Editorial

Bauer: Editorial
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Journal of Adventist Mission Studies, Vol. 16 [], No. 1, Art. 3
The views and opinions expressed in these articles are solely those
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of all facts and quotations.
JAMS
Journal of Adventist Mission Studies Vol. 16, No. 1, Spring 2020
ISSN: 1553-9881
Editor: Bruce L. Bauer
Associate Editors: Wagner Kuhn, Lester Merklin, Boubakar Sanou
Managing Editor: Andrew Tompkins
Regional Editors: Cristian Dumitrescu, Sung Ik Kim, Kelvin Onongha, Olaotse Gabasiane
Editorial address: JAMS, Dept. of World Mission, Berrien Springs, MI 49104-1565
Phone: 269.471.6505
Fax: 269.471.6202
Editorial e-mail: [email protected]
Cover and Layout: Amy Rhodes
Cover Photos: AdobeStock/Photo, AdobeStock/tuayai

JAMS is a peer-reviewed journal published in the Spring and Fall by

the International Fellowship of Adventist Mission Studies,
Berrien Springs, MI 49104-1500
Copyright © 2005-2020 International Fellowship of Adventist Mission Studies
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Bauer: Editorial
CONTENTS
Editorial.................................................................................................... iv
Death and Ancestors in Light of the Old Testament................................. 1

Richard M. Davidson
Death and Ancestors in Contemporary Judaism..................................... 29

Reinaldo W. Siqueira
Ancestor Worship and the Gadarene Demoniacs...........................................55

Cedric Vine
A Biblical Framework for Discipling

Believers Who Fear Death and Hell........................................................ 68
Wagner Kuhn and Boubakar Sanou
The Phenomenon of Ancestor Cults with

Missiological Implications........................................................................ 82
Richard Doss
Ancestors in the Asia-Pacific Context...................................................... 95

Cristian Dumitrescu
Funeral Rituals and Practices: The Quest for

Missiological Approaches of Witnessing to
Mwami Church Members in Zambia................................................................. 108
Christopher Kabwe Mukuka
Adventist Devotional Theology in Mission:

An Emphasis on Spiritual Life in the Encounter
with the Buddhist Karmic Understanding of
God and the Afterlife............................................................................................. 122
Regine Rimarzik
Facing Missiological Challenges by Understanding

Hinduism’s Approach to Ancestors....................................................... 142
Chanchal Gayen

ii
Faith, Force, and Fear: Factors that

Influence Ancestral Worship among Hindus......................................... 156
Santosh Kumar and Petr Cincala
Rituals and Beliefs Surrounding Death in Islam..................................... 173

Petras Bahadur
Theological Education of Seventh-day

Adventist Women in Nigeria................................................................. 193
Harriet Ikhane
Dissertation Abstract
Towards a Biblical and Missiological Model of Cross-Cultural
Contextualization Among Chinese Immigrants in
“Barrio Chino” Duarte of Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic �� 205
Samuel Telemaque
Book Review
Intercultural Discipleship: Learning from Global
Approaches to Spiritual Formation by W. Jay Moon ........................... 207
Reviewed by Daniel Duffis
Book Review
The Church on Mission: A Biblical Vision
for Transformation among All People by Craig Ott............................... 210
Reviewed by Kerth Payne
iii
Bauer: Editorial
Editorial
Understanding the biblical position on death, ancestors, and whether or not the
human soul is immortal or mortal is of vital importance in Christian mission.
Many in Africa and Asia have strong connections with their ancestors, believing
that even after people die they continue to have an influence on the living. If the
ancestors are not properly cared for, it is believed that harm, sickness, and even
death can impact the family, the clan, and even the whole community.
This issue of the Journal of Adventist Mission Studies provides three excellent
articles detailing the biblical position on death and ancestors. Check out Richard
Davidson’s article from an Old Testament perspective, Reinaldo Sequeira’s article
on a Jewish perspective, and Wagner Kuhn and Boubakar Sanou’s article on a bib-
lical framework for discipling new believers who fear death and hell.
Much of the Christian world with its belief in the efficacy of saints ministering
to the living or with a strong belief in an immortal soul can provide little comfort
to those who fear the wrath of angry ancestors. The tragedy is that as Seventh-day
Adventists have discipled new believers too often they have taught the biblical
doctrine without spending the time to change the underlying worldview assump-
tions and premises.
For example, in 2018 the General Conference commissioned a Global Church
Member Survey that had 63,756 responses from all 13 divisions with a margin of
error of less than 1%. One of the items on the survey stated, “When people die,
their bodily remains decay and they have no consciousness or activity until they
are resurrected.” This is good Adventist teaching. Among respondents from all di-
visions, 89.6% agreed or strongly agreed. However, in a subsequent statement that
said, “The soul is a separate part of a person and lives on after death” 8.3% of the
respondents said they were not sure and an additional 32.5% agreed or strongly
agreed. A large majority answered the belief question correctly, but when it came
to applying that statement to cultural concepts and assumptions, a large percent-
age continued to believe in an immortal soul. Many new Adventist members share
a cultural or religious heritage with strong Catholic or Protestant teachings con-
cerning an immortal soul or come from cultures where most people believe that
ancestors interact with the living.
Another statement from the survey said, “People who have died believing in
Christ are in heaven right now.” Among all divisions, 8.2% were not sure and
an additional 19.5% agreed or strongly agreed with that statement. This means
that 27.7% of Adventists were not sure or confused on this issue. I believe these
statistics reveal deeply held cultural and religious values and assumptions that
continue to intermingle with an Adventist belief system. Therefore, it is not only
important to exegete the Word of God to ascertain what it says about death, ances-
tors, and whether a person’s soul is mortal or immortal; it is just as important to
exegete the local culture and the world religions to understand where people are
coming from and what their deeply held beliefs and worldview values are. Four
articles discuss what Jews, Buddhists, Muslims, and Hindus believe concerning
these vital topics.
Bruce L. Bauer, editor

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Bauer: Editorial

RICHARD M. DAVIDSON
Death and Ancestors in Light

of the Old Testament
Introduction
From my personal study and from listening to the various excellent pa-
pers presented at this conference, I have been both sobered and saddened
to see the extent to which the belief in ancestors surviving death and being
venerated or worshiped has permeated all the various religions and peo-
ple groups throughout the world, both ancient and modern, both Chris-
tian and non-Christian.
Why does ancestor worship persist in spite of Christendom’s strenu-
ous efforts to eradicate it? Various authorities have noted a major factor
to be that ancestor worship has its parallels in Christian cults of the dead
and of the saints. Such “parallels” are due to the widespread belief of
Christendom in an immortal soul. Ironically, then, Christian missionaries
have actually often reinforced the traditional indigenous belief that dead
ancestors can help and harm. For example, Harriet Ngubane, in the book
Body and Mind in Zulu Medicine, states: “Usually a Christian Zulu living
in a chiefdom [tribal area] does not find Christian beliefs and ancestral
beliefs incompatible” (1977:4). Various denominations and individual
scholars have argued for “common ground” between Christianity and the
Indigenous Religions of Africa and elsewhere who practice ancestor wor-
ship. Therefore, Emmanuel K. Twesigye writes, “The spirits referred to as
‘ancestral spirits’ are the African equivalent of the Christian ‘Community
of Saints,’ particularly within the Catholic tradition and devotional prac-
tice.” He goes on to affirm:
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It can be said that the African idea of instant transformation of the

human being at the moment of death, the subsequent embodiment in
a spiritual body, evaluation, and judgment by God and the ancestral
spirits, and the consequent acceptance by the ancestors and God if
judged as good or rejection if judges as unworthy for having lived
a life of hatred, malice and lacking in ‘Obuntu,’ is probably a viable
alternative eschatological view to the traditional Christian teaching on
death, the resurrection, judgment, hell and heaven. (1987:154)
Pope John Paul II speaks positively of the African spiritual worldview

on life and of the life-after-death:
Africa is endowed with a wealth of cultural values and priceless hu-

man qualities, which it can offer to the churches and to humanity as
a whole. . . . The sons and daughters of Africa love life. It is precisely this
love for life that leads them to give such great importance to the ven-
eration of their ancestors. They believe intuitively that the dead con-
tinue to live and remain in common with them. Is this not in some way a
preparation for belief in the communion of the Saints? (1995:42, 43)
As further evidence of accommodation to indigenous ancestral reli-

gions, even some spirit mediums and witch doctors have found accep-
tance in Christian churches. A survey taken by Dr. Chavunduka of the
University of Zimbabwe revealed that among 145 traditional healers were
Methodists, Roman Catholics, Anglicans, Seventh-day Adventists, and
members of the Dutch Reformed Church. Chavunduka concludes: “Mem-
bership of a church does not prevent an individual from participating in
traditional religion” (Ancestor Worship 1985).
What especially sobers and surprises me is to find the name Seventh-
day Adventist among this list of churches in which traditional healers
have found a home. This surprise is heightened by the results of the 2018
survey conducted by the General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists
presented by David Trim in this conference, revealing the extent to which
belief in the state of the dead among Seventh-day Adventists includes ac-
ceptance of the notion of an immortal soul and some form of veneration
and worship of ancestors who continue to exist after death and interact
with human beings who have not died.
One cannot deny the powerful cures and miracles that have been af-
fected by traditional indigenous healers, spirit mediums, and witch doc-
tors. In the past, Christian churches in their mission outreach opposed
spirit mediums and witch doctors. Now many are changing their tactics.
While endorsing modern medical trends, they try to retain the support of
church members who still cling to ancestral beliefs. Some church entities
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have therefore decided that rather than try to stamp out “indigenous heal-
ers,” they should work with them (Wulfhorst 2005).
What should be the response of the Seventh-day Adventist Church to
the belief and practice of ancestor worship or veneration and acceptance
of necromancy (communication with the dead), and the larger affirmation
that when a person dies the soul lives on and interacts with the living?
As a church which upholds the belief in sola Scriptura, we have the man-
date to test all beliefs and practice—including that of ancestor worship
or veneration, and associated miracles and cures that have accompanied
such phenomena—by Scripture. Isaiah 8:20 states: “To the Law and to the
testimony! If they do not speak according to this word, it is because there
is no light in them.” What is not often recognized in quoting this text to
support sola Scriptura is that the immediate context concerns the practice
of seeking to consult the dead via mediums and spiritists. Verse 19 (NASB)
reads: “When they say to you, ‘Consult the mediums [Heb. ’obot] and the
spiritists [Heb. yidd‘oni ] who whisper and mutter,’ should not a people
consult their God? Should they consult the dead on behalf of the living?”
In light of this mandate of sola Scriptura, calling us to base all our faith
and practice upon the teachings of Scripture, especially in the context of
attempted contact with the dead ancestors, in this study I invite us to reas-
sess what the Bible, and especially the “Law and Testimony” of the He-
brew Bible (HB, the Old Testament), has to say about this subject.
In particular, there is a need to assess the biblical validity of the pre-
suppositions that undergird the view of ancestor veneration and worship.
Three major presuppositions underlie this belief and practice: (1) dualism
of soul and body: the soul and body are two separate (and separable) en-
tities that comprise the human being; (2) the immortality of the soul: the
soul is immortal, and thus does not die; and (3) when human beings die,
their soul survives death and continues to exist as a conscious intelligent
entity separate from the body, able to interact with the living.
The Nature and Constitution of the Human Being
A growing consensus within biblical scholarship affirms that the open-

ing pages of the Bible (Gen 1-3) provide the foundation for the rest of
Scripture: “whether one is evangelical or liberal, it is clear that Genesis
1-3 is the interpretive foundation of all Scripture” (Rankin 1996:203). “Ca-
nonically, the understanding of human nature expressed or implied in
the laws, wisdom literature, narratives, prophetic texts, and other genres
of the Hebrew Scriptures may be viewed as commentary on the creation
texts. . . . The Bible’s first statement concerning humankind remains the
normative statement that governs all others” (Bird 1994:525, 527; Brown
and McBride Jr., 2000:xi).
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The first two chapters of Genesis provide foundational insights into

biblical anthropology. We first will examine the key passage in Gen 1 dis-
cussing humanity as the imago Dei, look at the constitution of humans as
set forth in the pivotal passage of Genesis 2, and relate these foundational
passages to other OT relevant material (Davidson 2015:11-42).
Genesis 1:26-27: The Nature of Humanity in God’s Image
In Genesis 1:26-28 “the high point and goal has been reached toward
which all of God’s creativity from v. 1 on was directed” (von Rad 1961:57;
Wilfong 2000: 47). Here in lofty grandeur is portrayed the creation of hu-
mankind (ha’adam):
Then God said, “Let us make humankind in our image [tselem], ac-
cording to our likeness [demut]; and let them have dominion over the
fish of the sea, and over the birds of the air, and over the cattle, and
over all the wild animals of the earth, and over every creeping thing
that creeps upon the earth.” So God created humankind in his image
[tselem], in the image of God he created them; male and female he cre-
ated them. (NRSV)
A careful semantic examination of the word tselem (“image”) in its et-

ymology and seventeen occurrences in the OT reveals that “aside from
its two possibly figurative usages, tselem always refers to a physical im-
age, having a formed body” (Waltke 2007:215). John Goldingay draws the
implication: “An image is the visible representation of something, which
suggests God’s image lies in humanity’s bodily nature. . . . [T]he First Tes-
tament. . . systematically presupposes a correspondence between God and
humanity in its bodily as well as its inner nature” (2003:102, 103; von Rad
2001:145; Porteous 1962:684).1 With solid biblical data David Carr coun-
ters the common notion “that Genesis 1 must be talking about something
else—anything else—than actual physical resemblance between God and
humans” (2003:17-26).
The second Hebrew word in Genesis 1:26 depicting the resemblance
between God and humanity is the abstract noun demu (“likeness”). In its
twenty-five occurrences in the Hebrew Bible, this term refers most often
to abstract qualities, although it also can be occasionally used for material
objects. It “is generally used to signify the ‘appearance,’ ‘similarity,’ or
‘analogy’ of nonphysical traits” (Rashkow 2000:61).
Thus the Hebrew words tselem “image” and demu (“likeness”), although
possessing overlapping semantic ranges, in the juxtaposition of v. 26 ap-
pear to emphasize the concrete and abstract aspects of the human being, re-
spectively (Porteous: 684, 685; von Rad 1961:57-58; Garr 2003:117-176). Ilona

5
Rashkow summarizes the implications of this juxtaposition: “God says

that his intention is to make Adam both in ‘in our image’ (that is, physi-
cally similar, whatever that may mean), and in ‘in our likeness’ (having
the same abstract characteristics)” (Rashkow 2000:61).2 Ellen White is thus
on the mark when she writes, “Man was to bear God’s image both in out-
ward resemblance and in character” (1890:45). Again, she states, “In the
beginning, man was created in the likeness of God, not only in character,
but in form and feature” (1911:644, 645; 1899:2).3
At the same time, the two expressions (tselem “image” and demu “like-
ness”) are used together in Genesis 1:26 (“in our image, according to our
likeness”) with no conjunction separating them, and both terms are used
alone as a cipher for the two together (Gen 1:27 uses tselem, and Gen 5:1
uses demu), thus implying that these terms should not be taken as de-
scribing two separable components of the human nature, as presumed in
Greek dualism and as attempted throughout much of the history of inter-
pretation (under the influence of such dualism). Rather, these two terms
indicate that the person as a whole—both in physical/bodily and spiritu-
al/mental components—is created in God’s image (White 1903:15). In his
commentary on Genesis, von Rad has insightfully concluded with regard
to Genesis 1:26: “One will do well to split the physical from the spiritual
as little as possible: the whole man is created in God’s image” (1961:58;
Garr 2003:117-176; Neuer 1991:65-67). Likewise, Vriezen contends that the
whole human being is created in the image of God (1970:203).
Genesis 2:7: The Constitution of Human Beings
A second “locus classicus of Old Testament anthropology” (von Rad

1961:77) is found in Genesis 2:7: “Then the LORD God formed man
[ha’adam] of dust [‘apar] from the ground [ha’adamah], and breathed into
his nostrils the breath [nishmat] of life; and man became a living being
[nepesh khayyah]” (NASB).
In a previous age it would have been necessary to argue from this pas-
sage for the OT concept of anthropological wholism,4 against strong oppo-
sition from almost the entire scholarly community, which was upholding
the traditional dualistic anthropology. However, all that has changed. “In
the last two centuries, biblical scholars have increasingly moved toward
a consensus that both the Hebrew Bible and the New Testament provide
a holistic model of the human person” (Shults 2003:175). It has become
increasingly apparent that Genesis 2:7 (like Gen 1:26) articulates a wholis-
tic view of humans. According to the understanding of anthropology set
forth in this verse, a human being does not have a soul, he/she is a soul. A
human is a living being, a psychophysical unity.
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 12
Bauer: Editorial
6
Genesis 2:7 gives the basic “formula” for the constitution of humans:
“dust” + “breath of life” = “soul.” Let’s look briefly at the basic OT vo-
cabulary for human constitution, as set forth in this verse and continued
elsewhere in Scripture:
First, dust, flesh/body, flesh and bones. The “dust [‘apar] from the ground
[ha’adamah] refers to the basic material elements of which the body is
composed. The name for “the human” (ha’adam) or “Adam” (’adam) is
etymologically related to ha’adamah “the ground,” implying the source of
Adam’s material substance. Later in Genesis 2 the whole person is viewed
from his physical perspective as “flesh” (basar) and “bones” (etsem) when
Adam states his oath of solidarity (or marriage vows) regarding Eve:
“she is now bone [etsem] of my bones and flesh [basar] of my flesh” (Gen
2:23). In Genesis 6:3, humankind is described as “flesh” (basar). The term
“flesh” basar (“flesh, body”) occurs 270 times in the OT, and “designates
the corporeal substance of a living human being or animal, with emphasis
on the visual and graphic” (Waltke 2007:224). Unlike the Greek term
for “flesh” in the NT, the word basar is never used as “the principle of
sin” in the OT, but rather emphasizes man in his weakness in contrast to
the divine being (Jacob 1958:158).5 The terms “bone and flesh” together
indicate a biological relationship or bond of solidarity (Waltke 2007:224;
Brueggeman 1970:540).
Second, breath/breathe, nostrils, breath of the spirit of life, breath of life, spirit.
The phrase “breath of life” (nishmat khayyim) in Genesis 2:7 is equivalent
to ruakh khayyim “spirit of life” or the longer form nishmat-ruakh khayyim
“breath of the spirit of life” in the Flood narrative (Gen 6:17; 7:22). Else-
where in Scripture, when referring to the constitution of humans and al-
luding to Genesis 2:7, writers often shorten this terminology to the single
word ruakh “spirit” (see esp. Eccl 3:19-20; Ps 103:14; 104:29-30; Job 33:4).
The narrator in Genesis 2:7 uses the full expression, including the terms
for “breathe” (napakh),6 “nostrils” (’ap), and “breath of life” (nishmat khayy-
im), (Waltke 2007:227)7 making clear that this breath is not understood as a
conscious entity within the human being, but rather as referring to the ani-
mating “life principle” or “vital power” bestowed by God on living beings.
The term ruakh (“wind, spirit”) occurs 378 times in the Hebrew Bible
(Old Testament), and when used of humanity is “an expression of the hu-
man being’s dynamic vitality” (Waltke 2007:227). It is often used to refer
to the “complex, yet unified, physical-psychical constitution of a human
being,” either emphasizing “physical vitality” (best glossed as “breath”),
or psychical vitality (best glossed as “spirit”) (Waltke 2007:227). Not even
once is the term ruakh used to denote “an intelligent entity capable of ex-
istence apart from the physical body, so far as man is concerned” (Vriezen
1970:406, 407).

7
Third, Living being, “soul.” According to Genesis 2:7, the physical mate-
rial (“dust of the ground”) plus the divine life principle (“breath of life”)
equals the living being (nepesh khayyah). In his monumental and classic
work on OT anthropology, Hans Walter Wolff has shown that the word
nepesh in Genesis 2:7 should be translated as “person, being, individual.”
He further shows that in its 754 occurrences in the Hebrew Bible, nepesh
“is never given the meaning of an indestructible core of being, in con-
tradistinction to the physical life, and even capable of living when cut
off from that life” (Wolff 1974:20). Wolff states emphatically: “man does
not have n[epesh], he is n[epesh], he lives as n[epesh]” (1974:10). Numerous
Old Testament scholars echo this conclusion (Dyrness 1979:85; Brotzman
1987:222). The term nepesh depicts the entire human being, seen from the
perspective of a person’s “passionate vitality,” one’s “e’lan vital, vibrant
with energy” (Terrien 2003:90).
Gerhard von Rad elaborates regarding the meaning of Genesis 2:7: “It
distinguishes not body and ‘soul’ but more realistically body and life. The
divine breath of life which unites with the material body makes man a
‘living soul’ both from the physical as well as from the psychical side”
(1961:77).
Since the early 1950s and the rise of the biblical theology movement,
this view has become the standard interpretation of Old Testament schol-
arship. There is no room in such a view for a platonic/philonic dichoto-
my of body and soul. Rather, the picture of the constitution of humans
throughout the Old Testament is one of wholism.8
Having looked at the nature and constitution of human beings, it now
needs to be asked: what happens when people die?
The Nature of Death
In our discussion of the nature and constitution of the human being,

building upon Genesis 1:26-28 and 2:7 and the testimony of later biblical
writers, it became clear that the Hebrew understanding was one of anthro-
pological wholism; the human does not have a soul, but is a soul, he is a
psycho-somatic whole. As mentioned, this is recognized almost univer-
sally by biblical scholars today. At the same time, the debate still rages as
to whether this wholism is only existential-functional, or also ontological.
Are human beings functionally wholistic in their existence, but ultimately
dualistic in their being? John Cooper claims that “this is a question of fact
which can only be determined by discovering what the Hebrews thought
about death and survival” (1989:52). Many OT scholars acknowledge that
the Hebrew anthropology was wholistic—a human does not have a soul
but is a soul—and yet contend that in the Hebrew worldview something
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 14
Bauer: Editorial
8
conscious survived death, and thus ultimately (ontologically) the human

nature is dualistic. Is such a picture of the afterlife accurate?
Genesis 3
This question is already answered decisively in the third chapter of

Genesis. The serpent had countermanded God’s announcement of death
for disobedience, with the bold assertion to Eve: “You shall not surely die”
(Gen 3:4).9 In the judgment upon the man, which describes the nature of
the death they would eventually suffer (Gen 3:19): “In the sweat of your
face you shall eat bread till you return to the ground. For out of it you
were taken; for dust you are, and to dust you shall return.” This passage is
clearly harking back to Genesis 2:7, indicating that the person would not
experience any intermediate state after death, but rather cease to exist. It
is not just the body that returns to the ground/dust, but the whole being
ceases to exist as a living entity, and returns to dust. God says to Adam:
“till you return to the ground . . . dust you are, and to dust you shall return.”
No conscious entity survives in a non-material form. No immortal soul
continues on.
Later Inspired Commentary on Genesis 3
Later inspired commentary on this passage by the psalmist and

Qoheleth, give even more details that show death to be the reversal of the
process that brought about the living being: God removes the “spirit of
life” that animated the person, and the person (“soul”) dies;10 nothing is
left but the dust:
Ecclesiastes 3:19-20: “For what happens to the sons of men also happens
to animals; one thing befalls them: as one dies, so dies the other. Surely,
they all have one breath; man has no advantage over animals, for all is
vanity. All go to one place: all are from the dust, and all return to dust.”
Psalm 103:14-16: “For He knows our frame; He remembers that we are
dust. As for man, his days are like grass; As a flower of the field, so he flour-
ishes. For the wind passes over it, and it is gone, And its place remembers
it no more.”
Psalm 104:29 (ESV): “When you hide your face, they are dismayed;
when you take away their breath, they die and return to their dust.”
The creation of the wholistic human being in Genesis 2:7 and the an-
nouncement of its reversal in 3:19 and other later biblical passages make
clear that this wholism is not only existential-functional, as some have
claimed, but ontological wholism, ontological monism (vs. ontological
dualism) (Green 1998:149-173; Green 2008).

9
Death is the reversal of the process (described in Gen 2:7) that brought
about the living person (or “soul”): God removes the “spirit of life” that
animated the person, and the person (“soul”) dies; nothing is left but the
dust. Therefore, Life is Dust + Breath of Life = Soul (person), while Death
is Soul (person) – Breath of Life = Dust.
The Bible is clear that a “soul” can die. Ezekiel 18:20 says, “The soul
who sins shall die.” Numerous other passages in the OT refer to a “soul”
dying or a “dead soul” (e.g., Gen 37:21; Lev 19:28; 21:1, 11; 22:4; Deut 19:6,
11; Num 5:2; 6:6, 11; 9:6, 7, 10; 19:11, 13; 23:10; 31:19; 35:15, 30; Josh 20:3, 9;
Judg 16:30; Job 11:20; Ezek 18:22:25, 27; Jer 40:14, 15; Hag 2:13).
According to the Bible, when humans die, they are truly dead, with no
consciousness surviving. Note the following passages:
Ecclesiastes 9:5-6: “For the living know they will die; but the dead do
not know anything, nor have they any longer a reward, for their memory
is forgotten. Indeed their love, their hate and their zeal have already per-
ished, and they will no longer have a share in all that is done under the
sun.”
Ecclesiastes 9:10: “Whatever your hand finds to do, do it with your
might; for there is no work or device or knowledge or wisdom in the grave
where you are going.”
Psalm 146:3, 4: “Do not put your trust in princes, Nor in a son of man,
in whom there is no help. His spirit departs, he returns to his earth; In that
very day his plans perish.” (See also Job 7:9-10;14:12; Ps 6:5; 30:9-10; 31:17-18;
Isa 38:18-19.)
Throughout the Old Testament, death is compared to a sleep, in which
one is not conscious of what is transpiring around them. The following
passages make this point clear:
Job 14:12: “So man lies down and does not rise. Till the heavens are no
more, They will not awake nor be roused from their sleep.”
1 Kings 2:10: “So David slept with his fathers.” This phrase is used some
40 times in the OT. (See also Job 3:12-14; Ps 13:3-4, 76:5-6; Jer 51:37-39; Dan
12:2.)
Summary of the View of the Nature of Humanity

and the Nature of Death
Humans are made in the image of God, a unity of outward resem-

blance and character.
The constitution of humans is dust + spirit (breath of life) = soul (person).
Humans do not have a soul; they are souls.
Death is the reversal of creation: soul – spirit (breath of life) = dust.
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 16
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Passages Allegedly Supporting Human

Conscious Survival after Death
The above view of the nature of death is consistent with the rest of the
Old Testament, despite numerous claims to the contrary. Other articles in
this issue have already dealt with some of the terms and passages alleged-
ly supporting humans’ conscious survival after death, but here I summa-
rize some major studies that support ontological monism vs. ontological
dualism. Regarding the term Sheol, which many OT scholars consider to
describe the underworld, the abode of conscious dead, a published disser-
tation by Ēriks Galenieks shows the opposite to be true. After analyzing
all 66 occurrences of the term in the OT, Galenieks concludes, “the Hebrew
Scripture provides no support for the idea that the term Sheol is somehow
associated with one’s after-death existence in the so-called underworld”
(2005:621). Rather, Sheol is consistently “a poetic designation of the grave”
(2005: abstract). Galenieks comes to the same conclusion regarding related
OT terms such as bor or shakhat (both translated “Pit”) (2005:582-588).
Likewise, careful study has shown that the term repa’im (Rephaim) does
not refer to conscious “disembodied spirits” or “shades,” as is widely as-
sumed by biblical scholars, but is a poetic term (like the other terms men-
tioned above) used in highly figurative contexts for the dead who dwell
in the dust (i.e., have returned to dust) (Bacchiocchi 1997:164-166; Green
2008:155-157).
It is beyond the confines of this study to trace in detail the Old Testa-
ment teaching of the final punishment of the wicked as eternal annihila-
tion and not an eternal existence in hell. Numerous recent studies have
set forth weighty evidence in favor of this interpretation of the OT data
(Fudge 2011:51-84, 349-359; Froom 1965).11 LeRoy Edwin Froom lists some
fifty different Hebrew verbs that describe the final end of the wicked, and
all of these speak of “the decomposition, of the breaking up of the organism and
final cessation of the existence of being—never that of immortal life in endless
suffering” (1965:106, 107). Edward Fudge examines in more detail many
of these passages, as well as various OT examples of destruction provid-
ing paradigms that are taken up by NT writers in describing the escha-
tological destruction of the wicked (2011:51-84). He also examines eight
OT passages which deal directly with the final eschatological judgment
(Ps 1:3-6, 2:9-12; Isa 11:4, 33:10-24, 66:24; Dan 12:2-3; and Mal 4:1-6) and
summarizes their content with regard to the fate of the wicked as follows:
“In these texts, we encountered fire and storm, tempest and darkness. The
slain of God will be many—corpses will lie in the street. Amid this scene
of utter contempt, worms and fire will take their final toll. Nothing will
remain of the wicked but smoke and ashes—the righteous will tread over

11
them with their feet” (Fudge 2011:84). This is the consistent picture of the
OT regarding the final fate of the wicked (Luchian 2001).
An OT Case-Study of Ancestor Worship:

1 Samuel 28:3-25
Perhaps the most-cited biblical story that is seen as describing a

postmortem appearance of the dead and providing “the clearest example
we have of what the dead were thought to be like” in OT times (Cooper
1989:74), is the story of Saul and the witch/medium of En-dor (1 Sam
28:3-25). This story is taken by many scholars as supporting the continued
existence of the dead and the possibility of dead ancestors being able
to communicate with the living. This story allows us to consider the
relationship of the living to their dead ancestors according to OT Scripture.
This narrative has been examined closely in recent years by two Sev-
enth-day Adventist OT scholars, Grenville Kent (in his doctoral disserta-
tion and subsequent articles 2011; 2014:141-160; 2010:196-200) and Daniel
Olariu (2015:75-94). It is pointed out that there are two major views on this
passage throughout the history of interpretation. One view supports the
conclusion it was the post partem Samuel himself (either as a disembodied
spirit or soul or a resurrected being), who actually appeared to Saul at En-
dor, sent from God. The other view interprets this figure as “a demonic
impersonator giving a false prophecy calculated to deceive and destroy
Saul” (Kent 2014:142). Kent and Olariu have provided solid exegetical
analysis of this passage. I will build upon their analysis, summarizing the
major evidence, in bullet format, but consider the data in light of the possi-
bility that this passage is describing ancestor worship and/or veneration.
Biblical Context
• Saul was vulnerable to the demonic (1 Sam 16:14-16, 23, 18:10,

19:9): and an “evil spirit” haunted Saul.
• God had forbidden Israel to be involved in witchcraft or to con-
sult spiritist mediums. “There shall not be found among you any-
one who makes his son or his daughter pass through the fire, or one
who practices witchcraft, or a soothsayer, or one who interprets
omens, or a sorcerer, or one who conjures spells, or a medium, or
a spiritist, or one who calls up the dead” (Deut 18:10-11). “And the
person who turns to mediums and familiar spirits, to prostitute
himself with them, I will set My face against that person and cut
him off from his people” (Lev 20:6).
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• Many words and phrases of the woman’s speech in 1 Sam 28 echo

Deut 18 and Lev 20. These serve as landmines in the speeches of
the woman: subtle, allusive warnings to the reader.
• Samuel had warned Saul against the sin of witchcraft (Heb. qe-
sem). 1 Sam 15:23. “For rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft [qesem].”
But this is exactly what Saul asked the medium to do (the same
Hebrew word qasam). In 1 Sam 28:8, this is in fact his first word to
her. “Conjure up [qasam] for me, please, and bring up for me whom
I shall name to you” (NASB). This word qesem describes pagan di-
viners (Num 22:7; 1 Sam 6:2; Josh 13:22). Saul was in absolute apos-
tasy, engaged in forbidden occult practices.
• The immediate context: verse 3. “Saul had put the mediums and
the spiritists out of the land.” And verse 6: “Saul inquired of the
Lord, and the Lord did not answer him, either by dreams or by
Urim or by the prophets.” From these passages, already, we may
anticipate the inference before the story begins, based upon the
cues in the context: If Lord did not answer Saul, then if someone
answered by another means, it would not be the Lord, but anti-
Yahwistic power.
Cultic Context: Canaanite Ritual of Ancestor

Veneration/Worship at En-dor
Of particular interest in Kent’s study is that the cultural background

of the spirit medium of En-dor story involves pagan ancestor worship,
which reveals that Israel as a nation was facing a similar challenge of a
competing system to the biblical worldview as we face today.
• Verse 7: En-dor was probably a Canaanite settlement, not con-

quered by Joshua (Josh 17:11-13). The name may come from the
term enna durenna, the Hittite term for the gods. “The Hittites
maintained an active line of communication with the deities who
lived beneath the earth in order to retain their goodwill” (Collins
2007:169, 170). There is a close parallel between the En-Dor story
and a Hittite ritual where the ritual specialist makes figurines of
the underworld gods, opens a pit in the ground into which honey,
wine and other libations are poured and money thrown, and con-
jures the spirit. “Such rituals typically included sacrificing an ani-
mal over the pit as well” (Collins 2007:143).
• Recent archaeological data from Ugarit indicate that the Canaanite
religion also involved ancestor worship, including rituals for
conjuring up the dead, which closely parallel what the medium of

13
En-dor did. The medium at En-dor uses the very language found in
the ancestor worship rituals at Ugarit (Kent 2014:143). Bill Arnold
summarizes the findings:
Whereas previous scholarship tended to deny the presence of ances-

tral worship in ancient Israel, it is now generally agreed that normative
Yahwism battled against the practice of necromancy and other death ritu-
als, such as self-laceration and offerings to deceased ancestors. As with
such practices in comparable cultures, it is assumed that Israelite cults
of the dead sought to appease the dead or to secure favours from them.
(1999:414)
• The Canaanites considered the dead to be divine in the under-

world, and so were called Elohim (“gods”), the very term the
spiritist medium used in 1 Sam 28:13: “I saw gods [plural] ascend-
ing [plural participle] out of the earth.” Note the plural noun and
verb, implying polytheism.
• Verse 14: Saul concentrates on one form, and the spirit medium ad-
justs her message to fit this focus. Saul bows down and “worships”
or “pays homage” (Heb. hishtakhawah)—he adopts the Canaanite
theology.
Cultic Meal as Part of the Ancestor Worship Ritual
According to v. 24, the spirit medium “slaughters” the fatted calf; but
the narrator does not use the regular word for “butcher” (tabakh, as in
25:11), but the word zabakh, “to slaughter for ritual sacrifice.” She is per-
forming a cultic ritual slaughter.
• Saul is led into an act of pagan worship (as Israel at Baal Peor, Num
25:1-3; Ps 106:28).
• Saul is actually making a covenant with the medium (i.e., eating a
covenant meal with the occult).
Verses 15-19: The Apparent Samuel’s Speech
• The speech employs the name Yahweh (special covenant name for
God used by Hebrews) seven times, which gives an air of authenticity.
• The speech recites almost verbatim previous words of Samuel.
• But there is no rebuke of Saul for his “sin of divination” that the
real Samuel warned about (1 Sam 15:23). The rebuke avoids the
most obvious issue—Saul is disobeying Samuel’s warning while
he was alive.
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 20
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14
Saul’s Punishment Is Greatly Increased

by the Apparent Samuel
• “Samuel” massively increases the amount of punishment for old

sins that God already dealt with (1 Sam 13:10-14, 15:13-35) by re-
moving Saul from being king. According to the prediction in v. 19,
Israel and Saul will fall into the hands of Philistines; and Saul and
his sons would die the next day. Would God in fairness add to
Saul’s punishment when no new offences are mentioned?
The Rebuke by the Apparent Samuel for

Bringing Me Up” (28:15)
• This was a petty self-centered complaint in view of the life and

death issues related to Israel and its king (see the situation of the
battle in 1 Sam 28:4-5).
• Why does he credit Saul and/or the woman for bringing him up?
If this were the real Samuel sent by God, why give the woman or
Saul the credit? It implies that Samuel is under their control.
• From where does the apparent Samuel come? In the Christian par-
adigm, why would Samuel be in the same place where the wicked
king would go when he died (v. 19)?
Inaccurate Predictions of the Apparent Samuel
• Verse 19 predicts that Israel and Saul would fall into the hands of
Philistines and that Saul and his sons would die the next day.
• The apparent “Samuel’s” prediction did not come true. Saul was
not “handed over” to the Philistines; he committed suicide before
the Philistines could capture him; and not all of his sons died
(Ishbosheth did not die; 2 Sam 2:8-10).
• Earlier in 1 Samuel the narrator makes clear that when Samuel the
prophet was alive everything he predicted came to pass (3:19-21;
9:6). If this was the real Samuel appearing to Saul, we should ex-
pect no less now, but it was not so.
Does the Narrator Say That Samuel Really Appeared?
• The spirit medium saw someone whom she and Saul thought was
Samuel (vv. 12 and 14). The narrator never says that Saul saw Samuel.
• The narrator uses the common narrative technique of “language
of focalization” by temporarily describing the scene from the per-
spective of the characters.

15
• See parallel in the description of Dagan, god of Philistines, de-

scribed as a person, fallen on his face (1 Sam 5:4).
• This is subtle suspense writing, so that the readers feel the power
of the deception until the many textual “warning lights” make
them realize the truth.
The Triumph of the Occult
• Saul came with two problems: (1) he was afraid and (2) he was
weak from not eating.
• The occult medium does not help his first problem of fear, but in-
stead he is sent out to the battlefield with a prophecy of certain
death.
• When Saul comes, he is giving orders; at the end the occultist gives
him orders: “Go. . . .” She (and the occult) has triumphed (vv. 22, 23).
Conclusion
In light of the above evidence (and this is only a sample of evidence

provided by Kent and Olariu), I agree with Kent’s conclusions that “the
real Samuel was not at En-Dor on the basis of the text itself” and that
“1 Samuel 28 is compatible with a view of conditional immortality and
a biblical anthropology of wholism” (Kent 2012:abstract). Nevertheless,
we have not yet answered the crucial question in the narrative. Who ap-
peared to the medium at En-Dor? The answer to this question leads into
the next section of study.
The Great Controversy Worldview
Who Was the Being that Appeared to

the Medium at En-Dor?
Daniel Olariu has analyzed in detail the literary structure of the En-
Dor narrative in 1 Samuel 28:3-25. He demonstrates that the passage is
structured chiastically (in a concentric structure), in which the apex of the
structure is found in the central verses of 13 and 14 where Samuel is iden-
tified. The medium reports that the mysterious being that comes up out
of the ground is ’elohim, taking the appearance of an old man wearing a
robe. It is important to notice the limits set by the introduction to the story.
Verse 6 states that “the Lord did not answer him, either by dreams or by
Urim or by the prophets.” God had stopped communicating with him.
Thus, the identity of the ’elohim rules out God as a possibility. Further,
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16
Samuel is ruled out as a possibility by the narrator’s theology. In 1 Samuel

2:6 he records, “The Lord brings death and makes alive; he brings down
to the grave [Sheol] and raises up.” It is the Lord who controls the grave.
If Yahweh controls who might be coming up (in resurrection), then, hav-
ing ruled out God as being represented by ’elohim, the text also rules out
Samuel as a possibility. God has stopped communicating with Samuel and
would not raise up the real Samuel from the dead to speak with Saul.
Some have suggested that the word ’elohim here in this passage refers
to idol-gods, but the HB is consistent that idol-gods, made of wood or
stone, do not communicate and hear, get upset or reason (see Deut 4:28;
Ps 115:4-8; Dan 5:23). There are however, two passages in the HB outside
of the En-Dor narrative in Samuel, which employ similar terminology and
themes, including the term ’elohim in connection with necromancy (com-
municating with the dead). Olariu points out that these two passages “are
the only references in the Hebrew Bible to demons, which suggests that
’elohim in 1 Samuel 28:13 also refers to demons” (2015:91).
The first passage comes in the Song of Moses (Deut 32) in which Moses
describes the apostasy of Israel. “They incensed Him with alien things
[the word “gods” is not found here], vexed Him with abominations. They
sacrificed to demons [leshedim], no-gods [lo’ ’eloah], Gods [’elohim] they
had never known, new ones, who came but lately, who stirred not your
fathers’ fears” (Deut 32:16-17 NJPS). Olariu notes regarding this passage
that “synonymous parallelism here equates demons with both lo’ ’eloah
“no god” and ’elohim” (2015:91).
The second passage is found in the poetic rehearsal of Israel’s apostasy
in the wilderness at Baal Peor (recorded in Num 25:1-3). “They attached
themselves to Baal Peor, ate sacrifices [zibkhe] offered to the dead [metim]”
(Ps 106:28 NJPS). In the original reference to the Baal Peor apostasy in
Num 25:1-3, the word used is not metim, but ’elohim. Back to Psalm 106,
verses 36-37 (NJPS) speaks of demons as the real object of Israel’s wor-
ship and sacrifices. “They worshiped their idols, which became a snare
for them. Their own sons and daughters they sacrificed [wayyizbekhu] to
demons [lashedim].”
The word translated “demon” (Heb. shad, usually in pl. shadim) is a
loanword from Akkadian, and in Akkadian it “has a double meaning:
it is primarily used to indicate a protective spirit, but it is also used for
a malevolent demon, particularly in the pl[ural]” (shedu) (Koehler et al.
1994–2001:1417b). In the narrative of 1 Samuel 28, this being fulfills both
roles, protective of the woman, and “malevolent and vindictive toward
Saul” (Olariu 2015:92). The LXX translates this term as daimonion in both
instances.

17
In answer to the question regarding who was the being that appeared
to the medium at En-Dor, I concur with the conclusion of Kent. “1 Sam 28
dramatically depicts a Canaanite séance where a medium promises ‘gods
rising’ from the underworld, but a demon impersonates Samuel to de-
ceive Saul into feeling hopelessly guilty and giving up on Yahweh and
on life. The devil is in the details” (2010:199). In this story, “the apparent
Samuel speaks for the dark side and helps make Saul’s downfall irrecover-
able. Thus, the story echoes timeless biblical warnings against necromancy
[and ancestor worship] as opposed to genuine prophecy” (Kent 2014:160).
The narrative of 1 Samuel 28 takes us back to Isaiah 8:19, 20, the pas-
sage which was cited at the beginning of this study. These two passages
share common themes such as the silence of God and the appropriate at-
titude toward the practice of necromancy (consulting the dead through
mediums). Isaiah 8:19, 20 makes explicit what is implied in the narrative
regarding the medium at En-dor: God’s people are to consult the Word of
the Lord and not spirit mediums, because the latter channel demonic mes-
sages and not true communication from God.
Other Terms Referring to Demons

in the Hebrew Scriptures
Other terms in the Hebrew Bible contextually refer to demons (Owusu-

Antwi 2011:51-67). For example, the word sa’ir “hairy one” is used in
Leviticus 17:7 with the meaning of “demon” (NKJV), “goat demons”
(NASB). Note the connection with Leviticus 16: where there are two goats,
one for Yahweh, and one for Azazel, the opponent of Yahweh. Thus, the
term is linked with the great conflict between Yahweh and his adversary
in the Day of Atonement ritual. Another example is Psalm 96:5, where the
term ’elilim are to be regarded as a type of demons, and is translated by
the LXX as daimonia.
Within the larger context of the biblical canon, the origin of these de-
mons is clear: they are angels that fell with Satan, following the cosmic
battle described in Ezekiel 28:14-18 and Rev 12:4, 9 (Davidson 2015:57-69).
NT passages clarify that Satan has angels under him which he rules (Matt
25:41), and Satan is called Beelzebub (or Beelzebul) “ruler of the demons”
(Matt 12:24). Like Satan, who can be transformed into another form (“an
angel of light” 2 Cor 11:14), so can the demons under his authority trans-
form themselves into the forms of the deceased and impersonate them as
if they actually appear to or communicate with the living.
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 24
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18
The Great Controversy Grand Metanarrative
In discussing the nature of death and ancestors in the OT, it is not

enough to have a clear picture of what happens to a person when he or
she dies, that the soul is not immortal, that the body turns to dust, and that
the dead know nothing until they are resurrected at the end time.
It is also important to recognize the source of the very real power that
is evidenced by the supposed appearance of ancestors, and their work of
beneficence or malevolence, and not seek to explain it away. We need to
emphasize the Great Controversy setting in which this subject of death
and ancestors occurs. We must make vivid that those claiming the dead
can communicate with the living are continuing the first lie told by “that
Serpent of old, called the Devil and Satan” (Rev 12:9) in the Garden to Eve,
“You surely will not die!” (Gen 3:4 NASB). This lie has been perpetrated
for thousands of years, and truly the Serpent now “deceives the whole
world” (Rev 12:9). The Serpent who first told, and now perpetuates, this
lie, must be unmasked. His origin, fall, and malevolent purpose down
through the history of this earth—and the final end of Satan, sin, and un-
repentant sinners—must be made clear to all. Even more importantly, the
truth must be traced in all its beauty concerning the resurrection of the
dead who have responded to the grace of Christ, and the eternal joys of
the afterlife for God’s people. The hope of bodily resurrection is found
in numerous passages throughout the OT, covering the whole sweep of
OT history, which cannot be dealt with in detail in this paper (Dahood
1970:xli-lii).12
Elsewhere, I have articulated what I perceive to be the biblical world-
view, set forth already at the canonical beginning of Scripture, in Genesis
1-3, and repeated in the chronological beginning of Scripture, the book of
Job , and again in the final three chapters of Revelation 20-22 (Davidson
2009:5-29; Davidson 2000:102-119). We must clearly set forth the world-
view behind those systems which argue for an immortal soul and the dead
as “the living dead” and uphold veneration or worship of dead ancestors
worship (Chalk 2013).13 Then we must make clear the worldview of the
Bible, emphasizing the nature and destiny of humanity and the source of
evil and the identity of the so-called ancestor spirits, building especially
on the early chapters of the Bible where such a worldview is foundation-
ally set forth.
I was especially encouraged by a personal experience related by a
prominent Adventist missionary who attended my class in Old Testament
theology, where I set forth the biblical worldview based upon the early
chapters of Genesis. He was visibly moved during the presentation, even
to tears, and in my office after class, shared why that lecture had affected

19
him so deeply. He related how he had been a missionary for many years
in Papua New Guinea, and had won many souls for Christ, teaching them
the fundamental beliefs of the Bible, and baptizing them into the Seventh-
day Adventist Church. However, when a crisis came to his village, almost
all of these people fell back into their animistic ways. He told how this
experience devastated him, leading him to come home to America and
for more than a year seek to understand what had happened, why the
converts who had accepted all the biblical doctrines so easily apostatized
when faced with a crisis. The Spirit convicted him that he needed to return
with a different methodology, one which began with the opening chap-
ters of the Bible. He needed to linger long on those early narratives of
the Bible, immersing the hearers in the biblical worldview that emerges
from those foundational stories, before going on to other parts of Scrip-
ture presenting the other doctrines. He went back to Papua New Guinea,
and spent many months teaching the people from the early chapters of
Genesis, until they were drawn into the grand metanarrative of the Bible
and accepted its fundamental worldview as their own, and not just a list
of doctrinal proof-texts. Then he moved to the Gospels, and shared the
gospel within this worldview. The people were converted not only to doc-
trine, but also to the “cosmic metanarrative” of the Bible, centered in Jesus
their Creator and Redeemer, and bathed in the gospel emerging from the
first gospel promise of Genesis 3:15. Again, many were baptized; however,
when another crisis came to the village, this time no one left the church or
abandoned the biblical worldview for animism.
This experience highlights what must be part of our missiological strat-
egy today in relating to those whose worldview is based upon a false un-
derstanding of the state of the dead and ancestral worship/veneration.

Needed: A Robust Theology of Ancestors
in the OT (and NT)
This paper has focused mainly on the negative—on the fact that there
is no room in the biblical worldview for teachings about ancestors that
presuppose an immortal soul that survives death and can interact with the
living. From what has been discussed so far, one could get the impression
that the Bible has nothing positive to say about ancestors. Nothing could
be further from the truth. The OT (as well as the NT) contains a robust
theology of ancestors. To flesh out this theology would be a subject for an-
other paper; however, a few broad strokes of the brush may give an idea of
how missiologists might not only counter a nonbiblical view of ancestors
with biblical correctives, but also might take the offensive by presenting
the beauties of the positive view of ancestors presented in Scripture.
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 26
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20
The English reader of the Bible does not easily recognize the wealth of
passages dealing with ancestors in the OT because the Hebrew words that
can often mean “ancestor” are usually not translated as such. But when
one realizes that the term usually translated “father” (Heb. ’ab) in the plu-
ral (’abot) often denotes “ancestors,” as does the term usually translated
“people” (Heb. ‘am), then a whole catena of passages emerges dealing
with the ancestors. One then finds more than 300 references to “ances-
tors” in the HB. Fortunately, some recent English translations consistently
render these words as “ancestors” in their proper contexts (see esp. CEB,
NLT, NET). Some of the theological themes and motifs that emerge from
an examination of passages regarding ancestors include the following.
Family Ties: A Common Family Burial

Plot for the Patriarchs
The first passage in the HB utilizing a term that may be translated “an-
cestor” is Genesis 25:8 (CEB). “Abraham took his last breath and died after
a good long life, a content old man, and he was placed with his ancestors
[lit. ‘gathered to his people’].” In his paper (and in his published disserta-
tion upon which the paper is based), Ēriks Galenieks has dealt with the
phrase which literally reads “gathered [Heb. ’asaph] to his people [Heb.
‘am].” He shows how in context it means “to become dust, respectively, to
be dead and buried next to one’s ancestors” (2019:17).14
We find the same statement regarding Isaac. Genesis 35:29 (CEB) reads:
“Isaac took his last breath and died. He was buried with his ancestors
[gathered to his people] after a long, satisfying life. His sons Esau and
Jacob buried him.” Likewise, regarding Jacob when he was about to die,
the record states his wish (Gen 49:29 NLT): “Then Jacob instructed them,
‘Soon I will die and join my ancestors [be gathered to my people]. Bury
me with my father and grandfather in the cave in the field of Ephron the
Hittite.” Genesis 49:29 (NLT) records Jacob’s death: “When Jacob had fin-
ished this charge to his sons, he drew his feet into the bed, breathed his
last, and joined his ancestors in death [was gathered to his people]” (Gen
49:33). Jacob’s request was honored by Joseph, who took Jacob’s bones to
be buried in the ancestral grave in Palestine (Gen 50:5-14).15
The HB gives a robust view of strong family ties, both in life, and in the
desire to share a common family burial.
The “Founding Fathers (Ancestors)”
The three patriarchs—Abraham, Isaac, Jacob—were in a special way

the primary ancestors of the people of Israel, to whom God made and

21
confirmed the covenant (Gen 12:1-3, 15:9-18, 17:1-27, 26:1-5, 28:13-15,

35:10-12; Exod 2:24, 6:3-4, etc.). They together are called “ancestors” (Heb.
’abot), referred to by name or implied over 35 times in the Pentateuch.
These patriarchs were revered, but never venerated or worshipped. They
were remembered as the ones to whom God had made a covenant and
had sworn to give the land of Canaan.
Joining the Ancestors Who Came Out of Egypt
Moses often reminds Israel in the wilderness of how Yahweh had

brought their “ancestors” out of Egypt. However, regarding these
passages the theology of ancestors becomes very personal. Notice what
Moses tells the children of Israel on the borders of Canaan in his farewell
sermon to a congregation. Most of the people had not literally come out
of Egypt nor experienced the making of the covenant at Sinai (Joshua and
Caleb were the only adults still alive after the forty years of wandering in
the wilderness). “He [God] did not make this covenant with our ancestors
[only], but with us, we who are here today, all of us living now” (Deut 5:3
NET). Using five different terms in Hebrew, Moses emphasizes that all
who heard his sermon on the borders of Canaan were to consider that they
were personally present at Sinai forty years earlier when God entered into
a covenant with Israel.
Joshua 24 continues and makes more vivid than ever this principle of
personalization. Even though almost all of those who literally witnessed
the Exodus had already died, notice how God insisted that his audience
was to consider that they were there. When the Lord described his acts
of deliverance for the children of Israel, he deliberately shifted back and
forth from referring to “your ancestors” (those who were literally present
at the Exodus) to “you” (the later generation who were to consider that
they were there).
Then I sent Moses and Aaron, and I brought terrible plagues on

Egypt; and afterward I brought you out as a free people. But when
your ancestors arrived at the Red Sea, the Egyptians chased after you
with chariots and charioteers. When your ancestors cried out to the
LORD, I put darkness between you and the Egyptians. I brought the
sea crashing down on the Egyptians, drowning them. With your very
own eyes you saw what I did. Then you lived in the wilderness for
many years. (Josh 24:5-7 NLT, emphasis mine)
These passages (which are only samples of many others) demonstrate

the principle of corporate solidarity between Israel’s ancestors and every
succeeding generation. All were to remember the ancestors by personalizing
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 28
Bauer: Editorial
22
or re-actualizing history, by considering that in the great redemptive events

of the past, by faith they were present with the ancestors, participating in
those mighty acts of God. Furthermore, in the various annual festivals,
they were to plug into their ancestral history, commemorate those salvific
events and celebrate what God had done for them, in solidarity with their
ancestors. Thus, the history of ancestors and contemporary generations
becomes fused. In addition, this principle becomes a reality for Christians.
“If you are Christ’s, then you are Abraham’s seed, and heirs according
to the promise” (Gal 3:29). The experience of our ancestors in salvation
history is our history. We do not venerate or worship our ancestors, but
join them by faith as we together personalize and celebrate God’s working
in “our history.” Ellen White understood this principle when she wrote:
“We have nothing to fear for the future, except as we shall forget the way
the Lord has led us [in corporate solidarity with our ancestors], and His
teaching in our past history [Adventist history, and the ancestral history
of salvation since the time of Adam]” (1915:196).
Continuity of the Ancestors from the Beginning
The biblical canon presents an unbroken line of ancestors all the way back to
Adam. It is clear that the writers of the Bible, under inspiration, intended to pres-
ent a grand paragenealogy, tracing the line of ancestors from the beginning, down
through salvation history all the way to the conquest of Canaan under the com-
mand of Joshua. A pivotal study by Bernard White shows that “what at first glance
appear to be unconnected genealogical and chronological elements are, in reality,
part of a single, overarching genealogy—a paragenealogy—unified thematically
by this idea of a godly line, and technically by the details of age and chronology”
(2016:14). He concludes that in the twenty-seven generations represented in this
genealogy “Scripture thus presents us with a distinct period defined by a single,
unbroken genealogy that begins with Adam and ends with Joshua” (2016:14).
White suggests the following implication (among others): “The paragenealogy
witnesses to a very close divine supervision over the writing of the earliest por-
tions of Scripture. It suggests a God who is concerned not only with people and
places, events and institutions, but also with time and chronology” (2016:29). In
the context of this study, I would suggest another implication: God intends for us
to see the continuity of our ancestral history all the way back to the beginning. In
the light of this continuity, Paul’s comment is on the mark. “From one person God
created every human nation to live on the whole earth” (Acts 17:26 CEB). We are
all in solidarity with each other through our common ancestral line back to Adam,
and thus we all ultimately have the same ancestors and are one family.

23
Messianism of the Ancestors
It is important to note how the ancestral lines in Scripture narrow—

from Adam down to Noah and his son Shem; from Shem down to Abraham;
from Abraham down to the line of Jacob and his twelve sons, especially
Judah; from Judah down to King David; and from King David down to the
Messiah (see the abbreviated ancestral lists emphasizing this narrowing
lineage down to the Messiah in Matt 1:1-17; Luke 3:23-38). These ancestor
lists in Scripture may be compared to the “tablets of ancestors” in many
ancestral religions. Although there are other short ancestral lines (such as
for the other sons of Jacob), the major ancestral line of Scripture is mes-
sianic, funneling through Abraham (Gen 22:17-18), Judah (Gen 49:10), and
David (2 Sam 7:12-19), to the Messiah, “son of David, son of Abraham”
(Matt 1:1). Ultimately the line begins with Adam, and ends with the “sec-
ond and last Adam” (1 Cor 15:20-28, 45). Thus Christ, the Second/Last
Adam, is the ultimate Ancestor.
The Eschatology of the Ancestors
Genesis 3:15 gives the first gospel promise and summarizes the flow of
the cosmic conflict throughout salvation history (Davidson 2002:13-16). It
also announces the final outcome of this great controversy between Christ
and Satan. Satan may have crushed Christ’s heel at the cross, but ultimate-
ly the Serpent’s head will be crushed. Satan, sin, and sinners will finally
come to an end. The last three chapters of Revelation detail this climax of
the history of the ancestors. Christ the ultimate Ancestor will be victori-
ous over the forces of evil. The lies of Satan regarding God, Christ, and
death, will be fully unmasked, and death itself will be vanquished. The
ancestors of all generations, saved by the blood of Christ the Victorious
Ancestor, will be united in one glorious family, in the Earth made new, for-
ever. Ancestor worship will continue for eternity, true ancestor worship,
as all creatures bow in veneration and adoration of Christ, the Ultimate
and Eternal Ancestor.
Ancestors in New Testament Theology and Beyond
This theology of ancestors in the Old Testament may be carried into the
New Testament. See, for example, the ancestor list in Hebrews 11, show-
ing how even so-called “flawed individuals” such as Samson are on God’s
list of worthy ancestors. We have already mentioned some aspects of this
New Testament theology of ancestors in connection with the treatment of
the Old Testament material.
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 30
Bauer: Editorial
24
Conclusion
This paper has only scratched the surface in the study of ancestors in
the Old Testament, especially in dealing with the positive aspects of a ro-
bust biblical theology of ancestors. Much remains to be done in setting
forth the biblical data. This data needs then to be contextualized for each
culture which embraces ancestor worship. Instead of focusing so much
upon tearing down the “shanties” of death-related rituals built upon false
ideas of ancestor worship, Adventists need to erect beside these shanties,
beautiful “temples” of ritual (perhaps involving especially the ready-
made Christian rituals of baptism and the Lord’s Supper) built upon a
robust biblical theology of ancestors, centered in Christ the ultimate An-
cestor—and invite all to come to dwell in this Temple of Truth, the eternal
home of the Ultimate Ancestor.
Endnotes
1
The Watchtower is an official publication of the Jehovah’s Witnesses, who
share the same belief in the state of the dead as Seventh-day Adventists.
2
Brown et al. (1907:15) translates as “necromancer,” while Koehler et al. (1994–
2001:20) defines as “prophesying spirit of the dead.” The term occurs fifteen times
in the HB.
3
Brown et al. (1907:396) gives the meaning “familiar spirit,” while Koehler et
al. (1994–2001:393) defines the term as “spirit of divination” (in Lev 20:27) or “one
in whom that spirit dwells, soothsayer” (the other nine passages where the term
occurs, including Isa 8:19).
4
Against those who would dismiss the possibility that God has a form based
upon Deuteronomy 4:15-25, Porteous (1962:684) points out that though no form
was visible at Mt. Horeb, “it is not denied that God has form, and that he has is
clearly the implication of certain theophanies described in the OT (e.g., Isa. 6; Ezek. 1).”
5
I do not agree with the application Rashkow makes of this basic data, posit-
ing a difference between Eve and Adam, for which I see no justification in the text.
6
Notice that when White mentions “image” she speaks first of the “outward
resemblance,” and when she uses the term “likeness” she refers first to “charac-
ter,” without excluding the other aspects in either term. See also her paraphrase of
this resemblance as “moral faculties” and “physical powers”: after citing Genesis
1:26, 27, she writes, “The Lord created man’s moral faculties and his physical pow-
ers. All was a sinless transcript of Himself” (White 1899:2).
7
I use the term “wholism” instead of “holism,” to distinguish between the bib-
lical concept and Eastern “holistic” concepts that have become popular in Western
culture.

25
8
Numerous biblical passages illustrate this usage (see, e.g., Gen 6:3, which we
will examine below; 2 Chr 32:8; Ps 56:5; 65:3; 78:39; 145:21; Isa 31:3; 40:6; Jer 12:12;
25:31; 32:37; 45:5; and Ezek 21:4).
9
The verb napakh occurs 13 times in the Hebrew Old Testament, with the most
common meaning of “blow, breathe, gasp, pant”, although it also can mean “set
aflame” in several passages. For a similar meaning and context as Genesis 2:7 (ani-
mating a lifeless body), see Ezekiel 37:9.
10
The noun neshamah occurs 23 times in the Hebrew Old Testament, and “de-
notes the process of breathing” (Waltke, Old Testament Theology, 227). It refers most
often to the (divine) breath(ing) that animates a human being (Gen 2;7; 1 Kgs 17:17;
Job 27:3; 34:14; Prov 20:27; Isa 2:22; 57:16; Dan 10:17); it also is used as metonymy
for a living being, “one who breaths” (Deut 20:16; Josh 10:40; 11:11, 14; 1 Kings
15:29; Ps 150:6). The exact phrase nishmat khayyim appears only in Genesis 2:7, but
the phrase occurs with the intensifying intervening word ruakh (“breath”) in Gen-
esis 7:22, describing everything on land that had “the merest breath of life [NJPS,
Heb. nishmat ruakh khayyim]” in its nostrils,” which died in the Noahic Flood.
11
In the next section we must ask the question whether this holism is only
existential-functional, as some maintain, or also ontological. This question is de-
cided by the answer to the question of whether or not the OT supports survival in
an intermediate state after death.
12
In the remainder of this study, the NKJV will be cited unless otherwise noted.
13
There are various references in the OT to a “soul” dying or a “dead soul”
(see, e.g., Gen 37:21; Lev 19:28; 21:1, 11; 22:4; Deut 19:6, 11; Num 5:2; 6:6, 11; 9:6, 7,
10; 19:11, 13; 23:10; 31:19; 35:15, 30; Josh 20:3, 9; Judg 16:30; Job 11:20; Ezek 18:20;
22:25, 27; Jer 40:14, 15; Hag 2:13).
14
Recent supporters of this position among prominent biblical scholars in-
clude, e.g., Richard Bauckham, F. F. Bruce, E. Earle Ellis, Joel B. Green, Philip E.
Hughes, I. Howard Marshall, Clark Pinnock, John R. W. Stott, John W. Wenham,
and N. T. Wright; see bibliography and discussion in Fudge (2011:349-359).
15
Various biblical passages may be cited (see especially Gen 22:5 [cf. Heb
11:19]; 2 Kgs 4:8-31; 13:21; Job 19:21-29; Pss 16:10-11; 17:15; 49:15; 73:24; Isa 25:7-9;
26:19; Ezek 37:1-14; Dan 12:2, 13; and Hos 5:8—6:6). Note that these passages come
from all the major periods of Israel’s history: Patriarchs (Abraham and Job); Unit-
ed Monarchy (David, Asaph, sons of Korah); Divided Monarchy (Elisha, Isaiah,
Hosea), and Exile (Ezekiel and Daniel).
16
Chalk’s work promises much, since he seeks to set forth the biblical world-
view based upon Gen 1-11 (similarly to what I have set forth in the sources cited
in the previous footnote. Unfortunately, he does understand the biblical teaching
of the state of the dead as we have set it forth in this article, and fails to address
crucial presuppositions in the African worldview regarding death and ancestors
that we have dealt with in this study.
17
The word for “people” (‘am) can also mean “kin” (see the NJPS translation
of this verse) and in this verse the “ancestor” or “kin” of Abraham to whom he is
gathered is his wife Sarah (see vv. 9-11).
18
Joseph also made this same request, which was honored when the people
went out of Egypt (Exodus 13:19): “Moses took the bones of Joseph with him, for Jo-
seph had made the sons of Israel swear to do this. He said, ‘God will certainly come
to help you. When he does, you must take my bones with you from this place.’”
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 32
Bauer: Editorial
26
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Doubleday.
Davidson Richard M. 2000. Cosmic Metanarrative for the Coming Millennium.
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Christ, Salvation, and the Eschaton, ed. Daniel Heinz, Jiří Moskala, and Peter M.
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Ángel Manuel Rodríguez in Celebration of His Seventieth Birthday. Edited by
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27
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________. 2019. Is Sheol the Place of Existence or Non-Existence? Paper presented
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Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic.
Jacob, Edmond. 1958. Theology of the Old Testament. New York, NY: Harper & Row.
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________. 2012. Call Up Samuel: Towards an Exegesis of 1 Samuel 28. Paper pre-
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________. 2014. Call Up Samuel: Who Appeared to the Witch at En-Dor? (1 Samuel
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Richard M. Davidson is the J. N. Andrews Professor of

Old Testament Interpretation at the Seventh-day Adventist
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Michigan. He has been with the Andrews faculty since 1979.

REINALDO W. SIQUEIRA
Death and Ancestors

in Contemporary Judaism
Introduction
Historically, Judaism and Jews have eluded a clear cut definition, for
“there never was, and there is not now, one Judaism; rather there have
always been many Judaisms” (Sigal 1988:1).
Contemporary Judaism, understood as the present manifestations of
Judaism in the 21st Century, reflects the complex and multifaceted devel-
opment over more than thirty-five centuries of a people with a religious,
philosophical, cultural, and group identity, which ranges from ultra-
Orthodox (Haredi) Jews to secular non-religious Jews. This diversity is
present both in the modern State of Israel and in almost any other coun-
try where there is a sizeable Jewish community.1 Frequently the different
branches of Judaism sustain quite different beliefs and practices concern-
ing any specific subject. They do share, however, a basic core of beliefs and
values that historically have united and identified them as Judaism vis-
à-vis other religious and social groups existing in the world. This unity,
however, is not that of a unified system but rather that “of a symphony”
(Silver 1989:6). The present Jewish religious and non-religious ideas con-
cerning death and ancestors, with their related cultic and mortuary prac-
tices reflect this long, complex, and many times antagonistic development.
This paper first briefly surveys the major Jewish beliefs concerning
death and the soul in order to provide a basis for the differing Jewish un-
derstandings concerning these two ideas. There follows a summary of the
main Jewish cultic and mortuary practices that are directly related to these
variant beliefs. Finally, it explores the opportunities and challenges Jewish
Bauer: Editorial
30
beliefs and practices pose to Adventist Mission, presents some practical

suggestions on how to deal with these, and points out some areas that
need further exploration with the goal of finding ways to improve the ef-
fectiveness of our mission efforts.
Death and Soul in Judaism
The Hebrew Bible
The biblical view concerning the nature of man and death is the foun-
dation stone for Jewish thought about the reality of death and the nature
of what comes after. It is clearly recognized that in biblical times the hu-
man being was considered an inseparable unity. Three key biblical words
neshamah, ruach, and nefesh, in reference to a person, did not imply any
idea of what became traditionally understood as “soul” or “spirit.” The
first two terms meant only “breath,” and the last one, nefesh, referred to
the individual or even to the body (Ivry 2007:19:33). Death (most usually
expressed by the Hebrew word mavet) was conceptualized as non-exis-
tence, the opposite of life: the person ceased breathing, life was gone, the
body decomposed and returned to dust (Bowman 1980:1:802). Nothing
but God’s and the survivors’ memories of the dead person remained af-
ter death. The Hebrew Bible expressly teaches that a dead person does
not think, talk, feel, suffer, worship, or praise God—the deceased do not
participate in anything that is done in the world of the living; therefore,
biblical thought rejects the idea of the immortality of the soul. Any kind
of ancestor worship or interaction with the dead is expressly forbidden
as a direct anathema to God. In patriarchal and ancient Israelite times,
those who practiced any such rituals regarding the dead did so following
the customs of the pagan nations and were considered unfaithful to God
and his covenant. The only biblical hope for life after death and interact-
ing again with someone who has passed away was the resurrection of the
dead that God would bring at the eschatological close of human history
(see Andreason 2000:314-346).
The Intertestamental Period
Belief in the immortality of the soul became part of Jewish religious

thought via contact with Greek philosophy during the Hellenistic period
of Second Temple times before the Common Era. From these influences,
some Jewish circles incorporated the belief of a blessed immortality for
the righteous soul and eternal torment for the soul of the wicked (Kohler).
Speaking about the righteous dead, the Book of Jubilees 23:31 states: “And

31
their bones will rest on the earth, and their spirits will increase in joy, and
they will know that the Lord is an executor of judgment; but He will show
mercy to hundreds and thousands, to all who love Him” (Wintermute
1985:2:102). Statements in the book of 1 Enoch also attest to such beliefs,
affirming that “all good things, and joy and honor are prepared for and
written down for the souls of those who died in righteousness. . . . The
spirits of those who died in righteousness shall live and rejoice; their
spirits shall not perish, nor their memorial from before the face of the
Great One unto all generations of the world” (1 Enoch 103:3, 4). About the
wicked, this source asserts: “Woe to you sinners who are dead! . . . . You
yourselves know that they will bring your souls down to Sheol; and they
shall experience evil and great tribulation–in darkness, nets, and burning
fire” (1 Enoch 103:5-7; see Isaac 1983:1:84). The belief in the immortality of
the soul is also attested to in other works of the time such as the Wisdom
of Salomon, IV Maccabees, the Sibylline Oracles, the Testament of Moses, the
Book of Baruch, and in the writings of Philo of Alexandria (Kohler; Silver
1989:274).
Jewish literature of this period shows the complexity that was develop-
ing in Jewish thought and beliefs concerning the state of the dead and the
concept of resurrection. Some voices, for example Ben-Sira, maintained
a view very close to the biblical teachings (Silver 1989:275, 276). Some
voiced the belief of an immortal soul whose functionality, however, de-
pended on the existence of a body, hence the need for resurrection. Other
groups held a more “classical” Greek view of the soul as an independent
entity, fully functional after death. In such thought the resurrection was
understood as an elevation of the soul to a higher level in the heavenly
realms. Between these extremes, many shades of belief concerning these
topics existed within Judaism during the Hellenistic period of Second
Temple times (Elledge 2017).
During Hellenistic times, the acceptance within some Jewish circles of
belief in the immortality of the soul and the immediate reward or punish-
ment after death, apparently led some pious Jews to honor the righteous
dead by offering food at their graves, as pointed out in the injunction of
Tobit 4:17. “Be generous with bread and wine on the graves of upright
people, but not for the sinner.” Such practices, however, were severely
condemned by other religious groups, as can be seen in Ben-Sira’s out-
burst in opposition to them, as well as in the Book of Jubilees.2
Rabbinic Judaism and the Talmud
Later in the Common Era, the Talmudic rabbis believed in the continued
existence of the human soul after death. There were divergent views,
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 38
Bauer: Editorial
however, concerning the nature of this existence. Some held that the soul
of the righteous would enter the Garden of Eden in Heaven immediately
after death (Shabbat 152b), while the soul of the wicked would go to
Gehinnom–the place of torment reserved for them (Chagigah 15a). On the
other hand, there were those who defended the view that the soul of the
righteous at death, after being separated from the body and its functions,
ascended to Heaven where it was kept in the treasury beneath God’s throne
of glory (Shabbat 152b). This soul then awaited the moment when it would
be reunited with the body at the resurrection. The soul of the wicked,
having been cast out of the body was imprisoned on the earth (Shabbath
152b; Grintz 2007:19:35). Along with the view of the soul being kept in
the heavenly treasury, the belief existed that the soul of the righteous
remained in relation to its dead body until the final decomposition of the
later. During this interim period the soul would be ascending to heaven
and descending back to the grave (35).
In the Talmud, views concerning the level of independence, conscious-
ness, and functionality of the soul after death were also quite divergent.
On one side were those who stated, “if one makes remarks about the dead,
it is like making remarks about a stone” (Berakhot 19a). In another point of
view, some held that a dead person hears whatever is spoken in his or her
presence until the grave is sealed (Shabbat 152b). Others proclaimed that
a dead person knows at the most his or her own pain, but not what tran-
spires in the world (Berakhot 18b). Another side believed that the deceased
soul has contact with the living and can direct them in worldly affairs (18b;
Shabbat 152b; Talmud Yerushalmi, Avodah Zarah 3:1; Grintz 2007:19:35, 36).
During Talmudic times, belief in the resurrection of the dead continued
to be one of the central teachings of Rabbinic Judaism. The tenth chapter
of the Mishnah, tractate Sanhedrin, explicitly affirms that corporeal resur-
rection will be part of the World to Come, with the exception of those
“who say there is no resurrection of the dead” (Robinson 2008:192). The
most well known explanation of this belief is the rabbinic parable in the
Talmud, found in Sanhedrin 91a-b:
To what is the matter likened? To a king of flesh and blood who had a
beautiful orchard and there were in it lovely ripe fruit, and he placed
two guardians over it, one a cripple and the other blind. Said the crip-
ple to the blind man, ‘I see beautiful ripe fruit in the orchard. Come
and carry me and we will bring and eat them.’ The cripple rode on the
back of the blind man and they brought and ate them. After a while
the owner of the orchard came and said to them, ‘Where is my lovely
fruit?’ The cripple answered, ‘Do I have legs to go?’ Answered the
blind man, ‘Do I have eyes to see?’ What did he do? He placed the
cripple on the back of the blind man and judged them as one—so also
the Holy Blessed One brings the soul and throws it into the body and
judges them as one.” (See Boyarin and Siegel 2007:17:241, 242)
33
Middle Ages
Although much continuation of Talmudic views can be observed among

Jewish philosophers of the Middle Ages, increasingly divergent views de-
veloped regarding the human soul and its nature, its situation after death,
and the resurrection of the dead.
For Saadiah Gaon (882-942 CE), the soul was “a more pure, transparent
and simple substance than are the spheres,” meaning that the soul was
understood as the refined part of the body. At the time of death, it sepa-
rated from the body and existed without a fixed abode until the body had
decomposed. The souls of the dead remained in a heavenly treasury until
the resurrection, when each would be reunited with its body and continue
in this combined state thereafter (Boyarin and Siegel 2007:17:143; Pines
2007:19:36).
There were also a number of Jewish Medieval philosophers who
understood and taught more along the lines of the Platonic idea of soul.
For Isaac Israeli (832-932), in accordance with the belief held in Greco-
Roman paganism, the soul was an incorporeal substance that after death
went to enjoy the eternal bliss above the heavens or went beneath the
heavens where it was tortured by fire. Solomon ibn Gabirol (1021/1022-
1070), for his part mentioned the idea of Platonic recollection, according
to which the soul existed prior to its conjunction with the body. When
united with the body, the soul then forgets its previous knowledge which
it may again recollect after death. Ibn Gabirol, however, also expressed
belief in the Jewish idea that the souls of the righteous rest beneath the
throne of glory. Following Israeli and ibn Gabirol, Joseph ibn Tsaddik (late
15th Century) also believed that the soul was incorporeal, existed before
the body and continued to exist after death. If in life the soul attained
the necessary level of knowledge, after death it returned to its place of
origin—the world of the intelligibles; however, if it remained ignorant,
it was pulled by the motion of the celestial spheres and tortured by fire.
For Judah Halevi (1075-1141), Judaism was the religion that insured
the immortality of the soul after the death of the body. Hasdai Crescas
(1340-1410/1411), a critic of Maimonides and other Jewish Aristotelean
philosophers, argued that since man was a spiritual being his soul remains
immortal after its separation from the body. The souls of the righteous
would then enjoy the splendor of the Shekhinah and attach themselves to
God in an ever-growing union with the divine. The souls of the wicked
were unable to reach this union because of sin and so they suffered great
sorrow. In the worst cases, this suffering was so complete that it led to their
total destruction. For Joseph Albo (1380-1444), the soul was a spiritual
being with an independent existence. It was not intellectual in nature, but
it was capable of attaining knowledge (Pines 2007:19:36-38).
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The Middle Ages also witnessed a number of Jewish philosophers who

followed a more Aristotelian concept of soul, according to which the soul
was not an independent entity but rather the intellect. Abraham ibn Daud
(1110-1180) is considered to be the first Spanish Jewish neo-Aristotelian.
He maintained that the individual soul continued to exist after the death
of the body, and he characterized the soul as an immaterial substance that
was not matter but form (37; Olan 1969:5:169). Following this same un-
derstanding, Maimonides (1135/1138-1204) believed that the soul was a
form—the form of reason. Nothing remained after a man’s death except
his intellect with no trace of individuality. In his Mishneh Torah (Yad, Tes-
huva, 8:2), he stated that in the Olam Haba (World to Come—heaven) there
were no bodies but only souls, or more precisely the form of souls—the
intellect of the righteous—serving God as angels. In the heavenly realm
there was no eating, drinking, sitting, standing, sleeping, or anything
characteristic of the body. Maimonides seems to have denied the idea of
an individual immortality(Olan 1969:5:169; Pines 2007:37). However, in
his commentary in the Mishnah, in tractate Sanhedrin 10, in what seems
to be a contradictory statement to his view on the soul, he declared that
the resurrection was one of the foundations of the Jewish religion, and he
postulated it as the 13th of the 13 Principles of the Jewish Faith. For Mai-
monides, there was no religion and no connection with the Jewish nation
for whoever did not believe in it. In his work, Ma’amar Techiyyat haMetim
(“The Essay on Resurrection”), he clarified his understanding of these ap-
parent contradictions. He stated that there will be resurrection, but it will
not be permanent, for the resurrected individual will die again. The souls
of the righteous will again return to the Olam Haba, for this was their true
reward. Some modern interpreters of Maimonides ask themselves if that
was truly his understanding; they propose that his belief in the resurrec-
tion was a concession for the masses, while his true view was that of the
afterlife of incorporeal intelligences that have acquired theoretical knowl-
edge in this life (Boyarin and Siegel 2007:243).
For Abraham bar Hiyya (1070-1136 or 1145), the intelligible soul was a
“form” which continues to exist even after its separation from the body.
In the case of the wise and righteous person, that soul would ascend to
the upper world, attach itself to the pure high form, and forever enter into
it. For the wise and wicked person, that soul would arrive at the world
of the spheres where it would revolve under the circle of the sun, whose
heat would be for it a perpetually scorching fire. As for the ignorant but
righteous person, that soul would return a second and third time to bodies
until it would acquire wisdom and be able to ascend. The fourth case was
that of the ignorant and wicked person, that soul would die the death of
an animal (Pines 2007:37).

35
The Haskalah (The Jewish Enlightenment)
The Jewish Enlightenment of the 18th and 19th Centuries, known as

the Haskalah, saw some proponents tackling the issues of death and the
immortality of the soul. One of the most outstanding was Moses Mendels-
sohn, who produced the work, Phaedon oder über die Unsterblichkeit der Seele
(Phaedon or On the Immortality of the Soul), published in 1767. Following
Plato’s Phaedo, Mendelssohn defended the belief of the immortality of the
soul from the perspective of the rationality of modern times. He rejected
the theory that the soul, after death, enters into an inanimate state similar
to sleep. For Mendelssohn, all rational beings were destined to increase
their perfection. It was for this reason that the world was created, and it
is impossible that these beings, after their struggle to perfect themselves
in this world, would have their efforts frustrated in the World to Come.
Hence, it was possible and necessary that the human desire for this eternal
bliss, implanted in the human being by God himself, should be fulfilled,
regardless of any setback or obstacle to it (Bergman 2007:19:38).
In the 19th Century, the idea of the immortality of the soul lost its im-
portance and appeal among Jewish philosophers. An important represen-
tative of this phase is Moritz Lazarus in his work on the ethics of Judaism
(Ethik des Judentums, 1898). He rejected or was not concerned with the idea
of individual immortality of the soul. For him, more important than the
destiny of the individual was the destiny of society; and true knowledge
of a man’s fate can be attained, not by the philosophy of the “I,” but rather
by the philosophy of the “We.” For Lazarus, expanding on the sayings
of Rabbi Jacob in Pirkei Avot 4:16-17, it is better to have a life of goodness
in this world than an eternity of bliss in the World to Come (Bergman
2007:19:38).
From the Twentieth Century to the Present
The ideas of the immortality of the soul and the resurrection of the
dead have been modified, reinterpreted, and in some circles even aban-
doned by some Jewish thinkers and modern religious movements (Sigal
1988:235).
For Ahad Ha’Am (1856-1927), the founder of “cultural Zionism” and
one of the foremost pre-state Zionist thinkers, belief in the immortality of
the soul was a sign of weakness: people who lacked the courage to face
death looked for a “future” after it. He ridiculed belief in the World to
Come and the immortality of the soul. To him, such beliefs were a “sick-
ness of the spirit” (Bergmann 2007:38).
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Hermann Cohen, in his Religion der Vernunft (“Religion of Reason”)

(1918), spoke of the immortality of the soul as applying to communities
as a whole, instead of the individual. A community never dies but enjoys
an eternal continuation in history. The existence of the individual soul is
perpetuated through this history and becomes a reality only through the
continued existence of the community. True immortality of the soul is the
perpetuation of the community’s “spirit,” understood as the obligation
to implement the principles of truth and morality in this world (Bergman
2007:19:38).
Rabbi Mordecai Kaplan (1881-1983), an American Jewish writer and
educator and the co-founder of Reconstructionist Judaism, was a theologi-
cal naturalist who rejected all beliefs rooted in supernatural phenomenon
such as the afterlife and the resurrection of the dead (Sigal 1988:235). For
Kaplan, a person’s salvation did not lie in the World to Come but rather
in his self-realization in this world: “it lies in learning what to live for in
the here and now” (Scult 2014:159, 160). In his Sabbath Prayer Book pub-
lished in 1945, he modified the wording of traditional Jewish prayers to
reflect his convictions. For the second benediction of the Amidah prayer
that praises God for resurrecting the dead, Kaplan proposed wording to
praise God “who in love rememberest thy creatures unto life” (203).
The Reform movement in modern Judaism rejected the idea of the res-
urrection of the dead and accepted the doctrine of the immortality of the
soul. The Pittsburgh Platform of 1885 clearly states that Reform Judaism
rejects “as ideas not rooted in Judaism, the beliefs both in bodily resurrec-
tion and Gehinnom” (Boyarin and Siegel 2007:244; see Robinson 2008:192,
193; Gillman 2011:202-204, 230, 231).
While the rationalistic and humanistic perspectives became quite com-
mon in many branches of contemporary Judaism, the traditional doctrines
concerning the immortality of the soul and the resurrection of the dead still
maintained their stronghold in Orthodox Judaism (Gillman 2011:211-213)
and even gained renewed attention and support in postmodern Judaism.
The Jewish Renewal movement, with its retreat center Elat Chayyim near
Woodstock, NY, fostered a rebirth of Jewish interest in the issues of life
after death, belief in the immortality of the soul, reincarnation, and even
some issues of messianic resurrection of the dead (Salkin 2003:366; Gillman
2011:239, 240).
Among certain Jewish circles, a renewed interest in eschatology in the
last decades of the 20th Century resulted in a renewed interest also in
the doctrine of bodily resurrection. Contemporary Jewish scholars such as
Will Herberg, Arthur A. Cohen, Michael Wyschogrod, and Neil Gillman;
Reform Judaism rabbis Eugene Borowitz and Richard N. Levy; and Con-
servative Judaism rabbi Hershel Matt have all voiced and written about

37
their interest and belief in a bodily resurrection as a better understanding

of God’s final solution for the problem of death than the classical under-
standing of the immortality of the soul (Gillman 2011:215-239, 243-274).
Jewish Mysticism, the Kabbalah
Before concluding this brief survey of Jewish views concerning death,

immortality of the soul, and the resurrection of the dead, let us review
the impact that ancient Jewish mysticism, known as Kabbalah, has had in
modern times and its importance among the general Jewish population.
As Neil Gillman has observed, this form of Jewish mystical thought had
far more impact on the masses of believing Jews than the thinking of the
Jewish philosophers (2011:173).
The roots of this Jewish form of esoterism and mysticism were already
established by the beginning of the Common Era—the time of the birth
of Christianity. Earlier Persian and Greek influences interplayed with the
dynamics of Palestinian and Hellenistic Jewish sects of the latter Second
Temple times, especially with Apocalyptic and Merkabah (throne/chariot
of God) mysticisms. This mysticism then developed through the centu-
ries, producing esoteric and mystical literature at the same time the Tal-
mud and the Midrashim were being composed. Such a development was
especially notable among the Hasidic (“pious”) milieu of Jews in Europe
and Egypt. It took a strong foothold in Provence in the southern region of
France in the 12th Century, and especially in Spain from the 13th Century
and onward. After the Expulsion of the Jews from Spain by the Catholic
monarchs Ferdinand and Isabella in 1492, the Kabbalistic center moved to
Safed, in the Muslim-controlled Galilee region in the Holy Land. From
there, it radiated out to many countries of the Jewish Diaspora, from
northern Africa to Oriental Europe (Poland, Lithuania, etc.) and Russia.
It became quite influential among the Hasidic movements of Central and
Oriental Europe during the 18th and 19th Centuries. These Hasidic move-
ments, and more specifically the Chabad, popularized some of the teach-
ings of Kabbalah world-wide during the 20th Century, having a profound
impact on the Jewish world and even among non-Jewish circles (see Scho-
lem 2007:11:677-681; Garb 2007:11:677-681).
Kabbalists believe in the pre-existence of the soul, that the body serves
as the soul’s outer cloak, and that the soul survives the body after death.
They also believe in the resurrection of the body as a firm Jewish doctrine
established in the Bible and in Jewish Oral Tradition. However, their most
distinctive contribution to the development of afterlife beliefs in Judaism
is the Kabbalist central doctrine of metempsychosis: the transmigration/
reincarnation of the soul (the Hebrew term used is gilgul, “revolving”).
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38
They understand the three Hebrew terms that define the human being—
nefesh, neshamah and ruach—as referring to three distinct parts of the soul.
Nefesh is understood as life itself, the vital part of the being; neshamah is
the part of the soul related to mystical cognition; while ruach is the part of
the soul related to ethical discrimination. In this understanding, the soul
could undergo multiple reincarnations until it becomes perfect through
the observance of the mitsvot (commandments) of God. Then it could
achieve resurrection in the last body in which it was incarnated. This be-
lief also understands innocent suffering in one’s life as a way of purifica-
tion of the soul from sins committed in a previous life. The incarnated
human soul that keeps the mitsvot and perfects itself also helps to repair
(tikkun) God’s Creation, preparing the world for redemption at the coming
of the Messiah. Such a perfected soul can even repair God’s original unity
that was shattered at Creation. For Kabbalists, God is a transcendent God:
he is above and distinct from Creation, but he is also immanent—he exists
within Creation. In Kabbalistic thought, these two aspects of God’s own
nature need to be restored to their original unity that existed before the
Creation (Scholem 2007:652-659; Gillman 2011:176-188).
Cultic and Mortuary Practices
Throughout time, the distinctive Jewish beliefs concerning the state of

the dead, bodily resurrection, and the immortality of the soul had a pow-
erful influence on Jewish cultic worship and mortuary practices. These
practices reflect the differing answers, from biblical times to the present,
given to the problem of death and the hereafter, and the theology behind
those answers. The variations in these practices can be articulated around
two major perspectives: (1) the resurrection of the dead, and (2) the im-
mortality of the soul.
The Resurrection of the Dead
First I will examine the Amidah (Standing) prayer that is at the very
core of every Jewish prayer service. Also called the Shemoneh Esrei (The
Eighteen) prayer, or in the Talmud, Ha-Tefillah (The Prayer, par excellence),
this is a very ancient prayer. One Jewish tradition dates its composition
back to the 5th Century BCE, to the 120 Men of the Great Assembly (Tal-
mud, Megillah 17b). Another tradition ascribes its arrangement to Rabban
Gamaliel in Yavneh, after the destruction of the Second Temple of Jeru-
salem that occurred in the year 70 CE (Talmud, Berachot 28b). Scholarly
opinions concerning its origin span between these two traditions (Ehrlich
2007: 2:72-73; Donin 1991:69).

39
Originally composed of 18 benedictions (later it became 19), it is a con-

gregational prayer recited individually by the worshiper in every worship
service, standing in silence, moving only the lips, while facing the direc-
tion of the Temple Mount in Jerusalem. On the day of Shabbat and the fes-
tival days it has only seven benedictions, with the exception of the Musaf
(additional) service of Rosh Hashanah (Jewish New Year) when the number
is nine benedictions. If there is a minyan (a quorum of at least ten male
adults) attending the service, the worship leader will repeat the Amidah
aloud, making some additions to it. During regular weekdays it is recited
in the three daily services (morning, afternoon, and evening). On Shabbat
and festival days, in addition to being recited in the prayer portion of the
regular service, it is repeated in the Musaf service. On Yom Kippur (the Day
of Atonement), it is recited a fifth time, during the Ne’ilah (Concluding
Prayer) (Ehrlich 2007:72; Donin 1991:71, 72, 109-122).
The first benediction of the Amidah praises God as the Faithful, Pow-
erful, and Awesome God, the God of the patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, and
Jacob, a Good God that remembers his promises to them, the One who
helps and redeems, the One who is the Shield of Abraham. The second
benediction focuses on the power of God to resurrect the dead, stating:
“You are powerful forever, O Lord;

One who resurrects the dead are You, great to save.
Sustain the living with mercy, resurrect the dead with great compassion,
support the falling, heal the sick, free the bound,
and keep Your faithfulness to those that sleep in the dust.
Who is like You, O Lord of mighty acts?
Who resembles You, O King, who kills and resurrects,
and brings forth salvation?
Faithful are You to resurrect the dead!
Blessed are You, O Lord, who resurrects the dead!” (author’s translation).
The Amidah clearly points to the hope of the resurrection of the dead
as God’s solution for the problem of death, and powerfully extols him for
this hope. This prayer is strong evidence of the importance and centrality
of this doctrine for early Jewish theological thought (Donin 1991:79, 80).
A second important example is the thirteenth statement of the Thirteen
Principles of the Jewish Faith by Maimonides of the 12th Century. There
are other lists of principles of faith beside that of Maimonides, such as
those of the Karaite Judah Hadassi (mid-12th Century); David ben Sam-
uel Kokhavi (13th Century); Hasdai Crescas (15th Century); Joseph Albo
(15th Century); Elijah Delmedigo (15th Century); and Isaac Abarbanel
(late 15th Century) (Altmann 2007:2:529-531). The principles proposed
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40
by Maimonides prevailed over these other lists and became the “official”
statement that embodied the Jewish faith. It comes as an appendix to the
regular morning prayer service in Askhenazi (Jews in Germany and cen-
tral and northern Europe) prayer books. A poetic version of Maimonides’
Thirteen Principles appeared as the Yigdal hymn (ca. 1300) that has been
adopted in practically all Jewish cultic rites (530). The thirteenth princi-
ple affirms: “I believe in perfect faith that there will be a resurrection of
the dead in the time pleased by the Creator, blessed be his Name and his
Memory forever and ever” (Fridlin 1997:120, author’s translation).
The final line of the Yigdal hymn declares: Metim yechieh ’El berov chasdo,
baruch ‘adei-‘ad Shem tehilato (24) (“The dead ones God will resurrect by his
great mercy, blessed forever be his praised Name”; author’s translation).
A third example is another well-known Jewish liturgical hymn, the
much beloved Adon Olam (“Lord of the Universe”). It is attributed to Solo-
mon ibn Gabirol (11th Century), but it may be much older, with its origin
in Babylonia. It is sung during the initial part of the morning prayer ser-
vice and also during the conclusion of the evening prayers. On Shabbat
and festival days it appears as part of the Musaf (additional service) and
during Kol Nidrei (the opening service on the eve of Yom Kippur). Adon
Olam is a very popular song, chanted on many occasions in the Jewish
world (Herzog 2007:1:414, 415). The final strophe declares: “Beyado ’afqid
ruchi be‘et ’ishan ve’a‘irah (“In his hand I depose my spirit, in the moment
of rest, but I will wake up”), Ve‘im ruchi geviyati YHWH li velo’ ’ira’ (“And
with my spirit, my body, the Lord is with me, I will not fear”) (author’s
translation).
The wording of this final strophe seems to speak not so much of the
daily regular sleep, but rather of the final sleep, the sleep of death (see
Borowitz and Schwartz 2010:182, 183).3 This hymn begins by extolling
God as the Creator, the Eternal God that always existed in eternity, the
only One, for there is no other like him. He is the living Redeemer, the
Protector in difficult times, and one’s Portion in this life; the One to Whom
one can surrender one’s life (spirit) and one’s body without fear, for he/
she will raise up, for he, God, is with him/her and he/she should not fear.
A fourth example is the Kaddish, a doxology prayer that is recited at the
close of individual sections of regular prayer services in the synagogue.
There are four main types of Kaddish: (1) the Complete Kaddish, containing
the entire text, that is usually recited by the worship leader after the
Amidah prayer; (2) the Half Kaddish that excludes some final verses of the
prayer; (3) the Kaddish de-Rabbanan (the Kaddish of the Scholars/Masters)
that replaces a part of the prayer with a request for God’s blessings upon
teachers and disciples who study the Torah—in one part of the prayer
service on Friday night and at the end of the early morning service it is

41
recited by mourners after communal study; (4) the Mourners’ Kaddish, that
contains basically the full text of the prayer with the exception of one line,
and is recited by the close relatives of a deceased person at the end of the
prayer service, after the concluding Aleinu prayer. The Mourners’ Kaddish
is recited while standing with one’s face turned toward Jerusalem; in some
communities only the mourners stand for this recital of the Kaddish. Its
apparent origin is quite old, probably dating previous to the destruction of
the Second Temple in the year 70 CE, since it does not have any reference
to such a momentous event (Avenary 2007:11:695, 696). The custom of
mourners reciting the Kaddish seems to have begun in the 13th Century
CE in Germany, in the midst of a severe persecution by the Crusaders.
The Kaddish is recited at the funeral ceremony, and the mourner recites it
daily for a period of eleven months after the death of a close relative. It
is recited as well on the Yahrzeit (anniversary) of the death of the beloved
kin. It is so connected with the experience of mourning for the deceased
that it became popularly known as the “prayer for the dead” (696, 697).
What is surprising about the Kaddish is that nowhere in the prayer is
there a reference to the dead. No request is made on their behalf, and there
is not even an allusion to the mourning experience. What the prayer spe-
cifically does is sanctify and exalt God as the Creator and King and praises
his Name, and there is a request for the coming of the Kingdom of God. In
the Sephardic version there is an added request for Redemption and for
the soon advent of the Messiah. In this request, a petition is made that this
coming would happen in the days of the lifetime of the ones praying. At
the end of the prayer, there is also a request for a peaceful and blessed life
for the worshipers and for the House of Israel (Donin 1991:216-222).
Why then did this prayer become identified with mourners and
traditionally the most well-known prayer in reference to the dead?
Various answers have been given to this question: (1) it is an expression
of submission and acceptance of the will of God and his Sovereignty,
even in face of the worst evil in human experience—the loss of a beloved
one; (2) it is an indirect prayer in favor of the soul of the dead, so that
mourners could free the soul of their relative from hell (reference is here
made to a late haggadah (“story”) in Seder Eliyahu Zuta, usually dated to
the 10th Century, that reports how Rabbi Akiva helped to rescue the soul
of a father from hell by teaching the small son of the deceased to recite
the Kaddish in public; (Avenary 2007:696; Donin 1991:222, 223); (3) there
are those, however, who propose that it became the prayer of mourners
because of its eschatological emphasis on the final coming of Redemption
through the Messiah, and the correlated hope for the resurrection
of the dead. Earlier versions of the Kaddish did have a reference to the
resurrection in its messianic section at the beginning (Avenary 2007:696;
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42
Gillman 2011:142). This form of the Kaddish remains today in the “Burial
Kaddish” that is recited at the graveside immediately following the burial.
It begins with: “May His great Name be exalted and sanctified [Amen], in
the world that will be renewed, and where He will resuscitate the dead
and raise them to eternal life.”4
A fifth example can be seen in the very short morning prayer, Modeh
’Ani (“I Give Thanks”) that religious Jews are supposed to recite right after
they wake up: “Modeh [woman: Modah] ’ani lefanecha Melech chay veqayyam
“I give thanks before You, living and eternal King” Shehechezarta bi nish-
mati bechemlah, rabah ’emunatecha, “that returned my soul in me with com-
passion, great is Your faithfulness” (author’s translation).
This prayer is of late origin, probably composed in the 17th Century,
as it was first published in a prayer book in 1675 (Modeh Ani 2007:14:406).
The idea seems to be that of the existence of the soul as a separate entity
that can leave and return to the body. However, it also seems that the view
here is close to the Talmudic idea that both soul and body must coexist
together, not as separate entities (Bronner 2015:100). Therefore, awaken-
ing every morning becomes a daily symbol of the final awakening at the
resurrection (Gillmann 2011:141, 142, 212).
A last example appears in the custom of some Jewish individuals or
groups in the Diaspora of placing a small bag of earth from Israel close
to the head of the deceased. This practice is connected with the idea of
the bodily resurrection, since Jewish Orthodoxy believes that those buried
in the earth of the land of Israel will be the first to be revived in the
resurrection at the coming of the Messiah. However, this custom is also
related to the search for ways of atonement for the dead, since the Talmud
speaks of the atoning powers of the soil of the land of Israel (Ketubbot,
111a) (Robinson 2008:188; Meyers 1971:99-105).
The Immortality of the Soul
It should first be noted that Judaism assigns great value to human life,
which is to be cherished and preserved as long as possible. The dying
person (called goses) should not be left alone, some member the family
or relatives and friends should be present to the very end. Religious Jews
usually recite the Viduy (a prayer of confession of sins) as a deathbed
confession. The moribund may also address God, asking that their death
serve as atonement for the sins of their life. The dying person will also try
to pronounce the Shema‘ (Deut 6:4—the central statement of Jewish faith in
God as the God of Israel and as One God) as his/her last words. Because
Judaism sees life as a gift from God, Jewish law forbids euthanasia and
physician-assisted suicide. One who commits suicide is abhorred as one

43
who denied the life given to them by God. Such a person cannot be buried
in a Jewish cemetery with full funeral rites, with such a deed becoming a
stigma to the family (Robinson 2008:184, 185).
When a person dies, his/her eyes and mouth are closed, usually by the
firstborn son. The body is covered with a sheet and is not left alone until
the burial. Those present with the body, the Shomer (Guard), usually read
various Psalms. Among Orthodox Jews, the immediate family will tear
their clothing, called K’riah (tearing), and they will wear the torn garments
for the seven-day period of mourning known as Shivah (seven). Liberal
Jews usually wear a torn, small black ribbon on the lapel (187).
Practices and customs based on the belief of the immortality of the soul
can be seen in many details related to Jewish burial and mourning rites.
For example, in an organized Jewish community, the Chevrah Kadishah
(Holy Society), the Jewish Mortuary Society composed of volunteers, will
come to prepare the body for burial. They wash the body in warm water,
and cut the hair and nails. After this first washing, they then perform the
Taharah (purification) ritual of the dead body, using a specified measure of
water (around twenty-four quarts). They pour this water over the body as
a symbolic purification of a person passing from one state to another, from
life to death. For just as a human being enters life from the waters of the
womb, he or she departs life in the waters of the Taharah (Dosick 2009:304).
The body is then wrapped in a white linen shroud. Men will also be
wrapped in their tallit (prayer shawl) with the tsitsit (fringes) having been
cut off, for the dead cannot anymore fulfill God’s commandments that are
represented by the tsitsit on a tallit (Robinson 2008:187, 188). The white
burial shrouds are called tachrichin, and their pure white color is symbolic
of the purity of the soul. Because the shrouds are the same for all people,
rich or poor, they represent the uniformity and equality of everyone in
death (Dosick 2009:304, 305).
An observant Jew will generally be buried just wrapped in the white
shroud. But if a country requires that a dead person be buried in a casket,
this is done using a simple wooden box, made without nails, as better
built caskets would delay the return of the body to the earth (Robinson
2008:188). The body is honored as the holy vessel that contained the soul,
so it must be treated with the utmost reverence. Traditional Judaism re-
quires burial in the ground (Dosick 2009:303). Jewish burial practices reject
embalming, for this delays the return of the body to the dust of the earth;
above-ground burials are also banned, for this renders impossible the re-
turn of the body to the earth. Cremation of the body is also abhorred as a
pagan practice that destroys the body and disregards the creation of the
human body in the image of God (Robinson 2008:188; Dosick 2009:303).
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 50
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44
It is a Jewish custom to bury the dead person within twenty-four hours

of death, if possible, or at least within forty-eight hours. The funeral is
held this soon after death to emphasize Jewish belief that the soul, where-
in is the spark of life, immediately returns to God who gave it. So also,
the body that has been the earthly abode of the soul should immediately
be returned to the dust. It should not be the object of mournful venera-
tion, for it was only the container-dwelling of the soul (Dosick 2009:303).
However burial can be delayed in consideration of the time needed for
relatives to come and participate.
There are no burials on Shabbat or festival days. It is usual to hold a
service before burial, with a hesped (eulogy) given by a rabbi or by close
individuals who knew the deceased (306). Then the body is escorted to the
graveyard, with close relatives and friends carrying it or accompanying it
on foot at least part of the way into the cemetery. At the graveside, after
the body is deposited in the grave, each person present will place three
shovelfuls of dirt into the grave, starting with the immediate family. One
person does this and then inserts the shovel into the ground, then the next
person comes and does the same. The Kaddish and the prayer ’El Maleh Ra-
chamim (“God Full of Mercies”) are recited at the graveside after burial. It
is also a custom among observant Jews to wash their hands before leaving
the cemetery because of the impurity implied in contact with a dead body
or even by walking in a cemetery (Robinson 2008:187-189).
Until the burial, everything was focused on honoring the deceased.
Now Jewish practices and customs turn to comforting the mourners.
From the moment of death until the burial, the mourners were in Aninut
(“delicate”—a time of intense grief), the first stage of the mourning pro-
cess. After the burial, the participants return to the home of the deceased’s
family (189). Immediately on returning from the cemetery, the period of
Shivah (seven days of mourning after the burial) begins. A candle, known
as the shivah candle, is lit in the home. Jewish tradition sees Proverbs 20:27
as teaching that “the candle [the flame, the light, the spirit] of God is the
soul of humankind.” The shivah candle is therefore seen as a symbol of the
soul of the deceased (Dosick 2009:308). After the lighting of the candle, a
small meal that has been prepared by friends of the mourning family is
served, usually consisting of bread and hard-boiled eggs. Or chickpeas
and bagels may be served, for like eggs they are circular, representing the
never-ending cycle of life, death, and life. This begins the second stage of
the mourning process, the time of Avelut (mourning) that runs concurrent
with the Shivah and lasts seven days (307).
In an observant home, mirrors will be covered, removed, or turned
to the wall. Differing reasons have been given for this practice. Some say
that its intention is to avoid human vanity in the face of death. Others

45
understand it as a manifestation of the fear that the projection of the

human image could be snatched by the spirit of the recently deceased.
Some believe that this custom is based on the superstition that the Angel
of Death has already visited the household, and if the mourner sees the
“reflection” of the angel in the mirror, he may also die. During Shivah,
the mourners do not wear leather shoes, and they sit on low stools or on
the floor. This is symbolic of “being brought low” in grief, as well as a
symbol of submission to the will of God, and it recalls ancient days when
mourners would sit on the ground. The mourners do not shave, bathe,
go to work, or study the Torah (except for passages related to mourning).
They do not engage in conjugal relations, extend greetings, get haircuts, do
their laundry, or wear freshly laundered clothes. This is the time when the
community comes to express their condolences, tell their remembrances
of the departed one, and bring food for the mourners (Robinson 2008:189,
190: Dosick 2009:309).
On the first day of mourning, visitation is usually limited to family and
close friends. It is a mitzvah (good deed) to help form a minyan (10 male
adults) at the home of mourners so that Kaddish can be recited. The Shivah
is usually suspended during Shabbat, for the joy of the Sabbath takes pre-
cedence over mourning, and the mourners attend religious services at the
synagogue. Shivah ends on the seventh day after death; a friend goes to the
house of the mourners, greets them and escorts them out for the first time
in a week (Robinson 2008:190).
The mourning period now enters into a third phase called Sheloshim
(thirty) when restrictions are reduced. This period of twenty-three days
following the Shivah, along with the previous seven days, total a period of
thirty days of mourning (Dosick 2009:310). During these thirty days men
do not shave, and the mourners do not have their hair cut. The mourning
for spouses, children, and siblings officially ends after thirty days. The
morning for a parent continues for eleven months and the mourners will
not shave or cut their hair until friends “urge” them to do so. During She-
loshim the mourners do not attend festive meetings. In the case of mourn-
ing for a parent, this will continue for eleven months. During this period
of mourning, priority is given during regular services in the synagogue
for mourners to lead out or have an Aliyah (reading of the Torah). In Israel,
the mourner visits the deceased’s grave after the end of Sheloshim; outside
of Israel, this graveside visit usually occurs one year after the death (Rob-
inson 2008:191).
The mourners recite Kaddish daily for eleven months after the death of
a beloved one. The reason for eleven months rather than twelve, according
to a Jewish legend, is that a soul that does not have enough of its own
merit to enter heaven has one year to “earn” eternity. Each time a mourner
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 52
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46
recites Kaddish for the deceased, this soul earns points in its heavenly
quest. The legend also says that no person could be so bad that he or she
would need a full year of Kaddish points (Dosick 2009:307).
Not only the daily recitation of the Kaddish, but many other religious
and charitable acts done by the mourners in memory of their beloved
deceased are seen by religious Jews as ways to atone for the sins of the
departed one. Dedication to the study of Torah and other religious lit-
erature, leading the worship service at the synagogue, participation in an
Aliyah to read the Torah, the giving of alms to charity—all these actions
are considered ways of atoning for the soul of the deceased. This atone-
ment is believed to help the soul to avoid Gehinnom (Hell) and to ascend
to higher levels in Heaven (see Hebel 2010—a book that contains religious
and charitable actions that can be done to help atone for the soul of the
deceased kin).
A year after the death, the mourners go to the cemetery for the “Un-
veiling the Tombstone” at the graveyard—in Israel this is done after thirty
days. The name of the deceased and the dates of his/her birth and death
have been carved onto the tombstone. At the top of the stone the letters
“peh” “nun” for poh nitman (here lies buried), or poh nkbar (here is in-
terred) often appear. At the bottom of the stone the letters “tav,” “nun,”
“tsade,” “bet,” “hay,” standing for the phrase T´hi nishmato [nishmatah]
tsrurah b´tsror hachayim (“May his [her] soul be bound in the bond of life”),
are often carved. There is no set ceremony, but the tombstone will be cov-
ered with a white linen cloth; Psalm 23, El Maleh Rachamim, and Kaddish
are recited; a eulogy to the deceased is given; and at a certain moment in
the ceremony the tombstone is unveiled (Robinson 2008:191, 192: Dosick
2009:310).
Each year, the anniversary of the death of the beloved one is com-
memorated in a practice called Yahrzeit (“time of the year” in Yiddish, a
Jewish dialect of German). The first-year Yahrzeit is commemorated on
the anniversary of the day of the funeral; from then on, it is observed on
the anniversary of the day of death (311). At this time, it is particularly
commendable for family members of the deceased to lead the synagogue
service, take Aliyah (read a passage of the Torah), and recite Kaddish. It is
also traditional to light a memorial candle in the home, a Yahrzeit candle
that burns for twenty-four hours. This candle, as was the shivah candle, is
symbolic of the soul and the spirit of the deceased. If possible, one should
also visit the grave on the day of Yahrzeit (311). Some Ashkenazi Jews also
fast on the day of Yahrzeit for a parent or grandparent (Robinson 2008:192).
By commemorating the anniversary of the death of the beloved one, in-
stead of his birthday, Judaism celebrates a life fulfilled (Dosick 2009:311).

47
Another very important example of the impact of the belief of the im-
mortality of the soul and the Jewish attitude toward the deceased ances-
tor is Yizkor, memorial prayers that are recited five times in the Jewish
liturgical year. On Yom Kippur, and on the last days of the three annual
pilgrimage festivals (Feast of Tabernacles [Succot], Passover [Pesach], and
Pentecost [Shavuot]), the entire community comes together in a special sec-
tion of the service in memory of all its deceased people. Memorial candles
are lit in the synagogue in memory of the deceased, whose names are
often read aloud. Specific prayers are inserted into the morning service
of the three Pilgrim feasts, and in the morning and afternoon services of
Yom Kippur. These include both communal prayers and individual prayers
paying tribute to the memory of the deceased. In recent decades, prayers
remembering those who perished in the Holocaust and those who died
defending the State of Israel have been added to the Yizkor service in many
synagogues (312).
In these prayers, when referring specifically to someone who is de-
ceased, his/her name will be pronounced, followed by the phrase ‘alav
hashalom (“on him [may there be] peace”) for a man, and ‘aleha hashalom
(“on her [may there be] peace”) for a woman. In a written list, the name of
the deceased person is followed by the Hebrew letters “ayin” and “hay,”
standing for the two phrases above. Another custom is to write the He-
brew letters “zayin” and “lamed” after the name of the deceased, standing
for the phrases zichrono levracha (“[May] his memory [be] for a blessing”)
for a man, and zechronah levracha (“[May] her memory [be] for a bless-
ing”) for a woman. These phrases are used to distinguish the name of a
deceased person from those who are living, and it is a way to demonstrate
reverence, respect and affection for the beloved ones who have died (312).
The first part of the synagogue Yizkor service is comprised of individ-
ual prayers, during which the congregants pray in favor of their deceased
parents (father or mother). The second part includes communal prayers in
favor of the victims of the Holocaust and the deceased soldiers of the State
of Israel. The Yizkor service concludes with the recitation of the prayer
’Av haRachamim (“Merciful Father”) and ’Ashray (“Blessed are the Ones”),
a recitation of the first verse of Psalm 84 and Psalm 114, followed by the
entirety of Psalm 145, and concluded by the final verse of Psalm 115 (see
Fridlin 1997:220-226). During the recital of the first individual prayers,
those whose parents are yet alive and those who lost their parent(s) within
the last year may leave the synagogue and not participate in this part of
the service. They are invited, however, to return for the communal section
to pray for the victims of the Holocaust and the deceased soldiers of Israel
(220).
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 54
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48
The individual section is composed of two prayers: The first prayer is a

direct request to God that he may Yizkor (remember) one’s deceased father
or mother, whose soul has departed to the divine realm. In memory of the
beloved deceased, the praying ones commit themselves to the giving of
alms for the sake of the deceased, so that these souls may be connected to
the flowing River of Life, together with the souls of patriarchs Abraham,
Isaac, and Jacob, and of the matriarchs Sarah, Rebecca, Leah, and Rachel,
and with the souls of all the righteous ones that are in the heavenly Gar-
den of Eden (220, 221).
The second prayer is the ’El Maleh Rachamim (“God Full of Mercies”)
that is also recited at the burial service along with the Kaddish. In this
prayer, the names of the deceased father and mother are again mentioned,
and one pleads with God that the soul of his/her beloved deceased may
enjoy a peaceful rest under the wings of the Divine Presence and on the
divine steps where the holy ones and the saints shine like the glow of
the Firmament. For the sake of the deceased, the mourner again commits
himself/herself to give alms in the memory of the beloved deceased. The
prayer requests that the soul of the beloved one may rest in the heavenly
Garden of Eden, and that the Merciful One may protect it under his Wings
for eternity and connect it to the stream of life. It is proclaimed that the
Eternal God is the deceased’s heritage, and the prayer ends with the final
request that the mourner’s father or mother may rest in peace in the grave
(220, 221).
Then follows the communal section of the Yizkor service. In many syna-
gogues, a prayer in favor of the Jewish victims of the Holocaust is inserted
into the service, asking that God will remember them, their suffering, their
faithfulness, and the tragedy they went through. The prayer requests that
God will remember these victims, even though they were not afforded the
opportunity to be buried properly in a Jewish grave. It is also requested
that God take vengeance upon the perpetrators of such crimes, avenging
thereby the blood of his children according to the biblical promises (222).
For those whose parent or family member died as a victim of the Holo-
caust, two individual prayers (Yizkor and ’El Maleh Rachamim) are recited
with an insertion mentioning that these beloved ones were victims of the
atrocities of the Holocaust. One specific addition is quite interesting: at the
end of ’El Maleh Rachamim, instead of asking that they may rest in peace in
their grave (since they did not have a proper grave and most of them were
burned to ashes), there is the request that they may rise up (resurrect) at
the end of time (223).
In many synagogues there then follows the recital of the Yizkor and ’El
Maleh Rachamim prayers for the sake of the soldiers who died in defense
of the State of Israel, but there is no reference to giving meritorious alms

49
on their account. The bravery and unselfish sacrifice of these soldiers are
the merit upon which the praying one requests God’s favor for their souls.
The two final prayers, ’Av haRachamim and ’Ashray, exalt God as a Mer-
ciful God who remembers his children with mercy, avenges the blood of
the innocent, and judges with justice. He takes care of the afflicted with
his kindness. He raises the fallen ones, provides for the needy, is near to
all who invoke his Name and saves them. The service closes with the final
words of Psalm 145:20-21 (“The Lord preserves all who love Him, but all
the wicked He will destroy. My mouth will speak the praise of the Lord,
and let all flesh bless His holy name forever and ever”) and Psalm 115:18
(“But we will bless the Lord from this time forth and forevermore. Praise
the Lord!”) (225, 226).
Conclusion: Opportunities and Challenges in Mission
Adventist mission to the Jewish people must face the complex situa-
tion of Jewish beliefs and practices related to death, the state of a dead per-
son, and the hereafter. The belief in the immortality of the soul became the
predominant one in Judaism for centuries. Such a belief brings in many
complications that impact one’s understanding of God, the Bible, and the
status of people in this world and the hereafter, questions regarding salva-
tion and atonement for sins, etc. However, there is much in Jewish liturgy,
teaching, and practices that preserve the early biblical view on the state
of the dead and its teaching of the hope of resurrection at the end of time.
When approaching a Jewish person, or a Jewish community on these
topics, emphasis should first be given to the biblical teachings on these
subjects. Second, the rabbinic teachings that are based on the biblical per-
spective should also be emphasized. Furthermore, the biblical view con-
cerning the hope for the resurrection of the dead can be further substanti-
ated by the study of this view in well-known Jewish prayers such as the
Amidah, the Kaddish, and the morning prayer Modeh ’Ani, as well as in the
beloved hymn Adon Olam that show reminiscences of this Jewish hope.
One should further recall that the hope in the resurrection is one of the
Thirteen Principles of the Jewish Faith as stated by Maimonides, and this
principle of faith is also expressed in the hymn Yigdal.
The study of the biblical belief of the resurrection can also be a way to
develop and affirm a proper understanding of the biblical message con-
cerning atonement for sins. Such a study can help a Jewish person un-
derstand that there is nothing that a living person can do to improve the
status of their beloved deceased, for redemption and atonement are deeds
of God and not of man. The way for atonement is taught in the ritual of the
sanctuary, and this points to salvation by God’s grace and by the merits,
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 56
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50
death, and ministry of the Messiah in the Heavenly Sanctuary. The resur-
rection of the dead is part of this way of redemption, for it depends totally
on God and is another evidence of God’s grace. Life after death is totally
dependent on God’s grace, for he alone is able to change the situation of
a dead person and bring him/her back to life through his power to resur-
rect the dead.
One can also promote the understanding that the resurrection of the
dead does justice to the biblical theology of Creation. Resurrection is the
only belief that corresponds to the biblical teaching about the nature of
man, confirming the way the Bible reports that he was created by God. It
points out his mortality, his dependence on God for life and the fact that
God is the only One who has life in himself. It also emphasizes the moral
character of humanity and their freewill—the human responsibility for
their future in life. The resurrection of the dead corresponds to the biblical
narrative of sin, the Fall as the reason for death, and the way outlined for
redemption. The idea of the immortality of the soul, on the other hand,
aligns itself with the contradictory statements of the Serpent that man,
even after sin, would never die and would have the opportunity to be-
come like God.
A very delicate situation always manifests itself in the contextualized
missiological approach to the Jewish people as they come to participate
with us in our worship on Yom Kippur and the other three annual pilgrim-
age festivals. The Jewish visitor or attendee that is taking an interest in the
Adventist message will usually anticipate the Yizkor service. This portion
of the service is the most expected part of the liturgy among the majority
of Jews today. Some even go to the synagogue on these specific dates just
to recite the Yizkor for their beloved that has passed away. To completely
ignore it is very offensive and can break the feeble connection the Jewish
person is establishing with us. To use the traditional prayers of Yizkor in
our service without much concern would be an unfaithful attitude toward
Adventist fundamental beliefs, to our mission of restoration of biblical
truth, even to God and his teachings in the Bible.
One possible solution is to replace most of the Yizkor prayers (specifi-
cally those that are built on the idea of the immortality of the soul) with
biblical prayers and the recital of Bible texts that speak of the resurrection
of the dead and the final reunion with the deceased in the soon coming
Kingdom of Heaven. The lighting of memorial candles during the service
is another complex issue to be dealt with. These could be seen as rep-
resenting the memory of the beloved ones who have departed, and one
could argue that it should be practiced with this meaning. However, since
these are usually considered as a symbol of the soul of the deceased ones,
such a practice could be very confusing for our community members and

51
the visitors who are studying with us. So even if it could be quite a shock
for our Jewish visitors that we do not light memorial candles on such occa-
sions and do not recite all the traditional Yizkor liturgy, this could become
a way to open a respectful dialogue concerning the biblical view of the
state of the dead and the hope of the resurrection.
Special wisdom must also be exercised with those who are going
through the process of actively mourning the recent loss of a beloved one.
A Jewish person, even in an advanced stage of interest in the Adventist
message, would normally prefer the assistance of the regular Jewish mor-
tuary services and to bury the deceased in a Jewish cemetery. This is a
precious time to approach this person with unbiased and true friendship,
including one’s presence during the funerary services and subsequent
mourning periods. Such supportive actions and a friendly, non-judgmen-
tal attitude may later open the door for much dialogue about death, the
state of the dead, and the biblical hope of the resurrection.
Belief in the immortality of the soul continues to be predominant in
contemporary Judaism. In present Jewish society there is also much influ-
ence from Kabbalah with its view not only on the immortality of the soul
but also reincarnation and transmigration of the soul. However, in many
branches of today’s Judaism there are signs of an important rediscovery
of the biblical hope of the resurrection. Perhaps a wise approach by Ad-
ventists in their outreach to Jewish people can help strengthen this phe-
nomenon and encourage many Jews to prepare themselves for the biblical
hope of the soon coming of the Messiah and then enjoy the much desired
reunion with their resurrected beloved ones.
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 58
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52
Endnotes
1
Jewish world population (derived from synagogue and Jewish institutions
membership) was calculated in 2018 as including approximately 15 million peo-
ple. This population is widely dispersed among the different continents, with
Asia having almost 7 million (with 6.7 million in Israel), followed by the Americas
with 6.5 million (5.7 million in the United States), then Europe and Russia with 1.4
million (more than 450 thousand in France), Oceania with 121 thousand (includ-
ing almost 115 thousand in Australia), and Africa with 73.6 thousand (around 67
thousand in South Africa). See “Vital Statistics: Jewish Population of the World
(1882-Present),” Jewish Virtual Library, https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/
jewish-population-of-the-world (accessed September 4, 2019).
2
Ben-Sira’s attack appears in Ecclesiasticus 30:18: “Good things lavished on a
closed mouth are like food offerings put on a grave.” The Book of Jubilees 22:16-17
presents the following admonition of Abraham to Jacob: “And you also, my son,
Jacob, remember my words, and keep the commandments of Abraham, your fa-
ther. Separate yourself from the gentiles, and do not eat with them, and do not per-
form deeds like theirs… They slaughter their sacrifices to the dead, and to demons
they bow down. And they eat in the tombs. And all their deeds are worthless and
vain.” See Harry Rabinowicz, “Death,” Encyclopaedia Judaica, 2nd ed. (2007), 5:511.
3
The Hebrew word geviyah that appears in the final line may also refer to a
dead body, a corpse, see Fabry 1977:2:433-438.
4
Chevra Kadisha Mortuary, N.d. Prayers to be Said at Funerals and Visiting
Gravesites of Beloved Ones (Los Angeles: Chevra Kadisha), 11; “The Graveside Kad-
dish,” Chabad.org, (accessed September 11, 2019). https://www.chabad.org/
library/article_cdo/aid/387409/jewish/The-Graveside-Kaddish.htm.
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ence Library. Garden City, NY: Doubleday.
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Reinaldo W. Siqueira PhD is Dean of the School of Theology of

UNASP in Brazil and the Assistant Director of the World Jewish
Adventist Friendship Center for the General Conference of
Seventh-day Adventists. He is married to Debora and they have
two young adult sons, Matheus and Joao Andre.

CEDRIC VINE
Ancestor Worship and

the Gadarene Demoniacs
Introduction
In his homily on Jesus’s healing of the Gadarene demoniacs in Matt 8:28-9:1,

John Chrysostom (AD 349-407) asks why the two demoniacs loved to
dwell in the tombs (Hom. Matt 28:3). For Chrysostom, the answer to this
question does not lie in the text. In fact, Chrysostom avoids answering his
own question and instead takes the opportunity to strongly lambast from
a theological and experiential perspective the idea that the souls of the
dead become demons. He questions the popular-level belief that sorcer-
ers kill children in order to have their souls assist them and asks on what
basis one can actually know that the child’s spirit is with the sorcerer. He
describes the view that souls of the dead become demons as a “pernicious
opinion,” wrong because, as we all know, the souls of the recently de-
ceased righteous immediately depart to be with God in heaven, or to hell
if unrighteous. He asserts that demons are in fact not the souls of the dead
but instead evil spirits that have taken on the personae of the deceased.
The question remains, Why did the demoniacs love to dwell in the
tombs? Chrysostom most likely avoided answering this own question
from the narrative itself because he knew that many 4th century Chris-
tians understood demons to be the spirits of the dead and associated them
with tombs. If this was the case with his 4th century Christian audience,
we can only conclude that there would have been a very high possibility
that first-century pagan hearers of Jesus’s healing of the Gadarene demo-
niacs would have understood the association of demons with tombs as
relating to ancestor worship in some way. As such, the purpose of this
article is to review the portrayal of ancestor worship in ancient sources
Bauer: Editorial
56
and then to ask how the account of Jesus healing the two Gadarene demo-
niacs might have been understood by first-century ancient holders of such
beliefs. The selection of sources is necessarily restricted due to the brief
nature of this article.
Ancestor Worship: A Core Belief in

Graeco-Roman Culture
In his 1864 masterpiece, La Cité antique, Numa Denis Fustel de Coulange

argued that ancestor worship represented a core belief that shaped the re-
ligious practices, laws, and institutions of ancient Greece and Rome (2006).
Fustel Coulange recognizes that within the ancient world there were mul-
tiple views as to the state of the dead. There is evidence that many Greeks
or Romans believed in metempsychosis, the idea that the immortal spirit
escaped one’s body at death and migrated to animate another body (e.g.,
Plato, Rep. 10.619b-612d; Virgil, Aen. 6.714-750). Some believed that death
represented the cessation of both body and spirit. This belief was a mi-
nority position held by a few philosophers and a section of Judaism (cf.
Plutarch, Mor. 27-30). The majority of ancient Greeks and Romans, asserts
Coulange, believed that while a few great men might ascend to a celestial
abode, an idea first encountered in the poet Phocylides (possibly 6th cen-
tury BC), the souls of most deceased persons did not pass into a foreign
world, but continued to live underground near men (Cicero, Tusc., 1.16;
Euripides, Alc. 163). For Coulange, the key evidence for this belief are the
rites of sepulture that indicate that when a body was buried, it was popu-
larly believed that they were burying something living. This may indicate
an answer to Chrysostom’s question: Why did the demons love to dwell
in the tombs?
Before turning to the rites of sepulture, it is necessary to first define
some basic terms. Romans referred to anyone who died and inhabited
the afterlife as a mane (Ausonius, Parentalia 16.1-12; Epitaphs 28; Seneca,
Oct. 343). They were distinguished, however, between those mane which
were the spirits of one’s ancestors, which they called lares, and parentes,
the spirits of one’s immediate family—one’s father and mother. The lar-
es were represented in statue form and were kept in a cupboard in the
home. Daily prayers were offered to them and regular festivals were held
in their honor. Key to the focus of this article is Cicero’s (106-43 BC) ob-
servation that “those that the Greeks called demons we call Lares” (Tim.
11; cf. Ovid, Fast. 2.614; Augustine, De civ. Dei 9.11). This link between
lares and demons is crucial in that it opens up the possibility that many
ancient auditors of the Gospel, especially those immersed within Graeco-
Roman ancestor worship, would have heard the account of Jesus healing

57
the demoniacs as signalling his victory over malevolent ancestral spirits.

We should add that even Josephus defines demons as spirits of the dead
(War 7.185). Finally, the lemures were the spirits of those dead ancestors
who had not enjoyed proper burial, funeral rites, or been buried in tombs.
Due to their improper burial, they were typically malevolent wandering
spirits that disturbed their living family members.
The Rites of Sepulture
The idea that burial involved the internment of something living is

found throughout Greek and Roman sources (Virgil, Aen. 4.24-34). For
example, in Virgil’s (70-19 BC) description of the burial of Polydorus he
recalls how Aeneas arrived in Thrace whereupon he set up an altar upon
a mound of earth upon which a myrtle tree grew. The myrtle tree had
branches that protruded from the ground like sharp spears. Aeneas pro-
ceeded to uproot one of the branches with which to decorate the altar,
whereupon, to his horror, black blood started to ooze out from the end
of the speer-like branch. Aeneas pulled out another branch and the same
thing happened. Finally, he pulled out a third bleeding branch, at which
point he was addressed by a voice from under the ground, the voice of
the deceased Polydorus. Polydorus appealed to Aeneas for clemency and
then claimed that the blood from the javelin-like branches was in fact his
own blood resulting from his murder by Lycurgus the king of Thrace.
He then advised Aeneas to flee Thrace for his own safety. Aeneas then
conferred with his fellow travellers and they agreed to solemnize “fresh
funeral rites” on behalf of the already dead Polydorus (Aen. 3:61). These
rites included the heaping up of a fresh mound of earth and the erection
of an altar to “his honored shade” (stant Manibus arae, 3.63). New milk and
blood were then poured out on the ground and his soul laid in the tomb
(3.63-68). Throughout this account the deceased Polydorus is assumed to
be living in some sense (see also Homer, Il. 23.221). Proper burial involved
the provision of appropriate food and shelter for this ‘living’ being. The
expression used by Virgil to ‘lay the soul in the tomb’ was widely used in
antiquity as a colloquial expression for burial. It is found in both Ovid and
Pliny despite the fact that neither writer accepted this view of the living
soul (Ovid, Fast. 5.451; Pliny, Ep. 7.27). In addition to inhumation, crema-
tion was widely practiced in the ancient world, although there is little to
indicate that this variation in practice indicated a different understanding
of the dead.
In such situations the funeral ceremony was not performed to assuage
the grief of the mourners but rather to ensure “the rest and happiness
of the dead” (Coulange 2006:18). The rite included a number of steps,
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described by Walter Burkett as “the laying out of the corpse, prothesis, the
carrying out, ekphora, and the funeral proper with funerary sacrifices and
a funerary banquet, which are taken up as the basis of a continuing grave
cult” (1985:192). This rite indicates that it was necessary for the soul to be
confined to a subterranean abode suited to its second life, and for this to
occur the body to which it was attached had to be covered with earth. A
failure to bury the body or an improper burial resulted in a wandering
spirit that would restlessly search for an appropriate resting place. Such
a wandering spirit was known as a larva, or phantom, a being that would
wander without ever receiving the offerings and food it required. The
result of such deprivation was that the spirit would become a malevolent
spirit, a spirit that tormented the living. Such a spirit would inflict disease,
disrupt harvests, and frighten the living by appearing to them as a ghostly
apparition, warning the living to give sepulture to its body and to itself.
Coulange claims that “all antiquity was persuaded that without burial the
soul was miserable, and that by burial it became forever happy” (2006:17).
Two examples illustrate this belief.
In his comedy The Ghost, Plautus (d. 184 BC) tells of a father who re-
turns unexpectedly from a trip abroad. His son has been living a riotous
life with his newly freed slave girl and fellow guests, and, in their panic
at the father’s return, lock the front door of the house and hid in silence.
One of the household slaves welcomes the father home but warns him
not to enter the house for the terrible reason that in the father’s absence,
they have discovered that the previous owner of the house had murdered
a guest and hidden his body under the house. This improper burial pro-
cedure resulted in the soul of the murdered guest appearing to the son in
terrifying visions, warning him to leave the house because it was cursed
(scelestae [hae] sunt aedes, impia est habitatio, Mostellaria 504). The ruse works
and the father leaves.
A second example of the effects of improper burial is found in Sue-
tonius’ (b. ca. AD 69) account of the burial of Gaius Caligula. Caligula, a
despised and hated emperor, had been stabbed to death in his palace by,
and accounts differ, either two tribunes or by a group of centurions (Cal.
58). His body was then secretly spirited out of the palace and partially
burned on a hastily erected pyre in the gardens of the Lamian family. His
charred body was then buried under a thin layer of turf. This improper
burial is said, according to Suetonius, to have resulted in ghosts or shades
(umbris) disturbing the caretakers of the garden and numerous fearsome
apparitions in the building where he was murdered (Cal. 59). This situa-
tion was only rectified when his sisters, upon their return from exile, dug
up his body, cremated it properly, and placed it in a tomb.

59
These two examples illustrate the fear that improper burial rites would
result in wandering souls which would disturb the living and that specific
rites were necessary to ensure that the souls of the dead were properly
placed in and restricted to their tombs. The corollary of this rite was the
possibility that through alternative rites, the spirits of the dead might be
tempted out of their tombs.
The Festival of Feralia
Festivals for the dead played an important part of Graeco-Roman cul-

ture. The Roman festival of Feralia, held on February 21, marked the end
of Paternalia (February 13-21), a nine-day festival honoring one’s dead an-
cestors. An important source is Ovid’s Fasti in which he provides a de-
scription, month by month, of the origins and rituals of the various fes-
tivals practiced by Romans. The work covers the first six months of the
year (January to June) and it is uncertain as to whether Ovid (43 BC—AD
17) completed the final six months or whether they have been lost. Ovid’s
description of the festival, found in Fast. 2.533-616, sets out the purpose of
the festival as to placate “the souls of your fathers” Animas placate paternas
(2.533), to placate the shades (sed et his placabilis umbra est, 2.541), or to pla-
cate ghosts (ultima placandis manibus illa dies, 2.570). These acts of placation
were achieved through the giving of gifts. Thankfully, Ovid tells us, the
dead ancestors (manes) do not require costly gifts but rather attach greater
significance to the motive in which the gifts were given. Acceptable gifts
included “a tile wreathed with votive garlands, a sprinkling of corn, a
few grains of salt, bread soaked in wine, and some loose violets, these are
offerings enough” (2.537-539). These might be left on a potsherd in the
middle of the road and were to be accompanied by prayers and appropri-
ate words offered at hearths set up for this purpose. Ovid explains that
these practices originated with Aeneus who offered offerings and prayers
to the spirit of his deceased father (2.540-544).
Ovid warns that a failure to offer such rites occurred during a period of
war when many funerals were held at the same time outside the walls of
Rome (2.548-562). The result was that the spirits of Rome’s dead ancestors
left their tombs and roamed the streets of Rome, groaning and moaning
and terrifying the inhabitants. As a result, the rites of ancestral worship
were reinstated and a limit was set on the number of funerals that could
take place at any one point in time. According to Ovid, weddings were
prohibited during the festival of Feralia, although it is difficult to gauge
how widespread this prohibition was respected. A brief allusion to the fes-
tival is also found in Virgil’s Aeneid, in which he describes Andromache,
the wife of dead Hector, “offering her yearly feast and gifts of mourning to
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the dust, and calling the ghost to Hector’s tomb,” which consisted of a green
mound of turf before which she had placed two altars (Aen. 3.300-305). Such
accounts testify to a popular level of belief in the abiding presence of ances-
tral spirits and a belief that it was necessary to placate them with certain
rites in order to enjoy their favor. The extent to which these beliefs were
held was such that, according to Ramsay MacMullen, they heavily influ-
enced early Christian beliefs and practices in Rome well into the fourth
and fifth centuries AD (MacMullen 2010).
The Festival of Lamuria
A counterpart to the festival of Feralia was the festival of Lamuria, held

in May, with the purpose to placate the lemures. Again, Ovid’s Fasti is a key
source (cf. Fast. 5.419-492). The ritual of Lamuria was performed at mid-
night by the head of the household after everyone had gone to bed, and
dogs and fowl had quietened down. The head of the household would
rise and make the sign of the mano fica (fig gesture) in case he might meet
a malevolent spirit. The mano fica was an obscene gesture that represented
the sexual union between a man and woman. The term fico is the Latin for
fig, a term used for the female vulva. It was used to ward off the evil eye
and demons in the belief that malevolent spirits were fearful of the idea of
sex and would flee at the sign.
The head of the household would then wash his hands in clean spring
water and then take a handful of black beans and throw them behind him,
walking barefoot around the house, while repeating nine times the phrase,
“These I cast; with these beans I redeem me and mine” haec ego mitto, his
redimo meque meosque fabis (Fast. 5.437-438). It was believed that the ma-
levolent spirits of the dead would follow behind and collect the beans. The
master of the household, having attracted the spirits, would then touch
water and clash bronze implements, imploring the spirits nine times to
depart with these words, “Ghosts of my fathers, go forth!” Manes exite
paterni (Fast. 5.473). This festival was celebrated on May 9, 11, and 13, and
resulted in the belief that marriages solemnized in May would not last, ex-
pressed in the popular phrase, “Bad girls marry in May” mense malas Maio
nubere (Fast. 5.490). In summary, such rites testify to a popular belief that
improper burial practices or a failure to continually care for one’s ances-
tors could result in them turning into malevolent spirits.
Providing for the Needs of Ancestral Spirits
Ancestor worship required the ongoing provision of physical food for

the souls of the dead. Virgil tells of food left at altars placed before tombs

61
(Aen. 5.98; cf. Pausanias, Descr. 2.10.5). Ausonius’ fourth century AD col-
lection of epitaphs indicates that the feeding of one’s ancestors was widely
practiced:
On the Tomb of a Happy Man: Sprinkle my ashes with pure wine and
fragrant oil of spikenard; bring balsam too, O stranger, with crimson
roses. Unending spring pervades my tearless urn: I have but changed
my state, and have not died. I have not lost a single joy of my old life,
whether you think that I remember all or none. (Ausonius, Epitaphs 31)
Euripides tells of a less appetizing meal offered to the ghost of the

dead Achilles, who returned from his grave and demanded the death of
Polyxana, the daughter of Priam the king of Troy (Hecuba 536-582). Polyxana
had earlier become a confidant of the living Achilles and had revealed to
her brothers, Paris and Deiphobus, the secret of Achille’s weakness—his
heel. They had then taken advantage of this knowledge and killed Achilles,
shooting arrows into his heel. Polyxana, who had been captured by Achille’s
son Neoptolemus, permitted her throat to be cut in order for her blood to be
offered as a libation offering to pacify the angry spirit of Achilles. While this
story does not present a rite, it further attests to a basic belief that spirits of
the deceased needed to be placated with libations.
Tombs as Temples for the Gods/Demons
Tombs functioned as the temples of ancestral spirits and often included

an altar either before or above the tomb as the case with the temples to the
gods. Suetonius describes how Nero was buried in a sarcophagus, which
was placed in his family tomb with an altar of luna marble standing above
it (Nero 50). Many tombs bore the inscription, Dis Manibus Sacrum (“to the
sacred ghost-gods”), and in Greek, theois chthoniois (“to the gods of the
nether world”). There is widespread literary evidence that many Greeks
and Romans believed that souls of the deceased were in some sense divine
(cf. Homer, Il. 1.222; 3.420; Augustine, De civ. Dei 8.23). Euripides (b. ca.
480s BC) recalls how Admetus, after the death of his wife Aclestis, a death
necessitated in order that Apollo might prolong Admetus’s life, was en-
couraged to honor her in death as a god:
Let not the grave of your wife be regarded as the funeral mound of the
dead departed but let her be honored as are the gods (theoisi), an object
of reverence to the wayfarer. Someone walking a winding path past
her tomb shall say, “This woman died in the stead of her husband, and
now she is a blessed divinity (makaira daimōn). Hail, Lady, and grant
us your blessing!” With such words will they address her. (Euripides,
Alc. 995-1004)
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Of particular interest in this passage is the way in which Euripides

equates the dead Aclestis with the gods while also describing her as a
“blessed demon.” Clearly, the term ‘demon’ was not just a pejorative term
as in the Gospels but was instead frequently used with reference to dead
ancestors in a honorific manner that evoked divinity (cf. Philostratus,
Imag. 1.5.16.). Support for this view is found in Euripides’s statement that
“there are many shapes of divinity (tōn daimoniōn), and many things the
gods (theoi) accomplish against our expectation” (Euripides, Alc. 1160).
Plutarch (b. before AD 50, d. after AD 120) cites Varro as describing
Roman sons as honoring “the tombs of their fathers even as they do the
shrines of the gods; and when they have cremated their parents, they de-
clare that the dead person has become a god at the moment when first
they find a bone” (Rom. Quest. 14). To be declared a god upon one’s death
does not mean that one’s character was suddenly transformed for the bet-
ter, that sinners were miraculously transformed into godly saints. Rather,
as one’s character was during one’s life, so it remained in death. The view
that demons were ancestral spirits was not universally held. Socrates
claimed that something “god-inspired (theion) and spirit-like (daimonion,
literally, a divine power)” comes to him, starting when he was a boy, a
warning voice in his head that functioned rather like the Christian con-
science, alerting him of things he should not do (Plato, Apol. 31c-d, 40a).
Dio Chrysostom (AD 40-120) tells the story in his Fourth Discourse on King-
ship of Diogenes the Cynic warning Alexander the Great that he will nev-
er become king until he propitiates his attendant spirit (prin an hilasē ton
hautou daimona, 4 Regn. 75). The king reflects the popular understanding
that a demon is a deity that would require sacrifices (4 Regn. 76). Diogenes
‘corrects’ Alexander by informing him that there are evil and good de-
mons (hoi ponēroi kai agathoi daimones) but that these are nothing more than
the guiding spirit of the owner, that is one’s own character choices (4 Regn.
79-81). Diogenes’s correction of Alexander’s understanding may be taken,
however, as further evidence of the widespread belief that demons were
divine spirits, often associated with ancestors.
Jesus and the Gadarene Demoniacs
We return to Chrysostom’s question, Why did the demoniacs dwell in

the tombs? If this question is addressed in light of the evidence considered
above, it seems reasonable to conclude that Matthew’s account of Jesus
casting out the demons from the Gadarene demoniacs would have been
understood by many first-century readers within an ancestral spirits frame-
work. Chrysostom was well aware of this possibility but tried to dismiss it
(cf. Davies and Allison 1991:83). Before considering the account from this
perspective, a clarificatory word about demons is necessary.

63
Demons are presented biblically as fallen angels rather than the spir-
its of dead ancestors. In Deut 32:17, for example, Israel is criticized for
making Yahweh jealous by sacrificing “to demons (MT: laššeḏim; LXX:
daimoniois), not God, [and] to deities (MT: ʾᵉlōhim; LXX: theois) they had
never known.” The parallelism in this verse indicates a close association of
demons with strange gods, which, in the wider context of Scripture, may
be identified as fallen angels (cf. Isa 14:12-15; Rev 12:7-9). In this context,
the numerous references to Jesus casting out demons should be interpret-
ed as an indication that Israel was in a state of idolatry, under the control
of strange deities. His exorcisms functioned as the equivalent to the ac-
tions of Old Testament judges or prophets who tore down the high places
and cleansed Israel of foreign gods (cf. Judg 6:28-32).
In classical Greek usage there was a distinction between daimonion, a
general reference to the manifestation of divine power, and the more spe-
cific daimōn which connotes a particular god or goddess. It is difficult to
know whether this distinction is maintained in the New Testament. Ac-
cording to BDAG 2000:210, daimonion, which is found frequently in the
Gospels, may refer to a particular god or goddess as well as to a hostile
divinity or evil spirit. Daimōn, however, is only found in Matt 8:31 and, ac-
cording to BDAG, refers specifically in that instance to an evil spirit.
1. Gentile Demoniacs Dwelling Amongst the Tombs: When Jesus entered
the country of the Gadarenes, two men who are possessed by demons (dai-
monizomenoi, Matt 8:28) meet him. Matthew drops Mark’s reference to un-
clean spirits (en pneumati akathartō, Mark 5:2; compare his use of ‘impure
in 5:8, 13) and ritual impurity and instead adopts demon-related language
more common in Gentile usage (Wahlen 2004:122). The region seems to
have been near the town of Gadara on the eastern side of Lake Galilee in
the Gentile territory of the Decapolis. The Gentile nature of the region is
affirmed later in the account by the presence of a herd of pigs, inconceiv-
able in Jewish territory (Hill 1972:168; Luz 2001:24). The Evangelist de-
scribes the demoniacs as “coming out of the tombs” to meet Jesus (8:28).
Contrary to Chrysostom’s question, Matthew drops Mark’s reference to
them dwelling there (cf. Mark 5:3). The element of indeterminacy relating
to their abode may possibly indicate that the improper burial rites were
carried out with respect to these particular ancestral spirits. Alternatively,
Matthew’s omission may simply reflect his editorial practice of reducing
Mark’s more lengthy account. Whichever option is chosen, the association
of the demoniacs with tombs, understood by Graeco-Romans as temples
for the dead, would have affirmed for believers in ancestor worship that
the two men were controlled by the spirits of their ancestors, by manes
who normally dwelt in tombs in close proximity to the urns in which their
bodies were interred (Burkert 1985:191).
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2. Fierce Demons: The Evangelist describes the demons as very fierce

(chalepoi lian), as controlling the surrounding region (Matt 8:28). The term
chalepos indicates that they were a cause of great trouble or stress, intense-
ly violent (cf. 2 Tim 3:1). Background sources indicate a certain ambigu-
ity over why demons might be either good or bad. They were sometimes
viewed as beneficial, as indicated by one rite recorded in a Greek magical
papyri to attract demons: “A [daimon comes] as an assistant who will re-
veal everything to you clearly. And will be your [companion and] will eat
and sleep with you” (PGM I.1-42 quoted in Betz 1992:3). They may alter-
natively turn troublesome as a result of the community’s failure to follow
correct burial rituals or to regularly honor the dead. Additionally, they
may be malevolent simply because their behavior reflects the character
of the deceased person. Either way, these two possibilities point to either
a failure on the part of the wider community to honor their ancestors or
a failure of some in the community to live virtuous lives. The demoniacs
present a particular problem for the community in that they are described
as permitting no one to “pass that way” (Matt 8:28). From an ancestor wor-
ship perspective, this was a particularly serious problem in that it would
have inhibited the local community’s ability to regularly honor the graves
of their ancestors, leading to a downward spiral in relations between the
communities of the living and the community of the dead.
3. Jesus’ One-Word Command: The demoniacs confront Jesus, asking
what he wants with them. Their tone is aggressive, shouting at him (ekrax-
an, Matt 8:29). They question Jesus’ business with them, addressing him
as Son of God, and asking whether he has come to torment them before
the time. Their identification of Jesus as Son of God implies supernatural
knowledge, an ability, from an ancestor worshipper’s perspective, of one
supernatural being to recognize another. In reply, Jesus says nothing. He
performs no ritual. The mood of the demoniacs then changes from aggres-
sion to one of desperation, and supplication.
The demons (daimones) beg (parekaloun) Jesus to send them into the
pigs feeding some distance away. Matthew’s use of daimōn (evil spirit)
instead of daimonion in v. 31, a hapax in the New Testament, is, according
to Clinton Wahlen, a concession to the “Gentile-dominated locale since it
was the more common term for demons in Hellenistic circles” (2004:122).
From an ancestor worship perspective, this request would have been
understood as the spirits of the dead seeking to remain in close physical
proximity to their buried cadavers and deceased family members (8:31).
In contrast to Mark’s account in which Jesus enters into dialogue with the
demons (Mark 5:8-9), in Matthew’s account Jesus does not engage with
them. Instead, he uses a single command, structurally at the heart of the
account, the only word he utters throughout: hypagete “Go!” (Matt 8:32).

65
For ancestor worshippers this would have been highly surprising in that
they were used to employing elaborate rituals and lengthy and repetitive
incantations to control malevolent spirits (cf. Betz 1992:38, 301, 304). In the
case of the demoniacs, all previous attempts to control them had failed (cf.
Mark 5:3-4). In contrast, Jesus controls them with a single word, an indica-
tion of his complete mastery over them.
4. A Community in Fear: The demons depart into the pigs, who rush
down the steep bank into the lake and perish (apethanon) in the water (Matt
8:32). There is some evidence for Jewish belief that spirits were afraid of
water because it had purifying capabilities (Davies and Allison 1993:84).
On the other hand, other sources indicate that some types of demons were
associated with water. The Evangelist is silent either way on this issue. It
is also unstated as to whether the demons die with the pigs (Luz 2001:25).
Nevertheless, these actions would further signal to ancestor worshippers
Jesus’ complete mastery over malevolent ancestral spirits. They respond
to his bidding.
The swineherds then announce to the local townsfolk what has hap-
pened. The “whole town” then came out to meet Jesus and begged
(parekalesan) him, as the demons had begged him earlier, to leave their
region (8:34). The reason for their communal request is not made explicit.
It may have been out of fear, as in Mark 5:15 and Luke 8:35. Some suggest
it was due to the economic implications of losing their livestock (Vledder
1997:197). Matthew is silent as to their motive. We may suppose, however,
that from an ancestor worship perspective, the Gentile inhabitants of the
town would not have believed that the drowning of the pigs would neces-
sarily have resulted in the destruction of the demons. From their perspec-
tive, the demons, who had been so disrespected by Jesus, now inhabit the
waters of Galilee. As such, they would have feared further trouble from
the demons. The Evangelist finishes his account with these words: “And
after getting into a boat [Jesus] crossed the sea and came to his own town”
(Matt 9:1). From Jesus’ perspective, the power of the demons has been bro-
ken, indicated by his ability to travel unhindered and undisturbed. Not
even a storm disturbs his journey home.
Conclusion
In his account of the healing of the Gadarene demoniacs, the Evangelist

does not argue against the existence of demons. Instead, he affirms Jesus’s
power over them. Jewish readers of the Gospel would likely have inter-
preted references to demons within a fallen-angel framework.
In contrast, many Gentiles and early Gentile Christians steeped
in ancestor worship would have interpreted Jesus’ exorcism as a
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66
demonstration of his control and absolute power over ancestral spirits.

John Chrysostom’s deep concern that readers do not read the passage in
such terms affirms the very likelihood of such readings. The fact that the
exorcism occurs in Gentile territory and in the vicinity of tombs would
have strongly affirmed such associations. Maybe this is why Chrysostom
avoided directly appealing to Matthew’s story as evidence against
ancestral spirits. Instead of dissuading belief in ancestral spirits, he could
have appealed to the text as strong evidence that Jesus is more powerful
than such spirits. If he had taken this approach, the decision that believers
in such spirits would have had to make was whether or not to permit
the Spirit of the resurrected Jesus to replace their ancestor’s spirits as the
controlling spirit of their community.
Endnotes
1
Elsewhere, Chrysostom describes how “many of the simpler sort” believe that
those who die violent deaths turn into demons. Chrysostom, Hom. Laz. 6.235-236.
Unless stated, quotations from Graeco-Roman sources are taken from LCL.
Works Cited
Betz, H. D., ed. 1992. The Greek Magical Paypyri in Translation Including the Demotic
Spells. Chicago/London: University of Chicago Press.
Burkert, W. 1985. Greek Religion: Archaic and Classical. Oxford: Blackwell.
Coulanges, N. D. F. 2006. The Ancient City: A Study of the Religion, Laws, and Institu-
tions of Greece and Rome. Mineola, NY: Dover.
Davies, W. D., and D. C. Allison. 1991. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the
Gospel According to Saint Matthew: Commentary on Matthew 8-18. Edinburgh:
T&T Clark.
Gundry, R. H. 1982. Matthew: A Commentary on His Literary and Theological Art.
Grand Rapids: Eerdmans.
Hill, D. 1972. The Gospel of Matthew. London: Oliphants.
Luz, U. 2001. Matthew 8-20: A Commentary. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press.
MacMullen, R. 2010. Christian Ancestor Worship in Rome. Journal of Bibilica Litera-
ture 129 no. 3:597-613.
Vledder, E.-J. 1997. Conflict in the Miracle Stories: A Socio-Exegetical Study of Matthew
8 and 9. Sheffield, UK: Sheffield Academic Press.
Wahlen, C. L. 2004. Jesus and the Impurity of Spirits in the Synoptic Gospels. Tübingen,
Germany: Mohr Siebeck.

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Cedric E. W. Vine, PhD, is associate professor of New Testament

at the Seventh-day Adventist Theological Seminary at Andrews
University. He holds a PhD in Biblical Studies from the University
of Sheffield, UK.
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WAGNER KUHN AND BOUBAKAR SANOU
A Biblical Framework for Discipling

Believers Who Fear Death and Hell
Introduction
What happens to a person when he/she dies is a question humans have

always wrestled with. Many people, including some Christians, believe
that hell and life after death literally exist; and as such, they live in con-
stant fear of death and hell. According to the Pew Research Center’s 2015
Religious Landscape Study conducted among U.S. adults, 70% of Chris-
tians, 76% of Muslims, 32% of Buddhists, and 28% of Hindus believe in
hell (Murphy 2015). According to the December 16, 2013 Harris Poll, 64%
of American adults believe in the survival of the soul after death. The same
poll indicates that 58% of American adults believe in hell. Hell is viewed
as a place of eternal punishment for people who have not lived right in
this life. The afterlife fate of the departed has a strong resonance in many
parts of the world. Because of the belief that the dead who are in hell can
still receive salvation through post-mortem means, many death-related
rituals are practiced by believers of various religions around the world as
a way of helping a person’s loved ones avoid or escape the eternal punish-
ment of hell (Shannon-Missal 2013).
Death, Hell, and Funeral Rites:

A Brief Overview
Death is a disrupter of harmony. Many traditional mythologies and

religious beliefs assert that death was not part of the original human con-
dition. Because of this, many “societies are laden with rituals, beliefs, and
practices that acknowledge, affirm, grieve, and [try to] heal the inevitable
effects of death” (Martin 2009:195).

69
In many traditional contexts such as in Africa, the concepts of life and

death are not mutually exclusive concepts. It is believed that “death does
not annihilate life and that the departed continue to exist in the hereafter”
(Mbiti 1970:264). This belief asserts that at death the body decays but the soul
escapes to continue its existence, wandering as a ghost until it is released by
means of rituals to go and join the ancestors (Goody 1962:364, 371).
In traditional thinking, “dead people are not dead at all. Death is
only a transitional state to a spiritual life free from material hindrances”
(Amanze 2003:44)). Death is spoken of as a departure, a setting out on a
journey, a transition to ancestorhood. Nevertheless, whenever it occurs,
“the soul of the deceased must undergo a series of spiritual adjustment if
he or she is to find a secure place in the afterlife and continue to remain
in contact with the family left behind” (Ray 1976:140). Funeral rites are
performed to reduce the effect of the loss as well as to facilitate the process
by which the deceased joins the community of the ancestors. A traditional
funeral is believed not only to help the deceased reach their “fathers” (i.e.,
enter the ancestral world) but also “have a tomorrow” (i.e., a continuation
of life in the lineage) (Abasi 1995:448, 450, 452). This is the community’s
expressed desire for kinship continuity and solidarity even in death. The
community’s survival is crucial and rests on the strict observance of proper
burial and funeral rites to help the deceased make a good and successful
journey to the ancestral world to join those who ensure life and wellbeing,
and who become intermediaries to the living.
Because of the general belief among many traditional religionists that
there is life after death, funeral rites are elaborate ceremonial occasions
as they are considered to be the indispensable means by which human
beings avoid hell by passing from the land of the living to that of the an-
cestors (Sidonia 2002:9). In the event of death, the bereaved family seeks
the help of a diviner to find the cause of their loved one’s death. Every hu-
man death is assumed to also have other unnatural/supernatural causes
(Mbiti 1990:151). Every death is thus thought as having a hidden cause
that must be known before the deceased is buried (Labouret 1931:319-
320). For example, when someone dies of a snake bite, the snake is per-
ceived not as the cause of the death but rather as an intermediary agent
(Goody 1962:208). While mourning goes on, many attempts are made to
determine with some degree of certainty the cause of death in order to
counteract its effect on the deceased reaching ancestorhood.
The discussion above reveals that in some traditional religious contexts,
a person experiences hell at their death if they fall short of becoming an
ancestor. It is believed that when a person dies their body decays but
their soul escapes to continue its existence wandering as a ghost until it is
released by properly conducted funeral rites to go and join the ancestors
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(Goody 1962:364, 371). A person’s soul therefore remains a wandering

spirit without a resting place if the family fails to go through all the
prescribed rites of passage during their life on earth, or if the person died
of a “bad” death (Sanou 2015:87),1 had improper burial and funeral rites,
or are denied ancestorhood by the clan’s ancestors because of an offence
done to them by the deceased (43-48, 87).
Similarly, some Christian denominations (including the Roman Catho-
lic Church) and other traditions point to life after death and hell as part
of what happens to humanity after a person dies. In this view, not only is
there life after death for those who will go to heaven, but there is also a
subsequent hell as part of the afterlife. Furthermore, for those who have
not lived properly in this life, and have to still atone for certain sins, there
is the need that they must pass through “purgatory” (a transitional state
between death and heaven) in order to “undergo purification, so as to
achieve the holiness necessary to enter the joy of heaven” (Purgatory 2019).
Biblical View of Life and Death
Addressing the fear of death and hell among converts from traditional
religious or animistic contexts (for further reading see Sanou 2015:58-63)
calls for a clear biblical understanding of the state of human beings in death
and a concise and systematic presentation of the plan of salvation demon-
strated in the life, death, resurrection, and continued ministry of Christ.
The creation story gives an account of the origin of life on earth. Two
key texts are considered: Gen 1:26, 27 and Gen 2:7. At creation, humanity
was given the special status of being created in God’s image: “Let us make
mankind in our image, in our likeness, so that they may rule over the fish in
the sea and the birds in the sky, over the livestock and all the wild animals,
and over all the creatures that move along the ground. God created man-
kind in his own image, in the image of God he created them; male and female
he created them” (Gen 1:26, 27, emphasis added).
The same concept is reiterated in Gen 5:1 and Gen 9:6. Genesis 5:1 sim-
ply states that “when God created mankind, he made them in the likeness
of God” (emphasis added). Genesis 9:6 gives the very first clear implica-
tion for humanity being created in God’s image. It states that it is because
humanity is created in the image of God that human beings should not
shed the blood of one another: “Whoever sheds human blood, by humans
shall their blood be shed; for in the image of God has God made mankind”
(emphasis added).
The image and likeness of God in humans has had many interpreta-
tions among scholars. Is image and likeness the same or are they referring
to two different things? Is it physical, mental, or spiritual? Although this

71
is not the focus of this study, I concur with the view that “bearing God’s
image does not imply so much resembling God [physically] as represent-
ing Him. Man is God’s collaborator (Gen 2:4-6, 15) and lieutenant (Ps 8:3-8;
115:6)” (Cairus 2000:208). The likeness of God in humans refers to “the
representational functions of humans,” which includes “everything that
enables humankind to rule over their sphere as God rules in His” (208).
The creation in the image and likeness of God sets humanity apart from
other creatures, because only humanity (man and woman) has been grant-
ed this special status. Although no clear clues are given as to the features of
the likeness of God, God’s image in human beings and the dominion that
was given them over other creatures (Gen 1:26) probably has to do with
humanity’s relationship both to other creatures and to God the Creator.
In other words, people were created as relational beings (Reiss 2011:184).
Also, because the Bible further says that God is spirit (John 4:24), it seems
safer to see the image of God in humans in terms of their spiritual nature
(Nichol 1976-1980:1:216; “In Our Image” [Gen 1:26]).2 For Reiss, the im-
age and likeness of God in humans are located in “some spiritual quality
or faculty of the human person” (2011:185). In a nutshell, the creation of
humans in the image of God, the highest conceivable status, affirms their
dignity and worth (181). Our true identity is first and foremost found in
the fact that humans are created in God’s image.
Genesis 2:7 gives the two basic components of every human being,
namely, a physical body and the breath of life, which is immaterial: “The
Lord God formed a man from the dust of the ground and breathed into
his nostrils the breath of life, and the man became a living being.” Scholars
have also debated whether at death the body and spirit have an indepen-
dent existence. Two main groups have emerged out of these debates.
Scholars such as H. David Lewis, Wayne Grudem, Gary R. Habermas,
and James P. Moreland believe in the immortality of the soul on the basis
of texts such as: “The dust returns to the ground it came from, and the
spirit returns to God who gave it” (Eccl 12:7), “Do not be afraid of those
who kill the body but cannot kill the soul. Rather, be afraid of the One who
can destroy both soul and body in hell” (Matt 10:28), and the parable of
the rich man and Lazarus (Luke 16:19-31). For them, between death and
the resurrection, believers are in some kind of conscious state of interme-
diary existence. Lewis states, “Throughout the centuries Christians have
believed that each human person consists in a soul and body; that the soul
survived the death of the body; and that its future life will be immortal”
(1984:125). Wayne Grudem unpacks the nature of the immortal soul by
defining death as “the temporary cessation of bodily life and a separa-
tion of the soul from the body. Once a believer has died, though his or her
physical body remains on the earth and is buried, at the moment of death
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the soul (or spirit) of that believer goes immediately into the presence of God with
rejoicing” (emphasis added) (1994:816). Gary R. Habermas and James P.
Moreland push this concept a step further by stating that in the intermedi-
ary state “the person enjoys conscious fellowship with God while waiting for
a reunion with a new, resurrected body” (emphasis added 1998:222).
For other scholars such as Edward Fudge and Joel Green, the body and
the spirit cease to exist until the resurrection of the dead. Green (2008:179)
states that
Death must be understood not only in biological terms, as merely the

cessation of one’s body, but as the conclusion of embodied life, the
severance of all relationships, and the fading of personal narrative. It
means that, at death, the person really dies; from the perspective of our
humanity and sans [without] divine intervention, there is no part of
us, no aspect of our personhood, that survives death.
The Seventh-day Adventist Bible Commentary provides additional in-

sight. In commenting about the body and spirit it says,
Although Eccl 12:7 says that at death the spirit (ruach) returns to God,
in not one of the 379 instances of its use throughout the OT does ruach
denote an intelligent entity capable of existence apart from a physi-
cal body, so far as man is concerned, and it must therefore be clear
that such a concept is without basis as the teachings of the Scriptures
themselves are concerned (see Gen. 2:7; 35:18; Num. 5:14; Eccl. 3:19-21;
cf. on Num. 5:2; 9:6). That which here returns to God is simply the life
principle imparted by God to both man and beast (see on Eccl. 3:19-21,
where ruach is translated “breath”). (Nichol 1976-1980:3:1104)
For Edward Fudge, a human being is an indivisible whole. The soul

and the spirit are not parts into which a human may be divided. The soul
refers to the living human individual; in other words, human beings do
not have souls, they are souls. The spirit is a constant reminder that hu-
mans have their source in God (2011:27). He further asserts that the consis-
tent witness of the Old Testament is that when a person dies, it is the en-
tirety of their soul that dies (Ezek 18:20) (27). Scholars who say that no part
of humans survives death argue that it was only when God breathed the
breath of life into the inanimate body of Adam that he became a living be-
ing/soul (Gen 2:7; Nichol 1976-1980:1:223). There is a difference between
“breath of life,” ruach, and “soul,” nephesh, in Gen 2:7. The soul “denotes
man as a living being after the breath of life entered into a physical body
formed from the elements of the earth” (General Conference of Seventh-
day Adventists 1998:82). This is supported by the fact that the account

73
of Gen 2:7 says that “man became a living soul. Nothing in the Creation
account indicates that man received a soul—some kind of separate entity
that, at Creation was united with the human body” (81, 82; emphasis in
the original).
Also, humans were only given conditional immortality at creation, as
attested to by Gen 2:15-17: “The Lord God took the man and put him in
the Garden of Eden to work it and take care of it. And the Lord God com-
manded the man, ‘You are free to eat from any tree in the garden; but you
must not eat from the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, for when
you eat from it you will certainly die’” (emphasis added). Adam and Eve’s
conditional immortality was changed to mortality when they disobeyed
God and ate of the forbidden fruit (Gen 3). Death is simply the reversal of
the process of creation. At death, the breath of life is withdrawn from the
living being/soul (Nichol 1976-1980:1:223), and “when that happens, the
person dies. He or she ceases to exist. The ‘soul’ is no more because the liv-
ing person is no more” (Ball 2011:15). Other Bible passages also highlight
the fact that the dead are in an unconscious, nonexistent state (Eccl 9:5, 6),
a state of unconscious sleep (John 11:11-13), and the next thing they will be
conscious of will be when Christ returns and raises them either to eternal
life (1 Thess 4:13-17) or to eternal damnation (Matt 25:46).
Christ the Victor Over Death and Hell
The question of mediation between God and humans is central to the

doctrine of salvation. Among traditional religionists (and animists), it is
humans who, at their own cost, reach out to God through the mediation
of their ancestors, whereas in Christianity, mediation has been initiated
and paid for by God by means of Christ’s victory over death (Wikipedia
2019). Christ’s victory over the grave won him the right to become the sole
mediator between God and humans (1 Tim 2:5, 6). That is why in the name
of Jesus, every believer can approach boldly the throne of God to receive
mercy and the assurance of salvation (Heb 4:16) (Kuhn 2016).
The death of Christ on the cross and his subsequent resurrection is
God’s statement that he is able to, effectively and conclusively, deal with
sin and death, and the fear caused by both. Christ’s death on the cross and
his resurrection from the dead was to make the power of God real and avail-
able to all. That power is evident in the life of the early church and in the life
and ministry of many who have faithfully and fearlessly followed Christ.
Understanding the biblical basis and the implications of the Seventh-
day Adventist Fundamental Belief #11 “Growing in Christ” is founda-
tional for addressing the fear of death and hell among converts from non-
Christian religions and even other Christian denominations. In addition,
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74
this Fundamental Belief #11 is especially relevant when mission is car-

ried out in traditional and animistic religious environments where many
church members are constantly afraid of spirits and ancestors.
The biblical principles provided by Fundamental Belief #11 when com-
municated and taught properly should drive away the fear of evil power.
It states,
By His death on the cross Jesus triumphed over the forces of evil. He
who subjugated the demonic spirits during His earthly ministry has
broken their power and made certain their ultimate doom. Jesus’ vic-
tory gives us victory over the evil forces that still seek to control us, as
we walk with Him in peace, joy, and assurance of His love. Now the
Holy Spirit dwells within us and empowers us. Continually commit-
ted to Jesus as our Saviour and Lord, we are set free from the burden
of our past deeds. No longer do we live in the darkness, fear of evil
powers, ignorance, and meaninglessness of our former way of life. In
this new freedom in Jesus, we are called to grow into the likeness of
His character, communing with Him daily in prayer, feeding on His
Word, meditating on it and on His providence, singing His praises,
gathering together for worship, and participating in the mission of the
Church. As we give ourselves in loving service to those around us and
in witnessing to His salvation, His constant presence with us through
the Spirit transforms every moment and every task into a spiritual
experience (Ps 1:1, 2; 23:4; 77:11, 12; Col 1:13, 14; 2:6, 14, 15; Luke 10:17-20;
Eph 5:19, 20; 6:12-18; 1 Thess 5:23; 2 Peter 2:9; 3:18; 2 Cor. 3:17, 18;
Phil 3:7-14; 1 Thess 5:16-18; Matt 20:25-28; John 20:21; Gal 5:22-25; Rom
8:38, 39; 1 John 4:4; Heb 10:25). (Ministerial Association 2005:149-150)
Fundamental Belief #11,“Growing in Christ,” helps to understand that

“salvation transforms how we see our world. We no longer fear our past
or future, but embrace a present full of hope, love, passion and praise
as the Spirit lives in us” (General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists
2019). People who fear death are looking for power to overcome this fear.
Power comes from a personal communion and relationship with the vic-
torious Christ, the power of the Holy Spirit, and an understanding and
knowledge of Scripture. Christ is the only one who has overcome death
and who is powerful to protect all those who put their faith in him. Once
church members learn of and experience his power over all other spiritual
forces, they will allow him to enter their lives, and the fear of death and
evil spirits will no longer cripple their existence. Individual church mem-
bers can now live with the assurance that just as Jesus overcame death
they will also overcome.

75
A Biblical Model of Discipleship
People will not give up on their old beliefs so long as those old be-
liefs remain the only working alternatives they have (Velsor and Drath
2004:390). The only solution is for the gospel to not only change former be-
liefs but also to transform the converts’ worldviews in theory and practice.
If this does not happen, the new beliefs will continue to be re-interpreted
in terms of the old worldview (Hiebert, Shaw, and Tiénou 1999/2000:177).
A biblical model of discipleship is key to worldview transformation, and
to conversion.
A good biblical model of discipleship is portrayed in 1 Thessalonians
2:7-13. This text presents discipleship as a process of spiritual parenting.
In that passage, Paul uses the parent-child metaphor to describe principles
of discipleship by referring to familiar things of life, which both the di-
rect recipients and the wider readership of the epistle were conversant
with. This parent-child metaphor is still a powerful means of impressing
on people’s minds important spiritual principles about Christian disciple-
ship. Spiritual mentoring as discipleship can help achieve four things: (1)
a long-term commitment to the spiritual welfare and growth of believers,
(2) modeling a spiritual walk with God to mentees, (3) personal attention
to believers’ spiritual growth needs, and (4) the teaching of biblical truth.
A brief analysis of this passage reveals the following four components of
biblical discipleship.
Long-term Commitment to the Spiritual

Welfare and Growth of Believers
“Just as a nursing mother cares for her children, so we cared for you”
(1 Thess 2:7, 8; emphasis added). The process of discipleship requires the
investment of quality time in those being discipled. Paul and his mission-
ary team cared for the believers in the congregations they established as a
mother cares for her children. This would have involved tenderly and pa-
tiently teaching the Thessalonians to walk with God. They demonstrated
intentional commitment to the spiritual growth and welfare of believers.
Their long-term commitment to the welfare of the believers at Thessaloni-
ca echoes Jesus’ long-term concern for the growth of believers: “Let not
your heart be troubled; you believe in God, believe also in Me. . . . I will pray
the Father, and He will give you another Helper, that He may abide with
you forever—the Spirit of truth, whom the world cannot receive, because
it neither sees Him nor knows Him; but you know Him, for He dwells
with you and will be in you. I will not leave you orphans; I will come to
you” (John 14:1, 16-18). An important implication of these two examples
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is that “disciples cannot be mass produced but are the product of [long-
term] intimate and personal investment” (Ogden 2007:20).
Modeling a Spiritual Walk with God to Mentees
“Surely you remember, brothers and sisters, our toil and hardship; we
worked night and day in order not to be a burden to anyone while we
preached the gospel of God to you. You are witnesses, and so is God, of
how holy, righteous and blameless we were among you who believed” (1 Thess
2:9, 10, emphasis added). The missionary team strove to be role models to
the new believers. If Hampton Keathley’s perspective on discipleship is
correct, about 90 percent of what a disciple learns or applies is caught from
the discipler’s life rather than from his/her teaching. As a result, he ar-
gues that “we should place our emphasis on being a friend and let people
see how we deal with things, how we study, how we pray, how we love,
etc. We don’t want to just give him all the facts. We need to allow him to
see how we work through various issues and help him work through the
issues himself” (Keathley 2004). Without any doubt, this was what hap-
pened in Jesus’ discipling ministry of the Twelve and his other early fol-
lowers who so faithfully imitated him that when those who had observed
them found no other way to call them but Christians (Acts 11:26).
Following Jesus’ example, mature Christians are called to be paceset-
ters, positively influencing new believers in their spiritual growth. Paul’s
understanding of this principle of Christian growth led him to ask the Co-
rinthian believers to imitate him just as he himself imitated Christ (1 Cor
11:1). He later challenged Timothy to “be an example to the believers in
word, in conduct, in love, in spirit, in faith, in purity” (1 Tim 4:12). This is a
challenge to all mature Christians and church leaders to keep on growing
in their relationship with Christ so that they can manifest godly character
worthy of being imitated.
Personal Attention to Believers’ Spiritual Growth Needs
“For you know that we dealt with each of you as a father deals with his
own children, encouraging, comforting and urging you to live lives wor-
thy of God, who calls you into his kingdom and glory” (1 Thess 2:11, 12,
emphasis added). Paul and his team gave the believers individual atten-
tion and instruction as a father would do to his children with the intention
to help each of them with their unique needs. They understood that each
believer’s uniqueness meant individual attention. With what is known in
the Bible about Paul’s ministry, it is very likely that the personal attention

77
given to the believers’ spiritual needs also included power encounters to

set people free from demonic harassment (Acts 16:16-18, 19:11-12, 20:7-12;
Eph 6:10-18).
Hampton Keathley (2004) illustrates the need for personal attention to
believers as follows:
When we bring a newborn home from the hospital, we don’t just

put down the infant and say, “Welcome to the family, Johnny. Make
yourself at home. The towels are in the hall closet upstairs, the pan-
try is right here, the can opener is in this drawer. No crying after 10
p.m. If you have any questions, there are lots of people in the family
who would love to help you so don’t be afraid to ask.” You laugh and
say that is ridiculous, but that is what usually happens to new Chris-
tians. Someone gets saved and starts going to church but never gets
much personal attention. We devote 18 years to raising our children,
but don’t even spend six months helping a new Christian get started
in understanding the spiritual world. As a result, many people have
been Christians for many years, but have not grown very much. He-
brews 5:12 refers to this phenomenon. So, new believers need some-
one to give them guidance and help them grow. Like a newborn, they
need some personal attention.
An important insight highlighted in Keathley’s illustration is that

discipling converts requires a significant investment of time. It is not an
event limited to a two-to-three-week evangelistic series or something that
is taken care of in a formal teaching setting (e.g., baptismal class). This
makes mentorship inseparable from discipleship. Since the call to “make
disciples” (mathēteusate) in Matthew 28:19 is essentially a call to duplicate
one’s self, mentorship is inseparable from discipleship.
A mentor is defined as someone who is committed to a healthy spiri-
tual relationship with another person for the purpose of mutual account-
ability and growth in Jesus Christ. In addition to the formal teaching set-
tings, spiritual mentors should be available to share their spiritual journey
and experiences (both positive and negative) with new converts. I once
invited a renowned Adventist preacher to share her spiritual journey with
a group of students I mentor. She explained to us that throughout her
life she always sought to be happy. Before she became an Adventist, she
searched for happiness through wrong means to no avail. When she was
converted and later became a pastor, she unsuccessfully sought happiness
in the applause and approval of other people. One day, she finally found
the answer to her quest in the following statement in Steps to Christ by
Ellen White: “God made man perfectly holy and happy” (emphasis add-
ed) (1999:9). It was only then that she understood that true happiness is
only found in surrendering one’s life with its past mistakes to God. My
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 84
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78
students really appreciated our guest being vulnerable in sharing her life
experience with them. They understood that she did not get where she is
currently in her spiritual journey at a click of a button. They also under-
stood that they are not the only ones struggling in their spiritual journey.
Because of this open conversation with our guest, we all resolved not to let
our past mistakes determine who we become in life.
The Teaching of Biblical Truth
“And we also thank God continually because, when you received the
word of God, which you heard from us, you accepted it not as a human
word, but as it actually is, the word of God, which is indeed at work in
you who believe” (1 Thess 2:13). Conforming themselves to the command
of Matthew 28:19-20, Paul and his companions made the Word of God an
essential element of the Thessalonians’ discipleship process. They taught
biblical truth using illustrations and metaphors their hearers were familiar
with (2 Tim 2:3-5). This not only helped their hearers relate to their teach-
ing but also to easily remember them.
First Thessalonians 2:7-13 clearly shows that although the teaching of
biblical truth was essential, it was not the sole component of Paul’s mis-
sionary team’s discipleship model. While the teaching of biblical truth is
an essential component of discipleship because a convert cannot fully ma-
ture spiritually without understanding biblical principles, it must also be
acknowledged that a convert may have considerable biblical knowledge
and yet remain spiritually immature. For this reason, the teaching of bibli-
cal truth must always be balanced with other components of biblical dis-
cipleship such as an intentional commitment to the spiritual growth and
welfare of new believers, a modeling of a spiritual walk with God, and
personal attention to each believer’s spiritual welfare and growth needs.
Congregational and small group teaching and personal attention of the
believers are needed to encourage them along the road to their Christian
maturity. Just as a baby needs an additional amount of attention, new con-
verts also need someone to provide them with attention and guidance in
the maturation process.
A Way Forward:
Brief Considerations and Conclusion
It is expected that when new believers experience genuine conversion

in Christ and embrace the Adventist movement wholeheartedly, they will
leave the old religious practices and beliefs behind, and as new persons,
become faithful disciples. Their allegiances and belief now and onwards

79
are to Jesus Christ and his remnant church who through his death on the
cross has triumphed over the forces of evil and hell. In places where Satan
pushes and coerces individuals to live in fear as his allies and prisoners,
it is only through Jesus’ victorious power that pastors and missionaries
working for the Adventist Church can carry forward their mission, pro-
claiming the gospel and rescuing people from the devil’s hand and the
fear of hell and its grip.
Allegiance to the true God and his church happens only when believ-
ers know where they come from and who they are (history/identity),
where they are right now (saved and in God’s church), and where they are
going (purpose/prophetic perspective). Accordingly, believers will have
to depend on the Holy Spirit and on the members of Christ’s body to learn
the biblical truths cognitively, but they must also be discipled through the
principles and biblical framework of God’s kingdom. This must be based
on a clear understanding of the spiritual realities of life so that new be-
lievers will fully grow up in Christ and become mature and committed
Adventist Christians.
Believers “struggle is not against flesh and blood, but against the rulers,
against the authorities, against the powers of this dark world and against
the spiritual forces of evil in the heavenly realm” (Eph 6:12). However, in
all their struggles, believers are more than conquerors through Christ who
loved them and sacrificed his life for them (Rom 8:37; Kuhn 2012:4, 5).
Endnotes
1 Among the Lobi of Burkina Faso, death by lightning, drowning, snake bite,
or suicide are considered bad deaths for which no funeral rite is performed. As a
result, such people cannot become ancestors.
2 It is also important to consider that in humanity, a spiritual nature is inter-
twined with a physical nature, as there cannot be one without the other. One could
ask, “What is a spiritual nature without a physical nature?”
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Amanze, James N. 2003. Christianity and Ancestor Veneration in Botswana. Stud-

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out It? Part 2. Ministry Magazine 83, no. 5 (May): 14-17.
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Fudge, Edward William. 2011. The Fire That Consumes: A Biblical and Historical Study
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———. 2019. Growing in Christ. https://www.adventist.org/beliefs/fundamen-
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of the Lodagaa of West Africa. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
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sions 16, no. 4:173-182.
Keathley, Hampton. 2004. Discipleship Overview. https://bible.org/article/
discipleship-overview.
Kuhn, Wagner. 2012 Syncretism and Cases in Dual Allegiance: Contemporary Im-
plications for Church and Mission. Paper presented at the Global Mission
Issues Committee, Silver Spring, MD, 9 April 2012.
________. 2016. The Occult, Witchcraft, and the Fear of Death: Missiological Im-
plications of Fundamental Belief #11. Paper presented at the 4th Adventist
Mission in Africa Conference. Berrien Springs, MI, 13-15 October 2016.
Labouret, Henri. 1931. Les Tribus du Rameau Lobi. Paris, France: Institut d’Ethnologie.
Lewis, H. David. 1984. Christian Theism. Edinburgh, Scotland: Clark.
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Mbiti, John S. 1970. Concepts of God in Africa. London, UK: SPCK.
________. 1990. African Religions and Philosophy. Oxford, UK: Heinemann
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Murphy, Caryle. 2015. Most Americans Believe in Heaven . . . and Hell. In Pew Re-
search Center. http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2015/11/10/most
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Ogden, Greg. 2007. Discipleship Essentials: A Guide to Building Your Life in Christ. Ex.
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wood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Reiss, Moshe. 2011. Adam: Created in the Image and Likeness of God. Jewish Bible
Quarterly 39, no. 3 (July-September): 181-187.
Sanou, Boubakar. 2015. A Biblical and Missiological Framework for Cross-Cultur-
al Mission: A Case Study of the Lobi Funeral Rites in Burkina Faso. PhD
Diss., Andrews University.
Sidonia, Alenuma. 2002. The Dagaare-Speaking Communities of West Africa: A
Culture Area Profile. Journal of Dagaare Studies 2:58-70.
Shannon-Missal, Larry. 2013. Americans’ Belief in God, Miracles and Heaven
Declines. In The Harris Poll. https://theharrispoll.com/new-york-n-y
-december-16-2013-a-new-harris-poll-finds-that-while-a-strong-majority-74-of-u
-s-adults-do-believe-in-god-this-belief-is-in-decline-when-compared-to
-previous-years-as-just-over/.
Velsor, Ellen Van and Wilfred H. Drath. 2004. A Lifelong Developmental Perspec-
tive on Leader Development. In Handbook of Leadership Development, 2nd
ed. Edited by Cynthia D. McCauley and Ellen Van Velsor, 383-414. San
Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
White, Ellen G. 1999. Steps to Christ. Nampa, ID: Pacific Press.
Wikipedia. 2019. Intercession of Saints. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intercession
_of_saints.
________. 2019. Purgatory. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Purgatory.
Boubakar Sanou, DMin, PhD, is an assistant professor of mission

and leadership at the Seventh-day Adventist Theological
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Mission at the Seventh-day Adventist Theological Seminary,
Andrews University.
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RICHARD DOSS
The Phenomenon of Ancestor Cults with

Missiological Implications
Introduction
This paper seeks to briefly describe the ongoing interaction between

Christianity and ancestor cults. Ancestor cults are found all over the world
in nearly every society and continue to form stumbling blocks to the full
evangelization and Christian practice of many (Hwang 1977:340). Some
Christians may quickly dismiss ancestor cults as heretical, heathen, and
“other;” however, the phenomenological diversity of the problem begs a
more nuanced response from reflective Christians. This article will illus-
trate the problem of ancestor cults, describe their general features, and
Christian attempts to address them. Finally, some evangelistic reflections
and suggestions for further study will be offered.
The Problem
The experience of death is universal to the human condition. In the

West, comments reflecting the sentiment that “We all die, the only ques-
tion is how soon” are common. It is no wonder then that all cultures have
created mechanisms for helping people cope with the process of death,
memory of loved ones, and questions of ongoing existence after death.
Western cultures have their own traditions that mark death rituals. From
caricatures of the undertaker, to crematoriums and caskets, to drunken
wakes and funerals, to granite tombstones—people know what the pro-
cesses of death look like. After the rituals are over, the process of grief of
those closest to the deceased is dictated to some degree by culture. This is
evidenced in the opprobrium or esteem that follows a remarriage that has
taken place “too soon” or “long enough” after the death of a spouse.
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What about the deceased after the typical funeral and mourning is
over? In the West, the gravesite often becomes a center of memory for
the deceased. Families gather to decorate the gravesite with flowers and
artifacts, to remember, grieve, and pray, and sometimes to try to speak to
the dead one. Careful observers will note the ritual patterns: placing offer-
ings on the grave (flowers, pictures, teddy bears), recounting memories,
and some invoking assistance of the deceased—at least as listening ears. It
is not uncommon for Christians to “feel closer” to their dead while at the
gravesite. Countless movies depict the protagonist feeling the presence of
their loved one or asking advice while at grave. This is the cultural air we
breathe in the United States.
The experience of the departed is viewed differently in Asian and Af-
rican cultures, however. Thus, Christians cannot avoid reflecting on this
issue (Ela 1988:14). For many Africans, the ancestors continue to exert a
strong sense of presence among those left behind. As Jean-Marc Ela ex-
plains, “In many African societies, the cult of the dead is perhaps that
aspect of culture to which the African is most attached” (14). For Ela, what
is essential to the African experience of the ancestors is that they continue
to be part of the family and community. Thus, the gravesite is the place
where the spirit of the ancestor is most concentrated. Often the family will
maintain a mask or statue that serves as a human representation “of the
spiritual presence of the ancestor” (15). Ela describes how in one tribe in
Cameroon the head of the family carries with him a jar—baba—that repre-
sents the presence of his father or grandfather. This jar is used as the focal
point of rituals that remember the ancestor, maintains the kinship linage,
and helps bring unity among the living. In this belief, death is not annihi-
lation, but a departure. Indeed, most Africans speak of death euphemis-
tically as having “gone,” “gone past,” or “left us behind” (Mosothoane
1973:88). The implication is that the departed have gone to the spirit world
where they continue to exist. This departure is only feared if there are no
descendants (preferably male) to remember—to be an ancestor one must
first have children.
In traditional African societies, life is lived in a chain of remembering.
“As I remember my fathers, my children will remember me.” In this chain
of remembering, ancestors become the “living dead” who are symbolized
with objects, remembered and honored in ritual, and called upon to help
in times of need (Triebel 2002:188). In such a worldview, the individual
lives a shared life with the past ancestors and the future progeny. They
are “part of an endless stream that flows from parent to child and from
generation to generation” (Heibert 2008:107). The focus here is not on life
after death, but on the “well-being of the human community” in the pres-
ent (Staples 1981:272).
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These examples drawn from an African and America perspective il-

lustrate a central human concern: What is the relationship of the living to
the dead? Does this relationship exist only in the memory of the living or
is there some spiritual interaction with the dead? These are necessary con-
cerns for the Christian who desires to surrender all aspects of life, culture,
and worldview to God.
What Are Ancestor Cults?
The term “ancestor cult” is used to define a wide array of beliefs and
practices that deal with one’s ancestors. These beliefs and practices en-
compass various aspects of social identity and utility as well as spirituality
and religion. They are not exclusive to one’s biological forerunners as they
can include the clan, tribe, or national ancestors. Finally, ancestor cults are
not vestiges of idealized primitive cultures. Rather, they are complex and
dynamic systems of belief and practice that are adapting themselves to
myriad expressions in the contemporary world.
According to Bernard Hwang, ancestor cults are built on a few basic
assumptions. These are that “the departed ancestors live on [in some way]
after death, man has a soul or souls, ancestors can help or harm their liv-
ing descendants, they [ancestors] need support in their new mode of exis-
tence” (1977:361). Added to these is the African assumption that ancestors
continue to play roles as members of the community (Triebel 2002:188).
It should be noted that not all these assumptions are true for all ancestor
cults nor do many practitioners clearly understand or articulate them. The
next sections will examine the social aspects of ancestor cults followed by
their spiritual aspects.
Social Aspects of Ancestor Cults
One of the key functions of ancestor cults is in the realm of social

relationships. There are a variety of ways that ancestors impact social
relationships. In some cultures, the keeping of the object of remembering
(i.e., mask, jar, or altar) grants hierarchal status to the keeper as the leader of
the family or clan. These objects can also contribute to a sense of solidarity
and unity among the family or clan (Ela 1988:15). In Confucianism, the
concept of filial piety is the central virtue of the society. Proper respect
and care for parents, mourning them at death, and continued honoring
of them after death helps maintain social order and harmony (Hwang
1977:349, 350). This generational projection of honor toward progenitors
aids in building up ethical and moral behaviors that pattern everyday life
(Hua 2016:92). In some places, national heroes are venerated as proto-

85
ancestors worthy of the respect and emulation of all. Among many tribes
in Africa, childbearing fills a crucial role in the society as the primary link
to becoming an ancestor. For example, to the Shona, true adulthood means
one is on his or her way to becoming an ancestor and this can only be
achieved by producing offspring (Makwasha 2009:49).
These social functions of ancestor cults help shape the behaviors and
attitudes of those who operate within such a worldview without the direct
need of interaction with the dead. They are not necessarily spiritual prac-
tices seeking to communicate or interact directly with the ancestors and
it is in this sense that they are more social in function than religious. As
Hwang asserts, “Explicit belief in an afterlife is not essential to [the] prac-
tice of ancestor cult” (1977:344). For many practitioners of ancestor cults,
the practice is rooted in memory, social harmony, and ethical behavior, not
in fear and interaction with the afterlife (Hua 2016:93).
Spiritual Aspects of Ancestor Cults
Nevertheless, many ancestor cults are practiced with the assumption

that the dead continue to exist and interact with the living. This interac-
tion is sometimes demanded when a malevolent ancestor needs appease-
ment or when the descendents seek some sort of blessing or benefit from
the ancestor (Makwasha 2009:38). It can be a reciprocal exchange whereby
the cult is practiced in order to gain some help or desire. Sometimes the
troubled spirit of the deceased is disrupting harmony because they need
help finding their resting place (see the story of Mbuya Ndoro in Makwa-
sha 2009:44ff). Other times the descendants have not adequately served
the ancestor through some ritual process or memory and thus they bring
down the wrath of the ancestors.
For many Chinese, the choice of a good burial site is essential to the ap-
peasement of the ancestors. This choice of the ideal location is made with
the help of Feng-shui—geomancy, the Chinese pseudoscience of choosing
ideal locations based on innate energies. Appropriate care and concern
with the burial and ongoing practices of veneration help ensure the pros-
perity of the descendants (Heibert 1982:35-47). This reciprocity is a key
factor in many ancestor cults (Hwang 1977:349). Hwang notes that more
educated Chinese will emphasize the social aspects of the ancestor cults
but in the practice of common people, the cults take on a decidedly spiri-
tual nature (348).
In many African societies, the ancestors have powers that are feared.
They can bring or prevent misfortune and therefore induce fear. Johannes
Triebel sees in this fear clear spiritual implications that make it difficult
for the sympathetic Christian to abandon the ancestor cults wholly to the
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social sphere (2002:188). For many Africans, at least, the ancestors cannot
be dismissed as merely social constructs of the memory of the dead. An-
cestors are beneficent or malevolent beings that continue to exist and must
be appeased, venerated, and cared for in a reciprocal exchange.
Ancestor cults can fulfill both social and spiritual functions. Christians
wanting to resolve the issue may be tempted to accept the social func-
tions of ancestors while rejecting their spiritual presence and functions.
This solution fails because many who participate in ancestor cults are held
hostage by fear of the spirits or in need of the ministrations of the spirits.
The next section briefly surveys how Christians approach ancestor cults.
Christian Approaches to Ancestor Cults
Christians have generally taken three different approaches to dealing

with ancestor cults: they have ignored or rejected them, they have sought
some way to accommodate them within Christian theology, and they have
sought to contextualize Christian theology as the fulfillment or replace-
ment of the ancestor cults.
Ancestor Cults Ignored and/or Rejected
During the great missionary expansion, Western missionaries some-

times did not perceive or believe in ancestor cults (Staples 1981:275). This
was due to the Enlightenment philosophy and materialistic worldview
they came with. The missionaries from Europe and America often dichot-
omized the universe into the unseen God of heaven and the seen mate-
rial world. While most believed God could and did intervene on Earth,
the Earth was essentially the mechanical operation of scientific laws.
Thus, when the missionaries came into contact with people from differ-
ent worldviews, they were often unable to recognize the experiential real-
ity of things like spirits and ancestors that inhabited the spiritual middle
ground between the natural world and God. This fallacy of the “excluded
middle,” as Paul Hiebert called it, is what often resulted with the mission-
aries ignoring the spiritual realities and/or rejecting them as contrary to
Christianity (1982:35-47).
Where missionaries did perceive ancestor cults, they often simply con-
fronted them using Western theological categories and rejected them as a
superstitious vestiges of pre-Christian heathen religion (Thom 1973:75).
This dismissal and rejection was often the position of “evangelical minis-
ters with fundamentalist backgrounds” (Hwang 1977:351). Missionaries
tended to see the cults as the worship of the superstitious and magical and
therefore in direct contradiction to the first and second commandments
(Makwasha 1085:153).

87
Whether a group confronts, rejects, or ignores ancestor cults, the end

results are often the same, since missionaries mostly failed to develop
or encourage appropriate Christian theologies useful to the needs of the
newly evangelized peoples with regard to the ancestors. Without an ad-
equate Christian theology to replace the old needs and desires, newly
converted people would often carry on dual allegiances with their new
Christian faith and the ancestor cults. The ongoing persistence of ancestor
cults often perpetuated the “conspiracy of silence”—if you cannot beat
them, ignore them (Staples 1981:275). In southern Africa by 1981, up to
“90% of members [continued to] believe that the ancestors can powerfully
intervene in their lives” (276). Consequently, in vast parts of Africa and
Asia, converts to Christianity have few resources to address some of their
deepest religious needs (Hwang 1977:352; Triebel 2002:193). Additionally,
while many early missionaries did not address ancestral cults adequately,
some indigenous leaders who replaced them in the post-colonial period
often simply absorbed Western theological categories and failed to ade-
quately theologize an adequate response to the ancestor cults.
Ancestor Cults Accommodated
The problem of what to do with ancestor cults is more obvious to

Christians who entertain a robust understanding of saints and intermedi-
ate states (i.e., the period between life on earth and the final resurrection
of the body). Often Roman Catholics have been at the forefront in work-
ing out how to accommodate ancestor cults and fit them within Catholic
doctrine. Catholic doctrine teaches that “the communion of saints is the
spiritual solidarity which binds together the faithful on earth, the souls
in purgatory, and the saints in heaven in the organic unity of the same
mystical body under Christ its head” (Sollier 1908). Even to the casual
observer, similarities between ancestors, the souls in purgatory, and saints
in heaven is obvious. Unsurprisingly, for Catholics in Africa and Asia, the
traditional ancestors have been accorded the status of souls in purgatory
and sometimes of saints in heaven (Staples 1981:280; Daneel 1973:62, 63).
As saints, they can join in a ministry of mediation between humans and
God with Mary, the Mother of Jesus, at their head (Catechism of the Cath-
olic Church).
Roman Catholics did not arrive at accommodation of ancestors with-
out a struggle, however. This position was first worked out over centuries
in China. In the 16th century, accommodation was practiced beginning
with the early Jesuit missionaries led by Matteo Ricci. This position was
reversed in the 17th century when opposition to the ancestor cult was
mandated by the Pope. It was not until the declaration of Pope Pius XII
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in 1839 that the ancestor cult was accepted as orthodoxy by the church. In
Pius XII’s view, the cult was accepted because it represented respect and
honor for the dead, not worship (Chi-Ping 1985:150, 151).
It should be noted, however, that it is not only Catholics who have ac-
commodated ancestor cults in their beliefs and practices. The practice has
been especially common among some African Initiated/Indigenous/In-
dependent Churches (AICs) as well (Makwasha 2009:175). AICs are often
more sensitive to the spiritual needs of the culture and some found ways
of incorporating traditional practices into their new Christian practices
(168). Others simply turned a “blind-eye” toward ancestor cults (295). So
accommodation, the acceptance and reinterpretation of ancestor cults has
continued by many different Christian groups around the world.
Ancestor Cults Addressed through

Theological Contextualization
One significant way Christians have sought to address ancestor cults

is through what some have called “fulfillment through transformation”
or “elimination by substitution” (Makwasha 2009:194). The objective is to
replace the cultural concepts of ancestors with a scriptural theology that
answers the felt needs of each culture. The missiological assumption un-
dergirding contextualization is that Christian theology is broad enough to
answer the questions and felt needs of every person in every culture. For
those who place great importance on filial piety, the mediatory roll of the
ancestors in the afterlife, or the need to appease the ancestors, the Scrip-
ture should provide a source book of fulfillment, correction, and healing.
For example, much has been written about how Jesus’s sacrifice on the
cross does not only remove our guilt, but also expiates our shame by restor-
ing our honor, and removes our fear by granting us power over Satan and
his dark forces. It is well understood that different cultures place salvific
inflections differently, some emphasizing honor while others emphasize
innocence, or power (Muller 2000). In a similar way, the immense cultural
influence exerted by the ancestors should find a culturally appropriate
and scripturally sound solution.
Several scriptural theologies have been developed as possible substitu-
tions or fulfillments of ancestor cults. These overlapping theologies place
emphasis on the centrality of Jesus Christ as Ancestor Par Excellence,
victor, mediator, or reconciler. They seek to replace improper reliance on
ancestors with Jesus as the ultimate ancestor. Following these theologies,
Christians dealing with ancestor cults do not simply replace and exclude
the old beliefs and practices, they celebrate them as fulfilled in Jesus Christ
and therefore necessarily transformed as Christ fully replaces their role

89
and function. As Samuel Kunhiyop argues, “It is thus possible to under-

stand ancestral belief and practices as predicting or foreshadowing the
mediatorial role of Christ described in the book of Hebrews” (2012:138).
Rather than seeing the ancestor cults as simply vestiges of pagan religion,
they are reinterpreted as pre-evangelistic, opening up and sensitizing
hearts to the work of Christ as the fulfillment of their desires (Makwasha
2009:301).
When seeking theological solutions to the question of the ancestors,
African theologians often turn to the Book of Hebrews for inspiration,
some even calling it “our book.” In Hebrews, the mediatorial role of Jesus
Christ is clearly seen. As the “Great Ancestor” of Hebrews, “Jesus bridges
the gulf between the Holy God and sinful humanity, achieving for human-
ity the harmonious fellowship with God that all human priestly media-
tions only approximate” (300, 302). This role of mediator is of central im-
portance in many African cultures that rely on mediation to help resolve
conflicts. This reliance on mediation extended to the conception of the
spirit world as a place where human conflicts are often worked out with
the help or hindrance of ancestral spirits. Thus, theologically Jesus Christ
is to be granted primacy as the “ultimate mediator” “between us and the
spirit world,” and he is fully capable of helping Christians solve all their
conflicts (Kunhiyop 2012:137).
Another central role for Jesus Christ as fulfillment and substitute of an-
cestor cults has to do with the concern for the final destination of dead an-
cestors. In Africa where the ancestors are experienced as the “living dead”
who are thought to continue as part of the family and society, the Chris-
tian demand to abandon the ancestors often felt like a deep betrayal. As
Mbuvi states, “This was a vexing concern for most early African converts
to Christianity” (2014:159). For Mbuvi, the book of 1 Peter portrays Jesus
as the victorious Christ who “went and made proclamation to the spirits
now in prison” (3:19). “This passage provides the possibility of comfort
in knowing that the ancestors, who died before the advent of the modern
missionary endeavor in Africa, still have the chance to hear the gospel of
Jesus Christ” (159). In this way, Christians can rest confidant in the Victori-
ous Jesus Christ’s care and concern for the ancestors.
In Asian cultures that deeply value filial piety and the social and ethical
order it sustains, God should be viewed “as the oldest (thus, according
to many East Asian cultures, the most respectable) and ultimate ances-
tor” (Hong 2017:17). From this viewpoint, parents can be best honored by
honoring God. Asian scholars sympathetic to the issue of filial piety argue,
based on the commandment to honor parents, “that those who revere God
must practice filial piety” (24) and even exceed non-Christians in doing so
(Ro 1985:10).
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Bernard Hwang proposed addressing ancestor cults through a process

of confrontation with dialogue, accommodation with study, and trans-
formation through grace (1977:354-357). In addition this process must be
boldly evangelistic, presenting the gospel in a way that powerfully ad-
dresses the needs of the people. Samuel Kunhiyop lamented that Chris-
tians turn to traditional practices, such as ancestor cults, for help in their
difficult lives on earth (2012:137). It is a tragedy that they have not been
taught the gospel that releases its transformative power in their lives. To
those in bondage, fear, or need, “the gospel can [and must] proclaim a
message of hope and freedom” (Hua 2016:92). The following suggestions
are made with the goal of releasing the evangelistic hope and freedom of
the gospel:
Most Protestant Theologians Agree That the Living Cannot

and/or Should Not Communicate with the Dead
The issues surrounding the intermediate state—the destination or con-

dition of the spirits/souls of the dead—are of little help in dealing with the
ancestor cult because of widely accepted and orthodox Christian teaching.
Nowhere in the Old or New Testaments are the dead represented

as themselves taking the initiative to make contact with their living
descendants, neither to communicate, nor to harm, nor to bless. A
number of passages condemn, implicitly or explicitly, attempts by the
living to contact the dead . . . and while this may be taken to imply
of establishing such contacts, nowhere is it positively affirmed that
communication between the living and the dead can be initiated.
(Ferdinando 1996:122, 123)
Thus, whether the soul continues to exist after death (as some Chris-
tians believe) or falls into some sort of soul sleep while waiting for the
resurrection, the Scriptures are clear that there is no interaction between
the living and the dead (Ro 1985:8). The presence of the dead continues
only in the memory of these left behind or in the deceptive activities of evil
spirits. This message of freedom from fear of the dead should be couched
in the context of God’s goodness and hope of the resurrection.

91
The Role of the Church as an Alternative Imagination of

Community on Earth Must be Emphasized
Wise and sincere Christians in every culture are aware of the effects
of sin on their own culture. Lamentations over materialism, tribalism, or
corruption exist in many places. Much of the time, Christians are well
aware of where they fall short and how they can improve. There may be a
tendency on the part of some, especially in the West, to sensationalize an-
cestor cults due to their spiritualistic overtones. However, as mentioned,
ancestor cults occupy wide functions in cultures that are often as social as
they are spiritual or religious.
Ultimately, one of primary goals of evangelism is to alter the sinful
reality of human experience and worldview (Ro 1985:9). Christians are
called to allow the gospel to intentionally alter the way they imagine the
world. Bryan Stone articulates a vision of Christianity that refuses to sim-
ply live within worldviews that are dependent to empire, civil religion,
or militarism (2018). Though Stone writes to the west, we should also join
him in calling on the church not to “play chaplain” to any culture, but,
rather, to be a “Spirit-empowered and Christ-shaped performance of an
alternative social imagination” in which comfort is not found in the arms
of dead ancestors but in the presence of the risen Lord, faithful mediator,
and ancestor par excellence (48). Figuring out what this “alternative social
imagination” will look like must become the ongoing task of all Christians
in one’s church community. In order to address ancestor cults, Christian
communities around the world will need to design practical solutions that
will help their adherents place the fear or guilt that they feel from their
ancestors at the feet of Jesus.
Ancestor Cults Persist, in Part, Because of Faulty

Understanding of Evangelism and Conversion
Far too often, Christians have too narrowly defined evangelism as a

momentary decision having to do with “mental assent” to a set of beliefs.
When evangelism is done simplistically as a ritual process (baptism) fol-
lowing acceptance of narrow set of beliefs (sin/salvation) and when the
emphasis is placed on numeric growth, then the gospel loses much of its
power to render change within a culture.
Dealing with ancestor cults will require a broader theology of evange-
lism that reframes the evangelistic objective in terms of transferred alle-
giance rather than professed belief in a narrow set of doctrinal statements.
Matthew Bates argues convincingly that the ultimate goal of evangelism
is the transfer of allegiance to Jesus Christ as king. Bates identifies three
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 98
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92
dimensions of allegiance as mental affirmation, professed fealty, and en-

acted loyalty (2017:92). Within Bates’ paradigm of allegiance, ancestor
cults should be dealt with head on as a process of accepting a nuanced and
scriptural fulfillment/replacement theology that addresses the needs and
concerns of the people in question, appropriate support in the decision to
live by that truth, and welcoming into a community that is fully able to
act on that truth. If counting members must be taken for organizational
reasons, it should not be taken until mental affirmation, professed fealty,
and enacted loyalty are demonstrated.
More Needs to be Done to Relate the Theology of the

Holy Spirit to the Issue of Ancestor Cults
The role of the Holy Spirit in addressing ancestor cults has yet to be
fully explored. Wey Hua has worked to relate the “the power of the Holy
Spirit, who moves and works through all believers” to the issue of ances-
tor cults in China (2016:98). Additionally, Russell Staples sees the doctrine
of the Holy Spirit as a “fundamental part of the theological approach to
the ancestors” for the Shona people of southern Africa (1981). Therefore,
while some work has been directed toward developing a theological re-
sponse to ancestor cults through the doctrine of the Holy Spirit, there is
much more to be done to relate pneumatology to ancestor cults. Great op-
portunities exist in Trinitarian theology that teaches that Jesus Christ him-
self relied on the Holy Spirit during his earthly ministry and sent the Holy
Spirit with power and authority as the comforter, sustainer, and energizer
of the church (Wimber and Springer 2009:38).
Conclusion
This paper has described the ongoing interaction between Christianity

and ancestor cults. It has described the diversity of ancestor cults, their
roles and functions, and Christian responses to them. Much work has
been done to develop theological approaches to ancestor cults in specific
cultural contexts, but there is still more to be done. Bernard Hwang noted
almost half a century ago that it seemed likely that “ancestor cults will
last for some time” (1977:359). As long as such beliefs continue to impact
people, faithful theologians with localized knowledge must continue to
develop biblical responses to address those beliefs and practices in each
cultural context. In this theologizing process, it is imperative that theo-
logians neither forget the power and hope present within the gospel nor
ignore the heartfelt needs of common believers. If the power and hope of
the gospel does not meet the needs of believer, it will soon be discarded as
pearls are discarded by swine.

93
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Richard Doss is currently working on a PhD in Intercultural

Studies at Asbury Seminary. His areas of research are evangelism
and discipleship with the object of better understanding how
people change through God’s power. Richard is married to
Hadassah and has two daughters.

CRISTIAN DUMITRESCU
Ancestors in the Asia-Pacific Context
Identity, Roles, and Ancestry
How does one pay respect to one’s ancestors? This is one of the most im-
portant questions people ask all around the world. Such inquiry assumes
that life continues after death, and this assumption undergirds the many
varied rituals and ceremonies in honor of the departed. Scott Moreau adds
that “the cult of the ancestors has critical social functions such as maintain-
ing order in society through sustaining respect for the elders and adher-
ence to social roles” (2000:59). Ancestors are expected to provide the living
protection, material and spiritual blessing, while the living are required
to continue to respect the ancestors as they are done for the living elders.
Lack of respect or disrespect towards the departed may in turn bring bad
luck or suffering.
Looking at ancestor cults from an anthropological perspective, Mary
Douglas contends that dealing with ancestors is
one of the very important functions of religions throughout the world.

. . . Ancestors can take some of the weight of explaining pain and suf-
fering. If they are cast as very moral, they want their descendants to
be good to each other, and punish their sins with misfortune. Or if the
ancestors are thought to be spiteful and jealous they may inflict suffer-
ing on the living. (2012:176-177)
The Bible attributes no action to deceased ancestors, the only one in

control being God. Monotheism makes God the agent of both good and
evil, in spite of Satan positioning himself as the adversary and the source
of all evil and suffering.
Bauer: Editorial
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Douglas considers informal explanations of agency as popular beliefs;

however, when such explanations become institutionalized, they form an
ancestor cult that requires worship. Ancestor worship can take several
forms, one being seeking advice from or offering it to the living. In Doug-
las’ words, “The great benefit to the society at large is that the tragedies are
not laid at the door of living persons; an ancestor cult allows amnesty for
the living, the dead carry the blame” (2012:179).
An ancestor’s role may be to insure the status of a person or commu-
nity. Other times an ancestor is invoked for protection when a rebellion
against the colonists or oppressors is called for. An ancestor may provide
a name for a family or for an entire genealogical line. Political contenders
may claim that an ancestor empowered and called them to run for an of-
fice or become an uncontested leader. The entire process has to do with the
distribution of power across generations.
Some members of the community often claim that they have direct ac-
cess to the ancestors, communicating with them and performing rituals to
appease and control them. Such intermediaries may be shamans, medi-
cine men, quack doctors, or the Filipino albularyo. Rituals that they recom-
mend are assumed to carry power to overturn bad luck and suffering in
life, as well as appeasing the anger of the spirits when mistakes or lack of
respect was shown toward them; however, biblical repentance, renewal,
and reformation require that images are forbidden, that magic is repudi-
ated, and any divination or acknowledging of minor powerful spiritual
beings is excluded. This clear injunction creates a gap between biblical
monotheism and most other religious systems.
Douglas also notes that ancestor worship is used to control communi-
ties, especially to subdue younger generations. Attitudes toward author-
ity are shaped by fear of the unknown and the realization that the future
is tied to the power of the dead. “The more the living old can impose their
authority on the living young, the more we should expect [a] cult of the
dead. Those in control use the idea of the interventionist dead to warn
the young against insubordination” (2012:189). Any rebellion of the young
against the older generation announces mistrust of the old people alive
and no special respect for them when they are dead. “The wheel of culture
turns according to the swings in the relation between generations” (189).
The young fear the old sorcerers and their power, but at the same time,
sorcerers may be eliminated so their spell on the future may be broken.
Philip Esler states that an interpretation of (biblical) texts indicates
communion with the deceased authors. He believes that “human beings
are genetically disposed to respect their ancestors. . . . While our deceased
relatives and friends have no rights, who would deny that we have a duty,
at the level of common humanity, to honor their memory? We do so in di-

97
verse ways, from keeping portraits of them on our walls, to visiting their
graves, to dedicating books to their memory, and so on” (2005:215, 214).
For Esler, the biblical text is made up of messages sent by biblical au-
thors, “our ancestors in faith . . . a hard-copy version of the living voices
of Paul and all the rest—proclaimed, heard, and acted upon” (2005:216).
Esler considers that on the one hand “these authors enliven our present
identity,” and on the other hand “their words come to us not as binding
decrees but as revelations of the lives in Christ possible when the faith was
formed and shaped by the distinctive cultures in which it emerged” (226).
“The dead were often seen in family religion as benefactors of their
descendants, particularly in the bequest of ancestral land” (Brett 2008:53).
Naboth refuses to sell the land inherited from his ancestors calling it “the
inheritance of my fathers” (1 Kgs 21:3 with a parallel in 1 Sam 14:16 “the
inheritance of Elohim”). Stones and pillars had been dedicated on the land
to mark the origin as a gift from the ancestors.
Among Christians, the veneration of the dead and of their remains is
very popular. From early times, Roman Christians believed that the mar-
tyrs were alive and that they had special powers. Calling on them to inter-
vene in daily life became popular. “This process was thought to be more
efficacious if the petitioners could place themselves as close as possible to
the particular martyr’s physical remains. . . . By the practice of invocation,
living Christians thought that they enjoyed a personal interaction with
the saints whose memories they treasured” (Esler 2005:224). Rituals were
developed to make the martyrs happy and to appease their anger.
Ancestors are part of daily life for people in many parts of the world. In
China, for example, houses are not only intended to offer comfort for the
living, but to provide communion between the dead ancestors, the living
family members, and the unborn who represent the next generations. For
Africans, the visible and invisible world are interconnected. The ances-
tors’ role is to “guarantee the integrity and vitality of the community. All
this produces an intensely felt sense of solidarity between members of a
community” (Esler 2015:216). Without the ancestors and the supernatural,
Africans feel incomplete.
Esler finds that the communion between the living and their predeces-
sors is a dynamic exchange process.
Every group is, to an extent, engaged in the reconstruction of its

shared past to serve the needs of the present. Its leaders are social
agents with a firm grasp on group identities, practices, and ideas who
also have the capacity to pass them on to others. . . . Our link with the
past is a balance of persistence and change, continuity and newness.
. . . The holy Christian men and women who have died in Christ will
very often be culturally distant from us. Yet we hold in common with
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them a set of practices, beliefs, ideas, and aspirations centered on faith

in Jesus Christ. . . . We are able to see them as prototypes of Chris-
tian identity and as providing it with a stock of ‘possible selves.’ From
what they have been in the past, we gain a sense of what we can be,
now or in the future. (2005:225)
In other religions, the main question is not so much what happens to

the dead, but “how to deal with the ghost that was apt to revisit and dis-
turb the survivors. The practical question was how to induce the ghost to
go away and to stay away” (Jevons 1985:63). Funeral rites and ceremonies
are often intended to take care of the ancestors’ spirits. The life of the soul
after death is often associated with how well the living preserve the body
of the dead. One of the main fears is that the body was not buried prop-
erly. The popular belief is that the ghost of the dead returns in a dream, or
even as real, to express the anger of the body for not being treated prop-
erly. People believe that the ancestors’ souls can return and impact the
present and future life of living relatives.
In order to avoid the wrath of the ancestors, the deceased person’s per-
sonal items are placed in the coffin or in the grave. Sometimes a mauso-
leum is built and equipped in the same way the bedroom was where the
deceased used to spend their resting time. If ancestors have everything
they need, it is believed that they have no reason to return. In rural China,
people abandon “the dwelling of the dead man and everything that be-
longed to him” in order not to upset the dead or give them any reason for
returning (Jevons 1985:65). Giving everything was considered an offering
that was to be repeated at different intervals in order to make sure the de-
ceased stays away. Traditional Christians visit the graves of their deceased
relatives at least on All Souls’ Day. Chinese visit the graves twice a year
with abundant offerings.
The ancestors’ wrath is considered more powerful and effective than
the wrath of the gods. In fact, ancestors are seen as intermediaries between
gods and humans. They are not the source of blessings, but can mediate
in behalf of humans to the gods. The gods in China, for example, are de-
picted in human form in the temples. They are no longer worshipped by
communities but by individuals with private offerings, the same as people
do to their ancestors. As a result, ancestor worship replaced over time,
worship to the gods.

99
Case Studies
China and Hong Kong
Some people believe that the Chinese are the “‘greatest people on earth’
because of their tradition of paying respects to their ancestors” (Butcher
1994:397). Well-preserved funeral shrines may be seen all over the place in
China and Hong Kong. When the Rites controversy took place, resulting
in the papal edict of 1740, Confucian filial piety was the major problem.
Although Matteo Ricci and the Jesuits who followed him tried to contex-
tualize the rituals related to ancestors, the issue proved to be too sensi-
tive. Butcher aptly notes that “perhaps one of the reasons for the failure of
Nestorianism to establish itself in China at that time is precisely because
it went too far in attempting to integrate the existing traditions it found
there, and thereby lost its defining power as a religion in its own right”
(1994:444).
In China, the gods are depicted in human form. Beautiful or ugly,
laughing or scaring people, they are part of the “pantheon” of symbols
honored by people in a special way. While they are no longer worshipped
by entire communities, individuals bring food offerings, hence the confu-
sion between ancestors and deities. The “offering to gods” ritual requires
that the ancestors are invited to eat first, followed by the rest of the living
family. The offerings are always placed before the ancestors’ tablets, and
the family is expected to speak to the gods in behalf of the individual or
the family bringing the offering. The Chinese use a make-see approach,
with sacrifices and offerings brought as replacements or images of people
made out of paper, of clay, or of straw. Although the offerings preserve the
ritual that is done with the replacements, the gods are believed to be real
because people expect real blessings as a result of their sacrifices. Filial
piety lays at the basis of the ancestor worship ritual, and it is rather a duty
than an expectation of real gain.
Ancestors are buried in columbary, well above the city, in order to have
them watch and protect the living. People have to climb hundreds of steps
in order to get to their beloved. All this effort is considered making merit
for the ancestors. Candles or sticks are lighted and all senses are involved.
The number of dragons placed at the corners of the columbary roof indi-
cates the status of the ancestors buried there.
Korea
Ancestor worship was always part of Korean life, bringing together

religion and kinship relations based on Confucian philosophy. Young
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people were supposed to care for the elderly and to continue to do that
even after their death. The departed were never considered dead but were
viewed as the living dead. Death was only a new state in which the an-
cestors would move and continue to exist for at least four generations.
Sung-Deuk Oak considers that “through ancestor worship the group’s qi
(material force or energy) was activated and descent was thereby ritually
reinforced” (2013:190-191). This qi was the concept that united all descen-
dants. Confucianism was based on family unity and ancestor worship be-
came the pinnacle of the rituals related to filial piety. Oak notes that “the
only unpardonable sin was the lack of filial piety, from which every other
virtue flowed” (192).
Ceremonies usually took place several times a year, around midnight,
at which time the ancestors’ spirits were invited to partake of food and
drink. The ritual also involved an invocation to the spirits, bowing down
before them, prayers, as well as burning incense. Lastly, after sending off
the spirits, the family would enjoy the food that they also shared with
their neighbors the following day. Such rituals were also performed at the
graves of the ancestors, which were usually located on a mountainside.
Placing food on the grave and spilling wine was part of the ceremony
designed to entice the ancestors to bless the family for the incoming year.
Pilgrimages to the gravesites took place annually, and the graves were
considered sacred places.
Unlike the Buddhist belief that at the end of life one disappears in
Nirvana or reincarnates, Confucians “believed that they would achieve
immortality by ensuring the continuity of their family bloodline” (Oak
2013:193). The entire set of rituals related to ancestors blended soteriologi-
cal beliefs with family identity. “Ancestor worship was a scared rite for
the prosperity of the living that depended on harmony with the ancestors,
traditions, and the cosmos” (193). What Christians call worship and reli-
gion is a way of life in all other religions. One cannot stop respecting the
ancestors without ceasing to be part of that community and nation. While
Christians invite converts to join the new community of God’s kingdom,
they cannot simply abandon the traditional communities they came from.
People feel that Christianity is asking them to abandon their genealogies,
identities, and past in order to embrace an idealistic uncertain future. An-
cestors were real, while the new community is viewed as utopic.
With this as a background, it is little wonder that Christian converts
often return to their original way of life when only a religion was offered
to them. Oak remarked that “personal salvation apart from the ancestral
line represented an overwhelming existential crisis, and choosing to sever
this tie was a difficult choice. Thus some seekers lapsed into the old cus-
tom” (2013:206).

101
In Korea, the most difficult decision and the last item to give up before
a person was baptized was to bury or burn the ancestral tablets. These tab-
lets contain the name of the deceased person and people believe that they
contain the actual spirit of the ancestor. Incense sticks are burned by the
side of the tablet and food is often placed before it. The tablets are made of
a variety of materials, but sometimes out of paper so the ancestors could
be easily moved when migrating or during emergencies. Ancestor wor-
ship became the most difficult obstacle in the process of conversion to
Christianity.
The second major obstacle in people’s conversion to Christianity was
the social pressure and even persecution. Ostracism was triggered by the
burial or burning of the tablets and the refusal to worship the ancestors.
The accusation of being “unfilial” became the mantra under which Chris-
tians were accused of having “no father and no king.” Any tragedy or loss
among the members of the family was attributed to the ancestors who be-
came angry for not being shown respect. The greatest anathema for Chris-
tian converts was to have their name erased from the family’s genealogy
and to be excommunicated.
Gypsies in Europe
Gypsies came to Europe more than a thousand years ago but remained
an unintegrated ethnic group. They have their own traditions, languages,
and worldview that are very similar to the North Punjab where they origi-
nated from. The average life span of gypsies is short compared with those
of the countries they live in, exceptions being considered “a sign that they
are especially in favor with the good fairies, and have been exceptionally
successful in conciliating the evil ones. Age is therefore, greatly respected”
(Block 1939:241), although Gypsies do not know their precise age since
birth certificates are rarely present. They do not celebrate birthdays, but
name days, especially for old people (Gropper 1975:111).
For Gypsies death is a short sleep, a short interruption of life that con-
tinues on “the other side,” while the spirits of the ancestors living in the
underworld have power over living people. Gypsies do not talk negative-
ly about their ancestors out of fear of vengeance. “Their concern at death
deals almost entirely with the question of what relationship the dead will
have with those who remain among the living” (Trigg 1973:96). The duty
of a gypsy is to honor the ancestors.
When a Gypsy dies, two traditions exist. The nomadic Gypsies simply
bury their ancestors wherever the are at the moment, and no sign marks
the place of burial. The memory of the deceased is preserved in traditional
songs passed on to the next generations, to which one or more stanzas are
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added. In case of the death of a settled Gypsy, the extended family comes
from wherever they are around the world. Funerals and burial ceremo-
nies are merry occasions where people eat and drink and sometimes play
games. Gypsies keep wakes where extraordinary stories of exaggerated
heroism from the life of the deceased are told. The oldest person in the
room begins a story, and everyone else follows. People are assigned to
help keep order since Gypsies have the tendency to talk all at once. “Such
gatherings provide an occasion for the younger ones to learn about their
history and culture” (Dumitrescu 2010:40).
At the cemetery, the burial place is prepared as a regular bedroom,
with all the items an ancestor may need: mirror, hair combs, tooth brush-
es, antiperspirant, broom and mop, money, shoes, makeup, and hats. All
these possessions help the ancestor receive the appropriate honor when
crossing to “the other side.” People shout messages that the deceased is
supposed to share with the rest of the ancestors in behalf of the living.
Letters to the ancestors may be read aloud or placed in the casket or in the
grave, if relatives are literate. Older Gypsies did not learn to read or write,
and often use Romani words that refer to reading the palm rather than a
written text (Fonseca 1995:11). Grave markers can be items remembering
some characteristics of the deceased: money, expensive bottles of alcohol,
cassette tapes, LPs, jewelry, and even a replica of an ATM if the person was
a shopaholic. Often, no dates are engraved on the grave marker.
During the funeral, relatives of the deceased are not taking showers,
and women do not comb their hair. After the funeral, it brings honor to
announce the cost of the funeral and the number of participants. If the
deceased had no children, the costs are supported by the extended family.
No gifts or donations are accepted, but money can be borrowed.
The family grieves for at least a year, wearing only black clothes. Males
are required not to shave for a year. Weddings are postponed during that
year, and any joyous events are canceled. TVs are unplugged and any
source of merriment is removed. Relatives are not supposed to smile or
laugh. Food and water are often placed outside the house, in case the an-
cestor visits and needs to be satisfied. A visit from the spirit of an ancestor
is considered a special honor. Before the New Year, a bucket of water is
poured on the ground signifying that plenty of water is provided for the
ancestors to keep them happy. A remembrance meal is offered to the fam-
ily and to the poor people in honor of the ancestor after 40 days and one
year after the death.

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The Kanak of New Caledonia
Ancestor rituals among the 341 tribes of New Caledonia are very di-
verse. From preserving the mummy of the ancestor to the totems planted
by the seashore to guard the spirits of the deceased and protect the living
from these spirits, ancestor rituals are present and alive. The world of the
spirits blends with the world of the living. Major public celebrations are
often related to the ancestors.
During the second half of the 19th century, the Kanak fought against
the French because of the inhumane treatment received from the coloniz-
ers. In 1878, the French colonizers killed Ataï, one of the leaders of the
Kanak tribe. Ataï was beheaded and his skull deposited in a museum in
Paris. For more than a hundred years, the Kanak suffered the shame of
not being able to pay the due respects to their deceased leader through an
honorable burial. Decapitated bodies are shameful. The entire tribe felt the
shame brought against their leader.
For decades, when official requests were submitted by the Kanak ask-
ing the French to return Ataï’s skull, the French claimed it was lost, had
disappeared, and that it had no value anyway. However, for the Kanak,
it was an open wound and permanent reason for shame. Finally, in an at-
tempt to earn the Kanak’s favor, the French government announced that
the skull was found in the Museum of Humankind and returned to the
island; however, the authorities refused to provide proper land for the
burial. By the time I visited Noumea and the Kanak tribal lands in 2017,
Ataï’s skull was still not buried. The tribe still hopes that the French gov-
ernment will agree to apologize and provide an honorable burial for one
of the Kanak’s most revered ancestors.
In the middle of the Kanak tribal land is located the Grand Hut. Shaped
as a cone, this hut serves as the sanctuary for the ancestor spirits. Although
most of the Kanak are Christians, their worldview is clearly animistic.
Tourists are not allowed to enter the hut without permission and without
being guided. The chief is the one inviting the ancestors when there is a
problem within the tribe or a conflict between tribes. The entire Kanak
population gathers on the open mall in front of the hut, each tribe with its
leader. The chief summons the ancestors for advice. Only the tribal leaders
are allowed to enter the hut, where the chief maintains a permanent kin-
dling fire. A hole is provided in the back of the hut for the spirits to enter,
and a basket located at the top of the main pole provides rest for them.
All the elements of the Grand Hut symbolize the unity of the ancestors
with the living, of the spirits with the humans. Totems and carved images
of the ancestral spirits guard the entrance into the hut. Leaning poles
are provided in order to teach humans of their need to bow before their
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ancestors as a sign of respect and obedience. A flèche faîtière (slender spire)

sits on top of the hut symbolizing the unity of the three spheres of the
world: the spirit world, the human world, and the underworld. It is a
symbol of transition between the dead and the living. Even the tall trees
surrounding the open gathering mall line up with their tops almost united
as a symbol of unity between the living and their dead ancestors.
La Coutume is an ancestral set of rules and rituals, a code of social rela-
tions that outlines the Kanaks’ relationships with the world, the ancestors,
the land, and the community. It defines their relationship to the material
world, to the unseen world, and to other people (LaFargue 2012:5-6). La
Coutume provides a visible form to allow La Parole (the tradition and his-
tory passed on to them by the ancestors) to manifest itself among people;
it is a set of practices that the Kanak have developed to give the Word—La
Parole—a form, a body through the expressions and symbols of La Coutume
(Klein 2012:8). The Kanak worldview cannot be understood without com-
prehending La Coutume and La Parole, and the symbols, meanings, and func-
tions attached to them. The heritage that is so closely tied to the ancestors is
kept alive, and these traditions, in turn, shape the lives of the Kanak.
Toraja of Borneo
To the Torajans, Bentian, and other groups in Borneo, the ancestors

are real and are viewed as part of the community. In spite of recording a
Christian majority, and claiming the highest statue of Christ blessing the
valley, Torajans continue to perform traditional rituals related to ances-
tors. Upon death, the deceased is placed in the best part of the house in a
bed and watched carefully. To many visitors, the dead person looks like a
person in a deep sleep. They are fed daily as though they are alive, and pe-
riodically they are washed and refreshed. Dead bodies can be kept in this
state until the family collects enough money to organize the traditional
mass animal sacrifice.
Torajans, in contrast to other Borneo groups, believe that human beings
are born with different statuses. As Clifford Sather observed, “Hierarchically-
ranked ‘kinds of people’ (nobles, commoners, slaves) are each believed
to have been created in a different manner and that these differences are
‘actuated’ in funerary rituals through animal sacrifices” (2012:130). Thus,
animal sacrifices are intended to bridge the gap between the living and
their ancestors, to the point where the living can “think and feel the de-
sires of the dead” (Tsinjilonis 2004:381).
Although Torajans care for their deceased, and refresh their bodies pe-
riodically, the long-term process aims to incorporate them into the “gen-
eralized ancestral spirit” (Coville 2002:70). Kenneth Sillander notes that

105
when the ancestors merge into the general ancestral body “as nobody’s
ancestors in particular they are everybody’s ancestors” (2012:87) and filial
piety becomes mandatory for everyone in the larger community.
The animal sacrifice is a ceremony where all the community partici-
pates. The more animals sacrificed, the more honor the deceased and the
family receives. Young people train for weeks ahead of the event in order
to be able to cut the throat of the bulls in one move. The actual scene of
the carnage is grotesque. However, the family rejoices when the horns of
the bulls are placed on the entrance of the house, increasing their honor in
the community. Some families may have to repay the borrowed money for
the rest of their lives, but nothing compares for them with the new status
in the community.
When babies die, they are considered unborn and are buried within
tree trunks. In time, these small “coffins” are covered by the bark of the
growing trees. The dead and the unborn are part of the living. Both the
ancestors and the unborn are spirits that can affect the lives of the living.
After the animal sacrifice and the end of the ceremonies and festivities,
the dead body is carried to the burial place in a triumphal march. The
body is placed on a throne and often enclosed into a replica of a Toraja
house, with the ends of the roof pointing upward. This is the symbol that
the world of the living and the realm of the dead are communicating. The
dead are carried to caves dug into high rocks, and a replica of the person
is placed at the entrance to remind the community that the ancestors are
watching them. Small bits of flesh from the sacrificed animals are placed
on top of the stone pillars that form a “Stonehenge.” These are supposed
to be reminding the ancestors of the great sacrifice the families made in
their behalf. In response, the ancestors should not threaten the community
but bless them.
At regular times, the dead bodies are retrieved from the caves and tak-
en through a process of restoration. The bodies are painted, their clothes
are changed, glasses and prescriptions are updated, and in this way they
are endeared to the community. Eloquent speeches are made praising the
ancestors and inviting them to bless the community since it is believed
that filial piety has to be demonstrated in a very palpable way.
Conclusions
Looking at the described cases, there are common burial features and
rituals, as well as differences in how different cultures treat their ances-
tors. Filial piety seems to be a common factor, as well as the belief that the
ancestors continue to live in the community or in the surroundings, being
able to affect the lives of the living. All cultures described in this article
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 112
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seem to espouse a worldview in which the spirit world blends with the
world of the senses in an animistic way.
In conclusion, I offer several recommendations derived from the study:
1. Seventh-day Adventists need to discover a theology of biblical filial

piety. Such a theology should be produced by local Christians who
have not embraced Christianity with all the Western values.
2. Christian funeral rites that speak to the local culture, using func-
tional substitutes, also need to be developed.
3. Missionaries should design indigenous memorial services that can
be part of the local way of life. This is the most difficult step for Ad-
ventists because they do not believe in the existence of the soul after
death and follow the second commandment. Christian denomina-
tions that have no problems with their believers bowing down be-
fore icons or statues (Catholics or Eastern Orthodox) seem to use
a conciliatory approach and be more open to accept converts con-
tinuing their ancestor worship rituals. Protestants, however, have
a more exclusive approach to the issues related to the second com-
mandment, but Protestant missionaries in certain countries devel-
oped a similar form of a memorial service at the beginning of the
20th century. The Koreans adapted a memorial ritual, Ch’udohoe,
that may be a starting point.
4. Presenting God as the Great Ancestor should be explored within the
local context. The Bible uses language as “The Ancient of days,” or
“the Alpha and the Omega.” Creative solutions are required in or-
der to find the best theology and rituals that remain both biblically
faithful and contextually relevant.
Works Cited
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Brett, Mark G. 2008. Decolonizing God: The Bible in the Tides of Empire. Sheffield, UK:
Sheffield Phoenix.
Butcher, Beverly J. 1994. Remembrance, Emulation, Imagination: The Chinese and Chi-
nese American Catholic Ancestor Memorial Service. Unpublished PhD disser-
tation, University of Pennsylvania.
Couderc, Pascal, and Kenneth Sillander, eds. 2012. Ancestors in Borneo Societies:
Death, Transformation, and Social Immortality. Copenhagen, Denmark: NIAS.

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Coville, Elizabeth. 2002. Remembering Our Dead: The Care of the Ancestors in
Tana Toraja. In The Potent Dead: Ancestors, Saints, and Heroes in Contempo-
rary Indonesia. Edited by Henri Chambert-Loir and Anthony Reid, 69-87.
ASAA Publication Series. Sydney, Australia: Allen and Unwin.
Douglas, Mary. 2012. Jacob’s Tears: The Priestly Work of Reconciliation. Oxford, UK:
Oxford University Press.
Dumitrescu, Cristian. 2010. The Stranger in Our Midst: The Gypsies. Journal of Ad-
ventist Mission Studies 6, no. 2:30-49.
Esler, Philip F. 2005. New Testament Theology: Communion and Community. Minne-
apolis, MN: Fortress.
Fonseca, Isabel. 1995. Bury Me Standing: The Gypsies and Their Journey. New York:
Alfred A. Knopf.
Groper, Rena C. 1975. Gypsies in the City: Culture Patterns and Survival. Princeton,
NJ: The Darwin Press.
Jevons, Frank B. 1985. Comparative Religion: A Study of Man’s Attitude towards God in
the Religions of the World. Delhi, India: Orient Publications.
Klein, F. 2012. Mwakaa: Les sentiers de La Coutume Kanak. Nouméa, Nouvelle Calé-
donie: Centre Culturel Tjibaou.
LaFargue, R. 2012. Le droit coutumier en Nouvelle Calédonie. Paris, France: La maison
de la Nouvelle Calédonie.
Moreau, Scott A. 2000. Ancestral Beliefs and Practices. In Evangelical Dictionary of
World Missions. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker.
Oak, Sung-Deuk. 2013. The Making of Korean Christianity: Protestant Encounters with
Korean Religions 1876-1915. Waco, TX: Baylor University Press.
Sather, Clifford. 2012. Recalling the Dead, Revering the Ancestors: Multiple Forms
of Ancestorship in Saribas Iban Society. In Ancestors in Borneo Societies:
Death, Transformation, and Social Immortality. Edited by Pascal Couderc and
Kenneth Sillander, 114-152. Copenhagen, Denmark: NIAS, 2012.
Sillander, Kenneth. 2012. Ancestors as Sources of Authority and Potency among
the Bentian of East Kalimantan. In Ancestors in Borneo Societies: Death,
Transformation, and Social Immortality. Edited by Pascal Couderc and Ken-
neth Sillander, 147-164. Copenhagen, Denmark: NIAS.
Trigg, Elwood B. 1973. Gypsy Demons and Divinities: The Magic and Religion of the
Gypsies. Secaucus, NJ: Citadel Press.
Tsinjilonis, Dimitri. 2004. Words of Intimacy: Re-Membering the Dead in Buntao.
Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 10, no. 2 (June): 375-393.
Cristian Dumitrescu, PhD, teaches Missiology and Intercultural

Studies and Research at the Adventist International Institute of
Advanced Studies in the Philippines. He is also the editor for the
Journal of Asia Adventist Seminary, and often guides his students
in expressing theology in a practical and relevant way for people
in different cultures.
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 114
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CHRISTOPHER KABWE MUKUKA
Funeral Rituals and Practices: The Quest

for Missiological Approaches of
Witnessing to Mwami Church
Members in Zambia
Introduction
Zambia has 73 ethnic groups whose diverse funeral rituals and practices
are important to reflect on in relation to God’s mission. Among these ethnic
groups, the Ngoni people reside around the Mwami Mission Station. The
Ngoni people migrated from South Africa to Zambia between 1820 and
1840. Some went to Tanzania and others settled in the Malawi area. This
ethnic group is perceived to be very religious since it usually defends its
funeral rituals and practices in their communities and ensures that every
person living in the vicinity adhere to its rituals and practices whenever
a funeral occurs. The problem for Adventist mission is that these funeral
rituals and practices teach the community that the dead are still alive.
The gospel message came to Mwami in 1927 when an eye and lepro-
sarium hospital was established at Mwami Mission Station. At the end of
2019, the Mwami district of the Seventh-day Adventist Church comprises
22 congregations with a total membership of 2,600. Even though the Ad-
ventist message came to Mwami 92 years ago, the church is still struggling
to help its members and the community in knowing how to participate in
funeral rituals and practices that compromise the biblical understanding
about the state of the dead. What role should the church take without los-
ing its relevance in such a society? Should the church be silent over this
issue? How should the church evangelize in this area? These are some of

109
the implicit questions this paper seeks to explore in looking for missiologi-
cal approaches to address the issues connected with funeral rituals and
practices.
It has been observed that some Mwami community leaders overreach
their authority in telling local churches what they can and cannot do dur-
ing funeral ceremonies. For instance, when one member of the Ngoni
community who was a Jehovah’s Witness died in March 2018, the commu-
nity leaders stopped the church from burying its member. The community
alleged the church was taking the role that belonged to the community
on what to do concerning the burial of a Ngoni member. What the church
prescribed was not in line with the cultural practices of the local commu-
nity. Another incident occurred when one of the retired Seventh-day Ad-
ventist pastors died in December 2018. The community complained bit-
terly after the church went ahead in burying the pastor without allowing
the deceased body to sleep in the house where the funeral was held a day
before burial. What was interesting was that several Adventist members
were in the forefront siding with the community over the funeral rituals
and practices. This was an eye-opener—showing that folk religion and
animistic practices are not easily discarded in the lives of many members
of the church. Edward Taylor defined folk religion or animism as the belief
that the world is saturated by spirits and powers (1970:9). These spirits are
feared by many people in this community and as a result many are reluc-
tant to go against the old ways of doing things.
When I probed about the significance and meaning of having a de-
ceased body remain in the house, I was told that the dead needed to bid
farewell to the occupants of that house or else the spirits of the dead would
torment the living if that was not done.
Another important funeral ritual involves wailing performed by men
mourners. This ritual is enforced during all funerals in Mwami territory
for all local residents and is conducted to ensure the spirit of the dead
person is appeased. If this ritual is not performed, then the family of the
deceased will be charged and expelled from the village for abrogating the
laws of the community.
It is a widely known fact that many African Christians remain im-
mersed in their folk religion and that “the African is notoriously religious”
(Mbiti 2008:2). No matter how long a person has been a member of a Chris-
tian church or how educated they might be, the old ways of the local folk
religion has left a big impression on their lives, especially when dealing
with rites of passages such as birth, initiation, marriage, and death. Even
though many Christian leaders openly oppose the local folk religions, the
majority of people throughout Zambia are still influenced in many areas
of their lives by the folk tenets and practices.
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The Local Setting
The 2017 population census indicated that Zambia had a population of

16,405,229 and the Eastern Province had 1,910,782 (CSO 2018:10). Chipata,
where the Mwami Mission is situated, is the fifth largest city in Zambia,
behind Lusaka, Ndola, Kitwe, and Livingstone. Chipata comes from the
Ngoni word “Chimpata” meaning “large space,” in reference to the town
situated in a shallow valley between hills. The central neighborhood of
Kapata, the original center of town, comes from the Ngoni phrase mean-
ing “small space” (Chipata 2019). Chipata is the capital of the Eastern
Province of Zambia and has a modern market, a central hospital, shop-
ping malls, universities, colleges, and a number of schools. Chipata is the
business and administrative hub that serves the region. The town boasts
a four-star hotel, a golf course, an airport, a mosque, and many Christian
churches.
The town is the regional center of the Ngoni tribe, and as such, is
the primary language, although Nyanja and English are widely spoken.
Nyanja, like Chewa culture, is mainly matriarchal and matrilineal while
Ngoni culture is patriarchal and patrilineal. Chipata is located near the
border with Malawi and lies on the Great East Road, which connects the
capitals Lilongwe (130 km) and Lusaka (550 km) (Chipata 2019).
Socio-Historical Cultural Setting
The socio-historical context and the cross-cultural mix of the Mwami

district impact the funeral rituals and practices in the city. The various
ethnic groups living in Mwami belong to both matrilineal and patrilineal
cultures. Even though others may argue that Chipata is a Ngoni city, de-
mographically the Ngoni are a minority compared to the local people they
defeated when they came from Southern Africa. That hindered the Ngoni
from completely changing the way of life of the local people. Over the last
200 years Ngoni men married local women, which has contributed to the
process of assimilating the two cultures. The children of such marriages
usually were taught the language of their mothers (Chondoka 2017:82-84);
however, in spite of the loss of the Ngoni language, Ngoni people suc-
ceeded in having their cultural practices predominate among the people
they lived with.
In the Eastern Province the Chewa ethnic group is the largest com-
munity with 39.7% of the population and with 34.6% speaking the Chewa
language. The Ngoni ethnic group comprises 15.3% with only 4.6% of the
population speaking the Ngoni language (CSO 2014:57). The Chewa lan-
guage is widely used in schools and churches and other public functions

111
followed by Tumbuka, a factor that has caused other languages in the

Eastern Province to gradually die out.
Religious Context
In Zambia, an estimated 85% of the population professes some form of

Christianity. Another 5% are Muslim; 5% subscribe to other faiths, includ-
ing Hinduism, Baha’ism, and traditional indigenous religions; and 5% are
atheists. The majority of Christians are either Roman Catholic or Protes-
tant. Currently, there is also a surge in new Pentecostal churches, which
have attracted many young followers. Muslims tend to be concentrated in
parts of the country where Asians have settled along the railroad line from
Lusaka to Livingstone, in Chipata, and in the Eastern Province (Zambia
Religions 2019).
Rituals
Rituals are religiously meaningful acts people perform in appropri-

ate circumstances usually by adhering to prescribed patterns (Lugira
2009:74). Africans feel their beliefs should be expressed in some concrete
way. A ritual, as defined by Bronna Romanoff, is a device created by a
culture that serves to preserve social order and provide a means of under-
standing during complicated times (1998:697-711). In the African context,
rituals continue to connect people with their ancestors and the old ways
of doing things.
Worldview Values in Funeral Rituals and Practices
Mission history offers many examples of the need for the early intro-
ducers of Christianity to learn the language and culture of those they are
sharing the gospel with. Without such an understanding, tragic mistakes
are often made with gross syncretism and dual allegiance the result. “The
worldview of a culture describes deep philosophical assumptions about
the purpose of life and the nature of reality” (Plueddemann 2009:71).
Worldviews are like the air people breathe—very important but taken for
granted. Worldviews are, in many cases, largely implicit, which requires
the missionary to spend time and effort to discover the implicit to make it
explicit (Van Rheenen 1991:33). Worldview and culture are so intertwined
that culture is thought of as the “collective programming of the mind that
distinguishes the members of one category of people from another.” By
“collective programming,” Lewis perceives it as a process to which one
has been subjected since birth (2018:15). This means that every person has
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 118
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112
a culture, worldview, and lifestyle that is affected by general customs and

social behavior of their particular people group.
It is true that worldviews are more about the deep hidden values and
assumptions that shape beliefs and behavior. Thus, those who are inter-
ested in doing Christian mission in the Mwami district need to pay atten-
tion to various cultural events as practiced by the Ngoni people to better
understand how folk religious elements continue to influence Christians
in the area. The syncretistic and dual alliance realities are especially no-
ticeable during times of crises or death in the community. It is also during
such times that even long-time Christians continue to practice elements
from African Traditional Religion that are in direct opposition to biblical
teaching.
In the Mwami district there is the belief that when people die they enter
into a new relationship with the living; hence, great care is always taken
to ensure peace and harmony with the ancestors. A proper burial, follow-
ing the traditions of the ancestors, is necessary in order to avoid trouble
in the family and community; therefore, funeral rituals are required to be
performed in the proscribed way to appease the spirits. If funeral rituals
are ignored, people believe that the dead will come back as ghosts to tor-
ment the family and the community. In addition, failure to perform the
required death rituals could also cause mental sickness and mysterious
deaths among the family members.
I have noticed during Adventist funeral and memorial services that the
words “soul” and “spirit” frequently are used in a way that causes con-
fusion. People insinuate that the dead continue existing as a living soul.
This position strengthens the old beliefs that the dead continue to live as
the living dead—the ancestors who continue to influence the living. For
example, almost all tombstones in the Mwami Mission District have an
inscription that says, “May his/her soul rest in eternal peace (MHSRP).”
This seems to indicate that the soul is thought of as an independent entity
from the body—a view that perpetuates the view of ancestors as the living
dead who continue to influence the living and who, if not treated accord-
ing to cultural customs, can bring harm on the family and community.

Death and Funeral Rituals and Practices in the Bible
Death and funeral rituals practiced in the Old Testament are similar to
those practiced in the New Testament in many ways. There was a fear of
defilement by coming in contact with a dead body (Num 19:11-16) since
Jewish law stated that being in the presence of a dead body causes ritual
uncleanness. That is why a member of a priestly family was not to be in
the presence of a corpse, and those who had been in contact were required

113
to wash their hands before entering a home, whether or not they had
touched the body (Lev 21:11; cf. Num 19:13-14). Mourning practices in
Judaism were extensive, but they were not an expression of fear of death.
Jewish practices relating to death and mourning had two purposes: “to
show respect for the dead . . . , and to comfort the living . . . , who will miss
the deceased” (Jewish Virtual Library n.d.).
One important point that the Old Testament did not stress was the be-
lief in the resurrection. A complete mortuary ritual is not described in the
Bible; however, some texts indicate that the dead were kept in a house
(1 Kgs 17:19; 2 Kgs 4:18-20). Once a person died, the Hebrew practice re-
quired that the eldest son or a near relative close the eyes of the dead, “I
will close your eyes when you die” (Gen 50:1, cf. 46:4). After the body was
prepared, the Hebrews put the body inside a room (2 Kgs 4:21, 17:19), fol-
lowed by wailing and weeping, which alerted the community about the
death (2 Sam 1:12; Jer 9:17-18; Micah 1:8). The Hebrews had specific days
of mourning. Joseph observed seven days of mourning for his father (Gen
50:10).
The Hebrews showed their grief by tearing their garments and put-
ting on sackcloth (Isa 20:2; Gen 37:34; 2 Sam 13:31). Job—who is called a
friend of God, blameless, and upright—after he learned of the death of his
children, not only tore his robe but also shaved his head, then fell to the
ground and worshipped (Job 1:20). Job knew that a person was nothing
but dust and ashes, which is a phrase that occurs in only three places in
the Old Testament (Gen 18:27; Job 30:19, 42:6).
The Mystery of Death
There are so many myths about death; however, the Bible gives a
glimpse of the origin of death. It is clear that death came as a result of
disobedience. God explicitly commanded Adam and Eve, “You are free
to eat from any tree in the garden, but you must not eat from the tree of
knowledge of good and evil, for when you eat from it you will certainly
die” (Gen 2:16-17).
The failure of the first couple to obey this command resulted in death
entering the human family, regardless of the assertion of the serpent when
it said, “You will surely not die” (Gen 3:4). This verse succinctly explains
the origin of death. The explanation may not be comprehensive but at
least it allows us to see where death came from and its cause. The Bible
also teaches that the dead are not conscious and have no part in the activi-
ties of life under the sun (Eccl 9:5). Ellen White writes, “Multitudes have
come to believe that it is spirits of the dead who are the ministering spirits,
sent forth to minister for them who shall be heirs of salvation” (1950:551).
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114
She says that these spirits are not the spirits of dead people but agents of
darkness, the fallen evil angels.
When looking at the origin of death through a folk religion lens, Mbiti
suggests that “even though people believe that death came into the world
at a very early date, in the history of mankind, they believe also that ev-
ery time a person dies, this death is caused” (1991:117). In African folk
religions the idea that sickness and accidents are always caused has a
very strong hold on just about everyone. The causes of death are either
by witchcraft, curses, or by unhappy, angry ancestral spirits. Even when
someone dies from a known disease or sickness that has been diagnosed
by a doctor, people still believe that someone or something caused the
death in that way and at that time.
The Implication of an Immortal Soul
The concept of an immortal soul independent of the body is popular

and widely believed. People believe that the body may die but the spiri-
tual soul is freed from the constraints of physical matter, and then goes
to its eternal reward. Such an idea appears to be comforting; however,
what does a body animated by such a soul mean? Some suggest that the
physical body creates a soul as it grows and develops, impressing upon its
invisible substance the individual’s personality. The soul, being the imper-
ishable record of the physical brain structures, can then survive physical
death and wait in God’s presence until the resurrection.
Some have offered evidence for a belief in a soul distinct from the body
by arguing that God created a physical body for the preexisting Son of
God (Heb 10:5; Wheeler 2009:50). Others think that a body can exist with-
out a soul, while some Christians believe that a soul is never independent
of a body. What does the Scripture say?
Soul and Spirit in the Bible
The New Testament counterpart of the Hebrew word nephesh is the

Greek word psyche. The Greek translation of the Old Testament (the Sep-
tuagint) employs psyche in the same wide range usages (Laurin 1960:91,
492) as used in the New Testament. In both the Old and New Testament
it states, “The first Adam became a living thing” (1 Cor 15:45). Also both
OT and NT refer to people as individual souls (Acts 2:41; 7:14). James says
that “he who turns a sinner from the error of his way will save a soul from
death and cover a multitude of sins” (Jas 5:20). If the word soul is substi-
tuted by person, it still makes sense (Schwartz 1981:25).

115
The word spirit in the Greek comes from the root pneuma and is indi-
cated by pneu, meaning to blow or breath. The root pneu and the suffix ma
refers to air in motion as a special substance that empowers one’s being. In
the New Testament, pneuma has also been translated as mood (1 Cor 4:21;
2 Tim 1:7; Rom 8:15). Pneuma is the power that God gives to energize or the
life principle found in human beings (25).
When Jesus was about to die, he cried out in a loud voice, saying,
“Father into your hands I commit my spirit” (Luke 23:46, cf. Acts 7:59).
Jesus died echoing the words of the Psalmist who said, “Into your hands,
I commit my spirit; you have redeemed me, O Lord God of truth” (Ps 1:5).
In relation to the life of a human being, pneuma must be understood as
the life principle found in the body when a person is alive. This is in agree-
ment with the Old Testament writings as depicted by Solomon in the book
of Ecclesiastes that at death the dust returns to the earth as it was and the
spirit returns to God who gave it (Eccl 12:7). At death, the life principle,
pneuma, ceases and returns back to God. Pneuma, returning back to God
does not mean it is an entity. Pneuma going back to God is recognition of
God’s creative power that he imparts and takes it back at death.
The New Testament also uses soul and spirit interchangeably as indi-
cated in the book of Luke. “My soul magnifies the Lord. And my spirit
has rejoiced in God my Savior” (Luke 1:46-47). When compared to the
Old Testament, the New Testament adds some unusual elements that may
at first appear puzzling. For instance, Paul prays that (his readers) “may
your whole spirit, soul and body be preserved blameless at the coming of
our Lord Jesus Christ.” (1 Thess 5:23). The text has created a lot of debate
over the significance of these terms.
The vocabulary here is certainly tripartite—body, soul, spirit—but

that the emphasis is on the sanctification of the whole person, and
that in the future coming of Christ. In popular thought, the point of
making a sharp distinction between body and soul is the assertion that
something else must die. The text teaches that every aspect of being
human is to be kept for the coming of Christ, which contradicts the
reason for dividing up human beings. Paul is free to speak of being
human from different aspects, but avoids any obscuring of the unitary
reality we find in Christ, seeing it as headed toward greater fulfillment
in Christ, not division. (Sherlock 1996:218)
A living soul is a living person and a dead soul is a person who has
died. It must be understood that it is pointless to pray for a dead person’s
soul for it cannot exist separately from a dead body. The correct position
is that a human being does not have a nephesh (soul), for the person is the
soul. This view is in agreement with the suggestion that the death of a
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nephesh means a loss of personhood. Thus it is not what Adam had, but
what he was (Bromiley 1982:587, 588). The Bible says, “For every living
soul belongs to me, the father, as well as the son—both alike, belong to me.
The soul who sins is the one who will die (Ezek 18:4). Interestingly when
the word nephesh is referred to a corpse or a dead body (Num 6:6, 11, 9:6, 7,
10), that forces a conceptual change in many cultures. The term soul does
not translate easily because it represents the concepts of reality that may
differ widely from culture to culture and because it reflects the philosophi-
cal history of each particular culture as well (Petersen 2005:9).
Immortality Belongs to God Alone
In addition to ruling out that a soul cannot exist independently of a

body (Hawthorne, Martin, and Reid 1993:767), the Bible equally does not
endorse immortality as being something belonging to human beings. God
is the only one who is immortal (Ps 90:9-14; 1 Tim 6:15). The view of immor-
tality that predominates in Western, Folk religions, and Christian thought
is Platonic, where the term signifies an in-built characteristic of every soul
with persistence after death (Plato 1981:78b-80b). However, the granting
of immortality to human beings is clearly stipulated by Paul when he says
“For the trumpet will sound and the dead will be raised incorruptible,
and we shall be changed. For this incorruptible must put on incorruption
and this mortal must put on immortality.” The New Testament defines
human “immortality” as the immunity from decay and death that results
from sharing the divine life of the resurrected state (Harris 1986:47-52).
The promise of immortality is to “those who by patient continuance in do-
ing good seek for glory, honor and immortality” (Rom 2:7).
Burial Activities in the Old Testament
During the Old Testament, there were activities prior to burial. Indi-
viduals of high status in society would frequently be clothed in linen gar-
ments. The affluent individuals enjoyed burials with elaborate funerary
collections that included robes, jewelry, furniture, weapons, and pottery
(1Sam 28:14; Isa 14:11; Ezek 32:27).
After preparation of the body, the procession to the grave or tomb began
with the corpse being carried on a wooden platform, usually by friends,
servants, or relatives (2 Sam 3:31). The procession was led by profession-
al mourners, followed by family members who filled the air with cries
of sadness and agony (2 Sam 3:31-32; Job 21:33; Eccl 12:5; Jer 9:17; Amos
5:16)” (Achtemeier 1985:145, 146). This special treatment of the body of the
deceased signifies how the families perceived death. The treatment given

117
to a dead person was a demonstration of respect for the living. It has been
observed that the time between death and burial witnessed the intensity
of respect the people accorded the deceased, and the special treatment
given the body demonstrated how the family perceived the dead person.
The Hebrews practiced burial in the land of the ancestors. Abraham
purchased a burial place for his wife Sarah, and his descendants were
also buried there (Gen 47:29, 30, 49:29-32; Exod 13:19). The Old Testament
practice was to bury the dead in family tombs or a family sepulcher (Gen
49:29-33).
There were two types of burials among the Hebrews—temporary and
permanent. After time had elapsed, the bones were moved from the tem-
porary burial place to a permanent one (2 Sam 21:12-15). The Hebrews had
a great fire when Hezekiah died (2 Chr 16:14). The fire was built as a me-
morial and was an honorific rite customarily granted to Kings (Freedman
2000:205). The origins of such fires for dead kings are not known.
The Hebrews did not end their funeral activities with the burial. After
burial and weeping and mourning the bereaved family continued to re-
ceive comfort and care. They had seven days of intense mourning when
a close relative died (Gen 50:10, cf. 1 Sam 31:13; Job 2:13). There was a
period for intense mourning, normally between death and burial. During
that time the mourners did not receive greetings of peace (Ezek 24:17).
The mourning was extended for thirty days when the Israelites grieved
the death of Moses. Aaron too was mourned for thirty days when he died
(Deut 34:8; Num 20:29). When Jacob breathed his last, Joseph commanded
his servants the physicians to embalm his father. This process required
forty days, during which time the family mourned. In fact, the Egyptians
mourned for him seventy days (Gen 50:1-3).
Funeral rituals were part of the Hebrew cultural practices; however,
when Ezekiel’s wife died, the Lord told him not to mourn in the tradi-
tional way. The Lord said to him, “Son of man, behold, I take away from
you the desire of your eyes with one stroke, yet you shall neither mourn
nor weep nor shall your tears run down. Sigh in silence, make no mourn-
ing for the dead, bind your turban on your head, and put your sandals
on your feet; do not cover your lips, and do not eat man’s bread of sor-
row” (Ezek 24:16-17). The Lord’s command to Ezekiel indicates there were
ritual practices common to the Hebrew people. But Ezekiel was to mourn
differently because he was a lightbearer for the Lord.
Burial Activities in the New Testament
The Old Testament provides the foundation of the burial activities in

the New Testament. After a death was announced, burial had to take place
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within twenty-four hours (Acts 5:5-10). This was necessary because there
was no way to preserve the body. Quick burials also acted as a means to
reduce excessive grief and to reduce the amount of time a dead body was
kept in the house (Benjamin 1983:246, 254).
As soon as the individual expired, the eldest son or nearest relative
present would close the eyes of the deceased (Gen 46:6), which helps
explain why Jesus called death a sleep (John 11:11-14). The mouth was
bound shut (John 11:44), the body washed (Acts 9:37) and then anointed
with aromatic ointments (John 12:7, 19: 39; Mark 16:1; Luke 24:1). The
body was usually wrapped in a linen cloth (Matt 27:59; John 11:44). Then
the body was put on a platform and carried on the shoulders to the grave
site (Luke 7:12-14). Professional mourners would accompany the body to
the grave (Matt 9:23; John 11:31-33). Jews located their burial tombs away
from towns in Palestine.
Most Jewish communities had a special group of volunteers, whose
duty it was to care for the dead. They had the responsibility to wash the
body and prepare it for burial according to Jewish custom (Lamm 1969:93).
The Jewish people also had a practice of moving the bones from one part
of the tomb to another. After a body had decomposed the bones could be
piled in one area or put in a small box called an ossuary, and then shelved
(Hallote 2003:123-126).
Jewish law required that tombstones be erected on graves so the dead
would be remembered and to ensure that the grave was not desecrated.
People who could not afford expensive rock-hewn tombs were placed in
the ground. After the body was placed in the ground, earth filled the grave
and a heap of stones was put on top to preserve the body from depreda-
tions of beasts or thieves (White 1948:557).
Missiological Suggestions
The missiological approach that I suggest to be applied to funeral ritu-

als and practices in Mwami is a process known as critical contextualiza-
tion. Funerals are just as significant today as they were in biblical times.
They also offer the church great opportunities for sharing God’s perspec-
tive on death, the resurrection, and the hope for spending eternity with
God in heaven. Thus, during the funeral service, preaching is not done to
the dead but to the living who attend the funeral.
The issues of death and funeral rituals in the Mwami District should
be handled using Paul Hiebert’s critical contextualization process, which
comprises four steps: First, the people must have a deep appreciation for
the Word of God and a willingness to deal with all areas of their lives in a
biblical way. This would entail a willingness to discuss the funeral rituals
and practices and relate them to what the Bible says.

119
Second, the people should spend time looking uncritically at the cul-
tural item or practice (in this case funeral rituals and practices) so they
understand the meaning and implications of each action. This step would
help the faith community analyze the cultural meaning and significance of
each aspect of the funeral rituals and practices. During this second step no
judgment should be made as to the rightness or wrongness of the practices.
Third, the faith community applies applicable biblical passages and
principles to the cultural item in question. What aspects of funeral rituals
and practices are incompatible with the principles of the Word of God?
What aspects are in line with the biblical principles? During this third step
the district leader, the local pastor, and elders are resource people helping
the larger group access the Bible passages that offer suggestions on how to
deal biblically with the issue.
Fourth, the group, led by the Holy Spirit, decides what they can do
and what they cannot do in light of the biblical principles they have dis-
covered. There may be aspects of the ritual that can continue to be used
since they do not go against biblical principles. There may be other aspects
that can be slightly modified by having biblical meanings added to the
practice, and there may be some areas that need to be totally discarded.
(Hiebert 1985:186).
Too often church leaders have just told people what to believe and
what to do. By engaging the faith community in the process of looking
at what God’s Word says and having them actively involved in deciding
what can remain, what needs changing, and what needs to be discarded,
there is a group buy-in. When the group makes these kinds of decisions
the pastor or district leader no longer has to try to force people to act in a
certain way—they have agreed to a course of action so they willingly fol-
low the decision.
Conclusion
The conflict between Folk Religion and Christian beliefs is as old as

the Church in Zambia. Folk Religion when mixed with God’s ways for his
people leads to dual allegiance—the very thing that caused the Israelites
to wander in the wilderness for forty years. Mwami Mission District has
been in existence for ninety-two years but many of the believers are still
tied to folk religious practices. It is true that “the Lord . . . is patient toward
you not wishing for anyone to perish but for all to come to repentance”
(2 Pet 3:9). Similarly, church leaders must learn to exercise patience as they
guide their members into a deeper understanding of God’s Word and as
the people learn to apply the principles of God’s Word to their cultural
practices. The second step in Hiebert’s critical contextualization process is
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important since many people never stop to analyze their cultural practices
or understand how the deep meanings are in direct opposition to biblical
principles (Hiebert 1999:21).
Works Cited
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Benjamin, Don C. 1983. Deuteronomy and City Life. New York: University Press of
America.
Bromiley, Geoffrey W., ed. 1982. The International Standard Biblical Encyclopedia.
Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans.
Chipata. 2019. Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chipata accessed 13,
March 2019.
CSO (Central Statistical Office). 2018. Zambia in Figures 2018. Lusaka, Zambia: Cen-
tral Statistical Office.
________. 2014. Zambia 2010 Census of Population and Housing: Eastern Province Ana-
lytical Report Vol.3. Lusaka, Zambia: Central Statistical Office.
Chondoka, Yizenge A. 2017. The Zwangendaba Mpezeni Ngoni: History and Migra-
tions, Settlements and Culture. Lusaka, Zambia: Academic Press.
Freedman, David Noel, ed. 2000. Eerdmans Dictionary of the Bible. Grand Rapids,
MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans.
Gehman, Richard J. 1999. Who Are the Living Dead? A Theology of Death, Life after
Death and the Living Dead. Nairobi, Kenya: Evangel.
Hallote, Racheal S. 2003. Death and Afterlife in the Biblical World: How the Is-
raelites and Their Neighbors Treated the Dead. Journal of Anthropological
Research 59:123-126.
Harris, Murray J. 1986. The New Testament View of Life after death. Themelios 11,
no 2. (January): 47-52.
Hawthorne, Gerald F., Ralph P. Martin, and Daniel G. Reid. 1993. Dictionary of Paul
and His Letters. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press
Hiebert, Paul G. 1985. Anthropological Insights for Missionaries. Grand Rapids, MI:
Baker Book House.
________. 1999. Understanding Folk Religion. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House.
Hope, V. M. 1997. Constructing Roman Identity: Funerary Monuments and Social
Structure in the Roman World. Mortality 2, no. 2:103-109.
Horn, Siegfried H. 1979. Seventh-day Adventist Bible Dictionary. Washington, DC:
Review and Herald.
Jewish Virtual Library. n.d. Death and Bereavement in Judaism: Death and Mourn-
ing. Accessed 24 February 2018. https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/death-
and-mourning-in-judaism.
Lamm, Maurice. 1969. The Jewish Way in Death and Mourning. New York: Jonathan
David Press.

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Laurin, Ralph B. 1960. Soul. Baker’s Dictionary of Theology. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker
Books.
Lewis, Richard D. 2018.When Cultures Collide: Leading Across Cultures. 4th ed. Bos-
ton, MA: Nicholas Braeley.
Mbiti, John S. 1991. Introduction to African Religion. Long Grove, IL: Waveland
Press.
________. 2008. African Religions and Philosophy. Malaysia: Heinemann Education.
Petersen, Paul B. 2005. When God Speaks Cross-Culturally: The Bible as Mission.
Journal of Adventist Mission Studies 1, no. 2:4-17.
Plato. 1981. Five Dialogues: Euthyphro, Apology, Crito, Meno, Phaedo. 2nd ed. Trans-
lated by G. M. A. Grube. Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Publishing.
Plueddemann, James E. 2009. Leading Across Cultures: Effective Ministry and
Mission in the Global Church. Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic,
Schwartz, Hans. 1981. Beyond the Gates of Death: A Biblical Examination of Evidence
for Life after Death. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg.
Sherlock, C. 1996. The Doctrine of Humanity. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press.
Taylor, Edward B. 1970. The Origins of Culture. London, UK: John Murray.
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8:697-711.
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Wheeler, Gerald. 2009. Beyond Death’s Door: The Hope of Reunion. Hagerstown, MD:
Review and Herald.
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________. 1950. The Great Controversy. Mountain View, CA: Pacific Press.
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-RELIGIONS.html#ixzz5iM1gnkkd.
Christopher Kabwe Mukuka is a pastor in the East Zambia Field

and a PhD student in World Missions at the Adventist University
of Africa in Nairobi, Kenya.
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 128
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REGINE RIMARZIK
Adventist Devotional Theology in Mission:

An Emphasis on Spiritual Life in the
Encounter with the Buddhist Karmic
Understanding of God
and the Afterlife
Introduction
The topic of Adventist devotional theology became dear to me during my

first year of Doctor of Missiology studies at Andrews University in 2016.
Before that time, my family and I had been acquainted with people’s lived
experience of being Buddhists in Southeast Asia. During my field research
with refugees along the Thai-Burmese border, it dawned on me that God
frequently reveals the core essence of what it means to be God’s beloved
children through dreams and visions. Many sincere Buddhist believers in
the camps were searching for meaning in suffering and their struggle for
daily existence. What they discovered was the incarnation of the meaning
of the gospel in their lives and context. While learning about God’s guid-
ance and revelation to Buddhist believers through dreams and visions,
I realized that Adventist devotional theology can play a significant role
in the lives of Buddhists because experiential faith lies at the core of the
Buddhist religion. This implies that the God-given gift of communion that
allows for intimacy with the divine leads people into an understanding of
the meaning of the gospel message in their context and opens new gate-
ways for a departure from a karmic understanding of God.

123
Writing this article gave me the privilege and opportunity to contribute

to the conference theme of “Death and Ancestors in a Global Missiologi-
cal Perspective” and to share some insights concerning Thai Buddhists’
cyclical cosmology and its related practices. I would also like to increase
interest in the implications of the Spiritual Life dimension as an integral
part of Adventist mission in the context of Buddhism in Southeast Asia.
There are three main parts of this article. First, I will share some es-
sential research findings from the AFM “Facilitator’s Guide to Introduc-
ing Christianity to Thai Buddhists.” This valuable document reflects the
outcome and application of a three-year missional research project that
was conducted by AFM missionaries in Thailand. The inner logic of my
argument has also been impacted by the theological theory of the Recipro-
cating Self, Victor Frankl’s Search for Meaning, and Charles Kraft’s unique
perspective on worldview. However, most importantly, my personal per-
spective on the theme has been impacted by the missiologist Jon L. Dyb-
dahl, whose writings became an inspiration for my study on the spiritual
life and Adventist devotional theology in mission.
There is a palpable tendency towards a deistic worldview among
Christian believers in Thailand. A deist is characterized by a divided or
feigned relationship with the Holy Spirit. This is most likely the result of
a neglect of spiritual life practices. Unfortunately, this dysfunctional con-
nection with the divine-relational source of spiritual intimacy leaves Ad-
ventist mission ill equipped for making adequate responses to the cyclical
worldview of Thai Buddhists. In the cyclical worldview of reincarnation
beliefs and ancestral worship practices, a majority of Buddhist believers
hold on to ancestor worship because it comforts them with relational root-
edness. The fundamental concept of karma, the fixed connection between
blessings and good deeds, and the flat karmic understanding of de-per-
sonalized gods does not leave any room or familiarity with the scheme of
a relational God. This naturally implies that Thai Buddhists are discon-
nected from the intention of the gospel, to bring people into covenant rela-
tionships with God and human beings. Therefore, the question this paper
seeks to answer is, “How does a Buddhist believer come to understand
Christ within the Buddhist circular cosmology of the cycles of birth and
rebirths through the law of karma?
In the first part, I will describe the nature and essence of a deistic
worldview and how it leads to neglecting the spiritual life. It will also
illustrate how deistic ignorance of the supernatural keeps Christian mis-
sionaries from communicating the gospel through experiential faith. Ex-
periential faith is anchored in Christian spiritual life practices such as
Christian meditation and contemplation on Jesus and his Word. The brief
analysis of a deistic worldview is essential because it highlights that the
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biblical understanding of death, ancestors, and afterlife will only appear

meaningful to Buddhist believers when a correct biblical understanding
of these themes becomes an integral part of their experiential faith prac-
tice. Therefore, the first section stresses that the philosophical underpin-
nings of missiological research need to be rooted in an Adventist theology
of devotion, so that new missiological findings can dynamically re-inform
our devotional theology.
The second part of the article describes a simple and yet profound path
of recovery from Christian dysfunctional connections with God and pro-
motes the restoration of a Christian theistic worldview. In the light of the
Buddhist understanding and practice of merit making in the context of
filial obligation, the Why and How of a relationship with God in mission
with Thai Buddhists will be emphasized. I will suggest that Adventist in-
teractions and sharing of the biblical narrative with Buddhists in Thailand
must be thoroughly embedded into spiritual life practices, since this is the
core realm of Buddhist faith. Giving a high priority to the devotional life
emphasizes reciprocity with God and is embedded in the theology of the
Reciprocating Self: to live up to one’s original telos (meaning), which is to
experience spiritual intimacy in Christ and to translate this into human
relationships.
The third part of the article elaborates on devotional theology as the
core of Adventist missiology. The underlying concepts of Buddhist medi-
tation with their search for “mindfulness” will be compared and contrast-
ed with the thrust of Christian meditation. Finally, I will suggest a few
applications concerning Christian meditation, which is the most critical
component in Adventist interactions with Thai Buddhists. The thesis of
this article says, Adventist devotional theology in the missional encounter with
Buddhists and their karmic understanding of God is crucial because its emphasis
on communion with God allows the Holy Spirit to directly incarnate the meaning
of the gospel through a relational, divine encounter.
Deistic Worldview: Spiritual and Missional

Consequences and Implications
The emphasis on some essential criteria of a deistic worldview in com-

parison with a holistic, theistic worldview does not mean that this article
has a primary focus on worldview. However, a clear understanding of cer-
tain worldview tendencies in Western Christianity is indispensable in order
to achieve a breakthrough in communicating the gospel truth in connection
with Buddhist beliefs in the area of ancestors and the afterlife. A brief analy-
sis of a deistic worldview is also mandatory for a deeper understanding of
its relationship with various dimensions of the spiritual life.

125
Traditional Enlightenment Western Worldview: The

Subtle Undermining of Spiritual Life
In his book Hunger, Jon Dybdahl describes how basic worldview issues
have deep implications for the religious life. When Western Christians do
not believe at their deepest worldview level that God is active in everyday
life, the practice of the spiritual life is neglected. Our belief or disbelief in
the activity of God in everyday life determines whether or not we encoun-
ter God in prayer, meditation, and worship. Dybdahl used a six-segment
and three-level diagram for his analysis of religious worldview systems
that was developed by Paul Hiebert. He then applied it to the question of
the spiritual life. Hiebert’s argument was that the rational enlightenment
view of the universe in mainstream Western culture sees the world as a
closed system, consisting of the physical and social sciences and placed in
the bottom level of the diagram (Dybdahl 2015a:107-108).
However, although Western Christians acknowledge the upper divine
level of the worldview chart, they are often challenged to believe in the
middle level of the diagram. This middle level, which includes the realm
of the spiritual life and practices has been more and more excluded by
Western enlightenment; therefore the title, “Excluded Middle.” However,
Dybdahl argues that “ignoring this area seriously hampers the interchange
between top and bottom levels” because “the middle level is the means of
communication between the upper and lower levels” (109). A neglect of
this middle level seriously hinders communion and communication with
God. In other words, “the traditional Enlightenment Western worldview,
with its excluded middle, questions any divine activity in life and subtly
undermines the cruciality and value of the spiritual life” (109).
The deistic worldview is one among several other incomplete religious
worldview systems. When I experienced first-hand how Adventist believ-
ers often define personal demonic encounters in terms of mental illness
or emotional abnormalities, I understood that “many Christians, espe-
cially intellectuals in midlife or older, are really closet deists” (Dybdahl
2015a:110). Deistic Christians are challenged by anything that suggests
God’s direct action in the world. This also includes local narratives of
God-given dreams and visions that communicate a relational God. In the
book Encountering God in Life and Mission, Bruce Bauer wrote in his chapter
“Guidance through God-given Dreams and Visions” the following notion.
In spite of the fact that the Bible lists many dream narratives showing
that God guides and directs through dreams and visions, many
Christians, especially Westerners, are skeptical of people who even
talk about God giving them a dream. It seems that the effects of the
enlightenment, a strong belief in the scientific method, and a denial
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of revealed knowledge from a personal God leave some Western

Christians with a very deistic perspective of God—they believe that
God is there, but He is distant and does not interact with His creation.
(2010:108)
Further Explanations for Developing a Deistic

Worldview: Carnal Christianity
When I first became aware of the possibility that we as Adventists may

have the tendency to live with a deistic worldview, I felt challenged and
wondered why it seems so difficult to identify carnal Christianity? The
evangelical reformed theologian Emil Brunner wrote that the Holy Spirit
“has always more or less been the stepchild of theology” (Haubeil 2018:
loc 131). A. W. Tozer said, “If the Holy Spirit were taken away from our
church today, 95% of what we do would continue and no one would notice
the difference. But if the Holy Spirit had withdrawn from the early church,
then 95% of what they were doing would have stopped and everyone
would have noticed the difference” (Haubeil 2018: loc 643-644). In this
context, the statement of Dwight Nelson rings true: “Our church has to
the point of exhaustion developed admirable forms, plans and programs,
but if we don’t finally admit to our spiritual bankruptcy [lack of the Holy
Spirit], which has overtaken many of us ministers and leaders, then we
will never be able to get out of our Pro-Forma-Christianity” (Haubeil
2018).
The German evangelist Helmut Haubeil provides groundbreaking in-
sights into Christian attitudes towards God, as further described in Steps to
Personal Revival. Haubeil observed that there are only three basic attitudes
towards God: “No relationship—the Bible calls this the natural man. Full,
real relationship—the Bible calls this person spiritual. Divided or feigned
relationship—the Bible describes this as a person of the flesh or carnal”
(Haubeil 2018: loc 442). These three groups are described in 1 Corinthians
2:14-16 and 3:1-4. In summary, the difference between the spiritual and
carnal believer has to do with the Holy Spirit. The spiritual Christian is
filled with the Holy Spirit. The carnal Christian is not or is not sufficiently
filled with the Holy Spirit (Haubeil 2018: loc 634).
However, Haubeil is convinced that most Christians do not conscious-
ly subscribe to a feigned relationship with God. Carnal Christians want to
follow Jesus and please him, but they often fail to realize they are missing
out on a vital relationship with Christ. Jesus is not in the center of their
lives but rather outside or on the sidelines. It seems the price of disciple-
ship is too high and Christians move on to a purely intellectual and cogni-
tive plane in their spiritual lives (John 3:1-10) (Haubeil 2018).

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Deistic Worldview Implications on Missiology

and Missiological Research
In his article “On Epistemology of Missiological Research,” Petr

Cincala insightfully addresses the nature of missiological research and
its relationship with other academic disciplines. He concludes that
“missiology can benefit enormously from a social science approach to
research but may be paralyzed by utilizing social science research as a
whole package” (2017:7). This would be the case when all steps, phases,
and data interpretations are governed by the philosophical principles and
theoretical assumptions of the various social science disciplines.
The contribution of other academic disciplines have considerably
strengthened missiology with its interdisciplinary emphasis on the com-
plexity of contemporary research problems in cross-cultural missions;
however, Cincala underlines the differences between missiological re-
search and research in the social sciences. Differences exist in terms of
expected outcomes, research design, and the interpretation of data. How-
ever, since missiological research is driven by very distinct assumptions
that differ from secular disciplines, I strongly agree with Cincala in the
conviction that “the philosophy and assumptions of missiology also need
to be followed as carefully as social scientists follow the philosophy and
assumptions of their discipline” (2017:3). Therefore, clear distinctions
need to be made between using social science and missiological research
methodologies.
To avoid any distraction from the purpose of missiology, missiological
research findings should serve its original purpose of changing people’s
worldviews and beliefs, views that are in opposition to the philosophical
underpinnings of secular anthropology (5). It is indeed interesting that
cultural anthropologists and sociologists seem to be unfamiliar with mis-
siological issues such as “worldview change, form and meaning, and dy-
namic equivalents” (4-5). From my personal perspective, this uniqueness
of missiological research needs to be fostered in order to impact the Chris-
tian-Buddhist encounter. Further definition of the nature and essence of
missiology’s philosophical assumptions will help create an environment
allowing the spiritual nurture for Buddhist believers, so that they may re-
ceive the opportunity to encounter a loving and personal God and depart
from their karmic understanding of God.
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The Need for Doing a Theology of Devotion in the

Context of Buddhist Experiential Faith
In his article “Doing Theology—Part 1,” Dybdahl says, “context inter-

acts with the gospel (Scripture) in the process of mission, and the result is
theology” (2005:19). It is fascinating that the disciples and Paul did theol-
ogy because they were doing mission. This also implies that the context
of Buddhist believers in Thailand and elsewhere also requires “readjust-
ments in mission” and “new theologies.” Buddhism has a heavy empha-
sis on experience. Whereas the four noble truths address the universal
human experience of pain and suffering, the eight-fold path emphasizes
meditation and spiritual life practices. In his 45 years of preaching the
Dharma, the Buddha declared explicitly concerning only two things: suf-
fering and the cessation of it (Duc 2008:69). In his first sermon in Benares
around 2,500 years ago, the Buddha suggested that the origin of suffering
was craving or false views (2008).
In another sermon, the Buddha “says there is no contending with any-
one in the world for a wise person who is not obsessed by any perceptions.
What is the origin . . . of the number of obsessions and perceptions which
assail a man, if there is nothing to rejoice at, to welcome, to catch hold
of, this is itself an end of a propensity to attachment.” (Duc 2008:70). The
Buddhist solution to end suffering is to stop to obsess or perceive rejoic-
ing. The Dharma, the so-called doctrine of the middle path relates to non-
attachment, neither to be attached to existence, nor to non-existence. Due
to attachment to the one or the other, the world is imprisoned (72). The
negation of wrong views of attachment to anything inclusive of extremes
is the Middle Path. This mental state of “emptiness means no views or no
doctrines, even the Four Noble Truths are ultimately false. The Ultimate
Truth alone is not dependent on anything else; it is ultimately real” (73).
Because the aim of Buddhism is to benefit the emotional and spiritual
welfare of all sentient beings, to decrease suffering and to bring a sense
of inner harmony, devoted Buddhists commit themselves to the practice
of meditation and mindfulness of thought, action and speech, to truly
achieve a sense of internal and external harmony (Duc 2008:82). The Viet-
namese monk Hanh describes the energy of mindfulness as the means to
calm things down, to understand them, and to bring harmony and peace.
Thus, the Buddhist monk and scholar Thich Nhat Hanh connects the relief
of suffering and the creation of understanding and compassion as the fruit
of the Buddhist state of mindfulness (Hanh 1995:354). This theme of Bud-
dhist mindfulness is further developed below.

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What are appropriate theological responses to the religious practice-

based Buddhist faith? I believe it is important to note that traditional Ad-
ventist theology emphasized truth by a doctrinal thrust, using the modes
of logic and rational argument to bring people to Christ through the ac-
ceptance of right beliefs. However, contemporary Adventist theology em-
phasizes truth as a living experience of God’s presence, which involves an
active devotional life (Dybdahl 2006:20). This is vitally important because
Buddhist believers consistently expose their worldview and mindset to
transformative spiritual life practices. In the realm of the Buddhist search
for new levels of consciousness, dogmas, or absolutes are not considered
trustworthy. Therefore, an Adventist theology of devotion is an urgent
need for mission practitioners in Thailand and elsewhere, so that a fruitful
and discerning Christian-Buddhist encounter can be established.
Towards Recovery from Dysfunctional

Connections with God
In this second part, I emphasize the need for recovery from a deis-
tic worldview and the importance of becoming a Christian Theist who is
characterized by the renewal of one’s Christian spirituality. Christian The-
ists believe that “true divine-human interchange” takes place, that God
and the laws of the universe exist, and that God has equipped human
beings with the ability to live environmentally and morally responsible
lives. Dybdahl suggests “the devotional life is the way that contact and
communication with an active God takes place” (2015a: 115).
It is also vital to realize that when God’s divine intervention takes
place, that Christians and Buddhists sense an inner urge and desire for
living devotional lives. In order to experience change from being deistic to
becoming spiritual, Haubeil suggests that the crucial point is that we (as a
rule) daily surrender ourselves to God, including everything we are and
have and that we also daily ask and receive by faith the outpouring of the
Holy Spirit (Haubeil 2018: location 841, Dybdahl 2015:112-115).
First Systematic Guide for Approaching Thai Buddhists
I want to express my gratitude for the Thailand-based AFM research

team members who wrote and finalized the “Adventist Frontier Mission
Facilitator’s Guide to Introducing Christianity to Thai Buddhists” in 2019.
This contextualized Christian discipling program was tailored specifi-
cally for Thai Buddhists (TBs) and Thai Buddhist background believers
(TBbbs). The facilitator guide deals biblically with the fundamental con-
cept of karma with its fixed connection between blessings and good deeds,
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a concept that is central in Thai Buddhism. It should be noted that the

primary purpose of the AFM Facilitator Guide is to lead Thai Buddhists
towards a meaningful experience with Christ and to gain a knowledge of
core Bible teachings (Shipton et al. 2019:2).
According to the Facilitator’s Guide, the goal is to transition TBs from
‘a giving to gain merit approach’ to a Christian worldview of giving in
response to receiving grace (Shipton et al. 2019:3). Since there is a steep,
relational learning curve involved, the Facilitator Guide introduces a shift
from a karmic understanding of God to a historicized, relational under-
standing in later stages (4). In addition to this stage-based approach, I
suggest a spiritual life-based Christian-Buddhist encounter with priority
given to devotional life (Biblical meditation) and a reciprocal relationship
with God being emphasized from the beginning.
The Buddhist Understanding and Practice of Merit Making:

Filial Obligation in Perspective
Thai merit-making practices (tham bun) are an integral part of the Thai
cyclical worldview and should not be seen in isolation from other impor-
tant practices in Theravada Buddhism or general Buddhist practices. Thai
desire to maintain the practice of merit-making in the context of filial obli-
gation in the areas of ancestor worship.
Khun Nilubon, a Thai Buddhist woman, showed me around her fam-
ily home and the garden area with the spirit house dedicated for ancestor
worship. Although her father had passed away some time ago, a strong
connection and intimate bond between her and her father was still pal-
pable. To neglect her ancestors’ and especially her father’s spirit would
mean Khun Nilubon was foregoing her basic family/filial obligations. She
shared with me her longstanding familiarity with Christianity through
her school and college years. She had accumulated considerable knowl-
edge about Jesus and the Bible; however, she could not even imagine the
possibility to stop making merits for her ancestors. Thai merit-making
practices (tham bun) include an element of devoting merit to (utit bunhai)
deceased loved ones. The idea is to send merit to one’s deceased ancestors
so that they can have a better place in the afterlife.
AFM researchers propose that “even though most TBs focus more on
their current life than on what may come after, the idea that a spirit lives
on after death is still a very deep and widely shared conviction in Thai-
land” (AFM 2019:158). They found that “in the Thai Buddhist perspective,
it is possible and common for people to send merit (happiness) they make
to another person through religious rituals. This is particularly done for
people who have died, in order to aid them in their after-life and progress

131
of reincarnation” (139). Since common TBs do not know of any divine be-
ing who is willing and capable to send divine merit, this belief in the spir-
its of the deceased is very difficult to counter. Therefore, Thai Buddhists
face major challenges when they are asked to discontinue merit-making
practices for their deceased ancestors.
The Thai religious rituals of merit making and devoting merit to de-
ceased loved ones is interrelated with Thai filial obligations, which find
their roots in Buddhist teaching in the Sutra and in the Thai cultural
concept of bunkhun (Crawford 2010:82). The notion of bunkhun occupies
a prominent place in Thai interpersonal relationships (82). Crawford de-
scribes “bunkhun [as] a deeply ingrained relationship pattern with ancient
roots in Thai society that is fundamental to understanding interpersonal
relationships in Thailand. A compound word consisting of bun (merit) and
khun (good or virtue), bunkhun can simply be understood as “indebted
goodness” (82).
Buddhist believers often feel strong connections and ties of belong-
ing with deceased ancestors. The Buddhist monk and scholar Thich Nhat
Hanh interacts with his ancestors on a daily basis. This helps him with
feeling rooted (1995:148, 162). He also encourages his students to respect
their blood ancestors and spiritual ancestors. The Buddhist lack of famil-
iarity with relational gods necessitates a strong emphasis on ongoing in-
teractions with ancestors. Since their gods respond to them in a formulaic,
mechanical way based on karmic laws of exchange, ancestral relation-
ships become more important. To further reflect on the important AFM
research findings, it has been concluded “that TBs do not have the readily
available categories in their worldview that would help them understand
the critical component of . . . a relational God” (AFM 2019:113). This lack is
grounded in the experience of divine beings seen as impersonal operators
of . . . “the law of karma that says that a good deed results in merit (happi-
ness), and a bad deed result in de-merit (suffering)” (113).
Search for Meaning: Communicating Christ in the

Context of Buddhist Cosmology of Karma
In a Festschrift honoring Jon Dybdahl, Siroj Sorajjakool wrote a chapter

on “Christ and Karma: Mission in the Land of Theravada Buddhism.” In
the beginning of the chapter, he describes the core of Buddhism as teach-
ing that “to be is to suffer (dukkha).” I am because I suffer. Suffering is
because I perceive and experience transitoriness. The only way out of suf-
fering lies “in the attempt to not be” (2010:374, 376). Discussing Christ and
karma as a part of worldview, the author explains, “there is no forgiveness
in Buddhism.” The Thai expression “Tam dee dai dee. Tam chua dai chua”
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(“you reap what you sow”) is the law of karma. Karma is understood as
the punishment of the will or desire to be, to live, or to have (377-78).
When Christians talk about the love of God, intimate attachment is
communicated. However, in the Buddhist cosmology, “compassion is the
promotion of detachment . . . the ultimate goal to find freedom by be-
ing unattached to people.” Likewise, promoting eternal life through Jesus
Christ is also associated with attachment and desire. Desiring eternal life,
from the perspective of a Buddhist worldview, means to remain captured
within “the cycle of birth and rebirth” (Sorajjakool 2010: 372). In the day-
to-day life of a Thai Buddhist, this religious and cultural reality is reflected
in people’s perceptions of gods: gods are impersonal, only responsive to
karma. Thai Buddhists “see divine beings as aloof responders to karma.
This of course explains why the core biblical motif of covenant, the rela-
tionship between God and [hu]man[s], is an alien idea for Thai Buddhists
(AFM 2019:112).
In his professional work, Sorajjakool discovered the importance of pre-
senting Christ to Buddhists by raising an awareness for a sense of mean-
ing that lies in the coexistence of being and suffering (2010:378). This sense
of meaning arises in people when the presence of existential love becomes
a lived experience for Buddhists. In his book Communicating Jesus’ Way,
Charles Kraft proposed that the gospel message is far more than a verbal
message. It is a “person message.”
“God himself is the message, and we are to respond to a person to

properly attach meaning to that message. At the pure human level,
we do the same thing with messages of love, care, concern, sympathy
and the like—we respond not simply to words but to the person who
does the deed. The ultimate Christian message then, is a person. And
anything that reduces that message to mere words stimulates in the
receptor meanings unworthy of the message. Our message is a mes-
sage of life and only life can properly convey it. Thus, only if that
message is actually conveyed by life can it be properly understood.”
(Sorajjakool 2010:381)
The Will for Meaning: The Basic Striving of People to

Find and Fulfill Meaning and Purpose
This idea that “only if the gospel message is conveyed by life can it
be properly understood” is striking because it re-emphasizes the crucial
importance of experiential faith, which is the realm of spiritual life. The fa-
ther and founder of Existential Analysis, Victor Frankl, wrote extensively
on the will to meaning, the most human phenomenon. Frankl repeatedly
says that people are on a search for ultimate meaning and there must be

133
meaning in all existence and suffering. He suggests, instead of chasing af-

ter happiness directly, people need to develop the will to meaning, which
gives a reason to be happy. As a consequence, happiness follows. To the
extent to which happiness is the objective of motivation, happiness be-
comes the object of attention. However, by doing so, people lose sight of
the reason for happiness, and happiness fades away. In contrast, by expe-
riencing something or encountering someone, meaning can be discovered
(1992:129, 130).
The Theology of the Reciprocating Self
A research team consisting of Jack O. Balswick, Pamela Ebstyne King,

and Kevin S. Reimer brought human development into theological per-
spective and developed a theology of the Reciprocating Self—a Trinitarian
Analogy of Being and Becoming. They point “to Jesus Christ as the per-
fect image of God and recognize that becoming like Christ is God’s inten-
tion for all of humanity” (Balswick et al. 2016: loc 418). This also means
to become particular beings in relationship with the divine and the hu-
man other (2016). The researchers “assert that developmental teleology,
the goal of human development as God intends, is the reciprocating self.
To live according to God’s design is to glorify God as a distinct human
being in communion with God and others in mutually giving and receiv-
ing relationships” (loc 517). Reciprocity is understood as the glue between
uniqueness and unity, a form of relationality that is exhibited among the
three persons of the Trinitarian God.
Testimony of a Thai Buddhist
In the following few paragraphs, I will share a few lines from a tes-
timony I witnessed in 2019. Yui is a 29-year-old Thai woman. She is the
girlfriend of a Christian young man who recently was baptized in the
Seventh-day Adventist Church in Chiangmai, Thailand. Yui received two
visions from God at a time when she tried to understand Christianity. Her
Christian boyfriend tried to explain to her the Bible. Both of them stud-
ied the Bible. However, she basically did not understand anything about
scriptural readings or from what people tried to communicate to her.
All I knew and understood so far in my life came from a Thai perspec-
tive. I grew up in a Buddhist home and surrounded myself only with
friends from a Buddhist background. I grew up in Buddhism all my
life and didn’t know who God was. I even didn’t know the differ-
ence between God and Jesus. One day, I visited the SDA church in
Bangkok. But all people there only spoke English. I didn’t understand
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anything of what had been said or taught. We suddenly were told to

pray. I was in shock! Praying to God? What should I say? How could
I pray? I didn’t have faith; I didn’t believe in God. But I followed the
action of everyone else and just closed my eyes. Then I saw a pic-
ture of a man, he had shoulder-length hair. His eyebrows and his hair
were of the same color—golden brown. His hair was in waves and
his face was bright and shining. He looked at me and smiled. He was
there, holding his arms open wide. He talked to me and said, “Come
to me, be my child. I will save you.” His words touched my heart and
I felt happiness as I had never felt in my life before. Then I wondered,
“Who is He?” He was so kind. I wanted to run to him like a child into
a father’s arms. I cannot even now find words for the happiness I felt.
When I began to cry, the church prayer was over. I opened my eyes
and the picture was gone.”
Before Yui received this vision, the verbal message of the gospel did
not get through to her. She needed a “person message,” God himself. Yui
soon found that her heavenly Father reached out to her. During her testi-
mony, Yui said over and over again, “And I knew that the vision was true
and real.” “I felt the love that he gave to me, and I need to say that this
kind of love is much stronger than the love I shared with my parents. That
was the time when I began to believe in Jesus and in God. God worked on
my heart. He changed me. Before that happened, I couldn’t imagine that
someone could change what I had believed since I was born. But He did
change me! I want to thank him a dozen of times! I want to thank Him for
coming into my life. Happiness came to me because I now love God. I am
so grateful for knowing him, my God. My faith grew so much stronger
and I have no doubts anymore. This experience gives me the strong desire
for learning more about God and to study about God in the Bible.”
Yui’s testimony is revealing. When God himself becomes the message,
people definitely do respond to a person by properly attaching meaning
to that message. This sense of meaning arises in people when the pres-
ence of existential love becomes a lived experience for Buddhists. When
the gospel message is conveyed by life, it can be properly understood.
Experiencing something or encountering someone, allows meaning to be
discovered. In order to help Buddhist believers come to understand Christ
within the Buddhist circular cosmology of the cycle of births and rebirths
through the law of karma, it is crucial to acknowledge that anything that
reduces that message to mere words stimulates in the receptor meanings
unworthy of the message. Through her personal encounter with God, Yui
became able to live in communion with God and to taste and enjoy the ex-
perience of mutual reciprocity with God and other human relationships.

135
The Thrust of Adventist Devotional

Theology in Missiology
“The Savior desires [nothing] so much as agents who will represent to

the world His Spirit and His character” and give a “manifestation through
humanity of the Savior’s love” (White 1911:600).
In his book Hunger, Dybdahl suggests that many Christians feel hun-
ger for God because their primarily cognitive and intellectual definition
of religion “cuts them off from the source of spiritual life” (2015a:4). The
discipline of theology traditionally included devotional theology as one
important pillar among three major branches. However, the contempo-
rary exclusive focus on doctrinal theology not only betrays believers’ need
for spiritual growth but also marks itself as insufficient in its missional
response to other more spiritual practice-oriented world religions.
In an unpublished paper, “Encounter with God: Steps toward an Ad-
ventist Devotional Theology,” Dybdahl expressed his concerns about the
neglect of devotional theology. Notice a few key thoughts from his paper.
(The reader should take note that the content of this paper comes from the
Ellen G. White archives and probably dates back to the 1980s or early 90s.)
Too often Adventist identity has merely been defined by its dogmatic,
moral, biblical, historical, and pastoral disciplines. All of these disciplines
are important; however, the neglect of spirituality bears widespread im-
plications for the church and world missions.
Meanwhile, there is a deep-seated unease with abstract theology be-
cause religious experience is also a necessary part of religion. Devotional
theology explores the dynamics of how one actually encounters or relates
to God. Instead of falling victim to a kind of Adventist Scholasticism, we
need “to do truth” rather than “speaking truth.” We need to find ways
to teach Christian ways of touching the divine. And devotional theology
must be clearly related to the central themes in Seventh-day Adventist
theology, so that experience testing takes place along with doctrinal test-
ing in evaluating faith (Dybdahl Unpublished:5).
When I recently searched for writings on meditation and contempla-
tion in my online Ellen G. White library, I received 1,713 references on
meditation and 1,557 on contemplation. It simply is an inspiring and hum-
bling realization that Ellen White’s “biggest contribution is her writing
and teaching on the spiritual life. Her writings breathe an atmosphere of
deep personal communion with God and open the path to an intimate
experiential relationship with Jesus” (Dybdahl 2015b:22).
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The Spiritual Life Practice of Biblical Meditation:

Communion with a Relational God
Christian Meditation can be defined as “a particular way of receiving

the revealed and dynamic Word of God into the heart from the mind so
as to direct the will in the way of God’s guidance. It is related to, but not
identical with, intellectual Bible study and prayer” (Dybdahl 2015a:56).
John Piper states, “Mission is not the ultimate goal of the church. Worship
is. Missions exist because worship doesn’t. Worship is ultimate, not
mission, because God is ultimate, not people. When this age is over, and
the countless millions of the redeemed fall on their faces before the throne
of God, mission will be no more. It is a temporary necessity, but worship
will abide forever. Worship, therefore, is the fuel and goal in mission”
(Dybdahl 2015a:14).
The emphasis of meditation as described in the Bible is the focus of
the mind and heart on God’s law, Word, character, and action (Dybdahl
2015a:53; Griswold 2010:356). The longing and thirst of the soul for com-
munion with God is expressed in many Psalms. Scott Griswold beautifully
describes meditation as the devotional practice of pondering the words of
a verse or verses of Scripture with a receptive heart. Through meditating,
we allow the Holy Spirit to take the written Word and apply it as the living
Word into our inner being. As divine truth is imparted to us, it inevitably
brings forth a response to God (2010:359).
In comparison and contrast, Buddhist meditation aims for the ultimate
enlightenment and escape from suffering and the cycle of reincarnation.
In the Zen tradition, mindfulness (sati) seeks to avoid getting stuck in no-
tions and seeks to transcend words and concepts to enable an encounter
with reality (Hanh 1995:14). The Buddhist term samatha means stopping,
calming, concentrating, and the term vipasyana means insight, or looking
deeply. “Looking deeply” means observing something or someone with
so much concentration that the distinction between the observer and ob-
served disappears (40). Thich Nhat Hanh, a renowned Vietnamese Bud-
dhist monk and scholar even compares mindfulness with the Holy Spirit.
He says that both, [mindfulness and the Holy Spirit] are agents of healing.
“When you have mindfulness, you have love and understanding, you see
more deeply, and you can heal the wounds in your own mind” (45). Hanh
feels “that all of us also [like the Holy Spirit who descended on Jesus] have
the seed of the Holy Spirit in us, the capacity of healing, transforming, and
loving. When we touch that seed, we are able to touch God the Father and
God the Son” (45).

137
These last two quotes from Thich Nhat Hanh are very insightful. First,
these words communicate the attempt to get in touch with “divine, im-
personal, cosmic consciousness inside of oneself.” A relational, personal
God remains unknown. Discussions about concepts of God are perceived
as a waste of energy. Only the practice of mindfulness and concentration
is perceived as getting in touch with a living reality. Second, these words
also illuminate the fact that Buddhist believers feel very unfamiliar with
the Holy Spirit (phrawinyaan borisut) “and may conjure up the idea of a
deceased person’s ghost (phii). This is not only biblically incorrect; it also
does not necessarily present the Holy Spirit as an attractive Person to
put one’s trust in” (AFM 2019:68). In contrast to the Buddhist approach
to meditation and mindfulness, “Christian meditation seeks communion
with a personal God who enters and fills us at our invitation. It begins
with thoughts about His Presence, Word, and works, but does not end
there. While Eastern meditation searches for the true self, Christian medi-
tation seeks the true God’s infilling and the transformation that His pres-
ence brings” (Dybdahl 2015a:58).
Practical Applications of Meditation/Contemplation Practices
It is my sincere desire and commitment to grow in my devotional and

spiritual life practices, so that I can reach out to practitioners of Eastern
meditation more effectively in order to invite them to experience true
Christian meditation. I am also convinced that meditation is a biblical
teaching and that God desires us to understand and apply his Word and
will at a deeper level. Only when we become joyful practitioners of bibli-
cal meditation and contemplation (including many other spiritual disci-
plines) will we be able to reflect authentic experiential faith to Buddhist
believers. As Griswold already pointed out, “biblical meditation, in the
hands of the Holy Spirit, can powerfully impact the character of the Chris-
tian witness, transforming his or her ways of interacting. Buddhists will
be more attracted to the Christian whose life reflects the morality of the
law and the purity of God’s character. Truth spoken will be much more
credible coming from a life that exemplifies the same (2010:365).
Earlier sections of the paper pointed out that Buddhist believers come
from a cyclical karmic worldview that is unfamiliar with a personal, re-
lational God. However, knowing that God created and intends every hu-
man being to become a reciprocating self with God and other humans, I
see the major thrust in doing biblical meditation and contemplation with
Buddhist believers as a discovery of a God who actively longs to be expe-
rienced. Meditation practices should involve reading Scripture, memoriz-
ing Scripture, followed by meditation on the text. This sequence creates
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space and opportunity for the Holy Spirit to communicate meaning into
the message of the text. Buddhist participants and Christians who facili-
tate meditation sessions with Buddhists receive the opportunity to grow
in their desire for God while resting in God’s presence.
Christian meditation in partnership with Buddhist believers is a jour-
ney of experiencing what being and becoming relational means. In the set-
up of a spiritual environment for meditation practice, we can anticipate
and be assured that the Word becomes a real person to be experienced.
Authenticity comes in because both, the Christian and the Buddhist, are
learners. It is not only the person who needs to get acquainted with Chris-
tianity. Divine reciprocity is possible and holistic learning with mind and
heart takes place. When the Buddhist believer becomes more familiar with
meditation procedures, a variety of inspiring types of biblical mediation—
for example silence or verbal expression of God’s Word—can be intro-
duced. This also includes re-living or re-experiencing the presence and life
of Jesus through meditation.
Another powerful aspect of utilizing meditation practice in the Christian-
Buddhist encounter is the use of words to speak intimacy: to pray Abba,
Father, speaks volumes to what Jesus tells us about God and the familial
core of the Christian faith. God is Mother as well as Father in Christian
theology (Matt 23:37; Luke 13:34). We all are children of a divine heavenly
Parent who wraps up in one being the caring elements of both human
parents (Dybdahl 2015:41). The loving and intimate care of a relational
God can breathe attachment into the lives of Buddhist believers who
have often searched for ongoing bonding with deceased ancestors. When
merit-making practices for deceased ancestors are discontinued, cultur-
ally acceptable practices for honoring and remembering ancestors can be
put into practice. However, this is another topic, worthwhile for further
research and reflection.
Summary and Conclusion
The thesis of this paper suggested that Adventist devotional theology

in a missional encounter with Buddhists and their karmic understanding
of God is crucial because its emphasis on communion with God allows
the Holy Spirit to directly incarnate the meaning of the gospel through a
relational, divine encounter.
Throughout the first part, I elaborated on how a deistic worldview
is intrinsically prone to neglect the spiritual life, which severely limits a
person’s ability to communicate the gospel message. The neglect of one’s
spiritual life is illustrated in Helmut Haubeil’s framework of “Carnal
Christianity.” Missionaries are hindered in communicating the gospel by

139
the means of an experiential faith when they themselves subconsciously

fall victim to being carnal Christians, which means to miss out on new
infillings of the Holy Spirit in their daily Christian walk. It was suggested
that missiological research may easily lose its unique thrust when it is
conducted in sole dependency on the philosophical underpinnings of the
social sciences. Thus, the integration of an Adventist theology of devotion
with other branches of existing theologies may contribute to a more effec-
tive communicating of the gospel message.
Part two of the paper emphasized the need for a worldview recov-
ery and a renewed Christian spirituality. I proposed that the occurrence
of God’s divine interventions is the strongest motivation factor for living
devotional lives. Therefore, I proposed a spiritual life-based Buddhist-
Christian encounter with an immediate emphasis on a reciprocal relation-
ship with God. That section further explained the law of Karma, which is
a punishment of the will or desire to be, to live, or to have. That view sees
the biblical motif of a covenant attachment to Christ as a sin. Therefore,
the importance of a new understanding of “reciprocity” and an awareness
for “meaning” needs to be encouraged. The section concludes with the
notion that a personalized gospel message provokes a person’s desire to
attach meaning to that message.
Finally, part three summarizes the thrust of Adventist Devotional The-
ology in missiology. Devotional theology explores the dynamics of how
one actually encounters or relates to God. Adventist Theology of Devo-
tion means “to do truth” rather than “speaking truth.” However, it re-
mains vitally important for Devotional Theology to become clearly related
to the central themes in Seventh-day Adventist theology. An interesting
phenomenon that can be anticipated is that Devotional Theology will not
do away with important doctrinal Adventist truth. On the contrary, it will
strongly emphasize all truth, and inspire a new commitment and love for
doctrinal truth in all believers. In an authentic set-up of a spiritual envi-
ronment for mediation practice, the Word becomes a real person and au-
thentic Christianity can be understood. When God’s intimacy is breathed
into Buddhists’ lives, new pathways will open up for finding new ways to
express respect and honor for ancestors.
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 146
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140
Works Cited
Adventist Frontier Mission. 2019. Facilitator’s Guide to Introducing Christianity to

Thai Buddhists. Unpublished paper.
Balswick, Jack O., Pamela Ebstyne King, and Kevin S. Reimer. 2016. The Reciprocat-
ing Self: Human Development in Theological Perspective. Downers Grove, IL:
InterVarsity Press.
Bauer, Bruce L. 2010. Guidance through God-Given Dreams and Visions. In En-
countering God in Life and Mission, edited by Rudi Maier, 100-110. Berrien
Springs, MI: Department of World Mission, Andrews University.
Cincala, Peter. 2017. On Epistemology of Missiological Research. Journal of Adven-
tist Mission Studies 13, no. 2:1-8.
Crawford, Christa Foster. 2010. Duty, Obligation and Prostitution: How Family
Matters in Entry into and Exit from Prostitution in Thailand. In Family and
Faith in Asia: The Missional Impact of Social Networks, edited by Paul H. De
Neui, 77-99. Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library.
Duc, Thich Tam. 2008. Buddhist Solutions. Hanoi: Vietnam Buddhist Research In-
stitute.
Dybdahl, Jon L. n.d. Encounter with God: Steps toward an Adventist Devotional Theol-
ogy. Unpublished paper.
________. 2005. Doing Theology in Mission—Part 1. Ministry: International Journal
for Pastors 77, no. 11 (November): 19-22.
________. 2006. Doing Theology in Mission—Part 2. Ministry: International Journal
for Pastors 79, no. 1 (January): 19-23.
________. 2015a. Hunger: Satisfying the Longing of Your Soul. Gonzalez, FL: Energion
Publications.
________. 2015b. Spirituality: Biblical and non-Biblical—Part 2 of 2. Ministry: Inter-
national Journal for Pastors 87, no 12 (December): 20-23.
Frankl, Victor E. 1992. Man’s Search for Meaning. Boston, MA: Beacon Press.
Griswold, Scott. 2010. Comparison of Biblical and Buddhist Meditation with Re-
flections on Mission. In Encountering God in Life and Mission, edited by
Rudi Maier, 356-370. Berrien Springs, MI: Department of World Mission
Andrews University.
Hanh, Thich Nhat. 1995. Living Buddha, Living Christ. New York: Penguin Group
Inc.
Haubeil, Helmut. 2018. Steps to Personal Revival: Being Filled with the Holy Spirit.
Wien, Austria: Top Life Wegweiser-Verlag GmbH, Austrian Publishing
House.
Kraft, Charles H. 2008. Worldview for Christian Witness. Pasadena, CA: William
Carey Library.
Shipton, Warren, Jared Wright, Tonya Wright, and Nilubon Srisai. 2019. Reach-
ing Thai Buddhists and those with a Background in Thai Buddhist Beliefs.
Journal of Adventist Mission Studies, 14, no. 2:66-73.

141
Sorajjakool, Siroj. 2010. Comparison of Biblical and Buddhist Meditation with

Reflections on Mission. In Encountering God in Life and Mission, edited by
Rudi Maier, 371-382. Berrien Springs, MI: Department of World Mission
Andrews University.
White, Ellen G. 1911. Acts of the Apostles. Mountain View, CA: Pacific Press.
________. 1942. The Ministry of Healing. Mountain View, CA: Pacific Press.
Regine Rimarzik lives in Chiangmai, Thailand, where she

currently works as a free-lance consultant with an emphasis
on preventive health and human development. With an MA in
Global Leadership (Fuller Theological Seminary) and 18 years of
intercultural and Tentmaker missional experience in Southeast
Asia, Regine serves with a passion for spiritual life practice and
researches best practice in Buddhist ministry.
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 148
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CHANCHAL GAYEN
Facing Missiological Challenges by

Understanding Hinduism’s
Approach to Ancestors
The Seventh-day Adventist Church’s doctrine regarding the state of the

dead denies the continuation of the deceased’s soul or spirit in any form.
The doctrine describes death as an unconscious state until the day of
the resurrection. Many Hindus teach that the soul endures after physi-
cal death; therefore, special attention is given to one’s departed ancestors.
The Hindu teaching concerning ancestors is complex and is closely associ-
ated with many other teachings. To develop a comprehensive picture of
the status of an ancestor and the relationship between ancestors and the
living it is necessary to look at a few other Hindu teachings. The belief in
ancestors compliments Advaita philosophy and supports a fundamental
Hindu social structure and identity-development process. Advaita is the
philosophical teaching of non-duality of the Supreme Realty found in the
Upanishads, one segment of the Vedas.
This study is divided into five sections. The first section describes Hin-
dus from socio-legal and scriptural perspectives, in order to explain the
connection between a family and their ancestors. The second section ex-
amines death, the continuation of the soul after death, and describes the
elevation of an individual from a living being to an ancestor. The third
part of the study explores the rites and rituals performed for the dead in
order to explain the connection between the ancestors and the living. The
fourth section reports on a pilot study done among a few practicing Indian
Hindus to better understand their view of death and ancestors. Finally, the
last section discusses the missiological challenges related to Hindu teach-
ings on ancestors.

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Hindu Identity: Social and Legal
Hindus develop their ancestry through family lines. The simplest def-
inition of ancestors, according to Hinduism, are the members from the
family line who are no more and by extension all those who have de-
parted. The family line should match the identity of an individual through
his/her same caste and gotra. It is only Hindus who carry the caste and
gotra identity. The discussion in this section is to establish the identity of a
Hindu from a socio-legal perspective and then move on to a discussion on
caste and gotra to establish the link between the three to help understand
the connection between the living and the ancestors.
Who is a Hindu? It is very difficult to define Hinduism or a Hindu
because the scriptures of the faith itself do not provide a definition. The
word Hindu has geographical and social connotations. The name was at-
tributed by foreigners around the 7th-8th century AD to the people who
lived across the River Sindh, which is currently in Pakistan. Since the
foreigners could not pronounce Sindh, they replaced the S with H, and
it became Hind. The land slowly became known as Hindustan, and the
people of the land were called Hindus (Nirvedananda 2011). Prior to this,
the indigenous faith did not carry any specific name. Looking back, schol-
ars identify this faith as the Vedic Arya Brahminical religion (Sunder Raj
1998). Currently, Sanatan Dharma refers to the indigenous faith which ex-
isted before the foreign invasion and continues to the present day. To most
Hindus, Sanatan Dharma and Hinduism are synonymous. Any individual
contributing to Sanantan Dharma is a Hindu.
Under Great Britain’s rule of India, it became necessary to identify the
population of India (Hindustan) based on their faith. The Census Com-
mission of 1910 identified Vedic Arya Dharma followers with the follow-
ing characteristics (Sunder Raj 1998):
1. Accept the supremacy of the Brahmins

2. Receive mantras from a Brahmin or another recognized Hindu guru
3. Accept the authorities of the Vedas
4. Worship Hindu gods
5. Are served by good Brahmins as family priests
6. Have access to the interior of the Hindu temple
7. Do not cause pollution by touch
8. Cremate their dead
9. Do not eat beef
Justice Venkatachala,1 in his 1986 verdict on the petition of Bramachari

Sidheswar Shai & others verses State of West Bengal in the Supreme Court
of India, identified the following as salient features of Hinduism:
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1. Acceptance of the Vedas with reverence as the highest authority in

religious and philosophic matters and acceptance with reverence of
Vedas by Hindu thinkers and philosophers as the sole foundation of
Hindu philosophy.
2. Maintain a spirit of tolerance and willingness to understand and ap-
preciate the opponent’s point of view based on the realization that
truth was many-sided.
3. Acceptance of great world rhythm, vast periods of creation, mainte-
nance, and dissolution that follow each other in endless succession,
by all six systems of Hindu philosophy.
4. Acceptance by all systems of Hindu philosophy the belief in rebirth
and pre-existence.
5. Recognition of the fact that the means or ways to salvation are many.
6. Realization of the truth that the gods to be worshipped may be many,
yet there are Hindus who do not believe in the worshipping of idols.
7. Unlike other religions or religious creeds, the Hindu religion is not
tied-down to any definite set of philosophic concepts or beliefs.
The constitution of India does not define the term Hindu. However,
Hindu Personal Laws identify2 the following categories of people as Hin-
dus: (1) any person who is not a Muslim, Christian, Parsi, or Jew unless
it is proved that the person does not participate in Hindu customs, rites,
and rituals; (2) any person who is a Buddhist, Sikh, or Jain; and (3) any
person belonging to any form of Hinduism such as Brahmo, Prarthana,
Arya Samaj, Virashiva, or Lingaya, etc.
Schedule castes and Schedule tribes3 are not included in the list of Hin-
dus unless the Central Government of India officially states that a specific
tribe among the schedule tribes is Hindu.4
The religio-socio-political identity of Hindus is very wide-ranging.
Hinduism “embraces an eclectic range of doctrines and practices, from
pantheism to agnosticism and from faith in reincarnation to belief in the
caste system. But none of these constitutes an obligatory credo for a Hin-
du” (Tharoor 2018:4). Therefore, people with very different faith practices
and ideologies identify as Hindus. Even though different Hindu groups
vary in their faith practices they all contribute in practicing caste and gotra
identity and belong to a cast and gotra inherited from the ancestors.
While the Hindu scriptures do not define a Hindu, they provide some
guidelines. There are two important identities that a Hindu maintains
throughout his or her life—caste (jati) and gotra. These two identities are
important during religious occasions as well as for social identification.
Following are two pivotal texts that led to the development of the caste
system among Hindus. In the creation chapter of the Rig-Veda, it says,

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“When they divided Purus how many portions did they make? What
do they call his mouth, his arms? What do they call his thighs and feet?
The Brahman was his mouth, of both his arms was the Rajanya made. His
thighs became the Vaisya, from his feet the Sudra was produced” (Rig-Veda
10:90:11-12).5
Four different groups of people are mentioned: Brahmana, Rajanya
(Kshatriyas), Vaishya, and Sudra. Though the duties of these groups are not
mentioned in this text, over time Brahmanas were identified as priests, Ra-
janya as kings/warriors, Vaishya as traders/businesspersons, and Sudra as
farmers and other tradespersons. In the Bhagavad Gita, Sri Krishna encour-
aged Arjuna to do his caste duty as a king because Arjuna belonged to the
Rajanya caste. In his discourse, Krishna told Arjuna, “The four orders of
society are created by Me, classifying them according to gunas predomi-
nant in each and apportioning corresponding duties to them; though the
originator of this creation, Know Me, the Immortal Lord, to be a non-do-
er” (Bhagavad Gita 4:13).
These texts have been interpreted as categorizing society according
to divisions of labor. In a family of four brothers, four different castes
should exist. However, this is not the reality. The caste system became
a social structure in which all Hindus are born into an inherited caste.
Kuruvachira (n.d.) points out that because the Rig-Veda describes the or-
igin of the four castes, it was taken as a divine command and became
the foundation of Hindu society. “A strong caste identity could provide
feelings of belongingness and self-esteem, thereby relying on some caste
norms. Particularly, it is known that high caste individuals see caste iden-
tity as a more stable construct wherein this identity is inherited at birth”
(Sankaran, Sekerdej, and von Hecker 2017: para. 4). Caste identity cannot
be adopted or conferred on anyone. Therefore, “caste identity is one of
the most salient identities in the Indian context. That is with whom your
future and the future of your children and grand-children are bound”
(Hoefer 2001:230). Tharoor comments along the same lines stating, “India
is a land of multiple identities, and one of the key identities, inescapably,
is caste” (2018:76).
Along with caste, gotra is also an identity marker that is decided at
birth. According to the Encyclopedia of Hinduism, “A gotra is an exogamous
kinship division within a jati (caste)” (Jones and Ryan 2007:170). The word
“is formed from the two Sanskrit words Gau (meaning Cow) and Trahi
(meaning Shed)” (Gurudev 2011). In ancient times, people of the same
kinship group used to keep their cows in the same place, and thus the
terminology was coined. “This system was started among Brahmins, with
a purpose to classify and identify the families in the community” (Indi-
aDivine.org 2015). Originally, seven sacred saints and one more Rishi were
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known as Gotrakarin, the originators of all Brahminical gotras. Later other

castes also developed their own gotra systems.
The primary purpose of the gotra system is “to prevent marriages with-
in the same Gotra” (Sakshi 2017:1053). This is done “to keep the gotra free
from inherited blemishes and also to broaden the influence of a particu-
lar gotra by wider alliances with other powerful lineages” (Encyclopedia
Britannica, s.v. “Gotra”). Both male and female children of the family are
endowed with the father’s gotra at their birth. Girls belong to the gotra of
their father prior to their marriage. They are adopted into the gotra of their
husbands after marriage. The gotra of a male member of the family never
changes.
Both the caste and the gotra of a Hindu child are inherited and, there-
fore, integral and unchangeable. These two identities connect Hindus
with their ancestors. This relationship binds, for eternity, a Hindu child to
an extended family, living or dead. This chain of connection becomes very
evident when a Hindu goes to worship. Offerings are made to the divine
by mentioning the name of the worshipper and preferably three previous
male ancestors along with caste and gotra identity. If a person converts to
another faith, it is as if they have walked away from two identities—their
families and their ancestors. Furthermore, they have brought disrespect
and shame on their families.
Death
Unlike Christians, Hindus do not view death as a consequence of sin.

According to popular Hindu belief at death Yamaraj visits the individual
and takes the person’s atma (soul) either to hell or heaven, depending upon
the person’s karma. Death signifies the soul’s departure from the body al-
lowing it to make its onward journey. According to Gita 2:18, one of the
popular scriptures of Hinduism says a person’s soul is eternal. A soul does
not die but transmigrate from one body to another until it achieves salva-
tion. Death involves only the body.
According to Hindus, a living being has two components, the
perishable and imperishable. Hinduism has identified these two identities
as body and soul. The soul is the true eternally existing imperishable
entity, whereas the body is simply a perishable vehicle. In the battlefield
of Kurukshetra Arjun refused to fight against the Kauravas because he
would have to kill his friends, relatives, and teachers. At that time, Sri
Krishna, the incarnated eternal Brahman (Gita 10:12, 13). In chapter 11
Krishna had shown his cosmic form to Arjuna as eternal, gave a discourse
to Arjun explaining that Arjun would destroy only the body, which is a
temporary dwelling place for the eternal soul. He said, “But know that

147
by whom this entire body is pervaded, is indestructible. No one is able

to cause the destruction of the imperishable soul. The embodied soul is
eternal in existence, indestructible and infinite, only the material body is
factually perishable, therefore, fight O Arjuna” (Bhagavad Gita 2:17-18).
Sri Krishna continued by clarifying that the eternal soul cannot be de-
stroyed by any means: “Anyone who thinks that the soul is a slayer and
anyone who thinks that the soul is slain both of them are ignorant, the soul
never slays nor is slain. The soul never takes birth and never dies at any
time nor does it come into being again when the body is created. The soul is
birthless, eternal, imperishable and timeless and is never destroyed when
the body is destroyed” (Bhagavad Gita 2:19-20). Sri Krishna illustrates this
further, “As a man shedding worn-out garments, takes other new ones,
likewise, the embodied soul, casting off worn-out bodies, enters into oth-
ers that are new. Weapons cannot cut it, nor can fire burn it; water cannot
wet it, nor can wind dry it” (Bhagavad Gita 2:22-23). Therefore, according
to the Bhagavad Gita, death is one of many events in the journey of the
imperishable soul toward the ultimate goal—moksha (salvation). Swami
Sivananda explains this phenomenon by saying, “Death is separation of
the soul from a physical body. Death becomes the starting point of a new
better life. Death does not end your personality and self-consciousness. It
merely opens the door to a higher form of life. Death is only the gateway
to a fuller life” (Sivananda 2015:34).
Death becomes an important event because it opens the door for the
next stage of the soul’s journey. In this process, the soul may spend some
time in heaven or hell, depending upon the accumulated karma, but the
journey continues until moksha (salvation) is attained. At death, the indi-
vidual becomes an ancestor, whose body is subject to decay and whose
soul moves forward. The progeny of the deceased is expected to help the
soul journey successfully. Several rituals are prescribed in Hindu scrip-
tures to help the soul along that journey; however, the details of the rituals
vary according to the context and the divisions/sects of Hinduism, while
the basic structure is more or less the same.
Rituals for the Ancestors
According to Hindu teachings, a person’s primary ancestors are one’s

father, grandfather, and great-grandfather. Next in importance are all oth-
ers in the family who have died, and all from the same gorta and caste.
Ancestors on both the father’s side and mother’s side, as well as unnamed
souls, are included (Ghosh 2002:83).
It is believed that those who die from natural causes become preta,6 and
preferably the son (or in the absence of a son, some other male member of
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the family) should perform the rituals for the preta to have a safe journey
to the next world. The Rig-Veda suggests three primary rituals to perform
after the death of an individual: pitr-yajna, pinda-pitr-yajna, and pinda-dana.
The pitr-yajna is an important moment in the culmination of the cremation
rite. This is when the ancestor receives the first offering. Pinda-pitr-yajna is
the offering made to the ancestors 30 days after death. Brahmins (priests)
play an important role in all these activities since they are considered the
mediators between the household and their ancestors (Sayers 2015).
In current times there are a number of activities identified with the
veneration of ancestors. The first ritual is the preparation of the cremation,
followed by sraddha, annual veneration (Batsarik), pinda-daan (food offered
to the ancestors), and tarpan (a ritual to satisfy the ancestors). Hindu reli-
gious works of literature describe the rituals to be performed during cre-
mation. The body must be washed and laid on a cot. One of the important
steps of preparation is the spreading of an unbleached and uncut sheet
of cloth with its four corners hanging out. This is performed by a son,
brother, close relative, or another person assigned to perform that duty.
The individual must recite, “Give up thy old clothing and dress up in a
new suit” (Ghosh 2002:143). In the past, the body was usually cremated
in an open crematorium, but in many places today, electric crematoriums
are used.
Following the cremation, the period of asauch (period of defilement)
occurs. Usually, the chief mourner and the sons of the family wear seam-
less clothing, go barefoot, do not style their hair, do not clip their nails, sit
on a particular type of mat, and eat a simple vegetarian meal once a day. In
modern times, many of these practices are simplified and are not observed
as meticulously as in the past. These signs of mourning are continually
performed until the next landmark ritual, the sraddha.
The word sraddha originates from Sanskrit and means respect. This rite
is an expression of respect for the deceased. The religious texts guide the
next generation to express their respect by fulfilling the responsibility of
helping the soul continue on the next leg of its journey. “So long as the
mortal elements of the deceased do not turn into a higher body, he wan-
ders day and night in the ethereal form seeking sustenance” (Garuda Puran
3:16). Usually, the sraddha ceremony takes place on the eleventh day after
the cremation, but it may vary according to caste, family tradition, and
extenuating circumstances. The sraddha primarily involves offering food
and other items to the deceased as a form of worship. The most significant
offering is rice balls, which are given to crows. It is believed that the soul
of the deceased comes in the form of a crow. The Sraddha is performed
with the help of a Brahmin (priest). A minimum of three Brahmins must
be invited, along with other friends and family members. Usually, a feast

149
is held. During the religious performances of the sraddha, the chief mourn-
ers, along with other mourners from the family, take a ritualistic bath,
shave their heads, and clip their nails. Once the sraddha is completed, the
mourners return to regular life.
The next form of sraddha is parvana sraddha, a monthly ritual where
food, in the form of rice balls, is offered to the person who recently died.
The third form of sraddha is ekoddista sraddha, which takes place one year
after the death. Once again, rice balls are offered to the deceased. Most
Hindu families do not celebrate any festivals in their homes during this
year. The whole year is considered to be an asauch period. The final sraddha
is sapindakarma sraddha, which is performed any time after the first annual
rite. It is advised that sapindakarma sraddha be performed in a holy place,
if possible. By performing this rite, the son helps the deceased to be el-
evated to the level of the three primary ancestors—the father, grandfather,
and great-grandfather (Sayers 2015). The great-great-grandfather is now
elevated to the pantheon of the anonymous, though not ignored. Among
some Hindu communities, the annual rite needs to be continued until the
last rite, sapindakarma sraddha, is performed. The rituals are also a form of
consolation to the family by assuring them that they have helped the de-
ceased journey to the next world.
The tarpan is another ritual performed in honor of ancestors. The word
tarpan is the combination of two Sanskrit words, tript and on. Tript means
to satisfy, while on is the suffix according to the Sanskrit grammar to pro-
vide the verb form of tript. Therefore, tarpan means to satisfy or appease
the ancestors. This is done primarily with water although other items are
also included in the ritual. The most preferable location for the ritual is on
the bank of the River Ganges. If this is not possible another body of water
may be utilized. It is expected that the person doing tarpan stand in deep
water, up to his or her belly button. In the past these rituals were only
performed by men; however, over time some women have also begun to
perform the rituals, though this is rare. Since this is a rite to be performed
on specific days, according to a Hindu almanac, tarpan is also considered
to be a daily duty. It is to be performed every day while bathing. The grihi
(the man of the family) may use a shortened form of the tarpan chant,
“Father is heaven, father is Dharma, and father is indeed the greatest form
of austerity. When the gratification of this father has been gained, all gods
(automatically) get gratified” (Ghosh 2002:153). The most auspicious tar-
pan is mahalaya tarpan, which announces the closing of Pitar Paksha. Pitar
Paksha is a fifteen-day rite during which the household (grihi) is expected
to make an offering to the ancestors.
Other than these rites and rituals, Hindus remember their ancestors
during almost every major rite, such as marriage, upanayana (sacred thread
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ceremony), and so on. Every time Hindus perform a major rite, they are
asked the names of their caste, gotra, and three ancestors. All these activi-
ties are ways to remember, pay respect, connect, and bind both the living
and the dead.
Reality Check
I have observed that often what is written in Hindu texts and what is
practiced do not always agree. To better understand how Hindus today
interact with their ancestors, I engaged in a dialogue with twenty-three
educated, mostly middle aged, practicing Indian Hindus belonging to
three upper castes. This is just a pilot study and does not represent all
Hindus. I had a few questions in my mind and I asked those questions
in the process of dialogue. Following are the responses received from the
participants.
1. Do you observe the pitar paksha?
All of the participants, except two, observe the pitar paksha. Three of
them do so in a very orthodox way. During the pita paksha they eat a veg-
etarian diet and perform the appropriate rituals. Others believe in it but
perform the rituals only on the last day, the mahalaya tarpan rather than
every day. Mr. Hari7 does not observe the pitar paksha because he does
“not believe in rituals.” Mr. Prakash said, “The soul of the ancestor has
gone either to take another body or has attained moksha. How will I [my]
observing pitar paksha benefit the soul? I do not know. It may even be I.”
By this he wanted to say that the soul which had the body of one of his an-
cestors might have taken his current body. There is no way to substantiate
nor deny the claim. This is his justification for not observing pitar paksha.
2. Did you or will you perform all the sraddhas if there is a death in the
family?
Everybody agreed that they have performed or will perform all the
sraddhas in case of a death in the family. They believe this is a requirement
of their faith and a requirement of their society. They also believe the srad-
dha is required for the soul to achieve peaceful rest. Most importantly, the
mourning period and the the sraddhas are an expression of gratitude to the
departed ancestors. Naresh said, “It is on their foundation we are stand-
ing today. How can we deny them?” All of them agreed that the ancestors
bless their progeny.

151
3. Do you believe in swarga (heaven) and narak (hell)?8
None of the interviewees had a clear idea about heaven or hell. Purva
stated very emphatically, “Heaven and hell, all are here on earth. [The soul
does] not need to go anywhere.” Arun said, “We have heard about it but
never thought seriously about it.” Karuna added, “[They] may exist, but
I am concerned about this life. If this goes well, I am happy.” Some of the
interviewees do not believe in the existence of heaven or hell. Yet most of
them observe the rites and perform the required rituals. This appears to be
a contradiction yet they are comfortable with that. Five of the interviewees
do not believe in the transmigration of souls, and so the issue of the con-
tinuation of the soul to some destination does not matter to them.
4. Do the ancestors become gods, like other gods in heaven, after they
become ancestors?
Most of my interviewees were not sure what to answer for this ques-
tion. They strongly believe that the blessings of the ancestor have power
but are not sure about them becoming gods. They all seek the blessings of
the ancestors and believe that the ancestors, especially their parents, bless
them whether they perform the rituals or not.
As I analyzed the responses of the Hindu interviewees, the following

themes emerged.
A. A sense of attachment: People perform the rituals because they are at-
tached to their ancestors. This attachment develops because of two factors.
First, the participants respect their ancestors and acknowledge their con-
tribution in their lives, and they believe that they can retrieve additional
blessings from them. Second, they have been taught, through examples
and words, to maintain the link with their ancestors through various ritu-
als. The simple reminder of their caste and gotra and through the rituals,
reinforces their connection to the long chain of ancestors.
B. Religious requirements: Hinduism is rich in rites and rituals. Individu-
als may believe or may not believe in a ritual, may understand the activi-
ties of a ritual or may not understand it, yet they perform the action in
faith, believing that the ritual itself will have its effect. Very few refuse to
participate. The efficacy of the rituals cannot be justified logically. In the
same way, participating in a ritual without believing in it cannot be logi-
cally explained. Every individual has her/his own explanation. Some may
say it was the desire of their parent and some may justify it as fulfilling
social requirements.
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C. Social requirements: Hindus generally form tight-knit communities.

Many of their actions are to fulfill a social requirement. All of my partici-
pants agreed that either they have performed or will perform last rites for
their parents. In the process of discussion, it also emerged that they do
this not only because of religious requirements but also because of social
requirements.
D. The expectation of blessings from the ancestors: Blessings from parents is
a common theme in Hindu communities, which was also endorsed by the
participants. They believe it is immaterial whether the ancestors become
gods or not; the ancestors still have the ability to bless.
E. A peaceful coexistence of contradictions: Contradictions are evident in
the answers of the participants, yet they are not disturbed with that. Peo-
ple may not consent to the theory behind a ritual, yet they may perform
the ritual for several reasons. They may not believe in certain teachings
yet continue to claim to be Hindus because Hinduism does not provide a
set of dogma like Christianity or Islam for their adherents to follow. Thus,
Hinduism is an all-encompassing faith.
Missiological Challenges
Issue of Identity
Ancestors play an important role in shaping the identity of Hindus.

They are remembered during major religious events, by name, caste, and
gotra. Remembering ancestors at different family ceremonies is a means of
bonding within an extended family. It is a matter of honor for the family
and is a known fact that in a Hindu community, shame and honor play an
important role.
Usually, when a Hindu accepts Jesus Christ, the individual is disowned
by the family for several reasons. One reason is losing the caste identity,
and therefore the gotra identity as well. If people no longer belong to the
Hindu fold they cannot hold a caste identity. Theoretically speaking, caste
identity is exclusively for Hindus. Some Christians continue to hold their
caste identity after their conversion experience, which is not validated by
the Hindu community. Thus, the new Christian becomes an orphan in the
sight of the community, without any identity to hold on to. The question
is whether or not the church really and truly can provide a new family
identity as the family of God?

153
Grieving Process
The yearlong religious requirements for the peaceful and safe passage
of the deceased soul helps the family through the grieving process. The
last ritual, sapindakarma sraddha, is consoling for the family. They develop
a sense of satisfaction—they have done enough to help the departed soul
on its journey, and thus they are comforted. The yearlong grieving period,
with several rituals, is a process of slow separation of the grieving family
from the departed individual. How does the church help in this separa-
tion process? Some denominations have developed functional substitutes,
like memorial services after ten and/or forty days, with another memorial
service at the end of the first year. Many Seventh-day Adventists also fol-
low the same practices. The church has played a neutral role allowing the
local practices to be continued. The Anglican Church celebrates All Souls’
Day. People visit their ancestors’ gravesites on the anniversary of their
deaths. I once visited the gravesite of a very dear relative. As I stood by the
grave, the wife of the deceased told me, “I know there is nothing in this
grave, but I have my everything in it.” I am not suggesting that we blindly
follow the models used by others, but could the church think of creating
functional substitutes as a coping mechanism for grieving families?
Presentation of the Doctrine
The Seventh-day Adventist Church’s doctrine of the state of the dead

teaches that death is a state of unconscious nothingness. It is a discontinua-
tion of the dead person in any form until the second coming of Jesus Christ.
Hindus believe in the existence of an individual in a different conscious form
after death. The teaching of unconscious nothingness creates a void in the
Hindu mind. Many Hindus possibly could recite the names of their ancestors
from the last six or more generations. It is difficult for them to accept such a
void. Many years ago, a non-Adventist friend asked me, “Why do you teach
the annihilation of the dead?” Hindus look at our doctrine of the state of the
dead in the same way. This is a challenge for the church because if the doc-
trine is not communicated successfully, ancestor veneration will continue to
be practiced by the recent disciples of Jesus Christ from Hindu communities.
It is challenging to remove ancestors from the minds of the Hindu con-
verts. Disrespecting ancestors will also send the wrong signal to the non-
Christian neighborhoods and will act as an obstacle for mission. My life-
long interaction with the Hindu community teaches me the reason behind
remembering ancestors is to hold onto a legacy in which people can take
pride. Ancestors are the reminder of the origin and belongingness of an
individual to one’s family and community. The church needs to address
the issue and provide a Bible-based response for new converts.
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154
Endnotes
1
To read the details of this case, visit https://www.hinduismtoday.com/modules/
smartsection/item.php?itemid=5047.
2
“The Hindu law is one of the most ancient and primitive laws that are still
prevalent in today’s era and also known to the world at large. It is governed by
the Hindu Succession Act of 1956, it is a codified law passed by the Parliament of
India” https://blog.ipleaders.in/hindu-law/.
3
Schedule castes and tribes are those Indians who do not belong to the four
Castes of Hinduism. They are considered as the Avarna (non-caste people) and
considered as untouchables. Currently they are called Dalits.
4
Constitution of India Article 341 and 342
5
Rig-Veda texts are quoted from the translation by Ralph T. H Griffith, http://
www.sanskritweb.net/rigveda/griffith-p.pdf.
6
Typically English translations of this word are ghost, which does not reveal
the true sense of the word. It can simply be described as the soul, which is not yet
released from its earthly bindings.
7
All names are changed to maintain the participant’s anonymity.
8
I asked this question to find how much people know about heaven or hell.
Works Cited
Encyclopedia Britannica, s.v. “Gotra.” Accessed 14 May 2020. https://www.britannica

.com/topic/gotra.
Ghosh, Shyam. 2002. Hindu Concept of Life and Death. New Delhi, India: Munshilal
Manoharlal Publishers.
Gurudev. 2011. “Science of Genetics behind the Hindu Gotra System—The Y Chro-
mosome and the Male Lineage.” HitXP. http://www.hitxp.com/articles/
veda/science-genetics-vedic-hindu-gotra-y-chromosome-male-lineage
-extinction.
Hoefer, Herbert E. 2001. Churchless Christianity. Pasadena, CA: William Carey Li-
brary.
IndiaDivine.org. 2015. “Hindus Gotra System: Scientific Meaning of Gotra in the
Vedas.” https://www.indiadivine.org/hindus-gotra-system-scientific
-meaning-of-gotra-in-vedas.
Jones, Constance A., and James D. Ryan. 2007. Encyclopaedia of Hinduism. s.v. “Go-
tra.” New York, Facts on Files.
Kuruvachira, Jose. n.d. “Religious Justification of Caste System: An Analysis of the
Myth of Creation in Rigveda 10:90.” Academia.edu. Accessed September 9,
2019. https://www.academia.edu/28864588.

155
Nirvedananda, Swami. 2011. Hinduism at a Glance. Kolkata, India: Ramakrishna

Mission Calcutta Students’ Home.
Ramnarine, R. 1999. Some Concepts of Hinduism: An Introduction. London, UK: Dr.
R. Ramnarine.
Sakshi. 2017. “An Implication of Hindu Gotra System in Relation to Genetics.”
International Journal of Applied Ayurved Research 3, no. 5 (November-Decem-
ber): 1053-56.
Sankaran, S., M. Sekerdej, and Ulrich von Hecker. 2017. “The Role of Indian Caste
Identity and Caste Inconsistent Norms on Status Representation.” Fron-
tiers in Psychology 8: 1-14. https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/
fpsyg.2017.00487/full.
Sayers, Matthew R. 2015. “The Sraddha: The Development of Ancestor Worship in
Classical Hinduism.” Religious Compass 9, no. 6 (June): 182-97.
Sivananda, Swami. 2015. What Becomes of the Soul after Death. Uttarakhand, India:
The Divine Life Society.
Sunder Raj, Ebe. 1998. The Confusion Called Conversion. New Delhi, India: TRACI
Publications.
Tharoor, Sashi. 2018. Why I Am a Hindu. New Delhi, India: Aleph Book Company.
Vidyarthi, D. N. 1988. What Every Hindu Must Know. St. Augustine, Trinidad:
Vidyarthi Nivaas.
Chanchal Gayen received a DMin from Andrews University

while teaching at Spicer Adventist University in Pune, India. He
is currently an associate professor of missions at the University
of the Southern Caribbean in Trinidad and the director of the
Caribbean Adventist Institute of Missions.
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 162
Bauer: Editorial
SANTOSH KUMAR AND PETR CINCALA
Faith, Force, and Fear: Factors that

Influence Ancestral Worship
among Hindus
As a young boy in India, I (Santosh) grew up in a traditional Hindu home.

My mother was extremely religious. In fact, she was a public preacher
for the god Shiva.1 We celebrated many festivals in our household; every
week it seemed as if we observed one holiday or another through rituals
and fasting. My mother also fed wild animals and birds in the area, spe-
cifically crows, as she believed that feeding these creatures meant the food
reached our dead ancestors. In some parts of India, clay pots full of freshly
cooked food are hung from trees (mostly outside the village) for the dead
to eat. Many families offer the first cooked meal of the day to the crows,
believing that their ancestors accept the first share of the food (Amarujala
2017). Hinduism was not just a part of everything we did, but it was who
we were.
In spite of my family’s strong connection to Hinduism, I felt as if some-
thing was missing. In Hinduism, one’s association with the gods is not
relational. Rather, it is based on the devotion of a follower to the divine
and provides a systematic way to move a believer towards their goal, thus
improving karma.2 As such, there is a strong focus on good works in Hin-
duism. Additionally, ancestral worship is deeply ingrained in the Hindu
religion. While many Hindus attribute their devotion and the accompany-
ing actions to faith, my personal experience suggests that there are often
other factors at work beneath the surface.
While this was the world in which I grew up, when I was exposed to
Christianity, I found that the Hindu ways were less rewarding than the

157
ways of Jesus. Because of this, in 2007, I was baptized and dedicated my

life to Jesus Christ. However, my conversion to Christianity had unfortu-
nate familial consequences.
Based on my upbringing and experiences with Hinduism and subse-
quent conversion to Christianity, I have identified three factors that high-
ly influence adherents to Hinduism in the practice of ancestral worship:
faith, force, and fear.
Background to Ancestral Worship
Reverence, obedience, and the transmission of traditions/values from

one generation to the next are some of the most profound human respon-
sibilities for families, clans, and tribes. One of the values that is transmit-
ted in many cultures is respect for elders. However, the ways values are
expressed differ based on culture and religion. From a Christian scriptural
perspective, the Bible says, “Honor your father and mother, that your
days may be long upon the land which the LORD your God is giving
you” (Exod 20:12).
Hindu believers abide by a similar principle. The Hindu scriptures,
Padma Purana, state that an ideal Brahmin (that is, someone of good virtue,
but not of the priestly class) shows respect to his parents and observes the
rituals mentioned in Vedas (Padma Purana, 2.1.12). Taittiriya Upanishad 1.11
tells us,
देवपितृकार्याभ्यां न प्रमदितवयं। मातृदेवो भव। पितृदेवो भव। आचार्यदेवो भव। अतिथिदेवो

भव। यान्यनवधानि कर्माणि। तानि सेवितव्यानि। नो इतसाणि यान्यस्माकं सुचरितानि।
तानि त्वयोपास्यानि। नो इतराणि।।
Never swerve from the rites due to the gods, and to the manes [Manes
refers to the ancestors]. Brihadaranyaka Upanishad 1.5.16 mentions “the
world of the Manes” (Pitriloka)]. Let thy mother be to thee a god; let
thy father be a god to thee; a god let thy teacher be unto thee, and (so
also) let thy guest be unto thee a god. Let only those works be done by
thee that are free from blemishes, and not others. Only those deeds of
ours should be followed by thee, that is good, and not others. (Shar-
vananda 1928:42, 43)
According to Hinduism, the absence of such respect brings disgrace

to one’s family, specifically the ancestors. Ancestors are an integral part
of one’s existence (Hertzel 2017:1) and a source of identity. For Hindus,
honor and reverence are always in tandem.
Because of the importance of ancestors, ancestral worship is commonly
practiced in India and exists in many forms (Griffith 2003:50). To understand
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158
who ancestors are, it is crucial to understand the definition of this term

and to whom the term refers. The Merriam-Webster Dictionary defines an
ancestor as “one from whom a person is descended;” this includes one’s
parents, grandparents, or great-grandparents. According to the Rig Veda,
ancestors are considered as semi-divine beings or demigods. While these
beings do not possess the power to punish sinners, as do the gods, the
ancestors are the source of beneficial gifts and have the ability to dole out
curses (Sayers 2013:26).
While ancestors can be both living and dead, it is important to dif-
ferentiate between the two. The ways of the elderly are highly respected,
strictly followed, and taught to the children to carry on tradition. How-
ever, a Hindu family’s regard for their dead ancestors is far superior to
that given to those alive.
The ancestral funeral offering is one of the triad concepts of Hindu-
ism, alongside several others (triad refers to the triple deities of Hindu-
ism). Wendy Doniger states that “triad” represents the number “three”
as both plural and complete and is used as a short form of “lots and lots”
(1981:23). In Hindu thinking, each person is responsible for three debts,
which is considered the dharma (duty) of every person. The triad duties
consist of studying the sages, presenting funeral offerings to the ancestors,
and sacrificing to the gods. When a family member dies, the family per-
forms many rituals to benefit the spirit of the dead, specifically to ensure
that s/he has a better afterlife. This motivates Hindus to practice the ritu-
als and sacrifices mentioned in the Rig Veda.
Discussion about the dead, as well as the worship associated with them,
would not be complete if the concept of death is not clearly understood.
Life and death play a crucial role in almost every culture. Every society,
culture, community, family, and individual places significant attention on
certain events in life: birth, puberty, marriage, and death (Grunlan and
Mayers 1988). Death stands out among the stages, as almost every culture
looks at death as a curse, a loss, or an incident that cannot be postponed or
avoided. Yet not every culture or person reacts to death in the same way
(Aiken 2001:210).
For example, in Rajasthan, located in northern India, it is common to
hire professional weepers to lament with the family when a death occurs.
These mourners are called “Rudaali” and dress in black (color of Yama, the
god of death) (Bains 2017). Sometimes, due to the shock of an untimely
death, a family may struggle to express their grief; the professional weep-
ers help convey the family’s grief to the community. In southern India,
Tamil people dance and set off firecrackers during a funeral procession.
It is believed that the soul must be sent off with happiness as it transi-
tions from the old body to its new status. Regardless of local traditions, the

159
importance of keeping the dead happy does not change, thus a series of
rituals are performed to keep the soul of the deceased at peace. The vari-
ous ritualistic performances in honor of the dead are the essence of dharma
(duty) and remains the crux of ancestral worship.
Ancestral Worship in a Modern Hindu Family
Even in modern culture, ancestors play a central role in a typical Hindu

family. Additionally, most families maintain connections to their ancestors
who are physically dead, believing that the spirit of the ancestor remains
alive, watching over and protecting them. The worship of ancestors in-
volves many rituals and often food offerings. The process of feeding the
departed ancestors is an important religious ceremony in Hindu homes
(Bhattacharyya 1885:31).
However, today’s fast-paced world and continued urbanization have
influenced many within Hindu society to give up some of the practices of
their forefathers (gotra). In Hinduism, gotra is related to the patrilineality
of a family. The purpose of gotra is to keep a family’s lineage unbroken
and avoid incestuous marriages. In Hinduism, gotra plays an essential
role in relation to families. For example, marriages are not allowed within
the same gotra. In addition, every gotra worships a specific god and guru
alongside the mainstream gods and demigods. Even in the absence of
practice, the centrality and identity of a Hindu family are linked to their
ancestors; therefore, the participation of a Hindu family in ancestral wor-
ship is considered essential, even if it is not always practiced.
Many modern Indians no longer live within a joint family (i.e., many
family members, including grandparents [mostly paternal], uncles and
aunts, cousins, etc., all living under one roof). Because of this, family val-
ues, rituals, and customs, including ancestral worship, are often not be-
ing well-taught or passed down from generation to generation. However,
there are families who respect and follow a few general instructions and
guidelines towards their ancestors while not following or conducting all
the rituals as required by tradition.
Methodology
Since Hindu customs are essential for ancestral worship, this study ex-
amined the three driving forces behind those rituals: faith, fear, and force.
Throughout my own Hindu upbringing, I (Santosh) worshipped and
participated in the rituals conducted by my family. However, today as a
Christian, I can clearly see that the practices in and around my family and
society were underscored by these three factors.
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A multi-method study was conducted to learn more about the Hindu

perspective on ancestral worship and the factors behind the conducting
of those rituals. For the first phase, 198 participants (119 males and 79 fe-
males) filled out a survey about their understanding of and participation
in ancestral worship. Participants were between 18-70 years of age. This
phase included Hindu believers from various cities across the country, in-
cluding those who spoke a variety of languages and dialects. As India is a
diverse nation, participants from various regions of the country were able
to add value to the research data collected.
For the second phase of this study, seven participants (four males and
three females) were interviewed to gain an in-depth understanding of
their beliefs and participation in ancestral worship. Participants were be-
tween 18-36 years of age. The intention of selecting people from this spe-
cific age-group was to understand how the younger generation views the
cultural and ritualistic practices of their religion. This does not mean that
elderly participants’ contributions would not have been insightful, but the
age limit of this study to the contemporary world and the new generation
community was intentional.
Using purposive sampling, research questions addressing the role of
the ancestors in an individual family and major factors that influence an-
cestral worship were used (Ray 2012). The primary source of data was
telephone interviews conducted at the participants’ preferred time. The
interviews were conducted in both the Hindi and English, depending on
the comfort of the respondents. Conversations were audio-recorded using
a narrative inquiry method (Clandinin 2006:77-79). The data were then
analyzed to determine themes.
Quantitative Findings
The quantitative data, collected via questionnaires, indicated that over

two-thirds (68.2%) of the respondents believe in Hindu practices. When
the same respondents were asked if they believe in family ritual practices,
a similar number (63.3%) reported that they do. However, when asked if
they believe in the ceremonies related to deceased members of the family,
only three in five (60.6%) reported that they believe in such rituals.
Qualitative Findings
Sharing or following traditions as a member of a family and a commu-

nity is essential as an indication of one’s faith. If a person has faith, then
s/he needs to put that faith into action (Rinehart 2004:3, 102). Though the
expectation of the society for each individual is evident, one must also

161
take note that the changing world is also changing society. Urbanized
communities are populated from the outside but isolated from the inside;
however, there is no intention of giving the impression that the urbanized
community has divorced culture and tradition. To better understand cur-
rent Hindu beliefs, several Hindus were interviewed concerning ancestral
worship, with their responses listed below.
Respondent 1: Krishna
Krishna is married and works with a company in a metropolitan city.

With his wife, children, and younger brother, Krishna left his father’s
home to earn a living in a bigger city. He is from a high caste and takes
pride in his community and its contribution to society, especially in con-
nection with the temple. Krishna indicated that his wife is the one who
mostly practices spiritual exercises, but he does not have much interest
in participating. Krishna is not a religious person himself, but he is sup-
portive of his wife’s performance of rituals or puja. When asked about his
understanding of the departed ancestors, he expressed, “I greatly honor
my father’s ancestors, and I feel a sense of pride in my lineage.”
Krishna acknowledges that the ancestors must be revered as com-
manded by the elders. He also asks them for blessings whenever needed.
However, he also said that performing rituals in honor of the ancestors is
practiced only at his father’s home but not at his house in the city. (When
Krishna lived with his father, he had no right to make decisions on his
own because he was not the head of the family; however, since he moved
to a different place, he is now the head of the family and makes almost all
the decisions by himself. At times, he allows his wife to be involved in the
decision-making.)
Krishna believes that his reverence toward his ancestors is out of pure
faith, and he regrets that he is often unable to perform this duty in a city
far from his home. He states that since he lives in a city, “there is no place
to conduct worship and follow rituals in my building. Everything is fast-
paced, and I work almost every day of the week, sometimes even on Sun-
days. There is absolutely no time, situation, or even the finances to spend
for this occasion. I revere my forefathers with all my heart, and I hope they
will understand my situation.”
Respondent 2: Radha
Radha recently completed her studies and is preparing to study abroad.

Her family maintains fairly modern thoughts, and her parents are open-
minded. Both of her parents work, which makes for a very busy lifestyle.
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Hence, Radha did not spend much time at home since she attended a
boarding school. She does not have a lot of power over decision-making for
the family, but her parents respect her choices and opinions. In response to
the interview questions, she says, “I am not a practicing Hindu. I believe
in god but I don’t have to do all the rituals and observe fasting to show my
respect to god. I visit temples with my parents, especially on my birthday
or when there is something good happening in our house.”
Radha gives to charity but is not actively involved in spiritual pro-
grams or rituals. She says that she knows about ancestral worship but
has never participated in such a ritual. She mentions that her immediate
family hardly associates with the rest of their larger family. Hence, most
occasions or festivals are spent only with her immediate family. Radha
fears the spirits of the departed ancestors and does not desire to encoun-
ter any. Therefore, she is willing to participate in pujas that may require
her to honor her ancestors, if need be. Radha states, “I deeply respect my
forefathers and seek their blessings to help me make the family proud of
my success in life.”
Respondent 3: Gopal
Gopal is a married man who works in a private company in a small

town. He lives with his widowed mother, his wife, and one son. Gopal
lives in his ancestral house, which was built by his grandfather. To sup-
port themselves financially, the family rents out part of their house to ten-
ants. The family requires that the tenants be Hindu.
After his father died, Gopal had to take up the responsibility of the
house, which did not allow him to study beyond high school; thus, he
ended up working for a small company. He says, “I feel my family and
I are cursed by someone, and that is why we have one problem after an-
other.” He feels that the financial predicament and loss of family members
could be because his forefathers are unhappy. He states that his mother
makes sure to take every opportunity to please the ancestors and the gods
are asked to bring back peace and prosperity. However, nothing seems
to be working now. Gopal states, “For the sake of peace in the house and
respect for my mother, I do not oppose any kind of worship at home but I
do not believe in the ancestors’ protection over me. If they were really con-
cerned, they would have helped us and protected us. In my heart, I feel
scared of them.” He is scared to displease any dead spirit, and therefore
does not want to do anything to put the family or himself at risk.

163
Respondent 4: Madan
Madan is a college student who lives with his parents and siblings. His
father is the head of the family and is the primary decision-maker. Reli-
gious practices are common in his house, and a puja is conducted twice
daily, in the morning and evening, at the shrine of the house. Madan men-
tions that although there are spiritual activities in the house, participation
from everyone is not expected. The priest usually visits them for special
worship or rituals where only the parents are involved, specifically his
mother. Madan states, “I do not have sufficient information on my ances-
tors, and my family does not engage in any such worship. We are only
instructed to observe Monday seriously. On that day, we do not wear new
clothes, set marriage dates, or buy things because my grandfather died on
that day.” It is believed that it is auspicious and dangerous to do anything
on Mondays.
To a follow-up question, Madan responds that the sacred days are only
observed for the paternal grandfather. Interestingly, no such days are ob-
served for any departed female. Madan states that the family is always
careful not to use any such days for important programs or events. He
states that he wishes to keep his ancestors happy, but does not believe
in the rituals, such as feeding the ancestors by hanging food in the trees
outside the village or the community. He does not want to get involved
in worshiping the departed beings, stating that he would rather feed the
poor and worship the deities.
Respondent 5: Sita
Sita is a homemaker and supports her husband by raising the children

and taking care of her in-laws.3 Sita comes from a well-to-do, modern fam-
ily. Since she married into a conservative family, she has had to give up
her desire to hold a job. She discontinued her studies and has almost given
up on ever continuing because her in-laws may not allow it. Sita men-
tions that her in-laws are very good people but are not modern in thought.
She has no role in decision-making, not even in the clothes she wears,
and is required to wear a sari (typical Indian attire) throughout the day at
home. She mentions that her husband’s family worships their ancestors,
and there are many days in a month when there are different types of puja
conducted and fasting is often observed.
Sita mentions that although she believes in gods, she has no interest
in worshipping the dead. She states, “I feel frightened to engage in the
worship of departed people. In my husband’s house, there is a small room
that is always locked and dedicated to the first dead son. The belief is that
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the spirit of the son lives in that room, and therefore it is locked and kept
dark.” When feeding the dead, the room is opened by Sita’s mother-in-law
to perform rituals and offer food.
Sita does believe the ancestors are helpful and shared an incident that
happens frequently. “Every time when we leave our terrace dirty, that
night, the dead spirit sweeps the entire terrace, and in the morning, it is all
clean.” She mentions that there are several incidents when the dead spirits
have helped the family in difficult situations.
Sita emphatically states that she will do away with these practices when
she becomes the elder of the house, and she will not teach her children to
observe them. She mentions that respect for the ancestors is essential but
creating an ambiance of fear in the house is not acceptable.
Respondent 6: Devi
Devi married into a Brahmin family and lives with her husband and
two children. Devi is a teacher by profession, and her husband serves
in the government sector. Her parents arranged Devi’s marriage, so she
did not have any choice in the selection of her husband; however, she is
content with her life and focuses on continuing the family and its values
into the next generation. Devi believes that “our ancestors were once hu-
mans, but after death, they joined the gods and now they are among them.
Therefore, worshiping the ancestors is as equal as worshiping any god.”
Devi believes that there is no reason to fear the departed; instead, one
must follow in their footsteps and receive blessings and prosperity. She
mentions that the rituals and practices honoring her ancestors are as cru-
cial as keeping her family alive. She states that “once a family, always a
family,” and even when gone, it is unacceptable to leave the ancestors
hungry or thirsty. “I regularly feed cows and crows on the rooftop so that
the food reaches my departed ancestors and blesses my family.”
Devi strongly believes that the dead are not dead but alive in spirit
and must not be thought of as if they were dead. She intends to earn good
karma, which may benefit her now as well as in the afterlife.
Respondent 7: Madhav
Madhav is a married man and lives with his wife and parents in their
paternal house. Madhav has been married for six years but does not have
children and preferred not to talk about that topic. He is not the head of
the family, but since he is the one who supports his family financially, he
makes all the family decisions.

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In response to ancestral worship, Madhav states that his duty is to-

wards his parents, and he will honestly do that, but he does not want to
be involved in any rituals for the ancestors and does not feed their spirits.
He mentions that since life is short, he must focus on what he can see and
touch. Therefore, spending on the unseen is not his way.
Responding to a question of whether the ancestors could curse him and
his family, with hesitance, Madhav responds, “Yes, that perhaps may be
possible, and that is why I do not have children even after consulting sev-
eral doctors, witch doctors, etc.” He mentions that a priest once told him
about performing a ritual to call upon the dead spirits so that they would
bless him with a child.4 However, he states, “I do not really believe these
priests, they are always interested in making money. I don’t understand
how the dead can give life.” Madhav states that he respects the forefathers
but does not intend to associate in worshipping them in the near future.
Themes: Faith, Force, or Fear
Ancestral worship is a requirement for every pious Hindu. They offer

rituals to keep their ancestors satisfied and living in peace in the other
world (Thirumalai 2002). Therefore, engaging in the rituals is a societal
obligation in which most individuals participate. Reflecting on the stories
above, there appear to be three factors that influence ancestral worship in
a Hindu family: faith, force, and fear.
Faith
Faith is a phenomenon that is both seen and unseen. The act of

worship is a seen experience, and, on the other hand, faith in the divine
is an unseen experience. Faith can be defined over a diverse spectrum,
depending on the context. Similarly, the understanding of the term “faith”
in Hinduism can have numerous interpretations, depending on the
community. It is crucial to understand that Hinduism is a diverse religion
and that theological understandings and interpretations vary from place
to place (Rinehart 2004:64). While it may appear that faith is present
through practice, practice does not require a deep understanding or true
faith. It is the act of devotion that is important, not the meaning. Therefore,
many Hindus follow what they have been instructed to do by their elders
and complete rituals as a responsibility while not internalizing the act as
personal faith (Rinehart 2004:64).
The quantitative data showed that a majority (68.2%) of those sur-
veyed believe in Hindu practices. Over one-fourth (28.6%) of respondents
believe that if the proper rituals are not performed, the ancestors may get
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angry and cause bad things to happen to the family. Those who speak
Hindi reported a higher rate of belief in the anger of the ancestors (32.5%)
than those who speak other languages. Additionally, respondents were
asked if they believe that their ancestors can harm the family if they are
not worshipped; 36.4% of all respondents shared that belief or believed it
might be true. However, among Hindi speakers, 47.4% shared this belief.
Although a mixed understanding of faith and Hindu beliefs can be
seen among the participants, there are common grounds on which almost
all participants agreed, such as in the existence of their ancestors (in spir-
it/demigod form), respect for them, and the blessings or curses that come
from them. It was observed that almost every interviewee expressed their
respect for their ancestors, and a few of them were even willing to do
rituals and puja to please them. As Krishna (respondent 1) said, “I greatly
honor my father’s ancestors, and I feel a sense of pride in my lineage.”
Other respondents expressed that, due to some circumstances, it is not
feasible for them to participate in rituals for the ancestors.
Force
In several interviews, participants indicated that some form of force

pressures them to be involved in ancestral worship. The force to partici-
pate in such worship comes from the desire to advance and prosper in life.
It is also believed that such practices will exorcise negative and evil forces,
thereby protecting the family. The quantitative data showed that 30.5% of
survey respondents reported that they feel forced to follow rituals related
to ancestral worship. It is also believed that doing noble acts towards an-
cestors will add to good karma (Foor 2017:190-192).
Based on participant responses, force can be divided into three cate-
gories: (1) force from family, (2) societal expectations, and (3) force from
spiritual gurus or priests.
It is important to identify that the expectation to participate in ances-
tral worship or rituals begins at home for many, especially within families
where traditional values are upheld. When the number of those who live
in joint homes and were forced to practice rituals was cross tabulated with
those who do not, a much higher number (42.9%) reported being forced to
follow rituals than those who do not live in joint homes (23.3%).
Figure 1. Joint family v. Non-joint family

167
Societal expectations are not seen as a contemptuous force but instead

as a legitimate part of community. In Hinduism, society is as important
as family, and thus society’s expectations cannot be disregarded. Histori-
cally, sati,5 female infanticide, and the caste system have been a part of
the community; fulfilling societal expectations has been a requirement to
remain a part of society. Failure to abide by this could result in excommu-
nication from society. Therefore, a sense of force can be seen among the
communities in India.
This societal force includes participation in ancestral worship. One
third (33.3%) of survey respondents shared that they believe it is shame-
ful for society at large if ancestral rituals are not followed. Another 10.3%
answered that “maybe” such behavior is shameful. Interestingly, a higher
number of males (38.8%) reported that ignoring ancestral rituals is shame-
ful than females (26.0%).
Table 1.
Figure 2. Male vs. Female
The third factor that imposes force towards ancestral worship is the
presence of spiritual gurus or priests. These religious figures influence
both families and societies. Their words are considered more authentic
than the holy scriptures, yet no one verifies their statements. Spiritual gu-
rus direct individuals to be responsible and fulfill their dharma (duty) to-
wards their religion, family, and community, and to improve their karma.
Madhav (respondent 7) said that “the spiritual gurus often connect
their problems with the spirit or the planets (astrology).” He also men-
tioned that the words of the priest is very important and disobeying them
can bring unwanted consequences, especially when they live in a close
community.
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Fear
In many ways, the factors of force and fear overlap, as the pressure of
family, societal pressures, and the presence of gurus ultimately result in
fear. However, there are some additional aspects of fear that drive Hindus
to participate in ancestral worship.
Doniger states that nearly all Hindus think that the dead are to be
feared and avoided (2014:89). The fear of the dead leads to a fear of death;
that is, Hindus fear that the departed ancestors will bring death to them,
personally. Interestingly, the fear about death seems to be centered on a
fear of losing everything behind once dead (Ali 2004:158). Worldliness is
deeply inculcated in the Hindu mindset, leading them to fear their dead
ancestors if religious practices are not fulfilled. The feeling of fear was
seen in nearly every qualitative interview. The fear of the dead tormenting
them or bringing a curse to the family are some of the primary reasons
why Hindus do not intend to upset their ancestors. In fact, over a quarter
(28.6%) of surveyed respondents reported that they believe that if they do
not carry out the proper ancestral rituals, the ancestors will be angry and
will cause bad fortune to befall the family. Several such fear incidences led
people to take extreme steps and become involved in occult activities and
witchcraft to either protect themselves from the dead or to please them.
In Mark 16:15, Jesus tells his disciples, “Go into all the world and
proclaim the gospel to the whole creation.” Christians have been given
the command—and privilege—to share the good news of Jesus with the
world. However, when ministering to those within the Hindu context,
there appears to be many barriers. How can missionaries effectively share
the gospel in this setting, overcoming faith, force, and fear?
Overcoming Fear of the Dead
As seen in the above study, Hindus’ practice of many traditions and

rituals are based on three factors: faith, force, and fear. Yet the Bible
discusses people’s involvement in ancestral worship and provides several
texts rejecting such practices since they are closely linked to idolatry.
Leviticus 20:6 states that God turns away from those who turn to mediums
or spirits.
While presenting Christ to the Hindu community, it is crucial to help
them address their fear of the dead and assure them that in Christ, the
dead do not have any power over them. Since the devil has deceived the

169
minds of people, convincing them that the dead are still alive and con-
tinue to participate in a human’s life (Kraft 2017:83), a biblical approach,
filled with the Holy Spirit, is crucial for setting the people free from their
burdening rituals.
An Intimate Relationship with God
The gods of the Hindus maintain their distance; there is no human-

god relationship. In fact, most of the interactions between humans and the
gods involve fear. However, the One True God, the God of the universe,
craves intimacy with his people. He desires to know them and to, in turn,
be known. This is seen again and again throughout Scripture: “Draw near
to God, and he will draw near to you” (Jas 4:8), “Abide in Me, and I in
you” (John 15:4), “Behold, I stand at the door and knock. If anyone hears
My voice and opens the door, I will come in to him and eat with him, and
he with Me” (Rev 3:20).
While this concept may seem foreign to those who have spent their
lives in fear of distant gods, what beautiful, unique truth these verses re-
veal about God’s character. Humans were created to be in loving relation-
ships. If people truly love someone, they cannot (and will not) force them
to do something. Fear and love cannot go together. Therefore, if God is
love, force and fear cannot exist in that relationship. God offers freedom
to his followers. What a juxtaposition to the way in which Hindus view
their gods!
Work within Familial Limitations
Many traditional Hindu families live in joint family homes where the
head of the household makes most, if not all, of the familial decisions.
Because of this, many people are not at liberty to learn about Christianity.
However, if the elder of the family is led into a knowledge of Christ and
into a relationship with him, many times the rest of the family will follow.
Additionally, educated families are also more likely to listen to alter-
nate views and ideas, including about religion and Christianity. This is
linked to the fact that many of these more educated families are less tied
to the past and its customs.
While Hinduism is considered one religion, it is incredibly nuanced.
This makes it impossible to prescribe one method to reach all the various
Hindu groups. However, one way that has proven consistently effective in
reaching the varius people groups is through the development of relation-
ships. Perhaps a household elder will not be interested in hearing sermons
about Christianity, but he may be interested in having a friend sip tea with
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him. He may not want to have his long-held rituals questioned, but he will
likely be pleased to have someone come and spend time with the elderly
in his family.
Works vs. Grace
As discussed above, Hinduism is a religion based on works. Yet Chris-

tians believe that Jesus has already committed the ultimate work—death
on a cross for our sins. This belief may be hard for those who have previ-
ously adhered to Hinduism, as the need for a works-based faith has likely
been engrained in them for their entire lives.
When working with such people, it is important to teach the truth of
salvation by grace. There are certain actions that set Christians apart from
other religious groups. These actions are not meant to earn salvation or
to prevent a curse from hurting the family. Instead, these actions are a
marker by which God’s people can be recognized. As stated in John 13:35,
“By this all people will know that you are my disciples, if you have love
for one another” and “for we are his workmanship, created in Christ Jesus
for good works, which God prepared beforehand, that we should walk in
them” (Eph 2:10).
Conclusion
This article brings a unique perspective on ancestral worship among

Hindu believers—unique because behind this article is a story of someone
(Santosh) who grew up in a Hindu culture, and, as an adult, converted
to Christianity despite unpleasant consequences. For Santosh, there is no
doubt about the value of being Christ’s follower and believing in a loving
Heavenly Father who pours out his Holy Spirit upon his people.
Santosh desired to research various practices connected to ancestral
worship in order to determine to what degree the dynamics he experi-
enced in his childhood are in place with other Hindu believers. From his
own experiences, Santosh understood that the spiritual presence of de-
ceased ancestors is not taken lightly in the Hindu worldview. Thus, this
article has examined the deeper values associated with ancestral worship
that may not always include heart-felt devotion.
The quantitative research confirmed that most Hindu homes deal
with, at some level, the issue of ancestral worship, whether it is because
of generational beliefs/values, because of fear of the spirits (for bringing
shame on the family), or simply being forced to follow familial practices.
Hindu customs are indeed for the most parts motivated by faith, force,
and fear. The qualitative research allowed for a better understanding of

171
the complexity of this issue and for the reader to “walk in their shoes” for
a moment, allowing a better understanding and empathy.
A contextually relevant missiological approach is needed to free those
imprisoned by ancestral worship. This article has offered several sugges-
tions for bringing encouragement to Hindu people, perhaps new hope,
freedom, and victory over the bondage they experience. We hope this
study will bring deeper insights into the inner world of Hindu people,
as well as inspiration for how to relate to them in positive ways and pos-
sibly bring them into a better quality of life aligned with the gospel. All of
this, thanks to the desire God placed in Santosh’s heart, to reach out to the
Hindu people of his homeland.
Endnotes
1 Shiva is one of the most prominent deities, is predominantly worshipped

among Hindus, and is also known as the “Bhootnath,” Lord of the ghosts. Shiva is
the destroyer of the universe when sin prevails.
2 Karma means action, works, or deeds. Karma is referred to as the principal
factor that effects the future of an individual. It also affects the rebirth of a Hin-
du, depending on good or bad Karma. See Elizabeth Clare Prophet and Patricia
Spadaro. 2001. Karma and Reincarnation: Transcending Your Past, Transforming Your
Future. Gardiner, MT: Summit University Press.
3 In India, it is common for parents to live with their son and his family, but not
with their daughters. It is lawful and essential for the son to take care of his parents
to receive the blessings in life now and after.
4 A fascinating fact associated with this incident can be found in Rig Veda
9.83.3 and 10.64.14. It is believed that if the ancestors are respectfully called upon,
they may place their seed (semen) in the womb of the desiring woman, and she
will thereby bear children.
5 Sati was a historical practice, mainly in the northern part of India, in which
a widow had to sacrifice her life by sitting atop her husband’s corpse and allow-
ing herself to be burned to death during his cremation. See Mark Juergensmeyer,
Margo Kitts, and Michael Jerryson. 2013. The Oxford Handbook of Religion and Vio-
lence. New York: Oxford University Press, 215, 216.
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Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
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Research. https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED309681.pdf.
Doniger, Wendy. 1981. Rig Veda: An Anthology. (ed., trans.) New York, NY: Penguin
Books.
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ronto, Canada: Bear and Company.
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Book Tree.
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tian Perspective, 2nd ed. Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan.
Hertzel, David. 2017. Ancestors: Who We Are and Where We Come From. Maryland,
MD: Rowman & Littlefield.
Juergensmeyer, Mark, Margo Kitts, and Michael Jerryson. 2013. The Oxford Hand-
book of Religion and Violence. New York: Oxford University Press.
Kraft, Charles H. 2017. Power Encounter in Spiritual Warfare. Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock.
Prophet, Elizabeth Clare, and Patricia Spadaro. 2001. Karma and Reincarnation:
Transcending Your Past, Transforming Your Future. Gardiner, MT: Summit
University Press.
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Munich, Germany: GRIN Verlag.
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JzBPY/view?usp=sharing.
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Bethany House Publishers. ebook.
Santosh Kumar is a research editor and assistant professor of

Religious Studies at Spicer Adventist University in Pune, India.
His interests include anthropology, contextualization, oral
traditions, urban mission, church growth, and church planting.
He is currently a doctoral candidate in the DMiss program at
Andrews University.
PETRAS BAHADUR
Rituals and Beliefs Surrounding

Death in Islam
Islamic View of Human Nature
The view of human nature within Islam can be derived from the Qur’an
and the Hadiths. The Qur’an states that God created everything in six
days (7:54; 57:4), and after informing the angels about the creation of hu-
man beings and their superiority over them (15:28-29), he formed them
from dirt (22:5; 23:12-16). God keeps a supply of souls in heaven and takes
them from there1 (Merklin 2012:3) to place in each human being, choosing
the right one for each person (Sahih Muslims 1214). Therefore, it is God
who put a soul inside the first man’s body of clay and he became alive
(Qur’an 32:7-9). The Muslim belief regarding the soul is that the soul lives
on into eternity and will receive the reward or punishment along with the
body (Allen and Toorawa 2011:56). Haeri (1991:2) believes that the final
destiny of people will be decided at the final judgment, but this life is
given to finally allow the soul to return to where it emerged from, and that
is permanent non-time reality.
Although the angels knew that humans would be disobedient and
sin against God (Qur’an 3:30), Merklin (2012:6) explains that humanity’s
failure was in that they had “forgotten” God and his ways. The Qur’an
records that people were created weak (4:280), impatient (70:19), stingy
(17:100), and argumentative (18:54), and it is the soul that prompts a per-
son to do wrong as when Cain’s soul told him to kill his brother (5:29).
Islamic View of Death and State of the Dead
The Qur’an (67:2) states that God is the one who created death and life
to test humans. In Islamic literature the meaning of death is to move from
a life of sorrows and sufferings to a permanent life of peace and comfort
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(Ilahi 2010:2, 6) and is compared to the birth of a child from the narrow
womb of one’s mother to the comfort of the world (Tirmidhi).
God created human beings from clay and has predestined their time on
earth (Qur’an 6:2); therefore, all human beings will eventually taste death
(3:185; 21:35; 29:57). Islam (1989:9) reports that Muhammad said that the
person who is concerned about the affairs of this world is deceived by
temptations of the world and has no concern for the day of his death. Al-
Ghazali (1989:7) believes there are three kinds of people: those engrossed
in the things of the world, penitent, or Gnostics. It is penitent people who
often remember death so that fear engulfs their hearts and their repentance
becomes complete. Haeri (1991:3) argues that people are programmed to
fear death, but death is good because it returns the body to the earth and the
soul or “real self” from where it originally came from—a place of eternal
consciousness. Death does not mean the end of the process of life, but it
continues in paradise or hell (Shahid 2005:168). Muhammad taught that
death releases the person from the torment of this life, so it is actually a gift
from God to the believer (Al-Ghazali 1989:9). Schirrmacher (2012:252-255)
describes four ways of dying in Islam: death at one’s own hand (suicide),
death from another’s hand (accident, manslaughter, or murder), violent
death by self-sacrifice (a martyr’s death), and natural death.
Al-Ghazali suggests that the Angel of Death inspects every house three
times daily and takes away the spirit, at which point the person becomes a
dead person (54, 51). Apparently, David, Solomon, and other prophets met
the angel of death and died upon seeing it. When David came home, the
angel of death was waiting for him and upon meeting him he died
(Al-Ghazali 1989:44, 51). Muhammad Ibn Wasi is reported to have said
when dying, “O my brethren! Farewell! To Hell, or to the forgiveness of
God” (cited in Al-Ghazali 1989:47). Aisha reported that before Muhammad
died he “communed with his angel of death at length” (cited in Al-Ghazali
1989:65) and when the angel of death took the prophet Muhammad’s spir-
it, the agony of death came and his voice was raised in moaning, his color
changed, he breathed in and out and his left and right sides shook (57-58).
It is said that Aisha added, “I feel no envy for anyone whose death is easy
after having seen the rigour of the death of God’s emissary” (40).
The Qur’an states that near the time of death, Allah sends Izraeel, the
Angel of Death, to take the soul out of the flesh. “Say: The Angel of Death,
put in charge of you, will (duly) take your souls: Then shall you be brought
back to your Lord” (32:11). The angel of death will demand, “Expel your
souls” (6:93). The Angel of Death says to the soul of the unbeliever, “O
bad soul! Come out to Allah’s curse and anger.” The soul of unbelievers
comes out having a very foul smell (Sakr 1992:44), whereas the soul of the
believer comes out smelling like a good musk (Ilahi 2010:9). When the soul

175
is transported to heaven, then Ilahi (13) reports that the Mishkat states
that “all the angels from earth to sky send their blessings on him and [the]
doors of heaven are thrown open for him.” In Paradise, “according to one
text the spirit lives inside the bird, according to another the spirit is out-
wardly like a bird” (Eklund 1941:20) and the souls of martyrs and other
believers are embodied in green birds (Ilahi 2010:25).
Questioning in the Grave
Islamic literature informs that after death, two angels, Munkar and
Nakir, come to question the dead and prepare a report (Shahid 2005:169).
Upon entering the dead person’s grave, probably on the first night (Star-
key 2009:290, 298), the angels ask the dead person several questions and
the believer is expected to be ready with answers as follows. “God is my
Lord, Muhammad my Prophet, the Qur’an my guide, Islam my Din, the
Kaaba my Qibla, Abraham my Father and his community my community”
(Smith and Haddad 1981:44). According to Tirmidhi (Hadith 51), the main
question that the soul is asked by the angels after death is, “Which reli-
gion did you follow?” However, Sahih Al-Bukhari 23.422 believes that the
question is, “Did you do any good deeds (in your life)?” After the initial
interrogation, the souls are placed in barzakh (Ilahi 2010:2), a “period be-
tween death and resurrection” (Shahid 2005:186; see Qur’an 25:55, 55:20,
23:102), whereas Eklund (1941:21) questions whether this concept of Bar-
zakh refers to time or space. Other scholars believe that instead of being
placed in Barzakh after the interrogation, the dead are told of their reward:
gardens of bliss for the righteous and curses of angels and the fires of hell
for the unbeliever (Shahid 2005:170-171).
Torments of the Grave
In the grave, while waiting for the day of resurrection, there is tor-
ment or punishment. This torment includes the narrowing of the grave so
that the dead are “squeezed like an egg” (Tabarani), ribs are crushed (Al-
Bara ibn ‘Azib), they are “hit by iron hammers” (Sahih Al-Bukhari 2.456),
“lashed a hundred times,” or “ninety-nine dragons bite . . . and sting . . .
till there comes the hour (of resurrection)” (Al-Tirmidhi 46).
Muhammad said, “When the dead body is placed in the grave, he lis-
tens to the sound of their shoes as they depart (from the cemetery)” (Sahih
of Muslim 17:204; (4:#6863) of the English Translation) and he believed
that they can hear but cannot answer (17:206; (4:#6868) of the English
Translation). At one time, “the camel of the prophet was afraid while go-
ing through a graveyard at hearing, as only animals can, the shrieks of the
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damned suffering the torments of the grave.” Another time, “the prophet
was walking with his friends by a graveyard when he realized that two
people buried there were being tortured, so they cut off shoots from a
tree and placed one on each grave to cool them off” (Smith and Haddad
1981:45; see also al-Subki, Taqi al-Din, Shifa al-Saqam fi ziyara khayr al-
anam p. 148).
Al-Ghazali (1989:41) reported that Muhammad used to pray, “O Lord
God! Grant me your support in death and render it easy for me to bear.”
This is probably the reason why the funeral prayers include the following:
O Allah! Forgive him, have mercy on him, pardon him, heal him, be
generous to him, cause his entrance to be wide and comfortable, wash
him with the most pure and clean water, and purify him from sins as
a white garment is washed clean of dirt. Give him in exchange a home
better than his home (on earth) and a family better than his family and
a wife better than his wife and protect him from the trial of the grave
and the torture of Hell Fire. (Fiqh-us-Sunnah 4.40)
Aisha, the wife of the Prophet questioned, “If believers will undergo
pressure of the tomb. [The] Prophet said, ‘Pressure of the tomb is like
a mother stroking her son’s head when he complains of [a] headache’”
(Smith and Haddad 1981:46). However, the believers who pass away in
the night or on Friday will not be tormented in the grave (see Ahmad
and Tirmidhi), and if one dies in sickness that person is like a martyr.
There are five rewards for martyrs1 (1) they are forgiven, (2) experience
no torment in the grave, (3) remain safe from embarrassment on the day of
resurrection, (4) will have a crown on their heads, and (5) will be given 72
celestial brides (Ilahi 2010:36). If the believers have done good works, they
will have a comfortable rest until the resurrection and judgment, their
graves will expand to 4,900 cubic feet, the grave will be illuminated, and
they will sleep like a bride whom nobody can awake except her husband
(Al-Tirmidhi 44).
According to Islamic tradition, Muhammad feared the torment of
the grave because he heard that other prophets had suffered before him.
God asked Moses what he thought of death, and he replied, “It was like
[a] sparrow being roasted alive or like [a] sheep being flayed alive” (Al-
Ghazali 1989:42).
View of the Last Day and Afterlife

in Heaven or Hell
Islamic belief about the Last Day is that the life on earth is actually a
preparation for death, resurrection, and judgment before God. “Our faith

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will be verified and then our deeds will be weighed before He dispenses
perfect justice” (Lamkahouan 2019). There are a number of texts in the
Qur’an referring to the resurrection day and the Day of Judgment when
the angels hand out rewards (Merklin 2012:9). Farnaz Masumian says the
Qur’an mentions
al-akhira (the hereafter) 113 times, which shows the significance Islam
places on the next life (1996:75).
There are three signs before the hour of resurrection—the appearance of
anti-Christ, the return of Christ, and the coming of the Mahdi (Masumian
1996:77). After three trumpet blasts by Israfil, there will be a general
resurrection (79). All humanity will arrive in Jerusalem after having
walked on the Sirat bridge, over which the prophet will be the first one to
cross (79, 80). God will come down with his angels and everyone’s deeds
will be weighed in balances after which they will be assigned heaven
or hell. Surah 79:7-12 says, “The Hour is a day in which every person is
accountable for his deeds” and “then shall each soul know what it has put
forward” (81:1-14).
In Islamic theology, there is the concept of two judgments—the ques-
tioning in the grave and the ultimate judgment on the day of resurrec-
tion (Smith and Haddad 1981:4). On the final resurrection day, the angel
Israfil (Seraphiel from Hebrew) will blow the trumpet three times. The first
blast causes terror among the people (Qur’an 22:1-2). The second trumpet
blast causes all in heaven and earth to die (39:68). The third trumpet blast
will recreate the human bodies so they can receive their spirits (Shahid
2005:12). The interval between the first and second trumpet blast is an
interval of probably forty days or forty months or forty years and the in-
terval between the second and third trumpet blast is as long as God wills
(Shahid 2005:177). God will resurrect the inhabitants of heaven—Seraphiel,
Gabriel, and Michael. When the Seraphiel blows the trumpet of resurrection,
all spirits, good and bad, will burst forth and will enter into people’s bodies
through their nostrils to prepare them for the Day of Reckoning (182).
Unbelievers in Hell
Unbelievers will spend their next life in hell. The description of hell
according to Islamic traditions says that it is so deep that it takes 70 years
for a stone to sink to the bottom of hell (Ilahi 2010:43). The walls are so
wide that it takes forty years of walking to go from one end to the other
(44). Hell has seven gates (45), is black and dark (45) and the fuel of hell
fire is people and stones (Qur’an 66.6). Islamic scholars name seven
layers of hell—Hawia (for hypocrites like Pharoah), Jahim (for polytheists),
Saqar (for the Saibeen, a sect having no religion), Nati (for Iblis and his
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associates), Hatma (for Jews), Sa’ah (for Christians), and Jahan’num (for
general Muslim sinners) (Ilahi 2010:48, 49). The Qur’an states that there is
no death in hell (43:75; 35:36; see also Bukhari and Muslim) because hell
goes on forever.
Different ways of punishment in hell include boiling water poured over
heads with fresh skins given to them. Those who concealed knowledge
will have a bridle of fire in their mouth. Those who used to be drunk or
used intoxicants will drink pus. Those who preached without practicing
will have their intestines removed. Those who used gold or silver utensils
will have stomachs filled with the fire of hell. Photographers and painters
will be punished by the pictures they made. Those who committed suicide
will keep doing the same act in hell again and again. Arrogant people will
be in the form of ants (Ilahi 2010:61-67). The Qur’an states that wrong do-
ers will remain in hell (19:72) where there is crying (11:106). Sinners will be
driven to hell like cattle are driven to water (19:86), dragged through hell
on their faces (54:48), thrown headlong into hell (26:94-95), with no way
of escape (14:21). Believers will laugh at the unbelievers (83:35); however,
eventually death will be slain (Tirmidhi), but the hypocrites, polytheists,
and unbelievers will be in hell forever (Ilahi 2010:221; Smith and Haddad
1981:86). Bukhari and Muslim both report that the prophet was shown
that the majority of those in hell are women (Ilahi 2010:72).
Believers in Paradise
Heavenly rewards for believers are described in Qur’an 55:46-76 as

having two gardens (46), containing all kinds of delights (48), two flow-
ing springs (50), every kind of fruit (52), carpets to recline on (54), and
with virgins, whom no man or jinn has touched (56). Believers are like
rubies (58), which are the reward for the good (60). There are two addi-
tional gardens (62), also with two springs pouring forth water in contin-
ued abundance (66), peopled with fair companions, good, and beautiful
(70), companions restrained in their glances (72), whom no man or jinn has
touched (74), reclining on green cushions and rich carpets of beauty (76).
Manji (2005:57) reports that God’s promise to the martyrs is that “gardens
of paradise are waiting for you in all their beauty, and women of paradise
are waiting, calling out, ‘come hither, friend of God.’”
Qur’an 56 presents a picture of further rewards—companions on the
right hand and left hand (9) reclining on couches and facing each other
(16), while around them are youths of perpetual freshness who will serve
them (17) with goblets filled with clear-flowing fountains of wine (18).
There will be no after-ache and no intoxication (19). There are fruits to
be selected (20), as much flesh from fowl as they may desire (21), and

179
companions with beautiful big and lustrous eyes like pearls well-
guarded—all this as a reward for the deeds of the past life (22-24). These
companions are from a special creation (v. 35), are virgins who are pure
and undefiled (36), and beloved and equal in age (37). Qur’an 76 lists a
few additional rewards: garments of silk (12), raised thrones where there
is neither the sun’s excessive heat nor the moon’s excessive cold (13).
Islamic Rituals for the Dying and Deceased
Since “there is a strict and clear ritual order laid down in Islamic law”
which outlines the procedure for the purification of the dead” (Venhorst
2012:8), most followers of Islam practice special rituals for preparing the
dying and the deceased (Dockray 2013; see also
K. M. Islam 1989). In certain parts of Egypt, it is the custom for those
near a person who has died to squeeze his/her body with their hands to
force the soul out of it (Starkey 2009:290). The Talqeen, the reading per-
formed for those who are dying before they take their last breaths, is to
ensure they are spiritually ready for the journey into death. The person
leading the Talqeen says to the dying person, “In the name of Allah and on
the creed, religion, and faith of rasulullah (apostle or messenger of God). O!
Allah, ease upon him his matters, and make light for him whatever comes
hereafter, and honor him with Your meeting and make that which he has
gone to better than that which he came out from.”
After those who are present have the opportunity to share their own
prayers, the person leading the Talqeen then encourages the dying person
to recall the Shahada before taking their last breath by saying, “I bear wit-
ness that there is no god except Allah; One is He, no partner hath He, and
I bear witness that Muhammad is His servant and messenger.”
Some prefer to give a sweet drink or zamzam water to the dying so that
the soul can have an easy exit through the throat. The Shias of Northern
India put pomegranate or honey syrup in the mouth of the dead. In
Gujarat leaves of marjoram are rubbed on the face, the eyes are closed
with a pledget of cotton, and two toes are brought together and tied with
a thin strip of cloth (Sharif 1972:90, 91).
Once the person has died, Bilal Abu Aisha lists the following rituals
that are to be performed for the dying person (2011).
Just after Death: As soon as a Muslim person dies, it is customary to close
the person’s eyes, bind the jaw and cover the body with a clean sheet. It is
also important to prepare the body for the funeral as quickly as possible.
Mourning: Hidaad, or mourning, for a close relative should last only
three days. There are guidelines about how that mourning should take
shape. Weeping is acceptable, but the Islamic faith discourages loud crying
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and acting out during the mourning period. Although mourning is per-
mitted, Islamic theologians believe it should be “composed or restrained”
(Schirrmacher 2012:258). However, within Shi’ite mourning practices, the
Ahsura rituals for mourning the suffering and the death of the final male
of Muhammad’s family, Al-Hussain, is done every year during the first
ten days of the month of Muharram (259).
Washing the Dead: This washing requires following very specific rules.
Most adult family members of the same sex as the deceased can do the
washing of the deceased person’s body. The body is placed on a wooden
plank, the private parts are covered with a cloth, and the “entire body
must be washed an odd number of times, three or, if necessary, five or
seven” (Dessing 2001:145-147). The water for ablution can be mixed with
perfume, herbs, rose water, lotus, or camphor. After the final washing,
the body is dried, and cotton plugs placed in the body openings (Bot
1998:136). Sometimes, there are professional washers (Sharif 1972:91, 93),
but within orthodox Islamic tradition, most people would not allow pay-
ment for washing. After the body is washed, it is dried with a clean white
sheet, and then typically enshrouded in a plain, white cloth or three pieces
of cloth for a man and five for a woman. Finally, the body is perfumed.
Shrouding the Body: There are different rules for shrouding male and
female Muslims. To wrap a male Muslim corpse, three white sheets and
four ropes are used. After placing the man’s hands on his chest, right hand
on top of the left hand, each sheet is wrapped over the body with the
right side first. To finish the shrouding, two ropes are tied just above the
head and just below the feet, with two additional ropes used to secure the
sheets around the body.
Funeral Prayer or Salatul Janazah: Even Muslims who are not close to
the deceased or the family can participate in this ritual. The prayer should
happen immediately after shrouding the body, and usually occurs outside
of the mosque and its prayer room. The prayer should take place at dusk
or sunset, if possible, unless the body is decomposing and needs burial
immediately.
The Funeral: Funeral attendees stand in three horizontal lines facing
Mecca: men in the front row, children in the second row, and women in
the third row. Like the silent prayer, this occurs outside the mosque, if
possible, and the entire prayer service takes place while the people are
standing. Participants silently commit to pure intentions for the funeral
service, and then they silently recite the Fatihah, the first section of the
Qur’an. This seven-verse prayer, also called Sanaa prayer, asks for Allah’s
mercy and guidance. After the silent Fatihah, there are four more prayers
in traditional Muslim funeral services. Before each prayer, attendees say,
“Allahu Akbar,” which means, “God is good.” The four prayers are the

181
Darood prayer,2 dua prayer,3 salaam prayer,4 and prayer when putting dirt
on the grave.5
Transporting the Body: Traditionally, several men carry the body to the
cemetery on foot with the funeral goers following behind. Today, how-
ever, the body can be transported in a hearse with a funeral procession
behind it. The car or truck transporting the body should not be a military
vehicle and the funeral procession should keep a respectful silence. No
singing, loud crying, or reading the Quran is allowed. There should also
be no incense or candles in the funeral procession.
Muslim Burial Tradition: Traditionally, Muslims should be buried in
a Muslim cemetery. No women or children are allowed at the gravesite
during the burial. The body goes into the grave on its right side, facing
Mecca, ideally not inside a coffin. If the cemetery is located in a place with
abundant wildlife, sometimes Muslims will cover the grave with bricks or
stones to keep animals from disturbing the body.
Marking and Visiting the Grave: Muslim cemeteries are all about mini-
malism and deference, so they do not have extravagant grave markers.
A small marker or gravestone, however, is fine. Traditionally, nothing is
placed on or around the grave, such as cut flowers, candles, or other of-
ferings.
Consoling Family and Friends: Consoling grieving friends and family is
important in the Muslim community and does not have many rigid rules
governing how to comfort those in mourning. It is traditional to reach out
to the mourning family with sympathy and with food for three days after
the funeral.
View of Ancestors and Ancestor-Worship
Orthodox Islam does not allow ancestor worship or mediation of

the deceased; however, the actual practice may be very different. Even
the rituals of death and burial are not necessarily followed according to
prescription. Claudia Venhorst (2012:3) states, “A clash between formalized
rules and the actual praxis is not unusual.” Ancestor worship is the
practice in many Islamic cultures. Kikuta Haruka (2011:63-78) reports that
the shared custom among Muslims in Central Asia is to hold a banquet
which involves the sacrifice of animals to Allah and the dead. Towards the
end of the banquet, chapters of the Qur’an are recited to bring comfort to
the spirits of the deceased. Prayer is specifically dedicated to these spirits,
such as the following prayer. “May the spirit of ____ (person’s name) be
content.” The banquet functions as a means that allows people to make
contact with ruh and many people ask ruh for protection or happiness.
Valikhanov (1958 [1862]):148-154, 177, 178), commenting on these ruh
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rituals considered them to be remnants of the pre-Islamic faith of Central

Asians and Soviet ethnographers (cited in Peshchereva 1959:362, 363).
Rituals concerning ruh were also practiced by sedentary Muslims as a
ritual banquet, during which time dishes and candles were offered to the
ruh of their deceased masters and passages from the Qur’an were read.
Appealing to deceased relatives or ancestors for aid is viewed as against
orthodox Islamic faith, although a sizable number accept the practice in
Central Asia, Russia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina.
Visiting Shrines and Appealing to the Deceased
Pew Research conducted a survey in 2012 (see appendix 1) asking

people in 23 countries whether visiting shrines of Muslim saints was a
legitimate form of worship. The majority agreed that such practices were
acceptable, indicating that such views are widespread in Central Asia,
Southeast Asia, and South Asia, and are also practiced in the Middle East
and North Africa. In Azerbaijan, Iraq, and Lebanon, Shias are more ac-
cepting than their Sunni counterparts in appealing to deceased ancestors.
The Qur’an does not specifically mention pilgrimages except to Mecca but
certain hadiths encourage pilgrimage to shrines, including Jerusalem’s al-
Aqsa mosque in the Sunni tradition and the shrine of Imam Hussein in
Karbala, Iraq, in the Shia tradition (Elad 1999:65). For more information on
Sunni traditions, see Sahih Muslim 7:3218 and for pilgrimages to shrines
in the Shia tradition, see a hadith by the eighth Shia Imam, Ali al-Rida
(cited in Nakash 1995:155).
Today, the graves of many early Islamic figures are holy sites for Mus-
lims, including Ali, and the cemetery containing many of Muhammad’s
companions and early caliphs. Many other mausoleums are major archi-
tectural, political, and cultural sites, including the National Mausoleum in
Pakistan and the Taj Mahal in India. However, the religious movement of
Wahhabism views this respect for holy sites as a form of idolatry. Follow-
ers of this movement have destroyed many gravesite shrines, including
in Saudi Arabia and in territory formerly controlled by the Islamic State
(Veneration of the Dead 2020). However, during the termination of Rama-
dan, orthodox theologians do not reject visiting graves if it is done with
the goal of bringing death to one’s attention (Schirrmacher 2012:261).
Muslims travel vast distances in order to imitate the religious rite of
tawaaf—circling the kaaba seven times—by also circling the tombs of saints.
Some even offer prayers inside and outside the tombs and other piously
bring sacrificial animals to these sites in order to perform the rites of dhabh
(ritual sacrifice). Most of those who perform rites of worship at shines or
graves believe that the righteous among these dead people are so close to

183
Allah that all acts of worship done in their vicinity will more likely be ac-
cepted by Allah than if they were done elsewhere.
Because of this belief, grave worshippers often wipe the walls of
graves, and then wipe the residue on themselves in order to collect extra
blessings. In addition, they also collect some of the earth in the vicinity of
the graves, in the belief that the earth has special healing powers due to
the effect of the blessings manifest in those buried there. Many branches
of the Shi‘ites (Shias) collect clay from Karbala, where Imam Hussain was
martyred, and bake it to make small tablets on which they prostrate them-
selves during their salaah (prayer).
The Pew Research survey (2012) finds that many Muslims consider
visiting the shrines of Muslim saints an acceptable practice as noted in
appendix 1. This is especially true in Southeast Asia, where eight-in-ten
or more Muslims in Thailand (99%), Malaysia (89%) and Indonesia (81%)
say visiting shrines falls within the bounds of Islam. The acceptance of
pilgrimages to shrines is also widespread in Central Asia, with three-quar-
ters or more endorsing the practice. In South Asia, the number of Muslims
who believe visiting shrines is part of Islamic tradition range from 96% in
Bangladesh to a more modest 63% in Pakistan.
Relatively few Muslims in the countries surveyed (appendix 2) believe
it is permissible to appeal to dead relatives or ancestors for aid, for the
Quran states that prayers should be offered to God alone (108:2). The two
exceptions are Iraq and Lebanon, where 28% and 22% of Muslims say the
practice is acceptable, perhaps reflecting the Shia tradition of honoring
forebears, such as Hussein and Ali as noted in appendix 3.
Appeals to Spirits, Jinn, Sorcery, and the Deceased
The Qur’an states that God created non-human creatures, referred to
as jinn and, as discussed earlier in this report, many Muslims affirm that
jinns exist. However, few Muslims believe it is acceptable to make offer-
ings or appeals to these supernatural beings, as noted in appendix 4, since
prayers and sacrifices are to be made to God alone (108:2). Appeals to jinn
and the use of sorcery are almost universally regarded as falling outside
of Islamic tradition, even though many Muslims say they believe in the
existence of these supernatural beings and in witchcraft.
Shia and Sunni Muslims differ little when it comes to rejecting the use
of sorcery within Islam. In Lebanon and Azerbaijan, members of both
groups hold similar views on the acceptability of making appeals to jinn.
Practical Missiological Challenges and Worldview

Transformation for Becoming a Disciple of Christ
What are some of the missiological challenges facing Muslims when
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they become a disciple of Jesus Christ in the 21st century and what aspects
of their worldview needs transformation?
Torment in the Grave
Smith and Haddad (1981:47) believe that the information about the
events that take place in the grave undoubtedly come from pre-Islamic
Arabic beliefs. Farnaz Masumian (1996:76) states that “the early Muslim
theologians and thinkers combined the Zoroastrian belief in a personal
judgment in the grave with the pre-Islamic Barzakh doctrine to form
a coherent system of personal judgment for the faithful.” This is why
Masumian (76) is convinced that the concept of Barzakh (purgatory) is of
significance since it is similar to some other faith traditions, especially
to the Zoroastrianism. Samuel Shahid (2005:172) concurs by stating that
Muhammad was probably informed by Salman al-Farsi who explained his
previous faith. Masumian (1996:84, 80-81) suggests that “even a cursory
look at Muslim eschatology reveals numerous similarities between
Muslim and Zoroastrian accounts of the afterlife,” such as, the state of the
soul before judgment, the two judgments, the bridge, heaven and hell, and
the vision of the Creator.
Ragnar Eklund (1941:3) believes that the doctrine of torment in the
grave was first presented to Muhammad by Aisha who heard it from a
Jewess since Jews already believed in such a concept. Aisha said that a
Jewess came to her and mentioned the punishment in the grave, stating,
“May Allah protect you from the punishment of the grave.” Aisha then
asked Allah’s Apostle about the punishment of the grave. He said, “Yes,
[there is] punishment in the grave.” Aisha added, “After that I never saw
Allah’s Apostle but seeking refuge with Allah from the punishment in the
grave in every prayer he prayed” (Sahih Al-Bukhari 2:454).
In several hadiths Muhammad apparently spoke to the dead in the
graves. When asked, he responded that “they hear quite well, although
they cannot answer.” Eklund (1941:10) believes that this concept contra-
dicts the Qur’an which states “verily thou shalt not make the dead to hear”
(27:82). Therefore, Eklund questions the interrogation in the grave, which
relates to questions about the prophet and quotes Tirmidhi al-Hakim who
stated that former communities were to be tested based on their prophets,
and Muslims based on their prophet Muhammad (Eklund 1941:50).
Barzakh, which is very much connected to torment in the grave, causes
much fear in the hearts of many Muslims. This view is probably similar to
the view of purgatory in Catholicism. Even the prophet used to pray that
his time in the grave would be easy. Based on this belief there is certainly
fear among Muslims about death and what will transpire after death. Is

185
their fear justified? Within the Bible, belief concerning death can be pre-
sented from Ecclesiastes 9:5, which states, “For the living know that they
will die, but the dead know nothing; they have no further reward, and
even their name is forgotten.” Also, 1 Thessalonians 4:13-18 states that the
dead are resting in their graves until the day when Jesus comes again, at
which time the dead in Christ will rise first. This text says to comfort each
other with this hope. So according to the Bible there is no concept of Bar-
zakh (purgatory) or torment in the grave. This is one place where a Muslim
background believer would need a worldview transformation so as to no
longer believe that the dead are being punished or tormented in the grave
but will face judgment at the resurrection.
Delights of Paradise
The Qur’an describes the material delights of paradise in 76:12-22

and a few other places. Masumian describes these “material delights” as
streams of wine, milk, and honey
(Q 47:16, 55:54; 56:15) with tents of lovely damsels (houris) (1996:80).
Hughes (1973:453) reports one tradition which describes paradise as fol-
lows: “He who is least amongst the people of paradise, shall have eighty
thousand slaves, and seventy-two women, and has a tent pitched for him
of pearls, rubies, and emeralds. . . . Those who die in the world, young or old,
are made of thirty years of age, and not more, when they enter paradise.”
When Jesus was asked about marriage in heaven, he responded by say-
ing: “At the resurrection people will neither marry nor be given in mar-
riage; they will be like the angels in heaven” (Matt 22:30). From this it is
clear that the Qur’anic concept of marriage in heaven is centered around
the carnal nature of human beings and is another area where worldview
transformation needs to happen for a Muslim background believer. The
holiness of God and being in his presence for eternity should be an alter-
native emphasis as the primary attraction of heaven.
Islamic Eschatology and Jesus
According to Islamic eschatology, Jesus is coming again but after his

second coming he will die, and righteous people will also die to avoid the
anguish of the evildoers who will live after the blast of the last trumpet
(Shahid 2005:167). If Jesus comes at the Last Hour (Qur’an 43:61) and ush-
ers in a kingdom of peace in which all evil will be eradicated, then why
would Jesus need to die so that he can be saved from evildoers? Qur’an
43:61 states, “Jesus shall be a sign of the hour of judgment. Therefore, have
no doubt about the hour.” Only as one believes in Jesus, who will come
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at the Last Hour (before judgment), that one can stand in judgment. One
does not need to doubt about that hour but can stand in the assurance of
Jesus who has gone ahead of us to paradise to prepare a place for us to
spend eternity with him.

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Appendix 1
Is Visiting Shrines Acceptable?
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Appendix 2
Acceptable to Appeal to the Deceased for Aid under Islam?

189
Appendix 3
More Shia Say Appealing to Deceased is Acceptable
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Appendix 4
Acceptable to Make Offerings to Jinn Under Islam?

Endnotes
1 Merklin states that the “translations of the Qur’an are not consistent in the
translation of ruh and nafs, just as English translations in the Bible for the Hebrew
equivalents” (2012:3).
2 “Allah, we ask You to raise the rank of Muhammad, and have mercy upon
the Al (family, friends, and everyone else present for the funeral) of Muhammad,
as You raised the rank of Ibrahim (Abraham), and the Al of Ibrahim. Verily, You are
the One Who deserves to be praised and thanked, and the One Who is glorified. O
Allah, we ask You to bless Muhammad, and the Al of Muhammad, as You blessed
Ibrahim, and the Al of Ibrahim. Verily, You are the One Who deserves to be praised
and thanked, and the One Who is glorified.”
3 “Allah, grant forgiveness to our living and to our dead, and to those who
are present and to those who are absent, and to our young and our old folk, and to
our males and females. O Allah! Whomsoever you grant to live, from among us,
help him to live in Islam, and whom of us you cause to die, help him to die in faith.
Grant especially this dead person your ease, rest, forgiveness and consent Allah, if
he acted well, then increase for him his good action, and if he acted wrongly, then
overlook his wrong actions. Grant him security, glad tidings, generosity and close-
ness to you. We seek Thy blessings, Thou art the most Merciful.”
4 “May the peace and mercy of Allah be upon you.”
5 “Out of it We (Allah) created you, and into it We deposit you, And from it We
shall take you out once again” (Qur’an 20:55).
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Petras Bahadur is the Director of the Global Center for Adventist-

Muslim Relations at the General Conference of Seventh-day
Adventists. He holds a Doctor of Ministry from Andrews University,
specializing in the concept of House Churches as an assimilation
model; and is currently pursuing PhD studies from Oxford Center
for Mission Studies in England, with a focus on presenting the Trinity
to non-Christians. After 37 years’ experience in management and 20
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theologians, missiologists, church administrators and professionals
on building bridges of understanding and approaches to people
Published by Digitalwith an Asian
Commons worldview.
@ Andrews University, 199
HARRIET IKHANE
Theological Education of Seventh-day

Adventist Women in Nigeria
Introduction
The theme of women1 has been a predominantly disputed topic in con-

temporary political, theological, and social debate for centuries (Daniel
2010:127). Although many efforts have been made in times past to dem-
onstrate that women are as gifted as men (Madu 2014:123), there still ap-
pears to be a prevalent and tenacious belief that women are inferior to
men (Amoah, Safo, and Amoah 2015:12). In fact, according to Petties and
Beach Va, the issue of their religious roles/participation in leadership po-
sition has been a major debate in most Christian churches (2008:1-9). Simi-
larly, the theological education of women that would allow for effective
mission has being a neglected phenomenon. This article therefore focuses
on the theological education of Seventh-day Adventist (SDA) women for
effective mission in Nigeria.
Women in Ministry: A New Testament Account
From biblical times, women have been equipping themselves for God’s
service and have been active in personal evangelism (Patterson 2014:65). In
the Gospels, one can read of many women who listened raptly to Christ’s
word and believed him to be the anointed Messiah (John 11:27). Mary of
Bethany sat at Jesus’ feet to learn deep truths of Scripture (Luke 10:38-42)
just as Paul was educated “at the feet of Gamaliel” in Jerusalem (Acts 22:3).
She became the first propagator of the empty tomb account (John 20:18).
The Samaritan woman, within a short period of learning from Christ at
the well, became the greatest female evangelist (John 4:5-30).
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194
After Jesus’ ascension, women like Lydia, Euodia, and Syntyche

played an important role in the spread of the gospel (Acts 16:14-15; Phil
4:2-3). Some others (e.g., Phoebe and Nympha) used their homes as fel-
lowship centers (Rom 10:1-2; Col 4:15). Priscilla and her husband Aquila
worked together in God’s mission (Acts 18:1-4, 24-26). Paul further com-
mended Mary, Tryphena, Tryohosa, and Persis for their hard work in the
Lord (Rom 16:6, 12).
During the period of the Early Church, women like Felicitas, Perpetua,
Cecilia, Donatila, Theodota, and many more were martyred because of
their active involvement in spreading the gospel (Page 2012:556). From
the late Middle Ages through the eighteenth century, women joined their
husbands on missionary journeys to unentered areas. Records showed
that women comprised two-third of the international missions force as of
1999 (Page 2012:557). But unfortunately, despite the New Testament prec-
edents of women’s involvement in mission, in many contexts today, wom-
en’s participation in theological education in order to become relevant in
the church’s mission is not encouraged or even welcomed.
According to Cecilia Madu, women constitute over half of the world’s
population (2014:123). In Nigeria, as in many societies, they make up 75
to 90 percent of the active membership and sustaining force in almost ev-
ery congregation, including SDA churches (Vine 1984:21). Scholars have
pointed out the pivotal role of women in the propagation of the gospel.
Early missionaries to Africa recognized that reaching women and improv-
ing their status would lead to the transformation of whole communities
(Ayanga 2017:11). While both men and women are gifted for God’s service
(1 Cor 12) and are called to be Christ’s witnesses (Matt 28:18-20), yet only
a small minority of women are in the Adventist theological institutions
in Nigeria. Thus, women who feel called to the ministry are faced with a
number of challenges that hinder them from fulfilling their vocation.
Biblical Perspectives of Women and Theological Education
While some scholars contend that the Old and New Testaments stipu-
late that all women are to be under the authority of all men, others insist
that this is not the case (Madu 2014:124). Thus, it becomes necessary to
closely investigate the evidence of Scripture on such claims.
In first-century Judaism, both boys and girls had access to informal
education (teaching and training at home and in daily life). Women were
taught a little more than the domestic arts by their mothers. These moth-
ers probably learned to read and write and were given enough elemen-
tary religious instruction so they could pass on biblical knowledge to their
children (Gladson 1984:40). However, only the boys were offered formal

195
education in synagogue schools where rabbis taught the Torah to them at

different stages in life, beginning at age five or six (Oluikpe 2015:118).
Instructing women in the Torah was not considered obligatory and
was even seen in part as improper (Daniel 2010:127). For example, Rabbi
Eliezer wrote that “whoever teaches his daughter Torah is like one who
teaches her lasciviousness” (Davidson 1998:168). Women were also ex-
cluded from essential religious tasks and were thought unworthy of par-
ticipating in most of the religious feasts. They were instructed in accor-
dance with the Torah for the proper regulation of their lives but were not
permitted to touch it (West 1999:137). However, Rabbi Meir suggested that
if women would study the Torah, they too would merit many things like
Deborah and Hulda (cited in Zohar 2015:40, 41).
The experience of the five daughters of Zelophehad (Num 26:33) showed
that education in the law was not forbidden to females by Moses. Their
actions in claiming their rights in relation to genealogy and inheritance
revealed that they were female expounders of the law (Bushnell 1943:218).
In spite of females’ lack of formal opportunity for an education, there were
women who somehow acquired considerable knowledge in the Torah.
There are records of some rabbis who had wives learned in the law just as
Timothy’s mother and grandmother had enough knowledge to give him a
solid grounding in the Scriptures (Gladson 1984:40).
Jesus who was recognized as an exceptional Rabbi, taught both male
and female disciples (Oluikpe 2015:127). He commended Mary’s choice to
be at his feet rather than in the kitchen (John 11:23-27). Mary has always
been perceived as an earnest student of the Messiah, which was not a con-
ventional choice for Jewish women. She sat at the feet of Jesus and was lis-
tening to “his word ” (Davidson 1998:179). “To sit at someone’s feet” was
an idiomatic way of saying “to study under someone” (Specht 1984:72).
Although women were not allowed the formal privilege of studying un-
der a rabbi, Jesus clearly admitted Mary as one of his students. She had the
privilege of being sent by Christ to announce his resurrection to the apos-
tles (John 20:18). Other women disciples also ministered to Christ and his
disciples out of their means (Olujide 2013:28). Some of those women were
probably present when the Holy Spirit descended on the 120 at Pentecost
(Acts 1:12-14, 12-14, 2:22-47). Therefore, one can say that women shared
with men in the witness of the gospel proclamation and were visible and
active not only in the ministry of Jesus, but also in the life of the apostolic
church (Acts 1:14; Addison 1995:108-121).
Furthermore, the Samaritan woman who came into contact with Christ
immediately practiced what she learned by mobilizing others to listen to
Jesus (Mautsa and van Rensburg 2018:31). She had to overcome draw-
backs such as gender (Sim 2015:4), nationality, her low moral standing
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 202
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196
(John 2005:97), religious bias, and cultural convention (Davidson 2006:228)

to become a model witness who is listed in the Gospel of John among the
seven witnesses of Christ.
Christ’s resurrection and ascension set the stage for a new order, which
began at Pentecost for women and men alike. Women are explicitly in-
cluded from the beginning as key players in the unfolding drama. Peter
proclaims that the Spirit of God is now being poured out on all people,
men and women, old and young, free and slave, enabling them to proph-
ecy (Acts 2:17-18; cf. Joel 2:28 ff.) and the Spirit equips “all flesh” with
spiritual gifts, empowering them to be fruitful ministers of the gospel.
To the church in Ephesus, to which 1 Timothy was written, there was
a danger of untrained women promoting false teaching that could under-
cut both the gospel and the church’s foundation. Paul temporarily lim-
ited the role of women as church teachers and leaders until they were
properly trained (Pokrifka 1989:18). Also, the woman Paul described in
1 Tim 2:13-14 is a paradigm of anyone in danger of deception due to
lack of proper education. Paul therefore recommended that the unlearned
woman of Ephesus learn in silence and submission. In a way, that served
as a significant redemptive improvement on the Jewish traditions that
completely barred women from participating in the religious life of their
communities. This text thus lays down a wise ground rule through which
properly trained and educated women teachers such as Pricilla can be
produced (Pokrifka 1989:21). Though the ministry of women in the New
Testament as Christian wives and mothers in the home was vital to the
progress on the church, their ministry did not end there. Because Christ
also called them, the church empowered them as much as they could and
released them to serve as workers in a more direct sense (Birney 1971:17).
The same is needed today.
Women and Theological Education in Africa
The cultural and gender barriers which women are confronted by in

many African contexts is entrenched in the history of their communities.
The birth of a female child does not bring the same excitement to a home as
that of a male child (Adetunji 2001:106). As a result, they are not given the
same educational training because of the belief that the rightful place of a
woman is in the home. Besides, through marriage, women are destined to
leave their parents and take their husband’s last name (Madu 2014:123).
Mercy Oduyoye, an African Theologian opines that women in general are
educated to believe that being born female means to be born innately in-
ferior and due to their low self-esteem, they underrate themselves. This
hinders them from participating in male terrain (1997:65).

197
The African traditional society was somehow unfair to women. They

were mostly exploited, oppressed, and restricted by taboos, including the
issue of withholding training from them (Familusi 2012:310). The status of
women became a major concern to mostly female scholars in the promo-
tion of women studies. However, with changing times and with the perti-
nent questions surrounding the role of women in mission and the recogni-
tion of the fact that full partnership between men and women is essential
to the fulfillment of the church’s mission, the church in Africa has begun to
take small steps toward changing the situation (Ruth 1999:109). However,
this slow rate of allowing women access to theological education in Africa
may keep them unequipped for the task of mission. It may also pose a dif-
ficulty in contributing their much needed voices to theological discourse
(Ayanga 2017:20).
Ellen White On the Theological Education of Women
Ellen White sensed her call to the ministry in 1889 when in her youth
she was chosen by God (after two men had declined the commission) to
be his special messenger (Anderson 1984:109). This makes her writings on
the role of women in the church very pertinent.
Ellen White used the term ministry to designate the calling and work
of every Christian. Thus she explains:
The Saviour’s commission to the disciples included all the believers. It

includes all believers in Christ to the end of time. It is a fatal mistake to
suppose that the work of saving souls depends alone on the ordained
minister. All to whom the heavenly inspiration has come are put in
trust with the gospel. All who receive the life of Christ are ordained to
work for the salvation of their fellow men. For this work the church
was established, and all who take upon themselves its sacred vows are
thereby pledged to be co-workers with Christ. (1940:822)
Her basic definition of ministry is the calling of all Christians “to work
for the salvation of their fellow men.” One can say that since the work of
saving souls depends on all believers (including women), likewise, all be-
lievers who feel called to ministry need to be given access to formal theo-
logical education. White’s usage of the terms “ministry” and “minister”
gives a sharper focus to the study of women in ministry and also suggests
that women should labor in the gospel ministry. She speaks of women
who do work that is in the line of ministry and also refers to young wom-
en being trained for this work. She believed women to be indispensable
in ministry, because they can minister in ways that men cannot (White
1970:472). White additionally affirmed that “when a woman is in trouble,
let her take her trouble to women” (1970:460). She further states that:
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Our sisters generally have a hard time with their increasing families
and their unappreciated trials. I have so longed for women who could
be educated to help our sisters rise from their discouragement and
feel that they could do a work for the Lord. This will bring rays of
sunshine into their own lives, which will be reflected into the lives
of others. God will bless all who unite in this grand work. (1970:114 )
Furthermore, she opines that “the Lord has a work for women as well
as for men. . . . They can do in families a work that men cannot do, a
work that reaches the inner life. They can come close to the hearts of those
whom men cannot reach, their labor is needed” (White 1902:26). The Lord
had shown her times without number that women teachers are just as
greatly needed to do the work to which He has appointed them as are
men” (1970:493). She therefore encourages that
the youth should be encouraged to attend our training schools for

Christian workers, which should become more and more like the
schools of the prophets. These institutions have been established by
the Lord, and if they are conducted in harmony with His purpose,
the youth sent to them will quickly be prepared to engage in various
lines of missionary work. Some will be trained to enter the field as
missionary nurses, some as canvassers, and some as gospel ministers.
(1970:229-30)
This simply implies that our theological schools’ curriculum should be

such that encourages the various aspects of the missionary work. Again,
White asserts,
We should be people of the Word, mighty in the Scriptures; and our

women should be as earnest in this matter as are consecrated men
working along such lines: The plan of holding Bible-readings was a
heaven-born idea. There are many, both men and women, who can
engage in this branch of missionary labor. Workers may thus be devel-
oped who will become mighty men of God. (1915:192)
Women were vital in the Adventist Church in the 1860s and were
formally inducted into the official ministry in the 1870s. They were
needed as evangelists for the unentered areas. Both men and women were
encouraged to receive ministerial training to allow them to enter the field
(Haloviak 1988:1). Unfortunately, women constitute only a tiny minority
in our theological institutions either as students or teachers. This may
pose a challenge to fulfilling God’s mission.

199
Women in Adventist Theological School in Nigeria
Seventh-day Adventist theological schools are established for the pur-

pose of training students in fulfilling God’s mission of reaching people
with the gospel of salvation and preparing them for Christ’s soon return.
They also serve to instruct students to work intelligently as Christ did by
presenting a noble and elevated Christian character to those with whom
they associate (Ola 2013:1). The first Adventist theological school in Ni-
geria was established in 1959. It was then called the Adventist College of
West Africa (ACWA), aimed at meeting the need for training people for
ministry (Agboola 2001:64). Later in response to the dynamics of its socio-
political environment, ACWA became known as the Adventist Seminary
of West Africa (ASWA) in 1975; however in 1999, ASWA came to be known
as Babcock University. Its Christian Religious Studies (CRS) Department
serves the purpose of training pastors and ministers to be fit for ministry
and to make a positive difference in theological education in Nigeria and
beyond.
There is an insignificant ratio of females enrolled in the CRS depart-
ment at Babcock University. From 2001, out of an average of 35-45 stu-
dents enrolled every year, only about 7 were females (Efe 2020).The lack
of sponsorship from conferences and unions could be one possible con-
tributing factor to this insignificant rate of women in theological training.
Most CRS students (males) are sent from their churches with sponsorship,
whereas female students are mostly self-sponsored. Also, cultural issues
may contribute to the low enrollment (Mugambi 2005:516). Paul Miller
suggests that for Africa to fulfill its missionary and evangelistic mandate,
workers must be adequately equipped in theological education. He rec-
ommends that the churches should experiment with training women for
ministry: “Train women workers in the church. This would be in addi-
tion to and beyond the present home economics offered for the students’
wives” (Miller 1969:11).
The idea that theological education is meant for men has caused most
women to be reluctant to join in theological studies. For instance, during
my undergraduate years, a teacher addressed me as “Brother Harriet”
while returning our papers. This was funny, though not surprising,
because being the only female in a supposedly “men’s world” what else
could I expect? However, this perspective needs to be erased because the
purpose of establishing theological schools is to train gospel workers,
both men and women, to be fit and equipped for mission. Women are not
excluded from participating in fulfilling the Great Commission (Owusu
2014:49). Therefore, the church needs to invest in fully equipping them.
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 206
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The possibility of being umemployed as a pastor is another factor keep-

ing some women from enrolling in theological studies. There is an urgent
need for women to be fully integrated in ministry in a variety of ways.
Benefits of Theological Education of SDA Women in Nigeria
Below are some potential benefits for the church to fully support, spon-
sor, and train women in theological schools:
First, educating women theologically will allow for the close involve-
ment of women in the daily lives of the people. Women’s work serves to
“soften the effects of cultural imperialism and create a model for gender-
based missions (that is, women ministering to women) for subsequent
generations (Patterson 2014:68). Second, a greater partnership between
men and women in the Lord will be created. Missionary women will not
only be interested in the spiritual welfare of women in their contexts but
also in their social status and overall welfare, thus improving the status
of women in society (Ayanga 2017:20). Throughout the history of mis-
sions, many women have become Christians as a result of other women
(teachers, health workers, reading tutors, or visiting neighbors) who have
touched them at their point of need. Women can reach the hearts of other
women and connect on a level that is not possible for men. In many coun-
tries, only female missionaries have been able to gain access to women
(Patterson 2014:68).
Fourth, Romans 16 records how several women’s missionary endeavors
contributed significantly to the life and growth of the church. Priscilla
must have been well-grounded in Christian theology to become a capable
instructor of the great Orator Apollos (Acts 18:26). Also, women tend to be
more reliable and effective in implementing changes in their communities
that will help their children and raise the standard of life. Since women are
referred to as “nation builders” ( Olubunmi and Oloruntegbe 2014:158),
they can also be kingdom builders. Therefore, if they are encouraged
through sponsorship and church employment to participate in theological
education, the church will grow more spiritually, numerically, and
financially. The church will enjoy more peace and a touch of compassion
if Christian women are sincerely accepted and trained to use their God-
given gifts.
Fifth, when women receive theological education, their courage and
self-confidence will increase, which could enable them to free themselves
from the societal prejudice and negative stereotypic image they have come
to accept and which in a way affects the church socially. The combination
of men and women learning and interacting together represents the com-
plete creation of God. At Creation, God looked at male and female and
saw that all he had made “was very good” (Gen 1:31).

201
Finally, the recognition of the priesthood of all believers implies a

church in which women and men work side by side in various functions
and ministries, endowed with gifts distributed by the Holy Spirit accord-
ing to his sovereign will (1 Cor 12:7-11). As some men are called into the
ministry by God so are some women. The statement is germane to this
discussion:
Women’s work is essential and without it the cause will suffer great
loss. Women will be more successful in this area of ministry than will
men. The Lord has a work for women, as well as for men. They may
take their places in His work . . . and He will work through them. If
they are imbued with a sense of their duty, and labor under the influ-
ence of the Holy Spirit, they will have just the self-possession required
for this time. . . . They can do in families a work that men cannot do, a
work that reaches the inner life and come close to the hearts of those
whom men cannot reach, hence become beneficial in enhancing visita-
tion and retention of backsliding members. They can come close to the
hearts of those whom men cannot reach. Their labor is needed. The
combined talents of both men and women are essential for the highest
success in the work of the ministry. Therefore the ideal here is team
ministry. (White 1902:7,8).
Conclusion and Recommendations
The theological training of women remains imperative for the SDA

Church in Nigeria where women outnumber men in the general popula-
tion. The task of mission belongs to the church in its entirety. Because both
men and women are given the missionary mandate, they should both be
trained and equally equipped. Also, because there is no gender specific
spiritual gifts (the Holy Spirit does not show any partiality in distributing
his gifts to believers), there should not be found in the church any form of
discrimination against women’s full participation in ministry. One of the
implications is that the church should work on dismantling all the barriers
to women’s full participation in theological education by vigorously com-
batting any form of discrimination against women, providing educational
sponsorship, and subsequent equal employment opportunities for wom-
en who feel called by God to dedicate themselves fulltime to ministry.
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 208
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202
Endnotes
1 The theme of women here generally refers to all discourses about women,
ranging from their status, roles, and leadership positions, etc. In other words, there
must be a topic on women probably because of the patriarchal system. Hence; the
word “theme” has to do with issues/debates surrounding them, which in most
cases pose challenges to their theological education.
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Harriet O. Ikhane teaches at Babcock University and is currently

a PhD candidate in Religion (World Missions) at the Adventist
University of Africa (AUA) in Nairobi, Kenya. She has worked
in the Edo/Delta Conference in Nigeria before joining Babcock
University as a teacher in the Religious Studies Department.

ANDREWS UNIVERSITY SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTIST

THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY
Dissertation Abstract
Towards a Biblical and Missiological Model of Cross-Cultural

Contextualization Among Chinese Immigrants in
“Barrio Chino” Duarte of Santo Domingo,
Dominican Republic
Samuel Telemaque
Adviser: Bruce Bauer, DMiss

Date completed: August 2020
This study examines the challenge of contextualizing the gospel for Chi-
nese immigrants in the Dominican Republic. Chinese people have been
migrating to the Dominican Republic, mainly from Guangdong and Fuji-
an, since the early 1960s. The immigrant population grew to appropriately
50,000 in the 1990s; however, in spite of this steady growth in population,
Adventist leaders have not been able to influence Chinese immigrants
to appreciate the gospel or to make decisions to begin a journey toward
Christ. This study examines that missiological challenge.
The purpose of this study is to develop a model of contextualization for
presenting the gospel to Chinese immigrants that is biblically faithful and
culturally relevant. The model is based on data obtained from interviews
and participant observations conducted in Duarte, known as Barrio Chino,
in the city of Santo Domingo in the Dominican Republic. The data were
gathered from 24 respondents consisting of six Chinese immigrants, six
Dominican-born Chinese, six leaders from other denominations, and six
Bauer: Editorial
206
Adventist church leaders. The data were analyzed for reoccurring themes,
discrepancies, and nuances. After three cycles of analysis, eight reoccur-
ring themes emerged from the data.
These themes or findings are crisis, language, storytelling, social needs,
pragmatism, hard work, values, and availability. Jackson Wu’s theories of
biblical exegesis and cultural contextualization were used to discuss the
findings. The findings were framed within biblical and cultural themes.
The cultural themes are relationship, fortune, and identity. On the other
hand, the biblical themes are creation, covenant, and eschatology. The bibli-
cal and cultural themes were integrated to evoke responses of appreciation,
acceptance, and decision for the gospel of Christ.
The theories of conflict-competence-theory and critical realism were
used to explain the inter-relationships between biblical and cultural
themes in creating a model of contextualization that is biblically faith-
ful and culturally sensitive. This study is relevant to church administra-
tors, mission practitioners, students of mission, and teachers of mission.
It exposes readers to theoretical and practical insights for engaging in
contextualization that is biblically faithful and culturally appropriate to
the Chinese immigrants’ view of reality in the Dominican Republic. The
study has the potential of helping Chinese immigrants develop a new ap-
preciation of the gospel and to carefully evaluate biblical beliefs, values,
teaching and practices in their journey toward Christ.

DANIEL DUFFIS
Book Review
Moon, W. Jay. 2017.

Intercultural Discipleship:
Learning from Global Approach-
es to Spiritual Formation.
Grand Rapids, MI: Baker
Academic.
299 pp. Paperback $29.99.
In Intercultural Discipleship,
one of eight publications in the se-
ries Encountering Mission, Dr. W. Jay
Moon, professor of church planting at
Asbury Theological Seminary, makes
a compelling case on the need to ap-
proach spiritual formation through an
intercultural discipleship process.
Writing primarily to practitioners in the
West (xii), the bulk of the book is focused on analyzing cultural pedagogi-
cal forms including symbols, ritual, stories, music, dance, and drama—
things that are usually associated with Majority World cultures, as tools to
enhance cross-cultural discipleship processes. Moon’s focus is to advocate
for the inclusion of these native cultural genres, not necessarily for over-
seas mission, but for spiritual formation in Western home cultures, since
these cultural genres have often been perceived by westerners as being
too emotive and less rational, a result of the elevation of the cognitive over
the emotive in the modern era.
The book is pedagogical in nature. The layout of each chapter follows
a very straightforward design, with a theoretical section, a demonstration
of the theory in practice, and a section with questions at the end for small
group discussions.
Bauer: Editorial
208
In chapters 1-3, the author sets the stage by comparing the underly-
ing assumptions of Western culture and Majority World culture and how
these affect approaches to discipleship. Acknowledging the strengths and
weaknesses of each worldview, Moon demonstrates how a combination
of diverse cultural tools for spiritual formation can provide a more ho-
listic understanding to discipleship. He sees intercultural discipleship as
the process of transforming worldviews by which Jesus’ followers are ori-
ented to the Kingdom of God and learn to contextualize their obedience
to Christ through the usage of native genres derived from their different
cultures (53).
In chapters 5-9, Moon analyses each cultural tool at an individual level
and provides steps in order to properly contextualize the different ele-
ments into the process of intercultural discipleship. An underlying theme
in the book cautions against syncretism and split-level Christianity by pre-
senting a healthy hermeneutic of interpreting and contextualizing cultural
genres that avoid non-critical assimilation while also not totally rejecting
cultural forms. In these chapters, therefore, he gives both a theoretical
analysis and a practical picture of how native genres could be used in
diverse contexts, often through stories from his own personal experience
serving as a missionary in Africa for 13 years.
In chapters 10-11, the author calls the reader to consider a more holistic
approach to worldview transformation by showing both the necessity to
provide a new understanding that impacts belief or ideology, but also the
need for both word and deed as agents of change. The end of the book lays
out key metrics to measure successful incorporation of these elements in
the discipleship journey, including an exploration of the usage of these
cultural tools within postmodern contexts.
Moon’s scholarship shines throughout this book as he manages to
draw from various disciplines, masterfully weaving together sociologi-
cal, pedagogical, and missiological perspectives on the matter, including
thoughts from leading scholars like Paul Hiebert, Clifford Geertz, and
Charles Kraft, among others. However, the author also maintains an ac-
cessible language for his target audience.
One weakness of the material, however, is that a case could be made
against the idea of reflecting on multicultural pedagogy through the eyes
of a single author. One would expect such a volume to contain contri-
butions from various voices and viewpoints. Still, with the inclusion of
culturally diverse stories and the varied experiences originating from the
author himself, Moon presents a well-rounded and culturally informed pan-
orama of the topic that solidifies his own voice in contributing to the topic.
Another area of concern is that although the author vouches for
both the usage of words and actions as a means that lead to worldview

209
transformation, the author tends to still lean towards an exploration of

the cognitive aspects of the pedagogical tools, rather than the affective
or evaluative. He addresses spiritual formation and worldview
transformation mostly from the standpoint of enhancing communication
and relaying information, while focusing less on the behavioral and
relational tools that could be adopted in the learning environment to
encourage imitation, which is core to discipleship.
Nevertheless, the high academic nature of the content blended with
practical tools and the suggested exercises at the end of each chapter makes
this book a good tool for practitioners who are looking to diversify their
pedagogical methods or use this material for the purpose of providing
training. With this book, Moon also provides good material for academics
and religious educators, especially as the effects of globalization call for a
new approach in which multicultural pedagogy will be inevitable.
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 216
Bauer: Editorial
KERTH PAYNE
Book Review
Ott, Craig. 2019.

The Church on Mission:
A Biblical Vision for Transfor-
mation among All People.
Grand Rapids, MI:
BakerAcademic.
138 pp. US $13.99.
The Church on Mission: A Bibli-

cal Vision for Transformation among
All People might be considered an
abbreviated work advancing the
view that the mission of the church
is to be a transformational agent for
God’s Kingdom on earth. Craig Ott
makes a compelling case for the role and
impact of the church in mission. He is of the view that the church must
first understand its mission, its purpose, and then set about carrying out
that mission.
Ott lays out his arguments quite succinctly but unequivocally. He first
argues for the church in every generation to clarify its understanding of
its mission, then provides the reader with an understanding of mission
as the goal of the church in the world. Ott espouses the thinking that the
church in the world is the link between the now and not yet. The church
is to carry out the teaching, preaching, healing, and the good news of the
gospel in preparation for the second coming of Christ, which will usher in
the ending of the “not yet” and the actualization of the kingdom of God.

211
The reader is not left to figure out or deduce the author’s intent. Ott is
quite explicit in his position. For example, in his opening statements, he
contends that each generation has to reaffirm its understanding of what is
meant by the mission of the church. Further, he identifies the meaning of
church as a representation of worship to God.
The author addresses the possible criticism that his view of missional
transformation is too church-centered. His response is three-fold. First,
that the church is, in fact, the lone agency on the earth to fulfill God’s mis-
sion. He cites Leslie Newbigin as stating that the root of the history of the
Bible is God calling a people to serve him and represent his light to the
nations of the world. He states, “God’s purposes in history are intimately
linked to a people; in our day that is the church” (20).
Second, Jesus’ focus was the church. One of his promises was to build
the church so that his name could be lifted up in all the earth. Ott’s third
point is that the church is called to be transformational and to multiply
around the globe. To this end, he sees eschatological significance. He rec-
ognizes that in light of the fact that Christ redeemed the church and adds
to it those who should be saved, the church can be viewed as the first fruits
of the new creation, when Jesus makes all things new because the believ-
ers would have become “new-creation people.” Thus, God’s church is a
spiritual kingdom; not a national one.
The church indeed is not the kingdom of God; the concept of the king-
dom of God is much bigger and includes heavenly realities, whereas the
church, though a part of the kingdom, is an earthly reality that will experi-
ence the final transformation when Jesus comes. First Peter 2:9 portrays
the church as a priesthood, a nation, a generation, never a kingdom. In
verse five, the apostle mentions that the believers are living stones, to be
used in building a spiritual house. The kingdom language therefore is not
a fitting characterization in my view, even as a metaphor, for the church
of God.
In continuing with the missional and transformational nature of the
church, the author laments the neglect that has characterized the behavior
of the church as it relates to theology that is rooted in Scripture. He cites a
number of reasons for this including the avoidance of dealing with hard
issues that usually create discomfort; the tendency to make Scripture a
relative and/or experiential philosophy rather than conforming the life
to the dictates of Scripture. Some believers have very little interest in
doctrinal issues that have created divisions among Christians. This has
resulted in a diminished regard for formal theological study, which Ott
sees as necessary in order to have sound theological positions. He argues
that the church must have the ability to deeply study the Scriptures. To
lose sight of this need or to disregard its import is to compromise the
2020, vol. 16 no. 1 218
Bauer: Editorial
212
biblical foundations that must be the church’s anchors—something that

will imperil the church.
Ott is correct in his understanding of the issues that plague today’s
church. It is true to say that the message of the church is compromised
by a relaxed attitude towards the foundational beliefs found in Scripture.
This means that the ability to be transformational as well as missional is
significantly lessened. For Ott, the transformational church sees the Word
of God as fundamental to bringing glory to God’s name. They cherish it,
love and mediate upon it, and live by it (41).
The author uses poignant metaphors of salt and light to emphasize
that the transformational church does not operate in private, that it in-
fuses itself in the wider world. I think that the author makes correct use of
the metaphors to illustrate the impact that the church is expected to have
in the world. Another example is the Genesis mandate to be fruitful and
multiply. Ott sees this Old Testament instruction as a theme that carries
all the way into the New Testament because even there, God is working
towards the multiplication of his church. A fruitful church is a multiplying
church with one goal, to bring glory to God.
Throughout the book Ott remains true to his goal of demonstrating
that the mission of the church is to be transformational in the world and
to glorify God. In his last two chapters, he argues for unity in the church
that must be achieved because people in the world are confused when
segregation and other social ills are exhibited in the church. He posits that
a transformational church must see this facet as essential to church growth
and being Jesus’ witnesses. Further, in order to multiply in a way that
represents heaven, selfless efforts must be made to embrace others who
do not look like us and to work through the discomforts and challenges of
diversity. It is necessary, he contends, for kingdom building.
The author does accomplish his goal of providing a clear vision and un-
derstanding of the mission of the church. His arguments are well thought
out, compelling, and rooted in Scripture, albeit not always deeply theo-
logical as he promised. Nonetheless, there is an abundance of scriptural
evidence to support his perspective on mission, transformation, and the
role of the church in kingdom building. Ott is unequivocal in demonstrat-
ing that the church is indeed meant to be a missional and transformational
agency in the world, for the glory of God.


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Bauer: Editorial

Published by Digital Commons @ Andrews University, 1

JAMS is a peer-reviewed journal published in the Spring and Fall by

Death and Ancestors in Light of the Old Testament................................. 1

Death and Ancestors in Contemporary Judaism..................................... 29

Ancestor Worship and the Gadarene Demoniacs...........................................55

A Biblical Framework for Discipling

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Ancestors in the Asia-Pacific Context...................................................... 95

Funeral Rituals and Practices: The Quest for

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Faith, Force, and Fear: Factors that

Rituals and Beliefs Surrounding Death in Islam..................................... 173

Theological Education of Seventh-day

Bruce L. Bauer, editor

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Published by Digital Commons @ Andrews University, 7

Death and Ancestors in Light

It can be said that the African idea of instant transformation of the

Pope John Paul II speaks positively of the African spiritual worldview

Africa is endowed with a wealth of cultural values and priceless hu-

As further evidence of accommodation to indigenous ancestral reli-

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The Nature and Constitution of the Human Being

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Genesis 1:26-27: The Nature of Humanity in God’s Image

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conscious survived death, and thus ultimately (ontologically) the human

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Passages Allegedly Supporting Human

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