Migration policies and

the Millennium
Development Goals
Ronald Skeldon

Policy Network
Third floor
11 Tufton Street
London SW1P 3QB
United Kingdom

t: +44 (0)20 7340 2200

f: +44 (0)20 7340 2211
e: [email protected]
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 progressive governance London 2008
Migration policies
and the Millennium
development Goals
Ronald Skeldon

Ronald Skeldon is professorial fellow at the University of Sussex and a core team
member of the DfID-sponsored Development Research Centre on migration, globalisation
and poverty. Prior to this he has worked with the United Nations, initially as a census adviser
in Papua New Guinea and later as a population expert based in Bangkok.

April 2008 | Ronald Skeldon | Migration policies and the Millennium development Goals |  www.policy-network.net
progressive governance London 2008
Migration policies and the Millennium Development Goals

Introduction
With migration being one of the most obvious consequences of globalisation, it is
understandable that international migration has emerged as one of the key areas in the global
policy and development debate at the beginning of the 21st century. The Global Commission
on International Migration, launched in 2003, the High-level Dialogue on International
Migration and Development, convened by the then secretary general of the United Nations
in 2006, and the ongoing state-led Global Forum on International Migration and
Development, have been just three of many activities giving migration a high profile,
nationally and internationally.

Yet, despite all the attention to the topic, the real impact of migration on development—and
of development on migration—is still poorly understood. Certain things do appear clear:

Migration can help to reduce poverty;

Immobile populations reflect stagnant economies and generally poor populations;

While the poor do move, the poorest generally move less frequently and over shorter
distances than wealthier groups.

However, whether policy intervention can

Migration and development are positively correlated: influence migration in a way that can bring
that is, as levels of development rise, the volume of about development is not so clear. What can
migration also rises be said with some degree of confidence
from the available evidence is that migration
and development are positively correlated: that is, as levels of development rise, the
volume of migration also rises. Hence, any idea that by promoting development in areas
of origin the amount of out-migration will cease is misplaced. Over the longer term, as
fertility declines, the volume of migration may slow; but over the short term, as levels of
welfare and prosperity rise, migration also tends to increase. While development is
therefore clearly a driver of migration, whether migration can be a driver of development
is not so apparent.

Migration as an MdG
Migration is not a MDG and it is right that migration is not a MDG. International agreements on
targets for migration would have been unlikely in the way that targets for reducing poverty,
infant or maternal mortality, gender inequalities or increasing primary enrolment could be
. Specific attributions to sources are
achieved. Nevertheless, it is virtually impossible to envisage progress towards achieving the
given in the text and readers are
directed to the references at the end existing MDGs without some kind of migration. Studies of households in village communities
of the paper. additionally, the issue of
refugees and conflict-induced in the developing world show the importance of incorporating additional “resource niches”
migration was deemed beyond the
remit of this paper, which focuses away from the traditional rural way of life. Among the poorest, minimising risk rather than
primarily on “voluntary” and labour
migrations. maximising return will help to achieve better welfare, and such an “off-farm” strategy helps to

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 progressive governance London 2008
reduce the vulnerability of poor households. Activities range from seasonal work on commercial
agricultural estates to longer-term work in cities.

Policy, the MdGs and the majority of people who move: the internal migrants
Hence, the first policy recommendation would be to allow poor people to move to diversify
their household resource base. Such a recommendation immediately introduces a central issue
that has been almost entirely missing in the current migration development debate: the
importance of internal migration.

The current debate is concerned almost entirely with international migration, in which origin
and destination states can bilaterally seek to implement migration policies that can benefit both
states as well as the migrants themselves. However, the number of international migrants in
the world in 2005, according to the best, if flawed, estimates, was 195 million, or about 3% of
the population. Certainly, some countries are more affected than others, and those 195 million
are linked back to their home through family ties to many more millions of people. Nevertheless,
an examination of origin-destination flows reveals that they are dominated by movements
among the developed countries themselves and by a relatively small number of mostly
middle-income developing countries. The vast majority of people who move do so within the
boundaries of their own country.

Migration policies that are geared towards international migration alone are unlikely to reach the
majority of people who move, and it is an improvement of the conditions among the majority and
the poorest that will make the greatest impact on achieving the MDGs. However, bringing internal
migration into the equation introduces a series of complications. First and foremost, such policies
are the responsibility of individual sovereign states. Second, the experience of countries with
policies of redirection or restriction on internal flows over all but the short term have generally
been shown not to be effective.

None the less, the last United Nations enquiry

into world population policies in 2005 Over half of governments in the developing world
showed that almost three-quarters of thought that a major change in the distribution of their
governments in the developing world population was desirable
thought that they should implement policies
to reduce internal migration into urban agglomerations. Over half of governments in the
developing world thought that a major change in the distribution of their population was
desirable, the implication being that a reversal of migration from cities should be
implemented.

Hence, a significant amount of advocacy on internal migration in the developing world remains
to be done. The dangers of attempting to disallow the poor from broadening their resource
base appear to be accepted as part of policy in many parts of the developing world. Migration
need not imply a permanent move from rural to urban, but is more typically made up of

April 2008 | Ronald Skeldon | Migration policies and the Millennium development Goals |  www.policy-network.net
progressive governance London 2008
complex systems of short-term movements or circulation among villages and towns and
between rural and urban areas.

Policy implications
Freedom of movement is enshrined in the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which
although non-binding does have moral authority, particularly when it is clear that controls on
movement are likely to act against the achievement of the MDGs. Two policy recommendations
therefore emerge: that no active policy intervention should be introduced to prohibit or redirect
these types of movements; and that internal migrants should be accorded the types of
protections that most developing countries wish for their citizens abroad. Advocacy on labour
law and access to basic services in destinations would be integral parts of any such policy
implementation.

Furthermore, the concentration of populations in urban areas, estimated to reach 53% of the
world’s population in 2015, 48% in the less developed countries of the world and even 31.6%
in the least developed countries, places urbanisation in the centre of the population and
development debate.

Of particular importance to policymakers is therefore the urbanisation of poverty. Recent

evidence suggests that, while the number of urban poor has been reduced by about 100 million
through the transfer of some 150 million rural people to the urban sector, this has been
counterbalanced by a slower-than-average poverty reduction in urban areas.

In many ways, the urban sector, and migration to that sector, is becoming the fulcrum around
which the success of achieving the MDGs will revolve. This concentration of population should
make access to basic health and education services easier, as well as improving access to clean
water and sanitation (four of the MDGs). However, programmes to reduce poverty need to be
increasingly focused on populations in urban areas, even if these programmes might have the
result of bringing about a further increase in urban growth.

International migration and the MdGs

Although international migrants make up a very small proportion of the total number of
migrants, they can and do play an important role in their countries of origin, although whether
they can actually influence progress towards achieving the MDGs remains to be proven. The
debate on international migration and development has not focused specifically on the MDGs,
but mainly on three areas that are seen to be important for the development of countries of
origin:

Remittances;

Skilled migration and brain drain;

Diasporas.

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 progressive governance London 2008
These areas are not mutually exclusive but form a useful division in order to examine the policy
debate.

Remittances
Remittances have been the source of greatest attention, and the reason is not hard to fathom:
their sheer magnitude. The annual value of global remittances is second only to foreign direct
investment as a source of external funding, and remittances are now much larger than the total
volume of official aid flows. Recent estimates place the volume of remittances flowing only to
developing countries in 2005 at $US167bn, an amount that has doubled since 2000. Certainly,
part of the increase can be accounted for by improved reporting and statistical systems, but
the total amount reported referred only to remittances flowing through formal banking
channels. An equal amount may flow through informal channels.

While the precise amounts of money sent back by migrants as remittances remains unknown,
there can be little question about their importance for countries of origin. Hence, policies to
liberalise the temporary migration of labour take on significance. Estimates suggest that if
developed economies took in an additional number of labour migrants equivalent to just 3%
of their labour force—through GATS mode four, for example—annual gains in remittances of
US$150bn might result. This would almost double the present official volume.

Leaving aside the political issues of achieving

any such programmes through GATS, other Remittances are likely to contribute to a widening of
issues relate to the impact of remittances on inequalities between and within developing countries
the achievement of the MDGs. The debate on and to reinforce existing inequalities
remittances tends to ignore important aspects
of the process of migration. Migrants in general, and international migrants in particular, are not
randomly selected from the populations of origin countries. They tend to come from very
specific places of origin and the remittances are therefore flowing back to a quite limited
number of places and social groups in countries of origin. Also, these countries of origin may
not be among the poorest. Remittances are likely to contribute to a widening of inequalities
between and within developing countries and to reinforce existing inequalities rather than
raising the overall improvements implied by the MDGs. Although, over the long term, such an
outcome need not necessarily be negative for development, the danger over the short term
is that governments respond to the flows of remittances by redirecting their own allocation of
aid away from remittance-receiving countries to the detriment of the poorest in those
countries.

Nevertheless, remittances can help to reduce poverty in specific populations. It has been
estimated that the massive labour migration from the state of Kerala in southern India to the Gulf
states has contributed to a 12% reduction in poverty in that state. Convincing evidence of the
impact of remittances on poverty alleviation is also available from Latin America. Yet, despite the
volume of remittances received by Kerala, the state has not experienced a parallel increase in

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progressive governance London 2008
economic growth, but instead actually declined in rank by gross state domestic product
between 1980 and 1998.

Furthermore, remittances may improve human capital but, in doing so, may lock certain
populations into dependence upon further migration. A proportion of remittances are used to
fund the costs of the migration of others, either direct bureaucratic and transport costs or illegal
payments to traffickers to circumvent the legal process. Remittances can enhance human
wellbeing, but, in certain areas at least, may simply act as a holding mechanism that ultimately
leads to further migration and population redistribution rather than sustaining economic
development in areas of origin. Rarely do remittances go to the poorest people or to the poorest
areas among developing countries of origin.

Nevertheless, even given all the caveats specified above, policies that work to reduce the
transaction costs of sending monies home must be welcomed as they will benefit the families
of the migrants. Innovative methods of transfer using modern and simple electronic systems
such as mobile telephones appear to have considerable potential in this area. However, whether
they can significantly influence the progress towards achieving the MDGs is more questionable.

Skilled migration
The policy focus in this aspect of the debate has been on the impact on developing countries
of skilled emigration. This issue has taken on greater significance as most developed economies
have implemented immigration policies that are geared towards the recruitment of the highly
skilled.

Much of the emphasis has been on the health

Most of the skilled health professionals who leave will do sector, particularly because the presence of
so irrespective of the existence of barriers to their health professionals is seen to be of
movement fundamental importance to the achievement
of at least MDGs four, five and six. Perhaps the
most overt policy to be introduced in this area is that of codes of practice, in which developed
economies were prohibited from actively recruiting health professionals from the developing
world, except in cases where government-to-government agreements had been secured. This
policy was implemented by the United Kingdom’s Department of Health from 2001, and
proposals exist to extend the practice through multilateral agencies.

An evaluation of the code in the UK, while noting a reduction in the recruitment of health
professionals from developing countries, was ambivalent about any simple causal relationship
between the reduction in number and the implementation of the code. Two broader issues
emerge. First, it is virtually impossible to attribute any decline in basic health indicators in
developing countries to any loss of personnel. Second, the introduction of a barrier to the free
migration of trained personnel seems questionable at best. Most of the skilled health
professionals who leave will do so irrespective of the existence of barriers to their movement.

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 progressive governance London 2008
If they are not allowed to be recruited legally, it is likely that they will turn to irregular channels
of migration through which they will not be able to practise their profession on arrival at
destinations, leading to brain waste.

Rather than focus on policies to limit the movement of skilled migrants, and health
professionals in particular, a shift in emphasis towards developing the most appropriate types
of training for the needs of a specific developing country seems more appropriate. Those
selected for training in small towns and rural areas and given basic health training appropriate
for local needs are likely to have higher retention rates than those selected in cities and trained
for global markets. This does not mean that students in developing countries should not be
allowed to pursue the best medical training, only that the types of available training need to
be diversified and that public funding needs to concentrate more on basic training. A large
proportion of those trained to global standards will always leave, irrespective of barriers to
movement placed in their way.

diasporas
It is from the community of migrants from any country abroad, the diaspora, where the
remittances come, and it is in the diaspora that the best and brightest of a country of origin’s
population are likely to be found. Thus, the idea emerges that the diaspora can be mobilised or
“leveraged” for the development of the home country; ie that money for development can be
sourced in the diaspora and that the educated will return to work for the nation.

Unquestionably, although they were not the cause of development, the return of thousands of
students to the tiger economies in east Asia, mainly from the United States, from the 1970s
onwards played a major role in the development of these economies. Current programmes to
foster the return of skilled migrants such as the Transfer of Knowledge through Expatriate
Exchange (TOKTEN) of the United Nations Development Programme, or the Africa-specific
Migration and Development in Africa (MIDA) of the International Organisation for Migration,
tend to involve a small number of returnees and to be expensive. Critically, something has to
exist in the home country for returnees to return to and, if these opportunities do not exist, the
chance of success for such programmes seems slim.

Also important is the tendency to see the diaspora as a homogeneous entity. Migrant
communities are generally highly factionalised and not all are actively working to support the
government in power in the country of origin. Hence, considerable care needs to be taken
when viewing the diaspora as a source of development capital to bring about the MDGs.

other policy areas

Several other important areas exist in the migration and development debate that have
implications for policy formulation. These revolve around the areas of gender and irregular
migration, both of which impinge upon the issue of migrant protection.

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progressive governance London 2008
Gender and migration policy
A notable characteristic of the global migration system has been the feminisation of migration
flows, both internal and international. As the process of migration has evolved over time and
space, increasing numbers of women enter the population flows, initially as followers and then,
increasingly, as movers independent of fathers, brothers and husbands.

In the literature, much attention has been given to the issue of trafficking, particularly of women
and children, and women are too often seen as victims in the process of migration. Clearly,
some are, and this issue is elaborated in the following section, but migration also empowers
women. Those trafficked do not represent the majority of women who migrate. As migrants
themselves, women are often moving out of patriarchal structures in communities of origin
into places where they are less circumscribed by custom. Even in exploitative situations such as
are found in the sex sector, many women are escaping abusive conditions in home areas with
little choice but to enter potentially much higher paying work in more distant towns and cities
in order to feed their families. Where women are left behind upon the migration of their
husbands, they are thrust into positions of responsibility in the household quite different from
the traditional.

Hence, the MDG to reduce gender inequality will be facilitated in those places where there are
fewer restrictions on migration, and where bans on the movement of women in particular are
lifted. Policies that seek to protect women through the limitation of their movement are
counterproductive as far as achieving the MDGs are concerned.

Irregular migration
A proportion of the migration across international borders today does not occur through formal
channels but results in what is termed “irregular migration”. This can come about in a number
of ways, including:

Clandestine entry, bypassing all formal channels;

Legal entry to a country, as a tourist perhaps, but subsequent illegal entry into the labour
force;

Legal entry, again perhaps as a tourist or student, and staying on after the expiration of
the validity of the visa;

Entry using fraudulent documentation.

These methods of entry are generally facilitated through brokers, traffickers or smugglers, who
may or may not have links to organised crime. Government policy generally aims to reduce the
number of irregular migrants, and the standard response is increased control and surveillance.
This is despite the fact that, in many parts of the world, irregular migration is prevalent precisely
because formal channels of entry are few, restricted and strictly controlled.

Nevertheless, the converse—that a broadening of formal channels will lead to a reduction in the
number of irregular migrants—is not necessarily the case. The United States, for example, with

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 progressive governance London 2008
the largest formal immigration programme in the world, is still home to over 12 million irregular
migrants. The policy solution must be a compromise between opening the number of legal
channels, including a number of temporary entry programmes, while maintaining control of
the borders; that is, the establishment of a clear, efficient and transparent immigration policy
backed up with effective border management.

This difficult and complex issue has several dimensions but, in terms of the MDGs, policies to
reduce the number of irregular migrants is a given. Clearly, the aim to reduce vulnerability and
increase protection in destination areas must be the priority for the migrants themselves.
However, their transition to legality will allow them to maintain much closer ties to home areas
in terms of sending remittances, temporary return and transferring knowledge and ideas back
to home communities that may help to achieve the MDGs.

A cautious welcome is therefore given to extending programmes of non-permanent entry, or

temporary worker policies, which may provide one way forward to promote this circulation
between origins and destinations to the benefit of both areas and help to reduce the number
of irregular migrants.

The importance of responsive migration policies

Perhaps the greatest pitfall in the area of migration and the development of policy is the danger
of the reification of migration into a “thing” that exists separate from the economic, social and
political factors that generate it. Direct migration policies are necessary but may not be the
most efficient way to bring about either the management of migration or development. Policies
designed to affect, or “harness”, the volume and direction of movement may not be the most
effective options. The experience of policies directed at internal migration urges this degree of
caution.

However, policy is important, and particularly those policies that are responsive to existing and
projected patterns of migration. It can be argued that “migration impact statements”should be
made integral parts of all development policies to sensitise decision makers to the likely
outcome of specific policies on population movements. While the likely implications of
infrastructure projects, such as road or dam construction, on migration may be fairly obvious,
the impact of trade, industrial or specific policies designed to achieve the MDGs might not be
so clear.

The accession of China to the WTO, and the termination of the multi-fibre agreement, for
example, have had impacts on migration not just within China itself but also among the labour
forces in other countries in Asia and Africa. Direct impacts of migration can also be seen in the
spread of diseases such as HIV/Aids and malaria—it is not so much that labour migrants or most
other types of migrants spread infection but that certain high-risk groups of frequent movers
operating along specific corridors of mobility spread the disease (MDG goal six). More generally,
it is virtually impossible to envisage the implementation of policies designed to increase school

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progressive governance London 2008
enrolment, reduce child or maternal mortality or reduce gender inequalities without some
impact on human population movement. Hence, policies need to be designed to meet
particular migration situations.

Overall, it is argued that policies such as these that are designed to respond to rather than
control, promote, redirect or stop migration are likely to provide the most effective response
both nationally and internationally. The critical need, therefore, is for data that can be used to
map out present and projected migration so that adequate policy responses can be designed.

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 progressive governance London 2008
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April 2008 | Ronald Skeldon | Migration policies and the Millennium development Goals |  www.policy-network.net
 Migration policies and
the Millennium
Development Goals
Ronald Skeldon

Policy Network
Third floor
11 Tufton Street
London SW1P 3QB
United Kingdom

t: +44 (0)20 7340 2200

f: +44 (0)20 7340 2211
e: [email protected]
www.policy-network.net