Journal of Vocational Education and Training

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Vocational education and training in germany:

trends and issues

Antje Cockrill & Peter Scott

To cite this article: Antje Cockrill & Peter Scott (1997) Vocational education and training in
germany: trends and issues, Journal of Vocational Education and Training, 49:3, 337-350, DOI:
10.1080/13636829700200019

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 VOCATIONAL EDUCATION AND TRAINING IN GERMANY
Journal of Vocational Education and Training, Vol. 49, No. 3, 1997

Vocational Education
and Training in Germany:
trends and issues

ANTJE COCKRILL & PETER SCOTT

University of Wales College of Cardiff, United Kingdom

ABSTRACT This article provides a detailed and accessible account of the

contemporary structure of the German system for vocational education and
training and of some of the main issues and concerns causing current
stresses within it. First, we outline the so-called dual system for initial
vocational training and the manner in which it is underpinned by the
general education system. A number of difficulties threaten the continuation
of the dual system in its present form, the most important of which are
increasing pressures for the differentiation of, and for greater flexibility in,
training provision, and also for restructuring of the system’s costs and
funding. Secondly, this article describes the much less regulated and
discussed field of provision for continuing vocational training and identifies
further current troubles affecting this sphere, such as imperfect knowledge
and quality, access problems, and – again – the funding of such training.

Introduction
The vocational education and training system in Germany, often referred
to as the ‘dual system’, is frequently regarded as a ‘model’ system, which
might be used as an example to redress skills shortages and to improve
economic performance. However, although it is still a “source of pride at
home and emulation abroad” (Pritchard, 1992, p. 131), it has become
evident over recent years that is also faces a number of issues which
constitute increasingly intractable weaknesses in what is otherwise a
successful and generally admired system of vocational education and
training.
This article has two purposes. First, it provides a detailed and
accessible account of the contemporary structure of the dual system for
initial vocational training and the manner in which it is underpinned by
the general education system. We go on to identify a number of current
issues and concerns within the dual system, the most important of which

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ANTJE COCKRILL & PETER SCOTT

are increasing pressures for the differentiation of, and for greater
flexibility in, training provision, and also for restructuring of the system’s
costs and funding. Secondly, this article describes the much less regulated
and discussed field of provision for continuing vocational training and
identifies further current difficulties pertaining to this sphere, such as
imperfect knowledge and quality, access problems, and – again – the
funding of such training. Our argument derives from both secondary data
and primary interviews carried out as part of current comparative
research into Anglo-German vocational training. [1]

The Foundation: the education system

The general education system and vocational training are inextricably
linked in Germany. The choice of secondary school has a substantial
influence on a young person’s later career options, and it is therefore
important to begin this article with a brief introduction to the general
education system in Germany. Most children leave primary school at
about the age of 10. Parents and teachers then decide jointly which one of
three – or, in some states, four – types of secondary school the child will
attend for the remainder of his or her school career.
The first option is the Gymnasium, which is the most academically
oriented type of secondary school that can be chosen. This type of school
caters for the most academically able students and leads to the Abitur
examination which is the entry qualification for higher education. This
type of school used to be highly selective, but in the last decade, this has
changed to the education of a much wider ability range than before.
Traditionally, the Gymnasium was the gateway to higher education, but an
increasing number of Gymnasium graduates today choose vocational
training in high profile professions such as banking and finance, with the
option of entering higher education later in life.
The second type of secondary school, the Realschule, caters for more
vocationally inclined students. The focus is more on the preparation for
the world of work than in the Gymnasium. Pupils leave at 16 years of age,
and by this time they have gone through work experience placements. The
subjects taught in this type of school are more practical. Graduates of this
type of school either continue into an apprenticeship, a full-time
vocational school or change to a Gymnasium or its equivalent to gain
university entry qualifications. The latter option is somewhat difficult
because of curriculum differences and might entail an additional year in
school for a young person choosing this route.
The third option is the Hauptschule. This type of school provides
basic education until the age of 15 or 16, depending on the region.
Originally this type of school was the most common, and the basis for
most vocational training. However, recently, this type of school has
become not so much an option that teachers and parents choose for a

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child but an institution catering for those with either very low ability
and/or social/behavioural problems (Cantor, 1989, p. 97). The percentage
of ethnic minority students in Hauptschulen is high, and it is from this type
of school (apart from special needs schools) that the largest number of
school leavers without qualifications emerges (Statistisches Bundesamt,
1995). Traditionally, the Hauptschule was the recruiting ground for many
employers looking for 15 or 16 year-old apprentices. To some extent this is
still the case, and the ambition of most Hauptschule graduates would be to
obtain an apprenticeship. However, for many of the young people
attending this type of school, this wish remains unfulfilled, and these
young people end up in government schemes, unemployed or in further
full-time vocational education. Some continue in full-time education to
obtain a Realschule qualification.
In some Laender, pupils have the additional choice to attend a
comprehensive school (Gesamtschule). These schools either teach all
students together up to the end of compulsory schooling at the ages of 15
or 16 (depending on the state) or they encompass all three types of
secondary school in one school but the pupils are taught in separate
streams. The introduction of this type of school in some states was the
result of SPD (social democratic) Land governments. Recently, however,
there has been considerable parental pressure, even in traditionally
left-wing states, to abandon particularly those comprehensives in which
all students are taught together.
This education system is both the background to, and the starting
point of, young people’s further education and training. It can be seen that
the choice of secondary school has a considerable impact on later career
choices – although moves between types of schools are possible, they are
not straightforward because of differences in the curriculum, and can only
be achieved by people who realise too late that they made an
inappropriate choice and who are determined to make the best of their
potential. Generally career paths are determined at an early age in
Germany (von Brachel, 1994, p. 35).
Students leaving the Hauptschule can study for another 2 years and
achieve the Realschule leaving certificate. Similarly, Realschule graduates
with appropriate academic achievement can enter either the Gymnasium
or more specialised schools (Fachoberschulen) for 2 or 3 years and achieve
either a general Abitur, qualifying them for university entry, or the
Fachhochschulreife, which qualifies for entry into polytechnics (Further
Education Funding Council [FEFC], 1995, p. 20).
Graduates from all types of school can enter vocational training at 15
or 16 (depending on the Land) but they are legally obliged to continue with
some form of school-based education until they are 18 years old. This
requirement is the origin of the term ‘dual system’ – vocational training in
Germany can either be in full-time vocational schools, or, if it is in the form
of an apprenticeship, it also always includes a school-based element.

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ANTJE COCKRILL & PETER SCOTT

The Dual System and Vocational Schools

Young people seeking vocational training apply to employers, and are
accepted on the basis of their curriculum vitae. Trainees who have been
accepted by an employer sign a contract for an apprenticeship. These
apprenticeships last usually between 3 and 3½ years, although in some
sectors this is shortened for Gymnasium leavers. Apprentices usually
acquire basic skills in their chosen occupation first, and then graduate to
more specialised training. Traditionally, apprentices learned their trade
for 3 days a week at their place of work and attended an
occupation-specific vocational school (Berufsschule) for the remaining
days. However, the Berufsschule does not only provide vocational skills
but also covers basic academic subjects such as German and English. The
Berufsschule complements the on-the-job training, hence the term
‘Dualsystem‘ or ‘dual system’. Presently, about two-thirds of an age cohort
participate in the dual system (FEFC, 1995, p. 25).
Berufsschulen are divided by branch of trade, and students are
grouped by year of apprenticeship and receive instruction for either a
single occupation or for related occupations. Increasingly, in industry, the
basic vocational training is provided in the form of full-time courses.
Particularly in occupations with a high proportion of small enterprises,
like construction, much of the initial training is provided in full-time
vocational schools or training centres. Berufsschulen are by far the most
common type of vocational schools.
School leavers can also opt for full-time vocational courses in
specialist vocational schools. Berufsfachsculen (for more detail see FEFC,
1995, pp. 3-11). These schools provide full-time instruction, and courses
last between 1 and 3 years. As with the Berufsschulen, these schools also
provide basic general education. Berufsfachschulen cater for two different
groups of students: for those who have failed to obtain an apprenticeship
place, and those training for occupations which are not a part of the dual
system (for example, the care sector).
Another type of vocational school is the Berufsaufbauschule. These
schools are for those who have not achieved the intermediate level
secondary school certification. Their courses are occupation-specific and
last at least for 1 year. At the end, the student achieves an equivalent to
the Realschule leaving certificate (FEFC, 1995, p. 20). Only a very small
number of young people attend these schools, and they do not exist in all
German states.
The Berufliches Gymnasium (or Fachgymnasium) are schools which
provide the equivalent of the last 3 years of the Gymnasium education on a
technical/vocational basis. As well as the subjects normally offered at the
Gymnasium, these schools also offer career-oriented subjects such as
business studies or engineering. This type of school leads to the Abitur,

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which entitles the young person to entry into higher education at a

university or polytechnic. Some of these schools offer a dual qualification,
the Abitur and a vocational qualification in a certain occupation (FEFC,
1995, pp. 20-21).
Two additional types of vocational training must be mentioned in this
context: the Berufsvorbereitungsjahr and the Berufsgrundbildungsjahr. Both
are school-based full-time courses of 1 year’s duration. The
Berufsvorbereitungsjahr is a pre-vocational course which prepares students
for the world of work and provides them with insights in a range of
occupations (Her Majesty’s Inspectorate [HMI], 1993, p. 4). This course is
not taken into account when a student continues into an apprenticeship,
and does not exempt the student from any requirements in an
apprenticeship in the future. However, absenteeism is often high in these
courses and a large percentage of students take up unskilled work after
completion (HMI, 1993, p. 4). The Berufsgrundbildungsjahr is for those who
intend to take up an apprenticeship but have not been able to find a
placement. It is not as general as the Berufsvorbereitungsjahr, i.e. students
choose an occupational area, and it may exempt students from the first
year of apprenticeship training (HMI, 1993, p. 4). However, in many cases,
these two types of courses function as “waiting areas of the dual system”
for those who have been unable to obtain an apprenticeship or other work
(Streeck et al, 1987, p. 98).

The Dual System in Detail

Vocational education and training has a long tradition in Germany and can
be traced back to the Middle Ages (Department of Education and Science
[DES], 1991, p. 6). Presently, this area is regulated by four pieces of
legislation: the Vocational Training Acts from 1969 and 1993
(Berufsbildungsgesetz), the Vocational Training Development Act
(Berufsbildungsfoerderungsgesetz) of 1981, the Craft Regulations
(Handwerksordnungen), and the Youth Employment Protection Act
(Jugendarbeitsschutzgesetz) of 1960. The Vocational Training Act of 1969
created the Bundesinstitut fuer Berufsbildung (BiBB), a federal body which
brings together representatives of the central and state governments and
the ‘social partners’ to discuss, and advise on, vocational training issues.
BiBB also conducts its own research into vocational training and runs
‘model projects’ on innovative forms of vocational learning.
A potential apprentice and his or her future employer sign a training
contract. The training contracts are registered with and supervised by the
chambers. Nationally recognised apprenticeships can only be provided in
one of the over 370 recognised training occupations. The training follows a
curriculum and the testing to standards established in the training
regulations (Ausbildungsordnungen) issued by the Federal Ministry for
Economic Affairs. Apprentices who successfully pass their examinations

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receive certificates indicating they are a skilled worker (Facharbeiter) or, in

the crafts, a Gesellenbrief.
All enterprises have to register with their appropriate chamber
(Kammer) and pay fees. This can either be the local Chamber of Industry
and Commerce or the appropriate Chamber of Crafts (Handwerkskammer).
There are also chambers for agriculture and certain professions such as
medical practitioners and lawyers. The Chambers of Industry and
Commerce are organised in the Deutscher Industrie-und Handelstag (DIHT),
which collects and collates employers’ suggestions and advises the central
government on policy issues.[2] The chambers are responsible for both
the content and implementation of vocational training. All chambers have
vocational training committees, consisting of employee and employer
representatives as well as instructors of vocational training, who have an
advisory role only (Streeck et al, 1987, p. 18). These committees deal with
all issues related to vocational training. The chambers also employ
training councillors (Ausbildungsberater) who have control and advisory
responsibilities for workplace training (Streeck et al, 1987, p. 31).
Training is provided at the employers’ expense. There are no
subsidies or government incentives to provide training, although the
Laender carry the cost of the school-based elements of the dual system.
Apprentices are paid an allowance which is considerably less than the
wages of the adult worker, but there is growing concern about the cost of
training provision in Germany. There is no levy system except in the
construction sector, which is dominated by small and medium-sized
enterprises (SMEs) that rely heavily on inter-company training centres
supervised by the chambers for the provision of a broad-based training.
Such inter-company training centres have also been set up in some other
industries whose structure is dominated by SMEs to ensure that all
apprentices acquire an appropriate range of skills for their occupation.
Traditionally many organisations trained many more people than they
actually needed themselves but recently this has changed as companies
have cut back.
Not all companies provide training, and despite its fairly regulated
nature, standards of vocational training in Germany vary considerably.
Apprentices training for the same occupation in different companies might
encounter very dissimilar training conditions – although companies are
only permitted to take on apprentices if they can provide a trainer who
has relevant occupational knowledge, several years of work experience
and a specific training certificate. The latter qualification is either included
in the Meister training (see later) or can be obtained as a separate
qualification needing a course (Brown, 1996, p. 3). This requirement for
‘trained trainers’ is intended to provide a minimum level of training
quality, yet the actual standard varies considerably. Larger companies,
which provide a great proportion of initial training opportunities, might
offer their own training workshops and training centres, but smaller

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companies – when they do undertake initial training themselves – often

encourage, and provide opportunities for, independent work and for
improving communication skills. Consequently, there is much competition
amongst young people for those apprenticeships which are universally
perceived as attractive, that is, those in white collar professions such as
banking and finance or with larger multinational companies. This also
implies that employers offering ‘attractive’ apprenticeships can choose
amongst well-qualified applicants, whereas employers in less favoured
industries have difficulty obtaining candidates of the calibre they need.

Current Issues
Generally speaking, the dual system has always been, and still is, widely
accepted in Germany. It still commands tremendous domestic confidence
and international admiration, and the ‘social partners’ are united in the
wish to preserve and strengthen the system (Bynner & Roberts, 1991,
p. 233). There is still a widespread consensus between the general public,
employers and trade unions that systematic vocational training is
desirable and for the public good. Neither employers nor trade unionists
doubt the principle that each school leaver should have access to high
quality vocational training, and that training profiles should be
continuously modernised and upgraded (Streeck et al, 1987, p. 3).
Nevertheless, there is also agreement amongst the ‘social partners’ that
some problem areas have to be addressed if the dual system is to serve its
function as well in the future as it has in the past. The main concerns
amongst unions and employers are: the desirability and/or necessity of
differentiation within the dual system, a lack of flexibility, and the issue of
training costs.

Differentiation within the Dual System

The dual system’s goal could be described as training workers for
immediate, full-time employment appropriate to their trained occupation
(Herget, 1986, p. 9). However, this is increasingly not achieved, and there
is growing concern about a group of 10-14% of young people in each age
cohort who do not continue in any kind of education or training after
school leaving age. These young people are not only ill equipped for
entering an increasingly competitive labour market but are often
unemployed and perceived as unemployable. The Government, employer
organisations and trade unions have addressed this problem by
suggesting changes in the dual system to aid this group.
Employer organisations maintain that the best way to make these
young people employable would be to offer shortened 2-year
apprenticeships which would accommodate low motivation and/or ability
levels. In contrast, the unions are convinced that these young people need

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ANTJE COCKRILL & PETER SCOTT

more training, not less, and suggest extension of the ‘normal’

apprenticeship in a given occupation, and additional training where
appropriate. At present, there seems to be no solution in sight because
employers and unions are unable to reach a consensus. Employers fear
the cost of extended apprenticeships and also predict that this group of
young people would be lacking too much in motivation to complete
extended apprenticeships. Conversely, unions worry that shortened
apprenticeships would create a set of low status occupations outside of
the tariff structure, and that entry into one of these occupations would
pigeon-hole a young person permanently.
However, suggested changes concerning particular groups of young
people are not limited to the less able. The dual system has seen a trend
towards shortened apprenticeships for apprentices with the Abitur, and
there are ongoing debates about the participation of such apprentices in
the Berufsschule curriculum. Some employer representatives suggest
either catering for these apprentices in separate classes in the
Berufsschule or permitting them to opt out of some of the more basic
classes and to add additional courses such as languages or business
administration. Although shortened training periods for such apprentices
are already common, separate courses or additional classes are opposed
by the trade unions as ‘unegalitarian’ and also by some employers on the
grounds of cost. However, a solution will have to be found soon, since
about 40% of the apprentices with Abitur continue into higher education
and usually do not return to the firm who trained them. This negates one
of the main advantages which employers perceive in the dual system: the
provision of in-house trained employees well acquainted with the working
procedures of a particular firm.

Flexibility
A second major issue within the dual system today concerns the flexibility
of training provision. This aspect concerns both the adaptability of
training regulations for each occupation as well as the ease with which
new occupations can be registered. There seems to be universal
agreement that more flexibility is required. Rapid changes in the
composition of labour markets and industries also require the ability of a
training system to adjust quickly, and presently, the dual system is
perceived as too slow in adjusting to changes. However, efforts have been
made to include a range of new occupations in the area of media and
communications, and it is currently being discussed whether or not health
and social care training, which is presently school-based, should be
integrated into the dual system.
The demands for more flexibility have also led to a discussion of the
introduction of a fully or partly modularised system. These discussions
have two strands. First, there is the issue whether a modular system could

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be used to provide effective initial training, especially in industries like

printing where rapid technological change requires particularly adjustable
and flexible training. The second relevant issue concerns whether modules
can be used to gain additional qualifications, for example in languages.
Whereas there seems to be a universal agreement that modules are a
useful tool to provide additional, specific qualifications, some employer
organisations seem to have grave reservations about modular approaches
to initial training: modular qualifications are not perceived as transparent,
comparable and of uniform standard (Kuratorium der deutschen
Wirtschaft fuer Berufsbildung, n.d.).

Costs
A third major topic of discussion concerns the costs and funding of
vocational education and training. The trade unions complain that
insufficient training places are created and offered by employers, and
employer organisations maintain that the costs of training are too high.
These assumptions have led to an ongoing debate between unions and
employer organisations, with the unions suggesting a training levy for
firms not training themselves. The purpose of such a levy would be to
increase the number of training places, to increase training quality, to
balance training opportunities in less economically favoured regions, and
to balance the costs for training and continuing training more evenly (IG
Metall Abteilung Berufsbildung, 1994, pp. 30-39).
The idea of a training levy is opposed by employers because they
fear that it would result in more government control, a reduction of the
number of training places and a loss of training quality. They also maintain
that it would not result in a better balance of costs but would lead to
‘double paying’ by some firms and would create an additional burden on
the economy (Kuratorium der Deutschen Wirtschaft fuer Berufsbildung,
1995, p. 14). At present, there is no consensus between employers and
unions in sight – a major obstacle in the further development of the
provision of education and training since our own research has clearly
shown that costs are a major deterrent factor in the provision of training.

Continuing Education and Training (CET) in Germany

Vocational education and training is, of course, not limited to the
provision of initial training in the form of apprenticeships. Once an
individual has achieved a qualification, he or she has a large number of
options for further training and qualifications. CET in Germany is
organised quite differently from general education and initial training
provision. Whereas both of the latter are fairly strongly regulated – one
could possibly even say overregulated – CET is subject to far less
regulation. It is also characterised by its free-market organisation, the

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ANTJE COCKRILL & PETER SCOTT

plurality of training providers and the subsidiary role of the state (Sauter,
1994, p. 3). These features lead to problems such as imperfect availability
of information, obstacles to access, and cost difficulties, which we will
discuss further later.

Figure 1. Recognised qualifications in further education and training (adapted

from Industrie-und Handelskammer Duesseldorf, 1996, p. 5).

There are, nevertheless, two main providers of off-the-job further

education and training: the Volkshochschulen and the Chambers of
Industry and Commerce. The Volkschochschulen, aptly named ‘people’s
colleges’, provide a large range of education and training from purely
recreational courses like painting and pottery to language learning, and
courses leading to a variety of school-leaving and vocational qualifications.
They also offer basic literacy and numeracy training, both for German
native and non-German native speakers. Volkshochschulen were
established as adult education institutions in the 1940s and have enjoyed
continued popularity by offering education and training to an adult
audience. They do offer a few courses for teenagers, particularly in urban
areas, but these are specifically earmarked. Otherwise, courses are open
to everyone, and course fees are low and can be reduced in cases of
hardship.
As far as vocational continuing education and training are concerned,
the Chambers of Industry and Commerce are a major provider of courses
and qualifications. They offer a set of nationally recognised, standardised
and examination-based vocational qualifications (see Figure 1). In addition
to these two main providers of continuing education and training, there is
also a large number of private, semi-private and charity-based training
providers who offer a wide range of courses. This profusion of training
providers leads to a problem of imperfect information: there are
difficulties in establishing which courses are available and the quality of
the training provided. Prices vary considerably, and courses are not
always good value for money. It is for this reason that some employers are

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reluctant to engage with outside training providers – particularly when

employers pay for work-related external or internal CET.
The education and vocational educational systems are organised in
such a way that most, if not all, German qualifications theoretically permit
access to obtaining further training and education, yet, in practice, there
are often obstacles. The main inhibiting factor in Germany seems to be age
and, connected with this, lifestyle. A 16 year-old school leaver obtaining an
apprenticeship will be 19 by the time he or she is finished. By this time,
this young person has only earned a nominal wage, whilst their British
contemporary in a similar occupation is likely to be less well trained but
will have worked for near adult wages for 3 years. If the German youngster
decides to return to full-time education to obtain further vocational or
academic qualifications, they will be well into their twenties by the time
they earn a full wage. Not only is the achievement of adult status delayed
but, by this time, family or other commitments might effectively prevent
the return to full-time education. Presently, training in the dual system
leading to an apprenticeship in a particular occupation is perceived as a
largely irreversible decision: initial errors in choosing the right career
paths can only be remedied at high personal costs (Berger et al, 1995, p.
36), and are generally not perceived as a viable option.
Another inhibiting factor concerning further vocational training can
be cost. In many cases, where an individual wants to gain further
work-related qualifications or receive training, employer and employee
come to an agreement: sometimes a company will pay course fees, but
insist on the employee using his or her own time for the course or, in
other cases, the firm might permit time off but will expect the employee to
pay for the training. For example, the Meister certificate in the crafts has
been a qualification often described in English literature on the German
training system (see, for example, DES, 1991, p. 21). Theoretically every
successful apprentice who has worked for at least 3 years after the
completion of his/her apprenticeship can apply for the training. The
training takes 1 or 2 years full-time in special training centres or longer as
a part-time course. However, the Meister training is expensive, and many
employers only support this type of training to a very limited extent
because they fear that a newly qualified Meister will leave the firm if there
is no scope for promotion to a Meister position. Therefore, the training
costs have often to be borne by the employee, although government
grants/loans are available for some further qualifications (Industrie-und
Handelskammer Duesseldorf, 1996, p. 7). As regards CET funding
otherwise, it is accepted that the Federal Government funds courses and
retraining programmes for the unemployed, and individuals pay for
personal continuing training such as leisure courses.

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ANTJE COCKRILL & PETER SCOTT

Conclusions
Policy-makers, unions and employer representatives agree that Germany’s
dual system needs to change, despite their continuing adherence to many
of its basic principles, if the German economy is to become more flexible
and to retain its ability to compete within international markets. Although
the policy issues raised above concerning the type, length and quality of
initial and further training are important, they are not crucial to the
continued existence and effectiveness of the dual system. However, it is
pertinent to address the issues of costs and flexibility, particularly since
these have a resonance as part of the broader debate about the level and
direction of public expenditure engendered by the pressures of overseas
economic competition and the convergence criteria for European
monetary union. If the costs of the dual system are perceived as too high
and it is seen as too inflexible, an insufficient number of training places
will be made available. This is likely to lead to increased poaching and
competition for already trained skilled personnel, a glut of whom are
currently available on the labour market because of the current recession
in Germany, thus causing a scenario which will be familiar to long-time
observers of the United Kingdom training scene. However, winning change
may be more difficult than simply recognising its necessity, for two main
reasons. Firstly, the entrenched divergences of view between the various
parties represented within the structures governing German vocational
training are making it increasingly elusive to achieve the consensus on
which its governance is predicated. For the increasingly important field of
continuing training, moreover, its very diversity and lack of regulation will
be an obstacle to consistent change. It remains to be seen whether the
developing economic, industrial and social problems in Germany will have
more rapid repercussions for the pace and direction of vocational training
reform than have been experienced to date.

Correspondence
Dr Antje Cockrill, Research Associate, Centre for Advanced Studies in the
Social Sciences, University of Wales College of Cardiff, 33 Corbett Road,
Cardiff CF1 3EB, United Kingdom.

Notes
[1] This research, entitled ‘Training for Multi-skilling: a comparison of British and
German experience’, is financed under the Economic and Social Research
Council’s Learning Society Initiative (ESRC Award no. L123251020) and is
being undertaken by a team from the Centre for Advanced Studies in the

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Social Sciences (CASS) and the School of Education, University of Wales

Cardiff under the direction of Professor Phil Cooke of CASS.
[2] Interview at the Deutsche Industrie-und Handelstag, Bonn, 26 June 1996.

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