TUNISIA

Home of the ancient city of Carthage, Tunisia has long been an important player in the
Mediterranean, placed as it is in the centre of North Africa, close to vital shipping routes.

Tunisia was known mostly as the most European country of North Africa for years, with
a relatively large middle class, liberal social norms, broad gender equality and welcoming
Mediterranean beaches. But in January 2011, it took center stage as the launching pad of the
wave of revolt that swept through the Arab world and beyond.

For all its modern traits, Tunisia had one of the most repressive governments in a region
full of police states, and levels of corruption among its elite that became intolerable once the
economic malaise that gripped southern Europe spread to the country.

The uprising began in December 2010, when a fruit vendor, Mohamed Bouazizi, set
himself on fire in the impoverished town of Sidi Bouzid to protest his lack of opportunity and
the disrespect of the police.

In what became known as the Jasmine Revolution, a sudden and explosive wave of
street protests ousted the authoritarian president, Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, who had ruled with
an iron hand for 23 years. On Jan. 14, Mr. Ben Ali left the country, after trying unsuccessfully to
placate the demonstrators with promises of elections. According to government figures issued
later, 78 protesters died and 94 were injured during the demonstrations.

In the months after the revolution, Tunisia struggled with continued instability, new
tensions between Islamicists and secular liberals and a still-limping economy. But of all the Arab
states, it may have been the best positioned for a successful transition to a liberal democracy,
with its relatively small, homogenous population of about 12 million, comparatively high levels
of education, an apolitical military, a moderate Islamist movement and a long history of a
unified national identity.

POLITICAL PARTIES IN TUNISIA

Considered to be the most successful among Arab countries in transition, Tunisia is

enjoying favorable reporting, and as a result it has escaped serious scrutiny. While there is no
doubt that Tunisia’s transition is proving easier than other countries’, it is still facing
considerable political problems—in addition to its very serious economic challenges.

The major political problem continues to be the imbalance in the political spectrum that
pits the well-organized, cohesive, Islamist Ennahda party against a large number of fragmented
secular parties. These parties are acutely aware that their chances for electoral success are
limited unless they manage to forge larger coalitions, but they have so far failed to create
lasting groupings—let alone a grand secular alliance.

In the meantime, the governing coalition composed of Ennahda, the secular and centrist
Congress for the Republic, and secular and left-of-center Ettakatol, which was never more than
a marriage of convenience among groups suspicious of each other, is showing signs of strain.
While this does not mean that a crisis is imminent, it is a reminder of the difficulties and
complications involved in even a successful transition.

 The Governing Coalition

The so-called troika controls a total of 138 out of 217 seats in the
Constituent Assembly. Ennahda, by far the largest party with 89 seats, could not
govern without the support of the other two members. The Islamist party of
Ennahda has claimed victory in Tunisia's elections, the first to follow the popular
uprisings of the Arab Spring.

The strength of Ennahda has divided Tunisians ever since the fall of
former leader Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali in January. To its supporters it is an
example of how a balance can be struck between modernity and Islam, to its
critics a sign that resurgent religious politics could put Tunisia's secular tradition
at risk.

Over the last few months Ennahda politicians have made every effort to
reassure Tunisian liberals and Western observers that they will protect civil
rights and support democracy. Party officials now refer to Ennahda as Islamic
rather than Islamist - on the basis that such a label carries negative connotations
and Souad Abdelrahim, a candidate who does not wear the veil, has been
offered as a symbol of their tolerance. But some supporters and members still
call themselves Islamist, and describe Ennahda as "God's party".

Originally inspired by the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Ennahda

advocates a more overtly Islamic identity and society for the country. Rumours
that it was receiving campaign funds from the Gulf - denied by the party - fuelled
anxiety among some largely urban, secularist Tunisians. They fear the party
could be vulnerable to the influence of more conservative currents or change its
tune once in power.

Ennahda's figurehead is Rachid Ghannouchi, one of a group of

intellectuals who founded the party in 1981.
 Aligned with more extreme Islamist movements elsewhere in the Arab
world in the 1980s, Mr. Ghannouchi and other Ennahda leaders now like to
compare Ennahda to the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey.

"In Turkey and Tunisia there was the same movement of reconciliation
between Islam and modernity and we are the descendants of this movement,"
Mr. Gahnnouchi said. Ennahda is now expected to enter a coalition that will
serve as an interim government and draw up a constitution within a year.
Spokesmen for the party have said it is willing to hold coalition talks with any
other party, including secular or left-leaning ones. They say Ennahda will
concentrate on the economy and ensuring internal security.

Though the party has said little about specific policies, this suggests it will
try not to become distracted by issues such as alcohol consumption or
blasphemy that some pious Muslims and extremists have been trying to push
into the political sphere.

Religious tension has however erupted several times since January,

notably in protests over the screening of films seen by some as blasphemous.
Ennahda has distanced itself from the protests and the Salafist extremists it says
are behind them.

Still, some secularists see the tensions as a warning sign, just as they
justify past repression of Islamists by pointing to acid attacks against female
students accused of dressing "indecently" in the 1980s.

While this might provoke some, the importance of mass tourism to

Tunisia's economy, the determination of a vocal group of liberals, and the
commitments from Ennahda will all make it harder to change. (BBC News)

ANALYSIS AND CONCLUSION:

As stated, Tunisia is faced with a number of challenges that may undermine its
transition to democracy and, as a result, the long-term sustainability of the Tunisian state.
While the fate of Tunisia’s democratic transition is still uncertain, there is no doubt that, in the
long term, it will depend on whether or not, and to what extent, the country will be able to
marginalise the old power structure.
Tunisians feel a sense of ownership for their country and will peacefully defend their freedoms,
and the success of elections stands as an inspiration to the rest of the world. The triumph of
Ennahda and the parties that chose not to bring up religion as an issue for the campaign raises
a troubling issue that the role of religion will remain a silent deal-breaker, instead of something
defined openly in Tunisia’s forthcoming constitution. Tunisia grapples with the legacy of French-
inspired civil rights and more conservative Islamic views that led to widespread protests even
on some films. Free religious expression as a right is also a priority, but if it is not acknowledged
as an open right instead of an assumed one, assumptions about morals could become codified.

To end on a more positive note, there are also a number of favourable conditions that
bode well for a scenario of successful political transition in Tunisia towards a new steady state
of sustainable development: a dynamic and vigilant civil society, which, albeit still fragmented
and disorganised, may be a valuable asset, necessary to counterbalance and supervise the
action of the interim and future authorities; a relatively homogenous society, both ethnically
and TUNISIA: CHANGES AND CHALLENGES OF POLITICAL TRANSITION religiously; and a well-
educated and mature middle class that took active part in the protests leading to Ben Ali’s
overthrown. Turkey has been cited thus far as a good example of a secular country ruled by an
Islamist party; let us hope that Tunisia takes this example and fashions it as their own.

As long as civil society groups, from human rights to political activists, remain vibrant
and aware of the risks posed by the old system, interim and future authorities may be under
pressure to pursue deep and sustainable political and institutional change.
TERM PAPER IN
COMPARATIVE
POLITICS

SUBMITTED TO:
PROF. NOEL LENTIJA

SUBMITTED BY:
YVONNE GRACE DOLOROSA
AB POLITICAL SCIENCE 3A