The Cult of Vetala and Tantric Fantasy

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THE CULT OF VETĀLA AND TANTRIC FANTASY∗

Po-chi Huang

Vetāla: (A kind of spirit, ghost, ghoul, vampire, or zombie, residing in


a corpse. In Chinese: ದ՝೒, ದৡ೒, ದ‫ڽ‬ৡ೒; or transliteration in
Chinese characters: ḛॲᢅ, ಮࢧᢅ, ܲ‫ڍ‬᷇೒, ḛ‫ڍ‬๝.)

New Intellectual Milieu and Tantra

Before investigating the cult of Vetāla as a Tantric ritual, we should


explore the intellectual climate of medieval India. Tantrism, as the
new Zeitgeist in medieval India, offers a glimpse on a new synthesis
of religious thinking as well as a new definition of pouvoir. Tantrism
shifted away from tapas (ascetic austerity) to śakti (Tantric power). Its
emergence represents a remarkable religious transformation in India,
also reflecting Pan-Asian intellectual concerns.1
From the perspective of its two main contributors-the Hindu and
Buddhist Tantras,2 this Zeitgeist shows a dramatic reversal of early

∗ I would like to thank Dr. Lilian Handlin for her useful comments and editorial
suggestions.
1
David White, “Tantra in Practice: Mapping a Tradition,” in David White ed., Tantra
in Practice (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), p. 7: “Tantra has persisted
and often thrived throughout Asian history since the middle of the first millennium
of the common era. Its practitioners have lived in India, China, Japan, Tibet, Bhutan,
Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Korea, and Mongolia as well as in the ‘Greater India’ of medieval
Southeast Asia: Cambodia, Burma and Indonesia. No form of medieval Hinduism,
Buddhism, of Jainism . . . has been without a Tantric component . . . In Hindu India,
the Pañcarātra . . . GauḍīyaVaiṣnava, Sahajiyā, Kāpālika, Śaiva Siddhānta, Siddha Kaula,
Yoginī Kaula . . . Śrīvidyā . . . and Tamil Nāyan̠ār and Ālv̠ ār traditions . . . have all been
Tantric or heavily colored by Tantra.”
2
For Tantric Buddhism in Tibet and East Asia, see David L. Snellgrove, Indo-Tibetan
Buddhism: Indian Buddhist and Their Tibetan Successors vol. 1 (Boston: Shambhala,
1987), and Michel Strickmann, Mantras et Mandarins: Le bouddhisme tantrique en Chine
(Paris: Gallimard, 1996) respectively; for a general introduction to Hindu Tantrism,
see Teun Goudriaan and Sanjukta Gupta, Hindu Tantric and Śākta Literature (Wies-
baden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1984); for a concise survey of Śaivism, see A. Sanderson,
“Śaivism and the Tantric Traditions,” in Stewart Sutherland, L. Houlden, P. Clarke and
F. Hardy eds., The World’s Religions (Boston, Mass.: G. K. Hall, 1988), pp. 660–704. The
relationship between Buddhist and Hindu (especially Śaiva) Tantras is an intriguing
212 po-chi huang

Śramaṇ ism. This new religious adventure combined two initially


irreconcilable entities: asceticism and worldly enjoyment. A Tāntrika
(Tantric practitioner) needed to overcome dualistic opposition to gain
spiritual realization. But this union of two originally irreconcilable con-
ditions for a higher quest was not unique to Tantrism—the paradox is
found in Buddhist Mādhyamika philosophy too:
The truth of the highest meaning takes its reality only through being
projected onto the screen (samvṛti) of conventional truth. Recognition
of the strictly contextual or pragmatic significance of the thoughts and
objects that populate our mental and material world renders meaning-
less any search for a transcendental ground behind these phenomena.
But paradoxically, by stripping away the tendency to reify the screen of
everyday affairs, this same recognition simultaneously lays bare the intrin-
sic nature of all things, which is their “suchness” (tathatā), their quality
of being just as they are in reciprocal dependence. What is immediately
given in everyday experience is indeed all that there is, for the inherently
interdependent nature of the components of this experience is the truth
of the highest meaning; both the means to the goal (mārga; upāya) and
the goal itself (nirvāṇ a).3
I regard this paradoxical thinking as central to medieval India’s para-
digmatic intellectual climate because this persuasion mode is shared
by the Hindu side. The idea of beyond-dualism (parādvaya) articu-
lated in Śvetāśvatara Upaniṣad parallels medieval Buddhism.4 Indeed,

question. Sanderson suggests that Buddhist siddhi literature like Yoginī Tantras have
drawn heavily from Śaiva Kāpālika scriptures. (A. Sanderson, “Vajrayāna: Origin and
Function,” in Dhammakaya Foundation ed., Buddhism into the Year 2000: International
Conference Proceedings (Bangkok and Los Angeles: Dhammakaya Foundation, 1994,
pp. 87–102) One the other hand, Davidson argues: “Buddhist-Kāpālika connection
is more complex than a simple process of religious imitation and textual appropria-
tion . . . the influence was apparently mutual . . . Thus the influence was both sustained and
reciprocal, even in those places where Buddhist and Kāpālika siddhas were in extreme
antagonism.” (Ronald Davidson, Indian Esoteric Buddhism: A History of the Tantric
Movement (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), p. 218.) Looking from the
perspective of similar historical development, Strickmann contends: “Je suis convaincu
que les āgama śivaïsme médiéval et les tantra du bouddhisme médiéval représentent
simplement différentes versions, différentes rédactions d’une seule et même chose.”
(Strickmann, Mantras et Mandarins: Le bouddhisme tantrique en Chine, p. 24.) This
intricate problem remains to be untangled.
3
C. Huntington, The Emptiness of Emptiness: An Introduction to Early Indian
Mādhyamika (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1989), pp. 39–40.
4
According to Lehren von Richard Hauschild ed., Die Śvetāśvatara-Upaniṣad; eine
kritische Ausgabe mit einer Übersetzung und einer Übersicht über ihre Lehren (Leipzig:
Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft, 1927), p. 74, the date of Śvetāśvatara Upaniṣad
is around 100 B.C.E.–100 A.D.

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