Editorial
Editorial
Editorial
The views and opinions expressed in these articles are solely those
of the original authors and do not necessarily represent those of
Andrews University or the Seventh-day Adventist Theological
Seminary. All authors assume full responsibility for the accuracy
of all facts and quotations.
JAMS
Journal of Adventist Mission Studies Vol. 16, No. 1, Spring 2020
ISSN: 1553-9881
Editor: Bruce L. Bauer
Associate Editors: Wagner Kuhn, Lester Merklin, Boubakar Sanou
Managing Editor: Andrew Tompkins
Regional Editors: Cristian Dumitrescu, Sung Ik Kim, Kelvin Onongha, Olaotse Gabasiane
Editorial address: JAMS, Dept. of World Mission, Berrien Springs, MI 49104-1565
Phone: 269.471.6505
Fax: 269.471.6202
Editorial e-mail: [email protected]
Cover and Layout: Amy Rhodes
Cover Photos: AdobeStock/Photo, AdobeStock/tuayai
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CONTENTS
Editorial.................................................................................................... iv
Dissertation Abstract
Towards a Biblical and Missiological Model of Cross-Cultural
Contextualization Among Chinese Immigrants in
“Barrio Chino” Duarte of Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic ��������� 205
Samuel Telemaque
Book Review
Intercultural Discipleship: Learning from Global
Approaches to Spiritual Formation by W. Jay Moon ........................... 207
Reviewed by Daniel Duffis
Book Review
The Church on Mission: A Biblical Vision
for Transformation among All People by Craig Ott............................... 210
Reviewed by Kerth Payne
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Editorial
Understanding the biblical position on death, ancestors, and whether or not the
human soul is immortal or mortal is of vital importance in Christian mission.
Many in Africa and Asia have strong connections with their ancestors, believing
that even after people die they continue to have an influence on the living. If the
ancestors are not properly cared for, it is believed that harm, sickness, and even
death can impact the family, the clan, and even the whole community.
This issue of the Journal of Adventist Mission Studies provides three excellent
articles detailing the biblical position on death and ancestors. Check out Richard
Davidson’s article from an Old Testament perspective, Reinaldo Sequeira’s article
on a Jewish perspective, and Wagner Kuhn and Boubakar Sanou’s article on a bib-
lical framework for discipling new believers who fear death and hell.
Much of the Christian world with its belief in the efficacy of saints ministering
to the living or with a strong belief in an immortal soul can provide little comfort
to those who fear the wrath of angry ancestors. The tragedy is that as Seventh-day
Adventists have discipled new believers too often they have taught the biblical
doctrine without spending the time to change the underlying worldview assump-
tions and premises.
For example, in 2018 the General Conference commissioned a Global Church
Member Survey that had 63,756 responses from all 13 divisions with a margin of
error of less than 1%. One of the items on the survey stated, “When people die,
their bodily remains decay and they have no consciousness or activity until they
are resurrected.” This is good Adventist teaching. Among respondents from all di-
visions, 89.6% agreed or strongly agreed. However, in a subsequent statement that
said, “The soul is a separate part of a person and lives on after death” 8.3% of the
respondents said they were not sure and an additional 32.5% agreed or strongly
agreed. A large majority answered the belief question correctly, but when it came
to applying that statement to cultural concepts and assumptions, a large percent-
age continued to believe in an immortal soul. Many new Adventist members share
a cultural or religious heritage with strong Catholic or Protestant teachings con-
cerning an immortal soul or come from cultures where most people believe that
ancestors interact with the living.
Another statement from the survey said, “People who have died believing in
Christ are in heaven right now.” Among all divisions, 8.2% were not sure and
an additional 19.5% agreed or strongly agreed with that statement. This means
that 27.7% of Adventists were not sure or confused on this issue. I believe these
statistics reveal deeply held cultural and religious values and assumptions that
continue to intermingle with an Adventist belief system. Therefore, it is not only
important to exegete the Word of God to ascertain what it says about death, ances-
tors, and whether a person’s soul is mortal or immortal; it is just as important to
exegete the local culture and the world religions to understand where people are
coming from and what their deeply held beliefs and worldview values are. Four
articles discuss what Jews, Buddhists, Muslims, and Hindus believe concerning
these vital topics.
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Bauer: Editorial
RICHARD M. DAVIDSON
Introduction
From my personal study and from listening to the various excellent pa-
pers presented at this conference, I have been both sobered and saddened
to see the extent to which the belief in ancestors surviving death and being
venerated or worshiped has permeated all the various religions and peo-
ple groups throughout the world, both ancient and modern, both Chris-
tian and non-Christian.
Why does ancestor worship persist in spite of Christendom’s strenu-
ous efforts to eradicate it? Various authorities have noted a major factor
to be that ancestor worship has its parallels in Christian cults of the dead
and of the saints. Such “parallels” are due to the widespread belief of
Christendom in an immortal soul. Ironically, then, Christian missionaries
have actually often reinforced the traditional indigenous belief that dead
ancestors can help and harm. For example, Harriet Ngubane, in the book
Body and Mind in Zulu Medicine, states: “Usually a Christian Zulu living
in a chiefdom [tribal area] does not find Christian beliefs and ancestral
beliefs incompatible” (1977:4). Various denominations and individual
scholars have argued for “common ground” between Christianity and the
Indigenous Religions of Africa and elsewhere who practice ancestor wor-
ship. Therefore, Emmanuel K. Twesigye writes, “The spirits referred to as
‘ancestral spirits’ are the African equivalent of the Christian ‘Community
of Saints,’ particularly within the Catholic tradition and devotional prac-
tice.” He goes on to affirm:
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have therefore decided that rather than try to stamp out “indigenous heal-
ers,” they should work with them (Wulfhorst 2005).
What should be the response of the Seventh-day Adventist Church to
the belief and practice of ancestor worship or veneration and acceptance
of necromancy (communication with the dead), and the larger affirmation
that when a person dies the soul lives on and interacts with the living?
As a church which upholds the belief in sola Scriptura, we have the man-
date to test all beliefs and practice—including that of ancestor worship
or veneration, and associated miracles and cures that have accompanied
such phenomena—by Scripture. Isaiah 8:20 states: “To the Law and to the
testimony! If they do not speak according to this word, it is because there
is no light in them.” What is not often recognized in quoting this text to
support sola Scriptura is that the immediate context concerns the practice
of seeking to consult the dead via mediums and spiritists. Verse 19 (NASB)
reads: “When they say to you, ‘Consult the mediums [Heb. ’obot] and the
spiritists [Heb. yidd‘oni ] who whisper and mutter,’ should not a people
consult their God? Should they consult the dead on behalf of the living?”
In light of this mandate of sola Scriptura, calling us to base all our faith
and practice upon the teachings of Scripture, especially in the context of
attempted contact with the dead ancestors, in this study I invite us to reas-
sess what the Bible, and especially the “Law and Testimony” of the He-
brew Bible (HB, the Old Testament), has to say about this subject.
In particular, there is a need to assess the biblical validity of the pre-
suppositions that undergird the view of ancestor veneration and worship.
Three major presuppositions underlie this belief and practice: (1) dualism
of soul and body: the soul and body are two separate (and separable) en-
tities that comprise the human being; (2) the immortality of the soul: the
soul is immortal, and thus does not die; and (3) when human beings die,
their soul survives death and continues to exist as a conscious intelligent
entity separate from the body, able to interact with the living.
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In Genesis 1:26-28 “the high point and goal has been reached toward
which all of God’s creativity from v. 1 on was directed” (von Rad 1961:57;
Wilfong 2000: 47). Here in lofty grandeur is portrayed the creation of hu-
mankind (ha’adam):
Then God said, “Let us make humankind in our image [tselem], ac-
cording to our likeness [demut]; and let them have dominion over the
fish of the sea, and over the birds of the air, and over the cattle, and
over all the wild animals of the earth, and over every creeping thing
that creeps upon the earth.” So God created humankind in his image
[tselem], in the image of God he created them; male and female he cre-
ated them. (NRSV)
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Genesis 2:7 gives the basic “formula” for the constitution of humans:
“dust” + “breath of life” = “soul.” Let’s look briefly at the basic OT vo-
cabulary for human constitution, as set forth in this verse and continued
elsewhere in Scripture:
First, dust, flesh/body, flesh and bones. The “dust [‘apar] from the ground
[ha’adamah] refers to the basic material elements of which the body is
composed. The name for “the human” (ha’adam) or “Adam” (’adam) is
etymologically related to ha’adamah “the ground,” implying the source of
Adam’s material substance. Later in Genesis 2 the whole person is viewed
from his physical perspective as “flesh” (basar) and “bones” (etsem) when
Adam states his oath of solidarity (or marriage vows) regarding Eve:
“she is now bone [etsem] of my bones and flesh [basar] of my flesh” (Gen
2:23). In Genesis 6:3, humankind is described as “flesh” (basar). The term
“flesh” basar (“flesh, body”) occurs 270 times in the OT, and “designates
the corporeal substance of a living human being or animal, with emphasis
on the visual and graphic” (Waltke 2007:224). Unlike the Greek term
for “flesh” in the NT, the word basar is never used as “the principle of
sin” in the OT, but rather emphasizes man in his weakness in contrast to
the divine being (Jacob 1958:158).5 The terms “bone and flesh” together
indicate a biological relationship or bond of solidarity (Waltke 2007:224;
Brueggeman 1970:540).
Second, breath/breathe, nostrils, breath of the spirit of life, breath of life, spirit.
The phrase “breath of life” (nishmat khayyim) in Genesis 2:7 is equivalent
to ruakh khayyim “spirit of life” or the longer form nishmat-ruakh khayyim
“breath of the spirit of life” in the Flood narrative (Gen 6:17; 7:22). Else-
where in Scripture, when referring to the constitution of humans and al-
luding to Genesis 2:7, writers often shorten this terminology to the single
word ruakh “spirit” (see esp. Eccl 3:19-20; Ps 103:14; 104:29-30; Job 33:4).
The narrator in Genesis 2:7 uses the full expression, including the terms
for “breathe” (napakh),6 “nostrils” (’ap), and “breath of life” (nishmat khayy-
im), (Waltke 2007:227)7 making clear that this breath is not understood as a
conscious entity within the human being, but rather as referring to the ani-
mating “life principle” or “vital power” bestowed by God on living beings.
The term ruakh (“wind, spirit”) occurs 378 times in the Hebrew Bible
(Old Testament), and when used of humanity is “an expression of the hu-
man being’s dynamic vitality” (Waltke 2007:227). It is often used to refer
to the “complex, yet unified, physical-psychical constitution of a human
being,” either emphasizing “physical vitality” (best glossed as “breath”),
or psychical vitality (best glossed as “spirit”) (Waltke 2007:227). Not even
once is the term ruakh used to denote “an intelligent entity capable of ex-
istence apart from the physical body, so far as man is concerned” (Vriezen
1970:406, 407).
Third, Living being, “soul.” According to Genesis 2:7, the physical mate-
rial (“dust of the ground”) plus the divine life principle (“breath of life”)
equals the living being (nepesh khayyah). In his monumental and classic
work on OT anthropology, Hans Walter Wolff has shown that the word
nepesh in Genesis 2:7 should be translated as “person, being, individual.”
He further shows that in its 754 occurrences in the Hebrew Bible, nepesh
“is never given the meaning of an indestructible core of being, in con-
tradistinction to the physical life, and even capable of living when cut
off from that life” (Wolff 1974:20). Wolff states emphatically: “man does
not have n[epesh], he is n[epesh], he lives as n[epesh]” (1974:10). Numerous
Old Testament scholars echo this conclusion (Dyrness 1979:85; Brotzman
1987:222). The term nepesh depicts the entire human being, seen from the
perspective of a person’s “passionate vitality,” one’s “e’lan vital, vibrant
with energy” (Terrien 2003:90).
Gerhard von Rad elaborates regarding the meaning of Genesis 2:7: “It
distinguishes not body and ‘soul’ but more realistically body and life. The
divine breath of life which unites with the material body makes man a
‘living soul’ both from the physical as well as from the psychical side”
(1961:77).
Since the early 1950s and the rise of the biblical theology movement,
this view has become the standard interpretation of Old Testament schol-
arship. There is no room in such a view for a platonic/philonic dichoto-
my of body and soul. Rather, the picture of the constitution of humans
throughout the Old Testament is one of wholism.8
Having looked at the nature and constitution of human beings, it now
needs to be asked: what happens when people die?
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Genesis 3
Death is the reversal of the process (described in Gen 2:7) that brought
about the living person (or “soul”): God removes the “spirit of life” that
animated the person, and the person (“soul”) dies; nothing is left but the
dust. Therefore, Life is Dust + Breath of Life = Soul (person), while Death
is Soul (person) – Breath of Life = Dust.
The Bible is clear that a “soul” can die. Ezekiel 18:20 says, “The soul
who sins shall die.” Numerous other passages in the OT refer to a “soul”
dying or a “dead soul” (e.g., Gen 37:21; Lev 19:28; 21:1, 11; 22:4; Deut 19:6,
11; Num 5:2; 6:6, 11; 9:6, 7, 10; 19:11, 13; 23:10; 31:19; 35:15, 30; Josh 20:3, 9;
Judg 16:30; Job 11:20; Ezek 18:22:25, 27; Jer 40:14, 15; Hag 2:13).
According to the Bible, when humans die, they are truly dead, with no
consciousness surviving. Note the following passages:
Ecclesiastes 9:5-6: “For the living know they will die; but the dead do
not know anything, nor have they any longer a reward, for their memory
is forgotten. Indeed their love, their hate and their zeal have already per-
ished, and they will no longer have a share in all that is done under the
sun.”
Ecclesiastes 9:10: “Whatever your hand finds to do, do it with your
might; for there is no work or device or knowledge or wisdom in the grave
where you are going.”
Psalm 146:3, 4: “Do not put your trust in princes, Nor in a son of man,
in whom there is no help. His spirit departs, he returns to his earth; In that
very day his plans perish.” (See also Job 7:9-10;14:12; Ps 6:5; 30:9-10; 31:17-18;
Isa 38:18-19.)
Throughout the Old Testament, death is compared to a sleep, in which
one is not conscious of what is transpiring around them. The following
passages make this point clear:
Job 14:12: “So man lies down and does not rise. Till the heavens are no
more, They will not awake nor be roused from their sleep.”
1 Kings 2:10: “So David slept with his fathers.” This phrase is used some
40 times in the OT. (See also Job 3:12-14; Ps 13:3-4, 76:5-6; Jer 51:37-39; Dan
12:2.)
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The above view of the nature of death is consistent with the rest of the
Old Testament, despite numerous claims to the contrary. Other articles in
this issue have already dealt with some of the terms and passages alleged-
ly supporting humans’ conscious survival after death, but here I summa-
rize some major studies that support ontological monism vs. ontological
dualism. Regarding the term Sheol, which many OT scholars consider to
describe the underworld, the abode of conscious dead, a published disser-
tation by Ēriks Galenieks shows the opposite to be true. After analyzing
all 66 occurrences of the term in the OT, Galenieks concludes, “the Hebrew
Scripture provides no support for the idea that the term Sheol is somehow
associated with one’s after-death existence in the so-called underworld”
(2005:621). Rather, Sheol is consistently “a poetic designation of the grave”
(2005: abstract). Galenieks comes to the same conclusion regarding related
OT terms such as bor or shakhat (both translated “Pit”) (2005:582-588).
Likewise, careful study has shown that the term repa’im (Rephaim) does
not refer to conscious “disembodied spirits” or “shades,” as is widely as-
sumed by biblical scholars, but is a poetic term (like the other terms men-
tioned above) used in highly figurative contexts for the dead who dwell
in the dust (i.e., have returned to dust) (Bacchiocchi 1997:164-166; Green
2008:155-157).
It is beyond the confines of this study to trace in detail the Old Testa-
ment teaching of the final punishment of the wicked as eternal annihila-
tion and not an eternal existence in hell. Numerous recent studies have
set forth weighty evidence in favor of this interpretation of the OT data
(Fudge 2011:51-84, 349-359; Froom 1965).11 LeRoy Edwin Froom lists some
fifty different Hebrew verbs that describe the final end of the wicked, and
all of these speak of “the decomposition, of the breaking up of the organism and
final cessation of the existence of being—never that of immortal life in endless
suffering” (1965:106, 107). Edward Fudge examines in more detail many
of these passages, as well as various OT examples of destruction provid-
ing paradigms that are taken up by NT writers in describing the escha-
tological destruction of the wicked (2011:51-84). He also examines eight
OT passages which deal directly with the final eschatological judgment
(Ps 1:3-6, 2:9-12; Isa 11:4, 33:10-24, 66:24; Dan 12:2-3; and Mal 4:1-6) and
summarizes their content with regard to the fate of the wicked as follows:
“In these texts, we encountered fire and storm, tempest and darkness. The
slain of God will be many—corpses will lie in the street. Amid this scene
of utter contempt, worms and fire will take their final toll. Nothing will
remain of the wicked but smoke and ashes—the righteous will tread over
them with their feet” (Fudge 2011:84). This is the consistent picture of the
OT regarding the final fate of the wicked (Luchian 2001).
Biblical Context
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En-dor did. The medium at En-dor uses the very language found in
the ancestor worship rituals at Ugarit (Kent 2014:143). Bill Arnold
summarizes the findings:
According to v. 24, the spirit medium “slaughters” the fatted calf; but
the narrator does not use the regular word for “butcher” (tabakh, as in
25:11), but the word zabakh, “to slaughter for ritual sacrifice.” She is per-
forming a cultic ritual slaughter.
• Saul is led into an act of pagan worship (as Israel at Baal Peor, Num
25:1-3; Ps 106:28).
• Saul is actually making a covenant with the medium (i.e., eating a
covenant meal with the occult).
• The speech employs the name Yahweh (special covenant name for
God used by Hebrews) seven times, which gives an air of authenticity.
• The speech recites almost verbatim previous words of Samuel.
• But there is no rebuke of Saul for his “sin of divination” that the
real Samuel warned about (1 Sam 15:23). The rebuke avoids the
most obvious issue—Saul is disobeying Samuel’s warning while
he was alive.
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• Verse 19 predicts that Israel and Saul would fall into the hands of
Philistines and that Saul and his sons would die the next day.
• The apparent “Samuel’s” prediction did not come true. Saul was
not “handed over” to the Philistines; he committed suicide before
the Philistines could capture him; and not all of his sons died
(Ishbosheth did not die; 2 Sam 2:8-10).
• Earlier in 1 Samuel the narrator makes clear that when Samuel the
prophet was alive everything he predicted came to pass (3:19-21;
9:6). If this was the real Samuel appearing to Saul, we should ex-
pect no less now, but it was not so.
• The spirit medium saw someone whom she and Saul thought was
Samuel (vv. 12 and 14). The narrator never says that Saul saw Samuel.
• The narrator uses the common narrative technique of “language
of focalization” by temporarily describing the scene from the per-
spective of the characters.
• Saul came with two problems: (1) he was afraid and (2) he was
weak from not eating.
• The occult medium does not help his first problem of fear, but in-
stead he is sent out to the battlefield with a prophecy of certain
death.
• When Saul comes, he is giving orders; at the end the occultist gives
him orders: “Go. . . .” She (and the occult) has triumphed (vv. 22, 23).
Conclusion
Daniel Olariu has analyzed in detail the literary structure of the En-
Dor narrative in 1 Samuel 28:3-25. He demonstrates that the passage is
structured chiastically (in a concentric structure), in which the apex of the
structure is found in the central verses of 13 and 14 where Samuel is iden-
tified. The medium reports that the mysterious being that comes up out
of the ground is ’elohim, taking the appearance of an old man wearing a
robe. It is important to notice the limits set by the introduction to the story.
Verse 6 states that “the Lord did not answer him, either by dreams or by
Urim or by the prophets.” God had stopped communicating with him.
Thus, the identity of the ’elohim rules out God as a possibility. Further,
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In answer to the question regarding who was the being that appeared
to the medium at En-Dor, I concur with the conclusion of Kent. “1 Sam 28
dramatically depicts a Canaanite séance where a medium promises ‘gods
rising’ from the underworld, but a demon impersonates Samuel to de-
ceive Saul into feeling hopelessly guilty and giving up on Yahweh and
on life. The devil is in the details” (2010:199). In this story, “the apparent
Samuel speaks for the dark side and helps make Saul’s downfall irrecover-
able. Thus, the story echoes timeless biblical warnings against necromancy
[and ancestor worship] as opposed to genuine prophecy” (Kent 2014:160).
The narrative of 1 Samuel 28 takes us back to Isaiah 8:19, 20, the pas-
sage which was cited at the beginning of this study. These two passages
share common themes such as the silence of God and the appropriate at-
titude toward the practice of necromancy (consulting the dead through
mediums). Isaiah 8:19, 20 makes explicit what is implied in the narrative
regarding the medium at En-dor: God’s people are to consult the Word of
the Lord and not spirit mediums, because the latter channel demonic mes-
sages and not true communication from God.
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him so deeply. He related how he had been a missionary for many years
in Papua New Guinea, and had won many souls for Christ, teaching them
the fundamental beliefs of the Bible, and baptizing them into the Seventh-
day Adventist Church. However, when a crisis came to his village, almost
all of these people fell back into their animistic ways. He told how this
experience devastated him, leading him to come home to America and
for more than a year seek to understand what had happened, why the
converts who had accepted all the biblical doctrines so easily apostatized
when faced with a crisis. The Spirit convicted him that he needed to return
with a different methodology, one which began with the opening chap-
ters of the Bible. He needed to linger long on those early narratives of
the Bible, immersing the hearers in the biblical worldview that emerges
from those foundational stories, before going on to other parts of Scrip-
ture presenting the other doctrines. He went back to Papua New Guinea,
and spent many months teaching the people from the early chapters of
Genesis, until they were drawn into the grand metanarrative of the Bible
and accepted its fundamental worldview as their own, and not just a list
of doctrinal proof-texts. Then he moved to the Gospels, and shared the
gospel within this worldview. The people were converted not only to doc-
trine, but also to the “cosmic metanarrative” of the Bible, centered in Jesus
their Creator and Redeemer, and bathed in the gospel emerging from the
first gospel promise of Genesis 3:15. Again, many were baptized; however,
when another crisis came to the village, this time no one left the church or
abandoned the biblical worldview for animism.
This experience highlights what must be part of our missiological strat-
egy today in relating to those whose worldview is based upon a false un-
derstanding of the state of the dead and ancestral worship/veneration.
Needed: A Robust Theology of Ancestors
in the OT (and NT)
This paper has focused mainly on the negative—on the fact that there
is no room in the biblical worldview for teachings about ancestors that
presuppose an immortal soul that survives death and can interact with the
living. From what has been discussed so far, one could get the impression
that the Bible has nothing positive to say about ancestors. Nothing could
be further from the truth. The OT (as well as the NT) contains a robust
theology of ancestors. To flesh out this theology would be a subject for an-
other paper; however, a few broad strokes of the brush may give an idea of
how missiologists might not only counter a nonbiblical view of ancestors
with biblical correctives, but also might take the offensive by presenting
the beauties of the positive view of ancestors presented in Scripture.
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The English reader of the Bible does not easily recognize the wealth of
passages dealing with ancestors in the OT because the Hebrew words that
can often mean “ancestor” are usually not translated as such. But when
one realizes that the term usually translated “father” (Heb. ’ab) in the plu-
ral (’abot) often denotes “ancestors,” as does the term usually translated
“people” (Heb. ‘am), then a whole catena of passages emerges dealing
with the ancestors. One then finds more than 300 references to “ances-
tors” in the HB. Fortunately, some recent English translations consistently
render these words as “ancestors” in their proper contexts (see esp. CEB,
NLT, NET). Some of the theological themes and motifs that emerge from
an examination of passages regarding ancestors include the following.
The first passage in the HB utilizing a term that may be translated “an-
cestor” is Genesis 25:8 (CEB). “Abraham took his last breath and died after
a good long life, a content old man, and he was placed with his ancestors
[lit. ‘gathered to his people’].” In his paper (and in his published disserta-
tion upon which the paper is based), Ēriks Galenieks has dealt with the
phrase which literally reads “gathered [Heb. ’asaph] to his people [Heb.
‘am].” He shows how in context it means “to become dust, respectively, to
be dead and buried next to one’s ancestors” (2019:17).14
We find the same statement regarding Isaac. Genesis 35:29 (CEB) reads:
“Isaac took his last breath and died. He was buried with his ancestors
[gathered to his people] after a long, satisfying life. His sons Esau and
Jacob buried him.” Likewise, regarding Jacob when he was about to die,
the record states his wish (Gen 49:29 NLT): “Then Jacob instructed them,
‘Soon I will die and join my ancestors [be gathered to my people]. Bury
me with my father and grandfather in the cave in the field of Ephron the
Hittite.” Genesis 49:29 (NLT) records Jacob’s death: “When Jacob had fin-
ished this charge to his sons, he drew his feet into the bed, breathed his
last, and joined his ancestors in death [was gathered to his people]” (Gen
49:33). Jacob’s request was honored by Joseph, who took Jacob’s bones to
be buried in the ancestral grave in Palestine (Gen 50:5-14).15
The HB gives a robust view of strong family ties, both in life, and in the
desire to share a common family burial.
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The biblical canon presents an unbroken line of ancestors all the way back to
Adam. It is clear that the writers of the Bible, under inspiration, intended to pres-
ent a grand paragenealogy, tracing the line of ancestors from the beginning, down
through salvation history all the way to the conquest of Canaan under the com-
mand of Joshua. A pivotal study by Bernard White shows that “what at first glance
appear to be unconnected genealogical and chronological elements are, in reality,
part of a single, overarching genealogy—a paragenealogy—unified thematically
by this idea of a godly line, and technically by the details of age and chronology”
(2016:14). He concludes that in the twenty-seven generations represented in this
genealogy “Scripture thus presents us with a distinct period defined by a single,
unbroken genealogy that begins with Adam and ends with Joshua” (2016:14).
White suggests the following implication (among others): “The paragenealogy
witnesses to a very close divine supervision over the writing of the earliest por-
tions of Scripture. It suggests a God who is concerned not only with people and
places, events and institutions, but also with time and chronology” (2016:29). In
the context of this study, I would suggest another implication: God intends for us
to see the continuity of our ancestral history all the way back to the beginning. In
the light of this continuity, Paul’s comment is on the mark. “From one person God
created every human nation to live on the whole earth” (Acts 17:26 CEB). We are
all in solidarity with each other through our common ancestral line back to Adam,
and thus we all ultimately have the same ancestors and are one family.
Genesis 3:15 gives the first gospel promise and summarizes the flow of
the cosmic conflict throughout salvation history (Davidson 2002:13-16). It
also announces the final outcome of this great controversy between Christ
and Satan. Satan may have crushed Christ’s heel at the cross, but ultimate-
ly the Serpent’s head will be crushed. Satan, sin, and sinners will finally
come to an end. The last three chapters of Revelation detail this climax of
the history of the ancestors. Christ the ultimate Ancestor will be victori-
ous over the forces of evil. The lies of Satan regarding God, Christ, and
death, will be fully unmasked, and death itself will be vanquished. The
ancestors of all generations, saved by the blood of Christ the Victorious
Ancestor, will be united in one glorious family, in the Earth made new, for-
ever. Ancestor worship will continue for eternity, true ancestor worship,
as all creatures bow in veneration and adoration of Christ, the Ultimate
and Eternal Ancestor.
This theology of ancestors in the Old Testament may be carried into the
New Testament. See, for example, the ancestor list in Hebrews 11, show-
ing how even so-called “flawed individuals” such as Samson are on God’s
list of worthy ancestors. We have already mentioned some aspects of this
New Testament theology of ancestors in connection with the treatment of
the Old Testament material.
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Conclusion
This paper has only scratched the surface in the study of ancestors in
the Old Testament, especially in dealing with the positive aspects of a ro-
bust biblical theology of ancestors. Much remains to be done in setting
forth the biblical data. This data needs then to be contextualized for each
culture which embraces ancestor worship. Instead of focusing so much
upon tearing down the “shanties” of death-related rituals built upon false
ideas of ancestor worship, Adventists need to erect beside these shanties,
beautiful “temples” of ritual (perhaps involving especially the ready-
made Christian rituals of baptism and the Lord’s Supper) built upon a
robust biblical theology of ancestors, centered in Christ the ultimate An-
cestor—and invite all to come to dwell in this Temple of Truth, the eternal
home of the Ultimate Ancestor.
Endnotes
1
The Watchtower is an official publication of the Jehovah’s Witnesses, who
share the same belief in the state of the dead as Seventh-day Adventists.
2
Brown et al. (1907:15) translates as “necromancer,” while Koehler et al. (1994–
2001:20) defines as “prophesying spirit of the dead.” The term occurs fifteen times
in the HB.
3
Brown et al. (1907:396) gives the meaning “familiar spirit,” while Koehler et
al. (1994–2001:393) defines the term as “spirit of divination” (in Lev 20:27) or “one
in whom that spirit dwells, soothsayer” (the other nine passages where the term
occurs, including Isa 8:19).
4
Against those who would dismiss the possibility that God has a form based
upon Deuteronomy 4:15-25, Porteous (1962:684) points out that though no form
was visible at Mt. Horeb, “it is not denied that God has form, and that he has is
clearly the implication of certain theophanies described in the OT (e.g., Isa. 6; Ezek. 1).”
5
I do not agree with the application Rashkow makes of this basic data, posit-
ing a difference between Eve and Adam, for which I see no justification in the text.
6
Notice that when White mentions “image” she speaks first of the “outward
resemblance,” and when she uses the term “likeness” she refers first to “charac-
ter,” without excluding the other aspects in either term. See also her paraphrase of
this resemblance as “moral faculties” and “physical powers”: after citing Genesis
1:26, 27, she writes, “The Lord created man’s moral faculties and his physical pow-
ers. All was a sinless transcript of Himself” (White 1899:2).
7
I use the term “wholism” instead of “holism,” to distinguish between the bib-
lical concept and Eastern “holistic” concepts that have become popular in Western
culture.
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Works Cited
Fudge, Edward W. 2011. The Fire that Consumes: A Biblical and Historical Study of the
Doctrine of Final Punishment. 3rd edition. Eugene, OR: Cascade.
Galenieks, Ēriks. 2005. The Nature, Function, and Purpose of the Term לֹואְׁשin the Torah,
Prophets, and Writings: An Exegetical-Intertextual Study. Berrien Springs, MI:
Adventist Theological Society Publications.
________. 2019. Is Sheol the Place of Existence or Non-Existence? Paper presented
at the Death and Ancestors in Global Missiological Perspective Confer-
ence, September 13.
Garr, W. Randall. 2003. In His Own Image and Likeness: Humanity, Divinity, and
Monotheism. Leiden, Germany: Brill.
Goldingay, John. 2003. Old Testament Theology, Vol. 1: Israel’s Gospel. Downers
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Green, Joel B. 1998. Bodies—That is, Human Lives: A Re-Examination of Human
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and H. Newton Malony. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press.
________. 2008. Body, Soul, and Human Life: The Nature of Humanity in the Bible.
Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic.
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1 Samuel 28:13, 14. In Interpreting Scripture: Bible Questions and Answers.
Edited by Gerhard Pfandl. Silver Spring, MD: Biblical Research Institute.
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in 1 Samuel 28. Eugene, OR: Pickwick.
________. 2012. Call Up Samuel: Towards an Exegesis of 1 Samuel 28. Paper pre-
sented at Third International Bible Conference, Israel, June 19.
________. 2014. Call Up Samuel: Who Appeared to the Witch at En-Dor? (1 Samuel
28:3-24). Andrews University Seminary Studies 52, no. 2:141-160.
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Lexicon of the Old Testament. Leiden, Germany: Brill.
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praisal of the Contemporary Evangelical Debate on the Duration of Hell.
MA thesis, Andrews University.
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demic Press.
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28:3-25. In What Are Human Beings That You Remember Them? Edited by
Clinton Wahlen. Silver Spring, MD: Biblical Research Institute.
Owusu-Antwi, Brempong. 2011. Demons and Demonic Activities in the Bible. In
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Donkor. Silver Spring, MD: Biblical Research Institute.
Paul II, Pope John. 1995. Ecclesia in Africa. Nairobi, Kenya: Paulines Publications
Africa.
Porteous, N. W. 1962. Image of God. In The Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible, ed.
George A. Buttrick, vol. 2. New York, Nashville: Abingdon Press.
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Harvard: Spiritual Journeys of Thinking Christians. Edited by Kelly Monroe.
Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan.
Rashkow, Ilona N. 2000. Taboo or Not Taboo: Sexuality and Family in the Hebrew Bible.
Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press.
Shults, F. LeRon. 2003. Reforming Theological Anthropology: After the Philosophical
Turn to Relationality. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.
Terrien, Samuel. 2003. The Psalms: Strophic Structure and Theological Commentary.
Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.
Twesigye, Emmanuel K. 1987. Common Ground: Christianity, African Religion and
Philosophy. New York, NY: Peter Lang.
Von Rad, Gerhard. 1961. Genesis: A Commentary. Philadelphia, PE: Westminster.
Vriezen, Theodore C. 1970. Outline of Old Testament Theology. Oxford, UK: Black-
well.
Waltke, Bruce K. 2007. An Old Testament Theology: An Exegetical, Canonical, and The-
matic Approach. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan.
White, Bernard. 2016. Adam to Joshua: Tracing a Paragenealogy. Andrews Univer-
sity Seminary Studies 54, no. 1:3-29.
White, Ellen G.1890. Patriarchs and Prophets. Washington DC: Review and Herald.
________. 1899. Sacrificed for Us. Youth Instructor 47, no. 29 (July 20):2.
________. 1903. Education. Mountain View, CA: Pacific Press.
________. 1911. The Great Controversy. Mountain View, CA: Pacific Press.
________. 1915. Life Sketches. Mountain View, CA: Pacific Press.
Wilfong, Marsha W. 2000. Human Creation in Canonical Context: Genesis 1:26-31
and Beyond. In God Who Creates: Essays in Honor of Sibley Towner. Edited by
William P. Brown and S. Dean McBride Jr., Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.
Wolff, Hans Wolter. 1974. Anthropology of the Old Testament. London, UK: SCM.
Wulfhorst, Ingo, ed. 2005. Ancestors, Spirits, and Healing in Africa and Asia: A Chal-
lenge to the Church. Geneva, Switzerland: Lutheran World Federation.
REINALDO W. SIQUEIRA
Introduction
Historically, Judaism and Jews have eluded a clear cut definition, for
“there never was, and there is not now, one Judaism; rather there have
always been many Judaisms” (Sigal 1988:1).
Contemporary Judaism, understood as the present manifestations of
Judaism in the 21st Century, reflects the complex and multifaceted devel-
opment over more than thirty-five centuries of a people with a religious,
philosophical, cultural, and group identity, which ranges from ultra-
Orthodox (Haredi) Jews to secular non-religious Jews. This diversity is
present both in the modern State of Israel and in almost any other coun-
try where there is a sizeable Jewish community.1 Frequently the different
branches of Judaism sustain quite different beliefs and practices concern-
ing any specific subject. They do share, however, a basic core of beliefs and
values that historically have united and identified them as Judaism vis-
à-vis other religious and social groups existing in the world. This unity,
however, is not that of a unified system but rather that “of a symphony”
(Silver 1989:6). The present Jewish religious and non-religious ideas con-
cerning death and ancestors, with their related cultic and mortuary prac-
tices reflect this long, complex, and many times antagonistic development.
This paper first briefly surveys the major Jewish beliefs concerning
death and the soul in order to provide a basis for the differing Jewish un-
derstandings concerning these two ideas. There follows a summary of the
main Jewish cultic and mortuary practices that are directly related to these
variant beliefs. Finally, it explores the opportunities and challenges Jewish
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The biblical view concerning the nature of man and death is the foun-
dation stone for Jewish thought about the reality of death and the nature
of what comes after. It is clearly recognized that in biblical times the hu-
man being was considered an inseparable unity. Three key biblical words
neshamah, ruach, and nefesh, in reference to a person, did not imply any
idea of what became traditionally understood as “soul” or “spirit.” The
first two terms meant only “breath,” and the last one, nefesh, referred to
the individual or even to the body (Ivry 2007:19:33). Death (most usually
expressed by the Hebrew word mavet) was conceptualized as non-exis-
tence, the opposite of life: the person ceased breathing, life was gone, the
body decomposed and returned to dust (Bowman 1980:1:802). Nothing
but God’s and the survivors’ memories of the dead person remained af-
ter death. The Hebrew Bible expressly teaches that a dead person does
not think, talk, feel, suffer, worship, or praise God—the deceased do not
participate in anything that is done in the world of the living; therefore,
biblical thought rejects the idea of the immortality of the soul. Any kind
of ancestor worship or interaction with the dead is expressly forbidden
as a direct anathema to God. In patriarchal and ancient Israelite times,
those who practiced any such rituals regarding the dead did so following
the customs of the pagan nations and were considered unfaithful to God
and his covenant. The only biblical hope for life after death and interact-
ing again with someone who has passed away was the resurrection of the
dead that God would bring at the eschatological close of human history
(see Andreason 2000:314-346).
their bones will rest on the earth, and their spirits will increase in joy, and
they will know that the Lord is an executor of judgment; but He will show
mercy to hundreds and thousands, to all who love Him” (Wintermute
1985:2:102). Statements in the book of 1 Enoch also attest to such beliefs,
affirming that “all good things, and joy and honor are prepared for and
written down for the souls of those who died in righteousness. . . . The
spirits of those who died in righteousness shall live and rejoice; their
spirits shall not perish, nor their memorial from before the face of the
Great One unto all generations of the world” (1 Enoch 103:3, 4). About the
wicked, this source asserts: “Woe to you sinners who are dead! . . . . You
yourselves know that they will bring your souls down to Sheol; and they
shall experience evil and great tribulation–in darkness, nets, and burning
fire” (1 Enoch 103:5-7; see Isaac 1983:1:84). The belief in the immortality of
the soul is also attested to in other works of the time such as the Wisdom
of Salomon, IV Maccabees, the Sibylline Oracles, the Testament of Moses, the
Book of Baruch, and in the writings of Philo of Alexandria (Kohler; Silver
1989:274).
Jewish literature of this period shows the complexity that was develop-
ing in Jewish thought and beliefs concerning the state of the dead and the
concept of resurrection. Some voices, for example Ben-Sira, maintained
a view very close to the biblical teachings (Silver 1989:275, 276). Some
voiced the belief of an immortal soul whose functionality, however, de-
pended on the existence of a body, hence the need for resurrection. Other
groups held a more “classical” Greek view of the soul as an independent
entity, fully functional after death. In such thought the resurrection was
understood as an elevation of the soul to a higher level in the heavenly
realms. Between these extremes, many shades of belief concerning these
topics existed within Judaism during the Hellenistic period of Second
Temple times (Elledge 2017).
During Hellenistic times, the acceptance within some Jewish circles of
belief in the immortality of the soul and the immediate reward or punish-
ment after death, apparently led some pious Jews to honor the righteous
dead by offering food at their graves, as pointed out in the injunction of
Tobit 4:17. “Be generous with bread and wine on the graves of upright
people, but not for the sinner.” Such practices, however, were severely
condemned by other religious groups, as can be seen in Ben-Sira’s out-
burst in opposition to them, as well as in the Book of Jubilees.2
Later in the Common Era, the Talmudic rabbis believed in the continued
existence of the human soul after death. There were divergent views,
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however, concerning the nature of this existence. Some held that the soul
of the righteous would enter the Garden of Eden in Heaven immediately
after death (Shabbat 152b), while the soul of the wicked would go to
Gehinnom–the place of torment reserved for them (Chagigah 15a). On the
other hand, there were those who defended the view that the soul of the
righteous at death, after being separated from the body and its functions,
ascended to Heaven where it was kept in the treasury beneath God’s throne
of glory (Shabbat 152b). This soul then awaited the moment when it would
be reunited with the body at the resurrection. The soul of the wicked,
having been cast out of the body was imprisoned on the earth (Shabbath
152b; Grintz 2007:19:35). Along with the view of the soul being kept in
the heavenly treasury, the belief existed that the soul of the righteous
remained in relation to its dead body until the final decomposition of the
later. During this interim period the soul would be ascending to heaven
and descending back to the grave (35).
In the Talmud, views concerning the level of independence, conscious-
ness, and functionality of the soul after death were also quite divergent.
On one side were those who stated, “if one makes remarks about the dead,
it is like making remarks about a stone” (Berakhot 19a). In another point of
view, some held that a dead person hears whatever is spoken in his or her
presence until the grave is sealed (Shabbat 152b). Others proclaimed that
a dead person knows at the most his or her own pain, but not what tran-
spires in the world (Berakhot 18b). Another side believed that the deceased
soul has contact with the living and can direct them in worldly affairs (18b;
Shabbat 152b; Talmud Yerushalmi, Avodah Zarah 3:1; Grintz 2007:19:35, 36).
During Talmudic times, belief in the resurrection of the dead continued
to be one of the central teachings of Rabbinic Judaism. The tenth chapter
of the Mishnah, tractate Sanhedrin, explicitly affirms that corporeal resur-
rection will be part of the World to Come, with the exception of those
“who say there is no resurrection of the dead” (Robinson 2008:192). The
most well known explanation of this belief is the rabbinic parable in the
Talmud, found in Sanhedrin 91a-b:
To what is the matter likened? To a king of flesh and blood who had a
beautiful orchard and there were in it lovely ripe fruit, and he placed
two guardians over it, one a cripple and the other blind. Said the crip-
ple to the blind man, ‘I see beautiful ripe fruit in the orchard. Come
and carry me and we will bring and eat them.’ The cripple rode on the
back of the blind man and they brought and ate them. After a while
the owner of the orchard came and said to them, ‘Where is my lovely
fruit?’ The cripple answered, ‘Do I have legs to go?’ Answered the
blind man, ‘Do I have eyes to see?’ What did he do? He placed the
cripple on the back of the blind man and judged them as one—so also
the Holy Blessed One brings the soul and throws it into the body and
judges them as one.” (See Boyarin and Siegel 2007:17:241, 242)
Published by Digital Commons @ Andrews University, 39
Journal of Adventist Mission Studies, Vol. 16 [], No. 1, Art. 3
33
Middle Ages
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The ideas of the immortality of the soul and the resurrection of the
dead have been modified, reinterpreted, and in some circles even aban-
doned by some Jewish thinkers and modern religious movements (Sigal
1988:235).
For Ahad Ha’Am (1856-1927), the founder of “cultural Zionism” and
one of the foremost pre-state Zionist thinkers, belief in the immortality of
the soul was a sign of weakness: people who lacked the courage to face
death looked for a “future” after it. He ridiculed belief in the World to
Come and the immortality of the soul. To him, such beliefs were a “sick-
ness of the spirit” (Bergmann 2007:38).
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They understand the three Hebrew terms that define the human being—
nefesh, neshamah and ruach—as referring to three distinct parts of the soul.
Nefesh is understood as life itself, the vital part of the being; neshamah is
the part of the soul related to mystical cognition; while ruach is the part of
the soul related to ethical discrimination. In this understanding, the soul
could undergo multiple reincarnations until it becomes perfect through
the observance of the mitsvot (commandments) of God. Then it could
achieve resurrection in the last body in which it was incarnated. This be-
lief also understands innocent suffering in one’s life as a way of purifica-
tion of the soul from sins committed in a previous life. The incarnated
human soul that keeps the mitsvot and perfects itself also helps to repair
(tikkun) God’s Creation, preparing the world for redemption at the coming
of the Messiah. Such a perfected soul can even repair God’s original unity
that was shattered at Creation. For Kabbalists, God is a transcendent God:
he is above and distinct from Creation, but he is also immanent—he exists
within Creation. In Kabbalistic thought, these two aspects of God’s own
nature need to be restored to their original unity that existed before the
Creation (Scholem 2007:652-659; Gillman 2011:176-188).
First I will examine the Amidah (Standing) prayer that is at the very
core of every Jewish prayer service. Also called the Shemoneh Esrei (The
Eighteen) prayer, or in the Talmud, Ha-Tefillah (The Prayer, par excellence),
this is a very ancient prayer. One Jewish tradition dates its composition
back to the 5th Century BCE, to the 120 Men of the Great Assembly (Tal-
mud, Megillah 17b). Another tradition ascribes its arrangement to Rabban
Gamaliel in Yavneh, after the destruction of the Second Temple of Jeru-
salem that occurred in the year 70 CE (Talmud, Berachot 28b). Scholarly
opinions concerning its origin span between these two traditions (Ehrlich
2007: 2:72-73; Donin 1991:69).
The Amidah clearly points to the hope of the resurrection of the dead
as God’s solution for the problem of death, and powerfully extols him for
this hope. This prayer is strong evidence of the importance and centrality
of this doctrine for early Jewish theological thought (Donin 1991:79, 80).
A second important example is the thirteenth statement of the Thirteen
Principles of the Jewish Faith by Maimonides of the 12th Century. There
are other lists of principles of faith beside that of Maimonides, such as
those of the Karaite Judah Hadassi (mid-12th Century); David ben Sam-
uel Kokhavi (13th Century); Hasdai Crescas (15th Century); Joseph Albo
(15th Century); Elijah Delmedigo (15th Century); and Isaac Abarbanel
(late 15th Century) (Altmann 2007:2:529-531). The principles proposed
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by Maimonides prevailed over these other lists and became the “official”
statement that embodied the Jewish faith. It comes as an appendix to the
regular morning prayer service in Askhenazi (Jews in Germany and cen-
tral and northern Europe) prayer books. A poetic version of Maimonides’
Thirteen Principles appeared as the Yigdal hymn (ca. 1300) that has been
adopted in practically all Jewish cultic rites (530). The thirteenth princi-
ple affirms: “I believe in perfect faith that there will be a resurrection of
the dead in the time pleased by the Creator, blessed be his Name and his
Memory forever and ever” (Fridlin 1997:120, author’s translation).
The final line of the Yigdal hymn declares: Metim yechieh ’El berov chasdo,
baruch ‘adei-‘ad Shem tehilato (24) (“The dead ones God will resurrect by his
great mercy, blessed forever be his praised Name”; author’s translation).
A third example is another well-known Jewish liturgical hymn, the
much beloved Adon Olam (“Lord of the Universe”). It is attributed to Solo-
mon ibn Gabirol (11th Century), but it may be much older, with its origin
in Babylonia. It is sung during the initial part of the morning prayer ser-
vice and also during the conclusion of the evening prayers. On Shabbat
and festival days it appears as part of the Musaf (additional service) and
during Kol Nidrei (the opening service on the eve of Yom Kippur). Adon
Olam is a very popular song, chanted on many occasions in the Jewish
world (Herzog 2007:1:414, 415). The final strophe declares: “Beyado ’afqid
ruchi be‘et ’ishan ve’a‘irah (“In his hand I depose my spirit, in the moment
of rest, but I will wake up”), Ve‘im ruchi geviyati YHWH li velo’ ’ira’ (“And
with my spirit, my body, the Lord is with me, I will not fear”) (author’s
translation).
The wording of this final strophe seems to speak not so much of the
daily regular sleep, but rather of the final sleep, the sleep of death (see
Borowitz and Schwartz 2010:182, 183).3 This hymn begins by extolling
God as the Creator, the Eternal God that always existed in eternity, the
only One, for there is no other like him. He is the living Redeemer, the
Protector in difficult times, and one’s Portion in this life; the One to Whom
one can surrender one’s life (spirit) and one’s body without fear, for he/
she will raise up, for he, God, is with him/her and he/she should not fear.
A fourth example is the Kaddish, a doxology prayer that is recited at the
close of individual sections of regular prayer services in the synagogue.
There are four main types of Kaddish: (1) the Complete Kaddish, containing
the entire text, that is usually recited by the worship leader after the
Amidah prayer; (2) the Half Kaddish that excludes some final verses of the
prayer; (3) the Kaddish de-Rabbanan (the Kaddish of the Scholars/Masters)
that replaces a part of the prayer with a request for God’s blessings upon
teachers and disciples who study the Torah—in one part of the prayer
service on Friday night and at the end of the early morning service it is
recited by mourners after communal study; (4) the Mourners’ Kaddish, that
contains basically the full text of the prayer with the exception of one line,
and is recited by the close relatives of a deceased person at the end of the
prayer service, after the concluding Aleinu prayer. The Mourners’ Kaddish
is recited while standing with one’s face turned toward Jerusalem; in some
communities only the mourners stand for this recital of the Kaddish. Its
apparent origin is quite old, probably dating previous to the destruction of
the Second Temple in the year 70 CE, since it does not have any reference
to such a momentous event (Avenary 2007:11:695, 696). The custom of
mourners reciting the Kaddish seems to have begun in the 13th Century
CE in Germany, in the midst of a severe persecution by the Crusaders.
The Kaddish is recited at the funeral ceremony, and the mourner recites it
daily for a period of eleven months after the death of a close relative. It
is recited as well on the Yahrzeit (anniversary) of the death of the beloved
kin. It is so connected with the experience of mourning for the deceased
that it became popularly known as the “prayer for the dead” (696, 697).
What is surprising about the Kaddish is that nowhere in the prayer is
there a reference to the dead. No request is made on their behalf, and there
is not even an allusion to the mourning experience. What the prayer spe-
cifically does is sanctify and exalt God as the Creator and King and praises
his Name, and there is a request for the coming of the Kingdom of God. In
the Sephardic version there is an added request for Redemption and for
the soon advent of the Messiah. In this request, a petition is made that this
coming would happen in the days of the lifetime of the ones praying. At
the end of the prayer, there is also a request for a peaceful and blessed life
for the worshipers and for the House of Israel (Donin 1991:216-222).
Why then did this prayer become identified with mourners and
traditionally the most well-known prayer in reference to the dead?
Various answers have been given to this question: (1) it is an expression
of submission and acceptance of the will of God and his Sovereignty,
even in face of the worst evil in human experience—the loss of a beloved
one; (2) it is an indirect prayer in favor of the soul of the dead, so that
mourners could free the soul of their relative from hell (reference is here
made to a late haggadah (“story”) in Seder Eliyahu Zuta, usually dated to
the 10th Century, that reports how Rabbi Akiva helped to rescue the soul
of a father from hell by teaching the small son of the deceased to recite
the Kaddish in public; (Avenary 2007:696; Donin 1991:222, 223); (3) there
are those, however, who propose that it became the prayer of mourners
because of its eschatological emphasis on the final coming of Redemption
through the Messiah, and the correlated hope for the resurrection
of the dead. Earlier versions of the Kaddish did have a reference to the
resurrection in its messianic section at the beginning (Avenary 2007:696;
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Gillman 2011:142). This form of the Kaddish remains today in the “Burial
Kaddish” that is recited at the graveside immediately following the burial.
It begins with: “May His great Name be exalted and sanctified [Amen], in
the world that will be renewed, and where He will resuscitate the dead
and raise them to eternal life.”4
A fifth example can be seen in the very short morning prayer, Modeh
’Ani (“I Give Thanks”) that religious Jews are supposed to recite right after
they wake up: “Modeh [woman: Modah] ’ani lefanecha Melech chay veqayyam
“I give thanks before You, living and eternal King” Shehechezarta bi nish-
mati bechemlah, rabah ’emunatecha, “that returned my soul in me with com-
passion, great is Your faithfulness” (author’s translation).
This prayer is of late origin, probably composed in the 17th Century,
as it was first published in a prayer book in 1675 (Modeh Ani 2007:14:406).
The idea seems to be that of the existence of the soul as a separate entity
that can leave and return to the body. However, it also seems that the view
here is close to the Talmudic idea that both soul and body must coexist
together, not as separate entities (Bronner 2015:100). Therefore, awaken-
ing every morning becomes a daily symbol of the final awakening at the
resurrection (Gillmann 2011:141, 142, 212).
A last example appears in the custom of some Jewish individuals or
groups in the Diaspora of placing a small bag of earth from Israel close
to the head of the deceased. This practice is connected with the idea of
the bodily resurrection, since Jewish Orthodoxy believes that those buried
in the earth of the land of Israel will be the first to be revived in the
resurrection at the coming of the Messiah. However, this custom is also
related to the search for ways of atonement for the dead, since the Talmud
speaks of the atoning powers of the soil of the land of Israel (Ketubbot,
111a) (Robinson 2008:188; Meyers 1971:99-105).
It should first be noted that Judaism assigns great value to human life,
which is to be cherished and preserved as long as possible. The dying
person (called goses) should not be left alone, some member the family
or relatives and friends should be present to the very end. Religious Jews
usually recite the Viduy (a prayer of confession of sins) as a deathbed
confession. The moribund may also address God, asking that their death
serve as atonement for the sins of their life. The dying person will also try
to pronounce the Shema‘ (Deut 6:4—the central statement of Jewish faith in
God as the God of Israel and as One God) as his/her last words. Because
Judaism sees life as a gift from God, Jewish law forbids euthanasia and
physician-assisted suicide. One who commits suicide is abhorred as one
who denied the life given to them by God. Such a person cannot be buried
in a Jewish cemetery with full funeral rites, with such a deed becoming a
stigma to the family (Robinson 2008:184, 185).
When a person dies, his/her eyes and mouth are closed, usually by the
firstborn son. The body is covered with a sheet and is not left alone until
the burial. Those present with the body, the Shomer (Guard), usually read
various Psalms. Among Orthodox Jews, the immediate family will tear
their clothing, called K’riah (tearing), and they will wear the torn garments
for the seven-day period of mourning known as Shivah (seven). Liberal
Jews usually wear a torn, small black ribbon on the lapel (187).
Practices and customs based on the belief of the immortality of the soul
can be seen in many details related to Jewish burial and mourning rites.
For example, in an organized Jewish community, the Chevrah Kadishah
(Holy Society), the Jewish Mortuary Society composed of volunteers, will
come to prepare the body for burial. They wash the body in warm water,
and cut the hair and nails. After this first washing, they then perform the
Taharah (purification) ritual of the dead body, using a specified measure of
water (around twenty-four quarts). They pour this water over the body as
a symbolic purification of a person passing from one state to another, from
life to death. For just as a human being enters life from the waters of the
womb, he or she departs life in the waters of the Taharah (Dosick 2009:304).
The body is then wrapped in a white linen shroud. Men will also be
wrapped in their tallit (prayer shawl) with the tsitsit (fringes) having been
cut off, for the dead cannot anymore fulfill God’s commandments that are
represented by the tsitsit on a tallit (Robinson 2008:187, 188). The white
burial shrouds are called tachrichin, and their pure white color is symbolic
of the purity of the soul. Because the shrouds are the same for all people,
rich or poor, they represent the uniformity and equality of everyone in
death (Dosick 2009:304, 305).
An observant Jew will generally be buried just wrapped in the white
shroud. But if a country requires that a dead person be buried in a casket,
this is done using a simple wooden box, made without nails, as better
built caskets would delay the return of the body to the earth (Robinson
2008:188). The body is honored as the holy vessel that contained the soul,
so it must be treated with the utmost reverence. Traditional Judaism re-
quires burial in the ground (Dosick 2009:303). Jewish burial practices reject
embalming, for this delays the return of the body to the dust of the earth;
above-ground burials are also banned, for this renders impossible the re-
turn of the body to the earth. Cremation of the body is also abhorred as a
pagan practice that destroys the body and disregards the creation of the
human body in the image of God (Robinson 2008:188; Dosick 2009:303).
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recites Kaddish for the deceased, this soul earns points in its heavenly
quest. The legend also says that no person could be so bad that he or she
would need a full year of Kaddish points (Dosick 2009:307).
Not only the daily recitation of the Kaddish, but many other religious
and charitable acts done by the mourners in memory of their beloved
deceased are seen by religious Jews as ways to atone for the sins of the
departed one. Dedication to the study of Torah and other religious lit-
erature, leading the worship service at the synagogue, participation in an
Aliyah to read the Torah, the giving of alms to charity—all these actions
are considered ways of atoning for the soul of the deceased. This atone-
ment is believed to help the soul to avoid Gehinnom (Hell) and to ascend
to higher levels in Heaven (see Hebel 2010—a book that contains religious
and charitable actions that can be done to help atone for the soul of the
deceased kin).
A year after the death, the mourners go to the cemetery for the “Un-
veiling the Tombstone” at the graveyard—in Israel this is done after thirty
days. The name of the deceased and the dates of his/her birth and death
have been carved onto the tombstone. At the top of the stone the letters
“peh” “nun” for poh nitman (here lies buried), or poh nkbar (here is in-
terred) often appear. At the bottom of the stone the letters “tav,” “nun,”
“tsade,” “bet,” “hay,” standing for the phrase T´hi nishmato [nishmatah]
tsrurah b´tsror hachayim (“May his [her] soul be bound in the bond of life”),
are often carved. There is no set ceremony, but the tombstone will be cov-
ered with a white linen cloth; Psalm 23, El Maleh Rachamim, and Kaddish
are recited; a eulogy to the deceased is given; and at a certain moment in
the ceremony the tombstone is unveiled (Robinson 2008:191, 192: Dosick
2009:310).
Each year, the anniversary of the death of the beloved one is com-
memorated in a practice called Yahrzeit (“time of the year” in Yiddish, a
Jewish dialect of German). The first-year Yahrzeit is commemorated on
the anniversary of the day of the funeral; from then on, it is observed on
the anniversary of the day of death (311). At this time, it is particularly
commendable for family members of the deceased to lead the synagogue
service, take Aliyah (read a passage of the Torah), and recite Kaddish. It is
also traditional to light a memorial candle in the home, a Yahrzeit candle
that burns for twenty-four hours. This candle, as was the shivah candle, is
symbolic of the soul and the spirit of the deceased. If possible, one should
also visit the grave on the day of Yahrzeit (311). Some Ashkenazi Jews also
fast on the day of Yahrzeit for a parent or grandparent (Robinson 2008:192).
By commemorating the anniversary of the death of the beloved one, in-
stead of his birthday, Judaism celebrates a life fulfilled (Dosick 2009:311).
Another very important example of the impact of the belief of the im-
mortality of the soul and the Jewish attitude toward the deceased ances-
tor is Yizkor, memorial prayers that are recited five times in the Jewish
liturgical year. On Yom Kippur, and on the last days of the three annual
pilgrimage festivals (Feast of Tabernacles [Succot], Passover [Pesach], and
Pentecost [Shavuot]), the entire community comes together in a special sec-
tion of the service in memory of all its deceased people. Memorial candles
are lit in the synagogue in memory of the deceased, whose names are
often read aloud. Specific prayers are inserted into the morning service
of the three Pilgrim feasts, and in the morning and afternoon services of
Yom Kippur. These include both communal prayers and individual prayers
paying tribute to the memory of the deceased. In recent decades, prayers
remembering those who perished in the Holocaust and those who died
defending the State of Israel have been added to the Yizkor service in many
synagogues (312).
In these prayers, when referring specifically to someone who is de-
ceased, his/her name will be pronounced, followed by the phrase ‘alav
hashalom (“on him [may there be] peace”) for a man, and ‘aleha hashalom
(“on her [may there be] peace”) for a woman. In a written list, the name of
the deceased person is followed by the Hebrew letters “ayin” and “hay,”
standing for the two phrases above. Another custom is to write the He-
brew letters “zayin” and “lamed” after the name of the deceased, standing
for the phrases zichrono levracha (“[May] his memory [be] for a blessing”)
for a man, and zechronah levracha (“[May] her memory [be] for a bless-
ing”) for a woman. These phrases are used to distinguish the name of a
deceased person from those who are living, and it is a way to demonstrate
reverence, respect and affection for the beloved ones who have died (312).
The first part of the synagogue Yizkor service is comprised of individ-
ual prayers, during which the congregants pray in favor of their deceased
parents (father or mother). The second part includes communal prayers in
favor of the victims of the Holocaust and the deceased soldiers of the State
of Israel. The Yizkor service concludes with the recitation of the prayer
’Av haRachamim (“Merciful Father”) and ’Ashray (“Blessed are the Ones”),
a recitation of the first verse of Psalm 84 and Psalm 114, followed by the
entirety of Psalm 145, and concluded by the final verse of Psalm 115 (see
Fridlin 1997:220-226). During the recital of the first individual prayers,
those whose parents are yet alive and those who lost their parent(s) within
the last year may leave the synagogue and not participate in this part of
the service. They are invited, however, to return for the communal section
to pray for the victims of the Holocaust and the deceased soldiers of Israel
(220).
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on their account. The bravery and unselfish sacrifice of these soldiers are
the merit upon which the praying one requests God’s favor for their souls.
The two final prayers, ’Av haRachamim and ’Ashray, exalt God as a Mer-
ciful God who remembers his children with mercy, avenges the blood of
the innocent, and judges with justice. He takes care of the afflicted with
his kindness. He raises the fallen ones, provides for the needy, is near to
all who invoke his Name and saves them. The service closes with the final
words of Psalm 145:20-21 (“The Lord preserves all who love Him, but all
the wicked He will destroy. My mouth will speak the praise of the Lord,
and let all flesh bless His holy name forever and ever”) and Psalm 115:18
(“But we will bless the Lord from this time forth and forevermore. Praise
the Lord!”) (225, 226).
Adventist mission to the Jewish people must face the complex situa-
tion of Jewish beliefs and practices related to death, the state of a dead per-
son, and the hereafter. The belief in the immortality of the soul became the
predominant one in Judaism for centuries. Such a belief brings in many
complications that impact one’s understanding of God, the Bible, and the
status of people in this world and the hereafter, questions regarding salva-
tion and atonement for sins, etc. However, there is much in Jewish liturgy,
teaching, and practices that preserve the early biblical view on the state
of the dead and its teaching of the hope of resurrection at the end of time.
When approaching a Jewish person, or a Jewish community on these
topics, emphasis should first be given to the biblical teachings on these
subjects. Second, the rabbinic teachings that are based on the biblical per-
spective should also be emphasized. Furthermore, the biblical view con-
cerning the hope for the resurrection of the dead can be further substanti-
ated by the study of this view in well-known Jewish prayers such as the
Amidah, the Kaddish, and the morning prayer Modeh ’Ani, as well as in the
beloved hymn Adon Olam that show reminiscences of this Jewish hope.
One should further recall that the hope in the resurrection is one of the
Thirteen Principles of the Jewish Faith as stated by Maimonides, and this
principle of faith is also expressed in the hymn Yigdal.
The study of the biblical belief of the resurrection can also be a way to
develop and affirm a proper understanding of the biblical message con-
cerning atonement for sins. Such a study can help a Jewish person un-
derstand that there is nothing that a living person can do to improve the
status of their beloved deceased, for redemption and atonement are deeds
of God and not of man. The way for atonement is taught in the ritual of the
sanctuary, and this points to salvation by God’s grace and by the merits,
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death, and ministry of the Messiah in the Heavenly Sanctuary. The resur-
rection of the dead is part of this way of redemption, for it depends totally
on God and is another evidence of God’s grace. Life after death is totally
dependent on God’s grace, for he alone is able to change the situation of
a dead person and bring him/her back to life through his power to resur-
rect the dead.
One can also promote the understanding that the resurrection of the
dead does justice to the biblical theology of Creation. Resurrection is the
only belief that corresponds to the biblical teaching about the nature of
man, confirming the way the Bible reports that he was created by God. It
points out his mortality, his dependence on God for life and the fact that
God is the only One who has life in himself. It also emphasizes the moral
character of humanity and their freewill—the human responsibility for
their future in life. The resurrection of the dead corresponds to the biblical
narrative of sin, the Fall as the reason for death, and the way outlined for
redemption. The idea of the immortality of the soul, on the other hand,
aligns itself with the contradictory statements of the Serpent that man,
even after sin, would never die and would have the opportunity to be-
come like God.
A very delicate situation always manifests itself in the contextualized
missiological approach to the Jewish people as they come to participate
with us in our worship on Yom Kippur and the other three annual pilgrim-
age festivals. The Jewish visitor or attendee that is taking an interest in the
Adventist message will usually anticipate the Yizkor service. This portion
of the service is the most expected part of the liturgy among the majority
of Jews today. Some even go to the synagogue on these specific dates just
to recite the Yizkor for their beloved that has passed away. To completely
ignore it is very offensive and can break the feeble connection the Jewish
person is establishing with us. To use the traditional prayers of Yizkor in
our service without much concern would be an unfaithful attitude toward
Adventist fundamental beliefs, to our mission of restoration of biblical
truth, even to God and his teachings in the Bible.
One possible solution is to replace most of the Yizkor prayers (specifi-
cally those that are built on the idea of the immortality of the soul) with
biblical prayers and the recital of Bible texts that speak of the resurrection
of the dead and the final reunion with the deceased in the soon coming
Kingdom of Heaven. The lighting of memorial candles during the service
is another complex issue to be dealt with. These could be seen as rep-
resenting the memory of the beloved ones who have departed, and one
could argue that it should be practiced with this meaning. However, since
these are usually considered as a symbol of the soul of the deceased ones,
such a practice could be very confusing for our community members and
the visitors who are studying with us. So even if it could be quite a shock
for our Jewish visitors that we do not light memorial candles on such occa-
sions and do not recite all the traditional Yizkor liturgy, this could become
a way to open a respectful dialogue concerning the biblical view of the
state of the dead and the hope of the resurrection.
Special wisdom must also be exercised with those who are going
through the process of actively mourning the recent loss of a beloved one.
A Jewish person, even in an advanced stage of interest in the Adventist
message, would normally prefer the assistance of the regular Jewish mor-
tuary services and to bury the deceased in a Jewish cemetery. This is a
precious time to approach this person with unbiased and true friendship,
including one’s presence during the funerary services and subsequent
mourning periods. Such supportive actions and a friendly, non-judgmen-
tal attitude may later open the door for much dialogue about death, the
state of the dead, and the biblical hope of the resurrection.
Belief in the immortality of the soul continues to be predominant in
contemporary Judaism. In present Jewish society there is also much influ-
ence from Kabbalah with its view not only on the immortality of the soul
but also reincarnation and transmigration of the soul. However, in many
branches of today’s Judaism there are signs of an important rediscovery
of the biblical hope of the resurrection. Perhaps a wise approach by Ad-
ventists in their outreach to Jewish people can help strengthen this phe-
nomenon and encourage many Jews to prepare themselves for the biblical
hope of the soon coming of the Messiah and then enjoy the much desired
reunion with their resurrected beloved ones.
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Endnotes
1
Jewish world population (derived from synagogue and Jewish institutions
membership) was calculated in 2018 as including approximately 15 million peo-
ple. This population is widely dispersed among the different continents, with
Asia having almost 7 million (with 6.7 million in Israel), followed by the Americas
with 6.5 million (5.7 million in the United States), then Europe and Russia with 1.4
million (more than 450 thousand in France), Oceania with 121 thousand (includ-
ing almost 115 thousand in Australia), and Africa with 73.6 thousand (around 67
thousand in South Africa). See “Vital Statistics: Jewish Population of the World
(1882-Present),” Jewish Virtual Library, https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/
jewish-population-of-the-world (accessed September 4, 2019).
2
Ben-Sira’s attack appears in Ecclesiasticus 30:18: “Good things lavished on a
closed mouth are like food offerings put on a grave.” The Book of Jubilees 22:16-17
presents the following admonition of Abraham to Jacob: “And you also, my son,
Jacob, remember my words, and keep the commandments of Abraham, your fa-
ther. Separate yourself from the gentiles, and do not eat with them, and do not per-
form deeds like theirs… They slaughter their sacrifices to the dead, and to demons
they bow down. And they eat in the tombs. And all their deeds are worthless and
vain.” See Harry Rabinowicz, “Death,” Encyclopaedia Judaica, 2nd ed. (2007), 5:511.
3
The Hebrew word geviyah that appears in the final line may also refer to a
dead body, a corpse, see Fabry 1977:2:433-438.
4
Chevra Kadisha Mortuary, N.d. Prayers to be Said at Funerals and Visiting
Gravesites of Beloved Ones (Los Angeles: Chevra Kadisha), 11; “The Graveside Kad-
dish,” Chabad.org, (accessed September 11, 2019). https://www.chabad.org/
library/article_cdo/aid/387409/jewish/The-Graveside-Kaddish.htm.
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CEDRIC VINE
Introduction
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and then to ask how the account of Jesus healing the two Gadarene demo-
niacs might have been understood by first-century ancient holders of such
beliefs. The selection of sources is necessarily restricted due to the brief
nature of this article.
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described by Walter Burkett as “the laying out of the corpse, prothesis, the
carrying out, ekphora, and the funeral proper with funerary sacrifices and
a funerary banquet, which are taken up as the basis of a continuing grave
cult” (1985:192). This rite indicates that it was necessary for the soul to be
confined to a subterranean abode suited to its second life, and for this to
occur the body to which it was attached had to be covered with earth. A
failure to bury the body or an improper burial resulted in a wandering
spirit that would restlessly search for an appropriate resting place. Such
a wandering spirit was known as a larva, or phantom, a being that would
wander without ever receiving the offerings and food it required. The
result of such deprivation was that the spirit would become a malevolent
spirit, a spirit that tormented the living. Such a spirit would inflict disease,
disrupt harvests, and frighten the living by appearing to them as a ghostly
apparition, warning the living to give sepulture to its body and to itself.
Coulange claims that “all antiquity was persuaded that without burial the
soul was miserable, and that by burial it became forever happy” (2006:17).
Two examples illustrate this belief.
In his comedy The Ghost, Plautus (d. 184 BC) tells of a father who re-
turns unexpectedly from a trip abroad. His son has been living a riotous
life with his newly freed slave girl and fellow guests, and, in their panic
at the father’s return, lock the front door of the house and hid in silence.
One of the household slaves welcomes the father home but warns him
not to enter the house for the terrible reason that in the father’s absence,
they have discovered that the previous owner of the house had murdered
a guest and hidden his body under the house. This improper burial pro-
cedure resulted in the soul of the murdered guest appearing to the son in
terrifying visions, warning him to leave the house because it was cursed
(scelestae [hae] sunt aedes, impia est habitatio, Mostellaria 504). The ruse works
and the father leaves.
A second example of the effects of improper burial is found in Sue-
tonius’ (b. ca. AD 69) account of the burial of Gaius Caligula. Caligula, a
despised and hated emperor, had been stabbed to death in his palace by,
and accounts differ, either two tribunes or by a group of centurions (Cal.
58). His body was then secretly spirited out of the palace and partially
burned on a hastily erected pyre in the gardens of the Lamian family. His
charred body was then buried under a thin layer of turf. This improper
burial is said, according to Suetonius, to have resulted in ghosts or shades
(umbris) disturbing the caretakers of the garden and numerous fearsome
apparitions in the building where he was murdered (Cal. 59). This situa-
tion was only rectified when his sisters, upon their return from exile, dug
up his body, cremated it properly, and placed it in a tomb.
These two examples illustrate the fear that improper burial rites would
result in wandering souls which would disturb the living and that specific
rites were necessary to ensure that the souls of the dead were properly
placed in and restricted to their tombs. The corollary of this rite was the
possibility that through alternative rites, the spirits of the dead might be
tempted out of their tombs.
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the dust, and calling the ghost to Hector’s tomb,” which consisted of a green
mound of turf before which she had placed two altars (Aen. 3.300-305). Such
accounts testify to a popular level of belief in the abiding presence of ances-
tral spirits and a belief that it was necessary to placate them with certain
rites in order to enjoy their favor. The extent to which these beliefs were
held was such that, according to Ramsay MacMullen, they heavily influ-
enced early Christian beliefs and practices in Rome well into the fourth
and fifth centuries AD (MacMullen 2010).
(Aen. 5.98; cf. Pausanias, Descr. 2.10.5). Ausonius’ fourth century AD col-
lection of epitaphs indicates that the feeding of one’s ancestors was widely
practiced:
On the Tomb of a Happy Man: Sprinkle my ashes with pure wine and
fragrant oil of spikenard; bring balsam too, O stranger, with crimson
roses. Unending spring pervades my tearless urn: I have but changed
my state, and have not died. I have not lost a single joy of my old life,
whether you think that I remember all or none. (Ausonius, Epitaphs 31)
Let not the grave of your wife be regarded as the funeral mound of the
dead departed but let her be honored as are the gods (theoisi), an object
of reverence to the wayfarer. Someone walking a winding path past
her tomb shall say, “This woman died in the stead of her husband, and
now she is a blessed divinity (makaira daimōn). Hail, Lady, and grant
us your blessing!” With such words will they address her. (Euripides,
Alc. 995-1004)
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Demons are presented biblically as fallen angels rather than the spir-
its of dead ancestors. In Deut 32:17, for example, Israel is criticized for
making Yahweh jealous by sacrificing “to demons (MT: laššeḏim; LXX:
daimoniois), not God, [and] to deities (MT: ʾᵉlōhim; LXX: theois) they had
never known.” The parallelism in this verse indicates a close association of
demons with strange gods, which, in the wider context of Scripture, may
be identified as fallen angels (cf. Isa 14:12-15; Rev 12:7-9). In this context,
the numerous references to Jesus casting out demons should be interpret-
ed as an indication that Israel was in a state of idolatry, under the control
of strange deities. His exorcisms functioned as the equivalent to the ac-
tions of Old Testament judges or prophets who tore down the high places
and cleansed Israel of foreign gods (cf. Judg 6:28-32).
In classical Greek usage there was a distinction between daimonion, a
general reference to the manifestation of divine power, and the more spe-
cific daimōn which connotes a particular god or goddess. It is difficult to
know whether this distinction is maintained in the New Testament. Ac-
cording to BDAG 2000:210, daimonion, which is found frequently in the
Gospels, may refer to a particular god or goddess as well as to a hostile
divinity or evil spirit. Daimōn, however, is only found in Matt 8:31 and, ac-
cording to BDAG, refers specifically in that instance to an evil spirit.
1. Gentile Demoniacs Dwelling Amongst the Tombs: When Jesus entered
the country of the Gadarenes, two men who are possessed by demons (dai-
monizomenoi, Matt 8:28) meet him. Matthew drops Mark’s reference to un-
clean spirits (en pneumati akathartō, Mark 5:2; compare his use of ‘impure
in 5:8, 13) and ritual impurity and instead adopts demon-related language
more common in Gentile usage (Wahlen 2004:122). The region seems to
have been near the town of Gadara on the eastern side of Lake Galilee in
the Gentile territory of the Decapolis. The Gentile nature of the region is
affirmed later in the account by the presence of a herd of pigs, inconceiv-
able in Jewish territory (Hill 1972:168; Luz 2001:24). The Evangelist de-
scribes the demoniacs as “coming out of the tombs” to meet Jesus (8:28).
Contrary to Chrysostom’s question, Matthew drops Mark’s reference to
them dwelling there (cf. Mark 5:3). The element of indeterminacy relating
to their abode may possibly indicate that the improper burial rites were
carried out with respect to these particular ancestral spirits. Alternatively,
Matthew’s omission may simply reflect his editorial practice of reducing
Mark’s more lengthy account. Whichever option is chosen, the association
of the demoniacs with tombs, understood by Graeco-Romans as temples
for the dead, would have affirmed for believers in ancestor worship that
the two men were controlled by the spirits of their ancestors, by manes
who normally dwelt in tombs in close proximity to the urns in which their
bodies were interred (Burkert 1985:191).
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For ancestor worshippers this would have been highly surprising in that
they were used to employing elaborate rituals and lengthy and repetitive
incantations to control malevolent spirits (cf. Betz 1992:38, 301, 304). In the
case of the demoniacs, all previous attempts to control them had failed (cf.
Mark 5:3-4). In contrast, Jesus controls them with a single word, an indica-
tion of his complete mastery over them.
4. A Community in Fear: The demons depart into the pigs, who rush
down the steep bank into the lake and perish (apethanon) in the water (Matt
8:32). There is some evidence for Jewish belief that spirits were afraid of
water because it had purifying capabilities (Davies and Allison 1993:84).
On the other hand, other sources indicate that some types of demons were
associated with water. The Evangelist is silent either way on this issue. It
is also unstated as to whether the demons die with the pigs (Luz 2001:25).
Nevertheless, these actions would further signal to ancestor worshippers
Jesus’ complete mastery over malevolent ancestral spirits. They respond
to his bidding.
The swineherds then announce to the local townsfolk what has hap-
pened. The “whole town” then came out to meet Jesus and begged
(parekalesan) him, as the demons had begged him earlier, to leave their
region (8:34). The reason for their communal request is not made explicit.
It may have been out of fear, as in Mark 5:15 and Luke 8:35. Some suggest
it was due to the economic implications of losing their livestock (Vledder
1997:197). Matthew is silent as to their motive. We may suppose, however,
that from an ancestor worship perspective, the Gentile inhabitants of the
town would not have believed that the drowning of the pigs would neces-
sarily have resulted in the destruction of the demons. From their perspec-
tive, the demons, who had been so disrespected by Jesus, now inhabit the
waters of Galilee. As such, they would have feared further trouble from
the demons. The Evangelist finishes his account with these words: “And
after getting into a boat [Jesus] crossed the sea and came to his own town”
(Matt 9:1). From Jesus’ perspective, the power of the demons has been bro-
ken, indicated by his ability to travel unhindered and undisturbed. Not
even a storm disturbs his journey home.
Conclusion
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Endnotes
1
Elsewhere, Chrysostom describes how “many of the simpler sort” believe that
those who die violent deaths turn into demons. Chrysostom, Hom. Laz. 6.235-236.
Unless stated, quotations from Graeco-Roman sources are taken from LCL.
Works Cited
Betz, H. D., ed. 1992. The Greek Magical Paypyri in Translation Including the Demotic
Spells. Chicago/London: University of Chicago Press.
Burkert, W. 1985. Greek Religion: Archaic and Classical. Oxford: Blackwell.
Coulanges, N. D. F. 2006. The Ancient City: A Study of the Religion, Laws, and Institu-
tions of Greece and Rome. Mineola, NY: Dover.
Davies, W. D., and D. C. Allison. 1991. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the
Gospel According to Saint Matthew: Commentary on Matthew 8-18. Edinburgh:
T&T Clark.
Gundry, R. H. 1982. Matthew: A Commentary on His Literary and Theological Art.
Grand Rapids: Eerdmans.
Hill, D. 1972. The Gospel of Matthew. London: Oliphants.
Luz, U. 2001. Matthew 8-20: A Commentary. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press.
MacMullen, R. 2010. Christian Ancestor Worship in Rome. Journal of Bibilica Litera-
ture 129 no. 3:597-613.
Vledder, E.-J. 1997. Conflict in the Miracle Stories: A Socio-Exegetical Study of Matthew
8 and 9. Sheffield, UK: Sheffield Academic Press.
Wahlen, C. L. 2004. Jesus and the Impurity of Spirits in the Synoptic Gospels. Tübingen,
Germany: Mohr Siebeck.
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Introduction
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Addressing the fear of death and hell among converts from traditional
religious or animistic contexts (for further reading see Sanou 2015:58-63)
calls for a clear biblical understanding of the state of human beings in death
and a concise and systematic presentation of the plan of salvation demon-
strated in the life, death, resurrection, and continued ministry of Christ.
The creation story gives an account of the origin of life on earth. Two
key texts are considered: Gen 1:26, 27 and Gen 2:7. At creation, humanity
was given the special status of being created in God’s image: “Let us make
mankind in our image, in our likeness, so that they may rule over the fish in
the sea and the birds in the sky, over the livestock and all the wild animals,
and over all the creatures that move along the ground. God created man-
kind in his own image, in the image of God he created them; male and female
he created them” (Gen 1:26, 27, emphasis added).
The same concept is reiterated in Gen 5:1 and Gen 9:6. Genesis 5:1 sim-
ply states that “when God created mankind, he made them in the likeness
of God” (emphasis added). Genesis 9:6 gives the very first clear implica-
tion for humanity being created in God’s image. It states that it is because
humanity is created in the image of God that human beings should not
shed the blood of one another: “Whoever sheds human blood, by humans
shall their blood be shed; for in the image of God has God made mankind”
(emphasis added).
The image and likeness of God in humans has had many interpreta-
tions among scholars. Is image and likeness the same or are they referring
to two different things? Is it physical, mental, or spiritual? Although this
is not the focus of this study, I concur with the view that “bearing God’s
image does not imply so much resembling God [physically] as represent-
ing Him. Man is God’s collaborator (Gen 2:4-6, 15) and lieutenant (Ps 8:3-8;
115:6)” (Cairus 2000:208). The likeness of God in humans refers to “the
representational functions of humans,” which includes “everything that
enables humankind to rule over their sphere as God rules in His” (208).
The creation in the image and likeness of God sets humanity apart from
other creatures, because only humanity (man and woman) has been grant-
ed this special status. Although no clear clues are given as to the features of
the likeness of God, God’s image in human beings and the dominion that
was given them over other creatures (Gen 1:26) probably has to do with
humanity’s relationship both to other creatures and to God the Creator.
In other words, people were created as relational beings (Reiss 2011:184).
Also, because the Bible further says that God is spirit (John 4:24), it seems
safer to see the image of God in humans in terms of their spiritual nature
(Nichol 1976-1980:1:216; “In Our Image” [Gen 1:26]).2 For Reiss, the im-
age and likeness of God in humans are located in “some spiritual quality
or faculty of the human person” (2011:185). In a nutshell, the creation of
humans in the image of God, the highest conceivable status, affirms their
dignity and worth (181). Our true identity is first and foremost found in
the fact that humans are created in God’s image.
Genesis 2:7 gives the two basic components of every human being,
namely, a physical body and the breath of life, which is immaterial: “The
Lord God formed a man from the dust of the ground and breathed into
his nostrils the breath of life, and the man became a living being.” Scholars
have also debated whether at death the body and spirit have an indepen-
dent existence. Two main groups have emerged out of these debates.
Scholars such as H. David Lewis, Wayne Grudem, Gary R. Habermas,
and James P. Moreland believe in the immortality of the soul on the basis
of texts such as: “The dust returns to the ground it came from, and the
spirit returns to God who gave it” (Eccl 12:7), “Do not be afraid of those
who kill the body but cannot kill the soul. Rather, be afraid of the One who
can destroy both soul and body in hell” (Matt 10:28), and the parable of
the rich man and Lazarus (Luke 16:19-31). For them, between death and
the resurrection, believers are in some kind of conscious state of interme-
diary existence. Lewis states, “Throughout the centuries Christians have
believed that each human person consists in a soul and body; that the soul
survived the death of the body; and that its future life will be immortal”
(1984:125). Wayne Grudem unpacks the nature of the immortal soul by
defining death as “the temporary cessation of bodily life and a separa-
tion of the soul from the body. Once a believer has died, though his or her
physical body remains on the earth and is buried, at the moment of death
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the soul (or spirit) of that believer goes immediately into the presence of God with
rejoicing” (emphasis added) (1994:816). Gary R. Habermas and James P.
Moreland push this concept a step further by stating that in the intermedi-
ary state “the person enjoys conscious fellowship with God while waiting for
a reunion with a new, resurrected body” (emphasis added 1998:222).
For other scholars such as Edward Fudge and Joel Green, the body and
the spirit cease to exist until the resurrection of the dead. Green (2008:179)
states that
Although Eccl 12:7 says that at death the spirit (ruach) returns to God,
in not one of the 379 instances of its use throughout the OT does ruach
denote an intelligent entity capable of existence apart from a physi-
cal body, so far as man is concerned, and it must therefore be clear
that such a concept is without basis as the teachings of the Scriptures
themselves are concerned (see Gen. 2:7; 35:18; Num. 5:14; Eccl. 3:19-21;
cf. on Num. 5:2; 9:6). That which here returns to God is simply the life
principle imparted by God to both man and beast (see on Eccl. 3:19-21,
where ruach is translated “breath”). (Nichol 1976-1980:3:1104)
of Gen 2:7 says that “man became a living soul. Nothing in the Creation
account indicates that man received a soul—some kind of separate entity
that, at Creation was united with the human body” (81, 82; emphasis in
the original).
Also, humans were only given conditional immortality at creation, as
attested to by Gen 2:15-17: “The Lord God took the man and put him in
the Garden of Eden to work it and take care of it. And the Lord God com-
manded the man, ‘You are free to eat from any tree in the garden; but you
must not eat from the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, for when
you eat from it you will certainly die’” (emphasis added). Adam and Eve’s
conditional immortality was changed to mortality when they disobeyed
God and ate of the forbidden fruit (Gen 3). Death is simply the reversal of
the process of creation. At death, the breath of life is withdrawn from the
living being/soul (Nichol 1976-1980:1:223), and “when that happens, the
person dies. He or she ceases to exist. The ‘soul’ is no more because the liv-
ing person is no more” (Ball 2011:15). Other Bible passages also highlight
the fact that the dead are in an unconscious, nonexistent state (Eccl 9:5, 6),
a state of unconscious sleep (John 11:11-13), and the next thing they will be
conscious of will be when Christ returns and raises them either to eternal
life (1 Thess 4:13-17) or to eternal damnation (Matt 25:46).
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By His death on the cross Jesus triumphed over the forces of evil. He
who subjugated the demonic spirits during His earthly ministry has
broken their power and made certain their ultimate doom. Jesus’ vic-
tory gives us victory over the evil forces that still seek to control us, as
we walk with Him in peace, joy, and assurance of His love. Now the
Holy Spirit dwells within us and empowers us. Continually commit-
ted to Jesus as our Saviour and Lord, we are set free from the burden
of our past deeds. No longer do we live in the darkness, fear of evil
powers, ignorance, and meaninglessness of our former way of life. In
this new freedom in Jesus, we are called to grow into the likeness of
His character, communing with Him daily in prayer, feeding on His
Word, meditating on it and on His providence, singing His praises,
gathering together for worship, and participating in the mission of the
Church. As we give ourselves in loving service to those around us and
in witnessing to His salvation, His constant presence with us through
the Spirit transforms every moment and every task into a spiritual
experience (Ps 1:1, 2; 23:4; 77:11, 12; Col 1:13, 14; 2:6, 14, 15; Luke 10:17-20;
Eph 5:19, 20; 6:12-18; 1 Thess 5:23; 2 Peter 2:9; 3:18; 2 Cor. 3:17, 18;
Phil 3:7-14; 1 Thess 5:16-18; Matt 20:25-28; John 20:21; Gal 5:22-25; Rom
8:38, 39; 1 John 4:4; Heb 10:25). (Ministerial Association 2005:149-150)
People will not give up on their old beliefs so long as those old be-
liefs remain the only working alternatives they have (Velsor and Drath
2004:390). The only solution is for the gospel to not only change former be-
liefs but also to transform the converts’ worldviews in theory and practice.
If this does not happen, the new beliefs will continue to be re-interpreted
in terms of the old worldview (Hiebert, Shaw, and Tiénou 1999/2000:177).
A biblical model of discipleship is key to worldview transformation, and
to conversion.
A good biblical model of discipleship is portrayed in 1 Thessalonians
2:7-13. This text presents discipleship as a process of spiritual parenting.
In that passage, Paul uses the parent-child metaphor to describe principles
of discipleship by referring to familiar things of life, which both the di-
rect recipients and the wider readership of the epistle were conversant
with. This parent-child metaphor is still a powerful means of impressing
on people’s minds important spiritual principles about Christian disciple-
ship. Spiritual mentoring as discipleship can help achieve four things: (1)
a long-term commitment to the spiritual welfare and growth of believers,
(2) modeling a spiritual walk with God to mentees, (3) personal attention
to believers’ spiritual growth needs, and (4) the teaching of biblical truth.
A brief analysis of this passage reveals the following four components of
biblical discipleship.
“Just as a nursing mother cares for her children, so we cared for you”
(1 Thess 2:7, 8; emphasis added). The process of discipleship requires the
investment of quality time in those being discipled. Paul and his mission-
ary team cared for the believers in the congregations they established as a
mother cares for her children. This would have involved tenderly and pa-
tiently teaching the Thessalonians to walk with God. They demonstrated
intentional commitment to the spiritual growth and welfare of believers.
Their long-term commitment to the welfare of the believers at Thessaloni-
ca echoes Jesus’ long-term concern for the growth of believers: “Let not
your heart be troubled; you believe in God, believe also in Me. . . . I will pray
the Father, and He will give you another Helper, that He may abide with
you forever—the Spirit of truth, whom the world cannot receive, because
it neither sees Him nor knows Him; but you know Him, for He dwells
with you and will be in you. I will not leave you orphans; I will come to
you” (John 14:1, 16-18). An important implication of these two examples
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is that “disciples cannot be mass produced but are the product of [long-
term] intimate and personal investment” (Ogden 2007:20).
“Surely you remember, brothers and sisters, our toil and hardship; we
worked night and day in order not to be a burden to anyone while we
preached the gospel of God to you. You are witnesses, and so is God, of
how holy, righteous and blameless we were among you who believed” (1 Thess
2:9, 10, emphasis added). The missionary team strove to be role models to
the new believers. If Hampton Keathley’s perspective on discipleship is
correct, about 90 percent of what a disciple learns or applies is caught from
the discipler’s life rather than from his/her teaching. As a result, he ar-
gues that “we should place our emphasis on being a friend and let people
see how we deal with things, how we study, how we pray, how we love,
etc. We don’t want to just give him all the facts. We need to allow him to
see how we work through various issues and help him work through the
issues himself” (Keathley 2004). Without any doubt, this was what hap-
pened in Jesus’ discipling ministry of the Twelve and his other early fol-
lowers who so faithfully imitated him that when those who had observed
them found no other way to call them but Christians (Acts 11:26).
Following Jesus’ example, mature Christians are called to be paceset-
ters, positively influencing new believers in their spiritual growth. Paul’s
understanding of this principle of Christian growth led him to ask the Co-
rinthian believers to imitate him just as he himself imitated Christ (1 Cor
11:1). He later challenged Timothy to “be an example to the believers in
word, in conduct, in love, in spirit, in faith, in purity” (1 Tim 4:12). This is a
challenge to all mature Christians and church leaders to keep on growing
in their relationship with Christ so that they can manifest godly character
worthy of being imitated.
“For you know that we dealt with each of you as a father deals with his
own children, encouraging, comforting and urging you to live lives wor-
thy of God, who calls you into his kingdom and glory” (1 Thess 2:11, 12,
emphasis added). Paul and his team gave the believers individual atten-
tion and instruction as a father would do to his children with the intention
to help each of them with their unique needs. They understood that each
believer’s uniqueness meant individual attention. With what is known in
the Bible about Paul’s ministry, it is very likely that the personal attention
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students really appreciated our guest being vulnerable in sharing her life
experience with them. They understood that she did not get where she is
currently in her spiritual journey at a click of a button. They also under-
stood that they are not the only ones struggling in their spiritual journey.
Because of this open conversation with our guest, we all resolved not to let
our past mistakes determine who we become in life.
“And we also thank God continually because, when you received the
word of God, which you heard from us, you accepted it not as a human
word, but as it actually is, the word of God, which is indeed at work in
you who believe” (1 Thess 2:13). Conforming themselves to the command
of Matthew 28:19-20, Paul and his companions made the Word of God an
essential element of the Thessalonians’ discipleship process. They taught
biblical truth using illustrations and metaphors their hearers were familiar
with (2 Tim 2:3-5). This not only helped their hearers relate to their teach-
ing but also to easily remember them.
First Thessalonians 2:7-13 clearly shows that although the teaching of
biblical truth was essential, it was not the sole component of Paul’s mis-
sionary team’s discipleship model. While the teaching of biblical truth is
an essential component of discipleship because a convert cannot fully ma-
ture spiritually without understanding biblical principles, it must also be
acknowledged that a convert may have considerable biblical knowledge
and yet remain spiritually immature. For this reason, the teaching of bibli-
cal truth must always be balanced with other components of biblical dis-
cipleship such as an intentional commitment to the spiritual growth and
welfare of new believers, a modeling of a spiritual walk with God, and
personal attention to each believer’s spiritual welfare and growth needs.
Congregational and small group teaching and personal attention of the
believers are needed to encourage them along the road to their Christian
maturity. Just as a baby needs an additional amount of attention, new con-
verts also need someone to provide them with attention and guidance in
the maturation process.
A Way Forward:
Brief Considerations and Conclusion
are to Jesus Christ and his remnant church who through his death on the
cross has triumphed over the forces of evil and hell. In places where Satan
pushes and coerces individuals to live in fear as his allies and prisoners,
it is only through Jesus’ victorious power that pastors and missionaries
working for the Adventist Church can carry forward their mission, pro-
claiming the gospel and rescuing people from the devil’s hand and the
fear of hell and its grip.
Allegiance to the true God and his church happens only when believ-
ers know where they come from and who they are (history/identity),
where they are right now (saved and in God’s church), and where they are
going (purpose/prophetic perspective). Accordingly, believers will have
to depend on the Holy Spirit and on the members of Christ’s body to learn
the biblical truths cognitively, but they must also be discipled through the
principles and biblical framework of God’s kingdom. This must be based
on a clear understanding of the spiritual realities of life so that new be-
lievers will fully grow up in Christ and become mature and committed
Adventist Christians.
Believers “struggle is not against flesh and blood, but against the rulers,
against the authorities, against the powers of this dark world and against
the spiritual forces of evil in the heavenly realm” (Eph 6:12). However, in
all their struggles, believers are more than conquerors through Christ who
loved them and sacrificed his life for them (Rom 8:37; Kuhn 2012:4, 5).
Endnotes
1 Among the Lobi of Burkina Faso, death by lightning, drowning, snake bite,
or suicide are considered bad deaths for which no funeral rite is performed. As a
result, such people cannot become ancestors.
2 It is also important to consider that in humanity, a spiritual nature is inter-
twined with a physical nature, as there cannot be one without the other. One could
ask, “What is a spiritual nature without a physical nature?”
Works Cited
Abasi, Augustine Kututera. 1995. Lua-Lia, The ‘Fresh Funeral’: Founding a House
for the Deceased Among the Kasena of North-East Ghana. Africa 65, no.
3:448-475.
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Ogden, Greg. 2007. Discipleship Essentials: A Guide to Building Your Life in Christ. Ex.
ed. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity.
Ray, Benjamin C. 1976. African Religions: Symbol, Ritual, and Community. Engle-
wood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Reiss, Moshe. 2011. Adam: Created in the Image and Likeness of God. Jewish Bible
Quarterly 39, no. 3 (July-September): 181-187.
Sanou, Boubakar. 2015. A Biblical and Missiological Framework for Cross-Cultur-
al Mission: A Case Study of the Lobi Funeral Rites in Burkina Faso. PhD
Diss., Andrews University.
Sidonia, Alenuma. 2002. The Dagaare-Speaking Communities of West Africa: A
Culture Area Profile. Journal of Dagaare Studies 2:58-70.
Shannon-Missal, Larry. 2013. Americans’ Belief in God, Miracles and Heaven
Declines. In The Harris Poll. https://theharrispoll.com/new-york-n-y
-december-16-2013-a-new-harris-poll-finds-that-while-a-strong-majority-74-of-u
-s-adults-do-believe-in-god-this-belief-is-in-decline-when-compared-to
-previous-years-as-just-over/.
Velsor, Ellen Van and Wilfred H. Drath. 2004. A Lifelong Developmental Perspec-
tive on Leader Development. In Handbook of Leadership Development, 2nd
ed. Edited by Cynthia D. McCauley and Ellen Van Velsor, 383-414. San
Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
White, Ellen G. 1999. Steps to Christ. Nampa, ID: Pacific Press.
Wikipedia. 2019. Intercession of Saints. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intercession
_of_saints.
________. 2019. Purgatory. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Purgatory.
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Introduction
The Problem
What about the deceased after the typical funeral and mourning is
over? In the West, the gravesite often becomes a center of memory for
the deceased. Families gather to decorate the gravesite with flowers and
artifacts, to remember, grieve, and pray, and sometimes to try to speak to
the dead one. Careful observers will note the ritual patterns: placing offer-
ings on the grave (flowers, pictures, teddy bears), recounting memories,
and some invoking assistance of the deceased—at least as listening ears. It
is not uncommon for Christians to “feel closer” to their dead while at the
gravesite. Countless movies depict the protagonist feeling the presence of
their loved one or asking advice while at grave. This is the cultural air we
breathe in the United States.
The experience of the departed is viewed differently in Asian and Af-
rican cultures, however. Thus, Christians cannot avoid reflecting on this
issue (Ela 1988:14). For many Africans, the ancestors continue to exert a
strong sense of presence among those left behind. As Jean-Marc Ela ex-
plains, “In many African societies, the cult of the dead is perhaps that
aspect of culture to which the African is most attached” (14). For Ela, what
is essential to the African experience of the ancestors is that they continue
to be part of the family and community. Thus, the gravesite is the place
where the spirit of the ancestor is most concentrated. Often the family will
maintain a mask or statue that serves as a human representation “of the
spiritual presence of the ancestor” (15). Ela describes how in one tribe in
Cameroon the head of the family carries with him a jar—baba—that repre-
sents the presence of his father or grandfather. This jar is used as the focal
point of rituals that remember the ancestor, maintains the kinship linage,
and helps bring unity among the living. In this belief, death is not annihi-
lation, but a departure. Indeed, most Africans speak of death euphemis-
tically as having “gone,” “gone past,” or “left us behind” (Mosothoane
1973:88). The implication is that the departed have gone to the spirit world
where they continue to exist. This departure is only feared if there are no
descendants (preferably male) to remember—to be an ancestor one must
first have children.
In traditional African societies, life is lived in a chain of remembering.
“As I remember my fathers, my children will remember me.” In this chain
of remembering, ancestors become the “living dead” who are symbolized
with objects, remembered and honored in ritual, and called upon to help
in times of need (Triebel 2002:188). In such a worldview, the individual
lives a shared life with the past ancestors and the future progeny. They
are “part of an endless stream that flows from parent to child and from
generation to generation” (Heibert 2008:107). The focus here is not on life
after death, but on the “well-being of the human community” in the pres-
ent (Staples 1981:272).
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The term “ancestor cult” is used to define a wide array of beliefs and
practices that deal with one’s ancestors. These beliefs and practices en-
compass various aspects of social identity and utility as well as spirituality
and religion. They are not exclusive to one’s biological forerunners as they
can include the clan, tribe, or national ancestors. Finally, ancestor cults are
not vestiges of idealized primitive cultures. Rather, they are complex and
dynamic systems of belief and practice that are adapting themselves to
myriad expressions in the contemporary world.
According to Bernard Hwang, ancestor cults are built on a few basic
assumptions. These are that “the departed ancestors live on [in some way]
after death, man has a soul or souls, ancestors can help or harm their liv-
ing descendants, they [ancestors] need support in their new mode of exis-
tence” (1977:361). Added to these is the African assumption that ancestors
continue to play roles as members of the community (Triebel 2002:188).
It should be noted that not all these assumptions are true for all ancestor
cults nor do many practitioners clearly understand or articulate them. The
next sections will examine the social aspects of ancestor cults followed by
their spiritual aspects.
ancestors worthy of the respect and emulation of all. Among many tribes
in Africa, childbearing fills a crucial role in the society as the primary link
to becoming an ancestor. For example, to the Shona, true adulthood means
one is on his or her way to becoming an ancestor and this can only be
achieved by producing offspring (Makwasha 2009:49).
These social functions of ancestor cults help shape the behaviors and
attitudes of those who operate within such a worldview without the direct
need of interaction with the dead. They are not necessarily spiritual prac-
tices seeking to communicate or interact directly with the ancestors and
it is in this sense that they are more social in function than religious. As
Hwang asserts, “Explicit belief in an afterlife is not essential to [the] prac-
tice of ancestor cult” (1977:344). For many practitioners of ancestor cults,
the practice is rooted in memory, social harmony, and ethical behavior, not
in fear and interaction with the afterlife (Hua 2016:93).
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social sphere (2002:188). For many Africans, at least, the ancestors cannot
be dismissed as merely social constructs of the memory of the dead. An-
cestors are beneficent or malevolent beings that continue to exist and must
be appeased, venerated, and cared for in a reciprocal exchange.
Ancestor cults can fulfill both social and spiritual functions. Christians
wanting to resolve the issue may be tempted to accept the social func-
tions of ancestors while rejecting their spiritual presence and functions.
This solution fails because many who participate in ancestor cults are held
hostage by fear of the spirits or in need of the ministrations of the spirits.
The next section briefly surveys how Christians approach ancestor cults.
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in 1839 that the ancestor cult was accepted as orthodoxy by the church. In
Pius XII’s view, the cult was accepted because it represented respect and
honor for the dead, not worship (Chi-Ping 1985:150, 151).
It should be noted, however, that it is not only Catholics who have ac-
commodated ancestor cults in their beliefs and practices. The practice has
been especially common among some African Initiated/Indigenous/In-
dependent Churches (AICs) as well (Makwasha 2009:175). AICs are often
more sensitive to the spiritual needs of the culture and some found ways
of incorporating traditional practices into their new Christian practices
(168). Others simply turned a “blind-eye” toward ancestor cults (295). So
accommodation, the acceptance and reinterpretation of ancestor cults has
continued by many different Christian groups around the world.
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Missiological Implications
Thus, whether the soul continues to exist after death (as some Chris-
tians believe) or falls into some sort of soul sleep while waiting for the
resurrection, the Scriptures are clear that there is no interaction between
the living and the dead (Ro 1985:8). The presence of the dead continues
only in the memory of these left behind or in the deceptive activities of evil
spirits. This message of freedom from fear of the dead should be couched
in the context of God’s goodness and hope of the resurrection.
Wise and sincere Christians in every culture are aware of the effects
of sin on their own culture. Lamentations over materialism, tribalism, or
corruption exist in many places. Much of the time, Christians are well
aware of where they fall short and how they can improve. There may be a
tendency on the part of some, especially in the West, to sensationalize an-
cestor cults due to their spiritualistic overtones. However, as mentioned,
ancestor cults occupy wide functions in cultures that are often as social as
they are spiritual or religious.
Ultimately, one of primary goals of evangelism is to alter the sinful
reality of human experience and worldview (Ro 1985:9). Christians are
called to allow the gospel to intentionally alter the way they imagine the
world. Bryan Stone articulates a vision of Christianity that refuses to sim-
ply live within worldviews that are dependent to empire, civil religion,
or militarism (2018). Though Stone writes to the west, we should also join
him in calling on the church not to “play chaplain” to any culture, but,
rather, to be a “Spirit-empowered and Christ-shaped performance of an
alternative social imagination” in which comfort is not found in the arms
of dead ancestors but in the presence of the risen Lord, faithful mediator,
and ancestor par excellence (48). Figuring out what this “alternative social
imagination” will look like must become the ongoing task of all Christians
in one’s church community. In order to address ancestor cults, Christian
communities around the world will need to design practical solutions that
will help their adherents place the fear or guilt that they feel from their
ancestors at the feet of Jesus.
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The role of the Holy Spirit in addressing ancestor cults has yet to be
fully explored. Wey Hua has worked to relate the “the power of the Holy
Spirit, who moves and works through all believers” to the issue of ances-
tor cults in China (2016:98). Additionally, Russell Staples sees the doctrine
of the Holy Spirit as a “fundamental part of the theological approach to
the ancestors” for the Shona people of southern Africa (1981). Therefore,
while some work has been directed toward developing a theological re-
sponse to ancestor cults through the doctrine of the Holy Spirit, there is
much more to be done to relate pneumatology to ancestor cults. Great op-
portunities exist in Trinitarian theology that teaches that Jesus Christ him-
self relied on the Holy Spirit during his earthly ministry and sent the Holy
Spirit with power and authority as the comforter, sustainer, and energizer
of the church (Wimber and Springer 2009:38).
Conclusion
Works Cited
Bates, Matthew W. 2017. Salvation by Allegiance Alone: Rethinking Faith, Works, and
the Gospel of Jesus the King. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic.
Catechism of the Catholic Church - Mary - Mother of Christ, Mother of the Church.
Accessed 12 May 2019. http://www.vatican.va/archive/ccc_css/archive/
catechism/p123a9p6.htm.
Chi-Ping, Lin. 1985. Ancestor Worship: The Reactions of Chinese Churches. In
Christian Alternatives to Ancestor Practices. Edited by Bong Rin Ro, 147-161.
Taichung, Taiwan: Asian Theological Association.
Daneel, M. L. 1973. The Christian Gospel and the Ancestor Cult. Missionalia 1, no.
2: 46-73.
Ela, Jean-Marc. 1988. My Faith as an African. Translated by John Pairman Brown
and Susan Perry. New York: Orbis Books.
Ferdinando, Keith. 1996. Screwtape Revisited: Demonology--Western, African,
and Biblical. In The Unseen World. Edited by Anthony N. S. Lane, 103-132.
Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House.
Hiebert, Paul G. 1982. The Flaw of the Excluded Middle. Missiology: An Interna-
tional Review 10, no. 1:35-47.
———. 2008. Transforming Worldviews: An Anthropological Understanding of How
People Change. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic.
Hong, Seung Min. 2017. Toward Korean Contextualization: An Evangelical Per-
spective. International Bulletin of Missionary Research 41, no. 1:18-28.
Hua, Wei. 2016. Pauline Pneumatology and the Chinese Rites: Spirit and Culture
in the Holy See’s Missionary Strategy. In The Spirit over the Earth: Pneuma-
tology in the Majority World. Edited by Gene L. Green, Stephen T. Pardue,
and K. K. Yeo, 78-98. Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans.
Hwang, Bernard. 1977. Ancestor Cult Today. Missiology: An International Review 5,
no. 3:339-365.
Kunhiyop, Samuel Waje. 2012. African Christian Theology. Grand Rapids, MI: Hip-
po Books.
Makwasha, Gift. 2009. Not without My Ancestors: A Christological Case Study
of the Shona Ancestor Cult of Zimbabwe. Dissertation, Boston University
School of Theology.
Mbuvi, Andrew M. 2014. Christology and Cultus in 1 Peter: An African (Kenyan)
Perspective. In Jesus without Borders: Christology in the Majority World, ed-
ited by Gene L Green, Stephen T. Pardue, and Khiok-Khng Yeo, 141-161.
Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans.
Mosothoane, Ephriam K. 1973. Communio Sanctorum in Africa. Missionalia 1, no.
2: 86-95.
Muller, Roland. 2000. Honor and Shame: Unlocking the Door. Bloomington, IN: Xil-
bris Corporation.
Ro, Bong Rin, ed. 1985. A Working Document toward a Christian Approach to
Ancestor Practices. In Christian Alternatives to Ancestor Practices, 3-11. Taic-
hung, Taiwan: Asian Theological Association.
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Sollier, Joseph. 1908. The Communion of Saints. The Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 4.
New York: Robert Appleton Company. Accessed 6 October 2020. http://
www.newadvent.org/cathen/04171a.htm.
Staples, Russell Lynn. 1981. Christianity and the Cult of the Ancestors: Belief and
Ritual among the Bantu-Speaking Peoples of Southern Africa. Disserta-
tion, Princeton University.
Stone, Bryan. 2018. Evangelism after Pluralism: The Ethics of Christian Witness. Grand
Rapids, MI: Baker Academic.
Thom, Gideon. 1973. A Reformed Perspective on African Belief in Ancestors. Mis-
sionalia 1, no. 2:73-85.
Triebel, Johannes. 2002. Living Together with the Ancestors: Ancestor Veneration
in Africa as a Challenge for Missiology. Missiology: An International Review
30, no. 2:187-197.
Wimber, John, and Kevin Springer. 2009. Power Evangelism. 2nd ed. Bloomington,
MN: Chosen Books.
CRISTIAN DUMITRESCU
How does one pay respect to one’s ancestors? This is one of the most im-
portant questions people ask all around the world. Such inquiry assumes
that life continues after death, and this assumption undergirds the many
varied rituals and ceremonies in honor of the departed. Scott Moreau adds
that “the cult of the ancestors has critical social functions such as maintain-
ing order in society through sustaining respect for the elders and adher-
ence to social roles” (2000:59). Ancestors are expected to provide the living
protection, material and spiritual blessing, while the living are required
to continue to respect the ancestors as they are done for the living elders.
Lack of respect or disrespect towards the departed may in turn bring bad
luck or suffering.
Looking at ancestor cults from an anthropological perspective, Mary
Douglas contends that dealing with ancestors is
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verse ways, from keeping portraits of them on our walls, to visiting their
graves, to dedicating books to their memory, and so on” (2005:215, 214).
For Esler, the biblical text is made up of messages sent by biblical au-
thors, “our ancestors in faith . . . a hard-copy version of the living voices
of Paul and all the rest—proclaimed, heard, and acted upon” (2005:216).
Esler considers that on the one hand “these authors enliven our present
identity,” and on the other hand “their words come to us not as binding
decrees but as revelations of the lives in Christ possible when the faith was
formed and shaped by the distinctive cultures in which it emerged” (226).
“The dead were often seen in family religion as benefactors of their
descendants, particularly in the bequest of ancestral land” (Brett 2008:53).
Naboth refuses to sell the land inherited from his ancestors calling it “the
inheritance of my fathers” (1 Kgs 21:3 with a parallel in 1 Sam 14:16 “the
inheritance of Elohim”). Stones and pillars had been dedicated on the land
to mark the origin as a gift from the ancestors.
Among Christians, the veneration of the dead and of their remains is
very popular. From early times, Roman Christians believed that the mar-
tyrs were alive and that they had special powers. Calling on them to inter-
vene in daily life became popular. “This process was thought to be more
efficacious if the petitioners could place themselves as close as possible to
the particular martyr’s physical remains. . . . By the practice of invocation,
living Christians thought that they enjoyed a personal interaction with
the saints whose memories they treasured” (Esler 2005:224). Rituals were
developed to make the martyrs happy and to appease their anger.
Ancestors are part of daily life for people in many parts of the world. In
China, for example, houses are not only intended to offer comfort for the
living, but to provide communion between the dead ancestors, the living
family members, and the unborn who represent the next generations. For
Africans, the visible and invisible world are interconnected. The ances-
tors’ role is to “guarantee the integrity and vitality of the community. All
this produces an intensely felt sense of solidarity between members of a
community” (Esler 2015:216). Without the ancestors and the supernatural,
Africans feel incomplete.
Esler finds that the communion between the living and their predeces-
sors is a dynamic exchange process.
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Case Studies
Some people believe that the Chinese are the “‘greatest people on earth’
because of their tradition of paying respects to their ancestors” (Butcher
1994:397). Well-preserved funeral shrines may be seen all over the place in
China and Hong Kong. When the Rites controversy took place, resulting
in the papal edict of 1740, Confucian filial piety was the major problem.
Although Matteo Ricci and the Jesuits who followed him tried to contex-
tualize the rituals related to ancestors, the issue proved to be too sensi-
tive. Butcher aptly notes that “perhaps one of the reasons for the failure of
Nestorianism to establish itself in China at that time is precisely because
it went too far in attempting to integrate the existing traditions it found
there, and thereby lost its defining power as a religion in its own right”
(1994:444).
In China, the gods are depicted in human form. Beautiful or ugly,
laughing or scaring people, they are part of the “pantheon” of symbols
honored by people in a special way. While they are no longer worshipped
by entire communities, individuals bring food offerings, hence the confu-
sion between ancestors and deities. The “offering to gods” ritual requires
that the ancestors are invited to eat first, followed by the rest of the living
family. The offerings are always placed before the ancestors’ tablets, and
the family is expected to speak to the gods in behalf of the individual or
the family bringing the offering. The Chinese use a make-see approach,
with sacrifices and offerings brought as replacements or images of people
made out of paper, of clay, or of straw. Although the offerings preserve the
ritual that is done with the replacements, the gods are believed to be real
because people expect real blessings as a result of their sacrifices. Filial
piety lays at the basis of the ancestor worship ritual, and it is rather a duty
than an expectation of real gain.
Ancestors are buried in columbary, well above the city, in order to have
them watch and protect the living. People have to climb hundreds of steps
in order to get to their beloved. All this effort is considered making merit
for the ancestors. Candles or sticks are lighted and all senses are involved.
The number of dragons placed at the corners of the columbary roof indi-
cates the status of the ancestors buried there.
Korea
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people were supposed to care for the elderly and to continue to do that
even after their death. The departed were never considered dead but were
viewed as the living dead. Death was only a new state in which the an-
cestors would move and continue to exist for at least four generations.
Sung-Deuk Oak considers that “through ancestor worship the group’s qi
(material force or energy) was activated and descent was thereby ritually
reinforced” (2013:190-191). This qi was the concept that united all descen-
dants. Confucianism was based on family unity and ancestor worship be-
came the pinnacle of the rituals related to filial piety. Oak notes that “the
only unpardonable sin was the lack of filial piety, from which every other
virtue flowed” (192).
Ceremonies usually took place several times a year, around midnight,
at which time the ancestors’ spirits were invited to partake of food and
drink. The ritual also involved an invocation to the spirits, bowing down
before them, prayers, as well as burning incense. Lastly, after sending off
the spirits, the family would enjoy the food that they also shared with
their neighbors the following day. Such rituals were also performed at the
graves of the ancestors, which were usually located on a mountainside.
Placing food on the grave and spilling wine was part of the ceremony
designed to entice the ancestors to bless the family for the incoming year.
Pilgrimages to the gravesites took place annually, and the graves were
considered sacred places.
Unlike the Buddhist belief that at the end of life one disappears in
Nirvana or reincarnates, Confucians “believed that they would achieve
immortality by ensuring the continuity of their family bloodline” (Oak
2013:193). The entire set of rituals related to ancestors blended soteriologi-
cal beliefs with family identity. “Ancestor worship was a scared rite for
the prosperity of the living that depended on harmony with the ancestors,
traditions, and the cosmos” (193). What Christians call worship and reli-
gion is a way of life in all other religions. One cannot stop respecting the
ancestors without ceasing to be part of that community and nation. While
Christians invite converts to join the new community of God’s kingdom,
they cannot simply abandon the traditional communities they came from.
People feel that Christianity is asking them to abandon their genealogies,
identities, and past in order to embrace an idealistic uncertain future. An-
cestors were real, while the new community is viewed as utopic.
With this as a background, it is little wonder that Christian converts
often return to their original way of life when only a religion was offered
to them. Oak remarked that “personal salvation apart from the ancestral
line represented an overwhelming existential crisis, and choosing to sever
this tie was a difficult choice. Thus some seekers lapsed into the old cus-
tom” (2013:206).
In Korea, the most difficult decision and the last item to give up before
a person was baptized was to bury or burn the ancestral tablets. These tab-
lets contain the name of the deceased person and people believe that they
contain the actual spirit of the ancestor. Incense sticks are burned by the
side of the tablet and food is often placed before it. The tablets are made of
a variety of materials, but sometimes out of paper so the ancestors could
be easily moved when migrating or during emergencies. Ancestor wor-
ship became the most difficult obstacle in the process of conversion to
Christianity.
The second major obstacle in people’s conversion to Christianity was
the social pressure and even persecution. Ostracism was triggered by the
burial or burning of the tablets and the refusal to worship the ancestors.
The accusation of being “unfilial” became the mantra under which Chris-
tians were accused of having “no father and no king.” Any tragedy or loss
among the members of the family was attributed to the ancestors who be-
came angry for not being shown respect. The greatest anathema for Chris-
tian converts was to have their name erased from the family’s genealogy
and to be excommunicated.
Gypsies in Europe
Gypsies came to Europe more than a thousand years ago but remained
an unintegrated ethnic group. They have their own traditions, languages,
and worldview that are very similar to the North Punjab where they origi-
nated from. The average life span of gypsies is short compared with those
of the countries they live in, exceptions being considered “a sign that they
are especially in favor with the good fairies, and have been exceptionally
successful in conciliating the evil ones. Age is therefore, greatly respected”
(Block 1939:241), although Gypsies do not know their precise age since
birth certificates are rarely present. They do not celebrate birthdays, but
name days, especially for old people (Gropper 1975:111).
For Gypsies death is a short sleep, a short interruption of life that con-
tinues on “the other side,” while the spirits of the ancestors living in the
underworld have power over living people. Gypsies do not talk negative-
ly about their ancestors out of fear of vengeance. “Their concern at death
deals almost entirely with the question of what relationship the dead will
have with those who remain among the living” (Trigg 1973:96). The duty
of a gypsy is to honor the ancestors.
When a Gypsy dies, two traditions exist. The nomadic Gypsies simply
bury their ancestors wherever the are at the moment, and no sign marks
the place of burial. The memory of the deceased is preserved in traditional
songs passed on to the next generations, to which one or more stanzas are
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added. In case of the death of a settled Gypsy, the extended family comes
from wherever they are around the world. Funerals and burial ceremo-
nies are merry occasions where people eat and drink and sometimes play
games. Gypsies keep wakes where extraordinary stories of exaggerated
heroism from the life of the deceased are told. The oldest person in the
room begins a story, and everyone else follows. People are assigned to
help keep order since Gypsies have the tendency to talk all at once. “Such
gatherings provide an occasion for the younger ones to learn about their
history and culture” (Dumitrescu 2010:40).
At the cemetery, the burial place is prepared as a regular bedroom,
with all the items an ancestor may need: mirror, hair combs, tooth brush-
es, antiperspirant, broom and mop, money, shoes, makeup, and hats. All
these possessions help the ancestor receive the appropriate honor when
crossing to “the other side.” People shout messages that the deceased is
supposed to share with the rest of the ancestors in behalf of the living.
Letters to the ancestors may be read aloud or placed in the casket or in the
grave, if relatives are literate. Older Gypsies did not learn to read or write,
and often use Romani words that refer to reading the palm rather than a
written text (Fonseca 1995:11). Grave markers can be items remembering
some characteristics of the deceased: money, expensive bottles of alcohol,
cassette tapes, LPs, jewelry, and even a replica of an ATM if the person was
a shopaholic. Often, no dates are engraved on the grave marker.
During the funeral, relatives of the deceased are not taking showers,
and women do not comb their hair. After the funeral, it brings honor to
announce the cost of the funeral and the number of participants. If the
deceased had no children, the costs are supported by the extended family.
No gifts or donations are accepted, but money can be borrowed.
The family grieves for at least a year, wearing only black clothes. Males
are required not to shave for a year. Weddings are postponed during that
year, and any joyous events are canceled. TVs are unplugged and any
source of merriment is removed. Relatives are not supposed to smile or
laugh. Food and water are often placed outside the house, in case the an-
cestor visits and needs to be satisfied. A visit from the spirit of an ancestor
is considered a special honor. Before the New Year, a bucket of water is
poured on the ground signifying that plenty of water is provided for the
ancestors to keep them happy. A remembrance meal is offered to the fam-
ily and to the poor people in honor of the ancestor after 40 days and one
year after the death.
Ancestor rituals among the 341 tribes of New Caledonia are very di-
verse. From preserving the mummy of the ancestor to the totems planted
by the seashore to guard the spirits of the deceased and protect the living
from these spirits, ancestor rituals are present and alive. The world of the
spirits blends with the world of the living. Major public celebrations are
often related to the ancestors.
During the second half of the 19th century, the Kanak fought against
the French because of the inhumane treatment received from the coloniz-
ers. In 1878, the French colonizers killed Ataï, one of the leaders of the
Kanak tribe. Ataï was beheaded and his skull deposited in a museum in
Paris. For more than a hundred years, the Kanak suffered the shame of
not being able to pay the due respects to their deceased leader through an
honorable burial. Decapitated bodies are shameful. The entire tribe felt the
shame brought against their leader.
For decades, when official requests were submitted by the Kanak ask-
ing the French to return Ataï’s skull, the French claimed it was lost, had
disappeared, and that it had no value anyway. However, for the Kanak,
it was an open wound and permanent reason for shame. Finally, in an at-
tempt to earn the Kanak’s favor, the French government announced that
the skull was found in the Museum of Humankind and returned to the
island; however, the authorities refused to provide proper land for the
burial. By the time I visited Noumea and the Kanak tribal lands in 2017,
Ataï’s skull was still not buried. The tribe still hopes that the French gov-
ernment will agree to apologize and provide an honorable burial for one
of the Kanak’s most revered ancestors.
In the middle of the Kanak tribal land is located the Grand Hut. Shaped
as a cone, this hut serves as the sanctuary for the ancestor spirits. Although
most of the Kanak are Christians, their worldview is clearly animistic.
Tourists are not allowed to enter the hut without permission and without
being guided. The chief is the one inviting the ancestors when there is a
problem within the tribe or a conflict between tribes. The entire Kanak
population gathers on the open mall in front of the hut, each tribe with its
leader. The chief summons the ancestors for advice. Only the tribal leaders
are allowed to enter the hut, where the chief maintains a permanent kin-
dling fire. A hole is provided in the back of the hut for the spirits to enter,
and a basket located at the top of the main pole provides rest for them.
All the elements of the Grand Hut symbolize the unity of the ancestors
with the living, of the spirits with the humans. Totems and carved images
of the ancestral spirits guard the entrance into the hut. Leaning poles
are provided in order to teach humans of their need to bow before their
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Toraja of Borneo
when the ancestors merge into the general ancestral body “as nobody’s
ancestors in particular they are everybody’s ancestors” (2012:87) and filial
piety becomes mandatory for everyone in the larger community.
The animal sacrifice is a ceremony where all the community partici-
pates. The more animals sacrificed, the more honor the deceased and the
family receives. Young people train for weeks ahead of the event in order
to be able to cut the throat of the bulls in one move. The actual scene of
the carnage is grotesque. However, the family rejoices when the horns of
the bulls are placed on the entrance of the house, increasing their honor in
the community. Some families may have to repay the borrowed money for
the rest of their lives, but nothing compares for them with the new status
in the community.
When babies die, they are considered unborn and are buried within
tree trunks. In time, these small “coffins” are covered by the bark of the
growing trees. The dead and the unborn are part of the living. Both the
ancestors and the unborn are spirits that can affect the lives of the living.
After the animal sacrifice and the end of the ceremonies and festivities,
the dead body is carried to the burial place in a triumphal march. The
body is placed on a throne and often enclosed into a replica of a Toraja
house, with the ends of the roof pointing upward. This is the symbol that
the world of the living and the realm of the dead are communicating. The
dead are carried to caves dug into high rocks, and a replica of the person
is placed at the entrance to remind the community that the ancestors are
watching them. Small bits of flesh from the sacrificed animals are placed
on top of the stone pillars that form a “Stonehenge.” These are supposed
to be reminding the ancestors of the great sacrifice the families made in
their behalf. In response, the ancestors should not threaten the community
but bless them.
At regular times, the dead bodies are retrieved from the caves and tak-
en through a process of restoration. The bodies are painted, their clothes
are changed, glasses and prescriptions are updated, and in this way they
are endeared to the community. Eloquent speeches are made praising the
ancestors and inviting them to bless the community since it is believed
that filial piety has to be demonstrated in a very palpable way.
Conclusions
Looking at the described cases, there are common burial features and
rituals, as well as differences in how different cultures treat their ances-
tors. Filial piety seems to be a common factor, as well as the belief that the
ancestors continue to live in the community or in the surroundings, being
able to affect the lives of the living. All cultures described in this article
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seem to espouse a worldview in which the spirit world blends with the
world of the senses in an animistic way.
In conclusion, I offer several recommendations derived from the study:
Works Cited
Block, Martin. 1939. Gypsies: Their Life and Customs. New York: D. Appleton-Century.
Brett, Mark G. 2008. Decolonizing God: The Bible in the Tides of Empire. Sheffield, UK:
Sheffield Phoenix.
Butcher, Beverly J. 1994. Remembrance, Emulation, Imagination: The Chinese and Chi-
nese American Catholic Ancestor Memorial Service. Unpublished PhD disser-
tation, University of Pennsylvania.
Couderc, Pascal, and Kenneth Sillander, eds. 2012. Ancestors in Borneo Societies:
Death, Transformation, and Social Immortality. Copenhagen, Denmark: NIAS.
Coville, Elizabeth. 2002. Remembering Our Dead: The Care of the Ancestors in
Tana Toraja. In The Potent Dead: Ancestors, Saints, and Heroes in Contempo-
rary Indonesia. Edited by Henri Chambert-Loir and Anthony Reid, 69-87.
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Douglas, Mary. 2012. Jacob’s Tears: The Priestly Work of Reconciliation. Oxford, UK:
Oxford University Press.
Dumitrescu, Cristian. 2010. The Stranger in Our Midst: The Gypsies. Journal of Ad-
ventist Mission Studies 6, no. 2:30-49.
Esler, Philip F. 2005. New Testament Theology: Communion and Community. Minne-
apolis, MN: Fortress.
Fonseca, Isabel. 1995. Bury Me Standing: The Gypsies and Their Journey. New York:
Alfred A. Knopf.
Groper, Rena C. 1975. Gypsies in the City: Culture Patterns and Survival. Princeton,
NJ: The Darwin Press.
Jevons, Frank B. 1985. Comparative Religion: A Study of Man’s Attitude towards God in
the Religions of the World. Delhi, India: Orient Publications.
Klein, F. 2012. Mwakaa: Les sentiers de La Coutume Kanak. Nouméa, Nouvelle Calé-
donie: Centre Culturel Tjibaou.
LaFargue, R. 2012. Le droit coutumier en Nouvelle Calédonie. Paris, France: La maison
de la Nouvelle Calédonie.
Moreau, Scott A. 2000. Ancestral Beliefs and Practices. In Evangelical Dictionary of
World Missions. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker.
Oak, Sung-Deuk. 2013. The Making of Korean Christianity: Protestant Encounters with
Korean Religions 1876-1915. Waco, TX: Baylor University Press.
Sather, Clifford. 2012. Recalling the Dead, Revering the Ancestors: Multiple Forms
of Ancestorship in Saribas Iban Society. In Ancestors in Borneo Societies:
Death, Transformation, and Social Immortality. Edited by Pascal Couderc and
Kenneth Sillander, 114-152. Copenhagen, Denmark: NIAS, 2012.
Sillander, Kenneth. 2012. Ancestors as Sources of Authority and Potency among
the Bentian of East Kalimantan. In Ancestors in Borneo Societies: Death,
Transformation, and Social Immortality. Edited by Pascal Couderc and Ken-
neth Sillander, 147-164. Copenhagen, Denmark: NIAS.
Trigg, Elwood B. 1973. Gypsy Demons and Divinities: The Magic and Religion of the
Gypsies. Secaucus, NJ: Citadel Press.
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Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 10, no. 2 (June): 375-393.
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Introduction
Zambia has 73 ethnic groups whose diverse funeral rituals and practices
are important to reflect on in relation to God’s mission. Among these ethnic
groups, the Ngoni people reside around the Mwami Mission Station. The
Ngoni people migrated from South Africa to Zambia between 1820 and
1840. Some went to Tanzania and others settled in the Malawi area. This
ethnic group is perceived to be very religious since it usually defends its
funeral rituals and practices in their communities and ensures that every
person living in the vicinity adhere to its rituals and practices whenever
a funeral occurs. The problem for Adventist mission is that these funeral
rituals and practices teach the community that the dead are still alive.
The gospel message came to Mwami in 1927 when an eye and lepro-
sarium hospital was established at Mwami Mission Station. At the end of
2019, the Mwami district of the Seventh-day Adventist Church comprises
22 congregations with a total membership of 2,600. Even though the Ad-
ventist message came to Mwami 92 years ago, the church is still struggling
to help its members and the community in knowing how to participate in
funeral rituals and practices that compromise the biblical understanding
about the state of the dead. What role should the church take without los-
ing its relevance in such a society? Should the church be silent over this
issue? How should the church evangelize in this area? These are some of
the implicit questions this paper seeks to explore in looking for missiologi-
cal approaches to address the issues connected with funeral rituals and
practices.
It has been observed that some Mwami community leaders overreach
their authority in telling local churches what they can and cannot do dur-
ing funeral ceremonies. For instance, when one member of the Ngoni
community who was a Jehovah’s Witness died in March 2018, the commu-
nity leaders stopped the church from burying its member. The community
alleged the church was taking the role that belonged to the community
on what to do concerning the burial of a Ngoni member. What the church
prescribed was not in line with the cultural practices of the local commu-
nity. Another incident occurred when one of the retired Seventh-day Ad-
ventist pastors died in December 2018. The community complained bit-
terly after the church went ahead in burying the pastor without allowing
the deceased body to sleep in the house where the funeral was held a day
before burial. What was interesting was that several Adventist members
were in the forefront siding with the community over the funeral rituals
and practices. This was an eye-opener—showing that folk religion and
animistic practices are not easily discarded in the lives of many members
of the church. Edward Taylor defined folk religion or animism as the belief
that the world is saturated by spirits and powers (1970:9). These spirits are
feared by many people in this community and as a result many are reluc-
tant to go against the old ways of doing things.
When I probed about the significance and meaning of having a de-
ceased body remain in the house, I was told that the dead needed to bid
farewell to the occupants of that house or else the spirits of the dead would
torment the living if that was not done.
Another important funeral ritual involves wailing performed by men
mourners. This ritual is enforced during all funerals in Mwami territory
for all local residents and is conducted to ensure the spirit of the dead
person is appeased. If this ritual is not performed, then the family of the
deceased will be charged and expelled from the village for abrogating the
laws of the community.
It is a widely known fact that many African Christians remain im-
mersed in their folk religion and that “the African is notoriously religious”
(Mbiti 2008:2). No matter how long a person has been a member of a Chris-
tian church or how educated they might be, the old ways of the local folk
religion has left a big impression on their lives, especially when dealing
with rites of passages such as birth, initiation, marriage, and death. Even
though many Christian leaders openly oppose the local folk religions, the
majority of people throughout Zambia are still influenced in many areas
of their lives by the folk tenets and practices.
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Religious Context
Rituals
Mission history offers many examples of the need for the early intro-
ducers of Christianity to learn the language and culture of those they are
sharing the gospel with. Without such an understanding, tragic mistakes
are often made with gross syncretism and dual allegiance the result. “The
worldview of a culture describes deep philosophical assumptions about
the purpose of life and the nature of reality” (Plueddemann 2009:71).
Worldviews are like the air people breathe—very important but taken for
granted. Worldviews are, in many cases, largely implicit, which requires
the missionary to spend time and effort to discover the implicit to make it
explicit (Van Rheenen 1991:33). Worldview and culture are so intertwined
that culture is thought of as the “collective programming of the mind that
distinguishes the members of one category of people from another.” By
“collective programming,” Lewis perceives it as a process to which one
has been subjected since birth (2018:15). This means that every person has
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Death and funeral rituals practiced in the Old Testament are similar to
those practiced in the New Testament in many ways. There was a fear of
defilement by coming in contact with a dead body (Num 19:11-16) since
Jewish law stated that being in the presence of a dead body causes ritual
uncleanness. That is why a member of a priestly family was not to be in
the presence of a corpse, and those who had been in contact were required
to wash their hands before entering a home, whether or not they had
touched the body (Lev 21:11; cf. Num 19:13-14). Mourning practices in
Judaism were extensive, but they were not an expression of fear of death.
Jewish practices relating to death and mourning had two purposes: “to
show respect for the dead . . . , and to comfort the living . . . , who will miss
the deceased” (Jewish Virtual Library n.d.).
One important point that the Old Testament did not stress was the be-
lief in the resurrection. A complete mortuary ritual is not described in the
Bible; however, some texts indicate that the dead were kept in a house
(1 Kgs 17:19; 2 Kgs 4:18-20). Once a person died, the Hebrew practice re-
quired that the eldest son or a near relative close the eyes of the dead, “I
will close your eyes when you die” (Gen 50:1, cf. 46:4). After the body was
prepared, the Hebrews put the body inside a room (2 Kgs 4:21, 17:19), fol-
lowed by wailing and weeping, which alerted the community about the
death (2 Sam 1:12; Jer 9:17-18; Micah 1:8). The Hebrews had specific days
of mourning. Joseph observed seven days of mourning for his father (Gen
50:10).
The Hebrews showed their grief by tearing their garments and put-
ting on sackcloth (Isa 20:2; Gen 37:34; 2 Sam 13:31). Job—who is called a
friend of God, blameless, and upright—after he learned of the death of his
children, not only tore his robe but also shaved his head, then fell to the
ground and worshipped (Job 1:20). Job knew that a person was nothing
but dust and ashes, which is a phrase that occurs in only three places in
the Old Testament (Gen 18:27; Job 30:19, 42:6).
There are so many myths about death; however, the Bible gives a
glimpse of the origin of death. It is clear that death came as a result of
disobedience. God explicitly commanded Adam and Eve, “You are free
to eat from any tree in the garden, but you must not eat from the tree of
knowledge of good and evil, for when you eat from it you will certainly
die” (Gen 2:16-17).
The failure of the first couple to obey this command resulted in death
entering the human family, regardless of the assertion of the serpent when
it said, “You will surely not die” (Gen 3:4). This verse succinctly explains
the origin of death. The explanation may not be comprehensive but at
least it allows us to see where death came from and its cause. The Bible
also teaches that the dead are not conscious and have no part in the activi-
ties of life under the sun (Eccl 9:5). Ellen White writes, “Multitudes have
come to believe that it is spirits of the dead who are the ministering spirits,
sent forth to minister for them who shall be heirs of salvation” (1950:551).
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She says that these spirits are not the spirits of dead people but agents of
darkness, the fallen evil angels.
When looking at the origin of death through a folk religion lens, Mbiti
suggests that “even though people believe that death came into the world
at a very early date, in the history of mankind, they believe also that ev-
ery time a person dies, this death is caused” (1991:117). In African folk
religions the idea that sickness and accidents are always caused has a
very strong hold on just about everyone. The causes of death are either
by witchcraft, curses, or by unhappy, angry ancestral spirits. Even when
someone dies from a known disease or sickness that has been diagnosed
by a doctor, people still believe that someone or something caused the
death in that way and at that time.
The word spirit in the Greek comes from the root pneuma and is indi-
cated by pneu, meaning to blow or breath. The root pneu and the suffix ma
refers to air in motion as a special substance that empowers one’s being. In
the New Testament, pneuma has also been translated as mood (1 Cor 4:21;
2 Tim 1:7; Rom 8:15). Pneuma is the power that God gives to energize or the
life principle found in human beings (25).
When Jesus was about to die, he cried out in a loud voice, saying,
“Father into your hands I commit my spirit” (Luke 23:46, cf. Acts 7:59).
Jesus died echoing the words of the Psalmist who said, “Into your hands,
I commit my spirit; you have redeemed me, O Lord God of truth” (Ps 1:5).
In relation to the life of a human being, pneuma must be understood as
the life principle found in the body when a person is alive. This is in agree-
ment with the Old Testament writings as depicted by Solomon in the book
of Ecclesiastes that at death the dust returns to the earth as it was and the
spirit returns to God who gave it (Eccl 12:7). At death, the life principle,
pneuma, ceases and returns back to God. Pneuma, returning back to God
does not mean it is an entity. Pneuma going back to God is recognition of
God’s creative power that he imparts and takes it back at death.
The New Testament also uses soul and spirit interchangeably as indi-
cated in the book of Luke. “My soul magnifies the Lord. And my spirit
has rejoiced in God my Savior” (Luke 1:46-47). When compared to the
Old Testament, the New Testament adds some unusual elements that may
at first appear puzzling. For instance, Paul prays that (his readers) “may
your whole spirit, soul and body be preserved blameless at the coming of
our Lord Jesus Christ.” (1 Thess 5:23). The text has created a lot of debate
over the significance of these terms.
A living soul is a living person and a dead soul is a person who has
died. It must be understood that it is pointless to pray for a dead person’s
soul for it cannot exist separately from a dead body. The correct position
is that a human being does not have a nephesh (soul), for the person is the
soul. This view is in agreement with the suggestion that the death of a
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nephesh means a loss of personhood. Thus it is not what Adam had, but
what he was (Bromiley 1982:587, 588). The Bible says, “For every living
soul belongs to me, the father, as well as the son—both alike, belong to me.
The soul who sins is the one who will die (Ezek 18:4). Interestingly when
the word nephesh is referred to a corpse or a dead body (Num 6:6, 11, 9:6, 7,
10), that forces a conceptual change in many cultures. The term soul does
not translate easily because it represents the concepts of reality that may
differ widely from culture to culture and because it reflects the philosophi-
cal history of each particular culture as well (Petersen 2005:9).
During the Old Testament, there were activities prior to burial. Indi-
viduals of high status in society would frequently be clothed in linen gar-
ments. The affluent individuals enjoyed burials with elaborate funerary
collections that included robes, jewelry, furniture, weapons, and pottery
(1Sam 28:14; Isa 14:11; Ezek 32:27).
After preparation of the body, the procession to the grave or tomb began
with the corpse being carried on a wooden platform, usually by friends,
servants, or relatives (2 Sam 3:31). The procession was led by profession-
al mourners, followed by family members who filled the air with cries
of sadness and agony (2 Sam 3:31-32; Job 21:33; Eccl 12:5; Jer 9:17; Amos
5:16)” (Achtemeier 1985:145, 146). This special treatment of the body of the
deceased signifies how the families perceived death. The treatment given
to a dead person was a demonstration of respect for the living. It has been
observed that the time between death and burial witnessed the intensity
of respect the people accorded the deceased, and the special treatment
given the body demonstrated how the family perceived the dead person.
The Hebrews practiced burial in the land of the ancestors. Abraham
purchased a burial place for his wife Sarah, and his descendants were
also buried there (Gen 47:29, 30, 49:29-32; Exod 13:19). The Old Testament
practice was to bury the dead in family tombs or a family sepulcher (Gen
49:29-33).
There were two types of burials among the Hebrews—temporary and
permanent. After time had elapsed, the bones were moved from the tem-
porary burial place to a permanent one (2 Sam 21:12-15). The Hebrews had
a great fire when Hezekiah died (2 Chr 16:14). The fire was built as a me-
morial and was an honorific rite customarily granted to Kings (Freedman
2000:205). The origins of such fires for dead kings are not known.
The Hebrews did not end their funeral activities with the burial. After
burial and weeping and mourning the bereaved family continued to re-
ceive comfort and care. They had seven days of intense mourning when
a close relative died (Gen 50:10, cf. 1 Sam 31:13; Job 2:13). There was a
period for intense mourning, normally between death and burial. During
that time the mourners did not receive greetings of peace (Ezek 24:17).
The mourning was extended for thirty days when the Israelites grieved
the death of Moses. Aaron too was mourned for thirty days when he died
(Deut 34:8; Num 20:29). When Jacob breathed his last, Joseph commanded
his servants the physicians to embalm his father. This process required
forty days, during which time the family mourned. In fact, the Egyptians
mourned for him seventy days (Gen 50:1-3).
Funeral rituals were part of the Hebrew cultural practices; however,
when Ezekiel’s wife died, the Lord told him not to mourn in the tradi-
tional way. The Lord said to him, “Son of man, behold, I take away from
you the desire of your eyes with one stroke, yet you shall neither mourn
nor weep nor shall your tears run down. Sigh in silence, make no mourn-
ing for the dead, bind your turban on your head, and put your sandals
on your feet; do not cover your lips, and do not eat man’s bread of sor-
row” (Ezek 24:16-17). The Lord’s command to Ezekiel indicates there were
ritual practices common to the Hebrew people. But Ezekiel was to mourn
differently because he was a lightbearer for the Lord.
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within twenty-four hours (Acts 5:5-10). This was necessary because there
was no way to preserve the body. Quick burials also acted as a means to
reduce excessive grief and to reduce the amount of time a dead body was
kept in the house (Benjamin 1983:246, 254).
As soon as the individual expired, the eldest son or nearest relative
present would close the eyes of the deceased (Gen 46:6), which helps
explain why Jesus called death a sleep (John 11:11-14). The mouth was
bound shut (John 11:44), the body washed (Acts 9:37) and then anointed
with aromatic ointments (John 12:7, 19: 39; Mark 16:1; Luke 24:1). The
body was usually wrapped in a linen cloth (Matt 27:59; John 11:44). Then
the body was put on a platform and carried on the shoulders to the grave
site (Luke 7:12-14). Professional mourners would accompany the body to
the grave (Matt 9:23; John 11:31-33). Jews located their burial tombs away
from towns in Palestine.
Most Jewish communities had a special group of volunteers, whose
duty it was to care for the dead. They had the responsibility to wash the
body and prepare it for burial according to Jewish custom (Lamm 1969:93).
The Jewish people also had a practice of moving the bones from one part
of the tomb to another. After a body had decomposed the bones could be
piled in one area or put in a small box called an ossuary, and then shelved
(Hallote 2003:123-126).
Jewish law required that tombstones be erected on graves so the dead
would be remembered and to ensure that the grave was not desecrated.
People who could not afford expensive rock-hewn tombs were placed in
the ground. After the body was placed in the ground, earth filled the grave
and a heap of stones was put on top to preserve the body from depreda-
tions of beasts or thieves (White 1948:557).
Missiological Suggestions
Second, the people should spend time looking uncritically at the cul-
tural item or practice (in this case funeral rituals and practices) so they
understand the meaning and implications of each action. This step would
help the faith community analyze the cultural meaning and significance of
each aspect of the funeral rituals and practices. During this second step no
judgment should be made as to the rightness or wrongness of the practices.
Third, the faith community applies applicable biblical passages and
principles to the cultural item in question. What aspects of funeral rituals
and practices are incompatible with the principles of the Word of God?
What aspects are in line with the biblical principles? During this third step
the district leader, the local pastor, and elders are resource people helping
the larger group access the Bible passages that offer suggestions on how to
deal biblically with the issue.
Fourth, the group, led by the Holy Spirit, decides what they can do
and what they cannot do in light of the biblical principles they have dis-
covered. There may be aspects of the ritual that can continue to be used
since they do not go against biblical principles. There may be other aspects
that can be slightly modified by having biblical meanings added to the
practice, and there may be some areas that need to be totally discarded.
(Hiebert 1985:186).
Too often church leaders have just told people what to believe and
what to do. By engaging the faith community in the process of looking
at what God’s Word says and having them actively involved in deciding
what can remain, what needs changing, and what needs to be discarded,
there is a group buy-in. When the group makes these kinds of decisions
the pastor or district leader no longer has to try to force people to act in a
certain way—they have agreed to a course of action so they willingly fol-
low the decision.
Conclusion
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important since many people never stop to analyze their cultural practices
or understand how the deep meanings are in direct opposition to biblical
principles (Hiebert 1999:21).
Works Cited
Achtemeier, Paul J., ed. 1985. Harper’s Bible Dictionary. New York: Harper and Row.
Benjamin, Don C. 1983. Deuteronomy and City Life. New York: University Press of
America.
Bromiley, Geoffrey W., ed. 1982. The International Standard Biblical Encyclopedia.
Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans.
Chipata. 2019. Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chipata accessed 13,
March 2019.
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tral Statistical Office.
________. 2014. Zambia 2010 Census of Population and Housing: Eastern Province Ana-
lytical Report Vol.3. Lusaka, Zambia: Central Statistical Office.
Chondoka, Yizenge A. 2017. The Zwangendaba Mpezeni Ngoni: History and Migra-
tions, Settlements and Culture. Lusaka, Zambia: Academic Press.
Freedman, David Noel, ed. 2000. Eerdmans Dictionary of the Bible. Grand Rapids,
MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans.
Gehman, Richard J. 1999. Who Are the Living Dead? A Theology of Death, Life after
Death and the Living Dead. Nairobi, Kenya: Evangel.
Hallote, Racheal S. 2003. Death and Afterlife in the Biblical World: How the Is-
raelites and Their Neighbors Treated the Dead. Journal of Anthropological
Research 59:123-126.
Harris, Murray J. 1986. The New Testament View of Life after death. Themelios 11,
no 2. (January): 47-52.
Hawthorne, Gerald F., Ralph P. Martin, and Daniel G. Reid. 1993. Dictionary of Paul
and His Letters. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press
Hiebert, Paul G. 1985. Anthropological Insights for Missionaries. Grand Rapids, MI:
Baker Book House.
________. 1999. Understanding Folk Religion. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House.
Hope, V. M. 1997. Constructing Roman Identity: Funerary Monuments and Social
Structure in the Roman World. Mortality 2, no. 2:103-109.
Horn, Siegfried H. 1979. Seventh-day Adventist Bible Dictionary. Washington, DC:
Review and Herald.
Jewish Virtual Library. n.d. Death and Bereavement in Judaism: Death and Mourn-
ing. Accessed 24 February 2018. https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/death-
and-mourning-in-judaism.
Lamm, Maurice. 1969. The Jewish Way in Death and Mourning. New York: Jonathan
David Press.
Laurin, Ralph B. 1960. Soul. Baker’s Dictionary of Theology. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker
Books.
Lewis, Richard D. 2018.When Cultures Collide: Leading Across Cultures. 4th ed. Bos-
ton, MA: Nicholas Braeley.
Mbiti, John S. 1991. Introduction to African Religion. Long Grove, IL: Waveland
Press.
________. 2008. African Religions and Philosophy. Malaysia: Heinemann Education.
Petersen, Paul B. 2005. When God Speaks Cross-Culturally: The Bible as Mission.
Journal of Adventist Mission Studies 1, no. 2:4-17.
Plato. 1981. Five Dialogues: Euthyphro, Apology, Crito, Meno, Phaedo. 2nd ed. Trans-
lated by G. M. A. Grube. Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Publishing.
Plueddemann, James E. 2009. Leading Across Cultures: Effective Ministry and
Mission in the Global Church. Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic,
Schwartz, Hans. 1981. Beyond the Gates of Death: A Biblical Examination of Evidence
for Life after Death. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg.
Sherlock, C. 1996. The Doctrine of Humanity. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press.
Taylor, Edward B. 1970. The Origins of Culture. London, UK: John Murray.
Romanoff, Bronna. 1998. Rituals, and the Grieving Process. Death Studies 22, no.
8:697-711.
Van Rheenen, Gailyn. 1991. Communicating Christ in Animistic Contexts. Pasadena,
CA William Carey Library.
Wheeler, Gerald. 2009. Beyond Death’s Door: The Hope of Reunion. Hagerstown, MD:
Review and Herald.
White, Ellen G. 1948. The Desire of Ages. Mountain View, CA: Pacific Press.
________. 1950. The Great Controversy. Mountain View, CA: Pacific Press.
Zambia Religions. 2019. https://www.nationsencyclopedia.com/Africa/Zambia
-RELIGIONS.html#ixzz5iM1gnkkd.
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Introduction
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In his book Hunger, Jon Dybdahl describes how basic worldview issues
have deep implications for the religious life. When Western Christians do
not believe at their deepest worldview level that God is active in everyday
life, the practice of the spiritual life is neglected. Our belief or disbelief in
the activity of God in everyday life determines whether or not we encoun-
ter God in prayer, meditation, and worship. Dybdahl used a six-segment
and three-level diagram for his analysis of religious worldview systems
that was developed by Paul Hiebert. He then applied it to the question of
the spiritual life. Hiebert’s argument was that the rational enlightenment
view of the universe in mainstream Western culture sees the world as a
closed system, consisting of the physical and social sciences and placed in
the bottom level of the diagram (Dybdahl 2015a:107-108).
However, although Western Christians acknowledge the upper divine
level of the worldview chart, they are often challenged to believe in the
middle level of the diagram. This middle level, which includes the realm
of the spiritual life and practices has been more and more excluded by
Western enlightenment; therefore the title, “Excluded Middle.” However,
Dybdahl argues that “ignoring this area seriously hampers the interchange
between top and bottom levels” because “the middle level is the means of
communication between the upper and lower levels” (109). A neglect of
this middle level seriously hinders communion and communication with
God. In other words, “the traditional Enlightenment Western worldview,
with its excluded middle, questions any divine activity in life and subtly
undermines the cruciality and value of the spiritual life” (109).
The deistic worldview is one among several other incomplete religious
worldview systems. When I experienced first-hand how Adventist believ-
ers often define personal demonic encounters in terms of mental illness
or emotional abnormalities, I understood that “many Christians, espe-
cially intellectuals in midlife or older, are really closet deists” (Dybdahl
2015a:110). Deistic Christians are challenged by anything that suggests
God’s direct action in the world. This also includes local narratives of
God-given dreams and visions that communicate a relational God. In the
book Encountering God in Life and Mission, Bruce Bauer wrote in his chapter
“Guidance through God-given Dreams and Visions” the following notion.
In spite of the fact that the Bible lists many dream narratives showing
that God guides and directs through dreams and visions, many
Christians, especially Westerners, are skeptical of people who even
talk about God giving them a dream. It seems that the effects of the
enlightenment, a strong belief in the scientific method, and a denial
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In this second part, I emphasize the need for recovery from a deis-
tic worldview and the importance of becoming a Christian Theist who is
characterized by the renewal of one’s Christian spirituality. Christian The-
ists believe that “true divine-human interchange” takes place, that God
and the laws of the universe exist, and that God has equipped human
beings with the ability to live environmentally and morally responsible
lives. Dybdahl suggests “the devotional life is the way that contact and
communication with an active God takes place” (2015a: 115).
It is also vital to realize that when God’s divine intervention takes
place, that Christians and Buddhists sense an inner urge and desire for
living devotional lives. In order to experience change from being deistic to
becoming spiritual, Haubeil suggests that the crucial point is that we (as a
rule) daily surrender ourselves to God, including everything we are and
have and that we also daily ask and receive by faith the outpouring of the
Holy Spirit (Haubeil 2018: location 841, Dybdahl 2015:112-115).
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Thai merit-making practices (tham bun) are an integral part of the Thai
cyclical worldview and should not be seen in isolation from other impor-
tant practices in Theravada Buddhism or general Buddhist practices. Thai
desire to maintain the practice of merit-making in the context of filial obli-
gation in the areas of ancestor worship.
Khun Nilubon, a Thai Buddhist woman, showed me around her fam-
ily home and the garden area with the spirit house dedicated for ancestor
worship. Although her father had passed away some time ago, a strong
connection and intimate bond between her and her father was still pal-
pable. To neglect her ancestors’ and especially her father’s spirit would
mean Khun Nilubon was foregoing her basic family/filial obligations. She
shared with me her longstanding familiarity with Christianity through
her school and college years. She had accumulated considerable knowl-
edge about Jesus and the Bible; however, she could not even imagine the
possibility to stop making merits for her ancestors. Thai merit-making
practices (tham bun) include an element of devoting merit to (utit bunhai)
deceased loved ones. The idea is to send merit to one’s deceased ancestors
so that they can have a better place in the afterlife.
AFM researchers propose that “even though most TBs focus more on
their current life than on what may come after, the idea that a spirit lives
on after death is still a very deep and widely shared conviction in Thai-
land” (AFM 2019:158). They found that “in the Thai Buddhist perspective,
it is possible and common for people to send merit (happiness) they make
to another person through religious rituals. This is particularly done for
people who have died, in order to aid them in their after-life and progress
of reincarnation” (139). Since common TBs do not know of any divine be-
ing who is willing and capable to send divine merit, this belief in the spir-
its of the deceased is very difficult to counter. Therefore, Thai Buddhists
face major challenges when they are asked to discontinue merit-making
practices for their deceased ancestors.
The Thai religious rituals of merit making and devoting merit to de-
ceased loved ones is interrelated with Thai filial obligations, which find
their roots in Buddhist teaching in the Sutra and in the Thai cultural
concept of bunkhun (Crawford 2010:82). The notion of bunkhun occupies
a prominent place in Thai interpersonal relationships (82). Crawford de-
scribes “bunkhun [as] a deeply ingrained relationship pattern with ancient
roots in Thai society that is fundamental to understanding interpersonal
relationships in Thailand. A compound word consisting of bun (merit) and
khun (good or virtue), bunkhun can simply be understood as “indebted
goodness” (82).
Buddhist believers often feel strong connections and ties of belong-
ing with deceased ancestors. The Buddhist monk and scholar Thich Nhat
Hanh interacts with his ancestors on a daily basis. This helps him with
feeling rooted (1995:148, 162). He also encourages his students to respect
their blood ancestors and spiritual ancestors. The Buddhist lack of famil-
iarity with relational gods necessitates a strong emphasis on ongoing in-
teractions with ancestors. Since their gods respond to them in a formulaic,
mechanical way based on karmic laws of exchange, ancestral relation-
ships become more important. To further reflect on the important AFM
research findings, it has been concluded “that TBs do not have the readily
available categories in their worldview that would help them understand
the critical component of . . . a relational God” (AFM 2019:113). This lack is
grounded in the experience of divine beings seen as impersonal operators
of . . . “the law of karma that says that a good deed results in merit (happi-
ness), and a bad deed result in de-merit (suffering)” (113).
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(“you reap what you sow”) is the law of karma. Karma is understood as
the punishment of the will or desire to be, to live, or to have (377-78).
When Christians talk about the love of God, intimate attachment is
communicated. However, in the Buddhist cosmology, “compassion is the
promotion of detachment . . . the ultimate goal to find freedom by be-
ing unattached to people.” Likewise, promoting eternal life through Jesus
Christ is also associated with attachment and desire. Desiring eternal life,
from the perspective of a Buddhist worldview, means to remain captured
within “the cycle of birth and rebirth” (Sorajjakool 2010: 372). In the day-
to-day life of a Thai Buddhist, this religious and cultural reality is reflected
in people’s perceptions of gods: gods are impersonal, only responsive to
karma. Thai Buddhists “see divine beings as aloof responders to karma.
This of course explains why the core biblical motif of covenant, the rela-
tionship between God and [hu]man[s], is an alien idea for Thai Buddhists
(AFM 2019:112).
In his professional work, Sorajjakool discovered the importance of pre-
senting Christ to Buddhists by raising an awareness for a sense of mean-
ing that lies in the coexistence of being and suffering (2010:378). This sense
of meaning arises in people when the presence of existential love becomes
a lived experience for Buddhists. In his book Communicating Jesus’ Way,
Charles Kraft proposed that the gospel message is far more than a verbal
message. It is a “person message.”
This idea that “only if the gospel message is conveyed by life can it
be properly understood” is striking because it re-emphasizes the crucial
importance of experiential faith, which is the realm of spiritual life. The fa-
ther and founder of Existential Analysis, Victor Frankl, wrote extensively
on the will to meaning, the most human phenomenon. Frankl repeatedly
says that people are on a search for ultimate meaning and there must be
In the following few paragraphs, I will share a few lines from a tes-
timony I witnessed in 2019. Yui is a 29-year-old Thai woman. She is the
girlfriend of a Christian young man who recently was baptized in the
Seventh-day Adventist Church in Chiangmai, Thailand. Yui received two
visions from God at a time when she tried to understand Christianity. Her
Christian boyfriend tried to explain to her the Bible. Both of them stud-
ied the Bible. However, she basically did not understand anything about
scriptural readings or from what people tried to communicate to her.
All I knew and understood so far in my life came from a Thai perspec-
tive. I grew up in a Buddhist home and surrounded myself only with
friends from a Buddhist background. I grew up in Buddhism all my
life and didn’t know who God was. I even didn’t know the differ-
ence between God and Jesus. One day, I visited the SDA church in
Bangkok. But all people there only spoke English. I didn’t understand
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Before Yui received this vision, the verbal message of the gospel did
not get through to her. She needed a “person message,” God himself. Yui
soon found that her heavenly Father reached out to her. During her testi-
mony, Yui said over and over again, “And I knew that the vision was true
and real.” “I felt the love that he gave to me, and I need to say that this
kind of love is much stronger than the love I shared with my parents. That
was the time when I began to believe in Jesus and in God. God worked on
my heart. He changed me. Before that happened, I couldn’t imagine that
someone could change what I had believed since I was born. But He did
change me! I want to thank him a dozen of times! I want to thank Him for
coming into my life. Happiness came to me because I now love God. I am
so grateful for knowing him, my God. My faith grew so much stronger
and I have no doubts anymore. This experience gives me the strong desire
for learning more about God and to study about God in the Bible.”
Yui’s testimony is revealing. When God himself becomes the message,
people definitely do respond to a person by properly attaching meaning
to that message. This sense of meaning arises in people when the pres-
ence of existential love becomes a lived experience for Buddhists. When
the gospel message is conveyed by life, it can be properly understood.
Experiencing something or encountering someone, allows meaning to be
discovered. In order to help Buddhist believers come to understand Christ
within the Buddhist circular cosmology of the cycle of births and rebirths
through the law of karma, it is crucial to acknowledge that anything that
reduces that message to mere words stimulates in the receptor meanings
unworthy of the message. Through her personal encounter with God, Yui
became able to live in communion with God and to taste and enjoy the ex-
perience of mutual reciprocity with God and other human relationships.
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These last two quotes from Thich Nhat Hanh are very insightful. First,
these words communicate the attempt to get in touch with “divine, im-
personal, cosmic consciousness inside of oneself.” A relational, personal
God remains unknown. Discussions about concepts of God are perceived
as a waste of energy. Only the practice of mindfulness and concentration
is perceived as getting in touch with a living reality. Second, these words
also illuminate the fact that Buddhist believers feel very unfamiliar with
the Holy Spirit (phrawinyaan borisut) “and may conjure up the idea of a
deceased person’s ghost (phii). This is not only biblically incorrect; it also
does not necessarily present the Holy Spirit as an attractive Person to
put one’s trust in” (AFM 2019:68). In contrast to the Buddhist approach
to meditation and mindfulness, “Christian meditation seeks communion
with a personal God who enters and fills us at our invitation. It begins
with thoughts about His Presence, Word, and works, but does not end
there. While Eastern meditation searches for the true self, Christian medi-
tation seeks the true God’s infilling and the transformation that His pres-
ence brings” (Dybdahl 2015a:58).
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space and opportunity for the Holy Spirit to communicate meaning into
the message of the text. Buddhist participants and Christians who facili-
tate meditation sessions with Buddhists receive the opportunity to grow
in their desire for God while resting in God’s presence.
Christian meditation in partnership with Buddhist believers is a jour-
ney of experiencing what being and becoming relational means. In the set-
up of a spiritual environment for meditation practice, we can anticipate
and be assured that the Word becomes a real person to be experienced.
Authenticity comes in because both, the Christian and the Buddhist, are
learners. It is not only the person who needs to get acquainted with Chris-
tianity. Divine reciprocity is possible and holistic learning with mind and
heart takes place. When the Buddhist believer becomes more familiar with
meditation procedures, a variety of inspiring types of biblical mediation—
for example silence or verbal expression of God’s Word—can be intro-
duced. This also includes re-living or re-experiencing the presence and life
of Jesus through meditation.
Another powerful aspect of utilizing meditation practice in the Christian-
Buddhist encounter is the use of words to speak intimacy: to pray Abba,
Father, speaks volumes to what Jesus tells us about God and the familial
core of the Christian faith. God is Mother as well as Father in Christian
theology (Matt 23:37; Luke 13:34). We all are children of a divine heavenly
Parent who wraps up in one being the caring elements of both human
parents (Dybdahl 2015:41). The loving and intimate care of a relational
God can breathe attachment into the lives of Buddhist believers who
have often searched for ongoing bonding with deceased ancestors. When
merit-making practices for deceased ancestors are discontinued, cultur-
ally acceptable practices for honoring and remembering ancestors can be
put into practice. However, this is another topic, worthwhile for further
research and reflection.
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Works Cited
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CHANCHAL GAYEN
Hindus develop their ancestry through family lines. The simplest def-
inition of ancestors, according to Hinduism, are the members from the
family line who are no more and by extension all those who have de-
parted. The family line should match the identity of an individual through
his/her same caste and gotra. It is only Hindus who carry the caste and
gotra identity. The discussion in this section is to establish the identity of a
Hindu from a socio-legal perspective and then move on to a discussion on
caste and gotra to establish the link between the three to help understand
the connection between the living and the ancestors.
Who is a Hindu? It is very difficult to define Hinduism or a Hindu
because the scriptures of the faith itself do not provide a definition. The
word Hindu has geographical and social connotations. The name was at-
tributed by foreigners around the 7th-8th century AD to the people who
lived across the River Sindh, which is currently in Pakistan. Since the
foreigners could not pronounce Sindh, they replaced the S with H, and
it became Hind. The land slowly became known as Hindustan, and the
people of the land were called Hindus (Nirvedananda 2011). Prior to this,
the indigenous faith did not carry any specific name. Looking back, schol-
ars identify this faith as the Vedic Arya Brahminical religion (Sunder Raj
1998). Currently, Sanatan Dharma refers to the indigenous faith which ex-
isted before the foreign invasion and continues to the present day. To most
Hindus, Sanatan Dharma and Hinduism are synonymous. Any individual
contributing to Sanantan Dharma is a Hindu.
Under Great Britain’s rule of India, it became necessary to identify the
population of India (Hindustan) based on their faith. The Census Com-
mission of 1910 identified Vedic Arya Dharma followers with the follow-
ing characteristics (Sunder Raj 1998):
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The constitution of India does not define the term Hindu. However,
Hindu Personal Laws identify2 the following categories of people as Hin-
dus: (1) any person who is not a Muslim, Christian, Parsi, or Jew unless
it is proved that the person does not participate in Hindu customs, rites,
and rituals; (2) any person who is a Buddhist, Sikh, or Jain; and (3) any
person belonging to any form of Hinduism such as Brahmo, Prarthana,
Arya Samaj, Virashiva, or Lingaya, etc.
Schedule castes and Schedule tribes3 are not included in the list of Hin-
dus unless the Central Government of India officially states that a specific
tribe among the schedule tribes is Hindu.4
The religio-socio-political identity of Hindus is very wide-ranging.
Hinduism “embraces an eclectic range of doctrines and practices, from
pantheism to agnosticism and from faith in reincarnation to belief in the
caste system. But none of these constitutes an obligatory credo for a Hin-
du” (Tharoor 2018:4). Therefore, people with very different faith practices
and ideologies identify as Hindus. Even though different Hindu groups
vary in their faith practices they all contribute in practicing caste and gotra
identity and belong to a cast and gotra inherited from the ancestors.
While the Hindu scriptures do not define a Hindu, they provide some
guidelines. There are two important identities that a Hindu maintains
throughout his or her life—caste (jati) and gotra. These two identities are
important during religious occasions as well as for social identification.
Following are two pivotal texts that led to the development of the caste
system among Hindus. In the creation chapter of the Rig-Veda, it says,
“When they divided Purus how many portions did they make? What
do they call his mouth, his arms? What do they call his thighs and feet?
The Brahman was his mouth, of both his arms was the Rajanya made. His
thighs became the Vaisya, from his feet the Sudra was produced” (Rig-Veda
10:90:11-12).5
Four different groups of people are mentioned: Brahmana, Rajanya
(Kshatriyas), Vaishya, and Sudra. Though the duties of these groups are not
mentioned in this text, over time Brahmanas were identified as priests, Ra-
janya as kings/warriors, Vaishya as traders/businesspersons, and Sudra as
farmers and other tradespersons. In the Bhagavad Gita, Sri Krishna encour-
aged Arjuna to do his caste duty as a king because Arjuna belonged to the
Rajanya caste. In his discourse, Krishna told Arjuna, “The four orders of
society are created by Me, classifying them according to gunas predomi-
nant in each and apportioning corresponding duties to them; though the
originator of this creation, Know Me, the Immortal Lord, to be a non-do-
er” (Bhagavad Gita 4:13).
These texts have been interpreted as categorizing society according
to divisions of labor. In a family of four brothers, four different castes
should exist. However, this is not the reality. The caste system became
a social structure in which all Hindus are born into an inherited caste.
Kuruvachira (n.d.) points out that because the Rig-Veda describes the or-
igin of the four castes, it was taken as a divine command and became
the foundation of Hindu society. “A strong caste identity could provide
feelings of belongingness and self-esteem, thereby relying on some caste
norms. Particularly, it is known that high caste individuals see caste iden-
tity as a more stable construct wherein this identity is inherited at birth”
(Sankaran, Sekerdej, and von Hecker 2017: para. 4). Caste identity cannot
be adopted or conferred on anyone. Therefore, “caste identity is one of
the most salient identities in the Indian context. That is with whom your
future and the future of your children and grand-children are bound”
(Hoefer 2001:230). Tharoor comments along the same lines stating, “India
is a land of multiple identities, and one of the key identities, inescapably,
is caste” (2018:76).
Along with caste, gotra is also an identity marker that is decided at
birth. According to the Encyclopedia of Hinduism, “A gotra is an exogamous
kinship division within a jati (caste)” (Jones and Ryan 2007:170). The word
“is formed from the two Sanskrit words Gau (meaning Cow) and Trahi
(meaning Shed)” (Gurudev 2011). In ancient times, people of the same
kinship group used to keep their cows in the same place, and thus the
terminology was coined. “This system was started among Brahmins, with
a purpose to classify and identify the families in the community” (Indi-
aDivine.org 2015). Originally, seven sacred saints and one more Rishi were
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Death
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the family) should perform the rituals for the preta to have a safe journey
to the next world. The Rig-Veda suggests three primary rituals to perform
after the death of an individual: pitr-yajna, pinda-pitr-yajna, and pinda-dana.
The pitr-yajna is an important moment in the culmination of the cremation
rite. This is when the ancestor receives the first offering. Pinda-pitr-yajna is
the offering made to the ancestors 30 days after death. Brahmins (priests)
play an important role in all these activities since they are considered the
mediators between the household and their ancestors (Sayers 2015).
In current times there are a number of activities identified with the
veneration of ancestors. The first ritual is the preparation of the cremation,
followed by sraddha, annual veneration (Batsarik), pinda-daan (food offered
to the ancestors), and tarpan (a ritual to satisfy the ancestors). Hindu reli-
gious works of literature describe the rituals to be performed during cre-
mation. The body must be washed and laid on a cot. One of the important
steps of preparation is the spreading of an unbleached and uncut sheet
of cloth with its four corners hanging out. This is performed by a son,
brother, close relative, or another person assigned to perform that duty.
The individual must recite, “Give up thy old clothing and dress up in a
new suit” (Ghosh 2002:143). In the past, the body was usually cremated
in an open crematorium, but in many places today, electric crematoriums
are used.
Following the cremation, the period of asauch (period of defilement)
occurs. Usually, the chief mourner and the sons of the family wear seam-
less clothing, go barefoot, do not style their hair, do not clip their nails, sit
on a particular type of mat, and eat a simple vegetarian meal once a day. In
modern times, many of these practices are simplified and are not observed
as meticulously as in the past. These signs of mourning are continually
performed until the next landmark ritual, the sraddha.
The word sraddha originates from Sanskrit and means respect. This rite
is an expression of respect for the deceased. The religious texts guide the
next generation to express their respect by fulfilling the responsibility of
helping the soul continue on the next leg of its journey. “So long as the
mortal elements of the deceased do not turn into a higher body, he wan-
ders day and night in the ethereal form seeking sustenance” (Garuda Puran
3:16). Usually, the sraddha ceremony takes place on the eleventh day after
the cremation, but it may vary according to caste, family tradition, and
extenuating circumstances. The sraddha primarily involves offering food
and other items to the deceased as a form of worship. The most significant
offering is rice balls, which are given to crows. It is believed that the soul
of the deceased comes in the form of a crow. The Sraddha is performed
with the help of a Brahmin (priest). A minimum of three Brahmins must
be invited, along with other friends and family members. Usually, a feast
is held. During the religious performances of the sraddha, the chief mourn-
ers, along with other mourners from the family, take a ritualistic bath,
shave their heads, and clip their nails. Once the sraddha is completed, the
mourners return to regular life.
The next form of sraddha is parvana sraddha, a monthly ritual where
food, in the form of rice balls, is offered to the person who recently died.
The third form of sraddha is ekoddista sraddha, which takes place one year
after the death. Once again, rice balls are offered to the deceased. Most
Hindu families do not celebrate any festivals in their homes during this
year. The whole year is considered to be an asauch period. The final sraddha
is sapindakarma sraddha, which is performed any time after the first annual
rite. It is advised that sapindakarma sraddha be performed in a holy place,
if possible. By performing this rite, the son helps the deceased to be el-
evated to the level of the three primary ancestors—the father, grandfather,
and great-grandfather (Sayers 2015). The great-great-grandfather is now
elevated to the pantheon of the anonymous, though not ignored. Among
some Hindu communities, the annual rite needs to be continued until the
last rite, sapindakarma sraddha, is performed. The rituals are also a form of
consolation to the family by assuring them that they have helped the de-
ceased journey to the next world.
The tarpan is another ritual performed in honor of ancestors. The word
tarpan is the combination of two Sanskrit words, tript and on. Tript means
to satisfy, while on is the suffix according to the Sanskrit grammar to pro-
vide the verb form of tript. Therefore, tarpan means to satisfy or appease
the ancestors. This is done primarily with water although other items are
also included in the ritual. The most preferable location for the ritual is on
the bank of the River Ganges. If this is not possible another body of water
may be utilized. It is expected that the person doing tarpan stand in deep
water, up to his or her belly button. In the past these rituals were only
performed by men; however, over time some women have also begun to
perform the rituals, though this is rare. Since this is a rite to be performed
on specific days, according to a Hindu almanac, tarpan is also considered
to be a daily duty. It is to be performed every day while bathing. The grihi
(the man of the family) may use a shortened form of the tarpan chant,
“Father is heaven, father is Dharma, and father is indeed the greatest form
of austerity. When the gratification of this father has been gained, all gods
(automatically) get gratified” (Ghosh 2002:153). The most auspicious tar-
pan is mahalaya tarpan, which announces the closing of Pitar Paksha. Pitar
Paksha is a fifteen-day rite during which the household (grihi) is expected
to make an offering to the ancestors.
Other than these rites and rituals, Hindus remember their ancestors
during almost every major rite, such as marriage, upanayana (sacred thread
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ceremony), and so on. Every time Hindus perform a major rite, they are
asked the names of their caste, gotra, and three ancestors. All these activi-
ties are ways to remember, pay respect, connect, and bind both the living
and the dead.
Reality Check
I have observed that often what is written in Hindu texts and what is
practiced do not always agree. To better understand how Hindus today
interact with their ancestors, I engaged in a dialogue with twenty-three
educated, mostly middle aged, practicing Indian Hindus belonging to
three upper castes. This is just a pilot study and does not represent all
Hindus. I had a few questions in my mind and I asked those questions
in the process of dialogue. Following are the responses received from the
participants.
All of the participants, except two, observe the pitar paksha. Three of
them do so in a very orthodox way. During the pita paksha they eat a veg-
etarian diet and perform the appropriate rituals. Others believe in it but
perform the rituals only on the last day, the mahalaya tarpan rather than
every day. Mr. Hari7 does not observe the pitar paksha because he does
“not believe in rituals.” Mr. Prakash said, “The soul of the ancestor has
gone either to take another body or has attained moksha. How will I [my]
observing pitar paksha benefit the soul? I do not know. It may even be I.”
By this he wanted to say that the soul which had the body of one of his an-
cestors might have taken his current body. There is no way to substantiate
nor deny the claim. This is his justification for not observing pitar paksha.
2. Did you or will you perform all the sraddhas if there is a death in the
family?
Everybody agreed that they have performed or will perform all the
sraddhas in case of a death in the family. They believe this is a requirement
of their faith and a requirement of their society. They also believe the srad-
dha is required for the soul to achieve peaceful rest. Most importantly, the
mourning period and the the sraddhas are an expression of gratitude to the
departed ancestors. Naresh said, “It is on their foundation we are stand-
ing today. How can we deny them?” All of them agreed that the ancestors
bless their progeny.
None of the interviewees had a clear idea about heaven or hell. Purva
stated very emphatically, “Heaven and hell, all are here on earth. [The soul
does] not need to go anywhere.” Arun said, “We have heard about it but
never thought seriously about it.” Karuna added, “[They] may exist, but
I am concerned about this life. If this goes well, I am happy.” Some of the
interviewees do not believe in the existence of heaven or hell. Yet most of
them observe the rites and perform the required rituals. This appears to be
a contradiction yet they are comfortable with that. Five of the interviewees
do not believe in the transmigration of souls, and so the issue of the con-
tinuation of the soul to some destination does not matter to them.
4. Do the ancestors become gods, like other gods in heaven, after they
become ancestors?
Most of my interviewees were not sure what to answer for this ques-
tion. They strongly believe that the blessings of the ancestor have power
but are not sure about them becoming gods. They all seek the blessings of
the ancestors and believe that the ancestors, especially their parents, bless
them whether they perform the rituals or not.
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Missiological Challenges
Issue of Identity
Grieving Process
The yearlong religious requirements for the peaceful and safe passage
of the deceased soul helps the family through the grieving process. The
last ritual, sapindakarma sraddha, is consoling for the family. They develop
a sense of satisfaction—they have done enough to help the departed soul
on its journey, and thus they are comforted. The yearlong grieving period,
with several rituals, is a process of slow separation of the grieving family
from the departed individual. How does the church help in this separa-
tion process? Some denominations have developed functional substitutes,
like memorial services after ten and/or forty days, with another memorial
service at the end of the first year. Many Seventh-day Adventists also fol-
low the same practices. The church has played a neutral role allowing the
local practices to be continued. The Anglican Church celebrates All Souls’
Day. People visit their ancestors’ gravesites on the anniversary of their
deaths. I once visited the gravesite of a very dear relative. As I stood by the
grave, the wife of the deceased told me, “I know there is nothing in this
grave, but I have my everything in it.” I am not suggesting that we blindly
follow the models used by others, but could the church think of creating
functional substitutes as a coping mechanism for grieving families?
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Endnotes
1
To read the details of this case, visit https://www.hinduismtoday.com/modules/
smartsection/item.php?itemid=5047.
2
“The Hindu law is one of the most ancient and primitive laws that are still
prevalent in today’s era and also known to the world at large. It is governed by
the Hindu Succession Act of 1956, it is a codified law passed by the Parliament of
India” https://blog.ipleaders.in/hindu-law/.
3
Schedule castes and tribes are those Indians who do not belong to the four
Castes of Hinduism. They are considered as the Avarna (non-caste people) and
considered as untouchables. Currently they are called Dalits.
4
Constitution of India Article 341 and 342
5
Rig-Veda texts are quoted from the translation by Ralph T. H Griffith, http://
www.sanskritweb.net/rigveda/griffith-p.pdf.
6
Typically English translations of this word are ghost, which does not reveal
the true sense of the word. It can simply be described as the soul, which is not yet
released from its earthly bindings.
7
All names are changed to maintain the participant’s anonymity.
8
I asked this question to find how much people know about heaven or hell.
Works Cited
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Never swerve from the rites due to the gods, and to the manes [Manes
refers to the ancestors]. Brihadaranyaka Upanishad 1.5.16 mentions “the
world of the Manes” (Pitriloka)]. Let thy mother be to thee a god; let
thy father be a god to thee; a god let thy teacher be unto thee, and (so
also) let thy guest be unto thee a god. Let only those works be done by
thee that are free from blemishes, and not others. Only those deeds of
ours should be followed by thee, that is good, and not others. (Shar-
vananda 1928:42, 43)
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importance of keeping the dead happy does not change, thus a series of
rituals are performed to keep the soul of the deceased at peace. The vari-
ous ritualistic performances in honor of the dead are the essence of dharma
(duty) and remains the crux of ancestral worship.
Methodology
Since Hindu customs are essential for ancestral worship, this study ex-
amined the three driving forces behind those rituals: faith, fear, and force.
Throughout my own Hindu upbringing, I (Santosh) worshipped and
participated in the rituals conducted by my family. However, today as a
Christian, I can clearly see that the practices in and around my family and
society were underscored by these three factors.
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Quantitative Findings
Qualitative Findings
take note that the changing world is also changing society. Urbanized
communities are populated from the outside but isolated from the inside;
however, there is no intention of giving the impression that the urbanized
community has divorced culture and tradition. To better understand cur-
rent Hindu beliefs, several Hindus were interviewed concerning ancestral
worship, with their responses listed below.
Respondent 1: Krishna
Respondent 2: Radha
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Hence, Radha did not spend much time at home since she attended a
boarding school. She does not have a lot of power over decision-making for
the family, but her parents respect her choices and opinions. In response to
the interview questions, she says, “I am not a practicing Hindu. I believe
in god but I don’t have to do all the rituals and observe fasting to show my
respect to god. I visit temples with my parents, especially on my birthday
or when there is something good happening in our house.”
Radha gives to charity but is not actively involved in spiritual pro-
grams or rituals. She says that she knows about ancestral worship but
has never participated in such a ritual. She mentions that her immediate
family hardly associates with the rest of their larger family. Hence, most
occasions or festivals are spent only with her immediate family. Radha
fears the spirits of the departed ancestors and does not desire to encoun-
ter any. Therefore, she is willing to participate in pujas that may require
her to honor her ancestors, if need be. Radha states, “I deeply respect my
forefathers and seek their blessings to help me make the family proud of
my success in life.”
Respondent 3: Gopal
Respondent 4: Madan
Madan is a college student who lives with his parents and siblings. His
father is the head of the family and is the primary decision-maker. Reli-
gious practices are common in his house, and a puja is conducted twice
daily, in the morning and evening, at the shrine of the house. Madan men-
tions that although there are spiritual activities in the house, participation
from everyone is not expected. The priest usually visits them for special
worship or rituals where only the parents are involved, specifically his
mother. Madan states, “I do not have sufficient information on my ances-
tors, and my family does not engage in any such worship. We are only
instructed to observe Monday seriously. On that day, we do not wear new
clothes, set marriage dates, or buy things because my grandfather died on
that day.” It is believed that it is auspicious and dangerous to do anything
on Mondays.
To a follow-up question, Madan responds that the sacred days are only
observed for the paternal grandfather. Interestingly, no such days are ob-
served for any departed female. Madan states that the family is always
careful not to use any such days for important programs or events. He
states that he wishes to keep his ancestors happy, but does not believe
in the rituals, such as feeding the ancestors by hanging food in the trees
outside the village or the community. He does not want to get involved
in worshiping the departed beings, stating that he would rather feed the
poor and worship the deities.
Respondent 5: Sita
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the spirit of the son lives in that room, and therefore it is locked and kept
dark.” When feeding the dead, the room is opened by Sita’s mother-in-law
to perform rituals and offer food.
Sita does believe the ancestors are helpful and shared an incident that
happens frequently. “Every time when we leave our terrace dirty, that
night, the dead spirit sweeps the entire terrace, and in the morning, it is all
clean.” She mentions that there are several incidents when the dead spirits
have helped the family in difficult situations.
Sita emphatically states that she will do away with these practices when
she becomes the elder of the house, and she will not teach her children to
observe them. She mentions that respect for the ancestors is essential but
creating an ambiance of fear in the house is not acceptable.
Respondent 6: Devi
Devi married into a Brahmin family and lives with her husband and
two children. Devi is a teacher by profession, and her husband serves
in the government sector. Her parents arranged Devi’s marriage, so she
did not have any choice in the selection of her husband; however, she is
content with her life and focuses on continuing the family and its values
into the next generation. Devi believes that “our ancestors were once hu-
mans, but after death, they joined the gods and now they are among them.
Therefore, worshiping the ancestors is as equal as worshiping any god.”
Devi believes that there is no reason to fear the departed; instead, one
must follow in their footsteps and receive blessings and prosperity. She
mentions that the rituals and practices honoring her ancestors are as cru-
cial as keeping her family alive. She states that “once a family, always a
family,” and even when gone, it is unacceptable to leave the ancestors
hungry or thirsty. “I regularly feed cows and crows on the rooftop so that
the food reaches my departed ancestors and blesses my family.”
Devi strongly believes that the dead are not dead but alive in spirit
and must not be thought of as if they were dead. She intends to earn good
karma, which may benefit her now as well as in the afterlife.
Respondent 7: Madhav
Madhav is a married man and lives with his wife and parents in their
paternal house. Madhav has been married for six years but does not have
children and preferred not to talk about that topic. He is not the head of
the family, but since he is the one who supports his family financially, he
makes all the family decisions.
Faith
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angry and cause bad things to happen to the family. Those who speak
Hindi reported a higher rate of belief in the anger of the ancestors (32.5%)
than those who speak other languages. Additionally, respondents were
asked if they believe that their ancestors can harm the family if they are
not worshipped; 36.4% of all respondents shared that belief or believed it
might be true. However, among Hindi speakers, 47.4% shared this belief.
Although a mixed understanding of faith and Hindu beliefs can be
seen among the participants, there are common grounds on which almost
all participants agreed, such as in the existence of their ancestors (in spir-
it/demigod form), respect for them, and the blessings or curses that come
from them. It was observed that almost every interviewee expressed their
respect for their ancestors, and a few of them were even willing to do
rituals and puja to please them. As Krishna (respondent 1) said, “I greatly
honor my father’s ancestors, and I feel a sense of pride in my lineage.”
Other respondents expressed that, due to some circumstances, it is not
feasible for them to participate in rituals for the ancestors.
Force
Table 1.
The third factor that imposes force towards ancestral worship is the
presence of spiritual gurus or priests. These religious figures influence
both families and societies. Their words are considered more authentic
than the holy scriptures, yet no one verifies their statements. Spiritual gu-
rus direct individuals to be responsible and fulfill their dharma (duty) to-
wards their religion, family, and community, and to improve their karma.
Madhav (respondent 7) said that “the spiritual gurus often connect
their problems with the spirit or the planets (astrology).” He also men-
tioned that the words of the priest is very important and disobeying them
can bring unwanted consequences, especially when they live in a close
community.
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Fear
In many ways, the factors of force and fear overlap, as the pressure of
family, societal pressures, and the presence of gurus ultimately result in
fear. However, there are some additional aspects of fear that drive Hindus
to participate in ancestral worship.
Doniger states that nearly all Hindus think that the dead are to be
feared and avoided (2014:89). The fear of the dead leads to a fear of death;
that is, Hindus fear that the departed ancestors will bring death to them,
personally. Interestingly, the fear about death seems to be centered on a
fear of losing everything behind once dead (Ali 2004:158). Worldliness is
deeply inculcated in the Hindu mindset, leading them to fear their dead
ancestors if religious practices are not fulfilled. The feeling of fear was
seen in nearly every qualitative interview. The fear of the dead tormenting
them or bringing a curse to the family are some of the primary reasons
why Hindus do not intend to upset their ancestors. In fact, over a quarter
(28.6%) of surveyed respondents reported that they believe that if they do
not carry out the proper ancestral rituals, the ancestors will be angry and
will cause bad fortune to befall the family. Several such fear incidences led
people to take extreme steps and become involved in occult activities and
witchcraft to either protect themselves from the dead or to please them.
Missiological Implications
In Mark 16:15, Jesus tells his disciples, “Go into all the world and
proclaim the gospel to the whole creation.” Christians have been given
the command—and privilege—to share the good news of Jesus with the
world. However, when ministering to those within the Hindu context,
there appears to be many barriers. How can missionaries effectively share
the gospel in this setting, overcoming faith, force, and fear?
minds of people, convincing them that the dead are still alive and con-
tinue to participate in a human’s life (Kraft 2017:83), a biblical approach,
filled with the Holy Spirit, is crucial for setting the people free from their
burdening rituals.
Many traditional Hindu families live in joint family homes where the
head of the household makes most, if not all, of the familial decisions.
Because of this, many people are not at liberty to learn about Christianity.
However, if the elder of the family is led into a knowledge of Christ and
into a relationship with him, many times the rest of the family will follow.
Additionally, educated families are also more likely to listen to alter-
nate views and ideas, including about religion and Christianity. This is
linked to the fact that many of these more educated families are less tied
to the past and its customs.
While Hinduism is considered one religion, it is incredibly nuanced.
This makes it impossible to prescribe one method to reach all the various
Hindu groups. However, one way that has proven consistently effective in
reaching the varius people groups is through the development of relation-
ships. Perhaps a household elder will not be interested in hearing sermons
about Christianity, but he may be interested in having a friend sip tea with
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him. He may not want to have his long-held rituals questioned, but he will
likely be pleased to have someone come and spend time with the elderly
in his family.
Conclusion
the complexity of this issue and for the reader to “walk in their shoes” for
a moment, allowing a better understanding and empathy.
A contextually relevant missiological approach is needed to free those
imprisoned by ancestral worship. This article has offered several sugges-
tions for bringing encouragement to Hindu people, perhaps new hope,
freedom, and victory over the bondage they experience. We hope this
study will bring deeper insights into the inner world of Hindu people,
as well as inspiration for how to relate to them in positive ways and pos-
sibly bring them into a better quality of life aligned with the gospel. All of
this, thanks to the desire God placed in Santosh’s heart, to reach out to the
Hindu people of his homeland.
Endnotes
Works Cited
Ali, Mumtaz. 2004. Deeper Aspects of Hinduism: Jewel in the Lotus. Elgin, IL: New
Dawn Press.
Aiken, Lewis R. 2001. Dying, Death, and Bereavement. 4th ed. Mahwah, NJ: Law-
rence Erlbaum Associates.
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PETRAS BAHADUR
The view of human nature within Islam can be derived from the Qur’an
and the Hadiths. The Qur’an states that God created everything in six
days (7:54; 57:4), and after informing the angels about the creation of hu-
man beings and their superiority over them (15:28-29), he formed them
from dirt (22:5; 23:12-16). God keeps a supply of souls in heaven and takes
them from there1 (Merklin 2012:3) to place in each human being, choosing
the right one for each person (Sahih Muslims 1214). Therefore, it is God
who put a soul inside the first man’s body of clay and he became alive
(Qur’an 32:7-9). The Muslim belief regarding the soul is that the soul lives
on into eternity and will receive the reward or punishment along with the
body (Allen and Toorawa 2011:56). Haeri (1991:2) believes that the final
destiny of people will be decided at the final judgment, but this life is
given to finally allow the soul to return to where it emerged from, and that
is permanent non-time reality.
Although the angels knew that humans would be disobedient and
sin against God (Qur’an 3:30), Merklin (2012:6) explains that humanity’s
failure was in that they had “forgotten” God and his ways. The Qur’an
records that people were created weak (4:280), impatient (70:19), stingy
(17:100), and argumentative (18:54), and it is the soul that prompts a per-
son to do wrong as when Cain’s soul told him to kill his brother (5:29).
The Qur’an (67:2) states that God is the one who created death and life
to test humans. In Islamic literature the meaning of death is to move from
a life of sorrows and sufferings to a permanent life of peace and comfort
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(Ilahi 2010:2, 6) and is compared to the birth of a child from the narrow
womb of one’s mother to the comfort of the world (Tirmidhi).
God created human beings from clay and has predestined their time on
earth (Qur’an 6:2); therefore, all human beings will eventually taste death
(3:185; 21:35; 29:57). Islam (1989:9) reports that Muhammad said that the
person who is concerned about the affairs of this world is deceived by
temptations of the world and has no concern for the day of his death. Al-
Ghazali (1989:7) believes there are three kinds of people: those engrossed
in the things of the world, penitent, or Gnostics. It is penitent people who
often remember death so that fear engulfs their hearts and their repentance
becomes complete. Haeri (1991:3) argues that people are programmed to
fear death, but death is good because it returns the body to the earth and the
soul or “real self” from where it originally came from—a place of eternal
consciousness. Death does not mean the end of the process of life, but it
continues in paradise or hell (Shahid 2005:168). Muhammad taught that
death releases the person from the torment of this life, so it is actually a gift
from God to the believer (Al-Ghazali 1989:9). Schirrmacher (2012:252-255)
describes four ways of dying in Islam: death at one’s own hand (suicide),
death from another’s hand (accident, manslaughter, or murder), violent
death by self-sacrifice (a martyr’s death), and natural death.
Al-Ghazali suggests that the Angel of Death inspects every house three
times daily and takes away the spirit, at which point the person becomes a
dead person (54, 51). Apparently, David, Solomon, and other prophets met
the angel of death and died upon seeing it. When David came home, the
angel of death was waiting for him and upon meeting him he died
(Al-Ghazali 1989:44, 51). Muhammad Ibn Wasi is reported to have said
when dying, “O my brethren! Farewell! To Hell, or to the forgiveness of
God” (cited in Al-Ghazali 1989:47). Aisha reported that before Muhammad
died he “communed with his angel of death at length” (cited in Al-Ghazali
1989:65) and when the angel of death took the prophet Muhammad’s spir-
it, the agony of death came and his voice was raised in moaning, his color
changed, he breathed in and out and his left and right sides shook (57-58).
It is said that Aisha added, “I feel no envy for anyone whose death is easy
after having seen the rigour of the death of God’s emissary” (40).
The Qur’an states that near the time of death, Allah sends Izraeel, the
Angel of Death, to take the soul out of the flesh. “Say: The Angel of Death,
put in charge of you, will (duly) take your souls: Then shall you be brought
back to your Lord” (32:11). The angel of death will demand, “Expel your
souls” (6:93). The Angel of Death says to the soul of the unbeliever, “O
bad soul! Come out to Allah’s curse and anger.” The soul of unbelievers
comes out having a very foul smell (Sakr 1992:44), whereas the soul of the
believer comes out smelling like a good musk (Ilahi 2010:9). When the soul
is transported to heaven, then Ilahi (13) reports that the Mishkat states
that “all the angels from earth to sky send their blessings on him and [the]
doors of heaven are thrown open for him.” In Paradise, “according to one
text the spirit lives inside the bird, according to another the spirit is out-
wardly like a bird” (Eklund 1941:20) and the souls of martyrs and other
believers are embodied in green birds (Ilahi 2010:25).
Islamic literature informs that after death, two angels, Munkar and
Nakir, come to question the dead and prepare a report (Shahid 2005:169).
Upon entering the dead person’s grave, probably on the first night (Star-
key 2009:290, 298), the angels ask the dead person several questions and
the believer is expected to be ready with answers as follows. “God is my
Lord, Muhammad my Prophet, the Qur’an my guide, Islam my Din, the
Kaaba my Qibla, Abraham my Father and his community my community”
(Smith and Haddad 1981:44). According to Tirmidhi (Hadith 51), the main
question that the soul is asked by the angels after death is, “Which reli-
gion did you follow?” However, Sahih Al-Bukhari 23.422 believes that the
question is, “Did you do any good deeds (in your life)?” After the initial
interrogation, the souls are placed in barzakh (Ilahi 2010:2), a “period be-
tween death and resurrection” (Shahid 2005:186; see Qur’an 25:55, 55:20,
23:102), whereas Eklund (1941:21) questions whether this concept of Bar-
zakh refers to time or space. Other scholars believe that instead of being
placed in Barzakh after the interrogation, the dead are told of their reward:
gardens of bliss for the righteous and curses of angels and the fires of hell
for the unbeliever (Shahid 2005:170-171).
In the grave, while waiting for the day of resurrection, there is tor-
ment or punishment. This torment includes the narrowing of the grave so
that the dead are “squeezed like an egg” (Tabarani), ribs are crushed (Al-
Bara ibn ‘Azib), they are “hit by iron hammers” (Sahih Al-Bukhari 2.456),
“lashed a hundred times,” or “ninety-nine dragons bite . . . and sting . . .
till there comes the hour (of resurrection)” (Al-Tirmidhi 46).
Muhammad said, “When the dead body is placed in the grave, he lis-
tens to the sound of their shoes as they depart (from the cemetery)” (Sahih
of Muslim 17:204; (4:#6863) of the English Translation) and he believed
that they can hear but cannot answer (17:206; (4:#6868) of the English
Translation). At one time, “the camel of the prophet was afraid while go-
ing through a graveyard at hearing, as only animals can, the shrieks of the
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damned suffering the torments of the grave.” Another time, “the prophet
was walking with his friends by a graveyard when he realized that two
people buried there were being tortured, so they cut off shoots from a
tree and placed one on each grave to cool them off” (Smith and Haddad
1981:45; see also al-Subki, Taqi al-Din, Shifa al-Saqam fi ziyara khayr al-
anam p. 148).
Al-Ghazali (1989:41) reported that Muhammad used to pray, “O Lord
God! Grant me your support in death and render it easy for me to bear.”
This is probably the reason why the funeral prayers include the following:
O Allah! Forgive him, have mercy on him, pardon him, heal him, be
generous to him, cause his entrance to be wide and comfortable, wash
him with the most pure and clean water, and purify him from sins as
a white garment is washed clean of dirt. Give him in exchange a home
better than his home (on earth) and a family better than his family and
a wife better than his wife and protect him from the trial of the grave
and the torture of Hell Fire. (Fiqh-us-Sunnah 4.40)
Aisha, the wife of the Prophet questioned, “If believers will undergo
pressure of the tomb. [The] Prophet said, ‘Pressure of the tomb is like
a mother stroking her son’s head when he complains of [a] headache’”
(Smith and Haddad 1981:46). However, the believers who pass away in
the night or on Friday will not be tormented in the grave (see Ahmad
and Tirmidhi), and if one dies in sickness that person is like a martyr.
There are five rewards for martyrs1 (1) they are forgiven, (2) experience
no torment in the grave, (3) remain safe from embarrassment on the day of
resurrection, (4) will have a crown on their heads, and (5) will be given 72
celestial brides (Ilahi 2010:36). If the believers have done good works, they
will have a comfortable rest until the resurrection and judgment, their
graves will expand to 4,900 cubic feet, the grave will be illuminated, and
they will sleep like a bride whom nobody can awake except her husband
(Al-Tirmidhi 44).
According to Islamic tradition, Muhammad feared the torment of
the grave because he heard that other prophets had suffered before him.
God asked Moses what he thought of death, and he replied, “It was like
[a] sparrow being roasted alive or like [a] sheep being flayed alive” (Al-
Ghazali 1989:42).
Islamic belief about the Last Day is that the life on earth is actually a
preparation for death, resurrection, and judgment before God. “Our faith
will be verified and then our deeds will be weighed before He dispenses
perfect justice” (Lamkahouan 2019). There are a number of texts in the
Qur’an referring to the resurrection day and the Day of Judgment when
the angels hand out rewards (Merklin 2012:9). Farnaz Masumian says the
Qur’an mentions
al-akhira (the hereafter) 113 times, which shows the significance Islam
places on the next life (1996:75).
There are three signs before the hour of resurrection—the appearance of
anti-Christ, the return of Christ, and the coming of the Mahdi (Masumian
1996:77). After three trumpet blasts by Israfil, there will be a general
resurrection (79). All humanity will arrive in Jerusalem after having
walked on the Sirat bridge, over which the prophet will be the first one to
cross (79, 80). God will come down with his angels and everyone’s deeds
will be weighed in balances after which they will be assigned heaven
or hell. Surah 79:7-12 says, “The Hour is a day in which every person is
accountable for his deeds” and “then shall each soul know what it has put
forward” (81:1-14).
In Islamic theology, there is the concept of two judgments—the ques-
tioning in the grave and the ultimate judgment on the day of resurrec-
tion (Smith and Haddad 1981:4). On the final resurrection day, the angel
Israfil (Seraphiel from Hebrew) will blow the trumpet three times. The first
blast causes terror among the people (Qur’an 22:1-2). The second trumpet
blast causes all in heaven and earth to die (39:68). The third trumpet blast
will recreate the human bodies so they can receive their spirits (Shahid
2005:12). The interval between the first and second trumpet blast is an
interval of probably forty days or forty months or forty years and the in-
terval between the second and third trumpet blast is as long as God wills
(Shahid 2005:177). God will resurrect the inhabitants of heaven—Seraphiel,
Gabriel, and Michael. When the Seraphiel blows the trumpet of resurrection,
all spirits, good and bad, will burst forth and will enter into people’s bodies
through their nostrils to prepare them for the Day of Reckoning (182).
Unbelievers in Hell
Unbelievers will spend their next life in hell. The description of hell
according to Islamic traditions says that it is so deep that it takes 70 years
for a stone to sink to the bottom of hell (Ilahi 2010:43). The walls are so
wide that it takes forty years of walking to go from one end to the other
(44). Hell has seven gates (45), is black and dark (45) and the fuel of hell
fire is people and stones (Qur’an 66.6). Islamic scholars name seven
layers of hell—Hawia (for hypocrites like Pharoah), Jahim (for polytheists),
Saqar (for the Saibeen, a sect having no religion), Nati (for Iblis and his
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associates), Hatma (for Jews), Sa’ah (for Christians), and Jahan’num (for
general Muslim sinners) (Ilahi 2010:48, 49). The Qur’an states that there is
no death in hell (43:75; 35:36; see also Bukhari and Muslim) because hell
goes on forever.
Different ways of punishment in hell include boiling water poured over
heads with fresh skins given to them. Those who concealed knowledge
will have a bridle of fire in their mouth. Those who used to be drunk or
used intoxicants will drink pus. Those who preached without practicing
will have their intestines removed. Those who used gold or silver utensils
will have stomachs filled with the fire of hell. Photographers and painters
will be punished by the pictures they made. Those who committed suicide
will keep doing the same act in hell again and again. Arrogant people will
be in the form of ants (Ilahi 2010:61-67). The Qur’an states that wrong do-
ers will remain in hell (19:72) where there is crying (11:106). Sinners will be
driven to hell like cattle are driven to water (19:86), dragged through hell
on their faces (54:48), thrown headlong into hell (26:94-95), with no way
of escape (14:21). Believers will laugh at the unbelievers (83:35); however,
eventually death will be slain (Tirmidhi), but the hypocrites, polytheists,
and unbelievers will be in hell forever (Ilahi 2010:221; Smith and Haddad
1981:86). Bukhari and Muslim both report that the prophet was shown
that the majority of those in hell are women (Ilahi 2010:72).
Believers in Paradise
companions with beautiful big and lustrous eyes like pearls well-
guarded—all this as a reward for the deeds of the past life (22-24). These
companions are from a special creation (v. 35), are virgins who are pure
and undefiled (36), and beloved and equal in age (37). Qur’an 76 lists a
few additional rewards: garments of silk (12), raised thrones where there
is neither the sun’s excessive heat nor the moon’s excessive cold (13).
Since “there is a strict and clear ritual order laid down in Islamic law”
which outlines the procedure for the purification of the dead” (Venhorst
2012:8), most followers of Islam practice special rituals for preparing the
dying and the deceased (Dockray 2013; see also
K. M. Islam 1989). In certain parts of Egypt, it is the custom for those
near a person who has died to squeeze his/her body with their hands to
force the soul out of it (Starkey 2009:290). The Talqeen, the reading per-
formed for those who are dying before they take their last breaths, is to
ensure they are spiritually ready for the journey into death. The person
leading the Talqeen says to the dying person, “In the name of Allah and on
the creed, religion, and faith of rasulullah (apostle or messenger of God). O!
Allah, ease upon him his matters, and make light for him whatever comes
hereafter, and honor him with Your meeting and make that which he has
gone to better than that which he came out from.”
After those who are present have the opportunity to share their own
prayers, the person leading the Talqeen then encourages the dying person
to recall the Shahada before taking their last breath by saying, “I bear wit-
ness that there is no god except Allah; One is He, no partner hath He, and
I bear witness that Muhammad is His servant and messenger.”
Some prefer to give a sweet drink or zamzam water to the dying so that
the soul can have an easy exit through the throat. The Shias of Northern
India put pomegranate or honey syrup in the mouth of the dead. In
Gujarat leaves of marjoram are rubbed on the face, the eyes are closed
with a pledget of cotton, and two toes are brought together and tied with
a thin strip of cloth (Sharif 1972:90, 91).
Once the person has died, Bilal Abu Aisha lists the following rituals
that are to be performed for the dying person (2011).
Just after Death: As soon as a Muslim person dies, it is customary to close
the person’s eyes, bind the jaw and cover the body with a clean sheet. It is
also important to prepare the body for the funeral as quickly as possible.
Mourning: Hidaad, or mourning, for a close relative should last only
three days. There are guidelines about how that mourning should take
shape. Weeping is acceptable, but the Islamic faith discourages loud crying
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and acting out during the mourning period. Although mourning is per-
mitted, Islamic theologians believe it should be “composed or restrained”
(Schirrmacher 2012:258). However, within Shi’ite mourning practices, the
Ahsura rituals for mourning the suffering and the death of the final male
of Muhammad’s family, Al-Hussain, is done every year during the first
ten days of the month of Muharram (259).
Washing the Dead: This washing requires following very specific rules.
Most adult family members of the same sex as the deceased can do the
washing of the deceased person’s body. The body is placed on a wooden
plank, the private parts are covered with a cloth, and the “entire body
must be washed an odd number of times, three or, if necessary, five or
seven” (Dessing 2001:145-147). The water for ablution can be mixed with
perfume, herbs, rose water, lotus, or camphor. After the final washing,
the body is dried, and cotton plugs placed in the body openings (Bot
1998:136). Sometimes, there are professional washers (Sharif 1972:91, 93),
but within orthodox Islamic tradition, most people would not allow pay-
ment for washing. After the body is washed, it is dried with a clean white
sheet, and then typically enshrouded in a plain, white cloth or three pieces
of cloth for a man and five for a woman. Finally, the body is perfumed.
Shrouding the Body: There are different rules for shrouding male and
female Muslims. To wrap a male Muslim corpse, three white sheets and
four ropes are used. After placing the man’s hands on his chest, right hand
on top of the left hand, each sheet is wrapped over the body with the
right side first. To finish the shrouding, two ropes are tied just above the
head and just below the feet, with two additional ropes used to secure the
sheets around the body.
Funeral Prayer or Salatul Janazah: Even Muslims who are not close to
the deceased or the family can participate in this ritual. The prayer should
happen immediately after shrouding the body, and usually occurs outside
of the mosque and its prayer room. The prayer should take place at dusk
or sunset, if possible, unless the body is decomposing and needs burial
immediately.
The Funeral: Funeral attendees stand in three horizontal lines facing
Mecca: men in the front row, children in the second row, and women in
the third row. Like the silent prayer, this occurs outside the mosque, if
possible, and the entire prayer service takes place while the people are
standing. Participants silently commit to pure intentions for the funeral
service, and then they silently recite the Fatihah, the first section of the
Qur’an. This seven-verse prayer, also called Sanaa prayer, asks for Allah’s
mercy and guidance. After the silent Fatihah, there are four more prayers
in traditional Muslim funeral services. Before each prayer, attendees say,
“Allahu Akbar,” which means, “God is good.” The four prayers are the
Darood prayer,2 dua prayer,3 salaam prayer,4 and prayer when putting dirt
on the grave.5
Transporting the Body: Traditionally, several men carry the body to the
cemetery on foot with the funeral goers following behind. Today, how-
ever, the body can be transported in a hearse with a funeral procession
behind it. The car or truck transporting the body should not be a military
vehicle and the funeral procession should keep a respectful silence. No
singing, loud crying, or reading the Quran is allowed. There should also
be no incense or candles in the funeral procession.
Muslim Burial Tradition: Traditionally, Muslims should be buried in
a Muslim cemetery. No women or children are allowed at the gravesite
during the burial. The body goes into the grave on its right side, facing
Mecca, ideally not inside a coffin. If the cemetery is located in a place with
abundant wildlife, sometimes Muslims will cover the grave with bricks or
stones to keep animals from disturbing the body.
Marking and Visiting the Grave: Muslim cemeteries are all about mini-
malism and deference, so they do not have extravagant grave markers.
A small marker or gravestone, however, is fine. Traditionally, nothing is
placed on or around the grave, such as cut flowers, candles, or other of-
ferings.
Consoling Family and Friends: Consoling grieving friends and family is
important in the Muslim community and does not have many rigid rules
governing how to comfort those in mourning. It is traditional to reach out
to the mourning family with sympathy and with food for three days after
the funeral.
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Allah that all acts of worship done in their vicinity will more likely be ac-
cepted by Allah than if they were done elsewhere.
Because of this belief, grave worshippers often wipe the walls of
graves, and then wipe the residue on themselves in order to collect extra
blessings. In addition, they also collect some of the earth in the vicinity of
the graves, in the belief that the earth has special healing powers due to
the effect of the blessings manifest in those buried there. Many branches
of the Shi‘ites (Shias) collect clay from Karbala, where Imam Hussain was
martyred, and bake it to make small tablets on which they prostrate them-
selves during their salaah (prayer).
The Pew Research survey (2012) finds that many Muslims consider
visiting the shrines of Muslim saints an acceptable practice as noted in
appendix 1. This is especially true in Southeast Asia, where eight-in-ten
or more Muslims in Thailand (99%), Malaysia (89%) and Indonesia (81%)
say visiting shrines falls within the bounds of Islam. The acceptance of
pilgrimages to shrines is also widespread in Central Asia, with three-quar-
ters or more endorsing the practice. In South Asia, the number of Muslims
who believe visiting shrines is part of Islamic tradition range from 96% in
Bangladesh to a more modest 63% in Pakistan.
Relatively few Muslims in the countries surveyed (appendix 2) believe
it is permissible to appeal to dead relatives or ancestors for aid, for the
Quran states that prayers should be offered to God alone (108:2). The two
exceptions are Iraq and Lebanon, where 28% and 22% of Muslims say the
practice is acceptable, perhaps reflecting the Shia tradition of honoring
forebears, such as Hussein and Ali as noted in appendix 3.
Appeals to Spirits, Jinn, Sorcery, and the Deceased
The Qur’an states that God created non-human creatures, referred to
as jinn and, as discussed earlier in this report, many Muslims affirm that
jinns exist. However, few Muslims believe it is acceptable to make offer-
ings or appeals to these supernatural beings, as noted in appendix 4, since
prayers and sacrifices are to be made to God alone (108:2). Appeals to jinn
and the use of sorcery are almost universally regarded as falling outside
of Islamic tradition, even though many Muslims say they believe in the
existence of these supernatural beings and in witchcraft.
Shia and Sunni Muslims differ little when it comes to rejecting the use
of sorcery within Islam. In Lebanon and Azerbaijan, members of both
groups hold similar views on the acceptability of making appeals to jinn.
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they become a disciple of Jesus Christ in the 21st century and what aspects
of their worldview needs transformation?
Smith and Haddad (1981:47) believe that the information about the
events that take place in the grave undoubtedly come from pre-Islamic
Arabic beliefs. Farnaz Masumian (1996:76) states that “the early Muslim
theologians and thinkers combined the Zoroastrian belief in a personal
judgment in the grave with the pre-Islamic Barzakh doctrine to form
a coherent system of personal judgment for the faithful.” This is why
Masumian (76) is convinced that the concept of Barzakh (purgatory) is of
significance since it is similar to some other faith traditions, especially
to the Zoroastrianism. Samuel Shahid (2005:172) concurs by stating that
Muhammad was probably informed by Salman al-Farsi who explained his
previous faith. Masumian (1996:84, 80-81) suggests that “even a cursory
look at Muslim eschatology reveals numerous similarities between
Muslim and Zoroastrian accounts of the afterlife,” such as, the state of the
soul before judgment, the two judgments, the bridge, heaven and hell, and
the vision of the Creator.
Ragnar Eklund (1941:3) believes that the doctrine of torment in the
grave was first presented to Muhammad by Aisha who heard it from a
Jewess since Jews already believed in such a concept. Aisha said that a
Jewess came to her and mentioned the punishment in the grave, stating,
“May Allah protect you from the punishment of the grave.” Aisha then
asked Allah’s Apostle about the punishment of the grave. He said, “Yes,
[there is] punishment in the grave.” Aisha added, “After that I never saw
Allah’s Apostle but seeking refuge with Allah from the punishment in the
grave in every prayer he prayed” (Sahih Al-Bukhari 2:454).
In several hadiths Muhammad apparently spoke to the dead in the
graves. When asked, he responded that “they hear quite well, although
they cannot answer.” Eklund (1941:10) believes that this concept contra-
dicts the Qur’an which states “verily thou shalt not make the dead to hear”
(27:82). Therefore, Eklund questions the interrogation in the grave, which
relates to questions about the prophet and quotes Tirmidhi al-Hakim who
stated that former communities were to be tested based on their prophets,
and Muslims based on their prophet Muhammad (Eklund 1941:50).
Barzakh, which is very much connected to torment in the grave, causes
much fear in the hearts of many Muslims. This view is probably similar to
the view of purgatory in Catholicism. Even the prophet used to pray that
his time in the grave would be easy. Based on this belief there is certainly
fear among Muslims about death and what will transpire after death. Is
their fear justified? Within the Bible, belief concerning death can be pre-
sented from Ecclesiastes 9:5, which states, “For the living know that they
will die, but the dead know nothing; they have no further reward, and
even their name is forgotten.” Also, 1 Thessalonians 4:13-18 states that the
dead are resting in their graves until the day when Jesus comes again, at
which time the dead in Christ will rise first. This text says to comfort each
other with this hope. So according to the Bible there is no concept of Bar-
zakh (purgatory) or torment in the grave. This is one place where a Muslim
background believer would need a worldview transformation so as to no
longer believe that the dead are being punished or tormented in the grave
but will face judgment at the resurrection.
Delights of Paradise
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at the Last Hour (before judgment), that one can stand in judgment. One
does not need to doubt about that hour but can stand in the assurance of
Jesus who has gone ahead of us to paradise to prepare a place for us to
spend eternity with him.
Appendix 1
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Appendix 2
Appendix 3
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Appendix 4
Endnotes
1 Merklin states that the “translations of the Qur’an are not consistent in the
translation of ruh and nafs, just as English translations in the Bible for the Hebrew
equivalents” (2012:3).
2 “Allah, we ask You to raise the rank of Muhammad, and have mercy upon
the Al (family, friends, and everyone else present for the funeral) of Muhammad,
as You raised the rank of Ibrahim (Abraham), and the Al of Ibrahim. Verily, You are
the One Who deserves to be praised and thanked, and the One Who is glorified. O
Allah, we ask You to bless Muhammad, and the Al of Muhammad, as You blessed
Ibrahim, and the Al of Ibrahim. Verily, You are the One Who deserves to be praised
and thanked, and the One Who is glorified.”
3 “Allah, grant forgiveness to our living and to our dead, and to those who
are present and to those who are absent, and to our young and our old folk, and to
our males and females. O Allah! Whomsoever you grant to live, from among us,
help him to live in Islam, and whom of us you cause to die, help him to die in faith.
Grant especially this dead person your ease, rest, forgiveness and consent Allah, if
he acted well, then increase for him his good action, and if he acted wrongly, then
overlook his wrong actions. Grant him security, glad tidings, generosity and close-
ness to you. We seek Thy blessings, Thou art the most Merciful.”
4 “May the peace and mercy of Allah be upon you.”
5 “Out of it We (Allah) created you, and into it We deposit you, And from it We
shall take you out once again” (Qur’an 20:55).
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HARRIET IKHANE
Introduction
From biblical times, women have been equipping themselves for God’s
service and have been active in personal evangelism (Patterson 2014:65). In
the Gospels, one can read of many women who listened raptly to Christ’s
word and believed him to be the anointed Messiah (John 11:27). Mary of
Bethany sat at Jesus’ feet to learn deep truths of Scripture (Luke 10:38-42)
just as Paul was educated “at the feet of Gamaliel” in Jerusalem (Acts 22:3).
She became the first propagator of the empty tomb account (John 20:18).
The Samaritan woman, within a short period of learning from Christ at
the well, became the greatest female evangelist (John 4:5-30).
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While some scholars contend that the Old and New Testaments stipu-
late that all women are to be under the authority of all men, others insist
that this is not the case (Madu 2014:124). Thus, it becomes necessary to
closely investigate the evidence of Scripture on such claims.
In first-century Judaism, both boys and girls had access to informal
education (teaching and training at home and in daily life). Women were
taught a little more than the domestic arts by their mothers. These moth-
ers probably learned to read and write and were given enough elemen-
tary religious instruction so they could pass on biblical knowledge to their
children (Gladson 1984:40). However, only the boys were offered formal
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Ellen White sensed her call to the ministry in 1889 when in her youth
she was chosen by God (after two men had declined the commission) to
be his special messenger (Anderson 1984:109). This makes her writings on
the role of women in the church very pertinent.
Ellen White used the term ministry to designate the calling and work
of every Christian. Thus she explains:
Her basic definition of ministry is the calling of all Christians “to work
for the salvation of their fellow men.” One can say that since the work of
saving souls depends on all believers (including women), likewise, all be-
lievers who feel called to ministry need to be given access to formal theo-
logical education. White’s usage of the terms “ministry” and “minister”
gives a sharper focus to the study of women in ministry and also suggests
that women should labor in the gospel ministry. She speaks of women
who do work that is in the line of ministry and also refers to young wom-
en being trained for this work. She believed women to be indispensable
in ministry, because they can minister in ways that men cannot (White
1970:472). White additionally affirmed that “when a woman is in trouble,
let her take her trouble to women” (1970:460). She further states that:
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Our sisters generally have a hard time with their increasing families
and their unappreciated trials. I have so longed for women who could
be educated to help our sisters rise from their discouragement and
feel that they could do a work for the Lord. This will bring rays of
sunshine into their own lives, which will be reflected into the lives
of others. God will bless all who unite in this grand work. (1970:114 )
Furthermore, she opines that “the Lord has a work for women as well
as for men. . . . They can do in families a work that men cannot do, a
work that reaches the inner life. They can come close to the hearts of those
whom men cannot reach, their labor is needed” (White 1902:26). The Lord
had shown her times without number that women teachers are just as
greatly needed to do the work to which He has appointed them as are
men” (1970:493). She therefore encourages that
Women were vital in the Adventist Church in the 1860s and were
formally inducted into the official ministry in the 1870s. They were
needed as evangelists for the unentered areas. Both men and women were
encouraged to receive ministerial training to allow them to enter the field
(Haloviak 1988:1). Unfortunately, women constitute only a tiny minority
in our theological institutions either as students or teachers. This may
pose a challenge to fulfilling God’s mission.
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Below are some potential benefits for the church to fully support, spon-
sor, and train women in theological schools:
First, educating women theologically will allow for the close involve-
ment of women in the daily lives of the people. Women’s work serves to
“soften the effects of cultural imperialism and create a model for gender-
based missions (that is, women ministering to women) for subsequent
generations (Patterson 2014:68). Second, a greater partnership between
men and women in the Lord will be created. Missionary women will not
only be interested in the spiritual welfare of women in their contexts but
also in their social status and overall welfare, thus improving the status
of women in society (Ayanga 2017:20). Throughout the history of mis-
sions, many women have become Christians as a result of other women
(teachers, health workers, reading tutors, or visiting neighbors) who have
touched them at their point of need. Women can reach the hearts of other
women and connect on a level that is not possible for men. In many coun-
tries, only female missionaries have been able to gain access to women
(Patterson 2014:68).
Fourth, Romans 16 records how several women’s missionary endeavors
contributed significantly to the life and growth of the church. Priscilla
must have been well-grounded in Christian theology to become a capable
instructor of the great Orator Apollos (Acts 18:26). Also, women tend to be
more reliable and effective in implementing changes in their communities
that will help their children and raise the standard of life. Since women are
referred to as “nation builders” ( Olubunmi and Oloruntegbe 2014:158),
they can also be kingdom builders. Therefore, if they are encouraged
through sponsorship and church employment to participate in theological
education, the church will grow more spiritually, numerically, and
financially. The church will enjoy more peace and a touch of compassion
if Christian women are sincerely accepted and trained to use their God-
given gifts.
Fifth, when women receive theological education, their courage and
self-confidence will increase, which could enable them to free themselves
from the societal prejudice and negative stereotypic image they have come
to accept and which in a way affects the church socially. The combination
of men and women learning and interacting together represents the com-
plete creation of God. At Creation, God looked at male and female and
saw that all he had made “was very good” (Gen 1:31).
Women’s work is essential and without it the cause will suffer great
loss. Women will be more successful in this area of ministry than will
men. The Lord has a work for women, as well as for men. They may
take their places in His work . . . and He will work through them. If
they are imbued with a sense of their duty, and labor under the influ-
ence of the Holy Spirit, they will have just the self-possession required
for this time. . . . They can do in families a work that men cannot do, a
work that reaches the inner life and come close to the hearts of those
whom men cannot reach, hence become beneficial in enhancing visita-
tion and retention of backsliding members. They can come close to the
hearts of those whom men cannot reach. Their labor is needed. The
combined talents of both men and women are essential for the highest
success in the work of the ministry. Therefore the ideal here is team
ministry. (White 1902:7,8).
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Endnotes
1 The theme of women here generally refers to all discourses about women,
ranging from their status, roles, and leadership positions, etc. In other words, there
must be a topic on women probably because of the patriarchal system. Hence; the
word “theme” has to do with issues/debates surrounding them, which in most
cases pose challenges to their theological education.
Works Cited
Efe, M. Ehioghae. 2020. Personal correspondence from the the former Religious
Studies Department Chair, Babcock University, Nigeria.
Familusi, O. O. 2012. African Culture and the Status of Women: The Yoruba Ex-
ample. Journal of Pan-African Studies 5, no. 1:299-313.
Gladson, Jerry. 1984. The Role of Women in the Old Testament Outside the Penta-
teuch. In Symposium on the Role of Women in the Church. 37-47.
Haloviak, Bert. 1988. Women and the SDA Chruch. Seminar presentation at Sligo
Church, October 15, 1988.
John, Wyckoff Eric. 2005. Jesus in Samaria (John 4:4-42): A Model for Cross Cul-
tural Ministry. In Biblical Theology Bulletin: A Journal of Bible and Theology 35,
no. 89:89-98.
Madu, Cecilia. 2014. Women in the Bible as Source of Inspiration for Women To-
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Mugambi, J. N. Kanyua. 2005. Christianity and African Cultural Heritage. In Chris-
tianity and African Culture, 516-542. Nairobi, Kenya: Acton.
Oduyoye, Mercy Amba. 1997. Theological Education for Women in Africa. In
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African Conference of the Circle of Concerned African Women Theolo-
gians. Edited by Mercy Amba Oduyoye. Accra, Ghana: Sam Wood.
Ola, Abolarin Isaiah. 2013. The Influence of University Personnel Upon Students’ Spiri-
tuality at Selected Adventist Universities in West Africa. PhD diss. Andrews
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Olubunmi, A. Omoniyi, and O. Oloruntegbe Kunle. 2014. Access and Attrition of
Female Students in Secondary Schools in Federal Capital Territory. Journal
of African Studies and Development 6, no. 8:156-160.
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alFactors Affecting Women’s Access to Educational Leadership. MA thesis,
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123456789/45484/1/URN%3AN BN%3Afi3Ajyu-201503101455.pdf.
Page, Meg. 2012. Women on Mission with God. In Discovering the Mission of God,
edited by Mike Barnett, 555-568. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press.
Patterson, Kelley Dorothy. 2014. The Role of Women as Missionaries. Southern
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Dissertation Abstract
Samuel Telemaque
This study examines the challenge of contextualizing the gospel for Chi-
nese immigrants in the Dominican Republic. Chinese people have been
migrating to the Dominican Republic, mainly from Guangdong and Fuji-
an, since the early 1960s. The immigrant population grew to appropriately
50,000 in the 1990s; however, in spite of this steady growth in population,
Adventist leaders have not been able to influence Chinese immigrants
to appreciate the gospel or to make decisions to begin a journey toward
Christ. This study examines that missiological challenge.
The purpose of this study is to develop a model of contextualization for
presenting the gospel to Chinese immigrants that is biblically faithful and
culturally relevant. The model is based on data obtained from interviews
and participant observations conducted in Duarte, known as Barrio Chino,
in the city of Santo Domingo in the Dominican Republic. The data were
gathered from 24 respondents consisting of six Chinese immigrants, six
Dominican-born Chinese, six leaders from other denominations, and six
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Adventist church leaders. The data were analyzed for reoccurring themes,
discrepancies, and nuances. After three cycles of analysis, eight reoccur-
ring themes emerged from the data.
These themes or findings are crisis, language, storytelling, social needs,
pragmatism, hard work, values, and availability. Jackson Wu’s theories of
biblical exegesis and cultural contextualization were used to discuss the
findings. The findings were framed within biblical and cultural themes.
The cultural themes are relationship, fortune, and identity. On the other
hand, the biblical themes are creation, covenant, and eschatology. The bibli-
cal and cultural themes were integrated to evoke responses of appreciation,
acceptance, and decision for the gospel of Christ.
The theories of conflict-competence-theory and critical realism were
used to explain the inter-relationships between biblical and cultural
themes in creating a model of contextualization that is biblically faith-
ful and culturally sensitive. This study is relevant to church administra-
tors, mission practitioners, students of mission, and teachers of mission.
It exposes readers to theoretical and practical insights for engaging in
contextualization that is biblically faithful and culturally appropriate to
the Chinese immigrants’ view of reality in the Dominican Republic. The
study has the potential of helping Chinese immigrants develop a new ap-
preciation of the gospel and to carefully evaluate biblical beliefs, values,
teaching and practices in their journey toward Christ.
DANIEL DUFFIS
Book Review
In Intercultural Discipleship,
one of eight publications in the se-
ries Encountering Mission, Dr. W. Jay
Moon, professor of church planting at
Asbury Theological Seminary, makes
a compelling case on the need to ap-
proach spiritual formation through an
intercultural discipleship process.
Writing primarily to practitioners in the
West (xii), the bulk of the book is focused on analyzing cultural pedagogi-
cal forms including symbols, ritual, stories, music, dance, and drama—
things that are usually associated with Majority World cultures, as tools to
enhance cross-cultural discipleship processes. Moon’s focus is to advocate
for the inclusion of these native cultural genres, not necessarily for over-
seas mission, but for spiritual formation in Western home cultures, since
these cultural genres have often been perceived by westerners as being
too emotive and less rational, a result of the elevation of the cognitive over
the emotive in the modern era.
The book is pedagogical in nature. The layout of each chapter follows
a very straightforward design, with a theoretical section, a demonstration
of the theory in practice, and a section with questions at the end for small
group discussions.
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In chapters 1-3, the author sets the stage by comparing the underly-
ing assumptions of Western culture and Majority World culture and how
these affect approaches to discipleship. Acknowledging the strengths and
weaknesses of each worldview, Moon demonstrates how a combination
of diverse cultural tools for spiritual formation can provide a more ho-
listic understanding to discipleship. He sees intercultural discipleship as
the process of transforming worldviews by which Jesus’ followers are ori-
ented to the Kingdom of God and learn to contextualize their obedience
to Christ through the usage of native genres derived from their different
cultures (53).
In chapters 5-9, Moon analyses each cultural tool at an individual level
and provides steps in order to properly contextualize the different ele-
ments into the process of intercultural discipleship. An underlying theme
in the book cautions against syncretism and split-level Christianity by pre-
senting a healthy hermeneutic of interpreting and contextualizing cultural
genres that avoid non-critical assimilation while also not totally rejecting
cultural forms. In these chapters, therefore, he gives both a theoretical
analysis and a practical picture of how native genres could be used in
diverse contexts, often through stories from his own personal experience
serving as a missionary in Africa for 13 years.
In chapters 10-11, the author calls the reader to consider a more holistic
approach to worldview transformation by showing both the necessity to
provide a new understanding that impacts belief or ideology, but also the
need for both word and deed as agents of change. The end of the book lays
out key metrics to measure successful incorporation of these elements in
the discipleship journey, including an exploration of the usage of these
cultural tools within postmodern contexts.
Moon’s scholarship shines throughout this book as he manages to
draw from various disciplines, masterfully weaving together sociologi-
cal, pedagogical, and missiological perspectives on the matter, including
thoughts from leading scholars like Paul Hiebert, Clifford Geertz, and
Charles Kraft, among others. However, the author also maintains an ac-
cessible language for his target audience.
One weakness of the material, however, is that a case could be made
against the idea of reflecting on multicultural pedagogy through the eyes
of a single author. One would expect such a volume to contain contri-
butions from various voices and viewpoints. Still, with the inclusion of
culturally diverse stories and the varied experiences originating from the
author himself, Moon presents a well-rounded and culturally informed pan-
orama of the topic that solidifies his own voice in contributing to the topic.
Another area of concern is that although the author vouches for
both the usage of words and actions as a means that lead to worldview
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Book Review
The reader is not left to figure out or deduce the author’s intent. Ott is
quite explicit in his position. For example, in his opening statements, he
contends that each generation has to reaffirm its understanding of what is
meant by the mission of the church. Further, he identifies the meaning of
church as a representation of worship to God.
The author addresses the possible criticism that his view of missional
transformation is too church-centered. His response is three-fold. First,
that the church is, in fact, the lone agency on the earth to fulfill God’s mis-
sion. He cites Leslie Newbigin as stating that the root of the history of the
Bible is God calling a people to serve him and represent his light to the
nations of the world. He states, “God’s purposes in history are intimately
linked to a people; in our day that is the church” (20).
Second, Jesus’ focus was the church. One of his promises was to build
the church so that his name could be lifted up in all the earth. Ott’s third
point is that the church is called to be transformational and to multiply
around the globe. To this end, he sees eschatological significance. He rec-
ognizes that in light of the fact that Christ redeemed the church and adds
to it those who should be saved, the church can be viewed as the first fruits
of the new creation, when Jesus makes all things new because the believ-
ers would have become “new-creation people.” Thus, God’s church is a
spiritual kingdom; not a national one.
The church indeed is not the kingdom of God; the concept of the king-
dom of God is much bigger and includes heavenly realities, whereas the
church, though a part of the kingdom, is an earthly reality that will experi-
ence the final transformation when Jesus comes. First Peter 2:9 portrays
the church as a priesthood, a nation, a generation, never a kingdom. In
verse five, the apostle mentions that the believers are living stones, to be
used in building a spiritual house. The kingdom language therefore is not
a fitting characterization in my view, even as a metaphor, for the church
of God.
In continuing with the missional and transformational nature of the
church, the author laments the neglect that has characterized the behavior
of the church as it relates to theology that is rooted in Scripture. He cites a
number of reasons for this including the avoidance of dealing with hard
issues that usually create discomfort; the tendency to make Scripture a
relative and/or experiential philosophy rather than conforming the life
to the dictates of Scripture. Some believers have very little interest in
doctrinal issues that have created divisions among Christians. This has
resulted in a diminished regard for formal theological study, which Ott
sees as necessary in order to have sound theological positions. He argues
that the church must have the ability to deeply study the Scriptures. To
lose sight of this need or to disregard its import is to compromise the
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