Encyclopedia of Indian Religions

Series Editor: Arvind Sharma

Zayn R. Kassam · Yudit Kornberg Greenberg

Jehan Bagli  Editors

Islam, Judaism,
and Zoroastrianism
Encyclopedia of Indian Religions

Series Editor
Arvind Sharma
Zayn R. Kassam
Yudit Kornberg Greenberg
Jehan Bagli
Editors

Islam, Judaism, and

Zoroastrianism

With 23 Figures and 2 Tables

Editors
Zayn R. Kassam Yudit Kornberg Greenberg
Pomona College Religious Studies Rollins College Jewish Studies Program
Claremont, CA, USA Winter Park, FL, USA

Jehan Bagli
World Zoroastrian Organization
Toronto, ON, Canada

ISBN 978-94-024-1266-6 ISBN 978-94-024-1267-3 (eBook)

ISBN 978-94-024-1268-0 (print and electronic bundle)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3

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Preface

The long presence of Zoroastrianism, Judaism, and Islam in the South Asian
region calls for a volume dedicated to their presence and their rich histories,
contributions to, and meldings with preexisting Indian cultures and religios-
ities. That said, this volume can hardly consider itself to be a comprehensive
account of the figures, monuments, and practices that have shaped their
encounter with the pluralistic traditions predating their arrival, as well as the
devotional, literary, artistic, and cultural expressions that continue to animate
their presence on Indian soil. Nonetheless, it provides a window into these
arenas stemming from the many years of preparation that have gone into this
volume and the contributions of innumerable scholars working on the topics
covered. To these scholars, we would like to express our sincere gratitude for
their patience, hard work, helpful discussions, and for devoting their precious
time in bringing this volume of the encyclopedia to fruition.
The history of Zoroastrianism in India is rich and stretches back to nearly
thirteen hundred years. The early Zoroastrian migrants fled their homeland of
Iran to reach India sometime early in the eighth century C.E. It was therefore
important to cover not only the spiritual aspect of the faith, but also the
journey of the Zoroastrian community and their evolution socially and reli-
giously in their new homeland.
It was with this notion in mind that we designed this section. Authors from
priestly profession as well as academic scholars from India and abroad were
invited to elaborate on their research in various aspects of faith and commu-
nity. The entries in this section trace the history of faith and community from
post-Sasanian Iran to their migration to India including the unfolding of their
places of worship and their achievements on the Indian subcontinent. In
contrast, the chapters on theology, Zoroastrian calendars, scriptures, and rituals
present an overall survey of Zoroastrianism. A chapter also elaborates the
communications that the migrant community maintained with their parent
Iranian counterpart.
The entries covering Judaism and Jewish life in India introduce and reveal a
fascinating history of a small yet thriving community with a legacy of peaceful
coexistence and mutually rich cultural encounters and interactions. Although
the smallest among the three religious groups featured in our volume, Indian-
Jewish encounters can be traced as far back as the biblical references to direct
or indirect trade between India and ancient Israel. Covering the history of the
three major Jewish communities in India, the Kerala Jews, the Bene Israel

v
vi Preface

community, and the Iraqi Jews, our scholars provide us with accounts of the
spiritual life of each of these Jewish communities and the intra-Jewish dynam-
ics among them. They address the economic, philanthropic, literary, and
artistic contributions of Jews to modern Indian society, particularly in the
regions of Bombay and Calcutta. The authors also discuss the large emigration
of Indian Jews to Israel, especially from the Cochini and the Bene Israel
communities.
Finally, for the Islam section of this volume we offer entries that form a
starting point for glimpsing some of the highlights of its thirteen centuries-long
presence in South Asia. Some focus on historical developments, others on
philosophies and ideas, others on monuments, yet others on devotional liter-
atures, and some on key personages. We see through the entries the dynamism
of religious and cultural exchanges that both Indianize Islamic and Islamize
Indian expressions as one consequence of the encounter of indigenous and
transplanted traditions, even as impulses to keep separate the distinctiveness of
the various religious traditions work against creative syncretism. Far from
being a history of conflict, the reality on the ground is that historically South
Asian Muslims have both constituted and been constituted by the profound
philosophical, literary, geographical, material, and cultural spaces they inhabit
in the region.

CA, USA Professor Zayn R. Kassam

FL, USA Professor Yudit Kornberg Greenberg
ON, Canada Professor Jehan Bagli
Series Editor

Arvind Sharma Formerly of the I.A.S., Arvind Sharma (b.1940) is the Birks
Professor of Comparative Religion in the School of Religious Studies at
McGill University in Montreal, Canada. He has also taught at various univer-
sities in Australia and the United States and has published extensively in the
fields of comparative religion and Indology. He is currently the general editor
of Encyclopedia of Indian Religions (Springer, 2017) and his forthcoming
works include Orientalism Two, Our Civilization, and How to Read the
Manusmṛti.

vii
About the Editors

Zayn R. Kassam is the John Knox McLean Professor of Religious Studies at

Pomona College in Claremont, CA. The winner of three Wig Awards for
Distinguished Teaching, she has also won the national American Academy
of Religion Award for Excellence in Teaching and the Theta Alpha Kappa
Kathleen Connolly-Weinart Leader of the Year Award. Kassam has authored a
volume on Islam (Greenwood Press, 2005) and edited two volumes, respec-
tively titled Women and Islam (2010) and Women and Asian Religions (2017).
She has published articles on religion and migration, on pedagogy, feminist
Muslim hermeneutics, and Muslim Women and globalization. Her current
research investigates contemporary challenges facing Muslim migrants. She
teaches courses on women in Islam, Islamic thought, contemporary Muslim
literature, and religion and the environment.
Dr. Kassam’s service to the profession includes serving on American
Academy of Religion national steering committees for the Study of Islam;
Childhood Studies in Religion; Liberal Theologies; Religion and Migration;
and the Islam, Gender, Women Group. She is also a board member for the
highly acclaimed Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion, as well as a con-
sulting editor on Twentieth Century Religious Thought: vol II, Islam.

Dr. Yudit Kornberg Greenberg is the George D. and Harriet W. Cornell

Endowed Chair of Religion and Founding Director of the Jewish Studies
Program at Rollins College in Winter Park, Florida. Her fields of teaching
and research include modern and contemporary Jewish thought, Hebrew
Bible, comparative religion, women and religion, and cross-cultural views of
love and the body. Dr. Greenberg is the author of Better than Wine: Love,
Poetry and Prayer in the Thought of Franz Rosenzweig, the two volume
Encyclopedia of Love in World Religions, nominated for the American Acad-
emy of Religion Book award for 2009, and editor of From Spinoza to Levinas:
Hermeneutical, Ethical, and Political Issues in Modern and Contemporary
Jewish Philosophy. She has written numerous articles and essays in modern
and contemporary Jewish thought, and in comparative Hindu and Jewish
philosophy and religion. Her recent books include The Body in Religion:

ix
x About the Editors

Crosscultural Perspectives, Bloomsbury Academic, 2017, and Dharma and

Halacha: Comparative Studies in Hindu-Jewish Philosophy and Religion,
Lexington Books, 2018.
Dr. Greenberg lectures nationally and internationally on philosophical
topics related to love, body, and gender. She has been active in numerous
scholarly societies and organizations such as the American Academy of
Religion, where she served as co-chair of the Studies in Judaism Section and
the Comparative Study of Judaisms and Hinduisms Group, the Association for
Jewish Studies, the Parliament of the Worlds’ Religions, and the International
Comparative Literature Association. She serves on the editorial board of the
Journal of the American Academy of Religion and is General Editor of Studies
in Judaism Series for Peter Lang Academic Publishers. Dr. Greenberg is a
recipient of numerous awards including two Fulbright Scholar Awards; the
Cornell Distinguished Faculty Award, the Arthur Vining Davis Award, and the
Presidential Award for the Promotion of Diversity and Inclusion from Rollins
College; the Templeton Course Prize in Science and Religion and the Harvard
University Pluralism Project Grant. She was a Fulbright-Nehru Scholar in
2015 in India and a Visiting Research Fellow in 2017 at the Harry S. Truman
Research Institute for the Advancement of Peace, The Hebrew University of
Jerusalem. During the Summer of 2018, she will be a Research Fellow at the
Forschungskolleg Humanwissenschaften der Goethe-Universität, and starting
in January 2019, she will be a Fulbright-Nehru Scholar at the University of
Mumbai in India.

Dr. Jehan Bagli is an ordained Zoroastrian priest through Navar and Murtab
ceremonies. He was a founding member and President of Zoroastrian Associ-
ation of Quebec, the Editor of Gavashni, a North American Zarathushti
publication, for 16 years (1974–1990), and Founding Editor of FEZANA
journal (1988–1990). He is immediate past President of North American
Mobed Council (NAMC). Presently, he is the Chairperson of the Research
and Preservation Committee of Federation of Zoroastrian Associations of
North America (FEZANA) and the international board member of World
Zoroastrian Organization.
He has lectured extensively on numerous religious topics at various con-
ferences and symposia. These include North American Zoroastrian Con-
gresses at Toronto, Chicago, California, Vancouver, and Philadelphia and at
various Anjumans in North America. He was also invited by Zoroastrian
organizations to give lectures in India, Pakistan, Australia, and South Africa.
He has published widely, on various topics, on the religion of Zarathushtra.
He is the author/coauthor of five books: Religion of Asho Zarathusht and
Influence through The Ages (2003), and coauthor of Understanding and
Practice of Jashan Ceremony (2001), Understanding and Practice of Obse-
quies (2006), Congregational Prayers (2007), Understanding and Practice of
Navjote and Wedding Ceremonies (2010), and Understanding and Practice
of Concise Naavar Ceremony (2014). Most recently, he has been the author of
About the Editors xi

Zoroastrian Theology and Eschatology as well as the section editor for

“Zoroastrian Religion” for this volume of the Encyclopedia of Indian
Religions.
Professionally, he is a retired Distinguished Research Fellow of Wyeth/
Ayrest Pharmaceutical Research and is currently a Research Consultant.
He was a recipient of the Gold Medal of Indian Pharmaceutical Associa-
tion, of the fellowships from the US Public Health Service, US National
Institute of Health, and of the National Research Council of Canada. He also
received the award of Excellence in Profession/Business from Federation of
Zoroastrian Associations of North America, recognized by ZSO, ZAQ, and
ZAGNY, and is an elected fellow of the Chemical Institute of Canada.
Contributors

Navras Jaat Aafreedi Department of History and Civilization, School of

Humanities and Social Sciences, Gautam Buddha University, Greater Noida,
UP, India

Raihanah Abdullah Department of Syariah and Law, Academy of Islamic

Studies, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia

Zuraidah Abdullah Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University of

Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia

Iqbal S. Akhtar Department of Religious Studies and Department of Politics

and International Relations, Florida International University, Miami, FL, USA

Blain Auer Department of South Asian Studies, University of Lausanne,

Lausanne, Switzerland

Jehan Bagli World Zoroastrian Organization, Toronto, ON, Canada

Parvez M. Bajan B. M. Mevawala Fire Temple, Mumbai, India

St. Xavier’s College, Bombay University, Mumbai, India

Carole A. Barnsley Department of Religion, Transylvania University, Lex-

ington, KY, USA

Michael Bednar Columbia, MO, USA

Clinton Bennett Department of Philosophy, State University of New York at

New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA

Purushottama Bilimoria Letters and Science, University of California,

Berkeley, CA, USA
School of Historical and Philosophical Studies, University of Melbourne and
Deakin University, Victoria, Australia

Leila Chamankhah Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies (IAIS), University

of Exeter, Devon, UK

xiii
xiv Contributors

Jamsheed K. Choksy Department of Central Eurasian Studies, Indiana Uni-

versity, Bloomington, IN, USA

Golam Dastagir Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar University,

Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh
Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur,
Malaysia

Albert De Jong Religions of Antiquity/Comparative Religion, Leiden

University, Leiden, The Netherlands

Amanullah De Sondy Study of Religions, College of Arts and Social Sci-

ences, University College Cork, Cork, Ireland

Arthur Dudney Faculty of Oriental Studies, Oxford University, Oxford, UK

Janis Esots The Institute of Ismaili Studies, London, UK

Ilyse R. Morgenstein Fuerst Department of Religion, University of Ver-

mont, Burlington, VT, USA

Jonathan Goldstein History Department, University of West Georgia,

Carrollton, GA, USA

Rebecca Ruth Gould School of Languages, Cultures, Art History and

Music, College of Arts and Law, University of Birmingham, Birmingham, UK

Thomas K. Gugler Centre for Islamic Theology, University of Muenster,

Muenster, Germany

Vivek Gupta Department of Middle Eastern, South Asian, and African

Studies, Columbia University, New York, NY, USA

Andrew Halladay South Asian Languages and Civilizations, University of

Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA

Sowkot Hossain Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar University,

Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh

A. R. M. Imtiyaz Asian Studies/The Department of Political Science, Tem-

ple University, Philadelphia, PA, USA

Brannon Ingram Department of Religious Studies, Northwestern Univer-

sity, Evanston, IL, USA

Ayesha A. Irani Department of Historical Studies, University of Toronto at

Mississauga, Mississauga, ON, Canada

Barbara C. Johnson Cultural Anthropology, Jewish Studies, Ithaca College,

Ithaca, NY, USA

Ramiyar P. Karanjia Avesta, Pahlavi, University of Bombay, Mumbai,

India
Dadar Athornan Institute, Mumbai, India
Contributors xv

Pasha M. Khan Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University, Montreal,

QC, Canada
Shenila Khoja-Moolji Gender, Sexuality, and Women’s Studies, Bowdoin
College, Brunswick, ME, USA
Søren Christian Lassen Department of History of Religions, University of
Copenhagen, Copenhagen, Denmark
Riyaz Latif Department of History of Art, Vanderbilt University, Nashville,
TN, USA
Bruce B. Lawrence Duke University, Durham, Hillsborough, NC, USA
Joel Lee Williams College, Williamstown, MA, USA
Matthew Long OH, USA
Iik A. Mansurnoor Historical Studies Program, University of Brunei
Darussalam, Bandar Seri Begawan, Brunei, Darussalam
Anubhuti Maurya History Department, Bharati College, Delhi University,
New Delhi, India
Sharmina Mawani Department of Graduate Studies, The Institute of Ismaili
Studies, London, UK
Seyed Mohamed Mohamed Mazahir Department of Islamic Studies, South
Eastern University of Sri Lanka, Oluvil, Sri Lanka
Mohamed Mihlar Faculty of Leadership and Management, Universiti Sains
Islam Malaysia (USIM), Nilai, Negeri Sembilan, Malaysia
Colin P. Mitchell Department of History, Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS,
Canada
Yasien Mohamed Department Foreign Languages, University of the Western
Cape, Bellville, South Africa
A. Azfar Moin Clements Department of History, Southern Methodist Uni-
versity, Dallas, TX, USA
Rafiqul Islam Molla International Islamic University Chittagong (IIUC),
Chittagong, Bangladesh
Anjoom Mukadam Department of Graduate Studies, The Institute of Ismaili
Studies, London, UK
Faiza Mushtaq Department of Social Sciences and Liberal Arts, Institute of
Business Administration, Karachi, Pakistan
Sajjad Nejatie Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations,
University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada
James R. Newell Vanderbilt University, Nashville, TN, USA
Moin Ahmad Nizami Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies, Oxford, Oxford-
shire, UK
xvi Contributors

Michael O’Neal Washington, DC, USA

Erik S. Ohlander Department of Philosophy, Indiana University-Purdue
University Fort Wayne, Fort Wayne, IN, USA
Jesse S. Palsetia Department of History, University of Guelph, Guelph, ON,
Canada
Farid Panjwani Department of Curriculum, Pedagogy and Assessment,
Institute of Education, University of London, London, UK
Rooyintan Peshotan Peer K R Cama Oriental Institute, Mumbai, India
Emin Poljarevic Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies, University of Edin-
burgh, Edinburgh, UK
Pranav Prakash Department of Religious Studies, University of Iowa, Iowa
City, IA, USA
Claudia Preckel Institute for Oriental and Islamic Studies, Ruhr-University
Bochum, Bochum, Germany
A. F. M. Obaidur Rahman Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar Uni-
versity, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh
Ismath Ramzy Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University of Malaya,
Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
Claire Robison Department of Religious Studies, South Asian Religions,
University of California, Santa Barbara, Santa Barbara, CA, USA
Joan Roland Department of History, Dyson College of Arts and Sciences,
Pace University, New York, NY, USA
Mashal Saif Islamic Studies, Duke University, Durham, NC, USA
Usha Sanyal Queens University of Charlotte, Charlotte, NC, USA
Mathew N. Schmalz Department of Religious Studies, The College of the
Holy Cross, Worcester, MA, USA
Renuka Sharma Monash Asia Institute, Monash University, Clayton, VIC,
Australia
Daniel J. Sheffield Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations,
Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, USA
Sameena Hasan Siddiqui Centre for the Study of Comparative Religion and
Civilizations, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, India
Jael Silliman Kolkata, West Bengal, India
Prods Oktor Skjærvø Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civiliza-
tions, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, USA
Liyakat Takim Religious Studies, University of McMaster, West Hamilton,
ON, Canada
Contributors xvii

SherAli Tareen Department of Religious Studies, Franklin and Marshall

College, Lancaster, PA, USA
Minna Thaheer International Center for Ethnic Studies (ICES), Colombo,
Sri Lanka
Audrey Truschke Department of Religious Studies, Stanford University,
Stanford, CA, USA
Torsten Tschacher Centre for Modern Indian Studies (CeMIS), University
of Göttingen, Göttingen, Germany
Institute of Islamic Studies, Freie Universität Berlin, Berlin, Germany
Farrokh Jal Vajifdar Royal Asiatic Society, London, UK
Amin Venjara Department of Religion, Princeton University, Princeton, NJ,
USA
Heinz Werner Wessler Department for Linguistics and Philology, Uppsala
University, Uppsala, Sweden
Brannon Wheeler Department of History, Center for Middle East and
Islamic Studies, United States Naval Academy, Annapolis, MD, USA
Edward Yazijian Departments of Asian Studies and Religion, Furman Uni-
versity, Greenville, SC, USA
Nasim Yousaf Liverpool, NY, USA
Imtiyaz Yusuf Center for Buddhist-Muslim Understanding, College of Reli-
gious Studies, Mahidol University, Salaya, Nakhorn Pathom, Thailand
Maheen Zaman MESAAS, Columbia University, New Hyde Park, NY,
USA
Syed Rizwan Zamir Department of Religion, Davidson College, Davidson,
NC, USA
A

9th Month of Lunar Calendar Imperial Service

▶ Ramaḍān ‘Abd’l-Raḥīm Khān-i-Khānān (1556–1626/7)

was a powerful Mughal military commander,
accomplished author in multiple languages, and
renowned patron of the arts. He was the son of
Bayram Khan, Akbar’s regent for the first 4 years
‘Abd al-Qadir Bada’uni of his reign, and was raised in the Mughal court
after the murder of his father in 1561 [10]. In his
▶ Badā’ūnī, ‘Abd al-Qādir (1540–1615) youth he accompanied Akbar on several military
campaigns and was designated governor of the
lucrative province of Gujarat in western India in
the mid-1570s. After proving himself an able
‘Abd’l-Rahīm Khān-i-Khānān administrator, he displayed his battle prowess in
˙ Rajasthan and then led the Mughal reconquest of
Audrey Truschke Gujarat in the 1580s. In 1584, he received the title
Department of Religious Studies, Stanford Khān-i-Khānān (Lord of Lords), which had also
University, Stanford, CA, USA been held by his father, in reward for subduing the
rebellion of Muzaffar Shah III, the former ruler of
Gujarat who had been first deposed in 1572–1573.
Synonyms During the early 1580s, Akbar also appointed
‘Abd’l-Raḥīm to the positions of Mī r-i ‘Arẓ
Abd al-Rahim; Abdur Rahim; Abdurrahim; (Lord of Courtly Petitions) and atālī q (tutor) to
Khan-i Khanan; Rahim Prince Salim, who would later become Emperor
Jahangir. Raḥīm returned to Gujarat as its gover-
nor from 1584 to 1589. He was later appointed to
the largely honorary but prestigious post of Vakī l
Definition al-Saltanat (Vice-Regent of the Empire) and
received Jaunpur as a land grant. During the
‘Abd’l-Raḥīm Khān-i-Khānān (1556–1626/7) early 1590s he led the Mughals to victory in
was a powerful Mughal military commander, Qandahar and Sindh and thereafter was
accomplished author in multiple languages, and dispatched to assist Prince Murad in subduing
renowned patron of the arts. the Deccan.
# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018
Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
2 ‘Abd’l-Rahīm Khān-i-Khānān
˙

‘Abd’l-Raḥīm spent the rest of his life pursu- veracity of their attributions is difficult to determine
ing diplomatic and military missions in the Dec- [5, 15, 16]. His accredited oeuvre spans multiple
can, punctuated with visits to the imperial court dialects of early modern Hindi, including Braj
up north. He moved in and out of royal favor, Bhasha and Khari Boli, and draws on both Sanskrit
particularly under Jahangir who criticized his and Persian vocabulary to produce compelling rhe-
“insurgence and ingratitude” after Raḥīm torical effects [3, 5]. Several of Raḥīm’s purported
supported the unsuccessful rebellion of Prince Sanskrit verses are also extant [16], as well as
Khurram, the future Shah Jahan, in 1622 [11]. a peculiar astronomical work that is written in
Nonetheless, Raḥīm had deep ties with the Sanskrit with heavy Persian vocabulary
imperial family, having married Māh Bānū, (Kheṭakautuka, [14]). He is also reported to have
who was the sister of Akbar’s own foster brother, been fluent in Arabic and Portuguese and employed
Mirza Aziz Koka. He also married one of his both languages in his diplomatic activities [19].
daughters, Jānān Begum, to Prince Danyal in
1599, and his granddaughter via his eldest son,
Shāhnavāz Khān, wed Prince Khurram. ‘Abd’l- ‘Abd’l-Rahīm as Patron
Raḥīm died in 1626/7 with an unprecedented ˙
Mughal manṣab rank of 7,000/7,000, and details ‘Abd’l-Raḥīm generously sponsored many literary
about his life are available in many contemporary and aesthetic projects that drew a wide range of
and later sources [1, 11, 18, 22]. He was buried poets and artists to his court. Much of this history is
near Humayun’s tomb in Delhi in a red sandstone recorded in the Ma’āsir-i Raḥī mī , a lengthy biog-
structure that still stands today [2]. raphy of Raḥīm completed in 1616 by ‘Abd al Bāqī
Nihavandī who migrated from Iran and joined
Raḥīm’s court in Burhanpur in 1614 [19, 20].
‘Abd’l-Rahīm as Author Nihavandī devoted approximately one-third of his
˙ Ma’āsir to general Indo-Islamic history, and the
In addition to his military service, ‘Abd’l-Raḥīm remainder focuses on Raḥīm as a benefactor dating
Khān-i-Khānān engaged in literary and artistic back to his days in Gujarat [18].
endeavors as both a proficient author and lavish Over the decades, Raḥīm hosted dozens of
patron. He is reputed to have spoken six languages Persian poets, many of whom came from Safavid
and is credited with composing works in multiple Iran and sought more favorable patronage rela-
tongues. Most famously, he translated Babur’s tions available in Mughal India. The Ma’āsir-i
memoirs (Bāburnāmah) into Persian from their Raḥī mī collects Persian praises of Khān-i-
original Chagatai Turkish, a language that was Khānān from more than 100 poets [8, 17, 19].
becoming increasingly obsolete among the impe- Additionally, Raḥīm supported a handful of
rial elite during Akbar’s reign. He presented his Hindi writers, chief among them Gang, a prolific
translation to the royal court in 1589, and thereaf- panegyrist of many Mughal figures [4, 6, 17]. He
ter Raḥīm’s work was the version known to most was also the recipient of encomia from poets
Mughal readers. The Turkish version of the outside of his court. For example, a Sanskrit praise
Bāburnāmah was not even available in the impe- poem to him titled Khānakhānācarita (Acts of
rial library after Shah Jahan’s reign [23]. Raḥīm Khān-i-Khānān) was penned by Rudrakavi,
also penned verses in Persian and Turkish and was a poet in a regional Deccani court [7, 12].
famed for his literary skills in official correspon- In addition to literary endeavors, ‘Abd’l-
dence. A collection of his letters survives today Raḥīm also supported numerous musicians,
under the title Majmū‘ah-i Rūqqa‘āt-i Khān-i librarians, and calligraphers and boasted an
Khānān (Collection of Khān-i-Khānān’s Letters), impressive atelier of painters [13]. He commis-
but it is little studied [9]. sioned several illuminated manuscripts, including
In addition, several Hindi compositions copies of the Persian Shāhnāmah (Book of Kings)
ascribed to Raḥīm are known, although the and Amīr Khusraw’s Khamsah [20]. He directed
Abd al-Rahim 3

his atelier to produce illustrated editions of the 8. Ghani MA (1930) A history of Persian language and
Persian translations of the Sanskrit epics under- literature at the Mughal court with a brief survey of the
growth of Urdu language (Bābur to Akbar), vol 3.
taken at Akbar’s request in the 1580s. The paint- Indian Press, Allahabad A
ings that accompanied Raḥīm’s copy of the 9. Hadi N (1995) Dictionary of indo-Persian literature.
Persian Mahābhārata (called Razmnāmah or Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, New Delhi
Book of War in Persian) are now dispersed, but 10. Husain A (1999) The nobility under Akbar and
Jahāngīr: a study of family groups. Manohar, New
his Rāmāyaṇa has survived intact and is held Delhi
today in the Freer Gallery in Washington, D.C. 11. Jahangir (1980) Jahāngīrnāmah. In: Hashim M (ed)
[20, 21]. Raḥīm’s workshop also crafted one of Tehran: Bunyad-i Farhang-i Iran. English edition:
the earliest known Mughal Rāgamālās, an illus- (1999) The Jahangirnama: memoirs of Jahangir,
Emperor of India (trans: Thackston WM). Freer Gal-
tration of different musical modes. lery of Art and Oxford University Press, Washington,
Alongside his patronage of contemporary artists, DC/New York
Raḥīm also cultivated an extensive library that held 12. Karambelkar VW (1952) Nabābakhānakhānācaritam.
many manuscripts highly valued for their calligra- Indian Hist Quart 28:240–248
13. Khan RA (1985) The grand court of the Khān Khānān.
phy or paintings. One such work was a copy of Lalit Kala 21:27–35
Jāmī’s Yusuf-Zulaykha written in the hand of 14. Khān-i-Khānān AR (1997) Kheṭakautukam (ed: Das
a Sultan ‘Ali of Herat in 1492–1493 that Raḥīm N). Caukhambha Vidyabhavan, Varanasi
later had presented to Emperor Jahangir [20]. 15. McGregor RS (1984) Hindi literature from its begin-
nings to the nineteenth century. Harrassowitz,
Wiesbaden
16. Mishra V, Rajnish G (eds) (1994) Rahīmgranthāvalī.
Vani Prakashan, New Delhi
Cross-References 17. Naik CR (1966) ‘Abdu’r Raḥīm Khān-i-Khānān and
his literary circle. Gujarat University, Ahmedabad
▶ Akbar 18. Nihavandī AB (1924–1931) Ma’āsir-i Raḥīmī (ed:
Husayn H). Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta
▶ Jahāngīr, Nūruddin Mohammad
19. Schimmel A (1992) A dervish in the guise of a prince:
Khān-i Khānān Abdur Rahīm as a patron. In: Miller
BS (ed) The powers of art: patronage in Indian culture.
Oxford University Press, New Delhi
References 20. Seyller J (1999) Workshop and patron in Mughal
India: the Freer Rāmāyaṇa and other illustrated man-
1. Abu’l Fazl ibn Mubarak (1873–1887) Akbarnāmah uscripts of ‘Abd al-Raḥīm. Artibus Asiae, Washing-
(ed: Abd-ur-Rahim M). Asiatic Society, Calcutta. ton, DC
English edition: Abu’l Fazl ibn Mubarak 21. Seyller J (1985) Model and Copy: The illustration of
(2010) Akbarnāmah (trans: Beveridge H). Low Price three Razmnāma manuscripts. Arch Asian Art
Publications, Delhi 38:37–66
2. Asher CB (1992) Architecture of Mughal India. Cam- 22. Shāhnavāz Khān (1888–1891) Ma’āsir al-Umarā. In:
bridge University Press, New York Rahim MA, Ashraf MM (eds) Asiatic society of Ben-
3. Bangha I (2010) Rekhta: poetry in mixed language, gal, Calcutta. English edition: Shāhnavāz Khān
the emergence of Khari Boli literature in north India. In: (1979) The Maāṯẖir-ul-umarā being biographies of
Orsini F (ed) Before the divide: Hindi and Urdu literary the Muḥammadan and Hindu Officers of the Timurid
culture. Orient BlackSwan, New Delhi Sovereigns of India from 1500 to about 1780 A.D.
4. Busch A (2010) Hidden in plain view: Brajbhasha (trans: Beveridge H, Prashad B). Janaki Prakashan,
poets at the Mughal court. Mod Asian Stud Patna
44(2):267–309 23. Thackston WM (2002) Introduction. In: The
5. Busch A (2010) Riti and register: lexical variation in Baburnama: memoirs of Babur, prince and emperor.
courtly Braj Bhasha texts. In: Orsini F (ed) Before the Modern Library, New York
divide: Hindi and Urdu literary culture. Orient
BlackSwan, New Delhi
6. Busch A (2011) Poetry of kings: the classical Hindi
literature of Mughal India. Oxford University Press,
Oxford Abd al-Rahim
7. Chaudhuri JB (1954) Khān Khānān Abdur Rahim
(1557–1630 A.D.) and contemporary Sanskrit learn-
ing (1551–1650 A.D.). Pracyavani, Calcutta ▶ ‘Abd’l-Raḥīm Khān-i-Khānān
4 Abdul Aleem

Early Life and Family

Abdul Aleem
Abū al-Faḍl was born in 1551 in Agra, and grew
▶ Siddiqi, Maulana Abdul Aleem up during the time in which the Mughal court,
under Akbar, sought to consolidate its power,
establish a strong centralized rule, and reestablish
its dominion over Northern India. Despite his
proximity to the center, Abū al-Faḍl’s early life
Abdul Qadir Badauni was not marked by an interest to participate in
courtly matters. This was quite unlike his brother,
▶ Badā’ūnī, ‘Abd al-Qādir (1540–1615) the famed poet and courtier Fayzi. However,
a familial devotion to erudition typified both
men: their father was Shaykh Mubarak, a noted
teacher and scholar in his own right. Abū al-Faḍl
dedicated most of his young life to learning, and it
Abdur Rahim is said that by age 15 he was literate in multiple
languages, among them Greek and Arabic in addi-
▶ ‘Abd’l-Raḥīm Khān-i-Khānān tion to the language of court, Persian. Importantly,
part of his training included works most often
associated with Sufism [3].
A good deal about Abū al-Faḍl is known from
his autobiography. In it, he spends quite a bit of
Abdurrahim time discussing his father, who had a lasting
impact on his life and understanding of religion.
▶ ‘Abd’l-Raḥīm Khān-i-Khānān Abū al-Faḍl devotes almost a third of a chapter to
his father’s educational and intellectual merits,
stating that he “received a high diploma” at
Ahmadābād, in contemporary Gujarat, in fields
of law from many of the legal schools, including
Abū al-Fadl what might be termed the four major legal schools
˙ or madhhabs – Mālikī, Shāfi‘ī, Hanafī, and
Ilyse R. Morgenstein Fuerst Hanbalī – as well as Imāmīyah, a Shi‘ī madhhab,
Department of Religion, University of Vermont, in addition to a wide range of Sufi texts. It is
Burlington, VT, USA possible to envision, therefore, that Abū al-Faḍl
was likewise widely exposed to multiple tradi-
tions within Islamic thought: Sunnī, Shi‘ī, and
Synonyms Ṣūfī alike. Abū al-Faḍl also describes his wander-
ings with his father and brother Fayzi, until the
Abū al-Faḍl ‘Allāmī; Abū al-Faḍl ibn Mubarak; trio is able to be presented to Akbar as scholars
Abu’l Fazl ‘Allāmī; Abu’l Fazl ibn Mubarak; worthy of court positions and the emperor’s trust
Abu’l Fazl as learned and properly devout men [1].

Definition Abū al-Fadl at Court: His Writings and

Impact ˙
Abū al-Faḍl (1551–1602 C.E.) was an historian,
officer, chief secretary, and confidant for Mughal In 1574, Abū al-Faḍl joined the court of Akbar
Emperor Akbar (r. 1556–1605). after having made a favorable impression upon
Abū al-Fadl 5
˙

him. He would serve Akbar until his death – his Persianate norms and mores; furthermore, he
murder – in 1602. During the quarter-century in imagines Akbar within a Sufi frame, including
which he served the emperor and his court, he had him as the perfected man (insān-i kāmil) [9]. A
a profound impact on the emperor, his demeanor, This larger-than-life portrayal of Akbar has
his understanding of his role, and the way in defied the limits of the emperor’s rule, as it is
which authority and religion was conceived. this vision of Akbar that is most often cited,
Abū al-Faḍl and Akbar were exceptionally close, favorably or unfavorably, in nearly all the
and many have rightfully pointed out that the periods that follow. Furthermore, the blending
former almost single-handedly guided the of historical and traditional sources – on the
emperor’s ideological conceptualizations of one hand “secular” and on the other “religious”
court, religion, and just rule [9]. – marks a new historical methodology that per-
In many ways, Abū al-Faḍl must be understood meated later Mughal and Persianate chronicles
as a spokesman for Akbar: his writings, typified by [10]. Abū al-Faḍl’s vision of Akbar as an indi-
the Akbarnama and its appendix Ā'ī n-i Akbarī, vidual but also as the Mughal emperor –
portray a vision of Akbar that is meticulous, pur- a position others would later take up, of
poseful, and continues to bear weight today. Taken course – helped define and redefine the role of
together, the Akbarnama and Ā’ī n-i Akbarī can the Mughal court to its own population in its own
easily be said to represent Abū al-Faḍl’s lasting time, and also beyond it. In effect, he scripted the
legacy, fame, and respect. role the empire was to inhabit contemporane-
The Akbarnama or Book of Akbar (c. 1596) is a ously and within the annals of history.
lengthy account of Akbar’s reign. In it, Abū al- A distinctive aspect of Abū al-Faḍl’s writing is
Faḍl details the ancestry, life, and perceived lega- its attention to mysticism and asceticism within
cies of Akbar. The Akbarnāma itself is a narrative Muslim and Hindu traditions [12]. The famed if
written in grandiloquent, bombastic prose, which failed system of Divine Faith (dī n-i ilāhī) that so
becomes a stylistic form for authors who follow often marks conversations about Akbar was, in
Abū al-Faḍl [2]. The Akbarnāma is a narrative many ways, Abū al-Faḍl’s creation: a syncretic,
account of the life, court, and thought of the open cult of personality dedicated to and reliant
Mughal emperor. The appendix, Ā’ī n-i Akbarī upon the charismatic, “perfected” Akbar. While
or Institutes of Akbar, is not written in such this system never took off – it is estimated that
terms; rather, it is exceptionally descriptive, does only close members of the court joined the new
not follow a narrative form, and reads as order – the effects of having created such an order
a compilation of factual data [1]. Abū al-Faḍl in the first place are important. For one, such an
certainly considered the entirety of the ideology foregrounded Abū al-Faḍl’s familiarity
work – the Akbarnāma and the Ā’īn-i with and dedication to Sufi ideals; the system is
Akbarī – one cogent, fluid masterpiece, even if based squarely upon a teacher-student (murīd-
today most scholars refer to the works as separate murshid) relationship [6]. Further, it highlights
(and they are, indeed, usually published as such). the other major ideological contribution of Abū
The influence of these works are manifold, al-Faḍl, namely, the application of universal con-
but can be distilled into two major points. The cord (sulh-i-kull) to Akbar’s reign. This concept
first is that Abū al-Faḍl summarized and pre- stresses peace and toleration and became one of the
sented Akbar and his reign in a manner amenable stated hallmarks of the period; whether or not
to the emperor; this is to say that he did a version of pluralism was perfected during
not concoct a vision of the King of which the Akbar’s reign is irrelevant, but what Abū al-
King himself did not approve [11]. The second is Faḍl’s commitment to universal concord helped
far more interesting, and speaks about Abū al- structure was avenues for multiethnic, multi-
Faḍl’s distinctive role as both a chronicler and religious participation in the major institutions of
ideologue: in these works, Abū al-Faḍl positions government. Abū al-Faḍl may have been the
Akbar as a divinely sanctioned King, following spokesman for Akbar, but ultimately he helped
6 Abū al-Fadl ‘Allāmī
˙

shape not only the vision of the emperor, but the

Mughal Empire’s very ideology. Abū al-Fadl ‘Allāmī
˙
▶ Abū al-Faḍl
Death

Abū al-Faḍl was murdered in 1602. He did not

support the ascension of Prince Salim, who would Abū al-Fadl al-Bayhaqī
later be known as Jahāngīr. Salim orchestrated to ˙
have him silenced permanently. When Abū al-Faḍl ▶ Bayhaqī, Abūl-Fażl
returned from a trip in the Deccan, Vir Singh
Bundela, a later authority in Orchha, intercepted
and murdered him near the city of Antri, where
Abū al-Faḍl was later buried [12]. Abū al-Fadl ibn Mubarak
˙
Cross-References ▶ Abū al-Faḍl

▶ Akbar

Abu al-Fath Jalaluddin

References Muhammad Akbar

1. Abu’l Fazl (1948) Ā’īn-i Akbarī, 3 vols (trans: Jarrett ▶ Akbar

HS). Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta
2. Abu’l Fazl (1873–1887) Akbarnāmā (ed. Agha
Ahmad Ali and Abdur Rahim). Bibliotecha Indica,
Calcutta
3. Agrawai CM (2001) Hindu officers under Akbar. Abū al-Kalām Azād
Indian Publishers & Distributors, Delhi
4. Alam M (1998) The Pursuit of Persian: language in ▶ Abū’l Kalām Āzād
Mughal politics. Modern Asian Stud 32(2):317–349
5. Alam M, Subramanian S (2012) Writing the Mughal
world: studies on culture and politics. Columbia Uni-
versity Press, New York
6. Ali MA (2006) Mughal India: studies in polity, ideas, Abū al-Mughīth al-Ḥusayn ibn
society and culture. Oxford University Press, New
Delhi
Mansūr al-Ḥallāj
7. Hardy P (1985) Abul Fazl’s Portrait of the perfect
˙
Padshah: a political philosophy for Mughal ▶ Ḥallāj, al-
India – or a personal puff for a pal? In: Troll C (ed)
Islam in India: studies and commentaries, vol 2. Vikas
Publishing House, New Delhi
8. Khan IA (2009) Tracing sources of principles of
Mughal Governance: a critique of recent historiogra- Abū Ḥafs ʿUmar al-Suhrawardī
phy. Soc Sci 37(5/6):45–54 ˙
9. Khan IA (1968) The nobility under Akbar and the
development of his religious policy, 1560–80. J R
▶ Shaykh Shihāb al-Dīn al-Suhrawardī
Asiat Soc Great Brit Ireland (1/2):29–36
10. Nizami A (1972) Socio-religious outlook of Abu’l-
Fazl. Aligarh
11. Rizvi SAA (1975) Religious and intellectual history of
the Muslims in Akbar’s reign. New Delhi
Abu’l Fazl
12. Siddiqi NA (1968) Shaikh Abul Fazl. In Hasan M (ed)
Historians of Medieval India. Delhi ▶ Abū al-Faḍl
Abū’l Kalām Āzād 7

Khayruddīn and Munawwaruddīn were hosted

Abu’l Fazl ‘Allāmī by Nawāb Sikander Jehan Begum of Bhopal dur-
ing the 1857 revolt. After the revolt subsided, they A
▶ Abū al-Faḍl resumed their journey to Hejaz, but
Munawwaruddīn fell sick in Bombay and died
[7]. In any event, Khayruddīn settled in Mecca
when he was about 25 years old. He pursued
Abu’l Fazl ibn Mubarak Islamic sciences with two leading scholars of
Hejaz, Shaykh Abdullāh Sīrāj and Shaykh
▶ Abū al-Faḍl Muḥammad Zahir Watri, and visited different cen-
ters of Islamic learning in the Middle East. After
building a house for himself, he married ‘Āliya
Begum, who was the daughter of an affluent muftī
Abū’l Kalām Āzād (Islamic scholar and legal expert) in Medina. In
some records, she has been identified as the
Pranav Prakash daughter of Shaykh Muḥammad Zahir Watri,
Department of Religious Studies, University of while, in other accounts, she is his niece [3, 6].
Iowa, Iowa City, IA, USA His parents had been married for 17 years when
Āzād was born [12]. Altogether, they had three
daughters – Zaynab Begum, Fāţima Begum
Synonyms “Ārzū,” and Ḥanīfa Begum “Ābrū” – and two
sons – Abū Naṣr Ghulām Yasin “Āh” and Abū’l
Abū al-Kalām Azād; Abul Kalam; Abul Kalam Kalām “Āzād.” Zaynab Begum, the eldest sibling,
Azad; Maulana Abul Kalam Azad; Maulana was born in Constantinople. Among Fāţima
Azad; Mawlānā Abū’l Kalām Āzād Begum, Abū Naṣr, and Ḥanīfa Begum, who
were 4, 3, and 2 years elder than Āzād, respec-
tively, Āzād was closest to Ḥanīfa [6, 10].
Definition Being an Arab woman, ‘Āliya Begum con-
versed mostly in Arabic. She disliked Urdu,
Abū’l Kalām Āzād (1888–1958) was a Muslim which is why Khayruddīn always spoke to her in
politician, Islamic thinker, Urdu journalist, and Arabic. Arabic, therefore, can be identified as
writer. Āzād’s mother tongue. Though Arabic was the
language of their household, his father frequently
communicated in Urdu with other South Asian
Early Life Muslims. Hence it is difficult to know how
strongly entrenched Āzād was in Arabic linguistic
Abū’l Kalām Āzād was born on 11 November habits. First, there are contradictory accounts of
1888 in Mecca. His father, Mawlānā Khayruddīn how long he stayed in Mecca. One autobiograph-
Dihlawī, a pī r (religious mentor) of the Qādirī and ical account claims that Khayruddīn moved to
Naqshbandī orders, had migrated from Delhi to Calcutta when he was only 2 years old [7]. In
Hejaz some two decades ago. It is unclear whether another record, he was about 10 years old when
Khayruddīn reached Hejaz before or after the his family moved to Calcutta [6]. His mother
revolt of 1857 in India. In one of his autobio- expired 1 year after their arrival in Calcutta.
graphical accounts, Āzād notes, his father accom- After her demise, the Arabic communication
panied by his maternal great-grandfather, within the household may have suffered. Besides,
Mawlānā Munawwaruddīn, left Delhi for Hejaz as he admitted in a later account, their household
in 1852, and Munawwaruddīn died in Mecca in Arabic was a degraded dialect of Arabic [6, 13].
1857 [6]. In another account, Āzād recounts, Nevertheless, Āzād did get exposed to some form
8 Abū’l Kalām Āzād

of Arabic very early in his life and it must have was inadequate, he would add more texts to their
facilitated his later acquisition of Arabic literature. curriculum. For instance, the dars-i Nizami pre-
On the occasion of the Bismillah ceremony of scribed few selections from the Qur’ānic com-
Abū Naṣr, Āzād’s elder brother, Shaykh Abdullāh mentary of al-Bayḍāwī (d. 1286 C.E.), but he
Mīrdād, the conductor of the ritual, suddenly taught his sons the complete commentary. He
decided to include Āzād too in the ceremony. included some texts of logic, medicine, divina-
The Bismillah ceremony is prevalent among tion and astronomy, and the Sufi compositions of
South Asian Muslims, where children receive Ibn Arabī and Suhrawardi too. For subjects that
their first lessons in the Qur’ān, a formal initiation he himself could not teach, he appointed personal
into Islam, following which they are eligible to tutors who met his traditional standards of edu-
commence the traditional study of Islamic theol- cation. Āzād was a child prodigy endowed with
ogy and sciences. Āzād, who was hardly 5 years excellent memory. Consequently, he excelled in
old at the time of his Bismillah ceremony, thus the traditional rote-based education of his father.
began his Islamic education much earlier than Motivated by the newly acquired knowledge of
most Muslim children of his time [12]. His mater- Islamic theology and sciences, he actively par-
nal aunt taught him the Qur’ān for the first time. ticipated in the discussions conducted by the
The two brothers were apparently taught by two murīds (disciples) of his father. Recognizing
famous scholars of Mecca, Muḥammad ‘Umar him as the pī rzādā (son of the sufi pī r), the
and Shaykh Ḥasan too. They may have been servile murīds would laud his ideas indiscrimi-
trained in qira’at (traditional chanting and read- nately. Afterwards, he taught a class organized
ing of the Qur’ān) at the Ḥaram Sharīf, a sacred by his father. Āzād thus honed his intellectual
mosque in Mecca [6]. If the accounts of his early and elocutionary skills.
Bismillah and subsequent training in the Āzād admired certain qualities of his ancestors,
Qur’ānic studies are true, then Āzād seems to for instance, their unswerving commitment to
have completed his study of the Qur’ān before Islam. He esteemed three families particularly for
he was 10 years old. Meanwhile, Khayruddīn their Islamic learning. One of his paternal ances-
had an accident at Jeddah and broke his shin tors, Shaykh Jamāluddīn Dihlawī, also known as
bone [7]. His disciples from the Surati Nakhudar Shaykh Behlol Dihlawī or Mawlānā Jamāluddīn,
community advised him to get his legs cured at who lived during the reign of Akbar
Calcutta. Following their advice, Khayruddīn (r. 1556–1605), was a committed ‘alim. When, in
and his family relocated to Calcutta. After an effort to undermine the power of ‘ulamā,’ Akbar
a year, ‘Āliya Begum passed away. She was declared himself to be an imām, Jamāluddīn vehe-
buried in Calcutta. Although Khayruddīn wanted mently opposed Akbar and his followers at the
to return to Mecca, his disciples insisted he royal court. Again, when the ‘ulamā were chal-
should stay in the city. lenged by the followers of Sayyid Muḥammad
Jawnpūrī (1443–1504), who led a Mahdist move-
ment, he publicly denounced the religious ideas of
Islamic Education and the Adolescent Jawnpūrī. Similarly, Jamāluddīn’s son, Shaykh
Years Muḥammad, was a khalī fah of Shaykh Aḥmad
Sirhindī (1564–1624) in Delhi during Jahāngīr’s
Much of the formative years of Āzād’s life were, reign (r.1605–1627). When Jahāngīr imprisoned
therefore, spent in Calcutta. Khayruddīn was very Sirhindī, Shaykh Muḥammad openly protested
suspicious of the English education and western against the royal court. Finally, Āzād noted the
sciences. He preferred the traditional methods that accomplishments of Mawlānā Munawwaruddīn
were used in “the family of Shah Waliullah” [8]. who was his father’s maternal grandfather. As
He first introduced his sons to the dars-i Nizāmī a young boy, he ran away from his home to study
(an advanced curriculum of Islamic studies). the Qur’ān with Shah ‘Abd al-‘Aziz (d. 1824), the
Wherever he felt the syllabus of dars-i Nizāmī son of Shah Walī Allāh Dihlawī (d. 1762). Āzād
Abū’l Kalām Āzād 9

venerated Shaykh Jamāluddīn, Shaykh Muḥam- Rashīd Riḍā’s al-Manār. Through al-Manār, he
mad and Mawlānā Munawwaruddin for their reli- was exposed to the religious and political views of
gious and intellectual accomplishments. Sayyid Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī (1839–1897), A
As much as Āzād appreciated some of the Shaykh Muḥammad ‘Abduh (1849–1905), and
personal values of his father, he was very critical Rashīd Riḍā (1865–1935). Rashīd Riḍā was
of his father’s views about the followers of Shah a pupil of ‘Abduh at the seminary in al-Azhar,
Isma’il Shāhid (1781–1831), who were errone- Cairo. ‘Abduh had met Afghānī during his exile in
ously labeled as “Wahhābbis” in South Asia. Paris. Both were opposed to the western imperial
Khayruddīn opposed the Wahhābbis’ critique of powers and advocated reforms within Islamic
taqlī d and sufism. In Mecca, he actively communities. After returning to Cairo, and at the
campaigned against them, and wrote a ten-volume insistence of Rashīd Riḍā, ‘Abduh delivered
exposé of the Indian Wahhābbis. Within the a series of lectures on the Qur’ān. Riḍā published
household, Khayruddīn often maligned, even them under the title of Tafsī r al-Manār. Their
dehumanized, them in his jokes and asides [6]. school of tafsīr-i Qur’ān deeply influenced Āzād.
Āzād did not share his father’s contempt for the Driven by intellectual curiosity and diverse
Wahhābbis. Above all, he disliked his vocation interests, Āzād remained restless and impression-
since a pī r commanded slavish devotion from his able. At one point, a European principal of the
murīds. Āzād detested such adulation from his Calcutta Madrasa ridiculed him for being
father’s disciples. unacquainted with classical Indian music. He
Forsaking the career of a pīr, Āzād aspired to immediately commenced his training in sitar.
become a successful editor. With the help of Since his father would object to his practicing
Mawlawī ‘Abdul Waḥīd Khān, he published his the sitar at home, he studied it secretly outside of
first paper, Nairang-i ‘Alam in 1899. Although he his home [8]. Likewise, he embarked on the study
expected 1,000 subscribers for the paper, only 150 of English and the Bible, and took a keen interest
copies were distributed. Undeterred by the initial in various scientific developments too. He
setback, he published another weekly newspaper, published an article on Newton’s law of gravity
Miṣbāḥ, for 3 months in 1900. His poems and in Miṣbāḥ, and on x-rays in Khadang-i Naẓr.
prose pieces appeared in Khadang-i Naẓr of Being exposed to various forms of secular and
Lucknow and Makhzan of Lahore. Mawlawī theological knowledge, he revisited some funda-
‘Abdul Waḥīd Khān advised him to take “Āzād” mental theological questions regarding the exis-
(free) as his takhallus (nom de plume), as it would tence and attributes of God, the efficacy of
allow his poems to be listed first in the anthologies scriptures, the relationship between nature and
that arranged poets in an alphabetical order. God. Earlier, he had rejected the taqlī d (the prac-
Āzād’s chronogrammatic name was Firuz Bakht, tice of accepting the authority and views of
and his family members called him Muhiyuddīn Islamic jurists unquestioningly) of his father. He
Aḥmad. He tried different pennames in his early studied other schools of Islamic theology too, and
writings, but finally adopted “Abū’l Kalām Āzād” found their views inadequate and contradictory.
[2]. In a later memoir, however, Āzād explains He also became aware of the coercive nature of
that his penname was meant to “indicate that he religious institutions in history. Consequently, in
was no longer tied to [his] inherited beliefs” [7]. his intellectual views, he turned agnostic. In prac-
In Calcutta, he was affiliated to two papers tice, he claims, he was becoming an atheist [6].
edited by Mawlawī Aḥmad Ḥusayn Āzād had almost abandoned his belief in God
Fatehpurī – Tuḥfat-i ‘Aḥmaddiyya and Aḥsan al- when he chanced upon the writings of Sayyid
Akhbār. Āzād frequented the offices of Aḥsan al- Aḥmad Khān (1817–1898). Sayyid Aḥmad
Akhbār because they received various Arab and Khān believed there was no inherent contradiction
Egyptian newspapers and periodicals. At their between “the work of God” and “the word of
office, he regularly read al-Hilāl and al-Muqtaţaf, God.” He attempted to reconcile scientific reason
periodicals published from Cairo, as well as with religious faith. His writings intoxicated Āzād
10 Abū’l Kalām Āzād

[6]. Through the writings of Sayyid Aḥmad Khān the offer finally, and edited al-Nadwah from Octo-
and his colleague, Mohsin-ul-Mulk, Āzād ber 1905 until March 1906. Later Shaykh Ghulām
revisited the writings of Mu‘tazilites (scholastic Muḥammad invited Āzād to join his newspaper
school of exegesis based on Greek philosophy), Wakī l. Although Āzād did not want to leave his
al-Ghazālī (1058–1111) and Ibn Rushd friend, Shiblī Nu‘mānī, nevertheless he had to
(1126–1198). He was so excited by their ideas visit Bombay. Subsequently, he traveled to Lahore
that he impulsively inaugurated numerous schol- to attend the meeting of Anjuman-i-Himāyat-i-
arly projects – a two-volume historical study of Islām. After Lahore, he reached Amritsar and
the Mu‘tazilite sect; Urdu translations of al- joined Wakī l [6]. Shortly after he joined Wakī l,
Ghazālī’s Madnūn Ṣaghī r wa Kabī r, Minhāj al- his elder brother, Abū Naṣr, died in Calcutta. Āzād
‘Ābidīn, and Taḥāfut al-Falāsifa; an exposition was extremely disturbed by the news, and he
on the “new sciences and Islam”; immediately returned to his family. His family
a comprehensive study of Sir Sayyid’s ‘ilm al- wanted him to stay in Calcutta. His marriage was
kalām (literally, the science of the “word,” imply- arranged with Zulaikha Begum (d. 1943) who was
ing the study of theological issues in the Qur’ān) the younger sibling of his sister-in-law. During his
[6, 10]. None of these scholarly projects were ever stay in Calcutta, Āzād apparently revived the
completed. However, being inspired by Sir Say- weekly Dār al-Salṭanat. His association with
yid Aḥmad Khān’s ‘ilm al-kalām, Āzād acquired Dār al-Salṭanat must have been very brief since
a reformist view of Islam and affirmed a notion of he returned to resume his editorship at Wakī l,
“pure” Islam. In an article written for Aḥsan al- which too lasted for less than a year.
Akhbār, he criticized the wasteful processions of The 1905 Partition of Bengal had spurred anti-
Ta‘zia celebrations, which, he felt, were extrane- colonial movements in Bengal. Āzād attempted to
ous to true Islam. His article enraged the Shi‘as, join a revolutionary group in Bengal with the help
and fed into the Shi‘a-Sunni divide. The newspa- of Shyam Sunder Chakravarty. Most revolution-
per belonged to his close friend, Mawlawī Aḥmad ary groups distrusted Muslims. They were not
Ḥussayn, and it had to be closed. Āzād deeply willing to accept Āzād into their organization.
regretted having written this essay [6]. He convinced the revolutionaries to include Mus-
In November 1903, Āzād started another jour- lims in their struggle against colonial administra-
nal called Lisān al-Ṣidq in order to promote Urdu tion, and ultimately won their membership.
and social reform. When Shiblī Nu‘mānī Unfortunately, not much is known about his
(1857–1914), who had read some of Āzād’s involvement with the revolutionary groups in
published work and had exchanged mails with Bengal. Āzād wanted to write a “fuller account”
him, learnt of the objectives of Lisān al-Ṣidq, he of his involvement with these organizations, but
recommended it to the members of the Anjuman-i- he died before he could begin this autobiography
Taraqqiyi-Urdu (Society for the Promotion of [7, 15].
Urdu), an organ of the Muḥammadan Educational Āzād provides inconsistent accounts of what
Board, and made Āzād an officer of the Anjuman. happened after he joined Wakī l and before he
Consequently, the journal obtained around 600 started his radical weekly al-Hilāl in 1912. After
paid subscriptions. Lisān al-Ṣidq published closing his work at Wakī l, he claims to have
seven issues between November 1903 and July visited Hejaz, Iraq, Egypt, Syria, Turkey, and
1904. Afterwards, Shiblī invited him to Hydera- France [7]. In Egypt, where he seems to have
bad to edit the new journal of Nadwat ul-‘Ulamā spent considerable time, he met the proponents
called al-Nadwah. Āzād, who had moved recently of Sayyid Jamāl al-Din al-Afghānī (1839–1897),
to Bombay, was not willing to relocate. Mean- Shaykh Muḥammad ‘Abduh (1849–1905), and
while, Shiblī resigned from the Hyderabad gov- Muṣṭafā Kāmil Pasha (1847–1908), and social-
ernment services and shifted his base to Lucknow. ized with the members of the “Young Turks” in
He requested Āzād again to join his Lucknow Cairo. He became friends with some Arab and
office as the editor of al-Nadwah. Āzād accepted Turkish revolutionaries, and corresponded with
Abū’l Kalām Āzād 11

them for many years [7]. His tour was terminated press. With the financial support of his father’s
abruptly because he received the news of his disciples, he installed a technologically advanced
father’s illness. His father died soon after his printer, used high-quality paper, and adopted A
return to Calcutta. attractive calligraphy. The readers liked the
After the demise of his father, the atheistic novel format of the weekly. It received more
tendencies grew stronger in Āzād. He had already than 25,000 subscriptions in the first 3 months of
rejected the vocation of pī r. His reactionary atti- its publication. More significantly, al-Hilāl
tude led him toward poetry and youthful indul- appeared at an opportune moment, when the
gence. Āzād called this period of his life “the real Urdu press and readership were rapidly
season of the madness of youth” [10]. He had expanding. In Lahore, Ẓafar ‘Alī Khān’s Zamin-
a brief love affair in which he was ultimately dar, which became the first magazine to subscribe
rejected by his beloved. Besides, his financial to the Reuters news service, documented the
situation worsened. Sensual love and imminent plight of Muslims in Turkey, and criticized Mus-
penury compelled him to undertake a novel lim political leaders who were loyal to the British
reappraisal of his life and religious views. In Empire. Similarly, Muḥammad ‘Alī’s Hamdard
July 1910, Āzād wrote an essay titled, “Sarmad, launched into a tirade against the European pow-
the Martyr,” for the special shahī d (martyr) issue ers and their aggression in the Tripolitan and
of the Urdu journal, Nizām ul-Mashā’ikh, edited Balkan wars. Āzād too targeted a similar audience
by a Sufi enthusiast, Khwājā Ḥasan Nizāmī. of Muslim intelligentsia and young activists. But
Sarmad (d.1661–62) was a Sufi mystic who was he wanted to reach out to ‘ulamā’ and devout
executed by Aurangzeb (1618–1707) for heresy. Muslims as well. Accordingly, his Urdu gener-
He was born into an Armenian Jewish family at ously relied on Arabic and Persian vocabulary.
Kāshān, Iran and had converted to Islam [9]. On For his editorial, he composed fātiḥas (an invoc-
a visit to Sind in search of business, he fell in love atory introduction imitating the style of Sūrat
with a Hindu boy. In his reading of Sarmad, Āzād al-Fātiḥa) in Arabic where he often assumed the
condemned the conservative ‘ulamā’ and the tone of a Prophet or a Mahdi. In his response to the
autocratic political regimes for suppressing the current political problems, he frequently chal-
truth. He concurred with Dārā Shukoh lenged the traditional taqlī d and proposed
(1615–1659), the learned son of Mughal Emperor a fresh interpretation of the Qur’ān. His use of
Shāh Jahān (1592–1666) and a supporter of the Qur’ān was not merely intended to attract
Sarmad, who argued that the “ultimate truth” is Muslim readers. Rather, he sincerely reposed his
attainable by people of all faiths. Sarmad, Āzād faith in the Qur’ān and its potential to reform the
observed, “discarded the distinction between tem- Muslim community. Although he aimed for
ple and mosque” and harnessed the potential of ‘ulamā’ readership, he distinguished between
passionate love to unravel the experience of ‘ulamā-yi-ḥaqq (those who were committed to
divine love [9, 10]. Therefore, Āzād reflected, truth) and ‘ulamā-yi-waqt (those who interpreted
‘ishq (love) is the key to understanding haqī qat the Qur’ān in order to suit the dominant politics of
(reality). Through the poetry of Sarmad, Āzād their times). Through al-Hilāl, Āzād organized
relieved himself of atheism. His faith in the true Muslims against British imperial rule and
ideals of Islam and the unity of religions was campaigned for Muslim interests. He often
reaffirmed. connected regional incidents with larger move-
ments within the Muslim world in order to instill
a pan-Islamic consciousness among his readers.
al-Hilāl and the Khilafat Movement When the local authorities in Kanpur demolished
a section of the Macchlī Bazār Mosque in 1913,
In July 1912, Āzād inaugurated his illustrious and opened fire on protestors, killing several peo-
weekly al-Hilāl, for whose publication he intro- ple, Āzād related the incident of Kanpur to the
duced significant technical reforms in the Urdu Turkish defeat at Edirne in Balkan Wars. His
12 Abū’l Kalām Āzād

provocative report of the incident was titled “The ‘ulamā’, and they were backed by both the Indian
Site of Martyrdom” and subtitled “The Painful National Congress and the Muslim League [14].
Sight of Edirne at Kanpur.” The alliance of Muslims and non-Muslims led
In 1914, when World War I started, the British Āzād to advance his theory of the unity of reli-
administration objected to the anti-British publi- gions. In his Presidential address at the Majlis-i-
cations of al-Hilāl. Their security deposit of Rs. Khilāfat (Khilafat Conference), Agra, Āzād cited
2,000 was forfeited and a fresh demand of Rs. passages from the Qur’ān to justify the coopera-
10,000 was made. al-Hilāl had to be closed. tion between Hindus and Muslims, and noncoop-
Āzād resumed the publication a year later under eration with the British administration. In his
the new title of al-Balāgh. In its content and tone, reading of the Qur’ān (60: 8-8), he distinguished
it was no different from al-Hilāl. Consequently, between hostile non-Muslims and nonhostile non-
he was expelled from Bengal. Meanwhile the Muslims. He conceptualized ummah wāḥidah, the
finances for al-Balāgh ran out and the last issue Prophet’s covenant with the people of Medina, as
was published in March 1916. Later he was a pact between peacefully coexisting religions of
interned in Ranchi. Although he had plans of Medina against the hostile non-Muslims. Accord-
moving al-Balāgh to Ranchi, it could not materi- ingly, he translated ummah wāḥidah into Urdu as
alize. During his internment, he commenced his muttāhida qaumiyāt, literally “a unified nation,”
translation and commentary of the Qur’ān, and argued that the Hindus and Muslims in India
Tarjumān al-Qur’ān. At the insistence of an old constituted ummah wāḥidah in their struggle
acquaintance, Fazluddin Ahmad, he also com- against the atrocious colonial power. Thus,
posed his lyrical autobiography, Tazkirah, where, throughout his political career, he advocated the
besides telling the story of his life, he assessed the idea of a composite nation and intercommunal
intellectual accomplishments of his ancestors and harmony. He disapproved of the Śuddhi move-
the Islamic heritage. ment of the Ārya Samāj – a Hindu revivalist
After being held in Ranchi for 3½ years, Āzād movement targeted at converting Muslims. In
was finally released on 31 December 1919 [10]. 1921, the Mappilla Muslims of Malabar took up
For some time now, Āzād had aspired to become arms against the British administrators and the
the Imām-al-Hind and lead the jihad against the Hindu landlords. A spate of communal clashes
British Empire. ‘Abd al-Razzāq Malīhābādī followed. Āzād denounced their use of violence
(1895–1959), his associate editor at al-Hilāl, and and exhorted them to maintain communal har-
Ghulām Rasūl Mihr made the bay‘at (an oath of mony. In July 1921, he delivered two speeches
submission to the caliph or the pī r) of Āzād. at Mirzapur in support of the noncooperation
Malihabadi represented Āzād in the United Prov- movement. On 10 December 1921, he was
ince and Mihr in Punjab. Āzād allowed them to arrested for his anti-British speeches. The trial
receive bay‘at from disciples on his behalf. In this took place on December 13. Āzād prepared
way, he went about strengthening his claims to be a written statement for the trial, which was later
the Imām al-Hind. But the ‘ulamā’ were not inter- published as Qaul-i Fayṣal [4]. In his statement,
ested in submitting to Āzād. His staunchest critic he delineated the Islamic ideals of freedom and
was Muḥammad ‘Alī, a western-educated Muslim asserted the need for democratic self-rule. His
intellectual and the editor of Comrade and Qaul-i Fayṣal won him many admirers among
Hamdard. Somehow Āzād seemed to have aban- the nationalist leaders. When he was released
doned his plans of being the Imām al-Hind during after 1 year of rigorous imprisonment, the Indian
the Khilafat movement – a pan-Islamic movement National Congress invited him to preside over
that was launched to preserve the caliphate of the their special session in Delhi in September 1923.
Ottoman sultan in the aftermath of World War I. He became the youngest President of the
The Khilafat movement witnessed the collab- Congress.
oration of diverse political and religious groups. The Khilafat movement gradually died out. In
The western-educated Muslims bonded with the March 1924, the Turks abolished the caliphate and
Abū’l Kalām Āzād 13

expelled the khalī fah, Abdülmecid II Cleveland. He had to redo his translations and
(1868–1944). Some Khilafat leaders were deeply commentary which delayed the publication of
exasperated. Their political activism almost his incomplete commentary by more than A
reached a dead end. But Āzād survived the a decade [5].
Khilafat movement. He became an integral mem- The Tarjumān al-Qur’ān of Āzād is pro-
ber of the Indian National Congress. The Con- foundly inspired by Tafsī r al-Manār of Shaykh
gress frequently sought his advice and assistance Muḥammad ‘Abduh and Rashīd Riḍā [11]. Yet it
to diffuse the communal tension between Hindus offers some distinctive ways of understanding the
and Muslims. On 9 September 1924, when Gan- Qur’ān. In his reformist tenor, Āzād emphasized
dhi began a 21-day fast at the house of A. M. the need to understand the Qur’ān on its own
Ansari for the sake of Hindu-Muslim unity, terms. One must strive to comprehend the internal
Āzād organized an interreligious convention logic of the “Qur’ānic modes of presentation,”
where representatives of different faiths pledged and not employ external, albeit rational, argumen-
to restore communal harmony. The Congress met tative logic (for instance, Aristotelian logic) to
again in November 1927 under the leadership of explain its meaning. He believed that the Sūrah
Āzād. They agreed to boycott the Simon Commis- al-Fātiḥa contained the central tenets of the
sion which was set up by the British Government Qur’ān. He identified three definitive attributes
for reviewing constitutional reforms in India. of the God in Sūrah al-Fātiḥa – rubūbiyya (divine
Āzād campaigned against the Commission in dif- providence), raḥma (divine benevolence), and
ferent cities – Rawalpindi, Lahore, Amritsar, and ‘adāla (divine justice). Based on his reading of
Delhi. In 1930, when the British government Wilhelm Schmidt’s The Origin and Growth of
rejected Jawaharlal Nehru’s “scheme for total Religion, Āzād developed his theological argu-
independence,” the Congress launched the Civil ments further by undertaking a comparative
Disobedience Movement, following which most study of world religions [16]. Finally, he justified
nationalist leaders were arrested. Āzād was taken his concept of the unity of religions. A genuine
into custody on 5 May 1930 and sent to the Dis- religion (dī n), he noted, was constituted of
trict Jail of Meerut [12]. a “belief in one God” and “righteous living”
[11]. Both elements, he argued, were “the sub-
stance of all religions.” Accordingly, some years
Tarjumān al-Qur’ān and the Partition later, he translated the Hindu term advaita in
Arabic as waḥdahu lā sharik (literally, “one who
During his imprisonment, Āzād completed the has no second”) and upheld advaita as the essence
first volume of Tarjumān al-Qur’ān which of Hinduism [10]. Although Āzād’s Tarjumān al-
consisted of his Urdu translation of Sūrahs 1–6 Qur’ān failed to develop any systematic theolog-
and an extended commentary on the Sūrah al- ical school of interpretation, it remains a singular
Fātiḥa. In the second volume, published in exegetical work on the Qur’ān in modern times
1936, he translated Sūrahs 7–23 and provided [10].
some additional commentary with notes. The sec- Āzād was released after 9 months of imprison-
ond edition of his commentary was published ment at Meerut. But his nationalist activities
1945, in which Āzād also included paved his way to prison several times. He spent
a comparative study of different world religions. almost one-seventh of his life in prison [17]. His
He had announced his plans to undertake longest prison term was during the Quit India
a detailed commentary of the Qur’ān on the front Movement in 1942 at the Ahmednagar Fort. In
cover of the first issue of al-Balagh in November the 3 years spent there, he did not complete his
1915. He claimed to have completed the transla- Tarjumān al-Qur’ān. Instead, he produced his
tion of the first eight Surahs and the commentary literary masterpiece called Ghubār-i Khaṭir. It is
of the first four chapters, until al-Nisā, in Ranchi, a collection of epistles addressed to his friend,
but his manuscript was confiscated by Sir Charles Nawāb Sadar Yār Jung Bahādur alias Mawlānā
14 Abū’l Kalām Āzād

Habībur Raḥman Khān Shīrwānī, who was 1948, the Secondary Education Commission in
a coeditor at al-Nadwah in Lucknow. In Ghubār- 1952, the All-India Council for Technical Educa-
i Khāṭir, he muses on a wide range of topics – the tion, the Kharagpur Institute of Higher Education,
habit of smoking cigarettes, the custom of tea- the University Grants Commission, the Indian
drinking, the nature of prison life, the true nature Council for Cultural Relations, and the Indian
of belief, the existence of God, the egotist ele- Institute of Sciences. He prevailed on the central
ments in creative works, his childhood. The 24 government to increase the budget on education
letters of his epistolary memoir exposes novel which had been a subject of State List and not the
aspects of his personality. Āzād was no more the Union List. The annual budget for education rose
Prophet-like figure of his Tazkirah. Rather he 15 times during his administration [1].
became a connoisseur of art who delights in As early as 1914, Āzād had established the
music and appreciates the beautiful work of Dār ul-Irshād in Calcutta for the study of the
God. While he was still in prison, his wife died Qur’ān-i Hakim. When he was detained in Ran-
on 19 April 1943. Desolate Āzād braced the loss chi, he founded the Anjuman-i Islāmiyya. In
with great restraint. In April 1945, he was moved 1920, he opened Madrasa-yi-Islāmiyya in Cal-
to Bankura Jail. cutta. After independence, he exhorted the
When Āzād was finally released in June 1945, ‘ulamā’ to modernize their methods of imparting
the political climate in India had changed signifi- traditional Islamic teaching. Simultaneously, he
cantly. The newly elected Labour Party in Britain took an interest in traditional Hindu and western
sent a Cabinet Mission to facilitate transfer of philosophies. He appointed a committee to pre-
power to local leaders. Āzād had been the Presi- pare the history of philosophy under the leader-
dent of Congress since 1939 and he led the nego- ship of S. Radhakrishnan. The committee
tiations with the Cabinet Mission. On 27 March published History of Philosophy, Eastern and
1940, in his Presidential address at the Ramgarh Western in 1953 [10].
session of the Congress, he made his historic In the last few years of his life, Āzād was
speech supporting the creation of a secular, com- somewhat disillusioned by the political and
posite India. He strongly opposed the “two-nation bureaucratic establishment. When his old friend,
theory” of the Muslim League. At the Simla Con- Malihabadi, met him in 1949, Āzād remarked that
ference, Muḥammad ‘Ālī Jinnah, the leader of the the Government House was his “new prison” [13].
Muslim League who reserved for himself the In the last years of his life, he took to his old habits
exclusive rights to represent Muslims in the sub- of smoking and solitary drinking. In February
continent, refused to open talks with Āzād as the 1958, he accidentally fell in his bathroom and
representative of the Congress. Subsequently, broke his hip. He suffered a stroke on 19 February
Āzād resigned from office, assuming that Jinnah 1958 and died on 22 February 1958. He was
would open talks with other representatives of buried near the Jāmi‘a Masjid in Delhi. The Indian
Congress. In India Wins Freedom, Āzād won- nation posthumously awarded him the highest
dered if he did the right thing, perhaps the Parti- civilian award, Bharat Ratna, in 1992.
tion could have been avoided had he not stepped
down. Nonetheless, India and Pakistan became
two separate nations in 1947. Āzād failed to sal- Cross-References
vage an undivided nation.
Disappointed and depressed by the turn of ▶ Akbar
events on the eve of the independence of India, ▶ Calcutta Madrasah
at the insistence of Mahatma Gandhi and ▶ Dārā Shukoh
Jawaharlal Nehru, Āzād joined the interim gov- ▶ Dars-i-Niẓāmiya
ernment as the Education Minister [7]. He insti- ▶ Shibli Numani
tuted the University Education Commission in ▶ Qādirīyah Order
Aga Khan 15

References
Abū’l-Fażl Bayhaqī
1. Abduhu GR (1973) The educational ideas of Abul
Kalam Azad. Sterling, New Delhi A
▶ Bayhaqī, Abūl-Fażl
2. Ahmad A (2000) Lineages of the present: ideology
and politics in contemporary South Asia. Verso,
London
3. Azād AK (1919) Tazkirah. Edited by Fazluddin
Ahmad. Al-Balagh Publishing House, Calcutta. Abul Kalam
(1968 rev. edn.) Malik Ram (ed). Sahitya Academy,
New Delhi ▶ Abū’l Kalām Āzād
4. Azād AK (1922) Qaul-i Fayṣāl. al-Balāgh Press, Cal-
cutta. Lahore: Adabistan, n.d.
5. Azād AK (1931–1936) Tarjumān al-Qur’ān, 2 vols.
Delhi. (1962–1967) Translated and Edited by S.A.
Latif, 3 vols. Bombay. (1964–1976) Critical edition Abul Kalam Azad
by Malik Ram, 4 vols. New Delhi
6. Azād AK (1959) Azād kī Kahānī khud Azād kī ▶ Abū’l Kalām Āzād
Zabānī. As dictated to Abdur Razzaq Malihabadi.
Calcutta. (1965 Reprint) Maktaba-e-Isha‘at al-Quran,
Delhi
7. Azād AK (1959) India wins freedom: an autobio-
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Longman, Bombay. (1960) Longmans, Green, Lon- Lawwāma)
don. 1988, complete edn. Orient Longman Limited,
Hyderabad
▶ Nafs
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Sahitya Academi, New Delhi. Delhi: Hali Publishing
House, n.d. Lahore: Anarkali Kitab Ghar, n.d.
9. Datta VN (2007) Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and
Sarmad. Rupa, New Delhi Adaran
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and religious biography. Oxford University Press, ▶ Zoroastrianism, Temples
Delhi, Edited by Gail Minault and Christian W. Troll
11. Faruqi IHA (1982) The Tarjuman Al-Qur’an: a critical
analysis of Maulana Abu’l-Kalam Azad’s approach to
the understanding of the Qur’an. Vikas Publishing
House, New Delhi Afghan Claimants of Israelite
12. Hameed SS (1991) Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. Descent
Sahitya Academy, New Delhi, Translated by Abdul
Qavi Desnavi
13. Malihabadi AR (1960) Zikr-e-Azād: Mawlānā Abu’l ▶ Israelite Origins of Pathan/Pashtun Tribes
Kalām Azād kī rafaqat men artīs sāl. Daftar ‘Azad
Hind’, Calcutta
14. Minault G (1982) The Khilafat Movement: religious
symbolism and political motivation in India. Colum-
bia University Press, New York Aga Khan
15. Ray R (1985) Revolutionaries, Pan-Islamists, and
Bolsheviks: Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and the Sharmina Mawani and Anjoom Mukadam
political underworld in Calcutta, 1905–1925. In:
Hasan M (ed) Communal and Pan-Islamic trends in Department of Graduate Studies, The Institute of
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pp 101–124
16. Schmidt W (1931) The origin and growth of religion:
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H. J. Rose Synonyms
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personal glimpses. Academic, Dhaka Imam
16 Aga Khan

Definition maintained the cordial relations that his father had

established with the British. During his brief
The Imam (spiritual leader) of the Nizari branch of Imamat of 4 years, Aga Khan II’s efforts to estab-
the Shia Ismaili Muslims. lish a more desirable educational and welfare sys-
tem for the Nizari Ismailis and other Muslims led
to the opening of a number of schools in Mumbai.
The Title Aga Khan II’s son, Sultan Muhammad Shah al-
Husayni (Aga Khan III), succeeded him in 1885.
A hereditary title, meaning lord and master,
bestowed upon the 46th Nizari Ismaili Imam (spir-
itual leader), Hasan Ali Shah, by the Qajar mon- Aga Khan III
arch Fath Ali Shah in the early part of the
nineteenth century. Hasan Ali Shah, Aga Khan I, Aga Khan III made his first trip to Europe in 1898,
was the first Ismaili Imam to migrate from Persia when he visited France and Britain. While in
to the Indian subcontinent in 1842, where he made Britain he met with Queen Victoria at Windsor
his residence. The present Aga Khan (IV) is Castle, as well as the future king, Edward VII,
Prince Karim al-Husayni. who would eventually become his friend. In 1902,
he attended the coronation of Edward VII, in
Aga Khan I which the new King announced the promotion of
Aga Khan III to the rank of Grand Knight Com-
Aga Khan I, who had maintained close associations mander of the Indian Empire (G.C.I.E.). On his
with the British since his arrival to Sind from Persia return to India he was appointed to a seat in the
in 1842, aided the British in Sind and Baluchistan Legislative Council of the Viceroy of India. From
in 1843. He hoped that due to his cordial relations 1907, he visited Europe every year where he
with the British, they would eventually arrange for established numerous residences and became
him to return to Persia. In 1844, en route to Mum- acquainted with royal families and politicians.
bai, he passed through Kacch and Kathiawar where Aga Khan III was an active participant in
he spent time with his Indian Nizari Ismaili fol- reforming policies intended to benefit both his
lowers. Over the course of time, Aga Khan followers as well as other Muslims in India. He
I established his permanent residence in India. was a key player in reshaping the Muhammadan
Aga Khan I was the first Ismaili Imam to settle Anglo-Oriental College at Aligarh into an out-
in India. He soon established residences in Mum- standing university. He was also one of the foun-
bai, Pune, and Bangalore. He attended the ders of the All-India Muslim League. Furthermore,
jamatkhana (place of worship) in Mumbai on he was an avid participant in critical discussions
special occasions, where he granted an audience regarding Indian affairs, which eventually led to
to his followers and gave them guidance. the independence of India from British colonial
The Aga Khan’s close relationship with and his rule. In the 1930s he participated in discussions
continuous support of the British resulted in the about the future of India alongside significant per-
Aga Khan being conferred with the hereditary title sonalities, including Mahatma Gandhi and
of His Highness. The British in India protected the Muhammad Ali Jinnah. In 1937, Aga Khan III
Aga Khan as the head of a Muslim community was elected as president of the League of Nations
thus strengthening his position. in Geneva, an office he held for one session.
During World War I, Aga Khan III refrained
from political activity due to an illness and instead
Aga Khan II rested in Switzerland. In 1935, he celebrated his
Golden Jubilee marking 50 years of his Imamat
Aga Khan I was succeeded by his eldest son, Aga during which he was weighed against gold by his
Ali Shah, in 1881. Aga Ali Shah, Aga Khan II, followers and once more against diamonds to
Aga Khan 17

mark his Diamond Jubilee. The Aga Khan also special edition postage stamps featuring promi-
celebrated his Platinum Jubilee to mark 70 years nent AKDN buildings and programs. Arrange-
of his Imamat. The funds collected during the ments were also made in Sidhpur and Mumbai A
celebrations of his Jubilees were utilized to estab- for Aga Khan IV to grant an audience to the
lish various socioeconomic projects for the benefit Ismailis in India.
of his followers.
Alongside his political activities, Aga Khan III
was deeply concerned with restructuring the Aga Khan Development Network (AKDN)
Ismaili community into a modern Muslim com-
munity with high standards of education, health, Aga Khan IV founded the Aga Khan Develop-
and social welfare. These reforms were put into ment Network (AKDN), an endeavor that consti-
place by issuing the first constitution for the East tutes numerous development agencies,
African Ismailis in 1905. Aga Khan III served as institutions, and programs, which provide primary
the Imam of the Nizari Ismailis for 72 years, health care and education and promote cultural,
longer than any Imam before him. rural, and economic development, mainly in Asia
and Africa. AKDN is committed to improving
living conditions and opportunities for the poor,
Aga Khan IV regardless of their faith, origin, or gender. The
agencies of AKDN are divided into three broad
With the death of Aga Khan III in 1957, his will categories: Economic Development, Social
and testament revealed that he was to be Development, and Culture. The Aga Khan Fund
succeeded by his grandson, Prince Karim al- for Economic Development (AKFED), with its
Husayni. He had selected his grandson in prefer- affiliates, the Tourism Promotion Services, Indus-
ence to his two sons, Prince Aly Khan trial Promotion Services, and Financial Services,
(1911–1960) and Prince Sadruddin (1933–2003), which fall under the aegis of economic develop-
because he felt that a young Imam, educated and ment, supports private sector initiatives in an
brought up in the West, would be more suitable to effort to strengthen the role of the private sector
lead the Ismaili community in a rapidly changing in developing countries. The following organiza-
world. When His Highness Prince Karim Aga tions constitute social development: the Aga Khan
Khan IV assumed his position as the Imam of the Foundation (AKF), including the Aga Khan Rural
Nizari Ismailis he was a 20-year-old undergradu- Support Programmes and the Mountain Societies
ate student at Harvard University. He completed Development Support Programme, the Aga Khan
his studies in 1959 and graduated with University (AKU), Aga Khan Heath Services
a baccalaureate degree in Islamic history. Aga (AKHS), Aga Khan Education Services (AKES),
Khan IV continued the modernization policies of and the Aga Khan Planning and Building Services
his grandfather and was particularly interested in (AKPBS). The primary objective of the Aga Khan
improving the socioeconomic and educational Trust for Culture (AKTC) is to organize cultural
conditions of his followers. enterprises, including the Aga Khan Award for
In July 2007, Aga Khan IV celebrated his Architecture, the Historic Cities Programme, and
Golden Jubilee to mark 50 years as the Imam of the Education and Culture Programme. AKTC
the Ismaili community. To commemorate this also contributes financially to the Aga Khan Pro-
event he made official visits to countries around gram for Islamic Architecture at Harvard Univer-
the world, including India (12–19 May 2008), sity and the Massachusetts Institute of
where he met with government officials and vis- Technology in the USA.
ited institutions and projects of the Aga Khan In India, the Aga Khan Development Network
Development Network (AKDN) in Delhi, Andhra (AKDN) operates in Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat,
Pradesh, Maharashtra, and Gujarat. To mark his Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, and Rajasthan,
Golden Jubilee, the government of India issued where it addresses a diverse range of development
18 Aga Khan Development Network

issues, including cultural restoration, quality of References

education, microfinance, and health care. These
initiatives have resulted in the establishment of 82 1. Aga Khan (1954) World enough and time: memoirs of
Sir Sultan Mohammad Shah Aga Khan III. Simon and
schools and educational centers, the 137-bed
Schuster, New York
multispecialty acute care Prince Aly Khan Hospi- 2. Daftary F (2007) The Ismailis, their history and doc-
tal in Mumbai, a rural support program that has trine. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
assisted 400,000 people in four Indian states, and 3. Daftary F (1998) A short history of the Ismailis: tradi-
tions of a Muslim community. Edinburgh University
the restoration of the gardens surrounding
Press, Edinburgh
Humayun’s Tomb, a World Heritage site in Delhi. 4. Frischauer W (1970) The Aga Khans. Bodley Head,
The Aga Khan Education Services (AKES) has London
established academic institutions in India and dur- 5. Thobani A (1993) Islam’s quiet revolutionary: the story
of Aga Khan IV. Vantage Press, New York
ing the Diamond Jubilee of Aga Khan III a major
enterprise was undertaken to establish schools,
especially for girls. Currently, AKES operates
ten schools in Maharashtra, Gujarat, and Andhra
Pradesh, which cater to approximately 10,000 Aga Khan Development
students, of which 47% are girls. The Diamond Network
Jubilee High School and the Diamond Jubilee
High School for Girls in Mumbai, established in ▶ Aga Khan Foundation
1947, are seen as leading educational institutions ▶ Karim Al-Husseini, Shah, Aga Khan IV
offering quality education to children from varied
backgrounds and cultures from pre-primary to
class 10. Following in his grandfather’s footsteps,
Aga Khan IV initiated a program to establish the Aga Khan Foundation
Aga Khan Academies in 2000. The foundation
stone-laying ceremony of the Academy in Hyder- Carole A. Barnsley
abad took place in 2006. The Academies are resi- Department of Religion, Transylvania University,
dential schools, which cater for pre-primary to Lexington, KY, USA
secondary level students and offer the globally
recognized International Baccalaureate (IB) pro-
gram with a curriculum that endeavors to produce Synonyms
a harmonious balance between academic demands,
sports, cultural activities, and community life. Aga Khan Development Network
Under the Aga Khan Health Services (AKHS)
in India, 281 health committees are involved in
health promotion and prevention, and there are six Definition
health centers, and two diagnostic centers, located
primarily in Gujarat. The quality care and facili- A private, not-for-profit international develop-
ties of Prince Aly Khan Hospital has resulted in it ment agency, which was established by the Aga
being the favored hospital for the local South Khan in 1967.
Mumbai population.

Introduction
Cross-References
The Aga Khan Foundation (AKF) is a non-
▶ Ismaili Muslims governmental, nonprofit, international develop-
▶ Karim Al-Husseini, Shah, Aga Khan IV ment agency whose head office is located in
▶ Khojas Geneva, Switzerland. It was founded in 1967 by
Aga Khan Foundation 19

His Highness the Aga Khan, the fourth to hold this contexts such as rural, urban, and different cul-
title. The AKF is part of the Aga Khan Develop- tural and geographical environments. The primary
ment Network (AKDN) and as such often works role of the AKF would seem to be grant-making. A
in conjunction with its various sister agencies on Generally, the Foundation works with preexisting
a variety of projects. These agencies include the local organizations in order to support them in
Aga Khan Academies (AKA), the Aga Khan their efforts toward creating new and sustainable
Agency for Microfinance (AKAM), the Aga solutions to old problems. Occasionally, however,
Khan Education Services (AKES), the Aga Khan when no such group exists, the AKF creates them
Fund for Economic Development (AKFED), the in the face of especially difficult and important
Aga Khan Health Services (AKHS), the Aga problems.
Khan Planning and Building Services (AKPBS), The Foundation is funded by a variety of
the Aga Khan University (AKU), Focus Human- sources. The Aga Khan is a primary contributor,
itarian Assistance (FOCUS), and the University of regularly giving financial support for administra-
Central Asia (UCA). The AKF is currently active tion and new program initiatives as well as build-
in a wide range of geographical contexts including ing its endowment. Additionally, the Ismā‘īlī
but not limited to Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Can- community provides support in a variety of
ada, India, Kenya, the Kyrgyz Republic, Mozam- ways. These include volunteers, professional ser-
bique, Pakistan, Portugal, Switzerland, Syria, vices, and financial contributions and also Part-
Tajikistan, Tanzania, Uganda, the United King- nership Walks held in various cities in North
dom, and the United States. It is worth noting America. AKF’s various partners, including both
that the list includes countries in both the devel- governmental and private organizations also
oped and developing world. In this regard, the invest in the foundation and other individual
Foundation sees itself as “a bridge between two donors regularly contribute to its fund.
worlds,” whereby the interaction between the two The Foundation is internationally renowned for
contexts is considered fluid and multidirectional, its work and to this end has earned much global
with productive exchanges taking place in terms recognition including the 2005 Award for Most
of the variety of resources, not just funding. Innovative Development Project from the Global
The AKF has five major areas of focus, Development Network for the Aga Khan Rural
namely, health, education, rural development, Support Programme (AKRSP) in Pakistan.
civil society, and the environment. Within these Although established after his tenure as Imam, or
broadly defined areas, the AKF chooses small and spiritual leader of the Ismā‘īlī community, the
specific problems using a highly selective process. goals of this organization and indeed the whole
The Foundation does not, however, discriminate AKDN is in keeping with the vision of the previous
on the basis of race, religion, political persuasion, Imam, Sir Sultan Muhammad Shah, Aga Khan III’s
or gender. In addition to collaborating with its vision for the community and their role in the
sister AKDN agencies, the AKF often partners world. He was particularly committed to health
with other local and international agencies that and education and focused much of his attention
share its objectives in its endeavor to provide on women and children. The present Aga Khan has
long-term and sustainable solutions to whatever taken this vision and in the case of women has
problems it chooses to address. In addition to its sought through the establishment of AKDN and
aim of providing long-lasting resolutions to devel- its respective agencies to enable women to become
opment issues in the diffuse regions, AKF tends to more empowered and independent.
support projects that are innovative in dealing
with generic problems. In this regard the AKF
looks to partnerships that can build on already Health
successful programs, as well as create programs
that can be adapted and used in other areas as well. The AKF takes a holistic approach to providing
To this end, the programs are tested in a variety of support in the area of health. To this end it
20 Aga Khan Foundation

provides initiatives that serve to not only the agency in contexts where the resources are
strengthen existing health systems and services significantly reduced. It would seem that the
but establish programs that provide education, Foundation’s primary role in this regard is funding
resources, and skills needed to avoid ill health. initiatives that go beyond providing finances but
In this context the Foundation tends to create rather create the means by which governments,
programming for vulnerable groups such as NGOS, and the families themselves can have
women and children in geographically remote a better role in accessing and improving their
areas. The programs often involve teaching educational resources. A good example of
women and girls, and hence their families, better a successful implementation of an early childhood
practices in hygiene. The AKF identifies and program is that of the Madrasa Early Childhood
tackles the root of the problem. Thus, in many of Programme in East Africa, whose pilot project
these programs, not only is education provided was in Mombasa. This program integrates pre-
but strategies are implemented to help the com- school curriculum with traditional Swahili values
munity better sustain itself and thereby make them embedded in the traditional madrasas, with the
more financially able to improve their nutrition, happy result of enabling the children to have
water sources, and sanitation systems. In addition improved literacy and numeracy skills when
to establishing the delivery of health systems to they enter primary school. AKF also seeks to
vulnerable and remote populations, AKDN in its address education at other levels. For example, it
vision of the interconnectedness of health and has newly opened an Aga Khan Academy in
education has established the AKU in 1980 in Hyderabad, India. Much like its other projects,
Karachi. The influence of this institution has this one has preexisting models such as the Acad-
been far reaching including connections with hos- emy in Mombasa, Kenya, which helps to reinforce
pitals and universities in Kenya, Canada, and the the success of the implementation of many of the
United States. new developments. In addition to primary and
secondary education, AKF is well known for the
AKU in Pakistan. This too has served as a model
Education for other similar institutions, particularly in the
area of health education.
In the context of education, the AKF seeks to
improve the quality of “basic education” around
the world. For the Foundation, “basic education” Rural Development
constitutes learning spanning from birth to ado-
lescence. In this particular endeavor, the AKF lists In this sector, the primary goal of the Foundation
four objectives. The first is “ensuring better early is to reduce global poverty and is particularly
caring and learning environments for younger focused on remote and rural contexts. The initia-
children” [5]. The second goal is to “increase tives in this context tend to focus on ways to
access to education” [5]. Thirdly, the Foundation interconnect various elements that work together
wishes to promote “keeping children in school to improve development. These include better
longer” [5]. Finally, it seeks to elevate academic management of finances, enhanced resource man-
achievement in general. Much like its initiatives in agement, general infrastructural development,
the health sector, with respect to education, the and higher productivity in agriculture. Underlying
foundation targets the vulnerable, namely, girls, all these areas is a holistic commitment which
the poor, and populations that are geographically involves improving human skills, elevating com-
remote. Much of the work is based on research munity participation in the both the development
done in Western countries where resources in and decisions pertaining to it. The AKRSP men-
terms of educated personnel and funding are tioned earlier is an example of an effective pro-
much higher. These initiatives are then tested by gram in this area. This particular program has
Ahmad Khān 21
˙

facilitated the creation of irrigation schemes but Cross-References

more importantly has engaged the local popula-
tion in the village, often targeting women, to cre- ▶ Aga Khan A
ate their own organizations and carry out their ▶ Ismā‘īlīs
own projects.

References
Strengthening of Civil Society
1. Bianca S (2011) Caring for the built environment. In:
Daftary F (ed) A modern history of the Ismailis. Conti-
The AKF and its broader agency AKDN serves as
nuity and change in a Muslim community. I.B. Tauris,
an overseer of a variety of initiatives that is depen- London
dent on a network of partners. To this end, this 2. Daftary F (2007) The Ismā‘īlīs. Their history and doc-
sector serves as a kind of umbrella over the other trines, 2nd edn. University, Cambridge
3. Kassam Z (2011) The gender policies of Aga Khan III
initiatives in seeking to promote what it terms as
and Aga Khan IV. In: Daftary F (ed) A modern history
an “enabling environment,” [5] for the various of the Ismailis. Continuity and change in a Muslim
programs to thrive. The abovementioned community. I.B. Tauris, London
AKRSP is a good example of this. 4. Ruthven M (2011) The Aga Khan development net-
work and institutions. In: Daftary F (ed) A modern
history of the Ismailis. Continuity and change in
a Muslim community. I.B. Tauris, London
5. www.akdn.org
Environment 6. www.gdnet.org

The focus on the environment is in keeping with

AKF’s holistic approach to development prob-
lems. Rather than viewing the challenge of the
environment as a result of the conflict of humans Aga Khanis
and their natural world, the Foundation sees the
problem as one of a contextualized need to use ▶ Ismā‘īlīs
and often abuse existing natural resources. This,
as is well known, often leads to bad consequences
such as poor agriculture, deforestation, pollution,
and ultimately poverty. The AKF thus targets the Agyaris
root of the problem and seeks to build initiatives
that promote better infrastructure and better man- ▶ Zoroastrianism, Temples
agement of resources that ultimately improve
human interactions with their environment. Addi-
tionally, it has promoted the restoration of local
culture and industry by engendering a sense of
self-worth, which has the result of investing in Ahl al-Malāmat
one’s own surroundings. A great example of this
is the work done in Zanzibar, where ▶ Malāmātīs
a considerable effort has been made to revive the
local craft industry and restore old buildings. The
overall theme has been to restore and promote the
local history and culture but has resulted in the Ahmad Khān
establishment of high-end tourism which makes ˙
the projects that much more self-sustaining. ▶ Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān
22 Ahmad Raza Khan

writings and the Barelvi (or, more formally, Ahl-

Ahmad Raza Khan i Sunnat wa Jama’at) movement more generally
should therefore be viewed in the context of the
▶ Ahmad Raza Khan Barelvi rise of a number of religious reform (tajdī d)
movements in the late nineteenth and early twen-
tieth centuries.
Aḥmad Raẓā Khān’s family was of Pathan
Ahmad Raza Khan Barelvi origin, his ancestors having migrated to north
India from present-day Afghanistan to serve
Usha Sanyal under Mughal rulers and briefly under the nawabs
Queens University of Charlotte, Charlotte, NC, of Awadh, eventually settling in and around
USA Bareilly. Aḥmad Raẓā Khān’s grandfather
Mawlānā Raẓā ‘Alī Khān (1809–1865/1866)
was a Sufi and a scholar. His father Mawlānā
Synonyms Naqī ‘Alī Khān (1831–1880) was a scholar in
the rational (maʿqulāt) tradition spearheaded by
Ahmad Raza Khan the ‘ulamā’ of Farangi Mahall in Lucknow and
those of Khayrabad. As his son’s first teacher,
Naqī ‘Alī had a formative influence on him both
Definition spiritually and intellectually.
Aḥmad Raẓā is said to have been a child prod-
Aḥmad Raẓā Khān Barelvi (1856–1921) was igy, his biographer Zafar al-Dīn Bihārī [3] relating
a Sunni scholar in north India who wrote exten- that he had read the entire Qur’ān by age four and
sively in defense of the Prophet Muhammad and addressed an audience from the pulpit of a mosque
became the leader of a movement called “Ahl-i by age six. He studied the books of the dars-i
Sunnat wa Jamàat” or “Barelvi.” nizāmī syllabus under his father’s guidance at
home, not attending a madrasa. At age 14, his
father entrusted to him the responsibility of writ-
Family History in Historical Context ing fatwas. This was to become his hallmark, the
field in which he made his greatest contribution
Aḥmad Raẓā Khān was a Sunni Muslim scholar of for close to 50 years until shortly before his death
the Hanafi school, born in Bareilly, Rohilkhand, in in 1921.
1856. His life thus coincided with the onset of
British colonial rule in India. Barring two pilgrim-
ages (hajj) to Mecca and short visits to other parts Sufism
of India, he spent his entire lifetime in Bareilly.
Yet his influence spread far beyond his hometown, While Aḥmad Raẓā was primarily
both as a legal scholar and as leader of a jurisprudential scholar (faqī h, a specialist in
a movement that is today popularly known as fiqh), he was also a Sufi master to a small group
“Barelvi.” of close disciples. In 1877, at the age of 21, he had
Indian Muslim scholars (the ʿulamā) of the late become discipled to Shāh Āl-i Rasūl, a Sufi from
nineteenth century were deeply troubled by the the rural town (qasba) of Marahra, who belonged
loss of power by the Mughals to the new Christian to the Qadiri order. Despite the death of his master
rulers, the British, and sought to understand its a few years later, Aḥmad Raẓā’s spiritual tie to the
causes and take steps to reverse the Muslim Barkatiyya Sayyid family of Marahra to which
decline. Being religious scholars, they were Shah Āl-i Rasūl belonged remained unbroken
more interested in spiritual causes and remedies throughout his life. Through this tie and the
than in political ones. Aḥmad Raẓā Khān’s chain of discipleship of successive generations
Ahmad Raza Khan Barelvi 23

of Sufi masters, Aḥmad Raẓā linked himself spir- Deobandi ‘ulamā’, whom he named, were guilty
itually to ʿAbdul Qādir Jīlānī, the twelfth-century of showing disrespect to the Prophet. In addition,
founder of the Qādirī order in Baghdad, and, he also singled out for mention Mirzā Ghulām A
beyond him, ultimately to the Prophet Muham- Aḥmad (d. 1908), the leader of the Ahmadī move-
mad himself. ment, for allegedly claiming to be a prophet and
thereby denying the finality of Muhammad’s
prophethood, a tenet deemed essential by all Mus-
Role of the Prophet in Ahmad Razā lims [5]. Aḥmad Raẓā spelled out the grounds for
Khān’s Thought ˙ ˙ these charges in detail in his fatwa, citing passages
from the writings of each ʿalim in turn. Each one,
Devotion to the Prophet Muhammad was at the he charged, was a “Wahhabi” of a particular sort
center of Aḥmad Raẓā’s spiritual and scholarly and an unbeliever (kāfir).
endeavors. The theme of “love of the Prophet”
(ishq-i rasūl) became key to Aḥmad Raẓā’s theo-
logical positions on different issues when he Leadership of the Ahl-i Sunnat wa
debated with fellow ‘ulamā’ in the late nineteenth Jamaʿat Movement
and early twentieth centuries. This is what makes
the “Barelvi” movement distinctive today, sepa- Aḥmad Raẓā’s leadership of the movement
rating it from contemporary Sunni movements, known to its followers as the Ahl-i Sunnat wa
such as the Deobandi, the Nadwi, or the Ahl-i Jamaʿat (“people of the prophetic way and the
Hadis, and from the Jamaʿat-i Islami in the twen- community”) or “Barelvi” (literally “from [the
tieth century. town of] Bareilly”) began in the 1880s when
Some of these theological positions are clearly Aḥmad Raẓā led the effort to oppose the creation
spelled out in Dawlat al-Makkiyya, an important of the Nadwat al-ʿUlamā’ in Lucknow. He did this,
fatwa by Aḥmad Raẓā Khān written while on hajj as was characteristic of him, through the writing
in 1906. In this fatwa, Aḥmad Raẓā argued that of fatwas. Here we must note the role of the
God had so loved the Prophet that He gifted him printing press in the spread of Islamic reformist
with immense knowledge not enjoyed by other movements in the late nineteenth century. As has
human beings. Using the concept of abrogation, been well documented ([8–12], among others), in
he argued that Qur’ānic passages that refer to the the late nineteenth century the Urdu lithographic
Prophet not knowing something were revealed press allowed for the dissemination of ideas far
before that knowledge was given to the Prophet beyond the immediate circle of the writer’s fol-
by God. Thus the Prophet’s knowledge kept lowers, allowing for the formation and articula-
growing over the course of the 22-year period of tion of an “imagined community” [2] of like-
Qur’ānic revelation (610–632 C.E.) until, at the minded people throughout north India and
end of his life, the Prophet knew about “the tumult beyond. While this created a vibrant intellectual
of the resurrection, the accounting, and the reward climate, it also publicized the divisions that were
and punishment” ([6], p. 77). In other words, taking shape and solidifying into relatively stable
Aḥmad Raẓā argued that the Prophet knew about “movements” behind the leadership of prominent
the events of the Day of Judgment. In the eyes of ‘ulamā’.
the Deobandi, Nadwi, Ahl-i Hadith, and other Unlike many of its rivals, particularly the
theological movements in South Asia, these and Deobandi movement, the Ahl-i Sunnat or Barelvi
other matters, collectively known as the “unseen” movement was not initially associated with
(al-ghayb) are known only to God, and to believe a seminary (madrasa), although Aḥmad Raẓā
otherwise is to be guilty of “associating partners did found the Madrasa Manzar-i Islam in Bareilly
with God” (shirk), the greatest of sins. in 1904. This madrasa has since grown and is
However, Aḥmad Raẓā argued in another 1906 thriving under the leadership of male descendants
fatwa, Husam al-Haramayn [7], that certain of one branch of the family. More important today,
24 Ahmadābād
˙

however, is the Jamia Ashrafiyya in the town of the anniversary of his death, attracting hundreds
Mubarakpur in east U.P. [1], which is led by of thousands of followers from all over the coun-
‘ulamā’ who are intellectual rather than genealog- try in the course of a three-day event conducted in
ical heirs of Aḥmad Raẓā Khān. Furthermore, a spirit of festive celebration.
other ‘ulamā’ have taken the lead in opening
madrasas for girls, thereby widening and deepen-
ing the impact of the ideas spearheaded by
Cross-References
Mawlana Aḥmad Raẓā Khān in the late nineteenth
and early twentieth centuries. Through the
▶ Fatwa
founding of schools, mosques, and devotional
▶ Madrasah
pilgrimage centers, the Barelvi ‘ulamā’ have
▶ Qādirīyah Order
ensured that they continue to be an important
part of the South Asian Muslim intellectual, spir-
itual, and social landscape, both at home and in
the broader diaspora. References

1. Alam A (2011) Inside a Madrasa: knowledge, power

and Islamic identity in India. Routledge, Delhi
Popular Devotion 2. Anderson B (1983) Imagined communities: reflections
on the origin and spread of nationalism. Verso, London
In the course of the twentieth century, the move- 3. Bihari, Zafar al-Din (1938) Hayat-i ʿAla Hazrat.
ment that coalesced around Aḥmad Raẓā took on Maktaba Qasimiyya Barkatiyya, Karachi
4. Farah S (2013) Piety and politics in local level Islam:
popular ritual characteristics that identified its fol- a case study of Barelvi Khānaqahs. PhD dissertation,
lowers as “Barelvi.” For example, the Barelvis Delhi School of Economics, Department of Sociology,
kiss their thumbs and lift them to their eyes University of Delhi
when the Prophet’s name is mentioned, stand up 5. Friedmann Y (1989) Prophecy continuous: aspects of
Ahmadi religious thought and its medieval back-
when the salam (verses in praise of the Prophet ground. University of California Press, Berkeley
written by Aḥmad Raẓā Khān) is recited ([4], 6. Khān AR (n.d.) Al-Daulat al-Makkiyya bi’l Madat al-
pp. 229–230), and hold “elaborate . . . Eid-ul- Ghaybiyya. Maktaba Rizwiyya, Karachi
Milad un Nabi [celebrations to mark] the birth 7. Khān AR (1405/1985) Husam al-Haramayn `ala
Manhar al-Kufr wa’l Main. Maktaba Nabawiyya,
anniversary of the Prophet” ([4], p. 161). They Lahore
also commemorate the death of the Prophet’s 8. Lelyveld D (1978) Aligarh’s first generation: Muslim
grandson Ḥusayn during Muharram by making solidarity in British India. Princeton University Press,
tāʿziyas and carrying them in procession (despite Princeton
9. Metcalf BD (1982) Islamic revival in British India:
Aḥmad Raẓā Khān’s condemnation of the prac- Deoband, 1860–1900. Princeton University Press,
tice, which is associated with the Shiʿa). They Princeton
recite the Fātiḥa (the opening prayer of the 10. Minault G (1998) Secluded scholars: women’s educa-
Qur’ān) over food to transfer merit to the dead, tion and Muslim social reform in Colonial India.
Oxford University Press, Delhi
usually family members, and venerate the graves 11. Robinson F (2001) The `Ulama of Farangi Mahall and
of the sainted dead, particularly on their death Islamic culture in South Asia. Permanent Black, Delhi
anniversaries (‘urs). Respect for the Prophet is 12. Sanyal U (2010) Devotional Islam and politics in
carried over into deep respect for all sayyids, or British India: Ahmad Riza Khān Barelvi and his
movement, 1870–1920. Yoda Press, Delhi
lineal descendants of the Prophet. Belief in spiri-
tual grace (baraka) inherent in the graves of emi-
nent personages, which can be transferred through
supplication (duʿā) to one’s loved ones, has also
led to certain places becoming centers of popular Ahmadābād
devotion. In this way, Aḥmad Raẓā’s grave is ˙
today the site of a major annual pilgrimage on ▶ Ahmedabad
Ahmedabad 25

power from northern to central Gujarat and stim-

Ahmedabad ulated agricultural cultivation of surrounding for-
ested areas, previously controlled by Bhil and A
Claire Robison other local chieftains [2].
Department of Religious Studies, South Asian The sultanate in Gujarat defended its sover-
Religions, University of California, Santa eignty from Ahmedabad during the fifteenth cen-
Barbara, Santa Barbara, CA, USA tury, repelling sultans from Marwar and the
Deccan as well as Rajput rulers in the north [2].
Attempted power seizures and the handpicking of
Synonyms heirs by prominent court advisors led to periodic
factions among courtiers [1]. Yet the city
Aḥmadābād flourished with the sultans’ extensive patronage
of trade and industry, enabling Ahmedabad to
emerge as a vital point on north Indian and mari-
Definition time trade routes. The royal court and an elite class
of mainly Muslim nobles held political power,
Ahmedabad is a city in northwest India, within the while merchants and artisans populated the city.
state of Gujarat. It is India’s fifth largest city, with Court nobles and Sufi teachers were given facili-
metropolitan population of roughly seven million, ties to clear the surrounding forested land, devel-
and one of Western India’s main commercial oping agriculture, and eventually suburbs, outside
centers. the city walls [1–4]. Peasant groups settled in the
area, including the Kanbis who eventually
acquired a presence in Ahmedabad’s urban
Early History demographic. The capital of the Gujarat Sultanate
shifted to Champaner-Muḥammadabad in 1485,
Ahmedabad, a city in northwest India within the though Ahmedabad continued to be the region’s
state of Gujarat, was founded by Ahmad Shah I most prominent commercial city [2].
(r. 1411–1442) in 1411 on the eastern bank of the Sultans and nobles extensively sponsored
Sabarmati River. The city was close to the older building projects in Ahmedabad, making it one
settlement of Ashaval, previously ruled by a Bhil of the most attractive and prosperous north Indian
chieftain, as well as to an eleventh-century cities, a perception recorded even much later by
Chalukya military outpost, Karnavati. early European travelers [5–8]. Ahmad I built
Consecrated by four pious Ahmads, including a fortress and grand city gate, palace complex,
the Sultan and his Sufi teacher Ahmad Khattu several mosques, and a bazaar square that is still
Ganj Bakhsh, Ahmedabad became capital of the in use. His successors erected a city wall and
Gujarat Sultanate [1]. numerous civic and religious buildings, including
Ahmedabad has large populations of Hindus, the elaborate shrine complex, Sarkhej Roza, built
Muslims, and Jains, as well as a historic Parsi between 1445 and 1451 [5, 8]. The monumental
community and small historic Bene Israel Jewish carved stone structures produced by Sultanate-era
and Christian communities. In addition to Sunni architects combined Persianate Central Asian
and Ithna Ashari Shia populations, the city has designs with Brahmanical and Jain motifs, devel-
been home to prominent Bohra, Khoja, and oping a distinctive Gujarati style. Arches and
Memon Muslim communities. pillared prayer spaces were adorned with pipal
For several centuries before the founding of leaf, lotus flower, and temple bell motifs, show-
Ahmedabad, the region’s chief political and com- cased in the city’s historic mosques and shrines,
mercial center had been Anahilvada Patan, such as the Jama Masjid (1424). This style is also
roughly 125 km to the north. The founding of evident in civic buildings and stepwells such as
Ahmedabad in the Sabarmati valley shifted Adalaj Vav (1499). These early structures gave
26 Ahmedabad

unique character to Ahmedabad, as in the Sidi in Gujarat, were centrally traded in Ahmedabad’s
Saiyyed Mosque (1573), built by an Abyssinian bazaars. Papermaking, a skill imported from Per-
soldier who rose to prominence in the court. sia in the twelfth century, flourished in the city,
Famous for its stone jāli latticework windows, and various kinds of paper were exported along
its central jāli design depicts the “tree of life,” Arabian Sea routes and even back to Persia [7,
which has become the unofficial symbol of the 11]. Ahmedabad benefited from its strategic place
city. on trade routes connecting Sind, Surat, Cambay,
From the sixteenth century, Ahmedabad was and Agra, linking it by road and waterways to
divided into walled pūrahs, or quarters, later other important trading centers.
called pols [9]. During Akbar’s time, these num- Dyed and block-printed cotton textiles pro-
bered 360–380 and consisted of clusters of duced along the Sabarmati were Ahmedabad’s
havelī s, houses with enclosed central courtyards. specialty, as the river was seen to be particularly
Frequently, pols will be associated with members suited for dyeing. In the seventeenth century,
of a particular jāti or occupational community, these became the chief item traded with the
such as dyers or goldsmiths; artisans of Rangeela English, Dutch, and French East India Compa-
pol, for instance, make tie-dyed bandhini fabric, nies, who invested merchant capital in
a signature Gujarati design. The pols often center Ahmedabad, and by 1620 the British East India
on an open space, chowk, and an elaborately Company had a stable establishment in the city.
carved wooden chabutra tower. They are espe- While Gujarati fabrics had been traded in bulk on
cially famous throughout India for their annual Indian Ocean trade routes since at least the eighth
Uttarayan, kite-flying festival, held in mid- century, the entry of the European companies
January. enabled the further rise of a local entrepreneurial
class of merchants [7, 12].
While Muslim rulers and courtiers held politi-
Under Mughal Rule cal control until the mid-eighteenth century,
Hindu and Jain baniyā merchant families,
Although briefly annexed by Humayun, sarrāfī s, conducted the city’s finances through
Ahmedabad decisively came under Mughal con- organized guilds, called mahājans, which were
trol only under Akbar in 1572. Along with attached to particular occupations. With the
Lahore, Delhi, and Agra, Ahmedabad was exception of Bohra merchants, these partnerships
among the leading South Asian cities in Mughal of Hindu and Jain families controlled the city’s
times. These four cities alone possessed an impe- finances and supplied the court’s needs, as
rial mint, and Ahmedabad in particular was bankers, revenue collectors, and insurers. The
known as a supplier of luxury textiles for the most prominent seventeenth-century Jain sarrāf
emperor’s wardrobe. Mughal patronage spon- and jeweler, Shantidas Jhaveri, financed both
sored new palaces, mosques, guesthouses, and Gujarati and European mercantile activity and
riverside gardens [9, 10]. supplied jewelry to the Mughal emperors Jahangir
As chief commercial and administrative city of and Shah Jahan [12].
the ṣūba, province, of Gujarat, Ahmedabad Ahmedabad’s urban religious geography
remained prosperous throughout the seventeenth prominently includes elegant Jain temples, such
century, due to its fine silk and cotton textiles, as the Hathisingh (1848), often constructed by
jewelry, papermaking, and its proximity to wealthy baniyā merchants and displaying intri-
Sarkhej, an indigo center. Artisans such as cately carved white marble arches and edifices.
weavers, cloth bleachers and dyers, gold and sil- Along with Patan, Ahmedabad became a major
ver thread embroiders, jewelry makers, and metal center for Jain illuminated manuscript production.
workers supplied commercial needs [7, 9, 10]. In Artists in the city also produced illustrated manu-
addition to gold, silver, pearls, and precious scripts on Vaisnava bhakti themes. Historic Hindu
stones, food grains, sugar, and saltpeter, produced temples, such as Pushtimarg and later
Ahmedabad 27

Swaminarayan mandirs, dot the old city pols, class’ capital. Although incorporated into the
attesting to the popularity of these two Vaisnava Bombay Presidency, British administrative pres-
traditions among Gujarati Hindus. ence in Ahmedabad was light; local merchants A
Though the Mughals promoted trade and com- and guilds were largely self-governing [12, 13].
merce in Ahmedabad, the city’s economic pros- Western education was introduced in 1826 but
perity suffered due to periodic famines and the spread much more slowly than in Bombay. Simul-
frequently changing, sometimes exploitative taneously, the Gujarat Vernacular Society sought
Mughal governors. During Akbar and Jahangir’s to standardize the Gujarati language through its
reigns, there seemed a nearly constant stream of journals, textbooks, and other publications. The
attempted power grabbing among nobles of Guja- twentieth century saw a rise of Gujarati poets, and
rat and the Deccan [9, 10]. However, only around further literary institutions were established in
the death of Aurangzeb in 1707 did the Mughal Ahmedabad for the promotion of Gujarati litera-
governors of Gujarat begin to lose control over the ture [13, 14].
province. Simultaneously, from 1706 onward, Gandhi chose to settle in Ahmedabad upon
Maratha armies staged a series of incursions into returning from South Africa and established his
Gujarat and laid several sieges on Ahmedabad. In Sabarmati Ashram (originally named Satyagraha)
1758, Ahmedabad fell to Raghunath Rao and there in 1915. There he popularized svadeśī goods
Damaji Gaekwad, generals of the Maratha in place of English imports. This further boosted
Peshwa [4, 6, 11, 13]. Under Maratha rule, Ahmedabad’s economy, particularly in the realm
Ahmedabad’s economy declined. Many of the of textiles. Through Gandhi’s presence in the city,
city’s entrepreneurial class and craftspeople grad- with Sabarmati Ashram serving as the starting
ually migrated to Surat, Bombay, or other coastal point for his 1930 Gandhi Salt March,
trading towns, where their capital was more Ahmedabad became a symbolic center of nation-
secure [13]. From that time onward, the city’s alist activism against colonial rule throughout the
Muslim elites were gradually divested of political 1930s and 1940s.
and social influence, which further increased after
India’s independence in 1947.
In Postindependence India

Under British Rule Ahmedabad has continued to prosper post-

independence with a pro-business outlook,
In an 1817 treaty with the Peshwa of Pune and the attracting investments and boasting a high stan-
Gaekwad of Baroda, Ahmedabad came under the dard of development [15]. It is India’s fifth largest
rule of the British East India Company. city, with a metropolitan population of roughly
Ahmedabad’s mercantile success experienced seven million, and one of Western India’s main
a resurgence under the company, which encour- commercial centers [8]. In the decades following
aged a return of trade by lowering tariff and taxes, independence, a number of building projects by
infusing capital into handloom and handicraft European and Indian architects made Ahmedabad
industries, and eventually introducing railways a center of modernist building in India. After
in 1864 [4, 11]. Ahmedabad’s merchants also Gujarat was created from the Bombay State in
generated wealth through British interests in the 1960, Ahmedabad became its capital until 1970.
opium trade with China. From then, the administrative capital was shifted
In the nineteenth and twentieth century, the to the newly built town, Gandhinagar [16].
civic influence of Jain and Vaisnava baniyā mer- Gujarat has traditionally been and is still one of
chants expanded. As India began to industrialize India’s most prosperous states. However, in post-
in the latter half of the nineteenth century, cotton independence India, Ahmedabad emerged as one
mills and textile factories were established in of the most violence-prone cities in India, with the
Ahmedabad, further increasing the merchant highest rate of per capita deaths in communal
28 Ahmedabad

clashes [17–20]. Rioting in Ahmedabad has some- Rajput, and European architectural elements in
times been centered on opposition to state corrup- their characteristic wood-carved brackets and bal-
tion, as in the 1974 Nav Nirman Movement. conies. Yet two of the most essential transforma-
Ahmedabad has also suffered from elite-caste tions of contemporary India, economic
backlashes to state policies seeking to redress liberalization and political Hindutva, are dramati-
socioeconomic imbalances, as in the riots of 1985 cally changing the character of the city [19, 20].
in response to an increase in backward class reser-
vations in universities and government employ-
ment [19]. Cross-References
However, the locus of violence has centered on
a Hindu-Muslim divide. In 1969, Ahmedabad saw ▶ Akbar
the most destructive communal battle since parti- ▶ Mohandas K.
tion. This amplified between 1990 and 1992, dur- ▶ Nationalism
ing the Sangh Parivar’s campaign to destroy
Ayodhya’s Babri Mosque. In these, Muslims
have formed the bulk of the causalities, and pre-
viously integrated Hindu-Muslim neighborhoods
References
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scale migration to the new, wealthier suburbs Mirat-i-Ahmadi: a Persian history of Gujarat, c. 1750.
from the 1980s onward further changed Oriental Institute, Baroda
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pilgrims in Gujarat 1200–1500. Oxford University
est instance of Hindu-Muslim violence resulted in
Press, New Delhi
a full-scale pogrom on Ahmedabad’s Muslim 3. Commissariat MS (1957) A history of Gujarat: with
communities. It included widespread rape, mur- a survey of its monuments and inscriptions. The
der, and excessively gruesome violence, with Mughal period: from 1573 to 1758, vol 2. Orient
Longmans, Bombay
Hindu mobs often unchecked or even aided by
4. Mehta N, Mehta MG (2010) Gujarat beyond Gandhi:
authorities. At its completion, over 1,000 people identity, conflict, and society. South Asia Hist Cult 1:4
were dead and 150,000 more displaced from their (Special Issue)
homes [17, 19]. Since then, the religious segrega- 5. Burgess J (1900) The Mohammedan architecture of
Ahmadabad: archaeological survey of Western India.
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W. Griggs & Sons, London
Ahmedabad’s Muslim community largely rele- 6. Desai R (2011) Entrepreneurial urbanism in the time
gated to Muslim ghettos like Juhapura, unable to of Hindutva: city imagineering, place marketing, and
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government has been engaged in developing urban history. University of California Press, Berkeley
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data_products_gujarat.html. Accessed 25 Oct 2013
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a controversial denial of state support in the anti- i Akbari. Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta
Muslim pogroms [17, 19, 20]. There are also pop- 10. Abu’l Fazl (trans: Beveridge H, 1973 [1902]) Akbar-
ular attempts to gloss over the Islamicate character Nama. Rare Books, Delhi
11. Kalia R (2004) Gandhinagar: building national iden-
of Ahmedabad’s history, by such steps as lobbying
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to change the city’s name to Amdavad. Yet Press, Columbia
attempts to secure UNESCO heritage status for 12. Lely FSP et al (1879) Gazetteer of the Bombay pres-
Ahmedabad ironically depend on celebrating its idency. volume IV: Ahmedabad. Government Central
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Muslim heritage. The old city showcases the cul-
13. Ghassem-Fachandi P (2012) Pogrom in Gujarat:
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orate homes displaying Gujarati, Persianate, India. Princeton University Press, Princeton
Aibak (Aybeg), Qutb al-Dīn 29
˙

14. Asarpota DM et al (1940) Ahmedabad. The Rotary Overview

Club of Ahmedabad. Ellis Bridge, Ahmedabad
15. Chokshi UM, Trivedi MR (eds) (1989) Gujarat State
Gazetteer, parts I & II. Government of Gujarat, Aibak (Aybeg), Quṭb al-Dīn (d. 1210–1211), was A
Gandhinagar a sipahsālār (commander) in the Ghūrid army and
16. Jaffrelot C, Thomas C (2012) Facing ghettoisation in subsequently ruler of the Indo-Muslim state from
‘riot city:’ old Ahmedabad and Juhapura between the Punjab to Bengal between the death of
victimisation and self-help. In: Gayer L, Jaffrelot
C (eds) Muslims in Indian cities: trajectories of Muḥammad Ghūrī in 1206 and the establishment
marginalisation. Columbia University Press, New of the independent sultanate at Delhi. His name is
York Turk., ay, “moon,” and beg, “prince” [10, 15]; the
17. Forrest GW (1977 [1903]) Cities of India: past and latter element had already begun the downward
present. Metropolitan Books, New Delhi
18. Gokhale BG (1969) Ahmadabad in the seventeenth social shift that would eventually result in the
century. J Econ Soc Hist Orient 12(1):187–97 common Turkish title bey. The principal sources
19. Simpson E, Kapadia A (eds) (2010) The idea of Guja- on Aibak’s career are the Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī of
rat: history, ethnography, and text. Orient Blackswan, Minhāj al-Dīn Jūzjānī [14], Fakhr-i Mudabbir’s
Hyderabad
20. Spodek H (2011) Ahmedabad: shock city of twentieth- Shajara-yi ansāb [19], and Ḥasan-i Niẓāmī’s
century India. Indiana University Press, Bloomington/ Tāj al-ma’āsir [20], these last two constituting
Indianapolis special encomia of his achievements. He is pre-
21. Ali Muhammad Khan (trans: Ali SN, Seddon CN, sented by Jūzjānī and the later Muslim historio-
1928) Supplement to the Mirat-i-Ahmadi. Gaekwad
Oriental Series, Baroda graphical tradition as the first of the “Mu‘izzī”
22. Chaghatai MA (1942) Muslim monuments of Ahmad- sultans of India, sc. those independent rulers
abad through their inscriptions. Bulletin of the Deccan claiming legitimacy from Muḥammad Ghūrī
College Research Institute, Poona (Mu‘izz al-Dīn) [14].
23. Mehta M (1991) Indian merchants and entrepreneurs
in historical perspective with special reference to
Shroffs of Gujarat: 17th to 19th centuries. Academic
Foundation, Delhi Early Military Career
24. Sud N (2012) Liberalization, Hindu nationalism, and
the state: a biography of Gujarat. Oxford University
Press, New Delhi Aibak was a Turkish ghulām (slave) tracing his
descent from the Qıpchāq tribe in the Aral Sea
region of Central Asia. He was purchased by the
Ḥanafī chief qāḍī (religious judge) of Nīshāpūr,
from whom he learned to recite the Qur’ān as well
Aibak (Aybeg), Qutb al-Dīn as the arts of horsemanship and archery. It is not
˙ known when or how he obtained the nickname
Michael O’Neal Aibak-i Shal, or “Aibak of the broken (little)
Washington, DC, USA finger.” He was sold to Muḥammad Ghūrī at
Ghazna and rose to the rank of amī r-i ākhūr
(intendant of the stables); in 1190, while tending
Synonyms to the sultan’s horses in Khurāsān in eastern Iran,
he was captured by forces of the Khwārazmian
Aibek; Aybak; Ay-Bak; Aybeg; Qutbuddin pretender Sulṭān Shāh and briefly held. His sub-
sequent meteoric career was in large measure
synonymous with the great Ghūrid conquests of
Definition northern India [15].
After Muḥammad Ghūrī’s victory over the
Aibak (Aybeg), Quṭb al-Dīn (d. 1210–1211), was Chauhān (Cāhamāna) king Pṛthvīrāja III at the
a sipahsālār (commander) in the Ghūrid army and second battle of Tarā’in in 1192, Aibak was
after 1206 ruler of the Indo-Muslim state from the given the iqṭā‘or revenue assignment of Kuhrām
Punjab to Bengal. (Ramgarh) and Sāmāna. From Kuhrām he
30 Aibak (Aybeg), Qutb al-Dīn
˙

conquered Meerut and Delhi in 1192 and the and his rival Bahā’ al-Dīn Ṭughrul proclaimed
fortress of Kōl (Koil, modern ‘Alīgarh) in 1194; himself sultan at Bayana after 1206 [10, 21].
at this time, he also checked Chauhān revanchists Aibak moved from Delhi to Lahore, the capital
in Hānsī and Ajmer, the latter led by Pṛthvīrāja’s of Muslim India, on June 25, 1206, receiving
brother Harīrāja [2, 6]. Eventually he moved his a patent of investiture from Ghiyās al-Dīn
base of operations from Kuhrām to Delhi [10, 26]. Maḥmūd, the new Ghūrid sultan in Fīrūzkūh. It
Aibak led the advance guard in Muḥammad seems likely that throughout his tenure in Lahore,
Ghūrī’s campaign against the Gāhaḍavālas of he acknowledged Ghūrid suzerainty [4, 10]; cer-
Kānyakubja in 1194 and appointed subordinates tainly, coins were now struck in Maḥmūd’s name
at their administrative center of Asnī [2, 15, 22]. [3, 5, 27]. In return Aibak received a chatr (cere-
He later assisted in the conquest of the great monial parasol) and, according to Jūzjānī and
fortress of Thangīr (Tahangarh) near Bayana in Ḥasan-i Niẓāmī, the title sulṭān in 1208–1209.
1195. It is from this point that one can trace his Ḥasan-i Niẓāmī states that he also received the
rivalry with the ghulām Bahā’ al-Dīn Ṭughrul sovereign prerogatives of khuṭba (name in Friday
(Toghrıl); the two were to compete over the con- prayers) and sikka (coinage). Aibak’s only extant
quest of Gwalior, which finally submitted to coins are copper ones bearing the equivocal
Aibak in 1200–1201. He inflicted a crushing inscription quṭbī [15, 27], possibly several silver
defeat on the Calukya army at Mount Abu and ṭankas of the bull-and-horseman type [1], and rare
captured their capital at Nahrwāla (or Anhilwāra; gold dī nārs dated AH 606 (1209–1210) on which
now Patan) in 1197, only to evacuate the town. he is styled sulṭān but continues to acknowledge
Thereupon followed the taking of Budaun and Ghiyās al-Dīn Maḥmūd as sovereign [23].
Benares (1198), Kanauj (1199), and Malwa During his four-year reign, Aibak was con-
(1199–1200) [6, 10, 19]; his victories possibly sumed with establishing his position in northern
extended as far as the river Sarayu and Awadh India against Muslim rivals. His nominee ‘Alī-yi
(Ayodhya) at this time [8]. Aibak’s final triumph Mardān wrested Bengal from other Khalaj officers
against a Hindu power was the reduction of the after the murder of Muḥammad b. Bakhtiyār in
Chandella (Candrātreya) kingdom of Jejākabhukti c. 1205–1206 [9, 10]. The most serious threat was
(Bundelkhand) centered on Mahoba and the great Muḥammad Ghūrī’s senior ghulām, Tāj al-Dīn
fort of Kalinjar in 1203. Shortly thereafter, when Yildiz (Yıldız), who held Ghazna and the iqṭā‘of
the defeat at Andkhūd in 1204 led to false rumors Kurramān in the strategic Afghan mountain
of the Ghūrid sultan’s death, Aibak suppressed an passes. Aibak now challenged Yildiz for suprem-
uprising of the Khōkkars and the tribes of the acy and persuaded the muqṭa‘of Kabul, Aitakīn
Kūh-i Jūd (Salt Range) in the Punjab [6, 10]. (Aytegīn), to attack Ghazna in 1207, but without
lasting effect [11, 18]. Yildiz then invaded the
Punjab in 1208–1209 and was defeated by
Autonomous Rule in India Aibak, who in turn occupied Ghazna for the pro-
verbial forty days before being forced out by its
At the time of Muḥammad Ghūrī’s assassination inhabitants [11, 12].
in 1206, Aibak’s status in India is uncertain [15]. Aibak died in a polo accident in 1210–1211
Since 1192 he had steadily increased his authority, and was buried in Lahore [2]. His relationship to
appointing such ghulāms as Ḥusām al-Dīn his shadowy successor Ārām Shāh, who is called
Ughulbak (Oghulbeg) to Kōl and Awadh and his son by Jūzjānī in some manuscripts, is not
Iltutmish to Gwalior, Baran (Bulandshahr), and certain [15]. Ārām Shāh was soon deposed,
Budaun [10, 12]; Aibak received obeisance and while Aibak’s lieutenant and son-in-law,
tribute from the famous Khalaj conqueror of Ben- Iltutmish, moved from Budaun to Delhi, initially
gal, Muḥammad b. Bakhtiyār [9, 26]. Yet he was recognizing Yildiz’s authority but eventually
hardly the only senior ghulām in India. Other declaring independence and opening a new chap-
Turkish commanders were likely independent, ter in the history of India [10]; at this very time,
Aibak (Aybeg), Qutb al-Dīn 31
˙

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2. Askari SH (1963) Taj-ul-maasir of Hasan Nizami. Edward G. Browne. Cambridge University Press,
Patna Univ J 18(3):49–127 Cambridge, pp 392–413
3. Deyell JS (1990) Living without silver: the monetary 20. Saroop B (trans) (1998) Hasan Nizami’s Taj ul
history of early medieval North India. Oxford Univer- ma’athir, the crown of glorious virtues. Saud Ahmad
sity Press, Delhi, pp 203, 361 (no. 261) Dehlavi, Delhi
4. Jackson P. Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edn. s.v. “Ḳuṭb 21. Shokoohy M, Shokoohy NH (1987) The architecture
al-Dīn Aybak” of Baha al-Din Tughrul in the region of Bayana,
5. Goron S, Goenka JP (2001) The coins of the Indian Rajasthan. Muqarnas 4:114–132
sultanates: covering the area of present-day India, 22. Siddiqui IH (1992) Perso-Arabic sources of informa-
Pakistan and Bangladesh. Munshiram Manoharlal, tion on the life and conditions in the Sultanate of
New Delhi, p 18 Delhi. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi
32 Aibek

23. Sourdel D (1953) Inventaire des monnaies imperial power across much of north and central
musulmanes anciennes du Musée de Caboul. Institute India. He developed sophisticated systems for
Français de Damas, Damascus, p 133
24. Thomas E (1871) The chronicles of the Pathán kings administering his vast polity and supported
of Delhi. Trübner, London a diverse class of noble elites. Akbar is also notable
25. Welch A, Keshani H, Bain A (2002) Epigraphs, scrip- for his extensive patronage of literature and the arts
ture, and architecture in the early Delhi sultanate. and cultivating a polyglot court culture.
Muqarnas 19:13–37
26. Wink A (1997) Al-Hind: the making of the Indo-
Islamic world, vol 2, The slave kings and the Islamic
conquest, 11th–13th centuries. EJ Brill, Leiden Sources on Akbar
27. Wright HN (1936) The coinage and metrology of the
Sult̤āns of Delhi. Government of India, Delhi
Akbar features among the most well-documented
figures in Indian history, and many texts in dif-
ferent languages record aspects of his life. He
personally commissioned several Persian
Aibek accounts of events during his father’s time (and
thus Akbar’s childhood) [63]. He also sponsored
▶ Aibak (Aybeg), Quṭb al-Dīn histories of his own reign, the most famous of
which is Abū al-Fażl ibn Mubārak’s Akbarnāmah
and its final volume, Ā’ī n-i Akbarī (Akbar’s
Institutes) [1, 2]. These texts continue to serve
Akbar today as foundational sources for information
about the Mughal polity under Akbar. Abū al-
Audrey Truschke Fażl enjoyed access to the royal archives, which
Department of Religious Studies, Stanford renders his work of unique historical value, but
University, Stanford, CA, USA he also advances a strong political agenda of
depicting Akbar as a near-perfect, God-
sanctioned emperor [32, 43]. Earlier court histo-
Synonyms ries, such as Niẓām al-Dīn Aḥmad’s Ṭabaqāt-i
Akbarī, also serve as central resources for insight
Abu al-Fath Jalaluddin Muhammad Akbar; into Akbar’s reign, particularly for tracing how
Akbar I; Akbar the Great; Jalal al-Din Muham- imperial ideology changed throughout his rule
mad Akbar; Jalaluddin Muhammad Akbar [44]. Unofficial histories offer an important
counter-perspective and often provide different
sorts of information than are available in court-
Definition authorized works. Foremost here is the
Muntakhab al-Tavārī kh, a highly critical text
Jalaluddin Muhammad Akbar (1542–1605) was written covertly by ‘Abd al-Qādir Badā’ūnī,
the third ruler of the Mughal Empire. a secretary in Akbar’s court [13]. In addition,
many royal orders (farmāns), poems, letters,
and inscriptions survive that elucidate aspects
Introduction of Akbar’s reign [3, 58, 68].
Sources on Akbar are also available beyond the
Jalaluddin Muhammad Akbar (1542–1605) was the Persian tradition. Many Sanskrit texts discuss the
third ruler of the Mughal Empire, an Islamicate king and other Mughal figures at length, although
dynasty that controlled parts of the Indian subcon- these materials remain largely unresearched and
tinent for over 300 years (1526–1857). Akbar their veracity is frequently questioned [39, 54].
inherited a small, fledgling kingdom and by the Hindi, Gujarati, and other vernacular materials
end of his 49-year reign (1556–1605) had expanded likewise touch upon Mughal political affairs and
Akbar 33

court culture [20, 21, 39, 54]. Last, European Ascension and Regency
travelers visited Mughal India during Akbar’s
tenure on the throne, and many penned letters In January 1556, less than a year after regaining A
and travelogues that offer an outsider perspective his kingdom, Humayun died unexpectedly, and
on the emperor [24]. the recently reconstituted Mughal Empire faced
an authority crisis. Mughal nobles brokered a deal
that thirteen-year-old Akbar would be enthroned
Ancestry and Childhood immediately, but true power would lie in the
hands of Bayram Khan, a powerful statesman
Akbar was born in mid-October 1542 in Umarkot, under Humayun who served as vice-regent until
a town in the northwest province of Sindh (in Akbar came of age [33]. When he ascended the
modern Pakistan). Through his grandfather, throne, the boy previously known as Jalaluddin
Babur, he was a descendent of Genghis Khan, Muhammad adopted the name Akbar, meaning
the twelfth–thirteenth-century Mongol conqueror, “Great.” Bayram Khan managed to keep
as well as of Timur, the fourteenth century Turkish Humayun’s death secret for a few weeks before
ruler who sacked Delhi in 1398. Mughal sources the news spread and members of the recently
often emphasize Akbar’s Mongol-Timurid heri- ousted Sur dynasty sought to take advantage of
tage, and the Akbarnāmah opens with an exten- the fragile Mughal state. Hemu, a former minister
sive genealogy [16, 38]. Abū al-Fażl particularly under the Surs, captured Delhi and Agra before
celebrates the story of Alanqu’a, a Mongol prin- Bayram Khan killed him and defeated his army in
cess who conceived three sons via a ray of divine November 1556 in the Second Battle of Panipat.
light that would later manifest itself in Akbar [10, After this crucial victory, Bayram Khan avidly
16, 37, 38]. pursued all remaining remnants of the Sur dynasty
In 1542, Akbar’s parents, the Mughal King until Akbar exiled his vice-regent to Mecca in
Humayun and his Persian wife, Hamida Banu 1560. Bayram Khan was murdered soon thereaf-
Begum, had sought sanctuary in Sindh from ter while traveling through Gujarat. For the next
the advances of Sher Shah Suri (called Sher few years, Akbar’s childhood nurse, Maham
Khan in Mughal sources), an Afghan rival. Anga, held significant sway over imperial poli-
Humayun lost Agra and Delhi to Sher Shah in cies. But her influence was severely curtailed after
1540 and would remain out of power, traveling her son, Adham Khan, murdered a Mughal gen-
as far as Safavid Iran for refuge, until 1555 when eral in 1562. Adham Khan was summarily exe-
he definitively retook his former dominions from cuted on the king’s orders by being repeatedly
Sur control with the help of Shah Tahmasp. thrown down from a wall of the Mughal palace
Akbar was separated from his parents during in a scene later vividly illustrated in manuscripts
much of his childhood and placed in the house- of the Akbarnāmah. Maham Anga died in 1562,
holds of Humayun’s brothers, Askari and ostensibly from grief for her son, and thereafter
Kamran. Later histories report several incidents Akbar took charge of the empire.
from this period, including one time when
3-year-old Akbar wrestled a toy away from his
older cousin (Kamran’s son) [42]. On another Expanding the Empire
occasion, Kamran used Akbar as a human shield
in order to compel Humayun to halt his assault of Akbar devoted the next decade to expanding
Kabul [63, 48]. Akbar received a wide-ranging Mughal control and continued to seek new terri-
education during his childhood, although he tories until his death. Under the leadership of
reportedly never developed the ability to read Adham Khan, Mughal forces had taken Malwa
[65]. When Humayun reconquered India in in 1561–1562, and Akbar acquired other strategic
1555, he appointed his young son governor of strongholds throughout Rajasthan in the 1560s.
the Punjab. He defeated Uday Singh of Mewar in the late
34 Akbar

1560s by enacting sieges of the Chittor and Mughal hostilities would continue throughout the
Ranthambhor forts that one modern historian has Deccan long after Akbar’s death.
described as “spectacular public events” that
“demonstrated the reality of Mughal power for
every warrior in North India” [51]. Akbar’s grand- Administration and Nobility
father, Babur, had been one of the earliest to
introduce gunpowder to the subcontinent, and While expanding his kingdom geographically,
firearms were crucial in many Mughal victories. Akbar built a solid state apparatus comprised of
But, particularly in the battles over Chittor and numerous administrative institutions that ensured
Ranthambhor, Akbar demonstrated Mughal mili- the smooth functioning of political, agricultural,
tary superiority in archery and his willingness to and fiscal aspects of the emerging empire. Todar
conduct prolonged sieges [60]. During the 1560s, Mal, Akbar’s revenue minister, oversaw a series
Akbar also initiated the first of his large architec- of changes concerning the administration of agrar-
tural projects by rebuilding the Agra fort over the ian lands based on a large-scale survey of crop
course of 8 years. production from 1570 to 1580. Akbar also insti-
In 1571, Akbar moved his capital 26 miles tuted many fiscal reforms and successfully
from Agra to Sikri, a red sandstone city built imposed standardized coinage across much of
from scratch that served as the imperial capital his polity. He borrowed certain crucial aspects of
until 1585. The new capital was renamed his financial policies from Sher Shah’s reign,
Fatehpur Sikri (city of victory), in honor of the including the minting of pure silver rupees [41,
Mughal conquest of Gujarat in 1572–1573. The 66]. Akbar also treated the issuing of coins
lucrative province of Gujarat was important to the (sikkah) as an opportunity to express his imperial
Mughals on several levels, including that it pro- ambitions and experimented with both formula-
vided direct access to western sea ports, an impor- tions and dating systems on coinage that
tant consideration for trade and pilgrims headed to centered power in the king.
Mecca [51]. Indeed when Akbar’s aunt, Gulbadan Akbar cultivated a diverse nobility to help him
Begum, led several members of the royal harem expand and administer the Mughal state. The
on the hajj to Mecca 1578–1582, they traveled via core-organizing feature of his nobility was the
Gujarat [37]. The Mughals had difficulty in hold- manṣabdārī system wherein all officials were
ing Gujarat, however, and ‘Abd’l-Rahim Khān-i- assigned a rank (manṣab). The manṣabdār
Khānān was sent to subdue the region after (manṣab-holder) received a salary or, more com-
Muzaffar Shah III, the prior ruler, briefly monly, a land grant (jāgī r) from which he had the
reasserted control in 1583–1584. right to collect taxes [33, 60]. Akbar inherited
From Fatehpur Sikri, Akbar also marched to a group of nobles from Humayun that were almost
conquer Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa in the entirely from Central Asia, generally of Turani
1570s–1580s, although many years passed before (Afghan) or Persian descent. These nobles were
these areas were fully integrated into the empire. affiliated with various lineage- and ethnic-based
In 1585, the Mughal army occupied Kabul upon clans such as the Timurid Mirzas and Uzbeks. The
the death of Akbar’s half brother, Mirza Hakim composition of the ruling class changed little dur-
[29]. Akbar also moved the capital to Lahore at ing Bayram Khan’s vice regency, but soon there-
this time to focus on the northwest boundaries of after, in 1561, Akbar began incorporating
the Mughal polity. In the later 1580s, Kashmir and Hindustani Muslims (Shaykhzadahs) and Rajputs
Swat were brought under imperial control, and into imperial service [33]. He also strengthened
Sindh was conquered in the early 1590s. Thereaf- his ties with Rajputs in other ways during this
ter, Akbar turned his sights south and requested period. He rescinded a pilgrimage tax on Hindus
that the Deccan Sultanates recognize Mughal in 1564 and canceled the jiziya tax on non-
supremacy. When they refused, Akbar ordered Muslims in 1579. As early as 1562, Akbar devel-
military action against Ahmadnagar in 1595, and oped matrimonial ties with numerous ruling
Akbar 35

Rajput families in order to ensure loyalty to the mausoleum constructed adjacent to the royal pal-
Mughal crown [62]. This exchange of brides ace in Fatehpur Sikri [11]. Akbar continued to
never went both ways, however, and no cases make yearly pilgrimages to Muinuddin Chishti’s A
are known where Mughal women married Rajput shrine until 1580, when his interests turned
princes. elsewhere.
Akbar also changed his relationship through-
out the 1570s–1580s with the ulama, the tradi-
Challenges and Alliances tionally learned men of Islam who were
accustomed to exercising significant religious,
Partly in response to his efforts to diversify the social, and political influence in Islamicate
nobility, a string of fierce challenges to Akbar’s empires. During the first few decades of his
authority broke out from 1564 to 1568. Uzbek reign, Akbar allowed the ulama considerable
members of the ruling elite who had a history of power, and early histories frame the emperor as
alternating between resistance and loyalty to a defender of shari’a [48, 52]. However, begin-
Babur and Humayun, nearly all Turanis, openly ning in the 1570s, Akbar disagreed with the
revolted in armed opposition. Their defiance of ulama on a wide range of issues, including tax
Akbar emboldened Mirza Hakim, Akbar’s half laws, the number of his marriages, and the proper
brother who was based in Kabul, to stake his character of an Islamic polity in India. He sharply
claim to the Mughal throne. In 1566, Mirza criticized the ulama in the context of the ‘Ibadat
Hakim set out toward Lahore with the intention Khana, the house of religious debate that was
of taking Hindustan. However, Akbar temporar- established at Fatehpur Sikri in 1575. By 1580,
ily abandoned his bloody suppression of the the ‘Ibadat Khana had opened up to include
Uzbek rebellion to march against Mirza Hakim, members of many different traditions, including
who turned back to Kabul [29]. These attacks Hindus, Parsees, and Jesuits. But in its first few
only further convinced Akbar of the wisdom in years, debates were limited to members of compet-
broadening the composition of his imperial ser- ing Islamic communities, and numerous authorities
vants, and, by the early 1580s, Rajputs consti- report that the ulama were frequently subjected to
tuted a significant portion of the Mughal nobility harsh attacks [13, 49].
[35, 50]. Akbar formulated a few distinct answers to his
Alongside Akbar’s move away from an exclu- clashes with the ulama, the first of which was the
sive Turko-Mongol base of support among his maḥẓar decree in 1579. Through the maḥẓar,
nobles, he pursued a parallel shift in his alliances Akbar claimed authority to adjudicate all ques-
with Sufi orders. Early in his reign, Akbar tions concerning Islam and thereby sought to
maintained strong ties with the Naqshbandis, evade any binding control of the ulama [52]. At
a Central Asian Sufi group that had long been the same time as the maḥẓar’s proclamation,
affiliated with the Timurids. But the prominence Akbar also drove the two foremost leaders of the
of the Naqshbandis soon began to wane, and ulama at court, ‘Abdullah Sultanpuri Makhdum
nearly all members of this community had al-Mulk and Shaykh ‘Abd al-Nabi, from India
departed from imperial circles by the end of the under the guise of sending them on pilgrimage to
1570s [5]. Meanwhile, the Indian-based Chishti Mecca. Information about the maḥẓar is available
order was on the rise in Mughal esteem [28]. In in Badā’ūnī’s clandestinely written history of
1562, Akbar first visited the shrine of the thir- Akbar’s reign [13]. Abū al-Fażl, the primary
teenth-century saint Muinuddin Chishti in Ajmer court historian of the period, omits the maḥẓar
and sought out the living Salim Chishti in 1568 to entirely, which has prompted scholars to suggest
seek his blessing for an heir. Akbar’s son, Salim that the decree was abandoned shortly after its
(the future Emperor Jahangir), was born in 1569 issuance, because it was viewed as incompatible
and named after the Chishti Shaykh. Upon Salim with imperial developments from the 1580s
Chishti’s death in 1572, Akbar ordered a marble onward [35, 52].
36 Akbar

Imperial Idioms the concept of a farr-i izadī (divine light) that

marks God-sanctioned kings [56].
Starting in the 1580s, Akbar began to express Akbar often sought to present the Mughal state
new types of imperial claims that were largely as centered on his personal authority in different
based on Sufi ideas. Many concepts were adapted ways. In this vein, one scholar has spoken of the
from Ibn al-‘Arabī, a twelfth–thirteenth-century Mughal Empire as following a “patrimonial-
Islamic philosopher whose writings were popu- bureaucratic” model that treats the kingdom as an
lar at the Mughal court. For example, Akbar extended household and emphasizes connections
borrowed the idea of ṣulḥ-i kul (universal between the king and his nobility [19]. This type
peace) from Ibn al-‘Arabī and elaborated of authority relied heavily on projecting the image
a vision of diverse communities living in har- of a pure king who follows established norms of
mony under the umbrella of the Mughal Empire conduct. Texts such as the Akhlāq-i Nāsirī of Nasīr
[52]. Akbar also took up the Sufi metaphysical al-Dīn Tūsī (c. thirteenth century) deeply informed
concept of waḥdat al-wujūd (unity of being) that Akbar’s public representation, which was codified
emphasizes the oneness of God and creation [4, in texts such as the Ā’ī n-i Akbarī [45].
52]. Nonetheless, not all Sufis approved of Millenarian ideas also became fashionable in
Akbar’s ideas. Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi, a Sufi Akbar’s court, particularly in the decade preced-
leader who became active in the last few years of ing the year 1,000 in the Islamic Hijri calendar
Akbar’s reign, strongly condemned the Mughal (1591–92 C.E.). In 1581–1582, Akbar commis-
endorsement of waḥdat al-wujūd and propagated sioned the Tārī kh-i Alfī (Thousand Year History)
waḥdat al-shuhūd (unity of perception) as its that recounted a thousand years of Islamic history
replacement wherein one recognizes that God with Akbar at the zenith as the “Renewer of the
and his creation remain discrete [26]. In the latter Second Millennium” [61]. This project was
half of Akbar’s reign, the Mughal court also connected with a notion of “sacred kingship”
promoted the idea that Akbar would bring that scholars have traced back to Akbar’s Timurid
about an increasingly perfect age. Often this heritage [40]. Millennial (Alfi) Movements also
vision was formulated in terms of casting Akbar arose across wider Eurasia at this time [61]. How-
as insān-i kāmil (the perfect man), a concept also ever, by the time the Islamic millennium actually
drawn from Ibn al-‘Arabī but changed signifi- arrived, Akbar seemed to have lost interest in the
cantly in the Mughal court to apply to an earthly Tārī kh-i Alfī in favor of foregrounding illumina-
sovereign who brought prosperity to those he tion theory and tawḥī d-i-Ilāhī (later termed dī n-i-
ruled [10, 12, 52]. Ilāhī).
In tandem with ideas associated with Ibn al- Dī n-i-Ilāhī has long confused modern
‘Arabī, Akbar also explored other modes of artic- scholars who have disagreed over whether
ulating an imperial ideology. He evinced an inter- Akbar conceptualized it as a new religion, as
est in the illumination philosophy of Suhrawardi, subsequent interpreters characterized it as early
a twelfth century figure, which is evident in as 1650. More recently, scholars have suggested
Mughal visual imagery [10]. Select royal prac- that dīn-i-Ilāhī is best understood as an imperial
tices also played upon the use of light, such as discipleship project that at its height involved
Akbar’s recitation of The Thousand Names of the no more than a dozen members and was primar-
Sun in Sanskrit and his habit of appearing in a ily designed to cement personal allegiance to
jharoka every morning with the sun to his back in Akbar. Members were generally leading figures
order to provide his subjects a splendorous view of the Mughal elite, including ‘Abd’l-Raḥīm
of their king [10]. The emphasis on light imagery Khān-i-Khānān and Mirza Aziz Koka. Birbal
also nicely intersected with the courtly interest, was the sole Hindu member of the group, which
particularly evident in the writings of Abū al-Fażl, practiced ritual greetings and vegetarian eating
in ancient Iranian idioms of kingship, including habits [12].
Akbar 37

Patronage of Persian and Beyond also sponsored new Arabic compositions. An

example of a slightly unusual work in the latter
Particularly starting in the mid-1570s, Akbar vein is the Qur’anic commentary of Fayżī, which A
devoted significant attention to cultivating differ- only uses the small number of letters in the Arabic
ent languages and traditions within his empire, alphabet that lack dots.
chief among them Persian. On the recommenda- Akbar underwrote literary production in both
tion of his revenue minister, Todar Mal, Akbar Hindi and Sanskrit as well, much of which is still
declared Persian the official language of adminis- coming to light [20, 23]. More well known is
tration in 1582. The Mughals’ family language Akbar’s sponsorship of Persian translations of San-
was originally a Chaghatai dialect of Turkish, skrit texts, including astronomical and mathemati-
a tongue which Babur, Akbar’s grandfather, cal treatises, the Indian epics, and story works [8,
deemed appropriate for his memoirs [25]. But 52]. Intellectuals also explored Indian religious
Persian allowed Akbar to participate in ideas in texts such as Fayżī’s Shāriq al-Ma‘rifat
a widespread literary culture that flourished across (The Illuminator of Gnosis), which offers a Sufi-
much of Asia during this period, also inspired interpretation of Hindu religious ideas [27].
encompassing Safavid Iran, Ottoman These cross-cultural activities often drew some the
Turkey, and large portions of Central Asia. finest intellectual and literary talents in Akbar’s
Under the Delhi Sultanates (1206–1526) and the court, including Abū al-Fażl, Fayżī (Akbar’s poet
Sur Dynasty (1540–1555), administrative docu- laureate), and Naqib Khan (a major historian).
ments had often been penned in Persian, Turkish,
Hindi, or some combination thereof, and Akbar
introduced a new level of standardization [4, 12]. Diverse Communities at Akbar’s Court
Akbar also extended generous support to
scores of Persian-language poets. One of the Akbar’s lavish patronage attracted a wide array of
most famous is Fayżī, Akbar’s poet laureate and ethnic and religious communities to court from
author of several works, including a dī vān (col- across India. Parsees, Brahmans, Rajputs, and
lection of poems) and Nal va Daman, a Persian Jains, all traveled to Akbar’s court at different
rendering of the Sanskrit love saga of Nala and times and for various purposes. Many Rajputs
Damayanti that later became a popularly retold and Brahmans learned Persian and entered Mughal
story in Persian and Urdu [7]. Many Persian service. Indians of divergent backgrounds
writers who were driven out of Iran came to frequented the court in association with Akbar’s
Mughal India seeking Akbar’s famed patronage. support of Sanskrit literati and Hindustani
A steady stream of Persianate literati also arrived music. The most famous figure in the latter cate-
from Central Asia and kept alive Mughal connec- gory is no doubt Tansen, who came from the Rajput
tions with their ancestral homeland. Additionally, court at Gwalior and graced Akbar’s court from
a range of scholarly travelers moved freely 1562 to 1586 [64]. Akbar also instituted the official
between the Ottoman, Safavid, and Mughal position of jotik rai, an Indian astrologer (usually
empires, transmitting texts and ideas [53]. Inshā’ a Brahman) that cast horoscopes for the royal fam-
(literary prose) also rose to new heights under ily according to Indian practices [55].
Akbar’s support, and Abū al-Fażl, Akbar’s vizier Gujarati Jains are a particularly noteworthy
and chief architect of his ideology, is often cited as group who began to frequent the court in substan-
an exemplar of this genre [67]. tial numbers in the early 1580s, often in pursuit of
While Akbar promoted Persian heavily as an Mughal orders banning animal slaughter during
administrative and literary tongue, he also culti- select holidays and other political concessions
vated a thoroughly multilingual milieu in his cen- [47]. Jains impacted imperial practices in numer-
tral court. Many Arabic texts, including the works ous ways, such as convincing Akbar to abstain
of Ibn al-‘Arabī, circulated at court, and the king from meat for periods of time and teaching the
38 Akbar

king how to recite The Thousand Names of the Akbar also left behind an impressive legacy of
Sun in Sanskrit [1, 13]. Jains also penned a rich architectural monuments, chief of which are the
but little researched body of texts in Sanskrit and Agra fort and Fatehpur Sikri, as mentioned above.
Gujarati that discuss aspects of court life [39]. Humayun’s tomb was also built during Akbar’s
Among the more far-traveling visitors to reign and financed by Akbar’s mother, Hamida
Akbar’s court were Jesuit priests who came on Banu Begum. Today, this impressive monument,
several missions from the 1580s onward. The located in Delhi, is considered an important fore-
priests brought copies of the Bible, and one figure, runner of the Taj Mahal.
Saint Xavier, was commissioned by Akbar to trans-
late the gospels into Persian. The resulting text
titled Mirāt al-Quds (Mirror of Holiness) survives Family Life
in many manuscript copies and tells the Christian
story of Jesus from his birth until his ascension into Akbar supported a robust harem, but the precise
heaven [14, 22, 69]. Christians also engaged in number of his wives is unknown [37]. He had
numerous religious debates in Akbar’s presence several children, including three sons who were
and often misunderstood the king’s interest in considered contenders for the throne: Salim,
their faith as a sign that he was about to convert. Murad, and Danyal. Murad (d. 1598) and Danyal
Jesuit letters and journals provide a wealth of (d. 1604) both met untimely deaths before Akbar’s
insight into their perceptions of events at court. own demise due to their fondness for alcohol and
The imperial atelier was quite taken with the Euro- opium. Salim too admits to struggling with such
pean art introduced by the priests, and Mughal addictions but outlived his brothers to ascend the
artists produced copies of Christian images and Mughal throne as Emperor Jahangir in 1605 [34].
incorporated elements into their own work [15]. Even in 1600, however, Salim was anxious to
succeed his father as emperor and broke into open
rebellion when Akbar was away from Agra. Akbar
Support of the Arts quickly returned to crush the insurgency and briefly
entertained the idea of putting his eldest grandson
Akbar’s atelier included well-accomplished Per- through Salim, Khusraw Mirza, on the throne
sian and Indian painters who illuminated a wide instead. But Akbar eventually forgave his son,
variety of manuscripts [18]. A particularly out- and Jahangir offers a thoughtful reflection in his
standing and unique series of illustrations was memoirs on his youthful indiscretion in light of his
undertaken for the imperial copy of the own son’s later attempt to seize power [34].
Ḥamzanāmah (Tales of [Amir] Hamza), a set of
stories concerning the fantastic adventures of
Amir Hamza, uncle of Prophet Muhammad. The Akbar’s Legacy
manuscript’s 1,400 paintings took nearly fifteen
years to complete (1562–1577) and were abnor- Akbar died in late October 1605 and was buried in
mally large, measuring 27 in. high by 20 in. a mausoleum in Agra that he had commenced
across. Only a small percentage of the illustra- building 5 years earlier. The tomb was completed
tions, executed in a distinctive style, survive by his son and successor Jahangir. Akbar’s impact
today and are scattered across various archives on the future of his dynasty is difficult to over-
and museums [17, 57]. Numerous classical Per- state, and many modern historians justifiably con-
sian works, such as Sa‘di’s Gulistān (Rose Gar- sider Akbar to be the true founder of the Mughal
den) and Nizami’s Khamsah, were also adorned Empire. Certainly, he established major political,
with lavish illustrations, as were Persian transla- administrative, and cultural features of the
tions of the Sanskrit epics, Mahābhārata and Mughal polity that would continue for the next
Rāmāyaṇa, and historical texts, including 100 years before the empire began to disintegrate
Bāburnāmah and Akbarnāmah [17, 18]. in the early eighteenth century. Even after the
Akbar 39

Mughals lost most of their land holdings, their Aurangzeb as fanatical, which arguably oversim-
cultural influence remained strong, particularly plifies aspects of both emperors’ reigns [46].
in North India, well into the nineteenth century. Along these lines, Akbar has often been A
reinterpreted in light of modern ideas of toleration
and even cast as the forerunner of the modern
Memories and Historiography of Akbar Indian nation state [9, 31].
In addition to his representations in scholar-
Historical memories of Akbar began to be ship, Akbar also has a wider popular legacy in
constructed even before his death, particularly modern times. Numerous films focus on him,
by court ideologues such as Abū al-Fażl who including Mughal-e-Azam (1960) and Jodhaa
portrayed the king as an almost divine ruler. Akbar (2008). Akbar and members of his court,
Jahangir comments on Akbar at some length in most notably Birbal, also frequently appear as
his memoirs, penned in the 1620s, and viewed his characters in cartoons and children’s comic
father as his political role model [34, 38]. In the books. Several novels also feature Akbar and his
seventeenth century, historians and intellectuals court, and a recent example is Salman Rushdie’s
evinced mixed reactions to Akbar with some The Enchantress of Florence (2008). Last, stand-
heavily criticizing him as an apostate whereas ing somewhere between scholarship and popular
others lauded his cultural and administrative literature, the economist Amartya Sen draws upon
achievements [26, 36]. In the seventeenth and Akbar in several of his works, including The Idea
eighteenth centuries, a number of hagiographical of Justice (2009) and The Argumentative Indian
stories emerged about Akbar’s meetings with dif- (2005). He deploys Akbar’s mindset and his
ferent bhakti saints and Sufi leaders [54]. During courtly institutions such as the ‘Ibadat Khana as
the colonial period, Akbar figured in the European representative of an early consciousness of how to
imagination as well. For example, he appears in effectively support a diverse Indian population.
a poem by Tennyson titled “Akbar’s Dream” [59].
Later colonial-era historians penned several biog-
raphies devoted to Akbar or, as he is often redun-
Cross-References
dantly known in English, Akbar the Great.
In more recent times, Akbar has been the focus
▶ ‘Abd’l-Raḥīm Khān-i-Khānān
of substantial scholarly attention with numerous
▶ Abū al-Faḍl
monographs and articles devoted to aspects of his
▶ Alfī Movements
rule. But some academics have leveled strong
▶ Badayuni
warnings against the pitfalls of personality-
▶ Hajj
focused history that tends to see all developments
▶ Ibadatkhana
during Akbar’s forty-nine-year reign as a result of
▶ Jahāngīr, Nūruddin Mohammad
his individual intentions with little consideration
▶ Kāfir
of larger forces and other actors involved [6]. This
▶ Sūfism
view of all things emanating from Akbar in many
▶ Tawḥīd
ways uncritically follows precisely what Abū
▶ Waḥdat ul-Wujūd
al-Fażl leads readers to believe about his patron.
Another major historiographical issue is that
Akbar tends to be contrasted with Aurangzeb, his
great-grandson who ruled the Mughal Empire References
1658–1707. Aurangzeb generally leaned toward
a more conservative interpretation of Islam and 1. Abū al-Fażl ibn Mubārak (1985) Ā’īn-i Akbarī (ed:
Blochmann H). Biblio Verlag, Osnabruck. English
occasionally promoted a more prominent role for edition: Abū al-Fażl ibn Mubārak (2010) Ā’īn-i
Islam in the Mughal polity. As a result, many Akbarī (trans and ed: Blochmann H, Jarrett HS,
commentators posit Akbar as tolerant and Phillott DC, Sarkar J). Asiatic Society, Calcutta
40 Akbar

2. Abū al-Fażl ibn Mubārak (1873–1887) Akbarnāmah 21. Busch A (2012) Portrait of a Raja in a Badshah’s
(ed: Abd-ur-Rahim M). Asiatic Society, Calcutta. World: Amrit Rai’s biography of Man Singh (1585).
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(2010) Akbarnāmah (trans: Beveridge H). Low Price 22. Chaghatai MA (1994) Mirat al-Quds: an illustrated
Publications, Delhi manuscripts of Akbar’s period about Christ’s life.
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42 ‘Alā’ al-Dīn Ḥusayn (Ghūrid)

the brothers Quṭb al-Dīn Muḥammad and Sayf al-

‘Alā’ al-Dīn Ḥusayn (Ghūrid) Dīn were killed in succession by Bahrām Shāh,
and a third brother, Bahā’ al-Dīn Sām, died on the
Michael O’Neal road to Ghazna to avenge their deaths [2, 3, 9].
Washington, DC, USA

The Sack of Ghazna

Synonyms
‘Alā’ al-Dīn now assumed control over Ghūr. He
‘Alā’ ud-Dīn Ḥusain; Jahānsūz marched south to Zamīndāwar (near present-day
Qandahār) where the Ghūrī infantry, with their
characteristic padded rawhide shields, defeated
Definition the Ghaznavid forces. He proceeded to march on
the capital of Ghazna and forced Bahrām Shāh to
‘Alā’ ud-Dīn Ḥusayn (r. 1149–1161) was a senior retreat to the Punjab. Slaughter and destruction
Shansabānī who may be regarded as the effective now engulfed Ghazna (c. 1150–1151), atrocities
founder of the Ghūrid Empire (c. 1150–1215). for which ‘Alā’ al-Dīn became immortalized as
Jahānsūz (“world-burner”): its inhabitants were
slaughtered, the bodies of all but three Ghaznavid
Early Shansabānī History sultans were desecrated, and several sayyids of
Ghazna were enslaved and bought to Ghūr
‘Alā’ al-Dīn Ḥusayn (r. 1149–1161) was a senior where they were executed. The victors inflicted
member of the Shansabānīs of Ghūr, the remote a similar punishment on Bust in Zamīndāwar
and mountainous region of what is today central [2, 3, 9].
Afghanistan [1, 14], during whose eventful reign Despite the enormity of these events, Ghazna
the family first rose to the rank of a regional and Bust eventually recovered and served as
power. He may therefore be regarded as the effec- important Ghūrid centers [17]. In the near term,
tive founder of the Ghūrid Empire ‘Alā’ al-Dīn could not long retain these territories
(c. 1150–1215), a Perso-Islamic polity that at its and Ghazna was reoccupied by Bahrām Shāh.
height encompassed the eastern Iranian province Nevertheless, the Ghūrid victories irretrievably
of Khurāsān and northern India. weakened Ghaznavid power in the region.
The Shansabānīs arose to prominence in the Bahrām Shāh’s successors proved unable to hold
first half of the twelfth century, initially as tribu- the city against the waxing power of the Oghuz
taries of the Ghaznavids and later of the Saljūqs, Türkmen and abandoned it in c. 1162 for Lahore,
the two great powers of the eastern Islamic lands. their provincial capital in the Punjab [3].
When the Ghaznavid ruler Bahrām Shāh
(r. c. 1117–1157) ascended the throne of Ghazna
as vassal to the Saljūq sultan Sanjar b. Malik Shāh Overreach and Consolidation
(r. 1118–1157), Ghūr inevitably tilted towards the
Saljūqs [3, 8]. At this time the head of the family, ‘Alā’ al-Dīn now emulated Saljūq and Ghaznavid
‘Izz al-Dīn Ḥusayn, had extended Shansabānī practice by assuming the title al-sulṭān al-
dominion throughout Ghūr and ruled as its para- mu‘aẓẓam (“great sultan”) [7, 16]. He clearly
mount chieftain. After ‘Izz al-Dīn’s death in 1146, now strove to become a regional power, for he
his son and successor Sayf al-Dīn Sūrī parceled captured Bāmiyān and Balkh and challenged
out effective authority among his six brothers, Sanjar at Herat, but his ambitions inevitably
‘Alā’ al-Dīn thereby receiving the appanage of outpaced his power. In 1152–1153, Sanjar
Wujīristān on the western confines of Zābulistān, defeated him at Nāb, on the Harī Rūd, and took
the province of Ghazna. Between 1146 and 1149, him captive [2, 11].
‘Alā’ al-Dīn Ḥusayn (Ghūrid) 43

In his absence, Ghūr became wracked by inter- Cross-References

nal revolts that were brutally suppressed when ‘Alā’
al-Dīn was released from captivity. In the final years ▶ Fakhr-i Mudabbir A
of his reign, Saljūq authority in Khurāsān ▶ Ghaznavids
disintegrated after Sanjar was captured by the ▶ Ghūrids
Oghuz in 1153; this allowed ‘Alā’ al-Dīn to reassert ▶ Ismā‘īlīs
Shansabānī authority along Ghūr’s fringes and into ▶ Jūzjānī, Minhāj al-Dīn
Bāmiyān and Ṭukhāristān [5, 11]. At this time ▶ Lahore
Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs were permitted to proselytize in ▶ Muḥammad Ghūrī
Ghūr, although ‘Alā’ al-Dīn’s son Sayf al-Dīn
Muḥammad (r. 1161–1163) later purged them
from the region during his brief reign [1].
References
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11. Maricq A, Wiet G (1959) Le minaret de Djam: La
(q.v.) is the principal source. Other brief and anec- découverte de la capitale de sultans Ghorides
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44 ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Khaljī

15. ar-Ráwandí, Muḥammad ibn ‘Alí ibn Sulaymán conduct a campaign into central India during 695/
(1921) The Ráhat-uṣ-ṣudúr wa áyat-us-surúr, being 1296. The success of this campaign led to a more
a history of the Saljúqs (ed: Iqbal M). EJ Brill, Leiden
16. Richards DS (tr) (2007) The chronicle of Ibn al-Athīr ambitious plan, formulated without the sultan’s
for the crusading period from al-Kāmil fi’l-ta’rī kh, pt. knowledge, of attacking Dēōgīr (near modern-
2. The years 541-589/1146-1193: the age of Nur al- day Aurangabad). When Sultan Jalāl al-Dīn
Din. Crusade texts in translation 15. Ashgate, Farnham learned of this unauthorized raid and its success,
17. Schlumberger D, Sourdel-Thomine J (1978) Lashkari
bazar: Une résidence royale ghaznévide et ghoride, 2 he immediately set out with the Delhi army to
vols. Diffusion de Boccard, Paris confront his nephew. Sultan Jalāl al-Dīn travelled
18. Shafi IM (1938) Fresh light on the Ghaznavids. Islam down the Ganges river toward Kara,
Cult 12(2):189–234 where a group of conspirators including the Sultan
Jalāl al-Dīn’s nephew, the future ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn,
beheaded the sultan. Jalāl al-Dīn’s son and ʿAlāʾ
al-Dīn both claimed the Delhi throne; however,
ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Khaljī members of Jalāl al-Dīn’s court increasingly
supported ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Khaljī’s claim. When
Michael Bednar ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn finally entered Delhi, he won over
Columbia, MO, USA the people by showering them with gold coins,
obtained from the Dēōgīr raid, launched from his
catapults as he marched through the streets.
Synonyms

ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Muḥammad Shāh Khaljī; ʿAlāʾ ud- Military Campaigns

Dīn Khiljī; ʿAlī Garshāsp
Sultan ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Khaljī spent the first third of
his reign securing his hold on the Delhi Sultanate.
Definition He initially retained the courtiers who supported
his claim and bestowed lands on village heads-
ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Khaljī (r. 695–715/1296–1316) initi- men, then gradually replaced these courtiers and
ated a decade of conquests that transformed the rescinded the land grants over the next few years.
Delhi Sultanate from a northern kingdom into an Once his power was secure, ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn
empire eventually spanning most of the Indian dispatched part of the Delhi Sultanate army to
subcontinent. raid the Somnāth Temple in 698/1299. This raid,
which reduplicated Maḥmūd Ghaznavī’s 416/
1025 campaign, further established ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn’s
Rise to the Delhi Sultanate Throne authority as sultan by linking him to a progenitor
of the Delhi Sultanate. ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn began a decade
Born as ʿAlī Garshāsp, the future ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn of conquest with the defeat of the Ranthambhor
grew up during the reign of Sultan Balban. (700/1301) and Chittor (703/1303) and
Balban’s death in 685/1287 resulted in a series a protracted series of campaigns in southern
of contestations and court intrigues for the Delhi Rajasthan. These campaigns left Delhi exposed
throne. Jalāl al-Dīn Fīrūz Shāh Khaljī, who to the Mongols, who attacked and occupied sec-
became the Delhi sultan in 689/1290, sought to tions of the city before abandoning their campaign
end the intrigues of the previous few years by in 702/1303. ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn responded to the Mon-
installing members of his Turkish-Afghan Khalaj gol attack with a massive campaign of
tribe into key positions. He appointed his constructing and refortifying the city walls and
deceased brother’s son, ʿAlī Garshāsp, as gover- local military forts, as well as market reforms
nor of Kara located near modern-day Allahabad. [1–3]. He expanded the Quwwāt al-Islām mosque
ʿAlī Garshāsp obtained the sultan’s permission to during this time, increasing its size fivefold from
ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Khaljī 45

Iltutmish’s previous expansion, and began con- minor power struggles. An overt power struggle
struction of a minār (later abandoned) that would between ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn and Niz̤ām al-Dīn seems
be double the size of the Qutb minār [4–6]. Once unlikely since a number of influential people A
again, and perhaps as a direct result of the Mongol such as Amīr Khusraw and Sultan ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn’s
sacking of Delhi, ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn sought to link him- sons, Khiẓr Khān and Shādī Khān, belonged to
self to the founders of the Delhi Sultanate, Qutb both ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn’s royal court and Niz̤ām al-Dīn’s
al-Dīn Aybeg and Sultan Shams al-Dīn Iltutmish. spiritual community [10, 11].
When the Mongol campaigns halted after 705/
1305–1306, ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn renewed his military
campaigns against the Hindu kings. The Delhi ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn and Padminī
Sultanate army conquered Malwa (705/1305),
Gujarat (sometime during 1305–1310), and A popular legend describes ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn’s infatu-
southern Rajasthan (Siwāna, 708/1308; Jālor, ation with Padminī, the queen of Chittor. Hearing
1311) [1]. With the west secured, the army rumors of the queen’s beauty, ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn
marched south in 1310–1311, subjugating Waran- requested an audience with the queen. Padminī,
gal (709/1310), conquering the Hoysalas (710/ however, refused to appear before the sultan. A
1310), and pillaging the Pandyans (710–11/ compromise was eventually reached in which
1310–11) [1]. ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn placed the conquered ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn was permitted to gaze upon her reflec-
territories in Rajasthan, Gujarat, and Mandu under tion in a mirror. Her consuming beauty enflamed
the control of Delhi Sultanate governors. The ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn’s passion, and he laid siege to the
rulers of Dēōgīr and Warangal acquiesced to the Chittor fort in an effort to obtain her. On the
Delhi Sultanate but continued to rule with epi- verge of his conquest of the fort, Padminī and
sodes of rebellion. ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn pillaged rather her queens immolated themselves in an act
than ruled the kingdoms to the far south (Hoysala known as jauhar. The story of Padminī and ʿAlāʾ
and Pandya). Later Delhi sultans of the Khaljī and al-Dīn appeared in Muḥammad Jāyasī’s
Tughluq dynasties continued to conquer and plun- Padmāvat (947/1540), a Sufi allegorical tale, and
der the central and southern subcontinent. quickly spread throughout Indian literature [12,
A decade of victories across the subcontinent led 13]. Although the story remains a popular legend,
ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn to adopt the title “The Second Alex- historians generally dismiss the encounter as
ander the Great” (sikandar al-s̱ānī ), which a historical event [14, 15].
appeared on his minted coins, inscriptions, and
in royally sponsored texts [1, 3, 4, 7]. The title
of the Second Alexander, also adopted by later
Cross-References
Khaljī sultans, signifies a third avenue for
establishing the sultan’s authority.
▶ Amir Khusraw
▶ Maḥmūd Ghaznavī
▶ Nizām-ud-Dīn Awliyā
ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn and Sufism ▶ Ziya al-Din, Barani
The question of Delhi Sultanate authority has also
appeared in scholarship over the last couple of
References
decades examining whether authority rested with
the sultan or the sufi [5, 8, 9]. The argument arises 1. Amir K (1953) Khazāʾin al-Futūḥ of Ḥazrat Amīr
from the fourteenth-century author Ẓiyāʾ al-Dīn Khuṣrau Dehlawī (ed: Wahid Mirza M). Asiatic Soci-
Baranī, who credited the period’s prosperity to ety, Calcutta
2. Jackson P (1999) Delhi Sultanate: a political and mil-
Niz̤ām al-Dīn ʿAwliyāʾ rather than ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn
itary history. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
Khaljī. Both men sought to increase their power 3. Lal K (1980) History of the Khaljis. Munshiram
among the Delhi populace, which led to some Manoharlal, New Delhi
46 ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Muhammad Shāh Khaljī
˙

4. Flood F (2009) Objects of translation: material culture

and medieval ‘Hindu-Muslim’ encounter. Princeton AlBeruni
University Press, Princeton/Oxford
5. Kumar S (2000) Assertions of authority: a study of the
discursive statements of two Sultans of Delhi. In: ▶ Bīrūnī, al-
Alam M, ‘Nalini’ Delvoye F, Gabourieau M (eds)
The making of Indo–Persian culture: Indian and
French studies. Manohar, New Delhi
6. Page J (1926/1970) Historical memoir on the Qut̤b,
Delhi. Reprint, Lakshmi Book Store, New Delhi Al-Beruni
7. Goron S, Goenka JP (2001) The coins of the Indian
Sultanates: covering the area of Present-day India,
Pakistan and Bangladesh. Munshiram Manoharlal, ▶ Bīrūnī, al-
New Delhi
8. Digby S (1986) The Sufi Shaykh as a source of author-
ity in medieval India. Puruṣārtha: Islam Soc Asie Du
Sud 9:57–77
9. Digby S (1990) The Sufi Shaykh and the Sultan: AlBiruni
a conflict of claims to authority in medieval India.
Iran 28:71–81
10. Nizami KA (2007) Life and times of Shaikh Nizam- ▶ Bīrūnī, al-
u’d-Din Auilya, rev edn. Oxford University Press,
New Delhi
11. Sharma S (2005) Amir Khusraw: the poet of sultans
and sufis. OneWorld, Oxford
12. Behl A (2012) Love’s subtle magic: an Indian Islamic Al-Biruni
literary tradition, 1379–1545. Oxford University
Press, Oxford/New York
13. De Bruijn T (2012) Ruby in the dust: poetry and ▶ Bīrūnī, al-
history in Padmāvat by the South Asian Sufi poety
Muḥammad Jāyasī. Leiden University Press, Leiden
14. Harlan L (1992) Religion and Rajput women: the ethic
of protection in contemporary narratives. University of
California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles Alfī Movements
15. Sreenivasan R (2007) The many lives of a Rajput
queen. University of Washington Press, Seattle A. Azfar Moin
Clements Department of History, Southern
Methodist University, Dallas, TX, USA

ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Muhammad Shāh

Khaljī ˙ Synonyms

▶ ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Khaljī Messianic movements; Millenarian movements;

Millennial movements

‘Alā’ ud-Dīn Ḥusain Definition

▶ ‘Alā’ al-Dīn Ḥusayn (Ghūrid) Alfī or “millennial” movements are social move-
ments driven by an expectation of religious and
political renewal at the end or beginning of
a 1,000-year cycle of time – the millennium. In
ʿAlāʾ ud-Dīn Khiljī fifteenth- and sixteenth-century South Asia, when
the end of the first millennium of Islam was near,
▶ ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Khaljī such movements coalesced around a holy man,
Alfī Movements 47

often a Sufi saint, believed by his followers to be established norms of Islam. Despite such criti-
the expected savior – the mahdī or mujaddid of cisms, however, they inspired many followers
Islamic traditions. and shaped religious discourse and political his- A
tory in India and its environs. Before discussing
these movements, however, it is necessary to
The Millennium in South Asia define the concept of the “millennium” and out-
line its relationship to the messianic beliefs prev-
Alf means “thousand” in Arabic. An alfī move- alent in premodern Muslim milieus.
ment connotes a collective effort for religious
renewal led by a savior or some such messianic
figure at the turn of a 1,000-year Millennial Cosmology
cycle – a millennium. However, few such groups
would call themselves “alfī.” For this is The idea that the millennium was
a descriptive label used by modern scholars to a cosmologically marked moment of religious or
classify movements of a religiopolitical nature dynastic upheaval is an ancient one and predates
led by Muslim holy men, often Sufi saints, Islam [1]. It was adopted by Muslim
believed by their followers to be the expected thinkers – though not without criticism and
messiah (mahdī ) or promised renewer opposition – in the ninth and tenth centuries C.E.
(mujaddid). in the late Abbasid era, and propagated via
At the end of the first Islamic millennium, “Islamic” traditions of cosmology, astronomy,
which coincided with the end of the sixteenth and astrology. Indeed, the greatest astrologer of
century, a number of such “millennial” move- medieval times, Abū Maʿshar (d. 886, known as
ments and figures were active across India, Iran, Albumazar in Western Christendom) was its
and Central Asia. Prominent cases discussed major advocate [2, 3], justifying it as part of the
below include: the Naqshbandī Sufi Shaykh ancient wisdom brought to humanity by the ante-
Aḥmad Sirhindī (d. 1624); the Mughal emperor diluvian “prophet” Hermes, identified variously
Jalāl al-Dīn Akbar (d. 1605); Sayyid Muḥammad with the Biblical Enoch and the Quranic Idrīs
of Jaunpūr (d. 1505) whose followers became [4]. Thus pre-Islamic Iranian and Indian concepts
known as Mahdavī; Bāyazīd Ansārī, also known of cosmology, time cycles, and messianic rebirths
as Pīr Raushan (d. 1572), who founded the became a part of Muslim learning [3, 5, 6].
Raushanī movement in the Indo-Afghan border- The basic astrological unit of measurement on
lands; Shah Ismāʿīl I (d. 1524) who was both the which the calculation of the “millennium”
scion of the Safavī Sufi order and the first mon- depended was the conjunction of Saturn and Jupi-
arch of the Safavid dynasty in Iran and whose ter, the two planets most distant from Earth in the
soldier-devotees were known as the Qizilbāsh geocentric Ptolemaic cosmos (the other “planets”
(Red Heads); the Sufi brotherhood associated being the moon, Mars, Mercury, the sun, and
with Sayyid Muḥammad Nūrbakhsh (d. 1464), Venus). Saturn and Jupiter came into alignment
which spread from Safavid Iran and Timurid Cen- every 20 years, each time in a different Zodiacal
tral Asia to Kashmir at the beginning of the six- location. This location varied but did so within
teenth century; and, last but not least, the one of four “triplicities” (each a set of three Zodi-
followers of Mahmūd Pasikhānī (d. 1427), acal houses) for 240 years before moving on to the
known as Nuqtavī, who fled from persecution in next one. A conjunction recurred in the same
Iran at end of the sixteenth century and found Zodiacal location only once in 960 years, that is,
refuge at the Mughal court in India. once in a millennium. Astrologers gave these three
All of these figures and groups provoked con- types of conjunctions increasing significance – as
troversy in their time. Contemporary Islamic “minor” (20 years), “major” (240 years), and
sources, written from an orthodox perspective, “great” (960 years) – for predicting dynastic
describe their claims as heretical and against the upheaval and religious change [5].
48 Alfī Movements

The cyclicality and divisibility of this scheme of the “Muḥammadan Reality,” Muslims were in
gave it considerable flexibility. By adjusting the need of a new spiritual leader. This person – the
beginnings of the millennial cycle or by choosing millennial Renewer or Mujaddid – would
one of its auspicious “fractions,” astrologers could reestablish the Muslim community’s link with
fine-tune their predictions. They also wrote astro- divinity for the next 1,000 years. As a result of
logical histories by mapping the advent of major his controversial writings, Sirhindī spent a year in
religions and empires onto Saturn-Jupiter con- prison under the Mughal emperor Jahangir (r.
junction cycles. Even the beginning of Islam and 1605–1627) before being released and given
the ensuing rise of the Arab world order, which a respectable appointment at court. He spent his
coincided with the end of the Sasanian- last few years quietly at the Mughal court, but
Zoroastrian one, could be explained by such astro- soon after he died, his followers had to defend
logical models of history [6]. Thus, conjunction him against accusations of heresy. Over the eigh-
astrology became a useful tool for sovereigns who teenth century, however, the controversy was for-
wanted to legitimize their sovereignty and ascer- gotten and, instead, a hagiographical legend grew
tain the length of their dispensations; but it also around Sirhindī. By the twentieth century, he was
became a “millennial” science, serving rebels, mainly – and ahistorically – remembered as hav-
schismatic groups, and would-be messiahs who ing successfully defended orthodox Islam from
sought to overturn the existing order. Both these the depredations of the Mughal emperor Akbar
dynamics can be seen in fifteenth- and sixteenth- (r. 1556–1605).
century South Asia.

Mughal Emperor Akbar

Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindī
˙ Emperor Akbar is also a controversial figure
The person most commonly associated with the because of his millennial claims. He was accused
millennial renewal of Islam in India is Shaykh by his enemies of abjuring Islam and formulating
Aḥmad Sirhindī, a Naqshbandī Sufi who became a new religion, the so-called Dī n-i Ilahī (Divine
famous, posthumously, as the “Renewer of the Religion) [8, 9]. Official Mughal sources, how-
Second Millennium” (Mujaddid-i Alf-i Sānī ) [7]. ever, denied these accusations while defending
Founder of the Mujaddidī line of the Naqshbandī Akbar as a monarch with saintly qualities who
Sufi order, he is remembered today as a Muslim treated Muslims and non-Muslims equally well.
leader who revived and strengthened traditional Leaders of the prominent Chishti Sufi order also
Sunni Islam in India. But this image developed remembered Akbar as a good Muslim ruler, even
more than a century after his death. In his day, calling him the Caliph of Islam [10]. What is
Sirhindī’s millennial claims did not mesh well beyond doubt, however, is that Akbar used the
with Islamic orthodoxy. He wrote that since millennial moment of Islam to declare himself the
a thousand years of Islam had passed, the Muslim saint of the age and spiritual guide of all his sub-
community had lost its connection with divinity jects regardless of caste or creed.
originally established via the Prophet Muḥam- At the turn of the Islamic millennium, the
mad. He explained, esoterically, that at the end Mughal ruler inaugurated a devotional order in
of the first Islamic millennium, the first Arabic which his courtiers and soldiers were encouraged
letter “mīm” in Muḥammad had transformed to enroll as disciples (murīd) of the emperor
into the letter “alif,” transforming “Muḥammad” [9, 11]. Akbar’s devotional scheme, modeled
into “Aḥmad.” That Sirhindī’s own name was after the practices of Sufi orders, was not given
Aḥmad hinted at the possibility that he was the an official name or promoted as a new religion; it
chosen leader of Islam for the second millennium. was only called discipleship (murīdī ). However,
But he refrained from stating this explicitly, not- its rules and recommendations incorporated an
ing merely that with the millennial transformation eclectic range of sacred icons and rituals. In
Alfī Movements 49

short, Akbar unveiled himself as a saintly figure, a reflection of God and the Prophet [14]. He was
a Perfect Man (Insān-i Kāmil), and the awaited known as Pīr Raushan (Illumined Master) and
savior at the moment of the millennium or, more acquired a significant following among the Afghan A
precisely, in the year 1582 (990 AH), when and other tribes of the rugged mountain region
a Saturn-Jupiter conjunction took place. He issued bordering present day Pakistan and Afghanistan.
coins with the word “thousand” stamped on it and Most of his writing is in the regional language of
commissioned a grand thousand-year history, Pashto. His enemies asserted that he was inspired
called the Tarī kh-i Alfī (Millennial History), by Ismaʿīlī Shīʿī esoteric teachings, a charge diffi-
which chronicled events of Islamic history from cult to verify. His followers, organized by his son,
the death of the Prophet to Akbar’s reign. In this led a major and long-lived Afghan uprising against
work, Akbar was described as the Renewer of the Mughal power during Akbar’s time. It was
Second Millennium. not until Jahangir’s reign (1605–1627) that the
descendants of Bāyazīd Ansārī were defeated
and incorporated into Mughal imperial service at
The Mahdavīs high ranks, thus bringing independent Raushanī
activity to an end.
In the years leading up to the millennial year,
Akbar invited a number of religious groups and
sects to his court for religious discussion. Among Alfī Movements in Neighboring Iran and
them were the Mahdavīs, followers of Sayyid Central Asia
Muḥammad of Jaunpūr who had declared himself
the expected mahdī in 1495 [12, 13]. A religious The Mughals were not the only “millennial”
scholar, Sayyid Muḥammad maintained that his dynasty. Earlier, the Safavids of Iran
new interpretation of religion superseded (1501–1722) had also risen to power as
established schools of Islamic jurisprudence. Even a messianic movement [15, 16]. Their founder,
more radically, he declared everyone outside the Shah Ismāʿīl I (r. 1501–1524), spread a chiliastic
Mahdavī fold a non-Muslim. He initially prosely- message via his Turkish poetry, declaring himself
tized in Gujarat but was persecuted and expelled. to be the chosen heir of Ali, the mahdī . He was the
Moving through Sind, he eventually ended up in hereditary leader of the Safavī Sufi order, which,
Afghanistan where he died. During his travels, he from 1450 onward, had developed a militant and
attracted many devotees who continued the move- “exaggerated” (ghulāt) Alid outlook. This shift
ment after his death. The Mahdavīs enjoyed some had allowed the Safavids to recruit warrior-
influence in Akbar’s court, but they also had many devotees from among the Turkmen tribes of north-
detractors. Thus, it is significant that Sirhindī’s mil- western Iran and Anatolia. By the end of the
lennial assertions, discussed above, were compared sixteenth century, however, as the Safavids con-
by a contemporary critic to the messianic assertions solidated their power in Iran, they began to aban-
of the Mahdavī leader [7]. Even today, the don their messianic legacy in favor of juridical
Mahdavīs exist in small numbers in South (Imāmī or Twelver) Shīʿī Islam.
Asia – in Sind, Baluchistan, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Safavid notions of messianic sovereignty, nev-
and the Deccan – but most disguise themselves as ertheless, were significant in shaping Mughal
Sunnis to escape persecution. kingship. When Akbar’s father and grandfather,
Humayun (d. 1556) and Babur (d. 1530), had
sought military aid from the Safavids, they had
The Raushanīs had to accept not only Safavid political suzerainty
but also their spiritual sovereignty. Akbar’s later
Another “alfī” group in the late sixteenth century millennial assertions may be seen as a declaration
was that of the Raushanīs, followers of Bāyazīd of Mughal political and spiritual supremacy
Ansārī, who had declared himself the mahdī and inspired by and competing with the Safavid
50 al-Hojvīrī

model [9]. Indeed, one accusation against Akbar 10. Alam M (2009) The Mughals, the sufi shaikhs and the
was that he had tried to use the Islamic millennium formation of the Akbari dispensation. Mod Asian Stud
43:135–174
to copy the messianic success of Shah Ismāʿīl. 11. Richards J (1998) The formulation of imperial author-
Two other Sufi groups from Iran and Central ity under Akbar and Jahangir. In: Richards J (ed) King-
Asia who contributed to millennial dynamic at the ship and authority in South Asia. Oxford University
Mughal court were the Nuqtavīs and Nūrbakhshīs Press, Delhi
12. Qamaruddin (1985) The Mahdawi movement in India.
[9, 15, 17, 18]. The Nuqtavīs were given refuge in Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delhi, Delhi
India by Akbar. In return, they used their millennial 13. MacLean D (2003) The sociology of political engage-
cosmology to proclaim Akbar the awaited savior. ment: the Mahdawiyah and the state. In: Eaton R (ed)
The Nūrbakhshīs were not physically present at the India’s Islamic traditions. Oxford University Press,
New Delhi, pp 711–1750
Mughal court, but the metaphysical writings of 14. Ahmed T (1982) Religio-political ferment in the N. W.
their founder were cited by court scholars such as Frontier during the Mughal period: The Raushaniya
ʿAbd al-Qādir Badāʾunī to explain how there could movement. Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delhi, Delhi
be more than one messiah present on earth at the 15. Babayan K (2002) Mystics, monarchs, and messiahs:
cultural landscapes of early modern Iran. Harvard
same time [9, 17]. With so many saviors competing University Press, Cambridge, MA
to save humanity at the end of the first Islamic 16. Arjomand S (1984) The shadow of God and the hidden
millennium, the time seemed ripe for such imam: religion, political order, and societal change in
explanations. Shi‘ite Iran from the beginning to 1890. University of
Chicago Press, Chicago
17. Moin A (2009) Challenging the Mughal Emperor: the
Islamic Millennium according to ‘Abd al-Qadir
Cross-References Badayuni. In: Metcalf B (ed) Islam in South Asia in
practice. Princeton University Press, Princeton
▶ Akbar 18. Bashir S (2003) Messianic hopes and mystical visions:
▶ ‘Ibādat Khāna the Nurbakhshiya between medieval and modern
Islam. University of South Carolina Press, Columbia

References

1. Cohn N (1993) Cosmos, chaos, and the world to come:

the ancient roots of apocalyptic faith. Yale University al-Hojvīrī
Press, New Haven
2. Abu Maʿshar (2000) On historical astrology: the book
▶ Dātā Ganj Bakhsh (Hojvīrī)
of religions and dynasties (on the great conjunctions).
Brill, Boston
3. Pingree D (1968) The thousands of Abu Mashar. War-
burg Institute, London
4. Van Bladel K (2009) The Arabic Hermes: from pagan
sage to prophet of science. Oxford University Press, Al-Huda International
Oxford
5. Pingree D (1963) Astronomy and astrology in India
and Iran. Isis 54:229–246 Faiza Mushtaq
6. Kennedy E, Pingree D, Mashaʾallah (1971) The astro- Department of Social Sciences and Liberal Arts,
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line of his thought and a study of his image in the eyes
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lishers, New Delhi Al-Huda International Institute of Islamic Educa-
9. Moin A (2012) The millennial sovereign: sacred king-
ship and sainthood in Islam. Columbia University tion for Women; Farhat Hashmi; Islamic educa-
Press, New York tion; Religious organizations; Women in Pakistan
Al-Huda International 51

Definition Prophet Muhammad. The duration of a standard

course at Al-Huda is around 1 year, and registered
Al-Huda International is an organization that runs students receive a diploma or certificate at the end. A
a network of Islamic schools for women in There are also short courses tailored for specific
Pakistan. audiences and events, such as during the month of
Ramadan, and more informal lectures on topics
including personal ethics, religious rituals, and
Introduction social obligations.
The format and methods of Islamic education
Al-Huda International is an organization that runs at Al-Huda are markedly different from those
a network of Islamic schools for women in Paki- practiced in traditional South Asian madrasas,
stan. The curriculum emphasizes study of the which typically offer an 8-year course of
Quran and hadis (hadī th) with relevance to con- advanced Islamic study. That extended immersion
temporary concerns coupled with a program of is intended to produce specialists schooled in
religious outreach and social reform. The founder a comprehensive religious canon of core and
and leader of the group is a woman called Dr. ancillary subjects and is an alternative rather
Farhat Hashmi, who has become a well-known, than a supplement to the national school curricu-
frequently controversial figure in Pakistan. Her lum [1]. In contrast, Al-Huda’s religious lessons
lectures form the centerpiece of Al-Huda’s formal include contemporary practical and ethical con-
educational activities, media programs, and cerns, while the duration of study is shorter and
widely disseminated instructional materials. more flexible. Al-Huda is not the first organization
in Pakistan to offer an alternative to both the
madrasa and the university models of teaching
A Different Model of Islamic Education Islamic subjects. However, it stands out in two
important respects from earlier initiatives such as
The Al-Huda International Institute of Islamic those pioneered by the Jamaat-i-Islami with its
Education for Women started as a small religious study circles and schools [2] or the institutes
academy for women in Islamabad in 1994. Over developed by individuals such as Dr. Israr
the next few years, branches of the school opened Ahmad and Maulana Tahirul Qadri [3]. One is
in Karachi and Lahore, and subsequently the net- its target audience of urban, educated upper- and
work expanded to urban centers in all regions of middle-class women, and the other is its borrow-
Pakistan followed by outposts in Canada, USA, ing of structures and practices from the formal
UK, many Middle Eastern countries, and other educational system such as dedicated campus
locations where Pakistani diaspora communities buildings, admission and registration require-
are present. More recently, Al-Huda offered the ments, testing and grading of students, and fixed
option of taking many of its courses online and syllabi. Farhat Hashmi herself is not
has increased the availability of lectures and a traditionally trained Islamic scholar but has
course materials in English, although Urdu con- a doctorate in Islamic Studies from the University
tinues to remain the main language of instruction. of Glasgow.
Teaching the Quran is the primary focus of Al- Al-Huda uses modern pedagogical tools and
Huda courses, including subjects like tajweed, technologies in its classrooms, and the organiza-
which is recitation of the Arabic text of the tion has adopted many current management and
Quran according to proper rules of pronunciation, marketing principles in expanding its operations.
translation of scriptural Arabic into Urdu, and This approach to Islamic education has been suc-
tafseer or exegesis that touches upon the original cessful in attracting social segments that have not
context of each Quranic verse as well as its con- traditionally been known for their religious mobi-
temporary relevance. Also central is study of the lization. Some of the women who participate in
hadis, i.e., the recorded deeds and sayings of the Al-Huda’s activities hail from wealthy families
52 Al-Huda International

and make sizable donations of money and prop- Hashmi has crafted a reformist critique of Paki-
erty to Al-Huda, while others require financial stani society that targets customs and alleged devi-
assistance to afford the modest course fees. All ations that have accumulated over the centuries
share an urban and literate background which and which, she believes, have to be stripped away
makes them part of a minority among Pakistani so that a purified Islamic tradition and moral reg-
women. Many Al-Huda students go on to open ulation of everyday life can cure a variety of social
branches of Al-Huda’s schools in their own neigh- ills. Hashmi’s religious interpretations are marked
borhoods or home towns, while others remain by the particular doctrinal stance that is identified
involved with the organization’s social welfare as the Ahl-i Hadis branch of Sunni Islam in South
and outreach activities. Asia. This is a puritanical school of thought that
rejects most customary practices and intermedi-
aries to privilege foundational texts and individual
Reformist Activism religious responsibility [4]. Thus, the teachings at
Al-Huda privilege hadis as an authoritative source
Al-Huda’s guiding philosophy can be summed up of guidance while rejecting other sources of juris-
in a Quranic verse (9:122) that is often cited in the prudence (fiqh), including those belonging to the
organizational literature: “Why do not a few peo- Hanafi school that enjoys a dominant status in
ple from every group of them go forth so that they Pakistani Islam. Students at Al-Huda are taught
may obtain an understanding of The Religion to condemn as un-Islamic many of the ritual and
[sic], in order to warn their people when they mystical practices associated with Shi’i, Barelwi,
return to them, so that they may become cau- and other minority Islamic sects within Pakistan.
tious.” The key tenets are that acquiring religious They also distance themselves from many popular
knowledge is a virtuous act, that the value of celebrations and customs prevalent in mainstream
learning increases if the knowledge is shared Pakistani society while attempting to convince
rather than kept to oneself, and that the educated others of their wrongfulness.
elites have a special responsibility to guide and Farhat Hashmi advocates nonreligious educa-
reform society. Hashmi has designed a curriculum tion and professional careers for women, pre-
that trains women not only to understand canoni- aches the value of scientific reasoning and
cal Islamic teachings but also to examine their logic, and presents herself as a liberal and femi-
own and others’ conduct in light of normative nist interpreter of Islam. She challenges the more
principles distilled from these texts. The Quranic orthodox teachings of male Pakistani scholars on
commentary and illustrations used in Al-Huda issues like ritual obligations and restrictive prac-
courses are geared toward the practical concerns tices for women, leaving some scope for flexibil-
and experiences of each specific audience. Stu- ity and contextual understanding, but does not
dents learn exercises to apply textual lessons to offer a thoroughgoing critique of existing gender
their own lives and engage in constant self- relations or contentious Quranic verses in her
examination and discipline. Many women who lectures. For most of Al-Huda’s committed and
do not attend Al-Huda classes also come into enthusiastic followers, Hashmi is a role model to
contact with Hashmi’s teachings through audio- be emulated closely. The most visible change in
tapes of Hashmi’s lectures, her television and these women as a result of their involvement with
radio lessons, Al-Huda pamphlets listing duas Al-Huda is their adoption of some form of veil-
(supplications, prayers) for various occasions, ing and giving up practices like listening to
and other such devices, which become part of music or watching entertainment shows on
their everyday routines. television.
Al-Huda trains all participants to engage in Al-Huda has been attacked regularly by femi-
da’wa, i.e., invite others toward greater religious nists and secular liberals in Pakistan as
observance, and many women remain committed undermining women’s rights and preaching
to this program of Islamic activism. Farhat a dogmatic and intolerant version of Islam that is
Al-Huda International 53

incompatible with progressive values. Many tra- based on the assumption that every individual has
ditional Islamic scholars (ulama) have been simi- the capacity to understand and apply religious
larly critical of the organization and especially of teachings. A
Hashmi’s status as a female religious leader. They Traditional institutions of Islamic learning and
are dismissive of her academic credentials and the scholarly networks across the Muslim world have
teaching methods at Al-Huda that do not acknowl- historically been dominated by men, with women
edge the scholarly opinions, interpretive princi- rarely having access to scholarly credentials or
ples, and subjects that madrasas have historically formal positions of authority. Separate madrasas
taught. for women in the Indian subcontinent are a recent,
postcolonial innovation and are subsidiary units
of organizations run by men [10]. Al-Huda is
New Forms of Religious Authority distinctive in this regard as it is an autonomous
organization that was formed by women, puts
Farhat Hashmi’s personal history has clear women in leadership roles, and provides female-
imprints upon Al-Huda’s organizational and ideo- only spaces for congregation and collective reli-
logical characteristics. She learned many of her gious study outside the home. The activism of Al-
reformist convictions and organizing tools from Huda women poses an implicit challenge to the
the Jamaat-e Islami due to her father’s involve- authority of male religious experts even as they
ment with the party and her own while she was have steered clear of overt confrontations. Many
a college student. Interactions with the state and specialized religious roles continue to be reserved
public educational institutions in Pakistan—such for men in Pakistan, such as delivering the Friday
as her teaching career at the International Islamic sermon and the call to prayer or officiating as
University in Islamabad—and travel to the United a prayer leader for men.
Kingdom, Saudi Arabia, and other Middle Eastern
countries further shaped her particular sectarian
orientation and pedagogical approach. On the one Cross-References
hand, Al-Huda freely borrows discursive ele-
ments and practical resources from the fields of ▶ Fiqh
business, education, media, and even feminism, ▶ Madrasah
all of which it classifies as being modern. On the
other hand, it advocates a return to the
foundational texts and practices of Islam’s earliest
References
community while affirming the timelessness of
this Islamic tradition. 1. Zaman MQ (2002) The Ulama in contemporary Islam:
Al-Huda has parallels with many other con- custodians of change. Princeton University Press,
temporary Islamic movements around the world, Princeton
as there has been a significant diffusion of reli- 2. Nasr SVR (1994) The vanguard of the Islamic revolu-
tion: the Jama’at-i Islami of Pakistan. University of
gious and interpretive authority beyond the tradi- California Press, Berkeley
tional experts in recent decades [5–7]. The style of 3. Philippon A (2006) Bridging Sufism and Islamism.
religious discourse has become more accessible, ISIM Rev 17:16–17
vernacular, and rooted in practical contexts [8], 4. Riexinger M (2008) How favorable is Puritan Islam to
modernity? A study of the Ahl-i Hadis in late nine-
while the content has shifted toward problems of teenth/early twentieth century South Asia. In:
personal conduct and morality, ritual practice, and Beckerlegge G (ed) Colonialism, modernity, and reli-
belief, away from matters of state [9]. Within gious identities: religious reform movements in South
Pakistan, other groups such as Islamist parties Asia. Oxford University Press, New Delhi
5. Eickelman D, Piscatori J (1996) Muslim politics.
like the Jamaat-e Islami, proselytizing outfits like Princeton University Press, Princeton
the Tablighi Jamaat, and many others argue 6. Göle N (2002) Islam in public: new visibilities and
against the ulama’s monopoly of Islamic learning new imaginaries. Public Cult 14:173–190
54 Al-Huda International Institute of Islamic Education for Women

7. Hefner R, Zaman MQ (eds) (2007) Schooling Islam:

the culture and politics of modern Muslim education. Aliah University
Princeton University Press, Princeton
8. Starrett G (1998) Putting Islam to work: education,
politics, and religious transformation in Egypt. Uni- ▶ Calcutta Madrasah
versity of California Press, Berkeley
9. Mahmood S (2005) Politics of piety: the Islamic
revival and the feminist subject. Princeton University
Press, Princeton
10. Winkelmann MJ (2005) From behind the curtain: Aligarh Muslim University
a study of a girls’ Madrasa in India. ISIM dissertations.
Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam Clinton Bennett
Department of Philosophy, State University of
New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA

Al-Huda International
Institute of Islamic Education Synonyms
for Women
Aligarh Muslim University, AMU; Madrasatul
▶ Al-Huda International Uloom Musalmanan-e-Hind; Mohammedan
Anglo-Oriental College, M.A.O.

al-Hujwīrī Definition

▶ Dātā Ganj Bakhsh (Hojvīrī) Top rank university with historic Muslim identity
in Aligarh, India.

ʿAlī Garshāsp Origin, Identity, and Significance

▶ ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Khaljī Created in 1920, Aligarh Muslim University

(AMU) developed from a boy’s high school,
Madrasatul Uloom (1875), and a men’s college
(1877). Today, with about 30,000 students, AMU
Āl-i Sebüktegīn has 88 departments, several affiliated institutions,
high schools, and centers. A centrally funded,
▶ Ghaznavids public institute, VII Schedule of India’s Constitu-
tion names it as of national importance. AMU has
always enrolled students from all backgrounds but
approximately 77% are Muslim. One of the oldest
Āl-i Shansab residential universities in India, the main campus
in the city of Aligarh, Uttar Pradesh covers 1,115
▶ Ghūrids acres. Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, widely acknowl-
edged as India’s leading nineteenth-century mod-
ernist Muslim thinker, founded the school and
college to advance India’s Muslims. Before and
Aliah Madrasah after Partition, the institute played a critical role as
a symbol of Muslim solidarity, identity, and pride.
▶ Calcutta Madrasah It ranks in the top 10 Indian research universities.
Aligarh Muslim University 55

Founder’s Vision Husain Shi’a theology, as these subjects were

called. M.A.O’s first five principals, and many
Loyal to the British, Khan wanted to reverse the professors, were English. In 1885, M.A.O. trans- A
social and economic decline of India’s Muslims. ferred to Allahabad University, which was closer.
Distrusted by the British, Muslims either isolated Accomplished scholars at the college include Sir
themselves or were openly hostile, resenting loss Thomas Arnold (1888–1898), third principal Sir
of political power. The private Deoband seminary Theodore Morison (1899–1905), and Sir Walter
(founded 1866) represented isolationism. Raleigh (1885–87). First law professor, Karamat
Rejecting modernism, it avoided contact with Hussain (1854–1917), became an Allahabad High
colonial authorities, while Wahhābī-inspired Court Judge and founded a women’s college.
Muslims, calling British India Dar-al-Harb (a Shiblī Nu‘mānī (1857–1914) led daily Qur’an
place of war), fomented a series of revolts. In classes (1882–1898). First Indian principal, Sir
contrast, Khan encouraged loyalty to the British, Ziauddin Ahmed (1916–1920), a graduate and
calling British India a Place of Safety (Dar-al- Khan’s protégé, became pro-vice-chancellor and
Aman), where Muslims could freely practice vice-chancellor of the University (1934–1946).
Islam. Often described as a secularist, Khan saw
Islam as religion, not as a religious-political sys-
tem. A year after visiting Oxford and Cambridge, Curriculum: An East-West Bridge
he set up a Fund Committee (1870) to raise money
for a new college. The same year, an anti- A second language (Persian, Arabic, Latin, Greek,
Wahhābī sedition Act became law. His son, Jus- or Sanskrit) was mandatory but English was
tice Syed Mahmood (1850–1903), who had stud- emphasized. Most chose Persian; after 1885, Ara-
ied at Lincoln’s Inn, London, and at Cambridge, bic was dropped. Subjects included logic, mathe-
helped shape a proposal. The plan, to combine matics, rhetoric, psychology, philosophy, history
Islamic and European learning within the colonial (mainly British history), political economy, chem-
education system, was controversial; colonial istry and physics (after 1894, these were taught on
funds were spent on European learning, although the BSc track), and law (postgraduate after 1894).
exceptions existed, for example, Calcutta Madra- From 1887, students could also prepare to enter
sah and Central Hindu College, Benares. How- Roorkee Engineering College. Annual examina-
ever, with support from sympathetic colonial tions were taken in college; for finals, students
officials such as Sir William Muir, who endowed traveled to Calcutta and Allahabad. Khan thought
a scholarship, the plan was approved. After 2 learning through sports, club membership, and
years as a high school, Viceroy Lord Lytton laid residential life more important than taking tests.
the College’s foundation stone (12 November The aim was to produce Muslim leaders, English
1877). in taste and morals, Muslim in religion, and Indian
in blood and color, Khan’s adaptation of Thomas
Babington Macaulay’s 1835 minute on Indian
Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College education [1]. Muslim students lived in boarding
(1877–1920) houses, non-Muslims in bungalows. The uniform
was a black Turkish coat, white trousers, and a fez.
Khan’s plan for resident fellows and academic Prayers, originally optional, became mandatory
autonomy was dropped, due to cost and accredi- under Theodore Beck, second principal
tation requirements. The Fund Committee (1883–1889), an outspoken critic of Congress,
retained oversight; Calcutta University, with and a friend of Syed Mahmood, member of the
which the college was affiliated, set the Western college Fund and later Trust. Sunni and Shi’a were
curriculum. The college controlled religious to avoid religious argument.
instruction, taught by Indians. Muhammad Quite a few students skipped theology classes
Akbar pioneered teaching Sunni and Abbas and examinations. Although several professors
56 Aligarh Muslim University

had Deoband links, for some Muslims M.A.O’s and later claimed credit for founding Pakistan
religious instruction was too liberal; for others [5], of which graduates became prime ministers,
academic excellence was undervalued, and thus presidents, and vice-presidents. Another, Zakir
financial support came from Khan’s friends and Ḥussain, AMU’s 9th vice-chancellor, was India’s
admirers. Fatwas condemned the college. Aca- third president. Khan used the term “two nations”
demic achievement was initially mediocre, for Hindus and Muslims (aqawm) in 1888 [6],
although it improved over time. The first graduate, fearing Hindu domination in a Hindu majority
a Hindu, Ishwari Prasad (1881), became state, so Pakistan supporters claimed his legacy.
a distinguished historian. 1881–1887 saw ten Muslims who remained in India did too, stressing
graduations. In 1886, six out of eight failed the his secularism. His call for solidarity did not mean
BA examination. In 1881, only 86 out of 1,398 separatism, they said.
successful entrance candidates were Muslim, AMU has developed into a first-rate institution,
which disappointed Khan [2]. 1891 saw the first with eminent alumni and faculty. New depart-
MA candidate. In 1883 only 16 out of 35 students ments were added, including medicine
passed the college examination. In 1907 students (1928) and women’s and engineering Colleges
went on strike against their European professors’ (1938; 1939). AMU is currently establishing sat-
anti-independence stance. Enrollment fluctuated; ellite campuses in five underserved areas,
11 in 1875, it reached 595 by 1895. Following targeting minority students. Muslim control of
Khan’s death and a financial scandal (the head the governing court was legislatively removed in
clerk had embezzled funds), enrollment fell to 1951, restored in 1981, and removed again in
189 in July 1890. The Fund Committee was then 1985 on the basis that AMU was centrally
replaced by Trustees. Enrolment was 661 in 1905, founded, so it does not qualify as a minority insti-
955 in 1910. By 1919, it was 1200 [3]. 1920 saw tution under article 30 (01) of India’s Constitution,
a dramatic decline (to 181) when, after Mahatma which Muslims contest [7]. Some Muslims are
Gandhi’s visit on 25 October, students heeded his anxious that AMU’s Islamic ethos may be
call to boycott government-aided institutions. compromised. Yet this remains integral and is
unlikely to change. Although amended, the
enabling Act (section 5: 2) still mandates promot-
University Status: Post 1920 ing Islamic Studies and advancing India’s Mus-
lims (culturally and educationally) [8].
The long campaign for University status, begun in
1898, encouraged by the Hindu University Act
(1915) was finally successful, granted by the Act Literature on AMU
of India’s Legislative Council, 14 September
1920. Remarkably, this occurred as enrollment Histories include those by Bhatnagar [9],
fell, and as a Gandhi-supported independent insti- Maheshwari [10], Morison [11], and Nizami
tute, Jamia Millia Islamia, was founded at [12]. Maulana Azad Library [13] has important
a meeting at M.A.O, to which some faculty and sources, while Powell [14] provides historical
students transferred. Jamia later moved to Delhi. context for Khan’s educational initiatives.
AMU opened in 1921 under Vice-Chancellor Sir
Mohammad Ali Mohammad Khan (1878–1931),
a M.A.O Trustee since 1906, and Bhopal’s Sultan Cross-References
Shah Jahan Begum as chancellor. In 1922, 228
science and arts students graduated. By 1927, ▶ Calcutta Madrasah
enrolment was 1,144 [4]. Until the 1937 election, ▶ Deoband
most students and faculty, while committed to ▶ Gandhi, Mahatma, and Muslims
Muslim solidarity, supported Congress; after ▶ Mahmood, Justice Syed
1937, AMU firmly backed the Partition lobby ▶ Muir, Sir William
Allama Mashriqi 57

▶ Shibli Numani
▶ Syed Aḥmad Allama
▶ Wahhabism in Sri Lanka A
▶ Zakir Hussain ▶ Rizvi, Saeed Akhtar

References

1. Lelyveld D (2003) Aligarh’s first generation: Muslim

Allama Inayatullah Khan Al-
solidarity in British India. Oxford University Press, Mashriqi
Delhi
2. Muhammad S (2002) Education and politics: from Sir ▶ Allama Mashriqi
Syed to the present day: the Aligarh School. A.P.H.
Pub Corporation, New Delhi
3. Minault G, Lelyveld D (1974) The Campaign for
a Muslim University, 1998–1920. Mod Asian Stud
8(2):145–189
4. Handbook of Indian Universities (1928) Inter- Allama Mashraqi
University Board, Bangalore
5. Khan Y (2007) The great partition: the making of India
and Pakistan. Yale University Press, New Haven ▶ Allama Mashriqi
6. Khan SA (1888) Sir Syed Ahmed on the present state
of Indian politics, consisting of speeches and letters
reprinted from the “Pioneer”. The Pioneer Press,
Allahabad
7. Kaminsky AP, Long RD (2011) India today: an ency-
clopedia of life in the republic. ABC-CLIO, Santa Allama Mashraqui
Barbara
8. Aligarh Muslim University Act (1920) http://www. ▶ Allama Mashriqi
indiankanoon.org/doc/892594/
9. Bhatnagar SK (1969) History of the M.A.O. College,
Aligarh. Asia Publishing House, Bombay
10. Maheshwari A (2001) Aligarh Muslim University:
perfect past and precarious present. UBSPD, New
Delhi Allama Mashriqi
11. Morison T, Kakorwi SA (1988) Morison’s history of
the M.A.O. College, Aligarh. Markaz-e-Adab-e-Urdu,
Lucknow Nasim Yousaf
12. Nizami KA (1995) History of the Aligarh Muslim Liverpool, NY, USA
University. Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, Delhi
13. Maulana Azad Library, Sayyid Aḥmad K̲ h̲ān̲, Yusuf
Husain Khan (1967) Selected documents from the
Aligarh archives. Published for the Dept. of History, Synonyms
Aligarh Muslim University by Asia Pub. House, New
York
14. Powell AA (2010) Scottish orientalists and India: the
Allama Inayatullah Khan Al-Mashriqi; Allama
Muir brothers, religion, education and empire. Boydell Mashraqi; Allama Mashraqui; Inayatullah Khan
Press, Woodbridge

Definition

Aligarh Muslim University, Allama Mashriqi was a mathematician, scholar,

AMU political leader, and revolutionary who founded
the Khaksar Movement and helped bring freedom
▶ Aligarh Muslim University to British India.
58 Allama Mashriqi

Family, Education, and Early Career to use Mashriqi’s popularity to help stop the influx
of people into Afghanistan; the Government
Inayatullah Khan (1888–1963), popularly known offered Mashriqi the Ambassadorship to Afghan-
as Allama Mashriqi, was born in Amritsar (British istan and Knighthood (Title of “Sir”). However,
India) in 1888. Mashriqi came from a prominent Mashriqi refused both offers, as he considered
family in India; his ancestors held important posi- them a means for the Government to use him for
tions during the Mughal Empire, and the villages its own political ends.
of Hameedpur [1] and Bayazeedpur (in
Gurdaspur, India) [1] were named after them.
Mashriqi’s father, Khan Ata Mohammad Khan, Tazkirah and Other Works
an intellectual and literary personality, owned the
biweekly newspaper Vakil (Amritsar). Khan’s In 1924, Mashriqi published a monumental work
influence on Mashriqi would be evident through- entitled Tazkirah, a commentary on the Holy
out Mashriqi’s life. Quran from a scientific perspective. According
From an early age, Mashriqi distinguished to Author Syed Shabbir Hussain, “. . .Mashriqi
himself as an intellectual. At the University of enunciated in the form of Tazkirah his theorem
Punjab, he completed a Masters in Mathematics about the Divine Law of rise and fall of nations,
and obtained the highest score in this discipline. the relationship between the Word of God and the
Thereafter, he continued his studies at the Univer- Work of God, man’s ultimate destiny and the real
sity of Cambridge in England, where he com- objective underlying the Divine exercise of Rev-
pleted four Triposes in 5 years with distinction, elation, with special reference to the Quran and
breaking previous academic records. As a result of Darwin Theory of Evolution. . .” [2]. Mashriqi felt
his accomplishments, the University of Cam- that religious conflicts were the creation of
bridge presented Mashriqi with the honors of humans and pointed out in Tazkirah that the “con-
Wrangler, Foundation Scholar, and Bachelor flict between various religions is, in fact, born out
Scholar. A number of leading British newspapers of stupidity and ignorance, petty-mindedness and
also praised Mashriqi for his unprecedented narrow outlook. . .” [3]. In 1925, Tazkirah was
achievements at Cambridge. nominated for the Nobel Prize, but the Nobel
Having established himself as a well- committee insisted that the book be translated
recognized mathematician, Mashriqi returned to into one of the European languages. However,
India to begin a career as an educationist. During Mashriqi declined to do so, as he felt that this
this time, he held various positions, including demand was an insult to the Urdu- and Arabic-
Vice Principal and Principal of Islamia College speaking Muslims of the world.
(Peshawar) and Under Secretary of Education for In addition to Tazkirah, Mashriqi wrote
the Government of India. On October 15, 1919, a number of other books and articles throughout
Mashriqi was inducted to the Indian Education his lifetime. In Maulvi Ka Ghalat Mazhab
Service (IES). During his time as an educationist, (Maulvi’s Wrong Religion), he criticized ortho-
Mashriqi had various disagreements with the Brit- dox Muslim religious clerics for their interpreta-
ish rulers and was eventually demoted to the posi- tion of Islam. In 1926, Mashriqi delivered
tion of Headmaster of a Government High School a historic speech entitled Khitab-e-Misr at the
in Peshawar (while in Peshawar, he also served as world Motamar-i-Khilafat Conference (Cairo).
Principal of a Training College and Director of During the speech, he spoke on a variety of sub-
Education for a brief period of time). Despite his jects, including his opposition to the election of
demotion by the Government, Mashriqi still the Sultan of Egypt as the spiritual leader of the
remained very popular among the general Islamic world. Mashriqi’s books and lectures
public. Thus, when the Khilafat protest movement drew considerable attention and praise from vari-
was launched in 1919, the Government attempted ous parts of the world. Al-Azhar University of
Allama Mashriqi 59

Cairo bestowed upon him the title of Allama freedom. In addition to creating a private army
Mashriqi (Sage of the East). of Khaksars to challenge British rule in India, he
After Cairo, Mashriqi traveled to Europe, also helped to bring about a meeting between A
where he was also invited to speak on Tazkirah Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, and
and his theories on mathematics (which Mashriqi Mahatma Gandhi in 1944. And in 1945, Mashriqi
had presented previously before the Mathematical presented The Constitution of Free India, 1946 A.
Society of Islamia College [2], Peshawar, in C., a document for an independent, united India.
1918). During this trip, he met top scientists, Mashriqi’s final attempt to overthrow British rule
including Albert Einstein, in order to discuss his came in 1947, when he ordered the assembly of
theories on mathematics. Mashriqi questioned 300,000 Khaksars in Delhi on June 30, 1947. In
mathematics’ emphasis on the point, circle, and order to prevent this assembly, Mashriqi was
straight line [4], which were devoid in Nature. As physically attacked and arrested. In the meantime,
a result of his unique ideas, Mashriqi was inducted the partition of India was accepted, at which point
into various prestigious societies of Europe, Mashriqi no longer saw any reason to keep the
including as a Fellow of the Geographical Society movement alive. He disbanded the Khaksar
(Paris), Fellow of the Asiatic Society (France), Tehrik in July of 1947, and India was officially
and Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts (London). partitioned into two separate countries, Pakistan
and India, in August of 1947.

Political Career
Postindependence Years
As the political landscape deteriorated in India
under colonial British rule, Mashriqi’s attention Following the creation of Pakistan, Mashriqi
shifted from math and science to the independence founded the Islam League, which mostly
of the nation. In 1930, Mashriqi founded the remained under Government restrictions. In
Khaksar Tehrik (Khaksar Movement) to bring 1958, Mashriqi was falsely implicated in
freedom to the country. Under his leadership, the a murder case and was ultimately honorably
Movement grew quickly. In 1934, Mashriqi acquitted. Through the course of his political
launched Al-Islah, the Movement’s official weekly career, Mashriqi was restricted, arrested, or
newspaper. According to The Times of India of imprisoned over a dozen times. He died in Lahore
August 8, 1938, “The publication of Al-Islah gave on August 27, 1963. As per his will, he was buried
a fresh impetus to the [Khaksar] movement which in Ichhra (Lahore), the location where he had
spread to other regions such as Afghanistan, Iraq originally launched his Khaksar Tehrik. His
and Iran [as well as Bahrain, Burma, Ceylon, Egypt, death was widely mourned by his followers and
Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Yemen, and admirers in Pakistan and abroad; over 100,000
some countries of Europe [5]].” The Tehrik grew to people attended his funeral and the procession
become a private army of about five million was over a mile long. The Khaksar Tehrik was
Khaksars [6]. In early 1939, Mashriqi announced eventually revived in the post-partition era and
in Al-Islah that he would accomplish his “final still exists today.
goal” of freedom by 1940. To further this objective,
he took aggressive steps to increase the Khaksar
Tehrik’s membership by 2.5 million. However, he Cross-References
was imprisoned without trial for nearly 2 years and,
upon release, his movements were restricted to the ▶ Allamah Sir Muhammad Iqbal
Madras province for almost another year. ▶ Jamaat-e-Islami, Sri Lanka
Ultimately, Mashriqi played an important role ▶ Politics, Islām
in the struggle for the Indian subcontinent’s ▶ Tazkirah
60 Allama Shibili Nu’mani

References
Altaf Hussain Hali
1. Mashriqi A (Khan, Inayat Ullah) (1952) Dahulbab.
Lahore, Pakistan
▶ Hali, Altāf Ḥusayn
2. Mashriqi A (Khan, Inayat Ullah) (1987) Quran and
evolution: selected writings of Inayat Ullah Khan Al-
Mashriqi (edited by Syed Shabbir Hussain)
3. Mashriqi A (Khan, Inayat Ullah) (1980) God, man and
universe: as conceived by a mathematician (edited by
Syed Shabbir Hussain) Al-Tawhı̄d
4. Hussain SS (1991) Al-Mashriqi: the disowned genius. ˙
Lahore, Pakistan
5. Yousaf N (2011) Khaksar movement weekly “Al- ▶ Tawḥī d
Islah’s” role toward freedom. Pakistaniaat 3(3). http://
www.pakistaniaat.org/article/view/8727
6. Al-Islah (1946) December 01

Amīr ‘Alī

Allama Shibili Nu’mani Clinton Bennett

Department of Philosophy, State University of
▶ Shibli Numani New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA

Synonyms
Allāmah Naqqan
Syed Ameer Ali, Saiyid Ameer Ali, Sayyid Amir
▶ Naqvī, Ayatullah ‘Alī Naqī
Ali, Right Hon; Syed Ameer Ali, Right Hon’ble
Syed Ameer Ali

Allamah Sir Muhammad Iqbal

Definition
▶ Iqbāl, Allamah Sir Muḥammad
Amīr ‘Alī was a Muslim thinker, law professor,
high court judge, and politician in India and
Almaniyya a member of the United Kingdom’s Privy Coun-
cil, to date the only Muslim member.
▶ Secularization and South Asian Islam

Education and Early Life

Almsgiving
Amīr ‘Alī was born in Chinsura, Bengal on April
6, 1849. His family were sayyids, descendants of
▶ Zakāt
Muḥammad through his daughter Fāṭimah and her
husband ‘Alī through the eighth Shīʿah Imām, Ali
Riḍʿā‘. As Sayyids, his family belonged to the
al-Qannawjī, Muhammad elite class in Bengal where the ashrāf class pre-
Siddīq Ḥasan ˙ ferred Bengali language and culture. Although the
˙ Shīʿah were a minority in Bengal, most ashrāf
▶ Khān, (Nawwāb) Ṣiddīq Ḥasan were Shīʿah, as were the ruling Nawabs at this
Amīr ‘Alī 61

time, the Najafi dynasty (1757–1880; clients of admirer of England and of the English. He was
the British). ‘Alī’s family were wealthy land- enthusiastically received in England, as were most
owners, having settled in India in 1739 after representatives of high-class Indian society at the A
Nadir Shah (1688–1747), Shah of Iran, had time. This contrasted with the disdain in which
invaded India. ‘Alī’s father, Syed Saadat Ali many British officials in India held their Indian
Khan, studied unani medicine; he also had largely subordinates. Alī may have been seen as, may
unfulfilled scholarly aspirations. He moved his have wanted to be seen as, a successful product
family to Calcutta; Amīr ‘Alī was the fourth of of Lord McCauley’s 1835 “Minute on Educa-
five sons. Friendship with several officials of the tion,” which aimed to create a new class of
British East India Company led Ali Khan to send Indians who would be Indian in color but English
his children to English schools, a decision that in taste and opinion [1]. They would become, if
resulted in ‘Alī developing anglophile proclivities not equal partners with the British in running
and believing that Muslims would benefit from India, at least their allies. ‘Alī’s introduction to
aligning themselves with the British, rather than polite society led to membership in the prestigious
by opposing them or minimizing contact with Reform Club and to acquaintance and friendship
them. ‘Alī was sent to Houghly College (founded with well-placed Englishmen, including politi-
1836), then part of a network of government- cians, members of the House of Lords, leading
funded madrassas under the oversight of the journalists and intellectuals. John Bright
oldest educational institute funded by the British (1811–1889), a Quaker member of parliament
in India, the Calcutta Madrassa. The Principal of and a leader of the Anti-Corn Law League, nom-
Houghly at this time was Robert Thwaytes inated him to the Reform Club. ‘Alī even met
(1824–1876), who became ‘Alī’s mentor and Napoleon III when he visited England in 1872.
a life-long friend. This choice of school exposed Friendship with Dame Milicent Fawcett
him to European education but also to an Islamic (1847–1929), a suffragette, and other members
curriculum. From 1857 until 1960, Houghly was of her family took him to meetings in support of
affiliated with Calcutta University (since 1960, it female enfranchisement. After qualifying as an
has been affiliated with the University of attorney, ‘Alī worked for a law firm in London
Burdwana). ‘Alī graduated from Houghly with before returning to Calcutta in 1872.
distinction in 1867 with his BA, proceeding to
Calcutta University. There, he became the first
student to achieve the degree of Master of Arts, Developing His Loyalist Identity:
which he was awarded in 1868 in history and Cultural, Religious, Political Context
political economy. Choosing a career in law, ‘Alī
remained at Calcutta reading for his Bachelor of Although he believed that British rule in India was
Law (LL.B.), which he achieved in 1869. He was right for the current situation, ‘Alī was interested
also awarded a Victoria scholarship, which in promoting and defending the particular inter-
enabled him to study in England. He used this to ests of Indian Muslims. He had already written his
enroll at Inner Temple, London, to prepare for the first defense of Islam, which he later revised and
bar examination. expanded into his best selling Spirit of Islam,
He reached London in January 1869, where he originally entitled A Critical Examination of the
was called to the bar in January 1873, becoming Life and Teachings of Mohammed [2] in which he
a barrister-at-law. Through his family’s connec- set out to refute European writing, including lives
tions with senior British officials in India, he took of Muhammad penned by Indian civil servants
with him letters of introduction to members of William Muir [3] and Aloys Sprenger [4], whose
London society. The then Governor-General, approaches he described as far from unbiased. In
Lord Mayo (Governor-General 1869–1872), pro- Sprenger’s writing, he said, the historian loses out
vided some of these introductions. ‘Alī, already to the pedant, especially with reference to claims
inclined toward anglophila, became a confirmed about Muhammad’s hysteria. ‘Alī’s personal
62 Amīr ‘Alī

commitment to Islam and genuine piety is a matter Hunter, in which Khan said that Muslims had
of record. The anti-British rebellion of 1857 a duty to serve their government loyally. India
resulted in the British viewing Muslims with sus- under British rule was a place of safety; Khan
picion and distrust. Sir William Wilson Hunter’s rejected the idea, advanced by some Muslims,
Indian Musalmans, published during 1872, that India had become a place of war [7]. Muslims
argued that Muslims in India were duty-bound who saw India as a “place of war,” that is, as non-
by their religion to rebel against non-Muslim Islamic territory, believed it their duty to restore
rule [5]. Some Muslims, including ‘Alī’s family Muslim rule. This justified declaring jihād against
and Sayyid Ahmed Khan, who, when the revolt the British, which should be conducted from the
started was an assistant district magistrate in the nearest existing Muslim-ruled territory, namely
East India Company’s judicial service, chose loy- Afghanistan. This option, pursued for example,
alty. This was to be Alī’s path. Immediately after by members of the Tariqah-i-Muhammadiya, can
the revolt, Khan wrote a book, Asbab-e- be called the confrontational response to British
Baghawat-e-Hind (Causes of the Indian Revolt) power in India. Some Muslims adopted a third
[6] in which he argued that Muslims should not strategy: noncooperation with the British. This
bear the blame; the British saw the revolt as Mus- strategy centered on the seminary at Deoband,
lim-inspired and led, although Hindus were also founded in 1866.
involved. The East India Company’s expansionist Already anglophile but equally interested
polices and unwillingness to employ Muslims had in promoting the needs of the Muslim commu-
caused unrest, said Khan, provoking rebellion. nity, ‘Alī identified with Khan’s response of
Muslims were disturbed by their treatment in cooperation and friendship. His reformist ideas
India; having lost power to the British, they now would be closely associated with Khan’s; they
seemed to be falling further behind economically, are sometimes referred to as the two Sayyids.
educationally, and socially. More Muslims, he ‘Alī may later have resented appearing to stand
said, should be employed. In return for his loyalty, in Khan’s shadow, rather than in the direct sun-
Khan was promoted to judge in the small claims light of public acclamation. There was some
court in Varanasi in 1867. This context represents similarity between the Deoband and cooperative
the background against which ‘Alī’s political and approaches; both saw Muslim interests as dis-
religious views matured after his return to creet; Muslims were a distinct community, even
Calcutta. a nation. Hindu and Muslim needs differed. For
While the two men are often linked and com- Khan and ‘Alī, alliance with the British aimed at
pared, Khan’s leadership was cultural and educa- furthering Muslim interests. In fact, mainly as
tional, while ‘Alī’s would be more political. a result of the revolt, the British increasingly saw
Khan’s ideas about education were actually for- Muslims and Hindus in India as distinct, even
mulated when he was in England (1869–1870); hostile, communities and began to deal with
‘Alī was there at the same time. In his writings, them separately. Communitarian rivalry was
Khan argued that Islam was primarily a religion; widely used to defend their colonial rule; the
as such, it was fully capable of progress; this British argued that without their presence,
contradicted the views of European scholars, Hindu and Muslim blood would flow in India’s
who depicted Islam as immutable and streets. Arguing that Muslims and Hindus could
static. They also said that Islam was incompatible not live together in harmony, the British
with rational thinking, a notion that Khan rejected. believed that colonial rule would be needed for
Khan saw Islam’s early political system as cir- an indefinite period. Although some Muslims
cumstantial; although necessary at the time, it advocated Hindu-Muslim unity right through
was not a blueprint for every Muslim society. In until the act of Partition in 1947, neither Khan
1860, Khan launched his journal, the Loyal nor ‘Alī found this attractive. The idea of Paki-
Muhamamdans of India. Khan wrote a reply to stan as a separate homeland for Muslims did not
Amīr ‘Alī 63

emerge until 1930; however, both men can be Legislative Council. During this period, he was
said to have anticipated separatism. mainly involved in improving relations between
Muslim tenants and landlords (zamindars), A
although he favored the latter. British legislation
Career After 1873: Barrister, Law at this time did not protect tenant rights, which
Professor, Legislative Councilor resulted in agitation and unrest. Landlords’ abso-
lute right to property was protected in law but
‘Alī became an advocate at the Calcutta high tenant rights were vague, so the former could
court, where his law practice was financially suc- increase rent at will. Subsequently, the 1882
cessful. In addition, he lectured on a part-time Tenancy Act gave some protection to tenants
basis at Calcutta University, of which he became against exploitative rents. ‘Alī played an impor-
a Fellow in 1874. Two important legal publica- tant role in securing this legislation. From 1883
tions date from this period: Personal Law of the until 1885, he served on the Viceroy’s Legisla-
Mahommedans [8] and his Mohammedan Law [9] tive Council as one of three Indian additional
published in 1880 and 1884 respectively. The members. There, he played the key role in nego-
book he co-wrote on India’s 1872 Evidence Act, tiating compromise with respect to the contro-
now in its 18th edition, is still considered to be the versial Ilbert Bill of 1883, introduced by Lord
standard work [10]. These widely cited and Rippin (1827–1947). This bill was intended to
respected publications helped advance his profes- allow Indian magistrates and judges to try Euro-
sional career, although it would be his religious pean defendants. Many British, especially
writing that attracted more public notice, and for women, vehemently objected. The final compro-
which he is mainly remembered. In 1884, he was mise did permit Indians to try cases involving
named Tagore Law professor. Convinced, as was European defendants; however, they had a right
Khan, that Muslims should take advantage of to trial by a jury, half of which would comprise
employment and opportunities provided by the European members.
British, ‘Alī wanted to encourage this. He also
believed that without their own political organi-
zation, Muslims would fail to develop, leaving the Career After 1887: High Court Judge and
field open for Hindus to outstrip them. He saw the Privy Councilor
Indian National Congress, founded 1885, as
Hindu-dominated. As a political platform for Visiting England in 1889, ‘Alī met his wife there,
Muslims, ‘Alī set up the Central National Isabelle Ida Konstam, daughter of Heyman
Mahommedan Association in 1877. He preferred Konstam, a wealthy merchant. Their wedding cer-
nomination over competitive selection for posts, emony took place in a Unitarian Church on Octo-
and campaigned for this. The Association grew ber 21, 1884. His sister-in-law, Gertrude Kingston
rapidly. By 1882, it had branches in most major (1862–1937), became a famous actor; his brother-
urban centers of Muslim population. Hindu hos- in-law, Edwin Max Konstam (1870–1956),
tility was cited as a cause of Muslim failures to became a county court judge. In 1887, ‘Alī was
secure opportunities. Both Khan and ‘Alī created a Commander of the Indian Empire (CIE),
thought that Muslims should acquire European then in 1890 appointed a judge of the Calcutta
education, while also studying Islamic subjects. High Court, the second Muslim to sit on that
Khan’s Mahommedan Anglo-Oriental College, bench. He served until 1904, when he retired. He
founded at Aligarh in 1875, aimed to achieve and his wife had taken regular holidays in
a blend between Islamic values and European England; they are now settled in Berkshire, later
learning. By 1878, ‘Alī was presidency magis- moving to Sussex. ‘Alī remained interested in
trate, chief magistrate from 1879. Between 1878 India, writing letters to The Times usually from
and 1883, he was a member of the Bengal the Reform Club during frequent visits to London.
64 Amīr ‘Alī

These letters, with his other political writings, named after ‘Alī’ in Calcutta. He received honor-
were later published [11]. In 1905, he supported ary doctorates from Cambridge, Aligarh, and
the partition of Bengal (rescinded 1911) although Calcutta.
during the mainly Hindu-led demonstrations that
followed, he tended to side with what he saw as
the forces of law and order. He supported the Religious Scholarship
request for a separate Muslim electorate in 1906,
which the government in India introduced in the While a number of his religious writings are still
Councils Act (1909). In Dhaka, East Bengal’s in print, his most acclaimed text remains the
capital from 1905 until 1911, the Muslim League expanded and revised edition of A Critical Exam-
was formed with the Aga Khan as President to ination of the Life and Teachings of Mohammed,
represent Muslim interests. By 1940, it was offi- published as Spirit of Islam in 1891 [12]. In this
cially campaigning to establish Pakistan as erudite book, he defended Islam against almost
a separate state for Muslims. In London, ‘Alī every criticism raised by European writers. What-
founded a branch of the League (1908) so that ever they said Islam was, he argued it was the
direct contact could be made with the British opposite: They said it opposed progress, he said
government, ultimately responsible for India. it promoted progress. They said it appealed to
‘Alī was also active as chairman of the Working human weakness; he said it appealed to
Mosque committee and in a campaign to build humanity’s highest nature. He also argued that
a central mosque in London worthy of the polygamy, slavery, and gender inequality were
empire’s capital. A final phase in his career not truly Islamic, since some verses of the
began in 1909, when he was made a Privy Coun- Qur’ān applied only to Muhammad’s time. The
cilor (PC) and appointed to the Judiciary Commit- Qur’ān’s spirit is rational, humane, just, and egal-
tee, which was then the supreme appeals court for itarian. He was not very complimentary about
Britain’s colonies (it still has this function for Hinduism or Christianity, which he called out-
overseas territories and crown dependencies). He moded; in this, he returned what Christian polem-
was the first Indian and, so far, the only Muslim icists served. His book was widely cited in Egypt,
PC. Although honorary, this appointment where it found a warm welcome among Egyptian
involved a great deal of work; ‘Alī was diligent reformists. However, Lord Cromer, British
in dealing with cases, especially from India. With Consul-General in Egypt 1883–1907, declared
the Aga Khan and some other leading Indian that “Islam reformed is Islam no longer” [13].
Shīʿah, ‘Alī supported the campaign to retain the Many missionaries ridiculed ‘Alī’s dynamic
caliphate, which he saw as primarily a temporal Islam as “Islam no longer,” although later some
and not spiritual office. Sunni- Shīʿah solidarity, at missionaries saw his ideas as evidence that Islam
least at an elite level, was characteristic of Mus- could change, that it is not immutable and
lims in India at the time. He was disappointed static. ‘Alī’s Islam was compatible with democ-
when Turkey abolished the caliphate; he had racy and equal rights for all citizens, male and
supported Turkey on a number of occasions female, Muslim and non-Muslim.
including ameliorating the end of World War
I peace terms. He also helped Turkey through
the British Red Crescent Society, which he Assessment
cofounded in 1911. Some claim that a letter he
sent to Kemal Atatürk about the caliph’s role Indians like ‘Alī who became what some call
hastened the decision to abolish the caliphate. McCauley’s minutemen could not win; some
‘Alī’s two sons married English women and, Indians saw them as cultural traitors; many
after serving in India, retired to England; his youn- English saw them as fawning and rather absurd.
ger son, Torick (knighted 1921), was also a high Certainly, they could be seen as caricatures of
court judge in Calcutta. In 1932, a street was English habits and customs which appeared
Amīr ‘Alī 65

exaggerated or imitational. This could explain their separatism. Both men may have favored
some of the less complimentary remarks found a Muslim polity within a federal Indian state.
in the diaries and memoirs of senior British offi- A
cials. His marriage, too, would not have pleased
everyone. The attitudes toward intimacy between Cross-References
English women and Indian men that feature in
E. M. Forster’s A Passage to India represent ▶ Calcutta Madrasah
actual colonial views about such relations [14]. ▶ Muir, Sir William
The 2004 Dictionary of National Biography entry ▶ Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān
cites several disparaging remarks, including that
he “fawned” on the British and desperately
wanted a knighthood [15]. He may have been References
jealous of Ahmad Khan, knighted in 1888,
1. Zastoupil L, Martin M (ed) (1999) Minute recorded in
although as a Privy Councilor, he was the “Right the General Department by Thomas Babington
Honorable,” while the 1937 DNB entry says that Macaulay, law member of the governor-general’s
he refused a knighthood, which sounds unlikely if council, dated 2 February 1835. In: The Great Indian
he really coveted one [16]. Others say that he education debate: documents relating to the Oriental-
ist-Anglicist controversy, 1781–1843. Routledge,
exaggerated his own political achievements; this London, p 171
is perhaps true of his Memoirs (which were post- 2. Sayed AA (1973) A critical examination of the life and
humously published in 1931–1932) [17]. teachings of Mohammed. 1873. Williams and
His achievements and influence are invariably Norgate, London
3. Muir W (1858–1861) The life of Mahomet, 4 vols.
compared with Sayyed Ahmad Khan’s, although Smith, Elder, London
they belonged to different generations. ‘Alī 4. Sprenger A (1851) Life of Mahommed, 2 vols. Pres-
achieved higher office, Khan received a higher byterian Mission Press, Allahabad
honor; ‘Alī leaves a legacy of legal and religious 5. Hunter WW (1968) The Indian Musalmans: are they
bound in conscience to rebel against the Queen? Pre-
scholarship, Khan leaves the latter. Khan founded mier Book House, Lahore; original 1872
an educational institution that remains a very 6. Aḥmad Khān S, Salim al-Din Q (2009) Causes of the
important center for Indian Muslims; Alī did not Indian revolt: three essays. Sang-e-Meel Publications,
establish a comparable institution. Written in Lahore
7. Aḥmad Khān S (1873) Review on Dr. Hunter’s Indian
English, ‘Alī’s books continue to be read; so are Musalmans; are they bound in conscience to rebel
Khan’s English writings. However, while Alī’s against the Queen? Premier Book House, Lahore
may be more widely cited in English, Khan’s 8. Ali A (1880) The personal law of Muhammedans.
Urdu writings communicated to more Muslims W. H Allen, London
9. Ali SA, Khan SA (1965) Mohammedan law. All Paki-
in India than ‘Alī’s writings, available only in stan Legal Decisions, Lahore
English, did. Certainly, during debates in Pakistan 10. Woodroffe JG, Ali SA, Kesava Rao V (2009) Sir John
about constitutional reform, ‘Alī was frequently Woodroffe & Syed Amir Ali’s law of evidence.
cited in defense of judicial equality [18]. Progres- LexisNexis Butterworths Wadhwa Nagpur, New Delhi
11. Ali SA, Shan M (1989) The Right Hon’ble Syed
sive Muslims in Bengal count him as one of their Ameer Ali: political writings. Ashish Pub. House,
own, although he neither identified with Bengali New Delhi
culture nor saw himself as Bengali. Some speculate 12. Ali SA (1990) The spirit of Islam: a history of the
that had he not retired to England in 1904, he might evolution and ideals of Islam, with a life of the
Prophet. Kessinger, Whitefish
have filled the gap left by Khan’s death in 1898 as 13. Cromer L (1916) Modern Egypt, 2nd edn, 2 vols.
leader of India’s progressive Muslims. Perhaps, Macmillan, London
given his anglophilia and preference for English 14. Forster EM (1924) A passage to India. Harcourt,
over Urdu, he would not have attracted popular, Brace, New York
15. Ali SA, Wasti SR (1968) Memoirs and other writings
nonelite support, which Khan did. Muslims who of Syed Ameer Ali. People’s Pub. House, Lahore
chose to remain in India after partition identified 16. FitzGerald SV (2004) Ameer Ali, Saiyid (1849–1928).
with Khan’s and ‘Alī’s secularism but not with In: Stearn RT, rev. Oxford dictionary of national
66 Amīr Khusrau

biography. Oxford University Press, Oxford; online a Muslim convert who held a high position within
edn, Oct 2008. http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/arti the Delhi Sultanate administration. ʿImād al-Mulk
cle/30400. Accessed 2 Apr 2012
17. FitzGerald SV (1937) Ameer Ali, Saiyid (1849–1928). supported and educated his grandchildren until his
In: Weaver JRH (ed) Oxford dictionary of national death in 671/1272–1273.
biography supplement for 11922-30. Oxford Univer- Amīr Khusrau developed his poetic craft under
sity Press, London a series of influential patrons over the next 15
18. Pakistan (1962) Report of the Constitution Commis-
sion, Pakistan, 1961. Government of Pakistan, years. He began by composing poetry for Sultan
Karachi Balban’s nephew, Malik Chajjū Kishli Khān, but
an inadvertent insult led him to seek a new patron.
Khusrau found this patron in Bughra Khān, Sultan
Balban’s son, but this relationship was also brief.
Amīr Khusrau When Sultan Balban quelled a rebellion in Ben-
gal, Bughra Khān became the new governor of the
Michael Bednar province. Wishing to return to Delhi, Khusrau left
Columbia, MO, USA Bengal and Bughra Khān’s patronage. He found
his next patron while attending celebrations
hosted by heir-apparent, Muḥammad (the Martyr
Synonyms Prince). Prince Muḩammad governed Multan, but
he was generous and filled his court with intellec-
Amir Khusraw tuals including both Amīr Khusrau and Amīr
Ḥasan Sijzī Dehlavī. Khusrau finally found the
patron he sought; however, the young prince
Definition died during a Mongol raid on the last day of the
year 683/8 March 1285 [11, 14]. The Mongols
Amir Khusrau (ca. 658–725/1253–1325), the Par- captured Amīr Khusrau, an event he frequently
rot of India, was one of India’s preeminent Persian recollected in his poetry, but he managed to
poets, composing poetry for the royal court of the escape and return to Delhi. Amīr Khusrau and
Delhi sultans and the spiritual community of Sufi Amīr Ḥasan each composed an elegy to their
Nizām al-Dīn ʿAwliyāʾ. fallen patron, who earned the epithet the Martyr
Prince. Prince Muḥammad’s death in 683/1285
and Sultan Balban’s death 2 years later launched
Early Life violent succession for the throne.

Amir Khusrau (ca. 658–725/1253–1325), the Par-

rot of India, was one of India’s preeminent Persian Court Poet
poets, composing poetry for the royal court of the
Delhi sultans and the spiritual community of Sufi Khusrau’s fortune rose as the Delhi Sultanate fal-
Nizām al-Dīn ʿAwliyāʾ. Khusrau’s father, Sayf al- tered. Balban’s son (Bughra Khān) and grandson
Dīn Maḥmūd, fled the Mongol invasions of Cen- (Kayqubād) each claimed the Delhi throne. Father
tral Asia and arrived in the subcontinent during and son led their respective armies to battle.
the reign of either Shams al-Dīn Iltutmish (r. Khusrau accompanied Kayqubād’s army against
1210–1236) or his daughter, Sultan Raẓiyya (r. his former patron. When the armies of Bughrā
1236–1240). Yamīn al-Dīn Abuʾl-Ḥasan Khusrau, Khān and Kayqubād met, father and son recon-
who later adopted the penname of Amīr Khusrau, ciled and civil war was averted. Bughrā Khān was
was the second of three sons born sometime given ceremonial robes of honor as well as sover-
around 651/1253. Khusrau’s father died several eign rule of Bengal, while Kayqubād received
years later and the family moved into the house a lecture on the proper conduct for a sultan.
of his maternal grandfather, ʿImād al-Mulk, Amīr Khusrau did not witness the reconciliation
Amīr Khusrau 67

but certainly heard stories from his friends and period, attracted a number of Delhi’s prominent
acquaintances. Khusrau returned to Delhi, where intellectuals and nobles to his Sufi community.
he finally became a poet in the Sultan Kayqubād’s Amīr Khusrau, Amīr Ḥasan Dehlavī, Ẓiyāʾ al- A
royal court and composed a work celebrating the Dīn Baranī, two of Sultan ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn’s wives,
reconciliation between father and son. He contin- and at least three of his sons including the heir-
ued composing poetry in spite of the political apparent Khiẓr Khān all visited the Sufi’s resi-
storm on the horizon. Sultan Kayqubād elimi- dence (khānqāh) [15, 17]. When Nizām al-Dīn
nated many of his political opponents, an act that arrived in Delhi, he resided for a time in the
earned him enemies and led to his dethronement house of Khusrau’s grandfather before selecting
within 3 years. Various factions once again jock- a place to establish his residence east of the city.
eyed to become the next sultan, resulting in Jalāl Khusrau knew Nizām al-Dīn from a very early age
al-Dīn Khaljī ascending the throne in 1290 and but did not become a disciple until 671/
establishing the Khaljī dynasty. Amīr Khusrau, 1272–1273, the same year his grandfather died
who negotiated court politics for 20 years, not and when he completed his first collection
only retained his position within the royal court, (dī vān) of poetry. From this point forward, Amīr
but became a boon companion (nadī m) to Sultan Khusrau began his poetry collections and longer
Jalāl al-Dīn Khaljī [21]. narrative poems praising his spiritual master
In spite of his fondness for the sultan, Khusrau Nizām al-Dīn as well as the text’s patron.
remained silent when Jalāl al-Dīn’s nephew, ʿAlāʾ The bond deepened between the men and they
al-Dīn, orchestrated his uncle’s assassination in became increasingly close over the years. After
1296. Much to the chagrin of modern-day histo- the crowds dispersed following the night prayers,
rians, he praised ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn with a new composi- Khusrau remained in order to recount the events
tion lauding his achievement in claiming the Delhi and stories of the day [1, 14, 15, 18, 20, 21]. Many
throne. In retrospect, Khusrau simply followed his legendary stories developed over the centuries
role as a court poet. He spent three decades as describing the relationship between the two men.
a Khaljī court poet where he composed panegyric A popular tale relates that, if Islam had not pro-
(qaṣīda), love poetry (ghazal), narrative poetry hibited it, Nizām al-Dīn would have been buried
(masnavī ), and triumphalist prose (fatḥnāma), in the same grave as Khusrau. Another tale relates
becoming indelibly linked to Sultan ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn how Amīr Khusrau learned of Nizām al-Dīn’s
in particular and the Khaljī dynasty in general. death while returning from a military campaign
Embroiled in a series of court intrigues during his with Sultan Muḥammad bin Tughluq’s army and
earlier life, he now witnessed an unprecedented spontaneously composed a couplet:
expansion of the Delhi Sultanate with victories
across most of the subcontinent. Khusrau cele- The fair one lies on the couch, hair spread across
brated these Delhi conquests in his prose Treasury her face.
of Victories. Now the undisputed laureate of the Go home, Khusrau, night has fallen upon all the
Sultanate court, he continued writing poems when land.
the Khaljī dynasty fell in 1320. He served and
praised Sultan Ghiyāth al-Dīn Tughlug (d. 724/ Khusrau followed his Sufi master, dying about
1324) as well as Muḥammad bin Tughluq, 6 months later on 29 Dhūʾl-qaʿda 725/November
although his attention in these later years increas- 6, 1325, and was buried in a tomb close to Nizām
ingly turned toward Nizam al-Dīn ʿAwliyāʾ. al-Dīn.
Amīr Khusrau continues to hold a prominent
place within the Sufi community. Although he
Amīr Khusrau and Sufism remained a disciple (murīd) throughout his life,
he became revered as a Sufi much like the Persian
Nizām al-Dīn ʿAwliyāʾ, the preeminent Sufi of poet Ḥāfiz [8, 9]. The Mughal Emperor Shah
Delhi and one of the great Sufis of the Sultanate Jahan’s son, Dara Shikoh (d. 1069/1659), listed
68 Amīr Khusrau

Amīr Khusrau in the Book of the Sufis (Safī nat al- autobiographical account as well as a literary cri-
ʿAwliyāʾ ) as a Chishti Sufi between Nizām al-Dīn tique of Persian poetry. The body of the text,
ʿAwliyāʾ and Nasīr al-Dīn Chirāgh Dehlavī [7, compiled during the reign of Sultan Jalāl al-Dīn
17]. Khusrau wrote numerous Persian and Khaljī, contains various compositions praising the
Hindavī poems for performance (samāʾ ) that Khaljī sultan and nobility. Two decades passed
have become an integral part of Sufi qawwālī before Khusrau assembled a fourth collection,
poetry. His tomb in Delhi, along with Nizām al- The Pure Remnant (Baqīya Naqī ya), in 716/
Dīn ʿAwliyāʾ, remains venerated to this day. 1316. The majority of the panegyric praises ʿAlāʾ
al-Dīn and Khusrau probably assembled this col-
lection during the succession crisis following the
Persian sultan’s death. The fifth and final collection of
poetry, The Height of Perfection (Nihāyat al-
Amīr Khusrau compiled his Persian verses into Kamāl), appeared in 725/1325. Khusrau replaced
five dī vān (collections), five historical masnavī, his usual praise of Nizām al-Dīn with a eulogy on
five romantic masnavī, and prose works [14, 20]. the Sufi’s death. The panegyric addresses Quṭb al-
The dī vān collections of his poetry mixed poetic Dīn Mubārak Shāh, Ghiyās al-Dīn Tughluq, and
styles and topics include panegyric (qaṣī da), love the future Sultan Muḥammad bin Tughluq. This
poetry (ghazal), narrative poems (masnavī ), qua- collection contains older ghazal poems
trains (rubāʿiyāt), elegies, and biographical suggesting that Khusraw may have died before
sketches. Five historical masnavī, longer than its completion [20].
the masnavī contained in his dī vān collections, All five historical masnavī relate to the Delhi
celebrate the achievements of his royal patrons. royal court. The Conjunction of the Planets
The five romantic masnavī retell the Khamsa of (Qirān al-Saʿdayn), completed in 688/1289,
Nizāmī Ganjavī (d. 606/1209). Khusrau also recounts the pending civil war and eventual reso-
wrote Persian prose glorifying Delhi Sultanate lution between Kayqubād and Bughra Khān.
conquests and extolling proper form. Khusrau Khusrau wrote The Initial Victories (Miftaḥ al-
and later authors refer to a number of unknown Futūḥ), narrating Sultan Jalāl al-Dīn Khaljī’s vic-
works, some of which may be preserved in oral tories, in 690/1291 and included the text in his
traditions but others have been lost over time. third collection, The Prime of Perfection. Over
The five collections (dī vān) of poetry span a decade passed before Khusrau returned to his-
Khusrau’s life as a poet [11, 14, 20]. The first torical masnavī with the Duval Rānī va Khiẓr
collection, The Gift of Youth (Tuḥfat al-Ṣighar), Khān in 715/1315. Sultan ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn’s son and
was assembled in 671/1272–1273. The collection heir-apparent, Prince Khiẓr Khān, requested
includes an elegy on the death of Khusrau’s Khusrau to write a romantic narrative celebrating
grandfather, but does not include an introduction the prince’s marriage to the Hindu princess Duval
praising Nizām al-Dīn, suggesting that the com- Rānī. The masnavī originally culminated with the
pilation occurred before he became a disciple. couple’s marriage; after the Khajī dynasty fell,
A second collection, The Middle of Life (Vast al- Khusrau appended a new ending narrating Khiẓr
Ḥayāt), occurred around 683/1283–1284 and con- Khān’s imprisonment, blinding, and execution.
tains panegyric written for Nizām al-Dīn and The Nine Heavens (Nuh Sipihr) followed 3 years
Muḥammad the Martyr Prince, a description of later. The masnavī begins with the typical verses
the Mongol battle that claimed the prince’s life, praising Sufi and sultan followed by two chapters
and elegies written upon his death [16, 17]. The celebrating Delhi and the victories obtained under
third collection, The Prime of Perfection (Ghurrat Sultan Quṭb al-Dīn Mubārak Shāh. The third
al-Kamāl), appeared several years later in 593/ chapter, focusing on Indian culture, has received
1294. The introduction (Dī bācha) includes an the most attention [5, 10]. Khusrau extols
Amīr Khusrau 69

everything relating to India’s Hindu and Muslim Scholars, however, have begun to question the
communities: customs and cultures, languages authenticity of this later work [11, 17].
and literatures, and knowledge and achievements. A
The remaining chapters include more imaginative
topics such as exchanges between the bow and Hindavī and Music
arrow, polo ball, and mallet, as well as chapters
offering advice to his friends and describing var- According to tradition, Amīr Khusrau also com-
ious social activities around Delhi. The Book of posed numerous poems in Hindavī, a general term
Tughluq (Tughluq-nāma), the fifth and final his- for the language spoken by the people in northern
torical masnavī, honored the reign of Sultan India and a precursor to later Hindi and Urdu
Ghiyās al-Dīn Tughluq (720–724/1320–1324). literature [6]. Khusrau incorporated and defended
Khusrau’s introduction to the text was lost and the use of Hindavī words in some of his Persian
subsequently rewritten during the Mughal period. poetry [2, 4, 5]. A popular ghazal, “Don’t be
The five romantic masnavī refer to Khusrau’s heedless of my abject state,” combines both Per-
cover versions of Nizāmī Ganjavī’s Khamsa. sian and Hindavī, alternating between the lan-
Khusrau reworked the Khamsa from 698 to 702 guages every hemistich. Other poems occur
or 1298 to 1302, a couple years after Sultan ʿAlāʾ entirely in Hindavī such as the couplet that Amīr
al-Dīn claimed the Delhi throne [13, 14, 20]. The Khusrau spontaneously composed upon learning
quintet begins with The Rising of Lights of Nizām al-Dīn’s death, “The fair one lies on the
(Matlaʿal-Anvār), Khusrau’s version of Nizāmī’s couch. . .” (quoted above). Khusrau wrote these
Treasure of Mysteries (Makhzan al-Asrār). He and other verses in non-Persian, Hindavī meters
inverts the order of names in Nizāmī’s two such as dōhā and savaiyā [18, 19]. Yet, it is
romances, the Iranian story Shī rī n ū Khusrau impossible to definitively state whether these are
and the Arabic folktale Majnūn ū Layla. Khusrau’s verses. None of his collections (dī vān)
A minor change is made to Book of Alexander include Hindavī poetry and Hindavī poems do not
(Iskandar-nāma), which appears in Khusrau’s appear in manuscripts until the eighteenth century
version as The Mirror of Alexander (Āyina-yi [13, 20]. The grammar often varies from late
Sikandarī ). The book ends by retitling Nizāmī’s medieval Hindavī to early modern Avādhī or
Seven Beauties (Haft Paykar) as Eight Paradise modern Hindi-Urdu depending on when the col-
(Hasht Bihisht). The changed titles not only dif- lection was assembled [12–15, 20, 22]. Regard-
ferentiate Khusrau’s version from Nizāmī’s text less of whether he penned these verses or whether
but also reflect altered content. While Khusrau the verses were later ascribed to Khusrau, the
follows the general outline of Nizāmī’s Khamsa, Hindavī poems are accepted and have formed an
he also expands scenes, changes plots, and inserts important part of his literary corpus.
his own poetic style. The result is reinterpretation Khusrau has also had a profound effect on
rather than repetition of Nizāmī’s work. Hindustani music. This is particularly true of his
Khusrau occasionally wrote prose, although he ghazal love poetry that contains a lyrical rhythm
viewed himself first and foremost as a poet. His and rhyme regardless of whether it is written in
main prose text is The Treasury of Victories Persian, Urdu, or Hindi. Some verses are so melo-
(Khazāʾin al-Futūḥ), a triumphalist history com- dious that they practically are sung while being
pleted in 711/1311–1312 lauding Sultan ʿAlāʾ al- recited. A number of poems form the core of
Dīn’s conquests over Hindu kings, Mongol qawwālī performance outside of Nizām al-Dīn
raiders, lawlessness, and economic troubles [3]. (and Khusrau’s) tombs and throughout the sub-
Khusrau returned to prose a few years later with continent. Popular tradition credits Khusrau with
The Miraculous Treatises (Rasāʾil al-Iʿjāz), the invention of the khayāl musical form, numer-
a critique and guide to prose composition. ous Indian ragas, and instruments such as the sitar
70 Amir Khusraw

and tabla. Khusrau writes in The Miraculous Trea- 4. Amir Khusraw D (1988) Duwal Rani Khazir Khān
tises, a text of questionable authorship, that he (ed: Ansārī MRAS, Nizami KA). Idarah-i Adabiyat-i
Dilli, Delhi.
invented double entendre (ī hām) and khayāl sing- 5. Amir Khusraw D (1950) Nuh Sipihr (ed: Mirza MW).
ing [13, 18–20]. This is clearly an exaggeration Oxford University Press, Oxford. English translation:
with regard to double entendre, although he often Amīr Khusrau (1981) India as seen by Amīr Khusrau
uses double entendre in his compositions [10]. (trans: Nath R, Gwaliari F). Historical Research Doc-
umentation Programme, Jaipur
Khusrau clearly attended musical-mystical gath- 6. Behl A (2012) Love’s subtle magic: an Indian Islamic
erings (samāʾ ) where he composed music, recited literary tradition, 1379–1525. Oxford University
poetry, and sang his ghazal verses. Khusrau Press, New York
appears to have possessed a deep knowledge of 7. Dara Shikoh. Safīnat al-ʿawliyāʾ. British Library man-
uscript IO Islamic 660
musical forms and theory; however, it seems far 8. De Bruijn JTP (1997) Persian Sufi poetry: an intro-
more likely that he expanded, rather than duction to the mystical use of classical poems. Curzon,
invented, these musical forms and instruments. Richmond
Regardless, crowds continue to gather every 9. Ernst CW (1997) Sufism: an introduction to the mys-
tical tradition of Islam. Shambhala, Boston
Thursday night outside of Nizām al-Dīn’s tomb 10. Gabbay A (2010) Islamic tolerance: Amīr Khusraw
where they listen, recite, and sing Amīr Khusrau’s and pluralism. Routledge, London
poetry. 11. Jackson P (1999) The Delhi sultanate: a political and
military history. Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge
12. Jain GC (1975) Ameer Khusrau and Khari Boli. In:
Cross-References Ansari Z (ed) Life, times & works of Amīr Khusrau
Dehlavi. National Amir Khusrau Society, New Delhi
13. Losensky P, Sharma S (2011) In the bazaar of love: the
▶ ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Khaljī selected poetry of Amīr Khusrau. Penguin, New Delhi
▶ Chishtī Order 14. Mirza MW ([1935] 1962) The life and works of Amir
▶ Dara Shikoh Khusrau [Reprint]. Punjab University Press, Lahore
▶ Ibadatkhana 15. Nizami KA ([1991] 2007) Life and times of Shaikh
Nizam-uʾd-Din Auliya [Reprint]. Oxford University
▶ Khānaqāh and Ribat Press, New Delhi
▶ Nizām-ud-Dīn Awliyā 16. Rieu C (1881) Catalogue of the Persian manuscripts of
▶ Pīr the British Museum, vol 2. British Museum, London
▶ Sūfism 17. Rizvi SAA ([1978] 1997) A history of Sufism in India
[Reprint]. Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, New
▶ Ziya al-Din, Barani Delhi
18. Sarmadee S (1975) Musical genius of Amīr Khusrau.
In: Amir Khusrau memorial volume. Government of
India, New Delhi
References 19. Sarmadee S (1975) Ameer Khusrau’s own writings
about music. In: Ansari Z (ed) Life, times & works
1. Amir Hasan SD (1996) Fawāʾid al-fuʾād: spiritual and of Amīr Khusrau Dehlavi. National Amir Khusrau
literary discourses of Shaikh Nizām ud Dīn Awliyā Society, New Delhi
(trans: Faruqi ZH). D.K. Printworld, New Delhi. 20. Sharma S (2005) Amir Khusraw: the poet of Sufis and
(1992) Morals for the Heart (trans: Lawrence B). Paul- sultans. Oneworld, Oxford
ist Press, New York 21. Siddiqui IH (2010) Indo-Persian historiography up to
2. Amir Khusraw D (1975) Dibācha-yi divan-i ghurrat the thirteenth century. Primus Books, Delhi
al-kamāl (ed: ʿĀbīdī SVH). Naishnal Kamītī bārāʾye 22. Snell R (1991) The Hindi classical tradition: a Braj
Sātsau Sālah Taqrībāt-i Amīr Khusrau, Lahore Bhasha reader. School of Oriental and African Studies,
3. Amir Khusraw D (1953) Khazāʾin al-futūḥ (ed: Mirza London
MW). Asiatic Society, Calcutta. English edition: Amīr
Khusraw D (1975) Khazain-ul-futuh (trans: Mirza
MW). National Committee for the 700th anniversary
of Amir Khusrau, Lahore. Hazrat Amīr Khusrau
(1931) The campaigns of ʿAlaʾuʾd-Dīn Khiljī being
the Khazāʾin al-Futūḥ (Treasury of victories) of Hazrat
Amir Khusraw
Amīr Khusrau of Delhi (trans: Habib M). D. B.
Taraporewala Sons, Bombay ▶ Amīr Khusrau
Anglo-Mohammedan Law 71

Initially, Sir William Jones (1746–1794),

Anglo-Mohammedan Law appointed to the Calcutta Supreme Court in
1783, an accomplished scholar of Arabic and A
Clinton Bennett Farsi, to which he added Sanskrit, supervised the
Department of Philosophy, State University of policy. This meant identifying and translating
New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA authoritative texts. Jones had already published
his translation of Siraj Al-Din’s Al Sirajiyya in
1861 [3], which became a core text. Neither
Synonyms Hindu nor Mohammedan Law was ever really
codified; both operated as case-law systems.
Islamic Family Law; Islamic Personal Law; Mus From the beginning, these systems were to be
lim Family Law; Muslim Personal Law; heavily text dependent, that is, on those selected
Musulman Law and interpreted by British and British-trained
Indian judges. Anglo-Mohammedan Law fused
Islamic with English law. Criminal law was
Definition included until 1790. It often modified Islamic
law, departing from fundamental principles of
A hybrid legal tradition dealing with civil law how Islamic law functioned. Judges cited the
matters within the common law framework devel- “justice, equity and good conscience” maxim,
oped in India by colonial authorities for Muslim which they were mandated to uphold (Sections
subjects of British rule, fusing Islamic law and IX and XII 1781 Regulation) [4]. The British
English civil law; also applied in other British wanted a single, unitary body of law, not princi-
jurisdictions, it forms the basis of Muslim Per- ples that could respond to social circumstances, or
sonal Law in postindependence India and Bangla- allow plural interpretation. The law was also used
desh with some provisions in force in Pakistan. in Ceylon, in Burma, and, with adaption to
account for Shafi'i predominance, in Britain’s
East African possessions for Muslim
Historical Origin subjects [5]. It informed Anglo-Muslim Law in
Malaya.
In 1772 Warren Hastings (1732–1818) became
first British Governor-General of Bengal, which
the British East India Company had administered, Textualizing Islamic Personal Law
technically as a Diwani of the Mughal Emperor,
since 1757. Hastings did not want to interfere in The main areas dealt with under Muslim Law
Indian customs and decided to use Indian laws for were and remain marriage, divorce, inheritance,
matters concerning Indian subjects. The British and the administration of awqaf (trusts). Later,
were there to trade, not to change Indian society. disputes centered on mosques would also fall
Hastings ratified his policy in the Regulation of within this jurisdiction, following an 1885 minor-
1772 and the Charter of 1774, although it was not ity opinion by Justice Syed Mahmood (first Mus-
endorsed by Westminster until the 1781 lim High Court judge) that these were not criminal
Amending Act [1]. Noninterference did not survive; matters [6]. Creating texts was the first imperative.
the 1813 Company Charter tasked it with India’s These divide into translations of Muslim sources
religious and moral improvement, which prompted and various compendia and guides to the devel-
many interventions [2]. However, Hasting’s initia- oping corpus juris. In 1825, Sir William
tive led to the development of Hindu Law for Macnaghten (1793–1841) gathered together all
Hindus and Mohammedan Law for Muslims. The existing records of questions considered in com-
latter was commonly referred to as Anglo- pany courts and the opinions given by Muslim
Mohammedan Law, recognizing its hybrid nature. advisers who, until 1864, were employed by the
72 Anglo-Mohammedan Law

courts [7]. In 1791, Charles Hamilton by endowments, so were less vulnerable to pres-
(1753–1792) translated portions of an originally sure or bribes from interested parties. The British
Arabic Hanafi text, the Hidaya, that drew on ear- disliked the fact that a Muslim jurist might look at
lier sources, from a Farsi version commissioned a range of available opinions and apply the one
by Hastings [8]. Despite what has been described that best met a case’s circumstances. They effec-
as “inadequacies and blatant errors” which often tively substituted a system that responded to con-
went uncorrected even when drawn to editors’ texts with a one-solution-fits-all approach.
attention, this became the most consulted author- Shi’a laws had no standing for Shi’a litigants
ity [9]. Law students were tested on the text; it was until the mid-nineteenth century. Perplexed by
so expensive that substantial sections were cut who was or was not a Muslim vis-à-vis groups
from the 1870 edition to reduce cost [10]. It did such as Bohras and Ahmadis, in 1922 the decision
not cover inheritance, so Jones’ Al Sirajiyya was taken to regard anyone who recognizes the
became the standard in this area. Neil Ballie’s Prophet Muhammad as Muslim subject to the
translation of a compilation of Hanafi texts same law. In 1903, the Privy Council overturned
became the Mohammedan Law of Sale [11], The a case heard by Mahmood when he ruled that
Land Tax of India [12], and his widely consulted a Shi’a could not create a waqf in her will, while
Digest of Mohammedan Law [13]. These, with a Hanafi could. Praising Mahmood’s juristic abil-
some later texts, including several by the Muslim ity, the Council chided him for using his own
judge and modernist thinker, Syed Amīr ‘Alī, reason and for citing his translations of texts that
became the main source for decision making. did not belong to the regular corpus. They ruled
After 1862, Law Reports, published by the courts, that since a Hanafi can create a waqf by will,
also became important for establishing precedent a Shi’a could too [15]. Even precepts of the
and uniformity of rulings. Once produced, these Prophet could not become the basis for legal
English texts took priority over Arabic originals, deductions that “ancient doctors of the law” had
and British interpretation priority over Muslim, not deduced. The judges disliked resorting to cus-
even when Muslim jurists in the colonial service tomary law; the Shariah Act (1937) ended this
dissented. When Muslim advisors were used pre- practice; Shariah, which it did not define – it
1864, they were only ever given hypothetical meant Anglo-Mohammedan Law – applied to all
cases, not details of the actual case, so could not cases with Muslim litigants.
speak to specifics in the opinions they submitted. Rules of evidence were introduced that gave
The result was rigid, almost mechanical applica- increasing weight to written documents and depo-
tion of laws [14]. This impacts how some Mus- sitions, not oral evidence, and little attention to the
lims regard Shariah today, as inflexible, issue of moral probity that Islam values. From
immutable rules. 1797, deposition, not oral statements, became
binding in the court record. Farsi remained the
official court language until 1836, when it was
Legal Contours and Conventions: replaced by English. The Indian Evidence Act
Modifying Islamic Law (1872) equally regulated Muslim law, as did the
earlier Code of Civil Procedure, 1859. The British
The first departure from Islamic practice was the system also encouraged litigation, doing nothing
principle of Stare Decisis, which obligates judges to support the tradition of out-of-court settlement
to follow precedent set by prior cases and gives and compromise that Islam encourages.
higher courts, up to the Privy Council in London,
the right to overturn decisions of lower courts,
which then become binding. This did not exist in Cases and Issues
Islamic tradition; precedent was set by Muftis’
fatwas, not Qadi’s rulings. The former had more Many cases concerning waqf were dealt with at
time to formulate opinions; most were supported courts involving disputes over control, revenue,
Anglo-Mohammedan Law 73

and allegations of corruption. The British saw all grounds for wife-initiated divorce (via the court)
waqf as charitable foundations, comparable to and ended automatic divorce when a wife
British charitable trusts. They routinely took apostatizes, which effectively was the only ground A
over waqf administration. Two recurring issues under Hanafi law [18]. Women were repudiating
were whether waqf of shares and securities Islam to end intolerable marriages. The Act, which
(moveable goods) and family waqf were legal. left men’s unilateral divorce rights unrevised, could
The British thought the latter often bypassed be seen as making divorce too easy. This was a rare
inheritance laws; set up to provide income to example of going outside Hanafi law and of Indian
families or individuals, they did not qualify as Muslims lobbying for legal reform.
charity. The British also thought that family
waqf were badly administered. Almost all,
though, included some charitable provision [16]. Current Status
Senior Muslim justices, all English trained (not
gradates of traditional Muslim academies), Syed With some amendment, much of the corpus juris
Amīr ‘Alī of Calcutta and Syed Mahmud and is extant in India and Bangladesh as Personal Law.
Karamat Hussain (Anglo-Mohammedan Oriental Some Indians want to end differentiated Personal
College’s first law professor) of Allahabad, Law and establish a Uniform Civil Code. The All
argued in favor of family or private waqf, as did India Muslim Personal Law Board was formed in
Mahmood’s father, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan. How- 1973 to protect differentiated law. The 1985 Shah
ever, a Privy Council ruling abolished this insti- Bano Case, in which a Muslim divorcee was
tution (1894) causing many families financial awarded monthly alumni by the Supreme Court,
hardship. Muslim discontent was thus wide- contrary to the Muslim one-off payment provi-
spread. In 1909, Muḥammad ‘Alī Jinnah intro- sion, provoked Muslim fears that Personal Law
duced a private bill in the Legislative Council to was under threat. A 1986 Act overrode the court’s
restore private waqf, which the British initially decision. Citing how Britain administered Muslim
opposed. In the end, the Waqf Act was passed Law for Muslims in India, some British Muslims
(1913) because the British wanted to improve are campaigning for differentiated Personal Law
relations with India’s Muslims, and only legisla- in the United Kingdom, without which they say
tion could overturn the Privy Council’s ruling. their religious freedom is compromised [19].
When Muslim judges such as Mahmood, who
took special interest in Muslim law, dealt with
cases, it was accidental that they happened to be Cross-References
sitting. ‘Alī argued in favor of waqf of movable
goods; his colleague Sir John George Woodroffe ▶ Amīr ‘Alī
(1865–1936) disagreed, saying that Hidaya did ▶ Hidayah
not sustain ‘Alī’s position. The Waqf Act later ▶ Jinnah, Muḥammad ‘Alī
allowed waqf of “any property.” ▶ Mahmood, Justice Syed
Rulings constantly undermined women’s rights. ▶ Muslim Personal Law
British judges disliked women inheriting property ▶ Shah Bano
and receiving money (mahr) when they married. In ▶ Syed Aḥmad
1913 a judge questioned the morality of a woman’s ▶ Thanwi
right to negotiate divorce conditions in her mar-
riage contract [17]. In 1929, statutory intervention
prohibited the marriage of girls under 14 and boys References
under 16. The most radical piece of legislation was
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ʿAqīqa
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sacrifice are central to the ritual is suggested fur-
(1903), 30 I.A. 94 (P.C.) [Baker Ali Khan], Asaf A.A.
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stan and Bangladesh, 2nd edn (by Tahir Mahmood). Q meaning “to split” referring to the hair “split”
Oxford University Press, New Delhi, pp 4–16 from the baby’s head [4].
16. Kozlowski GC (2008) Muslim women and the control
Wiping the blood of the sacrificed animal on
of property. In: Sarker S, Sarker T (eds) Women and
social reform in modern India: a reader. Indiana Uni- the shaved head of the baby, and the invocation
versity Press, Bloomington, pp 326–341 that accompanies the act, show that the animal’s
17. Agnes F (2000) Women, property and the subordina- death is a substitute for that of the baby and/or the
tion of rights. In: Chatterjee P, Jeganathan P (eds)
parents who perform the act [2].
Subaltern studies conference. Community, gender
and violence. Columbia University Press, New York, Later Muslim jurists, such as the twelfth-
pp 106–137 (Case: Bai Fatima v. Ali Mohamed Aiya) century Ibn Rushd, argued that the smearing of
Ārzū, Sirāj al-Dīn ‘Alī Ḳhān (d. 1756) 75

the blood of the sacrificial victim on the baby’s

head was a pre-Islamic practice that should be Arkān al-Īmān
replaced by the smearing of saffron or other col- A
ored substance [1]. The pre-Islamic practice of ▶ I¯mān
offering the baby’s cut hair is replaced in later
Islamic practice by the offering of alms in gold
or silver equal to the weight of the cut hair.
The common Muslim practice of ʿaqī qa Arzu
involves a ritual invocation from the Qur’ān, rub-
bing the baby’s palate with a date or other sweet ▶ Ārzū, Sirāj al-Dīn ‘Alī Ḳhān (d. 1756)
substance, application of oil on the baby, salting of
the baby, cutting the hair and making an offering,
naming the baby, and sacrificing of an animal, the
blood (or substitute) being wiped on the baby’s Ārzū, Sirāj al-Dīn ‘Alī Ḳhān
head [3]. (d. 1756)
Circumcision is often linked to the ʿaqī qa,
especially in places where infant circumcision is Arthur Dudney
common [7]. The link to circumcision recalls Faculty of Oriental Studies, Oxford University,
Abraham’s vow to sacrifice his son, a vow from Oxford, UK
which he was absolved and his son redeemed by
the sacrifice of an animal provided by God.
Synonyms

References Arezu; Arzu; Khan-e Arzu; Khan-i Arzu

1. Aubaile-Sallenave F (2011) ʿAqīqa. In: Krämer G et al

(eds) The encyclopaedia of Islam, 3rd edn. E.J. Brill, Definition
Leiden
2. Aubaile-Sallenave F (1999) Les rituels de naissance
dans le monde musulman. In: Bonte P et al (eds) Sacri- Ārzū was an Indo-Persian philologist who recog-
fices en Islam. Espaces et temps d’un rituel. CNRS nized the relationship between Persian and Indic
Editions, Paris, pp 125–160 languages, defended Indians’ role in Persian liter-
3. Eickelman D (1987) Rites of passage. Muslim rites. In:
Eliade M (ed) The encyclopedia of religion. MacMillan,
ature against Iranian chauvinism, and was an
New York important early teacher of what became known
4. Granqvist H (1950) Birth and childhood among the as Urdu literature.
Arabs. Soderstrom, Helsingfors
5. Madhani T (2007) Childhood: coming of age rituals:
North America. In: Joseph S (ed) The encyclopedia of
women and Islamic cultures. E.J. Brill, Leiden Life and Social Context
6. Smith WR (1907) Kinship and marriage in early Arabia.
Adam and Charles Black, London He was most likely born in Gwalior in 1687/1688
7. Wensinck AJ (1913–1938) Khitān. In: Gibb HAR et al
(eds) The encyclopaedia of Islam. E.J. Brill, Leiden
(although some sources report a different date and
that the place was Agra). He was heir to two
impressive mystical lineages [7]. On his mother’s
side, he claimed descent from the twelfth-century
Iranian mystic poet Farīduddīn ‘Aṭṭār through
Arezu Muḥammad Ġhaus̄ of Gwalior (d. 1653), and on
his father’s, from the Chishtī Sufi saint Naṣīruddīn
▶ Ārzū, Sirāj al-Dīn ‘Alī Ḳhān (d. 1756) Chirāgh Dehlavī Chaudhry (d. 1356). He received
76 Ārzū, Sirāj al-Dīn ‘Alī Ḳhān (d. 1756)

his early education from his father Ḥusāmuddīn a number of critical treatises that addressed both
“Ḥusāmī,” a poet-soldier in the Mughal mode, specific works and theoretical questions.
and received further training in Agra. Upon his Dictionaries: His two Persian dictionaries are
father’s death in 1703, Ārzū joined the entourage Sirāj al-Luġhat (1734/1735), an enormous work
of Prince A‘ẓam Shāh, an important patron of intended as a corrective to earlier dictionaries that
Persian and Hindi literature. The prince’s defeat dealt with words and expressions used by the
on the battlefield in 1707 at the hands of his classical authors, and Chirāġh-i Hidāyat,
brother, who took the Mughal throne under the a slimmer volume addressing modern Persian
name Bahādur Shāh, cut that arrangement short. idioms. The latter is important in that it systema-
Ārzū briefly stayed in Delhi searching for an tizes poetic innovation. The third dictionary
appointment early in the reign of Farruḳhsiyar Navādir al-Alfāz̤ (1743) is a lexicon of Indic
(1712–1719). He settled there permanently at the words used in Persian. Although it is a revision
beginning of Muḥammad Shāh’s reign, namely, in of an earlier work, it can probably be called the
1719 or early 1720. He was active in Delhi until first critical dictionary to deal with the vernacular
the last year of his life, which he spent in usage of Delhi.
Lucknow. Ārzū’s tażkirah Majma‘ al-Nafā’is (1750/1751)
Ārzū rapidly became a central fixture in Delhi’s contains entries for as many as 1,800 poets (the
literary scene. He associated himself with two of count is different in different manuscripts). Its
the leading lights in Persian poetry, Mirzā ‘Abdul entries are generally brief, but it is a significant
Qādir Bedil (1644–1720) and the late Mirzā Afẓal work in that it establishes who, in Ārzū’s view,
Sarḳhẉush (d. 1715). Bedil died soon after Ārzū are the important contemporary poets [15].
settled in Delhi permanently, and Ārzū cemented Practical Critical Works (Commentaries):
a role for himself at Bedil’s ‘urs [death anniver- These can be broadly divided into commentaries
sary celebration] as well as taking on some of on the classical poets and on the moderns. Three
Bedil’s disciples as his own students. Ārzū’s circle in the first category are a commentary on Sa‘dī’s
of friends was broad and included a large number Gulistān called Ḳhiyābān-i Gulistān (1708/1709
of Hindus in imperial service. Ānand Rām revised 1738/1739), another on Niz̤ āmī’s
Muḳhliṣ had been Bedil’s student and became Sikandarnāmah, and lastly Sirāj-i Vahhaj on
Ārzū’s. He arranged for Ārzū to receive the trap- Ḥāfiz̤ . Commentaries on modern writers include
pings of nobility – namely, an estate [jāgī r], a rank Sirāj-i Munī r, Dād-i Suḳhan, Tanbī h al-Ġhāfilī n,
[manṣab], and a title [ḳhiṭāb] of “ḳhān” – required and one on the qaṣī dahs of ‘Urfī, a poet active in
to move in the empire’s highest circles and also India during Akbar’s reign. Works in the second
introduced him to his future patron Isḥāq Ḳhān. category are a direct contribution to the literary
Ṭek Chand Bahār, author of the magisterial Per- debates that intensified in Delhi after Shaiḳh
sian dictionary Bahār-i ‘Ajam, was another of Muḥammad ʿAlī Ḥazīn’s arrival in India in 1734
Ārzū’s close friends. Another important disciple (see below), while those on the ancients were
was Bindrāban Dās Ḳhẉushgo, a student of written earlier in Ārzū’s life and are somewhat
Ārzū’s for 25 years who had also been connected more abstract.
to Bedil and Sarḳhẉush. Ḳhẉushgo’s Safī nah-yi Theoretical Critical Works: ‘At̤ ī yah-i Kubrā,
Ḳhẉushgo provides the most detailed and reliable a work on bayān [clear discourse], an aspect of
details about Ārzū’s life. rhetoric, claims to be the first treatise in Persian to
deal specifically with that subject [13]. Mauhibat-
i ‘Uz̤ mā is his work on ‘ilm-i ma̍ānī , which we can
Works roughly translate as “semiotics.” Near the end of
his life, he wrote Mus̄ mir, a philological treatise
Ārzū was a prolific critic and literary researcher that is arguably the most advanced study of the
who wrote dictionaries, a tażkirah [compendium theory of language in the premodern Persian tra-
of poets’ biographies and quotations], and dition [14].
Ārzū, Sirāj al-Dīn ‘Alī Ḳhān (d. 1756) 77

With the exception of Sirāj al-Luġhat and the charismatic newcomer to India’s literary world,
commentaries on ‘Urfī and the Sikandarnāmah, Ḥazīn was a threat to Ārzū personally.
all the aforementioned works are available in A
modern editions. This is in contrast with Ārzū’s
literary works, which are uncollected and nearly Urdu Literature
all unpublished. He probably compiled seven
dī vāns and wrote five mas̄ navī s, but there are In Ārzū’s lifetime, people who had previously
several works of uncertain authorship (omitted valued only Persian poetry began publicly sharing
here) including a dictionary of Sufi terminology. poetry in the “reḳhtah” (meaning “mixed”) style,
which was the spoken vernacular language of
Delhi that followed the rules of Persian verse. In
Theoretical Contributions other words, it was what we now call Urdu liter-
ature. Ārzū was instrumental in helping this liter-
Ārzū’s importance in the history of Persian liter- ary movement gain some of the prestige of Persian
ature is his theorization of the tāzah-go’ī [lit. and was a teacher of some of the most important
“fresh speaking”] movement, which was by reḳhtah poets of his time [2, 7]. He did not address
then approximately two centuries old [10]. In the vernacular at length in any surviving work, but
showing how poetic innovation could be an it is clear that his ideas about how Persian became
extension of the existing tradition, he developed a standard literary language apply to the vernacu-
a philological method that both accounted for lar as well, namely, that a universal Urdu literary
newness in literature and defended India’s place standard would emanate from Delhi, the imperial
within the Persianate world. The theory of his capital [3]. The aforementioned lexicon Navādir
that is best known to modern scholars, tavāfuq al-Alfāz̤ demonstrates this preference for Delhi
al-lisānain [correspondence of (two) languages], usage and seems to be a step towards standardi-
proposes (for the first time in the Persianate zation in vernacular poetry. He mentored many of
world by Ārzū’s own account) a historical tie the poets now thought of as belonging to the
between Persian and Indic languages [1, 3, “classical” period of Urdu poetry, including
8, 11]. He argues that literary standards are by Mirzā Jān-i Jānān Maz̤ har, Mirzā Muḥammad
definition transregional and that Indians, with Rafīʿ Saudā, and Ḳhwājah Mīr Dard as well as
proper training, are as capable of composing his estranged nephew Mīr Taqī Mīr [2, 12]. From
Persian poetry as Iranian native speakers [4–6]. the late eighteenth century, literary critics have
It was in this philological endeavor that he butted given him lofty titles such as Urdu’s Aristotle
heads with the recently arrived Shaiḳh Ḥazīn, and Abū Ḥanīfah (the founders of philosophy
a refugee from Isfahan. Their struggle has often and the Ḥanafī school of Islamic legal interpreta-
been misleadingly framed as between two ethnic tion, respectively). Somewhat surprisingly given
camps, namely, Iranians defending their sole this reputation, just a few paltry lines of his Urdu
mastery of Persian as native speakers against composition have been preserved for posterity.
the claims of Indian nonnative speakers to be
masters themselves [9]. While there is some
truth to this, in fact, the contemporary terms of References
the debate primarily addressed classical versus
1. Alam M (2003) The culture and politics of Persian in
new-style poetry, with Ḥazīn and his party pro- pre-colonial Hindustan. In: Pollock S (ed) Literary
moting the classical and demeaning the contem- cultures in history. University of California, Berkeley
porary style. The fact that some Indians 2. Azad MH (2001) Āb-e ḥayāt. Translated by F.
supported the “Iranian” position while some Ira- Pritchett with SR. Faruqi. Oxford University Press,
New Delhi
nians supported the “Indian” position demonstrates 3. Azim A (1970) Khan-i Arzu’s observations on the
the difficulty with framing the dispute in purely relationship of Sanskrit and Persian. ZDMG
ethnic terms. In any case, as an authoritative and 119:261–269
78 Asghar Ali Engineer

4. Dudney A (2013) A desire for meaning: Ḳhān-i Ārzū’s economic, social, political power and authority
philology and the place of India in the eighteenth- concentrated in the family of the dāʿī al-muṭlaḳ,
century Persianate world. PhD dissertation, Depart-
ment of MESAAS, Columbia University
the leader of the Bohras by calling for internal
5. Faruqi SR (2004) A Stranger in the city: the poetics of reform. He faced several nearly fatal physical
Sabk-i Hindi. Ann Urdu Stud 19:1–93 attacks for opposing the Dawoodi Bohra reli-
6. Keshavmurthy P (2013) The local universality of gious leadership [1].
poetic pleasure: Sirājuddin ‘Ali Khān Ārzu and the
speaking subject. Indian Econ Social Hist Rev
50:27–45
7. Khatoon R (1987) Aḥwāl-o ās̄ār-e ḳhān-e ārzū. Indo- Formation, Contributions, and
Persian Society, Delhi
8. Khatoon R (1991) Introduction to Mus̄mir. Institute of Achievements
Central and West Asian Studies, Karachi
9. Kia M (2009) Accounting for difference: As a young boy, Engineer learnt Urdu, Arabic,
a comparative look at the autobiographical travel nar- Hindi, and English and also was educated in
ratives of Hazin Lāhiji and ʿAbd-al-Karim Kashmiri.
J Persianate Soc 2:210–236 tafsir or Qur’anic commentary, Isma’ili ta’wil,
10. Kinra R (2007) Fresh words for a fresh world: Tāza hadith, fiqh, Islamic theology, and history. He
Gūʾī and the poetics of newness in Early Modern Indo- obtained an engineering degree from the Univer-
Persian poetry. Sikh Format 3:125–149 sity of Indore and thereafter worked as a civil
11. Kinra R (2011) This noble science: Indo-Persian com-
parative philology, ca. 1000–1800 CE. In: Bronner
engineer for the Bombay Municipal Corporation
Y et al (eds) South Asian texts in history: critical for 20 years. In 1980, Engineer founded the
engagements with Sheldon Pollock. Association for Institute of Islamic Studies and, in 1993, the
Asian Studies, Ann Arbor Centre for Study of Society and Secularism. He
12. Naim CM (ed) (1999) Żikr-i Mīr. Oxford University
Press, New Delhi authored more than 50 books and contributed
13. Rahimpoor M (2008) ʿAt̤ īyah-i kubrā va mauhibat-i articles to various national and international peri-
ʻuz̤ mā. Ayene-ye Miras NS 5:334–350 odicals and newspapers. He was the convener of
14. Rahimpoor M (2008) Siyarī dar aḥwāl-o ās̄ār-i sirāj al- the Asian Muslim Action Network (AMAN).
dīn ʿalī ḳhān-i ārzū-yi akbarābādī. Ayene-ye Miras NS
6:289–318 He also received several awards, such as the
15. Shahid M (ed) (2004) Sirāj al-dīn ʿalī ḳhān ārzū: ek Dalmia Award for communal harmony in 1990,
mut̤ ālaʿa. Ghalib Institute, New Delhi an honorary D.Litt. from the University of Cal-
cutta in 1993, the National Communal Harmony
Award in 1997, and the Right Livelihood Award
in 2004.
Asghar Ali Engineer Perturbed by rampant corruption at his work
place, witnessing social injustice, communal car-
Imtiyaz Yusuf nage in independent India, and the need for inter-
Center for Buddhist-Muslim Understanding, nal reform within the Dawoodi Bohra community,
College of Religious Studies, Mahidol University, in 1983, Engineer voluntarily resigned from his
Salaya, Nakhorn Pathom, Thailand job. Thereafter he embarked on a lifelong journey
of scholarship and socioreligious activity with the
objective to combat corruption, communalism,
Definition and exploitation. He devoted himself to the work
of Bohra reform and of promoting the values of
Asghar Ali Engineer (10 March 1939–14 May freedom, equality, human rights, justice, the rights
2013) was an Indian Muslim reformer of the of Muslim women, communal harmony, nonvio-
modern age. He belonged to the Shi’a Isma’ili lence, and secularism. In this undertaking, Engi-
Musta’lian Bohra subsect of Islam. In 1973, he neer was inspired both by the prophet Muhammad
joined the Progressive Dawoodi Bohra move- and Karl Marx; thus, he combined Islamic theol-
ment that challenges the absolute religious, ogy with critical theory [2].
Asghar Ali Engineer 79

Islam as Theology of Liberation compatible with the modern, secular principles of

equal rights for all in the gender, economic, reli-
Engineer developed an Islamic theology of libera- gious, and cultural arenas. He saw congruence A
tion and social reconstruction based on the core between Islam and human rights as evidenced
Qur’anic values of rahmah, compassion; ihsan, through the central Qur’anic teaching that God
benevolence; ‘adl, justice; and hikmah, wisdom has honored the human being with dignity, free-
for building equality, justice, and freedom modeled dom, and equality (Qur’an 17:70) and the Qur’an’s
on examples from the life of the prophet Muham- call for promoting ma‘ruf – that which is good, and
mad and the Sufis in their sensitivity and caring prohibiting munkar – that which is evil (Qur’an
toward the sufferings of others [3]. 3:110), calls that are similar to those of UN Charter
Islam for Engineer is more than mere rituals of Human Rights [6].
and priesthood; it is a value system that lays stress Engineer was passionate about restoring the
on love, practicing nonviolence, compassion, rights of Muslim women, which have been
equality, justice, human dignity, and truth. snatched by the medieval age Muslim male-
A truly religious person for Engineer is one who dominated jurisprudential interpretations of the
practices these values and not only religious rit- Qur’an. He stressed that gender equality is rooted
uals [4]. in the creation story as depicted in the Qur’an 4:1,
Engineer stressed that all religions emerge in 32; 20:115: 20;121; 65:6. It was practiced by the
particular geographic contexts; thus, they carry prophet and his companions, losing significance
within them the cultural and linguistic specificities as Islam spread out of Arabia into feudal societies
of their origin. He distinguished between norma- and got molded into local cultures. Engineer crit-
tive and contextual Islam, the latter being cultur- icized the traditionalists for sticking to medieval
ally mediated versions of Islam practiced around interpretations of Qur’anic verses that have been
the world. Engineer illustrated that when it comes invoked to subordinate the position of women in
to Islam’s attitude toward the rights of women, Islam (Qur’an 4:34). At the same time, he chided
peace, jihad, and the practice of nonviolence, the Muslim feminists for their lack in understanding
prophet Muhammad never acted against the very the original Arabic meaning of words in the same
principles he preached. In fact, the prophet verse that got lost in the translations they follow.
Muhammad was a prophet of nonviolence, a fact As per Engineer, the raging controversy
illustrated through his life struggle to build peace concerning the above noted verse arises over the
in Arabia, a mission about which he is widely words qawwam, which basically means “main-
misunderstood or misrepresented. Engineer held tainers” of women and family; qanitatun, which
that nonviolence is not a religious doctrine but means women devout to God and not men;
a deeper conviction built through practice [5]. daraba, which has many meanings, not only to
Engineer was critical of outsiders who “beat”; and wadribhunna, “to go away.” In Engi-
interpreted the cultural practices of Muslims as neer’s view, despite the medieval and contempo-
representing true Islam, and he was critical of rary jurisprudential discussion about whether the
the Muslims in the modern age who adhered to word daraba means beating and what that might
the medieval feudal social-based interpretations entail, the whole rights-based discussion about
of Islam as representing true Islam. women in the Qur’an and the evidence that
Engineer stressed on the need to differentiate Prophet Muhammad never ever beat any of his
between sharia – the principles of law as contained wives suggest that the polarity between the tradi-
in the Qur’an and fiqh – jurisprudence, their time- tionalists and modernists about the Qur’an’s per-
based interpretation and application subject to missibility or non-permissibility of beating a wife
change, which has mistakenly been accepted as does not hold. For who but the prophet Muham-
immutable. He also held that there is no contradic- mad understood the Qur’an best. Rather, the idea
tion between Islam and modernity. Islam is of legal permissibility of beating a wife emerged
80 Asghar Ali Engineer

in medieval Islam and has to be abandoned. Mus- and were practiced by their founders. The goal of
lim women today are a more educated and active dialogue is to overcome the myth of the religious
human force who will not accept such outdated superiority of one’s own religion [10].
male chauvinistic medieval juristic interpretation
of the said Qur’anic verse [7].
Engineer also called for reforms in Muslim
Hindu-Muslim Relations and
Family Law. He advocated abolishing the oral
Communalism
triple talaq divorce system for it was not founded
upon the Qur’an.
On Hindu-Muslim relations in India, Engineer
In regard to polygamy, Engineer remarked that
opposed labeling the Hindus as kafirs or unbe-
it was allowed only in exceptional circumstances.
lievers, for the term refers to the polytheists of
In order to protect married women from future
Mecca and not to the Hindus. He showed that
insecurity, he recommended that the groom
early Muslims in India such as Muhammad bin
should give mahr, dowry, in the form of gold or
Qasim and the Sufis viewed the Hindus and Bud-
silver and not in the form of cash for the value of
dhists as ahl al-kitab (People of the Book). This
cash depreciates annually. He opposed deferring
perspective enabled concepts such as Hindu
on payment of the dowry [8].
advaita or nondualism and the Islamic mystical
A unique feature of Engineer’s religious
doctrine of wahdat al-wujud or unity of being to
thought was his discourse on jihad. In his writ-
be viewed as comparable. However, later Muslim
ings, he made clear the distinction between
rulers like Mahmud of Ghazna, Bhaktiyar Khilji,
Qur’an’s use of the term jihad, the strenuous effort
and others attacked Hindu and Buddhist temples
to spread good and contain evil, and qital, fight-
and communities, which Engineer argues they did
ing. He criticized the Muslim rulers, states, and
for political and economic reasons rather than
non-state actors who misused the word jihad for
religious motives. Throughout his lifetime, Engi-
engaging in wars of territorial expansion and ter-
neer opposed the communalist and religious fun-
rorism. In his view, the killing of innocent people
damentalist forces in India. He critiqued the role
for political purposes does not constitute jihad.
of Mr. Narendra Modi, the then Chief Minister of
Engineer reproached the media for spreading
Gujarat at the time of the Gujarat carnage after the
anti-Muslim prejudice by sensationalized
Godhra train-burning incident in 2002. Engineer
reporting about jihad without understanding its
also organized several workshops to address
real meaning [9].
communalist sentiments in the Indian police
force [11].
Interreligious Dialogue

For Engineer, all religions are true in their own Engineer’s Legacy
way. Qur’anic pluralism is contained in its notion
of wahdat-e-deen (unity of religions). He engaged For Engineer, Islam is a faith and praxis of liber-
in many interreligious dialogue meetings around ation from all forms of oppression. All his life, he
the world. He saw such dialogue as facilitating engaged in Muslim social reform activism com-
a deep encounter between religions, a way to bining the theological and axiological dimensions
preempt the clash of civilizations. The aim of of the Islamic world view. He upheld the values of
interreligious dialogue is to build understanding equality, justice, and freedom. Engineer was
between the followers of different religions, not a modern Indian Muslim, who called for Muslim
conversion. Interreligious dialogue should pro- social reformers to use rational and critical
mote the values of compassion, love, justice, approaches toward understanding the Islamic
equality, and the practice of nonviolence. These past and applying it dynamically to the present
values are found in the teachings of all religions Indian condition.
Ashraf ‘Alī Thānawī 81

While being rooted in the Bohra tradition, 3. Engineer AA (1990) Islam and liberation theology:
Engineer transcended Muslim sectarian divides essays on liberative elements in Islam. Stosius Inc/
Advent Books Division, New Delhi
and also Indian communal identities. 4. Engineer AA (2001) A rational approach to Islam, A
Excommunicated by the Bohra community, Engi- 1st edn. Hope India Publications, Haryana
neer was given a Sunni burial. And as per his last 5. Engineer AA (2005) On developing theology of peace
wish, he is buried in a Mumbai Sunni graveyard in Islam. Sterling Publishers, New Delhi
6. Engineer AA (2007) Islam in contemporary world.
along with his prominent Urdu writer friends, Ali Hope India Publications, Haryana
Sardar Jafri and Jan Nisar Akhtar and others. 7. Engineer AA (2005) The Qurʼan, women, and modern
Members of Hindu and other faiths joined in his society. New Dawn Press Group, Berkshire/Elgin/New
funeral prayers, and women were allowed to have Delhi
8. Engineer AA (1992) The rights of women in Islam.
a last view of his body inside the mosque before Hurst, London
the burial, practices that are normally not permit- 9. Engineer AA (2011) The prophet of non-violence:
ted in Indian Islam. He received high tributes for spirit of peace, compassion & universality in Islam.
his social work from people of all walks of life Vitasta Publications, New Delhi
10. Engineer AA (2008) Islam in post-modern world:
from around the world. prospects and problems. Hope India Publications,
In the beginning of his reformist career, Engi- Haryana
neer was shunned and criticized by Indian Islamist 11. Engineer AA (2006) Muslims and India. Gyan Publish-
parties as being secularist; however, over the ing House, New Delhi; Engineer AA (1992) Politics of
confrontation: the Babri-Masjid Ramjanmabhoom Con-
decades, they came to appreciate his contribu- troversy runs-Riot, 1st edn. Ajanta Publications, New
tions, and he is today recognized by them as an Delhi; Engineer AA (2003) The Gujarat Carnage. Orient
important Muslim leader of modern India. BlackSwan, New Delhi
Engineer’s life mission since resigning from
a secure job as an Engineer was to show that
Islam was not a rigid, anti-modern, pro-violence
religion. Rather, it is a religion of peace and Ashraf ‘Alī Thānawī
morality. Employing rational arguments and dem-
ocratic methods, Engineer worked for Muslim Brannon Ingram
social reform without engaging in Islamist poli- Department of Religious Studies, Northwestern
tics. He viewed Islam as a civilizational force and University, Evanston, IL, USA
not merely as a religious, legal, or mystical
tradition.
Synonyms

Hakim al-Ummat; Thanvi; Thanwi

Cross-References

▶ Kāfir
Definition
▶ Muslim Personal Law
▶ Waḥdat ul-Wujūd
Ashraf ‘Alī Thānawī (1863–1943) was
▶ Women
a preeminent Islamic scholar and Sufi of the
Deoband School of thought.

References
Introduction
1. Engineer AA (1980) The Bohras. Vikas, Sahibabad
2. Engineer AA (2011) A living faith: my quest for
Ashraf ‘Alī Thānawī (1863–1943) was one of the
peace, harmony, and social change: an autobiography
of Asghar Ali Engineer. Orient BlackSwan, New greatest traditional Islamic scholars of the Indian
Delhi subcontinent of the last two centuries, known by
82 Ashraf ‘Alī Thānawī

the honorific title Ḥakī m al-Ummat, “physician” All in all, Thānawī is said to have authored at least
to the ummah, the worldwide community of Mus- 800 books of various lengths. In part, he achieved
lims. Affiliated with the Deoband School, such astonishing productivity through a highly
Thānawī wrote prolifically on topics ranging regimented schedule, reserving early mornings
from Islamic law, ḥadī th, the Qur’ān, Sufism, and evenings for writing, while accepting
Muslim women, and popular Muslim customs in a steady stream of pupils during the afternoons;
India, all while giving spiritual guidance to hun- guests were, in fact, required to fill out a form
dreds of students. Like the scholars of the upon arriving, stating their names and other iden-
Deoband School as a whole, Thānawī believed tifying information [3]. At Thana Bhavan,
that Islamic education had to be realigned with Thānawī also gave frequent public lectures on
the foundational scriptural sources of Islam – the topics pertaining mostly to personal moral reform
Qur’ān and ḥadī th – and that this education and the Ṣufī path. One collection of these oral
should not remain in the hands of an élite, but discourses (malfūẓat), Al-Ifādāt al-yawmiyya min
should become knowledge for the benefit of all al-ifādāt al-qawmiyya (also known as Malfūẓat-i
Indian Muslims. He believed, furthermore, that Ḥakīm al-Ummat), was compiled over the course
such knowledge would help Indian Muslims of a single year, 1932, and has become the defin-
divest themselves of what Thānawī believed itive collection of his public statements [13]. His
were certain popular customs that, in his view, additional works include, among many others,
corrupted the ummah. a 24-volume commentary on the Masnavī of
Jalāl al-Dīn Rūmī (Kalī d-i Masnavī) [12],
a 12-volume commentary on the Qur’ān (Bayān
Life and Works al-Qur’ān) [17], his collected fatwas (Imdād al-
Fatāwa) [9], a major treatise on Sufism (al-
Thānawī was born in 1863 in Thana Bhavan, Takashshuf ‘an muhimmāt al-taṣawwuf) [16],
a small north Indian town not far from Deoband. a study that derives lessons for ethical and moral
His father managed the estate of a wealthy land- reform from individual ḥadī th statements
owner in Meerut but wanted a religious education (Ḥaqī qat al-t̤arīqa min al-sunna al-aniqa) [7],
for his eldest son and sent Thānawī to the Islamic as well as shorter treatises in which he articulated
seminary (madrasa) at Deoband, where he began his powerful critique of Indian social customs and
his studies in 1878 and finished them in 1883. devotional practices [8, 10, 11].
Thānawī made his first ḥajj or pilgrimage to
Mecca in 1884, where he became the Ṣufī pupil
of the acclaimed Chishtī Ṣabirī Ṣufī, Ḥājjī Imdād Social Critique
Allah al-Makkī (d. 1899). Subsequently, he taught
at Faiz̤-i ‘Āmm madrasa in Kanpur, but His critique of these customs was trenchant and
a deepening spiritual crisis led him to quit his wide-ranging. Thānawī made it clear throughout
teaching post in 1897 and relocate to the Ṣufī his work that certain customs were too fraught
lodge at Thana Bhavan, where Imdād Allah had with moral peril to remain viable in the modern
lived and taught his disciples before his exile to era. He singled out the practice of visiting a Ṣufī
Mecca after the Mutiny of 1857 [1]. saint’s tomb during his death anniversary (‘urs)
It was in Thana Bhavan where Thānawī and the organized celebration of the Prophet
flourished as a scholar and Ṣufī master. From Muḥammad’s birthday (mawlūd) for special con-
Thana Bhavan, Thānawī met with hundreds of demnation, though he hastened to add that praise
disciples in person, maintained a prolific corre- for the Prophet Muḥammad was perfectly accept-
spondence with many more via post, issued able and even commendable as long as it avoided
fatwas on a massive array of subjects, and wrote certain “excessive” forms. What animated
numerous scholarly treatises on topics ranging Thānawī’s vociferous disapproval of popular cus-
from law, ethics, Sufism, to even women’s rights. toms was that many Muslims erroneously
Ashraf ‘Alī Thānawī 83

believed them to be “obligatory” aspects of the state; Thānawī was also deeply suspicious of pol-
Islamic faith, whereas in reality, they were insid- itics itself, seeing it as a spiritually corrupting
ious “innovations” (bid‘ah) that corrupted Islam pursuit. Nevertheless, despite his initial hesita- A
from within. In one of his shorter treatises, The tion, Thānawī did eventually throw his support
Reformation of Customs (Iṣlāḥ-i Rusūm), behind the Muslim League in its call for Pakistan,
Thānawī takes aim at a whole litany of customs: and after partition, most (though not all) of
dancing and singing, playing chess, fireworks, Thānawī’s pupils emigrated there [19].
‘English’ hair and clothing styles, and many
others [11].
But Thānawī’s most influential work – and one Pupils and Followers
of the most widely published books in the Indian
subcontinent – is undoubtedly the Bihishtī Zewar, Thānawī had hundreds of students, but a few in
a multi-volume text designed for Muslim women particular stand out for their roles in disseminating
readers. In it, Thānawī systematically touches on his reformist message. Muftī Muḥammad
nearly every aspect of Islamic belief and worship, Shafī‘(d. 1976), for example, migrated to Pakistan
ranging from purity rules for Islamic prayer to after partition and went on to establish one of the
Islamic marriage norms. He also aims to fashion largest and most important Deobandi institutions
his audience in a reform-minded mold, creating in the world, the Dār al-‘Ulūm Karachi. Ẓafar
pious, literate, morally disciplined readers. But Aḥmad ‘Usmānī (d. 1974), who also supported
the Bihishtī Zewar is more than a mere compen- the movement for Pakistan, composed a twenty-
dium of rules and regulations; the text begins with one volume ḥadī th commentary, I‘lā al-Sunan,
lessons on how to read, how to write, and the which seeks to show how the Ḥanafī school of
proper way to compose a letter. Indeed, Thānawī law accords in every respect with the most
composed this work under the premise that Mus- established statements of the Prophet Muḥam-
lim women required a certain level of education, mad, thereby fending off critique of the Deobandi
not just to be good Muslims, but also to fulfill their adherence to the Hanafi school of law from the
roles as wives and mothers [6, 14]. Ahl-i Ḥadīth, who rejected traditional taqlī d in
Islamic law [20]. In educating a generation of
Deobandi scholars, Thānawī sought to chart
Thānawī and Indian Politics a public role for the twentieth century Indian
‘ulamā’.
Thānawī remained largely removed from active
politics during his lifetime, but he did opine pub-
lically on various political controversies of his Cross-References
time. He was resolutely opposed to the Khilafat
Movement, founded in 1920, which aimed to ▶ Barelvīs
prevent the Allied forces from carving up of the ▶ Chishtī Order
Ottoman Empire and to ensure continued Muslim ▶ Deoband School
rule of Mecca and Medina. It is not that Thānawī ▶ Rashīd Aḥmad Gangohī
supported British geopolitical interests in the Mid-
dle East; rather, he opposed the extent to which
certain Indian Muslim leaders had aligned them- References
selves with Hindu leaders, compromising their
Islamic identities in the process, in his view. 1. Hasan A (n.d.) Ashraf al-Savāniḥ. Idāra-yi Ta’lifāt-i
Thānawī especially condemned Muslims’ collab- Ashrafiyya, Multan
2. Khan F (2009) Maulana Thanawi’s Fatwa on the limits
oration with Gandhi, whom he dismissed as an of parental rights over children. In: Metcalf BD (ed)
“idol.” He was not merely concerned about Islam in South Asia in practice. Princeton University
a dilution of Muslim identity in a majority Hindu Press, Princeton/Oxford
84 Atash kadeh

3. Metcalf B (1982) Islamic Revival in British India:

Deoband, 1860–1900. Princeton University Press, Avesta
Princeton
4. Naeem F (2009) Sufism and revivalism in South Asia:
Mawlana Ashraf `Ali Thanvi of Deoband and ▶ Zoroastrian, Scriptures
Mawlana Ahmad Raza Khan of Bareilly and their
Paradigms of Islamic revivalism. Muslim World
99(3): 435–451
5. Tareen S (2009) Normativity, Heresy and the politics
of authenticity in South Asian Islam. Muslim World Awliyā’
99(3): 521–552
6. Thānawī AA (2001) Bihishtī Zewar. Al-Qadir Printing Søren Christian Lassen
Press, Karachi
7. Thānawī AA (2006) Ḥaqīqat al-ṭarīqa min al-sunna al- Department of History of Religions, University of
aniqa, ma‘na Masā’il-i Taṣawwuf Aḥadis ki Roshnī Copenhagen, Copenhagen, Denmark
Men. Ittihad Book Depot, Deoband
8. Thānawī AA (2005) Ḥayāt al-Muslimīn. Idara al-
Ma‘arif, Karachi
9. Thānawī AA (2007) Imdād al-Fatāwa. Maktabah Dār Synonyms
al-‘Ulūm, Karachi
10. Thānawī AA (2005) Iṣlāḥī Nisāb. ‘Ilmī Graphics, Islamic saints, Awliyā’ is the plural form of walī .
Karachi Both forms are in use in South Asia, awliyā’ being
11. Thānawī AA (n.d.) Iṣlāḥī Rusūm. Jasim Book Depot,
Delhi slightly more common.
12. Thānawī AA (2005) Kalīd-i Masnavī. Idara-yi
Ta’lifāt-i Ashrafiyya, Multan
13. Thānawī AA (2003) Malfuzāt-i Ḥakīm al-ummat. Definition
Idāra-yi Ta’lifāt-i Ashrafiyya, Multan
14. Thānawī AA (1990) Perfecting women: Maulana
Ashraf ‘Ali Thanawi's Bihishti Zewar: a partial trans- The concept of awliyā’ as it developed in Islamic
lation with commentary (trans: Metcalf BD). Univer- culture implies that certain individuals – mostly
sity of California Press, Berkeley males – on account of their piety, learning, mysti-
15. Thānawī AA (n.d.) Sharī‘at va Ṭariqāt. Maktubāt al-
Ḥaq, Mumbai cal practice, etc., are considered to be closer to
16. Thānawī AA (1972) Al-Takashshuf ‘an muhimmāt al- God than otherwise possible for human beings
taṣawwuf. Maktabah-yi Tajallī, Deoband ([7]: 210–216). In this capacity, they are seen as
17. Thānawī AA (1978) Tafsīr Bayān al-Qur’ān. being able to intercede with God for other people.
Maktabah-yi al-Ḥasan, Lahore
18. Thānawī AA (2004) Tuḥfat al-‘ulamā’. Idara-yi Awliyā’ are mainly honored and venerated after
Ta’lifāt-i Ashrafiyya, Multan their death, and the cult is centered around the
19. Zaman MQ (2008) Ashraf ‘Ali Thanawi: Islam in graves.
modern South Asia. Oneworld, Oxford
20. Zaman MQ (2002) The ʿUlama in contemporary
Islam: custodians of change. Princeton University
Press, Princeton Terminology
21. Zaman MQ (2007) Tradition and authority in the
Deobandi Madrasas of South Asia. In: Hefner RW, The word walī –awliyā’ is derived from the Arabic
Zaman MQ (eds) Schooling Islam: the culture and
politics of modern Muslim education. Princeton Uni- root WLY, which has the general meaning of
versity Press, Princeton/Oxford “being near,” which indirectly includes “being
friend” and “being protected” ([7]: 210–241).
From the same root is also derived maulā,
a title for a (traditional) Muslim scholar, also
Atash kadeh known as “mulla.” The English translation
“saint” is well established, especially among
▶ Zoroastrianism, Temples non-Muslims, whereas many Muslims want to
Awliyā’ 85

avoid this term due to its Christian connotations. early years of Muslim conquest. The oldest one
In this article, the term “saint” will be utilized still venerated is probably the celebrated author of
synonymously with awliyā’. Sufi literature Hujwīrī (d. 1072), whose shrine, A
known as Dātā Ganj Bakhsh, lies in Lahore, Paki-
stan. Shrines from later times almost invariably
History and Development are centerd around tombs of deceased Sufis and
members of Sufi orders. By far the most important
The veneration and cult of saints, awliyā’, is not one, in terms of number of visitors, is the shrine of
directly mentioned in the Qur’ān. One verse, Mu‘īn ud-Dīn Chishtī in Ajmer, Rajasthan (d.
10.62, is usually interpreted by Sufis and other 1236) [2]; ([5]: 71 ff.), which attracts visitors
proponents to be about saints: “Surely God’s from the whole subcontinent. Among other
friends (awliyā’ Allāh) – no fear shall be on famous shrines can be mentioned Farīd ud-Dīn
them, neither shall they sorrow.” In the hadī th Ganj-i Shakar, known as Bābā Farīd (d. 1265), in
(traditions from the Prophet Muhammad), one Pakpattan, Pakistani Punjab. Further, his disciple
can find a number of traditions about Nizām ud-Dīn, actually known as Nizām ud-Dīn
awliyā’ – “friends of God,” specially eminent Awliyā’ (d. 1325), was a saint who was very
individuals – but only by way of interpretation prominent in his lifetime, as he resided in the
can these traditions be read as concerning “saints” capital, Delhi, and wielded a considerable influ-
in the later sense. It seems, however, that the cult of ence upon the rulers ([3]: 65); [9]). The most
holy men and their graves developed in the Middle prominent shrine in the Southern part of the sub-
East in early Islamic history. The orientalist Ignaz continent belongs to Sayyid Muhammad Gesu
Goldziher (1850–1921) was among the first Euro- Darāz, known as Khāja Bandanawāz, in
pean scholars to pay serious attention to the cult of Gulbarga, Karnataka ([11]: 210). The Sufis men-
Islamic saints. In his Muhammedanische Studien tioned above all belonged to the Chishti order, for
(1890) translated much later as Muslim Studies [6], several centuries the dominant Sufi order in South
he traces the cult of awliyā’ to the early Islamic Asia, but all branches of Sufism supplied persons
centuries and holds that it was an addition to the who became venerated as saints.
original form of Islam. Muslim authors have From about the fifteenth century, the typical
treated the subject of awliyā’ since the ninth cen- succession to Sufi masters changed from succes-
tury, however, for several centuries in a more ide- sion by merit to succession by descent, where the
alistic meaning and not related to specific son usually succeeds his father at the latter’s
individuals. After the rise of Sufi orders, tarīqāt, death. This also implies that the successors
from the eleventh century onward, Islamic saints became custodians of the shrines of their ances-
are chiefly recruited from the ranks of Sufi masters tors. This situation prevails in South Asia today,
and other members of Sufi orders [1]. The cult of where the subcontinent is dotted with thousands
awliyā’ and their shrines is today found in most of shrines of deceased saints of varying size and
areas of Islamic culture all over the world. The importance. The living inheritors are usually not
canonization of Islamic saints is informal; they seen as awliyā’ themselves; they bear the tradi-
are not authorized by any hierarchy but rather by tional title sajjāda-nashī n, “the one who sits on
consensus among the believers. the prayer carpet,” and their main function is to
guard and maintain the tomb of the deceased saint
and the traditions that are passed down from his
Awliyā’ in South Asia time. These sites take the shape of complexes of
varying sizes, from simple, solitary tombs
The veneration of awliyā’ is widespread and encircled by a wall to big institutions with hun-
flourishing in South Asia, where it dates to the dreds of tombs of relatives and disciples as well as
86 Awliyā’

a number of full-time employees. The general death and termed ‘urs, which in Arabic
term used for all these institutions is dargāh, means “wedding” (a metaphor for the saint’s
a word of Persian origin, which designates reunion with God). They are large, colorful
a tomb of an Islamic saint and the surrounding festivities lasting several days and in certain
courtyard. The dargāhs to some extent cross the respects similar to Hindu temple festivals.
religious boundaries as they usually are very pop- They will usually include processions, perfor-
ular with Hindu visitors as well ([4]: 305). mances of religious singing (qawwālī ), and
various rituals by the tomb ([12]: 34). The
annual ‘urs of the big shrines attract hundreds
The Cult of Awliyā’ of thousands of visitors, and they are among
the most popular celebrations for Muslims.
Religious practice in the shrines of the awliyā’
forms a parallel to the common Islamic
tradition – in addition to the ritual prayers that
Criticism
usually are performed at mosques adjacent to the
shrines, a range of devotional practices are carried
The cult of saints has not been seriously threat-
out in connection with the tombs. One must dis-
ened by the political powers in South Asia, neither
tinguish between practices by visitors and rituals
the British nor the modern state powers. The
performed by the sajjāda-nashīn and other spe-
opponents of the cult of awliyā’ or saints are rather
cialists ([12]: 60–75).
groups of other Muslims who contend that the
practice of visiting shrines is not allowed in
(a) Practices by visitors. Muslims coming to
Islam and who point out that the veneration of
shrines of awliyā’ understand their visit as
awliyā’ is not mentioned in the Qur’ān. The influ-
a ziyārat, “visitation” of a holy place with
ential theological school of Deoband is opposed
a view to receive the blessings, karāmāt, that
to the practice of visiting graves and seeking help
are believed to emanate from the tomb of the
through the saints, and this view is supported by
saint, and very often to ask for his help in
a section of the Muslim population ([8]: 251). The
various matters. Visitors will approach the
Muslim lay movement Tablī ghī Jamāat has since
tomb, touch it, say some prayers, and offer
the 1930s been actively propagating against the
flowers on top of the tomb. Where tombs are
practices, nowadays in both India and Pakistan
located inside shrine buildings, women are
([10]: 92–93). The critics maintain that Muslims
often not allowed entry. Hindu visitors will
should visit graves only to pray for the deceased
similarly visit the tomb and pray according
and to be reminded of their own final destiny
to their custom. The term “saint worship,”
(Gaborieau in: [12]: 224). However, in spite of
which is occasionally found in the literature,
the strident and persistent criticism, the number of
is misleading as the visits and prayers cannot
visitors to the shrines of awliyā’ in South Asia
be said to include worship of the saint; “ven-
remains steady and seems to be increasing.
eration” is to be preferred ([5]: 41).
(b) Rituals by specialists. The sajjāda-nashī n,
assisted by family members and associates,
performs various rituals directly focused on Cross-References
the tombs. These can be changing of carpets
that cover the tomb, washing it, and anointing ▶ Bābā Shaykh Farīd al-Dīn Ganj-i Shakar
it with sandal paste, among other things. The ▶ Chishtī Order
ritual calendar of a dargāh can cover ▶ Dātā Ganj Bakhsh (Hojvīrī)
a number of festivities, but the main occasion ▶ Deoband School
is invariably the annual saint’s day. This is ▶ Festival
celebrated on the anniversary of the saint’s ▶ Gēsūdarāz, Sayyid
Ayodhya Dispute 87

▶ Khwāja Muʿīn al-Dīn Chishtī

▶ Nizām-ud-Dīn Awliyā Ay-Bak
▶ Qawwali A
▶ Sūfism ▶ Aibak (Aybeg), Quṭb al-Dīn
▶ Tarīqah

References Aybeg

1. Arberry AJ (trans) (1966) Muslim saints and mystics. ▶ Aibak (Aybeg), Quṭb al-Dīn
Episodes from the Tadhkirat al-Auliya’ (“Memorial of
the Saints”) by Farid al-Din Attar. Routledge/Kegan
Paul, London
2. Currie PM (1989) The shrine and cult of Mu‘īn al-Dīn
Chishtī of Ajmer. Oxford University Press, Delhi Ayodhya Conflict
3. Ernst CW (1992) Eternal garden. Mysticism, history,
and politics at a South Asian Sufi Center. State Uni-
versity of New York Press, Albany
▶ Ayodhya Dispute
4. Gaborieau M (1983) The cult of saints among the
Muslims of Nepal and Northern India. In: Wilson
S (ed) Saints and their cults. Studies in religious soci-
ology, folklore and history. Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge
Ayodhya Dispute
5. Garcin de Tassy (1995) Muslim festivals in India and
other essays (trans and ed: Waseem M) (orig. Clinton Bennett
Mémoires sur les particularités de la religion Department of Philosophy, State University of
musalmane dans l’Inde d’après les ouvrages hindu-
stanis. Paris 1869). Oxford University Press, Delhi
New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA
6. Goldziher I (1973) Muslim studies (trans: Barber CR).
Aldine, Chicago
7. al-Hujwiri ‘Ali b. ‘Uthman al-Jullabi (1970) The Synonyms
Kashf al-Mahjub. The oldest Persian treatise on
Sufiism (trans: Nicholson RA, orig. 1911). Luzac,
London Ayodhya conflict
8. Liebeskind C (1998) Piety on its knees. Three Sufi
traditions in South Asia in modern times. Oxford Uni-
versity Press, Delhi
9. Nizam ad-Din Awliya (1992) Morals for the heart.
Definition
Conversations of Shaykh Nizam ad-din Awliya,
recorded by Amir Hasan Sijzi (translated and anno- A legal, political, and communitarian dispute over
tated: Lawrence BB). Paulist Press, Mahwah ownership of a religious site in Ayodhya, Uttar
10. Sanyal U (1996) Devotional Islam & politics in British
India. Ahmad Riza Khan Barelwi and his movement,
Pradesh, marking the traditional birthplace
1870–1920. Oxford University Press, Delhi (Janmabhoomi) of the Hindu deity Ram where
11. Sharif J (1972) Islam in India, or the Qanun-i-islam a mosque, reputedly built in 1528, allegedly by
(trans: Herklots GA, ed: Crooke W, orig. Oxford demolishing a Hindu temple, was itself destroyed
1921). Curzon Press, London
12. Troll CW (ed) (2004) Muslim shrines in India. Their
by nationalist Hindus in 1992.
character, history and significance, 2nd edn. Oxford
University Press, Delhi
Ramifications of the Dispute

Dispute involving Muslims and Hindus over con-

Aybak trol and ownership of a site in Ayodhya became
world news in December 1992, when the Babri
▶ Aibak (Aybeg), Quṭb al-Dīn Masjid was demolished in riots following
88 Ayodhya Dispute

a political rally convened by several Hindu orga- Religious conflict in Ayodhya before this appears
nizations. Considered of architectural signifi- to have involved Shaivite-Vaishnavite rivalry,
cance, the building was allegedly built on with each forming militant orders. In 1859, the
a sacred Hindu site. Violent incidents across the British subdivided the compound into Muslim
subcontinent followed, in which up to 5,000 died. and Hindu sections, allowing the latter to worship
About 50,000 Hindus became homeless in Ban- Ram in the outer court, where a platform had been
gladesh, where, despite normally peaceful Hindu- constructed. In 1885, Nirmohi Akhara, the Hindu
Muslim relations, temples were destroyed. In ascetic order that ran the Hanuman temple, filed
Pakistan, reports describe the demolishing of a suit for ownership of the site. After indepen-
245 temples in retaliatory riots [1]. The roots of dence (1949), when images of Ram appeared
this dispute, which remains unresolved, lie in inside the mosque itself, the Indian government
a number of interlinking historical and political shut the complex down as contested space. A year
currents, including communitarian politics during later a magistrate issued an injunction prohibiting
the colonial period, British policy, the “Two- the removal of images, routinely called “idols” in
Nation Theory,” and post-independence develop- much of the literature. The gates remained closed
ments in Hindu-Muslim relations. Ramifications until 1986, when a court order reopened the
go far beyond the dispute itself, raising issues mosque for Hindu worship, ruling that this must
about India’s secular identity and the security not be obstructed. Two years earlier, led by
and status of religious minorities. The dispute, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, a committee had been
which also impacts Bangladesh and Pakistan, formed to build a temple on the site, which
has been described as “synonymous with meant, by implication, demolishing the mosque.
a troubled India” [2]. Debate revolves around Soon, the campaign was headed by the then leader
whether a temple was destroyed to make way for of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Lal Krishna
the mosque or whether the dispute is symptomatic Advani (later a senior BJP minister, 1998–2004).
of Muslim-Hindu inability to live peacefully In response, Muslims set up a Mosque Action
together or a manufactured conflict engineered Committee. In 1992, against the immediate back-
by the British, revived by Hindu nationalists to drop of the BJP’s victory in the state election,
promote their agenda. a rally held near the mosque turned into an attack
Accusations by Hindu nationalists that Mus- that tore the 400-year-old building down. Since
lims destroyed thousands of temples before build- then, the dispute has moved into the court system
ing mosques and other Islamic buildings, to adjudicate use and control of the site. Currently,
including the Taj Mahal [3], on their foundations the land is in central government custody under
potentially make all these sites points of conflict. the Acquisition of Certain Area at Ayodhya Act,
The first known clash linked with the site occurred 1993, which forbids any religious activity on the
in 1853, when Muslims attacked the nearby site.
Hanuman temple, claiming it had replaced an
earlier mosque, and were repelled with the loss
of 70 lives [4]. The fortified temple had been built Ram’s Birthplace: Historical Roots of
on land donated by a Muslim ruler, Safdar Jang a Disputed Site
(1739–1754) of Awadh (Oudh), and was already
the site of a celibate community [5]. Before leav- In Hindu tradition, Ayodhya is the birthplace of
ing the earthly realm, Ram reputedly appointed Ram (or Rama), seventh avatar or physical man-
his faithful servant monkey-king Hanuman his ifestation of the God, Vishnu, whose task is to
successor. Next, Hindus attacked the mosque, defend righteousness. Tradition dates Ram’s
claiming it was Ram’s birthplace [6]. Before birth as 5114 B.C.E. He later became a king of
this, there is evidence that Hindus and Muslims the Solar Dynasty, which traces its beginning to
peacefully shared the site; both visited a sacred Manu, the mythic first man [8]. His story is nar-
well in the mosque’s central courtyard [7]. rated in the Ramayana, a Puranic text attributed to
Ayodhya Dispute 89

Valmiki, a rishi or sage. Probably mythic, Valmiki archeologists criticize the report as “vague and
is also a character in the epic, which probably unclear” [14]. In addition, some believe that
began as an oral story around about 750 B.C.E.; ancient Buddhist monuments were destroyed to A
it may have been edited and revised between 200 make way for Hindu buildings. Muslim tradition,
B.C.E. and 200 C.E. [9]. As Ram’s city, Ayodhya too, gives Ayodhya special status as Noah’s alleged
became a pilgrim venue, although there is burial place. Muslims also identify Hanuman as
conflicting evidence about when this began. a Sufi saint, Hathile the Obstinate [15].
Some sources cite ancient texts naming Ayodhya
as one of seven ancient pilgrim destinations;
others regard these classical references as later The Mosque and the Destruction of
interpolations, claiming that it was in the late Temples
medieval or early modern period that Ayodhya
became a popular pilgrim center. There is also Based on an inscription in the mosque, it is gen-
evidence that large numbers of Shaivites traveled erally believed to have been built by Mir Baqi,
there; they regard Hanuman as a manifestation of apparently an officer in Babar’s army, on the
Shiva. Sources say that the first-century ruler, emperor’s orders. There is no reference to
Vikramaditya (who may be a mythic figure), demolishing a temple. These pages are missing
found the city deserted and commissioned as from Babar’s diary, however, and most commen-
many as 300 temples on sites associated with tators agree that there is no contemporary account
Ram [10]. Some claim that it was as late as the of this incident [16]. A temple may have been
eighteenth century that large-scale settlement of destroyed much earlier, perhaps by Qutb-ud-din
Ram devotees began there [11]. According to Aibak, with a mosque being built on the site
Ludden, several sites in Ayodhya were venerated utilizing some temple material. Thus, Mir Baqi
as Ram’s birthplace [12]. On the other hand, it is may have restored a derelict mosque, rather than
highly likely that some sort of religious structure building a new one [17]. Eaton and others argue
existed from a relatively early period; this may that while Muslim invaders and rulers did destroy
have been a full temple complex or a more modest temples, this was comparatively rare. Hindu rulers
platform similar to that used by Hindus in the also destroyed rivals’ temples, which symbolized
outer court of the mosque in the eighteenth and royal power [18]. They also sometimes built tem-
nineteenth centuries. However, if there was ples on Jain and Buddhist sites, utilizing earlier
a temple, it may not have survived into the six- material. The earliest Muslim invaders, too, did so
teenth century. During the anti-British revolt of for financial gain, thus destroying temples had no
1857, the chief priest (mahant) of the Hanuman real religious significance. Once Muslim dynas-
temple placed a platform in the mosque com- ties were in power, they protected temples as state
pound, announcing that it marked Ram’s property and only destroyed them if a patron acted
birthplace. seditiously, or when new territory was conquered.
There is no conclusive proof that present-day Eaton finds evidence for as few as 80 such epi-
Ayodhya and mythic or ancient Ayodhya are the sodes between 1192 and I729, not 6,000 as some
same place [13]. However, this is irrelevant for claim [19].
Hindus who believe that Ram was born on the
mosque site; for them, this is a matter of faith,
regardless of when this belief began, although The Role of the British
they enthusiastically endorse findings that support
their conviction. For example, the 2003 Allegations that the mosque was constructed after
Archeological Survey report cited evidence of destroying a temple marking Ram’s birthplace
a tenth-century building beneath the mosque. It seem to date from the early nineteenth century,
pointed to support pillars in the foundations with when several British officials alluded to this
Hindu motifs and images as proof. Other as local lore [20]. Sir Henry Miers Elliot
90 Ayodhya Dispute

(1803–1853) did much to give currency to the mass point-of-sword conversion and temple
charge that Muslim invaders and rulers in India demolition is apocryphal, projecting back later
routinely destroyed temples, using material from ideals about how good Muslims, including Sufi
these to build mosques [21]. By the mid- to late saints, should behave.
nineteenth century, these stories were accepted as
historical fact. For example, in 1877 William C.
Bennett described how three temples in Ayodhya, The Role of Hindu Nationalism
including one at Ram’s birthplace, were destroyed
so that mosques could be built. He also Represented by various organizations, Hindu
commented that few devotees visited the temples nationalists regard India as Hindu. Non-Hindus
[22]. Some Farsi chronicles were also cited in should embrace Hinduism or accept limitations
which Muslim heroes destroyed idols. Elliot on their freedoms. Hindu nationalists criticize
blamed Muslims for mutilating “idols,” razing the Congress for being too friendly toward reli-
temples, and forcibly converting and gious minorities and want to change India’s secu-
marrying Hindus and confiscating their property lar status. In the 1989 election, which the
[23]. His agenda was to depict 500 years of Mus- Congress lost, Hindu nationalists increased their
lim rule as negatively as he could, to highlight vote-share, although they remained in opposition.
what he saw a British benevolence. He tried to However, anticipating victory next time, they
delegitimize Muslim rule. This was part of were anxious to find a cause that could rally
a broader tendency in colonial policy that favored more support. The Ayodhya dispute, dormant as
Hindus over Muslims, from whom the British had a conflict since 1949, was a ready-made catalyst
initially gained power. Increasingly, they dealt for fomenting anti-Muslim sentiment that could
with Hindus and Muslims as distinct, separate play into their wider agenda. This involved find-
communities implacably at odds with each other. ing ways to elevate Ayodhya’s sanctity to an even
Increasingly, Muslims were distrusted, especially higher level, making it as central to Hinduism as
after the 1857 revolt, which they saw as Muslim Jerusalem is to others and projecting Ram as the
led. very metonymy of Hindu identity [25]. Diwali
(Hindu festival) in 1990 provided an opportunity;
flames were lit on the Ayodhya site and at two
Two-Nation Theory other disputed sites and distributed as Diwali
lamps throughout India [26]. 1992 saw a pre-
Over time, this notion of separate and implacable orchestrated political rally, 150,000 strong, end-
communities gave traction to the development of ing with the mosque’s demolition.
the Two-Nation Theory by leading Muslims, such
as Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, which, while not intrin-
sically hostile toward Hindus, said that the two Legal and Current Status
communities needed to develop separately, or one
would dominate the other. Such views fed the On September 30, 2010, the Allahabad High
British claim that without their guidance and pres- Court, having considered litigation related to the
ence, India would become a communitarian dispute, ruled for a three-way division of the site to
bloodbath. Eaton’s work also shows that point- build a mosque, a temple, and a Nirmohi Akhara
of-sword conversion during Muslim conquest was monastery, which provoked surprise because none
rare; it took centuries for large numbers to of the parties had requested this split. One justice,
embrace Islam, which people did for a variety of a Muslim, dissented from the opinion that the 2003
reasons. In fact, areas furthest from centers of Archeological Survey report conclusively proved
Muslim power ended up with the largest Muslim the case that a temple had been destroyed. Another
populations [24]. Muslim literature depicting dissented from the decision to subdivide the plot,
Azad Bilgrami 91

arguing that Hindus had the prior claim. He 13. Rajagopal A (2001) Politics after television: religious
referred to Ram as both a “juristic person” and nationalism and the reshaping of the Indian public;
[Hindu nationalism and the reshaping of the public in
a “deity” [27]. This decision was stayed by India’s India]. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge A
Supreme Court on May 9, 2011, which restored the 14. Chaudhary PK (2011) Communal crimes and national
1994 ban on any religious activity at the site. The integration: a socio-legal study. Readworthy Publica-
parties involved continue to litigate their causes, tions, New Delhi
15. Smith D (2003) Hinduism and modernity. Blackwell,
with some attempting to negotiate a compromise Malden
that would see Muslims and Hindus sharing the 16. Elst K (1995) The Ayodhya debate. In: Pollet G (eD)
site, as they did before the dispute began. Bigelow Indian epic values: Rāmāyaṇa and its impact; proceed-
points out that there are more shared holy sites in ings of the 8th international Rāmāyaṇa conference,
Leuven, 6–8 July 1991. Peeters, Leuven, pp 21–42
India than disputed ones, which challenges the 17. Giri S (2009) Akbar. Trafford Publishing,
contention that religious conflict between Hindus Bloomington
and Muslims is inevitable [28]. 18. Eaton R (2000) Temple desecration in pre-modern
India. Frontline 22(2000):62–70
19. Shourie A (1990) Hindu temples: what happened to
them. Voice of India, New Delhi
Cross-References 20. Srivastava S (1992) How the British saw the issue. In:
Gopal S (ed) Anatomy of a confrontation: Ayodhya
▶ Syed Aḥmad and the rise of communal politics in India. Zed Books,
London, pp 38–57
▶ Two-Nation Theory 21. Elliot HM (1997) The history of India: as told by its
own historians; the Muhammadan period, 8 vols. Insti-
tute for the History of Arabic-Islamic Science at the
References Johann Wolfgang Goethe University, Frankfurt am
Main. Reprint of 1873 edition
22. Benett WC (1877) Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh.
1. Gilly TA, Gilinskiy Y, Sergevnin VA (2009) The ethics Oudh Govt. Press, Lucknow, Allahabad; North-
of terrorism innovative approaches from an interna- western Provinces and Oudh Govt. Press
tional perspective (17 lectures). Charles C Thomas 23. Elliot HM (1997) The history of India: as told by its
Publisher, Springfield own historians; the Muhammadan period. Preface to
2. Dubey DP (1996) Rays and ways of Indian culture. M. Volume One. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
D. Publications, New Delhi 24. Eaton RM (1993) The rise of Islam and the Bengal
3. Oak PN (1974) The Taj Mahal is a temple palace. frontier, 1204–1760. University of California Press,
Hindi Sahitya Sadan, New Delhi Berkeley
4. Platvoet J, van der Toorn K (1995) Pluralism and 25. Bakker HT (1991) Ayodhya, a Hindu Jerusalem: an
identity: studies in ritual behaviour. Brill, Leiden investigation of ‘holy war’ as a religious idea in the
5. Lutgendorf P (2007) Hanuman's tale: the messages of light of communal unrest in India. Numen
a divine monkey. Oxford University Press, Oxford 31(1):80–109
6. Menon N, Nigam A (2007) Power and contestation: 26. Jaffrelot C (2010) Religion, caste, and politics in India.
India since 1989. Fernwood, Halifax Primus Books, New Delhi
7. Hassner RE (2009) War on sacred grounds. Cornell 27. Osuri G (2013) Religious freedom in India: sover-
University Press, Ithaca eignty and (anti) conversion. Routledge, Abingdon
8. Bhatnagar P (2005) Dating the era of Lord Ram. Rupa, 28. Bigelow A (2010) Sharing the sacred: practicing plu-
New Delhi ralism in Muslim North India. Oxford University
9. Doniger W (2010) The Hindus: an alternative history. Press, Oxford
Oxford University Press, Oxford
10. Achaeological Survey of India (1871) Reports. Govt.
Central Press, Simla
11. Vitelli KD, Colwell-Chanthaphonh C (2006) Archae-
ological ethics. AltaMira Press, Lanham
12. Ludden D (1996) Contesting the nation: religion, com-
Azad Bilgrami
munity, and the politics of democracy in India. Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia ▶ Bilgrāmī, Āzād
B

Bābā Farīd Definition

▶ Farīd al-Dīn al-Mas‘ūd (Farīddīn al-Mas‘ūd) The Baburi Masjid was a mosque in Ayodhia,
Uttar Pradesh, built in 1527 during the reign of
Emperor Babur (1483–1530) considered to have
Baba Shah Jalal some architectural significance that was
demolished on September 6, 1992, by members
▶ Jalāl ad-Dīn Mujarrad of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and Vishva
Hindu Parishad (VHP), who alleged that it had
been built over the site of the Hindu god Ram’s
birthplace, destroying an earlier temple.
Bābā Shaykh Farīd al-Dīn
Ganj-i Shakar
Contested Space
▶ Farīd al-Dīn al-Mas‘ūd (Farīddīn al-Mas‘ūd)
The space formerly occupied by the Baburi
Masjid (more commonly Babri) has become
Babri Mosque contested. Muslims and Hindus dispute its use
and ownership, each claiming that it is their sacred
▶ Baburi Masjid or religiously proprietorial site. Various versions
of the historical origin of this dispute serve spe-
cific political or communitarian purposes.
Establishing a true account is problematic; issues
Baburi Masjid include lack of records, competing narratives and
how this specific dispute relates to competing
Clinton Bennett claims about Islam’s spread in India, and how
Department of Philosophy, State University of Hindus were treated under Muslim rule.
New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA

The Mosque’s Origin

Synonyms
Most accounts attribute the mosque’s construction
Babri Mosque; Ram Janmabhoommi to Mir Baqi, an officer in Babur’s army, on the
# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018
Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
94 Baburi Masjid

Emperor’s orders. This is based on Farsi text from different times, since the construction mate-
inscribed on two fixed stone tablets in the mosque. rial varies. Inside the mosque, “Allah” was
There is no reference to demolishing a temple. engraved in Arabic; thus Pant and others surmise
The pages that would have covered this period, that this replaced hundreds of Hindu inscriptions.
though, are missing from Babur’s diary, and most He alleges that “countless” Hindu images were
commentators agree that there is no contemporary destroyed [2]. The mosque cannot be described as
account of this incident. During riots in 1924, at of outstanding architectural significance when
least one inscription was damaged and later built; however, by the time it was demolished, it
repaired, raising questions about authenticity and had acquired greater historical importance due to
when it was written. Next to nothing, too, is known being by then over 450 years old. It was also one
about Mir Baqi. Presumably, Mir Baqi would have of the largest mosques in Uttar Pradesh. However,
either built the mosque on vacant land or on land compared with later Mughal building, it was
where an existing structure stood. This may have somewhat clumsy, less ornate, with a much darker
been abandoned or purposefully destroyed. interior. The mosque did have excellent acoustics.
A government archeological survey of the site car-
ried out in 2003 found support pillars in the foun-
dations with Hindu motifs and images, which it said A Disputed Site
proved that a Hindu temple had been destroyed to
make way for the mosque or that a temple had Records do not identify dispute between Hindus
existed there previously. It claimed that the temple and Muslims about ownership or use of the site
dated from the tenth century [1]. Some date the until the nineteenth century. This may have been
alleged temple from the twelfth century. If it existed, because under Muslim rule, Hindus were unable
it may have been destroyed before the mosque was to complain; after the British annexed Awadh
built. Those who demolished the mosque subscribe (Oudh) in 1856, they could. However, according
to the view that thousands of other temples were to several sources, by then, there was already
destroyed by Muslims, part of their all-out assault a platform (chabootra) set up in the outer court-
on Hindu culture. yard where Hindu worship was offered, and the
site was amicably shared by Hindus and Muslims
with equal access to the famous well [3]. Then
The Mosque’s Style about 1859, the British subdivided the compound,
erecting a barrier to divide Hindus off from Mus-
The mosque was in the style associated with lims, whose access was restricted. Subsequently,
Jaunpur, of which Charminar (built 1591) in the Nirmohi Akhara order of ascetics registered
Hyderabad is typical. This square style has large a legal claim on the whole site on the basis that it
arcades, arches, and minarets. The walls consisted was Ram’s Janmabhoommi (birthplace). Others
of course-grained whitish sandstone rectangular dispute that the site had been venerated as Ram’s
blocks while the three domes were made from birthplace before this. Some claim that it was as
thin, sun-dried bricks. There was one main central late as the eighteenth century that large-scale set-
dome, with two secondary on either side. The tlement of Ram devotees began in Ayodhya [4].
external surfaces were plastered with a thick According to Ludden, several sites in Ayodhya
paste or chunam, a mixture of lime and sand. were venerated as Ram’s birthplace [5]; thus sin-
Domes (later onion shaped) and use of chunam gling out one venue is problematic.
were widespread in Mughal architecture. Two The association of present-day Ayodhya with
high walls enclosed a central courtyard, where ancient or mythic Ayodhya, too, has been chal-
there was a very deep well “known for its cold lenged [6]. Others question the claim that Mus-
and sweet water” considered medicinal by some. lims in India routinely demolished existing places
There were six large grill windows. It has been of worship when building mosques, arguing that
speculated that the walls and domes may have this did happen but much less often than those
Baburi Masjid 95

who support this claim allege. Doniger, with for the Mosque, the Nirmohi Akhara pressing
others, thinks it likely that the mosque was reno- their earlier claim, and the Vishva Hindu Parishad
vated rather than built in 1527 and that by erecting temple committee that had spearheaded the
the barrier the British deliberately provoked Mosque’s demolition. In 2010, Allahabad High
a conflict that had not previously existed. She Court ordered a three-way division of the site B
concludes that Babur did not characteristically between these parties. However, in 2011, the
condone destroying temples. In fact, arguing that Supreme Court stayed this decision. From 1993,
Ram temples did not then exist in Ayodhya, she the land has been vested in the central government
suggests that Babur himself may have “sponsored and closed to all claimants.
the first Ram temples” there [7]. Giri and others
think that a mosque may have been originally
built by Qutb-ud-din Aibak, who did raid temples Cross-References
for their treasures during his conquests [8]. Eaton
argues that once Muslim dynasties were in power, ▶ Ayodhya Dispute
they protected temples as state property and only ▶ Fatehpur Sikri
destroyed them if a patron acted seditiously or
when new territory was conquered [9]. Eaton
finds evidence for as few as 80 such episodes References
between 1192 and 1729, not 6,000 as some
claim [10], and no specific evidence that 1. Chaudhary PK (2011) Communal crimes and national
a temple was destroyed on the Babri site. integration: a socio-legal study. Readworthy Publica-
tions, New Delhi
How then did the claim that Muslims 2. Pant A (2012) The truth of Babri mosque. iUniverse,
demolished thousands of temples, including one Bloomington
in Ayodhya marking Ram’s birthplace, arise? 3. Hassner RE (2009) War on sacred grounds. Cornell
Since the Babri site does not appear to have University Press, Ithaca
4. Vitelli KD, Colwell-Chanthaphonh C (2006) Archae-
become contested space until the nineteenth cen- ological ethics. AltaMira Press, Lanham
tury, there is merit to the view that the British 5. Ludden D (1996) Contesting the nation: religion,
fomented this claim as part of their policy of community, and the politics of democracy in India.
encouraging intercommunal conflict. Thus, they University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia
6. Lal VL (2002) History and politics. In: Oldenburg P,
could legitimize their rule as morally necessary to Bouton M (eds) India briefing: a transformative fifty
prevent bloodshed and India’s self-destruction. years. Aakar Publications, Delhi, pp 197–240
British historian Sir Henry Miers Elliot 7. Doniger W (2010) The Hindus: an alternative history.
(1803–1853) certainly did much to popularize Oxford University Press, Oxford
8. Giri S (2009) Akbar. Trafford Publishing,
the charge that Muslims were mass destroyers of Bloomington
temples [11]. Other contested sites include struc- 9. Eaton R (2000) “Temple Desecration in Pre-modern
tures of more significance, including the Great India”. Frontline, 22 December 2000, pp 62–70
Mosque at Fatehpur Sikri [12] and the Taj Mahal 10. Shourie A (1990) Hindu temples: what happened to
them. Voice of India, New Delhi
[13]. By the nineteenth century, some Hindus and 11. Elliot HM (1997) The history of India: as told by its
many British simply took temple destruction as own historians; the Muhammadan period, 8 vols. Insti-
fact [14]. Eliot set out to delegitimize Muslim rule, tute for the History of Arabic-Islamic Science at the
depicting it as intolerant and anti-Hindu, in con- Johann Wolfgang Goethe University, Frankfurt am
Main. Reprint of 1873 edition
trast to British tolerance and benevolence. 12. Bhatia H (1969) Fatehpur Sikri is a Hindu city. Surya
Prakashan, Delhi
13. Oak PN (1974) The Taj Mahal is a temple palace.
Current Status of Dispute Hindi Sahitya Sadan, New Delhi
14. Srivastava S (1992) How the British saw the issue. In:
Gopal S (ed) Anatomy of a confrontation: Ayodhya
Following the Mosque’s destruction, three parties and the rise of communal politics in India. Zed Books,
submitted legal briefs, a Muslim Waqf committee London, pp 38–57
96 Badā’ūnī, ‘Abd al-Qādir (1540–1615)

represent a conservative Sunni perspective, espe-

Badā’ūnī, ‘Abd al-Qādir cially given his writings about the coming end of
(1540–1615) the first Islamic millennium [4–6]. Through his
writings, he deftly fused his expertise in the reli-
Vivek Gupta gious sciences, mysticism, astronomy, and astrol-
Department of Middle Eastern, South Asian, and ogy. In 1578, Badā’ūnī presented Akbar with his
African Studies, Columbia University, first translation of religious exegeses, since an
New York, NY, USA earlier commissioned translation had not been
completed. He wrote works such as the
Muntakhab al-Tawarīkh (1588), Najāt al-Rashī d
Synonyms (999 A.H., 1590 C.E.), and a translation of Yāqūt
al-Ḥamawī’s Arabic work, Mu’jam al-buldān. He
‘Abd al-Qadir Bada’uni; Abdul Qadir Badauni; was Akbar’s most prolific translator and was
Badaoni; Badayuni responsible for the translation of the Mahabharata
and Ramayana from Sanskrit into Persian [9]. It is
known that he was commissioned to produce at
Definition least these five separate Sanskrit texts into Per-
sian. Scholars have established several clear argu-
‘Abd al-Qādir Badā’ūnī was a leading scholar, ments regarding the status of his translations from
historian, translator, and courtier of Akbar’s Sanskrit to Persian and the role of Islam in his
court of Mughal India. work, but the role of Arabic for his Persian works
still awaits close analysis [4, 9]. His lesser studied
works include Kitāb al-aḥādī th and Tarī kh-i Alfī .
Life and Education

Badā’ūnī was born on August 21, 1540, and spent Notable Works
much of his youth living in Basavar and traveling
to Sanbhal and Agra for his education [3]. At Agra, Badā’ūnī’s chef-d’oeuvre Muntakhab al-Tawarī kh
he studied with Shaykh Mubarak of Nagaur, father (also known as Tarikh-i Bada’uni) contains
of the poet laureate Fayẓī and esteemed vizier a history of Muslims in India during Mughal rule
Abu’l Fazl. In 1561, he moved to the town from preceding Akbar [9]. It begins with the Ghaznavids,
which he derives his name, Badā’ūn, where he Ghurids, and then provides a year-by-year account
spent seven years before becoming a justice officer of Mughal rule. It also provides Persian biographies
for Husayn Khān, a land-grant holder of Patiala. He (taẓkira) of several learned men and teachers of
soon fell out of favor with his patron, and in 1574, Badā’ūnī, as well as physicians and poets at
he was presented to Akbar by Jalāl al-Dīn Qurayshī Akbar’s court. As was common for poets sponsored
and Ḥakīm ‘Ayn al-Mulk. Under Akbar, he was at by the Mughal emperors, several of the poets
first appointed to serve as the court imam for described by Badā’ūnī moved between imperial
Wednesday services. He took part in religious dis- and sub-imperial courts and were also associated
cussions with Akbar at Fatepur Sikri and became with the patronage of the Mughal governor ‘Abd al-
deeply entrenched in the religious, administrative, Raḥīm Khān-i Khānān. Although Muntakhab was
and political matters of the court. written under the patronage of Akbar, it is
With the rise of Akbar’s composite religion, outspokenly critical of his religious and administra-
the Dīn-i Ilāhī, Badā’ūnī was assigned to more tive policies. Distinct from the prevailing Sunni
literary tasks, as his staunch Sunni beliefs were at stance, Badā’ūnī articulates a deeply sympathetic
odds with the religious beliefs advocated by view toward the Mahdavis, a religious group based
Akbar and voiced by Abu’l Fazl [1]. Azfar Moin in Gujarat, and he does not completely dismiss their
has recently argued that Badā’ūnī’s ideas do not leader’s messianic claim [6].
Baghdadi Jews of India 97

Badā’ūnī was also responsible for composing identities in Islamicate South Asia. University Press
Najāt al-Rashī d (Salvation of the Rightly Guided), of Florida, Gainesville
2. Anooshahr A (2006) Mughal historians and the mem-
which argues directly against Akbar’s messianic ory of Islamic conquest of India. Indian Econ Soc Hist
claims [4]. Ali Anooshahr has shown how Badā’ūnī Rev 43(275)
contested the notion of divine kingship not only in 3. Blochmann F (1869) Badaoni and his works. J Asiat B
the context of Akbar’s rule, but also with regard to Soc Bengal 38:105–144
4. Moin AA (2009) Challenging the Mughal emperor:
other rulers [2]. Najāt contains a variety of spiritual the Islamic millenium according to ‘Abd al-Qadir
and non-spiritual guidelines such as sins ranging Badayuni. In: Metcalf B (ed) Islam in South Asia and
from polytheism to wine drinking. Badā’ūnī is practice. Princeton University Press, Princeton
largely concerned with the coming of the new 5. Moin AA (2010) Islam and the millenium: sacred
kingship and popular imagination in early modern
Islamic millennium and who will hold religious India and Iran. PhD, History, University of Michigan
and political authority. His use of a rich array of 6. Moin AA (2012) The millenial sovereign: sacred king-
cultural traditions to justify his rationale is particu- ship and sainthood in Islam (1400–1700). Columbia
larly noteworthy as it attests to the cultivation of his University Press, New York
7. Rizvi SAA (1975) Religious and intellectual history of
religious stance. As argued by Azfar Moin, the the Muslims in Akbar’s reign, with special reference to
work provides support for the messianic claims of Abu’l Fazl, 1556–1605.Anjuman-i Asar va Mafakhir-i
two fifteenth-century Sufis who founded the Farhangi, Tehran. New Delhi
Mahdawiyya movement and Nurbakhshiyya Sufi 8. Subhani AA a. T (ed) (2000). Muntakhab al-Tavārīkh
of ‘Abd al-Qādir Badā’ūnī. Anjuman-i Asar va
order [4]. Its rationale is based on ideas including Mafakhir-i Farhangi, Tehran
the transmigration of the soul and cyclical time, 9. Truschke A (2012) Cosmopolitan encounters: Sanskrit
which were concepts that diverged from most and Persian at the Mughal court. Middle Eastern, South
Islamic thought. Overall, Najāt clearly attests to Asian, and African Studies, Columbia University, PhD
10. Zilli IA (2004) Badayuni revisited–an analytical study
the stark differences between Bada’uni’s ideas of Najat al-Rashid. J Pak Hist Soc 52(4)
toward religion and Akbar and Abu’l Fazl’s stances.
Badā’ūnī’s corpus has come to stand as evi-
dence of religious debate during the Mughal
period. Although his opinions differed from
Akbar and his rival Abu’l Fazl, he remained Badaoni
closely attached to the court’s proceedings.
Akbar may have denounced Badā’ūnī’s transla- ▶ Badā’ūnī, ‘Abd al-Qādir (1540–1615)
tions, but he continued to sponsor his literary
activities. Muntakhab survives as a critical work
for Persian historiography of the Mughal Empire
as it offers a contemporary record of the long Badayuni
history of the emergence of an empire.
▶ Badā’ūnī, ‘Abd al-Qādir (1540–1615)

Cross-References

▶ Abu’l Fazl Baghdadi Jews of India

▶ Akbar
Jael Silliman
Kolkata, West Bengal, India
References

1. Alam M (2000) Shar’ia and governance in the Indo- Synonyms

Islamic context. In: Gilmartin D, Lawrence BB (eds)
Beyond Turk and Hindu: rethinking religious Iraqi Jews of India
98 Baghdadi Jews of India

Definition especially benefitted from colonial rule, which

opened up great commercial futures for them.
The Baghdadi Jews of India refer to those Jews The two major centers in India where the Jews
that came to India in the eighteenth and nineteenth from the Middle East settled were Bombay
centuries from several Middle Eastern countries. (Mumbai) and Calcutta (Kolkata), respectively –
This trading diaspora stretched from London to both important British trading ports. These two
Shanghai. Small groups of Baghdadi Jews lived settlements were intricately connected to Bagh-
and worked in ports across this region. Key cities dadi Jews in other ports across Asia – Karachi,
in India where they settled were Calcutta and Rangoon, Singapore, Djakarta, and Shanghai –
Bombay. upon whom they depended for religious, finan-
cial, and social support. Thus, while these com-
munities looked to Baghdad for religious
Origins inspiration and leadership, the community’s eco-
nomic vigor and muscle was flexed in placed like
The Baghdadi Jews of India came to the subcon- Bombay, Calcutta, and Shanghai.
tinent in the eighteenth century. While loosely
termed the “Baghdadi Jews,” in fact, these Jews
came from many parts of the Middle East, Social Structure and Business Ventures
including other cities in Iraq, as well as Syria.
They were called Baghdadi because they The wealthiest of all the Baghdadi Jewish traders
followed the religious liturgical traditions of in India was David Sassoon. He left Baghdad and
Baghdad. The Baghdadi Jews were preceded by arrived in Bombay in 1832 to pursue his commer-
the Bene Israel Jews of Mumbai who claim cial interests. Beginning with commercial inter-
to have come to the Konkan coast as early as ests in West Asia, he soon ventured into the China
175 B.C.E. and the Cochin Jews who, according trade in cotton goods, yarn, and, later, opium. The
to contemporary scholars, settled on the Malabar fabulous wealth from these enterprises went to
coast in 1000 C.E. Among the Jews of India, the fund the cotton mill industry of which the
Baghdadi Jews were few in number standing at Sassoons were leaders. The Sassoon family built
about 7,000 in number by the 1940s. Most lived many impressive monuments, education, health,
in Calcutta and Bombay with a few in Poona and and cultural institutions in Bombay and in Poona
Delhi. At the turn of the twenty-first century, where they would spend their summers. Till
there are only a handful of Baghdadi Jews left today, the Sassoon Hospital, to which David Sas-
in India. soon made a generous contribution toward its
One of the founders of the Baghdadi commu- endowment (1863), is the largest hospital in the
nity was Joseph Semah who arrived in Surat and Pune district. There were also wealthy families
moved to Bombay in 1730. The merchant, like the Gubbay, Ezra, and the B.N. Elias family
Shalome Cohen, settled in Calcutta in 1798. The who settled in Calcutta. In addition to trade, these
Baghdadi Jews lived and traded in small Jewish families were also heavily invested in the growing
communities across the Middle East for many of cash crops like indigo, tobacco, cotton, and jute
centuries. In the eighteenth century, British impe- and owned a great deal of real estate. The Bagh-
rial policies opened up economic opportunities in dadi Jews made large fortunes in the opium trade
India and the Far East and the Jews of the Middle in the first part of the nineteenth century. They,
East took advantage of them. By the nineteenth too, were generous donors to their city.
century, they forged Jewish communities in the While there were several rich Baghdadi fami-
area stretching from Basra to Shanghai. The Brit- lies, the community was primarily middle class
ish favored the Jews, as they did other minorities and also had many poor members who were taken
who were too small in number to pose a threat to care of by Jewish charities. The social, religious,
their supremacy. Elite members of the community and traditional connections among Jews across
Baghdadi Jews of India 99

the diaspora enabled a strong sense of community are set on a shelf that runs the perimeter of the
identity to emerge despite the great economic room. At one time in Calcutta, eight Baghdadi
disparities among them. The commitment to one synagogues held regular services and there were
another is manifest in several charitable trusts that over one hundred Torah scrolls in the city. There
were established to take care of impoverished were several Jewish presses that published trans- B
Jews from birth to burial. The Hebrew-Arabic lations of holy texts in Judeo-Arabic. Few of
newspapers feature numerous accounts of com- these Sifrei Torah (Torah books) remain in
munity members traveling for business, vaca- India. Most of them adorn Baghdadi synagogues
tions, marriages, and religious functions, despite in other parts of the world.
the fact that ocean travel in the late nineteenth
century was arduous. It was common, for exam-
ple, for a family in Calcutta to attend a Bar Mitz- Political Affiliations and Issues of
vah in Rangoon, or a bride from Shanghai to be Identity
sought for a groom in Bombay. Since the commu-
nities were so small, marriage outside the imme- The Baghdadi Jews’ relationship to India was
diate local community was often essential to avoid complicated. They never considered themselves
too much inbreeding. British nor were they so regarded by the colonial
The elite mercantile families identified with powers. They clamored unsuccessfully for Euro-
Britain while maintaining good relations with pean status which they were never granted.
their Indian social counterparts. They carried Brit- Despite their Arabic origins and traditions, by
ish passports, living “as though their futures the twentieth century, they were Anglicized –
belonged in Europe even though their past was their loose flowing clothes like the dagla (long
Middle Eastern and their present Asian” (Cernea coat), kamsan (long shirt), labsan (undershirt),
in Katz, Ed, Studies Of Indian Jewish Identity, and sadaria (outer vest) turban and slippers had
p. 163). The wealthier families established syna- given way to the suit; the women no longer wore
gogues and other endowments. David Sassoon “wrappers” with “yasmas” but dresses, skirts, and
established the Magen David synagogue in Bom- blouses. English, rather than Arabic and Hindu-
bay in 1861, and Jacob Sassoon constructed the stani, became their first language. While Anglici-
Knesset Eliyahu synagogue in 1884. Calcutta’s zation worked its way into the culture of the
synagogues include the Magen David and the community, religious ritual of the community
Beth El. Poona and Delhi each had a Baghdadi remained conservatively Middle Eastern. Bagh-
synagogue as well. The Baghdadi synagogues dadi rituals and musical tunes were closely
resembled English Gothic churches, some of adhered to in worship. Till the mid-twentieth cen-
which have soaring spires as in the Magen tury, the hazans (cantors) wore long white silk
David of Calcutta (1884) and the Ohel David of robes trimmed with gold and elaborate headdress
Poona (1867). for ceremonial occasions at the synagogue.
These grandly constructed synagogues were Most Baghdadi Jews adopted British colonial
conceived in purely Western architectural styles. ideas about race and placed themselves in the
Thus, the Baghdadi synagogues feature medieval upper echelons of the racial pyramid that struc-
details, spires, and Gothic tracery with stained tured life in the colonies. Neither British nor
glass, all devised in Europe. The unique feature Indian, the Baghdadis clung tenaciously to their
of the Baghdadi synagogues is their generous Jewish identity. Being so few, they always wor-
arks. The sanctuary doors open to front a semi- ried about assimilation and accordingly empha-
circular space where Torah scrolls are stored. sized their foreign origin to distinguish
When opened, the doors lead into an opened, themselves from the dominant Hindu and the
walk-in room about three meters deep and very minority Muslim and Christian communities.
wide. The resplendent scrolls, encased in wood While their political allegiances changed over
covered with elaborate silver and copper work, time, their commitment to Judaism as both
100 Baghdadi Jews of India

cultural and religious practice was central to their candy tray on her head while she dances to her
group and individual identity. music. Another elaborate ritual was the khatba
(Arabic for pre-wedding ceremony). The climax
of this occasion is the applying of henna to the
Ritual Practices and Community Life couple’s outstretched fingers. The toowafah is
held on the Saturday night before the wedding.
The day in their homes began with the washing of On this auspicious night, the groom sends trays of
the hands and the netilat yadayim prayer. The candy, flowers, and molasses to the bride,
ritual was performed using a special brass vessel followed by a get-together of both families. The
with a spout. After this ritual, the men read tefilot couple steps over a goat or sheep as atonement.
(prayers) at home or in the synagogue and the After the ceremonies, which build and strengthen
women offered a similar morning prayer. family ties, there is the wedding itself and the
Throughout the day, they recited brachot (bless- sheva brachot (seven blessings). Dinners are
ings) for each item of food they ate or liquid that served during the postnuptial week, when the
passed their lips. The women read Tehillim wedding’s seven benedictions and sacred songs
(Psalms) during the day: they were expected to are chanted. Brits (circumcision ceremonies) and
read 150 psalms a month, though the more reli- Bar Mitzvahs are also grand religious, social, and
gious read 150 psalms a week. At night, the celebratory community occasions.
Shema prayer was recited aloud as they placed
their cupped fingers over their faces. Their
homes were run on strictly kosher lines. Elaborate The Departure of the Community
preparations were made for the Sabbath. Oil wicks
were lit to usher in and to take leave of the “Sab- Indian independence represented a moment of
bath bride.” The making of oil wicks was a ritual crisis for the Baghdadi Jewish community. The
carried out by women. Poorer women made and favored economic and social status of the Bagh-
sold these thin bamboo sticks wrapped in cotton to dadi Jews in the British Empire, together with
the more affluent. their familiarity with local culture and politics,
The synagogue was a dominant social and placed them in a strong position to exercise polit-
community force in the nineteenth century. Mem- ical choices in the postcolonial period. The Bagh-
bers of the community gravitated to the syna- dadi Jews had put down roots in India and filled an
gogue and its religious ceremonies. It was in-between, ambiguous position, which for the
a place for social interaction and exchange, public most part, suited their purpose. Their “home”
meetings, the announcement of domestic occur- was India. They only talked metaphorically – in
rences, and even the place where personal animos- religious terms – of the Holy Land as their spiri-
ities were played out. Ritual events and festivals tual homeland. But in days of heady nationalism,
were eagerly anticipated social and ceremonial Baghdadi Jews had to redefine themselves as indi-
occasions. Some of the most elaborate ritual viduals and as a community in relation to the
events were related to marriages and births. newly forming state.
There was the engagement ceremony, or baat Many members of the community were uncer-
pakka (meaning “finalizing the matter,” in Hindu- tain of what the future would hold for them
stani), and the mileek (Arabic for engagement without the British in command as that was the
celebration). The mileek is held at the home of only India they knew. They were skeptical of
the girl’s parents. The groom’s family arrives with what life would be like in an “Indian India.”
an array of trays containing flowers and candy. Though they had never experienced any
A woman adept at percussion and playing the anti-Semitism in India, and the new constitution
tambourine – the dhakaka – is the mistress of of India further reassured them about India’s
ceremonies. She balances a glass of liquid or the serious commitment to secularism, many opted
Bahmanid Sultanate 101

to leave. Some emigrated for better economic

opportunities in the West, and some to safeguard Bahmanid Sultanate
their assets. The wealthier were unsure of mone-
tary restrictions that the new government might Colin P. Mitchell
impose, making it difficult to take their money Department of History, Dalhousie University, B
out of India should they need to do so. Thus, in Halifax, NS, Canada
the 1950s, some members of the community
emigrated to England, Australia, USA, and
Canada and a few of the more idealistic members Synonyms
of the community made aliyah to Israel.
As this was a small and tight-knit community, Bahmani Sultanate
family members soon followed the exodus out of
India. By the 1960s, there was no longer the
critical mass to sustain community life. Thus, Definition
while the Jews faced no disadvantages, they felt
nostalgia for a way of life that was lost and missed A significant Muslim polity that ruled across the
being part of that community. Those who were Deccan between 1347 and 1528.
determined to stay on in India, like their forebears,
did not lack political, cultural, or economic oppor-
tunities. JFR Jacob of the Baghdadi community Rise of the Bahmanids
served as general in the Indian army and was
appointed as governor of Goa, Daman, and Diu The Bahmanid sultanate was one of the earliest
(1998) and subsequently as governor of Haryana and most southerly of Muslim dynasties ruling in
and Punjab. Emigration seeped the strength of the India. Contemporaneous with the Tughluq slave
small community. By the 1970s, it was difficult to dynasty, the first Bahmanid rulers of the four-
maintain Jewish life in Calcutta or Bombay. The teenth century would lay enough foundation
memory of the vibrant mercantile community lies down for their descendants to rule for nearly two
in impressive buildings, street names, and Jewish centuries more before the sultanate dissolved into
charities. five smaller Deccani Muslim kingdoms
(Niẓāmshāhs, Quṭbshāhs, `Ādilshāhs,
`Imādshāhs, and Barīdshāhs). The naissance of
References the Bahmanid sultanate was a violent one, begin-
ning in the 1320s as an armed rebellion by
1. Katz N (ed) (1997) Studies of Indian Jewish identity. Deccani-based amirs and nobles who had been
Manohar Publishers and Distributors, New Delhi
installed by the Tughluq dynasty based in Delhi.
2. Musleah EN (1975) On the banks of the Ganga: the
Sojourn of the Jews of Calcutta. Christopher Publishing After decades of civil war, invasion, and occupa-
House, North Quincy tion, the Tughluqs were forced to retreat, which in
3. Silliman J (2001) Jewish portraits, Indian frames: turn allowed one prominent noble rebel named
women’s narratives from a diaspora of hope. Seagull,
Calcutta
Ḥasan Gangu (laqab: Ẓafar Khān) to eliminate
4. Weil S (2002) India’s Jewish heritage: ritual art and life- his rivals and establish formally the Bahmanid
cycle. Marg Publications, Mumbai dynasty in 1347 as the newly enthroned `Alā al-
Dīn Ḥasan Bahman Shāh (r. 1347–1358). `Alā al-
Dīn spent the next decade consolidating his rule in
the region surrounding Daulatābād and the larger
Bahmani Sultanate Deccan [1, 12]. However, it would be Gulbarga
(in modern-day Karnataka) which `Alā al-Dīn
▶ Bahmanid Sultanate developed as the new Bahmanid capital (styled
102 Bahmanid Sultanate

as Aḥsanābād). The fledgling empire extended its his extensive education and willingness to pro-
domains to Goa and Dabul on the west coast, to mote learning and literacy in his court [12].
Mandu in the north, and Tilangana to the east. As Indeed, it was this reputation of relative tolerance
is the case with many such medieval dynasties, it and open-mindedness that enticed various mer-
was the founder’s successor who navigated the chants, soldiers, intellectuals and literati, some of
state from juvenile polity to formal political them Sufis, to migrate from Iran, Central Asia, and
state. Thus, Muḥammad I (r. 1358–1375) and his northern India to the Deccan [2, 5, 6]. Modern
capable minister (vakī l) Malik Saif al-Dīn Ghurī scholars are in general agreement that it was
were responsible chiefly for the consolidation and Fīr̲ūz’s reign (1397–1422) that witnessed the ini-
organization of the formal Bahmanid state [12]. tial growth of Persian literary and aesthetic culture
Four provinces (aṭrāf) were organized around the in the Deccan [6,15]. Many Bahmanid rulers were
centers of Daulatābād, Berār, Bīdār, and fluent in Persian, and this language became the
Gulbarga, with provincial governors and admin- dominant courtly literary language for the Deccan
istrators being responsible for the maintenance of under the stewardship of the fifteenth-century
law and order and the promotion of Shari`ah Bahmanid rulers. Moreover, architectural remains
among the minority Muslim population [1, 13]. at prominent Bahmanid sites in Gulbarga and
Despite the internal consolidation in the mid- Bīdār reflected a unique fusion of Persian and
fourteenth century, the Bahmanids were still Deccani building styles [6, 7, 10].
forced to contend with external threats, notably In 1422, after a brief and successful rebellion,
the Hindu kingdom of Vijayanagar. While this Fīr̲ūz’s brother Shihāb al-Dīn Aḥmad assumed
conflict is often cast along confessional lines as control of the Bahmanid sultanate. In perhaps
Hindu vs. Muslim, the noted Deccani historian H. what was seen as a surprise development, Aḥmad
K. Sherwani argued that it was in fact a dispute decreed a wholesale relocation of the Bahmanid
first and foremost governed by control over the capital from Gulbarga to Bīdār, roughly 100 km to
fertile and tax-rich doab of Krishna-Tungabhadra the northeast on an elevated plateau [2]. Migration
[12]. Muḥammad also clashed with the Hindu from abroad – especially from Iran – continued
rulers of Vijayanagar in the 1360s over their pro- during the reign of Aḥmad, and Deccani sources
tection of the local dynasty in Tilangana led by talk of open rivalry and tension between these
one Kapaya Nayak. In 1363, Kapaya Nayak was “foreigners” (āfāqī s) and native Deccanis
formally defeated by the Bahmanids, and part of (dakhnīs) [6, 17]. The expansion of Bahmanid
the formal surrender saw the cession of Golkonda territory was also a priority for Aḥmad, and he
to the Bahmanids [12]. Bahmanid dynastic for- oversaw several campaigns against neighboring
tunes were tested seriously in the following three regions like Vijayanagar, Tilangana, Malwa, and
decades as no less than five rulers rose to and fell Gujarat in the late 1420s and early 1430s. Instabil-
from power, some having reigns of only a few ity returned, however, during the less-than-capable
months. This period of inconsistent rule was rule of Aḥmad’s successors – `Alā al-Dīn Aḥmad II
marred by internal rebellions, foreign aggression (1436–1458) and `Alā al-Dīn Humāyūn
from neighboring states like Vijayanagar, and (1458–1461) – and internecine conflict among the
chaotic conditions in the hinterland. However, competing Āfaqī and Dakhnī factions grew to par-
recovery was made possible in 1397 with the alyzing levels [16].
accession of Tāj al-Dīn Fīr̲ūz.
In addition to providing much-needed stability
to the Bahmanid state, Fīr̲ūz is also noted for his Mahmūd Gāvān
cosmopolitan and humanistic leanings as ˙
a minority Muslim ruler based in the Deccan. He It was at this juncture that the Bahmanid sultanate
married a number of Hindu noblewomen and was rescued from imminent collapse by the
extended offices and titles to prominent Hindu famous vizier and statesman `Imād al-Dīn
aristocrats. Pro-Fīr̲ūz sources also relate at length Maḥmūd Gāvān. Believed to have been born in
Bahmanid Sultanate 103

Gīlān (Iran), Maḥmūd Gāvān rose to early prom- Goa, Orissa, and Kherla. During these bureaucratic
inence as a successful trader of horses, undoubt- and military initiatives, Gāvān proved particularly
edly a reflection of the rich and busy trafficking of adept at playing off the Āfaqī elements against their
commodities and peoples between the Persian Dakhnī rivals [16]. Courtly machinations, how-
Gulf and the west coast of India [2, 14]. He rose ever, ultimately caught up with Maḥmūd Gāvān B
within the ranks of the Bahmanid administration in 1481, and he was ordered to be executed by
quickly in the 1450s, but it was during the reigns Shams al-Dīn Muḥammad after being charged
of `Alā al-Dīn Humāyūn and the successor boy- with sedition [2, 14]. By the end of the fifteenth
prince Nizām al-Dīn Aḥmad II that Maḥmūd century, dissenting regional elements proved insur-
Gāvān cemented his position in Bīdār. Seizing mountable, and before long the Bahmanid sultan-
upon this lack of royal leadership, Maḥmūd Khaljī ate was in a state of disarray as local dynasties like
of Delhi invaded the Deccan and was poised to the `Ādilshāhs in Bijapur and the Quṭbshāhs in
capture the capital Bīdār itself had it not been for Golkonda proclaimed their independence.
some deft diplomatic maneuvering by Maḥmūd
Gāvān and his invitation to the local ruler of
Gujarat, Sultan Maḥmūd, to intervene on behalf Sufism and the Bahmanids
of the Bahmanid family. The young ruler Niẓām
al-Dīn was subsequently succeeded by another One notable feature of the Bahmanid state was its
boy-prince, Shams al-Dīn Muḥammad II, and it policy of succor and support for Sufi communi-
was he who formally invested Maḥmūd Gāvān ties. As a cultural and political frontier zone, the
with the viziership in 1461 [14]. Shams al-Dīn Deccan was a magnet for organized missionary
Muḥammad would reign until 1487, but there is activity and the principal proselytizers were
little doubt as to who was effectively in charge of undoubtedly Sufis of various stripes. The initial
the Bahmanid state. Maḥmūd Gāvān oversaw impulse began during the earlier Ghaznavid
a political and cultural fluorescence in the late period and the rise of Lahore, but Sufi activity
fifteenth century, with the Bahmanid empire grew exponentially during the thirteenth century
extending its borders to both the Arabian and after the wholesale ravaging of Central Asia and
Coromandel Seas and northward to the region of India by the Mongols. The religious landscape in
Orissa [14]. Bīdār, in many ways, became India, and particularly in the Deccan, was over-
a cultural lodestar in the region thanks to his whelmingly heterogeneous, and Sufi theosophies
construction of a famous madrasah complex and practices tended to blend well with various
(boasting 3,000 manuscripts), the remains of Hindu Yogic elements. This is certainly the case
which still impress visitors today with its size with the career of Bandanavāz Gesū Darāz (b.
and comprehensiveness [2, 4, 7, 18]. Thanks to 1321), a notable Sufi shaykh of the Chishtiyya
his collection of correspondence (the Riyāż al- Order, who had arrived from Delhi in Gulbarga
inshā), we know that Maḥmūd Gāvān in 1397 [11]. Gesū Darāz concretized the
was in active communication with a number of Chishtiyya Order in this part of India, and Sufi-
luminaries across the Muslim world, including the Yogic hybridism appears to have been prominent
philosopher Jalāl al-Dīn Davvānī, Tīmūr’s biog- with his practice of ṣalāt-i ma`kūs (praying while
rapher Sharaf al-Dīn `Alī Yazdī, the Timurid ruler hanging by the feet) and pas-i anfas (extreme
Solṭān-Ḥusain Bāiqarā, the Ottoman sultan breath control) [9]. When Shihāb al-Dīn Aḥmad
Meḥmed II, and the Naqshbandī Sufi notables, assumed the Bahmanid throne shortly after in
Ubaid Allāh al-Aḥrār and `Abd al-Raḥmān Jāmī 1422, he invited the great Ni`matullāhī Sufi
[2, 3]. In addition to embarking on extensive saint, Shāh Ni`mat Allāh Vālī, to Bīdār. After
administrative reforms as vizier, which saw more repeated requests, Shāh Ni`mat Allāh consented
complex and reasoned modes of governance, to send his grandson, Nūr Allāh, to the Deccan;
Maḥmūd Gāvān also personally oversaw indeed, when the great Ni`matullāhī patriarch died
a number of military campaigns against Malwa, in 1431, his son Khalīl Allāh moved with his
104 Baihaqī

family to Bīdār. Aḥmad formalized ties with this 16. Siddiqui MS (1997) Ethnic change in the Bahmanid
Sufi Order by marrying his daughters into the society at Bidar. In: Taher M (ed) Encyclopaedic sur-
vey of Islamic culture, vol 6, Muslim rule in Deccan.
saintly Ni`matullāhī family [17]. A Ni`matullāhī Anmol Publications, New Delhi
complex was established in Bīdār which was the 17. Siddiqui MS (2001) The pro-alien policy of Ahmad
object of much veneration by the Bahmanids and Shah and the role of Ni’matullahis of Bidar. Islam Mod
surrounding communities, and indeed Shams al- Age 32(3):17–40
18. Yazdani G (1947) Bidar, its history and monuments.
Dīn Aḥmad organized to have a mausoleum built Oxford University Press, London
for Shāh Ni`mat Allāh in Māhān (near Kerman,
Iran) shortly before dying in 1436 [8].

Baihaqī
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Gawan in Bidar. Kunst des Orients 11(1–2):146–57
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Firishta, 2 vols (ed: `Alī Khān Naqavi). o.V., Lucknow Balban, Ghiyās al-Dīn
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Archives of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad Department of History, Dalhousie University,
7. Philon H (2010) Daulatabad, Gulbarga, Firuzabad and Halifax, NS, Canada
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Philon H (ed) Silent splendour: palaces of the Deccan,
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8. Philon H (2010) Bidar under the Later Bahmanis and Synonyms
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D, Flatt E (eds) Garden and landscape practices in Ghiyās al-Dīn was a vizier and later ruler of the
precolonial India: histories from the Deccan. Delhi Sultanate (r. 1266–1287).
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11. Sayyid `Alī Ṭabāṭabā (1936) Burhān-i maʾāsir (ed:
Sayyed Hāshimī). n.p., Hyderabad
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HK, Joshi PM (eds) History of Medieval Deccan
(1295–1724). Government of Andhra Pradesh,
Hyderabad
The origins and early career of this prominent
13. Sherwani HK (1985) The Bahmanis of the Deccan. Delhi Sultanate ruler are relatively well known
Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi thanks to Jūzjānī’s chronicle, the Ṭabaqāt-i
14. Sherwani HK (1942) Mahmud Gawan, The Great Nāṣirī, and, to a lesser extent, Ziā al-Dīn Baranī’s
Bahmani Wazir. Kitabistan, Allahabad
Tārī kh-i Fī r̲ūz Shāhī [5, 12]. Allegedly part of the
15. Shokoohy M (1994) Sasanian royal emblems and their
reemergence in the fourteenth-century Deccan. Ilbārī tribe from the Qipchaq Steppe, Balban and
Muqarnas 11:65–78 his siblings rose to prominence as slaves and court
Balban, Ghiyās al-Dīn 105

attendants during the later period of rule by Sultan laqab of Ghiyās al-Dīn – on the throne of the
Shams al-Dīn Iltutmish (r. 1210–36) [6]. The first White Palace in Delhi [1, 10, 15]. He installed
mention of Balban is in 1232 when he was pur- his own son Muḥammad as the governor of
chased by Iltutmish, but his first formal appoint- Lahore and neighboring frontier districts like
ment came in 1236 when the sultan’s daughter and Sindh. Balban’s appreciation for Lahore was not B
successor, Rażiyya, named Balban as amī r-shikār solely a result of its strategic importance as
(master of the hunt) [7, 9]. The period following a bastion of defense against the expanding Mon-
Iltutmish’s death in 1236 was a chaotic one, and gols [8, 15]. Lahore, in fact, had emerged as an
Rażiyya was deposed quickly and replaced by her important center of princely governorship since
brother, Bahrām Shāh [4]; Balban appears to have the height of the Ghaznavid empire, and there is
been particularly adept at navigating these vicis- good evidence to suggest that Lahore was deemed
situdes, and thus his nomination as amī r-akh̲ūr as important a center of political power as the
(master of the stable) and the muqṭa` (iqṭa`- nominal capital, Delhi [1, 3]. Lahore flourished
holder) in Rewari (modern-day Harayana). under the gubernatorial control of Balban’s son:
Balban’s family, likewise, seems to have enjoyed the litterateur Amir Khusrau came to his court
prominence in this period; his brother, Saif al-Dīn (initially based in nearby Multan) on account of
Aybak, had enjoyed briefly the office of amī r- his reputation as a cultural patron, while the his-
ḥājib (chamberlain), while his cousin Shīr Khān torian Baranī describes how the heir-apparent
served as vizier and governor of Lahore for Muḥammad arranged constant Persian poetry rec-
Iltutmish’s son, Nāṣir al-Dīn Maḥm̲ūd [11]. itations and was especially fond of the Shāhnāma,
However, it was in 1246 – when Nāṣir al-Dīn Niẓāmī’s Khamsa, as well as the poetry of
Maḥmūd was able to assume power – that Khāqānī and Sanā’ī [5, 11]. After the retreat of
Balban’s upward political trajectory intensified. the Mongols, Lahore was ordered by Balban and
Overwhelmed by the demands and commitments his son to be reconstructed, and the Punjab began
required of a Delhi sultan, the mystically inclined a quick socioeconomic recovery.
Nāṣir al-Dīn Maḥmūd (r. 644–664/1246–1265) Balban also turned his attention toward other
retired from public life and turned decision mak- parts of the Delhi Sultanate that had been under
ing and policy decisions to Balban and other advi- the threat of dissolution due to court conflict,
sors, courtiers, and slave officers [6]. Already rebellions, and civil strife. Systems of taxation
renominated as amī r-ḥājib, Balban further con- were reconstituted, roadworks were improved
cretized his connection with Nāṣir al-Dīn when he and expanded, treasuries were audited and
arranged to have the sultan marry one of his replenished, and brigands and highwaymen were
daughters. However, tensions among contenders suppressed while all the while pushing Delhi rule
continued throughout the 1250s, and Balban toward Bihar and Bengal [7]. One of Balban’s
found himself stripped of power at the hands of greatest accomplishments was the consolidation
Qutlugh Khān, Nāṣir al-Dīn’s stepfather. Capri- of sultanate rule in the Punjab and modern-day
cious politics of the day tipped in Balban’s favor, Uttar Pradesh, but he died in 1287, and the Delhi
and he was able to resecure his position in court in Sultanate was reoriented within 3 years with the
the 1260s [6]. Emboldened by their marital con- accession of Jalāl al-Dīn Khalajī and the begin-
nections, the childless Nāṣir al-Dīn publically ning of the Khaljī dynasty.
nominated Balban as his official successor before
passing away in 1266.
Perso-Islamic Kingship and Balban

Reign of Ghiyās al-Dīn Balban One particularly notable feature of Balban’s rule
in the late thirteenth century was the continued
On 13 Jumādī I 664 (20 February 1266), Balban sponsorship and elaboration of Perso-Islamic
was ceremonially placed – with the new royal kingly ideals. Perso-Islamic kingship, a hybrid
106 Balban, Ghiyās al-Dīn

of ancient Sasanian Iranian notions of absolute consistent with this particular genre of medieval
rule, politico-philosophic elements of Hellenism, literature that had flourished as early as the
and core religious principles provided by Abbasid period (in Arabic, with individuals such
Qur’ānic text and Islamic theology, was in full as Ibn al-Muqaffā’) and the later Saljuq period (in
swing during the eleventh and twelfth centuries Persian, with notables such as Niẓām al-Mulk)
thanks to the patronage policies of Turkic dynas- [13]. Indeed, prior to his enthronement, Balban
ties like the Saljuqs, the Ghaznavids, and the had given his sons Arabic names (Muḥammad
Ghurids [2]. As the slave dynasties were and Maḥmūd), but during his reign he presented
established in the Indo-Gangetic region, this ideo- his newborn grandchildren as Kai Qubād, Kai
logical system proved increasingly popular and Khusrau, and Kayumars, all iconic rulers in the
effective. There is little doubt that Lahore was Iranian narrative [13].
a lodestar of Perso-Islamic culture under the later
Ghaznavids and Ghurids; not only did Persian
literary and poetic texts begin to flourish, royal Cross-References
courts in Lahore became increasingly interested in
fashioning themselves as custodians of cultural ▶ Baranī, Żiyāʾ al-Dīn
and political values which promoted strong ▶ Delhi Sultanate
respect for royal lineages, social hierarchy, and ▶ Lahore
centralized rule [3]. Iltutmish instituted Perso- ▶ Shams al-Dīn Iltutmish
Islamic kingly succession rules and nominated ▶ Ziya al-Din, Barani
his son Rukn al-Dīn as his future heir and indeed
installed him as the governor of Lahore in 1233
[15]. Balban, as a young Turk, cut his teeth on References
Perso-Islamic political culture while serving
Iltutmish; his cousin Shīr Khān was posted to 1. Ali MA (2006) Capital of the sultans: Delhi during the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. In: Ali M (ed)
Lahore to serve as vizier to Iltutmish’s son, Nāṣir
Mughal India: studies in polity, ideas, society, and
al-Dīn Maḥmūd. When Nāṣir al-Dīn assumed culture. Oxford University Press, Delhi
power in 1246, he brought with him from Lahore 2. Al-Azmeh A (1997) Muslim kingship: power and the
a strong Perso-Islamic orientation, which, in turn, sacred in Muslim, Christian, and Pagan Polities. I.B.
Tauris, London
influenced Balban in his trajectory as vizier.
3. Flood FB (2009) Objects of translation: material cul-
As an installed sultan in 1266, Balban fully ture and medieval “Hindu-Muslim” encounter.
indulged in his refashioning as a Perso-Islamic Princeton University Press, Princeton
monarch: courtly spaces were redesigned with 4. Gabbay A (2011) In reality a man: Sultan Iltutmish, his
daughter, Raziya, and gender ambiguity in thirteenth-
daises, thrones, tapestries, and antechambers,
century Northern India. J Persian Stud 4:45–63
while poets, courtiers, and boon companions 5. Habib M (1942) The political theory of the Delhi
were lavishly nominated and maintained in Sultanate (including a translation of Ziauddin Barani’s
a comprehensive system of ranks and orders Fatawa-i Jahandari, circa 1358–9 A.D.). Kitab Mahal,
Allahabad
[15]. Balban retraced his genealogy to connect
6. Jackson P (2012) Balaban. In: Encyclopedia of Islam,
himself with the legendary ruler, Afrasiyāb, and 3rd edn, EJ. Brill, Leiden
he openly modeled himself on the great Sasanian 7. Jackson P (1999) The Delhi Sultanate: a political and
rulers of Iran. Undoubtedly, our most informative military history. Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge
text for Balban’s Perso-Islamic worldview is 8. Jackson P (1990) Jalal al-Din, the Mongols, and the
Baranī’s political advice manual Fatawa-yi Khwarazmian conquest of the Panjab and Sind. Iran
jahāndārī, although there is also a very interesting 28:45–54
testament (waṣiyyat), purportedly given from 9. Jackson P (1998) Sultana Radiyya bint Iltutmish. In:
Hambly G (ed) Women in the Medieval Islamic world:
Balban to his sons Muḥammad and Bugrā Khān,
power, Patronage, and Piety. St. Martin’s Press, New York
in Baranī’s Tārīkh-e Fī r̲ūz Shāhī [5, 13, 14]. 10. Kumar S (2011) Courts, capitals and kingship: Delhi
These Indo-Islamic advice texts are entirely and its sultans in the thirteenth and fourteenth
Bangladesh (Islam and Muslims) 107

centuries. In: Fuess A, Hartung J-P (eds) Court cul- across the heavily forested Ganges Delta. Hindu
tures in the Muslim world: seventh to nineteenth cen- chieftains ruled small areas even after the
turies. Routledge, London
11. Latif SM (1892) Lahore: its history, architectural Mughals arrived, when they were incorporated
remains and antiquities. New Imperial Press, Lahore into the administrative system as hereditary
12. Minhaj SJ (1991) Tabaqat-I-Nasiri (trans: Raverty jagirs, tax-collecting officials. In 1715, a de B
HG), 3 vols. Bibio Verlag (reprint), Osnabrück facto independent Nawab shifted the capital to
13. Nizami KA (1961) Some aspects of religion and pol-
itics in India during the thirteenth century. Idarah-I- Murshidabad ruling Bengal, Orissa, and Bihar,
Adabiyat-I-Delli, Delhi which remained unified into the colonial period.
14. Sarkar N (2011) An urban Imaginaire: ca. 1350. Indian The British defeated the Nawab in 1757, seizing
Econ Soc Hist Rev 48:407–424 power, technically as administrators for the Mughal
15. Wink A (2002) Al-Hind: the making of the Indo-
Islamic World, 3 vols. Brill, Leiden Emperor. They made Calcutta the capital.
A nominal Nawab remained until 1880, when the
British abolished the title. In 1877 they awarded the
honorary, hereditary title “Nawab Bahadur of
Dhaka” to the head of a wealthy merchant family
Bangladesh (Islam and as reward for service during the anti-British rebel-
Muslims) lion of 1857.

Clinton Bennett
Department of Philosophy, State University of Bangladesh: Islamization and Religious
New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA Contours

When Muslims arrived in what is now Bangla-

Definition desh, they encountered recently Hinduized peo-
ple, a still significant Buddhist presence and, in
Bangladesh is the third largest Muslim majority several areas, including the northwest (modern
state, independent since 1971 following a war of Dinajpur and Rangpur districts) and the southeast,
liberation from Pakistan, of which it was bordering on Burma, animists. These demo-
a province (1947–1971); historically the eastern graphics continue in present-day Bangladesh.
part of the wider Bengal cultural and linguistic Bangladeshi Muslims tend to push back Islam’s
zone was mainly governed by Muslim rulers after spread to Sufi teachers arriving pre-1204.
1204 until British colonialism began in 1757. Although there is evidence of Muslim traders
visiting or settling in small numbers prior to
1204, there is no evidence of pre-conquest Sufis
Islamic Conquest and Rule in Bengal. Muslims also like to trace their Islamic
identity to Arab or Iranian migrants into the area.
Muslim rule in greater Bengal dates from 1204, However, there is no evidence that large-scale
when the Delhi Sultanate invaded the region. migration occurred; most Muslims appear to
Governors became increasingly autonomous share racial origin with non-Muslims [1]. Cer-
until quasi-independent Sultanates emerged. tainly, some foreign Muslims did accompany var-
Muslim rule was preceded by a Hindu dynasty, ious governors and officials, while the Mughal
the Sena (1070–1250), and by the Buddhist Palas governor, Prince Muhammad Shuja’ (1639–1660),
(750–1174). In the late sixteenth/early seven- is said to have brought 300 Shi’a nobles to Bengal
teenth centuries, after a brief period of Afghan [2]. During his rule, the Hussaini Dalan was built
rule (1537–1612), the Mughals subdued the area. in Dhaka, which remains the main Shi’a mosque,
Their Governors chose Dhaka, Bangladesh’s cur- considered to be of architectural and historical
rent capital, as their seat (1610–1715). It took importance. Dhaka’s nobility is still predomi-
longer for Muslim authority to penetrate east nantly Shi’a, as was the last dynasty of Nawabs.
108 Bangladesh (Islam and Muslims)

As Eaton’s analysis shows, theories that Islam land. Over time some were incorporated into the
spread mainly by violence, or by offering patron- land-grant system as the Muslim administration
age, also lack evidence and fail to explain why penetrated east. There are so many stories about
larger Muslim populations are furthest from cen- Pirs that it is difficult to distinguish history from
ters of Muslim power, including Dhaka [3]. In the fiction. Eaton says that far from Islam in Bengal
early twentieth century, Dhaka had fewer spreading by the sword, it did so by using the
Muslims than most districts in the East [4]. plow. The earliest Sufi lodge was probably built
Eaton dismisses as apocryphal stories of sword- in 1221 [6]. Muslims and Hindus attended each
wielding, temple-destroying Sufi warriors. Nor is other’s festivities. Although less common, this
it sustainable to credit Islam’s egalitarian social still occurs in Bangladesh today, as does shared
system with attracting large numbers of converts. Hindu-Muslim veneration of the same saint [7].
There is no evidence that Islam was perceived or Mosques began to reflect the style of pre-Islamic
presented as socially liberating. Also, despite Hindu and Buddhist buildings, becoming indige-
Sena efforts to impose caste Hinduism in the nized [8]. From the fifteenth century, the Baul
area, this was weakest in the east and never alto- singers consisting of Hindus and Muslims praise
gether successful in the wider Bengal region. Vishnu and Allah alike. These cultural mediators
Indeed by the time mass conversion took place not only used Hindu words and ideas; they peo-
under Mughal rule, the Bhakti tradition was wide- pled their texts with Hindu characters. This sug-
spread, which, popularized by a Bengali, Caitanya gests that they saw value and truth outside Islam.
(1486–1534), is anti-caste. By the mid-nineteenth century, with printing pre-
Using foundation dates of mosques built dur- sses producing Bengali books, Musulman Bangla,
ing the Mughal period, Eaton shows that large- a largely de-Sanskritized version, was widely
scale conversion took place then. He and other used.
writers, such as Roy [5], credit self-appointed For centuries, the majority of Bengal’s Muslim
“cultural mediators” who chose to indigenize rulers’ subjects were non-Muslim. Pragmatically,
Islam into the milieu, idiom, and soil of Bengal they needed a modus vivendi to keep non-
with Islam’s spread. They were also interested in Muslims from constant revolt. Jizya was never
educating existing Muslims, many of whom knew collected until Emperor Aurangzeb’s reign
little about their faith. Arguably, early converts (1658–1707) [9]. Almost all Sultans employed
did not so much change their religion as move significant numbers of Hindus. They patronized
from one teacher-centered community to another, Hindu learning in Sanskrit and in Bangla. The first
and conversion was a long, not quick, process. Bangla translation of the Mahabharata was
The very notion of religions as closed, self- commissioned under Sultan Nusrat Shah
contained systems to which loyalty must be exclu- (1519–1532), whose deputy loved to hear Hindu
sive did not exist, some say, until the British stories [10]. Farsi speakers and admirers of Ira-
imposed this. There were two types of mediators: nian culture, the Sultans sponsored Islamic schol-
preachers and writers. The first include countless arship in Farsi, not Bangla. Writers who began
Sufi teachers, some women as well as men, who producing literature in Bangla did so against the
settled in rural areas toward the east. They then charge that the language was an infidel tongue.
found ways of identifying themselves with the Hindus faced similar prejudice; Bangla was only
symbols and geography of the region. Some sat suitable for “women and demons” [11]. Few Sul-
under sacred trees or used a branch to perform tans interfered with their subjects’ religious prac-
rituals. Some became associated with local Hindu tices. Effectively, religion was separate from the
and Buddhist deities or spirits, which were subse- state. Reigns such as those of Hussain Shah
quently pirified (Roy’s term). In this way, they (1493–1519) and his son, Nusrat, were “liberal
pioneered forest reclamation, extending arable and secular” [12].
Bangladesh (Islam and Muslims) 109

Literary Heritage Muslims were promised a full University in

Dhaka as compensation for losing the province.
The Bengali Renaissance, partly stimulated by the This was eventually opened in 1921, becoming
prose-Bangla writing of Christian missionary India’s first central residential university with
William Carey [13], saw writers such as Hindu a system of house tutors [18]. The statutes B
Rabindranath Tagore and Muslim Nazrul Islam stipulated that it would have a Department of
addressing all humanity, albeit their favorite lan- Arabic and Islamic Studies, recognizing that
guage was Bangla. Nazrul regarded Tagore as his most students would be Muslim. After 1912,
mentor and used much Hindu imagery. For him, Bihar and Orissa were separated, as was Assam.
all religions contain value and truths; “I sing of
equality; in which dissolve all barriers and dis-
unity; in which mingle all Reformist and Anti-British Movements
faiths – Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam and
Christianity. . .” (“Equality”) [14]. Tagore wrote Although incidents of communal violence
of universal brotherhood and sisterhood, summed occurred in Bengal, especially toward the end of
up as love for all, love for God and love of nature colonial rule, for example, on the Muslim
[15]. Tagore and Islam both wrote mother goddess League’s Day of Action on August 16, 1946,
songs, perpetuating an ancient Bengali tradition. compared with elsewhere, this was sporadic and
The main anti-Muslim rebellion of 1416–1418 led rare. Bengali Islam had its critics; it was syncre-
by Rajah Ganesh used the goddess as its symbol. tistic, more Hindu than Muslim. Various
The first complete Bangla translation of the reformers targeted Sufi practices, including the
Qur’ān [16] was by a Hindu, Girish Chandra Faraizi Movement (1818–1845) which also tried
Sen (completed 1881–1885), who, once his iden- to end the exploitation of poor Muslims by Hindu
tity was known, received “unqualified praise from landowners, but was rarely hostile towards poor
a host of Bengali Muslims.” This still sells in Hindus [19]. Reformers set out to Arabize Muslim
Bangladesh, where Sen has been described as practice, often after visiting Mecca. Most Islamic
a “culture hero” [17]. movements in the subcontinent gained followings
in East Bengal, including the Deobandi, Ahl-i
Hadith and Barelvi, the first two anti-British and
British Period and the Partition of 1905 anti-Sufi (although approving of some devotional
practices), the second pro-Sufi. In the colonial
The British are often blamed for fomenting if not period, Wahhabi revolts against British rule
inventing the “two-nation theory”; Hindus and occurred, such as the 1831 uprising led by Titumir
Muslims were two distinct nations and could not [20]. The popular Tablighi Jama‘at (founded
coexist without fighting. Increasingly, the British 1926) opposes some Sufi practices but permits
dealt with these communities separately. In 1905, others; it is an apolitical renewal movement. Its
they subdivided the presidency of Bengal into annual meeting outside Dhaka is second only to
East (with Assam) and West (with Orissa and the Hajj in number of attendees [21]. Bengali
Bihar), deliberately giving Muslims a majority in Islam has had a bias toward openness, pluralism,
the East to encourage loyalty. In 1909, Britain and separation of politics from religion. Among
agreed to separate electorates for different reli- organized Sufi orders still popular in Bangladesh
gious communities. With Dhaka once again are the Chishti, Maizbhandaria, Naqshbandi,
a capital city, Partition was popular with Qadiri, Suhrawardi, and Rifa’i. Many Sultans of
Muslims in the East. After strikes and demonstra- Bengal looked to Chishti shaykhs, rather than to
tions initiated by mainly Hindu reunification a distant titular caliph, to validate their authority,
campaigners, Partition was revoked in 1911. based on the belief that shayks are the earthly
110 Bangladesh (Islam and Muslims)

representatives of heavenly saints entrusted with over a longer period than the five million who
supervising earthly governance. Most Muslims crossed the northwestern border. Sporadic migra-
are Hanafi Sunni; less than 2% are Shi’a [22]. tion has taken place subsequently, with associated
2007 statistics give 83% Muslim, 16% Hindus, violence, often sparked by external events, such as
and “other” as 1% (Christian, Buddhist, and ani- riots, after a holy relic of the Prophet was stolen
mist) [23]. Pre-Partition, Hindus were just below from a shrine in Kashmir in 1963 and after the
30% [24]. destruction of Babri Masjid in Ayodhya (1992).
Some eminent Bengalis, loyal to Congress Party,
The Partition of 1947 remained in India, including first Education Min-
In 1937, when provincial assemblies with more ister, A. K. Azad.
delegated powers were elected, the secular
Krishak Praja Party won in Bengal. Unlike the
As East Pakistan
Muslim League, which embraced the “two-nation
theory” and the idea of Pakistan (which originally
Despite debate in Pakistan about Islam’s constitu-
excluded Bengal) as a Muslim homeland in 1940,
tional role, it was meant to be the glue that unified
most Bengali Muslims preferred either an inde-
people across ethnicity, regionalism, languages,
pendent state or taking the whole province into
and culture. Instead, Pakistan has to deal with
Pakistan. Indeed, proponents of Pakistan had left
separatist movements among the Pashtun, in
Bengal out on the assumption that Bengalis pre-
areas close to Kashmir, in Sindh and Balochistan,
ferred unity. In 1947, provincial legislatures and
while east Pakistan seceded. East Pakistanis expe-
princely rulers had to decide between India and
rienced hegemony [29]. Before secession, hardly
Pakistan, which for Bengal meant rejecting or
any military officers reached star rank, and the
choosing a second partition. Bengal was not allo-
West dominated the civil service. West Pakistanis
wed to pursue independence; the British feared
thought Bengali Islam syncretistic, mixed with
a total fragmentation if provinces voted for sover-
Hinduism, and saw Bengalis as physically weak
eignty. Congress leader, India’s future Prime Min-
[30]. National income was mainly generated in the
ister, Jawaharlal Nehru opposed this, too, saying it
East but spent in the West. Initial hostility toward
would result in the “Balkanization of India” [25].
the West was stimulated by the 1949 decision that
Plans were discussed for an independent Socialist
Urdu, thought to be more Islamic, would be the
Bengal, with a Muslim Prime Minister, a Hindu
sole official language. On February 22, 1952,
Home Minister, and other posts equally divided
Pakistani soldiers opened fire on Dhaka Univer-
among Muslims and Hindus [26]. On June 20,
sity students taking part in a pro-Bangla demon-
1947, the East voted in favor of the whole prov-
stration. This was a turning point; the language
ince joining Pakistan; however, under the rules
movement transitioned into a struggle for auton-
imposed this was overridden when the West
omy. When Bengali songs and poetry, especially
chose Partition. Therefore East Bengal plus most
Tagore’s, were banned on the radio in 1967, their
of the Assamese district of Sylhet became East
popularity only increased [31]. There was even an
Pakistan [27]. The Indian state of West Bengal
attempt to purge Nazrul’s poetry of “Hindu” ele-
still has a substantial Muslim minority, about
ments [32], and some of his books were pro-
25% with Muslim majorities in three districts
scribed. Bengali women were criticized for
bordering Bangladesh. One, Murshidabad, origi-
wearing saris, using the teep, marching in demon-
nally allocated to Pakistan, was swapped for
strations, and failing to veil.
Khulna 2 days later [28].
Compared with the Northwest, there was less
movement of Hindus across the eastern border Independence: Religion and the State
and less violence after the initial conflict of
August 1947; Mahatma Gandhi fasted to end The Awami League (AL) under Sheikh Mujibur
this. About four million Hindus moved west, but Rahman won the largest number of seats in the
Bangladesh (Islam and Muslims) 111

1970 national election. However, instead of invit- solidarity. He ended Mujib’s practice of opening
ing Mujib to form a government, President Yahya parliament with readings from all the country’s
Khan cracked down on East Pakistan dissidents. scriptural traditions, retaining only the Qur’an.
On March 26, 1971 Mujib sent a telegraph to the “Bengali” crosses borders into the wider linguis-
East proclaiming independence, which was tic-cultural context; “Bangladeshi” is geopoliti- B
broadcast by Major Ziaur Rahman. The war of cally more specific. The BNP version of events
liberation ended with India’s intervention on on March 26, 1971, credits Zia with proclaiming
December 16, 1971. Tagore’s Amar Shonar Ban- independence, obscuring Mujib’s role [35].
gladesh became the national anthem, stressing Zia also added a constitutional clause promot-
links with the land, its fragrances, air, rivers, and ing women’s participation in national life. Subse-
seasons, and Nazrul was declared the national quently his widow, Khaleda, and Mujib’s
poet. In the subsequent election, AL won all but daughter, Sheikh Hasina, have served as Prime
seven seats, and Mujib became Prime Minister. Ministers, Raushan Ershad is deputy leader of
The Constitution, passed on December 4, 1972, Jatiya Party, and Shirin Sharmin Chowdhury is
declared Bangladesh a secular (defined as non- Speaker. Bennett analyzes female leadership in
communalism), socialist state. Had culture Bangladesh, asking, “is it an anomaly, merely
trumped religion? Or, did an open, inclusive reli- a perpetuation of political dynasties or rooted in
gious current with deep roots in Bengal’s past cultural traditions [36]?” Following Zia’s assassi-
trump a less inclusive form of religion? Arguably, nation on May 30, 1981, his civilian deputy
Bengal’s ancient spiritual tradition sees all people, Abdus Sattar won the presidential election before
women and men, regardless of faith, as equal; falling from power in a bloodless coup to military
hence, women’s leadership has emerged as dictator H. M. Ershad, a devotee of a Naqshbandi-
a major feature of Bangladeshi politics. Mujib’s Mujaddidi sheikh, on March 24, 1982. Ershad
secularism separated politics and religion but gave was unhappy that Sattar refused to give the mili-
religion a place in public life. tary a constitutional role. In 1988, Ershad
On August 15, 1975, junior officers stormed amended the constitution, making Islam the state
Mujib’s home, killing him, his wife, and three religion.
sons. Chaos followed. Regimes came and fell.
Finally, now a Major General, Ziaur Rahman
emerged as leader (July 21, 1976). Mujib had AL vs. BNP: Competing Ideas of National
concentrated power in his own hands, arrested Identity
opposition leaders, and restricted press freedoms,
alienating many. Defenders point out that Mujib Since the end of Ershad’s rule (December 6,
needed special powers to deal with competing 1990), BNP, under Khaleda, and AL, under
factions, a major flood, mass rehabilitation of Sheikh Hasina, have alternated in power. Both
displaced peoples, and armed bandits roaming usually boycott parliament in opposition,
the countryside [33]. In 1979, Zia lifted a ban on fomenting strikes and demonstrations, although
political parties (including religious ones), Hasina has had opposition members in her Cabi-
founded the Islam-oriented Bangladesh National- net. The economic policies of BNP and AL are
ist Party (BNP), and won a parliamentary election. similar. Differences lie in foreign policy, concept
Zia changed the nation’s Constitution, which he of nationalism, and role of religion. BNP, suspi-
associated with Mujib, removing “secularism” cious of India’s alleged expansionist aspirations,
and redefining “socialism” as “economic and looks to the Muslim world. AL is friendly with
social justice” and “Bengali nationalism” as “Ban- India, attracting the criticism that it wants
gladeshi” [34]. He replaced secularism with “faith reunification. Since 1979, politics has seen a lot
in Almighty Allah,” possibly based on the Indo- of Islamic language and symbolism, with Islamist
nesian constitution. He inserted a clause stating parties competing for votes but so far receiving
that foreign policy would be based on Islamic few [37]. The Communist party has polled better
112 Bangladesh (Islam and Muslims)

except for Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), an ally of BNP. It dispossess minorities [44]. In 1990, the Injil Sha-
has had up to 18 MPs and ministries in Khaleda’s rif (Gospel in Musalman Bangla) was banned for
governments. During the Liberation War, JI col- 2 months under Ershad, due to its popularity with
laborated with Pakistan, opposing secession. The Muslims. The ban was lifted following objections
War Crimes Tribunal (created in 2009) has from the Baptist World Alliance, representing
convicted three JI leaders. In 2013, the Supreme Bangladesh’s largest Protestant community [45].
Court declared it unfit to contest national elec- Bangladesh’s legal system remains based on the
tions. In 2011, following a Supreme Court ruling English common law tradition, Anglo-Indian stat-
invalidating constitutional changes under military utes with Muslim Personal Law, mainly the Paki-
rule, the Fifteenth Amendment restored secular- stan Family Laws Ordinance (1961) and
ism, socialism, and Bengali nationalism as state amendments. Non-Muslims have their own Per-
principles and officially recognized Sheikh Mujib sonal Laws.
as father of the nation. It also made abuse of
religion for political purposes illegal. While
guaranteeing freedom of religion, it kept Islam
Cross-References
as the state religion [38]. Other Islamist parties
include Islami Oikya Jote and Khilafat Andolan.
▶ Anglo-Mohammedan Law
Zaker Party is Sufi-led. Like BNP, Ershad’s Jatiya,
▶ Ayodhya Dispute
although currently in coalition with AL, is Islam
▶ Barelvīs
oriented. Islamists foment anti-minority hostility
▶ Bengal (Islam and Muslims)
and some attacks. They also target non-
▶ Calcutta Madrasah
governmental organizations, especially those
▶ Congress, Muslims
empowering women [39]. Some fear that Bangla-
▶ Deoband
desh may become a failed state, precipitating
▶ Fara’izi Movement
a violent Islamist take-over [40]. Conservative
▶ Jama’at-i-Islami Bangladesh
ulama issue fatawa against women and NGOs;
▶ Mujibur Rahman, Shaykh
in 1994 a fatwa sent feminist writer Taslima
▶ Sheikh Hasina
Nasrin into exile after she denounced persecution
▶ Sūfism
of Hindus in her novel, Lajja [41]. There is little
▶ Syncretism
likelihood that Islamists will gain power through
▶ Titu Mir
the ballot; however, they are a destabilizing factor.
▶ Two-Nation Theory
Numerous private Madrasahs (which the govern-
▶ Wahhabism in Sri Lanka
ment is trying to regulate) reportedly have links
▶ Zia, Begum Khaleda
with extremist groups. The British established
Madrasahs in Dhaka, Rajshahi, and Chittagong
in 1874, linked with the Calcutta Madrasah [42].
This system continues under the Madrasah Edu-
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114 Baranī, Żiyāʾ al-Dīn

circle of the period that included the noted author,

Baranī, Żiyāʾ al-Dīn poet, and Delhi sultanate courtier Amīr Khusraw
(1253–1325) and Amīr Ḥasan Sijzī (1275–1336),
Blain Auer the poet and compiler of the Fawāʾid al-fuʾād, the
Department of South Asian Studies, University of sayings of the great Ṣūfī shaykh of Delhi, Niẓām
Lausanne, Lausanne, Switzerland al-Dīn Awliyāʾ (ca. 1243–1325). Baranī was also
a devotee of Niẓām al-Dīn Awliyāʾ.

Synonyms
Literary Works
Ziya al-Din Barani; Ziya al-Din, Barani
Baranī authored at least eight works in a variety of
literary genres. Four of the works are extant:
Definition Tārī kh-i Fīrūz Shāhī , Fatāva-i Jahāndārī,
Akhbar-i Barmakiyān, Saḥīfat-i Naʿt-i
Żiyāʾ al-Dīn Baranī (ca. 1285–1357) was Muḥammadī . Four of his known works are lost:
a courtier, historian, emissary, and advisor to the Ḥasrat-nāma, Ṣalāt-i kabī r, ʿInāyat-nāma-yi
Delhi Sultans [17, 18] of the fourteenth century. ilāhī , Maʾāsir-i sādāt [16, 21]. He is most noted
for the two works: Tārī kh-i Fī rūz Shāhī , a history
of the Delhi Sultans, and Fatāva-i Jahāndārī,
Background and Court Service a classic in the genre of Persian advice literature.
Baranī composed his literary works late in life. The
Żiyāʾ al-Dīn Baranī (ca. 1285–1357) was intersection of Baranī’s life as author and courtier
a courtier, historian, emissary, and advisor to the highlights the complex set of ideologies and polit-
Delhi Sultans of the fourteenth century. He was ical realities of his age. Following a brief and
a native of Baran, a town just east of Delhi, known uncertain transition of power between Muḥammad
today as Bulandshahr in Uttar Pradesh, India. He b. Tughluq and Fīrūz Shāh (r. 1351–1388), Baranī
came from a family of court officials who held was imprisoned in the Bhatner fort for five months
high posts in the expanding imperial realm of the under suspicion of supporting an alternate succes-
Delhi sultans. His maternal grandfather, Ḥusām sor to the throne. It was there that he began an
al-Dīn served the chamberlain of Sultan Ghiyās intensive period of writing. He never recovered
al-Dīn Balban (r. 1266–1287). Balban later his standing in the court of Fīrūz Shāh, and many
appointed him to the governorate of Lakhnawti. of his works reflect his efforts to recuperate his
Baranī’s father, Muʾayyad al-Mulk, was first reputation and position.
appointed deputy to the prince Arkalī Khān, son The Tārī kh-i Fīrūz Shāhī is one of his most
of Jalāl al-Dīn Khiljī (r. 1290–1296). He later important works and was completed sometime
became deputy of Baran under ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Khiljī around 1356 [2, 6]. It is a history that covers the
(r. 1296–1316). reigns of the Delhi sultans from Ghiyās al-Dīn
In 1334–1335, Baranī was employed by Sultan Balban to Fīrūz Shāh, a period of approximately
Muḥammad b. Tughluq (r. 1324–51) as a servant eighty-five years. He revised this version a few
in his court and continued his service for a period years later in a manner that suggests he needed to
of seventeen years. In his role as councilor, Baranī appease the reigning Sultan in light of his earlier
provided recommendations to the Sultan on mat- depiction of Muḥammad b. Tughluq [14, 20]. In the
ters of governance, particularly regarding the Tārī kh-i Fī rūz Shāhī , Baranī accompanies the his-
extent and limits of sultanic authority. Baranī torical narrative with didactic and moralizing com-
had expertise in medieval Islamic political theory mentary reflective of his political philosophy
and the history of Islamic and Persian empires. He detailed in the Fatāva-i Jahāndārī [10, 14]. He is
was a central figure in the most important literary particularly noteworthy for the manner in which he
Baranī, Żiyāʾ al-Dīn 115

provides a theoretical framework for his under- Sultan Fīrūz Shāh in a not-so-subtle move to
standing of history [9, 12]. He addresses this sub- align his image, as a dedicated and capable ser-
ject in the introduction to the Tārī kh-i Fī rūz Shāhī . vant of the court, with the legacy of Barmakid
Baranī traces the history of historiography through courtiers in the Abbasid Empire.
two primary bodies of literature, the history of Saḥī fat-i Naʿt-i Muḥammadī fits into the larger B
Arabs written primarily in Arabic, and the history body of devotional literatures dedicated to the
of Persians written primarily in the Persian lan- praise of the Prophet Muhammad [15]. According
guage. With his critical reflections on history writ- to Baranī, it was composed when he was seventy
ing, Baranī represents a larger conceptual turn in years old. The work is divided into five chapters,
history writing in the Muslim world that was aided generally organized into the following subjects:
by other great contemporary authors such as Ibn knowledge and ethical behavior, pious acts and
Khaldūn (1332–1406). personal habits, diplomacy, miracles, and the obli-
His second major work, the Fatāva-i gation of Muslims to follow the Prophet’s exam-
Jahāndārī is a masterpiece of Persian advice lit- ple. Many of his other works appear to be
erature [4, 5], exemplified by works such as the devotional in nature, but none are extant. Only
Siyāsat-nāma of Niẓām al-Mulk (1018–1092), fragments of his Ḥasrat-nāma or “The Book of
Ādāb al-Ḥarb wa-l-Shajāʿa of Fakhr-i Mudabbir Regret” can be found cited in other works of the
(ca. 1157–1236), and Akhlāq-i Nāṣirī of Naṣīr al- period.
Dīn al-Ṭūsī (1201–74) [1, 13, 19]. The content of
the Fatāva-i Jahāndārī is comprehensive, rang-
ing from specific regulations regarding price con- Cross-References
trols, the army and intelligence, rules on the
administration of punishment for crimes, and the ▶ Amir Khusraw
management and treatment of non-Muslim reli- ▶ Nizām-ud-Dīn Awliyā
gious communities. The overarching theme of the
text is the proper and just application of the
authority of the sultan. Baranī particularly applies References
his critical thought to the conflicting sources of
authority of sharī ʿa, governed by the ʿulamāʾ, and 1. Alam M (2004) The languages of political Islam: India
1200–1800. University of Chicago Press, Chicago,
the żavābiṭ or court issued rulings of the sultan pp 31–43
[1, 7, 8]. In the ideal conception of Islamic author- 2. Baranī, Żiyāʾ al-Dīn (1862) Tārīkh-i Fīrūz Shāhī,
ity during the Delhi Sultanate, sharī a and żavābiṭ vol 33, Bibliotheca Indica. Asiatic Society, Calcutta
are in harmony with each other. However, Baranī 3. Baranī, Żiyāʾ al-Dīn (1889) Tārīkh-i Āl-i Barmak.
Milk al-kitāb, Bombay
believed there to be a fundamental and irreconcil- 4. Baranī, Żiyāʾ al-Dīn (1961) The political theory of the
able contradiction in the real bifurcation of impe- Delhi Sultanate (including a translation of Ziauddin
rial authority [11]. Barani’s Fatawa-i Jahandari, circa, 1358–9 A.D.)
The Akbār-i Barmakiyān or Tārī kh-i Āl-i (trans: Afsar Umar Salim Khan). Kitab Mahal,
Allahabad
Barmak is a collection of anecdotes concerning 5. Baranī, Żiyāʾ al-Dīn (1972) Fatāva-i Jahāndārī,
the prominent Barmak family of Persian adminis- 1st edn., Intisharat-i Idarah-yi Taḥqiqat-i Pakistan,
trators who served in the early Abbasid Empire vol 25. Research Society of Pakistan, Lahore
[3]. The Barmakids commanded a great deal 6. Baranī, Żiyāʾ al-Dīn (1974) Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi of
Zia ud-Din Barani, 1st Pakistan edn. Sind Sagar Acad-
of prestige under the reigns of al-Saffāḥ emy, Lahore
(r. 749–754), al-Manṣūr (r. 754–775), and Hārūn 7. Habib I (1981) Baranī’s theory of the history of the
al-Rashīd (r. 786–809). However, under Hārūn al- Delhi Sultanate. Indian Hist Rev 7:99–115
Rashīd, the Barmakids’ influence diminished. In 8. Habib I (1999) Ziya Barani’s vision of the state.
Mediev Hist J 2(1):19–36
subsequent histories, the Barmakids were valo- 9. Hardy P (1960) Historians of Medieval India: studies
rized for their patronage of learning and urban in Indo-Muslim historical writing. Luzac, London,
development. Baranī dedicated this work to pp 20–39
116 Barelvīs

10. Hardy P. “Baranī, Ḍiyāʾ al-Dīn,” EI2 Definition

11. Hardy P. “Baranī, Żīāʾ-al-Dīn,” EIr
12. Hardy P (1957) The ‘oratio recta’ of Barani’s ‘Taʾrikh-
i-Firuz Shahi’ – fact or fiction? Bull Sch Orient Afr Barelwīs are followers of a movement or school of
Stud 20(1/3):315–321 thought (maktab-i fikr), first led by Mawlānā
13. Hardy P (1978) Unity and variety in Indo-Islamic and Aḥmad Riḍā Khān Barelwī (1856–1921). His
Perso-Islamic civilization: some ethical and political toponymic (nisbah) name Barelwī connotes that
ideas of Ḍiyā’ al-Dīn Baranī of Delhi, of al-Ghazālī
and of Naṣīr al-Dīn Tūsī compared. Iran 16:127–135 he is from Bareilly, a town in the region of Rohil-
14. Hardy P (1984) Didactic historical writing in Indian khand (land of the Rohillas) in the Indian state,
Islam: Żiyā al-Dīn Baranī’s treatment of the reign of today named Uttar Pradesh. Members of this
Muḥammad bin Tughluq (1324–1351). In: Friedmann movement sometimes reject the term “Barelwīs”
Y (ed) Islam in Asia. Magnes Press, Jerusalem,
pp 38–59 as too localized and hence prefer to refer to them-
15. Hasan N (1954) “ahifa-i Na’t-i Muhammadi of Zia-ud- selves as the Ahl-i Sunnat wa-l Jamāʿat – the peo-
Din Barani. Mediev India Q 1(3/4):100–105 ple of the Sunnah (practice of the Prophet) and the
16. Nizami KA (1981) Supplement to Elliot & Dowson’s majority community. The largest group among the
History of India: Vol III. The Khaljis and the Tughluqs,
vol 16, IAD Oriental (Original) series. Idarah-i Sunnī Muslims in India, Pakistan, and Bangla-
Adabiyat-i Dilli, Delhi, pp 43–45 desh is considered to be more connected to the
17. Nizami KA (1968) Ziya-ud-din Barani. In: Hasan Barelwī school of thought.
M (ed) Historians of Medieval India. Meenakshi
Prakashan, Meerut, pp 37–52
18. Nizami KA (1983) On history and historians of Medi-
eval India. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, Barelwī School of Thought
pp 124–140
19. Sarkar N (2006) ‘The Voice of Maḥmūd’: the hero in Origin
Ziyā Baranī’s Fatāwā-i Jahāndārī. Mediev Hist
J 9(2):327–356 Following experiences of frustration and the
20. Siddiqui IH (1989) Fresh Light on Ḍiyā’ al-Dīn decline of Muslim political power under the Brit-
Baranī: the Doyen of Indo-Persian historians. Islam ish-Christian colonial rule, diverse Islamic reform
Cult 63(1–2):69–94 and revival movements developed in Northern
21. Storey CA (1927) Persian literature: a bio-
biographical survey, vol 1. Luzac, London, India at the end of the nineteenth century [9, 16].
pp 505–608 The purist reform movement of Deoband, deriv-
ing its name from the location of the seminary
(dār al-ʿulūm) founded by Muḥammad Qāsim
Nānotawī (1832–1879) and Rashīd Aḥmad
Gangohī (1829–1905) in 1866, for example,
Barelvīs aims to purify South Asian Islam from alleged
Hindu and Sikh influences and demands an
▶ Barelwīs awareness of the Islamic practice attributed to
the companions of the Prophet [9]. A coalition
of shrines and schools was coalescing after 1880
around the person of Aḥmad Riḍā Khān in
Barelwīs Bareilly as a counter-reformist movement to
Deoband and the Ahl-i Ḥadīth to defend the tra-
Thomas K. Gugler ditionalist ritual practice performed at Sufi shrines
Centre for Islamic Theology, University of [13, 16]. This coalition gave birth to a school of
Muenster, Muenster, Germany thought called Barelwī.
Barelwīs reject the term “founder” for Aḥmad
Riḍā Khān. They consider him to be Aʿlā Ḥaḍrat
Synonyms (the Great Threshold) and the mujaddid, renewer,
of the fourteenth Islamic century. In 1869, at the
Barelvīs age of 13 years, Aḥmad Riḍā Khān began
Barelwīs 117

authoring fatāwā, which would remain the preoc- institution was also known as the Madrasa-yi Ahl-
cupation of his life [15]. In 1878 and again in i Sunnat wa Jamāʿat. About 200–300 students are
1905, he performed the ḥajj. For years, he enrolled in this institution [14]. Currently, the
maintained close relations with scholars based in most important and largest institution of education
Mecca and Medina by exchanging numerous let- of the Ahl-i Sunnat in India is the Madrasa B
ters. These scholars confirm the legal opinions Ashrafīya, Ashrafīya Miṣbāḥ al-ʿulūm, in
issued by him – most famous are the 34 confirma- Mubarakpur, in the district Azamgarh, with
tions for his fatwā of kufr against the Deobandī about 1,500 students.
elders in his polemical work Ḥusām al-Ḥaramain In 1924, the first missionary Barelwī organiza-
(Sword of Mecca and Medina). Aḥmad Riḍā tion started to operate. The Jamāʿat-i Riḍā-yi
Khān was primarily an ʿālim (scholar), in particu- Muṣṭafā was set up to counter the activities of
lar a muftī (interpreter of Islamic law), as well as the neo-Hindu missionary movement Ārya
a murīd (disciple) (1877) and later he became Samāj (Aryan Society) founded in 1875 in Mum-
a pīr (spiritual leader) and khalī fa (spiritual suc- bai. Apparently, the Jamāʿat-i Riḍā-yi Muṣṭafā
cessor) of Shāh Āl-i Rasūl (1794–1879) from the was soon outshined by the Tablīghī Jamāʿat. The
Bārkatīya Sayyids of Marahra. Aḥmad Riḍā Jamāʿat-i Riḍā-yi Muṣṭafā seems to have been
authored several hundred works: besides (i) his active until 1957 [16].
1910 published translation of the Qurʿān into In 1925, in Muradabad, the All-India Sunni
Urdu, Kanz al-I¯mān, (ii) poetry (naʿt edited in Conference was founded as the new and main
the Dīwān), and (iii) his malfūẓāt (dialogues), in institution of the Ahl-i Sunnat ʿulamāʾ. This insti-
particular iv) the 34 vols. of the Fatāwā-yi tution can be interpreted as reaction against the
Riḍwī ya. The main biographical source for Khilafat Committee (1919–1924) and the founda-
Aḥmad Riḍā Khān’s life is the Ḥayāt-i Aʿlā tion of the Deobandī-dominated JUH (Jamīʿat-i
Ḥaḍrat authored in 1938 by his disciple ʿUlamāʾ-yi Hind) in 1919. At the first meeting,
Muḥammad Ẓafar al-Dīn Bihārī. taking place on 16–19 March 1925, a document
After 1880, the Barelwī movement began to of statutes was passed, outlining the institution’s
expand its pī r-based networks throughout South aims, principles, rules for regional branches, and
Asia, although, of course, not all Sufi shrines and membership details [11]. Another major meeting
organizations could identify with the Barelwī ref- took place during the All-India Sunni Conference
erence umbrella and several Sufi sympathizers did (AISC) in October 1935 in Badaun. During the
not turn into Barelwīs [17]. Throughout the grand AISC in Benares (27–30 April 1946), the
1890s, the Ahl-i Sunnat (Barelwīs) organized idea of the foundation of Pakistan was discussed
numerous meetings on regional levels to unify in detail and the Barelwī ʿulamāʾ declared their
Sufi sympathizers and oppose the Nadwat al- unanimous support for Pakistan. Pakistan’s
ʿUlamāʾ, who founded a dār al-ʿulūm in 1894 in Barelwī-dominated political party JUP (Jamīʿat-i
Kanpur as a modified version of Deoband aiming ʿUlamāʾ-yi Pākistān) emerged from an AISC
to cope with the challenges of western education. meeting in Multan in March 1948.
In 1900, Aḥmad Riḍā Khān was officially
installed as a leader of the now unfolding Barelwī Barelwī Belief Systems
movement during a meeting of the Majlis-i Ahl-i Barelwīs stand for traditionalist Islamic beliefs
Sunnat wa Jamāʿat. This majlis was mainly an and practices associated with popular Sufism.
organization opposed to the dār al-ʿulūm Nadwat They defend rituals revolving around shrines,
al-ʿUlamāʾ, present since 1898 in Lucknow [7]. graves, saints, and in particular the veneration of
the Prophet Muḥammad. For the Barelwī’s con-
Barelwī Institutions cept of piety, a deep love for the Prophet Muḥam-
In 1904, the first madrasa (school) of the Barelwī mad, ʿishq-i rasūl, is essential.
movement, the Madrasa Manẓar-i Islām, was The main difference between the more emo-
founded by Riḍā Khān himself in Bareilly. This tional Barelwī lovers of the Prophet and the
118 Barelwīs

strictly rational monotheistic cultures of interpre- Muḥammad has died, and at the same time
tation of Deoband is the central role and super- lives on in his grave and from there, he
human status attributed to the Prophet Muḥam- conveys the invocational prayers of the
mad in the Barelwī belief systems. This difference Muslim ummah (community) to Allāh.
unfolds in a variety of beliefs and practices, which Hence, he is able to appear in dreams and
in their various forms became the center of visions.
debates among various reformist agents [1, 2, 4, (iv) Wasī la – Intercession
12]. Because of the traditionally very strong Deobandīs consider this practice poly-
emphasized love for the Prophet, Barelwīs are theism as Allāh alone is worthy of worship,
particularly sensitive to alleged abuse and insults and third parties cannot support or increase
against the Prophet [18]. Barelwīs have, for exam- the likelihood of acceptance of any prayers.
ple, massively protested against Salman Among Barelwīs, however, the connection
Rushdie’s novel titled, The Satanic Verses to Allāh can be established only through the
(1988), and mobilized mass rallies after the Prophet and other intercessors who connect
Regensburg lecture of Pope Benedict XVI in Sep- to the Prophet.
tember 2006 as well as the Danish cartoon affair. (v) Nūr – the divine light
During the Gulf crisis, Barelwīs supported Barelwīs consider the Prophet Muḥam-
Saddam Hussein as he was seen as an antagonist mad not only as human (bashar) but also as
to Saudi Wahhabism. nūr-i khudā, the light of God. According to
Their main teachings, which in their combina- Barelwī beliefs, the light of the Prophet was
tion make up a striking unique feature of the Ahl created before the multitude of creations
al-Sunnat wa al-Jamāʿat, and are the central points and is hence timeless. That means, the
for the modern debates and the traditional fatāwā- Prophet was initially created from the light
wars between Deobandīs and Barelwīs, revolve of God and after that, the creation was
around the following issues [2]: unfolded out of this light. Nūr-i
Muḥammadī is the first manifestation of
(i) Seeking assistance from others than Allāh the divine light and out of that, everything
Although salvation and spiritual support else was created, dependent on it. The dic-
can only come from Allāh, Barelwīs allow tum of the Prophet’s infallibility originates
and encourage the faithful to ask highly from this concept, which again is rejected
pious and saints for blessings, in the belief by Deobandīs as polytheistic. The debate
that Allāh has endowed the anbiyāʾ and on this question resulted in the famous
auliyāʾ with special abilities [3]. fatwā-war on whether the Prophet as per-
(ii) Permissibility of saying “Yā Muḥammad!” fect beauty and figure of light could have
and “Yā Rasūl Allāh!” had a shadow, which is denied by Barelwīs.
The invocation of the Prophet is allowed (vi) ʿilm-i ghaib – the knowledge of the unseen
among Barelwīs, whereas Deobandīs con- Knowledge of the unseen, the past and
sider such invocations to be shirk, polythe- future, is for Deobandīs one of the exclu-
ism, because to them, the additional “Yā!” sive qualities of Allāh. Barelwīs however
(Oh) implies the presence of the person believe that Allāh can reveal parts of this
being invocated, and the Prophet has died knowledge to selected Prophets, and that
like a human being according to Deobandī Allāh has provided his most beloved
beliefs. Prophet Muḥammad as the only one to
(iii) The “death” of the Prophet have full access to this knowledge, and
Barelwīs are accused of claiming that that the Prophet Muḥammad did pass it on
the Prophet Muḥammad has never died. to selected successors.
This, however, is not the full truth: (vii) Ḥāḍir-o nāẓir – the Prophet’s presence
Barelwīs believe that the Prophet viewing all actions
Barelwīs 119

As light the Prophet is eternally omni- shrine rituals and ritual worship of intercessors
present; hence, he is present (ḥāḍir) and between Muslims and Allāh (such as ʿurs, cele-
witness or viewer (nāẓir) of all human brating the anniversary of the death of popular
actions. saints (their marriage with god), and mī lād al-
(viii) Mī lād al-Nabī – remembering the birthday nabī , the birthday of the Prophet Muḥammad), B
of the Prophet with celebrations and at the same time reformist in their emphasis
Barelwīs consider mī lād al-nabī to be on individual responsibility for salvation [15].
the most important Islamic holiday of the
year, the ʿī d of ʿī ds. Quite famous is the Contemporary Barelwīyat
online fatwā given by the Tablīghī Muftī Following Riḍā Khān’s death in 1921, his two
Taqī ʿUsmānī, who parallels mī lād with the sons became leading figures in the movement of
Christian Christmas celebrations, against the Ahl-i Sunnat wa Jamāʿat. Riḍā Khān‘s first-
which he levels the same arguments to born was Ḥamīd Riḍā Khān (1875–1943).
identify them as non-biblical and Already in 1915, Riḍā Khān appointed Ḥamīd
un-Christian as he does against mī lād to Riḍā Khān, who also became known under his
consider it non-Koranic and un-Islamic. title Ḥujjat al-Islām (proof of Islam), his sajjāda-
(ix) Idḫāl aṯ-Tawāb – raising the spiritual status nashī n (akin to a spiritual successor) in the Sufi
of the deceased suborder silsila-yi riḍwī ya. His Bareilly-born
Spiritual benefits and forgiveness of sins brother Muṣṭafā Riḍā Khān (1892–1981), 18
can be practiced and asked for on another’s years younger, became famous after Ḥamīd‘s
behalf, for example, for a deceased person, death in 1943 as the Muftī al-Aʿẓam-i Hind, the
in order to raise his or her spiritual status. great jurist of India – not with a title honoring him
Means for attaining that higher status are, as a Sufi saint. His magnum opus is the two
for example, prayer, giving donations, volumes of the Fatāwā-yi Muṣṭafawī ya. He
reciting the Qur’ān, or making an addi- received his education at the Madrasa Manẓar-i
tional ḥajj (pilgrimage) in the name of the Islām. Under his guidance, the grave of his father
deceased. Other Muslims consider it was transformed into a shrine – one of the most
impossible to produce spiritual benefits central Barelwī khānaqāhs – becoming an impor-
through own deeds for another (in particu- tant destination of pilgrimage and a place for the
lar deceased) person. Barelwīs, however, annual ʿurs celebrations. Bareilly became a sacred
usually fix a date for a meeting dedicated site with the grave of Riḍā Khān as a center for
to this purpose after some member of the receiving baraka. Both sons of Riḍā Khān are
community has died. buried next to their father in the shrine in Bareilly.
(x) Taʿwī z – amulet locket Apart from the works of Riḍā Khān, the most
The taʿwī z is a duʿāʾ, a verse of the central pillar of contemporary Barelwīyat is the
Qur’ān or of the ahadith, which is written fatāwā-collection titled Bahār-i Sharī ʿat authored
on a repeatedly folded piece of paper worn by Muftī Muḥammad Amjad ʿAlī (1879–1948)
in a locket around the neck. As an amulet, it [1].
shall, for instance, unfold healing powers In 1972, the JUP “saint-politician” [8] Shāh
for sick people, protective powers for chil- Aḥmad Nūrānī (1926–2003) and the widely read
dren, repelling evil, etc. Barelwī author Arshad al-Qādirī (1925–2002)
founded the World Islamic Mission in Mecca
The Deobandī scholars Qāsimī and Maḥmūd with its head office in Bradford, United Kingdom.
have formulated a fundamental criticism of the The fiasco with the movement for the estab-
Barelwī belief systems outlined in a seven- lishment of the Muḥammadan order (niẓām-i
volume work [12]. muṣṭafā) in Pakistan at the general elections in
The Barelwīs are antagonists of the 1977 [8] resulted in an aggressive mode of Islam-
"reformers" in the sense that they subscribe to ization that threatened to seriously weaken
120 Bāyazīd Ansārī (Pīr-i Rōshan)
˙

Barelwī institutions in Pakistan under the military 8. Malik J (1990) The luminous Nurani: Charisma and
rule of General Muḥammad Ḍiyāʾ al-Ḥaq political mobilisation among the Barelwis in Pakistan.
Soc Anal 28(Special Issue: Person, Myth and Society
(1977–1988). Out of this crisis, two major neo- in South Asian Islam):38–50
Barelwī movements were born. In October 1980, 9. Metcalf BD (2002) Islamic revival in British India:
the Idārah-yi Minhāj al-Qurʾān was founded in Deoband, 1860–1900. Oxford University Press, New
Lahore by Ṭāhir al-Qādirī (b. 1951) and in Sep- Delhi
10. Philippon A (2011) Soufisme et politique au Pakistan:
tember 1981, the Da’wat-i Islāmī was established Le movement barelwi à l’heure de la “guerre contre le
in Karachi with Muḥammad Ilyās Qādirī ʿAṭṭār as terrorisme”. Karthala, Paris
its amī r to renew Barelwīyat in a transnational 11. Qādirī MJ (1978) Khuṯbāt-i Āl-Inḍiyā Sunnī
sphere [5, 10]. The Da’wat-i Islāmī became the Kānfarans, 1925 tā 1947. Maktaba-yi Riḍwīya,
Gujrāt
largest global missionary movement of the 12. Qāsmī MS, Maḥmūd Kh (n.d.) Muṯālaʿ ah-yi
Barelwīs, the Barelwī Tablīghī Jamāʿat. Both Barelwīyat: Ek Tārīkhī, Fikrī aur Taḥqīqī Jāʾiza. 7
movements experienced rapid growth in India as Vols. Ḥāfiẓī Bukdipo, Deoband
well as in the Diaspora communities [5, 6]. In 13. Sanyal U (2011) Barelwīs. In: Encyclopaedia of Islam,
THREE. Brill, Leiden
2008, the Da’wat-i Islāmī launched the first 14. Sanyal U (2008) Ahl-I Sunnat Madrasas. In: Malik
Barelwī television channel, Madani Channel, in J (ed) Madrasas in South Asia: teaching terror?
Karachi. Madani Channel is aired to more than Routledge, London
a 100 countries. 15. Sanyal U (2005) Ahmad Riza Khan Barelwi: in the
path of the Prophet. Oneworld, Oxford
16. Sanyal U (1996) Devotional Islam and politics in
British India. Oxford University Press, Delhi
17. Troll CW (ed) (2004) Muslim Shrines in India. Their
Cross-References character, history and significance. Oxford University
Press, New Delhi
▶ Deoband School 18. Werbner P (2003) Pilgrims of love: the anthropology
of a global Sufi cult. Indiana University Press,
▶ Fatwa Bloomington
▶ Qādirīyah Order
▶ Tablīghī Jamā‘at

References Bāyazīd Ansārī (Pīr-i Rōshan)

˙
1. Amjad AM (2007) Bahār-i Sharīʿat, 4 vols. Shabir Sajjad Nejatie
Brothers, Lahore Department of Near and Middle Eastern
2. Ammar A (2001) Traditional scholarship & modern Civilizations, University of Toronto, Toronto,
misunderstandings: understanding the Ahle al-Sun-
nah. Islamic Information Centre, Bristol
ON, Canada
3. Buehler AF (1998) Sufi Heirs of the Prophet. The
Indian Naqshbandiyya and the rise of the mediating
Sufi Shaykh. University of South Carolina Press,
Columbia Synonyms
4. Ernst CW, Lawrence B (2002) Sufi Martyrs of love:
the Chishti order in South Asia and beyond. Palgrave Bāyezīd; Bāzīd; Pīr-i Rōkhān/Rūkhān/Rūshān/
Macmillan, New York
5. Gugler TK (2011) Mission Medina: Daʿwat-e Islāmī Rowshān/Rawshān/Raushān
und Tablīġī Ǧamāʿat. Ergon, Würzburg
6. Gugler TK (2010) Public religiosity, parrots of para-
dise and the symbols of the Super-Muslim. In: Hasan
M (ed) Islam in a globalized world: negotiating fault Definition
lines. ImprintOne, Gurgaon
7. Malik J (1997) Islamische Gelehrtenkultur in
Nordindien: Entwicklungsgeschichte und Tendenzen Bāyazīd Anṣārī or Pīr-i Rōshān was the founder
am Beispiel von Lucknow. Brill, Leiden and spiritual head of the mystical order often
Bāyazīd Ansārī (Pīr-i Rōshan) 121
˙

referred to as the Rōshāniyya movement, which Bāyazīd came to be referred to as the Rōshāniyya
gained a foothold in the mountainous region of movement [1, 3, 6, 14, 15, 19].
northwestern India in the second half of the six-
teenth century.
The Popular Appeal of the Rōshāniyya B
Movement
Bāyazīd Ansārī’s Upbringing
˙ The movement Bāyazīd founded was decidedly
The details of Bāyazīd Anṣārī’s early life are esoteric in outlook and syncretized elements of
derived in large part from the Ḥālnāma – Islamic philosophy or theosophy, Ismā‘īlism,
a Persian treatise said to contain Bāyazīd’s Ḥurūfism, and Sufism. On account of his sub-
autobiographical notes but that was written by scription to the doctrine of “the Unity of Being”
the mid-seventeenth century Rōshānī author (waḥdat al-wujūd) attributed to Ibn al-‘Arabī,
‘Alī Muḥammad Khān Shīnwārī. According Bāyazīd’s teachings are sometimes described as
to this work, Bāyazīd was born (in 1521 or pantheistic [9], though there exist important dif-
1525) in his mother’s hometown of Jalandhar ferences between the two concepts. In any case,
in the Punjab and was raised in his father’s the mystical bent of Bāyazīd’s teachings was
hometown of Kānigūrām, located in the especially popular among the Afghan tribes
mountainous region of Wazīristān in present- inhabiting the vast mountainous region to the
day northwestern Pakistan. His father, ‘Abd west of the Indus and south of the Hindu Kush
Allāh, was a jurist (qāżī ) and a merchant who mountains whose tribal code was not in strict
resided among the Barakī (also referred to as conformity with Islamic law and who were thus
Ormurī) tribesmen inhabiting Kānigūrām and more receptive to esoteric interpretations of Islam
claimed descent from Abū Ayyūb, one of [6, 7]. This popularity among the Afghans has led
the Anṣār or “helpers” of the Prophet Muḥam- some authors to characterize the Rōshāniyya as an
mad, hence his epithet “Anṣārī” [1, 3, 6, 8, 15, Afghan national movement [14, 20]. However,
18, 20]. the ideas promulgated by Bāyazīd appealed to
Bāyazīd traveled frequently with his father certain disenfranchised elements rather than to
during the latter’s trade expeditions between Cen- the whole of Afghan tribal society, and many
tral Asia and India. In the course of his travels, he Afghans espousing Sunni “orthodoxy” had been
is said to have met with various men of among the staunchest opponents of the
religion – among them Ismā‘īlīs, Sufis, and Rōshāniyya movement. Moreover, in addition to
Yogis – who had a profound impact on his reli- the fact that his ancestors were associated with the
gious outlook. As a young adult, he grew distant non-Afghan Barakī tribe and claimed Arab
from his neglectful father and became disillu- descent, the movement Bāyazīd founded also
sioned with the hypocrisy of religious leaders of included several high-ranking non-Afghan adher-
his time whom he gradually began to repudiate ents [6, 7]. In short, the notion that the Rōshāniyya
openly. At around the age of 40 (ca. 1560s), he constituted an Afghan national movement is
claimed the lofty mystical rank of Pīr-i Kāmil (lit. a gross oversimplification.
the Perfected Master) and began to accept disci-
ples in the manner of Sufi masters. As was typical
of leaders of Sufi orders (tarīqāt), Bāyazīd formed The Politicization of the Rōshāniyya
an elaborate spiritual hierarchy atop which were Movement
his deputies or khalī fas who played a central role
in disseminating his message and recruiting fol- The Rōshāniyya began as a predominantly spiri-
lowers. His adherents referred to him as Pīr-i tual movement, but, in the late 1560s, by which
Rōshān, the Illuminated Master, and were known time Bāyazīd’s influence steadily spread across
as Rōshānīs. In this way, the order founded by the Peshawar and Kabul valleys, members of the
122 Bāyazīd Ansārī (Pīr-i Rōshan)
˙

Rōshāniyya had become entrenched in Persian, and Pashto – the so-called language of the
a prolonged political struggle with representatives Afghans. It was his pioneering Pashto writings
of the nascent Mughal polity and its supporters, that were particularly influential, for the decades
especially those among the religious classes who following his death witnessed the emergence of
came to view Bāyazīd and his followers as a vibrant Pashto literary tradition spearheaded by
a serious threat to their authority [3, 5–7]. The members of the Rōshāniyya movement [4, 5]. We
hostile attitude towards the Rōshāniyya is encap- know, for instance, that the corpus of Pashto
sulated in the writings of Ākhund Darwīza poetry Bāyazīd left behind served as a model for
(1533–1638), a staunch defender of Sunni “ortho- later generations of poets, including his descen-
doxy” who authored the Taẕkirat al-abrār wa al- dant Mīrzā Khān Anṣārī who flourished in the
ashrār, a vehement polemic designed to refute the seventeenth century [10, 16, 17]. Perhaps the
teachings of Bāyazīd – who is labeled pejoratively most important Pashto composition attributed to
in the work as Pīr-i Tārīk, or the Darkened Bāyazīd, at least from a purely philological stand-
Master – and to admonish the Afghan tribes who point, is a manuscript copy of his mystical treatise
accepted Rōshāniyya doctrines. Facing growing expositing the Rōshāniyya creed known as Khayr
opposition by local religious and political author- al-bayān, which, being dated 1651, represents the
ities, the Rōshāniyya movement took on an oldest extant text written in the language [4, 5, 12,
increasingly millenarian fervor and, beginning in 13, 16].
1570, Bāyazīd and his supporters engaged in
a series of armed conflicts with the Mughal gov-
ernors of Kabul and Peshawar. It was in this
Cross-References
period of strife that Bāyazīd died in either 1572
or 1575 [3, 5]. Led by Bāyazīd’s descendants, the
▶ Akbar
Rōshāniyya movement continued its resistance
▶ Taṣawwuf
against the Mughal establishment but was largely
▶ Waḥdat ul-Wujūd
suppressed and its leadership co-opted into
Mughal service during the reigns of the emperor
Akbar (r. 1556–1605) and the latter’s immediate
successors. By the mid-seventeenth century, the References
Rōshāniyya no longer posed a significant threat to
Mughal hegemony [1, 5, 6, 14]. 1. Ahmed T (1982) Religio-political ferment in the North
West Frontier during the Mughal period: the
Despite suffering political defeat, the Raushaniya movement. Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delhi,
Rōshāniyya was not entirely eradicated as Delhi
a religious movement and there is evidence that 2. Andreyev S (1994) British Indian views (nineteenth
followers of Bāyazīd have survived into the pre- and early twentieth centuries) of the later followers of
the Rauxāniyya Sect in Afghanistan and Northern
sent, though their numbers are difficult to ascer- India. Iran 32:135–138
tain due to the prevalent practice of prudent 3. Andreyev S (1999) The Rawshaniyya: a Sufi
religious dissimulation (taqiyya) among them [2, movement on the Mughal tribal periphery. In:
3, 11, 17]. Lewisohn L, Morgan D (eds) The heritage of Sufism.
Late classical Persianate Sufism (1501–1750): the
Safavid and Mughal period, vol 3. Oneworld,
Oxford, pp 290–318
The Legacy of Bāyazīd Ansārī 4. Andreyev S (1999) The beginning of Pashtun written
˙ culture and the Rawx̌aniya movement. In: Melville
C (ed) Proceedings of the third European conference
Bāyazīd’s most enduring legacy was arguably of Iranian studies held in Cambridge, 11–15 Septem-
within the cultural sphere, for he was a prolific ber 1995, Pt. 2, mediaeval and modern Persian.
writer who authored numerous works in Arabic, Reichert, Wiesbaden, pp 209–217
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5. Andreyev S (2010) Pashto literature: the classical

period. In: Yarshater E (gen ed) A history of Persian Bayhaqī, Abūl-Fażl
literature. Oral literature of Iranian languages, vol 18
(eds: Kreyenbroek PG, Marzolph U). I.B. Tauris, New
York, pp 89–113 Sajjad Nejatie1 and Michael O’Neal2
B
1
6. Arlinghaus JT (1988) The transformation of Afghan Department of Near and Middle Eastern
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and the Roshaniyya insurrection, 1450–1700. PhD
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7. Arlinghaus JT (1993) Varieties of Islamic expression Washington, DC, USA
in the Mughal province of Kabul in the 16th century.
In: Dallapiccola AL, Lallemant SZ (eds) Islam and
Indian regions. Steiner, Stuttgart, pp 7–29
8. Bausani A (1971) Pashto language and literature Synonyms
(trans: Blair B). Mahfil 7(1–2):55–69
9. Beveridge H, The encyclopaedia of Islam, s.v. Abū’l-Fażl Bayhaqī; Abū al-Faḍl al-Bayhaqī;
“Bāyazīd” Baihaqī
10. Caroe OK (1958) The Pathans, 550 BC–AD 1957.
Macmillan, London
11. Leyden J (1812) On the Rosheniah Sect and its foun-
der Bayezid Ansari. Asiat Res 12:363–428 Definition
12. MacKenzie DN (1964) The Xayr ul-bayān. In: Redard
G (ed) Indo-Iranica: Mélanges présentés à Georg
Morgenstierne à l’occasion de son soixante-dixième Abūl-Fażl Muḥammad b. Ḥusayn Bayhaqī (ca.
anniversaire. Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 995–1077) was a Ghaznavid secretary and histo-
pp 134–140 rian best known for his monumental dynastic his-
13. MacKenzie DN (1997) The development of Pashto tory of the Ghaznavids, Tārī kh-i Bayhaqī or “The
script. In Akiner S, Sims-Williams N (eds) Languages
and Scripts of Central Asia. London, School of Orien- History of Bayhaqī.”
tal and African Studies, pp 137–143
14. Malik SJ (1993) 16th century Mahdism: the
Rawshaniyya movement among Pakhtun tribes. In: Bayhaqī’s Background and Life
Dallapiccola AL, Lallemant SZ (eds) Islam and Indian
regions. Steiner, Stuttgart, pp 31–59
15. Mashūd MWK (1970) Rowshni movement: Bāyazīd Abūl-Fażl Muḥammad b. Ḥusayn Bayhaqī was
Anṣārī’s life and teachings. Islam Stud 9(4):317–329 born in ca. 995 in the village of Ḥārisābād near
16. Morgenstierne G (1939) Notes on an old Pashto man- Bayhaq (present-day Sabzavār) in the eastern-
uscript, containing the Khayr-ul-Bayān of Bayāzīd
Ansārī. New Indian Antiq 2(8):566–574 Iranian province of Khurāsān (to be distin-
17. Raverty HG (1862) Selections from the poetry of the guished from Sabzavār, or Shīndand, in modern
Afghāns, from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century. Afghanistan). In the medieval period, Bayhaq
Williams and Norgate, London produced a large number of administrators who
18. Rizvi SAA (1965–66) Rawshaniyya Movement [I].
Abr-Nahrain 6:63–91 served in the bureaucracies of such dynasties as
19. Rizvi SAA (1967–68) Rawshaniyya Movement II. the Sāmānids and the Ghaznavids. Bayhaqī was
Abr-Nahrain 7:62–98 one such bureaucrat who, in his youth, had
20. Shafi M, The encyclopaedia of Islam, new edn, s.v. received training in Khurāsān’s cultural and
“Bāyazīd (or Bāzīd as engraved on his seal, Tad̲h̲kirat
al-Abrār f. 88a) Anṣārī” administrative center of Nīshāpūr prior to enter-
ing the secretariat (dīvān-i risālat) of the
Ghaznavids during the reign of Maḥmūd (r.
998–1030). As a Ghaznavid state secretary
(dabī r), he served as an apprentice of the Chief
Bāyezīd Secretary, Abū Naṣr b. Mushkān (d. 1039–1040)
and was responsible for composing various types
▶ Bāyazīd Anṣārī (Pīr-i Rōshan) of court documents. Bayhaqī remained part of
124 Bayhaqī, Abūl-Fażl

the secretariat throughout the reign of Mas‘ūd Bayhaqī’s History is a highly informative pri-
(1030–1040) but was removed from office mary source on the early Ghaznavid period, partic-
and imprisoned during the rule of ‘Abd al-Rashīd ularly for the reign of Mas‘ūd but also for prior
(r. ca. 1049–1052) on a spurious legal pretext. He rulers from its numerous retrospective glances. It
was released following the accession of provides details on the military, administration, and
Farrukhzād (r. 1052–1059) and subsequently elaborate court culture of the sultanate with its
retired from official duty. He passed away in various Turkish and Persian cultural elements [6,
1077 during the reign of Farrukhzād’s successor 8, 9]. It includes valuable information on the elev-
Ibrāhīm (r. 1059–1099) [1, 13, 15, 16, 19]. enth-century history of the eastern lands of the
Islamic world as a whole, including relations
between the Ghaznavids and powers like the
The Content and Structure of Bayhaqī’s ‘Abbāsids, Būyids, Qarākhānids, and Saljūqs. It
History also describes Ghaznavid military activities in the
mountains of Ghūr, the homeland of the founders of
Bayhaqī drew upon his extensive experience as the Ghūrid dynasty, and parts of northern India that
a member of the Ghaznavid secretariat while pro- would form the core lands of the Ghaznavid Empire
ducing various writings including the now-lost in the twelfth century. The only surviving fragments
secretarial manual Zī nat al-kuttāb [1, 12, 19]. of a history of Khwārazm by Abū Rayḥān Bīrūnī
The official documents he composed and col- (d. after 1050) are preserved in a special section
lected throughout his career were also utilized devoted to that province [1, 2, 5–7, 15, 17].
for his most famous work, a monumental annalis-
tic history of the Ghaznavid dynasty that, when
completed, spanned from the reign of its founder Bayhaqī’s Historical Method and
Sebüktegīn (r. 977–997) to that of Sulṭān Ibrāhīm. Reception
The History is said to have consisted of over 30
volumes, though only 6 are known to have In recent decades, historians have come to appreci-
survived – all of volumes 6, 7, and 9 and parts of ate Bayhaqī’s avant-garde approach to history writ-
volumes 5, 8, and 10 (earlier portions of the work ing, which he states was developed as part of
are also cited in the thirteenth-century Ṭabaqāt-i a conscious effort to distinguish his work from
Nāṣirī of Minhāj al-Dīn Jūzjānī). The complete that of his predecessors. For instance, in his History,
work was known as The Volumes (Mujalladāt), Bayhaqī expresses his preference for detailed elab-
with its various sections further bearing individual oration over a simple chronicling of events. He
titles perhaps based on that of the ruler whose criticizes the fanciful tales that were often presented
reign is covered; thus, volumes 2–4 entitled as history in the works of his predecessors and
Tārī kh-i Yamīnī and covering the reign of instead advocates what he describes as authoritative
Maḥmūd receive their title from the honorific narratives [13, 18, 19]. He was also a strong pro-
“Yamīn al-Dawla” (lit: “The Right Hand of the ponent of source criticism and, in his work, stresses
State”) conferred upon that ruler by the ‘Abbāsid the need to appraise the sources whence the histo-
caliph al-Qādir (r. 991–1031). Since most of the rian’s information is derived. Bayhaqī’s novel
History was apparently lost within a century of approach was not particularly influential as later
Bayhaqī’s death, the titles ascribed to the later historians did not emulate it. It has, however, gar-
sections remain unknown. Later authors knew nered much attention from modern historians for its
the collection by various titles, including Tārī kh-i anticipation of modern historical methodologies.
āl-i Maḥmūd and Tārī kh-i āl-i Sebüktegīn. Beyond its unique methodological approach,
Because the extant volumes deal mainly with the Bayhaqī’s History is also widely considered to be
reign of Mas‘ūd, the history is often referred to as among the greatest works of classical Persian liter-
Tārī kh-i Mas‘ūdī , though the title Tārī kh-i ature. Having spent most of his adult life among the
Bayhaqī is most commonly used [1, 7, 10, 19]. leading intellectuals attached to the Ghaznavid
Bedil 125

court, Bayhaqī developed into a skilled litterateur, 5. Bosworth CE (1963) Early sources for the first four
and his writing is renowned for its eloquent style, its Ghaznavid Sultans (977–1041). Islam Q 7(1–2):10–14
6. Bosworth CE (1963) The Ghaznavids. Edinburgh Uni-
skilled use of rhetorical devices, and its dramatic versity Press, Edinburgh
quality including, as an example, his famed account 7. Bosworth CE (1977) The later Ghaznavids. Edinburgh
of the disgraced vizier Ḥasanak’s execution [3, 4, University Press, Edinburgh B
11, 13, 14, 19]. His History also resonated with 8. Bosworth CE (2001) Notes on some Turkish names in
Abu’l-Faḍl Bayhaqī’s Tārīkh-i Mas‘ūdī. Oriens
readers due to the ethical tone it fostered. As 36:299–313
a firm believer in history’s didactic value, he often 9. Bosworth CE (2004) An oriental Samuel Pepys?
weaves exemplary digressions in the form of flash- Abu’l-Faḍl Bayhaqī’s memoirs of court life in Eastern
backs, poems, and anecdotes of a moral and Iran and Afghanistan, 1030–1041. J Roy Asiatic Soc
14(1):13–25
ethical quality into the main narratives of his work 10. Hashmi YA (1968) The lacuna in Bayhaqi. J Pak Hist
[1, 3, 13, 14, 19]. The various narrative strategies Soc 16:136–144
Bayhaqī employed enriched the literary quality of 11. Katouzian H (1990) The execution of Amir Hasanak
his history and contributed to its reputation as one the Vizier: some lessons for the historical sociology of
Iran. In: Melville C (ed) Persian and Islamic studies in
of the crown jewels of Persian literature. honour of P.W. Avery, Pembroke papers I. University
The considerable historical and literary value of Cambridge, Cambridge, pp 73–88
of Bayhaqī’s work has made it among the most 12. Luther KA (1971) Bayhaqī and the later Seljuq histo-
analyzed and discussed histories written in Per- rians: some comparative remarks. In: Matīnī J (ed)
Yādnāmah-’i Abū al-Fażl Bayhaqī. Meshed Univer-
sian. The ongoing popularity of the work has sity Press, Mashhad, pp 14–33
much to do with its growing accessibility; in 13. Meisami JS (1999) Persian historiography to the end
recent times, a number of critical editions of the of the twelfth century. Edinburgh University Press,
surviving volumes have been published, and Edinburgh
14. Meisami JS (2000) History as literature. Iranian Stud
a number of translations are also available in 33(1–2):15–30
Arabic, Russian, and, most recently, English by 15. Minovi M (1962) The Persian historian Bayhaqī. In:
C.E. Bosworth with M. Ashtiany [1]. Lewis B, Holt PM (eds) Historians of the Middle East.
Oxford University Press, London, pp 138–140
16. Naficy S (1960) The encyclopaedia of Islam, new edn.
vol 1, pp 1130–1131, s.v. “Bayhaḳī, Abu’l-Faḍl
Muḥammad b. Ḥusayn Kātib”
Cross-References
17. Nāẓim M (1931) The life and times of Sulṭān Maḥmūd
of Ghazna. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
▶ Al-Biruni 18. Savory R (1971) Abu’l-Fażl Bayhaqī as an historiog-
▶ Ghaznavids rapher. In: Matīnī J (ed) Yādnāmah-’i Abū al-Fażl
Bayhaqī. Meshed University Press, Mashhad,
▶ Jūzjānī, Minhāj al-Dīn
pp 84–128
▶ Mas‘ūd I 19. Waldman MR (1980) Toward a theory of historical
narrative: a case study in Perso-Islamicate historiogra-
phy. Ohio State University Press, Columbus
References

1. Abū al-Fażl Bayhaqī (2011) The history of Beyhaqi

(trans: Bosworth CE; rev. Ashtiani M). Ilex Founda-
tion, Boston Bāzīd
2. Ahmad N (2000) A critical examination of Baihaqī’s
narration of the Indian expeditions during the reign of ▶ Bāyazīd Anṣārī (Pīr-i Rōshan)
Masʿūd of Ghazna. In: Ahmad N, Siddiqui IH (eds)
Islamic heritage in South Asian subcontinent, vol 2.
Publication Scheme, Jaipur, pp 1–35
3. Amirsoleimani S (1999) Truths and lies: irony and
intrigue in the Tārīkh-i Bayhaqī. Iranian Stud
32(2):243–259
Bedil
4. Barani SH (1951) Abul Fazl Baihaqi. Indo-Iranica
5/1:5–11 ▶ Bīdel
126 Bene Israel

eighth century B.C. According to their legends,

Bene Israel the ancestors of the Bene Israel left northern Pal-
estine, possibly fleeing the persecutions of Antio-
Joan Roland chus Epiphanes around 175 B.C., or perhaps later,
Department of History, Dyson College of Arts and and were shipwrecked near the village of
Sciences, Pace University, New York, NY, USA Navgaon on the Konkan Coast of western India,
26 miles south of Bombay. Only seven men and
seven women survived; they buried the bodies of
Synonyms the others in large graves still to be found at the
site (the Chitpavan Brahmins have a similar origin
Indian Jews; Jews; Jews of India legend) ([4], pp. 6–12, 15). Other scholars have
proposed different theories of place and date of
origin of this community: that the Bene Israel
Definition arrived in the reign of King Solomon in the tenth
century B.C., before the Ten Tribes separated
“The Children of Israel,” the largest community of from the other two, that they came from Yemen
Jews in India. in the middle of the first millennium A.D., or that
they were part of the dispersal that took place after
the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 A.D.
Introduction ([8], pp. 10–15). There may have been more than
one immigration, including one from an Arab
The Bene Israel, residing primarily in the state of country in the fourth century A.D. as a result of
Maharashtra with some in the state of Gujarat, and the Sassanid Persian persecution. B.J. Israel, the
numbering perhaps 20,000 at their peak, were the most knowledgeable Bene Israel writing about the
largest of the three major Jewish communities to be community in recent times, studied these various
found in India, the others being the Baghdadi Jews claims and seemed to favor a theory that the Bene
and the Jews of Kerala. Their appearance and cul- Israel came to India in the fifth or sixth century A.
ture are very “Indian” but they are distinguished D. from either southern Arabia or Persia (in both
from their Hindu and Muslim neighbors, as well as places there was trouble for the Jews at the time)
from other religious minority groups, by their prac- ([3], pp. 14–19).
tice of Judaism. Unlike most Jews throughout the But as there are no written records, inscrip-
world, those of India never encountered anti-Sem- tions, or other evidence to confirm or disprove
itism, persecution, or discrimination at the hands of any of these conjectures, the origins of the Bene
their hosts and, although microscopic, were able to Israel remain shrouded in legend. A few individ-
maintain their identity. uals have even suggested that the Bene Israel
descended from local inhabitants who were
converted. In a letter to the rabbis of Lunel written
Origins and Early History of the Bene in 1199 or 1200, Moses Maimonides, the cele-
Israel brated Jewish philosopher, theologian, and physi-
cian, wrote “The Jews of India know nothing of
A lack of reliable evidence prevents scholars from the Torah and of the laws, nothing save the Sab-
determining the actual origin or direct lineage of bath and Circumcision” ([3], p. 13). The only
the Bene Israel and the exact time that the group Jews in India that would have fit that description
appeared in western India. Bene Israel traditions were the Bene Israel, although there is no evi-
maintain that they are descendants of one of the dence that that was the community to which he
Ten Tribes of Israel, but from that part of the was referring. While there are references to indi-
population which was not deported after the vidual Bene Israel in the Konkan in the seven-
Assyrians defeated the Kingdom of Israel in the teenth century in sanads (official Indian
Bene Israel 127

government documents), the earliest written ref- from contact with the mainstream of Jewish life,
erence to a permanent Jewish settlement in the the Bene Israel gradually forgot all but a few
Konkan region is a letter from J.A. Sartorious, essential elements of the Jewish religion. They
a Danish Christian missionary who, in 1738, men- continued to observe dietary laws and circumci-
tioned hearing about a community of Jews in sion and abstained from work on the Sabbath. B
“Surat and Rajapore” who called themselves They celebrated festivals such as the New Year,
Bene Israel, and who neither had the Bible nor Day of Atonement, Passover, Purim, and Succoth,
knew Hebrew. The only prayer that they knew reciting the Shema on these and other important
was the Shema, the most important prayer of the occasions. Given their long isolation, the mainte-
Jews ([2], pp. 3, 5). In the earliest Cochini nance of these traditions seems remarkable. In
(see entry “▶ Jews of Kerala”) reference to the time, however, they assimilated into their sur-
community, the Cochin Jewish merchant Ezekiel roundings. Having no Hebrew prayer books,
Rahabi wrote a report to the Jews of Amsterdam Bible, or Talmud, they forgot most of their
in 1768, mentioning the role the Cochinis were Hebrew language and prayers ([3], pp. 81–84).
playing in the instruction of the Bene Israel. Bene They adopted the regional dress as well as the
Israel tradition speaks of a David Rahabi who local language, Marathi, as their mother tongue.
around 1000 A.D. came to the Konkan and “dis- Even their names began to show signs of
covered” the Bene Israel, recognizing them as assimilation. First names were Indianized: Samuel
Jewish from some of their practices: observance became Samaji; Ezekiel, Hassaji; Isaac, Issaji.
of circumcision and the Sabbath, and the refusal They developed traditional Marathi surnames by
of the women to cook fish without scales. Actu- adding the suffix kar (inhabitant of) to the names
ally, Rahabi family records do show that a son of of the villages where they originally resided, so
Ezekiel Rahabi, David, visited western India and that those who lived in Kehim became
encountered the Bene Israel in the mid-eighteenth Kehimkars, those from Cheul, Cheulkars,
century while serving as an agent of the Dutch residents of Talgaon, Talgaonkars ([3],
East India Company. B.J. Israel suggests that the pp. 122–127). Today, the Bene Israel have
Bene Israel might have in their memory reverted to traditional biblical first names or mod-
amalgamated the first “discovery” by Maimoni- ern Israeli names. Although the village surnames
des with the later visit of David Rahabi ([3], are rarely used, most members of the community
pp. 15–16). know the village names of others.
It is also not clear when or how the name Bene The Bene Israel engaged in agriculture and
Israel (Children of Israel) was adopted. H.S. coconut and sesame oil pressing, and gradually
Kehimkar, a Bene Israel historian writing at the came to be known as Shanwar Telis (Saturday
end of the nineteenth century, claimed that the oilmen) in reference to their abstinence from
community took the name from the Koran (Banu work on the Sabbath. This caste-like designation
Israel of the Hijaz) so that its members would not placed them at the lower end of the Konkan class
suffer at the hands of Muslims as they might have, structure, since farming and oil pressing were not
had they been known as Jews, or Yahudis. B.J. particularly prestigious occupations. Some Bene
Israel suggests that the Bene Israel might have Israel who had moved considerably up the socio-
originated in a country dominated by Islam or economic ladder later resented being called telis
that they took their name in India while under because of the lower-class implications ([2], p.
Muslim rule ([3], pp. 81–82; [4], pp. 74–75). 160; [5], p. 13).
The early history of the Bene Israel is also
obscure. From Navgaon they gradually dispersed
throughout the coastal Konkan villages, living in Religious Developments
small communities of perhaps no more than 100
people. Intermarriage with native women proba- Absorbing Hindu caste concerns about purity,
bly occurred to some extent. Cut off for centuries Bene Israel recognized two groups within the
128 Bene Israel

community: “Gora” (white) and “Kala” (black). anniversary of the foundation of a synagogue,
These did not refer to complexion but rather to before a journey, and recovery from an illness. It
lineage. The descendants of Bene Israel fathers is still performed not only in India, but in Bene
and non-Bene Israel mothers, a minority were Israel immigrant communities in the West, in Aus-
considered “Kala” and not permitted to marry or tralia, and in Israel (in the latter often when
dine with “Gora” Bene Israel. They were also a young person is departing to the army). Scholars
segregated in cemeteries and synagogues. Nowa- have variously attributed the origin of the malida
days, the distinction between the two “subcastes” to Muslim customs, to sacrificial rites at the Tem-
has lost its significance ([5], pp. 66–67). ple in Jerusalem and, most frequently, to the Hindu
The Bene Israel also adopted certain social ceremony of offering food, prasadam, to the God
customs from their Hindu and Muslim neighbors, and then distributed to the community ([2],
such as laws of inheritance, ceremonial food offer- pp. 111–117; [10]).
ings, and observance of certain marriage and Another ceremony observed by both Hindus
funeral customs, but these did not affect Jewish and the Bene Israel is the barsa, a naming cere-
ritual ([3], pp. 84–85). Examples of their accul- mony celebrated 12 days after the birth of a girl.
turation would be their prohibition of widow Blessings, singing, dancing, and playing with
remarriage and meat eating. Although it was children are associated with this ceremony ([7],
argued that they had done this not so much to pp. 146–148). Bene Israel, like Jews around the
assimilate to Hinduism as to show respect for world, also affixed a mezuzah, in India usually
the Hindus, the line was thin. When they arrived a brass cylinder, encasing text from the Bible
in Bombay, the Baghdadi Jews questioned the written on parchment to the doors of their
Jewish orthodoxy of the Bene Israel because homes. In the nineteenth century, the Bene Israel
they did not observe certain practices concerning adapted the Hindu kirtans by telling Bible stories
the ritual bath, divorce, and marriage and, by the in Marathi with related songs sung to Hindu tunes.
twentieth century, abstinence from work on the Sermons on the topic alternated with the songs.
Sabbath ([5], pp. 67–68). This was a popular means of providing religious
The Bene Israel feel a strong connection with education for the audience ([2], p. 91).
and belief in Eliyahoo Hannabi, the Prophet Elijah Many Bene Israel date an early revival of
who appears in the Bible as ascending to Heaven their Jewish heritage to the time when David
in a chariot of fire. They believe that his journey Rahabi recognized them as Jewish and began to
began in the village of Khandalla in the Konkan, teach them the Hebrew language, as well as the
(although normative Judaism believes the site is liturgy, scriptures, rituals, and ceremonies of Juda-
near Haifa in Israel) and they point out hoof prints ism that they had forgotten. If this individual is
of his horses and the ruts of the chariot wheels indeed the mid-eighteenth-century Rahabi who
([11], p. 83). They also believe that he revived the came from Cochin, it is likely that he is the one
survivors of the shipwreck near Navgaon. The who taught them Hebrew and brought them into
Bene Israel perform a distinctive ritual which the mainstream of Judaism. He introduced them to
they call “Eliyahoo Hannabi” and which consists the Oral Law (compiled in the Talmud) whereas
of the recitation of certain prayers with an accom- previously they were familiar only with the Writ-
panying malida ceremony, the offering of certain ten Law (the scriptures). He selected young men
foods, including a special mixture of parched rice, from three prominent families – the Jhiradkars,
coconut, fruits, nuts, cardamom, sugar, and Shapurkars, and Rajpurkars – for special teaching.
rosewater. The blessings over wine and the fruit These families had already been providing the
thank God for health, fertility, and peace; others community with leaders or teachers called kajis
are addressed to Elijah. This ceremony, which (from the Arabic kadi, or judge), who traveled
requires the presence of a minyan (quorum of ten throughout the Konkan to officiate at ceremonies
men), is performed on occasions such as wed- and to settle disputes ([4], pp. 45–47; [8],
dings, circumcisions, moving to a new home, the pp. 37–38). The Kajis were later replaced by
Bene Israel 129

a group of men who managed the community’s telegraphs. As the Bombay community grew, the
religious and social needs ([2], p. 61). Bene Israel spread into several districts of the city,
By the middle of the eighteenth century, the where they established additional synagogues and
Bene Israel population of the Konkan was approx- prayer halls. Military pensioners also retired to
imately 5,000. They began moving from villages Pune, Ahmedabad, and Karachi, where they B
to the towns of Pen, Panvel, and Thane, and then were instrumental in founding synagogues ([4],
to Bombay, which was developing under the Brit- pp. 181–184).
ish and needed carpenters, masons, mechanics, A second religious renaissance began in the
and skilled tradesmen and artisans of all kinds. first decades of the nineteenth century, as small
Bombay offered educational opportunities as well groups of pious, idealistic Cochin Jews arrived in
as employment, as the British East India Com- Bombay to teach the Bene Israel Jewish ritual and
pany was still seeking to expand its native regi- ceremonials and to further acquaint them with
ments there. The first Bene Israel synagogue was their heritage. Their efforts were augmented by
completed in Bombay in 1796 and was known as those of the Arabic-speaking Jews from Iraq, who
Sha’ar HaRahamim (Gate of Mercy)). Until the were also settling in Bombay at the time ([1],
establishment of this synagogue, Bene Israel had pp. 140–143). A most important role in this reli-
worshiped at the homes of prominent families. gious revival was played by Christian missionar-
Eventually about 20 synagogues, consisting of ies who, after the ban on missionary activity in
one or two storeys, were built, most in the nine- India was lifted in 1813, exerted a vital influence,
teenth century. Serving as a place of prayer on particularly through their educational endeavors,
Sabbaths and holidays and also for circumcisions, on the Bene Israel. The American Marathi Mis-
the synagogue usually consisted of a separate sion (Congregational) established a number of
building with a courtyard and, in larger commu- schools for Bene Israel children in Bombay and
nities, annexes for a ritual bath and social func- nearby Kolaba district, where Hebrew was taught
tions, including weddings and henna ceremonies. and Bene Israel were often employed as teachers.
Each synagogue had an ark where Torah scrolls In the 1830s, the Free Church of Scotland’s mis-
were kept and in front of it, a hanging brass lamp, sion was represented in Bombay by the outstand-
the ner tamid (Eternal Light) ([7], pp. 49–50). The ing archaeologist and linguist Dr. John Wilson,
Bene Israel were not served by their own rabbis, who took a special interest in the welfare of the
nor were there many visiting rabbis, except for the Bene Israel and in their origin and history. Soon,
Jewish Religious Union, the liberal synagogue. some 250 children of the community (perhaps one
Instead, chazans, (cantors) led the prayers. The quarter of the school-age Bene Israel in Bombay
early ones often came from Cochin and intro- at the time), one third of whom were girls, were
duced their melodies, many of which came from attending the Reverend Dr. Wilson’s schools. By
Yemenite Jewish liturgy. They also served as rit- 1842, 38 Bene Israel were registered in the college
ual slaughterers. he had opened, where they could also study
By 1833, some 2,000 Bene Israel, one third of Hebrew ([2], pp. 71–78; [3], pp. 91–92).
their total number, lived in Bombay. Having The missionaries were hopeful that the Bene
already served in the military of pre-British rulers, Israel, already monotheists, could eventually be
such as the Maratha, they now enlisted in the brought to accept Christ as the Messiah. To this
British native regiments, where many rose to the end, they translated books of the Old Testament
officer class. They took up skilled trades, became into Marathi and developed Hebrew grammars in
clerks in government service and with private Marathi so that the community could become
firms, and eventually also found work in the more familiar with the religion and language of
mills of the Baghdadi Sassoons. The British had its ancestors. Absorbing the Protestant emphasis
a tendency to select members of minority groups on the importance of the text of the Bible, the
for lower echelon positions in civil departments Bene Israel became less concerned about rabbin-
such as railways, port authorities, jails, posts and ical teaching and the law than about the scriptures
130 Bene Israel

themselves ([3], p. 93). Missionaries also architects, writers, physicians, lawyers, social
recorded early Bene Israel beliefs and practices workers, engineers, teachers, and college
as they were related to them by the community. professors. A few reached the top of their pro-
But as responsive as the Bene Israel were to the fessions, but the total never amounted to more
missionaries’ educational overtures, they rarely than 10% of the Bene Israel population ([2],
took the final step of conversion. They would pp. 208–212; [3], pp. 32–33). Nissim Ezekiel,
reply to missionary arguments “We do not know one of India’s leading poets writing in English,
the replies to your questions; our learned men was a Bene Israel. Another leading writer is Esther
elsewhere do; ask them” ([3], p. 90). David, whose novels and short stories have also
Missionary encouragement led to a rash of gained international recognition. By the mid-
publishing and translation from Hebrew into twentieth century, before the emigration to Israel
Marathi undertaken by the Bene Israel themselves began, most members of the community could
in the second half of the nineteenth century. But perhaps be categorized as lower- to middle-
missionary activity also stimulated the spread of middle class, some employed as carpenters,
English among the Bene Israel, which enabled masons, mechanics, millworkers, tailors, hospital
them to become acquainted with books of Jewish assistants, and nurses, but with the majority work-
interest published in England and the USA. Soon, ing as clerks in government offices or with private
fewer translations of religious works into Marathi firms ([2], pp. 199–207). Those serving in the
were necessary ([3], p. 96). This access to English military, government service, or in railroads
materials naturally increased the Bene Israel’s could be posted anywhere in India; many went
sense of belonging to a larger Jewish community, to Aden and even Burma.
gradually reducing their isolation and their depen- After Partition and the emergence, a year later,
dence on other Jewish communities and mission- of the State of Israel, the majority of the Jews of
aries in India for religious instruction and India left. By the second decade of the twenty-first
sustenance. century, approximately 4,500 Jews remained in
India, most of them Bene Israel. Although they
were once concentrated in several areas in Bom-
Communal Activities bay, the population is now dispersed throughout
that city and its suburbs, comprising about 2,200
Toward the end of the nineteenth century, persons. Eight Bene Israel synagogues or prayer
a Bombay branch of the Anglo-Jewish Associa- halls are still functioning in greater Mumbai
tion of London subsidized a school established by (Bombay), with at least two holding regular Sab-
the Bene Israel themselves. Also by this time, bath services. In the 1960s, some of the Bene
a few members of the community had graduated Israel synagogues affiliated with the Conservative
from Bombay University and were beginning to Movement of Judaism’s World Council of Syna-
enter the professions. Newspapers in Marathi (with gogues, while others joined the Union of Ortho-
occasional English columns) were short-lived and dox Jewish Congregations, although the ritual
disappeared toward the turn of the century. They differences between the two groups in India
reemerged as a vital Anglo-Marathi press between were virtually nonexistent. Related to internal
1916 and 1927, when the Bene Israel experienced political factionalism, the distinctions have now
a wave of intense social and communal activity been obliterated. Although most Bene Israel syn-
([5], pp. 46–56). Although most members of the agogues would be considered orthodox (even
community were unquestionably loyal to Great though most individual Bene Israel observance
Britain and not active politically, a few were is less so), the Jewish Religious Union, affiliated
deeply supportive of the growing Indian national with the World Union for Progressive Judaism,
movement. In addition to several high-ranking forms a liberal wing, with its members, on the
government administrators and military officers, whole, representing the more educated class of
the Bene Israel now produced journalists, the community. Even here, however, the vitality
Bene Israel 131

has diminished since the late 1950s and 1960s, available. Its Jewish enrollment in courses, how-
when resident rabbis from abroad occupied the ever, has dropped since its peak in the late twen-
pulpit ([5], p. 254). The congregation now relies tieth century. The Konkan villages, the original
on visiting rabbis for the major holidays. It hopes home of the Bene Israel, have almost entirely
to rebuild its synagogue, which was accidentally emptied out, with most of the Jews moving to B
destroyed by an anti-Muslim terrorist bomb dur- greater Mumbai or Israel. With a few exceptions,
ing the Hindu-Muslim clashes in 1992. Today, such as at Alibag, Pen, and Panvel, the syna-
with the bulk of the population having left, the gogues are in disrepair; most are no longer used
two Jewish schools that had existed from the late for prayer ([7], p. 52). At Navgaon, the Bene Israel
nineteenth century no longer educate the majority have erected a monument, with inscriptions in
of the community’s children, who primarily attend Hebrew, English, and Marathi to commemorate
the better Christian or other private schools. their ancestors’ landing on this site, according to
A large concentration of Bene Israel, close to their legends, in the second century B.C. They
1,600, can be found in Thane, a separate city have attempted to preserve and protect the area,
north of Bombay. Its synagogue is full on the including a more recent cemetery.
Sabbath. There are educational programs and an
active women’s association which publishes
a magazine, Shayalee. Emigration to Israel
Most of the Jewish education imparted in
India, in addition to classes in synagogues and The Partition of 1947 and the establishment of the
a few offered by Chabad-Lubavitcher, (a Hasidic State of Israel the following year led first to grad-
Orthodox Jewish movement), is provided by the ual and then to mass emigration of the Jews of
American Joint Distribution Committee (AJDC). India. The Bene Israel have not concealed the
This organization, active in India since the 1960s, economic motivation behind their move to Israel.
tries to foster Jewish identity, especially among Bene Israel Zionism had always been lukewarm.
young people, by offering informal courses and A few leaders of the community had enthusiasti-
social clubs for all ages, leadership training pro- cally embraced the movement; others, although
grams, lectures, conferences and seminars, social they had watched the development of a Jewish
and educational outreach programs, and various National Home in Palestine with great interest,
types of camps. It runs a home for the aged as feared, prophetically, that they would not be
well. AJDC’s Evelyn Peters Jewish Community accepted as full Jews in a Jewish state founded
Center in Mumbai, directed and staffed by local by Western Jews ([5], pp. 146–157). A great many
Jews who are assisted by young volunteers from identified strongly with India and a few even with
Israel and Western countries, is the hub of this Indian nationalism. Yet, as economic conditions
activity. AJDC also provides medical clinics and declined after independence, the Bene Israel
gives cash assistance to the needy. Programs and lower-middle class, unlike their non-Jewish coun-
classes are offered from time to time in Pune, terparts, had an alternative: they could and did
Alibag, and Ahmedabad. For a short time, the emigrate to Israel, which seemed to offer
community had a Bene Israel Rabbi, trained in a brighter future. Not only did the idea of living
Israel with AJDC support, but he left for Israel. in a Jewish state appeal to them, but the advent of
Another International Jewish organization, ORT Indian independence had created an additional
(Organization for Educational Resources and potential threat to the Bene Israel: the end of job
Technological Training) provides computer clas- preferences in the government services. These
ses and leadership training for Jewish youth. It opportunities naturally disappeared with the Brit-
offers some Hebrew and Jewish instruction and ish, to be replaced by an endemic communal nep-
also organizes camps and other programs. ORT otism, where Hindu, Muslim, and Parsi employers
runs community seders (ritual dinners for the hol- would prefer to hire their own co-religionists for
iday of Passover) and makes kosher chicken jobs. The Bene Israel, recognizing that there were
132 Bene Israel

comparatively few Jews in a position to hire, and 55, spread all over the country, which they attend
perhaps reluctant (unnecessarily) to compete on and support. With few exceptions, these syna-
merit, feared for their economic future. Also, as gogues are still led primarily by chazans, rather
more and more members of their community than rabbis. Upon moving to Israel, the commu-
departed, young Bene Israel who applied for posi- nity discovered that some of their traditions dif-
tions in large corporations began to hear: “We’re fered from those of normative Judaism and they
reluctant to hire you because we’ll invest in your have debated whether or not to change them.
training and then you’ll leave for Israel.” Many The second generation of Bene Israel, raised
young Bene Israel believed there would be better and educated in Israel, has done better econom-
marriage prospects in Israel. A few educated, ically, has intermarried with other Israelis, and
technically trained, and professional Bene Israel has assimilated into Israeli life. On the other
migrated to Western countries and this number hand, as the Indian economy continued to grow
has increased steadily ([5], pp. 242–243). in the first decade of the twenty-first century,
The Bene Israel’s adjustments in Israel were young Bene Israel who have remained in India
not easy. Although those highly educated, skilled, have done very well, earning advanced degrees
and fluent in English found employment in indus- and taking up lucrative jobs. Hopefully, there
try, transport, and services and were able to enjoy will always be a Bene Israel presence in India,
a comfortable life in the center of the country, although the future of the community seems to be
a great many of the early immigrants were sent in Israel.
to newly established towns in the north or south of
Israel where they encountered low-status jobs,
inferior housing and schools, and little economic
Cross-References
mobility ([6], Chap. 4; [9]).
In the 1960s, new problems emerged when
▶ Baghdadi Jews of India
a dispute over marriage became a cause celebre.
▶ Bombay’s Baghdadi Jews
The Sephardic Chief Rabbi gave directives that
▶ Jews of Kerala
Bene Israel would have to prove that their mar-
riages were legitimate for ten generations back, or
else undergo a ritual conversion if they wished to
References
marry outside their own community. The issue was
one of rabbinic law about Jewish marriage and 1. Fischel W (1972) Bombay in Jewish history in the
divorce as there were no rabbis or beth dins (Jew- light of new documents from the Indian archives.
ish religious courts) in India, but the Bene Israel Proc Am Acad Jewish Res 38–39:119–144
2. Isenberg S (1988) India’s Bene Israel:
saw it as a slur on their “purity,” and orthodoxy.
a comprehensive inquiry and sourcebook. J.L. Magnes
Their hunger and sit-in strikes and mass demon- Museum, Berkeley
strations were joined by other Israelis, as reports of 3. Israel B (1998) The Jews of India. Mosaic, New Delhi
racial and color discrimination in Israel appeared 4. Kehimkar H (1937) The history of the Bene Israel of
India. Dayag, Tel Aviv
in the world press. Eventually, the government
5. Roland J (1998) The Jewish communities of India:
intervened and the Knesset (the Israeli parliament) identity in a colonial era, 2nd edn. Transaction, New
passed a resolution affirming that the Bene Israel Brunswick/London
were Jews in all respects and with the same rights 6. Singh M (2009) Being Indian, being Israeli: migration,
ethnicity and gender in the Jewish homeland.
as all other Jews, including matters of personal Manohar, New Delhi
status, and ordered the Chief Rabbinate to remove 7. Slapak O (1995) The Jews of India: a story of three
the causes of any feeling of discrimination against communities. The Israel Museum, Jerusalem
the Bene Israel ([5], pp. 249–251; [9]). 8. Strizower S (1971) The Bene Israel of Bombay:
a study of a Jewish community. Schocken, New York
In Israel, Jews from various countries tend to
9. Weil S (1988) The influence of caste ideology in Israel.
build and attend their own synagogues where they In: Gottesmann M (ed) Cultural transition: the case of
hear familiar melodies; the Bene Israel now have immigrant youth. Magnes, Jerusalem
Bengal (Islam and Muslims) 133

10. Weil S (2001) The Bene Israel in India. In: Shaked and to the Indian state of West Bengal. Islam’s
Y (ed) Eliyahoo Hanabee: the musical tradition of the presence in this region dates from the tenth cen-
Bene Israel of Bombay. Beth Hatefutsoth, the Museum
of the Jewish Diaspora, Tel Aviv tury, when the earliest reference occurs in
11. Weil S (2002) Bene Israel rites and routines. In: Weil Mas’ūdi’s Meadows of Gold (circa 956) [2].
S (ed) India’s Jewish heritage: ritual, art and life-cycle. There is evidence of trade with Arabia and East B
Marg, Mumbai Africa and of small merchant settlements before
Muhammad Bakhtiyar’s army reached the area in
1204 C.E. and claimed conquest on behalf of his
commander, founder of the Delhi Sultanate. From
Benei Manasseh then until the beginning of colonialism, Muslims
governed most of Bengal, with a brief Hindu
▶ Mountain Jews interlude and various enclaves. However,
a distinction needs to be made between the begin-
ning of the Muslim rule and mass conversion to
Islam, which almost certainly did not take place
Bengal (Islam and Muslims) until the seventeenth century, several centuries
later. Today, West Bengal is about 25% Muslim;
Clinton Bennett Bangladesh is roughly 86% Muslim. It was not
Department of Philosophy, State University of until the 1872 census that the British, despite
New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA administering Bengal from 1757, realized that
Muslims were nearly half of the entire province’s
population and that their largest concentration,
Definition where they constituted the majority, was in the
East, furthest from former seats of Muslim
Bengal is a cultural, linguistic region in the North power [3]. Before Muslim rule, Bengal’s last
West of the Indian subcontinent with large Mus- dynasty, the Sena (1070–1230), were Hindu; the
lim populations, at times self-governing, at times Buddhist Palas had ruled from 750 C.E.
ruled by imperial powers; it was partitioned under
colonial British rule 1905–1911 and again in 1947
between the Indian state of West Bengal and East Muslims Rulers of Bengal
Pakistan, since 1971 between West Bengal and
Bangladesh but also overlapping with several From 1204 to 1287, Bengal was ruled by Gover-
other Indian states. nors appointed by the Delhi Sultanate. Then until
1537 quasi-independent Sultans governed. Some
obtained recognition from the nominal caliph in
Early Muslim History Cairo. Others adopted grandiose titles such as
“right hand of the caliph of God,” claimed by
Bengal can refer to specific political entities that Rukn al-Din Kaikus, sultan 1291–1300 [4].
used the name, although the size of territory Some dropped the “right hand,” claiming to be
governed varies, or to a larger linguistic-cultural caliph [5]. After 1537, Bengal was under Mughal
zone where Bengali, the world’s sixth most spo- suzerainty, with Dhaka as capital from 1610. Gov-
ken language, has official status or is widely used. ernors became increasingly autonomous. The first
Beginning with the Andaman Islands in the South, de facto independent Nawab, Murshid Quli Khan,
this zone moves north into Bihar, Orissa, Jhar- shifted his seat to Murshidabad in 1704. Under his
khand, West Bengal, Assam, and Bangladesh, authority, Orissa and Bihar were unified with
sometimes referred to as Greater Bangladesh [1]. Bengal. After losing effective power to the British
More specifically, in modern usage, it refers to the in 1757, with Calcutta as their capital, a puppet
country of Bangladesh (East Pakistan 1947–1971) dynasty remained in place until 1880, when the
134 Bengal (Islam and Muslims)

British abolished the title Nawab of Bengal. They of Iranian culture, sultans’ sponsorship of Islamic
conferred the honorary hereditary title “Nawab of scholarship supported Farsi works, not Bangla.
Dhaka” on a wealthy commercial family in 1877 Then, Bangla was considered a Hindu language
in return for support during the anti-British upris- unsuitable for Islamic discourse. When there was
ing of 1857 [6]. tension in Bengal, it was usually political, not
Over time, sultans increasingly turned to religious [16]. Few sultans interfered with their
shaykhs of the Chishti Order as validators of subjects’ religious practices. Former Hindu rulers
power, based on the belief that they represent were retained as tax-collecting zamindars or feu-
heavenly saints entrusted by God with overseeing dal lords. Effectively, religion was separate from
earthly governance [7]. This carried greater the state. Reigns such as those of Hussain Shah
weight than looking to distant, titular caliphs for (1493–1519) and his son, Nusrat (1519–1532),
legitimization, which few did. The last Delhi sul- were “liberal and secular” [17].
tan to do so was Feroz Shah in 1355 [8]. A Hindi
Rajah, Ganesh reigned (1411–1416), allegedly
persecuting Sufi shaykhs [9]. His son, Jalal al- How Did Islam Spread in Bengal?
Din Muhammad, converted, although he may
have reverted to Hinduism for a time, ruling Eaton discusses and critiques four theories about
from 1416 to 1432. His rule was significant; he how Islam spread in Bengal, especially focusing
was local, not of Turkic descent, and launched an on how it came to dominate East Bengal [18].
indigenization process. His use of a lion symbol Finding none convincing, Eaton proposes what
may have deliberately invoked the mother god- can be called the indigenization theory. The first
dess Durga as a sign of legitimacy for his Hindu theory, that Muslims migrated from elsewhere, is
subjects [10]. To assert Muslim legitimacy, he popular with Muslims themselves, who think
won back Chishti approval through “lavish Arab or Iranian descent more authentically
patronage,” after they had initially denounced Islamic. There is a custom of claiming foreign
him [11]. From then until 1532, all sultans sought ancestors and matching titles, thus the saying,
Chishti approval [12]. After Jalal al-Din’s rule, “The first year I was a Sheikh, the second year
a change in Mosque style saw new constructions a Khan; this year if the price of grain is low I’ll
looking more like local pre-Islamic religious become a Sayyid” [10]. However, the migration
buildings, Hindu and Buddhist [13]. thesis lacks evidence; certainly, some officials
from elsewhere settled in the administrative cen-
ters, and some Muslims did migrate into Bengal.
Hindu-Muslim Relations In fact, Dhaka’s elite are Shi’a of Iranian descent.
The last puppet Nawabs were Shi’a. It is said that
Bengal’s Muslim rulers had large populations of Governor Muhammad Shujaʿ (1639–1660), son of
non-Muslim subjects, who for centuries were the Emperor Shah Jahan, brought 300 Shi’a nobles to
majority. Pragmatically, they needed a modus Bengal [19]. Elite society used Farsi, which
vivendi to keep non-Muslims from constant remained the official language until 1836, when
revolt. Until Emperor Aurangzeb’s reign it was changed to English. The next two theories,
(1658–1707), jizya, the tax on non-Muslims, was forced conversion and patronage, also fail for lack
never collected [14]. Almost all sultans employed of evidence. There are no credible contemporary
significant numbers of Hindus in their service. accounts of forced conversions, and if this
Most patronized Hindu learning, either in Sanskrit explains Islam’s spread, larger concentrations of
or Bangla. The first Bangla translation of the Muslims would be present in or near centers of
Mahabharata was commissioned under Sultan power, not in the predominantly rural East. Eaton
Nusrat Shah, whose deputy loved to listen to dismisses as apocryphal stories of sword-
Hindu stories [15]. Farsi speakers and admirers wielding, temple-destroying Sufis. Gaining royal
Bengal (Islam and Muslims) 135

patronage or some political or commercial advan- distinguish history from fiction. Eaton says that
tage as the incentive to convert also fails to far from Islam in Bengal spreading by the sword,
explain why more Muslims are found further it did so by using the plow. The earliest Sufi lodge
from where such patronage was available. The was probably built in 1221 [22]; some push back
fourth theory, that people converted to escape the beginning of this process to before 1204 [23], B
oppressive caste restrictions, fails on two counts. but there is no evidence for this. As with foreign
First, there is no evidence that Islam was per- ancestry, this is typical of Bengali claims. Mus-
ceived as socially liberating or that preachers lims and Hindus attended each other’s festivities.
stressed this (they stressed monotheism). Second, From the fifteenth century, the Baul singers
despite Sena efforts to impose Brahmanism – they consisting of Hindus and Muslims praise Vishnu
are said to have imported five Brahmin families to and Allah alike. Writers who began producing
do so – it seems that Bengal resisted this, literature in Bangla did so against the charge that
remaining relatively caste-free [20]. Indeed by the language was an infidel tongue. Hindus faced
the time mass conversion did take place, the similar prejudice; Bengali was only suitable for
Bhakti tradition was widespread, which, popular- “women and demons” [24]. However, by the mid-
ized by a Bengali, Chaitanya (1486–1534), is anti- nineteenth century, with printing presses produc-
caste. ing Bengali books, Musulman Bangla, a largely
Using foundation dates of mosques built dur- de-sanskritized version, was widely used.
ing the Mughal period, Eaton shows that large-
scale conversion took place then, especially in the
East. He and other writers, such as Roy [21], British Rule and Counter Trends
credit self-appointed “cultural mediators” who
chose to indigenize Islam into the milieu, idiom, The British are often blamed for fomenting if not
and soil of Bengal with Islam’s spread. They were inventing “Two-Nation Theory”, the contention
also interested in educating existing Muslims, that Hindus and Muslims were two distinct
many of whom knew little about their faith. nations and could not coexist without conflict.
Another argument is that early converts did not Increasingly, the British dealt with the two com-
so much change their religion as move from one munities separately. In 1905, they subdivided
teacher-centered community to another and that their Presidency of Bengal into East (with
conversion was a long, not a quick process. The Assam) and West (with Orissa and Bihar), delib-
very notion of religions as closed, self-contained erately giving Muslims a majority in the East as
systems to which loyalty must be exclusive did a carrot to attract their loyalty. After strikes, dem-
not exist, some say until it was imposed by the onstrations and boycotts by mainly Hindu
British. There were two types of mediators: reunification campaigners, Partition was annulled
preachers and writers. The first include countless in 1911. After 1912, Bihar and Orissa were sepa-
Sufis, who settled in rural areas toward the East. rated, as was Assam. In 1909, Britain agreed to
They then found ways of identifying themselves separate electorates for different religious com-
with the symbols and geography of the region. munities. Although incidents of communal vio-
Some identified with sacred trees, sitting under lence occurred in Bengal, especially toward the
them or using a branch to perform rituals. Some end of colonial rule, compared with elsewhere,
identified with local Hindu and Buddhist deities or these were sporadic and rare. Bengali Islam had
spirits, which were subsequently pirified (Roy’s its critics; it was syncretistic, more Hindu than
term). In this way, they pioneered forest reclama- Muslim. Various reformers targeted Sufi prac-
tion, extending arable land. Over time some were tices, including the Fara’izi Movement. This
incorporated into the land-grant system as Muslim movement also tried to end exploitation of poor
administration penetrated the East. There are so Muslims by Hindu landowners, but was not neg-
many stories about Pirs that it is difficult to ative toward poor Hindus. Movements such as
136 Bengal (Islam and Muslims)

these set out to Arabize Muslim practice. In the they might secede. On the other hand, some Islam-
colonial period, Wahhābi revolts against British ists in Bangladesh fear that secular politicians
rule occurred, such as the 1831 uprising led by friendly with India might compromise
Titu Mir [25]. The popular Tablighi Jama‘at Bangladesh’s sovereignty. As Muslims in India
(founded 1926) opposes some Sufi practices but regard the status of Aligarh Muslim University
permits others; it is an apolitical renewal move- as a symbol of identity, West Bengal’s Muslims
ment. Bengali Islam has had a bias toward open- look to Calcutta Madrasa (founded 1781), which
ness, pluralism, and separation of politics from was to close in 1947. Instead it was saved, becom-
religion. In his poem, Ek Brinte, Duti Kusin ing a full University in 2009. However, Hooghly
Nazrul Islam, Bangladesh’s national poet, put it Madrasa, also opened by the British (1817), is in
like this: “Hindu” and “Musalman” are “Two eyes danger due to inadequate state funding and alle-
of the same Mother,” expressing a common senti- gations of deliberate neglect [30]. Muslims in
ment in Bengali literature, regardless of authors’ West Bengal traditionally supported Congress
religion [26]. The first complete Bengali transla- but also vote for the Trinamool Congress,
tion of the Qur’ān [27] was by a Hindu, Girish a regional Congress breakaway party, and for the
Chandra Sen (completed 1881–1885), who, once Left Front, which they perceive as more secular,
his identity was known, received “unqualified less pro-Hindu [31]. In 2009 West Bengal elected
praise from a host of Bengali Muslims” [28]. six Muslims to the Lok Sabha, five Congress
In 1937, when provincial Assemblies with members and one Communist Party of India. In
more delegated powers were elected, the secular 2011, 20% of the State Assembly was Muslim, 18
Krishak Praja Party won in Bengal. Unlike the Left Front, 15 Congress, and 25 Trinamool Con-
Muslim League, which embraced “Two-Nation gress members [32].
Theory” and the idea of Pakistan (which origi-
nally excluded Bengal) as a Muslim homeland in
1940, most Bengali Muslims preferred either an Cross-References
independent state or taking the whole province
into Pakistan. In 1947, the East voted in favor of ▶ Aligarh Muslim University
the latter; however, this was overridden by the ▶ Bangladesh (Islam and Muslims)
West’s vote for Partition, and East Bengal ▶ Calcutta Madrasah
became East Pakistan [29]. In 1971, East Paki- ▶ Congress, Muslims
stan seceded from Pakistan as a separate, secular, ▶ Delhi Sultanate
sovereign state, largely to protect its culture, ▶ Fara’izi Movement
language (West Pakistanis saw Urdu as more
Islamic) and legacy of Hindu-Muslim harmony.
It declared Amar Shonar Bangla, by a Hindu, References
Rabindranath Tagore, as its national anthem,
stressing links with the land, its fragrances, air, 1. Josukutty GA (2011) Religious radicalism in Bangla-
desh: security challenges to India. In: Warikoo K (ed)
rivers, and seasons.
Religion and security in South and Central Asia.
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2. Mas’udi (1989) The meadows of gold, the Abbasids
Muslims in West Bengal (trans: Paul Lunde, Caroline Stone). Kegan Paul, Lon-
don/New York
3. Beverly H (1872) Report on the census of Bengal,
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state, in which they believed Hindus and Muslims 4. Karim A (1992) Corpus of the Arabic and Persian
could both prosper. Demographics have recently inscriptions of Bengal. Asiatic Society of Bangladesh,
Dhaka
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5. Uddin SM (2006) Constructing Bangladesh religion,
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6. Akbar MJ (2002) The shade of swords: jihad and the 30. Haque Z (2010) Two hundred year old Hooghly
conflict between Islam and Christianity. Routledge, Madrasa facing closure. Two Circles. Zakat Founda-
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7. Ernst CW (1992) Eternal garden: mysticism, history, 31. Kohli A (1990) Democracy and discontent: India’s
and politics at a South Asian Sufi center. State Univer- growing crisis of governability. Cambridge University
sity of New York Press, Albany Press, Cambridge B
8. Schimmel A (1980) Islam in the subcontinent. Brill, 32. Haque Z (2011) Muslim representation reaches 20% in
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quest, vol 1. Anthem, London
11. Stein B, Arnold D (2010) A history of India. Wiley-
Blackwell, Chichester Bhutto, Benazir
12. Chisthi SAR (1990) Mirat-ul-Israr. Bazm-e-Ithadul
Muslimeen, Lahore
Mathew N. Schmalz
13. Hasan P (2007) Sultans and mosques: the early Mus-
lim architecture of Bangladesh. Tauris, London Department of Religious Studies, The College of
14. Ahmed R (2001) Understanding the Bengal Muslims: the Holy Cross, Worcester, MA, USA
interpretative essays [. . .] [. . .]. Oxford University
Press, New Delhi
15. Ayyappappanikkar (1997) Medieval Indian literature:
an anthology. Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi Definition
16. Asher CEB, Cynthia T (2006) India before Europe.
Cambridge University Press, New York Bhutto, Benazir (1953–2007) was a Pakistani
17. Sengupta NK (2011) Land of two rivers: a history of
political leader and two-time Prime Minister of
Bengal from the Mahabharata to Mujib. Penguin, New
Delhi Pakistan.
18. Eaton RM (1993) The rise of Islam and the Bengal
frontier, 1204–1760. University of California Press,
Berkeley In Her Father’s Footsteps
19. Karim A (1995) History of Bengal/the reigns of Shah
Jahan and Aurangzib. 2 2. Institute of Bangladesh
Studies, University of Rajshahi, Rajshahi Born in Karachi on 23 October 1953, Benazir
20. Ray N (1967) Bāṇālīra itihāsa. Lekhaka-Samabāẏa- Bhutto was the first child of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
Samity, Calcutta and Begum Nusrat Bhutto. After graduating from
21. Roy A (1983) The Islamic syncretistic tradition in
Bengal. Princeton University Press, Princeton
Karachi’s exclusive Grammar School, she
22. Desai ZA (1975) An early thirteenth century inscrip- attended Radcliffe College, graduating in 1973
tion from West Bengal. In: Epigraphia Indica, Arabic as a member of Phi Beta Kappa with a degree in
and Persian supplement. Archeological Survey of Comparative Government. She continued her
India, Delhi, pp 6–12
23. Banu UAB, Akter R (1991) Islam in Bangladesh.
studies at Oxford University and was elected pres-
Brill, Leiden ident of the Oxford Union [4].
24. Kopf D (1969) British Orientalism and the Bengal She returned to Pakistan and her father, who
renaissance; the dynamics of Indian modernization, had served as Prime Minister since 1971, was
1773–1835. University of California Press, Berkeley
25. Dutta A (1987) Muslim society in transition: Titu
deposed in a military coup and imprisoned for
Meer’s revolt, 1831: a study. Minerva Associates, the charge of murder. Benazir Bhutto was herself
Calcutta imprisoned after her father’s execution in 1979.
26. Islam KN (1998) Rebel and other poems. Sahitya She was first put under house arrest, then confined
Akademi, New Delhi
27. Koraāna Śārīpha: mūla Koraāna Śārīpha haite anubādita
to the Sukkur jail and, finally, to Karachi Central
bhinna bhinna prasiddha tāphasīra abalambane ṭīkā Jail [4]. After another extended period of house
likhita. 2002. Kalakātā: Harapha Prakāśanī arrest, she left for the United Kingdom in 1984
28. Kopf D (1988) The Brahmo Samaj and the shaping of and returned to Pakistan a little over a year later
the modern Indian mind. Archives Publishers, New
Delhi
for the funeral of her brother who had died under
29. Fraser B, Sengupta S (2008) Bengal partition stories: disputed circumstances in France. She was
an unclosed chapter. Anthem Press, London arrested again, went to England after her release,
138 Bhutto, Benazir

and returned to Pakistan when General Zia ul-Haq elections once again. A bomb detonated near her
rescinded martial law and called for elections. retinue shortly after her arrival in Karachi and
killed hundreds. On 27 December 2007, Benazir
Bhutto herself was killed while campaigning in
Prime Minister of Pakistan Rawalpindi. She was 54 at the time of her death.

It was during the lead up to the elections in

1986–1987 that Benazir Bhutto came into her Evaluations of Benazir Bhutto
own as a political leader. She was elected chair-
person of the Pakistan People’s Party, which her A balanced appraisal of Benazir Bhutto’s life and
father had founded in 1967. Some of her political legacy has yet to be written. Her supporters under-
supporters were dismayed when she married the stood her to be a courageous leader who assumed
wealthy landowner Asif Zardari since the PPP had her father’s populist mantle to confront the mili-
a strong socialist and populist tradition that tary. But Benazir Bhutto was perhaps most
informed its politics. After General Zia’s death beloved in the Western world. She was lauded as
in a plane crash ensured that elections would go the first female prime minister of a Muslim major-
forward, Benazir Bhutto was elected prime min- ity country and was also seen as important ally of
ister in 1988. She was 35 years old [7]. the United States. This tilt to the United States was
Benazir Bhutto served two terms as prime disconcerting for even some of her closest sup-
minister. Her first term ended in 1990 when she porters, since many members of the PPP saw the
was dismissed by President Ghulam Ishaq Khan United States as complicit in the coup that
when he invoked the eighth amendment of the deposed her father, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Other
constitution of Pakistan that gave Pakistan’s pres- critics pointed to her lack of political experience
ident broad powers to dissolve the elected gov- and her gender identity as placing her at a distinct
ernment ([5], pp. 217, 218). Bhutto’s removal disadvantage in the often brutal context of Paki-
from office by the President was the culmination stani politics. During her time in office, she dis-
of a long-standing power struggle between the appointed many in the PPP by not challenging the
two that saw Khan veto many of the legislative feudal system of landownership and the PPP itself
proposals initiated by Bhutto and the PPP. Having suffered from defections of formerly close col-
lost to Nawaz Sharif in the elections held after her leagues, such as prominent landowner Ghulam
ouster, Benazir Bhutto was again elected as Prime Mustafa Jatoi, who disagreed with her leadership
Minister in 1993. Her second tenure was marked style. While Benazir Bhutto was born in Sindh,
by escalating violence in Karachi between the she could speak Sindhi only haltingly. Although
army and the members of the locally dominant her Urdu was sufficient for campaigning, English
political party, the Muhajir Qaumi Mahaz ([5], was her primary language. In this sense, while
pp. 233, 234). Benazir’s other brother, Murtaza, Benazir Bhutto was the heir to a powerful political
also became a sharp critic of her government, and dynasty, she was still perceived as something of
especially of her husband, Asif Zardari. After an outsider in Pakistan itself. For their part, reli-
Murtaza Bhutto was killed by police in gious conservatives in Pakistan always looked
a shootout [3], Benazir Bhutto’s support collapsed upon her with suspicion.
and she was dismissed yet again, this time by Benazir Bhutto’s father was a Sunni Muslim.
President Farooq Leghari [7]. But it was her mother, a Shia Muslim of Iranian
Public perceptions of her administration as descent, who taught her the appropriate way to
corrupt led Benazir Bhutto to leave Pakistan for pray ([1], pp. 45, 46). Overall, however, Islam did
Dubai. Her husband, Asif Zardari, was arrested not play a very large role in her political vision,
and served two prison terms until his eventual though Benazir Bhutto did emphasize what could
release in 2004. Benazir Bhutto returned to Paki- generally be called as a modernist Islamic per-
stan on 18 October 2007, planning to contest spective in her speeches to Western audiences
Bhutto, Zulfikar Ali 139

and political leaders: Islam was compatible with Junagh and later founder of the Sindh People’s
both democracy and women’s rights and the Party. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto studied at the Univer-
Qu’rān does not mandate that clerics are the sole sity of Southern California and later the Univer-
interpreters of what it means to be a Muslim [2]. sity of California, Berkeley, where he received his
B.A. in political science. He studied law at Oxford B
and was admitted to the bar in 1953. Zulfikar Ali
Cross-References Bhutto left his first wife. With his second wife,
Begum Nusrat, he had four children: Benazir
▶ Bhutto, Zulfikar Ali (1953–2007), Murtaza (1954–1996), Sanam
▶ Musharraf, Pervez (1957–), and Shanawaz (1958–1985) [6].
▶ Zia ul-Haq After a period practicing law in Karachi,
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto joined Pakistan’s delegation
to the United Nations. He was nominated as com-
References merce minister in 1958 under Pakistani President
Iskander Mirza. After Field-Marshall Ayub Khan
1. Bhutto B (2008) Daughter of destiny. Harper Perennial, assumed power in a coup-etat, Bhutto became
New York
Water Minister and later Foreign Minister. Report-
2. Bhutto B (2008) Reconciliation: Islam, democracy, and
the west. Harper Perennial, New York edly, Bhutto was a supporter of the Pakistani
3. Court acquits all in Murtaza case (2009) The Nation, incursion into Indian Kashmir, which led to war
Dec 6 with India in 1965. In 1966, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
4. Daniels J (1986) Face to face with the woman who
left Ayub Khan’s cabinet and officially founded
wants to rule Pakistan. Life (Oct)
5. Haqqani H (2005) Pakistan: between mosque and mil- the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) in Lahore in
itary. Brookings Institute Press, Washington, DC 1967.
6. Pakistan People’s Party (2013) Shaheed Mohtarma
Benazir Bhutto. http://www.ppp.org.pk/pppchange/bb_
biography.html
7. President Leghari’s order of November 5, 1996. http:// The Pakistan People’s Party
www.pakistani.org/pakistan/leghari.order.html
When establishing the PPP, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
proclaimed, “Islam is our Faith, Democracy is our
Policy, Socialism is our Economy, All Power to
Bhutto, Zulfikar Ali the People,” and this remains the core creed of the
PPP [7]. Accordingly, PPP was populist in orien-
Mathew N. Schmalz tation, and stood against both the military and
Department of Religious Studies, The College of Pakistan’s feudal landowning class. Bhutto him-
the Holy Cross, Worcester, MA, USA self was especially enamored with Chinese com-
munism and often sported a “Mao cap” in his
public appearances. Bhutto was arrested in 1968,
Definition but the PPP won a large majority of the electorate
in West Pakistan during the 1970 elections. Nei-
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (1928–1979) was Prime Min- ther Zulfikar Ali Bhutto nor the Pakistan Army
ister of Pakistan. wished to make concessions to East Pakistani
politician Sheikh Mujibhur Rahman, whose
Awami League had enough electoral support to
Rise to Power form a government in the Legislative Assembly
without a coalition partner. Bhutto explicitly
Born in Larkhana, Sindh, on 5 January 1928, refused General Yahya Khan’s proposal that he
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was the son of Khursheed serve as deputy prime minister to a Bengali Prime
Begum and Shah Nawaz Bhutto, the dewan of Minister. Bhutto was soon arrested. The
140 Bhutto, Zulfikar Ali

Bangladesh war of independence followed. With candidates ([4], p. 111). Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was
the removal of General Yahya Khan, Zulfikar Ali arrested for the murder of a political opponent.
Bhutto became martial law administrator in 1971 Though initially released, he was arrested once
and Prime Minister of Pakistan in 1973 [4]. again under the provisions of the martial law that
In his initial years in power, Bhutto national- General Zia had proclaimed. He was tried and
ized heavy industries, such as steel and cement sentenced to death. Clemency petitions and
[10]. He nationalized the banking system in 1974. appeals were summarily were denied. Zulfikar
Bhutto successfully negotiated with Indian Prime Ali Bhutto was executed by hanging in Rawal-
Minister Indira Gandhi to forge the Simla agree- pindi, on 4 April, 1979.
ment, which repatriated Pakistani territory and Bhutto was not a systematic thinker regarding
prisoners of war after the Bangladesh conflict religious issues. He did argue that Islam supported
[8]. He also committed Pakistan to obtaining an communitarianism in economic matters and
atomic bomb after India detonated a device in inspired “the oppressed to stand for their rights”
Rajasthan in 1974. As early as 1965, Bhutto had ([1], p. 329). His understanding of the Prophet
declared that Pakistanis were ready to eat “grass Muhammad as an “emancipator of women”
and leaves” to develop atomic weapons grounded his push to have the equality of women
technology [5, 7]. recognized in law [8]. He also articulated a vision
of Muslim unity based upon non-alignment and
self-sufficiency when in 1974, he hosted the sec-
Bhutto’s Legacy ond summit of Islamic Nations in Lahore [10].
When faced with political opposition before his
Under Bhutto, Pakistan’s constitution was rati- ouster, Bhutto banned alcohol and gambling and
fied. The constitution established a federated par- made Friday a day of rest ([2], pp. 169, 170).
liamentary system of government for Pakistan and
proclaimed Islam as the national religion. Among
the Constitution’s other provisions were the rec-
Cross-References
ognition of Bangladesh as an independent state
and the assurance that laws would be made con-
▶ Bhutto, Benazir
sistent with the prescriptions of the Qur’ān and
▶ Zia ul-Haq
Sunnah. “Muslim” was also defined as “a person
who believes in the unity and oneness of Allah, in
the absolute and unqualified finality of the Proph-
References
ethood of the Islamic Prophet Muhammad, and
does not believe in, or recognize as a prophet or 1. Bhurgri AG (2002) Zulfikar Ali Bhutto: the falcon of
religious reformer, any person who claimed or Pakistan. SZABIST, Karachi
claims to be a prophet, in any sense of the word 2. Cohen S (2004) The idea of Pakistan. Brookings Insti-
or of any description whatsoever, after Muham- tution, Pakistan
3. Constitution of Pakistan, Article 260.3.a. http://www.paki
mad” [3]. Ahmedis (Ahmadiyya) were thus stani.org/pakistan/constitution/part12.ch5.html. Accessed
defined as “non-Muslim.” 2013
The 1977 elections were especially tumultu- 4. Haqqani H (2005) Pakistan: between mosque and mili-
ous. Bhutto’s PPP was challenged by the Paki- tary. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Wash-
ington, DC
stan National Alliance, and Bhutto himself had 5. Khan F (2012) Eating grass: the making of the Paki-
alienated many of his closest political advisors. stani bomb. Stanford University Press, Stanford
The PPP won the election decisively, but there 6. Life and legacy of founder chairman of PPP
were widespread allegations of vote rigging. (2013) http://www.ppp.org.pk/pppchange/life_leg
acy.html
General Zia ul-Haq deposed Bhutto in a coup- 7. Pakistan People’s Party Parliamentarians (2013) Man-
d’etat, although Bhutto himself had appointed ifesto: 2013. http://www.ppp.org.pk/pppchange/mani
General Zia as army chief over more senior festos/manifesto2013.pdf
Bīdel 141

8. Simla Agreement, July 2, 1972. http://www.mea.gov. Bīdel received an intensive education in Arabic
in/in-focus-article.htm?19005/Simla+Agreement and in Persian, the language in which most of his
+July+2+1972. Accessed 2013
9. Speech by Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto at poetry is written, although it is not his first lan-
a reception in honour of the delegates at the Interna- guage. Bīdel passed most of his adulthood in
tional Congress on Seerat at Karachi, on March 13, societies where Urdu (at that time called rekhti) B
1976. http://www.bhutto.org/1976_speech1.php. was the most widely spoken vernacular and
Accessed 2013
10. Zahoor MA (2011) Economic reforms under the gov- thereby acquired fluency in that language as
ernment of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto: an historical appraisal. well. In addition to his intensive studies of Islamic
DVM Verlag culture, particularly the Qur’ān, which he memo-
11. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto addresses the 2nd Islamic summit rized at the age of 6, Bīdel devoted himself to the
conference at Lahore at 24-02-1974. http://www.
youtube.com/watch?v=X6lDf-7iSVw. Accessed 2013 study of Hindu traditions and reportedly memo-
rized the Mahābhārata by heart. Bīdel also studied
mathematics and the natural sciences as a child
([1], p. 55). Alongside his scholarly studies, Bīdel
Bīdel was initiated into Sufism by the mystics Shāh
Qāsim Huwa’llāhī and Shāh Kābulī.
Rebecca Ruth Gould Although Mīrzā cAbd al-Qādir first adopted
School of Languages, Cultures, Art History and Ramzi as his pen name (takhalluṣ), the poet soon
Music, College of Arts and Law, University of changed it to Bīdel (“heartless”). According to his
Birmingham, Birmingham, UK biographer Khushgū [2], the poet decided to
change his name after encountering in the preface
to Sacdī’s Gulistān (1259) a rhetorical query that
Synonyms appealed to his metaphysical yearnings: “What
should a heartless [bī del] man say of a signless
Bedil; Bidil [bī nishān] God?” The poet prayed to Ḥāfeẓ of
Shīrāz (1325–1390), the master of the ghazal
genre that Bīdel also cultivated for guidance.
Definition Only after his prayers were answered by Ḥāfeẓ
did Bīdel decide to apply this name, so redolent
Mīrzā cAbd al-Qādir Bīdel (1644–1721) was with the metaphysics of nonexistence, to himself.
arguably the most significant Indo-Persian poet Although Bīdel was supported throughout
of early modern South Asia. Among his many most of his life by the generosity of his patrons,
accomplishments were the infusion of the Indian in particular the Mughal emperor Shāh Jahān (r.
style (sabk-i hindī ) with metaphysical density and 1628–1658), his willingness to compose panegy-
the merging of classical Persian aesthetics with rics in honor of kings had its limits. When Prince
Hindu ethics. Muḥammad cAẓam b. Awrangzīb, his patron of
20 years, requested him to compose a qaṣī da
(ode) in his honor, the poet refused and resigned
Literary Education from his position as superintendent of the Prince’s
kitchen. During the periods of his life when he
Mīrzā cAbd al-Qādir (1644–1721) was born in was not supported by a royal patron, Bīdel served
c
Aẓīmābād (Patna, Bihar) to a family of Bengali- as a soldier and also experienced starvation during
speaking Muslims descended from the Mongol the years he spent searching north India for his
Arlās (Barlās) tribe. The future poet was educated Sufi master, Shāh Kābulī.
by his uncle, Mīrzā Qalandar (d. 1665). Although Bīdel contracted typhoid in 1720 and was bur-
he himself was illiterate, Mīrzā Qalandar was ied to great acclaim in his adopted city of Shāh
committed to obtaining for his nephew a compre- Jahānābād (Old Delhi). For at least 30 years fol-
hensive education. From the age of 10 onward, lowing his death, Bīdel’s legacy as a poet and
142 Bīdel

mystic was memorialized in Delhi through an allusiveness of his style, is accompanied by

annual funeral ceremony (curs) that included rec- a vernacular sensibility that readily engages his
itations of his poems ([1], p. 114). Bīdel passed local Indian environments, which included Urdu
away in the midst of a chaotic juncture in Delhi’s dialectics as well as Hindu spirituality. During his
history. The ensuing conflicts destroyed his home lifetime, Bīdel taught or otherwise influenced
as well as his grave. Modern scholars believe that nearly all the major poets of Persianate India,
the site currently denominated as Bīdel’s tomb in including Walī Dekhanī, known as the father of
Delhi is the construction of a slightly later epoch. Urdu poetry, the Hindu poet Ānand Rām Mukhliṣ,
and Khān-i Ārzū, known as the Aristotle of Indo-
Persian literary culture.
Bīdel and the Indian Style (Sabk-i Hindī)

Bīdel, the greatest poet of early modern India who Works and Legacy
crafted a style that departed from past precedent,
entered the world of Persian poetry by way of the In the archives of Indo-Persian literature, Bīdel’s
classics. In addition to imbibing canonical Iranian prolific oeuvre rivals in extent only that of Amīr
authors such as Sacdī and Ḥāfeẓ, he read and Khusrau. According to his biographer Bindrāban
modeled himself after poets who wrote on Dās Khushgū, the Kulliyāt (collected works) that
Persianate peripheries, including the twelfth- Bīdel assembled toward the end of his life
century poet Khāqānī Shirwānī (1121–1199), contained 99,000 verses. In addition to his
whom he rivals in metaphysical ambition and poems, which range across the Persianate genre
philosophical depth, and the first major Indo- system to include ghazals, qaṣī das, and
Persian poet, Amīr Khusrau (1253–1325), whom rubācī yyāt (quatrains), Bīdel’s major works
Bīdel rivals in originality. Bīdel also was one of include four book-length masnavī s (verse narra-
the first early modern Indo-Persian poets who, tives), one autobiography in rhymed prose, Cha-
while knowledgeable about the Iranian tradition hā r cUnṣur (The Four Elements, 1704), volumes
and on friendly terms with many of the contem- of letters (Ruqa‘āt), a collection of statements
porary Iranian poets who had migrated to India (Nukāt) culled from his scattered poems, a no-
such as Ṣāʼib Tabrīzī (1601–1677), Kalīm longer extant collection of the sayings of Sufi
Kashani (d. 1650), and Mulla Zahūri (d. 1615), mystics compiled at the request of Shāh Qāsim,
self-consciously situated himself within a more and many shorter masnavī s (narrative poems).
local Indo-Persian lineage inaugurated by Mascūd Bīdel’s longer masnavī s are, in chronological
Sacd Salmān of Lahore (1046–1121), and yet for- order, Muḥī t-i Acẓam (The Great Ocean, 1668),
gotten in the intervening centuries. Ṭilism-i Ḥayrat (Talisman of Wonder, 1669), Ṭūr-i
The densely layered poetic style that has come Macrifat (The Wisdom of Sinai, 1687), and cIrfān
to be associated with Bīdel’s name was only (Gnosis, begun 1682, finished 1712). It has been
acquired after the poet’s emigration from Bihar noted that cIrfan, Bīdel’s last major masnavī, con-
to Shāh Jahānābād. From this new home, Bīdel tains in the story Komde-i Modan “one of the few
began to cultivate a style that came to be known as dostons [stories] written in the Middle East in
sabk-i hindī (Indian style). Sabk-i hindī was which love prevails over death” ([4], p. 519).
known for its abundance of meanings (macānī ), Finally, in addition to his predominantly Persian
its reliance on ambiguity (ī hām), and its promis- writings, poetry by Bīdel is preserved in both
cuous use of the trope of fantastic etiology (ḥusn-i Urdu and Turkish (the latter in Kabul’s Macārif
taclī l) [3]. Although, much like Khāqānī Shirwānī library, ms. no. 504/9, p. 1001).
from centuries earlier, Bīdel is often considered The title of Chahā r cUnṣur, the prose text
one of the most difficult poets who ever wrote in regarded by many as Bīdel’s greatest and most
the Persian language; this difficulty, which resides erudite work, refers to the Greco-Arabic teaching
in large part in his complex ideas and in the that the world consists of earth, water, air, and fire,
Bīdel 143

which in turn corresponds to the four stages of Tajikistan and Afghanistan, Bīdel is regarded as
being: mineral, plant, animal, and human. Just as a national poet whose importance exceeds that of
Khāqānī had described the topography of twelfth- Ḥāfeẓ ([10], p. 163, footnote 2). Bīdel’s death was
century Baghdad and its environs in his autobiog- memorialized in Kabul many centuries after his
raphy-in-verse, Tuḥfat al-cIraqayn (Gift from the funeral ceremony (curs) ceased to be performed in B
Two Iraqs), half a century earlier, so did Bīdel Delhi. Additionally, Bīdel’s poetry was a canonical
include in Chahā r cUnṣur descriptions of Central text in the elementary school curriculum in
Asia, the Oxus, and Turkestan. For all their value Persianate Central Asia well into the twentieth
as social history, both travelogues are heavily century. It continues to be recited by performers
inflected by literary metaphysics. (sing. ḥāfeẓ; pl. ḥuffaẓ) who make a living from
Among Indian poets, Bīdel’s influence is most their poetic recitations to this day.
conspicuous, albeit in radically different ways, in Bīdel’s ghazals and selections from his
the writings of the two greatest bilingual Urdu- masnavī s – particularly Chahār cUnṣur – have
Persian poets of the nineteenth and twentieth cen- been beautifully rendered into Russian by Tajik
turies: Mīrzā Ghālib (1797–1869) and Muham- Soviet poets [11], while the Russian translation of
mad Iqbāl (1877–1938). Whereas Ghālib, whose Komde-i Modan from the masnavī cIrfan had been
copy of Bīdel’s masnavī s is currently held at the widely disseminated across the Soviet Union [12].
Panjab University Library, profited from Bīdel’s Notwithstanding Bīdel’s status as “the axis” around
love of language and a fondness for wordplay which Indo-Persian literature revolves ([13], p. 21),
while largely ignoring the metaphysical substra- no substantial portion of the poet’s rich oeuvre has
tum of his difficult verse, Iqbāl learned much from yet been translated into English. While critical
Bīdel’s proto-existentialist fascination with being editions of Bīdel’s writings have been published
and nothingness while he gleaned less from in Tehran [14], Kabul [15], and Dushanbe [16] (the
Bīdel’s felicity with words. latter in Cyrillic rather than Arabic script), no defin-
In literary terms, however, Bīdel’s most exten- itive or comprehensive edition of his rich and pro-
sive and immediate influence is to the north and lific literary output yet exists.
west of the subcontinent. Bīdel was a formative
influence on the greatest Tajik poet of the twenti-
eth century, Sadriddin Aynī (1878–1954), who
Cross-References
published his Tajik-language monograph on
Bīdel in 1954 [5, 6]. In 1923, Bīdel was the
▶ Amir Khusraw
subject of an important Uzbek-language essay
▶ Ghālib, Mirza
by the Central Asian modernist poet cAbdulra’uf
▶ Nizām-ud-Dīn Awliyā
Fiṭrat (1886–1938) [7]. Although Bīdel’s influ-
ence on subsequent Urdu literature is incalculable,
it is less conspicuous than his influence on subse-
quent Tajik and Uzbek literary culture. In contrast
References
to the poet’s significance for Persian poetry out- 1. Ghani A (1960) Life and works of Abdul Qadir Bedil.
side the Iranian heartland, Bīdel’s poetry “made Publishers United, Lahore
no impact at all on Iran” in the centuries following 2. Khushgū BD (=Khvushgū) (1959) Safīnah-ʼi
its appearance ([4], p. 517). Only the past few Khvushgū (daftar-i sālis): tazkirah-ʼi shucara-yi Farsi
(ed. Sayyid Shah Muhammad ‘Ataʼ al-Rahman ‘Ataʼ
decades have witnessed significant attention to Kākavi. Idarah-ʼi Tahqīqāt-i ‘Arabi va Farsi, Patnah
Bīdel’s achievements by Iranian literary critics 3. Faruqi SR (2004) Stranger in the city: the poetics of
such as Saljuqī and Shafīcī-Kadkanī [8, 9]. Sabk-i Hindi. Annu Urdu Stud 19. Revised version
That the vast majority of manuscripts of Bīdel’s available at http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/
pritchett/00fwp/srf/sabkihindi/srf_sabk_i_hindi.pdf
kulliyāt are from the cities of Bukhara and Shahr-i 4. Bečka J (1968) Tajik literature from the 16th century to
Sabz in present-day Uzbekistan further illustrates the present. In: Jan Rypka (ed) History of Iranian
the poet’s posthumous fame in Central Asia. In literature. D. Reidel, Dordrecht, pp 515–519
144 Bidil

5. Aynī S (1984) Mirzo Abdulkadir Bedil’ i ego Definition

tvorchestvo. In: Bīdel, Izbrannoe. Izd-vo “Irfon”,
Dushanbe
6. Aynī S (1954) Mirzo Abdulqodiri Bedil. Nashriëti Ghulām ‘Alī “Āzād” Bilgrāmī (d. 1786) was
davlatii Tojikiston, Stalinobod (Dushanbe) a scholar of multiple languages and literary cul-
7. Fitrat A (2002) Bīdel. In one session (trans: Allworth tures of South Asia and the larger Perso-Arab
E, Hanaway WL). In: Allworth E (ed) Evading reality: world.
the devices of cAbdalrauf Fitrat, Modern Central
Asian. Brill, Leiden, pp 124–174 Āzād was born in the Northern Indian town of
8. Shafīcī-Kadkanī MR (1376/1998) Sha’ir-i A’inaha: Maydānpūra in 1704. He studied Arabic and reli-
Barrasi-i Sabk-i Hindi va Shicr-i Bīdel. Agah, Tehran gion with Mīr Ṭufayl Muḥammad Atraulī, (d.
9. Saljuqi S (1380/1991) Naqd-i Bīdel. Kitāb Khana-i 1738) and Hadith, sī ra, prosody, and Arabic and
Milli, Tehran
10. Bausani A (1954–1956) Note su Mīrzā Bīdel. Annali, Persian poetry with prominent members of his
Istituto Orientale di Napoli 6:163–199 family such as his maternal grandfather Mīr
11. Bīdel, Mīrzā cAbd al-Qādir (1984) Izbrannoe [Col- ‘Abd al-Jalīl Bilgrāmī (d. 1725) whom he accom-
lected Works] (ed. R. Hadi-Zade). Izd-vo “Irfon”, panied to Delhi for studies [11]. He came from
Dushanbe
12. Bīdel Mīrzā cAbd al-Qādir (1949) Komde i Modan. a long lineage of well-respected scholars and civil
Gos. Izd-vo Tadzhikskoĭ SSR, Dushanbe servants from the town of Bilgrām located
13. Siddiqi M (1979) The influence of Bedil on the Indo- between present-day Lucknow and Aligarh. His
Persian Poetic tradition. In: Lawrence BB, Braibanti ancestry includes scholars such as ‘Abd al-Waḥīd
RJD (eds) The rose and the rock: mystical and rational
elements in the intellectual history of South Asian Bilgrāmī (ca. 1509–1608) who wrote a Hindi trea-
Islam. Duke University Press, Durham, pp 14–31 tise that defended the use of Krishna bhakti poems
14. Bīdel, Mīrzā cAbd al-Qādir (1376/1997) Kulliyat-i in musical gatherings [5]. From 1724 to 1730,
Bīdel (eds. Akbar Bihdārvand and Parvīz ‘Abbāsī Āzād returned to Maydānpūra before leaving for
Dākānī). Intishārāt-i Ilhām, Tehran
15. Bīdel, Mīrzā cAbd al-Qādir (1342-43/1963-64) Delhi, Lahore, Multan, and finally arriving in
Kulliyāt-i Bīdel. Dapohini Vizarat va Dar’ut Talif-i Sind. He remained there for four years after
Riyasat, Kabul which he traveled to Allahabad to be with his
16. Bīdel, Mīrzā cAbd al-Qādir (1990–2005) Osor dar family. During his year in the ḥijāz from 1738 to
hasht jild [8-vols collected works in Cyrillic script].
Izd-vo “Adib”, Dushanbe 1739, Āzād studied with Shaykh Muḥammad
Ḥayāt al-Sindī (d. 1750) and Shaykh ‘Abd al-
Wahhāb al-Ṭanṭāwī (d. 1744), which may have
cultivated his interest in Ṣaḥī ḥ al-Bukhārī.
Bidil Although much of his life was animated by travel
and intellectual development, he returned to the
▶ Bīdel subcontinent via the port at Surat in 1739. Upon
his return, he traveled to the Deccan and settled in
Awrangabad until his death in 1786, with the
exception of a brief year in Hyderabad in 1754.
Bilgrāmī, Āzād Unlike other multilingual writers of Āzād’s
time, his linguistic propensities are evident in his
Vivek Gupta production of Arabic and Persian texts that dem-
Department of Middle Eastern, South Asian, and onstrate a familiarity with both local and foreign
African Studies, Columbia University, New York, literary cultures. Āzād’s oeuvre consists of a large
NY, USA body of Arabic poetry, literary biography, edited
historical writing, a treatise on Arabic and Indian
poetics, and commentaries on Arabic poetry and
Synonyms theological works.
Āzād’s involvement in intellectual life during
Azad Bilgrami; Ghulam ‘Ali Azad; Ghulam ‘Ali the eighteenth-century is best known by his rela-
Azad of Bilgram tionships with towering figures such as Sirāj al-
Bilgrāmī, Āzād 145

Dīn, ‘Ali Khān-i “Ārzū”. His Ma’āsir al-kirām section of this text outlines a long list of rhetorical
(ca. 1752–1753) not only provides information techniques in poetry in Sanskrit/Hindi and
on the Persianate context of intellectual life in Arabic. The several forms of simile that are
Bilgrām, but also the role of Hindi poets and suggested in the section on Sanskrit poetics seem
their poetry. A complete understanding of Āzād to derive from Sanskrit alaṇkāraśāstra or the B
is impossible by working exclusively with his Hindi rī tigranth (books on method) tradition and
Persian texts as this overlooks the significant emphasize Āzād’s reverence for intellectual sys-
overlaps between his Persian and Arabic works tems beyond a Perso-Arab framework. The final
and the role of Sanskrit/Hindi in his writings in section of the work deals with the system of
Persian. In the case of his Subḥat al-marjān fī Indian lovers known as nāyikābheda. Although
āthār Hindūstān (The Coral Rosary of Indian Āzād glosses this system as asrār al-niswān (the
Traditions, 1763–1764), he later adapted the last secrets of women) in both The Coral Rosary and
section of this text in Persian in a work entitled, Gazelles of India, he transliterates the terms for
Ghizlān al-Hind (Gazelles of India, 1764–1765) the male and female lovers of nāyikābheda in The
[2, 5]. The similarities and differences between Coral Rosary, which suggests that he did not
The Coral Rosary and Gazelles of India, the ques- necessarily misrepresent this system, but that he
tions of language that these works pose, and how adapted it to fit certain sensibilities.
the aesthetics of Persian factor into Āzād’s Arabic Beyond The Coral Rosary Āzād’s engagement
writing, all await further analysis [9]. with Arabic poetry such as his Shifā’ al-‘alī l,
The Coral Rosary, one of Āzād’s most signifi- a commentary on al-Mutanabbī’s classic oeuvre,
cant works, is a four-part composite text including and his dī wān, which earned him the title
analysis of the Hadith, a literary biography of “Ḥassan-i Hind,” requires further examination
Indian Arabic writers, descriptions of Arabic and [10]. His works are often cited by later scholars
Sanskrit/Hindi rhetoric, and the categories of lovers of Arabic in India as the peak of Arabic literary
and beloveds in Indic literature [1, 4, 7]. The pref- production in the subcontinent. In Nashwat al-
ace of The Coral Rosary and the extensive expla- sakrān fī ṣahbā’ tadhkār al-ghizlān, which
nations used throughout the text for Indian words directly references the title of Gazelles of India,
and names suggests that its intended readership Nawwāb Muḥammad Ṣiddīq Ḥasan (d. 1890) pro-
was a non-Indian audience. It is also outstanding vides interpretations of Āzād’s conceptions of
because of Āzād’s claims to Serendīp (present-day love poetry and even includes Āzād’s Mir’āt al-
Sri Lanka) to be the first place of Adam’s descent to jamāl (The Mirror of Beauty, 1773) [6]. Indeed, it
Earth, so as to insert South Asia within a larger is apparent from the vast range of Āzād’s corpus
narrative of Islam. He cites a diverse array of and its lasting legacy in intellectual history that he
Islamic scholars to create this argument, including survives as an exceptional example of the heights
Jalāl al-Dīn al-Suyūtī’s Al-durr al-manthūr fī al- Perso-Arabic scholarship reached during the eigh-
tafsī r bil-mā’thūr, (ca. 1505) with which the title of teenth-century in South Asia. As several of his
Subḥat carries a striking resemblance. In light of Arabic texts remain unpublished, little is known
the history of Islam in South Asia, it is remarkable about the quality of his own poetry, but it would
that a scholar would make such a bold claim for the be an important task for further research.
genesis of humankind.
In the second section of The Coral Rosary,
Āzād provides the literary biographies of several References
Arabic scholars from South Asia, which further
legitimizes Arabic scholasticism in South Asia. 1. Ahmad MG (1947) The contribution of Indo-Pakistan
His tendencies toward literary biography are to Arabic literature: from ancient times to 1857. Ashraf
Press, Lahore
clear, as he was responsible for the Ma’āsir al- 2. Bilgrāmī Ghulām ‘Alī “Āzād” (1976–1980) Subḥat
kirām, yet this section on Arabic writers is not al-marjān fī āthār Hindūstān, 2 vols. Jāmi‘at ‘Alīgarh
included in any of his Persian works. The third al-Islāmiyya, Alīgarh
146 Birādari

3. Bilgrāmī Ghulām ‘Alī “Āzād” (2003) Ghizlān al-Hind the most important intellectual figures of Islam’s
muṭāla‘ah-i taṭbīqī-i balāghat-i Hindī va Fārsī bih Golden Age (approximately 750–1257 C.E.). He
inḍimām-i faṣlī dar zanshināsī. Sidā-yi Mu‘āṣir,
Tehran
authored books on a wide variety of subjects
4. Ernst C (1995) India as a sacred Islamic land. In: including geography, mineralogy, pharmacology,
Lopez D (ed) Religions of India in practice. Princeton history, philosophy, astronomy, physics, and
University Press, Princeton chemistry. His most famous work is his study of
5. Ernst C (2009) Reconfiguring South Asian Islam:
from the 18th to the 19th century. Comp Islam Stud
India, Ta’rikh al-Hind.
5:247–272
6. Ḥasan NMṢ (1998) Nashwat al-sakrān fī ṣahbā’
tadhkār al-ghizlān. Dār Ibn Ḥazm, Beirut Life and Patronage
7. Qutbuddin T (2007) Arabic in India: a survey and
classification of its uses compared with Persian.
J Am Orient Soc 127(3):315–338 Al-Bīrūnī was born in 973 C.E. in Khwarizm,
8. Setu Madhava Rao P (1960) Maratha-Nizam relations, a large oasis region that falls in present-day
“The Khazana-i-Amira” of Gulam Ali Azad Bilgrami. Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan in western Central
J Indian Hist 38:303–326
9. Sharma S (2009) Translating gender: Āzād Bilgrāmī
Asia. His nisba derives from the fact that he was
on the poetics of the love lyric and cultural synthesis. born in the outer suburb (bī rūn) of the capital of
Transl: Stud Intercult Commun 15(1):87–103 Khwarizm. From his youth, al-Bīrūnī had access
10. Toorawa S (2008) The Shifā al-‘Alīl of Āzād Bilgrāmī to a quality education. Describing his intellectual
(d.1200/1786): introducing an eighteenth-century
pursuits during his early years al-Bīrūnī writes, “I
Indian work on al-Mutannabī’s poetry. Middle East
Lit 11(2):249–264 was from my youth possessed with a real greed to
11. Toorawa S (2009) Āzād Bilgrāmī (29 June 1704–15 acquire knowledge” ([17], p. 195). For the first 25
September 1786). In: Lowry J, Stewart D (eds) Essays years of his life, al-Bīrūnī lived in Khwarizm,
in Arabic literary biography. Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden,
where he studied al-‘ulūm al-‘arabiya, the Arab
pp 1350–1850
sciences (fiqh (law), theology, grammar, etc.) as
well as al-‘ulūm al-‘ajamiya, the non-Arab sci-
ences (astronomy, mathematics, medicine, etc.).
During this time, he received tutelage from tow-
Birādari
ering intellectuals such as the mathematician mas-
ters Abū Naṣr Manṣūr b. ‘Alī b. ‘Irāq Djilānī.
▶ Caste
At the time of al-Bīrūnī’s birth, much of Cen-
tral Asia, including the cities of Bukhara and
Samarkand, was ruled by a Persian dynasty
known as the Samanids. During that era, Central
Bīrūnī, al-
Asia was a hotbed of intellectualism, and art and
poetry were patronized by many local rulers,
Mashal Saif
including the Afrighids of Khwarizm. At the
Islamic Studies, Duke University, Durham, NC,
time of al-Bīrūnī’s birth, Khwarizm was under
USA
Afrighid rule. In 385/995, these local rulers of
Khwarizm were overthrown by the Ma’munids,
an occasion that had a significant impact on al-
Synonyms
Bīrūnī’s life since he had linkages with the
Afrighids. This political upheaval compelled him
AlBeruni; Al-Beruni; AlBiruni; Al-Biruni
and his family to leave their native city and travel
to the Samanid capital, Bukhara. From 995 to 998,
Definition al-Bīrūnī’s intellectual endeavors received the
patronage of the Samanid sultan Manṣūr II b.
Abū Rayḥān Muḥammad b. Aḥmad al-Bīrūnī Nūh. By this point in his life, al-Bīrūnī had
(362/973 – approximately 442/1050) was among already composed some of his earlier works and
Bīrūnī, al- 147

had also entered into correspondence with Ibn encouraged his scholarly endeavors and provided
Sīnā (d. 1037), another very important intellectual him with the necessary facilities to carry out his
of the Muslim Middle Ages. In 998, al-Bīrūnī left research and writing. Historians are of the opinion
for the court of the Ziyārid amīr, Qābūs, who ruled that al-Bīrūnī died during the sultanate of ‘Abd al-
the Caspian Sea region. There al-Bīrūnī continued Rashīd. Although the exact year of his death is B
his scholarly undertakings, and during these disputed, scholars identify it as either 1048 or
years, he composed his first major 1050. He is buried in Ghazna.
work – a monograph on calendars and eras and
important mathematical and meteorological prob-
lems. Although the work was initially composed Al-Bīrūnī’s Scholarly Works and His
in 390/1000, al-Bīrūnī later made alterations to it. Linguistic Prowess
A few years later, al-Bīrūnī returned to Khwarizm
where he was received by the Ma’mūnid Prince According to George Sarton, a historian of sci-
Abū’l Ḥasan ‘Alī b. Ma’mūn. Al-Bīrūnī dedicated ence, al-Bīrūnī was “one of the greatest scientists
himself to the service of the prince’s brother, of Islam, and, all considered, one of the greatest of
Abū’l ‘Abbās Ma’mūn b. Ma’mūn, who entrusted all time” ([26], p. 407). His achievements span
him with delicate political matters and diplomatic a wide array of disciplines, and the breadth of his
missions. He served Ma’mūn b. Ma’mūn for 7 knowledge is on par with its depth. Al-Bīrūnī
years. made momentous contributions to a number of
disciplines, and according to some historians, he
is a pioneer of the study of comparative religion.
Life Under the Ghaznavids In 427/1036, at the age of 63, al-Bīrūnī com-
piled a catalog of his own works. The list included
In 408/1017, Maḥmūd of Ghazna conquered 103 titles that were categorized into 12 groups:
Khwarizm. By this time, al-Bīrūnī was already mathematical geography, mathematics, astron-
renowned for his intellectual prowess, and omy, astronomical instruments, astrology, astro-
Maḥmūd asked al-Bīrūnī to join him at his court logical aspects and transits, chronology, comets,
in Ghazna, in present-day Afghanistan ([5], anecdotes, religion, books whose copies have
pp. vii, ix). According to some scholarly accounts, been lost and an unnamed category [21]. A few
al-Bīrūnī had no say in the matter and Maḥmūd years later, he added a few more titles of his own
commanded al-Bīrūnī, along with other scholars works to the list. He also included the titles of 25
such as Abū Naṣr and Abū’l Khayr Ḥussain, to works written in his name. Twelve of these were
accompany him to Ghazna. In Ghazna, Maḥmūd written by Abū Naṣr Manṣūr b. ‘Alī b. ‘Irāq; 12 by
had already amassed an array of artists and the Christian Abū Sahl ‘Īsa b. Yaḥya and 1 by Abū
scholars, providing them royal patronage. ‘Alī Ḥasan b. ‘Alī. Al-Bīrūnī is said to have
Maḥmūd retained al-Bīrūnī as a scholar in resi- written approximately 150 books; some scholars
dence. Al-Bīrūnī accompanied Maḥmūd on his posit that the number is as high as 180. His works
expeditions to northwestern India from 1017 till are of varying length ranging from short treatises
the monarch’s death in 1030. During these years, on specific issues to multi-volume works that
al-Bīrūnī studied and mastered Sanskrit and encompass a variety of disciplines. Out of these,
devoted his time to studying Indian religions and only about 20 have survived.
societies. He wrote extensively on the social and Al-Bīrūnī’s linguistic skills are noteworthy. He
religious practices of non-Muslim Indians. His was a native speaker of his mother tongue,
work on this subject is titled Tā’rī kh al-Hind Khwarizmi. Additionally, he had mastery over
(known in English as Al-Biruni’s India). Persian and Arabic. His language of choice in
Al-Bīrūnī spent more than three decades serv- composing his texts was Arabic. Khwarizmi, he
ing the Ghaznavids – Maḥmūd, Mas‘ūd, opined, was too underdeveloped a language for
Mawdūd, and their successors. These rulers composing a scientific text, whereas Persian was
148 Bīrūnī, al-

the language of narrating the exploits of heroes. about Precious Stones) is the most thorough
Arabic, he insisted, was best fit for composing his book on the subject of mineralogy in medieval
works, since it enhanced and improved scientific Arabic literature. The book describes the metals
thought ([20], p. 110). In addition to these lan- and minerals of Asia, Africa, and Europe, drawing
guages, al-Bīrūnī also knew Sanskrit and had both on established earlier sources on this topic as
a working knowledge of Greek. well as his own experiences. The book begins
with an introduction devoted to praising man’s
wisdom and describing man’s situation in nature
Contribution to Mathematics and how he came to use precious metals and
jewels to forge adornments for himself. The sec-
Approximately 95 of al-Bīrūnī’s books are dedi- ond part of the work, which spans approximately
cated to mathematics, astronomy, and other simi- 200 pages, describes minerals and precious
lar subjects. His focus was on applied rather than stones. Al-Bīrūnī examines the names of minerals
theoretical mathematics although he occasionally from a philosophical angle, citing the works of
dabbled in theoretical issues. Al-Bīrūnī’s most scholars such as Abū Ḥanīfa, Dīnavari, Khalīl b.
widely regarded work on astronomy is al-Qanūn Aḥmad, etc. His work is peppered with poetry as
al-Mas‘ūdi, which is dedicated to the son of Sul- well as citations from ancient Greek and Arab
tan Maḥmūd. In this work, al-Bīrūnī discusses sources.
theoretical derivations of astronomical parameters
and introduces new mathematical concepts. In the
third book of al-Qanūn, he defined pi as the num- Al-Bīrūnī as a Comparative Religionist
ber that is obtained when the circumference of
a circle is divided by the diameter. In doing so, Al-Bīrūnī is one of the most important medieval
he differed from his predecessors who had defined Muslim scholars of religion; some even credit him
pi as a geometric ratio. In his works on mathemat- as being a founder of the study of comparative
ics, al-Bīrūnī defined all the trigonometric func- religion. In his works, al-Bīrūnī wrote about
tions that are in use today. Additionally, he Islam, Christianity, Judaism, Zoroastrianism, Hin-
discussed how to compute these functions from duism, Buddhism, and a number of other tradi-
a circle with radius, R, that equals 1. This R = 1 tions. Al-Bīrūnī’s own religious affiliations have
method is still in use today. In the realm of applied been deliberated by scholars. In his early works,
mathematics, one of al-Bīrūnī’s most significant al-Bīrūnī appears to have profound sympathy for
achievements was his development of a technique Shi‘ism. His leanings are obvious from his favor-
to determine the longitudinal difference between able accounts of ashura and other Shi‘a celebra-
two geographical locals. He calculated the longi- tions as well as from the repeated blessings he
tudinal difference between Baghdad and Ghazna sends on ‘Alī and the ahl al-bayt (the Prophet’s
as 24;20 which is very close to the modern esti- family). Occasionally, al-Bīrūnī also invokes God
mation. He also determined a method for calcu- to protect the Zaydi Shi‘as. However in mapping
lating the earth’s circumference [25]. out the chronology of Muslim political authority,
al-Bīrūnī refers to Abu Bakr, ‘Umar, and ‘Uthman
as caliphs. This is in clear opposition to the Shi‘a
Contributions to Mineralogy opinion that the caliphate belonged to ‘Alī and his
descendants, and the rulers that preceded ‘Alī
Al-Bīrūnī’s greatest contribution to mineralogy were usurpers of ‘Alī’s title. However, al-Bīrūnī’s
was the construction of an instrument that enabled position is consistent with that of the Mu‘tazilites
him to determine the specific gravity of a number of this time who had a deep reverence for the ahl
of metals and minerals with remarkable accuracy. al-bayt while simultaneously accepting Abu Bakr,
Additionally, al-Bīrūnī’s Kitāb al-Jamāhir fī ‘Umar, and ‘Uthman as caliphs. Al-Bīrūnī’s writ-
Maʿrifat al-Jawāhir (The Sum of Knowledge ings during the later period of his life – 408/1017
Bīrūnī, al- 149

onward – present a slightly different picture and thorough accounts of Indian society. Al-Bīrūnī
his Shi‘ite leanings are less evident. During this spent many years working on this monograph
period, al-Bīrūnī lived in the court of the and completed it in 421/1030, right after Sultan
Ghaznavid sultans, who emphasized a strict ver- Maḥmūd’s death. Al-Bīrūnī’s analysis of Indian
sion of Sunnism and it is possible that the reli- civilization in the Tā’rī kh al-Hind spans across B
gious convictions of his patrons prevented him numerous subjects and disciplines including liter-
from fully expressing his personal religious ature, geography, medicine, chronology, culture,
views. customs, laws, astronomy, astrology, and religion.
Francois de Blois has argued that al-Bīrūnī’s The Tā’rī kh al-Hind is not a text directed at the
views of other religions must be assessed keeping layperson; it is a work intended primarily for other
in mind al-Bīrūnī’s own religious leanings. Al- scholars. Al-Bīrūnī explains his goal in his book,
Bīrūnī is remarkably fair in his assessment of writing that his work aims to provide essential
other faiths – he disparages assessments of these facts about Hindus to Muslims who wish to enter
faiths that he believes are unfair criticisms. In his into dialogue with Hindus. In presenting the peo-
works, al-Bīrūnī examines Zoroastrianism, often ple of India to his readers, al-Bīrūnī wanted to let
citing the writings of Hamza Isfahani (d. ca 961). Hindus speak for themselves through quotations
Al-Bīrūnī details the life of Zoroaster, describes from their own literature. Ainslie Embree,
Zoroastrian beliefs and practices, and gives a contemporary scholar who has studied al-
a detailed description of Zoroastrian feasts. Al- Bīrūnī, explains that al-Bīrūnī’s desire to formu-
Bīrūnī’s writings also evidence his interest in the late his work, in part, through quotations from the
writings of Mani, and at one point in his works, al- Sanskrit originals, was problematic, given the
Bīrūnī states that he searched for Mani’s Book of larger thrust of Muslim historiography. As Franz
Mysteries for almost half a century before he Rosenthal in his writings on Muslim historiogra-
finally found it. Al-Bīrūnī also displays an inti- phy has explained, the primary concern of such
mate familiarity with the Hebrew Bible and New historiography has been to emphasize those
Testament, both of which he accessed in Arabic. It aspects of non-Muslim civilizations that elucidate
is apparent that he also read other Jewish and the non-Muslims’ evils and shortcomings, in
Christian texts in addition to consulting Christian order to legitimize the larger narrative of the
informants to gather information about their faith. truth and triumph of Islam. However, al-Bīrūnī
At times, al-Bīrūnī’s work is comparative and was of the opinion that his task as a historian was
he highlights instances of resonance between var- to transmit facts. Consequently, he was fair in his
ious faith traditions. In his detailed work on India, assessment of not just the Hindus but also of
Tā‘rī kh al-Hind, he compares Hindu beliefs to Sultan Maḥmūd’s conquests. In contrast to other
those of Muslim Sufis and Greek philosophers. historians of that era, al-Bīrūnī did not glorify
In the same text, he also compares the syllable om Maḥmūd’s conquests in India, or present them
with the basmala and God’s ineffable name in using the predominant paradigm of a higher civi-
Judaism. He also finds similarities between Indian lization conquering and bringing civilization to
and Manichean teachings. a lower class of people. Instead, al-Bīrūnī, possi-
bly to an exaggerated extent, chronicled the
destruction brought about by Maḥmūd’s forces.
Contribution to Indology and the Tā’rīkh He wrote, “Mahmud utterly ruined the prosperity
al-Hind of the country . . . the Hindus became like atoms
of dust scattered in all directions . . . their scattered
Despite his numerous scientific achievements, al- remains cherish, of course, the inveterate aversion
Bīrūnī is best known in the contemporary era for towards all Muslims” ([5], ix).
his writings on India. His monograph on India, With regard to his appraisal of Hinduism in
titled Tā’rī kh al-Hind (known in English as Al- Tā’rī kh al-Hind, al-Bīrūnī expressed an aware-
Biruni’s India), is among the most incisive and ness of the criticism that he knew he would
150 Bīrūnī, al-

receive for detailing Hindu views without cou- aware that he could misread these texts since he
pling them with a diatribe and a polemical cri- was not completely familiar with Indian culture
tique. However, he wrote that he was compelled to and Indian thought patterns and methods of con-
do so in order to do justice to his vocation as ceptualizing the world. Consequently, he engaged
a historian ([5], p. xii). Al-Bīrūnī was cognizant in extensive discussions with Hindu scholars as
of the ease with which one can misrepresent well as scholars from India who Maḥmūd had
others’ religions and philosophies by explaining brought to his court. There is also a high likeli-
and narrating them in a manner that is motivated hood that al-Bīrūnī learnt Sanskrit from these
by one’s own prejudices. He held the opinion that scholars. Al-Bīrūnī explains in his Tā‘rī kh al-
Hinduism had been meted such a treatment by Hind that learning Sanskrit was a formidable
earlier Muslim scholars for three reasons. Firstly, task. However, despite his eventual Sanskrit pro-
Hinduism’s basic tenants were very different from ficiency, al-Bīrūnī still faced linguistic difficulties.
Islam’s teachings. Secondly, Islam’s repugnance Sanskrit was the language only of the educated
to idolatry and other central features of Hinduism elites; the rest of the population conversed in what
had led earlier Muslims to be incredibly critical of al-Bīrūnī termed, “a neglected vernacular” ([5],
the religion. And, lastly, al-Bīrūnī felt that Hindu- p. x). Regardless, al-Bīrūnī’s effort to learn San-
ism had been misunderstood and misrepresented skrit was a major accomplishment and historians
because earlier scholars had encountered difficul- credit him as being the first Muslim to seriously
ties with understanding the original Sanskrit attempt to learn the language ([5], p. xi). Given the
sources ([5], xii). In fact, long before he developed multiple linguistic challenges that al-Bīrūnī
an interest in India, al-Bīrūnī was of the opinion encountered in compiling his data on India, he
that the existing Arabic writings on India by Mus- engaged extensively with Indian scholars and
lim scholars were “second hand information . . . Sanskrit experts to make sure that he not only
which one has copied from the other, a farrago of correctly understood the primary sources but
materials never sifted by the sieve of critical also that the sources that he was consulting accu-
examination” ([5], p. vii). However, al-Bīrūnī’s rately represented the realities of Hinduism in
appraisal is possibly too critical and misleading India. He thoroughly examined primary sources
since a number of Sanskrit books on astronomy, for biases and inaccuracies and checked sources
medicine, and philosophy had been translated into against one another to understand the different
Arabic as early as the ninth century. Al-Bīrūnī usages and inflections of concepts and words
mistrusted and disregarded these and chose to ([5], p. xiii). Moreover, al-Bīrūnī also gathered
work with the Sanskrit originals. information about India through his travels to the
Al-Bīrūnī exceeded his predecessors in the region as part of Maḥmūd’s entourage. In his
depth of his examination of Indian writings on book, he also included his observations and
philosophy, literature, and religion. He is credited deductions from his travels to India. For example,
as being the first Muslim to examine the Purāṇas he wrote of the nature of soil he encountered in
(extensive compendiums of stories about “ancient North India and hypothesized that the whole area
times,” including Hindu cosmology and divini- had once been a sea ([5], p. xiii).
ties). He was also familiar with the Mahābhārata Al-Bīrūnī recognized that the practices and
and in his writings quoted frequently from the understandings of Hinduism were varied, and he
Bhagavad Gītā. Although al-Bīrūnī had read and distinguished between the high tradition of Brah-
studied Indian religious literature extensively, he manical priests and the popular Hinduism of the
was aware that there were large gaps in his knowl- masses. He argued that the Brahmanical interpre-
edge, since, as he put it, the Hindus “have a nearly tation and practice of the faith was the only correct
boundless literature” ([5], p. ix). Al-Bīrūnī used version of Hinduism and the rest was the super-
a variety of research methods in compiling his stition of the masses. Departing significantly from
book. He rigorously examined primary sources, other Muslims scholars of Hinduism who had
but despite his mastery over Sanskrit, he was preceded him, al-Bīrūnī argued that Hinduism
Bīrūnī, al- 151

was not pantheistic but (like Islam) strictly mono- 2. Anawati GC. BĪRŪNĪ, ABŪ RAYHĀN v. Pharmacol-
theistic since it emphasizes the unity of all things. ogy and mineralogy. In: Encyclopedia Iranica
3. Ataman K (2008) Understanding other religions: Al-
Scholars have argued that al-Bīrūnī found Hindu- Biruni and Gadamer’s “fusion of horizons”. Council
ism to be akin to the Sufi version of Islam since he for Research in Values and Philosophy, Washington,
was primarily exposed to the Bhagavad Gītā and DC B
the Vaishnavite sect of Hinduism ([5], p. xvii). Al- 4. Berggren JL (1982) Al-Bīrūnī on plane maps of the
sphere. JHAS 6:47–95
Bīrūnī also drew many comparisons between 5. Bīrūnī MA, Embree AT (1971) Alberuni’s India. Nor-
Indian and Greek ideas. His comparisons assumed ton, New York
that his readers were familiar with Greek thought. 6. Bivar ADH (1979) The stations of al-Bīrūnī on the
The purpose of these comparisons was to demon- journey from Ghaznah to Peshawar. In: Al-Bīrūnī
commemorative volume, Karachi, pp 160–176
strate that although Indian ideas might appear 7. Blois F. BĪRŪNĪ, ABŪ RAYHĀN vii. History of
very odd and ludicrous at first glance, they reso- religions. In: Encyclopedia Iranica
nated strongly with many Greek ideas. For exam- 8. Bosworth CE. BĪRŪNĪ, ABŪ RAYHĀN i. Life. In:
ple, as al-Bīrūnī explained, Plato’s account of Encyclopedia Iranica
9. Kamiar M (2009) Brilliant Biruni: a life story of Abu
transmigration shared similarities with Hindu
Rayhan Mohammad Ibn Ahmad. Scarecrow Press,
beliefs. Al-Bīrūnī’s comparisons between Greek Lanham
and Indian thought also aimed to prove that 10. Kamiar M (2006) A bio-bibliography for Biruni: Abu
Greek philosophers, unlike their Indian counter- Raihan Mohammad ibn Ahmad (973–1053 C.E.).
Scarecrow Press, Lanham
parts, were able to distinguish superstition from
11. Kazmi HA (1995) The makers of medieval Muslim
scientific fact. Critiquing Indian scholars, he geography: Alberuni. Renaissance, Delhi
wrote, “the scientific theorems of the Hindus 12. Kazmi HA (1982) The geographical concepts of Al-
are in a state of utter confusion . . . always Biruni. Prakash, Hapur
13. Kennedy ES (1974) A letter of al-Bīrūnī. Habash al-
mixed up with the silly superstitions of the
Hāsib’s Analemma for the Qibla. Hist Math 1:3–11
crowd” ([5], p. xv). 14. Khan AS (1982) A bibliography of the works of
Al-Bīrūnī’s contribution to Indology and the Abū’l-Raihān al-Bīrūnī. Indian National Science
thoroughness of his research in Tā‘rī kh al-Hind Academy, New Delhi
15. Kramers JH (1951) Al-Bīrūnī’s determination of geo-
was unparalleled in his era. In fact, according to
graphical longitude by measuring the distances. In: Al-
Ainslie Embree, al-Bīrūnī’s study of India knew Bīrūnī commemorative volume, Calcutta, pp 177–183
no rivals for the next eight centuries. The thor- 16. Krenkow F (1946) The drug-book of Beruni. Islam
oughness of al-Bīrūnī’s work is such that it con- Cult 20:109–110
17. Krenkow F (1951) Beruni and the Ms. Sultan Fatih
tinues to be an authoritative source on India even
No. 3386. In: Al-Biruni commemoration volume. Iran
in modern times, when numerous other works on Society, Calcultta
India are available. Moreover, the book is “unique 18. Lawrence BB (1976) Al-Biruni’s approach to the com-
as an historical document, for nothing else from parative study of Indian culture. In: Bishop D,
Yarshater E (eds) Biruni symposium. Persian studies
the period remotely touches it in accuracy of
series, vol 7, New York, pp 27–47
observation and breadth of coverage of Hindu 19. Lawrence BB. BĪRŪNĪ, ABŪ RAYHĀN viii. Indol-
society” ([5], v and vii). ogy. In: Encyclopedia Iranica
20. Nasr SH (1964) An introduction to Islamic cosmolog-
ical doctrines: conceptions of nature and methods used
Cross-References for its study by the Ikhwan al-Safa’, al-Biruni, and Ibn
Sina. Belknap Press of Harvard University Press,
Cambridge
▶ Maḥmūd Ghaznavī 21. Pingree D. BĪRŪNĪ, ABŪ RAYHĀN ii. Bibliography.
In: Encyclopedia Iranica
22. Pingree DE (1975) Al-Bīrūnī's knowledge of Sanskrit
References astronomical texts. S.l: s.n.
23. Said MH, Khan AZ (1981) Al-Bīrūnī: his times, life
1. Anawati GC (1979) The Kitāb al-jamāhir fi maʿrifat al- and works. Hamdard Academy, Karachi
jawāhir of al- Bīrūnī. In: Said HM (ed) Al-Bīrūnī 24. Saleem KMA (2001) Al-Biruni’s discovery of India:
commemorative volume, Karachi, pp 437–453 an interpretative study. iAcademic Books, Denver
152 Bnei Menashe

25. Saliba G. BĪRŪNĪ, ABŪ RAYHĀN iii. Mathematics David Sassoon (1792–1864) was a scion of the
and astronomy. In: Encyclopedia Iranica family that had long held the position of chief
26. Sarton G (1927) Introduction to the history of science,
vol I. Carnegie Institution, Washington, DC
treasurer to the governor of Baghdad, but whose
27. Yar-Shater E (1976) Biruni symposium. Columbia political fortunes were waning. The economic
University, Iran Center, New York empire the Sassoons eventually established (with
centers in Bombay, Calcutta, Rangoon, Hong
Kong, Shanghai, Singapore, and elsewhere),
along with their wide-ranging charitable activi-
Bnei Menashe ties, earned them the title of “the Rothschilds of
the East.” The history of the Baghdadi Jewish
▶ Mountain Jews community in Bombay is closely connected with
that of the house of Sassoon.

Bombay’s Baghdadi Jews The Sassoons

Joan Roland David Sassoon entered the import-export arena of

Department of History, Dyson College of Arts and Bombay, then dominated by wealthy Parsis and
Sciences, Pace University, New York, NY, USA English merchant houses. He began by exporting
English textiles to Persia, Iraq, and nearby lands,
importing products and textiles of these countries
Synonyms to be resold to the British in India. His familiarity
with local countries, conditions, and languages,
Indian Jews; Iraqi Jews; Jews of India; Sephardic his reliable Jewish correspondents in all centers,
Jews and his firm’s reputation for absolute integrity
soon made his business one of the largest operat-
ing in the region. By 1841, he was recognized as
Definition the principal member of the local Arabian Jewish
trading community. He gradually extended into
Jews from the Ottoman Empire and other parts of central Asia and southern China, trading in Bom-
the Middle East who settled in Bombay bay yarn, English piece-goods, and opium. By the
next decade, he had purchased much real estate.
David Sassoon was an observant, Orthodox
Introduction Jew. Initially, all the firm’s accounts and corre-
spondence were in Judaeo-Arabic (Arabic lan-
The Baghdadi Jewish community in Bombay guage in Hebrew script). Business stopped daily
dates back to about 1730, when Joseph Semah, at the appropriate times for prayer. Offices,
one of the founders, arrived from Surat ([6], branches, and workshops closed on Saturday as
pp. 1–20). A century later, there were perhaps well as on Sunday, the official day of rest. Every
20–30 families of Arabic-speaking Jews among Saturday, the heads of the Bombay Jewish com-
the total Bombay Jewish population of over 2,000 munity and any scholars present in the city met in
([7], pp. 132–135, n.6). They called themselves David Sassoon’s house to study and chant tradi-
“Jewish Merchants of Arabia, Inhabitants and tional hymns. Out of these meetings emerged
Residents in Bombay.” The community’s reli- a group calling itself Hebrath Beth David (the
gious services were held in a house rented from Brotherhood of the House of David), which
the Parsis. In 1833, the man who was to found became a nucleus of a new organization of Bagh-
a great commercial dynasty and a merchant house dadi Jews, financially subsidized by Sassoon. In
known throughout the world arrived in Bombay. 1861, David Sassoon built the Magen David
Bombay’s Baghdadi Jews 153

synagogue in the then fashionable Bombay neigh- the country as a whole. After David Sassoon’s
borhood of Byculla. The synagogue compound death, his eldest son, Abdullah, who also called
contained a hostel for travelers, a ritual bath, and himself Albert, assumed the management of the
a Talmud Torah (religious school) ([2], p. 224; firm and became a major force behind the devel-
[14], pp. 54–57). opment of the textile industry in Bombay. He B
Word spread among Jews throughout the Otto- opened a series of cotton mills that, along with
man Empire that employment was available in the Parsi enterprise, helped to revolutionize the weav-
firm of David Sassoon and Company in Bombay. ing industry in India and helped Bombay to grow,
To accommodate the new arrivals, Sassoon in the second half of the nineteenth century, into
arranged food, housing, medical care, and educa- an important manufacturing city. Albert, who had
tion of their children. The David Sassoon School gained entry into the exclusive English society of
for the early standards (grades) was later Bombay and Persia, was knighted in 1872. Jeal-
supplemented by the English-medium Sir Jacob ous of the assumption of leadership by Albert-
Sassoon High School which prepared for the Abdullah, his next younger brother, Elias,
Senior Cambridge. In the latter school, the chil- resigned from the parent firm and established
dren were also taught ritual slaughtering of ani- a rival company to be known as E.D. Sassoon
mals so that they could eat meat if their and Company. At Elias’s death, this firm was
employment took them to places with no taken over by his son Jacob, who further helped
established Jewish community ([10], p. 33; [14], expand the cotton industry until at one point his
pp. 60–61). Wealthier Baghdadis sent their chil- mills employed 15,000 people, of whom only
dren to private schools established for Europeans a small fraction were Jews. Jacob was the largest
and Anglo-Indians ([9], p. 51). In Pune, which contributor to the Gateway of India and also
became a summer resort for wealthy Bombay endowed cemeteries, charities, and schools. He
Jews, Sassoon erected a beautiful synagogue, erected a new synagogue, Knesset Eliyahu, in the
Ohel David (also known as Lal Deval and still now-fashionable fort section of Bombay. In
a local landmark), as well as a school, hospital, 1909, he too was knighted. The David Sassoon
and a hostel for the poor. Library, the Sassoon Docks, a clock tower at
David Sassoon also contributed enormously to Victoria Gardens, and the equestrian statue of
the development of the city of Bombay, financing King Edward VII bear witness to the Sassoons’
numerous educational, medical, and social insti- contributions to Bombay ([10], pp. 47, 52–53;
tutions that were open to all. Sir Bartle Frere, the [14], pp. 76, 80–81). When they grew older, all
governor of Bombay, who was eager to get the but one of David Sassoon’s eight sons moved to
backing of the rich mercantile community for all England. Flora Sassoon, the wife of Solomon
his projects, especially education, public build- David, managed the family firm in Bombay for
ings, and beautification of the city, wrote in 1862 a few years after her husband’s death in 1894.
of the Baghdadi Jews of Bombay: “They are, like She was active on the Plague Committee which
the Parsees, a most valuable link between us and battled the outbreak of bubonic plague and then
the natives – oriental in origin and cholera in 1897 and was the first to take the
appreciation – but English in their objects and newly developed anti-cholera vaccine when
associations, and, almost of necessity, loyal” inoculation riots broke out in Bombay. Flora
([13], pp. 17, 311, note 28). When he died in eventually moved to England, where she became
1864, The Times of India wrote, “Bombay has an important figure in the Jewish community,
lost one of its most energetic, wealthy, public- known for her charity and scholarship ([11],
spirited and benevolent citizens. . .in personal pp. 32–33; [18], p. 275). The Sassoons, who
appearance, private character and public life had established a branch of their business in
most remarkable” ([14], p. 68). Calcutta, intermarried with the Ezras, the most
The younger Sassoons carried on their father’s important Baghdadi family in Calcutta, and the
philanthropy in both the Jewish community and two families became closely intertwined.
154 Bombay’s Baghdadi Jews

Thus, it is understandable that the economic, Nevertheless, after World War I they tended to
social, educational, and religious history of the refer their questions to the Sephardi Chief Rabbi
Baghdadi Jewish community of Bombay of England ([18], p. 277). The Baghdadi Jews in
revolved around the Sassoon family. Some have Bombay maintained a very strong sense of com-
argued that the benefactions and trusts established munity. The synagogues were central to their life.
by the Sassoons, in particular by Sir Jacob, obvi- Rites for protection of the newborn, special cir-
ated any motivation toward entrepreneurship and cumcision services, bar mitzvahs, a “coming of
industry on the part of other Baghdadis. Every- age” rite in which a 13-year-old boy reads pub-
thing was provided for them: if they could not licly from the Torah for the first time (sometimes
earn a living in one of the firms, they could subsist done at home by Baghdadis), binding betrothal
on one of the doles. The Sassoon trusts were before marriage, certain marriage and funeral
managed by a few wealthy individuals, often customs – all followed the way of Baghdad. Sing-
related, who at times were out of touch with the ing and chanting in Arabic enlivened festivals and
rank and file of the community ([15], pp. 203, celebrations. Kiddush (prayer) cups for wine were
208–209). similar to those used in Iraq, but a stem was added
in India. Since there were not enough grapes to
make wine, the Baghdadis often substituted juice
Religious Life made from raisins for use on the Sabbath and
festivals ([17], p. 87).
The two synagogues that the Sassoons built in At a time when infant mortality was high, the
Bombay, Magen David and Knesset Eliyahu, Baghdadis had special ceremonies to protect new-
were large monumental structures. Elaborately born babies. The custom of shasha prescribed that
decorated and to some extent resembling churches every newborn spend its fifth night in the arms of
and civic buildings from that period, they were a female relative who would protect the child from
landmarks. These synagogues contained a great evil spirits. The next day children were invited to
many Torah scrolls, most of which were brought the home of the newborn, given sweets and nuts,
from Iraq. The cylindrical or polygonal cases and told to make as much noise as possible to
which held them also came from Iraq or were the ward off evil sprits. After the shasha ceremony,
work of local Indian or Chinese artisans ([17], there was a naming ceremony for girls. The
pp. 71–72). Synagogue privileges, such as light- announcing of the name was followed by ulula-
ing Sabbath lamps, opening the ark where the tions and congratulations ([8], p. 109). On the
Torah scrolls were kept, or ascending the podium evening before the circumcision on the eighth
to read from the Torah, were auctioned off in day of a boy, a ceremony called the “bond of the
Arabic. This system added considerably to the Myrtle” or “bond of Elijah the Prophet” was held
income of the synagogues. Like the Bene Israel for the newborn. The cradle was decorated with
and Cochin Jews, the Baghdadi Jews in India did myrtle branches and amulets. The “chair of Eli-
not have ordained rabbis of their own except for jah” was brought from the synagogue to the
one in Calcutta, Ezekiel Musleah, in the 1950s baby’s home and also decorated. Mystical texts
and 1960s. They remained attached to the teach- related to Elijah were read ([3], pp. 101–103; [17],
ing and traditions of Baghdad, seeking guidance pp. 159–160). By the 1950s, the mohel (a person
from that city’s hakhams (sages) on questions of trained to perform circumcisions) of Bombay had
ritual and law, and contributing to the upkeep of to be flown in to Calcutta, which did not have such
sacred shrines in Iraq ([12], Chaps. 12–13). It has a person to perform the ritual.
been said that the Baghdadi Jews were more The Bombay Baghdadis followed the major
concerned with guarding and preserving their reli- Festivals and Holy Days observed by all orthodox
gious traditions from Iraq than allowing them to Jews. Some of these were Rosh Hashanah (the
develop and evolve locally ([8], p. 131). New Year), Yom Kippur (the Day of Atonement),
Bombay’s Baghdadi Jews 155

Sukkot (Festival of Tabernacles), Simhat Torah centuries; it was middle-class Baghdadis who ran
(celebration of the completion of the annual the Bombay Zionist Association and edited the
cycle of Torah readings), Hanukkah, Tu newspapers.
B’Shabbat (the New Year of Trees), Purim (the Baghdadis were also very involved in the early
story of Queen Esther and the preservation of the Indian cinema, which was centered in Bombay. B
Jews in Persia), Passover, Shevuoth (Pentecost), Ezra Mir, from Calcutta, was a noted documentary
and Tisha B’Ab, (mourning the destructions of the film-maker and chief producer of the Government
Temples in Jerusalem). of India’s Films Division, who also won the
In their homes, the doors of which were Padma Shri in 1970. There were several outstand-
adorned by mezuzahs (texts from the Torah written ing Baghdadi actresses: Sulochana (Ruby Myers)
on parchment and encased in brass containers) most who was India’s first great movie star in the silent
Baghdadi Jews kept certain religious items, such as film period, and later Nadira, Ramola, Pramilla,
a brass Sabbath lamp, a brass hanukkiya (a nine and Rose. These women, along with Anglo-
lamp candelabra to be used during Hanukkah), and Indian film actresses, worked to prove that
a matzah basket to be used for unleavened bread for respectable women could become professional
the festival of Passover. Muslim cooks were gener- actresses, musicians, or dancers. Although there
ally employed and were trained to observe the were many Baghdadi women who did not approve
Jewish dietary laws in the preparation of food of them, their pioneering repudiation of such
([16], p. 71). social taboos helped women from other commu-
nities to follow suit ([9], p. 56; [16], pp. 66–67).

Intellectual and Cultural Life

Public Life and Relations with Other
According to Timberg, the merchant elite that communities
dominated community life in both Bombay and
Calcutta consisted of fewer than 40 families out of Although most Baghdadi Jews identified with the
a community that, at its height, numbered less British and had little interest in Indian politics,
than 5,000. The rest were middle-class shop- they were active in public affairs. In Calcutta,
keepers, artisans, brokers, clerk, or factory members of the community were named as hon-
workers. Some subsisted on the charity of the orary magistrates. Leading Baghdadi Jews were
community trust funds ([4], pp. 83–88; [18], p. invited to the viceroy’s levees and celebrations,
274). As a rule, Baghdadi Jews confined them- some of which they helped to organize. They were
selves to trade, finance, and industry; relatively appointed sheriffs of Calcutta and served as
few entered the professions. municipal councilors ([1], Ch. VI). In Bombay,
Intellectual activity in Calcutta revolved the Jews played an even larger role. The govern-
around the Hebrew presses, which, in the last ment of Bombay offered David Sassoon many
half of the nineteenth century, published religious, public appointments, but he accepted only the
historical, and literary works, as well as anti- position of justice of the peace. His son, Albert-
missionary tracts. In Bombay, a periodical Abdullah, was a member of the Bombay Legisla-
known as Doresh Tov Le’ammo (1856–1886) tive Council. In the twentieth century, two Bagh-
and other works appeared in Judeo- dadi Jews, Sir Sassoon J. David and Meyer
Arabic. Communal newspapers in English, such Nissim, served as head of the Bombay Municipal
as Zion’s Messenger, the Jewish Tribune, and the Corporation – that is, as Mayor of Bombay. Sir
Jewish Advocate, all sympathetic to Zionism, Victor S. Sassoon represented the Bombay Mill
were published from the 1920s to the 1940s. Nev- owners in the Indian Legislative Assembly, trying
ertheless, the Baghdadi elite remained aloof from to protect the Indian textile industry from the
Zionism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth disabilities imposed by the British industry.
156 Bombay’s Baghdadi Jews

Although they learned Hindi (or Hindustani) to Dispersal of the Baghdadi Community
be able to communicate on a day-to-day basis with
Indians, most Bombay Baghdadis did not acquire Indian independence was not welcomed by most
a good knowledge of Marathi, the regional lan- Baghdadis. Having always aspired to assimilate to
guage. Instead, they switched from Arabic to the Europeans in India, and having spurned iden-
English which, by the second quarter of the twen- tification with Indians, the Baghdadi Jews were
tieth century, became the first language in many not supportive of Indian nationalism. They
Baghdadi homes. Thus, they were able to compete doubted that they would be comfortable in the
for positions in British India which afforded them new India. After 1947, new economic regulations
higher salaries than many local Indians received enacted by the Indian Government restricted
([8], p. 179). Bombay Baghdadis joined British imports and controlled foreign exchange, seri-
clubs, including race clubs that excluded Indians, ously hampering the business of many wealthy
and their commercial establishments were affili- Baghdadis. Political changes in the Middle East
ated with the British chambers of commerce. And in the late 1950s and early 1960s closed the mar-
yet, for all their efforts, they remained – like the kets of Iraq and Egypt to Baghdadi Jewish trade.
Armenians – marginal members of the European The closing of the Sassoon factories in the mid-
community ([9], p. 48; [18], pp. 277–278). 1940s deprived many of employment in Bombay,
A significant difference between Bombay and as did the sale of the B.N. Elias mills in Calcutta in
Calcutta was that in the latter, the Baghdadis were 1973 ([5], pp. 345–346). With family, connec-
the sole Jewish community and did not have to tions, and funds abroad, members of the upper
deal with previously established indigenous Jews. classes were free to migrate to countries such as
In Bombay, however, they found the Bene Israel England, Canada, the USA, and Australia. Less
already settled there when they arrived ([9], p. 50). affluent Baghdadis who had relatives abroad or
The Baghdadis’ social concerns and their desire who could find a source of livelihood in the West
to be treated like Sephardic Jews elsewhere in the also departed, with a relatively small percentage
British Empire, not like Indians, were reflected in going to Israel. As the community disintegrated –
their relations with other Indian Jewish commu- and, with it, Jewish marriage prospects for
nities. Although they welcomed the Cochin Para- children – more left the country. Of what had
desi Jews into their community, the Malabari once been a community of perhaps 2,000 in Bom-
Jews and Bene Israel were not accepted ([4], p. bay, barely 100 remained at the beginning of the
49). Initially, Baghdadi-Bene Israel relations in second decade of the twenty-first century. A few
Bombay, where the Bene Israel were concen- are engaged in domestic commerce, while many
trated, had been positive, but the Baghdadis are elderly or retired professionals or businessmen
gradually drew away from the native-born com- who could not take their money out of India and
munity. Doubtful about the Jewish status and who enjoy a standard of living there that they
religious observance of the Bene Israel, they would be unable to maintain abroad. And some
were also anxious to protect their status in Euro- are indigent, still dependent on the Sassoon trusts.
pean society in India. Thus, the issues of purity, The Baghdadi elite, like those of some other
caste, and color, which were so important in the Sephardic communities, had never been terribly
Indian environment and had been intensified in supportive of Zionism or its emissaries who came
the British colonial context, created tension to India for fund-raising. Thus, unlike the Bene
between the Baghdadis and the Bene Israel. Israel and Cochin Jews, the Indian Baghdadi Jews
There was little intermarriage, and for a while did not emigrate en masse to Israel. Those who did
Baghdadis would not count the Bene Israel in go tended not to maintain their own communal
forming a minyan (prayer quorum) nor call identity. Instead, many merged with the much
them up to the Torah in the synagogue. By the larger Jewish community that had come directly
mid-twentieth century, relations had improved from Iraq, although at times there could be mutual
([13], pp. 19–21, 65–79, 139–146, 213–218). disdain. Their fluency in English and western
Burma Jews 157

culture enabled many to obtain good jobs. They 12. Musleah E (1975) On the banks of the Ganga: the
settled all across the country: in the major cities, sojourn of Jews in Calcutta. The Christopher Publish-
ing House, North Quincy, MA
smaller towns, and, in a few cases, on kibbutzim. 13. Roland J (1998) The Jewish communities of India:
However, there are small concentrations of Bom- identity in a colonial era, 2nd edn. Transaction, New
bay Baghdadis in the Kurdani neighborhood near Brunswick/London B
Haifa, in Ramat Eliyahu, and in Ashdod. In these 14. Roth C (1941) The Sassoon dynasty. Hale, London
15. Sassoon D (1949) History of the Jews of Baghdad. S.
locales, many have maintained their Indian ties and D. Sassoon, Letchworth, England
identity and pray in synagogues – which in some 16. Silliman J (2001) Jewish portraits, Indian frames.
cases reproduce the structures they had had at Brandeis University Press, Calcutta
home – attended by other Jews from India, rather 17. Slapak O (ed) (1995) The Jews of India: a story of
three communities. The Israel Museum, Jerusalem
than in those of the broader Iraqi community. Many 18. Timberg T (1986) Jews in India. Advent/Vikas, New
of the Baghdadis who settled in Kurdani came from York/New Delhi
the Nagpada area of Bombay, where they worked
in the mills. Some of the older immigrants still
speak Hindi as well as English. Because their num-
bers in Israel are relatively small, however, Indian
Baghdadi culture is more likely to be preserved in Burma Jews
Golders Green in London, or in parts of Canada,
Australia, and the USA, than in Israel. Jonathan Goldstein
History Department, University of West Georgia,
Carrollton, GA, USA
Cross-References
Synonyms
▶ Baghdadi Jews of India
▶ Bene Israel
Myanmar Jews
▶ Jews of Kerala

References Definition

1. Abraham I (c. 1970) Origin and history of the Calcutta A Jewish community has existed within the
Jews. Daw Sen and Co. Private Ltd., Calcutta boundaries of the country which is popularly
2. Bermant C (1971) Cousinhood. Macmillan, New York known in English as “Burma” or “Myanmar”
3. Cooper J, Cooper J (2002) The life-cycle of the Bagh-
dadi Jews of India. In: Weil S (ed) India’s Jewish
since the first settler arrived during the region of
heritage: ritual, art & life-cycle. Marg, Mumbai King Alaungpaya (1752-60). The community
4. Elias F, Cooper J (1974) The Jews of Calcutta. The then fell under the rule of the British, who made
Jewish Association of Calcutta, Calcutta Burma part of India until 1853 and a colony in its
5. Ezra E (1986) Turning back the pages, a chronicle of
own right in 1937. In 1948 Britain granted Burma
Calcutta Jewry, vol 1. Brookside Press, London
6. Fischel W (1965) The immigration of ‘Arabian Jews’ total independence. In 1989 the country changed
to India in the eighteenth century. Proc Am Acad its name to “the Republic of the Union of
Jewish Res 33:1–20 Myanmar.”
7. Fischel W (1972) Bombay in Jewish history in the
light of new documents from the indian archives.
Proc Am Acad Jewish Res 38–39:119–144
8. Hyman M (1995) Jews of the Raj. Hyman, London The Origins of Burma’s Jewish
9. Israel B (1998) The Jews of India. Mosaic, New Delhi Community
10. Jackson S (1968) The Sassoons. Heinemann, London
11. Lentin S (2002) The Jewish presence in Bombay. In:
Weil S (ed) India’s Jewish heritage: ritual, art & life- The original Jewish settler in Burma (today’s
cycle. Marg, Mumbai Union of Myanmar) may have been Solomon
158 Burma Jews

Gabirol, a Marathi-speaking Bene Israel from the quickly established retail stores around the region.
Bombay region of western India. Gabirol served as His Masot Shelomoh (Solomon’s Travels),
a commissioner in the Burmese army of King published in Vienna in 1884, contains a long
Alaungpaya, who ruled from 1752 to 1760 and chapter on Burma and is the first Hebrew-
founded the Konbaung dynasty. Azariah Samuel, language account of the country and its towns.
from Bushir in Mesopotamia, may have been the In 1861, E. Solomon and Sons were among the
first Baghdadi Jewish settler in Burma. In 1841 he first Baghdadi Jewish firms to be established in
arrived in the port of Akyab, now Sittwe, on the Rangoon. They specialized in the sale to the Brit-
Bay of Bengal, accompanied by a ritual slaughterer ish navy of purified water from their artesian
(shochet) who assured him of a supply of kosher wells, as well as ice and aerated soda [3].
meat. He established a general supply business at Rangoon was annexed to British India after the
Well and Silver Streets. One of Azariah’s five sons second Anglo-Burmese War of 1852–53. By
is buried in the small Akyab Jewish cemetery. As 1885, Britain annexed all of Burma and made
the only Jewish family in Akyab, the Samuels Rangoon, which was already the commercial
celebrated religious events with relatives across metropolis, the political capital of their colony.
the bay in Calcutta. Although the business pros- Under British rule, more Bene Israel arrived
pered, 90 years after Azariah arrived in Akyab, from Bombay, creating an overwhelmingly orien-
many family members relocated to Calcutta and tal (mizrahi) community. It included Arabic-
from there to London and Sydney. Other speaking Jews from Syria and Yemen and Mala-
Baghdadis settled in the royal city of Yadanabon, yalam-speaking Cochinim from Kerala in South
“the city of gems,” which is today’s Mandalay in India. The 1872 census lists 83 Jews out of a total
upper Burma. A Jewish community flourished Rangoon population of 98,138; in 1881, 172 out of
there until the Japanese invasion of 1941 [1]. 134,176; in 1891, 219 out of 180,234; in 1901,
Other Jews followed Azariah Samuel to Burma 508; in 1921, 500; in 1939, 2,200; in 1959, 150;
and particularly to Rangoon, a sheltered port on and in 1971, 100 out of 2,520,000. In 1979 there
the river of the same name. The Rangoon is were 70 Jews in the entire country and in 1988
a tributary of the Irrawaddy, which is navigable fewer than 20 [4].
for 900 miles upstream. The city also has a deep
water anchorage, ideal for international maritime
trade. Under the British, it quickly became a major Jewish Religious Development in Burma
regional steamship hub and entrepot where immi-
grant Jews could prosper. In 1857 the first synagogue, Musmeah Yeshua
The first reference to Jews in Rangoon appears (Hebrew = Mazmiach Yeshu’a), was built on
in a British travelogue of 1846. Colesworthy land specifically allocated by the British colonial
Grant remarked that “if Christians, Jews or government for that purpose. Torah scrolls were
Turks will but select for their ‘pic-nic’ times imported from Baghdad. The Jews were also allot-
those days not devoted to Burmese festivals, ted land for a cemetery. Both of these allocations
they will find these Ziyats empty” [2]. Ziyats were part of a conscious British policy of fostering
were wooden places for resting and eating along the religious development of expatriate mercantile
the river bank, in the vicinity of Rangoon’s Great communities, including those of Hindus, Mus-
Pagoda. It would appear that Grant was trying to lims, Armenians, and Baptists, not to mention
provide helpful advice to these three groups of Mahayana Buddhists from China. The Armenian
foreigners. According to an 1850 census, Sarkies brothers, first proprietors of Rangoon’s
a Romanian Ashkenazi Jewish merchant named world-renowned Strand Hotel, exemplify the
Goldenberg had already made a fortune in the early success of entrepreneurs from expatriate
Burmese teakwood trade. In 1851, Salomon religious minorities [5].
Rinmon, a Galician Ashkenazi Jew, arrived in In 1896 the Rangoon Jewish community built
Rangoon as a supplier to the British military. He a much larger structure for Musmeah Yeshua,
Burma Jews 159

located at 85 26th Street, followed shortly there- Cohen received significant contributions for insti-
after by a Jewish day school. The synagogue was tutions in the Holy Land. On the other hand, he
maintained by rents from adjacent shops. saw danger signs within the community. He
A second synagogue, Beth El, opened in 1932 in observed much intermarriage, including a Jewish
space donated by E. Solomon and Sons. merchant born in London who was married to B
In the course of the nineteenth and twentieth a Burmese woman and another merchant wed to
centuries, approximately 2,000 Jews fled Ottoman a Japanese. Furthermore, within this tolerant envi-
and Iraqi persecution and found haven in Ran- ronment, Jews engaged in pitched legal battles
goon. Despite the fact that the first two recorded with one another. The fullest expression of
Jews in Rangoon were Ashkenazi rather than intracommunal strife occurred shortly after
mizrahi, Baghdadis were the plurality and often Cohen left: a much-publicized lawsuit between
the majority of Rangoon’s Jewish community for rival factions within one synagogue. The plaintiffs
much of its existence. They maintained what eth- were Bene Israel Jews, originally from western
nologist Chiara Betta has called “overlapping India, who were barred from the 1926 and 1929
identities.” After leaving the Ottoman Empire, communal elections. In 1934, when they again
they became Anglicized but retained strong links asked to be included, they were struck from the
with their Judeo-Arabic heritage. An immigrant’s list of voters. They sued in civil court. In April
remembrance of suffering in Baghdad was 1935, Chief Justice Leach ruled that Burmese
reinforced by troublesome reports from new Bene Israel could both vote and hold office,
arrivals and letters from friends and relatives despite the claims of the synagogue that, because
who remained behind [6]. In this relatively the Bene Israel ignored fine points of Jewish law
unrestricted environment, remembrance moti- on divorce and remarriage, they were non-Jews.
vated many Baghdadi Jews toward intensification The Israeli Rabbinate reaffirmed the ruling of
of ethnic identity. For some Burmese Baghdadis, Justice Leach in 1964, granting Bene Israel full
memory and self-identification were so intense citizenship as Jews in the reborn state of Israel [9].
that, in the words of a long-term British civil
servant, they lived cordially with their neighbors
but interacted with non-Jews “only in the market Burmese Jews During World War II and
place” [7]. One Burmese Baghdadi Jew, Elias Burmese Independence
Levi [1910–1987], came to the United States and
was ordained as an Orthodox rabbi at Yeshiva The Japanese invasion of Burma, beginning on
College, today’s Yeshiva University [8]. December 11, 1941, shattered the peaceful envi-
For other Jews, the same rights and privileges ronment which Burmese Jews once knew. Japan
that enabled intensification of belief also provided began bombing Rangoon on December 24, 1941.
opportunities for intermarriage, assimilation, and The city surrendered on March 9, 1942. From the
intracommunal warfare. When Israel Cohen, onset of the Japanese invasion until the British
a London-based official of the World Zionist evacuation of Rangoon on March 7, 1942, most
Organization, visited Rangoon in February 1921 of Rangoon’s 2,200 Jews, along with most of the
on a fund-raising mission, he observed the mixed British colonial population, fled to the relative
blessings of toleration. Since 1883 Jews were safety of eastern Bengal and southern India.
guaranteed one out of ten seats on the Rangoon Most Jews escaped by sea to Calcutta, some
municipal council. Baghdadis served as magis- north by train, and some in their cars until they
trates, commissioners, and at least once as sheriff ran out of petrol. Some who were married to
of Rangoon. Yehuda Ezekiel Street honored one Burmese women went to villages outside Ran-
of several Jews who served as mayor. Israel goon and spent the war years there. The flight
Cohen stayed in the palatial residence of A. J. overland to Bengal was of epic and traumatic
Cohen (no relative), a Baghdadi who had exten- proportions. Between December 8, 1941 and
sive gardens and 36 Burmese servants. And Israel 1943, Burmese officials estimated that 500,000
160 Burma Jews

residents fled the colony and at least 10,000 lost war conditions – a neutral community in a country
their lives on the trek. Actual census figures list torn with strife between the Karens, Communists,
393,735 Burmese who evacuated to India. and Burmans. Their existence is precarious in
Approximately 1,000 Rangoon Jews settled in every respect. Their only fervent hope is to come
Calcutta alone. They relied chiefly on the hospi- to Israel” [12]. On May 3, 1949, Charles Manas-
tality of that city’s 2,500 resident Baghdadi Jews seh wrote the Jewish Agency from Rangoon about
and on occasional relief from the government of “the chaotic conditions brought about by armed
Bengal. Less than 400 Jews returned to Rangoon insurrection against the present government.
after the war. Many Jews served in the Allied Businesses have been stagnant owing to restric-
forces in the China/Burma/India theater. Their tive measures imposed by the government. Black
experiences in Myitkyina, Burma, have been marketeering is rampant, and the cost of living has
chronicled by Moshe Kohn. Because of the dis- gone up by leaps and bounds. Law and order are
proportionately large number of Jews in the things of the past. Armed robbery is the order of
United States Army Quartermaster Corps, the dis- the day. What with communist threats from the
embarkation base for the U.S. Army in Eastern north [China –ed.] and internal friction, I am
India and Burma, located in Kanchrapara, Bengal, inclined to think that the sooner people are evac-
was nicknamed “Camp Shapiro” [10]. uated to Israel the happier will be their lot” [13].
During the World War II occupation, Burma Manasseh described 45 destitute families who had
gained nominal independence under the Japanese- left Burma during the Japanese invasion, returned
sponsored Burmese Independence Army. It was to Burma after the war, and “need immediate
trained on Hainan island and led by Aung San, repatriation to Israel” [14].
father of Burmese Nobel laureate Daw Aung San Because of the sentiment that underlay these
Suu Kyi. The regime was similar to half-a-dozen pleas, by 1953 most Burmese Jews left for Israel.
other Japanese backed independence efforts in On November 15, 1953, Jerusalem Post founding
East and Southeast Asia. Of the handful of Jews editor Gershon Agron, who was in Singapore on
who remained in Burma during the war, a few a fund-raising mission for Keren Hayesod, the
were singled out for their “pro-British leanings” Zionist charitable foundation, cabled Jerusalem
but never because they were Jews. The large syn- that the Rangoon Jewish community had “dwin-
agogue remained protected with a sign identifying dled almost [to a] vanishing point” [15]. In that
it as “enemy property.” All 120 silver-cased Torah same year, barely a handful of Jews remained to
scrolls remained intact when the war ended [11]. watch the government of Premier U Nu solidify
On January 4, 1948, Britain granted total inde- relations with the Israel of Prime Minister David
pendence to Burma. Simultaneously the British Ben-Gurion and Foreign Minister Moshe Sharett
had begun their withdrawal from their League of (see below). Burmese Prime Minister U Nu spoke
Nations-mandated territory of Palestine. On May on behalf of Israel at Afro-Asian Summit Confer-
14, 1948, British withdrawal from Palestine was ences in Bogor, Indonesia, in December 1954 and
complete, and the State of Israel was born. The in Bandung, Indonesia, in April 1955. After Ban-
near-simultaneous occurrence of Burmese and dung, he planned to visit both Egypt and Israel.
Israeli independence had major consequences for When Egypt asked him not to visit Israel, he
Burmese Jews. On April 20, 1949, Eliyahu Mor- visited Israel for an entire week and cancelled
decai, a former Rangoon Jew living in Ramat his Egyptian visit. In November 1956, when
Gan, Israel, issued a special appeal to Dr. Nadad Burma’s Muslim minority rioted in the streets in
of Israel’s Jewish Agency, the quasi- the aftermath of the Anglo/French/Israeli Sinai
governmental authority responsible for immigra- campaign, virtually all of the remaining Jewish
tion and absorption. Mordecai requested “the stalwarts left the country. Although the Jews of
immediate granting of 150 visas to Burmese Burma had never been discriminated against, the
Jews and [the subvention of] their transportation country had ceased to be a nurturing haven for
to Israel. The Jews of Rangoon are living under them. A new Jerusalem beckoned [16].
Burma Jews 161

Burma’s Relationship with Israel well-publicized travels through Israel, Ben-

Gurion expressed his deep interest in Theravada
On May 11, 1949, Burma voted against Israel’s Buddhism and especially in its meditative prac-
admission to the United Nations. Such opposition tices. He maintained his interest in that Buddhist
proved to be short lived, as both nations quickly tradition for the rest of his life. B
saw the value of strengthening their ties. On Sharett paid a second visit to Burma in Sep-
December 7, 1949, Burma recognized the State tember 1956. Numerous Burmese-Israeli trade
of Israel. It was the first Asian country to do so. On agreements were negotiated as a result of these
July 13, 1952, Burma and Israel announced the contacts. Israel also committed to several ambi-
exchange of diplomatic missions. At that time, tious regional planning projects. Most never mate-
Burma and Israel were the only two countries in rialized, either because of a lack of Israeli
Asia in which Socialist rather than communist expertise, Israeli preoccupation with its 1956
parties dominated. Party-to-party relationships Sinai campaign, or a combination of both.
helped foster stronger political, economic, and High-level visits by delegations from both
cultural ties. Extensive Burmese-Israeli contact countries continued for years. Israeli Army Chief
commenced in December 1952 after Burmese of Staff Moshe Dayan and Defense Ministry
Socialist Party Leader U Kyaw Nyein visited Director General Shimon Peres visited Burma in
Israel. In January 1953, Israeli Foreign Minister January 1958. Rabbi Israel Goldstein, on the
Moshe Sharett and Israeli Labor Federation Executive Board of the World Zionist Organiza-
(Histadrut) Foreign Relations Director Reuven tion, visited Burma from January 30 to February
Barkatt paid a return visit to Rangoon to attend 1, 1959, met personally with Prime Minister
an Asian Socialist conference [17]. U Nu, and reported upon his return to Israel that
In July 1954, a Burmese delegation under Lt. “Nasser’s propaganda was unsuccessful” in
Col. Bo Shein visited Israel, and in 1955, Prime disrupting Burma’s strong political and cultural
Minister U Nu himself paid a visit. Prime Minister ties with Israel. U Nu’s successor General Ne
U Nu’s “official visit” to Israel in 1955 had been Win visited Israel in June 1959, and Israeli Pres-
preceded by South African Prime Minister D. F. ident Yitzhak Ben-Zvi visited Burma in October
Malan’s “private visit” in September 1953, leav- 1959. Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion returned
ing historians some leeway for determining who Ne Win’s official state visit in December 1961,
was “the first foreign head of state” to visit Israel. followed by Israeli Foreign Minister Golda Meir
Some South African sources proclaim Malan’s in February 1962, Chief of Staff Yitzhak Rabin in
visit to have been “official,” while others do not. 1966, Foreign Minister Abba Eban in 1967, and
Irrespective of whether U Nu came first, his visit Foreign Minister Moshe Dayan in 1979. Rangoon
gave the new state of Israel a welcome sign of was also a key locale for early Sino-Israeli diplo-
international recognition and helped Israel matic contact [18].
achieve legitimacy in the eyes of the world. Hundreds of Burmese officials and technicians
Burma benefitted from this relationship as well. received training in Israel and dozens of Israeli
Shimon Peres wrote that Burmese General Ne economists, engineers, architects, doctors, and
Win said “the only country he believed in was agronomists served in Burma. In 2004, the Center
Israel. . .We built a close relationship. . .Israel for International Cooperation (MASHAV) of the
helped Burma develop its agriculture. The Bur- State of Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs spon-
mese sent hundreds of youngsters to Israel for sored programs in Israel for twelve Myanmar
courses. Some of them had never seen mecha- trainees in agriculture, medicine, and community
nized farming until their experiences on our kib- health and development. MASHAV also ran “on-
butzim and in our agricultural schools. Some of the-spot” courses for 58 trainees in Myanmar and
them had never even seen a wristwatch before one short-term agricultural consultancy. Burmese-
they were flown to Israel.” And there was some Israeli military ties began in 1954 with an Israeli
significant cultural interaction. During U Nu’s shipment of five second-hand Supermarine
162 Burma Jews

Spitfire fighter planes, spare parts, machine gun Ha-Rachok [Hebrew = The Jewish Communities in
ammunition, bombs, and rockets. That delivery the Far East]. Sephardic Council, Jerusalem;
Schwarzbart I (1957) The rise and decline of Jewish
was followed by Israeli training of Burmese air communities in the far east and southeast Asia. World
force personnel, parachutists, civil defense Jewish Congress, New York, mimeographed copy in
workers, and a women’s army corps. Israel sold Central Zionist Archives, Jerusalem, hereinafter
Burma second-hand 40-mm rocket-propelled gre- abbreviated “CZA”; Yegar M (2004) Ha-Massah Ha-
Aroch Le-Asia: Perek Be-Toldot Ha-Diplomatia Ha-
nade launchers, 57-mm antitank guns, and Uzi 9- Yisraelit [Hebrew = The Long Journey to Asia: A -
mm submachine guns. From the time of Ne Win’s Chapter in Israeli Diplomatic History]. Haifa Univer-
1962 takeover and during the subsequent military sity Press, Haifa; Dov Ben Meir (2011) Mediniyut Ha-
regime, nonmilitary Burmese-Israeli trade came Chutz [Hebrew = Israel’s Foreign Policy]. Yediot-
Miskal, Tel Aviv, pp 600–604; and Sheffer G (1996)
to a near standstill. In 2009 there were approxi- Moshe Sharett: biography of a political moderate.
mately five million dollars worth of Israeli exports Clarendon Press, Oxford
to Burma and almost zero imports [19]. 2. Grant C (1853) Rough pencillings of a rough trip to
As of 2016, Israel and Burma enjoy full diplo- Rangoon in 1846. Thacker, Spink, Calcutta, p 34
3. Rinman S (1884) Masot Shelomoh be-erets Hodu,
matic relations and low-key economic and cul- Birman ve-Sinim [Hebrew = Solomon’s Travels in
tural ties. The Samuels family now operate the Land of India, Burma, and the Chinese]. Ba-
Jewish tours for which the centerpiece is the defus shel G. Brag, Vienna; Cernea, Almost, p 8
well-preserved Musmeah Yeshua synagogue 4. Wright A (ed) (1910) Twentieth century impressions
of Burma. Lloyd’s, London, p 255; Leo Paul Dana
[20]. Burma’s recent opening to democracy, and (2000) The Iraqi community of Burma. Shalom Sin-
the ascent of General Aung San’s daughter to the gapore [Singapore] 13:17; Sassoon DS
forefront of Burmese politics, may enhance long- (1949) A history Of the Jews in Baghdad. Solomon
term Burmese-Jewish and Burmese-Israeli ties as D. Sassoon, Letchworth, p 211; Smith D (1965) Reli-
gion and politics in Burma. Princeton University
both nations deepen their commitment to the dem- Press, Princeton, p 40; Kahin GM (1969) Governments
ocratic process. and politics in Southeast Asia. Cornell University
Press, Ithaca/London, pp 77–78; Cowen I (1971)
Jews in remote corners of the world. Prentice Hall,
Englewood Cliffs, pp 176–181; Freedman W (1979)
Cross-References The Jews of south-east Asia. Jewish Post, 20 Septem-
ber 1979, pp 71–75; Yegar M (1984) A rapid and
recent rise and fall. Sephardi World [Jerusalem]
▶ Baghdadi Jews of India 3:8–9; Fishkoff S (1993) Burmese Jews hang on.
▶ Bene Israel Jerusalem Post, 18 August 1993, p 7; (1988) Asia-
▶ Calcutta Madrasah Pacific survival guide. Asia Pacific Jewish Associa-
tion, Melbourne, p 27; (1971) Encyclopedia Judaica,
▶ Ẕāt
vol 4. Keter, Jerusalem, pp 1526–1528; Katz N, Gold-
berg E, The Last, p 6; Cernea, Almost, pp 10, 74
5. Brochure, The Strand Hotel, Yangon, February 19,
2006
References 6. Betta C (2003) “Foreword” to the special issue “India,
Singapore, Hong Kong, and Shanghai: Identities of
1. Katz N, Goldberg E (1988) The last Jews in India and Baghdadi Jews of the Diaspora.” Sino-Judaica
Burma. Jerusalem Letter [Jerusalem] 101:6; Cernea [Menlo Park, Calif] 4:ii
R (2007) Almost Englishmen: Baghdadi Jews in Brit- 7. Furnivall JS (1948) Colonial policy and practice.
ish Burma. Rowman & Littlefield, Lanham, pp 4–5. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK; Kamm
For additional background reading about Burmese- H (1980) Burma’s last few Jews living on proud mem-
Jewish and Burmese-Israeli relations, see Cernea ories. The New York Times, 10 August 1980, p 6;
R (1995) Promised lands and domestic arguments: Cowen, Jews, pp 179–180
the conditions of Jewish identity in Burma. In: Katz 8. Lurie M (2009) The boy from Rangoon. Tablet [New
N (ed) Studies of Indian Jewish identity. Manohar, York], October 27, 2009, pp 1–3
New Delhi, pp 153–172; Cernea (1988) End of the 9. Cohen I (1925) Journal of a Jewish Traveller. John
road. Bnai Brith Jewish Monthly 102(10):26–30; Lane, London, pp 223–226; Roland J (1989) Jews in
Kashani R (1982) Kehillot Ha-Yehudim Be-Mizrah British India. Brandeis University Press, Hanover,
Burma Jews 163

pp 139–142; Bieder J, Jewish identity in Singapore: Davar, Tel Aviv; Shanson L (1986) Twilight in Burma.
cohesion, dispersion, survival. Unpublished paper, p. Jewish Chronicle [London], May 23, 1986; Fishkoff
19. Cernea R (1988) End of the road. Bnai Brith S (1993) Burmese Jews hang on despite dire predic-
Jewish Monthly 102(10):28–30; Cowen, p 176; tions. Jerusalem Post, August 18, 1993, p 7; Horn
Cernea, Almost, pp 11, 71–78 R (1995) Burma’s Jewish remnant. Jerusalem Post,
10. Kohn M (1995) Celebrating in Burma. Jerusalem Post December 28, 1995, p 7; Mydans S (2002) Burmese B
Magazine, May 8, 1995, p 15; Secret [deciphered] Jews shoulders burden of his heritage. The New York
telegrams: Governor of Burma, Mamyo, to Secretary Times, July 23, 2002, p A4
of State for Burma, London, 4 April 1942; Governor 17. Percy Gourgey, Rangoon, to Dr. L. Lauterbach, Jeru-
General of India, New Delhi, to Secretary of State for salem, 18 January 1953, File 55/10.612, CZA
India, London, 15 January 1942, British Library, Lon- 18. Peres S (1995) Battling for peace: a memoir. Random
don; (1945) Evacuees in India. Burma Today House, New York, p 133; Hacohen D (1963) Yoman
[published by the Director of Public Relations, Gov- Burmah [Hebrew = Burma Diary]. Am Oved, Tel
ernment of Burma, Simla] 2(3):1; Cernea R (2007) Aviv; Hacohen (1974) ‘Et Le-Saper. Am Oved, Tel
Desperate passage to India. J Indo-Judaic Studies Aviv (translated by Dagut M (1985) Time to tell.
[Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, Canada] 9 (Fall):33–41; Cornwall, New York); Letter: I. Schwartzbart, World
and Kamm, p 6; Hyman M (1995) Jews of the Raj. Jewish Congress, to Isaac David, March 9, 1959,
Longdunn Press, London, pp 159–178; Bhatti A, American Jewish Archives, Cincinatti, OH, BoxH71/
Voigt J (1999) Jewish exile in India, 1933–1945. 11; Chi-shad Liang (1990) Burma’s foreign relations.
Manohar, New Delhi Praeger, New York/Westport, pp 191–194; Selth
11. Hyman, p 174; Kahin, pp 83–87 A (2000) Burma’s secret military partners. Australian
12. Letter: Eliyahu Mordecai, Ramat Gan, to Dr. Nadad, National University, Canberra, pp 45–46; Yegar, p 9;
Jewish Agency, Tel Aviv, 20 April 1949, file 520/546, Freedman W, p 7; Hacohen D (1953) Between the
CZA scenes of negotiation between Israel and China. New
13. Letter: Charles Manasseh, Rangoon, to J. Vainstein, Outlook [Tel Aviv] 6(9) [58]:29–44
Jewish Agency, Jerusalem, 3 May 1949, File 56/6792, 19. MASHAV annual report 2004 [Jerusalem], p 27; Selth,
CZA Burma’s, pp 46–60; Selth (1996) Transforming The
14. Letter: Charles Manasseh, Rangoon, to Kurt B. Tatmadaw. Research School of Pacific and Asian Stud-
Grossman, World Jewish Congress, New York, ca. 4 ies, Australian National University, Canberra,
May 1949, CZA pp 22–26, 53; Callahan M (2003) Making enemies:
15. Cable: GershonAgron, Singapore, to KerenHayesod war and state building in Burma. Cornell University
[Hebrew = Foundation Fund], Jerusalem, 18 Novem- Press, Ithaca, pp 176–177, 181; and Gordon A (2003)
ber 1953, File KH4 13640, CZA The Burma-Israeli connection. In: On becoming Alijah.
16. Letter: E. Marton, Jerusalem, to Lt. Col. Bo Shein, Tel Self-published, Kuala Lumpur, pp 383–385
Aviv, 13 July 1954, File KKL5/209.60, CZA; Sharett 20. Samuels S (2009) A Jewish tour of Burma. Jerusalem
M (1957) Mi-Shut Be-Asyah: Yoman Masa Post, December 20, 2009, p 7; Author’s interview with
[Hebrew = From Traveling in Asia: A Travel Diary]. Moses Samuels [1950–], Yangon, February 20, 2006
C

Calcutta Madrasah a traditional madrasah curriculum, although the

intent was to equip Muslims to serve in the Indian
Clinton Bennett Civil Service. When the school, officially named
Department of Philosophy, State University of Mohammedan College of Calcutta, was founded,
New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA the Muslim community wanted Maulana
Majduddin, a student of Shah Waliullah
(1706–1762), the popular reformer, to run the
Synonyms institution. He was appointed Principal. Hastings
personally funded the school for a year. Then the
Aliah Madrasah; Aliah University; Mohammedan East India Company approved a financial arrange-
College of Calcutta ment that used revenue from several villages in
North 24 Parganas District to support the school.
Since the British had effectively taken power from
Definition Muslims (the Mughals), Hastings thought it pru-
dent to ensure that some Muslims were able to
Popular name for the Mohammedan College of assume at least lower-level posts within the Brit-
Calcutta, also known as Aliah Madrasah, ish administration. From 1873, funds were also
a Muslim educational institution founded in allocated from an endowment, the Mohsin Fund.
1780 by Warren Hastings, Governor-General of Students attended junior (years one to six) and
India, since 2008, Aliah University. then senior classes (years 1–5), with the option
of three postgraduate-level classes (from 1909).
By 1946, the full course required 15 years. The
Founding by Warren Hastings school’s capacity was 300 students.

In 1780, Warren Hastings (1732–1818), first Brit-

ish Governor-General of India (from 1773 to Early Development
1785), responded to a request from Muslim
leaders in Calcutta to fund a school for Muslims. The school was popularly known as Aliah Madra-
This would educate students who could not afford sah (exalted or high madrasah) and also as Calcutta
to attend expensive institutions. The institution he Madrasah. In 1791, Maulana Majduddin was
founded is the oldest state-funded educational asked to resign for incompetent management;
institution in India. From the beginning, it was Mohammed Ismail became Principal. In 1819, an
understood that the school would teach oversight committee was established; 1821 saw the
# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018
Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
166 Calcutta Madrasah

first examination. This examination became open remained autonomous. Author of several books,
to madrasah students elsewhere in Bengal, Orissa, Lees is best known for his Fotooh al-Sham: being
and Bihar that followed the Calcutta curriculum. an Account of the Moslim Conquests in Syria [2].
By 1824, a building was placed under construction He was awarded an Honorary LLD by Dublin
in what became Wellesley Square (now Mohsin University in 1857. Lees had attended Trinity
Square), where classes began in 1827. The curric- College, Dublin, but left without taking a degree.
ulum was based on Dars-i-Nizamya, developed by As a commissioned officer in the Bengal infantry,
Mulla Nizamuddin (d. 1748); subjects included he reached the rank of Major-General in 1885.
Qur’ānic interpretation (tafsī r), ḥadīth (traditions), He restored good student-faculty relations,
law (fiqh), grammar, and logic. In 1826, an English resisted pressure to close the Arabic department,
class was added. The Education Minute of 1835, retiring in 1870. His successor was German-born
limiting government funding to English medium Henry Ferdinand Blochman (1838–1878), who
education and to a Western curriculum, did not had joined the faculty in 1860. A specialist in the
apply to the Madrasah as it was already funded. history of Islam in India, Blochman graduated
This first phase in the Madrasah’s history ended with an MA from Calcutta in 1865, serving as
with the principalship of Aloys Sprenger Principal until his death. His successor was
(1813–1893), an Austrian-born physician and Archibald Edward Gough, an Oxford graduate
scholar of Islam, whose Life of Mohammad and former Boden Sanskrit scholar, who was also
appeared in 1851, a year after he became Principal a professor at Hooghly and Presidency Colleges.
[1]. His attempts to introduce reforms led to stu- From 1881 to 1903, A. F. R. Hornel served with
dent protests and police intervention. He was a number of absences for furlough. Sir Edward
a disciplinarian, which in part prompted unrest. Denison Ross (1871–1940), later first Director of
His reforms introduced more Western subjects the School of Oriental and African Studies, Lon-
and shortened time spent on traditional Islamic don, was the Principal from 1903 to 1911. Next,
learning. An enquiry into the causes of the protest Alexander Hamilton Harley, an Edinburgh gradu-
recommended that the English department be ate, became Principal. He wrote, among other
merged with a new Persian department, forming works, Colloquial Hindustani [3] and A Manual
the Anglo-Persian department (1854). Although of Sufism [4]. Harley left in 1927, becoming the
Farsi ceased to be the official language of admin- first Principal of Islamia College. Briefer incum-
istration in British India in 1837, teaching Farsi bencies filled various short-term vacancies or fur-
was considered important for cultural purposes at loughs to England. Among these, Sir Aurel Stein
the Madrasah. Sprenger left in 1857, becoming (1862–1943), the famous archeologist, was acting
a professor at Bern, Switzerland. Principal in 1899. In 1927, it was decided that
a Muslim should run the school; Shamsul Ulema
Kamaluddin was appointed, an alumni and former
European Principals Principal of Chittagong College. Both Sunni and
Shi’a teachers were employed. There was
The founding of the European-style institutions a medical class from 1826 to 1836 (which
such as Presidency College (1855) and Calcutta included Unani and Ayurvedic medicine).
University (1857) complicated the Madrasah’s sit-
uation as a government-funded college. The gov-
ernment wanted to absorb the Madrasah either Partition Crises
within Presidency College as a department of Ara-
bic or within the University. Sir William Nassau The Madrasah faced crises in 1905, when Bengal
Lees (1825–1889) succeeded Sprenger. He was partitioned and again in 1947. In 1905, Bihar
resisted these proposals, believing that a more tra- and Orissa set up their own examination boards;
ditional-style institution could better serve the East Bengal and Assam continued to take the
needs of Muslims. He succeeded and the institute Calcutta Examination, although madrasahs there
Caste 167

were now administratively separate. From 1914, Azdī al-Baṣrī edited by W. N. Lees. Bibliotheca Indica,
principals were all members of the Indian Educa- Calcutta, p 16
3. Harley AH (1944) Colloquial Hindustani. K. Paul,
tion Service; students of the Madrasah could now Trench Trubner, London
sit for Calcutta University degrees, although it 4. Harley AH (1924) A manual of Sufism: Al-Futuhātu'l-
remained an autonomous institution. In practice, Ilāhiyatu fi Naf'i 'Arwahi'dh-Dhawati 'l-'Insāniyati. By
since it set the curriculum and conducted the Zaynu'd-Din Abu Yahya Zakariya' b. Muhammad al-
Madrasah Board Examinations, the Calcutta
'Ansāri ash-Shafi'i. s.n., London
5. Rahman M (1977) History of Madrasah education: with
C
Madrasah headed a large network of government- special reference to Calcutta Madrasah and W. B. Edu-
funded or recognized madrasahs; there were cation Board. Rais Anwer Rahman & Bros, Calcutta
214 in 1915. Several madrasahs were directly
under Calcutta’s supervision, including Hooghly
(founded 1817), from where Amir ‘Ali, the future
Muslim modernist thinker and scholar, graduated Caliph
in 1867. In 1947, as Bengal was again being
partitioned, the Madrasah’s assets were to be ▶ ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd-al-‘Azīz
divided, with most going to the Dhaka Madrasah
(founded 1874). Technically, the Calcutta Madra-
sah was wound up. However, the new Indian
Caliphate
minister of education, Abul Kalam Azad
(1888–1958), favored its reopening. In 1949,
▶ Khilāfat Movement
a new West Bengal Madrasah Education Board
▶ ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd-al-‘Azīz
was formed; in 1950, Said Ahmad Akbarabadi
became first post-partition Principal. He was
followed by a succession of Muslim Principals
until the Government of West Bengal Cantwell Smith
reconstituted the Madrasah as a university in
2008, which is now headed by a vice-chancellor. ▶ Smith, Wilfred Cantwell
The vice-chancellor and Shaikh-ul-Jamia is Prof.
Syed Samsul Alam. New buildings are being
constructed on a 200-acre site. It is now the
youngest state-aided university in West Bengal Caste
as well as the oldest state-funded educational
institution in India. The institution’s history from Joel Lee
1780 to 1977 is related in Rahman (1977) [5]. Williams College, Williamstown, MA, USA

Synonyms
Cross-References
Birādari; jāti; ẕāt
▶ Dars-i-Niẓāmiya

Definition
References
A principle of social organization wherein endog-
1. Sprenger A (1851) Life of Mohammad (2 volumes). amous, descent-based status groups relate to each
Presbyterian Mission Press, Allahabad
2. Azdī al-Baṣrī, Muḥammad b. 'Abdallah al- (1854) “The
other within a graded hierarchy. Caste also
Fotooh al Sham”: being an account of the Moslim denotes the group that constitutes the basic unit
conquests in Syria: by Muḥammad b. 'Abdallah al- of social formations structured by this principle.
168 Caste

Introduction caste practice. What is misconceived is the idea

that the social form is exclusively Hindu, when
Caste – the principle of social organization wherein the historical and sociological record provides
endogamous, descent-based status groups relate to ample evidence of Christians, Sikhs, and Muslims
each other within a graded hierarchy – is one of the finding ways to render this peculiar “division of
defining features of Muslim community life in labourers” [9] their own.
much of South Asia. While this is no surprise on In actual social life, Muslim castes, like Hindu
the subcontinent, the prominence of caste in South (or Christian or Sikh) castes, are determined by
Asian Islamic life has been almost entirely birth, and function, depending on context, as sta-
obscured in global representations of the region tus groups, marriage circles, and units of sociabil-
by several factors. One is the nonrecognition of ity and commensality. Especially among the
Muslim caste by the postcolonial states of India, subordinate Muslim castes, castes are closely
Pakistan, and their neighbors; to be ignored by the associated with occupations. Hierarchical rela-
census and related technologies of modern gover- tions between castes are traditionally marked in
nance is in significant ways to be rendered invisible public life by differential norms of deference,
to the world. A second is the tendency, in popular commensality (privileged castes often eat together
and scholarly accounts, of treating particular Ara- but not with subordinate castes), connubiality
bian and North African cultural forms as though (privileged castes occasionally intermarry with
they characterized all Islamic societies. The priority one another, but almost never with subordinate
given to relatively egalitarian relations among castes), giving and receiving food and other sub-
desert-dwelling patrilineal tribes, in narratives stances, segregation of residential quarters and
purporting to provide a sociology of Islam [e.g., burial grounds, and, historically and in some
34], has had the effect of eclipsing representations places even now, practices of untouchability. At
of other Muslim associational forms, making social the same time, horizontal solidarity among Mus-
structures in much of the Muslim world appear lim castes, and the notional equality of Muslims as
marginal or not properly Islamic. religious subjects, is publicly affirmed in religious
Perhaps, the most decisive factor in the non- events such as congregational prayer in mosques
appearance of Muslim caste in global representa- [4, 10, 46]. Such solidarity contrasts with the
tions of South Asia is the popular and scholarly situation among Hindu castes, since Dalits or
discourse that conceptually sequesters caste and “untouchables” remain excluded from a majority
untouchability within the confines of Hinduism. of Hindu temples [62] and Hindu festivals that
This is partly a legacy of the late colonial state’s include Dalits often emphasize and display caste
self-interested construal of caste as an essentially distinctions [19, 23, 50].
religious phenomenon manifest primarily in
Hindu beliefs and ritual practices, rather than as
an integral component of a political economy – in Debates in the Anthropological/
which Hindus, Muslims, Christians, and Sikhs all Sociological Literature
took part, and on which the profitability of empire
depended – manifest in rules of landownership, Until recently, much of the debate in the anthro-
resource access, the organization of space, and the pological and sociological literature on caste in
control of unfree labor [20, 43, 65]. To be clear: South Asian Islam centered on how to interpret its
the association between caste and Hinduism in the relation to Hindu caste structurally (in the present)
global imagination is not unwarranted – caste and and genealogically (in the past). That is, the ques-
untouchability are indeed central to a highly tions were whether social stratification among
developed normative vision of ideal social struc- Muslims should be seen as caste, and whether it
ture in the brahminical discursive tradition derives from Hindu sources or has other origins.
claimed by modern Hinduism, and Hindu beliefs On the first question, very few argue that Mus-
and rituals do indeed support many an everyday lim social organization either bears no
Caste 169

relationship to, or is identical to, the system of thesis, is unable to resist the hegemony of the
Hindu castes [28]. Rather, Muslim social stratifi- social ideology of the Hindu majority, and thus
cation is acknowledged to share distinctive struc- adopts caste, albeit in a somewhat diluted form.
tural features with Hindu caste (most notably With minor variations, the Hindu influence theory
hierarchy, endogamy, and occupational speciali- is advanced in much of the social science literature
zation), while differing in several other respects that takes up the subject [8, 10, 16, 22, 42, 56].
[4, 8, 10, 14, 22]. In these accounts, three differ- The second position is that Muslim caste, while C
ences are routinely cited. First, caste among Mus- largely a result of Hindu influence, acquires cred-
lims is relatively less elaborated than among ibility and religious sanction through interpreta-
Hindus; restrictions on commensality and connu- tions of Islamic law or fiqh. This viewpoint takes
biality are looser in the Muslim caste. Second, the into consideration norms of social distinction
organization of society along caste lines lacks elaborated in Hanafi and Shafi’i fiqh – Hanafi
ideological mooring in the central texts of the being followed by a large majority of South
high Islamic tradition, whereas it is a prominent Asian Muslims, Shafi’i by Laccadive and some
feature of the high Hindu textual tradition. Thus, Tamil Muslims – that jurists deployed at certain
South Asian Muslims face greater difficulties in historical moments in an effort to justify caste
providing religious justification for caste behavior practices in terms of Islamic orthopraxy [4, 10,
than their Hindu counterparts. Third, the criteria 27, 57, 58]. Imtiaz Ahmad thus concludes that
for ranking castes are different for Muslims and “caste among the Muslims in India owes itself
Hindus. For Muslims, the significance of purity directly to Hindu influences, but it has been
and pollution is less relevant, and the idiom of reinforced by the justification offered for the idea
nobility of birth has more purchase [4]. Yet this of birth and descent as criteria of status in Islamic
point is also contested; while it is admitted that law” [4].
Muslims theoretically lack an ideology of purity One of the key concepts in Islamic jurispru-
and pollution, in practice pollution taboos, justi- dence that animates this argument is that of equal-
fied by notions of pāk-ṣāf (purity), hygiene, and ity or parity between marriage partners (kafā’ or
shame, are observed in Muslim society in several kufū). While the Islamic legal tradition recognizes
regions of South Asia [8, 14, 16, 44]. a range of criteria for determining kufū – piety and
On the second question, whether and to what intelligence as well as economic status, lineage,
degree hierarchy in South Asian Muslim social and the distinction between slaves and nonslaves
structure derives from Hindu sources, the anthro- – the criteria that historically dominate in South
pological literature is divided between three opin- Asian Islamic legal interpretation are also those
ions. The prevailing position in both scholarly and that establish caste: birth, social standing, and
popular accounts is well represented by an early occupation [57, 58]. Thus influential Muslim
exponent, Ghaus Ansari: jurists, including the founder of the Barelvi school
When Islam came to stay in India. . . a gradual Aḥmad Raẓā Khān and the renowned Deobandi
process. . . led to acculturation on both sides, a writer Ashraf ‘Alī Thānawī, in their legal interpre-
process in which Muslims absorbed comparatively tations effectively rendered caste endogamy
more traits from their Hindu neighbours than the
Hindus did from the Muslims. . . The caste system Islamic. At the same time, other jurists argued
in operation among Muslims is merely a borrowed the opposite, that piety alone is the Qur’ānic
social phenomenon acquired from the Hindu caste basis for parity in marriage and that traditions
system. [10] cited in support of hierarchical social distinction
Louis Dumont, in an influential recapitulation are spurious [11, 27, 57, 58].
of this position, argues that Muslim caste (as well The third position represented in the anthropo-
as caste among Christians and Lingāyats) is a logical literature is that Muslim caste in South
“replica” of the “circumambient Hindu system” Asia owes its basic form to the hierarchical soci-
or the “Hindu environment” [22]. The non- eties from which high-status Muslims migrated
hierarchical ideology of Islam, according to this into the subcontinent, although this structure
170 Caste

subsequently was modified to accommodate local Caste Categories

circumstances in South Asia. Proponents of this
view cite ethnographic evidence of structural fea- What are the caste categories actually in play in
tures of caste – notably endogamy, hierarchy, and everyday social life in Islamic South Asia? Social
occupational specialization – in a broad range of structures vary considerably from region to region,
Muslim societies outside South Asia [36, 45]. and few generalizations hold true for the entire
Yemeni society, for example, is noted for its hier- subcontinent. In Tamil Nadu, social divisions
archical arrangement of endogamous groups – among Muslims do not correspond to those in the
Sayyids, members of tribes, occupational service Deccan or North India; some argue that they do not
castes such as butchers and barbers, and the al- take the form of caste. That is, Tamil Muslim social
Akhdam (slaves, servants), a class of sweepers groups – Rawther, Labbai, Marakayar, and Kayalar
sometimes described as “untouchable” [17, 35]. – while for the most part endogamous, are noted for
In turning outside South Asia to look for ana- their high degree of egalitarian inter-relations
logues to Muslim caste, proponents of this theory [51–53]. The social organization of Muslims of
heed the suggestion of Fredrik Barth and Gerald the Malabar Coast, too, is regionally distinctive
Berreman that caste be understood as a structural [21]. Yet for much of South Asia, from the Swat
phenomenon eminently suitable to comparative Valley in northwest Pakistan through the Punjab
analysis, rather than as an ideological product and the Gangetic plains to Bengal, as well as south-
unique to Hindu civilization [14, 15]. ward into the Deccan, key elements of an overarch-
Problems in much of the social science litera- ing caste structure remain the same or similar
ture include vagueness in the conceptualization of across regions.
key explanatory processes such as “influence” and In this structure, the two broadest status cate-
“acculturation,” as well as a lack of engagement gories are the ashrāf, or noble, and the ajlāf, or
with historiography. Moreover, postcolonial cri- low-born. Paradigmatically, the ashrāf trace their
tiques of anthropological knowledge have ancestry to Muslim migrants to South Asia from
destabilized assumptions that underlie and frame previously Islamized lands – the Arabian Penin-
some of the earlier social scientific debate on caste sula, Anatolia, Persia, Central Asia, and Afghan-
in South Asian Islam, and, indeed, in Hinduism. istan – while the ajlāf are understood to be the
Rather than unchanging civilizational unities descendants of subcontinental converts to Islam
whose social philosophies are reducible to single [10, 13, 57, 63]. Prestige is attached to immigrant
principles (hierarchy, egalitarianism), Islam and ancestry, particularly Arabian ancestry, on
Hinduism have been demonstrated to be histori- account of those regions’ long and early associa-
cally contingent, internally differentiated, imag- tion with Islamic history. Yet, as sociologists point
ined communities with diverse and contested out, the clarity and grounds of the ashrāf/ajlāf
sociological patterns. distinction are considerably weakened by the
In more recent scholarship, a different set of widely acknowledged fact that numerous groups
questions has been raised about how contestations among the ashrāf actually descend from native
over caste practice are shaping Islamic ethics and converts who either (1) retained the prestige asso-
producing new forms of Islamic sociality. ciated with the caste to which they belonged prior
Accounts of Dalit or “low caste” Muslims com- to conversion, (2) were ennobled upon conversion
bating caste stigma by deploying Islamic argu- in the context of royal service in a Muslim-ruled
ments for female inheritance and the dignity of polity, or (3) achieved their status through a multi-
manual labor against high-status coreligionists, or generational process of social ascent that has been
by infusing postcolonial political categories with called Ashrafization and Islamization [4, 5, 65].
Islamic content (in the Pasmanda Movement), The degree to which the ashrāf/ajlāf distinction is
point to the emergence of new conceptions of employed in social life is debated [5, 10, 28, 46]; it
Islamic community authored not by elite but by has even been argued that the career of these terms
subaltern Muslims [7, 37, 44, 54]. in sociological discourse owes more to British
Caste 171

colonial policy than to empirically observable Temuri, Turkmān, and Uzbeg [10]. Pathāns, gen-
social relations [5]. Yet, whatever the terms erally known by the title Khan, claim descent
employed, a broad notional cleavage between from the tribes of Afghanistan and northwest
the high-born and the base, the immigrant of ped- Pakistan that migrated into Hindustan during the
igree and the convert of humble origins, is widely Sultanate and Mughal periods. Pathān subdivi-
acknowledged [4, 6, 8, 10, 14, 46]. sions include, among others, the Afrīdi, Durrāni,
Four major social groups – Sayyid, Sheikh, Ghauri, Kakar, Lodi, Rohila, and Yusufzai [10] . C
Mughal, and Pathān – fall within the ashrāf cate- Whether the categories of Sayyid, Sheikh,
gory in the broad swath of northern South Asia Mughal, and Pathān are best understood as castes
outlined above. Sayyids, in South Asia as else- or not is debated. The most empirically attentive
where in the world, claim genealogical descent scholarship maintains that these categories repre-
from the Prophet Muhammad through his daughter sent congeries of castes, while subdivisions within
Fāṭima and her husband ‘Alī, and enjoy varying them function as castes [5, 46]. In Uttar Pradesh,
degrees of social and institutional privilege on for example, it is common Urdu usage to describe
account of the charisma they thus embody. As each of the four ashrāf categories as a ẕāt, which
bearers of charismatic religious authority premised contains within it several birādaris [46]. Both of
on genealogical purity, and as a social group these Persian-Urdu terms, as well as the Sanskrit-
granted exceptional social and legal privileges in derived jāti or jāt, are often glossed as caste in
precolonial South Asian society and polity, Sayyids scholarship and popular discourse. Birādari
have been compared to Brahmins [40]. The foun- means brotherhood. The near homonyms (in
dations of Sayyid and Brahmin charisma differ some regions their pronunciation is indistinguish-
significantly, however, as do many of their roles able) jāt and ẕāt both denote species, kind, or type;
in social life; thus the analytical utility of the ẕāt, in addition, indicates soul, self, nature, or
homology has been questioned [4, 28]. Prominent essence [29, 60]. Among the ashrāf in Uttar
Sayyid subdivisions include ‘Abidi, Askari, Pradesh, the birādari functions as the endoga-
Hasani, Husaini, Naqvi, Rizvi, and Zaidi [10]. mous marriage circle while the ẕāt is a broader
The term Sheikh denotes several categories of unit of affiliation [5, 46].
persons in Islamicate societies. In the context of Alongside the ashrāf, Muslim Rajputs consti-
South Asian Sufism, individual religious guides tute another high status category in Indian Muslim
or pī rs are often designated by the term. Distinct social structure in the broad swath of South Asia
from this usage is the sociological status category outlined above. Muslim Rajputs identify them-
of Sheikh. Sheikhs, is this sense, are a descent selves as descendants of indigenous, land-
group that claims ancestry either from the Quraish owning, dominant castes who converted to Islam
tribe to which the Prophet Muhammad belonged during the Sultanate and Mughal periods [2, 3, 10,
or from one of the companions of the Prophet [5, 61]. Their claim to privilege rests on the landed
10]. This category, more than any other, is noted dominance of their caste and the prestige of Raj-
for its capacity to absorb upwardly mobile castes puts as a status group in Hindu social structure,
of converted indigenous Muslims who conceal rather than on pedigree in Islamic terms. A num-
their origins in order to uphold the genealogical ber of Rajput clans have both Hindu and Muslim
premise of ashrāf identity [5]. Prominent Sheikh branches, which sometimes continue to inter-
subdivisions include Fāruqi, Qidwai, Quraishi, marry, while Rajput groups such as the Khānzadas
Siddiqi, and Usmāni [10]. of Awadh, the Meos of Mewat, Lalkhānis and
Mughals trace their descent from the imperial Bhale Sultans are entirely Muslim [2, 3, 10, 61].
dynasty of that name as well as their armies, Relative to the ashrāf and Muslim Rajputs, the
retainers, and nobility, who migrated from Central Muslim castes that constitute the ajlāf occupy a
to South Asia primarily between the sixteenth and subordinate position in South Asian Muslim
eighteenth centuries. Some prominent Mughal social structure that in some ways correlates to
subdivisions include Chaghtāi, Qizilbāsh, Tājik, that of the Hindu “Backward Castes.” Indeed,
172 Caste

both in popular understanding and sociological cemeteries segregated from those of other Mus-
writing, the low-prestige Muslim castes are lims, and given food and water by social superiors
widely acknowledged to be descendants of con- from above so as to avoid physical contact [6, 8,
verts from subordinate Hindu castes, with whom 10, 11, 44, 56]. In Pakistan, Nepal and India, Dalit
they often continue to share occupation and, often, Muslims continue to face practices of untouch-
cultural traditions [4, 10, 11, 46]. Unlike the ability from some coreligionists today, though
ashrāf groupings, the ajlāf castes are notionally collective efforts at reform have also succeeded
tied to occupational specialization, though the in curtailing many of the more egregious demon-
degree to which members of these castes continue strations of caste contempt [30–33, 44, 64].
to pursue their traditional occupations varies
greatly according to state, region, and caste.
Also unlike the four broad ashrāf groupings, Early History of Caste in South Asian
each of which contains several distinct endoga- Muslim Society
mous units, the ajlāf categories are themselves
endogamous units. In other words, while for the With few exceptions the career of caste, as such,
ashrāf, birādaris are subsets of ẕāts, among the within Muslim society has not been a central
ajlāf the ẕāt and the birādari are coterminous [46]. preoccupation in the historiography of South
The ajlāf, described in some sociological liter- Asian Islam. Nonetheless, aspects of the phenom-
ature as the “clean occupational castes” [10], enon are discernible in the existing literature.
include barbers (Nāi, Hajjām), butchers (Qassāb, The early period of Muslim settlement in India,
Qassāi), carpenters (Badhai), washers of clothes primarily of Arab traders in Sindh and the western
(Dhobi), greengrocers (Kunjra, Kabariya, Rāin), coast of the subcontinent, is notable for the grad-
tailors (Darzi), blacksmiths (Lohār), various ual formation of descent-based communities such
castes of performers (Bhānḍ, Naṭ, Mirāsi), gra- as the Moppala and Labbai, resulting from the
ziers (Gaḍḍi, Ghosi), oil-pressers (Teli), dyers migrants’ intermarriage with indigenous women.
(Rangrez), cotton-carders (Dhuniya), weavers But it is only with the establishment of the Delhi
(Julāha), and many others [7, 10, 11]. The single Sultanate in the thirteenth century and the fluores-
most numerically preponderant Muslim occupa- cence of its chroniclers, Sufi writers, and political
tional caste, according to the census data of late philosophers in the fourteenth that strong evi-
colonial India, is that of the weavers or Julāhas. dence of an emerging South Asian Muslim social
Another broad status category, arẕāl, is some- structure emerges.
times used – pejoratively by privileged caste Mus- In their Persian chronicles, the court élite of the
lims, analytically in sociological writing – to Delhi Sultans document the rise and fall of the
distinguish the “unclean occupational castes” of political fortunes of various descent-based, and
South Asian Muslim society from the ashrāf and sometimes occupationally specific, Muslim
the ajlāf [7, 10, 11, 18, 57, 58]. The arẕāl castes groups, or individuals from such groups. Military
descend from Muslim converts from the slaves not only ascended to positions of regional
“untouchable” castes; since the 1990s, these authority but also, in the foundational case of
groups increasingly identify themselves as Dalit the Mamluk dynasty, provided the polity its
Muslims [7, 44, 57, 58]. Sweepers and scavengers supreme monarchs [38, 39]. Occupationally
(Halālkhor, Lāl Begi, Sekra, Bhangi), shoe specific, socially subordinate groups such as
makers (Chamār, Mochi), and grave diggers weavers (Julāha) before the reign of Iltutmish
(Gorkan) are among the members of this category. (r. 1211–1236) and gardeners and barbers
Well into the postcolonial period, the arẕāl castes, (Hajjām) during the reign of Muhammad bin
especially Muslim sweepers, were in many parts Tughluq (r. 1324–1351) attained positions as gov-
of South Asia refused entrance to mosques, ernors, imperial advisors, and the like, only to be
excluded from commensality with either ashrāf disgraced and removed from service by their
or ajlāf groups, compelled to bury their dead in patrons’ successors. The promotion of plebeian
Caste 173

groups in imperial service likely reflects a strategy relative social dominance clearly gained from
employed by some sultans to balance the power of conversion in terms of political patronage and
the nobility. This policy rarely led to the long-term enrollment in royal service [2, 3, 13, 26, 61]. For
empowerment of subordinate groups [38, 39]. example, Mughal emperor Jalāl al-Dīn Akbar
In the Sufi literature of the period, as well, the (r. 1556–1605) is said to have approved the
subordinate social status of some descent-based granting of Sayyid status to Brahmin converts to
occupational groups among Muslims – butchers Islam [13]. For the numerically preponderant sub- C
and weavers, for example – finds mention even as ordinate castes that converted to Islam en masse,
the inclusion of individuals from such groups in Sufis and Sufi institutions were central to the
Sufi sodalities is noted with approval [41]. Sufi process of conversion [12, 24–26, 40]. Scholar-
masters in their discourses illustrate and affirm the ship is divided, however, over whether converts
inherent virtue of Sayyids and the base nature of sought in Islam liberation from an oppressive
slaves [41]. The authors of both the courtly chron- condition in the Hindu caste order [12, 27, 53],
icles and the Sufi literature, a Delhi literati or whether, scarcely affected by caste, it was their
consisting of aristocratic migrants from Iran, labor as forest clearers and cultivators that gradu-
Afghanistan, and Transoxiana fleeing Mongol ally drew them into the economy, pageantry, and
advances in their homelands, were steeped in a ultimately the religion of Sufi institutions [24–26].
venerable Persian tradition of hierarchical politi-
cal theory [38, 39]. This is most notably the case
with Żiyā’ al-Dīn Baranī, the fourteenth century Caste in South Asian Muslim Society in
court chronicler of Delhi’s Firoz Shah Tughluq (r. the Colonial and Post-colonial Periods
1351–1388). Baranī’s Fatawa-i Jahāndiri advises
kings against teaching literacy to the low-born, While the dramatic structural changes brought
while his Tārikh-i Firozshāhi is replete with about in politics, economy, and society in the Brit-
didactic illustrations of the perils of admitting ish colonial period affected different classes of
the base – which he specifies as including occu- South Asian Muslims in different ways, it remains
pation-based descent groups like weavers – into unclear what effect they had on the overall hierar-
imperial service [27, 38, 57, 58]. In its prescrip- chy of Muslim social structure. With the disman-
tions for institutionalized hierarchy in an Islamic tling of the Mughal political structure, the ashrāf
polity, Baranī’s work follows Persian antecedents lost a system of patronage and employment that
such as Nasīr al-Dīn Ṭūsī’s Akhlāq-i Nāṣiri, had been a traditional source of their dominance.
which in turn draw from pre-Islamic, Sassanian Artisanal Muslim castes like the Julāhas suffered
models of society, in which the king enforces a the devastation of their traditional occupations with
four-tiered, occupational division of society [47]. the subjection of the cloth trade to colonial condi-
Historians and anthropologists often credit the tions [55]. Conversion to Islam by “untouchable”
conversion en bloc of entire castes, or regional castes continued on a large scale, particularly in the
subsets of castes, to Islam during the Sultanate Punjab, in the colonial period. Hierarchical rela-
and Mughal periods with the introduction or tions between the ashrāf, the Muslim occupational
expansion of caste in South Asian Muslim society castes, and converted “untouchables,” however,
[4, 40]. In most cases, these castes retained their remained in place. The Islamic reform movements
tradition of endogamy and thus remained distinct of the late nineteenth century did not make caste
groups after their conversion to Islam. For élite divisions among Muslims a primary target for
groups such as Muslim Rajputs, records of this reform [27, 49]. By the early twentieth century,
process are available in the form of genealogies though, caste began to be seen by some reformers,
and dynastic chronicles [61]. For most subordi- notably Muḥammad Iqbāl (1876–1938), as an
nate castes, only oral traditions are available. obstacle to pan-Islamic unity [63].
The relationship between caste and conversion A number of subordinate Muslim castes under-
is debated. Certain castes already in a position of took efforts to Islamize or Ashrafize in the late
174 Caste

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York
Development

Among the most important figures associated with

Chishtī Order the initial development and diffusion of the
Chishtī order were Quṭb al-Dīn Bakhtiyār Kākī
Erik S. Ohlander
(d. 1235), who was active in the key political
Department of Philosophy, Indiana University-
center of Delhi; Farīd al-Dīn “Ganj-i Shakar”
Purdue University Fort Wayne, Fort Wayne, IN,
(d. 1265; popularly known as Bābā Farīd), who
USA
established an important khānaqāh (residential
lodge for Sufis) at Ajudhan (Pakpattan); and
Ḥamīd al-Dīn Suwālī Nāgawrī (d. 1274), who
Synonyms
was active in rural Rajasthan. In the generation
which followed, the Chishtī tradition began to
Chishtiyya
witness a measure of consolidation in the figure
of the celebrated Chishtī master of Delhi, Muḥam-
Definition mad b. Aḥmad b. ʿAlī Badāʾūnī (d. 1325), better
known as Niẓām al-Dīn Awliyāʾ. An appointed
The Chishtī order was one of the earliest Sufi successor (khalī fa) of the aforementioned Bābā
ṭarīqa lineages to take hold in Muslim South Farīd, the disciples and associates of Niẓām al-
Asia. Dīn Awliyāʾ would go on to play a significant role
in the spread of the order throughout Muslim
India, with the fourteenth century witnessing
Overview a proliferation of provincial Chishtī centers. The
following century witnessed the rise to promi-
Taking its name from the small town of Chisht nence of the Ṣābirī branch of the order, which
located east of Herat in present-day Afghanistan, from its center in Rudauli produced a number of
the Chishtī Sufi order is typically understood to Chishtī teachers of note such as the celebrated Sufi
Chishtī Order 177

litterateur ʿAbd al-Quddūs Gangōhī (d. 944/ strong, unilateral bonds with their masters, some-
1537). While experiencing something of thing occasionally marked out as a point of criti-
a decline under the Mughals, the later eighteenth cism by their detractors. In contradistinction to
century witnessed a revival of the order through other Sufi lineages established in the subcontinent,
its Niẓāmī branch. This was primarily due to the the hereditary succession of masters was not gen-
energetic centralizing activities of the influential erally common within the early Chishtī order (cel-
Chishtī master Shāh Kalīm-Allāh Jahānābādī ibacy was practiced among some of the early C
(d. 1729) and his disciples, among whom Niẓām Chishtī masters), although it is certainly attested
al-Dīn Awrangābādī (d. 1730) was the most prom- in later periods, especially in the context of tomb
inent. In the context of the colonial period of shrines of Chishtī saints (dargahs) where it is com-
Indian history, the influential reformist school of mon for patrilineal descendants of the saint’s family
religious scholars founded at Deoband traced their to occupy the position of sajjāda-nishī n alongside
Sufi connections through the Chishtī lineage as that of formally recognized spiritual succession to
well, a line in which the Chishtī scholar exiled to a previous Chishtī master.
Mecca by the British for his involvement in the
Indian Mutiny of 1857, Ḥājjī Imdād-Allāh
“Muhājir” (1817–1899), figured prominently. Practices

In addition to adhering to particular socio-ethical

Nature ideals such as passivity, nonviolence, non-
collaboration with the state, and charity (espe-
The early Chishtī order differentiated itself from cially the regular distribution of food from the
other ṭarīqa lineages active in medieval India in communal kitchen, or langar, of a Chishtī
a number of ways. In contradistinction to many jamāʿat-khāna), generally speaking Chishtī mas-
affiliates of the nascent Indian Suhrawardī order, ters of the medieval period embraced many of the
for example, Chishtī masters generally shied away mystico-ascetic practices associated with the reg-
from involving themselves with reigning political imens of other Sufi orders. In this, however, the
powers (although numerous exceptions can be Chishtī order has typically been inclined toward
found, especially in later periods). Along the same more intense forms of ascetical practice than other
lines, early Chishtī communities generally took ṭarīqa lineages such as, for example, the
a dim view of accepting large donations or land Suhrawardī order. Such practices include lengthy
grants from economic or political elites, preferring supererogatory prayer vigils and periods of pious
instead to maintain an ethic of strict material pov- 40-day retreat (chilla; including the difficult
erty (although again, exceptions are readily found, chilla-yi maʿkūsa, or “suspended forty-day
especially in later periods). While often orienting retreat” in which the eremite prays suspended by
themselves to the form of Sufi organization and the feet), regular fasting (including the notoriously
practice spelled out in the influential and widely difficult practice known as ṣawm-i dāʾūdī , or the
disseminated Sufi manual composed by the “fast of David,” in which a devotee fasts on alter-
eponym of the Suhrawardī order, the ʿAwārif al- nate days), the maintenance of strict vows of vol-
maʿārif (“Benefits of intimate knowledge”) of Abū untary poverty, and, in some cases, the practice of
Ḥafṣ ʿUmar al-Suhrawardī (d. 1234), in distinction long-term celibacy. Among the most notable of
to the well-endowed khānaqāhs of the early Indian Chishtī practices is the historically controversial
Suhrawardī order, for example, early Chishtī practice of samāʿ (the Sufi “mystical concert”),
jamāʿat-khānas (“community halls”), appear to a group exercise which Chishtī masters have
have been humble affairs in which all activities often defended with great vigor in the face of
took place in one large room. Adhering to debates initiated by various detractors revolving
a highly stratified form of the Sufi master-disciple around questions pertaining to its licitness vis-à-
discipline, Chishtī aspirants formed extremely vis Muslim social norms. In the context of later
178 Chishtiyya

Chishī tomb shrines, the commemoration of

a saint’s death day (ʿurs) typically includes the Chishtiyya
staging of a musical assembly (maḥfil-i samāʿ)
performed under the direction of an experienced ▶ Chishtī Order
Chishtī master in which traditional devotional
music known as qawwālī is performed by solo
singers (qawwāls) and their ensembles who are
specialized in the art and are remunerated for their Chughtai
service. In addition, Chishtī masters have typically
taught the use of breath control techniques in the ▶ Chuġtāʾī, ʿIṣmat
performance of dhikr (the ritualized recollection
of various religious formulae).

Chuġtāʾī, ʿIsmat
Cross-References
˙
Andrew Halladay
▶ Gēsūdarāz, Sayyid South Asian Languages and Civilizations,
▶ Khwāja Muʿīn al-Dīn Chishtī University of Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA
▶ Sūfism

Synonyms
References
Chughtai; Ismat Chughtaai; Ismat Chughtai;
1. Böwering G (1982–) Češtīya. In: Encyclopaedia Ismat Chughtay
Iranica, vol 5. Routledge and Kegan Paul/Mazda/
Encyclopaedia Iranian Foundation, London/Boston/
Costa Mesa/New York, pp 333–339
2. Ernst CW, Lawrence BB (2002) Sufi Martyrs of love: Definition
the Chishti order in South Asia and beyond. Palgrave
Macmillan, New York Ismat Chughtai (1915–1991) was a leading figure
3. Haeri M (2000) The Chishtis: a living light. Oxford
in twentieth-century Urdu literature whose writ-
University Press, Karachi
4. Islam R (2002) Sufism in South Asia: impact on four- ings are best remembered for their realism and
teenth century Muslim society. Oxford University feminist themes.
Press, Karachi, passim
5. Moinul Haq S (1974) Rise and expansion of the
Chishtis in the subcontinent. J Pak Hist Soc
22:157–194, 207–228 Introduction
6. Nizami KA (1954–2004) Čishtiyya. In: The encyclo-
paedia of Islam, new edn. E.J. Brill, Leiden, vol 2, Ismat Chughtai (August 15, 1915–October 24,
pp 51–56
1991) was a leading figure in twentieth-century
7. Qureshi RB (1987) Samāʿ in the royal court of saints:
the Chishtiyya of South Asia. In: Smith GM, Ernst CW Urdu literature. Best known for her short stories,
(eds) Manifestations of sainthood in Islam. Éditions especially the controversial “Lihāf” (Quilt),
Isis, Istanbul, pp 111–127 Chughtai also wrote eleven novellas and novels,
8. Rizvi SAA (1978–1983) A history of Sufism in India.
Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, vol 1,
several screenplays, and one play. In both her
pp 114–189, vol 2, pp 264–318 writings and personal life, Chughtai challenged
9. Schimmel A (1975) Mystical dimensions of Islam. the conservative values of her society, especially
University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, its attitudes toward gender. In addition to its per-
pp 344–358
vasive feminist themes, her writing is notable for
10. Trimingham JS (1971) The Sufi orders in Islam.
Oxford University Press, Oxford, index (s.v. its intimate realism and use of colloquial Urdu.
Chishtiyya order) Qurratulain Hyder (1928–2007) – another major
Chuġtāʾī, ʿIsmat 179
˙

female Urdu writer – affectionately dubbed her do about it” [3]. Even after securing his permission,
“Lady Genghis Khan,” alluding both to her influ- however, Chughtai continued to face disadvan-
ence and audaciousness. One of her closest tages in her education on account of her gender.
friends and a dominant figure in Urdu literature, She and her female classmates were not permitted
Saadat Hasan Manto, summarized her divisive to participate during lectures, but were instead
career thus: “A lot has been said about Ismat and required to sit behind a curtain.
continues to be said. Some will like her, some Such obstacles notwithstanding, Chughtai’s C
won’t. But her creativity stands much above peo- college years were intellectually fruitful. Her
ple’s liking or disliking” [6]. reading of Darwin and Freud, among others, chal-
lenged her religious views and also problematized
her understanding of gender relationships. Like
Early Life many North Indian writers of the time, she devel-
oped a passion for French and Russian literature,
Born into an upper-class Muslim family in especially Dostoyevsky [9]. She was also
Budaun, in the west of the United Provinces attracted to the social consciousness of George
(modern-day Uttar Pradesh), Chughtai spent Bernard Shaw and the plain, direct prose of W.
most of her youth in Agra and Jodhpur, where Somerset Maugham [7]. During this same period,
her father was stationed as a civil servant [9]. Chughtai began to write seriously, although due to
Since her older sisters married when Chughtai fear of criticism – of both her writing and its
was very young, her six brothers strongly controversial subject matter – she was reticent to
influenced her upbringing. Indeed, Chughtai share her work publicly.
would later say that growing up among men con-
tributed to her writings’ characteristic bluntness
[2]. She was especially close to her older brother, Early Career
Mirza Azim Beg Chughtai (1899–1941), whom
she credited with teaching her English and Chughtai’s literary interests were not exclusively
mentoring her study of the Qur’ān and Ḥadīth. European; she deeply admired Premchand, partic-
Azim Beg was an accomplished writer in his own ularly his clear, unpretentious prose and emphasis
right and became one of Chughtai’s earliest liter- on social issues. When he convened the inaugural
ary influences [7]. At her parents’ urging, Chughtai meeting of the Progressive Writers’ Association
nearly married her cousin at fifteen. Although she in Lucknow in 1936, she made sure to attend [7].
reluctantly accepted the engagement, she would She found many friends within this circle of
ultimately not agree to the marriage [9]. writers committed to revitalizing Indian literature.
Chief among them was the woman who would
become her mentor, Rashid Jahan, an early and
Education influential female voice in Urdu literature [7].
In 1937, she submitted her story “Fasādī”
Unlike most women of her era, Chughtai managed (Rebellious) to a literary journal, which published
to obtain an advanced education, completing her it the same year. With Chughtai having been hith-
initial studies at Aligarh Muslim University in erto unknown as a writer, some readers initially
1933 and obtaining her B.A. from Isabella Thoburn believed that her brother Azim Beg had adopted
College in Lucknow three years later. After gradu- a pen name [7]. Although she published two addi-
ating she returned to Aligarh to pursue training as tional stories the following year, Chughtai was
a teacher. Chughtai’s father purportedly agreed to reluctant to commit to writing full time. Instead,
his daughter’s education only upon her persuasion; she continued to pursue teaching assignments
in describing her steadfastness years later, across the United Provinces and current-day
Chughtai wrote: “My father realized his daughter Maharashtra. While working in Aligarh, she met
was a terror and that there wasn’t a thing he could Shahid Latif, whom she married in 1942 [3].
180 Chuġtāʾī, ʿIsmat
˙

Fame and the “Lihāf” Trial set in women’s spaces and have women’s issues at
their center. Among her most successful stories is
Chughtai completed the story that would define “Chauthī kā jorā” (The Shroud of the Fourth Day),
her career two months before her marriage. published in 1946, which chronicles how the
“Lihāf” (Quilt) tells of a nawab’s neglected wife greed of one man destroys the lives of his
and her fiery relationship with a female servant. betrothed and her family. Other notable stories
The story is related by her adopted niece, who, at include “Nanhī Kī Nānī” (Nanhi’s Grandmother,
nine years of age, cannot recognize the sexual 1954) and “Dō Hāth” (Two Hands, 1960). Some
dimensions of their relationship [1]. To the reader, consider her novel Terhī Lakī r (The Crooked
however, the true nature of the narrator’s innocent Line, 1944), which explores a middle-class Mus-
descriptions is unmistakable. Since its publica- lim woman coming to terms with her sexuality, to
tion, “Lihāf” has usually been considered for be her magnum opus [8]. Manto claimed that
approaching the taboo topic of homosexuality; Chughtai completed the manuscript – exceeding
read at another level, however, it critiques the 300 pages – in only seven or eight sittings [6].
exploitative relationship between the elite class In 1950, Chughtai and her husband launched
and its servants. From a literary perspective, the a film career as producer and director, respec-
story is memorable for its use of colloquial Urdu tively. Though the duo produced some seven
that adapts to characters and contexts; the style films, few were met with substantial success.
would both become a hallmark of Chughtai’s real- After Shahid’s death in 1967, Chughtai settled in
ist style and influence a generation of writers. Bombay permanently to continue to work in the
Chughtai paid a heavy price for the story. Her industry [4]; she wrote or was involved in the
then-fiancé strongly disliked it, and when she was writing of about twelve screenplays and even
charged with obscenity after its publication – and acted once, albeit in a small role, in the acclaimed
shortly after their marriage – he threatened 1978 film Junoon.
divorce. Saadat Hasan Manto, having been
charged for obscenity at the same time, convinced
her that imprisonment was unlikely [5]. Thus Legacy
assured, Chughtai would later relate, rather flip-
pantly, how she and Manto prepared for their trial Her death in 1991 cemented Chughtai’s reputation
in Lahore: “we were quite excited and began to as a rebel. Saying that she feared the grave,
get warm clothes stitched for our stay” [3]. Instead Chughtai forbade her body to be buried in accor-
of apologizing for the story, as many of her peers dance with Islamic custom and instead requested
had urged, Chughtai chose to defend herself, chal- cremation [7]. Chughtai’s defiant last wish sur-
lenging the authorities to point to its profane con- prised even some of her closest friends and cre-
tent. As the narrator’s innocent child’s gaze had ated a minor scandal in India. The unusual request
masked all explicit sexual references, the author- stirred a renewed interest in Chughtai, who had
ities were, in Chughtai’s words, “not able to put published infrequently over the past few decades.
their finger on any word in the story that would Prominent among the many criticisms of
prove their point” [3]. Two years later, the case Chughtai’s work is that it focuses almost exclu-
was dismissed. sively on women’s themes [7]. Indeed, men are at
most peripheral in much of her work, generally
serving to forward aspects of the plot or support
Later Career the central female characters. Read more favor-
ably, Chughtai’s emphasis on women challenged
Bringing her both fame and infamy, “Lihāf” a literary milieu dominated by male writers and
launched Chughtai’s career and made hers one of characters. Moreover, her commitment to realism
the defining literary voices of contemporary India. necessitated that she write about the world she
Like “Lihāf,” much of her subsequent works are knew – the women’s spaces of middle- and
Congress, Muslims 181

upper-class Uttar Pradesh. While she did explore 8. Negi M (2003) Ismat Chughtai: a fearless voice. Rupa
other themes, her prose in such cases lacks the & Co., Delhi
9. Samiuddin A (2007) Chughtai, Ismat. In: Encyclopae-
intimacy and authenticity characteristic of her dic dictionary of Urdu literature. Global Vision, New
strongest writing [7]. Delhi
A lifetime of controversies notwithstanding,
Chughtai enjoys high regard in India today. Her
enduring popularity there probably owes some- C
thing to her lifelong loyalty to the country. Cochin Jews
Chughtai, unlike many Urdu writers of her gener-
ation, did not leave India during Partition; indeed, ▶ Jews of Kerala
she would later say – again inviting
controversy – that her sole wish was to be reborn
in India. In large part, however, her literary suc- Colonialism
cess stems from her candid depiction of India’s
social problems, her direct and colloquial prose, ▶ Secularization and South Asian Islam
and her precise rendering of Urdu dialects and
registers. These qualities, among others, ensured
her place as a leading voice of the Progressive
Writer’s Association and among the greatest Commanding Nafs (Nafs-e
Indian writers of the twentieth century. In her Ammāra)
autobiography, Chughtai proudly reflected on
her life’s achievements: “I continued to remain ▶ Nafs
a follower of the Progressives and endeavored to
bring about the revolution!” [3].
Community

Cross-References ▶ Ummah

▶ Aligarh Muslim University

▶ Saadat Hasan Manto
Congress, Muslims

References Clinton Bennett

Department of Philosophy, State University of
1. Chughtai I (2001) My friend, my enemy: essays, rem- New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA
iniscences, portraits. Kali for Women, New Delhi
2. Chughtai I (2001) Lifting the Veil: selected writings of
Ismat Chughtai (trans: Asaduddin M). Penguin Books
India, New Delhi Synonyms
3. Chughtai I (2012) A life in words: memoirs (trans:
Asaduddin M). Penguin Books, London Indian National Congress and Muslims
4. Department of English, University of Delhi
(2006) Ismat Chughtai. In: The individual and society:
essays, stories and poems. Baba Barkha Nath, Delhi
5. Kumar G (1997) The book on trial: fundamentalism and Definition
censorship in India. Har-Anand Publications, New
Delhi The Indian National Congress (founded 1885)
6. Manto SH (2001) Ismat Chughtai (trans: Asaduddin
M). Ann Urdu Stud 16(6):201–215
initially promoted greater participation by Indians
7. Naqvi T (1993) Ismat Chughtai – a tribute. Ann Urdu in India’s colonial services and then from 1905
Stud 8(7):37–42 campaigned for Home Rule and, from 1930, for
182 Congress, Muslims

full independence; officially nonsectarian, Mus- Early Muslim Participation in and

lims increasingly perceived it as a “Hindu” orga- Opposition to Congress
nization, challenging its right to speak for all
Indians, although many Indian Muslims have Only two Muslims out of 72 delegates attended
supported Congress, whose membership has Congress’s first meeting in Mumbai, partly due to
included eminent Muslims before and after India’s the distance from Muslim-majority areas [5].
partition. Aware of the need to involve more Muslims, Con-
gress invited Badruddin Tyabji, later a High Court
Judge in Bombay (from 1895, Chief Justice after
Muslim Criticism of Congress: Historical 1902), to preside at the next meeting, attended by
Origin 33 Muslims out of 431 delegates. Ill-health pre-
vented this. However, despite Khān’s protest,
Officially a secular body, the Indian National Tyabji presided at the third meeting. In 1887,
Congress has always had members from different there were 221 Muslims to 965 Hindus. Between
religious communities. However, reflecting 1892 and 1909, 6% of attendees at Congress ses-
India’s demographics, most members are and sions were Muslim. In 1899, 313 attendees out of
have been Hindu. During the anti-colonial strug- 789 were Muslim. Between 1919 and 1923, Mus-
gle, Congress wanted to represent itself as the lim attendees rose from 10.84% to 24.55% [6].
voice of all Indians. The goal of independence Khān’s followers set up the Mohammedan Defence
did not evolve until the twentieth century. Association in 1893 to oppose Congress and to
Founded to negotiate opportunities for Indians promote loyalty to the British; an Englishman,
within the existing colonial system, Congress pro- Theodore Beck, became secretary [7]. Beck saw
vided a voice for genuine grievances and pro- Hindu-Muslim unity as a threat to Britain’s colonial
moted Indian unity [1]. Since 1947, Congress power; Britain would benefit from a divide and rule
has operated as a political party. English enthusi- policy. Equally opposed to Congress, Amīr ‘Alī
asts for Indian culture and national progress and other pro-British Muslims had formed the
inspired by Theosophy were involved in founding Mohammedan National Association in 1877; ‘Alī
Congress, and some remained active for decades. also tried to dissuade Tyabji from presiding at the
Led by Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān, some Muslims third meeting, inviting him to speak at a National
saw Congress as anti-British; he thought Muslim Association conference instead [8].
interests would be better served by loyalty. Khān, The 12th session also had a Muslim President,
an early supporter of an equal-but-different Rahimtullah M. Sayani, a lawyer who had attended
approach, called for Hindu and Muslim cultural the inaugural meeting and a Legislative Council
and religious autonomy. Each community would Member 1896–1898. Delegates (self-appointed at
thrive best and enjoy better relations, if they had this period) were all middle to upper class, English
a great deal of autonomy. Khān saw religion and educated elites, which handicapped Muslims, con-
worldly matters as distinct; their unity under sidered at the time to be “fifty years behind the
Muhammad was circumstantial, not prescriptive. Hindus in Western education” with only 57 gradu-
His separate development idea was more socially ates “in the whole of India” [9]. Fatwas for and
than religiously motivated. Congress leaders, he against Muslim participation in Congress circulated
believed, gave too little consideration to unequal widely [10]. Between 1896 and independence,
opportunities for education and advancement seven more Muslims served presidential terms.
across communities. He thought Congress would
inevitably benefit Hindus disproportionately,
harming Muslims [2]. He called Congress “sedi- Hindu and Muslim Aspirations Diverge
tious” [3]. Ironically, some English officials
thought Muslims susceptible to this, a view Differences in educational attainment between
expressed in W. W. Hunter’s 1871 report [4]. Hindus and Muslims meant that Hindus were
Congress, Muslims 183

better placed to gain entry into the Civil, Judicial, a strong supporter of Muslim-Hindu unity and
and other colonial services. Khān opposed com- a critic of the League, which he saw as a self-
petitive entry, arguing that it gave Hindus an appointed sectarian body. That year (1913), how-
unfair advantage. He preferred nomination and ever, Jinnah joined the League, deciding that his
quotas until education leveled the field [11]. By goal of Hindu-Muslim unity could best be served
the turn of the twentieth century, the British were by encouraging League-Congress cooperation.
shifting toward a pro-Muslim policy, arguing that He achieved this with the Lucknow Pact (1916). C
Muslims needed their patronage if they were to When M. K. Gandhi launched the noncooper-
thrive in what would otherwise be a hostile envi- ation movement in 1920, Jinnah resigned from
ronment. They certainly preferred what they Congress, preferring constitutional methods of
called “martial races” for military service; Mus- protest. Substantial numbers of Muslims joined
lims who, with the exception of Bengalis, fitted Gandhi, including almost all students enrolled at
this category constituted half of the Indian army Aligarh Muslim University (AMU), which many
[12]. However, far fewer Muslims gained Civil left to attend Jamia Millia Islamia, a new pro-
Service jobs; at independence, there were only Congress school. Jamia’s future Vice-Chancellor,
101 Muslim officers, mainly of junior rank [13]. Zakir Hussain, who later chaired Gandhi’s Edu-
Subsequently, some Muslims saw Congress as too cation Commission, became a prominent Con-
allied with Hindu landed interests, which were gress member. Jinnah mocked such men as
different from theirs, and withdrew [14]. “misled” or “misguided” traitors [17]. The League
also opposed Gandhi’s education program, which
it thought too Hindu. Jinnah was critical when
Partition of Bengal and the Muslim Congress supported the Khilafat movement,
League which he saw as mixing religion and politics.
Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind (JUH) (founded 1919)
In 1905, the British decided to partition Bengal strongly supported Congress, as did many mem-
into two provinces. This gave Muslims an abso- bers of the Deoband movement. In fact, the
lute majority in the East. When separate elector- League lacked scholars in its ranks, while A. K.
ates for provincial councils were introduced in Azād, a renowned scholar, belonged to Congress.
1909, largely due to Muslim lobbying, they Deoband Rector (from 1926 to 1957) and after
benefitted from new opportunities in limited gov- 1940 JUH leader, Husain Ahmad Madani argued
ernment. Partition was very popular with Mus- that Muhammad’s polity at Medina had been plu-
lims, but Hindus throughout India began ralist; Muslims, Jews, and Pagans constituted
a reunification campaign, which marked the real a single nation – nations are geographically deter-
beginning of the self-rule movement [15]. Using mined, not religiously [18]. He saw the League as
strikes, boycotts, and direct action, many Con- irreligious. Mawdūdī, who supported the call for
gress members abandoned belief in gradual a Muslim state, was briefly hailed as the League’s
change for more rapid reforms. Founded in East own Azād; however, he soon attacked its secular-
Bengal in 1906 as a pro-British voice for Mus- liberal ideas [19].
lims, the Muslim League opposed this. Led by the
Aga Khan, the League began as an elite body of
400 members, which was initially a set number Two-Nation Versus One-Nation Theory
[16]. Bengal’s reunification (1912) left many
Muslims feeling betrayed. As a conciliatory ges- By 1930, Congress was campaigning for com-
ture, the British allowed an act to pass the Legis- plete independence. That year, in his Muslim
lative Council restoring the institution of Family League presidential address, Muḥammad Iqbāl
Waqf, abolished by an unpopular Privy Council proposed a separate state for Muslims, consisting
decision. The Muslim Council member who intro- of Muslim-majority areas. By 1933, the proposed
duced the Bill was Muḥammad ‘Alī Jinnah, then state was to be called “Pakistan.” Although not yet
184 Congress, Muslims

the League’s official goal, supporters increasingly 3rd President. A. K. Azād, Congress President in
saw Pakistan as the best option. At this stage, 1923 and from 1940 to 1945, was appointed the
a state in federal relationship with India was usu- first education minister. Many Indian Muslims see
ally envisioned. In the 1937 election, when for the Jinnah as a villain, dismembering India to further
first time substantial powers devolved to prov- his ambition, a view that former deputy leader of
inces, the League did poorly, winning only 5% Congress (1978–1984) Rafiq Zakaria strongly
of Muslim votes. However, Jinnah set out to make expressed [27]. Many Indian Muslims still sup-
the League the sole voice for Muslims. Former port Congress. However, others have switched to
League President Sir Wazir Hasan and others were regional parties and to alternative national
expelled for also belonging to Congress [20]. parties, mainly due to the perception that Con-
Congress, said Jinnah, could not speak for Mus- gress’ secular identity has been compromised, for
lims. Congress pointed out that it had Muslim example, in pandering to Hindu interests at the
members and that the League was too elite to expense of minorities by ending AMU’s minority
speak for the masses. Nor were the needs of status. In West Bengal especially, the Communist
Hindu and Muslim “peasants” very different Party has had strong Muslim support [28]. Paki-
[21]. Unfortunately, in provinces now governed stani politicians often label Congress as “pro-
by Hindu majorities, Muslims experienced diffi- Hindu,” while Hindu nationalists accuse it of
culties, fuelling fears that in an independent being “pro-Muslim” (e.g., upholding Muslim
Hindu-majority India they would face discrimina- Personal Law) thus agreeing that it is “in fact,
tion. Nationalist Hindu rhetoric fomenting hostil- pseudo-secular” [29].
ity toward Muslims as destroyers of Hindu culture
added to Muslim anxiety. Many nationalist Cross-References
Hindus also left Congress. In 1940, members of
Hindu Mahasabha were asked to resign; sectari- ▶ Aligarh Muslim University
anism could not be tolerated [22]. By 1940, ▶ Allamah Sir Muhammad Iqbal
achieving Pakistan became League policy. In ▶ Amīr ‘Alī
1946, as independence approached, Jinnah was ▶ Bengal (Islam and Muslims)
able to block Congress from appointing any Mus- ▶ Deoband
lims to the interim government [23]. League ▶ Gandhi, Mahatma, and Muslims
membership increased significantly, reaching ▶ Iqbāl, Allamah Sir Muḥammad
two million in 1944, from “only 1,330 seventeen ▶ Jinnah, Muḥammad ‘Alī
years” earlier [24]. The 1946 election became ▶ Khilāfat Movement
a plebiscite for Pakistan. The League won 460 ▶ Mawdūdī
out of 533 Muslim seats [25]. Partition followed. ▶ Syed Aḥmad
Pakistan was born. ▶ Two-Nation Theory
▶ Zakir Hussain
Post-1947

Among the 30 million Muslims who chose to stay References

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Madani’s view. Many saw religion as a matter of
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Congress. Gandhi had wanted Congress to cease empire. University of California Press, Berkeley
political activities after independence; the realities 3. Bhatt C (2001) Hindu nationalism: origins, ideologies
and modern myths. Berg, Oxford
of partisan political life, he said, would sully its
4. Hunter WW (1871) The Indian Musalmans: are they
legacy [26]. However, it has continued to operate bound in conscience to rebel against the queen?
as a political party. Zakir Hussain became India’s Trübner and Co., London
Contemporary Indian Jewish Literature 185

5. Hardy P (1972) The Muslims of British India. Cam- 28. Kohli A (1990) Democracy and discontent: India’s
bridge University Press, London growing crisis of governability. Cambridge University
6. Jaffrelot C (2002) India’s silent revolution: the rise of Press, Cambridge
the lower castes in North India. Columbia University 29. Jaffrelot C (2002) Pakistan, nationalism without
Press, New York a nation. Zed Books, London
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tory. M.E. Sharpe, Armonk
Constitution
12. Albinia A (2008) Empires of the Indus: the story of
a river. John Murray, London ▶ Muslim Personal Law
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stan, India, and the creation of Bangladesh. University
of California Press, Berkeley
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Assam, 1932–1947 contour of freedom. Routledge/ Contemporary Indian Jewish
Curzon, London Literature
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the mid-nineteenth to the end of the twentieth century.
UNESCO, Paris Heinz Werner Wessler
16. Tudor MJ (2013) The promise of power: the origins of Department for Linguistics and Philology,
democracy in India and autocracy in Pakistan. Univer- Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden
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the partition of India. Minerva, Calcutta
18. Sikand Y (2004) Muslims in India since 1947: Islamic Synonyms
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All India Muslim league. Kitabistan, Allahabad
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Definition
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Padmasha, Indian National Congress and the Muslims Contemporary literature written by authors of
1928–1947. Rajesh Publications, New Delhi, pp 07–109 Jewish descent in contemporary India.
22. Zachariah B (2004) Nehru. Routledge, London
23. Singh J (2010) Jinnah: India, partition, independence.
Oxford University Press, Oxford
24. Gandhi R (1986) Eight lives: a study of the Hindu- Contemporary Indian Jewish Authors
Muslim encounter. State University of New York
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Indian Jewish literature is written by authors of
25. Sisson R, Wolpert SA (1988) Congress and Indian
nationalism: the pre-independence phase. University Jewish descent who live in India.
of California Press, Berkeley The writings of contemporary Indian Jewish
26. Pruthi R (2004) Arya Samaj and Indian civilization. authors illustrate the complexities, not so much
Discovery Publishing House, New Delhi
of Jewish religious life, but of an identity molded
27. Zakaria R (2001) The man who divided India: an
insight into Jinnah’s leadership and its aftermath. Pop- by and based on a multicultural, trans-religious,
ular Prakashan, Mumbai and somehow post-religious Indian modernity,
186 Contemporary Indian Jewish Literature

with its complex discourses of communalism, of men and gods, /Burnt-out mothers, frightened/
secularism, progressivism, and religion. The Virgins, wasted child/And tortured animal, /All in
responses to the momentous changes that this noisy silence/Suffering the place and time/I ride
process brought are naturally individualistic and my elephant of thought, /A Cézanne slung around
display numerous aspects and layers. At the same my neck. . . .” (p. 131).
time, Jewish identity continues to play an impor- “Cézanne” stands not only for the visual arts of
tant role, even in a secularized sensibility foreign origin but for arts and education in gen-
cherished by the authors themselves. eral: The poet on the Indian elephant, like
a convicted felon, carrying a board like
Nissim Ezekiel a burden – like a chained convict around his
Nissim Ezekiel (1924–2004) is the son of Moses neck, on which his offence is noted – paraded
Ezekiel, a professor of botany from Wilson Col- before the people posing as a joker, with the
lege, Mumbai. After his BA in English literature, elephant as mount and as an icon of a tourist
he worked for a while teaching English literature attraction – run-down princely dignity of the
and then spent 3½ years studying philosophy in grand animal, who passes ceremoniously in
England. His first collection of poems came out in between watchful subjects, dead souls of gods
1952 (The Bad Days). After his return to India, he and men, in a parody of solemn procession.
worked as professor of English literature and edi- Western modernity is an unfulfilled promise,
tor (radio). His wife Daisy Jacob was a Marathi- he says in the same poem: The tedium of a party in
speaking Bene Israel from Mumbai like himself. which people meet – unable to communicate
He received the Sahitya Akademi Award for substantially – “the wives of India sit apart”: “. . .
poetry for his Latter Day Psalms in 1983. This, she said to herself/As she sat at table/With
Ezekiel does not fit into the common Indian the English boss, /Is IT. This is the promise: /The
stereotype of traditionalism or progressivism, long evenings/In the large apartment/With cold
which corresponds to the political opposition beer and Western music, /Lucid talk of art and
between secularism and communalism. Ezekiel’s literature, /And of all ‘the changes India needs’.
topics include uncertainty, the search for God, and . . .” (p. 133).
the transformative rhetoric of religious metaphors The wives of India sitting separately form a
for the expression of existential experience. closed group, engaged in the rhetoric of
Among the authors of modern English literature, commenting the world without interacting with it
he is particularly influenced by T. S. Eliot. His and trying not to attract too much attention. Eze-
poems are, as he himself describes it, prayers, in kiel realizes those modern forms of informal com-
which the desire for a perfect world seeks words, so munication and an analytical perspective on India
says the poet – for example – in “Morning Prayer”: as being hollow. Thus, melancholic Ezekiel falls
“God grant me certainty/In kinship with the sky, / back to reactions provided by tradition – the
Air, earth, fire, sea -/And the fresh inward eye// prayer as a return to existential seriousness:
Whatever the enigma, /The passion of the blood, / “Prayer//. . . Now again I must declare/My faith
Grant me the metaphor/To make it human good.” in things unseen, unheard, /The inner music,
He speaks of “kinship with the sky,” of God, of undertone, /The silence of a daily friend, /The
mystery, passion, and the inherent connection of dignity of trust, the fervour/Of an erring choice,
metaphor and ethics. However, the specific Indian the hidden/Sacrifice, the wordless song. //‘Guard
text and context in his work are nevertheless my tongue from evil’/Is a prayer within the reach/
clearly marked: India’s modernity, but also its Of evil tongues. /Indifference/Alone is
metropolitan decay, and particularly the suffering unredeemable. /The rest is faith, belief and truth/
image of man is always present in Ezechiel’s Pursued, at any rate, in prayer” (p. 100ff).
writing. “In India//Always, in the sun’s eye, / “Guard my tongue from evil” is the prayer of
Here among the beggars, /Hawkers, pavement the poet (after Talmud Berachot 17a), looking for
sleepers, /Hutment dwellers, slums, /Dead souls metaphors that convey the truth of human
Contemporary Indian Jewish Literature 187

existence: a struggle with indifference that the Double Horror”: “I am corrupted by the world,
poet desires to transcend. continually/Reduced to something less than
Of what kind of prayer is Nissim Ezekiel human by the crowd. . .” Ezekiel sees himself as
speaking here? This is perhaps best seen in his “The Unfinished Man” – as the title of one of his
reflection on Psalm 151: “Psalm 151//Light poetry collections goes. The “crowd” is the pop-
rebukes and sky abuses, /Streets are empty, houses ulation of Mumbai, where the poet spends most of
jaded, /Girls are doubtful, one refuses, /Colours of his life and where he was born and died [1]. C
the earth are faded. /Evening comes like Samson,
blind, /I who tasted power know him, /Turning Sheila Rohekar
round and round like him, /Double-crossed within Another contemporary author of Bene Israel
the mind. /In sorrow I am not enlarged, /My corn descent is Sheila Rohekar (born 1942). She has
and wine do not increase, /Hours of joy with doubt been living in Delhi and Lucknow for decades and
are charged, /Confessions bring me no release. / is presently probably the only living Jewish Hindi
Deliver me from evil, Lord, /Rouse me to essential author. She has been teaching natural sciences on
good, /Change the drink for me, O Lord, /Lead me college level and is married to the Hindi author
from the wailing wood” (p. 73). Ravīndra Varmā. Her early stories and her first
The poet sees himself as a “Poet, Lover, collection entitled Laiflain nī bahār were written
Birdwatcher” – a poem that typically ends again in Gujarati in the 1970s. After moving to North
with a biblical quotation, in this case from the India, she began to write in Hindi. Her short
New Testament: “. . . To watch the rarer birds, stories were published in established Hindi mag-
you have to go/Along deserted lanes and where azines like Sārikā and Dharmyug and later Hans,
the rivers flow/In silence near the source, or by Kathā Deś, and Kathā Kram. In 1978, her first
a shore/Remote and thorny like the heart’s dark short novel in Hindi, Dinānt, was published
floor. /And there the women slowly turn around, / followed by Tāvī z in 2005 [2]. The manuscript
Not only flesh and bone but myths of light/With of another novel with the preliminary title Apne
darkness at the core, and sense is found/By poets hone kī jagah (“The space to be oneself”) is more
lost in crooked, restless flight, /The deaf can hear, or less complete and expected to be published
the blind recover sight” (p. 135). soon. This forthcoming novel focuses on ques-
The beloved William Blake is echoed here in his tions of Indian Jewish identity before and after
famous sad hymn to the city of London: “I wander the postcolonial emigration that led the Jewish
through each chartered street/near where the community in India to the verge of extinction. It
chartered Thames does flow . . .” – certainly not is narrated from the perspective of Jewish inhab-
an accidental allusion of the poet of Mumbai. One itants of a vṛddhāśram – a home for elderly
of the most quoted poems Ezekiel is “Background, people – and is a swan song for the dwindling
Casually,” called “verse autobiography” by Bruce Jewish community in India.
King in his book on Modern Indian Poetry in The plot of Sheila Rohekar’s novel Tāvī z is
English [8]. The following poem is a stray reflec- based on a love marriage between a Hindu woman
tion on his childhood and teens – playful identities (Revā) and a Muslim man (Anvar) and the social,
of the young poet: “. . . I went to Roman Catholic psychological, and political consequences of this
school, /A mugging Jew among the wolves. /They conscious transgression of religious boundaries.
told me I had killed the Christ, /That year I won the Intercommunal marriage is not a new theme in
scripture prize. /A Muslim sportsman boxed my Hindi literature, reflected in Krishna Sobti’s
ears. /I grew in terror of the strong/But undernour- (Kṛṣṇā Sobtī) Ār se bichuī in particular. Jewish
ished Hindu lads. /. . . I heard of Yoga and of Zen. / identity is neither constructed nor even visible in
Could I, perhaps, be rabbi-saint?/The more this contemporary novel. It can however be
I searched, the less I found” (p. 179). argued that the perception of an interreligious
Already in his first book of poetry, the poet marriage and the threat to this social relationship
laments the lack of a coherent identity in “The by Hindu reactionary forces displays a minority
188 Contemporary Indian Jewish Literature

perspective that is essential for the construction of since the nineteenth century, the family narratives
the plot and its narrativity. of ancestors and their offspring. More than The
The other famous Jewish Hindi author is Mira Walled City this book is a mirror, almost a kind of
Mahadevan (Mīrā Mahādevan), who is particu- literary testament of the Bene Israel in an epoch in
larly known for one novel, Apnā ghar, originally which this community has left its inherited soil.
published in Hindi in 1961 and in English trans- The latest novel, The Man with Enormous Wings,
lation under the title “Shulamith” in 1975. It published in 2010 by Penguin India, follows the
describes the Bene Israel lifestyle and identity consequences of the pogroms of 2002 in Gujarat,
conflicts in early postcolonial India, during the especially in Ahmedabad. The man with the
period of emigration of the majority of Bene Israel mighty wings is an angel flying through the
to Israel. Mahādevan has also written a dozen town, observing, but unable to intervene and pro-
short stories on various issues, demonstrating ves to be the spirit of Mahatma Gandhi.
a strong Gandhian influence on her perception of As she says in the preface of the Book of
social and communal conflicts in modern India. Esther: “As I began to work on [the book],
Mira Mahadevan, born Miriam Jacob Mendrekar I found old family photographs were inspiring.
and married to a South Indian Hindu, has lived in I opened boxes containing notes, diaries, docu-
an atmosphere inspired by Gandhian thought, ments, paper clippings and every possible written
partly in the famous Sabarmati Ashram in Maha- material besides to help me along.” The book is
rashtra, where Hindi has been promoted as the a kind of literary recovery of the family history,
spoken language of daily communication, which related to a rescue action of memorabilia: Secur-
made her feel at home in Hindi. ing one’s own identity through the documents
saved in the family tradition.
Esther David What is the meaning of Jewish identity in
Esther David (born 1945) was a professor of art India? First, it must be noted that the Jewish
before retirement, a visual artist, and editor before population in India has consisted of various
the publication of her debut novel The Walled City groups that coexist in a hierarchical relationship
in 1997 [3], which brought her into the limelight to each other. This is exemplified in an episode, in
as a representative of Indo-Jewish literature. The which a proposed intercommunity marriage by
Walled City refers primarily to the city of Dr. Ezra and Jerusha David is refused by the
Ahmedabad in Gujarat, where Esther David parents of the elect in the Book of Esther (p.
grew up as the daughter of the zoo director 134): Dr. Ezra is a Baghdadi Jew – he wants to
David Reuben and where she has decided to marry Jerusha at the beginning of twentieth cen-
return after many years of residence outside of tury, one of the first trained medical doctors of the
India. “Walled in” are also the people themselves, Bene Israel community. Given the marriage
stuck up in the mental seclusion of their traditional advances, the discrete lines of separation between
identities that hinder their ability to communicate the communities become visible. After the sur-
and to envision substantial forms of human inter- prising marriage proposal, Jerusha asks herself
action. This applies in particular to the emigration what to make of it: How is the gap to be overcome
of the shrunken Jewish community, which, in the name of a homogeneous Jewish identity? So
despite ignorance about its own religion, tends to she says to Dr. Ezra: “I am so sure you know about
keep itself away from the others, insisting on the the Sefer Torah incident. The Bagdadis had issued
formless God in a city where gods appear all over a statement that we were not clean enough to
in countless shapes and forms. touch them. My father would never accept our
The swan song of the city of Ahmedabad and marriage” (p. 134). In fact, his father refused to
its multicultural coexistence in The Walled City is accept the marriage. Jerusha remains then unmar-
followed by the Book of Esther, published in 2002 ried all her life. Decades later, Esther asks herself,
[4], a kind of literary autobiography. It is while washing the corpse of the deceased aunt,
constructed on Esther David’s own family history whether or not she has actually remained a virgin
Contemporary Indian Jewish Literature 189

until death. In the late 1950s, Esther makes her clothes as seen on the historical photos – the family
grandmother aware of the scandalous marriage loses some of its traditional Indian identity but wins
prohibitions between the two Jewish communi- not only the English language and the colonial
ties: “With certain harshness in her voice she culture it stands for but also strengthens and regains
added that marriage was also taboo with Baghdadi its Jewish identity. For the first time in history, they
and Cochini Jews” (p. 290). learn Hebrew as the code of sacred texts; syna-
The internal discrimination within the Jewish gogues are constructed in the towns into which C
communities in India is linked to the strong assim- the Bene Israel migrate. “Indian customs” such as
ilation of the Bene Israel. They lived for many various rites with coconuts and coconut milk, i.e.,
centuries in rural regions south of Goa. Their “Hindu” or “Indian” customs from the perspective
beloved, but also perceived as “backward” lan- of Baghdadi Jews, are abolished.
guage, Konkani – today one of India’s 22 national Together with independence, a new cultural
languages – continues to be alive for one to two and religious awareness is created: “The Bene
generations even after moving to urban centers Israel Jews of India had suddenly become aware
such as Mumbai, Pune, and Ahmedabad but grad- that they were connected to a larger Jewish com-
ually fades away. They increasingly dress Indian munity in Europe” (p. 198). This realization
style and use a Sanskrit terminology for God as accompanies the massive emigration to Israel
“Parameshwar” and “Dev.” Even the clothing is that consequently takes place. Joshua David, the
proof of this cultural assimilation: “There was father of Esther, becomes aware of his Jewish
already some dissent in the family as he refused identity as an Indian boar breed is to be named
to wear dhotis, angarkhas and turbans. He had after him: “He may not have been a practicing
taken to the dress usually worn by Muslims and Jew, but he had never eaten pork. It was an
Parsis – loose, flared pants, a long-sleeved shirt unspoken law of the house – only animals that
and a long, flowing coat. He wore a fez, and possessed the dual characteristics of cloven hoofs
sometimes changed it for a tall conical hat. For and chewing cud were permitted. . . . It was the
a festival or celebration, however, he agreed to Jewish dietary law” (p. 147). “Joshua had not
wear a turban but was stubborn about the choice touched his prayer shawl since he had received it
of colors” (p. 86). In the early twentieth century, at his bar mitzvah at the age of thirteen. He knew
the typical colonial shifts become more and more he would need it at his death” (p. 252). “Though
visible: “In the family photograph of these days he was a non-believer and was not a practicing
the men are dressed formally, like Englishmen, Jew, when he wrote articles on wildlife, he invari-
and some like Muslims and Parsis. The girls are ably quoted from the Old Testament” (p. 257). In
in frocks and ribbons. The elder women are still in dying and death, Jewish identity proves to be
their nine-yard Maharashtrian sari or Parsi-style essential: Since he has only one daughter, Esther,
Gujarati saris. Only one woman is wearing the question of who has to pour the first earth over
a Gujarati-style Ghaghra choli with a half-sari his corpse in the grave is there – a duty that is
. . . I wonder how they managed to maintain normally performed by the son. “My son was too
a balance between tradition and modernity. In young, and I was a woman. I asked the elders’
later . . . photographs, the dress code changes. permission that I be allowed to sprinkle the earth
The women are in white chiffon saris, worn in upon him – just like a son. The Bene Israel men
the style of the modern Indian woman . . . The collected in a corner, discussed the problem and
wedding photographs show a western influence agreed. I felt relieved and strangely victorious in
. . . They look uncomfortable and stiff” (p. 120ff). the face of death and our Jewish rituals” (p. 264).
Over the history of the family from its rural “The Book of Esther” is thus more than
origins in the Konkan in the second half of the a fictionalization of a family history of David
nineteenth century to Ahmedabad, from a per- Dandekar. It is a genre picture of not only the
ceived backwardness towards colonial modernity – family but the Bene Israel in general – the biblical
a development that can be followed up through the character of “Esther” also refers to the emigration
190 Contemporary Indian Jewish Literature

tradition of the Bene Israel community – a sensi- by the Indian Union. Over the birth of grand-
tive indicator of colonial identity discourse. It daughter Esther, Joshua’s grandmother Shebabeth
becomes clear at the same time that the Bene forgets the Purim festival – the annual festival in
Israel protagonists in the family saga are deeply honor of Esther in the Old Testament (p.
influenced by Indian religious discourses. Joshua 271) – though the fact that the girl was born at
is indeed a passionate lover of hunting but suffers the time of the festival caused the child to be
from the fact that playing game means killing named after her.
animals (p. 188) – from a Hindu, Jain, or Buddhist Only the last part of the book entitled “Esther”
perspective – a violation of the ethics of nonvio- is about the author herself, about her life, her
lence. An encounter with a wounded gazelle, rediscovery of identity after two failed marriages,
whose innards are caught in the thicket, is the and after the return from Israel and France. After 6
final momentum for the initiation into another years of married life in France, she decides to
profession. Her father becomes the animal guard- return to Ahmedabad: “I abandon my jeans, shirts,
ian and the person responsible for the zoo in coats, shoes. I dress in a sari. With the sari, I am
Ahmedabad: “. . . the hands which killed thus transformed into the Indian woman I was. . . . I am
had the power to heal” (p. 196). He is the veteri- relieved she is alive and waiting for me” (p. 394).
nary director of the new zoo in Ahmedabad This is the result of a difficult journey of self-
(p. 210). discovery amidst a failed marriage. Visual arts
Contacts with regional protagonists of the play an important role in this process: The draw-
Indian liberation struggle – Bal Gangadhar Tilak, ing pen is like a scalpel, when the strokes of her
Vallabhbhai Patel, etc. – are there, as is the contact pen are virtually self-cuts: “I started a series of
with representatives of the British colonial power drawings. They were like a secret diary. The draw-
and the history of the liberation movement always ings were about myself. A hard-line harsh, dark
on the edge of the family narration. Later – in and vicious cuts through my body” (p. 394). The
1961 – Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru (p. wife’s body is perceived as a body pierced by
242ff) becomes one of the many high-ranking arrows like the Christian image of Saint Sebastian
visitors of the prominent zoos, the Esther David’s (think of the self-portrait of Egon Schiele as Saint
father has established. Sebastian), the feet of her husband, which peep
While on the one hand, Jewish identity is out from under the blanket, recall the feet of
strengthened over the generations, there clearly a dead body, covered by the sheet.
is an ongoing secularization of life. Does the The Book of Esther is less a family drama in the
development of the family over the generation style of Thomas Mann, William Faulkner, or
move towards the secularization of life into Honoré de Balzac, and also not in the style of
a post-religious identity? Does the association the commercially successful novels of modern
with the inherited religion turn into a rather loose Indo-English literature; rather, it is more of
connection to a constructed tradition? “Father a family saga in reportage style, a fixed literary
says he has never thought about God. He does memory of Jewish existence in India from the late
not feel the need to do so. He feels Jewish and that nineteenth until the early twenty-first century.
is enough for him” (The Walled City, p. 100). In The novels Shalom India Housing Society
the parental generation of the author, one of the (2007), [5] and, more recently, The Man with
first civil marriages of the Bene Israel community Enormous Wings (2010), with their more complex
is being held: Joshua and Naomi married in 1942 narratives than their predecessors, address their
without the approval of the bride’s father, which home city of Ahmedabad. Their perspective is
leads to an exclusion from the Jewish community the post-pogrom of 2002 scenario. “The Man
for decades. Only in 1975, Joshua and his wife are with Enormous Wings” [6] is Mahatma Gandhi,
officially pardoned, probably only because Joshua who can no longer influence the increasing col-
has become a recognized public figure and the lective hatred and the increasing isolation of reli-
recipient of the prestigious Padmashree Award gions and turns into a ghostlike and passive
Contemporary Indian Jewish Literature 191

observer of the terrible violence executed by reli- feel more Jewish than I felt in India . . . Israel
gious hardliners. In Shalom India Housing Soci- unnerved me” (p. 377). After 6 years with her
ety, it is the idea of a purely Jewish residential second husband, which took her from Israel to
block that is to provide shelter and security to its France, the next divorce is not to be avoided and
residents in times of emergency. The Society sig- is followed by her decision to return to
nals the failure of the peaceful coexistence of Ahmedabad. From her personal perspective, the
religions in Ahmedabad. Prophet Elijah, who is return is the actual Aliya, to return to herself, to C
revered by the Bene Israel particularly, turns up as her complex identity as a Jewish woman in the
a guest during the Passover celebration in the midst of a non-Jewish Indian environment, in
homes of tenants and is an ironic and sad observer which she participates and in which her personal
of this failure at the same time. identity is recreated again and again. This is not to
be understood as a return to a primordial collec-
tive identity, but as a kind of playful discovery of
Conclusion the self as a piece in the overall picture of India’s
“unity in diversity.” The identification with Juda-
Religious behavior and related issues continue to ism is more symbolic than real, and in this sense,
exert an impact on the thoughts and writings of the one can, in a slight variant to the “vanishing
three authors Nissim Ezekiel, Esther David, and American Jew” according to Dershowitz [7], clas-
Sheila Rohekar, even though their individual sify Esther David’s literary work as a testimony of
motivations, their reflexivity, and their genres of the vanishing Indian Jew.
creative expression may be distinct. This can be For Sheila Rohekar, the enormous violence
seen through sudden religious spurts, exemplified resulting from mainstream society is the focus of
in the way Esther David speaks of her adoles- her attention as a writer. This is primordial struc-
cence: “I suddenly became religious. I said tural violence, which can easily turn into direct
I wanted to know the meaning of being a Bene violence, if traditional identities and their relation
Israel Jew” (p. 288). But when the young Raphael to the primordial are questioned and disregarded.
no longer shows up in the synagogue, Esther soon While Ezekiel and David are clearly visible as
loses interest. “As I did not see Raphael again in Jewish authors from the plots they employ, this
the synagogue, I lost interest in religion” (p. 292). is not so obvious with Rohekar. The high sensi-
Rudiments of personal religiosity appear to be tivity of the author for the vulnerability of
somehow opportunistic in the broader context of minorities and their awareness of transcending
biographies, not vice versa; the biography doesn’t limitations of traditional identities is related to
appear to display a deep religious impact, and her personal identity as an Indian Jew.
none of the three are much interested in institu- For Nissim Ezekiel, the visit of the synagogue
tionalized forms of religion. However, elements or some other form of the routine practice of
of a lived Jewish religion appear all over again, religion in the traditional sense does not matter.
despite the parents’ secular life and – in the case of Religion, however, provides the language and the
Esther David – her father’s confessed atheism. narrativity of deeper dimension of reality. Poetry
A typical example is the formulaic Hebrew prayer is not talking about things, but an expression of
at the deathbed of her mother Naomi. things – as he points out in an essay “Poetry as
The transfer to Israel is for her first of all an Knowledge” of 1975: The poet differs from the
experience of pilgrimage, as she reflects on it in theorist in that he insists “on the integrity, the
a prayerlike fashion: “It would wipe out my past. uniqueness, the primacy of his experience in
Give me a new life. Help me forget India. . . . I was poetry, which is his experience, so to speak, of
running away from India” (p. 371). But the being on fire and not the experience of studying
strangeness of experience proves to be stronger the flame that has cooled down” (Selected Prose,
as she concludes: “If I wished to live like a Jew, pp. 30–31). This statement can be read as
I could anywhere. I did not have to live in Israel to a reference to Tagore’s “religion of the poet.”
192 Coromandel Coast

Ezekiel sees himself first in this idealistic sense as 5. David E (2009) Shalom India Housing Society. Femi-
poet, i.e., emanating from experience and subjec- nist Press at the City University of New York, New York
(first 2007)
tivity, which conveys to him the creative facility to 6. David E (2010) The man with enormous wings. Pen-
write poetry. Poetic identity is nourished by the guin, New Delhi
metaphors that a premodern language 7. Dershowitz AM (1997) The vanishing American Jew:
provides – a language returning to the sources: in search of American Jewish identity for the next
century. Brown, New York
“. . . The song of my experience sung, /I knew that 8. King BA (2001) Modern Indian poetry in English:
all was yet to sing. /My ancestors, among the revised edition. Oxford University Press, New Delhi
castes, /Were aliens crushing seed for bread/(The [first ed. 1987]
hooded bullock made his rounds).”
Ezekiel goes beyond what Bruce King calls the
main feature of contemporary Indian poetry in
English, namely, ironic skepticism ([8], p. 92ff). Coromandel Coast
The urban and rural landscape (well, it sometimes
is rural India outside the subjective world center of Torsten Tschacher
Mumbai, which is found in Ezekiel’s poetry) Centre for Modern Indian Studies (CeMIS),
comes through the poet to its own expression, the University of Göttingen, Göttingen, Germany
expression of urban Mumbai – “the city like Institute of Islamic Studies, Freie Universität
a passion burns” – a very personal experience that Berlin, Berlin, Germany
dries out the eyes due to pain and love: “. . . The
Indian landscape sears my eyes/I have become
a part of it/To be observed by foreigners. /They Synonyms
say that I am singular, /Their letters overstate the
case. //I have made my commitments now. /This is Ma‘bar
one: to stay where I am, /As others choose to give
themselves/In some remote and backward place. /
My backward place is where I am” (p. 181). Definition
For some, India may be some kind of “back-
ward place,” yet for Jewish authors such as Eze- The Coromandel Coast is the southern part of
kiel, India is also the site of a successful India’s east coast, commonly used to refer to
realization of identity – and the incentive “to the whole coastline from Kanyakumari to the
stay where I am.” Krishna river delta.

Cross-References Introduction

▶ Baghdadi Jews of India The Coromandel Coast is the southern part of

▶ Bene Israel India’s east coast. Though commonly used to
▶ Jews of Kerala refer to the whole coastline from Kanyakumari
to the Krishna river delta, the parts of the coast
lying south of Point Calimere are sometimes
References excluded from the definition. The name derives
from the Tamil term cōḻamaṇṭalam, “country of
1. Ezekiel N (2005) Collected poems, 2nd edn. Oxford the Cholas.” The ports of the Coromandel Coast
University Press, New Delhi have been home to many religious groups, such as
2. Rohekar Ś (2008) Tāvīz, 2nd edn. Vāṇī prakāśan, Naī
Dillī [first ed. 2005]
Hindus, Buddhists, Muslims, and Christians.
3. David E (1997) The Walled City. Manas, Madras Since at least 800 years, Muslims have played an
4. David E (2002) Book of Esther. Viking, New Delhi important role in the coastal and international
Coromandel Coast 193

trade conducted along the Coromandel Coast, and economic effect on local Muslim populations,
some of the most important Muslim religious their continued importance in ports like
centers in South India are located along the coast. Kayalpattinam is demonstrated by architectural
remains and epigraphy [9, 11]. When the Portu-
Early Muslim Settlement guese arrived in the early sixteenth century, they
While Arab geographers and historians mention found well-established Muslim communities in
the Chola dynasty from the late ninth century the ports of the southern Coromandel Coast [10]. C
onward, their knowledge of southeastern India In the northern parts around the Krishna river
remained hazy until the thirteenth century. During delta, in contrast, Muslim communities in towns
that period, the term Ma‘bar came to be com- like Masulipatnam developed more closely in tan-
monly applied to the countries bounded by the dem with Muslim state formation inland, espe-
southernmost parts of the Coromandel Coast. cially the Bahmani and Quṭb Shāhī Sultanates
The westernmost boundary of Ma‘bar was some- [14]. Here, Muslim settlements were integrated
times identified as Kanyakumari, though several into the Persianized political order and culture of
authorities include the southernmost parts of the inland states rather than into the non-Muslim
India’s west coast from Kollam onward within courtly culture of the southern Coromandel Coast.
Ma‘bar. The eastern boundary is generally left
unspecified [6].
At the same time, Muslims seem to have been Trading Networks
entrenched on the coast already before the thir-
teenth century. While there have been reports of Along the whole coast, trade formed the mainstay
inscriptions indicating the presence of Muslims of economic activities among Muslim communi-
on the coast even before the eleventh century ties. Muslim-dominated ports channeled goods
[12], the authenticity and precise dating of these from inland kingdoms into coastal and overseas
largely remain doubtful [9, 10]. The first clear trade while supplying these same kingdoms with
connections between Muslims and Coromandel goods. The main export item of the coast was
Coast polities are two Muslim-led Chola embas- cloth. While the first Muslim settlers on the coast
sies to the Chinese court in 1015 and 1033 [16]. may have been mainly involved in importing
By the early thirteenth century, Pandya land grants horses from the Middle East, from the thirteenth
on behalf of mosques and the accounts of Persian century onward, their focus shifted east, and Cor-
historians on the importance of horse traders from omandel Coast Muslims became one of the most
the Gulf region in the Pandya domains testify to important groups involved in trade between South
the presence of a settled Muslim community in India, Ceylon, Southeast Asia, and China, bring-
Coromandel Coast port towns [9, 10]. ing goods such as areca nuts, spices, fragrant sub-
stances, gems, and elephants to the Coromandel
Coast. Rice, salt, and slaves formed further items
Political Transformations of trade. Along the southernmost stretch of the
coast, the so-called Fishery Coast, Muslims were
The conquest of peninsular India by the Delhi also involved in pearl fishing [2, 10, 13, 14].
Sultanate in the early fourteenth century and the Their economic activity brought Coromandel
subsequent formation of independent local sultan- Coast Muslims in close contact with local rulers
ates in Madurai and the Deccan marked a caesura and their courts in both South India and Southeast
in the history of Muslim communities on the Asia. The growth of the port of Masulipatnam in
Coromandel Coast. In the southern parts of the the Krishna river delta was closely connected to
coast, while the destruction of the local state order the Quṭb Shāhī court in Golkonda [14]. In the
and the subsequent integration of much of the extreme south, Muslim merchants maintained
region into the Vijayanagara Empire with its close relationships with the Setupati rulers of
access to west coast ports certainly had an Ramnad [3, 7]. In Southeast Asia, Coromandel
194 Coromandel Coast

Coast Muslims often rose to prominence as “royal 5. More JBP (2000) Pathan and Tamil Muslim migrants
merchants” in Malay courts. There was also in French Indochina. Pondicherry Univ J Soc Sci
Human 1(1&2):113–128
a close religious and cultural exchange between 6. Nainar SMH (1942) Arab geographers’ knowledge of
Southeast Asian Muslims and Tamil-speaking southern India. University of Madras, Madras
Muslims from the southern Coromandel Coast, 7. Narayana Rao V, Shulman D, Subrahmanyam S (1992)
who were often called “Chulias” in Southeast Symbols of substance: court and state in Nāyaka period
Tamilnadu. Oxford University Press, Delhi
Asia [1, 15]. While some have argued that Coro- 8. Ner M (1941) Les Musulmans de l’Indochine
mandel Coast Muslim trade went into decline at Française. BEFEO 41:151–200
the beginning of the nineteenth century due to the 9. Raja Mohamad J (2004) Islamic architecture in Tamil
spread of European colonialism [1, 4, 10], in Nadu. Director of Museum, Government Museum,
Chennai
many ways, improved modes of communication 10. Raja Mohamad J (2004) Maritime history of the Cor-
and traveling as well as political integration also omandel Muslims: a socio-historical study on the
allowed the consolidation and further spread of Tamil Muslims 1750–1900. Director of Museums,
Coromandel Coast Muslims in India, Ceylon, and Government Museum, Chennai
11. Shokoohy M (2003) Muslim architecture of South
Southeast Asia, where they form substantial com- India: the sultanate of Ma‘bar and the traditions of
munities to this day [5, 8, 15, 17]. maritime settlers on the Malabar and Coromandel
coasts (Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Goa).
RoutledgeCurzon, London
12. Shu’ayb T (1993) Arabic, Arwi and Persian in
Sarandib and Tamil Nadu. A study of the contributions
Cross-References of Sri Lanka and Tamil Nadu to Arabic, Arwi, Persian
and Urdu languages, literature and education. Imāmul
▶ Bahmani Sultanate ‘Arūs Trust, Madras
▶ Sri Lanka (Islam and Muslims) 13. Subrahmanyam S (1996) Noble harvest from the sea:
managing the pearl fishery of Mannar, 1500–1925. In:
▶ Tamil Nadu (Islam and Muslims) Stein B, Subrahmanyam S (eds) Institutions and eco-
nomic change in South Asia. Oxford University Press,
Delhi
14. Subrahmanyam S (1999) ‘Persianization’ and ‘Mer-
References cantilism’: two themes in Bay of Bengal History,
1400–1700. In: Prakash O, Lombard D (eds) Com-
1. Andaya BW (1978) The Indian Saudagar Raja (the merce and culture in the Bay of Bengal, 1500–1800.
king’s merchant) in traditional Malay courts. Manohar, Delhi
JMBRAS 71(1):12–35 15. Tschacher T (2009) Circulating Islam: understanding
2. Arasaratnam S (1987) The Chulia Muslim merchants convergence and divergence in the Islamic traditions
in southeast Asia, 1650–1800. Moyen Orient et Océan of Ma‘bar and Nusantara. In: Feener RM, Sevea
Indien 4:125–143 T (eds) Islamic connections: Muslim societies in
3. Bes L (2001) The Setupatis, the Dutch, and other South and Southeast Asia. Institute of Southeast
bandits in eighteenth-century Ramnad (South India). Asian Studies, Singapore
JESHO 44(4):540–574 16. Wade G (2010) Early Muslim expansion in South-East
4. McPherson K (1990) Chulias and Klings: indigenous Asia, eighth to fifteenth centuries. In: Morgan DO,
trade diasporas and European penetration of the Indian Reid A (eds) The New Cambridge history of Islam,
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spectives. Manohar, Delhi a minority group. Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden
D

Dār al-‘Ulūm Deoband Early Life and Character

▶ Deoband School Muḥammad Dārā Shukoh (1615–1659), the

eldest son of Mughal Emperor Shah Jahān
(r. 1627–1657) and his queen Mumtāz Maḥal, was
born near Ajmer on March 20, 1615. Positioned as
Dara Shikoh
heir apparent, Dārā took greater interest in philos-
ophy and the arts than in politics and military
▶ Dārā Shukoh
expansion [23]. His tutors included Shaikh
Wajīh al-Dīn, an administrator and prominent
Ḥanafī ‘ālim in Shah Jahān’s court, and ‘Abd-al-
Laṭīf Solṭānpūrī [3]. Dārā’s 1633 wedding to
Dārā Shukoh
Nādira Begum, organized by his elder sister
Jahānārā, was the most expensive wedding staged
Claire Robison
in Mughal history, representing the pinnacle of the
Department of Religious Studies, South Asian
empire’s prosperity [8].
Religions, University of California, Santa
Dārā was an extensive supporter of the arts.
Barbara, Santa Barbara, CA, USA
Aside from his numerous literary activities, he
also collected paintings and pieces of calligraphy
in the Mughal style. A muraqqa’ that Dārā
Synonyms
commissioned for Nādira in 1641 contains 78
folios of alternating paintings and calligraphy.
Dara Shikoh; Dārā Šokōh; Dārāshikoh
He was a fine calligrapher himself, mastering
nasta‘lī q as well as naskh and rayḥānī . Dārā’s
Definition patronage of poets and scholars built upon
Mughal courtly precedent and influenced Delhi’s
Muḥammad Dārā Shukoh (1615–1659), the eldest emergence as an important center of culture by the
son of Mughal Emperor Shah Jahān and his queen mid-seventeenth century [6]. However in many
Mumtāz Maḥal, is known for his strong Sufi alle- calligraphic pieces written by or for Dārā, his
giances, extensive philosophical writings, and name was later erased under his brother
contributions to the arts. Aurangzib’s regime [23].

# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018

Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
196 Dārā Shukoh

Interest in Sufism and Philosophical his secretary Chandar Bhān Brāhman, the Kash-
Writings miri poet Muḥsin Fānī, and the flamboyant
Sarmad, a Persian Jewish merchant who had
Dārā Shukoh continued the Mughal tradition of converted to Islam and adopted the lifestyle of
reverence for saints across the religious denomi- a faqī r [23, 24]. Many of Dārā’s associates also
nations of Hindustan–Muslim as well as Hindu, shared his interest in Hindu Vedantic philosophy,
Jain, and Christian. Oriented toward Sufi Islam, motivated by a Sufi understanding of tawḥī d. In
like Shah Jahān he favored the Qādirī lineage, 1653, he engaged in a series of philosophical
referring to himself as a Ḥanafī Qādirī and writing conversations with the Hindu sage Bābā Lāl Dās
at times under the pen name Qādirī [24]. In 1635, in Lahore. The Mukālama-i Bābā Lāl wa Dārā
Dārā sought the cure to a serious illness by receiv- Shukōh, transcribed by Chandar Bhan Brahman,
ing the barakāt of the Qādirī Shaikh Mīān Mīr in reveals Dārā’s extensive knowledge of Hindu
Lahore [8]. Dārā later dedicated a biography to mythology and philosophy [23]. Contemporary
Mīān Mīr, also including a chapter on his sister paintings often show him in the company of
Bībī Jamāl Khātūn [24]. After Mīān Mīr’s pass- ascetics, both Sufi and Hindu.
ing, Mullā Shāh Badakhshī (d. 1661) continued Sanskrit and Braj Bhasha were no strangers in
Lahore’s Qādirī tradition and gave Sufi initiation the Mughal court, as shown in the
to both Dārā and his sister Jahānārā in 1640 [3]. Kavī ndrakalpalatā of Kavīndrāchārya Sarasvati,
Dārā Shukoh was a prolific writer, detailing Sufi a Braj work commissioned by the Shah Jahān that
philosophy and practices, including his own jour- employs both Islamic and Hindu religious praises
ney on the Sufi path. His works include biographies for the ecumenicism of the Emperor and Dārā
of Sufi saints and expositions on Islamic mysti- Shukoh [13]. However, Dārā’s fascination with
cism, as well as translations of Hindu scriptures. parallels between Vedānta and Sufi thought found
His writings provide a high-profile example of full expression in the composition for which he is
employing Ibn al-‘Arabī’s waḥdat al-wujūd in an most remembered, Majmaʿ al-baḥrayn (comp.
Indic context [24]. In 1640, Dārā completed his 1655), or “meeting place of the two oceans”
first book, Safīnat al-awlīāʾ, a biographical dictio- [14, 15]. The title refers to Qur’ānic verse 18:60,
nary about the central figures of historic Islam, in which Moses – representing legalistic religion –
including male and female saints from different is shown higher spiritual wisdom by Khidr, hidden
Sufi orders, as well as the first four caliphs, the prophet and representative of mystical attainment.
twelve Shī‘a imams, and the founders of the four In a comparative study of technical terms used in
Sunni maẓhabs. His next works explore themes of Vedanta and Sufism, the Majma expresses Dārā’s
Sufi mysticism, as in the Sakī nat al-awlī āʾ (comp. view that both traditions articulate a single divine
1642), which provides an introduction to the principle behind various outward manifestations
Sufism of Lahore and Kashmir, centered on the [23]. In this, Dārā equates the Islamic names of
Qādirī order [16]. His Risāla-i ḥaqqnumā (comp. God with Upaniṣadic names for the absolute being,
1646) is a study of spirituality in the tradition of Ibn asserting that the difference between Qur’ānic and
al-‘Arabī [15], and his Ḥasanāt al-ʿārifī n (1652) is Vedantic mysticism is purely verbal, lafẓī [3].
a collection of the šaṭaḥāt, or aphorisms, of historic The Majma shows Dārā’s extensive familiarity
Sufi saints, set to quatrain form. His dī wān, Iksī r-i with Sanskrit, though he was also aided in trans-
a‘ẓam, also contains verses and quatrains inspired lations by a number of pandits. Hoping for this
by mystical interpretations of tawhid [24]. study to stimulate further reflection among the
learned, Dārā even had his Majma translated into
Sanskrit under the title Samudra Saṅgam, making
Engagement with Hindu Philosophy it accessible to Hindu scholars [20].
After the Majma’s completion, Dārā embarked
Dārā surrounded himself with others who also on a translation of 52 Upaniṣads [17], in consul-
expressed deep interest in Sufi teachings, such as tation with a number of pandits. In the resulting
Dārā Shukoh 197

work, Sirr-i Akbar (1657), Dārā suggests the “hid- In 1645, Dārā was given governorship over the
den book” mentioned in Qur’ān 56:78 – the oldest ṣūba of Allahabad, and in 1647 and 1649 gover-
revelation – is contained in the Vedas and in norship over the ṣūbas of Lahore and Gujarat
particular the Vedantic discourse of the Upaniṣads followed. He commissioned buildings and mar-
[24]. When this Persian translation of the ketplaces in Lahore. However, in Allahabad and
Upaniṣads was later rendered into European Gujarat he largely delegated his political duties to
languages – English by Halhed in 1782, Latin by deputies, providing time to devote himself to his
A. H. Anquetil Duperron in 1801, and German by studies [24]. While Dārā’s brothers were fre-
Franz Mischel in 1882 – its effect on the intellec- quently rotated through assignments and kept far D
tual world of Europe was profound [7, 12]. These from court – as Aurangzib in the Deccan and
translations were seminal to European interest in Shujā‘in Bengal – Dārā was largely based at
Indian mystical philosophy. court, giving him a powerful voice in the core
Dārā also commissioned fresh translations of administration of the empire [8].
major Hindu religious works, notably the Yoga Following two failed Mughal attempts to
Vāsiṣṭha, previously translated under Jahāngīr, reconquer the strategic fortress of Qandahar
and the Bhagavad Gī tā [7]. Due to all these, from the Persians (who overtook it in 1649),
Dārā has come to stand as a champion of Dārā led a third, ultimately unsuccessful, expedi-
Hindu–Muslim unity. Yet his engagement with tion to Qandahar in 1652. While this defeat neg-
Vedantic philosophy was in the context of elite, atively impacted Dārā’s status as military leader,
erudite society – meant for the consideration of Shah Jahān still honored him upon his return,
the learned rather than as a radical social move- again making clear the Emperor’s choice for suc-
ment toward negating religious differences [7, 15]. cessor. By 1657, Shah Jahān had promoted Dārā
Accordingly, Dārā’s selection of Hindu religion to the unprecedented rank of commander of
focused on philosophical Vedanta; vernacular 50,000 zāt/40,000 savār – almost equal to the
Hindu practices and scriptures did not figure into ranks of his three brothers combined [8]. How-
this discourse. ever, that same year the Emperor fell ill, changing
the course of Mughal succession. Aurangzib, four
years Dārā’s junior, had long harbored jealousy of
Political Activity him on account of their father’s favoritism. Even-
tually Aurangzib, with the support of another
Dārā Shukoh led a relatively undistinguished brother, Murād, took advantage of Shah Jahān’s
military career. However Shah Jahān strove to illness in 1657–1658 to lead a covert force toward
enhance Dārā’s accession prospects from the Agra, intent on seizing the capital.
start of his own reign in 1628 and, unlike previ- What followed is often termed the “war of
ous Mughal emperors, never shifted in his succession” – a struggle for the throne that
support [8]. Shah Jahān gave Dārā central stretched from 1657 to 1659, despite Shah Jahān
administrative appointments, unprecedented remaining alive. Each brother pitted their allies
state honors, and extensive riches [18]. Dārā against one another to gain the upper hand.
received his first manṣab of 12,000 zāt and Aside from Dārā’s natural allies in the royal fam-
6,000 savār in 1633 and by 1648 held a manṣab ily, his father and sister Jahānārā, he nurtured
of 30,000/20,000 – equal to the highest rank close ties with prosperous merchant networks,
attained by Shah Jahān prior to accession. On including those of the Jain community in Surat
his 65th lunar birth anniversary, Shah Jahān [8]. He also retained supporters within all ranks of
repeated a Mughal tradition of favor to the the Mughal military and their Rajput and Maratha
desired heir by installing a golden chair for allies [3]. However, Aurangzib had assembled
Dārā near the throne [18]. In carefully commis- broad networks of loyalty among Mughal and
sioned art from the royal atelier, Dārā is shown in Rajput military officers for years leading up to
a position of clear succession. his rise against Dārā [8]. He then strategically
198 Dārā Shukoh

justified this rise by labeling Dārā a mulḥid, or tolerant, Sufi-based interpretation and an exclu-
heretic, through his close association with Hindu sivist, legalistic interpretation [19, 23]. Though
sādhūs and inclusive philosophical views [20]. some sections of orthodox society accused Dārā
A number of agreements were proposed to of heresy and apostasy as early as 1652, Dārā
divide the empire up among the brothers and affirmed his belief in the essential tenets of Islam
avoid a full-blown violent struggle for power throughout his writings. His approach to religion
[8]. These were all rendered obsolete however and intellectual pursuits was a creative expansion
by Aurangzib’s eventual military victories. Dārā from earlier Mughal rulers, particularly his great-
was defeated first at the battle of Samugarh, near grandfather Akbar. It is thus as liberal patron of
Agra, in May 1658, and then at Deorai, near philosophy, literature, and the arts and as a devout
Ajmer, in March 1659. He was then driven into follower of Sufism that he is most remembered.
exile, roaming throughout Punjab and Sind. His
wife, Nādira Begum, did not survive the exile,
dying most likely of exhaustion in the northwest- Cross-References
ern outskirts of India’s borders. Dārā sent several
of his remaining soldiers with her bier, so she ▶ Jahanara Begum
could be buried close to Mīān Mīr’s shrine in ▶ Qādirīyah Order
Lahore [23]. Shortly afterward, Dārā was betrayed ▶ Waḥdat ul-Wujūd
by an Afghan noble, Malik Jīwan, with whom he
had taken shelter. He was brought to Delhi and led
in humiliating parade through the city streets, References
increasing public censure for Aurangzib [5].
Aurangzib then arranged for certain ‘ulamā’ to 1. Alam M (2004) The languages of political Islam, India
1200–1800. University of Chicago Press, Chicago
try Dārā for heresy, and he was executed on
2. Alam M, Subrahmanyam S (1998) The Mughal state,
August 12, 1659. Dārā’s elder son Sulaimān 1526–1750. Oxford University Press, New Delhi
Shukoh was also executed, while a younger son, 3. Athar Ali M (2006) Mughal India: studies in polity,
Sipihr Shukoh, was imprisoned at Gwalior. Dārā society, and culture. Oxford University Press, New
Delhi
is buried in Humāyun’s mausoleum in Delhi [23].
4. Banwali Das (trans) (1962) Gulzār-i hāl yā tulū0 -i
After Shah Jahān’s death in 1666, Jahānārā qamar-i ma0 rifat: the Prabodhachandrodaya of
Begum emerged from self-imposed imprisonment Kṛṣṇamiśra (eds: Chand T, 0 Abidi AH). Aligarh Mus-
and insured the royal inclusion of Dārā’s lim University, Aligarh
5. Bernier F (1670) Travels in the Mogul Empire A.D.
remaining children. She enabled the release of
1656–68. Constable A (trans) (1916). Oxford Univer-
Sipihr Shukoh, and then arranged for him, one sity Press, London
of Dārā’s daughters, and a granddaughter, to 6. Chandra S (2008) State, pluralism, and the Indian
wed Aurangzib’s children, thus cementing their historical tradition. Oxford University Press, New
Delhi
continued place within the Mughal court [18].
7. Ernst C (2003) Muslim studies of Hinduism?
A reconsideration of Arabic and Persian translations
from Indian languages. Iran Stud 36(2):173–95
Legacy in South Asian History 8. Faruqui MD (2012) Princes of the Mughal Empire,
1504–1719. Cambridge University Press, New York
9. Gandhi G (1993) Dārā Shukoh: a play. Banyan Books,
While Dārā’s position as purveyor of mystical, New Delhi
inclusive Islam has earned him the censure of 10. Eaton R (ed) (2003) India’s Islamic traditions. Oxford
reformist thinkers [24], it has also made him cel- University Press, New Delhi
11. Hardy P (1982) Historians of Medieval India: studies
ebrated by numerous Hindus and Muslims in the
in Indo-Muslim historical writing. Greenwood Press,
subcontinent. For many, Dārā and Aurangzib sig- Westport
nify an ongoing tension in the history of Islam in 12. Hasrat BJ (1953) Dārā Shikuh: life and works.
South Asia, between an inclusive, socially Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi
Dars-i-Nizāmiya 199
˙

13. Kavīndracārya Sarasvatī’s Kavīndrakalpalatā. Braj

Bhasha edition: Cūṇḍāvata L (ed) (1967) Rajasthan Darbemeher
Oriental Research Institute, Jaipur
14. Muhammad Dārā Shikoh. Majmaʿ al-Baḥrain. Urdu
and English edition: Mahfuz-ul-Haq M (trans) (1982) ▶ Zoroastrianism, Temples
Majma-ʻul-bahrain or the Mingling of Two Oceans.
The Asiatic Society, Calcutta
15. Muhammad Dārā Shukoh et al Risāla-i Ḥaḳḳ Numā,
Majmaʿ al-Baḥrain, and Mundaka Upanishad. Persian
edition: Jalali Naʾini MR (ed) (1956). Taban Pub-
Dare Meher
lishers, Tehran D
16. Muhammad Dārā Shukoh. Sakīnat al-awlīāʾ. Persian ▶ Zoroastrianism, Temples
edition: Chand T, Jalali Naini MR (eds) (1965) Elmi
Publications Institute, Tehran
17. Muhammad Dārā Shukoh et al (trans). Upaniṣad: Sirr-i
akbar. Persian edition: Chand T, Jalali Na'ini MR (eds)
(1961). Taban Publishers, Tehran Dars-e-Nizāmi
18. Mukhia H (2004) The Mughals of India. Blackwell, ˙
Oxford
19. Qanungo KR (1935) Dārā Shukoh. M.C. Sarkar &
▶ Dars-i-Niẓāmiya
Sons, Calcutta
20. Richards JF (1993) The Mughal Empire. Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge
21. Salim M (1995) Dārā Shikuh: Ahvāl va Afkār. Cara- Dars-e-Nizāmiyya
van Library (Maktabah Kāravān), Lahore ˙
22. Sarkar J (1912) Studies in Aurangzib’s Reign,
vol I and II. M.C. Sarkar & Sons, Calcutta ▶ Dars-i-Niẓāmiya
23. Schimmel A (2000) The Empire of the Great Mughals:
history, art, and culture. Reaktion Books, London
24. Schimmel A (1980) Islam in the Indian subcontinent.
Brill, Leiden
Dars-i-Nizāmi
25. Tavernier J (1676) Travels in India, 1640–67. Ball ˙
V (trans) (1925). Oxford University Press, London.
▶ Dars-i-Niẓāmiya

Dārā Šokōh Dars-i-Nizāmiya

˙
▶ Dārā Shukoh Mashal Saif
Islamic Studies, Duke University, Durham, NC,
USA

Dārāshikoh Synonyms

▶ Dārā Shukoh Dars-e-Niẓāmi; Dars-e-Niẓāmiyya; Dars-i-

Niẓāmi; Dars-i-Nizamiyya

Definition
Darbar-i-Aulīya
The Dars-i-Niẓāmiya is a madrasa curriculum
▶ Samā‘ that was formulated in eighteenth-century India.
200 Dars-i-Nizāmiya
˙

The curriculum emphasizes the rational sciences al-fiqh), traditions (ḥadīth), exegesis (tafsī r),
and encourages the development of students’ astronomy and mathematics, medicine and mysti-
thinking capacities, as opposed to rote learning. cism (taṣawwuf). The Dars-i-Niẓāmiya differed
The Dars-i-Niẓāmiyya was the dominant system markedly in some aspects from this established
of Islamic education in colonial India and remains curriculum of the Rahimiyya madrasa. The Dars-
the dominant curriculum in madrasas across con- i-Niẓāmiya curriculum included the following
temporary South Asia. subjects: grammar and etymology, syntax, rhetoric,
philosophy, logic, scholasticism, tafsī r (commen-
tary on the Qur’an), fiqh, uṣūl al-fiqh, ḥadī th, and
The Founding of the Dars-i-Nizāmiya mathematics. The renowned South Asian ‘alim,
˙ Shibli Numani, has commented that music also
The founder of the Dars-i-Niẓāmiya curriculum constituted a part of the Dars-i-Niẓāmiya curric-
was Mullah Niẓām al-Dīn (d. 1748), who hailed ulum in earlier times. Niẓām al-Dīn excluded
from Sihali, a town close to Lucknow. Niẓām al- the study of mysticism altogether from his own
Dīn was the third son of the famed Mullah Quṭb curriculum and taught many more books on
al-Dīn (d. 1692), a member of the renowned logic, grammar, and philosophy compared to
Farangī Maḥall family of scholars and teachers. the norm at the Rahimiyya madrasa. With regard
Niẓām al-Dīn’s teaching method and hence his to the emphasis on logic and philosophy in the
curriculum was premised on the idea that students Dars-i-Niẓāmiya, Qasim Zaman has noted that
must be directed to the most comprehensive texts these subjects were understood during the hey-
on each subject in order to advance their knowl- day of the Farangī Maḥallīs to be crucial to
edge and encourage the students’ thirst for the study of theology (‘ilm al-kalām) as well as
inquiry. Influenced by the scholarly and pedagog- legal theory and jurisprudence (uṣūl al-fiqh). In
ical techniques and outlooks of his elders, Niẓām fact, an intimate acquaintance with logic was
al-Dīn designed the Dars-i-Niẓāmiya in such required for the study of a variety of other
a manner that it balanced the ma‘qūlāt (rational madrasa subjects such as syntax, morphology,
sciences) alongside the traditional manqūlāt (tra- rhetoric, and disputation (Zaman, 76). Although
ditional sciences). However, according to the his- the Dars-i-Niẓāmiya assigned many more books
torian Francis Robinson, the formation of this on logic and grammar compared with the curric-
ma‘qūlāt-rich curriculum should not simply be ulum of the Rahimiyya madrasa, no concrete
attributed to Mullah Niẓām al-Dīn but also to the conclusion should be drawn from this apparent
fact that the skills emphasized in this curriculum difference. Too much emphasis should not be
were in high demand in the bureaucracy of seven- placed on the number of books prescribed for
teenth- and eighteenth-century India. Robinson each subject since there was no compulsion on
asserts that this curriculum was already being the teachers to teach all the books; instead, they
formed before it was crystallized by Niẓām prescribed books in accordance with the stu-
al-Dīn. dents’ abilities.

The Content of the Dars-i-Nizāmiya The Emphasis on ma‘qūlāt

˙
Before the introduction of the Dars-i-Niẓāmiya, Historians of South Asia have noted that ma‘qūlāt
the curriculum taught at the renowned Madrasa-i- were emphasized in the Dars-i-Niẓāmiya in order
Rahimiyya in Delhi was considered to be an edu- to offer superior training to students, enabling
cational paragon. The Madrasa-i-Rahimiyya cur- them to become competent judges, lawyers, and
riculum included the study of grammar, rhetoric, administrators. It was understood that the study of
philosophy, logic, theology (kalām), jurispru- logic, philosophy, and the dialectics enabled the
dence (fiqh), principles of jurisprudence (uṣūl students to develop better rational faculties and
Dars-i-Nizamiyya 201

eventually to make intelligent and well-formed during the second half of the nineteenth century,
judgments in their governmental posts. The the curriculum acquired a more standardized
emphasis of the Dars-i-Niẓāmiya on equipping form, which was then adopted in madrasas across
students to become administrators is often identi- South Asia. This standardization of the Dars-i-
fied as the reasons behind eliminating the study of Niẓāmiya can be attributed in part to the impact
mysticism from the curriculum. Such knowledge and influence of Western models of education
was considered irrelevant, given the line of work prevalent in colonial India. These models empha-
that the students were being trained to pursue. It is sized consistency in, and standardization of, cur-
important to note that the elimination of Sufism ricula. The historian Usha Sanyal has noted that D
from the curriculum was not reflective of any the standardization of the Dars-i-Niẓāmiya fol-
opposition to mysticism by Mullah Niẓām al- lowing British influence is part of the larger
Dīn and his family. He and his family were devout trend of Indian institutions, such as caste, becom-
Sufis, and they considered spiritual development ing rigid and fixed in practice in the late nineteenth
and formal learning to be equally important. In century (Sanyal, 27). Despite the standardization
fact, in the second half of the nineteenth century, of the Dars-i-Niẓāmiya, the curriculum continues
when there was a decrease in demand for men to be flexible and madrasas across South Asia
who had completed the Dars-i-Niẓāmiya, Sufism today offer their own versions of this curriculum,
was introduced as a subject in the curriculum and modifying it according to their needs and sectar-
two books on mysticism were assigned. ian affiliations.
The emphasis on ma‘qūlāt in the Dars-i-
Niẓāmiya can also be attributed to the fact that
it aids in fostering religious harmony and under- Cross-References
standing. For example, the study of the ma‘qūlāt
can help develop opposition to extreme and dog- ▶ Madrasa
matic versions of Islam, an undertaking that was ▶ Nizām al-Dīn
characteristic of the Farangī Maḥallīs. Moreover, ▶ Sayyidul ‘Ulamā’
the ma‘qūlāt offered an introduction to sophisti-
cated religious discourses, allowing those who
studied these disciplines to understand interac-
tions with other Islamic sects such as the Shī‘a, as References
well as with other religious traditions in South
1. Ansari MR (1973) Bani-yi Dars-i Nizami. Nami Press,
Asia. The focus on ma‘qūlāt, which in turn Lucknow
meant a focus on the development of the stu- 2. Qidwa’i AR (1924) Qiyam-i Nizam-i T‘alim. Nami
dents’ thinking capacities and reasoning skills Press, Lucknow
3. Robinson F (2001) The ‘Ulama of Farangi Mahall and
as opposed to rote learning, allowed competent
Islamic culture in South Asia. C. Hurst, London
students to complete their studies by the time 4. Sanyal U (2005) Ahmad Riza Khan Barlewi: in the path
they were sixteen or seventeen. The relative of the Prophet. Oneworld, Oxford
speed with which the students could get through 5. Sufi GMD (1977) Al-Minhaj, being the evolution of
curriculum in the Muslim educational institutions of
the curriculum and the short duration of the
India. Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, Delhi
course is thought to have been one of the factors 6. Zaman MQ (2002) The Ulama in contemporary Islam:
contributing to the enthusiastic reception of the custodians of change. Princeton University Press,
curriculum by students. Princeton

Evolution and Flexibility

Dars-i-Nizamiyya
The Dars-i-Niẓāmiya curriculum was quite flexi-
ble and evolved over the centuries. However, ▶ Dars-i-Niẓāmiya
202 Dātā Ganj Bakhsh (Hojvīrī)

but he was imprisoned while living in Lahore.

Dātā Ganj Bakhsh (Hojvīrī) The completion of his surviving work, the Kashf,
also occurred during his residence in Lahore. The
Matthew Long dates of his death are disputed. The earliest suggest
OH, USA that he died in either 464/1072 or 465/1073, but he
may have died as late as 469/1077. Since his death,
a mausoleum has been constructed to honor
Synonyms Hojvīrī. It is the one of the oldest and most vener-
ated shrines in the country and region. Hojvīrī has
al-Hojvīrī; al-Hujwīrī become one of the most important saints in Paki-
stani and South Asian culture, and the anniversary
of his death is honored every year in Pakistan.
Definition The Kashf al-Maḥjūb presents a number of
additional details about Hojvīrī’s scholarship,
Scholar, Sufi, and author of Kashf al-Maḥjūb theology, and understanding of Sufism. Hojvīrī
references at least nine other works he penned in
the Kashf, none of which have survived. Further-
The Master Who Bestows Treasure: Dātā more, he was a Sunnī and Ḥanafī in his Islam but
Ganj Bakhsh (Hojvīrī) was careful to reconcile his mystical outlook with
religious doctrine. Of particular importance was
Dātā Ganj Bakhš (Bakhsh) (Bestower of Trea- his opinion on annihilation (fanā’). Annihilation
sure) is a popular title for the eleventh century for some Ṣufīs meant the obliteration of oneself
scholar and Sufi Abū al-Ḥasan ‘Alī b. ‘Oṯmān that resulted in merging with God. Hojvīrī, using
(‘Uthmān) b. ‘Alī al-Jullābī al-Hojvīrī (Hujwīrī). an analogy of fire and burning, rejected such
His work, the Kashf al-Maḥjūb (Unveiling the ideas, claiming that while annihilation changes
Hidden or Unveiling the Veiled), was the first the individual, the essence of the individual
major and one of the oldest Sufi manuals written remains intact.
in Persian. The Kashf remains among the most The Kashf is distinctly unique in its content but
significant Sufi works along with a handful of utilizes a number of important Sufi manuals and
Arabic treatises. works of biographical literature (ṭabaqāt) written
Hojvīrī was born in the city of Ġaznī (Ghaznī) in Arabic. Included in the works Hojvīrī
in Afghanistan at the end of the tenth century or employed is the Kitāb al-Luma’ of al-Sarrāj (d.
beginning of the eleventh century. Precise dates 378/988), which he mentions specifically, but the
and intimate details of his life are difficult to dis- influence of the Risālah of Qushayrī (d. 465/
cern from sources outside of his autobiography in 1074) and the Ṭabaqāt al-Ṣufīyah of Muḥammad
the Kashf. He studied under a number of different Sulamī (d. 412/1021) is apparent in the Kashf. R.
Sufi masters including al-Ḥasan al-Khuttalī while A. Nicholson, the eminent scholar of Islam and
living in Ġaznī. He spent an unknown amount of Islamic mysticism who translated a number of
time traveling across the Muslim world visiting Sufi texts, suggests that the work was constructed
many places including Syria, Iraq, the region of from oral transmissions collected by Hojvīrī.
the Indus River, and the Caspian Sea. He settled in However, his work is structurally similar to the
Iraq for an undisclosed number of years where he Risālah in that both are a blend of biographical
acquired a great wealth and then fell into destitute accounts and a manual. The Kashf’s distinctive-
circumstances. At some point, Hojvīrī married, an ness rests on its aim, which is to elucidate the
experience which was both brief and disagreeable. entire corpus of Sufism as opposed to simply
He would spend the remaining years of his life in quoting sayings of various Sufi masters and pro-
Lahore. Accounts differ on whether the move was viding commentary, a method largely utilized in
voluntary or he was brought to Lahore forcibly, the Risālah. Hojvīrī, unlike many of his
De Tassy 203

predecessors and contemporaries, goes to great Cross-References

length to offer his own opinions. Moreover, he
defends doctrines with which he agrees and rebuts ▶ Īmān
the ones he finds erroneous. In the first portion of ▶ Malāmātīs
the Kashf, Hojvīrī discusses various features of ▶ Prayer
the Sufi way of life, such as purity (ṣafā) and the ▶ Pilgrimage
path of blame (malāmah). ▶ Ramaḍān
He follows the section of Sufi characteristics ▶ Sūfism
with a section dedicated to biographical accounts. ▶ Tarīqah D
These accounts include biographies of the four ▶ Tawḥīd
Rightly Guided Caliphs (al-khulafā’a al- ▶ Zakāt
rāshidūn), the first six Imams of the Shī‘ah tradi-
tion, the successors of the companions (al-
tābi‘ūn), and a number of Sufi masters, such as References
Muḥammad al-Junayd (d. 297/910) and Bāyazīd
1. Abdur R (1967) The life and teachings of Hazrat data
Besṭāmī (Bisṭāmī) (d. 261/874), but includes in Ganj Bakhsh (Shaikh Abul Hasan Ali Bin Usman Al-
that list scholars and jurists, such as al-Shāfi‘i (d. Hujwiri Al-Jullabi Al-Ghaznawi). Central Urdu
204/820) and Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal (d. 290/903). It is Development Board, Lahore
in this portion of the work that Hojvīrī includes an 2. Abun-Nasr JM (2007) Muslim communities of grace:
the Sufi brotherhoods in Islamic religious life. Colum-
account of 12 different Sufi schools and the paths bia University Press, New York
(ṭuruq; singular ṭarīqah) each follows in their 3. Böwering G (1984) The Adab literature of classic
Sufism. Scholars have identified this section as Sufism: Anṣārī’s code of conduct. In: Metcalf (ed)
particularly fascinating for a Sufi treatise. The Moral conduct and authority: the place of Adab in
South Asian Islam. University of California Press,
existence of these schools is dubious; they func- Berkeley
tion, instead, as a means for Hojvīrī to lay out the 4. Ernst C, Lawrence B (2002) Sufi martyrs of love:
entire structure of Sufi doctrines expounded by Chishti Sufism in South Asia and beyond. Palgrave
each group’s founder and to allow Hojvīrī the Macmillan, New York
5. Graham T (1993) The Enigma of Data Ganjbakhsh.
opportunity to comment on and critique said Sufi (London) 20:21–24
doctrines. One such example is the chapter on 6. Hojvīrī (1911) Kashf al-mahjub of Al-Hujwiri: the
the Ṭayfūrī who are the disciples of Bāyazīd oldest Persian treatise on Sufism (trans: Nicholson
Besṭāmī and follow the path of intoxication R). E.J. Brill, Leiden
7. Huda Q (2000) Celebrating death and engaging texts
(sukr). Hojvīrī develops their system of beliefs at Dātā Ganj Bakhsh’s Urs. Muslim World 90(3/
and then provides his own opinion, stating he is 4):377–394
a proponent of sobriety (ṣahw) and a follower of 8. Mojaddedi J (1997) Extending the boundaries of
al-Junayd. Additionally, Hojvīrī supplies an Sufism: al-Hujwiri’s Kashf al-mahjub. Sufi 35:45–49
9. Mojaddedi J (2003) Getting drunk with Abu Yazid or
extensive biography of Manṣur al-Ḥallāj, which staying Sober with Junayd: the creation of a popular
is not found in other major Sufi manuals and typology of Sufism. BSOAS 66(1):1–13
biographies. 10. Suvorova A (2004) Muslim saints of South Asia: the
The final portion of Hojvīrī’s discourse con- eleventh to fifteenth centuries. RoutledgeCurzon,
London
sists of eleven chapters each entitled “The 11. Wach J (1951) Spiritual teachings in Islam with special
Unveiling.” Each chapter is dedicated to the dis- reference to al-Hujwiri. In: Types of religious experi-
cussion of fundamental subjects, such as ritual ence. University of Chicago Press, Chicago
acts and theological doctrines, from a mystical
perspective. Purification, prayer (ṣalāh), fasting
(ṣawm) and Ramaḍān, almsgiving (zakāt), and
the pilgrimage (ḥajj) are discussed along with De Tassy
God’s oneness (tawḥīd) and faith (imān). Other
chapters address specific Sufi habits and qualities. ▶ Garcin de Tassy
204 Defensive War

the Ghaznavids, the Ghurids found themselves

Defensive War increasingly invested in the expansion of their
territory into the rich doabs of the Indus River
▶ Jihād Valley, and when the Ghurid ruler Ghiyās al-Dīn
Muḥammad (r. 1163–1203) vanquished the last
remaining Ghaznavid stronghold in Lahore in
1186, this once-humble family of Tajiks from
Deities eastern Iran were transformed into the greatest
Islamic power in the east at the time [3, 4]. Part
▶ Shirk of this transformation was undoubtedly based on
their decision to continue their predecessors’ pro-
gram of promoting Persianization in frontier cities
like Lahore and Multan. As historians André
Delhi Sultanate Wink and C. Edmund Bosworth have noted,
Ghurid rulers such as Mu’izz al-Dīn Muḥammad
Colin P. Mitchell (d. 1206) stepped deftly into Ghaznavid ideolog-
Department of History, Dalhousie University, ical and cultural shoes by patronizing ideologues
Halifax, NS, Canada and poets who had been working in the late capital
of Lahore [1, 2, 5]. Indeed, the famous biograph-
ical dictionary Lubab al-albāb by Sadīd al-Dīn
Synonyms Muḥammad ‘Aufī (d. 1242) was written not long
after this period, and this text leaves little doubt as
Dihli sultanate to the importance of such policies by the Ghurids
to the ongoing Persianization and Islamicization
of northern India in the thirteenth century [6].
Definition Mu’izz al-Dīn Muḥammad would delegate his
Turkish lieutenant and military slave, Quṭb al-Dīn
An extensive Indo-Islamic polity that controlled Aibak, with the task of pushing Ghurid dominion
the northern half of India between the early thir- further east into India. India at this juncture was
teenth century and the early sixteenth century. a confused geopolitical terrain, with local Hindu
potentate families like the Chalukyas of Gujarat,
the Chawhāns, and the Gahadāvālas, as well as the
The Establishment of the Delhi Sultanate Khokars tribal groups of Punjab and other Rajput
chiefs in north-central India [7]. Aibak pushed
The origins of the Delhi Sultanate are interwoven tentatively into this dynastic moray, capturing
with the decline in fortune of the Ghaznavid Delhi in 1192, Meerut in 1192, Ajmer in 1193,
dynasty (975–1186). The Ghaznavids experi- Badā’ūn (Budaon) in 1198, and Qanauj in 1198
enced their height in power during the reigns of and invading the Sena-controlled regions of Bihar
Maḥmūd (997–1030) and his successor, Mas’ūd and Bengal in the period of 1202–1204 [5]. Aibak
(1031–1040), and it was during this period that the was guaranteed political independence when his
Ghaznavids focused their expansion from their lord Mu’izz al-Dīn was assassinated in 1206 and
base in Ghazni (in modern-day Afghanistan) the Ghurid empire was partitioned among his
southeastward toward the Punjab and the Indo- ranking amirs. Predictably, a vicious civil war
Gangetic Plain [1]. One of the chief factors in the broke out among the successors, particularly
decline of the Ghaznavids was the rise in power of between Aibak and his rival Nāṣir al-Dīn Qabācha
the Ghurids (also styled as the Shansabānī who was based in the lower Punjab; however,
dynasty) from the region of Ghur in central Aibak would emerge as the relative victor, and
Afghanistan in the early twelfth century [2]. Like he was enthroned in his new capital of Lahore
Delhi Sultanate 205

(takht-i salṭanat-i Luhūr) in 1206 only to die al-Dīn Bakhtiyār Kākī; it was also during his reign
4 years later during a polo match [2, 8]. The that the first Indo-Islamic mirror for princes was
contemporary historian Fakhr al-Dīn produced: Fakhr-i Mudabbir’s Ādāb al-ḥarb
Mubārakshāh (also styled as Fakhr-i Mudabbir) wa’l-s̲h̲ad̲j̲āʾa (“Customs of War and the Brave”)
writes that Lahore was the “center of Islam in [7, 10]. In addition to precepts on political gover-
Hind” (markaz-i Islām-i Hind); Aibak undoubt- nance, the Ādāb al-ḥarb also shows the strong
edly intensified the late Ghaznavid predilection Turkish orientation with descriptions and charts
for Perso-Islamicization; he himself had been edu- of Turkic political and military organization [10].
cated as youth by a qāżī in Nishapur and consid- However, when Iltutmish died in 1236, the D
ered himself capable as a trained Qur’ān reciter [2, Delhi Sultanate faced its first serious internal dis-
7, 9]. But Aibak’s ultimate successor – another order, largely on account of the growth in power
Turkish slave – named Shams al-Dīn Iltutmish of a coterie of ghulām military officers: the chihl-
moved the capital further east to Delhi after the gānī (“the Forty”). It was the chihl-gānī who
deaths of Aibak and his son Āramshāh in 1210 [2]. openly challenged the nomination of Iltutmish’s
daughter Rażiyya as successor, and during the
next 10 years, four separate rulers were nomi-
Rise of the Delhi Sultanate (1210–1287) nated, contested, and ultimately dispatched by
rivals between 1236 and 1246 [11]. It was only
There is little doubt that Delhi flourished under the with the installation of Nāṣir al-Dīn Maḥmūd that
rule of Iltutmish as the historian Juzjānī describes the Delhi Sultanate was able to recover its trajec-
it as “a world within a world” (jahān dar jahān) in tory, but credit for this ultimately belongs to
the early thirteenth century [9]. Ongoing hostili- Ghiyās al-Dīn Balban, a Turkish ghulām-turned-
ties with Nāṣir al-Dīn Qabācha (based in the Pun- vizier, who was able to oversee the administration
jab) were ended somewhat precipitously by the on behalf of an increasingly mystical and reclu-
arrival of Jalāl al-Dīn Khwārazmshāh and his sive Nāṣir al-Dīn Maḥmūd [12]. Indeed, Nāṣir al-
Mongol pursuers [8, 19]. Much of the 1220s and Dīn felt so indebted to Balban for his capable
1230s saw Iltutmish preoccupied with stabilizing administrative skills that he named him successor
his western frontier, but all the while he was before passing away in 1266. Keen to historio-
actively expanding Delhi Sultanate dominion in graphically whitewash his problematic past as
Rajasthan, Awadh, Bihar, and Bengal. Iltutmish both a former slave and a Turk, Balban re-
was able to play a nuanced diplomatic game and invented himself over the next two decades as
avoid a head-on clash with the Mongols, while the Perso-Islamic monarch par excellence. Per-
extending his influence into the Punjab and Sindh. sian poetry invoking the Sasanian and Achaeme-
In 1229, the Delhi Sultanate was granted a certain nid past was patronized and celebrated, including
degree of legitimacy when the ‘Abbasid caliph al- an active sponsorship of the great Indo-Persian
Mustanṣir (now desperate for allies against the poet Amir Khusrau, while physical features of
encroaching Mongols) bestowed the title of the court in Delhi were refashioned to invoke the
“Nāṣir Amīr al-Mu’minīn” (Victor of the Com- Sasanian past: extensive daises, jeweled thrones
mander of the Faithful) on Iltutmish [7]. A serious and crowns, silk brocaded curtains, and nobles
challenge appeared in 1234–1235 when Ismā‘īlīs, arranged in rows and forced to genuflect to
based in the city of Multan, attempted to assassi- Balban [2, 13]. It was also during the reign of
nate Iltutmish; he subsequently ordered Balban that the famous political advice manual,
a campaign against these putative heretics, and Ziā al-Dīn Baranī’s Fatawa-yi Jahāndārī, was
over the course of 2 years, the Ismā‘īlī presence produced [2, 18]. Undoubtedly, Baranī’s labored
in Sindh was extirpated [2]. Indeed, he modeled prescription for the superiority of Perso-Islamic,
himself as an upright, sharī‘ah-abiding ruler, and absolute kingship provided the Delhi Sultanate
one of his greatest legacies was the building of the with some key ideological buttressing at a crucial
Qutb Minar in honor of the saint, Khwā̲jah Quṭb juncture.
206 Delhi Sultanate

The Khaljī (1290–1320) and Tughluq years (1316–1320) was assassinated by a court
(1320–1398) Phases favorite and Hindu convert named Khusrau
Khān Barvārī [7].
When Iltutmish passed away in 1287, Delhi Sul- At this juncture, the Delhi Sultanate was
tanate rule passed to his less than capable grand- rearticulated under the auspices of the Tughluq
son, Mu’izz al-Dīn Kayqubād, but internecine family. The familial origins of the Tughluq
conflict reemerged among the Turks and the dynasty are difficult to discern given the biased
Khaljīs, and Iltutmish’s descendants were unable nature of the historical sources, but there is rea-
to navigate the transition with any success. By sonable evidence to suggest that the founder
1290, a Khaljī notable named Jalāl al-Dīn Ghāzī Malik (styled as Ghiyās al-Dīn Tughluq
assumed power and installed a new dynasty in after his enthronement) was born of a Turkish
control of northern India. Jalāl al-Dīn himself father and a Hindu Jat mother. Like their prede-
was assassinated by his nephew, ‘Alā’ al-Dīn, cessors, the Tughluqs invested considerable
who guaranteed his bid for power by eliminating energy toward constructing solid genealogies
all of his uncle’s immediate family over the next that cemented their claim to rule as minority Turk-
year. The historian Baranī details in the Tārīkh-i ish Sunni rulers. Ghiyās al-Dīn Tughluq was acci-
Fī rūz Shāhī the extensive administrative reforms dentally killed in a construction mishap in 1325
that ‘Alā’ al-Dīn instituted during his reign, while (detailed by Ibn Battuta in his Riḥla), but it
concurrently extending further Khaljī control over would be his son Muḥammad ibn Tughluq
the Rajput chieftains of Rajasthan [14]. One of the (r. 1325–1351) who would oversee a new phase of
more serious threats to Khaljī rule came in the minority Muslim rule that operated to some extent
1290s when the Mongols familial descendants of on principles of toleration and convivencia. Him-
Chaghatā’ī (r. 1226–42) based in Central Asia self married to the daughter of a Rāja, Muḥammad
decided to aggressively push toward Afghanistan is characterized as mollifying Hindus and other
and the Punjab. Between 1297 and 1306, several non-Muslim notables, at least according to the
large invasions were mounted against the Delhi description of the waspish historian, Ziā al-Dīn
Sultanate by the Chaghata’id Mongols, but these Baranī [14]. However, Muḥammad ibn Tughluq is
were all effectively neutralized by ‘Alā’ al-Dīn most noted for his seemingly impulsive decision
Khaljī [5]. By the early fourteenth century, to move lock, stock, and barrel his capital and
Muslim rule in the Indo-Gangetic Plains was court to Daulatābād in the Deccan [2]. This strat-
a heterodox phenomenon with various tribal egy was likely rooted in a desire to settle the
groups of Turks and Mongols as well as rebellious nature of the Deccanis once and for
a mishmash of Pashtuns, Tajiks, Persians, Raj- all, but this only intensified dissent in places like
puts, Biharis, and Bengalis, most of whom Gulbarga and Warangal; in 1347, one of these
boasted various pedigrees of Islamicization. local rebellions resulted ultimately in the estab-
Indeed, it is during the Khaljī period that some lishment of the separate suzerain state of the
historians make note of an assertive ruling class of Bahmanids in the Deccan [15]. It was also during
Muslims that was actively supported and shaped this period of the fourteenth century that Sufi
by the ruling court in Delhi; many Muslim amirs brotherhoods (ṭarīqahs) were especially adept at
were installed as land-assignment holders linking themselves with patrons and rulers in the
(muqṭa’s) as ‘Alā’ al-Dīn Khaljī extended Delhi Delhi court. In particular, the Chishtiyya Order
rule further into Rajasthan between 1301 and proliferated extensively during this period on
1312, while also making limited excursions into account of the extensive Sufi activity by poets
the Deccan [7]. Khaljī rule, however, proved to be and thinkers like Niẓām al-Dīn Awliyā (d. 1325),
ephemeral, and none of ‘Alā’ al-Dīn Khaljī’s Amīr Khusrau (d. 1325), Nāṣir al-Dīn Chirāgh
direct descendants were able to survive the inter- Dehlavī (d. 1356), and their followers [16]. Sufis
necine politics of the day; his third son, Quṭb al- do appear to have prospered during the lengthy
Dīn Mubārak Shāh Khaljī, who ruled for 3 short reign (1351–1388) of Muḥammad ibn Tughluq’s
Delhi Sultanate 207

successor, Sultan Fīrūz Shāh Tughluq, but the Cross-References

fortunes of the family proved to be bleak in the
1390s as Fīrūz Shāh’s successors contested one ▶ ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Khaljī
another viciously for control of the sultanate, only ▶ Balban, Ghiyās al-Dīn
to be swept away by Timur’s tour-de-force inva- ▶ Fīrūz Shāh Tughluq
sion in 1398.

The Sayyid (1414–51) and Lodī

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(1451–1526) Phases 1. Bosworth CE (1977) The later Ghaznavids: the
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The Delhi Sultanate would undergo further meta- 1040–1186. Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh
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Islamic world, 3 vols. Brill, Leiden
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‘Aufi (1903–1906) Lubab al-albab (eds: Browne EG,
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fell into civil war in the fifteenth century, the 7. Hardy P (1970) Dihli sultanate. In: Encyclopedia of
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‘Ālam Shāh from his throne in Delhi and assumed Raverty HG), 3 vols. Bibio Verlag, Osnabrück
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inence as governor in Sindh and Punjab during the wa’l-šajāʿa. Ed. A. Sohayli Khwansari, Iqbal, Tehran
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power, patronage, and piety. St. Martin’s Press, New
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period in the latter half of the fifteenth century, 3rd edn (online). E.J. Brill, Leiden
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17. Aquil R (2007) Sufism, culture, and politics: Afghans and spiritual center of what is today one of the
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19. Jackson P (1990) Jalal al-Din, the Mongols, and the
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28:45–54 the Caribbean [20].
The Deoband School has combined
a traditionalist approach to the classical Islamic
religious sciences, especially emphasizing mas-
tery of the six canonical Sunni collections of
Deoband ḥadī th – narratives of the statements and deeds
of the Prophet Muhammad. Denoting the school
▶ Deoband School
as “traditionalist” stresses the extent to which
scholars of Deoband, for the most part, sought to
preserve the principle of taqlī d (strictly following
the legal precedents of a particular Islamic legal
Deoband School school, Ḥanafī in this case), as opposed to ijtihād
(deriving new legal judgments directly from scrip-
Brannon Ingram tural sources), though their views on this were
Department of Religious Studies, Northwestern complex and not reducible to a simple dichotomy
University, Evanston, IL, USA between the two [15]. It also distinguishes the
“Deobandīs” – those who identify, to varying
degrees of allegiance, with the ideological tenor
Synonyms of the school – from “modernist” currents in Islam
that arose in the same era, most notably the Ali-
Dār al-‘Ulūm Deoband; Deoband; Deobandī; garh movement of Sayyid Aḥmad Khān, as well
Deobandīs as from various “Salafi” currents, such as the Ahl
al-Hadith, who broadly rejected the edifice of
medieval learning upon which the Deobandīs
Definition constructed their pedagogy. But besides their
commitment to classical Islamic learning, the
Originating with the founding of the Dār al-‘Ulūm Deoband School also put forth a powerful, and
Deoband madrasa in 1867, the Deoband School is often controversial, critique of Indian Muslims’
a traditionalist, reform-minded intellectual and customary practices and popular devotions, see-
educational movement in Sunni Islam with thou- ing many of these as dangerous “innovations”
sands of affiliated madrasas around the world. (bid‘ah) in the religious life of Muslims [9, 13].
It is perhaps for this very public critique of Indian
social and religious norms that the Deoband
Introduction School is most widely known. This critique has
placed the Deoband School in a number of pro-
“Deoband School” can denote the Islamic semi- longed polemical exchanges with rival currents of
nary (madrasa), known as Dār al-‘Ulūm Indian Islam since the late nineteenth century.
Deoband, located in the north Indian city of Many of these polemics concern traditional
Deoband, as well as the global Sunni reformist forms of Ṣūfī devotional practice, and because of
movement that emerged from that institution. The these critiques, a caricature of the Deobandīs as
Dār al-‘Ulūm Deoband has been the institutional stridently anti-Ṣūfī has formed in popular
Deoband School 209

discourses and the media, but, in fact, the rhetoric – and the “transmitted” (manqūlāt) sci-
Deobandīs see Ṣūfīsm as a fundamental part of ences such as the study of Qur’ān and ḥadī th,
their “way” (maslak), discussed below. Gangohī skewed the Deobandī curriculum mark-
edly towards the latter [13]. Nānautawī, for his part,
insisted that the school had to be self-sustaining,
The Dār al-‘Ulūm Deoband that it would never depend on princely patronage or
the largesse of nobility nor on the support of the
The Dār al-‘Ulūm Deoband was founded in 1867 colonial state, and that it would not be linked to any
by two classically trained Islamic religious one family or genealogy [7]. Instead, the institution D
scholars (‘ulamā’), Rashīd Aḥmad Gangohī would depend on the donations of individual Mus-
(d. 1905) and Muḥammad Qāsim Nānautawī lims, whether in the form of cash, books, furnish-
(d. 1877). Gangohī and Nānautawī first met in ings, or even food. In hindsight, this approach was
Delhi as mutual students of Mamlūk ‘Alī of the crucial for ensuring Deoband’s ability to expand
famed Delhi College [11, 14]. Both scholars were and even thrive in the colonial period, when Mus-
intimately connected to Muslim intellectual circles lim political power had long since waned [32, 34].
in that city, particularly those circles affiliated with And indeed, institutions too closely linked to spe-
the family of Shāh Walīullah of Delhi (d. 1762), cific scholarly families for the most part failed to
the pioneering reformist mind of eighteenth- thrive in the colonial era or ceased to exist alto-
century India. Most Deobandīs have seen their gether, as in the case of the once-famed Farangī
institutions and traditions as extending the work Mahal. Many other noteworthy features distin-
of Walīullah [22]. If the Deoband School sees guished the Dār al-‘Ulūm Deoband from medieval
itself as continuing this legacy, on the one hand, Islamic education: a fixed curriculum, classrooms,
it also sees itself as continuing the reformist leg- examinations, a formal convocation, administra-
acy of Sayyid Aḥmad Barelwī (d. 1831) and tive staff, a central library, and the use of Urdu
Muḥammad Ismā‘īl (d. 1831) on the other, who rather than Persian as language of instruction. In
are in no small way responsible for drawing this way, the Dār al-‘Ulūm adopted some institu-
numerous beliefs and practices of the Indian Mus- tional and organizational features of British educa-
lims into their critical purview. In his treatises, tion in colonial India, despite its avowedly
most notably Strengthening of the Faith traditionalist approach to knowledge and
(Taqwiyat ul-Imān), Muḥammad Ismā‘īl education [13].
denounced a vast array of Indian Muslim cultural
practices, from calling for the intercession of Ṣūfī
saints to taking an oath on, or swearing by, the The Deobandī “Way”
name of anyone or anything, save God alone [6].
Many of the early Deobandī scholars cited Sayyid Moreover, precisely because of Deoband’s inde-
Aḥmad’s reformist movement, and Muḥammad pendence from traditional forms of patronage and
Ismā‘īl’s writings, as inspiration for their own support, the Deobandī “model” proved highly
cultural critique. And, in fact, most Deobandīs replicable. Just 6 months after the founding of
view these dual legacies as complementary. the madrasa at Deoband, a similar madrasa was
In setting the tone for the Deoband School’s founded nearby at Saharanpur. Over the years,
approach to Islamic pedagogy, Gangohī and hundreds of madrasas would be established
Nānautawī adapted the Dars-i Niẓāmi syllabus, along similar lines, but it is important to note
first pioneered by Mullah Niẓām al-Dīn Muḥam- they are not linked by any formal affiliation.
mad (d. 1748) of Farangī Mahal in Lucknow, Thus, in the absence of an overarching institu-
which had been used to train Islamic scholars in tional identity, to speak of a “Deoband School” –
India since the eighteenth century [23]. Whereas i.e., what makes this movement or tradition cohere
the Dars-i Niẓāmi balanced the “rational” across time and space and what distinguishes this
(ma‘qūlāt) sciences – such as logic and school of thought from its rivals – we must
210 Deoband School

understand what the scholars of Deoband call 25]. The Barelvī School formed not only a rival
their “way” (maslak) [2]. No single word in the ideology but a rival network of madrasas as well.
English language can capture every nuance of this The curricular content of Deobandī and Barelvī
concept, but it connotes a certain set of intellec- madrasas was remarkably the same; what set
tual, ethical, and even bodily sensibilities in which them apart were their profoundly different orien-
Deoband’s legal traditionalism and “sober” tations to the devotional piety of Indian Ṣūfī tra-
Ṣūfīsm intersect. Some Deobandī scholars have ditions and to some key questions concerning the
attempted to explain the Deobandī “way” in limits of the Prophet Muḥammad’s knowledge
a systematic fashion, most notably Qāri’ Muḥam- and of God’s sovereignty [27]. Two of the most
mad Ṭayyib, who served as the rector of the Dār contentious issues concerned whether the Prophet
al-‘Ulūm Deoband for nearly half a century. Muḥammad had “knowledge of the unseen” (‘ilm-
Ṭayyib saw this “way” as a “middle path” ie ghaib) and whether it is possible for God to
between various extremes, particularly in its create another prophet like Muḥammad (imkān-i
approach to law and mysticism. For him, the nāẓir). The notion that the Prophet had what was
Deobandī “way” avoids, for instance, what its tantamount to superhuman knowledge impinged
scholars see as the excesses of devotional Islam on the omniscience that Muslims accord to God
(e.g., excessive veneration for the saints, illicit alone, according to the Deobandī view. Or taking
customary practices), as well as the excesses of the latter case, the Deobandīs insisted that to
a puritanical Islam that would dispense with believe that God could not create another prophet
Ṣūfīsm and the saints altogether. And for Ṭayyib, on par with Muḥammad was to doubt his sover-
this “middle path” was coterminous with eignty and power; for Barelvīs, on the other hand,
the essence of Sunni Islam itself, of which he believing that God could do so was a massive
believed the Deoband School was a pure, unadul- affront to the dignity of Prophet Muḥammad him-
terated expression [28]. self, insofar as they believed not only that the
Prophet was the perfect moral exemplar but the
last of a long series of Prophets. Aḥmad Raẓā
Polemical Rivalries Khān was prolific, but his most well-known crit-
icism of the Deoband School is contained in his
From early in its history, the Deoband School’s juridical opinion ( fatwa) of 1906, Ḥusām
understanding of itself and its reformist role al-Ḥarāmayn (Sword of the Two Holy Cities),
developed in heated polemical exchanges with which branded several Deobandī ‘ulamā’ as
rival schools. Indeed, one can make the argument “Wahhabis” and “infidels” (kāfirs). Deobandī
that Deoband’s self-understanding as a “school” and Barelvī polemics and counter-polemics con-
or “movement” formed through these very tinue into the present day, though they have abated
exchanges. By the mid-nineteenth century, the somewhat in recent years.
public disputation (munāẓara) had already
become a major mode of discourse through
which various partisans (Muslims, Hindus, Chris- Deobandī Sūfīsm
tian missionaries) asserted the superiority of their ˙
own religions against others [18]. This is the The crux of the Deobandīs’ conflict with the
background context for understanding the emer- Barelvīs concerns their diametrically opposed
gence of Deobandī polemics in subsequent approaches to Ṣūfīsm and devotional piety, as
decades. explained above. This has led some to assume,
By far, the most prominent rivalry through mistakenly, that the Deobandī School rejects
which Deobandī scholars have defined their own Ṣūfīsm per se, when in fact it defines Ṣūfīsm as
views is with the Barelvī school, originating in the a fundamental element of its “way.” While Ṣūfīsm
polemical works of the Indian Muslim scholar was, and is, not formally taught in the curriculum
Aḥmad Raẓā Khān (1856–1921) [16, 17, 24, of Deobandī seminaries themselves, within
Deoband School 211

Deobandī circles Ṣūfīsm is seen as a crucial, if not retaliations against the mutineers were swift and
essential, element of personal spiritual formation. brutal, and many Indian Muslims retreated from
Students in Deobandī institutions will often take direct political engagement, early Deobandīs
spiritual initiation into specific Ṣūfī orders with included. Yet if the first generation of Deobandīs
their teachers. The Ṣūfī orders with which the exercised a certain degree of political quietism,
Deobandīs are historically most directly affiliated several Deobandī scholars of the early twentieth
are the Chishtī, Naqshbandī, Qādirī, and century became major players on the Indian
Suhrawardī, but the Ṣābirī line of the Chishtiya national stage [5]. In the context of the First
and the Mujaddidī line of the Naqshbandiyya World War, ‘Ubayd Allah Sindhī (1872–1944) D
have exerted a particularly profound mark on and Maḥmūd al-Ḥasan (1851–1920), both
Deobandī Ṣūfīsm [4]. Deobandī scholars, collaborated to mobilize
In examining their numerous books on Ṣūfīsm Afghanis against the British in Kabul. Ḥusaīn
(taṣawwuf ) and the Ṣūfī path (ṭarīqat), several Aḥmad Madanī (d. 1957) was perhaps the most
major themes emerge. First, they see Ṣūfīsm and prominent of the many Deobandī scholars who
the Sharī‘a as two complementary and participated in the Jamī‘yyat al-‘Ulamā’-i Hind
intersecting modes of Islamic piety, one inward (Organization of Indian Islamic Scholars), which
and the other outward. Ṣūfīsm “internalizes” the formed in 1919. The Jamī‘yyat al-‘Ulamā’-i Hind
Sharī‘a, and one who is in advanced stage on the supported the Khilafat Movement and subse-
Ṣūfī path not only abides by the Sharī‘a in every quently supported the Indian National Congress.
respect but does so “naturally” as it were. This is The Jamī‘yyat was firmly opposed to the partition
predicated on what is a second major feature of of India and advocated for a democratic, pluralis-
Deobandī Ṣūfīsm, the “purification of the lower tic India. For his part, Madanī advanced what he
self” (tazkiyat al-nafs), a process by which the called “united nationalism” (mutaḥida
body and mind are disciplined through various qawmiyyat), which saw Hindus and Muslims as
techniques, ranging from the recitation of pious belonging to the same “nation” (qawm), and
litanies in “remembrance” (zikr) of God to the firmly believed that Muslims would be able to
classic Ṣūfī belief in “little food, little sleep, and preserve their identity in a Hindu-dominated
little speech.” The call to “purify” the self is India [12, 34]. Some Deobandī scholars did, how-
intimately linked with broader discourses of ever, call for a separate Muslim homeland and
“reform” (iṣlāḥ), which can be both personal, as threw their support behind the Muslim League
in the injunction to pursue “ethical and the demand for Pakistan, establishing the
self-reformation” (akhlāq ki iṣlāḥ), or societal, as Jamī‘yyat al-‘Ulamā’-i Islam in 1945, a political
in the “reformation of customs” (iṣlāḥ-i rusūm). party that remained central to Pakistani politics
Ashraf ‘Alī Thānawī wrote prolifically about long after independence. Muftī Muḥammad
iṣlāḥ, issuing an entire “curriculum” (nisāb) Shafī‘(d. 1979), a student of Ashraf ‘Alī Thānawī
based around the notion [30]. The collected ser- who went on to establish one of the largest and
mons of Muftī Muḥammad Taqī ‘Uṣmānī, most important Deobandī madrasas in Pakistan,
a prominent Deobandī scholar in the Dār al-‘Ulūm Karachi, was especially note-
Pakistan – reaching 18 volumes in one recent worthy in his call for a separate state for Muslims.
edition – are published under the title Iṣlāḥī
Khuṭbāt (Reformist Sermons) [31].
Offshoots of Deoband

The Deoband School in Indian Politics Even though the Deoband School has arguably
had limited success in their critique of popular
The Dār al-‘Ulūm Deoband emerged in the wake piety, one measure of its influence is in the numer-
of the abortive revolt against British rule that ous groups that have emerged from its scholarly
exploded across North India in 1857. British networks. On the political level, the Jamī‘yyat
212 Deoband School

al-‘Ulamā’-i Hind has already been mentioned. Mawlānā Muḥammad Qāsim al-Nānautawī. Dār al-
On a more popular level, the Tablīghī Jamā‘at, ‘Ulūm Deoband, Deoband
8. Haroon S (2008) The rise of Deobandi Islam in the
founded by the Deobandī scholar Mawlana north-west frontier province and its implications in
Muḥammad Ilyas in the 1920s, grew directly out colonial India and Pakistan, 1914–1996. J Roy Asia
of Deoband’s efforts to reform Indian Muslim Soc 18(1):47–70
popular practice. This proselytizing organization 9. Ingram B (2009) Sufis, scholars and scapegoats:
Rashīd Aḥmad Gangohī (d. 1905) and the Deobandi
has historically targeted not non-Muslims, but critique of Ṣufīsm. Muslim World 99(3):478–501
Muslims that they deemed in need of personal 10. Kabir H (2009) Replicating the Deobandi model of
moral reform and who could stand to gain from Islamic schooling: the case of a Quomi Madrasah in
“improving” their Islamic belief and practice. Its a district town of Bangladesh. Cont S Asia
17(4):415–428
own success has been remarkable, insofar as it is 11. Khan MS (2001) Bānī-yi Dār al-‘Ulūm Deoband.
the world’s largest Muslim revivalist organiza- Maktabah-yi Safdariyya
tion, with members in nearly every part of the 12. Metcalf B (2009) Husain Ahmad Madani: the jihad for
world. Islam and India’s freedom. Oneworld, Oxford
13. Metcalf B (1982) Islamic revival in British India:
Deoband, 1860–1900. Princeton University Press,
Princeton
Cross-References 14. Mirathī MA (1978) Tadhkirat al-Rashīd. Maktabah
Baḥr al-‘Ulūm, Karachi
▶ Ashraf ‘Alī Thānawī 15. Moosa E (2010) History and normativity in traditional
Indian Muslim thought: reading Shariʾa in the herme-
▶ Barelvīs neutics of Qari Muhammad Tayyab (d. 1983). In:
▶ Dars-i-Niẓāmiya Ernst C, Martin R (eds) Rethinking Islamic studies:
▶ Madrasah from orientalism to cosmopolitanism. University of
▶ Rashīd Aḥmad Gangohī South Carolina Press, Columbia
16. Naeem F (2009) Ṣufīsm and revivalism in South Asia:
▶ Sayyid Ahmad Barelwi Mawlana Ashraf ‘Ali Thanvi of Deoband and
▶ Tablīghī Jamā‘at Mawlana Ahmad Raza Khan of Bareilly and their
▶ ‘Ubaid Allah Sindhi paradigms of Islamic revivalism. Muslim World
99(3):435–451
17. Nu‘māni MM (n.d.) Faiṣala Kun Munāẓara. Dār al-
Isha‘at, Muradabad
References 18. Powell A (1993) Muslims and missionaries in pre-
mutiny India. Curzon Press, Richmond/Surrey
1. Alam A (2006) Understanding Deoband locally: inter- 19. Reetz D (2006) Islam in the public sphere: religious
rogating Madrasat Diyā’ al-‘Ulūm. In: Hartung JP, groups in India, 1900–1947. Oxford University Press,
Reifeld H (eds) Islamic education, diversity, and Oxford
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Sage, New Delhi/Thousand Oaks/London a transcultural and transnational educational move-
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a Deobandi Madrasa in Pakistan. J Islamic Stud in 1982. In: Noor FA, Sikand Y, Bruinessen M (eds)
18(1):43–68 The madrasa in Asia. Amsterdam University Press,
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the Chishti order in south Asia and beyond. Palgrave 22. Rizvi SM (1977) Tārīkh-i Dār al-‘Ulūm Deoband,
Macmillan, New York Idārah-yi Ihtimām-i Dār al-‘Ulūm Deoband, Deoband
5. Faruqi Z (1963) The Deoband school and the demand 23. Robinson F (2001) The Ulama of Farangi Mahall and
for Pakistan. Asia Publishing House, New York Islamic culture in south Asia. Permanent Black, New
6. Gaborieau M (1999) Criticizing the Sufis: the debate Delhi
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B (eds) Islamic mysticism contested: thirteen centuries Mufannad, ya‘nī ‘Aqā’id-i ‘Ulamā’-yi Ahl-i Sunnat-i
of controversies and polemics. Brill, Leiden Deoband. Maktabah al-‘Ilm, Lahore
7. Gilani MA (1980) Savāniḥ-i Qāsimī, ya‘nī Sīrat-i 25. Sanyal U (2005) Ahmad Riza Khan Barelwi: in the
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26. Sikand Y (2005) Bastions of the believers: madrasas

and Islamic education in India. Penguin India, New Dhikr/Zikr
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27. Tareen S (2009) Normativity, heresy and the politics of
authenticity in south Asian Islam. Muslim World Golam Dastagir
99(3):521–552 Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar
28. Tayyib QM (1975) Maslak-i ‘ulamā’-yi Deoband. University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh
Aziz Publications, Lahore
29. Tayyib QM (n.d.) ‘Ulamā’-yi Deoband: Dīnī Rukh aur Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University of
Maslakī Mizāj. Maktabah-yi Millat, Deoband Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
30. Thanawi AA (1977) Iṣlāhī Nisāb. Maktabah-yi D
Rashīdiyya, Lahore
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Publishers, Karachi Synonyms
32. Zaman MQ (2008) Ashraf ʿAli Thanawi: Islam in
modern South Asia. Oneworld, Oxford Invocation; Prayer; Recollection; Remembrance;
33. Zaman MQ (2006) Consensus and religious authority Supplication; Worship; zikr-e-Allāh; zikr-e-qalb
in modern Islam: the discourses of the ‘ulama. In:
Kramer G, Schmidke S (eds) Speaking for Islam:
religious authorities in Muslim societies. Brill, Leiden
34. Zaman MQ (2002) The ʿUlama in contemporary Definition
Islam: custodians of change. Princeton University
Press, Princeton The Arabic term dhikr, also interchangeably and
widely used as zikr in Persian, meaning “remem-
brance,” or “recollection,” is one of the important
Deobandī aspects of Islam, particularly Ṣūfī Islam, or
taṣawwuf as is known in the Muslim world. The
▶ Deoband School term dhikr, the plural of which is ʿaḍkār, signifies
the invocation of God, or recitation of Divine
names – a rite (wazifa) performed by Ṣūfīs institu-
tionally in the Ṣūfī tradition of the Islamic world.
Deobandīs From what is known of the Persian influence, par-
ticularly in the Islamic literature, the term zikr rather
▶ Deoband School than dhikr is preferably used in the Ṣūfī practices in
the Indian subcontinent. For the Indian Ṣūfīs, zikr, or
zikr-e-Allāh, meaning “invocation of Allāh,” refers
to zikr-e-qalb, signifying “remembrance of God by
Dervish heart.” The traveler (sālik) upon the spiritual Path
(sulūk) seeks God in the hearts (qulūb) and invokes
▶ Pīr God in each heartbeat, the reverberation of which
penetrates into the soul (nafs), spirit (rūḥ), secret
consciousness (sirr), inner consciousness (khafı̄ ),
and innermost consciousness (akhfa) – eventually
Dewan Hasan Raja Chaudhuri each single cell of the human body (laṭı̄ fa).

▶ Hasan Raja of Sunamganj

Meaning of Dhikr/Zikr

Broadly speaking, dhikr has a wide range of

Dewan Hasan Reza meanings; it encompasses prayer (ṣalāt, or
ṣalāh, or ṣolāt in Arabic and namāz in Urdu and
▶ Hasan Raja of Sunamganj Persian), supplication (du‘ā’), worship (ibādat),
214 Dhikr/Zikr

glorification (tasbı̄ ḥ), exaltation (takbı̄ r), recita- perspective, whereas the end is zikr, as God says:
tion (qira’ah), etc. By definition, dhikr is under- “There is no deity except Me, so worship Me and
stood in the context of Ṣūfīsm as the quintessential establish prayer for My remembrance” (Q. XX:14).
form of prayer, in which the Ṣūfī achieves tawḥı̄ d On the metaphysical level, every Muslim, con-
and becomes united with the Divine; for in dhikr, sciously or unconsciously, is a Ṣūfī per se, for
the Ṣūfī’s soul reconnects with God and rejuve- dhikr is an integral form of ṣalāt and every
nates the aspirant’s faith in God [7]. With Muslim is obliged to partake in dhikr, while
increased invocation (zikr) aided by meditation performing regular prayers. However, in Ṣūfīsm it
(fikr), man reaches the pinnacle of spiritual flight is institutionalized as a ceremonial ritual and accen-
in the states (hāl) of annihilation (fanā) in God tuated on spiritual splendor, when Ṣūfīs make every
and subsistence (baqā) in Him, in which he real- effort in every breath with full concentration, con-
izes the presence of God with his pristine pure templation, and consciousness, to be united with
nature of soul, which was entangled with the God, while visualizing the Prophet in the form of
Divine at the outset [7]. the spiritual master (Shaykh, or Pīr) – a Ṣūfī rite
known as rabeta-e-Shaykh.

Historical Background
Norms of Dhikr/Zikr
The term dhikr is rooted in the core of Islamic
tradition, and the practice of dhikr as a formal Ṣūfī Like ṣalāt, dhikr is not confined to any designated
ritual seems to have found strong footing by the place, but unlike ṣalāt, the performance of dhikr is
eleventh century CE [3]. Ṣūfī masters often claim not preconditioned upon any specific space, time,
that they perform zikr because God ordains them to ablution, direction, and duration. However, God
do so, as He says in the Qur’ān: “Remember Me, and urges the Prophet Muḥammad to remember Him
I will remember you” (Q. II:152); so by performing within himself in humility and in fear without
zikr, Ṣūfīs believe they have the privilege of being being apparent in speech, in the morning and the
remembered by God. Of course, to be remembered, evening (Q. VII:205), which leads Ṣūfīs to per-
they are required to be worthy of being remembered form zikr twice a day – in the morning and the
by God [6]. Ṣūfī scholars also take refuge in Ḥadīth, evening. God commands human beings to invoke
just as the Qur’ān, to a great degree, for authentic Him much and glory Him in the early hours of
accounts of dhikr and zikr-e-Allāh designated as the night and morning (Q. III:41) and also while
best of deeds in the sight of God, as articulated by standing, sitting, and lying (Q. III:191). However,
the Prophet Muḥammad [1, 2]. on the practical level, dhikr is usually performed
To the extent that Islamic prayer is intended to in the Ṣūfī circle (ḥalqah) at a congregation
glorify God, dhikr seems invariably connected (majlis) taken place in Ṣūfī center (zāwiyah). In
with prayer (ṣalāt); for at the heart of the latter fact, dhikr, which is chanted vocally or expressed
lies the former, in which Ṣūfīs find contentment, silently – the former known as zikr-e-jalī (percep-
calmness, pleasure, and above all God’s grace tible invocation), while the latter zikr-e-khafī
(barakah) and His presence, prompting to quest (imperceptible invocation) – as Allāh, or Lā
inner peace, necessary for social harmony. Ṣūfīs ilāha, or Lā ilāha ill’ Allāh (there is no god, but
tend to believe that their worship to God does not Allāh), is the fountainhead of Shahādah, the first
restrict to five times ritual prayers; rather, they and foremost pillar of Islam, and therefore, it lies
pray in the form of zikr in every breath. God at the heart of Islam. In Ṣūfī circles, dhikr is
says in the Qur’ān: “Indeed, prayer prohibits chanted in unison as Allāh Allāh in Chishtī
immorality and wrongdoing, and the remem- ṭarı̄ qah and Mujaddediya ṭarı̄ qah, or Allāh-hu
brance of Allāh is greater” (Q. XXIX:45). More- Allāh-hu in Maizbhandari ṭarı̄ qah (in Bangla-
over, the Islamic conception of prayer (ṣalāt) desh) or Lā ilāha ill’ Allāh in Shadhiliya ṭarı̄ qah,
tends to be the means from the Qur’ānic and so on, because the Qur’ān says: “And Allāh
Du‘ā’ 215

has beautiful names, so call unto Him through Cross-References

them” (Q. VII:180). Dhikr, performed with inten-
sity accompanying samā‘ (mystical music) in ▶ Awliyā’
chorus with rhythmical movements and allegori- ▶ Chishtī Order
cal phrases, glorifying God and admiring the ▶ Music
Prophet, not to mention the Shaykh, triggers ▶ Namāz
deepest emotions and induces huge spiritual ▶ Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn
ecstasy (wajd) in Ṣūfīs, for music plays a great ▶ Prayer
role in the Ṣūfī practice of dhikr [8]. The samā‘, ▶ Qawwali D
often improvised by devotees – even by illiterate ▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia
fuqarā’ (male devotees) and faqirat (female ▶ Ritual
devotees) – is commonly known as qawwālī or ▶ Samā‘
ghazal in South Asia. ▶ Taṣawwuf
▶ Worship

Significance of Dhikr/Zikr
References
Ṣūfīs believe that God’s existence penetrates 1. Al-Tirmidhi AI (1986) Sunan al-Tirmidhi. Dar Al-fikr
every aspect of the world and that He dwells in Library, Beirut
one’s spirit, as God breathed His own Spirit into 2. Bukhari M (1997) Sahih Al-Bukhari. (trans: Khan MM)
The translation of the meanings of Sahih Al-Bukhari:
man. Ṣūfīsm’s central doctrine is based on a verse
Arabic-English. Dar-us-Salam Publications, Riyadh
of the Qur’ān in which God says: “I created man 3. Ernst CW (1997) The Shambhala guide to Sūfism.
and breathed My spirit into him” (Q. XV:29; Shambhala Publication, Boston
XXXVIII:72). To know God, one has to cleanse 4. Lings M (1996) What is Sufism? Palgrave Macmillan,
New York
one’s heart (qalb) and the heart is purged by the
5. Muslim I (1976) Sahih Muslim. (trans: Siddiqui AH).
remembrance of God (zikr) and fasting (ṣawm), KAZI Publications, Chicago
for the Prophet said, “There is a polish for every- 6. Nasr SH (2008) The garden of truth: the vision and
thing that taketh away rust; and the polish of the promise of Sufism, Islam’s mystical tradition.
HarperOne (reprint edition), New York
Heart is the invocation of Allāh” [4, 5]. One of the
7. Nasr SH (1972) Sūfi essays. George Allen & Unwin,
oft-repeated passages in the Qur’ān for Ṣūfī is that London
the human hearts, the citadel loci of human con- 8. Trimingham JS (1998) The Sūfi orders in Islam. Oxford
ducts, find rest or peace by way of the invocation University Press, Oxford
of God (XIII:28). Ṣūfīs claim that invocation
(dhikr/zikr) purges the hearts from cluttering
caused by false pride, jealousy, hypocrisy, lying, Dihli Sultanate
etc. Remembering God means to follow God’s
commands and lead a life guided by the spiritual ▶ Delhi Sultanate
master, who tests the disciples with numerous
practical examinations that can protect the seekers
of the truth from covetous and sinful acts. The
Qur’ānic passage (LXII:10) “[. . .] remember
Disbeliever in God
Allāh often, so that you may prosper” purports
▶ Kāfir
that one who remembers God, fears God, and
obeys God cannot act otherwise, but the virtuous
Path ordained by Him. A pure-hearted Ṣūfī
purged by zikr turns into a true-tongued individual Du‘ā’
upon whom God’s grace is showered, wisdom
endowed, and blessing bestowed. ▶ Prayer, Islam
E

Early Islamic Polity Eid/’Īd

▶ Politics, Islām A. F. M. Obaidur Rahman1 and Golam Dastagir1,2

1
Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar
University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh
2
Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University of
Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
Early Zoroastrians

▶ Zoroastrian Migration and Settlement in India Synonyms

Eid al-Aḍḥā; Eid al-Fiṭr; Festival; Islamic

festival; Religious festival

Eastern Medicine (Pakistan)

Definition
▶ Yūnānī Medicine
The term Eid, also known as ʻI¯d, stands for “sol-
emn festival” in Arabic, as is mentioned in the
holy Qur’ān (V:114). The word refers to the two
Eid al-Adhā major religious festivals observed by Muslims
˙˙ across the world – Eid al-Fiṭr and Eid al-Aḍḥā.
▶ Eid/ʻĪd The former is observed on the first day of the lunar
▶ Hajj month of what in Arabic is called Shawwāl fol-
lowing a month-long ritual of fasting (ṣawm) and
abstinence in the month of Ramaḍān, whereas the
latter falls on the tenth day of the month of Dhū l-
Hijjah of the same calendar, marking the comple-
Eid al-Fitr tion of the ceremony of pilgrimage (ḥajj) to
˙ Mecca prescribed in the Qur’ān (II:196). In the
▶ Eid/ʻĪd Islamic tradition, Eid al-Fiṭr is designated as the

# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018

Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
218 Eid/’Īd

“festival of fast-breaking,” and Eid al-Aḍḥā sig- who came through it successfully with Allāh’s
nifies the “festival of sacrifice.” The observance of grace. Allāh ransomed him with a great sacrifice
each of these festivals is subject to the sighting of (Q. XXXVII:107) to be emulated by successive
the moon, as Islam follows the lunar calendar that generations of believers. While observing the rite,
moves through the solar calendar [5]. Muslims Muslims usually recite the verse, “Say, indeed, my
believe that the celebration of Eid al-Aḍḥā may prayer, my rites of sacrifice, my living and my
continue for 3 days [4], though there is no con- dying are for Allāh, Lord of the worlds”
sensus among the ʿulamāʾ. In the Islamic tradition, (VI:162), which is a clear proof of the fact that
Eid al-Fiṭr is known as the “festival of fast-break- they are required to do it only for Allāh’s pleasure.
ing” and Eid al-Aḍḥā the “sacrificial feast,” Here, it is pertinent to mention that contrary to the
respectively. Judeo-Christian belief that Abraham was ordered
to sacrifice his son Isaac, Muslims believe that it
was rather his son Ismāʻīl.
Historical Background

According to a Ḥadīth recorded by Abu Dawud, Celebration of Eid

Anas ibn Malik reports that in the backdrop of
2 days of festivity in jāhilī yah (ignorance), the As mentioned, the celebration of Eid al-Fiṭr
Prophet Muḥammad is believed to have said, begins from the moment the new moon of the
“Allāh has replaced them with better 2 days: the month of Shawwāl appears on the horizon, while
day of Fiṭr and the day of Aḍḥā” [2]. Muslims Eid al-Aḍḥā is celebrated on the 10th day of the
believe that Eid has a special significance; it last month of the lunar calendar. The main cele-
means more than what it means etymologically. bration of both occasions begins soon after sun-
For example, the day of Eid al-Fiṭr is considered rise. Generally, Muslims take a bath early in the
as a day of “good harvest” and “thanksgiving,” morning and have their refreshment in which
because the believers on that day reap the fruits of sweets are likely to be dominant items. Then,
their strenuous service to Allāh throughout the clad in their best clothing (usually new) and
month of Ramaḍān [1]. anointed with natural perfume, Muslims flock to
The best fruit of fasting Muslims reap on the the open field, playground, or mosque, where Eid
occasion of Eid al-Fiṭr is Allāh’s pleasure, which congregation is held. Eid prayer (ṣalāt) consists of
gives a deontological tone to the entire festivity. two cycles (rakah) of prayer followed by the
However, this aspect of the festivity is more pro- sermon of the imām (religious leader), emphasiz-
nounced in the Eid al-Aḍḥā, which is celebrated in ing not only the historicity and significance of the
commemoration of Prophet Abraham’s effort to Eid concerned (Eid al-Fiṭr and Eid al-Aḍḥā), but
sacrifice his only son Ismāʻīl in the name of Allāh touching on the current sociocultural and other
only to please Him. In response to Allāh’s com- important problems faced by the ummah. The
mand upon him in repeated dreams to sacrifice sermon is usually followed by a special supplica-
something he considers dearest to him, Abraham tion in which Allāh’s mercy and blessings are
(known as Ibrahim in the Islamic world) decided sought both for the living and dead members of
to slaughter his son, who voluntarily agreed to the Muslim community in particular and of the
submit to the demand. The most interesting aspect entire community of believers at large. Then,
of this extraordinary episode is that a ram was everybody embraces each other – man to man
slaughtered instead of Ismāʻīl, who was found and woman to woman – and greets each other
unscathed though Abraham made an attempt to usually by uttering such words as “Eid Mubarak.”
slaughter him with his sharp knife. The Qur’ān Sending greeting cards, presenting gifts – both
testifies (XXXVII:106) this as a trial for Abraham cash and in kind – making voluntary donations,
Eid/’Īd 219

and feeding the poor are considered to be acts of positively in alleviating poverty and creating
merit on both the occasions. a balanced economic condition in the society.

Spiritual Significance Some Contentious Issues

The spiritual significance of Eid is clear from the Though the two Eids bring joy and happiness as
fact that it starts with a congregational prayer so well as peace and blessings, there are things that
that forgiveness granted by Allāh would be shared seem to mar that atmosphere to some extent. One
by every participant in it. Muslims must forgive of the major problems Muslims face on the occa-
E
each other’s misdeeds, forget animosity or ill feel- sion is related to the commencement of the festiv-
ing toward each other, and vow to live according ity. As Islamic festivals are observed in
to the will of God. Eid as a devotional assembly accordance with the lunar calendar, every month
teaches Muslims to forgive other’s wrongdoings, begins with the appearance of the new moon on
so that theirs will be forgiven by God in the the horizon. Sometimes it is very difficult to ascer-
hereafter [1]. The celebration of Eid urges Mus- tain when the month begins, simply because the
lims to supplicate to God for peace, His mercy and visibility of the moon depends on the global posi-
forgiveness, and blessings for the entire world of tion and weather conditions of different locations
creation. On the occasion of Eid, Muslims rejuve- and countries of the world. Though it is possible,
nate their lives with the spirit of love and brother- nowadays, to calculate the exact time of its
hood, unity and peace, sacrifice and surrender, and appearance scientifically, the old tradition that
selflessness and submission. No Muslim equates the month of Ramaḍān ends only when the new
the momentous sacrifice of Abraham with mere moon is visible in the sky still guides public
slaughtering of an animal. To them, it symbolizes opinion and that of the majority of Islamic
denouncing our selves (nafs) in the form of scholars. In recent times, some people suggest
sacrificing animality in human nature – the nafs that the ummah observe the day on the same date
(nafs al-ammāra) that incites to all evils. and that is possible only if they abide by the
visibility of the new moon at Mecca, the center
of Islam. Others, however, oppose the idea
Socioeconomic Impact because that goes against the cosmic system of
Allāh according to which even the timing of daily
In addition to the spiritual benefits it offers, the prayers varies from country to country.
institution of Eid has its socioeconomic benefits Apart from the cosmic problem mentioned
too. The Prophet of Islam introduced the system above, Eid has been facing some social problems
of levying of a small tax on every financially well- too in recent years. The tendency to commercial-
off Muslim to help the less fortunate members of ize the occasion by big business houses is very
the society on the occasion of Eid-al-Fitr. Every conspicuous now. It is alleged that systematic
member of such families, irrespective of their age efforts are being made to promote consumerism
and gender, must abide by this rule (guardians pay among Muslims making the two Eids the target of
on behalf of minor dependents). In addition, most cheap and gross entertainments. In this way, the
affluent Muslims usually pay their zakāt (compul- public is being persuaded to forget the true spiri-
sory poor dues) on this occasion, comprising tual bliss that is the aim of the festivals.
2.5% of the capital assets (money) owned by The most notable issue that needs attention on
them continuously for a full lunar year. In addi- the occasion of Eid, however, is moral and intel-
tion, Muslims may make voluntary contributions lectual in nature. It has surfaced recently in the
known as sadaqah [3]. All these provisions act form of a challenge from animal lovers throughout
220 Eltotmesh

the world. It is a fact that the number of animals ▶ Ramaḍān

slaughtered on Eid al-Aḍḥā is really staggering. ▶ Ṣawm
They question the moral worth of this custom. ▶ Ummah
The usual answer to this question can be given ▶ Zakāt
with reference to Prophet Abraham whose act of
sacrifice was purportedly undertaken to transcend
human morality, as is found in the existential phi- References
losophy of Soren Kierkegaard (1813–1855).
Many Muslims, nowadays, however think that 1. Abdal-Aati H (1998) Islam in focus, 3rd Indian edn.
Amana Publications, Beltsville
though it is not possible to stop the slaughtering of
2. Abu D (2008) Sunan Abu Dawud. Dar Al Kotob Al
animals at the time of Eid, it is possible to bring it Ilmiyah, Beirut
to a tolerable limit by various measures approved 3. Bogle EC (1998) Islam: origin and belief. University of
by the religion. Thus, quoting various authorities, Texas Press, Austin
4. Esposito JL (2010) Islam: the straight path. Oxford
some suggest that the sacrifice of an animal is not
University Press, New York
a compulsory religious duty and that instead of 5. Nasr SH (2004) The heart of Islam: enduring values for
sacrificing animals individually, people can do the humanity. HarperOne, New York
same by slaughtering an animal on behalf of
a family or a particular locality or even a country.
Sometimes, the slaughtering of chickens instead
of big animals is recommended. Also, consider- Eltotmesh
ing the provision of paying compensatory money
for omitting the sacrifice of an animal by a hajj ▶ Shams al-Dīn Iltutmish
pilgrim, some people think that in the celebration
of Eid by ordinary people too, the same rule can
be followed. However, these are mere sugges-
tions, which need consensus among Muslims,
particularly Muslim ʿulamāʾ, who are considered Enayetpuri
to be the real authority in religious matters.
▶ Khwaja Enayetpuri

Cross-References

▶ Hajj Exerting Effort

▶ Nafs
▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia ▶ Jihād
F

Faith in Islam Life and Works

▶ I¯mān Fakhr-i Mudabbir (c. 1157–1236), the pen name of

Fakhr al-Dīn Muḥammad b. Manṣūr b. Sa‘īd
Mubārak Shāh al-Qurashī, was a Persian littérateur
and courtier who wrote in India during the Ghūrid
and early sultanate eras. His two extant works are
Fakhr al-Dīn Mubārak Shāh masterpieces of Persian literature and invaluable
sources of information on conditions in early thir-
▶ Fakhr-i Mudabbir teenth-century India, the Shajara-yi ansāb (“Tree
of genealogies”) and Ādāb al-ḥarb wa-l-shajā‘a
(“The etiquette of war and bravery”).
Most of the surviving details of his life and
background derive from his own writings. He
Fakhr-i Mudabbir claimed patrilineal descent from the caliph Abū
Bakr, and on his mother’s side, he claimed descent
Michael O’Neal from Bilgetegīn, a tenth-century Turkish governor
Washington, DC, USA of Ghazna under the Sāmānid dynasty who had
been a ghulām (slave) of the famous Alptegīn. He
further counted Abū Muslim al-Khurāsānī
Synonyms amongst his ancestors. His great-grandfather Abū
l-Faraj was confidant and treasurer to the
Fakhr al-Dīn Mubārak Shāh; Fakhr-i-Mudabbir; Ghaznavid sultan Ibrāhīm from 1059 to 1099,
Fakhruddin Mubarakshah and his father was a noted scholar of “the two
capitals” (presumably Ghazna and Lahore) who
was still alive in 1203 [15, 23]. Fakhr-i Mudabbir’s
family fled to Multan after the occupation of
Definition Ghazna by the Ghuzz (Oghuz) Türkmen in
c. 1162, which caused the last Ghaznavid sultan,
Fakhr-i Mudabbir (c. 1157–1236) was a Persian Khusraw Malik, permanently to transfer his capital
littérateur and courtier who wrote in India during to Lahore in Punjab. Fakhr-i Mudabbir was himself
the Ghūrid and early sultanate eras. in Lahore by 1186 when Khusraw Malik was

# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018

Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
222 Fakhr-i Mudabbir

deposed by the energetic Muḥammad Ghūrī; he Circle of Justice, a theme that is later echoed in the
was later at Peshawar during one of Muḥammad Ādāb al-ḥarb [3, 12, 17]. The work further con-
Ghūrī’s stays there. The incorporation of the for- tains the first general account of the Turks to
mer Ghaznavid domains into the Ghūrid Empire appear in India, including information on their
allowed Fakhr-i Mudabbir to retrieve his family’s tribes, customs, language, and conversion to
papers from Ghazna; it was these that inspired him Islam; much of this clearly incorporates older
to write his Shajara-yi ansāb, a work of some materials from such sources as al-Bīrunī and
13 years’ labor intended for dedication to Muḥam- does not reflect conditions of Fakhr-i Mudabbir’s
mad Ghūrī but, after that sultan’s assassination, own day [24]. It also reproduces a Sogdian adap-
ultimately presented to the ghulām Quṭb al-Dīn tation of the Arabic alphabet and mentions
Aibak (Aybeg), who had assumed power in Lahore a Toghuzghuzī (Uyghur) alphabet of 28 letters
[6, 22]. [8, 21, 22, 24]. The preface constitutes an auto-
biographical account of how Fakhr-i Mudabbir
came to compose his work and the circumstances
Shajara-yi ansāb
surrounding its presentation at court. The final
section, which has not been published, contains
Fakhr-i Mudabbir refers to his own untitled work
139 genealogical tables beginning with the
as both “shajara” and “shajara-yi ansāb”; the title
Prophet Muḥammad and the ten companions
baḥr al-ansāb (“ocean of generations”) on the
(dah yār) including Abū Bakr; it continues with
flyleaf was likely added by a later hand [1, 6].
the early Muslims, the Qur’ānic prophets, pre-
When scholarly attention was first brought to the
Islamic Arab tribes and poets, pre-Islamic Iranian
unique manuscript (now housed in the Chester
kings, the Umayyad and ‘Abbāsid caliphs, the
Beatty Library, Dublin, MS Per 364) in 1912, it
eastern Islamic Persianate dynasties (Ṭāhirids,
was erroneously attributed by Sir E. Denison Ross
Ṣaffārids, Sāmānids, Ghaznavids, and Ghūrids),
to the poet Fakhr al-Dīn Mubārak Shāh al-
and others groups and dynasties. It concludes with
Marvarrūdī, a court poet to the Ghūrid sultans
descendants of the Prophet Muḥammad and those
who produced a genealogy of the dynasty in the
of ‘Alī b. Abī Ṭālib [1, 6].
mid-twelfth century [8, 20, 21]. Later scholars
have corrected this misidentification [14, 15].
The Shajara-yi ansāb contains much important Ādāb al-harb wa-l-shajā‘a
historical data, particularly in the introduction and ˙
preface (dī bācha) where the author mentions mil- The Ādāb al-ḥarb was presented to Sultan Shams
itary and political events dating from 1192 to al-Dīn Iltutmish no earlier than 1229. Taking the
1206; these sections have been published by form of a “mirror for princes,” it provides instruc-
Ross and loosely translated into English [8, 20], tion in the arts of statecraft and administration,
and an Arabic translation has also now appeared and it contains particularly useful information on
[9]. Written specifically as an encomium to Aibak, horsemanship, warfare, and archery [2, 18]; yet,
the introduction focuses almost exclusively on his like other examples of this genre, much of the
exploits during the great Ghūrid conquests which material should be considered as of an ideal type
had just ended; while it thus provides important rather than as reflecting actual practice. Fakhr-i
dates for milestones of the conquests that were Mudabbir gives descriptions of various offices
previously disputed (notably the capture of Delhi and thus provides an insight into the ideals of
in 1192), by focusing on Aibak’s victories, it administrative practice in early thirteenth-century
leaves a distinctly one-sided view of events that India. These include the vazī r (vizier) and, in the
ignores other Ghūrid commanders and theaters of fuller version of the manuscript described below,
action [13]. The introduction is an important the posts of mustawfī (comptroller), mushrif (rev-
source for Muslim political thought in the early enue inspector), ṣāḥib-i barīd (chief of intelli-
thirteenth century and includes a version of the gence), vakī l or vakī l-i dar (comptroller of the
Fakhr-i Mudabbir 223

household; perhaps an intermediary or deputy), lem: İsenbike Togan’a armağan. Ithaki, Istanbul,
amīr-i ḥājib (military chamberlain), and amī r-i pp 465–544
2. Cahen C (1947–1948) Un traité d’armurerie composé
dād (military justiciar) [6, 17]. Fakhr-i Mudabbir pour Saladin. Bulletin d’études orientales 12:103–163
devotes chapters to the merits of both jihād and 3. Darling LT (2002) “Do justice, do justice, for that is
the avoidance of warfare [16]. The historical anec- paradise”: Middle Eastern advice for Indian Muslim
dotes in the Ādāb al-ḥarb relate mainly to the pre- rulers. Comparative studies of South Asia, Africa Mid-
dle East 22(1–2):3–19
Islamic kings of Iran, figures from early Islamic 4. Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. “Ādāb al-ḥarb wa’l-
history, and the Ghaznavid sultans, these last šajā‘a” (Bosworth CE)
being of considerable historical value. 5. Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. “Fakr-e Modabber”
The textual tradition of the Ādāb al-ḥarb is 6. Encyclopaedia of Islam THREE, s.v. “Fakhr-i
Mudabbir” (Auer B)
uncertain [4, 5]. A manuscript of 34 chapters at 7. Ethé H (1903) Catalogue of Persian manuscripts in the
the British Museum has been published in facsim- library of the India Office, vol 1. India Office, Oxford F
ile [25]; another version in the India Office 8. Fakhr al-Dīn Mubārakshāh (1927) Tārikh-i Fakhr al-
Library (now in the British Library, MS 647, Dīn Mubārakshāh Marvarrūdhī [sic]/Ta‘rīkh-i
Fakhru’d-Dín Mubáraksháh, being the historical intro-
Ethé no. 2767) contains 40 chapters and carries duction to the book of genealogies of Fakhru’d-Dín
the alternative title Ādāb al-mulūk wa kifāyat al- Mubáraksháh Marvar-rúdí completed in A.D. 1206
mamlūk [6, 7, 17]. Aḥmad Suhaylī Khvānsārī’s (ed: Ross ED). Royal Asiatic Society, London
edition did not utilize this fuller version, but the 9. Fakhr al-Dīn Mubārakshāh al-Marwarrūzī [sic] (1412/
1991) Ṣafaḥāt maṭwiyyah min ta’rīkh al-Islām:
six additional chapters were later published by Ta’rīkh Mubārakshāh fī aḥwāl al-Hind (tr and ed:
Muḥammad Sarvar Mawlā’ī [10, 11]. Only small Thurayyā Muḥammad ʻAlī). Maṭbaʻat al-Ikhwa al-
sections have been translated into English; these Ashiqqāʼ, Cairo
helpfully include 18 anecdotes relating to the 10. Fakhr al-Dīn Muḥammad b. Manṣūr b. Sa‘īd,
Mubārakshāh (1346/1967) Ādāb al-ḥarb wa-l-shajā‘a
Ghaznavids that may have been derived in part (ed: Khvānsārī AS). Intishārāt-i Iqbāl, Tehran
from lost portions of Bayhaqī’s Mujalladāt [16, 11. Fakhr al-Dīn Muḥammad b. Manṣūr, Mubārakshāh
18, 23]. The first complete translation into (1354/1975) Ā’īn-i kishvar-dārī: Shish bāb-i bāzyāfta
a European language is a Russian edition of the az Ādāb al-ḥarb wa-l-shajā‘a (ed: Mawlā’ī MS).
Intishārāt-i Bunyād-i Farhang-i Īrān, Tehran
34-chapter manuscript [19].
12. Hardy P (1988) The Muslim ruler in India. In: Embree
AT (ed) Sources of Indian tradition, vol 1, from the
beginning to 1800, 2nd edn. Columbia University
Cross-References Press, New York, p 412, 416–417
13. Jackson P (1999) The Delhi sultanate: a political and
▶ Aibak (Aybeg), Quṭb al-Dīn military history. Cambridge University Press,
▶ Al-Biruni Cambridge
14. Khan AS (1938) Fakhr-i-Mudabbir. Islam Cult
▶ Bayhaqī, Abūl-Fażl 12(4):397–404
▶ Delhi Sultanate 15. Khan MS (1977) The life and works of Fakhr-i-
▶ Ghūrids Mudabbir. Islam Cult 51(2):127–140
▶ Jihād 16. Khan MS (1995) A study of Fakhr Mudabbir’s
thoughts on avoidance of warfare. J Pak Hist Soc
▶ Lahore 43(4):293–299
▶ Muḥammad Ghūrī 17. Kumar S (1985) The value of the Ādāb al-Mulūk as
▶ Multan (Islam and Muslims) a historical source: an insight into the ideals and expec-
▶ Shams al-Dīn Iltutmish tations of Islamic society in the middle period
(A.D. 945–1500). Indian Econ Soc Hist Rev
22(3):307–327
18. McEwen E (1974) Persian archery texts: chapter
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thirteenth century). Islam Q 18(3–4):76–99
1. Binbaş İE (2011) Structure and function of the genea- 19. Mubarakshakh MM (1997) Adab al-kharb va-sh-
logical tree in Islamic historiography (1200–1500). In: shudzhaat: pravila vedenii︠a︡ voĭny i muzhestvo (ed:
Binbaş İE, Kılıç-Schubel N (eds) Horizons of the Babadzhanov SN, Samiev AK). Tadzhikskiĭ vysshiĭ
world: Festschrift for İsenbike Togan/Hudûdü’l-^a voennyĭ kolledzh, Dushanbe
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20. Ross ED (1922) The genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Dín,

Mubárak Sháh. In: Arnold TW, Nicholson RA (eds) Farā’īdī Movement
‘Ajab nāma: a volume of oriental studies presented to ˙
Edward G. Browne. Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge, pp 392–413 ▶ Fara’izi Movement
21. Ross ED, Gauthiot R (1913) L’alphabet sogdien
d’après un témoignage du XIIIe siècle. J Asiat
521–533
22. Siddiqui IH (2012) Indo-Persian historiography up to
the thirteenth century. Primus Books, Delhi Fara’izi Movement
23. Shafi IM (1938) Fresh light on the Ghaznavids. Islam
Cult 12(2):189–234 Clinton Bennett
24. Validi AZ (1932) On Mubarakshah Ghuri. Bull Sch
Orient Stud 6(4):847–858 Department of Philosophy, State University of
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militarie Ādāb al-ḥarb wa-š-šağā‘a du XIIIe siècle.
Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, Warsaw
Synonyms

Farā’īḍī Movement; Faraidi Movement; Faraizi

Fakhr-i-Mudabbir Movement

▶ Fakhr-i Mudabbir
Definition

A Wahhābī-influenced movement in Bengal that

flourished between 1838 and 1879, which has
Fakhruddin Iraqi been called the precursor of East Bengal nation-
alism; it combined a program of religious reform
▶ ʿIrāqī, Fakhruddīn (ca. 610–688/1213 or to purify Islam of what it saw as Hindu contami-
1214–1289) nation with social reform aimed at improving the
economic condition of poor Muslims oppressed
by mainly Hindu landlords; led by Haji
Shariatullah, then by his descendants, a small
Fakhruddin Mubarakshah remnant continued into the post-independence
period.
▶ Fakhr-i Mudabbir

The Movement’s Historical Background

The Fara’izi movement is usually considered to be

Fakr al-Dīn ʿIrāqī an independent reform movement rooted in the
particularities of Bengal while sharing features in
▶ ʿIrāqī, Fakhruddīn (ca. 610–688/1213 or common with movements elsewhere in the Indian
1214–1289) subcontinent, especially those influenced by
Wahhābī ideas. Most reform movements in the
subcontinent from the seventeenth century
onward targeted what they saw as Hinduized
Faqīr forms of Sufi Islam, which they called corrupt,
blaming these for loss or decline of Muslim
▶ Pīr power. They believed that, by ridding Indian
Fara’izi Movement 225

Islam of what they deemed syncretistic or hereti- veneration, attending Hindu festivals and observ-
cal elements, political decline would be reversed ing Shi’a commemorations. Unlike Wahhābīs,
or Muslim power restored. Such movements date though, he stressed social equality, condemning
at least from the reformist activities of Aḥmad al- landlords for levying excessive rents and taxes.
Farūqī al-Sirhindī (1564–1624). Leaders of This brought Shariat Allah and his followers into
reform often launched their movements after vis- conflict with landowners, mainly Hindus although
iting Arabia, where they were exposed to what some were Muslim and British. On the other hand,
they took to be normative Islam. Returning to Shariat Allah was not hostile toward poor Hindus;
India, they set out to bring Indian Islam into there is even evidence that some supported him [6].
conformity with Arab Islam, especially vis-à-vis Conflict with the British led to the movement’s
such Sufi practices as saint and shrine veneration. classification as anti-colonial and jihadist,
Typically, reform in India pioneered by such men although Shariat Allah did not call for a jihad. F
as Sirhindī and Shah Waliullah (1703–1762) was The November 1831 revolt, led by Titu Mir
not totally hostile toward Sufism, valuing devo- (1782–1831), is often depicted as an offshoot
tional practices that did not involve saints or uprising, but was in fact unrelated. However, in
shrines. Indeed Sirhindī was a Naqshbandi April 1831, the British did expel Shariat Allah
Khalifa, Waliullah a Naqshbandi initiate [1]. The from his home village following violent clashes
Fara’izi movement fits this framework but also with landowners [7]. The movement is often
has distinct features, especially its concern for called Wahhābī, a label that the British attached
social and economic justice, which not all who to any movement they perceived as hostile to
championed an Arab-style Islam promoted. colonial rule, even if this was not wholly true [8].
Shariat Allah used Bengali poetry to spread his
message. His opposition to how Islam in Bengal
The Founder had become indigenized was countercultural; his
use of Bengali, which many who elevated an
The movement’s founder, Haji Shariat Allah (or Arab-flavored Islam over Bengali-flavored Islam
Shariatullah) (1781–1840), was born in what is despised, was not. Lack of hostility toward Hindus
now Faridpur District, Bangladesh, where his per se was also typical of Bengali Muslims.
father was probably a taluqdar (local landowner
with tax-collecting privileges [2]. Biographical
details only become available after he went to Organization and Beliefs
Arabia in 1799, initially to perform the Hajj.
However, he stayed on for 20 years studying The movement’s name is from the Farsi term for
with various teachers, chiefly with Tahir al- obligatory religious duties, which Shariat Allah
Sumbal al-Makki, a leading member of the emphasized. Until all syncretistic practices and
Muwahhidin (Wahhābīs), who captured Mecca beliefs had been abandoned, Bengal was to be
and Medina in 1805–1806. He also spent time at considered the realm of war, or dar-al-ḥarb.
Al Azhar, Cairo [3]. He was most influenced by Shariat Allah ruled that until legitimate Islam
the ideas of Ibn Taymiyya (1263–1328), who was established, neither the Friday congregational
called for complete dissimilitude between Mus- prayer nor Eid prayers could be observed [9].
lims and non-Muslims in dress and religious prac- Members were initiated into the movement, enter-
tice, objecting to how some Muslims took part in ing an ustād-shagird (teacher-student) relation-
Christian festivals [4]. Shariat Allah was also ini- ship similar to that of Sufi master and disciple
tiated into the Qādirīyah order of Sufis [5]. but which did not demand servitude [10]. Fol-
After Ismail Pasha of Egypt defeated the lowers were permitted to perform Qādirī yah
Wahhābī in 1818, Shariat Allah returned to Ben- dhikr. Members were discouraged from dealing
gal. There, he began to condemn what he consid- with British courts; parallel village arbitration
ered syncretistic and innovative, especially saint councils were set up as alternatives using the
226 Fara’izi Movement

traditional panchayat (elder’s council) system [11]. Cross-References

Yet increasingly, the movement’s attitude toward
British rule in Bengal became less hostile, and ▶ Bangladesh (Islam and Muslims)
members found it more conducive to move into ▶ Qādirīyah Order
British-controlled areas. Thus, representation of the ▶ Titu Mir
movement as anti-colonial needs to be modified; it ▶ Wahhabism in Sri Lanka
took advantage of stability under British gover-
nance to agitate for social justice and to oppose
oppressive landowners [12]. Shariat Allah’s suc-
References
cessor as Teacher (ustād), his son Dudu Miyan
(1819–1862) consolidated the movement’s organi- 1. van der Veer P (1994) Religious nationalism: Hindus
zational structure; three levels of khalifa headed and Muslims in India. University of California Press,
villages, groups of villages and districts, all under Berkeley
2. Rahim MA (1978) The Muslim society and politics in
the ustād [13]. Dudu Miyan preached that God
Bengal, A.D. 1757–1947. University of Dacca, Dacca
owns the land, so it should not be taxed. There 3. Banu UAB, Akter R (1991) Islam in Bangladesh.
were 300–500 families at village level; at its zenith, Brill, Leiden
the movement may have numbered as many 4. Ibn-Taimīya AI-ʻA-a-Ḥ, Frank Michel T (1984)
A Muslim theologian’s response to Christianity. Car-
250,000 [14]. A volunteer self-defense force of
avan Books, Delmar
about 80,000 could be mobilized [15]. 5. Chakrabarti K, Chakrabarti S (2013) Historical dictio-
nary of the Bengalis. The Scarecrow Press, Lanham
6. Rutherford S (2009) The pledge ASA, peasant poli-
tics, and microfinance in the development of Bangla-
Relationship with the British desh. Oxford University Press, Oxford
7. Islam S, Aklam H (1997) History of Bangladesh,
Dudu Miyan befriended British officials but vio- 1704–1971. Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, Dhaka,
lent clashes with landlords inevitably had legal Bangladesh
8. Hatina M (2009) Guardians of faith in modern times:
consequences; he was arrested several times and
ʻulamaʼ in the Middle East. Brill, Leiden
released. In 1847, he and 63 followers were found 9. Ahmad N (1991) Muslim separatism in British India:
guilty of attacking a plantation. Their subsequent a retrospective study. Ferozsons, Lahore
appeal was upheld. Dudu Miyan was arrested 10. Bose S, Jalal A (1998) Modern South Asia: history,
culture, political economy. Routledge, New York
again during the rebellion of 1857, which the
11. Jain MS (2005) Muslim political identity. Rawat Pub-
British called the Indian Mutiny. He was free by lications, Jaipur
1860. His sons continued the policy of opposing 12. Markovits C (2002) A history of modern India
unjust landlords, finally gaining the support of the 1480–1950. Anthem, London
13. Hardy P (1972) The Muslims of British India. Cam-
British, who eventually took measures to protect
bridge University Press, London
tenant rights, setting up a Commission in 1879 14. Choudhury NH (2001) Peasant radicalism in nine-
[16]. In 1899, the British awarded Dudu’s youn- teenth century Bengal: the Faraizi, Indigo, and Pabna
gest son, Sa’id al-Din Ahmad (1855–1906) the movements. Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, Dhaka
15. Shakir M (1983) Khilafat to partition: a survey of
title “Khan Bahadur” for his loyalty. He enthusi-
major political trends among Indian Muslims during
astically supported Bengal’s partition in 1905, 1919–1947. Ajanta Publications, Delhi
which gave Muslims a majority in the East [17]. 16. Sarkar B (1989) Land reforms in India, theory and
Members became disillusioned with British pol- practice: a study of legal aspects of land reforms mea-
sures in West Bengal. Ashish Publishing House, New
icy following Bengal’s reunification and joined
Delhi
the demand for a separate Muslim state. 17. Johnson G, Jones KW (1989) The new Cambridge his-
A remnant continued into the post-independence tory of India. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
period. Some scholars trace the beginning of East 18. Nair MB (1990) Politics in Bangladesh: a study of
Awami League, 1949–58. Northern Book Centre,
Bengal nationalism to this movement [18]. Some
New Delhi
opponents accused Shariat Allah’s heirs of monar- 19. Campo JE (2009) Encyclopedia of Islam. Facts On
chical ambitions [19]. File, New York
Farīd al-Dīn al-Mas‘ūd (Farīddīn al-Mas‘ūd) 227

(ṭarīqah), he spread the mystical teachings of the

Faraidi Movement order, establishing an entire lineage (silsilah) of
Indian-Muslim Sufis. He is regarded as an impor-
▶ Fara’izi Movement tant saint in the region. According to some
scholars, his teachings have been included in the
Sikh religious text the Srī Gurū Granth Sāhib,
also known as the Adi Granth, and both Sikhs
Faraizi Movement and Hindus recognize him as a saint or holy man.
Farīd was born around 571/1175 in Kahtwāl,
▶ Fara’izi Movement near the city of Moltān in Pakistan. His family was
of some eminence. Farīd’s grandfather was Šo‘ayb
(Shu‘ayb), a member of the ruling family of Kabul, F
who fled to the Punjab region of Pakistan in the
Farhat Hashmi early twelfth century. Farīd received a traditional
education from a madrasah in Moltān where he
▶ Al-Huda International learned the Qur’ān and other traditional Islamic
sciences. Farīd met the Sufi master (murshid Ar.
or pī r Pr.), Qoṭb (Quṭb) al-Dīn Baḵtīār (Bakhtiyār)
Kākī (d. 633/1235) while completing his educa-
Farīd al-Dīn al-Mas‘ūd tion. Kākī admitted Farīd to the Čištī Order where
(Farīddīn al-Mas‘ūd) his devotional habits earned him distinction. It is
reported that he would meditate and perform
Matthew Long prayers while hanging upside down in a well. He
OH, USA is also said to have recited the entire Qur’ān in
a single day and observed numerous fasts (ṣiyām;
singular ṣawm) including fasting on alternate days
Synonyms (ṣawm dā’ūdī ). He embraced the concept of samā‘
that included such practices as listening to music,
Bābā Farīd; Ganj Shakar; Bābā Shaykh Farīd al- singing, and dancing as a remembrance (dhikr) of
Dīn Ganj-i Shakar God and as a means to usher in states of ecstasy.
Legends abound that account for his title Ganj
Shakar, including a tale of stones being turned to
Definition sugar while he was in the midst of a fast.
Farīd travelled to Delhi where he continued his
Twelfth century Sufi and poet tutelage under Kākī for a brief time. After leaving
Delhi, he settled in the Hisar (Ḥiṣār) district of
Haryana at the city of Hansi (Ḥānsī) for approxi-
The Life of Farīd al-Dīn al-Mas‘ūd mately 20 years. Around the time of the death of
his master, Kākī, Farīd took up residence in the
Known as Ganj Shakar (Sugar Treasure) or Bābā city of Ajōdhān, a city situated between Delhi and
Farīd, Farīd al-Dīn al-Mas‘ūd was a twelfth cen- Moltān on the Sutlej (Satluj) River. It was while
tury Sufi and poet. Verses that have been credited living in Ajōdhān that Farīd’s eminence
to Farīd utilize Indian languages including flourished. Ajōdhān was the city where Farīd
Punjābī and Hindawī, an early Hindi-Urdu lan- established a Sufi center (khānqāh) at which he
guage. The use of these languages instead of the trained numerous influential figures in the Čištī
traditional learned languages such as Persian Order and spread mystical Islam throughout the
resulted in their growth and application in litera- region. As a Sufi teacher, he has been credited
ture. As a disciple of the Čištī (Chishtīyah) order with introducing the ‘Awārif al-ma‘ārif (The
228 Fasting

Benefits of Intimate Knowledge), written by ▶ Chishtī Order

Sohravardī (Suhrawardī) (d. 632/1234), into the ▶ Festival
instruction of his disciples. Three of the most ▶ Ibn Baṭṭūṭa
notable of Farīd’s students were Jamāl al-Dīn ▶ Khānaqāh and Ribat
from Hānsī, ‘Alā’ al-Dīn ‘Alī b. Aḥmad Ṣāber ▶ Music
(Ṣābir) (d. 691/1291–92), and Neẓām (Niẓām) ▶ Nizām-ud-Dīn Awliyā
al-Dīn Awlīā’ (Awliyā’) (d. 726/1325). Aḥmad ▶ Samā‘
Ṣāber’s own following became sizable as his fol- ▶ Sūfism
lowers would become known as the Ṣāber (Ṣābir) ▶ Tarīqah
Čištī or Ṣābirīyah and would have his own shrine
established near Rurki in the Punjab providence of
Pakistan. Neẓām’s followers too would become
References
numerous, taking on the designation Neẓāmī
(Niẓāmī) with his shrine in Delhi becoming 1. Ansari A (1977) Shaykh Farīd Ganj-i Shakar as
another important Čištī pilgrimage site. Farīd a model Sufi. In: Mujtabai (ed) Indo-Iranian studies.
attracted many Hindus of the Punjab region to Indo-Iran Society, New Delhi
the teachings of his order. He remained in 2. Eaton R (1982) Court of Man, Court of God: local
perceptions of the shrine of Bābā Farīd, Pakpattan,
Ajōdhān until his death in 664/1265. Punjab. Contrib Asian Stud 17:44–61
Admiration and esteem for Farīd and his con- 3. Eaton R (2003) India’s Islamic traditions, 711–1750.
tributions to Islam and his homeland are reflected Oxford University Press, New Delhi
in the posthumous adulations recorded in history. 4. Ernst C, Lawrence B (2002) Sufi martyrs of love:
Chishti Sufism in South Asia and beyond. Palgrave
Ajōdhān was renamed Pākpattan (Holy Ferry) in Macmillan, New York
honor of Farīd, as were the city and district of 5. Gorekar NS (1971) The teachings of Baba Farid Ganj-
Farīdkōt in the state of Punjab in India. A shrine i-Shakar. Indo-Iranica 29:148–156
was constructed in honor of Farīd in Pākpattan 6. Hamid F (2000) The hagiographic process: the case of
Medieval Chishti Sufi Farid al-Din Masud Ganj-i
that has stood for over 700 years near his tomb Shakar (d. 664/1265). Muslim World 90(3/4):421–437
(dargāh). It took very little time before the signif- 7. Khan A (1979) The tomb of Baba Farīd Ganj-i-Shakar
icance of his shrine reached as far as Egypt, pro- at Pakpatan. J Pak Hist Soc 27:140–153
mpting the Arab traveler Ibn Baṭṭūṭah (d.770/ 8. Nabi M (1974) Bābā Farīd Ganj-i-Shakar and his
mystical philosophy. Islam Cult 48:237–246
1368–9 or 779/1377) to visit Pākpattan. Even 9. Nizami K (1955) The life and times of Shaikh Farid-
rulers including the third Moġul (Mughal) u’d-Din Ganj-i-Shakar. Dept. of History, Muslim Uni-
emperor, Akbar, in the sixteenth century and versity, Aligarh
Tīmūr, at the close of the fourteenth century, 10. Suvorova A (2004) Muslim saints of South Asia: the
eleventh to fifteenth centuries. RoutledgeCurzon,
paid homage to the shrine. In more recent times, London
a number of institutions and schools have adopted
his name, such as the Baba Farid University of
Health Sciences in Farīdkōt. The anniversary of
his death (‘urs) is honored every year in the first
month of the Muslim calendar, Muḥarram. It is Fasting
during this period that an area of the shire, the Gate
of Paradise (bihishtī darwāza), is opened allowing ▶ Ṣawm
pilgrims to pass through and be cleansed of sin.

Cross-References Fasting in Islam

▶ Akbar ▶ Ṣawm
▶ Bābā Shaykh Farīd al-Dīn Ganj-i Shakar ▶ Ramaḍān
Fatāwā’l Ālamgīrā 229

Ālamgīrā is believed to have taken 8 years, span-

Fasting in Ramadān ning from 1075/1664 to 1083/1672. In commission-
˙ ing the work, Aurangzeb himself chose and
▶ Ṣawm employed the religious experts who undertook this
▶ Ramaḍān task. The ‘ulamā’ (traditionally educated Muslim
religious scholars) who participated in the compila-
tion of the Fatāwā Ālamgīrā came from all over
India and in particular from the urban centers of
Fatawa al-Alamgiriyya Delhi and Lahore. The state treasury incurred all
expenses for summoning and patronizing the
▶ Fatāwā’l Ālamgīrā scholars. According to historians of that era, Rs.
200,000 of the imperial coffers was expended on F
the project ([2], p. 213). Given the vast sum of
money paid to the scholars working on this project,
Fatawa Hindiyya
it is possible that they felt a degree of indebtedness
to the regime. However, this monetary remuneration
▶ Fatāwā’l Ālamgīrā
can also be read as an attempt to patronize and foster
Islamic scholarship rather than as an attempt by the
ruling elite to subjugate these ‘ulamā’ ([2], p. 213).
Fatāwā’l Ālamgīrā The scholar who appointed to supervise the
compilation of the Fatāwā Ālamgī rā was Shaykh
Mashal Saif Nazim (d. 1090/1679) from Gujarat. A number of
Islamic Studies, Duke University, Durham, NC, chief editors were designated to be in charge of
USA various sections of the work, and a number of
‘ulamā’ were assigned to work under each chief
editor. Historians are divided regarding the number
Synonyms of chief editors. According to some accounts, there
were four: Shaykh Wajih al-Din of Gopamaui,
Fatawa al-Alamgiriyya; Fatawa Hindiyya; Shaykh Jalal al-Din Muhammad of Machhlishahr,
Fatawa-i Alamgiri; Fatawa-i Alamgiriyya Qazi Muhammad Husain from Jaunpur in Allaha-
bad, and Mulla Hamid, also from Jaunpur in Allah-
abad. According to other historical appraisals, in
Definition addition to these four, a number of other chief
editors were also appointed to the project. While
Fatāwā Ālamgī rā (also known as Fatawa-i disagreement on the number of editors persists,
Alamgiri, Fatawa-i Alamgiriyya, and Fatawa al- there is consensus on the identities of other impor-
Alamgiriyya) is a compendium of Islamic law tant ‘ulamā’ who participated in the compilation of
containing authoritative doctrines and established the Fatāwā Ālamgī rā. Among the most important
juridical pronouncements of the Ḥanafī legal school. of these other ‘ulamā’ are the brothers Shaykh
Muslim scholars outside the Indian subcontinent ‘Abd al-Rida (d. 1690) and Shah ‘Abd al-Rahim
often refer to this compendium as Fatāwā Hindiyya. (d. 1719), both of whom belonged to the legal-
minded Naqshbandi Sufi order.

Compilation of Fatāwā Ālamgīrā

Reasons for Compilation
Fatāwā Ālamgī rā was compiled during the reign of
the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb Alamgir (r. A number of reasons have been postulated for the
1658–1707). The compilation of the Fatāwā compilation of the Fatāwā Ālamgī rā. According
230 Fatāwā’l Ālamgīrā

to Mirza Muhammad Kazim, the court historian of argues that the Fatāwā Ālamgī rā aimed to reduce
Aurangzeb and author of the ‘Alamgī r-nāmah, the number of opinions on a particular issue ([4],
the emperor Aurangzeb realized that the basis of p. 124). While Pirbhai’s comments have some
good government was justice, for which knowl- merit, it is also important to note that the Fatāwā
edge of the law needed to be improved. Since Ālamgīrā nonetheless often presents multiple
Ḥanafī legal doctrines and rulings were contained opinions on a subject.
in an array of texts making research unwieldy, While the Fatāwā Ālamgī rā is an incredibly
decentralizing religious authority and raising important contribution to Ḥanafī scholarship, it
issues of contradiction, the solution was under- is very much in line with earlier works. The sub-
stood to be the compilation of a comprehensive jects dealt within the Fatāwā Ālamgī rā, the man-
collection of authoritative rulings. Consequently, ner in which the subjects are arranged, as well as
Aurangzeb decided to patronize the compilation the major divisions, or kitābs, of the Fatāwā
of the Fatāwā Ālamgī rā and commissioned Ālamgī rā are largely in conformity with the sub-
‘ulamā’ to examine the extant law books and ject selection and arrangement found in standard
assemble this legal compendium. Other motiva- books of Ḥanafī fiqh such as Al-Jāmi al-Saghī r by
tions for Aurangzeb’s commissioning of this work Muhammad al-Shaibani. In addressing each sub-
have also been postulated. According to some ject, the Fatāwā Ālamgī rā presents cases from
historians, Aurangzeb commissioned the Fatāwā established works of Ḥanafī fiqh. These legal
Ālamgī rā because he wanted to ensure that Indian cases are interspersed with sections from more
Muslims direct their lives in accordance with the abstract works that provide explanations for the
Sharīʿah. Other historians have argued that judgments. The Fatāwā Ālamgī rā clearly lists the
Aurangzeb commissioned the work because he works from which each case is taken, and when
wanted to facilitate the implementation of the a work cites another work, that additional work is
Sharīʿah in courts ([2], p. 212). Another view also cited. Moreover, contradictory opinions are
that has been put forward is that Aurangzeb may also presented, even when one of the opinions is
have wanted to combat the independent influence more established.
of the ‘ulamā’ by sponsoring this definitive legal In addition to the Qurʾān and ḥadī th, the
compendium. Fatāwā Ālamgī rā cites all the major and author-
itative works of Ḥanafī fiqh. The total number of
sources cited in the Fatāwā Ālamgī rā is 124.
The Content of the Fatāwā Ālamgīrā These sources include works of Indian origin.
While the Hidāyat of al-Marghinānī is a well-
Contrary to misconceptions, the Fatāwā Ālamgī rā established text, the Fatāwā Ālamgī rā surpasses
is not a collection of primary fatwās or juridical it in its depth and detail; the Fatāwā Ālamgī rā’s
decisions. Instead, it is a compilation of depth of detail is apparent from the fact that it is
established fatwās by Ḥanafī fuquhā’. The com- four times the size of the Hidāyah. Moreover, the
pendium is arranged systematically and is meant Fatāwā Ālamgī rā provides a comprehensive
to serve as a comprehensive reference work. The review of books written subsequent to the age of
introduction to the work contains expositions on Marghinānī (d. 593/1197).
the nature of Islam and Islamic law; it also details
the sources used and lists fuquhā’ identified as
religious authorities. The introduction also Translations and Contemporary Usage
mourns the loss of the “light of the sunna” – this
loss is attributed to disagreements among contem- While originally composed in Arabic, the Fatāwā
porary jurists and the preponderance of a wide Ālamgī rā was soon translated into Persian. The
array of opinion on a single issue. In light of rapid translation into Persian is thought to indicate
this, the contemporary historian Raza Pirbhai that the Fatāwā Ālamgī rā quickly transitioned
Fatehpur Sikri 231

from the realm of legal theorizing to that of appli-

cation by judges. Subsequently, this legal com- Fatawa-i Alamgiriyya
pendium has been translated into a number of
other languages. It was translated into Urdu by ▶ Fatāwā’l Ālamgīrā
Mawlana Saiyid Amir ‘Ali of Lucknow (d. 1919)
in the late nineteenth century. Niel B. E. Baillie (d.
1883) translated sections of the work into English
in the mid-nineteenth century. Fatāwā Ālamgī rā Fatehpur Sikri
has been reprinted numerous times in multiple
languages and continues to be very influential in Clinton Bennett
South Asia today. It is highly regarded in the Department of Philosophy, State University of
Indian subcontinent as well as in other parts of New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA F
the Muslim world where Ḥanafī law predomi-
nates. Contemporary Ḥanafī fuquhā’ make
numerous references to it in their works, and Definition
their juridical pronouncements (fatwās) often con-
tain citations from this compendium. Fatehpur Sikri is a an eight-square-mile deserted
city about 25 miles west of Agra, India, which,
designated a world heritage site in 1986, served
Cross-References as Emperor Akbar’s purpose-built capital from
1571 to 1585 considered to be of architectural
▶ Fatwa and historical value; it was the venue of discussions
about religion between Akbar and various scholars
that resulted in his formulation of Dī n-i Ilāhī
References (God’s religion) in 1582, an inclusive, pluralist
belief system designed to reconcile differences.
1. Abul-Muzaffar (1953) Aurangzeb and the
Fatawa-i-Alamgiri. Al-Islam 1(8)
2. Guenther AM (2003) Hanafi Fiqh in Mughal India: the
Fatawa-i ‘Alamgiri. In: Eaton RM (ed) India’s Islamic Origin
traditions. Oxford University Press, New Delhi,
pp 711–1750
3. Nadvi MM (1988) Fatava-i ‘Alamgiri ke Mu’allifin.
Emperor Akbar began building Fatehpur Sikri,
Markaz-i Tahqiq Diyal Singh Trust Library, Lahore originally called Fatehabad, in 1569, celebrating
4. Pirbhai MR (2009) Reconsidering Islam in a South his victory (fath) in Rajasthan in 1568. Choice of
Asian context. Brill, Leiden the site is attributed to an incident when the Sufi
5. Qadri AA (1996) The Fatawa-i ‘Alamgiri. J Pak Hist
saint, Salim Chishti (1478–1572) who lived nearby
Soc 14
6. Schacht J (1971) On the title of the Fatawa al- and whose shrine was later incorporated into the
Alamgiriyya. In: Minorsky V, Bosworth CE (eds) Iran city’s design, promised Akbar that he would have
and Islam: in memory of the late Vladimir Minorsky. a son after two children had died. When his heir
Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh
7. WaliUllah S (n.d.) Anfas al-‘arifin: Wali Ullah Silsilah
Jehangir was born a year later in Salim’s hospice,
Tasawwuf ki Ma‘rikah ara Kitab (trans: Qadri SMF). Akbar considered the prediction fulfilled [1].
Maktabah al-Falah, Deoband Salim’s grandson is also buried in the city.

Architecture
Fatawa-i Alamgiri
Akbar took a close personal interest in construc-
▶ Fatāwā’l Ālamgīrā tion, often supervising this himself. Miniatures
232 Fatehpur Sikri

show him querying artisans, even taking a direct far superior to London, commenting on the abun-
role in quarrying stone [2]. He designed the city dance of gold [9].
from a template, commissioning Tuhin Das to
translate his vision into reality. He especially
wanted to create the impression of light and A Disputed Site
space; beginning with the 540 ft long, west-facing
Great Mosque, built at an angle to the escarpment, Bhatia and others allege that building Sikri
the city follows a ridge 1.9 miles in length and involved demolishing an existing city and that
0.62 miles wide and is rectangular. Three sides Jain and Hindu structures were destroyed. He
have walls; the fourth is open to an artificial lake. claims that the Great Mosque was built over the
There are nine gates. Akbar employed artisans aisle of a royal temple [10].
from across India and used a variety of styles
incorporating Hindu and Islamic motifs. The red Religious Significance
stones were quarried in Rupbaz, six miles away.
The red color may have invoked Persian ideas Religion was an important factor behind the city’s
about divine kingship. Much white marble and construction. The fact that the first structure and
also semiprecious stones were used. Artisans and largest was the mosque emphasized that the city
styles from Bengal and Gujarat were prominent was to serve as capital of an Islamic polity. Choice
[3]. The plan divides into religious, civic, and of the site, and incorporation of Salim’s tomb, placed
domestic zones, although attributing functions to it to the south of a 300-mile pilgrim trail to another
specific buildings is sometimes problematic Chishti shrine, Ajmer. Akbar made this pilgrimage
because the Islamic principle of multi- on foot. The Chishtis were seen as validators and
functionality was followed [4]. invalidators of royal power in India and were doubly
Changing and manipulated axes create a sense honored by the city’s existence. The city also
of expanding and contracting space as people represented a centralization of Akbar’s administra-
walk through a courtyard into another to find tion [11]. It became a venue for religious discussion.
that the axis has shifted [5]. However, various After consulting scholars from various faiths, Akbar
palaces and audience rooms, including the Ibādat formulated his Dī n-i Ilāhī . A well-known painting
Khāna where Akbar discussed religion, have been by Nar Singh (circa 1605) shows Akbar seated with
identified. The triumphal, 170-ft-high arch, these scholars, including two black-robed Jesuits.
Buland Darwaza, in the mosque’s south side,
India’s largest and, according to some, “the most
striking gate design ever built,” was added after Abandonment
Akbar’s victory in Gujarat [6]. It was designed to
proclaim triumph when glimpsed from the outside Most accounts attribute the city’s abandonment to
without appearing to dwarf the mosque it rose lack of water. Yet Akbar had supervised its build-
above. Although the city has gardens, there were ing and would have known how much water was
fewer than might be expected, so much so that available. Some suggest that he had planned to
commentators describe the design as transitional, utilize water supply technology, which did not
shifting from garden to urban design [7]. Delicate succeed [12]. Others suggest that he grew tired
trace-work, richly carved interior pilasters with of the place and moved away; consequently, there
arabesque and floral patterns abound. Art histo- was no need for his court and administration to
rian James Fergusson (1808–1886) described the stay either [13]. Or, the move to Lahore was
city as “romance in stone, such as few, very few, necessitated by unrest in the North West, with
are to be found” [8]. Early English visitors were which Akbar had to deal [14]. Some stayed in
mesmerized by what they saw, declaring the city residence until Akbar’s death.
Fatwa 233

Cross-References
Fatwa
▶ Akbar
▶ Chishtī Order Mashal Saif
▶ Missionaries, Islam Islamic Studies, Duke University, Durham, NC,
USA

References
Synonyms
1. Doniger W (2010) The Hindus: an alternative history.
Oxford University Press, Oxford Fatva; Fetva
2. Giri S (2009) Akbar. Trafford On Demand Pub,
Bloomington F
3. Nath R (2000) Fatehpur Sikri and its monuments. The
Historical Research Documentation Programme, Agra Definition
4. Johnson G, Asher CB (1992) The new Cambridge
history of India. 1, 4, 1, 4. Cambridge University A fatwā (plural fatāwā) is a juridical pronounce-
Press, Cambridge
5. Ching F, Jarzombek M, Prakash V (2011) A global ment on a religio-legal issue delivered by a muftī
history of architecture. Wiley, Hoboken (a jurist trained in Islamic law).
6. Allen MP (1991) Ornament in Indian architecture.
University of Delaware Press, Newark
7. Westcoat J Jr (2011) The changing cultural space of
Mughal garden. In: Brown RM, Hutton DS (eds) Meaning and Usage
A companion to Asian art and architecture. Wiley-
Blackwell, Chichester/West Sussex, pp 201–230 The word fatwā is taken from the Arabic root
8. Fergusson J (1874) A history of architecture in all coun- fata, which means “newness, youth, explanation,
tries from the earliest times to the present day. John
Murray, London edification” – these connotations are all present in
9. Malieckal B (2010) As good as gold: India, Akbar the the meaning of the word fatwa. The word fatwā is
Great, and Marlowe’s Tamburlaine plays. In: used in two verbal forms in the Qu’rān, where it
Johanyak D, Lim WSH (eds) The English renaissance, means “asking for a definitive answer” and “giv-
orientalism, and the idea of Asia. Palgrave Macmillan,
New York, pp 131–160 ing a definitive answer” ([4], p. 127 and [4], p.
10. Bhatia H (1969) Fatehpur Sikri is a Hindu city. Surya 176). The usage of the word in the Qu’rān is
Prakashan, Delhi believed to have led to its development as
11. Lal R (2005) Domesticity and power in the early Mughal a technical term.
world. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
12. Williamson T (2012) Inigo’s stones: Inigo Jones, royal A fatwā intends to provide a legal decision to
marbles and imperial power. Matador, Kibworth the query (istiftā’) put forth by the inquirer. The
Beauchamp, Leicestershire person who delivers a fatwā is called a muftī and
13. Daggs E (1960) Doorways to the world; revealing the inquirer who asks for the fatwā is called
glimpses of people and places in word vignettes and
photographs. Doubleday, Garden City a mustaftī . In its simplest form, a fatwā consists
14. Bloom J, Blair S (2009) The Grove encyclopedia of of an answer delivered by a muftī in response to
Islamic art and architecture. Oxford University Press, a particular question. On occasion, a muftī will
Oxford detail the reasons and sources that he used to
formulate his fatwā; however, this detail is not
necessary. Depending on the depth of detail pro-
vided by the muftī, a fatwā can range from a one-
Fatva line answer to a substantial monograph. For
example, the recently issued fatwā on terrorism
▶ Fatwa by the Pakistani religious scholar Tahir-ul-Qadri
234 Fatwa

is approximately 500 pages in length. It is However, historically, muftī s have occasionally

published as a book titled, Fatwā on Terrorism been attached to courts. For example, in British
and Suicide Bombings. India, muftī s were employed to compile volumes
of fatwās that identified the opinions of various
legal schools. To implement authoritative legal
Who Can Deliver a Fatwā? decisions, British judges consulted these fatwā vol-
umes. In the contemporary era, a number of
The question of who has the right to issue a fatwā Muslim majority states have attempted to include
is oft debated. One view holds that a muftī need some muftī s in the state apparatus. Skovgaard-
only have religious knowledge and piety. How- Petersen (1997) examines this phenomenon in
ever, there also exists extensive literature on the Egypt [3, 6].
formal requirements of this position and the status
of the muftī . According to classical doctrine,
a muftī must meet the following three conditions Increasing Demand and Changes in
for the delivery of an authoritative fatwā: he must Form
be a Muslim, he must have integrity (‘adāla), and
he must possess legal knowledge of the The demand for fatwās has mushroomed as the
established legal ruling on the issue or the ability world has undergone drastic changes and
to reach his own ruling on the issue exercising advances have been made in science, medicine,
personal reasoning (ijtihād). The requirements for economics, and technology. These changes and
a muftī are less stringent than that for a judge advances have led devout Muslims to increasingly
(qāḍī ); a muftī can be a woman, a slave, or ask for fatwās on unprecedented situations such as
a visually and an aurally impaired. However, if brain death, organ transplant, the legality of mar-
the muftī is a public official, the aforementioned riages conducted over the phone, and other con-
leniencies cannot be exercised. temporary problems. Moreover, over the past few
Unlike a qāḍī, whose judgment is legally decades, in particular with the burgeoning of com-
enforced, the fatwā of a muftī is unbinding, unless munication technology, the language and style of
the muftī is incorporated within the state appara- the fatwā has undergone significant changes. The
tus. Thus, although a fatwā provides a religiously traditional fatwā issuance process involves the
authoritative decision to the questioner, upon mustaftī posing an oral or written question to the
obtaining the fatwā it is up to the questioner to muftī . The muftī then either responds orally or
decide whether or not to act upon it. Ethnographic writes his answer on the same piece, concluding
research on present-day muftī s and mustaftī s sug- with his signature and the formula “God knows
gests that most questioners do in fact act upon the best.” While this traditional fatwā issuance method
fatwās that they procured [1, 2]. Additionally, is still rampant, a number of other fatwā issuance
fatwās are also used by the mustaftī not simply methods that employ modern technology (such as
for their own personal guidance but also to influ- the television and the Internet) have also evolved.
ence and guide other individuals. For example, in As opposed to the traditional face-to-face interac-
a dispute over inheritance, one of the daughters of tion between a muftī and a mustaftī , electronic,
the deceased might visit a muftī to obtain a fatwā radio, and television fatwās separate the muftī
detailing how the inheritance should be divided. from the inquirer in both time and space. More-
She might then present this fatwā to other family over, fatwās, even when requested by an individ-
members, as an authoritative document by which ual for his/her personal use, are now often
all involved in the dispute should settle the matter. accessible to the wider public, such as when they
Traditionally, muftīs have functioned indepen- are delivered over public radio or on a public-
dently of judicial systems, and, as mentioned, in access online forum. ul-Qadri (2010) is an exam-
most instances fatwās are not legally binding. ple of a fatwa delivered to a wider public [5]. This
Fiqh 235

has led to changes in the style and nature of muftī s’ 2. Agrama HA (2010) Ethics, tradition, authority: toward
responses to the question posed to them. As one an anthropology of the fatwa. Am Ethnol 37(1):2–18
3. Jumah A (2011) Responding from the tradition: One
radio muftī in Yemen explained, radio fatwās dif- hundred contemporary fatwas by the grand mufti of
fer from traditional fatwās in that they are accessi- Egypt. Fons Vitae, Louisville
ble to the larger public including the illiterate and 4. Masud MK, Messick BM, Powers DS (1996) Islamic
uninformed. Consequently, they must be very legal interpretation: muftis and their fatwas. Harvard
University Press, Cambridge
clear, since many in the audience are not knowl- 5. ul-Qadri MT (2010) Fatwa on terrorism and suicide
edgeable. They must include examples and bombings. Minhaj-ul-Quran International, London
references and repetition to ensure that the 6. Skovgaard-Petersen J (1997) Defining Islam for the
public clearly grasps the muftī ’s explanation ([4], Egyptian state: muftis and fatwas of the Dār al-Iftā.
Brill, Leiden
pp. 315–316).
In contemporary South Asia, fatwās have F
come to be identified with madrasas and jāmi‘as.
Many madrasas house Dār al-Iftāʾs where muftī s
sit for the purpose of attending to fatwā seekers. Fazlur Rahman, Ansari
Additionally fatwās are often issued today bearing
the name and stamp of religious seminaries. Such ▶ Maulana Fazlur Rahman Ansari
fatwās are understood as representing the opinion
of that particular seminary and ‘ulamā’ associated
with that seminary. Seminaries have also begun
publishing their own fatwā compilations. For Festival
example, the famous seminary of Dar al-‘Ulum
Deoband, situated close to Delhi, published ▶ ‘Urs
a widely famous fatwā collection titled Fatawa ▶ Eid/ʻĪd
Dar al-‘Ulum Deoband. Similarly, Dar ul-‘Ulum
Haqqaniyya, a reputable seminary in Akora
Khattak in northwestern Pakistan, has published
its six-volume fatwā compilation titled Fatawa
Haqqaniyya. Other seminaries have started pub- Fetva
lishing their fatwās on their websites. While
fatwās issued by particular seminaries are becom- ▶ Fatwa
ing common, fatwās that are the opinion of an
individual muftī (who may or may not have an
institutional affiliation) also continue to carry
weight. Fiqh

Ismath Ramzy2 and Golam Dastagir1,2

Cross-References 1
Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar
University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh
▶ Fatāwā’l Ālamgīrā 2
Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University of
▶ Hidayah Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia

References Synonyms
1. Agrama HA (2007) Law courts and fatwa councils in
modern Egypt: an ethnography of Islamic legal prac- Islamic jurisprudence; Islamic laws; Jurisprudence;
tice. UMI, Ann Arbor Sharī ʿah laws; Understanding the rules of Sharī ʿah
236 Fiqh

Definition Islamic thoughts (‘aqī dah) as Al-Fiqh Al-Akbar

(The Great Fiqh) [6]. However, later on the usage
Fiqh in Islam is known as “Islamic jurispru- of the term fiqh was confined to the rulings of
dence,” one of the dynamic disciplines, dealing actions in the sharī ʿah. Mohammad Abu Zahrah,
with the practical regulations and rules of the for instance, defined the term ‘fiqh’ in his book
sharī ʿah, such as observance of worships, rituals, Uṣūl al-Fiqh, meaning “principles of jurispru-
and social legalism derived from the primary dence” [1]. This means that fiqh does not refer to
sources of the Qur’ān and sunnah. In other sharī ʿah; rather, it only refers to the understanding
words, fiqh is the legal dimension of Islam and of actions of the sharī ʿah laws.
increased expansion of the sharī ʿah laws. Fiqh As the basic source of fiqh, the Qur’ān holds
can best be defined as the study of the “science a large number of metaphorical, allegorical, and
of the Divine Law” in Islamic jurisprudence. It historical passages, as well as statements of moral
embraces variant approaches and develops in the principles and religious injunctions that require to
context of different culture and tradition, while be understood basically with the supports of
applying the methodologies and applications of Ḥadīth (Prophetic traditions) and ijtihād (individ-
God’s revelation. Fiqh envisages the efforts of ual reasoning). Considering the source and
jurists to understand and to practice the will method, the development of fiqh as a separate
of God and His guidance in the interface of indi- discipline in the history of Islam can be classified
vidual, societal, communal, and civilizational into five stages, such as Foundation, Establish-
settings. ment, Building, Flowering, and Decline.
The Foundation stage (609–632 C.E.) was ini-
tiated in the lifetime of the Prophet Muḥammad,
Meaning of Fiqh during which the Qur’ān and sunnah became
known as the prime sources of the sharī ʿah from
Fiqh is an Arabic term derived from the root word which the rules of fiqh were eventually deduced.
faqiha, meaning “deep and comprehensive under- Second, the era of the Righteous Caliphs
standing.” The Arabic literature has used the word (632–661) is considered the Establishment stage
“fiqh” and its substracts in seeking of knowledge, during which the newly conquered Muslim world
wisdom, and in-depth understanding of Islamic expanded to Africa and Asia and encountered com-
laws. For instance, the Qur’ān uses the substract plex legal issues that required Muslim scholars to
of fiqh to narrate the story of Prophet Moses who have recourse to ijtihād (individual reasoning in
prayed to God for the comprehension of his accordance with sharī ʿah principles), since these
speech (Q. XX: 27–28). The Ḥadīth too has used were not explicitly mentioned in the Qur’ān and
it in the similar sense where the Prophet Muḥam- Ḥadīth. Thus, the collection of the ijtihād or con-
mad is reported to have said: “Whoever Allāh sensus (ijmāʿ) was included in the sources of fiqh.
intends good for, He will grant him fiqh (deep Third, the Building Era comprises the Umay-
understanding) of the Deen” ([3], Ḥadīth No. yad dynasty (661–750 C.E.) that marked the ter-
2645). An Islamic scholar involved in fiqh is ritorial expansion and administrative problems
designated as faqī h (pl. fuqahā’), or jurist. with little or no scope of consensus (ijmāʿ). There-
fore, al-qiyās (similarities between the new and
the old cases treated in either the Qur’ān or
Historical Development Ḥadīth) was introduced in the source of fiqh.
Furthermore, adāt (local customs and traditions),
In early Islamic period, fiqh was used to mean istiḥsān (juristic preference of approval), maṣlaḥ
comprehensive undersanding of Islam including (benefits acknowledged by the sharī ʿah) were
Islamic thoughts (‘aqī dah) and the practices included on the list of the sources of fiqh.
(sharī ʿah). For instance, Imām Abū Ḥanīfa Fourth, the Abbasid dynasty (750–1258 CE) is
(699–767 C.E./80–148 A.H.) named his book on known in the development of fiqh as the florescent
Fiqh 237

stage, as it became an independent discipline in madrasah) that were founded in many parts of
this period. The method of using the sources of the world to promote Islamic knowledge and sci-
fiqh to extract the rules gave birth to numerous ences emphasized the study of fiqh in the
schools of fiqh known as maḏhabs (schools of curriculum.
Law) in this period.
Finally, the period since the fall of Abbasid
dynasty till today can be described as the Decline Fiqh and the Sharīʿah
stage for fiqh. Many jurists felt that essential ques-
tions in fiqh had been thoroughly discussed and Fiqh should not be confused with the sharī ʿah. The
finally settled by the time the authority of fuqaha former refers to the ruling of actions laid down in
was truncated following the Mongol invasion and the sources or its circumstance, while the latter to
the fall of Islamic empire in Baghdad (1258 C.E.). the entire revelation and laws enshrined in the F
This view basically shut down the door of ijtihād Qur’ān and reflected in sunnah. Considering the
on the ground that either there might not be anyone historical perspective, the sharī ʿah can be defined
with the necessary qualifications to use ijtihād, or as static and fixed, while fiqh is subject to change
no ijtihād would be necessary in the future as new according to the circumstances and contexts. While
fiqh issues would have to be confined to the expla- the sharī ʿah encompasses more general framework
nation, application, and, interpretation of the doc- of the principles of Islam, fiqh is case-specific, and
trine [9]. therefore, varies according to jurists’ discretion.
Despite the fact that scholars like al-Shatibi Since fiqh deals with the body of the legal views
(d.1388 C.E.), Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti from the sources of the sharī ʿah, it has a more
(1445–1505 C.E.), Abd al-Jabbar (935–1025 C.E.) technical legal meaning than the sharī ʿah that
and Abu Husayn al-Basri (d.1085 C.E.) opposed includes moral laws [8].
this majority consensus, many Muslim ‘ulamā’
defended the majority consensus and stuck to taqlī d
(following a scholarly view). This preservation of Fiqh and Maḏhabs
precedent not only became great obstacle to devel-
opment of fiqh, but also caused it to appear in The scholars of fiqh differed from each other as to
modern times as irrelevant and foreign to Islamic juridical decisions, for they used different method-
practice. ologies to interpret the text of the Qur’ān and the
Ḥadīth from which the fiqh regulations were con-
sequently derived. These methods in line with the
Importance of Fiqh in Islam principles of sharīʿah (maqasid al-sharī ʿah) is
known as the methodology of fiqh (uṣūl al-fiqh),
As Muslims are required to prove their conviction or “Science of Islamic Law.” Such methodologies
in the faith by actions, it is obligatory for each of as qiyās (analogy), istihsān (juristic preference),
them to be familiar with the fundamentals of Islam istishāb (presumption of continuity), and ‘urf
including its practices. Therefore, in early Islamic (customs and tranditions) were prominent [4] in
period, fiqh was considered most noble and wor- the process of interpreting the Qur’ān and sunnah,
thiest field of study. Ibn al-Qayyim as a result of which diverse “Schools of Law” or
(1292–1349 C.E.) describes the people who maḏhabs came into existence, which were consol-
study fiqh as most honorable, comparing the role idated by the beginning of the tenth century. Even
of jurists (fuqahā’) with that of a king’s ambassa- though different approaches and methods led to
dor who is fully aware of the value of responsibil- the variation of legal interpretations, almost all the
ity for Muslims and accountability to God. As jurists (fuqahā’) had at least one thing in
a result, Muslim scholars until the medieval common–following a specific method consistently
period dealt fundamentally with the knowledge based on a Ḥadīth: “If a Mujtahid is correct (in an
of fiqh. The religious schools (madāris, pl of Islamic ruling or opinion) he accumulates two
238 Fiqh

rewards, and if he was to make a mistake, he then and financial issues that are identified in the West
accumulates one reward” ([7], Ḥadīth No 1716). as secular matters outside the scope of religion.
As mentioned, numerous schools (maḏāhib) of Fiqh deals mainly with the legal modes of
thought in relation to fiqh emerged over time, human actions in situations that need clarification
which were codified in the eighth and ninth centu- from the Islamic point of view. Thus, the classical
ries [8]. Of these, four have survived and grown works on fiqh explain the rules on the actions and
over the centuries in the traditional body of Sunni their surroundings under two categories, namely
Islam, namely the Ḥanafī, Mālikī, Shāfi‘ī, and worship (ʿibādāt), and social contracts and trans-
Ḥanbalī with an additional school called Ja‘farī actions (muʿāmalāt). The injunctions in relation to
among the Shī‘ite. The Ja‘farī school consists of actions (‘amaliyyah) consist of five categories,
two major schools – Uṣūlī and Akhbārī with such as fard or wājib (required), mandūb
emphasis on ijtihād. Though the beginning of this (recommended), mubāḥ (approved), makrūh
period enjoyed a free, friendly, and flexible envi- (disapproved), and ḥarām (forbidden) [5]. Rules
ronment among the maḏāhib to exchange views on in relation to circumstances comprise condition
various particular issues, the later part was marred (shart), cause (sabab), preventer (m’ni), permit
by mere hostility, conflict, and controversy. Today, (rukhsah), enforced (‘azī mah), valid (ṣaḥī ḥ), inva-
most of the Muslims across the world adhere to one lid (bāṭil) and in-time (adā’), and deferred (qaḍā).
or another of these schools, with the Ḥanafī School
founded by a Persian, Imām Abū Ḥanīfa having
the largest number of followers in the Sunni world, Fiqh in the Contemporary World
particularly those of the Indian subcontinent
including most Sunni Turks [8]. The beginning of the nineteenth century saw
It is pertinent to note that following the death of a revival trend in fiqh. The setback caused by the
the founding legislating Imāms, the ardent stu- fall of the Islamic caliphate or Ottoman Empire in
dents of these schools of fiqh continued for cen- Turkey in 1924 was a jolt for Muslim scholars
turies to develop their respective schools, and, as expected, a new body of scholarly consen-
systematizing the sophisticated techniques and sus emerged, emphasizing changes in the modus
traditions concerned. However, it is equally true operandi in fiqh as well as Islamic thought.
that each school claims to be the most authentic However, conflicting opinions surfaced over
fiqh school, drawing conflict among them. How- how this change should be implemented. While
ever, none of them attempted to pronounce legal the modernists called for adoption of a secular
rulings in contradiction to the Qur’ān, or the sun- form of law and severance of Islamic influence
nah. Imām al-Shāfi‘ī, for instance, is reported to from the executives and the judiciary, the tradi-
have urged his followers to compare his legal tionalists were out to purify the sharī ʿah and fiqh
pronouncements with Book of Allāh and the sun- by way of eliminating all the encrustations over
nah of His messenger before rejection [2]. the past several hundred years. Similarly, leading
Islamist thinkers advocated for a new form of
ijtihād in a bid to revise the sharī ʿah and fiqh
Role of Fiqh with modern principles and notions. However,
the Western philosophies as revealed in the cases
As opposed to the West, where the judiciary sys- of liberal democracy, women’s rights, and unre-
tem is separated from religion, the Muslim world strained freedom of beliefs have posed a great
still maintains to some extent fiqh or sharīʿah to challenge to Islamic fiqh in the contemporary
deal with religious matters. Thus, the sharī ʿah or Muslim world. In response, considerable efforts
fiqh is applied in some Muslim states to all the have been made by contemporary Muslim
affairs pertaining to the Islamic way of life, includ- scholars as well as fiqh institutions to face these
ing its personal, social, political, and moral aspects, challenges throughout the Muslim world. A case
such as inheritance, personal and social contracts, in point is the establishment of Majma Fiqh al-
Fīrūz Shāh Tughluq 239

Islami (Islamic Fiqh Council created by the Mus-

lim World League) – a famous institution with Firoz Shah
a mission of the revival of fiqh with specific
focus on issues such as women’s rights, children’s ▶ Fīrūz Shāh Tughluq
rights, Islamic finance, and Muslim minority
rights, to name but a few.

Firozshah
Cross-References
▶ Fīrūz Shāh Tughluq
▶ Ijmā‘
▶ Ijtihād F
▶ Madrasah
▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia Fīrūz Shāh Tughluq
▶ Women
Colin P. Mitchell
Department of History, Dalhousie University,
References Halifax, NS, Canada

1. Abu Zahrah M (1957) Usul al-fiqh. Dar al-Fikr al-

Arabi, Beirut Synonyms
2. Al-Nawawi (1277) al-Majmu’ sharh al-Muhadhdhab,
vol 1. Muhammed Najib Al-Mudi’I (ed) Dar Ehia Al-
Tourath Al-Arabi, Leicester Firoz Shah; Firozshah
3. Bukhari M (1997) Sahih Al-Bukhari (trans: Khan MM).
The translation of the meanings of Sahih Al-Bukhari:
Arabic-English. Dar-us-Salam Publications, Riyadh Definition
4. Kamali MH (2005) Principles of Islamic jurisprudence.
Islamic Texts Society, Cambridge, UK
5. Levy R (1957) The social structure of Islam. Cambridge Fīrūz Shāh Tughluq was a ruler during the Tughluq
University Press, Cambridge, UK phase of the Delhi Sultanate (r. 1351–1388).
6. Maghnisawi AIM (2007) Imam Abu Hanifa’s Al-Fiqh
Al-Akbar explained. White Thread Press, UK
7. Muslim I (1976) Sahih Muslim (trans: Siddiqui AH).
KAZI Publications, Chicago Rise to Power
8. Nasr SH (2004) The heart of Islam: enduring values for
humanity. HarperOne, New York This ruler’s origins (b. 1307) reflect the syncretism
9. Wael BH (1984) Was the gate of Ijtihad closed? Int
J Middle East Stud 16(1):3–41 which had come to characterize medieval Muslim
rule in India. His father was a Turkish noble
(brother to the reigning Tughluq sultan, Ghiyās
al-Dīn) who had been married to the daughter
(Bibi Nā’ila) of a notable landowning Hindu family
Fire based in the Punjab. After the sudden death of
Ghiyās al-Dīn in 1325, his son (and cousin to
▶ Zoroastrianism, Temples Fīrūz) Muḥammad ibn Tughluq assumed control
of the Delhi sultanate. As a young man, Fīrūz
began assuming various courtier positions befitting
an extended relation of the ruling monarch; with
Fire Temples the accession of his cousin, he was named to the
honorary position of amī r-i ḥājib (chamberlain) at
▶ Zoroastrianism, Temples the age of 18, along with an iqṭā‘ to sustain some
240 Fīrūz Shāh Tughluq

12,000 cavalry [8]. He had likely been part of the was also the location for a madrasa and mosque
elaborate relocation of capital to Daulatabad for complex; the reservoir itself had first been built by
which Muḥammad ibn Tughluq was so famous. `Alā al-Dīn Khaljī, and Fīrūz Shāh clearly saw
When Muḥammad ibn Tughluq passed away in worth in restoring and expanding such public
Thatta (in Sindh), the notables, ‘ulamā’, and func- works projects [3, 9]. Not long after its initial
tionaries agreed to designate the 45-year old Fīrūz expansion in the 1350s, a settlement emerged
Shāh as the official successor [4, 5]. around it named Tarābābād (City of Joy), and it
was here that the sultan was buried in a mauso-
leum which was finished in 1388. Scholars like
Political Rule and Patronage McKibben and Flood have examined Fīrūz Shāh’s
installation of iron pillars (lats) as being indicative
Undoubtedly, the Delhi Sultanate was in a state of of a synthesis of Hindu political iconography with
relative decline, especially following the disrup- Islamic architectural tastes, all toward better ratio-
tive and oppressive regime of Muḥammad ibn nalizing minority Muslim rule in South Asia [3,
Tughluq [5]. Logically, Fīrūz Shāh sought to ame- 6]. Indeed, Fīrūz Shāh appears to have realized
liorate the situation through military action and that demonstrations of his political legitimacy
embarked on a series of campaigns against the were better expressed through monumental archi-
Mongols in Sindh, rebels in Lakhnauti, rajas in tecture than military campaigns in frontier zones
Orissa, and insurgents in Nagarkot [5, 8]; he was like Sindh and Orissa. In many cases in Delhi and
also engaged in a lengthy and arguably disastrous Hisar, projects were commissioned as expansions
campaign against the Samma chiefs of Thatta in of existing Khaljī complexes or spaces in proxim-
1366–1367 [4]. By and large, Fīrūz Shāh was not ity to them, and it seems reasonable to conclude
a master tactician, and soon after the failed cam- that Fīrūz Shāh saw the symbolic value in
paigns in Sindh, he eschewed any hawkish poli- connecting the Tughluqs with such predecessor
cies and concentrated on reforming Delhi ruling families of the Delhi Sultanate [9].
Sultanate administration as well as establishing Regarding Fīrūz Shāh’s religious policies,
and developing a number of urban and extraurban there is some ambiguity. Some sources have
spaces around Delhi and elsewhere [5]. applauded his ecumenical outlook and looked to
Indeed, the building legacy of Fīrūz Shāh was his patronage of certain Sufi individuals, commu-
noted by contemporary and near-contemporary nities, and hermitages (khānqāhs) [7, 9];
historians; Shams al-Dīn Afīf, author of the famously, he ordered the construction of
Tārī kh-i Fī rūz Shāh, describes how Fīrūz Shāh a mausoleum for the noted Chishtiyya shaikh
“surpassed all his predecessors on the throne of Nāṣir al-Dīn Chirāgh Dehlavī (d. 1356). More-
Delhi in the erection of buildings; indeed, no over, scholars have looked to his mixed parentage
monarch of any country exceeded him. He built to explain his relatively tolerant policy toward
cities, forts, palaces, bunds, mosques, and tombs certain Hindu aristocratic families; his main
in great numbers” [8, 9]. Fīrūz Shāh had begun vizier, Khān-i Jahān Maqbūl (Tilingānī), had
such ambitions early in his career, establishing the been a Hindu convert [9], and his family members
fifth city of Delhi called Fīrūzābād; on the north prospered on account of his connection with the
end of Fīrūzābād, he built a citadel complex Tughluq court. Despite these characterizations,
(Kotla) which contained an extensive palace and we know that Fīrūz Shāh reinstituted jizya (tax
state mosque [5, 6]. Such building initiatives were on non-Muslims) on the Brahmanical caste, while
supplemented by new agricultural projects and certain high-profile Sufis, like Mas‘ūd Bakk, were
improvements to existing public and irrigation known to be targeted and killed on Fīrūz Shāh’s
works in Delhi, Hansi, Hisar, as well as the Punjab orders for extreme positions vis-à-vis loyalty and
[1, 9, 10]. Arguably the most documented demonstrations of submission to the state [2, 4].
agricultural–civic project undertaken by Fīrūz By and large, Fīrūz Shāh’s lasting legacy has been
Shāh was the Ḥauż-i Khāṣṣ (reservoir), which that of a ecumenically minded, peace-promoting
Fīrūz Shāh Tughluq 241

ruler (to some extent perpetuated by the historian 2. Ernst C (1985) From hagiography to martyrology:
Shams al-Dīn Afīf), but there is little doubting that conflicting testimonies to a Sufi Martyr of the Delhi
sultanate. Hist Relig 24(4):308–327
a distinct lack of military preparation during the 3. Flood F (2003) Pillars, palimpsests, and princely prac-
1370s and 1380s allowed for Timur to sweep tices: translating the past in sultanate Delhi. RES
through the Indo-Gangetic plain with relative Anthropol Aesthet 43:95–116
ease during his 1398 invasion. 4. Islam R (1970) Firuz Shah Tughluḳ. In: Leiden (ed)
Encyclopedia of Islam, 2nd edn, Brill, pp 924–925
5. Jackson P (1999) The Delhi sultanate: a political and
military history. Cambridge University Press,
Cross-References Cambridge
6. McKibben WJ (1994) The monumental pillars of
Firuz Shah Tughluq. Ars Orient 24:105–118
▶ ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Khaljī 7. Nizami KA (1985) State and culture in medieval India.
▶ Delhi Sultanate Adam Publishers, New Delhi F
8. Shams al-Dīn Afīf (2001) Medieval India in transi-
tion – Tārīkh-i Fīrūz Shāh: a first hand account (ed and
trans: Jauhri RC). Sundeep Prakashan, New Delhi
References 9. Welch A (1996) A medieval center of learning in
India: the Hauz Khas Madrasa in Delhi. Muqarnas
1. Digby S (2004) Before TIMUR came: provincializa- 13:165–190
tion of the Delhi sultanate through the fourteenth cen- 10. Wink A (2002) Al-Hind: the making of the Indo-
tury. J Econ Soc Hist Orient 47(3):298–356 Islamic world, 3 vols. Brill, Leiden
G

Gandhi and Muslims Gandhi and Jinnah: A Mutual Failure

▶ Gandhi, Mahatma, and Muslims There were Muslims, including several in Con-
gress’ leadership, who shared Gandhi’s belief that
Hindus and Muslims could coexist in a unified
India. However, by 1946, the movement for an
independent, sovereign Pakistan, led by Muḥam-
Gandhi, Mahatma, and
mad ‘Alī Jinnah (1876–1948) and the Muslim
Muslims
League, based on the claim that Hindus and Mus-
lims could not prosper in a single state, became
Clinton Bennett
unstoppable, at least given the timetable for inde-
Department of Philosophy, State University of
pendence announced by Britain. In post-Partition
New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA
Indian historiography, Jinnah is routinely blamed
for India’s dismemberment and for the bloodshed
it caused while Gandhi is celebrated as a unifying
Synonyms
figure. In Pakistan, Jinnah is lauded for saving
Muslims from disaster. However, the Gandhi-
Gandhi and Muslims; Mahatma Gandhi and
Jinnah relationship, strained from the beginning,
Islam; Mohandas K.
may have hindered reconciling Hindu-Muslim
differences. Neither man wanted Partition. Yet as
forces beyond their control gained momentum,
Definition neither in the end could prevent it.

Mohandas K. Gandhi (1869–1948), almost uni-

versally referred to as “Mahatma” (great spirit), Gandhi’s Early Relationship with
India’s official father of the nation, tried to prevent Muslims
India’s Partition into Muslim-majority and Hindu-
majority states and to include Muslims in the Gandhi knew Muslims from childhood. On one
Indian National Congress, until almost the end occasion an older Muslim friend, Sheikh Mehtab,
of his life, but ultimately failed, despite personal with whom Gandhi was very close, convinced
friendship with many Muslims and a lifelong him to eat meat because this would make him as
commitment to interfaith amity. strong as the English. It was said that they

# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018

Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
244 Gandhi, Mahatma, and Muslims

dominated India due to eating meat [1]. Gandhi while Gandhi was very closely associated with
spoke about how the Pujari in his local temple at Muslim merchants in South Africa, little is
Porbandar, where he lived until age 12, would known about how they perceived him [9].
read from the Gītā and from the Qur’ān, moving
seamlessly from one to the other. This appears to
be a practice associated with the Pranami Gandhi in India: Congress and the
Sampraday (system) which his mother followed Khilāfat Movement
[2]. A port city, people of many faiths mixed and
lived together in Porbandar. Gandhi’s mother, From its beginning in 1885, the Indian National
Putlibai, was a devout Hindu but also followed Congress had some Muslim members but strug-
a Jain monk. Gandhi, though, was not especially gled to attract more. As its aim shifted from pro-
religious in his youth. It was not until he reached moting Indians’ interests within the British
London as an Anglophile law student that he first colonial system to demanding home-rule and
read the Bhagavad Gītā, in Sir Edwin Arnold’s later independence, Congress aspired to speak
English translation [3]. In fact, Gandhi attributed for all Indians. To do so, it needed a membership
renewed interest in his own religion and culture to that reflected this. When the Khilāfat movement
the Theosophists [4], with whom Arnold began, Gandhi decided that supporting this would
(1834–1904) was friendly. Also while in London gain Muslim sympathy. Although Indian Muslims
(1888–1891), a Muslim friend encouraged him to had been ambivalent about the Ottoman caliph-
learn more about Islam. Consequently he read ate’s legitimacy, they saw its demise as another
several books. These were actually by non- blow to Muslim pride; Muslims were almost
Muslims rather than by Muslims but offered everywhere subject to colonial rule. Gandhi’s
more sympathetic appraisals of Islam than earlier pro-Khilāfat-movement stance saw the beginning
non-Muslims had. He read Thomas Carlyle of tension in his relationship with Jinnah. Having
(1795–1881) on “Hero as Prophet” [5] and Wash- championed Hindu-Muslim relations as
ington Irving (1783–1859) on the life of Muham- a Congress member since 1904, Jinnah had led
mad [6]. Gandhi was especially attracted by the Muslim League (of which he became presi-
Muhammad’s courage and austerity [7]. After dent in 1916) into an alliance with Congress.
his unsuccessful attempt at practicing law in Bom- However, he denounced the Khilāfat Movement
bay, he went to South Africa (1893) to work for for introducing a sectarian element into Indian
Muslim merchants in Pretoria. politics and as being irrelevant for India’s Mus-
He lived in South Africa for 21 years, where he lims [10]. Gandhi supported it as a ploy. Some
took up the cause of the Indian community against have also seen Gandhi’s support for an Arab Pal-
discriminatory laws and regulations, developing estine, and his opposition to the creation of Israel,
his strategy and philosophy of ahiṃsā (nonvio- as a tactic to gain Muslim sympathy. Gandhi
lence) and satyāgraha (insistence on truth). His argued that Jews should stay in their countries of
main clients, and beneficiaries, were Muslim, so birth and resist persecution nonviolently; this led
much so that according to Brown, Gandhi “found to a polemical exchange with Martin Buber
himself in effect a Muslim leader.” It was in South (1878–1965) [11]. Palestine, said Gandhi,
Africa, too, that he first committed himself to belonged to Arabs. Jinnah had originally opposed
Hindu-Muslim unity. Nowhere was more condu- the Muslim League as sectarian and too elitist to
cive for a Hindu to “work with and lead Muslims” speak for the mass of Muslims [12]. When he
than South Africa, but the situation was untypical joined the League in 1913, it was to establish
of Hindu-Muslim relations in India. It was also in cooperation with Congress. However, Gandhi’s
South Africa that Gandhi’s attitude toward Euro- support for the Khilāfat movement quickly disil-
pean civilization changed; he began to see it as lusioned him; he feared that if religion became
shallow, too interested in pleasure and too super- a factor on the political landscape, problems and
ficially materialistic [8]. Markovits remarks that communal difference might erupt. A year later,
Gandhi, Mahatma, and Muslims 245

when Gandhi launched noncooperation, Jinnah Jamia’s creation further alienated Muslims
dissented. He preferred campaigning for indepen- whose identity centered on AMU, who saw them-
dence within the existing legal system; noncoop- selves as heirs of Syed Ahmed Khan’s intellectual
eration represented an unacceptably extra- legacy. On the other hand, most traditionally
constitutional tactic. Jinnah resigned from Con- trained ‘ulamā’ supported Congress, including
gress and became increasingly critical of Con- members of Jamiat Ulema-i-Hind. Its leaders
gress’ Muslim members as traitors and quislings argued that the original Islamic polity in Medina
[13]. In the years that followed, he never went to had been pluralist; thus Muslims had no warrant to
see Gandhi (Gandhi always went to see him) or become a separate nation. Gandhi thought that
used the honorific “Mahatma” [14]. He reacted India’s Hindus needed to learn more about Islam’s
somewhat coldly when Gandhi called him contribution to India’s culture, arguing that India’s
“brother” [15]. After 1940, when Partition Muslims, mainly descended from Hindu converts,
became League policy, it and Congress stood for were Indian and did not represent a separate
increasingly irreconcilable goals. nation [17]. In contrast, the League found it diffi- G
cult to recruit traditional scholars or many Muslim
scholars at all, attracting mainly Western-edu-
Gandhi and Jinnah: A Strained cated, secular inclined Muslims similar to Jinnah.
Relationship This actually mirrored the type of Hindus who,
with a few exceptions, led Congress. When the
On the one hand, Gandhi and Jinnah had similar conservative Muslim scholar, Abū l-A’lā
backgrounds. On the other, they were very differ- Mawdūdī, began to argue for a separate Muslim
ent. Both were Gujarati, both qualified as attor- state, the League vigorously promoted his writing.
neys in London, and both began their practices in However, he soon turned against the League as
Bombay. However, Jinnah was highly successful, infidel-led; its Pakistan would be an infidel state.
while Gandhi struggled. Jinnah was elected to
public office; Gandhi never held office outside of
the Congress Party. Gandhi spent years in jail for Evaluation: Why Did Gandhi Fail to
“sedition”; Jinnah was never imprisoned. Jinnah Achieve Hindu-Muslim Unity?
wore expensive tailor-made suits, silk ties, and
lived a Western lifestyle. Gandhi repudiated lux- Gandhi often said that he was a Buddhist,
ury, wore a dhoti, and lived a very simple life. a Christian, a Jew, and a Muslim. He read daily
Gandhi traveled third class (i.e., after returning to from the Qur’ān during his morning prayers and
India); Jinnah rode first class. Gandhi was openly saw it as teaching nonviolence [18]. On a personal
religious. Jinnah was secular in orientation [16]. level, his friendships with Jews, Christians, and
Competition for Muslim support between Con- Muslims were deep and genuine. A Jewish friend,
gress and the League followed, as each organiza- Hermann Kallenbach (1871–1945), donated the
tion strove to become sole spokesman; the League land for his first ashram and passed on to Gandhi
for Muslims and the Congress for all of India. One his admiration of Tolstoy [19]. On the other hand,
of those explicitly labeled a quisling by Jinnah, many did not share Gandhi’s belief that all scrip-
India’s future President, Zakir Hussain (whose tures contain divinely revealed truth but that all
appointment to the 1946 provisional government content is not divinely authored was one that
Jinnah blocked), began a lifelong friendship with many people did not share. Not all Hindus see
Gandhi at about the time Jinnah and Gandhi’s both the Bible and the Qur’ān as God’s word
relationship became permanently strained. Then while for Muslims, the Qur’ān is wholly divine.
a student at what was in the process of becoming Gandhi’s hatred of conversion, too, was not
Aligarh Muslim University, Zakir and almost all shared universally. Nor did all Hindus share his
his peers adopted noncooperation and joined the belief in Hindu-Muslim amity; nationalist Hindus
rival, Congress-supported Jamia Millia Islamia. saw Muslims as enemies and destroyers of Hindu
246 Ganj Shakar

culture. McDonough regards Gandhi’s apprecia- 3. Arnold E (1886) The song celestial; or, Bhagavad-gît^a
tion and knowledge of Islam as profound; it was . . . Translated . . . by Edwin Arnold . . ., 3rd edn.
Trübner & Co., London
not merely a political façade or strategy. She says 4. Gandhi, Dessai MH, Pyarelal (1927) The story of my
that he penetrated Islam’s inner meaning [20]. experiments with truth. Navajivan Publishing House,
However, Hasan (a former Jamia vice-chancellor) Ahmedabad
argues that Gandhi’s encounter with Muslims in 5. Carlyle T (1840) “The Hero as Prophet”, in heroes and
hero worship. James Frazer, London, pp 51–92
Gujarat, in his ashrams, and in South Africa was 6. Irving W (1850) Lives of Mahomet and his successors.
specific and circumscribed [21]. He was naïve to J. Murray, London
extrapolate from particular situations to the larger 7. Dāsa R (2005) The global vision of Mahatma Gandhi.
context, where Muslims in India did sometimes Sarup & Sons, New Delhi
8. Brown JM (1972) Gandhi’s rise to power: Indian pol-
experience discrimination, for example, after the itics 1915–1922. Alden & Mowbray, Oxford
1937 elections in Hindu-ruled states, and rightly 9. Markovits C (2004) The unGandhian Gandhi: the life
or wrongly feared for their future in a Hindu- and afterlife of the Mahatma. Anthem Press, London
majority India. This compares with his over- 10. Agrawal MG (2008) Freedom fighters of India, vol 2.
Isha Books, Delhi
confidence that India’s future lay in village-level, 11. Morgan WJ, Guilherme A (2014) Buber and educa-
small-scale industry, and low-level technology. tion: dialogue as conflict resolution. Routledge,
When Jinnah, Gandhi, and other leading politi- Abingdon, Oxon.
cians could not negotiate the decentralized federal 12. Chitkara MG (1998) Converts do not make a nation.
A.P.H. Publishing Corporation, New Delhi
system that Jinnah preferred, the demand for Par- 13. Moon P (1961) Divide and quit. University of Califor-
tition as a totally separate state gained unstoppa- nia Press, Berkeley
ble momentum, even though to the end both men 14. Hutheesing KN (1950) The story of Gandhi. Did, New
wanted an undivided India. For decades, Gandhi York
15. Zakaria R (2004) The man who divided India: an
tried to prevent the type of bloodshed that accom- insight into Jinnah’s leadership and its aftermath,
panied Partition; in the end, he witnessed what he with a new chapter on Musharraf’s do or die leader-
could not prevent. In addition to McDonough, for ship. Popular Prakashan [by an Indian Muslim critical
studies explicitly concerned with Gandhi’s rela- of Jinnah], Mumbai
16. Matthews R (2012) Jinnah vs. Gandhi. Hachette Book
tions to Muslims, see Bhave [22] and Baksh [23]. Publishing India, Gurgaon
Chatterjee also has much relevant content [17]. 17. Chatterjee M (2005) Gandhi and the challenge of
religious diversity: religious pluralism revisited. Pro-
milla & Co. in association with Bibliophile South
Asia, New Delhi
Cross-References 18. Desai MH, Parīkha ND, Nilkanth HG (1968) Day-to-
day with Gandhi; secretary’s diary. Sarva Seva Sangh
▶ Aligarh Muslim University Prakashan, Varanasi
▶ Congress, Muslims 19. Chatterjee M (1991) Gandhi and his Jewish friends.
Macmillan Academic and Professional, London
▶ Khilāfat Movement 20. MacDonough S (1994) Gandhi’s responses to Islam.
▶ Mawdūdī D.K. Printworld, New Delhi
▶ Mohandas K. 21. Hasan M (2013) Faith and freedom: Gandhi in history.
▶ Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān Niyogi Books, New Delhi
22. Bhave YG (1997) The Mahatama and the Muslims.
▶ Zakir Hussain Northern Book Centre, New Delhi
23. Bakshi SR (1987) Gandhi and Hindu-Muslim unity.
Deep & Deep Publications, New Delhi
References

1. Weber T (2004) Gandhi as disciple and mentor. Cam-

bridge University Press, Cambridge Ganj Shakar
2. Bissoondoyal U, Gandhi M (1988) Gandhi and Mau-
ritius, and other essays. Mahatma Gandhi Institute,
Moka, Mauritius ▶ Farīd al-Dīn al-Mas‘ūd (Farīddīn al-Mas‘ūd)
Garcin de Tassy 247

Life and Education

Garcin de Tassy
Garcin de Tassy was born in Marseilles, a port
Arthur Dudney town often visited by Arab and Indian sailors,
Faculty of Oriental Studies, Oxford University, and spent his youth there. His surname is
Oxford, UK a combination of his father and mother’s sur-
names (Garcin and Tassy, respectively), while
his four first names (Joseph Héliodore Sagesse
Synonyms Vertu), which are often omitted where his name
is cited, are in the compound style briefly in
De Tassy vogue during the French Revolution [2]. He
was born into a Catholic family and remained
a practicing Catholic his whole life. He
expressed a sincere hope that Muslims would G
Definition
one day embrace Christianity but rejected the
missionary impulses of other Orientalists of the
Joseph Héliodore Sagesse Vertu Garcin de Tassy
time. He was concerned with explaining what
(1794–1878) was a prolific scholar of Indian reli-
Islamic texts actually said and frequently
gion, literature, and linguistics, and was instru-
defended the faith against the charge of “pagan-
mental in establishing the study of Hindi-Urdu in
ism” [2].
France in the early nineteenth century.
In 1814, he began learning spoken Arabic in
his hometown with two Egyptians (probably
Coptic Christians) and left for Paris three years
Scholarship and Influence later to study classical Arabic, Persian, and Turk-
ish. His teacher was the celebrated Orientalist
Garcin de Tassy’s career was crucial for devel- Silvestre de Sacy (1758–1838). Garcin de Tassy
oping the European understanding both of Islam was one of the founding members of the Société
as practiced in South Asia and of literature pro- Asiatique in 1822, the same year he received an
duced in Hindi-Urdu. He was able to use sources appointment at the Collège de France [1, 2]. In
in Arabic, Persian, Turkish, Urdu, and Hindi, 1828, after learning Hindi-Urdu from grammars
and published translations from each of these and dictionaries produced in British India, he
languages. Over the span of his career, he saw became the first teacher of a living Indian lan-
Oriental Studies develop into a modern disci- guage in France. He held this position at the
pline in France [1]. He dedicated his life to the École Spéciale des Langues Orientales – which
study of India but spent no time there, depending was then connected with the Bibliothéque
on publications sent from abroad for his National – until his death. Garcin de Tassy’s
research. His access to sources was connected selection as a teacher of a living non-European
with the British colonial project, particularly language was not without controversy, however,
with texts edited and printed at Fort William because he had never left France [3]. He was an
College in Calcutta. By the late 1820s, he active member of the Société Asiatique for all of
had a considerable reputation among British his life, including as a frequent contributor to its
Orientalists (he was by then a member of the journal and as its president in 1876. In 1838 he
Asiatic Societies of both London and Calcutta). was elected as a member of the Académie des
He even dedicated his Histoire de la littérature Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, a learned society
Hindouie et Hindoustani [History of Hindi and devoted to the humanities. He died childless and
Hindustani Literature, 1839] to the young Queen his impressive library was auctioned off after his
Victoria. death.
248 Garcin de Tassy

Study of Islam written in Urdu (as opposed to in Persian),

Tażkirah-ye shu‘arā-ye Urdū [Tażkirah of Urdu
A key contribution of Garcin de Tassy was to Poets], compiled in Delhi in 1848 by S. Fallon and
observe the differences within Islam as practiced Munshī Karīmuddīn, is in fact a translation of
in different parts of the world. It was a kind of selections from this work. He also wrote a major
anthropology at a distance because he depended study on prosody in Arabic, Persian, and Urdu. He
on the ethnographies of others rather than his was interested in subjects that had received little
own observations, but his deep knowledge of attention, such as poetry by women. His transla-
the major languages of the Islamic world allowed tion of Mīr Taqī Mīr’s “Advice to Bad Poets”
for careful comparative textual work. In 1831, he (1826) was especially important in expressing
published a series called Mémoire sur quelque contemporary Urdu literary values to Europeans
particularités de la religion Musalmane en Inde [5]. Other important interventions include pub-
d’après les ouvrages Hindoustanis [An Account lishing the dī wān [collected works] of Muḥam-
of Certain Particularities of the Islamic Faith in mad Valī, the poet widely regarded as inspiring
India According to Hindustani Works] in the the surge of vernacular poetry in early eighteenth-
Journal Asiatique. This, along with reviews he century Delhi, and translating part of Sir Syed
wrote in the following year of two other texts on Aḥmad Khān’s Ās̄ ār al-ṣanādī d [Traces of the
Indian Islam, was a watershed in the study of Heroes], an architectural description of Delhi.
local practices among South Asian Muslims. Even towards the end of his life, he kept his finger
(The texts he reviewed were Observations on on the pulse of what was happening in Indian
the Mussalmauns of India by Mrs. Meer Hassan literature. He was aware of the attempts to develop
Ali, an Englishwoman living in Lucknow as the Modern Standard Hindi as a separate tradition
wife of an Indian, and Qanoon-e Islam, or the from Urdu and also of the reformist tendencies
customs of the Moosulmans of India by G. A. in Urdu itself [6]. He followed the meetings of the
Herklots, a Dutch surgeon working for the East literary gathering [mushā‘irah] of the Anjuman-e
India Company.) He appears to be the first Euro- Panjāb in Lahore where the Urdu “natural poetry”
pean to have understood the doctrinal distinc- movement was in full swing in 1874. Participants
tions between the main Sufi orders in India. included Muḥammad Ḥusain Āzād and Alt̤āf
Indeed, his insight into Sufism as a global phe- Ḥusain Ḥālī.
nomenon was unique [2]. He had a particular
fascination with festivals, both Hindu and Mus-
lim, as well as with the conventions of personal References
names and titles.
1. Hussain SS (1962) Garcin de Tassy: biographie et étude
critique de ses oeuvres. Institut Français d’Indologie,
Pondicherry
Study of Indian Literature 2. Gaborieu M (2000) Muslim saints, faquirs and pilgrims
in 1831 according to Garcin de Tassy. In: Malik J (ed)
He made a study of both sides of the Hindi-Urdu Perspectives of mutual encounters in South Asian his-
literary tradition. He brought Urdu poetry to tory: 1760–1860. Brill, Leiden
3. Morenas J-E (c. 1830) Création d’une chaire
Europe’s attention (referring to it as d’Hindoustani. J. Tastu, Paris
“Hindoustani,” i.e., Hindustani) but was also 4. Wilkinson JVS (1933) Review of a history of Urdu
invested in literary Hindi (called “Hindoui,” i.e., literature by T. Grahame Bailey. BSOAS 7:236–237
“Hindavi”). His Histoire de la littérature 5. de Tassy G (1826) Conseils aux mauvais poètes, poème
de Mir Taki. Dondey-Dupre, Paris
Hindouie et Hindoustani was the standard refer-
6. King C (1994) One language, two scripts: the Hindi
ence work on the subject for nearly a century [4]. movement in nineteenth century North India. Oxford
One of the early tażkirahs [biographies of poets] University Press, Bombay
Gēsūdarāz, Sayyid 249

debates over the doctrine of waḥdat al-wujūd

Gēsūdarāz, Sayyid (“the unity of existence”), a controversial system
of metaphysics associated with the teachings of
Erik S. Ohlander the exceedingly influential, and equally contro-
Department of Philosophy, Indiana University- versial, early thirteenth-century Andalusian Sufi
Purdue University Fort Wayne, Fort Wayne, IN, sage Ibn ʿArabī (d. 1240) and his school. Showing
USA considerable ambivalence toward the teachings of
the school of Ibn ʿArabī on a number of issues, in
relation to the aforementioned debates Gēsūdarāz
Synonyms championed an alternative often described as
waḥdat al-shuhūd (“the unity of witnessing”),
Gisu Daraz; Gisu-Daraz; Gisudaraz a doctrine which he felt better maintained the
Qur’ānic assertion of God’s transcendence vis-à-
vis creation in the face of the divine immanence G
Definition posited by the doctrine of waḥdat al-wujūd.

Gēsūdarāz (d. 1422) was a prolific Sufi writer of

the Chishtī order who was a key figure in the Life
transmission of north Indian Sufi traditions to the
Deccan plateau. Born in Delhi in 1321 to an émigré family who
traced their ancestry to the city of Herat in present-
day Afghanistan, Gēsūdarāz was the son of Say-
Overview yid Rājā (d. 1330), a disciple of the noted Chishtī
master Niẓām al-Dīn Awliyāʾ (d. 1325). Accom-
Sayyid Muḥammad b. Yūsuf Ḥusaynī (d. 1422), panying his father on the forced relocation of
known variously by the sobriquets “Gēsūdarāz” Delhi’s religious scholars and Sufi masters to the
(“long locks”) and Bandanawāz (“his servants’ short-lived new Tughluqid capital of Daulatabad
helper”), was a prolific Sufi writer of both poetry (Deogiri) at the behest of the Tughluqid ruler
and prose in Persian and Arabic and a master of Muḥammad b. Tughluq (r. 1325–1351), following
the Chishtī order who was a key figure in the the death of his father, he returned to Delhi around
transmission of north Indian Sufi traditions to the 1335–1336. Sometime thereafter, he became
Deccan plateau. He was also one of the first South a disciple of the popular Chishtī master Naṣīr al-
Asian Sufi scholars of consequence to embark on Dīn Maḥmūd “Chirāg-i Dihlī” (d. 1356), Niẓām
a systematic program of engagement with, and al-Dīn Awliyāʾ’s chief successor in Delhi.
commentary on, the collective literary canon of According to Chishtī tradition, it was Naṣīr al-
the Sufi tradition as it had come to configure itself Dīn who was responsible for giving him the sobri-
in the central and eastern lands of Islam by the quet Gēsūdarāz (although the wearing of locks
later fourteenth century. While arguably among was also typically a mark of males claiming
the most outstanding Sufi scholars of medieval Ḥusaynid descent in the bloodline of the prophet
India, the collective literary output of Gēsūdarāz Muḥammad, which of course the family of
was nonetheless representative of a wider shift in Gēsūdarāz did as the title “sayyid” and the attrib-
the climate of Sufism in northern India in the utive “ḥusaynī ” indicate). Effectively succeeding
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in which sophis- Naṣīr al-Dīn following his death, Gēsūdarāz
ticated theoretical discussions began to take on remained in Delhi for some four decades, but
much more prominence than they had theretofore. sometime around 1398 he and a small band of
Of particular significance in this discourse were disciples and others quit the city. This appears to
250 Gēsūdarāz, Sayyid

have been a reaction to Tīmūr’s impending inva- (d. 1131), the Kitāb ādāb al-murīdī n (“Book of
sion of the declining Tughluqid state. Making brief the comportment of [Sufi] aspirants”) of Abū l-
stops in Gwalior and Gujarat, Gēsūdarāz and his Najīb al-Suhrawardī (d. 1168), the ʿAwārif al-
disciples eventually settled down in the northeast- maʿārif (“Benefits of intimate knowledge”) of
ern Deccani city of Gulbarga, the very frontier Shihāb al-Dīn Abū Ḥafṣ ʿUmar al-Suhrawardī
of Muslim India then under the rather uneasy con- (d. 1234), and the Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam (“Bezels of
trol of the Bahmanid king Fīrūz Shāh Bahmanī wisdom”) of the aforementioned Ibn ʿArabī (not
(r. 1397–1422). He was initially welcomed by the extant), among others. He also produced a number
sultan upon his arrival in 1400; within a few years, of original compositions in the area of Sufism, of
however, tensions between the master and the which his 114-chaptered Asmār al-asrār (“Night
Bahmanid court began to surface, and in 1407, discourses on [mystical] secrets”) is particularly
Gēsūdarāz was asked to relocate his khānaqāh profound. According to his hagiographers, he
(Sufi residential lodge) away from the environs of acquired his knowledge of Sanskrit in order to
the royal fort. On good terms with the competitor more ably debate with Brahmin scholars.
and eventual successor of Fīrūz Shāh, his brother
Aḥmad Shāh Bahmanī (r. 1442–1436), the rela-
tionship between the sultan and Gēsūdarāz Legacy
remained strained until both of their deaths in 1422.
An indefatigable defender of the Chishtī tradition,
the contributions of Gēsūdarāz to the wider Sufi
Works landscape of India were extensive, and his works
were much quoted by later authors. Expanded first
Well versed in the traditional Islamic religious by the aforementioned Aḥmad Shāh Bahmanī and
sciences and possessing a command of Arabic, then over the years by a host of royal patrons from
Persian, Sanskrit, and Hindustani, Gēsūdarāz the Bahmanids up through the Nizams of Hyder-
was an erudite scholar who wrote widely, most abad, his tomb-shrine complex at Gulbarga would
of his works having been composed late in his life go on to become one of the principal Muslim
after he had settled in Gulbarga. While not all of pilgrimage sites in the Deccan. Managed by
his works have survived, those which have span descendants of the saint, the complex today pos-
the fields of Qur’ānic exegesis, Hadith criticism, sesses a sizable endowment used to run a library,
jurisprudence, and Sufism. He is also credited publishing house, hostel, several schools, and
with a collection of verse in Persian (Anī s al- a mosque and is host to a large annual commem-
ʿushshāq, “The intimate companion of lovers”), oration of the anniversary of the saint’s “marriage
a collection of letters (Maktūbāt) and, among to God” (ʿurs) held in the middle of the eleventh
other works, a devotional-instructional treatise month of the Islamic lunar year.
(ishāra) on the prophet Muḥammad written in
Dakhni, the Miʿrāj al-ʿāshiqī n (“The Lovers’
Ascension”) whose attribution is not assured, as Cross-References
is another work composed in the same vernacu-
lar). Gēsūdarāz was particularly prolific in the ▶ Chishtī Order
production of translations and commentaries ▶ Sūfism
(often in both Arabic and Persian recensions) on
key Sufi texts, including the Kitāb al-taʿarruf li-
madhhab ahl al-taṣawwuf (“Book of introduction References
to the doctrine of the Sufis”) of Abū Bakr al-
1. Eaton RM (1982–) Gisu-Darāz. In: Encyclopaedia
Kalābādhī (d. 995), the Risāla (“Epistle”) of Iranica, vol 11. Routledge and Kegan Paul/Mazda/
Abū l-Qāsim al-Qushayrī (d. 1072), the Tamhī dāt Encyclopaedia Iranian Foundation, London/Boston/
(“Preliminaries”) of ʿAyn al-Quḍāt al-Hamadānī Costa Mesa/New York, pp 1–3
Ghālib, Mirza 251

2. Ernst CW, Lawrence BB (2002) Sufi martyrs of love: used for a certain time as his pen name. “Ghālib”
the Chishti order in South Asia and beyond. Palgrave was his takhallus meaning “victor or victorious”
Macmillan, New York, index (s.v. Gisu Daraz)
3. Hussaini SSK (1982) Gisudaraz on wahdat al-wujud. in Urdu. Much of his poetry is steeped in humor,
Stud Islam 19:233–245 cynicism, irony, and critical inquiry. Ghalib’s love
4. Hussaini SSK (1983) Sayyid Muḥammad al-Ḥusaynī- of poetry is most renowned.
i Gīsūdirāz (721/1321-825/1422) on Sufism. Idarah-i Ghālib came from a family of soldiers with
Adabiyat-i Delli, Delhi
5. Hussaini SSK (1985) Shuhud vs. Wujud: a study of a Turkish descent. He had a brother named Yousaf
Gisudiraz. Islam Cult 59:323–339 and a sister who was known as Choti Khānum
6. Hussaini SSK (1986) The life, works and teachings of (little lady). The family was wealthy and Ghālib
Khwājah Bandahnawāz Gīsūdirāz. Sayyid grew up with every comfort offered to him and
Muḥammad Gīsūdirāz Research Academy, Gulbarga
7. Lawrence BB (1978) Notes from a distant flute: Sufi received a good education. He was taught Persian,
literature in pre-Mughal India. Imperial Iran Acad Arabic, logic, philosophy, and medicine amongst
Philos, Tehran 26:50–53 other subjects. Ghālib began writing his poetry at
8. Nizami KA (1954–2004) Gīsū Darāz. In: The ency- the age of eight or nine, but he is said to have G
clopaedia of Islam, new edn, vol 2. E.J. Brill, Leiden,
pp 1114–1116 “regretted” that he could not follow in the foot-
9. Rizvi SAA (1978–1983) A history of Sufism in India, steps of his ancestors [1]. Ghālib’s grandfather
vol 1. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, pp 250–256 had served under the Emperor Shah Alam and
10. Siddiqi MS (1978) Syed Mohd. al-Husaini Gisudaraz. his own father had died in battle.
Islam Cult 52:173–184
Mirzā Asadullāh Khān Ghālib is understood to
be the greatest Muslim Indian poet of the nine-
teenth century, and his work relates to every mat-
ter of life, “happiness and despair, jolly drinking
Ghālib, Mirza and solemn praise, surprise and nostalgia, longing
for death and eternal restlessness” [2]. Apart from
Amanullah De Sondy his poetic genius, Ghālib enjoyed writing letters
Study of Religions, College of Arts and Social and his letters have been published in numerous
Sciences, University College Cork, Cork, Ireland volumes. Some of Ghālib’s companions were
important figures in society at the time. Ghālib’s
closest friend and biographer was Altaf Hussain
Synonyms Hali (1837–1914) who wrote an extensive biog-
raphy on Ghālib called “Yādgār-i-Ghālib.” Sir
Mirzā Asadullāh Khān Ghālib; Mirzā Ghālib Syed Aḥmad Khān (1817–1898), the Indian mod-
ernist who set up the Aligarh movement which
later became a university, was another key figure
Definition who was closely associated with Ghālib.
Initially, he received his education privately
Mirzā Asadullāh Khān Ghālib is one of the from Shaikh Mu’azzam who was quite a popular
greatest poets of the Persian and Urdu language teacher from Agra [3]. There are also numerous
in the nineteenth century. stories relating Ghālib to a teacher named Mulla
Abdu’s-Samad who was an Iranian wanderer who
came to stay with Ghālib’s family for 2 years and
Early Life during this time taught him Persian. Ghālib
commented on this by saying, “I never had tuition
Mirzā Asadullāh Khān Ghālib was born on the 27 from any person except the ultimate munificence
December 1797 in Agra, India. His name at birth (God) and Abdus Samad is only a fictitious name.
was Asadullāh Beg Khān but he later adopted But since people used to taunt me for having had
“Ghālib” as his takhallus (pen name). As a child no teacher, to close their mouths I have invented
his nickname was Mirzā Nausha, which he also a fictitious teacher.”
252 Ghālib, Mirza

Marriage friend too. We got to know each other forty-three

years ago when we were no more than fourteen or
fifteen years old. . .And my good sir, you’d be hard
Ghālib was married off at the age of thirteen to put to it to find even an enemy of forty years
a wife 11 years in age. Ghālib and his wife moved standing, let alone a friend. [6]
to Delhi after marriage; “little is known in detail
about his family life, for in Indian Muslim society
one did not (and does not) talk about one’s wife Courtesans
and children. His marriage was no more and no
less successful than most in society, but he seems Ghālib also fell in love with a courtesan named
always to have felt that a wife was an encum- Mughal Jān and made every attempt to seduce her,
brance he could very well have done without” [4]. but she resisted his temptation until one day she
succumbed. Ghālib wrote a poem during this time,
“what ails thee, my silly heart? What cure for your
Poetic Stature and Reception ache, at last? I adore her, she repels. What
a predicament, O Lord” [7]. Illāhi Bakhsh men-
Ghālib’s took great pride in his work. During his tioned that Ghālib was in a temporary marriage
time, his contemporary and greatest nemesis was contract with this courtesan, Mughal Jān [6].
Ibrahim Zauq (d. 1854). Zauq was appointed as
King Zafar’s poet laureate (Malik ush-Shuara), an
appointment that Ghālib bitterly resented. The Mystic Themes
rivalry between the two was often intense. On
one occasion Ghālib saw Zauq pass by him on Ghālib’s work has an interesting appeal to many
his way to the Royal palace. Unable to contain different readers, particularly for the reason that
himself, Ghālib retorted, “But a courtier of the he himself was difficult to categorize. His work is
King, he struts about so.” This angered Zauq sometimes presented as mystical, even though he
who immediately complained to the King who himself had never categorized himself as such.
summoned Ghālib to the palace from the tavern However, his poetry is steeped in mystical tropes,
where he was still sitting. Ghālib was not and through his witty and charming irony, one is
concerned for Zauq but felt that the King would often left perplexed at the depth of his passion, be
take this personally as an attack on him. Ghālib it for the loves of his life or, possibly, of God.
then immediately altered the statement into Ghālib is clearly an antinomian Sufi, if one
a poetic stanza, does feel compelled to categorize him. He consis-
But a courtier of the king tently challenged organized forms of Islam to the
He struts about so extent that he questioned even God in his poetry.
Ghālib’s prestige in the town This bittersweet relationship with God led him
What else – if not this [5]
many a times to discuss and explore constructions
Momin Khān was another great poet at the time of heaven and hell as he blatantly had no interest
of Ghālib and Zauq, although not as bitterly in following any of the required Islamic legal
opposed by Ghālib as Zauq. Momin was also an rituals.
“intimate friend” of Ghālib from the time that he
arrived in Delhi [6]. Momin died in 1851 C.E. and
his death effected Ghālib greatly. Ghālib wrote in Legacy
a letter,
The main reason why Ghālib was understood to
Just see, my friend, one after the other people of our
own age die; the caravan moves off, and we our-
be a “bad” Muslim was because of his free char-
selves are waiting one foot in the stirrup. Momin acter, love for women, wine, and all things
Khān was of the same age as I, and was a good hedonistic. One of his commentators, Ikram,
Ghaznavids 253

wrote, “Ghālib, you write so well upon these Ghazna (now Ghaznī), located in present-day
mystic themes of Love Divine. We would have southeastern Afghanistan.
counted you a saint, but that we knew your love of
wine” [4]. However, in the year 1850 the King,
Bahadur Shah Zafar, bestowed the titles of Dabir- The Establishment of Ghaznavid Power
al-Mulk and Najam-ud-Daulah upon Ghālib,
which were seen to be an induction into nobility. The Ghaznavids were a dynasty founded by Turk-
Mirza Ghālib died on 15 February 1869. ish slave soldiers (Arabic: ghulāms or mamlūks)
who, at the height of their power in the first half of
the eleventh century, ruled vast territories
References stretching from western Iran to northwest India.
Their empire constituted the most powerful polity
1. Russel R, Islam K (2005) Ghālib: life and letters. In: erected in the Islamic world after the dissolution
Russell R (ed) The Oxford India Ghālib: life, letters and of the centralized power of the ‘Abbāsid Caliphate G
ghazals. Oxford University Press, New Delhi, p 3 in the ninth century. In India, they were responsi-
2. Schimmel A (1987) Foreword. In: Rahbar D (ed) Urdu
letters of Mirzā Asadu’llah Khān Ghālib. State Univer- ble for the permanent establishment of Islam in
sity of New York, New York, p x Punjab.
3. Hali MAH (1990) Yādgār-i-Ghālib (trans: Qadiri KH). The founder of the Ghaznavid line, Sebüktegīn
Idarah-i Adabiyāt, New Delhi, p 14 b. Jūq (or Qarā Bechkem), was born a pagan at
4. Russel R, Islam K (2005) Ghālib: life and letters. In:
Russell R (ed) The Oxford India Ghālib: life, letters and Barskhān/Barsghān on the Issıq Köl (Issyk Kul in
ghazals. Oxford University Press, New Delhi, p 105 modern Kyrgyzstan), pointing to possible origins
5. Varma PK (1989) Ghālib: the man and times. Penguin, among the Qarluq Turks. He was enslaved and
New Delhi, p 133 enrolled in the Turkish guard of the Sāmānids
6. Prigarina N (2004) Mirzā Ghālib: a creative biography
(trans: Faruqi MO). Oxford University Press, Karachi, (819–1005), whose empire was based in the
p 119 Transoxanian city of Bukhara. Sebüktegīn
7. Kanda KC (2007) Mirzā Ghālib: selected lyrics and became subordinate to the ghulām Alptegīn (d.
letters. New Dawn Press, New Delhi, p 197 963), the Sāmānid commander-in-chief of
Khurāsān. Alptegīn’s failed attempt to place his
own candidate on the Sāmānid throne after the
death of the amī r ‘Abd al-Malik b. Nūḥ in 961
Ghaznavids led to his withdrawal to the small town of Ghazna
in the province of Zābulistān, on the southeastern
Michael O’Neal edges of the empire, where the indigenous
Washington, DC, USA dynasty was dispossessed. Several ghulām com-
manders succeeded Alptegīn at Ghazna until 977,
when Sebüktegīn was elected its commander.
Synonyms Sebüktegīn’s 20-year rule saw his authority
extended over the lands surrounding Zābulistān,
Āl-i Sebüktegīn; Ghaznawids; Yamīnids including Kabul, Punjab, Bust (now in southern
Afghanistan), Quṣdār (Balūchistān), and
Khurāsān and Ṭukhāristān south of the Oxus
Definition River [5, 8]. Although Sebüktegīn remained for-
mally subordinate to the Sāmānids, as reflected in
The Ghaznavids (977–1186) were the ruling his title al-Ḥājib al-ajall (“most exalted com-
dynasty of a Perso-Islamic amīrate (latterly sul- mander”) [3, 11, 12], his largely autonomous
tanate) founded by slave soldiers of Turkish rule means that he may be regarded as the founder
descent and named after its principal capital of of the Ghaznavid dynasty.
254 Ghaznavids

The Apex of the Empire controlled Baghdad and effectively deprived the
Sunnī ‘Abbāsid caliphate of its temporal power. In
At Sebüktegīn’s death, his son Maḥmūd 1029, Ray (near modern Tehran) and Jibāl (the
Ghaznavī, the commander of Khurāsān, set aside central Zāgros Mountains) were conquered [5, 8,
his brother Ismā‘īl, who ruled in Ghazna and 22]. The following year, Mas‘ūd was in Iṣfahān,
Balkh. Maḥmūd thus became the sole inheritor recently wrested from the Kākūyids, when he
of his father’s patrimony, and by 999, he had heard of his father’s death; he marched east and
discarded the last vestiges of Sāmānid suzerainty. deposed his brother, Muḥammad, who had been
Initially recognizing the deposed ‘Abbāsid caliph named heir at Ghazna. Mas‘ūd has been judged as
al-Ṭā’i‘ (r. 974–991, d. 1003) in throwing off lacking his father’s political acumen. Certainly, he
Sāmānid dominion, Maḥmūd posed as defender failed to stem the influx of the Oghuz Türkmen
of the rights of al-Qādir (r. 991–1031), and in from Central Asia under the leadership of the
return, he received the honorific titles Yamī n al- Saljūq family, who by 1040 had routed Mas‘ūd
dawla and Amī n al-milla (“right hand of the state” in open battle and wrested Khurāsān from
and “trusted one of the religious community”) [2, Ghaznavid control.
3, 5, 12]. The former title in particular became an
important one, and indeed, the dynasty as a whole
is sometimes thereby identified as the Successors to Mas‘ūd I
“Yamīnids.”
Thus equipped with the prestige of caliphal After Mas‘ūd’s disastrous reign, the Ghaznavids’
investiture, Maḥmūd championed the cause of territories were reduced to eastern Afghanistan
Sunnī Islam to great effect in his campaigns and northwest India, although Balūchistān and
against his political rivals, both Muslim and non- coastal Makrān also appear to have kept up some
Muslim. The Ṣaffārids of Sīstān, the shēr (ruler) connection to Ghazna. The more manageable size
of Gharchistān, the Farīghūnids of Gūzgān, and of their domains enabled the later Ghaznavid sul-
the Ma’mūnids of Khwārazm were all overthrown tans to maintain authority for nearly a century and
on suitable pretexts. But Maḥmūd generally a half after Mas‘ūd’s death in 1041, while the
sought a modus vivendi with the Qarākhānid empire’s orientation toward India became even
Turks, his most dangerous rivals who ruled the more pronounced [7].
former Sāmānid heartlands in Transoxania. The The late 1040s and early 1050s were a period
Oxus separated the Qarākhānid and Ghaznavid of dynastic instability and general crisis. The
territories, but in 1008, Maḥmūd had to repel an murder of ‘Abd al-Rashīd and a number of
invasion of Ṭukhāristān by the Īleg Khān Naṣr b. Ghaznavid princes in c. 1051–1052 by the
‘Alī (d. 1012–1013) and Yūsuf Qadır Khān (d. ghulām Ṭughrul (Toghrıl) was followed by the
1032); in turn, he established bridgeheads across latter’s short-lived usurpation of the throne. After
the Oxus at Tirmidh (Termez) and most signifi- Ṭughrul’s assassination, the empire was placed
cantly in Khwārazm, primarily to pressure the on a more stable footing under Farrukhzād and
Qarākhānid ruler of Bukhārā and Samarqand during the 40-year reign of Ibrāhīm, under whom
called ‘Alītegīn (d. 1034), the brother and rival relations with the Saljūqs were generally stabi-
of Yūsuf Qadır Khān [2, 5, 22]. (On Maḥmūd’s lized. Farrukhzād was apparently the first
campaigns in India, see below.) Ghaznavid ruler to call himself by the typically
During Maḥmūd’s reign, his valiant son Saljūq title al-sulṭān al-mu‘aẓẓam (“great sul-
Mas‘ūd (I) spearheaded campaigns into the tan”) on his coinage; earlier rulers had been con-
pagan enclave of Ghūr, whose conquered inhabi- tent with the formal title amī r, following
tants were forcibly converted to Islam. Eventually, Sāmānid practice, although the title sulṭān (lit.
Maḥmūd turned his attention to western Iran and “power” or “authority”) was applied already to
the Twelver Shī‘ī Būyids, who since 945 had Maḥmūd in panegyric poetry and other contexts
Ghaznavids 255

[3, 7, 12]. The death of Ibrāhīm’s son Mas‘ūd submission [13, 17, 22, 24]. Besides such “infi-
(III) in 1115 sparked another period of dynastic del” Indian rājas, Maḥmūd targeted the “hereti-
struggle. Eventually, the throne passed to cal” Ismā‘īlī communities of Sind and Multan,
Mas‘ūd’s son Bahrām Shāh, who enforced his which were loyal to the rival Fāṭimid caliphate
claim as the protégé of the Great Saljūq sultan based in Cairo [5, 14, 19, 22].
Sanjar b. Malikshāh (r. 1118–1157). The Mas‘ūd I built upon his father’s legacy in India,
Ghaznavids thereby became formally subordi- capturing Sarsatī and Hānsī and sending his com-
nate to their historic rivals [7, 18]. mander-in-chief in India, Aḥmad b. Ināltegīn, to
In the mid-twelfth century, the dynasty came sack Benares. The later Ghaznavid sultans appear
under increasing pressure from the rising Ghūrids, to have mounted raids (Arabic: ghazā < ghazw;
particularly when Ghazna was sacked in c. 1150 whence ghāzī , a frontier warrior for the faith) on
by the sanguinary ‘Alā’ al-Dīn Ḥusayn. The occu- a more sporadic basis and without the permanent
pation of Ghazna by Oghuz adventurers in c. 1162 annexation of territory. Several expeditions are
permanently forced the Ghazanvids back onto mentioned under Ibrāhīm’s reign, including the G
Punjab. The end came in 1186 when Muḥammad sacking of Āgra by prince Sayf al-Dawla Maḥmūd
Ghūrī conquered Lahore and deposed the last in c. 1086–1090. Ibrāhīm’s son and successor
sultan, Khusraw Malik. Mas‘ūd (III) even captured and ransomed the
rāja of Kanauj, while Mas‘ūd’s commander
Ṭughā[n]tegīn (Toghantegin) led a foray across
Conquests and Raids in India the Ganges [7, 24, 27]. Such ghāzī activity con-
tinued into the reign of the last Ghaznavid sultan,
The earliest Muslim incursions into India began in Khusraw Malik, according to the testimony of
the seventh century, and Arab rule was perma- Fakhr-i Mudabbir and court poets [7, 26]. It is
nently established in Sind already under Muḥam- likely that the mysterious tax called turuṣkadaṇḍa
mad b. Qāsim (d. 715). But it was the Ghaznavid (“Turkish punishment”), described in Gāhaḍavāla
sultans who extended Islam to Punjab and united inscriptions, arose in connection with these events
it politically with the Iranian plateau, thereby [7, 31]. Nevertheless, the Ghaznavids’ posses-
opening a great “migration corridor” between the sions in India were largely confined to Punjab,
Middle East, Central Asia, and the Indian Subcon- where Lahore emerged as the second and final
tinent [31]. Indeed, under Maḥmūd, campaigns capital of the empire [27].
through the Afghan mountain passes into India The sultans proclaimed their victories through
became an almost annual affair [17, 22]. Follow- fatḥnāmas (victory dispatches) sent to Baghdad
ing in Sebüktegīn’s path, he overthrew the and perhaps to other Muslim courts, and Maḥmūd
Hindūshāhī rulers of Wayhind (now Hund, north- in particular evoked the image of a ghāzī carrying
east of Attock Fort) in a series of expeditions. The jihād into infidel lands [1]. Despite their religious
great fortresses and cities of northwest India soon justification, Maḥmūd’s military activities were
became objects of plundering, including Bhāṭiya designed to acquire plunder, territory, and fame
(Bhatinda) in 1004–1005; Bhīmnagar (Nagarkoṭ, for the Ghaznavid state; dethesaurized wealth was
modern Kangra) and Nārāyan (Nārāyaṇpur) in used to adorn the capital of Ghazna, finance
1009; Nandana in 1013–1014; and Sirsāwa, a repressive military regime, and lubricate the
Baran (Bulandshahr), Mahāban, Muttra sultan’s war machine in Iran [2, 5, 13]. Nonethe-
(Mathura), Kanauj, Munj, Āsī (Asnī?), and less, instances of temple desecration and destruc-
Sharwa (Sarawa?) in 1018–1019. In 1019–1020 tion of Hindu idols – such as at Thānesar
and again in 1022–1023, Maḥmūd attacked the (1014–1015), Bārī (1019), Muttra, Kanauj, and
Chandella (Candrātreya) ruler of Kalinjar, called most famously the temple of Somnāth
Nandā in the Muslim sources (Gaṇḍa, or his suc- (1025–1026) – acquired legendary status as exam-
cessor Vidyādhara), and reduced him to ples of Muslim iconoclasm [29, 31].
256 Ghaznavids

Political and Cultural Legacy Afghanistan; these include the palace (in ruins)
and minaret of Mas‘ūd III and the minaret of
The Ghaznavids were one of the most significant Bahrām Shāh at Ghazna. The extensive remains
dynasties in medieval Islamic history. For the first of the Ghaznavid palaces at Bust (Lashkar-i
time, an indigenous ruling dynasty (the Sāmānids) Bāzār) further attest to the former greatness of
was supplanted by its own generals in a process the dynasty [16, 23, 25].
that also represented the triumph of Turkish polit-
ical power in the Middle East. The Ghaznavid state
was highly centralized under the control of the The Ghaznavid Dynasty
sultan, whose despotism relied on a military class
of ethnically mixed contingents that even included 1. Sebüktegīn, Abū Manṣūr, 977–997
Indian troops; Turkish ghulāms comprised both 2. Ismā‘īl b. Sebüktegīn, 997–998
the senior cadre of commanders and the palace 3. Maḥmūd b. Sebüktegīn, Abū l-Qāsim,
guard [5, 30]. The state bureaucracy was staffed 998–1030
by Iranian bureaucrats from whose ranks came the 4. Muḥammad b. Maḥmūd, Abū Aḥmad 1030;
celebrated trio of early Ghaznavid historians: Abū 1040–1041
Naṣr ‘Utbī, Abū l-Fażl Bayhaqī, and Abū Sa‘īd 5. Mas‘ūd I b. Maḥmūd, Abū Sa‘īd, 1030–1040
‘Abd al-Ḥayy Gardīzī [4, 9, 10, 20]. 6. Mawdūd b. Mas‘ūd I, Abū l-Fatḥ, 1041–1048
The sultans were also important patrons of 7. Mas‘ūd II b. Mawdūd, c. 1048–1049
Arabic and especially Persianate culture, continu- 8. ‘Alī b. Mas‘ūd I, Abū l-Ḥasan, c. 1048–1049
ing here the legacy of their Sāmānid predecessors 9. ‘Abd al-Rashīd b. Maḥmūd, Abū Manṣūr,
[6, 15]. The most important scholar to flourish c. 1049–1052 [Usurpation of Ṭughrul
under Ghaznavid patronage was undoubtedly the (Toghrıl), Abū Sa‘īd, c. 1051–1052]
Khwārazmian polymath Abū Rayḥān al-Bīrūnī, 10. Farrukhzād b. Mas‘ūd I, Abū Shujā‘,
whose celebrated Indological magnum opus, 1052–1059
Kitāb taḥqī q mā li’l-Hind, describes conditions 11. Ibrāhīm b. Mas‘ūd I, Abū l-Muẓaffar,
in the early eleventh century in immense detail. 1059–1099
The much shorter account of India by Gardīzī, 12. Mas‘ūd III b. Ibrāhīm, Abū Sa‘d, 1099–1115
who personally knew and drew in part on al- 13. Shīrzād b. Mas‘ūd III, 1115–1116
Bīrūnī, derives largely from an earlier work by 14. Malik Arslān b. Mas‘ūd III, Abū l-Mulūk,
the Sāmānid vizier Abū ‘Abdallāh Jayhānī; this 1116–1117
account has in turn been traced back to a report 15. Bahrām Shāh b. Mas‘ūd III, Abū l-Muẓaffar,
compiled for an ‘Abbāsid vizier, the Barmakid c. 1117–1157
Yaḥyā b. Khālid, in c. 800 [21]. The Ghaznavid 16. Khusraw Shāh b. Bahrām Shāh,
imperial court also cultivated New Persian litera- c. 1157–1160
ture by attracting such talents as Abū l-Qāsim 17. Khusraw Malik b. Khusraw Shāh, Abū l-
Firdawsī, composer of the Iranian epic Muẓaffar, 1160–1186
Shāhnāma, as well as celebrated poets like
‘Unṣurī Balkhī, Farrukhī Sīstānī, Manūchihrī
Dāmghānī, ‘Asjadī Marvazī (or Haravī), Cross-References
Ghażā’irī Rāzī, Ḥakīm Sanā’ī, Mas‘ūd Sa‘d
Salmān, ‘Usmān Mukhtārī, Abū l-Faraj Rūnī, ▶ ‘Alā’ al-Dīn Ḥusayn (Ghūrid)
and Sayyid Ḥasan Ghaznavī [6, 7, 27, 28]. Several ▶ Bayhaqī, Abūl-Fażl
Ghaznavid rulers were enthusiastic builders. ▶ Bīrūnī, al-
Although most of their foundations have not sur- ▶ Delhi Sultanate
vived the vicissitudes of time, a few extraordinary ▶ Fakhr-i Mudabbir
architectural landmarks are extant in modern ▶ Ghūrids
Ghaznavids 257

▶ Ismā‘īlīs 11. Flury S (1925) Le décor épigraphique des monuments

▶ Ithnā ‘Asharī Shi‘ism de Ghazna. Syria 6(1):61–90
12. Giunta R, Bresc C (2004) Listes de la titulature des
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▶ Lahore 13. Habib M (1967) Sultan Mahmud of Ghaznin, 2nd edn.
S Chand, Delhi
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▶ Mas‘ūd I Netton IR (ed) Studies in honour of Clifford Edmund
▶ Muḥammad b. Qāsim Bosworth. Hunter of the east: Arabic and Semitic
▶ Muḥammad Ghūrī studies, vol 1. Brill, Leiden, pp 209–221
15. Hashmi YA (1958) Society and religion under the
▶ Multan (Islam and Muslims) Ghaznavids. J Pakistan Hist Soc 4(4):254–268
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vols (rev: Ashtiany M). Ilex Foundation, Boston Seljuq Persianate dynasties. Iran: J Brit Inst Pers Stud
10. Bosworth CE (tr) (2011) The ornament of histories: 46:213–225
A history of the eastern Islamic lands AD 650–1041: 31. Wink A (1997) Al-Hind: the making of the Indo-
The original text of Abū Sa‘īd ‘Abd al-Ḥayy Gardīzī. Islamic world. The slave kings and the Islamic con-
I.B. Tauris, London quest, 11th–13th centuries, vol 2. EJ Brill, Leiden
258 Ghaznawids

Definition
Ghaznawids
Ghūrids (c. 1150–1215), or Āl-i Shansab (the
▶ Ghaznavids Shansabānī family), is the name given to
a Perso-Islamic dynasty that briefly ruled much
of eastern Iran and extended Muslim dominion
into the Gangetic Plain of northern India.
Ghorids

▶ Ghūrids Origins and Islamization

The Shansabānīs began as petty chieftains in

Ghūr, the remote and mountainous region in the
Ghulam ‘Ali Azad center of present-day Afghanistan [1, 16]. They
claimed descent from the mythical Arab tyrant
▶ Bilgrāmī, Āzād Żaḥḥāk, whose 1,000-year tyranny is related in
the Iranian national epic, most famously in
Firdawsī’s Shāhnāma. Several tales connecting
the Shansabānīs to figures of early Islamic history
Ghulam ‘Ali Azad of Bilgram provided a suitably pious veneer to their obscure
origins; thus, the family is said to have been
▶ Bilgrāmī, Āzād converted to Islam by ‘Alī b. Abī Ṭālib, to have
aided in Abū Muslim’s revolt on behalf of the
‘Abbāsids, and to have received dominion over
Ghūr from Hārūn al-Rashīd [4, 17].
Ghulam Ali Ismail In reality the family appears to have been only
one of the many local tribes (presumably of east-
▶ Ismā‘īl, Gulāmalī (1864–1943) ern Iranian stock) who remained pagan well into
the Islamic era, safely ensconced in their moun-
tain homeland until they were conquered and
forcibly converted in the early eleventh century
Ghulamali Ismail by Maḥmūd of Ghazna and his son Mas‘ūd [1, 4,
17]. From Jūzjānī’s account, supplemented by
▶ Ismā‘īl, Gulāmalī (1864–1943) Bayhaqī’s topographic and onomastic data, the
Shansabānīs may be connected to the petty rulers
of Mandīsh on the upper Herat River (Harī Rūd).
They remained tributaries to the Ghaznavids for
Ghūrids more than a century but suffered little direct inter-
ference; the major exception was the intervention
Michael O’Neal of Sultan Ibrāhīm b. Mas‘ūd (r. 1059–1099) to
Washington, DC, USA depose the tyrannical ‘Abbās b. Shīs in favor of
his son Muḥammad [6]. It is only with
Muḥammad’s grandson ‘Izz al-Dīn Ḥusayn (r.
Synonyms 1100–1146), now the paramount chieftain of
Ghūr, that Shansabānī history becomes more
Āl-i Shansab; Ghorids; Shansabānīs secure.
Ghūrids 259

The Rise of Ghūrid Power Apogee and Disintegration

At this point, the Ghūrids, as the Shansabānī The Ghūrid Empire reached its apogee under the
dynasty was henceforth commonly known, next sultan, Ghiyās al-Dīn Muḥammad b. Sām
switched their allegiance from the Ghaznavids (r. 1163–1203) and his brother Shihāb al-Dīn
to the Saljūqs, a process likely complete when (later Mu‘izz al-Dīn) Muḥammad (r. 1173–1203
Sultan Sanjar (r. 1118–1153; d. 1157) secured the as junior sultan; 1203–1206 as supreme sultan).
Ghaznavid throne for his own candidate Bahrām Mu‘izz al-Dīn (or Muḥammad Ghūrī, q.v.), ruling
Shāh b. Mas‘ūd III (d. c. 1157) [5, 6]. After ‘Izz from the third dynastic sultanate of Ghazna,
al-Dīn’s death, his son and successor Sayf al-Dīn extinguished the Ghaznavid dynasty at Lahore in
Sūrī (r. 1146–1149) assigned separate appanages 1186 and proceeded to overthrow the principal
within Ghūr to his six brothers. When Quṭb al- Hindu dynasties of northern India, sc. the
Dīn Muḥammad, the founder of the future capital Chauhāns (Cāhamānas) of Śākambharī, the
of Fīrūzkūh, quarreled with his brothers and Tomaras of Delhi, the Gāhaḍavālas of G
sought refuge with Bahrām Shāh, the Ghaznavid Kānyakubja (Kanauj), the Chandellas
sultan poisoned his guest. Sayf al-Dīn then cap- (Candrātreyas) of Jejākabhukti (Bundelkhand),
tured Ghazna in retribution, but Bahrām Shāh and the Senas of Nūdiya (Nabadwīp) and
was able to regain his capital and ignominiously Lakhnawtī (Gauṛ) in western Bengal [9, 12, 19,
execute his foe. It was these two murders that led 21]. The conquest of India was largely the work of
to the lasting enmity between the Ghūrid and the sultan’s Turkish slaves (ghulāms or mamlūks)
Ghaznavid houses. After the short reign of such as Quṭb al-Dīn Aibak (Aybeg) (q.v.) and
Bahā’ al-Dīn Sām (d. 1149), leadership of the other subordinates [15].
family devolved upon ‘Alā’ al-Dīn Ḥusayn In the west, Ghiyās al-Dīn extended Ghūrid
(q.v., r. 1149–1161), whose ferocious sacking of authority over the malik of Sīstān and combated
Ghazna earned him the sobriquet Jahānsūz various Turkish amī rs who had captured the
(“world burner”) [5, 6, 14]. ‘Alā’ al-Dīn then towns of Khurāsān after the Saljūq collapse. The
prematurely challenged the Saljūqs in Khurāsān main adversary in Khurāsān, however, was the
and was captured by Sanjar; his subsequent powerful Khwārazmshāh Tekesh b. Il-Arslān (r.
release saw the consolidation of Ghūrid rule in 1172–1200) and his son Muḥammad (r.
Garchistān, Bāmiyān, Ṭukhāristān, and sur- 1200–1220). Ghūrid power reached its height
rounding regions [16]. after Tekesh’s death allowed expansion into west-
‘Alā’ al-Dīn’s efforts elevated the Ghūrids to ern Khurāsān and the Ismā‘īlī stronghold of
the rank of a regional power. In this the Ghūrids Quhistān, yet the Ghūrid position here ultimately
were largely the beneficiaries of the collapse proved untenable; when Muḥammad Ghūrī
of first Saljūq and then Ghaznavid authority invaded Khwārazm in 1204, he failed to over-
at the hands of the Oghuz Türkmen, who cap- come the Khwārazmian Turks and was then
tured Sanjar in 1153 and conquered Ghazna in routed by their Qara Khitai overlords at Andkhūd
c. 1162 [2, 5, 6]; ‘Alā’ al-Dīn’s son and succes- [2, 3].
sor, Sayf al-Dīn Muḥammad (r. 1161–1163), Muḥammad Ghūrī’s assassination in 1206 let
was himself killed while battling the Oghuz. loose the centrifugal forces inherent in the
The expansion of Ghūrid rule also led to Ghūrids’ clan-based political structure. The fac-
a division of the family’s territories; thus, in tions at Fīrūzkūh and Bāmiyān competed over
Bāmiyān a branch of the Shansabānīs under control of Ghazna, but the mamlūk Tāj al-Dīn
Fakhr al-Dīn Mas‘ūd established a parallel Yildiz (Yıldız) was able to retrieve his position
dynastic line subordinate to the main branch there. In Lahore, Aibak likely maintained his
ruling in Fīrūzkūh [5, 17]. allegiance to Ghūr throughout his four-year
260 Ghūrids

tenure, but his successor Iltutmish (r. 1210–1236), References

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ultimately declared independence and founded 1. Ball W (2002) The towers of Ghur: a Ghurid ‘Maginot
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avalanche. invasion, 4th edn. EJW Gibb Memorial Trust,
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3. Biran M (2005) The empire of the Qara Khitai in
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culture and were important agents of its transmis- of the Iranian world (A.D. 1000–1217). In: Boyle JA
(ed) The Cambridge history of Iran, vol 5, The Saljuq
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in Delhi [7, 16, 18, 20]. Although ‘Alā’ al-Dīn and decay: the dynasty in Afghanistan and northern
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8. Giunta R, Bresc C (2004) Listes de la titulature des
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and Ḥanafī madhhabs, respectively, and thus numismatiques et épigraphiques. Eurasian Stud
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rule in India: a history of the establishment and pro-
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from the ‘Abbāsid caliph at Baghdad [8]. Jūzjānī’s D., 2nd edn. Vanguard Press, Allahabad
Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī (c. 1260) is largely a special 10. Hillenbrand R (2000) The architecture of the
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11. Hillenbrand R (2002) The Ghurid tomb at Herat. In:
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12. Jackson P (1999) The Delhi Sultanate: a political and
▶ Aibak (Aybeg), Quṭb al-Dīn
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▶ ‘Alā’ al-Dīn Ḥusayn (Ghūrid) Cambridge
▶ Bayhaqī, Abūl-Fażl 13. Jackson P (2000) The fall of the Ghurid dynasty. In:
▶ Bengal (Islam and Muslims) Hillenbrand C (ed) Studies in honour of Clifford
Edmund Bosworth, vol 2, The sultan’s turret: Studies
▶ Delhi Sultanate
in Persian and Turkish culture. EJ Brill, Leiden,
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▶ Jūzjānī, Minhāj al-Dīn 14. Khan GM (1949) A history of Bahrām Shāh of
▶ Maḥmūd Ghaznavī Ghaznin. Islamic Cult 23(2):199–235
15. Kumar S (2006) The emergence of the Delhi Sultanate
▶ Mas‘ūd I
1192–1286. Permanent Black, Ranikhet
▶ Muḥammad Ghūrī 16. Maricq A, Wiet G (1959) Le minaret de Djam: La
▶ Shams al-Dīn Iltutmish découverte de la capitale de sultans Ghorides
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(XIIe–XIIIe siècles). Mémoires de la Délégation

Archéologique Française en Afghanistan 16. Libraire Grameen Bank
C. Klincksieck, Paris
17. Nizami KA (1998) The Ghurids. In: Asimov MS,
Bosworth CE (eds) History of civilizations of Central Clinton Bennett
Asia, vol 4, The age of achievement: A.D. 750 to the Department of Philosophy, State University of
end of the fifteenth century. UNESCO, Paris New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA
18. Pinder-Wilson R (2001) Ghaznavid and Ghurid mina-
rets. Iran: J Br Inst Persian Stud 39:155–186
19. Ray HC (1973) The dynastic history of northern India
(early medieval period), 2nd edn., 2 vols. Munshiram Definition
Manoharlal, New Delhi
20. Sourdel-Thomine J (2004) Le Minaret ghouride de
Jām: Un chef d’oeuvre du XIIe siècle. Diffusion de Pioneer microcredit financial institution, with
Boccard, Paris many affiliated not-for-profit agencies, officially
21. Wink A (1997) Al-Hind: the making of the Indo- founded in Bangladesh in 1983 committed to erad-
Islamic world, vol 2, The slave kings and the Islamic icating world poverty using a model that has been G
conquest, 11th–13th centuries. EJ Brill, Leiden
widely replicated globally; with founder, Muham-
mad Yunus, it won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2006.

Gisu Daraz Origin of the Bank

▶ Gēsūdarāz, Sayyid Grameen Bank, founded by Muhammad Yunus

(born 1940), began as an experiment in 1976. An
economist with a PhD from Vanderbilt, Tennessee,
Yunus found theorizing about poverty alleviation
Gisudaraz as a teacher at Chittagong University, Bangladesh,
shallow if he could not actually help the poor.
▶ Gēsūdarāz, Sayyid Speaking with slum dwellers near campus, he real-
ized that many had skills but that lack of capital to
buy tools, for example, prevented them from using
these to generate income. Only unscrupulous mon-
eylenders would offer credit; Banks refused to loan
Gisu-Daraz to the poor. By 1983, Yunus’ small-scale micro-
credit experiment had transitioned into an indepen-
▶ Gēsūdarāz, Sayyid dent, not-for-profit financial institution Grameen
(“of the village”) Bank that has now loaned
approximately $6 billion to the poor. Versions of
its program have spread across the world. In 1997,
Graeco-Arabic Medicine the first Microcredit Summit was held in Washing-
ton, D.C., with 3,000 delegates from 137 countries.
▶ Yūnānī Medicine An Islamic Microfinance Network began in 2009.

Philosophy, Values, and Principles

Graeco-Islamic Medicine
Grameen developed a distinctive philosophy and
▶ Yūnānī Medicine modus operandi. In its first phase, in 1976–2001,
262 Grameen Bank

potential borrowers formed solidarity or self-help Grameen and Women

groups of five members. Group members
underwent training and had to pass a test on Yunus soon realized that women were better than
Grameen’s principles and values. There are 4 most men at repaying loans and often put money to
principles (discipline, unity, courage, and hard better use. Research has confirmed that in addition
work) and 16 affirmations, recited at group meet- to benefiting economically, families’ health, diet,
ings. Affirmations include commitments to edu- and access to opportunities for education improve
cation, the family, lifestyle, health, and social more when women, rather than men, take out loans
solidarity; Grameen aims to promote social as [6]. Given that women form the majority of the
well as economic development, believing that poor, raising women out of poverty became
poverty can become a museum relic [1]. First, a philosophical and operational priority. Ninety-
two group members received loans, followed by seven percent of Grameen members are women.
two more when the first loans had been repaid, Grameen claims that 58% of borrowers cross the
followed by the fifth. Each borrower was respon- poverty line [7]. Grameen also gives no-interest
sible for redeeming their loan, but because others loans to beggars, encouraging them to earn a living.
could not borrow if anyone defaulted, “subtle- Only a small number of Grameen staff are
peer pressure” ensured timely repayments [2]. women, mainly due to difficulties involved in
Groups were obligated to invest 5% of each loan traveling through rural areas. Some point out
into a fund, from which members could borrow that not everyone can launch a small business;
interest-free loans. Larger sums became available thus, as a panacea to eliminate all poverty, micro-
as smaller ones were repaid. Since 2001, the finance falls short. It rarely results in creating large
“Grameen II” model offers more flexible, longer- numbers of jobs.
term loans to individuals as well as groups,
depending on which option is considered suitable
for each client [3]. Initial loans are intended to Grameen and Islamic Principles
finance cottage industry or small businesses such
as handicrafts, poultry farming, or renting out Some opponents of the Bank claim that it is part of
a cell phone. Larger loans can develop businesses, a Christian conspiracy to undermine Islamic
fund education, or build a home. Loans do not values and practices, including purdah. Critics
require collateral. Grameen clients own 94% of say that it exploits women, since the type of
the bank; the Bangladesh government owns 6% work they do earns relatively little money. Some
[4]. Clients elect nine Board members; four are ‘ulamā’ have condemned Grameen and other non-
government appointees [5]. There are now dozens governmental organizations working to empower
of Grameen-related agencies, including a Trust, women, issuing fatāwa denouncing them [8].
a Fund, Grameen Energy, and Fisheries and Live- There have been attacks on clients and on
stock Foundation. Staff travel to clients, Grameen centers. On the one hand, Grameen was
a distinctive feature of Grameen’s system. not developed as a specifically Islamic organiza-
Grameen also provides training, marketing tion, nor were Muslims targeted as clients [9]. On
assistance, access to insurance, and pension ser- the other, Yunus and others defend microfinance
vices. Another Grameen commitment is making against the criticism that it violates Islamic princi-
information technology available to the poor; it ples, pointing out that Grameen’s aims of equity
runs the largest cell phone company in Bangla- and social justice are profoundly Islamic. Warde
desh, perhaps the only nonprofit market leader in describes Grameen’s “concept” as “based on
this field. Grameen advocates the concept of a central tenet of the moral economy of Islam . . .
social businesses that prioritize promoting welfare to narrow down the rich-poor gap” [10]. Interest is
as well as maximizing profit. The aim is to change charged, which for some contravenes Islamic prin-
the nature of capitalism itself, so that social goals ciples (the prohibition of riba). The highest rate,
are also valued. calculated on the declining balance method, is
Gulamali Ismail 263

20%. Yunus argues that Grameen does not exploit 5. Satow PA (1999) The Grameen Bank: a tool to combat
the poor and, since borrowers own the Bank, the feminization of poverty. In: Noble AG, Costa FJ
(eds) Preserving the legacy: concepts in support of
they pay interest “to themselves” [11]. Most sustainability. Lexington Books, Lanham, pp 123–140
women who benefit work from home, so other 6. Coleman I (2010) Paradise beneath her feet: how
Muslims support Grameen [12]. Some self- women are transforming the Middle East. Random
defined Islamic microfinance institutions do not House, New York
7. Alam MN, Getubid M (2010) Guidelines for
charge interest but use alternatives such as establishing and operating Grameen Style Microcredit
a service charge or a profit-loss sharing system, Programs. Grameen Foundation USA, Washington,
which more recognizably fit an Islamic banking, DC
or shariah-compliant model [13]. 8. Riaz A (2004) God willing: the politics of Islamism in
Bangladesh. Rowman & Littlefield, Lanham
9. Riddell P (2013) Islam as aid and development. In:
Clarke M (ed) Handbook of research on development
Recognition and Awards and religion. Edward Elgar, Northampton, pp 17–30
10. Warde I (2010) Islamic finance in the global economy. G
Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh
Grameen’s low-cost housing program, which 11. Halverson JR (2012) Searching for a King: Muslim
“focuses on simple but sturdy structural compo- nonviolence and the future of Islam. Potomac Books,
nents,” won an Aga Khan Award (1998) and Washington, DC
a World Habitat Award (1999) [14]. Grameen’s 12. Shehabuddin E (2008) Reshaping the holy: democ-
racy, development, and Muslim women in Bangla-
success as an exportable poverty-reducing desh. Columbia University Press, New York
program – including to developed states – has 13. Obaidullah M (2011) Islamic microfinance: the way
impacted how Bangladesh is perceived interna- forward. In: Hassan K, Mahlknecht M (eds) Islamic
tionally, less as a “hopeless basket case,” more capital markets: products and strategies. Wiley, Chich-
ester, pp 415–428
as a “country worthy of attention, care and devel- 14. Roy A (2010) Poverty capital: microfinance and the
opmental assistance” [15]. In 2006, Yunus and making of development. Routledge, New York
Grameen received the Nobel Peace Prize for tack- 15. Sachs JD (2006) The end of poverty: economic possi-
ling poverty “from below.” The citation recog- bilities for our time. Penguin, New York
16. Nobel Media (2006) Nobel Peace Prize for 2006 to
nized that poverty violates human rights and Muhammad Yunus and Grameen Bank – press release.
endangers world peace [16]. Nobel Foundation, Oslo

References

1. Yunus M (2007) Poverty is a threat to peace: the Nobel

Group
Prize lecture. In: Creating a World Without Poverty.
Public Affairs, New York ▶ Ummah
2. Yunus M (1999) Banker to the poor: micro-lending
and the battle against world poverty. Public Affairs,
New York
3. Yunus M, Weber K (2007) Creating a world without
poverty: social business and the future of capitalism.
Public Affairs, New York
Gulamali Ismail
4. Apakshit S (2010) The Grameen Bank. GRIN Verlag,
Munich ▶ Ismā‘īl, Gulāmalī (1864–1943)
H

Ḥadd Hajj

▶ Ḥudūd A. F. M. Obaidur Rahman1 and Golam Dastagir1,2

1
Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar
University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh
2
Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University of
Haji Naji Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia

▶ Ismā‘īl, Gulāmalī (1864–1943)

Synonyms

Eid al-Aḍḥā; Islamic festival; Pillar of Islam;

Hājī Nājī Pilgrimage; Umrah

▶ Ismā‘īl, Gulāmalī (1864–1943)

Definition

The ḥajj is one of the five pillars of Islam (ārkān

Haji Shariat Allah al-Islām) that marks the pilgrimage of Muslims
to the “House of Allāh” (Ka‘bah), also known
▶ Shari’atullah (d. 1840) as the Sacred House (Bayt al-Ḥarām) at
Mecca – a religious duty recommended for capa-
ble Muslims at least once in lifetime, of course,
on certain conditions. The term ḥajj is derived
Haji Shariat Ullah from the Arabic word ḥajj, meaning “intending
a journey,” which signifies the rite to demon-
▶ Shari’atullah (d. 1840) strate solidarity and unity of Muslims obliged
to surrender to One God – Allāh, the Lord of
the worlds. The holy journey, the ḥajj, is
performed in the last month of the lunar calendar
Haji Shariatullah called Dhū l-Ḥijjah, usually from the 8th to the
12th during which the most significant aspects of
▶ Shari’atullah (d. 1840) the rite take place.
# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018
Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
266 Hajj

Hajj is obligatory at least once in a lifetime for can afford the pilgrimage, the ḥajj is clearly pre-
those who are able-bodied and can afford the scribed in the Qur’ān: “Pilgrimage to this house is
expenses of the journey [4], provided the journey an homage due to Allāh for those who are able to
is safe too, as has been hinted in the Qur’ānic undertake the journey” (Q. III:97).
verse (Q. III:97). A Muslim having these qualifi-
cations is required to perform the pilgrimage once
in his or her lifetime. The repetition of the perfor- The Ceremony of Hajj
mance is also allowed.
There are three forms of the ḥajj with slight var-
iations in procedural matters – ḥajj al-tamattu’,
Historical Background ḥajj al-ifrād, and ḥajj al-qirān. Of these, the
ḥajj al-tamattu’ involving the iḥrām (special
The historical evidence of the ḥajj, which is garment), the umrah (lesser pilgrimage), and the
ordained for Muslims (Q. II:128, 158, 196, 197; ḥajj is believed to be the one recommended by the
V:1–2, V:95, etc.), retraces the acts of Prophet Prophet of Islam. On the other hand, ḥajj al-ifrād
Abraham (also known as Ibrahim), the father of is a type of ḥajj that does not necessarily require
monotheistic religions, around 2000 BCE. umrah and sacrificing animals. Furthermore, if
According to the Islamic tradition, Prophet Abra- a pilgrim performs the umrah and the ḥajj together
ham left behind his second wife, Hājar, along with with one iḥrām, the pilgrim is believed to have
their baby boy Ismāʻīl (Ishmael) in the desert, as performed what is known as ḥajj-al-qirān.
ordained by God. Hājar had to face hardship find- It is worth mentioning that those performing
ing food, water, and shelter with the baby, and the the ḥajj may perform the umrah, but such perfor-
Zamzam well sprang forth as a consequence of the mance does not replace the obligation to under-
baby’s heel stroke in response to Hājar’s suppli- take the pilgrimage proper and the duties
cation to God for help following seven times associated with it [3]. The ḥajj by definition,
running back and forth between the mounts of therefore, comprises the wearing of iḥrām,
as-Ṣafā and al-Marwah, which are among the performing the umrah, sacrificing animals, ston-
symbols of God (Q. II:158). ing the devils, and staying at Arafat, Muzdalifah,
The rite of the ḥajj is closely bound up with the and Mina – three historical locations within
cube-shaped Sacred House known as the Ka‘bah, a short distance from Mecca. On the spiritual
which Allāh has made “an asylum of security for level, the wearing of the iḥrām, which means
men” (Q. V:97) and the direction of prayer donning two sheets of white unhemmed cloth,
(namāz/ṣalāt), from time immemorial. According signifies the equality of humankind in the sight
to Islamic tradition, it was built by the first man on of Allāh and unity of the Muslim ummah across
earth, Adam, but was destroyed by the deluge in the world. One of these sheets is used for covering
the time of Noah and lost subsequently. It was the lower part of the body and the other covers the
discovered and rebuilt by the great Prophet Abra- left shoulder and the back, leaving the right arm
ham with whom the three Semitic religions – and shoulder bare. Women are allowed to wear
Judaism, Christianity, and Islam – claim to have their normal seamed dresses. The state of the
a shared history and traditional value. His son iḥrām formally begins with a short prayer, and
Ismāʻīl, considered to be the father of the Arabs, after that everybody must abstain from sexual
also took part in the reconstruction. Abraham relations and thoughts of them and the use of
himself introduced the institution of the ḥajj that perfumes and jewelry and must not clip nails or
was in vogue among the Arabs at the time of the cut the hair of any part of the body, nor kill any
Prophet of Islam, though in a distorted form. The animal or bird. From now on, the pilgrims will
Prophet Muḥammad gave it an Islamic character continue to chant the slogan (ṭalbīya) time and
that we find in the institution today. For those who again:
Hajj 267

Here, I am at Thy service O Lord, here I am. Here, Prophet Muḥammad delivered his last sermon [6].
I am at Thy service and Thou hast no partners. Just as Allāh forgave Adam, every pilgrim feels
Thine alone is All Praise and All Bounty, and
Thine alone is The Sovereignty. Thou hast no part- that he or she has also been forgiven. In ‘Arafāt,
ners. (Labbaik Allāhumma Labbaik. Labbaik, La the pilgrims shorten their noon and afternoon
Sharī k Laka, Labbaik. Inna-l-Hamdah, Wa-n- prayers and offer them one at a time. They can
Nimatah, Laka wa-l-Mulk, La Sharī k Laka) offer the prayers in their own tents or with the
congregation that is held in the grand mosque
named Masjid al-Namira near the Mount ‘Arafāt.
Rites of the Hajj Many people find immense satisfaction in
climbing the hill as it is believed that this is the
At the outset, on the 8th day of Dhū l-Ḥijjah, the spot where Adam was granted forgiveness by
pilgrims enter into the state of iḥrām before they Allāh.
cross the sacred line around Mecca. Upon arriving As soon as the sun sets in the western horizon,
at Mecca, they take some rest and then, after pilgrims leave ‘Arafāt for Muzdalifah, a valley
performing the necessary ablutions, circumambu- surrounded by rocky hills. With the open sky
late (ṭawāf ) the Ka‘bah in an anticlockwise direc- and almost a full-sized moon over their heads, H
tion seven times. Every circumambulation begins the pilgrims find themselves on the ground, in
with the kissing of the sacred Black Stone (al- a natural setting that helps them enjoy their natural
ḥajar al-ʿaswad) to be found at the corner of the state, just freed from all stain of sins. They spend
Ka‘bah, either physically or symbolically through the night there, still in the state of iḥrām.
gesture. At the end of the circumambulation, the They leave the valley next morning after the
pilgrims usually offer two cycles (rak‘ah) of dawn prayer with some pebbles collected from
supererogatory (nafl) prayer at the place of the there and reach Mina to start the day by stoning
standing of Abraham (maqām Ibrāhī m) at the the Satan (Shaitan) – a ritual called ramī al-
east side of the Ka‘bah and then proceed to drink jamarāt. Stoning the devil signifies the defiance
the holy water from the well of Zamzam. of the Shaitan (Iblī s), as Abraham did three times
The next rite of the ḥajj is to proceed to Mount against the Satan’s three times of attempted temp-
aṣ-Ṣafā located approximately 330 ft from the tation. Thus, the pilgrims throw stones to three
Ka‘bah to perform the rite of what is called saʿyi symbolic pillars marking the defiance of the Iblī s.
(running and walking back and forth), which con- After this rite is over, they sacrifice animals of
sists of running seven times between this mount their choice in commemoration of Prophet
and that of al-Marwah a distance of about 980 ft. Ibrāhīm’s eventual sacrifice of a sheep in lieu of
This is in commemoration of Hājar’s frantic quest his son held by Muslim tradition to be a reference
of water to quench the thirst of her son, Ismāʻīl. to Ismāʻīl. This day is the 10th Dhū l-Ḥijjah, the
After this performance, the pilgrims get their head day of Eid al-Aḍḥā, also spelled as ʻI¯d al-Aḍḥā.
shaved or have the hair cut to a certain length and They thus express their gratitude to Allāh for the
that marks the end of the umrah. divinely gracious concession granted to Prophet
They can then start for Mina on their way to Ibrāhīm, in particular, and his subsequent fol-
‘Arafāt. Upon reaching Mina they are expected to lowers in general, in meeting His demand of obe-
offer the five daily prayers, including the noon dience [1]. After this ceremony, they are required
prayer of that day and the morning prayer of the to shave or cut some hair from their head again
next day. and they may give up the iḥrām. The pilgrim is,
They start for Arafat in the morning of the 9th however, not completely free. They will have to
day of Dhū l-Ḥijjah and halt to pray, supplicate, go back to Mecca to circumambulate the Ka‘bah
and recite the Qur’ān at the Jabal al-Raḥmān and to do the saʿyi again, which is known as ṭawāf
(Mountain of Mercy), from where in the 10th al-zī yārah. After that, they will have to return to
year of Hijrī on the 9th day of Dhū l-Ḥijjah the Mina to complete their recommended overnight
268 Hajj

stay there and to stone all the three Satans twice or Spirituality of the Hajj
thrice within the next 2 days. With the accom-
plishment of this rite, the pilgrims can return to As one of the five pillars of Islam, the institution
Mecca on 12th or 13th of the month with the new of the ḥajj occupies a unique position from both
epithet Hajji. This is how the rites of the ḥajj come the spiritual and social points of view. As the
to an end. The Hajjis, however, perform a farewell pilgrims throng the courtyard of the building
circumambulation around the Ka‘bah, before they called “the House of Allāh,” they feel the presence
leave Mecca. of Allāh around themselves, as they leave the
It is important to note here that the pilgrims not material world behind, attire equally, and devote
only perform the essential rituals of the ḥajj at themselves wholly to the remembrance (dhikr/
Mecca, they also visit many sanctuaries of that zikr) of Allāh, adding an unparalleled height to
city having historical and spiritual importance if their piety. Every circumambulation around the
they can manage the time and have the opportu- House instills in their mind increased spiritual
nity to do so. Thus the cave of Jabal al-Nūr awareness against which worldly affairs are
(Mountain of Light) where the Prophet of Islam bound to seem quite insignificant to them. But
received the first divine revelation is designated as the ḥajj is not intended to promote the attitude of
a sacred site for pilgrims. Out of ecstasy, they are negligence towards the affairs of mundane life.
seen scuffling with each other for offering prayer A pilgrim’s new awareness, in fact, gives him or
at this sacrosanct place. They also pay homage to her an insight into the nature of things aimed at
the cave of Thawr in which the Prophet Muḥam- a sort of moral rearmament based on submission
mad along with his companion, Abū Bakr, took to Allāh and the ingrained satisfaction and opti-
refuge for 3 days and three nights at the time of mism attained from that. Furthermore, Muslims
their migration to Medina in order for them to believe that Allāh forgives a pilgrim’s sin for the
avoid detection by their enemies who were chas- sake of the ḥajj, if performed with sincerity, ded-
ing and pursuing them. ication, and devotion; for the Prophet has said,
Also a place of importance at Mecca is the “Whoever performs the ḥajj to the Ka‘bah and
graveyard where the Prophet’s revered wife, does not approach his wife for sexual relations
Khadīja, is buried. Another place the pilgrims nor commits sin during performing the ḥajj, he
throng is the birthplace of the Prophet, which will come out as sinless as a new-born child” ([2],
now houses a library built by the Ottoman Turks. Chap.: 28, Ḥadīth No. 46). Apart from gaining
But the most important place of visitation is such spiritual merit, some of the tangible benefits
Medina where lie the holy body of the Prophet of the institution of the Hajj can here be
and those of his companions. It is a great act of mentioned.
receiving grace (barakah) to visit the tomb of
the Prophet and to offer prayer at his mosque
(Al-Masjid al-Nabawī ) adjacent to it. It is worth Social Implication of the Hajj
mentioning that the ḥajj pilgrims used to visit
Jerusalem, “the third holy city of Islam,” before First of all, ḥajj brings a sort of uniformity among
Israel took over it in 1967 [4]. Also visited by Muslims irrespective of their social status, demo-
many pilgrims, if not all, are some local sites graphical position, and geographical location. As
associating with the tombs of the descendants of they dress up in unison, it is very difficult to
the Prophet and great saints [4]. Furthermore, the distinguish between a king and a commoner in
Quba Mosque and the Masjid al-Qiblatayn – the the said spiritual assembly, implying a sense of
two historical sites for Muslims – are also visited equality among them which is always desirable
[5]. Generally, the pilgrims spend 8 days in from the moral point of view.
Medina to offer 40 daily prayers there in The ḥajj creates also solidarity among Mus-
total – an act considered to be of immense spiritual lims. On this occasion, they come very close to
value. each other, can understand each other, and can be
Hali, Altāf Ḥusayn 269

inspired by each other. The bond thus created

among them is likely to be strong enough to Hajji Imdad Allah
fight against the forces of social disintegration
that are always at work in the community ▶ Imdādullāh “Muhājir,” Hājji
(ummah).
Broadly speaking, the ḥajj has always helped
Muslims to share and exchange ideas and views of
each other giving an intellectual stimulation to
scholars. The result is the composition and com- Hajji Imdadullah
pilation of many religious and literary works on
Islam through which many have become legend- ▶ Imdādullāh “Muhājir,” Hājji
ary figures in history.
In the international sphere, nowadays the ḥajj
can do a lot in the form of initiating peace pro-
grams particularly for the Islamic world. The exer- Hajji Imdadullah Muhajir
cise of nonviolence in the form of refraining from H
Makki
killing of any sort is a good starting point for any
pacifist. This aspect of the ḥajj has yet to be ▶ Imdādullāh “Muhājir,” Hājji
explored to its fullest extent.
The upshot of all these is that the ḥajj aims
at making a Muslim a better person who will
not shirk from the world but will work towards
making it a peaceful place in which to live, not Hakim al-Ummat
just for the Muslim ummah but for the entire
humankind. ▶ Ashraf ‘Alī Thānawī

Cross-References

▶ dhikr/zikr Hali, Altāf Ḥusayn

▶ Namāz
▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia Amanullah De Sondy
▶ Ummah Study of Religions, College of Arts and Social
Sciences, University College Cork, Cork, Ireland

References
Synonyms
1. Armstrong K (2002) Islam: a short history (modern
library chronicles). Modern Library, New York Altaf Hussain Hali; Mawlana Hali
2. Bukhari M (1997) Sahih Al-Bukhari (trans: Khan MM).
The Translation of the Meanings of Sahih Al-Bukhari:
Arabic-English. Dar-us-Salam Publications, Riyadh
3. Esposito JL (2010) Islam: the straight path. Oxford
University Press, New York
Definition
4. Nasr SH (2004) The heart of Islam: enduring values for
humanity. HarperOne, New York Altāf Ḥusayn Hali (1837–1914) was a prolific
5. Peters FE (1995) The Hajj: the Muslim Pilgrimage to Indian poet and biographer [1, 2]. Hali was
Mecca and the holy places. Princeton University Press,
Princeton
named at birth as Khwaja Altāf Husain but his
6. Ramadan T (2007) In the footsteps of the prophet. takhallus (pen name) was Hali. Hali is translated
Oxford University Press, New York as “the contemporary.”
270 Hali, Altāf Ḥusayn

Early Life Shackle and Majeed argue that Hali looked

toward Ghālib as his mentor since his father had
Hali went through a turbulent early life as his died when he was young [5].
father died while he was a boy and his mother
was deemed insane. He was brought up by his
sister in Panipat, India. Hali then moved to Delhi Major Work
where he is said to have studied Islamic theology
and a variety of different poetic forms, namely, It was upon the request of Sir Syed Aḥmed Khān
Ghazal, Nazm, the Rubai, and Marsia. Hali took that Hali wrote his most famous piece of work,
on another takhallus during his time in Delhi, Musaddas-e Hali, around 1870 in Lahore (cur-
Khasta (translated as a person who is tired or rent-day Pakistan). In this long poem he laments
lost in energy). the power that Muslims once had:

The raincloud of adversity is spreading over their

heads
Influence Calamity is showing itself
Inauspiciousness is hovering behind and in front
Hali was greatly influenced by Mirza Ghālib, the From left and right is coming the cry,
prolific Urdu poet. Ghālib and Hali’s relationship Who were you yesterday, and what have you
become today
began when Hali was around 17 years old. Just now you were awake, and now you have gone
Prigarina stated that Hali was studying at to sleep
a Madrasah (traditional school) in Delhi and
had a fondness for poetry [3]. He would frequent This comes as no surprise as this was the
the Mushairas of Ghālib and quickly became beginning of the British Raj in India. Sandwiched
attached into a close friendship with Ghālib. between Sir Syed Aḥmed Khān and Ghālib, Hali
Ghālib would explain difficult ghazals to Hali. tried to build a bridge between more orthodox
Ghālib said to Hali on one occasion, “I never and antinomian forms of Islam in the modern
advise anyone to devote himself to poetry, but Muslim world. Indeed he remained a central fig-
as far as you are concerned, I think if you didn’t ure to the Aligarh Muslim movement that was set
write poetry you would be doing violence to your up by Sir Syed Aḥmed Khān [6]. In the same vein
capabilities” [4]. as Hali, Sir Muḥammad Iqbāl’s famous poems,
Hali explained the impact of the friendship he Shikwa and Jawab-e-Shikwa, resonate with the
had with Ghālib, types of themes and issues that Hali was inter-
ested in exploring through his work. Such works
I thought that in all God’s creation only the Mus-
lims, and of the seventy-three Muslim sects only the
have played a great role in rousing passion for
Sunnis, and of the Sunnis only the Hanafis, and of a purer form of Islam, or Islamic revival. Hali is
the Hanafis only those who performed absolutely to this day held by Muslim nationalists in
meticulously the fasts and prayers and other out- both India and Pakistan as a continual beacon
ward observances, would be found worthy of sal-
vation and forgiveness–as though the scope of
toward the revival of what an Islamic state
God’s mercy were more confined and restricted should aspire to be.
than Queen Victoria’s empire, where men of every
religion and creed live peacefully together. The
greater the love and affection I felt for a man, the
more strongly I desired that he should meet his end
Legacy and Death
in the state in which, as I thought, he could attain
salvation and forgiveness; and since the love and Hali was influenced greatly by Sir Syed Aḥmed
affection I felt for Ghālib were intense, I always Khān who wanted to draw Muslims towards mod-
lamented his fallen state, thinking, so to say, that in
the garden of Rizwan (In Paradise) we should no
ern social realities. Hali continued in his attempt
more be together and that after death we should to bridge the divide between formative/classical
never see each other again. [4] Islam with the ensuing realities of his world. In
Ḥallāj, al- 271

one of his Urdu novels, Majālis un-Nisā’ (Assem- who visited India in the late ninth century, possi-
blies of Women), he makes a strong case for bly the first renowned Ṣūfī to do so.
women to be educated, and the main protagonist
of the novel, Zubaida Khatun, is highly educated.
It is said that Hali is to be credited as the originator Early Life and Education
of the Urdu biography genre. Hali died in Panipat
on the 30 September 1914. Abū al-Mughīth al-Ḥusayn ibn Manṣūr al-Ḥallāj
was born in Ṭūr, Fars province, Iran, probably in
the year 858 (Hijri year, 224). He was raised in
Cross-References a cotton-growing region, where his father was
a cotton-carder; a cotton-carder (al-ḥallāj in Ara-
▶ Mirzā Ghālib bic) is a type of spinning tool. His family claimed
descent from a companion of Muḥammad, Abū
Ayyūb, although his grandfather was probably
References a convert from Zoroastrianism. Al-Ḥallāj
received an Islamic education, becoming a ḥāfiẓ H
1. George KM (1992) Modern Indian literature, an anthol- (one who memorizes the Qurʾān). The Ṣūfī tradi-
ogy: plays and prose, vol 3. Sahitya Akademi, New tion (taṣawwuf) at this period was beginning to
Delhi
2. Hali MAH (1932) Quatrains of Hali – original Urdu
develop distinctive beliefs and practices, includ-
with a literal English translation (trans: Ward GE, Tute ing the master-pupil (pīri-murīdi) relationship.
CS). Oxford University Press, London From an early age, al-Ḥallāj wanted to penetrate
3. Prigarina N (2004) Mirzā Ghālib: a creative biography Islam’s inner meanings, to experience intimacy
(trans: Faruqi MO). Oxford University Press, Karachi,
p 280
with the divine. Believing that Ṣūfīs could
4. Hali MAH (1990) Yādgār-i-Ghālib (trans: Qadiri KH). instruct him in this quest, he sought their com-
Idarah-I Adabiyāt, Delhi, pp 64–65 pany. He is known to have received instruction
5. Hali MAH (1997) Hali’s Musaddas – the flow and Ebb from several teachers, beginning with Sahl at-
of Islam (trans: Shackle C, Majeed J). Oxford Univer-
sity Press, Delhi, p 2
Tustarī (d. 896), who lived in solitude in Tustar,
6. Hali MAH (1984) Hali’s biography of Sir Syed Ahmed Khuzistan. Sahl has been credited with first artic-
Khan. In: Hayat-e-Javed. Hijna International, Lahore ulating an integrated mystical theology; this
begins with a covenant between God and all
human souls, which preexist descent into
human bodies. Muḥammad, as prototypical
Ḥallāj, al- man, preexisted Adam’s creation; he is con-
ceived of as divine light, nūr, which can be
Clinton Bennett linked with Q5: 15’s reference to “a light” and
Department of Philosophy, State University of a “book” from Allah [1]. Al-Ḥallāj may have
New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA spent two years with Sahl. His second teacher
was al-Makkī (also known as ‘Amr al-Makkī) of
Basra (d. 904), where Ḥasan of Basra (d. 728)
Synonyms had pioneered Sufism’s development, arguably
before Ṣūfī Islam existed as an identifiable tradi-
Abū al-Mughīth al-Ḥusayn ibn Manṣūr al-Ḥallāj tion. However, chains of initiation, silsilah, fre-
quently pass through Ḥasan. Al-Makkī was an
associate or pupil of al-Ḥallāj’s third teacher, al-
Definition Junayd of Baghdad (d. 910), who also features in
many silsilah chains. These begin with Muham-
Controversial and celebrated Muslim Ṣūfī teacher mad as the source of esoteric knowledge,
and writer executed for heresy in 922 in Baghdad ma‘rifa, continuing through each teacher to the
272 Ḥallāj, al-

living saint. Al-Ḥallāj is said to have spent eigh- Travels Before 896
teen months studying with ‘Amr al-Makkī,
representing his apprenticeship. Al-Makkī, who In 884, Al-Ḥallāj set out on the first of many
had studied with al-Bukhārī (d. 870), the collec- journeys. He appears to have seen traveling and
tor of traditions, was inclined to keep good rela- teaching as a personal mission, one that took the
tions with Islam’s legal and traditionalist Ṣūfī message to whoever would listen, whether
schools. Around about 877 (263 AH) al-Hallāj elite or nonelite. Ḥadīth collectors, too, routinely
married Umm al-Ḥusayn, daughter of Abū traveled in search of traditions; al-Ḥallāj also col-
Ya‘qūb Aqta‘ al-Baṣrī (the one-handed ampu- lected ḥadī th. Traveling “in search of knowledge”
tee), a secretary or kātib of al-Makkī. Al-Makkī was becoming a Muslim practice. He wanted to
formally initiated him as a disciple, which meant preach to as many people in as many places as
wearing the wool clothes that by then was the possible. By teaching the uninitiated, he broke
dress of initiated Ṣūfī sālikūn (travelers) [2]. The what his own mentors saw as a rule. While they
practice of initiation also dates from around represented a disciplined type of Ṣūfīsm, he was
about this period. Apparently because al-Ḥallāj a free agent. In fact, al-Makkī accepted appoint-
had married without al-Makkī’s permission, ment as a qāḍī (judge) at the end of his life. Soon,
master and pupil parted company. Al-Ḥallāj’s al-Ḥallāj had abandoned the wool clothes of a Ṣūfī
exact relationship with Junayd is unclear; he is in favor of a qabā (long, military style tunic). He
often said to have studied under him, although no became renowned for changing his dress, which is
details have survived. He may have belonged to regarded as another sign of freedom from
his circle; they did correspond and al-Ḥallāj may restricting conventions. He took advantage of the
have received instruction during brief visits to hospitality available in mosques and ribāts, forti-
Junayd’s retreat center in Baghdad. Junayd was fied hostels dotted along frontier roads. He pre-
responsible for developing early Ṣūfī ideas about ached in Arabic or through interpreters [5]. The
fanā’ (passing away) of “self” into an awareness first of three pilgrimages to Mecca followed.
of unity with the divine; relinquishing desire, There, al-Ḥallāj began to receive what he believed
passion, and attachments to material possessions were direct communications from God, or
freed the soul for this quest [3]. Contact with inspired speech, a claim that alienated both his
society should be minimal. He also believed Sunnī mentors and Shīʿah friends. This occurred
that only elites could achieve illumination. during ecstatic trances, or consciousness-altered
Reputedly, he performed the hajj thirty times. In states. For Sunnīs, this represented a claim to
Basra, al-Ḥallāj learned mystical theology and prophethood, placing his words on the same
poetic styles and developed a social conscious- level as the Qurʾān; for the latter, only Imāms
ness. His in-laws sympathized with the Zanj receive inspiration after Muḥammad’s death.
revolt (869–883) of black slaves against the Controversy with the Muʿtazilah followed; they
Abbasid caliphate, allegedly with Shīʿah support. rejected ideas about God’s attributes as distinct,
The slaves demanded freedom [4]. He was also coeternal entities within God’s essence and belief
exposed to Shīʿah beliefs, which may have in a hierarchy of saints that helps sustain the
influenced his ideas about inspiration. Al-Ḥallāj world. Eventually condemned, the Muʿtazilah,
is usually described as an eclectic thinker. He who began in Basra, had enjoyed Abbasid support
was also associated, allegedly, with the egalitar- from 833 to 848. After returning from Mecca,
ian Qarmatians, who revolved in 899 to establish anecdotes describe Junayd predicting al-Ḥallāj’s
a utopian society; they actually ransacked Mecca execution for claiming to be “truth”; for Junayd,
in 930, later returning the Black Stone in return this was a claim to be divine. In fact, al-Ḥallāj’s
for ransom. Some claim that al-Ḥallāj’s ideas existence, said Junayd, depended on truth; he
about the stone’s “spiritual destruction” or existed by means of truth. He was wrong to
redundancy prompted this episode. claim to be truth.
Ḥallāj, al- 273

Al-Ḥallāj’s growing reputation for seeing into visited Kashmir, traveling by sea to present-day
people’s hearts earned him the sobriquet, “reader” Karachi then overland along the Indus valley. En
or “carder of consciences” (ḥallāj al-asrār). Visits route he visited various Muslim settlements;
to Jerusalem, a second pilgrimage to Mecca, traders were permitted to set up colonies in India
periods in Baghdad publically preaching, and at this time. His reputation in India is dispropor-
with his wife and children in Ahwaz, where they tionate to any actual following he may have
had moved after leaving Basra, followed the first attracted there. This builds on later myth and on
pilgrimage. In 887, while preaching in Iraq, he his legacy’s popularity in South Asia, where it
was arrested and whipped at Diri, allegedly for may have developed culturally specific aspects.
supporting Shīʿah claims about the Mahdi’s He did have contact with Hindus and Buddhists in
return. After this, he journeyed further east, India; Kashmir’s capital at this time was
reaching the Oxus River. All this time, he was a recognized center of religious scholarship. Any
attracting followers. Some may have had Shīʿah influence on his thought is speculative, however;
sympathies, because they appear to have regarded there are obvious points of resemblance and con-
him as the Mahdi. In 893, he rejoined his family. vergence, indeed non-Muslim scholars often posit
His writing dates from this period (see below). Buddhist influence on Ṣūfī Islam; similarity H
When he performed his second pilgrimage to between Hindu and Ṣūfī pantheism is widely
Mecca in 894, sources say he was accompanied discussed. Some argue that al-Ḥallāj’s cry of
by 400 disciples [6]. On this visit to Mecca, accu- ana‘l-ḥaqq (I am truth) resembles the Hindu
sations of sorcery were made against him. Critics aham Brahma asmi (I am Brahman), which he
said that he manufactured miracles, including cur- may have heard in India. However, he is said to
ing illness and feeding people as well as have used this expression before visiting India [7].
performing such bizarre feats as making an From Kashmir, he reached Chinese Turkestan; he
attacker’s hand wither and objects fly. Al-Ḥallāj had a particular interest in Turkish people, having
may have seen miracles as proof of his mission to met Islamized Turks in Basra. He is widely
preach. Attribution of miraculous powers to Ṣūfī believed to have contacted Manicheans during
saints continues to generate explanatory theories, this visit; Manicheans were dualists. Al-Ḥallāj is
debate, and controversy. Some argue that al-Ḥallāj said to have produced manuscripts that had
did employ, and admitted to employing, circus a stylistic resemblance to Manichean texts. He
tricks to attract initial interest. Some stories may also shared their universalism, belief that all will
be apocryphal. Some think that al-Ḥallāj was ultimately be saved. This period of wanderjahre
divinely blessed with special abilities – God ended with a third and final pilgrimage to Mecca,
works miracles through those who achieved or after which he returned to Baghdad (around about
are gifted with advanced spiritual states. In 896, 908). His notoriety for claiming divinity and
al-Hallāj moved with his family to Baghdad. a status equal to that of the prophets still attracted
Joined by followers, he lived in a self-supporting criticism; he also continued to gain followers.
community, which probably took part in textile A long period of imprisonment began in 911,
trade. That year, he set out for India and China, following a trial that started in 910 and continued
accompanied by a friend, a diplomat for the until 913. Under the eighteenth Abbasid caliph,
caliph. Muqtadir (d. 932), a second trial took place from
921 to 922. The authorities claimed to try him at
the court of public opinion, that is, that the whole
Travels After 896 Muslim community considered his case. This pro-
tracted process ended with his execution, of which
Anecdotes and stories outweigh what can be ver- accounts vary. Reports refer to his hands and feet
ified about al-Hallāj’s travels through India into being amputated before he was crucified. After
a region governed by China. He is known to have this, he was beheaded and burned, possibly to
274 Ḥallāj, al-

prevent a resurrection that some say his followers al-Ḥallāj died on the cross; a substitute died in
expected. Certainly, friends and sympathizers as their place. Later, ideas about vicarious suffering
well as enemies observed the execution; some and martyrdom, present in some Shīʿah thought
may have hoped for divine intervention. He about the suffering of the innocent Imāms on
prayed before his execution; on the way, he behalf of others, also developed vis-à-vis al-
danced despite chains, ecstatic because he was Ḥallāj. Reynold Nicholson (1868–1945), who
going to meet his God. saw the suggestion of a concept of vicarious sac-
rifice in al-Ḥallāj’s teaching, also compared his
belief in divine indwelling (ḥulūl) with the Chris-
Writings tian doctrine of incarnation [9]. Louis
Massignon’s magisterial work on al-Ḥallāj,
Comparatively little of Al-Hallāj’s writing sur- acknowledged as comprehensive, emphasizes
vived, compared with the quantity of literature parallels between al-Ḥallāj and Jesus, pointing
about him. Some poems and letters are extant. out that contemporaries saw similarities between
His Kitāb al-Ṭawāsī n (Book of Dialogue) has al-Ḥallāj and the Qur’ānic Jesus. The former may
survived [8]. This is a dialogue between God have deliberately performed some acts because
and Satan. they were popularly associated with the Messiah,
such as extinguishing a Zoroastrian fire and light-
ing lamps in the Holy Sepulcher [10]. He may
Teaching have requested crucifixion, wishing to die the
death Islam denies Jesus’ died.
Distinguishing what he taught from what later
admirers said he did is a challenge. However,
undeniably he believed in divine-human intimacy Indian Associations
and that subject-object distinction disappears
when awareness or consciousness of unity is real- Numerous associations and stories show how,
ized. Belief in love was at the center of his teach- even if he actually achieved relatively little during
ing; divine love is limitless. The true lover of God his time in India, his legacy lived on, attracting
stands steadfast in the face of misunderstanding, a mystique and life of its own. Accounts often
calumny, persecution, and suffering. Poverty, exaggerate the length of time he spent in India.
a willingness to annihilate desires and egotism, Two castes in Gujarat adopted “Mansur” as their
prepares the heart for communion with God, since name. The cult of Satyā Pīr (teacher of truth)
resurrection follows death. He believed in active adapted from Hindu reverence for Satya-
love. Indeed, suffering may result in deeper under- Nārāyaṇa flourished in East Bengal. From about
standing of God’s will; submission to God was the twelfth century, Satya Pīr has been identified
another important motif, which he saw sublimely with al-Ḥallāj. A form of dhikr associated with al-
present in the life of Jesus, a spirit from God. He Ḥallāj began in Gujarat, dated from about 928. In
also practiced silence; believing that God speaks India, al-Ḥallāj was famously defended by Aḥmad
from within, from the bottom of the human heart. Sirhindī (d. 1624), who said that his utterance
While the classical Muslim view is that Jesus did ana‘l-ḥaqq did not claim divinity but expressed
not die on the cross, al-Ḥallāj appears to have seen total dependency on God [11]. In Tamil Nadu,
Jesus’ willingness to suffer as a sign of spiritual there is a cenotaph dedicated to al-Ḥallāj,
perfection. His own death by crucifixion enabled venerated by local Ṣūfīs. One Indian anecdote is
some to say that al-Ḥallāj did what Jesus was not the “rope trick,” which says that the purpose of his
required to do, die so that esoteric truth could visit was to learn “white magic” to attract interest
triumph over ignorant, literalist, exotericism. in his message. Various versions describe how he
This theme found traction in South Asia espe- learned to use a rope to appear to be able to climb
cially. Some would claim that neither Jesus nor up it into the air.
Ḥallāj, al- 275

Evaluation although he is reported to have used language

implying this before visiting India. Visiting India
Discussion of al-Ḥallaj’s legacy focuses on his may have confirmed or extended existing ideas.
alleged eclecticism or syncretism, his alleged use His ideas about nonattachment resonate with
of magic, his ideas about divine-human intimacy, Indic thought; the seeker must not become attached
and whether he encouraged laxity in observing to states or consciousness or to work performed in
Islam’s external rites. Allegedly, after his third God’s service, such as charitable acts; the goal is
pilgrimage, he said that what mattered was the attachment to God, in whose name service in ren-
inner spiritual journey, not visiting Mecca. Much dered. States are transitory, encouraging even more
of this reflects standard non-Ṣūfī criticism of Ṣūfī progress toward selflessness, until awareness of
Islam. Visits to saints’ shrines, at times, substitute God replaces that of self. The charge of syncretism
for the pilgrimage, which attracts criticism that is a common criticism, of al-Ḥallāj and of Ṣūfīsm
Ṣūfīs neglect Islam’s exoteric duties. Visits to per se. One response is that truth is universal, since
tombs are condemned as innovation. Miracles it has a single source; what matters is how truth is
associated with Ṣūfīs continue to attract debate integrated within Islam’s theological and intellec-
both in Muslim contexts and within academic tual framework. Others regard “unity of being” H
circles. If Muḥammad’s only miracle was the language as metaphor, expressing what mystics
Qur’ān, Muslims ask, are Ṣūfīs not claiming experience but what cannot be fully or comprehen-
more than the most perfect man did? On the sively described. Al-Ghazālī was deeply concerned
other hand, traditions recount numerous miracles with reconciling mystical and legal or exoteric
performed by Muḥammad or by God through Islam. He wanted mystics to also practice the five
him. Ṣūfīs have been categorized as sober or pillars. Ṣūfī and non-Ṣūfīs should perform external
intoxicated. Sober mystics, including Junayd, are rites, he said, with sincerity and right intent, not
cautious about the language they use and about mechanically. Critics continue to see al-Ḥallāj as
choosing whom they teach. What a master says in heretical, claiming a status he did not possess,
private to his students is secret, not to be divulged confusing his thoughts with divine communica-
to the uninitiated. Before Sirhindi’s defense or tion. His idea about the possibility of personal
explanation of what al-Ḥallāj said, al-Ghazālī (d. inspiration parts company from mainstream Sunni
1111) wrote that he had wrongly spoken of what belief that this ended with Muḥammad’s death. It
should remain secret, or hidden. The language of parts from Shīʿah belief that inspiration did con-
love should be spoken between lovers, not in tinue but exclusively through Imāms (male descen-
public [12]. Al-Ḥallāj experienced, in ecstasy, dants of Muḥammad predestined to lead the
such intimacy with God that awareness of duality Muslim community). Admired by some for his
ceased. He confused the wine with the wine glass, courage, universal ideals, and martyrdom, he is
as it were. Or, he confused the mirror for the celebrated as a champion of love, openness, and
image it reflected. In fact, there is evidence that freedom. Ṣūfīsm, though, has tended to respect the
al-Ḥallāj believed in divine transcendence but also master-disciple relationship, choosing to teach stu-
in the possibility of total surrender to God, so that dents who accept initiation, not anyone who
God’s will and the devotee’s will become one listens.
[13]. He saw this absolute unity of will in Jesus, The most detailed discussion and analysis of
as he did in all prophets. Other mystics would see al-Ḥallāj’s legacy is by Louis Massignon
Jesus as a spiritual guide; famously, for Ibn ‘Arabī (1883–1963), with a thorough description of
(d. 1240), Jesus was the seal of “universal saint- sources from as early as 941; the earliest detailed
hood” [14]. life was written in 1034. Ḥallāj is included in
Whether al-Ḥallāj explicitly taught what later Farīd al-Dīn‘Aṭṭār’s Memorial of God’s Friends.
became known as waḥdat al-wujūd, unity of Massignon’s work was a 1922 doctoral thesis at
being or of nature and whether this was influenced Paris’s College of France. In the first volume, he
by his time in India remain matters of conjecture, reconstructs al-Ḥallāj’s life, divided into seven
276 Hasan Raja of Sunamganj

chapters, beginning with a biographical outline, 11. Massignon L, Mason HW (1982) The passion of Al-
ending with “Martyrdom.” Volume two discusses Hallāj: mystic and martyr of Islam, vol II, The survival
of al-Hallāj. Princeton University Press, Princeton
“survival,” how al-Ḥallāj’s legacy has been pre- 12. Ghazzālī, Buchman D (1998) The niche of
served, interpreted, and developed. The third vol- lights = Mishkāt al-anwār. Brigham Young University
ume, the shortest, examines his teaching. Volume Press, Provo
four is an index. Although little that al-Ḥallāj 13. Schimmel A, Ernst CW (2011) Mystical dimensions
of Islam. University of North Carolina Press, Chapel
wrote survived, anecdotes and stories abound. Hill
Massignon, who developed ideas about “substitu- 14. Elmore GT, Ibn-al-ʻArabī (1999) Islamic sainthood in
tion” and “faith” and Islam’s providential role in the fullness of time: Ibn al-ʻArabī’s Book of the Fabu-
the world as a practicing Catholic, claimed lous Gryphon. Brill, Leiden
15. Ḥallāj, al-Ḥusayn ibn Manṣūr, Van Cleef JL
a mystical communion with al-Ḥallāj, whose (2009) The tawasin of Mansur al-Hallaj/: a mystical
death was a “passion” like Jesus’. The use of the treatise on knowing God, & invitation to the dance;
term “martyr” and interest in parallels with Jesus writings of Mansur al-Hallaj interpreted in poetry.
may not represent neutral scholarship. Herbert W. Jabez L. Van Cleef, Madison
16. Brewster DP (1976) Al Hallaj: Muslim mystic and
Mason’s 1995 one-volume Al-Hallaj is a more martyr: translated extracts with a short biography and
accessible study; Mason translated Massignon’s bibliography. University of Canterbury, Department of
larger work and edited an abridged version. Philosophy and Religious Studies, Christchurch
Almost every text on Ṣūfīsm discusses al-Ḥallāj.
In addition to Massignon’s edition of Kitā b aṭ-
ṭawā sī n, originally published in 1913, there is
a translation by Van Cleef [15]. Brewster’s biog- Hasan Raja of Sunamganj
raphy and translated extracts is also useful [16].
Edward Yazijian
Departments of Asian Studies and Religion,
References Furman University, Greenville, SC, USA

1. Renard J (2011) Islam and Christianity: theological

themes in comparative perspective. University of Cal- Synonyms
ifornia Press, Berkeley
2. Massignon L, Mason H (1994) The passion of Al-
Dewan Hasan Raja Chaudhuri; Dewan Hasan
Hallaj: mystic and martyr of Islam. Princeton Univer-
sity Press, Princeton Reza; Hasan Reza; Hason Raja
3. Sells MA (ed) (1995) Early Islamic Mysticism: Sufi,
Qurʼan, Miraj, Poetic and Theological Writings. Paul-
ist Press, Mahwah
4. Mason HW (1995) Al-Halaj. Curzon, London
Definition
5. Massignon L, Mason HW (1982) The passion of Al-
Hallāj: mystic and martyr of Islam, vol I, The life of al- Hasan Raja (1854–1922) was a wealthy land-
Hallāj. Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ owner and poet known for his mystical songs.
6. ʻAṭṭār F-D, Losensky PE (2009) Farid ad-Din ʻAttār’s
Memorial of God’s friends: lives and sayings of Sufis.
Paulist Press, New York
7. Agarwalla SS (1994) Contemporary India and its Zamindar and Poet
burning problems. Mittal Publ, New Delhi
8. Ḥallāj, Abou al Moghith al Ḥosayn Ibn Manṣoûr al-,
Massignon L (1970) Kitāb aṭ-ṭawāsīn = Kitāb al
Hasan Raja (1854–1922) was a wealthy land-
ṭaw^asîn. Mutannā, Bagdad owner and poet known for his mystical songs.
9. Nicholson RA (2012) The idea of personality in Like other mystics of South Asia, he is not easily
Sufism: three lectures delivered in the University of categorized into any one religious tradition, and
London. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
10. Massignon L, Mason HW (1982) The passion of Al-
his poems and songs are popular among both
Hallāj: mystic and martyr of Islam, vol III, The teach- Hindus and Muslims. While admired in his native
ing of al-Hallāj. Princeton University Press, Princeton land of present-day Bangladesh, he attained wider
Hasan Reza 277

acclaim due to attention given to him by Nobel cloth and wooden sandals, and lived in a simple
Laureate Rabindranath Tagore during his speech mud house with a thatched roof [3].
“The Religion of Man” given during the Hibbert By all accounts Hasan Raja had limited writing
Series lectures at Oxford University in 1930 [1]. skills and composed his songs orally, having
a servant record them in writing. Although he
had disliked school as a child, resulting in his
own incomplete education, he later donated
Family Background
a significant portion of his wealth for the educa-
tion of the poor. He also supported the education
The family of Hasan Raja migrated to Sylhet in
of women, which for that time and place was
East Bengal (present-day Bangladesh) from the
unusual [2].
city of Ayodhya, Uttar Pradesh, in the sixteenth
century. Originally Hindu Kshatriyas, Hasan
Raja’s great grandfather Birendrachandra
Singhdev converted to Islam, changed his name Publications
to Babu Khan, and married into an aristocratic H
Muslim family from Sunamganj where he Hasan Raja composed in both Bangla and Hindi.
relocated [2]. The first of his two published books, Hasan
Udas, is a collection of his mystical songs that
articulate unity with God, known interchange-
ably by the names Allah and Krishna, and are
Birth and Early Life
intensely devotional. His second book, Saukhin
Bahar, describes the characteristics of birds,
Hasan Raja was born on December 21, 1854, in
horses, elephants, and women. He wrote many
the village of Lakhanshri near Sunamganj town,
other songs and poems that have not yet been
Sylhet. His father, Dewan Ali Raja (Reza)
published.
Chaudhuri, was a powerful landlord in the area.
Hasan Raja died on December 6, 1922 [2].
Hasan Raja’s birthplace in Lakhanshri originally
belonged to his mother Hurmatjan Bibi. He had an
older half brother named Ubayadur Raja and
a half sister, Shahifa Banu, who is known as Cross-References
Sylhet’s first woman poet [2].
Hasan Raja took over as a zamindar in his early ▶ Bangladesh (Islam and Muslims)
teens and lived extravagantly, especially enjoying ▶ Bengal (Islam and Muslims)
boat racing along with breeding and racing horses
and birds. From all eyewitness accounts and pic-
tures, Hasan Raja appeared as a regal king. He References
was about 6 ft tall, had fair skin, a large mustache,
and piercing green eyes. He wore a turban that 1. Tagore R (1953, c 1931) The religion of man, being the
Hibbert lectures for 1930. G. Allen & Unwin, London
covered his shoulder-length hair and embroidered
2. Ajaraph DM (1989) Hasan Raja. Bangla Academy,
velvet garments. There are conflicting accounts of Dhaka
his early years as a zamindar. To some tenants he 3. Chaudhuri AA (ed) (1998) Prasanga Hasan Raja.
appeared as a cruel, greedy landlord and woman- Bangla Academy, Dhaka
izer more interested in his hobbies than the wel-
fare of people living on his lands. To others,
however, he was a generous and beneficent land-
lord who was compassionate to humans and ani- Hasan Reza
mals alike. By the age of fifty, he lost interest in
luxurious living and began wearing simple cotton ▶ Hasan Raja of Sunamganj
278 Hason Raja

message to harmonize eastern and western

Hason Raja cultures and established the Sufi Order Inter-
national in 1920 as an international mystical
▶ Hasan Raja of Sunamganj organization. He was born in Baroda (now
Vadodara), Gujarat, India, into a Muslim family
of musicians. His father was Mashaikh Rahmat
Khan (1843–1910), who descended from Pir
Jammashah. His mother Begum Khadija Bibi
Ḥaydarī
came from a zamindar (landlord) family of
Mysore and was the second daughter of Maula
▶ Qalandar
Bakhsh (1833–1896), one of the greatest musi-
cians of the period as well as an experienced Sufi
[1–3].
Inayat was sent to a Hindu school at the age of
Hazarat Shah Jalal 5 where he studied in the Marathi language. He
also studied music at the Gayan Shala, the college
▶ Jalāl ad-Dīn Mujarrad of Indian classical music, dance, and dramatics
established by his grandfather in Baroda. He also
learned to play the vī na, a traditional string instru-
ment when he was a child [3]. In his middle teens,
he began to teach at the same academy at which he
Hazrat Inayat Khan
studied. He traveled to take part in the musical
competitions sponsored by various maharajas,
Mohamed Mihlar
many of which he won, collecting gold medals.
Faculty of Leadership and Management,
He sang in the dhrupad (Indian classical music)
Universiti Sains Islam Malaysia (USIM), Nilai,
style and accompanied himself on the vī na; Inayat
Negeri Sembilan, Malaysia
Khan was well known for his singing in court and
playing Saraswati vī na in his late teen years
[2–4].
Synonyms
Although he was much attached to music, at
long last, Inayat Khan felt the need to seek
Inayat Khan; Inayat; Khan; Pir-o-Murshid Hazrat
a spiritual teacher (murshid) as his family had
Inayat Khan
a long association with Sufi heritage. After the
search of several years, in 1903, he found
Muḥammad Abū Hashim Madanī (d.1907), the
Definition successor to one of the branches of the Chishti
Sufi Order founded by Khwaja Abū Isḥāq Shami
Inayat Khan (1882–1927) was one of the Indian (d.940) of Syria. Abū Hashim Madanī was con-
Sufi masters who presented a universal spiritual sidered both Inayat Khan’s teacher and leader in
message to harmonize eastern and western cul- Sufism.
tures and established the Sufi Order International Inayat Khan spent 4 years as Abū Hashim
in 1920 as an international mystical organization. Madanī’s murīd (disciple) during which he
began the spiritual practices and continued
throughout his life. In 1907, on his death bed,
Early Years of Inayat Khan Abū Hashim Madanī gave Inayat Khan his final
instruction. He told Inayat; “Go to the western
Inayat Khan (1882–1927) was an Indian Sufi world, my son, and unite East and West through
master who presented a universal spiritual the magic of your music. Spread the wisdom of
Hazrat Inayat Khan 279

Sufism abroad, God has given you great capaci- Indian music and the presentation of its ideals
ties, and a great task to fulfill” [3]. were well received by the audience. During his
For the next few years, Inayat Khan engaged more than 2 years of stay in the USA, Inayat Khan
himself in traveling through India, meeting Sufi began to realize that the Sufi movement was not
scholars, visiting sacred places, and occasionally much known or expanded among the people
organizing musical performances and concerts, there. Therefore, Inayat Khan put much effort
which were always highly regarded by the general into understanding the mentality of Westerners
public. During the period 1907–1910, he visited in order to devise ways in which his mission
several parts of India including Bangalore and should be carried out. In 1911 Inayat initiated his
Tamil Nadu and also sailed to Ceylon (Sri first American disciple into the path of the Sufis.
Lanka) and Burma [3]. Besides the USA, Inayat went to several other
places spreading his Sufi message. He traveled
to London in 1912 and then on to Paris, playing
music for dance performances and also giving
Inayat Khan as a Musician
talks [3, 6–8].
In 1914 Inayat Khan married the woman who H
Music played an important role in all aspects of
helped him to develop his Sufi message in the
Inayat Khan’s life. He was very much attached to
West, named Ora Ray Baker (1892–1949), also
music and this is very much in evidence in his
known as Pirani Ameena Begum. Ora Ray Baker
thoughts. Inayat Khan believes that music is the
bore Inayat Khan four children: the eldest, Noor-
source and goal of all creation. The human soul is
un-nisa (1914–1944); the second, Vilayat
developed positively by the aid of music; besides
(1916–2004); the third, Hidayat (b.1917); and
it promotes the faculty by which one learns to
youngest Khair-un-nisa (b. 1919). Inayat Khan
develop one’s personality and all that is beautiful
and his family spent the years of World War 1 in
and good in the form of poetry and art. Similarly,
England. Once the war had ended, Inayat began
Inayat Khan affirms that music plays a major part
the last phase of his life during which he devoted
in Sufis’ spiritual attainment. The Chishtis, in
most of each year to traveling throughout the
particular, take a special interest in music, which
nations of Europe, lecturing and establishing
is called ghizā-i-rūḥ (food of the soul), and they
Sufi centers. He moved to France in 1920 and
partake in samā‘, the Sufi practice of listening to
then on to Geneva and 3 years later to Switzer-
music [5].
land, where he established the headquarters of the
Sufi movement. He journeyed repeatedly through
Belgium, Holland, Italy, and the Scandinavian
Inayat Khan in the West countries, always preaching and teaching. In
1923 and again in 1925, he toured the USA.
Following his late murshid’s instruction, Inayat
left for New York City in 1910 with his brother,
Maheboob Khan (1887–1948), and his cousin, Inayat Khan’s Works and Compilation of
Mohammed Ali Khan (1881–1958). A year later Sufi Message
his youngest brother, Musharraf Khan
(1895–1967) joined them. They played a concert The compilation of Inayat Khan’s lectures given
of Indian music accompanied by Inayat Khan’s in the USA and Europe from 1910 to 1926 is titled
talk on Sufism. “The Sufi Message of Hazrat Inayat Khan,” which
During his tour in the USA, he delivered is the main reference and guide for his followers.
speeches at distinguished universities such as Inayat Khan’s followers are educated and trained
Columbia University, the University of California using this book as a source of knowledge and
Los Angeles (UCLA), and the University of Cal- guidance. This compilation consists of 14 vol-
ifornia Berkeley (UC Berkeley). His lectures on umes of which the last volume is the index. And
280 Hazrat Inayat Khan

to date his Sufi teachings have been published International Sufi Movement
under 40 titles, which have continued to have
a major presence in western Sufism and eastern The Sufi Order International is an important part
culture as well as in Indian traditions. of Inayat Khan’s Sufi thought, a part that demon-
The Complete Works of Pir-o-Murshid Hazrat strates his concept on the forms of Sufism that
Inayat Khan has been undertaken in the belief that states that the Sufi sees only one truth in all forms.
complete and accurate records of exactly what he In other words, the International Sufi movement
said will prove invaluable to scholars and editors established by Inayat Khan is a vehicle and
who wish to make new editions that are more medium for his universal Sufism that elaborates
authentic. the notion that the formal aspects of the religions
are different but the essential truth is one.
His movement expanded the territorial,
Inayat Khan and Sufism religious, and ethnic boundaries of India and its
diasporas, proclaiming a universal essence of
Inayat Khan identifies the meaning of the word Sufism independently of the religious ideals
Sufi as “wisdom” as well as “purity.” According and united together in the path of wisdom and
to Inayat Khan’s explanation, Sufism is neither brotherhood [9].
a religion nor a philosophy. In addition, unlike Hence, Inayat Khan believes that the Sufi
philosophy, which advocates the study of nature movement tries to avoid the differences between
in its qualities and diversifications, Sufism advo- the religions and beliefs and provides brotherhood
cates unity or unification and harmonization. He and humanity. In this way, the Inayatian Sufi
explains further that Sufism is the essence of all Movement opens the door to all the people regard-
religions, but he has presented it in Muslim termi- less of the religion or church or sect to which they
nology [9]. Besides, as he elucidates, Sufism is belong.
beyond religion as it is the light and sustenance of Inayat Khan formed the first Sufi organization
every soul and is also an attempt to transform the in London, called the Sufi Order, and began to
mortal being to immortal [5]. spread his message and attracted a number of
Accordingly, he says that any person from students in London and Holland. In 1923 Inayat
any religion can be a Sufi, because the meaning Khan established the International Sufi Move-
of the Sufi is a person who has the knowledge ment under Swiss law after dissolving the Sufi
of both outer and inner life. Sufism has existed in Order of London. The Headquarters of this move-
this form at all times in the history of the world ment is set up in The Hague, Holland, although it
without its founder [9, 10]. Inayat Khan when is integrated with Geneva.
demonstrating the forms of Sufism states that The International Sufi Movement currently
the Sufi sees only the one truth in all forms. consists of more than 100 centers all over the
In other words, a Sufi’s religion is not separate world. Eighty percent of the centers are located
from the religions and faiths of the world. in the USA in 32 states. Apart from them, there are
Hence, the Sufi is ready to offer the prayer as centers functioning in various places like Austra-
a Christian or a Jewish or a Hindu or a Buddhist lia, Canada, UK, Denmark, Germany, New
or a Muslim. Zealand, Norway, Switzerland, Turkey, United
Consequently, Inayat Khan gives Sufis the Arab Emirates, and Pakistan [8, 11–13]. The
capacity to become open to all religious forms extensive list offers proof for the International
and presents religious pluralism through his Sufi Sufi Movement’s penetration into different places
teachings. He points out that Sufism is like around the globe, in particular the west.
a school with students in different levels and According to Inayat Khan, the International
forms. Hence, a Sufi is not against a person who Sufi Movement as an interreligious path of
follows another religious faith but tolerates all the wisdom emphasizes the development of both
religions of the world [5, 9]. inner and outer life as well as universal
Hazrat Shāh Jalāl 281

brotherhood. This happens in three ways: the ▶ Pīr

philosophical understanding of life; bringing ▶ Sūfism
about brotherhood and sisterhood among nations, ▶ Taṣawwuf
races, and creeds; and through meeting the ▶ Worship
world’s greatest need, which is the religion of
the day.
The Movement is constituted of the people References
who have the same beliefs or ideals of service to
God and to humanity and who have the ideal of 1. Desai Sri Vibhu Kumar S (1952) The Sufi musician of
Baroda. J Orient Inst Vadodara, India
devoting a part or the whole of their life to the
2. Keesing E (1981) Hazrat Inayat Khan: a biography.
service of humanity in the path of truth. This East–west Publications Fonds, New Delhi
Movement consists of members from different 3. Khan I (1973) Biography of Pir o Murshid Inayat
religions like Christianity, Buddhism, Hinduism, Khan (ed: Nekbakht Stichting). East–West Publica-
tions, London
and Islam. In this organization, no one’s faith or
4. Jironet K (2009) Sufi mysticism into the west: life and
belief is questioned; every one can follow his/her leadership of Hazrat Inayat Khan’s brothers
belief, religion, and creed; no one needs to believe 1927–1967. Peeters Publishers, Belgium H
in any special creed or dogma [9, 14]. There is 5. Khan I (1990) The way of illumination. Motilal
Banarsidass, Delhi
freedom of thought. At the same time personal
6. Genn CA (2008) The Chishtiyya Diaspora: an
guidance is given on the path, in the problems expanding circle. In: Raguram P et al (eds) Tracing
relating to both outer and inner life. an Indian Diaspora: contexts, memories, representa-
The Universal Worship or The Church of All is tions. Sage, New Delhi
7. Genn CA (2007) The development of a modern west-
the main religious activity of the International Sufi
ern Sufism. In: Martin Van Bruinessen D, Julia Day
Movement. Inayat Khan affirms that this religious H (eds) Sufism and the Modern in Islam. I.B Tauris,
activity is a combination of different types of wor- London/New York
ships found in all living faiths [9, 10, 15]. This is 8. Genn C (2006) From Chishtiyya Diaspora to transna-
tional Sufi movement. Griffith University Press,
presented according to his concept of Universal
Brisbane
Sufism. He also believed that every prophet and 9. Khan I (1990) The unity of religious ideals. Motilal
all great souls believed, prayed, and desired for Banarsidass, Delhi
a universal worship, and it was essential for every- 10. Khan I (1990) Spiritual liberty. Motilal Banarsidass,
Delhi
one to know the wisdom of all religious scriptures
11. Jironet K (2002) The image of spiritual liberty in the
and teachings. Therefore, he felt there was a great western Sufi movement following Hazrat Inayat Khan.
need of this kind of worship at all times. Peeters Publishers, Belgium
Inayat Khan came back to India after 17 years. 12. Khan ZI (2006) A hybrid Sufi Order at the crossroads
of modernity: the Sufi order and Sufi movement of
After suffering from pneumonia, he passed away
Pir-o-Murshid Inayat Khan. Unpublished Doctoral
in his motherland in 1927. He is buried in Dissertation, Duke University
Nizamuddin, west of Delhi; his dargah has been 13. Koszegi MM (1992) The Sufi order in the west:
reformed now as a center of social welfare as well Sufism’s encounter with the new age. In: Islam in
North America: a sourcebook. Garden Publishing,
as an object of pilgrimage. Even after his demise,
New York
Inayat Khan is called by the title “Pir-o-Murshid 14. Khan I (1990) Philosophy, psychology, mysticism.
Hazrat (the great spiritual guide)” by his devotees Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
all over the world. 15. Khan I (1990) Sufi teachings. Motilal Banarsidass,
Delhi

Cross-References

▶ Chishtī Order Hazrat Shāh Jalāl

▶ Khwāja Muʿīn al-Dīn Chishtī
▶ Music ▶ Mujarrad, Shāh Jalāl
282 Hedaya

Originally composed in twelfth-century Cen-

Hedaya tral Asia, Hidayah is among the most widely
read texts of Hanafi law. It has come to occupy
▶ Hidayah a central place in the curriculums of Hanafi law
around the world and especially in South Asia,
even until today [11]. Renowned among Muslim
jurists for the precision of its legal language and
Hidaya the clarity of its exposition, Hidayah has
inspired numerous commentaries [5]. Hidayah
▶ Hidayah was also translated by the order of the Governor
General of Bengal Warren Hastings in the late
eighteenth century and became a key reference
for Anglo-Muhammadan law used in colonial
Hidayah courts.

Amin Venjara
Department of Religion, Princeton University, Structure and Contents
Princeton, NJ, USA
While Hidayah is an authoritative source in the
Islamic legal tradition, it is not a legal code in the
Synonyms modern sense of offering a univocal answer for
any one issue. Rather, Hidayah is structured as
Al Hidaya; Hedaya; Hidaya a commentary, which relishes in recording and
explaining legal difference. The differences
recorded include not only those within the Hanafi
Definition legal school but also in comparison to other
schools, especially that of the Shāfiʿīs, a rival
Hidayah is an authoritative text of Islamic law legal school for the Hanafis in the twelfth-
written in twelfth-century Central Asia. Its century Central Asia [1]. The three most com-
renown in South Asia is due to its central role in mon Hanafi jurists encountered in the text are
the curriculums of Islamic seminaries and as Abū Ḥanīfa, the eponym of the Hanafi school,
a central reference in Anglo-Muhammadan law. and his two students Abū Yūsuf Yaʿqūb ibn
Ibrāhīm al-Anṣārī (d. 798) and Muḥammad ibn
al-Ḥasan al-Shaybānī (d. 805).
Overview The commentarial nature of Hidayah means
that it is actually composed of two texts. The
Hidayah is an Arabic word that means guidance. base text (Ar. matn), also written by al-
Within an Islamic context, it is used to refer to Marghinānī, is entitled The Beginning of the
guidance derived from the revealed sources of Beginner (Ar. Bidāyat al-mubtadiʾ). It contains
Islam, the Qurʾān, and the Prophet’s normative dense, tightly worded sentences that summarize
practice, the Sunna. More specifically, it is used legal rulings. This text draws heavily upon two
to refer to an authoritative Arabic legal manual prior authoritative texts in the Hanafi tradition,
entitled al-Hidāyah sharḥ bidāyat al-mubtadiʾ Jāmiʿ al-saghī r written by aforementioned
written by Burhān al-dīn ʿAlī ibn Abī Bakr al- al-Shaybānī and Mukhtaṣar al-Qudūrī written by
Marghinānī (d. 1197) from the Hanafi school, the Iraqi jurist Aḥmad ibn Muḥammad al-Qudūrī
the predominant Sunni legal school in the subcon- (d. 1037) [2]. Hidayah is technically the name of
tinent. It is this latter sense with which this entry is the commentary on this base text. It provides
concerned. expanded discussion of legal rulings, including
Hidayah 283

references to evidence from scriptural sources, Translation and Colonial Courts

differences of opinion, and explanations of legal
reasoning. With the promulgation of the Mufassal Regula-
Like most manuals of Islamic law, Hidayah tions of 1772, the British took on the task of
covers a wide span of legal topics. Its chapters administering Islamic law to Muslims in Bengal.
range from issues of ritual practice (purity, ritual British judges presided over the court sessions,
prayer, charity, fasting, pilgrimage) to personal but mawlawī s, or Muhammadan Law Officers,
status law (e.g., marriage, divorce) and from con- were also attached to the court and advised the
tracts (e.g., sales, leases, deposits) to civil proce- judges on points of Islamic law. Initially, British
dure and penal law. Its longest chapters are those judges interfered little with the rulings of the
dealing with the issues of prayer, divorce, and Muhammadan Law Officers. However, the colo-
sale. nial government soon sought to limit their discre-
tion by translating central Islamic legal texts and
thereby making them accessible to British judges.
Reception Hidayah was one of the first texts selected for
translation by the colonial administration [6]. H
While it is difficult to say precisely when Hidayah In a process common to colonial translations of
entered the subcontinent, commentaries written Islamic texts, the Arabic text of Hidayah was first
by Indian scholars began to appear less than 200 translated into Persian by a team of Muslim jurists
years after it was first composed. There is, for led by Ghulām Yaḥyā and then from Persian into
example, the commentary of Ḥamīd al-Dīn English by the Orientalist Charles Hamilton in
Mukhliṣ al-Dihlawī (d. 1362–1363) as well as 1791 [9]. The two-step translation process is
one by Husayn ibn ʿUmar al-ʿArīḍī al-Ghiyāthpūrī defended by Hamilton in the introduction to his
(d. 1395–1396) [4]. However, some of the most work noting that, among other reasons, since the
widely used commentaries on the text, even in Persian translation itself was intended to make
South Asia, were written in Mamlūk Egypt Hidayah more accessible to the Muhammadan
(1250–1517). These include the commentary Law Officers, having an English translation of
Fatḥ al-Qadī r by Ibn al-Humām (d. 1469) and the Persian rather than the original Arabic was
al-Bināya by Badr al-Dīn al-ʿAynī (d. 1451) [2]. more desirable [9]. It should also be noted that
The commentary of Firangi Mahall scholar ʿAbd Hamilton’s translation is not a complete transla-
al-Ḥayy al-Laknawī (d. 1886) is also frequently tion, but leaves out a number of chapters of the
printed in conjunction with modern editions of the original, particularly those primarily related to
text [7]. ritual worship. However, Hamilton does include
A common explanation used by Muslim jurists a summary of the contents of these chapters in his
for the text’s phenomenal success is Marghinānī’s introduction.
regime of spiritual discipline and piety when com- The presence of translated works, such as
posing the work. One commentator remarks how Hidayah, did not immediately reduce the reliance
al-Marghinānī fasted continuously for the 13 on the broader Islamic legal tradition in the colo-
years it took him to complete the work, taking nial courts. The Muhammadan Law Officers con-
extreme care to hide his act of piety from even tinued to cite from a variety of sources in their
his own servants [7]. Equally important for Mus- fatwas during the early part of the nineteenth
lim jurists is the accuracy and concision with century [8]. However, as time progressed, the
which the legal issues are discussed and reasoned range of citation diminished. A historian of the
through in the work. The veneration of Muslim colonial legal system in India from the mid-
jurists for the work is summed up in the com- nineteenth century notes, “. . .only a few. . .
monly cited line of poetry, “Hidayah, like the [works in the legal tradition] are quoted in the
Qurʾan, has abrogated/what [others] have com- Courts; the Hedaya and its commentaries, illus-
posed before it on the sacred law” [7]. trated by the books of Fatawa, generally sufficing
284 House of Religious Debate

to satisfy the Judges....” [10]. By removing trans-

lated works, such as Hidayah, from the broader House of Religious Debate
context of the Islamic legal tradition, the colonial
courts, at times, interpreted the texts in ways that ▶ ‘Ibādat Khāna
contradicted the inherited legal tradition [3]. Thus,
even while claiming to uphold religious law and
citing some of its most authoritative texts, the
colonial courts developed new traditions of inter-
Ḥudood
pretation that stood against the understanding
of “ancient” authorities.
▶ Ḥudūd

Cross-References

▶ Dars-i-Niẓāmiya Ḥudūd
▶ Fatwa
▶ Muslim Personal Law Golam Dastagir1,2 and Ismath Ramzy2
1
Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar
University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh
2
Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University of
References
Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
1. Bulliet RW (1972) The Patricians of Nishapur: a study
in medieval Islamic social history. Harvard University
Press, Cambridge Synonyms
2. Darwīsh M (n.d.) Kitāb al-Hidāyah. In: al-Marghinānī
B (ed) al-Hidāya sharḥ bidāyat al-mubtadiʾ. Dār al-
Arqam, Beirut
ḥadd; ḥudood; Islamic law; Islamic punishment;
3. Emon A (2008) Islamic law and the Canadian mosaic: Limit; Restriction
politics, jurisprudence, and multicultural accommoda-
tion. Can Bar Rev 87:391–425
4. al-Ḥasanī ʻAbd al-Ḥayy ibn Fakhr al-Dīn
(1983) al-Thaqāfah al-Islāmīyah fī-l-Hind (ed: Abū
Definition
al-Ḥasan ʻAlī al-Ḥusaynī al-Nadwī). Majmaʿ al-
Lugha al-ʿArabiyya bi-Dimashq, Damascus The Arabic word ḥudūd is the plural form of ḥadd,
5. Khalīfah, Ḥajjī (n.d.) Kashf al-ẓunūn ʿan asāmī al- which means a limit or boundary of land, or terri-
kutub wa-l-funūn (ed: Yāltaqāyā M, al-Kalīsī R). Dār
Iḥyāʾ al-Turāth al-ʿArabī, Beirut
tory; however, in the technical sense, it has a set of
6. Kugle SA (2001) Framed, blamed and renamed: the meanings such as prevention, hindrance, restraint,
recasting of Islamic jurisprudence in Colonial South prohibition, etc. The concept of ḥudūd is often
Asia. Mod Asian Stud 35:257–313 referred to in Islamic law (sharī ‘āh) to determine
7. al-Laknawī ʿA A-Ḥ (1996) Muqaddima al-Hidāyah.
In: al-Marghinānī B (ed) al-Hidāyah sharḥ al-bidāyah.
a punitive measure for the purpose of preventing
Idārat al-Qurʾān wa-l-ʿulūm al-Islāmiyya, Karachi unacceptable human conduct. The earliest usage
8. Macnaghten WH (1977) Principles and precedents of of the term in the Qur’ān is the plural form
Moohummudan law. Law Publishing Co, Lahore expressed in a moral sense, ḥudūd Allah (limits
9. al-Marghīnānī ʻAlī ibn Abī Bakr (1870) The Hedaya,
or guide (trans: Hamilton C). W. H. Allen, London
prescribed by God) as restrictive ordinance of
10. Morley WH (1858) The administration of justice in Allah, which should not be transgressed (II:229;
British India; its past history and present state: com- LXV:1). A close study of the term ḥadd or ḥudūd
prising an account of the laws peculiar to India. Wil- in the Qur’ān and Ḥadīth as well as in Islamic
liams and Norgate, London
11. Robinson F (2001) The ʿUlama of Farangi Mahall and
literatures reveals that it explicitly leads to the
Islamic Culture in South Asia. Permanent Black, view of a certain efforts of moral regulations and
Delhi human behavior.
Ḥudūd 285

Historical Background mean fix punishment in Islamic literature during

the eighth century C.E. (second century A.H.). Al-
The term ḥudūd has also many connotations, Shāfi‘ (767–820 C.E.), for instance, has used the
according to Muḥammad Muḥsin al-Tihranī term ḥudūd in a systematic way to mean punish-
(1875–1970), who claims the term can be defined ment in his Risāla [7] and Abū al-Ḥasan al-
in many contexts and meanings [1, 3]. Apart from Ash‘arī (874–936 C.E.) also used the term in
Islamic jurisprudence, it is used in Islamic philos- same sense [3]. However, the tenth century
ophy in the sense of “definition.” In this context, Ismā‘īlī scholar Abū Ḥātim al-Rāzī (d. 322/934)
ḥadd is classified into two categories: ḥadd ḥaqiqī defined ḥudūd in terms of Islamic law in his Kitāb
(the essence of thing), and ḥadd lafzī (the mean- al-zī nah fī al-kalimāt al-islāmiyyah al-
ing of the word) – the former is ḥadd al-kāmil ‘Arabiyyah. But the first noteworthy work exclu-
(perfect definition of the thing), while the latter sively devoted to the subject is contributed by Ibn
ḥadd al-nāqis (imperfect definition) [3]. Fūrak (d. 404/1015) entitled Kitāb al-Ḥudūd fī al-
However, the term is extensively used in Islamic uṣūl, demonstrating ḥudūd as punishment in
law, replacing the original meaning of “separating Islamic jurisprudence, though the subject was
or preventing limit” with the idea of “fixed punish- addressed before in a sparse manner. Thus, the H
ment” defined in the Qur’ān, also pronounced by term ḥudūd has been widely used in the sense of
the Prophet. In this case, there is neither option for “prescribed punishments to specific crimes com-
a plea bargain to reduce the assigned sentence, nor mitted” in Islamic judiciary system since the tenth
is there any flexibility as the judge has no authority century. It seems that the early Islamic jurists
to amend or to reduce the sentence. (fuqahā’) attempted to make a clear distinction
The Qur’ān does not use the term ḥadd or ḥudūd between certain punishments ordained by God
to refer explicitly to punishment, or a legal injunc- and those determined by courts or rulers in rela-
tion; however, the Qur’ān does use it to denote tion to ḥudūd.
a moral situation that may have legal implications.
For instance, the term ḥudūd is used in the
Qur’ān in relation to the comprehensive conduct Part of Islamic Law
of marital life set forth in Islam (Q. II:229–230),
and also (Q. IX:112) to distinguish what are artic- Sharī ‘āh means Divine Law, which “encom-
ulated as right actions from those forbidden [6]. passes all human life” [5]. At the center of Islamic
Generally speaking, the Qur’ān uses the term law lies justice for offense, which is of three
ḥudūd to signify the regulation of human behavior categories: ḥudūd (fixed punishment), qisās
(Q. II:187). (retributive punishment), and ta‘zī r (discretionary
Thus, the Qur’ān does not use the term ḥadd or punishment). Ḥudūd is explained in relation
ḥudūd only in the sense of punishment, it has to punishments for crimes specifically mentioned
many connotations. The term ḥudūd in Ḥadīth in the Qur’ān; the serious crimes are zinā’
literature has been used in the sense of “ordi- (fornication), qadhf (false accusation of zinā’),
nances of God,” as is mentioned in the Ḥadīth: intoxicating (al-khamr), theft (sariqa), robbery
“O people, restrain yourselves from (violating) (ḥirāba), apostasy (ridda), and rebellion
the “limits of God” whosoever brings his crime (baqhy), etc. Such rigorous sentences as stoning,
to our notice, we shall implement the prescription whipping, and amputation of hand and feet shall
of God on him” [4]. be imposed when the accused is proved to be
guilty beyond any reasonable doubt based on the
required evidence and witness mentioned in the
Historical Development Qur’ān. Qisās (literally, meaning “retaliation”),
another measure of sentence according to Islamic
The term ḥudūd has developed a specific meaning law, means retaliation or blood money (diyya) that
later in the Islamic judiciary system. It appeared to implies punishments to be meted out to those
286 Ḥudūd

involved in murder, or causing bodily harm [2]. In the “Muslim ummah.” Therefore, ummah neces-
the case of qisās, the victim or victim’s relative sarily needs to exist in the real sense in the Islamic
has the right to pardon or reduce the penalty of the society so as to implement the ḥudūd law; for
accused in exchange of monetary means – cash or without the “Muslim ummah” along with all the
kind. On the other hand, ta‘zī r (literally, meaning principles and laws in effect the implementation
“prohibition”) is the sentence to be imposed or of the ḥudūd law in a society sounds impossible
adjudicated by the court or the ruler of an Islamic and impracticable [8]. That said, the practice of
society for “probable offenses,” which the con- ḥudūd depends on the socio-political and eco-
victs in question have not committed yet. Certain nomic conditions of a society, which impact the
actions or behaviors, which are not proscribed but basic foundation of the ummah. The citizens in
may lead to incite harm to others, are considered that society are required to be aware of the Islamic
“unacceptable” for which charges may be framed way of life and its significance to find the nuances
against the “accused” as a deterrent to commit of the system; otherwise, mistrust in the
crime in the future. In fact, the judge or the ruler government and misunderstanding among them-
is authorized to impose, and to some extent, selves may arise both from within and beyond the
increase or decrease a certain type of punishment ummah, causing violence.
for an accused in accordance with particular cir- The law of ḥudūd applies to those citizens who
cumstances in a bid to deter the citizens from attempt to disrupt social harmony and peace,
committing offenses for law and order in the which should be ensured in the first place in the
society. society based on “Muslim ummah” before the
implementation of ḥudūd. It is worthy to note
that the ḥudūd law requires sufficient measure of
evidences and proofs in its trial system.
Ḥudūd and Ummah
Pakistan is a case in point. The country intro-
duced the Ḥudood Ordinances of 1979 with the
The ḥudūd law, mentioned above, theoretically is
implementation of Sharī‘ah law during the mili-
a system that is applied to establish a harmonious
tary dictatorship of General Zia-ul Haq
relationship between the members of the ummah.
(1977–1988). Enforced in 1980, the Ḥudood
It is based on democratic philosophy, which
Ordinances, often labeled as discriminatory, com-
states that one or a few people may be punished
prised five criminal laws in relation to some major
as an instance in the interest of the majority of
issues of socio-cultural life, such as theft, robbery,
a community. For example, a person who perpe-
adultery, rape, etc. The Ḥudood Ordinances are as
trates crimes such as adultery is stoned to
follows: (1) Offenses Against Property Ordinance
death in order to protect the whole family, the
(crimes of theft and robbery), (2) Offense of Zina
family structure in the society, and eventually
Ordinance (crimes of rape, adultery, and
the entire community. One of the purposes of
fornication), (3) Offense of Qazf Ordinance
implementing ḥudūd is to abolish social maladies
(crimes of false accusation of adultery), (4) Prohi-
such as hypocrisy, adultery, laxity, and stingi-
bition Order (crimes related to alcohol and nar-
ness, which not only lead to social disintegration
cotics), and finally (5) Whipping Ordinance
and moral degradation, but also pose a challenge
(execution of sentence). The Ḥudood Ordinances
to curb social crimes and to maintain social
in Pakistan, believed to be politically motivated to
stability.
perpetuate authoritarian rule, sparked heated
debate and protest especially by women’s rights,
feminists, and human rights organizations across
Implementation of Ḥudūd the country due to what they say misinterpretation
and misapplication of this law that often turn the
Since ḥudūd is an essential law integrated into the victims into the accused, making space for gender
Islamic legal system, its implication lies only in discrimination.
Humayun’s Tomb 287

Cross-References Definition

▶ Ismā‘īlīs Completed in 1571 in Delhi, the tomb of the

▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia deceased Mughal emperor, Humayun, is the ear-
▶ ṣawm liest of the grand dynastic mausolea instrumental
▶ Ummah in impacting subsequent developments in Mughal
architecture, especially the Mughal funerary
structures through the eighteenth century.

References
Introduction and Historical Background
1. Agha Buzurg al-Tihrani MM (1983) al-Dhari’ah ila
tasanif al-Shi’ah, vol 6. Dar al-Adwa’, Bayrut
2. Bahnasi AF (1964) Al-Qisas wa’l-Hudūd fi al-Fiqh Completed in 1571 in Delhi, the tomb (Fig. 1) of
al-Islami (Criminal justice in Islamic law). al- the deceased Mughal emperor, Humayun, is the
Sharika al-‘Arabiyya lil-Tiba’a wal-Nashr, Cairo,
earliest of the grand dynastic mausolea instrumen-
pp 99–107
tal in impacting subsequent developments in H
3. Fūrak I (1991) Kitāb al-Ḥudūd fi l-uṣūl. Translated by
Abdel Haleem M A S as “Early Islamic Theological and Mughal architecture, especially the Mughal funer-
Juristic Terminology. Bull Sch Orient Afr Stud ary structures through the eighteenth century. The
54(1):5–41
mausoleum’s construction had been attributed to
4. Malik I (1951) al Muwatta, vol II. ʾĪsā al-Bābī al-Ḥalabī,
Cairo Humayun’s widow, Hajji Begum, but recent
5. Nasr SH (1972) Sufi essays. George Allen & Unwin, scholarship has proposed that Humayun’s son
London and successor Akbar’s direct patronage was, in
6. Rahman F (1965) The concept of Hadd in Islamic law.
all likelihood, at work in the erection of this mon-
Islam Stud 4(3):237–251
7. Shafi (1961) Risala (trans: Majid Khadduri, “Islamic ument for his father [10]. According to Abū al-
Jurisprudenc”). Johns Hopkins University Press, Faḍl, the primary chronicler of Akbar’s reign,
Baltimore Hajji Begum’s involvement did not go beyond
8. Siddiqi MS (1981) The concept of Ḥudūd and its sig-
taking charge of the upkeep of the mausoleum
nificance. Islam Cult Hyderabad 55(3):191–207
during the last two years of her life [1, 9]. Be
that as it may, in the chronological unfolding of
Mughal architecture, Humayun’s tomb remains
the earliest major architectural undertaking of
Humayun’s Mausoleum Akbar’s reign.
It is one of the very few buildings of the period
▶ Humayun’s Tomb for which the names of its architects, namely,
Mīrak Mirzā Ghiyā and Mīrak Sayyid Ghiyā ,
have come down to us [2–4, 6]. Both were archi-
tects (and poets) of high stature, trained in
Timurid building practices, had worked for Sul-
Humayun’s Tomb
tan Husayn Bayqara in the late-Timurid capital of
Herat, executed building and landscape architec-
Riyaz Latif
ture projects in Bukhara, and worked for the
Department of History of Art, Vanderbilt
founder of the Mughal ruling house, Babur
University, Nashville, TN, USA
[6, 9]. Around 1562, Mīrak Mirzā Ghiyā seems
to have returned to India on a commission to
design Humayun’s tomb. He, however, did not
Synonyms live to see its completion, and it was his son who
brought this majestic project to its culmination in
Humayun’s Mausoleum; Tomb of Humayun 1571 [2].
288 Humayun’s Tomb

Humayun’s Tomb,
Fig. 1 Humayun’s Tomb:
View of the Mausoleum on
the Raised Platform
(Photograph to be credited
to Dr. Catherine Asher)

It is evidently due to these Iranian architects’ formation is comprised of four equal parts with
contribution that Humayun’s tomb manifestly two intersecting axial paved walkways with
incorporates Timurid architectural elements, water channels, terminating into gatehouses or
most expressly evinced in its vaulted masonry, in secondary structures at their ends. Narrower
the structural articulations of its monumental water channels further subdivide each garden
scale, and in the arcuate system forming the tran- plot into symmetrical landscaped units. Such
sition zone to support the raised drum of the landscaped settings, based on formal geometric
central dome above. In its architectural constitu- configurations, appear to draw from the concept
tion, thus, Humayun’s tomb upholds a confluence of an ideal garden so actively promulgated by
of Timurid, Persian, and local Indic sensibilities Babur and became standard for all Mughal funer-
[8]; the dissonances occurring from the integra- ary structures of imperial and sub-imperial
tion of such heterogeneous sensibilities are effec- patronage [2]. Further, in this context, the para-
tively subdued in the employment of the favorite disiacal allegories associated with the char bagh
building material of the time, red sandstone, gardens are highly accentuated at Humayun’s
which imparted a homogeneity of hue strongly tomb. The water channels’ seeming disappear-
reminiscent of the color reserved for imperial ance beneath the mausoleum and their
Mughal tents [9]. reemergence in the same axial course on the
other side has been interpreted as evoking the
Qur’ānic vision of rivers flowing beneath the
Setting in Landscaped Gardens gardens of paradise [2].

The imposing mausoleum stands at the center of

a symmetrical quadripartite garden; it is the first Architectural Features
extant Mughal garden founded on the planned
landscape principles of the classical char bagh The mausoleum itself, dressed in red sandstone
pattern [2, 13]. During the Mughal times, the interspersed with white marble, rests on a high
tomb complex was accessed through an elaborate raised platform, 99 m per side, and incorporates
gateway on the south, but today, the western gate 124 vaulted chambers beneath its elevated space
serves as its main entrance [2]. The char bagh (Fig. 1). In its planar constitution, this imperial
Humayun’s Tomb 289

tomb is arranged in a ninefold scheme consisting Significance for Later Mughal

of a square, 45 m per side, with chamfered cor- Mausoleums
ners. It thus forms an irregular octagon, which
the Mughals termed muthamman baghdadi or It has been suggested that the conception of
Baghdadi octagon [9]. The ninefold planar Humayun’s tomb as a Mughal dynastic funerary
arrangement of the tomb comes from its division structure partook of traditions related to the majestic
into nine parts by four intersecting construction Timurid dynastic mausolea, for instance, the Gur-i
lines, forming the central octagonal domed Amir in Samarqand [2, 10]. However, Humayun’s
chamber with eight smaller ancillary chambers tomb was not used to house the mortal remains of
organized around it. In this configuration, the subsequent Mughal rulers, although some members
central domed chamber housing the cenotaph of the royal house were indeed interred there.
has rectangular open halls in the middle of its In the formative articulation of a distinctive
sides and double-storeyed vaulted chambers in Mughal architectural idiom, Humayun’s tomb
the corners. A system of passages connects the remains one of the most significant monuments of
domed chamber with the ancillary spaces and the Indian subcontinent, in turn shaping many con-
also with the exterior [2, 9]. tours of the Mughal architectural repertoire that was H
This geometric compositeness in the mauso- to follow. In this funerary edifice, Mughal architec-
leum’s planar organization, most pertinently, its ture for the first time realized its monumental
radial arrangement of eight ancillary spaces expression which was to become a defining feature
around the domed chamber, has been interpreted of subsequent imperial projects. Recent attention
as evoking the hasht bihisht, the eight paradises of lavished upon Humayun’s tomb by the way of
Islamic cosmology [2, 9]. It is also likely that concerted conservation projects has reaffirmed its
these interlinked passages were conceived to centrality within the Mughal architectural oeuvre
facilitate circumambulation of the cenotaph in and has indeed foregrounded its canonical stature
the main chamber: it was a ritual of veneration as one of the most enduring specimens of Indo-
derived from Sufic rites, a common practice at Islamic architecture. The six-year renovation of the
Mughal imperial mausoleums [2]. tomb was undertaken by the Aga Khan Trust for
The notions of perfect symmetry in the planar Culture in partnership with the Archeological Sur-
arrangements of the mausoleum are faithfully ech- vey of India, co-funded by the Sir Dorabji Tata
oed in the composition of its façades. Each façade, Trust, and completed in 2013.
adorned in red sandstone and interwoven with
white marble, is punctuated by vaulted iwan-like
openings and culminates in chamfered corners Cross-References
with superimposed recessed niches at the edges.
The north, west, and east façades are identical and ▶ Akbar
are articulated by a high central portal flanked on
the either side by a section of the façade composed
of a lower arched portal with significantly References
recessed niches around it. On the south
façade – probably the main one – the two sections 1. Allami Shaykh Abu’l Fazl (1873–1886) Akbar Nama,
of the façade with lower vaulted wings and 3 vols (Pers. text ed. Agha Ahmad Ali and Abd al-
Rahim). Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta.
recessed niches accommodate between them English edition: Allami Shaykh Abu’l Fazl
a monumental central pishtaq, a façade gateway, (2010) Akbar Nama (trans: Beveridge H). Low Price
with a deeply recessed niche underneath it [2, 9]. Publications, Delhi
This entire architectural ensemble is surmounted 2. Asher CB (1992) Architecture of Mughal India. Cam-
bridge University Press, New York
by a white marble bulbous dome rising over the 3. Badayuni Abd al-Qadir (1864–69) Muntakhab al-
central octagonal chamber of the mausoleum with Tawarikh, 3 vols (Pers. text ed. Kabir al-Din Ahmad,
kiosk elements, chhatris, on its flanks. Ali MA, Lees WN). Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal,
290 Humayun’s Tomb

Calcutta. English trans: Badayuni, Abd al-Qadir and architecture in honor of Katharina Otto-Dorn.
(1884–1925) Muntakhab al-Tawarikh (trans: i, Rank- Malibu
ing GSA; ii, Lowe WH; iii, Haig TW); reprint of all 3 9. Koch E (2002) Mughal architecture: an outline of its
vols (1973). Idarah-i Adabiyat-i-Delli, Delhi history and development (1526–1858). Oxford Uni-
4. Begley W (1982) Mirak, Mirza Ghiyas. In: Macmillan versity Press, New Delhi
encyclopedia of architects, vol II. New York 10. Lowry GD (1987) Humayun’s tomb: form, function
5. Brown P (1942) Indian architecture (Islamic period). and meaning in early Mughal architecture. Muqarnas
D. B. Taraporewala Sons, Bombay 4:133–148
6. Bukhari Khwaja Baha al-Din Hasan Nisari 11. Nanda R (2003) A tomb brought to life. Hist Gardens
(1969) Mudhakkir-i Ahbab (ed: Fazlullah SM). Rev 13:18–22
Dai’rat al-ma’rif, Hyderabad 12. Naqvi SAA (1946) Delhi: Humayun’s tomb and adja-
7. Burton-Page J (2008) Indian Islamic architecture: cent buildings. Manager of Publications, Delhi
forms and typologies, sites and monuments (ed: 13. Ruggles DF (1997) Humayun’s tomb and garden:
Michel G). Brill, Leiden/Boston typologies and visual order. In: Petruccioli A (ed) Gar-
8. Golombek L (1981) From Tamerlane to the Taj dens in the time of great Muslim empires: theory and
Mahal. In: Daneshvari A (ed) Essays in Islamic art design. Brill, Leiden/New York
I

‘Ibādat Emperor Akbar (r. 1556–1605). Akbar commis-

sioned the physical structure in 1575 at the impe-
▶ Prayer, Islam rial capital, Fatehpur Sikri, and soon thereafter
different Muslim groups gathered in the evenings
to discuss their theological differences. Within
a few years, members of other traditions also
‘Ibādat Khāna joined the disputes, including Hindus, Parsees
(Zoroastrians), and Christians. Conversations in
Audrey Truschke the ‘Ibādat Khāna were suspended briefly in
Department of Religious Studies, Stanford 1581, and scholars are unclear about the fate of
University, Stanford, CA, USA the institution thereafter. The relationship of the
‘Ibādat Khāna to other religious developments in
Akbar’s court, particularly the Dī n-i-Ilāhī , also
remains murky.
Synonyms

House of religious debate; Ibadatkhana; ‘Ibādat Inauguration of the ‘Ibādat Khāna

Khānah
According to Badā’ūnī, an unofficial historian of
Akbar’s reign, the emperor ordered the construc-
Definition tion of the ‘Ibādat Khāna because, after years of
military campaigns, he finally had leisure to
A house of religious debate that operated in devote himself to religious questions [3, 12].
the court of the Mughal Emperor Akbar Abū al-Faẓl, a major court-sponsored historian,
(r. 1556–1605). likewise names Akbar’s “thirst for inquiry” as
the impetus behind the new institution [1]. The
building was erected near the royal palace and
Introduction featured four open galleries. Meetings convened
on Thursday or Friday evenings and often contin-
The ‘Ibādat Khāna was a house of religious ued well into the night as “inquirers of every sect”
debate that operated in the court of the Mughal debated with one another [1].

# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018

Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
292 ‘Ibādat Khāna

Islamic Debates three missionaries headed by Rudolf Acquaviva

arrived in 1580. Antoni Montserrat, the most pro-
Early accounts of the ‘Ibādat Khāna feature dis- lific writer of the latter mission, chronicled many of
putes between Islamic groups, including different the Jesuits’ experiences at court, which involved
Sufi communities and jurists. The ‘ulamā’ in par- several detailed explanations of Christian beliefs
ticular often found themselves under attack, and before Akbar [5]. A much celebrated illustration of
Shaykh Nūr al-Ḥaq, an Islamic theologian based the ‘Ibādat Khāna by Nar Singh that adorns a copy
in Delhi, attests that Akbar often entreated the of the Akbarnāmah now held in the Chester Beatty
‘ulamā’ to not conceal the truth [17]. Shias were Library in Dublin prominently features two Jesuit
soon admitted to the debates and introduced topics figures alongside members of other faiths [9].
such as the correct order of succession among the Writing nearly two decades later, Abū al-Faẓl
early Caliphs and the proper interpretation of offers the most explicit statement regarding the
ḥadī ths [3, 17]. Shaykh Mustafa Gujarati, a purpose of these court-sponsored religious debates
Mahdavi, was also invited to several meetings in his initial draft of the Akbarnāmah, an official
and recorded his experiences therein [10]. history of Akbar’s reign. In this passage, which was
Many of the Islamic questions that arose in edited out of the text’s final version but survives in
the ‘Ibādat Khāna were connected with ongoing a manuscript in the British Library, Akbar says
political controversies in the Mughal empire. before those gathered in the ‘Ibādat Khāna: “I
For example, criticisms of the ‘ulamā’ were part have organized this assembly (majlis) for this pur-
of Akbar’s larger project in the 1570s–1580s pose only that the facts of every religion, whether
to override the authority of this powerful group Hindu or Muslim, be brought out in the open. The
by declaring that he, the emperor, could practice closed hearts of our (religious) leaders and scholars
ijtiḥād (Islamic reasoning) [18, 20, 21]. Akbar be opened so that the Musalmans should come to
often clashed with the ‘ulamā’ on many points, know who they are!” [17]. This emphasis on dis-
including the limits of kingly authority and closing the true beliefs of both Hindus and Muslims
whether he, as emperor, could take more than is echoed in other engagements across cultural lines
the standard Islamic limit of four wives. Indeed, in Akbar’s court, such as in Abū al-Faẓl’s preface to
questions related to marriage arose in the ‘Ibādat the Persian translation of the Sanskrit epic
Khāna on several occasions, particularly the per- Mahābhārata, undertaken in the 1580s at Akbar’s
missible and advisable number of wives [17, 21]. command [6, 22].

Interreligious Disputes Suspension of Debates in the ‘Ibādat

Khāna
Within a few years, non-Muslims were introduced
into the ‘Ibādat Khāna and accordingly raised new The ‘Ibādat Khāna debates were temporarily
matters of discussion. Elaborating the groups pre- suspended in 1581 while Akbar led a military
sent in 1578, Abū al-Faẓl included “Sufi, philoso- assault against his half brother, Mirza Hakim,
pher, orator, jurist, Sunni, Shia, Brahman, Jati, who was based in Kabul [7]. The fate of the
Sevra [Jain monks], Charbak, Nazarene, Jew, ‘Ibādat Khāna thereafter remains unclear. Talks
Sabi (Sabian), Zoroastrian, and others” [1]. Hindus across religious traditions continued in the
brought topics such as satī (widow burning) to the Mughal court for decades afterwards. For exam-
attention of Akbar. Gujarat-based Parsees joined ple, Jains were known to persuade Akbar of the
the debates in 1578–1579, and their influences virtues of nonviolence at several points [15].
were later felt in many aspects of court life [2, 11]. Shaykh Bhavan, a Hindu convert to Islam, caused
Jesuit priests from Europe also entered the a stir with his representations of Hindu beliefs on
‘Ibādat Khāna. Akbar first welcomed a Jesuit numerous occasions [3]. Nonetheless, whether
father at Fatehpur Sikri in 1578, and a team of such events were formally connected with the
‘Ibādat Khāna 293

‘Ibādat Khāna is unknown. The physical structure (2010) Akbarnāmah (trans: Beveridge H). Low Price
survived into at least the seventeenth century and Publications, Delhi
2. Asher C (2004) A ray from the sun: Mughal ideology
became known as an infirmary rather than a hall of and the visual construction of the divine. In: Kapstein
theological debate [3, 8]. M (ed) The presence of light: divine radiance and reli-
gious experience. University of Chicago Press, Chicago
3. Badā’ūnī AQ (1983) Muntakhab al-Tavārīkh (eds:
Impact on Court Life Lees WN, Ali MA) Biblio Verlag, Osnabrück. English
edition: Bada’uni AQ (1976–1978) Muntakhab al-
Tawarikh (eds and trans: Ranking GSA, Haig W,
The relationship between the ‘Ibādat Khāna and Lowe WH). Karimsons, Karachi
other religious developments under Akbar is the 4. Behl A (2011) Pages from the book of religions:
subject of ongoing debate. The Dabistān-i encountering difference in Mughal India. In: Pollock
S (ed) Forms of knowledge in early modern Asia:
Maẕāhib (School of Religions, c. 1650), a work
explorations in the intellectual history of India and
that compares different faiths, describes many Tibet, 1500–1800. Duke University Press, Durham/
disputes in Akbar’s court over theological ques- London
tions in connection with the Dī n-i-Ilāhī , Akbar’s 5. Correia-Afonso J (ed) (1980) Letters from the Mughal
court: the first Jesuit Mission to Akbar (1580–1583).
imperial discipleship program [4, 19]. But it is
G.S. Prakash, Anand
uncertain whether these conversations took place 6. Ernst CW (2003) Muslim studies of Hinduism?
in the ‘Ibādat Khāna. Ṣulḥ-i kul (universal peace) A reconsideration of Arabic and Persian translations I
is a Sufi concept derived from Ibn al-‘Arabī that from Indian languages. Iran Stud 36(2):173–195
7. Faruqui M (2005) The forgotten prince: Mirza Hakim
became important to Akbar’s cultural and political
and the formation of the Mughal Empire in India.
ambitions. Some scholars have suggested that the J Econ Soc Hist Orient 48(4):487–523
‘Ibādat Khāna debates were designed to further 8. Jahangir (1980) Jahāngīrnāmah. Hashim M (ed) Teh-
this goal [13, 21]. ran: Bunyad-i Farhang-i Iran. English edition:
(1999) The Jahangirnama: memoirs of Jahangir,
Emperor of India (trans: Thackston WM). Freer Gal-
lery of Art and Oxford University Press, Washington,
Physical Structure DC/New York
9. Leach LY (1995) Mughal and other Indian paintings
There is also significant scholarly disagreement from the Chester Beatty library. Scorpion Cavendish,
surrounding the location of the ‘Ibādat Khāna. London
10. MacLean DN (2004) Real men and false men at the
Scholars have been attempting to identify the court of Akbar: the Majalis of Shaykh Mustafa Guja-
building or its remains in Fatehpur Sikri since the rati. In: Gilmartin D, Lawrence BB (eds) Beyond Turk
nineteenth century based on descriptions offered in and Hindu: rethinking religious identities in Islamicate
Mughal histories as well as the Chester Beatty South Asia. University Press of Florida, Gainesville
11. Maneck SS (1997) The death of Ahriman: culture,
illustration. No consensus on the correct identifica- identity and theological change among the Parsis of
tion of the structure has yet been reached [14, 16]. India. K.R. Cama Oriental Institute, Bombay
12. Moosvi S (ed) (1994) Episodes in the life of Akbar:
contemporary records and reminiscences. National
Cross-References Book Trust, India, New Delhi
13. Moosvi S (2007) The road to Sulh-i Kul: Akbar’s
alienation from theological Islam. In: Habib I (ed)
▶ Akbar Religion in Indian history. Tulika Books, New Delhi
▶ Caliph 14. Nath R (2004) On identification of Akbar’s ‘Ibadat-
▶ Sayyidul ‘Ulamā’ Khanah at Fatehpur Sikri. Indian Hist Rev 31:96–106
15. Prasad P (1997) Akbar and the Jains. In: Habib I (ed)
Akbar and his India. Oxford University Press, Delhi
16. Rezavi SAN (1997) Revisiting Fatehpur Sikri: an
References interpretation of certain buildings. In: Habib I (ed)
Akbar and his India. Oxford University Press, Delhi
1. Abū al-Faẓl ibn Mubārak (1873–1887) Akbarnāmah 17. Rezavi SAN (2008) Religious disputations and impe-
(ed: Abd-ur-Rahim M) Asiatic Society, Calcutta. rial ideology: the purpose and location of Akbar’s
English edition: Abū al-Faẓl ibn Mubārak Ibadatkhana. Stud Hist 24(2):195–209
294 ‘Ibādat Khānah

18. Richards J (1993) The Mughal empire. Cambridge Definition

University Press, New York
19. Rizazadah RM (ed) (1983) Dabistān-i Maẕāhib.
Kitabkhanah-i Tahuri, Tehran The greatest medieval Barbari Moroccan traveler
20. Rizvi SAA (1975) Religious and intellectual history of who launched his long temporal and spatial jour-
the Muslims in Akbar’s Reign: with special reference ney to cover tens of countries in the three conti-
to Abu’l Fazl (1556–1605). Munshiram Manoharlal nents, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, Morocco to
Publishers, New Delhi
21. Rizvi SAA (1999) Dimensions of Ṣulḥ-i Kul (Univer- China. He completed the retelling of his personal
sal Peace) in Akbar’s Reign and the Ṣūfī theory of and historical experience to the official secretary,
perfect man. In: Khan IA (ed) Akbar and his age. Ibn Juzayy, in 1354/755, and the travelogue enti-
Northern Book Centre, New Delhi tled Tuḥfat al-Naẓẓār fī-Gharā’ib al-Amṣār wa-
22. Truschke A (2011) The Mughal Book of War: a Persian
translation of the Sanskrit Mahabharata. Comp Stud ʿAjā’ib al-Asfār (A Gift to Those Who Contem-
South Asia, Afr Middle East 31(2):506–520 plate the Wonders of Cities and the Marvels of
Traveling) was fully edited in 1355.

‘Ibādat Khānah Historiography

▶ ‘Ibādat Khāna Scholars have different views concerning the

materials used in the book, popularly known as
Journeys or Travels (riḥla, jawla, or safar), focus-
ing on whether Ibn Battuta kept any record which
forms the major parts of the Journeys. Obviously
Ibadatkhana its official editor, Ibn Juzayy acknowledges in his
concluding remarks to the book “Here ends the
▶ ‘Ibādat Khāna
narrative which I have abridged from the explan-
atory notes (taqyid) of the Shaykh Abū ʿAbd Allāh
Muḥammad ibn Baṭṭūṭa. . . .” In addition, Ibn
Juzayy also says that he composed the Journeys
Ibn ʿAbd Allāh al-Tanjī in accordance with the dictation of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa.
˙ Seen in the flow of his traveling, it is obvious that
▶ Ibn Baṭṭūṭa Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, even if he kept some diaries, lost them
in various occasions during his difficult journey
whether he was drowning, attacked, or running
for his safety. Thus, any notes which he eventually
Ibn Battūta presented to Ibn Juzayy after his traveling could
˙˙ ˙ entail some recalling and rewriting of his long and
Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad ibn ʿAbd Allāh al- diverse experiences [1, 3, 4, 5].
Luwāti al-Ṭanjī (1304–1368/703–769)

Iik A. Mansurnoor Contributions

Historical Studies Program, University of Brunei
Darussalam, Bandar Seri Begawan, Brunei, His major contributions to world history and
Darussalam human interactions during his life time remain
crucial in the modern world. His travelogue
covers such areas as living pictures of the four-
Synonyms teenth-century Middle East, Eastern Europe,
Africa, and Asia; biographies, portraits, and
Ibn Battutah; Ibn Batuta; Ibn ʿAbd Allāh al-Ṭanjī entries on Muslim scholars, Sufis, judges, and
Ibn Battūta 295
˙˙ ˙

public speakers; contemporary accounts of unique focused on pilgrimage to the holy cities of Islam,
and rarely undisclosed historical episodes; especially Mecca and Medina. For the 21-year-
description of various nations, customs, and tra- old man, his preparation was nothing special.
ditions; and remarks about and observation of Indeed, he left for pilgrimage from his home
towns, cities, mosques, governance, countries, town, Tangier, as he claimed, “alone having nei-
Muslim rulers’ travels, and wars. Interestingly, ther fellow-traveler in whose companionship
he spent a third of his nearly three decades of I might find cheer, nor caravan whose party I
travels in the Subcontinent, South Asia, occupy- might join” [1, 5].
ing two major chapters in the Journeys [1].
Nevertheless, in several critical studies of the • 1326 (Sept–Nov) From Damascus to Medina
Journeys, researchers found not all its accounts and then Mecca (until 20 Dhu al-Hijjah 726)
come from the actual presence and witnessing of • 1326–1327 Iraq, Basra, Baghdad, Tabriz, Fars,
Ibn Baṭṭūṭa himself about the events recounted Isfahan, and Mosul
and places visited. It also contains quotations or • 1327–1330 Arabia, Mecca, where he
renditions of the travelogues of previous writers- performed three pilgrimages
cum-travelers such as Ibn Jubayr and al-ʿAbdari, • 1330–1332/730–732 Red Sea, Yemen, Moga-
for example, the long description of Arabia, Syria, dishu, Zufar, Hormuz, Bahrain, and then back
I
and Egypt [4, 5]. Indeed, many have raised doubts to Jedda; again in Mecca he had a pilgrimage
whether Ibn Baṭṭūṭa ever actually visited the Bal- • 1332–1333/732–733 Red Sea, Aydhab, Upper
kans and China. This leads to the argument Egypt, Cairo, Balbays, Giza, Jerusalem, Acre,
whether the Journeys can best be studied as Tripoli, Syria, Asia Minor, Konya, Synop, the
a historical work or a literary presentation. Black Sea, Constantinople, Steppe Land of the
The immediate clue comes from the travelogue Golden Horde under the Uzbeks and Chagatay,
genre which had preceded and came after it, and Central Asia, Transoxania, Afghanistan, and
the official edition of the Journeys by the Marinid Punjab
court under the commission of Sultan Abū ‘Inān • Sept 1333 to July 1342 (1 Muharram
and the editor Ibn Juzayy. Even though some 734 – Safar 743) Stayed in the capital of
scholars have singled out Ibn Baṭṭūṭa for his own Delhi under the patronage of Sultan Muḥam-
literary interest in his accounts, the Journeys, in mad Tughlūq, among other things working as
fact, shows Ibn Baṭṭūṭa is a man of principle as chief judge
he proves in his many noted moral views and • 1342–1343 The Maldive islands, where he
positions and circumstances in Delhi and later in served the local rule as chief judge
Fez [2]. • 1343–1344 Sri Lanka, Bengal, Assam, and
Arakan in Burma on the way to Sumatra
• 1345–January 1347 Sumatra, Champa, China,
Journeys and Information and back to the Indian Ocean (Malabar)
• 1347–1349 The Persian Gulf, Basra, Damas-
To have an authentic view of the Journeys, a brief cus, Cairo, Mecca for pilgrimage, and then
chronological presentation of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa’s travel- Alexandria to return home
ing of nearly three decades follows [1, 5]. • May–November 1349 Via Tunis, Sardinia,
The beginning from pre-1325 to 1326/725 to Algiers, and Fez
726: Not much information can be gleaned about • 1349–December 1353 Granada, Sijilmasa,
the young man who made himself a celebrity for across the Sahara, Niger, and back to Sijilmasa
his observations and travels. Scattered biogra- and then Fez
phies of him and his own brief statement about • 1355 The publication of the Journeys
his past reveal he belongs to a religious family of
significance in the town of Tangier. His main From reading Ibn Baṭṭūṭa’s text, it is immedi-
intention to explore the East (Mashriq) in 1325 ately apparent that he started his journey as a usual
296 Ibn Battutah

Muslim pilgrim from the Maghrib with some flare 3. Ibn Ḥajar al-ʿAsqalānī, Shihāb al-Dīn Aḥmad (n.d.) al-
of youthful spirit of adventure. However, his Durar al-Kāmina fī Aʿyān al-Mi’a al-Thāmina (ed:
Muḥammad Jādd al-Ḥaqq). Umm al-Qurā lil-Ṭibāʿa
extended stay in the two holy cities of Mecca wal-Nashr, Cairo
and Medina also indicates the continuing ambi- 4. Netton IR (ed) (2007) Islamic and Middle Eastern geog-
tion of Muslim youth to travel and study. Indeed, raphers and travellers: critical concepts in Islamic
it was here, he seems to have seriously studied thought. The travels of Ibn Battūta (AD 1304–1368/9
or 1377), vol III. Routledge/Taylor & Francis, London
under different teachers, especially those experts 5. Travels of Ibn Battūta (2002) (trans and selected by
in the Maliki school of law and Sufism. This Gibb HAR), reprinted edition. Goodword Books, New
becomes clear when he became interested in serv- Delhi
ing the famous and generous ruler of the Delhi
sultanate. Being erudite after this period of focused
study, it is no wonder that he was inspired to emu-
late his Maghribi predecessors who wrote about Ibn Battutah
their travel experiences and observations. As such
he was particular in keeping records even though ▶ Ibn Baṭṭūṭa
they are not always original diaries since he many
times experienced losses in property and records for
being attacked, was at times a fugitive, and almost
drowned. Therefore, when he started recollecting Ibn Batuta
his journeys and shared these with different audi-
ences in Fez and other places, he must have ▶ Ibn Baṭṭūṭa
exhausted the attempt to collect the bits and pieces
left to rewrite what he considered relevant. As can
be seen in the Journeys, which overall is full of
detailed names, dates, and complex circumstances, Ibn Taymīyya
they cannot be simply reinvented.
Whatever shortcomings there are in the Jour- Emin Poljarevic
neys, including questions of historical validity and Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies,
personal boasting and self-interested presentation, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UK
Ibn Baṭṭūṭa has shared his personal views of the
diverse cultures, peoples, societies, urbanities, tri-
bes, governances, and customs in countries and Synonyms
regions from Morocco to East Asia and from Mali
to Central Asia [1, 5]. Shaykh al-Islām

Cross-References Definition

▶ Pilgrimage A late thirteenth-, early fourteenth-century Dam-

ascene legal scholar, Islamic theologian, and
debater.
References

1. Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, AbūʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad al-Ṭanjī Introduction

(1987) Tuḥfat al-Naẓẓār fī-Gharā’ib al-Amṣār wa-
ʿAjā’ib al-Asfār (ed: Ṭalāl Ḥarb). Dār al-Kutub al-
His full name is Ahmad Abū 1-'Abbās b. ‘Abd
ʿIlmīya, Beirut
2. ʿAbd al-Rahman ibn Muḥammad (1987) Muqaddimat As-Salām b. Abd al-Ḥalīm ‘Abd Allāh ibn
Ibn Khaldūn. Dar al-Qalam, Beirut Taymīyya, and he was born in the small town of
Ibn Taymīyya 297

Harran located south from the city of Urfa/ ibn Taymīyya specialized early in the Ḥanbalī
Şanlıurfa in present-day Turkey (1263 C.E.). He school of jurisprudence like his father and grand-
was one of the most important medieval Muslim father. This meant that he adopted a more strict
scholars influencing the development of Sunni reading of the religious sources al-Qur’ān and as-
theology from the early thirteenth century Sunnah (the Prophetic tradition) compared with
onward. During his lifetime, he wrote and debated the other madhāhib. He was still equally familiar
his contemporaries on a wide range of issues with the jurisprudential methodologies of Mālikīs,
ranging from the Islamic legal theory, Qur’ānic Ḥanafīs, and Shāfi‘īs. In the later part of his life,
exegesis, Prophetic traditions, and philosophy he rejected the Ḥanbalī label for himself as an
leaving a permanent mark on subsequent intellec- attempt to free himself from the constraints of
tual debates on these and related topics. His was traditional scholarly dichotomies insisting on
a time of political upheaval and disintegration methodological unity of the Islamic scholarship.
throughout the Islamicate east. The Ilkhanid Mon- By the time he was 18 years, he had received
gol’s invasion and sacking of the Abbasid capital, his first ijāza, an official permit to issue formal
Baghdad, in 1258 added to sociopolitical frag- legal opinions or fatāwa (s. fatwa) by the Mufti of
mentation of the Greater Syria region – bilād Damascus. By age 22, he was invited to assume
ash-Shām. This volatile situation contributed sig- a leading teaching position at al-Sukariyyah
I
nificantly to frequent political intrigues involving School, a post previously held by his father.
many of the leading ‘ulamā’ (s. ‘ālim) in the There he had established himself as an exception-
region. Ibn Taymīyya, as it were, lacked the nec- ally gifted ‘ālim. His fame lay primarily in his
essary political links that would have allowed him capacity to deal with complicated religious issues,
political influence. This proved later in his life to including the theological fundamentals of the
be his main weakness allowing rival scholars to Sunni creed and various shar‘ī (legal theory)
influence the authorities in sanctioning him. This positions of the four madhāhib. However, his
has also been a source of his greatest strength popularity was not equally appreciated by some
adding to his scholarly credibility among the Mus- of his contemporaries including leading religious
lim masses earning him a large following among scholars. Some of the rival and influential ‘ulamā’
the contemporary intellectual élite and later at the time disagreed with several of his opinions
generations. resulting in legal persecution by the local Mamluk
authorities.

Young Scholar
Turbulence
Ibn Taymīyya grew up under the care of his par-
ents receiving early education from his father ‘Abd Ibn Taymīyya was initially accused of attributing
al-Halīm (d. 1284), a Ḥanbalī religious scholar in anthropomorphist qualities to Allāh, a serious
his own right. In 1269, his family fled Harran for accusation and the one he rejected. Another con-
Damascus due to the increased frequency of Mon- tentious issue was his vicious critique of esoteric
gol raids harassing the local populations. In Sufism, including popular forms of heterodox
Damascus his schooling continued under the Islamic practices at the time. But there might
guidance of various religious scholars including have also been another reason for this scholarly
his paternal aunt Siṭṭ ad-Dār, the Mufti of Damas- enmity towards ibn Taymīyya. Few contemporary
cus Sharaf al-Dīn al-Maqdisī (d. 1295), an expert sources mention his vicious and polemical style of
reciter of Qur’ān Abū Isḥāq al-Ghusulī (d. 1285), argumentation with all those who disagreed with
and many others including some of the most him as the main contributing reason for his arrests.
prominent contemporary scholars of all four His argumentative style of debating with his peers
schools of Sunni jurisprudence or madhāhib was perceived as culturally impertinent, creating
(s. madhhab). As it was customary at the time, thus much stir among the powerful intellectual
298 Ibn Taymīyya

circles at the time. The provincial Mamluk rulers with the traditional scholarly élite that feared
were in turn urged to sanction the young ‘ālim as weakening of their authority. In September of
early as in 1293. However, the growing tension 1328, he died in a citadel of al-Qala‘ prison in
with the scholarly community and the political Damascus accompanied by one of his most prom-
authorities continued until 1304, when he was inent students, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzīyya. His
exiled to the Mamluk capital, Cairo. funeral was attended by over 100,000 people indi-
cating his wide-ranging popularity among the
Damascene masses. He never married, leaving
Cairo Period no descendants.
Ibn Taymīyya based his legal methodology
In Cairo, ibn Taymīyya continued his critique of fundamentally on literal interpretation of the reli-
heterodox practices of local Ittiḥādi Ṣūfī mystics gious sources, the Qur’ān and Sunnah of the
earning him new critics among the Egyptian reli- Prophet. He also relied heavily on the authenti-
gious élite. It is interesting to note that ibn cally reported statements and actions of the
Taymīyya himself had allegedly been a member Prophet’s Companions (saḥāba) and their stu-
of the non-esoteric al-Qādirīya Ṣūfī order. Nev- dents or tābi’ūn (s. tabi’ī ). He also considered
ertheless, he sought to purify Muslim religious Arabic grammar and its mechanics as highly
practice from any action not sanctioned by the important to decipher potential ambiguities
Qur’ān and Sunnah. His critique extended further found in the textual sources. This methodological
and included all Shi‘ī sects, for their serious reli- procedure, ibn Taymīyya believed, is based on
gious deviances. During Mamluk rule of Egypt, a correct premise concerning religious knowledge
such practices were usually considered remnants found in the principal sources. It composes the
of the earlier Fāṭimīd authority. Moreover, he correct approach to both correct Islamic beliefs
criticized speculative theologians (ahl al-kalām) and practices devoid of heretical innovations.
for their incorporation of hypothetical reasoning, His legacy both as an activist scholar with
traditional ‘ulamā’ for their propagation of taqlī d, massive integrity and meticulous theologian has
and all proponents of Ash‘arī ‘aqī dah, for their resonated throughout the centuries. He had writ-
embracing of the rationalist faith doctrine. Just ten several hundred books and treatises, out of
a year after his arrival to Cairo, the Mamluk which two stand out as most referred to today.
authorities imprisoned ibn Taymīyya over a mix The compilation of his religious opinions titled,
of religious and political controversies and public “A Great Compilation of Fatwa” (Majmu’ al-
disputes with his peers. These events were Fatwā al-Kubrā), is a work usually printed in six
followed by regular periods of his imprisonment or seven volumes. Another work is a short treatise
by the Mamluk authorities both in Cairo and later on the Sunni Islamic doctrine initially written as
in Damascus where he returned in 1312. During an advice to the residents of the town of Wāsiṭ,
his time in prison, he managed to produce a vast “The Wāsiṭ Doctrine” (Al-‘Aqida al-Wāsiṭiyya).
amount of writings where he explained many of The reactionary movement of Muhammad ibn
his critical opinions in form of treatises and letters. Abdul Wahhab in the eighteenth century, the
reformist Salafiyyah movement of Muhammad
Abduh in the late nineteenth century, and various
Legacy conservative movements, in the twentieth century
with literal approach to the sources, both violent
Back in Damascus, ibn Taymīyya continued his and nonviolent, all acknowledge ibn Taymīyya’s
preaching albeit in a less polemical style. His old work as massively important to their sociopoliti-
foes succeeded once again in convincing the cal thinking. For instance, based on ibn
authorities to bring him to trial and imprison him Taymīyya’s general methodology, modern-day
on renewed charges of doctrinal deviation. His salafis are inclined to seek the collective return
popular appeal had evidently caused great distress of Muslims to the sources of Islam as the ultimate
Ijmā‘ 299

solution to problems such as nationalist extrem- Definition

ism and institutional corruption in Muslim major-
ity societies as well as political fragmentation of Ijmā‘ is the verbal noun of the Arabic word ajma‘a
the Muslim community or ummah. While making which has meanings of determining [1], collecting,
these claims, salafis tend to stir, much like ibn or assembling [2], and agreeing upon [3].
Taymīyya, considerable critique and opposition
both within and without Muslim communities.
Ijmā‘ in Islamic Jurisprudence

References Ijmā‘ is defined as the agreement of the mujtahids

of the people (i.e., those who have a right in virtue
1. Al-Matroudi A (2006) The Hanbali School of Law and
of knowledge to form a judgment of their own)
Ibn Taymiyyah: conflict and conciliation. Routledge,
London after the death of Muhammad (PBUH – peace be
2. Bori C (2004) A new source for the biography of Ibn upon him), in any age, on any matter of the faith
Taymiyya. Bull Sch Orient African Stud [3–7]. Some scholars stressed that the agreement
67(3):321–348
should be unanimous [1, 8, 9]. The unanimous
3. Hallaq W (1993) Ibn Taymiyyah against the Greek
logicians. Oxford University Press, Oxford agreement is considered as the agreement of the I
4. Hodgson M (1975) The venture of Islam. Conscience community as represented by its highly learned
and history in a world. University of Chicago Press, jurists living in a particular age or generation,
Civilization
an agreement that bestows on those rulings or
5. Little D (1973) The historical and historiographical
significance of the detention of Ibn Taymiyya. Int opinions subject to its conclusive, certain knowl-
J Middle East Stud 4(3):311–327 edge [10].
6. Little D (1975) Did Ibn Taymiyya have a screw loose?
Stud Islam 41:93–111
7. Michot Y (2003) A Mamluk theologian’s commen-
tary on Avicenna’s risalah adhawiyyah. J Islam Stud Background of Ijmā‘
14(2):149–203
8. Michot Y (2006) Muslims under non-Muslim rule.
Interface Publications, Oxford Islam is considered by Muslims as having given
9. Nafi B (2009) Salafism revived: Nuʿmān al-Alūsī and the most comprehensive legal system to human-
the trial of two Aḥmads. Die Welt des Islam 49:49–97 kind. Islamic law covers all aspects of life. Islam
10. Pavlin J (1996) Sunni Kalam and theological contro-
versies. In: Nasr SH, Leaman O (eds) History of
has its own personal, civil, criminal, mercantile,
Islamic philosophy. Routledge, London evidence, constitutional, and international law.
11. Rosenthal E (1962) Political thought in medieval The basic source of Islamic law is Divine Rev-
Islam: an introductory outline. Cambridge University elation (wahy). This has been given to mankind by
Press, Cambridge
the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) in two forms.
One is the direct word of Allah, the Qur’ān, and
the other is the sunnah or the teachings of the
Prophet (PBUH).
Ijmā‘ The Qur’ān is the primary source containing all
the fundamental directives and instructions of
Seyed Mohamed Mohamed Mazahir Allah. The sunnah is the second source of Islamic
Department of Islamic Studies, South Eastern law. These give Muslims the opportunity to
University of Sri Lanka, Oluvil, Sri Lanka develop practical solutions in order to regulate
their continuous changing environment. Over the
centuries, these have been formulated and elabo-
Synonyms rated upon by successive generations of learned
jurists, through interpretation, analogy, consen-
Consensus sus, and disciplined research.
300 Ijmā‘

In this way, if one cannot find either a passage will never agree upon an error”[1] and “Allah will
from the Qur’ān or a ḥadīth (recording of sunnah) not let my community agree upon a misguid-
bearing on the matter in hand, then one turns to ance”[1]. The healthy consultation (shūrā) and
a third source – the general consensus (ijmā‘) the use of juristic reason (ijtihād) are normal pre-
among Islamic scholars of a particular age in liminaries for arriving at a binding ijmā‘. The
relation to the legal rule correctly applicable to Rashidun (first four caliphs after Muhammad
the situation. The rule that had thus been unani- (PBUH)) Caliphs always consulted the ṣaḥābah
mously decided upon became fixed and definite (Companions of Muhammad (PBUH)) whenever
and part of the permanent body of Islamic juris- a novel issue arose. The Caliphate of Abu Bakr
prudence [11]. There are some other secondary was based and run on the process of ijmā‘ of the
sources also, for example, qiyās (analogy), ‘urf ṣaḥābah [12].
(custom), and maṣlaḥah mursalah (public The theory of ijmā‘ offered a principle of
interest). development in Islam for after God and the
Although ijmā‘ is an authority by itself, it still Prophet there was now the Islamic community.
requires supporting evidence for its validity. The custody of dogma and worship and all their
According to classical Islamic juridical theory, no incidentals was placed, according to Sunni Mus-
ijmā‘ is valid without such supporting evidence. lims, in the community. If the community had
The evidence derived directly from the Qur’ān or a common mind (not a mere majority view) on
the sunnah is technically known as dalālah (indic- any particular matter, and that view was not incon-
ative or decisive evidence), while the one derived sistent with the Qur’ān or the ḥadī th and was in an
from an isolated tradition or by exercising analogy area on which they were silent, that view had
(qiyās) is called amarah (evidence by sign, allu- validity [11].
sive, or speculative evidence) [5]. The agreed upon ruling is legitimately legal, its
following is obligatory, and it should not be vio-
lated. The mujtāhidūn of next era cannot make
Authenticity of Ijmā‘ this incident a subject for another ijtihād [8]
except when the ijmā‘ is merely based on public
Almighty Allah himself encourages seeking the interest or custom; it may be repealed if the public
opinions of others on religious matters as is said in welfare so requires [12].
the holy Qur’ān: “It is through the mercy of Allah
that you are lenient with them; if you were to be
hard-hearted; they would have deserted you; par- Importance of Ijmā‘
don them and seek for the forgiveness for them
and seek their opinion in the matters; whenever The consensus of scholars signifies the impor-
you decide upon something, have belief in Allah tance of delegated legislation to the Muslim com-
surely Allah loves those that rely on him.” (Q: munity. The Muslim society requires such a rule-
3:159) “Those who answered the call of their making power to meet the practical problems for
Lord, and establish regular prayer (Salah) and the implementation of Islamic sharī‘ah (Islamic
whose affairs are a matter of counsel and spend law) [1].
out of what we bestow on them for sustenance” Viewed from the standpoint of equity, human
(Q: 42: 38) and “O believers, obey Allah and obey rights, and legal development, ijmā‘ thus played
the messenger and those in authority among you. the most important role, for it provided for the
If you should quarrel on anything refer it to Allah development of the law to meet the needs of
and the Messenger.” (Q: 4:59) “ulu’l-amr” (those changing times rather than freezing it into an
in authority) in this Qur’ānic verse are mujtāhidūn unyielding and static mold [1, 11].
and muftis or the governors [8]. Moreover, ijmā‘ initially helped to foster unity
Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) also supported within the ummah and the ‘ulamā’ (scholars) [5]
the process of ijmā‘ by saying “my community in some matters. It also ensures correct
Ijmā‘ 301

interpretation as broad consensus is unlikely to Types of Ijmā‘ (Grades of Ijmā‘)

take place on incorrect matter [1]. And also it
enhances the authority of rules which are of spec- Ijmā‘ has two types from the viewpoint of its
ulative origin. Speculative rules do not carry occurring manner:
a binding force, but once an ijmā‘ is held in their
favor, they become definite and binding. And Ijmā‘ Sarih: Explicit ijmā‘ in which every
lastly, ijmā‘ represents authority. Once an ijmā‘ mujtahid expresses his opinion either verbally
is established, it tends to become an authority in or by action. It is the real consensus and
its own right, and its roots in the primary sources sharī‘ah-authentic in the view of majority of
are gradually weakened or even lost. It then scholars.
becomes common practice to quote the law with- Ijmā‘ Sukuti: Tacit ijmā‘ wherein some of the
out a reference to the relevant sources [1]. mujtāhidūn of a particular age give an
expressed opinion concerning an incident, but
the rest remain silent. Ijmā‘ sukutī is not
Pillars of Ijmā‘ (Arkan Al-Ijmā‘) a proof according to a majority of scholars [1].

The following conditions should be fulfilled to Al-Bazdawī maintains that ijmā‘ by silence is
I
reach ijmā‘ for the correct and authoritative ruling valid on two conditions, namely, that the opinion
of the Shari’ah: of a single scholar or a group of scholars should
reach all the remaining scholars and that the time
1. That there are a number of mujtāhidūn avail- of consideration of the disputed question should
able at the time when the issue is encountered. pass away [5]. Al-Sarakhsī remarks that it is not
A consensus can never exist unless there is lawful for the scholars to keep silent if they dissent
a plurality of concurrent opinion. from the point of view agreed upon by the com-
2. According to the majority of ulamā, unanimity munity [5].
is a prerequisite of ijmā‘. All the mujtāhidūn,
regardless of their locality, race, color, and
school of following, must reach a consensus Feasibility of Ijmā‘
on a juridical opinion at the time an issue
arises. The classical definition of ijmā‘, as laid down by
3. The agreement of the mujtāhidūn must be dem- the ‘ulamā’ of uṣūl (scholars of the principles of
onstrated by their expressed opinion on Islamic law), is categorical on the point that the
a particular issue. This may be verbal or in universal consensus of the scholars of the Muslim
writing or it may be in action. community as a whole can be regarded as conclu-
4. As a corollary of the second above, ijmā‘ con- sive ijmā‘. Only such ijmā‘ is considered binding
sists of the agreement of all the mujtāhidūn and by early uṣūliyyūn (uṣūl scholars).
not a mere majority of them. Ijmā‘ is a decisive A number of ‘ulamā’ including Mu‘tazila and
proof, which must be founded on certainty Shi‘ī scholars have said that ijmā‘ of classical
[7, 8]. However, according to Ibn Jarīr al- definition is not feasible because of the huge num-
Ṭabarī, Abū Bakr al-Rāzī, one of the two ber of the ummah or its scholars or distances.
views of Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal and Shāh Walī Ẓāhirīs and Imām Aḥmad referred by ijmā‘ to the
Allāh, ijmā‘ may be concluded by a majority consensus of companions only. The jumhur ‘ulamā’
opinion [1, 8]. (majority of scholars), however, maintain that ijmā‘
is possible and has occurred in the past, adding that
Furthermore, it should be noticed here that the those who deny it are only casting doubt on the
consensus of scholars must not be against the text possibility of something which has occurred [8].
of the Qur’ān or the sunnah or the ijmā‘ of com- ‘Abd al-Wahhāb al-Khallaf is of the view that
panions [13]. ijmā‘ in accordance with its classical definition is
302 Ijmā‘

not feasible in modern times. Khallaf adds that it is conquerors [1], and if a person is predeceased by
unlikely that ijmā‘ could be effectively utilized if it his father, then the grandfather participates in the
is left to the Muslim individuals and communities inheritance of the estate with the son taking the
without a measure of governmental intervention. share of the father [12].
But ijmā‘ could be feasible if it were to be facilitated
by the ruling authorities. The government in every
Muslim country could, for example, specify certain
Cross-References
conditions for attainment to the rank of mujtahid
and by making this contingent upon obtaining
▶ Fatwa
a recognized certificate. This would enable every
▶ Muslim Personal Law
government to identify the mujtahidūn and to verify
▶ Ummah
their views when the occasion so requires. When the
▶ Waḥy
views of all the mujtahidūn throughout the Islamic
lands concur upon a ruling concerning an issue, this
becomes ijmā‘ and the ruling so arrived at becomes
a binding hukum of the sharī‘ah upon all the Mus- References
lims of the world [8].
1. Mohammad HK (1999) Principles of Islamic jurispru-
Although ijmā‘ was accepted by the Sunnī dence. Pelanduk Publications (M) Sdn Bhd, Petaling
schools as a source of law, different schools Jaya
based their acceptance of it on different princi- 2. Hughes TP (1994) Dictionary of Islam. Kazi Publica-
tions, Chicago
ples. Abū Ḥanīfa, for example, based it on
3. Gibb HAR, Kramers JH (eds) (1974) Shorter encyclo-
equity, Mālik on consideration of public interest, paedia of Islam. E.J. Brill, Leiden
and Shāf‘ī on reasoning by analogy (qiyās). The 4. Abu Bakr MI (1999) Al Ijma’, 2nd edn. Maktabah Al
Ḥanbalīs gave it the narrowest of interpretations Furqan, ‘Ajman
5. Hasan A (1991) The doctrine of Ijma’ in Islam,
and would abide by the ijmā‘ only of the
3rd edn. Islamic Research Institute, Islamabad
companions of the Prophet, whereas the 6. Muhammad AZ (1959) Usul Al fiqh. Dar Al Fikr Al
Ḥanafīs, for example, accepted the opinions of ‘Arabi, Egypt
the jurists of any age. The Mālikis would abide 7. Muhammad KB (1969) Usul Al Fiqh, 6th edn.
Maktabah Al ‘Ibadiyyah Al Kubra, Egypt
by the ijmā‘ of the scholars of Madinah, which
8. ‘Abd Al Wahhab Khallaf (1956) ‘Ilm Usul Al Fiqh,
was sanctified by association with the Prophet. 8th edn. Maktabah Al Da’wah Al Islamiyyah, Cairo
The Ḥanbalīs rejected all ijmā‘ except that based 9. Nesrine B (2009) Introduction to Islamic law. Paper
upon the traditions of the Prophet [11, 12]. presented at thematic workshop on Islamic law and
protection of civilians that took place in Amman,
According to the Shī‘a, however, the ijmā‘ can
Jordan, under the Program on Humanitarian Policy
only be sanctioned by the ahl al-bayt (the people and Conflict Research (HPCR) at Harvard University
of the House of the Prophet), that is, the descen- 10. Hallaq WB (2009) An introduction to Islamic law.
dants of ‘Alī and Fāṭimah, the daughter of the Cambridge University Press, New York
11. Weeramantry CG (2001) Islamic jurisprudence an
Prophet [12].
international perspective, 2nd edn. The Other Press,
Petaling Jaya
12. ‘Abdur Rahman I. Doi (1998) Shari’ah the Islamic
Examples for Ijmā‘ law, 5th edn. A.S. Noordeen, Kuala Lumpur
13. Ajijola AD (2005) Introduction to Islamic law. Adam
Publishers & Distributers, New Delhi
The following few examples are based on such 14. ‘Imad ‘Ali Jum’ah (2008) Usul Al Fiqh Al Muyassar.
process of ijmā‘: the validity of a contract for the Dar Al Nafais, ‘Amman
purchase of goods yet to be manufactured (‘aqd 15. Mahmud ‘Abd Al Rahman Abd Al Mun’im
(1999) Mu’jam Al Mustalahat wa Al Alfaz Al
al-istisna’) [12], the exclusion of the son’s son
Fiqhiyyah. Dar Al Fadilah, Cairo
from inheritance when there is a son, land in the 16. Hallaq WB (2005) The origins and evolution of
conquered territories may not be distributed to the Islamic law. Cambridge University Press, New York
Ijtihād 303

product of ijtihād, a domain of interpretation that

Ijtihād rests on probability [2].

Leila Chamankhah
Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies (IAIS), Ijtihād in Sunni Islam
University of Exeter, Devon, UK
In Sunni Islam and on the basis of personal
interpretation and application of the authoritative
Synonyms sources of Islamic law, the four doctrinal legal
schools (madhhab) were shaped and named after
Independent judgment; Interpretation of problems; the four founding fathers or jurists. Although, the
Jurisprudence; Reasoning term madhhab means a group of different indi-
viduals such as students, legists, judges, and
jurists, the axis of each madhhab is a single lead-
Definition ing jurist-imām who is responsible for having
created the school’s methodology on the ground
The term ijtihād refers to an independent mode of of which its precepts and law were constructed.
I
individual reasoning or interpretation using spe- In the course of two centuries (from second AH/
cific methods and sources to arrive at solutions to eighth C.E. century until the early fourth AH/
new legal problems. tenth C.E. century), in which these four doctrinal
schools were established, it came to be widely
accepted among many Sunni communities that
Introductory Explanations all essential legal questions have been answered
by the founders of the schools, and hence Mus-
Ijtihād, which is derived from the Arabic root ja- lims, here Sunnis, do not have any new issue to
ha-da, means to make an effort or endeavor to its be discussed. This idea is called the closing of the
utmost extremity. In Muslim law, this term refers door of ijtihād [4, 6].
to the process of individual reasoning employed Moreover, the acceptance of ijmā‘, literally
by jurists, in order to arrive at the best guess, consensus as the third source of jurisprudence
conclusion, or interpretation of the divine law. in Sunnism, is known as the main reason for
Since the law can only be the preordained system the closing of the door of ijtihād. It is believed
of God’s commands or sharī ‘a, ijtihād is that jurists have agreed to differ and use inde-
regarded as a tool or way of understanding or pendent judgment, so the emergence and
ascertaining that law, and the classical legal spread of ijmā‘ has come not only to make
theory (usūl-e fiqh) consists of the formulation restrictions on ijtihād but also to set the final
and analysis of the principles by which such seal upon the process of increasing rigidity in
comprehension is to be achieved. Thus, although the Muslim law. By this event, which histori-
ijtihād had to deduct from the Qur’ān and/or cally dates back to the early tenth century, the
the sunna, but stood in contrast to knowledge or right of ijtihād was replaced by the duty of
‘ilm of the revealed text and authoritative tradi- taqlī d or imitation. Henceforth, every jurist
tion, and claimed an autonomous kind of ‘ilm [2], was regarded as an imitator, literally muqallid,
it is assumed that ijtihād is to be exercised by the and was obliged to accept the opinions of his
mujtahid, who is seeking the solution of the legal predecessors, namely, the founding father of
problems in the specific terms of the Qur’ān, the the schools. Thus, ijtihād and imitation are two
sunna of the Prophet, and ijmā‘, which is the contrasted things, and belief and acceptance of
consensus of the scholars. Except for these three one means denying another [1]. This idea is
sources, the rest of the law is overwhelmingly the challenged by a number of studies [3, 5].
304 Ijtihād

According to these scholarships, and despite the This early version of ijtihād was evaluated as
principle of ijmā‘[1], the role of Sunni jurists was impermissible by Shī‘ite theologians, because it
mainly to compose commentaries upon the works led to a probable cause, not a certain one [8]. Here
of the deceased masters/founders and to spend the Shī‘ite and the Sunni narratives of ijtihād,
energy on scholasticism, but in reality the muftis which is the realm of probability than certainty,
or jurisconsults have been actively engaged in the meet. The principle of ijtihād was applied by
fields such as public law and its branches, particu- those scholars, or ‘ulamā’, who claimed to be
larly criminal law, to do additional jurisdictions the absent Imām’s deputy until his return. How-
supplementary to that of sharī ‘a law. In contrast ever, his hegemony and monopoly in using both
to the field of family law, which has always been rational and traditional evidences to exercise
a vital and inherent part of the sharī ‘a, in public ijtihād was challenged by Traditionalists, who
law, muftis had to synthesize doctrine and practice condemned reasoning or critical thinking. So,
by their fatwas [1]. unlike an accepted opinion that in Shī‘ism the
door of ijtihād has been always open, under the
influence of the Traditionalist, ijtihād has been
Ijtihād in Shī‘ite Islam found to have a negative meaning until the twelfth
century. In the time of the famous Shī‘ite jurist,
However, in Shī‘ite Islam, ijtihād and imitation are Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan Abū Ja‘far al-Ṭūsī (d.
a two-sided coin. After the demise of the Prophet 1067), ijtihād has been often conjoined to notions
Muḥammad in 632 C.E., and during the times of of ra’y and qiyās [8]. As with the case in Sunnism,
the physical presence of the Imāms (up to 874 C. in Shī‘ite Islam many writers believed that after
E.), ijtihād has been rejected by Shī‘ites, since the Ṭūsī, the period of imitation was begun, by which
infallible Imām negated the need to resort to they meant the taqlīd of Ṭūsī [8].
human reasoning, which is considered to be faulty After the demise of Ṭūsī, the issue of using
and liable to arrive at conclusions that, as we have rational tools in deducting laws was set by the
mentioned above, were based on probability scholars of the school of Hilla. Although condi-
rather than certitude [8]. The authority of the tioned, their initiatives bore fruit in the legitimi-
Imām supersedes that of agreed practice and his zation of ijtihād, the division of the community
infallibility is diametrically opposed to the con- into mujtahids and their followers, the separation
cept of probable rules of law (zann) and equally of ijtihād from ra’y and qiyās, and finally the
authoritative variants (ikhtilāf) [1]. Terms such as accommodation of ijtihād in Shī‘ite jurisprudence
ijtihād and mujtahids do not appear in any of the [8]. Despite the rebirth of Traditionalists in the
traditions of the Imāms, who themselves were eighteenth century in the form of the Akhbārī
not also labeled as mujtahid. Indeed the vacuum school, and their hostility toward Uṣūlīs (those
created by the prolonged occultation of the scholars who believed in ijtihād and rational rea-
twelfth Imām, which itself fueled the Shī‘ite soning), the belief in ijtihād was revived by the
community’s needs, forced the scholars to efforts of the eminent Shī‘ite scholar, Muḥammad
invoke principles of ijtihād in the Shī‘ite legal Bāqir al-Behbahānī (d. 1790–1791). Since then,
theory, or uṣūl al-fiqh [1, 8]. mujtahids, now a socioeconomic class, were con-
Although rebuked by Imāms, and even cursed sidered to be the vicegerents of the Prophet, and
by them [7], in fact, the precedent of independent ijtihād came to be placed in the center of the
reasoning dates back to the Imāms’ time. Some of Shī‘ite juristic structure of authority [8].
their disciples were in fact issued juridical fatwas, In pre-modern time, and in the entire period in
which were understood in the sense of personal which the so-called door of ijtihād was believed to
judgment including ra’y and qiyās, literally anal- be closed, the Ḥanbalīs had consistently defended
ogy. Noteworthy that in the Sunni world and in the the idea that any real consensus after the generation
first century of Hijrah (seventh century C.E.), of the Prophet’s companions, who are called fol-
ijtihād was also closely associated with ra’y. lowers, or tābi‘ūn, is impossible, and on this basis,
Īmān 305

the Ḥanbalī scholar, Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 1328 C.E.), 4. Hallaq WB (2009) An introduction to Islamic law.
insisted on the right of ijtihād and criticized adher- Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp 31–37
5. Hallaq WB (1986) On the origins of the controversy
ents of the restriction of this right in the founders of about the existence of Mujtahids and the gate of
the four Sunni schools of law. He argued that Ijtihād. Stud Islamica 63:129–141
ijtihād is permissible for juridical experts [1, 2]. 6. Schacht J (1998) An introduction to Islamic law,
On Ibn Taymiyyah’s views on ijtihād and his influ- 2nd edn. Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp 69–71
7. Takim LN (2006) The Heirs of the prophet: Charisma
ences on modern reform movements in Egypt and and religious authority in Shiite Islam. State Univer-
Muslim India, see [9, 10]. sity of New York Press, Albany, pp 94–107
8. Takim LN. A brief history of Ijtihād in Twelver Shi’-
ism, Unpublished article
9. Kepel G (2003) Muslim extremism in Egypt: the
Ijtihād in Modern Times prophet and pharaoh, with a new preface for 2003.
Translated from French by Jon Rothschild. University
of California Press, Berkeley/Los Angeles, pp 194–199
Modern scholars such as the Egyptian jurist
10. Sivan E (1990) Radical Islam: medieval theology and
Muḥammad ‘Abduh (d. 1905) and the Indian modern politics, Enlarged edition. Yale University
Muḥammad Iqbāl (d. 1938) also advocated the Press, New Haven/London, pp 94–107
reinterpretation of the principles embodied in the
divine revelation as a foundation for legal reform. I
They defended the exercise of ijtihād as not
merely the right, but rather the duty of present Imam
generations. Real and practical issues helped pro-
gressive sides to call for reform in the established ▶ Aga Khan
law. In their opinion, the present law is not an
ideal order, but a changing one rested on ijtihād.
The term neo-ijtihād, which is mainly manifested
in legal modernism, is a hallmark for every jurid- Imām Shāhī
ical effort in the Sunni world since the nineteenth
century [1, 2]. Today, neo-ijtihād is not only an ▶ Satpanth
intellectual effort to uncover the will and the wish
of divine law, but further, by finding a new con-
notation, expresses the will of the community [2].
Imam-e Inqilab

▶ ‘Ubaid Allah Sindhi

Cross-References

▶ Ithnā ‘Asharī Shi‘ism

▶ Ummah Īmān

Mohamed Mihlar
References Faculty of Leadership and Management,
Universiti Sains Islam Malaysia (USIM), Nilai,
1. Coulson NJ (2011) A history of Islamic law. Trans-
actions Publishers, Rutgers
Negeri Sembilan, Malaysia
2. Hallaq WB (1995a) Ijtihād. In: John Esposito (editor
in chief) The Oxford encyclopedia of the modern
Islam, vol 4. Oxford University Press, Oxford, Synonyms
pp 178–181
3. Hallaq WB (1995) Was the gate of Ijtihād closed? In:
Law and legal theory in classical and medieval Islam. Arkān al-ī mān; Faith in Islam; Islamic belief
Variorum, Norfolk, pp 3–41 system
306 Īmān

Definition The Articles of Īmān

Īmān is an Islamic concept that describes In order to have ī mān, the Muslim has to believe
a Muslim’s belief acquired by obligations, in six fundamentals of ī mān, called in Islam arkān
actions, and constructive conceptions as well as al-īmān.
dynamic and effective measures. The Holy
Qur’ān and the Traditions of Prophet Muḥammad 1. Allah, the One and Only God
(ḥadī th) define these required measures and estab- To believe in Allah as One True God is
lish the standards that build up a meaningful faith. unique in that it can have no plural or gender
In Islamic theology, ī mān consists of three connotation. A Muslim believes in one,
elements, the affirmation of the heart with the unique, incomparable God, who has no son,
confession of the tongue and the actions of the partner, and family and that none has the right
limbs [1–3]. to be worshipped but Him alone. God alone is
the almighty, the most merciful, the sover-
eign, the creator, and the sustainer of the uni-
Meaning of Īmān verse. He is the eternal who manages all
affairs. He stands in need of none of His
The Arabic word ī mān literally means to believe creation, yet all creations are in need of Him.
or to be convinced. In Sunni Islamic teaching, it is He alone is independent. He is the all-know-
the firm belief in the unity of Allah, in His attri- ing, the all-hearing, and the all-seeing. To
butes, in His angels and the revealed scriptures, Him alone belongs perfection, and His alone
and in His messengers, Day of Judgment and are the most magnificent names and the per-
destiny, and its good and evil. The person who fect attributes. His knowledge encompasses
knows and reposes unshakable belief in the all things [1, 6, 7].
fundamentals of īmān is called a mu’min (faithful) To sum up, belief in Allah consists of four
[1, 2, 4, 5]. matters:
(a) To believe in Allah’s existence
(b) To believe that Allah is the supreme Lord
Īmān and Islam (c) To believe that Allah alone is entitled to
worship
Lexically, ī mān signifies the acceptance and con- (d) To believe that Allah is known by His most
firmation of something with one’s heart, while beautiful names and attributes
Islam signifies submission and obedience. Īmān 2. His Angels
pertains to the heart; so does Islam, but it is related The second pillar of ī mān is to believe in
to all the other parts of the human body as well. the existence of angels created by Allah. They
From the point of view of the sharī ‘ah, ī mān is are created of light and considered as honor-
not valid without Islam or Islam without ī mān. In able slaves of Allah who perform their obli-
other words, it is not enough to have belief in gations and duties perfectly without objection
Allah and the Holy Prophet in one’s heart unless [4]. This is why Islam sees humans as poten-
the tongue expresses the faith and also affirms tially superior to the angels, for the human
one’s allegiance and submission [2, 3, 5]. being may freely choose to serve God and to
Īmān and Islam should simultaneously be held believe in God’s prophets, whereas the angels,
upon in one’s spiritual journey. And the difference who are at all times in the presence of God,
lies only in the beginning and the end; that is to say, cannot fail to obey God and celebrate God’s
ī mān starts from the heart and attains perfection in praises at all times. By the same token,
external deeds and actions, while Islam starts from humans can be lower than the angels and
external deeds and can be regarded as perfect when lower even than the animals, should they
it reaches the Muslim’s heart and mind. refuse to worship their creator and thank
Īmān 307

Allah for the gift of life and the blessings heaven and hell is known only to Allah, but
showered upon them in this world [7–9]. they are described by Allah in the Qur’ān in
3. His Revealed Books detail [2, 4, 7, 11].
A Muslim believes in all scriptures and 6. Destiny
revelations of God as they were revealed in A Muslim believes also in al-qadar, which
their original form. Messengers were sent to means predestination, believing that Allah has
people of all ages and all walks of life. All knowledge of all that has and will happen, all
scriptures sought to invite humans back to the that has taken place and is yet to take place, and
belief and worship of the One True God. that whatever God wills shall take place and
Essentially the message of all the prophets whatever Allah wills not shall not. Destiny is
was the same, reaffirming the oneness of God. a title for divine knowledge. God’s knowledge
Moreover, the Muslim believes that the comprehends everything within and beyond
Qur’ān is the last scripture of guidance time and space. However, the humans do not
revealed to and sent down for all humanity. It have freewill, for all humans have the power of
is unlike all other scriptures sent before; it is choice and ultimately Allah is aware of the
divinely protected against corruption and is course of action each shall follow. Human
thus the only authentic and complete book of beings are given free will, according to which
I
Allah that has remained unchanged since it was they act in their lives. A person will be
revealed to the Prophet Muḥammad through held responsible on the Day of Judgment for
the angel Gabriel [4, 5, 7]. whatever option, whether good or bad, that
4. God’s Messengers was adopted [4, 7, 12].
The belief in all the messengers and proph-
ets of God without any discrimination is one of
the articles of ī mān. All messengers were The Branches of Īman
human beings, mortals, and honored with con-
veying the Divine revelations to humankind. The Prophet Muḥammad has said, ī mān has more
The Holy Qur’ān mentions the names of 25 than 70 (according to some, 77) branches, of which
messengers and prophets, but according to the the most highest is the affirmation of Lā ilāha illa
tradition of Prophet Muḥammad, 124,000 Allāh (There is no God but Allah) and the least one
prophets are believed to have been sent to is to remove the obstacle (stone, wood, thorn, etc.)
humankind. This list includes Noah, Abraham, from the way; and modesty is also a special requi-
Ishmael, Isaac, Joseph, Moses, Jesus, and site of ī mān (narrated by Muslim). Based on this,
Muḥammad [4, 7, 10]. all human activities such as words, deeds, and
5. The Day of Judgment attributes have been included in the meaning and
The belief in the Day of the Judgment is definition of īmān. The person who practices them
another principle of īmān. The Muslim in his or her life perfects the requirements of ī mān
believes that this world will come to an end and succeeds in this worldly life and hereafter.
and humankind will rise to stand for their final
and fair judgment. On that day, the whole of
humanity will be resurrected and await reck- Īmān Increases and Decreases
oning. Every action is being accounted for and
kept in an accurate record by the angels, and on Faith (ī mān) is defined as having firm conviction
the Day of Judgment, the consequences of in everything that the messenger of Allah came
those actions will be brought to light. The with that is necessarily known to be of the reli-
people with good records will be generously gion. It is a duty of every Muslim to keep his or
rewarded and warmly welcomed to Allah’s her ī mān in check. This means one must con-
heaven. People with bad records will be fairly stantly guard his or her ī mān and observe whether
punished and cast into hell. The real nature of it has increased or decreased and for what causes.
308 Imdad Allah

If it has decreased, one must work to increase it 7. Murad M (1417 AH) The meaning of the articles of
before it falls low enough to destroy the heart [2, faith. Dar al-Khair, Jeddah
8. al-Ashqar US (2002) The world of the noble angels
4, 7]. There are many ways to increase one’s (trans: al-Khattab N). International Islamic Publishing
ī mān, for it involves increasing in righteous House, Chapel Hill
deeds and refraining from sins as well as staying 9. Eris S (2006) Islam: belief and practice. The Light,
away from sinful activities and people who New Jersey
10. al-Ashqar US (2003) The messengers and the mes-
encourage such activities. sages (trans: al-Khattab N). International Islamic Pub-
lishing House, Chapel Hill
11. al-Ashqar US (1998) The day of resurrection.
The Nullifiers of Īmān Maktabat al-Falah, Kuwait
12. al-Ashqar US (2000) Divine will and predestination.
International Islamic Publishing House, Chapel Hill
The nullifiers of ī mān (nawāqid al-ī mān) are
those things that invalidate and negate one’s belief
in the fundamentals of ī mān. Apostasy nullifies
faith just as ablution (wuḍū’) is nullified by ritual
Imdad Allah
impurity.
The most important nullifiers of ī mān are
▶ Imdādullāh “Muhājir,” Hājji
[1, 4, 7]:

1. Associating partners with Allah in lordship

2. Associating partners with Allah in worship
Imdādullāh “Muhājir,” Hājji
3. Associating partners with Allah in God’s
divine names and attributes
Moin Ahmad Nizami
4. Objecting to, denial, rejection, or making
Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies, Oxford,
mockery of the rules of sharī ‘ah
Oxfordshire, UK

Cross-References
Synonyms
▶ Kāfir
▶ Tawḥī d Hajji Imdad Allah; Hajji Imdadullah Muhajir
▶ Waḥy Makki; Hajji Imdadullah; Imdad Allah;
Imdadullah Muhajir Makki

References
Definitions
1. Al-Lahim SH (1995) The principles of Islam (trans
and commentary: Murad MR). Cooperative Office for
Hājji Imdādullāh Muhājir Makki (1817–1899 A.D.)
Call Guidance, Riyadh
2. al-Qaradawi Y (2010) Islam: an introduction (trans: was a Ṣūfī Shaikh and a reformer of the Chishti-
Syed Bashir Ahmad Kasmiri). Islamic Book Trust, Sābiri order in north India.
Petaling Jaya
3. Izutsu T (2006) The concept of belief in Islamic the-
ology. Islamic Book Trust, Petaling Jaya
4. Taymīyah I (1999) Kitab Al-Iman: book of faith (trans
Life and Migration to Mecca
& edited: Al-Ani SH, Tel SA). Iman Publishing
House, Indiana Imdādullāh “Muḥājir,” Ḥājji (1817–1899 A.D./
5. Zeno SM (1996) The pillars of Islam and Iman. Dar- 1232–1317 A.H.), was a prominent Ṣūfī shaikh
us-salam, Riyadh
6. al-Ashqar US (2005) Belief in Allah: in the light of the
of the Sābiri branch of the Chishti order in India.
Qur’an and Sunnah (trans: al-Khattab N). Interna- He was born at his maternal home in the small
tional Islamic Publishing House, Chapel Hill town (qasbah) of Nānauta (in Saharanpur district
Imdādullāh “Muhājir,” Hājji 309

of modern Uttar Pradesh). Although he was a hāfiz and Turkey as well. He became particularly
(memorizer) of the Qur’ān and had studied Per- famous for his lectures on the Maṣnavī of
sian, Arabic grammar, Syntax, and Jurisprudence, Maulānā Rūmī, which he considered to be
Imdādullāh was not taught according to the stan- a revelation from God through ilhām (intuition).
dards of the time and was not regarded as an ‘ālim. While in Mecca, Imdādullāh remained aware and
At the age of 16, he went to Delhi with Maulānā concerned about the condition of Muslims in
Mamlūk-ul-‘Alī (d. 1851, a leading Islamic India. The numerous collections of his letters
scholar and Head of the Oriental Section of the point to his increasing involvement in the social,
Delhi College) for studies. Although his formal educational, spiritual, and even personal situa-
education was left incomplete, in Delhi, he met tions of his disciples. Many of his followers
scholars influenced by the revivalist thoughts of were instrumental in establishing educational
Shāh Walīullāh (d. 1762). Imdādullāh’s interest in seminaries such as Dār-ul-‘ulūm (Deoband),
mysticism drew him to Shaikh Naṣīrud-dīn (a Mazāhir-ul-‘ulūm (Saharanpur), and Nadwat-ul-
khalī fah of Shāh Muhammad ‘Āfāq and ‘ulamā’ (Lucknow) along with several smaller
a participant in the Mujāhidīn movement) and madrasahs which ran in other qaṣbahs [5].
received the khilāfat (investiture of succession)
in the Naqshbandi order. On his return from
I
Delhi, Imdādullāh joined Miānji Nūr Muḥammad Works
(d. 1844) in Jhunjhāna (a small town in
Muzaffarnagar district of modern Uttar Pradesh). In his absence from the subcontinent, his contacts
The latter initiated Imdādullāh into the Chishti- with ‘ulamā’ and disciples were maintained
Sābirī order, and after completing his training, through his letters and writings [1–3]. These writ-
Imdādullāh moved to his hometown, ings give a blueprint of the program that he
Thānābhawan (in Muzaffarnagar district of mod- envisioned for their spiritual training. The central
ern Uttar Pradesh), where he became Nūr themes of his writings are individual and commu-
Muḥammad’s premier successor. In 1845, nal reform (islāḥ), purification of bāṭin (soul/heart),
Imdādullāh performed his first ḥajj during which ma‘rifat (gnosis), and ‘ishq-i-ilāhi (Divine Love).
he met some renowned scholars such as Shāh Zikr (remembrance of God) played a key role in the
Muḥammad Isḥāq (d. 1846, grandson of Shāh devotional rituals of Imdādullāh. His major writ-
‘Abdul ‘Azīz) and others. On his return he settled ings in the order of chronology are as follows:
in Thānābhawan at the Pīr Muḥammad Walī
mosque and began training disciples [7]. 1. Risāla Dard Nāma-i-Ghamnāk, an Urdu
The events of the 1857 uprising proved to be maṣnavī of about 350 verses, composed
a turning point in his life. According to his Urdu around 1833–1835, while he was in Delhi. It
biographers, Imdādullāh declared jihad against deals with cosmic emotion (ishq-i-ḥaqī qi)
British rule in India, following the execution of and brings out the melancholy of a person
one ‘Abdul Raḥīm, a known resident of desiring union with his beloved [8]
Thānābhawan, for being in league with the muti- 2. Ghizā-i-Rūh, another Urdu maṣnavī written
neers [19]. He also succeeded in establishing in 1847 comprising 830 verses. The maṣnavī
a parallel government for some time at Shāmli (a which is written on the same meter as
qaṣbah in Muzaffarnagar district) but Maulānā Rūmi’s Maṣnavī serves the purpose
was eventually defeated and forced to go into of spiritual training of novices and teaches
hiding. Following the failure of the uprising, tauhī d, ishq-i-ilāhi, ādāb, and ways to suc-
Imdādullāh decided to migrate to the Hijāz in ceed spiritually in this life [9]
1860, where he permanently settled. In Mecca, 3. Maṣnavī jihād-i-akbar was written in 1851
he had to face severe problems owing to his pov- and contains 650 verses. The central theme is
erty, but gradually his influence as a Ṣūfī shaikh the struggle against lower self (nafs) and
began to spread and attracted students from Egypt a reform of heart and soul (bāṭin) [10]
310 Imdādullāh “Muhājir,” Hājji

4. Tuḥfat-ul-ushāq, another maṣnavī written in benefactors of Dār-ul-‘ulūm such as Maulānā

1864 dealing with the same theme of cosmic Muḥammad Qāsim (d. 1880), Rashīd Ahmad
emotion [11] Gangohī (d. 1905), Ashraf ‘Alī Thānwī (d. 1943),
5. Ziā’-ul-qulūb, a devotional manual written in Zulfiqār ‘Alī (d. 1904), Maulānā Rafī‘-ud-dīn (d.
Persian containing the core teachings of Ḥājji 1890), Maulānā Ya‘qūb Nānautawī (d. 1884), and
Imdādullāh. He considered it his most impor- Maulānā ‘Ābid Husain (d. 1912) were counted
tant work and was greatly interested in its among the important disciples of Ḥājji Imdādullāh.
printing and translation. The manual was His khalīfahs in India and at Mecca can broadly be
written in Mecca in 1865 and was printed classified into three groups: firstly, those who did
from Meerut in 1867. It was translated into bai‘at (oath of initiation) and were personally
Arabic and its Urdu translation also appeared trained by him such as Rashīd Aḥmad Gangohī,
during Imdādullāh’s lifetime. The Urdu trans- Maulānā Muḥammad Qāsim, Ashraf ‘Alī
lation was printed in 1910 and reprinted in Thānawī, Muḥammad Ḥusain Allahābādi,
1927 from Delhi. Ziā’-ul-qulūb lays out etc. Secondly, those who were already associated
methods of training, scripts for proper recita- to some other Ṣūfī order and later were enrolled
tion, and directions for the apt performance of in Chishti-Sābiri order by Ḥājji Imdādullāh, such
actions that utterly transform the person who as Pīr Mehr ‘Alī Shāh (d. 1937), Maulānā
undergoes their rigor [6, 12] Anwārullāh Hyderabādī (d. 1917), Maulānā Shāh
6. Irshād-i-murshid, written in 1876 to serve as Sulaiman of Phulwārī, etc. They received training
an abstract of Ziā’-ul-qulūb for the beginners from Ḥājji Imdādullāh or his elder khalī fahs.
on the path of sulūk [13] Thirdly, there were those who were trained by
7. Risāla dar bayān waḥdat-ul-wujūd, a detailed Ḥājji Imdādullāh’s khalī fahs and were bestowed
letter written in 1881 to Maulānā ‘Abdul ‘Azīz khilāfat by him either on recommendation or
Chishti of Amroha to explain the philosophy because of their own merit, such as Maulānā
of waḥdat-ul-wujūd (Unity of Being) [14] Khalīl-ur-Raḥmān Sahāranpurī and Maulānā
8. Faisla Haft masla, written as an explanation Maḥmūd Ḥasan Deobandī (d. 1920) [18].
on seven controversial issues such as samā‘, Ḥājji Imdādullāh died in Mecca in 1899 and
‘urs (remembrance of death anniversaries), was buried in the historic graveyard Jannat-ul-
visiting of graves, etc. Imdādullāh advised Mu‘alla. By the time Imdādullāh died, he had
his disciples not to transgress moderation in managed to create a strong legacy which earned
all these issues [15] him the title of Shaikh-ul-‘Arab wa-l ‘Ajam
9. Gulzār-i-ma‘rifat, an undated collection of (Shaikh of the Arabs and non-Arabs).
ghazals (short poems) written in praise of
the Prophet [16]
10. Nālā-i-Imdād Gharī b, a small collection of
Cross-References
munājāt (prayers in verse) [17]
11. Hāshiya Maṣnavī Maulānā Rūmī , a brief ▶ Ashraf ‘Alī Thānawī
explanation of Rūmī’s Maṣnavī. Imdādullāh
▶ Deoband School
took keen interest in the printing of this work
and two daftars (parts) were printed during
his lifetime [4]
References

1. The letter collections of Ḥājji Imdādullāh include,

Disciples and Khalīfahs Maktubāt-i-Hidāyat (ed: Naseem Ahmad Alavi),
1978. Jhunjhana; Maktubāt-i-Imdādiya (ed: Zuhur-
ul-Hasan). Thanabhawan, n.d.; Nawādir-i-Imdādiya
Ḥājji Imdādullāh successfully enrolled a large
(ed: Nisar Ahmad Faruqi). Delhi, 1996; Marqūmāt-i-
number of ‘ulamā’ in his mystic fold. A large Imdādiya (ed: Nisar Ahmad Faruqi). Delhi, 1979;
number of ‘ulamā’ who were among the Tabarrukāt (ed: Nurul Hasan Rashid). Kandhla, 1976
Indian Jews 311

2. The malfūzāt of Ḥājji Imdādullāh have been collected 18. Fuyūz-ur-Rahmān Hāfiz Qāri (1984) Hazrat Hāji
by Ashraf ‘Alī Thānawī and published in Imdād-ul Imdādullāh muhājir makki aur unke khulafā. Karachi
Mushtāq (ed: Nisar Ahmad Faruqi). Delhi,1981; 19. For instance, Ashiq Ilahi Meeruthi (2002) Tazkirat-ur-
Shama’im-i-Imdādiya. Multan, 1405 AH; Kamālāt-i- rashid, vol 1. Deoband
Imdādiya. Kanpur, 1321 AH; M‘ārif-i-Imdādiya (ed:
Sufi Muhammad Iqbal Quraishi). Delhi, 1992;
Karāmāt-i-Imdādiya. Kanpur, 1321 AH
3. Hajji Imdadullah (n.d.) Kulliyāt-i-Imdādiya (ed:
Waqar Ali bin Mukhtar Ali). Deoband Imdadullah Muhajir Makki
4. Imdādullāh’s (1896) Hāshiya Masnavi Maulānā Rūmi
is rare and was published from Kanpur
▶ Imdādullāh “Muhājir,” Hājji
5. Ahmad Basir (2005) Tazkirah Hāji Imdādullāh
Muhājir Makki. Delhi; Anwar Anwār-ul-Hasan
(2001) Hayāt-i-Imdād. Mumbai; Fuyūz-ur-Rahmān
Hāfiz Qāri (1984) Hazrat Hāji Imdādullāh muhājir
makki aur unke khulafā. Karachi; Husaini Saiyid
Nafīs-al (1980) Ahwāl-o-āsār Shaikh-ul-‘Arab-o- Inayat
‘Ajam Hazrat Hāji Imdādullāh sāhib muhājir makki.
Lahore; Idem (2003) Saiyid Ahmad Shahīd se Hazrat ▶ Hazrat Inayat Khan
Hāji Imdādullāh muhājir makki ke rūhāni rishtey.
Lahore; Sābri Maulānā Imdād (n.d.) Hāji Imdādullāh
aur unke khulafā. Delhi; Zaidi Nazr (n.d.) Hāji I
Imdādullāh muhājir makki, sīrat aur sawānih. Lahore
6. Ernst C, Lawrence B (2002) Sufi Martyrs of love: the Inayat Khan
Chishti order in South Asia and beyond. New York;
Scott Kugle’s article, (2003) The heart of ritual is the
body: an anatomy of an Islamic devotional manual of ▶ Hazrat Inayat Khan
the nineteenth century. J Ritual Stud 17, 1 is a detailed
study of Imdādullāh’s spiritual practices as described
in Zia’-ul-qulūb
7. Rizvi Tahzibul Hasnain (1984) Life and works of Haji
Imdadullah Muhajir-i-Makki. PhD thesis, Calcutta Inayatullah Khan
University; Nizami MA (2011) Reform and renewal
in South Asian Islam: the Chishti-Sabris in 18th–19th
c. north India. PhD thesis, University of Cambridge ▶ Allama Mashriqi
8. Hajji Imdadullah (n.d.) Risala Dard Nama-i-Ghamnak
in Kulliyāt-i-Imdādiya (ed: Waqar Ali bin Mukhtar
Ali). Deoband
9. Hajji Imdadullah (n.d.) Ghiza-i-ruh in Kulliyāt-i-
Imdādiya (ed: Waqar Ali bin Mukhtar Ali). Deoband Independent Judgment
10. Hajji Imdadullah (n.d.) Masnavi Jihad-i-akbar in
Kulliyāt-i-Imdādiya (ed: Waqar Ali bin Mukhtar Ali).
▶ Ijtihād
Deoband
11. Hajji Imdadullah (n.d.) Tuhfat-ul-ushaq in Kulliyāt-i-
Imdādiya (ed: Waqar Ali bin Mukhtar Ali). Deoband
12. Hajji Imdadullah (n.d.) Zia ul-qulub in Kulliyāt-i-
Imdādiya (ed: Waqar Ali bin Mukhtar Ali). Deoband
13. Hajji Imdadullah (n.d.) Irshad-i-Murshid in Kulliyāt-i- India
Imdādiya (ed: Waqar Ali bin Mukhtar Ali). Deoband
14. Hajji Imdadullah (n.d.) Risala dar bayan wahdat ul ▶ Muslim Personal Law
wujud in Kulliyāt-i-Imdādiya (ed: Waqar Ali bin
Mukhtar Ali). Deoband
15. Hajji Imdadullah (n.d.) Faisla haft masla in Kulliyāt-i-
Imdādiya (ed: Waqar Ali bin Mukhtar Ali. Deoband
16. Hajji Imdadullah (n.d.) Gulzar-i-marifat in Kulliyāt-i- Indian Jews
Imdādiya (ed: Waqar Ali bin Mukhtar Ali). Deoband
17. Hajji Imdadullah (n.d.) Nala-i-Imdad Gharib in
Kulliyāt-i-Imdādiya (ed: Waqar Ali bin Mukhtar Ali). ▶ Bene Israel
Deoband ▶ Bombay’s Baghdadi Jews
312 Indian National Congress and Muslims

(Thinker of Pakistan) as a national poet and intel-

Indian National Congress and lectual father who advocated a future-oriented inter-
Muslims pretation of Islam that has inspired subsequent
progressive thinking within Islamic discourse.
▶ Congress, Muslims

Introduction
Infidel Muḥammad Iqbāl’s life and achievements can be
critically discussed under various headings, such
▶ Kāfir
as his poetry, his philosophy, and his political life,
although these overlap considerably. His life may
also be subdivided into an early period from his
Interfaith Relations birth until he went to Europe in 1905, his time in
Europe (1905–1908), his career from 1908 until
▶ Jewish-Muslim Relations in South Asia his official retirement in 1934, and his final years
from 1934 to 1938. Below, the four phases of his
life are first described, with relatively little refer-
ence to his writing and philosophical ideas.
Interpretation of Problems Before discussing the three main areas of achieve-
ment, a final section on his marriage and family
▶ Ijtihād life concludes the mainly biographical material. In
conclusion, his overall legacy is evaluated. He is
honored in Pakistan by a national holiday, Iqbāl
Day (November 9), an unusual recognition for
Invocation
someone who never held a high political office.
Popular designations include Hakkeem-ul-Ummat
▶ Dhikr/Zikr
(Sage or doctor of the Ummah), Shair-e-Mashriq
(Poet of the East), as well as the more official
Muffakir-e-Pakistan (Thinker of Pakistan). Mus-
lims representing diverse opinions continue to
Iqbāl, Allamah Sir Muhammad
˙ look to him for inspiration. He is widely regarded
as one of the most important Muslim intellectuals
Clinton Bennett
of the twentieth century, though he is by no means
Department of Philosophy, State University of
an uncontroversial figure.
New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA

Early Life in India circa 1877 to 1905

Synonyms
Iqbāl (usually rendered Iqbal in English) was born
Allamah Sir Muhammad Iqbal; Shaikh Muhammad
in Sialkot, Punjab, where his family, originally
Iḳbāl
Kashmiri Brahmins, had settled in the late eigh-
teenth century. His grandfather allegedly became
Definition Muslim in exchange for an embezzlement charge
being dropped against him [1]. Iqbāl’s date of
Allāmah Sir Muḥammad Iqbāl was a Muslim birth was probably November 9, with 1873,
scholar, philosopher, politician, and poet recognized 1876, and 1877 appearing in various accounts.
by Pakistan, where he is called Muffakir-e-Pakistan Iqbāl’s father, Sheikh Noor Muhammad
Iqbāl, Allamah Sir Muhammad 313
˙

(d. 1940), outliving his son, carried on the family withdrawn by the Medical Board due to his eye
tailoring business, and although sources say that injury. Employment at Oriental College followed,
his business flourished, he appears to have had however, when Iqbāl became McLeod Arabic
a moderate income [2]. A devout Sufi, Noor Reader in May 1889. In January 1901, he was
Muhammad did not have much formal education; appointed temporary Assistant Professor of Phi-
his oldest son Sheikh Ata Muhammad losophy. Except for 6 months when he taught
(1859–1949) did not complete high school either. English at Islamia College, Lahore, he held vari-
Iqbal also had four sisters. Later, after working for ous short-term appointments at GOC until 1905,
the military, Ata Muhammad was able to graduate when he departed for Europe following Arnold’s
from Roorki Engineering College and entered the advice that he study there. In fact, shortly before
government’s Mechanical Engineering Service. his departure, his post had become permanent.
Iqbāl’s mother, Imam Bibi (d. 1914), enjoyed
a reputation for helping less fortunate members
of the community, representing a type of love in Europe: 1905–1908
action that inspired Iqbāl. As a child, Iqbāl lost the
use of his right eye as a result of misguided med- His brother Ata Muhammad supported him finan-
ical treatment involving the application of cially throughout his time in Europe, although he
I
leeches. attended Trinity College, Cambridge, as the Gov-
Iqbāl won a scholarship to the Scottish Mission ernment of India Research Scholar, gaining his
College, Sialkot, in 1893, having attended its BA in 1906. Especially significant for his intellec-
junior departments since 1883. There, he was tual development at Cambridge were the neo-
most influenced by Syed Mir Hassan Hegelians James Ward (1843–1925) and J. M. E.
(1844–1929), from whom he learned to admire McTaggart (1866–1925), both Fellows of Trinity
Arabic, Farsi, and Urdu poetry, and became inter- [4]. Also influential were Alfred North White-
ested in Islamic Studies. Mir Hassan, who had head’s lectures. Iqbāl’s love of Farsi poetry was
persuaded Noor Muhammad to allow Iqbāl to further stimulated by Reynold Alleyne Nicholson
attend the College, identified with the reformist (1868–1945), then lecturer in Persian, who later
ideas of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan (1817–1898), translated Iqbāl’s Asrar-i-Khudi (Secrets of the
who argued that Muslims could benefit from Self, 1915) into English. Concurrently with his
supporting the British regime and from modern Cambridge studies, Iqbāl prepared for the bar
scientific learning. Passing the BA examination in examination through Lincoln’s Inn. He passed
1897, Iqbāl received gold medals in Arabic and this in 1908, becoming a barrister-at-law. Having
English and a scholarship to pursue a master’s failed to qualify in India, Iqbāl was determined to
degree. For this, he proceeded to Government do so in the metropole. During 1907, he lived in
Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College, Lahore, Heidelberg, studying German language and liter-
where he read philosophy and graduated in April ature, including Goethe, with Emma Wegenast
1899 (the examination was administered by (1879–1964), with whom he later corresponded.
the University of the Punjab). The residence hall He registered for his doctorate at Munich, where
where he lived is now known as Iqbāl Hostel. Most his supervisor was Fritz Hommel (1854–1936).
influential on Iqbāl at Lahore was former Moham- Iqbāl’s successful Ph.D. thesis titled “The Devel-
medan Anglo-Oriental College (later Aligarh Uni- opment of Metaphysics in Persia: A contribution
versity) professor Sir Thomas Arnold to the history of Muslim Philosophy” was dedi-
(1864–1930), whose interest lay in building intel- cated to Arnold, who was also among his exam-
lectual bridges between East and West [3]. iners [5]. The thesis was an adaptation of a paper
Two disappointments occurred around this he had worked on in Cambridge. Iqbāl’s interest in
time. First, Iqbāl failed the preliminary law exam- the thinking of Friedrich Nietzsche (1844–1900)
ination, then when he tried to sit for the Punjab and Henri Bergson (1859–1941), whom he later
Civil Service examination, his name was met in Paris, date from this period. A street is
314 Iqbāl, Allamah Sir Muhammad
˙

named after him in Heidelberg. Between 1907 Hassan. Initially, they were reluctant to do this
and 1908, Iqbāl taught Arabic at University saying that he had not written anything; Iqbāl
College, London, for Sir Thomas Arnold, who responded that he was the book Mir Hassan had
was on leave at the time as part-time professor of produced. Hassan was awarded the title “Shams al-
Arabic. Iqbāl appears to have wanted to extend ‘Ulama’” (sun of scholars) [6]. At this time, the
his stay in Europe, but mindful of his brother’s British gave distinguished Indians various “Indian
situation in India, where he now had six children titles” as well as imperial honors. However, as the
to look after, he decided to return to India. In League’s position shifted from loyalism to
London, Iqbāl joined the Muslim League’s Lon- demanding independence, Iqbāl supported this.
don Branch and was elected to the Executive By 1926, he was a member of the Punjab
Committee. The League had been established to Legislative Council, sitting until 1929. In 1930,
promote the welfare of Muslims in India, ini- he served as president of the Muslim League,
tially as a loyalist organization. The London presenting his famous address at the Annual
branch, founded by Syed Amir Ali, was indepen- Meeting in which he proposed a separate Muslim
dent of the All India League but shared its state in the North West, which later morphed into
objectives. the Pakistan proposition. In 1931 and 1932, he
was back in London as a delegate to the Second
and Third Round Table Conferences to determine
India: 1908 to 1934 India’s future and discuss possible independence.
He also met Bergson and other thinkers in Paris
Iqbāl began a law practice in Lahore, where he was and Mussolini in Italy, toured Andalusia, and
also part-time professor of philosophy and English glimpsed Sicily as his ship sailed nearby. The
Literature at his alma mater. However, he soon relics of Muslim culture and power he saw
resigned from the College to concentrate on his reinforced his determination to assist Muslims to
legal work so that he could fund his writing and overcome their current cultural and intellectual
humanitarian work through the Anjuman-e- malaise [7]. His poems “The Mosque of Cordoba”
Himayat-e-Islam. This society brought Muslim and “Sicily” demonstrate the pathos these visits
intellectuals together but also engaged in evoked. However, the project was never to simply
educational and charitable work. By 1919, Iqbāl restore the past but to use its inspiration to achieve
was General Secretary. In 1922, he was knighted new heights. He also visited Egypt and Palestine.
for services to the Empire, considered loyal by the During 1933, he received an honorary Doctor of
regime. This honor was awarded before Iqbāl had Literature from the University of the Punjab and
held any political offices; thus, what the British advised the government of Afghanistan on setting
were recognizing at this time were really his liter- up a higher education institute. In 1934, Iqbāl
ary achievements. Since his most significant officially retired, conveying his home in Lahore
English text would not appear until 1930, the to his son. From then until his death, Iqbāl paid his
award shows how well known he was for his son rent for the four rooms he occupied.
Farsi and Urdu writing at this stage of his life,
thanks in part to Nicholson. Nonetheless, his
knighthood is something of a puzzle since he had Retirement: 1934–1938
long supported some form of independence or self-
rule from the British. On the other hand, his choice From 1934, Iqbāl received a pension from the
of a vehicle to promote this was pacifist and non- Nawab of Bhopal [8]. Early in his retirement,
threatening. His acceptance of the knighthood has Iqbāl became patron of a new journal, Tolu-e-
attracted some criticism due to the fact that other Islam (the Rise of Islam), which was first
Indians were repudiating and refusing British titles published in October 1935. It was designed to
at this time. He accepted the honor on the condition stimulate Muslim intellectual and political
that the British recognize his former teacher Mir thought, and Iqbāl saw it as a forum for his own
Iqbāl, Allamah Sir Muhammad 315
˙

ideas. During 1936, Iqbāl served as President of Marriages and Family Life
the Punjab Muslim League. On May 21, 1937,
Iqbāl met Muhammad Ali Jinnah, leader of the Iqbāl married three times. His first marriage was
Muslim League, having written to him since the to Karim Bibi (1874–1947), daughter of a Gujarat
previous year. Iqbāl was among those who physician honored by the British with the title
encouraged Jinnah’s return to India from self- “Khan Bahadur.” They were married on May 4,
imposed exile in London, writing “you are the 1893. This arranged marriage was unhappy. By
only Muslim in India today to whom the commu- 1911, they had separated. Iqbāl paid her an allow-
nity has a right to look up to for safe guidance ance until her death. They had two children,
through the storm which is coming” [9]. Jinnah a daughter Miraj Begum (b. 1895) and a son
may not have met all of Iqbāl’s expectations of Aftab (b. 1899). While in Europe, Iqbāl appears
a pious Muslim, but he was “incorruptible and to have had romantic dalliances with several
unpurchasable” [10]. Iqbāl was influential in con- women, including his German teacher, Emma
vincing Jinnah to make establishing Pakistan his Wegenast, to whom he later wrote 40 letters or
goal, although both men appear to have had a state so and which have been called “passionate” [14].
in some sort of federal relationship with India in He later wrote, “German women are incompara-
mind, in Jinnah’s case right up until partition. At bly fonder of domestic bonding than their English
I
about this time, Iqbāl spent most of his energy counterparts” [15]. He also developed a “warm
collaborating with others in forming a new and lasting friendship” at this time with ‘Atiya
Islamic research institute dedicated to reviving Faizi [16], from whose book we learn much
and revitalizing Islamic thought, inviting the con- about this period in Iqbāl’s life [17]. Iqbāl married
servative thinker, Abul A’la Mawdūdī to move to his second wife, Sardar Begum, in 1909 for a fixed
the Punjab as its head. Long an admirer of Iqbāl’s term. Sarder was Javid Iqbāl’s mother. Born in
poetry, Mawdūdī’s ideas about how to revitalize 1924, he would serve as Chief Justice of the
Islam were different, yet the two men were able to Lahore Hight Court (1982–1986), then on
cooperate because they did share common ground Pakistan’s Supreme Court (1986–1989). Iqbāl’s
[11]. For example, both were influenced by the third marriage was to Mukhtar Begum in 1913.
Sufi stress on the need to cultivate inner piety but She died in childbirth in 1924. His own parents
criticized Sufis for focusing on the inner at the cost were influential on his thinking, while he chose to
of the outer aspects of Islam. Both wanted to create return to India because he felt obliged to help his
legitimate Islamic societies, based on the Qur’ān. brother raise his six children, following his
Both opposed secular ideas, seeing Islam as pre- divorce. Controversy has surrounded whether
eminently social. Both rejected “nationalism,” Iqbāl’s brother converted to the Ahmadiyya or
arguing that Islam does not recognize geographical not, even whether Iqbāl did too, which for some
borders or favor some ethnic groups over others. casts doubt on the acceptability of his thought.
Iqbāl did not live to see the Muslim League offi- Initially, Iqbāl praised Mirza Ghulam Ahmed as
cially adopt the Pakistan proposition at the 1940 “probably the profoundest theologian among
Annual Meeting, dying on April 21, 1938. His modern Indian Muhammadens” and sent his son,
tomb in Lahore was built by public subscription Aftab, to a Qadiani school [18]. According to this
over a 13-year period and attracts many visitors source, his uncle and cousin did convert. Later, he
[12]. In Pakistan, he would be honored as spiritual rejected Ahmadiyya’s Islamic bona fides because
father of the nation, as well as a national poet. His Ghulam Ahmad was seen as a prophet [19].
legacy in Pakistan is held in such esteem that any
criticism is seen as treasonable, although as
discussed below, some Indians regard him as an As Poet
Indian patriot; thus, both Jinnah and Jawaharlal
Nehru, who did not get on at all, have claimed his Iqbāl initially attracted public attention as a poet.
support [13]. An admirer of poetry from his youth, he began
316 Iqbāl, Allamah Sir Muhammad
˙

writing his own during college days. At age 15 or what he saw as Sufi individualism. Humanity is
16, he started corresponding with the acclaimed meant to partner the Divine in ordering and sus-
Urdu poet, Mirza Dagh (1831–1905) and at least taining the cosmos.
in his formative period as a poet sent him drafts for Thus, for Iqbāl, the Sufi aim of union with God
comment [20]. It was his recital of one of these, and death of self is an opting out of responsibility,
Nalay e Yatem, at the annual meeting of Anjuman- of human destiny. He celebrated separation, so that
e-Himayat-e-Islam in 1899 that established his humanity can rise ever upward toward new poten-
early literary reputation. He did not publish tialities, becoming Ibn Arabi’s “perfect men” or
a collection until 1915. That work, Asrar-i even Nietzsche’s supermen, but unlike the latter,
Khudi, translated into English by his former his ideal person enjoys a deep spiritual relationship
teacher, R. A. Nicholson, also introduced his with God, the Super-Ego, which is immersed in
work to a European readership. Iqbāl decided to love. Humanity should serve God, not become
write in Farsi because this communicated to God or merge with God. Yet, God’s fullest poten-
a wider linguistic constituency than Urdu, tial remains hidden, too, waiting for humanity to
although he also wrote Urdu poetry. His first fulfill its destiny. Bennett has suggested that Chris-
Urdu collection, Bang-i Dara, appeared in 1924, tian process theology, which posits that God can
followed by Bal-i Jibril in 1935 and Zarb-i Kalim change, resonates with “Iqbāl’s understanding of
in 1936. His Farsi works after 1915 were Rumuz-i God” [26]. Iqbāl refers to A. N Whitehead, the
Bekhudi (1917), Payam-i Mashriq (1923), Zabur- progenitor of process thought, who taught him at
i Ajam (1927), Javid Nama (1932), Pas cheh Cambridge in Reconstruction as “Professor”
bayed kard ai Aqwam-i Sharq (1936), and the suggesting that he still saw himself as Whitehead’s
posthumously published Armughan-i Hijaz student. Drawing on Bergson, Iqbāl developed
(1938). Among English translations of these ideas about time that were central to his thought.
works are Gabriel’s Wing [21], A Message from There is serial time, that is, time that can be mea-
the East [22], and The Gift of Hijaz [23]. A volume sured by seconds, and nonserial time in which all
published in 2004 features translations of about life exists and moves ceaselessly, making what is
100 of Iqbāl’s poems [24]. Although his prose possible infinite. Iblis (Satan) represents another
writing would criticize Sufism, he wrote in the critical motif in Iqbāl’s writing. Having refused to
style of some of the greatest Sufi poets, drawing bow down to Adam (Qur’ān 2: 32), Iblis is not so
copiously on their imagery. He was most much the tempter toward rebellion as the instigator
influenced by Jalal al-Din Muhammad Rumi (d. of the struggle for humanity to fulfill its destiny.
1273) and Ibn Arabi (d. 1240). He set out to The goal is to compel Iblis to finally prostrate
champion a renaissance of Islamic culture and before us. The dynamic quest for actualization is
religion, which he saw as inseparable. As he put the highest goal, which represents a form of service
it, he declared war on the present era [25]. He was that even Gabriel cannot achieve. Ultimate inti-
the guide toward a restoration of spiritual values, macy with God as servant collaborators is reserved
a recovery of Islam’s truest expression, which for humanity, not angels. Another central theme is
Iqbāl saw as potential rather than as yet actual- the significance and symbolism of the Ka’ba,
ized in society. Like the sound of the caravan bell where pilgrims glimpse God and are reminded of
in the desert (Bāng-i darā), he was redirecting God’s unity, as well as of the importance of com-
Muslims away from danger. Like Moses, who munal solidarity. Iqbāl constantly cites the Qur’ān,
drew water from a desert rock, he was offering which for him was of exquisite beauty. Interspersed
refreshment and new possibilities. He often used are reminders of Islam’s former glories, references
different images in rapid succession to convey to the problems of the age, and a call for unity
the complexity of his thought. Famously, he among Indians and Muslims. The east needed to
developed ideas about the “self” or “ego” awaken from its slumber, throw off the shackles of
(khudi) in relation to the Divine and to society, colonial slavery. Self-actualization finds expression
stressing rootedness in the latter, thus critiquing in love in action toward the community; it is other-
Iqbāl, Allamah Sir Muhammad 317
˙

oriented, concerned with the collective welfare of Philosopher

the whole [27]. On Qur’ān 33: 72, when heaven and
earth turned down the offer of amanah (trusteeship) Although Iqbāl is both acclaimed and described as
from God, which humanity embraced, Iqbāl says a philosopher, he did not really systematize his
that what they could not accept was the individual thought. Since much of his thinking was
responsibility that every human needs to take on the expressed through poetry, which he saw as
journey toward self-realization. In “The Mosque at a medium to communicate ideas rather than as
Cordoba,” he wrote, an end in itself, he is frequently called a “poet-
philosopher.” The work in which he comes closest
Though time’s tidal flow is furious and swift
Love itself is a flood that holds back its swell
to a systematic presentation of his thought is his
In love’s almanac besides the present age 1930 Reconstruction of Religious Thought in
Are other epochs as well that have no name. Islam, in which are published six lectures deliv-
Love, the breath of Jibraeel, ered at Aligarh, Madras, and Osmania (Hydera-
Love, the heart of Mustafa,
Love, God’s messenger,
bad) Universities in 1929. The work was
Love, the word of God. [28] published by Oxford University Press. This was
his third prose work. His first, on economics in
He used a range of poetic forms but favored the Urdu, appeared before he left for Europe. His
I
Mathnavi, or rhyming couplets usually with 11 Munich doctoral thesis was published in 1908
syllables but of varying length. He found that this (by Luzac and Company, London). In Recon-
enabled him to pour out his ideas quickly, in what struction, his thinking on the dynamic nature of
was a relatively simple literary form for his readers. Islam, on Qur’ānic interpretation, on ijtihad
Iqbāl used Rumi’s meter. Some of his poetry was (which he called the “principle of movement in
written for children. The more explicitly political Islam”), on the relationship between knowledge
aspects of his poetry are discussed below. For and religious experience and on the ideal Islamic
detailed analysis, see Schimmel’s study, one of the state, are expressed. The latter assumes a unity of
best on Iqbāl, on which this analysis draws [29]. religion and civics that Christianity does not, sep-
Iqbāl’s relationship with Sufism has a certain ambi- arating canon from civil law. Ijtihad, he argued,
guity. He admired Sufi poets. Before he left to study should be collective, exercised by the community,
in Europe, he visited a Sufi shrine in Delhi [30]. not by a few scholars only. He disliked the new
Toward the end of his life, he often frequented the Iranian constitution of 1906, which gave scholars
shrine of Hazrat Ali Hujwiri (known as Data Ganj supervisory legislative authority [34].
Bakhsh) in Lahore, praying for guidance. It was Law must be at the center of an Islamic polity.
there, according to his grandson, that he first had However, each generation of Muslims should be
a vision of a separate homeland for Muslims in the free to interpret and apply the Qur’ān’s spirit and
North-West [31]. His stress on spiritual health was intent to their own circumstances; this means dis-
Sufi flavored; his critique of Sufis was that he cerning its eternal principles. Specific penalties
thought they were antisocial in terms of community described in the Qur’ān are not eternally binding;
building, which may not be a fair appraisal. Iqbāl new penalties consistent with the intent of the
disliked what he saw as “superstitious and fantastic” Qur’ān can be deduced that meet each age’s
in its popular manifestation [32]. However, through requirements. Iqbāl was working on a book on
the writing of Louis Massignon (1883–1962), Iqbāl the roots of law when he died. It remained unfin-
acquired an appreciation of al-Hallaj (d. 922), ished. He had plans for several other books too
whose cry of ana-Abrar al-haq he interpreted as [35]. He admired the new Turkish republican
“I am the creative truth.” Iqbāl met Massignon spirit and saw no contradiction between Islam
when he visited Paris in 1932. Hallaj did not deny and democracy; indeed, he argued for democracy
God’s transcendence but expressed the permanence but disliked Turkey’s secularist orientation. There
of his ego in a profounder relationship with God, is considerable overlap between Iqbāl’s philoso-
said Iqbāl [33]. phy and his politics. Given that theology looms
318 Iqbāl, Allamah Sir Muhammad
˙

large in Iqbāl’s writing, he might also be consid- briefly served on the Punjab Committee but with-
ered a theologian. In his published thesis, he pre- drew. He did not think that Muslims necessarily
fixed “Shaikh” to his name, which is a title used needed a universal caliphate anymore, believing
by Muslim teachers, while he is most commonly that they could change or modify the caliphate,
known as “Allama Iqbāl”; from “ilm” (knowl- which had already changed after the first four
edge, also a divine name) which is also usually caliphs. Once the unified empire had broken up,
reserved for religious scholars. It was because the caliphate ceased to be a “workable principle.
a Muslim society must have Islamic law as its “At times, said Iqbāl, the caliphate had been
code that Iqbāl believed Indian Muslims required a form of Arab imperialism. Nor should it be
their own state or states, whether federally linked restricted to a particular group or dynasty. He
with India or not [36]. Otherwise, Islamic law valued Muslim unity but thought some form of
could not be established or developed. Self- League of Nations the better option; first, Muslim
consciously an heir of Syed Ahmed Khan, it has states needed to achieve independence, then they
been argued that he continued to develop Khan’s might choose a caliph [42]. However, he was
“new theology” (adid ‘ilm al-kalam) [37]. While convinced that India needed to accommodate the
working on Reconstruction, Iqbāl consulted vari- needs of her different communities, thus the wel-
ous Muslim scholars, including Sulayman Nadwi fare of India’s Muslims was his personal priority.
(1884–1953), who later remarked that it would Communities should express social solidarity.
have been better had the book stayed unpublished, Nationalism as such, he said, was alien to Islam,
since he disagreed with aspects of Iqbāl’s thought where the state is defined by commitment to
although there is no record of what he actually Islam, not by race or even geography, although
disliked [38]. geographic boundaries are pragmatically neces-
sary. He saw European-style nationalism as
a form of idolatry, a “deification of a material
Politics object” [43]. He saw a link between European
nationalism and aggressive imperialism. Initially,
After serving on the Executive Committee of the he had praised Mussolini after meeting him as
London branch of the Muslim League, Iqbāl con- dynamic, a man who could revive Italy. After
tinued to identify with the League following his Mussolini’s invasion of Albania, he denounced
return to India. His early work has been described him [44]. Although Nehru thought that Iqbāl
as nationalist, which is why some see him as an “turned more and more to socialism” in his later
Indian patriot [39]. He shared with other politi- years and wrote that he thought Iqbāl and he had
cally active Muslims at the time a commitment to much in common” [45], Iqbāl warned Jinnah on
Hindu-Muslim unity. India was home to all her July 1, 1937, that Nehru’s socialism was “a subtle
people, of whatever religion. His song, Tarana-i- political device to destroy the cultural unity of the
Hind, which extolls intercommunal harmony, was Muslims” [46]. Nonetheless, Nehru saw Iqbāl
so popular that it has been called India’s unofficial shortly before his death, gladly responding to
national anthem [40]. His early poems lauded a sick bed summons.
Indian civilization, spoke of Muslim–Hindu Iqbāl is typically identified as a supporter of the
unity, and “showed as much reverence to Hindu “two-nation theory.” However, in his 1930 speech
deities and Rishis as to Muslim saints and Sufi.” proposing a separate state for Muslims in the
He translated a portion of a Hindu scripture into North-West, he did not demand this not because
Urdu [41]. His ambivalence about the Khilāfat he had ceased to believe that Hindus and Muslims
movement signaled to some that he was disin- could peacefully coexist but because he felt Mus-
clined toward communitarian politics. Jinnah lims needed autonomy to develop their own civic
opposed the movement because it introduced systems. What he called for, too, was not
a sectarian element into Indian politics. Iqbāl a sovereign state but one in federal relationship
Iqbāl, Allamah Sir Muhammad 319
˙

with India. “The principle that each group is enti- and Fazlur Rahman (1919–1998), who was “crit-
tled to its free development on its own lines,” he ically appreciative” [53] but drew on his thought.
said, “is not inspired by any feeling of narrow Iqbāl’s aim of revitalizing Islam was not meant to
communalism.” In their own state, Indian Mus- set up a sect within Islam but to push all Muslims
lims could “rid” Islam “of the stamp that Arabian toward a more authentic expression of Islam. That
Imperialism was forced to give it, to mobilize its his thought has appealed to both Sunni and Shi’a
law, its education, its culture, and to bring them indicates that he wrote for all Muslims, not for
into closer contact with its own original spirit and a segment of the ummah. His utopia lay ahead, not
with the spirit of modern times.” [47]. Jinnah, in the past as it does for Salafists. Criticism of
once converted to the Pakistan proposition, prob- Iqbāl tends to represent his thinking as too
ably also envisioned a state federally related to influenced by Western philosophy. Others claim
India, overplaying his brinkmanship until he that he compromised God’s omnipotence or
ended up with an independent state, as Jalal taught a form of pantheism. In his critique, Altaf
argues [48]. It was largely events subsequent to Ahmad Azami also alleges that Iqbāl took
Iqbāl’s death that saw a deterioration of Qur’ānic verses out of context [54]. Iqbāl’s earlier
Hindu–Muslim relations. Failure of the Cabinet work veered toward pantheism. However, his
Plan, which would have created the type of federal mature view clearly distinguished God from cre-
I
system Iqbāl wanted when no agreement could be ation. Iqbāl believed in universal truths; he did not
reached on distribution of powers between the see his work as borrowing from Western thought
center and the states, ultimately led to partition. but as helping to see anew what is already present.
Although Rabindranath Tagore had returned his Some dislike his futuristic orientation, believing
knighthood and was critical of what he saw as that for Muslims, utopia lies in the past, Medina
Iqbāl’s community orientation, he mourned under Muhammad, and the early caliphs. S. H.
Iqbāl’s death: Nasr, another Iranian scholar who attempts to
write for all Muslims, also says that all knowledge
The death of Sir Muhammad Iqbāl creates a void in is divinely authored and that the prophetic instruc-
our literature that, like a mortal wound will take
a very long time to heal. India, whose place today
tion to seek knowledge as far as China validates
in the world is too narrow, can ill afford to miss Muslims drawing on truths wherever this is
a poet whose poetry had such universal value. [49] encountered [55, 56, 57, 58, 59]. Advocates that
taqlī d (imitating or following what has been
established) is the best for Muslims are suspicious
Iqbāl’s Legacy: An Evaluation of Iqbāl’s idea that the best Islam lies ahead.
Those who maintain that ijtihād is no longer
Iqbāl’s legacy is claimed in support of very dif- valid, too, part company from his thinking. Mus-
ferent ideas by various people. He can appeal to lim feminists point out an inconsistency between
liberals as well as to conservatives. The latter how Iqbāl sought out and enjoyed the company of
probably find material in his poetry that aligns emancipated, educated women including several
with their views; the former are perhaps more female instructors in Germany yet restricted
inclined to read Reconstruction. Categorizing women’s role to the domestic realm and thought
Iqbāl is problematic. Kurzman has extracts from their education should be confined to preparing
Iqbāl in his anthology of Liberal Muslim writings for this role.
[50] and in his volume on the Modernists [51]. Books still in print, Iqbāl Academies, Iqbāl
Iqbāl saw much of his work as responding to the journals, and Study programs at College level all
challenge of modern times. Bennett prefers to see keep his legacy alive [57]. When the newly
him as at least a precursor of progressives [52]. formed Inter-Collegiate Muslim Brotherhood
Among those who acknowledge a debt to Iqbāl launched the idea of holding Iqbāl Day in 1938,
are the Iranian thinker, Ali Shariati (1933–1977), it suggested that a public fund be set up from
320 Iqbāl, Allamah Sir Muhammad
˙

which Iqbāl might be presented a purse. It was 2. Hasan M (1987) A new approach to Iqbāl. Ministry of
widely known that he always lived on a modest Information and Broadcasting, New Delhi
income. Iqbāl responded, “l feel that the . . . if the
3. Cugh ̲ tāʼī
̲ MI (2003) Iqbāl, new dimensions:
a collection of unpublished and rare Iqbālian studies.
people want to honour me they should establish Sang-e-Meel Publications, Lahore
a Chair for lslamic research on modern lines in the 4. Maruf M (1987) Iqbāl and his contemporary western
local lslamia College” [56]. The needs of the religious thought. Iqbāl Academy Pakistan, Lahore
5. Khatana MH (1992) Iqbāl and foundations of Paki-
whole people, he said, were more pressing than stani nationalisn, 1857–1947. Book Traders, Lahore
those of a private individual. This shows how 6. Iqbāl M, Mir M (2011) Tulip in the desert: a selection
important education was to Iqbāl, an aspect of of the poetry of Muhammad Iqbāl. Islamic Book Trust,
his legacy that Tufail, among other writers, Kuala Lumpur
7. Masoodi T (2007) Educational philosophy of Iqbāl. A.
explores [57]. In fact, chairs and fellowships P.H. Publishing Corporation, New Delhi
have been endowed in his name at several univer- 8. Ekbal N (2009) Great Muslims of undivided India.
sities, including Punjab University, Cambridge Kalpaz Publications, Delhi
and Heidelberg and Bahauddin Zakariya Univer- 9. Iqbāl M, Jinnah MA (1956) Letters of Iqbāl to Jinnah,
a collection of Iqbāl’s letters to the Qaid-i-Azam con-
sity, Multan. Several schools, academies, and veying his views on the political future of Muslim
halls bear his name, including Pakistan’s Open India. Sh. M. Ashraf, Lahore
University, Lahore’s Medical College, and Uni- 10. Zaidi SMZ (2003). The emergence of ulema in the
versity of Kashmir’s Library. There are many politics of India and Pakistan, 1918–1949:
a historical perspective. Writers Club Press, New York
biographies and studies of Iqbāl, some hagio- 11. Nasr SVR (1996) Mawdudi and the making of Islamic
graphical, others more critical. Taillier et al. is an revivalism. Oxford University Press, New York
excellent bibliographical guide [58]. Among more 12. Baqir M (1963) Lahore, capital of the West Pakistan;
critical discussions, see Hilal [59, 60, 63, 64] and an illustrated guide to places of interest with map.
Panjabi Adabi Academy, Lahore
Centenary Papers [57]. Cug̲h̲tāʼī [61] and Biswas 13. Sevea IS (2012) The political philosophy of Muham-
[6, 59, 60, 61, 62] compare Iqbal and Tagore, of mad Iqbāl: Islam and nationalism in late colonial
whom some say Iqbāl was jealous because Tagore India. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
had won the Nobel Prize for Literature. Several 14. Weber T (2008) Our friend “the enemy”: elite educa-
tion in Britain and Germany before World War I.
volumes contain letters and speeches by Iqbāl, Stanford University Press, Stanford
including Iqbāl and Dar [60] and Iqbāl and Tariq 15. Shafique KA (2007) Iqbāl, an illustrated biography.
[61]. There is a very large amount of Iqbāl litera- Iqbāl Academy Pakistan, Lahore
ture in Urdu, mainly uncritical. 16. Zakaria R (1993) Iqbāl: the poet and the politician.
Viking, New Delhi
17. Faizi A (1947) Iqbāl. Victoria Printing Press, Bombay
18. Jalal A (2002) Self and sovereignty individual and
Cross-References community in South Asian Islam since 1850.
Routledge, New York
▶ Aligarh Muslim University 19. Devji F (2013) Muslim Zion: Pakistan as a political
idea. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA
▶ Amīr ‘Alī 20. Mir M (2006) Iqbāl. Tauris, London [u.a.]
▶ Jinnah, Muḥammad ‘Alī 21. Iqbāl M, Shah AA (1979) Gabriel’s wing = Bal-i-
▶ Khilāfat Movement Gibril. Modern Book Depot, Islamabad
▶ Mawdūdī 22. Iqbāl M, Husain MH (1977) A message from the east:
a translation of Iqbāl’s Payam-i Mashriq into English
▶ Seyyed Hossein Nasr verse. Iqbāl Academy Pakistan, Lahore
▶ Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān 23. Iqbāl M, Elahi M (2003) The gift of Hijaz: Iqbāl’s
▶ Two-Nation Theory Armoghan-e-Hijaz. Maqbool Books, Rawalpindi
24. Iqbāl M (2004) Poems from Iqbāl: renderings in
English verse with comparative Urdu text. Oxford
University Press, Oxford
References 25. Munawwar M (1986) Dimensions of Iqbāl. Iqbāl
Academy Pakistan, Lahore
1. Kak RN (1995) Autumn leaves: Kashmiri reminis- 26. Bennett C (1998) In search of Muhammad. Cassell,
cences. Vitasta, New Delhi London
Iraqi Jews of India 321

27. Chatterjee K (2011) ‘Ali Shari’ati and the shaping of 50. Kurzman C (1998) Liberal Islam a source book.
political Islam in Iran. Palgrave Macmillan, New York Oxford University Press, New York
28. Iqbāl M (2010) The great Mosque at Cordoba (trans: 51. Kurzman C (2002) Modernist Islam, 1840–1940
Khwaja W). In: ʻĀrif Iftik̲h̲ār, Khwaja WA (eds) Mod- a sourcebook. Oxford University Press, Oxford
ern poetry of Pakistan. Dalkey Archive Press, Cham- 52. Bennett C (2005) Muslims and modernity: an intro-
paign, pp 3–13 duction to the issues and debates. Continuum, New
29. Schimmel A (1963) Gabriel’s wing; a study into the York
religious ideas of Sir Muhammad Iqbāl. Brill, Leiden 53. Mujiburrahamn (2003) “Fazlur Rahman’s Critique of
30. Ahmed AS (1997) Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic iden- Sufism,” in Congreso Internacional de Estudios
tity: the search for Saladin. Routledge, London Jurídicos Islámicos, and Alfonso Carmona González,
31. Quraeshi S, Asani AS, Ernst CW, Mumtaz KK Trabajos del IV Congreso Internacional de Estudios
(2010) Sacred spaces: a journey with the Sufis of the Jurídicos Islámicos, Derecho y Sufismo, Murcia, 7–10
Indus. Peabody Museum Press, Cambridge, MA mayo 2003 = Papers presented at the IV International
32. Bukhari Z, Nyang S (2012) Observing the observer: Conference on Islamic Legal Studies, Law and Sufim
the state of Islamic studies in American universities. (sic), Murcia, 7–10 May 2003. Editora Regional de
IIIT, Richmond Murcia, Murcia, pp 421–444
33. Iqbāl M, Saeed Sheikh M (2013) The reconstruction of 54. Azami AA (2005) Khutbat-i Iqbāl ek Mutala’a. Dar-
religious thought in Islam. Stanford University Press, al-Tadhkir, Lahore
Stanford 55. Nasr SH (1987) Traditional Islam in the modern world.
34. Weiss AM (1986) Islamic reassertion in Pakistan: the KPI, London
application of Islamic laws in a modern state. Syracuse 56. Hasan M (1978) Life of Iqbāl general account of his
University Press, Syracuse life. Ferozsons, Lahore I
35. Elahi M, Iqbāl M (2002) Iqbāl’s unwritten books. 57. Tufail MM (1966) Iqbāl’s philosophy and education.
Maqbool Books, Rawalpindi Bazm-i-Iqbāl, Lahore
36. Sisson R, Wolpert SA (1988) Congress and Indian 58. Taillieu D, Laleman F, Callewaert WM
nationalism: the pre-independence phase. University (2000) A descriptive bibliography of Allama Muham-
of California Press, Berkeley mad Iqbāl, (19877–1938). Uitgeverij Peeters en
37. Masud MK (2007) Iqbāl’s approach to Islami theology Departement Oosterse Studies, Leuven
of modernity. Al-Hikmat 30:1–36 59. Hilal AA (1995) Social philosophy of Sir Muhammad
38. Ṣiddīqī N (1998) Columns on books in English and Iqbāl: a critical study. Adam Publishers & Distribu-
Urdu. N. Siddiqi, Islamabad tors, Delhi
39. Barnī SMḤ (1987) Iqbāl, poet-patriot of India. Vikas 60. Iqbāl M, Munawwar M (1982) Iqbāl centenary papers.
Publishing House, New Delhi Department of Iqbāl Studies, University of the Punjab,
40. Capwell C (2000) Music and nationalism. In: Alison Lahore
A (ed) South Asia: the Indian subcontinent. Garland, 61. Cugh ̲ tāʼī
̲ MI (2003) Iqbāl and Tagore: new avenues
New York, pp 431–340 for their comparative study. Sang-e-Meel Publications,
41. Mukherji R (2005) Philosophy in Indian politics. Con- Lahore
cept Publishing, New Delhi 62. Biswas L (1991) Tagore & Iqbāl: a study in philosoph-
42. Banerjee AC (1981) Two nations: the philosophy of ical perspective. Capital Publishing House, Delhi
Muslim nationalism. Concept Publishing, New Delhi 63. Iqbāl M, Dar BA (1978) Letters of Iqbāl. Iqbāl Acad-
43. Malik NS (1998) The political segacity of Iqbāl. emy Pakistan, Lahore
National Book Foundation, Islamabad 64. Iqbāl M, Tariq A-R (1973) Speeches and statements of
44. Gandhi R (1986) Eight lives: a study of the Hindu- Iqbāl. Sh. Ghulam Ali, Lahore
Muslim encounter. State University of New York
Press, Albany
45. Nehru J (1959) The discovery of India. Anchor Books,
Garden City
46. Ghose S (1993) Jawaharlal Nehru: a biography. Allied
Publishers, New Delhi
Iraqi Jews
47. Iqbāl M (1977) Presidential speech. In: Speeches,
writings, and statements of Iqbāl (compiled and ▶ Bombay’s Baghdadi Jews
edited: Latif Ahmed Sherwani). Iqbāl Academy,
Lahore, pp 3–26 (1977 [1944], 2nd edn, revised and
enlarged)
48. Jalal A (1985) The sole spokesman: Jinnah, the Mus-
lim League and the demand for Pakistan. Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge
Iraqi Jews of India
49. Kurzman C (2002) Modernist Islam, 1840–1940 a
sourcebook. Oxford: Oxford University Press ▶ Baghdadi Jews of India
322 ʿIrāqī, Fakhruddīn (ca. 610–688/1213 or 1214–1289)

After Bahāʾ al-Dīn’s death, ʿIrāqī probably

ʿIrāqī, Fakhruddīn (ca. succeeded him, but, after a while (perhaps,
610–688/1213 or 1214–1289) because of the disagreement with Bahāʾ al-Dīn’s
other disciples), left Multān for Mecca.
Janis Esots
The Institute of Ismaili Studies, London, UK
The Near-East Period
Synonyms
Having performed the pilgrimage, ʿIrāqī went to
Anatolia, accompanied by two disciples. In
Fakhruddin Iraqi; Fakr al-Dīn ʿIrāqī
Konya, he became acquainted with Ṣadr al-Dīn
Qūnawī (Ibn al-ʿArabī’s step-son and spiritual
heir, whose classes on the Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikam and
Definition
al-Futūḥāt al-makkiyya he attended ([10],
pp. 53–56)) and Jalāl al-Dīn Rūmī (604–672/
Fakhruddīn ʿIrāqī was a Ṣūfī shaykh of the
1207–1273) ([9], p. 43).
Suhrawardī order, mystic and poet, disciple of
ʿIrāqī befriended the Mongol administrator (de
Bahāʾ al-Dīn Zakariyāʾ Multānī (d. 661/1262)
facto ruler) of the Saljūq state in Anatolia Muʿīn
and Ṣadr al-Dīn Qūnawī (605–673/1207–1274).
al-Dīn Parwāna (executed 676/1277), who built
a khānaqāh for him in Dūqāt (Tokat) [7, 14].
When Parwāna was arrested for his alleged secret
Early Life and the Multān Period
relationships with the Mamlūks and suspected
treachery, ʿIrāqī had to flee to Sinope ([10],
The information about ʿIrāqī’s life is scant and is
pp. 59–61), which was ruled by Parwāna’s son
mostly based on an anonymous introduction to his
Muʿīn al-Dīn Muḥammad ([9], pp. 65–66), and,
dī wān (collection of poetry), written around the
from there, to Cairo. He spent several years there,
end of the seventh/thirteenth century, perhaps by
and, apparently, was in good relationship with the
one of his disciples [14]. According to this intro-
then sultan Qalāwūn (r. 678–689/1279–1290).
duction ([10], p. 47; cf. [16] vol. 2, p. 760), ʿIrāqī
Eventually, he moved to Damascus, where his
was born in the village of Kumjān near Hamadān
son Kabīr al-Dīn joined him [10, 14]. He died in
in a family of religious scholars. The account of
Damascus and was buried in the Ṣāliḥiyya ceme-
his childhood and youth, given in the introduction
tery near the tomb of Ibn al-ʿArabī. No trace of his
([10], pp. 47–48), appears to be semi-fabulous.
tomb exists ([10], pp. 43–44).
Allegedly, at the age of seventeen, he began to
teach at the madrasah in Hamadān. However,
soon he fell in love with a youth who had come
to the town with a group of qalandars (wandering Literary Works and Principal Ideas
Ṣūfī s). ʿIrāqī joined his beloved and the rest of the
qalandars, and wandered with them as far as ʿIrāqī’s Ṣūfī poetry, composed in Persian, is of
India. Eventually, they arrived in Multān, where remarkable (in some cases, exceptional) quality.
ʿIrāqī met Bahāʾ al-Dīn Zakariyāʾ, the head of His dī wān consists of 306 ghazals, 26 qaṣī das
Indian branch of the Suhrawardī order. From (including three in praise of Bahāʾ al-Dīn
there, he went to Delhi and Sūmanāt, but then Zakariyāʾ, and one in praise of Ṣadr al-Dīn al-
returned to Multān, and became Bahāʾ al-Dīn’s Qūnawī), 165 rubāʿī s, mathnawī ʿUshshāqnāma,
disciple and, later, son-in-law ([10], pp. 50–52; 4 tarjī ʿāt, 3 tarkī bāt (in one of which he laments
[7]). He stayed with his teacher until his death the death of Bahāʾ al-Dīn Zakariyāʾ) and a few
some twenty-five years later (in 661/1262; occasional qiṭʿa, altogether some five thousand
according to some accounts, in 666/1267) [7]. eight hundred bayts (distiches). (As demonstrated
Islamic Charity 323

by Baldick ([4], pp. 49–60), the ʿUshshāqnāma, in References

all likelihood, was actually authored by ʿIrāqī’s
admirer and epigone ʿAṭāʾī.) 1. Baldick J (1976) Deux traités de Fakhroddīn ʿErāqī
[Lamaʿāt and Iṣṭilāḥāt]. M.A. thesis, Sorbonne
The Lamaʿāt, ʾIrāqī’s best known and, perhaps,
2. Baldick J (1980) The poems of Fakhr al-Dīn ʿIrāqī. Ph.
only authentic (his authorship of another short D. dissertation, University of Oxford
treatise, the Iṣṭilāḥāt, as shown by Chittick [7], is 3. Baldick J (1981) Persian Ṣūfī poetry up to the fifteenth
spurious) prose work, is inspired by the (some- century. In: Morrison G (ed) History of Persian litera-
ture from the beginning of the Islamic period to the
times conflicting) tenets of Ibn al‘Arabī and
present day. Brill, Leiden, pp 111–132
Qūnawī, from one side, and Aḥmad Ghazālī (and 4. Baldick J (1983) The authenticity of ʿIrāqī’s ʿUshshāq-
probably ʿAyn al-Quḍāt Hamadānī), from the nāma. Stud Iranica 3(1983):49–60
other. In particular, the first half of the treatise 5. Barzishābādī AʿA (2000) Sharḥ-i lamaʿāt (ed: Qudsī).
Mawlā, Tehran
(chapters 1–17), which discusses such popular
6. Browne EG (1920) A literary history of Persia. Vol. 3.
Akbarian tenets as (the varieties and stages of) The Tartar dominion (1265–1502). Cambridge Uni-
God’s self-disclosure, God and the creation con- versity Press, Cambridge, in particular 124–139
sidered as reciprocal mirrors, and the (delimited) 7. Chittick WC (1998) ʿErāqī. In: Yarshater E (ed) Ency-
clopedia Iranica, vol 8(5):538–540. Available online at
religion as idol-worship, is evidently dominated
http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/eraqi
by Qūnawī’s doctrine of entification (or objectifi- 8. Ghazālī A (1986) Sawāniḥ: inspirations from the I
cation, Arabic taʾayyun). The last eleven chapters, world of pure spirits (trans: Pourjavady N). KPI, Lon-
in turn, focus on the dialectics of love and the don/New York
9. ʿIrāqī F (1982) Divine flashes (trans: Chittick WC,
dynamics of the relationship between the lover
Wilson PL). Paulist Press, New York
and the beloved, which is one of the favorite 10. ʿIrāqī F (1956) Kulliyāt (ed: Nafīsī S). Sanāʾī, Tehran
themes of the Persian Ṣūfī tradition. 11. ʿIrāqī F (1984) Lamaʿāt (ed: Khājavī M). Mawlā,
A number of commentaries were written on the Tehran
12. Jāmī ʿA (2004) Ashiʿʿat al-lamaʿāt (ed: Gawharī
Lamaʿāt. Perhaps the earliest of them, entitled al-
HRM). Būstān-i kitāb, Qumm
Lamaḥāt fī sharḥ al-lamaʿāt, belongs to Yār ʿAlī 13. Jāmī ʿA (1958) Nafaḥāt al-uns (ed: Mahdī
Shīrāzī (fl. eighth/fourteenth century) [7]. The Tawḥīdīpūr). Kitābfurūshī-yi maḥmūdī, Tehran,
best known commentary on the treatise, entitled pp 601–605
14. Masse H (1999) ʿIrāqī. In: Encyclopedia of Islam,
Ashiʿʿat al-lamaʿāt, was written by ʿAbd al-
2nd edn. Brill, Leiden (CD-ROM edition)
Raḥmān Jāmī (817–898/1414–1492), famous 15. Maykhāna (1980 [1961]). (ed: Gulchīn-i Maʿānī A).
Ṣūfī theorist and a shaykh of the Naqshbandī Dānishgāh-i Mashhad, Mashhad, pp 27–56
order [12]. It examines the treatise in the context 16. Qazwīnī Ḥ (1911) Taʾrīkh-i guzida, vol 2 (ed and trans:
Browne EG, Nicholson RA). Brill, Leiden, p 760. http://
of the teachings of the school of Ibn al-ʿArabī,
ia600401.us.archive.org/6/items/biographiesofper00ham
and, in particular, against the background of the duoft/biographiesofper00hamduoft.pdf
tenets of Ṣadr al-Dīn Qūnavī (other commentaries 17. Ṣafā Dh (1990) Taʾrīkh-i adabiyyāt dar Īrān, 7th edn.
are listed in [10], pp. 38–39; and ([9], p. 18); Firdaws, Tehran, 3(1):567–584; 3(2):1196–1198
cf. [5, 7]).

Cross-References
Islamic Belief System
▶ Khānaqāh and Ribat
▶ Īmān
▶ Madrasah
▶ Naqshbandīyah
▶ Qalandar
▶ Samā‘
▶ Suhrawardī Order Islamic Charity
▶ Taṣawwuf
▶ Waḥdat ul-Wujūd ▶ Zakāt
324 Islamic Education

Islamic Education Islamic Personal Law

▶ Al-Huda International ▶ Anglo-Mohammedan Law

Islamic Family Law Islamic Philosophy in India

▶ Anglo-Mohammedan Law Janis Esots

The Institute of Ismaili Studies, London, UK

Islamic Festival Definition

▶ Hajj Islamic philosophy in India in this entry desig-

▶ Eid/ʻĪd nates traditional Muslim philosophical thought
that was taught, studied, and developed in the
subcontinent during the tenth to the twentieth
centuries. The entry does not deal with the modern
Islamic Jurisprudence Muslim thinkers of the subcontinent.

▶ Fiqh
Ismāʿīlī Prelude

Islamic philosophy was apparently introduced in

Islamic Law India by the Ismāʿīlī rulers of Multān and
Manṣūrah in Sind (ruled 348–417/960–1026).
▶ Ḥudūd We possess no details of this introductory phase
▶ Muslim Personal Law of the development of Islamic philosophical
thought in the subcontinent but can assume that
the advanced part of the curriculum (probably
taught at small private sessions) might have
Islamic Laws included the works of such Ismāʿīlī thinkers as
Ibn Ḥawshab (d. 302/914), Jaʿfar b. Manṣūr al-
▶ Fiqh Yaman (fl. fourth/tenth century), Muḥammad
Nasafī (executed 332/943), and Abū Yaʿqūb
Sijistānī (d. after 361/971) ([9], p. 1052).

Islamic Monotheism
Islamic Philosophy and Related Subjects
▶ Tawḥī d in the Madrasa Curriculum

Although the manuscripts of such famous Muslim

philosophical works as Ibn Sīnā’s Shifāʾ and
Islamic Mysticism Suhrawardī’s Ḥikmat al-ishrāq were copied and
privately studied and commented in India since
▶ Taṣawwuf the eleventh and early thirteenth century,
Islamic Philosophy in India 325

respectively [4], philosophy proper did not Dawwānī (d. 908/1502), Ghiyāth al-Dīn Manṣūr
become part of the madrasa curriculum before Dashtakī, and Mullā Ḥabīb Allāh Bāghnuwī
the Mughal period. Some works on logic (which (Mīrzā Jān Shīrāzī) (d. ca. 994/1586) were added
was generally viewed as an introduction to phi- to the madrasa curriculum. This prepared the soil
losophy) and Maturīdī kalām (rational theology) for the subsequent studies of some works of such
were studied in Indian madrasas (in particular, in major Iranian thinkers as Mīr Dāmād (d. 1041/
the madrasas in Delhi) since at least the seventh/ 1631) and Ṣadr al-Dīn Shīrāzī (Mullā Ṣadrā) (d.
thirteenth century. The principal textbooks for ca. 1050/1640).
these disciplines appear to have been Najm ad- In order to promote the new capital of
Dīn Kātibī’s (d. 657/1276) al-Risāla al-shamsiyya Shāhjahānābād (now Old Delhi), Shāhjahān (r.
on logic and Abū Shukūr Sālimī’s (fl. fifth/elev- 1037–1067/1627–1657) invited to it the most
enth century) Tamhī d (Prolegomenon) and Shams important scholars of his era, including the phi-
al-Dīn Samarqandī’s (d. ca. 701/1302) auto- losophers ʿAbd al-Ḥakīm Siyālkūtī (d. 1067/
commentary on his al-Ṣahāʾif al-ilāhiyya (Divine 1656) and Mullā Maḥmūd Fārūqī Jawnpūrī
Pages) on Māturīdī theology. During the rule of (993–1062/1585–1652). However, when
Sikandar Lōdī (r. 891–923/1488–1517), to these Shāhjahān became preoccupied with the cam-
were added Sirāj al-Dīn Urmawī’s (d. 682/1283) paign against the Uzbeks in Balkh (in
I
Maṭāliʿ al-anwār (The Rising Places of Lights) on 1645–1648), Jawnpūrī returned to his native
logic and ʿAḍud al-Dīn Ījī’s (d. 756/1355) town, where he established a seminary Madrasa-
Mawāqif (Standing Places) on Ashʿarī kalām, yi maḥmūdiyya, which focused on the study of the
together with (his student) Saʿd al-Dīn Taftāzānī’s rational sciences. He compiled a textbook for the
(722–793/1322–1390) commentaries on these study of philosophy, entitled al-Ḥikma al-bāligha
works (cf. [19], p. 42; [20], p. 33). Apparently, (Mature Wisdom), on which he later wrote his
the increased interest in logic in Delhi madrasas own commentary al-Shams al-bāzigha (The Sun,
must be explained by the logician ʿAbd Allāh Appearing on the Horizon) (only the physics sec-
Tulanbī’s (d. 922/1516 or 1517) emigration from tion of which was completed) ([18], p. 17).
Multān to Delhi ([3], p. 194). The austere Awrangzīb (r. 1068–1118/
Islamic philosophy proper (physics and, to 1658–1707) strongly favored the transmitted sci-
some extent, metaphysics) became part of the ences, in particular, the ḥadī th school of Shaykh
curriculum of Indian madrasas only in the late ʿAbd al-Ḥaqq Muḥaddith (d. 1051/1641) and
sixteenth century, during the reign of the Mughal Naqshbandī-Mujaddidī Ṣūfism (Aḥmad
emperor Akbar (1564–1605) (cf. [4], p. 16; [20], Sirhindī’s (d. 1034/1624) doctrine on the unity
p. 55), when Athīr al-Dīn Abharī’s (d. 663/1264) of witnessing (waḥdat al-shuhūd)). However, dur-
compendium Hidāyat al-ḥikma (The Guide to ing his long rule, rational sciences, including logic
Wisdom), together with Mīr Ḥusayn Maybūdī’s and philosophy, were taught in the madrasas of
(d. ca. 904/1498) commentary, was included in Awadh, “the Shīrāz of India” ([9], p. 1059; cf.
the curriculum. [18], p. 16; [19], p. 41).
Presumably owing to the efforts of the students In addition, during Awrangzīb’s rule, the
of Mīr Fatḥ Allāh Shīrāzī (d. 997/1589), a student famous seminary in Lucknow, known as Farangī
of Mīr Ghiyāth al-Dīn Manṣūr Dashtakī (d. 949/ Maḥall (after the European indigo merchant’s pal-
1542), who was initially invited by Mīrzā Jānī, the ace, assigned by Awrangzīb to the four sons of
ruler of Thatta (Qasemi); then hired by ʿĀdil Mullā Quṭb al-Dīn Sihālawī around 1106/1695,
Khān, the sultan of Bījāpur; and eventually sum- which they soon turned into a learning center of
moned to the court of Akbar (r. 963–1014/ transmitted and rational sciences, becoming them-
1556–1605) in 990/1582 ([4], p. 16; [8], selves known as Farangī-Maḥallīs), was
pp. 236–237; [18], p. 9; [19], p. 42), some works established. One of the members of the family,
(mainly commentaries and glosses on earlier log- Mullā Niẓām al-Dīn Sihālawī (Farangī-Maḥallī,
ical and theological textbooks) of Jalāl al-Dīn d. 1161/1748), in the middle of the eighteenth
326 Islamic Philosophy in India

century designed a syllabus for the students, philosophers and logicians moved from
which became known as dars-i niẓāmī . Its philo- Khayrābād to Tonk in Rājasthān, where they con-
sophical and logical part included, along with tinued teaching rational sciences, benefitting from
Maybūdī’s commentary on Abharī’s Hidāyat al- the support of the local ruler ([3], p. 199). Faḍl-i
ḥikma, Mullā Ṣadrā’s commentary on the same Imām, apart from preparing a summary of Ibn
work and Mullā Maḥmūd Jawnpūrī’s Al-Shams Sīnā’s al-Shifāʾ, wrote an independent treatise on
al-bāzigha, as well as 11 books on logic and 3 on logic, entitled Mirqāt. His son Faḍl-i Ḥaqq wrote
kalām. a gloss on the summary, and his grandson ʿAbd al-
Anṣārī ([7], p. 42; reproduced by [18], p. 10, Ḥaqq wrote a commentary on the Mirqāt.
footnote 3) proposes the following lineage for the In philosophy proper, the representatives
philosophical curriculum in India: of both schools – Farangī Maḥallīs and
Khayrābādīs – focused on the studies of the
Mullā Muḥammad Niẓām al-Dīn Sihālawī (d. 1161/ works of Mīr Dāmād. The Khayrābādīs wrote a
1748)!
number of commentaries and glossies on Mīr
his father Mullā Quṭb al-Dīn Sihālawī (d. 1121/
1710)! Dāmād’s works, in particular, on his al-Ufq al-
Mullā Dāniyāl Chawrāsī! mubīn. Glosses to the al-Ufq al-mubī n were also
ʿAbd al-Salām Dēwī (d. 1039/1629)! composed by ʿAbd ʿAlī Baḥr al-ʿUlūm
ʿAbd al-Salām Lāhūrī (d. 1037/1627)!
(1144–1225/1731–1810), the son of Niẓām al-
Mīr Fatḥullāh Shīrāzī (d. 997/1589)!
Jamāl al-Dīn Maḥmūd Shīrāzī! Dīn Sihālawī, who also referred to the text in his
Jalāl al-Dīn Davānī (d. 1502)! own important summary of philosophy, al-
Muḥyī al-Dīn Kūshktārī! ʿUjāla al-nāfiʿa (The Beneficial Illumination)
Khwāja Ḥasan Shāh Baqqāl! ([18], p. 23).
Sharīf Jurjānī (d. 816/1413)!
Mubārak Shāh Bukhārī (d. 740/1340)! In general, after Awrangzīb and, in particular,
Quṭb al-Dīn Rāzī Taḥtānī (d. 766/1364) ([18], p. following the unsuccessful revolt of 1857 and the
10, footnote 3) formal deposition of the last Mughal emperor
Bahādur Shāh, the traditional education in India
By the early nineteenth century, a new school declined. This was reflected, inter alia, in the
of rational sciences emerged in Khayrābād, Uttar almost complete exclusion of Islamic philosophy
Pradesh. It was founded by Mullā Muḥammad and kalām from the curriculum of most madrasas
Aʿlam b. Muḥammad Shākir Sandīlawī, the stu- by 1871 ([20], pp. 92–93). However, Mullā
dent of both Mullā Niẓām al-Dīn Sihālawī Ṣadrā’s commentary on Athīrī’s Hidāya and
(Farangī-Maḥallī) and Kamāl al-Dīn Sihālawī parts of Jalāl al-Dīn Dawwānī’s Akhlāq-i jalālī ,
([3], p. 199). The major philosophers of the as well as several texts on logic, were included in
Khayrābād school were Faḍl-i Imām (d. 1240/ the curriculum of the university of Punjab, which
1824), his son Faḍl-i Ḥaqq (d. 1278/1861), and was opened in 1870 ([20], pp. 117–118).
his grandson ʿAbd al-Ḥaqq (d. 1318/1900) By mid-nineteenth century, both schools, the
([18], p. 22). Mīr Dāmād’s al-Ufq al-mubī n Farangī Maḥallīs and the Khayrābādīs, gradually
became one of the main philosophical texts in switched to Urdu as the principal language of
the Khayrābādī curriculum together with Ṣadrā’s instruction ([3], p. 201). ʿAbd al-Ḥaqq
commentary on Abharī’s Hidāya and Jawnpūrī’s Khayrābādī authored in Urdu his famous work
al-Shams al-bāzigha ([18], p. 22). However, the Zubdat al-ḥikma ([3], p. 201). The Khayrābādī
Khayrābādīs’ emphasis on the rational disciplines curriculum in comparison with that of Farangī
soon led to clashes with the neo-Wahhābīs and the Maḥall provides a wider perspective of the ratio-
traditionalist Raḥīmiyya madrasa founded and nalistic tradition, not least because the representa-
controlled by the family of Shāh Walī Allāh (d. tives of this used to study a wider range of the
1176/1762). After the revolt of 1857, many texts.
Islamic Philosophy in India 327

Important Original Philosophical Texts ▶ Bilgrāmī, Āzād

▶ Madrasah
For the absolute majority of the educated Indians, ▶ Qādirīyah Order
philosophy remained a school subject, which, ▶ Taṣawwuf
paired with logic, sharpened their rational faculty,
making them better civil servants and more capa-
ble administrators ([19], p. 53). This is attested by References
the negligibly small amount of independent phil-
osophical works composed in Muslim India. 1. ʿAbd al-Ḥayy SʿA (1931–1970) Nuzhat al-khawāṭir
The most important original texts on Islamic wa bahjat al-masāmiʿ wa al-manāẓir. S A ʿA al-Ḥasanī
philosophy, written in India, are the following ones: al-Nadwī, 8 vols. Dāʾirat al-maʿārif al-uthmāniyya,
Haidarābād, Dekkan, Karachi
2. Ahmad A (1969) An intellectual history of Islam in
1. Mullā Maḥmūd Jawnpūrī’s Al-Shams al- India. University of Edinburgh Press, Edinburgh
bāzigha (auto-commentary on al-Ḥikma al- 3. Ahmed AQ (2012) Logic in the Khayrābādī School of
bāligha, a work, influenced by Mīr Dāmād’s India. In: Cook M (ed) Law and tradition in classical
Islamic thought. Palgrave, New York, pp 193–207
al-Ufq al-mubī n (Clear Horizon) and his teach- 4. Ahmed AQ (2012) The Shifā’ in India I: reflections on
ing on the yamanī wisdom (allegedly inspired the evidence of the manuscripts. Oriens I
solely by the Qurʾān and the ḥadī th) 40(2):199–224
2. Kamāl al-Dīn Sihālawī’s (d. 1174/1760) al- 5. ʿAlī R (1914) Tadhkira-yi ʿulamā-yi Hind. Naval
Kishawr, Lakhnaʾū
ʿUrwā al-wuthqā (a short epitome)
6. Alvi MA, Rahman A (1968) Fath Allah Shirazi:
3. ʿAbd ʿAlī Baḥr al-ʿUlūm’s al-ʿUjāla al-nāfiʿa a sixteenth century Indian scientist. National Institute
(a detailed metaphysical compendium) of the Sciences of India, Delhi
4. Faḍl-i Ḥaqq Khayrābādī’s al-Hadiya al- 7. Anṣārī MR (1973) Bāni-yi dars-i niẓāmī. Aligarh
Muslim University Press, Aligarh
saʿīdiyya
8. Bīlgrāmī MGʿA (1910) Maʿāthir al-kirām. Ṣūfī Press,
Agra
To these, Abū Saʿīd Ẓuhūr al-Ḥaqq 9. Ghaffar Khan HA (1996) India. In: Nasr SH (ed)
ʿAẓīmābādī’s (fl. nineteenth century) Taswīlāt History of Islamic philosophy, 1. Routledge, London,
pp 1051–1075
al-falāsifa (as yet unpublished; MS Khudā 10. Habib I (ed) (1992) Medieval India I: researches in the
Bakhsh 2742) can perhaps be added ([18], p. 18, history of India 1200–1750. Oxford University Press,
footnote 43). Delhi
At present, the old traditions of the intellectual 11. Harawī MSh (1980) Anwāriyya: an 11th century A.H.
In: Ziai H (ed) Persian translation and commentary on
sciences are dead; classical Islamic philosophy is
Suhrawardī’s Ḥikmat al-ishrāq. Amīr Kabīr, Tehran
not taught at Indian Muslim universities. Some 12. Jawnpūrī MMF al-Shams al-bāzigha fī al-ḥikma al-
madrasas still teach such texts as Ṣadrā’s com- bāligha. Lithographical edition without place and date.
mentary on Abharī’s Hidāya and Jawnpūrī’s al- http://www.al-mostafa.info/data/arabic/depot3/gap.php?
file=i004022.pdf
Shams; however, this is usually done with little
13. Kaur K (1990) Madrasa education in India: a study of
analytical engagement, as a tribute to tradition, its past and present. Centre for Rural and Industrial
without making any serious effort to rethink the Development, Chandigarh
issues these works deal with ([18], p. 24). 14. Malik J (1997) Islamische Gelehrtenkultur in
Nordindien: Entwicklungsgeschichte und Tendenzen
am Beispiel von Lucknow. Leiden, Brill
15. Qasemi ShH (1999) Fatḥ-Allāh Šīrāzī, Sayyed Mīr. In:
Cross-References Yarshater E (ed) Encyclopaedia Iranica, 9(4):421.
http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/fath-allah-sirazi
16. Qidwāʿī AR (1924) Qiyām-i niẓām-i taʿlīm. Nami
▶ Akbar
Press, Lucknow
▶ Aligarh Muslim University 17. Rizvi SAA (1975) Religious and intellectual history of
▶ Allamah Sir Muhammad Iqbal the Muslims in Akbar’s reign. Munshiram, Delhi
328 Islamic Political Theory

18. Rizvi SH (2011) Mīr Dāmād in India: Islamic philo-

sophical traditions and the problem of creation. J Am Islamization of Knowledge
Orient Soc 131(1):9–24
19. Robinson F (2001) The ʿUlama of Farangi-Mahall and
Islamic culture in South Asia. Permanent Black, Delhi Rafiqul Islam Molla
20. Sufi GMD (1941) Al-Minhāj: being the evolution of International Islamic University Chittagong
curriculum in the Muslim educational institutions in (IIUC), Chittagong, Bangladesh
India. Ashraf, Lahore

Synonyms

Islamic Political Theory Islamic transformation of knowledge; Islamic

recasting of knowledge; Tauhidic remolding of
▶ Politics, Islām knowledge; Restoration of Islamic civilization

Introduction and Definition

Islamic Punishment
The usage and meaning of the term Islamization
▶ Ḥudūd has changed over time. In the past it used to mean
a movement for conversion of the social and
political orders in society to conform with Islamic
orders of life. It was more of a manifestation of
Muslims’ right to establishing Islamic civilization
Islamic Recasting of to live an Islamic way of life. Later, its focus
Knowledge moved to Islamization of knowledge, i.e., Islamic
faith-based intellectualism. It was meant primarily
▶ Islamization of Knowledge
for redressing and recasting the various disci-
plines of knowledge and cultural practices from
an Islamic perspective. Its secondary aspect
entailed the reformation of Islam and Islamic
Islamic Saints practices to conform with its spirit and essence
than simply with its form or rituals. However,
▶ Awliyā’ nowadays its emphasis has shifted from transfor-
mation to reformation. It is now described as
primarily a reform movement for Islamic under-
standing and secondarily as a process for the
transformation of acquired human knowledge to
Islamic Transformation of conform with Islamic tenets. The Islamization of
Knowledge knowledge focuses more on the worldview of
Islam which the Western world terms “political
▶ Islamization of Knowledge
Islam.” It is more concerned with reformation and
transformation of thought and understanding in all
walks of life in conformity with the essence and
norms of Islam. It is also often described as “. . .a
Islamism measure aimed at liberating the Muslim mind
from blind imitation, dogma, and other manifes-
▶ Politics, Islām tations of the crisis of thought.”
Islamization of Knowledge 329

Thus, from its contemporary context, Islami- League (MWL or Rabita al-Alam al-Islami),
zation of knowledge may be defined as: Islamic Development Bank (IDB), World Assem-
bly of Muslim Youths (WAMY), etc. They are the
An intellectual movement of reformation of Islamic pioneers for undertaking the contemporary Islam-
knowledge and practices to conform with the spirit
and essence of pristine Islam, and transformation of
ization of knowledge.
acquired human knowledge, through a process of
filtering, redressing and recasting the contents,
approaches, and goals of the disciplines of knowl- Internal and External Aspects
edge, to conform with Islamic tenets. It is as well an
Islamic activism emphasizing on the understanding
and commitment to the worldview of Islam. Reformation is the internal aspect and transforma-
tion is the external aspect of Islamization. Inter-
nally, it is a reformation of the Islamic
Frontrunners of the Movement understanding to conform to the spirit and essence
of Islam. From a historical perspective, it is an
Since Islam for Muslims is the testimony of the extension and elaboration of the modern reform
truth, they acknowledge that all the Prophets and movement in an attempt to pull out Islam from the
Messengers of God/Allah were, in fact, the pro- medieval morass in which it got entangled and at
moters and reformers for establishing that pristine
I
the same time to avoid the intellectual trap of
truth among their peoples. In that sense Islamiza- either simply taqlī d (blind imitation) or simply
tion of knowledge in its broad sense of living in talfī q (piecing together or grafting). It seeks to
accordance with God/Allah’s wishes for humanity produce modern Islamic sciences, institutions,
has been a function from the dawn of human and social system through a process of combined
civilization [2]. However, in its modern sense, action of moderation and transformation [1, 8].
spirit, and terminology, Islamization of knowl- Islamization works to change the perspective and
edge is a movement of the recent past starting methodology in Islamic analyses: the dominance
with the modernist reformers, largely from the of dogmatism is replaced by pragmatism and
later part of the nineteenth century. This was moti- empiricism; the focus is redirected from knowing
vated by the actions and writings of those mod- to the understanding of Islam, from the form to
ernist reformers notably Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, the essence and eternal-universal values, from
Jamaluddin Afghani, Mohammad Abduh, Amir the texts of the Sharia to their inner meanings
Ali, Mohammad Iqbal, Rashid Rida, Shibli and purposes, and from the perfection of the ideal
Nomani, Mohammad Husayn Haikal, Ubaidullah type to the perfection of the “workable” type
Sindhi, Muhsin al-Mulk, Abul Kalam Azad, more suited to the imperfect real world [5].
Fazlur Rahman, Khalipha Abdul Hakim, and Rather than focusing on the ritualistic view, it
others [8] and similarly the renowned Islamic places greater emphasis on understanding and
scholars (Ulemas) and political leaders and phi- commitment to the worldview of Islam which is
losophers like Hassan al-Banna, Sayyid Qutb, founded on trust and reliance on the absolute
Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, Abul Ala authority of Allah. Islamization is thus meant
Maududi, and others. The movement took the for restoration of life in its Islamic essence.
present institutional form and structure in the This is commonly termed “political Islam” by
hands of the contemporary scholars notably the non-Islamists.
Ja’afar Sheikh Idris and Syed Naquib Al-Attas Externally, it is the transformation of acquired
Ismail Raji Al-Faruqi, Abu Sulaiman, A. Abdul human knowledge and cultural practices to con-
Hamid, and others [7] backed by the institutional form to Islamic values, norms, and worldview. In
support from the organizations like Organization this respect it may, in simple, mean making any
of Islamic Conferences (OIC), International Insti- piece of human knowledge and tradition conform
tute of Islamic Thought (IIIT), Muslim World to the pristine Islamic norms and world view.
330 Islamization of Knowledge

The Nature and Focus of the Task people in the society live in peace, in har-
mony, in brotherhood and trust, and in
In terms of task and focus, Islamization is differ- prosperity. Its theological definition of
ent from Islamic studies or Islamic education that course is complete submission to the will
is targeted at the development of Islamic sciences of Allah.)
as academic disciplines of knowledge. Rather, it is (d) “It is the reaffirmation of the eternal-
concerned more with the reformation and trans- universal message which the prophets and
formation of thought and understanding of all founders of all past religions delivered,”
walks of life in conformity with the essence and according to Azad [3].
norms of Islam. In a way it is more invested in (e) It is an eternal and living religion providing
guidance and less in the details of the Islamic certain ideal trends according to which
sciences. Since Islam is “a way of life,” Islamiza- humanity is to advance perpetually
tion, broadly speaking, is an appeal to understand- establishing and upholding the right and
ing and development of Islamic knowledge and justice and forbidding the wrong (Qur’ān
technology with the inputs taken from life expe- 3: 104), according to Hakim [4].
riences. Hence, it is the Islamization of humanity’s 2. Eternal-Universal Values
worldview and lifestyle. It stands for “knowledge Emanating from this hard core are the eter-
founded on divinity and sound in morality, excels nal-universal values such as goodness and
in wisdom and efficiency” (where, morality refers truth, justice, kindness, equality of humankind
to actions and behaviors in real life), as Sai’du [6] and brother/sisterhood, piety and righteous-
likes to observe: knowledge obtained through ness, freedom of religion and belief, etc., as
divinely ordained revelation is absolute knowl- guidance for establishing God/Allah’s willed
edge (ḥaqq al-yaqīn); it is infallible and hence society on earth.
the most reliable form of knowledge.

Prospects and Challenges Ahead

Founding Pillars of the Movement
There are now established and active programs on
The Islamization of knowledge movement is Islamization of Knowledge in various universities
founded on the sprit and guidance of the following (mostly Islamic universities) and research institu-
model of the truth: tions around the world; notably among them are
the International Islamic University Malaysia,
1. The Hard Core of the Truth: International Islamic University Pakistan, Interna-
(a) Islam is a religion of nature - dī n al-fiṭra; tional Islamic University Chittagong, Bangladesh,
thereby this means everyone is born as Islamic Development Bank, etc. Initially, it was
a Muslim with Islamic nature (Qur’ān a sensitization and awareness building program.
30:30). Now its emphasis is more on action following
(b) It is for the entire mankind and not for a functional/pragmatic approach founded on the
the Muslims alone. The Qur’ān addresses strategy of learning by doing. This is the latest
mankind: Yā ayyuhā an-nās, not Yā development in the movement. The International
ayyuhā al-Muslimūn (Qur’ān 10:57). Islamic University Chittagong in Bangladesh and
(c) It is a mercy and divine guidance for the the Islam and Knowledge Forum in Sokoto, Nige-
benefit of mankind (Qur’ān 10:108; 7:82), ria, are now contemplating to introduce this func-
to live in peace and harmony in a plural tional approach in their Islamization of
world society. (We do remember that one Knowledge programs. As a movement of faith-
meaning of Islam is Peace. Because based intellectualism and activism, this program
Islam’s social definition is a commitment faces a very strong challenge from the elitist sec-
for establishing a world order in which ularist movement from within and outside the
Ismā‘īlīs 331

Muslim world. Despite this challenge, the move- Definition

ment is gaining popularity among the Muslim
youths supporting the ongoing Islamic resurgence The Ismā‘īlīs are a minority Shī‘a Muslim com-
in the world. munity who hold that Ismā‘īl succeeded his father,
Imam Ja‘far al-Ṣādiq. The Nizārī branch follow
Prince Karim Aga Khan as their Imam (spiritual
leader).
Cross-References

▶ Abul Kalam Azad

Historical Overview
▶ Allamah Sir Muhammad Iqbal
▶ Mawdūdī
Officially called the Shī‘a Imāmi Ismā‘īlī Mus-
▶ Zia ul-Haq
lims, referred to as Khojas or Aga Khanis in
India, the Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs are a minority Shī‘a
Muslim community. Resident in twenty-five
References countries globally, including India, the Nizārī
Ismā‘īlīs are a diverse community in terms of
1. AbuSulaiman AA (987) Islamic theory of international I
their ethnicity, culture, and language and are
relations: new directions for Islamic methodology and
thought. Islamization of knowledge series no. 1. Inter-
united by their allegiance to their Imām (spiritual
national Institute of Islamic Thought, Herndon leader), His Highness Prince Karīm Aga Khan
2. Adebayo RI (2012) A survey on the global success of IV. The present Aga Khan is their 49th hereditary
the Islamization of knowledge programme with partic- Imām and a direct descendant of the Prophet
ular reference to Nigeria. Jurnal Al-Tamaddun Bil
7(1):91–105
Muḥammad through ‘Alī (the first Imām and
3. Azad, Quoted in Siddiqi M (1993), p 107 the Prophet’s cousin and son-in-law) and his
4. Hakim, Quoted in Siddiqi M (1993), p 81 wife Fāṭima (the daughter of the Prophet). The
5. Molla RI (2005) Islamization: a project of reform move- Ismā‘īlīs of Indian ancestry were converted pri-
ment under faith-based intellectualism and activism.
Euro-Asian J Appl Sci 2(2), North Cyprus, pp 41–51
marily from the Hindū Lohana caste in the Indian
6. Sa’idu S (2000) Islamization of knowledge: back- subcontinent [3]. Prior to their conversion, they
ground, models and the way forward. IIIT Nigeria were addressed by the Hindū title of ṭhākur (mas-
Office, Kano, p 28 ter). The term Khoja, derived from the Persian
7. Sardar Z (1989) Islamization of knowledge: a state-of-
the-art report. In: Sardar Z (ed) An early crescent: the
khwāja, meaning lord, master, or honorable per-
future of knowledge and the environment in Islam. son, was a replacement for ṭhākur [1]. The Indian
Mansell Publishing, London Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs live in various states throughout
8. Siddiqi M (1993) Modern reformist thought in the Mus- India and cannot be said to be concentrated in
lim world. Adam Publishers and Distributors, Delhi
one area. The majority of Indian Ismā‘īlīs are of
Gujarati ancestry and migrated to other Indian
states in the late nineteenth century due to dete-
riorating conditions in Gujarat.
Ismā‘īlīs Islam comprises of two main sects, the Shī‘a
and the Sunnī, and both affirm that there is only
Sharmina Mawani and Anjoom Mukadam one God and that Muḥammad is the final Messen-
Department of Graduate Studies, The Institute ger of God. This division in the Muslim commu-
of Ismaili Studies, London, UK nity occurred following the death of Prophet
Muḥammad, in response to the question of lead-
ership. Although the nascent Muslim community
Synonyms was in need of a leader, another prophet could not
succeed Muḥammad as he was considered to be
Aga Khanis; Khojas; Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs the seal of the prophets. Abū Bakr, the Prophet’s
332 Ismā‘īlīs

close companion and one of the earliest converts The Fāṭimid caliphate was established by the
to Islam, was selected by a group of Muslim Ismaili Imams in North Africa in 909, marking the
notables to lead the community, thus establishing end of the dawr al-satr. In 973 the caliphate’s
the institution of the caliphate in Islam. At the headquarters moved to Cairo, and in 1094,
same time, there was a small group of Muslims following the death of the eighteenth caliph-
(later known as the Shī‘a) who held that the Imām, al-Mustanṣir I, there was a schism amongst
Prophet had designated his cousin and son-in- the Ismā‘īlīs. This resulted in the formation of
law, ‘Alī, as his successor and the Imām, shortly those that accepted his elder son, Nizār, as the
before his death [2, 3]. succeeding Imām, known as the Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs,
For the Sunnīs, the primary role of a caliph was and those who accepted his younger son,
political; he commanded the armies, protected the Must‘ali, known as the Musta‘lian Ismā‘īlīs. The
religion, and provided guidance on adhering to the Fātimid caliphate continued under the leadership
Qur’ān and the examples of the Prophet. His role of the Must‘ali Ismā‘īlī Imāms. In India the
was not religious and, therefore, he did not have Musta‘lian Ismā‘īlīs, popularly known as Bohras,
supreme authority to interpret revelation. In the are primarily found in Gujarat and Mumbai.
Shī‘a tradition, the doctrine of Imāma states that In around 1095, the Nizārī Ismā‘īlī Imāms
the institution of Imāmat is bestowed on the were forced to conceal their identity for nearly
descendants of ‘Alī and Fāṭima, the Prophet’s 70 years. In 1162 the twenty-third Imām, Ḥasan
daughter, through naṣṣ (divine designation). The II, openly manifested himself as the Imām and
Imām’s role is to guide his followers in temporal resumed his position as head of state and commu-
and spiritual matters, to preserve the message of nity. Ḥasan II and his successors ruled at the
the Qur’ān and ensure it is interpreted according fortress of Alamūt in the Persian Alborz Moun-
to the changing times [6]. tains until the Mongols invaded in 1256. In the
The first major schism in Shī‘a Islam took late Alamūt period, the Nizārī Ismā‘īlī leadership
place after the death of Imam Ja‘far al-Ṣādiq made extensive efforts to introduce the da‘wa
(d.765). A small minority, the Ismā‘īlīs, accepted activities into the Indian subcontinent.
his elder son, Ismā‘īl, as his successor, while the For at least two centuries after the fall of
majority, the Ithnā‘asharīyya (Twelvers), accepted Alamūt, the Nizārī Imāms lived covertly in pre-
his younger son, Mūsā al-Kāẓim, as the next dominantly Sunnī Persia and were inaccessible to
Imām. The largest Shī‘a group, the their followers. The Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs who survived
Ithnā‘asharīyya, are designated as such because the Mongol invasion escaped to already existing
of their belief that in the ninth century their twelfth Nizārī Ismā‘īlī communities in Afghanistan, Cen-
Imām went into ghayba (occultation) and his tral Asia, and Sind, where these communities
reappearance is still being awaited. Although the were being guided by local dā‘īs (missionaries),
majority of sources indicate that Ismā‘īl died pī rs (preacher-saints), or shaykhs, who claimed
before his father, the Ismā‘īlīs hold that Ismā‘īl’s access to the Nizārī Imams in Persia. In order to
death was publicly announced as a strategic move escape persecution, Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs adopted the
to safeguard him from ‘Abbāsid (the dynasty in practice of taqiyya, often disguising themselves as
Islam) persecution. Shortly after Mūsā al-Kāẓim Ṣūfīs (Muslim mystics), Twelver Shī‘īs, Sunnīs,
was recognized as the Imām by a majority of the or Hindūs, depending on the environment around
Shī‘a community, the Ismā‘īlī Imāms initiated the them.
dawr al-satr (period of concealment) by observ- After the fall of Alamūt, Ṣūfī teachings, termi-
ing the practice of taqiyya (dissimulation and nology, and ideas permeated into Persian Nizārī
secrecy) to avoid ‘Abbāsid persecution. During Ismā‘īlīsm. At the same time, the Ṣūfīs began to
this time the Ismā‘īlī da‘wa (missionary) move- use Nizārī Ismā‘īlī doctrines. Due to this synthe-
ment flourished in Iraq, Persia, eastern Arabia, sis, the Persian Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs began to adopt
and Sind. In 883 the da‘wa movement was initi- external Ṣūfī ways of life. Still concealing their
ated in the Indian subcontinent. true identity, the Nizārī Ismā‘īlī Imāms took on the
Ismā‘īlīs 333

guise of Ṣūfī pī rs, which was reflected in their The great grandson of Shams, Ṣadr al-Dīn, is said
attire and in the names they adopted; in addition, to be the next major Pīr. Having lived during the
their followers adopted the title of murīds (disci- latter part of the fourteenth and early fifteenth
ples) [2, 3]. century, he is attributed with composing the larg-
est number of gināns. His missionary work
reached Sind, Punjāb, Kutch, and Ḳāƭhiāwād,
The Pīrs in India though Učh remained his headquarters. Tradition
asserts that it was Ṣadr al-Dīn who bestowed the
During the thirteenth century, mysticism thrived Ismā‘īlīs in India with the title of Khoja and
from Anatolia and Egypt to Delhi, and Persian established the first jamā‘at-khāna (place of wor-
literature flourished in India as much as in Persia. ship) in Kotdi, Sindh. Today, there are approxi-
It was at this time that the spirit of Ṣūfīsm mately 337 jamā‘at-khānas in India. In addition,
reached the Indian subcontinent, where numer- the creation of the Khōjkī script, used exclusively
ous Ṣūfī schools developed. At the same time, by the Ismā‘īlīs, until the late 1960s, to record
the Indian subcontinent, more specifically North- religious literature, is also attributed to him.
ern India, also saw the rise of the Bhakti tradi- Khōjkī is no longer a living script. Ṣadr al-Dīn is
tion. Ismā‘īlī tradition holds that the Ismā‘īlī said to have died anytime between the late four-
I
Imāms sent Pī rs from Persia to the Indian sub- teenth and early fifteenth century. His shrine can
continent in the first half of the thirteenth century be found near Učh. Ṣadr al-Dīn’s son, Ḥasan
to initiate the da‘wa. al-Kabīr al-Dīn, succeeded him and continued to
The Pī rs adopted widespread doctrines and house his headquarters at Učh. Born in the fif-
local Indian languages, which they infused with teenth century in Učh he was the first Pī r to be
Sanskrit, Arabic, and Persian terminology to com- born in India. Ḥasan al-Kabīr al-Dīn died in the
pose the gināns (devotional songs), which were latter part of the fifteenth century. His tomb lies
transmitted orally. It may have been around the outside Učh and is known locally as Ḥasan Daryā
sixteenth century, the date of the earliest known [4, 5].
manuscript, when the gināns were first recorded
in written form [5]. Today the gināns are an inte-
gral part of the congregational worship of the Imams in India
Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs of South Asian ancestry in India,
as well as in other parts of the world where they The first of the Nizārī Ismā‘īlī Imāms to migrate
have settled [7]. from Persia to the Indian subcontinent in 1842
The earliest Pīr to have arrived in India, based was Ḥasan ‘Alī Shāh, the forty-sixth Ismā‘īlī
on Ismā‘īlī tradition, was Satgūr Nur. His primary Imām, who was conferred the honorific title of
area of activity was in Patan, Gujarat, and he is Aga Khan (“lord”) by the Qajar emperor Fatḥ
said to have lived sometime between the late ‘Alī Shāh. In time, he set up residences in Mum-
eleventh and early twelfth centuries. He is famed bai, Pune, and Bangalore. He was succeeded by
for having converted the king of Gujarat, his son, Aga ‘Alī Shāh (Aga Khan II), who had
Siddharāja Jayasinha along with all the residents a short Imāmat of 4 years. During this time, he
of Patan, which was renamed Pīrna Patan (the used his position as the Imām and as the president
Pī r’s city). Satgūr Nur’s tomb can be found in of the Muḥammadan National Association to pro-
Nawsarī near Sūrat. Shams, the second major Pī r mote quality education and social welfare for all
in India, was primarily active in Učh and Multān. Indian Muslims. He was also appointed to the
His dates vary from the early twelfth century to Bombay Legislative Council [2]. In 1885, Aga
the fourteenth century. Shams portrayed himself Khan II’s son, Sulṭān Muḥammad Shāh al-Ḥusaynī
to be a Hindū yogī or wandering darvī sh, (Aga Khan III), succeeded him and continued to
a strategy he adopted to integrate into the local introduce reforms for the betterment of the Nizārī
milieu. Shams’ mausoleum is located in Multān. Ismā‘īlīs. During his frequent visits to Europe, he
334 Ismā‘īl, Gulāmalī (1864–1943)

created close ties with British royalty and other 3. Daftary F (2007) The Ismailis, their history and doc-
government officials. Due to his continuous sup- trine. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK
4. Esmail A (2002) A scent of sandalwood: Indo-Ismailis
port of the British Aga Khan I was rendered with religious lyrics (ginans), vol 1. Curzon, Surrey
the hereditary title of His Highness. Aga Khan III 5. Nanji A (1978) The Nizari Ismaili tradition in the
took an active role in Indian politics and partici- Indo-Pakistan subcontinent. Caravan, New York
pated in the movement that eventually led to 6. Madelung W. (1997) The Succession to Muhammad: A
Study of the Early Caliphate. Cambridge University
Indian independence. He was also wholly devoted Press, Cambridge
to the modernization of the Ismā‘īlī community 7. Shackle C, Zawahir M (1992) Ismaili hymns from
and ensured that schools and hospitals of a high South Asia: an introduction to the ginans. School of
quality were established and made available to all, Oriental and African Studies, University of London,
London
regardless of ethnicity, gender, or religion [2, 3].
Aga Khan III’s grandson, Prince Karīm Aga Khan
IV, who is the present Imām of the Ismā‘īlīs,
succeeded him in July 1957 [3]. Carrying on the
efforts of his grandfather, Aga Khan IV founded Ismā‘īl, Gulāmalī (1864–1943)
the Aga Khan Foundation (AKF) in 1967 to con-
tinue improving the socioeconomic conditions of Iqbal S. Akhtar
his followers, as well as those in the developing Department of Religious Studies and Department
world, by ensuring equal access to primary edu- of Politics and International Relations, Florida
cation and health care. As the work of AKF International University, Miami, FL, USA
expanded into three main areas, namely,
economic development, social development, and
culture, the Aga Khan Development Network Synonyms
(AKDN) was established. AKDN is a system of
numerous development agencies that operate Ghulam Ali Ismail; Ghulamali Ismail; Gulamali
mainly in Asia and Africa. In July 2017, Aga Ismail; Haji Naji; Hājī Nājī
Khan IV celebrated his Diamond Jubilee, marking
60 years of his role as the Imām of the Ismā‘īlī
community.
Definition

Gulāmalī Ismā‘īl of Bhavnagar (1864–1943) was

Cross-References a prolific Khōjā writer and established the Khōjā
Ithnā ʿAsharī Electric Printing Press as well as
▶ Aga Khan publisher of the first fully transliterated Qur’ān
▶ Jamā‘at-Khānā into Gujarati.
▶ Khojas

Introduction
References
Gulāmalī Ismā‘īl (known among the Khōjā by
1. Asani AS (2002) Ecstasy and enlightenment: the the moniker “Hājī Nājī”) was of the Khōjā caste
Ismā‘īlī devotional literature of South Asia. I.B. Tauris, born in Bombay on 28 Ṣafar 1281/25 August
London
1864 and died on 8 Dhū l-Ḥijja 1362/6 December
2. Daftary F (1998) A short history of the Ismailis: tradi-
tions of a Muslim community. Edinburgh University 1943. His family, originally of Bhāvanagar,
Press, Edinburgh moved to that cosmopolitan entrepôt as
Ismā‘īl, Gulāmalī (1864–1943) 335

merchants [1]. During this period, the Khōjā, in Gujarati (Fig. 1). With the success of the peri-
a Muslim mercantile caste with its diverse ori- odical and publication of books for the Khōjā,
gins lying in the expanse between Sindh and Ismā‘īl decided to embark upon a systematic
Gujarat, were undergoing a fundamental trans- translation and transliteration of classical Islamic
formation of religious identity from their original texts into the Gujarati vernacular to facilitate
Khōjā religion (khōjāpanth – a mélange of Hindu access for the laity. As logic would dictate, the
and Islamic traditions) to normative creedal Qur’ān would be his first major project that he
forms of Islam. In the mid-late nineteenth cen- pursued in Amadāvād. For a population not famil-
tury, the Khōjā caste began to fracture on the iar with the Arabic script, Ismā‘īl developed
question of religious authority into three commu- a systematic Qur’ānic Arabic transliteration
nities: the Sunni, Ithnā ʿAsharī, and Āgākhānī scheme, which had hitherto not been developed
(Ismāʿīlī). It was into this milieu that Ismā‘īl for the Gujarati script. This intellectual act broke
would decisively endorse the Ithnā ʿAsharī the medieval prohibition among the Muslims of
creed among the Khōjā by publishing more than Gujarat on transliterating the Qur’ān into a “non-
400 religious texts elaborating this tradition Islamic” Indic vernacular.
throughout his career. He pioneered the printing As word spread in Amadāvād ahead of publi-
of Gujarati translations of Persian and Arabic cation of the first Qur’ān in Gujarati character,
I
texts through a unique transliteration system he Kura'ānē Śarī ph, and the first volume of his Guja-
developed, which had a profound impact on set- rati commentary of the Qur’ān, Anvārūl Bayān
tled Khōjā communities throughout the Indian Phī Taphsī ril Kura'ān [4], Muslim in opposition
Ocean littoral. to his work in the city rose to the point where he
was forced to flee to Khambhat, some 80 km to the
south [5]. To abate any further opposition upon his
Ithnā ʿAsharī Khōjā Printing Press return to Amadāvād, Ismā‘īl obtained Islamic
legal rulings (phatvō) from two prominent near
As a young man during the late 1870s, Ismā‘īl Eastern Shia clerics of the time – Ismāʿīl Mūsawī
studied in the seminary of Mullā Kādir Husain in b. Ṣadr al-Dīn ʿĀmilī (d. 1338 A.H./1919 C.E.),
the Māṇḍavī quarter of Bombay [2]. Husain, orig- a student and representative of the famed Ḥājī
inally of Madras, had been dispatched back to Mīrzā Ḥāsan-i Shīrāzī (d. 1312 A.H./1895 C.E.),
India from Najaf in 1872 by Ayatollah Zayn al- and Muḥammad Ḥusayn b. Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn.
ʿĀbidīn Māzandarānī to propagate the Ithnā By the mid-twentieth century, his Gujarati trans-
ʿAsharī faith (tablī g) in his homeland. In 1883, literation scheme for classical Arabic and Persian
Ismā‘īl embarked on pilgrimage with his family to has become the standard scheme for all Khōjā
Iraq and Iran. While in Iraq, he met Grand Aya- texts until the present day, even employed by the
tollah Āqā Shaykh Muḥammad Ḥusayn who Āgākhānī Khōjā in transmission of their sacred
encouraged Ismā‘īl to propagate the faith through prayer (du‘ā’).
education and publishing. After the pilgrimage, he
returned to Gujarat to propagate the faith through
advocating literacy, particularly for women, and Legacy
publishing for the Khōjā communities of Kacch
and Kathiawar [3]. Just as Ismā‘īl’s transliteration scheme changed
Subsequent to having established the Ithnā the nature of Khōjā Gujarati, it was his publica-
ʿAsharī Printing Press in Bhāvanagar, he tion of the Dō'ā'ōnō Majmū'ō (vade-mecum)
published the first issue of his monthly periodical [henceforth Majmū'ō] in the early twentieth cen-
Rāhēnajāt on 1 Dhū l-Qaʿda 1310/17 May tury that allowed a transition from popular Khōjā
1893 – the oldest extant Ithnā ʿAsharī periodical religion to Twelver Shia orthodoxy in Eastern,
336 Ismā‘īl, Gulāmalī (1864–1943)

Ismā‘īl, Gulāmalī
(1864–1943),
Fig. 1 Cover of the first
edition of Rāhē Najāt
published on 1 Dhū l-Qaʿda
1310 A.H (c. 17 May 1893
C.E.)

Central, and Southern Africa. It was through this orthodox Islamic ritual and identity, the text
portable all-encompassing manual of Khōjā Shi- also preserved popular Khōjā religious practices
ism, the Majmū'ō, that female literacy was in Islamized form, such as divination rituals.
expanded and that the African Khōjā were intro- Ismā‘īl’s publications and the institutions he
duced to Arabic Shi’i Islamic texts, such as Duʿāʾ developed indigenized and democratized access
Kumayl. In addition to promoting the shift to to religious knowledge among the Asian and
Ismā‘īl, Gulāmalī (1864–1943) 337

Ismā‘īl, Gulāmalī (1864–1943), Fig. 2 Photo of Gulāmalī Ismā‘īl taken in Bhavnagar on 11 Dhū l-Qaʿda 1353 A.H
(c. 15 February 1935 C.E.)

African Khōjā through a Gujarati Ithnā ʿAsharī Cross-References

identity by resisting the need for an exclusive
religious hierarchy through the vernacular press ▶ Aga Khan
(Fig. 2). ▶ Khoja
338 Ismaili Muslims

▶ Missionaries, Islam
▶ Nizari Ismailis Israelite Origins of Pathan/
▶ Pir Hasan Kabirdin Pashtun Tribes
▶ Pir Sadruddin
▶ Satpanth Navras Jaat Aafreedi
▶ Taqiyya Department of History and Civilization, School of
Humanities and Social Sciences, Gautam Buddha
University, Greater Noida, UP, India
References

1. Jalālī (Dhandhukā), Alīph Lām (2011) Hakīmul Millat: Synonyms

Hājī Nājī (a.ra.). Hājī Nājī Mēmōrīyal Ṭrasṭ, Bhāvanagar
2. Sahib MQH (1972) Memoirs of Mulla Qadir Husain
Sahib. Peermahomed Ebrahim Trust, Karachi Afghan claimants of Israelite descent; Traditions
3. Jaffer HAM (2012) The Endangered Species: An of Israelite descent among the Afghans
Account of the Journey of Faith by the Khoja Shia
Ithna-Asheri Community. Mulla Asghar Memorial
Library & Islamic Resource Centre, Toronto
4. Ismā‘īl, Gulāmalī (1901–1903) Anvārūl Bayān Phī Definition
Taphsīril Kura'ān. Isnā'aśarī Ilēkṭrīk Prīnṭīng Prēs,
Amadāvād Tradition of descent from the lost tribes of Israel
5. Sachedina, Abdulaziz. A Tribute to Haji Naji.
among the Pashtuns/Pakhtuns/Pathans and their
Rahenajat, Karachi.
response to the academic efforts to study the tra-
dition and the efforts of Jewish organizations to
reach out to them.

Ismaili Muslims
Introduction
▶ Karim Al-Husseini, Shah, Aga Khan IV
Traditions of Israelite descent among certain tri-
bes of the Pathans or Pashtuns or Pakhtuns make
a section of their population one of the four such
Muslim groups in South Asia that have traced
Ismat Chughtaai their descent from the ten lost tribes of Israel.
However, a rapid erosion of the tradition seems
▶ Chuġtāʾī, ʿIṣmat to be taking place as reflected in the ignorance of it
in the new generation of Pathans, particularly in
their diaspora. Although the Pathan tradition of
Israelite descent finds mention in a number of
texts, written by Jewish, Christian, and Muslim
Ismat Chughtai scholars alike, from the tenth century to the pre-
sent day, they often tend to look at any academic
▶ Chuġtāʾī, ʿIṣmat effort to confirm the historicity of the tradition
with suspicion as a Zionist conspiracy aimed at
depriving Islam of some of its bravest and most
courageous followers, as they see themselves, by
convincing them of their Israelite origins and then
Ismat Chughtay persuading them to migrate to Israel. An M.A.
candidate at Ariel University in Israel, Eyal
▶ Chuġtāʾī, ʿIṣmat Beeri, who has been researching the Pathan
Israelite Origins of Pathan/Pashtun Tribes 339

tradition of Israelite descent, reveals how during doubt. According to the narrative of Judaism,
his field trips among the Pathans in India he was Christianity, and Islam – the 12 tribes of Israel
repeatedly asked as to the Jews’ whereabouts sprang from the Prophet Jacob’s 12 sons, who
throughout the generations and that how is it that were later split into two kingdoms, Israel and
he is the first Jew to have come to them with an Judea, in the ancient land of Canaan (location of
interest in their identity and customs. the modern Jewish State of Israel). Modern Jews
are believed to have descended from the two
southern tribes that lived in Judea and not from
The Religious Jewish Response to the the ten northern tribes that lived in Israel, who
Tradition of Israelite Descent Among the were exiled by the Assyrians and went into obliv-
Pathans ion, known today as the lost tribes of Israel.
Hence, those of the Pathans’ older generation
The academic studies of their Israelite origins are emphasize that even if there is any connection,
certainly not driven by any Zionist agenda, but they should be called Israelite and not Jewish.
there is no denying that there are religious Jews
who take their traditions of Israelite origin very
seriously and accept the Biblical narrative as The Geographical Location of the
I
unquestionable history. They perceive themselves Pathans
as part of a larger group of Israelites, which also
includes people who according to them have Pathan is an umbrella term for the 60 warlike
descended from the lost tribes of Israel, like the tribes, subdivided into 400 clans, whose territory
Pathans. Unlike the B’nei Menashe and the B’nei stretches from eastern Afghanistan to the Feder-
Ephraim in India, the Pathans have no desire to ally Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan. The
migrate to Israel. However, driven by the Greater Pathan country got divided during the Second
Israel movement that emerged with Israel’s vic- Anglo-Afghan War (1878–1880) when the British
tory in the 1967 war, several Jewish organizations, annexed half of it to their Indian Empire. The
like Amishav, Kulanu, and Shavei Israel, are keen Pathan territory annexed by the British eventually
on penetrating into their world and persuading became part of Pakistan by default because of its
them to migrate to Israel. geographical location after India was partitioned
in 1947. Pathans also have a territorially wide-
spread and numerically large diaspora in Pakistan
The Difference Between Israelite and and India. Pathans, Pashtuns, Pakhtuns, and
Jewish Afghans are names which are often used inter-
changeably, though each has its own meaning.
Already antagonistic as the Pathans are towards While the northern highlanders are called
the Zionists and Israel and also generally pre- Pakhtuns, the southern highlanders are known as
judiced against Jews, the interchangeable use of Pashtuns. The appellation Pathan is the Indian
the words Israelite and Jewish in reference to their variant of Pakhtanah, the plural of Pakhtun.
origins in the press offends them. Those among Except for a few tribes, like the Turis of Karram,
them who are aware of the tradition of Israelite some Orakzais of Tira, and certain Bangash clans,
descent insist on making a clear distinction who are of Shia persuasion, the overwhelming
between Israelite and Jewish and take offense at majority of Pathans is Sunni.
being connected to Jews, a term which has come
to attain a pejorative connotation for them due to
the lingering Arab-Israel conflict and the increas- The Population of Pathans
ingly literal interpretations of the polemics in the
Qur’an. They also fear that being connected to No reliable estimates of the Pashtun population
Jews might put their allegiance to Islam in are available later than that of 1986, when it was
340 Israelite Origins of Pathan/Pashtun Tribes

estimated to be ten million each in Afghanistan affect Jews, Arabs and Iranians and are thought to
and Pakistan [12]. The Pathan diaspora popula- be at least 1,300 years old. All of these findings
strongly point towards a common Jewish ancestry
tion is estimated to be around 376,000, of which with eastward migration of Jewish tribes into Iran,
13,000 are resident in India. The Pathan settle- Iraq and Afghanistan, centuries ago. Thus, evidence
ments in India were founded between 1206 C.E. from genetic diseases does indeed lend support to
and 1818 C.E. when the Pathans were employed the lost tribes theory and strongly supports
a common ancestry of Jews in some Indian and
by the Sultans of Delhi and the Mughal emperors Pashtun populations [6].
and in the later Mughal Age by the smaller king-
doms and principalities. There are many tribes of She further writes:
Turkish origin among the Pashtuns. These tribes
have never had any traditions of Israelite decent, Interestingly, retinoblastoma, which is a hereditary
but the non-Turkish tribes among them, which do cancer of the eye, has been found to be genetically
different when ethnic Pashtuns were compared to
have this tradition, always caught the attention of the general Pakistani population. This suggests that
explorers, travelers, and scholars. Their territories Pashtuns are genetically different from the indige-
were referred to as the locations of the lost tribes nous Pakistani population [6].
of Israel by such rabbis as Saadia Gaon of the
tenth century and Moses Ibn Ezra of the eleventh
century who based their interpretations on 2 Kings The Tenacity of Pathans
17:6 [1].
Hebrew University anthropologist and curator of
a 1991 exhibition at Tel Aviv’s Diaspora Museum
Genetic Studies titled “The Myth of the Ten Lost Tribes,” Shalva
Weil writes, “Many Afghan and Western scholars,
During the last decade, there have been attempts who have investigated the subject from historical,
to confirm their Israelite descent through genetic anthropological and philological points of view,
studies. DNA samples of the Afridi Pathans of are convinced that the Pathans are of Israelite
Malihabad in Lucknow, India, have been col- origin. Indeed they appear to be the best candi-
lected twice and analyzed at laboratories at the dates among the diverse groups claiming Lost
University College London and Technion – Israel Tribe status. The location is right (2 Kings 17:6),
Institute of Technology, but the results obtained and the Pathans have shown exceptional tenacity
were neutral and did not connect them to any in adhering to their story through the centuries”
group other than the general family of mankind. [29]. She adds, “Even the Pathan students in exile
It could be so because the Afridi Pathans in at the University of New Delhi, the most violently
Malihabad have lost their tribal purity because of anti-Zionist group that I had ever met, reluctantly
intertribal marriages with the Ghilzai Pathans, agreed that they were Bani Israel. ‘But this has
locally known as Qandharis, who are of Turkish nothing to do with the modern state of Israel,’ they
origin. But the analysis of the DNA samples of the hastened to inform me when I interviewed them in
Pathans in their homeland in Afghanistan and the nineties” [29].
Pakistan might be a better idea considering what It is this very tenacity with which the Pathans
the medical doctor Amtul Razzaq Carmichael have clung to their tradition of Israelite origin for
points out: centuries that Weil talks about, which itself is
The genetic abnormalities that lead to a group of
cited as evidence of the Israelite connection of
genetic diseases affecting the muscles of the body Pathans by the lost tribes enthusiast and the sec-
called inclusion body myopathies are located on ond president of Israel, Yitzhak Ben-Zvi: “The
chromosome 9 in both Afghani and Iraqi Jewish fact that this tradition and no other, has persisted
patients, while non-Jewish patients have a different
genetic abnormality associated with this disease.
among these tribes is itself a weighty consider-
The genetic abnormalities causing this disease ation” [5]. He records in his book The Exiled and
Israelite Origins of Pathan/Pashtun Tribes 341

the Redeemed (1957) testimonies provided by Israelite origin, as Wolf remarked, “We have no
Afghan Jewish immigrants to Israel about Pathan evolutionary, fragmentary, political, or theologi-
practices that are Jewish in nature, viz., the lighting cal theory to prove or disprove. We do not believe
of candles on the Jewish Sabbath, keeping of long one can make history by adding assumption to
sidelocks, wearing of shawls resembling the Jewish assumption and concluding with now we see
prayer shawl tallith, circumcision on the eighth day clearly. . .” [31].
after birth, and Levirate practices [5]. However, the
majority of the scholars are not convinced. They
either doubt that the lost tribes ever existed or Medieval Persian References
believe that they got assimilated in the Assyrian
population back in the seventh century B.C.E [17, The Pathan tradition of descent from a contempo-
18]. But the focus of the scholarly consensus is on rary of Muhammad, Kais/Qais, or Kish, believed
the lack of evidence rather than on the alleged to be thirty-seventh in descent from the Biblical
assimilation in the seventh century [15, 18]. character Saul or Talut, is documented in
a number of Persian (Farsi) texts dating from the
thirteenth to the eighteenth century. These include
Lack of Judaization Hayat-i-Afghani of Muhammad Hayat Khan;
I
Khulasat-ul-Ansab of Hafiz Rahmat; Majma-ul-
Despite the tradition of Israelite descent among Ansab of Hamidullah Mustawfi; Mirat-al-Afghani
the Pathans being centuries old, no Judaizing of Qutb Khan; and Sarmast Khan Abdali, Hamza
movement ever emerged among them. This is Khan, Umar Khan Kakarr, and Zarif Khan, the
unlike the non-Muslim claimants of Israelite five historians commissioned by Khwaja
descent in South Asia, such as the B’nei Menashe Ni’matullah, courtier of the Mughal emperor of
and the B’nei Ephraim, among whom the tradition India Jahangir, to investigate the origins of
of Israelite descent is understood to be fairly Pathans in 1621 C.E., Mirat-ul-Alam of
recent. The development of Judaizing movements Bukhtawar Khan, Rauza ul-Bab Twarikh ul
among the abovementioned Christian groups is Akbar-wal-Ansab of Abu Sulayman Daud (1310
seen by anthropologists and historians like Parfitt C.E.), Tarikh-i-Guzeedah of Hamidullah Mustawfi
[18, 19], Weil [30], Samra [24–27], and Egorova (AH 730/1326 C.E.), Tadhkirat al-Awliya of
[9] as by-products of Christianity. The tradition of Sulayman Maku (13th c.), and Tadhkirat al-Abrar
Israelite origins among the Pathans cannot, of of Akhund Darwiza (1611 C.E.) [1].
course, be seen as a by-product of Christianity, Although the highland Pathan tribes of Afridi,
as in the case of the B’nei Menashe and B’nei Khattak, Orakzai, Bangash, Wazir, Mahsud, Turi,
Ephraim, nor can it be attributed to any Jewish Jaji, Dilazak, Khostwal, Jadran, Usman Khel,
influence, for they have always resided in areas Wardak, and Mangal do not claim descent from
where there has hardly ever been any substantial Qais, unlike the Pathan/Afghan tribes of the plains
Christian missionary activity or Jewish presence. and plateaus, they have the tradition of Israelite
According to Caroe [7], the tradition of descent descent and call themselves Bani Israil (Arabic,
from the lost tribes of Israel among the Pathans Farsi, Pashto, and Urdu for the Hebrew B’nei
emanates from their desire to distance themselves Yisrael). They are presented in genealogical leg-
from their pre-Islamic polytheistic past, as it helps end as descended from a founding common
them trace their genealogy from the patriarchs of ancestor named Karlanri or Karlan, who had two
monotheism, accepted by Jews, Christians, and sons – Koday and Kakay. The northerners who
Muslims alike. But if it is so, why did not the speak the hard variety of Pakhto are the descen-
other Muslim communities of India do the same? dants of Koday, and the southerners who speak the
The fact is that it is very difficult to say anything soft variety of Pashto are the descendants of
conclusive with regard to their tradition of Kakay. Karlan or Karlanri is believed to have
342 Israelite Origins of Pathan/Pashtun Tribes

been adopted by a grandson of Sarbanr, one of the those who are resident far away from their native
three sons of Qais or Kais. places, in the Pathan diaspora of India, are
The Mughal courtier and historian largely ignorant of them. Perhaps, when the
Neamatullah writes in his Makhzan-i-Afghani Pathans settled in India, they did not mention
(1612 C.E.): the traditions of their Israelite origin, as they
probably feared losing favor with the non-Pathan
. . .Khaled sent a letter to the Afghans who had been Muslim rulers of India at that time, aware as they
settled in the mountainous countries about Ghor
ever since the time of the expulsion of the Israelites
were of their antagonism towards Jews. As
by Bokhtnasser, and informed them of the appear- a result, the word was not passed on to the next
ance of the last of the Prophets. On this letter generations, and subsequently they were largely
reaching them, several of their chiefs departed left ignorant of the traditions of their Israelite
from Medina; the mightiest of whom, and of the
Afghan people, was Kais, whose pedigree ascends
descent. Also, they might have lost the tradition
in a series of thirty-seven degrees to Talut, forty-five of Israelite origin as they did the rest of their
to Ibrahim. . .. [16]. tribal traditions and customs in the process of
their urbanization.

Western Scholarship
Rabbi Eliyahu Avichail
More than the secular scholars, it is the religious
scholars of both Jews and Christians who have
As regards the supposed Israelite descent of the
shown interest in the supposed Israelite descent of
Pathans and others, Rabbi Avichail, described as
Pathans. By 1926, the Israelite origin of the
“the leading ten-tribe traveler today,” whose
Pathans came to be so widely acknowledged that
“work has had concrete, practical consequences”
it drove the activist for Ethiopian Jews, Jacques
[8], says:
Faitlovitch, to try to persuade the American Pro-
Falasha Committee to send a mission to Afghan- In most recent years, we have come to believe that
istan to explore the Israelite presence there. the giyyur (conversion) is the main process, and not
Although the Pro-Falasha did not, years later the the question of determining whether the group has
Israeli organization Amishav did. It sent out an some prior Jewish identity. Since we think the ques-
tion of “motivation” is the central one, we may well
exploratory team to Afghanistan in 1975 and to decide to help a group even if we are not persuaded
Pakistan in 1983 on British passports [2]. The scientifically that it has some prior Jewish connec-
team returned convinced of the Israelite origin of tion. With all these groups, it is almost impossible to
Pathans on the basis of alleged similarities make clear definite, non-ambiguous claims about
their Jewish connection [10].
between their customs and the Israelite customs
described in the Bible, similarly to the Christian
Avichail draws motivation from the long-
missionaries and European adventurers who had
standing belief that the ingathering of the lost
preceded them, viz., M.W. Bellew, J. P. Ferrier,
tribes will bring about the dawn of the messianic
A. K. Johnson, Sir William Jones, Captain Riley,
era. He says:
John Chamberlain, Sir Alexander Burnes, Wil-
liam Carey, John Marshman, J. Samuel, and One important thing that I have learned through the
Theodore Pennell [18]. years is that this question of the Ten Tribes is not
a question of the coming of the Messiah. But it is we
who have the important determining role in what
happens, throughout the process of the
Ignorance of the Tradition of Israelite Redemption. . .I thought that this is our task, to
Origin in the Pathan Diaspora bring small groups (not the whole people) and to
prepare them to be teachers, then send them back to
their people. What is important is that the giyyur, the
Although traditions of Israelite descent have conversion process, be authentic, that they will be
existed among the Pathans for centuries, yet good Jews [10].
Israelite Origins of Pathan/Pashtun Tribes 343

Pathan Interest in Researching Their fodder in their fight with the Arabs. The anti-
Tradition of Israelite Descent Israel Muslim press of India shapes the way Mus-
lims think and is clearly reflected when the 92-
Recent attempts at investigating the authenticity year-old Afridi Pathan of Malihabad, Qavi Kamāl
of these traditions through DNA analysis have Khān, says that he does not want to live to hear
stimulated the interest of some young Pathans in that he is descended from a Jew. “It hurts me when
their putative Israelite roots, which is testified by I think that my forefathers were from Israel” [4].
the many letters the present author has received
from Pathans curious about the results of the anal-
ysis of the DNA samples of the Afridi Pathans of Religious Jewish Response
Malihabad at the University College London and
Technion – Israel Institute of Technology. A New York-born writer, based in Israel, Reuven
One Samir Khan, an Afridi Pathan of Kossover, who writes with the pseudonym “Ruvy
Qa’imganj (District Farrukhabad, Uttar Pradesh, in Jerusalem,” expresses the viewpoint of the sec-
India) wrote: tion of religious Jewry that takes great interest in
the abovementioned claimants of Israelite
I heard from our elders in my childhood that we are
Bani-Israel. This actually enhanced my curiosity,
descent, particularly the Pathans, on a South I
though I am a proud “Pathan” and a follower in Asian website:
Islam and I have no intentions to convert but yes
I would like to explore about my forefathers and For over two millennia, Jews have more or less
would love to visit these places [23]. considered themselves the only remaining Children
of Israel, figuring that the other tribes had been lost
to history. We have taken a term from the Bible
Another Pathan, this time a Yusufzai from shearit – remnant – and applied it to ourselves.
Karachi, Pakistan, 25-year-old Qazi Fazli- Thus, you see the names of many synagogues in
Azeem, founder-member of the cyber group the Western world – Shearit Israel, Remnant of
www.PakistanIsraelpeace.org, devoted to the Israel. Apparently, this may be a misperception. In
addition to all the forced converts who are now
task of getting diplomatic relations established coming back to the faith, like the descendants of
between Israel and Pakistan, and the website the Spanish and Portuguese “Anusim”, we Jews
administrator of www.moderates.com.pk offered now have to come to grips with the fact that we
help to the present researcher “in writing any are only a small portion of a larger people.
According to Rabbi Dr. Yehuda Bohrer, one group
academic material, articles, contacting govern- of Israelites from the general area of Bokhara claim
ment or NGO/Think Tank bodies” [20] and also to be descended from the tribe of Reuven. They
proposed to set up a common forum for Pathans never lost their laws or traditions and have retained
from Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India for direct the links with Jews and are now considered as Jews.
Unlike the members of the tribe of Reuven, the
interaction and help to those of them who are Pakhtun [an alternative term for Pathan] appear to
interested in emigrating to Israel [21]. have lost much of the ties to our people. Neverthe-
less, they have been claiming to be the Children of
Israel for over a thousand years; they claim that the
original king Afghana, the first king of the royal line
Misrepresentation of Academic Studies of Afghanistan, was a descendant of Sha’ul, of the
by the Urdu Press tribe of Benyamin. Jewish merchants who lived in
Kabul always could travel without fear to the
Pakhtun lands, where they were recognized by the
Popular Indian Urdu language newsweekly Nai Pakhtuns as fellow Children of Israel. Today, the
Duniya [3] and daily newspaper Rashtriya Sahara Pakhtun, who live in places that have media hostile
[14] misrepresented the academic efforts to ascer- to the State of Israel, like India, Pakistan and
tain the Israelite origin of Pathans as an attempt on Afghanistan, look upon us Jews as brothers from
the wrong side of the tracks. . .We Jews have the
the part of Jews to boost their population in the interesting task of “recognizing Joseph” (Ephraim
disputed territories in Israel and to use the fearless was a son of Joseph). And the Pakhtun are going to
and sturdy Pathans as cheap labor and as gun have to get to know their brothers, the Jews [13].
344 Israelite Origins of Pathan/Pashtun Tribes

A letter to the present author from a Jerusalem- the past in this country. That’s in our history. How-
based religious Jew, Gerald Parkoff, further ever, time has arrived when the tribe of Ephraim
will come to be one with the tribe of Yehuda. That
reflects the religious Jewish perception of all of Am-Israel, people of Israel, will be one joined
Pathans: with one: one tree being called Ephraim and one
tree being called Yehuda. We are Jews; you are
I consulted with Rabbi Chaim Wasserman, my Rav Ephraim. I invite you to look at it from that point
and teacher for over 23 years and he is of the of view. Our prophets said this will happen. . .These
opinion that the situation of the Pathans and other things will happen because you believe it and
descendants of the “Ten Tribes” is comparable to because we believe it. We are one people; never
that of the Anusim, those who were forcibly forget.
converted to Christianity by the Spaniards and the
Portuguese in the 1300s, 1400s and early 1500s. Described as “the leading ten-tribe traveler
The Rabbinim were favorably disposed towards
extending a hand to bring them back. The difference
today,” whose “work has had concrete, practical
is that your [Pathans’] separation from the body of consequences,” Rabbi Eliyahu Avichail says:
the Jewish People was more than 1,000 years before
the Spanish Expulsion. That means not only do you We as well as the Pathans themselves, have a very
[the Pathans] come from a much earlier period in clear tradition that they, especially those of them
our history (Bayit Rishon – the period of the First who have the names of our tribes, belong to the ten
Temple), but that you had a longer amount of time tribes of Israel. According to the Book of Psalms,
to forget everything. Being cut off even 200 years after Menasse God will bring Ephraim to the land of
from those Anusim who fled Amsterdam in the Israel. So my dream is now to help the Afridi to
1600s resulted in a jarring clash of cultures and come back to their roots, to come back, after
a difficult time to re-acculturize [re-acculturate], Menasse, to Israel. Ephraim is more important.
since these people were steeped in Christian culture When Ephraim will be here, it will change a lot of
and religion for such a long period. . .Don’t you things. As the Afridi Pathans of Malihabad (District
think we yearn for every Jew to return to Torah Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh) are in India, and not in
Observance? Every Motzei Shabbat (Saturday Afghanistan or Pakistan, from one point of view it is
Night) we quote the prophet Shalom, Shalom le easier for me to help them. The only problem is
Karov ule Rachok Urfativ – “Peace be unto those that the government of India has stopped me from
that are near and Peace be unto those that are far and going there. They think that I want to convert the
I G-d will heal them” (Isaiah 57:19) [11]. people there, and the fact is that this is not my
intention. I want to go there to teach, to learn,
This yearning finds echo in the message of and to spread knowledge. . .The Afridis can even
Aryeh (Lowell) Gallin, founder and president of come just to visit Israel, if not for emigration. And
if you do come I will be your friend. Would be glad
the Jerusalem-based Root & Branch Association,
to invite you home and to help you in every possi-
to the Afridi Pathans of Malihabad, recorded by ble way [22].
the present author on 18 June 2007:
It is time for you Pashtuns/Pakhtuns/Pathans to Although Rabbi Avichail agrees with the tradi-
wake up and come home. And that is the way it is tional view that the messianic ingathering of the
going to be. So let’s do it the easy way than the hard exiles depends solely on providential will, yet he
way. It’s time for that to happen. And no one can
justifies his efforts to facilitate the emigration of the
stop that. Not the CIA, not the Pakistan Inter-Ser-
vices, not the whole Saudi money in the world. supposed Israelites by drawing on mystical texts,
Victor Hugo said, “Nothing is greater than the which teach that human actions are interrelated to
power of an idea whose time has come.” So the divine actions, and stresses that human effort
time has come when you all have to come home to
towards bringing the Messiah will hasten God’s
Jerusalem. We will have a party right here.
intervention in the matter. Thus, he considers it
The same sentiment finds expression in the the responsibility of every Jew to search for the
Israeli writer Reuven Kossover’s message to the lost tribes of Israel and to try to bring them to Israel.
Afridi Pathans of Malihabad, again recorded by
the present author on 18 June 2007 in Jerusalem:
We are the descendants of the tribe of Yehuda. You
Cross-References
are most likely the descendants of the tribe of
Ephraim. Jews and Israelites have fought wars in ▶ Jewish-Muslim Relations in South Asia
Ithnā ‘Asharī Shi‘ism 345

References 23. Samir Khan’s email to the present author, 11 Aug 2007
24. Samra M (1991) The tribe of Manasseh: ‘Judaism’ in
1. Aafreedi NJ (2009) Traditions of Israelite descent the hills of Manipur and Mizoram. Man India 71-
among certain Muslim groups in South Asia. Shofar (Special, 1):183–202
28(1):1–14 25. Samra M (1992) Judaism in Manipur and Mizoram:
2. Avichail E (2004) The tribes of Israel: the lost and the by-product of Christian mission. Aust J Jew Stud
dispersed (trans: Nakache S). Amishav, Jerusalem 6(1):7–22
3. Andhé ko badi dūr ki sūjhi: Malihabadi Pathanon ko 26. Samra M (1996) Buallawn Israel: the emergence of
Israel āné ki dāvat (2003) Nai Duniya, Nov 13–19 Judaising movement in Mizoram, Northeast India. In:
[Urdu] Olson L (ed) Religious change, conversion and cul-
4. Banerjee A (2007) When a Pathan is called a Jew. ture. Sydney Association for Study in Society and
Sunday Times of India, New Delhi/Mumbai/Kolkata Culture (SASSC), Sydney
5. Ben-Zvi I (1976) The exiled and the redeemed, 27. Samra M (2012) The Bnei Menashe: choosing Juda-
2nd edn. Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi Publications, Jerusalem ism in North East India. J Indo-Jud St 12:45–56
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McMillan, London. 1964 reprint lem Report, 22 Oct
8. Cooper AE (2006) Conceptualizing Diaspora: tales of 30. Weil S (2004) Lost Israelites from the Indo-Burmese
Jewish travelers in search of the lost tribes. Assoc Jew Borderlands: re-traditionalisation and conversion
among the Shinlung or Bene Menasseh. The Anthro-
Stud Rev 30(I):101
pologist 6(3):219–233 I
9. Egorova Y (2006) Jews and India: perceptions and
image. Routledge, New York 31. Wolf CU (1946) Some remarks on the tribes and clans
10. Freedman S (1998) Learning in Jerusalem: dialogues of Israel. Jew Q Rev New Ser 36(3):287–295
with distinguished teachers of Judaism. Jacob
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11. Gerald Parkoff’s email to the present author, 24 Dec
2006
12. Harrison SS (1986) Ethnicity and political stalemate in Ithnā ‘Asharī Shi‘ism
Pakistan. In: Banuazzi A, Weiner M (eds) Religion and
ethnic politics: Afghanistan, Iran and Pakistan. Syra-
cuse University Press, Syracuse Syed Rizwan Zamir
13. Jerusalem RI (2007) Ruminations on the destiny of the Department of Religion, Davidson College,
people of Israel. DesiCrtics.org, 18 Jan. http:// Davidson, NC, USA
desicritics.org/2007/01/18/021132.php
14. Kamaal H (2007) Chai ki payāli méin tūfān uthāné ki
bachkānā kos‚ is‚ . Urdu. Roznama Rashtriya Sahara, 26
May Synonyms
15. Kirsch S (1997) Lost tribes: indigenous people and the
social imaginary. Anthropol Q 70(2):58–67
16. Neamatullah (1612) Makhzan-i-Afghani. Persian Twelver Shi‘ism
(trans: Dorn B (1829) History of the Afghans, Part I).
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17. Neubauer A (1888) Where are the ten tribes?: I. Bible,
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18. Parfitt T (2002) The lost tribes of Israel: the history of
a myth. Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London Shī ’at Ithnā ‘Asharī yyah (Twelver Shī‘ism) is the
19. Parfitt T, Semi ET (2002) Judaising movements: stud- largest group within Shī‘ite Islam and constitutes
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majority in Iran, Iraq, and Bahrain and make up
20. Qazi Fazl-i-Azeem’s email to the present author, 14
Aug 2007 significant minorities in Pakistan, India, Afghan-
21. Qazi Fazl-i-Azeem’s email to the present author, 5 istan, Lebanon, Qatar, Kuwait, Azerbaijan, and
Sept 2007 the eastern provinces of Saudi Arabia. Twelver
22. Rabbi Eliyahu Avichail’s message to the Afridi
Shī‘ism has a distinct school of law, the Ja‘farī
Pathans of Malihabad, video recorded by the present
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2007 (d. 765 C.E.).
346 Ithnā ‘Asharī Shi‘ism

What Is Ithnā ‘Asharī Shī’ism? prophecy (nubuwwah), and Imamate (wilāyah),

or the exoteric and the esoteric dimensions of
The central tenet that distinguishes Shī‘ism from religion (al-dī n). Both dimensions are seen as
varieties of Sunni Islam is the Imamate, i.e., the necessary and a complement to one another. For
leadership of the Muslim community. Compared the Twelver Shī‘ites, each Prophet (nabī ) is
to Sunni Islam where juridical, political, and spir- accompanied by an imām, who possesses
itual authorities were historically distributed a special spiritual and initiatic power called
respectively among the jurists, caliphs/rulers, wilāyāh. Historically and theologically, the pro-
and the Ṣūfīs, the doctrine of Imamate within phetic and initiatic functions have not always been
Twelver Shī‘ism unites all three functions within unified within one person. The Imams are there-
a single person, the figure of the Imam. fore helpers (wuzarā’) of the Prophets and com-
Well-known ḥadī th reports posit that the Imam plement their mission of prophecy (nubuwwah),
must necessarily exist for the world to continue the exoteric dimension of religion.
existing, and to attain salvation, the believer must As bearers and teachers of the inward dimen-
know him. A Shī‘ite Imam is deemed among sions of religion, an imām is nominated through
those who are “firm in knowledge” (al-rāsikhūn a clear designation (naṣṣ) by God made known by
fī al-‘ilm, Qur’ān 3:7) and possess initiatic and the Prophet or the previous imām. In the case of
esoteric knowledge (al-‘ilm), which includes per- Twelver Shī‘ism, an imām must invariably be
fect and comprehensive knowledge of the Qur’an, a descendant of the Prophet through his daughter
the previous scriptures, and the inner reality of Fāṭimah. All Shī’ite factions begin with ‘Alī, the
things, including the occult sciences such as fourth rightly guided caliph of Sunni Islam, and
alchemy, numerology (‘ilm al-a‘dād), and the sci- recognize him as their first Imam. Yet over time, the
ence of letters (‘ilm al-jafr). According to the Shī‘ites have split into numerous groups on the
Shī‘ite sources and theology, an Imam is questions of the succession and the total number
a perfect human being (al-insān al-kāmil), of Imams. As is apparent from the official title of
completely immune from sin and error this majority group of Shī‘ites, Twelver Shī‘ism
(ma‘ṣūm), possessor of miracles, God’s foremost has twelve Imams, whose names are as follows [1]:
sign (āyah) and appointee (khalī fah), proof on
earth (al-ḥujjah), a mediator between human 1. ‘Alī ibn ‘Abī Ṭālib (d. 40AH/661 C.E.)
beings and God, interceder on the Day of Judg- 2. al-Ḥasan ibn ‘Alī (d. 49AH/669 C.E.)
ment, the ultimate teacher, spiritual guide, infalli- 3. al-Ḥusayn ibn ‘Alī (d. 61AH/680 C.E.)
ble authority of Islamic law, and an inerrant 4. ‘Alī ibn al-Ḥusayn, Zayn al-‘Ābidīn (d.
paradigm and role model. For Shī‘ites, the Imam 95AH/714 C.E.)
is from the immediate family of the Prophet, 5. Muḥammad ibn ‘Alī, al-Bāqir (d. 115AH/733
which is constituted by his daughter Fāṭimah, C.E.)
cousin and son-in-law ‘Alī, and their two sons, 6. Ja‘far ibn Muḥammad, al-Ṣādiq (d. 148AH/
Ḥasan and Ḥusayn – together referred to as the 765 C.E.)
ahl al-bayt [The Household of the Prophet]. The 7. Mūsā ibn Ja‘far, al-Kāẓim (d. 183AH/799 C.
ahl al-bayt for them are heir to the spiritual E.)
legacy of the Prophet and the Muḥammadan 8. ‘Alī ibn Mūsā, al-Riḍā (d. 203AH/818 C.E.)
Light (nūr Muḥammadiyyah), and therefore, 9. Muḥammad ibn ‘Alī, al-Jawād, al-Taqī
devotion and love of this family and the rest of (d. 220AH/835 C.E.)
the Imams color all aspects of Shī‘ite religious 10. ‘Alī ibn Muḥammad, al-Naqī (d. 254AH/864
life. C.E.)
Twelver Shī‘ism is constituted by a twofold 11. Al-Ḥasan ibn ‘Alī, al-‘Askarī (d. 260AH/874
understanding of religion in general and that of C.E.)
the Islamic and Qur’ānic revelation in particular: 12. Muḥammad ibn al-Ḥasan, al-Mahdī, al-
the inward and the outward (ẓāhir wa bāṭin), Qā’im (in occultation since 329AH/941 C.E.)
Ithnā ‘Asharī Shi‘ism 347

The Hidden Imam ‘Alī to be the rightful successor of the Prophet in

the domains of religious, political, and spiritual
Twelver Shī‘ism is also distinguished by its spe- leadership of the Muslim community (ummah).
cial emphasis on the figure of the twelfth and last For the Twelvers, the special status of ‘Alī is
Imam, al-Mahdī (the guided one) who went into evidenced by numerous sayings of the Prophet,
minor occultation (al-ghaybah al-ṣughrah, perhaps most famously his pronouncement at the
872–941 C.E.) during which he communicated oasis of Khum upon his return to Medina from the
with his followers through his four deputies (al- farewell pilgrimage. There, the Prophet stopped
nuwwāb al-arba‘ah), and then into major occul- the Muslim caravan and, in the presence of almost
tation (al-ghaybah al-kubrah, 941–present) until the entire Muslim community, raised ‘Alī’s arm
his return along with Jesus at the end of time as the high, making the following proclamation: “Of
messianic figure of Islam. Compared with Sunni whomsoever I am a master (mawla), ‘Alī is thus
Islam, which posits the birth and emergence of his master. O God! Be Thou the supporter of
such a figure from within the progeny of the whoever supports ‘Alī and the enemy of whoever
Prophet towards the end of times, for Twelver opposes him.” For Shī‘ites, this ḥadī th
Shī‘ites, the Mahdī is the last of the twelve report – also widely cited in Sunni sources – is
Imams, who, although in occultation, has an indubitable evidence for both ‘Alī’s unique
I
a living presence for Shī‘ite Muslimes. Expecta- stature and the Prophet’s declaration of ‘Alī as
tion of his return and his trans-historic signifi- his successor. Furthermore, the presence of Shi‘-
cance as the living guide and “proof of God” ites (read: followers of ‘Alī) among the compan-
colors all aspects of Shī‘ite religious life. Like ions of the Prophet such as Salmān al-Fārsī and
other Imams, he is deemed the link between God Abū Dharr during the life of ‘Alī is often cited as
and a Shī‘ite believer and the prime vehicle of a proof that Shī‘ism is not a later political or
initiatic knowledge and Divine Grace. He is religious faction as often characterized within
deemed the axis mundi of existence and special Sunni heresiographies. Hence, although first
prayers are made for his return on a day-to-day expressed as a dissenting voice within the Muslim
basis; longings for an encounter with community over the question of the succession to
him – numerous such encounters continue to be the Prophet, later events of history helped crystal-
reported – are also an integral part of the Shī‘ite lize and consolidate distinctive Shī‘ite doctrines
religious ethos [2]. The occultation has also been and its communal identity. Among the most
critical to the evolution of subsequent Shi‘ite important of these events are what transpired dur-
thought and political philosophy. ing and after the death of ‘Uthmān (the third
The history of Twelver Shī‘ism can be looked caliph), the Battles of the Camel and al-Ṣiffīn,
at from two overlapping points of view: its the death of ‘Alī, and, possibly most important
involvement in the sociopolitical events across of all, the martyrdom of al-Ḥusayn, the grandson
time and space and the development of its thought of the Prophet and the third Shī‘ite Imam [3].
and religious practice. For the purpose of clarity,
these will be treated separately.
The Era of the Imams

Origins and Early History ‘Uthmān’s political tenure, especially in the later
years, was marred by resentment within the com-
The origins of Shī‘ism can be traced back to the munity due to what was perceived as open nepo-
early history of Islam. The term shī ‘ah means tism and a stark departure from the standards set
“party” or “partisan” and refers to the partisans by the Prophet and the earlier caliphs. Among the
of ‘Alī, the cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet, vocal opposition expressed during his rule were
and the fourth rightly guided caliph of Sunni voices of those who saw ‘Alī as the only rightful
Islam. The term came to refer to those who held successor, for example, Abū Dharr, Miqdād, and
348 Ithnā ‘Asharī Shi‘ism

‘Ammār ibn Yāsir. The growing disenchantment brought to Damascus, the seat of the Umayyad
and anger led to his demise and death, and ‘Alī dynasty. The role of al-Ḥusayn’s sister Zaynab
was chosen by the Medinan community as the during these travels and trials in Syria is still
next caliph. The Umayyad governor of Syria, commemorated with special emphasis, and her
Mu‘āwiyah, however, refused to pay allegiance tomb in Damascus is among the major sites of
to ‘Alī, and based on his close kinship with the Shī‘ite pilgrimages [5]. Along with her mother
murdered caliph, he claimed the caliphate for Fāṭimah, Zaynab continues to be viewed as the
himself. ‘Alī faced resistance from some of the ideal woman in Shī‘ite piety [6].
Prophet’s companions such as Talḥah, Zubayr, The tragic events of Karbala were decisive for
and even the Prophet’s wife ‘Ā’ishah, Shī‘ite religious consciousness and led to a dis-
a resistance that resulted in the Battle of the tinctive emphasis on the motifs of martyrdom and
Camel. Mu‘āwiyah employed revenge for redemptive suffering that strongly colors Shī‘ite
‘Uthmān’s death as a rallying point both to garner religious life to this day [7]. For example, up to ten
more support and – as an Umayyad kin of million Shī‘ite mourners gathered in Karbala at
‘Uthmān – to claim inheritance of the caliphate. the tomb of al-Ḥusayn in 2010 to commemorate
The dispute led to the battle of Ṣiffīn, which ended the fortieth day of his death, making it among the
with a stalemate and Mu‘āwiyah claiming himself largest gatherings of a religious community across
to be the caliph in Syria, hence further consolidat- religious traditions. The event of Karbala is
ing his power there. ‘Alī increasingly lost hold mourned every year, and al-Ḥusayn’s journey
over various provinces and was eventually killed and martyrdom reenacted in elaborate and cultur-
by the Khārijites, a rebel group that seceded ‘Alī’s ally variant ritual settings. Historically, the agony
camps after Ṣiffīn and had turned against him in caused by the martyrdom of the grandson and
anger for arbitrating with Mu‘āwiyah. ‘Alī’s family of the Prophet of Islam in the hands of
reign, although consistently weakened by political Umayyads has led to major revolts seeking
crises and loss of unity within the community, is revenge, most famous being that of Mukhtār al-
still viewed by the Shī‘ites as a return to and Thaqafī (d. 687).
restoration of the Islamic ideals, and they see the The Imamate of ‘Alī Zayn al-‘Ābidīn ushered
rifts within it as consequences of the political the era of political quietism; the later Imams
machinations and the vying for self-interest of refrained from being involved in political activi-
those within the community pursuing worldly ties and instead chose to disseminate religious and
power and wealth [4]. In the aftermath of ‘Alī’s esoteric knowledge. ‘Alī Zayn al-‘Ābidīn com-
death, the persecution of the loyal supporters of posed al-Ṣaḥī fah al-Sajjādiyyah, a collection of
‘Alī’s cause further helped unify the proto-Shī‘ite eloquent Arabic prayers and litanies that are still
movement. The decisive event, however, was the quite popular. The fifth and the sixth Imams,
martyrdom of al-Ḥusayn, son of ‘Alī. Mu‘āwiyah Muḥammad al-Bāqir and Ja‘far al-Ṣādiq, lived at
had appointed his son Yazīd as his successor, who, a time when Umayyad power was on a consistent
upon his father’s death, tried to force allegiance decline and threatened by the growing opposition
upon al-Ḥusayn, who in turn refused to pledge from various circles, including the Abbasid revolt.
allegiance. On his way to Kufa, upon invitation This heightened sense of freedom in disseminat-
from his supporters there, al-Ḥusayn with his ing their teachings perhaps best explains why
family and companions (most of whom were the most of the Shī‘ite ḥadī th reports come from
nearest kin of the Prophet) was beleaguered in them. Ja‘far al-Ṣādiq’s contributions hold
Karbala (in southern Iraq) by a mighty Umayyad a special place within Twelver Shī‘ism: not only
army. Al-Ḥusayn and all his men (except for his did he formally consolidate Shī‘ism into a distinct
son ‘Alī Zayn al-‘Ābidīn who was ill during the religious group, but he is also considered the
battle and would later become the fourth Imam) founder of the Shī‘ite school of law. His influence
were killed on the 10th of Muharram (‘Āshūrā’), stretched beyond his Shī‘ite followers; for exam-
and the women and children were imprisoned and ple, Abu Ḥanīfah, founder of the Ḥanafī Sunni
Ithnā ‘Asharī Shi‘ism 349

school of law, is often cited as among Ja‘far al- acted as a confidant and vizier of the first two Il-
Ṣādiq’s disciples. He is also considered an author- Khanid rulers and attracted sympathies and
ity of the esoteric dimension of religion; for exam- patronage for Twelver Shī‘ites in return. The
ple, the Qur’ānic commentary attributed to him is Ismā‘īlī branch had by now fallen out of favor
among the earliest esoteric commentaries of the within Islamic societies: having lost politically
Qur’ān. Twelver Shī‘ite Imams, especially the was but only one cause; the widespread Seljuq-
first eight, also appear in various Ṣūfī genealogies Sunni propaganda against the Fāṭimīds and the
thus revealing their close affinity with, and influ- incredible and notorious fabrications about the
ence on, the Ṣūfī tradition. Assassins of Alamut were among other significant
Imam ‘Alī al-Riḍā who was temporarily asso- factors. Protection and appreciation received from
ciated with the ruling Abbasids is the only Shī‘ite the Mongol rulers by the Twelvers and wide-
Imam buried outside of the Arabian Peninsula or spread activities of the Ṣūfī orders of Shī‘ite lean-
Iraq. His tomb in Mashhad in eastern Iran is ings, now a major force in Islamic societies, made
a major site of pilgrimage and holds a special the veneration of ‘Alī and the household of the
place within the Iranian Shī‘ite milieu. Imprison- Prophet (ahl al-bayt) much more widespread.
ment and the close surveillance by the Abbasids of With Ismā‘īlism on the decline, these factors not
the later Imams hampered their activities. With the only brought about the revival and resurgence of
I
occultation (ghaybah) of the twelfth Imam, al- the Twelvers, they also left a deep mark on Sunni
Mahdī, in 941 Twelver Shī‘ism, entered a new piety itself. For example, establishment of Ṣūfī
phase in its history, the era of occultation that orders as a widespread phenomenon, the empha-
has lasted to the present day. sis on spiritual chivalry (futuwwah) that venerated
‘Alī as the archetype of chivalrous virtues, and
spiritual genealogies of the teacher that invariably
Twelver Shī‘ite History During the placed ‘Alī as the foremost teacher of the Ṣūfī
Post-Occultation Phase tradition – second only to the Prophet – all
paved the way for this transformation.
The tenth century also saw the rise of Shī‘ite
political ascendancy in the central lands of
Islam, namely, Syria (ruled by the Hamdanids of The Safavids
extremist Shī‘ite tendencies), Iraq, and Western
Iran (ruled by the Buyid brothers who neverthe- The political vacuum and the crisis of religious
less kept the weakened Abbasid caliphate in authority in the post-Mongol era led to strains of
power in Iraq). With the rise of the Seljuqs in the millenarianism, chiliastic hopes for the rise of the
eleventh century, Sunni Islam returned to domi- Mahdī, and various militant messianic move-
nance in the central lands. Persia, for example, ments of Shī‘ite coloring in the fifteenth century
continued to be majority Sunni up until the six- [8]. It is one of these movements led by the
teenth century when the Turkic Qizilbāsh brought Qizilbāsh Turkic tribes that brought Shah Ismā‘īl
Shah Ismā‘īl to power in Persia and made Twelver to power in Iran at the turn of the sixteenth cen-
Shī‘ism the official religion of the Safavid tury. Having consolidated power in the region
Empire. over some time, Twelver Shī‘ism was not only
The Mongol invasions of the thirteenth century declared the official religion of the empire but also
led to the demise of the Seljuq-Abbasid empire, of enforced upon the population through persecu-
explicitly Sunni orientation, and Ismā‘īlī citadels tion. The establishment of the Safavid empire
of Alamut. This strengthened the Twelver cause: also ended the politically quietist phase of Shī‘ite
Twelver Shī‘ites cooperated with and accepted the history and consolidated Shī‘ite religious and
Mongols and were thus provided protection, juridical authority in ways that will have signifi-
patronage, and freedom of religious activity. Men- cant bearing on the evolution of Twelver Shī‘ism
tion must be made of Naṣīr al-dīn al-Ṭūsī, who in the later centuries.
350 Ithnā ‘Asharī Shi‘ism

Originally a messianic movement of Ṣūfī origin, privileged status to the Prophetic bloodline (i.e.,
Shah Ismā‘īl saw himself as the Mahdī, the awaited the Sādāt/shurafā’), with the Qajar, the emphasis
Imam of the Twelver branch, and a reincarnation of was put on knowledge over genealogy, thus
‘Alī. Extremist theology and fanatical and abso- strengthening the power and authority of the reli-
lutely loyal Qizilbāsh followers even forced the gious scholars. The eighteenth century also saw
cursing of the first three Caliphs upon the popula- the victory of the rationalist and ijtihād leaning
tion. Occasional humiliation in the hands of Uṣūlī scholars over the traditionalist Akhbārīs.
Ottomans and loss of Anatolia – the recruiting The former position argued for the rational, there-
grounds of the Qizilbash warriors – paved the fore, religious necessity and duty of continuous
way for mitigating much of the extremist tenden- deliberation on religious matters (ijtihād) beyond
cies and the reversion to more moderate Shī‘ite what was prescribed in the hadith reports of the
views. The patronage of the Safavid rulers also Prophet and the infallible Imams, thereby dividing
helped revive the dormant Shī‘ite legal and theo- the community into two groups: those specialists
logical scholarship. Scholars were invited from the in the religious law and the rest who were obliged
Arab world, and Friday prayers were reintroduced. to follow the interpretations of these specialists.
These developments slowly gave rise to the jurid- The Akhbārīs refused to accept this distinction
ical clerical class who were partially incorporated and rejected the necessity for ijtihād [10]. The
into the administrative structures of the empire victory of the Usūli school of Shī‘ism provided
through the creation of religious offices such as special status to the legal scholars, thus further
the ṣadr, the overseer of the religious affairs of strengthening the clerical authority, a process
the empire. Although supportive of the rulers, the that had begun in the thirteenth century with the
religious establishment nevertheless remained rise of the School of Ḥilla. Yet, the authority of the
independent of it, in part due to the Imam’s share jurist was still restricted to the domain of religious
of the religious tax (i.e., khums) that was collected guidance, not extended to political leadership in
by them as his representatives during the occulta- the way that Ayatollah Khomeini argued in the
tion. Occasionally, the political and religious second half of the twentieth century.
authorities did come in conflict, for example, in The Tobacco Rebellion of 1891–1892 and the
the case of Ṣadr Sayyid ‘Alī Shīrāzī who escaped Constitutional Revolution of 1905–1906 reflect
to Iraq. By the seventeenth century, the influence of how far the clerical authority had come in
the Qizilbāsh was finally eliminated altogether. a century’s time. The two events were the first
Though intellectual, esoteric, and mystical currents time the clerics became directly involved in the
had persisted in various guises – through philoso- politics of the empire on a wide scale and were
phy, gnosis, and Ṣūfīsm – the prestige and influ- quite successful. Aware of the ascendancy of the
ence of jurists and the juridical form of Shī‘ism had clerics, the secular reforms of the Pahlavis were to
now taken center stage [9]. later include depriving the ‘ulamā’ of legal
authority. While the religious seminaries were
left independent of the state, their influence in
Modern Iran the broader educational reforms was restricted.
By the mid-twentieth century, Najaf and Qom
The fall of the Safavids at the hands of Sunni had emerged as among the most important centers
Afghans in the first half of the eighteenth century of Shī‘ite learning. Since the nineteenth century,
led to the emigration of many Shī‘ite ‘ulamā’ to the clerical authority of a mujtahid was differen-
Iraq and ushered in another quietist phase within tiated into further levels, out of which emerged the
Shī‘ism. Establishment of the Qajars in 1796 pro- office of a highly qualified mujtahid or the “refer-
vided new impetus for Shī‘ism and favors to the ence point for imitation” (marja‘al-taqlī d),
clerical authority reinforced its centrality within referred to as the “Grand Ayatollah.” The system
the Iranian milieu. While the Safavids had given of collection and dissemination of khums tax
Ithnā ‘Asharī Shi‘ism 351

monies was also institutionalized through the rep- sermons, letters, and sayings of ‘Alī ibn ‘Abī
resentatives (wukalā’) of the Grand Ayatollahs. Ṭālib titled Nahj al-balāghah was also compiled
Extensive reforms, modernizations, the autocratic towards the end of the tenth century. With time, it
rule of the Pahlavi monarchs, and certain policies has come to gain prominence as one of the most
such as the land reforms which could potentially important religious texts for the Twelvers. Popular
deprive the scholars from land endowments again among Shī‘ites, the compiled supplications of
brought the ‘ulamā’ into conflict with the state. By Imam Zayn al-‘Abidīn by the title al-Ṣaḥī fah al-
expanding the scope of the authority of the jurist Sajjādiyyah have been called “Psalms of Islam”
(wilāyat al-faqī h) to the sphere of the political by a Western scholar.
[11] and through the active opposition of the With the fatwā (legal ruling) of the rector of
Shah, Ayatollah Khomeini (d. 1989) gained wide- Al-Azhar, Shaykh Shaltut (d. 1963), the Ja‘farī
spread following in the years preceding the Ira- school has also come to be recognized by Sunni
nian Revolution. Khomeini’s influence and the scholar as the fifth school of Islamic Law, the
zeal of the leftist activist groups eventually led to other four being the traditional schools of Sunni
a widespread revolt against the Shah, the resultant Islam [13]. Broadly speaking, it shares much in
Iranian Revolution of 1979, and a new constitu- common with its Sunni counterparts. The basic
tion that would replace the constitution of 1906. religious practices of the five daily prayers, the
I
Now enacted even politically in the post- alms-tax, and the fast in the month of Ramadan
Revolution era, the scope of the authority of the are practiced with minor differences in detail.
jurist (walāyat al-faqī h) continues to be a point of Some of these minor differences include the use
contention within Shī‘ite circles [12]. of clay tablets (turbah) for the forehead in pros-
tration, breaking the fast a few minutes after
Sunnis, and some rulings for Ḥajj. However, the
Shī‘ite Religious Life and Thought Shī‘ite practices of dissimulation (taqiyyah) of
religious beliefs in times of persecution, khums
Although their interpretation of particular verses tax (share of the Imam), and, in addition to regular
may differ, Twelver Shī‘ites share the same marriage, permissibility of a temporary marriage
Qur’ān with Sunni Islam. Their ḥadī th literature, (mut‘ah) are not found within the Sunni schools
however, consists not only of the sayings of the and remain contested in sectarian polemics. Then,
Prophet but also the sayings and teachings of their there are supererogatory prayers throughout the
Imams, especially the fifth and the sixth. Com- liturgical calendar punctuated especially by com-
pared to the fate of later Imams who mostly led memorations of birth and death anniversaries of
life in prison, died young, or were under strict the fourteen Infallibles (the Prophet, his daughter
surveillance, these two were relatively free and Fāṭimah, and the twelve Imams). Visitations to
in their lifetime developed a reputation as well- their shrines and those related to the family of
respected teachers for both the exoteric (or legal) the Prophet are also quite common and much
and esoteric (spiritual and occult) teachings. emphasized.
There are four canonical ḥadī th collections, al- Yet the most distinctive and widespread
Kāfī by Muḥammad ibn Ya‘qūb ibn Isḥāq al- expression of Shī‘ite piety is the commemoration
Kulaynī (d. 329/941), Man lā yaḥdhuruhal-faqī h of the tragedy of Karbala. Collective commemo-
by Abū Ja‘far Muḥammad ibn ‘Alī (more popu- rations of the events of Karbala provide the Shi‘ite
larly known as Ibn Bābuwayh or Shaykh Ṣadūq, community with a distinct religious and commu-
d. 388/991), and two, namely, Tahdhī b al-aḥkām nal identity. Beginning on the first day of the
and al-Istibṣār by Abū Ja‘far Muḥammad ibn al- first month of Islamic calendar Muḥarram until
Ḥasan ibn ‘Alī ibn al-Ḥasan al-Ṭūsī (d. 460/1068) the fortieth day, the events of Karbala are
commonly called Shaykh al-ṭā’ifah (Teacher of recounted, reenacted, and mourned. From
the community). In addition, a compilation of devotional poetry to weeping, from chest beating
352 Ithnā ‘Asharī Shi‘ism

to self-flagellations of various kinds, the com- his student Ṣadr al-Dīn al-Shīrāzī (d. 1640),
memoration is marked by the passionate devotion more commonly known as Mulla Ṣadrā. In their
of Shī‘ites as a means to demonstrate loyalty and hands, these intellectual strands received an
love for Imam al-Ḥusayn, his companions, and the important synthesis that has since then more or
larger Household of the Prophet. Ta‘ziyah (pas- less dominated the intellectual discussions
sion play) that reenacts the events of within Shī‘ite scholarship. Furthermore, in writ-
Karbala – perhaps the only form of theater in ing commentaries on the Qur’an and the Shī‘ite
premodern Muslim societies – has also been prev- ḥadī th reports, Mulla Sadrā set a new trend of
alent in Iran and North India [14]. confluence of transmitted and intellectual disci-
plines within traditional Shī‘ite religious schol-
arship. This trend has subsisted till the present
Shī‘ite Intellectual History day, as witnessed in the corpus of Muḥammad
Ḥusayn Ṭabāṭabā’ī (d. 1981), a major contempo-
The Shī‘ite intellectual tradition is distinctive in rary Shī‘ite scholar and philosopher whose
its emphasis on the intellectual sciences. Begin- Qur’ānic commentary al-Mīzān is considered
ning with the teachings of the Imams, within the among the most important exegetical works in
Twelver Shī‘ite milieu – especially since the Shī‘ite intellectual history. From the Safavid
eleventh century – intellectual sciences such as period, mention must also be made of Bahā’ al-
the philosophy of law (uṣūl al-fiqh), theology Dīn al-‘Āmilī (d. 1621) who was a renaissance
(kalām), philosophy (falsafah), and theoretical scholar, with expertise in mathematics, logic,
mysticism (irfān) have flourished. In the field of astronomy, alchemy, engineering, and architec-
theology, Shaykh al-Mufīd (d. 1022) is often ture and who also wrote mystical poetry and
regarded as among the first to articulate rational juridical works such as Jāmi‘-yi ‘abbāsī . The
arguments for the basic Shī‘ite creed. Shī‘ite the- intellectual developments in the various fields
ology received further elaboration in the writings of scholarship during the Safavid period have
of Naṣīr al-Dīn al-Ṭūsī (d. 1274) whose Kitāb al- continued to grow to this date.
tajrīd is perhaps the first work of systematic In the modern period, like other Muslim per-
Shī‘ite theology. Al-Ṭūsī was also responsible spectives, Twelver Shī‘ite thinkers have also grap-
for reintroducing peripatetic philosophy within pled with the issues pertaining to Islam and
the Shī‘ite scholarly circles. In the fifteenth cen- modernity and have responded to Western philo-
tury, the writings of Sayyid Ḥaydaral-Āmulī sophical, political, and social thought on the one
paved the way for integrating Akbarian gnosis hand and Western economic and political institu-
into the matrix of Twelver Shī‘ite thought. tions on the other [15]. These issues include
The establishment of the official Safavid Marxist and socialist thinking, the attack on tradi-
Shī‘ite state in Persia at the turn of the sixteenth tional Shī‘ite theology by the challenges of
century provided Shī‘ite scholarship a new impe- Enlightenment rationalism, questions pertaining
tus and patronage, marking an immense prolifer- to political and economic models, and social
ation of Shī‘ite writings. During this period, major issues such as gender roles and cultural reform.
compilations of ḥadī th reports such as Biḥār al- In this regard, the writings of Murtazā Muṭahharī
anwār by Bāqir al-Majlisī (d. 1698) and juridical and Allāmeh Ṭabāṭabā’ī in Iran, Bāqir al-Ṣadr in
manuals began to appear. Also, in addressing sim- Iraq, and ‘Alī Naqī Naqvī in India deserve special
ilar questions, disparate intellectual disciplines of mention. Contemporary Shī‘ite juridical dis-
Islamic philosophy, theology, and theoretical course has also deliberated on modern legal and
mysticism began to converge and overlap. This ethical questions such as bioethics. In addition to
convergence occurred especially due to the influ- the discussion within the scholarly circles of the
ence of the school of Isfahan and its major figures ‘ulamā’, the period has also seen the rise of influ-
such as Mīr Dāmād (d. 1630) and especially ential intellectual voices outside traditional
Ithnā ‘Asharī Shi‘ism 353

seminaries, for example, Ali Shariati, Abdolkarim References

Soroush, and Seyyed Hossein Nasr.
1. For traditional biographies of the Shī’ite Imams see
al-Mufīd A (2004) Kitāb al-irshād (trans: Howard
IKA). Ansariyan, Qom
Shī‘ism and Sūfīsm 2. For a contemporary account of Shī’ite beliefs see
˙ Ṭabāṭabā’ī MH (1977) Shi‘ite Islam (trans: Nasr SH).
There are certain parallels and overlaps within SUNY Press, Albany; Sobhani J (2001) Doctrines of
Ṣūfī and Shī‘ite thought and history. They share Shi‘i Islam: a compendium of Imami beliefs and prac-
tices (trans: Shah-Kazemi R). I.B. Tauris, New York
a twofold understanding of religion: the exoteric 3. For the origins and early history of Shī’ism see Halm
and the esoteric dimensions of Islamic revelation. H (2004) Shi’ism, 2nd edn. Columbia University
This shared esoteric-exoteric distinction in turn Press, New York; Haider N (2011) The origins of the
has led to esoteric interpretations of the Qur’ān Shi’a: identity, ritual, and sacred space in eighth-
century Kufah. Cambridge University Press, New
(ta’wī l) and a doctrinal distinction between York. For the rise of distinctive Shī’ite religious iden-
prophecy (nubuwwah) and initiatic guidance tity see Hodgson M (1955) How did the early Shī‘a
(wilāyah/walāyah) in both perspectives. Further- become sectarian? J Am Orient Soc 75:1–13
more, the doctrine of the “Universal Human 4. For a historical account of these details see Madelung
W (1998) Succession to Muhammad: a study of the
Being” (al-insān al-kāmil) and Spiritual Pole (al-
quṭb) is quite akin to the Shī‘ite concept of the
early Caliphate . Cambridge University Press, New I
York; Ayoub M (2005) The crisis of Muslim history:
Imam. Devotion and special status of the Ahl al- religion and politics in early Islam, 2nd edn.
bayt, although universal within Twelver Shī‘ism, Oneworld, Oxford
5. Tabari M (1991) The history of al-Tabari: the Caliph-
is often met within the Ṣūfī ambience [16]. For ate of Yazid ibn Mu’awiyah A.D. 680-683/AH 60-64
example, Kitab al-Ta‘arruf and Kashf al-Maḥjūb, (trans: Howard IKA), vol 19. SUNY Press, Albany
two of the earliest systematic works on Ṣūfīsm, 6. Ruffle K (2011) Gender, sainthood, and everyday
include the names of the first six Imams of the practice in South Asian Shi‘ism. The University of
North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill
Shī‘ites, and almost all Ṣūfī orders trace their 7. Ayoub M (1978) Redemptive suffering in Islam. De
spiritual lineage to the Prophet through ‘Alī and Gruyter, The Hague
other Shī‘ite Imams. Moreover, the Dhahābīyyah 8. For details on these millenarian movements, see
and Ni‘matullāhīyyah Ṣūfī orders explicitly Arjom S (2010) The shadow of god & the hidden
Imam. University of Chicago Press, Chicago (Chap 2)
adhere to the Shī‘ite point of view, and yet, in 9. Newman A (2008) Safavid Iran: rebirth of a Persian
their teachings and organizational structure, are Empire. IB Tauris, New York
quite similar to Ṣūfī orders found within the 10. Gleave R (2007) Scripturalist Islam: the history and
Sunni world. For complicated historical reasons, doctrines of the Akhbari Shi‘i School. Brill, Leiden
11. For an historical account of the development of the
within Twelver Shī‘ism one also finds the teacher- juridical authority see Sachedina A (1988) The just
disciple relationship and modes of initiatic guid- ruler in Shi‘ite Islam. Oxford University Press, New
ance that do not adhere to the formal organiza- York. For the details of relationship between religious
tional structures of Ṣūfīsm [17]. Finally, Sufi authority of the ‘ulamā’ and the Safavid State see
chapter 5 of Arjom S (2010). For aspects of historical
music and poetry are replete with references to development of the authority of the ‘ulamā’ and
love and devotion to the ahl al-bayt. Notwith- a survey of contemporary debates see Walbridge
standing these similarities, the relationship L (ed) (2001) The most learned of the Shi‘a: the
among Shī‘ism, Ṣūfīsm, and Sunni Islam in the- institution of the Marja‘Taqlid. Oxford University
Press, New York. For relevant writings and speeches
ory and history is far from simple. of Ayatollah Khomeini, see Khomeini R (1981) Islam
and revolution: writings and declarations of Imam
Khomeini (1941–1980) (trans: Algar H). Mizan
Cross-References Press, Berkeley
12. For a detailed account of intellectual and historical
developments within Iran since the 19th century see
▶ Naqvī, Ayatullah ‘Alī Naqī Keddie N (2003) Modern Iran: roots and results of
▶ Taqiyya revolution. Yale University Press, New Haven
354 Ithnā ‘Asharī Shi‘ism

13. Brunner R (2004) Islamic Ecumenism in the 20th 16. Nasr SH (1999) Shi’ism and Sufism. In: Sufi essays.
century: the Azhar and Shiism between rapproche- Kazi, Chicago; Shaybi K (1991) Sufism and Shi’ism.
ment and restraint. Brill, Leiden LAAM, Surrey. For a discussion of scripturally, theo-
14. Chelkowski P (1979) Ta’ziyeh: ritual and drama in logically, and historically distinctive Shī‘ī esotericism,
Iran. New York University Press, New York; see Amir-Moezzi MA (1994) The divine guide in early
Chelkowski P (ed) (2010) Eternal performance: Shi‘ism: the sources of Esotericism in Islam. SUNY
Ta’ziyeh and other Shi‘ite rituals. Seagull Books, Press, Albany; Amir-Moezzi MA (2011) The spiritu-
New York ality of Shi’i Islam. IB Tauris, New York
15. For a survey of contemporary Shī‘ī thought in Iran see 17. See Nasr’s preface of Ṭabāṭabā’ī MH (2003) Kernel of
Golberg O (ed) (2012) Shi’i theology in Iran: the the Kernel: concerning the wayfaring and spiritual
challenge of religious experience. Routledge, New journey of the people of intellect (trans: Faghfoory
York M). SUNY Press, Albany
J

Jahan Ara affiliations. She was the eldest daughter of

Mughal Emperor Shāh Jahān and sister of Dārā
▶ Jahānārā Begum Shikoh and Aurangzīb.

In the Mughal Royal Family

Jahanara Begum
Jahānārā Begum (1614–1681) was the eldest
▶ Jahānārā Begum daughter of Mughal Emperor Shāh Jahān and
his favorite wife, Mumtāz Mahal. She received
extensive education in Arabic, Quranic studies,
and Persian prose and poetry (1, 2). Upon the
Jahānārā Begum death of Mumtāz in 1631, Jahānārā took the
place of her mother as head of the imperial
Claire Robison zenana and effectively became First Lady of the
Department of Religious Studies, South Asian empire (11). She played a central role in Mughal
Religions, University of California, Santa domestic politics throughout her life and is most
Barbara, Santa Barbara, CA, USA known for her Ṣūfī affiliations, writings, and
exceptional patronage.
Jahānārā was favored by Shāh Jahān over his
Synonyms other daughters and granted the titles Sāḥibat al-
Zamāni (Lady of the Age) and Pādshāh Begum
Jahan Ara; Jahanara Begum; Shahzādī Jahānārā (Empress). She came to ally with her eldest
Bēgam Ṣāḥib brother, the crown prince Dārā Shikoh
(1615–1659), who also received the clear favor
of their father (11). Both Jahānārā and Dārā
Definition Shikoh extensively patronized the arts and shared
an interest in Ṣūfī traditions. Their natural alliance
Jahānārā Begum (1614–1681) played a central grew in importance during the “war of succes-
role in Mughal domestic politics throughout her sion” in 1657–1659, when, in response to Shāh
life and is most known for her writings, excep- Jahān falling ill and Dārā Shikoh assuming the
tional patronage of building projects, and Ṣūfī role of regent, a force led by their younger brother

# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018

Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
356 Jahānārā Begum

Aurangzīb marched on Agra to seize the throne. biography of Mu‘in al-Din Chishtī, the Afghani
After Aurangzīb’s success in the battle of Ṣūfī from Chishtī who inaugurated the Chishtī
Samugarh, he imprisoned Shāh Jahān in the Red order in India and is buried in Ajmer. Jahānārā
Fort at Agra and eventually executed Dārā Shikoh also composed a biographical Ṣūfī treatise, the
and their two other brothers. Yet even after this Risalah-i-Ṣāḥibiyya. The Risalah includes both
change of fortunes, Jahānārā remained prose and verse, containing mystical poetic con-
a significant figure in the politics of the court. templations, the biography of Jahānārā’s pī r
She cared for her father until his death in 1666, Mullā Shah, and accounts of her relationship
voluntarily accepting confinement alongside him with Dārā Shikoh and discipleship in the Qādirī
for 8 years, and thereafter returned to the Agra order (1, 2). She is known to have written poetry
palace (1, 2). There, Aurangzīb granted her in Persian verse aside from these two works.
a sizeable stipend, and she resumed her role as A few of her verse letters to Aurangzīb are still
eminent lady in the zenana, taking the place of her extant; these demonstrate her command of power
younger sister Roshanārā, who had sided with within the Mughal court, continuing even after
Aurangzīb during the struggle for succession but Aurangzīb’s enthronement.
had since fallen out of his favor. Jahānārā
relocated to Shāhjahānābād, resided in the emi-
nent house of ‘Ali Mardān Khan, and was active Architectural Commissions
in a revival of the Chishtī order (5). Her tomb
lies near the Chishtī shrine of Niẓāmuddīn Jahānārā commissioned a number of buildings
Auliyā’ (8). and garden complexes, overseeing a total of 21
structures in Agra, Srinagar, and Shāhjahānābād
(2). Her first major commission was the Jāmi‘
Sufi Affiliations and Writings Masjid in Agra, built in 1643–1648. West of
Agra Fort and originally connected to it by the
Jahānārā, along with Dārā Shikoh, continued the now lost bazaar octagon, the mosque exemplifies
Mughal commitment to Ṣūfīsm begun by their an urban Mughlai mosque, built in the Shāhjahāni
great-grandfather Akbar (1556–1605). Dārā style in red sandstone and white marble (11).
Shikoh introduced Jahānārā to the Ṣūfī saint While most of the structure remains, the east
Mīān Mīr in Lahore in 1638 and subsequently to wing of the mosque courtyard was demolished
Mullā Shāh Badakhshī (1585–1661), from whom after the Uprising of 1857 (11). The Persian
she took initiation into the Qādirī Ṣūfī order and inscription on the central portal (pī shṭāq) eulo-
was given the name Fāṭima (2, 11). Jahānārā gizes Jahānārā as the most revered of ladies of
writes about how, under the guidance of her pī r the age, the possessor of the three domes as
Mullā Shāh, she was motivated to seek an ele- worldly crowns, and the most honored of the
vated Ṣūfī state (2). In her biography and certain issue of the head of the faithful. While generally
inscriptions on commissioned buildings, Jahānārā Mughal mosque epigraphy employed verses
links her Ṣūfī accomplishments with the continu- from the Qur’ān to adorn significant locations,
ation of an enduring Timurid-Mughal legacy, thus the eulogies in Jahānārā’s Agra mosque are
developing her persona as both spiritual and impe- unique features that have no Mughal precedent
rial authorities (3). among female-sponsored congregation mosques
Aside from Jahānārā’s affiliation with the (2). In fact, only two imperial women commis-
Qādirī order, she also revered members of the sioned mosques prior to Jahānārā Begum:
Chishtī order, continuing a Mughal alignment Maryam al-Zamānī, wife of Akbar, and Nūr
with the Chishtīs begun by Akbar’s construction Jahān, wife of Jahāngīr. However, subsequent
of Salīm Chishtī’s tomb in Fatehpur Sikri. In to Jahānārā’s commission, three private and con-
1640, Jahānārā wrote Mu’nis al-Arvāḥ, a gregation mosques were commissioned by
Jahāngīr, Nūruddin Mohammad 357

imperial women in the new capital of ▶ Dara Shikoh

Shāhjahānābād, each emulating the formal plan- ▶ Khwāja Muʿīn al-Dīn Chishtī
ning of her Jāmi‘ Masjid. Jahānārā’s memory is
kept alive in contemporary times by women’s
Thursday evening Ṣūfī rituals in the Agra Jāmi‘ References
Masjid, where she is commemorated in the clos-
ing prayer (2). 1. Begam QJ (1991) Princess Jahan Ara Begam: her life
and works. S.M. Hamid Ali, Karachi
In 1650, two years after the construction of the
2. Bokhari A (2009) Gendered ‘landscapes’: Jahan Ara
Agra mosque, Jahānārā commissioned the Mullā Begum’s (1614–1681) Patronage, piety and self-
Shāh Badakhshī Mosque located in Srinagar, representation in 17th C Mughal India. University of
Kashmir (2). Dedicated to her pī r, Mullā Shah, Vienna, Dissertation
3. Bokhari A (2008) The “Light” of the Timuria: Jahan
this mosque also employs standard Shāhjahāni
Ara Begum’s Patronage, Piety, and Poetry in 17th-
architectural typology. Jahānārā’s most well- century Mughal India. Marg 60(1):52–61
known commissioned buildings and gardens are 4. Chandra S (2008) State, pluralism, and the Indian
in and around Shāhjahānābād, built after Shāh historical tradition. Oxford University Press, New
Delhi
Jahān shifted the Mughal capital from Agra.
5. Ehlers E, Krafft T (eds) (1993) Shāhjahānābād/Old
These included a royal complex containing Delhi: tradition and colonial change. Franz Steiner
a mosque, public bath, and an imposing caravan- Verlag, Stuttgart
6. Faruqui MD (2012) Princes of the Mughal Empire,
serai. All were constructed in 1650, following the
1504–1719. Cambridge University Press, New York J
completion and formal inauguration of the Red
7. Frykenberg RE (ed) (1986) Delhi through the ages:
Fort in 1648. Jahānārā is most famous for the essays in Urban history, culture, and society. Oxford
construction of the Chandni Chowk bazaar, University Press, New Delhi
a Baghdadi octagonal market west of the Red 8. Hasrat BJ (1982) Dārā Shikuh: life and works.
Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi
Fort that was previously bisected by a tree-lined
9. Moosvi S (2008) People, taxation, and trade in Mughal
canal called the “Paradise Canal” (4, 5, 8). This India. Oxford University Press, New Delhi
bazaar rapidly became Delhi’s principal largest 10. Nath R (1979) Monuments of Delhi. Ambika Publica-
and richest commercial center. Although badly tions, New Delhi
11. Rizvi SAA (2002) A history of Sufism in India.
damaged during 1857, it still functions as
Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi
a major commercial area in Old Delhi today. In 12. Sarkar J (1933) Studies in Aurangzīb’s reign. M.C.
addition, Jahānārā commissioned a chahārbāgh Sarkar & Sons, Calcutta
garden north of Chandni Chowk, reserved for 13. Schimmel A (2000) The empire of the great Mughals:
history, art, and culture. Reaktion Books, London
imperial woman and children, thus continuing
14. Schimmel A (1995) My Soul is a Woman. Continuum,
established Mughal tradition of commissioning New York
Persian gardens (3).
While a number of women in the Mughal court
wielded significant influence, Jahānārā achieved
a prominence and power that was rarely equaled. Jahāngīr, Nūruddin
She managed to maintain this throughout her life, Mohammad
and her building commissions and writings have
crystallized this powerful persona for later Anubhuti Maurya
generations. History Department, Bharati College, Delhi
University, New Delhi, India

Cross-References
Synonyms
▶ Akbar
▶ Chishtī Order Jannat Makani; Salīm; Sultān Salīm
358 Jahāngīr, Nūruddin Mohammad

Definition provinces; detailed descriptions of the flora and

fauna, foods and fruits, and natural phenomena.
Nūruddin Mohammad Jahāngīr (1569–1627) was They reflected his scientific curiosity and offered
the fourth Mughal Emperor in the line of Bābur. some insights into his spiritual life. The memoirs
He was the son and successor of Emperor Akbar. were written in Persian with a number of Turkish,
Hindustani, or Kashmiri words. In the 12th regnal
year, copies were made of the memoirs, and they
Biographical Note were distributed across the Empire as a model for
kingly behavior.
He was the eldest son of Emperor Akbar, born of The Jahāngīrnāma makes available to us an
a Rajput mother, known to us as Mariyam ul- exceptional voice from the period. Refreshingly
Zamāni. He was born in the hospice of Shaikh candid, the emperor presented the life and thought
Salīm Chishtī in Sikri. In honor of the saint, he of the Mughal ruler and with an ease brought
was given the name Salīm, tying him deeply to the within the arc of his pen history, geography, cus-
saint’s benevolence. toms, and traditions of his empire. The memoirs
He ascended the throne in 1605 upon Akbar’s presented Jahāngīr as a sovereign, a naturalist, and
death and took on the title of Nūruddin an aesthete and contained a careful articulation of
Mohammad Jahāngīr. In his sixth regnal year, he the Jahāngīri conception of kingship.
married Mihrunnissa Begum, who was given the
title of Nūr Jahān. Nūr Jahān became an important
pole of authority in Jahāngīr’s reign. As Sovereign
He faced three major rebellions in his reign.
Sultān Khusrau, his son, challenged the emperor As a sovereign, historians have compared
in 1606, Shāhjahān rebelled against his authority Jahāngīr to his father. Akbar had created an
in 1622–1623, and Mahabat Khān rebelled in empire over northern South Asia, established
1626. a complex administrative system, as well as
Jahāngīr died in 1627 at Chingiz Hatti on the crafted an innovative language of sovereignty. In
road from Kashmīr to Lahore. contrast, historians have seen Jahāngīr as a weak
ruler who was a slave to intoxicants; who gave
over the reins of authority to his wife Nūr Jahān
Memoirs: The Jahāngīrnāma and her family, and who was wholly given over to
a pursuit of pleasure.
Jahāngīr wrote an account of his reign in the form Jahāngīr did not preside over major expan-
of memoirs known to us as the Jahāngī rnāma or sion of the empire, but he articulated a complex
Tuzuk-i Jahāngī rī. He began the memoirs in 1605 and strong conception of kingship and sover-
upon his accession to the throne. They came to an eignty. His ideas of kingship drew on Solomonic
end in 1624. The memoirs remain the only con- concepts and akhlāqi traditions. The sovereign
temporary official account of Jahāngīr’s reign. was vested with the duty to administer justice.
The Jahāngī rnāma offered a chronological The installation of the golden chain of justice
narrative of the reign of the emperor. In its orga- [zanjī r-i adl] was a symbolic act which suggested
nization, it resembled the court chronicles with that justice in his reign was open and accessible
records of the daily routine of the emperor, his to all.
hunts, pilgrimages, travels; affairs of the court and His kingship was universalist in character.
administration, promotions and transfers, grants, Upon accession to the throne, he assumed the
and gifts. They recorded Jahāngīr’s observations title of “Jahāngīr” or the one who holds the
on his empire: the geographic and ethnographic world. Through a careful harnessing of symbols
accounts and historical backgrounds of the and motifs, the organization of the image, and its
Jahāngīr, Nūruddin Mohammad 359

possible power over the viewer, Jahāngīr used the from a stone in its liver. His investigations were
visual medium to articulate his conception of accompanied by careful recording of his observa-
kingship. There are a number of paintings of the tions, especially in the form of accurate paintings.
emperor holding or straddling the globe. In these, Through these investigations, observations, and
the globe was taken out of its context as an object depictions, Jahāngīr brought the natural world
of science and adapted as a symbol of territorial within the purview of his kingship. Further, he
dominion. marked the landscape through construction of
Jahāngīr is considered more conservative in his gardens, architectural interventions, and
religious positions than Akbar. His execution of inscriptions.
Guru Arjun and Nūrullah Shūstarī, the imprison-
ment of the Naqshbandī leader Shaikh Aḥmad
Sirhindī, and his early patronage of the ‘ulamā’ Cross-References
are cited as indication of a turn to orthodoxy.
However, Jahāngīr presided over a cosmopolitan ▶ Akbar
court, with nobility hailing from diverse ethnic ▶ Fatehpur Sikri
and religious groups. Culturally and intellectually, ▶ Naqshbandīyah
his court was a part of the Indo-Persian ecumene
and aesthetic. The emperor drew on two important
Suggested Further Reading
traditions of the Akbari dispensation. His adop- J
tion of the title Nūruddin signaled a continuation
1. Alam M, Subrahmanyam S (2009) Frank disputations:
of his adherence to the illuminationist philosophy,
Catholics and Muslims in the court of Jahangir
and he maintained the authority of the emperor as (1608–1611). Indian Econ Soc Hist Rev, IESHR 46,
the adjudicator in matters of religion. The 4:457–511
emperor’s own accounts of his conversations 2. Alvi SS (1989) Religion and state during the reign of
the Mughal emperor Jahangir (1605–1627): non-
with Gosain Jadrup and the nightly discussions
juristical perspectives. Islamica, Studia, No. 69
recorded in the Majālis-i Jahāngī ri suggest that 3. Alvi MA, Rahman A (1968) Jahangir–the naturalist.
the emperor continued with the practice of intel- National Institute of Sciences of India, Delhi
lectually engaging with diverse religious and sec- 4. Balabanlilar L (2009) The emperor Jahangir and the
pursuit of pleasure. J Roy Asiatic Soc Ser 3
tarian ideas. While reiterating the position of the
19(2):173–186
Mughal emperor as the upholder of Islam, 5. Beni P (1922) History of Jahangir. Oxford University
Jahāngīr drew on diverse sources for his kingship. Press, London
6. Findly EB (1993) Nurjahan: empress of Mughal India.
Oxford University Press, New York
7. Friedmann Y (1971) Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi: an out-
As Naturalist line of his thought and a study of his image in the eyes
of posterity. McGill-Queen’s University Press,
Jahāngīr is celebrated as a naturalist. His memoirs Montreal
8. Habib I (1969) The family of Nur Jahan during
are exceptional for the sense of scientific curiosity
Jahangir’s reign: a political study. In: Medieval India:
toward and observations of the natural world. The a miscellany. Centre of Advanced Study, Dept. of
descriptions in the memoirs can be divided into History, Aligarh Muslim University, Asia Publishing
two broad categories: first, the vivid, often House, Aligarh
9. Islam R (1970) Indo-Persian relations: a study of
nuanced accounts of natural phenomena and pre-
the political and diplomatic relations between
cise descriptions of flora and fauna; second, the Mughal empire and Iran. Iranian Culture Founda-
account of the emperor’s experiments. Jahāngīr tion, Tehran
put folk wisdom, local lore, and hearsay about 10. Koch E (2009) Jahangir as Francis Bacon’s ideal of the
king as an observer and investigator of nature. J Roy
extraordinary phenomena to the test of rationality. Asiatic Soc Ser 3 19(3)
For example, he ordered the dissection of the liver 11. Lefevre C (2007) Recovering a missing voice from
of the tiger to test the theory that its courage came Mughal India: the imperial discourse of Jahangir (r.
360 Jahānsūz

1605–1627) in his memoirs. J Econ Soc Hist Orient Account of Ibn Battūta
50:4, Leiden ˙˙ ˙
12. Lefevre C (2012) Majalis i Jahangiri (1608–1611):
dialogue and Asiatic otherness in the Mughal court. In the popular memory of the people of Bangla-
J Econ Soc Hist 55. Brill, Leiden desh, Shaikh Jalāl ad-Dīn Mujarrad (d. 1346 C.
13. Moin AA (2012) The Millennial Sovereign: Sacred E.), popularly known as Bābā Shāh Jalāl, is con-
Kingship and Sainthood in Islam. Columbia University sidered to be the driving force behind the Muslim
Press, New York
14. Motamad Khan (1865) Iqbalnama (ed: Maulana Abdal conquest of Sylhet. Shāh Jalāl is arguably the
Haii and Ahmad Ali). Asiatic Society of Bengal, most prominent figure in the Sylheti Muslim land-
Calcutta scape, yet there is little reliable material about his
15. Richards JF (1998) The formulation of imperial life and contradictory claims about his birthplace.
authority under Akbar and Jahangir. In: Alam M,
Subrahmanyam S (eds) The Mughal state, Aside from a few inscriptions and texts dating
1526–1750. Oxford University Press, Delhi from the sixteenth century, the only contemporary
16. Roe ST (1926) The embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to mention of the Shaikh is an account found in the
India, 1616–1619. London travelogue of Ibn Baṭṭūṭa [1].
17. The Tuzuk i Jahangiri or Memoirs of Jahangir (trans:
Alexander Rogers, ed: Henry Beveridge, 1909–14, In Ibn Baṭṭūṭa’s account of his visit to Sylhet
reprint 2003). Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, while on his way to China in 1345 C.E., he
New Delhi describes Shāh Jalāl as having mystical powers
18. Tuzuk i Jahangiri (1863) Nawal Kishore, Lucknow and credits him with converting the inhabitants of
19. Verma SP (1999) Mughal painter of Flora and Fauna
Ustad Mansur. Abhinav Prakashan, Delhi the area to Islam. However, Ibn Baṭṭūṭa does not
20. Thackston WM (ed & tr) (1999) Jahangirnama: mem- identify him as “Mujarrad,” which means unmar-
oirs of Jahangir. Emperor of India, New York ried, but as “Tabrizi” or native of Tabriz, Iran. This
appears to be a mistaken reference to another
Shaikh, Jalāl ad-Dīn Tabrizī (d. 1244–1245), who
is considered by many to be the first Ṣūfī to arrive
Jahānsūz in Bengal and who lived and died in Pandua,
West Bengal, one hundred years before Ibn
▶ ‘Alā’ al-Dīn Ḥusayn (Ghūrid) Baṭṭūṭa’s visit [2]. Despite this inconsistency, Ibn
Baṭṭūṭa’s descriptions about Shah Jalal’s power and
influence have found their way into many contem-
porary Sylheti stories told about our Shaikh.
Jalāl ad-Dīn Mujarrad

Edward Yazijian Mention of Shah Jalal in Two Inscriptions

Departments of Asian Studies and Religion,
Furman University, Greenville, SC, USA Apart from Ibn Baṭṭūṭa’s travelogue, the oldest
references we have of Shaikh Jalāl ad-Dīn
Mujarrad are found in two brief inscriptions dat-
Synonyms ing from the sixteenth century. They were origi-
nally attached to the buildings that house his tomb
Baba Shah Jalal; Hazarat Shah Jalal; Shah Jalal in Sylhet town. The older of the two inscriptions,
Mujarrad; Shaikh Jalaluddin Mujarrad written in 1505, was erected during the reign of
Ḥusain Shāh and describes Shaikh Jalāl as
a hermit of Konya [3].
Definition The second inscription, written in 1512,
begins, “In honor of the greatness of the respected
Jalāl ad-Dīn Mujarrad (d. 1346) was a significant Shaikh Jalāl, the bachelor, son of Muḥammad.”
Ṣūfī saint of Sylhet, Bangladesh. Contrary to popular tradition, this inscription
Jalāl ad-Dīn Mujarrad 361

gives the credit for the Islamic conquest of Sylhet Sylhet, much later in 1859. The Suhail-i-Yaman is
to Sikandar Khān Ghāzī, nephew of the then Sul- the dominant narrative in Sylhet today. Contrary
tan of Bengal, Shams ad-Dīn Firūz Shāh [4]. to other accounts, the author establishes Shāh
Jalāl’s birthplace as Yemen and claims him as
a member of the Quraysh tribe of the prophet
Account of Shāh Jalāl in the Muḥammad. Shāh Jalāl’s preceptor gives him
Gulzār-i-Abrār a clod of dirt from Mecca and then instructs him
to settle where he finds the soil to be identical to
The two oldest existing hagiographies of Shāh that in his possession. Shāh Jalāl and his followers
Jalāl were also written long after his death. The eventually travel to India and stop for a time in
oldest one is included in an account of Indo- Delhi. He was the dinner guest of renowned Ṣūfī
Muslim Ṣūfīs titled, Gulzār-i-Abrār, a Persian Niẓām ad-Dīn Aulīyā’ who presented him with
text compiled in 1613 C.E. by Muḥammad a gift of two black pigeons. Meanwhile in Sylhet,
Ghauthī. In the Gulzār-i-Abrār, Ghauthī begins a settler by the name of Burhān ad-Dīn vowed that
by stating, “Shaikh Jalāluddīn the bachelor was he would sacrifice a cow if blessed with a son.
a Turkistani born Bengali. He was a khalifah of A son was born, and he performed the sacrifice.
Sulṭān Sayyid Aḥmad Yasawī” [5]. While many Unfortunately for him, a large bird picked up
scholars have assumed that the Konya cited in a piece of beef and dropped it on the property of
Ḥusain Shāhī inscription above refers the city in a Brahman who reported this to Raja Gaur J
Anatolia, if it actually means Kunya (Kunya- Govinda. The king called for the perpetrator and
Urgench) in present-day Turkmenistan, then punished Burhān ad-Dīn by amputating his right
Gauthī’s text would be consistent with the earlier hand and killing his newborn son. Burhān ad-Dīn
inscription. This birthplace would also situate the fled to the capital city of Gauda and complained to
Shaikh squarely in the Central Asian Ṣūfī tradition the Sulṭān, who sent his nephew Sikandar and an
and in the approximate area of Aḥmad Yasawī’s army to retaliate. Sikandar was no match for Gaur
tomb. Aḥmad Yasawī, who died in 1166, almost Govinda, an expert in the practice of black magic,
two centuries prior to Shāh Jalāl, belonged to the and had to retreat. He regrouped with the help of
Uwaysī tradition in Islam that permits initiation Naṣīruddīn Sipahsālār and called upon the help of
by dream, and there are several stories where Shāh Jalāl and his companions, the 360 Aulīyā’.
Yasawī initiates or instructs Ṣūfīs in dreams long The army, accompanied by the Shaikh and his
after his death [6]. Thus, if these two texts are companions, routed Gaur Govinda’s forces.
consistent, Shāh Jalāl came from Central Asia After the raja’s defeat, Shāh Jalāl discovered that
and was a disciple of Yasawī. Continuing his the earth of Sylhet was exactly like the clod of
narrative Ghauthī states that the Shaikh requested earth given to him by his master. He stayed in
his master to allow him to leave on a mission of Sylhet along with some of his followers [7].
jihād to lands where Islam had not reached. With The Suhail-i-Yaman is not unique but contains
his master’s blessing, he left with 700 senior dis- elements found in stories about other Ṣūfīs who
ciples and arrived in Sylhet along with 313 men. came to Bengal. The narrative it mostly resembles
They fought against Raja Gaur Govinda and were is that of Makhdūm Shāh Daulah Shahīd. He, like
victorious. Afterward he distributed the spoils of Shāh Jalāl in Haidar’s narrative, is said to have
war to his followers and permitted them to marry. come to Bengal from Yemen with a large number
of followers. Like Jalāl ad-Dīn Mujarrad, Jalāl ad-
Dīn Tabrizī, and others, Makhdūm Shāh receives
Suhail-i-Yaman two pigeons from another prominent Ṣūfī while
traveling to Bengal. The motif of a hawk dropping
The other source is Suhail-i-Yaman and was writ- a piece of beef on the land of a Brahman and the
ten in Persian by Naṣīruddīn Haidar, a Munsif of resulting fight between a local king and a Ṣūfī
362 Jalal al-Din Muhammad Akbar

appears in several other stories, notably in the

tales of Shāh Ṣafīu’d-Dīn Shahīd of Chota Pandua, Jamā‘at-i Tablīgh
West Bengal, and of Bābā Adam Shahīd’s encoun-
ter with Raja Ballāl Sen at Bikrampur, Bangladesh ▶ Tablīghī Jamā‘at
[8]. Despite the common motifs, these stories are
found in the many songs and anecdotes about Shāh
Jalāl that one hears today.
Due to Shāh Jalāl’s immense popularity, peo- Jamā‘at-Khānā
ple come from all over the subcontinent to visit his
shrine year round. There is a huge annual Urs Carole A. Barnsley
festival commemorating the day of his death, Department of Religion, Transylvania University,
which is attended by thousands. Lexington, KY, USA

Cross-References Synonyms

▶ Bangladesh (Islam and Muslims) Khānaqāh and ribat; Masjid; Mosque

▶ Bengal (Islam and Muslims)
▶ Ibn Battutah
▶ Nizām-ud-Dīn Awliyā Definition

A hall for assembly or congregation used for

References religious and other communal functions.

1. Ibn Battuta G, H.A.R. translation (2001) Ibn Battuta:

travels in Asia and Africa. Manohar, Delhi
2. Karim A (1959) Social history of Muslims in Bengal. Introduction
The Asiatic Society of Pakistan, Dacca
3. Blochmann H (1893) Contributions to the geography and Jamā‘at-Khānas, or houses of prayer and assem-
history of Bengal. J Asiatic Soc Bengal 42(3):209–310
bly of the community, are most commonly asso-
4. Choudhury DN, Hussain A (1987) Hajarata SahJalala
Ra. Islamic Foundation, Bangladesh, Dhaka ciated with the Nizārī Ismā‘īlī Muslims, though
5. Ikram SM (1959) An unnoticed account of Shaikh Jalal other Muslim communities based in South Asia,
of Sylhet. J Asiatic Soc Pakistan 1(1):63–68 namely, the Chishtī Ṣūfī ṭarīqa, the Sunnī
6. Baldick J (1993) Imaginary Muslims. New York Uni-
Memons, the Dā’ūdī, and the ‘Alawī Bohras,
versity Press, New York
7. Wise J (1893) Notes on Shah Jalal, the patron saint of also use them for communal and religious func-
Silhat. J Asiatic Soc Bengal 42(3):278–281 tions in the Indian context. Described as spaces
8. Haq ME (1975) A history of Sufism in Bengal. Asiatic that promote contemplative thought and facilitate
Society of Bangladesh, Dacca
a sense of community, jamā‘at-khānas continue to
play a central role in the lives of Nizārī Ismā‘īlī
Muslims today all over the world. Not only do
Jalal al-Din Muhammad Akbar they serve as places for the predawn and sunset
prayers gināns but also often house libraries and
▶ Akbar bookstores in addition to religious schools and
other religious offices. Jamā‘at is derived from
Arabic, meaning gathering, and khāna is a Persian
word meaning house or place. Jamā‘at-khānas
Jalaluddin Muhammad Akbar represent one of many alternatives to the mosque
or masjid and are often likened to khānaqāhs and
▶ Akbar ribats among others.
Jamā‘at-Khānā 363

Origins jamā‘at-khānas were already well established.

While in Bombay, Āghā Khān I would attend the
While the origin of the use of jamā‘at-khānas is far jamā‘at-khāna on special occasions and often led
from clear, their inception is preserved in the com- the public prayers. Over the course of about 30
munal memory of the Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs, specifically years, the Imām began to exercise more direct
in a number of gināns (sacred hymns allegedly control over the Khoja community in India and
composed by the Nizārī Ismā‘īlī Pīrs in the Indian personally appointed the mukhis and kamadias of
subcontinent). The first Pīr, Satgur Nūr, was each of the regional and local jamā‘at-khānas. His
a legendary figure and may not have even existed. authority, however, did not go completely
A subsequent Pīr by the name of Shams al-Dīn is unchallenged. One group of dissidents who were
a little easier to historicize and is said to have known as the Barbhai (twelve brethren) party,
composed a number of gināns and gained who had been in conflict with the Imām prior to
a significant number of new Indian converts to his arrival in India, had been cast out by the whole
Nizārī Ismā‘īlism. He was succeeded by Pīr Ṣadr Khoja jamā‘at for refusing to pay their dassondh.
al-Dīn, who died somewhere between 770/1369 Although they were readmitted in 1835, they later
and 819/1416, and played a considerable role in excommunicated again in 1848, which resulted in
establishing the Nizārī Ismā‘īlī community in the their secession from the Khoja community.
Indian subcontinent. In this context, he was known Tending toward a more Sunnī Muslim orientation,
for disseminating and organizing the new group the Barbhai installed themselves in a separate J
comprising of a large number of new converts. jamā‘at-khāna in Bombay. In this context, it
Many of Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn’s converts were Hindus would seem that jamā‘at-khāna does more than
from the Lohana caste, and he gave them the title simply designate a space of worship, congrega-
Khoja (from the Persian word khwāja, a honorific tion, and communal organization. Here, there is an
title meaning lord) upon their becoming Nizārī explicit assertion of a particular religious and
Ismā‘īlīs. In addition to composing a large corpus communal identity being expressed in terms of
of gināns and gaining a large number of converts, both a space, the jamā‘at-khāna, and a group, the
Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn is credited with establishing the jamā‘at, concepts that are inextricably linked. The
first jamā‘at-khāna for the Khojas in Kotri, Sind. organization of the community and jamā‘at-
Later he set up two other centers in Panjāb and khānas and their related officials have since been
Kashmir. Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn appointed mukhis (of reorganized under an elaborate hierarchical struc-
Sanskrit derivation) generally understood as chiefs ture composed of councils and boards. To this
or stewards and kamadias (of Sanskrit derivation), end, while the mukhis and kamadias still have
their assistants, often understood as accountants, to ritual functions and continue to be charged with
oversee the community and the jamā‘at-khānas. the collection of the dassondh, their authority has
Their duties included presiding over religious rit- been reduced considerably.
uals and collection of the dassondh (tithe) for the
Imām and as the primary lay officials wielded
considerable local power. In this way, Pīr Ṣadr al- Styles
Dīn initiated the structure for the communal orga-
nization of the Indian Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs or Khojas as Jamā‘at-khānas around the world take on a variety
they had come to be known. of shapes and sizes depending on their cultural
context and their specific function(s) within their
local communities. It is not clear what they were
Functions originally modeled on, though it is claimed that
they resemble the Fāṭimid House of Wisdom.
By the time the Imām Ḥasan ‘Alī Shāh, Āghā Regardless of origin, jamā‘at-khānas, over their
Khān I (d. 1298/1881), settled in Bombay in histories, have functioned in a variety of different
1265/1848, the Khoja community and their ways, much like the mosque at the time of the
364 Jama’ati-i-Islam Bangladesh

Prophet in Medina and, as such, engender a space 5. Karim K (2011) At the interstices of tradition,
that facilitates this variety. For example, in addition modernity and postmodernity: Ismaili engagements
with contemporary Canadian Society. In: Daftary
to a general assembly hall for prayers, weddings, F (ed) A modern history of the Ismailis. Continuity
and other communal activities, there are often and change in a Muslim community. I.B. Tauris,
spaces for council offices, religious education, and London
in some places fully fledged schools. In addition to 6. Kassam TR (1995) Songs of wisdom and circles of
dance: hymns of the Satpanth Ismaili saint, Pir Shams.
being shaped by their functions, jamā‘at-khānas SUNY, Albany
often take on a design that is in keeping with their 7. Nanji A (1978) The Nizari Isma‘ili tradition in the
cultural environment. For example, a jamā‘at- Indo-Pakistan subcontinent. Delmar, New York
khāna believed to be the first in Tashkurgan, 8. Saidula A (2011) The Nizari Ismailis of China in
modern times. In: Daftary F (ed) A modern history of
China, was built under the auspices of Imām Sulṭān the Ismailis. Continuity and change in a Muslim com-
Muḥammad Shāh Aga Khan III (d. 1376/1957). It munity. I.B. Tauris, London
was modeled on other Sunni mosques found in the 9. Shackle C, Moir Z (1992) Ismaili hymns from South
area and as such included two small minarets. Asia: an introduction to the Ginans. School of Oriental
and African Studies, London
Internally, however, the space conformed to other 10. Virani S (2007) The Ismailis in the Middle Ages.
jamā‘at-khānas based primarily on practicality and A history of survival, a search for salvation. Oxford
function. Prominent jamā‘at-khānas around the University Press, Oxford
world today include the first Ismā‘īlī Center in
South Kensington, London, which was opened
by Margaret Thatcher in 1985. In the same year,
another large and well-known Ismā‘īlī Center Jama’ati-i-Islam Bangladesh
was opened in Burnaby, Vancouver. In 2008,
the first Ismā‘īlī Center in the Middle East was ▶ Jama’at-i-Islami Bangladesh
opened in Dubai. In all of these more recent
buildings, special attention has been paid to
their architecture, drawing on Moorish architec-
tural heritage, Cairo’s Fāṭimid architectural heri- Jama’at-i-Islami Bangladesh
tage, as well as other Muslim cultural forms such
as those found in India. Clinton Bennett
Department of Philosophy, State University of
New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA
Cross-References

▶ Aga Khan Synonyms

▶ Ismā‘īlīs
▶ Khānaqāh and Ribat Bangladesh Jama’at-i-Islam; Bangladesh Jamaati-
▶ Khojas e-Islam; Jama’ati-i-Islam Bangladesh; Jamaati-e-
Islam Bangladesh

References
Definition
1. Asani A (2002) Ecstasy and enlightenment. I.B.
Tauris, London
2. Daftary F (2007) The Ismā‘īlīs. Their history and Bangladesh Jama’at-i-Islami (Community/Party
doctrines, 2nd edn. Cambridge University Press, of Islam) is the national, autonomous chapter
Cambridge of a movement founded in India in 1941 commit-
3. Fyzee AAA (1934) Cases in the Muhammadan law of
India and Pakistan. Clarendon, Oxford
ted to establishing an Islamic state; banned
4. Hollister JN (1979) The Shi‘a of India. Oriental Books 1971–1979 following pro-Pakistani activities
Reprint Corporation, New Delhi and currently prohibited from competing in
Jama’at-i-Islami Bangladesh 365

elections, it shared power in a coalition govern- state but otherwise are to be considered full citi-
ment from 2001 to 2006. zens, with seats in the advisory council. Following
Partition, Mawdūdī was critical of Pakistan’s
leaders for failing to establish an Islamic polity,
Origin and Aims spending years in prison. Just before his death, he
supported Zia-al-Haq’s Islamization program;
Popularly known as Jamaat, Bangladesh Jama’at- under Zia, JI leaders occupied important posts.
i-Islami (JI) is the national chapter of the social, When Zia failed to deliver promised elections, JI
religious, and political organization founded by withdrew support.
Abu‘l-A‘lā Mawdūdī (1903–1979) in India in
1941. Bangladesh JI developed from the former
East Pakistan wing, adopting its current name in Opposition to East Pakistan’s
2008. “Bangladesh” was moved from the end to Independence
the beginning of “Jamaati-i-Islami” to indicate
autonomy from JI in Pakistan. Usually catego- Mawdūdī detested Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
rized as an Islamist Party because it aims to estab- (1920–1975), leader of the East Pakistan struggle
lish an Islamic State, it has gained the largest vote for autonomy and then for independence, opposing
share among Islamists in Bangladesh. From the Pakistan’s dismemberment [3]. When the war for
late 1930s, Mawdūdī supported the two-nation independence began, JI’s East Pakistan wing J
theory, arguing that Muslims and Hindus were remained loyal to Pakistan, denouncing the war as
separate nations. He originally favored a federal a “Communist-Hindu plot” [4]. Members occupied
India in which distinct communities enjoyed government posts, including four ministries; others
autonomy over their religious, educational, and organized pro-Pakistani paramilitary forces. Later,
cultural affairs. Muslims, he said, should not members were accused of mass killings, torture,
abandon the goal of again ruling India [1]. Vocally and rape and of forcing Hindus to convert to
critical of Muslims such as Zakir Hussain Islam. Following independence, JI was banned
(1897–1969) and Hussain Ahmad Madani from operating in Bangladesh.
(1879–1957), leader of the Jam‘iyyat al-Ulama-i
Hind, who championed “one nation” for Hindus
and Muslims, the Muslim League welcomed and After Legalization
promoted Mawdūdī’s pro-two-nation opinion. It
lacked recognized scholars within its ranks. Many leaders, including Ghulam Azam, Amir of
Mawdūdī accused the Congress of being the East Pakistan wing since 1969, remained in
a Hindu body. After 1940, he joined the call for exile until restrictions on Jama’at were lifted
a separate state for Muslims convinced that (1979). Six members won seats in the 1979 elec-
a federal system was unattainable as Hindu- tion, standing as Islamic Democratic League can-
Muslim relations deteriorated. However, he dis- didates. Contesting the 1986 election under its
tanced himself from the League, criticizing its own name, JI won 10 seats; military ruler General
secular stance. He set Jama’at up as the vanguard H. M. Ershad’s brand-new Jatiya Party domi-
of an Islamic polity and organized as nated, polling 43.2% of the vote. Reputedly, elec-
a government in waiting with himself as Amir tion officials were told to ensure an Ershad victory
over a national advisory council, with provincial [5]. JI MPs resigned in December 1987 because
presidents and councils and grassroots branches. parliament lacked legitimacy. JI rebuilt its infra-
For Mawdūdī, an Islamic state can elect its leader structure, establishing over 6000 local branches;
and advisors; their task is to interpret and apply its youth wing, Islami Chatra Sangha (ICS), is
God’s law, not making law. He termed this very active on College and University campuses
“theodemocracy” [2]. Non-Muslims would be [6]. In 1987, ICS won control of most Student
precluded from certain posts, including head of Unions, heavily defeating the secular Awami
366 Jama’at-i-Islami Bangladesh

League (AL). JI criticized Ershad’s 1988 declara- 1991 tract arguing that women cannot exercise
tion of Islam as the state religion for failing to authority over men, even as JI was allied with
make Bangladesh an Islamic State. Maneuvering a woman-led party [12]. However, in 1991 and
to claim Islamic credentials at JI’s cost, Ershad 2005, JI accepted reserved seats for women.
denounced it as an enemy of liberation [7]. JI Mawdūdī had opposed women in political leader-
joined other opposition parties in calling for dem- ship generally but supported Fatima Jinnah’s 1965
ocratic restoration, cooperating with two women run for Pakistan’s presidency, considering her the
party leaders, the Awami League’s (AL) Sheikh best candidate in the circumstances [13]. Her
Hasina and Begum Khaleda Zia of Bangladesh opponent had banned JI [14].
Nationalist Party (BNP). In the 1991 election,
allied with the wining, Islam-oriented BNP, JI
gained 18 seats in what many consider War Crimes Tribunal
a reasonably fair election. However, missing out
on cabinet posts, it later switched sides to support The AL government established a War Crimes
AL’s allegation that BNP had rigged a 1994 by- Tribunal in 2009 (under a 1973 Act) to investigate
election [8]. Boycotting the February 1996 elec- and prosecute crimes against humanity perpe-
tion, AL and JI rejected its result. JI proposed that trated during the war of liberation [15]. Since
a caretaker government supervise elections [9]. 2009, prominent JI members have been found
This was enshrined in the 13th Amendment guilty and sentenced to death or imprisonment,
(March, 1996). In the subsequent June election, including both former ministers, retired Amir
AL won 146 seats; JI lost 15. By the 2001 elec- Azam, Delwar Hossain Saidi, and Abdul Quader
tion, JI, again allied with BNP, ended up with 17 Molla (Assistant General Secretary since 2010).
seats and two cabinet posts. Amir Motiur Rahman Strikes and demonstrations either objecting to the
Nizami became Agriculture Minister and then leniency of sentences or protesting the accused’s
from May 2003 Industry Minister; Secretary-Gen- innocence have followed each verdict.
eral, former ICS president, Ali Ahsan Muhammad
Mujahid was Minister of Social Welfare [10].
Both had taken up their party posts in 2000, after Evaluation: Radical Islam in Bangladesh
Azam’s retirement. In the 2008 election, JI lost 15
seats. With its large majority, AL restored “secu- JI’s commitment to democracy has been chal-
larism” and “socialism” as state principles and lenged, on the basis that to achieve its goal, it
made abuse of religion for political purposes ille- would have to dismantle the current multiparty
gal in the 15th Amendment. In 2013, the Supreme parliamentary system [16]. It would also have to
Court ruled that JI’s charter contravenes radically revise the law. JI’s membership is mainly
Bangladesh’ secular constitution and that without “middle class, educated, and urbanized,” but
amending this it cannot contest national elections. efforts have been made to attract less-educated
Two other Islamist parties, accused of violence, members, especially rural women [17]. JI wants
had been banned in 2005 [11]. to reform society from the bottom-up, persuading
people through education and faith nurture that an
Islamic State best serves their needs. It does not
Jama’at and Women advocate seizing power through violent revolu-
tion, although it has been accused of fomenting
JI proactively recruits women’s support. Senior violence, especially by ICS members. Other
officers have served in government under Islamists do use violence to further their agendas,
a woman leader. However, prominent members often targeting minorities [18]. JI has won more
oppose women’s leadership, including Delwar seats than any other Islamist party, depending on
Hossain Saidi, an MP from 1996 to 2006, while how Ershad’s Jayta, currently allied with AL, is
the Jama’at’s Press published M. Ruhul Amin’s defined; it has employed Islamist language
Jamaati-e-Islam Bangladesh 367

pledging in 2001 to align existing laws with 6. Esposito JL (2003) The Oxford dictionary of Islam.
Qur’ān and Sunna [19]. JI’s publicity uses inclu- Oxford University Press, Oxford
7. Ahmad M (1991) Islamic fundamentalism in South
sive language, promising to improve the lives of Asia: the Jamaat-i-Islami and Tablighi Jamaat. In:
all Bangladeshis regardless of “socioeconomic Marty ME, Scott Appleby R (eds) Fundamentalisms
background, religion, class, and caste” [20]. Sec- observed. University of Chicago Press, Chicago,
retary-General Mujahid, rejecting charges of pp 457–530
8. Chowdhury MH (2003) Democratization in South
extremism, has defended JI’s commitment to Asia: lessons from American institutions. Ashgate,
democracy, which it practices in “every tier of its Aldershot
organization” [21]. Members who did commit 9. Kabir A (2002) The struggling democracy of Bangla-
atrocities should be convicted; however, many desh. Adorn Publication, Dhaka
10. Ahmed S (2003) Bangladesh: past and present. A.P.H.
current members were born since 1971 and are Publishing Corporation, New Delhi
loyal citizens of Bangladesh. Ahead of the Janu- 11. Juergensmeyer M (2008) Global rebellion religious
ary 5th 2014 election, which opposition parties challenges to the secular state, from Christian militias
boycotted, JI supported BNP's demand for res- to al Qaeda. University of California Press, Berkeley
12. Shehabuddin E (2008) Reshaping the holy: democ-
toration of the caretaker provision, abolished by racy, development, and Muslim women in Bangla-
the 15th Amendment. AL has claimed another desh. Columbia University Press, New York
term in office. Neither JI nor BNP currently have 13. Kabir BMM (2006) Politics and development of the
seats in parliament. Jamaat-e-Islami, Bangladesh. A.H. Development Pub-
lishing House, Dhaka
14. Choueiri YM (2008) Islamic fundamentalism: the J
story of Islamic movements. Continuum, London
Cross-References 15. Shelton D (2011) International law and domestic legal
systems: incorporation, transformation and persua-
sion. Oxford University Press, Oxford
▶ Bangladesh (Islam and Muslims) 16. Karlekar H (2005) Bangladesh: the next Afghanistan?
▶ Ismaili Muslims Sage, New Delhi
▶ Mawdūdī 17. Shehabuddin E (2013) Jamaat-i-Islami in Bangladesh:
women, democracy and the transformation of Islam-
▶ Mujibur Rahman, Shaykh ists politics. In: Osella F, Osella C (eds) Islamic reform
▶ Sheikh Hasina in South Asia. Cambridge University Press, New
▶ Two-Nation Theory York, pp 445–471
▶ Zakir Hussain 18. Riaz A (2008) Islamist militancy in Bangladesh:
a complex web. Routledge, Milton Park
▶ Zia, Begum Khaleda 19. Lal CK, Nurul Kabir TAJ, Qamar SN (2010) Human
▶ Zia ul-Haq rights, democracy and governance. Longman, Delhi
20. Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh Manifesto (2008) Jamaat-
e-Islami, Dhaka, http://www.jamaat-e-islami.org/en/
articlepdf/110_manifesto%20in%20english.pdf
References 21. Khondker HH (2010) State and secularism in Bangla-
desh. In: Heng MSH, Ten CL (eds) State and secular-
1. Ahmad I (2009) Islamism and democracy in India: the ism perspectives from Asia. World Scientific,
transformation of Jamaat-e-Islami. Princeton Univer- Hackensack, pp 213–234
sity Press, Princeton
2. Mawdudi SA (1976) Political theory of Islam. In:
Ahmad K (ed) Islam: its meaning and message.
Islamic Foundation, Leicester, pp 147–171
3. Ahmed A (1997) Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic iden- Jamaat-e-Islami, Sri Lanka
tity: the search for Saladin. Routledge, London
4. Ahmed R (2001) Understanding the Bengal Muslims: ▶ Sri Lanka Jama’ath-e-Islami
interpretative essays. Oxford University Press, New
Delhi
5. Kochanek SA (2010) Corruption and the criminaliza-
tion of politics in South Asia. In: Brass PR (ed)
Routledge handbook of South Asian politics: India,
Jamaati-e-Islam Bangladesh
Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Nepal.
Routledge, Milton Park, pp 364–398 ▶ Jama’at-i-Islami Bangladesh
368 Jannat Makani

enmity and how the Muslim attitudes toward

Jannat Makani Jews are formed and influence the foreign policy
in South Asia.
▶ Jahāngīr, Nūruddin Mohammad

Introduction
Jāti In spite of the fact that South Asia has had resident
Jewish communities for more than a millennium,
▶ Caste
most of the South Asians, including Muslims,
have never had any interaction with Jews because
of their small numbers. As a result of no direct
Jawāliqī contact with Jews and the absence of Jewish Stud-
ies in South Asia, most of the South Asians are
▶ Qalandar largely ignorant of Jews. Those who are aware of
their presence know of them via a secondary
source, for instance, the Bible or the Qur’ān, the
media, the European fiction, etc. Those who know
Jewish Authors in India them only through newspapers, television, and
radio news think of them only as Israelis.
▶ Contemporary Indian Jewish Literature
Among the South Asian Muslims aware of Jews,
a majority harbors feelings of hostility and antag-
onism toward them. The South Asian Muslim
Jewish Literature in India perceptions of Jews are formed by negative inter-
pretations of the Qur’ānic references to Jews,
▶ Contemporary Indian Jewish Literature literal interpretations of the polemics in the
Qur’ān, and also by their press. However, inci-
dents of Muslim anti-Semitic attacks have been
few and are a relatively recent development in the
Jewish-Muslim Relations in long history of Jewish-Muslim relations in South
South Asia Asia. But without doubt, the single biggest influ-
ence is the Arab-Israel conflict which has a very
Navras Jaat Aafreedi detrimental effect on the Muslim attitudes toward
Department of History and Civilization, School of Jews, Israel, and Zionism, but interestingly fails to
Humanities and Social Sciences, Gautam Buddha leave any impact on Jewish-Muslim relations in
University, Greater NOIDA, UP, India India, wherever the two are in direct contact, for
instance, in the cities of Mumbai, Kolkata, and
Ahmedabad, unlike Karachi in Pakistan, where
Synonyms they were attacked in retaliation to the establish-
ment of the modern Jewish state of Israel in 1948
Interfaith relations; Muslim anti-semitism; and also during the Arab-Israel wars that followed
Religious minorities in India in 1956 and 1967. The latest major case of the
Arab-Israel conflict induced anti-Semitism in
Pakistan was the murder of an American Jewish
Definition journalist Daniel Pearl in 2002. Personal acquain-
tance with Jews does not leave any room for any
Exploration of Jewish-Muslim Relations in negative stereotypes of Jews among Indian Mus-
South Asia with examples of amity as well as lims. The Muslim antagonism toward Jews has
Jewish-Muslim Relations in South Asia 369

also been a major influence on the foreign policy households of the Baghdadi community, the last
in South Asia. of the three South Asian Jewish communities to
According to official sources, presently the settle in India, only Muslims were taken on as
only country in South Asia to have Jews is India, cooks because of the similarities in Jewish and
where their population was estimated to be around Muslim dietary restrictions, which subsequently
5,300 in 2002. A decade later the number remains influenced the Baghdadi Jewish cooking in India.
more or less the same. So few in numbers, they do Living in close relation with their Muslim neigh-
not even find a separate mention in the Census. bors, the Bene Israel adopted a number of Urdu
They are placed in the “Others” category, which (the lingua franca of South Asian Muslims)
constitutes 0.7% of India’s total population. The words, mostly kinship terms and terms relating
highest their number ever reached in India was in to religion into their language Marathi.
1951, just before their migration to Israel, when A member of the Bene Israel community, Khan
it was not more than 30,000 [30]; 1,199 Jews Bahadur Jacob Bapuji Israel, who held the high
were recorded in Pakistan in 1941, but most of administrative position of Diwan in the princely
them had to leave Pakistan by 1968 [37]. A few state of Aundh, is known to have put a group of
years ago, the only Jew known in Pakistan was Mangs, a Hindu caste, desirous of converting to
an old lady in Karachi. It is estimated that there Judaism to get rid of the discrimination they were
were about 135 Jews in Bangladesh (then East subjected to on the basis of their low status in the
Pakistan) in 1947, concentrated in Dacca [38]. Hindu caste hierarchy, in touch with a Muslim J
Most of them left for other parts of the world, organization, for he regarded Islam to be the clos-
leaving behind only two families who have est approximation to Judaism. This action of his
converted to Christianity. Jews are India’s was also determined by the difficulties involved in
smallest religious minority and the Muslims its conversion to Judaism, a non-proselytizing reli-
largest; in fact, the Indian Muslims are the largest gion [20].
minority community in the world. While Jews There are also several examples of Jews who
are hardly 0.01% of India’s population, Muslims embraced Sufism and came to be revered by Mus-
are around 13%. lims. The most prominent among them is Sarmad
(c. 1590–1659/61 C.E.). His tomb at the eastern
gate of the Jama Masjid in Delhi is popular as
Jewish-Muslim Amity a shrine among Muslims and an ‘urs is held every
year in his memory. A great Islamic theologian
The tiny minority of Indian Muslims, which does and India’s first education minister, Maulana Abul
have direct interaction with Jews, being neighbors Kalam Azad wrote an essay on Sarmad in 1910
in the cities of Mumbai, Kolkata, and for the Urdu journal Nizam ul-Mushaikh (No. 3,
Ahmedabad, has an exceptionally pleasant and Vol. II), in which Sarmad comes across as one
cordial relationship with them. They have pro- who upheld the doctrine of waḥdat-e-adyān, the
duced beautiful examples of Muslim-Jewish oneness of all religions. V. N. Datta writes in his
amity. All synagogues in India are looked after book Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and Sarmad
by Muslims. In Mumbai, where more than 80% of (2007), “It is, I think, not an accident that Azad
the Indian Jews live, all Jewish localities are situ- lies buried close to Sarmad’s grave facing the
ated in predominantly Muslim neighborhoods. Jama Masjid, near Delhi’s Red Fort and Chandni
Most of the students are Muslims at two of the Chowk, the symbols of India’s historical cultural
three Jewish schools in Mumbai, viz., Sir Jacob past. Azad may have expressed his wish to be
Sassoon High School, Nagpada, and Elisha Ezra buried near the Sufi on whom he wrote an essay,
Ezekiel Sassoon High School, Nagpada, and at and whose thoughts and ideas were to nourish and
the two Jewish schools in Kolkata, viz., Elias sustain his own religious and political life subse-
Mayer Free School and Jewish Girls’ School in quently” [8]. India’s third president (1967–1969)
Bowbazar and Raja Bazaar, respectively. In the and a great educationist, Dr. Zakir Husain,
370 Jewish-Muslim Relations in South Asia

a Muslim, while laying the foundation of the turned his attention to Sarmad, a partisan and
prestigious Jamia Millia Islamia, now a central vocal supporter of Dara, a contestant for the
university, paid homage to the fond memory of throne that Aurangzeb eventually managed to
Sarmad by inscribing at the university a rubā‘ī get after the latter’s execution. Historians are not
(quatrain) of the mystic poet: unanimous about the reasons behind Sarmad’s
Sarmad cut short your tedious tale of woe. execution at Aurangzeb’s orders in 1659 or
There are two ways, one of them you must go: 1661. It is not clear what charges were filed against
Surrender yourself utterly to His will him by the chief justice, Mullah Abdul Qazi, who
Or say He is nothing to you, friend nor foe.
was appointed by Aurangzeb to investigate
He was either born in Dagestan, Russia, or Sarmad, and for which ones he was convicted.
Armenia, or in Iran. It was under the influence of Mirāt ul-Khayāl ascribes the execution to Sarmad’s
the great Persian scholars Mullah Sadruddin defiance of Aurangzeb’s order to wear clothes, and
Shirazi and Mirza Abdul Qasim Findiriski that also to his refusal to recite the whole kalama, the
he embraced Sufism or Islamic mysticism. Muslim affirmation of faith. Like the Hindus prob-
A trader of precious gems and stones as he was, ing for God with “neti, neti. . .” (“not this, not
it was his trade commitments that brought him to that”), Sarmad used to stop at “There is no God,”
Thatta in Sind (now in Pakistan) in 1632, where and would not add “but God” [13, 19]. Sarmad
he fell for a Baniya lad, Abhai Chand. On being reportedly explained this by saying that he was
painfully separated from him by Abhai Chand’s still immersed in the negative and had yet to
influential father, he renounced the world, includ- achieve the positive, “reflecting the Sufi teaching
ing his clothing, and transformed into a nudist of fana and baaqa, the annihilation of the individ-
Sufi, something never heard before and since. ual and subsistence in the Eternal,” as Nathan Katz
However, Abhai Chand’s father could not keep points out [8, 13, 19].
him captive for long and he soon reunited with Tazkara-i-Ḥusaini has put the blame on
Sarmad in 1634, after which they moved to Sarmad’s prophecy that in the contest for the
Lahore, where they stayed for 11 years. In 1647, royal crown between the princes – Dara Shikoh
they reached Hyderabad in Deccan (India), where and Aurangzeb – the former would succeed,
Abhai Chand translated the Tanach (the Hebrew which greatly enraged Aurangzeb. Tazkara
Torah) into Persian in Sarmad’s supervision. The Shora-i-Punjab gives Sarmad’s friendship with
translation was incorporated in a chapter devoted Dara Shikoh, Aurangzeb’s rival contestant for
to Judaism in the great work of comparative reli- the throne, as the reason for his execution. Bernier
gion, commissioned by the Mughal prince Dara holds Sarmad’s refusal to wear clothes as the
Shikoh and edited by Mubid Shah or Mohsin ul- reason for his execution. Manucci believes that
Fani. It is not clear as to when Sarmad and Abhai Sarmad was executed because of his antagonistic
Chand left Hyderabad and settled in Delhi, but the and sarcastic attitude toward the emperor
famous traveler Bernier mentions in his account Aurangzeb, who was often the target of his irony
having seen him parading the streets of Delhi “as and ridicule, which would at times cross the limits
naked as when he came into the world.” It seems of decent discourse, and also because of Sarmad’s
that Sarmad’s clash with the then Mughal emperor friendship with Dara Shikoh. According to Waleh
in Delhi was inevitable. Aurangzeb was Daghastani, there was one more reason for
influenced by the ‘ulamā’ to adopt a suppressive Sarmad’s execution and that was his blasphemous
attitude toward those transgressing the rules and denial of Muhammad’s mi‘rāj, his supposed
rituals jealously guarded by them as the essentials ascent to the seventh heaven [8, 13, 19].
of Islam. But a spirit of defiance and self-sacrifice,
He who understood the mystery of Reality
so typical and characteristic of Sufi poetry, was the Became vaster than the vast heaven
most prominent feature of Sarmad’s rubaiyat. It Mullah says that Mohammad ascended the
was only a matter of time before Aurangzeb Heavens
Jewish-Muslim Relations in South Asia 371

Sarmad says that the Heavens descended to Qazi Qidwa was most probably a scion of the
Muhammad. Danishmend dynasty, though he also writes that
K. A. Nizami writes that Aurangzeb ordered the names of the ancestors of Malik Ghazi or
the Kadi’l Kudat Mullah Abd al-Kavri to investi- Malik Shah or Merak Shah do not match with
gate Sarmad’s religious views, and the ‘ulamā’ the names of Qazi Qidwa’s ancestors, as given in
ordered his execution as a punishment for his the genealogical tables [1, 22]. Dunlop is of the
nudity and free thinking. V. N. Datta draws our view that Seljuk, together with some of his cour-
attention to the fact that “[Maulana Abul Kalam] tiers, may well have followed the Khazars, whose
Azad makes it absolutely clear that in the execu- army was commanded by his father Tuquq, also
tion of Sarmad (1661–1662), Aurangzeb was known as Timuryalik, in embracing Judaism [11].
motivated purely by political considerations and As the tradition goes, Malik Ghazi was
that it had nothing to do with religion. Dara succeeded by his younger son Nusratuddin (also
Shikoh used to address Sarmad as his guide and known as Nuzratuddin), while the elder son
preceptor. According to Azad, Aurangzeb was Moizuddin alias Qidwa was made the Qazi-uz-
bent on punishing Sarmad for his close associa- Qazzat (Chief Justice with extensive powers)
tion with Dara Shikoh. To win public approval for of the kingdom, as was the custom of the dynasty
his vindictive act, Aurangzeb took every care to [1, 22].
project Sarmad as a notorious transgressor of This practice of making the elder son Qazi-uz-
Islamic principles, who refused to accept the invi- Qazzat was aimed at consolidating the base of J
olate article of faith of all Muslims, la illaha illa Islam among the masses, as the religion was still
Allah [8, 13, 19].” new to the region, and the pre-Islamic pagan
There are two more examples of persons of influences still lingered. It was the duty of the
putative Jewish descent who embraced Sufism, head Qazi of the kingdom to see that the subjects
Qazi Qidwatuddin [1] and Badi-ud-Din Shah adhered to the Islamic code of law and way of life
Madar. [1, 22].
Qazi Qidwatuddin was the progenitor of the The dual authority of the two brothers could
Sunni Muslim community called Qidwai/Kidwai. not last long, and conflicts arose in just a few
The community is divided into five branches, one years’ time. Disillusioned after his futile efforts
of which is made up of the direct lineal descen- to check King Nusratuddin’s heavy drinking and
dants of Qazi Qidwatuddin, also called Qazi debauchery, Qazi Qidwa renounced the comforts
Qidwa. Most of the Qidwais are familiar with of royalty and embraced the simple Sufi way of
the origin of their surname, which comes from life. Traveling through Syria, Iraq, and Iran, Qazi
the Arabic word “qidwa” (elevated). This word Qidwa reached India in AH 588/1191 C.E., with
qidwa, with the sound of the vowel “i” suffixed to an entourage of about 1,200 people, which
it, was adopted as the name of their clan by Qazi included his wife Sabiha, his son Izzudin, and
Moizuddin’s descendants, from his title about a thousand cavalry led by ten military
Qidwatuddin [1, 22]. commanders – Afrid, Farrukh, Jamshed, Askar,
According to the tradition, Qazi Qidwatuddin Sayeda, Sayeedan, Urdesher, and Jamshed. After
ne Moizuddin, born in AH 530/1133 C.E., was the substituting in Ajmer, Rajasthan, for the sufi
elder son of Malik Ghazi or Malik Shah or Merak Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti, who was then on
Shah of Rum (modern Turkey). Of the three a pilgrimage to Mecca, he proceeded to Delhi in
dynasties that ruled in Rum, the Seljuks, the AH 590/1193 C.E., where Shahab-ud-Din
Eldiguzids, and the Danishmends, it is only in Muhammad Ghori had established his control
the Danishmend dynasty that one comes across after defeating Prithviraj Chauhan in the First
a king by the name of Malik Ghazi or Malik Shah Battle of Tarain in 1191. Qazi Qidwa is said to
or Merak Shah in the period mentioned. There- have been offered the post of Qazi-uz-Qazzat
fore, Riaz-ur-Rehman Kidwai is of the view that of the yet to be established Delhi Sultanate,
372 Jewish-Muslim Relations in South Asia

which he declined. He then led in several military a periodical, Arafat. He also took up the task of
expeditions in Barabanki and conquered 52 vil- translating the Hadith of Bukhari into English but
lages [1, 22]. could never complete it as his library got burnt in
Entrusting the control of these villages to his the communal riots that accompanied the partition
son Qazi Izzudin, he left for Ayodhya (District of India and the creation of Pakistan, a state for
Faizabad) in AH 590/1193 C.E., where he stayed Muslims. In 1949, he joined the diplomatic ser-
till his death in AH 605/1208 C.E. [1, 22]. vice of Pakistan and was given the charge of the
The other theory of the Jewish origin of Middle Eastern Department. A year later, he
Qidwais is that propounded by Maulana Abdul became the first recipient of a Pakistani passport.
Hai in his Malfuzat Firangi Mahal. According to In 1952, he was sent to the United Nations as
it, Qazi Qidwa’s wife was a Bani Israil. Their Pakistan’s Minister Plenipotentiary, a position
descendants are the ones now known as that he relinquished in just a few months’ time
Qidwais/Kidwais [1, 22]. when the Foreign Ministry of Pakistan refused to
Badi-ud-Din Shah Madar was a Syrian Sufi of permit him to marry an American convert to
the fifteenth century. “According to the Sufi tradi- Islam, Pola. He left the diplomatic service and
tion, Shah Madar came to India after travelling for wrote his autobiography, up to the age of 32, The
many years in the Arabian Peninsula. There, he Road to Mecca, in 9 months. It was a great success
founded the Sufi brotherhood of the Madaris and and was published in a dozen languages. Three
settled in Makanpur, a village 60 km northeast of decades after its publication, the periodical Arabia
Kanpur. He died around 1436. His tomb, or commented: “Allah alone knows how many other
dargah, is venerated by thousands of people to converts were on their way to faith because of this
this very day.” By one account Badi-ud-Din Shah rousing book.”At his publisher’s invitation, he
Madar or Zinda Shah Madar, Ghazi Miyan, was spent a year in Germany translating it into Ger-
a converted Jew, born in Aleppo, in 1050 CE. He man. After which he spent a couple of years in
is called Zinda, “the living one,” because he is Beirut, where he wrote The Principles of State and
said to be still alive, the Prophet having given him Government in Islam. Following which, he lived
the power of living without breath [13, 14, 32]. in Pakistan for a year and in Switzerland for 6
In the modern and contemporary period, there years, where he started the work that culminated
are a few Jews with a strong Sufi connection. The 17 years later in 1980 in the publication of his
Israeli singer, musician, and poet, Shye Ben-Tzur, magnum opus, The Message of Islam. In 1987,
is the world’s only Hebrew qav’vāl. An Austrian after 14 years in Tangiers, and then 4 years in
Jew who came to be known as Europe’s Gift to Portugal, Muhammad Asad settled in Spain [6].
Islam, Muhammad Asad ne Leopold Weis Another Austrian Jew who made a significant
(1900–1992), is credited for one of the finest contribution to Islam and to the Muslim State of
translations and commentaries of the Qur’ān, The Pakistan that emerged later was Gottlieb Wilhelm
Message of Islam. He traveled in the Middle East Leitner, a great linguist, who wrote the History of
from 1922 onward, which led him to study and Islam in Urdu in two volumes with the help of
convert to Islam. In 1932, he went to India, where a well known Muslim scholar Maulvi Karim-ud-
he became friends with the great Urdu and Persian Din, published in 1871 and 1876. Within 3 years
poet Muhammad Iqbal, who persuaded him to of his appointment as the Principal of the Govern-
stay in Lahore and work for the cause of Islam. ment College in Lahore, he raised its status to that
In 1933, he published his book Islam at the Cross- of the University of the Punjab.
roads. From 1939 to 1945, he was interned by the A person who emerged in South Asia as
British as an enemy alien in spite of the fact that he a bridge between Jews and Muslims is Munr
had retained his Austrian passport and refused to Kazmir ne Munir Kazmi (b. 1957), a medical
accept German citizenship after the German doctor who grew up as a Muslim in Pakistan and
annexation of Austria in 1938. After his release, started practicing his Syrian Jewish mother’s faith
he moved to Kashmir in 1946, where he founded after settling in the USA in 1984. He changed his
Jewish-Muslim Relations in South Asia 373

name to the more Jewish sounding Munr Kazmir mother who became an American citizen after
when he obtained the American citizenship in her marriage to the author’s American Christian
1991. He is well known for his philanthropy for father, the third parent with whom she grew up.
Jews and Pakistani Muslims and for his Zionist
activism. He sits on the boards of the American 1. Pramila, nee Esther Victoria Abraham and
Jewish Congress, Zionist Organisation of Amer- Kumar, ne Syed Hasan Ali: The first Miss
ica, and the Republican Jewish Coalition. Con- India, Pramila, a successful Jewish actress of
scious of the ways in which the children are Bollywood, married the popular Muslim
indoctrinated with hatred against Jews in many actor Kumar in 1939. But the marriage did
schools in Pakistan, he established a school in not last, as Pramila refused to relocate when
Lahore to provide an education which would Kumar decided to migrate to Pakistan along
teach the children to appreciate religious and eth- with his first wife and his children from her.
nic diversity, under the aegis of his American 2. Nadira, nee Farhat or Florence Ezekiel and
International School System Foundation, which Naqshab: The famous Indian Jewish actress
creates “programs and services that foster Nadira was married to a Muslim Urdu poet.
a favorable image of the United States, increase 3. Pearl and Alyque Padamsee: Pearl was
understanding between the people of the United a Bollywood and theater actress from the
States and the Arab world, and train independent Baghdadi Jewish community, who married
thinkers to stand up against violence and extrem- the Khoja Muslim Alyque Padamsee. J
ism,” as his website mentions. He himself is mar- 4. Atiya (alias Shahinda) Begum (1877–1967)
ried to a Muslim. and Fyzee Rahamin (1880–1964): The
It is a devout Muslim, Khurshid Imam, who famous Bene Israel Jewish painter Fyzee
reintroduced Hebrew Studies in South Asian aca- Rahamin, ne Samuel Rahamin Samuel
demia at the university level. The last time it was Talkar, married the Muslim Atiya and settled
taught was in the 1870s, at the University of in Pakistan. He is the only Jew in the world
Bombay, as an official second language for the after whom an art gallery is named in an
1870 matriculation examination (the national Islamic country, the Fyzee Rahamin Art
examination to graduate high school). Imam Gallery in Karachi, Pakistan.
remained the only university teacher of the 5. Gerda Philipsborn and Dr. Zakir Husain:
Hebrew language for several years until he was Gerda Philipsborn, a German Jew, had
joined in the task by a native Hebrew speaker a romantic relationship with Dr. Zakir Husain,
from Israel, Achia Anzi. In 2012, Imam got offi- a Pathan/Pashtun Muslim who became the
cially appointed as an Assistant Professor in first Muslim President of India.
Hebrew at the Jawaharlal Nehru University, New 6. Rachel Jacobs and Ali Quraishi: Maternal
Delhi. Interestingly the only known Hebrew cal- grandparents of the American filmmaker and
ligrapher in South Asia happens to be a Muslim writer Sadia Shepard. Rachel Jacobs, a Bene
from Kerala, Thoufeek Zakriya. Israel Jew of Mumbai, India, got married to
There have been a number of instances of a Muslim businessman, Ali Quraishi, and
Jewish-Muslim romances and matrimonies in migrated to Pakistan. Sadia Shepard writes
South Asia, some of which are listed below, but about her grandparents’ romance, “When
the only account to emerge out of growing up in my Indian Jewish grandmother married my
a family of a Muslim and a Jew (in this case the Indian Muslim grandfather in the 1930s, their
Jew happened to be a grandparent) is Sadia marriage was unusual, but not unheard of.
Shepard’s The Girl from Foreign (Penguin, . . .My grandparents’ religious upbringing
2008). The author grew up in the USA with an may have been different, but their love story
Indian Jewish grandmother, who became was of a moment in Indian history where the
a Pakistani citizen after her marriage to threat and promise of dissection had not yet
a Muslim Pakistani and a Pakistani Muslim torn the country apart.”
374 Jewish-Muslim Relations in South Asia

7. Ilse Eleanor nee Durst and Muhammad (Israeli) as their last name. They reside, in both
Sirajuddin Siddiqui: Ilse Eleanor, a German Sambhal (District Moradabad) as well as Aligarh,
Jew, met Muhammad Sirajuddin Siddiqui, an in a locality, each called Bani Israil Mohalla or
Indian Muslim, in England during the Second Mohalla Bani Israilān. Many of this clan migrated
World War and got married in Hyderabad, to Pakistan after its creation in 1947. A prominent
India, in 1951. member of this clan, who was a professor at
8. Luba Derczanska and Khwaja Abdul Aligarh Muslim University, had the Hebrew
Hamied: Lithuanian Jewish Socialist, Luba sounding name Shimoni Israili, as testified by
Dercwanska, married the Indian nationalist Joshua M. Benjamin, author of The Mystery of
Muslim Dr. Khwaja Abdul Hamied while he Israel’s Ten Lost Tribes and the Legend of Jesus in
was studying at Humboldt University of Ber- India (2001) [1, 7].
lin. They fled Germany as it shifted into Nazi There is a tradition of descent from the lost
control and moved to India where Hamied tribes of Israel among certain Pashtun/Pathan tri-
established the pharmaceutical giant, Cipla, bes, which finds mention in a number of texts
and thus played an important role in raising written by Jewish, Christian, and Muslim scholars
the pharmaceutical and chemical industry in alike, right from the tenth century to the present
India to a great height. day [10]. However, the new generation of the
9. Rahmah and Maqbool Ahmad Khan: Pashtuns in their Diaspora in India is largely igno-
Rahmah, a Baghdadi Jew from Mumbai, mar- rant of it and academic attempts to study the
ried Maqbool Ahmad Khan, a Pathan Muslim putative Israelite connection are often suspected
from Kakori in Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh, in of being Zionist conspiracies against Islam to
1947. They are survived today by their Urdu deprive the religion of its Pashtun followers,
poet son, Mahfooz Ahmad Khan, who uses known for their valor and courage, by convincing
the nom de plume, Soz Malihabadi. them of their Israelite roots and then persuading
10. Raheel Dhattiwala and Robin David: Guja- them to settle in Israel and populate the disputed
rati Muslim sociologist and journalist, Raheel territories [18]. Although not a Zionist conspiracy,
Dhattiwala, married her journalist Jewish col- there are some religious Jewish organizations that
league, Robin David, in 2008 in the commu- are keen on penetrating into their world and per-
nally tense and divided city of Ahmedabad in suading them to do so.
Gujarat. The Kashmiri is another group that has the
11. Sajida and Shye Ben-Tzur: Sajida, the tradition of Israelite origins. There are a number
adopted daughter of the Sufi scholar, Dr. of similarities between Kashmiri customs and rit-
Zahur ul-Hasan Sharib, fell in love with the uals and those described in the Bible. The theory
Israeli Jewish musician, Shye Ben-Tzur, of their Israelite origin was strengthened when
when he came to Rajasthan to learn Islamic Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, the founder of the
mystical music in Rajasthan, and they got Ahmadia Movement, wrote in his book Masih
married in 2006. Hindustan Mein (Messiah in India) that Jesus
survived the crucifixion and made it to Kashmir,
There are certain Muslim groups in South Asia where he wanted to spread his gospel among the
that have traditions of Israelite or Jewish origin, lost tribes of Israel settled there [1, 4].
viz., the Bani Israil in Uttar Pradesh, the Kashmiri,
and the Pashtuns/Pakhtuns/Pathans. The Bani
Israil in Uttar Pradesh, India, trace their geneal- Anti-Semitism and Anti-Zionism
ogy from a Jewish sahābi (Companion of the
prophet Muhammad) Hazrat Abdullah Ibn-i- Although the traditions of Israelite descent among
Salām. They claim that their ancestors settled in the Pashtuns and the Kashmiris have been written
India a millennium ago to preach and propagate about in a number of texts, yet there is
Islam. Members of this clan generally use Israili a widespread ignorance about the traditions
Jewish-Muslim Relations in South Asia 375

among the new generation of Pathans in India and Before the Jews got expelled from Pakistan,
of the Kashmiris. Also, even if they are aware of a thousand of them lived there in different cities,
such traditions, they universally resist being viz., Karachi, Peshawar, Quetta, and Lahore. The
connected to Israel and Jews through such theo- largest Jewish community was located in Karachi,
ries of Israelite origin, for they fear it might make where there was a large synagogue and a small
their being observant Muslims doubtful in the prayer hall. A 1941 government census recorded
eyes of others. They have a strong dislike for 1,199 Pakistani Jews: 513 men and 538 women.
Jews and Israel, influenced as they are by the So accepted were the Jews of Karachi then that
Arab-Israel conflict. The conflict has also led to Abraham Reuben, a leader in the Jewish commu-
increasingly literal translations of the polemics in nity, became the first Jewish councilor on the
the Qur’an, yellow journalism in the Urdu press, Karachi Municipal Corporation. After the end of
and anti-Semitic discourses among Muslims. the British rule and the creation of Pakistan, Jews
A few major examples are a Jewish convert to began to flee. Jews from Afghanistan and the
Islam who went on to become a prominent ideo- Bene Israel community in Lahore fled to Karachi
logue of the Jama’at-i-Islami, Maryam Jameelah’s and from there moved to Bombay. Muslim refu-
interpretations of the Quran and of the Hadiths gees from India called Mohajir streamed into
[16], and many of the publications of Nadwatul Pakistan, and attacked Jewish sites. The situation
Ullama, a prestigious center of Islamic studies in aggravated with the formal declaration of the
Lucknow [16, 27, 28]. Edward Kessler, founder of establishment of the state of Israel in May 1948, J
the Centre for the Study of Muslim Jewish Rela- which sparked anti-Jewish riots, driving many of
tions at the Woolf Institute in Cambridge, rightly the Karachi Jews out of the city. Some members
writes, “it is not the Holy Scriptures of any reli- of the community emigrated to Israel via India,
gion that dictate historic behavior, but rather the while others settled in Canada and the United
interpretation given to them, and these interpreta- Kingdom [37].
tions are, of course, the result of social, economic Pogroms against the Jews recurred during the
and political contexts” [21]. Regarding the misin- Suez War in 1956 and the Six Day War in 1967.
terpretation of the Qur’anic references to Jews, Most of the remaining Jews emigrated and, in
Suha Taji-Farouki writes: 1968, the Pakistani Jewish community numbered
only 350 in Karachi, with one synagogue,
Adopting an essentialist approach, recent writings
on the Jews in the Qur’an attribute to them an a welfare organization, and a recreational organi-
unchanging nature, which persists across the centu- zation. After 1968, there is no record of any Paki-
ries. Historically conditioned polemic against Banu stani Jews outside Karachi. At present, it is said
Isra’il and al Yahud in the Qur’an forms the basis of
that there is not a single Jew left in Karachi [37].
a generally negative construction of Jewish nature
in these works. This provides a convincing expla- On June 28, 1991, there was an attempt to
nation for current Zionist successes and abuses in abduct seven Israeli tourists in Kashmir in India,
Palestine, and for perceived Jewish political and during which one of them was killed and three
economic entrenchment and domination in other severely wounded by Islamist terrorists and one
parts of the world [36].
went missing.
Anti-Semitism gained prominence in the delib- The South Asia Bureau Chief of the Wall Street
erations of the Muslim League in the run-up to the Journal, Daniel Pearl, who was an American Jew,
partition of the subcontinent. Despite the historic was abducted in Karachi, on 23 January 2002, and
absence of anti-Semitism in India, one could beheaded 9 days later. On May 16, his severed
notice its presence in certain sections of South head and decomposed body, cut into ten pieces,
Asian Muslims. Writing in an Islamic weekly, were unearthed from a shallow grave in Gadap,
one scholar argued that “Shylock of 30 miles north of Karachi. On 21 February 2002,
Shakespeare’s Merchant of Venice had been a videotape was released The Slaughter of the
a representative of Jews.” He also described the Spy Journalist, the Jew Daniel Pearl, in which he
Jews as “spies, financiers and conspirators” [23]. was particularly made to admit that he was
376 Jewish-Muslim Relations in South Asia

Jewish, which makes it clear that this was the Yellow Journalism
major reason for his being killed so brutally. The
infamous terrorist Ahmad Omar Sheikh was There was even a blood libel charge against Jews
given death sentence by the Pakistani judiciary in the 19 May 1882 issue of the Gujarāti Muslim
on 15 July 2002, for his being the mastermind. journal Bombay Cassid, which carried an article
Sheikh appealed against the sentence, but the titled, “An Evil Custom amongst the Jews and
hearings in the case have been postponed over their fondness of the blood of Mahomedans.”
30 times and his death sentence still remains to The publication greatly stirred Muslim sentiments
be executed. against Jews. Joseph Ezekiel Rājpurkar, an emi-
On 26 November 2008, the Mumbai center of nent member of the local Jewry, immediately
the Chabad Lubavitch Movement was attacked as served a notice to the editor of the journal, asking
part of 11 coordinated shooting and bombing him to prove the charge brought against the Jews,
attacks across Mumbai, by Islamist terrorists, or tender an apology for the same, while a local
who were trained in and came from Pakistan. Jewish publication, Israel, refuted the charge.
The attacks lasted until 29 November 2008. Moreover, the editor of Israel, Samuel Kehimkar,
According to the radio transmissions intercepted and his uncle Shalom, Samuel Kehimkar, person-
by the Indian intelligence, the attackers were ally convinced the Qazi or Maulvi of the Jumma
told by their handlers that the lives of Jews Masjid, that according to the Torah, Jews were
were worth 50 times those of non-Jews. They prohibited from using the blood even of beasts
took 13 hostages at the center and later murdered and fowls, and that it was impossible to even
5 of them, including Rabbi Holtzberg and his consider using human blood. Subsequently, the
4-month pregnant wife. Postmortem reports editor of Bombay Cassid showed regret for the
confirmed that they had also been tortured. The publication and carried an apology [20].
only attacker caught alive, Muhammad Ajmal Muslims claim to make a distinction between
Amir Kasab, divulged that Chabad was their Zionism and Judaism, “failing to recognize that
primary target and the attacks on all the other Zionism is an integral component of Judaism and
targets were executed only to amplify the effect, not a ‘racist’ ideology,” as the cofounder of the
as reported by the daily e-newspaper DNA India Centre for the Study of Muslim-Jewish Relations
[33]. According to the newspaper Mumbai Mir- at the Woolf Institute in Cambridge sees it. Yet, at
ror the genitalia of the rabbi and his wife were the same time, they also use the terms Jews and
mutilated [25]. Zionists interchangeably in their discourse.
On 13 February 2012, a car bomb exploded Kumaraswamy sees a duality of public rhetoric
when Tal Yehoshua Koren, wife of the Defense and interest-driven actions that symbolizes the
Attache at the Embassy of Israel, was on her way attitude of Indian Muslims toward Jews and
to collect her children from school. Although she Israel. He cites two examples, one of an eminent
survived, she had to undergo surgery to get the academic, Professor Mushir ul-Hasan, and the
shrapnel removed from her body. Following other of a prominent politician, Najma Heptullah,
investigations, four Iranian citizens were both of whom visited Israel in the recent past in
suspected to be involved in the attack. A Shia spite of having taken great pride in “not stepping
Muslim Indian journalist, Syed Mohammad on Israeli soil” [23].
Ahmad Kazmi, has been charge-sheeted in the The anti-Israel posture of the Muslim press
case. When he came out on bail on 21 October negatively affects the Indian Muslim perception
2012, he was greeted by a crowd of supporters and of Jews in general. Urdu language newspapers
was taken back home in an open, decorated jeep in such as Siasat launched a campaign against Ariel
a procession of 500 people in buses and cars Sharon during his 2003 visit to India, accusing
carrying posters of Kazmi and raising the slogan Israel of “aggressive and fascistic inclinations.”
“long live Kazmi!”. One hundred Muslims were arrested in anti-
Jewish-Muslim Relations in South Asia 377

Israel demonstrations in India during Sharon’s Christian lobby, that is behind the clearly anti-
visit. An editorial in the Indian Urdu daily news- Islamic and anti-Muslim policies of the Bush gov-
paper Inquilab on 16 May 2008, was titled, ernment” [34, 17].
“Sixtieth Anniversary – Celebration of Satan- In its issue dated 13–19 November 2003,
ism,” with reference to Israel’s sixtieth anniver- newsweekly Nai Duniyā carried a story on the
sary celebrations. Op-eds written by Abid author’s research on the tradition of Israelite ori-
Anwar in Hamara Samaj on 5 and 12 July gin among Pathans or Pashtuns, lifted straight
2010, accused Israel of trying to “destroy Mus- from the Hindi edition of the 10 December 2003
lims” in Kashmir and Maharashtra and trying to issue of the newsweekly Outlook [26], with no
“lure Muslims into their peace trap so that they credit to it [24]. All it did except translation was
give all their ideas to these Jewish agents.” The that it added a few anti-Israel inputs of its own just
op-eds had been written with the objective of to please its predominantly anti-Israel Muslim
projecting the forthcoming visit of a delegation readers. It represented the research as a small
of Muslim journalists to Israel in a negative light. part of a big Zionist conspiracy against Islam,
The articles do not cite any reference to support aimed at depriving the religion of its bravest fol-
the accusations made against Israel. RAND Cor- lowers, the war-like Pathans or Pashtuns, by con-
poration, Project Interchange, and India were vincing them of their Israelite descent and then
mentioned as allies of Israel in its alleged con- converting them to Judaism. It was the failure of
spiracies against Muslims. his first news magazine in 1972, right after the J
A large section of South Asian Muslims denies Bangladesh struggle of 1971, that led the founder
that the Holocaust ever took place, or raises doubts and editor of Nai Duniyā, Shāhid Siddiqui, to
about its magnitude and scale, and even if it does indulge in yellow journalism, as he explains, “I
acknowledge it as a historical fact, any serious went to Bangladesh at that time. . . I wrote the
reference to the Holocaust is often accompanied truth which was not acceptable to Muslims,
by a comparison with the Israeli-Palestinian con- because for them the creation of Bangladesh was
flict. As a recent example, while a Holocaust films a turning point, because [it was] the destruction of
retrospective, the first ever in South Asia, was in the idea of Pakistan, the two nation theory” [17].
progress at two universities, the Bābāsāhéb The very next year he founded Nai Duniyā and
Bhīmrāo Ambédkar University and the University benefited from a similar chance, the Arab-Israeli
of Lucknow, in September–October 2009, the larg- War of 1973. The rise in circulation to 30,000 in
est circulated Urdu daily newspapers in Lucknow, just a few months time set its course of anti-Israel,
Rāshtriya Sahāra and Aag, published stories deny- anti-Zionist, and anti-Jewish rhetoric. This anti-
ing the Holocaust. The articles were largely based Zionist or anti-Israel rhetoric has actually emerged
on the arguments made by well known Holocaust as a characteristic of the Urdu press. Another story
deniers, viz., Arthur Butz, David Irving, Harry on similar lines appeared on 26 May 2007 in the
Elmer Barnes, David Hoggan, Paul Ressinier, and Urdu daily newspaper Rāshtriya Sahārā, whose
Arthur R. Butz [2]. Maulana Kalbé Sādiq, the editor Aziz Burney is known for “portraying the
veteran Shia cleric, is supposed to be one of the West as a self-conscious collective monolithic
share holders of the True Media Indian Communi- entity which is totally anti-Islam in its innate
cation Ltd, which owns Āāg. He once said in an nature” [5]. As New Delhi–based writer and film-
interview, “. . .the Bush administration certainly is maker Arshad Amanullah points outs, “the line
anti-Islam. This owes, in large measure, to the between fact and fiction is completely blurred in
power of the Zionist lobby in America. Pro-Zionist the narrative world present in these editorials by
Jews control large banks, many industries and Burney” [5]. He says “the Urdu journalism, in its
much of the media in America, and if they leave essence, is ‘views oriented’, as its role in molding
America, the country will collapse. And it is this Muslim public opinion is simply incomparable to
lobby, in addition to the extreme right-wing the other vernacular press” [5].
378 Jewish-Muslim Relations in South Asia

Muslim Influence on the South Asian Singh candidly admitted during a state visit to
Policy Toward Israel and Jews Israel in July 2000 that domestic concerns over
India’s Muslim population played a significant
The state in South Asia has always been conscious role in the prolonged absence of diplomatic
of the fact that the Muslim opposition to Israel is relations.
deeply rooted in Islam, for, according to the Mus- Jews fleeing the Holocaust largely failed to
lims, Palestine was part of the Jazirat al-Arab and obtain asylum in India, as it was made mandatory
hence could not be placed under non-Muslim rule, for them to give proof of guaranteed employment
let alone given to non-Muslims for eternity. It is in India before being allowed entry. As a result of
for this reason that the policy has for most of the this, only 2,000 Jews from Nazi Europe managed
time been of having relations with Israel secretly, to get asylum in India. “The opposition to the
not publically, lest it provokes the general Muslim Jews came from the Muslim leaders in India
masses. Pakistan and Bangladesh still do not have who were pro-Arabs. For them the bonds of reli-
diplomatic relations with Israel, though the Paki- gion were stronger than the sufferings of Jews
stani state has always maintained secret ties under Hitler. Keeping in view the sentiments of
with Israel just as India did before the establish- the Muslims toward this question, the government
ment of open diplomatic relations between the imposed many restrictions on the settlement of
two states. Dr. Immanuel Olsvanger, the Zionist Jews in India” [31].
emissary to India, who met a number of Muslim Resistance to the Introduction of Jewish and
leaders during his trip to India in 1936, such as Holocaust Studies in India: A position of Assis-
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Maulana Irfan of tant Professor in Hebrew was established at the
the Khilafat movement, found the Muslim opin- Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi in 2009,
ion to be quite diverse and inferred that it was the but it was reserved for the visually challenged. As
press and resolutions passed at conferences that a result of this, it remained vacant until 2011.
made it appear as though all Indian Muslims were A Hebrew teacher could get appointed on that
anti-Zionists, which was not true [23]. position only after it was opened for all in 2012.
While the Muslim factor alone would not suf- While Islamic Studies and Arabic and Persian are
fice to explain the Indian policy toward the Middle available at almost all major Indian universities
East, it did play a considerable role in some of the and a state university devoted primarily to Arabic,
critical decisions taken by India’s first Prime Min- Persian, and Urdu, Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti
ister Jawaharlal Nehru regarding Israel. The tradi- Urdu, Arabi-Farsi University, was established in
tional pro-Arab stand adopted by the Indian Lucknow in Uttar Pradesh in 2009, despite the
nationalists came into sharp focus when India dwindling number of applicants for courses in
was elected as 1 of the 11 members of the United these languages at the University of Lucknow
Nations Special Commission on Palestine [35]; Jewish Studies is absolutely nonexistent, in
(UNSCOP). Although a seven-member majority spite of a continuous Jewish presence in the coun-
endorsed partitioning Palestine, yet India came try for at least a millennium, a period as long as
out with a federal plan that has the dubious dis- that of the Muslim presence in India, if not more.
tinction of being rejected by both Arabs and Jews. In sharp contrast to India, its neighbor China,
In spite of the opposition, India became one of the which does not have any Jewish community of
three non-Muslim countries to vote against the its own, has Jewish Studies as an academic disci-
partition plan on 29 November 1947. pline at ten universities [12]. All this is a reflection
Nehru waited for 2 years before recognizing of the apathy of the State of India toward Jewish
Israel and did so only after two Muslim coun- and Hebrew Studies, in spite of the growing rela-
tries, viz., Turkey and Iran, had recognized Israel tions between the world’s only Jewish state,
and four others had signed armistice agreements Israel, and the secular state of India, the only
with it. Former Indian Foreign Minister Jaswant country in the world where Jews have lived with
Jewish-Muslim Relations in South Asia 379

dignity and in harmony with their non-Jewish Muslim Zionism

neighbors for 2,000 years.
While Nazism figures prominently in the syl- There is a tiny segment of South Asian Muslims
labus of the National Eligibility Test for Lecture- which is Zionist. They believe that the return of
ships in History conducted by the University the Jews to Israel and the establishment of the
Grants Commission in India, the Holocaust does Jewish State have been in accordance with the
not even find mention in it. Islamic teachings. The most prominent members
In spite of the students being taught about the of this group have been mostly expatriates, viz.,
Second World War as part of the subject Modern Tasbih Sayyed (1941–2007), Salah-ud-Din
European History, the students are never asked Shoaib Choudhury, Qazi Fazl-i-Azeem, Tariq
any questions about the Holocaust in any exam- Khan, etc.
ination at any Indian university, with perhaps
the exception of Jawaharlal Nehru University.
When I asked the Head of the Department of Efforts for Jewish-Muslim Reconciliation
Western History at the University of Lucknow,
Dr. Nina David, about it, she responded by There are several Pakistani Muslims who are at
saying: the forefront of efforts for Muslim-Jewish recon-
Since this is a topic which is part of the European ciliation. The Pakistani diplomat-turned academic
history syllabus at the undergraduate level, we def- Akbar S. Ahmed has initiated a series of Jewish- J
initely discuss the Nazi persecution of the Jews, Muslim dialogue in America with Judea Pearl,
popularly known as the Holocaust, which has also father of the deceased American Jewish journalist
been denied by many people. But the fact is that
Hitler did persecute the Jews. I do discuss it at Daniel Pearl. Ahmed’s daughter cofounded the
length, but we don’t generally ask questions specif- Centre for the Study of Muslim-Jewish Relations
ically on the Holocaust in the examination. It is just at the Woolf Institute in Cambridge, UK. Tariq
a part of Hitler and the Nazis, about whom I teach in Khan, a Pakistani journalist based in Canada,
the class. It is just a small segment of it. I don’t sort
of magnify the Holocaust while I discuss the Nazis. publishes a bilingual (Urdu and English) online
I cannot spend so much time on only one aspect of newspaper, Weekly Press Pakistan, which has
the Nazis. . . I have never thought of setting consistently been fair to Israel in its coverage of
a question on it and neither have any examiners the Israel-Arab conflict and has served as
set a question on this [15].
a medium to Jews to reach out to South Asian
Until 2002, the Holocaust did not find any Muslims. He has also been organizing a series of
mention in the standard history textbook in Guja- sessions of Jewish-Muslim dialogue in Canada
rat, which discussed in detail the terms of the with a Canadian Jew, David Nitkin. Together
treaty of Versailles. In response to complaints they have also organized telephonic conferences
from the Government of Israel, the textbook was with South Asian Muslim journalists and Cana-
revised to only vaguely mention that many Jews dian Jews. The Centre for Interfaith Studies in
were killed during the war, without mentioning Faislabad, Pakistan, organizes a concert every
the Holocaust [9]. A Holocaust films retrospective year in memory of Daniel Pearl as part of the
organized by the author at two universities in Daniel Pearl World Music Days and also tries to
Lucknow in 2009 [2] often got misrepresented in break the stereotypes of Jews in Pakistani society
the press as a retrospective of films focusing on through education. Groups aiming to further dia-
the Second World War. logue between Israel and Pakistan have emerged
As the author writes this, it has been over in Pakistan and America. Pakistan-Israel Friend-
a month since he proposed to hold a Holocaust ship Association (PIFA), with an office in Faisal
photographic exhibition at the Gautam Buddha Town, was founded by Ghulam Jilani, a member
University where he teaches, yet he has not yet of the Pakistan Democratic Party’s Central Com-
received any response from the administration. mittee, to promote relations between Pakistan and
380 Jewish-Muslim Relations in South Asia

Israel. An Israeli Jew, Dror Topf, and a Pakistani 3. Aafreedi NJ (2012) Pakistani students stage The Lost
Muslim, Waleed Ziad, jointly formed the Paki- Jews of Karachi. Jewish Tribune, Nov 28. http://www.
jewishtribune.ca/arts-and-culture/2012/11/28/pakistani-
stan-Israel Forum, a grass-roots organization in students-stage-the-lost-jews-of-karachi. Accessed 9
Washington, DC, which aims to promote dialogue Dec 2012
and the establishment of relations between Israel 4. Ahmad MG (2009) Jesus in India, 2nd revised edn in
and Pakistan at political, cultural, social, and eco- India (trans: Qazi Abdul Hamid and thoroughly
revised by Chaudhry Muhammad Ali). Nazrat Nazro
nomic levels. In addition, the Pakistan-Israel Ishaat, Qadian, Gurdaspur
Friendship Society (PIFS) was founded in the 5. Amanullah A (2009) Is Urdu journalism in India a lost
United Kingdom to promote dialogue between battle. In: Farouqi A (ed) Muslims and media images:
Israel and Pakistan. It has held debates and sem- news versus views. Oxford University Press, New
Delhi, p 276
inars on the issue of Pakistan-Israel relations, and 6. Asad M (1994) The road to Makkah. Islamic Book
is about to launch its operations in Pakistan [29]. Service, New Delhi
A group of foundation year students of the Indus 7. Benjamin JM (2001) The mystery of Israel’s ten lost
Valley School of Art and Architecture, Karachi, tribes and the legend of Jesus in India. Mosaic Books,
New Delhi
staged a play titled “The Lost Jews of Karachi” 8. Datta VN (2007) Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and
on the now extinct Jewish community of Paki- Sarmad. Rupa & Co, New Delhi
stan, on 3 and 27 November 2012, in Karachi. 9. David R (2010) Fear your friend Hitler. On the Bounce,
While most of the students who enacted it are June 16. http://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/On-
the-bounce/entry/fear-your-friend-hitler. Accessed 5
Muslim, the playwright, Veera Rutomji, is Sept 2010
a Zoroastrian, also called Parsi [3]. The author, 10. Dorn B (1829) English Translation of Makhzan-i-
an Indian secular humanist, made a serious effort Afghani (History of the Afghans) of Neamatullah
through various media to bring about a positive (1612). Oriental Translation Committee, London
11. Dunlop DM (1954) The history of the Jewish Khazars.
change in Muslim attitudes toward Jews, Zion- Princeton University Press, Princeton
ism, and Israel, during the 2 years that he worked 12. Eber I (2010) Learning the other: Chinese studies in
in his hometown Lucknow as a Fellow of the Israel and Jewish studies in China. MEI Occasional
Pune-based Centre for Communication and Paper, No. 17, Sept 6
13. Ezekiel IA (2005) Sarmad: Martyr to love divine,
Development Studies. He continues with his 5th edn. Radha Soami Satsang Beas, India
efforts today at the Gautam Buddha University 14. Falasch U (2004) The Islamic mystic tradition in India:
in Greater NOIDA, near Delhi in India, where he the Madari Sufi brotherhood. In: Ahmad I, Reifeld H (eds)
currently teaches. Lived Islam in South Asia: adaptation, accomodation
and conflict. Social Science Press (distributed by
Berghahn Books), Oxford/New York
15. Interviewed by the author on 1st January, 2011, in her
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▶ Baghdadi Jews of India and present. Academy of Islamic Research & Publica-
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▶ Bene Israel
17. Jeffrey R (2009) Urdu newspapers in India: waiting for
▶ Dārā Shukoh citizen Kane? In: Farouqui A (ed) Muslims and media
▶ Jamaat-e-Islami, Sri Lanka images: news versus views. Oxford University Press,
▶ Jews of Kerala New Delhi, p 230
18. Kamāl H (2007) Chāi ki payāli mein tūfān uthāné ki
baċkānā koṣiṣ”. Rāshtriya Sahārā, May
19. Katz N (2004–2005) The identity of a mystic: the case
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31. Sareen TR (1999) Indian responses to the Holocaust. Jews
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Festivals in Indian society. Mittal Publishers, Delhi
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34. Sikand Y (2007) Interview with Maulana Kalbe Sadiq, ala on the Malabar coast of southwestern India for
Shia Scholar. Indian Muslims: Indian Muslim News well over 1,000 years, now mostly residing in
and Information, 8 Sept. http://www.indianmuslims. Israel.
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36. Taji-Farouki S (1998) A contemporary construction
of the Jews in the Qur’an: a review of Muhammad Only a few Jewish families remain today on the
Sayyid Tantawi’s Banu Isra’il Fi Al-Qur’an Wa Malabar coast, but about 5,000 descendants of the
Al-Sunna and ‘Afif ‘Abd Al-Fattah Tabbara’s Al- ancient Jewish population of Kerala now live in
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ditions and modern politics. Studies in Muslim- Kochinim (H. plural, singular Kochini), a term
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37. Weil S (2011) The history and disappearance of the
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382 Jews of Kerala

social status throughout their many centuries in “Cheraman Perumal” of Kodungallur – a claim
Kerala, in contrast to Jews in many other parts of shared with Christians, Muslims, and Hindus in
the world. the area [14, 22].
Arab, Jewish, and Christian travelers’ accounts
from the ninth to fourteenth centuries mention the
Early History presence of Jews in various port cities along
the Malabar coast including Cyngilin or Gingaleh,
It is probable that Jewish merchants from West probably forms of “Shingly,” which was later
Asia participated in the active sea trade between claimed as the Jewish name for Kodungallur [28,
the Mediterranean and western India during the 35]. More than 400 documents preserved for cen-
early centuries C.E., as part of the commerce in turies in the Cairo Geniza, written by Jewish
pepper and other spices which has linked the traders who traveled between West Asia and the
Malabar coast with the wider world for millennia Malabar coast in the twelfth to thirteenth centu-
[3]. Like the St. Thomas (“Syrian”) Christians and ries, demonstrate their economic cooperation and
Malabar Muslims, Kerala Jews recount stories of close personal relations with Muslim merchants in
their ancestors’ early arrival, but whenever and the India trade. These letters confirm Jewish activ-
wherever they first arrived in India, West ity in mercantile centers from Mangalore in the
Asian traders of all three monotheistic religions north to Quilon in the south [11], but they do not
did settle down, marry and make converts of mention Kodungallur, which was no longer an
local residents, forming communities which imperial capital after the Cera Kingdom’s defeat
became integral to the fabric of Kerala’s cosmo- by the Colas and its fragmentation into small
politanism and “cultural symbiosis” [22, 23]. principalities.
Benefitting from the mercantile activities of In 1341, catastrophic flooding of the Periyar
these early immigrants, Hindu rulers supported River silted up the harbor at Kodungallur and
the establishment of churches, mosques, and syn- opened a large harbor at Kochi, 20 miles to the
agogues as well as Hindu temples. south, which then grew in importance as
Documentary evidence of a Jewish community a commercial center, as did Calicut (Kozhikode)
in Kerala begins with ninth and early eleventh in the north. Despite brief mentions and traditions
century royal grants inscribed on copper plates about northern Jewish communities in Calicut,
in old Malayalam script. These suggest the exis- Palayur, and Madayi, and possible northern
tence and cooperation of two established urban Malabar linguistic influence on the oldest Mala-
merchant guilds in Kerala, the Christian yalam Jewish songs [9], there is evidence that the
Manikkiramam in the southern port of Kollam center of Kerala Jewish life shifted to the south
(Quilon) and the Jewish Ancuvannnam in and east after the Periyar flood. By 1344, there
Muyirikkode, the Cera capital city assumed to were enough Jews residing in Kochi to build
have been the site of ancient Muziris in the a synagogue there, followed by two more in
vicinity of present-day Kodungallur 1539–1544 and 1568. The Perumpaddapu royal
(Cranganore) [23, 24]. Hebrew signatures dynasty had already shifted its capital from
witnessed an 849 C.E. grant in Kollam recording Kodungallur to Kochi, ruling as the Kochi Rajas
the assignment of shared responsibilities to the and maintaining a relationship of patronage
two trade guilds. The “Jewish copper plates” of and protection toward the Jews which lasted into
1000 C.E. inscribe a royal grant of economic, the twentieth century. Jewish communities were
political, and ceremonial privileges by the Cera established in Chendamangalam, Mala, Muttat,
ruler in Muyirikkode, Bhaskara Ravi Varman, to and Ernakulam, and also in Parur (which was
Issuppu Irappan (Joseph Rabban) and his annexed by the Kingdom of Travancore
descendants in perpetuity. This copper-plate [Tiruvitamkur] in the eighteenth century). In
inscription is the basis of Jewish claims to con- 1503, a Jewish community still remained in
nection with Kerala’s legendary emperor Kodungallur/Shingly, with a synagogue and
Jews of Kerala 383

authority to collect taxes [19], but it did not sur- troops sacked the Jewish neighborhood in Kochi
vive the political turmoil of the sixteenth century. and burned the Paradesi Synagogue, retaliating
for the Jews’ support of Dutch military efforts to
overthrow Portuguese rule in Kerala [28, 32].
Portuguese, Dutch, and British Colonial The Dutch did defeat the Portuguese the fol-
Periods lowing year, and during their ensuing economic
and political rule of Kerala (1663–1795), wealthy
Kerala Jewish history from 1498 to 1663 was Paradesi merchants held a favored position in the
dominated by Portuguese colonialism, the origins continuing international spice trade, some also
of which coincided with the expulsion of more serving as diplomatic advisors to the Dutch East
than 200,000 Sephardi Jews – any who refused India Company and to the Kochi Rajas. They lost
forcible conversion to Christianity – from their some of this advantage under British colonial
centuries-old homes in Spain and Portugal. policies in Kerala (1795–1947), which differed
(Sephardi Jews are those of Iberian ancestry and from those of the Dutch. Kochi and Travancore
culture.) Portuguese naval power destroyed the were among the small kingdoms over which the
long-standing Arab monopoly of Indian Ocean British exercised “indirect” rule, exacting taxes
trade and established colonies for the Portuguese and tribute from the rajas and turning their atten-
king in key Indian port cities, including Kochi. tion to the development and “direct” rule of major
However, the Kochi Raja preserved internal con- international port cities with commercial develop- J
trol over his own territory and protected its Jewish ment and industrial enterprises, including Madras
residents, including an influx of Sephardi refu- (Chennai), Bombay (Mumbai), and Calcutta
gees. Some of these refugees had made their way (Kolkata). As the economic prosperity of Kerala
to India not long after the Iberian expulsions [32], declined correspondingly in the nineteenth cen-
and some later Jewish immigrants to Kerala tury, a significant number of Jews moved north,
descended from early Sephardi refugees who had some to work in Bombay as teachers and prayer
settled in Jewish communities of North Africa or leaders for the Bene Israel and some to work in
West Asia, while others came from the ancient textile mills and other new businesses in Bombay,
Jewish communities of Iraq, Iran, and Yemen [25]. Calcutta, or Rangoon. Some of these Jewish
Like overseas Muslims, Jewish newcomers migrant families remained in their new homes
arriving after the fifteenth century were referred but maintained their Kerala identity through
to in Kerala as Paradesis (M. foreigners), succeeding generations. However, by far the
a designation that has lasted down to the present, greatest number stayed in Kerala, where their
although these Jewish newcomers settled down to occupations ranged from wealthy landlords and
stay. They acculturated thoroughly to the much entrepreneurs to small shopkeepers, vendors of
older Jewish culture of Kerala, adopting its Mal- eggs or fish, clerks, teachers, and a few doctors
ayalam language and customs, and in 1568, they and lawyers.
built a synagogue of their own next to the palace
of the Kochi Raja, who valued their international
connections in the pepper trade. Thanks to his Impact of Writing by Outsiders
protection, they were spared persecution by the
Portuguese Inquisition (a branch of the Roman Well-documented accounts of Kerala Jewish his-
Catholic Church), which tried and convicted tory from the late seventeenth to the mid-twentieth
some formerly Jewish “New Christians” living century [7, 18, 28] draw on and cite a wealth of
in the Portuguese-ruled section of Kochi for the outsider sources: Dutch and British government
crime of reverting to Judaism. Direct Portuguese records; the writings of adventurous travelers and
assaults on Kerala Jews were rare. One occurred Christian missionaries; reports from a variety of
in the early seventeenth century with an attack on Jewish visitors to Kerala, both Sephardi and Ash-
the Jews of Parur and another in 1662, when kenazi (Ashkenazi Jews are those of western and
384 Jews of Kerala

eastern European ancestry); articles by European communities as well as among the Paradesis
scholars in Dutch, German, French, Hebrew, and even after slavery was abolished in Kochi and
English; and British government-sponsored man- Travancore in 1854–1855; the derogatory term
uals and ethnographic surveys. Most but not all of continued to be applied to the descendents of
these sources were heavily dependent on contact converts and other Jews who may or may not
with and information from the Paradesis. Though have been converts and/or slaves. Scholars have
just one of the eight (formerly ten) Jewish com- discussed the issue anecdotally and in relation to
munities in Kerala, the Paradesis were the most Jewish law, but none have yet analyzed it within
accessible to foreigners, given their location in the historical context of Kerala slavery and colo-
Kochi, their favored economic position in inter- nialism, though Schorsch’s broader work on Jews
national trade, and their patronage by the Raja and and slavery in the early modern world offers
colonial officials. Thus, many supposedly histor- a helpful new perspective on related historical
ical accounts by outsiders during the colonial issues [27].
period featured incorrect claims by the Paradesis Early twentieth century scholars continued the
(labeled “White” Cochin Jews) that they and process of reifying internal Kerala Jewish social
only they were authentic descendents of the divisions, first by applying a “racial” analysis
Joseph Rabban/Kodungallur community who featuring skull measurements [1] and blood typ-
received the copper-plate privileges, and that the ing [21]. A detailed caste analysis was introduced
much more numerous and older Malabari Jews in 1939 by anthropologist David Mandelbaum
(labeled “Black Jews”) were all descended from and has since dominated scholarly and popular
slaves who were converted to Judaism by the writings. Mandelbaum emphasized exclusive
“White” Paradesi ancestors. There is no evidence marriage patterns in asserting the existence of
supporting these claims. three separate Jewish castes in Kerala: more than
These writings by outsiders stirred up and 2,000 “Black Jews,” fewer than 200 “White
intensified conflicts among the Kerala Jews. Jews,” and fewer than 30 Paradesi “freed slaves”
Beginning in the late seventeenth century, several [21]. Even when modified by contemporary
generations of Paradesi writers familiar with the scholars to the categories of subcastes, quasi-
outside accounts composed Hebrew letters and castes, or “caste-like groups,” the continuing use
“chronicles” about their origins and history, of caste-based labels for these past internal divi-
accounts which became increasingly insulting to sions is apparently incongruent with Kerala Jew-
Malabari Jews and some of which literally ish usage. In addition, it perpetuates an exoticized
recycled material from the European writings view of Jews in India, disregarding both the post-
[14]. In the late nineeteenth century, Malabari colonialist critique of western scholarship on caste
Jews enlisted the aid of a visiting Ashkenazi Jew [5] and the existence of similar internal divisions
[6] and a British missionary [20] to argue against in many Jewish communities outside India [17]. It
the Paradesi version of their history. One Malabari should be noted that these old Kerala Jewish inter-
Jewish leader who traveled to Jerusalem arranged nal social divisions have had no practical signifi-
for a booklet to be published there, setting out cance for more than half a century.
these arguments and emphasizing an origin story
that featured early settlement in Calicut, not
Kodungallur, by Jews who came to India by way Social Organization
of Yemen [26].
In addition to highlighting and aggravating the A more accurate and useful description of tradi-
Paradesi-Malabari opposition, outsiders also tional Jewish social organization in Kerala gives
emphasized internal struggles over the unequal equal importance to each of the eight communities
ritual and marital status of Jews labeled as “man- located in five geographical locations in Kerala:
umitted slaves” (H: mshuchrarim). This designa- one each in Chendamangalam, Parur (North Para-
tion lingered in at least some Malabari Jewish vur), and Mala, two in Ernakulam, and three in
Jews of Kerala 385

Kochi. (Ernakulam had two Jewish communities evening at the conclusion of the sabbath, the
called Tekkumbhagam (M. south side) and assembly was led by the first elder (M.
Kadavumbhagam (M. dock side), said to carry karanavan), the eldest of the seven. Any man or
the names of two different Jewish groups in woman in the yogam or another yogam, or even
long-ago Kodungallur. Kochi also had two com- a non-Jew, could bring a complaint or claim to be
munities with these same names, in addition to the settled. After hearing both sides in the dispute, the
Paradesi community.) There was considerable elders withdrew for consultation before announc-
intermarriage among six of the eight communi- ing their decision, along with the redress or pun-
ties, with the tendency for a bride from one com- ishment to be carried out.
munity to move to her husband’s – preserving In case of a quarrel between two Jewish
a cluster of different patrilineal kinship groups in yogams, a special assembly was called – a meet-
each local community. As a rule, the Paradesis ing of the “yogam of seven.” For this assembly,
married within their own community or with each of the seven Malabari communities was
other recent Jewish immigrants to India, especially represented by an equal number of elders (usually
the Baghdadis in Bombay during the nineteenth four). The case was heard in the synagogue of the
and early twentieth century. During this period, person making the charge or claim, with the eldest
the Kadavumbhagam-Kochi community was also karanavan of all presiding. Although the Paradesi
set apart from the others in terms of marriage, yogam did not participate in this “yogam of
because of an intercommunal dispute. Aside seven,” it followed the same internal procedures J
from these marriage restrictions, ethnographic for settling disputes and punishing wayward
research reveals considerable social interaction members.
among all the communities, in the form of per- Though sometimes divided into internal fac-
sonal friendships, neighborly assistance, atten- tions that jockeyed for power, all the yogam’s
dance at each other’s celebrations, and the members were also bound together by ties of
widespread sharing of Hebrew and Malayalam kinship, law, and custom – in practical terms by
songs. their stake in the communally owned property,
Each Jewish community was similar but not and in symbolic terms by shared pride in their
identical to the others in its religious and cultural particular traditions and their synagogue. Local
practices. Each was also separate in treasuring its community membership was a central element in
own geographical location, synagogue building, the social identity of every Kerala Jew.
history, and identity. Each community governed
its own affairs through its yogam (M) – a legal
body with economic, religious, and social respon- Emigration to Israel
sibilities, run by elected trustees and recognized
by the secular government [1, 2]. Economically, Beginning early in the twentieth century, Kerala
the yogam was responsible for the expenses and Jews learned about and supported the interna-
income of its communally owned lands and other tional Zionist movement, and after the State of
properties, and for any shortfall in the income of Israel was created in 1948, most decided to emi-
the synagogue itself – income which was raised grate there – some for religious reasons, some in
by revenue from ritual honors and contributions hopes of economic improvement, some going
and administered separately from the property of along with the majority decision to go – but with-
the yogam. Religious authority rested in the out recording any complaint that they had been
prayer leader and the teacher, both being well mistreated in Kerala. The great majority moved to
educated in the Hebrew scriptures and commen- Israel in the mid-1950s, with most of the remain-
taries. Special ritual honors were reserved for the der following not long afterward [33].
elders, the seven oldest men, who also played Before the mass immigration in the 1950s, the
a role in keeping social order through a weekly Malabari yogams turned over their legal powers
assembly. Held in the synagogue on Saturday and control of communal properties to a Board of
386 Jews of Kerala

Trustees with four representatives from each wooden timbers. Most are situated in walled com-
yogam, to negotiate the terms of immigration pounds, and all are entered from the east or south-
with representatives of the new Israeli govern- east. Five of them have a two-storied entrance
ment. Most of the original immigrants were building (or architectural evidence of a previous
placed in newly created semi-collective agricul- one) connected to the upper story of the main
tural villages (H. moshav, pl. moshavim) with building by a roofed bridge, used by women to
other Kerala Jews, including some from the Bom- reach their seating section on the upper level of the
bay area. Though there was no organized attempt prayer hall [34].
to preserve the yogam structure, many members The prayer hall, occupying most of the main
of the immigrant generation still informally iden- building, is a lofty rectangular room with
tify themselves and each other by their Kerala a wooden ceiling, tall windows, and a tiled floor.
communities of origin, while accepting the Israel On the western wall, farthest from the entrance and
term “Kochinim” to refer to their shared South closest to Jerusalem, is the Torah ark, a wooden
Indian ethnic identity. cabinet housing the Torah scrolls (see below). Male
After a period of adjusting economically and worshippers sit on benches along the side walls, in
culturally to a dramatically different way of life, the back, and around the harp-shaped reader’s desk
most of the approximately 5,000 Kochinim have or pulpit (H. tevah, pronounced tebah in Kerala) in
prospered in Israel, and many celebrate an ethnic the center of the room. Prayers are conducted from
pride in their Kerala heritage [33]. In each pre- this central tebah, as is common in Sephardi syna-
dominantly Kochini moshav and several urban gogues worldwide.
neighborhoods with a concentrated population An architectural feature unique to Kerala syn-
from Kerala, there is a Kochini synagogue (in agogues is a second tebah, located in the center of
some cases, two) where the traditional Kerala a balcony which stretches the width of the build-
style of worship and holiday celebration is pre- ing at the eastern end of the hall. To conduct the
served and passed on to succeeding generations. “Torah service,” of central importance on sabbath
Though nearly all the Paradesis migrated from and festival days, prayer leaders ascend a set of
Kochi to Israel during the 1970s and 1980s, later stairs from the hall to this upper tebah, carrying
than most of the Malabaris, and despite being the Torah scroll from which the weekly or festival
scattered in different locations throughout Israel, portion will be chanted. Though seated separately
they too maintain a strong sense of ethnic and from the men, as throughout the orthodox Jewish
community identity [15]. world, Jewish women in Kerala uniquely sit
immediately behind the upper tebah, separated
only by a partition of open lattice work, through
Sacred Space: The Synagogues which they can view the opened Torah scroll,
clearly hear the reading and the rest of the service,
In Kerala, each Jewish community lived close to and join in the singing of Hebrew liturgical
its own synagogue, the public center of religious responses and songs.
life. Like Kerala churches and mosques,
a synagogue is called a palli (M.), a place for
monotheistic congregational worship in contrast Ceremonial Objects
to a Hindu temple. Each of the seven extant syn-
agogues built since the sixteenth century follows The most sacred object in Judaism is a Torah
the same architectural pattern. Resembling in scroll (H: Sefer Torah), a parchment scroll upon
some ways the Kerala churches and mosques sur- which is inscribed by hand the entire text of the
viving from precolonial times, they are Torah, the first five books of the Hebrew Bible
constructed in a vernacular style from laterite (which Christians call the Old Testament).
stone, covered with a lime-based plaster, Divided into 52 weekly portions, the Torah is
whitewashed and roofed with clay tiles over chanted aloud from a scroll each sabbath morning
Jews of Kerala 387

of the year, with special portions repeated for standard code of Jewish law codified in the Tal-
festival readings. Most of the Torah scrolls in mud (H. a collection of early rabbinic commen-
Kerala were written by trained local scribes, who taries on Torah). Halachah governs daily life,
underwent ritual purification each time they sat including ethical behavior, ritual bathing, and
down to write during the many months required to food. Dietary laws prohibit the mixing of meat
complete a scroll. Individuals or families would and milk, the eating of certain animals, and the
finance the creation of a new scroll and present it eating of animals which are not slaughtered
as a ceremonial gift. Each community took pride according to the law; so each Jewish community
in having several Torah scrolls, and the occasion had access to the services of a trained ritual
for installing a new one in the synagogue was slaughterer. Halachah also guides the proper cel-
a collective event, with special songs and ebration of the weekly sabbath (H. Shabbat), the
ceremonies. yearly cycle of holy days, and life cycle events
In Kerala, the Torah scrolls are enclosed in from birth to death (e.g., circumcision of boys on
cylindrical wooden cases covered in silver sheet the eighth day, marriage, divorce, and burial prac-
or velvet; one is sheathed in gold. Some are tices). With an emphasis on purity, devotion, and
topped with decorated crowns made of silver or preservation of social boundaries, these laws were
gold and hung with silver or gold chains similar to highly compatible with the surrounding Hindu
a crescent-shaped style of Kerala women’s jew- culture. Interpretation of halachah was entrusted
elry. The scrolls in their cases are kept behind to learned Jewish teachers and other experts in J
closed doors in the wooden ark, the façade and Kerala, with occasional consultation from visiting
doors of which include intricate carvings of Jew- Jews or authorities in other lands.
ish symbols and Indian floral motifs; all but one of As with Jews throughout the world, Kerala
the arks are painted with bright colors and gilt. Jewish ritual life centers in both the home and
Other ceremonial objects include embroidered the synagogue. Each week culminates in Shabbat,
silk curtains to hang inside the ark in front of the the day of rest celebrated from sundown on Friday
Torah scrolls. Often such a Torah curtain (H. to the appearance of the first star on Saturday
parochet) was made from a women’s decorated night. Halachah elaborates on the Biblical com-
lower wedding garment, which would be used to mandment to rest from work on Shabbat, as God
cover her coffin on the way to the cemetery before rested on the seventh day of creation, by defining
being incorporated into a parochet and donated to what activities are defined as work and thus pro-
the synagogue. Various types of oil lamps, both hibited during the day of rest.
standing and hanging, also served ritual purposes The legal strictures of halachah allow for and
when lighted in the synagogue or in the home for are balanced by the respected category of minhag
the sabbath and festivals [30]. Dedicatory inscrip- (H), local custom which varies throughout the
tions on some lamps and curtains honor the Jewish world. Many examples of minhag are
memory of a donor’s family member. A few ded- found in the description of Kerala Jewish wed-
icatory inscriptions in synagogues mark royal and ding customs, such as street processions, special
colonial government patronage in the gifts of foods, the use of a South Indian style tali (wed-
a gold Torah crown, a silver hanging lamp, and ding pendant) for the bride, the public reading of
a quantity of teak wood for synagogue renovation the wedding contract by a small boy, and the
– comparable to traditional royal support of tem- construction of a manara (a temporary canopied
ples, mosques, and churches in Kerala. marriage bed draped in silk) for the week of
wedding festivities. Scholars describing the
yearly cycle of Jewish holidays in Kerala empha-
Halachah and Minhag size examples of minhag in particularly South
Indian customs, foods, colors, melodies, and pas-
Kerala Jews are Orthodox in their practice of times associated with each fast day and festival
Judaism, carefully following halachah (H), the [4, 12, 15, 18, 33].
388 Jews of Kerala

Jewish Holiday Rituals sings together while dismantling the manara and
returning the scrolls to the ark, then escorts the
The “High Holiday” season in the autumn begins karanavan to his home, where he blesses them all.
with joyous celebration of Rosh Hashanah (H. the In analyzing the High Holiday cycle, particularly
new year), followed 8 days later by the solemn Simchat Torah, Katz and Goldberg [18] point out
fast day of Yom Kippur (H. the day of atonement). similarities to Hindu practice in the ritual display
Then come the 8 days of Sukkot (H. the feast of and public procession of sacred objects and the
booths), when it is customary to eat meals in construction and dismantling of a temporary
temporary outdoor shelters, commemorating the structure to house them.
40 years of wandering after the Jewish escape Chanukkah (H. Dedication) is an 8-day festival
from Egypt. Sukkot culminates with Simchat in the winter commemorating the rededication of
Torah (H. rejoicing in the Torah), which is argu- the Jerusalem Temple after the Maccabee rebel-
ably the most important holiday for Kerala Jews lion in 165 B.C.E. As elsewhere it is celebrated in
[4, 15, 18, 33]. This festival celebrates the start of each Jewish home by the lighting of special
a new yearly cycle of Torah readings, with the lamps. The first night of Chanukkah coincides
reading first of the year’s final Torah portion and with the death anniversary of Namia (Nehemiah)
then of the first portion, the beginning of the book Mota, a holy Jew from Yemen who died in Kochi
of Genesis. In the unique minhag of Kerala, each in 1610 and whose tomb is still venerated by local
synagogue is decorated with brightly colored silk non-Jews as well as Jews. Vows made in his name
hangings and strings of fragrant jasmine. A tall may be fulfilled by whitewashing his tomb or
brass structure holding many glass oil lamps is lighting candles in front of it [15, 18], and also
placed outside the synagogue, with all the lamps by providing a ritual meal for others on his death
lighted before the evening service. A temporary anniversary. The latter custom is still followed by
Torah ark is constructed immediately in front of Kochinim in Israel [33]. In Kochi, there used to be
the regular ark and elaborately draped with silk, to home-centered parties on the other nights of
publicly display all the Torah scrolls, which are Chanukkah as well, where the women of
ordinarily kept in the closed ark. Like the Kadavumbhagam sang and performed circle
canopied enclosure of the marriage bed, it too is dances with hand-clapping, similar to circle
called a manara, perhaps reflecting a common dances of Hindu, Christian, and Muslim women
symbolic interpretation of the Torah as the bride in Kerala, which are also associated with the
of the people of Israel. lighting of oil lamps [4].
During the evening and morning services of The spring holiday of Purim (H. feast of lots) is
worship on Simchat Torah, the men of the con- generally celebrated by Jews as a time for merry-
gregation carry all the scrolls, in their heavy cases, making, pranks and social reversal in reminder of
in a joyous procession of seven circumambula- the Biblical story of Queen Esther, who saved the
tions (H. hakafot) around the synagogue Persian Jews from destruction. On Purim, Kerala
interior – as is the universal Jewish custom. This Jews used to burn an effigy of Haman, villain of
procession is accompanied by ritual jumping up the Purim story, and carouse in the street throwing
and down, with enthusiastic singing of special water and colored powder – explained by one
devotional hymns. Unique to Kerala is the addi- elder as a symbol of the blood of Haman [4] and
tion of three hakafot around the outside of the by outside scholars as a parallel to the Hindu
synagogue on the afternoon of the holiday, again celebration of the Holi festival in the same lunar
carrying the Sefer Torahs and enthusiastically month ([18]; see also [12, 32]).
singing songs of praise from a special Kerala Passover (H. Pesah) is an 8-day spring festival
book of “Shingly songs,” used only for this occa- commemorating the Israelite escape from Egyp-
sion. The circumambulations are counterclock- tian slavery. Based on Biblical accounts of this
wise, in contrast to Hindu custom. At the exodus, it is marked by the prohibition of eating
conclusion of evening prayers, the congregation leavened food (H. hametz). Several months in
Jews of Kerala 389

advance of the holiday, Jewish women in Kerala which they anthologized along with other such
begin their intensive house-cleaning to remove all writings and sent to Europe to be published for
traces of hametz, and also to prepare special Pass- them beginning in the eighteenth century. In the
over foods. They spend more than a day making nineteenth century, they established their own
matzah (H.), the unleavened wheat bread that is Hebrew printing presses in Bombay and Kochi
required for the ritual Passover meal [4, 15, 18]. [8]. Some Kerala Jewish families brought copies
To some extent, local minhag governs the defini- of these old Hebrew books from Kerala to Israel,
tion of what is hametz, with Ashkenazi minhag where several editions have since been re-
forbidding the consumption of rice or lentils dur- published.
ing Passover and Sephardic minhag, in general, Though Malayalam was the mother tongue of
permitting both. Kerala minhag allows rice but not Kerala Jews, some premodern traders also
lentils, excluding everyday South Indian dishes retained Hebrew as a language of international
made by combining both, so they give special commerce, and highly educated community mem-
attention to preparing Passover treats made solely bers through the centuries used Hebrew to con-
with rice flour [15]. Arguing that the Kerala Jews duct overseas correspondence about religious
surpass other Jews in their intense concern for matters and to compose “chronicles” of local Jew-
ritual purity and social seclusion related to Pass- ish history. In the British-era curriculum for
over, Katz and Goldberg [18] analyze their prep- schools and universities in Kerala, Hebrew could
arations for and celebration of Passover as a form be counted as a “second language” for examina- J
of asceticism, comparable to that of Hindu Brah- tions, with educated members of the community
mins and thus elevating their social status in the serving as examiners.
Kerala caste system. Synagogue ritual was conducted completely in
Unique Kerala customs for other holy days Hebrew by a designated prayer leader or cantor,
include games for the 9 days leading up to the who was trained in the liturgy common to Sephar-
mournful fast of Tisha B’Av, which commemo- dic and Mizrachi Jews. Ordinary men and women
rates the destructions of the First and Second recited Hebrew prayers and sang Hebrew songs
Temples in Jerusalem. One of these is a board together at home in the synagogue. Kerala Jews
game called aasha, which has been identified as do not follow the traditional custom of many
the only known survival of an ancient Babylonian orthodox Jewish communities that women are
game [4]. For special holiday dress (caps for the not permitted to sing in the presence of men and
men, blouses for the women), particular colors are are not encouraged to study Hebrew.
traditional: red for Rosh Hashanah, white for Yom Boys and men learned to chant from the Torah
Kippur, green for Sukkot, and bright orange, pink, scroll and the haftarah passage (H. designated
and purple for Simchat Torah [33]. selection from the rest of the Hebrew Bible) as
part of the Torah service – a process which
involved learning both the Hebrew script and the
Language, Literature, and Music melodic patterns for chanting. In addition to over-
all expertise in chanting, certification for the
Hebrew respected position of prayer leader required mas-
Throughout their documented history, the Kerala tery of special “Shingly” cantillation melodies and
Jews possessed printed and manuscript copies of pronunciation required for particular occasions
the Bible, the Talmud, and other Hebrew writings. (The special pronunciation is presumably labeled
Some scrolls and books were imported from Por- “Shingly” in reference to ancient practice).
tugal, Yemen, and Amsterdam as early as the Reflecting this emphasis on Hebrew learning,
sixteenth century and many were written by their a boy’s first haftarah reading in the synagogue
own scribes in Kerala. They themselves com- (often as early as 6 or 7 years of age) was cele-
posed Hebrew prayers, liturgical poems, and para- brated as a major rite of passage. In Kerala, this
liturgical devotional songs (H. pl. piyyutim), occasioned a bigger party than did the universal
390 Jews of Kerala

Jewish practice of honoring a boy on his thirteenth The Malayalam songs were traditionally sung
birthday, when he becomes eligible to be counted without instrumental accompaniment by older
as one of the ten adult men who must be assem- women in the community, at home, and at com-
bled for the minyan (H. quorum) of ten men munity gatherings for festive occasions, with men
required for recitation of certain prayers and for listening respectfully as the women sang. The
the reading of the Torah. On this occasion, the repertoire includes folk-style wedding songs, leg-
Kerala boy was traditionally called a bar minyan ends of Jewish origins in Kerala, songs about
(H: son of the minyan). individual Kerala synagogues, lively Biblical nar-
Many Kerala Jewish girls also studied Hebrew ratives, and devotional hymns (original, trans-
language and cantillation melodies from an early lated, or adapted from Hebrew piyyutim). Some
age, though only the boys and men would chant of the melodies resemble those of other Kerala
publicly. Certain older women were noted for folk or popular songs, some are shared with Ker-
their proficiency in Hebrew and sometimes ala Hebrew songs, and a few Zionist songs com-
coached young boys as they prepared for the ritual posed just before the emigration to Israel were set
of chanting their first haftarah and Torah portions to melodies from Indian cinema and political
in the synagogue. The prominent role of women in movements.
Kerala Jewish religious life must be seen in the Lyrics of more than 300 songs (many with
context of women’s relatively high status and multiple variants) are preserved in handwritten
literacy in traditional Kerala culture [13]. women’s notebooks, passed on from generation
Ethnomusicologists studying the Kerala per- to generation. Scholars have collected or photo-
formance of Hebrew music have traced Babylo- copied 38 of the notebooks in India and Israel and
nian influences in their regular Torah cantillation recorded more than 80 of the songs performed by
melodies, with a pronounced Yemenite influence Kerala Jewish women, some with variant tunes.
in the “Shingly tunes” [31], and have identified These notebooks and recordings are archived at
a number of Kerala piyyutim as originating in or the Hebrew University in Jerusalem – the note-
influenced by the Sephardi music of the Ottoman books in the Ben-Zvi Research Institute and the
Empire [29]. A central aspect of Kochini cultural recordings in the National Sound Archives of the
identity in Israel is the persistence of Kerala Jewish Music Research Centre (JMRC).
Hebrew music, both in the synagogue and at In contrast to Kerala Hebrew songs, Malaya-
home. lam Jewish songs have been largely forgotten by
Kochinim in Israel. Community elder and song
Malayalam expert Ruby Daniel included some English trans-
In a culture noted for its literacy [13], the Jews of lations in her memoir [4] and went on to produce
Kerala were apparently among the most highly more than 100 additional translations, but the
educated groups. Based on 1891 census figure of archaic vocabulary and grammatical forms in
89% literacy for Jews in Parur, it can be assumed some of the older songs made them difficult for
that late nineteenth and twentieth century Kerala her to understand. Kerala scholar of Malayalam
Jews generally could read and write in the stan- language and literature Scaria Zacharia then took
dard Malayalam that was taught in schools on the challenge of their linguistic complexity
throughout the area. At home, they spoke [36], and Ophira Gamliel’s Israeli doctoral disser-
a Jewish Malayalam dialect featuring Hebrew tation provides a thorough philological overview
loan words and variations in pronunciation and of the corpus with critical analysis of some of the
grammar, now being recorded and analyzed lin- oldest songs [9]. Zacharia and Gamliel produced
guistically [10]. Jewish Malayalam writings are a substantial volume of the Jewish songs with
found in two major forms: literal translations from Malayalam textualization and analysis, Hebrew
the Hebrew of certain Biblical, Talmudic, and translation and commentary, and an English lan-
liturgical texts and a large and diverse body of guage afterword [37]. The JMRC published
Malayalam Jewish songs. Johnson’s CD of recorded song excerpts with
Jews of Kerala 391

English translations by Zacharia and Johnson, and 13. Jeffrey R (2003) Politics, women and well-being: how
with English and Hebrew notes [16]. Since release Kerala became ‘a model’. Oxford University Press,
New York
of the book and CD in 2005, two groups of 14. Johnson (Hudson) B (1975) Shingli or Jewish
women from the immigrant generation of Cranganore in the traditions of the Cochin Jews of
Kochinim have organized themselves to perform India, with an appendix on the Cochin Jewish Chron-
Malayalam Jewish songs in Israel for ethnic gath- icles. MA thesis, Smith College, Northampton
15. Johnson B (1985) “Our community” in two worlds:
erings and for the general public. the Cochin Paradesi Jews in India and Israel. PhD
dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
16. Johnson B (2005) Oh, lovely parrot! Jewish women’s
Cross-References songs from Kerala. CD & Book. Jewish Music
Research Centre, Hebrew University, Jerusalem
▶ Baghdadi Jews of India 17. Johnson B (2007) New research, discoveries and par-
adigms: a report on the current study of Kerala Jews.
▶ Bene Israel
In: Katz N et al (eds) Indo- Judaic studies in the
▶ Caste twenty-first century: a view from the margin. Palgrave
▶ Jewish-Muslim Relations in South Asia Macmillan, New York
18. Katz N, Goldberg E (1993) The last Jews of Cochin:
Jewish identity in Hindu India. South Carolina Uni-
versity, Columbia
References 19. Lesley A (2000) Shingly in Cochin Jewish memory
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1. Anantha Krishna Iyer L (1912) The Cochin tribes and 20. Lord JH (1907) The Jews in India and the far east J
castes, vol 2. Johnson, New York. 1969 reprint (1976 reprint). Greenwood, Westport
2. Bar-Giora N (1958) On the history of the synagogues 21. Mandelbaum D (1975) Social stratification among the
in Kochin. Hebrew. Sefunot 2:214–245 Jews of Cochin in India and Israel. Jewish J Soc
3. Chakravarti R (2007) Reaching out to distant shores: 17:165–210
Indo-Judaic trade contacts (up to CE 1300). In: Katz 22. Nandy A (2002) Time travel to a possible self. In:
N et al (eds) Indo- Judaic studies in the twenty-first Nandy A (ed) Time warps: silent and evasive pasts in
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4. Daniel R, Johnson B (1995) Ruby of Cochin: an 23. Narayanan MGS (1972) Cultural symbiosis in Kerala.
Indian Jewish woman remembers. Jewish Publication Kerala History Society, Trivandrum
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making of modern India. Princeton University Press, 25. Pereyra de Paiva M (1687) Notisias dos Judeus de
Princeton Cochim. Amsterdam, Vry Levy. Eng tr. Fegueiredo
6. Feinstein HaCohen H (1874) Mashbit milchamot. F, Koder S (ed) as Saga of the Jews of Cochin. In:
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(1889). Y Fisher, Krakow York
7. Fischel W (1967) The exploration of Jewish antiqui- 26. Raffalovich S (1895) Kadmoniot haYehudim
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8. Fischel W (1970–1971) The literary creativity of the 27. Schorsch J (2004) Jews and blacks in the early modern
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9. Gamliel O (2009) Jewish Malayalam women’s songs. 28. Segal JB (1993) A History of the Jews of Cochin.
PhD dissertation, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Vallentine Mitchell, London
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10. Gamliel O (2009) Oral literary forms in Jewish Mala- among the Jews of Cochin. Hebrew. In: Piyyut in
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32. Tavim JAR da Silva (1998) From Setubal to the sub- concepts that are as contested, politically loaded,
lime porte: the wanderings of Jacome de Olivares, and ambiguous as jihād. The great variety of
New Christian and merchant of Cochin (1540–1571).
In: Subrahmanyam S (ed) Saints and sinners: the suc- meanings, interpretations, and appropriations
cessors of Vasco da Gama. Oxford University Press, depends primarily on who uses the term and
Delhi what it is used to describe. The most common
33. Walerstein (Sibony) M (1987) Public rituals among understanding is that the concept directly corre-
the Jews from Cochin, India, in Israel: expressions of
ethnic identity. PhD dissertation, UCLA, Los Angeles sponds to the Late Medieval Catholic notion of
34. Waronker J (2010) The synagogue at Parur, India: its holy war (bellum sacrum). Another understanding
architecture and spatial experience. J Indo-Jud St is that jihād is another term for the Islamic duty to
11:25–36 conquer non-Muslim territories wherein cause/
35. Yule H et al (ed) (1866) Cathay and the way thither
(2010 reprint). Cambridge University Press, case for war (casus belli) is to establish political,
Cambridge not necessarily religious, supremacy of Muslims
36. Zacharia S (2005) Jewish Malayalam folksongs: text, over others. Yet another understanding is that
discourses and identity. Int J Dravidian Linguist jihād means little more than an individual Mus-
34(2)
37. Zacharia S, Gamliel O (2005) Karkulali-Yefefiah-Gor- lim’s struggle to maintain one’s faith and spiritu-
geous! Jewish women’s songs in Malayalam with ality in the face of various adversities. The
Hebrew translations, English afterword B Johnson. complexity of the term lies in its comprehensive-
Ben-Zvi Inst, Jerusalem ness and wide conceptualization by its original
users – the early Muslims.
An oft-mentioned concept in Islamic terminol-
ogy with the same root as jihād is ijtihād, or
Jihād intellectual exertion in interpretation of the reve-
lation. It is therefore the interpretative part of or
Emin Poljarevic understanding of the concept that is at the heart of
Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies, University of understanding what jihād means.
Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UK The source of equivocality of the term partly
rests in the way the word has been used in the
Islamic sources. In the Qur’ān, jihād is mentioned
Synonyms 41 times wherein 12 times in relation to war
(Qur’ān 3:142; 4:95-95-95; 9:16-24-41-44-81-
Defensive war; Exerting effort; Just war; Moral 85-88; 61:11) and 21 times in relation to Muslim
commitment; Striving religious beliefs (Qur’ān 2:218; 5:35–54;
8:72–74-75; 9:19-20-73; 16:110; 22:78–78; 25:
52–52; 29:6-6-69; 47:31; 49: 15; 60:1; 66:9).
Definition In numerous aḥādī th (sing. ḥadī th), the word is
mentioned many more times in even more diverse
Umbrella term for a set of Islamic legal and moral ways adding to its abstruseness. It is however
principles that guide Muslims’ daily lives; how- important to notice that the word “holy”
ever, it is often used to describe morally sanc- (muqaddas) has not been used to label any form
tioned warfare. of warfare in Islam throughout the 14 centuries of
Muslim scholarly debate. It therefore follows that
description of jihād as restricted to the idea of
Introduction “holy war,” or mujāhidūn, as holy warriors, is
ultimately incorrect. Nevertheless, a religious
The Arabic word jahada is the root word of the dimension of holiness is necessarily unified
term jihād and its derivatives, and it means to within its broader meaning of the concept primar-
strive, to exhort effort. Despite the straightforward ily because of the term’s mentioning in the pri-
translation of the word, there are few terms and mary religious sources of Islam.
Jihād 393

Religious Origins incorporate actions of war under the Islamic

legal framework. Within this rudimentary frame-
The Prophet Muḥammad is recorded to have used work, there was an important opinion by al-Shafi‘ī
the word jahād in the treaty (ṣaḥī fah) between the (d. 820) that incorporated a notion of jihād
first generation of Muslims and the Jewish tribes whereby one of its functions was to wage an
in Madīnah. The Prophet had recommended that offensive war against non-Muslims for the pur-
Muslims and Jews should jointly strive (jahādū) pose of imposing an Islamic rule in their terri-
to preserve the safety and sanctity (ḥaram) of their tories, without necessarily forcing anyone to
shared city. It is worth noting that the (Madīnah) change their religion for that matter.
treaty was signed before any violent confrontation Subsequent caliphs had therefore to follow
with the Quraysh had occurred [7, 23, 24]. On legal guidelines in shaping political decisions
another occasion, it has been recorded in a ḥadī th including war. Jihād, in this case, denoted
that the Prophet answered a question about which a lawful military action against a non-Muslim
action will take a Muslim to Paradise using, (state) actor in order either establish political con-
among other terms, the word jihād as an upper- trol over the targeted territory, the abode of war, or
most measure of a Muslim’s faith and obedience to defend Muslim populations and their property
to God (istislām). Was the term used in offensive from violent attacks from outside the abode of
of defensive warfare or did it refer to everyday peace. Later legal scholars have developed
struggling of Muslims to feed their families or numerous technical terms in order to meet the J
maintain their commitment to principles of challenges of complex international relations
Islamic teachings? Such conceptual uncertainty between old and emerging political entities.
created considerable debate among the early Mus- Some of the noteworthy terms are dār al-kufr
lim scholars from which methodologies of ijtihād (territory of unbelief) dār al-ahd, (abode of treaty)
developed. This process set up a framework and dār al-ṣulḥ (territory pact/alliance), all aimed
for subsequent centuries of Islamic theologizing, at defining the proper procedure of international
philosophizing, and structuring judicial bound- relations between ever-changing state entities.
aries of Qur’ānic terminology in increasingly Early and classical Islamic legal theorists (al-
complex Muslim minority and majority societies. Awza’ī (d. 774), al-Shaybanī (d. 805), al-Shafi’ī
(d. 820), Ibn Abi Zamanīn (d. 1008), al-Baghdādī
(1037), al-Mawardī (d. 1058), al-Sulamī (d.
Early History 1106), Ibn Taymiyya (d. 1328)) understood jihād
to include a set of legal principles guiding warfare,
The rapid expansion of the Umayyad (661–750 C. in particular defensive warfare [16, 18, 22]. Other
E.) and the early Abbasid (750–1258 C.E.) impe- words such as ḥarb (war) and qitāl (fighting) are
rial dynasties incorporated large non-Muslim used in order to describe explicit actions of orga-
populations within their domain. During the terri- nized (e.g., state) violence against a warring party.
torial and subsequent religious expansion, In this case, the legal theorists relied almost
increased need for complex administrative and entirely on the Madīnan period of the Prophet’s
judicial procedures contributed to the increased life and the Muslims’ feud with the Quraysh.
importance of the class of religious scholars Subsequently, the basis for the Islamic theory of
(‘ulamā’). The early jurists developed a doctrine war rested on principles of defense of the commu-
of jihād primarily within the context of imperial nity from religious persecution and outside
politics and in relation to the opponents of the aggression (i.e., Quraysh tribes’ attacks on
expanding empire (i.e., Byzantines). The doctrine Madīnah). By extension, this meant that Muslim
necessitated defining who could legitimately be legal scholars understood jihād had to comply
fought and for what reasons. Subsequently, the with the principles of Sharī ‛ah (i.e., the revela-
abodes of peace (dār al-islām) and war (dār al- tion) and therefore, it had to be just. In other
ḥarb) had to be clearly differentiated so as to words, the only legitimate war is jihād as it is
394 Jihād

both just and blessed, indeed a very similar under- survival. Herein he included warfare against the
standing to the Thomas Aquinas’ (d. 1274) notion hostile Quraysh clans, the rebellious Arab tribes
of just war – bellum iustum. after the death of the Prophet, the Byzantine and
There is a clear tension between the two imperial Persian empires and the sectarian Khārijī rebels.
courts’ (e.i. the Umayyads and the Abbasids) under- A later Muslim scholar, al-Sarakhsī (d. 1090),
standing of jihād and the later jurists. The tension considered jihād to be legitimate in the previously
hinges on dissimilar aims of the interpreters of the mentioned cases, which he carefully contextual-
concept. Imperial expansionist policies demand ized in order to make any future inferences,
legal support for such decisions, while Islamic ijtihād, in relation to warfare with non-Muslims.
jurists attempt to establish a strong relation of It seems that scholarly concerns were primarily
a concept with the legal sources, often subtracting focused on inter-Muslim violence and the legiti-
the immediate impact of their reading on the polit- macy of Muslim rulers and the imperative of
ical situation. The classical scholarly understanding Muslim unity as the main tool for preventing
of jihād was therefore one of, primarily, but not conflicts. This had much to do with the volatility
exclusively, defensive war for the purpose of pro- of Muslim dynasties and struggles for succession.
tecting Muslims, their religious beliefs, religious Secondly, it is from this context that the issue
symbols, places of worship, and property. of just ruler came to dominate any discussion
of jihād among the scholars. For instance, an
Andalusian legal scholar and Qur’ānic exegete
Evolution of the Rules of Jihād al-Qurṭūbī (d. 1273) considered scholars as
responsible to recommend, if not to appoint,
As there is and has been a wide variety of under- a reliable and just ruler to the office of caliph. As
standings of jihād between Muslim and non- a consequence, other scholars, including the early
Muslim scholars, specialists and non-specialists, Ibn Taymiyyah were of the opinion befitting that
it is important to understand jihād within the an unjust ruler, who failed to fulfill his obligation
framework of its practical rules (jus in bello) and to be removed from the position of leadership,
application. The main objective of Islamic juris- even if that required violence, under the condition
prudence (maqṣid) is to find out what is im/per- that the violence did not run the risk of producing
missible in relation to justice as understood even greater harm than that caused by the unjust
through the revealed Islamic text. It is within the rule of that particular ruler. Even though this rev-
scholarly setting of interpretation that one finds olutionary opinion included violent tactics (qitāl),
complexity of subsequent understandings of the the term jihād was not used in this context, until
meaning of jihād. much later (i.e., twentieth century). The contro-
Firstly, one of the most contentious issues versy about fighting in the path of God (fī sabī l
among the classical Muslim jurists has been the Allāh) seemed connected to another less contro-
issue of a number of abrogated Qur’ānic verses versial, but equally volatile, issue and that is the
and their role in Islamic jurisprudence. At the definition of a Muslim. Since the time of the rule
center of this issue has been verse 9:5 (and in of the third caliph ‘Uthmān, there was the issue of
part, 9:36), the so-called verse of the sword rogue Muslims, heretics, and traitors. The second
(āyah al-sayf). The question central to this late Mongol invasion of the Middle East and the fall of
Madīnan verse was: were Muslims to wage con- the Abbasid dynasty (1258), and the subsequent
tinuous warfare against non-Muslims, as these conversion of the invaders to Islām gave a new
verses seem to suggest. An important Hanafī reason to the rise of a set of questions related to
jurist, al-Shaybānī (d. 805) asserted that these jihād. The issue of legitimacy in fighting fellow
verses instructed the Muslim population Muslims came to be debated more intensely than
(ummah), or rather the Muslim leadership, to ever before. At the center of that debate was
secure the survival of their religious community a Damascene legal scholar, Ibn Taymīyya
by fighting against any imminent threats to their (d. 1328).
Jihād 395

According to Ibn Taymīyya, jihād is the best a mere administrative tool, or façade of good
voluntary act of worship a Muslim can observe, governance. This is clearly attached to the socio-
after Islām’s four pillars of worship (i.e., prayer, political upheavals of his time and the religious
fast, alms-giving, and pilgrimage). He defined it context of the period, partly expressed in his
as a general principle of worship through which Mārdīn fatwa. In this instance, he strongly
a person strives to come closer to God. He further admonished the Mongol leadership for practicing
defines it as inner and outer forms of worship, yāsā, a version of nomadic common law. He was
which is extrapolated to mean that there is nevertheless wavering on whether to assert takfī r
a spiritual and physical dimension of jihād for an (excommunication) on the general body of Mus-
individual. He rejects the notion of lesser and lims whom he saw as deviants. His deep disagree-
greater jihād, as a debatable ḥadī th seems to sug- ment with his contemporaries among the Muslim
gest, and which is often discussed today by both scholars on this and other issues, his quest for
Muslims and non-Muslims. It can be argued that Muslim orthodoxy, his personal resilience, and
the issue of the two types of religious striving, tragic fate made him popular to contemporary
diminishing the role of violent activism, is partic- militant Islamist groups. Scholars of pre-modern
ularly appealing today, in a time of great geopo- Islām consider Ibn Taymīyya’s understanding of
litical turmoil with growing Islamophobia and jihād to have been deeply profound and multilay-
anti-Muslimism around the globe. Nonetheless, ered; however, his writings have often been sim-
the dichotomy between “lesser” and “greater” plified and de-contextualized by many militant J
jihād has been popularized, and is nowadays reg- Muslim groups today. His writings suggest that
ularly used in debates on the topic. he outlined jihād to be a lawful war against either
Ibn Taymīyya argued that religious struggle, foreign foes or domestic rebels (al-bughāt) in
including warfare, can be performed both on order to defend justice, fairness, and to bring
a personal and communal level and its primary about “good” as one of the main Qur’ānic
objective is to “enjoy the good and forbid evil” principles.
(‘amr bi al-ma‘rūf wa naḥī ‘an al-munkar, Thirdly, besides the legal definition of jihād, its
Qur’ān 3:104, 3:110). This Qur’ānic principle purpose, and guiding principles, Islamic scholars
represents a general obligation encompassing the have been concerned with the rules of engagement
moral and ethical conduct of Muslims. Ibn during warfare. Muslim jurists have debated its
Taymīyya understood this principle to be directly legal framework for centuries. The stepping-stone
connected to the concept of jihād, an opinion held in the debate has been that jihād is principally
by ‘ulamā’ even before and ever since the four- waged to defend the Muslim community, its
teenth century. What was new with Ibn Taymīyya, moral and physical welfare, and, as such, it has
however, is his focus on repairing the Muslim been imperative to establish an equivalent moral
domain from what he perceived as wrongdoing code of conduct and operational procedures
and corruption. Due to the extensive volume of his (aḥkām al-jihād) for waging war. For instance,
writings and scholarship, there are several layers can any Muslim decide to proclaim war on any
of his exposition on the term jihād connected to other person, community, or land that (s)he deems
various periods of his life. fit? What about proportionality of force and vio-
He seemed primarily to have sought strict doc- lence? Such questions were equally important to
trinal unity among Muslims considering it as the the jurists (fuqahā), as the objective of jihād itself.
primary step toward revival of the Islamic civili- When discussing the framework of warfare, or
zation and socio-political progress. For instance, any other topic of jurisprudence, Muslim jurists
during the period of Mongol invasion and what he depart from the sources of Islamic legal theory,
considered to be their dubious Islamic credentials which in many cases include the political man-
as leaders of Muslim lands (dār al-islām), Ibn agement of the first four caliphs. For instance, the
Taymīyya saw it as necessary to use violence to first caliph Abū Bakr (d. 634) had instructed his
get rid Muslims of leadership that used Islām as military leaders before the battles: “do not cheat,
396 Jihād

do not show cowardice, do not destroy churches, rebellious in the face of the Qur’ānic injunction
do not inundate palm trees, do not burn cultiva- ([5], p. 48), declaring that political authority
tion, do not bleed animals, do not cut down fruit should be based on the revealed text.
trees, do not kill old men or boys or children or If one considers the traditionalist view of Mus-
women [. . .]” ([8], p. 300). The second caliph lim politics, that of political theorist Mawardi (d.
‘Umar (d. 644) echoed this injunction almost ver- 1058), Shī‘ī bureaucrat Ibn Ṭiqṭāqā (d. 1309), and
batim: “Persevere in right conduct and endurance. social historian Ibn Khaldūn (d. 1406) among
Combat, in the path of God, those who disbelieve others, political power and legitimacy flowed
in God; yet do not transgress, because God does from the ruler’s ability to provide stability for his
not love those who transgress. Do not show cow- subjects. The personal qualities of a ruler were the
ardice in an encounter. Do not mutilate when you focus, not necessarily the institutional framework
have the power to do so. Do not commit excess derived from principles of sharī ‘a. Within this
when you triumph. Do not kill an old man or outline of the discussion on politics, jihād was
a woman or a minor, but try to avoid them at the very much an extension of power politics without
time of the encounter of the two armies, and at the which justice could not be established. In other
time of the heat of victory, and at the time of words, these theorists believed that the ruler’s
expected attacks. Do not cheat over booty. Purify motives were central in the political decision-
jihād from worldly gain. Rejoice in the bargain of making process and should therefore be judged
the contract that ye have made [with Allāh] and on the basis of ethical principles of sharī ‘a, not
that is the great success” ([8], p. 302). necessarily political actions that derived from
These broad guidelines represent an Islamic such decisions. Consequently, this theoretical
version of the rules of war. It is important to note dichotomy between intentions and actions has,
that these general guidelines cover large-scale and still does, create noticeable contradictions in
warfare between large territorial entities or group explaining how perceivably unjust warfare tactics
of related individuals (i.e., nations) and are not (i.e., targeting civilians) can vindicate an under-
discussing inter-community feuds and insurrec- standably just cause (i.e., defending dār al-islām).
tions. It is nevertheless relatively clear that non- Who is expected to participate in “legiti-
combatants are not to be harmed or, at the very mately” declared jihād? According to a collection
least, not targeted in extreme situations of hostility of criteria from the four Sunnī legal schools of
between the warring parties. It has equally been jurisprudence, a fighter should be a Muslim male
important to sort out who is the one to declare (although there are multiple evidences that
jihād against an enemy [9, 10, 13, 15]. Since the females and non-Muslims participated and died
time of the first Muslim dynasties, the jurists have in early Muslim warfare), the fighter ought to be
maintained that only the leader of the community an adult and mentally healthy, to have a sound
(amī r) can legitimately declare war against an intention (i.e., defend dār al-islām), the person
organized enemy force. should in some cases have parents’ permission to
Another related issue that was debated by the deploy, and the prospective fighter should not
early Muslim scholars, and that has emerged again be financially indebted. The Ja‘farī school of
in the past century, is the question of the legiti- jurisprudence (i.e., the mainstream Shī‘ī legal
macy of the Muslim ruler. Even though this is methodology) mirrors the Sunnī conditions with
arguably a novel claim as it relates to the Islamic some difference on the legal age of adulthood of
jurisprudence, it has been a cause of violent a person.
polemics among Muslims. Today, many Muslim As it pertains to jihād as a legal term, it entails
militant groups claim that the current regimes in conditions different and often confused with
most, if not all, Muslim majority states are illegit- a more generic concept, qitāl or fighting, of
imate, as they do not rule through the framework a designated enemy. Qitāl does not have the
of sharī ‘a. What follows from this line of reason- same set of conditions, and many of the contem-
ing is that contemporary Muslim rulers are porary violent groups use this term
Jihād 397

interchangeably with jihād. This explanation of and piety. This and other examples of liberation
a wide variety of violence in the name of Islām struggles were a part of nationalist projects inev-
is frequently reiterated by the media and its audi- itably transforming the popular meaning of jihād.
ences, blurring the legal meaning of jihād, its Herein national liberation rhetoric, the search for
evolution, and status within the Islamic legal tra- religious revival and social reformation aspira-
dition, or simply its basic purpose as developed by tions came to be discursively inseparable. In this
the classical scholars [15, 16, 20]. new socio-political context, defending dār al-
islām, traditionally defined as a religious duty,
and defending national sovereignty, as a secular
Liberation, De-colonization, and Jihād responsibility, came to be regarded as equally
significant. This complex social process included
It is known that the meaning and usage of terms is reinvention of meaning of ancient and popular
transient and often shifts over a course of time due terms such as jihād.
to changing circumstances and socio-political Throughout the later part of nineteenth and the
contexts. The concept of jihād has not been early twentieth century, a large number of Muslim
immune to this change. It is clear that in the last revivalist movements did not consider jihād
two and a half centuries, there has been increased merely as a set of legal doctrines but as a well-
intra-Muslim debate about the concept of jihād established Islamic principle to liberate Muslim
primarily due to the bureaucratization and subor- lands from foreign occupation and to establish J
dination of the previously semi-independent a just social order. For instance, Sayyid Aḥmad
‘ulamā’ by the rising nation states. This was com- Barelwī (d. 1831), who was shaped within the
bined with the simultaneous decline of the last of puritan Sunni tradition, established a revolution-
the Ottoman Empire and subsequent European ary movement (Tarīqah-i Muḥammadiyyah).
colonization of nearly all Muslim majority socie- Subsequently, he proclaimed jihād against Sikhs
ties. The foreign military, economic, and techno- in Punjab as a strategy to establish a sharī ‘a-based
logical domination of the Muslim countries has (Pashtūn dominated) society with its center in
unsurprisingly brought the concept of jihād to Peshawar.
center stage due to the rise of a large number of Another example is Aḥmadullāh Shāh and the
liberation movements across the colonized Mus- female rebel leader Begum Hazrat Mahal’s (d.
lim lands. The more rigid territorial fragmentation 1879) role in the primarily Muslim rebellion of
and rise of nationalism among various ethnic and 1857 in British India. They supported the upris-
culturally distinct groups during the colonial ing’s leader Raja Jai Lal Singh (d. 1859) who
period many, if not most, Muslim revivalist and utilized the terminology of jihād to justify the
resistance movements utilized both religious and violent insurgence and mobilize Muslim
nationalistic symbolism in their mobilization populations. It is important to note that the major-
campaigns. One of more cases that could arguably ity of Islamic scholars of India at the time, includ-
be fitted in this category is the Sa‘ūd clan’s alli- ing Sayyid Aḥmad Khān (d. 1898), for a variety of
ance with the Najdī religious authority of Muḥam- reasons denounced the rebellion as unIslamic and
mad ‘Abd al-Wahhāb (d. 1798). Through an therefore not qualified to be labeled as jihād [11].
alliance, ‘Abd al-Wahhāb supported a war of uni- Salafī -oriented scholars were also divided over
fication of the lawless Najd region and later even the issue of the legitimacy of violence and label-
against the Ottoman authority in the Hijāz region, ing it as jihād. This and similar scholarly polemics
a place of the holy cities Makkah and Madīnah. surrounding the legitimacy of violent uprisings
The outcome of this process ultimately resulted in are examples of auxiliary fragmentation of reli-
the birth of the modern-day Kingdom of Saudi gious authority, resulting in conflicting interpreta-
Arabia. Today, the Kingdom in a place one can tions of pre-modern Islamic traditions.
find one of the most unyielding forms of nation- The multidimensional process of moderniza-
alism under the semblance of religious literalism tion of Muslim majority societies directed the
398 Jihād

intra-Muslim debate toward interpreting any justified violence through a classical interpretation
emerging moral goodness as inherently Islamic of jihād [1]. In Turkestan, nowadays the Central
regardless of classical debates on similar issues. Asian region, an organized armed revolt against
For instance, Muḥammad Iqbāl’s (d. 1838) reviv- initially the Russian Empire, and later against the
alist project sought to adapt Islamic practice to Soviet Union lasted from 1916 to 1932. Although
a modernist framework that was ultimately guided a nationalist liberation movement at its core, the
by scientism. This line of reasoning, similar to that religious clergy fully embraced the religious rhe-
of Muḥammad ‘Abduh (d. 1905), advised that toric utilizing the concept of jihād to draw popular
Islamicate societies needed to adjust to the west- support against Russian and Soviet occupation.
ern understanding of progress. This created tangi- This meant that organized violence was a legiti-
ble tension between parts of the broader mate and first-choice strategy to rid dār al-islām,
intellectual revivalist movement and various Mus- and its various peoples, of their colonizers and
lim resistance movements. It can be argued that invaders. These and other historical events are
many of the Muslim resistance movements’ rhe- regularly evoked by contemporary militant
toric, strategies, and tactics were often separated groups in these regions to draw parallels between
from modernist intellectual polemics, rejecting anti-colonial wars and ongoing economic and
adaption of Islamicate societies to the occupiers’ political domination, occupation, and meddling
socio-political modus operandi. of foreign states.
The process of modernity had a profound
impact on regional and ethnic fragmentation of
the Islamicate societies accommodating the rise of Jihād and the Twentieth Century’s
nationalism and modern Muslim majority states. Multitude of Meanings
For instance, the direct effect of this process has
been bureaucratization of Islamic jurisprudence, The religious dimension of Muslim social move-
thus subordinating organized religion to state ments’ anti-colonial struggle was undoubtedly
authority – including interpretation of the practice important; still, the idea of national liberation,
and meaning of jihād [12]. a direct product of modernity, was fueled by eth-
Other uprisings against colonial presence under nic and cultural loyalties and was most likely
the pretext of jihād took place in Algeria first in equally relevant in mobilizing tools of justifica-
1834 under leadership of ‘Abd al-Qādir (d. 1883) tion in this period. The religious and national
and then in 1871 under the leadership of a ṣūfī interests were henceforth aligned despite their
leader Shaykh Haddād. The French considered different explicatory logics. After all, religious
pan-Islamic movements as primary cause of these duties are purportedly divinely designed for indi-
and future rebellions against their authority in viduals to consciously choose to obey God, at
North Africa, thus developing a thoroughly nega- least in the case of ethical monotheism, for the
tive attitude to Islamic religious authority and reli- purpose of sacrosanct bliss in the afterlife. On the
gious practices in general. The rebellion of 1871 other hand, ethnic and national belonging is
was arguably a product of French mismanagement a direct product of circumstantial collective affil-
of the food crisis in Algeria, triggering widespread iations that are evidently a more recent social
famine in large areas of the country. In Northern construction. Defense of one’s native land and
Caucasus, similar efforts were led by Imām Shāmil its people is therefore tied to immediate worldly
(d. 1871) fighting the expanding Russian Empire in concerns of survival and safety. These two
the wake of Ottoman withdrawal from the region. streams of social motivations for liberation were
The Libyan revolt led by ‘Umar al-Mukhtār (d often tied to the Makkan period of the Prophet’s
1931) against the Italian colonial authority lasted life and later his asserted personal anguish over
nearly 20 years. Al-Mukhtār, a religious teacher, his exile to Madīnah [7, 10].
spiritual leader, and not a legal scholar, much like Furthermore, the specific context of the pro-
other organizers of the mentioned uprisings, cess of modernity with its tendency to displace
Jihād 399

traditions created volatile tension among colo- religious identities through various social and polit-
nized Muslim populations. This is especially true ical mechanisms, primarily by forming social
after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire together movements. Modernization of civil societies pro-
with obliteration of its largely symbolic unifying mpted discussion about the meaning and utility of
religious role for the world’s (Sunnī) Muslims. concepts such as jihād.
Herein struggles for identity and ethnic/national Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, most of the
self-rule produced new and innovative social emerging Islamist movements worked in the
movements with great interest in the reinterpreta- shadow of autocratic regimes and their security
tion of traditional Islamic heritage. One such forces supported by their respective nationalist ide-
movement is the Society of Muslim Brothers ologies. Within this context, public intellectuals
formed in 1928 by a schoolteacher, Ḥassan al- such as Sayyid Quṭb (d. 1966) in Egypt and al-
Bannā (d. 1949), and his peers in Ismā‘īliyya, Mawdūdī in Pakistan, independent of one another,
Egypt. The de-facto British-ruled Egypt was, developed a new concept of jihād that stemmed
until 1952, a scene of turbulent political from the revolutionary ideas of their time. The
parliamentarism, competing social movements shared set of ideas included the argument that
both religious and secular, and cultural thriving justice and order can only be established through
where the traditional Sunnī jurisprudence (i.e., al- serious sacrifice and violent struggle against
Azhar scholarship) was directly challenged by equally violent opponents (i.e., authoritarian
a new religiously empowered intellectual elite. regimes), ideas later picked up by a number of J
In the public eye, al-Azhar was, and still is, seen Muslim organizations.
as legitimate. Nevertheless, it is often considered During the mid-1970s and late 1970s, and the
an outmoded and politically coopted institution, comprehensive polarization of the international
a perception that has eroded al-Azhar’s traditional affairs between the NATO and Warsaw pact coun-
credibility as a religious authority. Instead, we tries, the Muslim majority societies experienced
have seen growing numbers of increasingly criti- somewhat of a revival of the Islamic tradition.
cal and religiously conservative middle-class Most historians argue that this revival depended
intellectuals throughout the twentieth century. in great part on three factors: the Arab defeat in the
Besides the formation of the Society of Muslim 1967 war with Israel, the failure of nationalist
Brothers in Egypt, there were other organizations ideologies, and rampant authoritarianism among
contributing to the critique of negative impacts of those societies. Jihād, once again, surfaced as
modernity and, at the same time providing their a central theme in many of the emerging and
own version of Islamic solution to a myriad of established movements’ discourse. As a result,
problems in Muslim majority societies. For other themes from Islamic tradition came to the
instance, formation of the salafi-oriented organiza- forefront of a revival of social activism. Many
tions in Egypt Ansār al-Sunnah Muḥammadiyyah revivalist movements, at least in the Sunnī con-
and al-Jam‘iyyah al-Shar‘iyyah in 1910s, in India, text, considered the traditionally organized reli-
the formation of Jamāt-e-Islamī in 1941 by gious clergy as lethargic and insensitive to the
a journalist, Abu ‘Alā al-Mawdūdī (d. 1979), in realities on the ground, and as such irrelevant to
Jordan, the establishment of Ḥizb al-Taḥrī r in 1954 the interpretation of the Islamic textual sources.
by a Palestinian cleric, Taqiyy al-Dīn al-Nabhanī The expansion of old, and the emergence of new
(d. 1977), in Malaysia, the surfacing of the Islamic and local, conflict spots across the Muslim major-
Party of Malaysia (PAS) in the early 1950s, and ity countries saw the development of a spectrum
other similar organizations across Muslim majority of responses to perceived socio-political
societies were direct results of the materialization concerns.
of modern nation states, widespread education, A number of newly emerged militant organi-
and thorough bureaucratization of ruling systems. zations have usually interpreted jihād as a focal
This in turn, or as a consequence of, stimulated the point of any solution to political and social ills.
Muslim intellectual elites to redefine their socio- These organizations usually decontextualized the
400 Jihād

concept of jihād, stripping it from the rich juris- insurgency is regularly recalled as a symbolic
prudential tradition. This was done, in part, due to attachment to the tradition of morally sanctioned
their unwillingness to confront the many require- resistance. On the other hand, transnational
ments and regulations associated with the tradi- groups such as al-Qā‘idah and its various affiliate
tion. Another reason is the lack of proper groups base their entire ideological framework on
scholarly training of many of the militant activists, an explicitly unregulated and pragmatic form of
resulting in truncated judicial arguments often jihād where, more often than not, the ends justify
disregarding the traditional rules of jurisprudence the means. This strand of Muslim militancy is
and ijtihād. This latter issue is arguably associated often called jihādism, or according to some Mus-
with the fact of decentralized nature of Sunnī lim scholars, neo-khārijism [4, 5, 6].
jurisprudence, and the subsequent subordinate After the attacks of 11 September 2001 on the
status of religious institutions within the frame- World Trade Center in New York and the US
work of Muslim majority states [2, 5, 9, 12]. military headquarters, Pentagon, in Washington
Within the Shī‘ī jurisprudence, there is a more DC, the frequency of western involvement in
coherent and hierarchically ordered tradition of irregular wars against predominantly Muslim
ijtihād, making it less unpredictable but also less non-state and state actors has increased. At the
diverse. same time, Islām, more broadly, and the concept
of jihād, more explicitly, has appropriated
a negative meaning in the west due to random
Conclusion violence committed under its name. One contrib-
uting factor toward the prevalence of the negative
In the post-Cold War era, and with the onset of the image of jihād has been the various Muslim
twenty-first century, there has been an accelera- individuals’ and groups’ seemingly senseless
tion of changes in the nature of warfare. This acts of violence against, primarily, other Muslims
includes unprecedented development of high- but also non-Muslims. It seems clear, however,
tech weaponry, increased professionalization of that much of this violence is committed without
armed forces, an evolving multipolar international consideration of the long tradition of Islamic juris-
military order, increased relevance of supra- prudence on warfare [4, 6, 25].
national institutions, and the rapid evolution of In Muslim majority societies and among
the private security sector with its unregulated scattered Muslim minorities, the concept of jihād
deployment of mercenaries and support facilities. has generally been interpreted through a living
The changed dynamics of warfare have contrib- tradition that offers a far broader spectrum of
uted to increased securitization of politics in the meanings than organized war. In the first instance,
Muslim south creating social and political griev- and from the perspective of locally based Muslim
ances that have in turn fueled militancy. Contem- rebel groups, jihād is certainly interpreted as
porary locally based Muslim militant groups such a defensive and offensive struggle, legally
as the Palestinian Hamas, Chechen rebels, ordained and often open to an unlimited set of
Afghanistan’s Taliban, Patani United Liberation tactics against militarily superior enemies [25].
Organization in southern Thailand, Moro On the other hand, and from the perspective of
National Liberation Front in the southern general Muslim populations, and arguably the
Philippines, and other similar organizations are general body of Islamic legal scholarship, jihād
often described as nationalist liberation move- implies a far greater set of meanings stretching
ments with a strong Islamic profile. Such organi- from individual Muslims’ struggle to maintain
zations often use of the concept of jihād as their faith and Islamic practices to overcoming
a mobilization mechanism to attract broader Mus- economic hardships and offer support to the dis-
lim support, not unlike the many Muslim anti- advantaged ([5, 17]).
colonial movements of the nineteenth century. Proponents of the progressively more dominant
As a result, the long tradition of anti-colonial contingent interpretation of Islamic legal and
Jihād 401

political tradition are set to counter the militants’ adaptable to contextually bounded circumstances
case for jihād. The proponents of this contingent as displayed by many contemporary Muslim intel-
interpretation of the tradition argue therefore that lectuals and movements.
that the latter’s argument violates not only the
general rules of war developed by Islamic jurists,
but that it breaches the fundamental principles of Cross-References
sharī ‛ah such as justice, and the benefit for the
larger Muslim community (maṣlaḥa). ▶ Ibn Taymīyya
The core of the dispute about jihād is the his- ▶ Muslim Personal Law
torically rooted in variance of opinions between
Muslim jurists and legal theorists. The history of
the variation in the methods of interpretation of
the text as it relates to jihād has shown that war is
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18. Peters R (1977) (translate and annotated) Jihad in Quaid-i-Azam (Great Leader), he is a celebrated
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from Averroes’ legal handbook ‘Bidayat al-Mujtahid’
and treatise “Koran and Fighting” by the late Shaykh achieving its creation as a homeland for Muslims
al-Azhar Mahmud Shalut. E.J. Brill, Leiden who feared discrimination in a post-colonial,
19. Qur’ān, Interpretations and Meanings of the Noble Hindu majority India, vilified by others for
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Darussalam, Riyadh
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Greenwood, New York Jinnah was born in Karachi on December 25,
22. Schacht J (1964) An introduction to Islamic law. 1876, where his family had moved from their
Clarendon, Oxford native Gujarat. They were Khoja Ismaili. The
23. Serjeant RB (1964) The ‘Constitution of Medina’.
Islam Q VIII(182):3–16 specific branch to which they belonged consisted
24. Serjeant RB (1998) The Sunnah Jāmi‛ah, pacts with of families whose ancestors converted from Hin-
the Yathrib Jews, and the Taḥrīm of Yathrib: analysis duism. Many books describe Jinnah’s family as
and translation of the documents comprised in the So- prosperous; however, his actual circumstances
Called ‘Constitution of Medina’. In: Rubin U (ed) The
life of Muḥammad, the formation of the classical may have been rather modest, even humble [1].
Islamic world, vol 4. Ashgate, Aldershot Later in life, Jinnah adopted Ithnā’ Ashariyyah
25. Springer D, Regens L, Edger D (2009) Islamic radi- practice. His original surname was Jinnahbhai,
calism and global jihad. Georgetown University Press, which he officially changed in 1895. He attended
Washington, DC
a Madrassa in Karachi, a school in Bombay then
Karachi’s Cathedral school (founded 1860) from
where he matriculated to Bombay University [2].
His record as a student was mediocre. He tried
Jinnah, Mahomed Ali helping his father to see if he preferred business
to school. In 1892, he accepted a job offer with
▶ Jinnah, Muḥammad ‘Alī a London company. His family, reluctant for him to
leave India, arranged a marriage with his cousin,
Emibai, possibly to strengthen his home ties. Once
in London, Jinnah decided to study law, resigning
Jinnah, Muhammad ‘Alī his position at the firm over his father’s objections.
˙ By 1895, he was a barrister-at-law, India’s youn-
Clinton Bennett gest attorney [3]. During his time in London, Jin-
Department of Philosophy, State University of nah became Anglicized; from then until his death,
New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA English remained his main language, the only one
he spoke comfortably. He also adopted English
mannerisms, including his famous monocle.
Synonyms Unlike M. K Gandhi, his future political rival,
also an Anglophile during his London years, Jin-
Jinnah, Mahomed Ali nah remained Anglicized throughout his life. Jin-
nah later owned over 200 Savile Row tailor-made
suits and never wore the same silk tie twice; in
Definition 1946, the American press described him as one of
the “best dressed men in the British Empire” [4].
First Governor-General and acknowledged as Briefly, Jinnah experimented with acting, joining
father of Pakistan (Baba-i-Qaum); known as a Shakespearian Company [5]. In London, he
Jinnah, Muhammad ‘Alī 403
˙

underwent a type of political apprenticeship. An 1916, he remained a member until 1919, when
admirer of the Indian nationalist politician, he resigned over the Rowlatt Act, which gave the
Dadabhai Naoroji, he served as his secretary. Hear- government extraordinary powers to prevent what
ing Naoroji’s maiden speech in the House of Com- it called terrorism, including detention without
mons from the visitors’ gallery was a critical trial for up to two years [11]. His main achieve-
experience for him; his mentor spoke as an “utterly ment on the Council was sponsoring the Waqf
free and equal person” in Britain’s parliament [7]. Act. At first, the British opposed this Act, which
would restore the legality of family waqf
invalidated by an 1894 Privy Council decision.
Bombay Barrister and Political Debut They stalled the bill, referring it to several com-
mittees and consulting widely. In the end, they
Before Jinnah returned to India in 1896, his decided it was politically expedient to allow
mother and his wife had both died. He began to a Muslim legislative concession, and passed the
practice law in Bombay. For three years, he had bill in 1913. Bengal’s reunification was very
few cases, and had to help his father financially. unpopular with most Muslims, so this was seen
His business was failing [7]. However, as the only as appeasement [12]. As a non-official Council
Muslim lawyer in Bombay, Jinnah started member, Jinnah could not vote. However, the
attracting clients [8]. His tenacity and style, Act was an important contribution to the develop-
described as “bold and fearless toward his oppo- ment of Anglo-Mohammedan Law. In 1913 and J
nents,” led to a very successful practice [8], in again in 1914, Jinnah was in London as
contrast to his future rival, M. K Gandhi, whose a Congress delegate, negotiating with the govern-
law career in Bombay (1891–1893) failed to pros- ment about the possibility of home rule. In 1916,
per [9]. Observers refer to Jinnah’s “pure, cold” the League elected Jinnah as President. His
courtroom “logic” and his “earnestness and power agenda then was to encourage Hindu-Muslim
of argument” [10]. In December, 1904, he cooperation, which is why, after initially criticiz-
attended the Indian National Congress’s annual ing the League, he joined it in 1913. Within a year,
meeting in Bombay, identifying with Congress he had masterminded a cooperation agreement,
members who believed in the “one nation theory,” the Lucknow Pact, with Congress; they would
that India’s Muslims and Hindus could coexist work together for home rule. In 1918,
peacefully under home rule or in an independent Jinnah married Rattanbai Peti, who died in 1929.
state. He had joined Congress soon after returning Their daughter, Dina, became estranged from Jin-
to India. In 1906, Jinnah publically objected when nah when she married a Christian in 1938. Ironi-
a delegation of Muslims from the newly formed cally, Rattanbai’s Parsi father had objected to her
Muslim League voiced concerns about proposed marriage because Jinnah was a Muslim.
political reforms that might adversely impact
Muslim interests, saying they had no mandate to
speak for the Muslim community. The League, Break with Congress
founded after the 1905 Partition of Bengal,
aimed to represent Muslim concerns, regarding Jinnah’s relationship with Gandhi was always
Congress as too Hindu. When the League was cool. Commentators point out that Jinnah insisted
formed, Jinnah was in Calcutta helping Naoroji that Gandhi travel to him during political negoti-
write his speech as Congress’s incoming ations, lest he appear junior. They also point out
President. how Jinnah’s immaculate suits, cigar, and appear-
Although he was then opposed to separate ance contrasted starkly with Gandhi’s homespun
electorates for Hindus and Muslims which he “dhoti and bare chest” [13]. Inevitably, writers
saw as fostering division, in 1909, Jinnah stood compare Jinnah and Gandhi; both were Gujaratis,
as a Muslim candidate for the new Imperial Leg- both studied law in London, both were young
islative Council, gaining a seat. Reelected in lawyers in Bombay, both were obstinate, refusing
404 Jinnah, Muhammad ‘Alī
˙

to compromise [14]. In 1920, their strained rela- discuss India’s future. Jinnah was invited to the
tionship deteriorated further when Gandhi con- first two but not to the third. Disillusioned that
vinced Congress to launch the noncooperation any progress could be achieved, he stayed in
movement. Indians were to return all honors London more or less giving up political involve-
and titles, boycott government-aided schools and ment. He earned his living by presenting cases to
the law courts, and minimize contact with the the Privy Council, settling down with his sister,
British. Jinnah disapproved of non-constitutional Fatimah, and his daughter as companions. He
methods. Also a member of the Home Rule had a pet poodle and a chauffeured Bentley. At
League, which, under Gandhi’s direction changed this time, he also became an admirer of Kemal
its goal to full independence and merged with Atatürk, commenting that if he ever had as much
Congress, Jinnah resigned from both [15]. Still power he would “Westernize Indian Muslims”
League President, he was left in an ambiguous [19]. He unsuccessfully stood for Parliament in
position. Already known as “Ambassador of 1930 [20].
Hindu-Muslim Unity,” he had committed the
League to cooperating with Congress but opposed
its policy. He also disapproved of Gandhi’s sup- Return to India: From Ambassador of
port for the Khilafat Movement, which he said Unity to Champion of Partition
fueled religious fanaticism, warning Gandhi not
to mix politics and religion [16]. In 1923, Jinnah A visit from Pakistan’s future Prime Minister,
won a seat in the new Central Legislative Assem- Liaqat Ali Khan, in London convinced him to
bly from Bombay, which he used as a platform to return to India, where he was still League Presi-
demand more autonomy within the existing legal dent. Several important developments had
framework. Reputedly, he turned down occurred. In 1930, at the League convention,
a knighthood in 1925, and later an honorary doc- Muhammad Iqbal proposed that Muslims form
torate from Aligarh Muslim University, saying he their own state in India’s North West, where they
preferred to live and die as “plain Mr. Jinnah” [17]. were a majority. In 1933, a more detailed proposal
As Pakistan’s Governor-General after 1947, named this “Pakistan,” which at that stage
though, he was officially titled “His Excellency.” excluded East Bengal, where Muslims were also
Earlier, opponents had reprimanded him for failing a majority. One problem was that the Punjab was
to call Gandhi “Mahatma,” and various Congress politically dominated by the loyalist Unionist
Muslim leaders “Maulana,” although Gandhi did Party under Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan, who
not seem to mind [18]. opposed Congress and Indian independence,
When a British delegation arrived in India in while leading Muslim members of Congress
1928 to review government policy, widely such as A. K. Azad and Zakir Hussain still
believed to be biased against any move toward supported Hindu-Muslim unity. Back in India by
autonomy or representative government, Jinnah 1934, Jinnah renewed his leadership of the
decided to boycott their visit. That year, he was League. The year 1937 saw provincial and central
named life-President of the League. Congress elections, with more legislative authority invested
then published the Nehru Report, its own proposal in these bodies. Congress did well, winning power
on India’s future, which included eliminating sep- in all Hindu majority provinces; the League
arate electorates. Jinnah, now strongly in favor of performed poorly in Muslim majority provinces,
these as necessary to protect Muslim interests, losing to the Unionist Party in the Punjab, to
countered with his Fourteen Points: Muslims the United Party, which supported regional inde-
needed guaranteed representation in all political pendence, in Sindh and to the Krishak Praja Party
councils and state services. The new British in Bengal.
Labour Government, elected in 1929, sponsored Jinnah, alienated from Congress, became
three Roundtable Conferences in London to increasingly sympathetic to the idea of Partition,
Jinnah, Muhammad ‘Alī 405
˙

although like Iqbal, he probably had a federal Partition Achieved: Pakistan and India
system in mind. This identified him as Become Sovereign States
a proponent of the “two-nation theory”: Muslims
and Hindus are two distinct communities, they In dealing with the British and Congress, Jinnah
cannot peacefully coexist and should split into now insisted that Congress only spoke for Hindus;
separate, sovereign states. As events unfolded, he alone spoke for Muslims. This made him a rival
more and more Muslims became supporters of of Muslim Congress leaders such as Zakir
the “two-nation theory.” For Hindu nationalists Hussain, later India’s first Muslim President. In
such as Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, an early 1946, when an interim government was proposed,
advocate of violent anti-British action, author of he blocked Hussain’s nomination, privately refer-
Hindutva [21], Muslims were anti-Hindu ring to him as a quisling [29]. Congress could only
“invaders and tyrants” [22]. This language nominate Hindus. This completely contradicted
fomented Muslim apprehension of fair treatment Congress’s belief in “one nation.” During World
under what they called “Hindu Raj” [23]. Unfor- War II, Congress refused to cooperate with the
tunately, Muslim anti-Hindu sentiment was also British, and its leaders were imprisoned. Jinnah
fostered by the experience of living under Hindu chose to support the war effort, which increased
governance in all but three provinces after 1937. British respect for him, at Congress’ cost. Taking
Issues range from the singing of Band-e-Mataram strategic advantage, Jinnah demanded complete
(“I bow to thee, mother,” originally the anthem of parity with Congress in any Council or post- J
the Bengal reunification movement) at the open- independence legislature [30]. Having resisted
ing of legislative sessions, to anti-cow slaughter India’s independence for decades, Britain now
regulations, to allegations of discrimination and wanted a swift departure, exhausted by the war.
violence [24]. Riots followed 1937 saw Jinnah The post-war Labour government, elected in
successfully negotiate an agreement with Krishak 1945, was much less inclined to perpetuate impe-
Praja to name the League as a coalition partner. rialism than Conservatives were [31]. When the
Krishak leader, Fazlul Haq, preferred an alliance 1946 Cabinet Mission revealed its plan (May 16)
with Congress. He ended up partnering with the for a federal system, Jinnah and Congress initially
League when negotiations failed to agree agreed. Both withdrew support, disagreeing on
a legislative agenda [25]. Jinnah also entered representation and on how the federation would
into an agreement with Sikander, who realized be structured. Jinnah wanted a weak center, with
that Muslim support was drifting toward some almost all power vested in the two proposed
form of separatism. Sikander agreed that Jinnah blocks of provinces (Hindu and Muslim).
could claim to be sole spokesperson of India’s The League, with its “Islam in danger slogan,”
Muslims [26]. In return, Jinnah said he would swept the elections for Muslim seats that year,
stay out of Punjabi’s internal affairs. At the 1940 which it saw as a mandate for creating Pakistan.
League convention in Lahore, a resolution called In August, Jinnah called for a Day of Action, for
for Pakistan’s creation. However, while often the first time using extra-constitutional tactics.
represented as committing Jinnah to establishing Remarkably, no senior League leader ever went
Pakistan as a sovereign state, he remained vague to jail; Jinnah did not march, boycott colonial
about what he had in mind. He left it territorially institutions, or engage in anti-British activities.
undefined. [27]. Up until the last days of pre- Arguably, he only directly fomented communal
independence talks, the possibility of Pakistan conflict on this occasion. Sadly, in the subsequent
as a state in federal relationship with India communal riots, tens of thousands of Hindus and
remained on the table. At this stage, League mem- Muslims died. British Prime Minister Clement
bership increased dramatically, reaching two mil- Attlee then declared that Britain would withdraw
lion in 1944, from “only 1,330 seventeen years” by June 1948, regardless of a settlement,
earlier [28]. appointing Lord Mountbatten as India’s last
406 Jinnah, Muhammad ‘Alī
˙

Viceroy with a brief to Quit India [32]. Mountbat- about his personality, demeanor, and personal
ten reached India on March 22, 1947. He took habits is also straightforward. David
with him a plan to divide India into two states. Attenborough’s portrayal in Gandhi [41] has
This ended up giving Jinnah what he called shaped public perception of him in the West as
a “mutilated, moth-eaten” Pakistan, a smaller a “cold-hearted schemer who had no human feel-
state than he wanted, although in the end it did ings” [42]. Ahmed’s Jinnah was a conscious
include East Bengal [33]. Gandhi’s renewed offer effort to counter this image [43]. What is much
(April 1, 1947) to make Jinnah Prime Minister of more challenging for any biographer is the enigma
a unified India was unsuccessful; he actually of his political convictions and goals. Historiog-
thought Jinnah, despite their differences, would raphy differs depending on who writes it. The
have made a better PM than Nehru [34]. standard Pakistani view is that Muslims and
Hindus could not live peacefully together, and
had always existed as separate nations. Thus, con-
Pakistan’s Governor-General ceptually, Pakistan is as old as Islam’s presence in
India. Indian historiography blames Britain’s
Pakistan was born on August 14, 1947. Those “divide and rule” policy for fomenting or even
provinces that formed Pakistan did so through inventing “two-nation theory,” depicting this as
the ballot box; each legislature and Princely ruler a conspiracy [44]. Pakistani Biographies and
had to decide between India and Pakistan, school texts depict Jinnah as a hero. In India, he
although East Bengal legislators voted for the is “seen as almost Hitler-esque” in some texts
whole province to accede to Pakistan, not only [45]. For Zakaria, a Congress politician, Jinnah
the East [35]. Many Bengalis wanted their own was an ambitious, egotistical politician who, hav-
state. Muslims who migrated to Pakistan, too, did ing lost Congress’s confidence, engineered “Islam
so by choice; however, many also remained in in Danger” as a ploy to pursue his agenda to
India, where some Hindus now accuse them of achieve high office at any cost. That cost was
staying solely to subvert the state [36]. Already India’s partition. Jinnah, he says, was hypocriti-
seriously ill with tuberculosis, although he had cal, because his Muslim bona fides were nonexis-
kept this hidden, Jinnah became Governor-Gen- tent. He ate pork and drank alcohol [46].
eral, dying in office on September 11, 1948. Until Responding to Zakaria, Pakistani newspaper edi-
then, he governed with special powers, mainly tor Sethi ridicules his argument, accusing him of
through the civil service, which some say set an white-washing Congress’ role in refusing to reas-
authoritarian pattern that Pakistan’s rulers have sure Muslims [47]. American historian Wolpert,
tended to perpetuate [37]. Whether he ever envis- in the first academic biography of Jinnah, argues
aged an Islamic state is subject to debate, with that from 1939, Jinnah was convinced that Paki-
analysts citing his disparaging remarks on stan was the answer for Muslims, and worked
sharī ʿah [38] and his defense of sharī ʿah as relentlessly and skillfully to achieve this, percep-
Pakistan’s constitution’s basis in a 1948 speech tive in foreseeing what life for minorities would
[39] to argue their opposing cases. Others, includ- be like in independent, Hindu majority India [48].
ing Mountbatten, speculate that had Jinnah’s ill- Wolpert’s book was banned under Zia-ul-Haq for
ness become known, Partition and millions of mentioning Jinnah’s eating habits. The standard
deaths might have been avoided [40]. work on Jinnah before Wolpert was Bolitho’s
official biography, commissioned by the Pakistani
government, which borders on hagiography [49].
Evaluation: Hero or Villain in Competing Pakistani-American Jalal offers a third per-
Historiographies spective: Jinnah used Partition in a game of brink-
manship to demand concessions. Pakistan was the
The details of Jinnah’s professional career and result of a monumental miscalculation. Jinnah
political offices are easily chronicled, writing really wanted a con-federal solution, but in the
Jinnah, Muhammad ‘Alī 407
˙

end, the momentum for Pakistan’s creation was 3. Aziz Q (1997) Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah and the battle for
unstoppable [50]. For English historian Talbot, Pakistan. Islamic Media Corporation, Karachi
4. Riedel BO (2012) Deadly embrace: Pakistan, Amer-
Jinnah was a gifted tactician, who took advantage ica, and the future of the global jihad. Brookings
of political circumstances to achieve Pakistan, Institution Press, Washington, DC
which became inevitable as circumstances devel- 5. Pirzada SS (1978) Some aspects of Quaid-i Azam’s
oped, especially the treatment of Muslims in Con- life. National Commission on Historical and Cultural
Research, Islamabad
gress-governed provinces after 1937, when for the 6. Asiananda (2005) A corrective reading of Indian his-
first time, large Muslim communities experienced tory. Open University Press, New Delhi
Hindu-led governance [51]. Pakistan was the 7. Jalal H (1977) Pakistan: past & present;
product of circumstances, but Jinnah took full a comprehensive study. Stacey International, London
8. Kazimi MR (2005) M.A. Jinnah views and reviews.
advantage of these to achieve it. If Congress had Oxford University Press, Karachi
recognized Muslim fears, they might have agreed 9. Ghose S (1991) Mahatma Gandhi. Allied Publishers,
to some concessions. Yet could Jinnah really have New Delhi
expected his demand for parity at the center to 10. Merriam AH (1980) Gandhi v.s. [i.e. versus] Jinnah: the
debate over the partition of India. Minerva, Calcutta
succeed? Ahmed, an American-based Pakistani 11. Rajan V (2010) Holmes of the Raj. Random House
scholar, claims that Jinnah became more pious India, Noida
toward the end of his life. He regrets that Pakistan 12. Kozlowski GC (1985) Muslim endowments and soci-
has failed to become the state Jinnah wanted, ety in British India. Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge
democratic, pluralist, and free, which he says 13. Desai M (2009) The rediscovery of India. Allen Lane, J
does not necessarily mean “secular,” since Islam New Delhi, an imprint of Penguin Books
affirms pluralism [52]. Others argue that Jinnah 14. Matthews R (2012) Jinnah vs. Gandhi. Hachette Book
wanted a secular state, although avoided using Publishing India, Gurgaon
15. Gandhi R (2008) Gandhi: the man, his people, and the
the term; some argue that he wanted an ideal empire. University of California Press, Berkeley
Islamic state [53]. Zaidi’s multiple volumes of 16. Gonsalves C, Nauṭiyāla S (2011) Kaliyug: the decline
Jinnah’s papers are the main primary sources for of human rights law in the period of globalisation.
analyzing his career, consulted by most recent Human Rights Law Network, New Delhi
17. Jinnah MA, Hasan SS (1976) Plain Mr. Jinnah: selec-
biographers [54]. tions from Quaid-e-Azam’s correspondence relating
mainly to personal matters. Royal Book Company,
Karachi
18. Qutubuddin Aziz (2001) Jinnah and Pakistan. Islamic
Cross-References Media Corporation, Karachi; Ekbal N (2009) Great
Muslims of undivided India. Kalpaz Publications, Delhi
▶ Anglo-Mohammedan Law 19. Akbar MJ (2002) The Shade of Swords: Jihad and the
▶ Bengal (Islam and Muslims) conflict between Islam and Christianity. Routledge,
London
▶ Gandhi, Mahatma, and Muslims 20. Riedel BO (2012) Deadly embrace: Pakistan, Amer-
▶ Iqbāl, Allamah Sir Muḥammad ica, and the future of the global jihad. Brookings
▶ Khan, Liaquat Ali Institution Press, Washington, DC
▶ Two-Nation Theory 21. Savarkar VD (1938) Hindutva. Central Hindu Yuvak
Sabha, New Delhi
▶ Zakir Hussain 22. Bhatt C (2001) Hindu nationalism: origins, ideologies
▶ Zia ul-Haq and modern myths. Berg, Oxford
23. Menon V (2003) From movement to government: the
Congress in the United Provinces, 1937–42. Sage,
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of politics in late colonial India. Cambridge University
1. Panigrahi DN (2004) India’s partition the story of Press, Cambridge, UK
imperialism in retreat. Routledge, London 25. Chatterji J (2002) Bengal divided: Hindu communal-
2. Ḥaidar K̲ h̲vājah Razī (2004) Ruttie Jinnah: the story, ism and partition, 1932–1947. Cambridge University
told and untold. Pakistan Study Centre, University of Press, Cambridge; Gandhi R (2000) Understanding
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26. Stern RW (2001) Democracy and dictatorship in South 47. Sethi N (2001) JINNAH UNBOTTLED? Not YET.
Asia: dominant classes and political outcomes in Outlook, New Delhi (10 Dec 2001)
India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. Praeger, Westport 48. Wolpert SA (2005) Jinnah of Pakistan. Oxford Uni-
27. Ghose S (1993) Jawaharlal Nehru: a biography. Allied versity Press, New Delhi
Publication, New Delhi; Kurien PA (2007) A place at 49. Bolitho H (1954) Jinnah, creator of Pakistan. J. Mur-
the multicultural table the development of an Ameri- ray, London
can Hinduism. Rutgers University Press, Piscataway 50. Jalal A (1985) The sole spokesman: Jinnah, the Mus-
28. Gandhi R (1987) Understanding the Muslim mind. lim League, and the demand for Pakistan. Cambridge
Penguin, Harmondsworth University Press, Cambridge, UK
29. Zakaria R (2004) Indian Muslims: where have they 51. Talbot IA (1984) Jinnah and the making of Pakistan.
gone wrong? Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Mumbai Hist Today 34(2):4–6
30. Sisson R, Wolpert SA (1988) Congress and Indian 52. Ahmed AS (1997) Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic iden-
nationalism: the pre-independence phase. University tity: the search for Saladin. Routledge, London
of California Press, Berkeley 53. Heng MSH, Ten CL (2010) State and secularism per-
31. Brooke S (1995) Reform and reconstruction: Britain spectives from Asia [Hackensack]. World Scientific,
after the war, 1945–51. Manchester University Press, New Jersey
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32. Hardy P (2004) The Muslims of British India. Foun- Mohammad Ali Jinnah papers. Quaid-i-Azam Papers
dation Books, New Delhi Project, National Archives of Pakistan, Islamabad
33. Bianchini S (2004) Partitions: reshaping states and
minds. Routledge, London
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of Mahatma Gandhi. Oxford University Press, Oxford
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Academic, London; Gottschalk P (2000) Beyond
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from village India. Oxford University Press, Oxford
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India ▶ Jihād
39. Kalia R (2011) Jinnah’s Pakistan. In: Kalia R (ed)
Pakistan: from the rhetoric of democracy to the rise
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40. Ray PK (1990) Down memory lane: reminiscences of
a Bengali revolutionary. Gian Publishing House, New Jūzjānī, Minhāj al-Dīn
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41. Attenborough R, Williams B, Taylor R, Stanley-Evans
M, Briley J, Kingsley B, Bergen C et al (2007) Gandhi. Michael O’Neal
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Kapoor S (2004) Jinnah. CLW, London Synonyms
44. Pandey BM (2003) Historiography of India’s partition:
an analysis of imperialist writings. Atlantic Publishers Minhāj al-Dīn b. Sirāj al-Dīn; Minhāj-i Sirāj
& Distributors, New Delhi
45. Rosser YC (2004) Contesting historiographies in
South Asia: the islamization of Pakistani social stud-
ies. In: Saha SC (ed) Religious fundamentalism in the Definition
contemporary world: critical social and political
issues. Lexington, Lanham, pp 265–307
Jūzjānī, Minhāj al-Dīn (1193–1266?), was a chief
46. Zakaria R (2001) The man who divided India: an
insight into Jinnah’s leadership and its aftermath. Pop- qāḍī (religious judge) of the Delhi Sultanate whose
ular Prakashan, Mumbai chronicle Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī is of fundamental
Jūzjānī, Minhāj al-Dīn 409

importance for the history of the Ghūrid dynasty, al-Marghanī, the Ghūrī ruler of the fortress of
the early Sultanate era, and the Mongol invasions Khaysār and likely progenitor of the Kart dynasty
of the Muslim world. of Herat; at this time Rukn al-Dīn had accepted
Mongol suzerainty, although Jūzjānī is not eager
to acknowledge the fact [8]. The continued
Biographical Details Mongol menace finally persuaded him to flee to
the safety of India. Following a brief imprison-
Jūzjānī, Minhāj al-Dīn, was a chief qāḍī or reli- ment in Sīstān, he reached the middle Indus in
gious judge of the Delhi Sultanate whose univer- 1227 and sought refuge in Uchch under Nāṣir al-
sal Persian chronicle, the Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī Dīn Qubācha, one of Muḥammad Ghūrī’s former
(“Nasserean Tables”), is of fundamental impor- commanders and now an independent ruler. After
tance for the history of the Ghūrid dynasty, the Qubācha’s overthrow by Shams al-Dīn Iltutmish
early Sultanate era, and the Mongol invasions of in 1228, Jūzjānī accompanied the conqueror to
the Muslim world. His full name is Minhāj al-Dīn Delhi where for the next three decades he
Abū ‘Amr ‘Usmān b. Sirāj al-Dīn Muḥammad became an active participant in the sultanate’s
Jūzjānī; he is commonly known as Minhāj-i religious and political affairs. In 1233 he was
Sirāj. Born in Fīrūzkūh in Ghūr in 1193, he likely appointed qāḍī and khaṭī b (Friday preacher) of
died at Delhi during the reign of his patron Sulṭān Gwalior; in 1237–1238 he returned to Delhi as
Ghiyās al-Dīn Balban (Balaban) (1266–1287). head of the Nāṣiriyya madrasa, and by J
The details of his life derive largely from his 1241–1242 he had risen to chief qāḍī (qāḍī al-
own writings. quḍḍāt) of Delhi under Sultan Mu‘izz al-Dīn
Jūzjānī came from a prominent family of Bahrām Shāh. After falling into disfavor upon
scholars with close connections to the later Bahrām Shāh’s overthrow, he moved to
Ghaznavid sultans but with ancestral roots in Lakhnawtī in Bengal but returned to Delhi in
Gūzgān (Arabic: Jūzjān) in what is now northwest 1245 when he was again named qāḍī of Gwalior.
Afghanistan. According to family lore, his ances- During this last period of his career, he received
tor Imām ‘Abd al-Khāliq left Gūzgān for Ghazna patronage from Balban (then a leading amī r of
during the reign of the Ghaznavid sultan Ibrāhīm the Sultanate and called Ulugh Khan) and was
(1059–1099) and married one of the sultan’s 40 again appointed chief qāḍī of the realm [15, 18,
daughters. Jūzjānī’s father was appointed 20]. He composed the Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī in
Muḥammad Ghūrī’s army judge (qāẓī -yi lashkar) 1259–1260 for the reigning sultan, Nāṣir al-Dīn
in Lahore in c. 1187 and later entered the service Maḥmūd Shāh b. Iltutmish, after whom the work
of the Ghūrid prince of Bāmiyān, Bahā’ al-Dīn was appropriately titled.
Sām; in 1197–1198, the supreme Ghūrid sultan in
Fīrūzkūh, Ghiyās al-Dīn Muḥammad, sent him as
envoy to the ‘Abbāsid caliph al-Nāṣir in Baghdad, Structure and Content of the T abaqāt-i
but he was killed by highway robbers [15, 18, 20]. Nāsirı̄ ˙
Jūzjānī was raised in the household of Sulṭān ˙
Ghiyās al-Dīn’s daughter where he received The Ṭabaqāt is a hybrid of chronography and
a religious and courtly education. He visited the prosopography in which Jūzjānī organizes mate-
court of the Naṣrid malik of Sīstān in 1216–1217 rial by ruling dynasty arranged in 23 ṭabaqas
in an official capacity [2]. In 1220 he assisted in (literally “layers,” but most appropriately “tables”
the defense of Tūlak on the western fringes of or “cycles”). Jūzjānī often names his sources but,
Ghūr against the Mongol invaders. In 1224 and like many medieval Persian historians, he only
again in 1225, he undertook diplomatic missions rarely offers us the day or month of an event.
to the Ismā‘īlīs of Quhistān [2, 3, 18], the second This lack of precision coupled with the ṭabaqa
on behalf of Rukn al-Dīn Muḥammad b. ‘Usmān format creates some difficultly in utilizing
410 Jūzjānī, Minhāj al-Dīn

Jūzjānī’s highly complex historical material; the Editions and Translations

author often casts the same events in multiple
scenes with conflicting details [7]. The Ṭabaqāt Portions of the Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī relating to India
is primarily a history of the imperial center were published in Calcutta in 1864 followed by
focused on the ruler’s court and military affairs, poorly translated extracts from the pens of Sir
its vision conditioned by Jūzjānī’s vantage point Henry Elliot and John Dowson [5, 9]. A major
of mid-thirteenth-century Delhi. improvement was the nearly complete, though
The initial ṭabaqas cover the early history exceedingly literal, English translation by H. G.
of Islam and the pre-Islamic kings of Yemen Raverty in 1881 [14]; unfortunately, Raverty’s
and Iran; these sections are wholly derivative paltry knowledge of the many Turkish and Mon-
with little historical value. Jūzjānī’s accounts golian names appearing in the work led to numer-
of the Sāmānids, the Ghaznavids, the Naṣrid ous mangled transcriptions [4, 7]. An Urdu
maliks of Nīmrūz (Sīstān), the Anūshtegīnid translation has also now appeared [13]. The first
Khwārazmshāhs, and other medieval Persianate nearly complete edition was published by ‘Abd al-
dynasties provide much otherwise missing infor- Ḥayy Ḥabībī in Pakistan in 1949–1954, with the
mation; lost portions of other histories, such as second Kabul edition of 1963 now constituting
Bayhaqī’s Mujalladāt from Sebüktegīn’s reign, the standard scholarly reference [10, 11]. Never-
are expressly cited by Jūzjānī [1, 6]. Beginning theless, a critical edition of the text remains
with the Ghūrid dynasty (ṭabaqas 17 through 19), a desideratum, for many variants and corruptions
the Ṭabaqāt becomes an original and often unique are not noted or explained by Ḥabībī; an important
source. For the Sultanate period from Iltutmish’s early manuscript is British Museum MS Add.
death in 1236 down to 1260, Jūzjānī’s final three 26189, Rieu I, pp. 71–73, now in the British
ṭabaqas are nearly the only available narrative Library [19].
source; later writers like ‘Iṣāmī and Sirhindī uti-
lize Jūzjānī extensively and supply only dubious
additional information [7]. Particularly valuable Other Literary Works
are the biographies of 25 Shamsī ghulāms, prom-
inent figures of the Delhi Sultanate who were Jūzjānī was a popular orator who was often
slaves and followers of Iltutmish [12]. The only called on to preach to the Muslim army before
contemporary Persian source not written under battle; also a Ṣūfī and a poet, later sources cite
Mongol rule, the Ṭabaqāt, is also of singular rubā‘ī s (quatrains) that do not appear in the
importance for the Mongol conquests of Trans- Ṭabaqāt. His lost Nāṣirī-nāma celebrated the vic-
oxania and Khurāsān of which Jūzjānī recorded tory of Balban in 1248 over an obscure Hindu
many eyewitness accounts [17]. Although he potentate [7, 15, 18].
describes the sacking of Baghdad and the destruc-
tion of the ‘Abbāsid Caliphate in 1258, Jūzjānī
ends on an upbeat note by describing Hülegü’s Cross-References
extirpation of the Ismā‘īlīs of Alamūt in 1256 and
the conversion of Berke Khan to Islam [16]. Of ▶ Aibak (Aybeg), Quṭb al-Dīn
the Mongol incursions into India, however, he is ▶ ‘Alā’ al-Dīn Ḥusayn (Ghūrid)
sometimes circumspect although details may be ▶ Balban, Ghiyās al-Dīn
gleaned from other sources such as Vaṣṣāf’s ▶ Bayhaqī, Abūl-Fażl
Tajziyat al-amṣār and Rashīd al-Dīn’s Jāmi‘ al- ▶ Bengal (Islam and Muslims)
tawārī kh [7]. Baranī’s Tārī kh-i Fī rūz-Shāhī , ▶ Delhi Sultanate
completed in 1357, was intended as a sequel to ▶ Ghaznavids
the Ṭabaqāt, but it begins only with Balban’s ▶ Ghūrids
accession 6 years after Jūzjānī’s narrative ends ▶ Maḥmūd Ghaznavī
[7, 18]. ▶ Muḥammad Ghūrī
Jūzjānī, Minhāj al-Dīn 411

▶ Shams al-Dīn Iltutmish Minháj al-Dín ’Othmán, ibn Siráj al-Dín al-Jawzjani
▶ Sūfism (eds: Lees WN, Hosain Kh, ‛Abd al-Hai). College
Press, Calcutta
▶ Ziya al-Din Barani 10. Jūzjānī, Qāżī Minhāj-i Sirāj (1328-1333/1949-1954)
Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī, 2 vols (ed: Ḥabībī ‘A). Quetta and
Lahore
References 11. Jūzjānī, Minhāj al-Dīn ‘Usmān b. Sirāj al-Dīn ma‘rūf
bih Qāżī Minhāj-i Sirāj (1342–1343/1963–1964)
Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī, 2nd edn, 2 vols (ed: Ḥabībī ‘A).
1. Bosworth CE (1963) The Ghaznavids: their empire in Anjuman-i Tārīkh-i Afghānistān, Kabul. Reprint:
Afghanistan and eastern Iran, 994–1040. Edinburgh (1363/1984) Dunyā-yi Kitāb, Tehran
University Press, Edinburgh 12. Kumar S (2006) The emergence of the Delhi sultanate
2. Bosworth CE (1994) The history of the Saffarids of 1192–1286. Permanent Black, Ranikhet
Sistan and the Maliks of Nimruz (247/861 to 949/ 13. Minhāj-i Sirāj, Abū ‘Amr Minhāj al-Dīn ‘Usmān
1542–3). Mazda, Costa Mesa (1975) T̤ abaqāt-i Nāṣirī, 2 vols (tr: Mihr GR). Markazī
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Maliks of Nīmrūz or Sīstān. In: Daftary F (ed) Medi- 14. Minhāj-ud-Dīn, Abū-’Umar-i-’Us̤ mān [Jūzjānī]
aeval Isma‘ili history and thought. Cambridge Univer- (1881) T̤ abaḳāt-i-Nāṣirī: A general history of the
sity Press, Cambridge, pp 221–229 Muhammadan dynasties of Asia, including Hindūstān,
4. Boyle JA (1963) The Mongol commanders in Afghan- from A.H. 194 [810 A.D], to A.H. 658 [1260 A.D.],
istan and India according to the Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī of and the irruption of the infidel Mughals into Islām, 2
Jūzjānī. Islam Stud 2(2):235–247 vols (tr: Raverty HG). Gilbert & Rivington, London
5. Elliot HM, Dowson J (tr) (1869) The history of India, 15. Moin M (1967) Qadi Minhaj al-Din Siraj al-Juzjani.
as told by its own historians. The Muhammadan Pakistan Historical Society, Karachi J
period, vol 2. Trübner, London 16. Morgan DO (1982) Persian historians and the Mon-
6. Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. “Ṭabaqāt-e Nāṣeri” gols. In: Morgan DO (ed) Medieval historical writing
(Bosworth CE) in the Christian and Islamic worlds. School of Oriental
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8. Jackson P (2000) The fall of the Ghurid dynasty. In: 18. Raverty HG (1882) Memoir of the author of the
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9. al-Jūzjānī, Abū ‘Umar [sic] Minhāj al-Dīn ‘Usmān b. 20. Siddiqui IH (2010) Indo-Persian historiography up to
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English title: The Tabaqát-i Násiri of Aboo ’Omar
K

Kadir, Shaykh Abdul grandfather Manappillai Labbai ‘Alim was

a gem trader, an occupation in which he himself
Torsten Tschacher seems to have been engaged. According to leg-
Centre for Modern Indian Studies (CeMIS), end, he was a bad student. Once, while he slept
University of Göttingen, Göttingen, Germany openmouthed under a crown flower shrub near the
Institute of Islamic Studies, Freie Universität school, a black snake approached him and,
Berlin, Berlin, Germany according to some accounts, bit him in his tongue.
When he awoke, he was blessed with knowledge
and a skill for poetry [1, 3]. After the death of his
Synonyms parents, an elder sister supported his education.
He went to Kilakkarai, Ramanathapuram District,
Pulavar Nāyakam; Shaykhnā Pulavar where he studied under the tutelage of Kilakkarai
Taykka Sahib (1778–1850), a well-known scholar
and Sufi poet of the Qādiriyya brotherhood.
Definition Among his fellow students was also Kunankudi
Mastan Sahib, who would become the most impor-
Shaykh Abdul Kadir (d. 1852) was the most pro- tant Tamil Sufi poet of the nineteenth century.
lific Muslim poet in Tamil. Shaykh Abdul Kadir is supposed to have mastered
Tamil, Arabic, Persian, and Sanskrit and memo-
rized the complete Qur’ān. At the age of about 20,
Life he composed his first major poem. Within
a relatively short span of time, he composed four
Shaykh Abdul Kadir Nainar Labbai ‘Alim major narrative poems and a large number of
Pulavar (d. 12 September 1852) was by far the shorter poems, making him the most prolific Mus-
most prolific Muslim poet in Tamil and one of the lim poet in the Tamil language. Toward the end of
most gifted. Born around 1790, possibly in his life, Shaykh Abdul Kadir shifted from compos-
Covelong, Kancheepuram District, as the son of ing poetry to printing it, becoming the first Muslim
a merchant called Habib Muhammad Labbai publisher in Tamil. He settled down in Chennai,
and a fisherwoman, he spent his childhood in where he passed away on the 12th of September
his father’s hometown Kayalpattinam in 1852 and was buried in the suburb of Royapuram
Thoothukudi District. Shaykh Abdul Kadir close to his former fellow student, the Sufi poet
repeatedly mentions in his poems that his Kunankudi Mastan Sahib [1, 3, 5–7].

# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018

Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
414 Kadir, Shaykh Abdul

Compositions and Publishing Work Kadir excelled in composing highly complex

poetry and the so-called picture poems
The early nineteenth century marked a period of (cittirakavi) in complicated metrical patterns. He
heightened literary activity among Tamil- is also sometimes credited with translating the
speaking Muslims in terms of both output and most important early Tamil kāppiyam poems,
diversity of theme and genre. Shaykh Abdul such as Cilappatikāram and Maṇimēkalai, into
Kadir left behind a poetic corpus of about Persian, though the latter claim sounds rather
60,000 lines of poetry. Due to the size and quality unlikely [5]. Shaykh Abdul Kadir was also the
of his oeuvre, Shaykh Abdul Kadir is generally first Tamil-speaking Muslim to employ the new
known nowadays among Tamil Muslims as technology of printing. In 1842, he brought out
Pulavar Nāyakam or “Lord of Poets.” The bulk a printed edition of Umaruppulavar’s
of his poetry consists of four long narrative poems Cī ṟāppurāṇam and, in the next year, a printed
in the kāppiyam or purāṇam genre, the most version of his own Nākaiyantāti. His example
prized genre of the time, composed between encouraged other Tamil Muslims to take efforts
1810 and 1821: Kutpunāyakam (1810/1811), to print older Islamic poetry in Tamil. As many
Tirukkāraṇappurāṇam (1812), Tirumaṇimālai manuscripts have been lost, these early printed
(1816), and Putūkuccām (1821) – the latter editions are often the only copies remaining of
being, with 6786 stanzas, the longest extant Mus- a poem [7].
lim poem in Tamil. While until the late eighteenth
century, Muslim kāppiyam poems in Tamil had
generally been about the life of the Prophet,
Cross-References
Shaykh Abdul Kadir and his contemporaries
began to narrate different stories in this genre.
▶ Nagore Dargah
Thus, Kutpunāyakam is a biography of the foun-
▶ Tamil Nadu (Islam and Muslims)
der of the Qādiriyya brotherhood, “Abdul Qadir
▶ Umaru Pulavar
al-Jilani.” The Tirukkāraṇappurāṇam is the
first major Tamil poem telling the life of a local
Muslim saint, Shahul Hamid of Nagore.
References
Tirumaṇimālai narrates the life of the Prophet
Abraham, while Putūkuccām is an account of the 1. Aptuṟ-Ṟahīm (1980) Muslim tamiḻp pulavarkaḷ,
Muslim conquest of Syria. Shaykh Abdul Kadir’s 2nd edn. Universal Publishers, Chennai
productivity might partly be explained through 2. Bayly S (1989) Saints, goddesses and kings: Muslims
a rivalry with another important Muslim poet of and Christians in South Indian Society, 1700–1900.
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
the time, Vannakkalañciyappulavar, who simi- 3. Mukamatali CMM (1999) Pulavar Nāyakam. In:
larly produced a kāppiyam poem each on “Abdul Ceyyitu Muhammatu “Hasaṉ” M, Mukamatali CMM
Qadir al-Jilani,” a local saint (Sultan Syed Ibrahim (eds) Shaykh Abdul Kadir Nainar Labbai ‘Alim
of Erwadi) and a prophet (Solomon) [4, 6, 7]. Pulavar. Tirukkāraṇap Purāṇam: Nākūr
Āṇṭakaiyavarkaḷiṉ vāḻvum vākkum aṭaṅkiya kāppiyam.
Besides these major works, Shaykh Abdul Av.M. Jaffardeen Noorjahan Trust, Chennai
Kadir produced a large number of shorter 4. Narayanan V (2004) Nagore: Dargah of Hazrat Shahul
poems. The most important among these is the Hamid. In: Currim M, Michell G (eds) Dargahs: abodes
Nākaiyantāti, another poem in praise of the of the saints. Marg, Mumbai
5. Shaykh Abdul Kadir Nainar Labbai ‘Alim Pulavar
Nagore saint [2, 6, 8]. He also composed topical (1980) Pulavar Nāyakattiṉ nirupa ceyyuṭkaḷ:
poetry, such as a poem appealing to God to end Kāyaṟpaṭṭaṇam Pulavarkaṇāyakam Ceykaptul Kātir
a cholera epidemic in Chennai, as well as epistles Nayiṉār Leppai Ālim Pulavaravarkaḷiyaṟṟiyatu (ed:
in a poetic form. The latter reveal a lot about his Saiyitu Muhammatu “Hasaṉ” M). Millath Publishers,
Chennai
network of contacts, which spanned up to the 6. Uwise MM (1990) Muslim contribution to Tamil liter-
Straits Settlements, and provide much informa- ature. Fifth international Islamic Tamil literary confer-
tion on his acquaintances [5, 8]. Shaykh Abdul ence, Madras
Kāfir 415

7. Uwise MM (1990) Islāmiyat tamiḻ ilakkiya varalāṟu, no justification to deny or reject it. There is no
vol 2. Madurai Kamaraj University, Madurai shortcut way or halfway of following Islam. For
8. Uwise MM, Ajmalkhan PM (1994) Islāmiyat tamiḻ
ilakkiya varalāṟu, vol 3. Madurai Kamaraj University, Muslims, embracing Islam entails unconditional
Madurai acceptance of its principles, teachings, as well as
Qur’ānic injunctions, prophetic practices, and tra-
ditional rituals. For Islam claims that even the
Prophets themselves relied on clear proofs, as
Kāfir the Qur’ān holds: “Say: I am (relying) on clear
proof from my Lord, while you deny Him. I do not
Ismath Ramzy2 and Golam Dastagir1,2 have that which you seek to hasten. The decision
1
Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar is for God only. He tells the truth and He is the
University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh Best of Deciders” (Q. VI:57). For example, the
2
Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University of effort of Prophet Abraham in search of truth is
Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia clearly described in the Qur’ān (VI:76–80). Fur-
thermore, God makes the universe an open book
to realize the truth, as He says: “We shall show
Synonyms them Our portents on the horizons and within
themselves until it will be manifest unto them
Disbeliever in God; Infidel; Nonbeliever that it is the Truth. Doth not thy Lord suffice,
since He is Witness over all things?” (XLI:53).
From an Islamic perspective, the Messengers and K
Definition the Prophets of Allāh were sent to remind what
was already established truth, not to invent it, and
The Arabic term kāfir (pl. kuffār), literally meaning hence, denial of such truth, if offered in
“disbeliever,” or “infidel” in Islam, refers to the per- a convincing manner, results in kufr.
son who denies or rejects the essence of Islam – the
reality of the Islamic God, the One, the Absolute, and
the Infinite, who in Arabic is known as Allāh. Islam Historical Development
teaches that one who is judged as kāfir in the sight of
God is the one who shows ingratitude to God and Linguistically, the Arabic word kāfir is derived
commits pernicious sin known as kufr. from the root word kufr, which has several mean-
In a sense, the term kāfir can be compared to ings such as conceal, ungrateful, irreligious,
the terms Goy or Gentile in Jewish tradition, “infi- denial, or rejection. However, epistemologically,
del” in Christianity, and manmukh in Sikhism in the meaning of the word kufr can be traced back to
an effort to make distinction between “a believer” the Hebrew word kipper which means “cover,”
and “a nonbeliever.” However, the term kāfir in “purge,” or “transfer.” Traditionally, this term has
Islam by no means can be likened to what is meant been used in Arabic literature in different senses,
by kaffir (or kaffer, or kāfir, or kaffre), designating for example, to refer to farmers who conceal the
“native,” as pejoratively attributed to “dark- seeds in their field for plantation. Labīd
skinned South African tribes” in South Africa [5]. (560–661), one of the famous seven poets
among the Arabs, used the word kafr in the similar
sense as he described the stars in the sky: “[. . .] at
Meaning of Kufr night when the clouds conceal the stars” [1].
However, the word kufr has been used to mean
At the heart of the credo of Islam lies “the Oneness “disbelief” in the following verse of the Qur’ān:
of God” – “there is no god, but Allāh,” – the core “Have they not seen that Allāh Who created the
of Islamic belief, which is firmly established by heavens and the earth is Able to create the like of
evidences and reasons, and therefore, there seems them, and hath appointed for them an end whereof
416 Kāfir

there is no doubt? But the wrong-doers refuse signs (Q. VI:21, VII:37, XI:18–19, XVIII:15,
aught save disbelief” (XVII:99). Similarly, it has XXIX:68, XXXIII:40, XXXIX:32, LXI:8),
been used in the meaning of repudiation – “[. . .] undoubtedly commits unforgiveable sins labeled
then on the Day of Resurrection ye will deny each as kufr. Furthermore, indulging in prohibited
other and curse each other,” (XXVIV:25) – as well matters like adultery, fornication, drinking alco-
as it has been used to refer to disbelievers, such as hol, taking drugs, theft, murder, sorcery, magic,
“The curse of Allāh is on disbelievers” (Q. II:89). disbelief in the resurrection, reward, punishment
However, a technical meaning is attributed to this in the hereafter, and the like also leads to kufr.
term mentioned in a number of verses of the
Qur’ān, alluding to those who rejected Islam
(XL:35, LXXXII:34, XXV:77, VIII:12, VI:45, Consequences of Kufr
IV:91, V:33, and XXXVII:18).
In the spiritual context of Islamic tradition, the Islam teaches that committing kufr by way of
term kāfir means those who deliberately conceal involvement in those actions mentioned above or
the truth inside their hearts out of ulterior motive. fostering intentions whatsoever means going
In another terminology, the Qur’ān and Sunnah astray from the mainstream Islam, and such per-
put emphasis on the characteristics of kufr and its son in question is condemned as an apostate
descriptions rather than the persons and their reli- (murtad). All of his or her good deeds and merits
gious affiliation. Therefore, the term kāfir is not turn into fruitless efforts. Not only that, an apos-
considered a derogatory term; rather, this term is tate including his or her entire family does not
cited to refer to a person’s spiritual status in the deserve to continue to maintain a formal bond
expression of truth and reality. Since this spiritual and group relationship with the majority of people
status is subject to change anytime under any in the society [4]. Furthermore, some Islamic
condition, the term does not apply to everybody, scholars hold that the accused should be sentenced
save those identified in the Qur’ān and Sunnah. to death for the sake of justice, unless he or she
Arguably, Muslims are not allowed to accuse fel- repents and returns to Islam. However, meting out
low Muslims of being kāfir at any circumstances, punishment to the kāfir has drawn flak from
for such a charge is deemed sedition (fitnah). The human rights organizations and pluralistic ideol-
Kharijites who adopted radical approach on kufr ogies. The Qur’ān clearly states that if anybody is
in Islamic history set them apart from the main- forced to speak or act against Islam while he or she
stream Muslim community (ummah) as they is confident in his or her beliefs, he or she is still
charged fellow Muslims with kufr [2, 6]. considered as Muslim, as God says: “Whoso
disbelieveth in Allāh after his belief – save him
who is forced thereto and whose heart is still
Causes of Kufr content with the Faith – but whoso findeth ease
in disbelief: On them is wrath from Allāh. Theirs
Broadly speaking, the basic factors causing will be an awful doom” (XVI:106).
kufr include denial or rejection of any established
beliefs (‘itiqād), or creeds, or worships (‘ibādah),
or rituals, and so on. Desecrating the Qur’ān or its Social Impact of Kufr
part or defaming the Prophets also leads to kufr.
For instance, one who disavows any of God’s The concept of kufr in Islam does not provoke
Divine attributes while ascribing partnership animosity between Muslims and non-Muslims.
unto Him and showing ingratitude toward (Q. Contrarily, it encourages peaceful coexistence
IV:48, IV:116, V:72, XXXIX:2–3, LI:56) and and harmonious relationship with complete
denies the revelations of the Messengers of acknowledgment of ideological differences.
Allāh for every nation (Q. XVI:36), while Some claim that certain verses of the Qur’ān legit-
inventing a lie against Allāh and rejecting His imize animosity between believers and
Karim Al-Husseini, Shah, Aga Khan IV 417

nonbelievers, between Muslims and non-Mus- 5. Kidd D (1925) The essential Kāfir. MacMillan, New York
lims, particularly aimed at Jewish and Christian 6. Muslim I (1976) Sahih Muslim (trans: Siddiqui AH).
KAZI Publications, Chicago
communities (Q. IV:139, V:57, and LX:13). How- 7. Nasr SH (2004) The heart of Islam: enduring values for
ever, this view can be challenged by contextual humanity. HarperOne, Philadelphia
understanding of those verses in relation to others.
For the Qur’ān has many levels of meaning [7],
and therefore, each verse has to be understood in
terms of its context. In fact, the Qur’ān encourages Karim Al-Husseini, Shah, Aga
intimacy with non-Muslims and Jews and Chris- Khan IV
tians, who are not only “People of the Book” but
also “Children of Abraham,” belonging to “differ- Shenila Khoja-Moolji
ent branches of the same family” [3], as God says: Gender, Sexuality, and Women’s Studies,
“Allāh forbids you not, with regard to those who Bowdoin College, Brunswick, ME, USA
fight you not for (your) Faith nor drive you out of
your homes, from dealing kindly and justly with
them: for Allāh loveth those who are just” (LX:8). Synonyms
Moreover, with the aim of uniting the Muslim
ummah, the contextual analysis of the Qur’ānic Aga Khan; Aga Khan development network;
verse (Q. V:51) warns that Muslims should not Ismaili Muslims
trust those who showed open animosity toward
Islam and Muslims. However, it also strongly K
advocates for ties and friendliness with Jews and Definition
Christians, making all of their good things lawful
(Q. V:5). Islam attaches importance to the shared Shah Karim Al-Husseini Aga Khan IV (1936–) is
values and sacred history of the Jewish and Chris- the forty-ninth hereditary Imam (spiritual leader)
tian tribes with whom the Prophet had treaties for of the Shia Imami Ismaili Muslims.
the sake of a peaceful world.

Biographical Information
Cross-References
Shah Karim Al-Husseini Aga Khan IV is the 49th
▶ Ibn Taymīyya hereditary Imam (spiritual leader) of the Shia
▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia Imami Ismaili Muslims, a diverse group of Mus-
▶ Sin lims who currently reside in over 25 countries
▶ Ummah with a large concentration in South Asia. He traces
his direct lineage to the Prophet of Islam, Muḥam-
mad, through the Prophet’s daughter Fāṭima and
References his son-in-law and cousin, ‘Alī ibn Abī Ṭālib, the
first Imam of Shia Muslims. The Aga Khan
1. Ahmad Z (1992) Sharah Muallaqat al-Sabu (Exegesis to succeeded his grandfather, Sir Sultan Mahomed
seven great poems). Lajnat Tahqiq fi al-Dar al- Shah Aga Khan III, to the office of Ismaili Imamat
Alamiyyah, Beirut
on July 11, 1957.
2. Bukhari M (1997) Sahih Al-Bukhari (trans: Khan MM,
The translation of the meanings of Sahih Al-Bukhari: Born on December 13, 1936, in Geneva, the
Arabic-English). Dar-us-Salam Publications, Riyadh Aga Khan attended Le Rosey School in Switzer-
3. Esposito JL (2010) Islam: the straight path. Oxford land and went on to Harvard University for his
University Press, New York
4. Ibn Taymiyyah (1981) Majmu ‘al-fatawa (edited: ‘Abd
undergraduate education, where he concentrated
al-Rahman ibn Muhammad ibn Qasim). Fiqh Hanafi in Islamic history. The term Aga Khan, meaning
Dar-al- Ibn al-Kathir Publication, Damascus “commanding chief,” is an honorary hereditary
418 Karim Al-Husseini, Shah, Aga Khan IV

title granted to the Aga Khan’s great grandfather, Brown University (United States), Harvard Uni-
Hasan Ali Shah, by the Shah of Persia. At that versity (United States), University of Évora (Por-
time, Hasan Ali Shah was also appointed as the tugal), University of Ottawa (Canada), University
governor of the province of Kerman in Iran. The of Sind (Pakistan), University of Cambridge
title has since then remained in the family. In (United Kingdom), University of Osh (Kyrgyz-
1957, the Queen of Great Britain granted the title stan), American University of Beirut (Lebanon),
of His Highness to Aga Khan IV, and in 1959 His American University in Cairo (Egypt), and Univer-
Imperial Majesty the Shah of Iran granted the title sity of Sankoré (Mali), among others.
of His Royal Highness.
The Aga Khan has four children: Princess Zahra
(b. 1970), Prince Rahim (b. 1971), Prince Hussain The Aga Khan’s Worldview
(b. 1974), and Prince Aly Muhammad (b. 2000).
The Aga Khan has emphasized that the impetus to
engage in innovative and creative thinking to
The Ismaili Imamat resolve emerging societal problems is provided
by the Qur’ān and the example of Prophet
According to the Shia Ismaili tradition of Islam, it Muḥammad. The Prophet, for instance, conceived
is the mandate of the Imam to interpret the faith of new solutions to solve problems that could not
and help improve the quality of life of not only his be addressed through traditional methods and
followers but also the wider communities among means [1]. The Aga Khan has, thus, proposed
whom they live. These responsibilities of the Aga a conceptualization of Islam that is not abstracted
Khan have taken on an institutional manifestation from modern life; it is in fact intricately entwined
in the form of the Aga Khan Development Net- with it. Such conceptualizations of Islam have led
work (AKDN) of which the Aga Khan is the the Aga Khan to emphasize a commitment to
founder and Chairman. The AKDN is comprised pluralism and sustainable development. Specifi-
of nine development agencies, located primarily cally, he has noted that through reciprocity
in African and Asian countries, with mandates between state and civil society institutions and
that include the environment, health, education, preservation of cultural heritage, we can identify
architecture, culture, microfinance, rural develop- means to solve contemporary social problems.
ment, disaster reduction, the promotion of private-
sector enterprise, and the revitalization of historic Commitment to Pluralism
cities. It encompasses more than 300 schools, two The Aga Khan, on numerous occasions, has
universities, two foundations, hundreds of medi- emphasized the importance of understanding and
cal clinics and hospitals, hotels, banks, insurance engaging with the diversity of peoples and ideas
companies, and airlines in over 30 countries by enacting pluralism. In the context of increasing
around the world. Emphasizing the ethics of fragmentation in society along religious, political,
empowerment, partnership, capacity building, economic, and cultural lines, he has noted that the
and self-reliance as inspired by Islam, the need to discover ways for society to live peace-
AKDN is dedicated to improving the living con- fully is of paramount importance. A commitment
ditions and opportunities for people without to pluralism, according to him, has to be
regard to faith, origin, or gender. a deliberate one, especially in societies wrought
The Aga Khan has received numerous honorary with poverty and violence [2]. Pluralism, thus, is
degrees, decorations, and awards in recognition of proposed as an ethic that requires hard work and
his development and humanitarian work. For effort for its (re)production. To promote the ethic
instance, in 2006, he was awarded the “Tolerance” of pluralism, in 2006, the Aga Khan, in partner-
Award by the Tutzing Evangelical Academy in ship with the Government of Canada, founded the
Germany. He holds honorary doctorate degrees Global Centre for Pluralism in Ottawa. The center
from universities across the world, including seeks to produce, transmit, and share knowledge
Karim Al-Husseini, Shah, Aga Khan IV 419

about inclusive citizenship through place-based ignorance. This phrase is proposed as a critique
research and thematic analysis. of the commonly held assumption that there is
a clash of civilizations between Muslim and
Educating for Pluralism Judeo-Christian societies. Instead, the Aga Khan
The Aga Khan has also emphasized the role of believes that the misunderstandings prevalent on
education in producing and sustaining both sides can begin to be addressed through
a commitment to pluralism. Instead of seeking deliberate educational efforts undertaken by
educational achievement for individualistic each. These efforts are informed by the Qur’ānic
fulfillment – material or intellectual – he has recognition of the unity of humanity that can be
advocated the purpose of education to be enacted through sharing knowledge and
a deliberate commitment to understanding the a commitment to understanding the other.
creation of God and enhancing collective well-
being. Schooling and the endeavor of education, Promoting Sustainable Development
therefore, have to move beyond depositing infor- The Aga Khan has also put forth a nuanced view
mation or inculcating skills in students; according of development. In a speech at the Global Phi-
to the Aga Khan, they should seek to imbue rea- lanthropy Forum in DC in 2009, he noted that
soned thought. Indeed, the Aga Khan has empha- industrialized countries often expect developing
sized the esteemed place of learning and countries to progress at rates and forms similar to
transmission of knowledge in the Shī‘a tradition their own [3]. However, there are particular his-
of Islam, whereby intellectual engagement and toric changes and processes that led to the devel-
faith are understood to exist in harmony and not opment of democracy in western societies that K
in tension or opposition. To that end, the AKDN may not be replicable. For instance, develop-
has undertaken educational projects that seek to ment in European societies was accompanied
identify and harness indigenous knowledge and by urbanization, whereas countries in Asia and
leadership in developing countries. In particular, Africa remain predominantly rural. The Aga
the AKDN is setting up Aga Khan Academies Khan has thus argued for a view of development
across Asia and Africa that employ the Interna- that takes into account such peculiarities with
tional Baccalaureate curriculum to educate stu- regard to the diverse regions in Asia and Africa.
dents from diverse backgrounds and also provide Instead of designating countries in these regions
teacher training. These Academies are the latest as “failed democracies,” he has advocated an
effort in a long tradition of educational develop- approach to discovering the forms of governance
ment projects. In Pakistan, for instance, the Aga that may work best for them. At the same time,
Khan Education Services operates over 190 he has noted the shared similarities across soci-
schools and several field-based teacher education eties. For instance, the tensions between top-
programs and collaborates with the government down policies and grassroots efforts and the
on curriculum writing, design, and examinations. presence of diverse centers of authority, such as
Similar institutions exist in India as well. The the nation-state, familial, and tribal affiliations
educational activities of the Ismaili Imamat, how- and religious figures, which are found in devel-
ever, have been prevalent in South Asia long oping nations have been part of western history
before the establishment of the AKDN. The Aga as well. The Aga Khan has, therefore, argued for
Khan’s grandfather, Sir Sultan Mohamed Shah, building strong civil societies where the multiple
for instance, established a school for boys in and diversified needs of societies can be matched
Mundra, Gujarat, as early as 1905, and during by multiple institutions. This also entails prac-
the 1940s inaugurated several community-based tices of reciprocity between the state and citi-
literacy centers for girls across the Karakoram zens, and between national and local actors.
Mountains. Strengthening civil society institutions and
Education also has the potential to address actors has thus been a critical part of the
what the Aga Khan has called a clash of AKDN strategy.
420 Khāleda Jiẏā

These ideas have directed the AKDN to estab- References

lish extensive programs aimed at promoting sus-
tainable development in rural areas. The Aga 1. Aga Khan (1976) Presidential address at the interna-
tional Seerat conference. http://www.iis.ac.uk/view_arti
Khan Rural Support Programme for Pakistan, for
cle.asp?ContentID=101444. Accessed 23 Oct 2013
instance, assists with the construction of small 2. Aga Khan (2006) Remarks by his highness the Aga
infrastructural projects, including irrigation and Khan on the occasion of the signing of the funding
energy systems, and has facilitated the launch of agreement for the global centre for pluralism. http://
www.akdn.org/Content/609/Signing-of-the-Funding-
community organizations around savings and
Agreement-for-the-Global-Centre-for-Pluralism-in-Ott
income enhancement. awa. Accessed 18 Aug 2013
In addition, the Aga Khan has noted that 3. Aga Khan (2009) Speech by his highness the Aga Khan
supporting cultural legacies can actually provide at the global philanthropy forum. http://www.akdn.org/
Content/736/Global-Philanthropy-Forum-Washington-
a catalyst for change and a trampoline for social
DC. Accessed 18 Aug 2013
and economic development [4]. This includes 4. Aga Khan (2013) Speech by his highness the Aga Khan
foregrounding the efforts of community-based at the UNESCO conference on culture and development
groups and investing in the work of artists and in Hangzhou, China. http://www.akdn.org/Content/
1180. Accessed 18 Aug 2013
intellectuals, as well as the restoration and promo-
tion of historic art forms and buildings. For
instance, the Aga Khan Trust for Culture has
engaged in the restoration and rehabilitation of Khāleda Jiẏā
historic areas in Egypt, Afghanistan, Syria,
India, Pakistan, Mali, Tajikistan, Tanzania, and ▶ Zia, Begum Khaleda
Bosnia-Herzegovina, including the Gardens of
Humayun’s Tomb in India and the Baltit Fort in
Northern Pakistan. These projects, while focused
on cultural revitalization, are intended to also Khan
rejuvenate the communities surrounding the
areas through generation of new jobs and ▶ Hazrat Inayat Khan
enhancement of the local economy.

Conclusion Khān, (Nawwāb) Siddīq Ḥasan

˙
The Aga Khan’s development and humanitarian Claudia Preckel
work represents an interpretation of Islam wherein Institute for Oriental and Islamic Studies,
faith is inseparable from society. By considering Ruhr-University Bochum, Bochum, Germany
individuals as embedded within wider networks
and communities, it breaks the binaries or oppo-
sitions of religious versus secular and sees every- Synonyms
day life as the site that brings together
considerations of economic, spiritual, social, and al-Qannawjī, Muḥammad Ṣiddīq Ḥasan; Nawwāb
cultural well-being. Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān

Cross-References Definition

▶ Aga Khan Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān al-Ḥusaynī al-Bukhārī al-

▶ Aga Khan Foundation Qannaujī al-Bhopālī (1832–1891) was a promi-
▶ Nizari Ismailis nent Islamic scholar and writer and one of the
Khān, (Nawwāb) Siddīq Ḥasan 421
˙

founding figures of the Ahl-i ḥadīth. He also father, Sayyid Aulād Ḥasan (d. 1837), who
became politically influential when the widowed became Sunni again. Sayyid Aulād Ḥasan, who
ruler of the Princely State of Bhopal, Nawwāb broke off contact with this Shī‘ite family, rejected
Shāh Jahān Begum (r. 1868–1901), chose him as the income from his revenue and became attached
her second husband. to Sunni reformist circles in Delhi. Sayyid Aulād
Ḥasan studied at the Madrāsah-i Raḥīmiyya in
Delhi with the sons and grandsons of Shāh Walī
Network Contacts Acquired by Family Allāh Dihlawī (d. 1762) and the members of the
Background Ṭarīqah-i Muḥammadiyyah of Sayyid Aḥmad
Barēlwī and Shāh Muḥammad Ismā‘īl Shahīd
The family of Nawwāb Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān (both martyred 1831). Sayyid Aulād Ḥasan
claimed their descent from Ḥusayn Ibn ‘Alī, the supported this movement with publications and
grandson of the prophet Muḥammad. Thus, they money. Consequently, his wife and their five chil-
added either “al-Ḥusaynī ” or the honorific title dren found themselves in a quite problematic sit-
Sayyid to their names. One of Ṣiddīq Ḥasan uation when he died in 1837 [4, 6, 7].
Khān’s ancestors, a direct descendant of Ḥusayn,
migrated from Medina to Baghdad. Ṣiddīq Ḥasan
Khān’s family became attached to the shrine of Fortuitous Network Contacts
Bahā’ ud-Dīn Naqshband (d. 1390), founder of
the Naqshbandiyyah Ṣūfī order, after a certain Born on October 14, 1832, in Rai Bareilly, Ṣiddīq
Sayyid Maḥmūd went to Bukhara. Some descen- Ḥasan Khān was only five years old at the time of K
dants of Sayyid Maḥmūd left Bukhara for Multan his father’s death. He received his training in
in the Punjab, today Pakistan. Here, Sayyid Jalāl Islamic education from his mother and his elder
“Surkh Pūsh” (literally: the one with the red brother Aḥmad Ḥasan Khān (d. 1860). When the
clothes, d. 1292) was initiated into the financial situation of his family turned even
Chishtiyyah order by Farīd ud-Dīn Mas‘ūd Ganj worse, his father’s friends decided to care for his
Shakar (d. 1265). After staying in Bāba Farīd’s further education, which Ṣiddīq Ḥasan continued
Ṣūfī lodge (khānqah) for some time, he migrated in Rampur, Farrukhabad, and Kanpur. Then he
to Uch where he settled. First, he became shifted to Delhi, where he met some renowned
a follower of Bahā’ ud-Dīn Zakarīya (d. 1262); scholars like Muftī Ṣadr ud-Dīn Āzurda, Sadr-e
later he founded his own khānqāh establishing the Sudūr (Chief Judge, d. 1868) of the Mughal
Suhrawardiyyah-Jalāliyyah tradition. Ṣiddīq Empire. During his 2-year stay in Delhi, Ṣiddīq
Ḥasan Khān’s most prominent ancestor, however, Ḥasan Khān studied many works of the curricu-
was another Ṣūfī of the Suhrawardiyyah- lum dars-i niẓāmī , compiled in the eighteenth
Jalāliyyah, namely, Abū ‘Abdullāh Sayyid Jalāl century at the madrasah of Farangi Mahall. Like
(b. 1307). He travelled in Mecca, Egypt, and this father, he was initiated into the
Khorasan, where he met more than 300 scholars Naqshbandiyyah-Mujaddidiyyah and studied at
and ṣūfīs. Thus, he received the honorary title the Madrasah-i Raḥīmiyya. But then his education
Makhdūm Jahāniyān Jahāngasht (he, whom all took a reformist turn after he met another
the inhabitants of the earth will serve). In the founding figure of the Ahl-i ḥadīth movement,
sixteenth century, the Lōdī rulers granted Ṣiddīq namely, Nadhīr Ḥusain Dihlawī (d. 1902).
Ḥasan Khān’s ancestors a jāgī r (tenure) in Another Ahl-i ḥadīth scholar became very impor-
Qannauj. When this area was occupied by the tant for Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān’s career, namely, ‘Abd
rulers of Hyderabad, Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān’s grand- ul-Ḥaqq Banārsī (d. 1870), who had been
father, Sayyid Aulād ‘Alī Khān (d. 1803), became a member of Ṭarīqa-yi Muḥammadiyyah. After
keeper of the Golkonda Fort of Hyderabad. At this his pilgrimage to Mecca, ‘Abd ul-Ḥaqq continued
time, the family had been Shī‘ī Muslims for sev- his studies there before leaving for Sanaa/Yemen.
eral generations. It was Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān’s There, he met one of the most influential scholars
422 Khān, (Nawwāb) Siddīq Ḥasan
˙

of his time, Muḥammad Ibn ‘Alī al-Shaukānī (d. “Mutiny.” In 1858, Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān gained
1834), a fierce critic of the taqlī d (“blind follow- the opportunity to get back to Bhopal as a clerk.
ing” of the schools of law). Through his studies Meanwhile, Jamāl ud-Dīn Khān had become
with ‘Abd ul-Ḥaqq, Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān linked Prime Minister (Madār al-Mahāmm) and gave
himself with al-Shaukānī. Due to the financial full support to his former secretary. In 1860,
situation of his family, Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān was Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān married Jamāl ud-Dīn’s
forced to finish his studies and to search for widowed childless daughter Dhākiyyah Begum
employment. His father’s friends recommended (d. 1884). The couple had three children, one
him to go to the Central Indian Princely State of daughter and two sons [4, 7].
Bhopal, where Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān arrived around
1855 [4, 6, 7].
Bhopal was reigned by a Muslim dynasty of Acquired Network Contacts
Pashtun origin, and the rulers had the title of
“Nawwāb.” Since 1818, female rulers were the After Nawwāb Sikader Begum’s death, Ṣiddīq
sovereigns of the state: Nawwāb Qudsiyyah Ḥasan Khān asked the new ruler Nawwāb Shāh
Begum, a 19-year-old completely veiled widow, Jahān Begum (d. 1901, r. 1868–1901) for permis-
had claimed to become the ruler after her husband sion to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca, which
was killed under mysterious circumstances. was granted. During his travels to Yemen, Mecca,
Qudsiyya Begum had come out of the traditional and Medina, Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān met many Ara-
veiling (purdah) and enacted many reforms, bic scholars and he purchased a large amount of
which were fully supported by the British who Arabic books. After his return to Bhopal, Shāh
gained power in Central India after the Battle of Jahān Begum appointed him inspector of all reli-
Plassey in 1757. Qudsiyya Begums’s daughter gious schools of the Bhopal state. His career,
Sikander Begum followed her mother’s line of however, got a new direction when Nawwāb
reforms in military and administration, patronage Shāh Jahān Begum made him her second husband
of Islamic institutions, and support of the British after her first one, Bāqī Muḥammad Khān, had
[1, 3, 8, 9]. Many members of Sikander Begum’s died 1 year before. Shortly after the marriage in
administration had a reformist background [1–3]. 1871, Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān was conferred the title
The Deputy Prime Minister Jamāl ud-Din Khān, Nawwāb, although he was only granted the rights
to whom the widowed ruler Sikander Begum was of a Prince Consort. He gained, however, great
said to be “secretly, but formally married,” had political influence and made the Ahl-i ḥadīth the
been a Ṭarīqa-yi Muḥammadiyyah [3, 4, 7]. Soon most important movement in Bhopal and came
after his arrival in Bhopal, Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān met into conflict with all other Islamic reform move-
Jamāl ud-Din Khān and was employed by him as ments of his time. This can be seen in a process of
a secretary and assistant. Thus, Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Islamization of Bhopal’s administration and in the
Khān got access to court circles. But only 1 year books published by Bhopal’s printing presses.
later, in 1856, he experienced a career setback. Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān invited and patronized many
The reason was a controversy with the Prime scholars of the Ahl-i ḥadīth in Bhopal [4, 6, 7].
Minister of Bhopal, ‘Alī ‘Abbās Chiryākotī, on Two Arab scholars, namely, the brothers Zayn al-
the use of the water pipe (ḥuqqah). Ṣiddīq Ḥasan ‘Ābidīn and Ḥusayn ibn Muḥsin from Hudayda/
Khān had to leave Bhopal and went to the Muslim Yemen, were of great importance in this context.
state of Tonk, where was employed in the state Both Yemenis were Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān’s
administration. In 1857, when the “Mutiny” broke teachers, linking him again to al-Shaukānī.
out, Ṣiddīq Ḥasan and his family fled to Kanpur, Another prominent Ahl-i ḥadīth member in Bho-
whereas their hometown Qannauj was razed to pal was Muḥammad Bashīr Sahsawānī (b. 1835),
the ground. It is also important to stress that a famous apologetic and author of a book against
Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān was never involved in any the “unlawful veneration of the graves of saints
violent riots against the British during this and prophets” [4]. Some of Muḥammad Bashīr’s
Khān, (Nawwāb) Siddīq Ḥasan 423
˙

relatives, who also supported the Ahl-i ḥadīth, and her daughter Sulṭān Jahān Begum (d. 1930, r.
came to Bhopal, where they received money or 1901–1926) [1, 2, 4, 9, 10]. It might be assumed
employment by Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān. Ṣiddīq that the heir apparent feared not to become ruler of
Ḥasan Khān also had many contacts among Ara- Bhopal in case her mother would have had some
bic scholars and publishers in the Islamic world. offspring by Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān. In 1883, the
He even received the Mejdiyyeh Order by the British intervened and Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān was
Ottoman Sultan Abdul Hamid II (d. 1909) [4]. deposed and deprived of his titles. Until his
The number of books written by Ṣiddīq Ḥasan death in 1890, he lived in his own palace, the
Khān is around 220 in Arabic, Persian, and Urdu, Nūr Maḥal, where he died of edema. The influ-
many of which were translations or abridgements ence of the Ahl-i ḥadīth, however, was prevalent
of Arabic authors like al-Shaukānī or Ibn in Bhopal even under Sulṭān Jahān Begum’s
Taymiyyah (d. 1328). It was his publication strat- reign. Several descendants of Ṣiddīq Ḥasan
egy to send his “literary agents” to the most Khān still live in Bhopal. Since the 1990s, several
important cities of the Islamic world, where they of his works were reprinted in the Arabic world,
purchased books for and sold works written by stressing Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān’s importance in
Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān. Subjectwise, his works today’s international reformist movements.
focused on Islamic monotheism, on ḥadīth and
Qur’ānic studies, and the demand for the ijtihād,
meaning that every legal decision should be
Cross-References
backed by both ḥadīth and Qur’ān. Another
important subject was Islamic eschatology, and K
▶ Ibn Taymīyya
Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān wrote several works on the
▶ Jihād
Last Hour to come very soon, as indicated by the
▶ Madrasah
decay and prevalence of “un-Islamic innovations”
▶ Naqshbandiyyah
(bid’ah) like some Ṣūfī or Shī‘ī practices in the
▶ Sayyid Ahmed Barelvi
Muslim society. Some people regarded him as
a “Renewer of the faith” (mujaddid) [4–7]. It
was also because of these eschatological writings
References
that British authorities accused him of cooperating
with the Sudanese Mahdi to start an anti-British 1. Khan SM (2000) The Begums of Bhopal. I.B. Tauris,
jihad throughout the Islamic world. The British London
Political Agent Sir Lepel Griffin declared that 2. Lambert-Hurley S (2007) Muslim women, reform and
Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān believed himself to be the princely patronage. Routledge, London
3. Preckel C (2000) The Begums of Bhopal. Roli Books,
Mahdi. Besides these accusations, rumors in New Delhi
courtly circles claimed that Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khan 4. Preckel C (2008) Islamische Bildungsnetzwerke und
had forced his purdah-clad wife behind the veil Gelehrtenkultur im Indien des 19. Jahrhunderts:
and threatened her with divorce. Finally, the Brit- Muḥammad Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Hān (st. 1890) und die
Entstehung der Ahl-e ḥadīṯ-Bewegung in Bhopal.
ish denounced him to be a “seditious Wahhābī,” PhD, Islamic Studies, Ruhr-University Bochum,
meaning that he was allegedly following the Bochum (2005) (Online)
teachings of Muḥammad Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhāb al- 5. Preckel C (2013) Screening Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān’s
Najdī (d. 1792), which are still the state doctrine library: the use of Ḥanbalī literature in 19th-century
Bhopal. In: Krawietz B, Tamer G (eds) Islamic theology,
of Saudi Arabia. From an analysis of his works, philosophy and law: debating Ibn Taymiyya and Ibn
however, it becomes clear that Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān Qayyim al-Jawziyya. De Gruyter, Berlin, pp 162–219
was neither favorable to the Sudanese Mahdi nor 6. Riexinger M (2004) Sanāʾullāh Amritsarī
to the Wahhābiyya, whom he considered to be (1868–1948) und die Ahl-i Ḥadis im Punjab unter
britischer Herrschaft. Ergon, Würzburg
“religious fanatics” [4, 5]. The accusations against 7. Saeedullah (1973) The life and works of Muhammad
him have to be regarded against the backdrop of Siddiq Hasan Khan, Nawab of Bhopal (1248–1307/
the conflict between Nawwāb Shāh Jahān Begum 1832–1890). Muhammad Ashraf, Lahore
424 Khan, Liaquat Ali

8. Shah Jahan Begum of Bhopal (1876) The Taj-ul Ikbal; Muslim League Assembly in Lahore. He also was
or the history of Bhopal. Thacker and Spink, Calcutta a strident critic of the British use of Indian resources
9. Sultan Jahan Begum of Bhopal (1912) An account of
my life: Gohur-i Ikbal, vol 1 of 3. Murray, London in World World II, famously stating that Britain’s
10. Sultan Jahan Begum of Bhopal (1926) Hayat-i war was not India’s own ([2], p. 116). But Liaquat
Shahjehani: life of her highness, the Late Nawab Ali Khan was also suspected of undermining the
Shahjhan Begum of Bhopal. Times Press, Bombay Pakistan by surreptitiously forging an agreement for
forming an Interim Government with Bhulabhai
Desai, the Leader of the Congress Party in the
Legislative Assembly. Desai admitted to such
Khan, Liaquat Ali a deal, but Liaquat Ali Khan denied it.
When plans for when the partition of India
Mathew N. Schmalz became inevitable, Liaquat Ali Khan served as
Department of Religious Studies, The College of head of the Muslim League in the Interim Gov-
the Holy Cross, Worcester, MA, USA ernment. The budget he proposed in 1947 gener-
ated controversy, because it was perceived as
punishing Hindu businessmen for supporting the
Definition Congress. For his part, Lord Mountbatten labeled
Ali Khan a “liar” ([2], p. 246).
Liaquat Ali (1895–1951) was the First Prime Min-
ister of Pakistan.
Pakistan’s First Prime Minister

The Muslim League At partition, the government of the newly created

Pakistan had a rather cumbersome and uneven
Liaquat Ali Khan was born in Karnal, India on structure. Muhmammad Ali Jinnah was the chief
1 October 1895. His father was Nawab Rustam executive, with Liaquat Ali Khan as the prime
Ali Khan. Retrospective accounts portray Liaquat minister. Jinnah died in 1948, and so, it was
Ali Khan as an especially devout Muslim who Liquat Ali Khan who had the most decisive influ-
fasted during Ramzan at the young age of 4 and ence in the development of Pakistan as a nation.
who moved his family to tears when he recited As Prime Minister, Liaquat Ali Khan had to
elegies to Ḥusayn during the month of Muharram confront immigration issues in the wake of parti-
([4], p. 13). He studied at Aligarh Muslim Uni- tion, particularly the status of East Pakistan and its
versity, but his fellow students recall that he did large population that shared little culturally with
not have any explicit political affiliations and pre- Punjabis, the dominant ethnic and linguistic group
ferred sports instead. in West Pakistan. There was also insurgency in
It was at Oxford University where Liaquat Ali Baluchistan. Most ominously, there was the con-
Khan became politically active and served as trea- tinuing threat of war with India, particularly over
surer of the Indian Majlis Society ([3], p. 10). Upon the disputed Kashmir region, which had already
returning to India, he joined the All-India Muslim experienced fighting immediately following par-
League but was defeated when he stood for elec- tition. Liaquat Ali Khan was able to forestall a war
tion to the Punjab Legislative Council from Karnal. by meeting with Jawaharlal Nehru to sign
Eventually, he was elected in 1926 to the UP Leg- a bilateral treaty in 1950.
islative Council from the Rural Mohammadan
Constituency of Muzaffarnagar. He went to
England with his family in 1932 and returned to Liaquat Ali Khan’s Legacy
become Honorary Secretary of the Muslim League.
Liaquat Ali Khan was a vociferous supporter of Perhaps Liaquat Ali Khan’s most significant – and
the Pakistan Resolution put forward in the 1940 certainly most controversial – contribution to
Khan-i Arzu 425

Pakistan’s national identity was his proposal of Prophet” [4] to “May God protect Pakistan” [Paki-
the “Objectives Resolution,” which was eventu- stan ki hifazat kare] ([6], p. 217).
ally adopted by the Constituent Assembly of Paki- After his death, Liaquat Ali Khan was referred
stan in 1949. The Objectives Resolution lays out to as “Shahid-i-Millat” or “Martyr of the Nation.”
eight principles of Pakistani nationhood and
national identity. According to the resolution,
Pakistan will be a representative democracy. An Cross-References
independent judiciary is guaranteed, as is the fed-
eral structure of Pakistan. But the most striking ▶ Jinnah, Muḥammad ‘Alī
parts of the resolution concern Islam and Islamic ▶ Zia ul-Haq
values as the foundation of the Pakistani state. The
Objectives Resolution begins by proclaiming that
“Sovereignty belongs to Allah alone,” but
References
observes that “He [Allah] has delegated it to the 1. Annex 730, The constitution of Pakistan. http://www.
State of Pakistan through its people for being pakistani.org/pakistan/constitution/annex.html
exercised within the limits prescribed by Him as 2. Kazimi M (2003) Liaquat Ali Khan: his life and work.
a sacred trust” [1]. While “adequate provision” for Oxford University Press, Karachi
3. Khan L (1950) Foreign relations: the interests of Paki-
minority rights will be made, the Objectives stan in the world outside. In: Khan L (ed) The heart of
Resolution affirms that Pakistan will embrace Asia. Harvard University Press, Cambridge
a specifically Islamic understanding of democ- 4. Liaqat Ali Khan Shot Dead (1951) The Hindu, Oct 18
racy, as based upon the Qur’ān and the Sunnah. 5. Menon KPS (1970) Days at Oxford. In: Ahmed Z (ed) K
Quaid I Millat: Liaquat Ali Khan: leader and statesman.
The Objectives resolution well encapsulated Oriental Academy, Karachi
Liaquat Ali Khan’s understanding of Islam and its 6. Yunus S (1970) The illustrious son of the Millat. In:
contemporary relevance. Speaking to the National Ahmed Z (ed) Quaid I Millat: Liaquat Ali Khan: leader
Press Club of Washington in 1950, Khan countered and statesman. Oriental Academy, Karachi
perceptions that Islam was somehow inherently
intolerant or that Pakistan would become
a theocracy. Instead, he argued that Islamic princi-
Khānaqāh and Ribat
ples, such as from general understandings of justice
to more specific understandings of private property,
▶ Jamā‘at-Khānā
had much in common with, and much to contribute
to, contemporary understandings of statecraft [3].
While some understood Liaquat Ali Khan as
a visionary who could articulate a renewed sense Khāndān-i-Ijtihād (Household
of Islamic identity in the modern world, his “Objec- of Ijtihād)
tives Resolution” was roundly criticized even after
it was adopted. The “Objectives Resolution” still ▶ Naqvī, Ayatullah ‘Alī Naqī
remains as an annex of the Constitution of Pakistan.
Liaquat Ali Khan’s tenure as Prime Minister was
also marked by tensions with the military. In 1951,
Khan-e Arzu
he promoted Ayub Khan, over a number of more
senior generals, as Pakistan’s first native-born com-
▶ Ārzū, Sirāj al-Dīn ‘Alī Ḳhān (d. 1756)
mander in chief. On 16 October 1951, Liaquat Ali
Khan was assassinated in Company Park in Rawal-
pindi. His assassin was an Afghan national, Saad
Akbar Babrak, who was killed by police moments Khan-i Arzu
later. His last words were variously described as
“There is no God but God and Muhammad is his ▶ Ārzū, Sirāj al-Dīn ‘Alī Ḳhān (d. 1756)
426 Khan-i Khanan

ensued which took the life of a number of

Khan-i Khanan Khushḥāl’s relatives, including his father
Shāhbāz Khān in 1641. As the eldest son of
▶ ‘Abd’l-Raḥīm Khān-i-Khānān Shāhbāz, Khushḥāl assumed the position of
khān or chief of the Khattaks and was confirmed
in this position by the Mughal emperor Shāh
Jahān (r. 1628–1658).
Khattak, Khushhāl Khān
˙
Sajjad Nejatie Khushhāl Khān’s Career as Khattak Chief
Department of Near and Middle Eastern ˙
Civilizations, University of Toronto, Toronto, Like his forefathers, Khushḥāl spent much of his
ON, Canada adult life in the service of the Mughals during
which time he helped subdue refractory Afghan
tribesmen locally while also partaking in Shāh
Synonyms Jahān’s expeditions against the Uzbeks in Central
Asia in the 1640s [8]. During the succession dis-
Khushḥāl Khān Khatak/Khaṭak/Khattack pute that arose after the death of Shāh Jahān,
Khushḥāl threw in his lot with the eventual suc-
cessor Aurangzīb (1658–1707) and was
Definition reaffirmed as chief of the Khattaks for his efforts.
However, his relations with the Mughals deteri-
Khushḥāl Khān Khattak (1613–1689), orated when Aurangzīb authorized the abolition
a celebrated Pashto poet and chief of the Khattaks, of tolls levied at the Indus crossing and thus
an Afghan tribe inhabiting Peshawar and its envi- deprived Khushḥāl of the privilege he and his
rons since at least early Mughal times. ancestors had enjoyed since Akbar’s time. Mat-
ters worsened when, in 1664, Khushḥāl’s uncles
colluded with local Mughal representatives to
The Background of Khushhāl Khān have him arrested at Peshawar and imprisoned
˙ [1, 4, 6, 8, 10]. Upon being released in
Khushḥāl was born in 1613 to a prominent 1668–1669, Khushḥāl continued to offer the
Afghan family of the Khattak tribe residing in Mughals nominal support but grew increasingly
Srāy Akora, a town located east of Peshawar that sympathetic toward the recalcitrant Afghan
was established by his great-grandfather Malik tribesmen of the Peshawar region. When the
Ako. In 1586, the Mughal emperor Akbar (r. Mughals sought to have him replaced as chief
1556–1605) conferred on Malik Ako the lands of the Akora Khattaks by his younger and more
between the city of Nowshera and the Indus impressionable son Bahrām in 1674, Khushḥāl
River as a land grant (jāgī r) and permitted him instead named his eldest son Ashraf chief and
to collect tolls at the Indus River crossing near began to openly rebel against Aurangzīb’s
the town of Attock in exchange for protecting the regime. The final years of Khushḥāl’s life were
commercial interests of the Mughals in the spent fighting alongside dissident Afghan tribes-
region [1, 4, 6, 10, 12, 14]. The state patronage men against Mughal loyalists, including his son
accorded to Malik Ako and his Akora Khattaks Bahrām. Shortly after retreating from a battle
came at the expense of another Afghan tribe, the with Bahrām’s forces, Khushḥāl passed away in
Yūsufzay, which had long opposed Mughal 1689 near the village of Musa Darra at the age of
efforts to establish control in the Peshawar 76. His body was later buried near his hometown
region. A lengthy Khattak-Yūsufzay tribal feud of Srāy Akora [8, 10].
Khawājagān 427

Khushḥāl’s resistance to the regime of (e.g., the Gulistān of Sa‘dī) into the language [2,
Aurangzīb is often depicted as indication of his 8, 10, 11].
anti-Mughal stance. But it is important to stress
that he and his forebears had been loyal servants
of the Mughal state for many decades prior to
Cross-References
Aurangzīb’s accession, and Khushḥāl even
▶ Akbar
expressed reverence for his former Mughal patron
▶ Bāyazīd Anṣārī (Pīr-i Rōshan)
Shāh Jahān in his poetry [3]. In fact, Khushḥāl’s
hostility was directed toward Aurangzīb’s regime
in particular and stemmed from his being deprived References
of state patronage and later imprisoned for several
years rather than any deep-seated antipathy to 1. Andreyev S (2010) Pashto literature: the classical
Mughal rule per se. period. In: Yarshater E (gen ed) A history of persian
literature, vol 18, oral literature of Iranian languages
(eds: Kreyenbroek PG, Marzolph U). I.B. Tauris, New
York, pp 89–113
Khushhāl Khān’s Role as Literary Pioneer 2. Bausani A (1971) Pashto Language and Literature
˙ (trans: Blair B). Mahfil 7/1–2:55–69
3. Biddulph CE (1890) Afghan poetry of the 17th cen-
Alongside the literati of the Rōshāniyya move- tury. Trübner, London
ment, Khushḥāl enjoys pride of place as one of 4. Caroe OK (1958) The Pathans, 550 BC–AD 1957.
the eminent representatives of the Pashto literary Macmillan, London
tradition. Although he was well versed in the 5. Caroe OK, Howell E (trans) (1963) The poems of
Khushhal Khan Khattak. Oxford University Press for
K
Persian language and composed several Persian the Pashto Academy, Peshawar
poems, Khushḥāl is recognized primarily for his 6. Farhadi R, The encyclopaedia of Islam, new ed., s.v.
numerous Pashto writings at a time when the “Khushḥāl Khān Khaṭak”
language’s literary tradition was in the early or 7. Iqbal M (1928) Khushhal Khan Khattack—the
Afghan Warrior-Poet. Islamic Cult 2:485–494
“classical” stage of its development [1]. The 8. Kamil-Mohmand DMK (1968) On a foreign approach
extant Pashto works attributed to him include an to Khushhal: a critique of Caroe and Howell.
autobiography and family history written in prose, Maktabah-i-Shaheen, Peshawar
though most of his compositions were written in 9. MacKenzie DN (1958) Pashto Verse. Bull Sch Orient
African Stud 21(2):319–333
meter on an array of subjects ranging from fal- 10. MacKenzie DN (1965) Poems from the Dīvān of
conry and geography to religion and even medi- Khushāl Khān Khattak. George Allen and Unwin,
cine. Khushḥāl also left behind a sizable dī wān or London
anthology of Pashto poems [3, 5, 7, 13]. And 11. MacKenzie DN (1996) The Qasida in Pashto. In: Sperl
S, Shackle C (eds) Qasida poetry in Islamic Asia and
while the verse forms of Persian poetry served as Africa, vol 1, classical traditions and modern mean-
his models, he is said to have developed distinct ings. Brill, Leiden, pp 339–350
meters suited to the idiosyncrasies of the Pashto 12. Morgenstierne G (1960) Khushhal Khan—The
language, particularly its unique system of syllabi- National Poet of the Afghans (trans: Caroe A). J R
Cent Asian Soc 47:49–57
fication [1, 9, 10, 12]. In light of his significant 13. Raverty HG (1862) Selections from the poetry of the
literary output in the language, Khushḥāl is regarded Afghāns, from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century.
as one of the great pioneers of Pashto literature. Williams and Norgate, London
It is worth adding that many of Khushḥāl’s 14. Whitehead RB, The encyclopaedia of Islam, s.v.
“Khushḥāl Khān”
descendants were important contributors to the
early development of the Pashto literary tradition
as well. He is said to have fathered in the vicinity
of one hundred children and many of his progeny Khawājagān
(mostly male but some female) produced original
Pashto works and/or translated Persian classics ▶ Naqshbandīyah
428 Khilāfat

became the fora in globalizing Indian Muslim

Khilāfat perspectives to a new level, as they saw the Turk-
ish caliphate as the key symbol and rallying point
▶ Khilāfat Movement for the future of the Muslim world. Put differ-
ently, the spirit of nationalism which gripped the
newly educated Indians had a major impact on
Muslims. At the same time, pan-Islamism as
Khilāfat Movement advocated by Muslim leaders abroad toward the
end of the nineteenth century specifically won
Iik A. Mansurnoor stronger ears among Muslims in South Asia,
Historical Studies Program, University of Brunei when the major symbols of Islamic stability and
Darussalam, Bandar Seri Begawan, Brunei, allegiance as represented by the Mughals were
Darussalam weakened and eventually removed from power
by the British in 1858.
In short, the background and process of the
Synonyms Khilāfat movement can be seen as a response to
nationalism advocated by the Congress in the
Caliphate; Khilāfat; Nationalism; Noncooperation late nineteenth century. Some Muslim leaders
movement who continued to advocate an end to British
colonialism consolidated their rank in alliance
with their coreligionists for the national cause
Definition [4]. Muslims strongly felt in solidarity with
the Ottomans to defend Islamic interests world-
The Khilāfat movement represents the first and wide [in 1909 Mahmudul Hassan of Deoband
closest approach to mass Muslim political action formed Jamcī yat al-Anṣār and in 1912 Farangi
in British India when in 1919 Muḥammad cAlī Mahal leader Shaikh cAbd al-Bārī supported
with other Muslim leaders founded the Khilāfat by the rising journalists Muḥammad cAlī
Conference to press for the restoration of the and his brother Shaukat founded the Anjuman-i
Ottoman empire. However, the significance of Khuddam-i Kacba (Association of the Servants
the Khilāfat movement lies less in its supposed of the Ka‘ba)]. At the same time, the Khilāfat
pan-Islamism and its attempts to influence British movement represents attempts by different seg-
imperial policy in the Middle East than its impact ments of Muslims to support their specifically
on the Indian nationalist movement. Islamic interests [5].
The beginning of Muslim political resurgence
after the downfall of the Mughals in 1858 came in
Historical Background the wake of increasing challenges, especially from
the Indian nationalists and Hindu revivalists,
For many modern scholars, Islamic reformism including the Arya Samaj and Hindu Mahasabha
among Muslim scholars and leaders, and the for- [1]. The main Muslim response to these chal-
mation of modern society and organization in the lenges followed the policy lines which had been
dawn of the twentieth century led to the broaden- endorsed since the mid-nineteenth century.
ing and universalization of discourse and initia- Indeed, the collaborators used educational organi-
tives among Muslim leaders in India [3]. The zations to defend Muslim interests, whereas the
major movements and groupings as represented younger generation of educated Muslims of vari-
by the Aligarh university club, the Deoband ous professional careers rejected the old passive
movement, the Farangi Mahal religious and pro-British approach.
educational tradition, Abū’l Kalām Āzād’s new Until the end of the nineteenth century, in
movement, and modern Islamic journalism distinguishing themselves from Hindus, Muslims
Khilāfat Movement 429

focused on religious festivals to solidify local Context

community consciousness and to mobilize their
religio-political potential at a higher level. How- Inspired by the nationalist campaign to have self-
ever, this changed in the beginning of the twenti- rule (swarāj), Muslims developed increasing sym-
eth century, as Muslims formed various modern pathy with their wider Muslim brethren who suf-
associations including Islamic schooling, boy fered under the colonial powers, especially during
scouts, defense, and debating clubs, showing WW I. At home, pan-Islamic agitation, in support
national importance to local events. Their persis- of the Ottoman authority (caliphate), took the
tence in defending the Kanpur mosque crisis of bolder form of hostility to the British and
1913 became the first symbol of national Muslim campaigned for wider Islamic solidarity.
politics. In the larger context, the Khilāfat movement
In 1900 Muslim leaders formed the Urdu had grown toward the end of WW I under the
Defense Association. In 1906 they sent shadow of the pan-Islamic agenda, British overall
a delegation consisting of Aligarh’s noted figures policy on postwar settlements, Gandhi’s concilia-
to petition the British viceroy, Lord Minto, for tory gesture through the general cause of swarāj,
a separate Muslim electorate. Indeed, the latter and internal dynamism among new generations of
surprisingly noted the Muslim right to represen- Muslim youthful leaders seeking a religious-
tation in government in proportion to their political breakthrough.
assumed political importance. Not long afterward The Lucknow Pact of 1916 sent a signal to
in 1909, an act by the Indian Councils granted Muslim leaders that top-level dealing had no
Muslims partially separate electorates. For the guarantee for their secure future, leading to the K
British, this was, as suggested, a convenient way idea of fomenting mass political agitation. More
to satisfy the Muslim claim to political privilege, significantly, the Rowlatt Bills on anti-sedition of
and also a strategic way to confirm the division of 1919 raised the level of pressure for political
Indians into Muslim and Hindu interests and to leaders of all spectrums in India, especially after
make the British the arbiter among hostile the coming to vogue of Mohandas Gandhi with
communities. his satyāgraha (peaceful protest) and swarāj,
Nothing was more spectacular in Muslim to launch major peaceful political agitation at
political militancy in British India than the large scale.
founding of the All-India Muslim League in New political awakening among Muslim
1906 and the beginnings of political journalism. leaders and Gandhi’s coming to prominence in
For example, in 1908 Abū’l Kalām Āzād the Congress toward the end of WW I brought
(1888–1958), a young self-taught all rounder, the best opportunity for closer cooperation
seriously launched an Urdu weekly journal al- between Muslim leaders and the Indian National
Hilāl (the Crescent). Al-Hilāl preached that Mus- Congress, dominated by the Hindus. Indeed,
lims in the world were a single people by virtue around this time in 1919, the leaders of Farangi
of their common religion and that the Ottoman Mahal and Deoband founded the Association of
Caliph was their leader. Moreover, it was the Muslim Scholars in India (Jamcī yat al-cUlamā’-i
duty of Muslims to work for home rule in India Hind) to fight for Muslim religious interests and
and to form an active political body to support for the preservation of the Ottoman caliphate,
the caliphate. At the same time, another journal- whereas Muḥammad cAlī supported by many Ali-
ist, this time an Aligarh graduate, Muḥammad garh graduates founded the Khilāfat Conference
c
Alī, preached a similar creed in his English to press for the restoration of the Ottoman empire.
paper, Comrade. After the release of Khilāfat leaders including
The newfound militancy of the Muslim politi- Muḥammad cAlī, from detention in 1919, the
cal elite was paralleled, as shown below, by religious issue of the Khilāfat provided a means
revived political activism among the reformist to achieve pan-Indian Muslim political solidarity
c
ulamā’ of Farangi Mahal and Deoband. in the anti-British cause, and also a vehicle of
430 Khilāfat Movement

communication between the leaders and their embraced the cause of the caliphate; Muslims
larger mass following. pledged themselves to noncooperation. An
The cause of honor to maintain the Ottoman emerging patriotic spirit among Hindus and Mus-
caliphal authority, including the control over the lims prevailed as they participated in a broad-
Holy Cities, as advanced by the Khilāfat leaders based national movement to compel the British
inevitably appealed to Gandhi’s general call for to return India to Indian hands.
sharing the future of Indians of all shades. At the In 1920 the Indian National Congress put for-
same time, ardent Muslims were ready to carry the ward these demands: the British grant self-rule to
cause to the people at large. India and allow an honorable peace to Ottoman
Turkey. In response the Khilāfatis, in support for
Gandhi’s satyāgraha, organized an India-wide
Heyday campaign of noncooperation with the British
authority for so long as it refused to honor the just
The All-India Khilāfat Committee was initiated demands which had been formulated. The cam-
in 1919 by several Muslim leaders such as paign for self-rule included such measures as
Muḥammad cAlī and his brother Shaukat together refusal to pay taxes, boycott of imported British
with other prominent figures including Mahmudul goods in favor of Indian produced, and refusal to
Hasan, Dr. Mukhtar Ahmad Ansari, and Abū’l obey the regulations made to suppress the
Kalām Āzād, a rising young journalist. Its Mani- movement. Despite the fact that the Khilāfatis had
festo was published in the following year calling difficult time in launching such direct action in the
on the British to protect the Ottoman caliphate and campaign for the khilāfat cause as such, their show
on Indian Muslims to unite and hold the British of support and readiness to work together and
accountable for this purpose. As a result in 1920, ability to develop and mobilize networks of sup-
the Khilāfat leaders and the Congress worked porters throughout the country gave them moral
together to form an alliance. Under Gandhi, they enthusiasm and strategic boost. Nevertheless, the
were committed to work and fight together for the excesses among these overenthusiastic but less-
causes declared by the Khilāfatis and those by the informed supporters led to such different initiatives
Congress toward swarāj. It was increasingly clear in summer 1920 as mass outmigration (hijra) to
the Khilāfat movement formed a major component such independent Muslim countries as Afghanistan
of nationwide noncooperation movement through and open rebellion in August 1921 against the old
peaceful disobedience. This cooperation emerged order in Kerala.
as an expressed Muslim-Hindu unity in their strug- Despite these setbacks in satyāgraha and
gle for self-rule. peaceful rallies by the Khilāfatis, the joint move-
The disappointment at the British decision to ment for self-rule remained under nonviolent
ignore the demands by the national and Muslim discipline, with increasing hopes of success at
leaders for major reform toward self-rule toward least until early 1922. Then, new violence
the end of WW I led to the surprising success of broke out not only in confrontation with the
the noncooperation campaigns. Hindus and Mus- government symbols and representatives, but
lims at least for now put aside their communal within the rank and file of the Khilāfat-Congress
conflicts as they participated in massive protests, supporters. This resulted among others in the
strikes, and acts of civil disobedience across the arrest of the noncooperation leaders, including
country. Gandhi and Muḥammad and Shaukat cAlī. Even
The Khilāfat leaders maintained the primary then, many diehard supporters, especially among
strategy of allying with Congress to further their the Khilāfatis as shown by the Punjab branch
joint interest in overthrowing British rule and leaders of Taḥrik-i Khilāfat, for example, contin-
winning political independence for India. The ued to propagate their cause throughout the
Congress, under the leadership of Gandhi, region.
Khilāfat Movement 431

Opposition and Decline sentiment [3]. Leaders of different backgrounds

were brought together for a common cause. The
Yet, for long the Khilāfat rally had been opposed rallies which it had organized also bred a new
by other parties in both camps such as the All- generation of increasingly disciplined vigilantes,
India Muslim League and the rising Hindu mostly youth, to enforce boycotts, maintain
Mahasabha. For some Hindu religious and politi- order at public meetings, and escort leaders. In
cal leaders, the Khilāfat movement – as it used and short, the Khilāfat movement transformed Mus-
advocated specifically an Islamic cause – had an lim politics in South Asia from the maneuvers of
exclusive pan-Islamic agenda. At the same time, elites to the struggle of the masses not only for
the leaders of the Muslim League were suspicious socioreligious identity but also towards common
of the good intention of the Indian National Con- political goals.
gress as the latter increasingly came under the Although the Khilāfat movement failed to
domination of Hindu fundamentalists. satisfy immediate Muslim religious-political
Gandhi believed the failure of the movement to concerns, the universalistic concept of Muslim
rid of violence showed Indians were not yet ready identity continued to gain ground. Muslims
to rule themselves in restraint and justice. Eventu- continued to use mosques and schools, and, no
ally in early 1922 he called off the satyāgraha less, the press as arenas for debate and the dis-
campaign, to the consternation of many. The semination of an awareness of the commonality
Khilāfat leaders were obviously disappointed with of Muslims in the Subcontinent [2]. Moreover,
Gandhi’s bold insistence [4]. the Khilāfat’s success as a mass movement
The joint movement soon collapsed. The strug- later inspired the foundation of several Islamic K
gle for the caliphate, unrealistic from the begin- call movements such as the Tanẓīm and the
ning, necessarily ended about the same time as Tablīgh.
that for swarāj. The Muslims were divided. Some The Khilāfat movement expressed religio-
concentrated on supporting noncooperation, political sentiments that served as a unifying sym-
while others gave their attention to efforts such bol for the slogan-seeking modern Muslim
as outmigration to set the basis for a future return politicians in the Subcontinent. The failure or
to a new liberated home. success of the Ottoman/Turkish caliphate issue
When the Turkish strong man, Mustafa Kemal per se would not have specifically concerned
Ataturk, through the National Assembly, deposed them. Undoubtedly, they knew what befell the
their own sultan in November 1922 and ended Turks and of the possibility of the emergence of
the caliphate institution in March 1924, little independent nation states previously ruled by the
remained of what Muslims in South Asia Ottomans. It cannot be denied, however, the
could even demand. Domestically, the Khilāfat- Khilāfat movement emerged as perhaps the first
Congress alliance foundered as Gandhi’s leadership modern political maneuvering for the emerging
was challenged by the conservatives in the Con- Muslim politicians. Be that as it may, the Khilāfat
gress who opposed a joint Hindu-Muslim move- movement might have been regarded by later
ment. As a result, the old antagonism between the supporters of the du qawmī naẓarīya as well as
Hindu and Muslim communities was fomented by by the pro-Congress as a mirror and lesson to be
extremists, leading to communal riots. consulted.
Despite its failure, the Khilāfat movement
shows the dynamics of cooperation and signifi-
cantly brings about important consequences. The Cross-References
Khilāfat movement significantly expanded the
shared culture and vocabulary of poetry recita- ▶ Abul Kalam Azad
tion, newspaper reading, and public debates that ▶ Deoband
conveyed anti-British and shared Muslim ▶ Mohandas K.
432 Khoja

References Before their conversion, the Khojas reportedly

formed the Lohana community, having descended
1. Hardy P (1972) The Muslims of British India. Cam- from the mythic Indian king, Rāma’s son, Lav.
bridge University Press, Cambridge
Due to this, they were known as thakkar, which is
2. Hasan M (1991) Nationalism and communal politics in
India, 1885–1930, revised edn. Manohar Publications, also a phonetic corruption of the Indian title
New Delhi thakor (lord, master). The word is a close Indian
3. Minault G (1982) The Khilafat movement: religious approximation to the title given by Pir Ṣadr al-
symbolism and political mobilization in India. Oxford
Dīn, khwāja.
University Press, Delhi
4. Nanda BR (2002) Gandhi: Pan-Islamism, imperialism, Pir Ṣadr al-Dīn laid the basis for the communal
and nationalism in India. Oxford India Paperbacks. organization of the Khojas by building the first
Oxford University Press, Oxford three jamā‘at khānās (assembly or prayer halls)
5. Niemeijer AC (1972) The Khilafat movement in India,
and appointing mukhis (leaders). Over a period of
1919–1924. M. Nijhoff, The Hague
time, several pirs or spiritual leaders came after
Ṣadr al-Dīn and, gradually, the beliefs crystallized
to those of the Ismā‘īlī Nizārī faith, particularly
Khoja after the arrival of the Aga Khan Ḥasan ‘Alī Shāh
from Iran to India in 1840. By this time, the
▶ Satpanth Khojas had spread all over Kutch and Gujarat.
Some had also moved to Bombay and Muscat.
In the course of time, three variations of Khojas
were organized under three different jamā‘ats: the
Khojas Sunni Khojas, who are very few; the Twelver
Khojas; and the majority who are the Nizari
Liyakat Takim Ismaili Khojas, followers of the Aga Khan.
Religious Studies, University of McMaster, The arrival of the Aga Khan I Ḥasan ‘Alī Shāh in
West Hamilton, ON, Canada India led to an escalation of earlier disputes within
the Khoja community about the rights of the Imam.
The genesis of the split probably goes back to 1829
Definition when a rich merchant, Habib Ibrahim, refused to
pay a religious tax known as dasond (the tenth),
Originating from India, Khojas were initially which was imposed by the Nizari Imam. It was
converted from Hinduism to the Ismā‘īlī branch regarded by Habib Ibrahim and some 50 families
of Islam. Later communal fighting split this group as lacking any Islamic basis. When all the families
even further. Known for their sense of discipline were excommunicated in 1830, they chose to
and organization, the diverse Khoja groups are become Sunnis. By that time Bombay had become
now well established throughout the world. the point of convergence for many Khojas who had
migrated from Kutch and Kathiawar to take advan-
tage of its commercial growth.
The Early Khojas The period between 1845 and 1861 was
marked by socioreligious turmoil in the Khoja
Khojas trace their ancestry to India, more specifi- community. In 1861 the Aga Khan circulated
cally to Sind, Punjab, Gujarat, and Kutch, where a general announcement declaring the Khojas to
their ancestors were converted to Islam in the be Shī‘is; their marriage and funeral rites were to
twelfth and thirteenth centuries. A Persian Ismā‘īlī be performed in accordance with Shī‘ī practices.
dā‘ī (proselyte), Pir Ṣadr al-Dīn (Sadardin; d. 1369 Moreover, he required his followers to put their
or 1416) is credited with the mass conversion of the signature under this announcement, declaring
Khojas from the Lohanas, a Hindu caste living their Shī‘ah affiliation and unquestioning loyalty
predominantly in the Gujarat province in India. to him.
Khojas 433

In 1866, a group of disenchanted members filed Twelver and Nizari Khojas migrated to the West
a suit against the Aga Khan in court regarding the in 1972–1973, a result of the East African gov-
usage of community finances. The judgment of Sir ernments’ policies that favored Africans in the
Joseph Arnold in a lawsuit fully upheld the rights social, economic, and educational spheres. These
and authority of the Aga Khan, leading to the measures included the nationalization of Asian-
dissidents separating themselves from the Ismā‘īlī owned enterprises and buildings. The measures
community. These formed the nucleus of the Sunni also stressed better education for Africans, often
Khojas. Later dissidents, seceding in 1877 and at the expense of the Indian community. Increased
1901, formed the Ithna-Asheri (Twelver) Khoja immigration by the Khoja community was also
communities in Bombay and East Africa. precipitated by the revolution in Zanzibar in 1964
In the early 1900s, some Twelver Shī‘ī Khojas and the expulsion of Ugandan Asians by Idi Amin
went to visit the holy sites in Iraq. During their in 1972. Khoja Shī‘īs from Tanzania and Kenya
discussions with a prominent scholar of the time, also migrated due to the inimical sociopolitical
Shaykh Zayn al-‘Abidīn al-Mazandarānī, they conditions in their homeland countries.
asked him to send a scholar to India so that he Under the leadership of the Aga Khan III (d.
could teach them the basic principles of Islam. At 1957), the Nizari Ismailis consolidated their iden-
the request of Shaykh al-Mazandarānī, Mulla tity and have engaged in educational and socio-
Qadir Hussein arrived in India and taught some economic reforms that made the community self-
Khoja families the essentials of Twelver Shī‘ī sufficient. The unquestioning devotion of the
faith. From these few families the Khoja Twelver Nizari Khoja to the Aga Khan in addition to the
Shī‘ī community has now grown globally to over restructured hierarchical communal organization K
100,000 members. with the Aga Khan as the supreme authority facil-
The success of the Twelver Khojas in Bombay itated the implementation of religious social and
in forming their own group spread throughout the economic reforms.
Khoja world as new jamā‘ats were formed. The The fact that the Aga Khan is a spiritual leader
movement of spreading Twelver teachings was who is believed to have access to esoteric under-
symbolized by the construction of Islamic standing of texts means that he possesses the
mosques instead of the jamā‘at khānās as well authority to interpret religious texts and laws in
as the performance of regular Muslim practices keeping with the times. Based on the farmān
like the salāt. (religious edicts) issued by the Aga Khan, Ismailis
On realizing this influence of Twelver Shī‘ism have their own genre of prayers and supplications.
among their followers, Nizari leaders started to They have their own special religious taxes and
impose restrictions on Twelver Shī‘ī practices. have established congregational places (jamā‘at
Under the Aga Khan III, the Nizari Khoja com- khānās), which, as with many Ṣūfī ṭariqāhs, are
munity asserted its separate identity, dissociating out of bounds for non-Ismailis.
itself from Twelver religious practices. Twelver Khoja Shī‘īs are known for their sense
An important figure in the conversion to and of discipline and organization. In 1976, under the
dissemination of Twelver Shī‘ī teachings was Haji astute leadership of Asghar M.M. Jaffer (d. 2000),
Gulamali Haji Isma‘il, popularly known as Haji they established a world body called the World
Naji. He is credited with translating Arabic and Federation of Khoja Shi‘a Ithna‘asheri Jamaat in
Persian religious texts to Gujarati, a language spo- England. With the help of this world body, they
ken by most Twelver Khoja Shī‘īs of the time. have established centers of worship throughout the
Many of these texts articulated Shī‘ī beliefs and world. The Federation’s stated aim is to act as an
practices. umbrella organization, catering to the needs of the
Many Khojas living in India migrated to East world Khoja community. The largest Twelver
Africa in the 1840s. They left India due famine Khoja congregation in America is in New York.
and poverty and by the prospect of better financial There are other Khoja centers in cities like Los
opportunities in Africa. The majority of the Angeles, Orlando, Minneapolis, and Allentown.
434 Khushhāl Khān Khatak/Khatak/Khattack
˙ ˙

Cross-References Definition

▶ Ismā‘īlīs Khwaja Enayetpuri (1886–1952), also known as

▶ Ithnā ‘Asharī Shi‘ism Shah Sufi Khwaja Yunus Ali, was the founder of
▶ Nizārī Ismāʿīlīs the Enayetpuri Ṣūfī order and one of the cele-
brated Ṣūfī saints of the twentieth century in
Bengal.
References

1. Daftary F (1998) A short history of the Ismailis: tradi- Life and Work
tions of a Muslim community. Edinborough University
Press, Edinborough
2. Madelung W. Khodjas. In: Encyclopedia of Islam. Lei- Born on 7 November 1886 in a village called
den, Brill Enayetpur in the district of Sirajgonj of greater
3. Momen M (1985) An introduction to Shi‘i Islam: the Pabna in the then eastern Bengal, in what is now
history and doctrines of Twelver Shi‘ism. Yale, New
Bangladesh, Khwaja Enayetpuri established
Haven
4. Nanji A (2003) Khojas. In: Martin RC (ed) Encyclo- a Ṣūfī monastery (khaneqāh) in Enayetpur with
paedia of Islam and Muslim world, vol II. MacMillan a mammoth Ṣūfī legacy known as “Enayetpuri
Reference Books, New York, p 393 ṭariqāh” (Ṣūfī order) (Fig. 1). Located on the
5. Takim L (2009) Shi‘ism in America. New York Univer-
bank of the river Jamuna, about 130 km from
sity Press, New York
6. Takim L (2012) Imami Khojas. In: Takim L ed. Ency- the parliament building in Dhaka, the Enayetpur
clopedia of the Islamic world. Tehran Ṣūfī monastery (also called Darbār Sharī f) is
7. Virani S (2007) The Ismailis in the Middle Ages: venerated and visited by millions of peace-
a history of survival, a search for salvation. Oxford
loving people ranging from top-ranking public
University Press, New York
officials to pauper cultivators from across the
country and Assam, India [12]. The khaneqāh
complex is comprised of shrine, mosque,
madrasa (religious school), library, Ṣūfī research
Khushhāl Khān Khatak/ center, publication unit, VIP guest houses,
˙
Khatak/Khattack lodges for disciples among others. Khwaja
˙
Enayetpuri’s direct successor Shah Sufi Khwaja
▶ Khattak, Khushḥāl Khān Kamal Uddin (90), the third son of Enayetpuri,
has been leading the khaneqāh since 1992 as the
designated spiritual leader. Apart from teaching
Ṣūfīsm and its practices and preaching peace
Khwaja Enayetpuri and communal harmony, the khaneqāh plays
an important role in providing free education,
Golam Dastagir food, medical assistance, and lodging around
Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar the clock to a large number of destitutes, partic-
University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh ularly during drought, flood, or seasons of poor
Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University of harvest [3].
Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Enayetpuri himself composed two books
on Shari’āh and Taṣawwuf (Ṣūfīsm) in a bid to
reconcile them and delivered numerous sermons,
Synonyms based on which his iconic disciple Maulānā
Hasmat Ullah Faridpuri composed 24 volumes
Enayetpuri; Pī r in Bangladesh; Shah Sūfi Khwaja titled Nasiyāt (Deliverance). A large number of
Yunus Ali; Sūfism in Bengal; Tariqāh in research works including PhD dissertations on his
Bangladesh Ṣūfī thought have also been published.
Khwaja Enayetpuri 435

Khwaja Enayetpuri,
Fig. 1 The Ṣūfī Shrine of
Khwaja Enayetpuri

Family Lineage ḥādith at the age of only 7 [13], and before 17, he
K
had studied a large collection of works by Rūmī, al-
Shah Sufi Khwaja Yunus Ali possessed a highly Ghazālī, and Sheikh Saʿdī Shīrāzī. At the age of 18,
dignified lineage. His father, Maulānā Shah Abdul Shah Sufi Syed Wazed Ali initiated him into the
Karim (1851–1891), who died when Yunus Ali was Mujāddedīya ṭarīqa founded by Sheikh Ahmad
only 5 years old, served as a teacher of Mohsinā Sirhindi (1564–1624) known as “Mujāddid Alf-
madrasa (Islamic religious school) in Hooghly, Sani” (literally, meaning “reformer of the second
West Bengal (now Paschim Banga), and became millennium”) in Kolkata (Ram Mohon Bera Lane,
popular as one of the prominent scholars in Arabic Gobra). Here the newly accepted aspirant had
literature, while his mother, Sayeda Tahmina undergone a very rigorous and ascetic way of living
Begum, had the privilege of teaching Arabic and for 12 years as desired by his pī r (Persian term,
Persian to rural women [14]. According to the literally “old” – another title for a Ṣūfī saint) as
Khwaja genealogy, Khwaja Yunus Ali’s predeces- a prerequisite for attaining mystical truth. Having
sors, who were of the “Sayyid” community [13], reached the required state of theosophical, mysti-
migrated to India as awliyā (pl. of walī , meaning cal, and intuitional knowledge, Shah Sufi Yunus
“friend of God,” also known as Ṣūfī Shaykh), Ali returned to Enayetpur with the title “Khwaja
belonging to the Qadirīyā silsilah (chain of spiritual Enayetpuri” accorded by his spiritual master and
initiation) from the Arab world and settled in Delhi, started disseminating Ṣūfī teachings, representing
Murshidabad, Faridpur [8]. Among them were the Mujāddedī yā–Naqshbandī yā ṭurūq (pl. of
Sheikh Ismail and Sheikh Bahadur, who moved to ṭarīqah), though he was also influenced to some
Aminpur, Pabna in Bengal, before they finally set- extent by the al-Qadirīya and al-Chishtīya
tled in what is today known as “Enayetpur.” Khwaja orders [1, 3].
Enayetpuri was their direct descendant.
His Legacy
Silsilah (Initiatic Chain)
The spread of Islam was expedited in the Indian
Yunus Ali displayed exceptional intellectual prow- subcontinent by immigrant Ṣūfī saints from the
ess, for he became proficient in the Qur’ān and mid-tenth century [4]. It is hard to find any village,
436 Khwaja Enayetpuri

city, or town in Bengal that is not replete with Ṣūfī scholars and verbal sermons delivered mainly by
shrines or monasteries, not to mention some with- the Ṣūfī ‘ulamā’ (jurists) of his ṭarīqah that Islam
out recorded history [5]. Unlike a typical pī r in the does not subscribe to moral degradation and social
pī r-cult tradition in Bengal, Enayetpuri used to disintegration, as they believe in the doctrine of
teach and preach Ṣūfī Islam in light of the Qur’ān Unity, in the unity of revelation, in the plurality of
and Sunnāh (Tradition) – both theoretically and religious forms, and in the universality of human-
practically – blending both shari‘āh and ity. Enayetpuri strictly recommends four funda-
ṭarīqah – to thousands of his devotees. Some of mental principles – moral discipline, individual
them have established additional khaneqāhs, serv- courage, unconditional love, and spiritual
ing as living legacies of the Enayetpuri Ṣūfī order wisdom – as requisites for a good social life to
(ṭarīqah). Khwaja Enayetpuri had not formally live in love, peace, and harmony and for an illu-
passed on his spiritual succession (khilāfat) to minated spiritual life to attain theophany (tajalli)
his followers, not even to his family members, [6]. A perfect Ṣūfī (insān al-kāmil) is a clear-
thus leaving the matter open to those whom his hearted and true-tongued man, according to him,
followers would find competent. who cleanses the cluttering of his soul and purges
One of the most influential disciples of his heart (qalb) by way of making repentance
Enayetpuri was Shah Sufi Hasmat Ullah (tawbā as in istighfār), following renunciation
Faridpuri, popularly known as “pī r of Atrashi,” (zuhd), restraining his “commanding ego” (nafs
who founded a monastery (Biswa Zāker Manzil) al-ammāra), invocating God (zikr), and realizing
at Atrashi in the district of Faridpur, Bangladesh “nothingness before God” (faqr) that are essential
[15]. In addition to this, some other large Ṣūfī virtues to remove the impediments that prevent
monasteries established by his Ṣūfī ‘ulamā’ are the divine grace (barakah) from penetrating into
Mujaddediya Tariqat Mission in Mymensingh, the soul [11].
Chandrapara Darbar Sharif in Faridpur, Para-
dise Para Darbar Sharif in Tangail, and
Murshidpur Darbar Sharif in Sherpur, Satya Spiritual Practices
Guru Bitoli Mujaddediya Mission in Assam,
India, etc. At the height of his charismatic activi- The rituals (waẓī fa) at Enayetpur mark diverse
ties, he was known as “living pīr,” and even after spiritual performances as living principles of
his demise in 1952, every year, hundreds of thou- ṭarīqah, leading to attract aspirants with spiritual
sands get initiated into his ṭarīqah, especially bankruptcy. The first session of ritual starts as
during the ‘urs (annual congregation commemo- early as five o’clock in the morning every day
rating a Ṣūfī’s death anniversary) as devout fol- and lasts until seven. Besides this, there are five
lowers known as zāker, so named as they perform additional sessions during the day and night for
zikr (invocation of God). spiritual rites [3]. Supererogatory prayers (nafl
salāh), followed by obligatory regular prayers
(farāz), sermons (nasī hat), teachings (ta‘lim),
Theosophy supplication (munājāt), invocation (zikr), medita-
tion (murāqaba), and the like, take place in each
The ethical and spiritual ideals of the Enayetpuri session in accordance with the Qur’ānic passage
Ṣūfī ṭarīqah reflect the sunnāh of the Prophet, for Supplicate unto your Lord humbly and secretly
“little food, less sleep and more service to God” is (Q. VII:55). Of the rituals, zikr tends to be
a common directive dinned into his followers in a regular ritual practiced at Enayetpur, as the
this ṭarīqah [9], as its mission is to guide the Qur’ān says Remember Me; and I will remember
disciples to the path of morality and spirituality you (Q. II:152; see also Q. XL:60). The devotees
[2] through asceticism. The devotees of Khwaja are taught that for maximization of God’s grace,
Enayetpuri are warned through various religious they need to supplicate to God, not to the Shaykh
texts composed by himself as well as by his or the shrine, shedding tears in fear and hope, as if
Khwaja Enayetpuri 437

they felt the presence of God, or God sees them. Hospital – one of the largest of its kind in Asia
The Qur’ānic view is reflected here (see Q. VI:63; located on the bank of the river Jamuna, spreading
XXXII:16). over 87 acres of land adjacent to the Sufi Center of
Khwaja Enayetpuri – was founded in 1999 by one
of the affluent murīds (disciples) named Dr.
Social Impact Amzad Hossain (d. 2012), who is believed to
have achieved great material and spiritual wealth
The impact of Enayetpuri’s Ṣūfī teachings is such through the blessing of Khwaja Enayetpuri [13].
that disciples do not intend to begin any new turn In recent times (in 2013), a University after the
in life or business without taking prior blessing name “Khwaja Enayetpuri” was established in the
from the Enayetpur shrine. Major social events vicinity of the Enayetpur Sufi Center. Considering
like marriage ceremonies, launching a new busi- the social bearing and necessity of his teachings
ness, buying a new house or shifting to a new toward communal harmony, the authorities of the
place for living, traveling abroad, even circumci- National University, comprised of all colleges
sion and naming children usually take place after offering undergraduate and graduate degree pro-
pilgrimage to the tomb (mazār) of Enayetpuri [3, grams, have recently (in 2008) introduced in the
12, 15]. It is significant, however, that non-devo- Master’s program a 4-credit course titled “Sufism
tees, who do not explicitly hold Ṣūfīs in high in Bangladesh” with a special emphasis on the
esteem as opposed to non-Muslims who show Ṣūfī thought of Khwaja Enayetpuri [3, 9]. Local
respect to Ṣūfīs, nor do they follow a particular and national seminars and symposia are organized
Ṣūfī ṭarīqah, are also seen in most cases making by the Enayetpuri Sufi Center, and talks are also K
a courtesy visit (ziyārat), or offering (mannat) to delivered at national and international confer-
Enayetpuri, as they do not want to risk being ences on Enayetpuri. Today, Enayetpuri
deprived of good fortune, which might come khānaqāh is known as the “Center for Peace”
about with the blessing of a pīr [3, 10]. Despite (Viswa Shanti Manzil) for its wide range of
marked differences of ideologies between the polit- humanitarian, social, and spiritual activities, serv-
ical parties, the bigwigs of major political parties ing both the haves and have-nots.
are often seen visiting the tomb of Enayetpuri.
More often than not, they kick off their general
electoral campaigns and public services after offer- Cross-References
ing special prayers at eminent Ṣūfī shrines, for
example, that of Hazrat Shāh Jalāl in Sylhet. ▶ Dhikr/zikr
It is worth mentioning that although politicians ▶ Khānaqāh and Ribat
have visited in the past and still continue to visit it, ▶ Madrasah
the Enayetpuri khaneqāh has neither been politi- ▶ Pī r
cized, nor has it been disputed over controversial ▶ Sayyidul ‘Ulamā’
rituals unlike others that are often accused of ▶ Sūfism
harboring some measure of what fundamentalists ▶ Tarīqah
call “un-Islamic activities,” or scholars opine as ▶ Taṣawwuf
“folk-Islam” [7]. As a token of respect to the holy ▶ ‘Urs
memory of the spiritually celebrated saint, some
public and private organizations in Bangladesh
have been named after Khwaja Enayetpuri, for References
example, Khwaja Mansion, Enayetpuri Ferry,
etc. The same is the case with “Hazrat Shah Jalal 1. Bhuiyan S, Rahman AFMS (2011) Mujaddediyā
Tariqāh in Bangladesh and Enayetpuri. In: Dastagir
International Airport” in Dhaka, honoring a great
G (ed) Sūfism in Bangladesh in light of the theosophy
Ṣūfī saint in Sylhet. Suffice it to say, Khwaja of Khwaja Enayetpuri (Bangladeshe Sūfivada).
Yunus Ali Memorial Medical College and Haqqani Publishers, Dhaka
438 Khwāja Muʿīn al-Dīn Chishtī

2. Dastagir G (2006) Khwaja Enayetpuri. In: Leaman Definition

O (ed) Biographical encyclopedia of Islamic philoso-
phy, vol I. Thoemmes Continuum, London/New York
3. Dastagir G (ed) (2011) Sūfism in Bangladesh in light Khwāja Muʿīn al-Dīn Chishtī (d. 1236) was an
of the theosophy of Khwaja Enayetpuri (Bangladeshe influential medieval Sufi settled in India who is
Sūfivada). Haqqani Publishers, Dhaka widely considered the eponym of the Chishtī Sufi
4. Eaton RM (1993) The rise of Islam and the Bengal order.
Frontier, 1204–1760. University of California Press,
Berkeley
5. Eaton RM (1978) Sūfis of Bijapur, 1300–1700: social
roles of Sūfis in medieval India. Princeton University Overview
Press, Princeton
6. Enayetpuri K (2011) The mystery of Taṣawwuf (Ganje
Asrar) (ed: Makim Uddin), reprint edn. Khwaja Pub- Due to the late and decidedly one-sided nature of
lications, Sirajgonj the pertinent hagiographical and other sources, it
7. Haq ME (1975) A history of Sūfism in Bengal. Asiatic is difficult to reconstruct, with any accuracy in
Society of Bangladesh, Dacca a positivistic sense, the biography of the cele-
8. Haq KM (1999) Khwaja Enayetpuri: his life and phi-
losophy. Khwaja Publications, Sirajgonj brated eponym of the Chishtī Sufi order, Khwāja
9. Hossain S (2011) Moral teachings in the philosophy of Muʿīn al-Dīn Ḥasan Sijzī, more commonly
Khwaja Enayetpuri. In: Dastagir G (ed) Sūfism in referred to by the attributive “Chishtī.” This
Bangladesh in light of the theosophy of Khwaja latter attributive refers to the small town of
Enayetpuri (Bangladeshe Sūfivada). Haqqani Pub-
lishers, Dhaka Chisht in eastern Khurasan, an important Sufi
10. Khan A (2011) Fundamental principles of the center from at least the tenth century located east
Enayetpuri Tariqāh. In: Dastagir G (ed) Sūfism in of Herat in the present-day Afghanistan whose
Bangladesh in light of the theosophy of Khwaja indigenous tradition of Sufi thought and practice
Enayetpuri (Bangladeshe Sūfivada). Haqqani Pub-
lishers, Dhaka Muʿīn al-Dīn Chishtī is often seen as having gone
11. Nasr SH (2008) The garden of truth: the vision and on to propagate in India.
promise of Sūfism, Islam’s mystical tradition,
reprint edn. HarperOne, New York Life
12. Quddus KA (1994) The essence of Sūfism. Khwaja
Publications, Sirajgonj Muʿīn al-Dīn is said to have been born in or about
13. Saifuddin K (1989) The ideal Sheikh (Adarsha 1141–1142 in the eastern Persian region of
Murshid). Mujaddediyā Academy, Mymensigh Sijistan (Sistan). Orphaned as a teenager, he even-
14. Uddin KM (2011) The Saint (Biswa Awli): genealogy tually left Sijistan for points east, perhaps moti-
and philosophy of Khwaja Enayetpuri. Khwaja Publi-
cations, Sirajgonj vated by the disruptive incursions into the region
15. Ullah H (1998) Nasiyāt (deliverance): Shah Sūfi by the Ghuzz Turks. Spending a period of time
Khwaja Enayetpuri (reprint). Viswa Zāker Manzil, studying the Muslim religious sciences in Samar-
Faridpur qand and Bukhara, he eventually made his way to
Nishapur where he joined the circle of Khwāja
ʿUsmān Harwānī (d. ca. 1220), a Sufi master
connected with the lineage of Chisht who led
Khwāja Muʿīn al-Dīn Chishtī a group of devoted disciples. Serving Harwānī
for a number of years, Muʿīn al-Dīn is reported
Erik S. Ohlander to have eventually set out on his own, authorized
Department of Philosophy, Indiana University- by his master to propagate the Chishtī path, in
Purdue University Fort Wayne, Fort Wayne, IN, whose silsila (“initiatic lineage”) he would
USA become the eighth link (Harwānī was the sev-
enth). Travelling widely through the eastern
lands of Islam, according to his hagiographers,
Synonyms Muʿīn al-Dīn is said to have met at various times
and places a truly impressive list of Sufi luminar-
Muinuddin Chishti; Muʿīn al-Dīn Sijzī ies of the age, including the eponyms of three of
Khwāja Muʿīn al-Dīn Chishtī 439

the earliest ṭarīqa lineages, ʿAbd al-Qādir al-Jīlānī appealed to a wide range of constituencies in
(d. 1166; the eponym of the Qādirī order), Najm Ajmer and its environs, the actual extent of his
al-Dīn Kubrā (d. 1221; the eponym of the personality is impossible to determine. This is due
Kubrawī order), and Abū l-Najīb and Shihāb al- to the simple facts that the few surviving literary
Dīn Abū Ḥafṣ ʿUmar al-Suhrawardī (d. 1234; the works attributed to him are pseudepigraphal, that
eponyms of the Suhrawardī order). Owing to the compilations of recorded conversations
a dream in which he was enjoined by the prophet (malfūẓāt) ascribed to him are inauthentic, and
Muḥammad to go to India, Muʿīn al-Dīn eventu- that the earliest references to him in chronicles
ally turned his sights towards the southern reaches date only to the end of the fourteenth century.
of the expansive Ghūrid empire. Passing through While in contradistinction to many affiliates of
Lahore, where he spent a brief period of time the nascent Indian Suhrawardī order, Muʿīn al-
visiting the grave of Abū l-Ḥasan Hujvīrī (d. ca. Dīn Chishtī appears to have shied away from
1072–1073), he eventually came to settle in the involving himself with reigning political powers,
Rajasthani city of Ajmer, most likely arriving his image as a gentle yet stalwart intercessor for
there via Delhi. This appears to have occurred the poor and the downtrodden and a champion of
sometime following the seizure of Ajmer from a humane program of populist outreach that
the Hindu Rajput Chauhans by the Ghūrids in eschewed the kind of militant proselytizing asso-
1192 and the death in 1206 of the important ciated with other émigré Sufis of the time appears
Ghūrid campaigner in northern India, Muʿizz al- largely retrospective. Similar questions arise in
Dīn Muḥammad, and the resulting establishment relation to the extent to which he was responsible
of the Delhi Sultanate. for contributing to the general character of the K
Coming to reside in a khānaqāh (residential Chishtī order as it came to develop in the two or
lodge for Sufis) built for him by the well-placed so generations following his death in terms of his
military governor of the region, Sayyid Ḥusayn actual teachings on basic Chishtī practices such as
Mashhadī, in Ajmer, Muʿīn al-Dīn Chishtī is said the samāʿ (the Sufi “mystical concert”) and the use
to have married twice. His first wife was a niece of of breath control techniques in dhikr (the ritual-
the aforementioned Mashhadī, and his second, the ized recollection of various religious formulae),
daughter of a Hindu Rajput chieftain who had forms of ascetic self-mortification such as pious
been taken as war booty. Both marriages are said isolation and sleep deprivation, long-term celi-
to have resulted in issue, although none of his bacy and supererogatory fasting, and adhering to
children appear to have played a role in carrying particular socio-ethical ideals such as passivity,
on their father’s teachings. It was in Ajmer that charity, and non-collaboration with the state.
Muʿīn al-Dīn would gather around himself
a devoted group of disciples who would go on to Tomb Complex
systematize and spread his teachings following From its humble beginnings following his death
his death, shortly after which the center of Chishtī in 1236, through the patronage of various political
activities shifted from Ajmer to Delhi. Amongst and economic elites, the tomb complex of Muʿīn
the most important of his disciples in this regard al-Dīn Chishtī in Ajmer would come to undergo
was Ḥamīd al-Dīn Suwālī Nāgawrī (d. 1274), a series of successively grander additions and
although connected figures such as Quṭb al-Dīn expansions over the centuries to become, by the
Bakhtiyār Kākī (d. 1235) and his disciple Farīd al- time of the Mughal emperor Akbar (r.
Dīn “Ganj-i Shakar” (d. 1265) played significant 1556–1605), a major center of pilgrimage in the
roles as well. region. Claiming a preeminent position in the
landscape of Sufi shrine centers in India today,
Legacy Ajmer is particularly well known for the impres-
While posterity presents an image of Muʿīn al-Dīn sive scope of the ceremonies and festivities sur-
Chishtī as a socially engaged holy man whose rounding the annual commemoration of the saint’s
tolerant, sympathetic, and catholic teachings death during the first week of the Islamic lunar
440 Kochi Jews

month of Rajab. Hundreds of thousands of pilgrims

attend the commemoration every year, which cul- Koran Translation
minates on the sixth day of the month, the anniver-
sary of the saint’s “marriage to God” (ʿurs). ▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia

Cross-References
Kubrāviyah
▶ Chishtī Order
▶ Sūfism ▶ Kubrāwīyah Order

References

1. Begg W (1960) The holy biography of Hazrat Khwaja Kubrāwīyah Order

Muinuddin Hasan Chishti, the holy saint of Ajmer. W.
E. Begg, Ajmer Matthew Long
2. Currie PM (1989) The shrine and cult of Muʿīn al-Dīn OH, USA
Chishtī of Ajmer. Oxford University Press, Delhi
3. Ernst CW, Lawrence BB (2002) Sufi Martyrs of love:
the Chishti order in South Asia and beyond. Palgrave
Macmillan, New York. Index (s.v. Muʿin ad-Din Synonyms
Chishti)
4. Huda Q (2003) Khw^aja Mu‘în al-Dîn Chishtî’s death
festival: competing authorities over sacred space. Kubrāviyah
J Ritual Stud 17(1):61–77
5. Nizami KA (1954–2004) Čishtī, Khwādja Muʿīn al-
Dīn Ḥasan. In: The encyclopaedia of Islam, new edn., Definition
vol 2. E.J. Brill, Leiden, pp 49–50
6. Rizvi SAA (1978–1983) A history of Sufism in India,
vol 1. Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, New Delhi, Sufi order
pp 114–127
7. Salim M (1968) A reappraisal of the sources on
Shaykh Mu‘in al-Din Ajmeri. J Pak Hist Soc
16:145–152 Kubrāwīyah Order
8. Schimmel A (1975) Mystical dimensions of Islam.
University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, The Kubrāwīyah was a Sufi order originating in
pp 345–348 Central Asia after the Mongol invasion. It
9. Suvorova A (2004) Muslim saints of South Asia: the
eleventh to fifteenth centuries. Routledge Curzon, expanded its influence during the subsequent
London/New York, pp 59–80 Mongolian period of rule. The order derives its
10. Trimingham JS (1971) The Sufi orders in Islam. name from its founder Abū al-Jannāb Aḥmad b.
Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp 14, 22, 64–65 ‛Omar (‘Umar) Najm al-Dīn Kobrā (Kubrā). The
original Kubrawīyah line of Central Asia domi-
nated the region briefly until it was displaced by
the Naqšbandīyah (Naqshbandīyah). The succes-
Kochi Jews
sors (khulafā’; singular khalīfah) of Najm al-Din
Kubrā and their successors branched off into
▶ Jews of Kerala
nearly a half-dozen groups. These groups spread
throughout the regions of Iran, India, Kashmir,
and China maintaining the lineage for centuries.
Kochinim Kubrā was born in Ḵārazm (Khwārazm or
Khʷārazm), in modern day Uzbekistan, around
▶ Jews of Kerala 540/1145. By all accounts, Kubrā pursued a path
Kubrāwīyah Order 441

of religious education traveling from region to the Kubrawīyah has been named after Kubrā’s
region to study ḥadī th. It was around the age of disciple al-Dāyah; however, his writings, particu-
35 that Kubrā became acquainted with the teach- larly his continuation of the esoteric commentary
ings of three Sufis that would change his pursuit of (tafsī r) of the Qur’ān, initiated by his master,
ḥadī th to mysticism. Esmā‛īl (Ismā‛īl) Qaṣrī (589/ and his analysis of “photisms” greatly affected
1193), Abū Yāser (Yāsir) ‘Ammār Bedlīsī Kubrawīyah mystical teachings as well the teach-
(Badlīsī), and Rūzbihān al-Wazzān (d. 584/1188) ings of other orders in Central Asia. Al-Ḥamūyah
of Egypt are regarded as his primary masters formed a khānaqāh in Baḥrābād, in northeastern
(murshidūn; singular murshid). All three of his Iran. He composed many works but is not as well
masters have been identified as students of known as his student ‘Azīz al-Dīn Nasafī (d. 661/
Sohravardī (Suhrawardī) (d. 632/1234). Bābā 1263). Al-Ḥamūyah’s son developed a following
Faraj of Tabrīz contributed to Kubrā’s full com- based on his father’s teaching Baḥrābād that
mitment to the mystical dimension of Islam. became influential for many years.
Kubrā would return to Ḵārazm where he Al-Bākharzī founded a khānaqāh in the city of
established a Sufi center (khānqāh) and began Bukhārā, Uzbekistan. Berke Khan, ruler of the
training his own disciples (murīdūn; singular Mongolian Golden Horde, was said to have
murīd). He trained a vast number of disciples, adopted Islam from al-Bākharzī. His successor,
many of whom became eminent Sufis in their Badr al-Dīn Firdawsī al-Samarqandī, brought the
own rights. Majd al-Dīn Baghdādī (d. 616/ Kubrawīyah line to Delhi, India. This group
1219), who was acquainted with the Persian poet adopted the name Firdawsīyah from which came
Farīd al-Dīn ‘Aṭṭār (d. 617–618/1220–1221), the Indian saint Sharaf al-Dīn Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā K
Sayf al-Dīn Sa‛īd al-Bākharzī (d. 658/1260), Munyarī (Maneri) (d. 1381), the writer of numer-
Sa‛d al-Dīn al-Ḥamūyah (d. 650/1252), Raḍī al- ous letters. His disciples spread the Kubrawīyah
Dīn ‘Alī Lālā (d. 642/1244), and Najm al-Dīn al- to Bihar, Decca, and Bengal in India. Nūr al-Dīn
Dāyah (d. 654/1256), also known as Najm al-Dīn ‘Abd al-Raḥmān al-Isfarā’inī (d. 717/1317), the
al-Rāzī, are among his greatest students. While in successor of Raḍī al-Dīn ‘Alī Lālā, established
Ḵārazm, he wrote a few treatises on Sufism. a Kubrawīyah branch in Baghdad called the
Fawā’iḥ al-jamāl wa fawātiḥ al-jalāl, al-Uṣūl Nūrīyah. It was from this string of Sufis that the
al-‘asharah, and Risālah al-khā’if al-hā’im min subsequent orders sprang.
lawmah al-lā’im are perhaps his most important ‘Alā’ al-Dawlah al-Semnānī (Simnānī) (d.736/
works that primarily focused on esoteric themes, 1336), also known as Rokn (Rukn) al-Dīn Abū
such as the interpretation of dreams and visions, al-Makārem (Makārim) Aḥmad ibn Šaraf (Sharaf)
particularly colors and light in such experiences, al-Dīn, was one of the most influential of the
which were termed “photisms.” The interpretation Central Asian Kubrawīyah. He was the successor
of dreams and visions would be a trademark of the of Nūr al-Dīn ‘Abd al-Raḥmān al-Isfarā’inī, and
Kubrawīyah order, particularly among Kubrā’s he too had an order spring up around him in
immediate students. Kubrā died in 617–618/ Khurasan, the Ruknīyah. He is most noted for
1220–1221 during the Mongol invasion of his opposition to the doctrine of waḥdat al-
Ḵārazm. wujūd (unity of the being), the doctrine espoused
Following the death of Kubrā, the order grew by Ibn ‘Arabī (d. 638/1240), and for completing
rapidly and branched into various offshoots of the the Qur’ānic commentary started by Kubrā and
main Kubrawīyah line. Many of these localized furthered by al-Dāyah. Semnānī’s refutations of
branches (ṭawā’if; singular ṭā’ifah), which formed the doctrine of waḥdat al-wujūd are believed
around particular teachers, adopted principles and to have influenced the proponents of the doctrine
doctrines unique to each order and not shared with of waḥdat al-shuhūd (unity of consciousness),
other branches as such. Furthermore, many of largely constructed by the Indian Naqshbandī,
Kubrā’s mystical descendents were renowned Aḥmad Sirhindī (d. 1034/1624). ‘Alī al-
Sufis, scholars, and prolific writers. No branch of Hamadānī (d. 786/1385) was the student of two
442 Kubrāwīyah Order

of al-Semnānī’s disciples. He is credited with Cross-References

bringing the Kubrawīyah to Kashmir where
some of his devotees established the ▶ Chishtī Order
Hamadānīyah branch of the Kubrawīyah. He ▶ Naqshbandīyah
was a prolific writer said to have written over ▶ Qādirīyah Order
150 treatises of which 50 are in existence. ▶ Tarīqah
Al-Hamadānī was also a companion of Ashraf ▶ Waḥdat ul-Wujūd
Jahāngīr al-Simnānī (d. 808/1405), who was
also familiar with ‘Alā’ al-Dawla al-Semnānī.
Jahāngīr al-Simnānī would eventually be initiated References
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thought of ‘Alāʼ ad-Dawla as-Simnānī. State Univer-
into even further divisions. Isḥāq al-Khuttalānī
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6. Knysh AD (2000) Islamic mysticism: a short history.
part of northern Afghanistan. He was murdered in
Brill, Leiden
1423, an event that initiated a divide among his 7. Lapidus IM (2010) History of Islamic societies,
devotees. One group followed al-Khuttalānī’s 2nd edn. Cambridge University Press, New York
disciple Muhammad Nūrbakhsh (d. 869/1465), 8. Lewisohn L (2005) The spiritual journey of Kubrawī
Sufism. In: Lawson T (ed) Reason and inspiration in
while others clung to ‘Abdallah al-Barzishhābādī
Islam: theology, philosophy and mysticism in Muslim
(d. 856/1452). These sects’ forefather, al- thought: essays in honour of Hermann Landolt. I.B.
Hamadānī, had a great interest in ‛Alī and his Tauris, London
teachings and even called himself the second 9. Molé (1961) Les Kubrawiya entre sunnisme et shiisme
aux huitième et neuvième siècles de l’hégire. Revue
‛Alī according to some sources though he was
des etudes islamiques 29:61–142
Sunnī, as were those calling themselves the 10. Razvi SAA (1991) Sufism in the Indian subcontinent.
Hamadānīyah. The two sects that would form In: Nasr SH (ed) Islamic spirituality II: manifestations.
following the death of al-Khuttalānī adopted the Crossroads, New York
11. Schimmel A (1980) Islam in the Indian subcontinent.
Shī‛ah identities and principles. The supporters of
Brill, Leiden
Nūrbakhsh became the Nūrbakhshīyah based in 12. Trimingham JS (1998) The Sufi orders in Islam.
Khurasan and would carry on its lineage into the Oxford University Press, New York
Safavid Dynasty. His line (silsilah) was 13. Waley M (1991) Najm al-Dīn Kubrā and the Central
Asian School of Sufism (The Kubrawiyyah). In: Nasr
maintained by his successor Qāsim Fay-bakhsh,
SH (ed) Islamic spirituality II: manifestations. Cross-
but a further breakaway faction, the Lahjānīyah, roads, New York
was composed by Nūrbakhsh’s other student, 14. Waley MI (1999) A Kubrawī manual of Sufism: the
Shams al-Dīn al-Lāhijī (d. 912/1506–1507), Fuṣūṣ al-ādāb of Yaḥyā Bākharzī. In: Lewisohn L (ed)
The heritage of Sufism: the legacy of medieval Persian
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Sufism. Oneworld, Oxford
favored al-Barzishhābādī would become known
as the Dhahabīyah, also based in Shiraz.
L

Lahor Loh, one of the sons of Rama, but it had been

known in Sanskrit texts as “Shehwar Elahi ka
▶ Lahore thikana” (the Den of Shehwar). The Chinese Bud-
dhist monk, Xuanzang, likely passed through
Lahore (at least according to his later biographer,
Hwui Lih) while en route to the Buddha’s home
Lahore region of Bihar in the seventh century, but he
makes no explicit mention nor provides any
Colin P. Mitchell description [13]. The first references to a city
Department of History, Dalhousie University, bearing a recognizable version of “Lahore” come
Halifax, NS, Canada from the Hudūd al-‘ālam, an anonymous Arabic
geography (written 982), which describes the city
as being chiefly populated by infidels (mostly
Synonyms Hindus but likely including a small Buddhist pop-
ulation) with prominent temples, bazaars, and
Lahor; Luhur garden spaces [5]. Arab Muslims had penetrated
the region of Sindh in the eighth century, but it
would not be until the eleventh-century
Definition Ghaznavid empire (based in Ghazna in modern-
day Afghanistan) that the Punjab would emerge as
An important cosmopolitan center of Muslim a frontier of Muslim military expansion and pop-
learning, culture, and political stature located in ular proselytization. Prior to the systematic inva-
the Punjab. sions of the Punjab and abroad by Maḥmūd of
Ghazna, Lahore had been a center of the Hindu
Shahi Kingdom under Anadapala [25].
Early History

Lahore is situated on the Ravi River amidst the Rise of an Indo-Islamic Center
doab-rich area of the Punjab. There is scant evi-
dence describing an active urban settlement prior Lahore has been designated by scholars like
to the tenth century, but almost certainly there Annemarie Schimmel as the “first center of Per-
were pre-Muslim antecedents for Lahore. Hindu sian-inspired Muslim culture in the Subcontinent”
mythology presents Lahore as being founded by [21], and when Maḥmūd’s successor Mas‘ūd
# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018
Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
444 Lahore

(r. 1030–1040) was routed by the rival Saljuqs at production of Persian literary culture; Khusrau
the Battle of Dandanqan in 1040, the Ghaznavids Shāh (d. 1160), the father of Khusrau Malik,
reoriented their entire empire away from Khura- patronized Abū al-Ma‘ālī Naṣr Allāh who trans-
san toward the Punjab. With this, Lahore emerged lated Kalī la wa Dimna from Arabic into Persian
as “little Ghazna” (Ghazna-yi khurd) and was (an ironic development since this text had origi-
understood by contemporaries as a de facto sec- nally come from India in Sanskrit and had subse-
ond capital city for the successors to Sultan quently been translated into Pahlavi and then later
Mas‘ūd [23, 25]; indeed, shortly after the defeat into Arabic by Ibn al-Muqaffā’) [7, 23].
at Dandanqan, Mas‘ud ordered the large-scale While court-sponsored poetry and literature
conveyance of money, valuables, palace furnish- flourished, it is perhaps in the realm of organized
ings, materiel, and chattel to Lahore [5]. The Sufi activity as well as mystical poetry that we see
Khurasan-Punjab continuum would continue to the greatest impact of Lahore during the
characterize the Ghaznavid empire until the mid- Ghaznavid era. Abu al-Ḥasan ‘Alī b. ‘Usmān al-
twelfth century when they were formally evicted Hujwīrī (d. 1089) arrived in Lahore in 1035 and
from eastern Iran/Afghanistan in 1149 by the wrote what is arguably the first Persian literary
Ghurids (a client dynasty of the Saljuqs); the last text (in prose) about Sufism: “the Unveiling of the
three Ghaznavid rulers (bearing neither Turkic nor Hidden” (al-Kashf al-maḥjūb) [2]. Before long,
Arabic titles, but distinctly Persian ones) – Bahrām he earned posthumously the spiritual laqab of
Shāh (r. 1118–1152), Khusrau Shāh (1152–1160), Dātā Ganj Bakhsh (“distributor of unlimited trea-
and Khusrau Malik (1160–1186) – were exclu- sure”), and it became regular practice for all itin-
sively Lahori in their political and cultural erant Sufis en route to South Asia from Khurasan
orientation. to alight in Lahore and pay their respects at his
Sadīd al-Dīn ‘Aufī (d. shortly after 1232) mausoleum [20]. His shrine joined an already
wrote two main texts, the biographical dictionary growing list of Sufi shrines in this region, and by
Lubāb al-albāb and political ethics manual the fourteenth century the Punjab had become
Javāmi‘ al-ḥikāyāt va lavāmi‘ al-rivāyāt, which famous in the Islamic world for its number of
are superlative in the amount and detail of infor- shrine complexes across the doabs [8].
mation about the court of Lahore [4, 19]. Through Lahore continued to be a political and religious
the eyes of ‘Aufī, we get a sense of the scale and center during the Delhi Sultanate period. The
scope invested in poetic patronage during the Turkish slave-cum-sultan Aibak ascended the
reign of Khusrau Malik (d. 1186) in Lahore. One “throne of the sultanate of Lahore” (takht-i
of the more foundational poets of Lahore was salṭanat-i Lāhūr) amidst great pomp and cere-
Mas‘ūd al-Rūnī (d. 1091); his fame was such mony, and it was the Ghaznavid precedent of
that Niẓāmī ‘Arūżī Samarqandī mentions al- profiling Lahore as a royal center which likely
Rūnī’s impact in his Chahār maqālah, while influenced decisions like Aibak’s to self-proclaim
later poets like Mas‘ūd Sa‘d-i Salmān, Anvarī, his new status here [14, 25]. Lahore and the sur-
‘Urfī, Ṣā’ib, and Ṭalab-i Āmulī all invoked him rounding Punjab continued to define Indian poli-
as an inspiration [16, 17, 19]. Probably the most tics during the Tughluq period of the fourteenth
famous Ghaznavid-sponsored poet was Mas‘ūd century, notably because the dynastic founder
Sa‘d-i Salmān (d. 1121) who was also Punjab- Ghiyās al-Dīn was part of the Kokhar clan who
born, but whose family roots were in Hamadan, had been a pastoral element in the upper Sindh
Iran [23]. There is some debate among South and lower Punjab for centuries, and with the
Asian linguist specialists as to whether he might advent of Islamic civilization, they had become
have written the first instances of Urdu literary nominally Muslim quasi-nomads who lived an
writing; he is alleged to have put together uneasy coexistence with the urban centers of Mul-
a divan of poetry in “Hindvi,” but nothing has tan and Lahore [3]. With the rise of the Tughluqs,
survived [10, 18]. The later decades of the elev- we see this decentralized element of Punjabi society
enth century were likewise active in the begin to play an increasingly larger role in Indian
Lahore 445

geopolitics. This “postnomadic” period, namely, influence on the upbringing and cosmological
the mid-fourteenth century, saw veritable waves of outlook of Salīm, Akbar’s oldest son and heir
Turks, mountain Afghans, and Islamicized Mon- apparent. Between 1586 and 1588, the atelier of
gols crossing the Hindu Kush into the Punjab and Lahore produced magnificently illustrated copies
Indo-Gangetic plain [25]. of the Rāmāyana and the Razm nāmah, a partial
translation of the Mahābhārata [22]. Lahore
would also be a significant center of cultural and
Lahore and the Mughal Age intellectual production in the seventeenth century
on account of the patronage policies and prolific
Surprisingly, current Mughal historiography writing of royal personalities like Dārā Shikoh
assigns relatively little importance to Lahore as and his sister, Jahānārā Begum [6]. Moreover,
a political and cultural center in the Mughal during the reign of Shāhjahān (himself born in
period. The relative lack of attention paid by mod- Lahore), numerous gardens and palatial extra-
ern historians toward Lahore is almost certainly urban spaces were built and augmented, such as
connected with the fact that Mughal rulers – in the Shalimar Gardens [24].
many ways seen as reifications of the empire
itself – spent very little time there compared to
cities like Delhi and Agra. However, Akbar’s Post-Mughal Lahore and Partition
decision to shift the royal capital to Lahore in
1581 was significant, and in fact the city would The eighteenth century saw a stark reversal of
thrive as a cultural and popular religious space as fortune for Lahore with respect to geopolitical
a result. During his rule in Lahore, Akbar had stability as the Mughals struggled to counter for-
begun a program of active recruitment toward eign and domestic elements such as the Afghan L
prominent rajas like Man Singh, Rai Rai Singh, Durranis, the Marathas, and the Sikhs. The Sikh
Baghwant Das, Rai Pāl Singh, Raja Basu, and ruler Ranjit Singh (r. 1801–1839) brought some
other major figures of the Kachwaha Rajputs. It semblance of security and order to Lahore during
was arguably Todar Mal – known as one of the the Sikh period of rule, but a likewise tumultuous
“nine jewels” that enjoyed proximity to period ensued in the 1840s during the protracted
Akbar – who played a decisive role in this conflict between Punjabi Sikhs and the British
reorientation toward Hindu elites. Of particular colonial enterprise. Lahore was undoubtedly
note is that Todar Mal was a Khatri who originally deemed to be vital by the British Raj on account
hailed from the Chūniān district of Lahore; his of its proximity to Afghanistan and alleged vul-
familial residence was located near the Bhati nerability to Russian expansionism; moreover, its
Gate in the Ḥakimān Bazaar [15]. One year before status as a former political capital of the Sikh
his decision to relocate his imperial court to “nation” warranted continued monitoring and
Lahore, Akbar arranged to have his son Salīm inclusion; as a result, sizable cantonments and
(later Jahāngīr) married to the daughter of the colonial officers were established there, and
prominent Hindu Rajput Raja Baghwant Das on extensive resources were directed toward the
16 February 1584 [1]. After arriving in Lahore, city’s refurbishment and renovation in the late
Akbar chose to base his residence in the familial nineteenth and early twentieth century [11]. The
complex of Baghwant Das, and some months decision by the British to accede Jinnah’s
later, another marriage – this time to a daughter demands for Muslim-controlled part of Punjab
of Rai Rai Singh – was arranged for Salīm on 26 made Lahore a lodestar of tragedy. During
June 1586 [1]. We also know that the 1580s was 1947–1948, Sikh, Muslim, and Hindu constituen-
an active period with respect to the translation of cies descended into a staggering cycle of violence
Sanskrit texts on Hinduism and Indic philosophy and retribution as millions crisscrossed the Punjab
into Persian [9, 12]. The ecumenical environment frontier to find relief and respite from the mael-
inculcated in Lahore by Akbar had no small strom effects of Cyril Radcliffe’s pen and
446 Lal Shahbāz

compass. Lahore currently stands as the cultural 18. Rizvi SAA (1987) The wonder that was India, 2 vols.
capital of Pakistan, and the annual festival of Mela Sidgwick & Jackson, London
19. Sadīd al-Dīn Muḥammad ibn Muḥammad Bukhārī
Chiragan in March (celebrating a Sufi personality, ‘Aufī (1903–1906) Lubāb al-albāb (eds: Browne EG,
Shāh Ḥusain) outside of the Shalimar Gardens is Qazvini M). Luzac, Leiden
a major event for many Pakistanis. 20. Schimmel A (1988) Poetic visions of Lahore. In:
Quraeshi S (ed) Lahore: the city within. Concept
Media, Singapore
21. Schimmel A (2002) Religion. In: Zaid Z (ed) The
magnificent Mughals. Oxford University Press,
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2. Abu al-Ḥasan ‘Alī b. ‘Usmān al-Hujwīrī (1936) The Mas‘ud Sa‘d Salman of Lahore. Permanent Black,
Kashf al-maḥjūb: the oldest Persian Treatise on Sufism Delhi
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7. Bosworth CE (1977) The later Ghaznavids: the
Lal Shahbāz
dynasty in Afghanistan and northern India,
1040–1186. Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh ▶ Laʿl Shahbāz Qalandar (d. 665/1267 or 673/
8. Eaton R (2009) Shrines, cultivators, and Muslim ‘con- 1274)
version’ in Punjab and Bengal, 1300–1700. Mediev
Hist J 12:191–220
9. Ernst CW (2010) Fayzi’s illuminationist interpretation
of Vedanta: the Shariq al-ma‘rifa. Comp Stud South
Asia Afr Middle East 30(3):356–364
10. Faruqi SR (2002) Urdu literature. In: Zaid Z (ed) The Lal Shahbāz Qalandar
magnificent Mughals. Oxford University Press, Oxford
11. Glover W (2007) Making Lahore modern: ▶ Laʿl Shahbāz Qalandar (d. 665/1267 or 673/
constructing and imagining a colonial city. University
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of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis
12. Grobbel G (2001) Der Dichter Faidi und die Religion
Akbars. Klaus Schwarz, Berlin
13. Hiuen T (2004) Si Yu Ki: Buddhist records of the
western world (ed and trans: Beal S). Kessinger Pub-
lishing, Whitefish, Montana, reprint Laʿl Shahbāz Qalandar (d. 665/
14. Jackson P (1999) The Delhi sultanate: a political and 1267 or 673/1274)
military history. Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge
Janis Esots
15. Latif SM (1892) Lahore: its history, architectural
remains and antiquities. New Imperial Press, Lahore The Institute of Ismaili Studies, London, UK
16. Niẓāmī ‘Arużī Samarqandī (1921) Revised translation
of the Chahār maqālah (ed and trans: Browne EG).
Cambridge University Press, London
17. Qausar IH (2001) Abul Faraj Runi: Lahore produced
Synonyms
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Laʿl Shahbāz Qalandar (d. 665/1267 or 673/1274) 447

Definition of Suhrawardī order ([4], p. 53)). In addition, he is

said to have shared the company of Shaykh Jalāl
Laʿl Shahbāz Qalandar (d. 665/1267 or 673/1274) al-Dīn Tabrīzī ‘Surkh-pūsh’ (d. 690/1291) and
was a Ṣūfī saint, one of the most eminent represen- Farīd al-Dīn ‘Ganj-i Shakar’ (d. 664/1265) ([13],
tatives of the irregular (qalandarī ) type of Ṣūfism p. 46; [15], pp. 23, 27). His convent (khānaqāh),
in Sind and the entire subcontinent; the patron saint later shrine, was built on the ruins of a Shiva
of Sehwan (Sīvistān). His nickname Shahbāz temple ([20], p. 18).
means “the red royal falcon”; his real name proba-
bly was Mīr Sayyid ʿUthmān Marwandī. He was
also known as Shāh Ḥusayn and (by Hindus) as (an Poetry
incarnation of) Rājā Bhartari and Udero Lāl ([15],
p. 25; [4], pp. 122, 127). The poems in Persian (38 ghazals and around
a hundred rubāʿī (quatrains)), attributed to him,
are quoted in the collections of the Persian poets
Life of Sind and have been published in a separate
collection recently ([4], p. 133). However, since
Information about Laʿl Shahbāz in the premodern the earliest source that quotes Laʿl’s verses,
sources boils down to several short episodic Sīwistānī’s Tadhkira ([18], p. 164), belongs to
accounts in the medieval chronicles [1, 8, 14] and the seventeenth century, the authenticity of the
Ṣūfī memoranda [13, 18], which describe his eccen- poems is highly questionable. In all likelihood,
tric behavior and ecstasy during the samāʿ (Ṣūfī they have been composed by the later devotees,
ceremony of audition), as well as his encounters and reflect the image of Laʿl that persists in the
with the local rulers and other Ṣūfīs. popular opinion, rather than his genuine historic L
According to some reports, he was born in personality. In these poems, Laʿl describes himself
Marwand in Sīstān; according to another (more as the spiritual companion of Manṣūr al-Ḥallāj,
plausible) version, in Marand in Azerbaijān (forty dancing on the scaffold, and traveling in the sea,
miles north of Tabrīz) ([4], p. 78). He is likely to “whose waves devour all human beings,” with
have been a descendant of Ismāʿīl b. Jaʿfar al- “blood instead of water,” and as “the royal falcon
Ṣādiq, the eldest son of the sixth Shīʿī imām, and and qalandar, dwelling in different nestles and
to have come from an Ismāʿīlī family ([13], p. 46; enjoying the sojourn in fire, which is nothing but
[4], p. 96). In his youth, Laʿl is said to have been light” ([15], pp. 40, 43).
a murīd of Shaykh Jamāl Mujarrad (probably
identical with Jamāl al-Dīn Sāwī (or Sāwajī, d.
ca. 630/1223)) and Sayyid Ibrāhīm (the latter’s Laʿl Shahbāz as the Symbol of Popular
disciple). He probably arrived in Sind from Bagh- Sūf ī Culture
dad via the Makrān coast around 1251 (in any ˙
case, not later than 661/1262). After a short stay In the course of history, the figure of Laʿl Shahbāz
in Laki (near Sehwan), he seems to have pro- has been appropriated by different ethnic, social,
ceeded to Multān, meeting there several Ṣūfī and religious groups. During the twentieth century,
shaykhs of the Suhrawardī and Chishtī orders. he became one of the main symbols of the popular
On 8 December 1251, he allegedly returned to Ṣūf ī culture of Pakistan ([4], pp. 129–165). His
Sehwan with a large group of qalandars ([10], p. tomb in Sehwan, built in 758/1357 ([12], p. 322),
82) and settled in the neighborhood which was which gradually developed into the present impress-
inhabited by local prostitutes ([14], p. 136; [15], ible mausoleum, is the object of an annual pilgrim-
p. 26). In Multān, Laʿl apparently became a disciple age during 18–22 Shaʿban, when the ‘urs ([Ṣūf ī
of the quṭb (pole) of the Suhrawardī order Bahāʾ mystical] wedding) ceremony is performed [3]. Dur-
al-Dīn Zakariyyāʾ Multānī (d. 661/1262) (his ing the ‘urs, and on certain other festive occasions,
name is found in the lists of the Multān branch an ecstatic dance (dhammāl) (characteristic by the
448 Limit

convulsive jerks and quick movements of feet) is 13. Lāhurī Gh S (1914) Khazīnat al-aṣfiyāʾ. Cawnpore
performed in the central courtyard of the shrine 2:46–47
14. Qānīʾ M. ʿA. Sh (1886) Tuhfat al-kirām. Lucknow
([4], p. 188; [10], pp. 85–110). Probably this dance and Bombay, 3 vols (Partial English translation in
represents a replica of Shiva’s cosmic dance Mirza Kalich Beg (1902) A history of Sind, vol II,
tāṇd’ava ([20], p. 187). Specific veneration songs Karachi)
known as qalandrī dhamāliaṅ related to the dance 15. Qazi NBG (1971) Lal Shahbaz Qalandar. R. C. D.
Cultural Institute, Lahore
are also sung. 16. Sehwānī SM (1972 [1904]) Qalandar namō sindhī.
Qalandar Shahbāz Akedemi, Hyderabad
17. Sindhī GḤ (2006) Ḥayāt-i qalandar shahbāz. Quāʾid-i
Cross-References Azam University, Islamabad
18. Sīwistānī ʿAḤ (1974) Tadhkira-yi mashāʾikh-i
Sīvistān (ed: Ḥ Rāshdi S) Mehran, pp 3–4
▶ Chishtī Order 19. Solangī SMP (1972) Gulzār-i qalandar. Qalandar
▶ Malang Shahbāz Akedemi, Hyderabad
▶ Qalandar 20. Suvorova A (2004) Muslim saints of South Asia: the
eleventh to fifteenth centuries. Routledge, London
▶ Shah Jalal Mujarrad
▶ Suhrawardī Order
▶ Taṣawwuf
▶ Ziya al-Din Barani
▶ Ziya al-Din, Barani Limit

▶ Ḥudūd
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Rise of the Lodīs the Ḥusain-Shāhīs operating independently in

Bengal; indeed, Sulṭān Mahmud Sharqī had
Historically, the region of modern-day Afghani- arrived at Delhi in force shortly after Bahlūl’s
stan had been the lodestar of several prominent accession to the throne, but the Lodīs were able
medieval dynasties, including the Ghaznavids to push the invading army back to Jaunpur [5].
and the Ghurids. However, the Mongol priva- The 1480s witnessed the slow erosion of Sharqī
tions of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, power by Bahlūl until the installation of his own
along with internecine and tribal warfare, con- son as governor of Jaunpur shortly before his
tributed to a dilution of Afghan dynastic ambi- death in 1488 [4]. Afghans by and large
tions; in turn, the Timurid empire of the fifteenth dominated the upper echelons of the governing
century saw the continued tributary status for elite during this period, and there is historical
prominent Afghan centers like Kabul, Ghazni, evidence to suggest that Bahlūl actively
and Zabul. During this period, however, Afghan promoted Afghan migration to India to serve in
dynastic sensibilities were revived in an Indo- his military [10]. Although interested in the
Gangetic context with the rise in power of promise of traditional Perso-Islamic models of
a transplanted clan of the Afghan Ghilzai tribe kingship, Bahlūl continued the traditional
named the Lodīs [4]. Afghan mercenaries and Afghan predilection for corporate sovereignty;
horse traders had been migrating to Punjab as historical sources indicate that all family mem-
early as the eleventh century, particularly in the bers were financially and politically promoted
city of Multan, to serve as frontier shock troops over other Muslims and non-Muslims [3, 10].
for the Ghaznavids and later as auxiliaries for the Interestingly, however, it was Niẓām Khān,
Turkic Tughluq dynasty based in Delhi [4, 7, 10]. Bahlūl’s son by a Hindu wife, who assumed
This migration resulted in increasingly promi- the sultanate in 1489 with the regal title of L
nent positions being awarded to Afghans, such Sulṭān Sikandar.
as when Khizr Khān (r. 1414–1421) appointed
Malik Sulṭān Shāh Lodī (laqab: Islām Khān) and
his four brothers to various governorships and Height of the Lodīs (1489–1526)
courtly offices; Sulṭān Shāh Lodī himself was
installed as the governor of Sirhind [4]. He later Sulṭān Sikandar oversaw the impressive extension
arranged to have one of his nephews, Bahlūl of Lodī sovereignty into eastern India, notably
Khān, marry his daughter and would go on to against the Sharqīs of Jaunpur and the surround-
name him as successor to the family property and ing region of Bihar, as well as various Rajput
titles. The Tārī kh-i Khān Jahānī va makhzan-i families and confederacies. Sikandar focused
Afghānī relates how Bahlūl Khān’s father and his military energies against the Rajput-
grandfather had been involved in trade, but that controlled fiefdom of Gwalior – controlled by
he had distanced himself from such quotidian the Tomar Rajput king Rājā Mān Singh – in the
activity [5]. Operating from his familial base of early sixteenth century [7]. Unable to subdue
Sirhind, Bahlūl was forced to fight an avuncular Rājā Mān Singh’s allies in Rajput-controlled
war against Islām Khān’s remaining brothers Rajasthan, Sikandar patiently subdued the vari-
and emerged as the semiautonomous ruler of ous hill forts around Gwalior from 1510 on, but
the Punjab by 1441 [5, 10]. After the defeat of the prominent centers of Gwalior and Malwa
his uncles, and with the support of the powerful eluded him before his death in 1517. However,
Kokhar tribesmen, Bahlūl organized a coup the previous policy of favoring Afghans was no
against the reigning Sayyid Sulṭāns to capture longer tenable as large communities of Mongols,
the city of Delhi in April 1451 [4, 10]. Northern Tajiks, Rajputs, and Indian Muslims were begin-
India was somewhat decentralized at this junc- ning to resent this open favoritism. Sikandar
ture, with the Sharqīs of Jaunpur conquering sought to actively inculcate Perso-Islamic
sizable tracts of land in Bihar and Bengal and notions of primogeniture and infallible kingship
450 Lodīs

among his Afghan supporters while at the same Ḥaqq Muḥaddis Dehlavī (nephew of Mushtaqī,
time developing a sizable system of audit and author of Akhbār al-akhyār and Tārī kh-i ḥaqqī )
espionage to monitor any independently minded describe a number of active partnerships
countrymen [3, 7, 8, 10]; he also instituted between the Lodī sultanic court and various
a descriptive roll (ḥilya) of formal Lodī troops, khānaqāhs, hermitages, and other Sufi institu-
which furthered his promotion of centralization tions [1]. At times, the Lodīs were even deemed
[4]. Much of this was made possible by his resus- to possess certain spiritual advantages. Shaikh
citation of the dī vān-i vizārat that had been in Mushtaqī describes how Bahlūl was handed
abeyance under his predecessor [3]; in addition a miraculous staff by a strange man (mard-i
to financial comptrolling, a section of this office ghaib) from heaven, and this staff in turn allo-
was mandated with prosecuting and punishing wed Bahlūl to smite his Sharqī rivals of Jaunpur
wayward Afghan military officers and courtiers [1]; likewise, the Tārī kh-i Khān Jahānī va
[3]. Concurrently, more control was now being makhzan-i Afghānī narrates how Sikandar
exerted over the distribution and maintenance learned details regarding his subjects (ra‘aiyat)
of iqṭa‘ land assignments [3], and this in turn and military (sipāh) from his own personal
secured more financial stability for the Lodī information officer (khabardārī ) who happened
dynasty [6]. to be a jinn [5]. Bahlūl and Sikandar are cele-
Sulṭān Sikandar’s successor, Ibrāhīm Lodī brated particularly for their piety, Ibrāhīm less
(r. 1517–1526), continued his father’s policy of so, but it is certainly reasonable to assume that
moving away from an Afghan-dominated con- the Lodīs sought out such relationships in the
federacy and indeed stipulated during his coro- hopes of buttressing their claims to sovereignty,
nation that Afghan emirs and nobles stand in especially with respect to the competing Sharqīs
obeisance before his throne [10]. Such high- of Jaunpur [1, 2]. The Chishtiyya, already well
minded policies provoked a simmering resent- established in the fourteenth century, continued
ment among many of the Afghan tribal chiefs, to thrive under Lodī sponsorship [2, 9]. It should
and Bihar would become a destination terminus also be noted that the period of Lodi rule also
for many disaffected Afghans in the early six- witnessed the growth of the Bhakti movement,
teenth century [1]. It would be disaffected highlighted by the career of Kabir Panth, which
Afghan chiefs, notably Daulat Khān Lodī (the saw considerable exchange between Yogic and
governor of Lahore), who made overtures to the Sufi traditions.
Timurid prince Bābur to invade India in the
1520s and displace Sulṭān Ibrāhīm; of course,
they were shocked when Bābur decided to over-
look the Afghans and establish his own displaced
Cross-References
Central Asian dynastic polity in the Indo-
▶ Delhi Sultanate
Gangetic Plain [4].

References
Religion and the Lodī Dynasty
1. Aquil R (2007) Sufism, culture and politics: Afghans
Lodī sultans like Bahlūl and Sikandar sought out and Islam in medieval north India. Oxford University
actively the sponsorship and approval of “official” Press, New Delhi
and “nonofficial” Muslim religious authorities 2. Halim ‘Abdu’l (1963) Mystics and mystical move-
ments of the Sayyid-Lodi period (1414 A.D. to 1526
with considerable success. Sources like Shaikh A.D.). J Asiatic Soc (Pak) 8(2):71–115
Jamālī (Siyar al-‘ārifī n), Shaikh Rizq Allāh 3. Hameed Ud-Din (1961) The organization of govern-
Mushtaqī (Waqi‘at-i Mushtaqī), and ‘Abd al- ment under the Lodi Sultans of India. Zeitschrift
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der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 9. Siddiqui IH (1985) Resurgence of Chishti Silsila in the
110:330–341 Sultanate of Delhi during the Lodi period (A.D.
4. Imamuddin SM (1979) Lodis. Encycl Islam 1451–1526). In: Troll CW (ed) Islam in India: studies
5:782–785 and commentaries. Religion and religious education,
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Haravī (1960) Tārīkh-i khān jahānī va makhzan-i 10. Wink A (2002) Al-Hind: the making of the Indo-
afghānī. Ed. Sayyid Muḥammad Imām al-Dīn, 2 Islamic world, 3 vols. Leiden, Brill
vols. Asiatic Society of Pakistan, Dacca
6. Richards JF (1965) The economic history of the Lodi
period: 1451–1526. J Econ Soc Hist Orient 8:47–67
7. Rizvi SAA (1987) The wonder that was India, vol 2.
Sidgwick & Jackson, London, pp 1200–1700 Luhur
8. Siddiqui IH (1977) The composition of the nobility
under the Lodi Sultans. Mediev India 4:10–66 ▶ Lahore

L
M

Ma‘bar elementary school focusing on Qur’ān recitation

and very basic religious learning. The term madra-
▶ Coromandel Coast sah is also often distinguished from the term
jāmi‘a, which is understood in most contexts to
refer to a university level institution that imparts
education in the Islamic sciences.
Madrasa

▶ Madrasah The Birth and Proliferation of the

Madrasah

Although some historians trace the origins of the

Madrasah madrasah back to the very early days of Islam,
their usage is often considered anachronistic since
Mashal Saif the educational centers of that era bear little
Islamic Studies, Duke University, Durham, resemblance to the madrasahs of today. In the
NC, USA early years of Islam, no formal separate institution
for the transmission of Islamic knowledge existed,
and the mosque served as an educational center.
Synonyms Over time the khānaqāh, or lodge, developed; the
khānaqāh was attached to the mosque and served
Madrasa as an educational center that also provided lodg-
ing for its students. The madrasah proper took
birth in the eleventh century, combining in many
Definition of its manifesations the functions of the mosque
and the khānaqāh into a single institution.
The term madrasah (plural: madaris/madrasahs) Although the above genealogy of the birth of the
refers to an educational institution of the elemen- madrasah is widely accepted, it is important to
tary or secondary level where the Islamic sciences keep in mind that during the medieval period,
are taught. In its earlier usage, the term madrasah the terms madrasah, jāmi‘a, and khānaqāh were
was often contrasted with two other terms, maktab much more fluid categories than they are today.
and kuttab, both of which refer to a traditional This fluidity of institutions and categories is of

# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018

Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
454 Madrasah

course reflective of the fact that in that time, Islam of mosques, and anyone could enter them to join
was still in the early to middle stage of its forma- in communal prayers and worship. As madrasahs
tion, and subsequently, many of the Islamic man- assumed a multiplicity of roles, it became difficult
ifestations that are currently taken for granted especially by the end of the Middle Period to
were far from crystallized. distinguish between madrasahs, mosques, and
According to most scholarly accounts, the khānaqāhs.
madrasah first appeared in the Iranian east in
Khurasan and burgeoned over the next century
due to the efforts of Nizam al-Mulk Knowledge, Teaching, and Curriculum
(1018–1092), a vizier of the Saljuq dynasty that
ruled expanses of the Near East from 1037 to 1194 The rapid spread of the institution of the madrasah
([1], p. 196; [2], p. 5). Nizam al-Mulk established and adaptations in its functions did not bring
madrasahs in Baghdad and other urban centers about any significant change in the nature of
that were part of the Saljuq territories. Over the knowledge and the method of its transmission.
centuries, as the center of Sunni Islam eased away Informal and close personal relations between
from Persian territories and moved into the west- students and their teachers continued to character-
ern parts of the Middle East, so did the madrasah. ize madrasah education; the teachers were often
The instant proliferation of the madrasah ensured likened to fathers. During this premodern period,
that by the twelfth century it was one of the most the madrasahs themselves did not award institu-
characteristic religious institutions dotting the tional diplomas; instead, students received ijāzas
Near-Eastern urban landscape. During (certificates/diplomas/licenses) from the teachers
this period, madrasahs were established in Bagh- with whom they had studied. The ijāza stated
dad, Cairo, Damascus, as well as various Andalu- from whom the student had learned and attested
sian cities. The Fatimid and Mamluk rulers and to a student’s mastery over a particular text (or
their amī rs contributed significantly to the early occasionally a wider body of knowledge) and
growth of madrasahs, founding these institutions often authorized their bearers to teach the texts
through religious endowments (waqf; plural: and subjects they had mastered. Ijāzas also
awqāf). Scholars have noted that the ruling élites established a scholarly genealogy that linked
constructed and endowed madrasahs (as well as these new adepts to their teacher, who themselves
mosques and other religious institutions) as were linked to their respective teachers, until
a means to establish their legitimacy. Moreover, a chain was established all the way back to the
the endowments of madrasahs were used for author of the authoritative text. Consequently, up
transmitting status and wealth to descendents. till the modern period, madrasah education contin-
The explosion of madrasahs over the next few ued to be defined by an emphasis on whom you had
centuries ensured that scholarly activities were studied with, not where you had studied. Moreover,
now conducted not just in the major centers affil- in the premodern period, orality (and hence mem-
iated with royal courts but also in smaller urban orization) was a defining characteristic of the
locations as well as rural areas. Madrasahs and nature of knowledge at the madrasah ([3], p. 112).
smaller educational institutions such as maktabs Knowledge was understood as both embodied and
were responsible for the high rates of literacy that performative, and instant recall often defined one’s
characterized the medieval Islamic world. claim to intellectual authority ([3], p. 112). In con-
Madrasahs of the medieval era were not simply trast to this method of engagement, the rise of
institutions established to cater to the teachers and the printing press and literacy rates has shifted the
the students they taught; instead, they formed an engagements with knowledge and debates over
integral part of the religious lives of most city intellectual authority to a different playing field.
dwellers. The madrasahs often functioned not This has resulted in significant changes in the
simply as schools but also assumed the function madrasah system, as will be discussed shortly.
Madrasah 455

At the time of its birth, the madrasah was an distinguish a madrasah from other religious insti-
institute specializing in the teaching of law (fiqh). tutions. However, today the situation is quite dif-
However, the curriculum varied from madrasah to ferent in many parts of the Muslim world. For
madrasah, and in addition to jurisprudence, other example, in contemporary Pakistan all madrasahs
Islamic sciences as well as rational sciences such are required to register themselves with the state
as mathematics, geography, alchemy, philosophy, and a madrasah is only legally recognized as such
and astronomy were also often taught. The addi- once it has followed such due process. Even in the
tion of these extra subjects was less common in face of state interference in the madrasah system,
the early history of the madrasah but became more madrasahs continue to thrive across contemporary
normative in the centuries that followed. South Asia and their numbers have steadily
Madrasahs evolved in their curriculum and orga- increased with each passing decade [5]. Despite
nization over the centuries, and regional differ- their rising numbers, madrasahs face competition
ences had a strong impact on these institutions. from secular educational institutions – both pri-
However, arguably the deepest impact on vate and government run. Graduates from these
madrasahs occurred as a result of colonization. secular educational institutions often have more
The history of madāris in colonial India illustrates lucrative job opportunities than madrasah gradu-
this point perfectly, as detailed below. ates. However, madrasahs continue to bloom, in
part because they provide free food and housing to
their students (which most secular educational
The Colonial Impact and Madrasahs institutions do not) ([4], p. 73). Additionally,
Today according to ethnographic studies many contem-
porary Pakistani madrasah students cite religious
In attempting to defend Islam against the colonial motivations as the primary factor responsible for
Western cultural onslaught, Muslim reformers in their enrollment in madrasahs, with job prospects
the Indian subcontinent invested heavily in edu- upon graduation being a secondary consideration.
M
cation. Despite attempting to preserve Islam and As long as such religious sentiments continue to
fight off Western formulations, these Muslim thrive, madrasah enrollment will continue to see
reformers inadvertently brought about changes healthy numbers.
in the organization and syllabi of madrasahs ([6],
p. 61). Indian Muslim reformers accepted the new
Western distinction of secular versus religious, Cross-References
which had no precedent in the earlier madrasah
educational system. They implemented these ▶ Calcutta Madrasah
understandings in their educational projects, mim- ▶ Dars-i-Niẓāmiya
icking Western educational systems; subse-
quently, education at madrasahs became
a systematic process where curricula were set, References
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system of degrees and awards established. This 1. Berkey JP (2003) The formation of Islam: religion and
entire system differed starkly from the ijāza sys- society in the Near East, 600–1800. Cambridge Univer-
sity Press, New York
tem described earlier, where it was the teacher and
2. Hefner RW, Zaman MQ (eds) (2007) Schooling Islam:
not the institution that awarded degrees and the culture and politics of modern Muslim education.
licenses. Similarly, even understandings regard- Princeton University Press, Princeton
ing what constitutes a madrasah have undergone 3. al-Makdisi G (1981) The rise of the colleges institutions
of learning in Islam and the West. Edinburgh University
significant changes in the modern period. As Press, Edinburgh
discussed, at many instances during the earlier 4. Malik J (2008) Madrasas in South Asia: teaching terror?
centuries of Islam, it was sometimes difficult to Routledge, London
456 Madrasatul Uloom Musalmanan-e-Hind

5. Sakurai K, Adelkhah F (2011) The moral economy of Definition

the madrasa: Islam and education today. Routledge,
Abingdon
6. Sikand Y (2005) Bastions of the believers: madrasas First Muslim to serve as a High Court judge
and Islamic education in India. Penguin Books India, (1887–1893) in colonial India; he contributed sig-
New Delhi nificantly to developing Anglo-Mohammedan
law, promoted educational opportunities for Mus-
lims, and influenced legislation through advocacy
and scrutiny of proposed laws.

Madrasatul Uloom
Musalmanan-e-Hind
Education and Career
▶ Aligarh Muslim University
Second son of Muslim modernist thinker Sir Say-
yid Aḥmad Khān, Mahmood (born May 24 1850)
continued his father’s cooperation with the colo-
nial regime as the best strategy to advance the
Mahatma Gandhi and Islam welfare of Indian Muslims. Like his father, he
rejected subordination, dealing with the British
▶ Gandhi, Mahatma, and Muslims as an equal. He attended Government College,
Delhi and Queens, Varanasi before enrolling at
Lincoln’s Inn, London on a colonial scholarship.
He was called to the bar in 1872. After two years
at Cambridge improving his Arabic and Farsi, he
Mahfil returned to India. He was immediately involved in
setting up the Anglo-Mohammedan Oriental Col-
▶ Samā‘ lege, Aligarh (MAO, later AMU), founded by his
father. Mahmood’s Cambridge friend Theodore
Beck became 2nd Principal. Although his father
wanted him to help publish periodicals, he
decided to practice law. He was an attorney in
Mahfil-i-Samā‘ Allahabad, then District and Sessions Judge in
Oudh. In 1887, having acted pro tem, he became
▶ Samā‘ a full member of the Allahabad bench, the first
Muslim Puisne Judge. Some opposed his appoint-
ment; he was too young, inexperienced, and might
discriminate against Hindus. Confidentially, some
reported his drinking problem.
Mahmood, Justice Syed

Clinton Bennett Contribution as Justice

Department of Philosophy, State University of
New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA He often dissented from colleagues, writing long
opinions. They sometimes ran to 50 pages, citing
self-translated sources to support points of Mus-
Synonyms lim law. This irritated some British judges, who
were suspicious of his interpretations [1]. How-
Syed Mahmud ever, as part of the written record, his translations
Mahmood, Justice Syed 457

became available for others. About 300 of his Christian. In 1892–1893 Mahmood sat on the
opinions were published in Indian Law reports, government’s Education Commission. He died
a prodigious achievement [2]. Major contribu- May 8, 1903. His son, Sir Ross Masood, was
tions include his view that disputes in mosques AMU Vice-Chancellor from 1930 to 1933.
were matters of civil, not criminal, law, which
gained acceptance and his defense of ahl-al-
ḥadī th as bone fide Muslims even though they
Legacy
did not follow a recognized law school. Believing
in ijtihād, he did not question Britain’s right to
Guenther provides a detailed discussion of
develop Islamic Law but wanted to preserve its
Mahmood’s legacy. India’s 11th Chief Justice
Islamic character. Statutes, he contended, would
and 6th Vice-President, M. Hidayatullah,
deal better with India’s context than English case
described him as one of India’s “six greatest
law. Through letters and scrutiny of proposed
judges of all time” for the quality of his work.
Acts, he influenced the legislative process. In
His dissenting, said Hidayutullah, asserted
1896–1898, he sat on the provincial Legislative
independence – he did not automatically concur
Council. Though he had no more training in
with British opinions [7]. See Mahmood for
Hindu and Muslim law than his British peers, he
published papers [8].
took particular interest in both. He also agitated
for equal pay and conditions for Indian civil ser-
vants. He was very concerned with defendants’
rights, arguing that they should be present during Cross-References
appeals. This annoyed Chief Justice Sir John Edge
(1841–1926), who stopped assigning him crimi- ▶ Aligarh Muslim University
nal cases. He also criticized the use of forced ▶ Anglo-Mohammedan Law
confessions. Disagreement with Edge, who ▶ Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān M
thought his habit of dissenting (and of taking
a long time to write opinions) obstructive and
accused him of dereliction of duty due to insobri- References
ety, resulted in Mahmood’s resignation in 1894
1. Emon AM (2006) Conceiving Islamic Law in a Pluralist
[3]. Denying all charges, he contemplated suing
Society: history, politics and multicultural jurispru-
Edge for defamation. His father defended him in dence. Singapore J Legal Stud 331–355
the press, saying that Indians in the colonial ser- 2. Guenther AM (2009) A colonial court defines a
vice were robbed of self-respect; he had never Muslim. In: Metcalf BD (ed) Islam in South Asia in
practice. Princeton University Press, Princeton,
wanted Mahmood to become a judge anyway
pp 293–304
[4]. However, their relationship suffered. 3. Rashid SK (1973) Justice Mahmood’s resignation:
mystery unveiled. Aligarh Law J Mahmood
Number:266–300
4. Aḥmad K̲ h̲ān̲ S, Ansari AA (2001) Sir Syed Ahmad
As Educator Khan: a centenary tribute. Adam Publishers & Distrib-
utors, Delhi
In addition to helping set-up MAO, Mahmood 5. Mahmood S (1895) A history of English education in
had honorary status at Calcutta and Allahabad India. Its rise, development, progress, present condition
and prospects, being a narrative of the various phases of
law faculties and supported the Mohammedan educational policy and measures adopted under the
Education Conference through speeches and writ- British rule from its beginning to the present period,
ing [5]. Unfortunately, his association with MAO, (1781 to 1893). M.A.O. College, Aligarh
where he taught English after 1894, ended in 1900 6. Guenther AM (2004) Syed Mahmood and the transfor-
mation of Muslim law in British India. PhD thesis,
when he was asked to resign as a Trustee after
McGill University. Electronically available at http://
differences with Faculty over the direction the digitool.library.mcgill.ca/webclient/DeliveryManager?
College was taking, which he thought too pid=85165&custom_att_2=direct
458 Mahmūd Ghaznavī
˙

7. Hidayutullah M (1972) Judge’s miscellany. N. M. Tri- of the Samanid dynasty the following year, how-
pathi, Bombay ever, provided Maḥmūd with an opportunity to
8. Mahmood S, Husain I (2005) Justice Syed Mahmood
papers. Sir Syed Academy, Aligarh Muslim University, claim Khurāsān, which he held for the remainder
Aligarh of his rule.

Campaigns in the Subcontinent

Mahmūd Ghaznavī
˙ Maḥmūd’s military campaigns reflect the chal-
lenges he faced on the western and eastern borders.
Michael Bednar He successfully retained Khurāsān in the west in
Columbia, MO, USA
spite of a series of attacks and rebellions from the
remnants of the Samanid rule, the Seljüks, and the
nascent Khwārazms. In the east, Maḥmūd contin-
Definition ued the policy of the Ghaznavid predecessors by
defeating a series of Hindū Shāhī rulers in 392/
Maḥmūd Ghaznavī (r. 388–421/998–1030) trans- 1001, 396–399/1006–1009, 404/1014 [5, 10, 17].
formed the Ghaznavid dynasty into a regional
He annexed the Hindū Shāhī lands in 404/1014,
power and became famous for a series of military although the last Hindū Shāhī king and prince
campaigns into northern India, for his refusal to successfully evaded capture. This victory opened
reward the Persian poet Firdawsī, and for his
the northern Indian subcontinent to Ghaznavid
expression of love toward a slave named Ayāz. campaigns. Maḥmūd’s later major campaigns
included Thānesvar (405/1014), Kashmir (406/
1015–1016), Kanauj (409/1018, 410/1019), Kash-
Background mir (412/1021), Gwalior (413/1022–1023), and
Somnāth (416/1026) [10]. Secretaries and poets
Maḥmūd Ghaznavī (r. 388–421/998–1030), born within the Ghaznavid court praised Maḥmūd’s vic-
Abuʾl Qāsim Maḥmūd during the night of 10 tory at Somnāth, in which he destroyed the temple’s
Muḥarram 361/1 November 971 [5, 10], trans- liṅga, as his greatest victory.
formed the Ghaznavid dynasty into a regional Maḥmūd’s objective in these campaigns
power and became famous for a series of military remains unclear. He clearly sought to vanquish
campaigns into northern India, for his refusal to the Hindū Shāhī dynasty and to annex their terri-
reward the Persian poet Firdawsī, and for his tories. However, his campaigns across the north-
expression of love toward a slave named Ayāz. ern subcontinent, particularly at Thānesvar,
The town of Ghazna, located near Kabul in Kanauj, and Somnāth, lack any attempt to estab-
Afghanistan, fell under control of the Central lish a Ghaznavid presence. Some scholars com-
Asian Samanid dynasty during the tenth century. pare Maḥmūd’s campaigns in the northern
All of the early Ghaznavids governed semi- subcontinent with campaigns conducted by the
autonomously under the name and authority of contemporary Cōḻa dynasty in the southern sub-
the Samanid king. Maḥmūd governed Samanid continent [3, 8]. Maḥmūd probably targeted the
territory and commanded a small army in wealth of royal centers (Kanauj) and royally spon-
Khurāsān by 384/994, when his father designated sored temples (Thānesvar, Somnāth) in order to
another son, Ismāʿīl, as his successor before dying fund his western defenses and to increase his own
in 387/997 [5, 10]. Refusing to recognize his prestige as well as Ghazna. He followed
brother’s rule, Maḥmūd led his Samanid troops a medieval precedent of attacking royal cities
to Ghazna, captured his brother, and claimed the and royally sponsored temples, but unlike most
Ghazna throne for himself. This action cost Hindu rulers who looted ancillary images,
Maḥmūd his position in Khurāsān. The collapse Maḥmūd destroyed most of the main images at
Mahmūd Ghaznavī 459
˙

Hindu temples [6, 7, 9]. Arabic and Persian poets the Birds) written around 583/1187 [4, 12].
praised Maḥmūd’s campaigns for both the amount When Maḥmūd moves to break the Somnāth
of treasure he obtained as well as his destruction image, the Hindu Brahmins offer him an immense
of what they considered idolatrous imagery. sum of money. Maḥmūd responds with his now
A final victory at Somnāth quickly entered Arabic infamous reply that he would prefer to be known
and Persian literature. Farrukhī (d. 429/ as the “breaker of idols” rather than the “seller of
1037–1038), a court poet, identified Somnāth idols.” He smashes “the belly” of the image (some
(Persian SMNĀT) with Manāt (MNĀT), one of later accounts change this to the nose). A treasure
only three images that escaped the Prophet of gems and jewels far beyond what he was
Muḥammad’s cleansing of the Kaʿba [6, 16]. The offered pour forth. ʿAttār introduced an anthropo-
Arabic polymath, al-Bīrūnī (d. after 442/1050), morphic Somnāth in his tale, which appears in
identified the Somnāth temple as the site of later Persian literature such as the Bustān (Gar-
Hindu metempsychosis [1]. These tales and others den) of Saʿdī (d. ca. 691/1292) [6, 11, 13]. Numer-
like them elevated Maḥmūd’s physical victory at ous Persian authors continued to relate and
Somnāth into a spiritual conquest over Hinduism. develop various tales surrounding Maḥmūd.

Mahmūd and Firdawsī Mahmūd and Ayāz

˙ ˙
Maḥmūd occupies a complex and contradictory One of the more popular tales, whether factual or
place in Persian literature. He became a patron to fictional, concerns the love between Maḥmūd and
some of the greatest Arabic and Persian authors of his slave Ayāz. This tale commonly appears in love
the time, yet he became infamous for failing to poetry (ghazal) that describes physical love and/or
support Firdawsī’s Shāhnāma. Firdawsī (d. 410/ spiritual love. ʿAttār relates a story about how the
1020 or 416/1025), often credited as the father of mythical Humā bird, whose shadow has the power
M
Persian literature, began composing his to convey kingship, flies over Maḥmūd and his
Shāhnāma (Book of Kings) on the history of pre- contingent of slaves and soldiers [12, 14]. All of
Islamic rule under Samanid patronage. When the the soldiers rush toward the Humā’s shadow except
Samanid dynasty collapsed, Firdawsī turned his for Ayāz. When asked why he did not rush after the
attention to Maḥmūd. Firdawsī unsuccessfully Humā’s shadow, Ayāz replies that he is content in
sought Maḥmūd’s patronage on at least three the shadow of Maḥmūd. Ayāz and Maḥmūd repre-
occasions [15]. A popular story relates that sent the relationship between slave and master,
Maḥmūd eventually recognized Firdawsī’s lover and beloved, and human and divine. Tropes
achievement and set out to personally reward the of the lover and beloved generally remained fixed;
poet. As Maḥmūd entered the gate of Firdawsī’s however, Maḥmūd and Ayāz often interchange
hometown, mourners exited the gate carrying roles with Maḥmūd acting as lover and Ayāz the
Firdawsī’s corpse. The apocryphal story circu- beloved [12, 14]. The love between Ayāz and
lated widely a century after Maḥmūd’s death and Maḥmūd is frequently mentioned in Persian and
remains popular to this day. Urdu poetry through the modern period.
Maḥmūd quickly entered Persian literature
through a number of fanciful tales and legends.
Numerous stories about Maḥmūd appear in Conclusion
Nizām al-Mulk’s Siyāsatnāma (Book of Govern-
ment) finished around 484/1091 and ʿArūzī’s Maḥmūd remains an enigmatic figure in South
Chahār Maqāla (Four Discourses) written in Asian history and literature. Historians view his
550–52/1155–1157 [2, 11]. Farīd ud-Dīn ʿAttār campaigns against the Hindu kings and temples at
included legends about Maḥmūd’s victory at the start of the first millennium as the beginning of
Somnāth in the Manṭiq ut-Ṭayr (Conference of Muslim rule in the subcontinent. Persian poets,
460 Malabar Jews

particularly during the Delhi Sultanate, simulta-

neously invoke Maḥmūd as an exemplary Muslim Malabar Jews
ruler and as a warning on proper patronage. Per-
sian literature, especially Ṣūfī-inspired poetry, ▶ Jews of Kerala
offers a third view of Maḥmūd as both lover and
beloved.

Malāmātīs
Cross-References
Janis Esots
▶ Al-Biruni The Institute of Ismaili Studies, London, UK
▶ ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Khaljī

Synonyms
References
Ahl al-malāmat
1. Al-Bīrūnī (1910) Alberuni’s India (trans: Sachau EC).
Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner, London
2. ʿArūzī (1921) Chahār Maqāla (“Four Discourses”) of
Niẓámí-i Aruḍí of Samarqand (ed: Browne E). Luzac, Definition
London
3. Asher C, Talbot C (2006) India before Europe. Cam- Malāmatīs are “those who invite reproach” by
bridge University Press, Cambridge
4. ʿAttār (1984) Conference of the Birds (trans: Darbandi
apparently violating the religious law and trans-
A, Davis D). Penguin Books, London gressing ethical norms; in its wider sense, the term
5. Bosworth CE (1963) The Ghaznavids: their empire in designates all representatives of this tendency in
Afghanistan and Eastern India 994–1040. Edinburgh Islamic asceticism and Ṣūfīsm; in the narrower
University Press, Edinburgh
sense, it applies to a group of Khurāsānian
6. Davis R (1997) Lives of Indian images. Princeton
University Press, Princeton ascetics that flourished in Nīshāpūr in the third
7. Eaton R (2000) Temple desecration and Indo-Muslim and fourth/ninth and tenth centuries.
states. J Islam Stud 11(3):283–319
8. Keay J (2001) India: a history. Grove Press, New York
9. Morgan D (1988) Medieval Persia 1040–1797.
Longman, London/New York Historical Background
10. Nāzim M (1931) Life and times of Sultan Maḥmūd of
Ghazna. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge The latter group is associated with a specific
11. Nizām al-Mulk (1978) Book of government or rules
Khurāsānian form of spirituality, which probably
for kings (trans: Darke H). Routledge & Kegan Paul,
London appeared as a reaction to the teachings and prac-
12. Ritter H (2003) The ocean of the soul: men, the world tice of another renunciative movement active in
and god in the stories of Farīd al-Dīn ʿAttār (trans: the region, the Karrāmiyya, whose representatives
John O’Kane). Brill, Leiden
were known for their effusive devotion and ascet-
13. Saʿdī (1974) Morals pointed and tales adorned: the
Būstān of Saʿdī (trans: Wickens GM). University of icism [2]. The method of the Khurāsānian
Toronto, Toronto Malāmatiyya rests on a thorough interiorisation
14. Schimmel A (1992) A two-colored brocade: the imag- of religion. They declared public appearances to
ery of Persian poetry. University of North Carolina
be void of importance, and disapproved of the
Press, Chapel Hill
15. Shahbazi A (1991) Ferdowsī: a critical biography. sessions of audition (samāʿ) and of audible invo-
Harvard University Center for Middle Eastern Studies, cation (dhikr jalī ) (of God’s name) ([20], p.
Harvard 495ff). The two founding figures of this move-
16. Thapar R (2004) Somanatha: the many voices of his-
ment were Abū Ḥafṣ al-Ḥaddād (d. between 264/
tory. Penguin Viking, New Delhi
17. Wink A (1990) Al-Hind: the making of the Indo- 877–878 and 270/883–884) and Abū Ṣāliḥ
Islamic world, vol 1. E.J. Brill, Leiden Ḥamdūn al-Qaṣṣār (d. 271/884–885) (the student
Malāmātīs 461

of Abū al-Ḥasan Sālim al-Bārūsī) [3]. According perhaps through the efforts of Abū ʿAlī al-Thaqafī
to al-Sulamī ([16], p. 101), al-Ḥaddād incited his (d. 328/939-940) ([9], p. 240). Some scholars
disciples to do good works and devote themselves believe that the craft guilds with their teaching on
to ascetical practices, while al-Qaṣṣār depreciated spiritual chivalry (futuwwa or jawānmardī ) can be
the works and merits of his disciples, constantly viewed as the heirs of the Malāmātīs ([3]; [2], p.
referring to their faults and imperfections ([20], 59). Reflecting on the Malāmatī tenets, the later
pp. 393–395). Abū ʿUthmān al-Hīrī (d. 298/910), Ṣūfī masters (e.g., al-Suhrawardī) pointed out that
the disciple of al-Ḥaddād, appears to have synthe- the preoccupation with the reproach of the nafs
sized both methods, urging novices to perform barred them from progress beyond the station of
praiseworthy actions, but constantly referring to sincerity of devotion (ikhlāṣ) ([14], p. 154).
the tiniest faults present in the works of his
advanced students ([9], p. 240; [19]).
Alleged Heirs in India and Elsewhere

The Key Tenets Later, different Ṣūfī groups in various parts of the
Muslim world described themselves as Malāmātīs
Apparently, al-Hīrī’s teachings, transmitted (e.g., in the Ottoman Empire, the name was
orally, later became the main source for al- attached to a branch of the Bayrāmiyya [6]). In
Sulamī’s (d. 412/1021) Risālat al-malāmatiyya, the Indian subcontinent, several groups of the so-
the only surviving systematic exposition of the called lawless (bi sharʿ) Ṣūfīs, in particular
tenets of the Khurāsānian Malāmatis ([19]; [16], Jalāliyya, Laʿl Shahbāziyya, and Suhājiyya off-
p. 103; [9], p. 239). The treatise lists forty-five shoots of the Suhrawardī order, used to call them-
principles of Malāmatī teaching, the most impor- selves Malāmātīs. Actually, they should perhaps
tant of which appear to be the following ones: best be described as antinomian Ṣūfīs ([5]; [13],
(1) public worship equals the attribution of com- pp. 247–249; 318).
M
panions to God (shirk); (2) the display of
a spiritual state (ḥāl) is an apostasy (irtidād);
(3) permanent suspicion of one’s [lower] self Cross-References
(soul), commanding to do evil (al-nafs al-ammāra
bi al-suʾ); (4) a man must struggle against finding ▶ Faqīr
satisfaction in doing good. To fight his nafs, ▶ Laʿl Shahbāz Qalandar (d. 665/1267 or 673/
a Malāmātī must follow several basic rules, 1274)
including the following: (1) not to say prayers ▶ Malang
(duʿāʾ) for those in distress; (2) not to dress differ- ▶ Qalandar
ently from others and/or not to isolate himself ▶ Suhrawardī Order
from the world; (3) to choose a despised profes- ▶ Taṣawwuf
sion; (4) to conceal his poverty. The required
struggle against the desire for the popular
approval may force the Malāmātī to show only References
his bad qualities, thus inviting reproach and mak-
ing himself an object of blame [3]. 1. Aziz A (1969) An intellectual history of Islam in India.
Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, in particular
pp 44–45
2. Chabbi J (1977) Remarques sur le développement
Absorption by the Mainstream Sūfism historique des mouvements ascétiques et mystiques
˙ au Khurasan. Stud Islamica 46:5–72, in particular
pp 32–34, 53–57
The Ṣūfīs of the School of Baghdad absorbed the
3. De Jong F, Algar H (1999) Malāmatiyya. In: Encyclo-
Khurāsānian Malāmatiyya somewhere in the late pedia of Islam, 2nd edn [CD-ROM edition]. Brill,
fourth – early fifth/tenth – eleventh century, Leiden
462 Malang

4. Deladrière R (1998) Les premiers Malāmatiyya: “les

Gardiens du Secret” (al-Umanāʾ). In: Clayer N et al Malang
(eds) Melamis-Bayramis: Études sur trois
mouvements mystiques musulmans. Éditions Isis,
Istanbul, pp 1–14 Janis Esots
5. Gaborieau M (1998) Le concept de mal^amat en Inde: The Institute of Ismaili Studies, London, UK
hétéropraxie et hiérarchie. In: Clayer N et al (eds)
Melamis-Bayramis: Études sur trois mouvements mys-
tiques musulmans. Éditions Isis, Istanbul, pp 37–49
6. Gölpinarli A (1992 [1931]) Melāmilik ve melāmeler. Synonyms
Gri Yayin, Istanbul
7. al-Hujwīrī AA (1926) Kashf al-maḥjūb (ed: Qalandar
Zhukovskiy VA). Gosudarstvennaya
akademicheskaya tipografiya, Leningrad
8. Ibn al-ʿArabī M (1876) al-Futūḥāt al-makkiyya. Būlāq,
Cairo, in particular vol 3, pp 44–46
9. Melchert C (2001) Sufis and competing movements in Definition
Nishapur. Iran 39:237–247. Available online at http://
www.jstor.org/stable/4300606 Malang is the word of an uncertain origin, which
10. Nicholson RA (1911) The “Kashf al-Maḥjūb”, the
denotes a wandering celibate mendicant or
oldest Persian treatise on Sufism by al-Hujwīrī.
GMS, London, in particular pp 19–74 a (semi-) permanent inhabitant of a shrine of
11. al-Qushayrī A (1974) al-Risāla al-qushayriyya (ed: a Ṣūfī saint, who, allegedly, has renounced the
ʿAbd al-Ḥalīm Maḥmūd). Dār al-kutub al-ḥadītha, world and views himself as God’s fiancée or the
Cairo, in particular vol 1, pp 118–119, 129–131
bride of a dead saint.
12. Schimmel A (1975) Mystical dimensions of Islam.
The University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill,
in particular pp 86–88
13. Subhan JA (1938) Sufism and its saints: an introduc-
tion to the study of sufism with special reference to Malangs in the Early Sources
India. Hazratoulia Publishers, Lucknow, in particular
pp 247–249, 318 One of the earliest references to Malang is found
14. Suhrawardī AHʿU (1993) ʿAwārif al-maʿārif (ed:
Mahmoud AH et al). Dār al-maʿārif, Cairo, in particu- in the Dabistān-i madhāhib, dating back to the
lar pp 83–89 and 154–159 seventeenth century, which explicitly mentions
15. al-Sulamī A (1991) La Lucidite implacable: Epitre des two groups of Malangs, Jalālīs (the followers of
hommes du Blame (trans: Deladrière R). Arléa, Paris the Suhrawardī shaykh Jalāl al-Dīn Bukhārī
16. al-Sulamī A (1945) Risālat al-malāmatiyya. In: Abū
al-ʿAlāʾ ʿAfīfī (ed) al-Malāmatiyya wa al-taṣawwuf (707–785/1308–1384)) and Madārīs (the fol-
wa-ahl al-futuwwa. Al-jamʿiyya al-falsafiyya al-miṣ- lowers of Juman (Jaman) Jātī, a disciple of
riyya, Cairo, pp 71–120 Badīʿ al-Dīn (Zinda Shāh Madār, ca. 715–838/
17. al-Sulamī A (1960) Ṭabaqāt al-ṣūfiyya (ed: Pedersen 1315–1434)) ([8], pp. 192–193; cf. [5], p. 165).
J). Brill, Leiden
18. Sviri S (1999) Hakîm Tirmidhî and the Mal^amatî Remarkably but unconvincingly, these and other
Movement in Early Sufism. In: Lewisohn L (ed) The groups of the Malangs are depicted there as the
heritage of sufism, vol 1, 2nd edn. Oneworld Publica- Hindus who share some of the Ṣūfī principles
tions, Oxford, pp 583–613 and beliefs ([8], p. 189) (meanwhile, the Madārīs
19. Thibon J-J (2012) Abū ʿUthmān al-Hīrī et la synthèse
de la spiritualité ḫurāsānienne. In: Gobillot G et al are described as Shīʿa and the Jalālīs as
(eds) Les maîtres soufis et leurs disciples des IIIe-Ve Sunnīs ([8], pp. 191–192)). Some of them
siècles de l’hégire (IXe–XIe): Enseignement, forma- allegedly assert that their community is sub-
tion et transmission. Presses de l’Ifpo, Damascus-Bei- divided into fourteen groups, which go back to
rut, pp 55–77. Available online at http://books.
openedition.org/ifpo/3070 Prophet Muḥammad, ʿAlī, Ḥusayn, and Ḥasan
20. Thibon J-J (2009) L’oeuvre d’Abū ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al- al-Baṣrī ([8], p. 189). The Malangs live in celi-
Sulamī (325/937–412/1021) et la formation du bacy, apparently imitating the Yogis and
soufisme. Presses de l’Ifpo, Damascus saṃnyāsins (Hindu religious ascetics). How-
21. Zysow A (2011) Karrāmiya. In: Yarshater E (ed) Ency-
clopedia Iranica 15(6):590–601. Available online at ever, unlike the latter, they kill cows and eat
http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/karramiya beef ([8], p. 193).
Malang 463

It seems that somewhere in the eighteenth and/ garments and ornaments associate him with
or nineteenth centuries, the term Malang came a particular saint and his shrine ([4], p. 175)
into wider use, partially substituting the term (e.g., the Malangs of the shrine of Laʿl Shahbāz
Qalandar. wear red garments; those of the shrine of Shāh
Madār, black ones).

Modern Malangs: Social and Religious

Role Hierarchy in the Community

The modern Malangs likewise claim that their Depending on their age, experience, and the status
brotherhood was founded by Jalāl al-Dīn Bukhārī of their shrine, the Malangs are divided into big and
and/or by Shāh Madār ([1], p. 194). They form small. The latter often (but not always) are current
a group with a well-defined world view ([4], or erstwhile disciples (chī las) of the former. The
p. 166), which is primarily structured by the regular hierarchical relationships in the Malang commu-
meetings of its members (rather than by the meet- nity reflect themselves in a peculiar etiquette and
ings with the elder (shaykh or pī r)) ([1], p. 196). ritual, which is strictly observed ([4], pp. 182–185).
The Malang’s actions, in particular his acts of
worship and devotion, are determined by the order
or instruction which he receives from God or Participation in the ‘Urs
a saint in a dream or in the state of intoxication.
For example, he is often told to take care of Many of the Malang’s activities pertain to the ʿurs
a neglected saint’s shrine or tomb. The Malang’s (the anniversary of the saint’s death, perceived by
service (khidmat) to God or a saint consists in his the Ṣūfīs as the latter’s marriage with God) cele-
fulfilling God’s or the saint’s wish ([1], p. 196), bration. In spite of its regularity, this activity is
and this direct communication with God or the interpreted in terms of obeying the saint’s detailed
M
saint structures his life ([4], p. 169). Since the orders (aḥkām, sing. ḥukm): at each step of the
Malang is concerned solely with his internal preparations, the Malang is guided by the com-
spiritual life, he pays little attention to the outward mands and instructions which he receives from
life and the religious law, which regulates the the saint in dreams and visions ([4], pp. 176–177).
latter ([1], p. 196). Remarkably, the Malangs During the ʿurs, Malangs perform an ecstatic
seem to believe that the essence of man’s outward dance (dhammāl) in the courtyard of the respec-
life consists in the satisfaction of his sexual tive shrine ([7], pp. 85–110), where they also feast
desires. Hence, by renouncing this outward and smoke hashish.
aspect, the Malang renounces his sexuality ([4], Nowadays, most Malangs associate them-
pp. 170–174; [1], p. 196). selves with Laʿl Shahbāz Qalandar, and Shāh
Madār, whose shrines are their major meeting
places (in particular during the ʿurs) ([4],
Appearance pp. 175–176; [1], p. 188).

Since, in the Malang’s opinion, preoccupation

with the outward life prevents a man from living Healing Powers
the true internal life, he defers all aspects of the
external life as far as possible: lives on the street, In popular opinion, some Malangs are believed to
instead of the house; does not cut his hair, dresses possess healing powers, which they allegedly
in women’s clothes, and wears feminine orna- often acquire owing to certain overwhelming psy-
ments (such as bead necklaces and bracelets), chic experiences, which makes them jalālī (here:
believing himself to be a God’s or saint’s fiancée the “witnesses” of the overwhelming manifesta-
([1], p. 197). The style and color of the Malang’s tion God’s greatness/majesty (jalāl); this
464 Manto

implication should also be taken into account

when encountering references to Jalālī Malangs) Manto
(Sidky, 294). Such Malangs are used in convers-
ing with the spirits. Many of them take powerful ▶ Saʿādat Ḥasan Maṅṫō
intoxicating drugs (in particular Datura metel)
(Sidky, 204).

Mas‘ūd b. Mahmūd
Cross-References ˙
▶ Mas‘ūd I
▶ Laʿl Shahbāz Qalandar (d. 665/1267 or 673/
1274)
▶ Malāmātīs
▶ Qalandar Mas‘ūd Ghaznavī
▶ Taṣawwuf
▶ Mas‘ūd I

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a brave and accomplished warrior, Mas‘ūd proved the Saljūq family soon swelled into Khurāsān; the
incapable of stemming the incursions of the steppe townspeople of Merv first surrendered in 1037
nomads into the settled lands of Iran. followed by Nīshāpūr in 1038. On May 23,
He was born in 997 or 998 and had already 1040, near Dandānqān in the Qara Qum Desert,
demonstrated his warfighting prowess in 1015 the Saljūqs inflicted a crushing defeat on the
during an expedition against the pagans of Ghūr exhausted and encumbered Ghaznavid army.
[13, 16]. Soon thereafter, Maḥmūd designated Mas‘ūd fled eastward and his authority on the
Mas‘ūd his heir (walī ‘ahd) and by 1020 had Iranian plateau was extinguished [3, 7, 17]. The
named him governor of Herat. Nonetheless, sultan gathered his treasury and made for India
Mas‘ūd’s relations with his despotic father were and its enormous wealth, but he was deposed by
often strained; at some unspecified point, Mas‘ūd his own commanders in December 1040 in favor
was confined to Multan, and Maḥmūd later named of his brother Muḥammad. Imprisoned in the for-
another son, Abū Aḥmad Muḥammad, his heir at tress of Gīrī, near Peshawar, Mas‘ūd was executed
Ghazna. At his father’s death in April 1030, on January 17, 1041 [8, 10]. His son Mawdūd
Mas‘ūd was consolidating Ghaznavid rule in (r. 1041–1048) avenged his father’s murder and
western Iran, recently conquered from the Shī‘ī managed to stabilize the Ghaznavid frontier at
Būyids of Ray and Jibāl and the Kākūyids of Bust in southern Afghanistan, but Khurāsān and
Iṣfahān and Hamadān [7, 12]. He quickly marched even Sīstān remained irretrievable [8, 9].
east and, having secured the ‘Abbāsid caliph al- Mas‘ūd was a pivotal figure in Ghaznavid his-
Qādir’s recognition while at Nīshāpūr, declared tory and the father of four future sultans. His reign
himself the sole ruler. Muḥammad was is well documented, being described in immense
imprisoned by his own troops, while Mas‘ūd detail in the surviving portions of Bayhaqī’s
secured the important cities of Herat, Balkh, and Mujalladāt, known as the Tārī kh-i Mas‘ūdī [6,
the capital of Ghazna [5, 7, 13]. 10, 15]; briefer notices are found in Ibn al-Athīr’s
Mas‘ūd’s early reign was consumed with al-Kāmil fī l-ta’rīkh [18], Gardīzī’s Zayn al-
M
repudiating the men of his father’s regime, akhbār [11, 15], and Ibn Bābā al-Qāshānī’s
the Maḥmūdiyān. The sultan imprisoned Kitāb ra’s māl al-nadī m [8]. Original material is
several senior commanders and attempted to also scattered in later authorities such as Jūzjānī
assassinate the Khwārazmshāh Altūntāsh; and Shabānkāra’ī [6]. Mas‘ūd’s coinage is an
most notoriously, he executed his father’s important supplement for questions of chronology
vizier (wazī r) Ḥasanak at Balkh [7, 13]. None- and titulature [2, 5, 14].
theless, Mas‘ūd continued his father’s policy
of raiding northern India [4]. A Muslim army,
under Aḥmad b. Ināltegīn, sacked Benares for Cross-References
the first time in 1033; in Haryāna the sultan
captured Sarsatī (described as near Kashmīr) in ▶ Bayhaqī, Abūl-Fażl
1033 and Hānsī in 1036–1037. A dangerous ▶ Ghaznavids
revolt by Aḥmad b. Ināltegīn seriously threat- ▶ Jūzjānī, Minhāj al-Dīn
ened the Ghaznavid position in the Punjab, but ▶ Maḥmūd Ghaznavī
it was suppressed by the Indian commander ▶ Multan (Islam and Muslims)
Tilak by 1035 [1, 10].
For several decades, incursions into Iran by
nomads from the Eurasian steppe had steadily References
increased; during Mas‘ūd’s reign, this infiltration
reached a tipping point. The bulwark of 1. Ahmad N (2000) A critical examination of Bayhaqi’s
narration of the Indian expeditions during the reign of
Khwārazm slipped from Ghaznavid control by
Masud of Ghazna. In: Ahmad N, Siddiqui IH (eds)
1034 owing to Mas‘ūd’s alienation of Altūntāsh’s Islamic heritage in South Asian subcontinent, 2:1–35.
sons. The Oghuz Türkmen under the leadership of Publication Scheme, Jaipur
466 Masjid

2. Amirsoleimani S (2002) Paper and metal: The irony

that ensues. The coinage of Mas‘ūd of Ghazna Masjid
(421–31/1030–40). Iran: J Br Inst Persian Stud
40:163–171
3. Barthold W (1977) Turkestan down to the Mongol ▶ Jamā‘at-Khānā
invasion, 4th edn. EJW Gibb Memorial Trust,
Cambridge
4. Bosworth (1962) The imperial policy of the early
Ghaznawids. Islam Stud: J Central Inst Islam Res Maudoodi
(Karachi) 1/3:49–82. Reprinted in: Bosworth CE
(1977) The medieval history of Iran, Afghanistan and
Central Asia. Variorum Reprints, London ▶ Mawdūdī
5. Bosworth CE (1962) The titulature of the early
Ghaznavids. Oriens 15:210–233. Reprinted in:
Bosworth CE (1977) The medieval history of Iran,
Afghanistan and Central Asia. Variorum Reprints, Maulana (or Mawlana)
London Maududi
6. Bosworth CE (1963) Early sources for the history of
the first four Ghaznavid sultans (977–1041). Islam
Q 7/1–2:3–22. Reprinted in: Bosworth CE ▶ Mawdūdī
(1977) The medieval history of Iran, Afghanistan and
Central Asia. Variorum Reprints, London
7. Bosworth CE (1963) The Ghaznavids: their empire in
Afghanistan and eastern Iran, 994–1040. Edinburgh Maulana Abul Kalam Azad
University Press, Edinburgh
8. Bosworth CE (1977) The later Ghaznavids: Splendour
and decay: the dynasty in Afghanistan and northern ▶ Abū’l Kalām Āzād
India 1040–1186. Edinburgh University Press,
Edinburgh
9. Bosworth CE (1994) The history of the Saffarids of
Sistan and the Maliks of Nimruz (247/861 to 949/ Maulana Azad
1542–3). Mazda, Costa Mesa
10. Bosworth CE (tr) (2011) The history of Beyhaqi. (The
history of Sultan Mas‘ud of Ghazna, 1030–1041), 3 ▶ Abū’l Kalām Āzād
vols (rev: Ashtiany M). Ilex Foundation, Boston
11. Bosworth CE (tr) (2011) The ornament of histories:
A history of the eastern Islamic lands AD 650–1041:
The original text of Abū Sa‘īd ‘Abd al-Ḥayy Gardīzī.
I.B. Tauris, London Maulana Fazlur Rahman
12. Durand-Guédy D (2010) Iranian elites and Turkish Ansari
rulers: a history of Iṣfahān in the Saljūq period.
Routledge, London Yasien Mohamed
13. Gelpke R (1957) Sulṭān Mas‘ūd I. von Ġazna: Die drei
ersten Jahre seiner Herrschaft (421/1030–424/1033). Department Foreign Languages, University of the
Mikrokopie G.m.b.H., Munich Western Cape, Bellville, South Africa
14. Giunta R, Bresc C (2004) Listes de la titulature des
Ghaznavides et des Ghurides à travers les documents
numismatiques et épigraphiques. Eurasian Stud
3(2):161–243 Synonyms
15. Meisami JS (1999) Persian historiography to the end
of the twelfth century. Edinburgh University Press, Fazlur Rahman, Ansari
Edinburgh
16. Nāẓim M (1931) The life and times of Sulṭān Maḥmūd
of Ghazna. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Definition
17. Peacock ACS (2010) Early Seljūq history: a new inter-
pretation. Routledge, London
18. Richards DS (tr) (2002) The annals of the Saljuq
Dr. Maulana Fazlur Rahman Ansari, a modern
Turks: selections from al-Kāmil fī ’l-ta’rī kh of ‘Izz Islamic philosopher from Pakistan, whose broad
al-Dīn Ibn al-Athīr. Routledge, London knowledge of the modern sciences together with
Maulana Fazlur Rahman Ansari 467

his Islamic learning, inspired Muslim minorities He was inspired by his mentor, Maulana Abdul
all over the world with his fresh faith and zeal. Aleem Siddique, who provided him with the spir-
itual guidance and the practical training he
required as a missionary. He founded the
Introduction Aleemiyah Institute of Islamic Studies in Karachi,
which became the main activity of the World
Dr. Maulana Fazlur Rahman Ansari was an out- Federation of Islamic Mission.
standing theologian and philosopher in the Among the graduates of the Aleemiyah Insti-
Islamic world. His diverse knowledge of the mod- tute are Maulana Imran Nazar Hosein, who also
ern sciences, together with his Islamic learning studied Philosophy at Karachi University and
and insight, enabled him to expound on Islam in International Relations in the West Indies; Shaykh
a manner that was inspiring to both the masses and Ali Mustapha, who devoted his life to Islamic
the intellectual élite alike. missionary activity in Surinam, Botswana, South
As a missionary, Maulana Ansari inspired Africa, Holland, New York, and New Jersey; Pro-
Muslim minorities throughout the world with fessor Abul Fadl Mohsin Ebrahim, who also
fresh faith and fervor. During his five world obtained his doctorate under the supervision of
tours as a missionary, he affiliated 40 organiza- Professor Ismail al-Faruqi at Temple University,
tions to the World Federation of Islamic Missions. Philadelphia, and who is currently an
The Muslim minorities in Latin America, Africa, Honorary Professor of Islamic Studies at the
South East Asia, and elsewhere were confronted University of Kwa-Zulu Natal. Maulana Ansari’s
by a hostile, non-Muslim majority, and their only last missionary tour was to the Seychelles with
defense was their sentimental attachment to Islam. Brother Mohsin Ebrahim. He subsequently
Thus, Ansari’s intellectual exposition of Islam passed away on 6th June 1974.
gave these bright young Muslims some hope that In relation to the different schools of Islamic
Islam, as a dynamic religion, could withstand the thought, such as Barelvis, the Deobandis, and the
M
challenges of the twentieth century. He knew that Ahl al-Hadith, Maulana Ansari had a broad out-
Muslim minorities could not respond to the chal- look. Though he had Barelvi schooling, he was
lenges of secular modernity unless their religious tolerant towards others schools of thought. In fact,
scholars were conversant with modern thought when he assumed the role of Head of the
and this is why he established the Aleemiyah Aleemiyah Institute, he publicly announced that
Institute of Islamic Studies in Karachi, where sub- he is neither a Barelvi nor a Deobandi, but simply
jects such as Philosophy and Psychology were a Muslim. He was not inclined towards indulging
also taught. in the theological polemics that would cause divi-
Maulana Ansari was born in Saharanpur, India, sion within the global Muslim community,
14th August 1914, corresponding to 14 Sha’ban whether it was in the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent,
1332 AH, and was a descendent of Abū Ayyūb al- in South Africa, or any other part of the world. He
Anṣārī, the companion of the Prophet (sas) from opposed condemning any specific Muslim group,
Medina. Maulana Ansari memorized the Qur’ān even though he may have disagreed with such
at the age of six and a half and is considered to be a group. He was known for his tolerance and
the best product out of Aligarh Muslim Univer- compassion towards all people and for his
sity. He wrote his first serious booklet, The Bea- patience regardless of the loss it caused him.
con Light of Islam, at the age of eighteen years, as
a rebuttal to a missionary’s attack on Islam. His
magnum opus is The Qur’anic Foundations and His Education
Structure of Muslim Society, in which he provides
a detailed and coherent presentation of the Islamic In 1921, at age six, the young boy memorized the
moral and spiritual quest. Here, morality is inex- Qur’ān at the Madrasah Islamiah Muzaffar in
tricably linked to spirituality. Nagar, Uttar Pradesh, India. In 1933, Maulana
468 Maulana Fazlur Rahman Ansari

Ansari enrolled for his BA degree at the Aligarh medicine. Subsequently, on 29th September
Muslim University and majored in English, Phi- 1966, he was registered as an authorized Practi-
losophy, and Arabic. Concurrently with his stud- tioner of Homeopathy.
ies at this institution, he completed the Dars-e- In 1970, he obtained his PhD under the super-
Nizami course under the tutorship of Maulana vision of Dr. M. M. Ahmed, Chairperson of the
Syed Sulayman Ashraf, Chairperson of the Department of Philosophy at the University of
Department of Theology. Here, he studied Islamic Karachi. His topic was The Islamic Moral code
Studies including the Qur’ān, Ḥadīth, Kalām (the- and its Metaphysical Background. One of the
ology), and Taṣawwūf (Islamic Spirituality). In external examiners commented that it is indeed
1937, Maulana Abdul Aleem Siddique sent a comprehensive account of the moral code pro-
Ansari on his first missionary errand to Singapore vided by the Qur’ān and that such an account has
and Malaysia. Here, he presented Islam with com- never been formulated by anyone in the history of
pelling eloquence and combatted the aggressive Muslim scholarship.
missionary activity of non-Muslims there at the
time. To this end, he edited the English Islamic
journal Genuine Islam and became the first direc- His Missionary Activity
tor of the Al-Malaya Muslim Missionary Society.
In 1939, he obtained a scholarship to Germany for In 1935, Maulana Abdul Aleem Siddique was
higher studies, but the Second World War put an disturbed by an article written by a Christian priest
end to his studies there. As a result, he completed located in Singapore. The article maligned Islam,
both his Bachelor of Islamic Theology and his and for this reason, Maulana Ansari felt com-
MA in India. He achieved a distinction for his pelled to respond. Maulana Siddique was
Master’s, and majored in Metaphysics, Ethics, extremely pleased with Maulana Ansari’s reply
Psychology, and classical Islamic Philosophy. to this attack on Islam, and following this incident,
After working for 5 years on his doctoral thesis a special bond of love developed between them. In
under the supervision of Dr. S. Z. Hasan of the 1936, this bond was further cemented when
Aligarh University, Dr. Hasan settled in Karachi Maulana Abdul Aleem gave his eldest daughter
and died soon after Pakistan was established in to Maulana Ansari in marriage.
1947. When Maulana Ansari migrated to Pakistan The following year, Maulana Siddique wrote
in November 1947, his library was looted at a letter stating that none of his sons, who were all
Amritsar, and his thesis was destroyed in the pro- still at school, were in a position to carry on with
cess. This was a loss of valuable research. Dr. his missionary work and that his one capable
Hasan remarked during its composition that student appeared to have forsaken him. On read-
Ansari has now been working with him on ing this letter, it is reported that tears flowed freely
a philosophic-religious theme for his doctorate from Maulana Ansari’s eyes, and he readily
and that he was expecting it to be a great disser- accepted to be a murid of Maulana Siddique and
tation. Dr. Sir Ziauddin, the celebrated mathema- was initiated into the Qadariyyah, Chistiyyah,
tician and Vice-Chancellor of Aligarh Muslim Naqshabandiyyah, Suhrawardiyah, and
University, said in 1945 that he can testify to the Shadhiliyyah Sufi orders. In Mecca, Maulana
character and attainments of Fazlur Rahman Siddique conveyed to Maulana Ansari the ijāzah
Ansari, who had made his mark as a scholar of (authority) in all spiritual matters, and Maulana
exceptional talent. Ansari continued to uphold the missionary work
From 1933 to 1947, Maulana remained in Ali- of his mentor. Thus, Maulana Ansari travelled the
garh, and as an undergraduate student, he read 500 world in the service of Islam. Most notable were
pages of literature a day in order to broaden his his historic visits to South Africa in August 1970
knowledge in all fields of study, including and to the Seychelles in December 1970.
Mawdūdī 469

At the age of 18, Maulana Ansari wrote The America, Asia, and Europe. His profound knowl-
Beacon Light (1932) as a reply to a vicious attack edge, combined with his distinguished and artic-
on Islam by a Christian priest in Hong Kong. ulate manner of expression, created a lasting
Many other works followed after this, but his impression on the minds of all those whose lives
most notable work is The Qur’anic Foundations he touched – whether they were educated or
and Structure of Muslim Society (1973), a two- uneducated, young or old, and Muslim or non-
volume work covering more than 900 pages. Six Muslim. His death was a great loss to Pakistan in
months after the launch of the book, Maulana particular and to the Muslim world as whole.
Ansari passed away.
Maulana Ansari’s impact was strongly felt in
South Africa. Many institutions were founded in Cross-References
his name, and numerous people were inspired by
him – both intellectually and spiritually. Those ▶ Islamic Philosophy in India
who have become his disciples have continued ▶ Nafs
with the Thursday night meditations which he
initiated.
Maulana Ansari visited South Africa in 1970
References
and again in 1972 to conduct a series of lectures at
several mosques and universities. In 1970, he 1. Ansari FR (2001) The Qur’anic Foundation and Struc-
lectured at three historically white universities ture of Muslim Society. Islamic Book Trust, Kuala
during the apartheid regime: the University of Lumpur
2. Choughley AK (2012) Fazlur Rahman Ansari: life and
Stellenbosch, the University of Natal, and the
thought. Ahsan Publications, Cape Town
University of Cape Town. His lectures made 3. Mohamed Y (ed) (2006) Islam to the modern mind. Iqra
a profound impression on South African Muslims Publishers, Paarl
and were edited by Yasien Mohamed in Islam to
M
the Modern Mind. This work has now been trans-
lated into Portuguese by Shaykh Abdul Rashid
Ismail of Mozambique, and the Aleemiyah Insti- Mawdūdī
tute is currently working on the Urdu version. His
lectures have also become a primary source of Clinton Bennett
reference for Abdul Kader Choughley’s Fazlur Department of Philosophy, State University of
Rahman Ansari: Life and Thought; probably the New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA
most substantial secondary source on the life and
thought of Maulana Ansari.
During his visit to Cape Town in 1970, the Synonyms
Qadiriyyah Circle was formed, and according to
Mr Latief Rawoot, the leader of the organization, Maudoodi; Maulana (or Mawlana) Maududi; Say
around 200 people vowed their allegiance to yid Abū’l-aʿlā Mawdūdī; Sheikh Maududi
Maulana Ansari at the home of Seyyid and sons.
To this day, the Qadiriyyah Circle continues with
its dhikr sessions on Thursday evenings. Rawoot Definition
remains active in the promotion of the vision and
mission of Maulana Ansari through the Ansari Mawdūdī was a major interpreter of Islam in the
Islamic Movement. twentieth century, who has been dubbed, with
Maulana Ansari’s five global tours took him Sayyid Quṭb (d. 1966), the father of Islamic fun-
to around forty different countries in Africa, damentalism; he founded Jamaati-i-Islami,
470 Mawdūdī

a religious-political organization in 1941, mem- went for medical treatment to Bhopal. Mawdūdī
bers of which have held cabinet posts in Pakistan initially stayed in Hyderabad and then transferred
and Bangladesh. to another non-traditional Madrasa in Bhopal. He
was only 16 when his father died. Inheriting little,
Mawdūdī’s formal education was incomplete
Early Life and Education when he realized that he needed employment to
survive.
Sayyid Abū’l-Aʿlā Mawdūdī (also spelled in
English Maududi and Maudoodi) was born on
September 25, 1903, at Aurangabad, in what Journalist Career, 1918–1928
was then the princely state of Hyderabad, the
largest Indian territory still under Muslim rule Already a competent writer, he decided to
although within the British empire. His family pursue a career in journalism. His first job was
traced their lineage to K̲ h̲wād̲ ja̲ Ḳuṭb al-Dīn for the Medina in Bijnore (U.P.). Then from 1919
Mawdūd Čis̲h̲tī (d. 1181–1182), founder of the he was an editor at the Al-Jamia in Delhi. Notably,
Ṣūfī order. Many of his ancestors were Chishtī from 1924 to 1927, he edited the publications of
shaykhs. His branch of the family settled in India Jam'iyyat al-'ulama-i Hind (JUH). In Delhi, he
during the fifteenth century. He was the youngest continued his education by studying with various
of five children. His father, Sayyid Aḥmad Ḥasan ‘ulamā’. These tended to be progressive; thus, his
(1855–1918), relocated from Delhi to Hyderabad education corresponded neither with what he
in 1896, during the British period, because Hyder- would have learned at a government College nor
abad remained under Muslim rule, although he at a traditional Madrassa. On the one hand, he
admired Sayyid Aḥmad Khān (1817–1898), who mastered Arabic. On the other hand, he also
supported the British, advocating a modernist learned English and entered what can be consid-
interpretation of Islam and a secular outlook. ered a pro-Western phase during which, over
Aḥmad Ḥasan was distantly related to Khān and a 5-year period, he read many works of European
attended the Mohammedan-Anglo Oriental philosophy, politics, science, and sociology and
College (MAO) (later Aligarh Muslim Univer- attempted to learn German. At this time, as had
sity) for a while, which Khān founded. He was his father, he leaned toward Sayyid Aḥmed Khān’s
also related to the ruler of Hyderabad and to the ideas. He was even attracted by Marxism. He
Mughals. His grandfather withdrew him from wanted to discover the secret of Europe’s success,
MAO, disapproving of Ḥasan wearing what he suspecting that had Muslims taken more notice of
considered non-Muslim attire and of him playing Europe’s science and learning, they might not have
cricket. Ḥasan, a devout Ṣūfī, qualified as ended up as second-class citizens of the world,
a lawyer. It seems that his Ṣūfī teacher influenced which could describe the colonial reality. At this
him away from anglophile tendencies, and he point, Mawdūdī wore suits and a tie, had
decided to educate his son at home in isolation a short beard, and defended his appearance when
from European culture, including use of English. some criticized him for looking too Western, in
However, at age 11 he sent Mawdūdī to the contrast to bearded, non-tie-wearing traditional
Aurangabad Madrasa, which actually taught ‘ulamā’. Later, he condemned wearing ties and
a curriculum synthesizing Islam and modernity beard-trimming as un-Islamic, along with listening
designed by Hamiduddin Farahi (d. 1930), to or playing music and going to the cinema, which
a MAO graduate. Farahi was renowned for what he had enjoyed during his pro-Western phase [2].
has been called experimentation, especially in Although he had supported the Khilāfat Move-
applying the Qur’ān to contemporary concerns. ment, as had Congress, while the JUH remained
From 1916, Mawdūdī attended Darul Uloom, firmly allied with the Indian National Congress,
Hyderabad, where Farahi was principal [1]. Mawdūdī began shifting toward an “Islam is the
Soon after he began at the Madrasa, his father answer” view that saw Western culture as corrosive
Mawdūdī 471

for Muslims and restoration of Muslim political just as Marxist revolutionaries justify violence
dominance, not Hindu-Muslim unity, as the because the aim is to achieve utopia for all [5].
priority. During 1925, anti-Muslim sentiment Like Marxists, he also used the term “ideology.”
among some sections of the Hindu community Islam is both an “ideology” and a “welfare pro-
in India became more strident, fueled by the gram.” His popular Risāla-yi dī niyyāt (1932),
assassination, by a Muslim, of an Arya Samaj translated into English as Towards understanding
missionary active in the Shuddhi movement to Islam (1940), reprinted multiple times offered
reconvert Muslims [3]. a seven-chapter systematic introduction to Sunni
Islam [6].

Private Scholar and Apologist, Political Debut

1928–1941 His next major work, Musalmān awr mawd̲ j̲ūda
siyāsī kas̲h̲makas̲h̲ (Muslims and the Current
After resigning from JUH, Mawdūdī returned to Political Struggle), published in three volumes
Hyderabad, where he mainly devoted himself to between 1937 and 1939, attracted a wider audi-
private scholarship and freelance writing. How- ence in the political arena as the struggle for
ever from 1933 he published his own monthly independence, and debate about the fate of Mus-
journal titled Tard̲ j̲umān al-Ḳurʾān. When he lims in a Hindu-majority India, intensified [7]. In
died, he had written 138 books of varying size. Vol. 3, he argued in favor of a federal system for
Many of his ideas are found, in embryonic form, independent India, which would give Muslim
in his al-D̲ j̲ihād fi’l-Islām (1930), which first majority states autonomy. He did not approve of
appeared in a series of articles. The English text, a solution that would place some Muslims in
Jihad in Islam, is an abstract of the Urdu original, a separate state from those who remained in
based on a lecture he gave in 1939. Responding to India; localized nationalism was incompatible
Hindu depictions of Islam as violent and blood- with Islam, since Muslims comprise a single
M
thirsty, he gives a detailed analysis of the role of ummah [8]. Politics was also the subject of Islām
jihād. On the one hand, he saw armed struggle as kā naẓariyya-yi siyāsī (1939), translated as Polit-
a last resort, while on the other he reprimanded ical theory of Islam (1964) [9]. However, when
some Muslims for being too apologetic about the the Muslim League, which for some time had
validity of this option. To restrict jihād to “waging publicized Mawdūdī’s writing, made creating
war with tongues and pen” was tantamount to Pakistan as an independent state for Muslims its
surrendering to the enemy. Muslims were wrong goal, he supported this. The League was delighted
to limit use of the sword to “the government,” by to be able to claim the endorsement of
which he meant the colonial rulers, while limiting a recognized scholar; most traditional ‘ulamā’
any resistance to “scratching pens” [4]. This sided with Congress, which wanted a single state
bantering, direct style is typical of Mawdūdī’s for all Indians. Yet Mawdūdī refused to join the
writing; he could be very blunt and even shock- League and quickly distanced himself from its
ing. Basic to his argument that armed jihād is an secular goals, criticizing Congress as a front for
option available to Muslims was his conviction Hindu domination and the League for compromis-
that Islam represents God’s ideal and will for all ing Islamic principles. His state would be Islamic,
humanity. Thus, bringing the whole world into the not secular. He denounced League leaders as
House of Islam is God’s intent, and Muslims shirk “pagans.” Famously, at this time, Mawdūdī devel-
this duty at their peril. Islam requires the whole oped the concept of a “new jāhilī ya” or period of
earth. If need be, acquiring the earth is to be ignorance that included so-called Muslims who
achieved by armed revolution. Here, Marxist were really no better than pagans for corrupting
influence has been identified; the aim of the pro- Islam with non-Islamic ideas and thinking. Mus-
posed revolution is to spread what he described as lims who looked outside Islam for answers were
“the programme of well-being for all humanity” pagan. Answers were to be found primarily in the
472 Mawdūdī

Qur’ān and ḥadī th or deduced from these languages [14]. He was customarily given the
according to their inherent principles. In his exten- title “Maulana” usually reserved for trained reli-
sive commentary on the Qur’ān, he gave very gious scholars.
little attention to the accumulated tradition of
exegesis; rather, he created an intra-Qur’ānic Move to Lahore
dialogue between verses, restricting extra Mawdūdī first met Sir Muḥammad Iqbāl in 1929
Qur’ānic discussion to the ḥadī th and other and admired his work even though their ideas
Salafī sources (the first three generations of were very different. In 1938, Iqbal invited
Muslims). His style resembles that of Ibn Kathīr Mawdūdī to head a new research institute in the
(d. 1337) and is similar to Sayyid Quṭb’s Punjab, tasked with revitalizing Muslim thought,
(d. 1966), whom Mawdūdī influenced. The aim an aim that the two men shared [15]. Both were
is to use the Qur’ān to solve modern problems influenced by Ṣūfī stress on the need to cultivate
[10]. Largely self-taught, Mawdūdī considered inner piety, but criticized Ṣūfīs for focusing on the
this advantageous; his mind was “unfettered” inner at the cost of the outer aspects of Islam. Both
by conventions [11]. wanted to create legitimate Islamic societies,
based on the Qur’ān. Both opposed secular
On Gender ideas. Iqbāl, however, thought that Islam’s highest
The dual audience, non-Muslims in the West and potential had yet to be achieved, while Mawdūdī
Muslims, which Mawdūdī addressed in much of saw early Islam as the ideal. Both men, though,
his writing, is easily identified in his Pardah believed in ijtihād (the possibility of deducing
(1939), translated as Purdah and the status of original interpretations to deal with new issues).
women in Islam, available in many editions. He This parted company from those for whom the
depicts the West as preoccupied with sex and with “gate of ijtihād” was shut. Mawdūdī saw himself
pornography passed off as “art,” claiming that as a mujtahid whose job was to elucidate the
French men have become genetically weak from Qur’ān’s true meaning and “lay the interpretive
debauchery. The West treats women as if they are and ideological groundwork for the Islamic revo-
men, ignoring biological difference. Islam lution” [16]. The move to the Punjab took place
respects women; the West abuses them. He said about a year after his marriage to Mahmuda
that polygyny is clearly permitted in the Qur’ān. Begum, who rode a bike, did not veil, and had
Instead of fornicating and paying for sex, Western attended a missionary school in Delhi. Within
men ought to be able, like Muslims, to marry up to a year or so of moving to Lahore, Mawdūdī left
four wives, which would make society healthier. the institute to establish his own religious-political
There would be less venereal disease. Muslim organization, intended to challenge the League as
women can be educated in appropriate fields. Muslims’ authentic voice and to ensure that Paki-
They can work, but only in designated areas. stan would be an Islamic state, not a “nation state”
They should not exercise authority over men due for Muslims.
to psychological and biological unsuitability to
deal with crises at certain times of the month. By
nature, women are designed to have and raise Amir of Jamaati-i-Islami, 1941–1972
children, men to provide and protect [12]. Before
marriage, his wife rode a bicycle and did not veil. That organization was Jamaati-i-Islam (commu-
However, in 1965, when Fatima Jinnah stood for nity of Islam) (JI), designed as a model of the ideal
Pakistan’s presidency, Mawdūdī supported her, Islamic state, of which it was to form the van-
arguing that women can lead in extraordinary guard. It was partly based on Ṣūfī orders, partly on
circumstances and that she was the best candidate the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood. Because
[13]. Some ‘ulamā’ scorned his writing, because Jamaati and the MB both draw on Ṣūfī organiza-
he was not formally qualified. However, much is tion and begin with the need for inner renewal,
still in print, with multiple editions in a dozen they have been described as “neo-sufi” despite
Mawdūdī 473

their antipathy toward Ṣūfīsm. Fazlur Rahman since as minorities, they lacked the numbers
(1919–1988) coined this term around about needed to compromise the state’s Islamic princi-
1966, according to Kugle [17]. JI has three levels ples. They could also occupy “general adminis-
of membership, from “sympathizers” through trative posts” as long as they did not attempt to
“affiliates” to the governing elite. Mawdūdī was influence policy [20]. While his writing leaves
Amīr, equivalent to a head of state. It began with open the possibility of armed struggle, Mawdūdī’s
about 300 members. The Amīr is elected by organization has taken the long view. It aims to
a Council of Representatives, which also elects transform individuals, who can then change soci-
an Advisory Council and a Secretary-General. ety. After each Muslim majority society estab-
Zonal or regional chapters have the same struc- lishes an Islamic state, a world Islam state would
ture. In addition, professions are organized into follow [21].
“unions” of, for example, doctors, lawyers, Until his voluntary retirement in 1972,
teachers, and farmers. After Pakistan’s creation, Mawdūdī continued to lead JI. He often clashed
the immediate priority was to campaign for an with the government, which in his view did not
Islamic Constitution, which occupied Mawdūdī move quickly enough to implement Islamization.
until 1956, when the first Constitution promised He and other JI leaders were imprisoned in
to reconstruct “Muslim society on a truly Islamic 1948–1950, charged with sedition. JI was more
basis and revising all existing laws in the light of or less shut down; some members were expelled
the Qurʾan and Sunna” which he found satisfac- from the civil service. In 1953, he was again
tory. A year earlier, he published The Islamic Law imprisoned, sentenced to death for anti-
and Constitution, which responded to those who Ahmadiyya activities. He saw them as non-Mus-
claimed that there was no unanimity among Mus- lims. He was released in 1955, when the sentence
lims on constitutional matters; thus, it was utopian was at first commuted, then canceled. He was in
to speak about setting up an Islamic State. He jail again during 1964, when Ayub Khan
expanded on 22 Articles agreed at a convention (1907–1974) proscribed JI. He had opposed
M
held in Karachi, January 1951. Unlike some Khan’s progressive 1961 Family Ordinance.
Salafists, for whom democracy and Islam Mawdūdī was vehemently against the possibility
are incompatible, Mawdūdī argued for what has of East Pakistan’s independence, instructing all JI
been called “Islamic democracy” or, to use his members to resist this. In Bangladesh, JI members
term, “theo-democracy” that is not identical to sided with the West Pakistan forces and occupied
Western democracy, but involves elections. He ministries during the war of liberation. Up until
disliked self-nomination, arguing that this attracts health made travel difficult for him, Mawdūdī was
self-interested candidates, favoring the nomina- a regular visitor to Saudi Arabia, where he was
tion of candidates by professional associations. involved in the Muslim World League (as
They must be pious Muslims. Once elected, their a founding member) and in setting up the Islamic
task is to interpret God’s law, not to legislate or to University at Medina, serving on the Advisory
make law, which is a divine prerogative. Western Council. He lectured in Egypt, Jordan, Syria, the
states vest sovereignty in the people. In Islam, USA, the UK, and elsewhere, visiting sites and
God is sovereign and the human race is his vice- places mentioned in the Qur’ān.
roy (caliphs) [18]. Mawdūdī changed his mind on
the rights of non-Muslims, discussed in Appendix Retirement
One (1955), which was also published as Mawdūdī continued to write. In 1976, he wrote
a pamphlet, [19] initially arguing that their elected Human Rights in Islam, arguing that Islam
representatives (to a separate council) could only emphasizes God’s Rights (ḥuqūmat-i ilāhiyyah)
speak on matters that specifically concerned their while the West elevates ḥaqq ādamī . Human
community. Later, he said that non-Muslims could rights in the West are a secular, humanist con-
serve on the national Consultative Assembly struct. Islam guaranteed human rights before this
(which JI’s Representative Council anticipated), concept had even developed in the West, which
474 Mawdūdī

now uses it as a weapon to criticize Muslims. It and later as a Senator (2003–2012), and founded
would be un-Islamic to extend to women the same the Islamic Foundation in Leicester, England, in
rights as men [22]. In 1977, he supported the 1973, which now also runs a fully accredited
move to depose Z. A. Bhutto and welcomed Zia- college. He has done much to disseminate
ul-Haq’s rise to power because he had pledged to Mawdūdī’s thought, especially developing his
Islamize Pakistan. In the early years of Zia’s rule, ideas on economics. See Ahmad and Ansari
JI members were given cabinet-level posts. In (1979) for a bibliography of all of Mawdūdī’s
Pakistan and Bangladesh, JI supported pro- work [26]. Ahmad and others associated with JI
democracy movements; in the former, it withdrew have actively participated in Christian-Muslim dia-
support from Zia-ul-Haq when he failed to deliver logue, which may be a departure from its founder’s
repeatedly promised elections. view. A common criticism is that Mawdūdī over-
Falling ill with a kidney condition, Mawdūdī politicized Islam, producing an “ideology” that
traveled to Buffalo, NY, for medical treatment in could be imposed as a totalitarian, static, and free-
April 1979. His second son worked as a physician dom-denying tradition. Yet in many respects, Islam
there. However, his health deteriorated and he as a fossilized tradition was what he challenged.
died on September 22. Mawdūdī was survived Mawdūdī also stressed the necessity of inner faith,
by nine children, six sons and three daughters, which may be obscured by an assessment such as
and by his wife. His body was returned to Lahore Bassam Tibi’s, for whom it would be charitable to
for burial. Like other Muslim teachers who dislike describe his views “as a ‘divine pattern’ of totali-
grave veneration, his is unmarked. tarianism” [27]. Among many treatments of
Mawdūdī, Maryam Jameelah (1973) has personal
reminiscence not found elsewhere; she lived with
Evaluation and Legacy his family in Lahore shortly after her conversion to
Islam [28]. Adams on Mawdūdī’s ideology is
Fazlur Rahman commented that though “by no a widely cited analysis [29].
means an accurate or a profound scholar”
Mawdūdī “was undoubtedly like a fresh wind in
Cross-References
the stifling Islamic atmosphere created by the
traditional madrasahs” [23]. The King of Saudi
▶ Aligarh Muslim University
Arabia lamented his death as a “tragedy for the
▶ Allamah Sir Muhammad Iqbal
whole Muslim world.” During 1979, Mawdūdī
▶ Bhutto, Zulfikar Ali
was awarded the first King Faisal prize “for out-
▶ Congress, Muslims
standing services to Islam” [24]. Depending on
▶ Jama’ati-i-Islam Bangladesh
perspective, Mawdūdī is a hero or a villain,
▶ Khilāfat Movement
a reviver of true Islam, or a dangerous reactionary.
▶ Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān
As early as 1945, W. C. Smith called him “the
▶ Smith, Wilfred Cantwell
most ominous representative of the trend back to
▶ Zia ul-Haq
religious conservatism” [25]. His legacy lives on
through JI. Autonomous chapters exist in Bangla-
desh, India, Kashmir, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka.
References
These parties have had limited electoral success.
Bangladesh JI is currently banned from the polit- 1. Sayyid Abu’l Al’a Mawdudi (2009) The Islamic Law.
ical arena; earlier, it held two cabinet posts, In: Euben RL, Zaman MQ (ed) Princeton readings in
2001–2006 in coalition under a woman Prime Islamist thought. Princeton University Press,
Princeton, pp 79–86
Minister. Protégé Khurshid Ahmad has translated
2. Ahmad I (2009) Islamism and democracy in India: the
many of Mawdūdī’s books. Ahmad served as transformation of Jamaat-e-Islami. Princeton Univer-
Minister of Planning under Zia (1978–1979), sity Press, Princeton
Meer Hassan 475

3. Nasr SVR (1994) The vanguard of the Islamic revolu- 23. Rahman F (1984) Islam & modernity: transformation
tion: the Jamaʻat-i Islami of Pakistan. University of of an intellectual tradition. University of Chicago
California Press, Berkeley Press, Chicago
4. Mawdūdī Sayyid Abu’l-aʿlā (1996) Jihad in Islam, 24. Bennett C (2005) Muslims and modernity: an intro-
16th edn. International Islamic Federation of Student duction to the issues and debates. Continuum, London
Organizations, Kuwait 25. Smith WC (1945) Modern Islam in India. Minerva,
5. Noorani AG, Majeed A (2002) Islam & Jihad: preju- Lahore
dice versus reality. Zed Books, London 26. Ahmad K, Ansari ZI (eds) (1979) Islamic perspec-
6. Mawdūdī SAʻA (2010) Towards understanding Islam. tives: studies in honour of Mawlana Sayyid Abul
Islamic Foundation, Leicester Aʿla Mawdudi. The Islamic Foundation, Leicester
7. Mawdūdī Syed Abul ʻAla (1937–9) Musalmān awr 27. Tibi B (2002) The challenge of fundamentalism: polit-
mawd̲ j̲ūda siyāsī kas̲h̲makas̲h̲ 3 vols. Islamic Publica- ical Islam and the new world disorder. University of
tions, Lahore California Press, Berkeley
8. Sikkand Y (2008) Bastions of the believers: Madrasas 28. Jameelah M, Abul ʻAla Maudoodi S (1973) Who is
and Islamic education in India. Penguin India, Delhi Maudoodi? Mohammad Yusuf Khan, Lahore
9. Mawdūdī SAʻA (1964) Political theory of Islam. Kazi 29. Adams CJ (1966) The ideology of Mawlana Maududi.
Publications, Karachui In: Smith ED (ed) South Asian politics and religion.
10. Bennett C (2010) Interpreting the Qur’an: a guide for Princeton University Press, Princeton, pp 371–397
the uninitiated. Continuum, London
11. Shehabuddin E (2013) Jamaat-i-Islami in Bangladesh:
women, democracy and the transformation of Islam-
ists politics. In: Osella F, Osella C (eds) Islamic reform
in South Asia. Cambridge University Press, New
York, pp 445–471 Mawlānā Abū’l Kalām Āzād
12. Mawdūdī SAʻA (1972) Purdah and the status of
women in Islam. Islamic Publications, Lahore ▶ Abū’l Kalām Āzād
13. McDonough S (1984) Muslim ethics and modernity:
a comparative study of the ethical thought of Sayyid
Ahmad Khan and Mawlana Mawdudi. Published for
the Canadian Corp. for Studies in Religion by Wilfrid
Laurier University Press, Waterloo
M
14. Ahmad M (1991) Islamic fundamentalism in South Mawlana Hali
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pp 457–530
15. Jackson R (2011) Mawlana Mawdudi and political
Islam authority and the Islamic state. Routledge,
London
16. Armajani J (2004) Dynamic Islam: liberal Muslim Mazdaism
perspectives in a transnational age. University Press
of America, Dallas/Oxford
17. Kugle SA (2006) Rebel between spirit and law: ▶ Zoroastrianism, History
Ahmad Zarruq, sainthood, and authority in Islam.
Indiana University Press, Bloomington
18. Mawdūdī, Syed Abul ʻAla (1955) In: Ahmad K (ed)
Islamic law and constitution. Jamaat-e-Islamic Publi-
cations, Karachi Meer Hasan
19. Mawdūdī SAʻA (1975) The rights of non Muslims in
Islamic states. Kazi Publications, Karachi
20. Mawdūdī Syed Abul ʻAla (1976a) Political theory ▶ Mīr Hasan (d. 1786)
of Islam. In: Ahmad K (ed) Islam: its meaning
and message. The Islamic Foundation, Leicester,
pp 147–171
21. Aslan R (2011) No god but god: the origins, evolution,
and future of Islam. Random House Trade Paperbacks,
New York
Meer Hassan
22. Mawdūdī SAʻA (1976) Human rights in Islam. The
Islamic Foundation, Leicester ▶ Mīr Hasan (d. 1786)
476 Messianic Movements

Iṣfahān ([3], Vol. 4, p. 28; [12], Vol. 2, p. 922),

Messianic Movements who had great interest in Indian philosophies
and religions, wrote glosses on Abhinanda’s
▶ Alfī Movements Laghu-Yoga-vāsiṣṭhā (abridgement of Yoga-
vāsiṣṭhā), and compiled a selection from the
Persian translations of the Yoga-vāsiṣṭhā.

Millenarian Movements
Life and Main Works
▶ Alfī Movements
Sayyid Amīr Abū al-Qāsim Muḥammad Ḥusaynī
Astarābādī, nicknamed Mīr Findiriskī, was born
in the family of sayyids (descendants of prophet
Millennial Movements Muḥammad), probably in Findirisk (near
Astarābād (modern Gurgān) in north-eastern
▶ Alfī Movements Iran) (or, according to Rizvi [16], at an unknown
location in eastern Iran). Apparently, he was edu-
cated in Iṣfahān (or, according to Rizvi, in Mash-
had [16]), where he appears to have received good
Minhāj al-Dīn b. Sirāj al-Dīn training in Peripatetic philosophy and medicine.
He probably studied philosophy with Chalabī Bīk
▶ Jūzjānī, Minhāj al-Dīn Tabrīzī (d. 1041/1631) and Ashraf al-Dīn ʿAlī b.
Ghiyāth al-Dīn Dashtakī ([11], p. 4; [14], p. 57).
He traveled to India (Gujarat, Deccan, and Patna)
several times (e.g., in 1015/1606, 1037/1627, and
Minhāj-i Sirāj 1047/1637) ([11], p. 5), spending there extensive
periods and, in all likelihood, participated in the
▶ Jūzjānī, Minhāj al-Dīn translation of Sanskrit philosophical works into
Persian. The Dabistān-i madhāhib associates
him with Indian Zoroastrians and the disciples of
Ādhar Kaivān ([6], Vol. 1, p. 35; [11], p. 19).
Mīr Findiriskī However, this claim is not supported by other
sources. One has to assume that the principal
Janis Esots motive of his journeys to India was his profound
The Institute of Ismaili Studies, London, UK interest in Indian culture, religion, and philosophy
(though he might occasionally also have acted as
a private messenger of the Ṣafavid kings).
Synonyms In his later years, he taught in Iṣfahān, enjoying
good relationship with both Shāh ʿAbbās
Muḥammad Ḥusaynī Astarābādī (r. 1588–1629) and Shāh Ṣafī (r. 1629–1642)
[16]. Among his students were philosophers
Rajab ʿAlī Tabrīzī (d. 1080/1669) and Mirzā
Definition Muḥammad Nāʾinī Gīlānī (d. 1082/1671), jurists
Muḥammad Bāqir Sabzawārī (d. 1098/1686) [16]
Mīr Findiriskī (ca. 970–1050/ca. 1562–1640) was and Ḥusayn Khwānsārī (d. 1098/1686), and prob-
an Iranian philosopher and mystic, one of the ably philosopher Mullā Ṣadrā (ca. 979–1050/
main representatives of the intellectual current of 1571–1640) and the mystic and poet Sarmad
the early Ṣafavid period, known as School of Kāshānī (the spiritual guide of Dārā Shukūh,
Mīr Findiriskī 477

executed in 1070/1659). He died in Iṣfahān and the world, man’s position in relation to them, and
was buried in the Takht-i Fulād cemetery [16]. the final goal of his existence) in a more explicit
His best known works appear to be al-Risāla manner ([11], p. 31). He attempts to demonstrate
al-ṣināʿiyya and al-Qaṣī da al-ḥikmiyya. The first that Advaita-Vedanta and the Ṣūfism of Ibn ʿArabī
represents a treatise on the arts and crafts ([11], p. express the same ideas, sharing belief in the iden-
20; [14], p. 77) and seems to be inspired by tity of the Ultimate Reality and the manifested
Fārābī’s Opinions of the Inhabitants of the Virtu- world ([11], p. 40). The principal importance of
ous City and, ultimately, by Plato’s Republic. The the work lies in its comparative presentation of
second is a philosophical ode, composed in Hindu and Muslim mystical teachings, demon-
response to an ode by the Ismāʿīlī author of the strating their equal validity and truthfulness
eleventh century Nāṣir-i Khusraw. In addition, he ([11], p. 45).
also wrote short treatises on motion and system-
atic ambiguity (tashkī k). Several other minor trea-
tises have been attributed to him. Cross-References

▶ Dārā Shukoh
Works on Hindu Thought ▶ Jahāngīr, Nūruddin Mohammad
▶ Taṣawwuf
As far as we know, Mīr Findiriskī wrote two ▶ Waḥdat ul-Wujūd
works on Hindu philosophical thought. One of
them is a gloss on Niẓām al-Dīn Pānipatī’s trans-
lation of Abhinanda’s Laghu-Yoga-vāsiṣṭhā, in References
which he compares Abhinanda’s tenets with the
teachings of Muslim and ancient Greek philoso- 1. ʿAbd Allāh Effendi (1981) Riyāḍ al-ʿulamāʾ (ed:
phers, occasionally suggesting his own renderings Ḥusaynī A), vol 5. Al-Khayyām, Qumm, pp 499–502 M
2. Babayan K (2002) Mystics, monarchs and messiahs:
of the Sanskrit text. Thus, he compares the evolu- cultural landscapes of early modern Iran. Harvard
tion of Paramātman (the Supreme Self) into University Press, Cambridge, MA
jī vātman (individual self) and the development 3. Corbin H (1973) En Islam iranien. Gallimard, Paris (4
of the latter into manas (mind) and manas into vols), in particular vol 4, pp 28, 58
4. Corbin H (1981) La philosophie iranienne islamique
corporeal forms, with the Neoplatonic hierarchy au XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles. Buchet/Chastel, Paris,
of emanation ([11], p. 21). He also compiled pp 37–49
a detailed glossary for this translation. 5. Hādī A (1984) Sharḥ-i ḥāl-i Mīr Dāmād wa Mīr
His other work on Hindu thought, Muntakhab- Findiriskī. Maytham Tammār, Isfahan
6. Isfandiyār K (1983) Dabistān-i madhāhib. Ed. Raḥīm
i Jūg-basasht, represents a selection of mystico- Riḍā-zādah Malak, Ṭahūrī, Tehran
philosophical passages from Pānipatī’s free Per- 7. Mīr Findiriskī (1984) Risāla-yi ḥarakat. In: Āshtiyānī
sian translation of the Laghu-yoga-vāsiṣṭhā, SJ, Corbin H (eds) Muntakhabātī az āthār-i ḥukamā-yi
embellished with Persian Ṣūfī poetry (by ʿAṭṭār, ilāhī-yi Īrān az ʿaṣr-i Mīr Dāmād wa Mīr Findiriskī tā
zamān-i ḥāḍir, vol 1. Markaz-i intishārāt-i daftar-i
Rūmī, Shabistarī, etc.). This abridged version of tablīghāt-i islāmī, Qumm, pp 81–87
the earliest exposition of Vedanta philosophy in 8. Mīr Findiriskī (1984) Risāla-yi tashkīk. In: Āshtiyānī
Persian ([11], p. 23) includes the allegorical story SJ, Corbin H (eds) Muntakhabātī az āthār-i ḥukamā-yi
of the king Svotha (corresponding the LYV 4: 4: ilāhī-yi Īrān az ʿaṣr-i Mīr Dāmād wa Mīr Findiriskī tā
zamān-i ḥāḍir, vol 1. Markaz-i intishārāt-i daftar-i
183–240), the story of Kaċa (LYV 4: 5: 36–40), the tablīghāt-i islāmī, Qumm, pp 91–94
story of King Janaka (LYV 5: 1: 17–72), and the 9. Mīr Findiriskī (2008) al-Risāla al-ṣināʿiya (ed: Ḥasan
allegory of Ṡila (LYV 6: 4:1–18). Mīr Findiriskī Jamshīdī). Būstān-i kitāb, Qumm
appears to have been interested mainly in the 10. Mojtabāʾī F (1978) Aspects of Hindu-Muslim cultural
relations. National Book Bureau, New Delhi, in par-
introduction and conclusion of the stories, which ticular 51–53, 64–67, 81–82
convey explicit moral and philosophical teachings 11. Mojtabāʾī F (2006[1976]) Muntakhab-i Jūg-basasht
(e.g., about the nature of the Ultimate Reality and (Selections from the Yoga-vāsiṣṭhā): critical edition
478 Mir Hasan

of the Persian text and English translation. Iranian masnawī genre. His celebrity is due to his much-
Institute of Philosophy, Tehran admired long poem Sihr ul-bayān (The Sorcery of
12. Nasr SH (1966) The School of Isfahan. In: Sharif MM
(ed) A history of Muslim philosophy, vol 2 (2 vols). Expression), dated 1784–1785 C.E.
Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, pp 922–926
13. Naṣr SH (1986) Spiritual movements, philosophy and
theology in the Ṣafavīd period. In: Jackson P, Lockhart Life
L (eds) The Cambridge history of Iran. The Tīmurid
and Ṣafavīd periods, vol 6. Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge, pp 675–677 Mīr Ghulām Ḥasan of Delhi (d. 1786 C.E.), whose
14. Namazi Esfahani M (2003) Philosophical and mys- pen name was Mīr Ḥasan, is remembered as one
tical dimensions in the thought and writings of of the most important Urdu poets of the narrative
Mīr Findiriskī. Unpublished PhD dissertation,
McGill University, Montreal. http://digitool.library. masnawī genre. His celebrity is due to his much-
mcgill.ca/webclient/StreamGate?folder_id=0&dvs= admired long poem Sihr ul-bayān (The Sorcery of
1380974712140785 Expression), dated 1784–1785 C.E.
15. Rizvi SAA (1986) A socio-intellectual history of the The main sources for Mīr Ḥasan’s life are the
Isnāʿasharī Shīʿīs in India, vol 2 (2 vols). Munshiram,
New Delhi, pp 216–222 Sihr ul-bayān itself along with its preface by
16. Rizvi SH (2005) Mir Fendereski. In: Encyclopaedia Sher ‘Alī Afsos and Mīr Ḥasan’s prosopography
Iranica. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/mir- Shu‘arā-i Urdū (Poets of the Royal Court, or
fendereski-sayyed- amir-abul-qasem Urdu Poets). Shaikh Ghulām Hamadānī
Mushafī’s prosopography Tazkira-i Hindī
(Indian Prosopography) also provides some
important details. Along with Wahīd Quraishī’s
Mir Hasan comprehensive study, Rashīd Ḥasan Khān’s
painstakingly careful preface to his modern edi-
▶ Mīr Hasan (d. 1786) tion of Sihr ul-bayān is the best source for Mīr
Ḥasan’s life and for the mass of biographical
apocrypha surrounding him. Mīr Ḥasan was
a Sayyid (a descendant of the Prophet Muḥam-
mad through his cousin and son-in-law ‘Alī)
Mīr Hasan (d. 1786) born in the neighborhood of Sayyid-wārah in
Old Delhi, which was well known for being
Pasha M. Khan a haven for Sayyids as its name suggests [9].
Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University, Several scholars have conjectured that he may
Montreal, QC, Canada have been born around the 1730s–1740s [9]. His
father was the well-known poet Mīr Ḥusain
Zāhik, whose ancestors were reputedly from
Synonyms Herat. Zāhik had a strained relationship with
the important poet Mirza Rafī‘ Saudā; Saudā
Meer Hasan; Meer Hassan; Mir Hasan; Mir composed satires upon him and was satirized by
Hassan Zāhik in return [2]. In spite of this, it appears that
Mīr Ḥasan’s relationship with Saudā was quite
friendly. Zāhik was alive in Faizabad in 1196 H/
Definition 1781–1782 C.E. [2]. His dī wān is available in
manuscript form [9], despite Āzād’s statement
Mīr Ghulām Ḥasan of Delhi (d. 1786 C.E.), whose that it was lost.
pen name was Mīr Ḥasan, is remembered as one Mīr Ḥasan migrated along with Zāhik to Luck-
of the most important Urdu poets of the narrative now from Delhi, stopping in Deeg along the way
Mīr Hasan (d. 1786) 479

[6]. His shift of residence occurred when he was particularly well known for his marsiyās – elegies
12 years old, according to Mushafī [10]. The for the martyred family of the Prophet [2].
apparent reason for this move was the same as Makhlūq was noticed as well, mentioned by
that ascribed to other Delhite poets who migrated Mushafī in his prosopography Riyāz ul-‘ārifī n
to the semi-independent eastern province Awadh (Gardens of Knowers).
in the eighteenth century, namely, political insta-
bility in the Mughal capital and richer opportuni-
ties to the east [7]. In Faizabad, Mīr Ḥasan secured Works
the patronage of Sālār Jang, the maternal uncle of
the Nawab of Awadh Āsaf ud-Daula. He was His ustād (preceptor in the craft of poetry) was
a companion of Sālār Jang’s son Nawāzish ‘Alī Mīr Ziyā al-Din Ziyā Dihlawi. He also availed
Khan Bahādur Sardār Jang [9]. himself of Saudā’s correction (islāh) and benefit-
At some time before 1199 H/1784–1785, Mīr ted in some way from Khwāja Mīr Dard in addi-
Ḥasan incurred the displeasure of Āsaf ud-Daula tion [9]. He appears to have associated a great
for unknown reasons. This led him, according to deal with Mushafī, sending his son Mustaḥsan to
his own account, to compose the Sihr ul-bayān as him for correction [10]. He left behind a dī wān
an apology for his misdemeanor. Afsos paints this made up of ghazals and poems of other genres, as
transaction as a successful one, for which Mīr well as 12 masnawīs. The dī wān contained
Ḥasan was summoned before Āsaf ud-Daula and poems up to 1192 H/1778–1779. If Āzād is to
rewarded for his composition [9]. It is however be believed, by the latter half of the nineteenth
unlikely that Mīr Ḥasan ever enjoyed the long- century, the dīwān had become very rare – yet
term patronage of the ruler of Awadh. At any rate, Wahīd Quraishī enumerated 26 manuscripts [6].
Afsos stated that Mīr Ḥasan was connected to The lesser-known masnawī s were gathered
Sālār Jang almost until the end of his life. Afsos together by the last-mentioned scholar in 1966;
was at first a dependent of Sālār Jang himself; it they are Naql-i Kalāwant (Account of a
M
was during this period that he befriended Mīr Minstrel), Naql-i Zan-i fāhisha (Account of a
Ḥasan. By the year 1200 H/1785 C.E., when Lewd Woman), Naql-i Qassāb (Account of
Afsos was in the retinue of the Mughal prince a Butcher), Naql-i Qasā’ī (another Account of
Mirzā Jawān Bakht in Lucknow, he mentions a Butcher), Shādī -i Āsaf ud-Daula (Āsaf ud-
that Mīr Ḥasan was in Sālār Jang’s service, rather Daula’s Wedding), Rumūz al-‘ārifī n (Secrets of
than Āsaf ud-Daula’s. the Knowers), Dar hijw-i hawelī (Satire on
Mīr Ḥasan passed away on the 1st of Muhar- a Haweli), Gulzār-i Iram (The Rosegarden of
ram 1201 H/24th of October 1786 C.E., not long Iram), Dar tahniyyat-i ‘I¯d (Felicitations upon
after Afsos’ departure for Benares with Mirzā Eid), Dar wasf-i qasr-i jawāhir (Description of
Jawān Bakht. Mushafī, who was friendly with a Jeweled Palace), and Khwān-i ni’mat (The
Mīr Ḥasan until his passing, records his year of Table-spread of Benefit). Mīr Ḥasan’s rather
death [10], while Afsos give the month and day. neglected ghazals were partially published in
According to Mushafī, he was over 70 years old at several volumes of selected works before being
his death [10]. He was buried in Lucknow, in the subjected to a major study by Sāhil Aḥmad in
Muftī Ganj neighborhood at the back of Qāsim 1997 and being collected into an edition by
‘Alī Khān’s garden [9]. No trace of his final rest- Muḥammad Zakī ul-Ḥaqq in 1999.
ing-place remains. The names and noms de plume The 2,200-verse masnawī Sihr ul-bayān is by
of his four sons have been mentioned by pro- far his most well-known work (a masnawī being
sopographers: Mīr Mustaḥsan Khalīq, Mīr a poem composed entirely in rhyming couplets). It
Muḥsin Muḥsin, Mīr Aḥsan Khalq, and Sayyid was completed in 1199 H/1784–1785 C.E.,
Iḥsān Ḥasan Makhlūq [9, 11]. Khalīq was according to chronogrammatical verses composed
480 Mir Hassan

by Mushafī and Qatīl, and included at the end of References

the poem. Like other romance (qissa/dāstān) nar-
ratives, it is woven with elements from previous 1. Ahmad S (1997) Mīr Hasan kī ghazal-go’ī. Urdu
Writers’ Guild, Allahabad
tales. However, unlike many Urdu-Hindi
2. Āzād MH (2001) Āb-i hayāt (trans: Pritchett F, Faruqi
romances, it is not a direct translation from Per- SR). Oxford University Press, New Delhi
sian or Sanskrit, but binds together various 3. Jain GC (1969) Urdū kī nasrī dāstānen. Anjuman
intertexts in such a way as to warrant Mīr Ḥasan’s taraqqī-i Urdū, Karachi
4. Jain GC (1969) Urdū masnawī shumālī Hind men.
claim that he has made something new. It recounts
Anjuman taraqqī-i Urdū, Aligarh
the story of the love of Prince Benazīr and the 5. Mīr Bahādur ‘Alī (1870) Nasr-i Benazīr (ed: Lees
Princess Badr-i Munīr, complicated by the WN). College Press, Calcutta
Prince’s being in the thrall of the parī (fairy) 6. Mīr Hasan GH (1966) Masnawiyāt-i Hasan (ed:
Quraishī W). Majlis-i taraqqī-i adab, Lahore
Mah-rukh, having been carried off by her to the
7. Mīr Hasan GH (1985) Tazkira-i Shu‘arā-i Urdū (ed:
land of the fairies and jinns. The poem quickly Sherwānī MHK). Uttar Pradesh Urdu Academy,
gained renown, as evidenced by Afsos’ 1803 Lucknow
preface to the work, its reworking at Fort William 8. Mīr Hasan GH (1999) Ghazaliyāt-i Mīr Hasan (ed:
Zakī ul-Haqq M). Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public
College into prose by Mīr Bahādur ‘Alī as Nasr-i
Library, Patna
Benazī r (Matchless Prose, or The Prose-work on 9. Mīr Hasan GH (2009) Sihr ul-bayān (ed: Khān RH).
Benazī r) around the same year, and later adapta- Majlis-i taraqqī-i adab, Lahore
tions. It was copied and lithographed frequently 10. Mushafī SGH (1985) Tazkira-i Hindī. Uttar Pradesh
Urdu Academy, Lucknow
throughout the nineteenth century.
11. Mushafī SGH (1985) Tazkira-i Riyāz al-fusahā. Uttar
Pradesh Academy, Lucknow
12. Nasīm DS (1995) Gulzār-i Nasīm (ed: Khān RH).
Reception Anjuman taraqqī-i Urdū, New Delhi
13. Quraishī W (2012) Mīr Hasan aur un kā zamāna.
Muqtadira-i Qaumī zabān, Islamabad
Āzād, who is perhaps the critic whose opinions
have most influenced twentieth- and twenty-first-
century tastes, praises Sihr ul-bayān highly for its
clear idiom which, according to him, is so free of Mir Hassan
affectation and archaism that it appears to fore-
shadow the style of Āzād’s own time, a hundred ▶ Mīr Hasan (d. 1786)
years after it was written. This typically Azadian
comment, serving his project of reforming the
supposedly florid Urdu style, should be taken
with a grain of salt. It is easier to credit Āzād Mir Mithar Ali
when he notes that the poem is so popular that it
is barely necessary for him to describe it. Indeed, ▶ Titu Mir
he proclaims the Sihr ul-bayān to be the greatest
masnawī of all, with the exception of Dayā
Shankar Nasīm’s romance Gulzār-i Nasī m
(Nasī m’s Rosegarden), which he declares to be Mirzā Asadullāh Khān Ghālib
equally excellent. This is in spite of the marvel-
ousness of its story (Āzād does not comment upon ▶ Ghālib, Mirza
this, choosing rather to remark that the masnawī
genre is akin to history). By contrast, Mīr Ḥasan’s
other poems were not widely available even by
Āzād’s time. Ralph Russell and Khurshidul Islam Mirzā Ghālib
have translated parts of the Sihr ul-bayān into
English. ▶ Ghālib, Mirza
Missionaries, Islam 481

was in the north, not south (although Hyderabad,

Missionaries, Islam south central, has a large Muslim community).
Nestorians carried out missionary work in
Clinton Bennett India during the period between Thomas and the
Department of Philosophy, State University of arrival of substantial numbers of Muslims in the
New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA early thirteenth century. European Christians did
not. The Christianization of Europe was itself
ongoing during this period, especially in Germany
and Scandinavia, where the process continued
Definition
into the twelfth century. The Christian aim vis-à-
vis Islam, largely as a result of efforts to reconquer
Commissioned or accredited personnel sent by a
Spain and of encounter in the Crusades, tended to
Christian church or mission society to propagate
be destruction rather than conversion. There was
its faith or to carry on humanitarian work with the
little interest in attempting to evangelize Muslims.
aim of attracting new converts to Christian faith.
This began to change during the thirteenth cen-
tury, almost entirely due to the Franciscans,
founded by Francis of Assisi in 1209. Francis
Christian Presence in India Prior to sent friars to evangelize Muslims in Seville,
Islam’s Arrival Spain; five were expelled for abusing Muḥammad
in front of the royal palace. At their own request,
Christianity had a long history in India before they were deported to Morocco so that they could
Muslims arrived. Tradition credits Thomas, one continue to preach to Muslims. There, they again
of Jesus’ 12 disciples, with introducing Christian- insulted Muḥammad’s name. This time, the
ity to India. He reached Kerala in 52 C.E., initially authorities moved them from prison to prison in
to attract converts from the Jewish community what may have been an effort to spare them.
M
that had already settled there. He is said to have However, their words continued to offend the
founded 7 churches, joined by 12 Brahmin fami- public, and in 1219 they were executed. It was
lies who became Christian. Thomas Christians this that prompted Francis to embark on a mission
today trace their descent from these families. to Egypt, saying that he could not ask others to do
Over time, Christianity in Kerala became linked what he would not do himself. While the actual
with the Nestorian – more properly the Church of details of Francis’ mission to Egypt and his meet-
the East – and with the Syriac Orthodox Church. ing with Sulṭān al-Kāmil (d. 1238) are contested,
The Nestorian Catholicos had his seat in Ctesi- he appears to have negotiated a peace treaty that
phon, Iraq (he now presides from Chicago, USA). the Crusaders rejected, although ten years later
The Syrian Orthodox Patriarch sits in Antioch. a similar treaty returned Jerusalem to crusader
Under Islamic rule, the Catholicos was recognized control for a ten-year period. Francis believed in
as head of a protected community. The Nestorians befriending people, not killing them. He saw his
were committed to missionary activity, reaching friars as a new type of knight; they were nonvio-
China in the early sixth century. Nestorian lent brothers preaching love to all God’s creatures,
churches were established in various Indian cities. and God’s creatures included Muslims. In 1289,
Armenian Christians also settled in India, John of Montecorvino, a Franciscan friar, spent 13
although their oldest church buildings date from months in India.
the early eighteenth century. Most Christians lived
in India’s southwest, while Muslims mainly
entered India from the northwest and thus contact Franciscans Arrive in India (1321)
was minimal. Some Muslims who sailed across
the Indian Ocean settled in the south. However, John was actually on his way to China; following
the main concentration of Muslim populations the return of the Polo brothers, the Catholic
482 Missionaries, Islam

Church was interested to send missionaries there. quickly moved on to Japan. His successor in
However, traveling through India, John reported India, Robert Nobili (1577–1656), though,
on what he saw, including the presence of isolated followed his strategy of grounding Christianity
Nestorian churches. John was later appointed in local language, culture, and customs. Nobili
archbishop for China. John of Marignolli, who worked with upper-caste Hindus, not Muslims.
traveled there with 50 friars in 1346, again The Mughal dynasty in India was now firmly
through India, replaced him in China. He also established in the north, however, Emperor
reported back on what he saw, which led to the Akbar (reigned 1542–1605) was interested in reli-
first concerted effort to establish Western Chris- gious ideas. He invited scholars from different
tianity in India, led by Franciscans, in 1321. Near religions to take part in public debates at his
Mumbai, they were challenged by local Muslims court, building a special chamber for these
to say what they thought about Muḥammad. exchanges. In response to his invitation, Rudolf
Replying that he was now keeping his father com- Aquaviva (1550–1583), a Jesuit, arrived at
pany in hell, three of the four were killed. The Akbar’s court in Fatehpur Sikri near Agra in
survivor, Brother Jordan, traveled north, settling 1580 as head of a small delegation. These Jesuits
in a Nestorian community in Travancore, where thought that Akbar might embrace Christianity;
he was appointed a bishop (1329) (although was they were disappointed when, soon after their
probably never consecrated). He had no further arrival, he proclaimed his own brand of eclectic
contact with Muslims. religion, the Dī n Ilāhi.
After 1493, when Vasco de Gama reached Unimpressed by the way representatives of
India by sea around the Cape of Good Hope, each religion tried to score points over everyone
passage to India was easier for traders and mis- else’s, Akbar saw more common ground than
sionaries; it also opened up the way for European differences between religions. No religion, he
colonial expansion. Portuguese settlement at Goa said, monopolized truth. The Jesuits, although
quickly bought Catholic priests to serve the com- disappointed, maintained their mission at court
munity; in fact, priests had traveled with De but did not really develop a Muslim focus, mainly
Gama’s fleet. De Gama tried to expel Muslims acting as chaplains to Christian visitors at court
and attacked their ships at sea. By 1557, Goa and to the local Armenian community. Aquaviva
had an archbishop. These Catholic priests had remained in Agra until 1583, when he was trans-
two goals. One, they wanted to win converts. ferred to a village outside Goa. There, he was
Two, they believed that a great Christian ruler killed by locals while selecting a site for
called Prester John lived somewhere in the east a Church. He was beatified in 1893. It was not
(in India or China). They hoped to form an anti- until Protestants began to arrive in India in the
Islamic alliance with him. They never found Pre- seventeenth century that the real story of Christian
ster John; they did form relations with Christian mission to Islam began. Technically, in British-
communities in India. Some Thomas Christians controlled territory, missionaries were not allowed
entered communion with Rome, becoming until the East India Company 1813 charter,
a Uniate or Eastern Catholic Church. The next although a number of chaplains serving the com-
phase in missionary encounter with Muslims in pany evangelized Indians and Baptist missionar-
India begins with the Mughals in the north and ies, operating as indigo planters, entered India
with the arrival of the Jesuits in India. before then. The first so-called evangelical chap-
lain was David Brown (1763–1812), who reached
India in 1787. The Baptists began to arrive in
The Mughals and Jesuit Missionaries in 1793; however, none of these men were interested
India (From 1580) in evangelizing Muslims. The exception would be
Henry Martyn (1781–1812). After a distinguished
Founded in 1534, the Jesuit order reached India in academic career at Cambridge, he arrived in India
1546 with Francis Xavier (1506–1552). He as a chaplain in 1806, determined to further the
Missionaries, Islam 483

cause of Christian mission, probably among scholars in Iran; consequently, he wrote his post-
Hindus. Posted to Dinapore, Bihar, followed by humously published Controversial Tracts [1]. On
Cawnpore (Kanpur), recently acquired by the the one hand, he repeats a great deal of Christian
British from Oudh, he soon found that Islam, not ideas about Muḥammad and Islam; Islam was
Hinduism, attracted his interest. spread by the sword, Muḥammad learned at the
feet of Christian monks in Syria: the Qur’ān, full
of errors and absurdities, does not abrogate the
Henry Martyn: First Modern Missionary Gospel; Muḥammad used human means to spread
to Muslims in India his message, which appealed to human desires
and appetites. On the other hand, the book
Technically, Martyn was a civil servant in India; shows how much accurate information on Islam
he was not an accredited or commissioned mis- was available at the time for a scholar with lin-
sionary. As far as the East India Company was guistic skills and access to some original sources.
concerned, his job was to minister to British per- Martyn expressed sympathy for the aspirations of
sonnel. Nonetheless, he is popularly called the Sufi spirituality. Although he engaged in debate,
first modern missionary to Muslims. Initially, he a traditional form of religious discussion in Mus-
began to translate the Bible into Arabic, Farsi, and lim culture, he preferred to engage in less formal
Urdu. A general assumption among Protestants exchanges. He did not think that reason or argu-
was that once people could access the Bible in ment could easily change people’s minds on mat-
their own language, they would quickly become ters of faith. Rather, long-term friendships, and
Christian. This was already the goal at Serampore, a willingness to recognize anything he saw as
where the pioneer Baptists, under William Carey good in Islam, might over time reach people’s
(1761–1834), had embarked on an ambitious hearts, touching the deep recesses of their soul;
translation project. Serampore was then a Danish see Bennett [2]. Martyn died in Iran, where Arme-
colony, where missionaries were permitted. nian clergy buried him; he had visited their Patri-
M
Before being stationed at Dinapore, Martyn arch. Martyn’s friendship and conversations with
assisted the Baptists at Serampore in their transla- Shaikh Salih (1767–1827) at Kanpur resulted in
tion work. Once stationed, Martyn soon annoyed his conversion and baptism as Abdul Masih
his employers because he did not share their dis- (1811). Masih had a reputation before becoming
dain for Indians, spent too much time with them, Christian as a Muslim scholar and evangelist. He
and was far too enthusiastic when he preached. became the first Indian employee of the Church
Realizing that he knew very little about Islam, he Mission Society, working for eight years as
began to read as much as he could about the a catechist. Later he became the second Indian to
religion. In this, he anticipated later stress on be ordained as a priest by Bishop Reginald Heber
preparation and language acquisition. He also (1783–1826), second Anglican bishop of Cal-
favored intra-Christian cooperation; he enjoyed cutta. The story of Martyn’s chief language assis-
good relations with Baptist, Catholic, and Arme- tant, Nathaniel Sabat, is more ambiguous; he was
nian Christians, forming a group known as “The already a convert from Islam when he met Martyn,
Associated Clergy” to facilitate exchange of news saying that he became Christian after reading an
and research. In 1810, ill health made it necessary Arabic New Testament. He later appears to have
for Martyn to return, at least temporarily, to Brit- switched back to Islam; in 1816, he repudiated
ain. He took a leave of absence. Christianity and wrote a work of anti-Christian
He traveled through Iran, determined to obtain polemic.
endorsement for his Farsi translation. This was, in Many Protestant missionaries who subse-
fact, presented on his behalf to the Shah, who quently chose Islam as their field were inspired
expressed approval. The Urdu Bible used today by Martyn’s legacy. When he died, Protestant
is still based on Martyn’s translation. With reluc- missionary agencies were still very young; the
tance, he also agreed to debate with Muslim Baptist Missionary Society had started in 1793,
484 Missionaries, Islam

the mainly Congregationalist London Missionary worked out between the Basel Society and CMS,
Mission Society in 1799, and the Anglican which took time. He was eventually assigned to
Church Mission Society in 1799, for example. It Agra (1840). Meanwhile, staying in Calcutta, he
was not until 1838, a quarter of a century later, that worked on the Urdu translation of the Mizan and
the next chapter in the history of Christian mission wrote Remarks on the Nature of Mohammedanism
to Islam in India begins. That was when German- [4]. In Agra, he began a literary controversy with
born missionary, Karl G. Pfander (1803–1965), the eminent Muslim scholar, Rahmatullah
then working for the Basel Mission, transferred Kairanvi (1818–1891). Sir William Muir, later
to India under the auspices of the Church Mission Lt-Governor of the northwest provinces, then
Society. He qualifies as the first official Protestant a junior civil servant and a strong supporter of
missionary to Muslims in India, probably in his- Christian mission, described these exchanges in
tory. The second, also German, was John articles published in the Calcutta Review, later
Muehleisen-Arnold (1817–1881), a graduate of collected, with other material, in The Moham-
Tübingen and Basel, who founded the Moslem medan Controversy [5]. Muir saw Pfander as tak-
Missionary Society in 1859. The late eighteenth ing up where Martyn had left off. Pfander knew
century saw tensions in India between Christians Martyn’s writing, although it is impossible to
and Muslims; the former were associated with know if Martyn influenced his thinking. Muir
colonial powers that were usurping Muslim befriended many missionaries, especially those
power. In Mysore, Tipu Sultan (1750–1799) whose goal was to convert Muslims. In fact, he
destroyed 27 Catholic churches, confiscated is frequently described as a “missionary”
Christian property, and deported the Christian in Muslim writing; he aided mission to Islam by
community in 1784. Some were writing works of Christian apology and as
imprisoned – remaining there for fifteen years, a scholar of Muḥammad’s life and the history of
until Tipu’s defeat in 1799. the caliphate. Muir ended his career as Principal
and Vice-Chancellor of Edinburgh University. It
is no coincidence that many Anglican missionar-
Pfander and Muehleisen-Arnold: ies to Muslims were awarded honorary doctorates
German Anglicans and Mission to Islam from Edinburgh University. The role that Muir
in India and other civil servants played in support of mis-
sionary work is easily seen by many references to
Pfander, a graduate of Basel Seminary (founded them in the history of the Church Mission Society
1818), had already engaged in Muslim evange- [6].
lism in Shusha (currently in Azerbaijan), capital Pfander’s literary exchanges with Kairanvi
of a former Khanate within Iran, then under Rus- were followed up by a private meeting; then in
sia, between 1825 and 1835. There, he wrote the 1854, they agreed to a public munāẓara (debate),
German version of his Mizan-ul-Haqq [3], which each supported by a second. Pfander chose
he believed was a definitive Christian refutation of a young Anglican missionary, Thomas Valpy
Islam. He began translating this into several lan- French (1825–1891), an Oxford graduate. French
guages, spending time in Iran to improve his Farsi. had arrived in India in 1851. Kairanvi chose Wazir
In 1835, Pfander and his colleagues were Khan, a physician recently appointed
expelled, probably at the request of the local sub-assistant surgeon at Agra’s government hos-
Armenian bishop, annoyed that they were pital. Each also had a number of assistants.
instructing two Armenian monks. Negative Among Kairanvi’s assistants were two future
response to his book may have also contributed Christian converts, Imad-ud-Din (1830–1900)
to their expulsion. Wishing to continue working in and Safdar Ali (1830–1899). Muir, although pre-
a Muslim context, Pfander approached the Church sent, chose not to write a detailed account. Two
Mission Society (CMS, which already employed debates were scheduled; only the first took place.
a number of Basel graduates). Details had to be The main topic was the issue of whether the Bible
Missionaries, Islam 485

has been corrupted; the Muslims had copies of nineteenth century, including Mian Paulus of
recent German biblical criticism piled up on their Narowal, a local chief and Mian Sadiq Masih,
desk. Pfander, a conservative Christian, was ordained in 1875. An annual report for
unacquainted with this type of scholarship; faced 1880–1881 for the Amritsar CMS Mission
with their arguments, he conceded that there were records how some Sufis had embraced Christian-
errors in the text that could not easily be explained ity but continued to live as fakirs, grafting their
as copyist mistakes. However, he said, these did new faith onto the practices of their former faith
not compromise the integrity of the message or of (or perhaps they saw the two as complementary)
Christian teaching. Although both sides claimed [8]. John Muehleisen-Arnold was ordained by the
victory, the fact that Christians did not write any Anglican-Prussian bishop of Jerusalem in 1842,
detailed contemporary accounts suggests that they serving with the CMS in India and Ethiopia until
were not too confident about this claim. For 1852. In 1859, he founded the Moslem Mission-
a recent scholarly analysis of the public encounter, ary Society, the first mission society dedicated to
see Powell [7]. Pfander was transferred to Turkey evangelizing Muslims. He described Martyn as
in 1861, the start of a trend that saw missionaries the “precursor” of modern mission to Muslims
to Muslims in India move to the Middle East. His and as the champion of Christianity against
work there appears to have led to the sultan invit- Islam, indicating that his approach was confron-
ing Kairanvi to train Muslim scholars in anti- tational. He spent 1852–1865 as chaplain of Pad-
Christian polemic. Pfander’s Mizan was banned dington Hospital, London, and 1865–1870 as
and the mission shut down in 1864, moving to consular chaplain in Java before ending his career
Egypt. French, at the end of his life, traveled to working with Malay migrants in Cape Town. His
Iran in 1891, consciously following Martyn’s writing emphasized what Islam allegedly
footsteps but died before he was able to accom- borrowed from Judaism and Christianity, citing
plish anything. On route, he met a young Ameri- copious Talmudic passages. He was awarded an
can Presbyterian missionary, Samuel Zwemer honorary doctorate by the College of William and
M
(1867–1952), on his way to set up the Arabian Mary, Virginia, in 1874. By then, as Muehleisen-
Mission, who emerged as a master strategist and Arnold commented, there were about 40 major
global organizer of Christian mission to Muslims. European and North American Protestant mis-
Subsequently, when Imad-ud-Din and Safdar sionary agencies operating around the world [9].
Ali converted, this was cited as proof of Pfander’s Not surprisingly, the number of missionaries in
success. Imad-ud-Din, ordained as an Anglican India who developed an interest in evangelizing
priest in 1872, was the first Indian to receive the Muslims increased significantly. On the other
Lambeth DD (1884). His preaching and writing hand, the Moslem Missionary Society, despite
attacked Islam, very much in Pfander’s style. He having four Anglican archbishops as patrons, did
was also very opposed to Sayyid Aḥmed Khān’s not survive.
reformist ideas. He wanted to expose Muslims to
what he called the “kacha (weak) foundations” on
which their faith rested. In contrast, Safdar Ali 1850–1900: Proliferation of Missionaries
appears to have distanced himself from Pfander’s in India Specializing in Muslim
controversial style; he saw common devotional Evangelism
ground between Islam and Christianity and pur-
sued a gentler, less confrontational approach. Ali In the second half of the nineteenth century,
thought that Sufi aspirations for direct, personal Anglicans were joined by Baptist, Methodists,
fellowship with God laid foundations that Chris- Presbyterians, and others in focusing on mission
tians could use to point to the Gospel; French, to Muslims. Baptists had not previously taken an
who continued to focus on evangelizing Muslims, interest in Muslims; George Henry Rouse
shared this view. The CMS history records (1823–1909) and John Drew Bate (1836–1923)
a number of Muslim converts from the mid- of the British Baptist Missionary Society (BMS)
486 Missionaries, Islam

pioneered interest in Islam, writing several books. they wrote scholarly works on Islam and received
Rouse’s Tracts for Muhammadans [10] was honorary doctorates from prestigious colleges;
highly regarded by missionaries, although banned many, including Sell, Bates, and Hughes, were
in Egypt. Many missionaries continued to cham- members of the Royal Asiatic Society (MRAS),
pion Pfander’s confrontational, polemical London. The Australian Baptist, William Goldsack
approach. Others modified their strategies, (1871–1957), arrived in India in 1899 and remained
tending to favor building friendship over time, until 1923. In 1912, he transferred to the British
attempting to express Christian ideas through Baptist society. He compiled the first English-
Muslim modes of thought. Some attempted to Mussalmani Bangla dictionary (1912) [14].
acculturate Christian practices. Some adopted
local dress and customs, famously Thomas Pat-
rick Hughes (1838–1911), CMS missionary in The First Half of the Twentieth Century:
Peshawar 1864–1884, who hosted a ḥujru (guest Coordination Globally and in India
room, a style of men’s club). His Dictionary of
Islam is still available [11]. Edward Sell In 1906, the first international conference of Mis-
(1839–1932), also a CMS missionary, arrived in sionaries to Muslims met in Cairo, Egypt.
India in 1862 and stayed there until his death, Zwemer was instrumental in launching this initia-
writing 49 books on Islam and biblical topics. tive. However, both Wherry, who wrote the intro-
A shift away from confrontation toward a more duction to the published proceedings, and Tisdall
conciliatory approach can be seen in the work of were present, as were other missionaries from
the Anglican Walter Ayscoughe Rice India. Tisdall gave the paper on literature for
(1861–1948), an Oxford graduate, who worked Muslims [15]. The idea was to share strategies
in India from 1888 to 1913. Although “Crusaders” and methods, eliminate unnecessary intra-
in the title of his 1910 [12] manual for missionar- Christian rivalry, and facilitate cooperation. Four
ies to Muslims sounds confrontational, he tried to years later, many of the same missionaries met at
find ways of expressing Christian beliefs so that Edinburgh for the first International Missionary
Muslims could grasp their intent, seeing them as Conference, which established the International
symbols of a mystery; faith does not require Missionary Council. The second international
accepting these as literal descriptions of divine conference of missionaries to Muslims met in
reality. The Trinity is especially difficult to 1911, at Lucknow. There were 150 delegates
explain to Muslims. Rice thought Christians from India. Again, Wherry coedited the proceed-
could use the Qur’ān to support their preaching; ings. This time, training as well as literature was
earlier, the Qur’ān was regarded as of little or no emphasized. Speakers included Sell, Rice,
value (see [13]). Something of this approach is Wherry, John Tackle, and William Henry Temple
also seen in the extensive work of William St- Gairdner (1873–1928) (a CMS missionary) and
Clair Tisdall (1859–1928), a friend of Muir. Zwemer, both from Egypt. Africa was identified
Tisdall worked with CMS in India from 1884 to as the current “strategic center”; work among
1892, then in Iran (1892–1900). Like Sell, Tisdall women was encouraged. Mrs. Wherry spoke
received an honorary doctorate from Edinburgh. about women converts. The Anglican Zenana
With others who arrived in India before the end of Mission in India began in 1857, becoming the
the nineteenth century, Tisdall bridges the transi- Zenana and Medical Mission in 1880. It amal-
tion into the twentieth century, when a major coor- gamated with CMS in 1957. Zenana Missions
dinating initiative began. Another missionary who aimed to convert high-class Muslim women
bridges these phases was the American Presbyte- through gaining access into their living quarters
rian, Elwood Morris Wherry (1843–1927), in as tutors, teaching reading and needlework. Char-
India from 1868 to 1889 and then again from lotte Tucker’s The Zenana Reader (published
1896 to 1923. While most of these missionaries under the acronym, ALOE), an imagined conver-
were not strictly speaking members of academia, sation between a missionary and a Muslim
Missionaries, Islam 487

woman, shows how teaching aimed to inculcate Lewis Bevan Jones (1880–1960), the British Bap-
an appreciation of the Christian religion [16]. tist who served as the school’s first Principal
Tucker (1821–1893), a successful children’s (1930–1941), he pioneered what can be called
book author, worked with the Zenana Mission a conciliatory approach stressing friendship, com-
from 1875 but was self-supporting, having private mon ground, and shared spiritual experience.
income; her father was an East India Company A second-generation missionary in India, Jones,
Director. Other denominations established served there with the BMS from 1907 until 1944.
Zenana Missions, too. The Baptist Zenana Mis- He was a delegate at the Jerusalem conference; he
sion (BZM) began work in 1867; by 1896, it had spent six months at the Cairo Study Centre in
200 missionaries, ran 80 schools, and regularly 1917. Some did perpetuate Pfander’s confronta-
visited over 1000 Zenanas [17]. This reflected tional tactics; Jones and others considered
a broader strategy, pioneered by Church of Scot- Pfander’s approach to be a “guide to something
land missionary Alexander Duff (1806–1878) of better” [18]. Anglican Laurence Edward Browne,
attempting to convert high-class Indians, who 1887–1986, an Anglican missionary in India since
would – he believed – be well equipped to per- 1912, also served on the school’s staff. He became
suade lower-caste Indians to follow their lead. professor of comparative religion at Manchester
This was one reason why many missionary soci- (1941–1946), then of theology at Leeds
eties established prestigious schools and colleges, (1946–1952). English Methodist William Wind-
which often attracted children from elite back- row Sweetman (1891–1966), author of Islam and
grounds. In Madras, Sell headed one such initia- Christian Theology (4 volumes) [19], another
tive for Muslim boys, the Harris High School staff member, became Professor of Islamics at
(founded in 1856); he was Principal from 1865 Selly Oak, Birmingham. The first Indian staff
until 1881. Many Muslim children attended mis- member at the school (from 1930 until 1944),
sion schools and colleges in Muslim majority a convert from Sufi Islam, was John Subhan
areas such as East Bengal but very few became (1897–1977), author of How a Sufi Found his
M
Christian. The Zenana Missions also began to Lord [20]. He left when appointed a Methodist
recruit women doctors for work in India and to bishop.
train Indian women physicians as well. Women missionaries, such as Jones’ wife, Vio-
After Lucknow, delegate John Takle let Rhoda Jones, worked with Muslim women,
(1896–1925), a New Zealand Baptist missionary, cowriting an important study with her husband
in India since 1896, set up the Missionaries to in 1941 [21]. Mention should be made of another
Muslims League in India and the Far East, becom- missionary who went on to hold important aca-
ing editor of its News and Notes. Lucknow had demic posts, Canadian Presbyterian Wilfred
also recommended establishing a training school Cantwell Smith (1916–2000), a missionary in
in Cairo, which led to the creation of the Cairo India from 1940 to 1946. Smith taught at Forman
Study Centre. Subsequently, many missionaries Christian College, Lahore, where he was also an
from India went there for Arabic study. The third associate of the Henry Martyn School. He is con-
international conference, delayed by World War I, sidered a founder of the modern academic disci-
met at Jerusalem in 1924. This prompted an ini- pline of Islamic Studies.
tiative in India to establish a study center there.
American Methodist Murray Thurston Titus
(1885–1964), in India since 1913, was instrumen- Partition and Missionaries to Muslims
tal in helping set up, through the National Chris- Since 1947
tian Council in India (founded 1921), what
became the Henry Martyn School (later Institute) After India and Pakistan achieved independence,
of Islamic Studies in Lahore in 1930. Titus fewer foreign missionaries have worked in India.
became interested in working with Muslims after Those who have tend to stay for shorter periods,
meeting Zwemer in 1911. With such men as although there are exceptions. American Lutheran
488 Missionaries, Islam

missionary, David T. Lindell (1924–2010), spent and who served as a Baptist missionary in Ban-
forty years in India from 1951, mainly based at the gladesh (1979–1982), and Martin Forward,
Henry Martyn Institute (in Hyderabad since1971, a British Methodist in India at the Henry Martyn
after several previous moves from1930). Phil Institute during the 1970s. Forward’s writing
Parshall spent 21 years in Bangladesh from 1961 includes Inter-religious Dialogue: A Short Intro-
with SIM International (Serving in Mission), duction [25]. It is difficult to estimate the number
where he developed an approach that resembles of Muslims who became Christians in the Indian
the experiment in Amritsar where Sufi converts to subcontinent as a result of Christian missionary
Christianity continued to live within a Muslim activities; despite the large number of missionar-
cultural context; Muslim-background believers ies who have attempted to convert Muslims, num-
do not display crosses, refrain from eating pork bers remain low. Probably, converts number in the
or drinking alcohol, use Islamic vocabulary and thousands rather than the tens of thousands.
prayer mats, chant scripture in Arabic, and
observe the annual fast. See Parshall’s autobio-
graphical Divine Threads Within a Human Tapes-
Cross-References
try [22]. Converts attempt to remain within their
communities; historically, Muslim converts to
▶ Akbar
Christianity became alienated from their former
▶ Muir, Sir William
neighbors yet also found it difficult to fully inte-
▶ Smith, Wilfred Cantwell
grate into a Christian community that was almost
entirely descended from Hindus or the scheduled
classes. Parshall’s approach is known as the con-
textualization model. Post-Vatican II References
(1962–1965), Catholic missionaries in the sub-
continent support dialogue and conciliation. 1. Martyn H, Lee S (1824) Controversial tracts on Chris-
tianity and Mohammedanism and some of the most
Christian Troll, author of Muslims Ask, Christians eminent writers of Persia translated and explained: to
Answer [23], a Jesuit missionary in India from which is appended and additional tract on the same
1976 to 1988, taught at Vidyajyoti, Delhi question; and, in a preface, some account given of
(founded in 1881, originally in Bengal). Troll a former controversy on this subject, with extracts
from it. J. Deighton & Sons, Cambridge
went on to teach at Birmingham and elsewhere 2. Bennett C (1997) In dialogue with truth: a critical
and has advised the Vatican on relations with biography of Henry Martyn. Bull Henry Martyn Inst
Islam. In 1968, the Christian Study Centre was Islamic Stud 16(1 & 2):46–85. Republished in Singh
set up in Rawalpindi, Pakistan, under the auspices DE, Schick R (2001) Approaches, foundations, issues,
and models of interfaith relations. Jointly published by
of what was then the West Pakistan Christian Indian Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge
Council. For two years, the Henry Martyn School, and Henry Martin Institute of Islamic Studies, Hyder-
having decided to remain in India, was kept alive abad, Delhi, pp 195–239
by British Baptist missionary, Irene G. West, the 3. Pfander CG (1867) The Mizan ul Haqq, or, balance of
truth. CMS, London
last Principal (1958–1959), after which the title 4. Pfander CG (1840) Remarks on the nature of
was changed to Director and the school became an Muhammedanism. Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta
institute. In the 1990s, the Henry Martyn Institute 5. Muir W (1897) The Mohammedan controversy. T &
broadened its remit from Islam to interreligious T Clark, Edinburgh
6. Stock E (1899) The history of the Church Missionary
relations. Quite a few who have served in the Society: its environment, its men and its work, vol 2.
subcontinent with special interest in Islam went Church Mission Society, London
on to work for their churches or the National 7. Powell A (1992) Muslims and missionaries in pre-
Council of Churches in promoting dialogue and mutiny India. Curzon, Richmond
8. Powell A (2003) ‘Pillar of a new Faith’: Christianity
better relations in their home countries, for exam- in late–nineteenth century Punjab from the perspec-
ple, Clinton Bennett, whose publications include tive of a covert from Islam. In: Frykenburg RE (ed)
Understanding Christian-Muslim Relations [24] Christians and missionaries in India: cross-cultural
Mountain Jews 489

communication since 1550. Wm. B. Eerdmans,

Grand Rapids, pp 223–255 Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental
9. Arnold JM, Arnold JM (1874) Islam its history, char-
acter, and relation to Christianity. Longmans, Green, College, M.A.O.
London
10. Rouse GH (1897) Tracts for Muhammadans, 2nd edn. ▶ Aligarh Muslim University
Christian Literature Society for India, London
11. Hughes TP (1965) A dictionary of Islam. Being
a cyclopaedia of the doctrines, rites, ceremonies, and
customs, together with the technical and theological
terms, of the Muhammadan religion. Reference Book Mohammedan College of
Publishers, Clifton Calcutta
12. Rice WA (1910) Crusaders of the twentieth
century = or, The Christian missionary and the Mus-
lim: an introduction to the work among Muham-
▶ Calcutta Madrasah
madans. Rice, London
13. Parsons M (2005) Unveiling God: contextualising
Christology for Islamic culture. William Carey
Library, Pasadena Mohandas K.
14. Goldsack W (1923) Mussalmani Bengali-English dic-
tionary: containing nearly six thousand Arabic, Per-
sian, Turkish and Hindi words commonly used by the ▶ Gandhi, Mahatma, and Muslims
Muslims of Bengal. Published by the compiler and
printed by D.N. Banerjee, Calcutta
15. Missionary Conference on Behalf of the Moham-
medan World (1906) Methods of mission work
among Moslems. Revell, New York
Momna
16. E., A. L. O. (1880) The Zenana Reader. By A. L. O. E.
[i.e. Miss C. Tucker]. Christian Vernacular Education ▶ Satpanth

17.
Society, Madras, p 65
Mission BZ (1938) Seventy years of women’s work,
M
1867–1937. Baptist Missionary Society, London
18. Jones LB (1932) The People of the mosque. Student
Christian Movement Pr, London Moral Commitment
19. Sweetman J (2002) Islam and Christian theology:
a study of the interpretation of theological ideas in ▶ Jihād
the two religions. James Clarke, Cambridge, UK
20. Subhan JA (1950) How a Sufi found his Lord; an
autobiography of Bishop John A. Subhan. Lucknow
Publishing House, Lucknow
21. Jones VR, Bevan Jones L (1981) Woman in Islām: Mosque
a manual with special reference to conditions in India.
Hyperion Press, Westport
22. Parshall P (2000) Divine threads within a human tap-
▶ Jamā‘at-Khānā
estry: memoirs of Phil Parshall. W. Carey Library,
Pasadena
23. Troll CW (2012) Muslims ask, Christians answer.
New City Press, Hyde Park
24. Bennett C (2008) Understanding Christian-Muslim
Mountain Jews
relations. Continuum, London
25. Forward M (2001) Inter-religious dialogue: a short Jonathan Goldstein
introduction. Oneworld, Oxford History Department, University of West Georgia,
Carrollton, GA, USA

Modernity Synonyms

▶ Secularization and South Asian Islam Benei Manasseh; Bnei Menashe

490 Mountain Jews

Definition years after the Anglo-Manipur War and the Chin-

Lishai expedition, as a result of which Britain
A community which calls itself “the Bnei asserted its colonial dominance in the region. In
Menashe” and which has recently self-identified Mizoram, Welsh Presbyterians, Methodists,
as Jews lives in the northeastern Indian states of English Baptists, and Salvation Army brigadiers
Manipur, Mizoram, Assam, and Nagaland; in were most successful in converting the local ani-
Tiddim in the adjacent Burmese state of Chin; in mists, whereas in Manipur, American Baptists and
the Chittagong tracts of eastern Bangladesh; and Seventh-Day Adventists predominated. A 1951
in expatriate communities in Israel, especially in Government of India census recorded 177,575
Kiryat Arba, near Hebron. Christians in Mizoram and 98,394 in Manipur.
By 1981, 400,000 Christians constituted 83% of
Mizoram’s population and 420,000 Christians
Christological Context of The Bnei made up 30% of Manipur’s. Christianity
Menashe’s Turn Toward Judaism undermined tribal traditions so much that, in
1951, within this Christological context,
Of all the Jews of India, Bangladesh, and Myan- a Pentecostal deacon named Challiangthanga, or
mar/Burma, the most recent group to assert its “PuChalla,” or “MelaChala,” from the village of
identity dwell in the Himalayan foothills. They Buallawn in Mizoram, proclaimed that the Zo
inhabit the northeastern Indian states of Manipur, were in fact descended from ancient Israelites.
Mizoram, Assam, and Nagaland; Tiddim in the He asserted that they must regain their Judaic
adjacent Burmese state of Chin; the Chittagong identity and return to the “Promised Land,” the
tracts of eastern Bangladesh; and also have expa- recently reborn state of Israel [3]. A sectarian split
triate communities in Israel, especially in Kiryat then developed between those “Israelites” who
Arba, near Hebron. These “mountain Jewish” chose to retain some Christian practices and
communities are so microscopic and so recent in a second group who, after contact with other
their assertion of identity that they do not even Indian and Burmese Jews and with the Israeli
appear in Nathan Katz’s seminal 1990 study Who Consulate in Bombay, learned of the incompati-
Are the Jews of India? Orpa Slapak’s 1995 bility of a belief in Jesus with traditional Judaism.
volume The Jews of India: A Story of Three This second group chose to discard Christian
Communities also omits the mountain Jews, belief, coming into conflict especially with
describing only the Bene Israel, Kochini, and Manipuris who had been in contact with two
Baghdadi Indian Jewish communities [1]. American “Jews for Jesus” groups, Bet Hashem,
“Mountain Jews” self-identify as Bnei Menashe, from New Haven, Indiana, and the Assembly of
a Hebrew term meaning the children of the lost Yahweh, from Holt, Michigan. According to Aus-
Biblical tribe of Menasseh, who was the son of tralian anthropologist Myer Samra, who has stud-
Joseph. In 2005 Israel’s Mizrachi (Oriental) Chief ied these rivalries, “the Christian-leaning
Rabbi Shlomo Amar estimated the Bnei Menashe at descendants of Manasseh have sometimes
approximately 6,000 within a broader, overwhelm- expressed concern for their “misguided” cousins
ingly Christian “Zo” or “Mizo” population of per- who have rejected the Messiah and have come to
haps 3,000,000. Only in March of 2005 did Rabbi follow the wrong faith, leading the Jewish-leaning
Amar recognize the Bnei Menashe’s claims of Isra- group in turn to complain about the religious
elite origin and urge their reconversion to rabbinic prejudice – even “antisemitism” – which they
Judaism and resettlement in Israel [2]. must endure on account of their beliefs” [4].
The recent awakening of “Zo” or “Mizo” Within Myanmar/Burma, the Bnei Menashe
tribesmen to Judaism can be traced back to the community remains microscopic not so much
arrival of Christian missionaries in 1894 in what is because of Christian pressure but rather from the
today the Indian state of Mizoram and the adjacent overall repressive nature of successive military
tribal areas of Manipur. Evangelists arrived three governments that sought to impose Burmese
Mountain Jews 491

culture on many ethnic and religious minorities. In Bnei Menashe’s Rejudaization and
1996, a Bnei Menashe prayer hall near the Bur- Immigration to Israel
mese town of Tamu was bulldozed, apparently
because it was not considered to belong to Pursuing his own agenda by way of Calcutta,
a recognized religious denomination. On one Avichayil managed to send the Bnei Menashe an
occasion, Christian village chiefs in Burma’s assortment of Jewish ritual items, including reli-
Chin state expelled villagers who adopted Sabba- gious books and skullcaps. In 1983, he was instru-
tarian practices because of the disruptive impact mental in bringing four young Bnei Menashe to
on the unity of the community. A sprinkling of Israel for religious training. In 1988, a group of 24
Bnei Menashe also inhabit the neighboring Indian converted to Judaism. Nine more came in 1989. In
provinces of Assam and Nagaland and the Chitta- 1991, 14 Bnei Menashe attended the opening of
gong tracts of eastern Bangladesh [5]. the exhibit “Beyond the Sambatyon: The Myth of
Challiangthanga’s revelations of 1951 pro- the Ten Lost Tribes,” which Israeli anthropologist
voked a relatively unimportant regional squabble Shalva Weil arranged at Tel Aviv’s Museum of the
until 1966, when Indian Army Major General Jewish Diaspora. A corner of the exhibition was
Jack Jacob, a Baghdadi Jew from Calcutta and devoted to the Bnei Menashe and their process of
the second-highest-ranking officer in India’s east- Judaization. After the exhibit, eight members of
ern command, established contact with the group stayed on in Israeli yeshivoth (religious
Mizoram’s “Israelites.” In 1979, those Bnei seminaries) and began the formal process of con-
Menashe groups within Mizoram and Manipur version (or reconversion, depending upon one’s
who rejected Christian practices came under the point of view) to Judaism.
influence of Jerusalem’s Rabbi Eliyahu Avraham In 1992, the Amishav organization sponsored
Avichayil and his Amishav (Hebrew = my people the settlement of a group of young Bnei Menashe
returns) organization. They were subsequently in the Gush Katif area of the Gaza Strip, which
contacted by Israeli-American journalist Michael was later evacuated under an agreement between
M
Freund’s Shavei Israel (Hebrew = those who have the government of Israeli Likud Prime Minister
returned to Israel) group. Both Rabbi Avichayil Ariel Sharon and the Palestinian Authority.
and Freund aim to rescue “lost” tribes from Another group of Bnei Menashe settled in Kiryat
around the world, reconvert them to rabbinic Arba, near Hebron on the West Bank, where the
Judaism, and repatriate them to Israel under the vast majority continue to live. According to
state’s Law of Return. Shavei Israel published Shalva Weil, “the millenarian beliefs which
Allenby Sela’s JudaThawnthu, a collection of guided their conversion to Judaism dovetail with
stories in the Mizo language about Jewish sages the messianic beliefs of the settlers in the West
such as Rabbis Akiva and Shimon Bar Yochai. Bank, who are waiting for the coming of the
The book emphasized the importance of being Messiah. Small groups of these settlers seek to
charitable, loving one’s fellow Jews, and having accelerate this process by the ‘ingathering’ of
faith in God. Rabbi Avichayil visited Bombay in Lost Israelites” [7]. In 1994, 13 Bnei Menashe
1980, met Bnei Menashe who were studying women enrolled in Jerusalem’s Nahalat Hatzvi
there, and suggested that the proto-Israelites iden- women’s religious seminary, in preparation for
tify themselves as “Children of Menasseh.” conversion to rabbinic Judaism. By 2000, approx-
Avichayil visited Manipur and Mizoram in 1991. imately 400 Bnei Menashe had completed the
While their objectives were similar, Avichayil and process of conversion or reconversion in Israel.
Freund went their separate ways over the delicate In August 2002 an additional 95 Bnei Menashe
matter of receiving Christian funding. Shavei arrived in Israel to undergo training preparatory to
Israel is partially funded by the International Fel- formal conversion or reconversion. On December
lowship of Christians and Jews, a coalition of 4, 2003, in a much publicized event, eight Bnei
evangelical Christians that provides millions of Menasseh brides who had undergone formal
dollars in financial support to Israel [6]. conversion were married in Jerusalem’s Great
492 Mountain Jews

Synagogue, Hechal Shlomo. By 2004, approxi- “educate” their coreligionists. Some Bnei Menashe
mately 800 Bnei Menashe had managed to immi- are educated at Bombay’s Jewish-sponsored ORT
grate to Israel from India, undergo Orthodox vocational school along side other Indian Jews,
conversion, and naturalize as citizens of the Jew- Catholics, and Hindus [11].
ish state [8]. Those who remain in Israel encounter many of
According to Meir Samra, the September 2005 the same challenges faced by other immigrants to
visit of three Israeli rabbis to carry out conversions the Jewish state: how does one retain elements of
in Mizoram and Manipur enraged mainstream his or her original identity while assimilating into
Christian leaders in the region. Local Christians the mainstream of Israeli society? Anthropologist
were concerned that even more Zos would aban- Weil sums up the choices faced by the Bnei
don Christianity for Judaism. These local leaders Menashe as follows:
communicated their discomfort to the Indian fed- [Some] have chosen the path of conversion to
eral government in New Delhi, compounding an Orthodox Judaism and emigration to Israel; others
undercurrent of opposition to rejudaization which have chosen the same path of conversion without
dated as far back as 1980. In that year, Indian emigration. Some define themselves as Christian,
but believe in the imminent return to Zion in con-
journalist Dewan Berindranath perceived junction with the Jews; others define themselves as
a “hotbed of foreign intrigue” behind the Mizo Israelites but believe they can build Zion in Mizo-
reconversion. The conspiracy was jointly orches- ram. Finally, some have affiliated with different
trated by none other than “the American C.I.A., “Messianic Jews” in the United States, who believe
that the observance of Jewish practices is compati-
China, and Israel” as part of a joint effort to help ble with a belief of Jesus as the Messiah [12].
the underground “Mizo National Front” dismem-
ber India. In 2005, this opposition culminated in It is this last prospect which most alarms reli-
the Indian government contacting the government giously devout members of the Bnei Menashe as
of Israel about the reconversion and immigration well as their supporters, including Amishav, the
of Mountain Jews. After three rabbis had Shavei Israel organization, and their traditionally
converted 218 people in Mizoram, their visit was observant Jewish counterparts worldwide.
abruptly halted, even before these
Jewish evangelists had a chance to enter Manipur
[9]. The rabbis were Israeli civil servants and as Cross-References
such were obligated to return home as soon as the
Israeli Foreign Ministry ordered them to do so. The ▶ Baghdadi Jews of India
ministry feared a crisis with the Indian government, ▶ Bangladesh (Islam and Muslims)
with whom Israel had only recently established full ▶ Bene Israel
diplomatic relations. Since September 2005, any ▶ Bengal (Islam and Muslims)
Bnei Menashe who wishes to be recognized as ▶ Bnei Menashe
Jewish under Israeli law must first be converted ▶ Myanmar Jews
by a rabbinical court approved by the Israeli Min-
istry of Religion, either in Israel or overseas [10].
References

The Bnei Menashe in 2016 1. Katz N (2000) Who are the Jews of India? University
of California Press, Berkeley; Slapak O (ed)
(1995) The Jews of India: a story of three communi-
As of this writing in 2016, the Israeli Ministry of ties. The Israel Museum, Jerusalem
Religion has sent no additional rabbis to perform 2. Samra M (1996) Buallawn Israel: the emergence of
conversions in India. The total number of Mountain a Judaising movement in Mizoram, Northeast India.
In: Olson L (ed) Religious change, conversion, and
Jews who have immigrated and converted by vari- culture. Syd Stud Soc Cult 12:105–131; Weintraub
ous means has risen to approximately 3,000. A few RM (1987) Group in India yearns to be Jewish. Wash-
converts have returned to Mizoram and Manipur to ington Post, March 16, 1987, p A13; Geeta Pandey
Muhammad b. Qāsim 493
˙

(2004) India’s Lost Jews wait in hope. BBC, August (sic). Jerusalem Post, May 23, 1993, p 9; Mills
18, 2004, http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/south_ J (2000) ‘Lost tribe’ asks for return status. Jewish
asia/3575716.stm; Rabbi backs India’s ‘lost Jews’. Chronicle [London], January 14, 2000, p 2;
BBC News, April 1, 2005, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/ Reexamining the law of return. Washington Jewish
hi/south_asia/4400957.stm; Sheleg Y (2005) Amar: Week, October 20, 1994, p 23; ‘Lost Tribe’ in Israel.
Bnei Menashe are descendants of ancient Atlanta Jewish Times, September 8, 2002, p 8; Wayne
Israelites. Ha-aretz [Tel Aviv], April 1, 2005; Samra J (2001) It ain’t half hot – Mumbai. Jewish Chronicle
M (2012) The Benei Menashe: choosing Judaism in [London], March 23, 2001, p 43
North East India. J Indo-Judaic Stud 12- 9. Berindranath D (1980) Mythology of Zionist propa-
(Spring):45–46, 49; Bardenstein E, Olmert decides: ganda: Mizos are the 14th lost tribe of Israel! Blitz,
thousands of Bnei Menashe will come to Israel (trans- March 29, 1980, p 7; Wagner, Bnei Menashe; Samra,
lation of an article in Maariv, August 20, 2008, pro- The Benei Manasseh, p 50
vided by the Shavei Israel organization) 10. Weil, Lost Israelites, 219; Taste of their own medicine:
3. Goswami BB (1980) By-product of Christianity on the Judaism threatens Church in Mizoram, Manipur. Dec-
Hill Tribesmen of North-east India. RE Rev Ethnol can Herald, April 22, 2005; Hilda Leila Krieger, “Bnei
7(1–9):42–46; Samra M (1992) Judaism in Manipur Menashe aliya, conversions, halted pending govern-
and Mizoram: by-product of Christian mission. Aust ment review. The Jerusalem Post, July 2, 2006; Wag-
J Jewish Stud 6(1):7–8; Samra (1991) The tribe of ner, Beni Menashe; Samra, BeneiMenashe, pp 51, 55
Manasseh: ‘Judaism’ in the Hills of Manipur and 11. Weil, Lost Israelites, 222; Bhaumik S (2003) Mizo
Mizoram. Man India 71(1):193; Weisman SR ‘Jews’ seek Israel visas. BBC News, December 23,
(1987) In a far corner of India, a sect yearns for Israel. 2003, http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/south_asia/
The New York Times, February 20, 1987, p 4; 3228054.stm; Samra, The Benei Manasseh, 45–46,
Shinlungs pursue Judaism in Hindu land. Atlanta p 53
Const, May 9, 1987; Weil S (2004) Lost Israelites 12. Weil, Lost Israelites, 230. See note four above on
from the Indo-Burmese Borderlands: re- contacts between American Messianic Jewish groups
traditionalisation and conversion among the Shinlung and the Manipur Jews
or Bene Menasseh. Anthropologist 6(3):223–225;
Samra, Benei Menashe, 45
4. Samra, Tribe, 196
5. Lal Dena (1988) Christian missions and colonialism:
a study of missionary movement [sic] in northeast
M
India with particular reference to Manipur and Lushai Mu‘izz al-Dīn
Hills 1894–1947. Vendrame, Shillong, Assam; Samra,
Tribe, 191; Samra, Judaism, 16; Weil S, Lost Israelites,
228; Samra, Benei Menashe, 47–49 ▶ Muḥammad Ghūrī
6. Weil S (2003) Dual conversion among the Shinlung of
North-East India. Stud Tribes Tribals 1(1):52; Wagner
M (2005) Bnei Menashe conversions halted after
Indian pressure. Jerusalem Post, November 9, 2005.
On general Jacob’s contacts see Samra, Bullawn,
124–125; Brochure: Roots: Shavei Israel: our people Muhammad b. al-Qāsim
return, Jerusalem, approximately April 2005 ˙
7. Weil S, Lost Israelites, 228–229; Ningthoujam ▶ Muḥammad b. Qāsim
A (2012) Shabbat with the Bnei Menashe: meeting
my countrymen in Israel. Asian Jewish Life (Hong
Kong) 10:36–38; Photos: “Prayer in the Zion Shalom
synagogue in Aizawl, Mizoram, India, 1969” and
“LianTual, secretary of the Beith Shalom community
with his family, Tiddim, Burma, 1987” in Weil (1991)
Muhammad b. Qāsim
Beyond the Sambatyon: the myth of the ten lost tribes
[Hebrew = Me-ever la-Sambatyon: ha-mitos shel
˙
a’seret ha-shevatim ha-avudim]. Beth Hatefusoth, Michael O’Neal
The Museum of the Jewish Diaspora, Tel Aviv, Washington, DC, USA
pp 19, 81
8. Franks S (1989) Jews of Manipur – the lost tribe. India
Worldwide 2(10):52–55; Rei G (1989) Is the door
closing on Manipur Jews? India Worldwide 2(11):5;
Yossi Klein Halevi (1994) The unwanted immigrants.
Synonyms
The Jerusalem Report, November 17, 1994, p 27;
Abramowitz L (1993) Polyglot absorption in EinHatzi Muḥammad b. al-Qāsim
494 Muhammad b. Qāsim
˙

Definition Ṣaṣṣa), was himself purportedly descended from

a family of Brahmins [12, 16, 23].
Muḥammad b. Qāsim (d. 715) was the Arab con- When al-Ḥajjāj failed to persuade Dāhir to
queror of Sind under whom Islam was first per- suppress the Mēds, and after two previous expe-
manently established in the Indian subcontinent. ditions resulted in failure, he resolved on
dispatching a more sizeable force [12, 19]. Fol-
lowing months of preparation, Muḥammad set out
from Shīrāz with 6,000 men from the army (jund)
Origins and Early Career
of Syria and other contingents, marching through
Makrān and overcoming resistance in the towns of
His full name was Muḥammad b. al-Qāsim b.
Fannazbūr and Armābīl along the way. At the port
Muḥammad b. al-Ḥakam b. Abī ‘Aqīl al-Thaqafī,
of Daybul (Dēbal or Dēwal), often identified with
a prominent member of the Thaqīf tribe of Ṭā’if
the seaport ruins of Banbhore [1, 7, 24], Muḥam-
near the holy city of Mecca. (His laqabs or titles
mad received assistance from an Arab fleet. The
‘Imād al-Dīn and Karīm al-Dīn attested in the
Muslims bombarded the temple (budd/but) at the
Chachnāma are obvious anachronisms.)
center of the city, and its destruction led to a loss
Muḥammad’s cousin and patron was the domi-
of morale and the capitulation of the city’s
neering Umayyad governor of ‘Irāq and the east,
defenders [12, 16, 24]. Muḥammad settled 4,000
al-Ḥajjāj b. Yūsuf, who placed him in charge of an
Arab families at Daybul and founded there the
expedition to Sind in c. 709–711 at the tender age,
first mosque in the Indian subcontinent [24]; also
according to al-Balādhurī, of 17, putting his birth
at Daybul were minted in AH 95 (713–714) the
at c. 692–694. At this time Muḥammad was
first known Islamic coins in India, silver dirhams
campaigning in Fārs, and al-Ḥajjāj appointed
in the name of the Umayyad caliph, al-Walīd b.
him to the recently conquered province of Makrān
‘Abd al-Malik [13, 17].
with the task of a punitive operation against Sind,
From Daybul the Muslim army marched on
purportedly to chastise Mēd corsairs at the mouth
Nīrūn (near modern Hyderabad), which surren-
of the Indus who had kidnapped Muslim women
dered peacefully. Thence were conquered Sahbān
from “the island of corundum” (jazīrat al-yāqūt),
and Sadūsān (Sīwistān, modern Sehwan) at which
often identified with Sri Lanka but perhaps in fact
point 4,000 Jats (Arabic: Zuṭṭ) joined the Arab
Sumatra [6]. Yet, from the first, the object of the
force. The Arabs finally confronted Dāhir along
campaign appears to have been permanent con-
the Indus in June 712 in a great battle during
quest [12].
which the Indian ruler was killed. Left with
a local garrison only, the capital of Brahmanābād
(near the later Muslim capital of al-Manṣūra) held
The Arab Conquest of Sind out for 6 months before merchants of the town
arranged for its capitulation. The next cities to fall
Prior Arab incursions into Sind, whether across were Rāwar, Sāwandrī/Sāwandī, Basmad,
Makrān or by sea, had been sporadic in character Baghrūr, and finally al-Rūr (Arōr or Alōr), one
and without caliphal approval [21, 22, 24]. The of the chief cities of Sind near modern Rōhṛī.
local population was both Hindu and Buddhist, Moving along the east bank of the Indus to the
the former dominating northern Sind and proba- Beas (Bayās) River, at its old course before its
bly constituting a majority of the population and confluence with the lower Sutlej, the Arabs then
the latter concentrated in the Indus delta. The conquered the city of Sikka before crossing the
major Hindu sects were Pāśupata Śaivites in the river. The final major city to fall was Multān,
south and the Saura solar cult centered on Multan where the Muslim army cut off the water supply
in the north, while most Buddhist monks and forced the town’s surrender. This marked the
belonged to the Saṃmitīya school [18]. The northernmost extent of Arab conquest. In 714
ruler of Sind, Dāhir, son of Chach (Ṭabarī’s Muḥammad turned south toward al-Rūr and
Muhammad b. Qāsim 495
˙

received the submission of Baylamān and Surast settlement, although the processes at work behind
and conquered Kīraj [12, 16, 19, 24]. this development are obscure; on the other hand,
a large Hindu minority survived in Sind until the
mid-twentieth century [18].
Downfall and Death

It was in Multān in 714 that Muḥammad heard of Sources

the death of al-Ḥajjāj; in the following year al-
Walīd died as well. Giving impetus to the growing Despite the significance of his career, the sources
factionalism that pitted the Qays/Muḍar tribes on Muḥammad b. Qāsim are sparse. Of the early
(most prominently represented by al-Ḥajjāj and Arabic authorities, the Futūḥ al-buldān of al-
the Thaqafīs) against the Yemenī or “southern” Balādhurī is the principal source even though its
Arabs, the new caliph, Sulaymān b. ‘Abd al- narrative runs but a few meager pages [3, 20];
Malik, set about eliminating the supporters of his other classical authors like Ṭabarī and Ya‘qūbī
brother’s regime who had sought to thwart his are brief and mainly corroborative [12, 14].
succession [5]. A force was dispatched to Sind Many additional details are found in the
to arrest Muḥammad and bring him to Wāsiṭ in Chachnāma, a thirteenth-century Persian transla-
‘Irāq, where he was unceremoniously imprisoned tion of a ninth-century Arabic history composed at
and died in captivity [10, 12, 15]. al-Rūr [4, 8]; although this work represents an
authentic local tradition and likely incorporates
one or several lost histories of Sind by al-
Effects of the Arab Conquest Madā’inī, it also contains many fabulous elements
that make its overall historicity difficult to assess
The conquest of Sind was accomplished through [2, 11, 23, 24]. Several autobiographical verses
a high degree of pragmatism by the Arab con-
M
are attributed to Muḥammad b. Qāsim that have
querors and often with the collaboration or acqui- survived in scattered sources [12].
escence of local elements. According to the
Chachnāma the continuation of disabilities
against the low-caste Jats, attested in al-Balādhurī Cross-References
for the 830s, was first confirmed by Muḥammad b.
Qāsim [2, 10, 11]. In al-Rūr and perhaps in ▶ Multan (Islam and Muslims)
Brahmanābād, it is said that Muḥammad
announced the inclusion of the Hindus and Bud-
dhists of Sind as dhimmī s, recognized religious References
minorities under Islamic law, a status which was
theoretically reserved for Christians and Jews but 1. Abdul Ghafur M (1966) Fourteen Kufic inscriptions of
had already been extended to include Zoroastrians Banbhore, the site of Daybul. Pak Archaeol 3:65–90
2. Ahmed M (2012) The long thirteenth century of the
in Iran [10, 18, 24]. Although Daybul had been Chachnama. Indian Econ Soc Hist Rev
conquered “by force” (‘anwatan) and its temple 49(4):459–491
was destroyed, at Multān, which had similarly 3. al-Balādhurī Abūl-l-‘Abbās Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā b. Jābir
resisted, the Arabs did not destroy the famous (1968) Kitāb futūḥ al-buldān = Liber expugnationis
regionum, 2nd edn (ed: de Goeje MJ). E.J. Brill,
sun temple after they purloined the gold amassed Leiden
inside [9]. Most cities were taken peacefully 4. Baloch NA (ed) (1983) Fatḥnāmah-i Sind, being the
(ṣulḥan) and the conquerors were content to original record of the Arab conquest of Sind: Persian
impose the kharāj (meaning in this context the text. Institute of Islamic History, Culture and Civilisa-
tion, Islamic University, Islamabad
jizya or poll tax) on the non-Muslim population 5. Crone P (1994) Were the Qays and Yemen of the
[10, 18]. The decline of Buddhism in Sind was Umayyad period political parties? Der Islam
closely connected with the Arab conquest and 71(1):1–57
496 Muhammad b. Sām
˙

6. Fatimi SQ (1964) The identification of Jazīrat al- 23. Siddiqui IH (2010) Indo-Persian historiography up to
Yāqūt. J Asiat Soc Pak 9(1):19–35 the thirteenth century. Primus Books, Delhi
7. Fatimi SQ (1981) The twin ports of Daybul: A study in 24. Wink A (1996) Al-Hind: the making of the Indo-
the early maritime history of Sind. In: Khuhro H (ed) Islamic world, 3rd edn. Early medieval India and the
Sind through the centuries. Oxford University Press, expansion of Islam 7th–11th centuries, vol 1. E.J.
Karachi, pp 97–105 Brill, Leiden
8. Fredunbeg MK (tr) (1900–1902) The Cachnamah, an
ancient history of Sind, giving the Hindu period down
to the Arab conquest, 2 vols. The Commissioner’s
Press, Karachi
9. Friedmann Y (1972) The temple of Multan: a note on Muhammad b. Sām
early Muslim attitudes to idolatry. Israel Orient Stud ˙
2:176–182
10. Friedmann Y (1977) A contribution to the early his- ▶ Muḥammad Ghūrī
tory of Islam in India. In: Rosen-Ayalon M (ed) Stud-
ies in memory of Gaston Wiet. The Hebrew University
of Jerusalem, Jerusalem, pp 309–333
11. Friedmann Y (1984) The origins and significance of
the Chach Nāma. In: Friedmann Y (ed) Islam in Asia. Muhammad Ghūrī
South Asia, vol 1. Magnes Press, Jerusalem, pp 23–37 ˙
12. Gabrieli F (1965) Muḥammad ibn Qāsim ath-Thaqafī Michael O’Neal
and the Arab conquest of Sind. East West
15(3–4):281–295 Washington, DC, USA
13. Goron S, Goenka JP (2001) The coins of the Indian
sultanates: covering the area of present-day India,
Pakistan and Bangladesh. Munshiram Manoharlal, Synonyms
New Delhi
14. Hinds M (tr) (1990) The history of al-Ṭabarī. The
zenith of the Marwānid house, vol 23. State University Muḥammad b. Sām; Mu‘izz al-Dīn; Shihāb
of New York Press, Albany al-Dīn
15. Jaffar SM (1945) End of ‘Imād-ud-Dīn Muḥammad
ibn Qāsim, the Arab conqueror of Sind. Islam Cult
19(1):54–68
16. Kennedy H (2007) The great Arab conquests: how the Definition
spread of Islam changed the world we live in. Da Capo
Press, Philadelphia Muḥammad Ghūrī (r. 1173–1203 as junior sultan
17. Klat MG (2002) Catalogue of the post-reform dir-
hams: the Umayyad dynasty. Spink, London at Ghazna; 1203–1206 as supreme sultan) was the
18. Maclean DN (1989) Religion and society in Arab Ghūrid conqueror of northern India under whom
Sind. E.J. Brill, Leiden Muslim authority was permanently extended east-
19. Majumdar RC (1931) The Arab invasion of India. ward beyond the Punjab to Bengal.
Dacca University supplement. Diocesan Press,
Madras
20. Murgotten FC (tr) (1924) The origins of the Islamic
state, being a translation from the Arabic accompanied Overview
with annotations geographic and historic notes of the
Kit^ab Futûḥ al-Buld^an of al-Im^am abu-l ‘Abb^as
Aḥmad ibn-J^abir al-Bal^adhuri, pt. 2. Columbia Uni- His contemporaries commonly identified him by
versity, New York his laqabs or titles Shihāb al-Dīn and later Mu‘izz
21. Piacentini VF (2002) Arab expeditions overseas in the al-Dīn; various other honorifics are attested in the
seventh century AD – working hypotheses on the
historical sources, in foundation inscriptions, and
dissolution of the Sasanian state apparatus along the
eastern seaboard of the Arabian Peninsula. Proc Semin on his coinage [8]. For most of his career, he
Arabian Stud 32:165–173 loyally cooperated with his elder brother, Ghiyās
22. Richards JF (1974) The Islamic frontier in the east: al-Dīn Muḥammad, the supreme Ghūrid ruler at
expansion into South Asia. South Asia 4:91–109.
Fīrūzkūh in central Afghanistan; after Ghiyās al-
Reprinted in: Richard JF (1993) Power, administration
and finance in Mughal India. Variorum Ashgate, Dīn’s death in 1203, with the empire at its apogee,
Aldershot he acceded to the position of paramount ruler of
Muhammad Ghūrī 497
˙

the Shansabānī dynasty. By the time of his assas- Benares at Chandawār in 1194 and in the follow-
sination in 1206, however, the Ghūrid position in ing year captured the great fortress of Thangīr
Khurāsān was already crumbling, while the terri- (Tahangarh) and began the siege of Gwalior.
tories in India were dominated by his Turkish Most the conquests were carried out by Muḥam-
slaves (ghulāms or mamlūks) who soon mad Ghūrī’s ghulāms, notably Quṭb al-Dīn Aibak
established their independence and laid the foun- (Aybeg) and his subordinates [14]. In 1197 he
dations of the Delhi Sultanate. dispatched reinforcements from Ghazna to
Ajmer to relieve a beleaguered Aibak, who then
avenged the sultan’s earlier defeat at Mount Abu
Conquests in the East and briefly occupied Nahrwāla (Patan) [10, 23].
Bengal was reduced by the Khalaj freebooter
After the short reign of his father, Bahā’ al-Dīn Muḥammad b. Bakhtiyār, who acknowledged
Sām (d. 1149), Muḥammad Ghūrī’s uncle ‘Alā’ Muḥammad Ghūrī’s suzerainty on coins com-
al-Dīn Ḥusayn (r. 1149–1161), called Jahānsūz memorating the conquest [6, 9].
(“world-burner”) for his terrifying sack of
Ghazna, imprisoned his two nephews as rivals to
Overreach in the West
the Shansabānī throne. Ghiyās al-Dīn was even-
tually enthroned at Fīrūzkūh in 1163, yet the
Ghūrid expansion into Khurāsān in eastern Iran
brothers continued to pay homage to their uncle
proved far more difficult. Here he battled the mighty
Fakhr al-Dīn Mas‘ūd, the ruler of Bāmiyān who
Khwārazmshāhs and their Turkish auxiliaries from
had opposed his nephew’s accession [12].
the Inner Asian steppe. Upon the death of Tekesh b.
Muḥammad Ghūrī first served as his brother’s
Il-Arslān in 1200, Muḥammad Ghūrī conquered
sar-i jāndār (commander of the guards or execu-
Nīshāpūr and reduced the Ismā‘īlīs of Quhistān to
tioners), and after a brief stay at the court of the
submission [5]. When ‘Alā’ al-Dīn Muḥammad b. M
Naṣrid malik of Sīstān [4], he accompanied
Tekesh attempted to take Herat, Muḥammad Ghūrī
Ghiyās al-Dīn’s reconquest of Ghazna from the
invaded Khwārazm to tackle the combined forces
Oghuz Türkmen in 1173–1174. Receiving the
of the shah and his overlords the pagan Qara Khitai
throne of Ghazna but remaining his brother’s sub-
or Western (Xi) Liao dynasty. The invasion proved
ordinate, Muḥammad Ghūrī quickly turned his
a disastrous miscalculation, and in September 1204,
gaze towards northern India.
the Qara Khitai routed the Ghūrid army at
In 1175–1176, he conquered Multān from the
Andkhūd, modern Andkhoi in northwest Afghani-
Ismā‘īlīs and captured Uchch, but an expedition
stan [3]. This defeat led to ghulām mutinies in
across the Thar Desert to Gujarāt ended in disaster
Ghazna and Multan and an uprising of Khōkkar
when the Ghūrid army was defeated at Mount
tribesmen in the Punjab which Aibak suppressed.
Abu. More success was had at Daybul where the
While returning from Lahore to Ghazna, Muḥam-
Sūmra dynasty was forced to submit [11, 23].
mad Ghūrī was slain on c. March 13, 1206, by
Muḥammad Ghūrī then captured Peshawar and
either Khōkkar or Ismā‘īlī assailants at Dumyak,
in 1186 allied with the rājas of Jammū to oust
and was buried in Ghazna [10–12, 23].
the last Ghaznavid sultan, Khusraw Malik, from
Lahore. Shortly thereafter he conquered
Tabarhindh (Bathinda) from the Chauhāns Succession and Legacy
(Cāhamānas) of Ajmer, but he was defeated in
c. 1187–1191 at Tarā’in by the Chauhān king With only one daughter who predeceased him and
Pṛthvīrāja III. Returning to Tarā’in in 1192, he no male heirs, the later historiographical tradition,
achieved a signal victory, captured Pṛthvīrāja, in particular Jūzjānī, implausibly claims that
and set about reducing the Chauhān territories. Muḥammad Ghūrī’s Turkish ghulāms inherited
He overcame the Gāhaḍavālas of Kanauj and his domains in India. It is more likely, however,
498 Muhammad Ghūrī
˙

that he favored his nephew ‘Alā’ al-Dīn (earlier Cross-References

Ḍiyā’ al-Dīn) Muḥammad, who had fought with
his uncle in India and Quhistān and who received ▶ ‘Alā’ al-Dīn Ḥusayn (Ghūrid)
the capital of Fīrūzkūh in 1203. In the event, ▶ Aibak (Aybeg), Quṭb al-Dīn
however, he was succeeded in Ghūr by his ▶ Bengal (Islam and Muslims)
nephew Ghiyās al-Dīn Maḥmūd. Ghazna ▶ Delhi Sultanate
remained opposed to the new sultan, first under ▶ Fakhr-i Mudabbir
the rival Shansabānī regime at Bāmiyān and then ▶ Ghūrids
under the ghulām Tāj al-Dīn Yildiz (Yıldız); ▶ Ismā‘īlīs
Aibak remained faithful at Lahore, at least ini- ▶ Jihād
tially; and Nāṣir al-Dīn Qubācha continued his ▶ Jūzjānī, Minhāj al-Dīn
hold on Uchch and Multan, eventually declaring ▶ Lahore
his independence [11, 12, 23]. The decade follow- ▶ Multan (Islam and Muslims)
ing Muḥammad Ghūrī’s death represented the ▶ Shams al-Dīn Iltutmish
twilight of the Ghūrid Empire; while India gradu-
ally broke free, in the west the empire crumbled
before the might of the Khwārazmshāh.
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Muḥammad Ghūrī is named on the Quṭb Minār
and Quwwat al-Islām mosque in Delhi [17, 18] 1. Ahmad A (1963) Epic and counter-epic in medieval
and in foundation inscriptions at Hānsī and India. J Am Orient Soc 83:470–476. Reprinted in:
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711–1750. Oxford University Press, Delhi, pp 37–49
enjoyed hunting and playing polo [22], he is
2. Askari SH (1963) Taj-ul-maasir of Hasan Nizami.
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while for Jūzjānī, he is simply the holy warrior- 3. Biran M (2005) The empire of the Qara Khitai in
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4. Bosworth CE (1994) The history of the Saffarids of
Islam and anachronistically serving as a barrier Sistan and the Maliks of Nimruz (247/861 to 949/
against the Mongol catastrophe [11]. In India 1542-3). Mazda, Costa Mesa
many local administrators, dignitaries, and 5. Bosworth CE (1996) The Isma‘ilis of Quhistān and the
Maliks of Nīmrūz or Sīstān. In: Daftary F (ed) Medi-
princes were retained, however, making Muḥam-
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mad Ghūrī’s actual role there more akin to an sity Press, Cambridge, pp 221–229
Indian overlord [7, 11]. 6. Eaton RM (1993) The rise of Islam and the Bengal
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Princeton University Press, Princeton
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Ghaznavides et des Ghurides à travers les documents
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numismatiques et épigraphiques. Eurasian Stud
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ma’āsir [2, 21] and Ibn al-Athīr [20] are essential sultanates: covering the area of present-day India,
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New Delhi
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[13]. ‘Awfī’s Jawāmi‘ al-ḥikāyāt contains anec- rule in India: a history of the establishment and pro-
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Hillenbrand C (ed) Studies in honour of Clifford Muʿīn al-Dīn Sijzī
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sian and Turkish culture, vol 2. EJ Brill, Leiden,
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M
23. Wink A (1997) Al-Hind: The making of the Indo-
Islamic world. The slave kings and the Islamic con-
quest, 11th-13th centuries, vol 2. EJ Brill, Leiden Muir’s Early Life

Born in Glasgow, where his father was a merchant,

Muir attended Glasgow University and Edinburgh
University but left before graduating to accept
Muhammad Ḥusaynī
˙
Astarābādī
a post with the East India Company. His relative,
Sir James Shaw, secured entry-level appointments
for William and his three brothers. Muir trained at
▶ Mīr Findiriskī
the East India College, Haileybury (from 1835),
before proceeding to Calcutta (1837). After a year
at Fort William College, he was attached to the
newly formed Northwest Provinces (formed
Muhammad Qāsim b. Siddīq 1836). He was Officiating Magistrate at Kanpur
˙
Labbai ˙ (1839–1840, spelled Cawnpore by the English),
a Settlement Officer (1841–1843), then Joint
▶ Siddi Lebbe, Mohammed Cassim Magistrate and Deputy Collector, Fatehpur
(1843–1846). After a year on furlough in Britain
(1846–1847), he became Secretary to the Board
of Revenue, Agra. At Agra, Muir supported the
Muhammad Rafī‘ Saudā German-born Anglican missionary Karl G. Pfander
˙ (1803–1865) and his controversies with Muslim
▶ Saudā, Mirzā (d. 1781) scholars, describing this in the Calcutta Review.
500 Muir, Sir William

These articles, with other relevant reviews of liter- to by the British as the Sepoy or Indian Mutiny,
ature and the beginning of his own work on sources broke out. Muir, still based in Agra (since 1852 as
for Muḥammad’s life, were later published as The Secretary to the Government), was seconded as
Mohammedan Controversy [1]. Muir was present chief of intelligence for NWP, operating from
at the formal public debates that took place in 1854 Agra Fort. His activities during this period are
between Pfander, supported by Thomas Valpy described in Records of the Intelligence Depart-
French (1825–1891), future bishop of Lahore ment of the Government of the North-West Prov-
(Muir’s close friend), and Rahmatullah Kairanawi inces of India During the Mutiny of 1857 [4]. In
(1818–1891), supported by Muhammad Wazîr 1859, when the NWP government was transferred
Kh^an (1834–1864). to Allahabad, Muir went with it as a full member
of the Revenue Board. By 1861, he was senior
member. By 1865, he was Foreign Secretary to the
Scholarship of Islam
Government of India in Calcutta under Viceroy
John Lawrence, another fervent evangelical. In
Muir championed Pfander’s methods but thought
1866, Muir received his first honorary doctorate
he could be better informed about Islam. Access to
for his writing on Islam; he was awarded the LLD
more accurate information, Muir believed, would
by Glasgow. Doctorates followed from Oxford
assist Christians in their evangelical task. His fel-
(1882), Edinburgh (1884), and Bologna (1888).
low civil servant Aloys Sprenger (1813–1893) had
The year 1867 saw him knighted (KSCI).
published a Life of Mahommed [2], for which he
Between 1868 and 1874, Muir was Lt. Governor
used two transcripts of early sources, an abridge-
of NWP (this was NWP’s executive post). His
ment of Ibn Hishām dated 1307 (this work omitted
appointment was actually extended; he proved
the chains of narration) and book one of Ibn Sa`d’s
very good at introducing reforms in education
Ṭabaqāt dated 1313. Muir was able to use the same
and land settlement, the latter addressing legiti-
sources for his own work, beginning his four-
mate Indian grievances that maintained stability
volume Life of Mahomet [3]. Later, he deposited
and even actually proved popular. An ardent
the second and part of the first in the India Office
advocate of education, he promoted village edu-
Library, London, with his own English abstracts.
cation in the vernacular and women’s education
Muir did not disagree radically with Sprenger’s
and inspired what over time evolved into Allaha-
evaluation of sources or with his reconstruction of
bad University (founded as Muir Central College,
Muḥammad’s life. He did think that Sprenger
1872). He strongly supported Ahmed Khan’s ini-
credited what he called the “spirit of the age” too
tiative in Aligarh (1878) where he was the official
much. Muir’s assessment of Muḥammad was far
Visitor. He was unsuccessful, however, in
from complimentary; however, he did credit
reintroducing Farsi into the government curricu-
Muḥammad rather than his companions (an idea
lum. Despite his negative view of Islam, Muir
that Sprenger also favored) with forming Islam
enjoyed close relations with several prominent
(Muir, Vol. 1, 1861, p. ccxxxix). Of course, Mus-
Muslims, including Sir Sayyid Aḥmed Khān and
lims credit God, so neither approach finds much
the Nawab of Ranpur. Khān’s own reformist ideas
resonance with Muslim beliefs. Longer than
developed, in part, in response to Muir’s writing.
Sprenger’s life, Muir’s was more detailed and did
more to develop a chronology of Muḥammad’s life
and possible links between context and text vis-à-
Retirement and Principalship of
vis Qur’ānic passages.
Edinburgh University

Later Life Muir’s final post in India was as Finance Secretary

to the Government in Calcutta (1874–1876). His
While Muir was working on proofs of his Life, the dissent on the government’s aggressive Afghan
First Indian War of Independence, then referrered policy may have cost him appointment as Viceroy
Mujarrad, Shāh Jalāl 501

(or he may have turned this down). Between 1876 7. Muir W (1882) The apology of Al-Kindy. Smith,
and 1885, he served on the Council of India, Elder, London
8. Muir W (1875) The Coran: its composition and teach-
London. From 1885 until 1903 he was Principal ing. SPCK, London
and Vice Chancellor of Edinburgh University. 9. Bennett C (1992) Victorian images of Islam. Grey
Scholarly activities continued, including Annals Seal, London
of the Early Caliphate [5] and The Caliphate: Its 10. Buaben JM (1996) Image of the prophet Muḥammad
in the West: a study of Muir, Margoliouth and Watt.
Rise, Decline and Fall [6] (his 1881 Cambridge Islamic Foundation, Leicester
Rede lectures), which also broke new ground in 11. Powell AA (2010) Scottish orientalists and India: the
using early sources, mainly al-Ṭabarī’s Tārī kh al- Muir brothers, religion, education and empire. Boydell
Rusul wa al-Mulūk. Other publications include his Press, Woodbridge
12. Powell AA (2004) Muir, Sir William (1819–1905).
abridgement of The Apology of Al-Kindy [7] and In: Oxford dictionary of national biography. Oxford
The Coran: Its Composition and Teaching [8], University Press. http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/
which traced passages to alleged sources. He article/35144. Accessed 15 Mar 2012
also served as a Vice President of the Church
Mission Society and on a number of other mission
agency committees. In 1884, he was President of
the Royal Asiatic Society receiving its Jubilee Mujarrad, Shāh Jalāl
Gold Medal (1903). He also taught some Urdu
to Queen Victoria and suggested her Indian Matthew Long
title, Kaiser-i-Hind. His brother, John Muir OH, USA
(1810–1882) became a distinguished Indologist.
Recent analyses of Muir’s scholarship include
Bennett [9] (Chap. 4), Buaben [10], and Powell Synonyms
[11, 12]. His books are still available in various
print editions and electronically, several in Hazrat Shāh Jalāl; Shāh Jalāl of Sylhet; Shaykh M
abridged versions. He married Elizabeth Shāh Jalāl
HuntlyWemyss (d. 1897) in 1840. Four of their
sons served in India.
Definition

Cross-References Fourteenth-century Ṣūfī.

▶ Missionaries, Islam
▶ Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān Shah of Sylhet

Shāh Jalāl al-Mujarrad (d. 1346–1347) is the most

renowned Muslim saint in Bangladesh. Two hagi-
References
ographies, the Gurlzār-i abrār compiled in the
1. Muir W (1897) The Mohammedan controversy. T & early seventeenth century and the Suhail-i
T Clark, Edinburgh Yaman compiled in the nineteenth, describe the
2. Sprenger A (1851) Life of Mahommed, 2 vols. Pres- life of Shāh Jalāl. Both texts tell of a saint who
byterian Mission Press, Allahabad spread Islam in the region of Bengal; however, the
3. Muir W (1858–1861) The life of Mahomet, 4 vols.
Smith, Elder, London former tells of a warrior-saint of Turkish origins
4. Muir W (1902) Records of the intelligence department while the latter describes a Yemeni wander. Ibn
of the North west provinces. T & T Clark, Edinburgh Baṭṭūṭah, the famous Moroccan traveler, reports
5. Muir W (1883) Annals of the early Caliphate. Smith, meeting Shāh Jalāl al-Mujarrad around 1345,
Elder, London
6. Muir W (1891) The Caliphate: its rise, decline and fall. making a special journey to meet this man, calling
Smith, Elder, London him by the name “Tabrīzī.” This may be why his
502 Mujarrad, Shāh Jalāl

personage is often confused with an early Muslim his name. His master provides him with a handful
saint who came from Persia, Shaykh Jalāl al-Dīn of soil and a command to find a place where the
Tabrīzī (d. 1244–1245), and settled in the same soil would flourish. The commonality shared by
region. Even though exact details are difficult to the early and late hagiographies is Shāh Jalāl’s
discern, it is certain that he was a major figure migration to Sylhet. It was there Shah Jalal settled.
contributing to the spread of Islam in the region. He established a mosque from which he spread
Islam. This particular narrative reflects a different
context from which the Gurlzār-i abrār was
Biography of Shāh Jalāl According to the constructed. Scholars describe the life during
Gurlzār-i abrār this later period in Bengal as agriculturally ori-
ented which explains the reference to the soil
The Gurlzār-i abrār tells of the warrior-saint Shāh provided to Shāh Jalāl. Plus, scholars also believe
Jalāl. Said to have hailed from Turkestan, or pos- this later period was a time when Bengalis desired
sibly Konya, Shāh Jalāl traveled to India at the to connect to the roots of Islam which is why Shāh
instruction of his master (pī r), Aḥmad Yasawī Jalāl was of Yemeni origin.
(Yasavi), a Ṣūfī of Central Asian origin, to spread
the message of Islam through jihād. Shāh Jalāl
Legacy of Shāh Jalāl
and his followers roamed India and then Bengal
until he and a smaller retinue of a few hundred
While both these accounts leave much to the
men went to Sylhet. His band overthrew the local
imagination of who Shāh Jalāl was, no doubt
ruler which led to the conversion of much of the
exists when it comes to the influence and legacy
local Hindu population to Islam. However,
this figure has left upon the people of the region.
scholars have often read this narrative in the
The international airport locating in Dhaka and
light of the Mughal dominance, beginning in the
the local science and technology university in
sixteenth century, in the region. As the Mughals,
Sylhet have been named after Shāh Jalāl. His
being of Central Asian background, came to con-
shrine stands in the city of Sylhet which has
trol India and Bengal, historians began to ascribe
been patronized for centuries by various rulers.
the same type of qualities to earlier Muslim fig-
Moreover, the shrine is frequented by many pil-
ures, such as Shāh Jalāl; thus, his portrayal as
grims and shares space with one of the largest
a warrior sent at the behest of his spiritual master
mosques in the city.
of Central Asian descent becomes more under-
standable. While the narrative is quite revealing
of how Shāh Jalāl was depicted, it is probably not Cross-References
entirely historically accurate. An early sixteenth-
century inscription from Sylhet acknowledges the ▶ Bengal (Islam and Muslims)
prominence of Shāh Jalāl but identifies another
individual as being responsible for conquering
Sylhet. References

1. Ahmed R (1981) The Bengal Muslims 1871–1906:

Biography of Shāh Jalāl According to the a quest for identity. Oxford University Press, Delhi
2. Eaton RM (1993) The rise of Islam and the Bengal
Suhail-i Yaman frontier, 1204–1760. University of California Press,
Berkeley
The warrior-saint image of Shāh Jalāl is aban- 3. Ikram SM (1957) An unnoticed account of Shaikh Jalal
doned in the later hagiographical Suhail-i of Sylhet. J Asiatic Soc Pakistan 2:63–68
4. Metcalf BD (2009) Islam in South Asia in practice.
Yaman. This later account reimagines Shāh Jalāl
Princeton University Press, Princeton
as a holy man hailing from Yemen, hence the 5. Wise J (1873) Note on Shah Jalal, the Patron Saint of
appearance of the title al-Yamanī accompanying Silhat. J Asiatic Soc Bengal 42(3):278–280
Mujibur Rahman, Shaykh 503

Political Activism
Mujibur Rahman, Shaykh
In 1949, already a leading opponent of Urdu’s
Clinton Bennett imposition as the sole state language, Mujib
Department of Philosophy, State University of cofounded the Awami Muslim League,
New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA a breakaway from the Muslim League. His polit-
ical mentor was Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy,
colonial Bengal’s former premier. He was arrested
Synonyms in March 1948 and again after February 21, 1952,
when troops fired on language demonstrators. In
Mujibur Rahman, Sheikh; Sheikh Mujib 1953, he became General Secretary. That year,
Awami (which means “peoples”) became secular,
dropping “Muslim” from its name. From 1966, he
Definition was party president. In 1954, he was elected to the
Provincial Assembly, also serving in the Central
Known as Bangabandhu (friend of Bengal) and as Assembly 1955–1958 where he opposed the plan
father of the nation (Jatir Pita), father of two-term to rename East Bengal “East Pakistan” and to
Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, Mujib unify provinces in the West as a single unit. He
cofounded the Awami League (political party) in now departed from Suhrawardy’s anti-communist
1949 and emerged as leader of the Bengali language view. In 1958–1961, he was jailed again under
movement, then of the campaign for autonomy, and Ayub Khan, then president of Pakistan. Still
finally for independence from Pakistan, achieved campaigning for autonomy, Mujib was back in
December 16, 1971, after a war of liberation; he jail by 1962.
served as Prime Minister and then President of Ban-
gladesh until his assassination on August 15, 1975,
M
leaving a contested legacy. 6-Point Plan

In 1966, Mujib published his 6-Point Plan, which

Family and Education demanded a militia and taxation system for the
East and left the Center very little power [2].
Shaykh (usually spelled Sheikh) Mujibur Rahman Mujib’s charismatic personality and speaking
was born in Tungipara on March 17, 1920. His style had transformed him into the undisputed
father, descended from local gentry – hence the defender of East Pakistan’s cultural heritage and
title “Sheikh” – was Court Record Officer at welfare, undermined by bans on broadcasting
Gopalganz. Routinely referred to as Sheikh Bengali songs, moves to make Urdu the sole
Mujib, or as Mujib without the “Rahman,” state language and by economic exploitation.
Mujib married Fazilatunnesa (1930–1975), popu- Revenues, mainly generated in the East, were
larly called BangMata (mother of Bengal) in spent in the West. Almost all senior civil servants
1938. They had three sons and two daughters. were Punjabi, who acted like colonial rulers. Only
After attending local schools, Mujib graduated a handful of Bengalis reached star rank. Many in
BA in Political Science and History from Calcutta West Pakistan saw Bengali Islam as too Hindu,
University (1947) through Islamia College, where Bengalis as physically inferior [3]. In 1970,
he was elected Student Union President in 1946, following Ayub’s resignation, Pakistan held its
having joined the Muslim League in 1943. He first truly democratic election. Awami won
transferred to read Law at Dhaka in 1948, choos- a majority (160 out of 300 seats) in the Central
ing to live in East Pakistan after Partition. He was Assembly, which ordinarily would have seen
expelled in 1949 while campaigning for higher Mujib become Prime Minister. However, fearing
wages for the University’s lowest paid staff [1]. Pakistan’s fragmentation (other provinces also
504 Mujibur Rahman, Shaykh

wanted autonomy), the new President, Yahya dissidents arrested. Mujib’s policies became
Khan, ordered a crackdown on what was now more markedly socialist, with state-owned indus-
a civil disobedience movement in the East. tries and village cooperatives [8]. Some accused
him of paying lip service to Islam, claiming that
he did not qualify for a Muslim funeral [9]. Some
War of Liberation criticized his Indian-style dress.

On March 26, 1971, shortly before being arrested,

Mujib, later sentenced to death, sent a telegraph to Assassination and Aftermath
the East proclaiming independence. This reached
Major Ziaur Rahman, second-in-command of On August 15, 1975, junior officers stormed
a Chittagong-based regiment, who broadcast the Mujib’s home, killing him, his wife, and three
text in the early hours of March 27th [4]. The sons; his daughters, the future Prime Minister,
subsequent war of liberation ended December Hasina, and her sister survived, in Germany at the
16, 1971 following India’s intervention. For its time. More assassinations followed, decimating
duration, freedom fighters, mainly inexperienced Awami’s leadership. What Mujib faced as leader
except for a relatively small number of officers, would have daunted anyone, but his actions as
including Zia, pitted themselves against a better President did compromise democracy. Some
equipped and trained army. However, almost the accused him of wanting to become King [10]. On
entire province supported the war. Collaborators September 26, 1975, the military regime gave all
included Jamaat-i-Islami, whose founder and involved in these assassinations indemnity. When
Mujib mutually loathed each other [5]. The war Ziaur Rahman emerged as military ruler (July 21,
has been described as attempted genocide. 1976), he set out to dismantle Mujib’s legacy,
claiming to be Bangladesh’s real founder, obscur-
ing Mujib’s role, removing socialism and secular-
Ruler of Bangladesh ism from the Constitution, and substituting
“Bangladeshi” for Bengali nationalism, which
Released unconditionally from prison by Zulfikar with Mujib’s pro-India policy (he signed a 25-
Bhutto on January 8, 1972, Mujib became Prime year cooperation treaty) seemed to stress common
Minister of the newly named state, Bangladesh, ground with West Bengal, potentially compromis-
winning all but seven seats in the subsequent ing sovereignty. Bangladesh’s foreign policy
election [6]. He faced many challenges: would be based on Islamic solidarity. Mujib’s
a massive refugee problem, armed bandits, fac- state industries were privatized.
tions in his own party between extreme Marxists
and more moderate socialists, and during 1974
a severe flood. The Constitution, ratified Novem- Contesting Mujib’s Legacy
ber 4, 1972, made Bengali nationalism, secular-
ism and socialism “principles of the state.” Since 1991, when Hasina (Awami leader since
Although defined as non-communitarianism, 1981) and Zia’s widow, Khaleda (Bangladesh
socialism disturbed those who wanted an Islamic Nationalist Party leader since 1984) began alter-
state. In fact, Mujib gave religion space in the nating in power, Mujib’s legacy has featured in
public sphere; his secularism meant separation of their rivalry. Hasina believes Zia at least indirectly
politics and religion, not an antireligious polity implicated in her father’s death [11]. In 2004,
[7]. The Bangla means “religious neutrality.” He Khaleda’s Fourteenth Amendment removed refer-
attended the Islamic Summit in 1974. In 1975, the ence to Mujib as Jatir Pita, and his portrait from
Fourth Amendment declared “father of the state offices. In 2011, Hasina’s Fifteenth Amend-
nation” Mujib President and established a one- ment restored this, as well as secularism and
party system. Press freedom was restricted; socialism as state principles. This may or may
Multan (Islam and Muslims) 505

not survive when Awami is out of power. After 10. Hussain MD (2011) You May Get Gold but don’t sell
Hasina’s first electoral triumph the indemnity was my country. Xlibris Corporation, Bloomington
11. Chowdhury MH, Huq M (2002) Thirty years of Ban-
lifted, and trials eventually began. With appeals gladesh politics: essays in memory of Dr. Mahfuzul
exhausted, five men were executed in 2010 [12]. Huq. University Press, Dhaka
12. Russell MB (2012) The Middle East and South Asia
2012. Stryker Post Publications, Lanham
13. Rahman M (2012) The unfinished memoirs. Oxford
Memorials University Press, Karachi
14. Rahman M (1990) Speeches of Sheikh Mujib in Paki-
Numerous institutions have been named for stan parliament. Hakkani Publishers, Dhaka
Mujib. A Museum was opened in his former res-
idence (1997). In 2003, he posthumously received
Bangladesh’s highest honor, Swadhinata
Puraskar (Independence Award); in 2010, Mujibur Rahman, Sheikh
Dhaka University reinstated him. His unfinished
Memoir [13] and speeches [14] are important ▶ Mujibur Rahman, Shaykh
sources.

Cross-References Mukammatukācim Cittilevvai

▶ Bangladesh (Islam and Muslims) ▶ Siddi Lebbe, Mohammed Cassim
▶ Jama’at-i-Islami Bangladesh
▶ Sheikh Hasina
▶ Zia, Begum Khaleda M
Multān
References ▶ Multan (Islam and Muslims)
1. Legacy slam N (2001) Bangabandhu in the eye of his
personal physician. Anwara-Nur Welfare Trust, Dhaka
2. Rahman M (1966) 6-point formula: our right to live.
East Pakistan Awami League, Dacca
3. Jahan R (2008) Genocide in Bangladesh. In: Totten S, Multan (Islam and Muslims)
Parsons WS (eds) Century of genocide: critical essays
and eyewitness accounts, 3rd edn. Routledge, New Michael O’Neal
York, pp 297–321
Washington, DC, USA
4. Umar B (2004) The emergence of Bangladesh. Oxford
University Press, Karachi
5. Ahmed AS (1997) Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic iden-
tity: the search for Saladin. Routledge, London Synonyms
6. Gandhi R (1999) Revenge & reconciliation: under-
standing South Asian history. Penguin Books India,
New Delhi Multān
7. Ahmed R (2001) Religion, identity & politics: essays
on Bangladesh. International Academic Publishers,
Colorado Springs
8. Jalal A (1995) Democracy and authoritarianism in Definition
South Asia: a comparative and historical perspective.
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
9. Shehabuddin E (2008) Reshaping the holy: democ-
Multān is a city along the present east bank of the
racy, development, and Muslim women in Bangla- Chināb in the lower Punjab, now in the modern
desh. Columbia University Press, New York state of Pakistan.
506 Multan (Islam and Muslims)

Early Islamic History b. Mas‘ūd [2, 16]; their grip on Multān was only
permanently released after the Ghūrid conquest in
To the early Arabs, who called the city al-Multān 1175–1176 [21].
(from Old Persian mulasthāna, “frontier land”),
Multān was situated at the northern border of Sind
[20]. Since the early eighth century, it has been an A Medieval Frontier and Entrepôt
important center for the Muslim encounter with
Indian civilization, and from the thirteenth cen- At Muḥammad Ghūrī’s assassination in 1206,
tury, it became a contested frontier between the Multān was held by the mamlūk or slave-
Mongol and Indo-Islamic worlds. commander Nāṣir al-Dīn Qubācha. After the
Multān was the northernmost city conquered death of Quṭb al-Dīn Aibak in 1210–1211,
by the Arabs under Muḥammad b. Qāsim. Qubācha became an independent ruler and fended
Although its inhabitants had resisted the Muslim off the Khwārazmian prince Jalāl al-Dīn, who,
invaders, when it fell in c. 713, the victors did not fleeing from the invading Mongols, briefly carved
destroy the city’s famous Hindu solar temple, in out a principality in Sind [12]. From the time of
marked contrast to the fate of the temple of Daybul Chinggis Khān’s invasion of India in 1221,
in the Indus delta [8, 21]. The Umayyad and Multān became a principal focal point of
‘Abbāsid amī rs sent to rule the city continued Mongol penetrations into the subcontinent; in
this pragmatic policy, meanwhile taking 1224 an abortive siege of the city was carried
a significant portion of pilgrims’ donations to the out by the commander Dörbei Doqshin [13, 21].
temple, with the result that Hindus were in prac- Despite these threats, Qubācha successfully
tice treated as dhimmī s or acknowledged religious maintained his independence until 1228, when
minorities under Islamic law [8, 16]. By the late he was overthrown Sultan Shams al-Dīn Iltutmish
ninth century, Multān was ruled by Qurashī amī rs, of Delhi (r. 1210–1236); under Qubācha’s reign
the Banū Munabbih, who lived at a military camp Jūzjānī first came to India, the littérateur Muḥam-
(lashkargāh) outside the city’s walls [1, 20]. As an mad ‘Awfī received patronage, and the
important frontier town, Multān is described in Chachnāma was translated by ‘Alī Kūfī [1].
this period in the classical Arabic geographical At the end of the reign of Iltutmish’s daughter
literature, including Ibn Ḥawqal, al-Iṣṭakhrī, Ibn Rażiyya (r. 1236–1240), Multān was held by the
Khurradādhbih, Ibn Rusta, al-Muqaddasī, and al- short-lived dynasty of the turncoat mamlūk Kabīr
Idrīsī, as well as in the anonymous Persian Ḥudūd Khān Ayāz until the early 1240s, when it fell to the
al-‘ālam. Nonetheless, the internal history of the former Khwārazmian lieutenant Ḥasan Qarluq.
city remains obscure. The Mongol commander Sali Noyan besieged
In the tenth century the propaganda (da‘wa) of the city in 1246–1247, and when the mamlūk
the Shī‘ī Ismā‘īlīs achieved a signal success in from Delhi ‘Izz al-Dīn Küshlü Khān Balban
Sind, and the ‘Abbāsid caliph’s suzerainty in (Balaban) eventually regained Multān and sub-
Multān was discarded in favor of al-Mu‘izz (r. mitted to Mongol authority, Sali Noyan returned
953–975), the Fāṭimid counter-caliph and founder to occupy the city in 1258 and dismantle its forti-
of Cairo. It was the Ismā‘īlī missionary (dā‘ī ) fications. Although later secured for the Delhi
Ḥalam (or Jalam) b. Shaybān who finally sultans, Multān remained exposed to Mongol
destroyed the city’s famous idol [1, 8, 16]. There- attacks from the west. It was captured by Tīmūr’s
after, the staunchly Sunnī Maḥmūd of Ghazna grandson Pīr Muḥammad in 1398, on the eve of
overthrew the ruler of Multān in 1006 and in Tīmūr’s invasion of India. Afterwards, it fell into
1010 carried out a massacre of its Shī‘ī sympa- the orbit of Khiżr Khān, founder of the Sayyid
thizers [17]. Ismā‘īlīs managed to reacquire dynasty of Delhi (1414–1451) [13, 21].
the city upon the death of Mas‘ūd I in 1041 but Multān seceded from the Delhi Sultanate in
were expelled to al-Manṣūra by Mawdūd 1443 under Shaykh Yūsuf Qurashī, a descendant
Multan (Islam and Muslims) 507

of the founder of the Suhrawardī order in India, which is attributed locally to Khālid b. Walīd [7,
Bahā’ al-Dīn Zakariyyā (d. 1262); thereafter, it 14]. Within the city proper, the earliest surviving
was ruled by the Langāh dynasty [1, 6, 13]. The tomb is that of Yūsuf Gardīzī (c. 1153), although
city was next conquered by the Arghūn ruler of it has been extensively rebuilt [9]. The tomb of the
Sind in 1525 and was incorporated into the Ismā‘īlī preacher Shams Sabzawārī (d. 1276),
Mughal Empire [1, 4]. Already under the Delhi who moved to Multān in 1201, dates from
sultan Ghiyās al-Dīn Balban (r. 1266–1287), c. 1330. The original mausoleum of Bahā’ al-
Multān had been the seat of the heir apparent Dīn Zakariyyā, one of Multān’s finest, was largely
[13]; this practice was often emulated by the destroyed during the British conquest in 1849 but
Mughal emperors under whom it was an impor- was rebuilt soon thereafter [14]; yet by far the
tant frontier province [4]. Also during the Sultan- outstanding mausoleum of pre-Mughal India is
ate era, Multānīs had been amongst the most the tomb of his grandson, Rukn-i ‘Ālam, whose
important commercial classes in India [13, 21], construction is often ascribed to Ghiyās al-Dīn
and in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Tughluq before his accession as sultan in 1320
Multān remained the center of a far-flung trading [10]. The similarly octagonal tomb of ‘Alī Akbar
network linking India to Central Asia, Russia, (1585) is clearly based on this remarkable ante-
Iran, and the Caucasus [3, 15]. The shifting waters cedent [14].
of the surrounding rivers, however, made its role
as a maritime entrepôt decline over time [11, 15].
Cross-References

Multān in the Modern Era ▶ Aibak (Aybeg), Quṭb al-Dīn

▶ Balban, Ghiyās al-Dīn
After the breakdown of Mughal authority in the ▶ Delhi Sultanate M
eighteenth century, Aḥmad Shāh Durranī annexed ▶ Fakhr-i Mudabbir
Multān to his empire in 1752 [5]. It was conquered ▶ Ghaznavids
by the Sikhs of Lahore under Ranjīt Singh in 1818 ▶ Ghūrids
and remained part of the Sikh state until its con- ▶ Ismā‘īlīs
quest and incorporation into the British Empire in ▶ Jūzjānī, Minhāj al-Dīn
1849 [5, 6, 18]. Communal tensions erupted ▶ Maḥmūd Ghaznavī
between Hindus and Muslims in the city in 1881 ▶ Mas‘ūd I
[18] and on a much larger scale in the context of ▶ Muḥammad b. Qāsim
India’s partition. The Hindu population of the city, ▶ Muḥammad Ghūrī
still some 42% of the total in 1901 [11], was ▶ Shams al-Dīn Iltutmish
significantly reduced during the events of 1947. ▶ Sūfism
▶ Suhrawardī Order

Monuments
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architecture, particularly medieval tombs which and Multan (750–1500). In: Asimov MS, Bosworth
CE (eds) History of civilizations of Central Asia. The
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built a multipurpose tomb/ribāṭ near Kabīrwāla nomic setting, pt 1. UNESCO, Paris
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2. Bosworth CE (1977) The later Ghaznavids: splendour

and decay: the dynasty in Afghanistan and northern Musharraf, Pervez
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1600–1750. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Department of Religious Studies, The College of
4. Dasti HF (1988) Multan: a province of the Mughal the Holy Cross, Worcester, MA, USA
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7. Edwards H (1991) The Ribāṭ of ‘Alī Karmākh. Iran
29:85–94 Pervez Musharraf (1943–) was Chief of Army
8. Friedmann Y (1972) The temple of Multan: a note on Staff for the Pakistani Army and 10th President
early Muslim attitudes to idolatry. Israel Orient Stud of Pakistan.
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Rising Through the Ranks
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of Rukn-i ‘Alam at Multan. Muqarnas 9:148–174
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“Multān district,” “Multān city” (1908) Clarendon 1943 and spent his youth in Turkey in the decade
Press, Oxford
immediately following partition. He entered the
12. Jackson P (1990) Jalāl al-Dīn, the Mongols, and the
Khwarazmian conquest of the Panjāb and Sind. Iran Pakistani army in 1961 and was awarded the
28:45–54 Nishan-i-Imtiaz for gallantry for his service during
13. Jackson P (1999) The Delhi sultanate: a political and the 1965 war with India. He joined the Special
military history. Cambridge University Press,
Services Group and later became its commander
Cambridge
14. Khan AN (1983) Multan: history and architecture. ([6], p. 470). Pervez Musharraf was eventually
Islamic University, Islamabad chosen to be Chief of Army staff by Prime Minister
15. Levi SC (2002) The Indian Diaspora in Central Asia Nawaz Sharif in 1998. The decision was
and its trade 1550–1900. E.J. Brill, Leiden
a controversial one, since Sharif promoted Mushar-
16. Maclean DN (1989) Religion and society in Arab
Sind. E.J. Brill, Leiden raf over more senior members of the military. In his
17. Nāẓim M (1931) The life and times of Sulṭān Maḥmūd position as Chief of Staff, Musharraf was a leading
of Ghazna. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge proponent of the Kargil incursion that nearly led to
18. Roseberry JR (1987) Imperial rule in Punjab: the con-
all-out-war between Pakistan and India in 1999
quest and administration of Multan, 1818–1881.
Riverdale Company, Riverdale ([7], p. 270).
19. Schimmel A (1980) Islam in the Indian subcontinent.
E.J. Brill, Leiden
20. Wink A (1996) Al-Hind: the making of the Indo-
Islamic world. Early medieval India and the expansion Claiming Power
of Islam 7th-11th centuries, vol 1, 3rd edn. E.J. Brill,
Leiden
21. Wink A (1997) Al-Hind: the making of the Indo-
While Pervez Musharraf was reportedly elevated
Islamic world. The slave kings and the Islamic con- to Chief of Staff because of his apparent lack of
quest, 11th–13th centuries, vol 2. E.J. Brill, Leiden political ambitions, in 1999 he deposed Prime
Minister Nawaz Sharif in a bloodless coup. The
coup was a response to Sharif sacking Musharraf
as Chief of Staff while Musharraf was abroad.
Murshid Beyond this most specific provocation, Sharif’s
efforts to limit the military’s authority had gener-
▶ Pīr ated fierce resistance. Immediately following the
Musharraf, Pervez 509

coup, Musharraf’s international position was to vacillate ([6], pp. 422–424). This delay had
a precarious one. But after the 9/11 attacks, allowed what was initially a group of conservative
Musharraf allowed Pakistani bases to be used for clerics and students to be buttressed by hard-core
American operations against the Taliban, jihadist fighters.
Pakistan’s former proxy. As it did during the pre- In 2006, there reportedly were negotiations
vious Afghan war, American aid flowed into Paki- between Musharraf and the PPP that would have
stan, which buttressed Musharraf’s position. had him and Benazir Bhutto combine political
Musharraf attempted to invoke the example of forces to confront resurgent extremism ([4], p.
Muḥammad ‘Alī Jinnah in promoting a “secular” 186). The negotiations fell apart when Benazir
vision of Pakistan ([7], p. 325). In an important Bhutto insisted that Musharraf retire from the
address in 2002, Musharraf challenged what he military. In 2007, he came into conflict with the
described as “Kalashnikov culture” in Pakistan judiciary, which had opposed many of his actions.
([7], p. 323). He banned five extremist organiza- He attempted to dismiss Pakistan’s Chief Justice,
tion and subjected religious schools to the same Iftikhar Chaudhry, by referring him to
standards as secular ones. Detentions and arrests a committee for judicial misconduct ([1], p.
soon followed. While these actions did thaw 107). This attempt backfired and public demon-
relations with India for a time, Musharraf himself strations by lawyers followed. In response,
was not able to push through his most thorough- Musharraf accomplished “a military coup against
going reforms. In 2002, he sponsored a national his own government,” to quote a description by
referendum to extend his authority, which was US Ambassador Milam ([4], p. 183). Musharraf
successful, in part because leading parties like suspended parts of the constitution and declared
the Muhajir Qaumi Mahaz boycotted the ballot an emergency.
([6], p. 398).
Musharraf had also struck a political marriage
of convenience with Islamist parties, and this
M
Exile and Return
often restricted his abilities to push forward
a repeal of the blasphemy laws and amendments
In 2007, Benazir Bhutto returned to Pakistan and
to the Hudood ordinances. For example, the
was assassinated. Several months after her death,
Majlis-i-Amal (MMA), an Islamic political “alli-
Musharraf relented and became a civilian presi-
ance” that included both Sh‘īa and Sunni, success-
dent. He relinquished power in 2008 and went to
fully protested, and a line indicating religious
live in London. He was charged in absentia with
identity was mandated once again in Pakistani
being involved in the assassination of Benazir
passports ([6], p. 415). From the beginning of
Bhutto. While abroad, he established a political
his rule, Musharraf was often associated with the
party, the All Pakistan Muslim League [2], and
secular elements in the military [3], and his
eventually returned to Pakistan but was prevented
appearance on television with his pet dogs, along
from standing in the 2013 elections. Pervez
with his reputed preference for Scotch, solidified
Musharraf was placed under house arrest but
that association. Musharraf also faced deep suspi-
was released in November 2013 [5]. The cases
cions among his colleagues in the Pakistan Army,
against the former President are ongoing.
surrounding efforts to confront Pakistani extrem-
ists. Many in the army felt that they were being
used as America’s proxy against their own coun-
trymen. Army operations to retake the Swat valley Cross-References
incurred high casualties. The action against
extremists in the Lal Masjid in Islamabad was ▶ Bhutto, Benazir
also controversial not only because of the high ▶ Jinnah, Muḥammad ‘Alī
casualties but because Musharraf initially seemed ▶ Zia ul-Haq
510 Music

References
Muslim Festival
1. Akhtar A (2010) Pakistan: Crisis of a Frontline State. J
Contemp Asia 40(1):105–122
▶ Ramaḍān
2. All Pakistan Muslim League, http://apmlpak.com/.
Accessed 21 January 2015
3. Dugger C (1999) Pakistan ruler seen as secular minded
Muslim. New York Times, New York 26 Oct 1999
4. Millam W (2009) Bangladesh and Pakistan: flirting
with failure in South Asia. Columbia University Press,
Muslim Nation
New York
5. Pakistan frees Musharraf from house arrest, BBC News ▶ Ummah
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-24847160.
Accessed 21 January 2015
6. Talbot I (2009) Pakistan: a modern history. Palgrave
Macmillan, New York
7. Zering L (2003) Pakistan: at the crossroads of history. Muslim Personal Law
One World Publications, Oxford
Purushottama Bilimoria1,2 and Renuka Sharma3
1
Letters and Science, University of California,
Berkeley, CA, USA
2
School of Historical and Philosophical Studies,
Music University of Melbourne and Deakin University,
Victoria, Australia
▶ Samā‘ 3
Formerly Research Associate, Monash Asia
Institute, Monash University, Clayton, VIC,
Australia

Muslim Anti-semitism
Synonyms
▶ Jewish-Muslim Relations in South Asia
Constitution; India; Islamic law; Religious rights;
Rule of law; Self-determination; Shah Bano; Shari
‘at; Women
Muslim Community
Definition
▶ Ummah
The article examines the development of the legal-
ism of Personal law and provisions of community
rights for disparate communities in modern India
Muslim Family Law and the role of religion and communal politics in
their perpetuation. The case study undertaken here
▶ Anglo-Mohammedan Law is specifically the Muslim community’s constitu-
tionally sanctioned Personal law (MPL). MPL has
not been without criticisms both from outside and
within the community, particularly in respect of
gendered disadvantages that arise within the pro-
Muslim Fasting visions safeguarding the practices, which cover
marriage, divorce, alimony, inheritance, custody,
▶ Ṣawm succession, adoption, and so forth.
Muslim Personal Law 511

Islam and Muslims in India sensitivity toward their own moral heritage on
the part of disparate cultural groups are indeed
India’s population is brimming at around 1.22 welcome moves.
billion. Each year it adds a population from new But some people argue that Personal law
births and migration equivalent to the size of comes at a huge price and that, for starters, it
Australia’s population, that is, some 20 million. encourages proliferation, hence conflict and con-
The majority of India’s population is Hindus; tradiction between different laws on the same set
Muslims comprise 13.4%, Christians count for of practices, hence leading to arbitrariness, rela-
over 2.3%, and the rest are Sikhs [431], Jains, tivism, and eventually an epidemic of Personal
Buddhists, Parsis (Zoroastrians), nonreligious laws [10]. Second, there is no way of checking
secularists, and tribal and indigenous people (not and redressing certain discriminatory practices
counted under Hindu), with 0.5% being itinerant within particular communities against members
or resettled refugees from nearby countries (such of their own kind [11]. Third, the very idea of
as Tibet, Burma, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh). traditional “law,” as kanun, ḥukm, and dharma,
With the advent of Islam to India, in several is vague, nontransparent, and slippery between
waves since circa seventh century, and largely textual roots, customary norms, normative prac-
with the Mughals, came Muhammadan or Islamic tices, and imported regulations. Of course, often it
law based on the sharī ‘a ([1, 2], [127]). When is a matter of perspective or relative judgment: the
Islamic law or Sharia is modified to be in harmony members themselves may not feel they are being
with extant local laws (in this case mostly Hindu- marginalized, victimized, or compromised in
dharmaśāstric codes), it came to be known as terms of fair and just outcomes in enclosed prac-
“Muslim law” [3]; during the British period, tices, such as in the case of marriage, divorce, and
when the law “private” to the Muslim community maintenance entitlements, decided by the terms of
is further modified to conform to English common Personal law enjoyed by that community [12, 13].
law, it comes to be known as Muslim Personal law Nevertheless, since these are differentially
M
or even Anglo-Muhammadan law [3–5]. inscribed for different communities under sepa-
rate Personal law provisions, they have come
increasingly into conflict with civil, penal, and
Muslim Family Law criminal procedure codes governing the public
space [14, 15].
So what scholars generally call Muslim family
law [6, 7], in India, falls under Personal law [4,
8], which covers matters pertaining to marriage, Conflict with British Common Law
divorce, inheritance, succession, adoption, main-
tenance, guardianship, and custody of children. Furthermore, with the rise of strong religious and
This law extends to general areas of religion, sectarian sentiments, particularly among the
giving sanction for specific cultural and religious northern middle-class Hindus, this issue has
practices; control of religious institutions, like assumed immense public importance, drawing
places of worship; or community education facil- clerics, community advocates, postcolonial
ities, including minority languages. Hence, Per- writers, and feminist critics into the fray. In the
sonal law regimes – be they of Hindus, Christians, aftermath, one moral community has responded
Jains, or Sikhs – underpin the autonomy of certain with a sense of horror, as it feels singled out for
“cultural rights” specific to these communities, perpetuating a bifurcated system of justice and
with which the secular state and other community social-legal dispensations in the name of minority
groups are not supposed to meddle [9]. Indeed, in rights [16, 17]. It argues that there is no compul-
a growing multicultural, multilocational milieu sion within the provisions of the secular Consti-
and legal pluralism, these signs of greater auton- tution for the country to submit to the belated call
omy, marks of distinctive self-identity, and for a uniform civil law sometimes referred to as
512 Muslim Personal Law

“common civil code” [6, 8]. Some blame the “universal principles of the science
British colonialists for the mess, with its parallel of legislation,” Anglo-Hindu law, for example,
in the Partition, even after the creation of were challenged by Indian legislators and judges
a separate nation for the Muslims. So it is asked, [9].
why should the Personal law system continue in
the “secular democratic socialist republic” that
India is committed to being or becoming? [11] Structure of Muslim Personal Law
This is where the debate has more or less
stalemated at the present time. It is important here to note that for Muslim Per-
An important aspect in understanding the pre- sonal law, the colonialists continued largely the
sent circumstances lies in the colonial period and Ḥanafī fiqh or legal school (which many Indian
how the Europeans, especially the British who Sunni Muslims follow). It is said that Muslim law
assumed full sovereignty over much of the sub- in India has signs of being among the oldest
continent, dealt with this situation. Since landing continuing form of Muslim law, which has not
in 1772 the British remained bewildered by the been eroded by excessive reforms, secularization,
heterogeneous native “culture of law,” governed or civil interference [20]. And being Ḥanafī it is
by the power of custom, rather than regulatory comparatively more liberal and in principle ame-
authority secured in the “Rule of Law” with the nable than the comparatively more literalist
declared consistency, clarity, certainty, and final- Ḥanbalī school, upon which Pakistan’s Hudood
ity of statues, like “Black Letter Law,” within its Ordinances are based [19]. In any case, critics all
judicial, legislative, and bureaucratic machinery along have argued that the Personal law system as
[2, 18]. reinvented by the British in India has been
First, the British separated out judicial punish- “bogus” (Derrett [9]), at best “hybrid” (Galanther
ment for actions that were likely to cause public [9]), and at worse, an “egregious blunder” (Gan-
harm from other kinds of sanctions and misde- dhi [9]), a queer mix of Indian and Western tradi-
meanors in private conduct, which the community tional moralism (Nandy [9]), that hardly reflect
could manage themselves. This led to enactments the coordinates of the lived culture, i.e., they are
like the Code of Civil Procedure (1859), the Penal far from being normative.
Code (1861), and the Code of Criminal Procedure For instance, the Indian Divorce Act 1869 put
(1861). They are considered “common” inasmuch a ceiling on the maintenance amount to be given
as these cover public space or public morality; to the estranged wife. The Registration of
they are intended to cut across race, caste, reli- Mohammedan Marriages and Divorces Act 1876
gion, and community divides. These codes with made registration of Muslim marriages, nikah-
some amendments have remained on Indian stat- nama, voluntary or good enough if records are
ute books, echoing eighteenth-century British kept with the qāḍī (judge) in the masjid or mosque
ideas of Common law, and they are resistant to precinct [16, 21].
local/traditional divergences [4, 19]. Though there were positive outcomes as well,
But the separation did not work, as the division such as blocking alienation of land by individual
of public and personal (in the communally marked claimants to what is otherwise a collective or clan
“private” sense) was too arbitrary, creating confu- title, rightful inheritance of property, and share for
sions and ambivalence about whether textual, i.e., the widow, major difficulties were never quite
scriptural-religious, should prevail over custom- ironed out [11]. Even Muslim judges argued
ary rules, and in which precise cases? Hindus with their British counterparts on the correct inter-
remained dissatisfied with overreliance here on pretation of Qur’ānic or al-ḥadī th principles and
purely abstracted coded laws that no one probably application of the hybrid Anglo-Muslim law.
had ever practiced. So the hybrid-colonial laws for Muslim leaders in the 1930s demanded
the communities’ respective codes based on codification of their laws. This in turn led to the
Muslim Personal Law 513

Shari‘at Act 1937, recognizing that Muslims pre- idea of uniform civil code and instead gave sanc-
ferred to be governed by their own Sharia or tion to the Shari‘at Act, 1937, as the prevailing
canon law of Islam as interpreted by their imam Muslim Personal law. Over this hung the shadow
and ‘ulamā’ (learned) and legal experts (faqī hs) of two rather autonomous parts within the Consti-
who extrapolate ḥukm or legal codes and injunc- tution. Articles 14–18 of the Fundamental Rights
tions from the extensive sunnah. Henceforth this (India’s Bill of Rights) section vouch to guarantee:
law would apply univocally to all Muslims [4]. All citizens’ equality before the law, prohibition of
But just what is Sharia has remained vague and discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste,
undefined in terms of what a modern nation-state sex or place of birth, equality of opportunity in
takes law to be with its more pragmatic if not matters of employment (Art 14–18); [as well as]
the right of minorities to conserve their culture,
secular nuance; nor did much specific codification language and script and to establish educational
on the thorny areas within Personal law actually institutions of their choice; plus the right to freedom
take place, nor was any uniformity across the of conscience and free profession, practice and
plethora of Islamic sects achieved [10, 15]. The propagation of religion (Art 25–28).
Shari‘at Act was based on interpolated ḥukms, as This section is followed by Directive Social
duties and obligations, and not on “rights” of the Principles, which under Article 44 not insignifi-
individual. In fact, the rights discourse was cantly states:
eschewed or bypassed altogether [13, 22]. Even
Uniform Civil Code for the citizens – the state shall
so, the Shari‘at Act did make some progress. endeavor to secure for the citizens a uniform civil
It recognized inheritance of family property for code throughout the territory of India.
women, which was not allowed under customary
law. The Indian Muslim League and Muslim This quiddity aside, there have been very few
acts that have addressed issues of freedom of
women’s organizations backed this act, since
conscience, equality of the citizens before law,
this was seen as a progressive and pro-women
move [8]. or discrimination on grounds of religion, caste, M
sex, age, and region that might continue or be
implicit in Personal law provisions, especially
within Muslim and Christian communities. In
Post-Independent Imbroglios
contrast to Hindu law (after the Hindu Code
Bills 1956–1957), Muslim Personal law has not
Then came the Independence in 1947–1948.
been reformed to that extent [13, 15, 23].
While drafting the Constitution, there was heated
debate over the fate of the Personal law system.
Strong arguments were made to bring Personal law
in line with secular practices and civil procedure. The Shah Bano Case
Most significantly, it was argued by the Constitu-
ent Assembly’s leader for the “Dalits” (the so- An example of the kind of issues that continue to
called untouchables), Dr. Bhimrao Ramji bedevil the community, mostly around practices
Ambedkar [104], that religions should not intrude of marriage, divorce, maintenance, and custody of
into processes of secular law. But there was dis- children, may be apposite. In Islam, marriage is
sension, especially from staunch Hindu and Mus- not considered a sacrosanct union as in Christian-
lim communities. Gandhi was mute as he was ity or Hinduism (“sanctified by the fire and gods”)
cleaning up the blood from aftermath of the Parti- but a social contract. Marriage is treated as
tion violence. There was also the question of diver- a dissoluble union. But the harrowing social prob-
sity of Indian culture. Nehru surmised that lem was brought out most tellingly with the Shah
circumstances were unfavorable at that time for Bano case, in 1985–1986, when the Supreme
the adoption of common civil law [5, 9]. The Court upheld the divorced wife’s original com-
Constitution on January 26, 1950, shelved the plaint under S 125 of Cr PC (1861, ratified in
514 Muslim Personal Law

1970) to receive alimony from the former hus- reprimand the judges, nullify the SC judgment,
band, who in his defense had argued that under and protect “divine Islamic principles.” Rajiv
Muslim law his duty was only to pay minimal Gandhi, cognizant of the electoral liability in
maintenance during the ‘iddat or “waiting period” alienating the Muslim patriarchy, pushed through
(roughly the wife’s three menstrual cycles) [21]. “The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on
Neither the “criminalization” nor Justice Divorce) Act,” reinstating the legitimacy of Mus-
Chandrachud’s obiter dicta attempt to interpret lim Personal law under the Shari‘at Act. It decreed
Islamic law, especially the Qur’ān’s apparent con- that section 125 of the Cr PC does not apply to the
formity with the secular predilection, were really divorced Muslim women, thereby striking down
the intent; rather, the judgment was a safe cover the SC judgment and the obiter dicta wisdom.
under which the judiciary could fire a salvo at the Nevertheless, the so-called Muslim Women Act
state to get its act together in respect of the Direc- has been challenged as violating the right to gen-
tive Principles and to send a clear message to the der equality and being ultra virus; it is still pend-
aggrieved community [8, 17, 21]. ing for consideration by the Supreme Court.
Feminist critics interpreted the judgment as Krishna Iyer, the eminent judge on the bench
underlining the following concerns [10, 24]: in a previously similar case in Kerala that came
before the High Court, made this pertinent
• A destitute wife’s claim to maintenance after observation:
divorce is a moral claim, not a religious claim; At present, we are a distance away from a common
it is governed by the Code of Criminal Proce- Civil Code for all religions, since first things first;
dure (Cr PC), and not by the civil laws that let us tackle the job of modernizing the Islamic law
govern the rights and obligations of the parties first, preserving its genius and great principles but
approximating the law to the general system and
belonging to particular religions, like the eventually enriching the latter in many respects [9].
Hindu Adoption and Maintenance Act, the
Shari‘at Act 1937, or the Parsi Marriage and Hence, codification of Personal law is the first
Divorce Act 1936. step and that too only at the initiative of the
• Neglect of a spouse’s need, and of their off- concerned community. The affected community
spring, cannot be denied in law – what differ- has to ask for legislation after all the arguments for
ence does religious affiliation make [9, 21]? and against in consistency with Constitutional
rights, human rights agenda, and gender concerns
In any event, the judges conceded that the have been placed before the community, precisely
Personal law of the parties should not be by highlighting grievances and suffering brought
supplanted, especially if the Constitution did pro- to the public by affected members and represen-
tect interests of such religious groups or classes in tatives of their own community [8, 16].
certain restricted matters. What the court was The MPLB has agreed to pressures from within
arguing for was simply a deliberative and trans- Muslim women’s activist groups [22, 24] to codify
formative interpretation of a customary practice matrimonial contracts (nikah, with details about
which would be consistent with current ethical exactly the amount and extent transactions and
and moral thinking, and it would also respect exchanges, mahr, dower, ancestral property rights,
certain other provisions and rights made accessi- proper record keeping, minimum age restraints to
ble to the citizen in the Constitution (especially in protect minors from being given away in marriage,
respect of the cited articles). By doing this though, etc.) and issue injunctions toward more reasonable
the courts stepped on the boots of the Muslim maintenance provisions, custodial rights of
religious leaders, the ‘ulamā’ in daring to interpret estranged mothers over their children, and so on.
the Islamic scriptural sources; this caused furor in This is a sign of reform from within, which indeed
the Muslim community ([17, 21], p. 232). The is consistent with the Shah Bano dicta that the
All-India Muslim Personal Law Board (MPLB) Muslim community should assume the onus and
placated the then Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi, to responsibility of transforming from within their
Muslim Personal Law 515

Personal law. However, the MPLB initially could References

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tection of Rights on Divorce) Act 1986. Deep and
▶ Anglo-Mohammedan Law Deep, New Delhi
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ment in India: religion, ecology and development. Mutali Ceyku Ishākku
Horizon India Books, New Delhi
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Musulman Law Myanmar Jews

▶ Anglo-Mohammedan Law ▶ Burma Jews

N

Nabūwat A variety of terms are used in the Qur’ān for

prophets. The most common term is rasūl and its
Brannon Wheeler plural form which occur some four times more
Department of History, Center for Middle East frequently in the text than occurrences of the term
and Islamic Studies, United States Naval nabī etymologically related to nabūwah. Some
Academy, Annapolis, MD, USA Muslim scholars regard the rasūl as a special cat-
egory within the larger, more generic nabī .
According to the tenth-century scholar Ibn Saʿd,
Definition the number of rasūl is 315 and the total number of
prophets is 1000.
Nabuwat is the Arabic word for “prophethood.”
Used in the Qur’ān five times, the Arabic term
“nabūwah” is derived from the Arabic root “NB’”
Prophets and Messengers
meaning to “bring news” or to prophesy.
Muslim scholars distinguish between a rasūl and
a nabī by saying that only a rasūl receives a book
Prophethood in the Qur’ān
from God and is responsible for establishing
a “new Sharī‘ah” with their prophetic mission.
Q 29:27 refers specifically to Isaac and Jacob as
The Qur’ān mentions special books given to
recipients of prophethood, while Q 45:16 refers to
Abraham and mentions by name the Torah, Gos-
the Israelites as the recipients. Q 6:89 mentions
pel, Psalms, and the Qur’ān as being revealed.
God giving nabūwah after listing the names of
Q 87:18 mentions the “first scriptures” which
a number of Israelite prophets. In Q 57:26, God
Muslim exegetes associated with books revealed
gives prophethood to the descendents of Noah and
to Adam, Seth, and Idris [1].
Abraham. The use of nabūwah in these verses
could reflect that multiple prophets are sent to
the Israelites, whereas other peoples appear only
to receive a single prophet. The recipient of the Qur’ān and Bible
nabūwah mentioned in Q 3:79 is interpreted as
being the prophet Muḥammad, suggesting that the All the prophets mentioned by name in the Qur’ān
special Israelite line of prophethood is inherited are also found in the Bible. The Qur’ān mentions
by Islam. 25 prophets by name although not all Muslim

# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018

Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
518 Nabūwat

exegetes agree on the specific identities of each Muhammad the Prophet

reference. They include Adam, Idris, Noah, Hud, ˙
Salih, Abraham, Ishmael, Isaac, Jacob, Lot, Q 33:40 states that Muḥammad is the “seal of the
Joseph, Shuayb, Job, Dhu al-Kifl, Moses, Aaron, prophets” [khatam al-anbī yaʾ], a phrase which is
David, Solomon, Elijah, Elisha, Jonah, Zechariah, interpreted by most Muslim scholars to mean that
John, Jesus, and Muḥammad. Other verses refer to prophethood ended with the death of the prophet
unnamed prophets identified by Muslim exegetes Muḥammad. The universal nature of Muḥammad’s
by name including Khidr, Ezekiel, Samuel, prophethood is suggested by his status as
Jeremiah, and Daniel. a “gentile” [ummī ] prophet in Q 7:157. This is
supported by passages such as Q 4:79 which states
that Muḥammad was sent to all “humanity” [li-l-
Abrahamic Prophets nās] as an apostle and to all the “worlds” [li-l-
ʿālamī n] in Q 21:107. Ibn al-‘Arabī, in his Bezels
Muslim exegetes take pains to explain the of Wisdom, contends that Muḥammad represents
Abrahamic character for prophets not normally the culmination of all the individual prophetic qual-
associated with the Bible such as Shuayb who is ities of earlier prophets [5, 6, 7, 8].
said to be the Midianite (Arab) father-in-law of On the day of judgment, the prophet Muḥam-
Moses [11]. According to Muslim scholars, all mad is supposed to intercede on behalf of all
prophets after Abraham are descended from him. Muslims just as other prophets will intercede on
Isaac’s line includes all the Israelite prophets up to behalf of their communities of followers. Attrib-
Jesus. Shuayb is a descendant of Midian, one of uted to the prophet Muḥammad and earlier proph-
Abraham’s sons with his third wife Keturah, and ets are special characteristics and abilities such as
Ishmael’s line goes directly to the prophet performing miracles with food and water, the
Muḥammad [9, 10]. curative powers of spit and sweat, unique pro-
Several verses in the Qur’ān (2:136, 3:84, phetic marks on their bodies, and the ability to
4:136, 42:13) stipulate belief in all the prophets, leave footprints in solid rock.
and the books revealed to them. Pre-Islamic
prophets, such as the kāhin, are regarded as out-
side of this Abrahamic, biblical tradition. Relics and Prophethood
Certain verses in the Qur’ān, including
Q 10:47 and 16:36, state that God sent a prophet The prophet Muḥammad is remembered by
to each nation [ummah] or people [qawm]. In his a number of body parts and objects linked to his
encyclopedic study of the Qur’ān, al-Suyūtī pre- life. These relics include pieces of his hair and
serves traditions that all revelations were sent nails distributed to his followers at the end of his
down in Arabic but each prophet, except for final pilgrimage, footprints in stone, bodily secre-
Muḥammad, had to translate the Arabic into the tions, clothing, eating implements, tools, and
specific language of their people [3]. weapons. It is not uncommon for these relics to
That each people had its own prophet can be housed in buildings related to Islam such as
be related to the large numbers of prophets mosques and madrasahs.
reported by Muslim scholars to have been
sent before the time of the prophet Muḥam-
mad. Some scholars put the number at more References
than 200,000 prophets and include as Muslim
1. Ibn al-ʿArabī (1980) Fuṣūṣ al-ḥikām (trans: Austin
prophets famous personages from outside of RWJ). The Bezels of wisdom. Paulist Press, Nahwah
the Abrahamic tradition such as Zoroaster and 2. Ibn Saʿd M (1904–1940) Ṭabaqāt al-kubrā (Ed:
the Buddha [2, 4, 7]. Sauchau E et al), 9 vols. E.J. Brill, Leiden
Nafs 519

3. Al-Suyūṭī, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Abī Bakr (1996) al- “breath,” or “wind.” In Islamic theology, the
Ittiqān fī ʿulūm al-Qurʾān (Ed: Muṣṭafā Dīb al- notion of the soul is referred to as nafs, though
Bughā), 2 vols. Dār Ibn Kathīr, Beirut
4. Bell R (1934) Muhammad and previous messengers. often confused with rūḥ, and the concepts of nafs
Muslim World 24:330–340 and rūḥ seem, to a greater degree, similar to the
5. Bijlefeld WA (1969) A prophet and more than Biblical concepts of nephesh and ruach.
a Prophet? Some observations on the Qurʾanic use of
the terms ‘Prophet’ and ‘Apostle’. Muslim World
59:1–28
6. Rubin U (1975) Pre-existence and light. Aspects of the Nafs and Rūd
concept of Nūr Muḥammad. Israel Orient Stud ˙
5:62–119 There is a clear distinction between nafs and rūḥ
7. Stroumsa GG (1986) Seal of the prophets. The nature of
a Manichaean metaphor. Jerusalem Stud Arabic Islam articulated by Ibn Abbas [9, 10]. The Arabic term
7:61–74 rūḥ corresponds to the English word “spirit,”
8. Stroumsa GG (1985) The signs of prophecy. The meaning “life principle,” breathed into Adam by
emergence and early development of a theme in Ara- God Himself. So, by rūḥ is meant God’s Spirit
bic theological literature. Harv Theol Rev 78:101–114
9. Tottoli R (2002) Biblical prophets in the Qurʾān and (Rūḥ), or the command (‘amr) of God as men-
Muslim literature. Routledge, Richmond tioned in the Qur’ān (see Qur’ān, XVI:2;
10. Wensinck AJ (1924) Muhammed und die Propheten. XVII:85; XL:15; XLII:52), and as such it refers
Acta Orient 2:168–198 also to the human spirit [4]. He created the first
11. Wheeler B (2002) Prophets in the Quran. An introduc-
tion to the Quran and Muslim exegesis. Continuum, human (Adam, from adamah, that which is from
New York clay) from clay and animated him by blowing into
the clay of His Spirit (Rūḥ), giving life to his body
(Qur’ān, XV:29; XXXII:8). Here, by “life princi-
ple” or “spirit” is meant rūḥ, not nafs, because the
Nafs term used here is rūḥ, not nafs. The same truth is
reflected in another verse which holds that God
Golam Dastagir blew of His rūḥ into Maryam for the conception of N
Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar Isā (Jesus) (Qur’ān, XXI:91; LXVI:12).
University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh
Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University of
Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Nafs in Context

In the Qur’ān, the technical term nafs has been

Synonyms used in many places in different senses, the most
important of which refers to the human self, or
Accusing nafs (nafs-e lawwāma); Commanding person when the term is used as a reflexive pro-
nafs (nafs-e ammāra); Nafs at-peace (nafs-e noun such as “myself” (nafsī ) (XII:54), “our-
muṭma’inna) selves” (anfusinā) (VI:130), “themselves”
(anfusihim) (XIII:11), “yourselves” (anfusī )
(XVI:7), etc. Notwithstanding, the term nafs
Definition refers to the human soul in most of the cases
mentioned in the Qur’ān (see II:48, 123, 233,
Nafs is an Arabo-Persian term, the plural of which 286; III:25; V:30, 32; VI:98, 158, 164; VII:42,
is nufūs, or anfüs. Etymologically, the term nafs is 189; X:30, 54; XIII:33; XXXIII:42; XVI:111,
derived from the term nafas, meaning “breath- XVII:15; L:16, 21; LXV:7; LXXIV:38;
ing.” In early Arabic literature, by nafs is meant LXXXI:7; LXXXII:19; XCI:7, etc.). In some
“self,” or “person,” while the term rūḥ denotes places in the Qur’ān, the term nafs also stands
520 Nafs

for “human,” for example, “a person” (nafsan) led by nafs, because the spiritual journey of the
(II:72, XX:40; XXVIII:19, 33). aspirants (Ṣūfī disciples) is to engage in a constant
struggle with their own internal evil forces (nafs)
in the process of transformation from the lowest
Characteristics of the Nafs in Sūfism stage to the highest level of consciousness.
Once the nafs-e ’ammāra is tamed by way of
The Ṣūfīs (mystics of Islam) have developed eschewing vices such as lying, pride, jealousy,
a systematic but complicated framework of Ṣūfī abuse, slander, covetousness, hatred, and by way
psychology on the basis of the nafs, as they widely of practicing some ideal virtues like charity,
use it in any significant discourse of spiritual patience, meditation, purity of thought, and the
development for attaining divine mercy like, a person’s psychological state can be trans-
(raḥmah) and God’s proximity (qurb) [5]. The formed into a higher stage of the nafs [1]. Repen-
Ṣūfī depiction of the nafs is characterized tance (tawba), fasting (ṣawm), paying poor dues
according to the levels of its structure, reflected (zakāt), and offering prayer (ṣalāt) are evidently
in the Qur’ānic characterization as (1) the com- the most practiced rituals for a Ṣūfī to become free
manding nafs (nafs-e ’ammāra) (XII:53), (2) the from committing sins, to be patient, and to be able
accusing nafs (nafs-e luwwāma) (LXXV:2), and to restrain his will, or ill-desire [8]. This stage of
(3) the nafs at-peace (nafs-e muṭma’inna) the nafs is called accusing nafs (nafs-e luwwāma)
(LXXXIX:2). In addition, the Ṣūfīs also refer to enshrined in the Qur’ān (LXXV:2). It is so named,
the inspired soul (nafs-e mulhima) alluded to in because it blames the nafs-e ’ammāra for deviat-
the Qur’ān (XCI:8), which the Ṣūfīs consider in ing the Ṣūfīs from the spiritual path. Though at
between the accusing nafs and the nafs at-peace. times, it ties one down with material pursuits, it
The nafs exemplified by the Ṣūfīs as “individ- may nonetheless protect one from evil desires,
ual self” or “ego-personality” is what they claim since as a seeker of the Truth (al-ḥaqq), it tends
to bind humans with the material world, while the to cling to virtues. But at this stage of the nafs, the
goal of the Ṣūfīs is to disentangle themselves from Ṣūfī is more committed to the ritual practices,
it [6]. By nafs, the Ṣūfīs primarily mean com- such as regular and supererogatory prayer
manding nafs (nafs-e ’ammāra) that can be (‘ibādah), abstention (wara’) of exorbitant food
explained as the lowest level of human nature and drink, fasting (ṣawm), invocation of God
(ṭab‘), a psychological stage of consciousness (zikr), pilgrimage (ḥajj), and so on.
[7] mentioned in the Qur’ān (XII:53). This nafs This nafs maintains an ascetic discipline
is designated as ’ammāra bi’s su, which means under the proper guidance of a Shaykh or pī r
“the self that incites to evil” [1]. (spiritual master); for both spiritual guidance
The Ṣūfīs hold that the commanding nafs and divine inspiration lay the foundation of psy-
(nafs-e ’ammāra), believed to be the evil nafs, is chological development [7]. The former is incul-
such that it commands human beings to engage in cated in the heart (qalb) of disciples by a Shaykh,
pride, jealousy, hypocrisy, dishonesty, greed, while the latter emerges from the Scriptures of
anger, lust, covetousness, etc. – all of which lead God. This stage of the nafs is known as the
humans to commit sin in this world. The Ṣūfīs inspired nafs (nafs-e mulhama). It is so named,
believe that human beings have a natural bent because the Ṣūfīs believe that God Himself
toward indulging in uncontrolled sensual plea- inspires the seeker (‘arif) to choose good actions
sures attached to the material world dragging over evil ones, as the Qur’ānic passage says: And
them toward sins, but God knows what God inspired the nafs (with conscience of) what
a person’s soul (nafs) desires (Q. L:16). The dev- is wrong for it and (what is) right for it (XCI:8).
ilish temptation of Iblī s (Satan) is attributed to this When the devotee is capable of using his or her
nafs. At this stage, the Ṣūfī is required to be reason (‘aql), wisdom (ḥikma), and knowledge
guided by his intellect (‘aql) rather than instinct (‘ilm) under the proper guidance of a spiritual
Nafs 521

master, s/he is bestowed with the inspiration of the latter “physical death.” A Ṣūfī does not search
God, and s/he then can properly differentiate for enemies beyond one’s self, family, commu-
between angelic inspirations and satanic tempta- nity, or society, but within oneself; one’s first and
tions. The Ṣūfī then moves forward to the last and foremost enemy is one’s ego-sensibility, one’s
the highest level of the nafs. individual self – one’s nafs [2]. A Ṣūfī life, there-
The nafs-at-peace (nafs-e muṭma’inna, the fore, is a constant battle against one’s individual
highest stage of the nafs, can be achieved by egocentricity – one’s nafs. Thus, the Prophet said,
the Ṣūfī when s/he is purified from all blamewor- “The powerful is not he who conquers people, but
thy attributes of the heart (qalb) and from all he who conquers his self” [8]. This is called jihād
clutterings of the Soul. Upon reaching this sta- (struggle) in the true sense of the word in Islam.
tion, the Ṣūfī is capable of feeling the divine Fighting nafs (jihād-an-nafs), according to the
grace (barakah) while his nafs enjoys tranquility. Ṣūfīs, is a great jihād (jihād-e akbarī ). In other
The nafs-at-peace is the station of repose at words, the ambivalence between the nafs and the
which the Ṣūfī, purged of all bestial attributes ‘aql within a human being seems to be a state of
and cleansed of all impurities, sees God through jihād – a battle constantly fought by the Ṣūfīs in
God [6]. The Ṣūfī, regardless of order (ṭarīqah), which a human being is inclined to involve in
refer to the Qur’ān for the origination of the nafs- satanic acts if the nafs wins, whereas he or she
e muṭma’inna, at which stage the Ṣūfīs reach acts according to the will of God if the ‘aql dom-
proximity (qurbiyyat) with God, who commands inates over the nafs.
the soul to return to Him (while the Ṣūfīs are
alive in this world) and to enter His Gardens (in
the Hereafter), as He says in the Qur’ān, O nafs-
Cross-References
at-peace (nafs-e muṭma’inna), return unto thy
Lord, content in His good pleasure! Enter thou
▶ Dhikr/Zikr
among My bondmen! Enter thou My Garden
▶ Jihād
(LXXXIX:27–30).
▶ Pī r N
▶ Prayer
▶ ṣawm
Nafs and Jihād
▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia
▶ Sūfism
Controlling the nafs in Ṣūfīsm through renuncia-
tion (zuhd) and other processes mentioned above
aims at “guarding the soul against the evils” – an
exalted Ṣūfī condition (ḥāl) designated as “God- References
fearing” (khawf) – a must-to-do act with the intent
to acquire piety (taqwā) in a bid to realize the 1. Dastagir G (1999) Contextual analysis of the concept
of Nafs. Copula 16:48–59
Truth (al-ḥaqq); for the Qur’ān says the one who 2. Dastagir G (ed) (2011) Sufism in Bangladesh: in light
feared to stand before his Lord and restrained his of the theosophy of Khwaja Enayetpuri (Bangladeshe
nafs from the passions; indeed, paradise will be Sufivada). Haqqani Publishers, Dhaka
his refuge (LXXIX:40–41). This process of anni- 3. Farid al-Din ‘Attar (1322) Tadhkirat Al-Awliya’. Part
II (ed: Nicholson RA). E. J. Bril, Leiden
hilation of the nafs is believed to have been 4. Macdonald DB (1932) The development of the idea of
portrayed by Junayd of Baghdad (830–910 C.E.) spirit in Islam. Muslim World 32(2):153–168
as “dying to oneself (nafs) and becoming 5. Nasr SH, Leaman O (eds) (1996) History of Islamic
resurrected in one-Self (God)” – one of his popu- philosophy. Routledge, London
6. Nasr SH (1972) Sūfi essays. George Allen & Unwin,
lar views, which corresponds to the Prophetic London
tradition “die before you die” [3, 6]. Here, the 7. Nurbakhsh J (1992) The psychology of Sūfism.
first “death” signifies “restraint of nafs,” while Khaniqahi Nimatullahi Publications, London
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˙

8. Nurbakhsh J (ed) (1981) Traditions of the prophet graves of his son Yusuf Sahib and his daughter-in-
(Ahaadith), vol 1. Khaniqahi Nimatullahi Publications, law Sultan Bibi. The annual festival at the Nagore
New York
9. Ovey N, Mohammed SJ (1993) Averroes, Aristotle Dargah attracts thousands of pilgrims of all reli-
and the Quran on immortality. Int Philos gious communities of Tamil Nadu.
Q 33(1):37–55
10. Smith JI (1979) The understanding of Nafs and Ruh in
contemporary Muslim considerations of the nature of
sleep and death. Muslim World 49(3):151–162 Life of the Saint

While the first mention of the saint in local Muslim

literature dates back to the seventeenth century, the
Nafs at-Peace (Nafs-e first complete hagiography, Shaykh Abdul Kadir’s
Mutma’inna) Tirukkāraṇappurāṇam, was not composed before
˙ 1812. Most contemporary accounts are based on
▶ Nafs the first prose hagiography, Kanjul Kaṟāmāttu,
which was written by V. Ghulam Kadir Navalar
and published in 1902 [6, 11]. Shahul Hamid is
said to have been born in the town of Manikpur in
Nagore Dargah Uttar Pradesh in a family descended from the
Prophet and Abdul Qadir al-Jilani. He became
Torsten Tschacher a disciple of Muhammad Ghawth Gwaliori (d.
Centre for Modern Indian Studies (CeMIS), 1562), an important proponent of the Shattariyya
University of Göttingen, Göttingen, Germany Sufi order, but was also initiated into other orders,
Institute of Islamic Studies, Freie Universität especially the Qadiriyya. As he traveled in north-
Berlin, Berlin, Germany western India, he is said to have met a childless
couple in Lahore. Shahul Hamid promised that
many children would be born to them but that the
Synonyms firstborn son actually would be his own son and
should be named Yusuf. Following the miraculous
Nagore Sharif birth of his son, Shahul Hamid is said to have
traveled to Afghanistan and Iran, before going on
pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina. After further
travels in the Middle East, he is said to have come
Definition to South India via the Maldives. In Thanjavur, he is
supposed to have healed the local king from an
The Nagore Dargah is the most important Muslim affliction and was rewarded with a land grant in
shrine in Tamil Nadu, containing the tombs of the the town of Nagore. Settling down in Nagore, the
sixteenth-century saint Abdul Kadir Shahul saint is said to have passed away there in the second
Hamid Wali, his son, and his daughter-in-law. half of the sixteenth century. While his son Yusuf
stayed on in Nagore, his 404 disciples supposedly
split into four groups of wandering mendicants,
Introduction returning to Nagore once a year for the annual
festival [1–3, 5–7].
The Nagore Dargah is a large shrine complex in
the town of Nagore, about 5 km north of
Nagapattinam in Tamil Nadu. The complex con- The Dargah
tains the tombs of the sixteenth-century saint
Abdul Kadir Shahul Hamid Wali, also known as The Nagore Dargah is a sprawling complex
Miran Sahib or Nagore Andavar, as well as the consisting of the tombs, mosques, shops, and
Nagore Dargah 523

Nagore Dargah,
Fig. 1 The Pir Mandapam
and the northeastern
minaret of the Nagore
Dargah

other buildings. The four corners of the main settled by Tamil-speaking Muslims. In many
complex are marked by four minarets between towns of South India, a small building commem-
20 and 30 m high constructed between 1645 and orates a miracle performed by Shahul Hamid on
1716, while just outside the main entrance stands his journeys. As the saint is venerated as a patron
a minaret almost 40 m tall, which is said to have of seafarers and travelers crossing the ocean,
been built by the Maratha ruler of Thanjavur in the “branch shrines” have emerged in many overseas
mid-eighteenth century. The Dargah received locations, especially since the nineteenth century,
patronage not only from the Thanjavur Maratha when Muslim traders and Hindu indentured
kings, but also from Muslim rulers of South India laborers alike left India from Nagapattinam and
such as the Nawābs of Arcot, and one structure, prayed at the Nagore Dargah for a safe journey.
the Pir Mandapam, is even said to have been The most important of these “branch shrines” are N
constructed with the support of the Dutch East located at Kalmunai in Sri Lanka, at Penang in
India Company [1–3, 5, 7]. The architecture of Malaysia, and at Singapore. In the French parts of
the minarets closely resembles that of Chinese the Caribbean, the descendants of indentured
Buddhist stupas – they may have been modeled laborers have incorporated the saint into the
on the stupa of a Buddhist monastery in nearby local Hindu pantheon [4, 8–10].
Nagapattinam, remains of which were still visible
in the nineteenth century. The peculiar architec-
ture of the Nagore Dargah has clearly influenced Rituals and the Annual Festival
the style of mosques and shrines built by South
Indian Muslims in India, Sri Lanka, Southeast As is the case with many other Muslim saint
Asia, and possibly as far away as Yemen [2, 3]. shrines in India, both Hindu and Muslim devotees
Another structure associated with the Dargah is come to the Nagore Dargah to get in contact with
the Chilladi, a small building about a kilometer the saint’s “blessings” or baraka and to obtain
away on the seacoast, where the saint is said to healing from affliction. Devotees donate votive
have performed solitary meditation (Persian offerings made of silver which represent the
chilla). It is also at this location that Shahul afflicted body part. These votive offerings as
Hamid is said to have saved a Dutch ship by well as amulets are sold at stalls around the
throwing a mirror which fitted itself into the Dargah. Often, the request for healing will involve
leak. As a result, Shahul Hamid is widely vener- a vow to come back to the shrine during the annual
ated as a patron of seafarers [5]. festival if the request is granted [6].
Beside the main shrine, there are structures in The annual festival, known as ‘urs or kandūrī,
honor of Shahul Hamid throughout the regions takes place during the first 2 weeks of the month
524 Nagore Sharif

Jumada al-Akhir of the Muslim calendar. On the 2. Alfieri BM (1997) Il complesso religioso di Nagore
first day of the festival, five flags are brought in nel Tamil Nadu. Supplemento n.2 alla. Rivista degli
studi orientali 71:8–15
procession from Nagapattinam on five chariots, 3. Bayly S (1986) Islam in Southern India: ‘Purist’ or
two of which are models of ships, while another is ‘Syncretic’? In: Bayly CA, Kolff DHA (eds) Two
shaped like a palanquin. The flags and chariots are colonial empires. Martinus Nijhoff, Dordrecht
donated by Muslim donors from Nagapattinam 4. McGilvray DB (2008) Crucible of conflict: Tamil and
Muslim society on the east coast of Sri Lanka. Duke
and Singapore as well as by local Hindu mer- University Press, Durham
chants and descendants of the Thanjavur Maratha 5. Narayanan V (2004) Nagore: Dargah of Hazrat Shahul
royal house. The procession is preceded by devo- Hamid. In: Currim M, Michell G (eds) Dargahs:
tees with models of ships and other vehicles as abodes of the saints. Marg, Mumbai
6. Narayanan V (2006) Religious vows at the shrine of
tokens that a request made at the Dargah had been Shahul Hamid. In: Raj SJ, Harman WP (eds) Dealing
granted to them. The flags are then hoisted after with deities: the ritual vow in South Asia. State Uni-
sunset on the Dargah’s five minarets, thereby versity of New York Press, Albany
inaugurating the festival. The main day of the 7. Saheb SAA (1998) A festival of flags: Hindu-Muslim
devotion and the sacralising of localism at the shrine of
festival is the tenth and the early morning of the Nagore-e-Sharif in Tamil Nadu. In: Werbner P, Basu
eleventh day, when sandalwood paste is carried in H (eds) Embodying Charisma: modernity, locality and
procession from Nagapattinam to Nagore and the the performance of emotion in Sufi cults. Routledge,
tomb of the saint is anointed with the paste. The London
8. Singaravélou (1987) Les Indiens de la Caraïbe, 3 vols.
festival ends with the lowering of the flags on the L’Harmattan, Paris
fourteenth day [1, 5–7]. 9. Tschacher T (2006) From local practice to transna-
The festival used to be celebrated not only in tional network: saints, shrines and Sufis among Tamil
the main shrine at Nagore but also in many other Muslims in Singapore. Asian J Soc Sci 34(2):225–242
10. Tschacher T (2010) Witnessing fun: Tamil-speaking
places where Tamil Muslims had settled and built Muslims and the imagination of ritual in colonial
replicas of the shrine. Processions and fairs were southeast Asia. In: Bergunder M, Frese H, Schröder
held at cities like Singapore, Penang, or Rangoon U (eds) Ritual, caste, and religion in colonial South
way into the twentieth century. Criticisms from India. Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftungen, Halle
11. Tschacher T (2011) Convention and community: the
Muslim reformers and security measures taken by poetics of prefaces to early Islamic Tamil literature.
local administrators have put an end to such cele- Zeitschrift für Indologie und Südasienstudien
brations in most places. In Singapore, the shrine 28:183–209
replica has recently been converted into a heritage
center for Indian Muslims. Devotion to the
Nagore shrine, however, has continued in many
places despite these changes [9, 10]. Nagore Sharif

▶ Nagore Dargah
Cross-References

▶ Coromandel Coast
▶ Kadir, Shaykh Abdul Namāz
▶ Sri Lanka (Islam and Muslims)
▶ Tamil Nadu (Islam and Muslims) ▶ Prayer, Islam

References

1. Abdul Rahim M (1973) The Durgah of Nagore and the

Naqšbandiyya
culture of the Tamil Muslims. Bulletin of the Institute
of Traditional Cultures, Madras, pp 92–104 ▶ Naqshbandīyah
Naqshbandīyah 525

The Order Before Bahā’ al-Dīn al-

Naqshabandiyya Naqshband

▶ Naqshbandīyah Nearly 200 years before the order took the name
of al-Naqshband, the practices that would eventu-
ally become the cornerstones of the
Naqshbandīyah order were established by ‘Abd
al-Khāliq al-Ghujdawānī (Ghujduvānī or
Naqshbandī Ghijduwānī) (d. 575/1179). Both he and some-
times his teacher, thought to be Abū Ya‛qūb Yūsuf
▶ Naqshbandīyah al-Hamadānī (d. 535/1140), are identified as
the first practitioners of Naqshbandīyah way.
Al-Ghujdawānī outlined eight guiding principles
his disciples were to follow: watchfulness of spir-
Naqshbandīyah itual development (nigāh dāsht), returning to
world (or restraint) (bāz gasht), recollection/
Matthew Long remembrance through repetition (yād kard),
OH, USA remembrance/recollection or concentration (yād
dāsht), awareness of breath (hūsh [hosh] dar
dam), watching one’s steps/following the steps
Synonyms of the Prophet (naẓar bar qadam), journeying of
the homeland/mystical path (safar dar waṭan),
Khawājagān; Naqšbandiyya; Naqshabandiyya; and solitude (khalwat dar anjuman). The first
Naqshbandī; Naqshbandiyya; Naqshbandiyyah four may have been passed down by Hamadānī.
Al-Ghujdawānī taught these principles to his stu-
dents who became known for a time as the N
Khawājagān, originated from the Persian word
Definition khʷādjah (Ar. khawājah or Tr. Hodja) meaning
“master.” Transmission of practices continued
Sufi order. mainly within the area of Bukhara, in Trans-
oxiana, for nearly 200 years.

Introduction Bahā’ al-Dīn al-Naqshband’s Influence

The Naqshbandīyah order (ṭarīqah) is one of the Bahā’ al-Dīn al-Naqshband received his instruc-
most widespread and oldest Sufi orders in the tion from Amīr Sayyid Kulalī al-Bukhārī and
world. It is one of the only orders to trace its Muḥammad Bābā al-Sammāsī. He did not pro-
spiritual lineage (silsilah) back to the Prophet duce any writings, but al-Naqshband did append
Muḥammad. Bahā’ al-Dīn al-Naqshband three practices of the original eight established by
(Naqshbandī) (d. 791/1389) is the individual al-Ghudawānī: temporal awareness/pause
from which the order has taken its name, but its (wuqūf-i zamānī ) is when one examines how
origins precede even him. From Naqshbandī’s time is spent; numerical awareness/pause
successors (khulafā’; singular khalī fah), the (wuqūf-i ‘adadī ) is the counting of dhikr to
order spread throughout Turkey, India, and Cen- avoid distraction; and awareness of heart/heart
tral Asia during the fifteenth to seventeenth cen- pause (wuqūf-i qalbī ) is the focusing on the
tury, and it remains one of the largest orders in heart. Furthermore, some practices employed by
world. al-Naqshband may have been adopted practices
526 Naqshbandīyah

common among the Malāmatīyah. Chief among Naqshbandīyah, the Khalidīyah, became a domi-
those practices was the application of silent dhikr, nant branch of the Naqshbandīyah in the Ottoman
known as dhikr khafī . Other practices ascribed to regions and Arabia in the nineteenth century.
the Naqshbandīyah order include the following:
tawajjuh (contemplation), murāqabah (aware-
ness/watching), and al-rābiṭah bi al-shaykh
Regional Influence of the
(bond between shaykh and disciple). Al-
Naqshbandīyah: Ottoman Empire
Naqshband did not abandon the eight principles
of al-Ghudawānī or even their importance. Given
The Ottoman Naqshbandīyah owed much of their
that al-Naqshband continued the teachings of al-
formation to the Central Asian Naqshbandīyah
Ghudawānī and left little written testimony of his
but was influenced by the Indian Naqshbandīyah
own teachings, scholars sometimes puzzle
as well. The first Naqshbandīyah hospice (tekke
al-Naqshbandī became the eponym of the entire
Tr.) in Turkey was established by ‘Abd Allāh
order. Following his death, the order began to
Ilāhī, as student of ‘Ubayd Allāh Aḥrār. His
spread outside of the vicinity of Transoxiana.
chief disciple (murīd), Aḥmād al-Bukhārī (d.
922/1516), would continue to propagate the
order in Istanbul. In the late seventeenth century,
Regional Influence of the
a Naqshbandīyah from India, Muḥammad Murād
Naqshbandīyah: Central Asia
Bukhārī (d. 1141/1729), arrived in Turkey bring-
ing with him a branch of the order that had orig-
Central Asia was the original home of the
inated in India, the Mujaddidīyah. From Murād,
Naqshbandīyah and its masters (murshidūn; sin-
the Naqshbandīyah would move southward to
gular murshid). During the fifteenth century, mul-
Syria, Egypt, and Yemen, though their presence
tiple Naqshbandīyah masters spread and
in Arabia never equaled the authority and num-
consolidated the teachings in various regions of
bers of the Naqshbandīyah in India, Turkey, and
Central Asia. ‘Ubayd Allāh Aḥrār (d. 896/1490)
Central Asia. The Mujaddidīyah Naqshbandīyah
and Saʽd al-Dīn Kāshgharī (d. 860/1455–1456)
would elevate the status of the order in Turkey, but
were fundamental in the implementation of the
in the nineteenth century, the Khalidīyah
Naqshbandīyah order in the southern parts of the
Naqshbandīyah appeared. Khalidīyah
Central Asia, such as Herāt (Harāt), and the com-
Naqshbandīyah hospices (khawāniq) sprung up
plete consolidation of the supremacy of the order
throughout Turkey due to their popularity, and
in Transoxiana. ‘Ubayd Allāh Aḥrār was, further-
with the introduction of this branch, the
more, responsible for instructing disciples who
Naqshbandīyah became the principal order in the
would eventually spread the order to India, Tur-
region.
key, and Arabia. The Naqshbandīyah flourished
as a result of their ties to the leading members of
both the Timurid and Mughal empires. The order
would reach other parts of Persia, such as the Regional Influence of the
north-eastern areas near the Caspian, but it Naqshbandīyah: India
would not survive once the Ṣafawid Empire,
adherents of Shīʽa Islam, came to govern Persia. While the Naqshbandīyah order arrived in India in
The Naqshbandīyah were Sunnī Muslims, so only the sixteenth century, Bāqī Bi’llāh (d. 1012/1603),
in enclaves of Sunnī majorities of Persia did the a spiritual descendant of ‘Ubayd Allāh Aḥrār, is
Naqshbandīyah manage to find longevity. One recognized as the first major Naqshbandīyah mas-
Naqshbandīyah figure who emerged from western ter of India; furthermore, he is credited with the
Persia was a Kurd, Mawlānā Khālid Baghdādī formation of the first hostel (khānaqāh). Bāqī
(d. 1243/1827). This branch (ṭā’ifa) of the Bi’llāh had many disciples, such as ‘Abd al-
Naqshbandīyah 527

Ḥaqq (d. 1052/1642) and his son Ḥusām al-Dīn. Naqshbandīyah in the Modern Period
None, however, were equal to Aḥmad Sirhindī (d.
1034/1624), as his appellation “reformer of the Since the nineteenth century, the order has
second millennium (mujaddid-i alf-i thānī )” indi- remained popular and has spread to countless
cates. The Mujaddidīyah Naqshbandīyah branch continents. India has continued to be the primary
took its name from Sirhindī’s title. Sirhindī homeland from which most prominent
rejected the doctrine of “unity of being/existence Naqshbandīyah originated. Ghulām ‘Alī Shāh
(waḥdat al-wujūd),” expounded by Ibn ‘Arabī (d. 1240/1835) and his disciple Khālid Kurdī
(d. 638/1240), and advocated the idea of “unity were two distinguished teachers from this period
of phenomena/witnessing (waḥdat al-shuhūd).” in India. Indonesia and Malaysia saw the intro-
Plus, he believed in the need for direct action duction of the order primarily from masters of the
and guidance when it came to both religion and Naqshbandīyah in the Middle East who had been
politics criticizing many of the universalizing atti- instructed by the Indian Naqshbandīyah. Hos-
tudes and policies of the Mughal emperor, Akbar. pices continued to flourish in Turkey, new line-
His ideological reforms were pivotal in the history ages sprang up in areas of the Middle East, such as
of the order. Damascus, and the order found new life in the
Sirhindī would eventually appoint one of his Caucasus region with the Indian Naqshbandīyah
sons, Muḥammad Maʽṣūm (d. 1079/1668), his being the starting point for these activities.
successor. One of Maʽṣūm’s disciples was Throughout the twentieth century, spiritual
Muḥammad Murād Bukhārī, who took his mas- teachers have maintained the traditions of the
ter’s teachings from India to Turkey. The order has it has continued to reach new places,
Mujaddidīyah Naqshbandīyah consolidated its including Europe and the United States.
position as the dominant branch of the
Naqshbandīyah and the dominant order in the
India subcontinent and much of Afghanistan. Cross-References
Mīr Dard (d. 1199/1785), Shāh Walī Allāh
▶ Akbar
N
(Walīullāh) (d. 1176//1762), and Mīrzā Maẓhar
(d. 1195/1781–1782) continued to grow and ▶ Khānaqāh and Ribat
reform the order through the eighteenth century. ▶ Waḥdat ul-Wujūd
Shāh Walī, for instance, sought to find
a conciliatory path between the teachings of
Sirhindī and Ibn ‘Arabī while Mīrzā Maẓhar
References
assumed a more liberal attitude toward Hinduism
1. Alagar H et al (1990) Naqshbandis: historical devel-
than Sirhindī. This period in the history of the opment and present situation of a Muslim mystical
Naqshbandanīyah is marked by an increase in order (ed: Marc Gaborieau et al). Editions Isis,
records kept on their teachings and ideas. Istanbul
2. Alagar H (1976) The Naqshbandī order: a preliminary
Collecting letters of the Naqshbandīyah masters
survey of its history and significance. Stud Islamica
had grown more prominent since Sirhindī, and 44:123–152
many contributed heavily to the Islamic sciences, 3. Alvi SS (2012) Perspectives on Mughal India: rulers,
such as Shāh Walī and a student of Mīrzā Maẓhar, historians, ‘ulamā’ and Sufis. Oxford University Press,
Karachi
Qāḍ Thanā’ Allāh Pānīpatī (d. 1225/1810).
4. Ansari MAH (1986) Sufism and Shariʽah: a study of
Furthermore, the order made its way farther east Shaykh Aḥmad Sirhindı̄’s effort to reform Sufism.
to China. The Mujaddidīyah branch of the Islamic Foundation, Leicester
Naqshbandīyah in India developed ties with the 5. Baljon JMS (1986) Religion and thought of Shāh Walī
Allāh Dihlawī, 1703–1762. Brill, Leiden
ruling Mughals, at times holding great sway, but
6. Buehler AF (1998) Sufi heirs of the Prophet: the Indian
was all lost upon the arrival of the British in the Naqshbandiyya and the rise of the mediating sufi
early nineteenth century. shaykh. University of South Carolina Press, Columbia
528 Naqshbandiyya

7. Buehler AF (1996) The Naqshbandiyya in Timurid Definition

India: the central Asian legacy. J Islamic Stud
7(2):208–228
8. Gross J (2007) The Naqshbandīya connection: from Popularly known as Sayyidul ‘ulamā’ (the fore-
Central Asia to India and Back (16th–19th centuries). most among the scholars), Ayatullah ‘Alī Naqī
In: Levi SC (ed) India and Central Asia: commerce and Naqvī (d. 1988) was among the most prominent
culture, 1500–1800. Oxford University Press, New and prolific Indian Shī‘ite scholars, mujtahids,
Delhi, pp 232–259
9. Haar JGJ (1992) Follower and heir of the prophet: and preachers of the twentieth century.
Shaykh Aḥmad Sirhindī (1564–1624) as mystic. Het
Oosters Instituut, Leiden
10. Le Gall D (2005) A culture of Sufism: Naqshbandīs in His Life
the Ottoman world, 1450–1700. State University of
New York Press, Albany
11. Nizami KA (1965) Naqshbandi influence on Mughal ‘Alī Naqvī was born on December 26, 1905 in
rulers and politics. Islamic Cult 39:41–52 Lucknow into a family of esteemed religious
12. Sirhindī A (2011) Revealed grace: the juristic Sufism scholars known as the Khāndān-i-ijtihād (House-
of Ahmad Sirhindi (1564–1624) (trans: Buehler AF).
Fons Vitae, Louisville hold of ijtihād, 1752 to present). Generation after
13. Trimingham JS (1998) The Sufi orders in Islam. generation, scholars of this family have played
Oxford University Press, New York a crucial role in shaping the religious and political
14. Weismann I (2007) The Naqshbandiyya: orthodoxy landscape of north India since the reign of the
and activism in a worldwide Sufi tradition. Routledge,
London Awadh Dynasty (1722–1858). For example,
Maulānā Dildār ‘Alī, the sixth-generation forefa-
ther of ‘Alī Naqvī, is credited with the shift from
the juridical-theological position of Akhbārism
(relying on scriptural sources alone for deriving
Naqshbandiyya legal injunctions and rejecting the necessity of
ijtihād) to Uṣūlism (taking reason as a source of
▶ Naqshbandīyah legal reasoning and positing the incessant neces-
sity of ijtihād) [1]. Between the ages of 3 and 4,
for his sojourn in Iraq to finish his seminary stud-
ies in the religious sciences, his father Sayyid Abū
al-Ḥasan took ‘Alī Naqvī with him. In Iraq, at the
Naqshbandiyyah age of 7, ‘Alī Naqvī’s formal education began
with Arabic and Persian grammar and a basic
▶ Naqshbandīyah instruction on the Qur’ān. In 1914, the family
returned to India, and he continued his religious
education under the supervision of his father and
later at the Sulṭān al-Madāris seminary. He also
studied Arabic literature with Muftī Muḥammad
Naqvī, Ayatullah ‘Alī Naqī ‘Alī. In 1923 he passed the exam for certification
of religious scholar (‘ālim) from Allahabad Uni-
Syed Rizwan Zamir versity and soon gained certification from both the
Department of Religion, Davidson College, Niẓāmiyyah College and the Sulṭān al-Madāris. In
Davidson, NC, USA 1925 he was awarded a degree in literature (Fāẓil-
i adab). In 1927, ‘Alī Naqvī departed for the
seminaries of Iraq, then the most prestigious
Synonyms place for religious training in the Twelver Shī‘ite
world. During his stay, he studied Islamic juris-
Allāmah Naqqan; Khāndān-i-ijtihād (Household prudence with Ayatullah Nā’inī, Ayatullah Abū
of Ijtihād); Sayyidul ‘ulamā’ al-Ḥasan Isfāhānī, and Ayatullah Sayyid Ḍīyā’
Naqvī, Ayatullah ‘Alī Naqī 529

‘Irāqī; ḥadī th with Shakyh ‘Abbās Qummī and and the martyrdom of Husayn, and particular
Sayyid Ḥusayn Ṣadr; and Islamic theology social issues such as the reform of social customs
(Kalām) with Sayyid Sharf al-Dīn, Shaykh and practices [2]. These writings and sermons
Muḥammad Ḥusayn Kāshif al-Ghiṭā’, Shaykh constitute over 200 titles (mostly in Urdu but
Jawād Balāghā, and Sayyid Muḥsin Amīn also in Arabic and Persian). Many of his works
Āmilī. While studying in Iraq, ‘Alī Naqvī also were and continue to be translated into various
wrote a few works in Arabic. After completing indigenous Indian languages and into English.
his seminary education and receiving the certifi-
cation (ijāzā’) for ijtihād, in 1932 ‘Alī Naqvī
returned to India. Immediately upon his return, His Religio-Intellectual Project: The First
he began preaching regularly on Fridays. Phase
In 1933 he was appointed as a professor in the
Oriental College Department of Lucknow Univer- ‘Alī Naqvī lived through a critical phase in Indian
sity, where he then taught Arabic and Persian Muslim history, a period of intense religious and
for over two decades. In 1959, Aligarh Muslim sociopolitical activity [3]. As a bearer of the leg-
University invited ‘Alī Naqvī to take up the acy of his scholarly family and as a mujtahid of
position of Reader in the theology (dī nī yāt) the highest stature, he was quite aware of the
department – which as yet did not have importance of his leadership role for the Indian
a teaching faculty. The department also created Shī‘ite community. That is why when he returned
two parallel streams of Sunnī and Shī‘ī theology, from Iraq in 1932, he became immediately
and ‘Alī Naqvī began to oversee the affairs of the involved in numerous intellectual activities,
Shī‘ite branch. Between 1967 and 1969, ‘Alī geared towards reviving the increasingly declin-
Naqvī became the dean of Shī‘ite theology, even- ing centrality of religion within Indian Muslim
tually retiring from the university in 1972. While society [4]. As early as 1935 he declared the crisis
still residing in Aligarh, postretirement of religion as the greatest challenge and threat to
(1972–1975), ‘Alī Naqvī held various research the well-being of Indian Muslim society; in his N
professorships through the University Grants view, there was a growing tendency within Indian
Commission. Besides teaching and prolifically society of blaming religion for a host of societal
writing, from the early 1930s to his death on problems and economic and intellectual back-
May 18, 1988 in Lucknow, ‘Alī Naqvī inten- wardness to the extent that many had come to
sively lectured and preached from the pulpit dur- accept that there was hardly anything worthy in
ing Muḥarram and beyond; as a jurist of unique religion for which it must be preserved or cele-
statute, he also provided religious guidance and brated [5]. According to that emergent viewpoint,
leadership to the South Asian Twelver Shī’ite it is only by liberating society from religion that
community. He is buried at Ḥusaynīyah Jannat society could attain greater peace, progress, and
Mā’āb. overall success. In other words, it was not only the
teachings of religion or its particular theological
doctrines that were viewed with skepticism; the
His Writings and Sermons very value of religion itself had begun to be
questioned. ‘Alī Naqvī explicitly identified
The varying subjects that he wrote or spoke attacks of Christian missionaries, materialistic
about include Qur’ānic exegesis, theology, his- and Marxist-socialist thinking, westernization in
tory, jurisprudence, political thought (including the realms of thought and culture, enlightenment
treatises on war and martyrdom), intra-faith rationalism and scientific empiricism (that
debates (e.g., critiques of Wahhabism, Bābīyah, mocked all empirically unverifiable claims so cen-
and Aḥmadīyah), defense of Islamic (and Shī‘ite) tral to religion), skepticism towards the need and
personal law (including topics such as gender value of traditional religious authority of the
roles, veiling, and temporary marriage), Karbala ‘ulamā’, and awareness of religious pluralism
530 Naqvī, Ayatullah ‘Alī Naqī

(that had undermined claims of truth of all reli- his life, drawing out numerous lessons that could
gious traditions and open criticisms of religious be learned from it. In his writings, Ḥusayn is
beliefs and practices as backward and a hindrance portrayed not simply as a Shī‘ī Imām or a heroic
to human progress) as some of the key causes for Muslim figure but the martyr par excellence of
this “crisis of religion.” For ‘Alī Naqvī, secular- humanity, thus the title of his famous and contro-
ism or irreligiosity (lā dī nī yat) did not simply versial work Shahī d-i insānī yat (The Martyr of
eliminate religion – which he saw as a necessary Humanity) published in 1942 and still the most
source of peace and betterment of the human comprehensive book on the history and meaning
being; in his analysis, they would inevitably of the battle of Karbala in the Urdu language. In
engender a social and cultural revolution on the early 1940s, he embarked on writing
a large scale. It is therefore the comprehensiveness a comprehensive Qur’ānic commentary. After
of the challenge of secularism and irreligiosity to writing a massive introduction to the study of the
the Indian social and intellectual landscape that Qur’ān, the history of the text, the commentary
made them the greatest threat to the well-being of tradition, and the first two chapters, the project
Indian society. was suspended for later decades and completed in
The first phase of ‘Alī Naqvī’s intellectual late 1960s, albeit in a more summary fashion [6].
career (that lasted until the mid-1940s) was The seminal commentary has since then appeared
hence geared towards reconfiguring the founda- numerous times, the latest edition published in
tions of Islamic thought along intellectual lines 2012 from Lahore.
that would be persuasive to his skeptical audi-
ence, demonstrating to it that at its core, the
religious vision is sagacious and absolutely His Religio-Intellectual Project: The
indispensable for the well-being of society. He Second Phase
attempted to articulate a systematic response to
this crisis of religion that sought a fresh articula- Once the necessity and core teachings of Islam
tion and revival of religious thought and were clarified, defended, and systematized in the
praxis – one that could speak and satisfy the first phase, the second phase of his work (that
modern mindset under the sway of modern think- lasted till his death in 1988) saw ‘Alī Naqvī elab-
ing and lifestyle – by way of responding to the orating on his previous work, building on this
critiques internal and external to the Muslim framework, and branching out to posit and dem-
community and in the service of extending the onstrate the all-comprehensive vision of Islam in
religious literacy of his Muslim audience. These guiding human cultural and political reforms.
early years saw him discuss the need for Muslim While writing and lecturing on subjects as varied
unity, the necessity and definition of religion and as a commentary on the Qur’ān, Islamic history
its purpose and scope, the core beliefs of Shī‘ite (his four-volume study of the early Islamic con-
theology, the symbiotic relationship between tinues to be a popular text [7]), Islamic political
reason and religion (‘aql va mazhab), clarifica- philosophy, Islamic principles of social and cul-
tion of the ways in which religion (specifically tural reform, and recurrent debates such as the
Islam) guides human life at individual and col- status of women in Islamic law, ‘Alī Naqvī’s
lective levels, and the wisdom underlying the vision of the comprehensive meaning and func-
Islamic teachings. tion of religion (as posited by him during the
During these years he also wrote extensively earlier phase) remained decisive and unchanged
on the various aspects of the meaning and sym- [8]. For him, Islam encompassed and guided
bolism of one of the foremost motifs of Shī‘ism, every aspect of human individual and collective
the battle of Karbala and the martyrdom of life. Much of his intellectual life was spent dem-
Ḥusayn. Aware of the centrality of the battle of onstrating this claim to his audience. Occasionally
Karbala to popular Shī‘ī consciousness, he relent- he also turned to defend Islamic (and Shī‘ite)
lessly wrote and spoke on this subject throughout beliefs and controversial practices such as
Naqvī, Ayatullah ‘Alī Naqī 531

dissimulation of religious beliefs, the Shī‘ite view dual engagement with Islamic traditionalist
of the Qur’ān, jihad, and temporary marriage [9]. (the ‘ulamā’ scholarly tradition) and modernist
‘Alī Naqvī’s teachings invariably underscored circles (the new intellectual elite) makes ‘Alī
the accessibility and universality of the Islamic Naqvī particularly relevant in understanding the
faith and its teachings. His argumentation was relationship between Shī‘ite traditionalism and
audience specific, sometimes drawing on textual modernism in the twentieth century. Rarely has
sources such as the Qur’ān and ḥadī th or intellec- a Shī‘ite scholar of his stature spoken directly to
tual reasoning; at others he employed the masses as he did, making use of the pulpit and
a combination of the rational and the textual. As public lecturing. His multifaceted intellectual life
a jurist of the highest standing, he also provided therefore richly captures the complexity of the
guidance on juridical, religious, and spiritual mat- contemporary Islamic religious discourse and its
ters. These include a compilation of the religious evolution in the modern period.
rulings, Tuḥfatul ‘avām (1962), an explanation of
the basic religious practices and obligations.
Cross-References

Popularizing His Message ▶ Ithnā ‘Asharī Shi‘ism

▶ Muslim Personal Law
In popularizing his message, ‘Alī Naqvī made ▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia
creative use of the avenues available to him. He ▶ Taqiyya
kept his treatises concise and to the point, some of
his essays no more than only 10–15 pages. Though
devoid of scholastic jargon and written in an easy- References
to-understand language, the content of these writ-
ings is of high academic and literary quality. If, on 1. Cole J (1988) Roots of North Indian Shi’ism in Iran and
Iraq: religion and state in Awadh, 1722–1859. Univer-
the one hand, conciseness and simplicity meant
sity of California Press, Berkeley N
accessibility for his lay audience, on the other 2. Some of these works include Naqvī, ‘A (1938) Rad-i
hand it enabled ‘Alī Naqvī to address a wide vaḥḥābiyat (Rebuttal of Wahhabism). Imamiah Mission,
range of subjects. His extensive lecturing from Lucknow; (1932) Taḥrīf-i Qur’ān kī ḥaqīqat. Imamiah
Mission, Lucknow; (1932?) Qātilān-i Ḥusayn kā mazhab
the pulpit – an anomaly for a scholar of his
[The religion of the killers of Ḥusayn]. Sarfarāz Qaumi
stature – further helped him in reaching out to the Press, Lucknow; (1933) Mut‘ah aur Islām [Temporary
Muslim masses. His efforts to promote religious marriage and Islam]. Imamiah Mission, Lucknow;
literacy saw him institute a major publication (1940) Muqaddamah-i tafsīr-i Qur’ān [The introduction
to the Qur’anic exegesis]. Idārah ‘Ilmīyah, Lucknow;
house (the Imāmīa Mission) which since its
(1942) Shahīd-i insānīyat [The martyr of humanity].
founding has been amongst the foremost Shī‘ite Imamiah Mission Pakistan Trust, Lahore
publication houses in the subcontinent. 3. Ahmad ‘A (1967) Islamic modernism in India and
‘Alī Naqvī continues to be a prominent figure Pakistan, 1857–1964. Oxford University Press, Lon-
don. Ahmad A, von Grunebaum G (1970) Muslim
of Indian Shī‘ite Islam. His intellectual legacy is
self-statement in India and Pakistan 1857–1968. O.
very much alive, and his writings continue to be Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden. Robinson F (2000) Islam
republished in the Urdu-speaking world to this and Muslim history in South Asia. Oxford University
day. Besides his scholarly accomplishments, his Press, Oxford
4. Naqvī ‘A (1932) Amrāz-i qaumī aur un kā ‘ilāj [Com-
admirers have time and again pointed to ‘Alī munal disease and their cure]. Imamia Mission, Luck-
Naqvī’s piety, authority as a religious scholar now; later republished as (1933) Tijārataurislām
(‘ālim), and his charisma and eloquence as [Commerce and Islam] Imamia Mission, Lucknow
a speaker as reasons for his immense popularity. 5. Naqvī ‘A (1935) Islām kī ḥakīmānah zīndagī [Islam as
a sagacious ordering of life]. Imamiah Mission,
As a traditional Shī‘ite scholar trained in the sem-
Lucknow
inaries of Iraq who also taught at Aligarh Univer- 6. Naqvī ‘A (1972) Faṣl al-khatāb [The decisive dis-
sity (the hub of Islamic modernism in India), this course]. Imamiah Mission, Lucknow
532 Nationalism

7. Naqvī ‘A (1961) Tārīkh-i Islām. 4 vols. Sarfarāz Qaumī

Press, Lucknow Nizami, K. A.
8. For his own statement on this unity of thought, see
Naqvī, ‘A (1971) Islam ‘ahd-i hāzir main [Islam in the
contemporary age] in Zindahsavālat [Contemporary Bruce B. Lawrence
questions]. Aligarh University Press, Aligarh Duke University, Durham, Hillsborough,
9. Ibid (1965) Yazīd aur jang-i qustantanīyah [Yazid and NC, USA
the battle of Constantinople]. Sarfarāz Qaumī Press,
Lucknow, (1953) Khilāfat-i Yazīd kay muta‘alliq āzād
ārā’īn [Free opinions about the caliphate of Yazid].
Imamiah Mission, Lucknow; (1952) Taqīyah [Pious Synonyms
Dissimulation]. Sarfarāz Qaumī Press, Lucknow; and
two lectures delivered in 1973 on Mas’alah-yi ḥayāt an-
nabī aur vāqi‘ah-yi vafāt-i rusūl [“The Issue of whether Nizami; Prof. KA Nizami; Prof. Nizami
the Prophet is Alive” and the “Incident of Prophet’s
Death”]. Imamiah Mission, Lucknow
Definition

Professor Khaliq Ahmad Nizami (1925–1997)

was the leading cultural historian of medieval
Nationalism Muslim India during the last half of the twentieth
century, at once the most prolific and exemplary
▶ Khilāfat Movement scholar of his generation at Aligarh Muslim
University

Major Dates, Affiliations, and Services

Nawwāb Siddīq Ḥasan Khān
˙ Few scholars have produced as much or as varied
▶ Khān, (Nawwāb) Ṣiddīq Ḥasan a literary corpus as Professor Khaliq Ahmad
Nizami of Aligarh Muslim University. He was
the leading historian of his generation in charting
the political and social, as also the cultural and
religious, history of Muslim India. He made spe-
Nizām ad-Dīn cial contributions to our knowledge of both insti-
tutional Sufism and the Aligarh movement. He
▶ Nizām-ud-Dīn Awliyā was also an adroit administrator as well as
a distinguished diplomat. Born on 25 December
1925 in Amroha, a small town in UP Province of
India, Prof. Nizami was educated in India: from
Meerut College, attached to the University of
Nizām al-Dīn Agra, he earned his MA and his LL.B. in 1945.
Two years later he joined the History Department
▶ Nizām-ud-Dīn Awliyā of Aligarh Muslim University and rose to the rank
of Full Professor in 1963. Subsequently, he served
as the Chair of the History Department
(1971–1984) and also as the Pro-Vice-Chancellor
(1972–1974). During the period of 1975–1977, he
Nizami took leave from Aligarh Muslim University to
serve as the Indian Ambassador to Damascus.
▶ Nizami, K. A. On his return from Syria, he was appointed, and
Nizami, K. A. 533

served, as the Dean of the Faculty at AMU contributions both in his native language – in Prof.
(1977–1980) while also dispatching his several Nizami’s case, Urdu – and also in English. His
duties in the History Department, from which he articles, chapters, reviews, and essays in Urdu and
retired in 1984. English combined exceed 300, many of consider-
able length. Though he never completed the pro-
ject to republish this vast corpus before his death
Administrative Achievements on 5 December 1997, Prof. Nizami did outline the
topics they covered. They were to be assembled in
Notable among Prof. Nizami’s administrative two parallel sets, one consisting of eight volumes
achievements were the efforts he spearheaded to for the reissue of his English language output; the
establish the Sir Syed Academy [7]. In 1974, it other consisting of seven volumes would have
became part of the Sir Syed House, memorializing contained his major Urdu language papers,
the founder of Aligarh Muslim University, Sir essays, and articles.
Sayyid Aḥmad Khān (1817–1898). One of his With his characteristic diligence, Prof. Nizami
last publications was a history of the last pre- arranged the list in each case thematically, so that
Independence decades at Aligarh Muslim Univer- even the most casual inquirer could easily and
sity [11]. In a fitting sequel, after Professor quickly grasp the scope of his life’s work. In
Nizami’s demise, there was an initiative to attach English the eight volumes were to address the
to the Sir Syed House/Academy a new structure, following: (a) sources and source material; (b)
the Khaliq Ahmad Nizami Centre for Qur’anic Islamic history and culture; (c) mystic teachers,
Studies. Inaugurated in 2012, its Founding Direc- ideologies, and institutions; (d) religion, social
tor is Professor Nizami’s eldest son, a former life, and culture in medieval India; (e) political
Engineering Professor at AMU, Dr. Ahtesham and institutional history of medieval India; (f)
Nizami. In addition to four sons, Professor Nizami India’s contact with the outside world; (g) Shah
also had a daughter, Dr. Azra Nizami, who joined Waliullah of Delhi (the preeminent Sufi jurist of
the History Department at AMU. Another of his the eighteenth century); and, of course, (h) Sir N
four sons, the youngest, Dr. Farhan Nizami, Syed and the Aligarh movement. The
followed in his father’s footsteps, combining corresponding number of his oeuvre in Urdu
both scholarship and administration. After win- were to be as follows: (a) Islamic history and
ning an overseas scholarship to Oxford, the youn- civilization; (b) Sufism and Sufis; (c) Amir
gest Dr. Nizami graduated with a DPhil from Khusrau Dehlavi (the foremost poet/courtier of
Wadham College in 1983, and, since 1985, he the late thirteenth/early fourteenth century); (d)
has been the Founding Director of the Oxford Urdu language, literature, and history; (e) social,
Centre for Islamic Studies. political, and religious developments in the nine-
teenth century; (f) some outstanding figures of the
twentieth century; and finally, (g) Indian history
Academic and Publication and civilization.
Accomplishments In addition to this enormous corpus of essays,
articles, reviews, and papers, Prof. KA Nizami
Professor KA Nizami was preeminent among published 31 monographs in English and Urdu.
those of his generation because he was at once All of them have been listed in Mohammad
productive and proficient in plumbing the depths Ahmad, Literary Contribution of Khaliq Ahmad
of Indo-Islamic history. His career blazed the trail Nizami [1], pp. 15–19. Three stand out: Some
of a restless, creative mind, driven by a tireless, Aspects of Religion and Politics in India During
quotidian disposition to labor. One would be hard the Thirteenth Century ([6], with two reprints),
pressed to find any South Asian scholar – Muslim, Tarikh-i Mashaikh-i Chisht ([5] in Urdu: two vol-
Hindu, Christian, Sikh, Jain, or Buddhist – of the umes), and Akbar and Religion [8]. Each of these
post-WWII era who has made nearly equivalent works has become a classic in its own right. Each
534 Nizami, K. A.

reveals the depth of Professor Nizami’s engage- representation of broad periods marked by dif-
ment with a dazzling set of primary documents. ferent styles of spiritual genius. In his hands, the
Each displays his painstaking evocation of age- vast tazkira literature of Sufi heroes (and occa-
old issues, with a revisionist estimate of the exem- sional heroines) becomes a tool to reconsidering
plars of high urban literate culture from Sultanate how his subjects viewed themselves. If the
and Mughal India. Chishtiya were his favorite topic, since he knew
them firsthand through his family history as well
as extensive ties with present-day Sufi sources,
Assessment of Professor Nizami’s he also put them in the context of competing
Scholarship silsilahs, or brotherhoods, and also contending
ideologies, whether juridical or political or both.
Professor KA Nizami gives equal attention to There is no closure to Prof. KA Nizami’
what Marshall GS Hodgson called “creative s systematic review and evocation of the Chishti
genius in context” and to the institutional norms past, but as others have demonstrated [2, 3], the
that shape that context [4]. Systematically he path toward grasping Muslim intellectual history
evokes a picture of the social and political forces, that he charted remains a catalyst for all future
whether examining the thirteenth century, as in study of Persianate culture, in general, and its
Religion and Politics, or the sixteenth century, as Indo-Muslim trajectory in particular. Prof. KA
in Akbar and Religion. He takes account of large- Nizami’s legacy did not end with his demise; it
scale Muslim movements but also examines non- merely entered a new phase, at once respectful
Muslims, whether Hindus in Religion and Politics and expansive of his singular output.
or Jains and Buddhists, Christians, and Parsees,
along with Hindus in Akbar and Religion. It is fair
to say that neither the Sultanate period nor the Cross-References
Mughal period can be understood in their cultural
complexity without reference to the works of Pro- ▶ Akbar
fessor KA Nizami. ▶ Aligarh Muslim University
Of his enormous output in Urdu, Tarikh-i ▶ Amīr Khusrau
Mashaikh-i Chisht towers above all other efforts ▶ Chishtī Order
to make a biographical study of the major South ▶ Nizām-ud-Dīn Awliyā
Asian Sufi order, the Chishtiya, while also taking ▶ Suhrawardī Order
account of, and paying full respect to, their rivals,
the Suhrawardi order. For those who do not have
access to Urdu, a summary of his approach may be References
gleaned from the lengthy article on the Chishtiya in
The Encyclopaedia of Islam (new edition), 1. Ahmad M (1990/2000) Literary contribution of Khaliq
II:50–56 [9], just as an appreciation of his culturally Ahmad Nizami. Idarah-i Adabiyat-Delli, Delhi
2. Ernst CW, Lawrence BB (2002) Sufi martyrs of love:
recuperative approach to the study of Indo-Muslim the Chishti order in south Asia and beyond. Palgrave
civilization may be derived from the even lengthier Macmillan, New York
article on “Hind:V-Islam,” also in The Encyclopae- 3. Ernst CW (2004) Preface to K.A. Nizami. The life and
dia of Islam (new edition), IV:428–438 [10]. times of Nasiru;d-din Chiragh-e Delhi, new edn.
Oneworld Publications, London
4. Hodgson MGS (1974) The venture of Islam: con-
science and history in a world civilization. University
Conclusion of Chicago Press, Chicago
5. Nizami KA (1953/1980) Tarikh-i Mashaikh-i Chisht
in Urdu, 2 vols. Idarah-i Adabiyat-Delli, Delhi
What is distinctive about the work of Professor 6. Nizami KA (1961/1974) Some aspects of religion and
Nizami on the Chishtiya is his biographical politics in India during the thirteenth century. Idarah-i
thoroughness combined with his imaginative Adabiyat-Delli, Delhi
Nizām-ud-Dīn Awliyā 535

7. Nizami KA (1965/1975/1980) Syed Ahmed Khan. political personalities and ties, Sulṭān Muḥammad
Builders of Modern India Series, Government of India bin Tughluq (r. 1324–1351) is reported to have
8. Nizami KA (1989) Akbar and religion. Idarah-i
Adabiyat-Delli, Delhi been a pallbearer at his funeral and later erected
9. Nizami KA (1997) Chishtiyya. In: The encyclopaedia a dome over his burial site; likewise, the first
of Islam, new edn, vol II. E.J. Brill, Leiden, pp 50–56 Mughal ruler, Bābur, held the shaykh in such
10. Nizami KA (1997) Al-Hind: V Islam. In: The ency- high esteem that he paid his respects at the shrine.
clopaedia of Islam, new edn, vol IV. E.J. Brill, Leiden,
pp 428–438 What is known about what the shaykh taught
11. Nizami KA (1997) History of the Aligarh Muslim comes through his student, Amir Hasan Sijzi,
University (1922–1945). Idarah-i Adabiyat-Delli, who compiled his conversations (malfūzāt) into
Delhi Fawa’id al-Fu’ad or Morals for the Heart.
Nizām-ud-Dīn Awliyā continues to bear great
import on religious life in South Asia, as
his dargāh or tomb in Delhi remains an important
site for visitation, worship, and zikr or remem-
Nizām-ud-Dīn brance to this day.
▶ Nizām-ud-Dīn Awliyā
Ancestry, Education, and Life

Shaykh Nizām-ud-Dīn Awliyā is traditionally

Nizām-ud-Dīn Awliyā remembered as having lived for 83 years, from
1238 to 1325. His ancestors hailed from Bukhara
Ilyse R. Morgenstein Fuerst (in contemporary Uzbekistan), but like many edu-
Department of Religion, University of Vermont, cated Muslim families living in Central Asia during
Burlington, VT, USA the thirteenth century, sought refuge from Mongol
invasions in India. Nizām-ud-Dīn’s grandparents N
settled in Badaon, a city known for its quietude and
Synonyms remoteness from governmental powers. More
importantly, the city had a history of Muslim cul-
Nizām ad-Dīn; Nizām al-Dīn; Nizām-ud-Dīn tural institutions; many whose ancestors fled Cen-
tral Asia settled there, and the city boasted scholars,
poets, saints, and literati. Shaykh Nizām-ud-Dīn
lived in Badaon for just about 20 years and
Definition
received his early education there [3].
Shaykh Nizām-ud-Dīn’s early life is marked
Nizām-ud-Dīn Awliyā (1238–1325 B.C.E.) was a
by some tragedy as well as poverty. His father
major Sufi saint of the Chishti order.
died when he was a child, though many reports
contradict exactly how old Nizām-ud-Dīn was
when this event occurred. As K. A. Nizami points
Overview and Import out, one report states that the saint was born to his
father posthumously, yet another states that he
Nizām-ud-Dīn remains one of the most seminal, was a “suckling babe” (shir khwar) when his
noted personalities in South Asian Islam. His role father passed, and another insists the saint was 5
in the historical development of the Chishtī Sufi years old at the time of his father’s passing.
path or ṭarīqa is distinguished even among other Shaykh Nizām-ud-Dīn himself is reported to
Chishtī luminaries: under his leadership, the order have narrated that his father died when he was
became an influential and popular movement an infant [14]. In any case, however, what is
across India. Though he outwardly avoided known about his childhood was that he lived
536 Nizām-ud-Dīn Awliyā

without his father and he was raised entirely by his and learning spaces – in Delhi, and it rapidly
widowed, impoverished mother, a woman known occupied a special place within the cultural, reli-
for her piety. gious, and even political landscape. The khānaqāh
In Badaon, Shaykh Nizām-ud-Dīn likely stud- was known for samā’ or musically orientated
ied with a number of teachers; two names come worship, namāz or daily prayers, and because
down through the historical record: Shadi Muqri the shaykh often abstained from food, ifṭār or
and Maulanā `Alā ad-dīn ‘Uṣūlī. Though he had a breaking of the fast meal [13].
studied successfully in Badaon, better educational Shaykh Nizām-ud-Dīn had fraught relation-
options existed in Delhi. When Nizām-ud-Dīn ships with the state. His teacher, Bābā Farīd, was
begged his mother to move to Delhi, she is known for warnings against cavorting with royalty,
reported to have readily obliged; his mother and and Nizām-ud-Dīn seems to have listened well to
sister accompanied him to Delhi, where they faced these warnings. He is reported to have never met
similar struggles of poverty [9]. However, Delhi with sultans or princes; however, noblemen, high-
would become Shaykh Nizām-ud-Dīn’s home and ranking merchants, soldiers, and other officials
as is evidenced by the physical structure today, his often visited his khānaqāh and sought his bless-
permanent resting place. ings. His relationship to the state is in many ways
Delhi during the life on Nizām-ud-Dīn was in typical, but it is also, perhaps, romanticized: as
a state of flux. It is thought that he arrived there many scholars have noted, the relationship
during the reign of Sulṭān Nāṣir al-Dīn Maḥmūd (r. between religious authorities like Sufi shaykhs
1246–1266). During this period, Delhi was not and imperial authorities was often necessary and
only a political capital but a cultural one: scholars, mutually beneficial, even if distasteful [2].
artisans, poets, and religious saints assembled there Nizām-ud-Dīn spent nearly 50 years in Delhi,
and were a clear influence on his breadth and depth and much of that time was in his capacity as the
of knowledge. Of course, aside from contact and shaykh. He is reported to have died in 1325 in
interaction with a dynamic intellectual landscape, Delhi. Later, Sulṭān Muḥammad bin Tughluq built
Shaykh Nizām-ud-Dīn had formal teachers, of a dome over his burial site. The site of the tomb in
whom two are known: Khwājā Shams-ad-Dīn Delhi still attracts visitors, holds zikr services, is
and Maulanā Kamāl ad-Dīn Zāhid. These widely known for the practice of samā’, and hosts
teachers – especially the latter – had Shaykh members of the Sufi order.
Nizām-ud-Dīn memorize, theorize, and extempo-
rize upon classic works of exegesis in addition to
Qur’ān and ḥadīth. He very quickly became Morals for the Heart, Teachings, and
known as a devout student and pious man, and Impact
after his formal study in Delhi, he came to study
at the feet of Shaykh Farīd ad-Dīn Ganj-i Shakar Shaykh Nizām-ud-Dīn’s major teachings come
(d. 1265), also known popularly as Bābā Farīd, in down in the form of Fawā’id al-Fu’ād or Morals
what is now Pakpattan, Pakistan [13]. for the Heart. These were recorded by Amir
Bābā Farīd is a well-known and much- Hasan Sizji, one of the shaykh’s students. The
celebrated Chishtī saint in his own right. His text itself moves between poetry and prose, and
shrine at Pakpattan is a popular pilgrimage site, it can be seen that Nizām-ud-Dīn was exception-
especially during the ‘urs festival. According to ally familiar with hadith and very much concerned
traditional accounts, he is reported to have named with his students following the path of the Prophet
Nizām-ud-Dīn his successor (khalifa) when Muḥammad (sunna). Most traditional narratives
Nizām-ud-Dīn was only in his early twenties; estimate that Nizām-ud-Dīn did not expound
Bābā Farīd asked that Nizām-ud-Dīn return to upon lofty truths, but rather led by example: he
Delhi and advance the silsila or order [4]. Shaykh is reported to have said that the difference between
Nizām-ud-Dīn established his khānaqāh – quarters the ‘ulamā’ or scholars and the Sufis was that the
for students and elders, prayer spaces, a kitchen, former led by word and the latter led by deed [13].
Nizām-ud-Dīn Awliyā 537

Nizām-ud-Dīn’s recorded teachings are such Cross-References

a compilation: Amir Hasan Sijzi often describes
how the shaykh reacted, stood, sat, ate, and spoke ▶ Chishtī Order
in addition to what he actually taught. Even
though the text is both poetic and prose, it is not
really a narrative, as some other works in Sufism References
were; it is a compilation of stories, anecdotes, and
teachings, organized by date rather than by theme. 1. Azad MA (1979) Fawa’id u’l-fu’ad (Hasan-i `Ala
But, Nizām-ud-Dīn’s words are, in many ways, Sijzi). Islam Cult 53:1–13
2. Borah MI (1939) Nizamuddin Aulia and his relations
typical of Sufi lyrical style: they both convey with his contemporary sovereigns. Proc Indian Hist
meaning and obscure it at once. The text does Comm: 649–660
not assume an author and a reader, or even 3. Das RN (1974) Shaikh Nizam-ud-din Auliya. Islam
a teacher and his student [1]. Rather, Morals for Cult 48:93–104
4. Digby S (1976) Sufis and travelers in the early Delhi
the Heart includes conversations between sultanate: the evidence of the Fawa’id al-Fu’ad. In:
a shaykh and his God, the shaykh and his disci- Singh A (ed) Socio-cultural impact of Islam on India.
ples, the disciple and his notebook, and the note- University of the Panjab, Chandigarh, pp 171–179
book and the current reader; all of these add layers 5. Eaton R (2000) Essays on Islam and Indian history.
Oxford University Press, New Delhi
of meaning and misunderstanding, and all point to 6. Ernst CW, Lawrence BB (2002) Sufi martyrs of love:
a reading of the text and saint as both direct and the Chishti order in south Asia and beyond. Palgrave
ambiguous at once. Broadly speaking, the teach- Macmillan, New York
ings of Shaykh Nizām-ud-Dīn centers on love as 7. Faruqi NA (1993) Ameer Khusro in the presence of his
mentor Hazrat Nizamuddin Aulia. In: Syeda Saiyidain
engagement with the beauty and magnificence of Hameed (ed) Contemporary relevance of Sufism.
God, and these messages are subsumed and Indian Council for Cultural Relations, New Delhi,
surrounded by injunctions to proper practice, pp 59–81
proper behavior, and proper understanding of the 8. Haeri M (2000) The Chishtis: a living light. Oxford
University Press, Karachi
message [13]. 9. Hafiz SM (1960) Hazrat Nizamuddin Aulia. Islam N
Nizām-ud-Dīn’s impact is hard to quantify pre- Cult 34:264–269
cisely, but it is nevertheless important to qualify. 10. Haq SM. Shaikh Nizamuddin Aulia. Studies in Indian
His shrine complex in Delhi – in the neighbor- culture, Ghulam Yazdani Commemoration Volume,
pp. 196–202
hood named for him, Nizamuddin East – is more 11. Haq MM (1965) Shaykh Nizam al-Din Awliya (a short
than a site listed in tourist guidebooks, it is regu- life sketch). J Asiatic Soc Pak :29–48
larly visited by a cross-section of the population: 12. Lawrence BB (1994) Honoring women through sex-
Hindus, Muslims, tourists today, and scholars, ual abstinence: lessons from the spiritual practice of
a pre-modern South Asian Sufi Master, Shaykh
kings, nobles, saints, and laity historically have Nizam ad-din Awliya. In: Maria Subtelny (ed) Fest-
sought the shaykh’s blessing (baraka) at his tomb. schrift for Annemarie Schimmel. J Turk Stud. 18:
The Chishtī order, one of the largest in South Asia, 149–61
owes much of its later acclaim, reach, and rooted- 13. Nizam ad-din Awliya (1992) Morals for the heart:
conversations of Shaykh Nizam ad-din Awliya
ness to the efforts of Nizām-ud-Dīn [6]. Samā’ recorded by Amir Hasan Sijzi. Translated and anno-
and zikr, popular practices across many branches tated by Bruce B. Lawrence; introduction by Khaliq
of Sufism, are hallmarks of his khānqaāh and Ahmad Nizami; preface by Simon Digby. Paulist
remain influential and beloved events at his shrine Press, New York
14. Nizami KA (1991) The life and times of Shaikh
today [12]. Nizām-ud-Dīn Awliyā’s life, teach- Nizam-u’d-Din Auliya, vol 3, Muslim religious
ings, and lasting legacy are evident in the histor- thinkers of south Asia series. Idarah-i Adabiyat-i
ical record, Chishtī order, and ongoing status of Delli, Delhi
his shrine. He is remembered as one of the highest 15. Nizami KA (2002) Religion and politics in India dur-
ing the thirteenth century. Oxford University Press,
examples of openness and clarity, whose mindful- New Delhi
ness expressed itself in terms of charity, sobriety, 16. Rizvi SAA (1978) A history of Sufism in India, vol 2.
and divine compassion. Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, Delhi
538 Nizārī Ismā‘īlī

17. Schimmel A (1980) Islam in the Indian subcontinent, America and represent a diversity of ethnic
vol IV.3, Handbuch der Orientalistik. Brill, Leiden groups and literary traditions. The largest Nizārī
18. Schimmel A (1975) Mystical dimensions of Islam.
The University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill communities are in Afghanistan, Tajikistan,
Pakistan, India, China, and Syria, There are
smaller communities in Iran, and throughout
the Middle East, East Africa, Europe, and
Nizārī Ismā‘īlī North America [1, 2].
Until the mid-eighteenth century, the Nizārī
▶ Satpanth Ismāʿīlīs were studied almost exclusively on the
basis of caricatures of them in heresiographies,
stemming from both polemical Sunni- and Cru-
Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs sade-era Christian texts. In these polemical presen-
tations, Nizārīs were deemed the Assassins, and
▶ Ismā‘īlīs tales circulated of their imagined secret practices.
During centuries of living under Sunni rulership,
Nizārīs were often forced to practice taqiyya and
disguise as Ṣūfīs, Sunnīs, Twelver Shī‘ī, or Hindus,
Nizari Ismailis to safeguard their tradition and texts. The break-
through in Ismāʿīlī studies occurred in the mid-20th
▶ Nizārī Ismāʿīlīs century, with the large-scale recovery of Arabic and
Persian Ismāʿīlī texts that had been preserved in
numerous private collections in Yemen, Syria,
Iran, Central Asia, and South Asia [1, 3].
Nizārī Ismāʿ īlīs

Claire Robison Early History of the Ismāʿīlī Community

Department of Religious Studies, South Asian
Religions, University of California, Santa After Imam Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq’s death in the mid-
Barbara, Santa Barbara, CA, USA eighth century, Imāmi Shīʿa were split in
a succession dispute, and the followers of Jaʿfar’s
son Ismāʿīl became known as Ismāʿīlīs. Early
Synonyms Ismāʿīlīs developed a system of religious thought,
further elaborated in the Fāṭimid period, which
Khojas; Nizari Ismailis; Nizāriyya; centered on a distinction between the exoteric
Shīʿa Imāmī Ismāʿīlis (ẓāhir) and esoteric (bāṭin) aspects of the sacred
scriptures and religious commandments. Ismāʿīlī
tradition also developed a unique doctrine of the
Definition Imāmate, in which Ismāʿīlī Imāms are seen as
direct descendants of Prophet Muḥammad through
Nizārī Ismāʿīlīs are a branch of Ismāʿīlī Shīʿa the line of ‘Alī, Ismāʿīl, and Nizār [4, 5]. The imām-
Muslims dating back to the eighth century, in the i zamān, or the Imām of the age, is seen to have the
formative period of Islam. sole right to interpret the faith and provide author-
Nizārī Ismāʿīlīs are a branch of Ismāʿīlī Shīʿa itative guidance to his followers in spiritual and
Muslims. The Ismāʿīlīs are the second largest worldly matters. Ismāʿīlī tradition has also put
Shī‘ī Muslim community after the Ithnāʿasharīs, unique focus on organization of the daʿwa or
or Twelvers, and date back to the eighth century. religiopolitical mission. Ismāʿīlī missionaries,
Today, Nizārī Ismāʿīlīs are found across Asia, dāʿī s, were active in the successful growth of the
the Middle East, Africa, Europe, and North Ismāʿīlī community beyond the original bounds of
Nizārī Ismāʿ īlīs 539

the Fāṭimid Caliphate, particularly in Yemen, Per- of Ismāʿīlism in the subcontinent allowed accultur-
sia, Central Asia, and South Asia [1]. ation to elements of Vaiṣṇava Hinduism. The
Over subsequent centuries, further succes- Nizārī dā‘ī s positioned Ismāʿīlism as the Satpanth,
sion disputes subdivided the Ismāʿīlī commu- “true path” to salvation, and the fulfillment of
nity, the largest occurring in 1094 on the death Hindu religious symbols [4]. Large numbers of
of the 8th Fatimid caliph and the 18th Ismāʿīlī Hindus converted, becoming known as Khojas,
Imam, al-Mustanṣir Bi-llāh. Thereafter, the and developed a unique vernacular literary genre
Ismāʿīlīs permanently divided into Nizārī of devotional hymns, the gināns [7, 8]. Most clas-
and Mustaʿlian branches, named after al- sical gināns are credited to Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn and Pīr
Mustanṣir’s sons, Nizār (1045–1095) and Shams al-Dīn (both ca. fifteenth century), forma-
Aḥmad (1074–1101) who both claimed the tive Nizārī dā‘ī s in the subcontinent who set the
imamate. While the followers of Mustaʿlī were tone for Nizārī acculturation to the Indic environ-
sanctioned by the Cairo-based Fāṭimid regime, ment [9]. Meanwhile, by the middle of the fifteenth
the followers of Nizār concentrated in Persia century, the Nizārī daʿwa had also proved success-
and Syria and were later joined by the Ismāʿīlīs ful in Badakhshan in Central Asia [1].
of Central Asia [1, 5]. Throughout the post-Alamut centuries, the
Nizārī Imāmate remained in Persia. There, Qajar
monarch Fath ‘Alī Shāh (1772–1834) bestowed
Development and Spread of Nizārī the title Aga Khan upon the 46th Nizārī Imām,
daʿwa Ḥasan ‘Alī Shāh (1800–1881). The title has been
used by successors to the Nizārī Imāmate ever
Nizārīs acquired political prominence within since. From 1841 onward, due to souring relations
Seljuk dominions of Persia, under the initial between Aga Khan I and the Qajar monarch, the
leadership of Ḥassan-i Sabbāh (d. 1124), who Imam moved from Persia to India and subse-
sparked a revolt in 1090 against Seljuk rule quently to Europe, marking the end of seven cen-
and founded a Nizārī daʿwa centered in the turies of the Nizārī Imamate in Persia [1, 5]. N
mountain fortress of Alamut in northern Persia
[1, 6]. This daʿwa extended through parts of
Persia and Syria, lasting 166 years until its Modern Period in Nizārī Ismāʿ īlī History
destruction by the Mongols in 1256. After
this loss of political prominence, many Nizārīs The Aga Khan’s settlement in Bombay in 1848
migrated and joined minority Nizārī communi- began the modern period in the history of the Nizārī
ties throughout Syria, Persia, Central Asia, and Ismāʿīlīs. While welcomed by many in the Khoja
South Asia, particularly in Badakhshan and community, Aga Khan I encountered difficulties
Sind. There they developed independently establishing authority over a group of Nizārīs
under the leadership of their local dāʿī s, also who had developed their own distinctive Indic-
known as pī rs. In response to a succession Ismāʿīlī Satpanth practice and with whom the Per-
dispute following the death of Imam Shams sian-based Imāmate had rarely had direct contact.
al-Dīn (d. ca. 1310), the Nizārīs split into The Khojas had their own systems of local author-
Qāsim-Shāhī and Muḥammad-Shāhī branches, ity and a unique mix of Indic and pan-Islamic
the former persisting as the current Nizārī elements in their religious identity. From the wide-
community under the Aga Khans [1, 3]. spread practice of taqiyya, many Khojas had also
Persian dā‘ī s, or pīrs, seem to have been active grown accustomed to publically identifying as
in the Indian subcontinent, particularly in Gujarat Sunni, Twelver Shīʿa, or Hindu. The shift to public
and Sind, from as early as the eleventh century. It is identification as Ismāʿīlīs was revolutionary [2,
unclear until what point the political aspirations of 9–11]. In the ensuing decades, the religious identity
the earlier Nizārī community in Iran still and allegiance of the Khojas were publically clar-
undergirded missionary work. The development ified, culminating in a colonial court ruling in 1866
540 Nizāriyya

[12]. In the process, a number of Khojas formally 7. Kassam TR, Mallison F (2010) Ginans: texts and
shifted allegiance to the larger Muslim or Hindu contexts. Primus Books, Delhi
8. Kassam T (1996) Songs of wisdom and circles of
communities to which they had externally dance: an anthology of Hymns by the Satpanth
belonged during their taqiyya, while others came Isma’ili Muslim Saint Pir Shams. State University of
to form the core community of modern Nizārī New York Press, New York
Khojas under the Aga Khan [4, 10, 12]. 9. Asani AS (2001) The Khojas of South Asia: defining
a space of their own. Cult Dyn 13(2):155–168
Since the late nineteenth century, the global 10. Khan DS (1997) Conversions and shifting identities:
Nizārī community has undergone significant devel- Ramdev Pir and the Ismailis in Rajasthan. Manohar,
opments in their international profile, under the New Delhi
guidance of Sultan Muhammad Shah, Aga Khan 11. Nanji A (1974) Modernization and change in the
Nizari Ismaili Community in East Africa:
III, and Shah Karim Al Husseini, the current Aga a perspective. J Relig Afr 6:123–39
Khan IV. Leading the Nizārī Ismāʿīlīs for 72 years, 12. Purohit T (2012) The Aga Khan case: religion and
the longest period of one Imāmate, Aga Khan III identity in colonial India. Harvard University Press,
became internationally known as a Muslim Cambridge, MA
13. Shah MS (1954) The memoirs of Aga Khan: world
reformer and statesman [2, 13]. Aga Khan IV has enough and time. Cassell, London
furthered his development of high standards of edu- 14. Ivanov VA (1933) A guide to Ismaili literature. The
cation and social reforms, particularly encouraging Royal Asiatic Society, London
women’s participation in communal affairs. These 15. Ivanov VA (1963) Ismaili literature: a bibliographical
survey. The Ismaili Society, Tehran
reforms, alongside economic development and 16. Kassam T (1994) Syncretism on the model of the
humanitarian assistance, have come to characterize figure-ground: a study of Pir Shams’ Brahma Prakasa.
contemporary Nizārī Ismāʿīlī communities globally. In: Young KK (ed) Hermeneutical paths to the sacred
worlds of India: essays in honour of Robert W. Ste-
venson. Scholars Press, Atlanta
17. Nanji A (1996) Ismāʿīlī Philosophy. In: Nasr SH,
Cross-References Leaman O (eds) History of Islamic philosophy, I.
Routledge, London
▶ Aga Khan 18. Nanji A (1978) The Nizārī Ismāʿīlī tradition in the
Indo-Pakistan subcontinent. Caravan Books, Delmar
▶ Aga Khan Foundation 19. Nasr SH (1977) Ismāʿīlī contributions to Islamic cul-
▶ Ithnā ‘Asharī Shi‘ism ture. Imperial Iranian Academy of Philosophy, Tehran
▶ Khojas 20. Shackle C, Moir Z (2002) Ismaili Hymns from South
▶ Missionaries, Islam Asia: an introduction to the Ginans, 2nd edn.
Routledge, London
▶ Pir Sadruddin
▶ Taqiyya

Nizāriyya
References
▶ Nizārī Ismāʿīlīs
1. Daftary F (1990) The Ismāʿīlīs: their history and doc-
trines. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
2. Daftary F (2011) A modern history of the Ismailis. I.B.
Tauris, London
3. Daftary F (2004) Ismaili literature: a bibliography of Nonbeliever
sources and studies. I.B. Tauris, London
4. Asani AS (2002) Ecstasy and enlightenment. The
▶ Kāfir
Ismaili devotional literature of South Asia. I.B. Tauris,
London
5. Daftary F (2012) Historical dictionary of the Ismailis.
The Scarecrow Press, Lanham
6. Hodgson MGS (2005 [1955]) The secret order of the
assassins: the struggle of the Early Nizari Ismai’lis
Noncooperation Movement
against the Islamic World. University of Pennsylvania
Press, Philadelphia ▶ Khilāfat Movement
O

Oneness Oneness of God

▶ Tawḥī d ▶ Tawḥī d

# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018

Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
P

Pahlavi Rivayats Parsism

▶ Zoroastrianism, Historic Correspondence ▶ Zoroastrianism, History

Parsi Economic Pre-eminence Partnering with God

▶ Zoroastrian Accomplishments from the Tenth ▶ Shirk

to the Twentieth Century

People
Parsi Educational ▶ Ummah
Advancement

▶ Zoroastrian Accomplishments from the Tenth

to the Twentieth Century Pilgrimage

▶ Hajj

Parsi Zoroastrian Rituals,

Ceremonies, and Pillar of Islam
Consecrations in India
▶ Hajj
▶ Zoroastrian Rituals in India ▶ Zakāt

# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018

Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
544 Pīr

Historical Background
Pīr
As mentioned, a pī r necessarily belongs to
Golam Dastagir a spiritual path (ṭarīqah) through the chain of
Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar initiation (silsilah) connected to the Prophet,
University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh who was sent by God as a mercy for creation (Q.
Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University of XXI:107). In India, Naqshbandīya, Mujaddedīya,
Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia al-Qādirīyah, al-Chishtī, and so on are among
other popular Ṣūfī orders with the historical
chains of which pī rs are associated. Thus, all the
Synonyms Ṣūfī orders (ṭurūq) in Islamic mysticism are
believed to have emerged from Islam, and there-
Dervish; Faqīr; Murshid; Shaykh; Sūfi; Walī fore, the root of pīrism or Ṣūfīsm is grounded
inherently in the Islamic tradition, though the pī r
cult in the Indian subcontinent was influenced, to
some extent, by local customs and folk rituals, not
Definition to mention the traditional Indian spiritualism of
Vedanta and Buddhism.
The term pī r, literally meaning “elderly person,” Pī rs like Ṣūfīs are historically influential and
is widely used in the Ṣūfī tradition practiced Islamically authenticated figures, as is ordained in
particularly in the Indian subcontinent to mean the Qur’ān: O you who have believed, fear Allāh
Ṣūfī in English and Shaykh in Arabic. A pīr is and seek the means (wāṣilata) to Him and strive in
a spiritual master, also known as walī in Arabic, His cause that you may succeed (Q. V:35). Here,
meaning “friend of God,” the plural of which is the Arabic term wāṣilata is referred to pī rs, who
awlī yā (friends of Allāh) mentioned in the are believed to possess charismatic power
Qur’ān (II:107, 120; V:35; X:62). A pī r is also (karāmah) earned through rigorous devotion to
referred to as murshid in Arabic, meaning “Spir- Allāh by way of meditation (murāqabah), invoca-
itual Guide.” As a spiritual master, a pī r is tion (zikr or dhikr), regular and supererogatory
believed to possess initiatic power (walāyah) prayers (ṣalāwāt), supplication (du‘ā’), glorifica-
with which the master accepts and initiates tion of God (tasbī ḥ), recitation (qira’ah) of the
devotees into a ṭarīqah (path) as murids (disci- Qur’ān, and the like that enable them to illuminate
ples), together exemplifying a spiritual path in their spiritual lives endowed with charismatic thau-
Ṣūfīsm called ṭarīqah (pl. ṭurūq), beginning maturgy (karāmah), vision of the One in the many
with the Prophet Muḥammad – the primordial [5], and grace (barakah) and mercy (raḥmah) of
Ṣūfī – a claim traced back to the Qur’ānic pas- Allāh. Though the conception of the “Oneness of
sage: Lo! those who swear allegiance unto Allāh” (tawḥī d) does not allow a Muslim to sur-
thee (Muḥammad), swear allegiance only unto render to anyone except God, scholars argue “seek-
Allāh. The Hand of Allāh is above their hands ing means” is explicitly sanctioned in the Qur’ān
(Q. XLVIII:10). This process of initiation into (V:64). Ṣūfīs also often quote a number of passages
Ṣūfī ṭarīqah is known as allegiance (baya’t), from the ḥadī th to claim that practicing pīrism is
in which a pīr or Ṣūfī belongs to an organized not repugnant to Islam. Such activities of pī rism as
Ṣūfī order (ṭarīqah). In the Indian subcontinent, involved in pilgrimage to the tombs (mazārs) of
pī r has played a significant role in propagating pī rs, paying homage to their monasteries
the mystical current of Islam, as some articu- (khānaqāh), attending spiritual assembly (majlis),
lated that Muslims in India gained victories performing chanting (zikr), vowing to Allāh
over the unbelievers through their spiritual (mannat) through them, offering to the pī rs
influence [4]. (nazrana), and embracing their spiritual chain of
Pīr 545

initiation (silsilah) seem effective means for Pīr Cult and Folk Islam
achieving nearness to Allāh.
Unlike other parts of the Islamic world, the pī r
cult has taken on a different shape and new mean-
Rise and Growth of Pīr Cult in India ing in relation to traditional myths and local folk
beliefs in India. Over the time, pī rism turned into
India, especially its eastern part, Bengal, is replete a mythical cult incorporating semi-gods and
with shrines and tombs of saints. It is hard to find semi-historical myths, such as Hawa Bibi, Badar
any village or town where holy saints had not pīr, Mathar pī r, Panch pī r, Satya pīr, Gazi pī r,
arrived and settled down [1]. The advent of pī rs Manik pī r, Sona pī r, Bono Bibi, Ola Bibi, Monai
in India can be dated as far back as the emergence pīr, and so on [3]. Myths loom large that these
of Islam in the subcontinent in the seventh cen- legendary pī rs possessed special powers and
tury, when the immigrant Ṣūfīs-Pī rs traveled to attributes, such as Bono Bibi with control over
India from the Arab world; however, the spread forests, Badar pī r over boats Gazi pī r over wild
of pī rism was markedly expedited during the animals, and so on, a belief that has led devotees
Sultanate. In the discourse of spiritual teachings, for centuries to venerate their tombs and shrines
pī rs built shrines, the tombs of celebrated saints, (dargāh), particularly during the time of ‘urs,
and monasteries (khānaqāhs) where they lived annual religious congregations commemorating
and taught classical mystical doctrines of Islam the death anniversary of saints, when thousands
to numerous devotees irrespective of religious of Muslims and non-Muslims are seen paying
faith and social status. Pī r in the context of homage to them with offerings (shirnī ), both in
the Indian Islamic tradition is referred to as cash and in kind.
faqī r, an Arabic term, meaning “spiritual pov- It is alleged that in some controversial shrines
erty;” however, the term is widely used to mean in the subcontinent, rites of pī rism such as
a mendicant, who is monetarily a pauper and worshipping of tombs, decoration of shrines with
socially wandering, disentangling from worldly dazzling lights and incense, offering to pī rs or the
pleasure and family attachment. Analogous to shrines, prostration to shrines, and activities like
what is understood by the term faqī r is these have all contributed over time to contro-
dervish – a Turkish pronunciation of the Persian versy that pī rism has turned into monasticism
term darvī sh, used to mean an ascetic-mystic influenced by traditional local folk beliefs. P
saint, literally “a poor man” or “standing by the Given the few exceptional observation of pī r
door” [2]. Such appellations as “Shāh,” “Ṣūfī,” veneration in rural areas of India and Bangla-
“Hazrat,” “Ghawth al A‘zam,” “Sayyidunā,” and desh, pī rism in general is often misconstrued as
the like are attributed to pī rs in the expression of folk Islam and confused with ancient non-
veneration in high esteem. A representative Islamic folk religious practices. Some believe
(muqaddam) of the pī r is known as Sajjāda- that Muslim folk tradition is centered on the pī r
nashin (successor) or Khalifā – a custodian posi- cult – no matter real or fictitious [6]. Further-
tion of khānaqāh, usually occupied by the family more, with the rise of Islamic reformists, the
members or male children of the pī r. Pī rs in India term pī rism is understood in the derogatory
believe that they are chosen as representatives of sense in Bangladesh, despite a large number of
the Prophet and that God also ordains that there shrines in the subcontinent operate in accordance
be holy saints in hierarchical order to establish the with the sharī ‘ah laws and ṭariqāh doctrines,
laws of God on earth. Such figures in hierarchical contributing positively to the development of
rank of power and position beginning with the top moderate Islamic society imbued with traditional
include ghawth (helper), quṭub (pole), nuqāba culture of peaceful coexistence. Thus, as men-
(chiefs), awtād (pegs), aqṭāb (poles), abrār tioned, Ṣūfīs are known as pī rs in Bangladesh,
(pious), abdāl (substitutes), and awlī yā (friends). and Ṣūfīsm essentially justifies an authentic
546 Pīr

spiritual leader known as pī r, but pī rism may not Shāh Enayetpuri Ferry in Bangladesh, Shāh Amanat
necessarily remain authentic Ṣūfīsm. All Ṣūfīs Airport in Chittagong, etc. It is often seen in the
are pī rs, but not all pī rs are Ṣūfīs. subcontinent, especially Bangladesh, that heads of
major political parties kick off their poll campaign
after taking blessings from pī rs, some often visit
Impact of Pīrism more than one pī r at a time – all in the name of
politics to woo voters capitalizing on their religious
Muslims as well as non-Muslims generally have sentiment. Some pī rs in Bangladesh have also
a conviction that pī rs possess saintly power that formed political parties and are involved in national
helps devotees gain material wealth as well as heal politics. Deplorably, saint or shrine veneration, even
incurable diseases. Some are seen visiting shrines the veneration of the Prophet, is vehemently rejected
as a last resort, when all possible other ways fail. by fundamentalists influenced by reformists. In
Ill-fated poverty-stricken rural people living in the recent times, a number of shrines of historical pī rs
low-lying areas in Bangladesh and India are in Bangladesh have been brutally attacked by
affected most, and they take shelter on the pre- Islamic fanatics with bombs and grenades, killing
mises of the khānaqāhs, which are usually built on scores of innocent lives and wounding many includ-
high land, providing not only shelter but free food ing non-devotees accusing the shrines of
and drink for destitutes as well. Besides, most of discharging what they claim bid‘ah (forbidden rit-
the khānaqāhs of pī rs often comprise madrasah uals), despite the fact that pī rism as opposed to
for religious education, library for public, and Islamic fundamentalism in the subcontinent pro-
research centers for academic research. vides some measure of sociocultural integration,
It is observed that emotionally charged disci- paving the way to communal harmony.
ples approach first their pī r, who is believed to be
generous to offer succor, not only in plights but
also in most of their daily and family affairs. For Cross-References
they believe that pī rs as “friends of God” (awlī yā)
are endowed with God’s special grace (barakah) ▶ Chishtī Order
and can alleviate man’s distress as intercessors ▶ Dhikr/zikr
between the common man and God, as is ▶ Faqīr
enshrined in the Qur’ān: “Behold! verily on the ▶ Khānaqāh and Ribat
friends of Allāh there is no fear, nor shall they ▶ Pilgrimage
grieve” (Q. X:62). Devotees believe that if their ▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia
pī r is pleased, God is pleased. But out of ecstasy ▶ Ritual
and emotion, they inflate their reverence to pī rs to ▶ Tawḥīd
such an extent that often their supplication may
divert to pīr in lieu of God, and they take refuge in
the pī r in distress, addressing him as Father References
(Bābā), or Chief (Malik), or Sir (Ḥujūr) – a com-
1. Eaton RM (1993) The rise of Islam and the Bengal
mon title addressed to pī rs in the subcontinent, as frontier, 1204–1760. University of California Press,
is also found in the Hindu mythology in which the Berkeley
master (gūrū) is addressed as “Bābā” and the 2. Ernst CW (1997) The Shambhala guide to Sūfism.
Shambhala, Boston/London
disciple, “Botsya” (śī ṣya). 3. Haq ME (1975) A history of Sufiism in Bengal. Asiatic
Pī rs in the subcontinent strikingly exerted in the Society of Bangladesh, Dhaka
past, and still continue to exert, tremendous influ- 4. Hujwiri ‘Ali (1970) The Kashf al-mahjub (trans: Nich-
ence in political Islam. With the patronization of olson RA), 2nd edn, reprint. Luzac, London
5. Nasr SH (1972) Sūfi essays. George Allen & Unwin,
governments, public structures and establishments
London
are erected and named after popular pī rs, such as 6. Roy A (1983) The Islamic syncretistic tradition in Ben-
Hazrat Shāh Jalāl International Airport in Dhaka, gal. Princeton University Press, Princeton
Pīr Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn 547

eventually took control over the communities in

Pīr Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn Syria, Central Asia, and India. While the imāmate
was still located in Persia, the Imāms remained in
Carole A. Barnsley contact, however indirectly, with their followers
Department of Religion, Transylvania University, in India through da‘wa activity. The communities
Lexington, KY, USA in India centered themselves around a leader or
pī r, who had either been appointed by the Imām
of the time or selected locally by the community.
Synonyms Eventually the pī rs developed their own line-
ages, became more autonomous, and subse-
Pir Hasan Kabirdin quently threatened the central authority of the
Imām. In the face of this, the imams, starting
with Mustanṣir bi’llāh II, began to send their
Definition own delegates to replace the local pīrs and
increased contact with them in order to reorga-
A fifteenth-century Nizārī Ismā‘īlī pī r, or mis- nize and control the communities in India. One of
sionary, who was active in the Indian the communities to develop in this time period,
subcontinent. with a number of distinct characteristics, is the
Nizārī Khojas of South Asia. This branch or form
of Nizārī Ismā‘īlism expanded so successfully
Context that it has become perhaps the most visible and
even dominant strand today.
Pīr Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn is an important figure
associated with the Nizārī Ismā‘īlī da‘wa, or mis-
sion in India. After the fall of Alamūt to the Life and Work
Mongols in 654/1256, the Nizārī Ismā‘īlī commu-
nity was scattered from Syria to various areas The Imāms of the late Alamūt period sent pīrs to
including Persia, Central Asia, and South Asia. India, and their initial activity was focused in the
As a result, Nizārī Ismā‘īlism experienced area of Sind. Information about the community
a development of a wide range of religious and and the work of the pī rs in this context is largely P
cultural traditions in a variety of different lan- hagiographical. The first legendary pī r of note is
guages ([4], p. 403). In this context, the Imāms Satgur Nūr. He allegedly did most of his mission-
who had descended from Rukn al-Dīn Khurshāh ary work in Pātan, Gujarāt, and reportedly died in
were forced into hiding and consequently 487/1094. Satgur Nūr represents an archetypal
concealed from their followers. While a number figure that helps to provide a backdrop and set
of issues, including a scarcity of primary sources the context and expectations of all of the subse-
on the time period, not to mention the practice of quent pī rs. Pīr Shams al-Dīn, the next important
taqiyya, or religious dissimulation, obscure much pī r, is somewhat less elusive, and his activities in
of the beginning of this community, it is worth Multan and Uchchh, in Sind, are set in the eighth/
noting that a number of scholars have studied fourteenth century [11]. Despite this, he is often
and continue to study the gināns (religious corpus mistakenly associated with other figures including
of hymns) and other related texts to shed more Shams-i Tabrīz. He was succeeded by his son,
light on the subject ([3], p. 82). During the first Shihāb (or Ṣāḥib al-Dīn), about whom very little
two centuries post-Alamūt, the Nizārī imamate is known. Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn, his son, continued this
split into two: the Muḥammad-Shāhīs and the pī r dynasty and it is under his leadership that the
Qāsim-Shāhīs. While the former were initially Nizārī Ismā‘īlī community in India was both
more successful, at least in the Indian context, expanded and organized. According to most
the latter, beginning in the ninth/fifteenth century, sources, Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn died sometime between
548 Pīr Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn

770/1369 and 819/1416. Pīr Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn autonomy and the already established lineage
succeeded his father Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn and contin- within the pī rship, it is likely that at least one of
ued the da‘wa from his center in Uchchh. Pīr his descendants was expecting to take over as pī r.
Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn followed in his father’s foot- It also probable that the Imām of the time had
steps by continuing to visit with the imam of the recognized the threat posed to his authority by
time located in Persia. Like his predecessor, he is the autonomous local leadership embodied in
also credited with gaining a large number of the pī r. Whatever the reasoning, the Imām desig-
Hindu converts. Additionally, Pīr Ḥasan Kabīr nated Pīr Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn’s brother Tāj al-Dīn
al-Dīn is known for composing a number of as his successor, much to the chagrin of the sons.
gināns (79 short gināns and seven granths, or His reign did not last long, as he was accused
compilations), many of which are characterized of pilfering from the tithes and subsequently
as emotional and painting beatific visions. succumbed to either grief, suicide, or both toward
According to sources, he died sometime between the end of the ninth/fifteenth century. Pīr Ḥasan
853/1449 and 896/1491, although Farhad Daftary Kabīr al-Dīn’s son Imām al-Dīn ‘Abd Raḥīm b.
pinpoints it to 875/1470 ([4], p. 444). He is Ḥasan, or Imām Shāh, attempted to succeed him
enshrined outside Uchchh and, in that context, is but was unsuccessful as he was not designated by
referred to as Ḥasan Daryā. What makes him the Imām. Despite this, he succeeded in gaining
a little different from his predecessor pī rs is his a number of Hindu converts and continued to
close association with Ṣūfīsm. It was not unusual compose a number of gināns. After his death,
for Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs in the Indian subcontinent to however, his son Nar Muḥammad seceded from
have close relations with various Ṣūfī orders. This the Nizārī Ismā‘īlī community and founded his
is likely to have resulted from a number of own community, which he named after his
interconnected reasons. To begin, when the father – the Imām Shāhīs.
Ismā‘īlīs and their Imāms were originally forced
out of Alamūt, they often practiced taqiyya. To
this end, many Persian Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs hid under Cross-References
the guise of Ṣūfīsm. This practice was likely con-
tinued in the Indian context. Furthermore, the ▶ Aga Khan
esoteric nature of the teachings of the Nizārī ▶ Imām Shāhī
Ismā‘īlīs was similar to that of the Ṣūfīs, and ▶ Ismā‘īlīs
they both leant themselves to easy accommoda- ▶ Khoja
tion with other similar traditions. This is ▶ Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn
evidenced in the Nizārī Ismā‘īlī adoption of ▶ Satpanth
terms such as pī r, murshid, and murīd not to ▶ Sūfism
mention parallels between the ginānic literature
and Ṣūfī poetry. Furthermore, specifically in the
context of Pīr Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn, two orders, References
namely, the Suhrawardī and the Qādirī, also had
their headquarters in Multan and Uchchh in Sind. 1. Ali SM (1936) The origin of the Khojāhs and their
Pīr Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn’s affiliation with the Ṣūfīs, religious life today. Bonn, Würzburg
2. Asani A (1992) The Ismaili gināns as devotional liter-
specifically with the Suhrawardī order, appears to ature. In: McGregor RS (ed) Devotional literature in
have been more formal. To that end, his name is South Asia: current research, 1985–1988. Cambridge
recorded among the shaykhs of this particular University Press
ṭarīqa. After Pīr Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn, the Nizārī 3. Asani A (2002) Ecstasy and enlightenment. I.B. Tauris
4. Daftary F (2007) The Ismā‘īlīs. Their history and
Ismā‘īlī community experienced a schism over doctrines, 2nd edn. Cambridge University Press
leadership in the Indian context. Pīr Ḥasan Kabīr 5. Fyzee AAA (1934) Cases in the Muhammadan law of
al-Dīn had 18 sons, and with the experience of India and Pakistan. Oxford at Clarendon Press
Pīr Sadr al-Dīn 549
˙

6. Hamdani A (1956) The beginnings of the Ismā‘īlī Definition

Da‘wa in Northern India. Sirovic Books, Cairo
7. Hollister JN (1979) The Shi‘a of India. Luzac and co,
New Delhi An early pī r, or missionary, who played
8. Ivanow W (1922) Ismailitica. Mem Asiatic Soc Ben- a significant role in the spread and organization
gal 8:1–76. Asiatic Society of the Nizārī Ismā‘īlī da‘wa in India.
9. Ivanow W (1936) The Sect of the Imam Shah in
Gujrat. JBBRAS, NS 12:19–70
10. Ivanow W (ed) (1948) Collectanea, vol 1. Leiden
11. Kassam TR (1995) Songs of wisdom and circles of Context
dance: hymns of the Satpanth Ismaili Saint, Pir Shams.
SUNY Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn is arguably one of the most signif-
12. Khan D (1997) Conversions and shifting identities:
Ramdev Pir and the Ismailis of Rajasthan. Manohar icant and important figures associated with the
Publishers, New Delhi Nizārī Ismā‘īlī da‘wa or mission in India. After
13. Misra SC (1964) Muslim Communities in Gujarat. the fall of Alamūt to the Mongols in 654/1256, the
Asia Publishing House, New York Nizārī Ismā‘īlī community was scattered from
14. Nanji A (1978) The Nizari Isma‘ili tradition in the
Indo-Pakistan subcontinent. Delmar, New York Syria to various areas including Persia, Central
15. Shackle C, Moir Z, Ismaili (1992) Hymns from Asia, and South Asia. As a result, Nizārī
South Asia: an introduction to the Ginans. Routledge, Ismā‘īlism experienced a development of a wide
London range of religious and cultural traditions in a variety
16. Subhan JA (1960) Sufism, its Saints and shrines.
Lucknow of different languages ([4], p. 403). In this context,
17. Virani S (2007) The Ismailis in the Middle in Middle the imāms who had descended from Rukn al-Dīn
Ages. A history of survival, a search for salvation. Khurshāh were forced into hiding and conse-
Oxford University Press quently concealed from their followers. While
a number of issues, including a scarcity of primary
sources on the time period, not to mention the
practice of taqiyya, or religious dissimulation,
Pir Hasan Kabirdin obscure much of the beginning of this community,
it is worth noting that a number of scholars have
▶ Pīr Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn studied and continue to study the gināns (religious
corpus of hymns) and other related texts to shed
more light on the subject ([3], p. 82). During the P
first two centuries post-Alamūt, the Nizārī imamate
Pīr in Bangladesh split into two: the Muḥammad-Shāhīs and the
Qāsim-Shāhīs. While the former were initially
▶ Khwaja Enayetpuri more successful, at least in the Indian context, the
latter, beginning in the ninth/fifteenth century,
eventually took control over the communities in
Syria, Central Asia, and India. While the imāmate
Pīr Sadr al-Dīn was still located in Persia, the imams remained in
˙ contact, however indirectly, with their followers in
Carole A. Barnsley India through da‘wa activity. The communities in
Department of Religion, Transylvania University, India centered themselves around a leader or pī r,
Lexington, KY, USA who had either been appointed by the imām of the
time or selected locally by the community. Eventu-
ally the pī rs developed their own lineages, became
Synonyms more autonomous, and subsequently threatened the
central authority of the imam. In the face of this, the
Pir Sadruddin imāms, starting with Mustanṣir bi’llāh II, began to
550 Pīr Sadr al-Dīn
˙

send their own delegates to replace the local pīrs credited with drawing a large number of new
and increased contact with them in order to reorga- adherents from the local Hindu communities.
nize and control the communities in India. One of They are especially noted for the clever tactics
the communities to develop in this time period, they used, namely, couching Nizārī Ismā‘īlī con-
with a number of distinct characteristics, is the cepts in local religious traditions, specifically Hin-
Nizārī Khojas of South Asia. This branch or form duism, epitomized in the gināns that the various
of Nizārī Ismā‘īlism expanded so successfully that pī rs allegedly composed. True to his calling, Pīr
it has become, perhaps, the most visible and even Ṣadr al-Dīn is known for composing the greatest
dominant strand today. While several factors cer- number of gināns (approximately 218 gināns and
tainly contributed to their success and growth, Pīr 18 granths) and furthermore is credited with
Ṣadr al-Dīn played a foundational role in forming, converting a significant number of Hindus specif-
expanding, organizing, and furthering the Khoja ically from the Lohana caste. The gināns continue
community in India. to be preserved and recited today and are often
understood as Islamic teaching, namely, the
Qur’ān using an Indian language. In this regard
Life and Work they are understood to convey the esoteric teach-
ings of the tradition rather than exoteric ones.
The imāms of the late Alamūt period sent pīrs to With respect to conversion, Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn is
India, and their initial activity was focused in the different from his predecessors in that he
area of Sind. Information about the community bestowed his new converts with the title of
and the work of the pī rs in this context is largely Khoja. This honorary title, derived from the Per-
hagiographical. The first legendary pī r of note is sian word khwāja, means lord or master and cor-
Satgur Nūr. He allegedly did most of his mission- responds to the Hindu title ṭhākur or ṭhākar,
ary work in Pātan, Gujarāt, and reportedly died in which was used among the Lohanas. In addition
487/1094. Satgur Nūr represents an archetypal to coining the term Khoja, Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn also
figure that helps to provide a backdrop and set allegedly built the first jamā‘at-khāna or hall of
the context and expectations of all of the subse- gathering in Kotri, Sind. He later established two
quent pī rs. Pīr Shams al-Dīn, the next important other jamā‘at-khānas in Panjāb and Kashmir.
pī r, is somewhat less elusive, and his activities in Having created the space for religious and com-
Multan and Uchchh, in Sind, are set in the eighth/ munal activity, Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn also founded the
fourteenth century [10]. Despite this, he is often communal organization under the leadership of
mistakenly associated with other figures including local leaders, namely, mukhis. This was derived
Shams-i Tabrīz. He was succeeded by his son, from the Sanskrit mūkhya, meaning chief. As
Shihāb (or Ṣāḥib al-Dīn), about whom very little mentioned above, Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn was particularly
is known. Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn, his son, continued this successful within the Lohana community. He also
pī r dynasty, and it is under his leadership that the gained converts from other trading Hindu castes.
Nizārī Ismā‘īlī community in India was both It is not surprising then that the script he
expanded and organized. According to most elaborated, namely, Khojkī, became the first pri-
sources, Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn died sometime between mary medium for the recording and transmitting
770/1369 and 819/1416. If this is true, then he was of the gināns. This script was originally
active during the imāmate of Imām Islām Shāh, a mercantile one that the pī rs and community
whom he was said to have visited in order to adopted and adapted for literary purposes and its
convey dassondh or tithes collected from the com- name was derived from the title Khoja. Most of
munity in India. Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn’s missionary work took place in
One of the primary activities associated with Sind, with his center at Uchchh. Although he is
the pī rs of India is the large conversion of Hindus claimed by Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs, his shrine which is
to the Ismā‘īlī tradition. To this end, beginning located near Jetpur and close to Uchchh, south of
with the archetype Satgur Nūr, the pī rs are Multān, is now overseen by Twelver Shī‘īs. In this
Politics, Islām 551

context Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn is referred to as Ḥājjī Ṣadr

Shāh. He was succeeded as pī r by his son Ḥasan Pīr-i Rōkhān/Rūkhān/Rūshān/
Kabīr al-Dīn. Rowshān/Rawshān/Raushān

▶ Bāyazīd Anṣārī (Pīr-i Rōshan)

Cross-References

▶ Aga Khan
▶ Ismā‘īlīs Pir-o-Murshid Hazrat Inayat
▶ Khoja Khan
▶ Pīr Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn
▶ Satpanth ▶ Hazrat Inayat Khan
▶ Taqiyya

References Politics, Islām

1. Ali SM (1936) The origin of the Khojāhs and their Emin Poljarevic
religious life today. Bonn, Würzburg Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies, University of
2. Asani A (1992) The Ismaili gināns as devotional
literature. In: McGregor RS (ed) Devotional litera-
Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UK
ture in South Asia: current research, 1985–1988.
Cambridge
3. Asani A (2002) Ecstasy and enlightenment. I.B. Tauris Synonyms
4. Daftary F (2007) The Ismā‘īlīs. Their history and
doctrines, 2nd edn. Cambridge University Press
5. Fyzee AAA (1934) Cases in the Muhammadan law of Early Islamic polity; Islamic political theory;
India and Pakistan. Oxford at Clarendon Press Islamism; Siyāsa Islāmiyya
6. Hamdani A (1956) The beginnings of the Ismā‘īlī
Da‘wa in Northern India. Sirovic Books, Cairo
7. Hollister JN (1979) The Shi‘a of India. Luzac and co,
New Delhi Definition
8. Ivanow W (1922) Ismailitica. Mem Asiatic Soc Ben- P
gal 8:1–76. Asiatic Society Referencing to the sources of Islamic tradition in
9. Ivanow W (ed) (1948) Collectanea, vol 1. Leiden
10. Kassam TR (1995) Songs of wisdom and circles of
the issues of public policies and legislation includ-
dance: hymns of the Satpanth Ismaili Saint, Pir Shams. ing elections of state authority or government.
SUNY
11. Misra SC (1964) Muslim communities in Gujarat.
Asia Publishing House, New York
12. Nanji A (1978) The Nizari Isma‘ili tradition in the
Introduction
Indo-Pakistan subcontinent. Delmar, New York
13. Shackle C, Moir Z, Ismaili (1992) Hymns from South Politics in Islām is concerned primarily with con-
Asia: an introduction to the Ginans. Routledge, struction of a morally guided social order and
London
14. Virani S (2007) The Ismailis in the Middle in Middle
power relationships within and without
Ages. A history of survival, a search for salvation. a Muslim majority society based on explicit prin-
Oxford University Press ciples dictated by the sharī ’ah. Arguably, this
suggests that the Islamic religious doctrine and
politics are deeply intertwined, if not inseparable.
On the social level, the sharī ’ah’s religio-ethical
Pir Sadruddin framework would ideally delineate commercial,
cultural, and other interpersonal dealings on the
▶ Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn level of civil society. Essentially, the framework
552 Politics, Islām

represents a social contract between the Muslim consisting primarily of the converted domestic
community and the political leadership wherein Medinan tribes (Anṣār) and the Meccan refugees
the public is obliged to recognize the authority of (Muḥājirūn). This in turn entails an obligation
its leadership as long as the leader obeys by the upon all residents to respect the tribal and com-
divine commandments. Subsequently, political munal rights of others as well as to rally in defense
authority is derived from the religious principles from potential threats stemming from external
codified primarily in the Qur’ān and the prophetic enemies (i.e., the Meccan Quraysh tribe and its
tradition (sunnah). The political tradition departs allies). The Charter also demonstrated that the
from the understanding that, among all other Prophet was, for believers, an unquestionable
things, political sovereignty belongs solely to source of both religious and political authority.
God (Al-Furqān 25:2). In fact, the purpose of the
Islamic legislative framework (fiqh) is to define
both content and limits of social affairs in The Period of the Righteously Guided
a Muslim polity (i.e., ummah). Its founding prin- Caliphs
ciple rests on the broad moral principle (hiṣbah),
“commanding good and forbidding evil” (amr bi After the Prophet’s death the four succeeding
al-ma’rūf wa nahy ‘an al-munkar). Such broad caliphs (khulafā’al-rāshidūn), Abū Bakr (d. 634
understanding of politics in Islām has invited an B.C.E.), ‘Umar (d. 644), ‘Uthmān (d. 655), and
even broader spectrum of both legal and theoret- ‘Alī (d. 661), expanded the territories of Muslim
ical opinions on how and in which form the prin- dominance substantially. The expansion brought
ciples should be applied. Here, the two main with it a series of administrative complexities and
branches of Islām, Sunnī and Shī’ī, have taken the question of the role of political authority. The
substantially different interpretive approaches. most pressing issue in the post-prophetic period
was the question of political succession and
thereby legitimate political authority. The ambi-
The Medina Polis guity of the Qur’ān and sunnah on this issue
resulted in multiple instances of violent clashes
During the last 10 years of the Prophet’s mission between different Muslim factions to the point
in the city of Medina (622–632 B.C.E.), it became where these skirmishes could be described as
clear that Islām and politics were intertwined. The a series of civil wars. The legacy of these events
earliest documented evidence of Islamic political was that their various explanations later devel-
thought can be found in the form of the Medina oped into a major topic of Islamic political theory.
Charter (Ṣaḥī fah al-Madī nah), which comprises Medieval legal scholars such as al-Balādhuri (d.
a fragmented series of treaties written on the 892), al-Bāqillānī (d. 1013), al-Mawardī (d. 1058
authority of the Prophet intended to secure posi- C.E.), Ibn Ḥazm (d. 1064), al-Ghazālī (d. 1111),
tive social relations between the various tribes in Ibn Taymīyya (d. 1328), Ibn Khaldūn (d. 1406),
the city of Medina, including the domestic Jewish and Ibn Ḥajar al-‘Askalānī (d. 1448) attempted to
community. The Charter for all of its intents and offer various legal opinions regarding the scope of
purposes represents an actual collection of political authority, political succession, political
a substantial number of paragraphs by which leadership’s responsibilities, and politics and the
interpersonal (between members of different role of religious authority.
Arab tribes) and intercommunal (between Mus- There was no question that the prophetic mes-
lims and Jews) relations are formulated. These sage was completed and that no other individual
articles of the Charter acknowledge the different could ever replace the divine role of the Prophet.
religious communities’ right of worship within As such, Abū Bakr was titled with a term khalī fa
the domain of Muslim rule. Moreover, the Charter (caliph) or a representative of the Prophet. This
had addressed what can be interpreted as territo- was a highly significant choice not least because
rial integrity of the new political community most of the newly converted Arab tribes in the
Politics, Islām 553

Peninsula apostatized shortly after the Prophet’s several factions claiming legitimacy over political
death. This essentially amounted to rejection of authority. The sole length of the second civil war
the Medinan political authority. In his efforts to had indicated its seriousness and bitter rivalry
reconquer the tribes, Abū Bakr needed all the between the warring parties. One consequence of
religious and political support he could gather. the second civil war is that it represents a final split
He was quickly recognized as the sole represen- between the two main branches of Islām, namely,
tative of Prophet’s political authority by the Sunnī and Shī’ī sects. For a variety of reasons, the
Medinan and Meccan Muslim communities. In Sunnī political tradition came to dominate the
turn, his successor ‘Umar was termed amī r al- Islamic polity throughout the classical, pre-
mu’minī n (leader of the faithful), which he modern, and modern periods contributing to the
viewed as more appropriate. ‘Umar was not the general understanding of political discourses
immediate successor of the Prophet, but the suc- within the Islamicate civilization.
cessor of his deputy. Nevertheless, the subsequent The second consequence of the conflict is that
leaders of the evolving Muslim polity appropri- it has produced three distinct views about political
ated both terms usually adding to them whole lists succession and consequently legitimacy of politi-
of honorary titles. In theory, such terminology cal authority. The first view that had prevailed in
allowed the political leaders to connect them- the early deliberation on succession of the Prophet
selves with the early Islamic tradition, hence is that the most senior Muslim of Qurayshite ori-
claiming religious legitimacy for their authority. gin should hold the leadership position in the
Moreover, the early dispute over succession of the Islamic polity. The second view is even more
Prophet went into another direction where legiti- selective and suggests that legitimate political
macy of the initial choice of Abū Bakr was in itself leadership can only come from the male members
challenged. On the one side, the Sunnī tradition of the immediate family of the Prophet and their
developed a narrative where the most senior com- descendents. The last view is that of a small and
panion of the Prophet from the Muḥājirūn had initially zealously militant faction of Muslims,
precedent over the others. On the other side, the namely, the Khārijites (those who go out/rebel),
Shī’ī tradition claimed that the nearest male rela- who believed that the most pious among the
tive to the Prophet is the sole legitimate inheritor believers should be elected to the position of
of both religious and political authority, retaining political authority. This view was later been tacitly
the prophetic infallibility in the worldly affairs. adopted by the contemporary Islamist movements P
The split has not come to any resolution in subse- in the wake of deliberation of basic principle of
quent centuries. On the contrary, the differences “Islamic” politics.
were developed into sophisticated theological
claims where both Sunnī and Shī’ī have compet-
ing narratives over the initial succession process. The Umayyad Dynasty
In practice, the role of the caliph or the leader
of the faithful came to be more focused on polit- The expansion of territory under Muslim rule
ical management and less concerned with reli- produced the need for effective bureaucracy and
gious affairs. The first fitnah (civil war) the invention of effective central government. In
(656–661) represents an example where political turn, the political leadership had to constantly
authority was contested due to a mixture of per- remind both its potential rivals and the people
sonal and political disagreements between the of its divine legitimacy and worldly necessity.
governor of Syria and the early companion of After the second civil war, the Umayyad faction
the Prophet, Mu’āwiyah and the fourth caliph in the conflict with its power base in Damascus
‘Alī. A part of disagreement was later described came to dominate the political evolution of the
as a legal twist originally based on a tribal code of nascent Islamic polity. During the Umayyad
retribution. The second fitnah (685–692) repre- period (ca. 661–750), the political leadership
sents a more clear-cut power struggle between developed a dynastic political system where
554 Politics, Islām

usually the senior son of the interim ruler or his The Umayyad decision to establish Arabic as
close relative would be eligible for succession. the language of administration and culture
Their primary justification for such an order of replaced the older administrative languages of
succession was their claim of Qurayshite descent Syriac, Armenian, and Greek (lingua franca of
(banū Umayya is a clan within the Quraysh the eastern Roman Empire) in the entire region.
tribe). In the late period, the Umayyads con- Furthermore, from the early period the Umayyads
trolled vast territories containing a wide variety were keen on emphasizing their dominance by
of languages, cultures, and religions. The terri- constructing complex building projects including
tory under their political control stretched from religious sites such as the Dome of the Rock in
the northern Iberian Peninsula in the west to the Jerusalem and the Umayyad mosque in Damas-
Indus River in the east. cus. Such and other cultural policies favored
The Umayyad leadership had to fundamentally Arabs over non-Arabs, thus creating an Arab aris-
reshape the traditional style of political control tocracy that was often perceived as decadent and
that had developed during the time of the four oppressive by the non-Arab masses particularly in
“righteous” caliphs. Complex issues such as the the Islamicate east.
old tribal alliances, doctrinal and political oppo- The Umayyads, realizing the importance of
sition, allocation of war booty, land distribution, ideological domination and the impossibility of
assimilation of the conquered élites, and cultures physical control over the territories, attempted to
all had to be addressed by building popular sup- monopolize interpretation of the religious
port and effective institutional mechanisms far sources allowing for the institutionalization and
beyond its power base. The Umayyads intro- relative independence of the ‘ulamā’, the reli-
duced a new common currency throughout its gious scholars. Subsequently, the evolving
territories, thereby completely transforming con- Arab-dominated religious élite started to gain
ditions for interregional trade. They also devel- increased influence over the affairs of the state.
oped an already existing institution of dī wān In this process, the ‘ulamā’ became important in
(persons register) and established half a dozen maintaining the religious orthodoxy and political
different types of registers. The registries were legitimacy of the caliph. Moreover, their role in
primarily concerned with tracing citizen tax delegitimating, what can be described as, hetero-
records including wealth distribution, a registry dox groups at the time was central.
of legal experts, army records for pensions, and
a complex postal service registry. The most
important dī wān was a coordinating registry The ‘Abbāsid Caliphate
that kept records of all official communication
between the various dī wān and the central gov- Despite all the Umayyad efforts to unify the terri-
ernment. The Umayyad registry system tories, appease the masses, balancing the interests
represented the development of a sophisticated of the tribal-based army complex, uphold the
government bureaucracy, which had for the most Sunni orthodoxy, and other measures, the initially
part been decentralized and region based. This fragmented opposition to their rule succeeded in
had largely been made possible by making Ara- creating a revolution by which the Umayyad rule
bic the common administrative language. More- suddenly ended in 750. A usurper faction of Hash-
over, the educated non-Muslims from the emite Arabs had claimed the leadership. The
conquered territories were able to advance in ‘Abbāsid clan successfully presented themselves
the Umayyad bureaucracy encouraged by eco- as the legitimate representatives of the prophetic
nomic benefits in a largely merit-based system message and his family, thus uniting and leading
of promotions. Nevertheless, Arab domination of much of the fragmented religious opposition.
key military, religious, and political positions This represented the first serious fragmentation
remained intact throughout the period provoking of the Muslim Empire. After the fall of Damas-
political opposition. cus, the Islamicate west announced the creation
Politics, Islām 555

of a new Umayyad political entity, the Caliphate discriminated political minorities, allowing for
of Cordoba, encompassing most of the Iberian sociopolitical conditions that demanded less
Peninsula. need for exerting physical control, evincing
The ‘Abbāsids traced their heritage to the a sort of Islamic absolutism. By most historical
Prophet through his youngest paternal uncle accounts, their political tactic was not that of
‘Abbās ibn ‘Abd al-Muṭṭalib (d. 653). Abū al- territorial expansion but that of cultural and social
`Abbās `Abdu'llāh ibn Muḥammad al-Saffāḥ (d. maturity.
754), the first ‘Abbāsid caliph, was initially During the early ‘Abbāsid rule (750–820),
believed to be the prophesized messianic figure a variety of Islamic disciplines developed. The
of the mahdī . Al-Saffāḥ enjoyed massive support ruling caliphs supported prominent religious
among the newly converted Muslims from the scholars many of whom engaged in systematic
east. His direct lineage to banū Hāshim (the ḥadī th codification, while others wrote large num-
Prophet’s clan) and his willingness to emphasize ber of volumes on Qur’ānic exegeses. This was in
the prophetic message that non-Arab Muslims are general a time of theology and scholarly debates
equal to the Arabs allowed him to unite many of surrounding creed and jurisprudence. For this pur-
the Umayyad opposition groups consisting of Per- pose many scholars in their zeal to develop greater
sians, Turkic groups from Central Asia, Shī’īs, understanding of the evolving Islamic disciplines
and even Khārijī elements. The ‘Abbāsids quickly traveled from one center of knowledge to the
established themselves in the new capital Bagh- other, from Samarkand and Bukhara to Baghdad
dad, the center of their support. They replaced the and Cairo, and as far away as Cordoba. During the
Umayyad representatives within the administra- middle period (820–945), a massive translation
tion with mostly nonethnic Arabs; Persians and movement had developed which systematically
Turks allies thus outmaneuvering any Umayyad translated and discussed the works of Greek
remnants within the key institutions. Even the philosophers, Indian mathematics, and a variety
non-Muslims were allowed greater space within of other scientific disciplines. It is during this
the army and local governing councils. On the one period that kalām, a form of Islamic theology-
hand, the ‘Abbāsids downplayed their Arab based philosophy, developed. It was an attempt
descent viewing it as the main feature of the to explain Islamic religious beliefs based on
Umayyads, and on the other, they focused on Greek logic and rational criteria. The politics
their Islamic identity and prophetic ancestry, of patronage of the literary disciplines and the P
a feature respected by Muslims, both Sunnīs and natural sciences: medicine, alchemy, astronomy,
Shī’īs, Arabs, and non-Arabs. For instance, the and material development came to be an integral
early ‘Abbāsid caliphs used relics of the Prophet, part of the ‘Abbāsid court. Furthermore, the early
such as his cloak, as symbols of their divinely tradition of caliphal noncommittal policy to any
instituted power and piety. particular theological doctrine within the Sunnī
It seems clear that the ‘Abbāsid propaganda tradition was the ‘Abbāsid strength. However,
campaigns were directed primarily towards the the policy was overturned in the later phase of
new converts from the east (e.g., Central Asia). the middle period giving rise to religiously based
Those Muslims represented a formidable force political opposition within the heart of the
both in numbers and military skills. The ‘Abbāsid empire.
insistence on their common Islamic creed and Despite cultural and scientific flourishing,
intolerance to corruption and oppression was an the ‘Abbāsid caliphate experienced increasing
effective ideological element uniting extraordi- fragmentation of its territories, primarily due to
narily diverse cultural minorities. The leadership inner fragmentation of the court. Conflicting per-
thus attempted to dominate their subjects, above sonal ambitions for power and interpersonal dis-
all ideologically, as representatives of God and agreements irrevocably tarnished the dynastic
Muslim unity. The ‘Abbāsid focus on ideological order among the heterogeneous populations. Var-
domination facilitated integration of previously ious ethno-tribal factions began to voice the
556 Politics, Islām

importance of their local interests above those of Mamluks in Cairo receiving honorary reception
the caliphate. Religious factions such as Shī’īs in and protection.
Iraq and Khārijī factions in Iran, the Arabian It is during the late ‘Abbāsid period that many
Peninsula, and North Africa had caused constant of the major works on Islamic political theory
nuisance disrupting regional security and stability. were produced. Both religious heterodoxy and
By 945 the ‘Abbāsid court was weakened to the political fragmentation contributed to thriving
point where all military control was lost. Military cultural and scientific settings at many of the
generals were instead working for many of the local courts, which were competing for political
newly established regional courts with their own prestige and cultural excellence. The religious
tax systems and administration, thereby effec- élites consisting of prominent legal scholars, theo-
tively ruling their own economic and political logians, ḥadī th experts, commentators on the
affairs. The Būyid (Shī’ī) dynasty established Qur’ān, and various other religious theorists
full physical control over Baghdad and Iraq as were essential in any political decision-making.
a part of its territories leaving the caliph in place The collective body of sharī ‘a texts (canonized
as a religious symbol, who was however effec- prophetic traditions, the Qur’ān, and rulings of
tively defunct as de facto leader. fiqh) served as the basis of decision-making
The many courts that had emerged in the wake processes.
of ‘Abbāsid decline had created a sociopolitical The epistemological separation of political and
environment in which a spectrum of Islamic polit- religious discourse or any other socioeconomic
ical thought developed. Each court (Spanish matter was largely incomprehensible during this
Umayyads, Maghrib Idrīsids, Ifrīqiya Aghlabids, period. The religious élites needed political
Egyptian Fāṭimids, various Shī’ī kingdoms, patronage as much as the political élites needed
Khanate, and Indo-Timurī dynasties in the east) religious backing in order to legitimate their
was keen on housing and supporting prominent authority. These seemingly independent forces in
Islamic scholars and jurists alongside natural sci- a Muslim society were essentially interdependent
entists and poets, all in an attempt to establish branches of political authority. The religious
their dominance and reputation over their rivals. scholars usually focused on various methods of
However, very few (exception being the Cordoba electing political leaders but also on different
Umayyads and the Ismā’īlī Fāṭimids in North aspects of civic responsibilities between leaders
Africa) claimed the role of a caliph, a supreme and the public. The leaders of the Muslim com-
Islamic ruler over the Muslim ummah. This title munity including the religious élites were consid-
despite its political insignificance in the late ered to be those of authority over abolition and
‘Abbāsid period (945–1258) was apparently compulsion (ahl al-ḥall wa l-‘aqd), a kind of
reserved for the Baghdad caliphs. The symbolism a patrician class of citizens intellectually equipped
of the title was nonetheless still resonant among to make important decisions in the affairs of the
the competing political élites of the various king- state. In theory, the scholars’ primary role was to
doms. Even during the Crusader occupation of interpret the divine law, while the caliph’s respon-
Jerusalem and parts of the eastern Mediterranean sibility had primarily been to enforce the deci-
coastline (1095–1204), the principles of Muslim sions. Ordinary citizens on the other hand were
politics seemed to have changed little. The obliged to consent to the decisions by giving their
fragmented nature of the political order was oath of allegiance (bay’ah) to the leadership (i.e.,
slightly changed, first by the ascent of the Mamluk the caliph). The scholars seemed to have had
rule over Egypt and then by the Seljuk rise from enough prestige to incite the public to obedience.
the east (eleventh to early fourteenth century). The On the other hand, it was possible for ordinary
swift Mongol invasion of the Muslim east was citizens to acquire the necessary skills to be a part
temporarily devastating for the ‘Abbāsid court at of at least the intellectual élite and to a certain
Baghdad, which was sacked in 1258, upon which extent also the political establishment. For
surviving members of the court fled to the instance, it is widely known that the core of the
Politics, Islām 557

Mamluk sultanate was made out of a trained war- developing legitimacy among the various Sunnī-
rior class consisting of slaves primarily brought as dominated regions, especially among the majority
children from Turkic tribes in Central Asia and the Arab provinces. Even though Arabic was consid-
Caucasus region. It is important to note that reli- ered the lingua franca of the Empire, Turkish and
gious scholarship enjoyed high social status and Persian languages became increasingly popular
the most prominent ‘ulamā’ enjoyed far greater among cultural élites.
popular endorsement than the political leadership. In the wake of the Ottoman military and tech-
This gave the scholars needed support by which nological decline (1683–1923), the successive
they frequently could oppose the caliph and, in legal reforms and rapid administrative and cul-
some cases, not fear harm due to overwhelming tural modernization provoked mounting opposi-
popular endorsement. tion among the Arabs in several regions and
particularly those from the Arabian Peninsula.
The still strongly tribal society of Ḥijāz and Najd
The Ottoman Sultanate mounted military opposition to the Ottoman
forces declaring them heretics. The Salafi puritan
The Ottomans (ca. 1299–1923), named after its movement (late eighteenth century) became a first
early leader Osman (‘Uthmān) Ghazi, major sign of growing Arab opposition to the
a descendant of Central Asian Oghuz Turks, Ottoman political authority in the Peninsula. The
were the last in a line of great unifying political movement’s founding leader, a Ḥanbalī scholar,
forces under the guise of the caliphate. The Otto- Muḥammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhāb declared the
man rulers seemed to strive after establishing the Ottoman authority as illegitimate and decadent
dominance of Sunni orthodoxy, prioritizing the primarily due to its “un-Islamic” legal reforms
four schools of jurisprudence (Ḥanafī , Mālikī , and its toleration and support of heterodox prac-
Shāfiʿī , and Ḥanbalī ) over all other sects. Such tices such as saint worship and esoteric cults. The
policies quickly created tensions with the Shī’ī- Ottomans were largely unaffected by the uprising
ruled regions causing rivalry and frequent military (s) until the early twentieth century.
skirmishing. The Ottoman political tradition at the In the mid-nineteenth century, the Ottomans
height of its rule (1453–1683) was primarily systematized the reform process (lit. reorganiza-
concerned with integrating the semiautonomous tion, tanẓimāt) including efforts to codify the
religious establishment into the state bureaucracy. Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh), which proved to be P
This characteristic was radically different from the overwhelming due to the diversity of its judicial
previous tradition where the religious scholars did traditions. The fiqh had always been thought of as
not hold any official government position but an independent body of legal doctrines and opin-
functioned by and large as an appendix to the ions developed by legal experts bound by judicial
political institutions. The Muslim societies and methodology and religious sources (the Qur’ān,
urban centers the Ottomans inherited had become the prophetic tradition, legal consensus, and case
far more complex and cosmopolitan than before, analogy). The tanẓimāt represented a serious
demanding an even more sophisticated adminis- attempt to modernize the legal and political sys-
trative apparatus. The ‘ulamā’ were a crucial ele- tem of the caliphate; however, it seemingly failed
ment in the evolution of administration as their due to several factors. The raising nationalism
expert knowledge of the shar‘i principles set among the ethnic and religious minorities in the
a groundwork for legitimating the political author- Balkans, frequent skirmishing with the Russian
ity. For this purpose, the rulers had created novel Empire, technologic underdevelopment, and
official positions such as mufti and Shaykh al- economic decline drained much of the political
Islām. For this reason, the content of political attention from the reform process. However, one
theory revolved primarily around principles such of the major reasons the reforms stalled was the
as sharī ‘a, the concepts of khilāfa, and shūra incapacitation of the scholarly élites and the cre-
(consultation). These issues were crucial in ation of a modern authoritarian style state
558 Politics, Islām

without any constitutional balance to the execu- the acquisition of modern scientific knowledge
tive power. and technological achievements. Later intellec-
The decline of the Ottoman political power and tual Muḥammad Rāshid Riḍā (d.1935) placed an
prestige in the Middle East and North Africa con- even greater emphasis on authenticity, which
sequently facilitated the European colonial occu- alluded primarily to doctrinal puritanism and
pation and domination of the majority of its Arab adherence to textual literalism when approaching
territories. The nineteenth- and twentieth-century the religious texts. His teachings were in turn
fragmentation of these Muslim territories was thus adopted by a schoolteacher Ḥassan al-Banna (d.
dictated by outside forces and not something that 1949) who organized a social movement based
had emerged from the “traditional” process of on the importance of retracing the perceived
inter-Muslim conflict, compromise, and conces- successes of Islamic civilization. This, they
sion. What has made even greater impact on the believed, would bring broad attention to moral
territories’ political development is the introduc- and ethical values and thus revive the Islamicate
tion of the Western secular liberal constitutional civilization.
order. This was a largely unknown set of sociopo- Al-Banna’s organization, the Muslim Brother-
litical organizational principles in the Muslim hood, established the groundwork for what is now
majority regions. The previous shar‘i principle known as Islāmism, an alternative ideological
of commanding good and forbidding evil pro- framework that challenged both the 1930–1940s
vided legitimation for the existence of political Egyptian liberal reforms and its nationalist ideol-
authority and its claim on the citizens to be ogy. The Muslim Brotherhood, as with many of
obeyed. These transformative processes had left the revivalist movements at the time, functioned
an epistemological void in the Muslim popular within the realm of a modern state. As such, it
conception of politics. As a consequence, there sought to restore Islām to its dominant role
has been an upsurge of popular movements in within the framework of a modern nation state.
most of the emerging Muslim nation states. This search for authentic “Islamic rule” echoed
previous principles of the divinely inspired
prophetic message; however, such a call was
Development of Contemporary Muslim situated in a radically different sociopolitical
Politics context. In order to achieve such change, the
Muslim Brotherhood needed to control the state
One of the earliest intellectual movements was the institutions through transforming their demands
Khilāfat movement in India (1919–1924). This into a particular ideology not unlike any other
movement worked for the creation of a pan- ideological construct.
Islāmist opposition primarily to the British colo- The overarching idea of twentieth-century
nial occupation of India; as a consequence, they Islamism has been to restore Islamic moral prin-
regularly cooperated with Gandhi. Another note- ciples through reestablishing a sharī ‘ah-guided
worthy revivalist initiative was the reformist political framework. This means that concepts
movement in nineteenth-century Egypt. Initially such as sovereignty, legitimacy, representation,
inspired by Jamāl Al-Dīn al-Afghānī (d. 1897) and (social, political, and judicial) justice are
and later under the guidance of the trained Islamic brought to the center of the debate on Islām and
scholar Muḥammad ‘Abduh (d. 1905), this politics. The continuous evolution of Islāmism
Egyptian intellectual movement sought to revive revolves as it were around the idea of Islām being
the Islamic medieval heritage in which religious a self-sufficient guide to moral ascendancy
belief and science paved the way for political within a particular society. This further translates
and social affluence. ‘Abduh’s reformist message into a wide spectrum of political beliefs, prac-
primarily referenced the Muslims’ collective tices, values, and moral commitments that are
responsibility to strive to achieve authenticity in ideologically framed by a wide variety of both
their beliefs and practices in combination with social movement organizations and political
Politics, Islām 559

parties. Islāmists therefore represent an attempt scholars in the proposed Muslim majority polity is
to reinvent, or rather appropriate, traditional largely framed in the form of an advisory body
Islamic concepts by which they claim a distinct rather than as a political policy-making mecha-
type of modern politics anchored in the rule nism. This is primarily true for Sunnī-oriented
of law. Islāmist groups.
It seems that the economic and social failures As Islāmist organizations operate in many dif-
of the regimes in Muslim majority countries have ferent sociopolitical contexts, they have also
amplified already existing popular grievances learned to adjust their claims and adapt their strat-
among the up-and-coming middle classes, often egies, all in accordance with the character of their
considered main proponents of Islāmism. As relationship with various domestic ruling regimes.
such, it is plausible to assume that Islāmists, During the process of discursive and strategic
such as those who subscribe to the Muslim Broth- calibration, many Islāmist organizations have pro-
erhood, are products of both sociopolitical cir- gressively incorporated much of the “Western”
cumstances and modern political concepts such political terminology into their reform programs.
as nationhood, liberalism, democracy, and market One reason behind such adjustment might have
economy. Islāmists in general represent a reaction been evolving Islāmist pragmatism in the light of
to the middle classes’ sense of sociopolitical alien- positive resonance of their modification process
ation by packaging its message into a familiar and their nuanced messages with large segments
expressive format and offering broadly formu- of the marginalized public in many Muslim
lated solutions to the popular grievances of the majority countries. Islāmists’ specific reading
conservative masses. It therefore follows that the of the past, evolving forms of activism, and
Islāmists’ quest for authenticity begins by invok- proposed solutions to contemporary sociopoliti-
ing and translating the past in order to find solu- cal grievances are some of the basic elements
tions to present grievances. This has made them that have provided Islāmists with widespread
an attractive alternative to the repressive regime support among a part of the population in Mus-
(s). In this quest, Islāmists are far from being lim societies. This was partly demonstrated in
unique, as they represent a religious dimension the aftermath of the 2011–2012 popular revolts
of modernity that continuously searches for and subsequent fall of authoritarian regimes in
inimitability. several states in the Middle East and North
Africa. The post-revolutionary elections in Tuni- P
sia and Egypt resulted in extraordinary electoral
Conclusion advances of Islāmist parties. The political tran-
sition in the region presents further challenges to
On the whole, Islāmists have adjusted their claims Islāmist groups, which are now for the first time
to sociopolitical realities, thus grounding their in position of power or rather functioning in
claims to power and social contexts in real-time, legally unhampered sociopolitical context. Sub-
toning down their previous emphasis on the past. sequently, the change of political system,
Most notably, Islāmists have become increasingly increasing political and economic pressure
aware of the sociopolitical and economic “needs” from foreign states, and the domestic military
of the populations they addressed and have made establishment demands further adjustments to
efforts to address such grievances. The main part Islāmists’ ideological frameworks compelling
of the contemporary Islāmist parties and organi- them to consider the importance of accountabil-
zations generally tends to utilize Muslim public ity of their political performances.
collective memory of the ideals of justice from the
distant Muslim past. These translated historical
successes are usually articulated using modern Cross-References
terminology such as state, institutions, and rule
of law. On the other hand, the role of religious ▶ Muslim Personal Law
560 Polytheism

References
Polytheism
1. Agha SS (2003) The revolution which toppled the
Umayyads: neither Arab not ‘Abbasid. Brill, Leiden
▶ Shirk
2. Ayubi N (1991) Political Islām: religion and politics in
the Arab world. Routledge, London
3. Browers M (2009) The political ideology in the Arab
World: accommodation and transformation. Cam-
bridge University Press, Cambridge
4. Brown C (2000) Religion and state: the Muslim approach Poor-Due
to politics. Columbia University Press, New York
5. Brynjar L (1998) The society of the Muslim brothers ▶ Zakāt
in Egypt: the rise of an Islamic Mass Movement
1928–1942. Ithaca Press, Reading
6. Burke E III, Lapidus I (eds) (1988) Islām politics and
social movements. University of California Press,
Berkeley
7. Butko T (2004) Unity trough opposition: Islām as an
Prayer
instrument of Radical Political Change. Middle East
Review of International Affairs 8(4):33–48 ▶ Dhikr/Zikr
8. Chamberlain M (1994) Knowledge and social practice
in Medieval Damascus, 1190–1350. Cambridge Uni-
versity Press, Cambridge
9. Donner FM (1981) The early Islamic conquests.
Princeton University Press, Princeton Prayer, Islam
10. Esposito J, Voll J (1996) Islām and democracy. Oxford
University Press, Oxford
11. Feldman N (2008) The fall and rise of the Islamic state. Golam Dastagir1,2 and Ismath Ramzy2
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Princeton University Press, Princeton Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar
12. Hafez M (2003) Why Muslims rebel? Repression and University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh
resistance in the Islamic world. Lynne Rienner Pub- 2
Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University
lishers, Boulder
13. Hodgson M (1975) The venture of Islām, the classical of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
age of Islām, vol 1. Chicago University Press, Chicago
14. Hodgson M (1977) The venture of Islām, the classical
age of Islām, vol 3. Chicago University Press, Chicago
15. Gaffney PD (1994) The prophet’s pulpit Islamic pre-
Synonyms
aching in contemporary Egypt. University of Califor-
nia Press, Berkeley Du‘ā’; ‘ibādat; Namāz; ṣalāh; ṣalāt; ṣolāt; Suppli
16. Jabali F (2003) The companions of the prophet: cation; Worship
a study of geographical distribution and political align-
ments. Brill, Leiden
17. Kamali H (1993) Characteristics of the Islamic State.
Islamic Studies 32(1) Definition
18. Rahman H (1985) The conflicts between the prophet
and the opposition in Madina. Der Islām 62:260–297
Prayer in Islam is known as ṣalāt, or ṣalāh, or
19. Rosenthal EIJ (1962) Political thought in Medieval
Islām: an introductory outline. Cambridge University ṣolāt, the plural of which is ṣalawāt. In Persian
Press, Cambridge and Urdu, ṣalāt is known as namāz, a term
20. Rosenthal EIJ (1973) The role of the state in Islām: widely used by Muslims in the Indian subconti-
theory and the medieval practice. Der Islām 50:1–28
nent. The Arabic term ṣalāt has a wide range
21. Saunders JJ (1965) A history of medieval Islām.
Routledge, London of meanings such as supplication (du‘ā’),
22. Seferta Y (1985) The doctrine of Prophethood in the invocation (zikr or dhikr), mercy (raḥmat), wor-
writings of Muḥammad ‘Abduh and Rāshid Riḍā. ship (‘ibādat), glorification (tasbī ḥ), recitation
Islamic Stud 24(2)
(qira’ah), etc. It is one of the five pillars (arkān
23. Hallaq W (2013) The impossible state: Islam, politics,
and modernity's moral predicament. Columbia Uni- al-Islām al-khamsa) prescribed by God for Mus-
versity Press, New York lims five times a day.
Prayer, Islam 561

Conditions of Prayer a miraculous journey from Mecca consisting of

isrā’ (journey from Mecca to Jerusalem) and
Unlike other religions, ṣalāt or prayer is not con- mi‘rāj (nocturnal ascent to the heavens from Jeru-
fined to a specific place; any Muslim, regardless salem) to the Divine Presence Itself and,
of social status and geographical location, can according to a ḥadī th, was gifted with 5 times
perform this sacerdotal rite anywhere on earth daily prayers – reduced from the initial 50 times
[8], even on an airplane, bus, car, train, wheel- at the advice of Moses ([4], Ḥadīth No: 3674) – to
chair, and so forth, and in any position – sitting, be observed by himself as well as his followers
standing, and lying. Prayer has five conditions: [6]. Thus, it became obligatory to all Muslims in
(1) ablution (cleanliness of the body with clean the second century A.H. (anno hijri). The Qur’ān
water or earth and cleanliness of the place of explicitly and implicitly refers to its importance in
worship enshrined in the Qur’ān, V:6); (2) specific as many as 83 places; for instance, “establish
time (prescribed times, Qur’ān, IV:103); (3) direc- prayer (ṣalāt) and pay the poor-due (zakāt)” (Q.
tion (facing the Ka’ba, the sacred cubical block II:43).
house in Mecca, Qur’ān, II:143); (4) covering
specific parts of the body; and (5) performing
a series of bows and prostrations accompanied
Norms of Prayer
by some recitation from the Qur’ān.
The way prayer is performed with stipulated pos-
tures is the way God wants human beings to
Historical Development of Prayer perform it. The Prophet, who was taught by
Gabriel, disseminated this canonical rite to his
The term ṣalāt contains several roots [1] of which followers, as he said “pray as you see me pray”
the most relevant one is ṣilāt, which means “con- ([4], Ḥadīth No: 206). It is worth mentioning that
nection” or “correction,” and from this standpoint, Jerusalem had been the first direction (qiblah) of
ṣalāt connects the servant (‘abd) with his or her facing in prayers, before it was replaced with the
Lord (Rabb). The term ṣalāt can be further eluci- sacred Mosque (Ka’ba) in Mecca by a Divine
dated in the context of ṣilāt al-raḥim, which Order (Q. II:150). Thus, ṣalāt, developed during
means “close relations” between consanguineous the time of the Prophet Muḥammad, has been
relatives. However, scholars attempt to trace the transformed from generation to generation with- P
origin of the term ṣalāt in an Aramaic word ṣalāt, out, of course, innovating any new form of wor-
meaning “bowing” in order to find external influ- ship (‘ibādah).
ences on Islamic prayer [5]. John Bowker, for At the outset, the very first utterance of prayer
instance, studied ṣalāt in Islam in comparison begins with “I take refuge in Allah from Satan, the
with Kusti in Zoroastrianism [3]. outcast” followed by “In the Name of Allah, Most
The term ṣalāt refers to a certain type of wor- Gracious, Most Merciful.” Formal performance of
ship during the Meccan period of revelation. His- ṣalāt starts with takbī r (saying Allāhu Akbar/
torians of the biography of the Prophet Allah is the Great(est)) and ends with taslī m (say-
Muḥammad (Sī rah) claim that the first order the ing al-salām alaykum/may peace be upon you).
Prophet was given by God was ṣalāt. Ibn Isḥāq The person willing to perform ṣalāt must be clean
narrated that ṣalāt was prescribed for the Prophet physically as a prerequisite and should undergo
from the very beginning of revelation in the cave ritual purity known as wudhu, comprising a few
of Hira in 610 C.E. It is believed that Archangel steps of cleansing hands, feet, etc. Proper dress-
Gabriel showed him how to perform ablution and code for men and women is also recommended;
the postures to offer ṣalāt. Since then, the Prophet for men, to cover the area from navel to ankle
of Islam performed the ṣalāt with two cycles without exposing the shape of the private parts
(rak’ah) twice a day – morning and evening. In and for women to cover the entire body except
the ninth year of his mission, he made face and wrists. The person who makes ṣalāt has
562 Prayer, Islam

to face the direction of the Ka’ba in Mecca Implications of Prayer

(qiblah) and to follow the way performed by the
Prophet Muḥammad. Prayer lies at the heart of Islamic rituals as a means
The supplication including recitation during for enhancing inter-personal and intra-personal
the ṣalāt is meant to be conducted in the Arabic relationship and establishing inner connectivity
language; however, supplication in vernacular between humans and God in the realm of spiritual
languages can be offered after finishing the reality. In their daily prayers, Muslims, for exam-
formal ṣalāt. Furthermore, Muslims do not ple, among the Ṣūfīs in India belonging to the
need a mediator such as a priest or agent to Hanafi maḏhhab, revere the earlier prophets of
perform prayer; however, ṣalāt performed in Islam such as Moses and Jesus, whom the Prophet
a group or with the congregation is usually led met on his celestial journey, mi‘rāj – “the prototype
by an imām (religious leader). And it is crucial of all spiritual wayfaring and realization in Islam”
to mention that due to the differences of the [8]. The inner significance of prayer lies in remem-
Muslim schools of jurisprudence (maḏhhab or bering God, His bounty, and His mercy upon man
mazhab), variation of prayer in terms of bodily and the world created by Him, as He says: There is
movement, or postures, is observed across the no deity except Me, so worship Me and establish
Muslim world. prayer for My remembrance (Q. XX:14). True, the
human hearts, the citadel loci of human conducts,
find rest or peace by way of the invocation of God
Kinds of Prayer (XIII:28), for invocation (dhikr/zikr) purges the
hearts from cluttering caused by false pride, jeal-
Primarily, prayer can be classified into two types: ousy, hypocrisy, lying, etc. In daily prayers, the
the obligatory (farḍ) and the non-obligatory optimal virtue (iḥsān) is the realization of the pres-
(sunnah). The obligatory prayers constitute five ence of God, as the Prophet articulates, “that you
times a day, namely, dawn (fajr, approximately worship Allah as if you were seeing Him; and if
1 hour before sunrise, noon (ẓuhr), afternoon you couldn’t see Him He is seeing you” ([4],
(‘aṣr), evening (maghrib), and night (‘ishā’). Ḥadīth No. 50). Therefore, Islamic prayer is offered
The optional prayers are offered after or before with the intent (niyyah) and awareness of
obligatory ṣalāt. surrendering only to God (Q. II:83).
Apart from those mentioned above, there are The Qur’ān holds that each of His creation in
also other prayers such as Eid prayers (wājib/sun- this world belongs to God (Q. XV:21), that each
nah, Eid – a Muslim festival – is observed twice in has been created by God in proportion and mea-
the Muslim lunar calendar as Eid al-fitr and Eid al- sure (Q. LIV:49), and that each one of them prays
aẓḥā), supererogatory prayer (nafl), concluding and exalts Him in its own way (Q. XXIV:41).
prayer at night (witr), funeral prayer (janāza), Muslims pray to Him simply, because God has
late night prayer (tahajjud), Ramaḍān prayer obliged them to do so, and thus by doing so,
(tarāwī ḥ), Friday noon prayer (jummah) – the human beings obey God’s Will, as God says: I
last being obligatory for men in the mosque led created the jinn and humankind only that they
by a religious leader (imām) with a sermon might worship Me (Q. LI:56). Islam says that
(khuṭbah), etc. On the spiritual level, prayer God also bestowed upon the earlier prophets
embedded in supplication encompasses every before the Prophet Muḥammad with Divine mes-
aspect of human life; mystics may offer suppli- sage and asked them to worship only God. In this
cation by way of reciting a verse of the Qur’ān context, God says to the Prophet: We have never
for and against changes and moves in nature, for sent a messenger before thee except that We
instance, supplication for rain in drought, suppli- revealed to him, (saying): There is no god but I,
cation against war, supplication on sighting the so worship Me (Q. XXI:25). According to the
new moon, etc. prophetic tradition, ṣalāh distinguishes a believer
Prof. KA Nizami 563

from a non-believer ([7], Ḥadīth No: 1078). Mus- (rak’ah), God expresses His happiness with this
lims believe that the first question in the Hereafter communication and answers to him directly with-
will be concerning ṣalāh based upon which other out any agent or mediator. As God says in the
actions of life in this world will be judged ([2], ḥadī th-al-qudsī : “This is for My servant, and
Ḥadīth No: 413). My servant shall have what [s/] he has asked
The person who prays to God consistently and for” ([7], Ḥadīth No: 395). Thus, even though
constantly with an attitude of submission to Him the communication between humanity and God
and engages in good deeds will be rewarded in the formally ceased with the completion of the pro-
afterlife. Thus, the opt-quoted prophetic tradition phetic mission to humankind, it continues indi-
is “prayer is the key to heaven” [2]. It is worth rectly through ṣalāt and supplication.
mentioning that ṣalāt has simplified forms to
facilitate those who require special arrangement
of postures owing to their health conditions and Cross-References
circumstances. In performing prayers, devotees
feel the soul’s calmness and tranquility, happiness ▶ Dhikr/zikr
and pleasure, peace and inspiration, and above all ▶ Festival
God’s grace (barakah) and His Presence. ▶ Namāz
For Muslims invoke God in prayer, and God ▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia
recalls them, as He says in the Qur’ān: Remember ▶ Ramaḍān
Me; and I remember you (Q. II:152). ▶ Ummah
A human being is the microcosm of the body, ▶ Worship
the mind, and the soul that together can make
a harmonious relationship through
prayer – vocal or silent. Thus, prayer is not to be References
discerned merely as a ritual activity to expose
religious service to God; rather, it is an indispens- 1. Abu ‘Abdullah Al-Qurtubi (2008) Al-Jami li-Ahkam
al-Qur’an. Tafsir Al Qurtubi (ed: Muhammad Sayyid
able means for developing an intimate commu-
Al ‘atar), vol 1. Dar Al Fikr, Beirut
nion with God with a fervent zeal for spiritual 2. Al-Tirmidhi AI (1986) Sunan al-Tirmidhi. Dar Al-fikr
reality, in other words, to transform oneself from Library, Beirut
what the Qur’ān (LXXXXV:4–5) holds, “the 3. Bowker J (1997) The Oxford dictionary of world reli- P
gions. Oxford University Press, London/New York
lowest of the low” (asfala safilī n) to “the best
4. Bukhari M (1997) Sahih Al-Bukhari (trans: Khan MM,
stature” (aḥsānī taqwī m) – the pristine purity of The translation of the meanings of Sahih Al-Bukhari:
human nature. Supplication (munājāt) to God Arabic-English). Dar-us-Salam Publications, Riyadh
encapsulated in prayer is offered, reflecting the 5. Goitein SD (1966) Studies in Islamic history and insti-
tutions. E.J. Brill, Leiden
socio-political and economic affairs of suppli-
6. Hisham I, al-Malik A (eds) (1955) The life of Muham-
cants, for the protection from mischievous con- mad: a translation of Ishaq’s Sirat Rasul Allah, with
duct. The Qur’ān says: Lo! Worship (ṣalāt) introduction and notes by A. Guillaume. Oxford Uni-
preserveth from lewdness and iniquity, but versity Press, London
7. Muslim I (1976) Sahih Muslim (trans: Siddiqui AH).
verily remembrance of Allah is more important KAZI Publications, Chicago
(Q. XXIX:45). 8. Nasr SH (2004) The heart of Islam: enduring values for
Metaphysically speaking, prayer means sup- humanity. HarperOne, New York
plication, which facilitates a two-way communi-
cation between God and humans, as stated in
a ḥadī th al-qudsī (considered extra-Qur’ānic rev-
elation). When a worshipper offering ṣalāt recites Prof. KA Nizami
the opening chapter (ṣūrat al-fātiḥah) of the
Qur’ān, which is compulsory in each cycle ▶ Nizami, K. A.
564 Prof. Nizami

Prof. Nizami Pulavar Nāyakam

▶ Nizami, K. A. ▶ Kadir, Shaykh Abdul

Q

Qādirīyah Order by his Ḥanbalī legal instructor, Abū Sa‘īd

Mubārak al-Mukharrimī (d. 513/1119?), ‘Abd al-
Matthew Long Qādir would abandon society to become
OH, USA a wandering hermit in the deserts of Iraq for the
next 25 years, though some sources indicate he
wandered for 11 years. Around the age of 50, in
Definition 520/1127, ‘Abd al-Qādir reemerged from his iso-
lation to begin teaching publicly in Iraq. A school
Sufi order (madrasah) and hospice (ribāṭ) were constructed
as his circle of students increasingly grew. His
teachings were collected by his pupils and com-
Qādirīyah Order piled into a number of works that include Futūḥ
al-ghayb (Openings of the Unseen), Fatḥ al-
The Qādirīyah is one of the oldest Ṣūfī orders rabbānī (Divine Opening), and al-Ghunyah li-
(ṭuruq; singular ṭarīqah) of the Muslim world. ṭālibī ṭarīq al-ḥaqq wa al-dī n (Competence for
The order is named after ‘Abd al-Qāder (al- the Seeker of Truth and Religion). He died in 561/
Qādir) Gīlānī (Jīlānī), a twelfth century scholar 1166 in Baghdad, where he had remained since
and mystic. Its influence has spread as far as India returning from seclusion, before the Mongol
and Indonesia, and there are large concentrations invasion.
of adherents in Africa, particularly West Africa. Biographies of ‘Abd al-Qādir, particularly the
Even in places where the order is not prominent, hagiographical Bahjah al-asrār by al-Shaṭṭanawfī
the influence of the figure ‘Abd al-Qādir can be (d. 713/1313), discuss the regions to which his
felt. He is revered as a saint in countless parts of teachings were spread and the disciples who
the world by his spiritual descendents, Ṣūfīs of spread the way (ṭarīqah) of ‘Abd al-Qādir. How-
other orders, and the common people. ever, many of these accounts are unreliable. The
‘Abd al-Qādir was born in the region of Gīlān, order did not spread as widely or as quickly as
in Iran, near the Caspian Sea in 470/1077. It was portrayed by these accounts. Most scholars agree
not until 488/1095 that he travelled to Baghdad that two of his sons, ‘Abd al-Razzāq (d. 603/
where he would study Ḥanbalī law (fiqh) for 1206–1207) and ‘Abd al-‘Azzīz (d. 602/
approximately 7 years. He also studied Ṣūfīsm 1205–1206), played an important role in the
under Abū al-Khayr Ḥammād Dabbās (d. actual dispersion of the order. A Qādirīyah center
524–525/1131). Following his instruction under of authority formed in Baghdad and from there
Dabbās and being granted an investiture (khirqah) spread to other parts of Iraq. It is unknown when
# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018
Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
566 Qādirīyah Order

the Qādirīyah Ṣūfī centers (zāwiyā; singular believe the creation of a system of mystical prac-
zāwiyah) reached Mecca and other parts of Ara- tices, such as acts of remembrance (dhikr), would
bia, but they reached Syria by the thirteenth cen- have been developed in the generations after the
tury. It was not until the seventeenth century that death of ‘Abd al-Qādir. This explains why mysti-
the order significantly grew in Asia Minor. Ismā‘īl cal practices and symbols can be quite divergent
Rūmī (d. 1041/1631), known as the “Pīr Thānī between regional divisions of the order. For
(Second Master),” is said to have founded 40 Ṣūfī instance, a green rose is the symbol of the
centers (tekke Tr.) and a major center (khānqāh) Qādirīyah orders of Turkey, while the color
called the Qadirīkhānah. Moving east, the order white is used by some North African Qādirīyah.
reached Pakistan and India. The degree of its Dhikr of Central Asian Qādirīyah has been
influence and its size in India are a subject of described as unrestrained, while some North Afri-
debate. The Ā’in-i-Akbarī (The Institutes of can Qādirīyah incorporate samā‘, music, into their
Akbar), a sixteenth administrative document that remembrance. Other orders have adopted the cus-
identifies a number of Ṣūfī orders in the empire, tom of taking a retreat (khalwah) as part of their
recognized the legitimacy of the Qādirīyah but mystical experience and education. What is
made no specific mention of it being prevalent. shared by many of the orders, and by those outside
However, some scholars point to the translations of the order, is a high respect for, and in some
and abridgements of al-Shaṭṭanawfī’s biography cases deification of, ‘Abd al-Qādir himself.
into Persian in this period as proof of the growing Descendants and hagiographers, particularly
influence of the order. Shaṭṭanawfī, ascribed to their mystical forefather
‘Abd al-‘Azzīz, his brother, Ibrāhīm (d. 592/ fantastic abilities, qualities, and legends that few
1196), and their descendants are credited with other Ṣūfī masters have been able to replicate
establishing and propagating the order in from their admirers.
Morocco, although branches of the order are also
found in other parts of North Africa, including
Algeria and Tunisia. Unauthenticated records Cross-References
indicate the order was of great significance in
North Africa in the twelfth century and closely ▶ Khānaqāh and Ribat
aligned with the ruling Fāṭimid regime. In West ▶ Samā‘
Africa, where its influence reached its peak in the
nineteenth and early twentieth century, the
Qādirīyah order is known as Jilālah and its fol-
lowers as the Jīlānis. From the northern region of
References
modern-day Mali, the order established centers
1. Abun-Nasr JM (2007) Muslim communities of grace:
and followers in Senegal, Mauritania, Niger, and the Sufi brotherhoods in Islamic religious life. Colum-
Nigeria. The Qādīriyah order reached eastern bia University Press, New York
Africa first in the Sudan around the sixteenth 2. Bennigsen A, Wimbush SE (1985) Mystics and com-
missars: Sufism in the Soviet Union. University of
century although its dissemination to the larger
California Press, Berkeley
population occurred later. The areas of Zanzibar 3. Brown JP (1868) The dervishes, or, oriental spiritual-
and Lindi, both territories of Tanzania, have also ism. Trübner, London
been influenced by the Qādirīyah. Similar to other 4. Doi ARI (1997) Sufism in Africa. In: Nasr SH (ed)
Islamic spirituality II: manifestations. Crossroads,
Ṣūfī orders, branches (ṭawā’if; singular ṭā’ifah) New York
formed from the main line (silsilah) based on the 5. Heck PL (2007) Sufism and politics. Markus Wiener,
teachings of local masters (murshidūn; singular New York
murshid). Trimingham provides the eponyms of 6. Knysh AD (2000) Islamic mysticism: a short history.
Brill, Leiden
the many Qādirī branches from Morocco to India.
7. Martin BG (1976) Muslim brotherhoods in nineteenth-
Scholars contest whether ‘Abd al-Qādir left century Africa. Cambridge University Press,
a formal mystical system in his wake. Many Cambridge
Qalandar 567

8. Martin BG (1992) Shaykh Zayla’i and the nineteenth- such place was called qalandarī or rind. Some-
century Somali Qadiriya. In: Samatar SS (ed) In the where in the seventh/thirteenth century, it grad-
shadow of conquest: Islam in Colonial Northeast
Africa. Red Sea Press, Trenton ually came into habit to drop the final ī , and
9. Mbacké K, Hunwick JO (2005) Sufism and religious qalandar began to metonymically denote a
brotherhoods in Senegal. Markus Wiener, Princeton human being. Until the end of the eighth/four-
10. Nimtz AH (1980) Islam and politics in east Africa: the teenth century, the word qalandar was used in
Sufi order in Tanzania. University of Minnesota Press,
Minneapolis both senses, as this is attested by the poetry of
11. Nizami KA (1997) The Qādiriyyah order. In: Nasr SH Ḥāfiẓ ([7], pp. 143, 278).
(ed) Islamic spirituality II: manifestations. Crossroads,
New York
12. Norris HT (1993) Islam in the Balkans: religion and
society between Europe and the Arab world. Univer- Method, Aspiration and Moral Code
sity of South Carolina Press, Columbia
13. Trimingham JS (1998) The Sufi orders in Islam. The qalandariyya, which grew out of
Oxford University Press, New York malāmātiyya, had set a higher goal than its prede-
cessor (separation instead of inviting reproach.
The malāmātī s, in fact, had offered a method,
without defining a clear objective to be achieved).
Qalandar It is thought that the phenomenon of qalandariyya
assumed the shape of a semi-organized movement
Janis Esots owing to the efforts of two Khurāsānī Ṣūfīs with
The Institute of Ismaili Studies, London, UK malāmatī background, Quṭb al-Dīn Ḥaydar
Zāwaʾī (d. ca. 618/1221) and Jamāl al-Dīn Sāwī
(Sāwajī) (d. after 620/1224). The representatives
Synonyms of the movement outwardly distinguished them-
selves by their habit of shaving the hair, beard,
Ḥaydarī; Jawāliqī; Rind moustache, and eyebrows. They consumed hash-
ish, wore specific clothes, earrings, and wide
bracelets, and carried with them certain imple-
Definition ments (a begging bowl, a drum, a small ax, and
a standard). Their moral code consisted of five
Qalandar is an itinerant antinomian celibate pillars: modesty, subtlety, repentance, religiosity,
irregular Ṣūfī, who does not observe the religious and asceticism ([10], p. 42). Q
law, subsists by means of collecting alms, has The proclaimed aspiration of the participants
a peculiar outward appearance, and usually is not of this movement was tajrīd, namely (achieving
attached to any particular Ṣūfī order. the state of), separation. This goal was never
achieved by the overwhelming majority of
qalandars, because, in most cases, the employed
Supposed Etymology methods (open inobservance of the requirements
of Islamic religious law and demonstrative neglect
The word qalandar apparently came into use in of the conventional rules of conduct) were
Persian somewhere in the fourth/tenth century. The inadequate.
earliest surviving text in which the word appears is
one of the rubāʿī s attributed to Abū Saʿīd Abū ʿl-
Khayr (357–440/ 967–1049) ([16], p. 73). Qalandar in Persian Literature
Until the end of the sixth/twelfth century,
qalandar typically referred to the dwelling of the In Persian literature, the image of an ideal
irregular Ṣūfīs (being a synonym of langar), qalandar – the man who has separated himself
whereas the individual who inhabited or frequented from all material and religious concerns and “cut
568 Qalandar

off” his mortal human nature (bashariyyat) – ▶ Laʿl Shahbāz Qalandar (d. 665/1267 or
apparently was created by Abū ’l-Majd Sanā’ī 673/1274)
(d. 525/1131) [15]. (The Risāla-yi qalandarī yya, ▶ Malāmātīs
attributed to his older contemporary ʿAbd Allāh ▶ Malang
Anṣārī (d. 481/1089) [8], as established by ▶ Nizām-ud-Dīn Awliyā
Kadkanī ([16], p. 40), was actually written several ▶ Suhrawardī Order
centuries later). It was later elaborated by hun- ▶ Taṣawwuf
dreds of Ṣūfī (or quasi-Ṣūfī) poets, including
ʿAṭṭār, Rūmī and Ḥāfiẓ [7, 13, 14].
References

Qalandars of Medieval India 1. Ahmad MT (1955) Who is a qalandar? J Indian Hist

33:155–70
2. Ābidīnī SAM et al (eds.) (2005). Āyyīn-i qalandarī.
The qalandars apparently came to India from Farāwarān
Khurāsān ([20], p. 184), probably soon after 3. Boivin M (2012) Le soufisme antinomien dans le
the Ghaznavid annexation of Sind and Punjab sous-continent indien: Laʿl Shahb^az Qalandar et son
héritage XIIIe–XXe siècle. Cerf, Paris, in particular
in the eleventh century. From Gorakhattri (near pp 172–186
Peshawar), they used to make their way along 4. Bruijn de JTP (1992) The Qalandariyyāt in Persian
the main highway of the subcontinent, which Mystical Poetry. In: Lewisohn L (ed) The legacy of
connected the northwestern regions with Delhi medieval Persian Sufism, Khānigāh-i Nimatullahī,
vol 2, pp 75–86
([20], p. 184). 5. Digby S (1984) Qalandar s and related groups: ele-
Apparently, the Indian qalandariyya assumed ments of social deviance in the religious life of the
the form of an order owing to the efforts of Khiḍr Delhi Sultanate. In: Friedman J (ed) Islam in Asia. The
Rūmī, a native of Anatolia and the disciple of Magnes Press, Jerusalem, pp 60–108
6. Frembgen JW (2008) Journey to God: sufis and der-
ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Makkī, during the reign of vishes in Islam. Oxford University Press, Karachi, in
Iletmish (Iltutmish) (r. 607–633/1211–1236). particular pp 71–72, 83–90, and 96–101
Khizr was initiated into the Chishtī order by 7. Ḥāfiẓ (1983) Dīvān, 4th edn (ed: Khānlarī PN). Amīr
Quṭb al-Dīn Bakhtiyār Kākī (d. 633/1235), who Kabīr, Tehran
8. [Pseudo-] Harawī AA (1968) Risāla-yi qalandar. In
permitted him to continue to observe the customs idem, Rasāʾil-i jāmīʿ-yi ʿārif-i qarn-i chahārum-i hijrī
of qalandars ([20], p. 185). The most widely Khwājah ʿAbd Allāh Anṣārī. Kitābfurūshī-yi furūghī,
known representative of this brotherhood is Tehran
Khiḍr Rūmī’s disciple Abū ʿAlī Qalandar of 9. Karamustafa AT (1994) God’s unruly friends: dervish
groups in the Islamic Later Middle Period,
Pānīpat (d. 724/1324), who became a very author- 1200–1550. University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City
itative figure in the later Ṣūfī tradition in India 10. Khaṭīb-i Fārsī (1983) Qalandar-nāma yā sīrat-i Jamāl
([20], p. 185). al-Dīn Sāwajī (ed: Zarrīnkūb Ḥ). Tūs, Tehran
In colonial India, in popular use, the word 11. Nizam ad-Din Awliya (1992) Morals for the heart
(trans: Lawrence B). Paulist Press, New York
qalandar was frequently applied to a class of 12. Rizvi SAA (1978) A history of sufism in India (2 vols).
beggars and thieves, while qalandars in the afore- Mushiram Manoharlal Publishers, Delhi, in particular
mentioned sense of antinomian irregular Ṣūfīs vol 1, pp 301–311
were called āzād (‘the free ones’) ([17], p. 295). 13. Rūmī J (2001) Kulliyāt-i Shams-i Tabrīzī (ed:
Furūzānfarr B). Dūstān, Tehran
14. Saʿīd JB (2005) Āyyīn-i qalandarān. Shahīd Bāhunar
University Press, Kirmān
Cross-References 15. Sanāʾī AMĀ (2006) Dīwān, 6th edn (ed: Raḍawī M).
Sanāʾī, Tehran
16. Shafīʿī Kadkanī M (2007) Qalandariyya dar taʾrīkh yā
▶ Chishtī Order
digardīsīhā-yi yak īdiʾolozhī. Sukhan, Tehran
▶ Faqīr 17. Sharīf J (1921 [1832]) Islam in India or the Qānūn-i
▶ Ghaznavids Islām. Oxford University Press, Oxford
Qawwali 569

18. Subhan JA (1938) Sufism and its saints: an introduc- musical sounds supporting the sung texts in
tion to the study of sufism with special reference to samā‘ are constructed and performed with the
India. Hazratoulia Publishers, Lucknow, in particular
pp 309–314 explicit intention of guiding the listener into sub-
19. Srivastava K (2009) The wandering sufis: qalandars jective states of religious experience. The word
and their path. Aryan Books International, Delhi “qawwālī ” itself refers to both the musical form
20. Suvorova A (2004) Muslim Saints of South Asia: the and the occasion of its performance. To say “I am
eleventh to fifteenth centuries. Routledge, London, in
particular Chap 8, pp 178–198 going to a qawwālī ,” is to say that one is going to
attend a performance dedicated to qawwālī
music. One who sings qawwālī is referred to as
a qawwāl. Qawwālī as an art form has grown
Qawwali beyond its original religious function in South
Asia to become a form of popular entertainment
James R. Newell in the subcontinent and around the world [1].
Vanderbilt University, Nashville, TN, USA

Qawwālī History and Religious Function

Synonyms
Though not without controversy, the Ṣūfī practice
Sufi concert; Sufi music; Sufi ritual of samā‘ has a long history in the Islamic world.
Qawwālī is essentially the South Asian variant of
samā‘. The establishment of that specific musical
Definition genre known to us today as qawwālī is usually
traced to the dargah of the Ṣūfī shaykh Nizām al-
Islamic religious and popular music of South Dīn Awliyā (d.1325) of Delhi and his disciple, the
Asia. famed Muslim poet Amīr Khusrau (d.1325).
Nizām al-Dīn is a key figure in the Chishtīya
Ṣūfī lineage, the Ṣūfī fraternity most closely
Introduction linked with qawwālī . Khusrau is widely under-
stood to be the father of qawwālī . His composi-
Qawwālī is a genre of South Asian Islamic devo- tions are still sung today on qawwālī occasions,
tional music, closely tied to Islamic mysticism or and he is commonly credited with having created
Ṣūfīsm. As a musical form, qawwālī is comprised the musical genre of qawwālī . Q
of elements of Indian classical and folk music The classic study of qawwālī to date is Sufi
forms, as well as some elements of Persian Music of India and Pakistan: Sound, Context and
music. The musical forms of qawwālī primarily Meaning in Qawwali by Regula Burkhardt
provide support for the singing of religiously Qureshi [1]. Qureshi provides a comprehensive
themed texts. As an art form, Qawwālī springs musicological and cultural study of qawwālī prac-
from traditional performance in the precincts of tice in India and Pakistan, focusing especially on
the South Asian Muslim dargah, or tomb shrine, the qawwāl Bachche of Delhi. All of the various
and has several distinct musical features related to individuals working in a service capacity at the
its religious function. In this context, qawwālī is larger dargahs in South Asia serve by virtue of
the primary musical genre employed in the South their hereditary rights. The qawwāl Bachche rep-
Asian practice of samā‘. Samā‘ [Arabic, listening] resents the lineage of qawwāls attached to the
is an Islamic ritual practice involving the singing Nizām al-Dīn Awliyā dargah in Delhi and repre-
of sacred texts with the intention of focusing the sents a rich tradition whose antecedents are said to
attention of the listener upon God and upon the have learned the art of qawwālī under tutelage of
spiritual master as guide and exemplar. The Amir Khusrau himself.
570 Qawwali

Qawwālī , like many other Ṣūfī practices, is not Qawwālī as a Distinct Musical Genre
accepted by all Muslims. Listening to music has
long been a controversial topic in Islam. Likewise, A qawwālī group is called a party. The typical
belief in saints and their power to intercede has qawwālī party varies in size but is usually made
always existed at the periphery of Islam, while up of between four and eight members. The mel-
never fully accepted as normative by conservative ody line of early qawwālī was performed on
Muslims. Even so, in South Asia the dargah [tomb a stringed instrument called the sārangī .
shrine] lies at the center of popular Muslim piety, Although some still insist that qawwālī should
and qawwālī has long been a staple of dargah life. only be played on the sārangī , few qawwāls use
Qawwālī is not compulsory for Muslims in South the instrument today. The requirement of constant
Asia; it is a traditional practice, a practice that, as retuning has encouraged most modern qawwālī
with other Ṣūfī practices, is undertaken above and parties to substitute the harmonium (Fig. 1),
beyond the normal obligations of a religious Mus- a small pump organ introduced to the subconti-
lim. Qawwālī s are often held at night, not in order nent by European missionaries in the late fif-
to improve the atmosphere of the performance, but teenth century. The harmonium is often played
in order to avoid interfering with the five times by the lead singer, with rhythm accompaniment
daily prayers which Muslims perform. Tradition- usually provided by a small, barrel-shaped, dou-
ally, only men attend a qawwālī at a dargah, unless ble-headed hand drum called the dholak (Fig. 2),
special arrangements have been made to accom- punctuated by hand claps provided by other
modate female worshippers. The men all wear members of the party. Modern, professional
a kufi, or skullcap, at the dargah, as a sign of qawwālī parties often use tabla, the twin sin-
respect. For Ṣūfīs, all of these behaviors are con- gle-headed drums used in North Indian classical
sidered to be natural expressions of Islamic prac- music or even electronic, synthesized drum, but
tice, as is the performance of qawwālī . most traditional groups still employ the dholak.
The mahfil-i-sama’ [assembly for listening] is A typical qawwālī song may last anywhere from
the most formal, ritualized aspect of qawwālī 15 to 30 min, perhaps even continuing as long as
performance in South Asia. The mahfil is com- an hour. The song will often begin with an intro-
monly performed in the religious context of ductory instrumental section, followed by the
a saint’s death anniversary [‘urs] and other highly alap, a brief improvised section that outlines
structured religious observations. Within the the melodic mode, or rāga, of the song, or
mahfil-i-samā‘ is found the core of qawwālī gāna, and allows the singer to improvise a few
meaning, purpose, and function. The mahfil-i- vocal lines. This is followed by one or more
samā‘ is the classic occasion for qawwālī at verses, often improvised, sung by the lead singer,
which time a saint is honored in the person of still without rhythmic accompaniment, some-
a shaykh in the saint’s lineage, often at a major times with vocal response sections echoed by
dargah. Such a gathering is also characterized as one or more members of the party. The main
the darbar-i-auliyā, or the “royal court of saints.” section of the song is signaled by the introduc-
In this context the gathering symbolizes the spir- tion of rhythm and rhythmic accompaniment
itual reality of the institutional lineage of the Ṣūfī consisting of the insistent beat of the dholak,
order as well as its mystical spiritual hierarchy [2]. and handclaps, as the entire party sings out
Although the mahfil-i-samā‘ is the most formal the refrain of the song [parti gāna]. A typical
ritual process associated with qawwālī , this is not song may continue with a combination of vocal
its only manifestation. Qawwālī has been widely improvisations, call and response sections, and
embraced by the poor of South Asia as a resource recurring sections of refrain, building to an
of solace and affirmation and also by the middle intense climax, and then quickly dropping in
and upper classes as a form of cross-cultural enter- intensity and volume just before the ending.
tainment for the masses. A song may also begin the main section with
Qawwali 571

Qawwali, Fig. 1 Qawwālī

party with lead singer Salim
al-Din Hafiz Fakhr al-Din
Chishti Nizami Qawwal
playing the harmonium,
Shaykh Abdullah Abdul
Ghani on dholak (in
background), and singers
Bashir al-Din Salim al-Din
(left) and Sayyed Ajgarali
Akbashari (right)

Qawwali, Fig. 2 Shaykh

Abdullah Abdul Ghani
playing dholak

Q
572 Qawwali

Qawwali, Fig. 3 Salim al-

Din Hafiz Fakhr al-Din
Chishti Nizami Qawwāl and
his qawwālī party sit facing
the dargah of Raju Qattal,
Khuldabad, Maharashtra,
India

either a verse or refrain section. If the program is in the hamd, the Prophet in the na’t, and saints in
held at a dargah, the party will typically face the the manqabat – or poems expressing emotional
states of mysticism – love (ishq), separation (fiaq),
doorway of the shrine (Fig. 3), emphasizing that union (wisal), and poems pertaining to ecstatic
the party is singing directly to the saint entombed states (rindana). In addition to these categories
within [1]. the qawwal needs to know the poems associated
with the specific saints or ritual occasions of his
particular environment. [3]

Qawwali Texts

As already discussed, the musical forms of Recorded and Popular Qawwālī

qawwālī are intended to provide support for the
singing of religiously themed texts. The primary Qawwālī has grown beyond its original reli-
emphasis of qawwālī is on these sung texts. gious function to become a form of popular
Qawwālī texts have considerable range, includ- entertainment in the subcontinent and around
ing several different languages and poetic forms. the world. Qawwāls were among the first Indian
The primary classical language of qawwālī is artists to be recorded by the British Gramophone
Persian, although Hindi and Urdu have become Company in Calcutta in 1902. By the late 1930s
more prominent in modern qawwālī . The most many upper-class Indians owned gramophones,
common poetic structure found in qawwālī is and qawwālī recordings began to increase in
the ghazal, with its thematically linked couplets popularity. Soon after the emergence of musi-
and common rhyme scheme [3]. According to cals in the Indian film industry in the 1930s,
Qureshi, qawwālī began to be included in Indian films.
After the partition of India in 1947, qawwālī all
The qawwal’s repertoire must include the content
but disappeared from Indian radio broadcasts.
categories corresponding to the spiritual require-
ments of Sufism. Broadly, these are either poems However, it soon returned. Since the 1950s
focusing on the figures in the Sufi hierarchy – God qawwālī has become a popular staple in
Qurʾān Translation in South Asia 573

“Bollywood” films as well as in films produced

in Pakistan. With the advent of broadcast tele- Qurʾān Translation in South
vision, prominent qawwāls such as Ghulam Asia
Farid Sabri, Aziz Mian, and Nusrat Fateh Ali
Khan began to emerge as qawwālī stars [4]. Amin Venjara
Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan in particular became Department of Religion, Princeton University,
a worldwide phenomenon through the global Princeton, NJ, USA
commercialization of “World Music.” Another
popular singer of qawwālī songs is the female
Pakistani singer Abida Parveen. Although a fine Synonyms
singer of sufiana-kalaam (Sufi devotional
music), Parveen is not technically a qawwāl. Koran translation; Translation of the Quran
With the popularity of qawwālī in the world
music market, Parveen has added qawwālī
songs to her offerings, increasing her popular Definition
acceptance as an artist; however, she continues
to draw her repertoire chiefly from sufiana- This entry examines the history of and tensions
kalaam [5]. Although Abida Parveen has gained surrounding the translation of the Qurʾān in South
some acceptance as a female qawwāl, and there Asia.
are many women who sing qawwālī songs infor-
mally, at present women are generally excluded
from singing qawwālī at formal religious gath- Tensions Regarding Qurʾān Translation
erings, and qawwālī remains primarily a male
art form. Throughout the history of Islam, the Qurʾān has
maintained a strong link with the Arabic lan-
guage. Copies of the Arabic text are found in
Cross-References non-Arabic speaking regions of the Muslim
world, and many non-Arab Muslims memorize
▶ Amīr Khusrau the Qurʾān in its original Arabic. The Qurʾān itself
▶ Nizām-ud-Dīn Awliyā often emphasizes its Arabic nature (cf. Q 12:2;
▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia 20:113; 39:28; 41:2–3; 42:7; 43:3). However, the
desire to comprehend, not just preserve, the divine Q
message necessitates an engagement with transla-
References tion for those with limited knowledge of Arabic.
Muslim scholars have differed on the means
1. Qureshi RB (1995) Sufi music of India and Pakistan: through which the Qurʾānic message may traverse
sound, context and meaning in Qawwali. University of
linguistic boundaries. While there is general
Chicago Press, Chicago
2. Qureshi RB (1994) Sama’ in the Royal Court of the agreement regarding the use of commentary (Ar.
saints: the Chishtiyya of South Asia. In: Smith GM, tafsī r) to explain and expound upon the meanings
Ernst CW (eds) Manifestations of sainthood in Islam. of the Qurʾān in any language, scholars are more
The Isis Press, Istanbul
tenuous about the question of translation (Ar.
3. Qureshi RB (1987) Making the music happen in the
Sufi assembly. J Soc Asian Music 18(2):118–157 tarjama). Much of the hesitation around Qurʾān
4. Qureshi RB (1999) His master’s voice? Exploring translation arises from the worry that a translation
Qawwali and ‘Gramophone Culture’ in south Asia. will be seen as equivalent to the original text.
Popular Music 18(1):63–98
5. Abbas S (2003) The female voice in Sufi ritual: devo-
Defending against such conceptions, the ninth-
tional practices of Pakistan and India. Oxford Univer- century Muslim traditionist Ibn Qutayba asserts,
sity Press, Karachi “. . .no translator is able to put it [viz., the Qurʾān]
574 Qurʾān Translation in South Asia

into any (other) language, in a manner similar to interlinear translation Tāj al-tarājim fī tafsī r al-
the translation of the Gospel from Syriac into Qurʾān li-l-aʿājim by Ṭāhir ibn Muḥammad al-
Ethiopic and Greek....” (cited in [11]). At the Isfarāyinī (d. 1078–9) and also a twelfth-century
same time, however, jurists of the Ḥanafī school, rhyming prose translation by the jurist and theo-
or madhhab, recognized the permissibility of logian Abū Ḥafṣ ʿUmar ibn Muḥammad al-Nasafī
using Persian translations in the ritual prayer for (d. 1142) [12]. The strong linkages between
those incapable of pronouncing Arabic. While Mughal India and Transoxiana make it likely
this is, no doubt, a limited dispensation, it dem- that works such as these, or others comparable to
onstrates a greater openness to Qurʾān translation them, were available to Shāh Walī Allāh when he
and likely an implicit recognition of its occur- composed his translation. In fact, as late as the
rence. Yet, even still, Ḥanafī jurists are clear that 1880s, a translation ascribed to the celebrated poet
the translation is not equivalent to the Qurʾān but Saʿdī (d. 1291) was printed in Delhi alongside
serves only as a stand-in due to necessity [11]. Walī Allāh’s translation [9].

Premodern History of Translations in The Rise of Vernacular Translations

South Asia
Regardless of when the first written translation
South Asian Muslims have long engaged in was actually produced, it is clear that the nine-
Qurʾān translation. Precisely identifying the first teenth century witnessed a marked increase in the
instance of translation, however, is challenging. It production of written Qurʾān translations in the
is likely that oral Qurʾān translation formed a part vernacular languages of South Asia. Perhaps the
of how Muslim scholars, preachers, and Ṣūfīs most influential Urdu translation, Muḍiḥ-i Qurʾān,
communicated the message of the Qurʾān to written by Walī Allāh’s son Shāh ʿAbd al-Qādir
inhabitants of South Asia from the first centuries (d. 1815), was completed in 1791. First printed in
of Muslim presence in the region. There is, for 1829, the translation was often reprinted in sub-
example, the famous story of the polyglot Iraqi sequent decades. Another of Walī Allāh’s sons,
poet sent to Mahruk ibn Rāyiq, the ruler of Shah Rafīʿ al-Dīn (d. 1818), also translated the
a Kashmiri kingdom in the late ninth century. Qurʾān into Urdu during the early part of the
The king asked the poet to explain the Qurʾān to nineteenth century. Moreover, the British spon-
him in “hindiyya,” which ultimately led the sov- sored a Hindustani translation of the Qurʾān
ereign to convert to Islam [1]. under the supervision of John Gilchrist, which
In terms of written Qurʾān translation, Shah was completed in 1804. However, only a small
Walī Allāh’s Fatḥ al-Raḥmān bi-tarjamat al- portion of the translation was printed at the time,
Qurʾān completed in 1738 is often taken as the the rest remaining in manuscript [3]. By the sec-
first instance of a complete Qurʾān translation in ond half of the nineteenth century, translations in
South Asia. In the introduction to his translation, other South Asian languages began to appear in
however, Shāh Walī Allāh mentions that he exam- print, such as translations into Bengali (1868),
ined “existing translations of the Qurʾān.... Find- Sindhi (1870), Punjabi (1871), and Tamil
ing none satisfactory he decided to make a new (1873) [3]. In the early twentieth century, South
translation himself” (cited in [8]). While Shāh Asia was also the site of numerous efforts to
Walī Allāh does not specify the other translations translate the Qurʾān into English. The Aḥmadī
to which he is referring, recent research has scholar Muhammad Ali published his English
documented the long history of Qurʾān translation translation in 1917. In 1930, Marmaduke
and commentary in Persian emerging from Trans- Pickthall, working under the patronage of the
oxiana. There is, for example, an eleventh-century Nizam of Hyderabad, published his translation,
Qurʾān Translation in South Asia 575

The meaning of the glorious Koran: an explana- without its critics, Mawdūdī’s translation and
tory translation. In 1934, Abdullah Yusuf Ali, an commentary has been widely influential among
Indian civil servant, published his translation The lay Urdu readers and has even been translated into
Holy Qurʾān, which by the late 20th century other languages.
become one of the most widely circulated English
translations of the Qurʾān [4].
A detailed account of the rise of vernacular Translation Style and Form
Qurʾān translation in this period remains to be
written. However, it is clear that a number of Questions of translation style have frequently been
factors influenced this shift. First, the concurrent a matter of discussion among South Asian Muslim
rise of mass literacy and low-cost print and trans- scholars. The translations of Shāh Walī Allāh’s two
portation technologies during the late nineteenth sons are often looked to as models for how to
and early twentieth centuries meant that more approach the original Qurʾānic text. Shah Rafīʿ al-
individuals were able to engage with the Qurʾān Dīn’s translation takes a word-by-word approach
as a written, text. This created a greater demand (Ur., taḥt lafẓī ) closely following the syntax of the
for accessible, popular translations. Second, the original Arabic. Shāh ʿAbd al-Qādir’s translation,
growing prominence of vernacular languages as on the other hand, takes an idiomatic approach to
a literary medium made it possible and even desir- translation (Ur., bā-muḥāwara), giving the syntax
able to communicate a divine text in a vernacular of the target language greater weight in communi-
tongue [7]. Third, Qurʾān translations became an cating the meaning of the original Arabic [2]. Some
important site for articulating the authority and translations, such as that by novelist Deputy Nazir
distinct viewpoints of rival sectarian groups Ahmad, go a step further offering a more colloquial
(Ur., maslak) that came to dominate the landscape approach to communicating the divine message,
of South Asian Islam during this period. The but have not been without their critics [10].
ʿulamāʾ of each group, such as the Deobandīs As a final point, it is worth remarking on the
and the Barelwīs, produced their own Qurʾān textual form of South Asian translation. With only
translations and frequently criticized the efforts a few exceptions, Qurʾān translations printed in
of their rivals [6]. the subcontinent contain both the original Arabic
While translations produced in the late nine- text and the translation. One of the most popular
teenth and early twentieth centuries continue to be formats is an interlinear arrangement, where the
influential, efforts to translate the Qurʾān have original Arabic text is written in large font and the
continued throughout the twentieth century. As translated text appears in a smaller font under- Q
with earlier attempts, translations, especially into neath (see [2]). This difference in size and place-
Urdu, are often embedded in works of tafsī r, or ment helps to visually communicate the sanctity
Qurʾānic commentary, rather than standing alone of the original and its preference over the transla-
as independent texts. Doing so enables writers not tion. Another popular format, common in English
only to translate the text but also expound on its translations, is a dual column layout with Arabic
meanings to connect the seventh-century Arabic on the right and translation on the left. While on
text with the concerns of contemporary readers. the one hand this textual placement may signal
One of the most influential works in this category a greater equality of meaning, on the other, it may
is Tafhī m al-Qurʾān (Towards Understanding the simply be dictated by the limitations of aligning
Qurʾan) by the Islamist thinker, Abūʾl-Aʿlā two differently ordered scripts and languages on
Mawdūdī (d. 1979). Mawdūdī explicitly aims the same page. In both cases, however, the pres-
his work at the “lay reader. . .not well-versed in ence of the original emphasizes that the transla-
Arabic” by attempting a more readable and stylis- tions are meant to serve as supplements to, not
tic translation than existing works [5]. While not replacements for, the original.
576 Qutbuddin

References sphere in Western India. Econ Pol Wkly

34:3446–3456
1. Baloch NA (1993) The first translation of the Holy 8. Rizvi S (1980) Shāh Walī-Allāh and his times: a study
Qurʾan in the ‘Sind-Hind’ subcontinent: an examina- of eighteenth century Islām, politics, and society in
tion of the unique reference to it in the light of India. Maʼrifat Publishers, Canberra
historical evidence. Islamic Thought Scient Creat 9. Storey CA (1953) Persian literature: a bio-
4:7–17 bibliographical survey. Luzac, London
2. Ḥasan M, ‘Uthmānī SA (1936) ʻAksī ḥamā’il-i ṣharīf 10. Thānawī A ʿA (1909) Iṣlāḥ Tarjama Dehlawī.
mutarjam-o-muḥshā. Madīna Press, Bijnor Nawalkishore, Kanpur
3. Khan MH (2001) The holy Qurʾān in South Asia. Bibi 11. Tibawi AL (1962) Is the Qurʾan translatable?: early
Akhtar Prakasani, Dhaka Muslim opinion. Muslim World 52:4–16
4. Kidawi AR (1987) Translating the untranslatable: 12. Zadeh TE (2012) The vernacular Qurʾan: translation
a survey of English translations of the Quran. Muslim and the rise of Persian exegesis. Oxford University
World Book Rev 7:66–71 Press/The Institute of Ismaili Studies, Oxford/London
5. Mawdūdī SA-A (1958) Tafhīm al-Qurʾān. Maktabah-i
Taʿmīr-i Insāniyyat, Lahore
6. Metcalf BD (1982) Islamic revival in British India:
Deoband, 1860–1900. Princeton University Press,
Princeton
Qutbuddin
7. Naregal V (1999) Colonial bilingualism and hierar-
chies of language and power: making of a vernacular ▶ Aibak (Aybeg), Quṭb al-Dīn
R

Rahim with some exceptions. Since Muslim rituals follow

the Islamic lunar calendar, which moves through the
▶ ‘Abd’l-Raḥīm Khān-i-Khānān solar calendar, the fast in Ramaḍān falls sometimes
in the winter and sometimes in the summer (1).
From the perspective of the Islamic tradition,
Ramaḍān, the month of spiritual retreat, is marked
Ram Janmabhoommi by a month-long daily fast (ṣawm) followed by the
Eid al-Fiṭr designated as the “festival of fast-break-
▶ Baburi Masjid ing.” Key characteristics of this month include
increased remembrance of Allāh (zikr) and addi-
tional night prayer (tarāwiḥ), the commemoration
of the Blessed Night (Laylat al-Qadr, also known as
Ramadān Shab-e-Qadr), the giving both of the obligatory
˙ poor-due (zakāt) and voluntary charity (ṣadaqah).
Golam Dastagir This month is also notable for being the month
Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar during which the revelation of the Qur’ān (II:185)
University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh began, and the battle of Badr was fought. Ramaḍān,
Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University of which is the ninth month of the Islamic calendar,
Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia makes up 29 or 30 days, for its beginning and end
are subject to the visual sighting of the crescent
moon on the horizon. Influenced by the Persian
Synonyms cultures, Muslims in the Indian subcontinent widely
enunciate Ramaḍān as Ramzān – an Urdu term,
9th month of lunar calendar; Fasting in Islam; close to which is Ramazān in Persian.
Fasting in Ramaḍān; Muslim festival; Siyām

Meaning
Definition
The term “Ramaḍān” is derived from the Arabic
Ramaḍān is the sacred month in which Muslims all word “ramaḍ,” meaning “to burn,” or “to annihi-
over the world observe ṣawm, meaning fasting, late,” or “to destroy,” or simply “to restrain.”
which is one of the five pillars of Islam and is thus Now, the question arises as to what to burn or
an obligatory rite for every capable Muslim, albeit restrain. Scholars argue that the blessed month of
# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018
Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
578 Ramadān
˙

Ramaḍān is marked by ṣawm, which literally battle of Badr took place, which was led by the
means “to abstain from.” Thus, “Ramaḍān” is Prophet of Islam and divinely helped by Allāh, as
meant to restrain the ego known as the command- referenced in the Qur’ān (Q. III:123), through His
ing nafs (nafs-e-āmmara) [Q. XII:53] that incites [5,000] angels (Q. III:125). Victory in this battle
humans to evils, such as indulging in lust, temp- strengthened the status of Muslims as an emerging
tation, and lowly desire and involving oneself in force for the Arab world.
backbiting, slandering, jealousy, hypocrisy, etc. In
Islam, ṣawm is ordained for the month of
Ramaḍān in order that by practicing ṣawm, Celebration of Ramadān
which not only means abstention from eating, ˙
drinking, smoking, and sexual activity from Fasting, the prime duty for able-bodied Muslims in
sunrise until sunset but purification of both body Ramaḍān, begins with the predawn meal (suḥūr)
and mind as well through increased acts of piety, before sunrise and ends with breakfast (iftār) at
Muslims are blessed to have the opportunity to sunset. Muslims are also required to perform addi-
purge themselves from bestial influences and to tional prayer known as tarāwiḥ of 20 cycles
empty passionate tendencies out of the soul so (raka‘āh) in pairs, while others prefer 8 or 12
that the presence of the spiritual reality may be cycles in congregation in mosques, which cements
realized. The month of Ramaḍān is chosen for a harmonious bond of unity and solidarity among
ṣawm because the term “Ramaḍān” is derived them. Muslims stress the significance of tarāwiḥ
from the root word ramd, meaning “to burn into prayer because the Prophet of Islam is believed to
ashes,” “to destroy,” “to annihilate,” and the like have pronounced that “whoever prays at night in
and the purpose of ṣawm is, metaphysically speak- Ramaḍān out of sincere faith and in the hope of
ing, to burn the commanding nafs (nafs-e-āmmara) reward from Allāh, then all his previous sins will
[Q. XII:53] that attaches human beings to the mate- be forgiven” (1, Book: 32, Ḥadīth No: 226).
rial world and incites a person to commit all manner Another optional rite during the month of
of evils. For early Ṣūfīs (mystics of Islam), fasting Ramaḍān, especially during the last 10 days of
is one of the chief means for taming and training the Ramaḍān, is a spiritual retreat in mosques for
nafs (2). recitation of the holy Qur’ān, rumination of
Islamic values, and reflection on Allāh’s love
and bounty, seen as an act of devotional service
Historical Significance to God called iʿtikāf, meaning “staying in a special
place.” Some Indian Muslims confine themselves
For Muslims, Ramaḍān has a historical significance, in mosques for just the day and night of Laylat al-
right from the very beginning of the Islamic tradi- Qadr, while others stay more than a day in
tion. It is the month in which the revelation of the mosques in the state of fasting with the intention
holy Qur’ān commenced on the “Blessed Night” (niyyah) that such an act on this August occasion
called Laylat al-Qadr, also known as Shab-e-Qadr, earns them the mercy of God. The Prophet himself
the “Night of Honor,” and is believed to be better is reported to perform iʿtikāf in the last ten nights
than a thousand months in the Qur’ān (Q. XCVII:3). of the month of Ramaḍān and to ask his compan-
In the month of Ramaḍān, this night is considered ions to look for the Night of Power (1, Book: 32,
the most auspicious night for Muslims, not only Ḥadīth No: 237). In the month of Ramaḍān, he
because the revelation of the Qur’ān commenced used to spend periods of retreat in the cave of
on that night but for the contemplation it affords to Jabal al-Nūr (Mountain of Light) called the cave
seek salvation from Allāh through special supplica- of Hira near Mecca with a small measure of sup-
tion and supererogatory service (‘ibādah). plies in search of the Truth. Itself secluded, the
In the history of Islam, Ramaḍān is significant cave could hardly provide space for even two
for another reason. It is the month (17 Ramaḍān, 2 people together, but the Prophet of Islam would
AH; 13 March, 624 CE) during which the historic remain inside in seclusion, and in 610 CE, in the
Ramadān 579
˙

month of Ramaḍān, he received the first Divine recite to the Archangel Gabriel what was revealed
revelation of the Qur’ān. This retreat in solitary to him, taking the opportunity to confirm the
confinement in the cave of Hira can be designated contents and the form of the Book (3).
as iʿtikāf, which the Muslims, particularly those Ramaḍān is not just the month of restraint and
influenced by the mystical tradition (Ṣūfīsm) of cessation from temptation and abstinence from
Islam, practice on the 27th of Ramaḍān following eating, drinking, smoking, and sexual pleasure.
the night of Laylat al-Qadr, which is usually Rather, it comes to Muslims as a means for the
observed with religious fervor by Indian Muslims purification of the soul because Muslims strive to
on the night of 26th of Ramaḍān. be righteous, required to achieve nearness to Allāh,
Ramaḍān comes to an end with the approach of by pleasing Him through self-restraint (taqwā)
Eid al-Fiṭr, the largest religious festival for Mus- enshrined in the Qur’ān (II:183). As mentioned
lims across the world, which is observed on the before, they do this by means of the tarāwiḥ prayer
first day of the lunar month of what in Arabic is in which Muslims invoke (zikr) God more than in
called Shawwāl. It is a day of celebration for any other rite, and in response God recalls them, as
sharing greetings and pleasantries, rejoicing, car- He says in the Qur’ān, “Remember Me; and
ing for each other, and rejuvenating the bonds of I remember you” (Q. II:152). Thus, Muslims incul-
fraternity and fellowship. cate in their minds the essential values of patience,
Ramaḍān brings hope for the have-nots; for perseverance, tolerance, love, humility, and the
during this month Muslims are obliged to please like. Muslims believe the harvest of Ramaḍān
God by way of paying the poor-due (zakāt) will be reaped in the afterlife, as the ḥadī th says,
ordained by Allāh (Q. IX:103), engaging in vol- “When the month of Ramaḍān begins, the gates of
untary almsgiving called fiṭiyyah, and making the heaven are opened and the gates of Hellfire are
lump-sum contributions to charities of their closed, and the devils are chained” (1, Book: 31,
choice known as ṣadaqah (1). Ḥadīth No: 123). From another aspect of spiritual-
ity, Ramaḍān inspires Muslims to perform ‘umrah
(lesser Ḥajj), for performing ‘umrah in the month
Spiritual Significance of Ramaḍān equals to the ḥajj [in reward] (1, Book:
27, Ḥadīth No: 10).
More often than not, Muslims make a tripartite clas-
sification of the holy month of Ramaḍān on the
basis of distinguishing dimensions of God’s bounty Social Implication
for men, such as raḥmāh (mercy), maghfirat (for-
giveness), and najāt (salvation), respectively, with Ramaḍān has a significant impact on the social R
approximately 10 days for each. It is commonly affairs of the Muslim ways of living in the transi-
believed that a daily fast coupled with an increased tory world embroiled in violence, corruption,
supplication to God in the month of Ramaḍān tends injustice, extremism, fanaticism, and so on.
to be the most crucial method of spiritual training for Ramaḍān reminds Muslims of their social respon-
the remaining months of the year in order that the sibility toward neighbors, sisters and brothers, and
true adherents and believers of Islam can regulate others, regardless of the latter’s religious denom-
their lives in accordance with the tenets of the holy ination or sectarian affiliation. Ramaḍān is
Qur’ān and the traditions of the holy Prophet. believed to wipe off the tears of orphans and
Ramaḍān means blessing for Muslims on paupers and to ward off miseries and the precari-
another count. They believe that they receive ous conditions in which neighbors, relatives, and
rewards 10–700 times more in this month, and fellow friends find themselves. The physical,
therefore, not only do they fast, they also recite mental, and spiritual training of self-restraint dur-
the whole Qur’ān out of memory, from its begin- ing this month provides self-discipline for the rest
ning to the end in mosques during the tarāwiḥ of the year with a meaningful way of life rooted in
prayer, just as the Prophet Muḥammad would social justice, peace, and brotherhood through
580 Rashīd Ahmad Gangohī
˙

which to face numerous social maladies of con- 2. Schimmel A (1975) Mystical dimensions of Islam. The
flict, commotion, religious hatred, discrimination, University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill
3. Ramadan T (2007) In the footsteps of the prophet.
and so on. Oxford University Press, New York
From a medical point of view, some argue that 4. Bukhari M (1997) Sahih Al-Bukhari. The translation of
fasting in the month of Ramaḍān cleanses toxic the meanings of Sahih Al-Bukhari:Arabic-English
waste from the intestine and controls dyspepsia, (trans: Khan MM). Dar-us-Salam Publications, Riyadh
diabetes, ulcer, etc., and thus, Ramaḍān means
purification of the body.
Furthermore, from a psychological point of
view, Ramaḍān is characterized as the month of Rashīd Ahmad Gangohī
purification of the mind, for Muslims are expected ˙
by God to learn self-criticism and self-evaluation Brannon Ingram
necessitating them to ponder over how to rectify Department of Religious Studies, Northwestern
themselves by eliminating the scourge of inbred University, Evanston, IL, USA
extremist and fanatic elements before putting
sweeping blame on others for the negative por-
trayal of Islam. In this month, they cannot render
Definition
lip service to religion rather than reflecting the
Qur’ānic injunction in everyday affairs – to mind
Rashīd Aḥmad Gangohī (1829–1905) was an
their words and deeds. In the backdrop of variant
Islamic scholar, cofounder of the Dār al-‘Ulūm
tenterhooks faced by many Muslims struggling
Deoband madrasa, and author of an influential
for existence with humanity and dignity in the
collection of fatwas.
face of heavy odds emerging from both within
and beyond, the Muslim ummah needs to strive
to live by the true spirit of Ramaḍān in order to
rejuvenate the glory of Islam and reflect it in Life
action, especially when the unfed need to be fed
and the unclothed clothed, vis-á-vis unnecessary Rashīd Aḥmad Gangohī (1829–1905) was the
and unacceptable dumping by the wealthy of what cofounder of the influential Deoband School of
their fellow beings cry for, deserving most as north India and one of the most important Islamic
fundamental needs for survival. religious scholars (‘ulamā’) of nineteenth-century
India. He was born in 1829 in the north Indian
village of Gangoh. His family boasted a long line
Cross-References of shaykhs linked to the scholarly circles of Delhi;
his father studied with the family of Shāh Walī
▶ Dhikr/Zikr Allāh but died young, after which Gangohī left
▶ nafs home and eventually settled in Delhi to pursue his
▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia studies, following brief sojourns in Karnal and
▶ Ramaḍān Rampur. He stayed in Delhi for 4 years, studying
▶ Ṣawm with the famed teacher Mamlūk ‘Alī (d. 1850) of
▶ Ummah Delhi College. There he became intimately linked
▶ Zakāt to two other students of Mamlūk ‘Alī’s, Muḥam-
mad Qāsim Nānautawī (d. 1877) and Hājjī
Imdādullah al-Makkī (d. 1899), a revered Ṣūfī
References shaykh of the Chishtī Ṣābirī lineage [1]. The for-
mer would become, along with Gangohī, the
1. Nasr SH (2004) The heart of Islam: enduring values for cofounder of the Dār al-‘Ulūm Deoband in 1867,
humanity. HarperOne, New York while the latter became the Ṣūfī master to both
Rashīd Ahmad Gangohī 581
˙

Gangohī and Nānautawī. Under Imdādullah’s Muḥammad Qāsim Nānautawī’s death in that year,
tutelage, Gangohī progressed rapidly along the Gangohī took over Nānautawī’s role as chancellor
Ṣūfī path, from the status of a pupil to one quali- (sarparast) of Dār al-‘Ulūm Deoband. In 1896, he
fied to initiate others in a mere 40 days, according likewise became the chancellor of Maẓāhir al-
to one account. Gangohī was also reportedly ‘Ulūm in nearby Sahāranpūr, the madrasa that
Imdādullah’s very first pupil, the first among was modeled on Deoband and founded a mere 6
what would become hundreds. In Delhi, Gangohī months after Deoband itself [2].
also studied ḥadī th with Shāh ‘Abd al-Ghanī (d.
1868) of the Walīullah family’s Madrasa
Raḥīmiyya [2]. Fatāwa Collection
From a very early age, his biographers describe
Gangohī as a man singularly motivated by reform- Unlike some other scholars of Deoband, such as
ist fervor. Upon returning from Delhi to his home- Ashraf ‘Ali Thānawī, Rashīd Aḥmad Gangohī
town of Gangoh, Rashīd Aḥmad endeavored to was not a prolific writer. Aside from some Ṣūfī
eliminate devotional practices at the tomb of his treatises [4], collections of his assorted letters
ancestor, the Ṣūfī saint Shaykh ‘Abd al-Quddūs [5], and various statements and anecdotes by or
Gangohī (d. 1537). He was unsuccessful in this about Gangohī [6], he did not leave behind
pursuit, but Gangohī carried this intense criticism a large volume of written work. However, his
of devotional practices at Ṣūfī saints’ tombs relatively short collection of fatwās – juridical
throughout his scholarly career [3]. opinions on religious matters – is widely read
According to some sources, he fought along- and cited, both by those within the Deoband
side his master Imdādullah at Shamli during the School as well as by their detractors and critics
1857 revolt, spent 6 months in a British jail in [7]. Known as Fatāwa-yi Rashī diyya, these
Muẓaffarnagar, and began a career teaching juridical opinions were collected over the course
ḥadī th after his release [2, 3]. In 1864, he went of his lifetime, as numerous individuals solicited
on the ḥajj to Mecca, where he spent time with fatwās to clarify various matters, mostly
Imdādullah, who migrated permanently to the pertaining to theology, worship, and Islamic rit-
Hijaz in the wake of the 1857 uprising. He ual. Roughly one-third of his collected fatwās
would go on the ḥajj twice more in his lifetime, pertain to controversies over Muslim devotional
most notably in 1875 when he traveled with practice and Ṣūfīsm, pointing to the extent to
a large contingent of Deobandī scholars. which these issues animated Muslim thought
and debate in the late nineteenth-century India;
by and large, the fatwās decisively reject the R
Role in Founding of Deoband School notion that one can be a Ṣūfī and not abide by
the Sharī‘a in every respect. He also counseled
Gangohī’s greatest legacy is undoubtedly the strongly against popular practices that, in his
Deoband madrasa itself. He insisted, for instance, view, compromised the worship that Islam
that the institution should place its greatest empha- accords to God alone, such as submitting prayers
sis upon the “transmitted” (manqūlāt) religious and supplications directly to deceased Ṣūfī
sciences – such as the study of Qur’ān, ḥadī th, shaykhs, for example, or attending the death
and Islamic law – and should place little, if any, anniversary celebrations (‘urs) of Ṣufī shaykhs
emphasis on the “rational” (ma‘qūlāt) sciences, at their tombs [8]. He also strongly condemned
such as logic and philosophy. This remains one of the reverence, in his view dangerously excessive,
the signature features of the Deobandī network that many Indian Muslims accorded to the
today, where mastery of the six canonical Sunni Prophet Muḥammad during the Prophet’s birth-
collections of ḥadī th is the capstone of a student’s day (mawlūd) celebrations [7]. In fact, Gangohī
religious education. Until 1879, he functioned in an regarded his own Ṣūfī shaykh, Ḥājjī Imdādullah,
advisory capacity for the new madrasa, but after as far too conciliatory on these issues,
582 Reasoning

particularly that of mawlūd celebrations. 7. Gangohī RA (n.d.) Fatāwa-yi Rashīdiyya. Darsi Kitāb
Imdādullah held that, void of certain excesses, Khāna, Delhi
8. Ingram B (2009) Sufis, scholars and scapegoats: Rashid
saints’ death anniversary celebrations and hon- Ahmad Gangohi (d. 1905) and the Deobandi critique of
oring the Prophet’s birthday were both permissi- Sufism. Muslim World 99(3):478–501
ble and even had certain merits. Gangohī 9. Zaman MQ (2008) Ashraf ‘Ali Thanawi: Islam in mod-
resolutely rejected both, insisting especially ern South Asia. Oneworld, Oxford
that, for the Muslim masses, they opened up the
doors to all kinds of egregious offenses. His far
more stringent position on these practices has, by
and large, characterized most, though not neces- Reasoning
sarily all, Deobandī attitudes towards them since
then [9]. ▶ Ijtihād
To understand Gangohī’s influence on later
generations of Deobandīs, it is necessary to look
beyond his involvement in the Dār al-‘Ulūm
Deoband itself and to his role as a Ṣūfī shaykh.
He initiated hundreds of fellow scholars into the Recollection
Ṣūfī path, authorizing many of them to initiate
others (his khulafā), and this group includes ▶ Dhikr/Zikr
some of the most important figures of
the Deoband School in the late nineteenth century:
Khalīl Aḥmad Sahāranpūri, Maḥmūd Ḥasan,
Husain Aḥmad Madanī, Muḥammad Ilyas (foun-
der of the Tablīghī Jamā‘at), and many others. Religious Achievements

▶ Zoroastrian Accomplishments from the Tenth

to the Twentieth Century
Cross-References

▶ Ashraf ‘Alī Thānawī

▶ Chishtī Order
▶ Deoband School Religious Festival
▶ Fatwa
▶ ‘Urs
▶ Eid/’Īd
References

1. Ernst CW, Lawrence BB (2002) Sufi martyrs of love:

the Chishti order in South Asia and beyond. Palgrave
Macmillan, New York Religious Group
2. Mirathī MA (1978) Tazkirat al-Rashīd. Maktabah Baḥr
al-‘Ulūm, Karachi
3. Metcalf B (1982) Islamic revival in British India: ▶ Ummah
Deoband, 1860–1900. Princeton University Press,
Princeton
4. Gangohī RA (2005) Imdād al-Sulūk. Dār al-Kitāb
Deoband, Deoband
5. Gangohī RA (1994) Makātib-i Rashīdiyya (ed:
Muḥammad ‘Āshiq Ilahī). Idārah-yi Islāmiyyat, Lahore
Religious Minorities in India
6. Gangohī RA (2003) Irshādāt-i Gangohī (ed: Muftī ‘Abd
al-Rauf Rahīmī). Farid Book Depot, Delhi ▶ Jewish-Muslim Relations in South Asia
Rizvi, Saeed Akhtar 583

Religious Organizations Rite

▶ Al-Huda International ▶ ‘Urs

Religious Rights Ritual

▶ Muslim Personal Law ▶ ‘Urs

Religious Tax Rizvi, Saeed Akhtar

▶ Zakāt Iqbal S. Akhtar

Department of Religious Studies and Department
of Politics and International Relations, Florida
International University, Miami, FL, USA
Remembrance

▶ Dhikr/Zikr Synonyms

Allama; Sa’id; Sayed Akhtar Rizvi; Sayyid

Repetition of Zoroastrianism
Definition
▶ Zoroastrian Accomplishments from the Tenth
to the Twentieth Century Saeed Akhtar Rizvi (1927–2002) was an Indian
preacher who established the Bilal Muslim Mis-
sion in East Africa to spread the Ithnā ʿAsharī
creed to Africans through the support of the
Restoration of Islamic Ithnā ʿAsharī Khōjā community of Dar es Salaam R
Civilization and the Africa Federation.

▶ Islamization of Knowledge
Introduction

Saeed Akhtar Rizvi was born (Fig. 1) in Gopalpur

Restriction in the state of Bihar, India, on 5 January 1927 (1
Rajab 1345 A.H.) and died in Dar es Salaam,
▶ Ḥudūd Tanzania, on 20 June 2002 (8 Rabīʿ ʾal-Thānī
1423 A.H.) (Fig. 2). Reported to be a sayyid, of
the Prophetic bloodline, he was the son of Syed
Abul Hasan. After completing his elementary
Rind education in Goplapur, Rizvi received a tradi-
tional Shī‘ī religious education at Madrasa
▶ Qalandar Abbasia in Patna where his father was the
584 Rizvi, Saeed Akhtar

Rizvi, Saeed Akhtar,

Fig. 1 Saeed Akhtar Rizvi
(1927–2002)

Rizvi, Saeed Akhtar,

Fig. 2 Prayers at the
sarcophagus of Saeed
Akhtar Rizvi at the Khōjā
cemetery in Central Dar es
Salaam

vice-principal until 1940. In 1941 he continued to completed his high school diploma at Aligarh
the Madrasa Sulaimania, also in Patna, after University in 1958. In 1960 he was called by the
which he pursued further study at Jawadia Arabic Ithnā ʿAsharī Khōjā jamā‘at (“community”) of
College in Banaras from 1942 to 1947. He con- Lindi, Tanzania, to be the imam of the mosque
tinued through various traditional schools until he and served there for 2 years until 1963 when he
Rizvi, Saeed Akhtar 585

was appointed to the Arusha jamā‘at and finally Ahl al-Bayt Teachers Training College among
led the Dar es Salaam jamāt from 1965 to 1969. a wide range of other initiatives [1]. BMM is
organized both nationally and regionally. It has
been expanded globally, to include the Bilal Mus-
The Bilal Muslim Mission (BMM) lim Mission of Americas and Bilal Muslim Mis-
sion of Scandinavia. Funding for the BMM is
The creation of the Bilal Muslim Mission (BMM) based on both private donations and the
in 1964 was Rizvi’s defining legacy. Rizvi’s initial community’s coffers through a dispensation pro-
proposal in 1962 to create this body for tablī gh vided for the remittance of khums (“1/5th Shī‘ī
(“to propagate Shiism”) to Africans was received tithing”) to the marja‘ al-taqlī d (“instance of
hesitantly by the Khōjā who for more than emulation”).
a hundred and fifty years in Africa had practiced The BMM functions nationally and internation-
their religion as an insular caste tradition rather ally as a development nongovernmental organiza-
than as a missionary religion (Fig. 3) [2]. It was tion through a Shī‘ī Islamic rubric. Female
only with an appeal to Near Eastern authority, economic empowerment is seen through the obser-
a fatwa from Ayatollah Syed Mohsin al-Hakeem, vance of “Islamic” norms which include strict gen-
did the resolution to establish the mission pass at der segregation and the adoption of the hijab [8].
the 1964 triennial conference of the Africa Feder- The veiling of women is integral to this develop-
ation in Tanga [3]. Since its inception, there has ment model that has been adapted from and devel-
been a massive expansion of the project with more oped in conscious opposition to the historical
than 10,000 African converts in Tanzania [4]. As success of Protestant missionaries in the region [6].
of 2008, the BMM had 57 locations throughout Rizvi’s background and traditional madrasa
Tanzania managing a range of services from the training provided him linguistic competencies in
building of shallow water wells to the establish- Urdu, Hindi, Persian, Arabic, and English. Upon
ment of schools and housing for its community arrival in Tanzania, he learnt conversational Guja-
members. Projects in the Dar es Salaam region rati and Swahili. The latter would be critical in the
include the Bilal Comprehensive School and the publishing of materials for his propagation efforts,
such as the periodical Sauti ya Bilal (“The Voice
of Bilal”). His writings can be categorized into
four broad categories: propagation, translation,
polemic, and responsa. One of Rizvi’s the most
comprehensive translations was parts of
Ṭabāṭabāʾī’s al-Mī zān fī tafsī r al-Qurʾān [10]. R
Rizvi’s polemics were directed both internally at
Muslim critics of Shī‘īsm [5] and externally to
Western critics of Islam [9]. His responsa series
Your Questions Answered was published by
BMM and his “Question and Answer” column
regularly appeared in the African Khōjā
community’s preeminent periodical The Federa-
tion Samachar.

Legacy

His ultimate impact upon the Khōjā was to

Rizvi, Saeed Akhtar, Fig. 3 Logo of the Bilal Muslim
Mission with the Arabic balagh (‘declaration’) inscribed promote a normative Near Eastern legalistic
within it form of Shī‘īsm, [7] which replaced the apolitical
586 Rule of Law

communal form of Islam practiced by the African 2. Daya M (2002) A global tragedy – Allamah Sayyid
Khōjā hitherto his arrival in Lindi. He promoted Saeed Akhtar Rizvi passes away. Federation
Samachar. 23 Sept 2002, pp 43–45
religious engagement with Africans for conver- 3. Daya M (ed.) 52 YEARS DOWN.... A special cover-
sion on the premise of economic and social devel- age. Federation Samachar. 30, Zilhajj/April 1418 A.H./
opment. His propagation initiatives have spurred 1998C.E., vol. 7, pp 61–65
other such programs which continue to expand on 4. Jaffer A (2013) Conversion to Shi’ism in East Africa.
J Shi’a Islamic Stud VI:131–154
the impetus of the BMM mission in Tanzania, 5. Kanju MS, Rizvi SA (1999) Fitina za Wahhabi
such as WIPAHS, Radio Maarifa, and IBN-TV. zafichuliwa. Bilal Muslim Mission of Tanzania, Dar
es Salaam
6. Kassamali H, Walji H, Bhimji S (2004) Tabligh task
force. The World Federation of Khoja Shia Ithna-
Cross-References Asheri Muslim Communities, Leeds. Tabligh task
force report
▶ Aga Khan 7. King NQ, Rizvi SA (1973) Some East African Ithna-
▶ Ismaili Muslims Asheri Jamaats (1840–1967).1, s.l. : Brill, 1973.
J Religion in Africa 5:12–22
▶ Khoja 8. Rizvi SA (1997) Hijab, The muslim womens dress,
▶ Missionaries, Islam islamic or cultural? Ja‘fari Islamic Centre (Tabligh
▶ Nizari Ismailis Committee), Toronto
▶ Pir Hasan Kabirdin 9. Rizvi SA Need for religion. Bilal Muslim Mission of
Tanzania, Dar es Salaam
▶ Pir Sadruddin 10. Ṭabāṭabāʾī ʻAllāmah (1973) al-Mī zān fī tafsī r al-
▶ Satpanth Qurʾān. (trans: Saeed Akhtar Rizvi). World Organiza-
▶ Taqiyya tion for Islamic Services, Tehran

References
Rule of Law
1. Bilal Muslim Mission of Tanzania. Annual report. Dar
es Salaam: s.n., 2007. Annual report ▶ Muslim Personal Law
S

Sa’id Introduction

▶ Rizvi, Saeed Akhtar Saadat Hasan Manto (May 11, 1912–January 18,
1955) is generally considered to be one of the
greatest writers of Urdu prose. Born to
a Kashmiri Muslim family in modern-day India,
Manto would die a Pakistani citizen in Lahore.
Saadat Hasan Manto Manto’s relatively short life was marked by
a prolific career spanning several genres, includ-
▶ Saʿādat Ḥasan Maṅṫō ing radio and screenplays, essays, literary
sketches, and short stories. It is upon his achieve-
ments in the last of these categories, however, that
his fame chiefly rests. Ayesha Jalal, a leading
Saʿādat Ḥasan Maṅṫō historian of Pakistan, has called him “the greatest
Urdu short-story writer of the twentieth century”
Andrew Halladay [6]. Salman Rushdie has similarly praised Manto
South Asian Languages and Civilizations, as “the undisputed master of the Indian short
University of Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA story” [7].

Synonyms Early Education

Manto; Saadat Hasan Manto; Saadat Hassan Manto completed his early education in Amritsar.
Manto; Sadat Hassan Manto By most accounts, he was not an exceptional
student, preferring his self-selected readings to
his formal studies [2]. In high school he read
voraciously, especially English novels and plays;
Definition during his college years, also initially in Amritsar,
he developed an interest in Russian and French
Saadat Hasan Manto is considered one of the authors as well [7]. His translations of these Euro-
greatest writers of Urdu prose, best known for pean writers marked Manto’s initial entry into Urdu
his stories about Partition. literary circles. Mostly notably, after transferring to

# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018

Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
588 Saʿādat Ḥasan Maṅṫō

Aligarh Muslim University in 1934, he began to prostitution and violence – are clearly implied, if
associate with Premchand’s Indian Progressive not only always stated explicitly [1].
Writers’ Association, a group that sought to orient His most notable story of this period, “Bu”
Indian literature away from courtly conventions (Scent), details a sexual encounter between
and toward real-life social issues. Two years later, a poor woman and a rich man who had lost sexual
at the age of 24, he published his first collection of interest after his betrothal to a woman who,
short stories, Atish Pare. according to society, was his ideal bride. The
story exhibits remarkable subtleties and piercing
social commentary, yet these qualities were lost
Bombay Years on contemporary authorities, who tried Manto
unsuccessfully for obscenity. Manto famously
After a short time in Lahore, Manto settled in wrote in his defense: “If you find my stories
Bombay. He initially served as an editor for dirty, the society you are living in is dirty. With
a monthly film journal and gradually transitioned my stories, I only expose the truth.”
into work as a screenwriter for Hindi films. In
1941, Manto left Bombay for Delhi to write
radio plays for the Urdu branch of All India Partition and the Move to Lahore
Radio. His stay in Delhi lasted only 18 months,
but it proved highly productive. While producing With the Partition of India in 1947, Manto entered
a series of radio plays, he also wrote several a period of deep personal turmoil; he would him-
essays and short stories. He continued to work at self say of the experience, “I could not decide
an impressive pace upon his return to Bombay in which of the two countries was now my
1942. Although his most well-regarded screen- homeland – India or Pakistan” [4]. This inner
plays – especially an early version of Mirza crisis was exacerbated by professional woes.
Ghalib – appeared during this time, it was in his Ashok Kumar, who then headed Bombay Talkies
short stories, far removed from the creative for which Manto worked, had received a series of
restrictions of producers, that Manto found his threatening letters demanding the removal of
most enduring voice. Muslims from the company’s highest positions
Manto’s stories after his return to Bombay [4]. Manto’s film career was successful enough
moved away from the aims of the Progressive that he was not asked to leave, but concerns for his
Writer’s Association. They continued, to be sure, own well-being severely impacted his productiv-
to reflect the groups’ characteristic emphasis on ity. Despite the protestations of his friends and
social issues, but Manto’s literary techniques – colleagues, especially his fellow short-story writer
especially his frequent use of horrific surprise and best friend, Ismat Chughtai, he sent his wife
endings – were at odds with the realism of the and children to Lahore and followed them there in
Progressive camp [6]. Moreover, Manto’s writing early 1948 [2].
in this period demonstrates an acute understand- By all measures, Manto’s years in Lahore were
ing of the power of brevity; his descriptions of not happy ones [4]. Partition had depleted
setting, unlike those of many of his Progressive Lahore’s film industry of its resources and talent,
colleagues, are often restricted to a few sentences – and Manto, now unable to write screenplays,
sketching, for instance, the sound of the rain, or struggled to find other work. He tried his hand at
the bustle of a city street [7]. His Bombay writings journalism, but his choice of themes was distaste-
also exhibit humanistic undertones: even horrific ful to the conservative ethos of the time, and his
acts – and these are far from few – are depicted as column was canceled. He found some success
the product of circumstances rather than of evil. composing literary sketches of well-known con-
Bombay, the site of the stories’ composition, plays temporary figures – including Nargis, Ashok
a central role in the stories themselves; the city’s Kumar, and Muhammad Ali Jinnah – which
social problems – including such taboo topics as were featured in Daily Afaq [5]. Although less
Saʿādat Ḥasan Maṅṫō 589

remembered than his short stories, these sketches only a few pages, the story tells of a Sikh inmate at
were important in striking a balance between an insane asylum and his fruitless quest to deter-
playfulness and frankness largely unknown in mine whether his village, the eponymous “Toba
the genre before. Tek Singh,” is now in India or Pakistan. The story
offers an interpretation of “madness” that moves
beyond mental illness, taking aim at Partition
Later Works and Death itself and the political elite that engineered it.
Although Manto the writer found inspiration in
Manto’s lack of work left him with a great deal of the alienation of Lahore and the devastation of
free time, most of which he devoted to his short Partition, the same events took a heavy toll on
stories. These Lahore writings are generally con- Manto the man. Acquaintances reported that he
sidered his most mature, notwithstanding the dif- had become overly defensive and fragile, and that
ficult conditions under which they were he would frequently ask acquaintances for money
composed. His earlier stories had centered around he could not return. Always fond of a drink,
the social issues of Bombay; those written in Manto in Bombay had limited his drinking to
Lahore, meanwhile, were dominated by the vio- social occasions [4]. In Lahore, with few friends
lence and contradictions of Partition. Although and an uprooted social structure, he began to drink
Manto was one of the many contemporary writers heavily. In 1955, the poor quality of the alcohol,
to confront Partition, he was one of the few both to together with the vast amounts he consumed, led
successfully eschew melodrama and to move to his death, by cirrhosis, at the age of 42.
beyond a religio-national framework. Indeed, in
many of his stories, the religious identities of his
characters are either unclear or unimportant. As Legacy
with his earlier work, his partition writing is
marked by eerie, often horrific, coincidences and Manto maintains a dominant position in the study
a tendency to evoke the general through intense of twentieth-century Urdu literature, as attested by
focus on the particular [1]. several academic conferences that have explored
Siyah Hashiye (Dark Margins), published in his life, work, and legacy. In 2012, the centennial
1948, explores the horrors of Partition through of his birth was marked by celebrations and spe-
vignettes, some as short as a few sentences: cial events among Urdu-speaking communities
a Lahori rioter, injured in an attempt to demolish throughout the world. Indeed, Manto’s writing
the statue of a Hindu philanthropist, is taken to has achieved a near mythic status among many.
a hospital founded by that very philanthropist; One of his principal translators into English,
elsewhere, a hungry child mistakes a slain ice Khalid Hassan, describes his writing process
vender’s blood for jelly [4]. Although not men- thus: “He was one of those writers who never S
tioned explicitly in either text, rape is at the center revise anything they have written . . . [F]rom
of two of his most respected works from the start to finish, the hand remains steady and unusu-
period, “Khol Do” (Open) and “Thanda Gosht” ally beautiful” [4]. Such praise notwithstanding,
(Cold Flesh). The topic angered the authorities, Manto’s writings are little known outside Urdu
and Manto was tried, again unsuccessfully, for literary circles. Despite his many conservative
obscenity [3]. Although Manto had been tried detractors and his multiple obscenity trials there,
three times in British India, conviction had never in Pakistan Manto’s reputation is generally secure,
really been plausible. Now in Pakistan, with no and his works are regarded as an indispensable
financial resources and the very real possibility of part of the Urdu literary canon. In India, however,
jail time, these trials were especially damaging to his reputation has fared less well. Although
Manto’s flagging spirit. India was Manto’s main subject, his writings
“Toba Tek Singh,” generally regarded as there – like Urdu literature more generally –
Manto’s greatest story, was published in 1955. In have increasingly disappeared from the national
590 Saadat Hassan Manto

curriculum and popular consciousness [7]. In this

regard, Manto’s words, penned during Partition, Saiyad Sultān
seem almost prophetic: “Will Pakistan’s literature
be separate from that of India’s? . . . Who owns all Ayesha A. Irani
that was written in undivided India? Will that be Department of Historical Studies, University of
partitioned too?” [7]. Toronto at Mississauga, Mississauga, ON,
Canada

Cross-References
Synonyms
▶ Aligarh Muslim University
▶ Ismat Chughtai Saida Sulatāna; Saiyada Sulatāna (in Bangla);
▶ Lahore Saiyyad Sulṭān (in Arabic and Persian)

References Definition

1. Bhalla A (1997) Life and works of Saadat Hasan Saiyad Sultān (fl. 1615–1646) was a Bengali ālim
Manto. Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla and Sufi pī r, who had ties to the Chittagong region
2. Flemming LA, Naqvi T (1985) The life and works of
of early modern east Bengal, in what today is part
Saadat Hasan Manto. Vanguard Books, Lahore
3. Flemming LA (1979) Another lonely voice: the Urdu of the nation-state of Bangladesh. He is best
short stories of Saadat Hasan Manto. Center for South known in the Bangla literary tradition for his
and Southeast Asian Studies, Berkeley Nabī vaṃśa, “The Prophet’s Lineage,” the first
4. Hassan K (1997) Mottled Dawn: fifty sketches and
epic biography on the Prophet Muḥammad com-
stories of partition. Penguin, India
5. Hassan K (2008) Bitter fruit: the very best of Saadat posed in Bangla.
Hasan Manto. Penguin, New Delhi
6. Jalal A (2013) The pity of partition: Manto’s life, times,
and work across the India-Pakistan divide. Princeton
University Press, Princeton
Historical Details About the Author
7. Taseer A (2008) Manto: selected stories. Random
House India, London Saiyad Sultān (fl. 1615–1646) was a Bengali ālim
(Bangla for “learned man, theologian”) and Sufi
pī r, who had ties to the Chittagong region of early
modern east Bengal, in what today is part of the
Saadat Hassan Manto nation-state of Bangladesh. He is known among
his literary confrères as a pīr who authored the
▶ Saʿādat Ḥasan Maṅṫō Nabī vaṃśa, “The Prophet’s Lineage,” the first
epic biography on the Prophet Muḥammad com-
posed in Bangla. The text quickly achieved
canonical status within the early modern Muslim
Sadat Hassan Manto Bangla literary tradition, in part due to the inac-
cessibility to native Bengalis in this period of
▶ Saʿādat Ḥasan Maṅṫō Islamic literature written in Arabic and Persian
[18 (Chapter 8), 23].
Little historical evidence is available to
develop a clear picture of Saiyad Sultān’s life.
Saida Sulatāna Authorial colophons that periodically punctuate
the Nabī vaṃśa attest Sultān’s allegiance to
▶ Saiyad Sultān a Sufi guru/pī r by the name of Śāh Hosen, of
Saiyad Sultān 591

whose history and Sufi ṭarīqah little is known. Mālādhara Basu’s Śrī kr̥ṣṇavijaya, and the
Through the writings of Mohāmmad Khān, maṅgala-vijaya literature celebrating various
Sultān’s chief disciple, who came from a socially folk deities. Like these other pāñcālī s, the
prominent family of Chittagong, it is known that Nabī vaṃśa was largely written in the payāra
Sultān instructed Khān to complete his tale by and tripadī meters, and was performed and sung
writing the account of the battle of Karbalā, in various musical modes (rāga) specified by the
followed by an account of the eschaton; Khān author. The Nabī vaṃśa was thus a text to rival the
accordingly wrote Maktul Hosen, “The Slain Bangla Hindu pāñcālī s, the author himself stating
Hosen” [4, 5], completing it in 1646 C.E. ([15], his intention to steer Bengalis away from the
pp. 326–327). This dated manuscript ([22], Ms. enchanting stories of Rāma and Kr̥ṣṇa and toward
241, p. 161), along with other pieces of evidence, the figure of the Prophet of Islam ([6], Vol. 2, p.
including Mohāmmad Khān’s family tree, sug- 479). On the other hand, the Nabī vaṃśa’s self-
gests that Sultān’s birth date could have been no description also places it in the narrative traditions
earlier than 1580 [10, p. 124], and that the of the Arabic qiṣṣa or the Persian dāstān, espe-
Nabī vaṃśa was composed after 1600 but most cially the qiṣaṣ al-anbiyāʾ (“tales of the proph-
probably closer in time to 1646 ([18], ets”). As a sacred biography, it stands within the
pp. 29–44). Manuscript evidence further suggests Arabic sīra or biographical tradition on the
that Sultān resided at some time in his life Prophet Muḥammad as well as within the Bangla
in medieval Parāgalpur in Chittagong ([15], carita or hagiographical tradition, newly
pp. 294–295). Local memory associates Saiyad pioneered by the Gauṛīya Vaiṣṇavas around the
Sultān, the pī r, with medieval Cakraśālā, in figure of their charismatic founder, Kr̥ṣṇa
today’s Patiya district of Chittagong [13]. Manu- Caitanya (1486–1533). Written as a universal his-
scripts of the Nabī vaṃśa were largely collected tory, the Nabī vaṃśa also shares continuities in
from the Chittagong region, and to a lesser extent scope and form with both the medieval Islamic
from neighboring Comilla, showing that the tradition of the tāʾrī kh (“world history”) and with
Nabī vaṃśa acquired popularity in these areas. the Sanskrit purāṇa. Thus, the text straddles mul-
Sultān’s writings suggest that he was keenly inter- tiple linguistic, literary, and aesthetic traditions –
ested in issues of Muslim identity formation, com- Arabo-Persian and Indic ([18], pp. 192–196).
munity building, and conversion to the faith. The After Sāhityaviśārada Abdul Karim—a far-
polemical nature of his text and his scathing cri- sighted East Bengali manuscript collector and
tique of Kr̥ṣṇa, the supreme deity of the Gauṛīya literary expert, first brought the manuscripts of
Vaiṣṇavas, suggest that he viewed the missionary the Nabī vaṃśa to scholarly attention in the early
activities and rising popularity of Gauṛīya twentieth century [21, 22], the text was critically
Vaiṣṇavism in seventeenth-century Bengal to be edited by the Bangla literary historian, Ahmad
the most significant threat to the spread of Islam in Sharif [6]. Based on insubstantial evidence, S
the region. M. E. Haq [15, (p. 298), 16, 17] and Sharif
([24], pp. 64–73), following him, have attributed
to Sultān other works, such as Jñāna Pradī pa,
The Nabīvamśa, “The Prophet’s “Lamp of Knowledge” [3]; Jñāna Cautiśā, “The
˙ Other Works
Lineage,” and Thirty-Four Consonants of Knowledge” [2]; some
lyrical poetry, padāvalī [8]; and an untitled narra-
Saiyad Sultān describes his magnum opus, the tive poem on the Prophet Muḥammad’s defeat of
Nabī vaṃśa, as nabī ra pāñcālī (“The Prophet’s the infidel King Jaykum, provisionally entitled
pāñcālī ”) ([6], e.g., Vol. 2, p. 112), placing it, on Jaykum Rājāra Laṛāi, “The Battle with King
the one hand, in the Bangla narrative genre of the Jaykum” [1]. In addition, Haq has attributed
pāñcālī , devoted to purāṇic and non-purāṇic Iblisnāmā, “The Chronicle of Iblis” to Sultān
themes, prominent among which are the Bangla ([15], p. 298), an attribution that Sharif has effec-
Rāmāyaṇa of Kr̥ttivāsa (Śrī rāma Pāñcālī ), tively refuted ([24], p. 68). Among these, there is
592 Saiyad Sultān

some possibility that the Sufi practice-manual, prophets, Sultān’s text, in part, draws heavily
Jñāna Pradī pa, may have been written by the upon al-Kisāʾī’s Arabic Qiṣaṣ al-anbiyāʾ [9], par-
author of the Nabī vaṃśa, based upon shared ticularly for the tale-cycles of Mārica-Mārijāta,
attestation of the master-disciple relationship and Ādam down to the Prophet Īsā. The original
between Śāh Hosen and Saiyad Sultān, and con- source of the section of the Nabī vaṃsá on the
tinuities between the two texts’ conceptual Prophet’s life – the final section of the text –
frameworks. remains unknown. This section, designated Rasul
The Nabī vaṃśa’s grand scale and ambitions Carita in Ahmad Sharif’s edition, is divided into
make it the first major work to introduce Islamic three parts. Part one begins with an elaboration
doctrine to Bengalis in their mother-tongue. The upon distinctly Sufi cosmogonical themes, partic-
text relates the sacred beginnings of the cosmos ularly pertaining to the role of the Nūr Muḥammad
and its unfolding through religious history to meet in creation, adumbrated in the opening verses of the
its fulfillment in the Prophet of Islam. The cosmo- Nabī vaṃśa. Then follows Muḥammad’s birth and
gonical narrative includes the Sufi conception of his early life as a Prophet. The focus of part two,
creation emanating from the mystical communion Ś ab-i Merāj, “The Night of the Ascension,” is the
between God and the Nūr Muḥammad, the Prophet’s ascension, and his later crises and even-
Muḥammadan Light; the formation of the primor- tual successes in consolidating the faith (For a
dial pair, Mārica (Mārij in Arabic) and Mārijāta discussion of this section see [18, 19]). Part three,
(Mārija in Arabic), who produced two classes of Ophāt-i Rasul, “The Prophet’s Demise,” concerns
jinn; the eventual destruction of both parties by his last days and eventual passing, ending with
sin; and the futile creation of the four Vedas, a brief description of the conquests of the first
which, while failing to reform humankind, serves three caliphs [7].
to acknowledge the future manifestation of the
Prophet Muḥammad. The failure of various proph-
ets (designated as “great men,” mahājana in the Modern Legacy
text) – identifiable as specific Hindu deities, such
as Śiva, and various avatāras of Viṣṇu, including Unlike the Bengali Rāmāyaṇa of Kr̥ttivāsa and the
Rāma – to eradicate evil from the earth leads to Mahābhārata of Kāśīrāmadāsa, the Nabī vaṃśa
the eventual creation of Ādam. He is followed by did not find its way into print in the nineteenth-
a line of prophets including Hābil (Abel), Śiś century with the rise of print culture in Bengal. It
(Seth), Idris (Enoch), Nūh (Noah), Ibrāhim was instead eclipsed by Baṭatalā publications of
(Abraham), Hari (i.e., Kr̥ṣṇa), Musā (Moses), other Muslim Bengali genres and modern trans-
Dāud (David), Solemān (Solomon), Jākāriyā lations into dobhāṣī Bangla of Persian “tales of
(Zachariah), and Īsā (Jesus), whose stories are the prophets,” such as Muhammad Khāter’s trans-
told in some detail, building up to a lengthy lation of Ghulām Nabī Ibn ʿInāyatullāh’s Urdu
account of the Prophet Muḥammad’s life. translation of Isḥāq al-Nīsābūrī’s Persian Qiṣaṣ
A prophet born of the line of Kābil (Cain), Hari/ al-Anbiyāʾ ([25], Vol. 2, p. 713). The chief reason
Kr̥ṣṇa is the only Hindu god who punctuates the for the Nabī vaṃśa’s decline was the changing
line of Judeo-Islamic prophets after Ādam. While conceptions of Islam and the Prophet among
simultaneously being subsumed within Islamic urban Muslim Bengalis, who likely found Saiyad
prophetology, this Muslim Kr̥ṣṇa, and the Śaiva Sultān’s language and literary style, his pro-
and Vaiṣṇava predecessors of Ādam, uniquely phetological innovations, and his portrayal of
magnifies the Prophet Muḥammad’s genealogy the Prophet Muḥammad increasingly incongru-
with the hoary heritage of Hindu gods [12, 18 ous with their sensibilities. Nonetheless, while
(pp. 8081)]. the Nabī vaṃśa is not an important religious text
Albeit making significant narratological inno- for modern Bengali Muslims, there has been
vations to the traditional Islamic accounts of the a revival, in Bangladesh, of interest in it as
Saiyad Sultān 593

cultural heritage. Its author’s legacy has in fact Hosen: Sampādanā o ālocanā. Bangla Academy,
been contested by scholars and the faithful of two Dhaka
6. Nabīvaṃśa of Saiyad Sultān (1978). In: Sharif A (ed)
regions of Bangladesh – Chittagong and Sylhet Saiyad Sultān viracita Nabīvaṃśa, 2 vols. Bangla Acad-
[18]. The Chittagonian literary historians, M. E. emy, Dhaka
Haq and Ahmad Sharif, and more recently 7. Ophāte Rasul of Saiyad Sultān’s Nabīvaṃśa (1949/
Mohammad Ishaq Caudhuri [13], emphasize 1356 B.Ś.). In: Ahmad A (ed) Ophāte-Rasul, Marhum
Saiyad Sultān viracita. Ānjumān Ārā Begum, Comilla
Saiyad Sultān’s links to the Chittagong region. 8. Padāvalī attributed to Saiyad Sultān (1978). In: Sharif
Muhammad Asaddar Ali [10], Jatindra Mohan A (ed) Saiyad Sultān viracita Nabīvaṃśa, vol 2. Bangla
Bhattacharjee [11], Mazharul Islam [20], and Academy, Dhaka, 667–679
Saiyad Hasan Imam Hoseni Chishti [14], who 9. Qiṣaṣ al-anbiyāʾ of Muḥammad ibn ʿAbd Allāh al-Kisāʾī
(1922–23). In: Eisenberg I (ed) Vita prophetarum, 2
have espoused the Sylhettee cause, have made vols. E. J. Brill, Lugduni-Batavorum
attempts to prove that Saiyad Sultān’s birthplace
was Laśkarpur, a village within the Habiganj Secondary Sources
district of Greater Sylhet. Notably, Saiyad 10. Ali MA (1990/1397 B.Ś.) Mahākavi Saiyad Sultān.
Hasan Imam Hoseni Chishti, a local Sufi pī r of Mahākavi Saiyad Sultāna Sāhitya o Gaveṣaṇā
Habiganj, Sylhet, who claims to be the eldest Pariṣada, Habiganj, Sylhet
11. Bhattacharjee JM (1944–45/1351–52 B.Ś.) Kavi
living descendant of Saiyad Sultān, founded, in Saiyad Soltān (ālocanā). Sāhitya Pariṣat Patrikā 51(1
1988, the Mahākavi Saiyad Sultān Sāhitya o and 2):96–98
Gaveṣaṇā Pariṣada, the Mahākavi Saiyad Sultān 12. Bhattacharya F (1999) Hari the Prophet – an Islamic
Literary and Research Council. Such endeavors view of a Hindu god in Saiyad Sultan’s Nabi Vamsha.
In: Hasan P, Islam MM (eds) Essays in memory of
are a testimony to the early modern pī r-author’s Momtazur Rahman Tarafdar. Dhaka University,
enduring appeal to various modern-day Bangla- Dhaka
deshi regional groups, operating within secular 13. Caudhurī MI (1991) Saiyad Sultān viracita Nabī Vaṃś
and religious contexts. a kāvyera anulipi. Dainika I¯śāna [Published on
December 26]
14. Ciśtī, Saiyad Hāsān Imām Hosenī (1987/1394 B.Ś.)
Tarapha era itikathā. Maïnul Hāsān and Phirojā
Cross-References Iyāsmin, [Habiganj?]
15. Haq ME (1991/1398 B.Ś.) Muslim Bāṃlā sāhitya
[Bāṃlā Sāhitye Muslim avadānera saṃkṣipta itihāsa].
▶ Tarīqah In: Musa M (ed) Muhammad Enāmul Hak racanāvalī,
vol 1. Bangla Academy, Dhaka
16. Haq ME (1957) Muslim Bengali literature. Pakistan
Publications, Karachi
References 17. Haq ME (1997/1404 B.Ś.) Kavi Saiyad Sultān. Paper
presented at the fourth monthly meeting of the
Primary Sources Baṅgīya Sāhitya Pariṣada on 20th Aświn, 1341 B.Ś.
1. Jaykum Rājāra Laṛāi attributed to Saiyad Sultān In: Musa M (ed) Muhammad Enāmul Hak racanāvalī, S
(1978). In: Sharif A (ed) Saiyad Sulatān viracita vol 5. Bangla Academy, Dhaka
Nabīvaṃśa, vol 2 (2 vols). Bangla Academy, Dhaka, 18. Irani AA (2011) Sacred biography, translation, and
pp 551–561 conversion: the Nabīvaṃśa of Saiyad Sultān and the
2. Jñāna Cautiśā attributed to Saiyad Sultān (1978). In: making of Bengali Islam, 1600–present. PhD disser-
Sharif A (ed) Saiyad Sultān viracita Nabīvaṃśa, vol 2. tation, University of Pennsylvania
Bangla Academy, Dhaka, pp 661–666 19. Irani AA (2010) Mystical love, prophetic compas-
3. Jñāna Pradīpa attributed to Saiyad Sultān (1978). In: sion, and ethics: an ascension narrative in the
Sharif A (ed) Saiyad Sultān viracita Nabīvaṃśa, vol 2. medieval Bengali Nabīvaṃśa of Saiyad Sultān. In:
Bangla Academy, Dhaka, pp 573–660 Gruber C, Colby F (eds) The Prophet’s ascension:
4. Maktul Hosen of Mohāmmad Khān (1996). In: Miya cross-cultural encounters with the Islamic Miʿrāj
MS (ed) Mohammad Khān praṇīta Maktul Hosen: tales. Indiana University Press, Bloomington/
Sampādanā o ālocanā. DLitt thesis, Rabindra Bharati Indianapolis
University 20. Islam M (1999) Saiyad Sultān: his birthplace and time.
5. Maktul Hosen of Mohāmmad Khān. In: Miya MS (ed) In: Das RP (ed) Essays on middle Bengali literature.
(forthcoming) Mohammad Khān praṇīta Maktul Firma KLM, Calcutta
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21. Karim A (Sāhityaviśārada) (1997/1404 B.Ś.) Jñāna

Pradīpa. In: Caudhuri AA (ed) Ābdul Karim Samā‘
Sāhityaviśārada racanāvalī, vol 1. Bangla Academy,
Dhaka
22. Karim A (Sāhityaviśārada) (1914/1321 B.Ś.) Bāṅgālā James R. Newell
prācīna puthira vivaraṇa. Eka khaṇḍa, dui saṃkhyā. Vanderbilt University, Nashville, TN, USA
In: Sāhitya Pariṣad Granthāvalī, no. 43. Baṅgīya
Sāhitya Pariṣada Mandira, Calcutta
23. Miya MM (1993/1399 B.Ś.) Bāṃlā sāhitye Rasul
carita (1295–1980). Bangla Academy, Dhaka Synonyms
24. Sharif A (1972/1379 B.Ś.) 2006. Saiyad Sultān:
Tām̐ra granthāvalī o tām̐ra yuga [pariciti khaṇḍa]. Darbar-i-aulīya; Listening; Mahfil; Mahfil-i-
Reprint. Āgāmī Prakāśanī, Dhaka
25. Sharif A (1983) Bāṅgālī o Bāṅgalā Sāhitya, 2 vols.
samā‘; Music; Spiritual concert; Sufi concert;
New Age Publications, Dhaka Sufi ritual

Definition
Saiyada Sulatāna
An Arabic word signifying hearing, usually trans-
▶ Saiyad Sultān lated as “audition,” or “listening.” Most often
refers to a Sufi ritual in the tradition of the Dhikr.

Saiyid Ahmad Barelvi Introduction

▶ Sayyid Ahmed Barelvi In the context of mystical Islam, or Sufism, samā‘

refers to listening to the singing or chanting of
inspired or sacred words accompanied by music
for the purpose of spiritual arousal. The samā‘ is
Saiyyad Sultān a ritual practice, a formal communal gathering
˙ arranged for listening to spiritual music, and may
▶ Saiyad Sultān also include programs for spiritual dance. The
samā‘ ritual is designed and enacted with the
intention of focusing the attention of the listener
upon God and upon the spiritual master as guide
Salāh and exemplar. The purpose of the samā‘ gathering
˙ is to inspire ecstatic states of religious experience
▶ Prayer, Islam in the participants. In this sense samā‘ is related to
the practice of dhikr [Arabic, remembrance, or
dhikr allāh, remembrance of God]. The dhikr is
a group ritual practice in which sacred words or
Salāt phrases are rhythmically repeated in order to
˙ achieve communion with the divine and to inspire
▶ Prayer, Islam ecstatic spiritual states. In the case of samā‘, such
words or phrases are most often poetic composi-
tions set to classical and/or folk melodies and
rhythms. The musical sounds supporting the
Salīm sung texts in samā‘ are constructed and performed
with the explicit intention of guiding the listener
▶ Jahāngīr, Nūruddin Mohammad into subjective states of religious experience. In
Samā‘ 595

South Asia the most prominent form of samā‘ is Since there is no direct mention of music in the
qawwālī. Qur’ān, Ibn Abī’l-Dunyā relies mainly upon cita-
tions from the traditions of the Prophet, most of
which only touch on music tangentially. The cita-
Samā‘ History and Controversy tions usually address “diversions” generally,
including games such as backgammon and chess,
As early as the ninth century there has been con- denouncing them as a distraction from prayer and
troversy in Islam regarding the acceptability of religious practice [3]. Later writers, both Sufis and
samā‘, with opposition to samā‘ coming from legalists, discussed a host of topics, including the
conservative Muslims. Even among Sufis accep- legality of samā‘ at all, the use of musical
tance of samā‘ was not unanimous. Islamic instruments in sama’, whether dance should be
thinkers have always understood sound to be permitted, or the clapping of hands, the stomping
powerful; the primary objections to samā‘ have of feet, and the rending of clothing [1].
been that this power could be a distraction. The Responses to legalist objections to the use of
most cited objection to samā‘ has been that music in religious contexts typically argue that,
listening to music is a “diversion” that inhibits although some forms of music may distract Mus-
the believer from focusing upon God. In response lims from religious obligations, spiritual music is
to these objections, supporters of samā‘ have itself a form of supererogatory prayer and is an
emphasized that music can be an essential aid to aid, not a hindrance, to the religious life. Impor-
concentration on God rather than a hindrance [1]. tant proponents of samā‘ include the famous
The Andalusian Sufi shaykh Ibn ‘Arabī empha- theologian Abū Hāmid al-Ghazzālī (d. 1111)
sized the importance of sound with the argument and his lesser-known brother, Majd al-Dīn al-
that God “. . .places listening before knowledge Ghazzālī (d. 1126; also known as Aḥmed al-
and sight. The first thing we knew from God and Ghazzālī). Although samā‘ has never been uni-
which became connected to us from Him was His versally accepted, Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazzālī was
speech (qawl) and our listening (samā‘). . . The such an influential thinker that his support of the
cosmos can have no existence without speech on practice led to greater tolerance among legalists
God’s part and listening on the part of the cosmos” and theologians [3].
[2]. In terms of sound and music in religious Various details of behavior and etiquette
practice, the question for Muslims has never [adab] that Sufis have employed in the practice
been whether sound is powerful; rather, the ques- of samā‘ have primarily been developed in an
tion is to what end will this power be used? effort to assure that samā‘ falls unquestionably
The debate around the use of music, then, is into the ḥalāl, permitted, category of Islamic law.
essentially a question of into which category the The attacks upon samā‘, which were largely
use of music falls: ḥalāl or ḥarām, allowed or attacks by legalists upon the Sufi worldview in S
prohibited, lawful or unlawful. Although more general, actually served to encourage early Sufis
precise legal distinctions may be made, the sym- to attribute more and more powerful effects to
bolic categories of ḥalāl and ḥarām are key con- music and to further emphasize its potential for
cepts in understanding why it has been imperative spiritual benefit. These ongoing attacks on the
for Sufis to affirm that music is coextensive with practice of samā‘ contributed to the development
religion in the practice of samā‘. of symbolic features of the ritual practice as well
One of the earliest arguments against music, as symbolic characteristics in the music itself that
written in the ninth century, is Ibn Abī’l-Dunyā’s represent the manifestation of spiritual power
(d. 894) Dhamm al-Malahi [The Book of the [baraka].
Censure of Instruments of Diversion]. Ibn Abi’l- Although Ibn Abī’l-Dunyā includes music as
Dunya’s arguments in Dhamm al-Malahi became one of a general group of “diversions” from right
the standard model that continues to be followed living in which the élite of Baghdad of the period
in legalist arguments against music in Islam today. indulged, he does not actually criticize samā‘ as
596 Samā‘

a practice. Samā‘ as practiced by Sufi orders is not al-Dīn Awlīyā (d.1325) of Delhi and his disci-
opposed until later periods. It has been suggested ple, the famed Muslim poet Amīr Khusrau
that Ibn Abī’l-Dunyā’s objections to music may (d.1325). Nizām al-Dīn is a key figure in the
have been influenced by the use of music at the Chishtiyya Sufi lineage, the Sufi fraternity
court of the caliphate in Baghdad, where it was most closely linked with qawwālī and samā‘ in
often combined with drinking and other indul- South Asia.
gences [3]. This suggests that samā‘ as a formal The mahfil-i-samā‘ [assembly for listening] is
practice may have been in its formative stages at the most formal, ritualized aspect of qawwālī
this time and that key developments in samā‘ as performance in South Asia. The mahfil is com-
a ritual practice were defensive moves developed monly performed in the religious context of
to affirm the propriety of the practice and to a saint’s death anniversary [‘urs] and other highly
contrast it to the use of music at court. Even structured religious observations. The mahfil-i-
today in India, the formal samā‘ is enacted as samā‘ is the classic occasion for qawwālī . At
an imitation of the royal court. The physical this time a saint is honored in the person of
arrangement is that of a darbar [royal court], a shaykh in the saint’s lineage. Such a gathering
with the musicians facing the shaykh, (or door- typically takes place at a major dargah (Fig. 1)
way of the tomb shrine of a departed saint and is characterized as the darbar-i-aulī yā, or the
[walī ]). The themes of the song texts of the “royal court of saints.” As samā‘ developed in
samā ‘include songs in praise of Allah and the South Asia, it was not the court at Baghdad that
Prophet Muḥammad, but love songs [ghazals] was being imitated, but the court of the Delhi
are also included, as they were at court, although Sultanate. In the context of the darbar-i-aulī yā,
these are now understood metaphorically. To say the gathering symbolizes the spiritual reality of
that one is enraptured by the beloved is meant to the institutional lineage of the Sufi order as well as
signify love for the spiritual master, the shaykh, its mystical spiritual hierarchy [4].
or God; the wine cup is the heart; the wine within Not all Sufi orders in South Asia permit the
the cup is the intoxicating, ecstatic love for God. practice of samā‘. The Naqshbandiyya and the
It would seem that the development of the samā‘ Suhrawardiyya prohibit the use of music,
ritual was constructed deliberately in response to although they do allow the reading of mystical
legalists like Ibn Abī’l-Dunyā who criticized the poetry without musical accompaniment [5]. The
use of music in the royal court at Baghdad. It is as Chishtiyya, on the other hand, hold samā‘ in the
if the Sufi response was: “Yes, we use music, just highest regard. Acknowledging the variety of
like the people at court, but we answer each of attitudes towards music and samā‘ in South
your objections by directing our activities Asian Sufism, in their book Sufi Martyrs of
towards the remembrance [dhikr] of God.” This Love, Western scholars Carl Ernst and Bruce
in turn led to an emphasis on symbolic features in Lawrence [6] summarize the possible Sufi
the music itself, which supported the spiritual approaches to samā‘.
aims of the samā‘.
Sama‘ relates to the spiritual progress of a Muslim
mystic or Sufi adept in one of three ways: (1) it may
be totally excluded as inappropriate to Islamic
Samā‘ in South Asia: Qawwālī, teaching—mystical or nonmystical (as the Mughal
Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi [d. 1624] and his suborder,
Mahfil-i-samā‘, and Darbar-i-aulīyā
the Mujaddidiyya Naqshbandiyya, believed); (2) it
may be accepted as a penultimate stage on the
In South Asia the centuries-old tradition of mystical ladder leading to ontological unity, i.e.
samā‘ has been largely preserved through the perfection; or (3) it may be viewed as the top rung
of the ladder, itself the ultimate mystical experience
Sufi music of qawwālī . Qawwālī is essentially
when properly pursued.
the South Asian variant of samā‘. The establish-
ment of qawwālī as a musical genre is usually The Chishtiyya are the primary practitioners of
traced to the dargah of the Sufi shaykh Nizām samā‘ in South Asia, and for Chishti theorists, the
Satpanth 597

Samā‘, Fig. 1 Mohammed

Ahmed Warsi Nasiri
Qawwāl (playing
harmonium at left) and
party, performing at the
mahfil-i-samā‘ at the 2005
urs of Hazrat Babajan of
Pune, India

debate concerning samā‘ has always revolved 5. Qureshi RB (1995) Sufi music of India and Pakistan:
around the second or third categories. Although sound, context and meaning in Qawwali. University of
Chicago Press, Chicago
the controversy around music and samā‘ remains 6. Ernst CW, Lawrence BB (2002) Sufi martyrs of love:
unresolved in the larger Islamic community, for the Chishti order in South Asia and beyond. Palgrave
most Chishti Sufis samā‘ is an essential element of Macmillan, New York
worship [6].

Cross-References Satpanth

▶ Amīr Khusrau Carole A. Barnsley

▶ Nizām-ud-Dīn Awliyā Department of Religion, Transylvania University,
▶ Qawwali Lexington, KY, USA
▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia S
Synonyms
References
Imām Shāhī; Khoja; Momna; Nizārī Ismā‘īlī;
1. Gribetz A (1991) The samā‘ controversy: Sufi vs. legal- Shamsi
ist. Stud Islam 74:43–62
2. Chittick WC (1989) The Sufi path of knowledge: Ibn
al-Arabi’s metaphysics of imagination. State University
of New York Press, Albany Definition
3. Shiloah A (1997) Music and religion in Islam. Acta
Musicol 69(2):143–155 Satpanth literally means “true path” and is
4. Qureshi RB (1994) Samā‘ in the Royal Court of the
Saints: the Chishtiyya of South Asia. In: Smith GM,
a term associated with both Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs
Ernst CW (eds) Manifestations of sainthood in Islam. and Imām Shāhīs in the context of the Indian
The Isis Press, Istanbul subcontinent.
598 Satpanth

Context community, including its beliefs and practices,

that was established by the work of the Nizārī
After the fall of Alamūt to the Mongols in 654/ pī rs in South Asia. To that end it serves to both
1256, the Nizārī Ismā‘īlī community was scattered distinguish the Ismā‘īlīs in their Indic context
from Syria to various areas including Persia, Cen- from their non-Indic past and at the same time
tral Asia, and South Asia. As a result, Nizārī maintain their Shī‘ī, Imāmī, Ismā‘īlī, and Nizārī
Ismā‘īlism experienced a development of a wide heritage. At different though often overlapping
range of religious and cultural traditions in a variety times, this Nizārī Ismā‘īlī community in its Indic
of different languages ([3], p. 403). In this context, context has been variously referred to as Khojas,
the Imāms – designated spiritual heads of the com- Momnas, Shamsis, or Satpanthis. In these envi-
munity, henceforth imam – who had descended rons Satpanth Ismā‘īlism interacted with a variety
from Rukn al-Dīn Khurshāh were forced into hid- of other traditions both Muslim and Indic and as
ing and consequently concealed from their fol- a result took on many of their various religious
lowers. While a number of issues, including concepts. Through the practice of taqiyya, the
a scarcity of primary sources on the time period, community often mimicked many of the local
not to mention the practice of taqiyya, or religious religious groups. To this end, Satpanth Ismā‘īlism
dissimulation, obscure much of the beginning of is often likened to Sufi ṭarīqas. In fact many of the
this community, it is worth noting that a number of Nizārī pīrs were either directly or indirectly linked
scholars have studied and continue to study the to Sufi orders and were often claimed by the often
gināns (religious corpus of hymns) and other competing tradition posthumously. Like the Sufis,
related texts to shed more light on the subject the Satpanth Ismā‘īlīs tend to champion the eso-
([2], p. 82). During the first two centuries post- teric aspect of their faith, allowing for the adop-
Alamūt, the Nizārī imamate split into two: the tion and adaption of a number of different exoteric
Muḥammad-Shāhīs and the Qāsim-Shāhīs. While guises. Thus, in the Indic context, the pī rs readily
the former were initially more successful, at least in used local and often non-Muslim means of com-
the Indian context, the latter, beginning in the ninth/ municating Satpanth Ismā‘īlī beliefs and prac-
fifteenth century, eventually took control over the tices. A good example of this practice is seen in
communities in Syria, Central Asia, and India. the ginān literature. The gināns or hymns com-
While the imamate was still located in Persia, the posed by a number of different pī rs used both
imams remained in contact, however indirectly, Indic languages and Indic poetic forms and often
with their followers in India through da‘wa, or incorporated Hindu religious imagery to convey
mission activity. The communities in India cen- Nizārī Ismā‘īlī ideas. While the gināns continue to
tered themselves around a leader or pī r, who had be central to the Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs, gināns, such as
either been appointed by the imam of the time or the Dasa Avatāra, that epitomize the use of Hindu
selected locally by the community. Eventually the imagery, while fundamental to Satpanth
pī rs developed their own lineages, became more Ismā‘īlism, are now recited considerably less to
autonomous, and subsequently threatened the cen- the point of exclusion. The parallels with Indic
tral authority of the imam. In the face of this, the traditions did not rest with literary adaptations, as
imams, starting with Mustanṣir bi’llāh II, began to the pī rs themselves were often characterized as
send their own delegates to replace the local pī rs yogis or ascetics. While on one level they could be
and increased contact with them in order to reorga- likened to the shaykhs of the Sufi brotherhoods,
nize and control the communities in India. on another level they were just like any other guru
in the Indian context that was not necessarily
Muslim. This is where the panth of Satpanth
Satpanth and the Ismā‘īlīs makes more sense. It literally means path and in
its Indic context carried the connotation of being
Satpanth, meaning “true path,” is often used in a group centered on an individual, in this case the
conjunction with Ismā‘īlī to refer to the religious pīr. As such, Satpanth was the way the pī rs often
Satpanth 599

referred to the Ismā‘īlism that they were preaching a sayyid within the Nizārī community. Upon
in their gināns, as a path superior to that promoted his death in 919/1513, Imām Shāh’s son Nar
by others in their surroundings. Muḥammad allegedly seceded from the commu-
nity and established the Imām Shāhī sect in his
father’s name. It is in this context that the Imām
Satpanth and the Imām Shāhīs Shāhīs are referred to as Satpanthīs. The Imām
Shāhīs continued to compose and collect their
Satpanth is also associated with the Imām Shāhīs, own gināns, many of which are shared with the
a group who share a history with the Nizārī Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs. In time, they rejected any con-
Ismā‘īlīs in South Asia, but who also later seceded nection to the Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs and consequently
from the Nizārī community. It is specifically in their imams. That said, they recognize a number
this context of secession that the term Satpanth is of the early imams but add that their pī rs after
used to designate the Imām Shāhīs as an albeit Imām Shāh were in fact imams, with Nar
confusing way to distinguish them from the Nizārī Muḥammad being the last. Similarly, they allege
Ismā‘īlīs. As noted earlier, the pī rs, though ini- that the early pīrs up to and including Ḥasan
tially appointed and sent by the imam of the time, Kabīr al-Dīn were Twelver Shī‘īs. So while
eventually became powerful locally, and this is Satpanth in reference to the Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs
evidenced in the development of their hereditary would seem to refer to their teachings and beliefs
lineages and the autonomy they held in compos- centered around the pīr and later adopted and
ing their teachings, namely, the gināns. After the adapted by the imam, for the Imām Shāhīs, it
first archetypal and legendary pīr Satgur Nūr, and refers to their group identity as distinctly non-
the less elusive Pīr Shams al-Dīn, the pī rs tended Nizārī Ismā‘īlī and centered around a local
to be sons who inherited the position. So Pīr leader initially known as the pīr but later under-
Shihāb al-Dīn followed his father and was stood to be the Imām.
succeeded by his son, Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn, who in
turn was followed by his son Pīr Ḥasan Kabīr al-
Dīn. As with most hereditary lineages, it is not Cross-References
surprising that eventually there were challenges to
the line resulting in schisms. After the death of Pīr ▶ Aga Khan
Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn, it had become evident to the ▶ Imām Shāhī
imam of the time that the pī rs wielded too much ▶ Ismā‘īlīs
power in their locality and as such represented ▶ Khoja
a threat to the authority of the imam. To this end, ▶ Momna
the imam decided to designate Tāj al-Dīn, the ▶ Pīr Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn
brother of Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn, as the next pīr. ▶ Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn S
The designation upset his eighteen sons, some of ▶ Satpanth
whom were jostling to be pī r themselves. Tāj al- ▶ Shamsi
Dīn’s reign did not last long and ended tragically
with his suicide, after he was accused of pilfer-
ing from the tithe owed to the imam. Imām al- References
Din ‘Abd Raḥim b. Ḥasan (one of Ḥasan Kabīr
1. Asani A (1992) The Ismaili gināns as devotional liter-
al-Dīn’s sons), more popularly known as Imām ature. In: McGregor RS (ed) Devotional literature in
Shāh, tried in vain to succeed him. The imam of South Asia: current research, 1985–1988. Cambridge
the time, however, never gave him his official University Press
designation. This did not prevent him from fol- 2. Asani A (2002) Ecstasy and enlightenment. I.B. Tauris
3. Daftary F (2007) The Ismā‘īlīs. Their history and
lowing his calling as he continued to compose
doctrines, 2nd edn. Cambridge University Press
gināns and convert Hindus to Satpanth 4. Fyzee AAA (1934) Cases in the Muhammadan law of
Ismā‘īlism. For all his work, he is considered India and Pakistan. Oxford at the Clarendon Press
600 Saudā

5. Hamdani A (1956) The beginnings of the Ismā‘īlī Life

Da‘wa in Northern India. Cairo, Sirovic Books
6. Hollister JN (1979) The Shi‘a of India. New Delhi,
Luzac and Co Saudā was born in Delhi to a prosperous family.
7. Ivanow W (1922) Ismailitica. Mem Asiatic Soc Ben- His pen name “Saudā” is a pun meaning both
gal 8:1–76. Asiatic Society “mad passion” and “trade,” namely, his family
8. Ivanow W (1936) The Sect of the Imam Shah in occupation. His first teacher was Sulaimān Qulī
Gujrat. JBBRAS, NS 12:19–70
9. Ivanow W (ed) (1948) Collectanea, vol 1. Leiden Ḳhān “Vidād” and the tradition also considers
10. Kassam TR (1995) Songs of wisdom and circles of Shāh Ḥātim his teacher although they were
dance: hymns of the Satpanth Ismaili Saint, Pir Shams. about the same age [1]. Saudā was not formally
SUNY a student of the great philologist Ārzū but appar-
11. Khan D (1997) Conversions and shifting identities:
Ramdev Pir and the Ismailis of Rajasthan. New ently received advice from him on the value of
Delhi, Manohar Publishers and Distributors writing in Urdu as opposed to Persian. He was
12. Misra SC (1964) Muslim communities in Gujarat. active in the period when Ārzū and others were
New York, Munshiham Manoharlal establishing what precisely Urdu would be as
13. Nanji A (1978) The Nizari Isma‘ili tradition in the
Indo-Pakistan subcontinent. Delmar, New York a literary medium, and so he considerably
14. Shackle C, Moir Z, Ismaili (1992) Hymns from South influenced the direction of the new idiom. He
Asia: an introduction to the Ginans. London, Routledge moved to Farrukhabad (in modern-day Uttar
15. Subhan JA (1960) Sufism, its saints and shrines. Pradesh) in 1757. Towards the end of his life,
Lucknow
16. Virani S (2007) The Ismailis in the Middle in Middle he settled in Lucknow to serve Nawab Shujā‘ ud-
Ages. A history of survival, a search for salvation. Daulah and eventually his successor Āṣif ud-
Oxford University Press Daulah [2].

Poetry
Saudā
Saudā wrote verse in both Persian and Urdu,
▶ Saudā, Mirzā (d. 1781) which was then called “reḳhtah” or “mixed”
verse. His younger contemporary Mīr Taqī Mīr
calls him the “Poet Laureate” of reḳhtah in his
Nikāt al-shu‘arā [Subtleties of the Poets, 1752],
Saudā, Mirzā (d. 1781) the first tażkirah (biographical dictionary) of ver-
nacular poets written in Delhi. Saudā was
Arthur Dudney a prolific poet in the ġhazal form. He is regarded
Faculty of Oriental Studies, Oxford University, as one of the few outstanding qaṣīdah (ode)
Oxford, UK writers in Urdu, but his ḥajv (satire) is especially
prized. Arguably his most famous poem is
a satire usually known as Taẓḥī k-e rozgār
Synonyms (Ridiculing the Times), which portrays a world
turned upside down since all the honest profes-
Muḥammad Rafī‘ Saudā; Saudā sions are no longer worth doing [2, 3]. Saudā left
his greatest mark on the tradition by expanding
the secular possibilities of poetry, since previ-
Definition ously composition in Urdu in Delhi had gener-
ally been in a mystical vein (with the exception
Mirzā Muḥammad Rafī‘ Saudā (1706?–1781) of the tradition’s other great satirist, Ja‘far
was a poet active in Delhi, Farrukhabad, and Zaṭallī). His contemporaries Mīr Taqī Mīr and
Lucknow. He is known particularly for his Urdu Mīr Dard were both considerably more mysti-
satires and odes. cally inclined than he was [2]. He was a Shī‘ah
Sawm 601
˙

and wrote a satire on Shāh Walīullah, the famous

Sunni reformer of his time. However, religion Sawm
does not appear to have played a major role in ˙
his work as he was instead drawn to criticizing Golam Dastagir1,2 and Raihanah Abdullah3
1
pompous poets and ineffective government func- Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar
tionaries (and has no qualms about insulting fel- University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh
2
low Shī‘ahs). His poems appeared on colonial Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University of
Urdu proficiency examinations no doubt because Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
3
of their secular inspiration [4]. Department of Syariah and Law, Academy of
Although he apparently did not consider him- Islamic Studies, University of Malaya, Kuala
self a Persian scholar, he was competent in Per- Lumpur, Malaysia
sian like virtually all Urdu poets of his time. His
style in Persian was similar to that of Mirzā Ṣā’ib
(d. 1676), the great seventeenth-century poet Synonyms
active in Isfahan. He was drawn into a debate
over proper Persian style with the self-serious Fasting; Fasting in Islam; Fasting in Ramaḍān;
Faḳhr Makīn of Lucknow [1]. The end result of Muslim fasting; Siyām
this conflict was a mediation session personally
overseen by Nawab Āṣif ud-Daulah, if Āzād’s
much later account is to be believed. Saudā also Definition
authored a pamphlet against Makīn called ‘Ibrat
ul-ġhāfilī n (Advice to the Heedless) and for Ṣawm, often called al-Ṣawm by Islamic jurists
good measure also wrote a vicious satire about (‘ulamā’), is an Arabic word (pl. ṣiyām), which
him. The tradition records his visit with the literally means “to refrain from,” and, therefore,
Iranian émigré Shaiḳh Muḥammad ‘Alī Ḥazīn by ṣawm is understood, broadly speaking,
(1692–1766), who eventually settled in Banaras. “refraining from any action or speech.” Ṣawm
Saudā greatly respected Ḥazīn and apparently also refers to ṣumt, meaning silence. Known as
explained the subtleties of an Urdu verse to fasting in Islam, ṣawm is one of the five pillars of
him [4]. Islam – an obligatory rite for every capable Mus-
lim, however with exception, in the month of
Ramaḍān, the ninth month of Islamic lunar calen-
dar. Ṣawm in Ramaḍān does not follow any
Cross-References
specific date of the Gregorian calendar, because
the lunar calendar moves through the solar calen-
▶ Ārzū, Sirāj al-Dīn ‘Alī Ḳhān (d. 1756)
dar, and therefore, ṣawm is observed sometimes in S
the winter and sometimes in the summer [10]. For
Muslims in the Indian subcontinent, ṣawm is
References known as rozā – a Persian term, just as Ramaḍān,
is widely used as Ramzān – a term in Urdu, close
1. Azad MH (2001) Āb-e ḥayāt. Translated by Frances to which is Ramazān in Persian.
Pritchett with Shamsur Rahman Faruqi. Oxford Univer-
sity Press, New Delhi
2. Russell R, Islam K (1968) Three Mughal poets: Mir,
Sauda, Mir Hasan. Harvard University, Cambridge, MA Meaning
3. Hasan M (ed) (1966) Kulliyāt-e saudā. Popular Publi-
cations, Delhi Ṣawm simply means abstention from eating, drink-
4. Court H (trans) (1872) Selections from the kulliyat or
complete works of Mirza Rafi-oos-Sauda being the
ing, smoking, and sexual activity from dawn until
parts appointed for the high proficiency examination sunset. However, indulging in lust, temptation, and
in Oordoo. J. Elston, Simla lowly desire, and involving in altercation,
602 Sawm
˙

backbiting, and lying are also forbidden for Mus- Sea (Q. XX:47). The Qur’ān mentions that Mūsā
lims observing ṣawm, which is discerned as (Moses) completed the whole time appointed by
a sacred rite of religious penance and purification his Lord of 40 nights (VII:142), which is attributed
for body, mind, and soul. Muslims are also required to ṣawm by Islamic scholars, as the Arabic term
to restrain their passion, anger, and emotion during ta’bbatha mentioned in the said verse is
ṣawm as embodied in shari’āh. Ordained by God, interpreted to denote what is meant by ṣawm [3,
ṣawm has social, moral, and spiritual implications. 6, 8]. The Qur’ānic message concerning Mūsā’s
fasting reflects what is mentioned in the Jewish
scripture (Exodus, 34:28). The month Ramaḍān is
Historical Background chosen for ṣawm, because the term “Ramaḍān” is
derived from the root word ramḍ, meaning “to
The root word of “ṣawm” is ṣawmā, meaning “to burn into ashes,” “to destroy,” “to annihilate,”
abstain from.” One of the commonalities visible in and the like and the purpose of ṣawm is, meta-
major world religions is fasting, though in differ- physically speaking, to burn the commanding nafs
ent forms and on certain conditions. For example, (nafs-al-āmmara) [XII:53] that attaches human
Hindus observe upabāsh on certain days such as beings to the material world and incites to all
Purnimā (full moon) and Vaikunta Ekādasi (the evils. For early Ṣūfīs (mystics of Islam), fasting
eleventh day of the fortnight) [11], Buddhists is one of the chief means for taming and training
observe upasotha on full moon days [12], while the nafs [13]. They even made fasting more diffi-
Jews fast on Yom Kippur (Day of Atonement), cult, inventing the so-called ṣawm dā’ūdi, which
and Christian Catholics fast on Ash-Wednesday means eating one day and fasting another
and Good Friday, etc. From the Islamic perspec- day [13].
tive, fasting was prescribed by God upon all the
religious communities before the Prophet
Muḥammad, as the Qur’ān confirms: O ye who Norms of Sawm
believe! Fasting is prescribed to you as it was ˙
prescribed to those before you, that ye may Ṣawm, requiring one to make intention (niyāt) first,
(learn) self-restraint (taqwā) (II:183). However, begins with the pre-dawn meal (saḥūr) in which
compared to other religions that enunciate excep- God places grace (barakah) before dawn, and ends
tions in eating and drinking during fasting – even with ifṭār (breakfast) at sunset, just before the eve-
eating certain fruits and drinking juices are per- ning prayer time (Maghrib), as the Qur’ān says:
mitted in certain circumstances – fasting in Islam And eat and drink until the white thread is distinct
covers a broad spectrum in terms of methods, from the dark thread of Fajr (II:187). There is no
requirements, and purpose. specific food recommended for saḥūr (also called
The aforementioned verse (II:183) concerning sehri in the subcontinent) or ifṭār. The Prophet used
ṣawm was revealed in the month of Shaʿbān dur- to break his fast with a few dates and a glass of
ing the second year of the Prophetic migration water ([1], Ḥadīth No: 2349).
(hijrah) to Medina, though ṣawm is observed as The actions that Muslims are not permitted
obligatory for a full lunar month called Ramaḍān. during the fast include eating, drinking, smoking,
It is pertinent to mention that the Prophet of Islam, taking medicine; kissing, caressing, and having
prior to having received this verse in 624 C.E., sex; watching obscene movies or pictures; alter-
observed ṣawm on the day of Ashura (10th cating or arguing unnecessarily; assaulting, hurt-
Muḥarram of Islamic calendar) in a similar fash- ing, and harming others by words and deeds;
ion that Jews used to fast in Medina in pre-Islamic cheating, telling lies, hoarding foods; speaking
days ([9], Ḥadīth No: 2499). This relates to and thinking ill of others like backbiting, slander-
a historical event, which says that Mūsā (Moses) ing, jealousy, hypocrisy, etc. Suffice it to say that
by the mercy of God rescued thousands of Israel- sexual intercourse is not forbidden for couples
ites from the evil of Pharaoh by crossing the Red during night time.
Sawm 603
˙

Furthermore, of the actions that do not cause restraint,” which contains a number of connota-
one to break the fast include using tooth-stick tions, for example, love of God, patience, sincerity,
(miswāk); taking bath, washing mouth and nose; God-fearing, seeking God’s mercy, ethical stead-
blood testing and injections of non-harmful sub- fastness, controlling nafs (ego), etc. Broadly speak-
stances that do not provide nourishment; using eye- ing, the purpose of ṣawm can be two-fold: social
drops, and engaging in normal daily affairs, etc. responsibility and self-discipline – the former is
A misconception about the fast that looms large concerned with feeling in one’s body what the
in the public mind is the question of who should be have-nots and hungry people feel, while the latter
fasting. God is kind, and He does not impose on any is concerned with individual morality accentuated
soul a duty beyond its scope (Q. II:286). Ṣawm is in Islam [4]. Ṣawm as a solemn rite teaches Mus-
obligatory for those who have reached puberty and lims to feed the hungry, to become involved in
are mentally and physically sound. Thus, according giving charity and making donations, to refrain
to Islam, people who are exempted from fasting in from wasting food and drink, and above all to
the month of Ramaḍān are minor children, aged lead a simple social life imbued with the ethical
people who are not able to fast, travelers, physically teachings of Islam.
sick people, those who are mentally retarded, and
women who are pregnant, or breast-feeding, or
menstruating (Q. II:185). Of them, all except for Significance of Sawm
minor children and aged people are required to fast ˙
an equal number of days afterwards. Ṣawm tends to tame physiological and psycholog-
ical states and diverts them to surrender to the Will
of God. From the medical point of view, ṣawm
Classification of Fasting acts to detoxify and protect the human body from
the unending food intake. Besides, some health
Aḥmad bin Muḥammad bin ‘Abd Raḥman experts argue that fasting can have some advan-
al-Muqaddasī [2] categorizes fasting into three tages for health.
levels as follows: Though practiced voluntarily on some occa-
sions (for example, the day of ‘Āshūrā), ṣawm is
1. General Fasting – abstaining from food and obligatorily observed in the month of Ramaḍān,
carnal desires which is known as the blessed month in that the
2. Specific Fasting – lowering gaze, resisting revelation of the holy Qur’ān commenced in this
speaking on matters of triviality and vulgarity month (II:185), that is, on the night of “Night of
deemed as unwanted in Islam, and abstaining Power” (Lailat-ul-Qadr) characterized as a better
from acting on matters that are forbidden by night than a thousand months (Q. XCVII:3). It is
shari’āh. In this regard, a ḥadī th of the Prophet due to the sacred rite of ṣawm that in the month of S
narrates that whoever does not leave vile speech Ramaḍān, the gates of heaven are opened, the
and evil actions, God will not accept his fasting gates of hell are closed, and the devils are chained
([5], Ḥadīth No: 5710). ([5], Ḥadīth No: 6216.).
3. Explicit Fasting – this is the most intricate Muslims believe that the one who fasts will be
category whereby fasting purifies and protects specially rewarded. The Prophet is believed to
the heart and soul of Muslims by way of char- have said that God said to him: “Every good
ity, invocation, recitation, alms giving, etc. action is rewarded by 10 times its kind, up to
700 times, except fasting, which is for Me, and
I reward it” [7]. One of the underlying meanings
Purpose of Sawm of ṣawm is that God has bestowed upon Muslims
˙ two types of pleasure resulting from ṣawm: the
To single out the objective of ṣawm, scholars refer pleasure of breaking the fast with food and the
to the Qur’ānic term taqwā (II:183), or “self- pleasure of meeting with God in the Hereafter
604 Sayed Akhtar Rizvi

with consciousness of practicing ṣawm. Muslims Bukhari: Arabic-English). Dar-us-Salam Publications,

often refer to Sahl ibn Sa‘d, who is believed to Riyadh
6. Ibnu K (1999) Tafsir al- Qur’ān al-Azeem (Tafsir Ibnu
have reported that the Prophet had spoken about Kathir) (ed: Sami Ibnu Muhammad Salamah), vol 1.
a gate in paradise called ar-Rayyān through which Dar al-Tayyibah publication, Riyad
those who fast would pass on the day of resurrec- 7. Mālik ibn A (1989) Al-Muwatta of Imam Malik ibn
tion ([9], Ḥadīth No: 2569). Anas: The first formulation of Islamic law (trans:
Aisha Abdurrahman Bewlwey). Kegan Paul Interna-
The one who fasts wears the armor of purity tional, London
and sheds the deceitful life of the passionate ten- 8. Mehar IA (2007) Al-Islam: inception to conclusion.
dencies of the human nafs (ego) [10]. One of the BookSurge Publishing, South Carolina
esoteric meanings of ṣawm is that it is not sim- 9. Muslim I (1976) Sahih Muslim (trans: Siddiqui AH).
KAZI Publications, Chicago
ply giving up the consumption of food and 10. Nasr SH (2004) The heart of Islam: enduring values
drink; rather, it strengthens faith, broadens for humanity. HarperOne, New York
brotherhood and solidarity, rejuvenates spiritual 11. Rinehart R (2004) Contemporary Hinduism: ritual,
life, and remolds moral character. Muslims fast, culture and practice. ABC-CLIO Greenwood Press,
California
not only because it is incumbent upon them, but 12. Rinpoche W (2009) Buddhist fasting practice: The
also because fasting reminds them of God’s Nyungne method of thousand armed Chenrezig.
Divine design of creation and the purpose of Snow Lion Publications, New York
the life of temporal existence in the world. 13. Schimmel A (1975) Mystical dimensions of Islam.
The University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill
Since during ṣawm, one can experience the
pain of hunger and thirst as willed by God, one
can make at the same time space in one’s heart
for the Divine Presence through constant invo-
cation of God (dhirk/zikr) – a must-to-do rite
Sayed Akhtar Rizvi
without which ṣawm translates into nothing but
▶ Rizvi, Saeed Akhtar
a hunger strike.

Cross-References Sayyid

▶ Dhikr/Zikr ▶ Rizvi, Saeed Akhtar

▶ Nafs
▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia
▶ Ramaḍān
▶ Sūfism Sayyid Abū’l-aʿlā Mawdūdī

▶ Mawdūdī
References

1. Dawud A (2008) Sunan Abu Dawud. Dar Al Kotob

Al Ilmiyah, Beirut Sayyid Ahmad Barelwi
2. Al-Muqaddasi (1995) Mukhtasar Minhaj al-Qadisin.
Dar al-Ahair Litabaati wa-Annasyr wa Al-Taudia,
Dimascq ▶ Sayyid Ahmed Barelvi
3. Al-Qurtub (1935) Al-Jamiah al-Ahkan al-Qur’ān
(Tafsir al-Qurtubi), vol 1. Dar-al-Kutub al-Misriyyah,
Egypt
4. Asad M (2004) Road to Makkah. Islamic Book Ser-
vice, New Delhi
Sayyid Ahmad Shaheed
5. Bukhari M (1997) Sahih Al-Bukhari (trans: Khan
MM, The translation of the meanings of Sahih Al- ▶ Sayyid Ahmed Barelvi
Sayyid Ahmed Barelvi 605

practices and beliefs, rather than blind adherence

Sayyid Ahmad Shahid to customs and superstitions, and foreshadow his
eventual reformist career and armed struggle in
▶ Sayyid Ahmed Barelvi the way of God (jihād) ([1], p. 53).
He moved to Delhi to further himself, like
other young men of his age, in 1804 at the age of
eighteen. There, he ensconced himself into the
Sayyid Ahmed Barelvi celebrated family of Shāh Walī Allāh (Waliullah)
(d. 1762), one of the leading scholarly and reform-
Maheen Zaman ist families of eighteenth-century Delhi. Sayyid
MESAAS, Columbia University, Ahmed attached himself to Waliullah’s sons,
New Hyde Park, NY, USA Shah ‘Abd al-‘Azīz (d. 1824), considered the
most important scholar of his time, and Shāh
‘Abd al-Qadīr (d. 1814–1815), one of the earliest
Synonyms and most famous translators of the Qur’ān into
Urdu. Eventually, in 1811, he moved on from
Saiyid Ahmad Barelvi; Sayyid Ahmad Barelwi; these scholarly and Sufi circles to join the cavalry
Sayyid Ahmad Shaheed; Sayyid Ahmad Shahid of Amir Khan, a Pashtun warlord carving up ter-
ritory in central India. By 1818 he lost this
employment, as Amir Khan disbanded much of
Definition his army when he settled with the British and
became the Nawab of Tonk, Rajasthan. Later par-
Sayyid Ahmed died while fighting against a Sikh tisans of Sayyid Ahmed would read into his
army in Balakot, Pakistan, on May 6, 1831. He is sojourn in Delhi with Waliullah’s descendants
remembered primarily for forming a reformist and service in the company of Amir Khan as
order, Tariqat-i Muhammadiyya – the Muham- spiritual and martial training in preparation for
madan Path – and leading his disciples in an his later armed struggle ([1], pp. 53–55).
armed struggle against the Sikh confederacy to
establish a religiously organized state in the
Northwest Frontiers of what is now Pakistan. Establishing Tariqat-i Muhammadiyya
and Organizing for Jihad

Early Life: Piety, Education, and Military When he returned to Delhi, he renewed his ties
Adventures with the Walī Allāh family, and despite his lack
of formal training in religious sciences, he S
Sayyid Ahmed was born on November 29, 1786, attained a position of leadership among eminent
in Rae Bareli, India, into a family recognized as younger scholars (‘ulamā’) and mystics (ṣūfī s).
descendants (sayyid) of the Prophet Muḥammad Clearly, whatever Sayyid Ahmed lacked in intel-
and enjoyed the high esteem commensurate with lectual erudition, he more than made up for in
that socioreligious status. Unlike his brothers, charisma and sheer pietistic presence. Two of his
however, he showed no interest in his studies, most important disciples were Shah Ismail
spending most of his time instead in physical Shahid (d. 1731) and Shah Abdul Hayy of the
sports and martial training ([3], p. 27). His biog- Walī Allāh family. Conventionally, they should
raphers compensated for his functional illiteracy have given their oath of allegiance (bay‘ah) to
by extolling his piety, asceticism, generosity, the illustrious elders of their family; instead they
chivalry, and courage in the face of insurmount- pledged themselves to Sayyid Ahmed’s new
able danger. Many of their narratives both exem- order – Tariqat-i Muhammadiyya (The Muham-
plify his strict adherence to textually sanctioned madan Path) – and its program of religious
606 Sayyid Ahmed Barelvi

reform and armed struggle to establish a utopian resources and recruited fighting men for the com-
Islamic state ([1], p. 57). ing armed struggle. It made its way west from Rai
Two generations of the Walī Allāh family in Bareilly to the current borderlands of Afghanistan
the twilight of Mughal rule would become sem- and Pakistan ([2], pp. 84–88).
inal figures for almost all colonial-era Sunni
reform movements; groups ranging from funda-
mentalist to modernist would appropriate them Destiny Disrupted: Failure at the Margin,
as their movements’ founding fathers. These two Consequences for the Center
members of the family, especially Shah Ismail,
would become the controversial ideologues for Between 1926 and 1931, Sayyid and his group
Sayyid Ahmed’s reformist struggle. Due to Say- struggled to realize their ideals and dreams as
yid Ahmed’s functional illiteracy, his ideas and their war against the Sikhs turned into an intra-
words would be expressed and documented by Muslim conflict with the very Pashtun tribes
his disciples. Shah Ismail’s Strengthening of they expected to be their allies. They paid for
Faith (Taqwiyat-ul-Iman), which posed an inci- their naiveté as one tribal intrigue, and betrayal
sive criticism of the going Muslims practices and after another turned the tribal groups against
customs as contravening and compromising the them, when their rigid reformist agenda clashed
central Islamic tenet of the Unity of God against intransigent local customs and clan inter-
(Tawhid), was a manifesto for Sayyid Ahmed’s ests. Eventually, they were driven out of their
movement ([1], p. 56). base in Peshawar and left to their tragic end in
Shah Ismail, Abdul Hayy, and others in the the hilly town of Balakot. Along with his close
movement were pioneers in utilizing the print- friend and disciple Shah Ismail, he died on May
ing press to disseminate their reformist doctrine. 6, 1831, while fighting against a siege by the
They had a clear and simple message: Muslims Sikh army in Balakot, in modern-day Pakistan.
have strayed from the Prophetic example Sayyid’s body was never definitively recovered,
(sunnah) and indulged in such heretical mysti- and that led one group of his followers to create
cal practices as seeking intercession from dead myths of his imminent return, in preparation for
saints, adopting unsanctioned innovations in which they would continue with the struggle
honoring the family of the Prophet in imitation ([2], p. 72).
of the Shī‘a sect, and allowing non-Islamic poly- His supporters have memorialized him as
theistic customs to seep in to form a syncretic a reviver of religion, reformer of society, as one
Muslim tradition. All of this, according to them, who struggled in the way of God through words
explains the political and social decline of Mus- and swords and finally attained martyrdom in
lim polity and society. In order to right the ship, Balakot. In recognition of his sacrifice, he is also
there needs to be strict vigilance against such known as Sayyid Ahmed Shahid, i.e., Sayyid
heretical innovations (bid‘ah) and insidious Ahmed the martyr. His Muslim detractors, how-
polytheism (shirk). ever, judged him, his cohorts, and their reformist
They took their message on a tour of North doctrinal orientation as a puritanical betrayal of
India, preaching and debating with all comers traditional Sunni Islam. They ascribed the
until 1921 when they set off by sea towards derogatory moniker Wahhabi to the movement
Mecca for the pilgrimage (ḥajj). Sayyid Ahmad in reference to the maligned militant reformist of
then returned to his birthplace in 1923 after having the eighteenth-century Arabia, Muḥammad ibn
taken oaths from his disciples at Mecca to start ‘Abd al-Wahhāb. British colonial administrators
a Jihad for the establishment of a righteous and and historians happily adopted this pejorative
just religious state (imāmat) that would overturn appellation for his group and all other Muslim
the corrupt rulers (sulṭānat). This second tour subversive initiatives and their sympathizers
did more than preach and debate; it collected ([2], pp. 72–73).
Secularization and South Asian Islam 607

References Religion and the Colonial Event in South

Asia
1. Metcalf B (2005) Islamic revival in India: Deoband
1860–1900. New Delhi, Oxford
The idea of the secular can be understood in
2. Jalal A (2008) Partisans of Allah: Jihad in South Asia.
Harvard, Cambridge different ways. For instance, the secular can be
3. Ahmad M (1975) Saiyid Ahmad Shahid: his life and conceptualized as the imposed relegation of reli-
mission. Academy of Islamic Research and Publica- gion to the private sphere of personal piety, the
tions, Lucknow
separation of politics and religion, the valorization
of scientific rationalism over mysticism and the
supernatural, and the reification and rationaliza-
tion of religion as a category of life. Underlying
Sayyidul ‘Ulamā’ these varied modalities of the secular is the mod-
ern promise of managing, controlling, and defin-
▶ Naqvī, Ayatullah ‘Alī Naqī ing the limits of what counts as religion.
Secularization as a process, like the ideology
of secularism that it supposedly sustains, is
intimately bound to a politics of “religion mak-
ing” [15] invested in managing and constantly
Secularism reconfiguring the ideological boundaries of reli-
gion. The objective of this chapter is to highlight
▶ Secularization and South Asian Islam some of the major features of the relationship
between secularization and South Asian Islam.
The focus of this chapter will be on the ruptures
and transformations brought about by colonial
secular modernity on the discursive tradition of
Secularization and South South Asian Islam, especially in relation to Islamic
Asian Islam law, Muslim reform movements, and intra-religious
and inter-religious polemics involving Indian Mus-
SherAli Tareen
lim scholars.
Department of Religious Studies, Franklin and
The category of the secular is bound up with
Marshall College, Lancaster, PA, USA
its two twins: colonialism and modernity. Criti-
cal to navigating the interplay between secular-
ization and South Asian Islam is the event of
Synonyms British colonialism during which religious iden-
tities in South Asia were indelibly transformed. S
Almaniyya; Colonialism; Modernity; Secularism Indeed, no exercise in thinking the question of
religion in the postcolonial, post-secular present
can avoid the colonial secular history of this
category. That is especially true in the case of
Definition religious identities in contemporary South Asia
that in their various communal and nationalist
Secularization signifies a discursive and institu- apparitions remain haunted by a colonial poli-
tional process that strives to constantly control tics of representation. Perhaps that is why the
and reorganize the limits of religion as a category question of how the experience of British colo-
of life, such that religion is rendered more ame- nialism transformed religion in South Asia has
nable to definition, rationalization, and represen- dominated the problem space of South Asian
tation as the inverse of the secular. studies.
608 Secularization and South Asian Islam

Scholars have responded to this question in solidity. But following the epistemic interruptions
varied ways. These responses range from “the brought about by colonialism, what it meant to be
category of religion is itself a colonial construc- a Hindu, Muslim, or Sikh dramatically changed.
tion” [15, 18], to “religion may have existed The fuzziness of previous identities was
before the onset of colonialism but was no longer replaced by a notion of the self that was more
imagined the same way afterwards” [19, 22], to clearly defined and sharply delineated [12]. Iden-
“the shift from the pre-colonial to the colonial tity was now countable. Moreover, it was account-
represents more of a continuity than a rupture in able to both itself and to its various others.
how communities imagined their religious identi- Accounting for an identity is not only the insertion
ties” [14, 17]. of numbers in a census record corresponding to
But however one engages the question of colo- such signifiers as “Hindu,” “Muslim,” “Sikh,”
nial power; what cannot be disputed is that the etc. More importantly, accounting for an identity
modern life of “religion” as a category is indelibly also involves fashioning for it a memory to which
attached to the colonial discursive economy. it might then be held accountable. An enumerated
Indeed, one may argue that the very labor of identity is narratively committed to a particular
approaching “religion” as a translatable object of story of its memory. It is responsible to that mem-
analysis and critique is indebted to the technolo- ory. Therefore, in contrast to fuzzy identities, enu-
gies of knowledge and governance inaugurated by merated identities are much more amenable for
the British in India during the eighteenth and rationalization, objectification, and ideological
nineteenth centuries. mobilization against each other.
As various scholars have shown, “the [British] Central to this tectonic shift in how religious
conquest of India was a conquest of knowledge” identities were imagined was the role of knowl-
([6], p. 16). The colonial empire was made possi- edge and translation in the consolidation of colo-
ble by a discursive regime of “determining, codi- nial power. The colonial production of knowledge
fying, controlling, and representing the [Indian] about native “religions” was intimately connected
past” ([6], p. 16). Armed with modern instruments to a larger vision of secular humanism whereby
of manufacturing knowledge such as census and the state charged itself the mission of humanizing,
mapmaking, and abetted by the work of mission- rationalizing, and moderating native religious tra-
aries, philologists, and orientalists, the British ditions. Pivotal to this process was the labor of
constructed authoritative knowledges of what translating the diversity of native traditions in
India’s “culture/religion/history” was/is all about. a way that conformed to secular Protestant under-
Through this tectonic epistemic intervention in standings of religious authenticity. In the case of
native society, the British sought to reify India Islam, one of the arenas in which such a process of
and its people into a series of religious and cultural translation generated far reaching consequences
essences. These colonial regimes of knowledge was that of Islamic law.
production profoundly altered the narrative of
native religious identities and the normative
horizons of how those identities were conceived Law, Knowledge, and Secularization
and constituted [12].
Prior to the colonial moment, identities and The colonial cooption of the juridical landscape of
more importantly the boundaries separating iden- South Asia in the late eighteenth century was in
tity and difference were porous and fuzzy. To be many ways a hinge moment in the narrative of
clear, it is not as if a M(uslim would have not native religious traditions. After the British East
recognized herself as such or have been unable India Company established its political sover-
to distinguish herself from a Hindu, Sikh, and so eignty over Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa in 1765,
forth. However, the idea of a collective identity, the British undertook a series of legal reforms
a collective “we” bound by a shared history, mem- and programs of codification [23]. These reforms
ory, and place, had not yet achieved ideological produced major shifts in the conceptual and
Secularization and South Asian Islam 609

institutional apparatus of how law was imagined, would be a mistake to call the “Anglo-Muham-
interpreted, and implemented. madan” legal system a “hybrid” of Islamic and
Underlying colonial attempts to codify and British law.
regulate native legal discourses and traditions The term “hybridity” masks the unevenness of
was the desire to construct a legal system that power relations involved in the ostensible collab-
most “authentically” replicated the normative oration between the colonizers and the native
demands of authoritative religious texts and scrip- scholars/informants. Certainly, the valorization
tures. The colonial desire to locate the authenticity of specific legal texts as the unchallenged authen-
of individual religious traditions in their “origi- tic reservoirs of Islamic law and norms may have
nal” texts and scriptures is most clearly reflected conformed to the hermeneutical sensibilities of
in the following British legal proclamation issued traditionally educated Muslim scholars (the
in 1772: “in all suits regarding inheritance, suc- ‘ulamā’). But by arrogating to itself the task of
cession, marriage and caste and other usages and fashioning and generating religious laws and,
institutions, the law of the Koran with respect to more importantly, by fundamentally reorganizing
Mahomedans, and those of the Shaster with the conceptual and institutional terrain on which
respect to the Gentoos [Hindus] shall be invari- the very idea of law was imagined, the colonial
ably adhered to” ([23], p. 21). state dealt a massive blow to the religious author-
The result of this colonial attempt to craft ity of Indian Muslim scholars. “Historically, the
a legal code in accordance with authoritative most distinctive aspect of their [the ‘ulamā’] voca-
Muslim religious texts was what came to be tion, the interpretation of the law, was effectively
known as the “Anglo-Muhammadan law.” The being removed from them” ([23], p. 25).
Anglo-Muhammadan law was a juridical system Apart from eroding traditional modes of reli-
that represented a rather arbitrary composite of gious authority, the colonial construction of a new
English common law and certain classical Muslim juridical order also signified a massive rupture in
legal texts. These texts were primarily drawn from the conceptual economy of religion as a category
the Ḩanafī School of Islamic law that was domi- of life. The colonial intervention in the discursive
nant among South Asian Muslims. According to space of native tradition was authorized through
this new legal system, the normative injunctions a particular hermeneutics of religious authenticity.
of Islamic law were to be implemented among According to this hermeneutics, the authenticity
Indian Muslims exclusively for matters of per- of a religion was enshrined in its original scripture
sonal status such as marriage, divorce, children, and authoritative texts.
and inheritance. On the other hand, criminal law Moreover, that scripture was readily available
and laws of governance were derived from the for translation, evaluation, and comparison. In
English common law. other words, religion constituted a fully rational-
But even in regard to matters of personal status, ized and unambiguous repository of knowledge S
it was British colonial officers who ultimately crying out to be canonized. By translating and
decided on how particular tenets of Islamic law canonizing particular texts, one could uncover
were to be interpreted and enacted. Although the religious norms and laws that must govern
native religious assisted the British in codifying particular communities. The knowledge contained
and constructing laws, the power dynamics of this in religious texts was perfectly translatable into
relationship were hardly egalitarian. The British positive law. Religion was not only timeless and
were firmly in control of how the process of unchanging; it was also rational and predictable
inventing a new juridical order unfolded. More- and nestled in certitude.
over, following the abolishment of the office of The colonial discourse on Islamic law was
Muslim judges (qāḍī /pl.quḍāt) in the late eigh- part of a much more significant movement: the
teenth century, it was non-Muslim colonial offi- production of religion as a translatable object of
cers who came to occupy the position of judges in critique that was readily available to be human-
cases concerning Indian Muslims. Therefore, it ized, rationalized, and canonized. Notice how the
610 Secularization and South Asian Islam

colonial attempt to determine and catalog the most subjects as recorded in the Government of India
authentic and authoritative sources of Islamic law Act of 2 August 1858. In this proclamation, the
operated on the assumption that there was an colonial state declared that it was “bound to the
object out there called “Islam” that cried out to natives of Our Indian territories by the same obli-
be authenticated, verified, purified, and gations of duty which bind us to all our other
humanized. subjects” ([7], p. 165). Moreover, according to
In other words, the colonial discourse on this proclamation, all Indian subjects “were to
Islamic law was inseparable to a modern secular enjoy the equal and impartial protection of the
politics of critique that sought to render religion – law. . .and they were to be secure in the practice
in this case Islam – more responsible to its own of their religions” ([7], p. 165).
memory. This way of imagining religion was This proclamation was based on two main
leavened by the secular promise of defining, assumptions on the part of the British: “firstly
limiting, and reifying the limits of what counted that there was an indigenous diversity in culture,
as “authentically” religious. In their zeal to ratio- society, and religion in India, and secondly that
nalize, systematize, and canonize Islamic law, the foreign rulers had a responsibility for an equi-
the British advanced a new political rationality table form of government which would be
governing the normativity of individual religious directed. . .to protecting the integrity inherent in
traditions. According to this new political ratio- this diversity” ([7], p. 165, emphases added).
nality, the relevance and authority of native reli- Despite its claims to neutrality, the colonial
gious scholars depended on their capacity to promise of protecting and tolerating the “inher-
demonstrate their adherence to a certain, predict- ent religious diversity” of India was anything but
able, rational, and unchanging law. politically neutral. To the contrary, this fantasti-
To maintain their authority in the public cal promise was authorized by a discursive
sphere, Indian Muslim scholars were obliged to regime of regulating and defining the limits of
act as the representatives of an unchanging corpus what counted as “religion” worthy of toleration.
of law. Put differently, Indian Muslim religious The colonial discourse of religious tolerance was
scholars were conscripted into a conceptual and enmeshed in a modern secular politics whereby
institutional terrain that was not of their choosing the state charges itself the responsibility of con-
or making. That terrain, on which the discursive stantly regulating and reorganizing the limits of
tradition of Islam in South Asia was to operate religion.
from the late nineteenth century onwards, was In the context of British colonialism in India,
dominated by the conceptual and political hege- the seemingly ecumenical gesture of tolerating
mony of colonial secular modernity. religious difference was inextricable to the ideo-
logical reification of religion. It was precisely by
showing deference to religion that its boundaries
Tolerance and the Politics of Religion were demarcated. The moment of tolerating reli-
Making gion was also a moment of issuing a sovereign
decision on what did and did not count as religion.
The colonial secularization of religious identities The colonial state sought to establish itself as the
in South Asia, enabled through such mechanisms sovereign caretaker of religious difference by
as the codification of native religious laws, was mobilizing a discourse of tolerance. However,
inseparable to a liberal secular discourse of toler- just like the promise of canonizing and defining
ance. In fact, the idea of tolerating religious dif- religion remains incomplete and deferred to an
ference was at the heart of the very logic of unspecified future, so does the promise of resolv-
colonial sovereignty in India. The intimate rela- ing the threat of difference by making appeals to
tionship between secularization, liberal tolerance, respect and tolerance.
and colonial sovereignty is well captured in the This is so because the desire to manage reli-
British proclamation of sovereignty over Indian gious diversity by making appeals to tolerance
Secularization and South Asian Islam 611

remains arrested in an irresolvable contradiction. Religion and the Specter of the Secular
That irresolvable contradiction, that aporia, is
this: the very diversity and pluralism that form There is now a growing consensus among
the identity of the liberal secular state, colonial or scholars that “religion” cannot be treated as a
postcolonial, also threaten the stability of that culturally universal construct. Rather, religion is
identity ([1], pp. 34–84). The promise of freedom a relatively recent invention that emerged during
and autonomy for all citizens represents a central the nineteenth century and that is inseparable from
tenet that sustains the liberal secular state. How- the story of Western colonialism and modernity
ever, pluralism and difference threaten the sur- [3, 4, 5, 8, 15, 16]. As one scholar has commented,
vival of that freedom. This threat becomes “religion. . .must be considered the locus in which
visible during such moments of crisis as the the identity or figure of the West has in principle
destruction of the Babri Mosque by Hindu been constituted and defined” ([8], p. 37). There-
nationalist fundamentalists in Ayodhya in 1992, fore, “instead of speaking about the religious con-
the attacks against Muslims/“Muslim looking” sciousness of the West, it would be more judicious
Sikhs in post-9/11 America, and most recently, to say that the West is religious only in the very
the Park 51 controversy that erupted in 2010 over exact and strict sense that religion, as a notion
the proposed construction of a mosque in New intended to isolate a set of phenomena thenceforth
York City. considered homogenous, is the exclusive creation
These were all moments when the relationship of the West, and is thus what may constitute its
between the nation, citizenship, and freedom that innermost nature” ([8], p. 37).
the secular state strives to maintain was fractured. An impressive body of recent scholarship has
As a result, the state was compelled to remind its also shown that approaching the idea of the secu-
citizens about the virtues of tolerance and respect lar as the inverse of religion or the process of
and of their responsibility to tolerate their minor- secularization as a decline in religion is conceptu-
ity others. But no measure of reminders could ally unsound. Rather, it is more helpful to think
possibly resolve the irresolvable contradiction of about the secular as a fundamental epistemic shift
pluralism threatening freedom. The liberal state in which a field of discourse and practice comes to
strives to foster but is also constantly threatened be constituted as religion as such. Rather than
by a divergent politics of religious and cultural a more or less of religion, the secular should
pluralism. That is the irresolvable aporia of liberal instead be understood as a decisive break in the
secular democracy ([1], pp. 34–84). epistemic field of what constituted “religion.”
This aporia cannot be resolved by making The modern concept of religion is embedded in
appeals to tolerance, law, and justice. If anything, a particular cognitive orientation that thrives on
the reminder to tolerate minority communities the intelligibility and translatability of life.
only reinforces the distinctions of majority/minor- According to such a narrative frame, life is readily S
ity, self/other, and colonizer/colonized. More than available for division into compartments of
anything else, the moment of this aporetic dead- thought and practice that correspond to the master
lock allows the state to establish its own sover- signifiers of religious and secular. Rather than
eignty as the moderator of religious difference. a set of cultivated practices unavailable for trans-
This was precisely the mechanism through lation, religion emerges as a propositional truth
which the British authorized their sovereignty claim that might be rationally interpreted, evalu-
in India. A discourse of tolerance and pluralism ated, and contested. Concomitantly, the truth
was critical to the construction of colonial sov- claims of a religion also become available for
ereignty. Moreover, it also played a crucial role ideological mobilization against other such com-
in reifying religious identities and in further peting truth claims. After all, “when there is no
congealing the boundaries separating identity propositional ‘religion’ supposedly at the heart of
and difference both within and between reli- the religious life, and when there are no ‘religions’
gious communities. construed as mutually contradictory set of
612 Secularization and South Asian Islam

propositions, then the modern problem of two consecutive years in 1876–1877 in the North
‘conflicting religious truth claims’ cannot come Indian district of Shahjahanpur. Organized
into play” [11]. The story of the ideological reifi- through the patronage of the British magistrate
cation of religious identities in South Asia is also of the district Robert George Gray, this festival
inseparable from the modern colonial brought together leading Christian, Hindu, and
rearrangement in the epistemology of religion. Muslim scholars to debate the authenticity of
It is not a coincidence that the nineteenth cen- their respective traditions ([10], pp. 364–450).
tury was a time of unprecedented intra-religious Among the prominent figures who participated
and inter-religious adversarial activity in India. in this polemical festival were the founder of the
Indeed, one of the most dramatic consequences Arya Samaj, Dayanand Saraswati (d. 1883), and
of the secularizing conditions of colonial moder- one of the founders of the Deoband Madrasa,
nity in India was the explosion of both intra- Qāsim Nānotawī (d. 1877). The leading protago-
religious and inter-religious polemics to which nist on the Christian side was Father Knowles,
several prominent Muslim religious scholars gen- a British missionary in Shahjahanpur, who also
erously contributed. These polemics that first served as the headmaster of a local missionary
erupted during the nineteenth century continue school. Knowles had rapidly grown in promi-
to haunt the religious imagination of postcolonial nence due to his highly effective proselytizing
South Asian Muslims even today. The polemical efforts in the region. A charismatic and aggressive
warfare of the late nineteenth century was enabled debater, he had participated in a series of such
by a set of modern discursive and institutional polemics in North India, though none of this
conditions that were particularly well suited for scale ([10], pp. 364–450).
the sustenance of doctrinal battles and rivalries. In Preparations for this event had been under way
a profound conceptual shift, religion was now for many months in advance. It was heavily adver-
seen as a set of propositional truth claims readily tised in local newspapers and through the distri-
available for translation, evaluation, and ideolog- bution of pamphlets. In addition to the
ical competition. This way of imagining religion participants, hundreds of people from neighboring
was in complete harmony with the liberal secular towns and villages attended the event and served
promise of defining and regulating the limits of as spectators to this mega polemical showdown.
religion as a category of life. The participating scholars made their way to
The politico-conceptual terrain introduced by Shahjahanpur from various parts of North India
the British imperial project made thinkable the on the train. For instance, Qāsim Nānotawī,
exercise of mobilizing a set of propositional truths accompanied by around twenty associates, trav-
called “religion” against other rival religions. eled more than 400 miles on the train from
Indeed, the relevance of a religious community Deoband to Shahjahanpur via Delhi. The actual
now depended on the capacity of its members to event was held under large tents that had been put
establish the supremacy of their truth claims over up on a tract of barren land in the village of
those of their rivals. In this competition for doc- Chandapur in Shahjahanpur. The British magis-
trinal legitimacy, the discourse of religious trate’s office provided more than 200 chairs, food,
polemics thrived. The native religious elite and other necessary items for the event. They had
(including Muslim scholars) and foreign Christian also arranged for the local police to monitor the
missionaries participated in a number of polemics venue and to prevent the eruption of communal
in which the truth and untruth of individual reli- violence.
gions were publically contested. The format of the polemic was decided by the
A particularly illustrative example of how the competing parties. It included both short and lon-
colonial political economy catalyzed the market- ger speeches on specific topics, followed by rebut-
place of religious polemics is found in a public tals and questions. The debate largely focused on
event called “The Festival of Deciding the (True) theological and philosophical questions such as
God (maylā-yi khudā shināsī )” that was held for monotheism, divine will, the problem of evil,
Secularization and South Asian Islam 613

rebirth and transmigration, and so on, as each in which the veracity of religious truth was at
side strived to establish the exclusive authentic- stake would have been unthinkable even a few
ity of its doctrinal system. As one might expect, decades earlier.
no resolution was reached and each side claimed
victory. In addition to inter-religious polemics
such as the one in Shahjahanpur, the Muslim Secularization and Native Projects of
scholarly elite in the nineteenth century also par- Religious Reform
ticipated in a number of public intra-religious
polemics that pitted the pioneers and leading The colonial reconstitution of the Indian public
scholars of leading reform movements such as sphere also facilitated the emergence and efflores-
the Deobandīs, Barelwīs, Ahl-i Ḥadīth, the cence of major Muslim reform movements that
Ahmadiyya, and so on. transformed the religious consciousness of the
There was something both old and new about elite and the masses alike. In the period following
these polemical moments. On the one hand, the the 1857 mutiny (in which Indian Muslims were
genre of polemics (munāẓarāt) has always been brutally defeated by the British), the learned elite of
an important part of the Muslim scholarly tradi- Muslim India were divided into competing “ideo-
tion in South Asia and elsewhere. However, the logical orientations” (masālik, sing. maslak), each
proliferation of polemical activity in late nine- offering contrasting programs of religious reform.
teenth-century India also constituted a significant From this moment on, the production and dissem-
rupture from the past. Unlike premodern ination of knowledge took on an unprecedented
polemics, pivotal to the logic of religious group-centered orientation. The concept of maslak
polemics in the nineteenth century was the spec- which in its Urdu modality can best be rendered as
tatorship of a “public” readily available to be an “ideological orientation” flowered in the latter
reformed, evangelized, and doctrinally persuaded half of the nineteenth century like it had never
by competing truth claims. The witnessing capac- before in Muslim India.
ity of the public represented the condition of pos- Arguably the most prominent of the nine-
sibility for such polemics. teenth-century Indian Muslim reform movements
In fact, these polemics represented as much was the Islamic seminary cum ideological orien-
a competition for the assent of the public as they tation, the Deoband Madrasa. The Deoband
were invested with specific doctrinal positions Madrasa was established in the North Indian
and outcomes. There was something resoundingly town of Deoband, Uttar Pradesh, in 1867 by
modern about the idea of a “public” immediately a group of prominent Indian Muslim scholars
available for persuasion through the display of (‘ulamā’). More specifically, it was the charis-
doctrinal artifacts. Moreover, the emergence of matic scholars Rashīd Aḥmad Gangohī (d. 1906)
a public that represented the object of polemical and Qāsim Nānotawī who set the foundations of S
spectacles was in turn made possible by the tech- this educational institution of religious learning
nologies of print, transportation, and commerce that has impacted the intellectual, social, and
introduced by the British in India. The concep- political history of South Asian Islam in profound
tual space in which religion as a discursive cate- ways. Today, some 150 years later, with its parent
gory was imagined was inextricably bound to the institution in India, the Deoband School boasts the
institutional conditions that informed the con- largest network of satellite madrasas all over Paki-
tours of that space. Discourse and conditions stan, Bangladesh, as well as neighboring countries
were mutually entangled, each reinforcing the in Asia and beyond, in countries as far afield as
other. The competition over religious authentic- those located in the Caribbean, South Africa, Brit-
ity that consumed Indian religious scholarly elite ain, and the United States. Deoband affiliated
(including Muslim scholars) was inseparable to Madrasas number circa 50,000–60,000 institu-
the institutional conditions of colonial secular tions on the Indian subcontinent alone, with the
modernity. Indeed, the idea of public polemics largest concentration in India ([21], pp. 99–115).
614 Secularization and South Asian Islam

However, it is important to stress here that also born in the late nineteenth century. The
although numerous Islamic seminaries in various Barelwī school was founded by the charismatic
countries call themselves “Deobandi,” their ties to and prolific nineteenth-century scholar Aḥmad
the founding school in the town of Deoband, Riḍā Khān (d. 1921) from the North Indian town
which continues to exist until today, may well be of Barayli (hence the name Barelwī for his fol-
only tenuous or even nonexistent. This is an lowers and group.) The pioneers of both the
important point because it illustrates that apart Barelwī and Deobandī schools were prominent
from the physical institution of the seminary, the scholars of the Ḥanafī School of Islamic law.
term “Deobandi” also connotes a certain ideology, They were also among the most influential Ṣūfī
or a particular thought style within Sunni Islam in masters of their era. But while they were deeply
the modern world. invested in Ḥanafī law and Ṣūfīsm, the Deobandīs
At the centerpiece of Deoband’s reformist plat- and Barelwīs differed sharply on the question of
form was an egalitarian imaginary of Prophet what it meant to be a Sunni Ḥanafī Muslim under
Muḥammad’s authority. For example, in the conditions of colonialism.
view of Deobandi scholars, calling the Prophet In contrast to their Deoband rivals, the center-
one’s brother would not amount to offensive or piece of the Barelwī ideology valorized above all
disrespectful speech or conduct. On the contrary, the element of love characterizing the Prophet’s
such an affirmation of the Prophet’s human qual- relationship with God. For the Barelwīs, any nor-
ities was to be encouraged. The well-known pro- mative argument that might undermine the Proph-
phetic saying, “I am unlike any of you” (lastu ka et’s charisma as God’s most beloved subject, such
ahadin minkum), only referred to Muḥammad’s as questioning his ability to intercede on behalf of
unique status as a recipient of divine revelation, sinners or calling his birthday celebration a her-
the Deobandīs argued. In all other matters of esy, was nothing short of anathema. Moreover, it
human existence, he was much like anyone else. was not only distasteful but also heretical for
Therefore, for the Deobandī scholars, it was intol- anyone to even ponder, let alone actualize, such
erable to believe that the Prophet possessed utterances as calling the Prophet one’s brother.
knowledge of the unknown (‘ilm al-ghayb). This Any speech or conduct that even theoretically
theological position was pivotal to their opposi- punctured the aura of Muḥammad’s prophetology
tion to rituals such as the celebration of the Proph- was unpalatable to Barelwī sensibilities ([21],
et’s birthday, during which he personally appeared pp. 165–200).
at multiple gatherings simultaneously. For the The Barelwī-Deobandī conflict, centered on
pioneers of Deoband, the perfection of competing imaginaries of prophetic charisma,
Muḥammad’s prophecy was enabled by the per- generated a fair number of polemics, rebuttals
fection of his humanity ([21], pp. 99–130). An and counter rebuttals, and even charges of unbe-
important offshoot of the Deoband Madrasa was lief. But despite all their doctrinal animosities,
the Tablighī Jamā‘at, a transnational evangelical because they were both adherents of the Ḥanafī
movement founded in 1926 by the North Indian School of law, Barelwīs and Deobandīs at least
scholar Muḥammad Ilyās Kandhlawī (d. 1944). honored the authority of the same juridical texts
Closely aligned to Deoband and its ideology, the and personalities. While their interpretations dif-
centerpiece of the Tablighī Jamā‘at’s reformist fered, they shared a common interpretive canvass.
platform was the cultivation of personal piety That was not the case with the Ahl-i Ḥadīth, the
through intense salvational activity involving other major Muslim reform movement in colonial
devotional bodily practices and evangelizing India, who rejected the very legitimacy of that
missions. canvass by denying the canonical authority of
Among traditionally educated scholars, the the four Sunni schools of law.
authority of the Deoband Madrasa was most The pioneers of the Ahl-i Ḥadīth, such as the
eagerly challenged by its chief competitors, the founder of the school Siddiq Hasan Khan (d.
Barelwī and the Ahl-i Ḥadīth schools that were 1890), argued for an interpretive canvass that
Secularization and South Asian Islam 615

restricted the sources of religious norms to the unparalleled, this line of argument, Khān argued,
Qur’ān and the normative model of the Prophet was destined to fall on deaf ears during the mod-
exclusively. Apart from this hermeneutical dis- ern moment. Instead, he proposed, Muslims
agreement, Ahl-i Ḥadīth scholars also quarreled should argue that the Qur’ān was inimitable
with their Indian Ḥanafī counterparts on the nor- because of the eternal nature of its message for
mative legitimacy of three specific practices humans of all generations. Grounding the reason-
related to the performance of the fivefold daily ing for Qur’ān’s inimitability on its content rather
prayers: raising both hands (raf‘al-yadayn) during than its form, Khān suggested, represented a bet-
prayers, saying “Amin” aloud (amin bil-jahr), and ter strategy to convince non-Muslims in moder-
reciting the Fātiḥa behind a prayer leader (fātiḥa nity of the Qur’ān’s and in turn Islam’s veracity.
khalf al-imām). Khān, a bureaucrat in the colonial administra-
In addition to the Deobandīs, Barelwīs, and the tion, strived to provide Indian Muslims with intel-
Ahl-i Ḥadīth, the religious landscape of nineteenth- lectual resources that might facilitate their
century Muslim South Asia was also populated by assimilation into the political and institutional
a number of other reformist movements, figures, environs of colonial modernity. To this end, he
and ideologies. The growth of print in late nine- founded the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental Col-
teenth-century India made it possible to access lege in 1875 (later Aligarh Muslim University).
demographically and geographically diverse audi- The mission of this university was to produce
ences. As a result, the authority of traditionally graduates who were at once faithful to Muslim
educated Muslim scholars was fragmented, as sev- tradition and active participants to colonial civil
eral new competitors and banner bearers of reli- society. In addition to traditional sources of reli-
gious reform established themselves in the public gious learning, students were also taught Western
sphere. science and English [13].
Among the Muslim modernists, arguably the Another important movement of Muslim
most influential religious reformer was Sayyid reform in colonial India was represented by the
Aḥmad Khān (d. 1898), the founder of the famous Nadwat al-‘Ulamā’, an Islamic seminary cum
Aligarh Muslim University. According to Khān’s ideological orientation that originated in 1894
conception of reform, it was incumbent on Indian and was formally established as an institution of
Muslims to embrace Western scientific knowl- higher learning in 1906 in the North Indian city of
edge as a way to restore the rational foundations Lucknow. The Nadwat al-‘Ulamā’ sought to har-
of Islam, a view for which he was scathingly monize the traditionalist and modernist currents of
criticized by traditionally educated scholars. South Asian Islam by producing Muslim scholars
His vision of normative Islam was also hostile who were both intimately familiar with traditional
to ritualism and popular practices that in his opin- disciplines of knowledge and also attuned to the
ion were unsanctioned by the Qur’ān and the epistemologies of modernity. At the heart of S
normative model of the Prophet. These two bodies Nadwat al-‘Ulamā’s program of religious reform
of knowledge, he argued, represented the exclu- was the promise of fashioning a class of Indian
sive sources of authority in Islam. Underlying his Muslim scholars who were at once cosmopolitan
reform project was the desire to establish compat- modern citizens and impeccable custodians of
ibility between Muslim tradition and the modes of traditional knowledges, norms, and virtues.
reasoning operative and dominant in modernity. Among the most influential scholars attached to
For instance, in just one among his many innova- Nadwat al-‘Ulamā’ were such towering figures as
tive moves, he argued that in modernity, it was no the founder of the school Muḥammad ‘Alī
longer viable for Muslims to argue that the Mongīrī (d. 1927), Sayyid Abū’l-Ḥasan ‘Alī
inimitability of the Qur’ān was due to its Nadvī (d. 1999), and Shiblī Nu‘mānī (d. 1914).
unmatched linguistic prowess, the traditional A more messianic project of reform was
Muslim position regarding Qur’ān’s inimitability. spearheaded by Mirzā Ghulām Aḥmad (d. 1908),
While he agreed that the Qur’ān was linguistically a prolific scholar from the town of Qadian in
616 Secularization and South Asian Islam

Punjab. Aḥmad claimed to be a reviver “reform” Islam in light of the new position of
(mujaddid) of the Indian Muslim community. Indian Muslims as colonized subjects. However,
More controversially, he also proclaimed to be what the work of reform meant for them varied
the promised messiah (the Mahdī ) who was to significantly, often resulting in heated debates and
appear at the end of time in Muslim eschatology. polemics. These competing currents of Muslim
Aḥmad’s claims were based on a complicated read- reform were as much products of a transformed
ing of the doctrine of prophecy in Islam that allo- colonial public sphere as they contributed to that
wed for its continuity after Prophet Muḥammad’s sphere’s transformation. The conceptual and insti-
death. His followers and the movement they tutional terrain of colonial modernity represented
established came to be known as the Ahmadiyya. their condition of possibility. Advancements in
In addition to defending his views from the technologies of print and transportation, an
onslaught of other Muslim scholars in colonial increased sophistication in networks of com-
India, Mirzā Ghulām Aḥmad also engaged in sev- merce, the introduction of new methods of educa-
eral public debates and polemics with Christian tion, and the creation of vernacular languages
missionaries and Hindu religious figures. Despite were all critical factors in making thinkable the
being intensely persecuted, especially in Pakistan idea of “reforming” a public.
where the state declared them unbelievers in 1974, Apart from propagating their ideologies
the Ahmadiyya have thrived and grown not only in through the technologies of colonial modernity,
South Asia but also all over Asia, Europe, and the pioneers of nineteenth-century Muslim reform
North America [9]. movements were also indebted to the modern
The Jamā‘at-i Islāmī, founded by the charis- epistemic promise of recovering an authentic reli-
matic journalist turned scholar Abū’l ‘Āla gion unadulterated by the corruptions of both inter-
Mawdūdī (d. 1979) towards the end of colonial nal and external others. As such, even as these
rule in 1941, is another Muslim reform move- Indian Muslim reformers contested each other’s
ment cum political organization that continues to normative claims, they shared the underlying con-
impact the religious and political landscape of ceptual assumption that an ideological entity called
postcolonial South Asia in important ways. religion was available to be reformed, contested,
While adopting the hermeneutical minimalism and rationalized.
of the Ahl-i Ḥadīth that valorized the Qur’ān In the new institutional terrain of colonial
and the Prophet’s normative model as the exclu- India, two separate yet interconnected fields of
sive sources of normativity in Islam, the Jamā‘at-i moral contestation simultaneously operated. On
Islāmī’s notion of reform hinged on the promise the one hand was the field of inter-religious
of establishing an “Islamic state” that might polemics that pitted against each other Hindus,
materialize divine law in the temporal world. Muslims, Sikhs, and Christian missionaries. At
Mawdūdī’s and Jamā‘at-i Islāmī’s political the- stake in this dialogue with the external “others”
ology was detained in the irresolvable contradic- was the legitimacy of individual religious identi-
tion of seeking to resist Western modernity and ties. On the other hand was the site of dialogue
secularization through arguably the most modern with the internal “others” [15].
of all institutions: the nation state [2]. Moreover, These internal antagonisms stemmed from
Mawdūdī’s program of restoring the sovereignty competing views on the limits of authenticity
of divine law by lending that responsibility to the and tradition. While the first domain concerned
man-made institution of the state was at once the negotiation of the self’s relationship with the
thoroughly modern and pregnant with irony. other, the second revolved around the character of
The reform movements described above artic- the authentic self. Despite their varied points of
ulated overlapping yet contrasting narratives of application, however, both these discourses of
ideal norms of life and ways of interpreting identity formation depended on a colonial politics
those norms. Each of these movements sought to of representation. According to this politics of
Secularization and South Asian Islam 617

representation, accessing the self required the thrived during the nineteenth century and onwards
negation of all its actual and potential competitors. creatively mobilized and used the technological
Identity was constructed precisely through and institutional possibilities made available by
a relationship of antagonism with difference. To colonialism to their own benefit. Even as they
be absolutely clear, these ideological projects of were politically colonized, they colonized the
Muslim reform were not colonial inventions as conditions of colonialism to advance their ideo-
they were equally the products of pre-colonial logical projects. One can even claim that the pio-
discursive traditions. neers of Indian Muslim reform movements,
However, what cannot be disputed is that the despite all their internal disagreements and
conditions for the emergence of these native debates, were among the foremost beneficiaries
reform movements “were defined by new forms of the secularizing conditions of British colonial-
of power, new social technologies, new forms of ism. In fact, as I have argued in this chapter, the
knowledge, new modes of social organization and very idea of reforming a public and contesting the
political mobilization, and new forms of subjec- limits of an ideological entity called religion was
tivity that mark out the modernizing and, specifi- indebted to the secularizing political rationality of
cally, secularizing space of what might be called colonial modernity.
colonial civil society” ([20], p. 55). It is important to underscore that the seculari-
In short, the story of Muslim reform move- zation of South Asian Islam was not some kind of
ments in South Asia is inextricable to the master a one-time event that has already happened in the
narrative of the modern colonial secular. The pub- past. The religious and moral lives of postcolonial
lic competition between rival ideologies of Mus- South Asian Muslims remain haunted by the colo-
lim reform that metastasized during the late nial moment. For instance, the intra-Muslim
nineteenth century would have been unthinkable polemics that began during the late nineteenth
even a few decades before the consolidation of century, such as those between the Deobandīs
British colonial power. and the Barelwīs, have only metastasized in recent
decades. Moreover, following the legacy of their
colonial predecessors, the postcolonial states in
Conclusion South Asia have often played a violent role in
reorganizing the limits of what counts as Islam.
This chapter has focused on some of the major One of the most blatant and tragic examples of
ways in which the discursive tradition of South such state administered violence was witnessed in
Asian Islam was reconfigured by the conceptual 1974 when the Pakistani government led by then
and institutional ruptures of colonial secular Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto amended the
modernity. From the early nineteenth century constitution to declare the Ahmadiyya a “non-
onwards, the intellectual history of Islam was Muslim minority.” To this day, Pakistanis wishing S
characterized by an ever-intensifying competition to receive or renew their passports must declare
for religious authority and contestation over the Ahmadis as non-Muslims. The last section of the
limits of normativity. However, the remarkable passport application entitled “Declaration in Case
intellectual fermentation found in nineteenth- of Muslim” requires applicants to affirm the fol-
century South Asian Islam amply demonstrates lowing statement: “I consider Mirza Ghulam
that this period cannot be conceptualized as one Ahmad Qadiyani to be an impostor nabi [prophet]
of decline. and also consider his followers whether belonging
To the contrary, after the demise of the Mughal to the Lahori or Qadiyani group, to be non-Mus-
Empire in 1857, the variety of Indian Muslim lim” [24]. In effect, any Pakistani wishing to
responses to the changed conditions of colonial renew her passport must affirm the sovereign
modernity were staggering and in many ways decision of the state to deny the Ahmadiyya mem-
unprecedented. Indian Muslim scholars who bership in Islam. In order to establish her loyalty
618 Secularization and South Asian Islam

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Seyyed Hossein Nasr 619

Śekha Hāsinā

▶ Sheikh Hasina

Self-Determination

▶ Muslim Personal Law

Sephardic Jews

▶ Bombay’s Baghdadi Jews

Seyyed Hossein Nasr

Golam Dastagir
Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar
University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh
Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University of Seyyed Hossein Nasr, Fig. 1 Seyyed Hossein Nasr
(1933–)
Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia

al-Aṭṭibā’,” meaning “succor to physicians,”

Definition was conferred by the King of Persia on Seyyed
Hossein Nasr’s grandfather, who was also
Seyyed Hossein Nasr (b. 1933) is an outstanding a physician.
philosopher in perennial tradition, comparative An ardent reader and passionate for knowl-
studies, Islamic science, and spirituality. A gnos- edge, Nasr started reading the classical works of
tic thinker and a prolific writer, Nasr is a Univer- Sa‘adi, Ḥāfiẓ, Rūmī, and Firdawsī, early on in his
sity Professor of Islamic Studies at George life at the age of 4 or 5. In 1945, shortly after S
Washington University, Washington, DC. He is a World War II, he left Tehran at the age of 12. This
renowned scholar in the history of Islamic philos- was a major turning point in his life [1]. In 1950,
ophy in the present century, both in the Islamic he graduated from Peddie School in Highstown,
world and the West (Fig. 1). New Jersey, as the valedictorian of his class and
also winner of the Wyclifte Award. Nasr com-
pleted his B.S. in Physics and Mathematics at M.
Life and Work I.T in 1954 and M.S. in Geology and Geophysics
at Harvard. He completed Ph.D. when he was only
Seyyed Hossein Nasr was born on April 7, 1933, 25, under the supervision of Sir Hamilton Gibb,
in Tehran into an aristocratic family. His father, H. A. Wolfson and I.B. Cohen in 1958 at Harvard.
Seyyed Valiallah, was a scholar, philosopher, His dissertation entitled “Conceptions of Nature
and a great physician. The family name “Naṣr in Islamic Thought” was published in 1964 by
620 Seyyed Hossein Nasr

Harvard University Press as An Introduction to vein, he became familiar with Indian traditions,
Islamic Cosmological Doctrines [2]. particularly Hinduism through the writings of Sri
Aurobindo Ghosh (1872–1950), Sarvepalli
Radhakrishnan (1888–1975), and Surendranath
Career Dasgupta (1887–1952).
Tradition comprises truths and principles of
Although Nasr received an offer of a faculty celestial archetypes, in Nasr’s words, “tradition
position at M.I.T, he began his illustrious aca- means truths of sacred origin revealed originally,
demic career at Tehran University in Iran as with the different nuances given to them in differ-
Associate Professor. He became Dean of the ent traditional religions. . .” [11]. There are two
Faculty of Letters, Professor at the age of 30, essential aspects in tradition: first, truths of divine
and Vice Chancellor of this University. Shortly origin, and secondly, the continuity, transmission,
after that, he also became president of Aryamehr and application of those truths over the centuries
University in Iran. within a particular civilization created by the orig-
Just before the victory of the Iranian revolu- inal revelation [11]. The Primordial Tradition that
tion in 1979, he returned to America and contains all truths of all forms is what he means
engaged in teaching, first at the University of by sophia perennis (perennial philosophy) [6].
Utah in Salt Lake city, and then at Temple Uni- Characterizing perennial philosophy as sophia
versity, Harvard University, and has been at perennis or eternal wisdom – the heart or inner
George Washington University since 1984. He aspect of religions – also called religio perennis,
has delivered lectures in many universities Nasr is of the opinion that it is revealed in scrip-
including the Rockefeller Lectures at the Univer- tures and is the source of ethics and of metaphys-
sity of Chicago, the Wiegand Lecture on the ics, as opposed to modern western philosophy that
philosophy of religion at the University of disregards scriptures as a source of philosophical
Toronto in Canada, at the American University knowledge [13]. Islamic philosophy, like medie-
in Beirut as the first Aga Khan Professor of val Jewish and Christian philosophy, has always
Islamic studies, and the Cadbury Lectures at the been based on scriptures. The distinctive feature
University of Birmingham, to name but a few. of perennial philosophy is that it looks upon scrip-
He has also given lectures at Oxford, the Univer- tures on symbolic level [13].
sity of London, and at many European Universi-
ties. Nasr is the only Muslim (also non-Western)
philosopher to have been given this rare oppor- Islamic Religious Pluralism
tunity to deliver the Gifford Lectures at the Uni-
versity of Edinburgh. Nasr is a staunch advocate for religious pluralism
[8], which is explicitly articulated in the Qur’ān
(see II:115, 256; V:48; XLIX:13). He argues that
Perennial Tradition religions should not claim exclusively to be the
one and only truth. For Muslims living in the
Nasr’s encounter with the Perennial Tradition present modern world, he prioritizes the synthe-
(philosophia perennis) through the works of sizing and integrating aspects of Islam that help
René Guénon (1886–1951), Frithjof Schuon Muslims to understand the presence of the reality
(1907–1998), Titus Burckhardt (1908–1904), of other religions [3, 8]. He delineates sacred
Marco Pallis (1895–1989), Martin Lings knowledge as opposed to the secularized process
(1909–2005), and Ananda K. Coomaraswamy of modernism in the context of sophia perennis
(1877–1947) played a significant role in his intel- and sees all religions as diverse manifestations of
lectual and spiritual domains of life, especially in divine truths revealed by God through various
his quest of metaphysical knowledge. In the same agencies [6].
Seyyed Hossein Nasr 621

Islam and Modernity Sacred Science

As a traditionalist scholar, Nasr makes a clear Islamic science, which is the scientific study of
distinction between the domains of traditionalism natural phenomena that are attributed to the signs
and modernism; the former stands for what is of God (āyāt Allah), is rooted in the metaphysical
sacred, whereas the latter for that which is human, principles of Islam, requiring a teleological view
and increasingly subhuman [12]. Modernism, as of the universe. Nasr is a pioneering thinker of
Nasr puts it, is that “which is cut off from the Islamic science, which can be categorized as med-
Transcendent,” and therefore, it is contrasted with icine, pharmacology, alchemy, agriculture, and
tradition, which implies all that is of divine origin various forms of technology, and so on, to which
[12]. Nasr has always been a fervent critic of mod- he applies the sacred principles [9]. As a critique
ernism and fundamentalism in Islam, which are of Western secular science, Nasr believes that
inherently two sides of one coin. Emerging in the modern science or the Western secular science
late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, both developed out of certain philosophical assump-
Islamic modernism and “fundamentalism,” which tions by sidelining medieval Christian thought.
Nasr calls religio-political movements, accept the With the scientific revolution in the sixteenth
authority of the Qur’ān and sunnah, and in this and seventeenth centuries in Europe, the secular
sense, they have no conflict with traditionalism, view of the universe emerged by disentangling its
but their approach is different. While the modern- roots from the Divine, which is why life is more
ists attempt to modernize Islamic principles in light desacralized today [7].
of modernity, they, in fact, argues Nasr, fail to
understand that they dilute those Islamic issues
that are in conflict with modernity, such as shari’āh Environment
and women’s rights [2]. Given their narratives and
understanding of Islam, modernists and fundamen- Nasr attributes contemporary environmental and
talists vehemently oppose traditional Islam and social crises to the consequences of the applica-
traditional Islamic art as well. Nasr argues that tions of modern science devoid of metaphysical
traditional Islam with its alternative culture can and theological roots, threatening peace on earth
confront the supremacy of the material worldview [10]. Human beings, attached too much to man-
of the West [2]. made modern technological development, are
deviating from the divine purpose of creation
intended by God. Man in the modern times,
Islamic or Traditional Art attracted by natural science, has lost his spiritual
relationship with God, as a result of which he has
Nasr presents an in-depth analysis of Islamic art, been alienated from what should be a harmonious S
which expresses the inner essence of reality. The relationship with nature. Salvation from this alien-
Islamic view of art for Nasr plays a significant role ation is possible only through the rediscovery of
in inspiring spiritual life with the grace (barakah) metaphysical knowledge and revitalization of
of God. Art is like a lamp that provides light to the a theology that could minimize the application of
soul during its journey “from multiplicity to science and technology [10].
Unity, from the particular to the Universal” [3].
Man’s spiritual life is illuminated through rituals
like ṣalāt (prayer), ṣawm (fasting), fikr (medita- Islamic Spirituality
tion), zikr or dhikr (invocation of God), etc. Nasr
attributes sanctity to Islamic art that ranges across Nasr has been a critic of modernism throughout
calligraphy, painting, architecture, literature, his works, especially in his writings on Sufism.
music, etc. [5]. Modern man imbued with a secular worldview
622 Shah Bano

divorced from the Sacred is faced with tumultuous References

spiritual crises. He believes that a revival of the
spiritual heritage of Islam, Sufism, can address 1. Aldrich A (1992) The soul and science of Islam.
George Wash Univ Mag 15–17
this problem [3, 4].
2. Aslan A (1998) Religious pluralism in Christian and
Islamic philosophy: the thought of John Hick and
Seyyed Hossein Nasr. Curzon Press, Richmond
His Legacy 3. Nasr SH (1972) Sufi essays. George Allen & Unwin,
London
4. Nasr SH (1975) Islam and the plight of modern man.
Nasr has had close contact with the intellectual Longman, London
circles in the Indian subcontinent, particularly 5. Nasr SH (1987) Islamic art and spirituality. State Uni-
with those in Pakistan since 1959. He has been versity of New York Press, New York
6. Nasr SH (1989) Knowledge and the Sacred. State
a leading contributor for many years in the devel-
University of New York Press, Albany
opment of the Pakistan Philosophical Congress. 7. Nasr SH (1993) The need for a sacred science. State
More than a dozen of his books have been trans- University of New York Press, New York
lated in Pakistan. His books, written mostly in 8. Nasr SH (1994) Ideals and realities of Islam. Aquarian,
London
European languages, have been translated into
9. Nasr SH (2007) Islamic science: an illustrated study.
Bengali, Hindi, Urdu, Bosnian, Turkish, Indone- Kazi Publications, Chicago
sian, Chinese, Japanese, etc. His Ideals and Real- 10. Nasr SH (2007) Man and nature: the spiritual crisis in
ities of Islam has been translated by the modern man. Kazi Publications, Chicago
11. Nasr SH (2010) In search of the sacred: a conversa-
Indonesian president, Abdurrahman Wahid [11].
tion with Seyyed Hossein Nasr on his life and
A large number of his former students influenced thought. Introduction by Terry Moore. Praeger,
by the perennial tradition are making enormous Santa Barbara
contributions to the development of Islamic stud- 12. Nasr SH (2011) Islam in the modern world: challenged
by the west, threatened by fundamentalism, keeping
ies in various parts of the world, especially in
faith with tradition. HarperOne, New York
Pakistan, Bangladesh, India, Malaysia, Iran, Tur- 13. Norton MB (2004) An interview with Seyyed Hossein
key, and, needless to mention, North America. Nasr “scripture, society, and traditional wisdom”.
Nasr’s Knowledge and the Sacred is taught in J Philos Scr 2(1):39–43
many Catholic universities in the United States
such as Notre Dame [11]. His books are exten-
sively read by Muslims, as well as Hindus, Chris-
tians, and Jews. With over 50 books and more Shah Bano
than 500 articles to his credit [11], and his special
attention to training students across the world, ▶ Muslim Personal Law
Professor Seyyed Hossein Nasr is a living
legend – an encyclopedic mind with a rare com-
bination of head and heart – clear, organized,
sympathetic, humble, and helpful.
Shah Jalal Mujarrad
Cross-References ▶ Jalāl ad-Dīn Mujarrad

▶ Dhikr/Zikr
▶ Prayer
▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia
▶ Ritual Shāh Jalāl of Sylhet
▶ Sūfism
▶ Women ▶ Mujarrad, Shāh Jalāl
Shams al-Dīn Iltutmish 623

Origins and Rise

Shah Sūfi Khwaja Yunus Ali
Relatively little is known about Shams al-Dīn
▶ Khwaja Enayetpuri Iltutmish except that he was a Turkish (Qipchāq)
slave who was purchased in Delhi by slave-officer
Quṭb al-Dīn Aibak on behalf of the Ghurid ruler,
Mu‘izz al-Dīn (r. 1203–1206) [4]. By all accounts,
Shahādah he performed well and was acknowledged with
gubernatorial posts in cities like Gwalior and
▶ Tawḥī d Badā’ūn and connected himself with Quṭb al-
Dīn Aibak’s family by marrying his daughter
[2]. After the collapse of Ghurid rule in India,
Aibak ruled as a de facto sultan in the Punjab
Shahzādī Jahānārā Bēgam (based in Lahore), while Iltutmish continued his
Sāhib tenure as governor in Badā’ūn. However, when
˙ ˙
Aibak died in 1211, and his son Aram Shah was in
▶ Jahānārā Begum turn killed by disgruntled nobles, Iltutmish moved
from Badā’ūn to Delhi; he was named as the
official successor by notables and jurists alike,
but there were other parts of the former Ghurid
Shaikh Jalaluddin Mujarrad
empire still being ruled by former military slaves:
Nāṣir al-Dīn Qabācha was based in Multan and
▶ Jalāl ad-Dīn Mujarrad
Lahore, while the Khaljis were still independent in
Bengal [4]. Iltutmish spent the next two decades
consolidating his base in Delhi and slowly mov-
Shaikh Muhammad Ikbāl ing against his rivals; the Khaljis of Bengal were
˙ defeated by 1226, while Qabācha was defeated at
▶ Iqbāl, Allamah Sir Muḥammad Uch in the following year [2]. The 1220s and
1230s were a chaotic time for the Delhi Sultanate
as the Mongols had invaded the Punjab in pursuit
of the refugee Khwarazmian ruler, Jalāl al-Dīn,
Shams al-Dīn Iltutmish and his army. The frontier to the west of Delhi was
in a state of constant flux, and it is certain that
Colin P. Mitchell Indo-Muslim rulers like Iltutmish were increas-
Department of History, Dalhousie University, ingly disconnected from the Abbasid caliph to S
Halifax, NS, Canada the west on account of these Mongol incursions
into Central Asia and eastern Iran. It was likely
this perceived disconnection that motivated the
Synonyms Abbasid caliph of the day, al-Mustanṣir bi’llāh
(r. 1226–1242), to send an extravagant ambassa-
Eltotmesh dorial retinue from Baghdad to Delhi. For the
first time, the Abbasid caliph recognized the
legitimacy of an Indo-Muslim ruler with a formal
Definition letter of investiture, and Iltutmish commemo-
rated this development with a new currency bear-
Iltutmish was an early ruler of the Delhi Sultanate ing his new title (laqab): “Victor [on behalf of]
(r. 1211–1236). the Commander of the Faithful” (Nāṣir Amīr
624 Shamsi

al-Mu’minīn) [2]. Iltutmish astutely avoided Rażiyya (r. 1236–1240) [8]. Iltutmish commis-
direct conflict with the Mongols and the Punjab sioned the building of the famous Qutb Minar,
frontier and instead concentrated on consolidat- not in honor of his former patron Quṭb al-Dīn
ing control of areas like Bengal, Gwalior, Aibak, but in recognition of the Sufi sheikh,
and Malwa during the early 1230s. However, Khwājah Quṭb al-Dīn Bakhtiyār Kākī [2]. Perhaps
when dispossessed Isma`ilis (previously based one of the most famous ruling sultanas in Islamic
in Multan) attempted an assassination in 1235, history, Rażiyya, was appointed as successor
Iltutmish ordered an expedition against the monarch by Iltutmish, but ironically it would be
region of Sindh, focusing on areas of suspected his very own group of elite slave officers (the
Ismā‘īlī activity; however, he died en route in “Forty”) who would machinate to have her elim-
April of 1236, and his body was returned to inated [6].
Delhi to be interred.

Cross-References
Cultural and Religious Patronage
▶ Delhi Sultanate
There is little doubting that the cultural and reli- ▶ Lahore
gious landscape of India was profoundly altered
by the Mongol invasions of the 1220s. Numerous
religious scholars, poets, literati, administrators,
and adventurers fled from war-torn Central Asia References
and Khurasan to find solace and patronage in the
1. Ahmad A (1964) Studies in Islamic culture in the Indian
Delhi Sultanate during Iltutmish’s tenure as sul- environment. Clarendon, Oxford
tan. Scholars like Sadīd al-Dīn ‘Awfī (author of 2. Iltutmish AS (1971) Bazmee Ansari. In: Encyclopedia
the biographical dictionary Lubab al-albāb and of Islam. 2nd edn, vol 3. E. J. Brill, Leiden, pp
1155–1156
prose work Javāmi` al-hikāyāt va lavāmi` al-
3. Jackson P (1999) The Delhi Sultanate: a political and
rivāyāt), Fakhr-i Mudabbir (author of the political military history. Cambridge University Press,
ethics text, Ādāb al-ḥarb wa’l-šajāʿa), and Minhāj Cambridge
al-Sirāj Juzjānī (author of Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī) ini- 4. Jackson P (1998) Eltotmesh, Shams-al-Din. Encyclope-
dia Iranica 8:371
tially based themselves in the Lahore court of
5. Jackson P (1990) Jalal al-Dīn, the Mongols, and the
Nāṣir al-Dīn Qabācha before joining Iltutmish in Khwarazmian conquest of the Punjab and Sind. Iran
Delhi [1]. Large numbers of Turks arrived in the 28:45–54
Indo-Gangetic plains, and Iltutmish “settled” 6. Jackson P (1998) Sultana Radiyya bin Iltutmish. In:
Hambly G (ed) Women in the medieval Islamic world:
them in the troublesome areas of the Punjab in
power, patronage, and piety. St. Martin’s Press, New
the hopes of using them as a foil to decentralized York
tribal elements like the Khokkars. He also intro- 7. Kumar S (2009) The ignored elites: Turks, Mongols and
duced courtly institutions like the Chihilgānī, an a Persian Secretarial class in the early Delhi Sultanate.
Modern Asian Studies 43(1):45–77
elite group of “forty” slave officers popularly
8. Rizvi SAA (1987) The wonder that was India, vol 2,
believed to be directly loyal to Iltutmish, but 1200–1700. Sidgwick & Jackson, London
there is considerable debate among historians 9. Singh V (2009) Interpreting medieval India, vol 1,
regarding what exactly this “forty” referred to [3, Early medieval, Delhi Sultanate and Regions (circa
750–1550). Macmillan Publishers India, New Delhi
7, 9]. Iltutmish was also an active patron of Mus-
lim religious scholarship, most notably evident in
his construction of the Nāṣiriyya madrasa in Delhi
in the name of his son and future ruler, Nāṣir al-
Dīn Maḥmūd (r. 1246–1265); the historian Juzjāni Shamsi
would eventually be appointed as the madrasa
chief during the rule of Iltutmish’s daughter ▶ Satpanth
Shari’atullah (d. 1840) 625

member of the Muwaḥḥidūn (Wahhābīs). The

Shansabānīs Wahhābīs captured Mecca and Medina in
1805–1806. Shari‘atullah also spent time at Al
▶ Ghūrids Azhar, Cairo [2]. He was most influenced by the
ideas of Ibn Taymīyyah (1263–1328), who called
for complete dissimilitude between Muslims and
non-Muslims in dress and religious practice,
Shari ‘at objecting to how some Muslims took part in
Christian festivals [3]. Shari‘atullah was also
▶ Muslim Personal Law initiated into the Qādirī ya order of Sufis [4].
After Ismail Pasha of Egypt defeated the
Wahhābīs in 1818, Shari‘atullah returned to Ben-
gal where he began to condemn what he considered
Shari’atullah (d. 1840) syncretistic and innovative, especially saint vener-
ation, attending Hindu festivals and observing
Clinton Bennett Shī‘a commemorations. While Wahhābī influence
Department of Philosophy, State University of informed his preaching, he also stressed social
New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA equality, which Wahhābīs do not generally empha-
size. He criticized landlords for levying excessive
rents and taxes. This brought Shari‘atullah and his
Synonyms followers into conflict with landowners, mainly
Hindus, although some were Muslim and British.
Haji Shariat Allah; Haji Shariatullah; Haji Shariat Yet Shari‘atullah was not hostile toward poor
Ullah; Shariat-Ullah Hindus; there is even evidence that some supported
him [5]. Conflict with the British led to the move-
ment’s classification as anti-colonial and jihadist,
Definition although Shari‘atullah did not call for a jihad.
However, in April 1831 the British did expel
Muslim scholar and founder of the Faraizi move- Shari‘atullah from his home village following vio-
ment, which flourished in Bengal, where he lent clashes with landowners [6].
remains an iconic figure; Shari‘atullah combined
religious reform to purify Islam of what he saw as
Hindu contamination with social reform aimed to Founder of the Faraizi Movement
improve the economic condition of poor Muslims
oppressed by mainly Hindu landlords. The movement he founded, the Faraizi, is often S
called Wahhābī, a label that the British attached
to any movement they perceived as hostile to
Early Life and Education colonial rule, even if this was not wholly true
[7]. Shari‘atullah used Bengali poetry to spread
Haji Shari‘atullah (commonly rendered his message. His opposition to how Islam in
Shariatullah) (1781–1840) was born in what is Bengal had become indigenized was countercul-
now Faridpur District, Bangladesh, where his tural; his use of Bengali, which many who elevated
father was probably a ta‘luqdār (local landowner an Arab-flavored Islam over Bengali-flavored
with tax collecting privileges) [1]. Little is Islam despised, was not. Lack of hostility toward
known about his life before he went to Arabia Hindus per se was also typical of Bengali Muslims.
in 1799, initially to perform the Hajj. He stayed The movement’s name is from the Farsi term for
on for 20 years, studying with various teachers, obligatory religious duties, which Shari‘atullah
chiefly with Tahir al-Sumbal al-Makki, a leading emphasized. Until all syncretistic practices and
626 Shari’atullah (d. 1840)

beliefs had been abandoned, Bengal was dār-al- reunification and joined the demand for a separate
ḥarb (the realm of conflict). Shari’atullah ruled Muslim state. A small remnant still exists. Some
that until legitimate Islam was established, nei- opponents accused Shari‘atullah’s heirs of monar-
ther the Friday congregational prayer nor Eid chical ambitions [15]. In Bangladesh, he is seen
prayers could be observed [8]. Members were today as a pioneer of East Bengal nationalism and
initiated into the movement, entering an ustādh- is remembered by a College in Dhaka and by
shāgird (teacher-student) relationship similar to Shariatpur District in Dhaka Division, which are
that of Sufi master and disciple but which did both named for him. His tombstone describes
not demand servitude [9]. Followers were per- him as a defender of religion against “all false-
mitted to perform Qādirī yah dhikr. Members hood and vanity” and as a “deliver of Islam”
were discouraged from dealing with British from “darkness.” Eaton cites an early twenti-
courts; parallel village arbitration councils were eth-century poem that immortalizes him as an
set up as alternatives using the traditional “almost super-historical figure, a savior of Islam
panchāyat (elder’s council) system [10]. Yet his in Bengal” [16].
attitude toward the British is ambiguous; he
actually encouraged members to settle in Brit-
ish-controlled territory because poor Muslims Cross-References
received better treatment there. Opposition to
Shari‘atullah’s teaching came from several quar- ▶ Bangladesh (Islam and Muslims)
ters, including Keramat Ali (1800–1874) and his ▶ Fara’izi movement
Taiyuni movement, for whom India remained ▶ Qādirīyah Order
dār-al-islām under British rule, and congrega- ▶ Wahhabism in Sri Lanka
tional prayers were permitted [11]. Others argued
that Muslims should not follow legal schools;
Shari‘atullah remained Hanafi.
References

1. Rahim, MA (1978) The Muslim society and politics in

Legacy Bengal, A.D. 1757–1947. University of Dacca, Dacca
2. Banu UAB, Akter R (1991) Islam in Bangladesh.
Brill, Leiden
Shari‘atullah’s ideas were propagated by his
3. Ibn-Taimīya, Aḥmad Ibn-ʻAbd-al-Ḥalīm, and Thomas
descendants, who succeeded as leaders of the Frank Michel (1984) A Muslim theologian’s response
movement. Dudu Miyan (1819–1862) was not as to Christianity. Caravan Books, Delmar
renowned a scholar as his father but consolidated 4. Chakrabarti K, Chakrabarti S (2013) Historical dictio-
nary of the Bengalis. The Scarecrow Press, Lanham
the movement’s organizational structure; three
5. Rutherford S (2009) The pledge ASA, peasant poli-
levels of khalifa headed villages, groups of vil- tics, and microfinance in the development of Bangla-
lages, and districts, all under the Ustādh [12]. desh. Oxford University Press, Oxford
Dudu Miyan preached that God owns the land, 6. International Studies in Sociology and Social Anthro-
pology (1963) E.J. Brill, Leiden
so it should not be taxed. His sons continued the
7. Hatina M (2009) Guardians of faith in modern times:
policy of opposing unjust landlords, finally ʻulamaʼ in the middle east. Brill, Leiden
gaining the support of the British, who eventually 8. Ahmad N (1991) Muslim separatism in British India:
took measures to protect tenant rights, setting up a a retrospective study. Ferozsons, Lahore
9. Bose S, Jalal A (1998) Modern South Asia: history,
commission in 1879 [13]. In 1899, the British culture, political economy. Routledge, New York
awarded Dudu’s youngest son Sa‘īd al-Dīn 10. Jain MS (2005) Muslim political identity. Rawat Pub-
Aḥmad (1855–1906) the title “Khān Bahādur” lications, Jaipur
for his loyalty. He enthusiastically supported 11. Metcalf BD, Ahmed R, Hasan M (2007) India’s Mus-
lims: an: an omnibus. Oxford University Press, New
Bengal’s partition in 1905, which gave Muslims
Delhi
a majority in the East [14]. Members became dis- 12. Hardy P (1972) The Muslims of British India. Cam-
illusioned with British policy following Bengal’s bridge University Press, London
Shattārīya 627
˙˙

13. Sarkar B (1989) Land reforms in India, theory and The Founder
practice: a study of legal aspects of land reforms mea-
sures in West Bengal. Ashish Publishing House, New
Delhi Shaṭṭārīya was a Ṣūfī order introduced in India by
14. Johnson G, Jones KW (1989) The new Cambridge Shaykh ‘Abdullāh (d. 890 A.H./1485 A.D.), a
history of India. Cambridge University. Press, descendant of Shaykh Shihāb-ud-dīn Suhrawardī.
Cambridge The Shattārīya order was greatly influenced by the
15. Campo JE (2009) Encyclopedia of Islam. Facts On
File, New York Busṭāmī order of Turkey (founded by Bāyazīd
16. Eaton RM (1993) The rise of Islam and the Bengal Taifūr Busṭāmī, d. 874) and the ‘Ishqīyya order
Frontier, 1204–1760. University of California Press, of Transoxiana and Persia. Following the tradi-
Berkeley tions of its predecessors, the Shattārīs were known
for sukr (ecstasy) and considered the sulūk-i-
Shaṭṭārī (The Shattāri Path) as the quickest
means to achieve ma‘rifat (gnosis). They were
Sharīʿah Laws staunch followers of waḥdat-ul-wujūd (Unity of
Being) and their entire spiritual discipline was
▶ Fiqh based on this fundamental concept. Great stress
was laid on “interiorization” of religious rites and
performance of zikr.
Shaykh ‘Abdullāh arrived in India during the
Shariat-Ullah fifteenth century, at a time when the Delhi Sultan-
ate (1206–1526) was fast disintegrating. Himself
▶ Shari’atullah (d. 1840) clad in a royal dress, in full pomp, and with a large
following holding banners and drums, he made a
quick tour of the country. After visiting Manikpur,
Jaunpur, Bengal, Malwa and Chittor, he finally
Shattari settled in Mandu (in Malwa), where he died in
1485. These tours were not meant for spiritual
▶ Shaṭṭārīya perfection but as means of inviting people to join
the Shaṭṭārīya order. Shaykh ‘Abdullāh was also
the author of Latā’if-i-Ghaybiya, which outlined
the basic ideas of the order and formed a frame-
Shattārīya work for later writings [1, 2].
˙˙
Moin Ahmad Nizami
Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies, Oxford, Development and Spread S
Oxfordshire, UK
The work of Shaykh ‘Abdullāh was continued
through two main branches: the Jaunpur branch
Synonyms led by Shaykh Ḥāfiẓ and the Bengal branch led
by Shaykh Muḥammad ‘Alā Qazīn (d. 1487).
Shattari; Shattariyya Both these branches produced some leading
Ṣūfī Shaykhs who worked enthusiastically for
spreading the order. As a result the Shattārīs
Definition spread widely in Bengal, in northern India
between Delhi and Jaunpur, and later in Gujarat,
Shattārīya was a Ṣūfī order introduced in India Gwalior, and Burhanpur [2–4]. From Gujarat,
during the fifteenth century and flourished in the the order spread into the Hijaz and Southeast
regions of Malwa, Gujarat, Bengal, and Deccan. Asia as well.
628 Shattārīya
˙˙

A leading successor of Shaykh Ḥāfiẓ Jaunpuri commentaries on the books of Shaykh Ghaus.
was Shaykh Buddhan who lived during the reign of These include Sirāj-us-sālikī n, Risāla-i-Ṣūfiyya,
Sultan Sikandar Lodi (r.y. 1489–1517). Among his Risāla-i-kanz-ul-asrār, etc. [6].
followers, the most famous were Shaykh Rizqullāh
Mushtāqi (d. 1581, author of Wāqi‘āt-i-Mushtāqi,
and uncle of Shaykh ‘Abdul Ḥaq Muḥaddis of Shattārīya Order in the Deccan
Delhi) and Shaykh Bahā-al-dīn (d. 1515), the ˙˙
author of Risala-i-Shattārī ya (a popular treatise It was sometime in the late sixteenth century that
on the Shattāriya devotional practices) [4, 6]. the order reached Deccan as a result of the activities
During the early Mughal period, the Bengal of the successors of Shaykh Muḥammad Ghaus
branch of Shaykh ‘Alā Qazīn fared even better. and Shaykh Wajīh-al-dīn ‘Alawī. It was Shaykh
One of his closest disciples, Shaykh Zuhūr Hīmid ‘Ārif (d. 1585), a disciple of Muḥammad Ghaus,
(d. 1524), initiated Shaykh Muḥammad Ghaus (d. who was responsible for introducing the order in
1563) into the Shattāriya order. The influence and the region when he migrated to Burhanpur from
works of Shaykh Muḥammad Ghaus remains Ahmadabad. Many Shaṭṭārīs of Gujarat claiming
unmatched in the history of this order. connections with Shaykh Wajīh-al-dīn also moved
He was a prolific writer and authored Kanz- to Bijapur during this period. The most significant
al-Tauhī d, Risala-i-Mi‘rājiyya, Zamā’ir, Basā’ir, among them was Shāh Sibghatullāh (d. 1606).
and Kalī d-i-makhzan. He possessed deep knowl- Shah had been a student of Wajīh-al-dīn, and on
edge of the Hindu mystical thought and wrote returning from Hajj around 1591, he settled in
Baḥr-ul-ḥāyāt to draw connections with Islamic Bijapur, where he came to exert great pressures
mysticism [1, 6]. The most famous of his works is on the ‘Ādil Shāhi rulers. His stay in Bijapur was
the Jawāhir-i-khamsa written in 1522–1523 short and stormy mainly because of his strong anti-
(revised in 1549–1550), which talks about ascetic Shī‘a convictions. Within 5 years of his stay, he
practices, performance of zikr, devotional exer- was ordered to migrate to the Hijāz, where he died
cises, and the discipline of the Shattāriya order in 1606. Later on, some disciples of Muḥammad
[1]. His khānaqāh at Gwalior became a major Ghaus such as Shams-ud-dīn (d. 1582), Shaykh
pilgrimage center where his sons continued to Mākhu (d. 1601), Shaykh Wadūd (d. 1585), and
enjoy great prestige. The further expansion of Shaykh Walī Muḥammad (d. 1579) settled in dif-
the order was the result of the efforts of his disci- ferent towns of the Deccan and propagated Shaṭṭārī
ples particularly, Shaykh Wajīh-al-dīn ‘Alawī (d. teachings. Burhanpur emerged as the most impor-
1589), a well-known ‘ālim of Ahmadabad. He not tant and influential center of Shattārī activities.
only defended his Shaykh from being targeted by An influential Shaykh in Burhanpur was
the ‘ulamā’ (led by Shaykh ‘Alī Muttaqī), who Shaykh Ṭāhir (d. 1594), a disciple of Muḥam-
criticized him for some of the content of his writ- mad Ghaus. Like Wajīh-al-dīn, he too was inter-
ings, but also wrote rejoinders to these criticisms. ested in ‘ulūm-i-zāhiri, established a madrasah
Under Wajīh-al-dīn’s successors, the order alongside his khānaqāh, and gave lectures on
was overshadowed by the emerging Naqshbandī Ṣaḥiḥ Bukhārī. He wrote several works on different
order in north India. However, mention may fields such as Tafsī r Majm‘a-ul-Bahār, Mukhtasar
be made of Shaykh ‘Abdullāh Shaṭṭārī (d. 1594, Qūt-ul-Qulūb, Tafsī r-i-Madārik, Asma’-i-Rijāl
not to be confused with the founder of the Ṣaḥiḥ Bukhārī, and Riyāz-us-sālikī n [6, 7].
Shaṭṭārīya order). A native of Sandila (near The successors of Shaykh ‘Ārif continued to
Lucknow), he studied under Shaykh Wajīh-al- play a major role in popularizing the order in the
dīn before staying in Mecca for 5 years. On his Deccan. Shaykh Muḥammad ‘Īsa (d. 1622) became
return, he remained in Ahmadabad for 15 years. known for his learning and erudition and wrote
Afterwards, he also spent 2 years at the tomb of a number of works explaining the ideas of Ibn
Shaykh Ghaus in Gwalior. Shaykh ‘Abdullāh ‘Arabi such as Anwār-ul-asrār. He also wrote
proved to be a prolific author who wrote several a commentary on Insān-i-kāmil of ‘Abdul Karīm
Shattārīya 629
˙˙

al-Jīlī and other works on Shaṭṭārī forms of zikr and 1597–1601, the Fārūqi ruler of Khandesh) during
exorcism. Shaykh Burhān (d. 1678) was the most Akbar’s siege of Asirgarh in 1599, which became
outstanding figure among the Shaṭṭārīs of Deccan, the reason for his imprisonment. Shah Sibghatullāh
whose madrasah became a hub for Shaṭṭārī activ- of Bijapur publicly criticized Ibrāhīm ‘Ādil Shāh
ities. He was a strict disciplinarian who did not II’s (r.y. 1580–1627, the ‘Ādil Shāhī ruler of
approve of any ecstatic behavior under the influ- Bijapur) religious views and also attacked the
ence of spiritual intoxication (sukr) [6, 7]. Shī‘a tenets of the kingdom’s population. One
exception to this attitude of Deccani Shaṭṭārīs was
Shaykh Burhān, who, although much respected by
Shattārīs and the Political Establishment the Emperor Aurangzeb (r.y. 1658–1707), was crit-
˙˙ ical of participation in politics and accumulation of
The Shaṭṭārīya order was urban in its nature, wealth [7–11].
appealing more to the elites than to the common
people. Its Shaykhs, with some exceptions,
closely identified themselves with the political Cross-References
establishment and at times enjoyed the royal pro-
tection and patronage of Mughal Emperors. Its ▶ Akbar
founder Shaykh ‘Abdullāh dedicated his work ▶ Jahāngīr, Nūruddin Mohammad
Latā’if to Sulṭān Ghiyās-al-dīn Khaljī (r.y. ▶ Waḥdat ul-Wujūd
1469–1500, the Khaljī Sulṭān of Malwa). Shaykh
Muḥammad Ghaus and his elder brother Shaykh
Bahlūl (d. 1539) developed close connections References
with Emperor Humāyūn (r.y. 1530–1540 and
1555–1556) and instructed him in da‘wat-i- 1. Muhammad Ghausi (1908) Gulzār-i-Abrār (Urdu
asma’ (exorcism). Shaykh Bahlūl was eventually translation). Fazl Ahmad, Agra
2. Ghulam Muinuddin Abdullah, M’ārij-ul-wilāyat, 2
killed because of political intrigues at the orders of
vols. MS, K. A. Nizami personal collection, Aligarh
Hindāl, brother of Humāyūn. Shaykh Ghaus 3. Shaykh Abdul Haq Muhaddis (1309 AH) Akhbār ul
moved to Gujarat when Humāyūn was ousted by akhyār. Mujtabai Press, Delhi
Shēr Shāh Sūrī and remained in correspondence 4. Ghulam Sarwar (1873) Khazīnat-ul-āsfiya, 2 vols.
Nawal Kishore, Lucknow
with the exiled emperor. With the accession of
5. Abdul Qadir Badauni (1973) Muntakhab-ut-tawārīkh
Akbar (r.y. 1556–1605), Muḥammad Ghaus (English translation: Ranking G, Lowe W, Haig W),
returned to Gwalior but Akbar remained indiffer- 3 vols. Idarah-i-adabiyat-i-Delhi, Delhi; Abul Fazl
ent towards him. Shaykh Ghaus continued to (1973) Akbar Nāma (English translation: Beveridge
H), 3 vols. Delhi; Jahangir (1989) Tuzuk-i-Jahāngīri
enjoy his jāgīr at Gwalior, but after his death,
(English translation: Rogers A; ed: Beveridge H), 2
his family could not enjoy the same prosperity. vols. Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi S
Nevertheless, Akbar ordered for the construction 6. Nizami KA (1950) The Shattari saints and their atti-
of the Shaykh’s tomb in Gwalior. Muḥammad tude towards the state. Medieval India Q 1. Rizvi,
SAA (1983) A history of Sufism in India, vol 2.
Ghaus’ successor Wajīh-al-dīn ‘Alawī maintained
Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi
a respectable distance from the royalty and 7. Nizami KA (1974) Sufi movement in the Deccan. In:
retained all through his life an independent char- Sherwani HK (ed) History of medieval Deccan, vol 2.
acter of his institution without supplicating for Govt. of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad
8. Fatima Maryam (2012) Relations of the Sufis with the
state help. His successors, however, came to rulers of Deccan (14th–17th centuries). Unpublished
have cordial relations with Emperor Jahāngīr (r. PhD thesis, Aligarh Muslim University
y. 1605–1627) and accepted jāgī rs from him [5]. 9. Eaton R (1978) Sufis of Bijapur 1300–1700. Princeton
In Burhanpur and Bijapur, the twin Deccani University Press, Princeton
10. Muhammad Ibrahim Zubairi, Rauzat-ul-auliyā’-i-
centers of Shaṭṭārīya order, its Shaykhs remained
Bijāpur, MS. Oriental Manuscript Library, Hyderabad
involved in political affairs. Shaykh ‘Īsa provided 11. Ghulam Ali Musavi, Mishkāt-un-nubuwwa, MS. Ori-
moral support to Bahādur Shāh Fārūqī (r.y. ental Manuscript Library, Hyderabad
630 Shattariyya

Overview
Shattariyya
Shaykh Shihāb al-Dīn Abū Ḥafṣ ʿUmar b.
▶ Shaṭṭārīya Muḥammad al-Suhrawardī (d. 1234), who along
with his paternal uncle and teacher Abū l-Najīb al-
Suhrawardī (d. 1168) is widely considered the
eponym of the Suhrawardī Sufi order, was
Shaykh a celebrated thirteenth-century Sufi master of
Baghdad who, while never visiting the Indian
▶ Pīr subcontinent himself, had a decisive influence on
the history of Sufism in Muslim South Asia
through the widespread dissemination of his
teachings there by a number of erstwhile disciples.
Shaykh al-Islām A member of a prominent family of religious
scholars and Sufis from the northwestern Persian
▶ Ibn Taymīyya city of Suhraward, Suhrawardī came to Baghdad
as a youth where he was placed under the charge
of the aforementioned Abū l-Najīb, a religious
scholar and popular Sufi master who directed
Shaykh Shāh Jalāl a residential lodge for Sufis in the city. Shihāb
al-Dīn al-Suhrawardī would eventually go on to
▶ Mujarrad, Shāh Jalāl establish himself as a notable Sufi master in his
own right, and in addition to directing a number of
Baghdad’s endowed residential lodges for Sufis
would become a high-profile court diplomat of the
Shaykh Shihāb al-Dīn ambitious 34th Abbasid caliph al-Nāṣir li-Dīn
al-Suhrawardī Allāh (r. 1180–1225). Gathering around himself
a sizable group of associates, students, and disci-
Erik S. Ohlander ples hailing from across the Muslim world, during
Department of Philosophy, Indiana University- his lifetime his teachings were spread as far as
Purdue University Fort Wayne, Fort Wayne, Egypt in the west to Bengal in the east. He would
IN, USA routinely authorize elect disciples to both transmit
his written works as well as take on disciples of
their own. In the Indo-Muslim hagiographical
Synonyms literature, the most prominent of Suhrawardī’s
khalī fas (“vicegerents,” or “lieutenants”) said to
Abū Ḥafṣ ʿUmar al-Suhrawardī; ʿUmar have been authorized by the master to disseminate
Sohravardī his teachings in India were Bahāʾ al-Dīn
Zakariyyā in Multan (d. between 1262 and
1267–1268), Jalāl al-Dīn Abū l-Qāsim Tabrīzī
Definition (d. ca. 1244–1245) in Bengal, and in Delhi the
qadi Ḥamīd al-Dīn Nāgawrī (d. 1246), Nūr al-Dīn
Shaykh Shihāb al-Dīn al-Suhrawardī (d. 1234) Mubārak Ghaznavī (d. 632/1234), and Żiyāʾ al-
was an influential medieval Sufi master who Dīn Rūmī (d. between 1316–1320).
along with his paternal uncle and teacher Abū
l-Najīb al-Suhrawardī (d. 1168) is widely con- The ʿAwārif al-maʿārif
sidered the eponym of the Suhrawardī Sufi A prolific author, Shihāb al-Dīn al-Suhrawardī
order. left behind a corpus of some 55 individual
Shaykh Shihāb al-Dīn al-Suhrawardī 631

works, of which his ʿAwārif al-maʿārif (“Bene- seeking guidance, the latter not being held to
fits of intimate knowledge”) is the most impor- the strict discipline of the former. The net result,
tant. A widely disseminated Arabic Sufi manual as evinced in the careers of his aforementioned
which had considerable influence on a number khalī fas, was articulations of Sufi communities
of early Sufi ṭarīqa- lineages, Persian translations which embraced a relatively wide constituency,
of the text began to appear shortly after his death. from craftsmen and merchants to land-owning
The first of these, by Qāsim Dāwūd Khaṭīb elites and, as evinced in the particularly vivid
Darācha, was completed around 1241–1242 with case of the aforementioned Bahāʾ al-Dīn
the approval of the aforementioned Bahāʾ al-Dīn Zakariyyā and his magnificent khānaqāh com-
Zakariyyā at the behest of the son of the then plex in Multan, members of the ruling class
governor of parts of Sind, Multan, and Ucch. In as well.
its 63 chapters, the manual treats of the sciences
of the Sufis, their institutions, mystico-ascetic
practices, behavioral codes, accoutrements, life Cross-References
in the Sufi residential lodge, ethics and comport-
ment, epistemology and mystical experience, ▶ Sūfism
the human psycho-spiritual constitution, and ▶ Suhrawardī Order
the states and stations of the mystical path.
Evincing its continuing relevance, numerous
commentaries on the text were produced by
References
South Asian Sufi authors, such as by the Gujarati
Sufi scholar ʿAlī b. Aḥmad Mahāʾimī (d. 1432), 1. Ahmad N (1972) The oldest Persian translation of the
the prolific Chishtī author Sayyid Gēsūdarāz ‘Awárifu’l-Ma‘árif. Indo-Iranica 25(3–4):20–50
(d. 825/1422), the latter’s disciple Abū l-Fatḥ 2. Chittick WC (1982–) ʿAwāref al-Maʿāref. In: Yarshater
ʿAlāʾī Qurayshī of Kalpī (d. 862/1458), and the E (ed) Encyclopaedia Iranica, vol 1. Routledge/Kegan
Paul/Mazda Publishers/Encyclopaedia Iranian Foun-
Ṣābirī-Chishtī litterateur ʿAbd al-Quddūs Gangōhī dation, London/Boston/Costa Mesa/New York,
(d. 944/1537). pp 114–115
3. Hartmann A (1954–2004) al-Suhrawardī, Shihāb al-
Influence in India Dīn Abū Ḥafṣ ʿUmar. In: The Encyclopaedia of Islam,
New edn, vol 9. E.J. Brill, Leiden, pp 778–782
A central idea in the ʿAwārif al-maʿārif, which 4. Knysh A (2000) Islamic mysticism: a short history.
had a direct influence on the way in which the Brill, Leiden, pp 195–203
Suhrawardī order positioned itself vis-à-vis the 5. Naushahi A (2000) Barr-i ṣaghīr maiṅ ʿavārifuʾl-
wider social world which its members inhabited maʿārif kī maqbūliyat par chand shavāhid. Fikr-o-
naẓar (Islamabad) 37(2):111–125
in medieval India, is Suhrawardī’s argument that 6. Ohlander ES (2011) Mecca real and imagined: texts,
due to their heightened spiritual state the Sufis transregional networks and the curious case of Bahāʾ S
were the only legitimate “heirs to the Prophets” al-Dīn Zakariyyā of Multan. In: Curry JJ, Ohlander ES
and as such had a duty to minister to the spiritual (eds) Sufism and society: arrangements of the mystical
in the Muslim world, 1200–1800. Routledge,
needs of the Muslim community at large. In this, Abingdon/New York, pp 34–49 passim
Muslim political and economic elites were to 7. Ohlander ES (2008) A new terminus Ad Quem for
play the role of supporting the activities of the ʿUmar al-Suhrawardī’s magnum opus. J Am Orient
Sufi masters living within their jurisdiction who, Soc 128(2):285–293
8. Ohlander ES (2008) Sufism in an age of transition:
in turn, would look after the spiritual welfare of ‘Umar al-Suhrawardi and the rise of the Islamic mys-
the whole. As an advocate of a communalist tical brotherhoods. Brill, Leiden
style of mystical theory and practice which rec- 9. Rizvi SAA (1978–1983) A history of Sufism in India,
ognized varying levels of affiliation with, and vol 1. Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, New Delhi,
pp 86–93, 190–240 passim
participation in, the life of the Sufi khānaqāh 10. Suvorova A (2004) Muslim saints of South Asia: the
(residential lodge), Suhrawardī distinguished eleventh to fifteenth centuries. Routledge Curzon,
between full-time disciples and those simply London/New York, pp 132–154 passim
632 Shaykhnā Pulavar

politically active, later commenting that politics

Shaykhnā Pulavar is in her bloodstream [3], serving as Secretary of
her Hall’s Students’ League and Vice-President
▶ Kadir, Shaykh Abdul of Eden’s Student Union (1966–1967) [4]. She
says that her father regularly talked politics
with her.
Hasina married M. A. Wazed Miah
Sheikh Hasina (1942–2009), a nuclear physicist, on November
17, 1967, the year Durham University awarded
Clinton Bennett him his doctorate. In public life, Hasina always
Department of Philosophy, State University of uses “Sheikh Hasina,” not “Wazed,” although
New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA some literature does refer to her with that name.
In 1972, her father Mujib became the Prime Min-
ister of Bangladesh, formerly East Pakistan. He
Synonyms had led the movement to protect the status of
Bangla, for autonomy and finally independence
Śekha Hāsinā; Sheikh Hasina Wazed from West Pakistan, which treated East Pakistan
as a colony. Hardly any Bengali military officers
reached star rank, and the West dominated the
Definition civil service. West Pakistanis thought Bengali
Islam syncretistic, mixed with Hinduism, and
Leader of Awami League since 1981, daughter of saw Bengalis as physically weak [5]. Mainly gen-
Bangladesh’s assassinated founding father, and erated in the East, national income was spent in
winner of several major prizes for peace and the West. The war of liberation began on March
human rights achievements, she began her second 26, 1971, and ended on Victory Day, December
term as Prime Minister of Bangladesh January 16, 1971. At this time, Hasina was close to her
2008, having previously served 1996–2001, future rival, Khaleda Zia, after her father helped
succeeding and preceding her rival, Begum save her marriage with Ziaur Rahman. A brigade
Khaleda Zia, leader of Bangladesh Nationalist commander in the war, Zia was reluctant to take
Party with whom she has dominated Bangladeshi her back; she had surrendered to Pakistani troops.
politics for over two decades. After initially avoiding capture, Hasina and
Wazed were interned [6].

Early Life, Family, and Education

Family’s Murder
Sheikh Hasina (born December 28, 1947) in
Tungipara, Dhaka, is the oldest of five children On August 15, 1975, junior officers stormed
of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (Mujib) and his wife, Mujib’s home, killing him, his wife, and three
Fazilatunnesa Mujib. Her prefix “Sheikh” (more sons; Hasina and her sister were visiting Germany,
properly Śekha) is sometimes described as a so they survived. Chaos followed. Regimes came
traditional name in her family or as title (chief) and fell. Finally, Zia emerged as leader (July 21,
used in Bangladesh by some members of the 1976). Mujib had concentrated power in his own
gentry [1]. After primary, secondary, and inter- hands, arrested opposition leaders, and restricted
mediate schooling in Dhaka, Hasina graduated press freedoms, alienating many. Defenders
BA in Bengali Literature from Dhaka University point out that Mujib needed special powers to
(1973) through Eden College, the pioneer and deal with competing factions, a major flood,
prestigious women’s academy founded in 1873 mass rehabilitation of displaced peoples and
by Brahmo women [2]. At College, Hasina was armed bandits roaming the countryside [7].
Sheikh Hasina 633

After the murder of her parents and brothers, BNP and AL Alternate in Power
unable to return to Bangladesh, Hasina and her
husband stayed with India’s Prime Minister, Elections followed (February 1991), which BNP
Indira Gandhi, and then from April 1980 lived won. Hasina became the official leader of the
in London, setting up an Awami League (AL) opposition. During 1996, she boycotted a Febru-
branch; her father had cofounded AL (1949). ary ballot, supporting demands for a Caretaker
Hasina began her long campaign to bring her Government to oversee elections. She won the
family’s murderers to justice. In 1979, Zia lifted next election (June) with 146 out of 300 seats,
a ban on political parties (including religious succeeding Khaleda as Bangladesh’s second
ones), founded the Bangladesh Nationalist woman Prime Minister. Khaleda returned to
Party (BNP), and won a parliamentary election. office from 2001 to 2006. In 2006–2008, under
Zia changed the nation’s constitution, which he a Caretaker Government, both women were
associated with Mujib, removing “secularism” charged with corruption (neither were convicted)
and redefining “socialism” as “economic and and banned from politics. In the end, they led
social justice” and “Bengali nationalism” as their parties in the 2008 election. Hasina won
“Bangladeshi” [8]. “Bengali” crosses borders a two-thirds majority.
into the wider linguistic-cultural context; “Ban-
gladeshi” is geopolitically more specific. The
BNP version of events on March 26, 1972, credits As Prime Minister
Zia with proclaiming independence, obscuring
Mujib’s role [9]. In February 1981, Hasina was In power, archrivals Hasina and Khaleda actually
elected AL Chair, returning to Bangladesh May pursue similar policies; AL has shifted from
17th. The party was fractured, its leadership dec- the left to the center. Both encourage private
imated through assassinations; the man who enterprise. Both prioritize gender and children’s
might have become Chair, Abdur Razzak nomi- issues, passing legislation in these areas. Hasina
nated Hasina, thinking he could control her. He increased women’s representation in local govern-
was also aware of the political value of her survi- ment. Under both, the economy grows at about
vor status and dynastic links. Later, Razzak split 4% per annum. Hasina tries to achieve a consen-
from Hasina [10]. sus by including opposition members in the gov-
ernment; BNP and Ershad’s Jatiya party have had
posts. BNP allies with Islamist parties, stressing
Campaigning for Democratic Islamic identity. AL is secular, attracting non-
Restoration Muslim support. AL is friendlier toward India;
BNP foreign policy focuses on the Muslim
Following Zia’s assassination on May 30, 1981, world, claiming that AL’s pro-India stance poten- S
his civilian deputy Abdus Sattar won the presi- tially compromises sovereignty. Hasina negoti-
dential election before falling in a bloodless coup ated a water treaty with India (1996) and a peace
to military dictator H. M. Ershad. By 1984, accord with Chittagong Hill Tract tribes (1997).
Khaleda was BNP Chair. Believing Zia to be Internationally, she encourages a Culture of
part of the conspiracy that ended Mujib’s life, Peace. In 1997, she co-chaired the Microcredit
Hasina now saw her former friend as a foe. How- Summit. In 2001, she attended the G8 meeting,
ever, in campaigning for democratic restoration, the first South Asian leader invitee. Following
they more or less cooperated. Hasina was thrice a 2005 Supreme Court decision invalidating con-
under house arrest but won a seat in the 1986 stitutional changes under military rule, the Fif-
election, which BNP boycotted. Strikes, riots, teenth Amendment (2011) restored secularism,
and civil unrest led to Ershad’s resignation, ten- socialism, and Bengali nationalism as state prin-
dered on December 6, 1990. He was found guilty ciples, although Ershad’s eighth Amendment,
of corruption. making Islam the state religion, was kept.
634 Sheikh Hasina Wazed

A clause protects religious freedom. Caretaker Cross-References

oversight of elections was removed; having ini-
tially opposed this, BNP now objected to its abo- ▶ Bangladesh (Islam and Muslims)
lition. The Amendment also increased women’s ▶ Mujibur Rahman, Shaykh
reserved seats from 45 to 50. ▶ Zia, Begum Khaleda
Both leaders boycott parliament in opposition,
fomenting strikes and demonstrations. They meet
so rarely that a 2009 ifṭār encounter made head- References
lines [11]. Their rivalry precludes conciliatory
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politics, creating gridlock [12]. Critics accuse Mujib and the struggle for freedom. University Press,
Hasina of spending too much time rehabilitating Dhaka
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now again constitutionally enshrined, and his colonial Bengal, 1876–1939. Brill. US Women’s
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A controversial election held January 5 2014 Rahman. University Press, Dhaka
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uncontested. By claiming victory and her third 10. Chowdhury MH (2003) Democratization in South Asia:
term as PM, Hasina's democratic credentials are lessons from American institutions. Ashgate, Aldershot
arguably compromised. Due to violence, some 11. The Daily Star (2009) “Senakunja Iftar gets Hasina,
seats remain vacant. Hhaleda together,” 11 Sept 2009
12. Carpenter WM, Wiencek DG (2005) Asian security
handbook terrorism and the new security environment.
M.E. Sharpe, Armonk
Honors 13. Thompson MR (2003) Female leadership of demo-
cratic transitions in Asia. Pacific Aff J 75(4):535–555
14. Hāsinā Ś (2009) Collected works. Mowla Bros, Dhaka
Hasina has received several honors, including 15. Hāsinā Ś (1998) Miles to go: a collection of speeches
the UNESCO Félix Houphouët-Boigny Peace of prime minister Sheikh Hasina. The Wing, Dhaka
Prize (former US Senator George J. Mitchell 16. Bennett C (2010) Muslim women of power: gender,
was co-recipient) and Oslo’s Mahatma Gandhi politics, and culture in Islam. Continuum, London
Award (both 1998). Abertay Dundee, Australian
National, Boston, Bridgeport, Brussels’s Catho-
lic, Visva-Bharati, and Waseda universities have Sheikh Hasina Wazed
all conferred honorary doctorates. Her husband,
unlike some male spouses of Asian female ▶ Sheikh Hasina
leaders, did not engage in politics, pursuing his
separate career. Their son Sajeeb joined AL in
2009; so far he holds no significant post. Impor-
tant sources are Hasina’s collected works [14] Sheikh Maududi
and speeches [15]. For analysis of her career,
see Bennett [16]. ▶ Mawdūdī
Shibli Numani 635

Early Education and Final

Sheikh Mujib
Shibli Numani, popularly simply known as Shibli,
▶ Mujibur Rahman, Shaykh was born and died in Azamgarh, present-day Uttar
Pradesh, India. His formative years were spent
with Maulana Muhammad Farooq Chirayakoti,
an eclectic rationalist scholar and opponent of
Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan. In Chirayakoti’s study
Shīʿa Imāmī Ismāʿīlis
circle, Shibli received a diverse religious educa-
▶ Nizārī Ismāʿīlīs tion. From Chirayakoti he studied the classical
noncanonical texts of Mu‘tazilite theology, Arab
adaptations of ancient Hellenic natural science,
and philosophy. Through him, Shibli was exposed
to Muslim scholars with philological interests in
Shibli Nomani Sanskrit and Hebrew ([2], p. 341).
Shibli spent most of his life as an educator and
▶ Shibli Numani a pioneering writer who contributed to the early
development of Urdu prose. From among his lit-
erary productions, he is most remembered for his
biography of the Prophet Muhammad and early
Shibli Nu’mani Muslim personalities. Along with his attempt at
reformulating the Islamic discipline of theology
▶ Shibli Numani (‘ilm al-kalām), these historical and biographical
writings contributed to the nineteenth-century
apologetic responses to the polemical interven-
tions of colonial Christian missionaries ([1], p.
193). His most important appointments were as
Shibli Numani a teacher of Arabic and Persian at Mohammedan
Anglo-Oriental College at Aligarh, which later
Maheen Zaman became the Aligarh Muslim University, and
MESAAS, Columbia University, as a founding member of the Nadwa movement
New Hyde Park, NY, USA and its seminary (madrasa), founded in Luck-
now in 1898.
At Aligarh Shibli was greatly influenced by
Synonyms the English educator and orientalist Thomas S
Arnold and learned from him modern histori-
Allama Shibili Nu’mani; Shibli Nomani; Shibli cal research methodology ([3], p. 147). They
Nu’mani developed a close friendship and had a very
productive scholarly fellowship. During his
Aligarh years, he also encountered disagree-
Definition able western representations of Islamic history
and the Prophet’s biography, which prompted
Shibli Numani (1857–1914) was a scholar of him to spend the rest of his life writing biog-
Islamic intellectual history and theology. He is raphies and attempting to develop a new the-
most famously associated with two of the most ology to meet the challenges posed by the new
important post-1857 rebellion educational institu- natural sciences. His most celebrated contribu-
tional initiatives – the Aligarh and the Nadwa tion is the six-volume prophetic biography
movements. that was completed from his manuscripts and
636 Shihāb al-Dīn

notes by his close associate and student Syed detractors and supporters was his constant defen-
Sulaiman Nadwi ([2], p. 339). siveness and sensitivity to any and all perceived
Although Shibli shared with Sir Syed Ahmad slights. This is usually explained by his relative
Khan and others of the Aligarh movement the lower social origin compared with that of the
goal of reconciling modern knowledge systems Ashraf class that dominated his social scene
with traditional Muslim beliefs and practices, he ([2], p. 341).
judged them to have conceded too much. After Sir After he left Nadwa, he ended back where he
Syed’s death in 1898, Shibli moved onto an advi- began, at Azamgarh. There, he left behind two
sory position in the princely State of Hyderabad legacies that would memorialize him much
and then in 1908 to Nadwat al-Ulama’s newly more than his activities at Aligarh and Nadwa.
established seminary at Lucknow. Soon after, he The first was the Dar al-Musannifin, a research
began voicing criticism of Aligarh’s lack of seri- institute that went on to attract graduates from
ousness in engaging Islamic intellectual traditions Nadwa and elsewhere interested in producing
and the little space made for this in the formation historical works. The second was the Madrasa
of Aligarh’s graduates. al-Islah (the Reformist Seminary) founded by
an associate of his, Hamid al-Din Farahi. Grad-
uates of this seminary appended the title Islahi
At Nadwa to their names, and its most famous graduate,
Amin Islahi, produced many notable students
Shibli was involved throughout Nadwa’s forma- in Pakistan. Foremost among them is Javed
tive years when it was an annual conference Ahmad Ghamidi, whose group Al-Mawrid Insti-
of traditional religious scholars in the 1890s tute of Islamic Sciences claims to be the successor
as it sought to give them political significance of a so-called Shibli school of thought, one that
and a public role as the Muslim community’s proposes indigenous reformist Islamic solutions
representatives in British India. Nadwa’s stated unsullied by modern western accretions. Through
goal and practical attempts at creating a “big his historical and theological writings and educa-
tent” Muslim scholarly association to unite the tional initiatives, Shibli has remained relevant
community of believers failed in the face of in twenty-first-century South Asian Islamic
internecine sectarian conflicts. Almost as a con- discourse.
solation in the end, key members of the group
established a seminary in Lucknow appropriat-
ing British bureaucratic modernity in the pattern References
set by the then far more famous and influential
seminary in Deoband. What was supposed to set 1. Ayesha J (2008) Partisans of Allah: Jihad in South Asia.
Nadwa apart was its middle way between the Harvard University Press, Cambridge
overly accommodationist Aligarh and the reac- 2. Metcalf B (2005) Islamic revival in India: Deoband
1860–1900. Oxford University Press, New Delhi
tionary isolationism of Deoband. Shibli took the 3. Troll CW (1997) Muhammad Shibli Nu’mani
lead in advocating the teaching of English and (1857–1914) and the re-form of Muslim religious edu-
even Sanskrit at Nadwa. cation. In: Grandin N, Gaborieau M (eds) Madrasa: La
His years at Nadwa were no less embroiled in transmission du savoir dans le monde musulman. Edi-
tions Arguments, Paris, pp 145–157
office politics and power struggles. Eventually,
toward the end of his life, he moved on from
Nadwa having fallen out of favor with more
powerful factions there and resigned in an atmo-
sphere of bitter acrimony. Throughout his career Shihāb al-Dīn
at Aligarh and Nadwa, one of the causes of fric-
tion with colleagues attributed to him by both his ▶ Muḥammad Ghūrī
Shirk 637

(sincerity) in which God is characterized as abso-

Shirk lute, self-caused (causa-sui), self-subsisting, and
unique without any wants or constraints. Since
Ismath Ramzy and Golam Dastagir Allāh does not beget, nor was He begotten (Q.
Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University of CXII:3), He is the ultimate reality, the supreme
Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia being, and hence, “there is none comparable unto
Him” (Q. CXII:4), while all of His created beings
including humans are contingent with constraint.
Synonyms Denial of this thesis means committing polythe-
ism. Unlike a disbeliever (kāfir), a polytheist
Deities; Partnering with God; Polytheism; Sin; (mushrik) may accept the existence of God but
Worshipping many gods in reality fail to prove it in practice.

Definition Historical Development

The term shirk in Islam is used to refer to idolatry The origin of shirk can be traced back to the
or polytheism, which means deification, or wor- community of Prophet Noah. Islam claims that
ship of deity, gods, or anything other than Allāh. tawḥī d (oneness of Allāh), which was introduced
As opposed to polytheism, Islam preaches strict by Prophet Adam, the first human being created
monotheism embedded in tawḥī d (oneness of by God, continued (Q. II:213) for generations
God), i.e., God is one, unique, and absolute. until the time of Noah [1]. However, polytheism
The Arabic word shirk is derived from the root intruded when the community of Noah was led
verb sharaka, meaning “to share with someone,” astray by IblĪs, the Satan, instigating the followers
or “to include something.” From an Islamic per- of righteous men to erect statues of them, after
spective, shirk means attributing an equal partner their death in a bid to make them memorable. Out
unto Allāh, or associating anyone or anything of sheer ignorance, these statues had been vener-
with Him. The Islamic view of monotheism that ated and, to the extreme extent, worshipped ([2],
Allāh is one and nothing is like Him is clearly vol 8, Ḥadīth no. 534). The Prophet Muḥammad is
stated in the Qur’ān: “nothing is like unto Him” believed to have said in a ḥadīth al-qudsĪ that
(Q.XLII:11) that scripturally asserts God’s one- God said to him, “I created all my servants upon
ness and His uniqueness. The denial of this tenet is the true Religion (upon tawḥī d, free from
what in Arabic is called shirk (polytheism), which shirk). Then Satan inspired them and led them
implies associating God with other gods, or dei- astray from their true Religion” ([3], vol 8, Ḥadīth
ties, or idols. That worshipping anything besides no. 159). S
Allāh is shirk is exemplified in the Qur’ān (X:18). From the sacred historical perspective, the
monotheism established by Prophet Abraham
was practiced without any disruption until
Antithesis of Shirk ‘Amr bin Luhai, a brave warrior and a renowned
religious leader, introduced idol-worship in
As mentioned, the cornerstone of Islamic belief Mecca by placing in the middle of the Ka‘bah
lies in tawḥī d – the fundamental thesis of the an idol (Hubal) brought from Syria [5]. This
attributes of Islamic God repeated in several action sparked the spread of paganism across
verses of the Qur’ān, the opt-recited verse of Arabia, especially Mecca, though the action of
which is “Say: He, Allāh, is One” (Q. CXII:1). ‘Amr bin Luhai was considered an act of inno-
On the metaphysical level, God in Islam is vation rather than deviation from the Abrahamic
portrayed in the Qur’ānic chapter called al-Ikḥlāş religion.
638 Shirk

Causes of Shirk sorcery, orphan’s property appropriation, and

involvement in interest-based business, but not
Shirk is caused by several factors, such as inten- shirk, as the Qur’ān said: “Lo! Allāh forgiveth
tional innovation, exaggeration of devotion and not that a partner should be ascribed unto Him.
love, extreme forms of veneration of the Prophet He forgiveth (all) save that to whom He will.
or Messengers, etc. The Qur’ānic injunction Whoso ascribeth partners to Allāh, he hath indeed
enshrined in IV:171 and the Prophetic tradition invented a tremendous sin” (Q. IV:48).
warn against exaggerations that transgress the
proper bounds of Islam, to the extent that humans,
including Messengers and their followers, are Classification of Shirk
placed in the rank and status of God. Such warnings
abound in Islamic literatures. The Prophet Muḥam- Based on the consequences of a person’s intention
mad himself advised his followers not to exaggerate or action, shirk can be classified into two types,
his status as it leads to shirk. As he put it, “Do not namely, shirk al-akbar (major sin) and shirk al-
praise, laud, approbate, or eulogize me the way that asghar (minor sin). The major shirk (shirk al-
the Christians did to Jesus, the son of Mary. I am akbar) is known as open polytheism, which can
only the slave of Allāh, thus say, ‘The slave of Allāh take two forms: associating anyone or anything
and His messenger’.” ([2], vol 4, Ḥadīth no. 654). with God, such as believing in multiplicities of
In recent times, reformist Islamic scholars god and associating His attributes with someone
argue that excessive reverence toward community or something. The belief in many gods is called
leaders, elders, or religious heads may lead to shirk al-rubūbī yya (shirk in the Lordship of God),
shirk, especially if it involves irrational and illog- and deification of God and His attributes is known
ical whims of devotion with emotion. They also in Arabic literature as shirk al-asma wa al-ṣifāt
claim that visiting Sūfi shrine, or paying homage (shirk in God’s names and attributes). Besides,
to a Pīr, offering supplication at the tomb of the there is another major shirk called shirk al-
Prophet Muḥammad facing his grave, even ‘ibādah (shirk in worship), which includes pros-
blindly following (taqlī d) one’s culture and tration, fasting, offering sacrifice, offering suppli-
ancestors, and the like may prompt to shirk. As cation, and the like intended to be offered to
for any ancestral tradition, the Qur’ān forbids anything or anyone other than Allāh.
following such traditions without inspection, for On the other hand, by the shirk al-asghar (minor
such an act may commit shirk and people go shirk) is meant hidden polytheism that includes
astray (see Q. V:104, VII:28, X:78, XXI:53, a wide range of human actions such as making
XXVI:74, XLIII:22). In the same breath, human- incantations, participating in love spells, wearing
ization of God’s attributes and deification of crea- turquoise beads, or charms, or amulets with the
tures are likely to lead to shirk. However, the belief that these would protect them from evil,
aforesaid exposition of shirk attributed by Islamic etc. It is believed that the Prophet is reported to
modern reformists is often rejected by scholars have said that sanctimony (al-riyā’) with the inten-
belonging to traditional Islam. From a perspective tion of pleasing God for the purpose of reward or
of a Sūfi, relying upon a created being means admiration from people is also committing minor
“hidden associationism” – a form of shirk called shirk. Another form of such shirk is tiyārah – super-
shirk khafī as opposed to tawḥī d that demands stitious belief in omens practiced in some rural areas
tawakkul (absolute reliance upon God) [6]. of the subcontinent associated with folk cultures.

Significance of Shirk Shirk in Modern Context

Shirk is an unforgivable sin in Islam. God may The issue of shirk became a focal point of Islamic
forgive major sins including killing, robbery, revivalism in the postmodern period with
Siddi Lebbe, Mohammed Cassim 639

a variation of interpretation of the term in chang- ▶ tawḥī d

ing circumstances. The views and interpretations ▶ Worship
of shirk in modern times often reflect the scholar-
ship and background of these scholars concerned
[7]. Interestingly, according to some radical Mus- References
lim movements, local traditions and cultures are
1. Abdul-Rahman MS (2009) Tafsir Ibn Kathir (Part 02):
viewed as shirk, while attempting to promote Al-Baqarah. MSA Publication Limited, London
Middle East culture in non-Arab countries. Con- 2. Bukhari M (1997) Sahih Al-Bukhari (trans: Khan MM,
sequently, they are accused, to a greater extent, of The translation of the meanings of Sahih Al-Bukhari:
having destroyed several Islamic traditional icons Arabic-English). Dar-us-Salam Publications, Riyadh
3. Muslim I (1976) Sahih Muslim (trans: Siddiqui AH).
and symbols. This radical approach to shirk espe- KAZI Publications, Chicago
cially in Muslim minority countries leads to the 4. Nasr SH (1972) Sūfi essays. George Allen & Unwin,
erasure of Muslim history and of the contributions London
of Muslims in sociopolitical, economic, and reli- 5. Safi-ur-Rahman al-Mubarkpuri (2002) Ar-Raheeq Al-
Makhtum (The sealed nectar): biography of the prophet.
gious affairs in those countries. In response to such Dar-us-Salam Publications, Riyadh
Islamic radical movements, Sūfism claims that it 6. Schimmel A (1975) Mystical dimensions of Islam. The
seeks to set humans “free from the prison of mul- University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill
tiplicity” and cures the soul of the deadly malady of 7. Sirriyeh E (1990) Modern Muslim interpretations of
shirk. Religion 20(2):139–159
shirk [4]. If local traditions and cultures were
labeled as shirk, then there would be no Islamic
country that did not commit shirk, for Islamic
tradition, particularly Islam influenced by Ṣūfīsm, Siddi Lebbe, Mohammed
as found in the subcontinent, has accommodated Cassim
local cultures, to a greater extent, and as such,
although many of the Sūfi practices (such as rever- Torsten Tschacher
ence for the pīr, visiting the tombs of saints, offer- Centre for Modern Indian Studies (CeMIS),
ing blessing to the Prophet, etc.) are construed as University of Göttingen, Göttingen, Germany
shirk, Ṣūfīsm does not subscribe to what has Institute of Islamic Studies, Freie Universität
already been identified as reliance on anyone Berlin, Berlin, Germany
other than one Allāh. It further claims that all its
“shirk-like” practices are intended toward fulfilling
the goal of attaining nearness to God. Indeed, the Synonyms
centrality of the Ṣūfī practice of zikr (remembrance
of God) expressed as Allāh, or Lā ilāha, or Lā ilāha Muḥammad Qāsim b. Ṣiddīq Labbai;
ill’ Allāh (there is no god, but Allāh), which is the Mukammatukācim Cittilevvai S
fountainhead of Shahādah – the first and foremost
pillar of Islam – explicitly shows that Ṣūfīsm con-
fesses to tawḥī d (oneness of Allāh), and therefore, Definition
it lies at the heart of Islam.
Mohammed Cassim Siddi Lebbe (1838–1898)
was a Ceylonese Muslim reformer, publisher,
Cross-References and educationist.

▶ kāfir
▶ Pīr Introduction
▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia
▶ Sin Mohammed Cassim Siddi Lebbe (1838–1898)
▶ Sūfism was one of the driving forces in the development
640 Siddi Lebbe, Mohammed Cassim

of Muslim revivalism in Ceylon in the late nine- advanced to legitimize the representation of Cey-
teenth century and the most important Muslim lonese Muslims through non-Muslim Tamil poli-
intellectual of the island in the colonial period. ticians [8, 12]. Finally, debates about the
He was particularly pushing toward reforms for registration of Muslim marriages in the late
the improvement of education and the founding of 1880s sharpened not only Muslim identity but
schools among Muslims. He was furthermore an also the fault lines between reformers and tradi-
active publisher and writer, founding and editing tionalists within the community [3, 5, 9].
Ceylon’s main Muslim newspaper for many
years. His activities had a substantial impact on
Muslim politics and identity formation in Ceylon Educational Reforms
in the first half of the twentieth century.
Siddi Lebbe is best known for his involvement in
attempts to reform Muslim education in Ceylon
Background and to spread English education among his core-
ligionists. On the practical side, he was involved
Siddi Lebbe was born in Kandy in 1838 as the son in the foundation of schools. The most important
of a lawyer. Receiving an English education, he of these was the Maradana Mohammedan Boys
followed his father’s footsteps in entering the School, also known as Al Madrasathul Zahira,
legal field and becoming a proctor in 1862, prac- founded in 1892 in a suburb of Colombo, which
ticing from his hometown Kandy. He also acted later grew into Zahira College. The school was
as a municipal magistrate for some time [6, 9]. In constructed by the Colombo Muslim Educational
the mid-nineteenth century, it was generally rare Society, which had been jointly established by
for Muslims in Ceylon to pursue an English edu- Siddi Lebbe, ‘Urabi Pasha, and A.M. Wapichi
cation. While a basic command of literacy and Marikar (1868–1925), a wealthy landowner, in
arithmetic may have been fairly common among the year before. Already some years earlier, in
shopkeepers, and some Muslims received a reli- 1884, Siddi Lebbe and Wapichi Marikar had
gious education in schools attached to mosques or attempted to start a school at the same site, but it
in madrassas in South India, Muslims generally had faltered soon after its establishment [5, 6, 9].
maintained a distance to the missionary and gov- At the same time, Siddi Lebbe and his wife oper-
ernment institutions imparting English education ated a school for Muslim girls in Kandy, one of
[4, 5, 7, 9, 12]. By the final decades of the nine- three Muslim girls schools in the Central Prov-
teenth century, the disadvantages of this attitude inces. However, Muslim girls schools faced seri-
became increasingly clear to the small Muslim ous difficulties. Most students left at the onset of
middle class [1, 9]. puberty, and there were few qualified teachers. As
Developments during the 1880s finally galva- a result, most of the early attempts to establish
nized some members of the Muslim elites, among girls’ schools among Muslims faltered [5]. On the
them Siddi Lebbe, to work for reforms in Muslim whole, the early Muslim education movement
society. One was the arrival of the exiled Egyptian was focused on the mercantile communities in
nationalist leader, Ahmad ‘Urabi Pasha western, southern, and central Ceylon, while no
(1841–1911), in Colombo in 1883. ‘Urabi attempts were made to reach the rural Muslim
avoided anti-colonial political activism in exile, population of the east [12].
but he did support English education and the Besides his practical engagement in the foun-
improvement of Muslim education in general [5, dation of schools, Siddi Lebbe also had to engage
9]. At the same time, Muslim elites began to react with questions of the syllabus. There was an insis-
more sharply to the assertions by non-Muslim tence by many Muslims on Arabic education in
Tamil scholars and politicians that the Muslims Muslim schools, both as a result of growing
of Ceylon should be considered as Tamils. These attempts by the Muslims to define themselves as
claims, it was understood, were primarily a racial group apart from the Tamils by stressing
Siddi Lebbe, Mohammed Cassim 641

descent from Arabs and as a concession to reli- is kidnapped as an infant, grows up in India,
gious orthodoxy. Siddi Lebbe suggested means to receives an English education, and marries
incorporate this subject into Muslim schools a British woman who converts to Islam before he
while keeping the main education in Tamil, as is reunited with his Egyptian family, exemplifying
Arabic was not recognized as a language of exam- many of Siddi Lebbe’s own aspirations [13]. Per-
ination by the Education Department [5, 9]. He haps Siddi Lebbe’s most important work is Asrar
was also critical of the existing teaching materials al-‘Alam, published in 1897, shortly before Siddi
and grammars in Tamil and criticized Muslim Lebbe’s death. Written as a dialogue between a Sufi
Tamil authors for their excessive focus on poetry master and his disciple, the book criticizes “ortho-
[10]. As a result, he published Tamil primers on dox” religious scholars and their dogmas as much
grammar, arithmetic, and Arabic, as well as an as traditional Tamil Muslim poets and seeks to
elementary Arabic reader [2, 6]. integrate “modern” scientific knowledge with Sufi
doctrines. It is probably the most succinct compi-
lation of Siddi Lebbe’s religious thought [9, 10].
Publishing Activities

While Siddi Lebbe is best known for his involve- Cross-References

ment in the promotion of Muslim education, he
was also a prolific publisher. In late 1882, he had ▶ Sri Lanka (Islam and Muslims)
established a weekly newspaper in Kandy, the
Muslim Nesan (“The Muslim Friend”), which
discussed a wide variety of matters of importance References
to Muslims. The Muslim Nesan also published
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teen-eighties. In: Proceedings of the first international
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books in the library of the British Museum. British
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Siddiqi, Maulana Abdul Aleem Shah Aḥmad Rīḍā (r) of Bareily, Shaykh Aḥmad
al-Shams (r) of Morocco, Shaykh al-Sanūsī (r) of
Yasien Mohamed Libya, and Maulanā ‘Abd al-Bārī (r) of Farangi
Department Foreign Languages, University of Mahal. Maulana Siddique (r) grew up in a spiri-
the Western Cape, Bellville, South Africa tual atmosphere; his mother, a pious woman, took
sole care of him at the age of 12, after his father’s
demise. He completed his spiritual training under
Synonyms his brother-in-law Qazi Intizamudin, and his elder
brother Maulana Aḥmad Mukhtar Siddique (r),
Abdul Aleem; Siddique from whom he received ijāzah (authorization) in
several Sufi orders, including the Qadiriyyah,
Suhrawardiyyah, and Naqshbandiyyah. This
Definition training raised him to the level of a Sufi teacher,
which commenced his quest for spiritual illumi-
Maulana Shah Abdul Aleem Siddique was one of nation. He frequently visited Makkah and Medina
the salient modern figures of the Indo-Pakistan to meet spiritual luminaries such as Shaykh
sub-continent, and traveled the world for 40 years Aḥmad al-Shams of Morocco. Therefore, such
to preach the message of peace and harmony among a social context naturally acted as a powerful
nations. stimulus on his temperament. His spiritual orien-
tation is reflected in his Kitāb-al-Taṣṣawwuf (The
Book of Sufism), intended to guide his disciples.
Introduction His underlying desire to understand modern
world problems impelled him to acquire an English
Maulana Shah Abdul Aleem Siddique (r) was education, which he diligently pursued after com-
born in Meerut, India, on 3 April 1892 and died pleting the Dars-e-Nizami at Islamia High school,
in the Holy City of Medina on 22 August 1954. Etowah, and the Divinity College, Meerut. Shortly
He left behind a literary legacy and selflessly after graduating in 1917, he became the manager of
served humanity. He was also a salient figure in a reputed firm in Bombay, and was promoted to
the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent. He encountered partner. However, after his pilgrimage to Makkah,
leading men of letters, prominent politicians, and he devoted himself entirely to the moral and reli-
renowned spiritual figures of the time. As the gious revival of humanity.
Siddiqi, Maulana Abdul Aleem 643

A Missionary Ansari (r), wrote his epoch-making book on Mus-

lim education, The Present Crisis in Islam and our
Since childhood, Maulana Siddique (r) aspired to Future Educational Programme (Aligarh Muslim
be a missionary, and traveled the globe bearing the University Muslim League, 1944).
torch of Islam. He relinquished the lucrative busi-
ness he established in 1919, and devoted 40 years
of his life to propagating Islam. As a missionary, A Pluralist
he only returned home for short intervals, until his
demise. The countries he visited were: China, As a pluralist, Maulana Siddique (r) wanted
Reunion, Uganda, Congo, Palestine, France, Brit- everyone to be united in their common spirituality
ain, United States, and South Africa. He brought against the destructive forces of secular material-
the message of peace to thousands, and raised the ism. He stood for peace, but did not discount jihād
moral and spiritual levels of countless Muslim as a form of self-defense, a view inspired by
communities. He was received hospitably wher- Sayyid Amīr ‘Alī, Sayyid Aḥmad Khān, and
ever he went. In exchange for the knowledge and Shiblī Nu‘mānī. Maulana stood for peace within
inspiration he provided, people warmly offered the self, peace with God, and peace with others.
him food and shelter. He strove for peace and harmony and humanity’s
Maulana Siddique’s (r) first occupation was to spiritual regeneration. He felt that ignorance of
teach Urdu to Englishmen, who were required to God’s Omnipresence and His moral order has
be fluent in the language in British India. During led to human suffering. Likewise egoism can
his stay in Makkah in 1919, he lectured students only be alleviated by affirming God’s existence
on Ibn ‘Arabī’s Fuṣuṣ al-Ḥikam, Jalalayn’s and moral order. Religious leaders should unite
Qur’ānic commentary, and the Mishkāt ḥadī th toward this, and fight against the common enemy
collections. He continued these when he returned of atheism and secular materialism.
to India, and established the National High School Thus, His Eminence initiated the Inter-Religious
(Jamia Millia) at Poona, as principal from 1920 to Organization in Singapore, which remains active
1922. His formal teaching was short-lived, but in bringing various religious leaders together to
throughout his travels, especially Medina, eager fight the forces of secular materialism. Maulana
students and religious scholars came to him to invited religious leaders to join his organization,
learn and to take ijāzah (authority) in ḥadī th and and in 1950, he wrote a letter to Pope Pius XII,
taṣṣawuf (Islamic spirituality). proposing a solution to the crisis facing humanity.
As an educationist, Maulana Siddique (r) He maintained that peace is unattainable by
believed that education meant fully building up modern humanity unless humankind strives for
character, and that secular and religious education spiritual revivification. The Inter-Religious Orga-
should be integrated in the educational curriculum nizations aimed to unite religious leaders to combat S
of Muslim countries. Such an educational reform secular materialism.
was first attempted in Makkah where science,
mathematics, history, and geography supple-
mented the religious and literary curricula. He A Diplomat
initiated a similar reform at the National High
School in Poona. The idea of educational integra- Maulana Siddique (r) was in contact with promi-
tion also appealed to Maulana Mohammad Ali of nent leaders such as Muḥammad ‘Alī Jinnāḥ,
Khilāfat fame, who prepared the foundations of Mahatma Gandhi, and Pandit Nehru, and many
the later fully fledged National Muslim University others from Malaysia, Indonesia, the Middle East,
at Aligarh. Maulana also initiated similar reforms and Africa. He devoted an entire year to promote
in Malaysia and Pakistan, especially in the Col- the Indian Muslim struggle for independence,
leges of Sind and Karachi. It was under his guid- especially in the Middle East. At that time,
ance that his disciple, Maulana Fazlul Rahman Muslim leaders regarded Pakistan’s creation an
644 Siddiqi, Maulana Abdul Aleem

impediment to India’s freedom. The All-India a Barelwī, and was initially aggressive toward
Muslim League, preoccupied with internal issues, other theological schools, but gradually shifted
could not pay attention to propagating its cause from polemics to reconciliation, and concentrated
outside India. Maulana Siddique, however, being attention on creating goodwill and harmony
fluent in Arabic and having contacts with Arab between different schools of thought. Thus, he
leaders, was able to represent its cause in Egypt, became a founder member of the Society for the
Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, Trans-Jordan, and Iraq. Promotion of Harmony between Muslim Reli-
In Egypt, he stayed with Shaykh Ḥasan al-Bannā, gious Groups, under the leadership of Muḥammad
the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood, and was ‘Alī Pāshā of Egypt. While his earlier lectures
thus able to convince Egyptians about the legiti- were theologically biased, his later lectures con-
macy of the Indian Muslim struggle. His efforts centrated on presenting Islam as a religion of
here were long and arduous, but successful. He peace and tolerance. Although he had his theolog-
was welcomed by Arab leaders, including the ical preferences, he was not hostile toward other
king of Jordan and the Mufti of Palestine. theological schools. He always bore in mind the
Maulana Siddique’s political activity was not need to unite against the common enemy of sec-
confined to the Indo-Pakistan continent. ular materialism.
Undeterred by worldly temptations and dangers,
he wrote an Arabic memorandum condemning
Sharīf Ḥusayn of Saudi Arabia for compromising His Demise
with the West, and for undermining the Turkish
Caliphate. He also actively partook in the Khilafat Maulana Siddique’s love for the Prophet (ṣ) was
Movement of India, which attempted to restore so great that he traveled the world for 40 years to
the Khilāfah. Through constant contact with King spread this love through his missionary work. It
Ibn Sa’ud, he was able to address the problem of was his life-long dream to die in Medina, near the
the unjust ḥajj tax. He received an internationally Prophet (ṣ); in 1954, he passed away in Medina,
supported official mandate from the All-India and was buried in Jannatul Baqī ‘, near the Proph-
Muslim League in 1946, and led a delegation to et’s wives, behind the grave of Ayesha (ra). His
King Ibn Sa’ud, which led to the decrease in tax. daughter, Dr Farida Ahmed Siddique, founded the
Maulana led a delegation to the Indian Premier Women’s Islamic Mission of Pakistan to commem-
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru to protest against the orate and continue the work of her late father, and
maltreatment of Indian Muslims, the suppression they recently published The Greatest Propagator
of Islamic culture, and the desecration of Islamic of Islam.
monuments by Hindus and Sikhs. When the nation- Maulana’s lectures in South Africa unprece-
alist Muslims in India sought independence from dentedly awoke the country, and several non-
British India, he joined the Khilafat movement, and Muslim leaders embraced Islam. He established
gave countrywide lectures to create political aware- the Islamic Service Centre in Durban, which pub-
ness among the sub-continental Muslims. How- lishes Muslim Digest, Ramadan Annual, and the
ever, his political participation was short-lived, Makki publications (a series of Islamic Books). His
and he devoted his life to Islamic missionary activ- Urdu lectures were presented in Durban and Johan-
ity among Muslims and non-Muslims. nesburg to a predominantly Indian Muslim com-
munity, and his English lectures were given in
Cape Town and the Boland areas. His most popular
A Theologian English lecture was delivered at the Green Point
Track in Cape Town in 1952. The English version
Maulana Siddique (r) was concerned about the of his Urdu lectures in South Africa appeared in
theological conflicts between the Barelwīs and The Roving Ambassador of Peace.
Deobandīs, Ṣūfīs and Salafīs, Sunnīs and Shī‘as. Many of Maulana Siddique’s Urdu lectures
Undoubtedly, he started his religious career as were presented in mosques, especially Queen
Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khān 645
˙

Street Mosque in Pretoria, Grey Street mosque in Further Reading

Durban, and Habibia mosque in Cape Town.
A central theme in his lectures was the Prophet’s 1. Mohamed Y (ed) (2006) The roving ambassador of
peace: the lectures of Maulana Abdul Aleem Siddiqui
(ṣ) great example for mankind. Maulana Siddique
in South Africa. IQRA Publishers, Cape Town
was a Shaykh of the Qadariyyah Sufi order, and 2. Qadri MY (ed) (2003) The greatest propagator of Islam:
initiated others into this order. Many South Afri- Muhammad Abdul Aleem Siddiqui. Women’s Islamic
can Muslims became his disciples. Their children, Mission, Karachi
who still have memories of the “Holy Man from
the East,” continue the meditations he initiated.
Maulana Siddique’s (ṣ) visit strengthened the
already strong Sufi tradition in South Africa. His Siddique
Sufi meditations and invocations were reinforced
by his disciple, Maulana Ansari (r), who visited ▶ Siddiqi, Maulana Abdul Aleem
South Africa in the 1970s. Thus, the Aleemi Qadari
Ansari Mehfil, named after them, was started, and
the members continue with Thursday dhikrs in
Cape Town. Among the early local disciples of Sin
Maulana Siddique (r) were Hajie Ebrahim Paleker
and Hajie Yusuf Zalgonker. ▶ Shirk
His presence influenced every country he vis-
ited, even after his demise. He zealously promoted
all the great philanthropic and religious institu-
tions. Orphans and orphanages received his
ready aid; student educational institutions
Sir Sayyid
received his ever-ready support. Muslims of
▶ Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān
diverse schools of thought were embraced in the
circle of his charity, and they were all so inspired
by him that when he died, they lamented his
demise in a thousand pulpits.
Maulana Abdul Aleem Siddique (r), the Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khān
˙
saint, philosopher, and orator, is known for his
inspirational lectures – especially in the East and Farid Panjwani
in Africa where he also established mosques, Department of Curriculum, Pedagogy and
orphanages, and centers of learning, some of Assessment, Institute of Education, University of
which bear his name. Thousands embraced London, London, UK S
Islam through his Islamic missionary activity,
and many more were initiated into his spiritual
order. His life and death are testimony to his Synonyms
love for the Prophet (ṣ). His dream of being
buried in Medina near the Prophet (ṣ) manifested Aḥmad Khān; Sir Sayyid; Sir Syed; Syed Aḥmad
in 1954: he was buried in Jannatul Baqī ‘ at the
feet of Ayesha (ra).
Definition

Cross-References Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān (October 17,

1817–March 27, 1898) was an educational and
▶ Islamic Philosophy in India religious reformer and among the pioneers of
▶ Nafs modernist Islam.
646 Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khān
˙

Context answer to the appalling conditions of Muslims.

In Sayyid Aḥmad’s view, for this answer to be
Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān (October 17, effective, Muslims had to accept the reality that
1817–March 27, 1898) was an educator, author, they were no more at the helm of affairs in India
religious reformer, and among the pioneers of and needed to forge a fresh intellectual path.
what has been called the modernist Islam [1]. Concurrently, the British had to recognize that
Sayyid Aḥmad’s thoughts and institutional devel- Muslims were loyal to the Empire, suffered
opment have left a far-reaching imprint on Indian under unfair policies, and could be a willing
Muslims. He believed that British dominance in partner in their own uplift. He devoted himself
India did not only consist of military rule but also to implementing this vision.
represented a new intellectual and epistemologi-
cal approach to society and nature. Consequently,
he urged Muslims to have an accommodation with Reconciliation Between Muslims and the
British and master their education, culture, and British
philosophy if they were to have any chance to
prosper and find their place in the new world. As The relations between British and Muslims
will be seen below, this entailed educational as reached a nadir after the events of 1857 with
well as religious reform and led to strong resis- both sides blaming each other for violence. Cre-
tance to the emerging Indian nationalism. ating rapprochement between them became Say-
The nineteenth century was a very dynamic yid Aḥmad’s immediate task. In his treatises
and complex period in the creation of colonial Causes of the Indian Rebellion and The Loyal
modernity, with sections of Indian society who Muhammadans of India, he attempted to show
acted as local collaborators and resisters, shap- that if the Muslims did in fact err in 1857, it was
ing British rule in India under the overarching only through absurdity, misunderstanding, and
influence of industrial capitalism. Old meta- some culturally insensitive policies – all of
physics came under strain and new religious which could be easily rectified by understanding
identities and reform movements were formed. on the part of the British. Further, to bring about
As the century progressed, the feeling that some- a theological reconciliation among Muslims and
thing new was in the air became increasingly Christians, Sayyid Aḥmad wrote a commentary
widespread [2]. on the Bible, called Tabyī n al-Kalām, showing the
Described by Fazlur Rahman as having “the similarities between the two scriptures and coun-
most radical spirit” of all reformers discussed in tering Muslim claims about the Bible’s corruption
his book Islam and Modernity, Sayyid Aḥmad by Christians, a radically tolerant position even
was born in Delhi into a family with long-held today [5].
ties to the ruling Mughal dynasty [3]. He received By the 1870s, there was a substantial shift in
a traditional education consisting of reading of the the British attitude towards the Indian Muslims,
Qur’ān, study of languages such as Persian and though it is hard to judge what role Sayyid
Arabic, and mathematics. He joined the East India Aḥmad’s efforts played as there were many larger
Company’s civil service and rose in rank. geopolitical factors as well dictating this shift [6].
The widespread military and civil uprising The same period also saw increasing Indian
against the British in 1857, a watershed in nationalist sentiments. This development was
a long history of resistance, was a major trans- a cause of much concern to Sayyid Aḥmad who
formative period in Sayyid Aḥmad’s life who saw this as leading to a majority rule in which
was in Bijnor at that time. For him, the rebellion Muslims, as a minority, may suffer under the
(as he called it) was an act of ungratefulness, Hindu majority. This overtime led him increas-
destructive, and ultimately futile [4]. Not sword ingly to stress the need for Muslim loyalty to the
but education and reconciliatory politics were his British.
Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khān 647
˙

Educational Reforms far reaching of which was to leave the religious

instruction at the College to the traditional reli-
Unlike some of his contemporary reformers, Say- gious scholars of the Deoband Madrasa.
yid Aḥmad saw the changes in Muslim fortunes as The College, though inspired by the conditions
essentially linked to an epistemological shift in of Muslims, was open to all. In fact, its first
modern times that made the intellectual traditions graduate was a Hindu. There were two depart-
of Muslims irrelevant: “Today doctrines are ments in the College: (a) an English department,
established by natural experiments, and they are in which BA, BSc, MA, MSc, and LLB degrees
demonstrated before our eyes,” he observed [7]. were offered, and (b) an Oriental department, in
He found little in his traditions whose revival which modern sciences and the traditional Mus-
could equip Indian Muslims to regain their former lim learning in Arabic and Persian were offered.
glory. Instead, he saw the acquisition of modern Since it was also a place of moral development,
Western education as the only means for the pro- there was an emphasis on fulfilling religious obli-
motion of Muslim cause [8]. gations such as prayers and fasting. Students wore
Sayyid Aḥmad’s educational thought took uniforms and there was a lively tradition of debat-
a decisive turn during his visit to England in ing and sports. Enrollment statistics for the subse-
1869 where he saw a system that he thought was quent years indicate that the College may have
suitable for the needs of the Muslims of India. In contributed to motivate greater Muslim participa-
one letter to his friend Mohsin al-Mulk, he wrote, tion in higher education [11].
“If you were here, you would see how training is
given to the children; what is the method of edu-
cation; how knowledge is acquired, and how Rethinking Islamic Tradition
a nation wins prestige” [9].
Previously, he was ambivalent about the role Educational change had an immediate impact on
local Indian languages could play in promoting religious thought. Access to Western education
new ideas among the Indian Muslims. English also meant interaction with secular writings that
may be perceived as a cultural threat but were included criticisms of the religious worldview.
Indian languages capable of handling modern Sayyid Aḥmad observed,
thought? His two-pronged answer was to open . . . I have not yet seen anybody well acquainted
schools with local languages as their medium of with English and interested in the English sciences
and who believes with full certainty in the doctrines
instruction and to set up a Translation Society to of Islam as they are current in our time. I am certain
promote the translation of modern scientific that as these sciences spread. . . there will arise in
works into Urdū [10]. the hearts of people uneasiness and carelessness and
After the visit to England, his ambiguity was even a positive disaffection toward Islam as it has
been shaped in our time. [12]
resolved. Upon his return he worked to establish S
the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College Sayyid Aḥmad’s response was underpinned by
(later Muslim ‛Alīgarh University) at ‛Alīgarh, the belief that religious thought was contextual
which he conceived along the lines of Cambridge and is refashioned with changing times. He
University. The setting up of the College was a noted that “just like ancient and modern philo-
struggle not only in terms of generating resources sophical principles have changed, religious prin-
but also because of the opposition from some of ciples have also changed with time. Ancient
his fellow Muslims, particularly some “ulamā,” religious principles teach us that man is meant
who saw his aims as harmful to Islamic tradition. for religion; modern principle is that religion is
Though many Muslims, particularly from the meant for man. Old principles ask us to find God
upper and middle classes, supported him, the blindly in the darkness of night; modern principles
resistance was fierce enough to force Sayyid teach us to search for God with open eyes, in light
Aḥmad to make compromises, perhaps the most of contemporary environment” [13].
648 Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khān
˙

His response was to look for ways to reconcile be grateful for the exertions made by the ḥadīth
the traditional precepts of the Islamic faith with compilers,” they are also “obliged to investigate
modern rationality for Muslims and to justify tra- whether they are really the words and acts of the
ditional Islamic moral precepts to the Europeans. Prophet, or not” [16].
It was because of this attempt that he is often put While dealing with what he saw as the super-
in the modernist camp, a categorization not natural and contrary to reason in the Qur’ān and
always sustainable. ḥadī th, Sayyid Aḥmad took a position that was
In his theological works, Sayyid Aḥmad sought radically different from that of traditional theo-
to create a rapprochement between religion and logical thought. However, with regard to the
science of his time by invoking compatibility social teachings of the Qur’ān, his approach
between the “Word,” a concept that formed was not always modernist. With regard to slav-
a principal idea in Islamic theology, and the idea ery, for example, he took a modernist position,
of nature, or the “Work” of God, which was critical thereby favoring complete abolition, providing
to the scientific outlook. The cardinal thesis to his new Qur’ānic justification, and claiming that for
argument was that the whole creation, mankind centuries Muslims misunderstood the real mes-
included, is the Work of God, and religion is His sage of the Qur’ān [17]. On other matters, how-
Word; those two cannot contradict each other [14]. ever, he defended the traditional understanding of
But he experienced a fundamental problem. the Qur’ānic verses. For example, on the issue of
Traditional interpretations of many Qur’ānic polygamy, he claimed that it was in accordance
verses seemed to imply a contradiction between with human needs and of great benefit. Similarly,
the Work and Word of God, between the apparent his views about the role of women in society, par-
meaning of the verses and the findings of modern ticularly about education, were surprisingly con-
science; for example, the verses traditionally ventional. In this vein, for example, he opposed the
understood as narrating miracles conflicted with publication of Mumtāz ‛Ali Khān’s essay on the
modern scientific understanding of the workings rights of women, Ḥuqūq al-Niswān [18].
of nature. His way out was to argue, in a classic Sayyid Aḥmad’s theological approach thus
modernist fashion, that the rationality lay buried forces a rethinking of the neat division between
in the Qur’ān under the weight of many centuries traditionalist and modernist. In Sayyid Aḥmad,
of misguided commentaries and interpretations. the modernist, tradition was sometimes recast
He thus proposed a methodology that required and sometimes rejected, but on many occasions, it
a return to the text of the Qur’ān to in order to continued to survive albeit with new rationale.
rediscover a rational Islam. What is illustrated by the variant responses of
Part of this methodology was to demythologize Sayyid Aḥmad (and his opponents) is not a sweep-
or naturalize the meaning of the Qur’ānic verses. ing divide between modernity and tradition – as has
This can be illustrated by his treatment of mira- been the perspectives of some scholars – but alter-
cles, which he tried to explain in empirical terms native uses of tradition in light of the changed
within the known scientific laws. For instance, the human conditions.
incident of the parting of the Sea in the story of
Moses was explained through the phenomenon of
low tide by appealing to Qur’ānic morphology Sayyid Ahmad’s Legacy
and geography [15]. ˙
His approach to ḥadī th was driven by the same Though widely discussed and generally held in
perspective of rationality: that a genuinely true high esteem among Indian Muslims, particularly
ḥadī th could not be at variance with rational in Pakistan, Sayyid Aḥmad’s pro-British approach
thought. This led him to reject a major part of and religious thought earned him many critics
aḥadī th (sayings of the Prophet Muhammad) among nationalists as well as religious groups.
and offer his own threefold criterion for authen- He was seen to have internalized Oriental con-
ticity. He argued that although Muslims “should structions of India and its people.
Siyāsa Islāmiyya 649

His favoring of Urdu brought him in conflict 6. Crane RI, Barrier NG (eds) (1981) British imperial
with some Hindus, particularly the intelligentsia policy in India and Sri Lanka, 1858–1912: a
reassessment. Heritage Publishers, Delhi
among whom there was a kindling nationalism. 7. Aḥmad KS (2002) Lectures on Islam. In Kurzman (ed)
This made him concentrate more so on the op cite, p. 263
Indian Muslims and began to express doubts 8. Speech at the Muhammadan Educational Conference
about the long-term peaceful coexistence of the on 27 December 1886, quoted in Baljon JM
(1949) The reform and religious ideas of Sir Syed
two religious communities in India. It is on the Ahmad Khan. Brill, Leiden, p 33
basis of these ideas that many nationalist histo- 9. Masood SR (1922) Khutoot-e Sir Syed (Letters of Sir
rians portray Sayyid Aḥmad as a Muslim nation- Syed). Badayun. http://www.sirsyedtoday.org/books/
alist and as the pioneer of the “▶ Two-Nation Default.aspx?srch=letters
10. Begum R (1985) Sir Syed Ahmed Khan: the politics of
Theory.” educational reform. Vanguard, Lahore
Despite strong opposition to his explorations in 11. Lelyveld D (1978) ‘Aligarh’s first generation: Muslim
Islamic theology, it is interesting to note that many solidarity in British India. Guildford/Princeton Uni-
of his discursive moves and arguments to provide versity Press, Princeton; Muhammad S (1978) The
‘Aligarh Movement: basic documents, 1864–1898.
a rational basis to Qur’ānic precepts have become Meenakshi Prakashan, Meerut
part of the standard Islamic apologetic discourse. 12. Aḥmad KS (2002) Lectures on Islam. In Kurzman (ed)
For instance, the widespread tendency to claim op cite, p. 6
reconciliation between Islam and science can be 13. Panipat MI (1961) Zamane khadeem aur zamane
jadeed ka Mazhabi khayal. In: Maqalat-e-Sir Syed.
traced back to Sayyid Aḥmad’s formula equating Part 3. Majlis-i Taraqqī-yi Adab, Lahore, pp 23–25
the Word and Work of God – though he would 14. Baljon (1964) op. cit.; Aḥmad A (1967) Islamic mod-
have been aghast at the trend of reading modern ernism in India and Pakistan, 1857–1964. Oxford Uni-
scientific ideas into the Qur’ān. versity Press, Oxford; Panipat MI (1961) Qur’ān Majeed
ki tafseer. In: Maqalat-e-Sir Syed. Part 2, p. 196ff
15. Panipat MI (1961) Narrative of Moses. In: Maqalat-e-
Sir Syed. Part 4, pp 226ff
Cross-References 16. Aḥmad KS (1898) Akhri Mazamin. Rafa-i ‘Aam
Press, Lahore, p. 97
▶ Aligarh Muslim University 17. Aḥmad KS (1893) Ibtāl-e-Ghulāmi. Maṭba-i Mufid-i
‘Aam, Agrah
▶ Deoband 18. Minault G (1990) Sayyid Mumtaz ‘Ali and ‘Huquq un-
▶ Two-Nation Theory Niswan’: an advocate of women’s right in Islam in the
late nineteenth century. Mod Asian Stud 24(1):147–172

References

1. Kurzman C (ed) (2002) Modernist Islam 1840–1940: Sir Syed

a sourcebook. Oxford University Press, New York
2. Bayly C (1988) Indian society and the making of the
▶ Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān
S
British empire. Cambridge University Press, Cam-
bridge; Bose S, Jalal A (1998) Modern South Asia:
history, culture, political economy. Routledge, Lon-
don; Varshney A (2002) Ethnic conflict and civic
life: Hindus and Muslims in India, 2nd edn. Yale Siyām
University Press, New Haven; Hardy P (1972) The
Muslims of British India. Cambridge University
Press, London ▶ Ṣawm
3. Fazlur R (1988) Islam & modernity. University of ▶ Ramaḍān
Chicago Press, Chicago
4. Aḥmad KS, Malik H, Dembo M (1972) Tarikh
Sarkashiy-i Dhilla Bijnor (History of the Bijnor Rebel-
lion). East Lansing: Asian Studies Center, Michigan
State University
Siyāsa Islāmiyya
5. Aḥmad KS (1862) Tabyin al-Kalām (Commentary on
Bible). Vol. II, ‘Aligarh ▶ Politics, Islām
650 Smith

work with Sir Hamilton Alexander Rosskeen

Smith Gibb (1895–1971), a renowned professor of
Islamic studies at Oxford, and later at Harvard,
▶ Smith, Wilfred Cantwell also one of the editors of Encyclopedia of Islam
(Brill).
In pursuance of comparatives studies of reli-
gion, Wilfred Cantwell Smith along with his wife
Smith, Wilfred Cantwell Muriel MacKenzie Struthers, whom he married in
1939, moved to India in 1940 as a missionary and
Golam Dastagir1,2 and Zuraidah Abdullah2 had devoted himself for almost 7 years (1940–-
1
Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar 1946) – during most of the time of the World War
University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh II – to the teaching of the history of India and of
2
Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University Islam at Forman Christian College in Lahore, in
of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia what is today Pakistan. Keenly interested in Mus-
lims’ presence, movement, and socio-political sta-
tus in the subcontinent, he studied during his
Synonyms tenure in Lahore the life and social status of Mus-
lims in India, and based on his observation and
Cantwell Smith; Smith; WC Smith; Wilfred Smith dissertation, he penned his first book entitled
Modern Islam in India: A Social Analysis, which
was first published by Minerva Press in Lahore in
Definition 1943, though it was rejected at Cambridge Uni-
versity for criticizing the British Raj [3].
Wilfred Cantwell Smith (1916–2000) was one of Modern Islam in India widely highlights such
the distinguished scholars of comparative reli- brilliant topics as Aligarh Muslim University and
gions, particularly of Islam in the last century. the Christian mission’s role in Islamic reform,
He was a pioneer thinker of religious pluralism, Islam and Indian nationalism, Islamic national-
comparative history of religions, and intercultural ism, the Muslim League, the pan-Islamic and
and interdisciplinary studies. He hailed from related movements, etc. [8]. However, Smith
Toronto, Canada. was accused of making a favorable approach to
socialism, and the book was banned in India [2].
He left India for North America and completed his
Smith: His Life and Work Ph.D. with a dissertation titled “The Azhar Jour-
nal: Analysis and Critique” in 1948 at Princeton
Born in Toronto to Victor Arnold Smith and Sarah University under the famous Arab historian P.K.
Cory Cantwell Smith, Wilfred traveled to France Hitti. His dissertation was later turned into a book
at the age of 7 and spent a year at the Lycée entitled Islam in Modern History, published in
Champollion in Grenoble. His maiden encounter 1957 [3]. He returned to India again in 1963 on
with Islamic culture was to seize an opportunity to sabbatical leave from McGill, Canada, for 1 year
study Arabic at the age of 17 in Cairo for a year, before he joined Harvard University.
while accompanying his mother, who was
a professor of Classics. This was a turning point
in his life [2]. He studied Classical Semitic Lan- Smith’s Contribution to Islamic Studies
guages and Eastern History at the University of
Toronto and graduated with honors in 1938. He Professor Smith’s enthusiasm for understanding
continued his theological studies as a researcher at cross-cultural traditions, especially Islam, was
St. John’s College and Westminister College in reflected in his monumental contribution to the
Cambridge, England, and had an opportunity to unbiased academic studies of Islam in
Smith, Wilfred Cantwell 651

a scientific and disciplined way, for the purpose of studies, Christians may try to understand Islam
which he founded the Institute of Islamic Studies in the historical context, recognizing its achieve-
(IIS) at McGill University, Montreal, in 1952. ment, while Muslims must find ways and means for
This was the first of its kind devoted exclusively better co-operation and coexistence with others
to Islamic studies in North America established by such as Christians, contributing to the development
a non-Muslim living in the West. In a bid to of a more tolerant plural society [6].
establish a harmonious coexistence between the
people of diverse faiths promoting pluralism and
diversity, he appointed Muslim and non-Muslim Smith and Interreligious Dialogue
Islamic scholars to the faculty, another daunting
venture for a Western Christian at that time [3]. To Smith as a staunch advocate of peace through
Smith’s virtual efforts, this trend still continues, as intercultural and interreligious dialogue empha-
Muslims seem to share almost 50% of the entire sizes the Christian approach to other religious
staffing of the Institute. The Islamic Studies traditions for mutual understanding [6]. Since he
Library (ISL), a home to a large collection of sees religions through the lens of Christianity,
primary sources as well as works on Islam in which itself has undergone changes, he formulates
mainly oriental languages, was set up together a notion of “cumulative tradition” to which Islam
with his former student William J. Watson [2]. poses a challenge, the solution to which, he sug-
W.C. Smith endeavored to bridge the divide gests, lies in codification of the Muslim sacred law
between civilizations through encounter with (sharī ‘ah) [7]. He believes that Islam cannot be an
other traditions. To that end, he authored The unchanging religious system, given the contribu-
Meaning and End of Religion (Macmillan, 1963; tions made by great Islamic intellectuals like al-
reprint by Fortress Press, 1990), the Foreword of Ghazālī (1058–1111), Ibn Sīnā (980–1037), and
which was contributed by John Hick so on, whose thoughts have strikingly made
(1922–2012). In this seminal work, he explored changes in the history of Islamic tradition. As for
the important and interesting commonalities non-Muslims, his suggestion is to understand
between the major world faith traditions. Criticiz- Islam with sensitivity and accuracy; at the same
ing the “Westerners” for misperceiving what seem time, he emphasizes that Muslims understand
to be the various ways of life manifested by diver- themselves and their faith in relation to others,
gent religious faiths and traditions, he gives a new especially Hindus in India and Christians in the
meaning to the term “religion” and tends to West [5]. He draws heavily on contemporary
believe in one God to whom, he believes, all scholarly works on Islam to better Muslim-non-
human beings return along the many roads [7]. Muslim understanding [1, 2].
However, for Smith, the term “religion” itself is He established a “common room,” a “meeting
inappropriate and it should not be used by Western point” at the McGill’s Institute of Islamic Studies S
scholars in religious studies. For the term “reli- for dialogue, not just on religious matters, but on
gion” does not apply to describe the cultural lives social, political, and international affairs as well.
of those who have yet to experience what can be Ringing the bell, an innovative way he introduced
called European enlightenment. In like manner, he to call for interfaith dialogue, at the McGill Insti-
feels reluctant to use such terms as “revelation” tute from the top floor of his office building to
and “spirituality.” assemble staff during the tea break at four o’clock
Smith characterizes Islam as an essential attracted many, if not all [2].
historical phenomenon of world civilization with
significant contribution to man’s spiritual, cul-
tural, and social development, and contends that Smith’s Official Positions
Islam is living and dynamic like any other
revealed religion, and therefore, it cannot afford Smith held many reputable academic and admin-
to disappear [4]. Through interdisciplinary istrative positions and associations, such as the
652 Sohravardi Order

maiden Birks Professor of Comparative Religion

at McGill University (1949–1963), founding Solāt
director of the Center for the Study of World ˙
Religions at Harvard University, fellow of the ▶ Prayer, Islam
Royal Society of Canada, McCulloch Professor
of Religion at Dalhousie University, professor of
the Comparative History of Religion at Harvard,
president of the Canadian Theological Society, of Spiritual Concert
the American Academy of Religion, and of the
Middle Eastern Studies Association, to name but ▶ Samā‘
a few.
A prolific author and promoter of peace,
Wilfred Cantwell Smith died in Toronto on Feb-
ruary 7, 2000, at the age of 83, leaving behind Sri Lanka (Islam and Muslims)
a historic landmark of interreligious studies for
global peace, needed most in this trouble-torn Torsten Tschacher
world. Centre for Modern Indian Studies (CeMIS),
University of Göttingen, Göttingen, Germany
Institute of Islamic Studies, Freie Universität
Berlin, Berlin, Germany
Cross-References

▶ Aligarh Muslim University

Definition
▶ Lahore
Muslims form the third largest religious group in
contemporary Sri Lanka, with the largest ethnic
References community among local Muslims, the Sri Lankan
Moors, also constituting the third largest ethnic
1. Ferahian S (1993) Islamic studies library: the Canadian group.
connection. Bull Can Mediterr Inst 13(1):6
2. Ferahian S (1997) W. C. Smith remembered. MELA
Notes 64:27–36
3. Putnam H, Eck D, Carman J et al (2001) Wilfred Introduction
Cantwell Smith: in memoriam. Harv Univ Gaz Arch
4. Smith WC (1957) Islam in modern history. Princeton
University Press, Princeton
Muslims make up a substantial section of Sri
5. Smith WC (1981) On understanding Islam: selected Lanka’s population and even form the relative
studies. Mouton, The Hague majority of the population in two districts on the
6. Smith WC (1981) Towards a world theology: faith and east coast of the island. Muslim identity formation
the comparative history of religion. Westminster,
Philadelphia
in the past two centuries has been closely
7. Smith WC (1990) The meaning and end of religion. connected to the identity politics and conflicts
Fortress Press, Minneapolis between Sri Lanka’s two main ethnic groups, Sin-
8. Smith WC (2006) Modern Islam in India: a social anal- halese and Tamils. Despite the fact that Muslims
ysis. Hesperides Press, London
have been living on the island for more than
a millennium, they have played only a marginal
political role. While their religion may set them
apart, Sri Lankan Muslims have faced many dif-
Sohravardi Order ficulties in the past 200 years in formulating a dis-
tinct identity that allows them to be recognized as
▶ Suhrawardī Order a separate ethnic group. In contrast to Sinhalese
Sri Lanka (Islam and Muslims) 653

and Tamils, Muslims settle dispersed throughout Gujarat as well as the so-called Afghans (mostly
the island, with about one-third living intermixed actually Muslims from South India claiming
with an otherwise mainly Tamil population on the Afghan descent) and Bengalis from the Chittagong
east coast, while the remaining two-thirds dwell in region [9, 31].
the urban centers of Sri Lanka’s western and The two main districts of Muslim settlement in
southern parts in predominantly Sinhalese terri- Sri Lanka are Ampara (43.6% of all religious
tory. Linguistically, the vast majority of Sri groups) and Trincomalee (42.1%) in the Eastern
Lankan Muslims speak Tamil and share historical Province. Other districts with a higher-than-
connections with Tamil-speaking Muslims of average Muslim population are Batticaloa
South India, but in contrast to Muslims in South (25.5%), Puttalam (20%), Mannar (16.7%),
India, political developments have largely led Sri Kandy (14.3%), and Colombo (11.8%). The low-
Lankan Muslims to refuse to be labeled as est number of Muslims is found in Jaffna District
“Tamils.” As a result, Muslims have over the last (0.4%), a result of the civil war and the policies of
100 years repeatedly been made targets of ethnic the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Sri
violence both by Sinhalese Buddhists and by Lankan Moors form the majority of the Muslim
nationalist Tamil groups. Significant differences population in almost all districts of the country,
within the Muslim community have further with the exception of Hambantota in the south-
fragmented and complicated Muslim life in Sri east, where the number of Malays is slightly
Lanka. larger. Apart from Hambantota, concentrations
of Sri Lanka Malays are found in Colombo and
Gampaha districts on the west coast [14, 15].
Communities and Demographics

Despite the tendency to speak of “Muslims” in the History

Sri Lankan context as both a religious community
and an ethnic group, Sri Lankan Muslims actually The island of Ceylon was an important node in
belong to several ethnic groups. The largest of Indian Ocean trade already before the rise of Islam
these are the Sri Lankan Moors. These are sup- in the seventh century, and it has been surmised
posed to be the descendants of Arab settlers on that Muslim traders may have settled on the island
the island who intermarried with local women within a century after the Prophet’s death. Clear
and in the course of time adopted the Tamil lan- evidence in the form of inscriptions is however
guage, though a minority nowadays speaks Sinha- available only from the tenth century onward [8,
lese. They are generally Sunnīs of the Shāfi‘ī law 17, 22, 24, 46]. By the fourteenth century, the
school and comprise more than 90% of Sri Lanka’s Muslim populations in Ceylon and South India
Muslims. The specific appellation “Sri Lankan had begun a process of integration into the local S
Moors” was developed in contrast to the so-called non-Muslim population as much as a stronger
Coast Moors, a term first used by the Portuguese to interaction among themselves. In one strand of
distinguish mobile mercantile Muslims from South historiography, this moment is often associated
India and the Coromandel Coast from locally set- with the adoption of the Tamil language by Sri
tled Muslims [9, 21, 35, 41, 49]. The other main Lankan Muslims, which seems to have been the
Muslim ethnic group are the Malays. The nucleus prime language spoken among Muslims on the
of the local Malay community formed in the Dutch west coast when the Portuguese arrived early in
colonial period as the Dutch East India Company the sixteenth century [1, 17, 22]. During the
settled political exiles and convicts as well as mil- period of Portuguese and Dutch colonial rule,
itary contingents from Java in Sri Lanka [20]. Muslim communities faced severe restrictions
Finally, there are several small Muslim communi- and occasional attempts at expulsion, though
ties from India mostly engaged in trade. Among their economic strength gave them some measure
these are Bohras, Khojas, and Memons from of security [1, 19, 25, 28, 49]. Some Muslims fled
654 Sri Lanka (Islam and Muslims)

to the inland kingdom of Kandy, where they found and should be politically represented as such. As
some support. According to some traditions, it “race” was the basic unit through which the colo-
was due to the patronage of the Kandyan kings nial state classified the local population, Muslim
that Muslims first began to settle on the east coast elites increasingly stressed the supposed Arab ori-
in large numbers, but other evidence seems to gins of the Sri Lankan Moors in order to argue for
suggest that Muslim settlement in the east and the racial difference of Moors from Tamils [23, 35,
involvement in local politics predates the Kan- 49]. This not only distanced Sri Lankan Moors
dyan kingdom [16, 38, 49]. from non-Muslim Tamils in the long run, but it
With the advent of British colonial rule and the also alienated them from the Coast Moors, as Mus-
conquest of the Kandyan kingdom, many of the lims in South India were at the same time begin-
restrictions faced by Muslims were removed. ning to stress their “Tamil” identity. The massive
Especially in the western parts of the island, Mus- anti-Muslim riots of 1915 may have further con-
lims played an important part in internal trade and tributed to this rift, as the Tamil elites generally
transport. Some Muslims were able to profit from supported the Sinhalese in the aftermath of the
the annexation of the Kandyan kingdom and the riots, and blame for the riots has sometimes been
resulting redistribution of land. At the same time, put on the Coast Moors [2, 43].
their reluctance in engaging in English education While the idea of a separate Sri Lankan Moor
and newly developing sectors such as the planta- ethnicity has become part of official administrative
tion industry put them at a disadvantage not only practice in modern Sri Lanka, it was far from being
versus Tamils and Sinhalese but also versus South the only model of identity in the late colonial
Indian Muslims, whose influence in trade between period. As a “Moorish” identity excluded other
India and Sri Lanka increased steadily [6, 26, 49]. Muslim groups, some parts of the elite preferred
South India and to a lesser degree also the to argue for a “Muslim” identity that could include
Arab countries also played an important role Malays and others. By and large, such debates over
in the transmission of Islamic knowledge to identity remained the domain of a small section of
Sri Lanka in the nineteenth century, as religious west coast elites [23, 35, 49]. Ultimately, Muslim
scholars made disciples among local Muslims politicians such as Sir Razik Fareed (1893–1984)
and spread Sufi brotherhoods. Religious schools chose to back the Sinhalese in the debates over
located in some Muslim towns of the Coroman- ethnic representation prior to independence. In the
del Coast attracted students from Sri Lanka until course of the mid-twentieth century, Muslim par-
the 1970s. Increasingly, Islamic literature in liamentarians representing east coast constituen-
Tamil language began to be composed locally, cies generally supported one or the other
and the first printed partial translation of the Sinhalese party in exchange for benefits to Mus-
Qur’ān into Tamil was produced by a Sri Lankan lims settled in the Sinhalese-majority areas rather
[30, 45, 47, 48]. than their own constituencies. While ultimately the
Rising concerns about the position of Muslims more inclusive label of “Muslim” came to be
within colonial society inspired the development favored among Muslim politicians, the idea of
of a revivalist movement in the final decades of the a Sri Lankan Moor community divorced from the
nineteenth century. The main focus of those Tamils has continued to be influential [3, 35, 49].
spearheading this movement, such as M.C. Siddi A major change in Muslim politics came with
Lebbe (1838–1898) or A.M. Wapichi Marikar the onset of civil war in the 1980s. For the first
(1868–1925), was education [4, 7, 27, 30, 44]. time, distinct Muslim parties formed, especially
But increasingly, questions of political representa- the Sri Lankan Muslim Congress (SLMC). These
tion and Muslim identity came to play an important represented mainly east coast Muslims, who lived
role. Based on the fact that the Moors spoke Tamil within the war zone and felt the brunt of the civil
and shared many customs locally with Tamils, war [5, 35, 39, 49]. At the same time, an increas-
Tamil politicians claimed that the Sri Lankan ingly vocal Muslim middle class in the southwest-
Moors were basically Tamils of Muslim religion ern regions broadened the social base of Muslim
Sri Lanka (Islam and Muslims) 655

politics in the Sinhalese-majority areas [42]. focus has been on the history and development of
While the divergent interests of the east and west Muslim identities and their involvement in local
coast segments of the Muslim population hin- politics. Concomitant with this interest, and some-
dered the establishment of the east coast parties times used to argue for or against a particular
also among west coast Muslims, these develop- identity narrative, has been a tendency to docu-
ments inaugurated a period of greater Muslim ment Muslim communities ethnographically,
visibility in national politics. At the same time, either nationwide or in particular localities, and
Muslims living in the LTTE-controlled areas of document their customs, such as rituals, food, or
the northern and eastern parts of Sri Lanka had to dress [21, 29, 41].
engage anew with their relationship to Tamil iden- One aspect of Sri Lankan Muslim society that
tity. While there was some initial support from has received some attention is kinship relation-
Muslims for the LTTE, subsequent events, espe- ships, especially in the eastern parts of the island.
cially the ethnic cleansing of the Jaffna Peninsula This is particularly due to similarities with Tamil
of Muslims and the Kattankudy Mosque Massacre or “Dravidian” kinship and marriage patterns [11,
in 1990, showed Muslims that they had little 12]. A particularly striking example is the exis-
to expect from radical Tamil nationalism and tence of matrilineal descent, ranked matriclans
led to further violence between the two groups (kuṭi), and matrilocal postmarital residence pat-
[5, 34, 39]. terns among parts of Sri Lankan Muslims. Similar,
With the end of the civil war after the defeat of though not identical, systems of matrilineal
the LTTE in 2009, Muslim communities in Sri descent, inheritance patterns, and matrilocal resi-
Lanka still face diverse difficulties. While the dence are also found among most of the Muslim
effects of the civil war and the tsunami of 2004, coastal communities on the Coromandel,
which hit especially the eastern coast, are still Malabar, and Canara coasts in India as well as
taxing the Muslim population [37, 38, 40], Sinha- the Lakshadweep islands, suggesting some form
lese Buddhist extremists have begun again to tar- of interconnection between these groups [35, 38].
get Muslims and their religious institutions, such While the history of Muslims in Sri Lanka can
as the important shrine of Jailani or a mosque in be traced at least in general, the history of Islam in
Dambulla [39]. The political future of Sri Lankan terms of discourses and practices has hardly been
Muslims remains unclear. investigated until now. Apart from circumstantial
details, very little is known about this topic prior
to the nineteenth century. The presence of shrines
Religion and Society and local pilgrimage sites is relatively well
documented for present times, despite the increase
The diversity of Sri Lankan Muslims makes it in “Salafist” sentiments among Sri Lankan Mus-
difficult to generalize about Muslim society on lims. Some features of Sri Lankan Muslim shrines S
the island. Even within the putative Sri Lankan seem noteworthy. Firstly, while tomb-shrines are
Moor “community,” the visible differences as common in Sri Lanka as in other parts of the
between the largely urban and mercantile middle Muslim world, some of the most important
classes of the southwestern regions and the largely shrines are not primarily connected to tombs: the
rural and agrarian population of the east make it footprint of Adam on top of Adam’s Peak has
impossible to discuss Muslim society as a whole, attracted Muslim pilgrims for more than
while the different ethnic contexts in which Sri a millennium; the shrine of Jailani marks a cave
Lankan Muslims find themselves further compli- in which “‘Abd al-Qādir al-Jīlānī” is supposed to
cate the picture. The civil war and its effects have have meditated for 12 years; the Beach Mosque at
made social research difficult in many parts of the Kalmunai contains a “branch shrine” of the
island [37]. There is thus comparatively little Nagore Dargah in Tamil Nadu; and the Muslim
information on the economic situation of Muslims shrine in Kataragama is devoted to Khiḍr, a figure
in contemporary Sri Lanka [32, 33, 42]. A large highly venerated in Sri Lanka [17, 18, 36, 38].
656 Sri Lanka (Islam and Muslims)

Another interesting element is that many of these confrontation between reformist and traditionalist
shrines, such as Adam’s Peak, the Kataragama Muslims [13, 30, 39, 41, 42]. The confrontation
shrine, and also Jailani, are identical to or located between these different religious outlooks is
in close proximity to non-Muslim sites of pilgrim- bound to shape Sri Lankan Islam in years to come.
age. Finally, many of these shrines, such as the
Nagore Dargah branch shrine, have connections
with South India. Cross-References
The linkages with South India are particularly
clear in the context of Sufi brotherhoods. The ▶ Coromandel Coast
most popular brotherhoods in Sri Lanka, the ▶ Nagore Dargah
Qādiriyya, the Shādhiliyya, and the Rifā‘iyya, all ▶ Siddi Lebbe, Mohammed Cassim
seem to have been introduced from South India. ▶ Tamil Nadu (Islam and Muslims)
The latter is particularly popular among wander-
ing mendicants or Bawas, who are connected
through a network of similar mendicant groups References
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21. Hussein A (2007) Sarandib: an ethnological study of the South Asia: adaptation, accommodation and conflict.
Muslims of Sri Lanka, 2nd edn. A.J. Prints, Dehiwala Social Science Press, Delhi
22. Indrapala K (1986) The role of Peninsular Muslim 37. McGilvray DB (2006) Tsunami and civil war in Sri
trading communities in the Indian Ocean trade. In: Lanka: an anthropologist confronts the real world.
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antiquity. Jamiah Naleemia Institute, Beruwala 38. McGilvray DB (2008) Crucible of conflict: Tamil and
23. Ismail Q (1995) Unmooring identity: the antinomies of Muslim society on the east coast of Sri Lanka. Duke
elite Muslim self-representation in modern Sri Lanka. University Press, Durham
In: Jeganathan P, Ismail Q (eds) Unmaking the nation: 39. McGilvray DB (2011) Sri Lankan Muslims: between
the politics of identity and history in modern Sri ethno-nationalism and the global ummah. Nations
Lanka. Social Scientists’ Association, Colombo Natl 17(1):45–64
24. Kiribamune S (1986) Muslims and the trade of the 40. McGilvray DB, Gamburd MR (eds) (2010) Tsunami
Arabian Sea with special reference to Sri Lanka from recovery in Sri Lanka: ethnic and regional dimensions.
the birth of Islam to the fifteenth century. In: Shukri Routledge, London
MAM (ed) Muslims of Sri Lanka: avenues to antiq- 41. Nuhman MA (2007) Sri Lankan Muslims: ethnic iden-
uity. Jamiah Naleemia Institute, Beruwala tity within cultural diversity. International Centre for
25. Kotelawele DA (1986) Muslims under Dutch rule in Ethnic Studies, Colombo
Sri Lanka. In: Shukri MAM (ed) Muslims of Sri 42. O’Sullivan M (1997) Conflict as a catalyst: the chang-
Lanka: avenues to antiquity. Jamiah Naleemia Insti- ing politics of the Sri Lankan Muslims. South Asia
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43. Roberts M (1994) Exploring confrontation: Sri focuses on mainly enlightened religious activi-
Lanka: politics, culture and history. Harwood Aca- ties aimed at empowering Muslims of Sri Lanka.
demic, Chur
44. Samaweera V (1979) The Muslim revivalist move- The SLJI is a unique organization and runs very
ment. In: Roberts M (ed) Collective identities nation- strict Islamic programs based on the teachings
alisms and protest in modern Sri Lanka. Marga of Sayyid Abū’l ‘Āla Mawdūdī (d. 1979), aka
Institute, Colombo, pp 1880–1915 Maulanā Mawdūdī, and Sayyid Quṭb.
45. Shu’ayb T (1993) Arabic, Arwi and Persian in
Sarandib and Tamil Nadu. A study of the contributions
of Sri Lanka and Tamil Nadu to Arabic, Arwi, Persian
and Urdu languages, literature and education. Imāmul General Introduction
‘Arūs Trust, Madras
46. Shukri MAM (2000) Arabic (Kufic) inscriptions in Sri
Lanka. In: Gunawardana RALH, Pathmanathan S, Muslims of Sri Lanka, known as Moors in official
Rohanadeera M (eds) Reflections on a heritage: his- census documents of the state, practice Islam and
torical scholarship on Premodern Sri Lanka part 1. speak Tamil. They are a significant segment of the
Central Cultural Fund, Ministry of Cultural and Reli- minorities in Sri Lanka. In 2001 they constituted
gious Affairs, Colombo
47. Tschacher T (2006) Islamic education in a Tamil town: 7.9% of the island’s total population. There are
the case of Kilakkarai. In: Hartung JP, Reifeld H (eds) several socioreligious as well as political organi-
Islamic education, diversity, and national identity: zations that undertake programs and initiate
Dīnī madāris in India post 9/11. Sage, Delhi actions exclusively focused on the Muslims of
48. Uwise MM (1986) The language and literature of the
Muslims. In: Mahroof MMM, Azeez M, Uwise MM Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka Jamaat-e-Islami (SLJI) is
et al (eds) An ethnological survey of the Muslims of one among such socioreligious organizations.
Sri Lanka from earliest times to independence. Sir The SLJI was founded in 1954. The Sri Lankan
Razik Fareed Foundation, Colombo Muslim community has had strong bonds with the
49. Wagner C (1990) Die Muslime Sri Lankas: Eine
Volksgruppe im Spannungsfeld des ethnischen Muslim Brotherhood internationally and with
Konfliktes zwischen Singhalesen und Tamilen. Arnold those in the South Asian region in particular. The
Bergstraesser Institut, Freiburg i.Br advent of the SLJI after only a brief interlude of
its establishment in Lahore under the leadership
of Mawdūdī, on August 26, 1941, is proof of
this close affinity. The trading links between the
Sri Lanka Jama’ath-e-Islami Muslims of Sri Lanka with their brethren in
Kayalpattanam, Madras, and Malabar in South
A. R. M. Imtiyaz1 and Minna Thaheer2 India helped spread the work of Maulanā Mawdūdī
1
Asian Studies/The Department of Political promoting Islamic scholarship and leadership. The
Science, Temple University, Philadelphia, PA, SLJI was fashioned as a highly disciplined body
USA that carried out mainly Dawah (missionary) and
2
International Center for Ethnic Studies (ICES), Tarbiya (educational) work. The discipline among
Colombo, Sri Lanka its members and allegiance to the Ameer (leader)
were the key reasons for the resilience and the
influence of the institution. It was free of fractious
Synonyms deviations and disputed ideology due to the abso-
lute devotion of its members.
Jamaat-e-Islami, Sri Lanka Despite some early differences between the Sri
Lankan and Indian Muslim segments of its forma-
tive composition, the Hamdhar committee merged
Definition under the second leader M. K. Ahmed Lebbai (a
temporary Ameer) and Moulavi Thasim Naqvi
Sri Lanka Jamaat-e-Islami (SLJI) is one of the who was officially appointed as the second Ameer.
leading socioreligious organizations among Moors In the 1950s, the activities of the SLJI com-
(commonly known as Muslims of Sri Lanka). It menced with the Hamdhar committee, which is an
Sri Lanka Jama’ath-e-Islami 659

Urdu reference to sympathizers or supporters (of One strives to achieve personal salvation through
the SLJI) who are not full-fledged members of the spirituality in the world hereafter, and the other
SLJI. In the 1950s, these sympathizers and the satisfies community life on earth to earn Allah’s
full-fledged members of SLJI were the two groups satisfaction and care and to establish the religion
that carried out the work of the SLJI. Currently the of Allāh in this world.
Hamdhar committee is not in existence. Initially, This institution believes the ability and agency
members formed reading circles to disseminate of an individual whose way of life, when directed
Maulanā Mawdūdī’s writings and then did so in a righteous path, could set the precepts
through the educative journal Prabodhanam that for a community’s learning by way of example
was then published by the Jama’ath e Islam of that he/she sets and not vice versa through commu-
Kerala. Hazrath M C Jailani provided a small nity revolutions that do not sustain themselves.
room at his residence No 76, Messenger Street, A societal transformation is possible only through
Colombo 12, in its early days for their activities. the evolution of an enlightening thought process.
With increasing participation in the Quran expla- The Jamaat-e-Islami also believes in creating
nation classes, the venue was shifted to New Moor a society that abides by a leadership that transcends
Street, Kadhiriyappa Association building, class, caste, and national barriers that unifies
Colombo 1, and thence to the Al Hussainiya humanity as one “Umma” and it believes that the
school building in Colombo 12. After several need to establish Islamic religious values in one’s
more relocations it finally found its permanent life is the personal responsibility of an individual.
home at its present premises in Colombo 8. Though the organization does engage in da’wah,
In 1954, July 18, the SLJI formally obtained according to the leaders of the organization, it does
permission from the Indian JI and opened the Sri not claim that those outside the institution are mis-
Lanka office. However, there was not to be any led. The final objective of the SLJI is to enable
official link between the two except mutual good multiple levels of community transformation in the
will. Islamic way of life through individuals, families,
and communities under one leadership. The SLJI’s
objective can be viewed in the light of a minority
Ideology, Goals, and Objectives Muslim community as compared to the goals and
objectives of the same institution that was founded
The foremost ideology that dominates the Jamaat- by Maududi who lived in an Islamic community
e-Islami from its inception to date is the funda- that in a majority spoke of an Islamic government
mental precept of Islam as given in the first and international Islamic relations. The Sri Lankan
Kalima, “Lā ilāha illa ‘llāh Muḥammad al-rasūl Jamaat-e-Islami, according to the leadership of the
‘llāh” – there is no God but Allah and Prophet organization, has no aim beyond individual- and
Mohammed (pbuh) is His messenger. They community-level reform. S
adhere strictly to the fundamental belief of Islam
in all their individual and institutional activities
and accept monotheism. They scrupulously What Influence Does It Have Among
abstain from ascribing partners to Allāh and Muslims?
accept Muḥammed (pbuh) as His final prophet.
The SLJI’s worldviews are largely influenced by The Jamaat-e-Islami in Sri Lanka has been instru-
the thoughts of Ḥassan al-Bannā, who founded the mental in preserving and fostering Islamic values.
Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt in 1928, and the It ardently opposes infiltration of Islamic forces and
messages of Sayyid Quṭb, who called Muslim practices such as Qadianism, Shiaism, Ahmadism,
societies to challenge the non-Islamic political and Adhvaithyam that would, according to the
system and ideas and build an Islamic state organization, go against the mainstream Islamic
through the channels of (militant) jihad. More- thoughts and thus would constitute as blasphemous
over, the institution is guided by two objectives. distortions of the teachings of Islam.
660 Sri Lanka Jama’ath-e-Islami

The writings and eloquent sermons of Maulanā the Tamil Tigers in 2009 killed more than 40,000
Mawdūdī and Shaheed Sayyid Quṭb helped dis- innocent Tamil people in the North, and according
suade Muslims of Sri Lanka from being carried to sources close to the organization, the SLJI
away by various waves of populist ideologies that supported war against the Tamil Tigers.
were also politically enticing in the 1950s. Their It is important to point that the SLJI has an
Islamic ideology rejects all forms of ideology such advisory role when political leaders have sought
as Marxism and Capitalism, which are products of their advice. In the 1970s and 1980s, their social
human innovation as forms of social order. The services included promotion of minority rights
SLJI’s ideology argues that Islam could offer better and preserving constitutional provisions for the
solution to all problems that confront the human security of the minorities during the socialist gov-
community. They exhort Muslims to reject all such ernment led by SLFP (Sri Lanka Freedom Party).
man-made solutions and follow the path of Islam. As the only recognized Islamic institution, they
There is an allegation that the SLJI has been functioned as a strong pressure group and a voice
promoting a kind of Islamic extremism known as for protecting minority rights and religious
Wahhabism (a school of Islamic thought that has rights. The Eelam struggle of the Tamil militants
found favor in Saudi Arabia). The SLJI, according dealt a heavy blow to the Tamil-speaking Mus-
to the leadership, is employing a far more moderate lims of the north and east. The Tamil Militancy,
path to adopting and implementing its programs which was the by-product of Sinhala ethnocen-
and does not have any political connections with trism, was perceived as targeting their normal
external Islamic movements that hold greater polit- way of life and economic well-being. At these
ical goals such as building Islamic solidarity and trying times, the SLJI promoted peace, mitigated
a global Islamic state. violence in the affected communities, and carried
out humanitarian/relief work. They also published
researched information in their publications such as
Activities Al Hasanath and Engal Thesam.
The SLJI initiated learning institutions. The
Since 1954, they have launched training programs Islahiha Arabic College, Ayesha Siddiqa Educa-
in many parts of the country. They have also held tional Institute, Mawanella, Tanweer Academy,
Tharbiyyath conferences with an emphasis on and Serandib Research Centre are prominent insti-
Islamic teachings and spirituality. Here, the purpose tutions that meet the educational needs of Islamic
of the movement, their activities, and the teaching youth.
of the Qur’ān are emphasized in addition to reading Currently, the Islamic Student Movement and
of religious books, memorizing the Qur’ān, spiri- the Islamic Ladies Movement together with pro-
tual discussions, etc. The trainings after 1978 fessional forums such as the doctors’ and lawyers’
evolved to include sections on education, advocacy, forums are active in carrying out services and
law, and social services. The branches of the insti- training programs. A translation of the Tafheem-
tution were set up after necessary training to take on ul-Qur’an that was written by Maulanā Mawdūdī
the work of the institution at the periphery. The from 1942 to 1972 is being translated into Sinhala
institution now conducts free medical camps and by SLJI for the benefit of the growing number of
undertakes other social service work. students learning in the Sinhala medium.
The SLJI is an ardent advocate for an Islamic
political solution to the problems created by the
current capitalist world order but remains non- Membership
militant in their work at home and wants to
achieve their religious and political goals without Membership of the SLJI is granted through an
committing to violence. However, they supported evolving process of commitment. There are three
the government of Sri Lanka’s war against the membership levels led by the Ameer (Leader).
Tamil Tigers. The last stage of the war against Majlis-e Shūra (central committee) is the highest
Sufi Music 661

body that guides and directs the body comprising 8. Mashoor S, Salahudeen I (2012) Thabheemul Kuraan
former Ameers and theologians. Majlis is the next Singala Molzhippeyarppu Moolam Perumpaanmai
Makkalukku Quraniya Sinthanayai, Karuththukkalai
level of all members. Immediately below this is Ariyum Vaayppu Etpattullathu (The Thabheemul
the Mumtashib (full member) and the first rung is Quran translation into Sinhala provides opportunity
the Musaid (General Sympathizer) the movement. for the Majority Sinhalese to learn the thought and
To gain full membership, one has to at least follow meaning of the Quran): an interview with Maulavi A.
L.M Ibrahim, Former Ameer of the SLJI, Meel
the minimum 10 courses offered by the SLJI. Paarvai, 240 (February 17):5
Socioreligious movements play a critical role in 9. Maulana Sayyid Abu A’la M (2009) A historic address at
the development of the society. The SLJI is one Madras. Human Welfare Trust Publications, New Delhi
among the socioreligious organizations in Sri 10. Sayyid Abul A’la M (2009) A short history of the
revivalist movement in Islam. Human Welfare Trust
Lanka that has been actively functioning among Publications, New Delhi
Muslims. The organization has very clear goals to 11. McGilvray DB (2011) Sri Lankan Muslims: between
guide the Muslims of Sri Lanka. They want the ethno-nationalism and the global ummah. Nat Natl
Muslims of Sri Lanka to sympathize with greater 17(1):45–64
Islamic sociopolitical aims and build a society
based on Islam. They firmly inculcate that there
is no solution for human ills but Islam.
Striving

▶ Jihād
Cross-References

▶ Jamaat-e-Islami, Sri Lanka

▶ Mawdūdī Sūfi

▶ Pīr
References

1. Ahmed K (2005) Islam and the West. Human Welfare

Trust Publications, New Delhi Sufi Concert
2. Anas MSM (2007) A critical analysis on contempo-
rary Islamic thought (in Tamil). Kumaran Book ▶ Qawwali
House, Colombo ▶ Samā‘
3. A lengthy interview was conducted with Moulavi A L
M Ibrahim, former head (1982–1994) and active mem-
ber of the Sri Lanka Jama’th-e- Islam on March 17,
2012. Also, a Skype interview was conducted with
a few Sri Lanka Muslims who were very familiar Sūfi Festival S
with the organization’s works and agendas and cur-
rently live in the UK. The interview was conducted on ▶ ‘Urs
February 10, 2012
4. Imtiyaz ARM (2009) The eastern Muslims of Sri
Lanka: special problems and solutions. J Asian Afr
Stud 44(4):407–427
5. Imtiyaz ARM (2012) Identity, choices and crisis: Sūfi Islam
a study of Muslim political leadership in Sri Lanka.
J Asia Afr Stud (forthcoming) ▶ Taṣawwuf
6. Imtiyaz ARM, Hoole SRH (2011) Some critical notes
on the non-Tamil identity of the Muslims of Sri Lanka,
and on Tamil-Muslim relations. J South Asian Stud
34(2):208–231
7. Imtiyaz ARM, Iqbal MCM (2011) The displaced
Sufi Music
northern Muslims of Sri Lanka: special problems and
the future. J Asian Afr Stud 46(4):375–389 ▶ Qawwali
662 Sūfi Order

Overview
Sūfi Order
One of the earliest of the Sufi ṭarīqa-lineages to
▶ Taṣawwuf take hold in Muslim South Asia, the Suhrawardī
order ultimately derives from the teachings of the
celebrated thirteenth-century Sufi master of Bagh-
dad, Shihāb al-Dīn Abū Ḥafṣ ʿUmar b. Muḥammad
Sufi Ritual al-Suhrawardī (d. 1234), nephew and student of the
important Sufi master and key link in a number of
▶ Qawwali early ṭarīqa-lineages, Abū l-Najīb al-Suhrawardī
▶ Samā‘ (d. 1168). While never visiting the Indian subcon-
tinent himself, ʿUmar al-Suhrawardī had a decisive
influence on the history of Sufism there through the
widespread dissemination of his teachings by
Sūfi Ritual a number of erstwhile disciples. Typically referred
to as khalī fas (“vicegerents,” or “lieutenants”) in
▶ ‘Urs the Indo-Muslim hagiographical literature, it is
these disciples who should be considered the real
“founders” of the Suhrawardī order in South Asia.
Deeply influenced by the system of communally
Sūfism
oriented and socially accommodationist form of
Sufi organization and practice described in
▶ Taṣawwuf
Suhrawardī’s influential Sufi handbook, the ʿAwārif
al-maʿārif (“Benefits of intimate knowledge”), five
of these khalīfas in particular are typically enumer-
Sūfism in Bengal ated in the sources as having contributed to the
establishment of the Suhrawardī order in particular
▶ Khwaja Enayetpuri areas of the subcontinent in the thirteenth century.
In Multan, there was the well-travelled Bahāʾ al-
Dīn Zakariyyā (d. between 1262 and 1267–1268),
in Bengal there was the equally well-travelled Jalāl
Suhrawardī Order al-Dīn Abū l-Qāsim Tabrīzī (d. ca. 1244–1245),
and in Delhi and its environs were the erudite qadi
Erik S. Ohlander Ḥamīd al-Dīn Nāgawrī (d. 1246), alongside the
Department of Philosophy, Indiana University- lesser known émigré religious scholars Nūr al-
Purdue University Fort Wayne, Fort Wayne, Dīn Mubārak Ghaznavī (d. 632/1234) and Żiyāʾ
IN, USA al-Dīn Rūmī (d. between 1316 and 1320).

Establishment
Synonyms Amongst this group, it was Bahāʾ al-Dīn Zakariyyā
who proved to be the most successful in propagat-
Sohravardi order; Suhrawardīya; Suhrawardiyya ing the style of sharia-minded Sufi organization and
practice championed by Abū l-Najīb and ʿUmar
al-Suhrawardī. Director of a magnificent khānaqāh
Definition (Sufi residential lodge) complex in Multan that
became a significant center of Sufi activity in medi-
The Suhrawardī order was one of the earliest Sufi eval India, like his master in Baghdad Bahāʾ al-Dīn
ṭarīqa lineages to take hold in Muslim South Asia. Zakariyyā maintained close ties with members
Suhrawardī Order 663

of the ruling class, especially the political leadership norms as mediated through the Sunni religio-
in Delhi, as well as with wider Sufi networks legal tradition, early figures of the Indian
extending outside the relatively circumscribed Suhrawardiyya such as the aforementioned Jalāl
ambit of thirteenth-century Muslim India. Like his al-Dīn Tabrīzī are presented in the sources as
master as well, Bahāʾ al-Dīn Zakariyyā was not having been actively involved in converting
adverse to managing the large amounts of wealth native non-Muslim populations to Islam. Later
and property bequeathed to him and his disciples as figures are likewise presented as having followed
pious endowments (waqf ) and unsolicited dona- suit. The aforementioned Jalāl al-Dīn Bukhārī,
tions (futūḥ) to support the extensive activities of for example, forbade his disciples to follow
his khānaqāh complex. Succeeded by his eldest son “Hindu” customs, and his brother Ṣadr al-Dīn
Ṣadr al-Dīn ʿĀrif (d. 684/1286), amongst Bahāʾ al- Rājū (d. after 800/1400) earned the nickname
Dīn Zakariyyā’s more influential disciples was the qattāl (“slayer”) on account of his militancy in
émigré Sufi master Jalāl al-Dīn Surkh-pōsh (d. such matters. Enacting the Suhrawardī ideal that
1291), from whom an important hereditary line it is a duty of the Sufis, as the true “heirs to the
of the lineage based in Ucch associated with the prophets,” to provide the type of spiritual guid-
influential Sufi master and religious scholar Sayyid ance necessary to preserve the integrity of the
Jalāl al-Dīn Bukhārī (d. 785/1384), known as Muslim community at large, from the period of
“Makhdūm-i Jahāniyān Jahāngasht,” would later the Delhi Sultans up through the beginning of the
spring. Other branches of the order, typically tracing Mughal period, there are numerous instances of
their authorizing chains of transmission (silsila) close patronage relationships obtaining between
through Sayyid Jalāl al-Dīn Bukhārī, would go on Muslim political elites and various Suhrawardī
to establish themselves with varying degrees of masters, something which often came to set the
success in the Punjab, Sind, Gujarat, Malwa, Suhrawardiyya apart from other Sufi orders in
Jaunpur, Bengal, Kashmir, and at various times in the subcontinent, such as the Chishtiyya, who
Delhi (most notably during the Lodi period). were generally more circumspect in their deal-
Whereas the position of the hereditary Multan ings with representatives of the state. Suhrawardī
branch of the order waned considerably following masters enjoyed particularly close relations with
the tenure of Bahāʾ al-Dīn Zakariyyā’s grandson, the ruling elites of both the Lodi dynasty and the
Rukn al-Dīn Abū l-Fatḥ (d. 1335; whom the famed sultanate of Gujarat in the fifteenth and sixteenth
North African traveler Ibn Baṭṭūṭa met in Multan in centuries.
1333), the branch in Ucch remained relatively In terms of religious practice, Suhrawardī mas-
strong. Collateral ṭarīqa-lineages, such as the ters have tended to emphasize knowledge of the
Firdawsī and Shaṭṭārī orders that were introduced classical Sufi legacy alongside the cultivation of
into India from Central Asia in the late thirteenth traditional Islamic religious scholarship (espe-
and fifteenth centuries, respectively, are also cially the study and transmission of hadith), dis- S
associated with the spread of certain of ʿUmar courage undue metaphysical speculation, promote
al-Suhrawardī’s teachings in the subcontinent. adherence to sharia norms, and reject extremes in
The antinomian and Shī‘īte-leaning Jalāliyya mystico-ascetic practice. On certain matters, how-
order, whose members were known for maverick ever, such as rules governing participation in the
and religiously deviant displays similar to those samāʿ (the Sufi “mystical concert”), if not its very
of the more famous Madārīs, claim descent from permissibility, a range of varying opinions have
the lineage established by the aforementioned been noted. While occasionally marked by epi-
Jalāl al-Dīn Surkh-pōst and Sayyid Jalāl al-Dīn sodes of open hostility, the relationship between
Bukhārī in Ucch. Suhrawardī masters and their Chishtī counter-
parts in the context of medieval Muslim
Nature India was complex (amicable exchanges and
Stanchly Shafī‘ite in juridical affiliation and dual initiations were not uncommon), with most
known for their fastidious adherence to sharia instances of rivalry appearing to have been
664 Suhrawardīya

rooted in wider differences between the two lin-

eages over matters of mystico-ascetic practice, Suhrawardīya
the treatment of wealth and property, and the
appropriateness or lack thereof of mixing with ▶ Suhrawardī Order
political and other elites. While often over-
shadowed by teachers and communities affiliated
with Chishtī, Naqshbandī, and other ṭarīqa-line-
ages, the Suhrawardī order continues to maintain Suhrawardiyya
a presence within Muslim communities in pre-
sent-day India and Pakistan. ▶ Suhrawardī Order

Cross-References Sultān Salīm

▶ Shaykh Shihāb al-Dīn al-Suhrawardī ▶ Jahāngīr, Nūruddin Mohammad
▶ Sūfism

References Supplication

1. Khan IA (1998) The Pī r and the Murīd: a case study of ▶ Dhikr/Zikr

the Ṣūfis of Suhrawardī Silsilah in India during the ▶ Prayer, Islam
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Hamdard Islam
21(3):23–36
2. Knysh A (2000) Islamic mysticism: a short history.
Brill, Leiden, pp 203–207
3. Nizami KA (1957) The Suhrawardi Silsilah and its Syed Ahmad
influence on medieval Indian politics. Mediev India ˙
Q 3(1–2):109–149
▶ Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān
4. Ohlander ES (2011) Mecca real and imagined: texts,
transregional networks and the curious case of Bahāʾ
al-Dīn Zakariyyā of Multan. In: Curry JJ, Ohlander ES
(eds) Sufism and society: arrangements of the mystical
in the Muslim world, 1200–1800. Routledge, Syed Ameer Ali, Right Hon’ble
Abingdon/New York, pp 34–49
5. Ohlander ES (2008) Sufism in an age of transition:
Syed Ameer Ali
‘Umar al-Suhrawardi and the rise of the Islamic mys-
tical brotherhoods. Brill, Leiden, pp 306–320 passim ▶ Amīr ‘Alī
6. Rizvi SAA (1978–1983) A history of Sufism in India.
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Silsila during the Lodi Period (1451–1576 AD). Pak Syed Ameer Ali, Saiyid Ameer
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8. Sobieroj F (1954–2004) Suhrawardiyya. In: The ency-
clopedia of Islam, new edn, vol 9. E.J. Brill, Leiden,
pp 784–786 ▶ Amīr ‘Alī
9. Suvorova A (2004) Muslim saints of South Asia: the
eleventh to fifteenth centuries. Routledge Curzon,
London/New York, pp 132–154
10. Zaydi Sh M (1974) Aḥvāl va āsār-i shaykh Bahāʾ al-
Dīn Zakariyyā Multānī va Khulāṣat al-ʿārifīn. Markaz-
Syed Mahmud
i Taḥqīqāt-i Fārsī-yi Īrān va Pākistān, Rawalpindi,
pp 3–111 ▶ Mahmood, Justice Syed
Syncretism 665

began to appear frequently in literature of the devel-

Syed Mir Nisan Ali oping science of religion (Religionswissenschaft)
and historical theology disciplines. It was used
▶ Titu Mir widely to describe Hellenic religions in relation
to “pure” Christianity, to critique historical “het-
erodox” Christianities, and in general for any
description of religious phenomena that could
Syed Mir Nisar Ali not fit neatly into developing notions of norma-
tive “world religions.”
▶ Titu Mir

Implications for Describing Religious

Phenomena
Syncretism
From the beginning of the employment of syncre-
Claire Robison tism in the history of religions proper, the term has
Department of Religious Studies, South Asian been attached to a postulation that religions have
Religions, University of California, Santa authentic, monolithic forms, existing as discrete
Barbara, Santa Barbara, CA, USA units that may interact with one another through
their adherents but are essentially different units of
worldview and practice. Intertwined with this pos-
Definition tulation is a negative valuation on syncretism, as an
impure, unnatural manifestation of religion or cul-
In scholarship within the history of religions and ture. Syncretism here designates an inappropriate
related humanities disciplines, syncretism refers mixture of categories that are intrinsically alien to
to connections between religions and cultures. It one another. This negative valuation has sometimes
can be used to describe the influence of one reli- been used to contrast popular, “folk” religion with
gion on another, the interpenetration of two reli- the supposed elite, “high” traditions, which possess
gious systems, or the combination of different strongly regulated theologies and ritual orthopraxy
elements into one religious form. [14]. Overall, an evolutionary understanding of
religion and culture undergirds its use. Therein,
individual agents are largely peripheral, and the
History of Use in Relation to Religion interactions are characterized as between either
religious wholes (Islam and Buddhism) or elements
In scholarship within the history of religions and of their supposedly autonomous and distinct sys- S
related humanities disciplines, syncretism refers to tems (e.g., philosophical insights or contemplative
connections between religions and cultures. Syn- practices). The idea of religions interacting with
cretism has been used to describe the influence of one another is of course a personification of abstract
one religion on another; the interpenetration of two ideas. Interaction takes place on a human level,
religious systems; the appropriation of a deity, rit- between individuals and groups who ultimately
ual, symbol, text, or idea; or the combination of decide and continuously revise the parameters of
different elements into one religious form. their worldviews and activities.
The term synkrētismós can be traced back to
Plutarch, but its first applications in regard to
religion are found in Erasmus and his near con- Semantic Range and Typologies
temporaries, who critiqued attempted reconcilia-
tions between post-Reformation Christian sects The semantic range for syncretism is wide. While
[18]. From the mid-nineteenth century onward, it it has generally been used in a critical light, to
666 Syncretism

describe varieties of nonnormative religious phe- Critiques of Its Usage

nomena, one can also find instances of the term
being employed positively, to describe elite Until roughly the 1970s, syncretism was broadly
attempts at religious fusion. The distinction accepted among religion scholars as a valid
between positive valuation and negative valua- descriptor for certain religious phenomena and
tion here seems to be between whether the even whole traditions. Throughout the 1970s and
instance of religio-cultural interaction is deemed 1980s, with the rise of postmodern and post-
deliberate and aboveboard theologically (or at colonial thought in the academy, the use of syn-
least accompanied by enough political power to cretism gradually became critiqued on the basis of
ensure consideration) or unconscious, somehow its suppositions that religious orthodoxies are
“absorbed,” and deviant from acceptance by homogenous, pure systems rather than heteroge-
mainstream orthodox institutions. In turn, the neous products of human cultures [18]. In the
contents of religious orthodoxies are assumed contemporary study of South Asian religions,
to be composed of an entirely autonomous reli- syncretism is now a largely disparaged term,
gious system, which in its formation was some- with scholars such as Stewart and Ernst launching
how untainted by external interaction or strong arguments against its use. Ernst draws
influence. This dichotomy may be reminiscent attention to how the presentation of both syncre-
of an Abrahamic theological distinction between tism and systematic religious models is
revelation and human invention. a discourse linked to texts and therefore linked
In attempting to offer a typology for syncre- to literacy and the modern proliferation of printed
tism’s usage, scholars have suggested multiple material. Yet often in the living world, embodied
models. Carl Ernst and Tony Stewart draw atten- religious practice occupies a space very different
tion to syncretism’s metaphoric context, con- from the theoretical, monolithic worlds proposed
veying the pouring together of two different in texts [8]. Dominique Sila-Khan also argues that
liquids or the allying of separate forces [21]. syncretism should be discarded altogether,
Syncretism may refer to the relations between suggesting it is a convenient label employed
two religious traditions represented as complex when one does not have a better understanding
wholes, such as Hinduism and Islam. The inter- of the facts that led to contemporary religious
relation between members of these traditions can phenomena [17].
then be seen to cause shifts in practitioners’ reli- In its place, the terms symbiosis, acculturation,
gious ideas and practices. That can be character- indigenization, accretion, or assimilation have
ized as borrowing or influence, such as the come into popular use – all of which avoid the
popular reformist accusations of the influence of value judgments and colonial/reformist critiques
Hinduism on the development of Muslim tradi- many find embedded in the term syncretism.
tions in the subcontinent. Alternatively, a group’s Jackie Assayag in particular argues for the use of
religious identity can be depicted as overlay or acculturation and counter-acculturation, rather
veneer, denying the authenticity of the religious than pure and syncretic, to describe religious iden-
identification – a popular use in colonial docu- tity and phenomena [2]. The precise definitions of
mentation on the living practice of religious tra- these alternative terms also differ from the histor-
ditions. Syncretism can also be described in the ical usage of syncretism, their employment
language of alchemy or biological reproduction, representing a shift in thinking about what the
as the mixing of religious or cultural elements to existence of complex religious phenomena actu-
produce a new product from two or more ante- ally entails. For when one casts aside the suppo-
cedents [21]. The label of syncretism can thus sition that religions have pure, unadulterated
describe either a static condition resulting from forms and looks at religious phenomena as prac-
prior interreligious influence or a process of this ticed diversely, all religious phenomena and cul-
interaction. tural forms are formed in heterogeneous societies
Syncretism 667

with diverse antecedents. For instance, in Aditya This assumption tends not to acknowledge that
Behl’s work on North Indian Sufi romances which many South Asian Sufi traditions, for instance, have
share themes with North Indian Hindu bhakti parallels with or historical antecedents in Arabian
texts; Tony Stewart’s work on the Satya Pir nar- and Persian cultural regions. Yet even beyond that,
ratives of Bengal which develop a pan-religious another central example is the development of Khoja
saintly figure; Richard Eaton’s work on Muslim Nizari Ismailism in South Asia, which has been
history in Bengal and its texts like Saiyid Sultan’s marked by acculturation in local communities.
Nabī -vaṃśa (1654), which tie Muslim history and Fluid acculturation has been a thread throughout
identity to the land of Bengal; Jackie Assayag’s Ismaili religious interpretation from the Fatimid
work on shrines in Karnataka where Muslims and times, not a later tendency toward syncretism but
Hindus share spaces of worship; and Carl Ernst’s an intrinsic tendency of the Ismaili philosophical
study of the Amritakunda, where yogic and tantric tradition. Pir Sadruddin (d. 1416), a Nizari Ismaili
themes are linked to Sufi concepts – in all of these, pīr who spread the tradition to the subcontinent
the scholarly consensus has been that these his- through gināns, laid out a “system of equivalences”
torical religious phenomena should not be seen as between Hindu and Muslim concepts and terminol-
products of syncretism, but rather products of ogies, promoting the idea that Hindu theism was
Indian Muslims fully indigenized in their environ- compatible with Islam [1]. In much the same vein,
ment [2, 4, 6, 8, 19]. Syncretism also falls short of one finds an openness to find equivalences – or
describing figures like Kabir, whose devotional translations – across religious traditions in Akbar’s
path pivoted on a critique of both Brahmanical mystical religion Dīn-i Ilāhi, Dārā Shikoh’s study of
and Islamic orthodoxies and the suggestion that the Qur’ān and the Upaniṣads, Majma‘al-baḥrayn,
religious truth lies outside established ritual-based and ‘Abd al-Raḥmān Chishtī’s (d. 1683)
systems altogether. In these instances, the differ- reformulation of the Bhagavad Gī tā into Persian [7].
ence between specific Hindu and Muslim reli- The agenda to uproot Hindu elements in the
gious trajectories is acknowledged, but there is South Asian practice of Islam, deeming them syn-
also an implicit shared cultural context. cretism, ignores the inevitable translation of reli-
However, in the application of the term syncre- gious concepts into different cultures and time
tism to the study of Muslim traditions in South periods. More fundamentally, it also negatively
Asia, the critical valuations of religious phenomena values the place of Indic culture on the practice
are also colored by Islamic debates on orthodoxy of Islam – an assumption that should not be con-
and orthopraxy. Criticisms from within the Islamic sidered self-evident. Numerous studies have
theological tradition range from deeming certain drawn attention to the gradual, early modern
rituals or beliefs as shirk (worshiping entities and, colonial-era construction of Hinduism as
other than God), bid’ah (innovation), haram (for- a world religion. Prior to the popularization of
bidden action), or khorāfāt (ridiculous tales, super- the notion of a unified Hindu community, diverse S
stitions). These critiques can be found abundantly Indians of myriad religious backgrounds took part
in the modern context, in Deobandi- and Wahhabi- in linguistic, literary, cultural, and ritual forms that
inspired Islamic movements, some based on the only in retrospect have been deemed within the
teachings of Indian Muslim thinkers such as Shah province of Hinduism. South Asian Muslims have
Waliullah (1703–1762) or Maulana Ashraf Ali even been influential in developing some of these
Thanvi (1863–1943). Generally, the discussion forms, as Aditya Behl shows in his study of the
revolves around whether the practices and beliefs Sufi prem-kahānī contributions to the develop-
of Muslims in the subcontinent have been ment of literary Hindustani and the history of
influenced by Hinduism. In fact, any study of Mus- bhakti literature [4]. The ill-defined relation
lims outside their posited “authentic,” Middle East- between Hindu religion and Indian culture and
ern context has often been considered a study of language, which often forms the backbone to
syncretism. many critiques of supposedly syncretic Indian
668 Syncretism

Muslim practice, again draws attention to the 4. Behl A (2012) Love’s subtle magic: an India Islamic
inherent tendency in the pure/syncretic dichotomy literary tradition, 1379–1545. In: Doniger W (ed).
Oxford University Press, Oxford
to deny historical religious heterogeneity. 5. Das V (1984) For a folk-theology and theological
The rhetoric of ethnic nationalisms has also anthropology of Islam. Contrib Ind Sociol 18(2):
posited that particular regions have an essential, 293–299
usually singular cultural heritage. Yet whereas any 6. Eaton RM (1974) Ṣūfī folk literature and the expan-
sion of Indian Islam. Hist Relig 14(2):117–127
contemporary culture has heterogeneous precur- 7. Ernst CW (2003) Muslim studies of Hinduism?
sors, the religious phenomena in those cultures A reconsideration of Arabic and Persian translations
too are products of complex interactions between from Indian languages. Iran Stud 36(2):173–195
ideas and worldviews, ritual traditions, and social 8. Ernst CW (2005) Situating Sufism and Yoga. J R
Asiatic Soc Third Ser 15(1):15–43
trends. To posit a religion or certain religious 9. Ewing K (ed) (1986) Shariat and ambiguity in
phenomena as syncretic, then, is to engage in South Asian Islam. University of California Press,
value claims over orthodoxy and heresy, what is Berkeley
indigenous and what is foreign. That is, labeling 10. Flood FB (2009) Objects of translation: material cul-
ture and medieval “Hindu-Muslim” encounter.
something syncretic can denote a political posi- Princeton University Press, Princeton
tion on religious phenomena, as in the British 11. Green N (2004) Emerging approaches to the Sufi tra-
colonial Indian census, gazetteers, and related ditions of South Asia: between texts, territories, and
colonial documents, which sought to define exclu- the transcendent. South Asia Res 24:123–148
12. Metcalf BD (ed) (2009) Islam in South Asia in prac-
sive religious identities through ritual and tice. Princeton University Press, Princeton
social organization. Yet, the inevitable continuum 13. Metcalf BD (1995) Presidential address: too little and
of lived religious practice leads to changes in too much: reflections on Muslims in the history of
emphasis – sometimes in which preexisting ideals India. J Asian Stud 54(4):951–67
14. Roy A (1983) The Islamic syncretistic tradition in
are highlighted, other times in which new visions Bengal. Academic, Dhaka
of piety are developed and linked to long-standing 15. Sharma S (2004) Lived Islam in Nepal. In: Ahmad I,
notions. In all of this, the heterogeneity and flex- Reifeld H (eds) Lived Islam in South Asia: adaptation,
ibility of traditions are not signs of syncretic devi- accommodation, and conflict. Social Science Press,
Delhi
ance but rather religious practice in the world. 16. Sikand Y (2004) Shared Hindu-Muslim Shrines in
Karnataka: challenges to liminality. In: Ahmad I,
Reifeld H (eds) Lived Islam in South Asia: adaptation,
Cross-References accommodation, and conflict. Social Science Press,
Delhi
17. Sila-Khan D (2004) Crossing the threshold: under-
▶ Dara Shikoh
standing religious identities in South Asia. I.B. Tauris,
▶ Pir Sadruddin London
▶ Qawwali 18. Stewart C, Shaw R (eds) (1994) Syncretism/anti-syn-
cretism: the politics of religious synthesis. Routledge,
London/New York
19. Stewart TK (2004) Fabulous females and peerless
References Pirs: tales of mad adventure in old Bengal. Oxford
University Press, Oxford
1. Asani AS (2002) Ecstasy and enlightenment: the 20. Stewart TK (2003) In search of equivalence: conceiv-
Ismaili devotional literature of South Asia. I.B. Tauris, ing the Muslim-Hindu Encounter through translation
New York theory. In: Eaton R (ed) India’s Islamic traditions.
2. Assayag J (2004) At the confluence of two rivers. Oxford University Press, New Delhi
Manohar Publishers, New Delhi 21. Stewart TK, Ernst CW (2003) Syncretism. In: Claus
3. Bhabha HK (1994) The location of culture. Routledge, PJ, Mills MA (eds) South Asian folklore: an encyclo-
Oxford pedia. Routledge, New York
T

Tablīghī Jamā‘at practice to others. In contrast to proselytizing

organizations that seek converts from other faith
Brannon Ingram groups, the Tablīghī Jamā‘at works almost exclu-
Department of Religious Studies, sively among Muslims, seeking to make those
Northwestern University, Evanston, IL, USA who are already at least “nominally” Muslim
more conscientious in their own faith. The orga-
nization originated in the Indian subcontinent as
Synonyms part of a broader sociohistorical milieu that
witnessed a surge of revivalist organizations
Jamā‘at-i Tablīgh; Tablīghis among both Hindu and Muslim communities in
colonial India. Thus the Tablīghī Jamā‘at is
a direct outcome of broader Islamic revivalist
Definition currents in the late nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries.
Originating in India in the 1920s, the Tablīghī
Jamā‘at is a global Islamic movement that aims
to expand and deepen Muslims’ piety and com- Origins
mitment to Islam.
The founder of the Tablīghī Jamā‘at was the
Deobandī scholar Mawlānā Muḥammad Ilyās
Introduction (1885–1944). Ilyās graduated from Dār al-‘Ulūm
Deoband in 1910 and was initiated into the
The Tablīghī Jamā‘at is one of the world’s largest Chishtī Ṣābirī branch of Sufism through Rashīd
Muslim organizations and certainly the largest Aḥmad Gangohī (d. 1905), a cofounder of the Dār
populist, grassroots da‘wah (proselytizing) orga- al-‘Ulūm Deoband. He also taught at the Maẓāhir
nization of its kind. Its world headquarters and al-‘Ulūm madrasa in nearby Sahāranpūr and
spiritual center is the Niẓāmuddīn region of Delhi. relocated to the Niẓāmuddīn district of Delhi in
Among Muslims globally, its annual conference 1917, where his father had set up a small madrasa.
in Raiwind, Pakistan, is second only to the ḥajj Niẓāmuddīn remained the symbolic heart of the
pilgrimage to Mecca in terms of the numbers of its Tablīgh movement [1].
attendees. The Arabic word tablīgh means “con- His biographer, Sayyid Abū’l Ḥasan ‘Alī
veying” and, in this case, connotes the act of Nadwī (1914–1999), who was himself involved
bringing knowledge of proper belief and ritual in and highly sympathetic towards the movement,
# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018
Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
670 Tablīghī Jamā‘at

explains how Ilyās sought a means of bringing the point [7, 8]. Fourth, every Muslim should show
reformist sensibilities of the Deoband School to respect and honor towards other Muslims,
Muslims who did not have the time, means, or a principle known as ikrām-i Muslim. This princi-
inclination to pursue the study of Islam at Islamic ple stressed the importance of honoring the
seminaries (madrasas) [2]. The Tablīghī Jamā‘at “rights” (ḥuqūq) of others, particularly parents,
originated in Mewāt, a region south of Delhi that elders, ones neighbors, and so on. Ikrām-i Muslim
includes parts of Haryana and Rajasthan. The also stipulates that a good Muslim never engages
inhabitants of Mewāt were then, as now, called in backbiting or speaks contemptuously of others
Meos. Ilyās targeted the Meos for proselytization and always shows kindness and generosity. Fifth,
in part because of a widespread view that their a Muslim should do everything with “sincerity of
observance of Islam was “nominal” and that purpose” (ikhlāṣ-i niyyat). All that a Muslim does
Hindu customs dominated local Mewātī culture should be done to honor God, and never for any
[3, 4, 21]. Ilyās initially sought to spread his material benefit or ulterior motives. The sixth is
message through establishing madrasas in the injunction to “spare time” (tafrīgh-i waqt) for
Mewāt, but quickly saw the limitations of such doing tablī gh and da‘wah, calling for Muslims to
an approach, given that, as he explained, few participate directly in the task of spreading the
“common” Muslims had the time to devote them- faith [9].
selves to a program of personal and religious The Tablīghī Jamā‘at asks its members to
reform at a madrasa. Besides, he added, he spend 1 night per week, 1 weekend per month,
believed the most effective means of and one chilla (40 days) per year doing the “reli-
implementing this program would not come gious work” (dī nī kām) of the organization. Addi-
from the traditional madrasa-trained religious tionally, members are asked to commit to 120
scholars (‘ulamā’) [5, 6]. days at least once in their lifetimes to the organi-
zation. During a given “tour” (khurūj), members
typically use mosques in a given locality as a base
Methods and Aims from which they do daily rounds (known as gasht)
for the purposes of da‘wah. In addition to these
To this end, Ilyās began by organizing groups of tours, local branches of the Tablīghī Jamā‘at orga-
ten Muslims (jamā‘ats) to travel to villages in nize major annual gatherings (ijtimā‘) of members
specific areas and invite local Muslims to attend at various locales around the world [10].
the mosque, where they would share what Ilyās
called his “six points” (che batein). First, every
Muslim should master the proper enunciation of Expansion of the Movement
the Islamic testament of faith (shahāda) in
Arabic – “There is no God but God, and Muham- Muḥammad Ilyās died in 1944, after which his son
mad is his Prophet” – and fully understand its Mawlānā Muḥammad Yūsuf Kāndhlawī
meaning. Second, a Muslim must be able to recite (1917–1965) was elected as his successor. Under
the Islamic ritual prayer (ṣalāt) correctly in Arabic the leadership of Muḥammad Yūsuf, the Tablīghī
and fully understand its meaning as well. Third, Jamā‘at became a truly global organization, hold-
a Muslim should possess correct Islamic “knowl- ing its first international gasht in London in 1946
edge” (‘ilm) of all aspects of the religion and [1, 11]. Mawlānā In‘āmul Ḥasan (1918–1995) then
engage regularly in “remembrance” (zikr) of led the organization from 1965 to 1995. The
God, the recitation of specific litanies or formulas, Tablīghī Jamā‘at has expanded through global
associated particularly with Sufism. Indeed, South Asian diasporas into Southern Africa, West
though much of the language and organizational Africa, Europe, Southeast Asia, North America,
aspects of these points are highly reminiscent of and elsewhere [4, 12, 13]. The movement has
Sufism, the extent to which the Tablīghī Jamā‘at is attracted followers from outside these diasporic
at all a “Ṣūfī” movement remains a contested networks as well, though for the most part the
Tablīghī Jamā‘at 671

movement has not had enormous success in Arab have noted the movement’s ability to operate in
countries. Its success in France and England is countries that have otherwise repressed Islamist
especially noteworthy; the movement’s European organizations. They have also been criticized by
headquarters are located in Dewsbury, United Islamist organizations for their ostensibly apoliti-
Kingdom. cal nature [17]. Nevertheless, some scholars have
questioned how truly apolitical the organization is
[18]. Even as the organization does not officially
Tablīghī Literature endorse specific parties or candidates, followers
typically support ‘ulamā’-based parties, such as
For such a massive organization, the Tablīghī the Jami‘atul ‘Ulamā’-i Islām in Pakistan or the
Jamā‘at has left behind comparatively little in Partai Islam Se-Malaysia. Moreover, the Tablīghī
the way of written work; instead, it stresses the Jamā‘at has often found itself at the center of the
importance of direct, personal engagement on the same polemical contestations that have character-
part of its members and the use of talks and ized the Deobandī School as a whole, particularly
lectures to spread its message. Likewise, it does with the Deobandīs’ rivals, the Barelwī School.
not encourage the use of media [14]. There are, As the movement has expanded outside of the
however, a few books that have served as founda- Indian subcontinent, it has also faced other
tional texts for the organization, chief among them forms of criticism, such as resistance from non-
is the Tablī ghī Nisāb (Tablighi Curriculum) of Indian Muslims who see it as imposing ultra-
Mawlānā Muḥammad Zakariyya Kāndhlawī (d. conservative, “foreign” mores onto local forms
1982), also known as the Faz̤ā’il-i A‘māl (The of Islam [19] or from those who see its political
Virtues of Good Deeds), first issued in 1955 [15, quietism as acquiescent and hypocritical [20].
22]. Beginning with edifying narratives from the
lives of the Prophet’s Companions, the book then
enumerates, citing ḥadī ths in support, the “vir- Cross-References
tues” of prayer, the Qur’ān, zikr, Ramadan,
tablī gh, and prayers on behalf of the Prophet ▶ Barelvīs
Muḥammad (durūd). It also contains a short chap- ▶ Deoband School
ter, “Muslim Degeneration and its Only Remedy”
(Musalmānon ki mawjūda pastī ka wāḥid ‘ilāj),
written by Iḥtishāmul Ḥasan Kāndhlawī. References

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KA (ed) Travellers in faith: studies of the Tablighi The patterns of the development of Islam and
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Tablighi-Sunni conflict among South African Mus- those operative in many other parts of South Asia.
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observed. University of Chicago Press, Chicago lim communities in India. The relatively low
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19. Noor FA (2007) Pathans to the east! The Tablighi (5.6% in 2001) and the marginality of the region
Jama‘at movement in northern Malaysia and southern to the history of Muslim-ruled states may be the
Thailand. Comp Stud South Asia, Africa and Middle main reason for this. At the same time, the devel-
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20. Moosa E (2000) Worlds ‘Apart’: the Tablighi Jama‘at opment of Islam and Muslim communities in
under Apartheid. In: Masud KA (ed) Travellers in Tamil Nadu shows some rather unusual patterns.
faith: studies of the Tablighi Jama‘at as Despite the relatively small numbers of Muslims
a transnational movement for faith renewal. Brill, Lei- in the region, Muslim communities in Tamil Nadu
den, pp 1963–1993
21. Qadrī MA (1971) Tablīghī Jamā‘at ka Tarīkhī Jā’iza. display a high degree of diversity. As along
Maktabah-yi Mu‘aviyya, Karachi India’s west coast, integration into the networks
22. Zakariyya M (2000) Faz̤āil-i A‘māl. Waterval Islamic of transoceanic trade has played an important role
Institute, Johannesburg in the history of local Muslim communities.
Muslims in Tamil Nadu have been remarkably
ready to utilize the local language for religious
and literary purposes. Perhaps most importantly,
Tablīghis Muslims in Tamil Nadu display far higher social
indicators than Muslim communities in other
▶ Tablīghī Jamā‘at parts of India. Levels of urbanization, literacy,
Tamil Nadu (Islam and Muslims) 673

schooling, and employment not only are higher presence of Muslims and their interaction with
than among Muslims in North India but also com- local kingdoms can be clearly ascertained [6].
pare well to other religious communities in the Incursions of the Delhi Sultanate led to the forma-
state [1]. tion of an independent sultanate in Madurai
around 1333, which was conquered in the course
of the fourteenth century by the expanding empire
History of Vijayanagara [8]. Despite the absence of Mus-
lim rulers, inscriptions and other sources attest to
The historical development of Muslim communi- the consolidation and growth of Muslim mercan-
ties in Tamil Nadu has been conditioned generally tile and artisan communities on the coast and
by two processes, namely, the development of along the inland trade routes in the following
Muslim trade networks in the Indian Ocean on centuries [3, 6]. The arrival of European powers
the one hand and the expansion of Muslim-ruled in the sixteenth century led to conflicts and com-
states in South Asia on the other hand. The most petition with the coastal Muslim populations, who
visible effect of these two processes to this day is were nevertheless able to retain a fair share in
the presence of two of the Sunnī law schools in the trade until at least the eighteenth century [6].
state, the Ḥanafī school (associated with Muslim From the late seventeenth century onward, incur-
states in South Asia) and the Shāfi‘ī school (asso- sions first by the Deccan Sultanates and then the
ciated with transoceanic trade networks) [2, 3]. Mughals led to the integration of the northern and
Followers of the Ḥanafī school are found rather central parts of the region into a Muslim-ruled
in the northern and central parts of the state, while state under the Nawābs of Arcot until the British
followers of the Shāfi‘ī school are more common effectively gained control over the region in 1801.
in the south and on the coast. With the expansion of these states came also
Beyond these two general processes, however, a renewed influx of Urdu-speaking Muslims into
it is often very difficult to trace concrete develop- the region, especially from the Konkan and
ments in different areas of the state. To manage Awadh [2].
this diversity, scholars have operated with the British colonialism led to some fundamental
assumption of a fixed number of “subcommu- changes in the fortunes of Muslim communities
nities” among the Tamil-speaking Muslims that in the region. The loss of political power affected
are supposedly the result of divergent historical mostly the Urdu-speaking aristocracy and landed
processes. The most commonly mentioned of elites of the Arcot state. Factory-produced Euro-
these groups are the Maraikkāyar, the Rāvuttar, pean goods eroded Muslim handicraft production,
and the Lebbais. Each of these putative commu- and Muslim shipping was no match for European
nities is supposedly characterized by shared steamships [6, 9, 10]. At the same time, though,
traits that are traced back to a common historical European colonialism opened new avenues espe-
origin [2–6]. This approach, however, is highly cially for the mercantile sector of the Muslim
flawed. Not only does it overlook the regional population. The settlement of Muslims from the T
diversity within the groups, it also ignores that region in Southeast Asia expanded, while in India,
the definition of these groups is based almost Muslims were especially active in the tannery
completely on British census ethnography of the industry that grew in the Palar valley and that
late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. To linked Tamil Nadu to Bombay [11, 12]. Political
approach the history of Muslims in Tamil Nadu assertion, however, began relatively late. Until the
through these subgroups means to run the danger First World War, it was mostly the older Urdu-
of reading colonial and contemporary concerns speaking political elites that entered formal poli-
back into history [7]. tics. After the war, however, Tamil-speaking Mus-
The presence of Muslims in the region may lims increasingly came to dominate Muslim
date back before the year 1000, but it is only politics in the southern parts of the Madras Pres-
from the eleventh century onward that the idency, being backed by greater capital resources
674 Tamil Nadu (Islam and Muslims)

through their mercantile activities and better able doubt that there exist substantial social inequal-
to build bridges to the Tamil nationalist Dravidian ities within Muslim society in Tamil Nadu, despite
Movement [5, 9, 10, 13]. the generally positive performance of local Mus-
In political terms, the alliance with the Dravid- lims in terms of social indicators [1]. Focusing on
ian Movement allowed Muslims to deal fairly the question of caste may actually have obfus-
well with the transition to independence, with cated analysis of the actual basis for social
the newly formed Indian Union Muslim League inequalities among Tamil Nadu Muslims, though
forming close linkages to the Dravidian parties. some research has been carried out [15, 16, 21].
While support for the partition had been high Beyond some basic statistics, far less is known
among local Muslims, only very few chose to of other aspects of Muslim society in Tamil Nadu.
emigrate to Pakistan. Perhaps the greatest prob- Some basic investigation into processes of urbani-
lem they faced in the wake of independence was zation and the importance of the hometown or “kin
an economic one, as new boundaries made trade center” for Muslim identity in Tamil Nadu has been
between India, Sri Lanka, and Southeast Asia carried out by Mines [22, 23]. Some ethnographies
more difficult than it had been in the past. In exist on the economic activities of Muslim shop
terms of social indicators, Muslims have done owners, artisans, and the tannery industry [4, 11,
fairly well in postindependence Tamil Nadu. The 21]. Despite the high literacy rates and relatively
state has also largely been saved from the com- high level of education, this important aspect of
munal unrest in other parts of India. Nevertheless, local Muslim society is as yet only little understood
communal tensions and riots have become more [10, 24]. Perhaps most glaringly, questions of gen-
common since the 1980s, first in the wake of der have been largely ignored. The only aspect of
controversies over conversions and then in the gender relations that has received some attention
context of the nationwide rise in Hindu national- has been marriage, mainly in connection with ques-
ism [14]. Major riots and bomb blasts took place tions of “caste” [20, 22].
in Coimbatore in 1998, and Muslim political
parties and groups with a more confrontationist
political agenda like the Tamil Nadu Muslim
Religion, Syncretism, and Relationship
Munnetra Kazhagam (TMMK) and the Tamil
to Non-Muslims
Nadu Thowheed Jamath (TNTJ) have gained
increased support recently.
One aspect that has attracted a lot of attention,
though, has been the relationship with non-
Muslim society. These studies have often been
Society motivated by the comparatively good relationship
that seems to exist between local Muslims, espe-
Most discussions of Muslim society in Tamil cially those that speak Tamil, and wider Tamil
Nadu have revolved around the putative sub- society. Such studies have often focused on what
groups among Tamil Muslims and in how far are considered to be “Tamil” or “Hindu” influ-
these subgroups constitute castes [3, 15–20]. The ences among Tamil Muslims, such as shrine ven-
discussion of this issue is made more complicated eration and local customs. Particular attention has
by the colonial origin of the theoretical framework been paid to the participation of Tamil-speaking
for understanding social subgroups among Mus- Muslims in a wider “Tamil” identity. The main
lims in Tamil Nadu and the substantial local diver- points of interest here have been so-called “syn-
sity and variation in classification. In many ways, cretic” religious practices, the employment of
the question is a moot one, as the answer is depen- Tamil as a language for religious literature since
dent on how “caste” is defined [15]. Yet however the sixteenth century, and the political participa-
one may approach the problem, there can be little tion of Muslims in the Dravidian Movement in the
Tamil Nadu (Islam and Muslims) 675

twentieth century, all of which have been 7. Tschacher T (2014) The challenges of diversity: ‘Cast-
interpreted as evidence of local Muslims sharing ing’ Muslim communities in South India. In: Jeffrey
RB, Sen R (eds) Being Muslim in South Asia: diver-
a “Tamil” identity with local non-Muslims [2, 5, sity and daily life. Oxford University Press, Delhi
9, 13, 25, 26]. While there can be little doubt 8. Husaini SAQ (1957) The history of Madura Sultanate.
concerning the far-reaching integration of Mus- J Asiat Soc Pak 2:90–130
lims into local society, the actual picture is far 9. McPherson K (2010) ‘How best do we survive?’:
a modern political history of the Tamil Muslims.
more complex. The notion of a “Tamil” identity Routledge, London
has actually been heavily contested among local 10. More JBP (1997) The political evolution of Muslims
Muslims in the twentieth century [5, 9] and is in Tamilnadu and Madras 1930–1947. Orient
hardly applicable to premodern texts, which Longman, Hyderabad
11. Kennedy L (ed) (2004) Industrialisation and socio-
have often been read solely in the light of contem- cultural change in the tannery belt of the Palar valley
porary nationalist narratives, ignoring aspects that (Tamil Nadu). French Institute of Pondicherry,
seem to be at odds with the notion of a “tolerant” Pondicherry
and integrated Tamil society [27, 28]. Perfor- 12. Tschacher T (2010) Witnessing fun: Tamil-speaking
Muslims and the imagination of ritual in colonial
mance and defense of contentious religious prac- Southeast Asia. In: Bergunder M, Frese H, Schröder
tices also follow more complex patterns than the U (eds) Ritual, caste, and religion in colonial South
notion of “syncretism” is able to explain [29, 30]. India. Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftungen, Halle
13. Fakhri SMAK (2008) Dravidian Sahibs and Brahmin
Maulanas: the politics of the Muslims of Tamil Nadu,
1930–1967. Manohar, Delhi
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East Anthropol 53(3–4):375–400
▶ Kadir, Shaykh Abdul 15. Fanselow FS (1996) The disinvention of caste among
▶ Nagore Dargah Tamil Muslims. In: Fuller CJ (ed) Caste today. Oxford
University Press, Delhi
▶ Sri Lanka (Islam and Muslims)
16. Mines M (1972) Muslim social stratification in India:
▶ Umaru Pulavar the basis for variation. Southwest J Anthropol
▶ Vannapparimalappulavar 28:333–349
17. Mines M (1978) Social stratification among Muslim
Tamils in Tamilnadu, south India. In: Ahmad I (ed)
Caste and social stratification among Muslims in
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4. Mines M (1972) Muslim merchants. The economic Hyderabad
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Nagore-e-Sharif in Tamil Nadu. In: Werbner P, Basu extreme adversity. According to some reports,
H (eds) Embodying charisma: modernity, locality and ‘Ammār Yāsir, a companion of the Prophet
the performance of emotion in Sufi cults. Routledge,
London Muḥammad, also practiced taqiyya when he was
27. Ricci R (2011) Islam translated: literature, conversion, forced to temporarily denounce his Islamic faith.
and the Arabic Cosmopolis of south and Southeast Taqiyya is primarily associated with the minor-
Asia. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago ity Ithna ‘Asheri Shī‘ī Muslims, who, due to the
28. Tschacher T (2010) Drowning in the ocean of Tamil:
Islamic texts and the historiography of Tamil litera- persecution and hostilities they endured at the
ture. In: Harder H (ed) Literature and nationalist ide- hands of the Sunnī majority, resorted to hiding
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Social Science Press, Delhi be understood in the light of the sociopolitical
29. Mines M (1975) Islamisation and Muslim ethnicity in
south India. Man 10:404–419 circumstances under which the Shī‘ī Imāms and
30. Tschacher T (2009) Rational miracles, cultural rituals their close associates lived. The genesis of this
and the fear of syncretism: defending contentious Shī‘ī practice can be traced to the time of the
Muslim practice among Tamil-speaking Muslims. sixth Shī‘ī Imām, Ja‘far al-Ṣādiq (d. 765) who,
Asian J Soc Sci 37(1):55–82
according to Shī‘ī sources, is reported to have
urged his followers to adopt taqiyya, claiming
that it was an essential component of his religion.
Henceforth, Shī‘īs were to conceive of jihād in
Taqiyya terms of keeping their faith intact and paying
allegiance to the Imām rather than staging armed
Liyakat Takim revolts against political authorities. Jihād was
Religious Studies, University of McMaster, thus declared to be in abeyance until the time of
West Hamilton, ON, Canada the Mahdī, the promised messiah. Ja‘far al-
Ṣādiq’s refusal to accept political office and
alleged proclamation of the doctrine of dissimu-
Definition lation ensured that henceforth, the Shī‘īs adopted
a politically quiescent posture. Gradually, taqiyya
Faced with a hostile majority, Shī‘ī Muslims often became a cardinal doctrine in the Shī‘ī belief
resorted to taqiyya (hiding their true beliefs and system. He who abandons taqiyya, warns the
identity) to ensure their survival. At the same tenth-century Shī‘ī scholar Ibn Bābawayh (d.
time, they postponed jihād to the time when the 991), is like one who abandons prayer. As politi-
promised Messiah reappears. cal conditions ameliorated, later Shī‘ī scholars did
not insist on the strict observance of taqiyya.
Shī‘īs used taqiyya at different levels. At the
History of Taqiyya political level, taqiyya was used to conceal their
religious affiliations. This enabled them to interact
Derived from the word waqa' (to shield or guard with the wider Muslim community while
oneself), the doctrine of taqiyya (dissimulation) safeguarding their lives and maintaining their
Taqiyya 677

distinctive beliefs. In Shī‘ī biographical literature, Another usage of taqiyya in Shī‘ī circles refers
the Imāms’ derogatory remarks reportedly uttered to the permanent guarding of secret doctrines, that
against some of their eminent disciples are often is, esotericism. According to numerous statements
construed as arising from the need to protect the handed down from the Imāms, the purpose of this
lives of these disciples. The Imāms’ remarks type of taqiyya is to protect the truth from those
against the disciples were meant to act as not worthy of it. It is believed that God has granted
a camouflage to conceal the close links that the the Imāms a special, occult knowledge. This
Imāms had with their associates. knowledge is reportedly so extraordinary as to
In Shī‘ī ḥadī th literature, taqiyya is invoked to be oppressive: “Our words,” the Imāms say in
explain many traditions that contravene Shī‘ī the Traditions, “are so difficult that none can
beliefs and to harmonize conflicting traditions. bear them save an angel near to God, a prophet
Stated differently, if the element of dissimulation sent with a message, or the servant whose heart
were factored in, there would be no disparity God has tested for faith.” (Abu Saffar al-A‘raj al-
among traditions. Taqiyya is also invoked to Saffar al-Qummi (1380/1960) Basa’ir al-darajat fi
explain conflicting answers reported from the ‘ulum al Muhammad (ed: Mirza Hasan Kuchah-
Imāms. Muḥammad al-Bāqir (d. 747) the fifth baghi). Matba‘at Shirkat-i Chap-i Kitab, Tabriz,
Imām, is reported to have given three conflicting pp 20–28.) The Imāms were reportedly
answers to the same question posed by Zurāra and commanded by God to propagate the secrets and
two other disciples from Kufa. When Zurāra, his knowledge given to them by Him; they found no
loyal disciple, questioned the Imām about the one to deposit it with except the special among the
different responses, al-Bāqir is reported to have Shī‘īs. In this context, taqiyya becomes a “trial,”
said, “O Zurāra, this is better for us and [more one of many that the Shī‘īs undergo in this world
conducive] to our and your survival. If you [all] to prove their faith. According to the words of
agreed on a matter, people would have believed Ja‘far al-Ṣādiq: “Our Shī‘ah are tested . . . by
you and [thereby] followed us. That [would have their keeping of our secrets.” (Abu'l al-‘Abbas
meant] less [chances of] survival for us and you.” ‘Abd Allah ibn Ja‘far al-Himyari (1369/1950)
(See also Muhammad b. ‘Umar Kashshi Qurb al-isnad (ed: ‘Abd al-Mawla@ al-Turayhi).
(1969) Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifa al-Rijal (ed: al- al-Matba‘ah al-Haydariyah, Najaf, p 52.)
Mustafawi). Danishgahe Mashad, Mashad, Possession of the secrets confirms that the Shī‘ī
p 237.) It was in the interests of the Shī‘īs that s are an élite. Because of their loyalty to the
they be given conflicting answers so as not to Imāms, the Shī‘īs are tested with every kind of
depict a unified image to the Sunnī majority. adversity, and because they have been given
This would reduce the threat of the Shī‘īs in the a share of the knowledge, they are tested with
eyes of the Sunnīs. keeping it secret, that is with taqiyya.
Taqiyya was also an important consideration in Today, most Shī‘īs disregard the esoteric
Shī‘ī legal discourse. Shī‘ī jurists in the medieval taqiyya or even deny any special significance of
period were excluded from participating in Mus- taqiyya to their religion altogether. They claim T
lim legal discourse as their beliefs and practices that unless one’s life is in extreme danger, taqiyya
were deemed heretical. Shī‘ī jurists resorted to is not to be observed.
taqiyya by concealing their beliefs and modifying Sunnīs reacted to the Shī‘ī insistence on
their identities in order to participate more fully in observing taqiyya with charges of hypocrisy and
Sunnī educational and juridical institutions. In deception. According to Ibn Taymiyyah, taqiyya
fact, many Shī‘ī jurists participated in legal dis- is a Shī‘ī “principle of religion,” that is an article
course by posing as Shāfī‘īs because the rulings of of the Shī‘ī creed. Taqiyya is lying and
Shāfī‘ī were often close to those adopted by the “hypocrisy” – for what is hypocrisy other than
Shī‘īs. that a man pronounce with his tongue what he
678 Tarīqah

does not hold in his heart?” (Ibn Taymiyya,

Minhaj al-sunnah fi naqd kalam al-Shi‘ah, 4 Tasawwuf
vols. (No publication information given), vol 1, ˙
pp 159–60) Golam Dastagir
Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar
University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh
References Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University of
Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
1. Arjomand S (1986) The shadow of god and the hidden
imam: religion, political order and societal change in
Shi‘ite Iran from the beginning to 1890. Chicago Uni-
versity Press, Chicago Synonyms
2. Gleave R (2007) Scripturalist Islam: the history and
doctrines of the Akhbari Shi‘i school. Leiden, Boston
3. Jafri S (1978) The origins and early development of Islamic mysticism; Sūfi Islam; Sūfi order; Sūfism;
Shi‘ite Islam. Longman, London Tarīqah; Traditional Islam
4. Modarressi H (1984) An introduction to Shi‘i law:
a bibliographical study. Ithaca Press, London
5. Modarresi H (1993) Crisis and consolidation in the
formative period of Shi‘ite Islam. Darwin, Princeton
Definition
6. Momen M (1985) An introduction to Shi‘i Islam: the
history and doctrines of Twelver Shi‘ism. Yale, New
Haven Taṣawwuf is the mystical dimension of Islam,
7. Mottahedeh R (1985) The mantle of the prophet: reli- known as Ṣūfīsm in the Western language.
gion and politics in Iran. Pantheon, New York
Grounded in the esoteric and underlying meaning
8. Moussavi AK (1996) Religious authority in Shi‘ite
Islam: from the office of the mufti to the institution of some passages of the Qur’ān and corroborated
of Marja‘. Institute of Islamic Thought and Civiliza- by the ḥadī th, taṣawwuf was institutionalized in
tion, Kuala Lumpur the eighth century, and therefore, its essence lies
9. Al-Mufid M (1981) Kitab al-Irshad (trans: Howard I).
in the Islamic tradition. Knowingly or unknow-
Balagha & Muhammadi Trust, London
10. Nakash Y (1994) The Shi‘is of Iraq. Princeton Uni- ingly, a large number of Islamic communities
versity Press, Princeton across the world, particularly those of the Indian
11. Pinault D (1992) The Shiites. St. Martin’s Press, New subcontinent, practice taṣawwuf as a mystical path
York
to the realization of practical, moral, and spiritual
12. Sachedina A (1988) The just ruler in Shi‘ite Islam: the
comprehensive authority of the Jurist in Imamite Juris- ideals of life within the Islamic tradition. Though
prudence. Oxford University Press, New York some rites of taṣawwuf are severely criticized by
13. Stewart D (1998) Islamic legal orthodox: Twelver Wahhābī Muslims as controversial, or religious
Shi‘ite responses to the Sunni legal system. Salt Lake
innovation (bid‘ah), Ṣūfīsm continues to contrib-
City, Utah
14. Takim L (2006) The heirs of the prophet: charisma and ute a great deal to the global religious resurgence
religious authority in Shi‘ite Islam. Suny, Albany in the backdrop of religious extremism, fanati-
cism, and fundamentalism that seem to oppose
what is understood as the core of the mystical
dimension of Islam. Taṣawwuf is understood in
Tarīqah the context of ṭarīqah (pl. ṭuruq) in Persian,
meaning “spiritual path” associated with
▶ Taṣawwuf a spiritual leader known as shaykh, or murshid,
or pī r in Arabic and Persian languages. The prac-
tice of taṣawwuf led by a Ṣūfī master (shaykh or
pī r) takes place in centers called zāwiyah,
Tariqāh in Bangladesh khānaqāh, darbār, and tekke, as they are known
in different languages including Urdu and
▶ Khwaja Enayetpuri Turkish.
Tasawwuf 679
˙

Meaning into being as the term “Ṣūfī” in its heyday during

the eighth and ninth centuries. Although
As mentioned, taṣawwuf in the Islamic tradition is influenced by many alien cultures and customs,
best known as ṭariqa, the path, which Annemarie the origin of Ṣūfīsm lies in the Holy Qur’ān,
Schimmel asserts “comes out of the sharī ʿ ah” [1]. which is a multilayered revelation, as its ambro-
The Arabic term taṣawwuf is related to the key sial verses can be interpreted basically in the lit-
word “ṣūf,” meaning “wool.” Given the charac- eral, metaphorical, philosophical, and mystical
teristics of those who are revered as purified senses. The sharī ‘ah, or orthodox Islam, relies
(ṣūfī yya) by way of following what is known as on the externality of the literal meaning of the
Islamic mysticism, the term taṣawwuf is translated Qur’ān, while there are some verses in the
into English as Sufism. The term “Ṣūfī” literally Qur’ān that do not explicitly provide any mean-
means “woolen” and by extension “wearer of ing. For example, from a mystical point of view,
wool.” Customarily in pre-Islamic times the three letters “Alif, Lām, and Mī m,” prefacing
a woolen white robe symbolized the spirituality a chapter of the Qur’ān and constituting one verse,
and simplicity of life. But it is also equally true do not have any agreed-upon meaning for Mus-
that the wearing of wool does not appear ever to lims; rather, they hold that only God knows the
have been a general practice among Muslim mys- meaning of such letters, which seem to be meta-
tics. The word “Ṣūfī” is also connected with the phorical or signifying something rather than being
word “ṣafā,” meaning “purity,” for the Ṣūfīs strive understood in their literal sense. By extension,
to purify the soul (rūḥ) by cleansing the heart then, other verses may also reveal the possibility
(qalb), which is regarded as the source of both of multiple layers of meaning.
good and evil things and the locus of divine man- Contrarily, philosophy known as “falsafa”
ifestation. However, the name “Ṣūfī” has a wide grew up in the eighth century in the wake of
implication, and the Arabic root, consisting of the Greek philosophical wisdom and engaged in
three letters sad-waw-fa, which has the basic serious philosophical interpretation of, and logi-
meaning of wool, is considered to have a secret cal investigation into, the fundamentals of
identity in the context of the science of letters [2]. Islamic tenets, notwithstanding, in the frame-
Ṣūfīsm is not a new doctrine in the history of work of Greek thought. Al-Kindī (801–873),
world religions; rather, its essence lies in what can Al-Fārābī (872–950), Ibn Sīnā (980–1037), and
best be known as the esoteric doctrinal framework Ibn Rushd (1126–1198) are among those whom
of Islam, so to speak from the theoretical point of we know as pioneer Islamic philosophers. But
view, while from the practical point of view, it is a large number of the Prophet’s chief compan-
neither an essence nor a doctrine, but a spiritual- ions, their companions, and their followers had
devotional state in which divinity shines upon sought the mystical interpretation of the Qur’ānic
humanity. Abu’l Husain Nuri of Khorassan (d. verses and followed the simplistic virtuous, often
907 CE) once understood it as moral perfection known as the ascetic-mystic way of life reflected
and purification [3]. Given the context of its prac- in that of the Prophet. These mystics are as des- T
tices and principles, Ṣūfīsm can be understood as ignated as Sufis in the Western language. The
an ascetic and mystic path undertaken toward the mystical quest is innate to human beings, for it
realization of practical, moral, and spiritual ideals lies in a human being’s very essence created by
of life within the Islamic tradition. God, for as Nasr puts it, “[. . .] man cannot remain
man without seeking the Infinite and without
wanting to transcend himself” [4].
Historical Development The Prophet received divine revelation from
God through the holy spirit (rūḥ al-quds), under-
According to the European Orientalists, taṣawwuf stood to be the archangel Jibrīl (Gabriel) over
as a mystical dimension of Islam based on the a period of 23 years. He imparted the Qur’ānic
esoteric or inner meaning of its scripture came revelation and his personal teachings to his chief
680 Tasawwuf
˙

companions (aṣ-ṣaḥābah), who transmitted the God’s mercy by way of pleasing the Prophet in
knowledge to their companions (tābi‘ī n), and a ritualistic manner that involves repeated vocal
thence to the companions of companions (tāb‘i expression of the Qur’ānic verse “raḥma l’il
al-tābi‘ī n), who passed on the esoteric teachings ‘alāmin” in gatherings (maḥfil) at the very dawn
to those whom we call today shaykh in Arabic, or of the day (just before the fajr prayer). In addition,
spiritual guide, referred to as walī (pl. ʾawliyā’), the Ṣūfīs are exclusively taught to earn God’s
meaning “helper” or “protector” or “friend” in grace by offering blessings (durūd) upon the
the Qur’ān. In Persian, such a person is also Prophet as a daily essential rite (wazī fa), for God
called pī r – the enlightened one – and the first also does so, as the Qur’ān states that “God and
and foremost shaykh is believed to be the His angels offer blessings upon the Prophet” (Q.
Prophet Muḥammad himself, who is considered XXXIII:56). But all these rituals are taught not at
the prototype of all Ṣūfī life with his mystical traditional Islamic schools (madrasa) but at the
teachings, outward sermons, inner prayers, Ṣūfī monastery (khānaqāh) by the direct instruc-
sacred sayings, ideal qualities, and so on, regard- tions of the spiritual master, who also teaches his
less of the Ṣūfī orders (turūq) to which a Muslim devotees to emulate the Prophet and, of course,
may belong. himself indirectly – the must-to-obey disciplines
along with the veneration (‘adab) and love
(muḥabbat) of the spiritual master necessary for
Tasawwuf and the Prophet unveiling Divine mysteries (asrār). Why would
˙ the devotees emulate the Prophet? Is it because
The Prophet Muḥammad is a human being and they are advised to do so by their spiritual mas-
thus considered by some to be constrained by ters? The answer is obviously “yes,” but it is not
human faculties. Ṣūfīs, however, argue that that fictitious or concocted; rather, they refer to the
is so only if people look at him outwardly; on the injunctions of God, “Ye have indeed in the Mes-
contrary, in his inner state he possesses “mystical senger of God a beautiful model (of conduct) for
knowledge” (‘ilm-ladunī ), which, the Ṣūfīs anyone whose hope is in God and the Last Day...”
staunchly hold, “enables him to know everything (Q. XXXIII:21). Thus, in the course of the much-
in the world, even the future” [1]. In fact, Allāh talked-about Ṣūfī journey from multiplicity to
himself holds the Prophet in high esteem, for the unity (tawḥid), from materiality to spirituality,
Qur’ān states, “He who obeys the Messenger, from humanity to divinity, and from the form to
obeys Allāh: But if any turn away, We have not the formless, the seeker (murīd) of the truth
sent thee to watch over their (evil deeds)” [Q. (Ḥaqq) must undergo a tripartite stage – an uncon-
IV:80]. ditional obedience to the shaykh or the pīr, the
Such a view of the Prophet’s inner life leads spiritually trained saints in Islam; uncompromis-
them to revere him with profound love ing veneration (muḥabbat) to the Prophet; and
(muḥabbat) and venerate him with profuse respect unparalleled submission (taslīm) to the will of
without which God’s mercy is impossible to God. The Ṣūfīs find this truth in the Qur’ān,
achieve, for he is sent to the world as “the mercy which states, “O ye who believe! Obey Allāh,
for all creatures [the worlds]” (Q. XXI:107). Ven- and obey the messenger and those of you who
eration of the Prophet by offering blessings are in authority” (Q. IV:59), and this leads the
(darud) brings intimacy (‘uns) with him, as the Ṣūfīs to establish an unbroken spiritual chain
Ṣūfīs believe that proximity (qurb) with the nur-e (silsilah) in the course of realizing God, the
Muḥammadi (the Light of Muḥammad) – the pri- Prophet, and the pī r in the journey through dif-
mordial creation of God – is a necessary state (ḥāl) ferent stations (maqāmāt) toward the path at the
for acquiring Allāh’s mercy. The Ṣūfīs of India, end of which the Ṣūfīs endeavor to reach the state
particularly those following the Mujaddediyya (ḥāl) of communion with the reality in contem-
ṭarīqah, such as Shah Ṣūfī Khwaja Yunus Ali plation, vision, and union. These are mystic ways
Enayetpuri (1886–1952) in Bengal, plead for to the extent that the Ṣūfīs are capable of
Tasawwuf 681
˙

attaining mystic flights, transcending mundane mustaqī m). So, given the above explanation,
pleasures, and embracing spiritual bliss. It is to a Ṣūfī is a mystic saint (walī Allāh or “friend of
be noted that by “union” the Ṣūfīs do not mean God”) who follows a designated Ṣūfī order
a situation in which a drop of water becomes (ṭarīqah) guided by his spiritual guide in light of
amalgamated with the vast water of the ocean; the teachings of the Qur’ān and the traditions of
rather, it means becoming such a polished mirror the Prophet, often creating a path to be traveled by
that has nothing of its own but is a reflection of his successors. The Ṣūfīs claim that the allegiance
God’s Divine attributes. to a pī r means resorting to the “means” (wasī la),
an intermediary person, by means of whom they
are to offer supplication to God in order that they
Who Are Sūfīs? may move forward on the path. And here lies the
˙ sacred source of taṣawwuf in relation to the
Every Muslim by birth or by conversion is a Sūfi, Qur’ānic verse “O you who have believed, fear
from a metaphysical point of view, for to be Allāh and seek the means [of nearness] to Him
a Muslim one requires to believe in and pro- and strive in His cause that you may succeed”
nounce the shahādah or article of witness: “Lā (V:35).
ʾ ilāha ʾ illa llāh,” which consists of two parts:
“Lā ʾ ilāha” and “ʾ illa llāh.” From the Ṣūfī per-
spective, the former is called faqr, meaning “pre- Sūfī Orders
senting oneself as nothing to God,” while the ˙
latter designates zikr, meaning remembrance of Though criticized by reformist and fundamental-
Allāh. First, they require emptying the heart and ist Muslim thinkers, particularly in recent years,
then striving to fill it with the attributes of Allāh. during which the Wahhābī movement has
Both faqr and zikr are essential principles of strongly engaged in vigilance in spreading anti-
Ṣūfīsm. Ṣūfī sentiments all over the world through its
According to the variations of the teachings of brand of Islamic revivalism, Ṣūfīsm undeniably
the pir, various Ṣūfī orders, known as ṭuruq, are finds its origin in the Islamic religious traditions
formed in relation to the initiatic chain (silsilah) of [5]. Although the Ṣūfīs trace their mystic views
spiritual masters but with a new identity to be to the Qur’ānic verses to justify their claims, the
followed by their successors (murīds), who later development of Ṣūfīsm was expedited by
devote themselves to offering the grace of God Persian mysticism in the eighth and ninth centu-
to the chosen legacy as an essential act of spiritual ries. However, the Ṣūfīs began to systematize
practice. The spiritual chain (silsilah) traces back spiritual training from about the tenth century
to the traditional link with the Prophet, the origin CE. Each order was divided into numerous
of initiation (bay‘ah) that flows down through the branches under the name of the founders but
master-disciple relationship in order that the prin- nonetheless tracing a connection to the Prophet
ciple and reality of things are revealed and the soul through ‘Alī ibn Abī Ṭālib and in one order, T
is trained through the guidance of the master for namely, the Naqshbandiyya, through Abū Baqr
realization of the Divine presence in the heart [3]. In the early stages of the development of
(qalb), which has been purged by invocation Ṣūfīsm, the most influential names associated
(zikr) in variant styles as required by Ṣūfī orders with it are Ḥasan Baṣrī (642–728), Rābi‘a Baṣrī
(ṭuruq). (d. 752), Mālik ibn Dīnār (d. 744), ‘Abu Ḥashim
That said, all the Ṣūfīs, though they fall in Sufyān (d. 777), and Ibrāhim ibn Adham (d.
diverse ṭuruq, follow the Prophet as the primordial 783), while in the second phase of development
Ṣūfī, for all the ṭuruq are rooted in his sunnah and are found: Manṣūr al-Ḥallāj (858–922) and al-
teachings to be followed by those who express Ghazālī (1055–1111), among others. The most
profound love for him and maintain the rightly notable period of Ṣūfīsm began with the thir-
guided path known as the “straight path” (ṣirāṭ al- teenth century marked by some historical and
682 Tasawwuf
˙

mystical poets, such as Farīd-ud-Dīn ‘Aṭṭār life and claim that the hidden purpose of life, the
(1140–1234), Jalāl al-Dīn Rūmī (1207–1273), goal of coming into this world, is to know God
Ḥāfiẓ (1300–1388), and his successor Nūr ad- (‘irfān) and to feel the divine presence leading to
Dīn ‘Abd ar-Raḥmān Jāmī (1414–1492). In the annihilation (fanā’) that culminates in subsistence
course of time, there have been numerous Ṣūfī (baqā’).
orders, some of which are still in existence today. Who among the creations of God can know
The most widespread four of these in the Indian Him? It is humans, and only humans, who are
subcontinent include the Naqshbandiyya capable of knowing God, for humankind is cre-
founded by Bahā’ al-Dīn Naqshband (d. 1389), ated as the last but the best creation – the crown
Mujaddidiyya, founded by Aḥmad al-Fārūqī of creation – the vicegerent (khalī fah) of God on
al-Sirhindī (1564–1624) known as “Mujaddid earth. Allāh first created the human body out of
alf-Sani”, al-Qādiriyya founded by ‘Abd al-Qādir material elements into which He blew His spirit
al-Jīlānī (d. 1166), and al-Chishtiyya founded by (rūḥ) (Q. XV:29); thus, the human form became
Mu‘īn al-Dīn Chishtī (d. 1236). Other important a living human being. Humans, therefore, pos-
orders across the globe include the ‘Alawiyyah sess two aspects – the material body and
founded by Aḥmad al-‘Alawī (1869–1934), a spiritual soul. Metaphysically speaking, every-
Darqāwiyyah founded by Muḥammad al-‘Arabī thing goes back to its origin. We return whence
al-Darqawī (1760–1823), Khalwati founded by we come. As the Holy Scripture states, “[. . .]
‘Umar al-Khalwatī (d. 1397), Maḍariyya by Badi‘ from God we came, and to God shall we return”
al-Dīn Shāh Madār (d. 1437), Kubrāwiya by (Q. II:156; II:245). At death, the body goes back
Najm al-Dīn Kubrā (d. 1221), Maryamiyyah by to the material world, as it is fashioned from
‘Īsā Nūr al-Dīn Aḥmad or Frithjof Schuon material elements, and whatever is created has
(1907–1998), Qalandariyya by Jamāl al-Dīn Sāvī a beginning and an end and is subject to decay.
(d. 1233), Raḥmaniyya, Rifā‘iyya by Aḥmad al- This is the reality of the world of creation (‘ālam
Rifā‘ī (d. 1182), Shaṭṭāriyya by ‘Abd Allāh al-khalq). The soul, on the other hand, is not
Shaṭṭarī (d. 1438), Shādhiliyya by Abū al-Ḥasan created – it is given or commanded by God and
al-Shādhilī (d. 1258), Suhrāwardiyya by Abū Hafs is eternal and therefore has no beginning and no
al-Suhrāwardī (d. 1234), Tijāniyya by Shaykh end and is not subject to decay. This is the reality
Aḥmad al-Tijānī (1737–1815), and the Mevlevi of eternity. The soul is from the command of God
order founded by the followers of Jalāl ad-Dīn (‘ālam al-‘amr) and therefore goes back to
Muḥammad Balkhī-Rūmī in 1273. God – its original and eternal abode. This
“returning” is vital and central to the Ṣūfī doc-
trine and is known as the spiritual journey, which
Goal of Sūfīsm has three main stations (maqāmāt). Obviously,
˙ the final destination is God and is known as fanā’
Islam believes that nothing has been created with- fi Allāh (annihilation in God) followed by baqā’
out a purpose. Human life has a purpose, as noth- bi Allāh (subsistence in Him). But to reach this
ing has been created by God for sport or without station, the Sūfi must reach the intermediary sta-
an intention. In Ṣūfīsm, the purpose of life is tion, fanā’ fi Rasūl, and even before that the first
described in ḥadī th qudṣi (when God speaks to station, fanā’ fi shaykh. In the Ṣūfī metaphysics,
the Prophet) regarding the question of creation. fanā’ means “annihilation of selfhood.” The pur-
Allāh says, “I was a hidden treasure and I desired pose of life of the Ṣūfīs is, therefore, communion
to be known, so I created the creation so that with God, as they say humankind’s first duty is to
I could be known” [6]. What is this purpose? restore the broken contact with God. This being
The standard view is that God created humans so so, the goal of all Ṣūfīs is to reach God, and “to
as to serve Him and surrender (taslī m) to His will reach God, the soul must become God-like” [4],
by obeying His ways depicted in the scriptures. such a spotless mirror that God’s attributes can
The Ṣūfīs go beyond this view of the meaning of be reflected in it.
Tasawwuf 683
˙

The Spiritual Journey a human being to commit sins. So, for a person
to live in peace, the Ṣūfī is required to go beyond
The return journey for the Ṣūfīs begins with ego-driven activities and move toward the virtues
reaching the first station, fanā’fi shaykh. This is set forth in the Qur’ān. Islam teaches that no one is
what is known as initiation (bay‘ah) into a Ṣūfī above the clutches of the bestial nature of this nafs;
order that creates a permanent bond between even the Prophet used to restrain his nafs from what
a shaykh and a disciple for the purpose of spiri- his instincts desired. As Annemarie Schimmel
tual guidance (irshād) that continues even after rightly puts it, “[. . .] the perfected man has tamed
the physical death of the shaykh [4]. Initiation his instincts and passions in such a way that he uses
is a very important event in the spiritual life them in the end exclusively for positive, godly
of a disciple but, as the name implies, just works, obeying the will of God in every moment
a “beginning.” To accept initiation is to enter of his life in thought and action” [8].
a pact with God to pursue the spiritual life for The Ṣūfīs, in contrast to the Salāfī Muslims,
as long as one lives. It is not a pact or contract find this prophetic tradition (sunnah) as an ideal
with a shaykh, even though the initiatic power is model of life reflecting great qualities of character
conveyed through his hand, but a contract with in everyday affairs. The Prophet is believed to
God. Thus, it must be remembered that initiation have warned that the nafs is more hostile than
per se does not entail one to realize the truth (al- a person’s enemy, for it hides within ourselves.
Ḥaqq). Rather, he requires to love God more than External enemies are visible and traceable,
the world in order that the Divine succor is whereas the internal enemy is hidden and cannot
achieved and to perform all obligatory religious be traced. But the nafs must be restrained in order
duties as well as Ṣūfī rites under the guidance of to purge the heart (qalb) and to purify the path to
a shaykh. God. The Prophet Muḥammad also said in regard
The shaykh is known as the pī r in Persian, the to the nafs, “The powerful is not he who conquers
spiritual guide, who possesses the power of people, but he who conquers his self” [9].
initiatic guidance (walāyah) and shows the right This is called jihād, meaning “struggle
path to disciples with rigorous restraint of ego within,” in the true sense of the word in Islam. It
sensibility assisted by nafs, which is the main is reported that the Prophet of Islam, having
obstacle to the return journey to Allāh. The nafs returned victoriously from the battle of Badr,
or ego has three stages reflected in the Qur’ānic said, “You have returned from a lesser jihād
characterization as the commanding nafs (nafs al- (jihād asghar), and now it is incumbent upon
’ammāra) [XII:53], the accusing nafs (nafs al- you to perform your greater jihād (jihād akbar).”
lawwāma) [LXXV:2], and the nafs at peace (nafs When asked by the companions, to their utter
al-muṭma’inna) [LXXXIX:2]. In addition, there is surprise, what could be a greater jihād than the
also the inspired soul (nafs al-mulhima) alluded to one they had returned from, the Prophet said, “The
in the Qur’ān (XCI:8) which lies in between the battle with one’s nafs (ego personality).” The
accusing nafs and the nafs at peace. most-talked-about term “jihād” in recent times, T
The nafs-e ’ammāra is the lowest nafs and literally meaning “to strive,” does not mean kill-
incites to the feelings of pleasure, attachment, ing others and embracing “martyrdom” in a bid to
and aversion and the elements that bind a man to establish what is mistakenly called “religion.” The
worldly affairs. This nafs is the root cause of all Qur’ān urges those with faith to believe in God
evils, jealousy, selfishness, greed, anger, lust, and His messenger and strive (jihād) for the cause
adultery, slander, covetousness, hatred, and of God with their wealth and lives (IV:95;
the like, and is believed to have been created XXXXIX:15). The Prophet said to his compan-
out of four material elements – fire, air, water, ions, “die before your death” [10]. This death
and earth – but to have formed a different symbolizes the renunciation of worldly attach-
shape, a mixture of the four but a new one with ment. This has a striking similarity to the German
a material nature [7]. The nafs, thus, incites idealist Hegel’s dictum, “die to live.”
684 Tasawwuf
˙

Rites of Sūfīsm He who remembers God, fears God, and a God-

˙ fearing Ṣūfī cannot create violence in society.
To know God, one has to cleanse one’s heart As mentioned, the quintessential form of wor-
(qalb) by means of the remembrance of God ship in Ṣūfīsm, zikr, is essentially connected with
known as zikr or dhikr, the plural of which is meditation, fikr, by means of which method the
ʾaḍkār. There seems to be no Ṣūfī order that is seeker of truth achieves the theophany of Divine
not extensively related to the institutional form of essence (ḍhāt) and attributes (ṣifāt). The Ṣūfīs
zikr through which the Ṣūfī achieves tawḥīd (one- engage in deep meditation (murāqaba), often in
ness of God) and becomes united with the Divine groups, on annual Ṣūfī retreats known as ‘urs (a
in spiritual solitude (khalwaḥ), for in dhikr, which Ṣūfī festival commemorating a Ṣūfī shaykh’s
takes on the quintessential form of prayer, the death anniversary). Such a rite augments the spir-
Ṣūfī’s soul disconnects from the transitory world itual virtues in the soul that is linked to God, the
and reconnects with the Divine, the Eternity, pro- destination of Ṣūfī journey. This spiritual method
mpting to the rejuvenation of the aspirant’s faith in stands for the Ṣūfīs to safeguard them from evils
God [4]. Dhikr simply means remembrance or attached to the material world, for a Ṣūfī intends to
recitation of Divine names, such as “Allāh die to gradually oneself and eventually to be
Allāh” or “Lā ilāha ill’ Allāh” (there is no god, a renewed and rejuvenated saint with increased
but Allāh), and is a formal rite (wazī fa) performed degree of confidence in God’s Divine design
by the Ṣūfīs institutionally, usually in gatherings (tawakkul), no matter how distressed one’s life is
(majālis) in the Ṣūfī tradition of the Islamic world. or the level of stress owing to what are described
The Ṣūfīs, in addition to five times obligatory as “trials” – intentional acts of God to test those
(farz) prayers (ṣalāt, or ṣalāh), perform zikr as who staunchly rely on Him.
an essential ritual of fealty to their respective In an effort to return to the eternal source of all
Ṣūfīs ṭuruq (orders). Indeed, this ritual, which is existence, one is to follow the right path guided by
instructed by their pī rs, is a command of God, as the right spiritual leader or pī r. The very first step
He says in the Qur’ānic passage (LXII:10) toward the journey begins with the requirement
“remember Allāh often, so that you may prosper.” that the Ṣūfī transcends the lowest stage of nafs by
And it is zikr that purges the human heart (qalb), striving for virtues like abstinence, self-restraint,
as the Prophet said, “There is a polish for every- charity, patience, tolerance, etc. The next stage is
thing that taketh away rust; and the polish of the nafs-e lawwāma in which the Ṣūfī is required to
Heart is the invocation of Allāh” [2, 11]. For the achieve nearness to God through invocation of
Ṣūfīs zikr-e Allāh or “invocation of God” is God (zikr), poverty (faqr), meditation (fikr),
greater, according to the Qur’ān, even than patience (ṣabr), repentance (tawbah), prayer
the ritual prayer (ṣalāt), as He says in the (ṣalāt), renunciation (zuhd), guarding against
Qur’ān, “Remember Me, and I will remember evils (taqwā), penance (riyāzat), and contentment
you” (Q. II:152). The performance of zikr, there- (riḍā).
fore, entails the Ṣūfīs to be privileged to be Once reaching the level of the nafs-e
remembered by Allāh. muṭma’inna, the Ṣūfī is endowed with the virtues
Invocation of God in every breath is one of the required to enter paradise, as God calls upon the
fundamental practices (wazī fa) of the Ṣūfīs, and if perfect believer, known to the Ṣūfīs as one who
a man constantly remembers God and experiences inhabits the nafs-e muṭma’inna, to enter His
God’s presence in every breath, God helps him to heaven: “O soul-at-peace, Come back unto thy
keep himself away from wrong path. The Ṣūfī’s Lord, well-pleased, well-pleasing! Enter thou,
goal of communion with God lies in the invocation then, among My Servants! Yea enter thou My
of God. As the Qur’ān says, “The zikr of Allāh is Heaven” (Q. LXXXIX: 27–30). Ṣūfīs in general
the greatest service to God” (Q. XXVIV:45). strive fondly to reach this peak of spiritual station
Remembering God means to follow God’s com- in which their soul becomes united with the uni-
mands and lead a life guided by the spiritual master. versal soul. If given a choice between entrance
Tasawwuf 685
˙

into paradise and plunging in the Divine, the claim it to be the mystical path (ṭarīqah) to God,
Ṣūfīs categorically choose the latter, for the the seeds of which are deeply rooted in the Qur’ān
Ṣūfī’s goal is not just to enter paradise but to and ḥadī th and reflected in the tradition (sunnah).
be annihilated in God followed by subsistence
in Him.
Sūfī Scholarship in Recent Times
˙
Sūfīsm Encountering Hindrance As far as Islamic religious studies are concerned,
˙ the academic study of religion was initiated by
In recent times, in many parts of the Muslim European scholars in the late nineteenth century
world, Ṣūfī practices are vehemently opposed, with increased interest in Ṣūfīsm in the West.
albeit interest in Ṣūfī studies across the globe In recent years, there have arisen serious contro-
continues to grow, as Ṣūfīsm provides a great versies about the practice of Ṣūfīsm in the Mus-
measure of social cohesion and integration lim world, particularly in the subcontinent. The
acknowledging others with dignity and respect. present century sees astronomical works on
Threatened by Islamic fanatics and fundamental- Ṣūfīsm from the perspective of the perennial
ists influenced by Wahhābīsm within the Islamic tradition undertaken by the towering figure of
community, many Ṣūfī shrines or tombs of Ṣūfīs Seyyed Hossein Nasr who refuses to represent
are periodically becoming targets of attacks that Ṣūfīsm based on external observation but rather
destroy Ṣūfī structures, kill scores of innocent presents it from within [4]. Both in Islamic
devotees and injure hundreds, and needless to and Western languages, among the most influen-
mention, and tarnish the image of traditional tial Ṣūfī scholars in the twentieth century is
Islamic heritage. They seem to accuse the Ṣūfīs Seyyed Hossein Nasr (1933–). Additionally, out-
based on the observation of some mendicants with standing scholarly works on Ṣūfīsm by fine aca-
long hair and beards wandering around the thor- demicians and iconic Orientalist scholars, such
oughfares in rural areas, locally called faqīr (spir- as Louis Massignon (1883–1962), R. A. Nichol-
itual wayfarer) or dervish (poor wayfarer), or baul son (1868–1945), Frithjof Schuon (1907–1998),
(spiritual lunatic) who are influenced by local folk Annemarie Schimmel (1922–2003), Martin
beliefs embedded in traditional myths and who Lings, also known as Abu Bakr Siraj Ad-Din
choose a devotional, ascetic, and monastic life (1909–2005), Henry Corbin (1903–1978), A. J.
sometimes by choice, sometimes by situation. Arberry (1905–1969), Titus Burckhardt, also
With the spread of the Wahhābī and Salāfi move- called ‘Ôbrahim Izz al-Din (1908–1984),
ments across the world, particularly in the Indian Idries Shah (1924–1996), Javad Nurbakhsh
subcontinent, such Ṣūfī practices and rites as pil- (1926–2008), Richard Eaton (b. 1940), Kabir
grimage to shrines (mazār), supplication at the Helminski (b. 1942), William Chittick (b.
premises of tombs, performance of Ṣūfī music 1943), Nahid Angha (b. 1945), and Carl Ernst
(samā‘) at tombs glorifying God and the pī r, (b. 1950), to name a few, have laid solid founda- T
veneration of the pī r by words and deeds, and tions for the academic study of Ṣūfīsm in the
offerings to the tombs of popular pī rs as necessary contemporary languages of the West. It is Ṣūfīsm
means for accomplishment of any day-to-day through which the Western world, which often
affairs are allegedly labeled as innovation not only misconceives Islam but depicts it nega-
(bid‘ah) in being considered borrowed rites inte- tively and derogatorily, encounters a fair picture
grated into the Islamic culture in the Indian sub- of Islam in the academic arena. Insofar as Ṣūfīsm
continent and committing shirk (partnering God). has flourished over time and spread to many
Critics label Ṣūfīsm as “folk Islam” that has nations and peoples of both the Islamic and
emerged from the traditional non-Islamic reli- Western worlds, so has its academic study also
gious cults, while some consider Ṣūfīsm as syn- extended to many aspects of research, such
cretistic tradition [12]. The Ṣūfīs, on the contrary, as translations, expositions, analyses, histories,
686 Tasawwuf
˙

cultures, spiritual practices, and ethnographic religious traditions. Human beings living in the
studies, not to mention its ethical, spiritual, and twenty-first century with diverse isms, traditions,
metaphysical doctrines. and denominations require historical-political
interpretations and socioreligious narratives of
the Islamic tradition, on the one hand, and
Sūfī View of Social Cohesion ethico-religious guidance, on the other, for
˙ which they seek a spiritual teacher (murshid)
One of the cardinal teachings of taṣawwuf is that who propitiously and practically guides him to
one’s most pernicious enemy is oneself, that is, the righteous path shown in the Qur’ān (I:6).
nafs. A Ṣūfī finds his enemy within himself, his In the wake of the unprecedented rise of fanat-
self, his community, and then the outside world. If icism and extremism, often seen breathing fire
and when a Ṣūfī controls his self and purifies his into society, Muslim communities need to accept
heart, can any mundane matters like money and and acknowledge with full respect the implication
might – the root of many evils – incite him to of Ṣūfī practices and the importance of advancing
engage in conflict? The Ṣūfī concept of jihād, the the academic study of Ṣūfīsm for finding effective
internal fight, tends to bring equilibrium in society, ways of peaceful coexistence rooted in the Islamic
because the Ṣūfī ideal teaches them to find fault tradition.
with themselves in the first place before they point
fingers at others. A Ṣūfī accuses himself or herself
for any deviation and distraction that may cause
Cross-References
destruction and devastation in society, whereas in
today’s world of cacophony, man’s blame game ▶ dhikr/zikr
▶ nafs
seems to irk others causing chaos. Mahatma Gan-
▶ Prayer
dhi (1869–1948) said poverty is the worst form of
▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia
violence. On the contrary, poverty seems rather
▶ Ramaḍān
a blessing in Ṣūfīsm, for a Ṣūfī willingly embraces
▶ Sūfism
poverty (faqr) to earn spirituality (tajallī), as the
▶ Tawḥī d
Prophet used to say, “poverty is my pride.” How-
▶ ‘Urs
ever, in the Ṣūfī terminology, the term “faqr” is also
used to mean “spiritual poverty,” meaning that
a human as a servant is nothing before God’s References
knowledge, power, attributes, bliss, and mercy.
This humbled way of presenting oneself to God is 1. Schimmel A (1975) Mystical dimensions of Islam.
The University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill
reflected in one’s everyday affairs with every aspect 2. Lings M (1996) What is Sufism? Palgrave Macmillan,
of human nature, which is considered a veil (hijāb), New York
and thus, it must be transcended. 3. Archer NP (ed) (1980) The Sūfi Mystery. The Octagon
The Ṣūfī’s approach to establishing social Press, London
4. Nasr SH (1972) Sūfi essays. George Allen and Unwin
cohesion can be viewed as changing the individ- Ltd, London
ual person rather than changing the entire society, 5. Ernst CW (2004) Teachings of Sūfism (trans).
transforming his self (nafs) from ’ammāra to Shambhala, Boston
muṭma’inna and transcending himself from 6. Ernst CW (1997) The Shambhala guide to Sūfism.
Shambala, Boston/London
asfal-sāfilī n (lowest of the low) to aḥsan-taqwīm 7. Dastagir G (2002) Some aspects of Khwaja
(best stature) with trust in God and righteous Enayetpuri’s Sūfism. Copula 19:91–112
deeds in life, as stated in the Qur’ān (LXXXXV: 8. Schimmel A (1985) And Muhammad is his messen-
4). The Qur’ān contains ideologies and teachings ger. The University of North Carolina Press, Chapel
Hill/London
revealed in the seventh century in the context of its 9. Nurbakhsh J (ed) (1981) Traditions of the prophet
history, society, geography, and demography and, (Ahaadith), vol 1. Khaniqahi Nimatullahi Publications
of course, in the course of its Semitic, prophetic (KNP), New York
Tawhīd 687
˙

10. Nurbakhsh J (1992) The psychology of Sūfism. means “unification” or “asserting oneness.” At
Khaniqahi-Nimatullahi Publications, London the heart of Islam lies this cardinal principle
11. Muslim I (1976) Sahih Muslim (trans: Siddiqui AH).
KAZI Publications, Chicago based on shahādah (witness), lā ʾilāha ʾill’Allāh,
12. Roy A (1984) The Islamic syncretistic tradition in meaning “there is no god, but God.” Tawḥī d,
Bengal. Princeton University Press, Princeton grounded in absolute monotheism, refers to the
most salient principle of Islam, that is, the unity of
God, that God is One, Unique, Absolute – a belief
system that markedly distinguishes Islam from
Tauhid other monotheistic religions. In Arabic, God is
called “Allāh” who has 99 Divine Names (Asma’
▶ Tawḥī d al-Husna) – the most Beautiful Names (Q.
VII:180) delineating His attributes. The Qur’ānic
expression “nothing like unto Him” (Q. XLII:11)
clearly shows God’s Oneness and His Unique-
ness, the antithesis of which is in Arabic called
Tauhidic Remolding of
shirk (polytheism), which implies associating
Knowledge
someone or something with Allāh, or partnering
Him with any gods, or deities, or idols. For in all
▶ Islamization of Knowledge
cases of social and spiritual life, associating or
comparing anyone or anything with the desig-
nated attributes of God in prayer, worship, suppli-
cation, or broadly speaking belief is repugnant to
Tawheed the true spirit of tawḥī d (Q. IV:48).

▶ Tawḥī d
Historical Development of the Concept
of Tawhīd
˙
Tawhı̄d The term tawḥī d is noun derived from the root
˙ Arabic verb waḥḥada, which means “to unite,”
Golam Dastagir1,2 and Ismath Ramzy2 “unify,” or “consolidate” [11]. Other derivatives
1
1Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar such as waḥdah (unity), waaḥid, or waḥeed
University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh (unique, singular, matchless, etc.) are also drawn
2
Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University of from waḥḥada. In pre-Islamic Arabic literature,
Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia the word tawḥī d and its morphological forms (al-
taṣrī f) were used almost equivalently. For
instance, Waraka ibn Nawfal (d. 610), an Ebonite T
Synonyms priest of Mecca in the pre-Islamic period, used the
word tawḥī d in the sense of “asserting oneness.”
Al-tawḥī d; Islamic monotheism; Oneness of God; In his poem, he said, “What I asked you to under-
Oneness; Shahādah; Tauhid; Tawheed; Unity of stand the religion is not to forget to make your
God God tawḥī d” [6]. Even though the term tawḥī d is
not explicitly mentioned in the Qur’ān and Ḥadīth
[3], various terms constituted from its Arabic root,
Definition waḥada, are alluded to in some Qur’ānic verses.
Most recited in prayer, the word aḥad manifests
Tawḥī d or al-tawḥī d (also spelled touḥī d or the “Oneness of God” in the Sūrah al-Ikḥlāş
tawḥeed) is an Arabic word, which literally (CXII:1–5) following the Arabic lexicon which
688 Tawhīd
˙

allows to interchange the first letter waw (‫ )ﻭ‬of the attributed to Ibn ‘Arabi (1165–1240), though he
Arabic word waḥad () with alif (‫)ﺃ‬. himself did not use the term, Al-Ghazali
Similarly, the simple form of the verb (1058–1111) said, “There is none in existence
yuwaḥḥidūn has been used in the story of the save God, his attributes and his acts” [5]. It is
companions of the Prophet, Mu‘ādh ibn Jabal, worthy to note that piecemeal understanding of
who was sent to Yemen as governor in the ninth the underlying meaning of tawḥī d or over-
A.H. Explaining his mission in Yemen, the emphasizing it has led to the rise of some radical
Prophet Muḥammad is believed to have said to movements like tawḥī dist or salāfist in the Mus-
Mu‘ādh ibn Jabal, “You will be going to the lim society in the beginning of the twentieth
people who were given the books (ahl al-kitāb), century.
so the first thing you have do is to invite them
towards tawḥī d (yuwaḥḥidun Allāh)” ([4], Ḥadīth
No. 469; [9], Ḥadīth No. 27). Category of Tawhı̄d
However, the term tawḥīd developed as ˙
a complex theological concept during the Abbasid As stated above, the critical examination of the
period in the discourse of dhāt (essence of God) concept of tawḥī d has contributed to its develop-
and ṣifāt (attribute of God). Not only was it the ment as an Islamic worldview, on which scholars
central issue for the Muslim philosophers during and theologians have differed, to some extent,
the eighth-tenth centuries, it was also the corner- though neither the Prophet nor his close compan-
stone for the rise of theologico-philosophical ions ventured to elaborate upon it. However, over
movements such as the Qadariyyah and the the time, this sacred doctrine has been split into
Jabariyyah as well as of philosophical schools three categories: tawḥī d al-dhāt (tawḥī d in essence
such as the Mu’tazilah. These falsafa (philosoph- of God), tawḥī d al-ṣifāt (tawḥīd in attributes of
ical) schools placed an emphasis on the primacy God), and tawḥī d al-afa’āl (tawḥī d in act of God)
of reason over revelation in their exposition of [2]. However, Ibn Taymīyyah (1263–1328) catego-
dhāt (essence) and ṣifāt (attribute), while the rized tawḥī d differently, also into three ways:
Ashariyah and the Maturidiyah, schools that tawḥīd al-rubūbiyyah (tawḥī d in Godship creator,
incorporated philosophical methods in develop- savior, sustainer, and so on), tawḥīd al-ulūhiyyah
ing their theologies, seem to have reconciled (tawḥī d in worship and ruler), and tawḥī d al-
between reason and revelation in this respect, as ’asmā’ wa-al-ṣifāt (tawḥī d in essence and attri-
a result of which a new branch of science emerged butes) [7].
called ‘ilm al-tawḥī d (science of tawḥīd), or ‘ilm
al-kalām (scholastic theology of Islam). In addi-
tion, ‘ilm al-‘aqī dah (science of creed) and uşūl Importance of Tawhı̄d
al-dīn (foundations of religion) are two other ˙
branches used interchangeably for the science of The doctrine of tawḥī d – the central tenet of Islamic
tawḥī d. However, since the 1980s, the specializa- faith – is rooted to the primordial pillar of Islam
tion in the science of tawḥīd has been used to expressed as lā ʾilāha ʾilla Allāh, Muḥammadun
mean what is academically known as the faculty rasūl Allāh, meaning “there is no god but Allah
of Uṣūl al-Dīn in the Islamic world. and Muḥammad is His messenger.” The Qur’ān
In the Islamic mystical tradition (Sūfism), the enjoins the Muslims, who are called servants (‘abd)
metaphysical doctrine of tawḥī d is often misun- in relation to God (Rabb), to worship only to Allāh as
derstood, or misinterpreted in such a way that it the necessary means for bringing them nearer to Him
prompts some orientalists to accuse Sūfism of (XXXIX:3) and He responds to their call (II:186).
pantheism, whereas the Sūfi doctrine of meta- The key to differentiating between ī mān (belief in
physics does not assert that God is the world God) and kufr (disbelief) is to testify tawḥī d that
[10]. In contrast to those who hold the doctrine Allāh is the One and only God and the Lord of the
of “Unity of Existence” (waḥdat al-wujūd) worlds (Rabb ul-‘ālamī n), signifying the entire
Tawhīd 689
˙

universe. In the Islamic tradition, tawḥī d offers the beside Allāh, then verily both (the heavens and the
basis for sacred, relational, and illuminative meta- earth) had been disordered. Glorified be Allāh, the
physics [8]. Thus, key Islamic scholars like Abu Lord of the Throne, from all that they ascribe (unto
Hanifa (699–767 C.E. /80–148 A.H.) consider the Him)” (Q. XXI:22). The principle of tawḥī d signi-
knowledge of tawḥī d and beliefs as superior to the fying the necessity of one God can also be traced in
knowledge of practice of Islam or Islamic law [1]. another verse of the Qur’ān, [. . .] “If there were any
The Islamic concept of tawḥī d is known as a unique other gods beside Him, as they claim, they would
“doctrine of Unity” (al-tawḥī d wāḥid), or “doctrine have tried to overthrow the Possessor of the
of Divine Unity” that permeates the whole universe throne” (XVII:42).
including humanity and this world, of which God is The Islamic view of tawḥī d is not merely
the Creator, Sustainer, and Savior. It also pervades all a metaphysical concept defining the nature of
forms of knowledge from the perspective of Islamic God and His relation with His creation; rather, it
science [10]. discerns the value of the equality of man and
woman on the spiritual level (Q. III:195) and
simultaneously provides a universal urge toward
Implication of Tawhı̄d humankind to live according to the Divine Will of
˙ God, as stated in the Qur’ān, “Cling firmly
The notion of tawḥīd unites all humankind under together by means of God’s rope, and do not be
the umbrella of One God, who is omnipotent, divided. Remember God’s favor towards you
omniscient, and omnipresent. That God is Self- when you were enemies; He united your hearts
caused (causa-sui), the First Cause – the Cause of so that you became brothers because of His
all causes in the sense of the peripatetic grace” (III:103). Furthermore, it is through the
tradition – is precisely laid down in the Qur’ān, principle of tawḥī d that Muslims determine the
“Allah is Eternal, the Absolute; He begetteth not, purpose of their life in this world, for man is
nor is He begotten” (CXII:2–3). Furthermore, He created as His vicegerent (khalī fa) against the
creates everything, but there is none comparable consent of the angels (Q. II:30).
unto Him (CXII:4). On the moral level, the doctrine Finally, from the sociological perspective,
of tawḥī d urges humankind to offer worship to the tawḥī d provides a new social order to enhance
Lord, who also created human beings before the a comprehensive human development and pro-
Prophet Muḥammad in order that they be guided gress, which, in fact, is the secret of influence
properly in light of the Divine principles (Q. II:21). and growth of Islam confronting modernity. It is
Not only that, He also creates in measure and due to the unity of the Divine principle tawḥī d
proportion the sky, the stars, the water, the food, that the interrelated things in nature and the
to name but a few, for the survival of created beings diverse faith communities – not just within Mus-
in a peaceful and harmonious way and for their lims, but the entire humankind of the world – may
knowledge that He has no partner (Q. II:22). find a meaningful purpose of living in harmony on
The harmonious relationship that exists various levels of existence with others and with T
between the various creations in the cosmos is not the “Other” – the Reality.
to be considered an act of accidental arrangement,
but has been made possible only because there is
a Divine design behind all these, manifesting diver- Cross-References
sity within unity. Polytheism, logically speaking,
defies the principle of the Unity and the Oneness of ▶ Ibn Taymīyya
God based on which Islam claims to be an absolute ▶ ī mān
monotheistic belief system. If there had been more ▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia
than one God, one would argue that the conflict of ▶ Shirk
interests would have led the world to perish, as ▶ Sūfism
stated in the Qur’ān, “If there were therein gods ▶ Women
690 Tazkira

References Definition

1. Ahmed Z (1973) Aḥmad B. Ḥanbal and the problems Tazkirah, authored by Allama Mashriqi, was
of īmān. Islam Stud 12(4):261–270
a Nobel Prize-nominated book that examined the
2. ‘Arabi I (1911) Al-Futūḥāt al-Makkiyya (The Meccan
Illuminations). Cairo Qur’ān from a scientific perspective.
3. Bilal Philips AA (2005) The fundamentals of
Tawheed. International Islamic Publishing House,
Raleigh Overview
4. Bukhari M (1997) Sahih Al-Bukhari (trans: Khan
MM, The translation of the meanings of Sahih Al- Tazkirah, a Nobel Prize-nominated book, examines
Bukhari: Arabic-English). Dar-us-Salam Publications,
Riyadh the Qur’ān from a scientific perspective. It was
5. Calverley EE (1925) The Mysteries of Worship in written by Inayatullah Khan (famously known as
Islam (Translation with commentary and introduction Allama Mashriqi, 1888–1963), an Islamic scholar
of Al-Ghazzali’s book of the Ihya on the worship). and mathematician who would later emerge as
Gorgias Press, New Jersey
6. Ibn K (2006) Albidayah Wa’nihayah (The beginning a prominent leader in the freedom movement of
and the ending) (ed: Abdal Haleem Ibrahim), vol 2. British India. Mashriqi had been exploring the
Dar al-Fikr al-‘Arabi, Cairo ideas of religion, mathematics, science, and evolu-
7. Ibn T (1999) Kitab al-Iman (Book of faith). (trans: tion since his time as a student at the University of
Salman Hassan Al-Ani and Ahmad Tel). Al-Iman
Publishing House, Thailand Cambridge (England) in the early 1900s. He was
8. Koshul BB (2007) From “religion and science” to particularly interested in finding a common under-
“Kalam and science”. Dialog 46(3):235–245 standing amongst these differing perspectives.
9. Muslim I (1976) Sahih Muslim (trans: Siddiqui AH). Tazkirah represented the culmination of his analy-
KAZI Publications, Chicago
10. Nasr SH (1972) Sūfi essays. George Allen & Unwin, sis in exploring these themes.
London The first volume of Tazkirah was published in
11. Wehr H (1993) The Hans Wehr dictionary of modern 1924. Mashriqi had originally envisioned a book
written Arabic (ed: Cowan JM). Spoken Language of ten volumes, but as his focus shifted to the
Service, New York
struggle for freedom of British India, he was left
with little time to finish this project. For this
reason, the remaining nine volumes remained in
draft format throughout his lifetime (two of the
draft volumes were ultimately published posthu-
Tazkira
mously). The first volume of Tazkirah was written
using a combination of Arabic and Urdu and
▶ Tazkirah
comprised of three main sections: Iftitahia (Open-
ing), Dibacha (Preface), and Muqaddama (main
text). The first section (Iftitahia) was in Arabic,
while the remaining sections were in Urdu.
Tazkirah
Discussion of Religion and Science
Nasim Yousaf
Liverpool, NY, USA In Tazkirah, Mashriqi tackled important and com-
plex subjects at the intersection of religion and
science. He examined the rise and fall of human
Synonyms societies, purpose of religion, conflict between var-
ious religions and between religion and science, and
Tadkira; Tazkira the need to resolve these conflicts to prevent the
Tazkirah 691

extinction of mankind [1]. He began by questioning Finally, Mashriqi devoted a portion of Tazkirah
the perennial conflicts between people of different to calling attention to the distortion of Islam and
faiths. According to him, if the world could be urging Muslims to unite and to embrace, through
united on the fundamentals of mathematics and both words and action, the true tenets of the reli-
physics, why “have the dwellers of the earth pre- gion as espoused by the Qur’ān.
sumed religion to be such a thing as keeps them so
divided?” [2]. Mashriqi proclaimed that the con-
flicts between the different religions were a result Nobel Prize Nomination and Other
of a misguided interpretation of the underlying Recognition
message:
Mashriqi’s scientific approach to the complex
I am convinced that the various prophets, where-
from they came, brought the same message. They subject matter contained in Tazkirah brought him
viewed the Universe with the same sense of immediate attention. Tazkirah was generally well
wonder. . . . These Knowers of Mysteries. . .kept received in both the East and West. The Royal
on inciting people to act, they united them on one
Society of the Arts (London) called it
objective and one programme. But when the
unknowing and the unseeing took over, they tore a “monumental work.” Reynold Alleyne Nichol-
humanity apart; by misquoting the Divine Message, son of the University of Cambridge [4],
they lined up people behind them. God Almighty’s a prominent English scholar of Islamic literature,
vengeful wrath on the earth to-day is primarily due described it as a “magnificent work.” And Dutch
to this rift and revolt. It is the arrogance of stupidity
and obstinacy of pettiness which have made the Orientalist J. M. S. Baljon referred to it as an
world a slaughterhouse. And if this state of affairs “oasis amidst extensive barren land of Muslim
continues for some time, God alone knows what writings.” The book also created some contro-
will befall the human race.
versy as a result of its analysis of religion in
Thus the conflict between various religions is, in
fact, born out of stupidity and ignorance, petty- light of science. Author Wilfred Cantwell Smith
mindedness and narrow outlook, oblivion of the wrote, “. . .Its [Tazkirah’s] publication provoked
original teachings and ignorance about their univer- a considerable and widespread commotion: it
sality; it is certainly not the conflict of KNOWL-
attracted attention not only in Muslim India but
EDGE and REVELATION. Knowledge
everywhere gives birth to unity and consensus, in European and American orientalists circles and
security and peace, effort and action. [2] in the Azhar [Al-Azhar University, Cairo, Egypt]”
[5]. Some orthodox mullahs (religious clerics) in
Mashriqi saw the scientific pursuit of knowl- particular disagreed with Mashriqi’s progressive
edge as very much congruent with the principles thinking.
of religion and the Qur’ān. Mashriqi also In 1925, Tazkirah was nominated for the Nobel
discussed Darwin and the Theory of Evolution Prize in Literature. The Nobel Prize committee
in Tazkirah and again attempted to reconcile the asked Mashriqi to translate the book into
views of science with that of religion. He writes: a European language in order for it to be consid-
This Theory [of Evolution] has really, and to a large ered by the nominating committee. Mashriqi T
extent, uncovered the great secret of Nature; by refused to do so, as he felt that the committee’s
tearing apart the curtain of ‘life,’ it has imparted to failure to consider the book in its original lan-
man the first and immensely valuable lesson of what
he himself is. . .it has played a major role in proving
guage was an insult to the Urdu- and Arabic-
the Unity of the Creator and the Unity of speaking Muslims of the world. However, other
Creation. . .it has also, to some extent, uncovered individuals, including Cambridge University Pro-
the principles of the fall and rise of human societies fessor Reynold Nicholson, German Berthe Pro-
which have not been available anywhere except in
the Revealed Books, particularly the Quran. . .the
skauer [4], and veteran journalist Syed Shabbir
entire programme of the Quran is in complete sup- Hussain, did translate portions of the book on
port of this individual and collective struggle. [3] their own initiative.
692 Teachings of Prophet Zarathushtra

Ultimately, Mashriqi credited his background

in mathematics for playing a critical role in his Thanwi
thought process in Tazkirah. In an address to the
Mathematical Society of Islamia College (Pesha- ▶ Ashraf ‘Alī Thānawī
war) in the 1920s, Mashriqi stated,

“If I have presented a book (Tazkirah Ed.) to the

world that has no peer it is because of mathematics.
If I had left mathematics and gone on to higher Tibb
things it is through mathematics. If I have left
studying mathematics and have seen a higher truth ▶ Yūnānī Medicine
in the Koran it is through mathematics” [1].

Mashriqi later incorporated much of his thought

process from Tazkirah, including its message of
unity for the human race, into the Khaksar Move- Tibb-i Sunnatī (Iran)
˙
ment (Tehrik), which he launched in 1930 to bring
freedom to British India. ▶ Yūnānī Medicine

Cross-References
Tibb-i Yūnānī
▶ Allama Mashriqi ˙
▶ Allamah Sir Muhammad Iqbal ▶ Yūnānī Medicine
▶ Jamaat-e-Islami, Sri Lanka

References
Titu Meer
1. Mashriqi, Allama (Khan, Inayat Ullah) (1980) God,
man and universe: as conceived by a mathematician ▶ Titu Mir
(ed: Syed Shabbir Hussain)
2. Mashriqi, Allama (Khan, Inayat Ullah) (1993) Man’s
destiny (trans and ed: Syed Shabbir Hussain)
3. Mashriqi, Allama (Khan, Inayat Ullah) (1987) Quran
and evolution: selected writings of Inayat Ullah Khan Titu Mir
Al-Mashriqi (ed: Syed Shabbir Hussain)
4. Hussain SS (1991) Al-Mashriqi: the disowned genius.
Jang Publisher, Lahore, Pakistan Clinton Bennett
5. Smith WC (1946) Modern Islam in India: a social anal- Department of Philosophy, State University of
ysis. London Gollancz, England New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA

Teachings of Prophet Synonyms

Zarathushtra
Mir Mithar Ali; Syed Mir Nisar Ali; Syed Mir
Nisan Ali; Titu Meer; Titumir
▶ Zoroastrian Theology and Eschatology

Definition
Thanvi
Titu Mir (1782–1831), who died during an anti-
▶ Ashraf ‘Alī Thānawī British uprising, led a peasant rebellion in Bengal
Titu Mir 693

between 1827 and 1831 often called the Tariqa-i insurgent. Titu Mir’s career followed an
Muhammadiyya movement (Bengal), partly established reformist pattern in India. After expo-
inspired by Wahhābī ideas and partly by those of sure to Arab-flavored Islam, he denounced Indian,
Syed Ahmed Shaheed Barelwī; like the contem- especially Bengali, Islam as syncretistic,
porary Fara’izi movement, with which some asso- Hinduized, and corrupt. Until purified of these
ciate him, Titu campaigned for agrarian reform elements, India was dār-al-ḥarb. As did the con-
and social justice. temporary Fara’izi movement in Bengal, with
which some have associated Titu, he wanted Mus-
lims to desist from attending Hindu ceremonies
Birth and Early Life and to distinguish themselves in dress and appear-
ance. Muslim men, he said, must wear beards.
Syed Mir Nisar Ali, known as Titu Mir, was born They must let the Dhoti hang down, without pass-
in the village of Chandpur, Chabbish Parguna ing it between their legs. Unlike the Fara’izis, who
District, January 27, 1782, in what is now the were Ḥanafīs, Titu repudiated adherence to
Indian State of West Bengal. His family claimed schools, clashing with Muslims who did. Also
descent from the Prophet Muḥammad, using both unlike the Fara’izi he did not ban congregational
the title “Sayyid” and “Mir” (or leader, also indic- prayers [4].
ative of nobility). He attended a local madrasah, Titu Mir’s opposition to colonial rule was
where he qualified as a ḥāfiz also studying Farsi, much more strident, too. The Fara’izis were not
Arabic, and the traditions (ḥadī th). Some sources openly hostile towards Hinduism or nonelite
say that he received instruction in martial arts, Hindus, while Titu Mir was. However, like the
possibly following a family tradition. His family Fara’izi, he launched a program of opposition
may have worked as enforcers, or peyada, for against the excesses of mainly Hindu landowners,
local landowners. Titu Mir is said to have earned who levied additional taxes and charged exorbi-
his living as a professional wrestler or boxer and tant rents. In fact, some introduced a beard tax,
as a mercenary [1]. At some point he moved to which Titu Mir and his followers boycotted. They
Calcutta, where he may have met Sayyid Ahmed set up their own alternative system, collected
Shaheed Barelvi (1786–1831), who called India taxes, and formed an armed force to fight repres-
under British rule dār-al-ḥarb, as had his mentor, sive landlords. Inevitably, this led to conflict with
Shah Abdul Aziz (1745–1823), Shah Waliullah’s the British colonial authorities. His movement,
son. While in Calcutta, Titu Mir was found guilty now about 5000 strong, became increasingly
of “affray” by a magistrate and sentenced to aggressive. In October 1831, after building
a prison term [2]. However, after his release, he a bamboo fort at Narkulbaria, he and his followers
found employment with a minor member of the killed two cows in a village square then dragged
Mughal royal family. Around about 1821, Titu them through the local temple. Adopting the title
Mir and his employer went to Mecca, performing “Badshah,” Titu Mir declared that British rule was
the ḥajj. Some sources say that there he met Say- over, probably expecting mass support from T
yid Ahmed, either again or for the first time and India’s Muslims [5]. He appointed a nephew com-
pledged an oath of loyalty. Ahmed did perform the mander of his army. Although a large-scale revolt
ḥajj in 1821 [3]. Although the Wahhābīs had lost did not materialize, he led several attacks on other
control of Mecca a few years earlier, Titu Mir may villages until November 17, when the British
have imbibed some of their ideas at this time. dispatched 12 infantry regiments and the gover-
What is known is that after returning to Bengal nor’s own bodyguards to crush what they consid-
in 1827, Titu Mir began preaching a reform mes- ered to be a Wahhābī revolt. Sources say that
sage that has some resemblance to Wahhābī (more some troops were elephant mounted. Vastly
correctly Muwaḥḥidūn) teaching against Sufi outnumbered, Titu Mir’s force fought for about
practices such as saint and shrine veneration. an hour, initially outside then inside the fort,
The British quickly dubbed him a Wahhābī before the battle ended when the fort was
694 Titu Mir

breached. Titu and about 50 of his followers were using Marxist analysis (see Fishwick [10]). For
dead. Of the 200 or so survivors, 140 were found non-Marxist analysis, see Caṭṭopādhyāẏa [11].
guilty of treason and sentenced to imprisonment For sources, see Ahmad Khan [12].
or death [6].

Legacy
Evaluation
There is a Bangladesh naval ship named for him.
Due to the relationship between Titu Mir and In Dhaka, Titumir College and Titumir Hall at the
Sayyid Ahmed, his movement is often described University of Engineering and Technology honor
as the Bengal branch of Ahmed’s Tariqah his legacy. He has been depicted in works of
Muhammadiyyah, sharing the call to jihād and fiction and drama and commemorated by a 1992
mission to restore dār-al-islām. However, Sayyid stamp.
Ahmed linked jihād with hijrat, that is, that Mus-
lims should first migrate from dār-al-ḥarb into
territory under Muslim rule, while Titu Mir stayed Cross-References
in Bengal. Some also argue that Sayyid Ahmed
and his mentor, Shah Aziz, were actually less ▶ Bangladesh (Islam and Muslims)
hostile to the British than commonly suggested. ▶ Fara’izi Movement
Ahmed’s aim was to establish a new Muslim state ▶ Wahhabism in Sri Lanka
in territory over which the British had yet to
extend their rule. Thus, he targeted the Punjab
under its then Sikh ruler; conflict with the British References
did not begin until they annexed the Punjab in
1. Johnson G, Bose S (1993) The new Cambridge history
1849, after Ahmed’s death. Shah Aziz is said to
of India: rural Bengal since 1770 3, 2, 3, 2. Cambridge
have enjoyed cordial relations with British offi- University Press, Cambridge
cials and was more interested in encouraging 2. Guha R, Scott JC (1999) Elementary aspects of peas-
Muslims to adjust to their changes of circum- ant insurgency in colonial India. Duke University
Press, Durham
stances in terms of working out what was and
3. Karpat KH (2001) The politicization of Islam
what was not permitted outside dār-al-islām reconstructing identity, state, faith, and community in
short of jihād [7]. Arguably, until their attitude the late Ottoman state. Oxford University Press, New
shifted in the late nineteenth century, when they York
4. Ahmad SN (1991) Origins of Muslim consciousness
began to trust Muslims and to play them off in
in India: a world-system perspective. Greenwood
communal politics against Hindus, the British saw Press, New York
Muslim hostility even when and where it did not 5. Dutta A (1987) Muslim society in transition: Titu
exist. In his 1870 report, in which he concluded Meer’s revolt, 1831: a study. Minerva Associates,
Calcutta
that Muslims under British rule were duty bound
6. Allen C (2006) God’s terrorists: the Wahhabi cult and
to rebel, Sir W. W. Hunter’s description of Titu the hidden roots of modern Jihad. Da Capo Press,
Mir depicts him as a disreputable criminal, Cambridge
a “bully,” a danger to society who nonetheless 7. Matcalf BD (2009) Introduction: a historical overview
of Islam in South Asia. In: Metcalf BD (ed) Islam in
typified the ever-present threat of Muslim revolt
South Asia in practice. Princeton University Press,
[8]. In contrast, for Indian and Bangladeshi Princeton, pp 1–42
writers, he was martyr for justice (see, e.g., 8. Hunter WW (1872) The Indian Musalmans. Trübner
Gupta [9]). In Bangladesh, he is considered and Company, London
9. Gupta O (2006) Encyclopaedia of India, Pakistan and
a cultural hero, an early anti-colonial champion. Bangladesh. Isha Books, Delhi
Scholarly treatments discuss whether he was 10. Fishwick MW (1983) Bangladesh: inter-cultural stud-
a charlatan or a genuine revolutionary, sometimes ies. Ananda, Dhaka
Two-Nation Theory 695

11. Caṭṭopādhyāẏa R (2002) Insurgency of Titu Meer:

a brief history of Wahabi Movement for a non-Marxist Two-Nation Theory
analysis, and down to the death of Saiyid Ahmad
Barelvi and Titu Meer. Readers Service, Kolkata
12. Ahmad Khan, Muin-ud-din (1980) Titu Mir and his Clinton Bennett
followers in British Indian records, 1831–1833 A.D. Department of Philosophy, State University of
Islamic Foundation Bangladesh, Dacca New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA

Definition
Titumir “Two-Nation Theory” refers to the thesis that
Hindus and Muslims in India were two distinct
▶ Titu Mir
communities that could not coexist within a single
state without dominating and discriminating
against the other or without constant conflict; it
resulted in the 1947 Partition of India and
Tomb of Humayun Pakistan.

▶ Humayun’s Tomb
Locating the Theory’s Origin

The exact chronology of how “Two-Nation The-

ory” developed is subject to debate. Often associ-
Traditional Islam ated with the thinking of Sir Syed Aḥmad Khān
(1817–1898), some identify Aḥmad Sirhindī
▶ Taṣawwuf (1564–1624) as the theory’s “chief architect” [1].
Muḥammad Iqbāl (1877–1938) is often credited
with explicitly proposing the geopolitical partition
of India into two separate states [2]. However, his
state would have been within a federal India,
Traditions of Israelite Descent a state within a state [3], a proposition that
Among the Afghans Abū’l-A‘lā Mawdūdī (1903–1979) also supported
[4]. The specific proposition to create two sover-
▶ Israelite Origins of Pathan/Pashtun Tribes eign political entities, one with a Muslim, the
other a Hindu majority, dates from Raḥmat ‘Alī
Chawdarī 1933 tract Now or Never [5], known as
the Pakistan Declaration. Yet these proposals do T
Translation of the Quran build on earlier thinking about Hindu-Muslim
relations in India, especially the claim that Mus-
▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia lims had to rid Islam of Hindu influence and to
protect themselves from contamination. On the
other hand, earlier figures should more properly
be seen as precursors of the theory, rather than
proponents, although Khān did use the term, “two
Twelver Shi‘ism nations” (’aqwām) in an 1888 speech [6]. What
changed over time was how emphatically the pos-
▶ Ithnā ‘Asharī Shi‘ism sibility of peaceful, prosperous coexistence was
696 Two-Nation Theory

rejected and how demands for complete separa- in India. Antagonism between Hindus and Mus-
tion were asserted more strongly. Partly, this lims is depicted as the norm. These texts include
responded to political changes vis-à-vis whether one currently used for Pakistani studies on a range
Muslims or non-Muslims exercised power and of bachelor’s and some master’s degrees [9].
whether harmonious coexistence or separate Sirhindī saw too much Hindu influence on India’s
development under a single jurisdiction was Islam and criticized the Mughal emperors, espe-
believed possible. cially Akbar, for failing to properly administer
Precursors of “Two-Nation Theory” probably Islamic Law and for including Hindus in govern-
did not foresee India’s geopolitical partition. Even ment service. Like Ibn Taymīyya (1262–1328), he
as independence approached, some Muslims wanted complete differentiation between Mus-
believed that Muslims and Hindus could coexist lims and non-Muslims in dress, habits, and legal
in a single India and opposed Pakistan’s creation. status. Muslims should not attend Hindu festivals.
With Hindu leaders of the Indian National Con- Reference to non-Muslims as dogs, who should be
gress, they subscribed to the “One-Nation The- insulted by killing their cows and by imposing the
ory.” This pitted the Muslim League under M. A. jizya, which the Mughals did not always levy,
Jinnah (1876–1948) against Muslims such as sounds very hostile toward Hindus [10]. He
A. K. Azad (1888–1958) and Zakir Hussain wanted minimal contact between Muslims and
(1897–1969) who remained members of Con- Hindus, but the latter were to live as subjects of
gress. Mawdūdī and others opposed Jinnah’s Muslim rule, not in their own sovereign state.
plan because it was for a Muslim majority, not an Buehler argues that Sirhindī thought high-class
Islamic state. Some argue that while “Two-Nation (Ashrafī ) Muslims had a God-given right to gov-
Theory” provides the raison d’etre for Pakistan, ern and that his attitudes about people of low
its failure explains Bangladesh’s breakaway [7]. status as subaltern extended equally to non-elite
The theory also informs Hindu nationalism, Muslims [11]. What he championed was more like
which perpetuates the view that Hindus and Mus- cultural apartheid than political separatism [12].
lims are distinct and that the latter have no legit- He did not anticipate that Muslim dominance
imate place in a Hindu state. In addition, Britain’s would end and that non-Muslims would govern
role in dealing separately with Hindus and Mus- India. This changed as colonial powers entered
lims contributed to how the theory evolved. Con- India, undermining and eventually replacing Mus-
gress is represented in some literature as the lim rule.
villain by withdrawing consent for the Cabinet If Sirhindī is to be seen as the father of the
Mission Plan of 1946. This would have avoided theory, it was Shah Waliullah (1703–1762) who
partition, grouping provinces with a religious “nourished” it and the madrassa movement that
majority together and putting certain power- “nurtured it” [13]. Like Sirhindī, whose work he
sharing mechanisms in place [8]. knew, Waliullah wanted to rid Indian Islam of
Hindu elements. However, he also saw Muslim
power decline as European colonialism began and
Precursors: Apartheid or Partition? could blame laxity and syncretism for this. Unlike
Sirhindī, he was concerned with restoring Muslim
Aḥmad Sirhindī was a Naqshbandi shaykh and power [14]. Waliullah, who studied in Arabia,
reformer, hailed by some as the Renewer of his introduced the notion that Arab-oriented Islam
age (Mujaddid). Pakistani textbooks depict him as was superior to Indian-flavored Islam. While
chief architect of the “Two-Nation Theory” there is no evidence that Waliullah and Muḥam-
refracting all history through this lens. Indian mad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhāb (1703–1792) met, his
history and civilizations before Islam entered the reformed Islam is often dubbed Wahhabi. Cer-
subcontinent hardly feature, and Pakistan’s exis- tainly, some of his successors openly identified
tence is back-projected by many centuries, dating with the Wahhabi movement, and some decided
conceptually from the beginning of Muslim rule to declare war on British India, including Syed
Two-Nation Theory 697

Aḥmed Barelwī (1786–1831). There were many role. British historian Henry Miers Elliot
Wahhabi and Wahhabi-inspired revolts under (1808–1853) chronicled stories of forced conver-
British rule. In 1803, Waliullah’s son, Shah sions and temple demolitions to delegitimize
Abdul Aziz (1745–1823), declared India “Dar- Muslim rule and foment Hindu-Muslim hostility
al-Harb” (house of war or infidel territory) [15]. [17]. Prior to 1905, some Muslims saw the Con-
The mainly Muslim-led revolt of 1857 similarly gress as too Hindu, claiming that it did not repre-
expressed hostility toward British rule. Madrassas sent their interests. This led to the Mohammedan
set up by Waliullah and others did much to prop- Defence Association (1893) which actually had
agate this reformist, anti-British, anti-Hinduized an English secretary, Theodore Beck, Principal of
Islam message. what became Aligarh Muslim University, which
The next thinker usually identified as a main Khān founded. However, when Britain
precursor or as the originator of “Two-Nation partitioned Bengal into East and West in 1905,
Theory,” Syed Aḥmad Khān took a different the Muslim League was formed in Dhakka as
path. Rejecting either hostility or withdrawal, for a political lobby for Muslims, who liked the par-
which some Muslims opted, minimizing contact tition because they formed an absolute majority in
with the British, he championed loyalty and coop- the East. Hindu response was negative. The sub-
eration. Emphasizing that Muslims in India could sequent reunification campaign that followed,
freely practice their faith, he believed that collab- successful in 1911, was effectively the beginning
oration would raise Muslims’ social and economic of the independence struggle. This saw for the first
condition, which had fallen behind Hindus’. Yet time mass mobilization, boycotts, strikes, passive
in doing this, he differentiated Muslim from resistance, and a spilling over of opposition to
Hindu interests and increasingly represented colonialism into theatre, popular literature, and
these as two distinct communities. He opposed a new spirit of volunteerism [18].
Congress; it represented an anti-British posture
that collided with his loyalism, even though at
this stage leading members of Congress were Two-Nation Theory and the
British. Khān almost certainly did not think Brit- Independence Struggle
ish power under any imminent threat, and as long
as they controlled India, Muslims and Hindus An ambiguous relationship between Congress and
could coexist on separate, communitarian lines. the League evolved, with many Muslims promi-
Each could develop independently of the other. nent in both. Initially, Congress and League
worked for the same goal, one India under home
rule, then full independence. However, as Britain
Colonial Collusion in Two-Nation Theory created separate electorates (1909) and reserved
places in government service, disagreement on
Even before the 1857 revolt, which led the British how to allocate these led to more and more rivalry.
to distrust Muslims as potentially seditious, the From 1925, Muslims were guaranteed a “mini- T
British tended to favor Hindus, having largely mum of 25% of central government jobs.”
gained power from Muslims they saw them as Anglo-Indians and Sikhs also had percentage allo-
inferior, which Khān actually never accepted. cations [19]. By 1937, the League was claiming to
After his son, Justice Syed Mahmood, was com- be the exclusive voice for Muslims, denying Con-
pelled to resign as a High Court Judge in 1894, gress any right to speak for non-Hindus.
which Khān said was because the British robbed The idea of Pakistan as a separate homeland for
their Indian employees of self-respect, he became Muslims had gained popularity; Muḥammed
more skeptical that the British would ever treat Iqbāl’s suggestion at the League’s 1930 confer-
Indians as their equals [16]. Britain chose to depict ence that Muslims form their own state in the
Muslims and Hindus as implacable foes. This North West was followed by Ali’s detailed 1933
justified their rule as a necessary peace-keeping proposal for a sovereign Pakistan, an acronym
698 Two-Nation Theory

from the names of the Provinces it would include. campaigning for greater autonomy and cultural
This initially excluded East Bengal on the basis integrity – broke away. Pakistan owes its exis-
that Bengalis might choose to remain in India or tence to “Two-Nation Theory” but also to the
form their own state. Despite the contention that claim that Islam would bind its people together
the history of Hindu-Muslim relations in India is as one, across ethnicity, regionalism, language,
one of constant conflict, few could deny that Ben- and cultural heritages. Instead, Bengalis found
gali Muslims and Hindus usually enjoyed better their language and culture threatened and faced
relations. For some Muslims, Bengali Islam was discrimination in employment and unfair resource
and remains a form of Hinduism. distribution. Their eventual separation from one
This one-sided representation of history omits state can be seen as culture trumping religion. It
many instances of harmonious coexistence, coop- can be argued that the religious glue was not
eration, and friendship across faiths. Mahatma strong enough and culture triumphed. Or, it
Gandhi (1869–1948) from the Hindu perspective, can be argued that an open, Sufi-flavored, inclu-
Zakir Hussain, and others from the Muslim sive version of Islam stressing common ground
maintained that Muslims and Hindus belonged with non-Muslims, asserted itself against
to one nation and could prosper if each recognized a version of Islam that often dehumanizes non-
the rights of the other, which the younger Jinnah Muslim others [22].
had supported too [20]. As the possibility that
Britain would grant independence grew, the
League’s insistence that Hindus could not be Legacy
trusted to treat minorities fairly in a Hindu major-
ity state became more strident. By 1940, the Hindu nationalist rhetoric draws on “Two-Nation
League had endorsed partition. Yet Muslims Theory” to deny that Muslims and others have
loyal to Congress continued to champion one legitimate places in India or a right to equal treat-
state for all. As late as 1946, with the Cabinet ment because they represent a threat to India’s
Mission Plan on the table, a federal system national security, with real loyalties elsewhere,
remained an option. Initially, Congress and the Pakistan or the West vis-à-vis Christians [23].
League endorsed this; then Congress withdrew India’s and Pakistan’s continued strained relations
support when Jinnah insisted that Congress and history of border conflict also manifest “Two-
could not appoint a Muslim to the interim govern- Nation Theory” – which posits impeccable hostil-
ment. This undermined Congress’ commitment to ity; Hindus and Muslims must occupy separate
“One-Nation Theory.” The Viceroy already had spaces and cannot even be good neighbors. Edu-
a contingency plan: to partition India into two, cation policy in Pakistan may feed hostility
thus giving the League an independent, separate, toward a “One-Nation” mentality.
and sovereign state [21].
In 1947, two states gained independence from
colonial rule, with Pakistan in the North West and Cross-References
North East (Bengal, in the end, was split again).
Not all Muslims, including Mawdūdī, were happy ▶ Aligarh Muslim University
with what was initially a secular Pakistan, ▶ Bangladesh (Islam and Muslims)
campaigning for Islamization. Pakistan and Mus- ▶ Bengal (Islam and Muslims)
lims remaining in India both claim Khān’s legacy. ▶ Gandhi, Mahatma, and Muslims
In Pakistani textbooks, Khān is a national hero. ▶ Iqbāl, Allamah Sir Muḥammad
Muslims who stayed in India, often committed ▶ Jinnah, Muḥammad ‘Alī
secularists, point out that Khān did not explicitly ▶ Mahmood, Justice Syed
advocate two sovereign states and was secular in ▶ Mawdūdī
outlook. In 1971, East Pakistan – after years of ▶ Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān
Two-Nation Theory 699

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medieval India. Har-Anand Publications, New Delhi
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into the origins of nations and the politics of national- ism: a thousand years of Islam in South Asia. In:
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4. Nasr SVR (1994) The vanguard of the Islamic Revo- Pakistan. Harper Perennial, New York
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5. Ali CR (1933) Now or never: are we to live or New Delhi
perish for ever. The Pakistan National Movement, 17. Elliot HM (1997) The history of India: as told by its
Cambridge own historians; the Muhammadan period, 8 vols. Insti-
6. Khan SA (1888) Sir Syed Ahmed on the present state tute for the History of Arabic-Islamic Science at the
of Indian politics, consisting of speeches and letters Johann Wolfgang Goethe University, Frankfurt am
reprinted from the “Pioneer”. The Pioneer Press, Main. Reprint of 1873 edition
Allahabad 18. Abbas H (2010) Indian government and politics. Pear-
7. Ahmed S (2003) Bangladesh: past and present. A.P.H. son India, New Delhi
Publishing Corporation, New Delhi 19. Wilkinson S (2004) Votes and violence: electoral com-
8. Pandey BM (2003) Historiography of India’s partition: petition and ethnic riots in India. Cambridge Univer-
an analysis of imperialist writings. Atlantic Publishers sity Press, Cambridge, UK
& Distributors, New Delhi 20. Gandhi R (1987) Understanding the Muslim mind.
9. Ayres A (2009) Speaking like a state: language and Penguin, Harmondsworth
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Cambridge, UK stan and the unending war. I.B. Tauris, London
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T
U

‘Ubaid Allah Sindhi Among the many famous scholars of Deoband,

Sindhī had attached himself most exclusively to
Maheen Zaman the principal Maḥmūd Ḥasan, commonly referred
MESAAS, Columbia University, to as Shaykh al-Hind. When Ḥasan called on
New Hyde Park, NY, USA Sindhī in 1909 to teach and manage the alumni
group Jamā‘at al-Anṣār at Deoband, Sindhī
eagerly complied. During this time their mutual
Synonyms fostering of anti-colonial sentiment blurred the
lines distinguishing teacher and pupil ([1], p. 203).
Imam-e Inqilab; ‘Ubaidullah Sindhi; Ubaydullah Not everyone in Deoband, however, appreci-
Sindhi ated Sindhī’s close association with Ḥasan and his
pragmatic religious perspectives in service of anti-
colonialist activism ([3], p. 59). Whatever the
Definition
reasons for the alienation of some Deobandī fac-
tions, only 4 years after returning to the seminary,
Turn-of-the-century scholar-activist ‘Ubaid Allāh
Sindhī moved onto Delhi, apparently at the behest
Sindhī (1872–1944) is famous for two distinct con-
of Ḥasan. There he was charged with the duty to
tributions: his revolutionary nationalist activities,
further their religious and political activities by
especially his involvement in the so-called Silk
reaching out to the Western-educated, politically
Handkerchief Conspiracy (taḥrik-i rī shm-i rumāl)
active Muslims. This move was part of Ḥasan’s
and his socialist and historiographical interpreta-
efforts toward rapprochement between Deoband
tions of Shāh Walī Allāh and Walī Allāh’s family.
and Aligarh on the basis of Pan-Islamist opposi-
tion to British rule ([1], p. 204).
Formative Period at Deoband and Delhi

‘Ubaid Allāh Sindhī was born into a Sikh family in Anti-Colonial Activism: Silk Letter
Sialkot, Punjab. After converting at the age of 15, Conspiracy
Sindhi first moved to Sindh to acquire basic Islamic
education before enrolling at the Dār al-‘Ulūm In the lead-up to the World War I, many such Pan-
seminary in Deoband in 1888. Upon graduation Islamist strands came together. Many of these
in 1891, he returned to Sindh and settled in Sukkur groups of Western-educated Muslims and tradi-
with a family and began teaching ([1], p. 17). tionally educated religious scholars became

# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018

Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
702 ‘Ubaid Allah Sindhi

leading activists in the Khilāfat Movement to the admission to and objectives of his university, he
safeguard the Ottoman Empire from the British was intransigent about the centrality of Urdu.
and Allied forces. Maḥmūd Ḥasan, ‘Ubaid Allāh Afghans rejected such Indo-centric institutional
Sindhī, and other Deobandī scholars and sympa- efforts as an affront to their cultural identity and
thizers instead sought help abroad and conspired perceived it as a threat of Indianization ([1], p. 215).
to enlist foreign Muslim countries to intervene The backlash against the insistence on Urdu would
militarily in India’s freedom movement. Maḥmūd be a lesson on the limits of Islamic universalism
Ḥasan left for Mecca with some associates to and the efficiency of nationalism ([2], p. 517).
procure Ottoman support after sending Sindhī to Realizing that he had arrived at an impasse,
Kabul in 1915 to secure Afghan military support. Sindhī moved on from Afghanistan to Moscow
Along with Sindhī, others were sent to the frontier in October 1922. Previously, Sindhī had been in
provinces to win over the independent Pathan contact with the Czarist government as
tribes for the invasion ([2], pp. 511–513). a representative of the Indian government in
These conspirators exchanged their letters hid- exile. The Moscow he came upon was now part
den inside silk handkerchiefs. Maḥmūd Ḥasan did of the Soviet Union. Although he did not meet
not get very far as one such letter was intercepted Lenin, due to the latter’s illness, Sindhī was
in Punjab and he was arrested along with his received as a guest of the state and was able to
associates in Arabia, as the pro-British ruler of procure tens of millions of rupees worth of aid but
Mecca gladly handed them over. From 1916 to refused to seek military assistance, citing his new
1920, Ḥasan was imprisoned in Malta. Mean- position that Indian National Congress’s nonvio-
while, stranded in Kabul, Sindhī struggled in lent methods must be given a chance. More
vain to persuade the unresponsive Emir of important than the financial aid was Sindhī’s edu-
Kabul, Habibullah, to declare war against Britain. cation in socialism and the Bolshevik revolution.
His opportunity finally arrived in 1919 when In the coming years of his long exile – 4 years
Habibullah’s son Amanullah came to throne after in Ankara, Turkey, and 12 years in the Hejaz,
his father’s assassination. Emir Amanullah’s war where the Holy Cities of Mecca and Medina are
against Britain fizzled out before it even started. located – he would abstain from politics as Mus-
Not only did his army refuse orders and not cross lims and non-Muslims inside and outside of India
into India, those Indians that had made hijrat or spurned him. Instead, he devoted himself to teach-
migrated to Afghanistan were robbed and ing and writing on Islamic socialism, based on his
exploited by Amanullah’s men as the army sought interpretation of Shah Walī Allāh’s thoughts and
booty from their coreligionists before even engag- founded on his experiences in Kabul and Moscow.
ing the British forces. In the end Amanullah Unlike his teachers at Deoband and colleagues
achieved his goal of attaining independence for among the clerical class (‘ulamā’), Sindhī was
Afghanistan and struck an Anglo-Afghan truce as open to new ideas regardless of provenance; he
Britain was still reeling from World War II and was always adaptive, pragmatic, and creative ([1],
dealing with the Khilāfat – Non-Cooperation – p. 224).
movement within India ([1], pp. 208–210). Unsurprisingly then, his conception of an
Islamic socialism as a means to socioeconomic
justice and political independence for all Indians
Long Exile: Kabul, Moscow, Istanbul and found a cool reception among the religious schol-
Mecca arly class in South Asia. Ḥusain Aḥmad Madanī,
successor to Maḥmūd Ḥasan as the leader of
Having been used and deceived, Sindhī futilely Deoband and Ḥasan’s companion to both Hejaz
attempted to establish Hindustani University for and the prison at Malta, insisted Sindhī had quite
two years after the truce, with Urdu as its medium literally lost his mind. Madanī cited Sindhī’s long
of instruction. As inclusive as Sindhī was regarding and torturous exile and foreign influences in
‘Umar ibn ‘Abd-al-‘Azīz 703

Moscow as the reason for Sindhī’s dissent from

the dominant doctrine and legal opinions. Ubaydullah Sindhi

▶ ‘Ubaid Allah Sindhi

Return to India: A Voice in the
Wilderness

Although his political and economic system did ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd-al-‘Azīz
not gain much traction, his voluminous and pro-
vocative writings and teachings on Shāh Walī Iik A. Mansurnoor
Allāh furnished him a legacy as the premiere Historical Studies Program, University of Brunei
interpreter of Walī Allāh thought. With Walī Darussalam, Bandar Seri Begawan, Brunei,
Allāh being arguably the most revered of reform- Darussalam
ist Muslim thinkers on the eve of colonialism,
Sindhī actually made the eighteenth-century fig-
ure’s ideas, rather than just his authority, relevant Synonyms
in late colonial and postcolonial South Asian
Islamic discourse. Caliph; Caliphate; ‘Umar II; Umayyad dynasty
Once he returned from exile in 1939, pardoned
by the British government at the behest of his
sympathizers, he established an all-inclusive Definition
political party with a program of gradual libera-
tion of India into a confederated state composed of The most popularly celebrated Umayyad caliph,
three autonomous provinces in west, east, and despite, or rather because of, the brevity of and no
south India. Despite remaining a marginal voice major breakthrough during his reign of less than
in an increasingly communalized and divisive 2½ years. He is traditionally listed by the early
society, Sindhī insisted on a united India founded prominent legal specialists such as Sufyān ibn
on composite nationalism and a socialist- Sa‘id al-Thawrī (715–777/97–161) and Muḥam-
federalist system that was to have at its core an mad ibn Idrīs al-Shāfi‘ī (766–818/150–204) as the
anti-hierarchical orientation toward caste and fifth caliph in the series of the Rightly Guided
class in India ([1], pp. 223–224). Caliphs and praised by some prominent ‘Alids such
as Fāṭima bint Ḥusayn bint ‘Alī [3].
References

1. Ayesha J (2008) Partisans of Allah: Jihad in South Asia. Dynastic and Muslim Reformer
Harvard
2. Ansari KH (1986) Pan-Islam and the making of the Scholars have offered diverse reasons for the
early Indian Muslim socialists. Mod Asian Stud exalted position given to this Umayyad ruler, nor-
20:509–537
mally considered illegitimate by their ‘Abbāsī U
3. Zaman M. Modern Islamic Thought in a Radical Age:
Religious Authority and Internal Criticism. Cambridge rival successors [4–6]. Among the salient factors
University Press, New York in ‘Umar ibn‘Abd-al-‘Azīz’s prestigious position
came from his principles and governance policy
which were considered strategically and
Islamically relevant, such as equality, inclusive-
‘Ubaidullah Sindhi ness, openness, generosity, justice, and
participation. Yet, it is relevant to point out several
▶ ‘Ubaid Allah Sindhi religious characteristics of this exaltation. First of
704 ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd-al-‘Azīz

all the major sources or accounts of praise given group under the court secretary Rajā’ ibn Ḥaywa
to ‘Umar came from the prominent religious at the expense of the designated successor and his
circle in Medina, especially the famous jurist own sons and brothers. In turn he accepted the
Mālik ibn Anas, where he was born and grew second part of the recommendation to pass the
up and even assumed governorship there caliphate to his cousin, Yazīd ibn ‘Abd al-Mālik,
(705–711/86–93). More specifically ‘Umar and not to his own son [6, 7].
ibn‘Abd-al-‘Azīz is often presented in these
accounts as a leader who generously and person-
ally committed to listen to public complaints and Qualities
act in accordance with the religious principles.
Indeed, he occupied a special niche in Islamic In administering the caliphate, ‘Umar ibn
history for his fabled virtues, inclusive policy, ‘Abd-al-‘Azīz tended to decentralize through his
and informed ideas; thus, he was given bureaucratic appointments and policy emphasiz-
a special honor for being a fifth Rāshidūn caliph ing consolidation. He did not hesitate to replace
and also the first in the series of centennial well-established commanders and governors if he
reformers for the new Muslim century [3]. Mod- considered they were too powerful but unpopular
ern scholars have argued that this entitlement, among the population, in favor of the more reli-
more than anything else, eternalizes ‘Umar II’s able but open-minded or religiously oriented per-
long-lasting moral integrity [2, 5]. sonalities as can be seen in his dismissal of the
To present a more concrete description powerful governor of the East, Yazīd ibn al-
of ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd-al-‘Azīz, it is important to Muhallab. He maintained the policy that the inte-
put his reform in symbolic and substantial sectors. gration of the diverse parts of the caliphate could
The first can be seen in his personal and religious be achieved by participation and opportunity, not
expressions. He successfully presented himself as through enforced centralization. This emphasis
a clean and God-fearing leader, a category which on personal quality through religious commitment
put him in contrast to the negative general public’s became a part of his vision of pursuing equality,
view, as represented in the ‘Abbāsī sources, of the inclusiveness, and participation in society and
Umayyad elite. As reflected in some accounts, his state. For example, he returned the rights to culti-
lifestyle was contrasted between the bon vivant vate the various lucrative lands to their original
way before coming to the capital and that of owners, after being confiscated by the central
a modest man when occupying the most government, especially those in Iraq and Egypt.
powerful position in the empire [3]. All these He appointed officials and governors from among
moral messages played an important role in those who upheld the principle of participation
enhancing his popularity through the networks and integration and not of discrimination and
which a large number of political critics and reli- seclusion. This policy also covered the previously
gious scholars had developed. In other words, unfair treatments of the Family of the Prophet (ahl
‘Umar ibn ‘Abd-al-‘Azīz enjoyed access to the al-bayt), as he ordered the end of cursing ‘Alī and
most effective and strategic media at the time, the return of those lands which belonged
learning and religious circles in mosques and to Fāṭima, a daughter of the Prophet, to her
markets. descendants [3, 7].
At the substantial level, ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd-al- In contrast to the general opinion which showed
‘Azīz put forward the idea of rescuing the dynasty the Umayyads took little care of justice, ‘Umar ibn
through his political, military, social, and eco- ‘Abd-al-‘Azīz addressed and rectified many unfair
nomic policy. Indeed, he came to the throne in and unjust policies. His stint as governor of Medina
717/99 not through the normal hereditary route, obviously gave him important opportunities to lis-
but through being appointed at the last minute to ten to diverse scholarly, not rarely critical, views of
succeed to the caliphate by his predecessor, the government and society. Indeed, he did revive
Sulaymān, at the recommendation of a pressure the consultative meetings among opinion leaders in
Umaru Pulavar 705

the city. Upholding the principle of consultation, he References

continued to pursue it when assuming the caliphate.
The results can be seen in his aggressive attempts to 1. Blankinship KY (1994) The end of the Jihad state: the
reign of Hisham ibn ‘Abd al-Malik and the collapse of
reach diverse groups in society from the Khawārij
the Umayyads. State University of New York Press,
to members of the Prophet’s Family. For example, Albany
even though he was criticized by modern scholars 2. Donner FMG (2010) Muhammad and the believers: at
for his discriminatory policy toward the protected the origins of Islam. The Belknap Press of Harvard
University Press, Cambridge, MA/London
people (ahl al-dhimma), he never ignored their
3. Ibn ‘Abd al-Ḥakam, Abū al-Qāsim (1954) Sīrat ‘Umar
well-being and fair financial treatment. Also ibn ‘Abd al-‘Azīz (ed: ‘Ubayd A). Maktabat Wahba,
worthy of mention are his peace initiatives and Cairo
negotiations with the die-hard rebels. This is con- 4. Kennedy HN (2001) The armies of the caliphs: military
and society in the early Islamic state. Routledge,
sistent with the overall strategy which he endorsed
London
to bring together all elements and sections in the 5. Kennedy HN (2004) Prophet and the age of the caliph-
empire and move forward without resort to naked ates, 600–1050, revised edn. Longman, London
power [1, 5, 6]. 6. Shaban MA (1971) Islamic history, AD 600–750 (AH
132): a new interpretation, vol 1. Cambridge University
‘Umar ibn ‘Abd-al-‘Azīz also launched
Press, Cambridge
a drastic military measure commanding his troops 7. al-Ṭabari, Abū Ja‘far Muḥammad (1879–1901) Tārīkh
to halt the major military campaigns and expan- al-Rusul wal-Mulūk (ed: de Goeje MJ). E.J. Brill,
sion at the four frontiers, especially the Constan- Leiden
tinople, Pyrennean, North Africa, and Central
Asian campaigns. He responded to the battlefield
realities and troop complaints for being sent to
‘Umar II
difficult warfronts for extended periods (tajmī r
al-ajnād). Consistent with his policy of peace
▶ ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd-al-‘Azīz
and development, ‘Umar II emphasized
consolidation and progress. In addressing eco-
nomic downturn as the campaigns were halted,
he launched his new fiscal policy and economic ʿUmar Sohravardī
reform, including fairer taxation for all. For him,
the return of agricultural lands to the rightful ▶ Shaykh Shihāb al-Dīn al-Suhrawardī
people could bring more harvest and thus indi-
rectly supported more tax return to the govern-
ment [6, 7].
The relatively short reign of ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd- Umaru Pulavar
al-‘Azīz forms a special quality for the Umayyads.
He was declared the best of them and the last Torsten Tschacher
series of the Rāshidūn and thus qualifies for the Centre for Modern Indian Studies (CeMIS),
title of the Rightly Guided Caliph. None was University of Göttingen, Göttingen, Germany
exalted to this position after him. As briefly Institute of Islamic Studies, Freie Universität U
shown here, ‘Umar did not achieve much in his Berlin, Berlin, Germany
barely 2½ year reign; however, he put forward
a crucial plan for reform and progress, salvaging
the caliphate or rather dynastic rule in crisis. Definition

Umaru Pulavar (d. ca. 1703) was the author of

Cross-References a long narrative poem about the Prophet Muḥam-
mad in Tamil and is considered the most important
▶ Umayyad Dynasty Muslim poet in the language.
706 Umaru Pulavar

Introduction the Napiyavatāra Ammāṉai ([3], 8). The only

information regarding the circumstances of the
Umaru Pulavar is widely regarded as the most composition of the poem is the mention of
important Muslim poet in Tamil on account of a patron named Abul Kassim in more than twenty
his Cī ṟāppurāṇam, a narrative poem on the life stanzas in the first half of the Cīṟāppurāṇam. The
of the Prophet Muḥammad consisting of 5,028 last of these references is in stanza 2,579, and it
stanzas of highly ornate poetry. Despite the fact has been surmised that Abul Kassim either passed
that very little is known of Umaru Pulavar, he and away or withdrew support before the poem was
his work have played a central role in contempo- completed [5, 17, 18].
rary attempts to include Muslim poetry in the Despite Abul Kassim being mentioned in the
canon of Tamil literature. text, another story concerning the composition of
the Cī ṟāppurāṇam has gained widespread cur-
rency. According to this story, Umaru Pulavar
Life was asked to compose the poem by Citakkati,
a wealthy Muslim merchant with close connec-
What little is known of Umaru Pulavar’s life tions to the Setupati court in Ramanathapuram
comes from stories and occasional stanzas which and a renowned patron of poets. Umaru Pulavar
for the most part have been fixed and written requested Citakkati to introduce him to a scholar
down only in the twentieth century. On the basis who could tell him the details of the Prophet’s life.
of one such stanza, he is said to have been born in Citakkati brought him to the most important Mus-
1642 and passed away in 1703 [1, 8, 17–19]. As lim scholar of the region, Shaykh Sadaqatullah
Umaru Pulavar is mentioned as the author of the (1632–1703). Sadaqatullah however, upon seeing
Cī ṟāppurāṇam in other poems as early as 1713, that Umaru Pulavar was dressed like a Hindu poet,
these dates seem to give a fairly good idea of the refused to teach him. Disappointed, the poet with-
times in which Umaru Pulavar lived. On the drew to a mosque, where he fell asleep. In
basis of legends circulating about him, Umaru a dream, the Prophet appeared to him and asked
Pulavar is said to have been the son of a perfume him to approach Sadaqatullah once again. When
trader of Arab descent. His birthplace is usually Umaru Pulavar returned to Sadaqatullah, the
given as Ettayapuram or the nearby village of scholar already awaited him, having similarly
Nagalapuram. At the same time, other traditions been instructed by the Prophet in a dream to help
record his native place as Kilakarai near the poet. Consequently, Sadaqatullah asked one of
Ramanathapuram, while Umaru Pulavar’s own his disciples to help Umaru Pulavar to compose
son identifies Vakutai, which could refer to either the Cī ṟāppurāṇam [1, 5, 7, 17–19]. Umaru
Kilakarai or Kayalpattinam, as his grandfather’s Pulavar is also sometimes credited with compos-
hometown in the seventh stanza of his poem ing a poem in praise of Citakkati’s wedding and
Napiyavatāra Ammāṉai composed in 1713 [1, 3, another poem in praise of Muhammad, the
17, 19]. Mutumoḻimālai [8, 19].
Despite its frequent recounting, the story
hardly tallies with what is known of the
The Composition of the Cīṟāppurānam Cī ṟāppurāṇam [19]. While Abul Kassim is
˙ clearly mentioned as the poem’s patron, Citakkati
Given the paucity and nature of sources about the is absent. Even more striking is that, until the early
life of Umaru Pulavar, it is hardly surprising that twentieth century, a version of the story was told
little is known for certain about his composition of which fits better with the meager evidence of the
the Cī ṟāppurāṇam. The text of the poem. According to this version, Umaru Pulavar
Cī ṟāppurāṇam does not name the author at was rejected for wearing Hindu dress not by
all – the first mention of Umaru Pulavar as the Sadaqatullah, but by Citakkati himself. Abul
composer of the Cī ṟāppurāṇam comes again from Kassim, who was Citakkati’s rival, then took the
Umaru Pulavar 707

opportunity to best his rival and supported Umaru splitting the moon is turned into a four-chapter
Pulavar [9]. The modern popularity of the version story in the Cī ṟāppurāṇam, in which King Habib
that makes Citakkati Umaru Pulavar’s benefactor of Damascus asks the Prophet to prove his status
points towards the contemporary reception and by calling the full moon on a new-moon night.
interpretation of Umaru Pulavar as a Muslim The moon answers the call, circles the Ka’ba
poet devoted to the Tamil language without con- proclaiming Muḥammad as a prophet, and is
siderations of religion. split by the Prophet. Muḥammad completes this
miracle by turning Habib’s daughter, who resem-
bles a mass of flesh, into a beautiful maiden [19].
The Cīṟāppurānam: Texts, Genre, and This version of the miracle story has been popular
Narrative ˙ in Tamil in subsequent centuries [11, 13]. The
emphasis on the miraculous powers of the Prophet
The Cī ṟāppurāṇam narrates the biography (Ara- has already been noted in the earliest Muslim
bic sī ra) of the Prophet Muḥammad in 5028 poem in Tamil, the Āyiramacalā [10], and seems
stanzas divided into three cantos dealing with the to be a unifying trait of the depiction of Muḥam-
Prophet’s birth (wilāda), call to prophecy mad in Tamil Islamic poetry.
(nubuwwa), and emigration from Mecca (hijra),
respectively. The narrative breaks off a few years
before the Prophet’s death. This and the fact that Umaru Pulavar and the Tamil Literary
the poem lacks the mention of author, patron, and Tradition
date of composition typically found at the begin-
ning of Tamil Muslim poems have been taken as The Cī ṟāppurāṇam has often been taken as
evidence that the Cī ṟāppurāṇam was left incom- a prime example of the localization of Islam in
plete, possibly at Umaru Pulavar’s death [15, the South Indian context and a Tamil conceptual
17–19]. In 1732/1733, a poet known as Bani framework. In its use of literary conventions and
Ahmad Maraikkayar completed the vocabulary, the Cī ṟāppurāṇam indeed seems to
Cī ṟāppurāṇam. This composition is generally follow non-Muslim poetry very closely [5, 6, 19].
known as the Little sī ra (Ciṉṉa Cī ṟā) [17]. At the same time, the almost exclusive focus on
In terms of genre, the Cī ṟāppurāṇam follows local imagery and vocabulary has largely ignored
the rules of the kāppiyam or purāṇam genre (two that while the Cī ṟāppurāṇam may elaborate on
terms which are not clearly distinguishable in certain aspects of the Prophet’s life and thereby
Tamil, 15), long narrative poems centered on create an image of Muḥammad that is recogniz-
a hero, group of heroes, or events. Structurally able to South Indians, this image nevertheless
and in its imagery, the Cī ṟāppurāṇam, like other remains rooted in Muslim tradition. Tamil vocab-
Muslim poems in the same genre, closely adheres ulary is not used instead of, but in addition to,
to the conventions of the genre, including two Arabic vocabulary, and in many cases, Tamil and
chapters describing the hero’s country and city at Arabic terms are paired and treated as translations
the outset of the poem [5, 15, 16]. In terms of the of each other, thereby subverting the simplistic
actual narrative, the Cī ṟāppurāṇam generally equation of Tamil terminology with Hinduism U
agrees with the traditional Arabic accounts of often found in secondary literature [10, 12, 19].
Muḥammad’s life, though some differences in Noteworthy in this regard is that the
sequence may be noted [19]. Cī ṟāppurāṇam has generally been treated against
A noteworthy aspect of the Cī ṟāppurāṇam’s the backdrop only of non-Muslim Tamil literature.
depiction of Muḥammad is the stress on miracles In particular, it has been claimed that Umaru
performed by the Prophet. This is exemplified not Pulavar admired the work of non-Muslim poets,
only by the many miracle stories inserted into the especially Kampan’s version of the Ramayana,
text but also by the amplification of many well- and that he drew on these works in the composi-
known stories. Thus, the simple miracle of tion of the Cī ṟāppurāṇam, thereby contributing as
708 Umaru Pulavar

a Muslim to a world of Tamil letters that trans- important Muslim literary contribution to the lan-
cended religious boundaries. The problem with guage. Umaru Pulavar, much as Citakkati, with
this portrayal lies in the fact that the similarities whom he is commonly linked through the legend
noted between the Cī ṟāppurāṇam and non- recounted above, has therefore become a symbol
Muslim poetry are so generic and of secular Tamil language-nationalism to which
conventionalized that they could have been even radical Hindu organizations have to pay their
taken from basically any Tamil poem of the respects [2, 5–7, 14].
time, including earlier Muslim poetry in Tamil.
There already existed a fair amount of Muslim
poetry in Tamil using the same conventions and Cross-References
imagery. While Umaru Pulavar does not mention
any other poets in his work, it is clear that he was ▶ Kadir, Shaykh Abdul
familiar with earlier Muslim Tamil poetry. This is ▶ Tamil Nadu (Islam and Muslims)
suggested not only by the fact that he followed ▶ Vannapparimalappulavar
conventions only found with Muslim, but not with
Hindu poets [15], but also that he fails to recount
two important events of the Prophet’s life, the
References
nightly ascension (mi’rāj) and the questions of
Abdullah b. Salam, each of which had been 1. Aptuṟ-Ṟahīm (1980) Muslim tamiḻp pulavarkaḷ,
treated in a Tamil poem of the late-sixteenth cen- 2nd edn. Universal Publishers, Chennai
tury, the Mikuṟācumālai and the Āyiramacalā, 2. Bayly S (1989) Saints, Goddesses and Kings: Muslims
and Christians in South Indian Society, 1700–1900.
respectively. It is likely that Umaru Pulavar
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
chose not to include them in his poem because 3. Kavikkaḷañciyappulavar (1981) Umaṟup Pulavariṉ
he was aware that they had already been treated in makaṉ Kavikkaḷañciyam iyaṟṟiya Napiyavatāra
the same genre [10, 12, 19]. When seen against ammāṉai (ed: Saiyitu Muhammatu “Hasaṉ” M).
Millath Publishers, Chennai
the backdrop of Muslim traditions and the con-
4. Mahroof MMM (1973) Muslim Education in Ceylon
ventions of Tamil Muslim literature, the connec- (Sri Lanka) 1881–1901. Islamic Cult 47(1):301–325
tions of the Cī ṟāppurāṇam with non-Muslim 5. Narayanan V (2000) Religious vocabulary and
South Indian tradition seem less solid than often regional identity: a study of the Tamil Cirappuranam.
In: Gilmartin D, Lawrence BB (eds) Beyond Turk and
asserted.
Hindu: rethinking religious identities in Islamicate
South Asia. University Press of Florida, Gainesville
6. Narayanan V (2001) The Ramayana and its Muslim
Reception interpreters. In: Richman P (ed) Questioning
Ramayanas: a south Asian tradition. University of
California Press, Berkeley
The Cī ṟāppurāṇam has long been the most cele- 7. Narayana Rao V, Shulman D, Subrahmanyam
brated poetic work among Tamil-speaking Mus- S (1992) Symbols of substance: court and state in
lims. It is only due to the frequent mention of the Nāyaka Period Tamilnadu. Oxford University Press,
Delhi
poem and its author in later Muslim poetry that we
8. Nayiṉār Mukamatu C (2001) Umaṟuppulavar. Sahitya
know about Umaru Pulavar’s authorship in the Akademi, Delhi
first place. In nineteenth-century Ceylon, the 9. Purnalingam Pillai MS (1929) Tamil literature,
Cī ṟāppurāṇam was particularly popular among 2nd edn. The Bibliotheca, Munnirpallam
10. Ricci R (2011) Islam translated: literature, conversion,
women. Its popularity made it the first Muslim
and the Arabic Cosmopolis of South and Southeast
literary work in Tamil to be printed in 1842 by Asia. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago
another important Muslim poet, Shaykh Abdul 11. Richman P (1997) Extraordinary child: poems from
Kadir [4, 17]. Since the late nineteenth century, a South Indian Devotional Genre. University of
Hawai’I Press, Honolulu
the poem has also increasingly been noted by non-
12. Shu’ayb T (1993) Arabic, Arwi and Persian in
Muslim scholars and has been integrated into the Sarandib and Tamil Nadu. A study of the contributions
standard canons of Tamil literature as the most of Sri Lanka and Tamil Nadu to Arabic, Arwi, Persian
Ummah 709

and Urdu languages, literature and education. Imāmul race, religion, culture, and economic interest
‘Arūs Trust, Madras with a common leader, goal, and constitution.
13. Shulman D (2002) Tamil Praises of the Prophet:
Kācimpulavar’s Tiruppukaḻ. JSAI 27:86–108 The derivation of the term ummah is referred to
14. Tschacher T (2010) Drowning in the ocean of Tamil: the Arabic action verb amm, meaning “to aim” or
Islamic texts and the historiography of Tamil litera- “to intend” [6]. In this sense, ummah refers to the
ture. In: Harder H (ed) Literature and nationalist ide- people who intend to follow a leader, or adhere to
ology: writing histories of modern Indian languages.
Social Science Press, Delhi a religion. However, it is also used to mean to
15. Tschacher T (2011) Convention and community: the belong to one place, or generation.
poetics of prefaces to early Islamic Tamil literature.
Z Indol Südasienstudien 28:183–209
16. Uwise MM (1976) Muslim epics in Tamil literature.
Semmal Publications, Madras Historical Background
17. Uwise MM (1990) Muslim contribution to Tamil lit-
erature. In: Fifth international Islamic Tamil literary
conference, Madras Harking back to what can be called historical
18. Uwise MM, Ajmalkhan PM (1986) Islāmiyat tamiḻ development, the term ummah is traced back to
ilakkiya varalāṟu, vol 1. Madurai Kamaraj University, the root word umm, meaning “mother,” or Hebrew
Madurai
word em, meaning also “mother,” or “stock” or
19. Victor M (1992) The Tamil-Islamic cultural encounter
in Seeraappuraanam. Karpagam Printing Industry, “race,” or “community” [3, 4] that have signifi-
Tiruchirappalli cantly contributed to enhance the meaning of the
concept of ummah over time, expressing intimate
relationship among the members rather than mis-
perceived conception of female monarchy.
Umayyad Dynasty However, the usage of the term ummah is
markedly distinct from that of sha‘b, meaning
▶ ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd-al-‘Azīz “nation” derived from the Latin verb natalité (to
give birth). The term sha‘b is strictly
a geopolitical concept defined as a community of
people possessing a territory, government, and
Ummah citizenship, regardless of a person’s religious affil-
iation. Over time, increasingly belonging to the
Golam Dastagir1,2 and Ismath Ramzy2 ummah necessitates religious affiliation. In this
1
Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar sense, the concept of “nation” lacks vision and
University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh explicit fortitude without having criteria of uni-
2
Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University son, as opposed to the concept of the ummah
of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia (religious community).

Synonyms Ummah and Church

U
Community; Group; Muslim community; Muslim The concept of ummah cannot be equivalent to
nation; People; Religious group that of Church in Christianity, even though both
terminologies connote community of believers,
encompassing social and worldly dimensions.
Definition and Meaning The membership in the case of ummah requires
one to become a Muslim, either by birth or by
Ummah is an Arabic word, meaning “people” or conversion, while membership of a Church is only
“group” or “community” formed based on some determined through baptism, which includes the
common and coherent features like language, confession of faith in Jesus as the Son of God and
710 Ummah

circumcision [7]. Suffice it to say that there states) in order to enjoy all the rights within its
are also differences between the conditions of territory fully protected in their communities.
maintaining adherence to ummah and church. However, orientalists as well as Muslim
scholars have dealt with the issue in the context
of the differences of geographical location, polit-
Ummah in Islam ical situation, and historical perspectives, espe-
cially in relation to self-determination, freedom
At the outset, the term ummah was hardly used in of choice, and human rights. For instance, Muslim
the pre-Islamic Arab world to the extent it is used jurists ( fuqahā’) restrict it to the Muslims alone,
in Islam to mean religious community. Abu Qais and to that effect, the ummah is designated as such
bin Aslat, the poet of Medina, who died before the a religious community that believes in the unity of
birth of the Prophet Muhammad, is believed to be Allah and the finality of the Prophethood of
the first person to have used the term ummah in the Muhammad, and that fulfills all the obligations
sense of community, or group of people. The required by sharī ‘ah law.
Qur’ānic revelation of the term ummah in the
sense of “religious community” occurred just
before the hijrat (migration) of the Prophet of Ummah and Its Integration
Islam [1]. However, ummah denoting the “com-
munity with vision and mission” was introduced The concept of the ummah, as revealed by Allah,
first by the Prophet Muhammad in the “Charter of was scripturally integrated at Mecca (also tran-
Medina” (Constitution of Medina) drafted after scribed as Makkah), but was socially and politi-
the hijrat in 622 A.D. [2], which is believed to cally strengthened by rituals (ibādat) and sharī ‘ah
be the first written constitution of the world [5]. in Medina. In the Makkan period (referring to those
In the Qur’ān, the term ummah has been used Qur’ānic verses revealed in Mecca), the people
in different places with a variation of meanings who used to subscribe to different tribal laws and
such as “nation” (II:128, 134; XIII:30; X:47; to fight in defense of them became members of the
XVI:36), “religious community” (II:143; ummah, pledging to the Oneness of God. This led
III:110), “group of people” (III:143; V:66; them to unite themselves as a single Muslim
VII:159), “period” (XI:8; XII:5), and “religion” community – a universal brotherhood on the basis
(XVIII:22–23). Furthermore, the Qur’ān applies of equality in the spirit of “Oneness of God”
the term ummah to mean both the Muslims and the (tawḥī d). So the concept of fraternal belongingness
non-Muslims (Q. XIII:30), to whom God sent the initiated in Mecca was aimed primarily to achieve
messengers (Q. XVI:36), and for whom the divine spiritual integration, encompassing social and eco-
law was prescribed (Q. V:48). Broadly speaking, nomic aspects as well in Medina. Therefore,
the term ummah has also been used in the Qur’ān although the conceptual development of the
to address “community” in general; for instance, ummah emerged in Mecca, it further developed in
the Qur’ān says, Mankind were one community, Medina with the practice of sharī‘ah [8].
and Allah sent (unto them) prophets as bearers of In Medina, the religious practice of Muslims
good tidings and as warners, and revealed there- was further strengthened – both morally and
with the Scripture. . . (II:213). spiritually – by a wide range of ritual practices
The ummah in Islamic tradition represents such as prayer (ṣalāt), poor due (zakāt), fasting
a universal world-order governed by an Islamic (ṣawm), and pilgrimage to Mecca (ḥajj), etc. For
government (the Caliphate) in accordance with instance, fraternal love among the fellow humans,
sharī ‘ah, and therefore, it is not restricted to any realization of the unity with God, the institution of
particular territorial nation, due basically to its ṣalāt, and the like were made obligatory, and as
provision to allow non-Muslims to live as dhimmī such, the members of the ummah were character-
(non-Muslim citizens in sharī ‘ah -based Muslim ized as “one human family,” regardless of one’s
Unity of God 711

social status. Thus, the so-called clans, or tribes, to 4. Denny FM (1977) Ummah in the constitution of
which the Muslims belonged before the advent of Medina. J Near East Stud 36(1):39–47
5. Hamidullah M (1968) First written constitution of the
Islam, were of no avail with the practice of the world: an important document of the time of the holy
values of the ummah. Similarly, zakāt was pre- prophet. Ashraf Press, Lahore
scribed to support the destitute and to provide 6. Kakakhel MN (1982) The rise of Muslim Umma at
a healthy economy to the fellow members of the Makkah. Hamdard Islam V(3):59–74
7. Troll CW (2012) Muslims ask, Christians answer. New
ummah, just as ṣawm was intended to make them City Press, New York
realize the suffering of poverty and to feel the 8. Watt WM (1956) Muhammad at Medina. Oxford Uni-
grace of God, while empowering the members versity Press, London
with increased efforts to become conscious of
God. Pilgrimage to Mecca, known as ḥajj –
which is also one of the pillars of Islam
recommended for those capable in terms of phys- Umrah
ical, mental, and financial strength – is a universal
congregation to bring to the fore the current socio- ▶ Hajj
political and religious issues of the ummah, as
well as remembering the glorious history and
paying homage to the legacy of prophet Ibrahim
(Abraham) and his great sacrifices to the divine Unani Medicine
will of God. Islamic jurisprudence, to some
extent, can also add value to comprehend the ▶ Yūnānī Medicine
coherent system of the ummah. With the forma-
tion of the ummah, some crucial social issues like
fraternal bond, equality of men and women,
equity of wealth, abolition of slavery, and so on
permeated the ideological framework of Islamic
Unani Tibb
civilization.
▶ Yūnānī Medicine

Cross-References

▶ Hajj
Unanipathy
▶ Jurisprudence
▶ Prayer ▶ Yūnānī Medicine
▶ ṣawm
▶ Tawḥī d
▶ Zakāt
Understanding the Rules of
Sharīʿah U
References
▶ Fiqh
1. Ahmad I (1992) The rise and decline of Muslim
Ummah. Ta-Ha Publishers, London
2. Ataman M (2003) Islamic perspective on ethnicity and
nationalism: diversity or uniformity? J Muslim Minor
Aff 23(1):89–102
Unity of God
3. Denny FM (1975) The meaning of “ummah” in the
Qurʾān. Hist Relig 15(1):34–70 ▶ Tawḥī d
712 ‘Urs

allegorically in the expression of the word ‘urs in

‘Urs Ṣūfīsm. Ṣūfī thinkers believe that the word
walī mah derived from awlam, meaning to gather
Golam Dastagir or assemble, has a significant bearing on ‘urs of
Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar the Ṣūfī tradition as long as it connotes an assem-
University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh bly of pilgrims in commemoration of the death
Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University anniversary of holy saints. On the metaphysical
of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia level, walī mah or marriage, the etymological
meaning of ‘urs, tends to have a connection with
the spiritual and ritual event observed at a Ṣūfī
Synonyms shrine to the extent that the latter signifies spiritual
union between the demised saint and the
Festival; Religious festival; Rite; Ritual; Sūfi Divine – that is, between the individual soul and
festival; Sūfi ritual the Universal Soul. So, death is not considered
a matter of sorrowful setback in the life of Ṣūfī
saints; rather, it is an opportunity for them to be
Definition united with God eternally, and thus death means
a pleasant meeting point – a bridge leading to the
‘Urs, an Arabic term, which literally means “wed- Ultimate Reality. Death, for Ṣūfīs, does not only
ding,” is one of the religious rituals observed at mean the cessation of respiratory breath of
a Ṣūfī shrine, or khānaqāh, or dargah, commem- humans in the transitory world caused by natural
orating the death anniversary of a Pī r (Persian accidents, disease, old age, and the like; rather, it
term of Islamic mystic or saint) or Ṣūfī, and occurs is a voluntary act of choice and desire of Ṣūfīs, as
predominantly in South Asia, which was Islam- willed by God through a supernatural agent or
ized or Ṣūfīzed by immigrant Ṣūfī saints from the angel. The Qur’ānic verse “And we shall show
Arab world, particularly from Iraq, Yemen, Persia, you our signs on the horizons and in
and Afghanistan. Observed annually and usually yourselves–do you not see?” (XLI:53) prompts
according to the Hijri calendar, ‘urs has turned the Ṣūfīs to believe that they are blessed with
into a common ritual for khānaqāh complexes special power (karāmah) by God, though earned
over time mainly in rural areas of the Indian through rigorous religious service to Him, such
subcontinent and is characterized as a religious that they become “Friends of God” (’awlī yā’) by
festival of Ṣūfīsm. Hundreds and thousands of virtue of reaching the highest stage of spirituality
devotees, non-devotees, and visitors – belonging and that they can continue, even after physical
not only to the Ṣūfī tradition, but to other religious death, to exert influence upon the devotees who
affiliations too – congregate at a designated shrine follow their respective ṭarīqah by way of making
or Ṣūfī khānaqāh to pay homage. However, supplication to God on their behalf. In other
reformists and modernists vehemently oppose words, death presents the opportunity for Ṣūfīs
the observance of ‘urs inasmuch as they are skep- to reunite themselves with the Divine, and there-
tical about Ṣūfīsm, censuring it as bida‘a (an fore, physical death is considered the actualization
innovation, hence a forbidden ritual). of spiritual union for elevated Ṣūfīs, who are
equally revered as representatives of the Prophet
[6] and are thus believed to carry God’s grace
Meaning of ‘Urs (barakah) within their hearts. Since death paves
the way to glorious union, the celebration of the
‘Urs, the etymological meaning of which is “mar- spiritual union of Ṣūfī saints is a joyous holy
riage” (walīmah), is not understood literally. occasion for devotees to offer blessing to the
Here, such terms as walī mah, marriage, and flow- holy soul of saints, whose physical death does
ery nuptial bed and terms like these are often used pose a hindrance in their ability to continue to
‘Urs 713

act as intercessors (wasīla) between human Ṣūfī’s heart, which is characterized as “the mirror
beings and God. From the morphological level in which God reflects Himself” [7].
of life, however, the death of Ṣūfī saints is
a shocking event that calls for mourning and
occasions an irreparable loss for devotees, for
Spirituality of ‘Urs
they feel deprived of personal and direct counsel-
ling and spiritual guidance, which they seek when The cardinal goal of Ṣūfīs is to reach the station of
union with God (wiṣāl). Sūfis who reach the
facing adverse circumstances in life.
exalted stage of spirituality (nafs-e muṭma’inna),
from the lowest stage of human nature (nafs-e
’ammāra) through rigorous methods practiced in
Historical Background
taṣawwuf, are capable of turning the psychophys-
Not to be found in other parts of the Islamic world, ical states of humans into a spiritual state (ḥāl) to
be achieved in a series of stations (maqām)
the legitimacy of the observance of ‘urs largely
through invoking the grace of God. They often
hinges upon the authenticity of taṣawwuf or
Ṣūfīsm in the context of the Indian subcontinent. quote the Qur’ān to trace their special position in
the sight of God. As the Qur’ān says: “Behold!
Anthropological research reveals that a large
verily on the friends of Allāh there is no fear, nor
majority of the Muslims across the Indian subcon-
tinent, particularly those in Bangladesh, believe in shall they grieve” (Q. X:62). Purged from wretch-
edness and blessed by God’s grace, Ṣūfīs are
the legitimacy of Pī rs or Ṣūfīs [4], not only as
particularly empowered by God with the capacity
a source of wisdom, but in acting as spiritual
guides empowered with miraculous power of endowing their disciples with blessing and
divine inspiration for material gain and spiritual
(karāmah), through which they are believed to
development. The visiting (ziyāra) of Ṣūfī sanc-
help the disciples gain material wealth and spiri-
tuaries by tens of thousands of pilgrims
tual well-being. Pī rs as charismatic figures most
irrespective of religious affiliation seems mean-
closely resemble the role gurus [4] or spiritual
ingful only in the conviction that since the
teachers play in Indian religious tradition.
murshid (spiritual master) always remains present
‘Urs is the most desired occasion on which
for the murīd (disciple), especially during the
initiated disciples, casual guests, occasional visi-
‘urs, the murshid’s supplication, application,
tors, and even high-ranking politicians including
prayer, or worship to God on behalf of the fellow
non-Muslims visit holy shrines to woo divine
traveller (sālik) upon the spiritual Path (sulūk) can
blessings, not to mention, in the case of politi-
draw God’s mercy and compassion. One of the
cians, to publicize their political stature through
telling verses of the Ḥadī th Qudsī (Book: 79,
allegiance to prominence Pī rs. That Ṣūfīs are
Ḥadīth: 509), corroborating such elevated Ṣūfīs’
characterized as “means” (wasī la) to spiritual
special position before God and their charismatic
and temporal upliftment is laid down in the
status empowered by Him is mentioned by Imam
Qur’ān, “O you who have believed, fear Allāh
Bukhārī and narrated by Abu Huraira in quoting
and seek the means [of nearness] to Him and
strive in His cause that you may succeed” (Q.
the Prophet as saying as follows: U
V:35). The observance of the ‘urs by Ṣūfīs Allāh has said, “. . .and My slave keeps on coming
seems significant inasmuch as devotees attribute closer to Me through supererogatory prayers till
I love him, then I become his sense of hearing
prophetic qualities to Ṣūfīs, who not only with which he hears, and his sense of sight with
strengthen their faith in God, but help the disciples which he sees, and his hand with which he grips,
to purify their hearts in light of the Prophet’s life and his leg with which he walks; and if he asks Me,
and secret wisdom (ʿilm al-ladunī ) secured I will give him, and if he asks My protection, I will
protect him. . . .” [2]
through spiritual practice (wazī fa) in order that
they may cling to God, who is “closer than the Here lies the secret of the most-talked-about
jugular vein” (Q. L:16) and who dwells in the miraculous power ascribed to Pī rs, believed to be
714 ‘Urs

intensified during the ‘urs with the additional circles, dhikr is chanted in unison as Allāh Allāh
performance of rites. One of the striking reasons or Lā ilāha ill’ Allāh in line with the Qur’ānic
why urban–rural folks in India and Bangladesh verse, “Indeed, the remembrance of Allāh is
make strenuous efforts to pay homage to a Pī r at greater” (Q. XXVIV:45).
his and, in a few cases, her shrine (mazār), tomb, With the ‘urs in mind, the poverty-stricken
or mausoleum complex (khānaqāh), some of rustic disciples save penny by penny throughout
which are remotely located with lack of modern the year out of their meager wages in a bid to meet
communication and sanitary facilities, is obvi- the expenses for the said pilgrimage, the meal
ously due to the emphasis laid upon the Ḥadī th (tabarruk) at the shrine, voluntary donation to
Qudsī (Book: 93, Ḥadīth: 589) narrated by Abu the khānaqāh and the spiritual master, and not to
Huraira quoting the Prophet as saying that Allāh mention the fair, an added attraction for children
has said, “I had prepared for My righteous slaves accompanied by elderly murīds. While charity
what no eye has seen nor any ear has heard nor boxes placed in the corners of the shrine are filled
any human mind has realized (nor has it occurred with coins and bills, a large area of the Ṣūfī center
to any human heart)” [2]. (zāwiyah) is also flooded with a variety of offer-
ings such as goats, oxen, cows, camels, chickens,
ducks, fruits, vegetables, and so on, for preparing
Celebration of ‘Urs enough meals to feed the crowds in the days
during the celebration of the ‘urs. The disciples
Known as a spiritual retreat (khalwah), the cele- offer these voluntary gifts as a means to fulfill
bration of the ‘urs is observed with due solemnity their vows and wishes made in different circum-
annually at the Ṣūfī khānaqāh or tomb by devo- stances of their predicament with the intent of
tees as well as guests – widely ranging from high- recovery from illness, success in business, good
ranking public officials to illiterate villagers, from scores in examinations, alleviation of hardship,
rich business persons to pauper peasants. Attend- safety and security in life, protection from danger,
ing such annual rites with their spiritual function, relief from conflicts and crises, conception for the
which usually lasts 3–4 days in some parts of barren women, and so on.
Bangladesh and more than a week at some Another venerable attraction of the ‘urs is the
tombs in India, means a matter of fortunes for sacred meal (tabarruk), comprising plain rice and
people, who feel blessed by the Shaykh and mixed curry, which is usually made of rice flour,
graced by God, while performing essential rituals beef, or mutton, or fish together with vegetables
such as regular ritual prayers (ṣalāt), as well as the (pumpkin, squash, green papaya, and potato).
quintessential form of repetitive prayer, the invo- Such activities as those involving ritual and super-
cation (dhikr), including meditation (fikr). One of erogatory prayers, recitation of the holy Qur’ān,
the cardinal rites observed on the occasion of ‘urs sermons of the Shaykh and his representatives
is dhikr or zikr, often performed in a congregation stressing the moral and spiritual dimensions of
called majlis, combined with samā‘ (mystical Islamic life, the necessity for making pilgrimage
music) known as qawwālī or ghazal in chorus to the tombs (mazārs) of Pī rs, paying homage to
with rhythmical movements and allegorical their monasteries (khānaqāh), attending spiritual
songs, glorifying the Pī r, the Prophet, and Allāh. assembly (majlis), performing chanting (zikr),
God commands, “Remember Me, and I will vowing or making wishes to Allāh (mannat)
remember you” (Q. II:152); so by performing through them, offering to the Pīrs (nazrānā),
zikr during the ‘urs, Ṣūfīs believe they have the and embracing their spiritual chain of initiation
privilege of being remembered by God [5], and (silsilah) mark the ‘urs observed at most of the
zikr-e-Allāh or “remembrance of God” is desig- shrines or tombs in the Indian subcontinent – and
nated as the best of deeds in the sight of God, as all such activities are perceived as effective means
articulated by the Prophet Muḥammad [1]. In Ṣūfī for attaining nearness to Allāh.
‘Urs 715

Significance of ‘Urs initiation (bay‘at) into a Ṣūfī ṭariqāh, which leads

fuqarā (male devotees) and faqī rāt (female devo-
In what can be called a typical impact of Pī rism, tees) to the true direction of spirituality and edu-
major social events such as marriage ceremonies, cates them in the methods of the spiritual journey of
launching new business, buying a new house or Sūfism guided by the perfect Shaykh (insān-e
shifting to a new place for living, travelling kāmil). Devotees flock to the khānaqāh during the
abroad, and even circumcision and naming chil- ‘urs to rejuvenate their soul through the invocation
dren take place usually after pilgrimage to the of God (zikr-e-Allāh) while learning the spiritual
shrine, especially during the time of the ‘urs. technique of taming the nafs (nafs-e ’ammāra)
As scholars note, “Islam is everywhere marked characterized with desire, lust, avarice, and passion.
by shared beliefs and practices” [4]. Especially in Khwāja Enayetpuri (1886–1952), one of the cele-
the case of Ṣūfī Islam in the subcontinent, a large brated Sūfis of the Mujāddediyā–Naqshebandiyā
number of non-devotees belonging to the Hindu, ṭuruq (pl. of tariqāh) in Bangladesh, urged his
Buddhist, Christian, and Sikh communities visit disciples to reawaken the heart (qalb) by purging
the tombs of holy saints, who are believed to it through the zikr of Allāh before death to attain
possess charismatic power that does not cease to perpetual bliss in the hereafter.
exert an influence even after their physical death. ‘Urs has a celestial archetype as well as a social
Nor do their spiritual guidance and assistance bond. It is the only religious assembly that inte-
discontinue after their demise [6]. Such is the grates folks of all faiths regardless of creed and
case in point about the ‘urs of Mu‘īn-al-Dīn caste into the fold of Islamic Sūfism – speaking to
Chishtī (d. 1236) known as the largest Ṣūfī festi- the universality of religion. In each majlis of the
val in South Asia [3]. More often than not, devo- ‘urs regardless of ṭarīqah, or khānaqāh, blessings
tees and at times, visitors are seen kneeling before are offered by way of supererogatory prayer and
the marble graves or pillars of shrines or tombs, supplication for salvation to the departed soul of
touching and kissing whatever parts of tombs they the deceased ones beginning with the Prophet and
can reach, and rubbing dust from them onto the all the messengers of God mentioned in the
face and head while receiving blessing from the Qur’ān including ʿĪsā (Jesus) and Mūsā (Moses),
Shaykh out of profound devotion and love. Such all companions of the Prophet, all ’awlī yā’, and
practices often mislead the modernists who view finally humankind as a whole. In the same vein,
the practice of Ṣūfīsm as a form of polytheism God’s mercy together with His forgiveness is
(shirk) or accuse it of partnering God with solicited in prolonged supplication to God
pī r. Controversy looms large when the modernists through the intercessor (wasī la) of the pī r for
propagate that Sūfi followers out of ecstasy offer the peace and prosperity of entire humankind,
supplication to the pī rs rather than to Allāh – an not just that of a particular religious community.
act that they contend cannot be acceptable as
Islamic. In the wake of this serious charge,
which applies to some wayfarers, though repug- Cross-References
nant to the spirit of Ṣūfīsm, not to mention Islam,
some khānaqāh such as that of Shāh Ṣūfī Khwāja ▶ Chishtī Order U
Enayetpuri (1886–1952) in Bangladesh stick ▶ Dhikr/zikr
handbills and distribute flyers around the com- ▶ Ibadatkhana
plex, in addition to increased oral caution, ▶ Khwaja Enayetpuri
containing warnings that disciples should by no ▶ Music
means make prostration to pī rs at shrines but ▶ Nafs
make them categorically to Allāh. ▶ Pīr
The rite of ‘urs tends to be the holy occasion ▶ Prayer
for aspirants to enter upon the Ṣūfī path by way of ▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia
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▶ Ritual Al-Bukhari: Arabic-English. Dar-us-Salam Publica-

▶ Samā‘ tions, Riyadh
3. Ernst CW (1997) The Shambhala guide to Sūfism.
▶ Taṣawwuf Shambhala Publication, Boston
▶ Worship 4. Gardner K (1995) Global migrants, local lives: travel
and transformation in rural Bangladesh. Oxford Univer-
sity Press, Oxford
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1. Al-Tirmidhi AI (1986) Sunan al-Tirmidhi. Dar Al-fikr 6. Nasr SH (1972) Sūfi essays. George Allen & Unwin,
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2. Bukhari M (1997) Sahih Al-Bukhari (trans: Khan 7. Schimmel A (1975) Mystical dimensions of Islam. The
MM). The translation of the meanings of Sahih University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill
V

Vannapparimalappulavar became a model for later Muslim literature in

that language.
Torsten Tschacher Next to nothing is known of Vannapparimalap-
Centre for Modern Indian Studies (CeMIS), pulavar’s life apart from a few details mentioned
University of Göttingen, Göttingen, Germany in the preface to his poem. His real name was
Institute of Islamic Studies, Freie Universität Mutali Shaykh Ishaq, and he hailed from a place
Berlin, Berlin, Germany known as Vakutai, which refers either to
Kayalpattinam in modern Thoothukudi District or
to Kilakkarai in Ramanathapuram District. The
Synonyms only known date of his life is the composition of
the Āyiramacalā, which he completed in 980 A.H.
Mutali Shaykh Ishaq; Mutali Ceyku Ishākku (1572/1573 A.D.) at the age of 35. Vannapparima-
lappulavar was taught the relevant information to
compose the poem from a Persian text by a certain
Definition Mullah Mian Sayyid Makhdum [1, 4, 7, 8]. There
is no clear indication of a patron for the poem,
Vannapparimalappulavar (b. 1538/39) is the first though a dedication to a certain Karupparu
known Muslim poet in Tamil. Kavalavar may be addressed to the poem’s patron.
It has been surmised that Karupparu Kavalavar
may actually have been the ruling Nayaka king of
Vannapparimalappulavar and the Madurai, Kumara Krishnappa [4], while others
Beginnings of Islamic Poetry in Tamil have claimed that Karupparu was an ancestor of
Citakkati, an important merchant and patron of
Vannapparimalappulavar was a Tamil poet of the literature around 1700 [1].
late sixteenth century and is the first known Mus- The Āyiramacalā consists of 1095 stanzas. The
lim poet in that language. His poem, the text narrates the encounter between the Prophet
Āyiramacalā or “1000 Questions,” narrates the Muḥammad and a Jewish leader named Abdullah
questions posed by a Jewish leader and scholar to b. Salam, a story that was widespread in Muslim
the Prophet Muḥammad and the latter’s answers, literatures of the Indian Ocean rim and Southeast
concluding with the conversion of the Jew and Asia. Most of the text consists of the questions
his followers to Islam. The poem became very asked by Abdullah and the Prophet’s answers.
popular among Tamil-speaking Muslims and Tamil scholarship has generally claimed that

# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018

Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
718 Vannapparimalappulavar

Vannapparimalappulavar attempted to create with Cross-References

this poem a new catechism-like genre in Tamil
entitled macalā, “question,” based on Middle East- ▶ Kadir, Shaykh Abdul
ern textual models employing a question-and- ▶ Tamil Nadu (Islam and Muslims)
answer format [3, 4, 6]. However, as the poet
assigned the alternative title Aticayappurāṇam or
“Purāṇa of Wonders” to the poem, thereby identi-
fying the poem as a purāṇa, and as no other poem
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Vannapparimalappulavar was actually attempting ulakiṉ mutaṟ kāppiyam (Ed: Saiyitu Muhammatu
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2. Germann W (1880) Ziegenbalgs Bibliotheca
A central concern of the text is the delineation
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Hyderabad
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4. Ricci R (2011) Islam translated: literature, conversion,
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Muslim meanings and utilizes vocabulary in Asia. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago
a negative context that has positive connotations 5. Tschacher T (2011) Convention and community: the
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in non-Muslim literature. In alignment with the
Zeitschrift für Indologie und Südasienstudien
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1968, vol 2. International Association of Tamil
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5]. Lutheran missionaries report that by the early
8. Uwise MM, Ajmalkhan PM (1986) Islāmiyat tamiḻ
eighteenth century, the poem was used in Muslim ilakkiya varalāṟu, vol 1. Madurai Kamaraj University,
schools in the Kaveri Delta region [2]. Madurai
W

Wahdat ul-Wujūd Futūḥāt al-Makiyya, and Tanazzulāt. Ibn ‘Arabī

˙ in his “Memorandum” enumerated 251 works
Sameena Hasan Siddiqui that he could recall. Muḥammad Rajab Hilmi in
Centre for the Study of Comparative Religion and his book al-Burhān al-Azhar fī Manāqib al-
Civilizations, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, shaikh al-Akbar lists 284 works of Ibn ‘Arabī,
India while Jāmī mentions 500 and Sha‘rānī gives 400.
His magnum opus on mysticism is Fuṣūṣ al-
Ḥikam (Bezels of Wisdom) completed in 628
Definition A.H./1230 C.E. His other major work, al-
Futūḥāt al-Makkiyya (Meccan Discourses), was
Oneness of Being. completed in 635 A.H./1237 C.E.
Ibn ‘Arabī based his ideas on kashf (unveiling)
and waḥy, revelations and visions of prophets and
Ibn al Arabi pious men. He claimed that Prophet Muḥammad
(peace be upon him) gave him Fusus al-Hikam.
Waḥdat ul-Wujūd or Unity of all Being is the core In defining ultimate reality, Ibn ‘Arabī focuses on
concept of Ibn ‘Arabī’s philosophy. Shaikh Ḥaqq (God) and khalq (universe), the former
Muhyi al-Dīn ibn al ‘Arabi (or Ibn ‘Arabī) was being an indeterminate Monad, while the latter
born in Murcia, Spain, on 17th Ramadan 560 A. is a manifestation of His attributes in the phe-
H./28 July 1165 C.E. into a renowned family of nomenal world. Thus, the phenomenal world is
Sufis who belonged to the ancient Arab tribe of in effect a reflection or acosmism, manifesting
Tayy. He received his early education in Seville divine names and attributes. This very character-
from scholars such as Abu Bakr b. Khalaf al- istic defines khalq as reality, which becomes
Qumi and Salih al ‘Adawi. He visited scholars determinate through multiplicity expressed in
and Sufis (including Ibn Rushd) in Cordova, Fez, a conglomeration of opposites and perceived by
Morocco, Egypt, Jerusalem, Mecca, the Hijaz, the beholder. Thus, to perceive the ontological
Baghdad, Aleppo, and Asia Minor. He finally monad, it becomes imperative to experience the
settled in Damascus, where he died on 28th epistemic duality of reality expressed through
Rabi al-Thani 638 A.H./17 November 1240 C. multiplicity in the phenomenal world as one,
E. He was a prolific writer, and there are some a oneness that Ibn ‘Arabī calls waḥdat ul-
140 extant works attributed to him. His most wujūd. Traditional philosophy, theology, and
important works include Fuṣūṣ al-Ḥikam, mystical thought formed the basis of his concept,

# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018

Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
720 Wahdat ul-Wujūd
˙

which is different from waḥdat al-shuhūd or God, glory to Him, in respect of His most beautiful
unity of vision, for waḥdat ul-wujūd implies the names, which are beyond enumeration, willed to
see their realities (a’yan), or if you wish you may
absolute unity of all things as a reality. The real- say, His own (‘ayn), in a Universal Being which
ity for the beholder is the multiplicity within the contains the whole affair—inasmuch as it is endo-
phenomenal world as the basis for oneness. So wed with all aspects of existence—and through
unity and multiplicity, transcendence, and imma- which (alone) His mystery is revealed to Himself:
for a vision which consists in a thing seeing itself by
nence are one. We can view reality as we know it means of itself is not the same as that of the thing
as uniting in itself all conceivable opposites. God seeing something else which serves as a mirror. . ..
can be known only by uniting these opposites, Adam was the very essence of the polishing of this
for each creation is invested with divine names mirror, and the spirit of this form (i.e., the form in
which God has revealed Himself: which is man).
and attributes. (Sharif:416)
Ibn ‘Arabī places the human being at the center
of this epistemic multiplicity of subjectivities, for Revelation is actually an inner act of a human
it is only the human being who combines in him- soul, a self-projection. Reality is one, which
self all the attributes of God as His image and defines the Islamic notion of tawḥī d. This essen-
vicegerent in the phenomenal world. He is, by tial unity of reality can be realized only through
this virtue, capable of being the insān-e kāmil or ma‘rifa or intuitive knowledge, which only
the Perfect Man. God reveals Himself in his khalq the inner self or soul can attain. Being human is
or creation (each carrying a divine attribute) in this a threshold to religiosity. Everyone is a beholder
phenomenal world. In Fuṣūṣ al-Ḥikam and al- of divine attributes in the phenomenal world,
Tadbirat al-Ilāhiyyah, Ibn ‘Arabi says that the and as long as one sees the unity of this multi-
most perfect form of God’s self-revelation is in plicity, he is a worshipper. According to Ibn
al-insān al-kāmil or Perfect Man. This Perfect ‘Arabī, God is being worshipped in all religions.
Man was the “First Epiphany of God.” The uni- This extended sense of worship of the Divine
verse reflects the divine attributes like a mirror defined God as universal and beyond the ethical
through different forms. The only collective rep- and personalized confines of Islam or any other
resentation is presented in the form of the human creed. Instead, all that is worshipped and loved
being. This microcosm is the universal being. in all religions defines this universal God.
However, such an exalted status does not devolve Shifting from a personal God to a universal
automatically but is bestowed on those who expe- God, Ibn ‘Arabī delinked worship from belief.
rience this oneness with Him. Thus, here Ibn Belief in the unity of being (waḥdat ul-wujūd)
‘Arabī’s metaphysical theory turns toward mysti- permits all forms of worship as worship of the
cism or taṣawwuf. For Ibn ‘Arabī, religiosity, universal God. According to Ibn ‘Arabī,
then, is mystical where outer forms dissolve to My heart has become the receptacle of every ‘form’
bestow unity. It is a pasture for gazelles and
For Ibn ‘Arabī, oneness of wujūd or Being A convent for Christian monks
And a temple for idols, and the pilgrim’s Ka’ba,
has a bāṭinī (esoteric) relevance for the unitive And the tablets of the Torah
state of the mystic. The reason for this is the And the book of the Qur’an
duality within human beings, which he calls I follow the religion of love; whichever way its
lāhūt (interior) and nāsūt (exterior). The divine camels take,
For this is my religion and my faith. (Sharif:414)
nature of a human being, as Ibn ‘Arabī elabo-
rates in Fuṣūṣ al-Ḥikam and al-Tadbirat al- Such an utterance could be made only by
Ilāhiyyah as also in Futūḥāt, springs from the a gnostic (‘arif) who struggled with his duality
reflection of all Divine attributes in him. The of lāhūt and nāsūt to emerge in a state of selfless-
human being is a microcosm of the macrocosm, ness through loss of the self or realization of his
or al-kaun al-jāmi‘. To quote Ibn ‘Arabi from essential oneness with Him. In the mystic, the He-
Fuṣūṣ, ness (huwiyya) of the Divine is actualized.
Wahdat ul-Wujūd 721
˙

According to Ibn ‘Arabī, “He who knows himself or his worshipper. The ‘ulamā’ welcomed
knows the Lord.” Simnānī and his missionaries, which included
Sayyid Muḥammad bin Yūsuf al-Ḥussain, also
known as Khwāja Bandā Nawāz or Gīzū Darāz
Impact of Ibn al ‘Arabī’s Thought (b.721 A.H./1321 C.E.). Subsequent periods also
witnessed debates and reconciliatory efforts such
Ibn ‘Arabī’s thoughts sharply divided the Mus- as those undertaken by Shaykh Aḥmad Sirhindī
lim world. He was charged with infidelity (kufr). and Shāh Waliullah.
Ibn Taymīyyah (d.728 A.H./1328 C.E.) and
Burhān al-Dīn Ibrāhīm al-Biqā‘ī (d.858 A.H./
1454 C.E.) attacked the monistic theology of Debates on Wahdat ul-Wujūd
Ibn ‘Arabī for spreading incarnationism and pan- ˙
theism. On the other hand, Fīrūzābādī, Sirāj al- Scholars have studied various aspects of Ibn
Dīn al-Makhzūmī, al-Sirāj al-Bulqīnī, Jalāl al- ‘Arabī’s thought and still continue to do so.
Dīn al-Suyūṭī, Quṭb al-Dīn al-Ḥamawī, al-Quṭb Commenting on waḥdat ul-wujūd, Louis
al-Shīrāzī, and Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī among Massignon opined it to be “existential monism.”
others upheld him as a great mystic, teacher T. Burckhardt considered it erroneous to translate
of mystics, al-Shaykh al-Akbar (the Greatest it as “pantheism” for “Pantheism only conceives
Doctor). Ibn ‘Arabī’s theosophy and mystical of the relationship between the Divine Principle
philosophy left an indelible mark on subsequent and things from the point of view of substantial or
Sufi orders, philosophers, and poets. Persian existential continuity, and this is an error explic-
poets from the thirteenth to fifteenth century itly rejected by every traditional doctrine.” Simi-
such as ‘Irāqī, Shabistarī, and Jāmī carried Ibn larly, Affifi rejected the use of the term pantheism
‘Arabī’s imprint. Subsequent Sufi silsilas were to define it. Instead, he qualified it as “Islamic
deeply influenced by Ibn ‘Arabī’s concept of pantheism.” He observed that “The eternal
what came to be known as waḥdat ul-wujūd. drama of existence is nothing but this renewed
Ibn ‘Arabī’s initiation into the Qadirīyya silsila creation (al-khalq al-jadī d) which is in reality
of Shaykh ‘Abdu’l-Qādir Jīlānī (b.470 A.H./ a perpetual process of self-revelation.” Henry
1077–1078 C.E., d.561 A.H./1166 C.E.) Corbin also argued against perceiving lbn ‘Arabī
established waḥdat ul-wujūd as the core Sufi as a “monist.” Ibn ‘Arabī brought into focus the
doctrine. According to Ibn ‘Arabī, a fusion of relationship of Absolute Being and Absolute
tanzī h (divine transcendence) and tashbī h Existence. His thoughts remain enigmatic and
(anthropomorphism) was essential to know the center stage.
Absolute; thus, idolatry represented this har-
mony between tanzīh and tashbī h.
Cross-References

Reaction and Opposition ▶ Dhikr/Zikr

▶ Tawḥī d
Opposition to waḥdat ul-wujūd grew rapidly with
the spread of Sufi silsilas. Shaykh ‘Alā ud-Dawla
Simnānī (b.659 A.H./1261 C.E.) strongly References W
opposed Ibn ‘Arabī’s waḥdat ul-wujūd; instead,
he argued for waḥdat al-shuhūd or unity of 1. Massignon L (1982) The passion of Al-Hallaj: mystic
and martyr of Islam. Princeton University Press,
appearance. This was not the same as the unity Princeton
of witness of the Ḥallāj school defined as the 2. Burckhardt T (1959) An introduction to Sufi doctrine.
Divine self-witnessing in the heart of the ‘abid Ashraf, Lahore
722 Wahhabism in Sri Lanka

3. Corbin H (1969) Creative imagination in the Sufism of known for its strict following and observance of
Ibn ‘Arabi. Princeton University Press, Princeton foundational Islamic sources such as the Qur’ān.
4. Shaikh S (2012) Sufi narratives of intimacy: Ibn
‘Arabi, gender, and sexuality. University of North It has a large following especially among lower-
Carolina Press, Chapel Hill income and socially isolated Muslims across the
5. Sharif MM (1989) A history of Muslim philosophy, world, especially in Muslim-majority societies.
vol I. Low Price Publications, Delhi
6. Nicholson RA (1914) The mystics of Islam. G.Bell
and Sons, London
7. Izutsu T (1984) A comparative study of the key phil- Introduction
osophical concepts in Sufism and Taoism. University
of California Press, Berkeley Wahhabism has been Saudi Arabia’s dominant
8. Chittick W (1989) The Sufi path of knowledge: Ibn al
‘Arabi’s metaphysics of imagination. SUNY Press, faith for more than two centuries. It emerged
Albany under the guidance of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab who
9. Syed Hossein Nasr (1972) Sufi essays. SUNY Press, arrived in the central Arabian state of Najd in
Albany 1744 preaching a return to pure Islam. He later
10. Affifi AE (1939) The mystical philosophy of Muhyid-
Din Ibn ul-‘Arabi. Cambridge University Press, formed an alliance with a group of desert war-
Cambridge riors, the Sauds. Wahhabism is an austere form of
11. Ibn al ‘Arabi (1876–1877) Al-Futuhat al-Makkiyya, 4 Islam that insists on a literal interpretation of the
vols. Bulaq; Abu’l-’Ala’ (ed) (1946) Fusus al-hikam. Qur’ān. Strict Wahhabis do not allow Qur’ānic
Afifi, Cairo; (1887–1888) Muhazzarat al-abrar, 2 vols.
Cairo; (1865–1866) Risalat Ruh al-quds. Cairo; Nich- sources to be understood within their context
olson RA (ed and trans) (1911) Tarjuman al-ashwaq. and believe that all those who challenge and/or
London; (1929) Al-asfar ‘an risalat al-anwar. refuse to follow Wahhabi approaches to Islam
Damascaus. Also see Risalat al-khalwah, MS. India are enemies of Islam. Recent developments
Office, London
12. Ibn al ‘Arabi (1970) Fusus al Hikam (German transla- among Muslims of Sri Lanka (also known as
tion by Hans Kofler). Graz-Austria; English: Khaja Moors) suggest that there is an increasing rise
Khan (1929) The wisdom of the prophets. Chennai; of the Wahhabi interpretation of Islam among
French translation: Burckardt T (1955) La sagesse des Muslims.
prophetes (Ibn ‘Arabi), traduction et notes. Paris; The
MS in Istanbul (1933) Turk-Islam. Eserleri Muzesi
13. Ernst CW (1985) Words of ecstasy in Sufism. SUNY
Press, Albany General Remarks on the Muslims of Sri
14. Lawrence B, Ernst C (2003) Sufi martyrs of love. Lanka
Macmillan, New York
15. Ernst CW (1992) Eternal garden. SUNY Press,
Albany Muslims in Sri Lanka constitute approximately
8% of the country’s population. They belong to
three different ethno-social backgrounds: the Sri
Lanka Moors, the Indian Moors, and the
Wahhabism in Sri Lanka Malays. The others include the Memons and
the Bohras. The term Moors, used by the Portu-
A. R. M. Imtiyaz guese in the sixteenth century, referred to the
Asian Studies/The Department of Political Arab Muslims and their descendants. The term
Science, Temple University, Philadelphia, PA, was applied to identify the religion and had no
USA role in identifying their origin [7]. They were
scattered along the coastal areas, but some of
them moved into the interior, perhaps to avoid
Definition persecution by the Portuguese and the Dutch
who once ruled the Maritime Provinces. Though
Wahhabism is a Muslim-organized group founded the majority of Muslims (62%) live outside of
by Abdul Wahhab (1703–1792). The group is the north and east of Sri Lanka where the
Wahhabism in Sri Lanka 723

Sinhalese predominantly live, 38% of the Mus- socioreligious as well as political concessions
lim population lives in the Tamil-dominated from the states such as exclusive schools for Mus-
north and east. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil lims, school break during Ramadan, establish-
Eelam (the LTTE), formed in 1972 as a direct ments of religious schools or madrasas, and
response to state violence and institutional less restrictions over the flow of financial contri-
discrimination against the Tamils and which butions from the Middle East to local Islamic
was militarily defeated in May 2009, expelled institutions. Muslims confronted no opposition
the Muslims of the north from the region in from Sinhala-Buddhist extremist groups against
October 1990. The forcible expulsion of the the trend during what is dubbed as Sinhala-Tamil
entire Muslim community, numbering an esti- conflict period.
mated 60,000 from the districts of Jaffna, The growth of Wahhabism in Sri Lanka can
Mannar, and Mullaitivu, virtually emptied the also be viewed as a by-product of the state’s
Tamil-dominated northern province of its Mus- cultural and socioeconomic concessions in the
lim population [3, 4]. 1970s and 1980s to the Muslim elites to win
Muslim support [6]. Establishment of schools
for Muslim women, appointing teachers to
Roots and Growth of Wahhabism teach Islam without looking into the background
of schools, could be cited as some key reasons
The majority of Muslims of Sri Lanka are largely for the growing appetite for Islamic fundamen-
peaceful and economically poor, and Wahhabism talism, which advances a more exclusive world
was not one of the dominant ideological forces view and form of Islam. The growth of Wah-
that dominated among the Muslims of Sri Lanka habis and Wahhabi movements generously
till 1977. However, the opening up of Sri Lanka’s backed by the Middle Eastern countries and
economy to the market economy, commonly local agents, the rise of madrasas in the areas
dubbed the capitalist economy, in 1978 paved where Muslims predominate, the growth of
the way for Sri Lankans in general and Muslims Muslim mosques on major roads and localities,
in particular to seek jobs in the Muslim-majority and the steady rise of hijabis [Muslim women
societies in the Middle East, including Saudi Ara- wearing a veil that covers the head and chest] are
bia. Wahhabism emerged there 250 years ago a few of the reasons that contribute to the Sin-
under the guidance of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab and hala-Buddhist extremists’ attacks on Muslims
has been the country’s dominant religious power and their symbols. Needless to say, although
since. Sri Lanka Muslims’ contact with the Arab the state’s cultural concessions delighted
countries where Wahhabism is rooted is one of the Muslims, nonetheless some of these cultural
major contributing factors for the growth of Wah- concessions offered in the past could be said to
habism in Sri Lanka. Also, the growth of the have provided a solid platform for the recent
ethnic conflict and the escalation of ethnic tension growth of Islamic exclusiveness in the form of
between the Tamils and Moors of the north and Wahhabism.
east encouraged some Muslims of the north and In March 2012, the UN’s Human Rights
east to aggressively seek identity in this literalist (UNHRC) Council backed an American-led
version of Islam. initiative that specifically calls on Sri Lankan
Although the Muslims of Sri Lanka do not authorities to implement the recommendations
make a claim for a homeland as Tamils do, they contained in the report written by the Lessons W
comprise a very significant minority with sophis- Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC),
ticated connections to Muslim-majority societies. which President Mahinda Rajapaksa set up to
Moors in Sri Lanka, during the conflict with the investigate the final stages of the civil war [9].
Tamils, actively supported the successive regimes Islamic movements and political parties, includ-
in order to pursue their interests. The results were ing the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress and religious
724 Wahhabism in Sri Lanka

groups such as Sri Lanka Jama’ath-e-Islami, an receive financial contributions from the Middle
Islamist group, which has the strong backing of Eastern sources. The state and ruling party need
Colombo-based Muslim politicians attached to not play Islamic religious cards to keep Muslims
the ruling political alliance led by President happy. The ruling party and Sinhalese politi-
Rajapaksa, enthusiastically opposed the resolu- cians need to address both socioeconomic prob-
tion on Sri Lanka at the UNHRC initiated and lems such as the land problems of eastern
backed by the Western countries. These religious Muslims and resettlements of the displaced
groups and Muslim politicians, who constructed northern Muslims. Failures from the regime
ethnic identity for Moors based on the Islamic and Muslim politicians who seek power through
faith, perceived the resolution as conspiracy electoral democracy may provide space for
concocted by the West “to impose their interests some Muslims to employ Islamic exclusiveness
and politics in Sri Lanka, and thus called Muslims agendas such as Wahhabism to promote their
of Sri Lanka to support the regime” (author’s politics. Such tendencies may well disturb sec-
interview, March 24, 2012), which scored ularization and its politics.
a relatively comprehensive win in the war against
the Tamil Tigers.
Cross-References
Conclusion ▶ Deoband School
▶ Jamaat-e-Islami, Sri Lanka
The fact is that Islamic exclusiveness in the form
of Wahhabism is growing in Sri Lanka. Many
socioeconomic reasons explain why Islamic
exclusiveness is growing rapidly among sections
References
of Muslims in Sri Lanka. Socioeconomic factors
1. Ali A (1984) Islamic revivalism in harmony and con-
such as poverty, unemployment, lack of opportu- flict: the experiences in Sri Lanka and Malaysia. Asian
nities, and agencies for Muslim women to seek Surv 24(3):296–313
education play a progressively significant role 2. Ali A (1986) Politics of survival: past strategies and
present predicament of the Muslim community in Sri
for the growth of Islamic exclusiveness. There-
Lanka. J Muslim Minor Aff 7(1):147–170
fore, Muslim politicians and Sri Lanka’s ruling 3. Imtiyaz ARM (2009) The Eastern Muslims of Sri
political class need to take effective measures to Lanka: special problems and solutions. J Asian Afr
promote socioeconomic developments in the Stud 44(4):407–427
4. Imtiyaz ARM, Iqbal MCM (2011) The displaced North-
Muslim-dominated areas and elsewhere where
ern Muslims of Sri Lanka: special problems and the
Muslims live alongside Tamils and Sinhalese. future. J Asian Afr Stud 46(4):375–389
Such programs also need to accommodate non- 5. Imtiyaz ARM, Hoole SRH (2011) Some critical notes
Muslims to avoid tensions between Muslims on the non-Tamil identity of the Muslims of Sri Lanka,
and on Tamil-Muslim relations. J South Asian Stud
and non-Muslims. Special efforts need to be
34(2):208–231
grounded to recruit qualified teachers to fill the 6. Imtiyaz ARM (2013) Identity, choices, and crisis:
vacancy on what is known as Muslim schools, a study of Muslim political leadership in Sri Lanka.
redesign the syllabus for Islam and Arabic J Asian Afr Stud 48(1):47–63
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subjects with the thoughts of modernity, adopt
ethno-nationalism and the global ummah. Nations
special programs to encourage Muslims to seek Nationalism 17(1):45–64
education, and remove the current socioeco- 8. Mohan V (1987) The identity crisis of Sri Lankan
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tional and nontraditional education. Besides, Lanka (2012) Available at http://geneva.usmission.
there should be mechanisms to monitor the gov/2012/03/22/sri-lanka-resolution/. Accessed 17
activities of Islamic organizations, which Dec 2013
Wahy 725
˙

with the disciples of Jesus, the angels in 8:12, the

Wahy mother of Moses in 2:38 and 28:7, Isaac and Jacob
˙ in 21:72–73, and Noah in 23:27.
Brannon Wheeler
Department of History, Center for Middle East
and Islamic Studies, United States Naval Revelation and Communication
Academy, Annapolis, MD, USA
That waḥy designates a kind of special, divine
speech is also indicated by the use of the term in
Definition Q 16:68 to describe God’s communication with
insects, and with the heavens and the earth in
Waḥy is the Arabic word for “inspiration” or 41:12 [6]. Often, communication using waḥy is
“revelation.” portrayed as not having particular content, as with
a written message, but having a specific intent such
as providing a general principle or direction. For
Revelation in the Qur’ān this reason, the term waḥy is sometimes translated
as “inspiration” alluding to the nonspecific charac-
The Qur’ān uses two main terms for revelation: ter of the communication [4].
waḥy and tanzī l. The term tanzī l is derived from Revelation itself, especially that using the term
the root NZL meaning to “come down” or to be waḥy, is described as an experience rather than an
“sent down” in this case from God to human instance of strict communication of information.
recipients [3]. The term waḥy denotes “communi- Muslim exegetes cite a number of ḥadī th reports
cation” and is normally understood by Muslim in which the prophet Muḥammad experienced
exegetes as referring to a kind of secret commu- revelation as unusual sounds having physical
nication that is not open to those outside of the two affect on his body.
parties communicating through waḥy [8]. Creatures other than God can be responsible
As a noun, “waḥy” occurs only six times in the for communication using waḥy. In Q 6:121,
Qur’ān, whereas verbal forms of the root WḤY Satans [shayātī n] inspire [yūḥī ma] people, and
occur 72 times in the Qur’ān [1, 9]. the jinn are mentioned along with the Satans as
using waḥy in Q 6:112.

Pre-Islamic Revelation
End of Revelation
The term waḥy is used in pre-Islamic poetry in
reference to writing of undeterminable origins and Muslim scholarship generally maintains that rev-
what is communicated to the observer of an aban- elation stops with the death of the prophet
doned dwelling or campsite and is also used to Muḥammad, but many Muslims claim to have
indicate communication that is not strictly verbal received supernatural communication at a later
[8, 9]. Sounds and gestures communicate using date. A well-known ḥadī th states that although
waḥy in pre-Islamic sources and in the story of the direct revelation ceases with the death of the
speech-challenged Zechariah using hand gestures prophet Muḥammad, God can still communicate
in Q 19:11. with humans through their dreams. W
God communicates with prophets, including Many Sufis claim to have received divine or
the prophet Muḥammad, using waḥy throughout otherwise supernatural communication [7]. The
the Qur’ān. The Qur’ān and the “Book” [kitāb] twelfth-thirteen-century mystic Ibn al-ʿArabī
are attributed to having been revealed through claims that the prophet Muḥammad appeared to
waḥy. In Q 5:111, God uses waḥy to communicate him in a vision and gave him the Fuṣūṣ al-Ḥikam
726 Walī

[Bezels of Wisdom], a book about prophethood

attributed to Ibn al-ʿArabī [2]. The tenth-century WC Smith
Sufi al-Ḥallāj claimed to have a direct experience
of God that inspired his teachings and later pro- ▶ Smith, Wilfred Cantwell
nouncements [5].

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Worship
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Walī Worshipping Many Gods

▶ Pīr ▶ Shirk
Y

Yamīnids culture for Unani medicine, although neglecting

the influences of Ancient Egypt, Mesopotamia,
▶ Ghaznavids Persian, or Indian culture.

Basic Medical Principles

Yūnānī Medicine
Unani medicine is a holistic medicine that takes
Claudia Preckel into consideration the body, soul, and mind of
Institute for Oriental and Islamic Studies, Ruhr- a patient. It is based on the Ancient Greek teach-
University Bochum, Bochum, Germany ings of the elements (Sg. rukn, pl. arkān) fire,
water, air, and earth, each of which has
a combination of two of the following character-
Synonyms istics (kayfiyāt), namely, dry, hot, cold, and wet.
Everything – living or not – has a mixture of these
Eastern medicine (Pakistan); Graeco-Arabic elements and characteristics, which defines tem-
medicine; Graeco-Islamic medicine; Tibb; Ṭibb-i perament (mizāj). The temperament of the human
sunnatī (Iran); Ṭibb-i yūnānī; Unani medicine; body is defined by the predominance of one of the
Unani tibb; Unanipathy four humors: blood (dam or khūn), phlegm
(balgham), black bile (ṣawdā’), and yellow bile
(ṣafrā’). Disease results from excess of one
Definition humor. This can be prevented by following the
principle of the six nonnatural things (Latin: sex
It is a humoral-based medical tradition practiced res non naturales), which are the following: air,
among Muslims in South Asia and their diaspora food/drink, sleep/waking, motion/rest, excretions/
in South Africa, Malaysia, or Great Britain. It retentions, and passions of the mind. Practitioners
enjoys official recognition in several South of Yūnānī medicine (Sg. ḥakī m, pl. ḥukamā’)
Asian countries. The (Arabic) word yūnānī , traditionally use the analysis of the pulse (nabḍ),
“Ionian,” means “Greek,” indicating Yūnānī med- the urine (baul), or the stool (barāz) for diagnosis
icine’s origin in Ancient Greece. Other denomi- (Fig. 1). In case of a disease, several therapies may
nations like “Graeco-Arabic medicine” or be used, of which dietotherapy (‘ilāj bi-l-ghidhā)
“Graeco-Islamic medicine” clearly refer to the is of great importance. The regimental therapy
importance of Muslim physicians and Islamic (‘ilāj bil-tadbī r) comprises exercise, massage,
# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018
Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
728 Yūnānī Medicine

Yūnānī Medicine,
Fig. 1 Hakim taking the
pulse of a patient in Dr. Ram
Manohar Lohia Hospital,
Delhi (Photo Courtesy: Kira
Schmidt (Bochum))

“Turkish bath,” emesis, purging, or enema. Other centuries later, Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq (d. 873) became
methods of treatment are venesection (fasad), renowned as “shaikh of all translators” – beside
cupping (ḥijāma), or leeching (ta‘lī q). All these being a famous physician as well. With the con-
methods are applied in order to evacuate bad and quest of the Sasanian Empire by the Abbasid
sticky humors from the body. The pharmacother- Caliphate (786–1258 A.D.), Arabic followed
apy (‘ilāj bil-dawā) uses drugs of herbal, mineral, Pahlawi as a language of learning. The Bait al-
or animal origin, whereby single and compound ḥikma (“House of Wisdom”) in Baghdad became
drugs of herbal origin are mostly used. Surgery a symbol for the promotion of sciences and trans-
(‘ilāj bil-yad) is also a treatment of Yūnānī med- lations from Greek, Syriac, or Pahlawi into Arabic
icine, but it usually is performed by surgeons, who language. Even some Indian (Ayurvedic) medical
are often also barbers [1, 17]. works were translated from Sanskrit into
Arabic. The influence of Persian scholars writing
medical treatises in Arabic, however, did not
History of Yūnānī Medicine: The Greek, diminish. The following physicians played
Arabic, and Persian Traditions a distinctive role in the formative stage of Graeco-
Islamic medicine: the Nestorian Christian ‘Alī ibn
The medical principles of Yūnānī medicine were Sahl Rabbān al-Ṭabarī (d. 864), who later
developed, systematized, and written down by Hip- converted to Islam, author of Firdaus al-ḥikma
pocrates/Buqrāt (ca. 460–370 B.C.) and Galen/ (“Paradise of Wisdom”); the Zoroastrian ʿAlī ibn
Jalīnus (second century C.E.). The Hippocratic- ʿAbbās al-Majūsī (d. 982) known as Haly Abbas;
Galenic teachings were also popular in the Western the Persian polymath Muḥammad ibn Zakariyāʾ al-
parts of Europe until the eighteenth century; they Rāzi/Rhazes (d. 930), author of al-Ḥāwī (“The
became essential for medical theory and practice Virtuous Life”); and the Andalusian scholar al-
much earlier, in the Byzantine Empire. Until its Zahrāwī (d. 946), who authored al-Taṣrī f,
final collapse into the Sasanian Empire in 628, the a compendium of surgery and surgical instruments.
Byzantine Empire had abundant cultural exchange The most influential book until the present day,
(of different kinds) with Persia, which resulted in however, is al-Qānūn fi-l-ṭibb, the Canon of Med-
a huge amount of translations of medical books icine, written by Ibn Sīnā/Avicenna (d. 1037). It
from Greek into Pahlawi (Middle Persian). Persian contains five parts: general matters relative to the
Zoroastrians or Nestorian Christians, who had lan- science of medicine, specific drugs, diseases of the
guage abilities in Syriac, Greek, and Pahlawi, trans- human body from head to toe, diseases afflicting on
lated many works of Galen into Pahlawi. Sergius of more than one part of the body, and finally, the
Rēsh-ʿAynā (d. 536) is a famous example. Three medical formulary [13, 14].
Yūnānī Medicine 729

The books of all the abovementioned authors (r. 1530–1540), also employed Persian physicians
are considered as the fundamental literature of like Yūsuf Ibn Muḥammad Herawī, who dedi-
Yūnānī medicine and are available in Persian or cated several of his medical writings to the ruler.
Urdu. During the Mughal era, many translations, com-
ments, or abridgements of Ibn Sīnā’s al-Qānūn
were made. Abu l-Fatḥ Gilāni (d. 1589), who was
History of Yūnānī Medicine: Its Arrival also head of the Mughal provincial administra-
and Development in India tion, wrote a commentary on the Qānūnchah
(“Small Canon”) of Muḥammad Chaghmīnī, the
Ṭibb-i yūnānī , or simply called Ṭibb, came to latter of which was also used in the local madāris.
India during the late twelfth century. Several hos- Fatḥullāh Gilānī, court physician of Akbar (r.
pitals (shifākhānah or bimāristān) following the 1556–1605) and Jahāngīr (r. 1605–1625), fin-
Hippocratic-Galenic lines of treatment were ished his partial translation of the Qānūn in
established in the pre-Mughal era. In northern 1593. Ḥakīm ‘Alī Gilānī (d.1609), court physi-
India, the Muslim Delhi Sultanates (1206–1526), cian of Akbar, is said to have compiled the most
either Khiljī, Tughluq, or Lōdī, established sev- comprehensive and extensive commentary of the
eral hospitals and patronized physicians at the Qānūn in Arabic language. In the eighteenth cen-
courts. In South India, the Bahmanid rulers also tury, another member of the Muslim elite of the
established hospitals like the one in Bīdar/Karna- Mughal court gained fame: Muḥammad Akbar
taka. After the decline of the Bahmanid rule in the Arzanī (d. 1722). His Persian commentary
Deccan (ca. 1527), the local Muslim rulers of the Mufarriḥ al-qulūb (“Rejoicer of hearts”) is still
Sultanates of Berār, Ahmadnagar, Bīdar, Bījāpūr, among the important commentaries of the
and Golkonda (Hyderabad) patronized some very Qānūnchah, and his Mī zān-i ṭibb is likewise
renowned ḥakī ms from Persia at their courts. important. His book Qarābādī n-i Qādiri reflects
Many physicians came to the Deccan after the two developments of Yūnānī medicine during the
local dynasties of the ‘Ādilshāhīs, the Mughal era: first, the growing number of pharma-
Niẓāmshāhīs, and the Quṭbshāhīs became cological works and pharmacopoeias (qarābādī n)
Shī‘ites. The same development could be seen in during this period and, second, the role of Sufism
Persia, where the Safawī dynasty (r. 1501–1736) for Yūnānī medicine, as demonstrated by Arzanī
made Twelver Shī‘ism their state religion, which who dedicated this work to ‘Abd al-Qādir al-Jīlānī
was not accepted by the whole population. Con- (d. 1166) from Baghdad, founder of the
sequently, many scholars left Persia for India. Qādiriyyah Sufi order [13–15].
They started translating Arabic books into Per-
sian, sometimes adding commentaries on Indian
medicine or Indian plants. The historian and phy- Institutionalizing Yūnānī Medicine
sician Muḥammad Qāsim Hindū Shāh Firishta (d.
1623), whose family was originally from After the “Mutiny” of 1857, the situation of
Astarābād in Persia, wrote Dustūr al-aṭibbā’, Yūnānī medicine changed rapidly. The British
a treatise that included descriptions of Indian med- tried to establish their own institutions of “West-
ical practice including herbal medical prepara- ern” medicine and to introduce their educational
tions of indigenous plants [6, 9, 13–15]. regulations and examinations for medical practi-
The most important patrons of Yūnānī medi- tioners. As a consequence, new degrees like the
cine, however, were the Mughal Emperors (r. ḥakī m-i ḥāḏiq (Licentiate equivalent) and umdat
1526–1858). During their rule, Yūnānī medicine al-ḥukamā (M.B. equivalent) were introduced in
was at its peak in India and for some time even had Government Colleges like the ones in Lahore in
a hegemonial status compared to the other medi- Punjab. The students, practitioners of Yūnānī Y
cal traditions. The first rulers of the Mughal Medicine and of Ayurveda (vaidyas), were trained
dynasty, Bābur (r. 1526–1530) and Ḥumāyūn in Urdu, English, and also in allopathy. The
730 Yūnānī Medicine

British administration, for example, in Punjab, he established a laboratory. Salimuzzaman Siddiqui

planned to secure medical care in the rural areas (d. 1994) discovered the alkaloids of the Rauvolfia
by the help of ḥakī ms who had access to the whole serpentina and named them ajmaline and ajmalane
population. After some time, Yūnānī medicine after his teacher. Besides his support for Yūnānī
should be completely replaced by allopathy and medicine, Ḥakīm Ajmal Khān was a strong sup-
“useless native drugs” substituted by allopathic porter of Mahatma Gandhi and the Indian National
ones. Yūnānī medicine, however, still had the Congress. Ḥakīm Ajmal Khān was a descendent of
support of the local population as well as of the Ḥakīm Sharīf Khān, a physician of the Mughal
Muslim elites. Ḥakī ms also started to receive Court. The Sharīfīs were advocates of a moderni-
Urdu translations of British medical books and, zation of Yūnānī, for example, by establishing
on the other hand, begun to use English in their laboratories and evidence-based tests on drugs.
books on Yūnānī medicine. This kind of medical Another important family of physicians, the
pluralism is also reflected in the institutionaliza- ‘Azīzī family of Lucknow, also actively propagated
tion of Yūnānī medicine during the colonial the institutionalization of Yūnānī medicine during
period. The funding and patronage system of the the British Raj [2, 17]. They had founded their own
Mughal era was no longer existent, but several medical school, Takmīl al-ṭibb in 1902. Yūnānī
rulers of Muslim Princely States like Hyderabad, medicine played an important role for Aligarh Mus-
Tonk, or Rampur continued to patronize Yūnānī lim University, which was founded in 1875 by
[2–4, 9, 12] (Fig. 2). The Begums of the Central Sayyid Aḥmad Khān (d. 1898). The Ajmal Khan
Indian State of Bhopal, for example, employed Tibbiya College (established 1927) is one of the
ḥakī ms in all hospitals of the state. In 1903, Sulṭān important institutions of education in Yūnānī med-
Jahān Begum of Bhopal founded the Madrasah-i icine. The Ibn Sina Academy of Medieval Medicine
Āṣafiyya for the training of local ḥakīms. The and Sciences in Aligarh (established 2001) is an
Begum had also supported Ḥakīm Ajmal Khān NGO, which promotes the study of the history of
(d. 1927), whose family founded the Madrasah-i medicine. Its founder-president Hakim Syed Zillur
Ṭibbiyya in Delhi in 1889 [11]. In 1919, this Rahman (b. 1940), a trained ḥakīm and professor of
school became the Ayurvedic and Unani Tibbia the Tibbiya College, has published many books on
College (Karol Bagh, Delhi). It also has an Ayur- historical Persian and Arabic manuscripts of
vedic and Unani Hospital (indoor and outdoor) Yūnānī medicine.
attached to it. Ḥakīm Ajmal Khān also founded Another important institution is the Jamia
the Hindustānī Dawākhānah (1905) where he Hamdard, the Hamdard University, in Delhi. In
produced and distributed Yūnānī drugs. In 1926, 1906, Ḥakīm ‘Abdul Majīd (d. 1922), a disciple of

Yūnānī Medicine,
Fig. 2 Entrance of the
Nizamia General Hospital
(Unani), Hyderabad (A.P.)
(Photo Courtesy: Kira
Schmidt (Bochum))
Yūnānī Medicine 731

Ḥakīm Ajmal Khān, established the Hamdard Medicine, Siddha, and Homeopathy (and Sowa
Dawākhānah, a small production and dispensary Rigpa) have come under the jurisdiction of the
of Yūnānī medicine in Delhi. Hamdard means Department of AYUSH, Ministry of Health and
“sympathy for all and sharing pain.” After Family Welfare, Government of India [7, 8].
Ḥakīm ‘Abdul Majīd’s death, his son ‘Abdul In India, more than 43,000 ḥakī ms are regis-
Ḥamīd took over. In 1948, Hamdard was turned tered with the government, but there are a great
into a religious endowment, i.e., a waqf/wakf. In number of unregistered ḥakī ms without any offi-
1964, the Hamdard National Foundation was cial degrees. In many ḥakī m families, Yūnānī
established for the administration of the Hamdard medicine remains a “family business.” It is highly
(Wakf) Laboratories. In 1989 the Jamia Hamdard disputed among the ḥakī ms if practitioners of
was founded, making Hamdard one important Yūnānī medicine should also prescribe allopathic
international institution for training and education medicines. The use of “Western” methods for
of Yūnānī medicine. ‘Abd al-Ḥamīd’s brother diagnosis like x-ray or blood tests in laboratories,
Muḥammad Sa‘īd had left India for Pakistan and however, is less problematic. The practice of
established the Hamdard (Wakf) Laboratories Yūnānī medicine in the twenty-first century
Pakistan in Karachi. Hakim Said also founded shows a medical pluralism, where several Indian
a Hamdard University in Karachi (1991). medical traditions and “Western” medicine coex-
Presently (2013), 41 colleges of Yūnānī med- ist in a plural language environment of English
icine offer undergraduate studies. The Central and Urdu. Even in a globalized world, the practice
Council of Indian Medicine (CCIM) in New of Yūnānī medicine is part of an Indian Muslim
Delhi (founded 1970) enforces the standards of cultural identity.
education and practice of all Indian medical tradi-
tions. Graduates of the courses in Yūnānī medi-
cine might obtain the degree of Bachelor of Unani Cross-References
Medicine and Surgery (BUMS)/Kāmil-i Ṭibb o-
Jarāḥat, whereas postgraduates might obtain the ▶ Aligarh Muslim University
degree of Doctor of Medicine (Māhir-i Ṭibb) and ▶ Delhi Sultanate
Master of Surgery (Māhir-i Jarāḥat). Eight col- ▶ Lahore
leges offer postgraduate studies, among them ▶ Qādirīyah Order
National Institute of Unani Medicine (NIUM) in ▶ Twelver Shi‘ism
Bangalore in Karnataka established in 2004 [8].
The idea of government control of the health
sector dates back to 1947, when the Health Min-
References
isters of the provincial administrations decided to
1. Ahmad J, Qadeer A (1998) Unani: the Science of
supervise the education and research of the Indian Graeco-Arabic medicine. Roli Books, New Delhi
medical systems. In 1969, the Government of 2. Alavi S (2008) Islam and healing: loss and recovery of
India established the Central Council for an Indo-Muslim medical tradition, 1600–1900. Per-
manent Black, New Delhi
Research in Indian Medicine and Homoeopathy
3. Arnold D (1993) Colonizing the body. State medicine
(CCRIMH) in order to develop education and and epidemic disease in nineteenth-century India. Uni-
research in the medical traditions in India, e.g., versity of California Press, Columbia
Yūnānī, siddha, or yoga. In 1978, separate Coun- 4. Attewell GN (2007) Refiguring Unani Tibb. Plural
healing in Late Colonial India. Orient Longman,
cils for each medical tradition were established, New Delhi
among them the Central Council for Research in 5. Azmi AA (1995) Basic concepts of Unani Medicine.
Unani Medicine (CCRUM), which is responsible A critical study. Jamia Hamdard, New Delhi
for clinical research, patenting of drugs, or drug 6. Azmi AA (2004) History of Unani medicine in India.
standardization in Yūnānī medicine. The Jamia Hamdard, New Delhi Y
7. Bode M (2008) Taking traditional knowledge to the
CCRUM has 23 institutions in different parts of market: the modern image of the Ayurvedic and Unani
the country. Since 1995, Ayurveda, Yoga, Unani industry, 1980–2000. Orient Longman, Hyderabad
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8. Department of AYUSH, Ministry of Health & Family M (eds) Health, medicine and empire: perspectives
Welfare, Government of India (ed) (2013) Unani sys- on Colonial India. Orient Longman, New Delhi
tem of medicine: the science of health of healing. New 13. Russell G (2002) Greece. x. Greek medicine in Persia.
Delhi www.iranicaonline.org
9. Liebeskind C (1995) Unani medicine of the subconti- 14. Speziale F (2009) India. xxxiii. Indo-Muslim physi-
nent. In: VanAlphen J (ed) Oriental medicine: an illus- cians. www.iranicaonline.org
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10. Liebeskind C (2002) Arguing science: Unani Tibb, Islam Indien. Karthala, Paris
Hakims and biomedicine in India. In: Ernst W (ed) 16. Speziale F (2010) Les Traités Persans sur les Sciences
Plural medicine, tradition and modernity, 1800–2000. Indiennes: Médecine, Zoologie, Alchimie. In: Herr-
Routledge, London, pp 1900–50 mann D, Speziale F (eds) Muslim cultures in the
11. Preckel C (2012) Healing the people and the princes: Indo-Iranian world during the Early-Modern and
hospitals, Ḥakīms and doctors in Bhopal. In: Speziale Modern Periods. Klaus Schwarz, Berlin
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Z

Zakāt ordained to pay the zakāt to the poor or the

needy people for their own purification and sanc-
Golam Dastagir1,2 and Sowkot Hossain1 tification, as Allāh commanded in the holy Qur’ān
1
Department of Philosophy, Jahangirnagar (Q. IX:103).
University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh
2
Centre for Civilisational Dialogue, University
of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Historical Background

Zakāt was initiated by the Prophet Muḥammad,

Synonyms while Caliph Abū Bakr institutionalized the sys-
tem, which continued in the time of the second
Almsgiving; Islamic charity; Pillar of Islam; Poor- caliph, ‘Umar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb, though in modified
due; Religious tax form. However, in most of the Muslim states,
zakāt payment and distribution are managed at
the discretion of citizens, even though initially
Definition the redistribution of zakāt was administered by
the government [2].
Zakāt is one of the five “pillars of Islam” (arkān There are several verses in the Qur’ān through
al-Islam), the others being shahādah (belief in which God asks Muslims to pay zakāt as an oblig-
One God), ṣalāt (prayer), ṣawm (fasting), and atory duty on the asset or wealth that is in excess
hajj (pilgrimage to the House of Allāh in of the niṣāb (certain amount). Zakāt is the oppor-
Mecca). Etymologically, the Arabic word zakāt tunity for Muslims to cleanse their wealth and
is derived from the root word zky which means sanctify their spiritual life on earth, so that the
“to purify,” or “to increase,” or “to bless.” In the afterlife will be pure; it is required in order to
Islamic tradition, it is commonly known as the maximize the spiritual bliss awaiting for good
“poor-due,” though often translated as the “alms- Muslims. In a number of verses of the Qur’ān
giving.” Scholars call zakāt by different names in (e.g., II:3, 43, 83, 110, 177, 277; IV:162, V:12,
the Western language, for example, “charity tax,” V:55, VI:141, VII:156, IX:18), zakāt is referred to
“religious tax,” [3] “purifying social tax,” [4] and as an important duty for sustaining a good Islamic
so on. However, it is common to all of them that way of life with purity and sincerity. The Qur’ānic
zakāt is made obligatory for Muslims who are command “Be regular in prayer, and pay the
financially capable of doing so. Muslims are poor-due, and obey Allāh and His messenger”

# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018

Z. R. Kassam et al. (eds.), Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
734 Zakāt

(XXXIII:33) is a reminder that Muslims may have almsgiving to the needy as a token of gratitude
a spotless and cleansed life purified of that which towards God. Muslims are also aware of another
stands in the way of their spiritual life. Wealth type of voluntary almsgiving called fiṭiyyah dur-
possessed by Muslims, regardless of age, sex, or ing the month of Ramaḍān, usually in the last few
status, beyond a certain amount is called impure days of the month. However, these types of char-
for them and to which the poor have a right for ity cannot be replaced with zakāt. From a financial
a decent livelihood. For God’s will is to remove perspective, the fundamental objective of this sys-
impurity from their life. tem of religious charity tax is to establish
a welfare state with contributions from the richer
and distribution among the poor, so that
Amount (nisāb) a balanced economic system prevails in the soci-
˙ ety, while on the spiritual level, these contribu-
Zakāt is payable on excess of wealth or assets that tions earn virtues for Muslims to be reaped in the
are continuously owned solely by an individual afterlife. The Prophet of Islam believed that even
Muslim over one lunar year. But not all assets are half a date in zakāt can save one from the Fire
subject to charitable tax. The assets that definitely (hellfire) [1].
fulfill one’s personal necessities, such as personal
clothing, food, household furniture, one’s home,
and the like are not considered zakāt assets. How- Spiritual Significance of Zakāt
ever, such assets as agricultural products, precious
metals (gold, diamond, silver), and livestock are In Islam, it is repeatedly urged to pay zakāt
considered those on which zakāt is to be paid in inasmuch as there is admonishment for not paying
accordance with the current market price. The zakāt; however, refusal to pay zakāt is not
amount (niṣāb) is ascertained on all charitable discerned as a punishable act in the sharī ‘ah.
assets (after adding its cash value in the market According to a Ḥadīth narrated by Abu Huraira,
price) by the value of 87.48 g (7.5 tola) of gold or the wealth on which zakāt is not paid will turn into
value of 612.36 g (52.5 tola) of silver whichever is a baldheaded poisonous male snake that will
less. However, as to capital assets (money) con- encircle the neck and cheek of the owner of the
tinuously owned over 1 year, 2.5% levy is consid- wealth in question on the Day of the Judgment and
ered zakāt. say, “I am your wealth, I am your treasure”
(1, Book: 2, No: 486). Muslims hold that a person
who is capable of paying zakāt but does not do so
Religious Tax and Zakāt is not a true Muslim or real believer. The holy
Qur’ān warns that misfortune awaits for those
Zakāt tax is compulsorily collected from citizens who are idolaters and who do not give the zakāt
in some Muslim states, where non-Muslims can (Q. XLI:6–7). Contrarily, Allāh also declares to
pay jizyah tax (per capita tax). In other Muslim remit the sins of believers and to bring them into
majority countries like Bangladesh, a centralized the Gardens (of heaven), if they regularly pay
zakāt fund is seen operating for voluntary contri- zakāt, and observe, of course, among other things,
butions, without any interference of the govern- such as prayer, belief in Messengers, and so on
ment, to help out the destitute. It is worth (Q. V:12). In the same vein, punishment is equally
mentioning that there is an additional type of to be meted out to those beneficiaries of zakāt who
religious tax in Shī‘te Islam called khums [2], do not deserve it on the practical level. According
which literally means a fifth, and it refers to one- to a saying of the Prophet of Islam, once given
fifth obligatory religious tax of income, especially away, zakāt cannot be taken back, even by way of
profit in business or savings. In addition, Muslims buyout, just is the case of ‘Umar bin al-Khaṭṭāb,
are encouraged to make voluntary contributions who was asked by the Prophet not to buy back the
known as ṣadaqah (pl. ṣadaqāt) [3] – a lump sum horse that he himself (‘Umar) gave as a zakāt in
Zakir Hussain 735

the cause of Allāh (1, Book: 2, Vol: 24, No: 566). whether non-Muslims qualify for zakāt, as there
It is not recommended either that the zakāt fund is is no explicit indication about it in the Qur’ān and
invested for better profit, despite the have-nots ḥadī th, though some argue that zakāt should be
going hungry. Furthermore, zakāt cannot be dis- payable to non-Muslims, once the needs of Mus-
bursed to spouses, parents, grandparents, chil- lims are met.
dren, or grandchildren [5]; for they belong to
one’s extended family, and Islam emphasizes the
importance of some measure of responsibility
Cross-References
towards one’s relatives and neighbors, as well as
towards orphans, the poor, the wayfarer, and the
▶ Hajj
needy (Q. II:177). The Prophet of Islam is
▶ Prayer
believed to have said, as Ibn ‘Abbās reported,
▶ Qurʾān Translation in South Asia
that a person who lives in luxury, while his or
▶ Ramaḍān
her neighbor goes hungry, is not a believer [1].
▶ Ṣawm

Social Impact of Zakāt

References
Zakāt has both social and religious purposes. It is
the means for the purification of wealth accumu- 1. Bukhari M (1997) Sahih Al-Bukhari (trans: Khan MM).
The Translation of the Meanings of Sahih Al-Bukhari:
lated legally and morally in this world, and it is Arabic-English. Dar-us-Salam Publications, Riyadh
that which is given away “seeking Allāh’s coun- 2. Espositio JL (2010) Islam: the straight path. Oxford
tenance” (Q. XXX:39). In Islam, begging is University Press, USA
abhorred, for it attempts to turn a society into 3. Nasr SH (2004) The heart of Islam: enduring values for
humanity. HarperOne, New York
such a welfare state that nobody needs to beg to 4. Ramadan T (2007) In the footsteps of the prophet.
fulfill his or her basic needs. From an Islamic Oxford University Press, New York
perspective, a true Islamic society means a state 5. Visser H (2011) Islamic finance: principles and practice.
that eliminates poverty and creates funds by Edward Elgar Publishing, USA
rearranging resources to meet fundamental
human needs. In order to have such a society it
is necessary to discharge our moral and religious
duties to others by taking care of others with Zākir Husayn
respect to their basic needs.
Zakāt plays an important role in the develop- ▶ Zakir Hussain
ment of social and religious institutions. In many
countries, institutions such as schools, colleges,
madrasahs, mosques, orphanages, hospitals, and
the like are established out of zakāt funds [3].
Some argue in recent times that the zakāt fund Zakir Hussain
can be utilized to develop socioeconomic condi-
tions by way of establishing social welfare pro- Clinton Bennett
grams, economic development projects, Department of Philosophy, State University of
educational and training institutions, and so on New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA
[5], on the grounds that such ventures can have
an impact upon the entire society, not just the
poor, while creating opportunities for the poor to Synonyms
find sustainable solutions to survive after a certain
time. However, scholars continue to debate Zākir Husayn
Z
736 Zakir Hussain

Definition learning German at the Foreigners Institute, he

was admitted to the University, where he gained
India’s first Vice President, first Muslim President, his PhD (1926) in Economics under Werner
fourth post-1947 Governor of Bihar, second Vice- Sombart (1863–1941) for a thesis, approved
Chancellor of Jamia Millia Islamia, and 9th Vice- summa cum laude, on India’s agricultural econ-
Chancellor of Aligarh Muslim University; omy. Returning to Jamia, he was appointed Vice-
a strong supporter of Mahatma Gandhi’s cam- Chancellor, a post he held for 22 years. He steered
paign for basic education; and a promoter of Jamia through several financial crises. Initially
Indian unity and culture who attempted to recon- funded by the Khilāfat movement, this ended in
cile Muslims and Hindus throughout his life of 1924. Some withheld support for various reasons,
distinguished educational and public service. including seeing it as AMU’s rival. Hakim Ajmal
Khan (1868–1927), first Chancellor, gave gener-
ously; his death led to another crisis. Hussain
Education and Career as Teacher raised funds but also took a pay cut and with
other teachers agreed a modest salary ceiling for
Born in Hyderabad (February 8, 1887), Hussain the next 20 years [3]. Jamia attracted international
moved to his ancestors’ home in the North-Western interest for its autonomy and innovative teaching.
Provinces after his father’s death (1907), where he Committed to the Socratic Method, it promoted
boarded at Islamia College, Etawah (founded Gandhi’s basic education program, combining aca-
1888). In 1918, he gained his BA from Moham- demic with practical learning such as weaving,
medan Anglo-Oriental College (MAO), later Ali- carpentry, and soap making [4]. Wholly committed
garh Muslim University (AMU). Enrolling in the to the University, Hussain was reluctant to leave in
MA program, he also taught part-time. Politics then 1948 when India’s Education Minister asked him
intervened. MAO was a government-accredited to move to AMU. On the other hand, his non-Jamia
institution; in 1920, almost all its students activities were causing some resentment, so a move
responded to Mahatma Gandhi’s call to boycott would facilitate pursuing other interests [5]. AMU
government-aided institutions, which occurred and Jamia both experienced problems post-1947;
just as the College’s long campaign for full Univer- many professors migrated to Pakistan. Hussain
sity status succeeded. After Gandhi’s visit in Octo- believed that AMU’s standing and status, how it
ber, only 181 students stayed at AMU; Hussain, works and thinks, and how India dealt with it
who described this experience as a “turning point” would be closely allied with that of Indian Muslims
in his life, joined the boycott, later saying, “I began and was determined to ensure its survival [6]. He
my public career at the feet of Gandhiji, and he has was AMU Vice-Chancellor until 1956. In addition
been my guide and inspirer” [1]. The same month, to serving on various national educational bodies,
at a meeting in MAO’s central mosque, a commit- he sat on UNESCO’s Executive Board from 1956
tee was formed to establish an independent Muslim to 1958. In 1963, he became Jamia’s fourth
University with Gandhi’s support, free of colonial Chancellor.
oversight. This became Jamia Millia Islamia, to
which Hussain and many MAO students and fac-
ulty transferred. Originally in Aligarh, it moved to Political Career
New Delhi in 1925.
Jamia degrees were not accredited until 1962 Hussain’s political career was linked with the
when it was “deemed to be a University”, so Congress and with Muslims who supported one
Hussain and two peers decided to complete their nation for all India’s communities. He rejected
education in Europe. Hussain chose Berlin’s separatism, becoming a political rival of M. A.
Humboldt University. However, his passport was Jinnah, who blocked his appointment to the
only valid for Britain. Undeterred, he left ship in interim government (1946), privately telling Vice-
Italy and traveled overland to Berlin [2]. After roy Wavell that he was a quisling [7]. His brother
Zakir Hussain 737

Mahmud went to Pakistan, becoming a Cabinet Germany, he oversaw an edition of Diwan-e-

Minister. Relations with Jinnah soured when Ghalib [20] and published a book on Gandhi
Jamia committed itself to Gandhi’s basic educa- [21]. An amateur artist, he loved poetry and
tion program. Present when Gandhi proposed this music and wanted students to appreciate beauty
in 1937, Hussain expressed reservations that as an essential ingredient of learning.
teachers might exploit students’ labor and then
accepted chairmanship of Gandhi’s Education
Commission, which reported in 1939 (8). Hussain Religious Identity
was appointed to the Rajya Sabha in 1951, where
he served until becoming Governor of Bihar in His religion was Sufi-flavored Sunni Islam; Rumi
1957. By 1962, he was India’s first Vice President, was rarely far from his lips. He listened daily to
becoming President in 1967, the first Muslim to Qur’ānic recitation and practiced this [22]. Proud
do so. On 3 May 1969, he died while in office. of his Muslim identity, he sometimes called Gan-
Politically, he was committed to national unity. He dhi his “guru.” His and Gandhi’s aim in life, he
tried to reconcile political opponents, hoping to said, was “to lead a pure life, individual and
prevent partition. At Jamia’s Silver Jubilee, he social; to insist on the means being as pure as the
accomplished what has been called “almost end; to have an active and sustained sympathy for
a miracle” by bringing Jawaharlal Nehru, Jinnah, the weak and down-trodden; to forge unity among
and A. K. Azad (1888–1958) together [9]. India the diverse sections of the Indian people” [23].
was a garden; all should cultivate it. All India’s
cultures were his heritage, not only Islam. He later
reminisced how a Hindu and a Sikh helped save Legacy and Honors
his life in a 1947 communitarian incident [10].
Aligarh, Jamia, and Jawaharlal Nehru Universi-
ties all have institutions named for him. He
Educational Philosophy and Writing received honorary doctorates from Delhi, Cal-
cutta, Aligarh, Allahabad, and Cairo. In 1963 he
He believed that we learn best by doing and that was honored with India’s highest civilian award,
education should promote community and the Bharat Ratna, the 12th recipient. Other work
national progress and nurture independent think- by or about him include Hussain [24], Husain and
ing. He saw the University as a “community of Trivedi [25], and Hussain et al. [26]. His grand-
scholars and students who should be treated as son, Salman Khurshid (b. 1953), has held several
responsible members of a free and academic soci- Cabinet posts since 1991.
ety, free to think, free to express their thoughts,
free to refuse, to conform, free to be unorthodox
and even free to err” [11]. At Berlin, he was Cross-References
influenced by Eduard Spranger (1882–1963), for
whom education is linked with moral and national ▶ Aligarh Muslim University
development. Among his books are an Urdu trans- ▶ Gandhi, Mahatma, and Muslims
lation of Plato’s Republic [12], a critique of capi- ▶ Jinnah, Muḥammad ‘Alī
talism [13], his presidential speeches [14], ▶ Khilāfat Movement
a coauthored book on India’s quest for unity
[15], several published lectures including the
Mavalankar Memorial Lecture [16] and the Patel References
Memorial Lecture [17], and stories for children
1. McDonough S (1994) Gandhi’s responses to Islam. D.
published in a series The Magic Key [18] trans- K. Printworld, New Delhi
lated by his great-granddaughter. His Dynamic 2. Sundararajan N (2009) The first three presidents of
University was published in 1965 [19]. In India. Sura Books, Chennai
Z
738 Zand Avesta

3. Ganihar NN, Belagali HV (2008) Educational philos-

ophy of Dr. Zakir Husain. Global Vision Publishing Zand Avesta
House, New Delhi
4. Islamia JM (2011) Annual report, April 1 2010 to
March 2011. Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi ▶ Zoroastrian, Scriptures
5. Gandhi R (2000) Understanding the Muslim mind.
Penguin Books India, New Delhi
6. Pal A (2011) “Islam” means peace: understanding the
Muslim principle of nonviolence today. Praeger, Santa
Barbara
Zāt
7. Husain Z, Hameed SS (2000) Zakir Husain: teacher ¯
who became president. Indian Council for Cultural
Relations, New Delhi ▶ Caste
8. All India National Education Conference (1939) Basic
national education: report of the Zakir Husain Com-
mittee and the detailed syllabus. Hindustani Talimi
Sangh, Wardha
9. Zakaria R (2004) Indian Muslims: where have they
gone wrong? Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Mumbai
Zia ul-Haq
10. Koreshi SM (2004) Diplomats & diplomacy: story of
an era; 1947–1987. Khursheed Printers, Islamabad Mathew N. Schmalz
11. Saiyidain KG (1967) The humanist tradition in mod- Department of Religious Studies, The College of
ern Indian educational thought. Dembar Educational
Research Services, Madison
the Holy Cross, Worcester, MA, USA
12. Hussain Z (1924) Riyasat (Urdu translation of Plato’s
Republic). Anju- man Taraqqi Urdu, Aligarh
13. Husain Z (1967) Capitalism; essays in understanding. Definition
Asia Publishing House, Bombay
14. Husain Z (1974) President Zakir Husain’s speeches.
Publications Division, Ministry of Information and Zia ul-Haq, Muhammad (1924–1988) was Paki-
Broadcasting, Govt. of India, New Delhi stani Army Chief of Staff and the Sixth President
15. Husain Z, Zakaria R (1969) Indian unity, a symposium of Pakistan.
on its different facets and aspects. Popular Prakashan,
Bombay
16. Husain Z (1960) Ethics and the state. Harold Laski
Institute of Political Science, Ahmedabad Military Service
17. Husain Z (1969) Educational reconstruction in India.
Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Govt. of
India, New Delhi Muhammad Zia ul-Haq was born in the Punjabi
18. Hussain Z (2004) The Magic Key (series) translated by town of Jalandhar in British India, on 12 August
Samina Mehta. Tulika, Chennai 1924. He joined the British Indian Army and saw
19. Husain Z (1965) The dynamic university. Asia Pub-
action in World War II. He was given the rank of
lishing House, New York
20. Khan MAB (1923) Diwan-i-Ghalib. Kawiani Press, major when the Pakistani Army was created in
Berlin 1947. During the 1965 India Pakistan War, Zia
21. Hussain Z, Ehrentreich A (1924) Die Botschaft des served as an assistant quarter-master in the infan-
Mahatma Gandhi. Volkserzieher-Verlag, Berlin
try and was later posted as a military advisor to
22. Fār’rūqī Z’u (1999) Dr. Zakir Hussain, quest for truth.
A.P.H. Publishing Corporation, New Delhi Jordan.
23. Bakshi SR (1989) Struggle for independence: Indian By 1976, Muhammad Zia ul-Haq had risen to
freedom fighters. Anmol Publications, New Delhi the rank of Lieutenant General. He was appointed
24. Husain Z (1968) Dr. Zakir Husain presentation vol-
as military chief of staff in a controversial decision
ume; presented on his seventy first birthday. Dr. Zakir
Husain Presentation Volume Committee, New Delhi; by the then Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.
available at Maktaba Jamia General consensus holds that Zia was chosen over
25. Husain Z, Trivedi HN (1970) Dr. Zakir Husain; more senior commanders because of his apparent
a special issue in memory of Dr. Zakir Husain. Indus-
lack of political ambitions. Husain Haqqani takes
trial Advertisers, Bombay
26. Husain Z, Narayan S, Mathur VS (1969) Zakir Husain, this analysis a step further by speculating that
educationist and teacher. Arya Book Depot, New Delhi Bhutto’s advisors were convinced that Zia’s
Zia ul-Haq 739

identity as a member of the Arain clan would council that took the place of the legislative
prevent him from forming alliances with the assembly ([2], p. 16). The Majlis-e-Shura was
more martial Pushtun and Rajput groups that charged with proposing laws, but not enacting or
dominated the army ([1], p. 112). But with civil enforcing them. Zia also established Shariat
strife increasing in Pakistani society in the wake courts but also later bowed to pressure for greater
of the 1977 elections, Zia put into motion a well- governmental oversight by creating a national
planned coup that deposed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. ombudsman or wafāqī moḥatasib ([6], p. 187).
After Bhutto’s arrest and trial, Zia pointedly The motivations behind the process of Islami-
rejected or refused to consider all appeals for zation are still hotly contested in Pakistani studies.
clemency. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was executed by On the one hand, Zia did come from
hanging in 1979. a conservative Muslim family, and was reportedly
uncomfortable with the secular ethos of the Paki-
stani army, which it had inherited from the British
Authoritarian Rule ([7], p. 1085). To this extent, it is argued that Zia
sincerely believed that Islamization would bring
Zia’s years in office were characterized by author- the “Rule of the Prophet,” or Nizam-i-Mustapha,
itarianism and increasing Islamization. After to Pakistan ([6], pp. 164, 165.) On the other hand,
deposing Bhutto, Zia imposed martial law and Islamization most certainly cemented Zia’s
suspended the constitution. He did however authoritarian control over both the army and Paki-
promise that new elections would be held in 3 stani civil society. Another interpretation, which
months. But these elections were set aside, with by no means excludes the other two, is that Zia
the complicity of parties from both ends of the understood Islam as the only binding element in
Pakistani political spectrum. The coup-etat was a society that was close to breaking apart, espe-
affirmed by the supreme court on the basis of the cially in the wake of the traumatic loss of East
“doctrine of necessity” ([2], p. 9), and Zia pro- Pakistan.
mulgated a provisional amendment to the consti- Zia’s position was undoubtedly enhanced by
tution that excluded martial law actions from the the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. Not
judicial oversight ([3], p. 103). Most importantly, only did the invasion bring an immediate sense of
as chief executive and chief of the army, Zia threat that legitimated Zia’s authoritarianism, it
proceeded with an expansive series of innovations also brought vast quantities of American aid that
to “Islamicize” Pakistan. Textbooks had to be was siphoned through, and siphoned off by, the
approved by the government and presented Paki- Pakistani military. Zia ended martial law in 1985
stan as a bastion of Islamic belief and practice. and eventually scheduled new elections for late
Stephen Cohen observes that these government- 1988. On August 17, 1988, Muhammad Zia ul-
approved textbooks specifically focused on three Haq was killed in plane crash in Bahawalpur, in
elements of the Islamic nature of Pakistan: the Pakistan’s Punjab province. The crash also killed
Objectives Resolution promoted by Liaquat Ali the American ambassador and nearly wiped out
Khan in 1949; the 1951 ‘ulamā’ proposal for Pakistan’s senior level military commanders.
Islamization that became the manifesto of the While many hypotheses and conspiracy theories
Jamaat-i-Islami Party; and Zia’s own Islamization have been put forward, to this date, a precise cause
program ([4], p. 172). Zia also strongly encour- of the crash has not been agreed upon.
aged establishment of madrassas countrywide
([1], p. 148). In 1979, Hudood Ordinances began
to be enacted that imposed penalties derived from Cross-References
the Qur’ān and Sunnah for offenses such as extra-
marital sex or zinā’ ([5], pp. 42–49). Reportedly ▶ Bhutto, Benazir
enamored with a party-less system, Zia ▶ Bhutto, Zulfikar Ali
Z
established the Majlis-e-Shura, an advisory ▶ Khan, Liaquat Ali
740 Zia, Begum Khaleda

References when the war for independence from Pakistan

began, Zia was second in command of Eighth
1. Haqqani H (2005) Pakistan: between mosque and mil- East Bengal Regiment, Chittagong. On March
itary. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,
26, 1971, Pakistan’s President Yahya Khan
Washington
2. Zahid MA (2011) Dictatorship in Pakistan: a study of ordered a crackdown on leaders of the Bengali
the Zia era: 1977–1988. Pak J Hist Cult 1(32):1–27 nationalist movement. Zia and his troops became
3. Mehdi R (1994) The Islamization of the law in Pakistan. freedom fighters. According to the Awami
Routledge, London
League, its leader Mujibur Rahman (Mujib) tele-
4. Cohen S (2004) The idea of Pakistan. Brookings Insti-
tution, Washington graphed an independence proclamation from
5. Jafar A (2005) Women, gender, and the state in Paki- West Pakistan, which reached Zia on the 26th,
stan. Gend Stud 1(22):42–49 who read it out over the radio. According to the
6. Zering L (2003) Pakistan: at the cross currents of his-
BNP, the party Zia founded, he declared inde-
tory. One World Publications, Oxford
7. Burki SJ (1988) Pakistan under Zia 1977–1988. Asian pendence, and there was no telegraph [1].
Surv 10(28):1082–1100 While Zia led a brigade of freedom fighters,
Khaleda was interned. She managed to reach
Dhaka before being apprehended (July 2). After
independence, Zia was reluctant to take her back;
she had “capitulated to the Pakistani troops.”
Zia, Begum Khaleda
Many doubted the “purity” of detained women.
Mujib convinced him to set an example, and they
Clinton Bennett
reconciled. At that point, Khaleda and Mujib’s
Department of Philosophy, State University of
oldest daughter, Hasina, were close friends [2].
New York at New Paltz, New Paltz, NY, USA
Following independence, Mujib became the
Prime Minister with an electoral landslide. In
1975, he assumed Presidential powers, arrested
Synonyms
opposition politicians, and restricted press free-
doms. On August 15, 1975, junior officers
Khāleda Jiẏā
stormed Mujib’s house and assassinated him and
his family with the exception of Hasina and her
sister, who were overseas. On November 3, four
Definition Cabinet members were also slain. Chaos followed
until Zia, deputy chief of army staff since 1972,
Second democratically elected Muslim woman emerged as Martial Law Administrator (July 26,
head of government in a Muslim majority state; 1976). By 1979, Zia had changed the 1972 con-
leader of Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) stitution, replacing “secularism” with “faith in
since 1984; widow of the party’s assassinated Almighty Allah” as a principle of state, had
founder, President Ziaur Rahman; a two-term redefined “socialism” – to please the International
Prime Minister of Bangladesh (1991–1996; Monetary Fund – as “economic and social justice”
2001–1006) who has alternated in power with [3], replaced Bengali nationalism with Bangla-
Sheikh Hasina, leader of Awami League (AL). deshi nationalism, and prefixed the bismillahi.
He specified that foreign policy would stress
Islamic solidarity [4]. He also inserted a clause
Background, Marriage, and Early Life on women’s right to participate in all spheres of
national life. The BNP projects Zia as
Khaleda was born on August 15, 1945, in Dinajpur Bangladesh’s real founder, who restored religion
District, East Pakistan, where she attended school to its proper place. He removed the ban, effective
at Surendranath College. In 1960, aged 15, she since 1975, on political parties, including reli-
married Captain Ziaur Rahman (Zia). By 1971, gious ones. In 1978, he won the presidential
Zia, Begum Khaleda 741

election. His newly formed BNP swept the 1979 a four-party, explicitly Islam-oriented alliance.
election. He survived several assassination She governed until 2006 [8]. Under the Caretaker
attempts before rebel officers shot him while he Government 2006–2008, Khaleda and Hasina
was visiting Chittagong (May 30, 1981). Vice were charged with corruption and banned from
President Abdus Sattar won the subsequent elec- politics. In the end, both led their parties into the
tion (November 15). On March 24, 1982, General 2008 election; Hasina won. Khaleda remains BNP
H. M. Ershad, unhappy that Sattar refused leader and a member of parliament. Although now
a constitutional role for the military, successfully archrivals, they actually pursue similar policies;
staged a bloodless coup [5]. AL has shifted from the left to the center.
Khaleda privatized state-owned assets and
encouraged micro-credit and the garment indus-
try, which mainly employs women. Both priori-
Party Leader and Anti-Ershad Activist
tize gender and children’s issues, passing
legislation in these areas. Khaleda increased the
As First Lady, Khaleda took part in state functions
number of reserved seats for women from 30 to
but is said to have been apolitical. Zia was
45. AL is secular, stressing Bengali identity and
concerned that family members involved in poli-
good relations with India, while BNP stresses
tics risked assassination. However, Sattar
Islamic values and promotes an “Islam in dan-
appointed her senior BNP vice-chair in 1983.
ger” attitude [9], a more geopolitically specific
When he resigned, veteran female BNP member,
Bangladeshi identity (which excludes India’s
Jahan Ara Begum, nominated her as leader. Jahan
Bengalis) and relations with the Muslim world.
emphasized that while she was “entering politics
Commentators point out that Khaleda’s use of the
on the basis of kinship, she would have to pass the
title Begum (non-elite Bengali women place
test of competent political leadership” [6]. Several
Begum after, not before, their names) invokes
senior men had defected to Ershad; the rest could
royalty and non-Bengali ancestry. Arab and Ira-
not agree upon a candidate. The party apparatus
nian descent is often seen as more authentically
may have thought they could control an inexperi-
Muslim. Khaleda wears single-color, silk saris,
enced woman. However, Khaleda proved to be
a sign of nobility; Hasina wears multicolored
a crowd puller; an astute political tactician, she
cotton saris with symbols of Bengali rural life
has no serious rival for leadership of her party.
or Bengali slogans [10]. BNP is an Islamic party;
From 1984 until 1990, she co-led the movement
AL is secular. In 2011, Hasina restored “secular-
to restore democracy with Hasina, head of Awami
ism” to the constitution (15th Amendment).
League since 1981. During this period, Khaleda
Khaleda’s style has been described as authoritar-
was arrested seven times. Although Hasina
ian [11]. She rarely consults or attends parlia-
thought Zia implicated in her father’s death [7],
ment. Karleka says she engineered a President’s
the two women cooperated. BNP boycotted
resignation for failing to observe Zia’s death
Ershad’s 1986 election, which his newly formed
anniversary [12]. She reluctantly restored the
party dominated. Strikes, civil unrest, and riots led
prime ministerial system and ceremonial presi-
to Ershad’s resignation. He was tried for and
dency, preferring an executive president [13]. In
found guilty of corruption.
opposition, both leaders boycott parliament and
foment strikes and demonstrations. They meet so
rarely that a 2009 ifṭār encounter made headlines
As Prime Minister [14]. Their rivalry precludes conciliatory poli-
tics, creating gridlock [15]. January 5th 2014
Khaleda won the 1991 election, governing until BNP boycotted the controversial election, allo-
1996. 1996 saw two elections, the first boycotted wing Hasina to claim a largely uncontested and
by the opposition. Hasina won the second. democratically dubious 3rd term. Khaleda is not
Khaleda returned to office in 2001, heading currently sitting in Parliament.
Z
742 Zikr-e-Allāh

Evaluation 3. Shehabuddin E (2008) Reshaping the holy: democ-

racy, development and women in Bangladesh. Colum-
bia University Press, New York
Some discuss whether women’s leadership in 4. Ghosh PS (1989) Cooperation and conflict in South
South Asia during democratic restorations in soci- Asia. Manohar Publications/Columbia University
eties considered patriarchal is linked with the per- Press, New Delhi/New York
ception that women are more prodemocratic than 5. Alagappa M (2001) Coercion and governance: the
declining political role of the military in Asia. Stanford
men. Perhaps they are thought less threatening to University Press, Stanford
opposition leaders or are simply surrogates for slain 6. Commonwealth Secretariat (1999) Women in politics:
male relatives, all former leaders [16]. Some tend to voices from the commonwealth. Commonwealth Sec-
reduce their careers to surrogacy, assuming they retariat, London
7. Gandhi R (1999) Revenge & reconciliation: under-
were chosen to attract public sympathy as widows standing South Asian history. Penguin Books India,
or survivors. Hasina has been preoccupied with New Delhi
defending her father’s legacy; Zia is still respected 8. Riaz A (2004) God willing: the politics of Islamism in
for ending instability. Khaleda’s speeches rarely Bangladesh. Rowman & Littlefield, Lanham
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Bangladesh’s transition back to democracy. For 10. Begum A (2006) Asian women leaders: a comparative
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cratic style and use of strikes may compromise her of Bangladesh. Asian Profile 34(3):265–280
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With her son, Tariq as party senior vice-chair 14. The Daily Star (2009) Senakunja Iftar gets Hasina,
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Zoroastrian Exceptionalism: An Overview

Zikr-e-Qalb
The successes of the Zoroastrians of India and the
▶ Dhikr/Zikr global Zoroastrian diaspora have fascinated
observers of the Zoroastrians over the years. In
the modern period, from the tenth to the twentieth
century, beginning with the rise to prominence of
the Zoroastrians of India, known as Parsis, Zoro-
Ziya al-Din Barani astrians in India and the wider global diaspora
have made accomplishments in excess to their
▶ Baranī, Żiyāʾ al-Dīn size. On February 20, 1909, in Indian Opinion,
M.K. Gandhi commented, “Though the Parsee
community does not number more than
a hundred thousand in the whole world, it has
Ziya al-Din, Barani made a name for itself everywhere by virtue of
its many illustrious qualities” [1]. From their first
▶ Baranī, Żiyāʾ al-Dīn contacts with Europeans from the seventeenth
century, observers noted the singular nature of
the Parsis, echoing Sir John Malcolm, the gover-
nor of Bombay’s appraisal in 1830 that “there is
no body of natives in India so remarkable for their
Zoroastrian Accomplishments intelligence and enterprise as the Parsis” [2].
from the Tenth to the Scholars have also taken account of the phenom-
Twentieth Century enon of the Parsis. Parsi scholars from the nine-
teenth century noted the accomplishments of the
Jesse S. Palsetia Parsis of India in diverse areas of activity. The pre-
Department of History, University of Guelph, eminent Parsi historian of the nineteenth century,
Guelph, ON, Canada Dosabhai Framji Karaka, noted that the Parsis
were the most illustrious of Indian communities
of the British Empire [3]. Nineteenth and early
Synonyms twentieth century depictions of the Parsis often
noted the affinity between Parsi and British cul-
Parsi economic pre-eminence; Parsi educational tures, and exalted the Parsis’ progress under impe-
advancement; Religious achievements; Repeti rialism. Parsis’ accounts of their place and status
tion of Zoroastrianism; Zoroastrian self-percep under imperialism, consequently, frequently
tions; Zoroastrian social progress in India; appear exaggerated, yet serve to magnify the
Zoroastrianism and charity; Zoroastrianism and place of the minority within the larger historical
Parsis in India Zoroastrianism milieu, as a means of identity preservation. Present-
day scholars have also continued to note the excep-
tional nature of the Parsi character and develop-
ment. In one of the most thorough studies of the
Definition modern Parsis of India, Eckehard Kulke examined
how a minority became the agents of progress,
Zoroastrian and Parsi Achievements in the Pres- pioneering and championing social change [4].
ervation of Religious Identity, Economic Success, Applying the themes of gender in empire and intel-
and Social Advancements in India and in the lectual colonization, Tanya Luhrmann accounted
Global Diaspora. for both the great accomplishments and frailties
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744 Zoroastrian Accomplishments from the Tenth to the Twentieth Century

of the modern Parsis, as a result of their high self- would integrate into the social milieu of India
perceptions under British imperialism and their adopting Indian culture and languages while
subsequent loss of status post-colonialism [5]. maintaining their religion and a unique sense of
The scholar and long-time observer of the Zoro- community identity. The Parsis passed through
astrians John Hinnells, on the other hand, noted key phases, developing from an insular group to
the significant historical and ongoing contribu- a highly westernized community of pluralistic
tions of the world Zoroastrian diaspora [6]. outlook. The Parsis also exerted an influence
Indeed, the recitation of the history of Zoroastrian within their social milieu beginning in India
accomplishments continues to be part of a genre aimed where possible to accommodate their
of writing on the Parsis and modern Zoroastrians requirements as a community. At the same time,
[7]. The history of the modern Zoroastrians is the enhancement of the social milieu and the gen-
often depicted as a history of accomplishments eral welfare served Parsi interests. As such, mod-
including, ironically, in the midst of demographic ern Zoroastrians around the world have aimed to
decline. contribute and enhance their respective social
Various explanations are given for the Zoroas- milieus. Zoroastrian accomplishment, conse-
trians’ accomplishments, and often stress the quently, can be seen as part of a larger historical
Parsis’ differences from India society, including imperative to safeguard identity and remain eco-
the Parsis’ lack of caste taboos in interacting with nomically, socially, and politically relevant as
non-Parsis, and their exceptional spirit of enter- a community at any given time. Among the
prise [8, 9]. Explanations for the Zoroastrians’ many accomplishments of the Zoroastrians of
success, in various areas of activity, inevitably India, their religious, economic, and social
all acknowledge the significant history of the accomplishments are noteworthy.
Zoroastrians. At the same time, the Parsis of
India and the Zoroastrians of the wider diaspora
display no innate qualities different from any Religious Accomplishments
other people or community. Explanations for
Parsi accomplishments must be found in an under- Religious Institutions: The arrival of the Zoroas-
standing of their complex history, particularly in trians to India entailed challenges, both internal
the modern era. The history of the Parsis can be and external. In relation to their external environ-
interpreted as the attempt to preserve and shape ment, the Parsis had to balance the extent of their
a common community identity in India in the integration into Indian society and their distance
midst of historical change [10]. As one of the from it in order to preserve a sense of community
smallest communities in the world, the Zoroas- and religious identity. Internally, one of the most
trians provide insight into the history of a unique important challenges that faced the Parsis, and
people and the opportunities and challenges they related to their external challenge, was the issue
have faced to preserve community identity. This of the preservation of religious institutions and
entry examines Zoroastrian accomplishment from knowledge. The building of the religious infra-
the tenth to the twentieth century, specifically in structure of the Zoroastrians marks a major
the areas of religion, economic and social success, achievement. Parsi tradition maintains that as
and charitable activity, seeking to take account of early as 720 C.E. a holy fire or ātash bahrām
its nature and the historical circumstances that was consecrated at Sanjan. Sanjan, on the coast
shaped Zoroastrian achievement. of Western India, was the place the Zoroastrian
The story of the modern Zoroastrians begins in refugees from Iran first landed on the mainland of
India with the Parsis. The Parsis are the descen- India following their flight from Iran by sea. The
dants of the Zoroastrians of Iran who, according to first and most sacred ātash bahrām of the Parsis
Parsi tradition, migrated to India from the eighth known as the Iranshah was removed and
century to preserve their religion following the maintained at five locales at various times, before
conversion of Iran to Islam [11]. The Parsis finally being housed at a fire temple in Udwada in
Zoroastrian Accomplishments from the Tenth to the Twentieth Century 745

1720. The fire ritual belonged to the Indo-Iranian Preservation of Religious Knowledge: In the
heritage of Zoroastrianism. In India, Zoroastrian early centuries, leadership of the community
ritual observance witnessed the rise of elaborate resided in the priesthood. By the late thirteenth
temple worship. The Indian social and religious century, the Parsi priesthood had established reli-
milieu influenced the development and nature of gious jurisdictions across Western India with the
Parsi temple worship. The fire temples were emergence of five panthaks or ecclesiastical dis-
exclusively for the Parsis reflecting the Parsis tricts, each under the jurisdiction of a priestly
distancing from Indian religious society, while family ([4], p. 29). The leadership of the Zoroas-
the elaborate nature of the fire ceremonies trian priesthood in preserving the oral and textual
reflected the imitation of Hindu ritual [12]. sources was a major achievement in the early
By the twelfth century, the Parsis had migrated history of the Parsis. The Zoroastrian priests of
and settled across Western India. In 1300 at Iran had maintained a tradition of preserving and
Broach, the Parsis erected their first dakhma or transmitting religious knowledge in the centuries
tower of silence, and added a second tower in following the conversion of Iran to Islam. The
1309 [13]. The consignment of the Zoroastrian Parsi priesthood continued the tradition, while
dead in the circular roofless structure to be con- adapting to the new milieu of India. The early
sumed by vultures and carrion crows served the Parsi scholars in contact with learned Hindu
Zoroastrian ritual of dakmenashini [14]. Prior to Brahmans adopted Sanskrit as a literary medium
the Parsis’ settlement in Bombay, religious sites [18]. Parsi religious tradition ascribes particular
and functions had been funded by group dona- merit to the twelfth century Parsi priest Neryosang
tions of Parsis in local communities or by more Dhaval, who translated Zoroastrian religious texts
wealthy Parsis. From the seventeenth century, as from Pahlavi into Sanskrit. His translations
Parsis increasingly became wealthy from trade include the Khordeh Avesta prayer book, the Pah-
and commerce, the building of fire temples and lavi Menog-i-Khrad or Spirit of Wisdom, the
dakhmas became a priority and intensified across Skand Gumanig Wizar, and the Ardar Viraz
India. Individual Parsis assumed a greater share of Namag. Dhaval also transcribed the original Mid-
the support of religious sites whether during their dle Persian texts into the Avestan alphabet. In the
lifetime, by bequest following death, or through early fifteenth century, Dinidas Bahman translated
their heirs. In 1673, Hirji Vacha Modi had built the into Sanskrit the Pahlavi Pazand Ashirwad or
first ātash ādarān or Parsi fire temple in the Fort Marriage Benediction [19]. In the second half of
district of Bombay in Mahomed’s Market bazaar, the seventeenth century, the oldest manuscript of
which survived until the fire of 1803. In 1669, two of the Sixteen Sanskrit Slokas appears. The
Modi sought permission from the British governor Slokas offer an account of the religion and cus-
to erect the first dakhma at Malabar Hill, which was toms of the Parsis, which was recounted to the
completed between 1670 and 1675 [15, 16]. In Hindu king Jadi Rana. Parsi tradition notes Jadi
1709, Banaji Limji built the second Parsi fire tem- Rana to be the Indian ruler the Parsi emigrants
ple in Bombay. In 1783, the first ātash bahrām in made a compact on arrival in India. The compo-
Bombay was built through the charity of Dadibhai sition is ascribed to Aka Andyaru, and the Parsi
Nusserwanji Dadiseth. In accordance with Parsi scholar Hodivala noted that both the name and
custom, the ātash bahrāms, ātash ādarāns, and other elements of the Slokas suggested a non-Parsi
ātash dādgāhs bore the name of the individuals authorship [20]. Some of the names included in
and families in posterity that financed their conse- Parsi prayers of blessing of commendable souls
cration and construction ([12], pp. 1–160; [13], imply Indian names, suggesting that either Hindu-
p. 461; [17]). The erection of Zoroastrian religious Parsi intellectual collaboration was emerging and
institutions reflected the substantial religious com- Hindu scholars were assuming Parsi identities
mitment, knowledge, resources, and leadership of while studying Zoroastrian works in the custom
the both the priesthood and laity in support of of Indian syncretism, or the level of Parsi integra-
Zoroastrian religious life. tion into Indian society had Indianized Parsi
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746 Zoroastrian Accomplishments from the Tenth to the Twentieth Century

names. The production and content of Zoroastrian of Iran in India. Debate surrounds the Qesse-ye
religious works and commentaries in Sanskrit Sanjan as regards the historical accuracy of the
reflect that religious and literary scholarship con- events described [11]. Notwithstanding the impor-
tinued to have significance for the Parsis, and had tance of this debate, the historical value of the
assumed unique forms. work lies in highlighting themes and motifs of
The awakening of Parsi religious scholarship significance in early Parsi culture. The Qesse-ye
in medieval India was an important achievement, Sanjan reflects the development of an indigenous
as it also revived Iranian religious life. Through- Parsi religious-historical tradition and ideology
out the period of early Parsi scholarship in India, that provides a powerful statement of a distinct
the Parsis maintained ties with Iran, which pro- Parsi identity in India.
duced benefits in knowledge for both Zoroastrian
communities. In the late thirteenth century,
Rustam Meherawan of Iran visited the Parsis of Economic Accomplishments
Gujarat both bringing and in search of religious
manuscripts, and in the mid-fourteenth century, Next to the uniqueness of their religion, the Parsis’
Rustam’s great-great nephew Meherawan commercial and economic success has character-
Kaikhusro visited India on the invitation of the ized their history in India. The rise of Parsi eco-
Parsis of Cambay, and brought with him copies of nomic power plays an essential role in the
Pahlavi works, including a manuscript of the formation and evolution of Parsi identity. The
Yasna. In the late fifteenth century, Hoshang rise of Parsi commercial wealth formed the basis
Siyavaxsh of Sharifabad translated into Pahlavi of the economic, political, and social transforma-
a copy of the thirteenth century Avestan Yasna tion of the Parsi community, and shaped the per-
[21]. Parsi-Iranian ties during this era reflect the ceptions and self-perceptions of the Parsis on the
unique pressures on both communities. The Zoro- part Parsis and non-Parsis, respectively. The trans-
astrians of Iran found a safeguard for their reli- formation of the Parsis’ economic and social state
gious heritage among the Parsis, while the Parsis occurred during the first half of the eighteenth
gained a rich religious literary inheritance. century, in the period following the fracture and
The Rivayat correspondence perhaps marks the decline of the Mughal Empire and the rise of the
height of Parsi-Iranian religious and literary ties. European trading companies. David L. White
The Rivayat correspondence constitutes questions notes that among the merchant communities of
and answers on Zoroastrian normative customs Western India, the Parsis emerged as the premier,
and procedures between the Parsi and Iranian if latest, commercial group [22–24]. One of the
communities from the fifteenth through the sev- greatest of Parsi historical accomplishments was
enteenth centuries. In 1478, Nariman Hoshang of sensing the opportunity for commercial collabo-
Broach returned from Turkabad in Yazd province ration with the Europeans. The rise of the Parsis to
with the replies of the Iranian priests. In the sev- economic pre-eminence among the communities
enteenth century, Hormazyar Framarz, Darab of Western India owed to economic, political, and
Hormazyar, and Barzu Kamdin classified what cultural factors. The Parsis operated within
were now 22 Rivayats ([21], pp. 172, 173). By a dynamic and fluid economic and social environ-
the time of the latter Rivayats, Parsi religious and ment alongside other enterprising Indians. At the
literary works were emerging as a unique genre same time, throughout their history, the Parsis’
with singular Parsi themes. ability to judge profit and loss, advantage and
In 1599, one of the most curious documents of disadvantage, and react to both opportunity and
Parsi history, the Qesse-ye Sanjan, appears. Com- adversity, especially benefited them. The rapidity
posed by the Parsi priest Bahman Kaikobad with which Parsis took up the economic opportu-
Sanjana, the poem written in Persian recounts nities offered in cooperation with Europeans, and
the migration and settlement of the Zoroastrians their ability to direct change to their advantage
Zoroastrian Accomplishments from the Tenth to the Twentieth Century 747

owed to the process of assimilation, accommoda- the issue of British debt. Naoroji Manock, the
tion, adaptability, and agency the Parsis adhered youngest son of Rustam, was the first Parsi to travel
to since their arrival in India. Their versatility and to England in 1723 in order to secure the release of
adaptability were borne of their historical accom- his brothers from detention in Bombay and Surat
modation to their social and cultural milieu, and over the trade dispute. Naoroji succeeded in
the necessity to safeguard their personal interests, gaining redress to the sum of 546,790 rupees in
community, and identity as Parsis at all times and three annual installments ([2], pp. 13–16; [26]).
under all conditions. Economic Accomplishments During the Colo-
In the centuries since their arrival in India, nial Period: It was at Bombay and under British
Parsi enterprise had diversified from largely agri- imperialism that the Zoroastrians radically trans-
cultural pursuits to commercial activities. From formed their state and set the foundations for the
the eighteenth century, Surat emerged as a center accomplishments of the community within and
of Parsi trade and prosperity. In such competitive without India. Bombay became a British colonial
commercial climates, the Parsi merchants sensed possession from 1662, and Parsi merchants were
the opportunity to cooperate with the equally new some of its first inhabitants taking advantage of
European commercial entities. In turn, the Parsis’ British security and a new center of commercial
involvement in the procurement of goods, local activity. By the late eighteenth century, Bombay
trade, and financial brokerage attracted the atten- emerged as a major entrepôt on the west coast of
tion of the Europeans desirous of local contacts. India, and in 1780, the first census taken by the
Parsis from the eighteenth century functioned as Bombay Grain Committee showed 3,087 Parsis
hawkers and traders, interpreters, contractors, and out of a population of 33,444 individuals [27]. At
intermediaries providing European merchants Bombay, the Parsis defined the nature of the com-
with fresh water, food, clothing, alcohol, boats, munity as a whole and shaped their responsibili-
and various provisions and articles. ties and obligations to one another. By the
Parsi commercial accomplishment of the eigh- nineteenth century, the Parsis were a socially
teenth century is best typified in Rustam Manock adaptive community safeguarding an orthodox
of Surat. Manock was premier Parsi broker- faith. Bombay became the headquarters of the
merchant of the eighteenth century who devel- Parsi community of India and exercised influence
oped a network of commercial and political con- over the world Zoroastrian diaspora.
tacts. Rustam was chief broker to both the The Parsis’ social adaptability proved highly
Portuguese and British offering credit and con- successful under British imperialism, and the
tacts, and in turn gaining new trading partners Parsis emerged as a model of Indian community
and sources of patronage [25]. A complex net- under imperialism. The early Parsi traders at
work of imperial and colonial relations emerged Bombay were the founders of great families
that tied Indian financiers, moneylenders, and closely connected with the development of the
credit guarantors such as Parsis to Europeans Parsi community. Among the rising merchant-
involved in internal and overseas trade. Further- princes of Bombay were the Nanabhais, Dorabjis,
more, a new political atmosphere also emerged Patels, Banajis, Modis, and Jamsetji Jejeebhoys.
whereby certain Indians, many of them Parsis, Kharshedji Pochaji Panday built some of the first
were subordinated to imperial power. Rustam fortifications of the city. Dorabji Nanabhai col-
Manock and his sons encountered many difficulties lected a head tax on emigrants to the city, and in
in their dealings with the British East India Com- 1692, his son Rustamji Dorabji defended the city
pany. The British reneged on financial commit- from attackers, earning him the title of patel or
ments to the Manock family to the sum of over chief from the British. Rustamji’s son, Cowasji
700,000 rupees, and British officials persecuted the Rustamji Patel, controlled the trade of Bombay
family over the compensation. In 1722, Rustam’s harbor and played a prominent role in the devel-
sons Framji and Bomanji were detained for raising opment of Bombay and service to the Parsi
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748 Zoroastrian Accomplishments from the Tenth to the Twentieth Century

community. The Modis, who were of priestly Jivanji Readymoney was the first Parsi to sail to
background, took their surname from their asso- China in 1756. The Limjis, Bhardas, Camas,
ciation with East India Factory in Surat as stew- Readymoneys, Wadias, and Jejeebhoys were
ards and supply agents. The Petits were supply involved in the China trade, and facilitated the
agents and interpreters for the British, French, rise of the first Zoroastrian communities outside
and Dutch trading companies, and took the sur- Iran and India. By the 1830s, Parsi communities
name from the nickname the French gave the appeared in Canton, Amoy, and Shanghai, and the
founder of the family Nasarvanji Kavasji Petit first Parsi burial ground outside India appeared in
for his slight build. Hirji Jivanji, the second of Macao in 1829 ([16], p. 254).
three brothers who were known as Readymoney, Jamsetji Jejeebhoy was the premier Parsi
was a broker to Forbes & Co., the first mercantile China trader, making five personal trips to
house in India ([2], pp. 9–11, 38–40, 53–65, China, and establishing a shipping and commer-
70–77, 253–259; [28]). cial family business empire from the trade.
As Percival Spear remarks, “the Parsi ship- Jejeebhoy became wealthy largely through the
builder rather than the English merchant was the trade in opium, building a network of associations
true maker of Bombay” [29]. In 1735, Lowji with family members, other Parsis, other Indian
Nusserwanji Wadia came to Bombay from Surat merchants, Chinese contacts, and European com-
on invitation as shipbuilder and later master mercial houses in particular that of Jardine
builder to the British. The Wadias were Matheson & Co. of Canton. Indian opium
a premier family in Bombay, and were ship- financed much of the private British firms’ tea
builders and agents for the British. Parsi ship- purchases in China. Parsi traders treated the
builders introduced entrepreneurial, managerial, opium trade as a lucrative enterprise alongside
design, and industrial changes under British the trade in other commodities, and benefited
encouragement and patronage that led to the from the opium wars between the Britain and
development of large-scale manufacturing and China. At the same time, they bore the risks asso-
labor organization at Bombay. This represented ciated with an overseas trade including the loss of
the most advanced form of industrial organization shipments, detainment by the Chinese authorities,
for the time. Parsi technical innovation formed the disadvantages of the costs of consignments,
another aspect of the Parsi ability to adapt to the delays in credit remittance, and price fluctuations
preservation of identity. By the nineteenth cen- [33, 34].
tury, Maria Graham noted the Parsis were “the Parsi enterprise in the middle of the nineteenth
richest class of inhabitants” that controlled an century was built on the accomplishments of
extensive commercial empire in Bombay and previous generations. The Parsi capital elites
Western India [30, 31]. of mid-century, consequently, were often the
Part of the Parsis’ economic success lay in the descendants of early merchants. Trade wealth
China trade. The development of the trade with provided for the rise of the banking and insur-
China was essential to the commercial success of ance, cotton, and manufacturing industries partly
India for the West, and opened a new chapter in in Parsi hands. The Bombay Chamber of Com-
Asian globalization. Parsis were some of the first merce started in 1836, with 10 of the original 25
Indians part of the “country trade,” transshipping members being Parsi. Members of the Wadia,
goods between India and China. Great Parsi Dadiseth, Banaji, Petit, and Readymoney fami-
wealth emerged from the China trade, principally lies were all involved in the financial history of
in cotton, silk, and opium, from the middle of the Bombay [35, 36].
eighteenth to the first half of the nineteenth cen- The cotton industry in Bombay was one of the
tury. The early Parsis involved in the China trade first large-scale enterprises to emerge as a result of
had to rely on the volume, quality, and efficient the rise of banking and changing trade patterns.
conduct of their trade to realize profits [32]. Hirji The cotton mill industry in Bombay emerged as
Zoroastrian Accomplishments from the Tenth to the Twentieth Century 749

Western India’s leading industry, dominated by an India, Parsis felt the sense of their mutual depen-
elite oligopoly of Indian firms, with Parsi firms dence, materially, socially, religiously, and mor-
controlling 34 out of 95 mills up to the twentieth ally. A complex pattern of support emerged
century [37]. With the assistance of Parsi and among the Parsis that witnessed the establishment
Indian financiers, Cowasji Nanabhoy Davar of community dwellings, building of religious
opened the first steam-powered press and cotton infrastructure and institutions, and charitable
textile mill in India in 1854, at Tardeo in Bombay. relief in times of distress. Parsis both in the pro-
The Parsis were familiar with the pattern of vincial and urban settings funded temples,
intercommunity cooperation since the early dakhmas, and wadis and baugs or residential
decades of Bombay. The Wadia, Petit, and Tata areas.
families were the largest Parsi business concerns At Bombay, charity reached great heights
associated with the textile industry. Dinsha under the patronage of the shetias or great
Manakji Petit controlled half a dozen mills begin- urban notables, and established a Parsi urban
ning in 1860, and by 1875 was one of Bombay’s social culture. The migration of Parsis to Bom-
wealthiest men and richest Parsis ([2], pp. 136, bay from provincial Gujarat followed economic
137; [38, 39]). For over half a century, Parsis opportunities and the pattern of patronage and
pioneered advances in the cotton industry in charity. Many of the early Parsis of Bombay
India. In 1879, N.N. Wadia, who managed Petit settled in the northern part of the Fort, where
Mills, founded the first of his mills, the Bombay the shetias resided and had established residen-
Dyeing & Manufacturing Co. Ltd., revolutioniz- tial quarters and the first fire temples for the
ing the process of dyeing yarn and cloth in India. Parsis [42]. In addition to essential residential
Beginning in 1877, Jamsetji Nusserwanji Tata quarters, mortuary places, and centers of wor-
introduced new spinning equipment to produce ship, other charitable public works included the
yarns of international quality at his cotton mills, building of water tanks, land reclamation
the Empress Mills and the Swadeshi Mills. The schemes, and the establishment of rest and relief
Tata business empire would diversify into iron centers known as dharamsalas. In 1725, the
and steel production and many other concerns, Parsi merchant Bhikhaji Behramji Panday sank
and set the standard for industrial growth, techni- a well on the Esplanade for the use of the resi-
cal innovation, and economic self-sufficiency in dents of Bombay, and which remains one of the
India [40, 41]. oldest wells still existent ([2], p. 56). Parsis were
also renowned for relief charity in times of
drought, famine, and fire. During the great Guja-
Social Accomplishments rat famine and plague of 1790–1791, Pestonji
Bomanji Wadia, Nusserwanji Maneckji Wadia,
Charitable Accomplishments: Among the quali- and Dadibhai Nusserwanji Dadiseth provided aid
ties most associated with the Zoroastrians is char- to thousands of Parsis settling in Bombay for
itableness. Parsi charity was a significant factor in a period of 10 months, at a cost of 5,800 rupees
the elaboration of a sense community, self-image, to each of the three men ([2], pp. 72, 77; [43]).
and community reputation among the modern Parsi charity also extended across India and con-
Zoroastrians. Parsi charity was borne of various tributed to social networking, particularly as
impulses including deep religious obligation, Parsis forged new trade and commercial oppor-
a moral humanitarianism, and the sense of oppor- tunities. For example, at Calcutta in 1822,
tunity to benefit community life. The Parsis forged Naoroji Sorabji Umrigar had a dakhma built,
charitable linkages within the community, within and in 1839 R.C. Banaji had the first fire temple
the larger Indian social milieu, within colonial built to serve the needs of the Parsis of Calcutta
public culture, and post-Independence in India and Bengal, in what was known as Parsi Church
and around the world. From their arrival in Street ([16], p. 253; [44]).
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750 Zoroastrian Accomplishments from the Tenth to the Twentieth Century

The Parsi sense of community also extended to Parsi charity also took account of events in
the greater community. During the Great Fire of Europe. One of the earliest recorded donations
Bombay of 1803, over a 1,000 houses, govern- by a Parsi was for 250 rupees, to provide famine
ment barracks, churches, Hindu temples, and relief in Ireland in 1822. Twenty-five years later
Vacha Modi’s fire temple were destroyed. Naoroji Parsis gave over 10,000 rupees in relief during the
Sorabji Sett housed government officials in his great potato famine ([26], pp. 165, 474). The
bungalow, and Pestonji Bomanji Wadia offered United Kingdom was the chief center for Parsi
food and shelter to the homeless at his home in charity to non-Parsi concerns outside India with
Parel [45]. In May 1857, during a prolonged donations going to various causes from patriotic
drought, Edulji Nusserwanji Colabawalla supplied funds to educational and medical endowments.
fresh water to the inhabitants of Colaba at his own The first Zoroastrian diaspora in the West was
expense. During the Gujarat drought and famine of taking shape in Britain in London and in 1861,
1863–1864, Cursetjee Furdoonjee Parekh arranged the Zoroastrian Association, later to be the Trust
to feed 3,000 people in Surat and Broach for 3 Funds of Europe (ZTFE), began as the first Zoro-
months, at a cost of almost 88,000 rupees. Parekh astrian community institutional body and Asian
donated over 4,000,000 rupees to public projects association in the western world [50].
and humanitarian causes in his life, and is Parsi charity assumed a greater political signif-
renowned for contributing 20,500 rupees for build- icance under imperialism as it became an expres-
ing the Flora Fountain in Bombay ([2], sion of the place and aspirations of Parsi elites in
pp. 124–130; [3], pp. 90, 91; [46, 47]). colonial society. British imperialism in India
Parsi charity furthermore was not limited to the affected the character of Parsi charity, as the Brit-
confines of India. The Zoroastrians of Iran were ish encouraged new forms of Western-style char-
a major concern for the Parsis of India. Many ity that included the contribution to educational
Parsis provided aid for their beleaguered co-reli- institutions, hospitals, and patriotic funds. Parsi
gionists. For example, in the eighteenth century, charity toward British causes became a symbol of
Nasarvanji Kohiyar, dubash or agent for the the social, cultural, and political affinities between
Dutch at Surat, built and maintained a fire temple the two communities. Jamsetji Jejeebhoy first
for the Zoroastrians of Yazd, which contained gauged the multiple advantages of charity in colo-
a sacred fire brought from Surat ([2], pp. 38, 39). nial society. Jejeebhoy’s charities encompassed
Parsi concern for the Zoroastrians of Iran led in public works, non-communal charities, and
1853 to the creation of the Society for the Amelio- Parsi-centered donations reflecting his diverse
ration of the Condition of the Zoroastrians in Persia political, social, and religious outlook. Jejeebhoy
and a relief Fund, under the cotton merchant M.F. was the first Indian, indeed, the first non-European
Panday. In 1854, the businessman Manekji Limji colonial subject, to suggest large-scale charitable
Hataria went to Iran as emissary of the Parsis and projects in partnership with the British, whereby
the Society to report on the condition of the Iranian the British acted as equal co-financiers and
Zoroastrians, principally of Yazd and Kerman, that trustees of the charity. The Jamsetji Jejeebhoy
led the Parsis to mobilize their wealth and socio- Hospital and the Jamsetji Jejeebhoy Parsi Benev-
political contacts in India and Britain to materially olent Institution are his signature charities. The
and morally aid the Iranians ([26], pp. 659–662; Jamsetji Jejeebhoy Hospital was the first civilian
[48, 49]). The efforts of the Parsis on behalf of the hospital in India and between 1840 and 1852 cost
Iranian Zoroastrians marked a historic change in Jejeebhoy over 200,000 rupees or over 20,000 lb
the relationship between the diaspora and ancestral sterling. The Sir Jamsetji Jejeebhoy Parsi Benev-
communities. The Bombay Parsis effectively olent Institution built in 1849 was Jejeebhoy’s
assumed the leadership of the world Zoroastrian largest public charity at a cost of some 444,000
community as they had over the Parsis of India two rupees or over 44,000 lb sterling. The Institution
centuries earlier. was the first independent Indian-run educational
Zoroastrian Accomplishments from the Tenth to the Twentieth Century 751

institution in Western India, which in 1860 oper- of many Parsi-run schools established by the
ated 18 schools educating some 2,000 pupils of Parsis. From the late 1840s, Parsis attending gov-
both genders [51]. ernment-run, Indian and Parsi-run, and Parsi-
From the second half of the nineteenth century, financed and run schools led to one of the greatest
the wealth of the industrial era fuelled new Parsi achievements of the Zoroastrians in India: a new
charitable energies, and provided for the improve- generation of educated reformers. Education
ment of Bombay civic society. Between 1850 and became a marker of Zoroastrian identity, and
1910, the greater part of the religious endowments included the equal educational development of
of the Parsi community was constructed. One fire females alongside males. For example, on Octo-
temple, dakhma, or burial ground emerged every ber 21, 1849, the Students’ Literary and Scientific
year somewhere in India. The greater part of the Society opened six schools in Bombay for the
modern Parsi social infrastructure also took shape. education of 24 Hindu and 44 Parsi girls. On
From the 1830s to the 1930s, over 400 schools, March 23, 1858, the Parsi Girls’ School Associa-
libraries, hospitals, and medical facilities were tion was formally dedicated to the promotion of
built or funded, principally for Parsis, with over female education [53–55]. Educated reformers
200 additional projects and funds going to various such as Naoroji Fardunji, S.S. Bengallee, K.R.
non-Parsi causes inside and outside India. The Cama, Cornelia Sorabji, Dadabhai Naoroji,
greater part of the modern Parsi social housing Dinsha Wacha, Pherozeshah Mehta, and Bhikaiji
took shape. Both individual charity and charitable Cama would champion social, religious, and
trusts constructed over 40 baugs or housing political reforms within and without the Zoroas-
colonies, and dharamsalas or rest centers to the trian community.
1930s. From the middle of the twentieth century, Indeed, the transformation of the educational
another great wave of building Parsi social hous- state of the Zoroastrians would lay the founda-
ing commenced. From 1909 to 1939, Parsi tions for the Zoroastrians to operate in all social
charities showed a total annual income of over milieus in India and around the world. Individuals
a million rupees, and reaching a 1-year record of like Dadabhai Naoroji, the first Asian member of
seven-and-a-half-million rupees in 1934 ([26], the British parliament in 1892, Dinsha Wacha,
pp. 249–254; [52]). Pherozeshah Mehta, and Bhikaiji Cama, and
Parsi charity marked a major achievement of others articulated in politics a sense of national
the Zoroastrians of India. Parsi charity identity in India among Parsis, and by the twenti-
underscored Zoroastrian pious sentiments, pro- eth century, Zoroastrians embraced a broader
vided for the support of Parsis and promoted the sense of identity in addition to their community
betterment of the social milieu in general, and identity. The Zoroastrians’ achievements contin-
formulated a potent argument for Parsi relevancy ued in post-Independence India, Britain, and in
in society. Furthermore, Parsi charity became the new world diaspora communities of twentieth
a potent symbolic marker of Zoroastrian identity. century migration. In the areas of science and
The charitable persona of the Zoroastrian of India technology, business, literature and the arts, aca-
was established as a result of the munificence. The demics, sports, and community service, the Zoro-
Calcutta Courier of May 24, 1837, noted the astrians have maintained the historical pattern of
Parsis to be “an active, intelligent and enterprising enhancing the productive capacities of the social
race. . .whose enjoyment is the satisfaction of milieus in which they operate.
spreading the influence of their wealth among The Zoroastrians’ achievements are all the
the whole community” ([44], p. 19). more significant and poignant given the serious
Education and the Broadening of Identity: One demographic decline they face from the second
of the signature benefits of Zoroastrian charity half of the twentieth century. The dilemmas of
was the building of educational institutions in a precipitous demographic decline, aging popula-
India. The J.J.P.B. Institution was only the first tion, and the concomitant effects of both place the
Z
752 Zoroastrian Accomplishments from the Tenth to the Twentieth Century

religious, economic, charitable, and social 16. Seervai KN, Patel BB (1899) Gujarat Parsis from their
achievements of the Zoroastrians of India in earliest settlement to the present time. In: Campbell
JM (ed) Gazetteer of Bombay presidency, vol 9, part 2.
stark perspective. Notwithstanding great chal- Bombay, p 252
lenges, the Zoroastrians of India and the global 17. Seervai KN, Patel BB (1899) Gujarat Parsis from their
Zoroastrian diaspora refuse to see themselves as earliest settlement to the present time (to 1898). In:
a dying community, and will no doubt continue to Campbell JM (ed) Gazetteer of Bombay presidency,
vol 9, part 2. Government Central Press, Bombay,
celebrate a history of Zoroastrian achievements. pp 247–251
18. Dhalla MN (1938) History of Zoroastrianism. Oxford
University Press, New York, p 448
Cross-References 19. JamaspAsa KM (2002) A general account of Iranian
studies. In: Godrej PJ, Mistree FP (eds) A Zoroastrian
tapestry: art, religion and culture. Mapin, Ahmedabad,
▶ Zoroastrian Migration and Settlement in India pp 399–407
▶ Zoroastrianism, Historic Correspondence 20. Hodivala SK (1920) The Parsis of ancient India. The
▶ Zoroastrianism, History Sanj Vartaman Press, Bombay
21. Boyce M (1979) Zoroastrians: their religious beliefs
and practices. Routledge, London, pp 165–173
22. Raychaudhuri T (1983) The eighteenth century back-
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to 1947. In: The Cambridge economic history of India, Farrokh Jal Vajifdar
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38. Rutnagur SM (1927) Bombay industries: the cotton
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39. Mehta SD (1954) The cotton mills of India, 1854 to
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41. A short history of the ‘Empress Mills,’ Nagpur. Started
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42. Cf. General Department 1832 15/260: 317 and Gen-
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43. Wadia RA (1964) Scions of Lowjee Wadia. South Central Asia were of settled pastoralist
Krishnamurthi, Bombay, p 99
44. Choudhury RR (1978) Glimpses of old Calcutta
societies where stockbreeding – specifically of
(period 1836–50). The Statesman, Bombay, p 18 horses and domesticated cattle – was the mainstay
45. Mody JRP (1959) Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy the first Indian of their economy with, secondarily, agriculture.
knight and baronet. RMDC Press, Bombay, pp 16–17 These occupations, seasonally regulated,
46. Bombay Times, May 11, 1857
47. Patell BB (comp) (1888) Parsee Prakash: being
depended upon reliable time reckoning for the
a record of important events in the growth of the proper fulfilling of their labors and aspirations,
Parsee community of western India, chronologically festivities and custom-based rituals for traditional
arranged (in Gujarati), vol 2. Sanj Vartaman Press, religious observances.
Bombay, pp 305, 561
48. Boyce M (1969) Manekji Limji Hataria in Iran. In: KR
Concrete solar and lunar phenomena gave rise
Cama Oriental Institute Golden Jubilee Volume, Bom- to luni-solar primitive calendars of unreliable,
bay, pp 19–31 alternating 12 or 13 months: a greater precision
49. Karaka DS (1884) History of the Parsis, vol 1. Mac- of regulatory time-reckoning became necessary to
millan, London, pp 71–81
50. Hinnells JR (1996) Zoroastrians in Britain: the
prevent too serious a drift with seasonal changes.
Ratanbai Katrak lectures, University of Oxford 1985. Dispensing with lunar-based observations, the
Clarendon, Oxford early Zoroastrians used a calendar day that
51. Palsetia JS (2005) Merchant charity and public iden- extended from one sunrise to the next, with its
tity formation in colonial India: the case of Jamsetjee
Jejeebhoy. J Asian Afr Stud 40(3):197–217
steady lengthening and shortening in the fixed
52. Hinnells JR (1985) The flowering of Zoroastrian course of the solar year. Both month and day
benevolence: Parsi charity in the 19th and 20th centu- names reflect the essentially hieratic nature of
ries. In: Bailey H, Bivar ADH, Duchesne-Guillemin their devotional calendar.
J (eds) Papers in honour of Mary Boyce, 2 vols. E.J.
Brill, Leiden, pp 261–326
In a cosmogonic verse [1] of his “Questions to
53. Students Literary and Scientific Society (1860) Pro- Ahura Mazda,” Zarathushtra outlines the daily
ceedings of the Students Literary and Scientific Soci- round of sleep and work for the right-living
ety 1856–57, Bombay agro-pastoralist as dawn, noon, and eventide
54. Bombay Times, March 31, 1858, March 10, 1859
55. Shroff Z (2001) The contributions of Parsis to the
duties. He does not interest himself in further
education of Bombay City 1820–1920. Himalaya Pub- time divisions, leaving these to priests observant
lishing House, Bombay of their traditional rituals.

Z
754 Zoroastrian Calendars and Festivals

The 12 Zoroastrian Months (māhs) commenced with the winter solstice from which
annual point the days gradually lengthened, when
The 12 months, māhs, each uniformly of 30 days, in the sun began its steady northward journey to
trimestral seasonal arrangements with their appella- inaugurate a new round of the seasons.
tives and Common Era (C.E.) equivalents are: Whereas the astronomical indications require
two (equal) semestral divisions of the 360-
[Spring] day year, the necessity for an additional
harvesting month – Mihr, September 17–October
(1) Fravardīn (March 21–April 19) (Farrokh 16 – resulted in a 7-month “summer” and a 5-
Fravardīn) month “winter” [2]. In Table 1, the first, middle,
(2) Ardibehešt(April 20–May 19) (Ardibehesht and end months of each division were denoted
Amshaspand) wihēzag(ī g), “progressive; (having) movement,”
(3) Hordād (May 20–June 18) (Khordad marked (W) to show some especial functioning
Amshaspand) according to the early calendrical texts, although
unclear today.
[Summer] Five epagomenae or intercalated days were
originally added to the end of Ābān month
(4) Tīr (June 19–July 18) (Teshtar Tir Yazad) (November 16–20) which, having thus postponed
(5) Amardād (July 19–August 17) (Amardad the commencements of the māhs of Ādar, Dai,
Amshaspand) Bahman and Spandārmad by 5 days, would have
(6) Šahrevar (August 18–September 16) correctly placed the winter solstice on December
(Shahrevar Amshaspand) 21 or Spandārmad ruz of Dai māh. With the for-
ward leap of these 5 days from the end of Ābān
[Autumn] māh to after the close of Spandārmad māh (March
16–20), the dislodged winter solstice fell back to
(7) Mihr (September 17–October 16) (Mehr an incorrect placing on December 16 where Dai
Yazad) māh now commences (see Table 1).
(8) Ābān (October 17–November 15) (Aban A formalized Zoroastrian theology required
Yazad) the presence in its evolving calendar of the six
(9) Ādar (November 16–December 15) (Adar mediating agencies – the aməša spəntas (lit.
Yazad) “Bountiful Immortals”) of the supreme Creator
Ahura Mazda. Its compilers took these commonly
[Winter] reckoned six aspects and inserted them as month
names into the devotional year. The Dai year
(10) Dai/Dādhv/Dīn (December 16–January 14) (now beginning 5 days before the actual winter
(Dai Dādār) solstice) was originally followed by the six aməša
(11) Bahman (January 15–February 13) spənta months headed by Bahman/Vohu Mana,
(Bahman Amshaspand) seen as closest to the Creator Mazda. They now
(12) Spandārmad (February 14–March 15) form months 11, 12, 2, 3, 5, and 6, without fixed
(Spandārmad Amshaspand) order.
However, an older stratum of beliefs in ances-
The arrangement of the Zoroastrian months tor-worship – the cult of the fravašis – at the very
can only be partly explained. Dai/Dādhv (some- start of the spring-commenced year, was adhered
times Dīn) the tenth month of the spring- to before the introduction of the five epagomenae.
commenced year, celebrating the Creator (Dādhv The Dai year’s fourth month of Fravardīn
or Dādār) Ahura Mazda; is placed at the start of retained its place at the vernal equinox in the
the 3 winter months. The earliest religious year seasonal calendar which also determined the Dai
Zoroastrian Calendars and Festivals 755

Zoroastrian Calendars and Festivals, Table 1 The Zoroastrian Sāl-i Dēnīg and the seasonal gāhānbārs
Month namesa Universal dates Seasons Gāhānbārs + universal dates
(1) FRAVARDĪN (W) March 21–April 19 Spring
(2) ARDIBEHEŠT April 20–May 19 Spring Maidyoizarəmaya: April 30–May 4
(3) HORDĀD May 20–June 18 Spring
(4) TĪR (W) June 19–July 18 Summer Maidyoišəma: June 29–July 3
(5) AMARDĀD July 19–August 17 Summer
(6) ŠAHREVAR August 18–September 16 Summer Paitiš.hahya: September 12–16
(7) MIHR (W) September 17–October 16 Autumn Ayāurima: October 12–16
(8) ĀBĀN (W) October 17–November 15 Autumn
(9) ĀDAR November 16–December 15 Autumn
(10) DAI/DĀDHV (W) December 16–January 14 Winter Maidyāirya: December 31–January 4
(11) VOHŪMAN January 15–February 13 Winter
(12) SPANDĀRMAD (W) February 14–March 15b Winter
+ Panjag-i weh (the Five Gatha Days) = Hamaspaumaēdaya #: March 16–20 (follows the March 11–15 pentad of the
relocated Fravardīgan)
# Hamaspaumaēdaya formerly stood at March 11–15 in the uncorrected calendar according to the Bundahishn (see text)
a
(W) after the month name denotes Wihēzag, applied to the beginning, mid-, and end months of the seven summer
months, and for the five winter ones
Due to precession, the zodiacal equivalents have retrogressed by one full sign: thus, Fravardīn is now in Mahig/Pisces;
Spandārmad in Dol/Aquarius
b
In a Leap Year when the Sāl-i Dēnīg inserts the Awardād-sāl gāh leap day equivalent, Spandārmad is from February 14
to March 14, and Hamaspaumaēdaya/Panjag-i weh is from March 15 to 19 (or 16–20 )), with the Awardād-sāl gāh on
March 20 (( or March 15 if as second Aneran)

year’s seventh, Tīr/Tištrya/Teštar – the bringer “weekly” divisions. Nineteen of these days,
of rain. Owing to their extraordinary religio- marked **, have their particular Yashts or hymns
cultural importance at those seasonally fixed of praise.
times in the calendar, both these months
interrupted the hexadic aməša spənta pattern. 1. (Dādār) Hormazd**
Commemorating Mithra, the Waters, and Fire, 2. Bahman** (Amshaspand)
the placements of months 7, 8, and 9 – Mihr, 3. Ardibehešt** (Amshaspand)
Ābān, and Ādar – make sound sense. Mithra- 4. Šahrevar (Amshaspand)
worship, which arguably preceded Zarathushtra’s 5. Spandārmad (Amshaspand)
Mazdayasna, had never been displaced in pious 6. Hordād** (Amshaspand)
affections. As personification of sacral Friendship 7. Amardād (Amshaspand)
and the inviolable Contract, this most ancient 8. Dai pa Ādar (Dadhv/Dadar)
deity makes his reappearance immediately after 9. Ādar (Yazad)
the sixth aməša spənta – a significant token of the 10. Ābān** (Aredvī Sūr Banū) (Yazad)
old worship reverentially ranked after Mazda, 11. Khorshed** (Yazad)
Zarathushtra’s sole Ahura. 12. Māh/Mohor** (Yazad)
13. Tīr** (Yazad)
14. Gōš** (Yazad)
The 30 Days of the Zoroastrian Month 15. Dai pa Mihr (Dādhv/Dādār)
(rūz/rōzs) 16. Mihr** (Yazad)
17. Srōš** (Yazad)
The 30 days, rūz/rōzs, are listed with their dedi- 18. Rašn** (Rast Yazad)
catees and respective connotations in four 19. (Farrokh) Fravardīn** Z
756 Zoroastrian Calendars and Festivals

20. Bahrām** (Yazad) “Week” 4, again with 8 days, commences with

21. (Mino) Rām** Dādhv/Dai pa Dīn, Creator of the Religion (day
22. Vād/Gōvād (Yazad) 23, “adjacent to (the day) Dīn”), followed by the
23. Dai pa Dī n (Dādhv/Dādār) day of the Religion (Dīn); Aši, the personification
24. Dīn** (Yazad) of Rewards; Rectitude; Sky; Spirit of the Earth –
25. (Mino) Ašišvang** Zām yazata; the Sacred Teaching; and the Endless
26. Āštād** (Yazad) Lights where dwells Ahura Mazda. Four yazatas
27. (Mino) Āsmān are prefixed with mino: Ašišvang, Āsmān,
28. Zamyād** (Yazad) Māhraspand, Anēran. The day-names here are
29. (Mino) Māhraspand a miscellany of abstract notions and entities from
30. (Mino) Anerān the Religion, the Dīn. Unaccountably absent is
Hōm/Haoma which has a token, but nonetheless
Arranged over 4 “weeks,” the month was orga- central role in the rituals.
nized in the quadripartite divisions of 7 + 7 + 8 + Correspondences between the two Sī rōzas and
8 days. Each “week” bears at its head the name of the Yašts dedicated to these divine helpmates are
the Creator: Hormazd/Ahura Mazda for the noted, and duly venerated in daily worship as
first, and thereafter with his standing epithet of beneficent spiritual powers and universal forces.
Dai/Dādhv (“Creator”), to begin the rest: thus the Jashans/Yazishns are held as commemorative
days 1, 8, 15, and 23 are dedicated to him. ceremonies on the 12 day and month conjunctions
The 30 days, rūz/rōz, are together listed – in in the devotional year, and are dedicated to the
Yasna16.1–6 and the lesser and greater Sı̃rōzas – month-names in which they occur. The Zarduštis
in a logical order to always display their sacerdo- of Iran once rigorously observed all 12 fixed “high
tal character: days” as named: (1) Fravardīgān (April 8);
The first “week” of 7 days leads with Ahura (2) Ardibeheštgān (April 22); (3) Hordādgān
Mazda/Hormazd followed by the traditional (May 25); (4) Tīrgān (July 1); (5) Amardādgān
sequence of the six aməša spəntas. Days 6 and 7 (July 25); (6) Šahrevargān (August 21);
are in their proper sequence. (7) Mehrgān (October 2); (8) Ābāngān (October
“Week” 2, also of 7 days, starts with Dādhv/ 26); (9) Ādargān (November 24); (10) Daigān
Dai pa Ādar, “adjacent to/preceding (the day) (January 7); (11) Bahmangān (January 16);
Fire,” followed by his creations of Fire and (12) Asfandagān (February 18).
Water, the luminaries Sun, Moon, and Tīr (repre- Among the Iranian Zoroastrians of the Dias-
sentative of zodiacal stellar clusters, but here pora, Tīrgān (in the fourth month), and Mehrgān
occupying the 13th day), and the Sacred Kine: (in the seventh) constitute two of their major cel-
they are part of the material creation. All are ebrations based on ancient legends. The dissimi-
yazatas/yazads. larity of the legendary Iranian archer Èrəwša with
“Week” 3, with 8 days, again begins with Orion, the great hunter of Greek mythology
Dādhv/Dai pa Mihr/Mithra (day 15, “adjacent placed among the stars, should be noticed – the
to (the day) Mihr”), followed by Mihr/Mithra, tir of Tīrgān by association with the stellar Tīr/
Srōsh and Rashn, the three yazatas who judge, Tištrya, the blessed bringer of beneficial rain;
intercede for, and weigh the souls of the departed Orion, with his two dogs, is the harbinger of
at the Činwad/Činvat bridge-head; then the stormy weather and sultry days, diēs caniculārēs
Fravašis’ day, prefixed by Farrokh, “Glorious”; or hēmerai kunades – around the time of the
the victorious yazata Bahrām/Vərəyragna; Rām, heliacal rising of Sirius, the Dog Star, noticed
prefixed mino, “spiritual” the yazata of Peace; and throughout the Mediterranean lands.
Gōvād/Vayu, the Benign Wind yazata. All are The time of Mehrgān was held to celebrate
beneficent spiritual powers (yazatas). the victory of the legendary Shah Fārīdūn
Zoroastrian Calendars and Festivals 757

(the Indo-Aryan Thraētaona) over that inveterate Vidēvdāt ceremony and completed at dawn when
enemy of Ancient Iran, the ill-famed tyrant the Ušahīna period closed. The order followed in
Zahhāk/Azi-Dahāk, the dragon-king in thraldom the Yasna liturgy, however, is the older Hāvan-
to Ahriman. The timing of this ancient festival commenced sequence inculcated by its priestly
originally coincided with both the gathering of composers.
the harvest and the bringing-in or return of the Rapiuwin(a) has a unique rôle in season-based
cattle from their summer pastures. Legend, how- Zoroastrian time-reckoning. This gāh occupies
ever, serves to remind the agriculturist and pas- only the seven full “summer” months – for devo-
toralist of their sacred duties toward Mazda’s tional purposes from the vernal equinox on rūz
creations of Plants and Animals. Such legends Hormazd of māh Fravardīn, until the last day of
have long sustained these festivities among the the Ayāyrī ma gāhānbār on rūz Anaghrān of māh
Iranian Zoroastrians down to present times, and Mihr (i.e., from March 21 till October 16): “when
enthusiastically resumed since by pious-minded Rapiywin comes up from below ground to ripen
Parsis in the diaspora. the fruit of the trees. . . .In those seven months the
Parsi Zoroastrians celebrate such conjunctions gāh Rapiywin is celebrated, and summer
as parabhs or paravs, although, following vague advances through the whole earth” [4]. The dura-
calendrical reckonings, these have long since tion of Rapiywin, properly reckonable for six full
diverged from their proper religious correspon- months, is extended to include the seventh month
dences. To celebrate fixed seasonal feasts as mov- of Mihr (September 17–October 16) for fruit gath-
able within an exact solar year results in neglect of ering, corn harvesting, and the return of cattle
regular intercalation: they are untimely, uncom- from the summer high pastures, or transhumance.
mitted to socioreligious precepts, and have In the remaining five “winter” months the
become merely titular affairs. Rapiywin gāh is not observed; instead, the Hāvan
Divisions of the days – the gāhs. Days were gāh extends from dawn till midafternoon (3 p.m.),
counted from sunrise to sunrise. The the other three gāhs keeping to their traditionally
nychthemeron or complete 24-h day, not anciently appointed times throughout the religious year.
reckoned in terms of equal hours, was divided into “When winter gains strength . . . the spirit of
five parts of varying duration. These are the gāhs Rapiywin goes below ground. . . .Winter sets in on
or liturgical watches extending through the full Ādar rūz of māh Dādhv/Dai (December 24) when
day and night: (1) Hāvani (dawn or sunrise to they light fires throughout” [5]: a tenet governing
midday); (2) Rapiuwina (midday to mid- its pastoral, agricultural and astronomical aspects.
afternoon (notionally 3 p.m.); (3) Uzāyeirina The fact that of the five gāhs the Rapiywin gāh
(midafternoon to sunset); (4) Aiwisrūurīma alone is commemorated with a specially dedicated
aibigaya (sunset or dusk till midnight); Āfrī n, “benediction,” signals its great importance
(5) Ušāhīna (midnight till sunrise). Known in through timely recitation as a blessing intoned in
Avestic as asnya ratavo or ayara ratavo, the the liturgy, at a fixed period of the year, for the
“day-lords” or “day-regulators.” the Hāvan(i) exact dating of the gāhānbārs. It is generally
Gāh, §1, makes the distinction that asnya refers precise, unlike the vague or floating calendars
to the daylight hours, and ayara to the full which render these crucial dates, with their dedi-
nychthemeron [3]. cated prayers, out of kilter.
Here it should be noted that in the Nirangistān, Ahura Mazda himself is said to have enjoined
a priestly ritual code, the watches commence not the Āfrī n-i Rapiuwin for celebrating that return
at the Hāvan gāh, but with the midnight gāh from the south of the Spirit of Rapiywin to make
Ušahīna, and end at midnight next with the his good earth progress – again with a fixed solar/
Aiwisruyrīma. The reason for this earlier ayara seasonal reference. Priestly custom, for which no
start is that midnight commenced the Vandī dād/ convincing reason is offered, consecrated it on the
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758 Zoroastrian Calendars and Festivals

third day, Ardibehešt, of mah Fravardī n, when the accordance with the zodiac signs of some
recitation of this Āfrin was urged of every obser- 2,000 years ago. A far higher latitude is indicated
vant Zoroastrian. than that of Yazd (32 N), suggested erroneously
Rapiuwin: recording the Seasons. What the by E.W. West [8] and incautiously repeated by F.
priestly authors were endeavoring to explain was M.P. Kotwal [9]. They helped precisely determine
the sun’s northerly and southerly elevation and the Rapiywin and the timely observance of the
declination along the noon-day meridian of gāhs and gāhānbārs: of regulatory and ritual
Rapiywin [6], where its exact position during its 6 importance to rural priesthoods ministering to an
full months, with an added harvesting seventh, agro-pastoral people.
played a determinant role in calendar computation. The decrease of the day’s length and increase
The Spirit of Rapiywin is that which presides over of the night period from midsummer to midwin-
the southern quarter and is the guardian of the way ter – between the solstices, and the increase of
to Paradise – the dwelling of Ahura Mazda [7]. Its daylight time and shortening of the night hours
earthly functions for the benefit and increase of the from midwinter to midsummer is also noted.
Good Creation were outlined in ways readily Furthermore, the statement that the “(longest)
comprehended by the rural Mazdaeans. summer day is as long as two shortest winter
Careful gauging of the onset and change of the days; and the longest winter night is as much as
seasons, and therefore the timely observances of the two shortest summer nights” [10], invites the
gāhs, using precisely the lengthening and shorten- question of the location of such regions in the
ing of the noon-day shadows cast by the sun world. Calculations have shown that these ratios
throughout the year, are all painstakingly registered permit locations approximating to latitude 49 :
in the Šāyast nē-šāyast’s 21st chapter entitled “On the line roughly drawn from Vancouver in North
the Indication of the Noon-Day Shadows.” Its impli- America to Vladivostok in the Russian Far East,
cations are far-reaching, not least for re-timings of via Vienna and Volgograd in central and Eastern
the devotional calendar due to the inversion of the Europe. Evidence for such precision for the ear-
seasons in the Southern Hemisphere lands. liest times is given in the following section which
The shadows’ increasing lengths were treats of the gāhānbārs or seasonal religious
recorded at the beginning and middle of each feasts.
successive month with its then current zodiacal
sign commencing with the shortest under
Karzang/Cancer in the fourth month of Tīr at the The Gāhānbārs: Seasonal/Timely
summer solstice, and attaining their maxima at the Religious Festivals
end of Nēm-asp/Sagittarius in the ninth month of
Ādar. The period covered is from June 19 to The gāhānbārs are the six religiously inculcated
December 15 – the very time of the sun’s 6- seasonal festivals, each of 5 days’ duration. They
month southward travel or downward move are spaced out within the 365-day solar calendar
from summer to winter (from Tīr to Ādar māh). in conformity with the systematic arrangement of
Decreasing noon-day shadows mark the sun’s the six stages of material creation – Sky, Water,
northward climb from December 16 (winter sol- Earth, Plants, Animals, and Man – through the
stice) to reach its maximum elevation around June artificially devised arithmetic of the Creator’s
18 (summer solstice), fully covering the zodiacal activity and rest periods given in the first chapter
signs from the start of Wahig/Capricorn to the end of the Bundahishn (“Book of Original Creation”):
of Do-pahikar/Gemini, or the six months from thus, (40 + 5) + (55 + 5) + (70 + 5) + (25 + 5) + (75 +
Dai/Dīn māh to Hordād māh – spanning months 5) + (70 + 5), together totaling 365 days.
10–12 plus 1–3 of the following Gregorian year. These six gāhānbārs are shown with their sea-
Registered between the longest to shortest son-based names (see Table 1), critical functions,
noon shadows, the overall ratio is 10:1, indicating order, and intervals – from their vernal commence-
the correlation of the seasons with the solar year in ment – in their Avestic and Pahlavi renderings:
Zoroastrian Calendars and Festivals 759

1. Āsmān/Sky: 40 days (rūz Ohrmazd, māh gāhānbār is celebrated, now conclude the ten
Fravardīn to rūz Ābān, māh Ardwahišt), Fravardī gān/Muktād days. It is recalled that (a)
followed by 5 days’ rest – Maidyoizarəmaya māh Fravardīn originally took its name from the
(payanh)/Maidhyōzarm gāhānbār: from rūz commemorative 5 days – from rūz Hormazd to
Khorshed to rūz Dai pa Mihr in māh rūz Spandārmad – for the annual visitation of the
Ardibehešt (days 41–45) = April 30–May 4. fravašis of the righteous departed; (b) the
2. Āb/Water: 55 days (rūz Mihr, māh Ardwahišt Hamaspaymaēdaya gāhānbār was advanced
to rūz Ābān, māh Tīr), and the 5 days’ rest – from its original place within the last pentad of
Maidyōišəma (vastro.data) / Maidhyōsham māh Spandārmad to merge with the epagomenal
gāhānbār: from rūz Khorshed to rūz Dai pa Gāthā panjag; (c) the opening pentad of māh
Mihr in māh Tīr (days 101–105) = June Fravardīn was originally intended to celebrate
29–July 3. the (two sets of) five categories of fravašis of the
3. Zamī g/Earth: 70 days (rūz Mihr, māh Tīr to living, as presented in §21 of the Fravardī n Yasht,
rūz Ašišvang, māh Šahrevar), plus 5 days’ rest – with its clear precept in §17; (d) those first 5
Paitiš.hahya (hahya) / Paitish-hah gāhānbār: commemorative days were moved back from
from rūz Āštād to rūz Anaghrān in māh māh Fravardīn (which thereafter retained only its
Šahrevar (days 176–180) = September 12–16. name, but not its original function!) on to the
closing pentad of māh Spandārmad (March
4. Urvar/Plants: 25 days (rūz Ohrmazd to rūz
11–15) to make up the ten Fravardīgān/Muktād
Ašišvang, māh Mihr), adding 5 days’ rest –
days that now end the old year (March 11–20),
Ayāurima (fraurvaeštrima varšniharšta) /
leaving rūz Hormazd māh Fravardīn as the Nō-
Ayasrim gāhānbār: from rūz Āštād to rūz
rūz/New Year’s Day; (e) Hordād Sāl, the sixth day
Anaghrān in māh Mihr (days 206–210) = Octo-
of māh Fravardīn, which Mazdaean piety has
ber 12–16.
reserved for Zarathushtra’s birth, faintly marks
5. Gāv-i ēvag-dād / Animal species: 75 days (rūz
the passing of the relocated original Fravardīgān
Ohrmazd, māh Ābān to rūz Dai pa Mihr, māh
pentad.
Dai), with 5 days’ rest – Maidyāirya (sareda)/
Maidyōišəma [II] (midsummer/summer sol-
Maidhyairim gāhānbār: from rūz Mihr to rūz
stice) and Maidyāirya [V] (midwinter/winter sol-
Bahram in māh Dai (days 286–290) = Decem-
stice) are the only two of the six gāhānbārs that
ber 31–January 4.
have a clear bearing on astronomy, being roughly
6. Gayōmard/Man: 70 days (rūz Rām, māh Dai the longest and shortest days of the year.
to rūz Anaghrān, māh Spandārmad), resting for Of the remaining four, Maidyōizarəmaya [I]
5 days after – Hamaspaumaēdaya (areto. originally denoted a mid-spring festival (payanh
kareuna) / Hamaspamaidhayam gāhānbār: refers to the richest “milk-yielding” of mid-spring,
the five Gāthā days / panjag-i weh / panjag-i whence the “butter of mid-spring” relished as
gāhānī g (days 361–365) (March 16–20). a delicacy both earthly and in the celestial afterlife
Originally observed in the uncorrected calen- (“Yasht 22,” §18) – an appropriately seasonal
dar from rūz Āštād to rūz Anaghrān in māh myazda or festive offering).
Spandārmad (days 356–360) or March 11–15, Paitiš.hahya [III], the time of harvest;
it did not allow for the later Bundahishn reck- Ayāurima [IV], the transhumance or return of
oning of the full 70 days (from rūz Rām, māh cattle from the summer pastures;
Dai to rūz Anaghrān, māh Spandārmad), Hamaspaumaēdaya [VI], the time of bestirment,
before the five intercalated gāhānbār days or commencement of outdoor and field work, all
(corresponding to the Five Gāthā days, or refer to approximate solar dates – each having
panjag-i weh). connexion with the yearly occupational rounds of
the agro-pastoral Mazdaean communities.
The panjag-i weh (lit. “the Good Pentad”) The learned priestly editor, Kavasji E. Kanga,
days, during which the Hamaspaymaēdaya of the Zoroastrian Book of Common Prayer, the
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760 Zoroastrian Calendars and Festivals

Khordēh Avastā [11], has explained the seasonal devotional calendar ceases to accord with them.
connexion of the six gāhānbārs, informing their Furthermore, such effects “are caused through
natures and functional times: neglect of what is connected naturally with the
four seasons such as the seeding and sprouting,
[I]. Maidiozarem: “pūr lī lōtari athvā bhar growth and ripening, and maturing of corn and
vasant ritūnō vakhat” – “time of full green- (other) crops; the summer and winter movements
ing or of the burgeoning spring season”. of pastoral peoples with their livestock, and the
[II]. Maidioshehem: “Pūr garmī nō vakhat” – seasonal remove of kings to and from their prov-
“time of extreme heat”. inces; the alteration of trade winds and voyaging
[III]. Paeteshhem: “anāj tathā mēvō ūtarvānō by sea which is regulated according to the sea-
vakhat” – “time for grain and fruit sonal winds.”
harvesting”. Most importantly, such neglect causes “the
[IV]. Ayathrem: as “ē bōlnō chokkas arth hajūr seasonal observances and rites of religion to
sūdhī karyō nathi” – “the precise meaning remain unperformed; they are now kept to their
of this word is still not established.” (It is seasons by the mathematicians’ (intercalary) cal-
“the bringing-in/return of cattle”). culations.” – an indication that the priestly authors
[V]. Maidiarem: “pūr sardī tathā varsādnē saw no conflict, but rather a congruence, between
lī dhē dhandhō rojgar kām chālyāthī Science and Theology to serve the spiritual and
mānasnē asāesh mēlavvānō vakhat” – “on vocational needs of both urban and agro-pastoral
account of extreme cold and rainfall, societies [14].
because progress of daily occupations is The liturgical Visparad chapters intertwining
hampered, mankind arrives at a time for the Yasnas, purposefully invoke the six
relaxation”. gāhānbārs commencing with the mid-spring
[VI]. Hamaspathmaidaem: “sardī tathā Maidyōizarəmaya worship, assuring both
garmī nū samtōl thav tathā dahadānū rāt their timeliness and relevance to Zoroastrian
tathā dī vas bē sarkhā bhāgmā vēhēchai festivities [15].
jav, yānē dī vasnū tathā rātnū barābar 12
kalāknī sarkhī lambainū thav” – “cold and
heat become equal, or daytime and night- Intercalation in Early Calendars and
time is shared between two equal parts, Rules for Intercalation
such that day and night each become
exactly of 12 hours’ duration.” The transi- In the earliest luni-solar systems no account was
tion from cold to heat, and the exact divi- taken of the 5¼ days necessary for the completion
sion of night and day hours, points to the of the true solar year beyond the 12 monthly 30-
vernal equinox when this last gāhānbār was day cycle. Under the Achaemenian rulers, the
properly celebrated. empirically intercalated luni-solar Old Persian
calendar effectively coexisted with the hieratic
Dēnkard III.419. Here follows a summary of Avestan solar reckoning. With the latter, the last
the Dēnkard chapter concerning the Solar and 5-day gāhānbār of the religious year, the
Lunar Years [12, 13], crucial for the understand- Hamaspaymaēdaya, which traditionally had occu-
ing of the Sāl-i Dēnī g or Religious Calendar, pied rūzs Aštād to Anaghrān of māh Spandārmad
stressing the imperative of observing these sea- in the uncorrected calendar, was forwarded to
sonal festivals at their strictly appointed times by merge with the panjag-i weh of the five
linking the four seasons of the year to the move- epagomenal Gatha days whose nomenclature
ment of the sun through the 12 signs of the zodiac. took up the 5-day first intercalation.
Allowing the fraction over the 365-day solar The traditionally accepted order of the Six
year to accumulate unchecked causes undue Creations – the last being the 70-day creation
neglect of the seasons since the solar-based period for Man – was used by the Bundahishn to
Zoroastrian Calendars and Festivals 761

justify this final gāhānbār being placed after the intercalated until they form a complete month
30 full days of māh Spandārmad and made to (i.e., every 120 years). Intercalation should not
double up with the Five Gāthā Days. This strata- be delayed beyond 5 months (i.e., for more than
gem, while satisfying the arithmetical basis of 600 years). In summarizing the juridico-religious
a sociocultural need, pacified the ruffled religious Pajag/Pachi Nask [17], regarding the organiza-
instincts of the conservative Mazdaean congrega- tion of the gāhānbārs and the extreme importance
tions through an authoritative religious gloss. of the 10 days’ fravardī gān (muktād) ceremo-
Accordingly, the Bundahishn, one of two main nies, it emphasizes that their times are deter-
sources for the religious calendar, made the Crea- mined by the summer and winter reckoning of
tor rest for 5 days after his 70-day creative activity the 365-day calendar.
from rūz Rām in māh Dādhv/Dai till rūz The point of insertion of this impractical 120-
Anaghrān in māh Spandārmad. The 5-day rest year method becomes highly significant: it pre-
period that followed the 30 days of Spandārmad sents the shortcomings of the lunar calendar – the
began therefore with rūz Ohrmazd until rūz new-fangled, uncorrected one adapted from the
Spandārmad [16], but this required extension Semitic system by the Arabs – then being pressed
would be seen to have occurred within an unthink- upon the Iranian populace: clearly a temporizing
able thirteenth month. Its resolution came about tactic! Another tilt at the unworkable Islamic sys-
with an explanatory “Those five days are tem is noticed: “the day ought always to be reck-
gāhānbār. Some call them the ‘stolen days,’ some oned first, then the night” – a directive against the
the ‘days filched away.’” Modern Persian uses the Semitic mode of starting the day at sunset, and the
Arabic expression khamsa-ye mustaraqa – “the month with the first sighting of the new crescent
five stolen days.” Popular beliefs held either moon.
that the five were filched from the new year The Bundahishn chapter [18] unequivocally
following, or from that which the fugitive warns: “As it is said, ‘those who declare for the
Hamaspaymaēdaya gāhānbār had been originally moon confound everything. . . He who arranges
stolen: “. . .(others) call them the five Gathic the year according to the moon’s revolution, mixes
periods; some the Good Pentad.” Thus was up summer with winter, and winter with summer’”
established the religious legitimacy of the first Proof of the Zoroastrian adoption of the qua-
intercalation, under the consensual authority of drennial intercalation can be adduced from
the scholar-priests of old. Zādspram’s “On the accomplishment of the
The methods of intercalation are outlined in the Frashegird,” concerning the millennial scheme
Dēnkard (l.c.): “In 4 years these become approx- of historical time: “When the Aggressor had
imately 1 day; in 40 years 10 days; in 120 years come upon (Ohrmazd’s) Creation, there remained
1 month; in 600 years 5 months; and in six thousand calculated years. . . On the comple-
1440 years 1 year.” One is cautioned that while tion of the six thousand years, the equivalent of
the annual path of the sun across the zodiacal belt four years remain, for during every four years an
signals the seasons, wrongly intercalating the intercalary day had not been added: in six thou-
fraction exceeding its 365 full days leads to sand years these become equal to four years”
neglect of the seasons, with disruption of the [19].
seasonal gāhānbārs and associated religious rites The simultaneous 8-month intercalation in the
(yasnas/jashans). They are kept to their seasons early sixth century C.E., referred to by Zādspram,
by “the mathematicians’ calculations at the com- indicates a dysfunction of the impractical month-
mand of the rulers for the occupational and reli- per-120-year method – it was evidently not regu-
gious benefit of the people,” i.e., the civil and larly followed even in times of Sasanian Zurvanite
religious calendars were merged and maintained orthodoxy.
in full Church-State concordance. The highest authority is invoked in the post-
Of the five methods of intercalation, the Sasanian Dī na-i Mēnōg-i Khrad [DMK] to ratify
Dēnkard III.419 warns: Days should not be the responses made through the power of Spiritual
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762 Zoroastrian Calendars and Festivals

Wisdom (Ohrmazd) to a miscellany of questions Bundahishn and the Dēnkard when they realized
from a devout lay Mazdayasnian. Its 49th chapter the cause of steady seasonal drift, and the effects
explains the function and influence of the sun, of allowing it to long continue unchecked.
moon, and stars. Its answers pertaining to the Zādspram, in the ninth century C.E. refers to it
calendar are: “The motions of sun and moon in his chronological chapter in the paragraph
respectively illuminate the earth, and bring to concerning Zardusht’s life span and its dating:
fruition all procreation and growth, and the “In the forty-seventh year [of the Revelation]
proper observing of the days, months, and years; Zardusht died, aged seventy-seven years and
also summer and winter, spring and autumn, and forty days, in the month of Ardwahisht and the
determine the computations of all kinds by which day of Khwar/Khorshed. Because of the eight
mankind recognizes, observes and fully compre- intercalary months it is carried forward to the
hends the movements of sun and moon.” day of Khwar/Khorshed in the month of Dai;
Chapter 57 of the DMK partly echoes the for the yazishn/jashan [ceremonial commemora-
Bundahishn imagery of the motion of sun, tion], however, it is in the same month of
moon, and constellations around the world- Ardwahisht” [22].
encircling Alborz chain to enforce the timely Counting back 40 days arrives at the vernal
injunctions on the six gāhānbārs and the equinox on Fravardīn māh and Hormazd rūz
Fravardī gān’s supplementary pentad additional around which time Zādspram believed the
to the uncorrected 360-day year. Prophet was born: Hordād Sāl, the sixth day of
Al-Bīrūnī mentions the 30-day, or 6-pentad, māh Fravardīn. The era of Zarathushtra, however,
intercalation every 6 years to account for the remains a matter of scholarly debate and does not
month’s drift, although it is unsure when and concern the evolution of the devotional calendar.
where this was made. The 5 auxiliary days were The Gregorian Rule for Intercalation. The
further explained in the Bundahishn with refer- Gregorian system, operational since the sixteenth
ence to the 180 sunrise “windows” to the East, and century C.E., was itself a product of evolution and
the 180 sunset ones to the West of the world- adjustments, albeit with inbuilt inconsistencies in
encircling Alborz mountain chain. In the course the names and length of the months, and its obser-
of its perennial journeys “around the earth”: vation of holidays and festivals – some fixed,
the Sun enters and leaves by exactly designated others movable. In the crucial matter of intercala-
pairs/sets of “windows/apertures” in daily tion it has since satisfied the long-term require-
succession [20]. ments of the mean solar year by keeping pace with
The new 365-day calendar was plainly its seasonal indications.
intended to be solar – a change attested only The difference caused by the inexact fractions
after the primitive Old Persian calendar reform around the quarter day in the Julian system
recommended by Darius I’s advisers on his return amounting to 3 days in 400 years, the intercala-
from Egypt. In accounting for the extra 5 days, the tions were ordered to be omitted on all the cente-
Iranian authorities cryptically declared: “In those nary years excepting those which are multiples of
five Gathic days it arrives and departs from the 400. The Gregorian Rule initially gives 97 inter-
same window which is not specified, for, had it calations in 400 years; a simple calculation shows
been mentioned, the demons/divs would have dis- that these 400 years contain 365  400 +
covered the secret and been enabled to introduce 97 = 146,097 days. Therefore each year contains
disruption”! [21]. 365.2425 days = 365 days + 5 h + 49 min + 12 s,
This early reform still left unresolved the prob- which exceeds the true solar year of 365 days +
lem of the quarter day by which the true solar year 5 h + 48 min + 46 s by 26 s, or 1 day in
exceeded the 365-day computation. The clear 3,323 years.
need for further intercalation was soon felt by The Gregorian Rule was further corrected by
the priestly redactors of the ninth/tenth century making the year 4000 and all its multiples
Zoroastrian Calendars and Festivals 763

common years. The amended Gregorian Rule Only Amardād/Amərətāt, the “Un-dying-ness”
of Intercalation, now universally agreed, is as aməša spənta, is singled out for veneration
follows: according to the gāhs, generally for the well-
being of flocks and herds, and abundance of
Every year the number of which is divisible by 4 is
a leap year, excepting the last year of each century, crops. Particular dedications are to Aša Vahišta
which is a leap year only when the number of the and to Ātar, the son of Ahura Mazda in the
century is divisible by 400; but by a further pro- Rapiywin gāh. In the Hūspāram Nask’s section
posed refinement, 4,000, and its multiples, 8,000, on physicians, Aša Vahišta is invoked as spiritual
12,000, and 16,000, etc. are common (not leap)
years. guide through association with Airyaman, the
genius of healing [24]. The Hūspāram’s priestly
Thus the uniformity of the intercalation, by ritual code – the Nirangistān section – lists the sin
continuing to depend on the number 4, is pre- of not solemnizing the season-festival or
served and, if maintained, the beginning of the gāhānbār [25].
year would not vary more than 1 day from its Since the Sāl-i Dēnī g chapter of the
present place in 20,000 years. The consolidated Bundahishn had clearly indicated the perfor-
Gregorian Rule is the most practical and accurate mance of appropriate funerary and other rites
method devised for consistent time-reckoning, [26] according to the seasonal arrangements of
and to which the Zoroastrian Sāl-i Dēnı̃g could the 7-month summer when Rapiywin is observed,
comfortably adapt. Universal usage of the and the 5-month winter when it is not, it follows
Western (Gregorian) calendar now increasingly that the seventh Sīrōza day dedications are depen-
adopts B.C.E. and C.E. as a unifying motive for dent on this gāh, and therefore that the commem-
denoting “Before Common Era” and “Common orative rites for the dead are untimely performed
Era” years. through the erroneous calendars.
The last reported month intercalation was
made in Iran in 375 AY (Anno Yazdgardi) or
The Sīrōzas I and II, §§ 6 and 7 1005/1006 C.E. when the first day of Fravardīn
coincided with the spring equinox after
The two Sī rōzas (“thirty days”) – the shorter Sī - retrogressing through the seasons from March
rōzag khwurdag and the greater Sī -rōzag wuzurg 21, 503 B.C.E., to March 21, 1005 C.E. It was
– list the order of the Yashts or hymns of praise to not, however, universally agreed. The tenth/elev-
the several yazatas of the Zoroastrian pantheon. enth century mathematician-astronomer Kūshyār/
They are invocations of those presiding over the Gōshyār al-Jīlī confirms that the epagomenae
30 days of the month. In the mid-eighteenth cen- were placed at the end of Ābān month in 531 C.
tury the pioneering French scholar Anquetil E. – the beginning of Khosro I’s reign. The Sasa-
Duperron remarked on the recitation of the nian dynasty was brought to an end 120 years
Sī rōzas in honor of the departed on the 30th day later, when the Ābān rule was no longer observed,
(Guj. māsīsō) after death, at the close of the 6 and the 5 days were thenceforth attached to
months, of the year – at the anniversary (Guj. Spandārmad. Kūshyār’s contemporary, Abū’l-
vərsī ) of decease, and each of the years following Rayhān al-Bīrūnī further confirms that the solar
the demise [23]. year of the Persians began with the spring equi-
Of special interest to the Zoroastrian devo- nox: its circumstantial hint was preexistent in the
tional calendar are their §§ 6 and 7, dedicated Fravardī n Yasht. (See also the Zādspram extract
respectively to the pair Hordād/Haurvatāt and above.)
Amardād/Amərətāt. Following the fuller In India, the position regarding the month-per-
expressions in Sī rōza-II, Hordād is venerated as 120-year intercalation is unclear after the Sanjān
Master (ratu) and Aməša Spənta for the prosperity Parsi landing in 716 C.E. (Vikram Samvat 772) –
of the seasons (saredha) and the years (yairya). its commonly urged 936 C.E. dating is quite
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764 Zoroastrian Calendars and Festivals

spurious. An extra month’s insertion is said to have calendar is from the trilingual cuneiform inscrip-
been sanctioned by the Navsari priesthood in 1125/ tion of Darius I (“The Great,” r. 522–486 B.C.E.)
6 C.E., which is possible only after the Parsis’ on a cliff-face of the Behistun mountain near
awareness of, and wish to continue with, the Ira- Kermanshah, Iran. Its three languages are Old
nian 1005/6 C.E. intercalary action – the Iranians Persian, Elamite, and Akkadian (Babylonian).
themselves had not followed suit. What is puzzling There the monarch had recorded, “in Aryan,” the
is why this method was not regularly utilized for dates and months of his nine victorious military
the religious calendar from the twelfth century exploits in pursuit of his imperial ambitions.
onward – neither in Iran nor in India. The notice- In claiming these victories “within a single
able backward seasonal drift remained unrectified year” (hamahyāyā yarda) – actually calculated
for fear of a religious backlash from a conservative as 13 months and 12 days – he gives no indication
priesthood – and so it continues today. of that year or its era. Eight of the twelve Old
Whatever the underlying reason, no further Persian months, numbered 1–4, 7, 9, 10, and 12,
monthly intercalations were attested in India are given in his native tongue. The Elamite ver-
until the visiting Iranian Mobadh Jāmāsp (called sion generally reproduces the Old Persian forms.
“Velāyati”) in 1720 called attention to the month’s The remaining four are forms reconstructed from
discrepancy between the Iranian and Indian cal- the Elamite clay tablets unearthed in 1933–1934
endars. This observation, ratified by the visiting from the northeast fortification at Parsa (Persepo-
lay astrologer Jamshīd some 20 years later, led to lis) and further records in 1938–1939 from the
the 1745 Kabisa controversy among the Indian Treasury ruins. The days of the months were
Zoroastrians and their founding of the Qadī mi/ numbered, and not named. The time intervals are
Kadmi faction. That mid-eighteenth century raučah- “day”; māha- “month”; yard- “year.”
schism had resulted in violent confrontations and (See Table 2, Synoptic table of calendar month-
even fatalities, by the mid-nineteenth century its names.)
dispute had abated, and by the mid-twentieth cen- While Babylonian influence has been
tury it had been all but forgotten, to still leave the suggested for the formation of the Achaemenid
three calendars disunited. Old Persian calendar, with Ancient Egyptian com-
The six obligatory observances inculcated for putation for its intercalary additions, it remains
both priestly and lay Zoroastrians are: (1) celebrat- uncertain whether this early Iranian system could
ing the gāhānbārs, (2) observing the ten fravaši not have had an independent existence freed from
days, (3) commemorating the remembrance days Mesopotamian beginnings. A Babylonian calen-
for the deceased in a family, (4) the thrice-daily dar based on scientific method was known from
recital of the Khwarshed nyayish, (5) the thrice- 539 B.C.E., immediately following the Persian
monthly recital of the Māh nyayish, and (6) the conquest is hardly accidental. Where its mensal
welcoming ceremony for the Rapiywin [27]. intercalations had hitherto been decreed by the
Apart from (5), all are dependent on accurate merits of the case, involving a constant surveying
calendrical observance; all are religiously satisfied of celestial phenomena, its regularization was
only by the seasonal Sāl-i dēnī g / Dī nī-sāl / noticed only during Cambyses II’s reign
(Arabic) “Fasli” system. The importance of fol- (529–522 B.C.E.) with cyclical monthly interca-
lowing such a rational, fixed solar calendar – the lations being made from 527 B.C.E.
properly Zoroastrian one derived from its authen- Under Darius I a new and better calendrical
tic patrimony – is rigorously emphasized. system was devised for Babylonia in his 19th
year (503 B.C.E.), when the day of the spring
equinox which had advanced to March 27, was
Zoroastrian Calendar Eras selected. The luni-solar Old Persian system
remained in use till 459 B.C.E. when the Avestan
The Old Persian and Parthian month-names. solar reckoning, with its Magian pantheon
The sole source of information on the Old Persian reformed in c. 441 B.C.E. under the Artaxerxes I
Zoroastrian Calendars and Festivals 765

Zoroastrian Calendars and Festivals, Table 2 Synoptic table of calendar month-names

Common Era Old Persian Avestan Middle Persian Babylonian
21.III–19.IV Ādukani– ? Fravardīn Nisannu
20.IV–19.V Yūravāhar– Aša Vahišta Ardvahišt Ayyāru
20.V–18.VI Yāigarči– ? Hordād Simannu
19.VI–18.VII Garmapada– Tištrya Tīr Du’ūzu
19.VII–17.VIII > Dŕnabāji– ? Amurdād Ābu
18.VIII–16.IX > Kārapašiya– XšaYra Vairya Šahrevar Ulūlu
17.IX–16.X Bāgayādi– MiYra Mihr Tašrītu
17.X–15.XI > Vŕkajana– ? Ābān Araħsamna
16.XI–15.XII Āçriyādiya– ? Ādur Kislīmu
16.XII–14.I Anāmaka– DaYušo Dai Ţebētu
15.I–13.II > Yvayavant– ? Vahman Šabāţu
14.II–15.III Viyaxna– ? Spandārmad Addāru
16.III–20.III Panjag-i wēh
Epagomenae (5 Gāthā days)

(r. 465–424 B.C.E.), became concurrent with the Elamite tablets. Their tentative meanings are
now solar Old Persian as official civil calendar (5) “tribute-offering,” (6) “clearing of under-
throughout the Achaemenian era. growth,” (8) “wolf-hunting,” and (11) “winter
Old Persian Month (māha-) names and (?).” Months 1, 3, and 12 indicate field activities;
reconstructed forms (italics), with their Common 2 and 4 describe seasons; 7, 9, and 10 are religious
Era and Middle Persian correspondences are: in tone.
Parthian month names (►◄ are reconstructed)
1. March–April: Ādukanaiša– (“Canal-clear-
ing”) [Fravardīn] Prwrtyn [Fravardīn] (March–April)
2. April–May: Yūravāhar– (“Spring-setting”) ‘Artywhsht [Ardvahišt] (April–May)
[Ardvahišt] Hrwtt [Hordād] (May–June)
3. May–June: Yāigarči– (“Garlic-collecting”) ►Tyry ◄ [Tīr] (June–July)
[Hordād] ►Hmrtt ◄ [Amurdād] (July–August)
4. June–July: Garmapada– (“Threshold of Xshtrywr [Šahrevar] (August–September)
heat”) [Tīr] ►Mtry ◄ [Mihr] (September–October)
5. July–August: Dŗnabāji– [Amurdād] ►‘Apxwny ◄ [Ābān] (October–November)
6. August–September: Kārapašiya– [Šahrevar] ‘Trw [Ādur] (November–December)
7. September–October: Bāgayādi– (“God-wor- ►Dtsh ◄ [Dai] (December–January)
ship”) [Mihr] Whmn [Vahman] (January–February)
8. October–November: Vŗkajana– [Ābān] Spndrmty [Spandārmad] (February–March)
9. November–December: Āçiyādiya– (“Fire-wor-
ship”) [Ādur] According to the tenth/eleventh century Mus-
10. December–January: Anāmaka– (“Ineffable”) lim scholar al-Bīrūnī in his al-Āthār al-Bāqī ya
[Dai] (“The Chronology of Ancient Nations”),
11. January–February: yvayavant– [Vahman] a double era was in vogue in his time: the era of
12. February–March: Viyaxana– (“Digging-out”) the Zoroastrians and the era of Yazdgard. The
[Spandārmad] former begins with the death of Yazdgard III,
651 C.E.; the latter with his accession in 631 C.
The 5th, 6th, 8th, and 11th Old Persian month- E. The era of the Zoroastrians is accordingly
names are given from readings of the excavated 20 years behind the era of Yazdgard. The Parsis
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766 Zoroastrian Calendars and Festivals

of India follow the Yazdgardi era (631/2 C.E. +). Taking guidance from the Bundahishn, which
In Persia, on the contrary, the other era was up to employs good Zoroastrian Pahlavi in calendrical
an unspecified time the more common of the two. matters, it is furthermore proposed that the term
On manuscript colophons it is often designated as “Fasli” (Arabic for “seasonal”) be discarded, and
“Persian,” in which case the reckoning is made that the Zoroastrian solar-seasonal devotional
from the year 651, but generally with the express Religious Year should properly be designated
addition, “after the twentieth year of Yazdgard,” Sāl-i Dēnī g or (Pazand) Dī nī Sāl. The cautionary
i.e., after his accession. The oldest verifiable adage from the Dēnkard should be applied here:
instance for this era is the colophon of “If among the people the calculated year is con-
Māhvindād, first copyist of the Dēnkard, 1020 founded with regard to its place, then much order
A.D., a contemporary of Albiruni [28]. becomes confused in the world” [14]. In fulfilling
In around 1600 C.E. both the Yazdgardi era religio-ritual requirements, the same authority
and the era of the Zoroastrians came into common declares “(This is) the instruction of the Good Reli-
use. After 1700, the “twentieth year” became for- gion, the law established by the Ancients” [29].
mulaic, being no longer understood; the common
Yazdgardi era becoming usual in Persia. Extant
copies of early manuscript colophons, however, Cross-References
make the distinctions.
Until the end of the nineteenth century C.E. the ▶ Ritual
Zoroastrians in India, on their official documents,
frequently adopted the first political era of the
Hindu calendar, the Vikram Samvat [V.S.], equiv- References
alent to 57 B.C.E. With the collation of manu-
scripts bearing on Zoroastrianism from Iran, the 1. Yasna, 44.5
2. Bundahishn, 25.7
exclusive use of the Yazdgardi Era was made on
3. GAv, ayan- “day (as duration)”: Yasna 43.2,7
their calendars and intercommunal decrees and 4. Bundahishn, 25.16; Cf. Dēnkard VIII.7.21
declarations. 5. Bundahishn, 25.12,14
It is recommended that the Yazdgardi Era be 6. Bundahishn, 25.9,10
7. Afrin-i Rapiywin note. In: Sacred Books of the East,
denoted always as AY, “Anno Yazdgardi,” or
vol XXXI, p 367; Haug M, Essays on the Parsis, p 225
perhaps even YS, “Yazdgardi Sāl” amongst Ira- 8. Sacred Books of the East, vol V, p 398 n. 6
nian, Indian, and other Zoroastrians to replace the 9. Kotwal FMP, The supplementary texts to the Šāyest
unfathomable YZ. The year 631/2 being the nē-šāyest, p 111. Ch.XXI, Note 1
10. Bundahishn, 25.4–6
accession year of the last Zoroastrian monarch
11. Kanga KE (1926) Khordeh Avasta, 10th edn, N.P.K.
on whom the Mazda-given khvarenah (the Royal Kanga, Bombay, pp 144, 145 (in Gujarati transcrip-
Glory) had rested, it is appropriate to continue tion, translation, and commentary)
regarding it as the Zoroastrian Era. This era was 12. Nyberg HS (1934) Texte zum mazdayasnischen
Kalender. Uppsala University, Uppsala, pp 30–39,
observed in post-Sasanian Iran until the mid-tenth
66–73,
century in Islamic Persia under ‘Adud al-Daula of 13. de Menasce J (1973) Le Troisième Livre du Dēnkard.
the Būyid dynasty for whom the concept of the Paris, Librairie C. Klincksieck, pp 374–379 (Engl. trl.
Ancient Iranian monarchy still held a particular Mary Boyce)
14. Dēnkard, III.419
significance, and whose chronology had not then
15. Visparad, I.4–9
been superseded throughout by the Islamic Anno 16. Bundahishn, I.58–59
Hegirae (AH). 17. Dēnkard, VIII.7
An era commencing with the accession year 18. Bundahishn, 25.2; 25.24
19. Wizī dagī ha, 34.49
559 B.C.E. of Kurush/Cyrus II (“the Great”) is 20. Bundahishn, 5.1–3; Nyberg, o.c., 22, 23
proposed, which would equate the Gregorian year 21. Bundahishn, 5.7; Nyberg, o.c., 24, 25
2000 C.E. as 2559 A.K. 22. Wizī dagī ha, 25.5
Zoroastrian Migration and Settlement in India 767

23. Zend-Avesta: Ouvrage de Zoroastre, vol II, p 135 role in the world history under the royal dynasties
24. Ardibehešt Yašt, dedicated to Aša Vahišta, similarly from the earliest times up to about the middle of
invokes Airyaman
25. Dēnkard VIII.29.8–10 the seventh century of the Christian era.
26. Bundahishn, 25.8; Cf. Boyce M, Rapithwin, Nō rūz,
and the Feast of Sadē. In: Pratidānam, pp 201, 202 Present Parsi Community
27. Šāyast nē-šāyast, XII.31 After the Arab conquest of Iran, and downfall of
28. West EW, Sacred Books of the East, vol XXXVII,
Introduction, p xxxiv the last Parsi Empire of the Sasanians (641 C.E.),
29. Dēnkard, III.259 the Zoroastrians of Iran were subjected to reli-
gious persecution, and consequently, a great
majority of them were gradually converted to
Islam. But a handful of the Zoroastrians remained
Zoroastrian Migration and faithful and stuck to their ancestral religion in
Settlement in India spite of hardship, violence, disabilities, persecu-
tions, and massacres for centuries. A faithful few
Parvez M. Bajan of the Iranian Zoroastrians, who remained stead-
B. M. Mevawala Fire Temple, Mumbai, India fast to their ancestral religion, left Iran after the
St. Xavier’s College, Bombay University, downfall of their empire on account of the unbear-
Mumbai, India able conditions prevailing there, and settled on the
west coast of India. In later centuries, some more
Zoroastrians migrated individually or in small
Synonyms groups from Iran to India.
The present Parsi community, therefore, com-
Early Zoroastrians prises of:

1. The Zoroastrian descendants of those inhabi-

Definition tants of Iran who remained faithful to their
ancestral religion even after the downfall of
Migration of Parsis, settlement of Zoroastrians the Sasanian empire.
who fled Iran around eighth century C.E. 2. The Zoroastrian descendants of those inhabi-
tants of Iran who remained faithful to their
ancestral religion and who left Iran after the
Parsi Advent into Western India downfall of the Sasanian empire and settled in
India, as also those Zoroastrians of Iran who
Introduction: Descendants of Ancient Iranian migrated to India and elsewhere during the
People later centuries and in recent times.
The present Parsi community (living in India,
Iran, and elsewhere) is one of the smallest com- Ancient Iranian Royal Dynasties
munities of the world. It is a remnant of the According to the traditional and historical
ancient Iranian people professing the Zoroastrian sources, there were at least six royal dynasties
Religion. In ancient times, the Iranian people had that ruled over Iran at various times:
come in cultural, commercial, and political con-
tact with nearly all nations of the world: the • Pishdadian
ancient Hindus, the Chinese, the Egyptians, the • Kayanian
Babylonians, the Assyrians, the Israelites, the • Median
Arabs, the Greeks, the Romans, and other peo- • Achaemenian
ples. The Parsis are the descendants of this Iranian • Parthian or Arshkanian
people who flourished and played an important • Sasanian
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768 Zoroastrian Migration and Settlement in India

Out of these six dynasties, the first three language. They worshipped the great powers cre-
belonged to prehistoric times, and hence very little ated by God: sun, fire, moon, water, wind. They
factual information is known about them. The last composed hymns to these “shining ones” (devas)
three dynasties flourished in historic times, and and chanted them during ceremonials to the
their history is known fairly well. accompaniment of music. They had full realiza-
tion of the oneness of God, the one life-giver,
Airyana, Iran personified as the father of us all who is behind
The ancient name of the country of the Iranian and beyond all the phenomenal manifestations.
people, as it appears in the Avesta, is airya, They called him ahura (asura), the lord of life.
airyana vaējah. This ancient name of the country Before they entered the Indian subcontinent
was applied to various lands and countries to (c. 1500 B.C.E.), these Aryans were in close con-
which the Iranian people migrated in their long tact with the ancestors of the Iranians, as also
and checkered history. The Avesta term airyana evidenced by a near kinship between Sanskrit
appears as ērān, ī rān in later speech. Hence, the and Avesta, the earliest surviving Iranian lan-
term “Iran” is generally used for the country. guage. The contents of the Gāthās and Avēsta
It appears that originally, in very ancient times, are more pastoral and therefore came during the
the homeland of the Iranian people was situated decline of the urban bronze period and migration
somewhere near the North Pole or in the Arctic from the Margiana Bactria region. The Avesta
Circle; and it was known as Airyana or Airyana language is based on a dialect which was common
Vaejah (Phl. ērānvēj). This appears to be the to some Central Asian regions (Margiana Bactria)
country and the homeland of King Jamshid and and belongs to the east Iranian group of lan-
other kings of the Pishdadian dynasty. guages. This places Zarathustra in the southeast
The Airyana Vaējah region can be identified as Central Asian region at the period of the decline of
North and East Bactria and the Margiana Oasis, the Bronze Age and the migration of the Aryan
south of the River Jaxartes (Syr Darya river) speaking people, dating roughly from 1700 to
where bronze age culture has been excavated, 1000 B.C.E. The date can also be corroborated
dating back to 4000 B.C.E. by the linguistic comparisons of the Gāthās and
On account of glaciations, the Iranian people the Rg Veda. The language of the Gāthās, com-
left this homeland and migrated southward. This posed by Zarathustra and his immediate disciples,
was the land of King Vishtaspa and other kings of so closely resembles the language of the Rig Veda
the Kayanian dynasty. This was the land of Zoro- that the two may truly be regarded as dialects of
aster and the Avestan people. This new homeland the same language, and therefore must be approx-
was also known by the same ancient name imately of the same age.
Airyana, or Airyana Vaejah. In still later times, the Iranian people migrated
However, sometime between 2000 and 1500 B. further south and southwest and populated the
C.E., these people moved toward the southeast and present countries of Afghanistan and Iran. This
southwest and seem to have become pastoral, prob- was the homeland of the Iranian people about the
ably due to the changed environmental conditions beginning of the first millennium B.C.E. The Ira-
they found in the Iranian plateau. One group nian people ruled over these countries in known
moved westward to the Mattieni country; the history from about the eighth century B.C.E. in
other group, the Persians, went southwest toward various provinces: the Medians (northwest), the
the Iranian plateau and another south toward India. Achaemenians (southwest), the Parthians (north-
Before the advent of Zarathustra, and the east), and the Sasanians (southwest). This new
migration south, the Aryans, as generally homeland was also known by the same name
accepted, lived for many centuries in the region Ērān, Irān – later forms of ancient Airyana.
of Margiana Bactria and observed the same set of Hence, the ancient name Airyana survives at pre-
social and religious customs and spoke one sent in “Iran.”
Zoroastrian Migration and Settlement in India 769

Pars, Persian, and Parsi used for those residents of Iran who remained
The term “Parsi” is derived from Old Persian faithful to their ancestral faith, namely, Zoroas-
(OP), pārsa, the name of a province in Southwest- trian Religion. The term was specially used for the
ern Iran in ancient times. The same name pārsa Zoroastrians of Iran to distinguish them from
was used also for the people of the province. In those Iranians who discarded their ancestral faith
Middle Persian (Mid. Pers.) the name occurs as and embraced Islam. Since those days, the term
pārs (name of the province), and the adjectival “Parsi” refers to the original residents of Iran and
form pārsik is used for the people as well as the their descendants professing the Zoroastrian Reli-
language of the province of Pars. The Mid. Pers. gion, and living in Iran, India, and elsewhere.
term Pārsī k became Pārsī in later speech. The Jackson notes [1]: “They (i.e., the Zoroastrians
term “Parsi,” therefore, literary means “one of Iran) designate themselves as Zardushtiān
belonging to Pars” or “a resident of Pars.” ‘Zoroastrian’, sometimes as Bahdī nān ‘those of
The residents of Pars were known to the the Good Religion’, or again Fārsī s, i.e., ‘Parsis’
ancient Greek writers as “Persis.” In the sixth from Fars, Pars, the old province of Persia
century B.C., Cyrus, a celebrated resident of proper”.
Pars, rose to power in his home-province, and After the murder of Yazdegard III, the last
later he extended his sovereignty over the whole Sasanian Emperor, his son Peroj proclaimed him-
of Iran. Since those days the term “Persis” was self king of Iran. He took refuge as the king of Iran
applied to the whole of the country. From this in exile in the mountains of Tokharistan in Central
Greek term are derived English “Persia” and Asia – then under the Chinese rule. The Chinese
“Persian,” and the corresponding terms in other Emperor recognized Peroj as the king of Iran.
European languages. Since “Persis” indicated the
whole country and also the people, the derivative Parsi Kingdoms
terms “Persia” and “Persian” were generally used Tabaristan: Even after the downfall of the Sasa-
for the whole country of Iran and the Iranian nian Empire, there were small independent Parsi
people, respectively. Hence, since the days of the kingdoms in the mountainous districts (kūhistān)
ancient Greek writers, the whole country was of eastern Iran. The Parsi rulers of these kingdoms
known as “Persia,” particularly in the western were the descendants of the Sasanian royal family
countries. and aristocracy, and they were known as
About of the middle of the seventh century C. sipāhbad, ispāhbad “the commander.” These
E., the Arabs invaded and conquered Iran. There- Sipahbads ruled in the provinces of Eastern Iran
after, the language of the Iranian people was pro- – Mazandaran, Gilan, Tabaristan, and Khurasan.
scribed, and Arabic was used as the official They struck their coins with Pahlavi legends, and
language of Iran. Gradually a new language was they professed their ancestral faith, namely, Zoro-
formed by the fusion of the languages, that of the astrian Religion. They ruled in these districts for at
Iranians and that of the Arabs. This new language least about 150 years after the downfall of the
thus formed is generally termed “Persian” or Sasanian Empire.
“Modern Persian.” This language flourished par- Mount Damavand: A Zoroastrian dynasty
ticularly in the ninth and tenth centuries. ruled in the mountainous region of Damavand,
As explained above, the word “Parsi” literally in the district of Tabaristan, in post-Sasanian
means “a resident of Pars.” It is, therefore, origi- times. This was a dynasty of the Zoroastrian
nally an ethnic term, and it was generally applied priests, and the rulers of this dynasty were
to the people of Pars. But later the term acquired known as masmōghān “chief of the Mobads.”
a religious connotation also, and it was used for China and Central Asia: As noted above, after
the Zoroastrian residents of Pars. the Arab conquest, the Sasanian princes migrated
After the downfall of the Sasanian Empire and to Central Asia and China. With them
the Arab conquest of Iran, the term “Parsi” was a considerable number of the Parsis must have
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770 Zoroastrian Migration and Settlement in India

settled in those days in various parts of Central arrival of the Parsis in India is given as [3]:
Asia. As already noted, according to Masudi [2], “Samvat 772, day ninth of Shravan Shud, Friday,
there were Zoroastrian fire temples in the tenth Parsee year 85 A.Y. (Anno Yazdegardi) day sec-
century in India, Sindh, and China. ond (Bahman), month fourth (Tir). (716 C.E.).”
The Settlement of Sanjan: According to the
Parsis in Iran After the Arab Conquest traditional account as recorded in [4], after the
The primary purpose of the Arab invasion and Arab conquest of Iran, the ancestors of the Parsis
conquest of Iran was propagation of Islam. This took refuge in the mountainous districts of
shows that the invasions and conquests of Iran and Kohistan in Khorasan for about 100 years and
also of other countries were primarily prompted they went to the city of Hormazd on the southern
and motivated by religious zeal and fanaticism for coast of Iran and stayed there for 15 years. Then
propagation of Islam and conversion of non-Arab, they left Iran and sailed from Hormazd, and by the
non-Muslim countries to Islam. sea-route, they came to India and landed on the
island of Div in the south of Saurashtra. They
Parsi Settlements Outside Iran stayed at Div for 19 years and thereafter, most
In ancient times, Iran had political, cultural, and probably due to growing threat of the Arab inva-
trade relations with practically all nations of the sion in that area, they left Div and settled in
ancient world including India and China. The Gujarat on the west coast of India, near the place
Iranians were living in foreign countries since later known as Sanjan (about 145 km north of
very ancient times. The Avesta mentions hindav Bombay).
(Skt. Sindav) the land of the river Indus – Sindh, The Hindu king, who granted asylum in India,
and also hapta hindav (Skt. sapta sindav) the land is known in Parsi tradition as Jadi Rana. The High
of the seven tributaries of the Indus, the upper Priest of the Parsis appeared before the king
reaches of the Indus, the Punjab. Achaemenian and on behalf of his community he pledged his
Emperor, Darius the great, enumerates hindav word [5]:
(Sindh and Punjab) as one of the satrapies of his Hame Hindūstān rā yār bāshī m
empire. The Pārasīkas and the Parthavas are men- We shall be the friends of all India
tioned in the Sanskrit literature as the foreigners
living in India. During the Middle Iranian period, Installation of Iranshah Atash Bahram: As
also India was well known to the Iranians as we requested by the High Priest of the Parsis, King
glean from the epigraphical, numismatic, and lit- Jadi Rana allotted a separate piece of land where
erary evidences. During the Sasanian period, the the Parsis could install their Holy Fire. King Jadi
Zoroastrians were living in China, Central Asia, Rana granted a secluded piece of land, a pleasant
Pakistan (Sindh and Punjab), Northern India spot, and the Parsis ceremoniously installed the
(Punjab), and Western India (Saurashtra, Rajas- Holy Fire, whom they named Iranshah “the king
than, and Gujarat). It is reasonable to believe that of Iran.”
just as the forefathers of the Parsis migrated to Other Settlements on the West Coast of India:
India after the downfall of the Sasanian Empire, The Parsis gradually migrated from Sanjan, and
some other groups of the Parsis might have settled in various places, particularly in Gujarat on
migrated and settled elsewhere. Similar Iranian the west coast of India. About 300 years after the
migrations to Central Asia and China are well Parsis settled in India, their important settlements,
known. besides Sanjan, were [6]: Navsari, Surat,
Vankaner, Variav, Ankleshwar, Broach, Cambay
Migration to India in the north of Sanjan, and Thana in the south.
The ancestors of the present Indian Parsi commu- Not only did they settle in Sanjan and other
nity migrated to India after the downfall of the Gujarat coastal areas, such as Khambhat (Cam-
Sasanian Empire. The traditional date of the bay) and Diu, but from evidence now available,
Zoroastrian Migration and Settlement in India 771

they also settled along the Thane, Chaul, and Konkan strip and the Sanjan landing is the only
Kalyan coasts in the Konkan region. Konkan event which has been clearly recorded, particu-
was known to the earliest travelers, especially larly in the Kisseh-i-Sanjan, a poem in Persian
from across the Arabian Sea. Trade between Iran written by Bahman Kaikobad of Navsari in
and the western coast of India flourished from about 1599. The exact year in which the Parsis
very early times, and from the sixth century C. landed has been a subject of controversy for
E., the Iranians had begun to take a leading part in decades. According to the Kisseh-i-Sanjan, the
the trade of the east. They not only visited India, Sanjan landing took place in 935 C.E.
but also sailed in their own ships as far as China.
This is attested by the fact that in the seventh and Diocesan Jurisdiction
eighth centuries, there was a sizeable Zoroastrian As the Parsis migrated from Sanjan and settled in
community in Canton. Anquetil Du Peron [7] other places in Gujarat, they required priestly
speaks of Persians going to China with a son of services in their new settlements. Hence the
Yazdegard. Masudi [8] noticed that there were priestly population also began to migrate from
many fire temples in China. Sanjan particularly to the Parsi settlements men-
Thane was the chief center of trade with tioned above. They formed themselves into vari-
Hormazd and was connected from the ninth to ous groups. It appears that these priestly groups
the tenth centuries with Bharuch, Khambhat, and thought it advisable to define the territorial extent
Somnath in Gujarat. Sanjan is also mentioned as of their respective ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and
an important port, and it developed further after to fix the boundaries of the respective fields of
the Parsi settlement. Descendants of immigrant their priestly profession. The priests of various
Parsis, Jews, Abbysinians, and Arabs are still places must have assembled in council and fixed
found in considerable number in the Konkan the boundaries, which formed the dioceses
region. In fact, there is a strong belief [8] that the (Panthak) of the respective priestly groups
Chitpavan Brahmins are descendants of early Ira- (about 1290 C.E.).
nian Zoroastrian settlers on the Konkan coast. It appears that in those days, there were five
In mythological sources, it is reported that they main groups of the priests, and by mutual agree-
entered the Konkan by sea, either as shipwrecked ment, they fixed the territorial boundaries of their
survivors or as traders. One of the beliefs is that respective ecclesiastical jurisdiction for
they were brought back to life by Parshuram. performing religious ceremony as shown below:
Wilford states that they were Persians descended
from the sons of Khushru Parvez. Thus, the Ira- 1. Sanjana priests of Sanjan (now of Udwada):
nian connection with India is very old even in this From the river Dantora (near Dahanu) up to the
region. Profits of trade must have brought them to river Par (near Pardi)
Western India at first and they grew closer after the 2. Bhagaria priests of Navsari : From the river Par
Arab conquest of Iran. to the river of Variav (Tapi)
After the exodus in the eighth century from 3. Godavra priests of Surat : From the river of
Iran, the refugees settled not only in Sanjan on Variav (Tapi) up the river of Ankleshvar
the Konkan coast, but also in the villages around (Narmada)
Thane and Chaul. There is a mention of a fire 4. Bharucha priests of Broach : From the river
temple in Chaul. Thus, Parsis seem to have Narmada of Ankleshvar up to the river of
formed one of the elements in the population of Cambay
North Konkan which includes Sanjan. Masudi [9] 5. Cambay priests : In and around Cambay
noticed the people paying homage to fire in India
in about 915 C.E. Invasion of Sanjan
Sanjan, where the biggest settlement seems to After 700 years of peaceful and prosperous stay in
have taken place, lies on the northwest coast of the Sanjan, the kingdom of the Hindu Rajah was
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772 Zoroastrian Migration and Settlement in India

invaded by “Sultan Mahmud” and his commander This simply notes that the Parsis came to India
“Alafkhan” (also read “Ulughkhan” in Persian). along with their families by the sea-route. This
Who these invaders were and when they invaded appertains to the principal Parsi immigration to
Sanjan are matters of controversy [10]. The Parsis India at Sanjan.
fought in the army of the Hindu Rajah, and Having attained a certain amount of stability
defended the kingdom. Kisse [11] states that and security in Sanjan, Parsis began to settle on
1,400 Parsis under their commander Ardeshir the Gujarat coast, north of Sanjan. These settle-
took active part as warriors in the battle. But the ments of Navsari, Surat, Khambhat, Bharuch,
Rajah’s army was defeated, and Sanjan was Ankleshwar, and Tarapore among others, had
destroyed (about the end of the fourteenth century). probably developed simultaneously with Sanjan,
Bahrot and Bansda: On account of the inva- as groups of immigrants continued to come across
sion of Sanjan, the Holy Fire Iranshah was the Arabian Sea from Iran and settled in India.
removed from Sanjan, and carried to the moun- According to Dr. M. N. Dhalla [13], – “with the
tains of Bahrot, near Sanjan. It was kept there for downfall of the empire the hope of regaining power
12 years. Thereafter, it was taken to Bansda, had disappeared forever. They could never see
where it remained for 14 years. visions of its restoration. History has recorded this
Holy Fire in Navsari: At the instance of Changa one and unique pathetic instance of a great nation
Asha, the leader of the Parsis at Navsari, the Holy of millions being reduced to a small community of
Fire was brought from Bansda to Navsari (around a little over a 100,000 souls all told, still true to its
1419). The Holy Fire Iranshah remained in Navsari ancient faith. Everything that was nearest and
for about 320 years, with the exception of about 3 dearest to them in the father-land was gone.
years (1733–1736) when the Holy Fire was carried Zarathustra remained their only hope, and with
to Surat on account of political instability. his religion as the only cherished heritage, the
Bulsar and Udvada: In 1740, with the permit Parsi exiles sought an asylum in Iran. Thirteen
(parvāne) of the government issued by Damaji centuries have dragged their weary course since
Gaekwar, the Holy Fire was removed to Bulsar, they first landed on this land with their hope and
and in 1742 from there to Udvada, within the terri- began their life anew. Rulers of nations they have
torial jurisdiction of the Sanjana priests. Since that not become, but they have proved themselves to be
year, the Holy Fire Iranshah is burning at Udvada. the true bearers of the great name and fame of their
illustrious forebears. The pages of their national
history are still thrilling with the noble deeds of
Estimate of the Number of Parsi Immigrants to
the ancient Iranians, and their dutiful descendants
India
There is no evidence whatsoever, direct or indirect, have faithfully reflected their past national glory in
the mirror of their small community.”
to arrive at even a rough and broad estimate with
reasonable probability as to the number of the Parsi
immigrants to India. It appears that after the arrival
in India, the Parsis had contact with Iran, but it was References
lost about the middle of the fourteenth century, and
it was reestablished about 125 years thereafter dur- 1. Williams Jackson AV (1906) Persia past and present,
New York, p 274
ing the last quarter of the fifteenth century.
2. Dastur Mirza HK (1987) Outlines of Parsi history,
The oldest available record states [12]: 2nd edn. Bombay, p 181
Sūy daryā chū kishtī jāy kardand 3. Paymaster RB (1954) Early history of the Parsis in
India. Bombay, p 4
Hamāngah bādbān bar puly kardand
4. Paymaster RB (1915) Kisse-i Sanjan. Bombay
Zan u farzand dar kishtī nishāndand
5. Ibid., p 164
Ba-sūy hind kishtī tūnd rāndand 6. Mirza (1987) pp 16–24
When they launched the ship into the sea, immediately 7. Kamerkar M, Dhunjisha S (2002) From the Iranian
they set sail; they placed women and children in the Plateau to the shores of Gujarat. In: Parsi advent into
ship and they sailed swiftly towards India. Western India. Bombay
Zoroastrian Rituals in India 773

8. Ibid., p 24 He modified the then existing Mazdayasnian reli-

9. Ibid., p 25 gion, by retaining the good qualities and institu-
10. Paymaster (1954) pp 25–32
11. Paymaster (1915) p 269 tions, and weeding out the undesirable practices
12. Ibid., pp 113, 114 and elements which had crept in, over a period of
13. Dhalla MN (1994) History of Zoroastrianism. Bom- time. This is then technically known as the
bay, pp 309, 310 “Mazdayasni Zarathushtrian Religion,” and the
followers of the same to this day are known by
the same name in their prayer for declaration of
the faith. The precise date and time of Prophet
Zoroastrian Religious History Zarathushtra himself are open to discussion, and
are variously placed between 6000 and 600 B.C.
▶ Zoroastrianism, Temples E. Zarathushtra was known as Zoroaster, by the
Greeks, and hence his religion and the followers
are Zoroastrians, a term more current in the his-
tory at present.
Zoroastrian Religious The scriptures of the Zoroastrians are in an
Institution ancient classical language known as the Avesta,
which in linguistics, is identified as the sister
▶ Zoroastrianism, Temples language of Sanskrit, the classical language of
the ancient Hindu Vedic scripture in India. Both
the languages evolved out of the parent Indo-
Iranian language.
Zoroastrian Rituals in India In the world history, the Zoroastrian Empire of
Iran played a very dominant role. At times, it
Rooyintan Peshotan Peer spanned over nearly half the world. One of the
K R Cama Oriental Institute, Mumbai, India very prominent Emperors of Iran, Cyrus the great,
arose from the province of Pars, and therefore, the
Greek historians called the whole country of Iran
Synonyms as Persia and the people as the Persians (local term
“Parsis”). The Parsi Empire of Iran then witnessed
Parsi Zoroastrian rituals, ceremonies, and consecra its final downfall at the hands of the Arabs in the
tions in India middle of the seventh century C.E. The country of
Iran, thereafter, was forced to gradually convert to
Islam. As a result, there were migrations of the
Definition Zoroastrian Iranians to several places, but in the
course of time, only one group of the Parsis,
Zoroastrian rituals as they evolved in ancient Iran which landed on the shores of Gujarat in Western
and their continuity after migration to India. India, survived the effects of migration, and has
managed to preserve the Zoroastrian religion in its
original form as was practiced in Iran.
Introduction The Avestan scriptures of the Parsis were first
destroyed by the Greek King Alexander when he
In what is presently known as the country of Iran invaded Iran and burnt the royal palace at Persep-
and its surrounding areas, people of the Aryan olis in about 330 B.C.E. These were later revived,
origin and culture were residing, and were follow- during the Sassanian dynasty, but much of them
ing, since time immemorial, what is called the were again destroyed during the Arab invasion
“Mazdayasnian Religion.” Much later, a prophet and later invaders. As a result hardly about 5%
by the name of Zarathushtra arose among them. of the Avestan Scriptures even in the Sassanian
Z
774 Zoroastrian Rituals in India

times has survived today. The present Avesta ceremonies as mentioned in the scriptures. So
scripture is therefore divided into five parts: after obtaining the permission, some of the Parsi
(1) the Yasna, (2) the Visparad, (3) the Vendidad, priests returned to Iran where some fire temples
(4) the Yasht Literature, and (5) the Khordeh were still existing, and with great difficulty,
Avesta. brought with them the “alat” (requisites) required
According to the laws of linguistics, a language for the consecration of the fire temple. After elab-
evolves into different languages, over a period of orate rituals, they consecrated the Holy Fire and
time. Similarly, Avesta evolved later into Pahlavi, called it the “Iranshah” (the King of Iran) in
Pazend, and New Persian. The literature available absence of the physical King of Iran.
in these languages, at present, is also considered A section of the Avestan scriptures attributed to
as part of the Zoroastrian scriptures. Prophet Zarathushtra himself in form of poetry are
A religion is made up not only of its ethics and 17 chapters and are known as the Gathas. The
philosophy but also of its rituals, ceremonies, and Gathas of Spitama Zarathushtra are hymns of
customs. The ceremonies and customs often sym- praise, imbued with a philosophical message,
bolize or are expressive of the ethics and philoso- revealed to the Prophet by Ahura Mazda the
phy of the religion. A faithful and preferably Wise Lord. The Gathas outline the basic frame-
meaningful, following of the rituals, ceremonies, work of the philosophy and tenets of the religion,
and customs of the religion are invaluable aids in upon which the adherents erected the edifice of
the practical pursuit of a religion. This concept is various institutions later, for practical observance
also truly applicable to the Zoroastrian religion, of the Faith. Among other things, there are several
which contains a series of ritual practices that references in the Gathas which offer ritual insight
cover all the major events in the life of an individ- directly or by means of application. Dastur Dr.
ual, from one’s birth till death. They are so intri- Firoze M. Kotwal states in his paper: “The Gathas
cately woven in the life of a Zoroastrian, then it is clearly outline the main teachings of prophet Zar-
said that without these aids, without following and athushtra, but it is essential to note that these same
being devoted to these ceremonies or customs, the beliefs can be traced in the Older and Younger
average Zorastrian is likely to be a Zorastrian in Avesta and thereafter, in the ‘zand’ and later in the
name, and as such is unlikely to be a devotee of important Pahlavi tradition, from which emerges
the ethics and the philosophy of Zoroastrianism. ‘the Zoroastrianism’ that was practised both in
The Parsis, when they landed in Sanjan, India Iran and in India. One has to recognize this conti-
(the traditional date being assigned as 716 C.E.), nuity and therefore, I believe, that one has to work
were familiar with the rituals and ceremonies, as back with the textual material, if one wishes to
references to all these could easily be traced in unravel the profundity and greatness of the proph-
their ancient scriptures. In fact, whatever Avestan et’s teachings” [1]. He further states: “the Gathas
scripture that has survived the literary holocaust is are intrinsic to the millennia long ritual dimension
entirely due to its memorization by the priestly of the faith. . .. It is clear to scholars now, that the
class as part of their ritual practices. One must Gathas were orally transmitted through the centu-
remember that whereas the rituals form the core ries by Zoroastrian priests and were probably
part of the religion, the customs are often sub- committed to a written form as late as the 5th-
jected to the influences of the local environment. 6th centuries C.E. This means that for around
After settling down in Sanjan, the first thing the 2,000 years, these revelations were kept alive,
leading Parsi priest did was to ask the local ruler not through mere philosophical interpretations,
for the permission to establish a fire temple. The but through constant ritual usage. It is solely
reverence of fire is central to the Zoroastrian faith. because of the faithful preservation of Zoroastrian
The fire is considered as the son of the Supreme rituals by the priests, that retains for posterity the
Lord Ahura Mazda, and as such His representa- richness of the prophet’s hymns which have accu-
tive in this material world in divine form. The rately and with astonishing precision been passed
presence of fire is required in all forms of down to the present times, making the ceremonies
Zoroastrian Rituals in India 775

some of the oldest, continually practiced rituals in • The purification Ceremonies, which are treated
the world. This, no way implies that I am decrying under the sub-heads of (a) Nahn, (b) Riman,
the philosophical genius of the prophet and his and (c) the Bareshnum, (d) with an additional
teachings, in fact I am of the opinion that his chapter on the purification of articles supposed
teachings as experienced through the ritual to have been contaminated
dimension give a Zoroastrian, a deeper insight • The Initiation Ceremonies, which have been
and love for the religion” [2]. Also, as stated by treated under the sub-headings of (a) Naojote
E. Edwards: “Parsi worship is today, outwardly, or the Initiation of a child into the fold and (b)
practically what it has been from late Avestan Navar and Maraatab, which are the two grades
days. Before the sacred fires of their temples the of Initiation into priesthood
same Avestan liturgy is recited, accompanied by • The Consecration Ceremonies, treated under
the priestly performance of the same ceremonies. sub-headings of (a) the consecration of Fire
The same divinities are invoked and praised by the temples, (b) of the Tower of Silence, and (c)
orthodox Parsis of today in the same prayers and of Alats or religious requisites.
hymns as were used two millennia earlier. . .. • The Liturgical Ceremonies, which are treated
Preparation of the Haoma juice becomes the cen- under two principal heads: The first one speaks
tral point of the Mazdaen ritual – a position from of the Inner Liturgical services and treats (a)
which, to this day, it has never receded” [3]. the Yasna (b) the Visparad, (c) the Vendidad,
All these clearly indicate the continuity of the and (d) the Baj. The second speaks of the Outer
core part of the ancient ritual traditions of the Liturgical Ceremonies of (a) the Afringan, (b)
Zoroastrian religion by the Parsis after their the Farokhshi, and (c) the Satum. An additional
advent in India, and also up to the present times. chapter treats several ceremonies which are
groups of more than one ceremony [4]

Rituals: General The description of different rituals, ceremo-

nies, and customs in this write-up is therefore
There are at present several works and studies excerpted from the above-mentioned book.
available about the rituals and ceremonies of the
Parsis, some for the exclusive usage of the priestly
class, and others in general form. But a complete The Socio-Religious Ceremonies
compendium on this subject was prepared by
Shams-ul-Ulema Dr. Sir Ervad Jivanji Jamshedji Birth: The birth of a child, male or female, is
Modi in the form of the book “Religious Ceremo- considered a very auspicious event in a Parsi
nies and Customs of the Parsees” published in the household. References in the Zoroastrian scrip-
year 1922. A second edition was brought out in tures corroborate the same. During the pregnancy
the year 1937, and since its demand as a standard of the lady, the starting of the fifth and seventh
work on the said subject is so great that a reprint of months for a first-borne child is celebrated as
the second edition was undertaken in the year a custom. On the birth of a child, a lamp is lighted
1986 under the auspices of his grandson and kept burning for at least three days in the room
Prof. Nadir A. Modi. where the lady is confined. A period of 40 days in
The Book contains about 455 pages along with isolation for the lady is enjoined, more from
a detailed Index. In it, Dr. Modi has treated the a hygienic point of view in order to avoid any
whole subject under the following principal infection. After that, she has to undergo a simple
heads: purificatory ritual, called the “Nahn.” During that
period, the child is given a name. According to
• The Socio-Religious Ceremonies, which have religious tradition, the child, up to the time of its
been treated under the heads of (a) Birth, (b) Navjote initiation ceremony, is known by the reli-
Marriage, and (c) Death Ceremonies gious title khurd meaning “small.”
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776 Zoroastrian Rituals in India

Marriage: According to Parsi religious books, personality is a combination of physical, ethereal,

marriage is an institution that is favoured by the and spiritual elements. The human body is com-
Almighty God Ahura Mazda. Accordingly, not posed of physical, earthly elements, and in this
only undergoing one’s own marriage, but even to earthly body, God’s spiritual elements are working.
help one’s co-religionists to marry is considered It is on account of these spiritual elements that man
a meritorious act. lives in this physical world. When the spiritual
When a wedding match is arranged, a day is elements go out of human body, the person dies.
fixed for the ceremony of betrothal. There are Death of man is explained in the Avesta as separa-
generally three days of festivities and ceremonies tion of spiritual elements from physical body. The
preceding the day of marriage. The names given Avestan word for “separation (used in the sense of
to these ceremonies are mostly influenced by the death)” is vi-urvisti [5] meaning “turning off.”
Gujarati language which the Parsis adopted as After death, physical body begins to decom-
their mother tongue in India. The first of these is pose, and it is called “Nasu” –“dead,
called “maandav-saro,” when a twig of a mango decomposing, putrefying matter”; and it is to be
tree is planted near the door, symbolic of a wish disposed off ceremoniously. The mode of the dis-
for fertility. The second and third days are known posal of the dead body, as enjoined in the Avesta,
as “varadh-patra” days, when religious ceremo- is “hvare-darsya” “exposure to the sun.” In this
nies in honor of the dead and also for the marrying mode, the dead body is exposed to the sun, and
couple are performed. flesh is devoured by the vultures [5].
The actual marriage ceremony is called the The main principle, behind the Parsi custom of
Paevand Naameh or “Aashirwad” in later form. disposing of the dead and for all the strictly reli-
It consists of two parts, the Contractual one, and gious ceremonies enjoined therewith, is this, that
the Benedictions. Before the ceremony prayers, the body, when the immortal soul has left it,
both the bride and the bridegroom undergo the should, preserving all possible respect for the
purificatory “Nahn” ceremony. Two priests recite dead, be disposed of in a way the least harmful
the Aashirwad ceremony which is currently in the and the least injurious of the living. For properly
Pazend language. In India, the Sanskrit equivalent understanding the Parsi ceremonies that relate to
of the same is also recited along with the Pazend the disposal of the body, one must look to the
one. According to Zoroastrian religious injunc- ancient Zoroastrian idea of sanitation, segrega-
tions, a marriage has to be solemnized during tion, purification, and cleanliness as expressed in
daytime in the presence of the sunlight. But in the Avestan text of Vendidad [6].
India, traditionally the ceremony is held after sun- As Prof. Darmesteter says, all the ceremonies
set. Until recently, the practice of repeating the of this order can be summed up in two words,
Aashirwad ceremony at midnight was also in which are the same as those which sum up to-day
vogue. all the prophylactic measures in the case of an
According to the marriage ceremony, the cou- epidemic, viz, (1) to break the contact of the living
ple is united into wedlock “up to the end of one’s with the real or supposed center of infection and
life”; yet divorce was allowed in ancient Iran on (2) to destroy this center itself. Though all do not
grounds of certain natural causes or also in case of die of an infectious disease, it is dangerous and
adultery. Presently, the Parsis in India are difficult to have it into the hands of all, to distin-
governed by the Parsi Marriage and Divorce guish which case is infectious and which is not.
Act, 1936. So, for the sake of precaution and safety, it is
Funeral Ceremonies: According to Zoroastrian enjoined that all cases of death should be assumed
Religion, the first human being that appeared on as infectious and that people should come into as
the earth is called in the Avesta: gaya maretan “one little contact as possible with dead bodies [6].
having mortal life.” Hence every human being is When a Parsi Zoroastrian dies, then as early as
mortal, and death is inevitable. But death is not possible the ceremony called Sachkaar is to be
destruction, it is only a transformation. Human performed. The dead body is washed with bull’s
Zoroastrian Rituals in India 777

urine called the Gaomez, put on the white shrouds, levels everybody, and that one should always be
and is laid over the marble slabs. It is then segre- prepared for death which may overtake him at any
gated after reciting a short prayer. Only the corpse moment [7].
bearers are allowed to come into contact with the
body. If somebody else touches the body, he has to
go through a process of purification or a sacred Purificatory Ceremonies
bath taken under the directions of a priest.
Then a dog is brought in and made to see the The concept of purity has great importance and
corpse. This is known as the “Sag-did.” The dog is impact among Zoroastrians since ancient times.
believed to have the power of seeing and repelling Prophet Zarathushtra has outlined this basic tenet
the negative forces of pollution around the corpse. in his Gathas that purity is best for mankind right
Then at an appropriate time, the body is from the very beginning of man’s birth. More-
consigned to a consecrated place called the over, among the ancient Iranians, a good deal of
“Dakhma” or the “Tower of Silence” after reciting importance was attached to the purification of the
the Geh-Sarna ceremony over the same. This cer- body, with the belief that the physical purity is
emony must necessarily be carried out during the a step toward the purity of the mind, and the
daytime only in the presence of the sun. The Parsis purity of the soul. Purity is essential for the
have a unique system of the disposal of the dead, good of the body as for the good of the soul.
called “khurshed-nigirishni” or “dakhmenashini” According to Prof. Darmesteter, “the axiom that
which avoids pollution of all the elements of ‘cleanliness is next to godliness’ shall be alto-
nature. gether a Zoroastrian axiom, with this difference,
Thereafter, different ceremonies are conducted that in the Zoroastrian religion ‘cleanliness is
for the benefit of the soul for three more days, all a form itself of godliness’.” Such being the
in the honor of the angel Sraosha who is assigned case, it is no wonder, that in the Avesta, and
the task of protecting the soul during the crucial among the followers of the Zoroastrian Religion,
journey from this world to the next. On the morn- a good deal of importance was attached to health
ing of the fourth day, the soul is believed to be laws, and to the purification of the body as a step
judged on a bridge called chinvat and is set to toward the preservation of health; and their
enter the heaven or hell according to its actions observation has taken the form of various reli-
in this world. Some ceremonies thereafter are gious ceremonies accordingly.
considered important to be performed in honor There are four forms of purificatory ceremo-
of the deceased on the tenth day, first-month’s nies in general among the Parsis. The first of such
anniversary, sixth-month’s and the annual anni- is a very simple form in daily practice called the
versary and also every month particularly during Paadyaab. It entails washing of uncovered parts
the first year of the death. There is no prescribed of the body like face, hands, and feet with water,
limit then for the continuation of ceremonies for and then performing the “kusti” ceremony.
the deceased person as long as the surviving rela- Paadyaab generally performed during the day at
tives wish to continue with. These are occasions (a) early in the morning after rising from the bed,
when the surviving relatives remember the (b) on answering the call of nature, (c) before
deceased with feelings of gratitude, respect, and taking one’s meals, (d) before saying one’s
love, and pray to God that the soul may rest in prayers. This kind of basic ablution is seen prac-
peace and tranquility. ticed in almost all ages and in almost all religions.
The Zoroastrian funeral ceremonies are A next higher form of purification is known as
intended to produce in the minds of the survivors the “Nahn” which is corresponding to Sanskrit
a great solicitude for the health of the living, “snan,” meaning the bath. The Nahn is undertaken
respect for the dead, feelings of gratitude and in a Parsi’s life before the initiation ceremony of
love toward the deceased, and ideas of morality Navjote, before one’s marriage ceremony, some
and virtue, inculcated by the thought that death days after the childbirth by a woman, and so on.
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778 Zoroastrian Rituals in India

Nahn ceremony for lay people requires the help of the responsibilities of the respective religion in
a priest. The leaf of the pomegranate tree and the front of a congregation. Almost all major reli-
consecrated bull’s urine known as the “Nirang” gions of the world have this kind of a ceremony.
are the requisites to be consumed along with cer- Among the Parsi Zoroastrians, the ceremony is
tain prayers, followed by a sacred bath. called the “Naojote.” The child first undergoes
The highest form of purification is known as the purificatory “Nahn” ceremony, thereafter
the “Bareshnum.” Its objective is both of purifica- recites a prayer known as the Patet. This prayer
tion and segregation. Services of two priests are is one for repentance, signifying that the child
required for the ceremony. Its significance is has repented for whatever misdeeds it might have
highly eulogized in the Avestan scriptural book done in the past life, and is now ready for the
of the Vendidad. The candidate first undergoes responsibilities of a new life for its religion.
a short ceremony in a specified open air space Thereafter, a senior priest performs the actual
called the “Bareshnum-gah,” and then he has to investiture ceremony whereby a sacred white
undergo a period of retreat for nine days and nine shirt called the “sudreh,” and a sacred girdle
nights in isolation. At the end of this period, he has made of sheep’s wool, called the “kusti,” are
to perform a Yasna ceremony. At present, this being invested upon the child. The sacred shirt
ceremony is undertaken basically by the male must always be worn next to the skin over which
members of the priestly class, during the time of other clothes can be put on and the sacred girdle
the two-level priestly initiation ceremonies of tied around the waist, over the sacred shirt. These
“Navar” and “Maraatab.” The Bareshnum is also two sacred emblems are then enjoined to be
undertaken during the higher forms of liturgical continuously kept on the body throughout one’s
ceremonies like the “Nirangdin,” “Hamayasht,” life as a religious uniform, assisting against the
or tending to the service of the highest grade of evil, and as a constant reminder to be a faithful
fire, “the Atash-e-Bahram.” follower of the religion on the side of goodness.
The last form of ritual purification is known as The candidate then proceeds to recite the Decla-
the “Riman” which is a simpler version of the ration of the Articles of Faith, and the ceremony
Bareshnum ceremony. This is undertaken by ends with the Benediction prayers showered on
those who have come into contact with dead bod- the child by the performing priest. It is essential
ies in ways that have been prohibited, or those to note that the age for undergoing the initiation
who have been afflicted by infectious diseases or ceremony is mentioned in the scriptures as
the professional pallbearers who wish to retire between 7 and 15 years, and that it is considered
from their services. a grievous sin to move about without these inves-
titures thereafter.
A male child from a hereditary Parsi priestly
Initiation Ceremonies family, generally upto the age of puberty is enti-
tled to be initiated into priesthood by undergoing
By “initiation” is meant an introduction into the Naavar ceremony. The said ceremony
a religious organization, by the performance of includes undergoing of two sets of “Bareshnum”
certain rites and ceremonies. Among Parsi Zoro- purification by the candidate. Then two senior
astrians, there are two such ceremonies: (1) the experienced priests engage themselves into
Naojote, which is the initiation of a child into the performing the “Yasna” ceremonies for six days,
fold of the Zoroastrian Religion (2) the Naavar and on the last day, the candidate himself is made
and the “Maraatab,” the two grades of initiation to perform the “Yasna” ceremony. For other three
into priesthood. days, he has to perform Yasna and Visparad cere-
The term “Naojote” means a neophyte, a new monies, and he is then certified as being an
entrant. A child born in a particular religion, ordained priest of the first level.
when it comes of age, undergoes a ceremony The Second level of initiation into the Parsi
whereby it solemnly and officially undertakes priesthood is known as the Maraatab ceremony.
Zoroastrian Rituals in India 779

The candidate, who has undergone the Naavar including the fire produced by atmospheric light-
ceremony, has to undergo one set of “Bareshnum” ening, are required in this ceremony. Each of such
purification and, the next day, has to perform the fires is at first collected, then purified, and then
Yasna ceremony in the morning and later on, consecrated in a certain manner with intricate
starting midnight, has to perform the “Vendidad” ceremonies. All these fires, thus collected, puri-
ceremony. The candidate upon undergoing both fied, and consecrated are united into one fire,
levels of initiation into priesthood receive the which is then consecrated as one united fire.
titles of “Ervad” and “Mobed.” The candidate This consecrated fire is then enthroned in
who has undergone only the Naavar level is allo- a previously consecrated Temple building. These
wed to perform only certain ceremonies, while the grades of fire temples are very rare. Only highly
one who has undergone both the levels of ordain- qualified priests called the “Yaozdathregars”
ment is entitled to perform all rituals and the (those qualified to spread purity) tend to this
ceremonies, including the higher liturgical ones. form of sacred Fire. Strict rules of religious obser-
vations are to be followed by them. There are only
eight such fire temples in India, and also in the
Consecration Ceremonies world, for the Parsis. The first such fire temple
consecrated by the Parsis after their arrival in
The Consecration of the Sacred Fires & the Fire India which is known as the “Iranshah” is pres-
Temples: The term “consecration” means “the act ently based in a small village of Udwada in South
or ceremony of separating from a common to Gujarat. Other seven such fire temples were
a sacred use, or of devoting and dedicating consecrated during the eighteenth and nineteenth
a thing to the service and worship of God.” centuries in Parsis-inhabited places like Bombay,
As mentioned before, the element of Fire is Navsari, and Surat.
central to the Zoroastrian Faith. As a natural The consecration of the second sacred Fire,
form of worship for the devotees, fire temples that of the Aatash Aadaraan, is comparatively
are built in which consecrated fires are enthroned less rigorous than the first one. Only four types
in a sanctum sanctorum. This fire then burns con- of different fires are collected, purified,
tinually, and is tended 24  7 by the qualified consecrated, and then united into one fire, and
priests, and offering specific prayers five times enthroned in a temple. There are several such
a day, which is known as the “Boe” ceremony. fire temples, popularly known as the “Agiaries”
During the Zoroastrian Empire in Iran, there are spread across places in India, where there has been
descriptions of various fire-temples established by a sizable Parsi population.
the Kings, including the three great ancient ones Consecration of the Towers of Silence:
of national importance. A Tower of Silence, or the “Dakhma” (the term
There are three grades of the Sacred Fire used by the Parsis), is a round circular structure
(Aatash): (a) The Sacred Fire of the Aatash-e- made of stone, wherein the dead body of a Parsi is
Bahram (named after the presiding deity over placed for the final disposal. The selected place is
victory) (b) that of the Aatash-e-Aadaraan, and generally on a higher hilly level, and is to be
(c) that of the Aatash-e-Daadgaah’. For the first consecrated in a manner described in the Zoroas-
two grades of Fire, the rituals of consecration, trian religious scriptures.
installation in the sanctum sanctorum, and the The ceremonies in connection with the conse-
“Boe” ceremonies to tend them five times a day cration of a Tower is generally in three stages: (a)
are absolutely mandatory, while the third grade of to strike the first spade, that is, the ceremony for
fire is generally considered the household-hearth- digging the ground to lay the foundation (b) the
fire, and the ritual to tend it is voluntary. “Taana” ceremony, or the ceremony of laying the
The first grade of Fire, that of the Aatash foundation, and (c) the consecration proper. When
Bahram, is the highest form of consecrated fires. the whole of the required plot of ground is exca-
Sixteen types of fires from different households, vated, the two priests fix a total of 301 nails of
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780 Zoroastrian Rituals in India

different sizes along the circumference of the among the Parsis, a pure white uncastrated Bull
ground at different levels, and pass on the threads, is held sacred and known as the ‘Varasya’. Tradi-
which are washed and purified three times, tionally, in India, each Parsi diocese has its own
through them in a ritual manner. After some “Varasya.” This particular animal is to be ritually
days, the actual foundation work proceeds over consecrated through a 6-day ceremony. As it is
the whole thing as it is. The nails and the thread considered a living force, no other “Varasya” is
remain underground and the foundation work pro- consecrated concurrently. Only, upon the death of
ceeds over it to complete the Tower. A day is then the existing “Varasya,” a new one is to be
fixed for its consecration. In the central wall of the consecrated. All the rituals in that particular dio-
Tower, called the “Bhandaar,” two priests perform cese are stopped during the time between the
Yasna and Vendidad ceremonies over a period of death of an existing Varasya and the consecration
three consecutive days. On the morning of the of the new one.
fourth day then, a public thanksgiving ceremony The other important “aalaat” is the use of urine
known as the “Jashan” is performed in the pres- of the sacred Bull “Varasya.” Among the ancient
ence of a large number of the members of the Iranians, water, urine, and sand or a particular
community assembled there and is then thrown kind of earth were considered to be the best
open for the use of the community. means of purification. Water is the best purifier,
The Significance of the “Taana” Ceremony: It but before washing the body with it, the applica-
is enjoined in the Vendidad that the ground must tion of cow’s urine was considered necessary. This
not be polluted with the corpses but must be is known as gaomaeza in the Avestan scriptures.
exposed. Taana ceremony seems to signify that When the gaomaeza is consecrated through reli-
the proposed Tower is expected to pollute the gious ceremonies, it is known as “Nirang” or
ground, only to the extent of the excavations. ‘Nirang-din’ (power of the religion). This cere-
The thread all along is believed to limit the degree mony of preparing the Nirang is called Nirang-
of pollution. The pollution, if any, is within the din, and is one of the higher liturgical ceremonies,
four corners of the walls of the Tower. It does not which spans across 18 days, and is performed by
extend even underneath. The Tower has four two highly qualified Yaozdathregar priests. The
underground drains, through which the rainwater, “Nirang” so extracted is then used in the various
etc., falling over the bodies in the Tower passes purificatory ceremonies, previously mentioned in
into the ground. The area of these drains which are this write-up.
likely to carry polluted water is also limited by the
adjustment of nails and their thread. The whole
process of nailing begins with the central big nail The Liturgical Ceremonies
and the process of the spreading of the thread ends
at the same central nail. This points to the idea of The Zoroastrian liturgical ceremonies are broadly
unity in the Beginning and unity in the End. The divided under two heads:
Creation all comes from One, and it all goes back
to that One. The whole creation is, as it were, is • The Inner Liturgical Services
united in its birth and is united in its end. There is • The Outer Liturgical Services
One in All. There is All in One [8].
Consecration of the “Aalaat” or Religious Req- The inner liturgical services are those religious
uisites: A minor form of consecration is that for the ceremonies that can only be performed in
“Aalaat” or the requisites used in some religious a specially allotted place for the purpose. Such
services. a place is known as the Urvis-gaah also known
In many ancient eastern nations, the bull was as Yazashna-gaah. These are the areas marked
held to be an emblem of Life, of Vital Energy, and with furrows in the floor, known as the paavis.
hence considered sacred. The Egyptians had their They are specially constructed in rooms as part of
Apis. The Hindus have their Nandi. Similarly, a fire temple. The ceremonies performed there are
Zoroastrian Rituals in India 781

generally spoken of as the paav mahal ceremo- ceremony is also performed during the morning
nies, that is, the ceremonies for evolving the ritu- hours, and is undertaken mainly during the sea-
ally purified spiritual power. These ceremonies sonal “Gahambar” festivals.
can only be performed by the highly qualified In the Vendidad ceremony, all three texts of the
Yaozdathregar priests. Yasna, the Visparad, and the Vendidad are recited,
The ceremonies of (1) The Yasna or Yazashna and their chapters are intermingled and arranged
or Ijasni (in Gujarati), (2) The Visparad, in a particular order for recitation. This ceremony
(3) The Vendidad, and (4) the Baj are all inner is performed starting from midnight and
liturgical services. Except for the Baj ceremony extending up to early hours in the morning. It is
which is performed by a single priest, all the other very rigorous in nature, and demands consider-
three types of ceremonies are performed by a pair able agility of mind and body on the part of the
of priests. The main officiating priest is known as priests.
the “Zaotar,” and the other assisting priest as the The “Baj” is a simple ceremony performed by
“Raaspi” or “Raathwi.” These ceremonies are one priest over a set of four or six sacred breads
performed by arranging specific requisites on called the draona, “dron” or “darun.” It is recited
a stone table called Hindhola (in Gujarati) in the on several particular occasions with certain
presence of a fire altar in the “Urvis-gaah.” formalities.
The Yasna is the basic ritual text containing The outer liturgical services mean those reli-
72 chapters, including the 17 chapters of the gions services which may be performed in a fire
Gathas. The Yasna ceremony occupies an impor- temple (not necessarily in the notified area), or in
tant place in the Zoroastrian rituals. It is a ceremony any ordinary or private house or place, and by
of invocation and dedication of high order, requir- priests other than the ‘Yaozdathregars’ also.
ing ritually purified utensils and libations. It is In the group of the outer liturgical ceremonies,
celebrated on various solemn occasions of the the common ones are known as the “Afringan”
remembrance of the souls of the departed as well and the “Farokhshi.” These are mainly recited
as on the festive occasions as the thanksgiving over the offerings of fruits and milk called the
services. In the ceremony, the Supreme Lord “myazd.” The “Stum” ceremony is recited using
Ahura Mazda, the Amesha Spentas (archangels), the cooked food as offering.
and the Yazatas (angels) are invoked and The most important of all the Parsi Zoroastrian
worshipped by chanting the sacred “maanthras,” ceremonies is what is collectively known as the
and dedicating the consecrated offerings and liba- “Farvardegan” or the “Muktad” celebration,
tions. The offerings include spiritual virtues and which is observed during the last ten days of the
powers and good creations of the world. The most Parsi Calendar year. They are the principal holi-
important aspect of the Yasna ceremony is to pre- days for the remembrance of the departed ones
pare an extract from the Haoma plant along with and their “Fravashis” (the guardian spirits). Dif-
other libations. This Haoma ceremony corresponds ferent types of vases or pitchers are arranged on
very closely to the Soma ceremony among the marble tables, and the flowers placed within so as
Hindus. The Yasna ceremony is performed during to create an artificial form of a garden. There are
the daytime generally in the morning hours before several passages in the Avesta that point to water
noon. and flowers as the objects of nature with which the
The other ritual texts, the Visparad (23 chapters) Fravashis of the dead are pleasantly associated. In
and the Vendidad, also known as Vidaevadaata in several major religions of the world, certain days
the Avesta, (22 chapters), are never recited exclu- of the year are earmarked for the remembrance of
sively as independent texts in the context of the the departed. People are deeply involved the
ceremonies. Some of the chapters of the Visparad whole of the year in their different avocations
are the enlarged chapters of the Yasna, and while and walks of life. The arrival of these days helps
the others are intermingled with those of the Yasna them to reflect upon themselves, and to connect to
for recital in the Visparad ceremony. The Visparad the Nature in a solemn environment.
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782 Zoroastrian Self-Perceptions

The summary account of the Avesta Nasks 6. Modi, RCCP, p 49

(Holy Books), given in the later Pahlavi book 7. Ibid., p 82
8. Ibid., p 236
“Denkart,” shows that one of the sections of 9. Ibid., p 243
the Huspaaram Nask was Ehrpatastaan, the 10. Mirza, OPH, p 416
book concerning the Ehrpat (religious teacher), 11. Kotwal, Select ritual aspects, pp 128, 129
and another section of the same Nask
was “Nirangistaan,” “the book concerning the
ritual” [9].
To conclude in the words of Dastur Kotwal: “It Zoroastrian Self-Perceptions
is important to reflect that lofty as Zarathushtra’s
hymns are, their use and application, right up to ▶ Zoroastrian Accomplishments from the Tenth
the present times, have been through the continu- to the Twentieth Century
ity of the acts of worship doggedly preserved
within a ritual framework.
Perhaps, it is a mark of its esoteric strength that
no one translation of the Gathas can be termed as
Zoroastrian Social Progress in
being the right one, as the prophet’s words often
India
lend themselves to multiple interpretations;
whereas countless priests, over the millennia,
▶ Zoroastrian Accomplishments from the Tenth
have performed, say the ‘yasna’ liturgy, in which
to the Twentieth Century
the ‘hom’ libation has been prepared, and
have enjoyed the experiential dimension of
celebrating the prophet’s teachings through
a ‘mantric’ formula, both time tested and in
Zoroastrian Theology and
a sense, proven!” [10].
Eschatology

Jehan Bagli
Cross-References World Zoroastrian Organization, Toronto, ON,
Canada
▶ Zoroastrian Theology and Eschatology
▶ Zoroastrianism, Temples
Abbreviations
References Vd Vendidad
Ys Yasna
1. Kotwal Dastur Firoze M. (1996) Select ritual aspects
of the Gathas and their continuity in the later tradition. Yt Yasht
The Journal of the Research and Historical Preserva-
tion Committee-Vol. II: p 128 (Proceedings of the Synonyms
second North American Gatha conference, Houston,
1996)
2. Ibid., pp 127, 128 Teachings of prophet Zarathushtra; Zoroastrianism
3. Edwards E, Encyclopaedia of religion and ethics, Has-
tings J (ed), vol XII. T&T Clark, Edinburgh (latest
impression 1980), p 807
4. Modi Sir JJ (1986) Religious ceremonies and customs Definition
of the parsees (RCCP), 2nd edn. Reprint, Bombay,
Preface, pp x, xi, Society for the Promotion of Zoroas-
trian Religious Knowledge and Education, Bombay
A historic account of the life, time, and teachings
5. Mirza Dastur Hormazdyar K. (1974) Outlines of Parsi of Zarathushtra and how they are influenced by
history (OPH). Bombay, pp 417, 418 the passage of time.
Zoroastrian Theology and Eschatology 783

Introduction these historians were clearly influenced by the

Zurvanite millenary concept which led them to
Aryan settlers in the ancient Indo-Iranian realms assign such an early date [2].
lived closely together for the longest period in Similar erroneous assumptions were made by
West Central Asia. Between 2000 and 1800 B.C. the magi of the Parthian era, when they computed
E. the Proto-Indo-Aryan groups separated from the later date around 600 B.C.E. for the Prophet
their common habitat and migrated to Iran in the [3, 4]. It is a widely accepted fact that the old
west and to India in the east. Some relics of Avestan dialect has a close similarity to Sanskrit.
commonality and differences of the two sister The style and meter of the Gathic composition are
civilizations that evolved one from the early also related to those of the Hindu Vedic scriptures.
Vedic society and the other from the ancient Ira- In the absence of sound factual verification and
nian people can be gleaned from the Avesta. based on circumstantial dating of the Vedic scrip-
The exact time when the Aryan settlers tures, it is generally accepted by the scholastic
meandered into the Iranian plateau is obscure. community that Zarathushtra lived sometime
Avestan texts clearly suggest a civilization of set- between 1700 and 1200 B.C.E. after the separa-
tled people pursuing agriculture and having a set tion and migration of the Indo-Iranians to India in
of beliefs that they brought from their ancient the east and the Iranian plateau in the west.
homeland. In the Avesta they are referred to as Equally diverse are the notions of the scholars
Paoiryo-tkaesha, meaning “of primitive faith.” regarding the homeland of Zarathushtra. How-
The Avestan authors of the later era record that ever, it is generally accepted that it was some-
some of the traditions of those pre-Zoroastrian where in the south of the Ural range along the
people may have been transmitted to the post- lower course of the Amu Darya (Oxus river)
Zoroastrian era. People of that ancient era where Zarathushtra may have preached his early
worshipped deified forms of natural elements – message. This conjecture is supported by the fact
fire, water, earth, and the forces of Nature. Each of that there are some features of commonalities
these divinities had their own special reverence between the ancient Avestan language and the
from the devotees and required their own special later recorded tongue of Khwarezmia [5].
sacrifice. In those days, the Divine energy was not From the later Avestan texts, one notes that the
vested in one single Divinity with absolute faith. Prophet was profoundly touched by the fate of the
pastoralist society that was constantly threatened
by the fierce nomadic tribes. He saw considerable
Zoroaster:Time and Homeland sorrow, misery, wrath, falsehood, hatred, crime,
filth, and disease around him. He grew deeply
Zoroaster is the name given by the Greek to the sensitive to the suffering of the society in which
Iranian Prophet Zarathushtra, the founder of Zoro- he grew up. This sowed the seeds of doubt in his
astrianism. It was in that cultural infancy of civili- mind about the words of the religious leaders of
zation, when reading and writing was in the early the time. He chose to spend considerable time in
stages of development, that Zarathushtra insemi- isolation to contemplate deeply about the social
nated the new faith in the land of ancient Iran. values in life and their relevance to the Nature that
Due to a paucity of recorded history of the time, surrounds it.
the exact date of birth and spread of the religion is
obscure. Dates postulated by the scholastic commu-
nity span from 6000 B.C.E. to late sixth century B. Ahura Mazda
C.E. The dating calculation of the earliest and the
latest extreme of these dates is believed to be erro- It was in his communion with Divinity that Zara-
neous [1]. The earlier date postulated by the Greek thushtra perceived an ordered world in Nature. In
historians Hermodorus, Xanthus, and Eudoxus all that order, through his spiritual consciousness, he
range around 6300–6400 B.C.E. It is suggested that was able to identify the manifestation of the power
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784 Zoroastrian Theology and Eschatology

of “Infinite Wisdom” that governs and advances Despite the fact that the Prophet anthropomor-
the course of the cosmos. He proclaimed that phizes Mazda with eyes (Ys 31.13), hands (Ys
Wisdom Incarnate as the sole and uncontested 43.4), and tongue (Ys 31.3) in his hymns, a later
godhead and named it Ahura Mazda. religious text [7] clearly portrays Ahura Mazda as
Ahura is the Iranian term for the pre- an intangible Spirit. This Spirit, in its immanence,
Zarathushtrian word Asura (Sanskrit) of Vedic manifests itself through the entire Universe [8]. It
scriptures meaning Lord. However, it was is the immanence of this Supreme Divinity in
Zarathushtra’s own inspiration that induced him mankind that makes their relationship with
to adjoin the epithet Mazda meaning a perceptive Mazda intimately personal, while the same inher-
power, Wisdom, or Supreme Intellect, thus ren- ence in the entire Universe renders God transcen-
dering Ahura Mazda as Lord Wisdom [6]. By dental and apersonal.
proclamation of Ahura Mazda as the sole Creator The Prophet recognizes Ahura Mazda as the
of the Universe, the Prophet forged the first mono- uncreated first principle [9] that is Spentem –
theistic creed in the history of humanity and the progressively benevolent – and repeatedly
first revealed religion of mankind. He proclaimed acknowledges Him as such in his hymns [10].
that in his hymn as follows: Mazda conceived, fashioned, and manifested the
. . .. I saw thee to be the first one at the birth of life creation of the Universe through his progressive
(Yasna (Ys) 43.5) mental aspect Spenta Mainyu and set it in motion
in accordance with the eternal law of Asha.
The message of this great thinker is enshrined
Philologists have interpreted Spenta Mainyu as
in some 241 holy hymns known as the Gathas.
a progressive or advancing thought process or
These hymns are the only liturgies Zoroastrians a benevolent way of thinking. Various respected
have, which are the words of the Prophet. The
scholars, however, have interpreted the term as
Gathas are the roadmap of guidance to live
Holy Mentality or Holy Spirit. Spenta Mainyu
a righteous life following the laws of God. These
symbolizes the ideal and perfect existence as con-
holy hymns attest to the fact that the teachings of
ceived in thought by Ahura Mazda, and can be
the God of Zarathushtra transcend the borders of
best described as the incrementally beneficent
race, color, or creed to bring together the entire
thinking toward the progress of Creation. This
humanity universally under a single banner of
thinking is in complete consonance with the eter-
spiritual union. These hymns were orally trans-
nal law of Asha that can be interpreted as the Will
mitted for some 2,000 years before they were
of Ahura Mazda.
committed to writing in the third century C.E.
The Prophet, in his hymns, teaches mankind
how one can commune with and recognize the
Asha
Ultimate Reality – God – when he says:
I shall exalt Him with songs of devotion Existence of an eternal law that maintains the
Him, who is famed as Mazda Ahura, the Lord Wise ordered Universe was deeply rooted in the ancient
(Ys 45.10)
Indo-Iranian culture. In the Vedic religion, rta is
The Prophet addresses his God using various the concept that is responsible for the functioning
epithets as Mazda or Ahura alone, or as Mazda of the natural, moral, and social order. The analo-
Ahura, or Ahura Mazda. The God of Zarathushtra gous concept in Zoroastrianism is Asha. There is
is ineffable, infinite, and perfect in all respects. He no one word in English that can interpret this term.
is the Absolute in Truth, in Unconditional Love, Ahura Mazda is the first cause of everything that
and in Benevolence. is good, and all that is good is in consonance with
When I conceived of Thee O Mazda the law of Asha. From the Gathic hymns, one can
As the very first and the last the most adorable One glean that Zarathushtra was an embodiment [11]
(Ys 31.8) of Asha, and he taught that mankind can be holy
Zoroastrian Theology and Eschatology 785

and progressive by being in the state of Spenta Avestan texts provides ample evidence to con-
Mainyu in accordance with Asha. clude that these attributes are, in actuality, synon-
It is the natural order embodied in the law of ymous [16] with that Supreme Divinity, Mazda.
Asha that night follows day and the seasons fol- Vohu Manah: Ahura Mazda through his crea-
low in a cyclic change. It is in the moral order of tive spirit Spenta Mainyu conceived the Universe.
Asha that human beings relate to each other and In his ethical perception, Zarathushtra recognized
that speech is in accord with Truth. Those who that the thought process of humanity must be
live by that principle are just, upright, and honest Good and Righteous, to be synchronous with
and would prosper [12]. Yasna 44 of the Gathas is that of his God, for that is the genesis of wisdom.
one of the finest hymns that elaborate the order Consequently, human thought process is the most
when it states: fundamental in the ethical system of Zarathushtra.
This is the operation that guides mankind to the
This I ask thee tell me truly
who upholds the earth below expression of benevolent words and deeds. Vohu
who keeps the sky from falling Manah –the Good Mind – is the inspiration that
who creates the waters and plants antecedes Good thoughts in mankind resulting in
who lends speed to the wind and clouds
Good words.
(Ys 44.4)
Vohu Manah coupled with Asha Vahishta are
In other words, Asha is the Truth that flashed the two aspects of Mazda that are functional and
unto the Prophet from the Divine Source. It is the mission oriented for mankind to diligently pursue
Truth [13] that constitutes the immutable order of as they proceed through the odyssey of life. These
Nature, the Truth in the moral direction of being are the two features of Mazda that permit mankind
righteous, the Truth in the social measure of jus- to arrive at a proper and informed evaluation and
tice, and the Truth in the philosophical sense. to judiciously exercise their freedom of choice
[17]. Gathic hymns hint at the relationship of
Vohu Manah with animal life [18]. Consequently,
Amesha Spentas with the passage of time, this aspect of Mazda
came to be recognized as the guardian of the
Theologically, the goal of life in the physical animal kingdom.
existence is to evolve by harmonizing the physical Asha Vahishta: Often the importance and
personality with the innate Divine to attain spiri- immensity of this aspect of Ahura Mazda is
tual perfection. In order to fully execute the Will undermined, by describing Asha Vahishta as Sub-
of God, and to fulfill one’s mission in life in the lime Righteousness and Justice that governs the
corporeal existence, Zarathushtra offers six cardi- Universe. Zarathushtra was charged with the
nal aspects of Mazda that mankind should emu- responsibility of elaborating to mankind the abso-
late. They are collectively designated as Amesha lute Truth and moral justice that flashed unto him
Spentas meaning “Bounteous Immortals.” The from the Divine Source of Wisdom – Ahura
term Amesha Spentas does not appear in the Mazda. This Truth is amply embodied in the
Gathas, but appears for the first time in Yasna immutable order of Nature that operates with
Haptanhaiti [14]. unfailing regularity. This order is peaceful and
These six epithets along with Mazda form devoid of all evil sentiments. The Prophet
a heptad and are mentioned together in the Gathas observed that human life is best lived when
[15] several times. Zarathushtra designates these men’s relationship with, and their duty to, fellow
aspects as Vohu Manah, Asha Vahishta, Khshthra men and to the Creation at large is administered
Vairya, Spenta Armiaty, Haurvatat and Ameretat. through Truth and Righteousness. This is the
These values have often been individually anthro- pathway in consonance with the law of Asha and
pomorphized as archangels in later Zarathushtrian the Will of Ahura Mazda [19]. Zarathushtra, in his
literature. However, a closer look at the Younger adoration, elevates fire – the sustaining energy of
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786 Zoroastrian Theology and Eschatology

life – to revere the Truth [20]. In time, Asha and return it to its primal state of Vohu Manah,
Vahishta came to be regarded as the guardian of to be “among those who shall refresh and heal life
the Sacred Fire. in this world” [23]. Zarathushtra repeatedly
Khshthra Vairya: Implicit within the goal of stresses association of Armaiti with Good Mind
individual perfection in life are the efforts one that promotes Good actions [24]. It is a state of
makes to elevate the physical world of actuality being that harmonizes the human mentality with
to a higher stage of spiritual perfection. This is the the Holy mentality – Spenta Mainyu – and the
making of the Desired Kingdom, or Khshthra human will with the Will of God – Asha. The
Vairya, in the physical existence. Doctrinally, Cre- later texts associate this aspect as the essence
ation in the Zarathushtrian faith is a composite of and guardian of the earth [25].
two complements built within Oneness. First is Haurvatat and Ameretat: As one begins to
the Menog (Avestan Mainyava) – the existence comprehend the above aspects of Mazda, the
that is absolute, and perfect in righteousness, innate spiritual tends to harmonize with the phys-
purity, and unconditional love. That is the Divine ical and humankind is drawn closer to perfection
Dominion. In contrast, there is the world of or completeness of Haurvatat – a state of whole-
actuality –Getig (Avestan Gaethaya) – that is ness of one’s self. That is the enlightenment to the
flawed and tainted through the imperfect thinking ultimate state of sublimity, that of Ameretat – non-
and undesirable choices of mankind. Therefore, it deathness – or immortality. This is the spiritual
is the duty and responsibility of mankind to cor- evolution to the highest state, when one finds the
rect these ills and to bring this flawed existence to state of absolute bliss or of eternal peace. The later
the pristine state of Divine Dominion through Avestan texts identify Haurvatat and Ameretat as
informed choices. guardians of water and plant, respectively [26].
This state of Khshthra is attainable only
through a life that diligently pursues the two func-
tional aspects of Mazda, namely, thinking through Yazatas
Good Mind (Vohu manah) and Righteousness
(Asha Vahishta). This is a goal that is achievable The word Yazata literally means the “one worthy
only when humanity has evolved to live with the of praise.” It is of later origin evolved to bridge the
precepts of Mazda and when the Law of Righ- void between human and Divine. Although there
teousness is fully adhered to, thus establishing the is no pantheon of angelology in the Gathic hymns,
Divine Kingdom on earth. Khshthra manifests the Yazatas in the Younger Avesta are often personi-
purity and riches of all the earthly and spiritual fied as angels with Amesha Spentas as archangels.
virtues. The Gathic hymns mention the ordeal of In his hymns, Zarathushtra mentions Sraosha and
molten metal [21] to purify the world of its moral Ashi. As a Yazata, Sraosha rose in prominence
impurities. This notion has led the later Avestan with time and is interpreted by some as “listening”
texts to assign to Khshthra the guardianship of – the Divine voice – within, while others explain it
metals. as conscience [27]. Ashi is the symbolism of
Spenta Armaiti: Cognate with the Vedic abundance and prosperity [28]. She helps those
Aramati, the aspect of Spenta Armaiti is devotion who invoke her with piety and offerings.
personified and a mode for communion with Atar or fire as mentioned in the Gathas is
Ahura Mazda. A later Pahlavi text [22] interprets elevated beyond the levels of all the “adorable
it as “Complete Mindfulness” and as an offspring ones.” Atar corresponds to the Vedic deity Agni.
of Wisdom. This is a state of being for those who Although fire in the material world is perceived as
choose to lead their life through Good thinking a physical element, in the hymns of the Prophet, it
and Asha. Armaiti – as piety – is the sanctuary to is implied as a spiritual entity. Divine fire is the
refresh and renovate the Mind, to free it from light that guides humanity [29]. Its radiance brings
corruption by the chaos of corporeal existence, enlightenment [30] to mankind, with reward for
Zoroastrian Theology and Eschatology 787

the righteous and retribution for the deceitful [31]. announces that there are two fundamental ways
It is the spiritual energy that directs mankind to the the Mind/Spirit can function [36]. These two are
path of Asha and promotes Good thinking [32]. always in conflict, and mankind must stay away
This Divine energy, the energy of his God Ahura from the deceitful way of thinking to be synchro-
Mazda, is linked directly to the Universal law of nous on the path of Asha. This concept of the dual
Asha – the Will of God. use of Mind has undergone significant diversion
The very nature of Ahura Mazda is eternal light in the later Avestan and Pahlavi texts. In these
that enlightens the firmament, that is, the life force texts, all events that are harmful and deleterious
of Creation, or fire of the hearth in a poor house- to mankind are ascribed as the function of an evil
hold. It is then no surprise that the Prophet of spirit that came to be recognized as Anra Mainyu
ancient Iran chose fire as the nearest earthly rep- (Avesta) or Ahriman (Pahlavi). This later-evolved
resentation of the heavenly Lord [33]. Zoroastrian notion became so firmly rooted in the texts of the
is the only tradition where fire is literally era that this evil spirit has been posited as an
enthroned, through elaborate purificatory rituals. antagonist to the creative principle – Spenta
In an esoteric sense, the fire is looked upon as Mainyu – and often to the Supreme Divinity
a King, and his domain is known as Fire Temples. Ahura Mazda. This profound remythologization
The worship of this Sacred Monarch/Fire ruling has left a great lack in the comprehension of the
the Universe is the worship of Ahura Mazda. Gathic teachings among the Greek philosophers.
As Gerschewitz mentions [37], the Greek philos-
ophers of the fourth century B.C.E. understood
Good and Evil the Zarathushtrian faith as a religion of the two
gods Oromazdes and Areimanios, from the Youn-
Good and evil are moral concepts that reflect the ger Avestan texts. This misconception has caused
two extremes of the spectrum of human concep- some in the scholastic community to believe
tion, good being the positive end and evil the Zoroastrianism as a duo-theistic rather than
negative one. Their corporeal presence as con- a monotheistic faith.
cepts is only perceived when conception of It is however clear from the teachings of the
a thought is translated into action. Gathas that mankind with their Good Mind must
In Zoroastrian theology, mankind is a pivotal learn to judiciously discriminate the right from
creation of God, one that is endowed with the wrong, wisdom from ignorance, in its pursuit
a thought process through Vohu Manah and has for perfection in life. As coworkers with Mazda,
complete freedom of choice to express thoughts they must refrain from any kind of thinking that
through words and actions. Zarathushtra in his would cause harm, pain, or suffering to their
hymns says: fellow beings, or to the Creation at large, so as
“O Mazda, by thy intelligence Thou didst fashion us not to be the progenitors of evil. Zoroastrian
with bodies and spiritual consciences, and gave theology holds that God is Absolute, Perfect,
ourselves the power of conception and intentions and All Good and cannot be expected to create
so that one makes their choice through free will” the imperfection of evil. This flaw of the pres-
[34].
ence of evil must therefore lie with the limita-
The Prophet insists that mankind must listen tions and imperfection of mankind. As helpers of
and reflect with a clear mind to make the right Mazda, it is incumbent upon mankind to pursue
choice [35] to generate the right results. He thus the Bounteous Immortal aspects of Mazda to
charges mankind with an immense responsibility avoid and defeat evil in thoughts, words, and
to choose the right and good over wrong and evil. deeds in all its encounters. The message of Zar-
Zarathushtra experienced and observed evil in athushtra clearly reflects [38] that evil will be
his lifetime and was fully conscious of its exis- fully vanquished when the humanity chooses,
tence. This he expresses clearly when he of its own free will, and in complete unison, the
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788 Zoroastrian Theology and Eschatology

Righteous path. Zoroastrianism thus treats the heaven and hell were greatly transformed in the
question of evil in the corporeal existence in Younger Avestan and Pahlavi texts to complex
a unique way. fourfold abodes. Heaven was graded into
a domain of Good thoughts, of Good words, of
Good deeds, and terminating in the realm of end-
Life After Corporeal Existence less Light. Correspondingly, the texts mention
four grades of hell ending in eternal darkness
As mentioned earlier, Creation in Zoroastrian the- [45, 46]. Retributions for the wicked soul are
ology is a unison of two [39] complements – the mentioned in the Gathas in vague terms as the
spiritual (Manahya) and the physical (Astvant). suffering of torment and misery [47]. In contrast,
The entire Creation, including human beings, a strong physical tone is associated with punish-
with the Divine manifestation is a synthesis of ments described in the later Avestan texts [48, 49].
the temporal (body or Tanu) and the eternal (soul
or Urvan) [40]. Death in Zoroastrian theology is
the end of the terrestrial and beginning of the Final Renovation
celestial voyage. At the end of corporeal life,
these two components must separate. The physi- Zarathushtrian theology acknowledges the “end
cal deteriorates over time to earthly elements, of time” when all evil will be vindicated and
while the spiritual continues its sojourn into righteousness shall triumph in Perfection. This
immortality. Zarathushtra in his hymns fully can only be realized through the collective deeds
enunciates the law of reward for the righteous of individuals, families, communities, and nations
and retribution for the deceitful [41]. [50] living in concordance with the law of Asha.
They are the saviors and the role models whom
In Immortality souls of the righteous (shall) be in Zarathushtra recognizes in his hymns as
splendor Saoshyant [51]. These enlightened men and
But those of the wicked shall be in misery
women, who extol the virtues of righteousness,
(Ys 45.7)
using their Good Mind, emerge as the benefactors
Based on this principle, the soul arrives at the among mankind, and to whom Mazda is
juncture that is believed to link the finite and the a companion and a friend [52].
infinite. Zarathushtra defines this link as Chinvato The Universe as it progresses toward perfec-
peretus – the Bridge of the separator [42]. This is tion supplants equity for inequity, right for wrong,
the allegoric post of separation of the righteous to finally reach the stage when Gaithaya – the
from the wicked. Souls that have experienced physical – will be restored to a veritable Mainyava
pious and righteous existence will be rewarded – a spiritual existence. Universal salvation recog-
with eternal bliss. In contrast, those that went nized in Zarathushtrian theology as Frashokereti
through a wicked and deceitful life will experi- – the final renovation of the Universe – is entirely
ence remorse for their failures. a consequence of individual salvation. This can
Heaven, in the hymns of the Prophet, is alle- only be achieved by the deeds of the Saoshyants
gorically described as the House of Song or of or Saviors, who are the preachers of Truth and
Good Thinking – Garo demana [43]. In contrast, promoters of Justice.
Hell is described as the Abode of Evil Mind or In the Pahalavi and Younger Avestan texts, this
Abode of Lie – Drujo demana [44]. It is generally Gathic concept of Saoshyant underwent a complete
believed that Zarathushtra uses the term “dwell- transformation, prompted by the Zurvanite heresy
ing” (demana) metaphorically to express a state of that promulgated around the fourth century B.C.E.
being of the souls. Righteous souls thus experi- [53]. The millenary scheme of the “Great Year”
ence a happy state, while those of the wicked made up of four periods of 3,000 years each was
encounter sadness. These profound concepts of developed by the priesthood of that era. This put the
Zoroastrian Theology and Eschatology 789

birth of Zoroaster toward the end of the ninth wicked will be purged off their sins and be wholly
millennium [54] and elaborated the coming of the purified. Mankind thus purified, through final dis-
three Saoshyants in the three subsequent millennia. pensation of its evil, will be rendered immortal
As per this scheme, human history will end at the and become worthy of the eternal bliss in harmony
termination of the twelfth millennium, and that will with the Creator [62]. Hunger and thirst will
also mark the end of Time. diminish to the point that mankind will survive
The later texts speak of the Saoshyant Uxšyat- on spiritual nourishment alone. Humanity will
ereta (Pahlavi Ushider Mah one with whom righ- reach perfection in the art and science of healing
teousness grows) who will be born in the tenth and will be free of disease and death [63]. Thus
millennium, while the eleventh and twelfth equipped with eternal perfection, mankind shall
millennia will be those of Ukhshyat-nemah be of One Will among them, and that shall be in
(Pahlavi Ushider Bami, one with whom reverence complete harmony with the Divine Will. Humans
grows) and Astvat-ereta (Pahlavi Soshyosh one will then be one with each other and one with the
who embodies righteousness), respectively. It is Creator [64]. This is the Younger Avestan concept
the last Saoshyant, Astvat-ereta, who will complete of resurrection that may well have inseminated the
the job of bringing eternal bliss to the Universe and Messianic thinking in the major Abrahamic faiths
render the Creation immortal. All three Saoshyants that followed.
are to be born of virgin mothers who are miracu- In conclusion, based on Zarathushtrian theol-
lously impregnated with the seeds of Zarathushtra ogy, mankind perceives God through their Vohu
[55] that are supernaturally preserved in the Divine Manah. They evolve to benevolence through their
waters of lake Kasaoya [56]. The names of the caring and righteous actions. In the process, they
Saoshyants and those of their respective mothers attempt to bring forth the Divine Rule
are memorialized in the later Avestan liturgy of (Khshtravairya) to renovate the material world
Fravardin Yasht [57]. Each of these saviors will to its pristine state.
have a revelation from Ahura Mazda when they
reach 30 years of age, and miraculously they will
hold the sun stationary for varying length of time to Cross-References
demonstrate their spirituality [58].
Pahlavi texts further elaborate that over these ▶ Zoroastrian Migration and Settlement in India
millennia mankind will continue to evolve to live ▶ Zoroastrian Rituals in India
their life in consonance with the Gathic teachings ▶ Zoroastrianism, History
of Asha. Evil influences will diminish, and spir-
ituality will continue to prosper [59]. The last
Saoshyant Astvat-ereta will completely rout References
evil and demonic thinking to the absolute tri-
umph of Good. The text continues that six 1. Boyce M (1975) History of Zoroastrianism, vol I. E.J.
Brill, Leiden, pp 189–190
helpers will assist the last Saoshyant to resurrect 2. Boyce M (1982) History of Zoroastrianism, vol II. E.J.
the souls with their physical body of the righ- Brill, Leiden, p 260
teous and the wicked in the seven regions of the 3. Ibid., p 68/9
world [60]. 4. Shahbazi SA (1977) Bull School of Oriental & African
Studies (BSOAS) XL, pp 25–35
Then, a major conflagration will melt all the 5. Zaehner RC (1961) The dawn and twilight of Zoroas-
metal on the earth to create a river of molten metal trianism. G.P. Putnam’s Sons, New York, p 33
[61]. All the souls are made to pass through this 6. Zaehner RC (1961) The dawn and twilight of Zoroas-
river of molten metal, which will bring anguish trianism. G.P. Putnam’s Sons, New York, p 67
7. Shayast la-shayast, Ch 15.1-2
and pain to the wicked but only comfort to the 8. Ys 30.7, 47.1,2,4
righteous. The torment is real, but the purpose is 9. Ys 31.8,11
purification rather than punishment. All the 10. Ys 43.5,7,9,11,13,15
Z
790 Zoroastrian, Scriptures

11. Ys 28.6, 29.8

12. Ys 44.2 Zoroastrian, Scriptures
13. Ys 44.3
14. Ys 35.1, 42.5
15. Ys 34.11, 45.10, 47.1 Prods Oktor Skjærvø and Daniel J. Sheffield
16. Yt 1.3, 3.1, 13.83, 19.16, Ys 28.2, 50.4, 30.9, 31.4 Department of Near Eastern Languages and
17. Ys 31.11, 30.2,3 Civilizations, Harvard University, Cambridge,
18. Ys 50.1, 45.9
19. Hormazd Yasht, Yt 1.7, 25 MA, USA
20. Ys 43.9
21. Ys 30.7, 32.7, 51.9
22. Dinkert Bk IX, Ch. 12.25, 31.17, 43.2, 60.4 Synonyms
23. Ys 30.9
24. Ys 49.5, 32.2, 31.12, 45.4, 44.6, 34.11, 51.12
25. Vd 3.25, 2.10,14 Avesta; Zand Avesta
26. Ys 51.7, 3.1, 4.1
27. Ys 33.5
28. Yt 17.7-14
29. Ys 31.3, 47.6 Definition
30. Ys 51.9
31. Ys 43.4, 34.4
32. Ys 43.9, 46.7 Zoroastrian texts and textual traditions, especially
33. Ys 36.6 as relating to the Zoroastrian communities in
34. Ys 31.11 India.
35. Ys 30.2
36. Ys 30.3,4,5
37. Gerschewitz I (1964) Zoroaster’s own contribution.
J Near East Stud 23:12
38. Ys 30.10
The Zoroastrian Sacred Tradition
39. Ys 28.2, 43.3
40. Ys 26.4, 55.1 The Zoroastrian literature contains texts in Old
41. Ys 30.10,11; 45.7 and Young Avestan, Pahlavi (Middle Persian),
42. Ys 46.10,11; 51.13
43. Ys 50.4, 45.8 51.15, 32.15, 46.10, 51.13
Sanskrit, (modern) Persian, and Gujarati (old and
44. Ys 32.13, 49.11, 51.14 modern).
45. Hadokht Nask, Yt 22.15,33 Old Avestan was probably spoken in Central
46. Dina-I-Mainog-I-Kherad, Ch 9.9-12, 20-22 Asia in the second half of the second millennium
47. Ys 31.15, 20
48. Arda Viraf Nameh 21.1-5, 23.1-9
B.C.E. and was approximately contemporary with
49. Dadistan-I-Dinik, 14.6, 32.11 the oldest parts of the Rigveda. The Old Avestan
50. Ys 31.16,18 texts comprise the Gāthās, “Songs,” and the
51. Ys 34.13 Yasna Haptanghāiti, “the Sacrifice in seven sec-
52. Ys 45.11
53. Boyce M (1982) History of Zoroastrianism, vol II. E.J.
tions,” while the other Avestan texts are in Young
Brill, Leiden, p 235 Avestan.
54. Ibid., p 242 Young Avestan was probably spoken in Cen-
55. Anklesaria BT (1956) Zand Akasih, Greater tral Asia and eastern Iran (as evidenced by its
Bundahisn Ch XXXIII.36
56. Dinkard, Bk. VII. Ch. 8.55-57; Ch.9.18-20; Ch.10.15-18
geographical horizon) in the first half of the first
57. Fravardin Yasht, Yt. 13.128,142 millennium B.C.E., that is, probably contempo-
58. Dinkard, Bk. VII. Ch. 9.2,21; Ch.10.19 rary with Old Persian, known only from inscrip-
59. Ibid., Ch 9.6-13; 10.2-3, 8-9 tions from the end of its history from ca. 520 to ca.
60. Dadistan-I Dinik, Ch 36.4,5,6
61. Anklsaria BT (1956) Zand-Akasih Greater Bundahisn
350 B.C.E.
Ch.34.18, 19
62. Ys 30.7
63. Dadistan-I Dinik, Ch 37, 119 Numerous articles in the Encyclopædia Iranica, also
64. Ibid., Ch 37.127 online.
Zoroastrian, Scriptures 791

Pahlavi is the Middle Persian language of the together were texts divinely granted to Zarathustra
Zoroastrian texts, written down from the ninth by Ahura Mazdā.
century C.E. onward, but an earlier version of The Pahlavi oral corpus [2] of commentary and
this language is known from inscriptions, mainly exegesis on the Avestan texts, especially the Old
from the third century, among them the famous Avesta, is referred to in the Pahlavi texts as the dēn
inscriptions of the high priest (mowbed) Kartīr (mostly, but modernizingly and misleadingly,
(various spellings: Kerdīr, etc.). It had probably translated as “religion”) in expressions such as
made the transition to modern Persian already by “it is manifest (paydāg) in/from the tradition”
the eighth century. (rather than “revealed in the religion”) and “(he/
Many Pahlavi texts were translated into San- it) says in the tradition.” References to the Avestan
skrit, first used by Nēryōsang son of Dhaval, zand take the form “it is manifest in/from the
whose date is uncertain, and Old Gujarati (or: Avesta.” The texts contain references to the writ-
Old Western Rajasthani). On the other hand, ing down of the tradition, and the expression “it is
though modern Persian was used by Iranian Zoro- thus written” refers not to the oral tradition, but to
astrians, the Parsi community began to use it only written texts.
after they began corresponding with the Iranian Avestan manuscripts are written in a phonetic
Zoroastrians in 1478 (see below). As the cosmo- (alphabetic) script (rather than consonantal, like
politan language of northern and western India Pahlavi and Persian) specially invented for the
until the nineteenth century, Persian continued to purpose, based on early Pahlavi script. The Pah-
be used as the main language of learned literary lavi script is descended from Aramaic through
composition among the Parsis into the nineteenth several stages, which can be followed on coins,
century. seals, and other inscribed objects. Pahlavi and
Up to the tenth century C.E., nothing is known Persian were sometimes written using the Avestan
directly about the Zoroastrian sacred tradition. script, in which case the texts are referred to as
According to the Pahlavi texts, notably the being in Pāzand and Pārsī, respectively
Dēnkard, the Avesta was first committed to writ- For centuries after the invention of the Avestan
ing about the time of the Arab conquest of Iran. script and the first manuscripts, the oral tradition
The earliest manuscripts, however, are from the remained, however, although one can see from the
thirteenth and the fourteenth centuries, although earliest manuscripts that it had already begun to
colophons in these manuscripts take their history deteriorate. This especially affected the texts of
back to about 1000 C.E. The colophons also make the Khorde Avesta tradition, which were among
it possible to sketch the history of the transferal of the most frequently used, an example being the
Iranian manuscripts to India and the history of manuscript Jm4 from the collection of Mowbed
manuscript copying in India itself. Jamshedji Manekji Unwala [3], which contains
In the manuscripts, the Avestan text is often the date 721 A.Y. (= 1352 C.E.).
accompanied by a Pahlavi rendering word by From texts such as the Dādestān ī dēnī g
word or phrase by phrase, as well as glosses. (e.g., question 46), it is known that the quantity
This Pahlavi rendering and the glosses are referred of texts a priest knew – Avesta, nasks, zand, and
to as the zand (zend), hence the expression Avesta other texts – determined his rank in the priestly
and Zand and Zand-Avesta (in the eighteenth cen- hierarchy and who should be zōd, the officiating
tury in the West, zand was thought to mean “liv- priest. The best sacrifice was that performed by
ing” and Anquetil-Duperron [1] thought Zand- somebody with a ritually clean body, an agile
Avesta meant “living speech”; his name is spelled tongue, who knew the nasks by heart, and got
variously). The zand was crucial, as the Avestan the Avesta right (question 47).
text itself was no longer understood, and in the In another Pahlavi text, King Husraw’s page
later tradition (e.g., the Zarātosht-nāme), it was boasts that he knows by heart several Avestan
even maintained that the Zand and the Avesta texts, including the Yasna and the Videvdad, and
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792 Zoroastrian, Scriptures

that he has also listened to the zand of various The Yasna

texts. By and by, however, the Videvdad proba- The yasna (literally “sacrifice”) ritual was, at least
bly proved to be beyond the reach of the students originally, a ritual contributing to the reordering of
and it is known that by the sixteenth century (and the cosmos (producing dawn, New Year) after
probably earlier), the Videvdad was no longer periods of chaos (night, winter) and is dedicated
routinely learned by heart. Kamdin Shapur, in to hāwani, the “genius” of the morning period (the
his letter to the Parsi community (928 A. hāwan gāh) and the various divine entities asso-
Y. = 1558 C.E.) explains that the Yasna part of ciated with dawn (Ahura Mazdā, the sun, Mithra,
the liturgy was to be recited by heart, but the who prepares the path for the sun, and others).
Videvdad to be read from a manuscript [4]. After various preliminaries, the first part is
This, in turn, led to a proliferation of copies of concerned with the divine ritual models (ratus)
the Videvdad throughout the seventeenth to early for the ordered world, which are addressed and
twentieth centuries. consecrated. The preparation of the haoma drink,
produced by pounding the haoma plant (ephedra
in historical times; cf. Skt. soma) and mixing it
Avestan Texts with water and milk, is accompanied by one of the
best-known Avestan texts, the praise hymn to
The Avestan manuscripts are either sāde (Pers.) Haoma, from which one learns that Zarathustra
“plain,” that is, contain only the Avestan text, or was his father’s reward for being the first person to
are accompanied by the zand. Many manuscripts press the haoma for the benefit of this world. The
contain, mostly occasional, Persian and Gujarati second (middle) part consists of the Old Avesta
interlinear or marginal translations. It is also quite (repeated multiple times; it is also cited in part
common for manuscripts to contain written ritual throughout the Yasna), “the five Gāthās uttered by
instructions for the officiating priest and his assis- Zarathustra” and the “Yasna in seven sections,”
tant called nīrangs (nērangs), typically in Pah- a hymn in praise of Ahura Mazdā’s creations,
lavi, Persian, or Gujarati. In the manuscript J2 inserted between the first and second Gāthā. In
(currently in the Bodleian Library, Oxford), it is the third part, the battle against the forces of
indicated in the margins which parts of the Gāthās darkness is joined when the Gāthās are sent up
were uttered by Ahura Mazdā and which by through the spaces currently occupied by dark-
Zarathustra. ness. There follows the hymn to Sraosha, the
No manuscript contains all the Avestan texts. great fighter of the forces of darkness embodied
Instead, most of the Avestan texts are found in in Wrath (Aēshma). The battle having almost been
manuscripts that contain texts used in individual won, the heavenly/cosmic waters are praised,
rituals, some of them no longer performed or followed by the praise of the heavenly fire, the
documented. These include the Yasna and sun, Ahura Mazdā’s son, born from the waters.
Videvdad, the texts accompanying the yasna and The forces of darkness are vehemently cursed and
videvdad (sade) rituals. told to get lost, and Ahura Mazdā is finally placed
Manuscripts containing hymns and prayers to back in command as the sun rises.
individual deities are also of two kinds. Yasht
manuscripts usually contain the 21 short and The Videvdad Sade
long hymns (yashts) to the 21 deities plus several The videvdad sade is a lengthy purification ritual
short hymns (niyāyishns, āfrī nagāns) and shorter starting at midnight and performed on special
prayers. The other type is the Khorde Avesta, a occasions. The accompanying text is dedicated
collection of hymns and prayers, sometimes to ushahina, the “genius” of the late night period
containing some or all of the Yashts. (ushahin gāh) and to Sraosha. It is basically an
For other texts, see below. extended and modified yasna ritual and was prob-
Numerous Avestan texts and text fragments are ably intended to end at the same time of the
also found in the non-Avestan literature. morning as the regular yasna. Certain passages
Zoroastrian, Scriptures 793

in parts one and two of the yasna are replaced by Several of the longer yashts were, and some
texts from the Vispered; the Videvdad is recited still are, recited during special festivals, such as
among the Gāthās; and the “Yasna in seven sec- those to Mithra (Mihragān), Tishtriya (Tīragān),
tions” is inserted between the fourth and fifth and the fravashis (Frawardīgān). The hymn to the
Gāthās, as well. The recital of the Aryaman ishiya fravashis is the major source for Avestan cosmog-
(last strophe of the Gāthās) coincides with the ony and that to the Fortune in the Earth for Aves-
appearance of Airyaman in the last chapter of the tan eschatology. The shorter ones are those also
Videvdad. contained in the Khorde Avesta and include
When the Videvdad is replaced by the Wishtāsp hymns to Ahura Mazdā, the Life-giving Immor-
yasht, the text (and ritual) becomes a Wishtāsp tals (amesha spentas), Best Order (asha vahishta),
yasht sade. Wholeness and Non-dyingness (Haurwatāt and
The Videvdad, Avestan dāta vidaēwa (literally Amertatāt), and the Sun and the Moon.
“the law laid down for keeping the evil gods
away”), contains the purity rules, rules for dealing Shorter Hymns and Prayers
with pollution and performing purification rituals. Among the texts contained in the Khorde Avesta,
It is divided into 22 chapters (kardes), the first the five niyāyishns (invocations) are recited once
three and last four of which, in particular, recount or several times daily or monthly. These are the
myths about the origins of pollution and about the Songs to the Sun (Khorshēd niyāyishn), Mithra
first healers: Chapter 1: how Ahura Mazdā (Mihr or Meher niyāyishn), the Moon (Māh
established the lands and how the Evil Spirit fash- niyāyishn), the Waters (Ābān or Āwān niyāyishn),
ioned the evils that plague them; Chapter 2: the and the Fire (Ātash niyāyishn).
story of Yima, first king, who ruled when living Shorter prayers include the texts recited on
beings were immortal, and how he saved living special personal occasions, such as when tying
beings from floods released to deal with the the sacred belt, before meals, when performing
resulting overpopulation of the earth; Chapter 3: natural functions, and others.
the things that please and displease the earth;
Chapter 19: the evil gods (or demons, daēwas)
try to kill Zarathustra and the Evil Spirit tempts Texts Accompanying Death Rituals
him, but Zarathustra performs a purification ritual
by which the evil gods are sent back to hell and The Hādōkht nask and the Aogemadaēca both
this world is cleansed of their influence; Chapters deal with the fate of the dead and were probably
20–22: the purification of the other world and recited at funeral rituals. The Hādōkht nask con-
Ahura Mazdā. tains the story of the soul’s thoughts, words, and
deeds, which constitute its daēnā, which meets it
The yashts in the beyond and takes on the form a beautiful or
The yashts, hymns to individual deities, can be ugly young woman according as they were more/
divided into two groups, longer and shorter. The less good than bad and who leads the soul to
longer ones are of two kinds: (1) those that include paradise or hell. The Aogemadaēca describes
the mythical history of the Iranians in addition to how the soul is bound to meet the unforgiving
descriptions of the deities: hymns to the heavenly Vayu, deity of the space between heaven and
Water (Ardwī Sūrā Anāhitā), Ashi, Druwāspā, earth (above and beneath) on its journey into the
Chistā, Vāyu, and the Fortune (Khwarnah) in the beyond.
Earth; and (2) those that do not, but rather include
extensive descriptions of the deities themselves
and their activities and cosmic functions, often Non-ritual Texts
described in the form of mythical narratives (the
hymns to Mithra, Tishtriya, Rashnu, Verethragna, The Hērbedestān and Nī rangestān, found in two
and the fravashis). manuscripts deriving from a common ancestor
Z
794 Zoroastrian, Scriptures

(one, HJ, is K.R. Cama Oriental Institute library with Zoroastrianism, the Shkand-gumānīg wizār,
no. R-572), deal with priestly matters. The “the doubt-breaking exposition” (preserved in
Hērbedestān (of which the beginning is missing) Pāzand). Farrokh-mard son of Wahrām was the
answers questions regarding the education of author of the only text dealing exclusively with
hērbeds, Zoroastrian teachers, for instance, secular law, the Mādayān ī hazār dādestān, “the
whether such a person can teach non- book of a thousand legal decisions,” found in
Zoroastrians. The Nī rangestān contains instruc- a single manuscript (1006 A.Y. = 1637 C.E.; K.
tions for the performance of rituals (nī rangs); the R. Cama Oriental Institute library no. R-596-7).
questions posed in the Avestan text are exten- Several “wisdom texts” (Persian andarz-name)
sively elaborated in the Pahlavi zand and provide are attributed to individuals, for instance,
important insights into early Sasanian society. Zarathustra, Saēna, Ādurbād son of Mahrspand
The Vaēthā nask, known only from India, is (a fourth-century high priest), King Husraw
apparently a relatively recent compilation of quo- (Khosrow) son of Kawād (ruled 531–579).
tations from other Avestan texts (some extant,
some not) providing instructions regarding various
issues discussed in the community, such as disposal Encyclopedic Texts
of the dead and funeral rites, illegitimate inter-
course, and conversion. These are compilations of all kinds of information
either in separate chapters or in the form of ques-
tions and answers. The most comprehensive is the
Pahlavi Texts Other than the Zand Dēnkard “what is made [known] in the Tradition,”
which originally contained nine books on differ-
The extant Pahlavi texts can be variously catego- ent topics, the first two and the beginning of the
rized: texts with/without known author, texts in third are lost.
question and answer form or not (an oral form Among texts divided into chapters, the most
going back to the time of the Avesta), encyclope- important are the Bundahishn and the Selections
dic/non-encyclopedic texts, narratives and non- of Zādspram, which both begin with the creation
narratives, etc. story and then go on to various topics. The so-
Known authors include the compilers- called Pahlavi Rivāyat (accompanying the
composers of the Dēnkard, Ādur-farnbay son of Dādestān ī dēnī g) contains a selection of topics
Farrokh-zād (supposed to have flourished under in no specific order.
the Caliph al-Ma’mūn, 813–833 C.E.) and Among the question-and-answer texts is the
Ādurbād son of Ēmēd. A large corpus of questions Dādestān ī mēnōy khrad, “legal issues [answered]
and answers (rivāyats, Pahlavi pursishnī hā by the divine wisdom,” in which the wise man
“questions”) regarding ritual and legal issues are (dānāg) asks questions which the divine wisdom
ascribed to Ādur-farnbay son of Farrokhzād, Frīy- answers. In others, it is the author who both asks
srōsh (commonly read as “Farnbay-srōsh”) son of and answers the questions: the Dādestān ī dēnī g
Wahrām, and Ēmēd son of Ashwahisht. The and the Rivāyats of Ādur-farnbay, Frīy-srōsh,
brothers Manushchihr son of Juwānjam, who Ēmēd, and an anonymous author of 30 questions.
wrote the Dādestān ī dēnī g, “legal issues A series of questions are also asked by the
according to the Tradition,” and the three “accursed” Abālīsh (reading uncertain) of the
“Letters” (Nāmagī hā; Letter 3.22 contains the same Ādur-farnbay son of Farrokh-zād. Some
date 250 A.Y. = 881 C.E.), and Zādspram, who texts contain only answers to a generic request
wrote “Selections” (Wizī dagī hā), flourished for knowledge, such as the answers of the knowl-
toward the end of the ninth century. Mardān- edgeable Ōshnar (Avestan Aoshnara) to a student.
farrokh son of Ohrmazd-dād is the author of Book three of the Dēnkard begins with several
a treatise on religions and their merits compared sections of questions and answers, before
Zoroastrian, Scriptures 795

changing to a series of topics, where related topics understood. Thus, when the zand was missing,
are sometimes together, but more often not. Some- the tradition no longer knew what was in the
times the connection between two sequential dis- Avestan text. This was probably the case of texts
cussions is simply the occurrence of an arbitrary such as some of the longer yashts, of which no
term occurring in one section, which then zand is known. It is also possible that some of the
becomes the topic of the following section. nasks were not originally in Avestan, such as the
Spand, which contained the story of the life of
Zarathustra and is cited, perhaps in its entirety, in
Narrative Texts book seven of the Dēnkard.
According to the Dēnkard, the Avesta was
The Ayādgār ī Zarērān, “the Memorial of Zarēr,” divided into 21 nasks, a term the exact meaning
is the story of the battle over the dēn of of which is not known. The term is known from the
Zarathustra between the Iranians, ruled by Avesta itself, where we learn that the Haoma
Wishtāsp, and the Khionians, ruled by Arzāsp, bestows knowledge and insight on those who sit
a story barely alluded to in the Avesta. “asking the nasks” (Yasna 9.22). The term nask is
The Ardā Wirāz-nāmag, “the Tale of the righ- also known from the inscriptions of Kartīr, who
teous Wirāz” (often read as Ardā Wirāf), the Ira- refers to the story of the dēn in the form of a young
nian “Commedia divina,” is the story of Ardā woman “as exhibited in the nask,” as well as from
Wirāz, who traveled into the beyond to verify Manichean texts also probably from the third cen-
the correctness of contemporary beliefs and rituals tury. In one of these, King Warahrān refers to
and who was taken to hell and to paradise to a nask in his interview with Mani, and, in another,
observe and then returned to tell what he saw. reference is made to the way the five Gāthās “are
An early version of this kind of narrative is named in the nask.” This is also the earliest literary
found in Kartīr’s inscriptions. attestation of the names of the Gāthās outside of
The life of Zarathustra is narrated in detail in the Avesta.
book seven of the Dēnkard and in lesser detail in The number of nasks corresponded to the 21
book five, as well as in the Selections of Zādspram words of the Ahuna vairiya, the Avestan Yathā
and elsewhere. ahū vairiyō, which is the introductory strophe of
The Kār-nāmag ī Ardashī r ī Pābagān, “Deeds the first Gāthā, hence also of the Old Avesta. The
of Ardashīr son of Pābag,” contains the legend of nask collection was divided into three groups
the founder of the Sasanian dynasty and his son called gāhānī g “referring to the Gāthās,” which
Shāpūr and grandson Ohrmazd. (according to the Dēnkard) dealt with things in the
The Zand ī Wahman yasn deals with the disas- other world; dādī g “legal,” which dealt with
ters that will befall the Iranians during the last things in this world; and hādamānsrīg, probably
millennia and the final victory over evil and the “ritual” (hada-manthra is a term typical of the
end of the world. Wishtāsp yasht sade), which dealt with things
Some texts are known only from India, includ- and activities (interaction) between the two
ing the Wizī rkerd ī dēnī g, “the making [known] of worlds. Additionally, each of the three is said to
decisions from the Tradition,” of which only contain the other two.
a printed edition exists (from which manuscripts Only one named nask survives in its entirety,
have been made) and whose authenticity was chal- namely, the Videvdad, and, of the Hādōkht nask,
lenged in the 19th century [5]. three chapters survive. The Hērbedestān and
Nī rangestān were parts of a nask whose name is
The Sasanian Avesta spelled <’wsp’l(w)m>, usually interpreted as
The eighth book of the Dēnkard lists the contents Huspārom (of uncertain meaning). Three nasks
of the Avesta, but according to the current zand, were devoted to the exegesis of the Old Avesta:
not the Avestan text itself, which was not the Stūdgar (Sūdgar), Warshtmānsr, and Bag
Z
796 Zoroastrian, Scriptures

nasks. To the Bag nask belongs Yasna 19–21, an The Sanskrit and Old Gujarati
Avestan commentary on the three sacred Translations
formulas, the Yathā ahū vairiyō, the Ashem vohū,
and the Yenghyē hātām. Of the Warshtmānsr nask, Sometime between the twelfth and fourteenth cen-
a fragment of the Avestan original is extant turies, various Avestan and Pāzand texts were
(Fragment Westergaard 4). In addition, the zand translated into Sanskrit. Of these texts, the trans-
of the Gāthās is quite close to the exegesis in the lations of the Yasna, portions of the Khorde
Warshtmānsr nask. Quotations from the other Avesta, the Mēnōy khrad, the Shkand-gumānī g
nasks are found scattered throughout the Pahlavi wizār, and the Ardā Wirāz-nāmag are attributed
literature. to a priest by the name of Nēryōsang, son of
Among Pahlavi texts based on “lost nasks,” it Dhaval, whose name also occurs in the family
is commonly assumed that the creation stories of trees of many Bhagaria priests. The oldest dated
the Bundahishn and the Selections of Zādspram Sanskrit manuscript, which also contains Old
are based on the Dāmdād nask, which, according Gujarati translations, is the Khorde Avesta and
to the Dēnkard, is about the initial creation. Sim- Ardā Wirāz-nāmag manuscript H2 (= Bharucha
ilarly, the narratives about the origin of humanity H1), the whereabouts of which are presently
are presumably based on the Chihrōdād nask and unknown, dating to 1415 C.E. The earliest manu-
represented in the Avesta by the list of sacrificers script of the Yasna with Sanskrit translation is
included in the yashts and Yasna 9. The manuscript S1 in the Butler Library of Columbia
Zarathustra narrative, preserved in its most University, New York, which may date to the
detailed form in book seven of the Dēnkard and fifteenth or the late fourteenth century.
of which the Avesta contains fragments, is proba- There are also Parsi Sanskrit texts that are not
bly based on the Spand nask. translations, including the so-called Sixteen ś
lokas (called in some manuscripts Pārsinyātī -
prakarṇa, for Pārasī -jñāti-prakaraṇa, “An expo-
Text Editions and Translations sition of Parsi knowledge”) attributed to a certain
Ākā Adhyaru, of uncertain date, and the later
An edition of the Yasna and the texts of the Chāndā-prakāśa, a text on the Zoroastrian calen-
Vispered, the Yashts and the Khorde Avesta, and dar composed in Sanskrit ślokas by a certain
the Videvdad was published by Karl Friedrich Chāndā from Navsari, dating to 1566 C.E.
Geldner [6, 7] in 1896, which, although deficient According to the prefaces of the Sanskrit trans-
in various respects, became the standard work of lations, these texts were translated into Sanskrit
reference. An earlier edition by Niels Ludwig because of the difficulty of the Pahlavi language,
Westergaard (1852–1854) also included several implying that Zoroastrians in India were more
other texts, among them the Āfrī n ī Zardusht, comfortable reading Sanskrit than Pahlavi.
the Wishtāsp yasht, and the Hādōkht nask (his Though in many cases, the Sanskrit of the trans-
Yashts 22–24) and most of the known fragments. lator diverges significantly from the grammatical
The only complete translation of the Avesta [8] is standards of Classical Sanskrit, the Sanskrit and
that of James Darmesteter (1892–1893) and of the Old Gujarati translations are important for what
Pahlavi texts those of Edward West [7, 9], many of they reveal about the Indian Zoroastrians’ under-
which are out-of-date. Darmesteter [10] is very standing of the Zoroastrian vocabulary. Unlike the
useful, however, for information about the rituals Pahlavi translations of the Avesta, in which the
and other relevant matters. Avestan forms are often translated by cognate
Since then, numerous editions and translations forms or even simply transcribed in Pahlavi, the
of individual texts have been published, see the Sanskrit translator only very rarely employed Ira-
recent survey edited by Ronald Emmerick and nian loanwords, instead translating almost every-
Maria Macuch [11]. thing into Sanskrit. Because of this, very
Zoroastrian, Scriptures 797

interesting equivalences are occasionally From the fifteenth until the nineteenth century,
revealed. The term Avesta, for instance, is glossed Persian became an important literary and schol-
as śruti, the name of the goddess Ashi is translated arly language for the Parsi community. Zoroas-
as Lakṣmī, and the continent of Khwanī rah is trian texts such as the Zarātosht-nāme, “the Book
translated as jambūdvī pa, revealing that Zoroas- about Zarathustra,” the Ardā-Vīrāf-nāme in its
trians in India were expressing concepts of their Persian recension, and the Sad dar “One hundred
own religion in the vocabulary of other Indic chapters (lit., gates)” were obtained from Iran and
religious traditions. copied widely in India. During this period, Zoro-
astrian priests seem to have been well educated in
the classics of Persian literature, and were familiar
Persian Texts with Firdawsi’s Shāh-nāme, the epic of Persian
mytho-history; Sa‘dī’s Golestān, a collection of
Though modern Persian was used to write Zoro- stories illustrating moral, philosophical, and prac-
astrian texts in Iran, it appears not to have been tical wisdom; Shabestarī’s Golshan-e rāz,
used by Indian Zoroastrians until the fifteenth a didactic poem in a little over a 1,000 couplets
century, when its use spread throughout Gujarat on the key terms and concepts of Sufism; and
after the establishment of the Gujarat Sultanate in other learned works.
1407. In 1478, an Indian Zoroastrian named In the early sixteenth century, an Iranian Zoro-
Narīmān Hōshang returned to Gujarat from Yazd astrian merchant named Kāʼūs b. Farīborz was
in Iran, bearing a letter from the dasturs there. The shipwrecked in Gujarat and eventually found his
letter, called the Rivāyat of Narī mān Hōshang, way to Navsari, visiting the Zoroastrian centers of
concerned practices of Indian Zoroastrians that Gujarat as he went. In Navsari, he composed a new
were at odds with Iranian practice, such as allo- version of the Ardā-Vīrāf-nāme in Persian verse,
wing menstruating women to eat with bare hands and, in his Qesse-ye Kāʼūs va Afsād, told the story
and using non-Zoroastrians to help carry corpses. of his journey from Iran and how he was betrayed
Having learned from Narīmān that the Indian by his business partner after arriving in Gujarat.
Zoroastrians had little ability to read Pahlavi, the In 1534, the future Dastur, Māhyār, son of
letter writer encouraged Indian priests to come to Rānā (Gujarati: Meherjirāṇā), was born in
Iran to study with their Iranian colleagues. This Navsari. From 1578 to 1579, he stayed at the
Rivāyat initiated a formal written correspondence court of the Mughal emperor Akbar, where he
between Iranian and Indian Zoroastrians that received a jāgī r, or the right to collect taxes on
lasted for almost three centuries. In addition to behalf of the emperor from a portion of Navsari.
letters between the communities, messengers According to the tradition, he was made the first
also carried with them manuscripts and ritual high priest in Navsari, a position that still remains
implements, and, in the 300 years following the in the Meherjirana family. Official documents
time of Narīmān Hōshang, more than 20 rivāyats from the time of Māhyār Rānā are kept in the
were exchanged between India and Iran, originals Meherjirana Library, which bears his name;
and copies of which are still extant in Indian a much later legendary biography (the Māhyār-
libraries. Eventually, the correspondence grew to nāme) was composed by his descendent Ērachjī
be so voluminous that attempts were made to Sohrābjī Meherjirāṇā in Persian verse in 1825.
compile and classify the rulings contained in the The Qesse-ye Sanjān, “the Story of Sanjān,”
letters. The most important example of this is the composed by Bahman Kayqobād Sanjāna in
Classified Rivāyat of Dārāb Hormazyār (partial 1599, relates the legend of the Parsis’ arrival in
English translation in Dhabhar [4]), an autograph India and their subsequent dispersal from the town
manuscript of which (dated 1678–1679) is kept in of Sanjān during the establishment of Muslim rule
Mumbai University Library under the shelf mark in Gujarat. Dārāb Hormazyār, famous for his
BU 29. Rivāyat collection, also composed his own
Z
798 Zoroastrian, Scriptures

works in Persian verse, including the Kholāse-ye translations in Pahlavi manuscripts, as well as for
dī n, “Summary of the religious tradition,” and the administrative and economic documents, Gujarati
Farziyāt-e dī nī , “Religious obligations.” was not used for literary purposes until the seven-
Around the year 1570, a mystic from Iran teenth century, when the poet Ervad Rustam
calling himself Āzar Kayvān came to India (see Pishōtan Hormazyār began to compose epic nar-
article in Encyclopædia Iranica), where he settled rative poems (ākhyānas) in Gujarati verse. The
in the city of Patna. Apparently, teaching a form of subjects of these poems, which include the Ardā-
Zoroastrian syncretism, he attracted Zoroastrians Vīrāf-nāmũ, the Siyāvaś-nāmũ, and the Zartośt-
and non-Zoroastrians to his assemblies. His fol- nāmũ (the books of Ardā Vīrāf, Siyāvash, and
lowers generated a large amount of literature Zartosht = Zarathustra), are derived from existing
which circulated throughout the Persianate world works in Persian; yet, in these innovative Gujarati
and became especially popular among the Parsis versions, these stories are adapted to an Indian
of Gujarat, including the Dasātī r-e āsmānī context and are full of Indic, as well as Persianate
“Heavenly Regulations,” a work written in an poetic language. During the eighteenth century,
artificial language with a Persian commentary Gujarati came to be used more and more as
detailing the prophetology of the sect; the Jām-e a literary language, especially by Shahanshāhī
Kay-Khosrow, “the Goblet of Kay-Khosrow,” Parsis (see below), who were cut off from Iranian
a work which describes and interprets a vision of Zoroastrians. The first Gujarati type was cut at the
Āzar Kayvān to the celestial spheres; the end of the eighteenth century (see below), and
Shārestān-e chahār chaman, “the Region of the the rise of print in the early nineteenth-century
four gardens,” a text purporting to reveal the mys- Bombay led to a well-educated Gujarati-reading
tical importance of ancient Iranian mytho-history; public, while the use of Persian became increas-
the Dabestān-e mazāheb “the School of sects,” ingly restricted to groups of Iranian migrants in
which describes the various sects of the different Bombay.
religious traditions in India; and many other texts.
The eighteenth and the early nineteenth centu-
ries saw a proliferation of Persian compositions, Zoroastrian Manuscript Collections
ranging from verse commentaries on Avestan texts
to devotional poems to scientific texts about the The largest manuscript collections in the West
Zoroastrian calendar. Perhaps the most prolific today are in the Royal Library, Copenhagen (the
author of this time was Mollā Fīrōz, who was Rasmus Rask and Nils L. Westergaard collections,
born Pishōtan, son of Ka’us in Surat, but grew up “K”); Bibliothèque nationale, Paris (the Anquetil-
in Iran. Among his extensive writings – invaluable Duperron and James Darmesteter collections);
for understanding transitions in the Parsi religious Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich (the Martin
scholarship in the early colonial period – are the Haug collection); the British Library (formerly
first Parsi autobiographical work, the Dī n-kherad, India Office Library and British Museum; the
“Wisdom of the religion,” in which he relates the Thomas Hyde and Samuel Guise collections
experiences of his childhood while being trained as [many from the collection of Darab, Anquetil-
a priest in Iran, and the monumental George-nāme, Duperron’s teacher; see Sims-Williams [12],
“Book of (King) George,” which recounts in Per- 2005]; and manuscripts donated by Burjorji
sian verse in the style of the Shāh-nāme the British Sohrabji Ashburner). In India, the Meherjirana
entrance into India. library, Navsari, and, above all, the K. R. Cama
Oriental Institute library have the largest collec-
tions. For basic information on the Avestan
Gujarati Texts manuscripts, see Geldner [6], Vol. 1, “Prolegom-
ena.” All of these have been cataloged, with the
Though older forms of Gujarati were used from partial exception of the manuscripts in the K. R.
the fifteenth century or even earlier for interlinear Cama Oriental Institute library, which, over the
Zoroastrian, Scriptures 799

last century, has received numerous private col- Mihrābān Dāshnayār (?) “at Anklēsar in the land
lections (Tehmuras Dinshah Anklesaria, of the Indians” on the day of Āsmān, month of
Jamshedji Manekji [Maneckji] Unvala, Jamaspji Spandarmad 627 A.Y. = 28 Dec. 1258. While still
Minocheherji Jamasp-Asana, Darab Peshotan and in Iran, the same Rōdstahm also made a copy of
Peshotanji Behramji Sanjana, Manekji Sohrabji the Ardā Wirāz-nāmag and Mādayān ī Yōisht ī
Ashburner, and others), as well as the collection Friyān in 1269, apparently in Nīshābuhr, as we
of the Mulla Firoze Library, and cataloguing and know from the colophons of a copy made in 766
conservation of this very large Zoroastrian manu- A.Y. (= 1397 C.E.).
script collection is in progress. Many of these The next-oldest manuscripts are those written
manuscripts are described in catalogs of the orig- by Mihrābān Kay-husraw (see Hodivala [13]).
inal collections, but the present location in the Mihrābān had come to India in 692 A.Y. (=
library of a vast number of them still needs to be 1323 C.E.), apparently at the request of a certain
determined. In addition, there are collections in Chāhil Sangan (Sanskrit cāhila sāṃgaṇa) son of
other libraries in the West and India (the Univer- Chāhil Wahman Wahrām, merchants residing in
sity of Mumbai, the Bhandarkar Oriental Institute Cambay, and made four manuscripts for them.
in Pune, the Khudabakhsh Oriental Public Library Two are of the Videvdad with Pahlavi zand: L4
in Patna), as well as in Tehran and other Iranian (British Library; completed August 28, 1323 at
cities, and numerous manuscripts are still held in Navsari) and K1 (Royal Library, Copenhagen;
private Zoroastrian collections. Over a 100 man- completed May 13, 1324 at Cambay). Another
uscripts were given as waqf to the Anjoman-e two are of the Yasna with zand (= Pahlavi
Zartoshtian in Tehran by Manekji Limji Hataria. Yasna) J2 (Bodleian Library, Oxford; completed
According to a note by Geldner, Hataria’s manu- January 16, 1323), and K5 (completed November
scripts were sent to Mumbai after his death and 17, 1323 at Cambay).
were “in the hands of a committee.” Some of them K1 and L4 were copied from a manuscript
are now in the K. R. Cama Oriental Institute made by Rōstahm (the Rōdstahm who copied
library, including more than 400 Persian K7a) from a copy made by a certain Ardashīr,
manuscripts that have been cataloged, but at who copied it in Sistan in 1205 for a priest from
least one has been bought from a street vendor “Ucha” (Uch Sharif in Punjab) from a manuscript
(no. 99). copied by a certain Hōmāst.
Mihrābān also wrote the oldest Pahlavi manu-
script (if the surviving colophon is the original
Avestan and Pahlavi Manuscripts one, manuscript “MK,” written in 1322, which
contains a miscellany of texts, including several
The oldest dated manuscripts, which are also not found elsewhere. He copied the first 19 texts in
among the oldest manuscripts altogether, were MK in Tāmōg (? Skt. Ṭhāṇāṃ) from a manuscript
written in India in the thirteenth and fourteenth written in 324 A.Y. (= 955 C.E.), which Mihrābān
centuries, several from originals written in Iran. found in a fire temple in Broach. Several copies
The colophons also show that both Iranian priests exist, among them one made in saṃvat 1077 (=
went to India to instruct and Indian priests to Iran 1021 C.E.) by Kāmdēn, son of Shahriyār, who
to be instructed. The borrowing or acquisition of found it in a school in Broach.
Iranian manuscripts continued until quite recently, The manuscripts of the Yasna with zand are
usually for the purpose of text editions. The cur- descended from a manuscript copied by a certain
rent whereabouts of many of these manuscripts is Māhpanāh (ca. 1200) from one copied by a certain
not known, but at least some of them are likely to Farnbag (ca. 1110), from which the Yasna with
be housed in the K. R. Cama Oriental Institute Pahlavi zand is also descended. Farnbag, in turn,
library. apparently made his copy from one manuscript
The oldest dated manuscript is the Vispered containing only the Avestan text (copied by
manuscript K7a, which was written by Rōdstahm Māhyār) and another containing only the zand
Z
800 Zoroastrian, Scriptures

copied by Māhwindād, son of Narmahān, son of M. S. Ashburner before it came to the library of
Wahrām, son of Mihrābān. The Sanskrit Yasna Hoshang Jamasp and is now in the Bhandarkar
may be from a “sister manuscript” of that of Oriental Institute in Pune. It is apparently not
Māhpanāh (Geldner [6], p. xxxiii). known when it came to India.
Other fourteenth-century manuscripts: The The oldest dated yasht manuscript F1 was writ-
first part of the Wishtāsp yasht manuscript G18 ten in 1591 by Āsdīn Kākā Danpāl Lakhmidar in
(in the Meherjirana Library) was apparently cop- Navsari.
ied by Khusrō-shāh son of Rōstahm in 1327, and Among the seventeenth-century manuscripts,
the Khorde Avesta manuscript Jm4 contains the the long manuscript TD2, which also contains the
date 1352. Bundahishn, as well as numerous other texts, was
One of the earliest dates for a copy of a Pahlavi written in 975 A.Y. (= 1606 C.E.) by Marzbān’s
text is that found in the oldest colophon of the son Frēdōn and was, before it came to India, in the
Dēnkard, written by Shahriyār-ardashīr in 1020 possession of Dastur Shahriyār Nāmdār, Yazd. It
C.E. from an original written by the same was brought to India in 1880 by his cousin, Dastur
Māhwindād, son of Narmahān. This manuscript Tīrandāz, and presented to T. D. Anklesaria.
was copied again in 1516 and 1659, and this last Important Avesta manuscripts from the seven-
(manuscript “B,” now in the Cama) is the one that teenth and eighteenth centuries include the oldest
was brought to Surat in 1783 by an Iranian priest manuscripts of the Persian manuscripts of the
from Yazd. Videvdad sade: Mf2 (1618 in Turkābād), Jp1
Among the sixteenth-century scribes, we have (1638), and the Wishtāsp sade manuscript K4
Gōbedshāh, son of Rōstam, son of Bundār, son of (1723 in Kerman, written by Wehmard,
Shāh-mardān, son of Dēnayār, and his grand- a descendant of Gōbedshah), all three descended
nephew, Marzbān, son of Frēdōn, son of Marzbān, from a manuscript copied by a certain Shahriyār
son of Wāhrom, son of Rōdstam, son of Bundār, ca. 1510; and the Yasna manuscripts Mf1
son of Shāh-mardān, son of Dēnayār, who both (1741) and the sibling manuscripts Pt4 (1780),
wrote in Kermān. Gobedshāh wrote TD1, which Mf4 (slightly later), and a manuscript in the
contains the Bundahishn, and a manuscript of the Cama library (no. R-582), all four descended
Dādestān ī dēnī g and other texts in ab. 900 A.Y. from a manuscript by Hōshang Siyāwakhsh
(= ca. 1530 C.E.), which were brought from Yazd Shahriyār, son of Bakht-āfrīd Shahriyār (1495).
to Bombay by Mowbed Khodābakhsh Farōd Although the exact interpretation of the colophons
Ābādān for T. D. Anklesaria in 1870. The manu- is difficult, it appears that Hōshang made his copy
script colophons have no dates. from one by Mihrābān Spandyād (ca. 1280), who
Marzbān Frēdōn wrote several important man- copied that of Māhpanāh, son of Āzād-mard,
uscripts. The manuscript IM of the Videvdad with which was a copy of that of Māhwindād, son of
zand was written in 944 (= 1575 C.E.) and goes Narmahān, son of Wahrām-mihr (ca. 1020), who
back to the same distant originals as K1 and L4, made his copy from one by Mahayār, son of
but belongs to a sideline (its present location is Farrokhzād (see Dhabhar [14]; Cantera and de
unknown). It was donated by an Irani Zoroastrian Vaan [15]). According to the colophons of Pt4,
in 1853 to Manekji Sorabji Ashburner, who gave Mf4, and R-582, Māhpanāh and Māhwindād were
it to Hoshang Jamasp to use for his edition of the from Bishāpūr in the ostān of Kāzerūn (Bīshāpūr
Pahlavi Videvdad. He wrote two manuscripts is missing in Mf4 and Pt4, but is in R-582).
containing the Bundahishn: DH and TD2. The
manuscript DH also contains parts of the Dēnkard
and other texts, and was copied in 946 AY Shahanshāhī and Qadīmī Manuscripts
(= 1577 CE) from a manuscript that traced its
lineage back to a grandson of Zādspram, possibly An event of some importance took place in the
the same Zādspram who flourished in the latter 1720s as we are told by Anquetil-Duperron.
part of the ninth century. It was in the collection of A priest named Jamasp from Kerman was invited
Zoroastrian, Scriptures 801

to come to Surat to resolve a theological dispute Destours, and occasionally comparing them with
(see Cantera and Toledo [16]). On this occasion, the Zend original, to have the whole as correct and
he also inspected one the Pahlavi Videvdad man- genuine as possible” (English preface, p. 8). The
uscripts in use and decided it needed to be prayers in the Khorde Avesta were first printed
“improved,” which he proceeded to do, with the with Gujarati translations by Dastur Framji
result that all Pahlavi Videvdad manuscripts cop- Sohrabji Meherjirana (1818) and Dastur Edalji
ied since then in India contained changes in the Dorabji Sanjana (1819).
transmitted text. Dastur Jamasp attracted While the Khorde Avesta, which was intended
a number of prominent students including Dastur for use by the laity, was one of the earliest and
Darab Kumana (Anquetil-Duperron’s teacher), most commonly printed books published by the
Dastur Jamasp Asa, and Dastur Kaus Bharucha. Parsis, the priestly community was somewhat
Noting that the Indian Zoroastrian calendar dif- hesitant to publish the other ritual texts. Edalji
fered from the Iranian calendar by a period of 1 Dorabji Jamaspasa published a Gujarati transla-
month, he encouraged Indian Zoroastrians to rec- tion of the Pahlavi Bundahishn in 1819, yet, at the
tify their calendar with that of Iran. Those who did time, the text was rejected by some Parsis as
became known as Qadī mī s (Gujarati Kadmis), a forgery. A lithographed folio edition of the
“those who use the old (dates).” Yet, most Parsis Vendidad Sade was printed in Avestan script in
in India did not rectify their calendar and became 1830, under the supervision of Dastur Edalji
known as the Shahanshāhī s, “those who use the Dorabji Sanjana, but without translation. In
imperial (dates),” and ceased to participate in the 1822, Ervad Aspandiyarji Framji Rabadi set out
correspondence with the Iranian Zoroastrians. to make a translation of the Vendidad Sade. Leav-
The Qadīmīs began to adopt Iranian ritual prac- ing his native Surat, he found sponsorship in
tice, even so far as pronouncing their prayers Bombay from the wealthy merchant Framji
according to the Iranian, rather than the Indian, Kawasji Banaji on the condition that Rabadi’s
pronunciation, and continued to participate in the translation should be examined and approved by
correspondence until the Iṭhoter rivāyat, “The the leading Dasturs of Bombay. After returning to
rivāyat of 78 (questions),” of 1773. To the present Surat, Rabadi finished his translation in 1825.
day, Qadīmīs and Shahanshāhīs maintain separate Framji Kawasji then wrote a letter to the four
fire temples and use different Khorde Avestas leading Dasturs of Bombay: Mulla Firuz (high
reflecting their differences in ritual pronunciation priest of the Kadmi Parsis), Edalji Dorabji
and practice. Sanjana (high priest of the Shahanshahi Parsis),
Jamshedji Edalji Jamaspasa, and Jamaspji Edalji
Jamaspasa, asking them to examine and to certify
The Earliest Printed Texts of the Avesta the translation, so that there might be some stan-
dard interpretation of the Avesta. Dastur Edalji
Though short samples of Avestan texts had been Dorabji Sanjana thought that any translation of
printed before in Europe, notably in Anquetil- the Avesta accessible to the laity would be injuri-
Duperron’s Zend-Avesta [1], the earliest Avestan ous to the religion and exempted himself from the
text printed for the use of the Zoroastrian commu- meetings of the committee. The other members
nity was a Khorde Avesta published at the Bom- debated the finer points of the translation until
bay Courier Press in 1798 by Behramji Jiji 1826, when they met at the Dadyseth Atash
Chapgar [17], “Printer,” who founded the first Behram to certify the translation. Unlike older
Gujarati type to be used in Bombay. Containing translations of the Avesta, Rabadi’s translation
Avestan, Pahlavi, and Pāzand prayers transcribed provided not just interlinear, word-for-word trans-
in Gujarati script, this Khorde Avesta was lation, but also Gujarati paraphrases of each pas-
intended to be used “for the benefit of our Cast sage so that the text could be read without
[. . .] taking the greatest care by collating our work reference to the Avestan original. As the last trans-
with the authorities of the most celebrated lation of the Avesta to be made without the
Z
802 Zoroastrian, Scriptures

influence of Western Oriental philology, the trans- the religion. In 1858, a member of the Sabhā
lation remains useful as a reflection of the indig- named Sorabji Shapurji Bangali [19] published
enous Zoroastrian interpretive tradition. Though the first survey of Zoroastrian religious literature
the text circulated quite widely in manuscript in Gujarati, with descriptions of books extant in
form, it was not, however, printed until Avestan, Pahlavi, Pāzand, and Persian.
1842–1843, 8 years after Rabadi’s death, when While on a business trip in Europe in 1859, a
the Reverend John Wilson helped raise the funds member of the Sabhā named Kharshedji Rustamji
to print a lithographed edition in five volumes at Cama visited the philologist Friedrich Spiegel
the Bombay Royal Asiatic Society. In 1882, the [20] in Germany, who was working on
first Persian edition of the Khorde Avesta was a translation of the Avesta into German
published in Bombay by Mobed Tirandaz son of (1852–1863). Cama studied Avestan and Com-
Mobed Ardashir Irani. parative Philology with him over the course of 3
months. When Cama returned to India, he began
to teach Avestan and Pahlavi classes from
Western Influence on the Parsi his house based on the Western method through
Community in the Nineteenth Century the auspices of the Sabhā and began to lecture
and publish extensively on Zoroastrianism in
In 1833, the Reverend John Wilson delivered Gujarati. Kharshedji’s cousin Mancherji H.
a public “Lecture on the Vandidad Sade” in Bom- Cama commissioned an English translation of
bay, in which he ridiculed the Avesta as “very Spiegel’s German Avesta, published in 1864 and
defective as a rule of Faith,” that it “robs God of distributed free of cost among the Parsis of Bom-
all his glory,” and that it “gives a highly irrational bay. Through sponsorship of the Sabhā, the first
account of the origin, and operations of natural Gujarati grammars of Avestan (1863, by Sheriarji
good, and evil” (pp. 7–12). This was perceived as D. Bharucha) and Pahlavi (1855, by Dhanjibhai F.
an attack on Zoroastrianism by many Parsis, and Patel) were published, along with the first Pahlavi-
their fears were exacerbated when Wilson suc- Gujarati dictionary (1869, by Erachji S.
cessfully converted two Parsi boys to Meherjirana).
Christianity in 1839. Polemics from both the Meanwhile, Martin Haug [21] another German
Parsi and the Christian communities of Bombay scholar, demonstrated that the language of the
reached their height in the 1840s, culminating in Gāthās was older than that of the rest of the Avesta
Wilson’s 1843 [18] publication of The Parsi Reli- and published a German translation [22] of the
gion as Contained in the Zand-Avastá, a work, five Gāthās. Haug believed that the historical
which condemned Parsi belief as superstitious and teachings of Zarathustra could only be derived
irrational. from a study of these oldest texts of the Avesta,
In 1851, a group was formed in Bombay called and further held that the composer of the Gāthās
the Rāhnumā-e Mazdayasnān Sabhā (The guide preached a theological monotheism. In 1859,
of the Mazdeans’ society), which convened Haug came to India as Professor of Sanskrit at
monthly sessions to discuss the reform of certain the Government College in Pune, and began to
Zoroastrian customs and to sponsor lectures and lecture to the Parsis of Bombay. Haug was called
publications on the Zoroastrian religion. The first upon to develop new syllabi for use in Bombay’s
president of the organization was a prominent newly founded Zoroastrian madrasas (priestly
Parsi educationalist called Navroji Fardunji, one training schools). With Haug’s encouragement,
of the first Parsis to be educated in English at the in 1864, K. R. Cama founded the Zartośtī Dī nnī
Elphinstone Institution in Bombay. The early lec- Khol Karnārī Manḍlī (The society for furthering
tures of the Sabhā debated customs that were research on the Zoroastrian religion), an organi-
perceived to be superstitions and concluded that zation specifically founded to discuss philological
many of these superstitions had been borrowed matters relating to the study of Zoroastrianism.
from non-Zoroastrians and should be purged from Many of the Society’s members became
Zoroastrian, Scriptures 803

distinguished philologists and scholars, including ascribing esoteric meanings and occult powers to
T. D. Anklesaria, Kavasji Edalji Kanga, Sheriarji ritual performance. Behramshah’s pupils the
Dadabhai Bharucha, Edalji Kersaspji Antia, and Masani brothers went on to publish several vol-
Jivanji J. Modi. The Society’s early publications umes of Pāzand prayers with Khshnoomist inter-
include Kanga’s translation of the Vendidad into pretations, while another pair of Khshnoomist
Gujarati, and Bharucha’s translations of the Pand- brothers, the Chinivalas, published their own volu-
nāmag ī Ādurbād and the Dādestān ī Dēnī g (the minous interpretations of the Dēnkard and the
latter with T. D. Anklesaria). Bundahishn. The movement is still quite active in
In 1879, Helena P. Blavatsky and Colonel India, and a fire temple was inaugurated in honor of
Henry Steel Olcott, the founders of the Theosoph- Behramshah Shroff in 2001.
ical Society, arrived in Bombay. With goals of In 1905, a young priest named Maneckji
emphasizing the universal brotherhood of man, Nasarvanji (Nusherwanji) Dhalla was sponsored
and exploring the study of comparative religions, by the Society for Furthering Research on the
the two lectured widely and won adherents from Zoroastrian Religion to go to America to study
different communities. Their time in India was so Avestan and Pahlavi philology with Professor
successful that they decided to shift the headquar- Abraham Valentine Williams-Jackson at Colum-
ters of the International Theosophical Society from bia University, New York. When he returned after
the USA to India in 1883. On February 14, 1882, receiving his Ph.D. in 1908 with the dissertation
Olcott [23] delivered a lecture at Bombay Town The Nyaishes or Zoroastrian Litanies (published
Hall entitled “The Spirit of Zoroastrianism,” in New York, 1908), Dhalla quickly began to agitate
which he argued that “Occult Science is the vindi- for reform in the Parsi community. According to
cator of Zoroastrianism, and there is none other” (p. his autobiography, Dhalla renounced ritualistic
18). One of the most prominent Parsi adherents to religion, and advocated a new ethical approach
theosophy was Nasarvanji (Nusherwanji) Framji to religion. Between 1910 and 1913, Dhalla orga-
Bilimoria, who published Zoroastrianism in the nized the annual Zoroastrian Conference, in
Light of Theosophy in 1898 and founded the which reformist notions were debated. A fierce
monthly journal Cherāg in 1900. opponent of Bombay’s Khshnoomist movement,
Dhalla organized the Iranian Association, which
combatted the Khshnoomists through the philo-
The Twentieth Century logical study of the religion. Dhalla began to
advocate devotional prayer in Gujarati
In 1909, a certain Behramshah Naoroji Shroff and English, rather than in Avestan and produced
began lecturing in Bombay. Shroff claimed that prayer books in both languages. Dhalla also
30 years prior, he had left his home of Surat and followed K. R. Cama in the belief that the Gāthās
gone to Peshawar, where he met a caravan of secret alone held the core teachings of Zarathustra, yet
Zoroastrians. According to his followers’ accounts, believed that man should not be held back by
these Zoroastrians took him to Mount Damāvand religious texts from antiquity, arguing that
in Iran, where there lived a group of Zoroastrian Zarathustra “does not forcibly exact implicit,
spiritual masters (called the Sāheb-delān). They mechanical obedience from me to his teachings.
imparted to Behramshah a knowledge of Pahlavi He does not impose his prophetic yoke on my
and Avesta, as well as certain occult powers. thought, but leaves me freedom of thought to
Behramshah kept quiet about his experience for exercise my will freely [. . .] May [Vohu Manah]
decades upon his return to India, but in 1909 he inspire me to move with the times” (Homage Unto
began to lecture publicly in Bombay on what he Ahura Mazdā, pp. 254–255 [24]).
called Ilm-e Khshnoom. He attracted a wide fol- Today, a great diversity of opinion exists
lowing of Parsis, many of whom were former within the global Zoroastrian community. Rang-
theosophists. Notably, Behramshah and his fol- ing from reformists who believe that they should
lowers emphasized ritual orthopraxy, though live by what they believe is the philosophical
Z
804 Zoroastrian, Scriptures

message of the Gāthās alone, to neo-Orthodox 10. Darmesteter J (1895) The Zend-Avesta, 2nd edn.
groups which oppose most forms of reform, to Clarendon, Oxford (Sacred books of the East, vol 4;
repr. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1965)
a variety of mystical and esoteric groups, there is 11. Emmerick RE, Macuch M (eds) (2009) The literature
virtually no consensus on what constitutes the of pre-Islamic Iran: companion volume I to a history of
Zoroastrian scriptures. Persian literature, vol XVII, History of Persian litera-
ture. I.B. Tauris, London/New York
12. Sims-Williams U (2005) The strange story of Samuel
Guise: an 18th-century collection of Zoroastrian man-
Cross-References uscripts. In: Bromberg CA, Sims-Williams N, Sims-
Williams U (eds) Iranian and Zoroastrian studies in
honor of Prods Oktor Skjærvø. Bulletin of the Asia
▶ Zoroastrian Migration and Settlement in India
Institute 19:199–209 (pub. 2009)
▶ Zoroastrianism, Historic Correspondence 13. Hodivala SH (1920) Studies in Parsi history.
▶ Zoroastrianism, History Shahpurshah Hormasji Hodivala, Bombay, pp 118–133
14. Dhabhar, Bomanji (Bamanji) Nusserwanji (1923)
Descriptive catalogue of some manuscripts bearing on
Zoroastrianism and pertaining to the different collec-
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Parsee Punchayet Funds and Properties, Bombay,
1. Anquetil-Duperron, Abraham Hyacinthe (1771) Zend- pp 90–92, 114–117
Avesta, ouvrage de Zoroastre, contenant les idées 15. Cantera A, de Vaan M (2005) Remarks on the Colo-
théologiques, physiques & morales de ce législateur, phon of the Avestan manuscripts Pt4 and Mf4. Studia
les cérémonies du culte religieux qu’il a établi, & Iranica 34:31–42
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des Parses; tr. en françois sur l’original zend, avec des sion of the Pahlavi Vīdēvdād in India after 1700 (I):
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Their versions with introduction and notes. K. R. der Parsen, aus dem Grundtexte übersetzt mit steter
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I-III. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart die Kunde des Morgenlandes, Leipzig (repr. Klaus
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tur, vol 2. Trübner, Strassburg (repr. 1974); chapter 1: a lecture delivered at the Town Hall, Bombay, on
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Pahlavi literature Madras (repr. as The spirit of the Zoroastrian religion
8. Darmesteter J (1892–1893) Le Zend-Avesta, 3 vols. in his A collection of lectures on theosophy and
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vols 5, pp 18, 24, 37, 47) Karachi, India
Zoroastrianism, Historic Correspondence 805

to seek refuge in India. They are the ancestors of

Zoroastrianism the Parsis, but the first few centuries of Parsi
history are almost entirely unrecorded [1–3].
▶ Zoroastrian Theology and Eschatology From the moment of their migration to India, the
history of Zoroastrianism becomes a history of
two communities: one in the homeland (Iran),
and one in India. Between the tenth and the fif-
Zoroastrianism and Charity teenth century, however, the number of sources
for the history of both communities is extremely
▶ Zoroastrian Accomplishments from the Tenth small. Both communities produced texts, the Irani
to the Twentieth Century community in Persian, the Parsi community in
Sanskrit [4], and both produced manuscripts of
sacred and theological texts (in Avestan and Mid-
dle Persian), with colophons that are the main – if
scanty – source of evidence for historical devel-
Zoroastrianism and Parsis in opments [5, 6]. The Sanskrit literature of the
India Zoroastrianism Parsis is an important fact in their history, for it
shows that the Parsis participated in the learned
▶ Zoroastrian Accomplishments from the Tenth culture of their new homeland, but the texts con-
to the Twentieth Century sist almost exclusively of translations of Middle
Persian works and are, as such, not very
informative on other subjects. It is extremely dif-
ficult to date them, moreover, but it is believed
Zoroastrianism, Historic that the most important of the Sanskrit Parsi
Correspondence authors, Neryosangh Dhaval, lived in the twelfth
or thirteenth century.
Albert De Jong
Religions of Antiquity/Comparative Religion,
Leiden University, Leiden, The Netherlands The Correspondence

It is reasonable to assume that the memory of

Synonyms the homeland they had left resulted in the con-
tinued hope, and possibly awareness, among the
Pahlavi rivayats Parsis of the fact that there was still a Zoroastrian
community in Iran. A few indications show that
this awareness was mutual: the Iranian Zoroas-
Definition trians knew that a community of believers lived
in India. These are largely references in the
The dialogue through correspondence between colophons of a few manuscripts, which show
the Parsi and Iranian priests between fifteenth the presence of a priest from Iran in various
and eighteenth centuries over a period of 300 well-known Parsi settlements, as far south even
years. as the city of Thana. (Further evidence for
this southern stretch of Parsi settlement at
a relatively early period comes from the famous
Introduction Middle Persian inscriptions in the Kanheri caves
near Mumbai.)
In the first three centuries after the Arab conquests With the expansion of the rule of Turkish
of Iran, a sizeable group of Zoroastrians left Iran dynasties to the areas where Parsis lived (in the
Z
806 Zoroastrianism, Historic Correspondence

thirteenth century), the Indian and Iranian worlds has been properly edited: this is the Ithoter (“sev-
of the Zoroastrian communities once again enty-eight”), which is dated to the year 1773 and
became more closely intertwined. In the second belongs firmly to a particular group among the
half of the fifteenth century, contacts between the Parsis ([9]; see further below).
communities became more intensive and a regular Alongside the practical matters addressed in
interaction between them was established. This the Rivayats, the texts were, it seems, accompa-
began with the journey undertaken by Nariman nied by letters written by the Irani priests, which
Hoshang, a layman from Bharuch, who was sent (when they have survived) are important historical
by the Parsis to visit the learned priests of the Irani documents. They attest, for example, the exis-
Zoroastrians in Turkabad near Yazd. He is tence of Zoroastrian communities in several
traditionally seen as the first author or recipient parts of the Iranian world, and the gradual shrink-
of a genre of writings known collectively as “the ing of the geographical spread of these communi-
Persian Rivayats” (from the Arabic word rivāya, ties to the areas in the central deserts of Iran where
meaning “tradition; report”). they managed to survive. For the history of the
These Persian Rivayats are miscellanies, often Parsis, these letters – and the other indications in
in question-and-answer style, on a wide variety of the texts – are equally important: they show, for
subjects, but with a particular focus on the practi- example, the fact that the Zoroastrian priests in
cal implementation of religious prescriptions. The India had lost all knowledge of Middle Persian,
Rivayats are usually presented in two ways: first, had lost even the Avestan portions of texts not
there are “personal” Rivayats, attributed to an regularly recited in rituals, and had been unable to
author who was in reality the recipient of the procure some ritual necessities in their new land.
answers. This is the traditional attribution and This, together with the main body of the texts,
explains the title of at least the oldest of the establishes not only the difficulty of transporting
Rivayats: that of Nariman Hoshang. None of Zoroastrianism to another country, but also,
these have, it seems, survived in the original, but clearly, the spiritual and intellectual dependence
evidence from them is most often scattered among of the Parsi priests on the traditions of learning
the second type of presentation of the Rivayats, and priestly knowledge that had survived in Iran.
that of the true miscellany, which is how most of The texts, traditions, and ritual necessities were
the manuscripts survive, and how they have been brought, repeatedly, to India and reintroduced into
published. These miscellanies, which also include the practice of the Zoroastrian religion by the
important fragments of poetry, were produced in Parsis.
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, when More than any other subject, the Rivayats deal
Parsi priests drew upon them to produce topically with technical matters of purity and pollution. This
arranged manuals. The most important of these is usually explained on the basis of the social reality
was produced by Darab Hormazdyar, which sur- of the lives of both communities: (tiny) minority
vives in a number of manuscripts. Very little groups engulfed in a society dominated by others. In
research has been done, however, on the exact this case, the evidence for the reality of Zoroastrian
history of the manuscripts and on the process of life in Iran may be more reliable than the evidence
producing these miscellanies, and no attempts for India, for the fear of “unbelievers” both as
have been made to reconstruct the “original” for- carriers of pollution and as an actual threat to the
mat of several of these important texts. Instead, lives of individual Zoroastrians runs deep in these
most scholars continue to rely on the edition of the texts. This explains, as has often been highlighted,
Rivayats by M.R. Unvala [7], and especially on the the use of the Avestan script within the Persian texts
translation of (portions of) this edition by B.N. to discuss potentially sensitive or dangerous words
Dhabhar [8]; Dhabhar left out quite a lot, including and subjects. For some of the letters at least were
all poetry). It is only the last of the Rivayats, the one conveyed to the Parsis by Muslims traveling to
that was not included in Unvala’s collection, that India.
Zoroastrianism, Historic Correspondence 807

Issues of conversion loom large in the texts: most sources with sources that are of relevance only to
of these concern Zoroastrians who have become the Parsis. These show, for example, that in the
Muslims, but there are also questions about non- organization of the priesthood, the Parsi priests
Zoroastrians wishing to become Zoroastrians. This were perfectly capable of looking after them-
is a highly sensitive subject among modern Parsis, selves and did not seek the instruction of their
and the texts are by no means unequivocal on the Irani colleagues (an example of this is the com-
subject. It is clear that those Zoroastrians who had plicated division of the priesthood into the vari-
converted to Islam under force or out of despair, but ous panths; see Ref. [10]).
wanted to come back to Zoroastrianism, were It was probably inevitable that certain divisions
enabled to do so: ritual prescriptions (in the form in the practice of the religion became evident,
of a confession of sins and the larger purification which did not allow a simple instruction from
ritual) are given to make this possible. Alongside the Irani priests to change. This was, famously,
this, there are rules for servants in the household for the case with the Zoroastrian calendar, which
whom it could be useful to be brought into the came to be the subject of a major controversy in
religion. This, too, is allowed – under certain the eighteenth century (with an impact up to the
conditions. present). As soon as contacts between the com-
It is a matter of dispute, moreover, to what munities were established, they found out that the
extent the answers given by the Irani priests Parsi calendar was one month ahead of the Irani
reflect the reality of the practice of their religion. one; this was due to the fact that the last major
In some cases, it seems to be clear that they, after change in the calendar in Iran had been effected
consultation of Middle Persian texts from Sasa- after the departure of the Parsis to India. This did
nian and early Islamic times, reproduce the not immediately cause concern, until the moment
knowledge of these early priestly authorities, that voices were raised to harmonize the calen-
without adapting them to their actual, contempo- dars. Such a harmonization would influence the
rary, application. Thus, the discussion of types of ritual lives of all Zoroastrians, priests as well as
marriage reproduces more or less faithfully the lay people, for a whole month would need to be
types of marriage known from much earlier “skipped,” including the many traditional rites of
sources, but it is decidedly unclear (apart from observance, for example, in remembrance of
those cases where the priests themselves were at deceased family members. A small group among
a loss as to the precise distinctions) whether these the Parsis was prepared to do so and to adapt their
types of marriage were still part of a living real- calendar to the “norm” of the Iranis. (They
ity. This is problematic already in Middle Persian referred to themselves as qadmis, from the Ara-
texts, and especially in the earlier Persian texts bic-Persian word for “old”; they thus lay claim to
produced by the Irani priests, such as the Sad dar a tradition of greater antiquity, even though the
(“hundred chapters”). Parsi calendar was, strictly speaking, “older” than
In spite of these reservations, the importance the Irani one.) A larger group resisted and with
of the Rivayats for the history of both communi- this resistance came an increasing disengagement
ties can scarcely be overrated. They show two from the authority of the Irani priests. It seems,
communities struggling to maintain and develop therefore, that in the latest Rivayats, the Parsi
their religious traditions, preserving priestly addressees (and readers) gradually became con-
learning and dealing adequately with practical fined to the Qadmi group alone. This is most
problems. The fact that the texts suggest that clearly the case with the last of the Rivayats, the
the Parsi priests relied on the greater authority Ithoter, which was not included in Unvala’s edi-
of the Irani priests, however, should not be tion, or in Dhabhar’s translation, but was edited
stretched to great lengths. In order to put this in only fairly recently. For it is, clearly, a Qadmi text
perspective, it will be necessary (though work on and signals the moment in time when the majority
this area has scarcely begun) to complement the of the Parsis (or at least of the Parsi priests) had
Z
808 Zoroastrianism, History

gained a self-confidence that was robust enough to

rely on their own authority in all religious affairs. Zoroastrianism, History
This, prompted no doubt partly by a series of
disasters that struck the communities in Iran, was Jamsheed K. Choksy
a prelude to the reversal of the roles, for in the Department of Central Eurasian Studies, Indiana
nineteenth century, it was the turn of the Parsis to University, Bloomington, IN, USA
come to the rescue of the Irani communities. With
the Ithoter [11], however, the regular correspon-
dence between the two communities came to Synonyms
an end.
Mazdaism; Parsism

Cross-References
Definition
▶ Zoroastrian Calendars and Festivals
Zoroastrianism is an ancient Iranian religion
which reached India in Antiquity, and the Early
Middle Ages adapted to Hinduism, and is still
References practiced there by the Parsis.
1. Hinnells J, Williams AV (2008) Parsis in India and the
diaspora. Routledge, London
2. Williams AV (2009) The Zoroastrian myth of migra- Introduction
tion from Iran and settlement in the Indian diaspora.
Text, translation and analysis of the 16th century Zoroastrianism, a faith based upon the words of
Qesse-ye Sanjān, ‘The Story of Sanjan’. Brill, Leiden,
pp 205–221
Zarathushtra, was a major religion in ancient and
3. Wink A (1991) Al-Hind. The making of the Indo- medieval times. During that period, it influenced
Islamic world, vol 1, Early medieval India and the Hellenistic, Jewish, Christian, and Muslim
expansion of Islam, 7th-11th centuries. Brill, Leiden, beliefs. After the Arab conquest of Iran in the
pp 104–108
seventh century, Zoroastrianism gradually lost
4. Bharucha SD (1906–1933) Collected Sanskrit writ-
ings of the Parsis, 6 vols. Parsee Punchayet, Bombay adherents. Others fled to the Indian subcontinent
5. Dhabhar BN (1923) Descriptive catalogue of some for safety and religious freedom. Consequently,
manuscripts bearing on Zoroastrianism and pertaining Zoroastrian communities now dwell not only in
to the different collections of the Molla Feroze library.
Iran but also in larger numbers within India where
Parsee Punchayet, Bombay
6. Unvala JM (1940) Collection of colophons of manu- they are called the Pārsis (Pārsees). In the nine-
scripts bearing on Zoroastrianism in some libraries of teenth and twentieth centuries, some of them have
Europe. Parsi Punchayat, Bombay immigrated from India and Iran to other countries
7. Unvala MR (1922) D^ar^ab Hormazy^ar’s Riv^ayat, 2
around the world. Zoroastrians traditionally refer
vols. British India Press, Bombay
8. Dhabhar BN (1932) The Persian rivayats of to themselves as Mazdā yasnī “worshipers of
Hormazyar Framarz and others. Their version with Mazdā” [1].
introduction and notes. K.R. Cama Oriental Institute,
Bombay
9. Vitalone M (1996) The Persian revāyat “Ithoter”. Zoro-
astrian rituals in the eighteenth century. Istituto The Prophet, His Time, and Place
Universitario Orientale, Napoli
10. Kotwal FM (1990) A brief history of the Parsi priest- Archeological and linguistic evidence suggests that
hood. Indo-Iranian J 33:165–175
11. Vitalone M (1987) The Persian revāyats:
Zoroastrianism’s founder Zarathushtra lived and
a bibliographic reconnaissance. Istituto Universitario preached as a devotional poet and prophet some-
Orientale, Napoli time between the eighteenth and fourteenth
Zoroastrianism, History 809

centuries B.C.E., rather than in the sixth century B. body, could pollute priests, ritual actions, and holy
C.E. as recorded by medieval tradition. His home- places [4].
land was, it is now believed, somewhere from It was through contact with the magi that Greek
northern Afghanistan to the Aral Sea rather than and Roman authors learnt of Zarathushtra. The
the Iranian plateau itself. So his religious activities ancient magi claimed that the prophet Zoroaster
occurred among the Proto-Iranians of the Central had been a member of their group; so by the fourth
Asian Bronze Age [6, 12, 26]. His name, Zarathu- century B.C.E. even the Greek philosopher Plato
shtra, is a compound word probably meaning referred to Zoroaster as “the magus.” Hellenic
“[Possessor of] old [or brownish-gold] camels.” scholars like the disciples of Pythagoras believed
The form Zoroaster by which the prophet is com- Zarathushtra had been a sage and magician, even
monly identified in the West derives from the later adopting the latter term from the Old Iranian word
classical Greek rendering as Zoroastres “golden” magu. The magi themselves would subsequently
plus “star.” be depicted as the wise men from the east who
According to a hagiographical tradition that journeyed to Bethlehem – lending authority to
developed posthumously, Zarathushtra left home Christianity’s founding belief [25].
at the age of 20. After a decade of wandering and Ranks within the early Zoroastrian magi seem
contemplation he received a revelation, and to have included that of āthravan “fire priest” and
returned to preach the religion of Ahura Mazdā zaotar “invoker or libation offerer.” During the
the “Wise Lord” who is the supreme deity of Median Kingdom (ca. 673–550 B.C.E.) and Ach-
Zoroastrianism. Zarathushtra was opposed by the aemenian Empire (550–330 B.C.E.), magi served
clergy of the older cults in his native land and had as seers, counselors, and tutors to Iranian noble
to seek refuge at the court of a neighboring ruler families. Magi staffed fire temples at urban centers
named Vishtāspa who accepted the religion. Here, such as Kangavar and Istakhr. The chief priest at
Zarathushtra preached and gained many followers each temple probably was titled magupati “head
until he was assassinated by a priest of another magus” or “chief magus.” Seminaries developed
sect at the age of seventy-seven, or so it was for training magi as did pious foundations for
written. That later tradition cast Zarathushtra in meeting the expenses of temples and seminaries.
the image of Near Eastern prophets and seems to The color white was reserved for magian clothing
have been compiled after Zoroastrianism became to symbolize purity. Their dress, as evidenced from
the religion of the Iranian empires in antiquity [7]. artistic representations (Fig. 1), consisted of loose
pants, a long-sleeve tunic bound by a belt, and
a hooded cap sometimes having with side flaps
The Priesthood’s Heritage (which developed into a nose and face mask) for
covering the mouth to prevent breath and saliva
Herodotus, the fifth century B.C.E. Greek histo- from polluting ritual items. Because they lost royal
rian, recorded that no Zoroastrian religious rite favor and state support, the magi reacted adversely
could be performed without the presence of to Alexander the Great’s conquest of Iran in the late
a magus or priest. He also listed practices specific fourth century B.C.E. They denounced the Mace-
to the magi, such as the exposure of corpses to donian conqueror by claiming that his troops
dogs and to birds of prey. The magi, who were slaughtered many magi and burned copies of
originally a priestly clan among an Iranian tribe Zoroastrian scripture – a legend that became part
called the Medes, adopted Zoroastrianism after of official Iranian history [2].
the religion had spread widely among the ancient By the Arsacid or Parthian period (238 B.C.E.
Iranians [1]. They brought with them the notion of to 224), magi served in ranks bearing titles such as
a hereditary priesthood which excluded women hērpat (later hērbed) “theologian,” magpat “ritual
on the grounds that menstruation resulted in the priest,” and bagnapat “shrine master.” They tended
periodic discharge of blood that, once outside the to the holiest fires like Ādur Farrōbay, Ādur
Z
810 Zoroastrianism, History

Ādurbād ī Māraspandān who served during the

reign of Shāpūr II (309–379) – whose position
was part of the royal court at Ctesiphon (near
modern Baghdad) [30].
When Zoroastrians lost political control of Iran
and Zoroastrianism began to lose adherents to
Islam, medieval magi compiled the faith’s tradi-
tions and practices into a series of Middle Persian
exegetical texts called the Pahlavi books.
Mardānfarrokh ī Ohrmazddādān wrote the
Shkand Gumānī g Wizār “Doubt Dispelling
Exposition” to critique Judaism, Christianity,
Manichaeism, and Islam while defending Zoroas-
trian tenets during the ninth century [21]. As the
number of Zoroastrians in Iran declined through
conversion to Islam, ātash kades “fire temples”
(Fig. 3) and herbedestāns “seminaries” also fell
into disuse [8]. After the Parsi Zoroastrians had
settled in western India, their magi divided into
five panths “ecclesiastic groups.” Learned among
the Indian magi was Neryōsangh Dhaval who
translated portions of the Avesta into the Sanskrit
language during the late eleventh or early twelfth
century. According to Iranian tradition, the dastur
Zoroastrianism, History, Fig. 1 Zoroaster as a magus, dasturān “high priest of high priests” moved to the
wall painting, Dura Europos, Syria, second century
(Reproduced by permission of Archive J.K.Choksy) central Iranian village of Torkabad in the twelfth
century and then to Yazd itself during the eigh-
teenth century [2].
Gushnāsp, and Ādur Burzēnmihr and to those in The present-day priesthood whose members
village chahār tāq “four arch” fire precincts. They are still called mobeds traces its lineage to the
began working with clerics of other religious medieval magi of Iran. They form a class known
groups such as the Jewish patriarchate to regulate as āthornān “members of the priestly group” dis-
religious activity across confessional lines within tinct from the behdinān “[other] members of the
Iran. They also served in the imperial judiciary [1]. good religion” or laity. Within the modern magi,
Leading magi were mentioned in royal inscriptions ranks persist, including that of ostā “teacher, an
and other official documents from the Sasanian uninitiated priest,” ērvad “teacher priest, a priest
Empire (224–651). Kirdīr, who functioned as who has undergone the first level of induction,”
royal hērbed under the second Sasanid ruler Shāpūr and dastur “high priest” usually but not always
I (240–272) and his immediate successors, associated with a temple for a holy fire of the
commissioned Middle Persian inscriptions ātash bahrām “fire of Verethraghna” or highest
(Fig. 2) in which his religious duties, visions of ritual level [8]. All magi continue to wear white
the afterlife, and image were recorded. Kirdīr robes, nose and mouth mask, and turban when
claimed to have zealously attacked religious sects conducting religious ceremonies (Fig. 4).
regarded as heresies. By the fourth century, magi Passed from father to son, priesthood involves
were led by a high priest called the mowbedān long years of studying the liturgies and rituals of
mowbed “chief magus of the magi” – such as Zoroastrianism, starting during childhood. This is
Zoroastrianism, History 811

Zoroastrianism, History, Fig. 2 Kirdīr the magus, rock relief and inscription, Naqsh-e Rajab, Iran, third century
(Reproduced by permission of Archive J.K.Choksy)

Zoroastrianism, History, Fig. 3 Ādur Gushnāsp ātash kade, Takht-e Sulayman, Iran, sixth century (Reproduced by
permission of Archive J.K.Choksy)

Z
812 Zoroastrianism, History

Development of the Textual Tradition

The Zoroastrian scripture is the Avesta (Abestāg)

“Praise.” This canon consists of two groups of
texts: Old or Gathic Avestan materials which
were composed orally between the eighteenth
and twentieth centuries B.C.E., transmitted and
augmented for several centuries, then established
as the main portion of the oral scriptural canon
between the tenth and sixth centuries B.C.E.; and
the Young or Standard Avestan materials, which
were composed orally, in some cases from
existing verses, between the ninth and fifth centu-
ries B.C.E., transmitted, augmented, then
established in the oral scriptural canon by the
third century B.C.E. The Avestan language was
linguistically related to Vedic Sanskrit owing to
cultural, religious, and social connections
between the Proto-Iranians and the Proto-Indians
during the second millennium B.C.E. [1, 2].
The written text of the Avesta originated
between the fourth and sixth centuries probably
under Sasanian royal patronage. All existing
Avestan manuscripts derive from a base text dat-
Zoroastrianism, History, Fig. 4 Magus performing rit- ing to the ninth or tenth century. Unfortunately,
ual in front of fire altar, Dadar, India, twentieth century
(Reproduced by permission of Archive J.K.Choksy) only about one-third of the Sasanid Avesta has
survived. The extant Avesta includes the Gāthās
“Songs, Hymns” believed to have been composed
followed by formal initiation as a practicing priest by Zarathushtra himself. The Yasna “Worship,”
via a two-stage ritual process now involving the Yashts “Hymns [to Divine Beings]” and the
Nāwar and Martab ceremonies [23]. But as mem- Videvdād “Code to Ward off Evil Spirits” com-
bership in the priesthood has declined, as eligible prise other major parts of the Avesta. Prayers, such
candidates seek other forms of employment for as the Ashem Vohū “Righteousness is Good,”
economic reasons, only two seminaries for the recited by priests and laity in daily religious obser-
magi still operate: the Athornan Boarding vances were gathered together by medieval times
Madressa at Dadar in Mumbai and the M. F. into a text known as the Khorde Avesta “Shorter
Cama Athornan Institute at Andheri West also in Avesta” [11]. All those scriptures remain central
Mumbai. Two categories of lay individuals tradi- to the beliefs and practices of Zoroastrians so were
tionally assisted magi in Iran: the ātashband recopied repeatedly in India by magi. Most
“keeper of the flames” who tends ritual fires and existing manuscripts derive from those Indian
the dahmobed “junior priest” who serves as temple copies – including the oldest extant version of
warden. In the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, the Yasna (manuscript J1, Fig. 5, now in the
another category of priestly assistants was created Bodleian Library at Oxford University, which
by the Mobed Councils in Iran and North America, also includes the oldest copy of the Gāthās)
namely the mobedyār “lay priest” to counter the which was produced at Cambay in the year 1323
growing shortage in the number of clerics by by Ervad Merbān Kāy Khusrō.
performing basic rites for the laity. Iranian clergy- Next in importance are religious exegeses writ-
men now initiate women as mobedyārs [6]. ten in Pahlavi or the Middle Persian language
Zoroastrianism, History 813

Zoroastrianism, History,
Fig. 5 Gāthās, J1
manuscript, thirteenth
century (Reproduced by
permission of Archive
J.K.Choksy)

between the third and thirteenth centuries [30]. advocating vegetarianism. It was translated and
Among the fairly vast Pahlavi literature is the published in Gujarati for general readers about
Zand “Exegesis” on the Avesta. In addition, the one century later. All these texts continued to
Ardā Wirāz Nāmag “Book of the Righteous transmit community history, tenets of faith, and
Wiraz” preserves a description of a voyage meanings of rituals to the general believer who no
through heaven, limbo, and hell, which together longer understood the Avestan or Pahlavi lan-
with other Zoroastrian accounts of the afterlife guages. Catechisms of the religion are now avail-
influenced the Isna-Mirāj “Night Journey” stories able in English as well for laity who do not know
attributed to the prophet Muhammad in Muslim any of the community’s traditional Indian and
tradition and later Dante’s Divine Comedy. As Iranian languages.
happened with the Avesta, the Pahlavi literature
was reproduced in medieval India as well, with
the Ardā Wirāz Nāmag proving to be especially Sacred Time Merges with Historical
popular in its Middle Persian, New Persian or Events
Farsi, and Gujarati renditions.
Zoroastrian historical and religious documents Zarathushtra preached an ethical and moral dual-
were written in New Persian and Gujarati as well. ism between asha “order” and drug “confusion”
Prominent examples written after the Parsis set- with the first regarded as good and the second as
tled in India are the sixteenth century Qessa-ye bad. This dualism was personified by Zarathu-
Sanjān “Story of [Settlement at] Sanjan” and the shtra in a pair of primal spirits: Ahura Mazdā
nineteenth century Rahbar-e Din-e Jarthushti (later known as Ohrmazd), the “Wise Lord” or
“Guide to the Zoroastrian Religion” [18]. The God and Angra Mainyu (later called Ahriman),
Farziyāt nāme “Book of Obligatory Duties,” writ- the “Angry Spirit” or Devil. Subsequent doctrinal
ten in couplets at Navsari by Dastur Darab Pahlan modifications by the magi, transformed the proph-
(1668–1734), laid out the religious duties of each et’s dualistic teachings in to a cosmic one by the
individual through life and on every day of the sixth century. Orthodox Zoroastrian then came to
month while reflecting Indian influence by follow a dualism between righteousness and evil
Z
814 Zoroastrianism, History

on a cosmic scale. According to medieval and and fall of legendary dynasties until the prophet
modern Zoroastrian doctrine, Ahura Mazdā is Zarathushtra was born in the religious year 8970.
a good, perfect, rational, and omniscient being Thirty years later Zarathushtra received revelation
from whom no evil arises. Most Zoroastrians from Ahura Mazdā, and preached the Wise Lord’s
still believe that Ahura Mazdā created the spiritual faith. According to this sacred history, the era of
and material worlds completely pure and that Zarathushtra was followed by those of the Achae-
irreligiosity, sin, disease, decay, and death are menians, Parthians, and Sasanians. Thereafter, the
vices produced by the Evil Spirit Angra Mainyu. Arabs conquered Iran, and were succeeded by the
In colonial India, however, and under the influ- Turkish invaders. Those conquests and reduction
ence of Christian missionaries, some Parsis began of Zoroastrians to a religious minority were incor-
blurring the dualistic distinction by seeing God as porated into the faith’s history and explained in
the source of everything good and bad – and this terms of a steady increase in evil which heralds the
notion still persists among those not well versed in advent of the final days [2, 5, 6].
their faith’s tenets. Starting in the 1980s, there has The material world viewed by Zoroastrians as
been a trend among orthodox Zoroastrians to the arena in which God and humans combat
bring dualistic tenets back to the forefront of Angra Mainyu’s evil. The rewards of heaven,
Zoroastrian beliefs and practices [19, 20, 22]. after death, are offered to the souls of believers
Zoroastrian sacred history is divided into two who have upheld righteousness and combated evil
periods. Prior to the first period was an eternity during their lifetimes. Zoroastrians believe that
when Ahura Mazdā and Angra Mainyu were sep- when an individual dies, his or her soul sits near
arate from each other. The first period of time was the head of the corpse for three days and nights.
that of creation which supposedly lasted 6,000 Demonic spirits are thought to prey upon the soul
years. Next is said to have come the current age during this period, but can be kept at bay by a fire
of mixture between good and evil which will also which the deceased individual’s relatives kindle.
last 6,000 years. Angra Mainyu invaded the cor- On the dawn of the fourth day after death, each
poreal world, bringing with him the trials of soul faces judgment at Chinvad Puhl “the Bridge
humanity. Human history passed by with the rise of the Accumulator” (Fig. 6). If the soul’s good

Zoroastrianism, History,
Fig. 6 Judgment of soul
after death, miniature
painting, India, early
nineteenth century
(Reproduced by permission
of Archive J.K.Choksy)
Zoroastrianism, History 815

deeds are greater than its evil deeds, it safely community generated a tendency toward cultural
crosses the cosmic bridge to Wahisht “paradise” preservation among Zoroastrians and as the com-
also known as Garōdәmāna the “Abode of Song.” munity grew smaller this tendency increased.
However, if the soul is unrighteous and its evil Finally, many Zoroastrians withdrew from all
deeds outweigh all the good it did while alive, the major forms of interaction with Muslims and
impure soul is dragged by demons into Dushoxt sought refuge in the thinly populated regions of
“Hell” also known as Drujōdәmāna “Abode of central Iran at places like Yazd [5]. Surviving the
Deceit” to await the day of universal judgment. asperities of time, their descendants continued the
In cases where a soul’s good and evil deeds are faith and its practices despite having to pay the poll
equal, it is consigned to Hamestagān the “Place of tax to the Muslims for remaining Zoroastrian. In
Parity” or limbo until the end of time [6, 25]. The 1854, the Parsis of India were able to convince the
Zoroastrian doctrine of heaven, hell, and limbo is Qajar dynasty of Iran to abolish the poll tax [13].
a historical instance of a religious concept funda- During the twentieth century, a brief period of
mentally shaping Judaism, Christianity, and Islam respite from economic hardship and the pressure
between the fifth century B.C.E. and the tenth of conversion to Islam was experienced by the
century C.E. Zoroastrians of Iran under the last Pahlavi Shah
During the religious year 11973 a final savior who promoted Zoroastrians like Farhang Mehr
named Saoshyant is expected to resurrect the who served as Deputy Finance Minister and Dep-
dead. All sinners, having already suffered in hell uty Prime Minister to positions of authority,
after death, will be absolved of his or her trans- encouraged the expression of Zoroastrian religious
gressions and purified. Then immortality will be and cultural practices, and glorified Iran’s pre-
granted to all humans by Ahura Mazdā. Angra Islamic past [9].
Mainyu will be forced back into hell which In 1966, there were over 60,000 Zoroastrians
would be sealed shut forever. After the separation in Iran. Recent censuses by the community in
of good from evil has been accomplished, Ahura 2004 and by the Iranian government in 2006 put
Mazdā will renovate the universe in the religious the number around 24,000 and 90,000 respec-
year 12000, human history will end, and eternity tively. Although officially recognized as
would recommence in absolute perfection [2, 6, a minority and represented in official settings,
25, 30]. Zoroastrians in Iran are often offered limited pro-
tection from their Muslim neighbors by the
Islamic revolutionary regime which governs the
Demographic Dispersion of Zoroastrians country. Nonetheless, Zoroastrians continue to
survive not only in the central Iranian cities of
Zoroastrianism spread throughout Iran and Central Yazd and Kerman which have been their strong-
Asia after the tenth century B.C.E., becoming the holds for several centuries, but also in Tehran the
dominant faith of the Median, Achaemenian, Par- capital and the cities of Shiraz and Isfahan [9, 25].
thian, and Sasanian states [1, 2]. After the Arab The religion’s doctrines are taught to the children,
conquest of those regions during the seventh cen- basic rites are still performed, and clerical and
tury, conversion to Islam gradually occurred and lay organizations remain active within the
reached its zenith by the mid-ninth century. community.
Although Islamic authorities of the Umayyad The Parsis or Indian Zoroastrians are the
Caliphate (661–750) restricted conversion in descendants of émigrés who relocated to India
order to maintain steady revenue from jizya “pol from Iran. Textual and archeological data now
tax” charged from non-Muslims, the subsequent suggest that the communal designation of Zoro-
Abbasid Caliphate (750–1258) reversed that policy astrians dwelling outside Iran as Pārsi or Parsis
and offered social and fiscal incentives to Zoroas- (Sanskrit: Pārasika, Pārsika, from Iranian:
trians who switched their faith. The threat of Pārsika, Pārsīg) predates the eponymous landing
absorption into the increasingly large Muslim of Zoroastrian Iranians at Sanjan in Gujarat
Z
816 Zoroastrianism, History

(attributed to the year 716 or the year 936 a ring, depending on the rendition – to indicate
depending on interpretation of the date’s that Zoroastrians would coexist harmoniously
numerals) as claimed in the Qessa-ye Sanjān with Indians, become Indianized, and enhance
“Story of Sanjan” [2, 28]. Zoroastrians in Iran Indian society. Interestingly, neither the Qessa-e
had contact with people in the Indian subcontinent Sanjān nor the early folk tales mention any agree-
from at least the fifth century B.C.E. through ment or understanding between the Zoroastrians
overland and maritime trade. The presence of and the Hindu barring the former from proselytiz-
Pahlavi or Middle Persian inscriptions plus Sasa- ing their faith.
nian coins and seals found in archeological exca- Early Parsi settlers founded the town of Sanjan.
vations of mercantile communities dating to late About 5 years after their arrival there, the Parsis
Antiquity (third to sixth centuries) in India and Sri consecrated an ātash bahrām the highest level of
Lanka attest to such dealings and to Parsi settle- ritual fire named Irān Shāh “King of Iran” which
ments. So do documents in the Old Sinhala lan- remained their main holy flame for more than 800
guage from the fifth and sixth centuries. After the years. Most religious rituals were performed using
Arab Muslim conquest of Iran in the seventh dādgāh “hearth” fires. During the first 300 years
century, there were other small, poorly after the arrival in Gujarat, as the community
documented migrations away from that country prospered and its population increased, some
over land and sea to the Indian subcontinent. The Parsis moved to Navsari on the banks of the Varoli
presence of Parsis in the hinterland of north India River in 1142. They also spread to the towns of
was attested by medieval Muslim travelers who Surat, Anklesar, Cambay, and Broach. In each of
wrote of gabr groups – a derogatory term meaning those towns, they worked as farmers, toddy
“hollow” or “empty,” hence “one lacking faith” or brewers, carpenters, weavers, and merchants.
“infidel,” used for Zoroastrians. The number and Magi continued to dress in white robes and
size of early inland communities indicates Zoro- turbans as they had in Iran. Parsi laymen adopted
astrians must have entered India via land routes Indian dress but wore white on ritual occasions.
from the northwest as well [10]. Parsi women wore the Indian sari, with minor
Of those numerous journeys, the one relocation variations in the manner of wrapping it
that gained a pseudohistoriography was enshrined around the body that became distinctive to Zoro-
in the Qessa-ye Sanjān’s New Persian poetry dur- astrians [13].
ing the late sixteenth century by the Indian mobed Clusters of families had their spiritual needs
Bahman Kaikobād Sanjāna. The poem became tended to by an individual magus, and those
the idealized basis for much of the Parsis’ early devotional clusters came to be known as the
history. The Qessa-e Sanjān claims that a local priest’s panthak. In time, this association of par-
rājā “king” named Jādi Rānā (Vajjardevrai or ticular lay or behdin families with a specific
Vajjadadeva) of the Silhara dynasty agreed to magian or āthornān priest and his descendants
grant the Zoroastrians safe haven in Gujarat on as panthakī became hereditary. Around 1290, the
the condition that the newcomers explain their Parsi magi divided Gujarat into five panths based
beliefs to the Hindus, adopt the Gujarati on location: the Sanjānas at Sanjan, the
language, refrain from bearing weapons, perform Bhagarias serving Navsari, the Godavras based
weddings only at night, and ensure that their at Anklesar, the Bharuchas controlling rites in
women blend with Hindu counterparts by wearing Broach, and the Khambattas of Cambay. Each
the local garb, the sari [28]. A complementary folk panth regulated its own clergy, laity, and reli-
tale, although not part of the Qessa, claims the gious matters through an anjoman “association.”
Indian ruler showed the Parsis a pitcher full of At many locales where Parsis settled in India
milk to signify that India was already heavily over the subsequent centuries, ātesh gāhs “fire
populated, with little room for new settlers, but precincts” were established for rituals by the
that a magus who was present deposited some- living as were dakhmas “funerary towers” for
thing worthwhile into the milk – sugar, a coin, or exposure of the dead [2].
Zoroastrianism, History 817

Zoroastrianism, History, Fig. 7 Bhagarsath ātash bahrām, Navsari, founded in 1765 (Reproduced by permission of
Archive J.K.Choksy)

The jizya was imposed upon Parsis in 1297 Parsis settled in parts of the Indian subcontinent
when the Delhi Muslim sultanate conquered where their numbers were insufficient to maintain
Gujarat. Economic hardship created by payment funerary towers, they began adopting the custom
of the jizya, plus the stigma of designation as of burial with an ārāmgāh “place of repose” or
a dhimmī “protected religious minority” resulted graveyard. Perhaps most important in terms of
in conversion of portions of the Parsi population socioreligious change was that, over time, Parsis
to Islam. Yet the community persisted in its beliefs came to be regarded as a pseudocaste within
and praxes, so that early European travelers in the Hindu society. So, despite accepting some con-
region began to encounter them; in 1350, for verts from among Hindus who had close contact
example, the Dominican friar Jordanus through friendship or work, the religion slowly
commented on the exposure of Parsi corpses. In became hereditary in an Indian context, with no
1741, after a few previous relocations, the Irān converts being accepted. Parsis also had to mingle
Shāh ātash bahrām was brought to the city of with members of other faiths in India and to
Udvada, where it continues to burn in the explain their doctrines and praxes. For instance,
twenty-first century. The Bhagarias consecrated in 1578 the emperor Akbar summoned a Bhagaria
their own ātash bahrām at Navsari in 1765 priest named Meherji Rāna to the Mogul court for
(Fig. 7). Thereafter, six other fires of the ātash a symposium. That contact proved beneficial to
bahrām ritual level were established in India – the Parsis, as the jizya on them was lifted a few
two at Surat in 1823 and four at Bombay (now years later. Yet the community in India would
Mumbai) in 1783, 1830, 1845, and 1897 [8]. divide in the centuries that followed. In 1746,
As they assimilated into Indian society, pres- a disagreement relating to the calendar caused
sure from Hindus compelled the Parsis to accept division of the community into Kadmīs who
certain socioreligious transformations. For exam- accept the qadī mī “ancient” Iranian calendar and
ple, the ritual slaughter of cattle had to be the Shenshaīs or Rasimīs “traditionalists” who
discontinued gradually in accordance with Hindu maintain the original Parsi calendar. The Fasalīs
veneration for that animal, although goats and or Faslīs developed as a group in 1906 from Parsis
sheep continued to be offered, with a portion of who began utilizing a fasl “seasonal” calendar for
their bodies or fat being deposited in holy fires. As rituals. The majority of Parsis remain Shenshaī,
Z
818 Zoroastrianism, History

but calendric preferences have maintained those and Sir Jamsetji Jijibhai (1783–1859) in ship-
communal divisions and have produced minor building and the opium and cotton trades between
variations in liturgies and rites [2]. India, England, and China. Parsis also established
Contact between Zoroastrians in India and themselves quickly in textile manufacture and the
Iran, the Parsis and the Iranis respectively, gained banking industry. Steadily, Parsis became the mer-
momentum in the thirteenth century. Several reli- cantile arm of the British in India, serving in that
gious texts were sent from Iran to India for safe- capacity for over 200 years [24]. Members of the
keeping, and as a result, most of the oldest extant community went on to play central roles in
copies of Zoroastrian scripture and exegesis establishing the industrial base of modern India.
remained in India until the eighteenth century Pioneers included Jamshedji N. Tata
onward when some of those documents were (1839–1904), whose companies founded India’s
obtained by Western museums and universities. steel and hydroelectricity industries plus
Just as important, Parsis began seeking religious established the Indian Institute of Science and
advice from magi in Iran. A collection of treatises Homi J. Bhabha (1909–1966), who pioneered
on religious observances, sent from Iran to India research in atomic energy. Others like Field Mar-
between 1478 and 1773 and known collectively as shal General Sam H. F. J. Manekshaw
the Persian Revāyats “Treatises” attests to the (1914–2008) led India’s postindependence mili-
close ties that were developing as Parsi emissaries tary during the late twentieth century.
were welcomed, lived among, and educated by Socioeconomic success would transform the
their Iranian coreligionists before returning to Zoroastrian community of India in many different
India. More Zoroastrians from Iran relocated to ways. The Parsi Panchāyat, initially a council of
the west coast of India, came to be known as elders, was established in 1728 to regulate com-
Iranis, and opened commercial enterprises munity affairs. It did so not through law but
among their Parsi coreligionists. Irani Zoroas- through edicts and codes of conduct that were
trians in India tend to continue minor ritual and enforced by communal pressure [24]. Since the
calendric variations which had arisen during the question of religious freedom in Iran occupied the
centuries they had been apart from the Parsis. Yet thoughts of Parsis, in 1854, they sent an emissary
both groups see themselves as Indian and as Zoro- named Manekji Limji Hataria (1813–1890) to
astrian. The Parsis in particular had been updating Iran. Hataria lived in Iran for four decades, mar-
their community’s history, incorporating events ried an Irani Zoroastrian woman, and even visited
and tales from their time in India into their collec- the Qajar court to intercede on behalf of Zoroas-
tive memory and literature [3]. trians. Hataria’s mission, coupled with pressure
Contact between the Parsis and Europeans on the Qajar dynasty from the British Raj on
grew with the establishment of trading posts in behalf of prominent Parsis like Dadabhai Naoroji
the seventeenth century. European eyewitness (1825–1917), succeeded in having the jizya
accounts note that at first the Parsis enforced abolished in Iran in 1882 [9, 13]. Wealthy Parsis
their own customs, with violators being also began to look after the secular needs of their
excommunicated or even, occasionally, executed. coreligionists in Iran by building schools, hospi-
But as trade increased, so did the Parsi tals, orphanages, and retirement homes, in addi-
community’s economic and social diversity. The tion to renovating several ātash kades, dakhmas,
port of Surat grew into a settlement of over and aramgāhs there [9, 13, 17].
100,000 Parsi Zoroastrians between the seven- In the nineteenth century, Parsis founded
teenth and eighteenth centuries. Then in 1661, English-style schools, libraries, and educational
the port of Bombay came under the British East trusts for their sons and daughters. Following
India Company’s administration and Parsis mores that were emerging in Europe at the time,
moved there to trade. Parsis flourished in Bombay, the Parsis began encouraging educated men and
led by the commercial successes of individuals women to take up careers in public, multi-
such as Lowji Nassarwanji Wadia (1702–1744) communal, workplaces. This development played
Zoroastrianism, History 819

a major role in fueling a demographic shift among in 1861. The major international dispersion of
Parsis away from the coastal villages and orchards Parsis from India occurred for socioeconomic rea-
of Gujarat to large cities like Bombay, Delhi, sons after the early 1950s [16]. A few left India to
Calcutta, Karachi, and Colombo. Rapid urbaniza- join the descendants of relatives who had immi-
tion began in the 1900s, reaching 94% by 1961 grated earlier to England. Some departed India,
among Parsis (compared to 27% for Muslims, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka to avoid rising national-
23% for Christians, and 16% for Hindus) on the ism and religious fundamentalism in those coun-
Indian subcontinent. Parsi Zoroastrians, conse- tries. Others went to Australia, Hong Kong, and
quently, became a highly urbanized middle and countries in sub-Saharan Africa seeking economic
upper class [6]. As part of westernization and opportunities. From the 1960s, migration has been
urbanization, the ritual slaughter of animals was for education and employment in the United
slowly phased out by the late 1930s, as was the States and Canada [14–16].
ātash zōhr “offering to fire” of animal flesh, fat, Largely English-speaking, with many older
and butter. Likewise, marriages arranged by rela- Parsis still bilingual in English and Gujarati,
tives declined in frequency after the 1920s as Parsis still populate India’s major cities with the
women exercised their greater freedom to select largest group in Mumbai. The Parsi community
their own spouses. At the same time, educated presently numbers about 65,000 in India, 1,000 in
women in the community began to choose careers Pakistan, approximately 10,000 in Canada and
over marriage, family, and domesticity; so close to another 12,000 in the United States of America,
25% of Parsi women remained unmarried after the 4,000 in Great Britain, and a few thousand in the
1970s, and the community’s birthrate declined other countries of Europe and in Australia. Small
drastically. groups are also present in Hong Kong, Singapore,
Parsis began entering politics, with Dadabhai Sri Lanka, Kenya, and many other countries [27].
Naoroji, an architect of Indian independence, Low birthrate (owing to couples pursuing profes-
becoming the first president of the Indian National sional careers rather than large families), prohibi-
Congress in 1885. Other Parsis closely associated tion of the acceptance of converts (changing
with the Indian nationalist movement were Sir slowly among Zoroastrians outside India), and
Pherozeshah Mehta (1845–1915), Sir Dinshaw discouraging of intermarriage with members of
Wacha (1844–1936), and Madam Bhikaji Cama other communities (a situation still changing
(1861–1936). In England, several Parsis have slowly in India but rapidly elsewhere) has
held elected office at various levels of government, restricted the number of Parsis in modern times
starting with three members of the British Parlia- to a small minority [29]. Among the Parsi
ment: Dadabhai Naoroji of the Liberal Party, Sir Zoroastrians, like their counterparts the Iranian
Muncherji Bhownagree (1851–1933) of the Con- Zoroastrians, the religion’s tenets are still taught
servative Party, and Shapurji Saklatvala to the children, basic rituals continue to be prac-
(1874–1936), who was a Communist [14, 15]. ticed by priests and laity, and clerical and lay
This trend in political involvement continues organizations remain vigorously active within
among Parsis globally. In Sri Lanka, Kairshasp the community [19].
Choksy (1932– ) became minister of constitutional
and state affairs and subsequently minister of
finance [10]. Jamsheed Marker (1922– ) became Cross-References
a prominent diplomat, first for Pakistan and then
for the United Nations. Loyalty and service to the ▶ Caste
countries and cultures in which they reside have ▶ Zoroastrian Accomplishments from the Tenth
emerged as important attitudes among Parsis. to the Twentieth Century
Parsis began traveling to England for com- ▶ Zoroastrian Calendars and Festivals
merce and education during the British Raj and ▶ Zoroastrianism, Historic Correspondence
a Zoroastrian Association was founded at London ▶ Zoroastrian Migration and Settlement in India
Z
820 Zoroastrianism, Temples

▶ Zoroastrian Rituals in India 20. Luhrmann T (1996) The good Parsi: the fate of
▶ Zoroastrian, Scriptures a colonial elite in postcolonial society. Harvard Uni-
versity Press, Cambridge, MA
▶ Zoroastrianism, Temples 21. Menasce J (1975) Zoroastrian literature after the Mus-
▶ Zoroastrian Theology and Eschatology lim conquest. In: Frye R (ed) Cambridge history of
Iran, vol 4. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
22. Mistree K (1990) The breakdown of the Zoroastrian
tradition as viewed from a contemporary perspective.
Ben-Zvi Institute, Jerusalem
References 23. Modi J (1937) The religious ceremonies and customs
of the Parsees, 2nd edn. British India Press, Bombay
1. Boyce M et al (1975–1991) History of Zoroastrianism, 24. Palsetia J (2001) The Parsis of India: preservation of
3 vols. Brill, Leiden identity in Bombay city. Brill, Leiden
2. Boyce M (1988) Zoroastrians: their religious beliefs 25. Rose J (2011) Zoroastrianism. I. B. Tauris, London
and practices. Routledge, London 26. Sarianidi V (1998) Margiana and Protozoroastrianism.
3. Cereti C (1991) An 18th century account of Parsi Kapon Editions, Athens
history: the Qesse-ye Zartoštian-e Hendustān. IsUO, 27. Stausberg M (2002) Die religion Zarathushtras, vol 2.
Naples Kohlhammer, Stuttgart
4. Choksy J (1989) Purity and pollution in Zoroastrian- 28. Williams A (ed and trans) (2009) The Zoroastrian
ism: triumph over evil. University of Texas Press, myth of migration from Iran and settlement in the
Austin Indian diaspora. Brill, Leiden
5. Choksy J (1997) Conflict and cooperation: Zoroastrian 29. Writer R (1994) Contemporary Zoroastrians: an
subalterns and Muslim elites in medieval Iranian soci- unstructured nation. University Press of America,
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6. Choksy J (2002) Evil, good, and gender: facets of the 30. Zaehner R (1976) The teachings of the magi. Oxford
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history: doctrinal encounters between Zoroastrianism,
Judaism, and Christianity. Islam Christ Muslim Relat
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8. Choksy J (2006) Altars, precincts, and temples: medi-
eval and modern Zoroastrian praxis. Iran J Br Inst Ramiyar P. Karanjia
Persian Stud 44:327–346 Avesta, Pahlavi, University of Bombay, Mumbai,
9. Choksy J (2006) Despite Shāhs and Mollās: minority
sociopolitics. J Asian Hist 40(2):129–184 India
10. Choksy J (2007) Iranians and Indians on the shores of Dadar Athornan Institute, Mumbai, India
Serendib (Sri Lanka). In: Hinnells J, Williams A (eds)
Parsis in India and the diaspora. Routledge, London
11. Choksy J, Kotwal F (2005) Praise and piety: niyayišns
and yašts in the history of Zoroastrian praxis. Bull Abbreviations
School Orient Afr Stud Lond 68(2):215–252
12. Eduljee H (1980) The Date of Zoroaster. J K R Cama Av Avesta
Orient Inst 48:103–160 G Gujarati
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try: art, religion, and culture. Marg, Bombay P Persian
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Synonyms
16. Hinnells J (2005) The Zoroastrian diaspora: religion
and migration. Oxford University Press, Oxford Adaran; Agyaris; Atash kadeh; Darbemeher; Dare
17. Hinnells J, Williams A (eds) (2007) Parsis in India and Meher; Fire; Fire temples; Zoroastrian religious
the diaspora. Routledge, London
18. Kotwal F, Boyd J (ed and trans) 1982 A guide to the
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Zoroastrian religion: a nineteenth-century catechism
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ism: urban Parsis speak about their religion. Curzon
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Zoroastrianism, Temples 821

Introduction Community worship in fire temples took shape

much later and fire temples were opened for pub-
Fire holds a central position in the Zoroastrian lic worship. They were generally situated at
religion. The words for fire in the Iranian lan- a higher altitude in the middle of cities. Ruins of
guages are ātar, ādar, ādur, and ātash. Fire is such fire temples are found at Tehran and Isfahan.
seen as a living, breathing embodiment of the Stone fire altars in the open have also been found
supreme divine and hence not only a worthy rep- at Shiraz.
resentative of God but also a powerful link Apart from the collective veneration of fire,
between the material and spiritual worlds. In Zoroastrians also had ritual fires in every home,
Zoroastrianism, the word fire also denotes the over and above the hearth, and professional fires.
different type of potential motion and heat These ritual fires were the focus of the family for
energies. prayers and rituals.
Veneration of fire has been a pre-Zoroastrian
practice, endorsed and accepted by prophet Zara-
thushtra, who himself used to venerate the fire. He Grades of Fire
is shown as washing the fire stand (Yasna 9.4),
a ritual practice meant to show reverence to Fire temples in India are of three grades, based on
fire, which has continued in usage to the present the sanctity of the sacred fire achieved on account
times [1]. of its collection and consecration. Fires were col-
Throughout the history of the Zoroastrian reli- lected from different places and a number of
gion, kings and heroes have established sacred higher consecration rituals were performed over
fires in ancient Iran and prayed before fire altars. them. The highest grade of fire is the Atash
Traditionally and historically the three oldest and Bahram (Phl. ādur ī varharān) fire, collected
most important spiritual fires according to the from 16 different sources with about 15,000 h of
Pahlavi book Bundahishna (18.17) are Adar consecration rituals [4]. The 16 different fires are
Farnbagh, Adar Gushnasp, and Adar Burzin fires from a burning corpse, dyer, public bath,
Mihr, created by Ahura Mazda Himself at the potter, brick maker, bronze maker/mendicant,
time of the original creation, “like three lights, goldsmith, mint, blacksmith, weapon maker,
for watching of the world” [2]. baker’s oven fire, brewer/idolator, army chief/
These spiritual fires sent to aid the Iranian army camp, shepherd/stable, lightning, and
kings Jamshid, Kae Khushru, and Gushtasp were house of a Zoroastrian priest or layman.
later enthroned in temples at Mt. The second grade of fire is the Atash Adaran
Gadmandhomand, Mt. Asnavant, and Mt. (Phl. ādur ī ādurān) with fire collected from four
Raevant, respectively, and burnt till the end of different sources – the house of a priest, warrior,
the Sasanian times [3]. These were the first tiller, and an artisan – and consecration rituals
instances of sacred fires being enthroned in lasting about 50 h. The third grade of fire is Atash
a temple. However, these temples were exclu- Dadgah, which originates from simple household
sively for the kings. Laypeople were not allowed fire, with consecration rituals lasting about 5–8 h.
to go in. The fires were especially meant to protect In Indian fire temples, the sacred fires are kept
the king, his country, and his subjects. in metallic urns called afarganyu made generally
King Jamshid created a professional class in of an alloy called german silver. It varies in height
the society called the Athravans (Av. “fire from about 30 to 50 in. and is enthroned on a stone
priests”) which later became the priestly class pedestal. In ancient Iran, square, round, or octag-
with a myriad of priestly functions. Originally, onal stone pillars, hollowed on the top [5],
these priests were tenders of the sacred fire as referred to as ārdosht, were used to keep the
their name suggests, and their job was to exclu- sacred fire.
sively tend the fires which were kept on high Atash Behram: Several Atash Bahram fires
places like hills and mountains. were created in ancient Iran from the Kayanian
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822 Zoroastrianism, Temples

till the Sasanian times ([3], pp. 141, 142). These defeated the Hindu king. Then it was shifted to the
fires are dedicated to the divine being Bahram. Bahrot mountain for 12 years (1392–1405). From
The first historical reference to a specific fire being there, it was taken to Bansda where it stayed for 14
termed as an Atash Behram appears in the inscrip- years (1405–1419).
tions of the Sasanian high priest Kartīr in the third Thereafter, at the instance of Changa Asa,
century C.E. [2]. a wealthy Parsi, under the leadership of Nagan
During the Sasanian period (226–651 C.E.), Ram, Khurshed Kamdin, and Janyan Sayer, it was
Atash Bahrams were set up to celebrate victories taken to Navsari in 1419 C.E., where there was
and establishments of cities. Ministries were intro- a greater Parsi settlement [10]. It stayed there from
duced to manage and administer them. King around 1419 to 1740 C.E., a period of about 320
Ardeshir distinguished himself by establishing years [11]. In between this period, it was taken to
many fire temples [6]. In present-day Iran, two Surat for 3 years, from 1733 to 1736, to protect the
recognized Atash Behrams are in Yazd and fire against the attack of the Pindharas (nomadic
Kerman. robbers) [12, 13].
Zoroastrians came from Iran to India in the In Navsari, there was an understanding that
eight century C.E., the traditional date being 716 only the nine families of priests from Sanjan,
C.E., after the downfall of the Sasanian empire at who had accompanied the fire in its journey to
the hands of the Arabs [7]. The first Atash Behram Bahrot, Bansda, and Navsari, would serve and
in India was consecrated at Sanjan, on the west tend the Holy fire. For some time this agreement
coast of Gujarat, 5 years after landing there in 721 worked well. Thereafter, some quarrels arose with
C.E. [8]. The leaders of the Zoroastrians asked for local priests who too wanted a stake in serving the
two assurances from the king Jadav Rana: first, sacred Iranshah fire. The priests from Sanjan
a space of five farsangs of land, and second that no decided to shift the fire within the Sanjan jurisdic-
non-Zoroastrian should come in the vicinity of tion. The Navsari priests were not willing to allow
that land. The king magnanimously granted the this. In 1740, a “royal permit” was obtained from
assurances. the Damaji Gaekwad government, and the Holy
This Atash Behram later came to be known as fire was taken to Valsad, where it remained for 2
Iranshah, which means “the King of Iran.” The years from 1740 to 1742. From Valsad, it was
sacred ever-burning fires are often considered as taken to Udwada on October 28, 1742, where it
the temporal and spiritual rulers (P. shāh) of the is burning to date [14, 15]. The Udwada village
people, in absence of their king. was given as a gift to the priests tending the sacred
The sacred fire was consecrated under the fire by the king of Mandvi [16].
guidance and spiritual supervision of priest For nearly a thousand years after coming from
Nairyosang Dhawal, the Zoroastrian leader at Iran, the Zoroastrians had only one Atash Behram
that time [9]. The ritual implements for consecrat- in India. The second Atash Behram was built in
ing the fire were brought by priests from Khorasan the town of Navsari in 1765, when the Iranshah
(Eastern Iran) by the land route. The lightning fire, was taken away from there in 1740, after a stay for
one of the 16 types of fires required for an Atash more than three centuries. The local body of
Behram, was specially invoked by Nairyosang priests made the decision to consecrate another
Dhawal by reciting Avestan prayers. This is the Atash Behram. The consecration ceremonies
only instance in India when the fire of lightning were performed under the supervision of Dasturji
was invoked by prayers for an Atash Behram. Sohrabji Rustomji Meherjirana, the seventh
In the course of more than 1,200 years of its descendant from the lineage of the first Dastur
existence, this fire had to be shifted several times Meherjirana. The sacred fire is housed in the pre-
when a danger was perceived to its existence. It sent building since 1920. The columns on the
stayed in Sanjan for 670 years (721–1392 C.E.) portico of the present building housing the sacred
till about the end of the fourteenth century when fire are made in the image of the columns at the
the army of Sultan Mahmad, under Alaf Khan, ruins of Achaemenian palaces at Persepolis.
Zoroastrianism, Temples 823

The first Atash Behram in Mumbai was built Atash Adaran and Atash Dadgah
by the private family of Dadi Noshirwanji
Dadyseth. It was the first ever Atash Behram of For years, the need for fire temples with second or
the Zoroastrians following the Kadimi calendar. It third grades of fire, the Atash Adaran and Atash
was established on September 29, 1783, under the Dadgah, respectively, was not felt as Zoroastrians
leadership of Dasur Mulla Kaus bin Rustom Jalal, stayed in the vicinity of an Atash Behram fire.
who also became the first chief priest of the Atash However, later when the population spread out,
Behram. Since its inception, the fire is housed in the need for having fire temples near their settle-
the same building. ments was felt and hence fire temples with the
The fourth and fifth Atash Behrams in India second or third grades of fire were established.
were built in the town of Surat. The first one, These fire temples are known as agyari from the
consecrated on November 19, 1823, was in Sanskrit term agnyālay, “house of fire.” They are
honor of Seth Dadabhai N. Mody. The building also referred to as Dar-e-mihr (Phl.) which means
that houses this fire is a quaint, old-fashioned “the house of Mithra” or Atash kadeh (P.) “house
structure, reminiscent of the indigenous architec- of fire.”
ture of Gujarat. The second Atash Behram in The oldest recorded Adaran was built in the
Surat was built by Seth Pestonji Kalabhai Vakil. Suvali village in Surat in 1671 C.E. It was
It belonged to the Kadimi sect, and was established at the behest of Seth Homiyar Pahlan
consecrated on December 5, 1823 C.E. [17]. This fire temple was rebuilt several times;
The next Atash Behram was built in Mumbai however, now on account of the gradual shift of
as per the wishes of Hormasji Bomanji Wadia by population to urban areas, it is in a state of disuse.
his sons. It was consecrated on November 17, Surat and its adjoining villages like Umra, Sumali,
1830, under the supervision of Dastur Edalji Randel, Adajan, Amroli, Karanj, and Bhesan
Darabji Sanjana. The architecture of the building remained the main Zoroastrian centers where
that houses the fire has Indian as well as Iranian about 40 fire temples were built till the end of
elements. the nineteenth century. The number of fire temples
The next Atash Behram was the second consecrated here during this period were next only
Kadimi Atash Behram in Mumbai. It was to the number of fire temples built in the city of
consecrated on December 13, 1845 C.E., in mem- Mumbai.
ory of Jaibai and Cowasji Banaji, under the lead- In 1671, Mumbai got its first Adaran, built by
ership of Dasturji Jamshedji Edalji Jamaspasa and Seth Modi Hirji Vachha [17]. This fire temple is
Dasturji Bejonji Rustomji Bejondaru. This build- no more, as it was gutted in a major fire in 1803.
ing too has a mixture of Iranian and Indian archi- The oldest existing fire temple in Mumbai is the
tectural styles. Banaji Limji Adaran, which was consecrated and
The last of the eight Atash Behrams of India built in 1709 [18, 19]. Its building was destroyed
was built in Mumbai. It was not sponsored by in 1845, after which it was housed in a new build-
a private family, but was constructed out of con- ing, the external wall of which looks like
tributions from people, and hence it was named a fortress. The third fire temple in Mumbai was
the Anjuman Atash Behram, which means the built by Maneckji N. Sethna (also Sett) in 1733. It
Atash Behram built from the contribution of the was rebuilt twice, in 1822 and in 1891. Its front
congregation (as opposed to the others which façade has an interesting mix of Greco-Roman
were built by private families). After the laying and Persian architectural features.
of the foundation stone, it took 11 years for it to In 1722 and 1727, fire temples were
be finally consecrated and enthroned on October established at Elav near Ankleshwar and at
17, 1897. It is looked after by the Jamasp Asa Bharuch [20]. These two places were among the
family since its inception. The edifice of this five principal priestly dioceses, established in the
Atash Behram is almost entirely built in the twelfth century. The city of Navsari, which was
Persipolitan style. then the stronghold of the Zoroastrians, got its first
Z
824 Zoroastrianism, Temples

fire temple in 1686, born out of a tussle between Care of the Sacred Fire
two factions of priests. This fire temple was
known as the Minocheher Homji fire temple. It The consecrated fires of the first and second
should be noted that at this time, the Iranshah grades have to be tended five times a day by the
Atash Behram was still stationed in Navsari. offering of fuel and prayers in a special ritual
Thereafter, about five more fire temples were referred to as the bui ritual (Phl. bui “fragrance”).
built there. In this ritual, logs of wood, especially babul wood,
Apart from “fire temples” there were as well as some sweet scented wood like the
consecrated places without a permanently burning sandalwood, are offered to the sacred fire. The
fire, exclusively for performance of higher/inner hymn to the fire is chanted and the bell is struck
rituals and initiation of priests, called Dar-e-mihrs. nine times to drive away negative energies from
The first such Dar-e-mihr was built in Navsari in the vicinity and render more effective the role and
the middle of the thirteenth century and is referred purpose of the sacred fire. Priests with different
to as the Vadi (G. greater) Dar-e-mihr [21]. Gen- degrees of ritual purity and power are required to
erally, only such and other prayer centers were tend the different grades of fire.
referred to as a Dar-e-mihr; however, nowadays,
even a fire temple with a permanently burning fire
may be referred to as a Dar-e-mihr. Architecture
The fire temples, consecrated in India, were in
accordance with the two main sects of the Zoroas- The structure and internal composition of the edi-
trians – the Shahenshahi and Kadimi – though the fice of fire temples, though unique to itself, is
majority belong to the former. In 1940, the one and quite standard. One can identify the following
only fire temple of the Fasli sect, called the Petit prominent features in it:
Fasali Atash Kadeh, was built at Churchgate in
Mumbai. 1. An outer portico with Persepolitan motifs like
Till date, about 50 fire temples have been built pillars with columns having double-headed
in Mumbai, and about 100 in the rest of India, bull capitals, icons of Fravashi (a human
especially in the last 250 years. The majority of bust figure with wings and a bird tail), and
these fire temples were built in the nineteenth rosette flowers (having eight or six petals, as
century. There are only eight fire temples having per the space). The portico generally has seat-
the fire of the highest grade (ātash behram). Most ing space as also a small table to sell sandal-
of the other fire temples have the second grade wood and oil lamps (diva).
(ādarān) of fire, and a very few have the third 2. On one of the ends of the portico, there is
grade (dādgāh) of fire. In India, fire temples have a place to wash hands and face, which is
been spread all over India, like in Baroda, a necessary prerequisite for the performance
Ahmedabad, Delhi, Hyderabad, Calcutta, Chen- of the kasti ritual.
nai, Poona, Sholapur, Valsad, Saronda, Kalyani, 3. There is a place to perform the kasti ritual on
Pardi, Khergam, Nargol, and Rajkot. It may be the portico, near the washing place. An enclo-
noticed that most of the fire temples, apart from sure is generally provided where ladies can
Mumbai, have been built in Gujarat. perform their kasti ritual in privacy.
The construction and consecration of a fire 4. Within the building, there is a small hall
temple, especially in memory of a deceased, is (about 20 ft by 15 ft) wherein the third grade
considered an act of great merit by Zoroastrians. of fire (Dadgah) is kept and where there are
It is regarded as one of the highest forms of furrows made in the flooring, where inner
charity. Hence, most fire temples are consecrated rituals can be performed. This place is also
by individual private families. referred to as the urvis-gāh.
Zoroastrianism, Temples 825

5. The main art of the fire temple building is the 11. There is a compound surrounding the temple
central hall (about 30 ft by 20 ft) with wooden building and/or behind the building where
benches where devotees sit and offer their one can invariably find a well, which provides
prayers. There is generally a huge frame fresh flowing water for the performance of
(about 6 ft by 3 ft) in the hall having the rituals. There is also a small garden with
image of the prophet. There are also smaller some plants, especially the pomegranate and
wooden frames (about 3 ft by 2 ft) having the date palm, which are required for inner
portraits of the founders as well as the past rituals.
trustees, benefactors, and priests. 12. In the backyard of most fire temples, there is
6. In one of the corners or peripheral walls an octagonal walled space, about 12 ft by 7 ft,
of the central hall is the small room, the open to the sky, referred to as the
sanctum sanctorum (about 10 ft by 10 ft), Bareshnum-gah. It is strewn with small
which houses the main sacred fire. This polished pebbles. Here, priests who are to
small cubicle-like room is referred to as perform higher rituals and young initiates
Kebla. It has a wall, generally on the south are administered the ritual bath.
side. On the eastern and western sides are
huge windows with metallic bars (about 6 ft The veneration of fire in fire temples is defi-
by 4 ft), where devotees can stand and pray. nitely not a direct worship of fire. Worshipping
The ceiling of this room is a dome, an archi- god in fire temples does not make Zoroastrians
tectural feature reminiscent of the Parthian, fire-worshippers.
Achaemenian, and Sasanian fire temples The history of fire temples in a way reflects the
[22]. On one of the sides, generally the history of the settlements of Zoroastrians in Mum-
northern, there is a door (about 7 ft by 5 ft, bai, as also in other parts of India. It also reflects the
having two flanks) with a raised threshold important centers of Zoroastrian history during this
from which the priest enters and exits the period.
sanctorum. Only qualified priests having
adequate ritual power can enter the sanctum
Cross-References
sanctorum. Just outside the door, there is
a raised platform (about 5 ft by 4 ft) with
▶ Zoroastrianism, Historic Correspondence
a woolen carpet spread over it, where the
▶ Zoroastrianism, History
devotees can stand and pray or kneel down
▶ Zoroastrian Migration and Settlement in India
to pay their obeisance.
▶ Zoroastrian Rituals in India
7. There is another secondary hall, almost as big
▶ Zoroastrian, Scriptures
as the first one, also adorned by wooden
▶ Zoroastrian Theology and Eschatology
frames, where additional rituals and commu-
nity gettogethers and programs take place.
8. The temple kitchen is at the rear of the build- References
ing, which not only prepares foodstuff
required for rituals but also serves the needs 1. Kotwal FM, Boyd JW (1991) A Persian offering.
Association Pour L’Avancement des etudes
of the resident priests.
Iraniennes, Paris, p 87
9. There are rooms to store logs of wood for the 2. Jamasp Asa KM (2001) Fire in Zoroastrianism. In:
fire, as also other requirements for the fire Third international congress proceedings, K.R.Cama
temple and kitchen. Oriental Institute, Bombay, p 141
3. Ibid., pp 142, 143
10. A residential quarter of priests, where at least
4. Dastur F, Mistree FP (2002) Fire temples and other
two to three priests can stay at a time to serve sacred precincts in Iran and India. In: Godrej P, Mistree
the temple at all hours of the day. FP (eds) A Zoroastrian tapestry. Mapin, India, p 305

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826 Zoroastrianism, Temples

5. Ibid., p 315 13. Patel BB (1878) Parsi Prakash, vol I. Daftar Ashkara
6. Mirza HK (1987) Outlines of Parsi history. Dastur Press, Bombay, pp 30–33
Dr. Hormazdyar kayoji mirza, Bombay, pp 430–433 14. Hodiwala SK (2004) ibid., p 98
7. Ibid., p 231 15. Patel BB (1878) ibid., p 35
8. Hodiwala Shapurji Kavasji (2004) Extracts from his- 16. Hodiwala SK (2004) ibid., pp 101, 102
tory of holy Iranshah. Translated from Gujarati by 17. Patel BB (1906) Parsi Dharmasthalo (Parsi religious
Navroze D. Minocheher Homji. The Bombay Parsi places). J.N.Petit Parsi Orphanage, Bombay, p 4
Panchayat Funds and Properties, Bombay, p 39 18. Giara MJ (1998) Global directory of Zoroastrian fire
9. Kotwal FM, Boyd JW (1982) A guide to the Zoroas- temples. Marzban Giara, Mumbai, p 36
trian religion. Scholar Press, Chico, p 211 19. Patel BB (1906) ibid., p 6
10. Hodiwala SK (2004) ibid., p 65 20. Ibid., p 7
11. Hodiwala SK (2004) ibid., p 42 21. Giara M (1998) ibid., p 108
12. Hodiwala SK (2004) ibid., p 89 22. Dastur F (2002) ibid., pp 305–310
 List of Entries

A Ahmad Raza Khan Barelvi

9th Month of Lunar Calendar Aḥmadābād
‘Abd al-Qadir Bada’uni Ahmedabad
‘Abd’l-Raḥīm Khān-i-Khānān Aibak (Aybeg), Quṭb al-Dīn
Abd al-Rahim Aibek
Abdul Aleem Akbar
Abdul Qadir Badauni Akbar I
Abdur Rahim Akbar the Great
Abdurrahim Al Hidaya
Abū al-Faḍl ‘Alā’ al-Dīn Ḥusayn (Ghūrid)
Abū al-Faḍl ‘Allāmī ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Khaljī
Abū al-Faḍl al-Bayhaqī ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Muḥammad Shāh Khaljī
Abū al-Faḍl ibn Mubarak ‘Alā’ ud-Dīn Ḥusain
Abu al-Fath Jalaluddin Muhammad Akbar ʿAlāʾ ud-Dīn Khiljī
Abū al-Kalām Azād AlBeruni
Abū al-Mughīth al-Ḥusayn ibn Manṣūr al-Ḥallāj Al-Beruni
Abū Ḥafṣ ʿUmar al-Suhrawardī AlBiruni
Abu’l Fazl Al-Biruni
Abu’l Fazl ‘Allāmī Alfī Movements
Abu’l Fazl ibn Mubarak al-Hojvīrī
Abū’l Kalām Āzād Al-Huda International
Abū’l-Fażl Bayhaqī Al-Huda International Institute of Islamic Educa-
Abul Kalam tion for Women
Abul Kalam Azad al-Hujwīrī
Accusing Nafs (Nafs-e Lawwāma) ʿAlī Garshāsp
Adaran Āl-i Sebüktegīn
Afghan Claimants of Israelite Descent Āl-i Shansab
Aga Khan Aliah Madrasah
Aga Khan Development Network Aliah University
Aga Khan Foundation Aligarh Muslim University
Aga Khanis Aligarh Muslim University, AMU
Agyaris Allama
Ahl al-Malāmat Allama Inayatullah Khan Al-Mashriqi
Aḥmad Khān Allama Mashraqi
Ahmad Raza Khan Allama Mashraqui

# Springer Science+Business Media B.V., part of Springer Nature 2018 827

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https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3
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Allama Mashriqi Bangladesh Jamaati-e-Islam

Allama Shibili Nu’mani Baranī, Żiyāʾ al-Dīn
Allāmah Naqqan Barelvīs
Allamah Sir Muhammad Iqbal Barelwīs
Almaniyya Bāyazīd Anṣārī (Pīr-i Rōshan)
Almsgiving Bāyezīd
al-Qannawjī, Muḥammad Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Bayhaqī, Abūl-Fażl
Altaf Hussain Hali Bāzīd
Al-Tawḥī d Bedil
Amīr ‘Alī Bene Israel
Amīr Khusrau Benei Manasseh
Amir Khusraw Bengal (Islam and Muslims)
Anglo-Mohammedan Law Bhutto, Benazir
ʿAqīqa Bhutto, Zulfikar Ali
Arezu Bīdel
Arkān al-I¯mān Bidil
Arzu Bilgrāmī, Āzād
Ārzū, Sirāj al-Dīn ‘Alī Ḳhān (d. 1756) Birādari
Asghar Ali Engineer Bīrūnī, al-
Ashraf ‘Alī Thānawī Bnei Menashe
Atash kadeh Bombay’s Baghdadi Jews
Avesta Burma Jews
Awliyā’
Aybak C
Ay-Bak Calcutta Madrasah
Aybeg Caliph
Ayodhya Conflict Caliphate
Ayodhya Dispute Cantwell Smith
Azad Bilgrami Caste
Chishtī Order
B Chishtiyya
Bābā Farīd Chughtai
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Babri Mosque Colonialism
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Badā’ūnī, ‘Abd al-Qādir (1540–1615) Community
Badaoni Congress, Muslims
Badayuni Consensus
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Bahmani Sultanate Contemporary Indian Jewish Literature
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Baihaqī
Balaban D
Balban, Ghiyās al-Dīn Dār al-‘Ulūm Deoband
Bangladesh (Islam and Muslims) Dara Shikoh
Bangladesh Jama’at-i-Islam Dārā Shukoh
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Dārā Šokōh Farā’īḍī Movement

Dārāshikoh Fara’izi Movement
Darbar-i-Aulīya Faraidi Movement
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Dars-e-Niẓāmi Farīd al-Dīn al-Mas‘ūd (Farīddīn al-Mas‘ūd)
Dars-e-Niẓāmiyya Fasting
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Dars-i-Niẓāmiya Fasting in Ramaḍān
Dars-i-Nizamiyya Fatawa al-Alamgiriyya
Dātā Ganj Bakhsh (Hojvīrī) Fatawa Hindiyya
De Tassy Fatāwā’l Ālamgīrā
Defensive War Fatawa-i Alamgiri
Deities Fatawa-i Alamgiriyya
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Du‘ā’ Fīrūz Shāh Tughluq

E G
Early Islamic Polity Gandhi and Muslims
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Eastern Medicine (Pakistan) Ganj Shakar
Eid al-Aḍḥā Garcin de Tassy
Eid al-Fiṭr Gēsūdarāz, Sayyid
Eid/’Īd Ghālib, Mirza
Eltotmesh Ghaznavids
Enayetpuri Ghaznawids
Exerting Effort Ghorids
Ghulam ‘Ali Azad
F Ghulam ‘Ali Azad of Bilgram
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830 List of Entries

Grameen Bank Imām Shāhī

Group Imam-e Inqilab
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H Imdādullāh “Muhājir,” Hājji
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Hasan Raja of Sunamganj Iraqi Jews
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Ḥaydarī 1214–1289)
Hazarat Shah Jalal Islamic Belief System
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Humayun’s Tomb Islamic Personal Law
Islamic Philosophy in India
I Islamic Political Theory
‘Ibādat Islamic Punishment
‘Ibādat Khāna Islamic Recasting of Knowledge
‘Ibādat Khānah Islamic Saints
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Ibn ʿAbd Allāh al-Ṭanjī Islamism
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Ibn Taymīyya Ismaili Muslims
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Israelite Origins of Pathan/Pashtun Tribes Khattak, Khushḥāl Khān

Ithnā ‘Asharī Shi‘ism Khawājagān
Khilāfat
J Khilāfat Movement
Jahan Ara Khoja
Jahanara Begum Khojas
Jahānārā Begum Khushḥāl Khān Khatak/Khaṭak/Khattack
Jahāngīr, Nūruddin Mohammad Khwaja Enayetpuri
Jahānsūz Khwāja Muʿīn al-Dīn Chishtī
Jalāl ad-Dīn Mujarrad Kochi Jews
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Jalaluddin Muhammad Akbar Koran Translation
Jamā‘at-i Tablīgh Kubrāviyah
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Jama’ati-i-Islam Bangladesh
Jama’at-i-Islami Bangladesh L
Jamaat-e-Islami, Sri Lanka Lahor
Jamaati-e-Islam Bangladesh Lahore
Jannat Makani Lal Shahbāz
Jāti Lal Shahbāz Qalandar
Jawāliqī Laʿl Shahbāz Qalandar (d. 665/1267 or 673/1274)
Jewish Authors in India Limit
Jewish Literature in India Listening
Jewish-Muslim Relations in South Asia Literature of Indian Jews
Jews Lodīs
Jews of India Luhur
Jews of Kerala
Jihād M
Jinnah, Mahomed Ali Ma‘bar
Jinnah, Muḥammad ‘Alī Madrasa
Jurisprudence Madrasah
Just War Madrasatul Uloom Musalmanan-e-Hind
Jūzjānī, Minhāj al-Dīn Mahatma Gandhi and Islam
Mahfil
K Mahfil-i-Samā‘
Kadir, Shaykh Abdul Mahmood, Justice Syed
Kāfir Maḥmūd Ghaznavī
Karim Al-Husseini, Shah, Aga Khan IV Malabar Jews
Khāleda Jiẏā Malāmātīs
Khan Malang
Khān, (Nawwāb) Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Manto
Khan, Liaquat Ali Mas‘ūd b. Maḥmūd
Khānaqāh and Ribat Mas‘ūd Ghaznavī
Khāndān-i-Ijtihād (Household of Ijtihād) Mas‘ūd I
Khan-e Arzu Masjid
Khan-i Arzu Maudoodi
Khan-i Khanan Maulana (or Mawlana) Maududi
832 List of Entries

Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Murshid

Maulana Azad Musharraf, Pervez
Maulana Fazlur Rahman Ansari Music
Mawdūdī Muslim Anti-semitism
Mawlānā Abū’l Kalām Āzād Muslim Community
Mawlana Hali Muslim Family Law
Mazdaism Muslim Fasting
Meer Hasan Muslim Festival
Meer Hassan Muslim Nation
Messianic Movements Muslim Personal Law
Millenarian Movements Musulman Law
Millennial Movements Mutali Ceyku Ishākku
Minhāj al-Dīn b. Sirāj al-Dīn Mutali Shaykh Ishaq
Minhāj-i Sirāj Myanmar Jews
Mīr Findiriskī
N
Mir Hasan
Nabūwat
Mīr Hasan (d. 1786)
Nafs
Mir Hassan
Nafs at-Peace (Nafs-e Muṭma’inna)
Mir Mithar Ali
Nagore Dargah
Mirzā Asadullāh Khān Ghālib
Nagore Sharif
Mirzā Ghālib
Namāz
Missionaries, Islam
Naqšbandiyya
Modernity
Naqshabandiyya
Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College, M.A.O.
Naqshbandī
Mohammedan College of Calcutta
Naqshbandīyah
Mohandas K.
Naqshbandiyya
Momna
Naqshbandiyyah
Moral Commitment
Naqvī, Ayatullah ‘Alī Naqī
Mosque
Nationalism
Mountain Jews
Nawwāb Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān
Mu‘izz al-Dīn
Nizām ad-Dīn
Muḥammad b. al-Qāsim
Nizām al-Dīn
Muḥammad b. Qāsim
Nizami
Muḥammad b. Sām
Nizami, K. A.
Muḥammad Ghūrī
Nizām-ud-Dīn
Muḥammad Ḥusaynī Astarābādī
Nizām-ud-Dīn Awliyā
Muḥammad Qāsim b. Ṣiddīq Labbai
Nizārī Ismā‘īlī
Muḥammad Rafī‘ Saudā
Nizārī Ismā‘īlīs
Muʿīn al-Dīn Sijzī
Nizari Ismailis
Muinuddin Chishti
Nizārī Ismāʿīlīs
Muir, Sir William
Nizāriyya
Mujarrad, Shāh Jalāl
Nonbeliever
Mujibur Rahman, Shaykh
Noncooperation Movement
Mujibur Rahman, Sheikh
Mukammatukācim Cittilevvai O
Multān Oneness
Multan (Islam and Muslims) Oneness of God
List of Entries 833

P Religious Organizations
Pahlavi Rivayats Religious Rights
Parsi Economic Pre-eminence Religious Tax
Parsi Educational Advancement Remembrance
Parsi Zoroastrian Rituals, Ceremonies, and Repetition of Zoroastrianism
Consecrations in India Restoration of Islamic Civilization
Parsism Restriction
Partnering with God Rind
People Rite
Pilgrimage Ritual
Pillar of Islam Rizvi, Saeed Akhtar
Pī r Rule of Law
Pīr Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn
Pir Hasan Kabirdin S
Pī r in Bangladesh Sa’id
Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn Saadat Hasan Manto
Pir Sadruddin Saʿādat Ḥasan Maṅṫō
Pīr-i Rōkhān/Rūkhān/Rūshān/Rowshān/Rawshān/ Saadat Hassan Manto
Raushān Sadat Hassan Manto
Pir-o-Murshid Hazrat Inayat Khan Saida Sulatāna
Politics, Islām Saiyad Sultān
Polytheism Saiyada Sulatāna
Poor-Due Saiyid Ahmad Barelvi
Prayer Saiyyad Sulṭān
Prayer, Islam Ṣalāh
Prof. KA Nizami Ṣalāt
Prof. Nizami Salīm
Pulavar Nāyakam Samā‘
Satpanth
Q Saudā
Qādirīyah Order Saudā, Mirzā (d. 1781)
Qalandar Ṣawm
Qawwali Sayed Akhtar Rizvi
Qurʾān Translation in South Asia Sayyid
Qutbuddin Sayyid Abū’l-aʿlā Mawdūdī
Sayyid Ahmad Barelwi
R Sayyid Ahmad Shaheed
Rahim Sayyid Ahmad Shahid
Ram Janmabhoommi Sayyid Ahmed Barelvi
Ramaḍān Sayyidul ‘Ulamā’
Rashīd Aḥmad Gangohī Secularism
Reasoning Secularization and South Asian Islam
Recollection Śekha Hāsinā
Religious Achievements Self-Determination
Religious Festival Sephardic Jews
Religious Group Seyyed Hossein Nasr
Religious Minorities in India Shah Bano
834 List of Entries

Shah Jalal Mujarrad Sri Lanka Jama’ath-e-Islami

Shāh Jalāl of Sylhet Striving
Shah Sūfi Khwaja Yunus Ali Sūfi
Shahādah Sufi Concert
Shahzādī Jahānārā Bēgam Ṣāḥib Sūfi Festival
Shaikh Jalaluddin Mujarrad Sūfi Islam
Shaikh Muhammad Iḳbāl Sufi Music
Shams al-Dīn Iltutmish Sūfi Order
Shamsi Sufi Ritual
Shansabānīs Sūfi Ritual
Shari ‘at Sūfism
Shari’atullah (d. 1840) Sūfism in Bengal
Sharī ʿah Laws Suhrawardī Order
Shariat-Ullah Suhrawardīya
Shattari Suhrawardiyya
Shaṭṭārīya Sultān Salīm
Shattariyya Supplication
Shaykh Syed Aḥmad
Shaykh al-Islām Syed Ameer Ali, Right Hon’ble Syed Ameer Ali
Shaykh Shāh Jalāl Syed Ameer Ali, Saiyid Ameer Ali, Sayyid Amir
Shaykh Shihāb al-Dīn al-Suhrawardī Ali, Right Hon
Shaykhnā Pulavar Syed Mahmud
Sheikh Hasina Syed Mir Nisan Ali
Sheikh Hasina Wazed Syed Mir Nisar Ali
Sheikh Maududi Syncretism
Sheikh Mujib
Shīʿa Imāmī Ismāʿīlis T
Shibli Nomani Tablīghī Jamā‘at
Shibli Nu’mani Tablīghis
Shibli Numani Tadkira
Shihāb al-Dīn Tamil Nadu (Islam and Muslims)
Shirk Taqiyya
Siddi Lebbe, Mohammed Cassim Tarīqah
Siddiqi, Maulana Abdul Aleem Tariqāh in Bangladesh
Siddique Taṣawwuf
Sin Tauhid
Sir Sayyid Tauhidic Remolding of Knowledge
Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān Tawheed
Sir Syed Tawḥī d
Siyām Tazkira
Siyāsa Islāmiyya Tazkirah
Smith Teachings of Prophet Zarathushtra
Smith, Wilfred Cantwell Thanvi
Sohravardi Order Thanwi
Ṣolāt Tibb
Spiritual Concert Ṭibb-i Sunnatī (Iran)
Sri Lanka (Islam and Muslims) Ṭibb-i Yūnānī
List of Entries 835

Titu Meer Women

Titu Mir Women in Pakistan
Titumir Worship
Tomb of Humayun Worshipping Many Gods
Traditional Islam
Traditions of Israelite Descent Among the Y
Afghans Yamīnids
Translation of the Quran Yūnānī Medicine
Twelver Shi‘ism
Two-Nation Theory Z
Zakāt
U Zākir Husayn
‘Ubaid Allah Sindhi Zakir Hussain
‘Ubaidullah Sindhi Zand Avesta
Ubaydullah Sindhi Ẕāt
‘Umar ibn ‘Abd-al-‘Azīz Zia ul-Haq
‘Umar II Zia, Begum Khaleda
ʿUmar Sohravardī Zikr-e-Allāh
Umaru Pulavar Zikr-e-Qalb
Umayyad Dynasty Ziya al-Din Barani
Ummah Ziya al-Din, Barani
Umrah Zoroastrian Accomplishments from the Tenth to
Unani Medicine the Twentieth Century
Unani Tibb Zoroastrian Calendars and Festivals
Unanipathy Zoroastrian Migration and Settlement in India
Understanding the Rules of Sharī ʿah Zoroastrian Religious History
Unity of God Zoroastrian Religious Institution
‘Urs Zoroastrian Rituals in India
Zoroastrian Self-Perceptions
V Zoroastrian Social Progress in India
Vannapparimalappulavar Zoroastrian Theology and Eschatology
Zoroastrian, Scriptures
W Zoroastrianism
Waḥdat ul-Wujūd Zoroastrianism and Charity
Wahhabism in Sri Lanka Zoroastrianism and Parsis in India Zoroastrianism
Waḥy Zoroastrianism, Historic Correspondence
Walī Zoroastrianism, History
WC Smith Zoroastrianism, Temples
Wilfred Smith