Workers in some parts of France in the late nineteenth century would threaten disliked
employers with hanging (Holton 1978). Use of the strike as a weapon, today commonly
associated with organized bargaining between workers and management, developed only
slowly and sporadically.
strike
STRIKES A temporary stoppage
of work by a group of
A strike is a temporary stoppage of work by a group of employees in order to express a employees in order to
grievance or enforce a demand (Hyman 1984). As we saw earlier in this chapter, workers express a grievance or
who were dissatisfied with their low wages and working conditions staged work stop- enforce a demand.
pages throughout American cities in April 2015. Workers go on strike for many specific
reasons. They may be seeking to gain
higher wages, forestall a proposed reduc-
tion in their earnings, protest against
F I G U R E 1 3.3
technological changes that make their
work duller or lead to layoffs, or obtain
Work Stoppages,* 1947–2015
greater job security. However, in all these
circumstances the strike is essentially a 500
mechanism of power: a weapon of people
who are relatively powerless in the work- 400
NUMBER OF STOPPAGES
Labor Unions
Although their levels of membership and the extent of their power vary widely, union
organizations exist in all Western countries, which also all legally recognize the right of
workers to strike in pursuit of economic objectives. In the early development of modern
industry, workers in most countries had no political rights and little influence over their
unions working conditions. Unions developed as a means of redressing the imbalance of power
Organizations that advance between workers and employers. As we saw earlier in this chapter, one tactic used by
and protect the interests unions is collective bargaining. This is the process of negotiations between employers
of workers with respect to and their workers; these negotiations are used to reach agreements about a broad range
working conditions, wages, of working conditions, including pay scales, working hours, training, health and safety,
and benefits.
and the right to file a grievance. Whereas workers may have limited power as individuals,
through collective organization their influence is considerably increased. An employer can
collective do without the labor of any particular worker but not without that of all or most of the
bargaining workers in a factory or plant.
The rights of employees After 1980, unions suffered declines across the advanced industrial countries. In the
and workers to negotiate United States, the share of the workforce belonging to unions declined from 23 percent in
with their employers for 1980 to 11 percent in 2015. The decline has been steepest in the private sector: While less
basic rights and benefits. than 7 percent of all private sector wage and salary workers were unionized in 2015, more
than a third (35 percent) of all government employees belonged to unions, reaching 41 per-
cent for local government (Hirsch and Macpherson 2004; U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics
2016m). Americans’ perceptions of labor unions also took a hit following widespread protests
by state workers in 2011. In Wisconsin and several other states, state and local workers—
ranging from firefighters to teachers—protested because they feared the loss of their pen-
CONCEPT CHECKS
sions, a reduction in their health benefits, and a loss of their right to collective bargaining.
1. Why is it important for Many Americans, themselves facing higher health insurance costs and reduced pensions in
sociologists to study their public-sector jobs, showed little empathy for the protesting state workers. However,
economic institutions? since that time attitudes toward unions have once again increased, with 48 percent having a
2. Define and provide an favorable view, compared with 39 percent unfavorable (Pew Research Center 2015i).
example of an informal There are several widely accepted explanations for the difficulties confronted by unions
economy. since 1980. One major factor is the loss of once-unionized manufacturing jobs to low-wage
3. Using the concept countries around the world, particularly in East Asia, and most notably China—a country
of division of labor, where independent labor unions are illegal. Such job loss, real or threatened, has greatly
describe the key
weakened the bargaining power of unions in the manufacturing sector and as a result has
differences in the nature
of work in traditional lowered their appeal to workers. Why join a union and pay union dues if the union cannot
versus modern societies. deliver wage increases or job security? Unionization efforts in the United States have also
been hampered in recent years by decisions of the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB),
4. What is a labor union?
Why have unions in the the government agency responsible for protecting the right of workers to form unions and
United States suffered engage in collective bargaining. The NLRB has proven ineffective at protecting efforts to
from a decline in mem- unionize workplaces, failing to take aggressive action when businesses harass or fire union
bership since the 1980s? organizers (Clawson and Clawson 1999; Estlund 2006).
capitalism
Corporations and Corporate Power An economic system
Since the turn of the twentieth century, modern capitalist economies have been increas- based on the private
ownership of wealth.
ingly influenced by the rise of large business corporations. The share of total manufactur-
ing assets held by the largest manufacturing firms in the United States (those with assets
of over $1 billion) increased from 49 percent in 1970 to 87 percent in 2010 (U.S. Statistical corporations
Abstracts 2012). But the corporations with the largest assets are now banks. The 10 largest
Business firms or
financial organizations—banks and investment companies—in 2010 accounted for more companies.
than half (54 percent) of all financial activity; twenty years earlier they accounted for only
20 percent (Bauerlein and Jeffery 2010).
Of course, there still exist thousands of smaller firms and enterprises within the entrepreneur
American economy. In these companies, the image of the entrepreneur—the boss who The owner or founder of
owns and runs the firm—is by no means obsolete. The large corporations are a different a business firm.
matter. Ever since Adolf Berle and Gardiner Means published their celebrated study The
Modern Corporation and Private Property more than eighty years ago, it has been accepted
monopoly
that most of the largest firms are not run by those who own them (Berle and Means 1982,
A situation in which a
orig. 1932). In theory, the large corporations are the property of their shareholders, who
single firm dominates in
have the right to make all important decisions. But Berle and Means argued that since share a given industry.
ownership is so dispersed, actual control has passed into the hands of the managers who
run firms on a day-to-day basis.
The power of the major corporations is very extensive. Corporations often cooperate oligopoly
in setting prices rather than freely competing with one another. Thus, the giant oil com- The domination by a
panies normally follow one another’s lead in the price charged for gasoline. When one small number of firms
firm occupies a commanding position in a given industry, it is said to be in a monopoly in a given industry.
Capitalistic enterprise
although each overlaps with the others and all continue to coexist today. The first stage,
owned and administered by characteristic of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, was dominated by family
entrepreneurial families. capitalism. Large firms were run either by individual entrepreneurs or by members of the
same family and then passed on to their descendants. The famous corporate dynasties, such
as the Rockefellers and Fords, belong in this category. These individuals and families did
managerial not just own a single large corporation but held a diversity of economic interests and stood
capitalism
at the apex of economic empires.
Capitalistic enterprises
Most of the big firms founded by entrepreneurial families have since become pub-
administered by
managerial executives
lic companies—that is, shares of their stock are traded on the open market— and have
rather than by owners. passed into managerial control. In the large corporate sector, family capitalism was
increasingly succeeded by managerial capitalism. As managers came to have more
and more influence through the growth of very large firms, the entrepreneurial families
welfare were displaced. The result has been described as the replacement of the family in the
capitalism company by the company itself (Allen 1981). Managerial capitalism has left an indelible
Practice in which large imprint on modern society. The large corporation drives not only patterns of consump-
corporations protect their
tion but also the experience of employment in contemporary society. It is difficult to
employees from the vicis-
situdes of the market.
imagine how different the work lives of many Americans would be in the absence of
large factories or corporate bureaucracies.
Sociologists have identified another area in which the large corporation has left a mark
institutional on modern institutions. Welfare capitalism refers to a practice that sought to make the
capitalism corporation—rather than the state or trade unions—the primary shelter from the uncer-
Capitalistic enterprise tainties of the market in modern industrial life. Beginning at the end of the nineteenth cen-
organized on the basis of tury, large firms began to provide certain services to their employees, including child care,
institutional shareholding.
recreational facilities, profit-sharing plans, paid vacations, and group life and unemployment
insurance. By the end of World War II, many corporations, as well as public employers such
interlocking as governments and educational institutions, also began to offset much of the cost of pur-
directorates chasing private medical insurance for their employees. These programs often had a pater-
Linkages among nalistic bent, such as that sponsoring “home visits” for the “moral education” of employees.
corporations created by Viewed in less benevolent terms, a major objective of welfare capitalism was coercion, as
individuals who sit on two employers deployed all manners of tactics—including violence—to avoid unionization.
or more corporate boards. Despite the overwhelming importance of managerial capitalism in shaping the
modern economy, many scholars now see the contours of a third, different phase in the
their wealth outstrips that of many countries. The scope of these companies’ operations
is staggering. The combined revenues of the world’s 500 largest transnational corpora-
tions totaled $28 trillion in 2015 (Fortune 2016). To give an idea of the magnitude of that
number, in 2015, $76.7 trillion in goods and services were produced by the entire world
(World Bank 2016h).
The United States is home to the largest number of firms among the top 500 transna-
tional corporations, although the share of American-based companies has fallen sharply
in recent years as the number of transnational corporations based in other countries—
especially Asian countries such as South Korea and China—has increased. While U.S.-
and European-based transnational corporations continue to dominate the global economy
by a wide margin, China has begun to have a significant presence, surpassing Japan in
terms of number of Global 500 corporations.
The reach of the transnationals over the past thirty years would not have been pos-
sible without advances in transportation and communications. Air travel now allows
people to move around the world at a speed that would have seemed inconceivable even
CONCEPT CHECKS sixty years ago; container ships the size of small cities move hundreds of thousands of
tons of goods across the Pacific Ocean in eleven days. Telecommunications technologies
1. What are the main now permit more or less instantaneous communication from one part of the world to
features of capitalism?
another. Satellites have been used for commercial telecommunications since 1965. The
2. Compare and contrast first satellite could carry 240 telephone conversations at once; current satellites can
the five types of carry 12,000 simultaneous conversations! The larger transnationals now have their own
corporate capitalism. satellite-based communications systems.
assemble our smartphones and computers, the factories throughout the world that make
our clothing, and the fast-food workers at McDonald’s and Taco Bell who serve up our
orders in a matter of minutes.
The introduction of computerized technology in the workplace has resulted in a two-
tiered workforce composed of a small group of highly skilled professionals with a high
degree of flexibility and autonomy in their jobs and a larger group of clerical, service, and
production workers who lack autonomy in their jobs.
GLOBAL PRODUCTION
For much of the twentieth century, the most important business organizations were large
manufacturing firms that controlled both the production and sale of goods. Giant automo-
bile companies such as Ford and General Motors typify this approach, employing tens of
thousands of factory workers and making everything from components to the final cars,
which are then sold in the manufacturers’ showrooms. Such manufacture-dominated pro-
duction processes are organized as large bureaucracies, often controlled by a handful of
large firms.
During the past quarter-century, however, another form of production has become
important— one that is controlled by giant retailers. In retailer-dominated production,
firms such as Walmart and Kmart sell thousands of different brands of goods; the brands,
in turn, arrange to have their products made by independently owned factories around
the globe. Almost no major U.S. companies today make their own apparel or footwear,
for example; rather, they outsource to independently owned factories that do the work
for them. These factories range from tiny sweatshops to giant plants owned by transna-
tional corporations. Most so-called garment manufacturers actually employ no garment
workers at all. Instead, they rely on thousands of factories around the world to make
More than 197 million people—or 5.8 percent of the global workforce—are unemployed worldwide. Another 1.5 billion
people are in vulnerable employment, including more than 70 percent of workers in Southern Asia and sub-Saharan
Africa. The highest unemployment rates are seen in Northern Africa and the Arab States.
By educational attainment
8.0% 5.4% 5.0% 2.6%
By gender
The
Develop?
Learn the basic concepts underlying modern
p. 390 nation-states.
Big Picture
Politics and
How Do
Economic Life Democracies
Learn about different types of democracy,
how this form of government has spread
Function? around the world, key theories about power
in a democracy, and some of the problems
p. 393 associated with modern-day democracy.
Thinking Sociologically
What Is Terrorism?
Learn how social scientists define
terrorism, and understand why terrorism is
1. Discuss the differences between the p. 404 on the rise today.
“pluralistic” and the “power elite”
theories of democratic political
processes. Which theory do you find
most appropriate to describe U.S.
politics in recent years? What Is the
Social Significance Assess the sociological ramifications
of Work? of paid and unpaid work. Understand that
2. Discuss some of the important ways
modern economies are based on the
that the nature of work will change
p. 405 division of labor and economic interdepen -
for the contemporary worker as
dence. Familiarize yourself with modern
companies apply more automation systems of economic production.
and larger-scale production processes
and as oligopolies become more
pervasive. Explain each of these
trends and how they affect workers,
What Are Key
Elements of the
both now and in the future.
Modern Economy? See the importance of the rise of large
corporations; consider particularly the
3. What was the main goal of the
p. 411 global impact of transnational corporations.
workers who protested their working
conditions in April 2015? What kind
of public policies might address their
concerns? What does their battle
reveal about the sociology of work
How Does Work
and the sociology of politics? Learn about the impact of global economic
Affect Everyday
competition on employment. Consider how
Life Today?
work will change over the coming years.
p. 415
Terms to Know Concept Checks
government • politics •
economy • power • authority
terrorism
The Sociology
human body?
Understand how social and cultural contexts shape
attitudes toward “ideal” body forms and give rise
to two body-related social problems in the United
of the Body:
States: eating disorders and the obesity crisis.
and Sexuality
the relationship between traditional medicine and
complementary and alternative medicine (CAM).
426 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
something as seemingly far removed from our everyday lives as federal health care policy.
Yet public policies and macro social factors are powerful influences on our health. The field
known as sociology of the body investigates how and why our bodies are affected by our sociology of the
social experiences and the norms and values of the groups to which we belong. Using this body
framework, we begin our chapter by analyzing why obesity and an equally problematic phe- Field that focuses on how
nomenon, eating disorders, have become so common in the Western world. We then describe our bodies are affected by
our social experiences.
the ways that sociologists theorize about health and medicine; discuss social dimensions
Health and illness, for
of health and illness, with an emphasis on the ways that social class, race, and gender
instance, are shaped
affect our health; and provide an overview of health issues that affect the lives of people in by social and cultural
developing nations. We conclude by examining social and cultural influences on our sexual influences.
behavior; as we will see, sexual behavior, like health, is a product of biological, cultural, and
social forces.
Both obesity and eating disorders also illustrate the ways that a “personal trouble” (for
example, self-starvation or obesity-related complications such as diabetes) reflects “public
issues” (for example, a culture that promotes an unrealistic “thin ideal” for young women),
or the ways that poverty makes it difficult for individuals to buy costly healthful foods or
to reach public parks and other spaces for regular exercise.
Eating Disorders
Anorexia is related to the idea of dieting, and it reflects changing views of physical attrac-
tiveness in modern society. In most premodern societies, the ideal female shape was a
fleshy one. Thinness was not desirable, partly because it was associated with hunger and
poverty. The notion of slimness as the desirable feminine shape originated among some
middle-class groups in the late nineteenth century, but it became generalized as an ideal
for most women only recently. A historical examination of the physiques of Miss America
winners between 1922 and 1999, for example, shows that for much of the twentieth cen-
tury, pageant winners had a body weight that would be classified as “normal,” yet in recent
years the majority of winners would be classified as “underweight” using medical guide-
lines (Rubinstein and Caballero 2000).
Anorexia was identified as a disorder in France in 1874, but it remained obscure until
the past thirty or forty years (Brown and Jasper 1993). Since then, it has become increas-
ingly common among young women. So has bulimia—bingeing on food, followed by
self-induced vomiting. Anorexia and bulimia often occur in the same individual. An esti-
mated 0.9 percent of females have suffered from anorexia at some time during their lives,
and an estimated 0.5 percent of women have suffered from bulimia (Hudson et al. 2007).
Nearly all (95 percent) of those who have eating disorders are between the ages of twelve
and twenty-six (National Association of Anorexia Nervosa and Associated Disorders
2010). Women account for more than 90 percent of all persons with eating disorders, so it
428 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
is difficult for researchers to estimate rates among men. But recent evidence suggests that
boys, too, increasingly struggle to maintain a lean and muscular physique (Field et al. 2014).
Once a young woman starts to diet and exercise compulsively, she can become locked
into a pattern of refusing food or vomiting up what she has eaten. As the body loses muscle
mass, it loses heart muscle, so the heart gets smaller and weaker, which ultimately leads
to heart failure. About half of all anorexics also have low white blood cell counts, and
about a third are anemic. Both conditions can lower the immune system’s resistance to
disease, leaving an anorexic vulnerable to infections. Anorexia has the highest mortality
rate of any psychological disorder; 20 percent of anorexics will die from it (Eating Disorder
Coalition 2003).
Why do eating disorders affect women in particular and young women most acutely?
Sociologists note that social norms stress the importance of physical attractiveness more
for women than for men and that desirable body images of men differ from those of
women. However, men are also less likely to seek treatment for eating disorders because
they are considered to be female disorders (National Association of Anorexia Nervosa
and Associated Disorders 2010).
This unhealthy obsession with slenderness—and the resulting eating disorders—
extends beyond the United States and Europe. As Western images of feminine beauty have
spread to the rest of the world, so too have associated illnesses. Eating problems have also
surfaced among young, primarily affluent women in Hong Kong and Singapore, as well
as in urban areas in Taiwan, China, the Philippines, India, and Pakistan (Efron 1997). One
famous study showed that in Fiji, a nation where voluptuous bodies were long considered
the cultural ideal, rates of eating disorders among young women increased markedly after
American television shows like Beverly Hills 90210 started to air there (Becker 2004).
The rise of eating disorders in Western societies coincides with the globalization of
food production. Since the 1950s, supermarket shelves have been abundant with foods
from all parts of the world. Most foods are available all the time, not just when they are
in season locally. When all foods are available all the time, we must decide what to eat.
First, we have to choose what to eat in relation to the new medical information that sci-
ence bombards us with—for instance, that cholesterol levels contribute to heart disease.
Second, we worry about calorie content. The fact that we have much more control over
our own bodies than before presents us with positive possibilities as well as new anxi-
eties and problems. All this is part of what sociologists call the socialization of nature: socialization of
Phenomena that used to be “natural,” or given in nature, have now become social—they nature
depend on our own social decisions. The process by which
phenomena regarded
The Obesity Epidemic as “natural” have now
become social.
Eating disorders are a major social problem that plagues young women in the United
States. Yet a very different weight-related health issue, obesity, is considered the top
public health problem facing Americans today. Obesity is defined as a body mass obesity
index (BMI) of 30 or greater (CDC 2008a). Over the past two decades, obesity rates Excessive body weight
among adults in the United States have risen dramatically. In 2000, 31 percent of indicated by a body mass
adults were obese; by 2014, that proportion had jumped to nearly 38 percent. In 2015, index (BMI) over 30.
no state had an obesity prevalence under 20 percent; in thirty-nine states the rate was
25 percent or higher, and sixteen of these states had rates equal to or in excess of 30 percent
(CDC 2016c).
3%
n
pa
Ja
5% 1 2% 1 9%
ia 20%
In d
iti 2 4%
Ha rk
n ma
De on 28%
az
il d e rati
Br e
nF
s sia 3 4%
Ru
o
x ic tes 3 5%
Me Sta
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ite bia
Un Ara
3 6%
i
ud
Sa 25
20 30
i 15 35
Fij 10 40
5 45
0 50
5% 8% 13% 24%
Source: World Health Organization 2015, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 2015
environment”—or a social environment that unwittingly contributes to weight gain
(Brownell and Horgen 2004). Among adults, sedentary desk jobs have replaced physical jobs,
food deserts
such as farming. Children are more likely to spend their after-school hours sitting in front of a
Geographic areas in which
computer or television than playing tag or riding their bikes around the neighborhood. Parents
residents do not have easy
access to high-quality are pressed for time, given their hectic work and family schedules, and turn to unhealthy fast
affordable food. These food rather than home-cooked meals. Restaurants, eager to lure bargain-seeking patrons,
regions are concentrated provide enormous serving sizes at low prices. The social forces that promote high fat and
in rural areas and poor sugar consumption and that restrict the opportunity to exercise are particularly acute for
urban neighborhoods.
poor persons and ethnic minorities. Small grocery stores in poor neighborhoods rarely sell
fresh or low-cost produce. Large grocery stores are scarce in poor inner-city neighborhoods
and rural areas as well as in predominantly African American neighborhoods (Morland
et al. 2002). Given the scarcity of high-quality healthy foods in poor neighborhoods, schol-
ars have dubbed these areas “food deserts” (Walker, Keane, and Burke 2010). Additionally,
high crime rates and high levels of traffic in inner-city neighborhoods make exercise in
public parks or jogging on city streets potentially dangerous (Brownell and Horgen 2004).
CONCEPT CHECKS Policymakers and public health professionals have proposed a broad range of solu-
tions to the obesity crisis. Some have (unsuccessfully) proposed practices that place the
1. Why is anorexia more likely burden directly on the individual. For example, some schools have considered having a
to strike young women “weight report card,” where children and parents would be told the child’s BMI, in an effort
than other subgroups?
to trigger healthy behaviors at home. Yet most experts endorse solutions that attack the
2. What explanations are problem at a large-scale level, such as making healthy low-cost produce more widely avail-
offered for the recent able; providing safe public places to exercise, free fitness classes, and classes in health and
increase in obesity rates? nutrition to poor children and their families; and requiring restaurants and food manu-
3. What policy solutions facturers to clearly note the fat and calorie content of their products. Only in attacking the
have been offered for “public issue” of the obesogenic environment will the “private trouble” of excessive weight
the obesity crisis? be resolved (Brownell and Horgen 2004).
How Do Sociologists
Understand Health
and Illness?
Learn about functionalist Sociologists of health and illness also are concerned with understanding the experience of
and symbolic interactionist illness—how individuals experience being sick, chronically ill, or disabled and how these
perspectives on health and
experiences are shaped by one’s social interactions with others. If you have ever been ill, even
illness in contemporary
for a short period, you know that patterns of daily life are temporarily modified and your
society. Understand the
relationship between interactions with others change. This is because the normal functioning of the body is a vital,
traditional medicine but often taken for granted, part of our daily lives. Our sense of self is predicated on the expec-
and complementary and tation that our bodies will facilitate, not impede, our social interactions and daily activities.
alternative medicine (CAM). Illness has both personal and public dimensions. When we fall ill, others are affected
as well. Our friends, families, and coworkers may extend sympathy, care, support, and
432 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
assistance with practical tasks. They may struggle to understand our illness and its cause,
or to adjust the patterns of their own lives to accommodate it. Others’ reactions to our
illness, in turn, shape our own interpretations and can pose challenges to our sense of self.
For instance, a longtime smoker who develops lung disease may be made to feel guilty by
family members.
Two sociological perspectives on the experience of illness have been particularly
influential. The first, associated with the functionalist school, proposes that “being sick”
is a social role, just as “worker” or “mother” is a social role. As such, unhealthy persons are
expected to comply with a widely agreed-upon set of behavioral expectations. The sec-
ond view, favored by symbolic interactionists, explores how the meanings of illness are
socially constructed and how these meanings influence people’s behavior.
1. The sick person is not held personally responsible for his or her poor health.
2. The sick person is entitled to certain rights and privileges, including a release from
normal responsibilities.
3. The sick person is expected to take sensible steps to regain his or her health, such
as consulting a medical expert and agreeing to become a patient.
EVALUATION
Although the sick-role model reveals how the ill person is an integral part of a larger social
context, a number of criticisms can be levied against it. Some argue that the sick-role for-
mula does not adequately capture the lived experience of illness. Others point out that it
cannot be applied across all contexts, cultures, and historical periods. For example, it does
not account for instances in which doctors and patients disagree about a diagnosis or have
opposing interests. It also fails to explain illnesses that do not necessarily lead to a suspen-
sion of normal activity, such as alcoholism, certain disabilities, and some chronic diseases.
Furthermore, taking on the sick role is not always a straightforward process. Some indi-
viduals who suffer for years from chronic pain or from misdiagnosed symptoms are denied
the sick role until they get a clear diagnosis. Other sick people, such as young women with
autoimmune diseases, often appear physically healthy despite constant physical pain
43 4 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
sense of it, and developing ways of explaining it to others. Such a process can help people
with mental and physical illness restore meaning and order to their lives.
Each of these processes of adaptation may be particularly difficult for those who suffer
from a stigmatized health condition, such as extreme obesity, alcoholism, schizophrenia,
HIV/AIDS, or lung cancer. Sociologist Erving Goffman (1963) developed the concept of
stigma, which refers to any personal characteristic that is devalued in a particular social stigma
context. Stigmatized individuals and groups are often treated with suspicion, hostility, or Any physical or social
discrimination. Stigmas are, however, rarely based on valid understandings or scientific characteristic that is
data. They spring from stereotypes or perceptions that may be false or only partially correct. labeled by society
as undesirable.
Further, the nature of a stigma varies widely across sociocultural context: The extent to
which a trait is devalued depends on the values and beliefs of those who do the stigmatiz-
ing. For instance, in the United States, obese persons are much more likely to be stigmatized
by white upper-middle-class persons than they are to be stigmatized by African Americans
or working-class whites (Carr and Friedman 2005). By contrast, other health conditions,
including major mental illness and HIV/AIDS (as we will read about later in this chapter),
are much more widely stigmatized. One recent study of sixteen countries, including the
United States and nations in Europe, Africa, and Asia, found that even in the most liberal,
tolerant countries, the majority of the public held stigmatizing attitudes and a willingness
to exclude people with schizophrenia from close, personal relationships and positions of
authority, seeing them as unpredictable and potentially dangerous (Pescosolido et al. 2013).
native medical treatment seem to be products of the modern age itself. Rates of insomnia, 2. What is stigma, and how
anxiety, stress, depression, fatigue, and chronic pain (caused by arthritis, cancer, and other does it pertain to health
and illness?
diseases) are increasing in industrialized societies (Kessler and Üstün 2008). Although
these conditions have long existed, they are causing greater distress and disruption to 3. What is the biomedical
people’s health than ever before. Ironically, these consequences of modernity are ones model of health?
that orthodox medicine has difficulty addressing. Alternative medicine is unlikely to 4. Compare complementary
overtake mainstream health care altogether, but indications are that its role will con- medicine with alternative
tinue to grow. medicine.
43 8 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
DIGITAL LIFE
4 40 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
Consider racial gaps in mortality. The homicide rate for young black males ages ten to
twenty-four is more than fifteen times higher than for their white peers (CDC 2013f;
Flaherty and Sethi 2010). This gap has been attributed to the violent crime that has accom-
panied the rise of widespread crack cocaine addiction, especially in the late 1980s and
1990s, mainly affecting poor African American neighborhoods plagued by high levels of
unemployment (Wilson 1996).
Other race-based inequalities in health status, health behaviors, and health care are
also stark. There is a higher prevalence of hypertension among blacks than whites, espe-
cially among black men (41 percent versus 28 percent in 2014) —a difference that may
be partly biological (Yoon, Fryar, and Carroll 2015). The pattern may also reflect blacks’
tendency to eat high-fat foods, a pattern encouraged by the fast-food industry’s targeting
of African Americans as a market (Henderson and Kelly 2005). Black women are also far
less likely than white women to exercise regularly, a pattern that most social scientists
attribute to their hectic schedules of juggling work and family and to the high costs of
fitness programs and gym memberships (August and Sorkin 2010). However, in 2011,
then-U.S. surgeon general Regina M. Benjamin drew attention by suggesting that one
reason that black women avoid exercise is because it may ruin their hair; black women
often spend a lot of time and money on treatments such as hair relaxers (Versey 2014).
Racial differences in mental health are far less well understood than racial differences
in physical health. In general, most studies show that blacks report fewer symptoms of
depression than whites, yet when socioeconomic factors are controlled for, blacks actually
report lower rates of depression than whites (Dunlop et al. 2003). At first blush, this finding
is seen as surprising, given that blacks are exposed to more stressful circumstances that
may trigger depression, such as workplace discrimination, unsafe living environments, and
financial troubles. However, some scholars also note that African Americans have import-
ant resources they can draw on that mitigate against symptoms of depression, including
social support from their religious community and a strong sense of racial identity and
community (Oates and Goode 2012).
4 42 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
What Causes Infectious
Diseases in Developing
Nations?
Understand the causes
Colonialism and the Spread of Disease underlying high rates of
Thus far we have focused primarily on the United States in the twenty-first century. Yet to infectious diseases in
understand health and illness, it is also important to take a big-picture view and examine developing nations. Learn
more about HIV/AIDS as a
the ways that health and illness have developed over time and throughout the globe. We
sociological phenomenon.
now provide a brief historical overview of disease and show how some infectious diseases
still persist in many parts of the developing world.
Hunting-and-gathering communities of the Americas, before the arrival of the
Europeans, were not as susceptible to infectious disease as the European societies of the
period. Many infectious organisms thrive only when human populations live above the den-
sity level that is characteristic of hunting-and-gathering life. Permanently settled commu-
nities, particularly large cities, risk the contamination of water supplies by waste products.
Hunters and gatherers were less vulnerable in this respect because they moved continuously
across the countryside.
During the colonial era, efforts to bring Western ideals to developing societies also
brought certain diseases into other parts of the world. Smallpox, measles, and typhus,
among other major maladies, were unknown to the indigenous populations of Central and
South America before the Spanish conquest in the early sixteenth century. The English and
French colonists brought the same diseases to North America (Dubos 1959). Some of these
illnesses produced epidemics that ravaged or completely wiped out native populations,
which had little or no resistance to them.
In Africa and subtropical parts of Asia, infectious diseases have been rife for a long
time. Tropical and subtropical conditions are especially conducive to diseases such as
malaria, carried by mosquitoes, and sleeping sickness, carried by the tsetse fly. Historians
believe that risks from infectious diseases were lower in Africa and Asia prior to the time
that Europeans tried to colonize these regions—as they often brought with them prac-
tices that negatively affected the health of local natives. The threat of epidemics, drought,
or natural disaster had always loomed, but colonialism led to major unforeseen changes in
the relation between populations and their environments, producing harmful effects on
health patterns. The Europeans introduced new farming methods, upsetting the ecology
of whole regions. For example, before the Europeans’ arrival, Africans successfully main-
tained large herds of cattle in East Africa. Changes introduced by the intruders allowed
for the multiplication and uncontrolled spread of the tsetse fly, which carries illnesses that
are fatal to both humans and livestock. Today, large areas of East Africa are completely
devoid of cattle (Kjekshus 1977).
The most significant consequence of the colonial system was its effect on nutrition
and, therefore, on levels of resistance to illness as a result of the changed economic con-
ditions involved in producing for world markets. In many parts of Africa, the nutritional
quality of native diets became substantially depressed as cash-crop production supplanted
444 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
GLOBAL M A P 1 4 .1
Eastern/Southern Africa
19.0 million
(17.7–20.5 million)
with HIV that year (CDC 2016e, 2015b). Although there was a steep drop in AIDS-related
deaths after the introduction of antiretroviral therapy, African Americans are less likely
than whites to benefit from such life-prolonging treatments. African Americans have the
highest death rate of people with HIV, nearly eight times higher than that of their white
counterparts in 2013 (CDC 2015b).
The stigma that associates HIV-positive status with sexual promiscuity, homosex-
uality, and IV drug use results in avoidance of HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment
programs. In the United States, one in eight people living with HIV/AIDS does not
know he or she is infected (CDC 2016f). Part of the reason is the high level of fear
and denial associated with being diagnosed as HIV positive. The stigma of having HIV
and the discrimination against people living with these infections are major barri-
ers to the treatment of the epidemic worldwide. A recent study of 1,450 HIV-positive
patients seeking care in India found that two-thirds of them reported authoritarian
behavior from doctors, and 55 percent felt they were not treated in a dignified manner
(Mehta 2013).
446 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
by Clellan Ford and Frank Beach (1951), using anthropological evidence from more than
200 societies. Striking variations were found in what was regarded as “natural” sexual
behavior and in norms of sexual attractiveness. For example, in some cultures, extended
foreplay is desirable and even necessary before intercourse; in others, foreplay is nonex-
istent. In some societies, it is believed that overly frequent intercourse leads to physical
debilitation or illness.
In most cultures, norms of sexual attractiveness (held by both females and males) focus
more on physical looks for women than for men, a situation that may be changing in the
West as women become active in spheres outside the home. The traits seen as most import-
ant in female beauty, however, differ greatly. In the modern West, a slim, small physique
is admired, while in other cultures a more generous shape is attractive. Sometimes the
breasts are not considered a source of sexual stimulus, whereas some societies attach erotic
significance to them. Some societies value the shape of the face, whereas others emphasize
the shape and color of the eyes or the size and form of the nose and lips.
448 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
transform into a full-blown romance (Garcia et al. 2012; Hamilton and Armstrong 2009).
However, when a team of sociologists delved more closely into the sexual lives of college
students, they found that while casual sexual encounters were relatively common, men
and women were fairly selective in such encounters. Sociologist Paula England and col-
leagues interviewed more than 14,000 undergraduate students at nineteen universities
and colleges about their romantic and sexual lives. Nearly three-quarters (72 percent) of
both women and men said that they’d had at least one “hookup” during their senior year.
But, for most, hookups were relatively rare. Of those students who said that they had ever
hooked up, equal proportions said that they had fewer than three (40 percent) or between
four and nine (40 percent) hookups. Just one in five reported ten or more hookups in their
lifetimes. Moreover, not all of these hookups involved sexual intercourse. And while TV
shows and movies would lead us to believe that all college students are “doing it,” England
and her collaborators found that fully 20 percent of college seniors had never had sexual
intercourse (England, Shafer, and Fogarty 2012).
Studies of the sexual lives of adults beyond college age also reveal that Americans
report relatively few sexual partners and less frequent sex than their counterparts
in other nations. For example, in 1994 a team of researchers led by Edward Laumann
published The Social Organization of Sexuality: Sexual Practices in the United States, the
most comprehensive study of sexual behavior since Kinsey. Their findings reflect an
essential sexual conservatism among Americans. For instance, 83 percent of their sub-
jects had had only one partner (or no partner at all) in the preceding year, and among
married people the figure was 96 percent. Fidelity to one’s spouse was also quite com-
mon: Only 10 percent of women and less than 25 percent of men reported having an
extramarital affair during their lifetime. Despite the apparent ordinariness of sexual
behavior, some distinct historical changes were revealed in this study, the most signif-
icant being a progressive increase in the level of premarital sexual experience, partic-
ularly among women.
Sexual Orientation
Another important aspect of sexuality concerns sexual orientation, the direction of one’s sexual orientation
sexual or romantic attraction. The term sexual preference, which is sometimes incorrectly The direction of one’s sexual
used instead of sexual orientation, is misleading and is to be avoided because it implies that or romantic attraction.
one’s sexual or romantic attraction is entirely a matter of personal choice. As you will see,
sexual orientation results from a complex interplay of biological and social factors not yet
fully understood.
heterosexuality
The most commonly found sexual orientation in all cultures, including the United Sexual or romantic
attraction to persons of
States, is heterosexuality, a sexual or romantic attraction to persons of the opposite sex.
the opposite sex.
While people attracted to members of the opposite sex are also sometimes referred to as
“straight” in the United States, it is important to note that although heterosexuality may
be the prevailing norm in most cultures, it is not “normal” in the sense of being dictated homosexuality
by some universal moral or religious standard. Like all behavior, heterosexual behavior is Sexual or romantic
socially learned within a particular culture. attraction to persons of
Homosexuality involves a sexual or romantic attraction to persons of one’s own sex. one’s own sex.
Today, the term gay is used to refer to men who are attracted to men, lesbian for women who
are attracted to women, and bi as shorthand for bisexuals, people who experience sexual
450 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
twins (who share some genes), and some were adoptive brothers or sisters (who share
no genes).
The results offer some support that homosexuality, like heterosexuality, results from
a combination of biological and social factors. Among the men and women studied, when
one twin was gay, there was about a 50 percent chance that the other twin was gay.
In other words, a woman or man is five times as likely to be gay if his or her identical
twin is gay than if his or her sibling is gay but related only through adoption. These
results offer some support for the importance of biological factors, since the higher the
percentage of shared genes, the greater the percentage of cases in which both siblings
were gay. However, because approximately half of the identical twin brothers and sisters
of individuals who identified as gay were not themselves gay, social learning must also
be involved.
Clearly, even studies of identical twins cannot fully isolate biological from social fac-
tors. It is often the case that even in infancy, identical twins are treated more like each
other by parents, peers, and teachers than are fraternal twins, who in turn are treated
more like each other than are adoptive siblings. Thus, identical twins may have more
than genes in common: They may also share a higher proportion of similar socializing
experiences. Sociologist Peter Bearman (2002) has shown the intricate ways that genetics
and social experience are intertwined. Bearman found that males with a female twin are
twice as likely to report same-sex attractions. He theorized that parents of opposite-sex
twins are more likely to give them unisex treatment, leading to a less traditionally mascu-
line influence on the males. Having an older brother decreases the rate of homosexuality.
Bearman hypothesized that an older brother establishes gender-socializing mechanisms
for the younger brother to follow, which allows him to compensate for unisex treatment.
Bearman’s work is consistent with the statements offered by professional organizations
such as the American Academy of Pediatrics (2004), which concludes that “sexual orien-
tation probably is not determined by any one factor but by a combination of genetic, hor-
monal, and environmental influences.”
HOMOPHOBIA
Homophobia, a term coined in the late 1960s, refers to both attitudes and behaviors marked homophobia
by an aversion to or hatred of gays and lesbians, their lifestyles, and their practices. It is a An irrational fear or
form of prejudice reflected not only in overt acts of hostility and violence toward lesbians disdain of homosexuals.
and gays but also in forms of verbal abuse that are widespread in American culture—for
example, using terms like fag or homo to insult heterosexual males or using female-related
offensive terms such as sissy or pansy to insult gay men (Pascoe 2011).
One survey of more than 7,500 high school students found that nearly 44 percent
of gay male and 40 percent of lesbian teens said they had been bullied in the previous
year, compared with just 26 and 15 percent of heterosexual boys and girls, respectively
(Berlan et al. 2010). Another national study from 2013 found that 74 percent of LGBT
youth reported that they had been verbally harassed at school, 36 percent had been physi-
cally harassed, and 49 percent had been victims of cyberbullying. More than half of LGBT
students (56 percent) felt “unsafe” at school (Kosciw et al. 2013). This harassment can have
dire consequences: LGBT youth have much higher rates of suicide, suicidal thoughts,
depression, and substance use than straight youth, due in large part to the victimization
452 CHAPTER 14 The Sociology of the Body: Health, Illness, and Sexuality
forty countries. While significant strides have been made, discrimination and homophobia
remain serious problems for many LGBT Americans.
Social change is occurring, slowly but steadily, even in countries that historically
have had cruel and oppressive policies toward gays and lesbians. For example, in 2014, the
Constitutional Court in Uganda invalidated a previously passed “anti-gay” bill, which pro-
vided jail terms up to life for persons convicted of having gay sex, and stipulating lengthy jail
terms for persons convicted of “attempted homosexuality” or the “promotion of homosexu-
ality” (Gettleman 2014). This marked a significant change in a nation where, just three years
earlier, the outspoken gay rights activist David Kato was beaten to death with a hammer.
exercise among individuals and by making larger social changes—such as bringing gro- 2. What are the most
cery stores to inner-city neighborhoods and ensuring that major corporations that sup- important contributions
ply food to public schools abide by healthier food production guidelines—are likely to be of Alfred Kinsey’s
more effective. Although it is too soon to tell whether health care reform will be effective research on sexuality?
in eradicating persistent race and socioeconomic disparities in health, programs such as 3. Name at least three
early screening for high blood pressure, obesity, substance use, and depression may help important findings
to ensure that health problems are detected in their earliest stages and that timely treat- about sexual behavior
discovered since Kinsey.
ment is sought. Through the use of these strategies, it is possible that the United States
may ultimately reach the goal articulated by the federal government in Healthy People 4. Contrast the terms
2020 to “achieve health equity, eliminate disparities, and improve the health of all groups” sexual orientation and
(U.S. Department of Health and Human Services 2010). sexual preference.
Big Picture
How Does Social shape attitudes toward “ideal” body forms and
Context Affect the give rise to two body-related social problems
Human Body? in the United States: eating disorders and the
obesity crisis.
p. 427
Body: Health, Illness,
1. Why is anorexia more likely to strike young women than other subgroups?
2. What explanations are offered for the recent increase in obesity rates?
3. What policy solutions have been offered for the obesity crisis?
socialization of nature • obesity • food deserts
Urbanization,
Learn how cities have changed as a result of
industrialization and urbanization. Learn how
theories of urbanism have placed increasing
emphasis on the influence of socioeconomic
Environment
suburbanization, urban decay, gentrification,
and population loss in rural areas.
Theories of Urbanism
THE CHICAGO SCHOOL
Scholars associated with the University of Chicago from the 1920s to the 1940s —
especially Robert Park, Ernest Burgess, and Louis Wirth—developed ideas that were
for many years the chief basis of theory and research in urban sociology. Two concepts
High-income countries
80 Upper-middle-
PROPORTION URBAN (PERCENT)
income countries
60 Lower-middle-
income countries
Low-income countries
40
20
0
1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2020 2030 2040 2050
Source: UN Department of Social and Economic Affairs 2015c
developed by the “Chicago School” are worthy of special attention. One is the so-called
ecological approach to urban analysis; the other, the characterization of urbanism as a
ecological way of life, developed by Wirth (Park 1952; Wirth 1938). It is important to understand these
approach
ideas as they were initially conceived by the Chicago School and to see how they have been
A perspective on urban
revised and even replaced by sociologists in more recent decades.
analysis emphasizing the
“natural” distribution of Urban Ecology Ecology —the study of the adaptation of plant and animal organisms
city neighborhoods into to their environment—is a term taken from the physical sciences. In the natural world,
areas having contrasting
organisms tend to be distributed in systematic ways over the terrain, such that a balance
characteristics.
or equilibrium among different species is achieved. The Chicago School believed that the
locations of major urban settlements and the distribution of different types of neighbor-
inner city hoods within them could be understood in terms of similar principles. Cities do not grow
The areas composing the up at random but in response to advantageous features of the environment. For example,
central neighborhoods large urban areas in modern societies tend to develop along the shores of rivers, in fertile
of a city, as distinct from plains, or at the intersection of trading routes or railways.
the suburbs. In many According to Park, cities become ordered into “natural areas” through processes of
modern urban settings
competition, invasion, and succession—all of which also occur in biological ecology.
in industrialized nations
Patterns of location, movement, and relocation in cities, according to the ecological view,
inner-city areas are
subject to dilapidation and take a similar form. Different neighborhoods develop through the adjustments made by
decay, the more affluent inhabitants as they struggle to gain their livelihoods. A city can be pictured as a map of
residents having moved to areas with distinct and contrasting social characteristics, in concentric rings, broken up
outlying areas. into segments. In the center are the inner-city areas, a mixture of big-business pros-
perity and decaying private homes. Beyond these are older established neighborhoods,
discrimination and the tendency of whites to move away from inner-city areas. However, 2. What is urbanization?
it was made possible, Harvey argues, only because of government decisions to provide tax How is it related to
globalization?
breaks to home buyers and construction firms and the willingness of financial organiza-
tions to set up special credit arrangements. These provided the basis for the building and 3. How does urban ecology
buying of new homes on the peripheries of cities and at the same time promoted demand use physical science
analogies to explain life
for industrial products such as the automobile (Harvey 1973, 1982, 1985).
in modern cities?
Like Harvey, Manuel Castells (1977, 1983) emphasizes that the spatial form of a society
is closely linked to the overall mechanisms of its development. However, the nature of the 4. What is the urban
interaction problem?
created environment is not just the result of the activities of wealthy and powerful people.
Castells stresses the importance of the struggles of underprivileged groups to alter their 5. According to Jane Jacobs,
the more people there
living conditions. Urban problems stimulate a range of social movements, concerned with
are on the streets, the
improving housing conditions, protesting against air pollution, defending parks, and com-
more likely street life will
bating building development that changes the nature of an area. For example, Castells has be orderly. Do you agree
studied the gay movement in San Francisco, which succeeded in restructuring neighbor- with Jacobs’s hypothesis
hoods around its own cultural values—allowing many gay organizations, clubs, and bars and her explanation for
to flourish—and gained a prominent position in local politics. this pattern?
How Do Rural, Suburban, and Urban Life Differ in the United States? 4 65
The Decline of Rural
America?
Rural life has long been the focus of romanticized
images among Americans: close-knit communities
and families, stretches of picturesque cornfields,
and isolation from social problems such as poverty.
Yet these stereotypes stand in stark contrast to life
in many parts of rural America today. Rural areas of
the United States are defined by the Census Bureau
as those areas located outside urbanized areas or
urban clusters. Rural areas have fewer than 2,500
people, who typically live in open country (U.S.
Young people often flee rural areas to seek employment and social
Bureau of the Census 2012g, 2013r). Rural America
opportunities in cities. Older adults, like the men pictured here in a
diner in Booneville, Kentucky, are often left behind in small towns. In contains approximately 72 percent of the nation’s
1940 Booneville had a population of 283; in 2010, it was home to 81 land area yet holds only about 15 percent of the total
people. Just 15 percent of Americans today reside in rural areas. U.S. population.
For most of the twentieth century, rural com-
munities experienced significant population losses,
despite several modest short-term reversals in the
1970s and the 1990s (U.S. Department of Agriculture
2013). This trend is continuing into the twenty-first
century: Of the 1,346 U.S. counties that shrank in population between 2000 and 2007,
85 percent were located outside metropolitan areas, and 59 percent rely heavily on farm-
ing, mining, and manufacturing as their main revenue sources (Mather 2008). Population
losses in rural areas are attributed to declines in farming and other rural industries, high
poverty rates, scarce economic opportunities or lifestyle amenities for young people, lack
of government services, and—in some regions—a dearth of natural amenities such as
forests, lakes, or temperate winters. Population losses are compounded by the fact that
most people leaving rural areas are young people, meaning that fewer babies are born to
replace the aging population (Johnson 2006). Many rural areas have disproportionately
high numbers of older adults because young persons seek opportunities elsewhere and
leave the older persons behind. This phenomenon, called aging in place, explains the rel-
atively old populations in rural areas in the Rust Belt and upper Midwest (McGranahan
and Beale 2002).
More troubling than the loss of population in rural areas are concerns about social
problems, including high levels of child poverty, high rates of motor vehicle fatalities and
other accidental deaths, and low levels of health and educational services (Mather 2008).
Child poverty is usually perceived as an urban problem, yet 2013 data from the U.S. Census
Bureau reveal that rural America is far more likely to suffer from child poverty. In 2013,
26 percent of American children living in rural counties were poor compared to 21 per-
cent of children living in urban areas (McGranahan 2015). The counties with persistent
child poverty tend to cluster in Appalachia, along the Mississippi Delta, in the northern
Great Plains, along the Texas-Mexico border, and in the Southwest. Although Appalachia
is a largely white area, most rural counties are “majority-minority,” meaning that less than
Suburbanization
In the United States, suburbanization, the massive development and inhabiting of towns suburbanization
surrounding a city, rapidly increased during the 1950s and 1960s, a time of great economic The development of towns
growth. World War II had absorbed most industrial resources, and any development out- surrounding a city.
side the war effort was restricted. But by the 1950s, war rationing had ended, and the post-
war economic boom facilitated moving out of the city. The Federal Housing Administration
(FHA) provided assistance in obtaining mortgage loans, making it possible in the early
postwar period for families to buy housing in the suburbs for less than they would have
paid for rent in the cities. The FHA did not offer financial assistance to improve older
homes or to build new homes in the central areas of ethnically mixed cities; its large-scale
aid went only to the builders and buyers of suburban housing.
Early in the 1950s, lobbies promoting highway construction launched Project Adequate
Roads, aimed at convincing the federal government to support the building of highways.
In 1956, the Highway Act was passed, authorizing $32 billion to be used for building such
highways. The new highway program—funded in part by gasoline taxes, which grew rap-
idly as more and more people took to the wheel—led to the establishment of industries
and services in suburban areas themselves. Consequently, the movement of businesses
How Do Rural, Suburban, and Urban Life Differ in the United States? 4 67
from the cities to the suburbs took jobs in the manufacturing and service industries with
them. Many suburban towns became essentially separate cities, connected by rapid high-
ways to the other suburbs around them. From the 1960s on, the proportion of people com-
muting between suburbs increased more steadily than the proportion commuting to cities.
An important change in suburbs today is that more and more members of racial and
ethnic minorities are moving there. Blacks accounted for 7 percent of the suburban popu-
lation in 1990, 9 percent in 2000, and 10 percent in 2010. Comparable increases for Latinos
were even steeper, climbing from 8 to 12 to 17 percent during the same time period. Whites
as a share of the suburban population declined steeply, from 81 percent in 1990 to just
65 percent in 2010. The steady increase in minority suburban populations was concentrated
in so-called melting-pot metros, or the metropolitan regions of New York, Los Angeles,
Chicago, San Francisco, Miami, and other immigrant gateway cities (Frey 2001). Members
of minority groups move to the suburbs for reasons similar to those who preceded them:
better housing, schools, and amenities. A notable exception to the growing diversity of
exurban counties suburban America is exurbs. Exurban counties, or low-density suburban counties on the
Low-density suburban periphery of large metro areas, grew rapidly in the 2000s and depended overwhelmingly
counties on the periphery on whites for growth during that decade. Whites accounted for 73 percent of population
of large metro areas. growth in exurbs between 2000 and 2010.
While the last several decades saw a movement from the cities to the suburbs, they
also witnessed a shift in the regional distribution of the U.S. population from north to
south and east to west. Between 2000 and 2010, regional growth was much more rapid in
the South and West (14 percent) than in the Northeast (3 percent) and Midwest (4 percent)
(Mackun and Wilson 2011).
Urban Problems
Inner-city decay is partially a consequence of the social and economic forces involved
in the movement of businesses, jobs, and middle-class residents from major cities to the
outlying suburbs, a trend that began in the 1950s. The manufacturing industries that pro-
vided employment for the urban blue-collar class largely vanished and were replaced by
white-collar service industries. Millions of blue-collar jobs disappeared, affecting in par-
ticular the poorly educated, drawn mostly from minority groups. Although the overall
educational levels of minority groups have improved since the mid-twentieth century,
the improvement has not been sufficient to keep up with the demands of an informa-
tion-based economy (Kasarda 1993). William Julius Wilson (1991, 1996) has argued that
the problems of the urban underclass have grown out of this economic transformation
(see Chapter 7).
These economic changes also contributed to increased residential segregation of
racial and ethnic groups and social classes, as we saw in Chapter 10. Discriminatory
practices by home sellers, real estate agents, and mortgage-lending institutions added to
this pattern of segregation (Massey and Denton 1993). In the early 2000s, considering
all metropolitan areas, African Americans in the United States lived in neighborhoods,
both urban and suburban, that were predominantly black (U.S. Bureau of the Census
2005). Residential segregation as measured by the dissimilarity index, ranging from 0
(complete integration) to 1 (complete segregation), indicated that in the early 2000s, on
average, African Americans lived in neighborhoods with an index value of 0.64, down
from 0.73 in 1980. That is, neighborhoods have become more racially integrated over
the past few decades. Nevertheless, the country remains heavily segregated by race.
Currently, the average white resident lives in a census tract (groupings of neighborhoods
of 5,000 to 10,000 persons) that is 79 percent white; the average black resident lives in
a tract that is 46 percent black. While Hispanics constitute only 15 percent of the popu-
lation, 45 percent of their neighbors are also Hispanic (Frey 2011a). The social isolation
of minority groups, particularly those in the underclass or “ghetto poor,” can escalate
urban problems such as crime, lack of economic opportunities, poor health, and family
breakdown (Massey 1996).
Adding to these difficulties is the fact that city governments today operate against
a background of almost continual financial crisis. As businesses and middle-class resi-
dents moved to the suburbs, cities lost major sources of tax revenue. High rates of crime
urban renewal
and unemployment in the city require it to spend more on welfare services, schools,
The process of
police, and overall upkeep. Yet because of budget constraints, cities are forced to cut
renovating deteriorating
back many of these services. A cycle of deterioration develops in which the more sub-
neighborhoods by
urbia expands, the greater the problems faced by city dwellers become. Problems of encouraging the renewal
urban decline reached a pinnacle when the city of Detroit, Michigan, filed for bank- of old buildings and the
ruptcy. Over the course of several decades, both businesses and residents had left the construction of new ones.
city for neighboring suburbs, depleting the city’s tax base. By the late 2000s, when the
auto industry was in serious crisis, most of the major auto companies had already fled
gentrification
the city and moved their factories to the suburbs. After years of paying its bills with
A process of urban
borrowed money, the city finally succumbed to bankruptcy in 2013 (Bomey, Snavely,
renewal in which older,
and Priddle 2013).
deteriorated housing is
refurbished by affluent
Urban Renewal and Gentrification people moving into
Urban decay is not wholly a one-way process; it can stimulate countertrends, such as the area.
urban renewal, or gentrification. Dilapidated areas or buildings may be renovated as
How Do Rural, Suburban, and Urban Life Differ in the United States? 4 69
more affluent groups move back into cities. Such a renewal process is called gentri-
fication because those areas or buildings become upgraded and return to the control
of the urban “gentry”—high-income dwellers—rather than remaining in the hands of
CONCEPT CHECKS the poor.
In Streetwise: Race, Class, and Change in an Urban Community (1990), sociologist
1. Describe at least two Elijah Anderson analyzed the effect of gentrification on cities. Although the renovation
problems facing rural of a neighborhood generally increases its value, it rarely improves the living standards
America today.
of its current low-income residents, who are usually forced to move out. The poor
2. Why did so many residents who continue to live in the neighborhood receive some benefits in the form of
Americans move to
improved schools and police protection, but the resulting increases in taxes and rents
suburban areas in the
often force them to leave for a more affordable neighborhood, most often deeper into
1950s and 1960s?
the ghetto.
3. What are two
The white newcomers come to the city in search of cheap “antique” housing,
unintended
closer access to their city-based jobs, and a trendy urban lifestyle. They profess to
consequences of
suburbanization? be “open-minded” about racial and ethnic differences; in reality, however, little frat-
How do they deepen ernizing takes place between the new and old residents unless they are of the same
socioeconomic and social class. Over time, the neighborhood is gradually transformed into a white
racial inequalities? middle-class enclave.
Global Cities
global city The role of cities in the new global order has been attracting a great deal of attention from
sociologists. Saskia Sassen has been one of the leading contributors to the debate on cities
A city—such as London,
New York, or Tokyo—that and globalization. She uses the term global city to refer to urban centers that are home to
has become an organizing the headquarters of large transnational corporations and a superabundance of financial,
center of the new global technological, and consulting services. In The Global City (1991), Sassen based her work on
economy. the study of three such cities: New York, London, and Tokyo. The contemporary develop-
ment of the world economy, she argues, has created a novel strategic role for major cities.
Today more than half the world’s population resides in cities. This proportion is expected to rise to 66 percent
by 2050, with China, India, and Nigeria alone accounting for nearly 40 percent of the projected growth of the world’s
urban population.
Low-income
Shanghai, China 23.0 30.8 50%
*Projected.
10
Dhaka Cairo Karachi Mexico City Delhi Mumbai Lagos Beijing Shanghai Tokyo
Bangladesh Egypt Pakistan Mexico India India Nigeria China China Japan
1. They have developed into command posts— centers of direction and policy-
making—for the global economy.
2. They are the key locations for financial and specialized service firms, which have
become more important than manufacturing in influencing economic development.
3. They are the sites of production and innovation in these newly expanded industries.
4. They are markets on which the “products” of financial and service industries are
bought, sold, or otherwise disposed of.
Within the highly dispersed world economy of today, cities like these provide for cen-
tral control of crucial operations. Global cities are much more than simply places of coor-
dination, however; they are also contexts of production. What is important here is not the
production of material goods, but the production of the specialized services required by
business organizations for administering offices and factories scattered across the world
and the production of financial innovations and markets. Services and financial goods are
the “things” the global city makes.
Environmental Challenges The rapidly expanding urban areas in the global south
differ dramatically from cities in the industrialized world. Although cities everywhere
Social Challenges Many urban areas in the global south are overcrowded, and social
programs are underresourced. Poverty is widespread, and existing social services can-
not meet the demands for health care, family-planning advice, education, and training.
The unbalanced age distribution in less industrialized countries adds to their social and
economic difficulties. Compared with industrialized countries, a much larger proportion
the world’s largest cities seem likely to decline even further in the years to come. But the 2. What are the four main
picture is not entirely negative. characteristics of global
cities?
First, although birthrates remain high in many countries, they are likely to drop in the
years to come, as we will discuss in the next section. Second, globalization is presenting 3. Urban growth in the
important opportunities for urban areas in the global south. With economic integration, developing world is
much higher than
cities around the world are able to enter international markets, to promote themselves
elsewhere. Discuss
as locations for investment and development, and to create economic links across the
several economic, social,
borders of nation-states. Third, migrants to urban areas are often “positively selected” in and environmental
terms of traits such as higher levels of educational attainment. Thus, migration may be consequences of such
beneficial to those who find better work opportunities, and for their families, who benefit rapid expansion of cities
from remittances—the money that the migrant workers send back home. in developing nations.
period when she is capable of conception. There are variations in fecundity according to the
age at which women reach puberty and menopause, both of which vary among countries
crude death rate as well as among individuals. Although there may be families in which a woman bears
A statistical measure twenty or more children, fertility rates in practice are always much lower than fecundity
representing the number of
rates because social and cultural factors limit the actual number of children a woman gives
deaths that occur annually
birth to.
in a given population per
year, normally calculated Crude death rates (also called “mortality rates”) are calculated in the same way as
as the number of deaths birthrates—the number of deaths per 1,000 of population per year. Again, there are major
per 1,000 members. Crude variations among countries, but death rates in many societies in the global south are falling
death rates give a general to levels comparable to those of the West. The crude death rate for the world as a whole
indication of the mortality
was 8 per 1,000 in 2014—a rate shared by nearly thirty countries throughout the world,
levels of a community or
society but are limited in
including the United States, Cuba, Sudan, and even Afghanistan. Both India and China had
their usefulness because slightly lower crude death rates (7 per 1,000), with sixty-seven countries reporting crude
they do not take into death rates of 6 per 1,000 or lower. At the other extreme, thirty-three countries had crude
account the age distribution. death rates of 11 per 1,000 or higher, with Bulgaria topping the list at 15 per 1,000. On this
measure, the United States ranks roughly in the middle of more than 210 countries and
territories (World Bank 2016b). A high crude death rate can result from many factors, with
mortality
poverty—and the poor health care that often goes along with it—being a major cause. But
The number of deaths in
HIV/AIDS, warfare, and natural disasters also play a role.
a population.
Like crude birthrates, crude death rates provide only a very general index of
mortality (the number of deaths in a population). Specific death rates give more precise
infant mortality information. A particularly important specific death rate is the infant mortality rate:
rate the number of babies per 1,000 births in any year who die before reaching age one. One
The number of infants who of the key factors underlying the population explosion has been reductions in infant
die during the first year of mortality rates. As with crude birth and death rates, there is variation in the rate of infant
life, per 1,000 live births. mortality. For the world as a whole, in 2015 out of every 1,000 births, 32 babies died in
infancy. Infant mortality ranged from a low of 2 per 1,000 in countries such as Norway,
2 and 3 percent (see Global Map 15.1). These may not seem very different from the rates of
the industrialized countries, but in fact, the difference is enormous.
The reason is that growth in population is exponential rather than arithmetic. An
ancient Persian myth helps illustrate this concept. A courtier asked a ruler to reward him
for his services by giving him twice as many grains of rice for each service as he had
the time before, starting with a single grain on the first square of a chessboard: that is,
one grain on the first square, two on the second, four on the third, and so on. By the
twenty-first square, over a million grains were needed, more than a trillion (a million
million) on the forty-first square (Meadows et al. 1972). This myth conveys an important
mathematical principle: that starting with one item and doubling it, doubling the result,
Atlantic Ocean
Pacific Ocean
Indian Ocean
and so on rapidly leads to huge numbers. Exactly the same principle applies to population
growth. We can measure this effect by means of the doubling time, the period of time
doubling time
it takes for the population to double. The formula used to calculate doubling time is 70
The time it takes for
divided by the current growth rate. For example, a population growth of 1 percent will
a particular level of
population to double. produce a doubling of numbers in seventy years. At 2 percent growth, a population will
double in thirty-five years.
Malthusianism
In premodern societies, birthrates were very high by the standards of the industrialized
world today. Nonetheless, population growth remained low until the eighteenth century
because there was a rough overall balance between births and deaths. Although there were
sometimes periods of marked population increase, these were followed by increases in
death rates. In medieval Europe, for example, when harvests were bad, marriages tended
to be postponed and the number of conceptions fell while deaths increased. These comple-
mentary trends reduced the number of mouths to be fed. No preindustrial society was able
to escape from this self-regulating rhythm (Wrigley 1968).
During the rise of industrialism, many looked forward to a new age in which food
scarcity would be a phenomenon of the past. The development of modern industry, it was
widely supposed, would create a new era of abundance. In his celebrated work Essay on
Demographic Transition
BIRTH RATE
POPULATION
DECREASE
TOTAL POPULATION
Both birthrates and death Death rates fall while fertility Birthrates drop and Birthrates continue to
rates are high. Population remains high, resulting in a population stabilizes. drop while death rates
grows little, if at all. phase of marked population remain stable. Population
growth. grows very slowly or, in
some cases, declines.
control, rather than a “gift from god.” In contemporary society, as women have achieved
higher levels of education and higher earnings in the labor market, the incentive to have
fewer children has increased. Higher education among both men and women is also
linked to delayed marriage and, consequently, delayed (and thus diminished) childbearing
(Caldwell et al. 2010).
If we look at the crude birth and death rates for some of the poorest countries in the
world, we can get a better sense of how this is playing out in the world today. “Least devel-
oped countries” (LDCs) are low-income countries the United Nations has determined suffer
from “severe structural impediments to sustainable development,” such as low per capita
income, high levels of malnutrition and child mortality, and low levels of adult literacy
(UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs 2014). According to the UN, 48
countries—mostly in Africa with a few in Asia and the Middle East—are currently
characterized as LDCs (UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs 2016b). In 1960,
the average crude birthrate in the LDCs was 48 per 1,000; by 2015, it had dropped to
33 per 1,000, a decline of 15. During the same period, the average crude death rate had
dropped from 24 to 9 per 1,000, a decline of 15. The good news (from a population growth
In this stage, birthrates continue to drop while death rates remain steady, resulting in very
slight population growth or even population declines as birthrates fall below replacement
level. This has been the recent experience of many European countries, including Germany,
Holland, Belgium, Spain, Italy, and Sweden, as well as Japan and Singapore. A process of
aging will occur in which the number of young people will decline in absolute terms and
the older segment of the population will increase markedly. This will have widespread
economic and social implications for developed countries. First, there will be an increase in
dependency ratio the dependency ratio, the ratio of the number of economically dependent members of the
The ratio of people of population to the number of economically productive members. Economically dependent
dependent ages (children persons are those considered too young or too old to work, typically those under age fifteen
and the elderly) to people of and over age sixty-five. As the dependency ratio increases, pressure will mount on health
economically active ages.
care and social services.
What will be the consequences of these demographic changes? Some observers
see the makings of widespread social upheaval—particularly in countries in the global
south undergoing demographic transition. The rapid growth of cities will likely lead
to environmental damage, new public health risks, overloaded infrastructures, ris-
ing crime, and impoverished squatter settlements. Changes in the economy and labor
markets may prompt widespread migration as people in rural areas search for work.
Warfare and civic violence also cause people to migrate. Civil war in Syria, along with
the rise of radical Islamist movements in the Middle East and North Africa, has laid
waste to entire cities. Millions of refugees have fled war-torn countries as a result. In
2015 alone, it is estimated that 1.3 million migrants fled to Europe seeking asylum, with
Germany the destination of choice (BBC 2016). Many paid large sums of money to risk a
hazardous crossing of the Mediterranean in flimsy, greatly overloaded rafts; more than
7,000 paid with their lives by the end of 2015 (Hume 2016). Refugees, like all migrants,
How Do Environmental
Changes Affect Your Life?
Today the human onslaught on the environment is so intense that few natural processes See that the environment
are uninfluenced by human activity. Nearly all cultivatable land is under agricultural pro- is a sociological issue
duction. What used to be almost inaccessible wildernesses are now often nature reserves, related to economic
development and
visited routinely by thousands of tourists. Modern industry, still expanding worldwide,
population growth.
has led to steeply climbing demands for sources of energy and raw materials. Yet the
world’s supply of such energy sources and raw materials is limited, and some key resources
are bound to run out if global consumption is not restricted. Even the world’s climate, as
we shall see, has probably been affected by the global development of industry.
Urbanization, p. 459
Population, and
the Environment
How Do
Environmental See that the environment is a sociological
Changes Affect issue related to economic development and
Your Life? population growth.
p. 485
Terms to Know Concept Checks
Globalization
and economic factors.
World
social organization.
Global Wealth
p. 525
On December 17, 2010, Tunisian street vendor Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on
fire in protest of the local police’s confiscation of his wares and the harassment
and humiliation that he experienced at the hands of a local government bureaucrat.
This act of frustration and defiance, many people believe, was the initial catalyst for
the demonstrations and riots that erupted in protest of widespread corruption and inequality
in the country. In the months following the Tunisian Revolution, protests spread like wildfire
throughout Jordan, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, and elsewhere in the Middle East in the spring of
2011—deemed the Arab Spring.
The nature and causes of the protests varied across countries and over time, yet most
were led by educated but discontented young people who sought to fight against dictatorships,
human rights violations, government corruption, economic declines, unemployment, extreme
poverty, and persistent inequalities between the haves and have-nots. These revolutions
eventually led to the resignation or overthrow of five heads of state: Tunisian president Zine
fueled the fires of rage, Diamond shows that in some hard-hit provinces Hutu killed other
Hutu, as young men sought to acquire scarce farmland by any means.
Some have criticized Diamond for overemphasizing the importance of the environ-
ment at the expense of other factors. The environment alone does not necessarily determine
how a society develops. Today especially, when humans can exert a high degree of control
over their immediate living conditions, environment would seem to be less important:
Modern cities have sprung up in the arctic cold and the harshest deserts.
Political Organization
A second factor strongly influencing social change is the type of political organization that
operates in a society. In hunter-gatherer societies, this influence is minimal, since there
are no political authorities capable of mobilizing the community. In all other types of
society, however, the existence of distinct political agencies—chiefs, lords, monarchs, and
governments—strongly affects the course of development a society takes.
How a society and its leaders respond to a crisis can play a decisive role in whether
they thrive or fail. A leader capable of pursuing dynamic policies and generating a mass
following or radically altering preexisting modes of thought can overturn a previously
established order. However, individuals can reach positions of leadership and become
effective only if favorable social conditions exist. Mahatma Gandhi, the famous pacifist
leader in India, effectively secured his country’s independence from Britain because World
War II and other events had unsettled the existing colonial institutions there.
The most important political factor that has helped speed up patterns of change in
the modern era is the emergence of the modern state, which has proved a vastly more
efficient mechanism of government than the types that existed in premodern societies.
Globalization today may be challenging the ability of national governments to effectively
exert leadership. Sociologist William Robinson (2001, 2004, 2014), for one, claims that as
economic power has become increasingly deterritorialized, so too has political power: Just
as transnational corporations operate across borders, with little or no national allegiance,
Culture
The third main influence on social change is culture, including communication systems, reli-
gious and other belief systems, and popular culture. Communication systems, in particular,
affect the character and pace of social change. The invention of writing, for instance, allowed
for effective recordkeeping, making possible the development of large-scale organizations.
In addition, writing altered people’s perception of the relation between past, present, and
future. Societies that write keep a record of past events, which then enables them to develop
a sense of their society’s overall line of evolution. The existence of a written constitution and
laws makes it possible for a country to have a legal system based on the interpretation of
specific legal precedents—just as written scripture enables religious leaders to justify their
beliefs by citing chapter and verse from religious texts like the Bible or the Qur’an.
We have seen in this and previous chapters how in recent years the Internet and the
proliferation of smartphones have transformed our personal relationships, the nature of
politics and social movements, our forms of recreation, and the ways in which we learn
and work—in fact, almost every aspect of modern life. These changes have been among the
most rapid in human history, resulting in what geographer David Harvey (1989) has aptly
referred to as “the time-space compression.” And they have all occurred within the last
several decades—a single generation.
Religion, as we have seen, may be either a conservative or an innovative force in social
life. Some forms of religious belief and practice have acted as a brake on change, emphasiz-
ing above all the need to adhere to traditional values and rituals. Yet, as Max Weber empha-
sized, religious convictions frequently play a mobilizing role in pressures for social change.
For instance, throughout history many American church leaders have promoted attempts
to lessen poverty or diminish inequalities in society. Religious leaders such as Dr. Martin
Luther King Jr. were at the forefront of the American civil rights movement.
Yet at the same time, religion today has become one of the driving forces against many
of the cultural aspects of globalization. Islamic fundamentalists, fundamentalist Christians,
and ultra-Orthodox Jewish haredim all reject what they regard as the corrupting influences
of modern secular culture, now rapidly spreading throughout the world thanks to mass
media and the Internet (Juergensmeyer 2003, 2009; Juergensmeyer, Griego, and Soboslai
2015). Fundamentalist Islamists call this “westoxification”—literally, getting drunk on the
temptations of modern Western culture. Although such religious communities are usually
willing to embrace modern technology, which they often use effectively to disseminate
their ideas, they reject what they view as the “McWorld” corruptions that go along with it.
Juergensmeyer (1994) predicted that in the twenty-first century, the principal cultural
clashes would not be between so-called civilizations but rather between those who believe
that truthful understanding is derived from religious faith and those who argue that such
Economic Factors
Of economic influences, the farthest reaching is
The Internet and the proliferation of smartphones have transformed
industrial capitalism. Capitalism differs in a fun- nearly every aspect of modern life.
damental way from preexisting production sys-
tems because it involves the constant expansion of
production and the ever-increasing accumulation
of wealth. In traditional production systems, lev-
els of production were fairly stable, since they were geared to habitual, customary needs.
Capitalism requires the constant revision of the technology of production, a process into
which science is increasingly drawn. The rate of technological innovation fostered in
modern industry is vastly greater than in any previous type of economic order. And such
technological innovation, as we have seen, has helped create a truly global economy—
one whose production lines draw on a worldwide workforce.
Economic changes help shape other changes as well. Science and technology, for
example, are driven in part (often in large part) by economic factors. Governments
often get into the act, spending far more money than individual businesses can afford
in an effort to ensure that their countries don’t fall behind technologically, militarily,
or economically. For instance, when the Soviet Union launched the world’s first satel-
CONCEPT CHECKS
lite (Sputnik) into space in 1957, the United States responded with a massive and costly
space program, inspired by fear that the Russians were winning the space race. During 1. Name three examples of
the 1960 presidential campaign, John F. Kennedy effectively stoked that fear by repeat- cultural factors that may
edly accusing the Republicans of being lax on Russian missile technology, suggesting influence social change.
that a growing “missile gap” made us vulnerable to a nuclear attack. Even as recently as 2. What are the most
2013, President Barack Obama proposed boosting funding for the Energy Department important political
to modernize the United States’ existing nuclear weapons with the goal of maintaining factors that influence
“a safe, secure and effective nuclear deterrent” (Guarino 2013). In each of these histori- social change?
cal cases, the arms race —fueled by government contracts with corporations—provides 3. How does industrial
major economic support for scientific research as well as more general support for the capitalism affect social
U.S. economy. change?
(such as forging social change) through action outside the sphere of established institu-
tions. A wide variety of social movements, some enduring, some transient, have existed
in modern societies. They are a vital feature of the contemporary world, as are the formal, social movement
bureaucratic organizations they often oppose. Many contemporary social movements are
Large groups of people
international in scope and rely heavily on the use of information technology in linking who seek to accomplish, or
local social movement participants to global issues, as we saw in the case of many of the to block, a process of social
Arab Spring uprisings and the protests that followed in Israel, India, England, the Ukraine, change. Social movements
and elsewhere (Kulish 2011). normally exist in conflict
with organizations whose
objectives and outlook
Why Do Social Movements Occur? they oppose. However,
movements that success-
Sociology arose in the late nineteenth century as part of an effort to come to grips with fully challenge power can
the massive political and economic transformations that Europe experienced on its way develop into organizations.
from the preindustrial to the modern world (Moore 1966). Perhaps because sociology
ECONOMIC DEPRIVATION
Marx’s view of social movements is based on his general interpretation of human history
(see Chapter 1). According to Marx, the development of societies is marked by periodic class
conflicts that, when they become acute, tend to end in a process of revolutionary change.
Class struggles derive from the unresolvable tensions (he termed them “contradictions”)
in societies. The main sources of tension can be traced to economic changes, or changes
in the forces of production. In any stable society, there is a balance among the economic
structure, social relationships, and the political system. As the forces of production alter,
contradictions are intensified, leading to open clashes between classes—and ultimately,
Marx predicted, to revolution.
Contrary to Marx’s expectations, revolutions failed to occur in the advanced industri-
alized societies of the West. Why? The sociologist James Davies, a critic of Marx, pointed
to periods of history when people lived in dire poverty but did not rise up in protest.
Constant poverty or deprivation does not make people into revolutionaries; rather, they
usually endure such conditions with resignation or silent frustration. Social protest, and
ultimately revolution, is more likely to occur when there is an improvement in people’s
living conditions, according to Davies (1962). Once standards of living have started to rise,
people’s levels of expectation also go up. If improvement in actual conditions subsequently
slows down, propensities to revolt are created because rising expectations are frustrated.
Thus, it is not absolute deprivation that leads to protest but relative deprivation—the
RESOURCE MOBILIZATION
In From Mobilization to Revolution, Tilly (1978) analyzed processes of revolutionary change
in the context of broader forms of protest and violence. He distinguished four main com-
ponents of collective action, action taken to contest or overthrow an existing social order:
1. The organization of the group or groups involved. Protest movements are orga-
nized in many ways, varying from the spontaneous formation of crowds to tightly
disciplined revolutionary groups. The Russian Revolution, for example, began as a
small group of activists.
4. Opportunity. Chance events may occur that provide opportunities to pursue rev-
olutionary aims. There was no inevitability to Lenin’s success, which depended
on a number of contingent factors—including success in battle. If Lenin had been
killed, would there have been a revolution?
Collective action itself can simply be defined as people acting together in pursuit of
interests they share. For example, as we noted earlier, 430,000 young Israelis disenchanted
with the country’s high costs of living and other social injustices gathered in 2011 for the
nation’s largest street demonstration in history (Sherwood 2011). In December 2013, an
estimated 300,000 people, mostly students, protested in the streets in the Ukraine, calling
for the resignation of President Viktor Yanukovych after he failed to deliver on his promise
to sign political and free-trade agreements with the European Union (Herszenhorn 2014).
In many such protests, some activists may be intensely involved; others may lend more
passive or sporadic support. Effective collective action, such as action that culminates in
revolution, usually moves through a series of gradual stages.
Typical modes of collective action and protest vary with historical and cultural cir-
cumstances. In the United States today, for example, most people are familiar with forms
of demonstration like mass marches, large assemblies, and street riots, whether or not
they have participated in such activities. Other types of collective protest, however, have
become less common or have disappeared altogether in most modern societies (such as
fights between villages or lynchings). Protesters can also build on strategies adopted
STRUCTURAL STRAIN
Neil Smelser (1963) distinguished six conditions underlying the origins of collective action
in general, and social movements in particular:
2. Just because the conditions are conducive to the development of a social move-
ment does not mean those conditions will bring it into being. There must be
structural strain structural strain, or tensions that produce conflicting interests within societies.
Tensions that produce Uncertainties, anxieties, ambiguities, or direct clashes of goals are expressions of
conflicting interests within such strains.
societies.
3. Generalized beliefs and ideologies crystallize grievances and suggest courses of
action that might be pursued to remedy them.
4. Precipitating factors are events or incidents that actually trigger direct action by
those who become involved in the movement.
5. The first four conditions combined might precede minor protests, but they do not
lead to the development of social movements unless there is a coordinated group
that becomes mobilized for action. Leadership and some means of regular com-
munication among participants, together with funding and material resources, are
necessary for a social movement to exist.
Smelser’s model is useful for analyzing the sequences in the development of social move-
ments, and collective action in general. His theory treats social movements as responses
to situations, rather than allowing that their members might spontaneously organize to
achieve desired social changes. In this respect his ideas contrast with the approach devel-
oped by Alain Touraine, which we will discuss next. While Smelser maintained that social
movements develop in response to situations of structural strain, Touraine examined the
historical context of social movements and the “field of action,” or the arena within which
social movements interact with established organizations. Touraine argued that this pro-
cess of interaction is central in shaping social movements.
FIELDS OF ACTION
Touraine’s (1977, 1981) theory of social movements is based on four main ideas. The first,
which he called historicity, explains why there are so many more movements in the modern
world than there were in earlier times. In modern societies, individuals and groups know
Information Flows
The explosion in global communications has been facilitated by some important advances
in technology and the world’s telecommunications infrastructure. In the post–World War II
era, there has been a profound transformation in the scope and intensity of telecommunica-
tions flows. Traditional telephone communication, which depended on analog signals sent
through wires and cables, has been replaced by integrated systems in which vast amounts
of information are compressed and transferred digitally. Cable technology and the spread
of communications satellites, beginning in the 1960s, have been integral in expanding
international communications. The Union of Concerned Scientists (2016) estimates that
more than 1,300 satellites are in orbit, of which more than half are primarily for commu-
nications purposes.
The impact of these communications systems has been staggering. In countries with
highly developed telecommunications infrastructures, homes and offices now have multi-
ple links to the outside world, including telephones (both landlines and cell phones), digital
and cable television, and the Internet. The Internet has emerged as the fastest-growing com-
munication tool ever developed. More than 3.5 billion people worldwide (nearly half of the
world population) were estimated to be using the Internet in 2016—representing more than
200 percent growth in usage since 2005 (International Telecommunication Union 2016).
As we noted earlier, these forms of technology facilitate the compression of time
and space: Two individuals located on opposite sides of the planet can hold a conversa-
tion in real time and send documents and images or tweet their ideas to each other with
the help of satellite technology. Widespread use of the Internet and smartphones is spur-
ring on and accelerating processes of globalization; more and more people are becoming
interconnected through the use of these technologies and are doing so in places that have
previously been isolated or poorly served by traditional communications. Although the
telecommunications infrastructure is not evenly developed around the world, a growing
Political Changes
A number of political changes are driving forces behind contemporary globalization. One
of the most significant is the collapse of Soviet-style communism, which occurred in a
series of dramatic revolutions in Eastern Europe in 1989 and culminated in the dissolution
of the Soviet Union itself in 1991. Since the fall of Soviet-style communism, countries in
the former Soviet bloc—including Russia, Ukraine, Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic,
the Baltic states, the states of the Caucasus and Central Asia, and many others—have
moved (unevenly, to be sure) toward Western-style political and economic systems. They
are no longer isolated from the global community but are becoming integrated within it.
The collapse of communism has hastened processes of globalization but should also be
Economic Changes
Among the many economic factors driving globalization, the role of transnational corpo-
rations is particularly important. Transnational corporations are companies that produce transnational
goods or market services in more than one country. These may be relatively small firms corporations
with one or two factories outside the country in which they are based, or gigantic interna- Business corporations
tional ventures whose operations crisscross the globe. located in two or more
countries.
Transnational corporations account for some two-thirds of all world trade, they are
instrumental in the diffusion of new technology around the globe, and they are major
actors in international financial markets. As we noted in Chapter 13, a Swiss study of more
than 43,000 transnational corporations found that a mere 737 firms—less than 2 percent
of the total—accounted for four-fifths of their combined monetary value. The financial ser-
vices industry is a power player in the global economy: The top fifty firms were primarily
financial organizations such as banks and giant investment firms (Vitali, Glattfelder, and
Battiston 2011). The world’s 500 largest transnational corporations had combined revenues
Transnational corporations
such as Coca-Cola are
eager to tap growing
markets in countries like
China and India. Here,
corporate leaders break
ground on a new plant in the
Gansu province of China.
The plant is one of thirty-
five bottling plants Coca-
Cola has opened in mainland
China since it reentered the
country in 1979.
THE SKEPTICS
Some thinkers argue that the idea of globalization is overrated—that the debate over
globalization is a lot of talk about something that is not new. The skeptics in the
globalization controversy believe that current levels of economic interdependence are not
unprecedented. Pointing to nineteenth-century statistics on world trade and investment,
they contend that modern globalization differs from the past only in the intensity of inter-
action between nations. The skeptics agree that there may now be more contact between
countries than in previous eras, but in their eyes the current world economy is not suffi-
ciently integrated to constitute a truly globalized economy. This is because the bulk of trade
occurs within three regional groups: Europe, Asia-Pacific, and North America (Hirst 1997).
Many skeptics focus on processes of regionalization within the world economy
such as the emergence of major financial and trading blocs. To skeptics, the growth of
What’s new? Trading blocs, weaker Historically unprecedented levels A global age
geogovernance of global interconnectedness
Dominant features World less interdependent than “Thick” (intensive and extensive) Global capitalism, global
in 1890s globalization governance, global civil society
Driving forces of Governments and markets Combined forces of modernity Capitalism and technology
globalization
Pattern of stratification Increased marginalization of New architecture of world order Erosion of old hierarchies
global south
Summary argument Internationalization depends Globalization is transforming Globalization means the end of
on government acquiescence government power and world the nation-state.
and support. politics.
regionalization is evidence that the world economy has become less integrated rather than
more (Boyer and Drache 1996; Hirst and Thompson 1999). Compared with the patterns of
trade that prevailed a century ago, they argue, the world economy is less global in its geo-
graphical scope and more concentrated on intense pockets of activity.
According to the skeptics, national governments continue to be key players because of
their involvement in regulating and coordinating economic activity. For example, skeptics
point out that national governments are the driving force behind many trade agreements
and policies of economic liberalization.
THE HYPERGLOBALIZERS
The hyperglobalizers take an opposing position to that of the skeptics. They argue that glo-
balization is a very real phenomenon whose consequences can be felt almost everywhere.
They see globalization as a process that is indifferent to national borders. It is producing a
THE TRANSFORMATIONALISTS
The transformationalists take more of a middle position. Writers such as David Held (Held
et al. 1999) and one of the authors of this textbook, Anthony Giddens (1990), see global-
ization as the central force behind a broad spectrum of changes that are currently shaping
modern societies. In this view, the global order is being transformed, but many of the old
patterns remain. Governments, for instance, retain a good deal of power in spite of the
advance of global interdependence. These transformations are not restricted to econom-
ics alone but are equally prominent within the realms of politics, culture, and personal
life. Transformationalists contend that the current level of globalization is breaking down
established boundaries between internal and external, international and domestic. In try-
ing to adjust to this new order, societies, institutions, and individuals are being forced to
navigate contexts where previous structures have been shaken up.
Unlike hyperglobalizers, transformationalists see globalization as a dynamic and
open process that is subject to influence and change. Globalization is not a one-way pro-
cess, as some claim, but a two-way flow of images, information, and influences. Global
weight of a globalized economy (as some hyperglobalizers argue) nor reassert themselves
2. How might skeptics,
as the dominant political force (as some skeptics argue) but rather will seek to steer global
hyperglobalizers, and
capitalism to their own advantage. The world economy of the future may be much more transformationalists
globalized than today’s, with multinational corporations and global institutions such as the differently interpret
WTO playing increasingly important roles. But some countries in the world economy may the growing global
still be more powerful than even the most powerful transnational actors. prominence of China?
States as well. The issue of growing inequality, first raised in the 2011 Occupy Wall Street
Work Patterns
Globalization has unleashed profound transformations within the world of work. New
patterns of international trade and the shift to a knowledge economy have had a signifi-
cant impact on long-standing employment patterns. Many traditional industries have been
made obsolete by new technological advances or are losing their share of the market to
competitors abroad whose labor costs are lower than in industrialized countries. Global
trade and new forms of technology have had a strong effect on traditional manufacturing
communities, where industrial workers have been left unemployed and without the types
of skills needed to enter the new knowledge-based economy. These communities are facing
a new set of social problems, including long-term unemployment and rising crime rates, as
a result of economic globalization.
If at one time people’s working lives were dominated by employment with one
employer over the course of several decades—the so-called job-for-life framework—
today many more individuals create their own career paths, pursuing individual goals
and exercising choice in attaining them. Often this involves changing jobs several times
over the course of a career, building up new skills and abilities, and transferring them to
diverse work contexts. Standard patterns of full-time work are being dissolved into more
flexible arrangements: working from home with the help of information technology, job
Popular Culture
The cultural effects of globalization have received much attention.
Images, ideas, goods, and styles are now disseminated around the
world more rapidly than ever before. Trade, information technolo-
gies, the international media, and global migration have all contrib-
uted to the free movement of culture across national borders. Many
people believe that we now live in a single information order— a American films such as Star Wars: The Force
massive global network where information is shared quickly and in Awakens dominate the global box office. Does this
great volumes. Films like Star Wars: The Force Awakens and Jurassic amount to cultural imperialism?
World have enjoyed worldwide popularity. The film Avatar, the most
popular film of all time, has grossed nearly $2.8 billion in fifty-five
countries since its release in 2009 —two-thirds of it outside the
United States.
Some people worry that globalization is leading to the creation of a global culture
in which the values of the most powerful and affluent—in this instance, Hollywood
filmmakers—overwhelm the strength of local customs and tradition. According to this
view, globalization is a form of cultural imperialism in which the values, styles, and out-
looks of the Western world are being spread so aggressively that they smother individual
national cultures.
Others, by contrast, claim that global society is now characterized by an enormous
diversity of cultures existing side by side. Local traditions are joined by a host of additional
cultural forms from abroad, presenting people with a bewildering array of lifestyle options
from which to choose. Rather than a unified global culture, what we are witnessing is
the fragmentation of cultural forms (Baudrillard 1988). Established identities and ways of
life grounded in local communities and cultures are giving way to new forms of hybrid
identity composed of elements from contrasting cultural sources (Hall 1992). For example,
while bhangra melodies hail from the Punjab region of India, U.S. music fans may recognize
bhangra harmonies and rhythms from hip-hop artists such as Beyoncé and Jay Z. India’s
film industry (dubbed “Bollywood”) sells twice as many tickets as Hollywood—although
revenues from U.S. films eclipse those from Bollywood.
In 2015 global wealth reached $250 trillion (U.S. dollars). While emerging economies such as China and India are
growing at a rapid clip, much of this wealth is still predominately concentrated in Europe and the United States.
6% 12%
18% 3%
24% 9%
Africa
1%
12%
6% 5.3%
4.8% 4.7% 4.6% 4.5%
4%
2%
Bottom five countries
China Norway Malaysia Peru Colombia Portugal Turkey Greece Argentina Egypt
Top five countries -0.4%
-2% -1.1% -1.3% -1.7%
-4% -3.4%
-6%
Big Picture
Social Change? social change, including the physical
environment, political organization, culture,
p. 497 and economic factors.
Globalization in a
Changing World
What Comes After
Modern Industrial Be able to critically evaluate the notion
Society? that social change is leading us into a
postindustrial or postmodern stage of social
p. 502 organization.
Thinking Sociologically
p. 519
Terms to Know Concept Checks
1. Name three examples of cultural factors that may influence social change.
globalization • social change 2. What are the most important political factors that influence social change?
3. How does industrial capitalism affect social change?
external risk • manufactured risk 1. How has technology facilitated the compression of time and space?
2. What are the three causes of increasing globalization?
3. What effects does globalization have on our everyday lives?
4. Why is globalization associated with new forms of risk? What are they?
Glossary
A objectively, in accordance with the presence of recognized
symptoms, and holds that the healthy body can be restored
absolute poverty The minimal requirements necessary to sustain a through scientifically based medical treatment.
healthy existence. black feminism A strand of feminist theory that highlights the
activity theory A functionalist theory of aging that maintains that multiple disadvantages of gender, class, and race that shape the
busy, engaged people are more likely to lead fulfilling and experiences of nonwhite women. Black feminists reject the idea
productive lives. of a single, unified gender oppression that is experienced evenly
ageism Discrimination or prejudice against a person on the basis by all women and argue that early feminist analysis reflected the
of age. specific concerns of white, middle-class women.
agency The ability to think, act, and make choices independently. blue- and pink-collar jobs Jobs that typically pay low wages and
agents of socialization Groups or social contexts within which often involve manual or low-skill labor. Blue-collar jobs typically
processes of socialization take place. are held by men (e.g., factory worker), whereas pink-collar jobs
aging The combination of biological, psychological, and social are typically held by women (e.g., clerical assistant).
processes that affect people as they grow older. bourgeoisie People who own companies, land, or stocks (shares)
agrarian societies Societies whose means of subsistence are based and use these to generate economic returns, according to Marx.
on agricultural production (crop growing). broken windows theory A theory proposing that even small acts
alienation The sense that our own abilities as human beings are of crime, disorder, and vandalism can threaten a neighborhood
taken over by others. Karl Marx used the term to refer to the loss and render it unsafe.
of workers’ control over the nature and products of their labor. bureaucracy A type of organization marked by a clear hierarchy of
anomie A concept first brought into wide usage in sociology by authority and the existence of written rules of procedure and
Durkheim, referring to a situation in which social norms lose staffed by full-time, salaried officials.
their hold over individual behavior.
Anthropocene A term used to denote the current geological epoch,
in which many geologically significant conditions and processes
C
are profoundly altered by human activities. capitalism An economic system based on the private ownership
assimilation The acceptance of a minority group by a majority of wealth, which is invested and reinvested in order to produce
population, in which the new group takes on the values and profit.
norms of the dominant culture. caste system A social system in which one’s social status is
authority A government’s legitimate use of power. determined at birth and set for life.
automation Production processes monitored and controlled by churches Large, established religious bodies, normally having a
machines with only minimal supervision from people. formal, bureaucratic structure and a hierarchy of religious
officials. The term is also used to refer to the place in which
religious ceremonies are carried out.
B
citizens Members of a political community, having both rights and
biological determinism The belief that differences we observe duties associated with that membership.
between groups of people, such as men and women, are civil inattention The process whereby individuals in the same
explained wholly by biological causes. physical setting demonstrate to each other that they are aware of
biological essentialism The view that differences between men the other’s presence.
and women are natural and inevitable consequences of the civil rights Legal rights held by all citizens in a given national
intrinsic biological natures of men and women. community.
biomedical model of health The set of principles underpinning civil society The sphere of activity that lies between the state and
Western medical systems and practices, which defines diseases the marketplace, including the family, schools, community
Glossar y A1
associations, and other noneconomic institutions. Civil society, corporate crime Offenses committed by large corporations in
or civic culture, is essential to vibrant democratic societies. society, including pollution, false advertising, and violations of
class Although it is one of the most frequently used concepts in health and safety regulations.
sociology, there is no clear agreement about how the term should corporate culture An organizational culture involving rituals,
be defined. Most sociologists use the term to refer to events, or traditions that are unique to a specific company.
socioeconomic variations among groups of individuals that corporations Business firms or companies.
create variations in their material prosperity and power. correlation coefficient A measure of the degree of correlation
clock time Time as measured by the clock, in terms of hours, between variables.
minutes, and seconds. Before the invention of clocks, time countercultures Cultural grous within a wider society that largely
reckoning was based on events in the natural world, such as the reject the values and norms of the majority.
rising and setting of the sun. created environment Constructions established by human beings
cognition Human thought processes involving perception, to serve their own needs, including roads, railways, factories,
reasoning, and remembering. offices, homes, and other buildings.
cohabitation Two people living together in a sexual relationship of crimes Any actions that contravene the laws established by a
some permanence without being married to each other. political authority.
collective bargaining The rights of employees and workers to crude birthrate A statistical measure representing the number of
negotiate with their employers for basic rights and benefits. births within a given population per year, normally calculated as
colonialism The process whereby Western nations established their the number of births per 1,000 members. Although the crude
rule in parts of the world away from their home territories. birthrate is a useful index, it is only a general measure, because
communism A set of political ideas associated with Marx, as it does not specify numbers of births in relation to age
developed particularly by Lenin and institutionalized in the distribution.
Soviet Union, Eastern Europe, and some developing countries. crude death rate A statistical measure representing the number of
community policing A renewed emphasis on crime prevention deaths that occur annually in a given population per year,
rather than law enforcement to reintegrate policing within the normally calculated as the number of deaths per 1,000 members.
community. Crude death rates give a general indication of the mortality levels
comparative questions Questions concerned with drawing of a community or society but are limited in their usefulness
comparisons among different human societies for the purposes because they do not take into account the age distribution.
of sociological theory or research. cults Fragmentary religious groupings to which individuals are
comparative research Research that compares one set of findings loosely affiliated but that lack any permanent structure.
on one society with the same type of findings on other societies. cultural appropriation When members of one cultural group
complementary and alternative medicine (CAM) A diverse set borrow elements of another group’s culture.
of approaches and therapies for treating illness and promoting cultural capital Noneconomic or cultural resources that parents
well-being that generally fall outside of standard medical pass down to their children, such as language or knowledge.
practices. These resources contribute to the process of social reproduction,
compulsion of proximity People’s need to interact with others in according to Bourdieu.
their presence. cultural relativism The practice of judging a society by its own
concrete operational stage The stage of human cognitive standards.
development, as formulated by Jean Piaget, in which the child’s cultural universals Values or modes of behavior shared by all
thinking is based primarily on physical perception of the world. human cultures.
In this phase, the child is not yet capable of dealing with abstract culture The values, norms, and material goods characteristic of a
concepts or hypothetical situations. given group. Like the concept of society, the notion of culture is
conflict theories A sociological perspective that emphasizes the widely used in sociology and the other social sciences
role of political and economic power and oppression as (particularly anthropology). Culture is one of the most distinctive
contributing to the existing social order. properties of human social association.
constitutional monarchs Kings or queens who are largely culture of poverty The thesis, popularized by Oscar Lewis, that
figureheads. Real power rests in the hands of other political poverty is not a result of individual inadequacies but is instead
leaders. the outcome of a larger social and cultural atmosphere into
continuity theory Theoretical perspective on aging that specifies which successive generations of children are socialized. The
that older adults fare best when they participate in activities culture of poverty refers to the values, beliefs, lifestyles, habits,
consistent with their personality, preferences, and activities and traditions that are common among people living under
earlier in life. conditions of material deprivation.
control theory A theory that views crime as the outcome of an
imbalance between impulses toward criminal activity and D
controls that deter it. Control theorists hold that criminals are
rational beings who will act to maximize their own reward data Factual information used as a basis for reasoning, discussion,
unless they are rendered unable to do so through either social or or calculation. Social science data often refer to individuals’
physical controls. responses to survey questions.
conurbation A cluster of towns or cities forming an unbroken debriefing Following a research study, informing study participants
urban environment. about the true purpose of the study and revealing any deception
conversation analysis The empirical study of conversations, that happened during the study.
employing techniques drawn from ethnomethodology. degree of dispersal The range or distribution of a set of figures.
Conversation analysis examines details of naturally occurring democracy A political system that allows the citizens to participate
conversations to reveal the organizational principles of talk and in political decision making or to elect representatives to
its role in the production and reproduction of social order. government bodies.
core countries According to world-systems theory, the most democratic elitism A theory of the limits of democracy, which
advanced industrial countries, which take the lion’s share of holds that in large-scale societies democratic participation is
profits in the world economic system. necessarily limited to the regular election of political leaders.
A2 Glossar y
demographic transition Changes in the ratio of births to deaths in E
the industrialized countries from the nineteenth century onward,
which followed a three-stage process. ecological approach A perspective on urban analysis emphasizing
demography The study of the size, distribution, and composition of the “natural” distribution of city neighborhoods into areas having
populations. contrasting characteristics.
denomination A religious sect that has lost its revivalist dynamism economic interdependence The fact that in the division of labor,
and become an institutionalized body, commanding the individuals depend on others to produce many or most of the
adherence of significant numbers of people. goods they need to sustain their lives.
dependency culture A term popularized by Charles Murray to economy The system of production and exchange that provides for
describe individuals who rely on state welfare provision rather the material needs of individuals living in a given society.
than entering the labor market. The dependency culture is seen Economic institutions are of key importance in all social orders.
as the outcome of the “paternalistic” welfare state that egocentric According to Jean Piaget, the characteristic quality of a
undermines individual ambition and people’s capacity for child during the early years of his or her life. Egocentric thinking
self-help. involves understanding objects and events in the environment
dependency ratio The ratio of people of dependent ages (children solely in terms of the child’s own position.
and the elderly) to people of economically active ages. emerging economies Developing countries that over the past two
dependency theories Marxist theories of economic development or three decades have begun to develop a strong industrial base,
arguing that the poverty of low-income countries stems directly such as Singapore and Hong Kong.
from their exploitation by wealthy countries and the emigration The movement of people out of one country in order to
multinational corporations that are based in wealthy countries. settle in another.
developing world The less-developed societies, in which industrial empirical investigation Factual inquiry carried out in any area of
production is either virtually nonexistent or only developed to a sociological study.
limited degree. The majority of the world’s population live in encounter A meeting between two or more people in a situation of
less-developed countries. face-to-face interaction. Our daily lives can be seen as a series of
developmental questions Questions that sociologists pose when different encounters strung out across the course of the day. In
looking at the origins and path of development of social modern societies, many of these encounters are with strangers
institutions from the past to the present. rather than people we know.
deviance Modes of action that do not conform to the norms or endogamy The forbidding of marriage or sexual relations outside
values held by most members of a group or society. What is one’s social group.
regarded as deviant is as variable as the norms and values that entrepreneur The owner or founder of a business firm.
distinguish different cultures and subcultures from one another. ethnicity Cultural values and norms that distinguish the members
deviant subculture A subculture whose members hold values that of a given group from others. An ethnic group is one whose
differ substantially from those of the majority. members share a distinct awareness of a common cultural
diaspora The dispersal of an ethnic population from an original identity, separating them from other groups.
homeland into foreign areas, often in a forced manner or under ethnocentrism The tendency to look at other cultures through the
traumatic circumstances. eyes of one’s own culture, and thereby misrepresent them.
differential association An interpretation of the development of ethnography The firsthand study of people using participant
criminal behavior proposed by Edwin H. Sutherland, according observation or interviewing.
to whom criminal behavior is learned through association with ethnomethodology The study of how people make sense of
others who regularly engage in crime. what others say and do in the course of day-to-day social
direct democracy A form of participatory democracy that allows interaction. Ethnomethodology is concerned with the
citizens to vote directly on laws and policies. “ethnomethods” by which people sustain meaningful exchanges
discrimination Behavior that denies to the members of a particular with one another.
group resources or rewards that can be obtained by others. experiment A research method in which variables can be analyzed
Discrimination must be distinguished from prejudice: in a controlled and systematic way, either in an artificial situation
Individuals who are prejudiced against others may not engage in constructed by the researcher or in naturally occurring settings.
discriminatory practices against them; conversely, people may act exponential growth A geometric, rather than linear, rate of
in a discriminatory fashion toward a group even though they are increase. Populations tend to grow exponentially.
not prejudiced against that group. extended family A family group consisting of more than two
disengagement theory A functionalist theory of aging that holds generations of relatives.
that it is functional for society to remove people from their external risk Dangers that spring from the natural world and are
traditional roles when they become elderly, thereby freeing up unrelated to the actions of humans. Examples include droughts,
those roles for others. earthquakes, famines, and storms.
displacement The transferring of ideas or emotions from their true exurban counties Low-density suburban counties on the periphery
source to another object. of large metro areas.
division of labor The specialization of work tasks, by means of
which different occupations are combined within a production
F
system. All societies have at least some rudimentary form of
division of labor, especially between the tasks allocated to men factual questions Questions that raise issues concerning matters
and those performed by women. of fact (rather than theoretical or moral issues).
dominant group The group that possesses more wealth, power, and family A group of individuals related to one another by blood ties,
prestige in a society. marriage, or adoption, who form an economic unit, the adult
doubling time The time it takes for a particular level of population members of which are often responsible for the upbringing of
to double. children. All known societies involve some form of family
downward mobility Social mobility in which individuals’ wealth, system, although the nature of family relationships varies widely.
income, or status is lower than what they or their parents once had. family capitalism Capitalistic enterprise owned and administered
dyad A group consisting of two persons. by entrepreneurial families.
Glossar y A3
family of orientation The family into which an individual is born global capitalism The current transnational phase of capitalism,
or adopted. characterized by global markets, production, finances; a
family of procreation The family an individual initiates through transnational capitalist class whose business concerns are global
marriage or by having children. rather than national; and transnational systems of governance
fecundity A measure of the number of children that it is (such as the World Trade Organization) that promote global
biologically possible for a woman to produce. business interests.
feminism Advocacy of the rights of women to be equal with men global city A city—such as London, New York, or Tokyo—that has
in all spheres of life. Feminism dates from the late eighteenth become an organizing center of the new global economy.
century in Europe, and feminist movements exist in most global commodity chain A worldwide network of labor and
countries today. production processes yielding a finished product.
feminist theories A sociological perspective that emphasizes the global inequality The systematic differences in wealth and power
centrality of gender in analyzing the social world and particularly among countries.
the experience of women. There are many strands of feminist globalization The development of social, cultural, political, and
theory, but they all seek to explain gender inequalities in society economic relationships stretching worldwide. In current times,
and to work to overcome them. we are all influenced by organizations and social networks
feminization of poverty An increase in the proportion of the poor located thousands of miles away.
who are female. government The enacting of policies, decisions, and matters of state
fertility The average number of live-born children produced by on the part of officials within a political apparatus. In most
women of childbearing age in a particular society. modern societies governments are run by officials who do not
focused interaction Interaction between individuals engaged in a inherit their positions of power but are elected or appointed on
common activity or in direct conversation with each other. the basis of qualifications.
folkways Norms that guide casual or everyday interactions. groupthink A process by which the members of a group ignore ways
Violations are sanctioned subtly or not at all. of thinking and plans of action that go against the group consensus.
food deserts Geographic areas in which residents do not have
easy access to high-quality affordable food. These regions are H
concentrated in rural areas and poor urban neighborhoods.
formal operational stage According to Jean Piaget, the stage of hate crime A criminal act by an offender who is motivated by some
human cognitive development at which the growing child bias, such as racism, sexism, or homophobia.
becomes capable of handling abstract concepts and hypothetical heterosexuality Sexual or romantic attraction to persons of the
situations. opposite sex.
formal organization Means by which a group is rationally hidden curriculum Traits of behavior or attitudes that are learned
designed to achieve its objectives, often using explicit rules, at school but not included within the formal curriculum—for
regulations, and procedures. example, gender differences.
formal relations Relations that exist in groups and organizations, home schooling The practice of parents or guardians educating
laid down by the norms, or rules, of the official system of authority. their children at home, for religious, philosophical, or safety
franchise The right to vote. reasons.
functional literacy Having reading and writing skills that are homophobia An irrational fear or disdain of homosexuals.
beyond a basic level and are sufficient to manage one’s everyday homosexuality Sexual or romantic attraction to persons of one’s
activities and employment tasks. own sex.
functionalism A theoretical perspective based on the notion that housework Unpaid work carried on in the home, usually by
social events can best be explained in terms of the functions they women; domestic chores such as cooking, cleaning, and
perform—that is, the contributions they make to the continuity shopping. Also called domestic labor.
of a society. human resource management A style of management that
regards a company’s workforce as vital to its economic
competitiveness.
G
hypothesis An idea or a guess about a given state of affairs, put
gender Social expectations about behavior regarded as appropriate forward as a basis for empirical testing.
for the members of each sex. Gender refers not to the physical
attributes distinguishing men and women but to socially formed I
traits of masculinity and femininity.
gender inequality The inequality between men and women in ideal type A “pure type,” constructed by emphasizing certain
terms of wealth, income, and status. traits of a social item that do not necessarily exist in reality. An
gender socialization The learning of gender roles through social example is Max Weber’s ideal type of bureaucratic organization.
factors such as schooling, the media, and status. ideology Shared ideas or beliefs that serve to justify the interests of
gender typing Designation of occupations as male or female, with dominant groups. Ideologies are found in all societies in which
“women’s” occupations, such as secretarial and retail positions, there are systematic and ingrained inequalities among groups. The
having lower status and pay, and “men’s” occupations, such as concept of ideology connects closely with that of power, since
managerial and professional positions, having higher status and pay. ideological systems serve to legitimize the power that groups hold.
generalized other A concept in the theory of George Herbert Mead, immigration The movement of people into one country from
according to which the individual takes over the general values of another for the purpose of settlement.
a given group or society during the socialization process. impression management Preparing for the presentation of one’s
genocide The systematic, planned destruction of a racial, ethnic, social role.
religious, political, or cultural group. in-groups Groups toward which one feels particular loyalty and
gentrification A process of urban renewal in which older, respect—the groups to which “we” belong.
deteriorated housing is refurbished by affluent people moving income Payment, usually derived from wages, salaries, or
into the area. investments.
glass ceiling A promotion barrier that prevents a woman’s upward industrialization The emergence of machine production, based on
mobility within an organization. the use of inanimate power resources (such as steam or electricity).
A4 Glossar y
industrialized societies Highly developed nation-states in which K
the majority of the population work in factories or offices rather
than in agriculture, and most people live in urban areas. kinship A relation that links individuals through blood ties,
infant mortality rate The number of infants who die during the marriage, or adoption.
first year of life, per 1,000 live births. knowledge economy A society no longer based primarily on the
infanticide The intentional killing of a newborn. Female babies are production of material goods but based instead on the production
more likely than male babies to be murdered in cultures that of knowledge. Its emergence has been linked to the development
devalue women. of a broad base of consumers who are technologically literate and
informal economy Economic transactions carried on outside the have made new advances in computing, entertainment, and
sphere of formal paid employment. telecommunications part of their lives.
informal networks Relations that exist in groups and knowledge society Another common term for information
organizations developed on the basis of personal connections; society—a society based on the production and consumption of
ways of doing things that depart from formally recognized knowledge and information.
modes of procedure.
information society A society no longer based primarily on the L
production of material goods but on the production of labeling theory An approach to the study of deviance that suggests
knowledge. The notion of the information society is closely that people become “deviant” because certain labels are attached
bound up with the rise of information technology. to their behavior by political authorities and others.
information technology Forms of technology based on language A system of symbols that represent objects and abstract
information processing and requiring microelectronic thoughts; the primary vehicle of meaning and communication in
circuitry. a society.
informed consent The process whereby the study investigator latent functions Functional consequences that are not intended or
informs potential participants about the risks and benefits recognized by the members of a social system in which they occur.
involved in the research study. Informed consent must be laws Rules of behavior established by a political authority and
obtained before an individual participates in a study. backed by state power.
inner city The areas composing the central neighborhoods of a city, leader A person who is able to influence the behavior of other
as distinct from the suburbs. In many modern urban settings in members of a group.
industrialized nations inner-city areas are subject to dilapidation liberal democracies Representative democracies in which elected
and decay, the more affluent residents having moved to outlying representatives hold power.
areas. liberal feminism Form of feminist theory that believes that gender
instinct A fixed pattern of behavior that has genetic origins and inequality is produced by unequal access to civil rights and
that appears in all normal animals within a given species. certain social resources, such as education and employment,
institutional capitalism Capitalistic enterprise organized on the based on sex. Liberal feminists tend to seek solutions through
basis of institutional shareholding. changes in legislation that ensure that the rights of individuals
institutional racism Patterns of discrimination based on are protected.
ethnicity that have become structured into existing social liberation theology An activist Catholic religious movement that
institutions. combines Catholic beliefs with a passion for social justice for the
intelligence Level of intellectual ability, particularly as measured by poor, particularly in Central and South America and in Africa.
IQ (intelligence quotient) tests. life chances A term introduced by Max Weber to signify a person’s
interactional vandalism The deliberate subversion of the tacit opportunities for achieving economic prosperity.
rules of conversation. life course The various transitions and stages people experience
interest group A group organized to pursue specific interests in during their lives.
the political arena, operating primarily by lobbying the members life course theory A perspective based on the assumptions that the
of legislative bodies. aging process is shaped by historical time and place; individuals
intergenerational mobility Movement up or down a social make choices that reflect both opportunities and constraints;
stratification hierarchy from one generation to another. aging is a lifelong process; and the relationships, events, and
interlocking directorates Linkages among corporations created experiences of early life have consequences for later life.
by individuals who sit on two or more corporate boards. life expectancy The number of years the average person can expect
intersectionality A sociological perspective that holds that our to live.
multiple group memberships affect our lives in ways that are life span The maximum length of life that is biologically possible
distinct from single group membership. For example, the for a member of a given species.
experience of a black female may be distinct from that of a white literacy The ability to read and write.
female or a black male. local nationalisms The beliefs that communities that share a
intersex An individual possessing both male and female genitalia. cultural identity should have political autonomy, even within
Although statistically rare, this subpopulation is of great interest smaller units of a nation-state.
to gender scholars. lower class A social class composed of those who work part time
intragenerational mobility Movement up or down a social or not at all and whose household income is typically low.
stratification hierarchy within the course of a personal career.
IQ (intelligence quotient) A score attained on tests of symbolic or M
reasoning abilities.
iron law of oligarchy A term coined by Weber’s student Robert macrosociology The study of large-scale groups, organizations, or
Michels meaning that large organizations tend toward social systems.
centralization of power, making democracy difficult. Malthusianism A doctrine about population dynamics developed
by Thomas Malthus, according to which population increase
J comes up against “natural limits,” represented by famine
and war.
joint adoption A family in which both partners adopt a child managerial capitalism Capitalistic enterprises administered by
together. managerial executives rather than by owners.
Glossar y A5
manifest functions The functions of a particular social activity that neoliberalism The economic belief that free-market forces,
are known to and intended by the individuals involved in the achieved by minimizing government restrictions on business,
activity. provide the only route to economic growth.
manufactured risk Dangers that are created by the impact of network A set of informal and formal social ties that links people
human knowledge and technology on the natural world. to one another.
Examples include global warming and genetically modified nonverbal communication Communication between individuals
foods. based on facial expression or bodily gestures rather than on
market-oriented theories Theories about economic development language.
that assume that the best possible economic consequences will norms Rules of conduct that specify appropriate behavior in a given
result if individuals are free to make their own economic range of social situations. A norm either prescribes a given type
decisions, uninhibited by governmental constraint. of behavior or forbids it. All human groups follow norms, which
marriage A socially and legally approved sexual relationship are always backed by sanctions of one kind or another—varying
between two individuals. from informal disapproval to physical punishment.
Marxism A body of thought deriving its main elements from Karl nuclear family A family group consisting of an adult or adult
Marx’s ideas. couple and their dependent children.
material goods The physical objects that a society creates; these
influence the ways in which people live. O
materialist conception of history The view developed by Marx,
according to which material, or economic, factors have a prime obesity Excessive body weight, indicated by a body mass index
role in determining historical change. (BMI) over 30.
mean A statistical measure of central tendency, or average, based on occupation Any form of paid employment in which an individual
dividing a total by the number of individual cases. regularly works.
means of production The means whereby the production of old old Sociological term for persons between the ages of
material goods is carried on in a society, including not just seventy-five and eighty-four.
technology but the social relations among producers. oldest old Sociological term for persons age eighty-five and older.
measures of central tendency The ways of calculating averages. oligarchy Rule by a small minority within an organization or
median The number that falls halfway in a range of numbers—a society.
way of calculating central tendency. oligopoly The domination by a small number of firms in a given
Medicare A program under the U.S. Social Security Administration industry.
that reimburses hospitals and physicians for medical care oral history Interviews with people about events they witnessed
provided to qualifying people over sixty-five years old. earlier in their lives.
megalopolis The “city of all cities” in ancient Greece—used in organic solidarity According to Émile Durkheim, the social
modern times to refer to very large conurbations. cohesion that results from the various parts of a society
melting pot The idea that ethnic differences can be combined to create functioning as an integrated whole.
new patterns of behavior drawing on diverse cultural sources. organization A large group of individuals with a definite set of
microsociology The study of human behavior in contexts of authority relations. Many types of organizations exist in
face-to-face interaction. industrialized societies, influencing most aspects of our lives.
middle class A social class composed broadly of those working in While not all organizations are bureaucratic, there are close links
white-collar and highly skilled blue-collar jobs. between the development of organizations and bureaucratic
minority group A group of people who are in a minority in a given tendencies.
society and who, because of their distinct physical or cultural organized crime Criminal activities carried out by organizations
characteristics, find themselves in situations of inequality within established as businesses.
that society. Also known as ethnic minority. out-groups Groups toward which one feels antagonism and
mode The number that appears most often in a given set of data. contempt—“those people.”
modernization theory A version of market-oriented development
theory that argues that low-income societies develop P
economically only if they give up their traditional ways and
adopt modern economic institutions, technologies, and cultural pariah groups Groups that suffer from negative status
values that emphasize savings and productive investment. discrimination—they are looked down on by most other
monogamy A form of marriage in which each married partner is members of society.
allowed only one spouse at any given time. participant observation A method of research widely used in
monopoly A situation in which a single firm dominates in a given sociology and anthropology in which the researcher takes part in
industry. the activities of the group or community being studied. Also
mores Norms that are widely adhered to and have great moral or called fieldwork.
social significance. Violations are generally sanctioned strongly. participatory democracy A system of democracy in which all
mortality The number of deaths in a population. members of a group or community participate collectively in
multiculturalism The viewpoint according to which ethnic making major decisions.
groups can exist separately and share equally in economic and pastoral societies Societies whose subsistence derives from the
political life. rearing of domesticated animals.
patriarchy The dominance of men over women. All known
societies are patriarchal, although there are variations in the
N
degree and nature of the power men exercise, as compared with
nation-state A particular type of state, characteristic of the modern women.
world, in which a government has sovereign power within a peer group A friendship group composed of individuals of similar
defined territorial area, and the population are citizens who age and social status.
believe themselves to be part of a single nation or people. peripheral countries Countries that have a marginal role in the
nationalism A set of symbols and beliefs expressing identification world economy and are thus dependent on the core producing
with a national community. societies for their trading relationships.
A6 Glossar y
personal space The physical space individuals maintain between psychopath A specific personality type; such individuals lack
themselves and others. the moral sense and concern for others held by most normal
personal troubles Difficulties that are located in individual people.
biographies and their immediate milieu, a seemingly private public issues Difficulties or problems that are linked to the
experience. institutional and historical possibilities of social structure.
personality stabilization According to the theory of functionalism,
the role families play in assisting adult members emotionally. Q
Marriage between adults is the arrangement through which adult
personalities are supported and kept healthy. qualitative methods Approaches to sociological research that
pilot study A trial run in survey research. often rely on personal and/or collective interviews, accounts, or
pluralism A model for ethnic relations in which all ethnic groups observations of a person or situation.
in a society retain their independent and separate identities, yet quantitative methods Approaches to sociological research that
share equally in the rights and powers of citizenship. draw on objective and statistical data and often focuses on
pluralist theories of modern democracy Theories that emphasize documenting trends, comparing subgroups, or exploring
the role of diverse and potentially competing interest groups, correlations.
none of which dominate the political process.
political rights Rights of political participation, such as the right to R
vote in elections and to run for office, held by citizens of a
national community. race Differences in human physical characteristics used to
politics The means by which power is used to affect the nature and categorize large numbers of individuals.
content of governmental activities. race socialization The specific verbal and nonverbal messages that
polyandry A form of marriage in which a woman may have two or older generations transmit to younger generations regarding the
more husbands simultaneously. meaning and significance of race.
polygamy A form of marriage in which a person may have two or racialization The process by which understandings of race are used
more spouses simultaneously. to classify individuals or groups of people. Racial distinctions are
polygyny A form of marriage in which a man may have two or more than ways of describing human differences; they are also
more wives simultaneously. important factors in the reproduction of patterns of power and
postindustrial society A society based on the production of inequality.
information rather than material goods. According to racism The attribution of characteristics of superiority or inferiority
postindustrialists, we are currently experiencing a series of social to a population sharing certain physically inherited
changes as profound as those that initiated the industrial era characteristics.
some two centuries ago. radical feminism Form of feminist theory that believes that gender
postmodernism The belief that society is no longer governed by inequality is the result of male domination in all aspects of social
history or progress. Postmodern society is highly pluralistic and and economic life.
diverse, with no “grand narrative” guiding its development. random sampling Sampling method in which a sample is chosen
poverty line An official government measure to define those living so that every member of the population has the same probability
in poverty in the United States. of being included.
power The ability of individuals or the members of a group to rape The forcing of nonconsensual vaginal, oral, or anal
achieve aims or further the interests they hold. Power is a intercourse.
pervasive element in all human relationships. Many conflicts in rape culture Social context in which attitudes and norms
society are struggles over power, because how much power an perpetuate the treatment of women as sexual objects and instill
individual or group is able to obtain governs how far they are in men a sense of sexual entitlement.
able to put their wishes into practice. rates of population growth or decline A measure of population
power elite Small networks of individuals who, according to C. Wright change calculated by subtracting the yearly number of deaths per
Mills, hold concentrated power in modern societies. 1,000 from the number of births per 1,000.
prejudice The holding of preconceived ideas about an individual reference group A group that provides a standard for judging one’s
or group, ideas that are resistant to change even in the face attitudes or behaviors.
of new information. Prejudice may be either positive or refugees Persons who have fled their home due to a political,
negative. economic, or natural crisis.
preoperational stage According to Jean Piaget, the second stage of regionalization The division of social life into different regional
human cognitive development, in which the child has advanced settings or zones.
sufficiently to master basic modes of logical thought. relative deprivation The recognition that one has less than his or
primary deviance According to Edwin Lemert, the actions that her peers.
cause others to label one as a deviant. relative poverty Poverty defined according to the living standards
primary group A group that is characterized by intense emotional of the majority in any given society.
ties, face-to-face interaction, intimacy, and a strong, enduring religion A set of beliefs adhered to by the members of a community,
sense of commitment. incorporating symbols regarded with a sense of awe or wonder
primary socialization The process by which children learn the together with ritual practices. Religions do not universally
cultural norms of the society into which they are born. Primary involve a belief in supernatural entities.
socialization occurs largely in one’s family. religious economy A theoretical framework within the sociology
profane That which belongs to the mundane, everyday world. of religion that argues that religions can be fruitfully
proletariat People who sell their labor for wages, according understood as organizations in competition with one another
to Marx. for followers.
proportional representation An electoral system in which seats religious nationalism The linking of strongly held religious
in a representative assembly, often called a Parliament, are convictions with beliefs about a people’s social and political
allocated according to the proportions of the vote received; the destiny.
head of state (called a prime minister) is the head of the party representative sample A sample from a larger population that is
that has the largest number of seats. statistically typical of that population.
Glossar y A7
resocialization The process of learning new norms, values, and service society A social order distinguished by the growth of
behaviors when one joins a new group or takes on a new social service occupations at the expense of industrial jobs that
role, or when life circumstances change dramatically. produce material goods.
response cries Seemingly involuntary exclamations individuals sex The biological and anatomical differences distinguishing females
make when, for example, being taken by surprise, dropping from males.
something inadvertently, or expressing pleasure. sex segregation The concentration of men and women in different
jobs. These differences are believed to contribute to the gender
pay gap.
S
sexual harassment The making of unwanted sexual advances by
sacred Describing something that inspires awe or reverence among one individual toward another, in which the first person persists
those who believe in a given set of religious ideas. even though it is clear that the other party is resistant.
sample A small proportion of a larger population. sexual orientation The direction of one’s sexual or romantic
sampling Studying a proportion of individuals or cases from a attraction.
larger population as representative of that population as a whole. shaming A way of punishing criminal and deviant behavior based
sanction A mode of reward or punishment that reinforces socially on rituals of public disapproval rather than incarceration. The
expected forms of behavior. goal of shaming is to maintain the ties of the offender to the
scapegoats Individuals or groups blamed for wrongs that were not community.
of their doing. short-range downward mobility Social mobility that occurs
science The disciplined marshaling of empirical data, combined when an individual moves from one position in the class
with theoretical approaches and theories that illuminate or structure to another of nearly equal status.
explain those data. Scientific activity combines the creation of sick role A term Talcott Parsons used to describe the patterns of
new modes of thought with the careful testing of hypotheses and behavior that a sick person adopts in order to minimize the
ideas. One major feature that helps distinguish science from disruptive impact of his or her illness on others.
other idea systems (such as religion) is the assumption that all signifier Any vehicle of meaning and communication.
scientific ideas are open to criticism and revision. slavery A form of social stratification in which some people are
scientific racism The use of scientific research or data to justify or owned by others as their property.
reify beliefs about the superiority or inferiority of particular social aggregate A collection of people who happen to be together
racial groups. Much of the “data” used to justify such claims is in a particular place but do not significantly interact or identify
flawed or biased. with one another.
second parent adoption A family in which one partner adopts a social capital The social knowledge and connections that enable
child and the other partner applies to be a second parent or people to accomplish their goals and extend their influence.
co-parent. social category People who share a common characteristic (such as
second shift The excessive work hours borne by women relative to gender or occupation) but do not necessarily interact or identify
men; these hours are typically spent on domestic chores with one another.
following the end of a day of work outside the home. social change Alteration in basic structures of a social group or
secondary deviance According to Edwin Lemert, following society. Social change is an ever-present phenomenon in social
the act of primary deviance, secondary deviation occurs life, but has become especially intense in the modern era. The
when an individual accepts the label of deviant and acts origins of modern sociology can be traced to attempts to
accordingly. understand the dramatic changes shattering the traditional world
secondary group A group characterized by its large size and by and promoting new forms of social order.
impersonal, fleeting relationships. social class gradient in health The strong inverse association
sect A religious movement that breaks away from orthodoxy and between socioeconomic resources and risk of illness or death.
follows its own unique set of rules and principles. social conflict theories of aging Arguments that emphasize the
secular thinking Worldly thinking, particularly as seen in the rise ways in which the larger social structure helps to shape the
of science, technology, and rational thought in general. opportunities available to older adults. Unequal opportunities are
secularization A process of decline in the influence of religion. seen as creating the potential for conflict.
Secularization can refer to levels of involvement with religious social constraint The conditioning influence on our behavior by
organizations (such as rates of church attendance), the social and the groups and societies of which we are members. Social
material influence wielded by religious organizations, and the constraint was regarded by Émile Durkheim as one of the
degree to which people hold religious beliefs. distinctive properties of social facts.
segregation The practices of keeping racial and ethnic groups social construction of gender A perspective holding that gender
physically separate, thereby maintaining the superior position of differences are a product of social and cultural norms and
the dominant group. expectations, rather than biology.
self-consciousness Awareness of one’s distinct social identity as a social exclusion The outcome of multiple deprivations that prevent
person separate from others. Human beings are not born with individuals or groups from participating fully in the economic,
self-consciousness but acquire an awareness of self as a result of social, and political life of the society in which they live.
early socialization. social facts According to Émile Durkheim, the aspects of social life
self-identity The ongoing process of self-development and that shape our actions as individuals. Durkheim believed that
definition of our personal identity through which we formulate a social facts could be studied scientifically.
unique sense of ourselves and our relationship to the world social gerontologists Social scientists who study older adults and
around us. life-course influences on aging processes.
semiperipheral countries Countries that supply sources of social group A collection of people who regularly interact with one
labor and raw materials to the core industrial countries and the another on the basis of shared expectations concerning behavior
world economy but are not themselves fully industrialized and who share a sense of common identity.
societies. social identity The characteristics that other people attribute to an
sensorimotor stage According to Jean Piaget, the first stage of individual.
human cognitive development, in which the child’s awareness of social interaction The process by which we act with and react to
his or her environment is dominated by perception and touch. those around us.
A8 Glossar y
social mobility Upward or downward movement of individuals or standardized testing A procedure whereby all students in a state
groups among different social positions. take the same test under the same conditions.
social movement Large groups of people who seek to accomplish, state A political apparatus (government institutions plus civil
or to block, a process of social change. Social movements service officials) ruling over a given territorial order whose
normally exist in conflict with organizations whose objectives authority is backed by law and the ability to use force.
and outlook they oppose. However, movements that successfully state-centered theories Development theories that argue that
challenge power, once they become institutionalized, can develop appropriate government policies do not interfere with economic
into organizations. development, but rather can play a key role in bringing it about.
social position The social identity an individual has in a given status The social honor or prestige that a particular group is
group or society. Social positions may be general in nature (those accorded by other members of a society. Status groups normally
associated with gender roles) or may be more specific display distinct styles of life—patterns of behavior that the
(occupational positions). members of a group follow. Status privilege may be positive or
social reproduction The process whereby societies have structural negative.
continuity over time. Social reproduction is an important stepfamily A family in which at least one partner has children
pathway through which parents transmit or produce values, from a previous marriage.
norms, and social practices among their children. stereotype A fixed and inflexible category.
social rights Rights of social and welfare provision held by all stigma Any physical or social characteristic that is labeled by
citizens in a national community, including, for example, the society as undesirable.
right to claim unemployment benefits and sickness payments strike A temporary stoppage of work by a group of employees in
provided by the state. order to express a grievance or enforce a demand.
social roles Socially defined expectations of an individual in a structural strain Tensions that produce conflicting interests
given status, or occupying a particular social position. In every within societies.
society, individuals play a number of social roles, such as structuration The two-way process by which we shape our social
teenager, parent, worker, or political leader. world through our individual actions and by which we are
Social Security A government program that provides economic reshaped by society.
assistance to persons faced with unemployment, disability, or structure The recurrent patterned arrangements and hierarchies
old age. that influence or limit the choices and opportunities available
social self According to the theory of George Herbert Mead, the to us.
identity conferred upon an individual by the reactions of others. subcultures Cultural groups within a wider society that hold
A person achieves self-consciousness by becoming aware of this values and norms distinct from those of the majority.
social identity. suburbanization The development of towns surrounding a city.
social stratification The existence of structured inequalities suffrage A legal right to vote guaranteed by the Fifteenth
between groups in society in terms of their access to material or Amendment to the U.S. Constitution; guaranteed to women by
symbolic rewards. the Nineteenth Amendment.
socialization The social processes through which we develop an suffragettes Members of early women’s movements who pressed
awareness of social norms and values and achieve a distinct for equal voting rights for women and men.
sense of self. surplus value In Marxist theory, the value of a worker’s labor
socialization of nature The process by which phenomena power left over when an employer has repaid the cost of hiring
regarded as “natural” have now become social. the worker.
society A group of people who live in a particular territory, are survey A method of sociological research in which questionnaires
subject to a common system of political authority, and are aware are administered to the population being studied.
of having a distinct identity from other groups. Some societies, sustainable development Development that meets the needs of
like hunting-and-gathering societies, are small, numbering no the present without compromising the ability of future
more than a few dozen people. Others are large, numbering generations to meet their own needs.
millions—modern Chinese society, for instance, has a population symbol One item used to stand for or represent another—as in the
of more than a billion people. case of a flag, which symbolizes a nation.
sociobiology An approach that attempts to explain the behavior symbolic interactionism A theoretical approach in sociology
of both animals and human beings in terms of biological developed by George Herbert Mead that emphasizes the role of
principles. symbols and language as core elements of all human interaction.
sociological imagination The application of imaginative thought
to the asking and answering of sociological questions. Someone T
using the sociological imagination “thinks himself away” from
the familiar routines of daily life. target hardening Practical measures used to limit a criminal’s
sociology The study of human groups and societies, giving ability to commit crime, such as community policing and use of
particular emphasis to analysis of the industrialized world. house alarms.
Sociology is one of a group of social sciences, which include technology The application of knowledge of the material world to
anthropology, economics, political science, and human geography. production; the creation of material instruments (such as
The divisions among the various social sciences are not clear-cut, machines) used in human interaction with nature.
and all share a certain range of common interests, concepts, and terrorism A public act of violence meant to be intimidating.
methods. theism A belief in one or more supernatural deities.
sociology of the body Field that focuses on how our bodies are theoretical questions Questions posed by sociologists when
affected by social influences and the norms and values of the seeking to explain a particular range of observed events. The
groups to which we belong. Health and illness, for instance, are asking of theoretical questions is crucial to allowing us to
shaped by social and cultural influences. generalize about the nature of social life.
sovereignty The undisputed political rule of a state over a given theory of racial formation The process by which social, economic,
territorial area. and political forces determine the content and importance of
standard deviation A way of calculating the spread of a group of racial categories.
figures. time-space When and where events occur.
Glossar y A9
tracking Dividing students into groups that receive different urbanism A term used by Louis Wirth to denote distinctive
instruction on the basis of perceived similarities in ability. characteristics of urban social life, such as its impersonal or
transactional leaders Leaders who are concerned with alienating nature.
accomplishing the group’s tasks, getting group members to do urbanization The movement of the population into towns and
their jobs, and making certain that the group achieves its goals. cities and away from the land.
transformational leaders Leaders who are able to instill in the
members of a group a sense of mission or higher purpose, V
thereby changing the nature of the group itself.
transgender A person who identifies as or expresses a gender values Ideas held by individuals or groups about what is desirable,
identity that differs from their sex at birth. proper, good, and bad. What individuals value is strongly
transnational corporations Business corporations located in two influenced by the specific culture in which they happen to live.
or more countries.
transnational feminism A branch of feminist theory that W
highlights the way that global processes—including colonialism,
racism, and imperialism—shape gender relations and hierarchies. wealth Money and material possessions held by an individual or
triad A group consisting of three persons. group.
triangulation The use of multiple research methods as a way of welfare capitalism Practice in which large corporations protect
producing more reliable empirical data than are available from their employees from the vicissitudes of the market.
any single method. welfare state A political system that provides a wide range of
welfare benefits for its citizens.
white-collar crime Criminal activities carried out by those in
U white-collar, or professional, jobs.
underclass A class of individuals situated at the bottom of the class winner take all An electoral system in which the seats in a
system, often composed of people from ethnic minority representative assembly go to the candidate who receives the
backgrounds. most votes in his or her electoral district (in the U.S. House of
unemployment rate The proportion of the population sixteen and Representatives, for example, a candidate who gets 50 percent +
older that is actively seeking work but is unable to find 1 vote represents an entire Congressional district, even if another
employment. candidate got 50 percent –1 vote).
unfocused interaction Interaction occurring among people present work Carrying out tasks that require mental and physical effort,
in a particular setting but not engaged in direct face-to-face with the objective of the production of goods and services that
communication. cater to human needs. Work should not be thought of exclusively
Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) Documents that contain official as paid employment. In modern societies, there remain types of
data on crime that is reported to law enforcement agencies that work that do not involved direct payment.
then provide the data to the FBI. working class A social class broadly composed of people working
unions Organizations that advances and protects the interests of in blue-collar, or manual, occupations.
workers with respect to working conditions, wages, and benefits. working poor People who work but whose earnings are not
universal health coverage Public health care programs motivated enough to lift them above the poverty line.
by the goal of providing affordable health services to all world-systems theory Pioneered by Immanuel Wallerstein, a
members of a population. theory that emphasizes the interconnections among countries
upper class A social class broadly composed of the more affluent based on the expansion of a capitalist world economy. This
members of society, especially those who have inherited wealth, economy is made up of core countries, semiperipheral countries,
own businesses, or hold large numbers of stocks (shares). and peripheral countries.
urban ecology An approach to the study of urban life based on an
analogy with the adjustment of plants and organisms to the Y
physical environment. According to ecological theorists, the
various neighborhoods and zones within cities are formed as a young old Sociological term for persons between the ages of
result of natural processes of adjustment on the part of sixty-five and seventy-four.
populations as they compete for resources.
urban renewal The process of renovating deteriorating
neighborhoods by encouraging the renewal of old buildings and
the construction of new ones.
A10 Glossar y
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A42 Credits
Index
Note: Page numbers in italics indicate figures; class and, 310, 336 immigrants and, 94–95
page numbers followed by “t” indicate tables. divorce and, 336 institutionalization and, 96–97
economic divide within the African meanings of “age,” 90–91
!Kung, gender differences among, 256 American community, 310 prejudice and, 99
education and, 305 race and, 94
3D printing, 407, 415 employment and, 306, 310 social conflict theories of, 92, 94
2016 Democratic presidential primaries, 520 families and, 331–32, 331, 336 social isolation and, 98–99
family patterns and, 326 technology and, 93
AARP magazine, 99 health and, 307–8 theories of, 91–92
ABC, 284 health inequalities and, 440–41 trends and competing sociological
abolition, 300 HIV/AIDS and, 445 explanations, 91–92
absolute poverty, 212, 213 homelessness and, 220 in U.S., 90–94, 94–99
acquaintance rape, 273, 274 incarceration of, 158, 180 aging in place, 466
activism, online, 511 income and, 306–7, 307, 309 agrarian societies, 59–60
activity theory, 92 infant mortality and, 307–8 Agro Universe, 233
additive manufacturing, 407 internal migration of within U.S., 301 Ahmadinejad, Mahmoud, 377
adoption life expectancy and, 440 al-Assad, Bashar, 496
joint, 346 in “majority-minority” counties, 467 Alexander, Michelle, The New Jim Crow, 180
second parent, 346 middle-class, 336 Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building, bombing
advertising, 282–84 political power and, 308–9 of, 404
affirmative action, 300 poverty and, 214–15, 217, 310 al-Gaddafi, Muammar, 496
Affordable Care Act (ACT), 398–99, 424–26 racial inequality and, 312 Algeria, globalization and, 524
affordable housing, 220, 472 residential segregation and, 308, 469–70 alienation, 370, 408–9
Afghanistan, 234 segregation and, 292–93, 301 al Qaeda, 404
conflict in, 484 social inequality and, 208–9 alternative medicine, 436–37, 436, 437
crude death rate in, 478 in the suburbs, 468 American Academy of Pediatrics,
gender differences in, 256–57, 256 underclass and, 302 346, 451
women’s rights in, 68 underrepresented in white-collar jobs, 310 American Apartheid (Denton), 308
Africa, 60, 230, 234. See also specific countries in U.S., 300–302 American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), 185
crude birthrate in, 477 voter turnout and, 397 Mobile Justice app, 185
demographic transition in, 483 wealth and, 201 American Institute of Philanthropy, 227
extreme poverty in, 524 age-crime curve, 174 American Medical Association, 397
globalization and, 524 Age Discrimination in Employment Act of American Psychiatric Association, Diagnostic
HIV/AIDS in, 444, 446 1967 (ADEA), 99 and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders
infant mortality rates in, 479 ageism, 98, 99 (DSM), 450
population age in, 475 agency, 105, 218–19 American Psychological Association, 346
population growth in, 483 agents of socialization, 77–78 American Sociological Association, 11
sub-Saharan, 235, 524 (see also specific aggression, 251–52 American Time Use Survey, 79
countries) aging, 72, 93 Amnesty International, 514
African Americans, 15, 156–58, 295–96, 310 apps for successful, 93 analysis, levels of, 21
childlessness and, 348 challenges of, 72, 94–99 Andazola Marquez, Viviana, 190–92, 195–96,
Civil Rights Movement and, 301–2 health and, 95–97 202, 202, 210, 221
Index A43
Anderson, Elijah, 123–25 Bangladesh, 176, 227, 267 Booker, Cory, 302, 309
The Cosmopolitan Canopy, 124 Bank of America, 249–50 Boone, Daniel, 171
Streetwise: Race, Class, and Change in an banks, 516 Booneville, Kentucky, 466
Urban Community, 123–25, 470 Baptists, 380 “borderless world,” 518
Angola, 479 Baran, Michael, 297 Borochoff, Daniel, 227
Annie E. Casey Foundation, 216 Barra, Mary, 249 Bosnian Muslims, 292
anomie, 12, 13, 163 Basque region, 515 Bouazizi, Mohamed, 495
anorexia, 428–29 Baudrillard, Jean, 20 Bourdieu, Pierre, 211
Anthropocene, 491 Bay of Pigs invasion, 137 bourgeoisie, 196
anti-immigrant political movements, 496 Bearman, Peter, 451 Bowles, Samuel, 357, 364
Anyon, Jean, 367 Bechtel, Abi, 84 Bowling Alone (Putnam), 150, 152
apartheid, 292 Beck, Ulrich, 503, 523 boycotts, 301–2
Appalachia, 466–67 Becker, Howard S., 166 Boyd, Wes, 395
Apple, 235, 236 Beijing, China, 458 Braithwaite, John, 186
Applewhite, Marshall Herff, 160 Tiananmen Square crackdown in, 514 Braverman, Harry, Labor and Monopoly
apps, 106, 113, 233, 276. See also specific apps Belgium, 461 Capital, 415
Apps4Africa, 233 beliefs, 168 Brexit, 513–14, 513
Arab Spring, 66, 67, 395, 495, 503, 511, 511, Bell, Daniel, 502 Britain
514 The Coming of Post-Industrial Society, 502 Brexit and, 513–14
Arapesh, 255–56 The Bell Curve (Herrnstein and Murray), 365 urbanization in, 460, 461
arctic ice caps, shrinking, 486, 488, 522 Benard, S., 268 British settlers, 295
Ariès, Philippe, 86 Benjamin, Regina M., 441 broken windows theory, 183–84
Armenian Genocide, 292 Berger, Peter, 373 Brown, Devin, 4, 5, 157
Arthur Ashe Courage Awards, 73, 75 Berle, Adolf, The Modern Corporation and Brown, Michael, 156–58, 185
artificial intelligence (AI), 407 Private Property, 411 Brown, Tony, 85
Asch, Solomon, 135 Berlin Wall, fall of the, 514 Brownell, Kelly, 430, 432
Asch task, 135, 135 “between-school effects,” 362–63 Brownmiller, Susan, 274
Ashworth, Anthony, 31 bhangra music, 521 Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka,
Asia. See also specific countries Bhopal chemical plant, 176 Kansas, 301
demographic transition in, 483 Biblarz, Timothy, 347 Brundtland Report, 489
population growth in, 483 biodiversity, loss of, 485, 488 Budig, Michelle, 269
transnational corporations in, 515–16, 515 biographical work, 434–35 Bulgaria, 478
Asian Americans biology, 47, 49–50 bulimia, 428–29
“Asian American exceptionalism,” 311 biological determinism, 49 bullying, 3–5, 19
childlessness and, 348 biological essentialism, 252 bureaucracy, 128, 141, 152
education and, 305–6 role in gender differences, 251–53 formal relations in, 142–43
families and, 326, 332–33 biomedical model of health, 436, 437 hierarchies in, 145
income and, 307, 310 birthrates, 475, 476–78, 480, 481, 482–83 horizontal, collaborative models, 145
in Los Angeles, California, 312 age of first child, 328–29 ideal type of, 141–43
poverty and, 310–11 changes in, 328–29 informal networks in, 142–43
success of, 310–11 crude, 476–77 as an outdated model, 145–49
voter turnout and, 397 decline in, 326, 481–82, 490–91 Burgess, Ernest, 461
Asian Heritage Festival, 286 in the developed world, 484 bus boycotts, 301–2
Asian immigrants, 304–5 birthright citizenship, 300 Bush, George W., 366
Asian Indian immigrants, 304 bisexuals, 449–50 busing, 366
assembly lines, 408 “black codes,” 300–301
assimilation, 52, 292, 293, 310 black feminism, 278 Calibuso, Judy, 249–50, 251, 264, 279
assisted-living facilities, 96–97 Black Lives Matter, 16, 157–58, 288, 288, call centers, 512
attachment, 168 508, 511 Cambodia, 292
audience segregation, 111 blackness, 292 Cambodian Americans, 311
authority, 388 Black Report, 438 capitalism, 13, 15t, 238, 240, 244, 403, 411, 501
authority relations in schools, 364 Blades, Joan, 395 capital punishment, 180–81, 181
obedience to, 135–36 Blau, Peter, 211 the Caribbean, 230
automation, 407, 415–16 Blauner, Robert, 312 caring activities, 322
Azande, same-sex encounters and, 450 blue-collar jobs, 206 Carmichael, Stokely, 287
Blumer, Herbert, 104 Castells, Manuel, 465
“Baby 7 Billion,” 476, 477 blushing, 107 End of Millennium, 177
baby boomers, 97 Boden, Deirdre, 121 caste system, 194, 196
obesity and, 430 the body Castles, Stephen, 294–95
technology and, 99 bodily posture, 107–8 Castro, Fidel, 137, 304
bacha posh, 256–57, 256 social context and, 424, 427–32, 453 “catfishing,” 102, 103–4, 108
Bachmann, Michele, 507 sociology of, 424–55 Catholic Church, 377, 483
back regions, 118 body mass index (BMI), 429, 432 Catholicism, 378, 380–81
Bailey, J., 450–51 body weight, 427–28 Causes of Delinquency (Hirschi), 168
Baloch, Qandeel, 272 Boko Haram, 404 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
Baltic States, 512 Bollywood, 521 430, 436, 448
Baltimore, Maryland, 288 bonds, types of, 168 Central African Republic, 479
A4 4 Index
Central America, 230. See also specific countries churches, 375 nutrition and, 443–44
Central Asia, 512 CIA, 240 scientific racism and, 290, 292
Chad, 479 cities colonists, European, 296
Challenger disaster, 137 ancient, 459–60 Columbine High School, 174
Chambliss, W. J., 169 development and evolution of, 456, 459–65 Columbus, Christopher, 295
Champion, Robert, 128–30 globalization and, 470, 472 The Coming of Post-Industrial Society (Bell), 502
charitable giving, 226–27 pollution in, 456–58, 457 commitment, 168
Charity Navigator, 226 rapid growth of, 484 commodity-chain approach, 241, 242
Cherlin, Andrew, 329 in traditional societies, 459 common couple violence, 342
Chicago Ridge School District, 362 citizens, 390 communication, 104
Chicago School, 463–64 citizenship, 390 the Internet and, 120–21
Chicanos, 302 citizenship rights, 391–92 nonverbal, 106–8, 106, 107
child abuse, 340 city-states, 461 rules of, 102, 112–17
childbearing civic culture, 509 technology and, 118 (see also communications
changes in, 328–29 civic participation, 152 systems; the Internet; smartphones)
changing views about, 481–82 civil inattention, 105, 106, 110 communications systems, 500, 503,
class and, 334 civilizations, 60–61 510, 512
delaying of, 521 civil rights, 185, 301–2, 391 communism, 394
education and, 481–82 Civil Rights Act of 1964, 209, 302, 362, 365–66 collapse of, 512–13
nonmarital, 326, 332 civil rights movement, 372, 507 Communities United Against Police Brutality,
nonmarital childbearing, 333 African Americans and, 301–2 185
child care, work and, 268–69 gay and lesbian, 452–53 community, crime and, 183–84
child development, theories of, 76–77 civil society, 509 community policing, 184
child labor, 235 Civil War, 209, 300 comparative questions, 22, 23t
childlessness, 348–49 clans, 326 comparative research, 30–31
child mortality, 234 class, 190–223 complementary and alternative medicine
child poverty, 466–67 African Americans and, 310, 336 (CAM), 436–37, 436, 437
children, 86 boundaries of, 195–96 composting, 487
child abuse, 340 childbearing and, 334 computer hackers, 160
child care, 268–69 definition of, 190 Comte, Auguste, 11, 11, 12
child development, 76–77 education and, 357 concrete operational stage, 77
child labor, 235 families and, 333–34, 335 conflict, hunger and, 234
child mortality, 234 marriage and, 333–34 conflict theories, 17–18
child poverty, 215–16, 216, 466–67 racial inequality and, 313 of deviance, 168–69
children’s rights, 326 in U.S., 199–208 education and, 357
divorce and, 336–37, 339 Weber on, 198–99 conformists, 164
having, 318 class conflict, 504 conformity, 46–47, 134–35, 156, 159, 161
sexual abuse of, 322 Clementi, Tyler, 4–5, 19 Confucian philosophy, 238
in single-parent households, 339–40 climate, 47–48 Conrad, Peter, 435
socialization of, 50, 72, 75–85 climate change, 474, 483, 486–87, 488–89, 522 constitutional monarchs, 393–94
Chile, 240, 524 Clinton, Bill, 395 consumption, 221, 512
China, 60, 227, 228, 236–37, 325 clock time, 118, 120 contingent workforce, 418
coal mining in, 458 Cloward, Richard A., 165–66 continuity theory, 92
crude birthrate in, 477 clubs, membership in, 152 contraception, 325, 481, 483
crude death rate in, 478 coal mining, 458 “contract commuters,” 146
“Great Firewall” in, 509 Coca-Cola, 515 control theory, 168, 173, 174
green development in, 458 cocaine, 174 conurbation, 460
greenhouse gases and, 486, 489 “codified knowledge,” 502 conversational analysis, 114–15
industrialization in, 459 cognition, 76 conversations, 112, 114
one-child policy in, 325, 477 cognitive development, stages of, 76 “background experiences” and, 112, 114
pollution in, 457–58 cohabitation, 318, 342–44 Cooley, Charles Horton, 131–32
sweatshops in, 416 divorce and, 343–44 Coontz, Stephanie, The Way We Never Were, 324
transnational corporations in, 515, 516 Cohen, Albert, 165–66 Cop Block, 185
United Nations’ Fourth World Conference Delinquent Boys, 165 “cop-watches,” 185
on Women, 279 Coleman, James, 362–63 Cop Watch Video Recorder app, 185
urbanization and, 459, 461 Collapse: How Societies Choose to Fail or Succeed Corbin, J., 434
women’s economic empowerment in, 266 (Diamond), 498–99 core countries, 241
women’s labor force participation in, 267, 268 collective action, 505–6 corporate America, women in, 143
China Daily, 458 collective bargaining, 410 corporate capitalism, 412–13
Chinese Americans, 333 college education, 202, 305 corporate crime, 175–76
Chinese Empire, 60 college majors, gendering of, 259–61, 260 corporate culture, 145–46
Chinese Exclusion Act, 296 Collins, Jason, 452 “boys club, 250
Chinese immigrants, 304 Collins, Randall, 357 gender inequality and, 248
Christian Identity movement, 404 colonialism, 62–63, 239 corporate power, 411–12
Christianity, 371, 372, 378 disease and, 443 corporations, 65, 146, 403, 411–12, 515–16
Evangelical, 380–81 education and, 358 transnational, 65, 239, 413–14, 499–500,
fundamentalist, 500 ethnic antagonism and, 290, 292 515–16, 515
Index A45
correlation coefficients, 32, 33 development of, 47–58 denominations, 375–76
Correll, Shelley, 268 early, 47–48 Denton, Nancy A., American Apartheid, 308
“cosmopolitan canopy,” 124 globalization and, 500 dependency culture, 218
The Cosmopolitan Canopy (Anderson), 124 hybridity, 521 dependency ratio, 484
Costco, 388 popular, 521, 521 dependency theories, 239–40
countercultures, 52 social change and, 500 depression, 435
crack cocaine, 174 social development and, 56–58 desegregation, 301–2, 366
the created environment, urbanism and, 464–65 society and, 40–71 “de-skilling” of the labor force, 415
creationism, 501 traditional, 66 Desmond, Matthew, 27
crime, 156, 158–59, 161–62. See also deviance cyberbullying, 19, 451–52 Detroit, Michigan, 469
biological view of, 161–62 cyberspace, 66 developing world, 62–63
community and, 183–84 Czech Republic, 512 in demographic transition, 484–85
control theory of, 173, 174 disease in, 424, 443–46
corporate crime, 175–76 Dalits, 194, 194 education and literacy in, 358–59
costs of, 186–87 Darwin, Charles, 106 future of urbanization in, 475
crime rates in U.S., 170, 171 data, 25 globalization and, 475
deterrence of, 178–79, 186 “date-rape drugs,” 272 development, modern, 15t
deviance and, 160 dating, 318 developmental questions, 22, 23t
documentation of, 169–71 dating online, 335 deviance, 156, 158–59
drugs and, 174 interracial, 284 biological view of, 161–62
gender and, 172–73 Davies, James, 504 conflict theories of, 168–69
lives affected by, 172–77 Davis, Kingsley, 164, 199 control theory, 168
organized crime, 177 Davis, Mike, 472 crime and, 160
psychological view of, 162–63 The Death and Life of Great American Cities definition of, 159–60
reduction of, 177–86 (Jacobs), 464 functionalist theories of, 163–66
sociological perspectives, 163–64 death penalty, 180–81, 181 functions of, 187–88
victims of, 170 death rates, 481, 482–83 interactionist theories of, 166–68
violent, 170–71 crude, 478 learned, 166
white-collar crime, 175 decline in, 482–83, 483 psychological view of, 162–63
why people commit, 161–69 in the developed world, 484 sociological perspectives, 163–64
youth and, 173–74 de Blasio, Bill, 282–84, 283 subcultural explanations, 165–66
criminality, definitions of, 167 de Blasio, Chiara, 282–84 typology of, 164
criminal justice system, power imbalance in, de Blasio, Dante, 282–84, 283 deviant acts, why people commit, 161–69
168–69 debureaucratization, 149 deviant behavior, definition of, 159–61
criminal records, 180 Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA), 318, 349 deviant subcultures, 160
criminology, 165 DeGeneres, Ellen, 452 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental
critical thinking, 501 de Gobineau, Joseph Arthur, 292 Disorders (DSM) (APA), 450
Crockett, Davey, 171 degree of dispersal, 33 Diamond, Jared, Collapse: How Societies Choose
crowdfunding, 139 de Jong Gierveld, J., 98–99 to Fail or Succeed, 498–99
crude birthrates, 476–77, 482–83 Delinquent Boys (Cohen), 165 diasporas, 295
crude death rates, 478, 482–83 democracy/democracies differential association, 166
Crutzen, Paul, 491 bureaucracy and, 143 digital divide, 138, 140, 197
Cuba, 230, 304 education and, 360 digital life, bullying, 19
crude death rate in, 478 functioning of, 386, 393–403 direct action, 509
infant mortality rates in, 479 pluralist theories of modern, 400–401 direct democracy, 393
Cuban Americans, 312, 331 role of military in, 401–2 discrimination, 144, 288–89
Cuban immigrants, 302, 303–4 theories of, 400–402 gender, 249–50, 264
cults, 375–76, 376 in trouble, 402–3 in housing, 302
cultural appropriation, 42 in U.S., 395–400 legal, 209
cultural capital, 211 democratic elitism, 400 psychological interpretations of, 288–89
cultural diversity, 51–52 Democratic Party, 270, 387, 396–97, 399 racial and gender combined, 309–10
cultural identity, 52–53, 68 democratization, the Internet and, 394–95 disease
non-state sources of, 514–15 demographic transition, 481–82, 482 colonialism and, 443
cultural norms, personal space and, 116–17 in the developed world, 483–84 in developing world, 424, 443–46
cultural relativism, 53–54 in the developing world, 482–85 hunting-and-gathering cultures and, 443
cultural traits, 56–58 in Europe, 484 infectious, 424, 443–46
cultural universals, 54–56 global south and, 484–85 poverty and, 232, 234
culture in Japan, 484 disengagement theory, 91
cultural appropriation, 42 least developed countries (LDC) and, 482–83 DiSesa, N., Seducing the Boys Club: Uncensored
cultural capital, 211 low-income countries and, 482–83 Tactics from a Woman at the Top, 250
cultural diversity, 51–52 in Singapore, 484 diversity
cultural identity, 52–53, 68, 514–15 social upheaval and, 484–85 popular culture and, 521
cultural norms and, 116–17 demography. See also demographic transition on television, 284
cultural relativism, 53–54 basic concepts, 476–79 division of labor, 15t
cultural traits, 56–58 five countries with the oldest and youngest domestic, 322
cultural universals, 54–56 populations, 475t importance of, 406–7
defining, 43–47 prospects for change, 483–85 sexual, 274, 276
A4 6 Index
divorce, 318, 323, 326, 328, 336–38 economic inequalities, 403 the elderly
African Americans and, 336 economic integration, 527 elder abuse, 97–98
children and, 336–37, 339 economic interdependence, 406 growth of elderly population, 90, 90
cohabitation and, 343–44 economic life, 386 in poverty, 216–17
factors in, 336 economic power, deterritorialization of, technology and, 99
reasons for, 336 499–500 electronic communications, 65–66. See also
single-parent households and, 336 the economy, 388 the Internet; smartphones; social media
in U.S., 336 economic changes and, 515–16 “electronic economy,” 516
whites and, 336 economic deprivation, 504–5, 504 “electronic money,” 516
document literacy, 366 economic development, 235, 236–37, 242, electronic waste, 486, 487
“doing gender,” 254–55 244–45 The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life
do-it-yourself activities, 406 economic growth, 461, 524 (Durkheim), 370
domestic division of labor, 322 economic inequalities, 403 Elton John, 452
domestic violence, 271–72, 322 economic integration, 527 email, 106, 108
domestic waste, 486 economic interdependence, 406 emerging economies, 63, 236–37
dominant groups, 289 economic life, 386 in East Asia, 242, 244, 524
doubling time, 480 economic power, 499–500 emigration, 294
Dow Jones, 516 globalization and, 501 emotions, 106–7
downward mobility, 212, 213, 221 key elements of, 386, 411–14 emotion work, 322
dress, styles of, 56 ecstasy, 174 empirical investigation, 22, 23t
droughts, 486, 488 education, 78–79, 202, 211, 235, 352 employment
drugs, 177 African Americans and, 305–6 African Americans and, 306, 310
crime and, 174 Asian Americans and, 305 education and, 356–57
dual-career marriages, 328 childbearing and, 481–82 Hispanic Americans and, 306
Du Bois, W. E. B., 14–16, 15 childlessness and, 348 whites and, 306
Duncan, Otis Dudley, 211 class and, 357 encounters, 110
Durkheim, Émile, 12, 12, 15t, 43, 47 colonialism and, 358 End of Millennium (Castells), 177
on anomie, 163–64 conflict theories and, 357 endogamy, 194
on division of labor, 406 democracy and, 360 energy sources, 485
The Elementary Forms of the Religious developing world and, 358–59 energy use, 486, 487
Life, 370 educational attainment, 305–6, England, Paula, 449
on religion, 370–73 305, 359 entrepreneurs, 204, 411
Suicide, 347 educational reform, 365–67 entrepreneurship, gender inequities in,
Dutch settlers, 295 employment and, 356–57 264, 266
dyads, 133 fertility rates and, 333 environmental change, 456, 459
Dylan, Bob, 99 functionalist approach, 357 effects on everyday life today, 485–91
gender inequality and, 248, 258–61 urbanization and, 484
earnings. See also income health and, 438, 440 environmental destruction, 498–99
gender gap in, 263–64, 263, 266–67 high school, 305–6 environmental movements, 514
sex segregation and, 263, 264 Hispanic Americans and, 305–6 environmental sociology, 490–91
Earth Day, 490 immigrants and, 306 Episcopalians, 380
East Asia, 230, 244. See also specific countries importance of, 355–58 Epocrates, 439
crude birthrate in, 477 industrialization and, 355–57, 356 Equal Pay Act, 263, 276
economic development in, 242, 244 inequality and, 360–67 Eritrea, 234
emerging economies in, 236–37, 242, Latino Americans and, 305–6 essentialism, 252
244, 524 race and, 202, 361, 362 Estefan, Gloria, 99
Eastern Europe, 230, 244, 512–13. See also in rich and poor countries, 235 ethical dilemmas, 2, 32–33
specific countries segregation and, 361 “ethical hacking,” 160
Eastern religions, 371, 372 segregation in, 301 Ethiopia, 234
East St. Louis, Illinois, 360 socialization and, 354–55, 383 ethnic antagonism, 290, 292
eating disorders, 427–28, 428–29, 428 social mobility and, 211–12 ethnic conflict, 292–93
ebola, 232 sociological theories of, 357 ethnic groups. See also ethnic minorities;
“Ebola Must Go” campaign, 232 whites and, 305–6 specific groups
ECG Check, 439 youth and, 475 coexistence and competition among,
ecological approach, 462 educational attainment, 359 290–93
ecological footprint, 487 ethnicity and, 305–6, 305 migration and, 293–95
ecological risk, 522 race and, 305–6, 305 ethnic inequality, 282, 305–7
economic changes, globalization and, 515–16 educational reform, in U.S., 365–67 ethnic integration, models of, 293
economic deprivation, social movements and, egocentric stage, 77 ethnicity, 282–315, 291
504–5, 504 Egypt, 495, 496 definition of, 285–87
economic development, 235, 236–37 Facebook Revolution in, 511 educational attainment and, 305–6, 305
in East Asia, 242, 244 social media in, 509 employment and, 306–7
technology and, 244–45 Ehrlich, Paul, 476 families and, 329–30
economic factors, social change and, 501 Eibl-Eibesfeldt, Irenäus, 107 fertility rates and, 333
economic growth Eisenhower, Dwight David, 401 health and, 307–8
population growth and, 524 Ekman, Paul, 106–7, 106 income and, 306–7
urbanization and, 461 El Abidine Ben Ali, Zine, 495–96 obesity and, 430
Index A47
political power and, 308–9 new perspectives on, 323 food production, 234, 481, 483
poverty and, 214–15, 217, 308 nuclear, 78 food scarcity, 480–81, 485
residential segregation and, 308 of orientation, 319–20 Food and Agriculture Organization, 234
social inequality and, 208–9 over history, 316 Fooducate, 439
in U.S., 299 in poverty, 216 forces of production, 504
ethnic minorities, 208–9. See also specific of procreation, 319–20 Ford Motor Company, 408, 408
groups Puerto Ricans and, 330–31 forest loss, 485
IQ (intelligence quotient) and, 365 race and, 329–30 formal operational stage, 77
life in U.S., 295–304 reconstituted, 323 formal organizations, 140, 141
residential segregation and, 468–69 size of, 323 formal relations, 142–43
in the suburbs, 468 sociological theories and, 316, 321–23 fossil fuels, 486
ethnocentrism, 52–53 stepfamilies, 328, 338–39 Foxcon, 236
ethnography, 26–27, 28t traditional, 324, 324, 328 Fox News, 395
ethnomethodology, 112, 114 in U.S., 327–40 France
Europe. See also European Union (EU); specific whites and, 331 Muslims in, 51
countries family capitalism, 412 North African immigrants in, 53–54
crude birthrate in, 477 family patterns, 316, 523 terrorist attacks in, 514
demographic transition in, 484 changes in, 324–25 women’s labor force participation in,
urbanization in, 461 cultural factors, 329 267–68
European expansion, 290, 292 differences across ethnicity and race, 326 franchise, 391–92
European Union (EU), 244, 267, 496, 505, directions of change, 326 free trade, 500, 527
513–14 households by type, 329 free trade agreements, 526
agricultural subsidies in, 527 structural factors, 329 globalization and, 524, 526
refugee crisis in, 484 family violence, 316, 340–42 French Settlers, 295
Evangelical Christians, 380–81 famine, 234, 428, 481, 485 Freud, Sigmund, 446
everyday work, 434 fecundity, 477–78 Friedan, Betty, 322
evidence, reviewing, 24 federal government, confidence in, 150 The Feminist Mystique, 321–22, 324
experiments, 28t, 30 Federal Housing Administration (FHA), 467 Friedman, Thomas
exponential growth, 479–80 female infanticide, 272 The Lexus and the Olive Tree, 518
“expressive logic,” 508 feminism, 18, 144 The World Is Flat, 518
extended families, 319, 323, 333 feminist movement, 507 “friends with benefits” relationships, 448–49
external risk, 522 feminist theory, 18, 276, 321–22 Friesen, W. V., 106–7
extramarital sex, 447, 449 gender inequality and, 276–78 From Mobilization to Revolution (Tilly), 505
extreme poverty, 524 sexual division of labor and, 274, 276 “frontier tradition,” 171
exurban counties, 468 transnational, 278, 279 functionalist approaches, 16–17
eye contact, 117 The Feminist Mystique (Friedan), 321–22, 324 aging and, 91–92
feminization of poverty, 215 to deviance, 163–66
Facebook, 99, 106, 111, 121, 152, 248–49, 395, Ferguson, Missouri, 156–58, 157, 185, 288 education and, 357
496, 511 fertility, 477–78, 481–82, 483 families and, 320–21
Facebook Revolution, 511 education and, 333 gender inequality and, 274, 276
Facetime, 108 ethnicity and, 333 illness and, 433
face-to-face interaction, 113, 120–21, 122 race and, 333 religion and, 370
Facial Action Coding System (FACS), 106 Fertility Friends, 439 social stratification and, 199
facial expressions, 106–8, 106, 110 fidelity, 449 functional literacy, 366
factories, 408. See also manufacturing fields of action, 506–7 fund managers, 516
factual questions, 22, 23t fieldwork, advantages and limitations of, 27
families, 316–51. See also family patterns Filipino immigrants, 304 G7 summit, 120–21
African Americans and, 331–32, 331, 336 Filipinos, 333 Galleria, 123–25
Asian Americans and, 332–33 financial crises, 516 Gallup polls, 205
basic concepts, 319–20 findings, reporting, 26 Gamoran, Adam, 363
changing over time, 323–26 Finland, 478–79 Gandhi, Mahatma, 499
class and, 333–34, 335 firearms, 171 gangs, 171
Cuban Americans, 331 Fire in the Ashes: Twenty-Five Years among the Gardner, Carol Brooks, Passing By: Gender
definition of, 318–19 Poorest Children in America (Kozol), 361 and Public Harassment, 122
ethnicity and, 329–30 Fischer, C. et al., Inequality by Design: Cracking Garfinkel, Harold, 104, 112, 114–15
extended, 319, 323, 333 the Bell Curve Myth, 365 Garner, Eric, 185
family forms, 316 Fischer, Claude, 463 Gates, Henry Louis, 302
feminist approaches, 321–22 fitness trackers, 439 gay adoption, 344, 346
functionalist approach, 320–21 Five-O, 185 gay and lesbian civil rights movement, 452–53
gay, 323 flooding, 522 gay families, 323, 344, 346, 347
gender inequality and, 248, 277 Florida A&M University, 128–30, 130 gay men, 449
gender issues and, 268–70 Flurry Analytics, 275 gay pride, 452
homeless, 219 focused interaction, 110 gay rights campaign, 507
Latino Americans and, 330–31 folkways, 159 gender
Mexican Americans and, 330 food, 48 apps and, 275
Native Americans and, 329–30 food access, 234, 440, 453 crime and, 172–73
new family forms, 323, 342–49 food deserts, 432, 440, 453 definition of, 251
A4 8 Index
income and, 309–10 Ginsberg, Ruth Bader, 399 globalization debate, 516–19, 517t
life expectancy and, 442 Ginsburg, Ruth Bader, 270 hyperglobalizers, 516, 517–18, 517t, 519
organizations and, 143–44 Gintis, Herbert, 357, 364 skeptics, 516–17, 517t, 519
politics and, 270–71 glaciers, shrinking, 486, 488 transformationalists, 516, 517t, 518–19
race and, 309 glass ceiling, 264 global justice, campaign for, 526–27
social constructionist view of, 253–54, “glass elevator,” 264 global migration
253–55 global capitalism, 413 acceleration of, 294
social interaction and, 122–23 global cities, 470, 472 diversification and, 295
social media and, 275 “global citizens,” 64 feminization of, 295
social networking and, 275 The Global City (Sassen), 470, 472 globalization and, 295
gender boundaries, 257 global commodity chains, 241, 242 intensification of, 294–95
“gender contract,” 173 global communications, 65–66 since 1973, 294
gender differences global culture, 64–65, 521 global outlook, 514–15
!Kung, 256 the Internet and, 65–68 global perspective, developing a, 7–8
in Afghanistan, 256–57, 256 global development, 62–63 global production, 416–17
in New Guinea, 255–56, 255 global divisions, inequality and, 524–25 global south, 251, 278
origins of, 251–57 global economy, 64, 152 challenges of urbanization in, 473–75
in other cultures, 255–57 electronic integration of, 512 changes in family patterns in, 325–26
role of biology in, 251–53 integration into the, 524 demographic transition in, 482–83, 484–85
gender inequality, 248–81, 266 global environmental threats, 485–86 economic challenges in, 473
in the classroom, 259, 259 global equality, 227 environmental challenges in, 473–74, 474
consequences of, 278–79 definition of, 227–31 globalization and, 475
corporate culture and, 248 global inequality, 224–47, 229, 231 housing in, 474
definition of, 258 apps to heal, 233 vs. industrial north, 524–27
in earnings, 260–61, 263–64, 263, 266–67 awareness of, 244 population growth in, 481, 482–83
education and, 258–61 dependency theories, 239–40 social challenges in, 474–75
in entrepreneurship, 264, 266 effects of, 243–44 urbanization in, 473–75, 473, 474
explaining, 274–78 explaining, 238 global theories of inequality, 239–42
families and, 277 future of, 244 global trade, 524
feminist approaches, 276–78 growth of, 231 global warming, 486–89, 514, 522. See also
functionalist approach, 274, 276 market-oriented theories, 238–39, 242 climate change
global consequences of, 248 modernization theory, 238–39 global wealth, 524, 525
in global perspective, 266 poverty and, 524–27 Glucose Buddy, 439
in health, 442–43 power and, 240 Gluko Logbook, 439
labor force participation and, 266–67 state-centered theories, 241–42, 243 Goedtel, Dianne, 249–50, 279
nature/nurture debate and, 248 theories of, 238–43 Goffman, Erving, 104–5, 109, 110, 116, 118,
in politics, 270–71 world-systems theory, 240–41, 243 123–24, 435
race and, 258 globalization, 8, 196, 204–5, 221, 227, 239, 243, GoFundMe, 139
social institutions and, 248, 258–71 298, 403 Goode, William J., World Revolution in Family
socialization and, 274 cities and, 472 Patterns, 326
social theory and, 248, 274–78 culture and, 64–69, 500 Google, 146, 146
unequal treatment in the classroom, definition of, 497 Gournay, Monsieur de, 141
259, 259 developing world and, 475 government, 388
violence against women and, 277 economic changes and, 515–16 confidence in, 402–3
in the workplace, 262–64 effects on everyday life today, 494, international and regional mechanisms of,
gender issues, families and, 268–70 519–27 513
gender learning, 83–85 factors contributing to, 494, 510–19 Grainy Bunch, 233
gender norms, 73, 78 free trade and, 524, 526 grandparents, raising grandchildren, 323–24
gender relations, 125 global migration and, 295 Granovetter, Mark, 137–38
gender roles, 79, 82–83 global south and, 475 Great Depression, 420
gender socialization, 82–85, 253 inequality and, 523–27 Great Lakes region, 460
gender transitions, 73, 78, 82 Internet connectivity and, 67 Great Recession, 209, 216, 221, 263, 303, 323,
gender typing, 262–64 life course transitions, 89 403
generalized other, 76 local cultures and, 68–69 Greece, 485
General Mills Foods, 284 the physical environment and, 498–99 debt crisis in, 513
General Motors, 249 political changes and, 512–15 Greece, ancient, same-sex encounters and,
genetically modified foods, 523 political organization and, 499–500 447, 450
genital cutting, 272 popular culture and, 521, 521 green development, in China, 459
genocide, 292 protests and, 497 greenhouse gases, 486, 489
gentrification, 469–70, 469, 472 rise of individualism and, 520 green movements, 377
geography, 47–48 risk and, 522–23 global, 486
Georgetown University, 260–61 social change and, 494, 497–501 Green Party, 397–98
Germany, 257, 475 social movements and, 507–10 Greenpeace, 514
refugee crisis in, 484–85 urbanization and, 475 green philosophies, 486
gestures, 106–8, 107 values and, 503 gross national income (GNI), 228, 231
ghettos, 302, 469 women’s rights and, 248 group affiliation, 152
Giddens, Anthony, 503, 518 work and, 420, 520–21 group behavior, 128–30
Index A49
groups, 128, 149. See also social groups highway construction, 467–68 hunger, 234. See also food
dyads, 133 Hinduism, 372 hunting-and-gathering cultures, 58–59, 443
effects of size, 132–34 Hindu religion, 194 hurricanes, 486
larger, 134 Hirschi, Travis, 168 Hurricane Katrina, 226, 522
triads, 133 Causes of Delinquency, 168 Hurricane Sandy, 522
variety and characteristics, 131–32 Hispanic Americans. See also Latino Americans Hutus, 292, 498–99, 499
groupthink, 136–37 Catholicism and, 380 hybridity, cultural, 521
Guangdong province, China, 266, 416 childlessness and, 348 hypotheses, 24
Guatemala, 240 education and, 305–6
Guess My Race app, 297, 297 employment and, 306 Iceland, women’s labor force participation in,
Guinea, 232, 234 health inequalities, 440–41 267–68
homelessness and, 220 ice sheets, melting of, 488
habitat loss, 485 income and, 306–7, 307, 309 ideal types, 141–43
hackers, 160 life expectancy and, 440 identity, 81–82
Haifa, 496 life in U.S., 295–96 ideology, 18
Haiti, 225, 230 in “majority-minority” counties, 467 illiteracy, 358
2010 earthquake in, 224–27, 514 residential segregation and, 469 illness. See also disease
Haley, Nikki, 270 in U.S., 302–3 changing conceptions of, 435–37
Hall, Edward T., 116–17 voter turnout and, 397 functionalist approach, 433
Hamilton, Charles, 287 wealth and, 201 how social factors affect, 438–42
Handelman, Michael, 297 historical research, 30–31 as “lived experience,” 433–35
Hardin, Garret, 490–91 historicity, 506–7 scientific view of, 435–36
haredim, 500 HIV/AIDS, 232, 323, 435, 444–46 socialization and, 433
Harman, Elizabeth, 122–23 in Africa, 444, 446 sociologists’ understanding of, 424,
Harvey, David, 464–65, 500 African Americans and, 445 432–37
hate crimes, 172 around the world, 445 stigmatized, 435
Hauder, Robert, 211 in India, 445 symbolic interactionism and, 434
Havens, 98–99 prevention and treatment programs, 445 illness work, 434–35, 434
Hazare, Kisan Baburao “Anna,” 496 stigma of, 445 immigrants, 298–99
hazing, 128–30 in sub-Saharan Africa, 444 aging and, 94–95
Head Start, 367 in U.S., 444–45 Asian, 295, 296, 298–99, 304
health Hmong Americans, 311 education and, 306
African Americans and, 307–8 the Holocaust, 292 European, 295, 296, 298, 310
aging and, 95–97 homelessness Hispanic, 298–99, 303–4
changing conceptions of, 435–37 African Americans and, 220 homelessness and, 220
effects on everyday life today, 453 Hispanic Americans and, 220 Latin American, 295
ethnicity and, 307–8 immigrants and, 220 Mexican, 293, 303
how social factors affect, 438–42 Latino Americans and, 220 Muslim, 300
income and, 307–8 Native Americans and, 220 North African, 53–54
race and, 307–8 veterans and, 220 in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries,
in rich and poor countries, 232–33 homeless persons, 219–20 298–304
sociologists’ understanding of, 424, 432–37 home schooling, 357 undocumented, 191, 300, 303
whites and, 307–8 homicide death rates, 172 immigration, 294
health inequalities, 453 homophobia, 451–52 Immigration and Customs Enforcement, 191
class-based, 438–39, 440 homosexuality, 446–47, 449–50 Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965,
countering, 441–42 inborn or learned? 450–51 302, 304
education and, 438, 440 twin studies, 450–51 impression management, 109–11
gender-based, 442–43 Hong Kong, 228, 236, 237, 237 impressions, 102, 110
income and, 438, 440 honor killings, 272, 272 the Internet and, 110
race-based, 440–41 “hookup” culture, 448–49 managing in daily life, 109–11
social class–based, 438, 440 “Hope for Haiti Now” telethon concert, 226 incarceration, 158, 177–79, 178
health insurance, 96, 424–26 horticulture, 59, 60 costs of, 187
health-related apps, 439 Horwitz, Allan, 435 incarceration rates, 179
health risks, 522–23 households by type, 329 in Japan, 186
“healthy living” programs, 308 housework, 269–70, 269, 406 of men, 172–73
Healthy People 2020, 426, 453 housing of women, 173
Heaven’s Gate, 160, 165 affordable, 220, 472 incest, 54, 322
“hegemonic masculinity,” 254 costs of, 220 income, 200, 200
Held, David, 518 discrimination in, 302 African Americans and, 306–7, 307
Herdt, Gilbert, 450 Howard, P., 66 Asian Americans and, 307, 310
heroin, 177 Hudson, Sara Hunter, 250, 279 concentration of, 524
Herrnstein, Richard J., The Bell Curve, 365 human capital, 527 gender and, 309–10
heterosexuality, 449 human exceptionalism paradigm (HEP), 490 health and, 307–8, 438, 440
hidden curriculum, 364 human resource management, 145–46 Hispanic Americans and, 306–7, 307
high-income countries, 228, 236, 461, 462 human trafficking, 272 income inequality, 207, 209, 210, 221
high school education, 305–6, 305 Humphreys, Laud, Tearoom Trade, 31–32, 34 Latino Americans and, 307
Highway Act, 467–68 Hungary, 512 race and, 309–10, 309
A50 Index
sex and, 309 interactional vandalism, 114–16 Japan, 225–27, 228, 236, 238
whites and, 306–7, 307, 310 interactionist theories, of deviance, 166–68 communes in, 46
index of dissimilarity, 301 interest groups, 397–99, 403 conformity in, 46
India, 496 intergenerational mobility, 210 crude birthrate in, 477
call centers in, 512 Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change demographic transition in, 484
caste system in, 194 (IPCC), 486, 488, 491 earthquake and tsunami in,
climate change and, 474 interlocking directorates, 412, 413 226–27, 514
crude death rate in, 478 internal migration, 301, 473 imprisonment in, 186
globalization and, 524 International Day Against Homophobia population age in, 475
HIV/AIDS in, 445 (IDAHO), 452–4453 reintegrative shaming in, 186
overcrowding in, 478 international governmental organizations suicide in, 4–5
pollution in, 457–58 (IGOs), 514 transnational corporations in, 516
urbanization in, 473 International Institute for Democracy and urbanization and, 461
Indian Americans, 311 Electoral Assistance, 397 women’s labor force participation in, 267
Indian culture, 521 International Labor Organization, 266, 267 Japanese Americans, 311, 333
IndieGogo, 139 International Monetary Fund, 236, 514, 527 internment of, 304, 304
individualism, 46–47, 520 international nongovernmental organizations Japanese immigrants, 304
Indonesia, 234, 236 (INGOs), 514 Japanese Samurai, same-sex encounters
industrial capitalism, 501 international organizations, 65 and, 450
industrial conflict, 409–10 International Telegraph Union, 514 Jay Z, 302
industrialization, 61–63, 460–61, 480–82 International Union for Conservation of Jazz Jennings, 79, 79
in Asia, 457–58 Nature, 485 Jencks, Christopher, 363
in China, 459 International Union of Geological Jenner, Caitlyn, 73, 74, 75, 82
education and, 355–57, 356 Sciences, 491 jihadist groups, 494, 496
population growth and, 482–83 the Internet, 67, 68–69, 79, 99, 106, 146–47, job insecurity, 221, 407, 512, 523
social change and, 494 153, 500, 501 jobs, 220–21
industrialized societies, 61–62 communication and, 120–21 automation of, 407
industrial north, vs. global south, 524–25, 526–27 democratization and, 394–95 global competition for, 221
Industrial Revolution, 13, 153 digital divide and, 138, 140, 197 offshoring of, 512
industrial work, 408 everyday life and, 102–27 technology and, 407
industry, 485 global culture and, 65–68 Johnson, Lyndon B., 216, 302
inequality, 196, 403. See also specific kinds of globalization and, 510, 512 Johnson, Michael, 342
inequality impression management and, 111 joint adoption, 346, 347
education and, 360–67 impressions and, 110 Jones, Nikki, 254–55
global, 224–47 interactional vandalism and, 115–16 Jordan, 266, 495
global cities and, 472 nonverbal communication and, 108 Judaism, 381
global divisions and, 524–25 protests and, 496–97 Orthodox, 500
globalization and, 523–27 social interaction and, 102–27 Juergensmeyer, Mark, 404, 500–501
intelligence and, 364–65 social movements and, 509
schools and, 360–62 as social network, 138 Kagan, Elena, 270, 399
social, 190, 208–12 space and time and, 118 Kanter, Rosabeth Moss, Men and Women of the
social reproduction of, 363–64 interracial dating, 284 Corporation, 144
Inequality by Design: Cracking the Bell Curve interracial marriage, 293, 300, 304 Kato, David, 453
Myth (Fischer et al.), 365 intersectionality, 251, 336 Kazaks, 319
infanticide, 272 intersex, 257 Kekua, Lennay, 102, 103–4, 108
infant mortality, 307, 308, 478–79, 481 intimate partner homicide, 272 Kelly, Joan, 338
informal economy, 406, 473 intimate partner violence (IPV), 322, 340–42 Kennedy, John F., 137, 501
informal networks, 142–43 intimate relationships, 316–51 Kenya, 233
information, production of, 502 intragenerational mobility, 210 Keynes, John Maynard, 420
information flows, 510, 512, 512 investors, 516 Khatami, Mohammad, 377
information revolution, 204–5 “invisible hand” of the marketplace, 238 Khatun, Bina, 227
information technology, 146–47, 152, 503, 514 involvement, 168 Khmer Rouge, 292
in-groups, 131 IQ (intelligence quotient), 365 Kiara, 255
inner cities, 462–63, 468–69 Iran, 377 Kickstarter, 139
innovation, 244–45 Iraq, 484 King, Coretta Scott, 277
innovators, 164 iron law of oligarchy, 143 King, Martin Luther, Jr., 301–2,
instincts, 49 Islam, 68 301, 500
institutional capitalism, 413 Islamic State (ISIS), 68, 404, 494, 496 King, Rodney, 288
institutionalization, aging and, 96–97 Islamist movements, 484, 494, 496, 500 kin marriages, 326
institutional racism, 287–88 Island of Samos, Greece, 485 Kinsey, Alfred, 448
institutions, 105–6 Israel, 496 kinship, 318, 319, 319
intelligence “It’s On Us” initiative, 273 Klinenberg, Eric, 348
inequality and, 364–65 knowledge, production of, 502
race and, 365 Jacobs, Jane, 463–64 knowledge economy, 417–18, 502
interaction The Death and Life of Great American Knowledge Economy Index, 418
face-to-face, 113, 120–21 Cities, 464 Korean immigrants, 304
focused and unfocused, 110 Janis, Irving L., 136–37 Kosovar Muslims, 292
Index A51
Kozol, Jonathan, 360–62 LGBTQ youth, 19, 344 Mandela, Nelson, 134, 134
Fire in the Ashes: Twenty-Five Years among cyberbullying of, 451–52 manifest functions, 17
the Poorest Children in America, 361 liberal democracies, 393, 394–95 manufactured risk, 522–23
Savage Inequalities, 360–61 liberal feminism, gender inequality and, 276 manufacturing
Ku Klux Klan, 290 liberation theology, 377 decline of in U.S., 469
Kuo, Julia, 250, 279 Liberia, 232 globalization of, 241
Kuwait Libya, 495, 496 manufacturing jobs, 221
effect of the Internet on, 66 life chances, 195 march on Washington, 302
traditional culture in, 66 life course marijuana use, 166
women’s rights in, 66 definition of, 86 marital rape, 322
five stages of, 86–88 marital separation, 328, 336–38
labeling, 186 stages, 72 market-oriented theories, 238–39
labeling theory, 166, 167–68 transitions, 89 global inequality, 238–39, 242
labor, child labor, 235 life course theory, 94 marriage, 54, 174, 316, 318, 319
Labor and Monopoly Capital (Braverman), 415 life expectancy, 438, 479 age of first, 327–28, 327, 334, 336
labor force participation, gender inequality life span, 479 caste system and, 194, 196
and, 266–67 linguistic relativity hypothesis, 55 class and, 333–34
labor laws, 239 LinkedIn, 152 delaying of, 334, 521
labor unions, 410 Linnaeus, Carolus, 287 delays in, 327–28
“laissez-faire” economics, 11 Lipshitz Bem, Sandra, 252 interracial, 293, 300, 304
language, 54–55 literacy, 235, 352 lessening importance of, 328
latent functions, 17 definition of, 358 traditional, 316
later life, 88 in the developing world, 358–59 in U.S., 327–40
Latin America. See also specific countries importance of, 355–58 marriage equality, 316–18
demographic transition in, 483 Protestant Reformation and, 358 Martin, Trayvon, 158, 167
immigration from, 302 in rich and poor countries, 235 Martineau, Harriet, 14
population growth in, 483 lobbying, 398–99, 403 Positive Philosophy, 14
Latino Americans, 302, 312. See also Hispanic local cultures, globalization and, 68–69 Marx, Karl, 13, 13, 15t, 18, 196, 197, 239, 394,
Americans local nationalisms, 391 411, 497
education and, 305–6 Lombroso, Cesare, 161–62 on religion, 370, 371–72, 373
families and, 330–31 London, England, 460, 461, 470, 472, 496 on social movements, 504
family patterns and, 326 WTO protests in, 526 on work, 408–9
homelessness and, 220 loneliness, 98–99 Marxism, 17
incarceration of, 158 long-term care facilities, 96–97 masculinty, “hegemonic,” 254
income and, 307 López-Mullins, Michelle, 284–85, 313 Massey, Douglas, American Apartheid, 308
in Los Angeles, California, 312 Lorber, Judith, 446 mass media, 79–80
in Miami, Florida, 312 Los Angeles, California, 312 mass murders, 174
political power and, 309 as “capital of the Third World,” 312 Massolution, 139
poverty and, 214–15, 217, 310 Los Angeles Police Department, 288 masturbation, 447
social inequality and, 208–9 “loss and damage” principle, 489 material culture, 56–58
in the suburbs, 468 Louisiana, 295 material goods, 44
in U.S., 302–3 love, romantic, 5–6, 10 materialist conception of history, 13
Latur, India, 473 Loving v. Virginia, 293 maternal mortality, 233
Laumann, Edward, The Social Organization of lower class, 206, 208 maternity leave, 345
Sexuality: Sexual Practices in the United lower middle class, 205–6 Mathis, Coy, 72, 73–74, 78–79, 82, 86, 253
States, 449 low-income countries, 230, 236 Mathis, Jeffrey, 86
laws, 161 demographic transition and, 482–83 Mathis, Jeremy, 74
stand-your-ground, 171 urbanization in, 461, 462 Mathis, Kathryn, 74, 86
leaders, 134 Lutherans, 380 Mayer, Marissa, 144, 146
leadership, types of, 134 McCabe, Janice, 84
Lean In (Sandberg), 248 macro analysis, 21 McCray, Chirlane, 282–84, 283
least developed countries (LDC), demographic macro-level interactions, 115 “McDonaldization of society,” 142, 148–49
transition and, 482–83 macrosociology, 21, 122 McLanahan, Sara, 340
Lee, Jennifer, 311 Madoff, Bernie, 175 McVeigh, Timothy, 404
legal discrimination, 209 Maidan movements, 395, 511 “McWorld,” 500
legislation, social movements and, 507 “majority-minority” counties, 466–67 Mead, George Herbert, 16, 76, 104
Lehman Brothers, 516 malaria, 444 Mead, Margaret, 343
Lemert, Edwin, 167 Malawi, 475 Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive
Lesane-Brown, Chase, 85 Malaysia, 236 Societies, 255–56
lesbians, 449 Mali, 475 mean, 32, 33
Lesotho, Africa, 60 malnutrition, 234, 428 Means, Gardiner, The Modern Corporation and
Let’s Move program, 308 Malthus, Thomas, 483, 490 Private Property, 411
Lewis, Kevin, 335 Essay on the Principle of Population, 480–81 means of production, 196
Lewis, Oscar, 217–18 Malthusianism, 480 measures of central tendency, 32, 33
The Lexus and the Olive Tree (Friedman), 518 management, transformation of, 145–46 Médecins Sans Frontières (Doctors Without
LGBT persons, 19, 344, 446–47, 451–53 managerial capitalism, 412–13 Borders, 514
LGBTQ studies, 18 mandatory minimum sentences, 158 median, 32, 33
A52 Index
medicalization, 435–36 minority groups, 289 National Center for Health Statistics, 340, 436
Medicare, 96, 97, 216 divergent fortunes of, 309–12 National Child Abuse and Neglect Data
MedStartr, 139 minority women, 309 System, 340
mega-churches, 381 minority women’s rights, 277 National Crime Victimization Survey, 170
megacities, 459, 472 poverty and, 310 National Institute of Justice Campus Sexual
megalopolis, 460 “missile gap,” 501 Assault, 273
Melanesia, same-sex encounters in, 450 Mississippi Delta, 466–67 National Intimate Partner and Sexual
melting pot, 292, 293 Mitnick, Kevin, 160 Violence Survey (NISVS), 272–73, 341–42
melting-pot metros, 468 mixed-race persons, 283–85 nationalism, 68, 390–91, 515
men Mobile Justice app, 185 National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), 410
decline in economic standing of, 263 mobility. See social mobility National Organization for Women (NOW),
incarceration of, 172–73 mobilization, 505 152, 397–98, 399
life expectancy and, 442 mode, 32 National Rifle Association (NRA), 398, 398
social interaction and, 122–23 “model minority,” myth of, 310–11 National Security Agency (NSA), 150, 403
Men and Women of the Corporation Model T Ford, 408, 408 National Social Life, Health and Aging Project
(Kanter), 144 modern development, 15t (NSHAP), 97
mental illness, 220 modern industrial society, what follows, National Survey on Drug Use and Health, 174
Merkel, Angela, 270 502–3 nation-states, 61–62, 390, 514–15
Merrill Lynch, 249–50, 264, 279 modernization theory, 238–39 Native Americans, 295, 310, 312
Merton, Robert K., 17, 20, 132 global inequality, 238–39 families and, 329–30
on deviance, 163–66 modern organizations, technology and, homelessness and, 220
deviance typology, 164 146–48 in “majority-minority” counties, 467
Methodists, 380 modern theoretical approaches, 16–20 nature, socialization of, 429
methods, 38 Molotch, Harvey, 121 nature/nurture, 48–49, 49–50, 251–57
Mexican Americans, 293, 302–3 monarchies, 393 gender inequality and, 248
families and, 330 monogamy, 319 Navajo culture, “integrated genders” in, 257
in Los Angeles, California, 312 monopolies, 411 neoliberalism, 239
racial inequality and, 312 Monsanto, 523 Nepal, 230
Mexican American War, 302, 312 Montevideo, Uruguay, 244 third gender category in, 257
Mexican immigrants, 310 Montgomery, Alabama, 301–2 the Netherlands, women’s labor force
Mexico, 230, 293 Montreal Protocol, 523 participation in, 267–68
Mexico City, Mexico, pollution in, Moore, Wilbert E., 199 Network for the Elimination of Police
474, 474 “moral restraint,” 481 Violence, 185
Miami, Florida, 312 Morehouse College, 139 networks, 128, 137
Michels, Robert, 143 mores, 159 Neville-Manning, Craig, 146
micro-level interactions, 115 Morrison, Toni, 302 new ecological paradigm (NEP), 490–91
microsociology, 21, 104, 122 Morsi, Mohamed, 496 New Guinea, 106–7
micro studies, 21 mortality, 478–79 gender differences in, 255
middle age, 87–88 race and, 307–8, 441 same-sex encounters in, 450
middle class, 205–6, 221 Moseley-Braun, Carol, 309 New Jersey, 522
Middle East, 230 Moss, Julie, 249–50, 279 New Orleans, Louisiana, 226, 522
middle-income countries, 230, 236 “motherhood penalty,” 268 new religious movements, 375
middle-range theories, 20 mothers, working mothers, 268–69 news
midlife, 87–88 MoveOn.org, 394–95 global, 514
Midwest, 466 Moynihan, Daniel Patrick, 331 news sources, 395
migration, 51, 282, 293, 484–85. See also Mozambique, flooding in, 522 new social movements, 507–9
immigrants; refugees Mubarak, Hosni, 496 New York, 522
acceleration of, 294 multiculturalism, 52, 293 New York City, 461, 469, 470, 472
diversification and, 295 multigeneration families, 323, 333 protests in, 508
ethnic antagonism and, 290, 292 multinational corporations. See transnational Nicaragua, 240
ethnic groups and, 293–95 corporations Niebuhr, Richard, 374
feminization of, 295 multiracial identity, 283–85, 297, 300 Niger, 475
global, 294–95, 294 Mungdugumor, 255–56 Nigeria, 240
globalization and, 295 Murdock, George, 319 niqab, 51
intensification of, 294–95 Murkowski, 270 Nixon, Richard, 490
rural-to-urban, 325–26 Murray, Charles, 218 No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Act, 366–67
since 1973, 294 The Bell Curve, 365 nonconformity, 161
urbanization and, 475 music, 79, 521 nonmarital childbearing, 326, 332, 333, 343
Milgram, Stanley, 135–36, 136 Muslim Brotherhood, 496 nonmarital cohabitation, 326, 327–28, 343
military Muslims, 381 nonprofit sector, 151
countries with highest expenditures, 402 Myrdal, Gunnar, 208 nonverbal communication, 106–8, 106,
role of, 401–2 107, 108
in U.S., 401–2, 402 nádleehí, 257 Nooyi, Indra, 144, 144
“military-industrial complex,” 401 narcotics, 177 norms, 43–45, 47, 158, 159, 161. See also
Miller, Mark, 294–95 National Association for the Advancement of cultural norms; social norms
Mills, C. Wright, 4, 6, 19, 401 Colored People (NAACP), 15, 301–2 gender norms, 73, 78
minimum wage, 214, 239, 386–89 National Center for Education Statistics, 366 secret power of, 57
Index A5 3
North Africa, 230 Pakistan, 352–54, 474 political changes, globalization and, 512–15
Northeast Corridor, United States, 460 Papua New Guinea, 255 political organization, social change and,
North Korea, 230 parental leave policy, 144 499–500
Norway, 478–79 pariah groups, 198 political power
nuclear families, 78, 319, 323, 328 Paris, France, terrorist attacks in, 514 African Americans and, 308–9
nuclear weapons, 501 Paris climate agreement, 489, 490, 491 deterritorialization of, 499–500
nursing homes, 96–97 Pariser, Eli, 395 ethnicity and, 308–9
nutrition, colonialism and, 443–44 Park, Robert, 461, 462–63 Latino Americans and, 309
Parks, Rosa, 301–2 race and, 308–9
Oakes, Jeannie, 363 Parsons, Talcott, 17, 91, 274, 321, 433 political rights, 391–92
Obama, Barack, 302, 308, 367, 397, 425 participant observation, 26 political system, gender inequality and, 248
Affordable Care Act (ACT) and, 398–99, participatory democracy, 393 politics, 386, 388
424–26 Passing By: Gender and Public Harassment gender and, 270–71
election of, 308–9, 403 (Gardner), 122, 518 voting and, 396–97
nuclear deterrent and, 501 pastoral societies, 59–60 Pollak, Otto, 173
in U.S. Senate, 309 Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act pollution, 456–58, 457, 474, 474, 485, 488
Obama, Michelle, 308 (ACA). See Affordable Care Act (ACT) polyandry, 319
Obama administration, “It’s On Us” initiative, 273 patriarchal terrorism, 342 polygamy, 319
Obergefell v. Hodges, 349, 452 patriarchy, 258, 277 polygyny, 319
obesity, 427–28, 428, 429–30 Peaceful Streets Project, 185 the poor. See also poverty
obesity epidemic, 429–30, 453 Pearce, 169 identifying, 213–17
rates of, 430, 431 Pearl Harbor, 304 responsibility of, 217–18
obesogenic environment, 430, 430, 432 Peek (Portable Eye Examination Kit) app, 233 poor countries. See also global south; least
occupational structure, trends in, 417 peer groups, 78–79 developed countries (LDC); low-income
occupations, 202–3. See also employment; jobs peer relationships, 79 countries
definition of, 405 Pegaron, 236 daily life in, 231, 231, 232–35
gender typing of, 262–64 Pelosi, Nancy, 399 technology and, 244
social prestige of, 203t Pepsico, 144 popular culture
Occupy Wall Street, 209, 209, 395, 511, 519–20 Pereira, Maria do Mar, 254 diversity and, 521
Ofer, Udi, 185 peripheral countries, 241 globalization and, 521, 521
Ohlin, Lloyd E., 165–66 “the personal is political,” 277 population analysis, 476–79
Ohmae, Kenichi, 518 personality stabilization, 321 population change, dynamics of, 479–80
oil refineries, 488 personal space, 116–17 population-control programs, 476
oil spills, 490 personal troubles, 4 population decline, 479, 481
Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, terrorism in, 404 pesticides, 523 population growth, 456, 459, 476–85, 490–91,
old age, 88 Pew Research Center, 5, 275, 378, 381 498–99
oldest old, 95 2014 U.S. Religious Landscape Study, 380 demographic transition and, 481–83, 482
old old, 95 Philippines, 514 economic growth and, 524
oligarchy, 143 physical environment, industrialization and, 482–83
iron law of, 143 adaptation to, 47–48 prospects for change, 483–84
oligopolies, 411–12 social change and, 498–99 rates of, 479, 480
Oliver, O., 201, 209 Piaget, Jean, 76–77 Port Arthur, Texas, 488
one-child policy, 325, 477 Pillard, R., 450–51 Port-au-Prince, Haiti, 2010 earthquake in,
online chatrooms, 496 Pineapple, 361 224–27
online dating, 335 “Pink & Blue” project (Yoon), 84 Portugal, 477
“open borders” policies, 513 pink-collar jobs, 206 Positive Philosophy (Martineau), 14
“openings,” 110 play, 76 postindustrial society, 502
oral history, 31 Playboys gang, 165, 165 postmodernism, 18–19, 503
organic solidarity, 12, 15t pluralism, 293 postmodernity, 502–3
Organization for Economic Cooperation and pluralist theories of modern democracy, postmodern theory, 18–19
Development (OECD), 226, 473 400–401 posture, 107–8
organizations, 128, 149 Poland, 512 Pott, Audrie, 2, 3, 4, 5, 19
functioning of, 140–44 globalization and, 524 poverty, 190, 198, 220, 504
gender and, 143–44 women’s labor force participation in, 268 absolute poverty, 212, 213
nonprofit sector, 151 police, 156–58, 157, 161 African Americans and, 214–15, 217, 310
theories of, 141–42 as “knowledge workers,” 181–82 Americans living in, 215
volunteer sector, 151 racism and, 288 Asian Americans and, 310–11
organized crime, 177 using cameras to police, 185 children in, 215–16, 216, 466–67
other, generalized, 76 police brutality, 185, 185 culture of, 217–18
Ottoman Turks, 292 protests against, 507, 508 disease and, 232, 234
out-groups, 131 Rodney King incident, 288 effects of, 212
outmarriage, 333 shootings, 288 the elderly in, 216–17
overcrowding, in India, 478 policing, 181–83, 185, 185 ethnicity and, 214–15, 217, 308
overpopulation, 498–99 broken windows theory and, 183–84 explaining, 217–18
ozone layer, depletion of the, 522–23 community policing, 184 extreme, 524
political action committees (PACs), 398–99 families in, 216
Pager, Devah, 180 political affiliation, religious feminization of, 215
Paik, L., 268 affiliation and, 382 global inequality and, 524–27
A5 4 Index
Latino Americans and, 214–15, 217, 310 that sociologists can answer, 22, 23t recycling, 487
measuring, 213 theoretical thinking, 22, 23t Red Cross, 226, 514
minority women and, 310 reference groups, 132–33
race and, 214–15, 217 race, 282–315, 291 refugee crisis, 484, 484
reduction of, 218 aging and, 94 refugees, 293, 484–85, 484, 496, 499
relative poverty, 212, 213 definition of, 285–87 regionalization, 118
socialization and, 218 educational attainment and, 305–6, 305 regulation, 239
structural forces and, 218 education and, 202, 361, 362 relative deprivation, 165, 504–5
poverty line, 213 employment and, 306–7 relative deprivation theory, 21
power, 18, 191, 198–99, 388 families and, 329–30 relative poverty, 212, 213
centralizing of, 143 fertility rates and, 333 religion, 352. See also religious affiliation;
global inequality and, 240 gender and, 309 specific religions
power elite, 401 gender inequality and, 258 activist, 377
prejudice, 288–89. See also discrimination; health and, 307–8, 440–41 classical theorists, 370–73
racism income and, 306–7, 309–10, 309 definition of, 368
aging and, 99 intelligence and, 365 effects of, 374–77
psychological interpretations of, 288–89 mortality rates and, 307–8, 441 functionalism and, 370
premarital sex, 447, 449 obesity and, 430 how sociologists think about, 368–74
premodern societies, 58–60 political power and, 308–9 as human self-alienation, 370
preoperational stage, 77 poverty and, 214–15, 217 social change and, 371, 377, 500–501
Presbyterians, 380 public sphere and, 123–24 socialization and, 354–55, 383
primary deviance, 167 residential segregation and, 308 theories of, 370–72
primary groups, 131–32, 152 social inequality and, 208–9 in U.S., 378–83
primary socialization, 321 social mobility and, 212 religious affiliation, 378, 380
prisons, 177–79, 178, 179. See also tracking and, 363 political affiliation and, 382
incarceration in U.S., 299 socioeconomic status and, 382–83
the profane, 371 wealth and, 201 trends in, 378–80, 382t
progress, 503 Race Awareness Project, 297 in U.S., 380
Project Adequate Roads, 467–68 race relations, 125 religious apps, 379
proletariat, 196, 197 race socialization, 84, 85 religious diversity, 376
property rights, 54 Race to the Top, 367 religious economy, 373–74
property taxes, school funding and, 361–62 racial formation, theory of, 286 religious nationalism, rise of, 376–77
proportional representation, 395 racial inequality religious organizations, types of, 374–75
prose literacy, 366 African Americans and, 312 religious practices, 54, 68
prostitution, 164, 447 class and, 313 remarriage, 338–39
Protestantism, 238, 371, 378, 380 effects of, 305–7 remittances, 475
Protestant Reformation, literacy and, 358 Mexican Americans and, 312 representative sample, 29
protests, 40–42, 156–58, 157, 302, 312, 494, understanding, 312–13 reproductive strategy, 49
496, 503. See also social movements racialization, 286 Republican Party, 270, 387, 396–97, 399
Arab Spring, 494, 495–96 racial minorities research
against economic inequality, 507 residential segregation and, 468–69 carrying out, 25
against genetically modified foods, 523 in the suburbs, 468 research design, 25
globalization and, 497 “racial scale,” 287 research methods, 26
the Internet and, 496–97 racism, 40–42, 283–84, 287–88 research problems, 24
against police brutality, 507, 508 police and, 288 research process, 2, 23–26, 24
technology and, 511 rise of, 292–93 residential segregation, 308, 469–70
against WTO, 526–27, 526 slave trade and, 292 resocialization, 75
proximity, compulsion of, 120–21 symbolism and, 292 resource mobilization, 505–6
PsychDrugs, 439 radical feminism, 276–77 response cries, 116
psychopaths, 162 radio, 79 results, interpreting, 25
public issues, 4 Rafaat, Mehran, 256 retreatists, 164
Puerto Ricans, 302, 303–4, 310, 312 rainfall, 486 rich countries
families and, 330–31 Rana Plaza, collapse of, 176, 176, 267 daily life in, 231, 231, 232–35
status of, 303 random sampling, 29 technology and, 244
Pulaski, Tennessee, 290 rape, 272–73 Rios, Victor, Punished: Policing the Lives of
Punished: Policing the Lives of Black and Latino on college campuses, 273 Black and Latino Boys, 182–83
Boys (Rios), 182–83 marital, 322 risk, globalization and, 522–23
punishment, 47, 158, 186 rape culture, 273–74 “risk society,” 523–24
Putnam, Robert, 152 rates of population growth or decline, Rittenhouse Square Park, 123–25
Bowling Alone, 150, 152 479, 480 ritualists, 164
rationalization, 15t ritualized violence, 272
qualitative methods, 26 rational objectives, 507 Ritzer, George, 149
quantitative literacy, 366 raw materials, 485 Robinson, William, 518
quantitative methods, 26 Ray, James Earl, 301 robots, 415
questions Reading Terminal Market, 124 Rohypnol, 272
comparative, 22, 23t reality, creative shaping of, 105 Roman Empire, 60
developmental, 22, 23t rebels, 164–65 romantic love, 5–6, 10, 325, 326
factual/empirical, 22, 23t reconstituted families, 323 Rome, ancient, 60, 459
Index A55
Roof, Wade Clark, 374 secular thinking, 372, 373, 501 single parenting, 323
Rosenfeld, 346 Seducing the Boys Club: Uncensored Tactics from single-person households, 328, 347–48
Rostow, W. W., 238–39 a Woman at the Top (DiSesa), 250 sit-ins, 302
Rowan, Brian, 142–43 segregation, 209, 292–93, 301 skill debate, automation and, 415–16
Royal Dutch Shell, 240 educational, 301, 308, 361 skin cancer, 522–23
Rubin, Lillian, 448 residential, 308, 469–70 “skip-generation” households, 323–24
rule breaking, 47, 159, 167 self-advancement, 301 Sklair, Leslie, 518
rural life, 456, 465–70 self-consciousness, 76 Skype, 93, 108
decline of in U.S., 466–67 self-control, 161 slavery, 193–94, 372
“majority-minority” counties, 466–67 self-fulfilling prophecy, 167 slaves, 295, 300
Russia, 244, 512 self-identity, 82 slave trade, racism and, 292
globalization and, 524 semiperipheral countries, 241 smartphones, 93, 119, 197, 233, 439, 500, 501,
Syria and, 494, 496 sensorimotor stage, 76–77 510, 512
women’s labor force participation in, 268 Serbs, 292 Smelser, Neil, 506
Rust Belt, 466 Sewell, William, 211 Smith, Adam, The Wealth of Nations, 408
Rwanda sex social activism, 506–7. See also social
collapse of, 498–99, 499 definition of, 251 movements
female politicians in, 271 income and, 263, 264, 309 social aggregate, 131
Rwandan Genocide, 292 Sex Discrimination Act of 1984, 276 social capital, 128, 149–50, 152
women’s labor force participation in, 266 sex hormones, 252 social category, 131
sexual abuse of children, 322 social change
Sachs, Jeffrey, 244 sexual assault, 272, 273 culture and, 500
the sacred, 371 sexual attractiveness, cultural norms of, 447 definition of, 497
Safe Delivery app, 233 sexual behavior economic factors and, 501
Said, Mustapha, 66 age when sexual activity begins, 448 globalization and, 494, 497–501
Saleh, Ali Abdullah, 496 double standard in, 448 industrialization and, 494
Salvadorans, 302 “friends with benefits” relationships, 448–49 the physical environment and, 498–99
same-sex encounters, 450 “hookup” culture, 448–49 political organization and, 499–500
same-sex marriage, 316–18, 326, 349 Kinsey’s study of, 448 religion and, 371, 377, 500–501
same-sex-parent families, 344, 346, 347 since Kinsey, 448–49 theories of, 497
samples, 29 social context and, 424, 446–53 understanding, 8, 10
sampling, 29–30 sexual division of labor, feminism and, social class. See class
sanctions, 161 274, 276 social class gradient in health, 426
Sandberg, Sheryl, 248, 249 sexual freedom, 326 social closure, 392
Lean In, 248 sexual harassment, 144, 272 social conflict theories, of aging, 92, 94
Sandefur, Gary, 340 sexual identities, 446–47 social constraint, 12, 15t
Sanders, Bernie, 387, 520, 526 sexuality social context
Sandy Hook Elementary School, 174 Christianity and, 447 the body and, 424, 427–32
San Francisco/East Bay/San Jose/Silicon diversity of, 446 sexual behavior and, 424, 446–53
Valley region of California, 460 effects on everyday life today, 453 social development, culture and, 56–58
Sapir, Edward, 55 socialization and, 446 social distance, 116–17
Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, 55 in the Victorian era, 447 social exclusion, 218–19
Sassen, Saskia, 470, 472, 518 in Western culture, 447–49 social facts, 12, 15t
The Global City, 470, 472 sexual liberation, 448 social gerontologists, 91
scapegoats, 289 sexual norms, 446–47 social groups, 128–37
Scheindlin, Shira A., 182 sexual orientation, 449–51 social identity, 81–82
schools, 78–79, 355–57 sexual preference, 449 social inequality, 190
authority relations in, 364 sexual violence against women, 273–74. See causes of, 208–12
inequality and, 360–62 also rape; sexual harassment effects of, 220
property taxes and, 361–62 shaming in U.S., 208–12
Schumpeter, Joseph, on democracy, 400 as punishment, 186 social institutions, gender inequality and, 248,
science, 22, 501 stigmatizing vs. reinvigorative, 186 258–71
scientific management, 408 Shapiro, 201, 209 social interaction, 102–27, 507
scientific racism, 286, 287 Sharp, Gwen, 123 definition of, 104–8
colonialism and, 290, 292 shelter, 48 gender and, 122–23
Scotland, 515 short-range downward mobility, 212, 213 men and, 122–23
Scott, Tim, 309 sick role, 433–34 rules of, 102, 122–25
sea level rise, 488, 522 evaluation, 433–34 space and, 117–22
Seattle, Washington, WTO protests in, 526 Sierra Club, 152 time and, 117–22
secondary deviance, 167 Sierra Leone, 232, 234, 479 women and, 122–23
secondary groups, 131–32 signifier, 56 social isolation, aging and, 98–99
second parent adoption, 346 Simmel, Georg, 132–33 socialization, 74–75, 161
second shift, 269–70, 269 Sinclair, Jared, 93 agents of, 77–78
secrets, 57 Singapore, 228, 236, 237, 484 of children, 72, 75–76
sects, 375 singlehood, lifelong, 347–48 education and, 383
secular culture, rejection of, 500 single-parent households, 328, 332, 336, 339–40 gender inequality and, 274
secularization, 372, 373 divorce and, 336 illness and, 433
A5 6 Index
of nature, 429 Somalia, 479 sub-Saharan Africa, 235. See also specific
poverty and, 218 Sotomayor, Sonia, 270, 399 countries
religion and, 383 South Africa, 134, 292 globalization and, 524
social media, 66, 110, 496. See also specific caste system in, 194 malaria in, 444
platforms South America, 230. See also specific countries substance abuse, 220
gender and, 275 Southeast Asia, 230. See also specific countries suburbanization, 467–68
social movements and, 509 South Korea, 236, 237, 516 suburban life, 456, 465–70
social mobility, 190–92, 195–96, 210, 244 sovereignty, 390 Sudan, 234, 478
education and, 211–12 Soviet bloc, former, 230, 244, 512–13 suffragettes, 278, 279
opportunities for, 210 Soviet Union, 501. See also former suicide, 4–5, 12
race and, 212 Soviet bloc Suicide (Durkheim), 347
social movements, 494, 503–9 space Sulkowicz, Emma, 273
definition of, 503 personal, 116–17 Sumner, William Graham, 159
economic deprivation and, 504–5, 504 restructuring of, 464–65 the superrich, 204–5
globalization and, 507–10 social interaction and, 102, 117–22 surplus value, 198
the Internet and, 509 space program, 501 surveys, 27–28, 28t
new, 507–9 Spain, women’s labor force participation in, standardized and open-ended questions on, 28
social media and, 509 268 sustainable development, 489
technology and, 509 speech, 55–56 Sutherland, Edwin H., 166, 175
theories and causes of, 503–7 Spencer, Christopher, 415 sweatshops, 416
social networking, 106, 121, 125 Spencer, Herbert, 11, 11, 12 Sweden, 397, 478–79
benefits of, 137–40 The Study of Sociology, 11 Switzerland, 293
gender and, 275 sports, 132 symbolic interactionism, 16
the Internet and, 138 gender segregation in, 254 illness and, 434
social norms, 117, 254 Springsteen, Bruce, 99 symbolism, racism and, 292
The Social Organization of Sexuality: Sexual Sputnik, 501 symbols, 16
Practices in the United States Spyer, Thea, 317–18, 349 Syria, 234
(Laumann), 449 Stacey, Judith, 347 civil war in, 484, 484, 494–96, 495, 513
social organizations, membership in, 152 Stack, Carol, 332 systems, 105–6
social participation, 150, 152 standard deviation, 32, 33
social physics, 11 standardized testing, 366, 367 tables, reading, 34
social position, 109 stand-your-ground laws, 171 Taiwan, 228, 236, 237
social reproduction, 74–75, 211 starvation, 234, 498–99 Taiwanese Americans, 286, 286
of inequality, 363–64 the state, 386, 499–500 Tajikistan, 234
social rights, 392 characteristics of, 390–91 the Taliban, 68, 352–54
social roles, 81, 91, 123–24 definition of, 390 Tanzania, 233, 499
Social Security, 97, 216–17 development of, 390–92 Target, 84
social self, 76 state-centered theories, 241–42 target hardening, 184
social stratification, 190 global inequality, 241–42, 243 Taylor, Frederick Winslow, 408
definition of, 192, 193–99 statistical terms, 33 Tchambuli, 255–56
forms of, 193 status, 109, 123–24, 191, 198 Tea Party, 395, 507
functionalist explanation of, 199 stepfamilies, 328, 338–39 Tearoom Trade (Humphreys), 31–32, 34
functions of, 199 stepparenting, 338–39 technologically disconnected, 244
mobility and, 196 “stereotype promise,” 311 technology, 48, 65–69, 118, 119, 405, 501
theories of in modern societies, 196, 197 stereotypes, 289 aging and, 93
social structures, 105–6 positive, 311 baby boomers and, 99
social theory, gender inequality and, 248, stigmas, 435 communication and, 118
274–78 Stocker, David, 83 economic development and, 244–45
social ties, weakening, 150, 152 Stocker, Storm, 83 elderly population and, 99
social upheaval, demographic transition and, Stonewall riots, 452, 452 information, 146–47
484–85 “stop and frisk” policy, 182–83, 182 jobs and, 407
society, 46 stratification. See social stratification modern organizations and, 146–48
culture and, 40–71 Strauss, 434 protests and, 511
sociobiology, 49 street harassment, 122–23 social movements and, 509
Sociobiology: The New Synthesis (Wilson), 49 streetwisdom, 124 technological innovation, 501
socioeconomic status, religious affiliation and, Streetwise: Race, Class, and Change in an Urban work and, 415–16
382–83 Community (Anderson), 123–25, 470 technology adopters, 244
sociological imagination, 2–8, 10 strikes, 409–10, 409 technology gap, 244
sociological theories, families and, 316, 321–23 structural conduciveness, 506 technology innovators, 244
sociology structural strain, 506–7 technology of production, 501
of the body, 424–55 structuration, 7 teenagers, 86–87
definition of, 3–4 structure, 105 teen suicide, 4–5
as a field, 2 student debt, 221 telecommuting, 146–48
introduction of the term, 11 The Study of Sociology (Spencer), 11 telephone communication, 108
modern theoretical approaches, 16–20 subcultures, 46, 51–52, 165–66 television, 64, 79, 284
neglected founders, 14–16 deviant, 160 temperature increases, 486, 488, 522
studying, 7 “subprime” mortgage crisis, 201 Te’o, Manti, 102, 103–4, 108, 121
Index A57
terrorism, 386, 404 Umpqua Community College, 174 in China, 459
in Brussels, Belgium, 514 the underclass, 208, 302, 469 in continental Europe, 461
in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, 404 undernourishment, 485 economic growth and, 461
in Paris, France, 514 undocumented immigrants, 191, 300, 303 environmental change and, 484
terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, 152, unemployment, 220, 419, 420, 475 future of in the developing world, 475
402, 514 unemployment rates, 420 globalization and, 475
testosterone, 252 unequal pay, 144 in the global south, 473–75, 473, 474
Texas-Mexico border, 467 unfocused interaction, 110, 111 in high-income countries, 461, 462
text messages, 108 UNICEF, 213, 234 in India, 473
Thailand, 236 Unification Church (“Moonies”), 375, 376 in low-income countries, 461, 462
Thébaud, Sarah, 266 Uniform Crime Reports (UCR), 169–70 migration and, 475
theism, 368 Union of Concerned Scientists, 510 in U.S., 461
theories, 2, 10, 38. See also specific theories unions, 410 urban life, 456, 465–70
early theorists, 10–14 United Nations, 513, 514 urban problems, 468–69
theoretical questions, 23t Environment Program, World urban renewal, 469–70
theoretical thinking, 20–21 Meteorological Organization, 486 Uruguay, 244, 461
theory of racial formation, 286 estimates of population growth, 483 U.S. Border Patrol, 392
Thompson, Warren S., 481 Fourth World Conference on Women, 279 U.S. Census, 332, 284, 284
“three strikes” laws, 158, 187, 323 Gender Inequality Index (GII), 271 U.S. Congress, 270–71, 309, 399
“tiger economies,” 516 Global Initiative to Fight Human U.S. Department of Education, 357, 367
Tilly, Charles, 505 Trafficking, 272 U.S. Department of Health and Human
From Mobilization to Revolution, 505 Human Development Index, 225 Services, 174
time Office on Drugs and Crime, 177 U.S. Department of Justice, 273
social interaction and, 102, 117–22 Population Fund, 272, 476 U.S.-Mexico border, 392, 392
time-space, 118 Security Council, 513 the U.S. North, 301
“time-space compression,” 500 United States the U.S. South, 293, 301
time-space, 118 agricultural subsidies in, 527 “black codes” in, 300–301
“time-space compression,” 500 class structure in, 203–4 post–Civil War, 300–301
Tokyo, Japan, 470, 472 crime rates in, 170, 171 slavery in, 300
Touraine, Alain, 502, 506–7 crude death rate in, 478 U.S. Supreme Court, 270
tracking, race and, 363 decline of rural, 466–67 Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka,
trade, 239 democracy in the, 395–400 Kansas, 301
Trades Union Congress, 496 early colonization, 296, 297 Loving v. Virginia, 293
traditional culture, 66 Gender Inequality Index (GII) and, 271 Obergefell v. Hodges, 316–18, 344, 349,
traditional families, 328 greenhouse gases and, 486, 489 452
myth of, 324, 324 HIV/AIDS in, 444–45 Roe v.Wade, 399
traditional societies, 60–61 individuality in, 46 United States v. Windsor, 318, 318
“tragedy of the commons,” 490–91 internal migration in, 301 Webster v. Reproductive Health Services, 399
transactional leaders, 134 opinions of, 9, 9, 34t women on the, 399
transformational leaders, 134 racial and ethnic composition of, 299
transgender persons, 253, 257 religion in, 378–83 values, 43–45
transgender rights, 73, 79 rural life in, 465–70 cultural, 52–53
transnational corporations, 65, 239, 413–14, social class in, 199–208 globalization and, 503
499–500, 515 space program, 501 national, 51
in Asia, 515–16, 515 suburban life in, 465–70 secret power of, 57
in China, 515, 516 Syria and, 494 subgroup, 51
in U.S., 516 transnational corporations in, 516 Venezuela, globalization and, 524
transnational feminism, 278, 279 urban life in, 465–70 veterans, homelessness and, 220
Trans Pacific Partnership, 526 women’s labor force participation in, 268 video games, 79–80
triads, 133 United States Conference of Mayors, 220 videos, 79
triangulation, 31 United States v. Windsor, 318, 318 Vietnam, 377
Troeltsch, Ernst, 374 universal health coverage, 426 Vietnamese Americans, 311
trolling, 115–16 universal rights for women, 279 Vietnamese immigrants, 304
true crime shows, 158 University of California, 300 vigilantes, 171
Trump, Donald, 300, 526 UP Coffee app, 439 violence, 498–99
Tunisia, 495 upper class, 204–5 common couple, 342
Tunisian Revolution, 495 upper middle class, 205 domestic, 271–72, 322
Turkey, 485, 511 “urban Bedouins,” 472 family, 316, 340–42
Turkle, Sherry, 113 urban ecology, 462–63 intimate partner violence (IPV), 322,
Turlock, California, 304 urban interaction problem, 463 340–42
Tutsis, 292, 498–99, 499 urbanism, 463 in popular culture, 272
Twitter, 106, 110, 138, 496, 511 the created environment and, 464–65 ritualized, 272
two-party system, 396–97 theories of, 461–65 violence against women, 271–74, 277
as a way of life, 462, 463 (see also rape; sexual harassment)
Uganda, 233, 453 urbanization, 456, 459, 460–61, 472 violence against women, 271–74
Ukraine, 496, 505, 512 across the globe, 470–75, 471 gender inequality and, 277
Maidan movements, 395, 511 in Britain, 460, 461 ritualized, 272
protests in, 511 Chicago School, 461–62 sexual, 273–74
A5 8 Index
Virginia Tech University, 174 family patterns and, 326 social significance of, 386, 405–6, 407–10
volunteer sector, 151 health and, 307–8 technology and, 415–16
volunteer work, 406 income and, 306–7, 307, 309, 310 work patterns, 520–21, 523
voter registration, 302 in Miami, Florida, 312 workforce, contingent, 418
voter turnout, 397, 402, 403 as minority, 300 working class, 206
voting, politics and, 396–97 residential segregation and, 308 working mothers, 268–69
social inequality and, 208–9 the working poor, 214
wages, 386–89, 388 in the suburbs, 468 the workplace
Wallerstein, Immanuel, 240 voter turnout and, 397 gender inequalities in, 262–64
Wallerstein, Judith, 338 white-collar crime, 175 gender inequality and, 248
Walmart, 388, 413 whiteness, 292, 297 women and, 261–68, 261
Ward, Lester Frank, 11 Whorf, Benjamin Lee, 55 work stoppages, 409
war on drugs, 174 Williams, Christine, 264 World Bank, 228, 418, 514, 524, 527
War on Poverty, 216 Wilson, Darren, 157–58 World Commission on Environment and
war on terror, 402 Wilson, Edward O., Sociobiology: The New Development, 489
Warren, Elizabeth, 399 Synthesis, 49 World Economic Outlook Projections, 236
Washington, D.C., WTO protests in, 526 Wilson, William Julius, 312–13, 332 World Health Organization (WHO),
waste, 485–86 Winchester, Ian, 285 233, 456
domestic, 486 Windsor, Edith, 317–18, 318, 349 The World Is Flat (Friedman), 518
electronic, 486, 486, 487 Winfrey, Oprah, 302 World Revolution in Family Patterns
water supplies, 488–89 winner take all, 395, 397 (Goode), 326
Watsi, 139 Wirth, Louis, 461, 462, 463 world-systems theory, 240–41
The Way We Never Were (Coontz), 324 “within-school effects,” 363 global inequality, 240–41, 243
wealth, 201 Witterick, Kathy, 83 World Trade Organization (WTO), 500,
accumulation of, 501 Wojcicki, Susan, 249 514, 524
concentration of, 524 women “Millennium Round” of trade talks, 526
racial disparity in, 201 in corporate America, 143 protests against, 526–27, 526
“wealth gap,” 209 earnings of, 263–64, 263, 266–67 World Vision, 226
The Wealth of Nations (Smith), 408 incarceration of, 173 World War II, 301, 304
wearable tech, 439 labor force participation and, 261, 328, World Wide Web, 138
weather, turbulence in, 486 418, 521 writing, 55–56, 58, 500
Weber, Max, 13–14, 14, 15t, 145, 149, 196, 238 life expectancy and, 442
on bureaucracy, 128, 141–43 minority, 309 Xingtang, 416
on class, 195 occupations of, 262–64, 262
on class, status, and power, 198–99 political participation of, 399–400 Yahoo, 144, 146
on democracy, 400 sexual liberation and, 448 Yale University, 40–42
on organizations, 140–42 social interaction and, 122–23 Yanukovych, Viktor, 496, 505
on religion, 371–72, 374, 500 trafficking of, 272 Yemen, 495, 496
theory of organizations, 128 violence against, 271–74 Yik Yak, 19
We Copwatch, 185 the workplace and, 248, 261–68, 261 Yoon, JeongMee, “Pink & Blue” project, 84
weightless economy, 512 women’s rights, 274–79, 326. See also young adulthood, 87–88, 87
weight report cards, 432 feminism young old, 95
Weitzman, Lenore, 84 in Afghanistan, 68 Yousafzai, Malala, 352–54, 353, 354
welfare, 213, 214, 215, 218 globalization and, 248 youth
welfare capitalism, 412 in Kuwait, 66 crime and, 173–74
welfare state, 392, 403 Wood, Laura, 285, 313 education and, 475
Westchester County, New York, 360–61 Woodman, Nick, 205 YouTube, 249, 496
“westoxification,” 500 work, 80–81 Yugoslavia, former, 292
Wharton, Catherine, 250, 279 alienation and, 408–9
Wheeler, Deborah, 66 child care and, 268–69 Zambia, 475
white Americans definition of, 405 Zerubavel, Eviatar, 120
childlessness and, 348 effects on everyday life today, 415–21 Zhou Shengxian, 458
divorce and, 336 future of, 420–21 zhun/twasi, 256
education and, 305–6 globalization and, 420, 520–21, 523 Zimbardo, Philip, 30, 183
employment and, 306 importance of paid and unpaid, 405–6 Zimmerman, George, 157–58, 167
families and, 331 industrial, 408 Zuckerberg, Mark, 204
Index A59
Index of
Infographics
The extent to which people hold favorable attitudes toward the United States varies considerably across nations, While cyberspace is becoming increasingly global, there remains a digital divide between individuals with access to
highlighting how macrosocial factors—migration patterns, economic factors, religion, history of military conflict—can the Internet and those without. While 88 percent of the population of North America is using the Internet, only 29 percent
shape individual-level attitudes. Although there are strong national and regional patterns of support for the United of the population of Africa is online.
States, we also see considerable historical variation, with some countries, like Egypt, demonstrating a steady decline
over time, and others, like Russia, showing a precipitous drop.
Individuals pass through a number of key transitions during the course of their lives. The transition to adulthood, often While rates of smartphone ownership in developing countries have skyrocketed in recent years, there remains a
indicated by benchmarks such as getting married and having children, is being delayed today, especially in high-income significant digital divide, with richer countries reporting higher levels of ownership. Across the globe, an average
countries. In many northern and western European nations, young adults have their first child before marriage while of 43 percent of people report owning a smartphone, or a cell phone with Internet access.
in cohabitating relationships.
45%
Russia
60%
72% 49% 88%
Germany 39%
United States South Korea
France
Japan
58%
17%
China
4%
India
28%
65%
Uganda
Nigeria
Malaysia
65%
Chile
Incarceration Rates
Globalization
by the Numbers
The nonprofit sector plays a key economic role worldwide. In countries such as the United States, Israel, and Australia, the More than 10.3 million people are currently being held in penal institutions across the globe. Although the United States
nonprofit workforce—including paid workers and volunteers—accounts for more than 10 percent of the total is home to less than 5 percent of the global population, it accounts for more than 20 percent of the world's prisoners.
workforce, making it one of the largest employers of any industry.
# Of Prisoners per 100,00 Residents
Nigeria
35 Japan
47 0 100 200 300 400 500 600 700
Switzerland
India 84
33
France
103 Mexico
China Mexico
Myanmar (2015)
212
118 212
Brazil 113
307
South
Iraq Africa Israel
123 292 Cuba 265
510
Rwanda
434
Russian
Federation
United States 451
693
Female
Hispanic Violent
Black 7.2%
21.6% offenders
35.8%
47.3%
Under 18 Public-order
0.07% offenders
14.2%
Non-U.S.
Other White citizens
9.0% 33.6% 4.3% Property Drug
offenders offenders
Source: International Centre for Prison Studies 2016,
17.6% 20.2%
Bureau of Justice Statistics 2015
Gross
National
Income
per Capita
(current U.S. $)
$620 $2,035 $8,113 $41,366
Total
Population
(in millions)
638 2,927 2,550 1,187
Annual
Population
Growth
2.7% 1.6% 0.8% 0.7%
Life
Expectancy
at Birth
(in years)
Fertility
Rate
(average # of
births per woman) 4.8 2.8 1.8 1.7
Infant
Mortality
Rate
(# of infant deaths
per 1,000 births)
53 40 15 6
The Gender Inequality Index (GII), which is used to compare gender inequality across countries, looks at women’s The racial and ethnic categories that are relevant in a particular nation change over time and vary widely among countries.
educational attainment, labor force participation, and representation in governmental bodies, among other metrics.
In the graphic below, the countries’ GII rankings are displayed in the white circles.
Israel
Norway Canada China United States Turkey Rwanda India
9 25 40 55 71 80 130
Jewish* Non-Jewish *Of which Israel-born 74.4%, Europe/America/Oceania-born 17.4%,
75% Mostly Arab Africa-born 5.1%, Asia-born 3.1%
25%
% of female population 25+ with at least some secondary education South Africa
Black African White Colored* Indian/Asian *“Colored” is a term used in South Africa
80.2% 8.4% 8.8% 2.5% for persons of mixed-race ancestry.
Brazil
Of the 185 countries included in a 2014 report by the International Labor Organization, all but two countries—the Educational attainment is a key indicator of human development. The level and distribution of educational attainment
United States and Papua New Guinea—mandate paid leave for new mothers. In Eastern Europe and Central Asia, has a strong impact on social outcomes, such as child mortality, fertility, and income distribution.
new mothers are given an average of almost 27 weeks of leave.
Proportion of School-Age Population Enrolled in Secondary School*
Length of Maternity Leave (in weeks)
102% 97%
52
weeks Japan United Kingdom
45 weeks
94% 87%
26 weeks
20 weeks
85% 84%
GG India
52%
Kenya
India Yemen United States *Proportions can exceed 100% due to the inclusion of over-aged and under-aged
students because of early or late school entrance and grade repetition.
**Average number of years of education received by people ages 25 and older.
Note: All the countries featured pay 80%–100% of previous earnings for the entire period of leave. Source: International Labor Organization 2014
Senegal Source: United Nations Development Programme 2015
Globalization
Unemployment Rates Obesity Rates
Globalization
by the Numbers by the Numbers
More than 197 million people—or 5.8 percent of the global workforce—are unemployed worldwide. Another 1.5 billion Obesity rates worldwide have more than doubled since 1980. In 2014, more than 600 million people—13 percent of
people are in vulnerable employment, including more than 70 percent of workers in Southern Asia and sub-Saharan all adults worldwide—were obese. Once considered a “first world” problem, rates of obesity—defined as a body mass
Africa. The highest unemployment rates are seen in Northern Africa and the Arab States. index (BMI) of 30 or higher—have been rising in low- and middle-income countries.
3%
n
pa
Ja
Iraq Italy 5% 1 2% 1 9%
United States
16.9% 12.1% 5.3% ia 20%
In d
iti 2 4%
Ha rk
n ma
De n 28%
il atio
az de r
Br Fe
ian 3 4%
ss
Ru
o
ex ic es 3 5%
Sweden Russian Fed. Mexico Uganda India Thailand M tat
7.4% 5.8% 4.3% 3.6% 3.5% 1.1% dS
ite ia
Un rab 3 6%
iA
ud
Sa 25
20 30
i 15 35
Fij 10 40
5 45
0 50
Sources: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics 2016,
International Labor Organization 2016
By educational attainment
8.0% 5.4% 5.0% 2.6%
By gender
Obesity Rates by Income Group
Female Male
5.2% 5.4% By race
4.6% 9.6% 3.8% 6.6%
5% 8% 13% 24%
White Black Asian Hispanic Source: World Health Organization 2015, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 2015
Today more than half the world’s population resides in cities. This proportion is expected to rise to 66 percent In 2015 global wealth reached $250 trillion (U.S. dollars). While emerging economies such as China and India are
by 2050, with China, India, and Nigeria alone accounting for nearly 40 percent of the projected growth of the world’s growing at a rapid clip, much of this wealth is still predominately concentrated in Europe and the United States.
urban population.
Low-income 6% 12%
Shanghai, China 23.0 30.8 50%
*Projected. 1%
12%
6% 5.3%
4.8% 4.7% 4.6% 4.5%
4%
2%
10
Bottom five countries
China Norway Malaysia Peru Colombia Portugal Turkey Greece Argentina Egypt
Top five countries -0.4%
-2% -1.1% -1.3% -1.7%
-4% -3.4%
-6%
0
Dhaka Cairo Karachi Mexico City Delhi Mumbai Lagos Beijing Shanghai Tokyo
Bangladesh Egypt Pakistan Mexico India India Nigeria China China Japan
Source: Credit Suisse 2015
Source: United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs 2015 *Global household wealth as defined by Credit Suisse as the marketable value of financial assets plus non-financial assets (principally housing and land) minus debts.
A6 4 Index of Infographics