EFW 2203 Dry Forests and Woodlands of Africa BGumbo1001

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The Dry Forests and

Woodlands of Africa
Managing for Products and Services
Edited by
Emmanuel N. Chidumayo and Davison J. Gumbo
London • Washington, DC
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First published in 2010 by Earthscan

Copyright © Center for International Forestry Research, 2010
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
The dry forests and woodlands of Africa: managing for products and services / edited
by Emmanuel N. Chidumayo and Davison J. Gumbo.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-84971-131-9 (hardback)
1. Forest management–Africa, Sub-Saharan. 2. Forest products–Africa, Sub-Saharan.
3. Forests and forestry–Africa, Sub-Saharan. I. Chidumayo, E. N. II. Gumbo, D. J.
SD242.A357D79 2010
634.9'2096–dc22
2010003283
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To Dr Mário Alberto and Dr Petros Nyathi

who passed away before the book could be published.
Their contributions to the book are invaluable.
iii
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Contents
Foreword by Dr Coert J Geldenhuys vii

Preface ix
Contributors xi
Acknowledgements xiii
List of abbreviations xv
1 Dry Forests and Woodlands in Sub-Saharan Africa: Context and

Challenges 1
Emmanuel Chidumayo and Crispen Marunda
2 Distribution and Characteristics of African Dry Forests

and Woodlands 11
Jonathan Timberlake, Emmanuel Chidumayo and Louis Sawadogo
3 Biodiversity of Plants 43
Enos Shumba, Emmanuel Chidumayo, Davison Gumbo,
Cynthia Kambole and Mwale Chishaleshale
4 Contribution of Non-wood Forest Products to Livelihoods and

Poverty Alleviation 63
Sheona Shackleton and Davison Gumbo
5 Non-wood Forest Products: Description, Use and Management 93

Sheona Shackleton, Michelle Cocks, Tony Dold, Sarah Kaschula,
Keith Mbata, Guni Mickels-Kokwe and Graham von Maltitz
6 Timber and Wood Products 131

Almeida Sitoe, Emmanuel Chidumayo and
Mário Alberto
7 Woodfuel 155
Rogers Malimbwi, Emmanuel Chidumayo, Eliakim Zahabu,
Stephano Kingazi, Salome Misana, Emmanuel Luoga and
Jean Nduwamungu
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T H E D RY F O R E S T S A N D W O O D L A N D S O F A F R I C A
8 Livestock and Wildlife 179

James Gambiza, Emmanuel Chidumayo, Herbert Prins,
Hervé Fritz and Petros Nyathi
9 Plantations and Woodlots in Africa’s Dry Forests and Woodlands 205

Shabani Chamshama, Patrice Savadogo and Crispen Marunda
10 Environmental Services from the Dry Forests and Woodlands of

Sub-Saharan Africa 231
Crispen Marunda and Henri-Noël Bouda
11 Managing Dry Forests and Woodlands for Products and Services:

A Prognostic Synthesis 261
Davison Gumbo and Emmanuel Chidumayo
Index 281
vi
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Foreword
This book is a contribution by 30 African scientists associated with at least 16

institutions across Africa and a few outside the African Continent working
towards solving African resource management problems in the dry forests and
woodlands. It is one of the outputs of a CIFOR (Center for International
Forestry Research) project, with support from Sida-Natur, on Achieving the
Millennium Development Goals in African Dry Forests: From Local Action to
National Policy Reforms. Dry forest vegetation (including woodland) is
dominated by woody plants, mainly trees, with tree canopy cover over 10 per
cent of the ground surface within climates with a dry season of 3 months or
more (i.e. areas characterized by frequent droughts, occasional floods and
general vulnerability to climate variability). It covers about 17.3 million km2 in
31 countries in West Africa, East Africa and southern Africa. It is the home of
505 million people, most of whom depend on the dry forests and woodlands
for their livelihoods, mainly through rain-fed crop agriculture, livestock farming
and gathering of timber and non-timber forest products, which also support
local industries. Earlier books on the dry forests and woodlands focused on the
Miombo woodlands of southern Africa, but this book covers the entire area of
the dry forests in sub-Saharan Africa.
The value of the book is the link it provides between the available resources
of the dry forests and woodlands, and the use and management of their diverse
products and services to contribute to poverty reduction and wealth creation.
Chapters 2 to 4 cover the detailed description of the dry forest vegetation types
in sub-Saharan Africa in terms of their characteristics, floristic diversity and
their potential value to provide products and services. Chapters 5 to 10 address
the management practices of the African dry forests and woodlands for specific
products and services, and their links with policy, tenure, governance, gender
and commercialization. These chapters specifically address non-wood forest
products (Chapter 5), timber and other wood products (Chapter 6), firewood
and charcoal (Chapter 7), livestock, wildlife and rangelands (Chapter 8), forest
plantations and woodlots as a means to create alternative resources (Chapter
9), and, finally, environmental and ecosystem services such as carbon sequestra-
tion, soil and water conservation and socio-cultural–spiritual values (Chapter
10). Each individual chapter identifies a number of useful key issues and
challenges, and Chapter 11 synthesizes the key issues in the management of the
dry forests and woodlands, and suggests the way forward in terms of policy and
vii
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legislative reform, stakeholder participation, resource governance, managing for

multiple products and services, and climate and land-use change scenarios.
This book provides a current baseline of knowledge on the current resources
of the dry forests and woodlands, their use and value, and possible means to
manage them towards sustainable development into the future. It poses a
challenge to policy-makers and resource managers to make integrated and
sustainable resource management a reality to resources users who depend on
good governance and the dry forest resources for their livelihoods and prosper-
ity under threats of environmental change.
Dr Coert J Geldenhuys
Extraordinary Professor in Forest Science
University of Stellenbosch, South Africa
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Preface
Since time immemorial dry forests and woodlands of sub-Saharan Africa have
provided diverse ecosystems goods and services to large populations of humans
and livestock that depend on them. Dry forests and woodlands are profoundly
important for local livelihoods, and yet, this role is hardly recognized by the
respective sub-Saharan African governments – more so against the backdrop
and importance accorded to tropical forests. Further, policy inadequacies are
noted and dry forests are a low priority in sub-Saharan Africa. Lately, sub-
Saharan Africa’s dry forests and woodland have been rapidly declining due to
harvesting of wood for commercial and domestic purposes and this has had
major implications for the local people. Sub-Saharan Africa is a developing
region where deforestation and desertification have remained as major issues of
concern. With these changes, biodiversity, which is not only important for
ecotourism but also a significant source of non-wood forest products is severely
under threat. All the key attributes of the dry forests and woodlands are intri-
cately linked and a change in one will affect the other. Thus, the threat posed
by climate change on the forests will invariably affect livelihoods and therefore
there is an urgent need to increase natural and human capacity to deal with the
problems triggered by this development.
This unique book brings together scientific knowledge on and about dry
forests and woodlands from eastern, western and southern Africa, and describes
the relationships between forests, woodlands, people and their livelihoods. Dry
forest is defined as vegetation dominated by woody plants, primarily trees, the
canopy of which covers more than 10 per cent of the ground surface, occurring
in climates with a dry season of three months or more. This broad definition –
wider than those used by many authors – incorporates vegetation types
commonly termed woodland, shrubland, thicket, savanna and wooded grass-
land, as well as dry forest in its strict sense.
The book provides a comparative analysis of management experiences from
the different geographic regions of sub-Saharan Africa, emphasizing the need to
balance the utilization of dry forests and woodlands between current and future
human needs. Further, the book explores the techniques and strategies that can
be deployed to improve the management of African dry forests and woodlands
for the benefit of all, and especially the communities that live off this vegeta-
tion. This book aims to stoke local, regional, national and international
discussion on these forests and woodlands that provide livelihoods to almost 60
ix
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per cent of sub-Saharan Africa’s population. In this way the book is not only
calling for a better understanding of the policy issues surrounding these forests
but also the biophysical aspects of the same. Thus, the book lays a foundation
for improving the management of dry forests and woodlands for the wide range
of products and services they provide.
Emmanuel N. Chidumayo
Davison J. Gumbo
Lusaka, Zambia
July 2010
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Contributors
Mário M. M. Aberto (deceased), formerly Lecturer/Researcher, Faculty of

Agronomy and Forestry, Eduardo Mondlane University, Maputo, Mozambique
Henri-Noël Bouda, formerly Research Fellow, Center for International Forestry
Research, West Africa Regional Office, 06 BP 9478 Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso
Shabani A. O. Chamshama, Professor, Plantation Silviculture, Agroforestry,
Tree Improvement. Faculty of Forestry & Nature Conservation Department of
Forest Biology, Chuo Kikuu Morogoro, Tanzania
Emmanuel N. Chidumayo, Ecologist/Manager, Makeni Savanna Research
Project, P.O. Box 50323, Ridgeway, Lusaka, Zambia
Mwale Chishaleshale, Intern, CIFOR, Zambia Office, Lusaka, Zambia
Michelle Cocks, Researcher at Institute of Social and Economic Research,
Rhodes University, Grahamstown 6140, South Africa
Tony Dold, Curator of the Selmar Schonland Herbarium, Grahamstown (GRA)
Botany Department, Rhodes University, Grahamstown 6140, South Africa
Hervé Fritz, CNRS/CIRAD HERD Program, Hwange Main Camp Research,
Hwange National Park, Hwange, Zimbabwe
James Gambiza, Lecturer, Department of Environmental Science, Rhodes
University, Grahamstown 6140, South Africa
Davison Gumbo, Scientist, Centre for International Forestry Research-Zambia
Office, Forestry Nursery Site, Elm Road, P. O. Box 50977, Ridgeway, Lusaka,
Zambia
Cynthia Kambole, Intern, CIFOR, Zambia Office, Lusaka, Zambia
Sarah Kaschula, Earth Institute Millennium Villages Project: Monitoring and
Evaluation at Columbia University, New York, US
Stephano Kingazi, Lecturer, Sokoine University of Agriculture, Faculty of
Forestry and Nature Conservation, Morogoro, Tanzania
Emmanuel Luoga, Professor, forestry/agroforestry, ecological economics,
ethnobotany, community-based conservation, Sokoine University of
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Agriculture, Faculty of Forestry and Nature Conservation, Morogoro, Tanzania

Rogers Malimbwi, Professor, Forest Resource Assessment, growth and yield
modelling, Sokoine University of Agriculture, Faculty of Forestry and Nature
Conservation, Morogoro, Tanzania
Crispen Marunda, Researcher, forest hydrology section, Division of Forest
Research and Development, Forestry Tasmania, 79 Melville Street, Hobart,
Australia
Keith Mbata, Professor, Department of Biological Sciences, University of
Zambia, Lusaka, Zambia
Guni Mickels-Kokwe, Natural Resources Scientist, Lusaka, Zambia
Salome Misana, Professor, Dar es Salaam University College of Education
(DUCE), Dar es Salaam, Tanzania
Jean Nduwamungu, Director of the Centre for Geographic Information and
Remote Sensing (CGIS) GIS, National University of Rwanda, Huye, Rwanda
Petros Nyathi (deceased), formerly Lecturer, Department of Forest Resources
and Wildlife Management, National University of Science and Technology,
Bulawayo, Zimbabwe
Herbert H. T. Prins, Professor, Resource Ecology Group, Wageningen
University, Droevendaalsesteeg 3A, 6708 P.B., Wageningen, Netherlands
Patrice Savadogo, Department of Production Forests, National Science &
Technology Research Centre, B.P. 7047, Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso
Louis Sawadogo, Sylvopastoralist Researcher, National Agricultural Research
Institute (INERA), Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso
Sheona Shackleton, Lecturer, Department of Environmental Science, Rhodes
University, Grahamstown 6140, South Africa
Enos Shumba, Miombo Eco-region Leader in the WWF Eastern and Southern
Africa Region, 10 Lanark Road, Belgravia, Harare, Zimbabwe
Almeida Sitoe, Tropical Forester working at the Faculty of Agronomy and
Forestry of the Eduardo Mondlane University in Maputo, Mozambique
Jonathan Timberlake, Editor of Flora Zambesiaca (plant conservation, plant
utilization; vegetation survey; applied ecology; Acacia), Kew Gardens, London,
UK
Graham von Maltitz, Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR)
Pretoria, Natural Resources & the Environment (NRE), Pretoria, South Africa
Eliakim Zahabu, Lecturer, Sokoine University of Agriculture, Faculty of
Forestry and Nature Conservation, Morogoro, Tanzania
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Acknowledgements
We would like to thank all the authors and contributors for their painstaking
efforts in putting this book together. Also the reviewers, Tony Cunningham,
Coert Geldenhuys, Jonathan Timberlake, Bruce Campbell, Louis Sawadogo
and Mike Kock for taking time to provide valuable comments and constructive
criticisms, which led to the improvement of the individual chapters and the
book as a whole.
We are grateful to the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA),
which provided support for the Center for International Forestry Research
(CIFOR)’s research project Achieving the Millennium Development Goals in
African Dry Forests: From Local Action to National Policy Reforms out of which
the book emerged. The project was carried out in Burkina Faso, Ethiopia and
Zambia and we extend our thanks to the project offices concerned.
We are grateful to Daniel Tiveau, Zida Mathurin (Burkina Faso);
Habtemariam Kassa (Ethiopia); Madeleen Husselman, Fiona Paumgarten and
Mercy Mwape (Zambia); and for the administrative support of Mireille
Karambiri (Burkina Faso) and Jacqueline Chembe-Nkosha (Zambia) as well as
the many research assistants that contributed towards making this project a
success. The book would not have been possible without the early support of
Bruce Campbell, Godwin Kowero, Daniel Tiveau and Cris Marunda, then with
CIFOR, whose combined efforts made this book a success.
We are particularly indebted to Bruce Campbell and Cris Marunda, then
Director of CIFOR’s Forests and Livelihoods Programme and Project
Coordinator (Zambia Office), respectively, whose early work and vision made
this book part of the Dry Forest Project. The editors also note the important
contributions made by administrative staff in CIFOR HQ – Nani Djoko, Ratih
Septivita, Henny Linawati and Hiasinta Lestari: they too through their hard
work and support made this book a success. Last but not least we would like to
thank Tim Hardwick of Earthscan for giving direction as well as encouragement.
Finally, we would like, together with the publisher, to thank all those who
provided materials for the book including illustrations. We are also grateful to
all publishers and organizations for providing copyright permissions to repro-
duce material, which are acknowledged and cited in relevant captions and
reference lists.
We hope that the insights paid in this book contribute towards a better
management of sub-Saharan Africa’s dry forests and woodlands.
xiii
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List of Abbreviations
AAC allowable annual cut

CAMPFIRE Communal Areas Management Program for Indigenous
Resources
CBD Convention on Biological Diversity
CBNRM community-based natural resource management
CDM Clean Development Mechanism
CIFOR Center for International Forestry Research
CITES Convention in International Trade in Endangered Species
CO2 carbon dioxide
dbh diameter at breast height (1.3m high)
DRC Democratic Republic of Congo
ES ecosystem services
FAO Food and Agriculture Organization of the UN
GDP gross domestic product
ITTO International Timber Trade Organization
IUCN International Union for Conservation of Nature
JFM joint forest management
NDVI Normalized Difference Vegetation Index
NGO non-governmental organization
NTFP non-timber forest product
NWFP non-wood forest product
PES payments for environmental services
R&D research and development
REDD Reduced Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation
SFI Sustainable Forestry Initiative (of AF&PA)
SOC soil organic carbon
SFM sustainable forest management
TFCA trans-frontier conservation areas
UNFCCC UN Framework Convention on Climate Change
WHO World Health Organization
WWF World Wide Fund for Nature
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Dry Forests and Woodlands

in Sub-Saharan Africa:
Context and Challenges
Emmanuel Chidumayo and Crispen Marunda
DEFINING DRY FORESTS AND WOODLANDS

OF SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA
Dry forest and woodland are vegetation types dominated by woody plants,
primarily trees, the canopy of which covers more than 10 per cent of the ground
surface, occurring in climates with a dry season of three months or more. Dry
forests in Africa occupy an area between rainforests in the Congo basin and
open woodlands of western and southern Africa. Woodlands in Africa are
diverse vegetation formations that include woodland proper, bushland, thicket
and, in some cases, wooded grassland. The Center for International Forestry
Research (CIFOR) in sub-Saharan Africa has implemented a dry forest
programme since 1996 but with a narrower focus on southern Africa. The
programme, although called dry forest, includes both dry forest proper and
woodlands as defined above. Currently CIFOR’s dry forest programme is
coordinated by regional offices in Burkina Faso for the West African Region and
Zambia for the Southern African Region, and includes all countries in sub-
Saharan Africa that have dry forests and woodlands. These vegetation types in
sub-Saharan Africa are found in 31 countries in western, eastern and southern
Africa and are the dominant vegetation in 63 per cent of these countries. They
cover approximately 17.3 million km2 and are inhabited by nearly 505 million
people (2003 estimate).
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Table 1.1 Some indices of human well-being in sub-Saharan African countries

with a significant cover of dry forests
Index of human well-being Average Range
Population living below poverty line (%) 53 35–80

Life expectancy from birth (years) 57 31–58
Budget revenue (US$ per capita) 126 21–1462
Health expenditure (US$ per capita) 22 4–127
Population with access to essential drugs (%) 57 25–87
Agricultural labour (% of total labour force) 69 32–92
Traditional energy use (% of total energy use) 79 25–98
Source: Based on NationMaster.com (2004)
SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTEXT OF DRY FORESTS AND

WOODLANDS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA
Africa entered the 21st century as the poorest, most indebted, marginalized
and technologically backward continent in the world. Life expectancies, per
capita revenues and expenditures on health are the lowest in the world, while
the proportion of the population dependent on traditional energy sources
(firewood, charcoal and organic wastes) is among the highest. Various other
indices of human well-being (Table 1.1) testify to this predicament that sub-
Saharan Africa faces in the new century.
In many countries of sub-Saharan Africa the majority of the people live in
rural areas where the main livelihood source is subsistence crop and/or livestock
production. The major zone of crop agriculture in sub-Saharan Africa is in the
dry forests and woodlands; much of which is rain-fed and is therefore vulnera-
ble to climate variability. The climate of the dry forest and woodland regions is
characterized by frequent droughts and occasional floods that frequently cause
crop failure. During such times the coping strategies of local people invariably
involve gathering of wild foods in the forest. But the reliance on dry forests and
woodlands is not only a safety net, important as this may be; these vegetation
formations also play a significant role in supporting local industries. Most impor-
tant, is the diverse range of forest products, including fruits, fish and bush meat,
edible insects, beeswax and honey, and traditional medicines, that are indispen-
sible to the lives of communities living in dry forest and woodland zones. Most
of these non-wood forest products are produced, traded and consumed outside
the formal cash economy and therefore are not adequately captured in national
economic statistics.
2
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D RY F O R E S T S A N D W O O D L A N D S I N S U B - S A H A RA N A F R I C A
IMPORTANCE OF DRY FORESTS AND WOODLANDS TO

ECOSYSTEM SERVICES, LIVELIHOODS AND NATIONAL
ECONOMIES
Dry forests and woodlands in sub-Saharan Africa are rich in biodiversity that is
important for the supply of ecosystem services, such as regulation of water
flows, water quality, climate and protection of land from soil erosion. For
example, woodlands in sub-Saharan Africa are of crucial importance to water
resources management because all the major river basins in sub-Saharan Africa
are either located or have most of their headwaters in the woodlands. Therefore
they play a crucial role in sustaining river flows and water supplies. The conser-
vation of these woodlands in watersheds is therefore crucial for maintaining the
supply of water for irrigation, sanitation, industry, hydropower and human
consumption. People also derive numerous products and services from ecosys-
tems and the biodiversity they contain and this book focuses on a limited
number of these products and services.
Non-wood forest products

Poverty in Africa is rife; almost 60 per cent of rural Africans live on less than
US$1 a day (Kaimowitz, 2003). In many of the continent’s rural areas, poverty
appears entrenched and intractable with few opportunities for relief, especially
in the context of the huge and devastating impacts of HIV/AIDS (Bryceson
and Fonseca, 2006; Shackleton, 2006; Wiegers et al, 2006). The importance of
non-wood forest products (NWFPs) for livelihood security, in particular for
food security and alleviating dietary deficiencies, and for assisting households to
cope with, if not escape, poverty is widely acknowledged in sub-Saharan Africa.
In particular, these products have been shown to be important for women and
children, both extremely vulnerable groups. The use of NWFPs by urban, in
addition to rural households, has also been pointed out, and is likely to grow
with the increasing urbanization of Africa’s population (UNEP, 2002). In many
ways, urban demand helps to create sustainable markets for NWFPs, contribut-
ing to their potential as a means for rural people and traders to earn a cash
income. Furthermore, NWFPs play a significant role in mitigating some of the
devastating impacts of HIV/AIDS. Both plant and insect wild foods are highly
nutritious and could assist in meeting some of the nutritional requirements of
people living with HIV/AIDS. The demand for traditional medicines has also
risen as a result of the AIDS pandemic, with potentially negative outcomes for
forest and medicinal plant stocks. Many NWFPs have significant links to culture
and identity and contribute to building social capital. Despite this, and the fact
that many millions of poor people benefit daily from NWFPs, their crucial
importance for livelihood security and significant economic contribution,
primarily in the informal sector, is generally poorly recognized and appreciated
and sometimes even ignored in terms of national policy and forest management
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(Bird and Dickson, 2005; Petheram et al, 2006). Such neglect may undermine
the potential of these products to deliver benefits in the future, erode vital
safety nets and exacerbate the already persistent poverty endemic to Africa.
Woodfuel
Firewood and charcoal use, especially in urban areas, has socio-economic
benefits. The charcoal business employs a large portion of the population along
the chain from the producer in rural areas to the consumer in urban areas.
Charcoal production contributes significantly, in some cases 60–80 per cent, to
rural household income and is therefore important in poverty reduction.
Sustainable dry forest and woodland management is thus key to the mainte-
nance of forest-based income generation in rural areas. In some cases, income
from charcoal sales is used to buy agricultural inputs and in this way, dry forests
and woodlands subsidize agricultural production and therefore contribute to
household food security. Income from woodfuel sales cushion rural households
against loss of agricultural incomes when producer prices of agricultural crops
decline due to economic and other structural adjustment policies. Similarly
when people lose jobs, such as in mining and other industries, they find charcoal
production an attractive means of income generation.
Timber and wood products

Timber and wood products, such as poles, from indigenous trees in African dry
forests and woodlands are used locally to meet basic needs and to generate
income. Timber products constitute the base for small-scale industries in many
communities, including those centred on woodcrafts, canoe making and the
manufacturing of a variety of household tools and utensils. These industries
enable communities to generate social and economic benefits. Apart from the
direct involvement of communities in the timber business, sustainable forest
management creates possibilities for the timber industry to share benefits from
the logging operations with local communities. Many countries in dry forest and
woodland regions of Africa have adopted measures for benefit sharing between
local communities and those conducting logging operations, be they the private
sector or the state. The establishment of industries to produce wood products
in the rural areas is often accompanied with infrastructure development (hospi-
tals, schools, roads, etc.) and the roads increase accessibility to remote rural
areas.
Livestock and wildlife

Rangelands, including those in the woodlands, occupy about 90 per cent of the
agricultural land in Africa and sustain the livelihoods of 25 million people.
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Livestock production systems in the subsistence economy are usually geared to

the production of multiple products, including meat, milk, blood, hides and
skins, dung for fuel, transportation, flexible household capital reserves and risk
management, while commercial ranching systems are generally geared more
narrowly towards meat production (Mearns, 1996). The livelihoods of millions
of people in Africa are therefore dependent on livestock (Shackleton et al,
2001, 2005; Dovie et al, 2006). Animal draught power and nutrient cycling
through manure compensate for lack of access to modern inputs, such as
tractors and fertilizers.
Livestock production makes a significant contribution to gross domestic
product (GDP) although its importance in the economy varies among African
woodland regions. Livestock are expected to play an important role in fulfilling
the Millennium Development Goal of reducing poverty by 2015.
In southern and eastern Africa wildlife management is an important comple-
ment to livestock keeping on rangelands. Income from game viewing and/or
trophy hunting on private ranches and state game management areas can exceed
the income from livestock, and a combination of both provides higher income
than livestock or wildlife alone (Kiss, 1990). Although large game animals are
now rare in western Africa, smaller game animals, such as duikers, grasscutters
and giant rats contribute substantially to local meat supply (Caspary, 1999).
Lindsey et al (2007) estimated that sub-Saharan Africa receives about US$201
million per year from trophy hunting, making trophy hunting an important
driver of conservation. In spite of the conflicting reports about benefits from
community-based wildlife management schemes, this natural resources manage-
ment approach has the potential to contribute to poverty alleviation and local
economic development, especially in woodland areas with a high diversity of
wildlife species.
Plantations and woodlots

Plantations and woodlots generate revenue and foreign exchange for national
governments. At the local level, they provide jobs offering economic opportuni-
ties for rural residents (Whiteman and Lebedys, 2006). In addition, there may
be opportunities for local residents to use the residues and by-products left
behind after trees have been harvested for woodfuel or timber. Indirect benefits
may include government reinvestment of the revenue generated from planta-
tions into education, medicine and infrastructure development in local
communities (Morrison and Bass, 1992).
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MANAGING DRY FORESTS AND WOODLANDS

IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA:
CHALLENGES AND CONCERNS
With the ever-growing pressure on dry forest and woodland resources to meet
human development needs and livelihood demands, these vegetation forms are
increasingly being utilized unsustainably in Africa. Often, the high levels of
poverty and growing political pressure force governments in Africa to encour-
age overexploitation and conversion of dry forests and woodlands to other
seemingly more profitable land uses at the expense of the environmental and
ecological services that they provide.
The issues addressed in this book concern the role and potential of dry
forests and woodlands as sources of products and services, and how these can
sustainably be harnessed to alleviate poverty and support livelihoods and socio-
economic development. Much of the global focus in African forests has been on
tropical rainforests; as a consequence of this bias, dry forests and woodlands
have received little attention in terms of research, investment and policy devel-
opment. This book is an attempt to get dry forests and woodlands back on the
agenda of national, regional and global debates. However, while recognizing the
value and potential of African dry forests and woodlands to livelihoods and
national economic development, the book raises a number of concerns about
sustainable utilization of these areas. In particular, it discusses the threats posed
by resource tenure, governance, international conservation and trade policies.
The book highlights the knowledge gap that exists about the inherent ability
and capacity of dry forests and woodlands to regenerate, especially in the face
of climate change and land-use extension and intensification. The key question
is whether there are management practices and models that can be strategically
applied to maintain and improve the productivity of African dry forests and
woodlands to meet the ever-growing demand for forest products and services in
a dynamic global environment.
The main purpose of the book is to lay a firm foundation for improving the
management of dry forests and woodlands for a range of products and services,
thereby contributing to sustainable livelihoods and poverty reduction. This
purpose is achieved by highlighting the socio-economic and environmental
importance of African dry forests and woodlands and providing possible
approaches to meeting the livelihood needs of dry forest/woodland communi-
ties and nations. At the same time, the book points to approaches that can
maintain the vitality of these forests and woodlands and secure their capacity to
provide goods and services for future generations. Maintaining the balance
between utilization to meet current human needs and conservation for meeting
future needs will not be easy and demands sacrifices at all levels: individual,
community, national, regional and international.
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LAYOUT OF THE BOOK

The book has ten substantive chapters. Chapter 1 introduces African dry forests
and woodlands and their setting in the socio-economic context of sub-Saharan
Africa and is immediately followed by a chapter that gives a detailed descrip-
tion of these vegetation types in sub-Saharan Africa, their characteristics and
potential to provide products and services. Chapter 3 describes the floristic
diversity and value of African dry forests and woodlands and presents possible
approaches for managing the rich plant biodiversity. Chapter 4 links the biolog-
ical resources in African dry forests and woodlands to livelihoods and critically
analyses the potential of forest products to contribute to poverty reduction and
wealth creation.
Chapters 5 to 10 address the management of African dry forests and
woodlands for specific products. They describe opportunities for scaling-up
production and expanding trade. They identify possible management practices
and link these to institutional and policy issues, such as tenure, governance,
gender and commercialization. Non-wood forest products, such as honey, wild
foods (plant and insect), oils, medicines and grasses have rarely been compre-
hensively analysed at such a large geographical scale as sub-Saharan Africa and
Chapter 5 is an attempt to fill this gap. The chapter is a synthesis of what is
currently known about non-wood forest products at an African scale and consid-
ers each of the major categories of non-wood forest products. For each category
it presents a description and management practices used to enhance the produc-
tion and trade of these products. Chapter 6 focuses on timber and other wood
products, while Chapter 7 is solely devoted to issues of woodfuel (firewood
and charcoal), a resource of paramount importance to both rural and urban
communities in sub-Saharan Africa. Chapter 8 focuses on livestock and wildlife,
important products of African woodlands. The chapter presents an analysis of
livestock and wildlife as sources of livelihoods and economic development and
proposes ways of improving the management of rangelands. Finally Chapter 9
focuses on forest plantations. Natural forests may not provide all the products
that people in sub-Saharan Africa need and some forms of forest utilization are
likely to be unsustainable. Thus, plantations and woodlots might play a critical
role in bridging the gap between demand for forest products and depletion of
natural supply sources. The chapter also highlights the high potential of planta-
tions and woodlots to provide products and services in the form of wood,
browse, fodder and other products.
Chapter 10 is devoted to environmental and ecosystem services that are
the focus of emerging global debates. The chapter describes the value of dry
forests and woodlands in carbon sequestration and trade in environmental
services and briefly explores the role of forests in soil and water conservation
for agriculture and hydropower. In addition, the chapter highlights the value of
dry forests as spiritual and cultural assets and proposes ways of enhancing the
provision of environmental services and the equitable distribution of benefits
realized from managing dry forests for these services. The book presents a
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prognostic synthesis of the management of dry forests and woodlands and

proposes the way forward in Chapter 11.
REFERENCES
Bird, N. and Dickson, C. (2005) Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers: Making the Case
for Forestry, Overseas Development Institute (ODI), London
Bryceson, D. and Fonseca, J. (2006) ‘Risking death for survival: Peasant responses to
hunger and HIV/AIDS in Malawi’, World Development, vol 34, pp1654–1666
Caspary, H. U. (1999) ‘Utilisation de la faune sauvage en Côte d’Ivoire et Afrique de
l’Ouest : potentiel et contraintes pour la cooperation au développement’, GTZ,
Eschborn, Germany
Dovie, D. B. K., Shackleton, C. M. and Witkowski, E. T. F. (2006) ‘Valuation of
communal area livestock benefits, rural livelihoods and related policy issues’, Land
Use Policy, vol 23, pp260–271
Kaimowitz, D. (2003) ‘Not by bread alone…forests and rural livelihoods in sub-Saharan
Africa’, in T. Oksanen, B. Pajari and T. Tuomasjukka (eds) Forestry in Poverty
Reduction Strategies: Capturing the Potential, European Forest Institute, Joensuu
Kiss, A. (ed) (1990) Living with wildlife: Wildlife resource management with local
participation in Africa, World Bank Technical Paper no 130
Lindsey, P. A., Roulet, P. A. and Ramanach, S. S. (2007) ‘Economic and conservation
significance of the trophy hunting industry in sub-Saharan Africa’, Biological
Conservation, vol 134, pp455–469
Mearns, R. (1996) ‘When livestock are good for the environment: Benefit-sharing of
environmental goods and services’. Invited paper for the World Bank/FAO
Workshop, Balancing Livestock and the Environment, Washington, DC, an associated
event to the Fourth World Bank Conference on Environmentally Sustainable
Development
Morrison, E. and Bass, S. M. J. (1992) ‘What about the people’, in C. Sargent and S.
M. J. Bass (eds) Plantation Politics: Forest Plantations in Development, Earthscan
Publications, London
NationMaster.com (2004) ‘Map & Graph: Africa’, www.nationmaster.com
Petheram, L., Campbell, B., Marunda, C., Tiveau, D. and Shackleton, S. (2006) ‘The
wealth of the dry forests. Can sound forest management contribute to the
Millennium Development Goals in sub-Saharan Africa?’, Forest Livelihood Briefs, no
4, October, CIFOR, Bogor
Shackleton, S. E. (2006) ‘Forests as safety nets for mitigating the impacts of
HIV/AIDS in southern Africa’, CIFOR, Bogor
Shackleton, C. M., Shackleton, S. E. and Cousins, B. (2001) ‘The role of land based
strategies in rural livelihoods: The contribution of arable production, animal
husbandry and natural resource harvesting in communal areas in South Africa’,
Development Southern Africa, vol 18, pp581–604
Shackleton, C. M., Shackleton, S. E., Netshiluvhi, T. R. and Mathabela, F. R. (2005)
‘The contribution and direct-use value of livestock to rural livelihoods in the Sand
River catchment, South Africa’, African Journal of Range and Forage Science, vol 22,
pp127–140
UNEP (2002) Africa Environment Outlook: Past, Present and Future Perspectives,
UNEP, Nairobi
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Whiteman, A. and Lebedys, A. (2006) ‘The contribution of the forestry sector to

African economies’, in A. J. Pottinger, D. Okali and P. Sall (eds) Special Issue: Africa
– its forests and future, The International Forest Review, vol 8, no 1
Wiegers, E., Curry, J., Garbero, A., and Hourihan, J. (2006) ‘Patterns of vulnerability
to AIDS impacts in Zambian households’, Development and Change, vol 37,
pp1073–1092
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Distribution and Characteristics

of African Dry Forests
and Woodlands
Jonathan Timberlake, Emmanuel Chidumayo

and Louis Sawadogo
INTRODUCTION
It is important to define and characterize dry forests and woodlands as these
forms of vegetation mean different things to different people depending on
their discipline and background. This chapter provides the reader with a
description of the dry forest and woodland types of sub-Saharan Africa and
illustrates some of their basic biological features. Here we define dry forest and
woodland as vegetation dominated by woody plants, primarily trees, the canopy
of which covers more than 10 per cent of the ground surface, occurring in
climates with a dry season of three months or more. Such a broad definition –
wider than those used by many authors – incorporates vegetation types
commonly termed woodland, shrubland, thicket, savanna and wooded grass-
land, as well as dry forest in its strict sense. However, it does not include moist
evergreen forest (rainforest), grasslands and dwarf shrublands, such as heath-
lands and fynbos. Where more specific vegetation types are being described,
the appropriate term (e.g. dense woodland, wooded grassland) is used.
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FOREST STRUCTURE AT LANDSCAPE LEVEL

The terminology used in describing African vegetation is often confusing, with
many different approaches. In the 1950s, a continent-wide framework was
established at a meeting in Yangambi, Belgian Congo (now Democratic Republic
of Congo) (CCTA/CSA, 1956), but this was considered by many as too biased
towards the moist forest and dense woodland formations of humid western
Africa. Workers more concerned with rangeland and land-use planning devel-
oped a well-structured system based on percent canopy cover and canopy height
(Greenway, 1973; Pratt et al, 1966), while the worldwide UNESCO vegetation
mapping legend (UNESCO, 1973) provided a middle ground, but was only
really usable at very broad scales. The most recent, and perhaps most thorough
overview of African vegetation is that by White (1983), who made a point of
avoiding the use of terms such as steppe and savanna owing to difficulties in
their definition and usage. White himself, for example, uses the term ‘dry
forest’ very specifically to mean vegetation dominated by a continuous stand of
trees over 10m in height which experience a dry season of a few months during
which atmospheric humidity is low – a quite restricted vegetation type. In this
book we use the term ‘dry forest’ for the tall closed-canopy seasonal or decidu-
ous forests that separate tropical rainforest from the mesic woodlands to the
immediate south and north of the equator. The term woodland is used to
include vegetation types ranging from open woodlands and wooded grassland
with greater than 10 per cent woody cover, sometimes loosely termed savanna.
Also included are shrublands with a canopy at only 2m or so high. Dry forests
and woodlands therefore incorporate seven of White’s structural vegetation
formations including forest, woodland, transition woodland, bushland and
thicket (see Box 2.1), scrub woodland, shrubland and wooded grassland.
BOX 2.1 ITIGI-SUMBU THICKET
A thicket is a low forest consisting of a closed stand of bushes and climbers between
3 and 7m tall (White,1983). Itigi-Sumbu thicket is a unique vegetation form
surrounded by almost unrelated vegetation types (Almond, 2000). The thicket
occurs in Tanzania (central parts of the country) and Zambia (between Lakes Mweru
Mweru-Wantipa and Tanganyika (Wild and Fernandes, 1967) and covers a total area
of about 7800km2. Little is known about the ecology of the Itigi-Sumbu thicket but
it has a woody flora of about 100 species (Fanshawe, 1971) and characteristic
species include Baphia burttii, B. massaiensis, Bussea massaiensis, Burttia prunoides,
Combretrum celastroides, Grewia burttii, Pseudoprosopsis fischeri and Tapiphyllum
floribunda. The vegetation type is considered endangered with about 50 per cent of
it in Tanzania and as much as 71 per cent in Zambia having been cleared; appar-
ently clearing takes place even in protected areas (Almond, 2000). In Tanzania none
of this vegetation is in protected areas. However, protection status does not appear
to prevent clearing of Itigi-Sumbu thicket.
Source: Based on World Wide Fund for Nature (2001)
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D I S T R I B U T I O N A N D C H A RA C T E R I S T I C S O F D RY F O R E S T S A N D W O O D L A N D S
Figure 2.1 Distribution of dry forest and woodlands across

sub-Saharan Africa
Source: Based on White (1983)
Another important consideration is the difference – in composition, struc-

ture and ecological processes – between woodlands dominated by
broader-leaved species, such as Brachystegia, Isoberlinia and Combretum, and
those dominated by fine-leaved or microphyllous species such as Acacia (Frost,
1996). Most of the dry forests and woodlands discussed here are dominated by
trees of the legume family (Leguminosae or Fabaceae), but broad-leaved
woodlands are mostly composed of species from the Caesalpinoid subfamily of
the legumes, while microphyllous savannas are dominated by species from the
Mimosoideae subfamily. The difference is not just in species composition, but
also in ecology, and hence response to management. Broad-leaved woodlands,
such as miombo, teak woodland and Isoberlinia woodlands in western Africa,
tend to occur on nutrient-poor soils, are slower-growing when regenerating from
seedlings and also comprise species that do not fix nitrogen. Whereas micro-
phyllous savannas, such as the Kalahari Acacia woodlands of southern Africa,
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the eastern African Acacia–Commiphora savannas, and those across the Sahel
region, often occur on nutrient-richer soils with more nitrogen-fixing species.
This is partly a function of climate – soils under higher rainfall conditions are
more leached of nutrients than those in much drier areas. These features are of
great significance in determining the responses of different dry forest and
woodland types to utilization and management interventions.
PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT
Climate
According to the Köppen classification, the climate types associated with dry
forests and woodlands in sub-Saharan Africa include 3Af (warm sub-humid),
4Af (warm dry) and 5Af (very dry). These types are tropical with alternating
wet and dry seasons in which precipitation is caused by the penetration of the
inter-tropical convergence zone during the period of high sun. The period of
low sun is characterized by trade winds associated with a distinct dry season.
On the basis of these climatic features, we can divide dry forests and woodlands
into three main types: warm sub-humid dry forests, warm mesic dry woodlands
and warm semi-arid woodlands. The warm sub-humid dry forests occur in two
of White’s (1983) floristic regions – the Guinea-Congolia/Zambezian regional
transition zone and the Guinea-Congolia/Sudanian regional transition zone.
Warm mesic dry woodlands occur in the Zambezian and the Sudanian regional
centres of endemism, while the semi-arid dry woodlands cover most of the
Somali-Masai regional centre of endemism, and the Kalahari-Highveld regional
transition zone. These vegetation formations, which occur between 20°N and
30°S, are shown in Figure 2.1.
In western Africa, the sub-humid dry forests and warm mesic dry
woodlands correspond to the Guinea savanna and the Sudan savanna of Keay
(1959), respectively. In eastern Africa the semi-arid dry woodlands correspond
to the Acacia–Commiphora region, and in southern Africa the warm mesic dry
forests correspond predominantly to the Brachystegia–Julbernardia (miombo)
woodlands while the semi-arid dry woodlands correspond to Acacia–
Combtretum formations. Within the miombo woodlands are embedded other
vegetation types such as undifferentiated woodlands and mopane woodlands.
The broad climatic features associated with dry forests and woodlands are
summarized in Figure 2.2. The sub-humid dry (Guinea) forests of western
Africa have a shorter rainy season of about 7 months compared to 8 months in
the southern sub-humid dry forests; mean annual rainfall is similar and ranges
from 1200 to 2000mm. In contrast, the warm mesic dry (Sudanian) woodlands
of western Africa experience a longer wet period of about 4.5 months compared
to 4 months in the warm mesic dry (Zambezian) woodlands of southern Africa,
but the range in mean annual rainfall of 600 to 1200mm is again similar in the
two woodland regions. In the semi-arid dry woodlands the rainy season is
shorter (2 months) in eastern Africa and 4.5 months in southern Africa. Another
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Figure 2.2 Climate diagrams for stations in the warm dry woodland areas of
western Africa (Parouku) and southern Africa (Lusaka), and in semi-arid areas
of eastern Africa (Nairobi) and southern Africa (Ghanzi)
Note: The drought period is shown by dots while the humid period is vertical hatched
Source: Chapter authors
characteristic feature of semi-arid formations of eastern Africa is the bimodal

rainfall pattern, which contrasts with other semi-arid formations in which the
rainfall pattern is basically unimodal (see Figure 2.2). Annual precipitation is
lower (around 250mm) in the semi-arid areas of eastern Africa and higher
(around 450mm) in southern Africa.
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Soils
Soils in the dry forest and woodland areas are usually shallow (less than 1.5m
deep) with a high sand content in the range 30–90 per cent, while the clay
content is 5–20 per cent and silt is 5–45 per cent. Texturally they range from
silt loam in eastern Africa to sandy loam in western Africa and the Zambezian
dry forests and woodlands of southern Africa, and loamy sand in the Kalahari-
Highveld area. Total soil nitrogen is very low (0.02–0.10 per cent), as is the
organic matter content (1–3 per cent) and available phosphorus (2–30mg kg-1).
Soils are generally acid in the Zambezian dry forests, (pH 4–5), intermediate in
western Africa and the Kalahari-Highveld semi-arid dry forests (pH 6.0–6.5)
and with a tendency towards alkalinity in the eastern African semi-arid dry
forests (pH 7–8).
FLORISTIC COMPOSITION
Much of what follows under this section is based on White (1983) as we are
not aware of more recent work on floristic composition of the vegetation in
sub-Saharan Africa.
Western Africa
The dry forests and woodlands of western Africa stretch west–east from the
Atlantic coast, across the southern fringes of the Sahara Desert to the Ethiopian
Highlands and Red Sea coast. They can be categorized under the three broad
climatic zones – sub-humid, warm mesic and warm dry – each forming a
relatively narrow band. Much of the area is low (under 750m altitude) and
gently undulating, with a few higher areas such as the Jos Plateau in northern
Nigeria. It has also been extensively modified by human activities such as culti-
vation and fire so that the natural vegetation is often not easy to determine –
most vegetation now present is secondary wooded grassland and grassland.
The Guinea sub-humid dry forest stretches from the Atlantic coast in
Guinea across the middle regions of Ivory Coast, Ghana, Nigeria and Cameroon
to the Central African Republic and northern Democratic Republic of Congo
(DRC), covering an extent of around 1.4 million km2. Locally it verges into
Guineo-Congolian rainforest in both structure and species composition, while
elsewhere, to the north, it can be difficult to separate from the warm mesic dry
Isoberlinia woodlands. Rainfall ranges from 1200–1500mm per year in the east
to 1500–2000mm per year in the west. A characteristic species is Parinari
excelsa, sometimes forming a forest 18–20m high, along with Erythrophleum
suaveolens, Detarium senegalense, Khaya senegalensis and Afzelia africana. At
the western extent Berlinia grandiflora, Cynometra vogelii and others are
typical, while in the eastern parts in the Central African Republic Isoberlinia
doka, Afzelia africana, Anogeissus leiocarpus, Burkea africana, Borassus
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Figure 2.3 Distribution of dry forest and woodland in western Africa

Note: Broken lines represent national boundaries.
Source: Based on Keay (1959)
aethiopicum and Terminalia species are found. The oil palm Elaeias and Parkia
are commonly found across transformed landscapes.
The Sudanian warm mesic dry woodland lies in a parallel band, perhaps
500–700km wide, to the north of the Guinea dry forest belt, and covers around
2.6 million km2. Stretching from the Atlantic coast in Senegal, it includes much
of Mali, northern Ghana and northern Nigeria, to the southern Sudan and
southwest Ethiopia. Soils are predominantly recent and sandy. The major part
of the vegetation is disturbed, consisting of open broad-leaved woodland to
wooded grassland and bush fallow, often maintained by frequent fire. The
moister southern portion, from Guinea to Nigeria, is typified by low woodland,
rarely more than 5m high, of Isoberlinia doka, I. angolensis, Burkea africana,
Daniellia diveri and Erythrophleum africanum, with tall Hyparrhenia grass. It
has been likened to a depauperate miombo woodland, but without the
Brachystegia and Julbernardia.
To the drier north, the environment is marginal for agriculture and the
microphyllous vegetation types are naturally more open, characterized by
species of Acacia (especially Acacia laeta, A. nilotica var. adansonii, A. senegal,
A. seyal, A. macrostachya), Balanites aegyptiaca, Bauhinia rufescens, Boscia
salicifolia, Capparis tomentosa, Commiphora africana, Dalbergia melanoxylon,
Grewia flavescens, G. vilosa, Pterocarpus lucens, Saba senegalensis. The
combretaceae family is well represented with Combretum micranthum, C. gluti-
nosum, C. nigricans. Scattered remnant trees, such as baobab (Adansonia
digitata) and Shea tree (Vitellaria paradoxa) are common in the landscape.
The most common grass species are Aristida hordeacea, Schoenefeldia gracilis,
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Brachiaria xantholeuca, Cenchrus biflorus, Chloris lamproparia, C. prieurii,

Ctenium elegans and scattered taller Andropogon gayanus.
Eastern Africa
Compared to western and southern Africa, the woodlands of eastern Africa are
much less varied and it is difficult to separate them out. The typical sub-humid
dry forests and mesic woodlands, so well represented in western and southern
Africa, are very restricted in extent in eastern Africa.
By far the most extensive woodland type is in the semi-arid zone, covering
1.6 million km2. This comprises deciduous microphyllous bushland and thicket
dominated by spiny species of Acacia and Commiphora. The canopy is rarely
taller than 10m, but is often only 3–5m high and sometimes quite dense.
Grasses surprisingly generally contribute little to the biomass. Other common
woody plants include Grewia species, Balanites, and various members of the
Capparidaceae family such as Boscia and Cadaba. Succulents such as
Euphorbia and Adenium are not uncommon. The baobab tree (Adansonia) is
also characteristic at lower altitudes towards the coast. Some of the most
diverse vegetation is found in a narrow band along perennial or seasonal rivers,
and on rocky outcrops and hills. True moist forest, outside the scope of this
book, is found above 2000m on larger mountains, or lower down closer to the
coast.
Southern Africa
The sub-humid dry forests of southern Africa mostly comprise forest or dense
woodlands, much of which has now been reduced to wooded grassland or
secondary grassland with scattered forest trees after destruction by humans and
fire. Total extent is around 980,000km2. The larger forest remnants have
canopies about 25m high, but elsewhere this is only around 10m. In these
remnants characteristic species are Marquesia macroura, M. acuminata,
Berlinia giorgii, Daniellia alsteeniana, Brachystegia spiciformis, B. wanger-
meeana and Parinari curatellifiolia. However, in the more common secondary
vegetation comprising grassland and wooded grassland (‘mikwati’) the most
frequent fire-resistant trees are Erythrophleum africanum, Dialium engleri-
anum, Burkea africana, Diplorhynchus condylocarpon, Pterocarpus angolensis
with an under storey comprising species of Protea, Combretum and Strychnos
with tall Hyparrhenia grasses.
Within the warm dry forest and woodland area of southern Africa there are
four extensive vegetation types: undifferentiated woodland, miombo woodland,
mopane woodland and semi-arid shrubland (White, 1983; Figure 2.4).
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Undifferentiated woodlands
The most extensive undifferentiated woodlands are teak and acacia woodlands.
Teak woodland is a deciduous broad-leaved dry forest or woodland type
dominated by Baikiaea plurijuga, often called Zambezi Teak that occurs on
Kalahari sands. This species, much valued for its hard heavy timber, is common,
along with other valued timbers such as Pterocarpus angolensis, Guibourtia
coleosperma and Schinziophyton rautanenii. Baikiaea woodland areas cover
around 265,000km2 on the Kalahari sands of northwestern Zimbabwe, north-
east Botswana, southwest Zambia, northeast Namibia and southeast Angola
(Figure 2.4) at an elevation of around 900–1100m on the gently undulating
plateau. This area is a mosaic of Baikiaea-dominant dry forest and woodland on
the deeper sands, Burkea africana on shallower sands and a wide network of
shallow valleys with seasonally wet grasslands called dambos or vleis. Many of
these are associated with the headwaters of the Upper Zambezi and Kavango
rivers. To the north and to the southeast in western Zimbabwe, Brachystegia
spiciformis comes in, forming a transition to more typical miombo woodland.
Baikiaea woodland is generally 6–10m high, with few emergents. Although
deciduous, Baikiaea itself can remain green long into the dry season owing to
its ability to access moisture from deep in the soil profile. In some regards,
Figure 2.4 Distribution of dry forest and woodland types in southern Africa
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Baikiaea woodland, occurring as it does on deep sandy soils that are not prone
to erosion, is resilient in the face of major perturbations such as drought, frost,
herbivory, fire and, more recently, logging and clearance.
In the drier southeastern parts of the warm dry forest region open mixed
(microphyllous and broad-leaved) acacia woodlands, dominated by Acacia
(especially A. nigrescens, A. nilotica and A. gerrardii) and Combretum
(especially C. apiculatum), are found. Other characteristic and useful species
include Burkea africana, Terminalia sericea, Kirkia acuminata,
Pseudolachnostylis maprouneifolia, Sclerocarya birrea and Ziziphus mucronata.
Fruit trees and species with useful woods are more commonly found here than
in the miombo or mopane woodlands. The grass growing on these more fertile
soils generally has a high grazing value. Fire is an important ecological feature,
and a number of species are tolerant of it.
Miombo woodland
This is by far the most extensive warm dry forest type in southern Africa (Frost,
1996). Miombo (or muombo) is a common local name for various species of
Brachystegia in parts of Malawi, Tanzania and Zambia, which are the woodland
type’s most characteristic species. These broad-leaved deciduous woodlands,
dominated by species of Brachystegia, Julbernardia and Isoberlinia, are found
in areas of over 700mm annual rainfall on nutrient-poor soils where there is
distinct seasonality.
Miombo is found from the Atlantic coast in Angola, across Zambia, the
southern DRC, Malawi and much of Zimbabwe, almost to the eastern African
coast in Mozambique and Tanzania (Figure 2.4). Given its large extent, with
surprisingly little variation from Angola to Tanzania and south to Zimbabwe,
miombo is often arbitrarily divided into dry and wet types. Dry miombo is
found where rainfall is less than 1000mm per year, the canopy is generally less
than 15m high, and the dominant tree species are Brachystegia spiciformis, B.
boehmii and Julbernardia globiflora. In wet miombo rainfall is more than
1000mm per year, the canopy exceeds 15m in height and the characteristic
dominants are Brachystegia floribunda, B. longiflora, Julbernardia paniculata
and Isoberlinia. Wet miombo, covering 1.36 million km2, extends from near the
coast in central and northern Angola, through northern Zambia and southern
DRC to central and northern Malawi and western Tanzania, with small extents
in northern Mozambique and Burundi. Dry miombo covers a similar extent
(1.21 million km2) across southeastern Angola, southern Zambia and Zimbabwe
to south, central and northern Mozambique, southern Malawi and much of
central and southern Tanzania.
Mopane woodland
Whereas miombo woodland is generally found on lighter-textured, nutrient-
poor, well-drained soils on the African Plateau, mopane woodland is mostly
confined to lower-lying areas with clay- and nutrient-rich soils. The dominant
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tree, often to the exclusion of many others, is Colophospermum mopane,

commonly known as mopane or chanate.
Mopane woodland, covering 380,000km2, is a dry broad-leaved woodland
type found on heavier-textured soils in the wide, flat valley bottoms of lower-
altitude river valleys of southern Africa, such as the Limpopo, Zambezi,
Okavango, Cunene, Shire and Luangwa (Mapaure, 1994; Timberlake, 1999) in
southern Angola, northern Namibia, northern and eastern Botswana, Zimbabwe,
northern South Africa, southern Zambia, southern Malawi and south and
central Mozambique (Figure 2.4), at an elevation of 200–1200m, but normally
from 300–900m. Rainfall in these areas ranges from 400 to 700mm per year,
although the species itself can be found in drier areas in northwestern Namibia.
Semi-arid shrubland
Semi-arid shrubland types in southern Africa cover over 900,000km2 and
comprise either microphyllous wooded grassland or shrubland in which there is
a more-or-less continuous grass layer. Due to water stress, the sparse tree
canopy is around 5–8m high. Characteristic species in the drier Kalahari sands
area, at around 1000m altitude, include various Acacia (A. erioloba, A. lueder-
itzii, A. fleckii, A. hebeclada, A. mellifera, A. tortilis), Boscia albitrunca,
Dichrostachys cinerea and Terminalia sericea. In the northern, less arid parts,
broad-leaved trees such as Combretum collinum, Lonchocarpus nelsii and
Ziziphus mucronata are common, while on more stony soils towards the South
Africa Highveld these are replaced by Acacia karroo and numerous shrub
species, with an increasing dominance of the grass Themeda triandra.
FOREST DYNAMICS
Spatial integrity
Large areas of African dry forests have been subjected to clearing for agricul-
ture, which has greatly affected their spatial integrity (Table 2.1). In addition,
logging and wood harvesting for fuel have exacerbated this fragmentation
process. The greatest impact of agriculture has been in western and eastern
Africa, where more than 50 per cent of dry forest land has been converted to
agricultural use. Because of the nature of shifting cultivation that is widely
practiced in Africa, land under agriculture represents a number of cover types,
including cropland, abandoned fields and fallows at various stages of recovery.
For example, Lanly and Clement (1982) estimated that 20 per cent of open
woodland in Africa is made up of fallows. When converting woodland to agricul-
ture not all trees are necessarily cleared and, as a result, cultivated land is often
dotted with trees: Adansonia digitata, Vitellaria paradoxa, Sclerocarya,
Borassus, Faidherbia albida. Such landscapes are called farmed parklands in
western Africa. Population pressure on dry forests is growing. For example, land
per person in the Zambezian dry forest zone decreased from 1.45ha in 1975 to
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Table 2.1 Woodland and conversion to agriculture in

sub-Saharan Africa in 2000
White’s phytoregion Woodland area (km2) Extent under agriculture

(km2) (%)
Sudanian 3,233,160 1,900,850 58.79

Somali-Masai 875,880 706,880 80.70
Zambezian 4,483,380 679,700 15.16
Source: Based on Mayaux et al (2004)
1.05ha in 2000, and corresponding values for the Sudanian zone of western
Africa are 1.58ha in 1975 and 1.28ha in 2000 (Eva et al, 2006).
Plant cover and phenology

The level of vegetation cover in dry forests depends on its structure and phenol-
ogy, but generally tree cover is highest in sub-humid dry forests (over 70 per
cent) and lowest in semi-arid woodlands (10–40 per cent). Because of its decid-
uous nature, vegetation cover also varies seasonally (Figure 2.5). The increase in
greenness during the late dry season is due to the woody component, while that
in the early wet season is due to the grass component (Chidumayo, 2001).
Figure 2.5 Monthly changes in vegetation greenness as determined by the

Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI) in wet miombo at Mpika
(Zambia), mopane woodland at Francistown (Botswana) and Kalahari Acacia
savanna at Ghanzi (Botswana) in southern Africa
Source: Based on Chidumayo (2001)
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Changes in the tree component caused by fire, timber and wood harvesting,
drought or browsing/grazing by wildlife or livestock, tend to reduce dominance
of the woody component in favour of the grass component. This grass
dominance can then be maintained by fire or grazing.
Climate change and land use

There will undoubtedly be some marked changes in distribution and extent of
African vegetation types over this century, probably resulting from an increased
tendency in many areas to lower mean annual precipitation. But such effects
have also got to be seen in the context of equally – or more – rapid changes in
land use resulting from intensification and increased population pressures.
However, climate change and increased human impacts on vegetation are likely
to be intertwined, and it is difficult to predict the consequences. There are also
the changes in land-use practices caused by concentration of people and control
of fire that lead to increased woody cover in some places, and such changes
may be more profound over short periods than those predicted from the
increases in carbon dioxide (CO2) or temperature or rainfall.
One approach is to model climate change and determine what the impacts
on vegetation would be 50 years hence of, for example, decreased rainfall. Such
a study has been done for southern Africa (Hulme, 1996), but also recognizes
that global models of climate change, whether resulting from higher CO2 levels,
higher temperatures or decreased precipitation, are inherently weaker in such
seasonal environments where there are naturally large annual fluctuations in
temperature and rainfall. The models can only predict what might happen at a
very coarse, sub-continental level, but not the local detail. Indeed, the study
points out that local vegetation patterns are determined more by local differ-
ences in moisture and nutrient availability than global changes in annual means,
and the response of vegetation in such areas to extreme wet or dry years is
possibly more important than the response to long-term averages.
The southern African study suggested an increase in mean annual tempera-
ture (based on the 1961–1990 mean) of 1.5°C over the period 1990 to 2050, a
figure supported by the observed increase in southern Africa over the last
century of 0.05°C per decade. Inherent uncertainties in the study suggest that
this figure could be reached by 2030, or as late as the end of the 21st century.
Such a warming will result in lower annual rainfall. Using the BIOME model
(Prentice et al, 1992), which predicts the distribution of broad vegetation types
based on climate, soils and CO2 concentrations, the study went on to predict
changes in vegetation distribution across the region. Under the ‘dry’ (20 per
cent less moisture) scenario, there would be a 10 per cent increase in what we
term sub-humid dry forest, which would be derived from moist evergreen
forest, a 30 per cent increase in acacia semi-arid bushland and wooded grass-
land at the expense of warm dry forest, and a significant change in the
distribution of warm dry woodland types and those in the semi-arid region.
Increasing temperatures in southern Africa are also predicted to either extend
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the growing season in some ecosystems or shorten it in others (Rutherford et al,

1999).
Elsewhere in Africa, retraction of sub-humid and warm dry climate species
to areas of higher rainfall and lower temperature has been recorded as a result
of desertification in the latter part of the 20th century in Senegal (Gonzalez,
2001), while modelling of the distribution of forest species has projected
changes from warm dry forests to semi-arid forests in Tanzania and Gambia
(Jallow and Danso, 1997).
Added to these impacts of climate change will be the reduced productivity
that comes with reduced rainfall, and the effects of reduced and perhaps much
more variable rainfall on regeneration and reproductive success. With the
increase in bushland vegetation, cattle-raising may become less significant, to be
replaced by increased numbers of small stock, which may in turn also impact
on both vegetation structure and regeneration. Climate change is also likely to
alter the frequency, intensity and seasonality of fires that are so characteristic of
dry forests and woodlands in Africa, which may also change both in structure
and composition.
However, under these predicted changes in climate, it must be remem-
bered that species will respond individually, perhaps with substantial time lags,
rather than there being major shifts in vegetation formations and their associ-
ated fauna.
Herbivory
There are various types of impact of herbivory and herbivores on dry forests
and woodlands. The most obvious are vertebrate herbivores, which can have
marked effects on both structure and composition of woodlands through physi-
cal damage, through browsing and indirectly through grazing. Invertebrates are
also important herbivores, and can influence woodlands through defoliation and
seed predation. The impacts of herbivores, both direct and indirect, are often
larger than realized.
Elephant impacts on vegetation are very marked, but tend to be confined to
protected areas or adjacent lands. Principally confined to the warm dry
woodlands of eastern and southern Africa, in particular miombo and mopane
woodland types, these impacts are also seen in semi-arid acacia woodlands such
as in Tsavo and Amboseli in Kenya. In Tarangire National Park in Tanzania, for
example, the impacts varied significantly between tree species. The density of
Balanites aegyptiaca, Maerua triphylla and Commiphora and Combretum
species declined while that of Cordia and Acacia tortilis increased (Figure 2.6).
Although elephants affected the tree size distribution, the decline in density of
small trees in both Acacia and Combretum woodlands was attributed to a severe
drought in 1993 (Van de Vijver et al, 1999). Under certain circumstances,
elephant can reduce large areas of woodland to coppice shrubland by pushing
over and breaking larger trees, particularly with Colophospermum mopane. This
results in a ‘lawn’ of young coppice foliage about 2m high, which the elephant
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Figure 2.6 Changes in tree density caused by elephants and drought

over 25 years in Tarangire National Park, Tanzania
Source: Based on data from Van de Vijver et al (1999)
maintain by browsing (Conybeare, 2004). In miombo woodland such destruc-

tion can also result in larger quantities and a greater depth of grass growth,
leading to greater fire risk and fuel loads. The more frequent and more intense
fires, coupled with increased frost risk and higher grazing pressures, help
maintain the areas as open woodland or wooded grassland, rather than the dense
woodland they once were, as can be seen in some protected areas in Zimbabwe
and southern Tanzania.
Impacts by other browsers such as giraffe, kudu and eland, are more local,
although they can be marked. For example, many Acacia trees in the eastern
African savannas are shaped by giraffe, and acacias generally have developed
thorns as a defence against such herbivory (Pellew, 1983). Browse lines are
common in areas with many livestock – these are at 1.5–2m high in areas with
goats, and 2–2.5m high in areas with many cattle, although the latter are primar-
ily grazers except during the dry season. Such pressures can maintain the
grass–shrub–tree balance in areas that, without browsing, would revert to
woodland.
Many browsers help disperse woody plants by ingesting seeds that are then
deposited elsewhere in the faeces. Species such as Acacia nilotica and A.
erioloba have hard impervious seeds adapted to ingestion and dispersal by
mammals, while elephants are known to disperse palms such as Hyphaene and
Borassus. It is likely that the baobab (Adansonia digitata), through its useful
fruits, has a wider range across Africa owing to its dispersal by humans, and
likewise with the tamarind (Tamarindus indica and Sclerocarya birrea).
The impacts on woody vegetation by grazing mammalian herbivores are more
indirect as these animals primarily eat grasses. They also depend on the intensity,
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duration and season of grazing. At low grazing levels, grass growth can be encour-
aged, which tends to shade and kill off woody seedlings inhibiting recruitment
and regeneration. But when an area is more heavily grazed, the woody seedlings
can be eaten. When grazing pressure is reduced, seedlings and suppressed
saplings can grow rapidly to form what is often termed bush encroachment – the
beginnings of woodland regeneration. However, the species involved tend to be
those that grow rapidly from seed and with invasive properties, such as many
Acacia species and Dichrostachys cinerea, rather than the slower growing broad-
leaved species such as Brachystegia, that reproduce more by resprouting.
Although relatively minor compared to the effects of browsers, seed preda-
tion can be significant. A large proportion of a seed crop can be lost by weevil
damage (Ernst et al, 1989) and from small rodents (Walters et al, 2005).
Normally insect herbivory is minor, perhaps 10–20 per cent of the leaf crop.
However, defoliation by caterpillars of various moths can be very severe, as in
the case of the mopane worm (Imbrasia) in eastern Botswana that consumes
19.5 tonnes per hectare of mopane leaves in just a few weeks (Styles, 1994).
Outbreaks of defoliating behaviour can also be seen with other moths in broad-
leaved or nutrient-poor semi-arid and warm dry forests, such as with
Julbernardia paniculata (Malaisse, 1997) and Burkea africana, but rarely in
microphyllous savannas. It is not clear if this phenomenon significantly changes
woodland composition or structure.
Fire
Although some fires originate from lightning around the start of the rainy
season, most are caused by humans. Some originate accidentally from burning
undertaken during land preparation, from making charcoal or from honey
collecting, but others are set deliberately to flush out mammals or birds for
hunting or to stimulate new grass growth for livestock (Frost, 1996). Some have
suggested that savannas (here taken to be the more open types of dry forest,
including woodland) are anthropogenic and not natural. It must be recognized
that fire is a natural feature of dry forests and woodlands in Africa, although its
frequency is probably now much higher than historically. Nevertheless, in some
areas there has been a deliberate control of fire with widespread increase in
woody growth and a total change in woodland dominance. Fire has a composite
nature (Frost and Robertson, 1987), its behaviour, timing, intensity, frequency
all vary independently, and all affect vegetation structure and composition
differently. Fire can kill individual organisms, such as trees, but it can also
change the competitive status, allowing vegetation to change over time through
differential recruitment and survival of seedlings and saplings.
Fire is one of the few dry forest and woodland determinants that can be
readily manipulated, and so has great importance to managers. In most cases
the plants that burn – the fuel – predominantly comprise grass and other herba-
ceous material, and not the woody material. This fuel load can be from a few
centimetres to 2m in height. However, woody material does burn and often
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continues to smoulder long after the main fire has passed.

Most fires occur during the dry season or at the start of the rains – from
May to October in the southern hemisphere and from November to February
north of the equator. The impact depends on the intensity and timing in relation
to plant phenology. For example, late dry season fires are more intense and
destructive, particularly if they occur after leaf flush. Other important determi-
nants of impact are the amount of moisture in the fuel load, the atmospheric
temperature and relative humidity, and the wind speed.
Although hot intense fires can cause quite spectacular changes to vegeta-
tion, it is the frequency – the period between fires in any one area – which
causes many of the changes in vegetation structure and composition, changes
that can be both subtle and only become apparent over a decade or so. Fire
frequency is often higher in vegetation types having higher fuel loads, such as
moist miombo woodland (warm dry woodland), with fire return intervals of
between 1 and 5 years (Frost and Robertson, 1987). In Zambia, Chidumayo
(1995) reports a fire-return interval of 1.6 years, while remote-sensing across a
much larger area of miombo woodland shows that only 37 per cent of land is
burnt in any one year, suggesting an average fire-return interval closer to 3 years
(Frost, 1996). In more arid savannas (semi-arid shrubland), a much longer fire
return interval of 5–50 years is suggested, depending on fuel loads.
Frequent late dry season (‘hot’) fires can transform woodland into open tall
grass savanna with only isolated fire-tolerant canopy trees and scattered under
storey trees and shrubs. In Africa a number of long-term fire exclusion experi-
ments have shown that tree cover in sub-humid and warm dry forests is limited
by fire, notably the analysis by Trapnell (1959) of the fire plots in moist miombo
woodland in northern Zambia and that by Geldenhuys (1977) in the drier forest
types in northern Namibia. The major structural change that occurs under early
burning and fire protection relates to the greater thickening of the shrub layer
(Figure 2.7) and occasionally the colonization by fire-sensitive sub-humid forest
trees (Trapnell, 1959; Louppe et al, 1995). Trapnell recognized four categories
of species with regard to fire:
• fire-intolerant mostly evergreen species which occur only where there is

protection from fire (e.g. Parinari excelsa, Entandrophragma delevoyi,
Syzygium guineense);
• fire-tender species which decline under regular burning and increase under
protection, with higher mortality rates under late dry season burning than
under early dry season burning (e.g. Brachystegia spiciformis, Julbernardia
paniculata);
• semi-tolerant species that are relatively unaffected by early dry season fires
but decline under late dry season fires (e.g. Uapaca kirkiana,
Pseudolachnostylis maprouneifolia, Strychnos pungens);
• fire-tolerant species that are able to survive late dry season fires (e.g.
Pterocarpus angolensis, Parinari curatellifolia, Erythrophleum africanum,
Anisophylla boehmii, Diplorhynchus condylocarpon, Detarium microcarpum,
Combretum glutinosum, Combretum nigricans).
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Figure 2.7 Changes in tree density and shrub density, only enumerated
in 1944, after 11 years of fire protection, early burning and late
burning in old-growth miombo woodland at Ndola, Zambia
Source: Based on data from Trapnell (1959)
However, even early dry season (‘cool’) fires can have a significant impact
on vegetation structure and composition, as shown by the long-term fire plots
in Baikiaea woodland in western Zimbabwe (Calvert and Timberlake, 1993).
Plots protected from fire for 35 years reverted to dense Baikiaea woodland,
but annual or biennial late dry season burns did not eliminate, only suppress,
the woody component, shifting the regrowth underground. A resilient reservoir
of underground rootstocks remained, which could rapidly grow up with protec-
tion.
Although often regarded as a negative feature, with care, fire can be used as
a management tool to increase desirable attributes. Ranchers use it both to
stimulate new grass growth and to control encroachment or recruitment of
woody plants in rangeland, while foresters have used cool fires in mature stands
to clear undergrowth or to reduce the risk of hotter, more damaging fires late in
the dry season.
Stem density, basal area and wood biomass

The analysis of data from literature (as cited in next paragraph) for 164 dry
forest sample plots revealed that stem density does not vary significantly in
African dry forests and woodlands. Density ranged from 300 to 900 per hectare
with a tendency for higher stem densities in semi-arid dry forests (800–900 per
hectare) and lower densities in warm dry forests (700–800 per hectare).
However, data for 92 sample plots indicated that basal area varies significantly
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Figure 2.8 Linear equation for determining total above ground wood biomass
(oven-dry basis) from basal area of individual and stand trees in
African dry forests and woodlands
Source: Based on data from Chapter authors
among African dry forests. The highest basal area at breast height occurs in sub-
humid dry forests (24–28m2 per hectare ) and this declined to a range of
11.5–14.1m2 per hectare in warm dry forests in southern Africa and 8.4–11.0m2
per hectare in Kalahari-Highveld semi-arid dry forests. The basal area in the
Sudanian warm dry forests of western Africa ranges from 3.6 to 10.1m2 per
hectare.
The determination of above ground wood biomass of trees is generally
achieved using the relationship between tree diameter and/or height and
biomass derived from felled sample trees. For the purposes of this chapter, a
combination of tree- and stand-based basal area (derived from diameter
measurements) was used to develop a common equation (Figure 2.8) for
estimating wood biomass from basal area data. This approach is particularly
useful because most forest standing stocks are reported as basal area per hectare
and an equation based on basal area could have a wider application in estimat-
ing wood biomass in dry forests and woodlands of Africa. The equation in Figure
2.8 was applied to basal area data from different dry forests in Africa to
compute wood biomass. Data for a total of 92 sample plots in Benin
(Schreckenberg, 1999), Burkina Faso (Nikiema, 2005; Zida et al, 2007), DRC
(Malaisse, 1978, 1984; Malaisse and Binzangi, 1985; Malaisse et al, 1970,
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1975), Mali (Picard et al, 2006), Mozambique (Musanhane et al, 2000;

Sambane, 2005; Williams et al, 2008), South Africa (Shackleton et al, 1994;
Scholes, 1990), Tanzania (Banda et al, 2006; Byström et al, 1987; Isango, 2007;
Mugasha and Chamshama, 2002), Zambia (Araki, 1992; Chidumayo, 1985,
1986, 1987, 1997a, 1997b; Endean, 1968) and Zimbabwe (Ward and Cleghorn,
1970) were used in the analysis.
The basal area data that were originally based on stump height (between 15
and 30cm above ground) measurements were converted to basal area at breast
height using the following equation:
Basal area = –0.0019 + 0.71 stump height basal area,

r2 = 0.999, P < 0.0001
In addition direct estimates of wood biomass were obtained from literature for
73 sample plots in Benin (Orthmann, 2005), Ivory Coast (Lamotte, 1979;
Menaut and Cesar, 1979), Kenya (Okello et al, 2001; Western and Ssemakula,
1981), Mozambique (Sambane, 2005), Nigeria (Fatubarin, 1984), South Africa
(Higgins et al, 1990) and Zimbabwe (Kelly and Walker, 1976).
Above ground biomass was highest in sub-humid dry forests (160–209
tonnes per hectare) followed by the Zambezian woodlands (88–97 tonnes per
hectare), Sudanian woodlands (56–78 tonnes per hectare), Kalahari scrubland
(22–34 tonnes per hectare) and lastly Somali-Masai bushland (13–18 tonnes
per hectare).
DRY FOREST AND WOODLAND REGENERATION

Regeneration in dry forest and woodland trees occurs through either sexual or
vegetative means. Sexual regeneration is achieved through seed germination
and establishment of seedlings and their recruitment into the tree phase.
Vegetative regeneration occurs through the recruitment of sprouts or resprouts
into the tree phase from pre-existing trees that get cut or damaged, sometimes
termed coppice. Sprouting is the production of secondary trunks as an induced
response to injury or to profound changes in growing conditions. There are
four types of sprouts: sprouts from the trunk, sprouts from specialized under-
ground stems (lignotubers and rhizomes), sprouts from roots (root suckers),
and opportunistic sprouts from layered branches. Seed dispersal, predation,
desiccation and seedling mortality can act as strong constraints that impede
dry forest and woodland recovery after disturbance. The ability to sprout after
severe injury from disturbances such as herbivory, fire, floods, logging or
drought overcomes these barriers, as these individuals bypass the seed stage
and tend to have more vigorous shoots than seedlings presumably because
vegetative shoots may take advantage of the extensive root system and the
substantial food storage in the remaining parts of the parent plant. However,
sprouting ability varies with the age or size of a plant and also with the type
and severity of injury.
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Figure 2.9 Common regeneration mechanisms in dry forests: true seedling,

seedling sprout, stump sprouts or coppice and root sucker
The common mechanisms of regeneration in dry forests and woodlands

include current-year seedlings, seedling sprouts that occur after seedling shoot
dieback (including sprouts from underground rootstocks), coppice or sprouts
from stumps of mature trees and root suckers that arise from lateral roots
(Figure 2.9). The importance of each of these regeneration mechanisms
depends on the floristic composition of the forest/woodland and the type of
disturbance. Ky-Dembele et al (2007) found that the regeneration pool in a
Sudanian savanna dominated by Detarium microcarpum, Terminalia avicen-
nioides and Acacia species in Burkina Faso was dominated by seedlings and
seedling sprouts that made up 88 per cent of the regeneration stock, while these
sources of regeneration constituted nearly 95 per cent of the regeneration pool
in a Zambian miombo woodland (Chidumayo, 1993; Table 2.2). However, true
seedlings made up only 3.5 per cent of the regeneration pool in the Sudanian
savanna compared with 56 per cent of the regeneration pool in miombo
woodland. Although root suckers and water sprouts (plantlets developed at the
base of live mature trees) were observed in the Sudanian woodland, these were
absent in miombo woodland.
Seedlings and sprouts face frequent and severe fire damage that can retard
their recruitment into the tree layer (Figure 2.10). Between fires, seeds have to
germinate and build enough root reserves to survive the next fire. However,
given that fires usually occur once in every 2–4 years (Chidumayo, 2004;
Sankaran et al, 2007; Jacobs and Schloeder, 2002), sprouts would need to grow
rapidly to escape damage. Once dry forest has been cleared and the land
abandoned, regeneration often takes place but the speed of forest/woodland
recovery depends on the methods used in clearing, the sources available for
regeneration and site history (type, frequency and intensity of stress and/or
disturbance). Initially regeneration is mostly from trunk and root sprouts, hence
tree species composition in regrowth stands tends to remain similar to that of
the preceding old-growth stand. Consequently, the regrowth forest consists of
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Table 2.2 Structure of the tree regeneration pool one year after clear cutting
miombo woodland in Zambia and two years after cutting a
Sudanian woodland in Burkina Faso
Regeneration type Miombo woodland Sudanian savanna

Plants per ha Percent Plants per ha Percent
True seedlings 14,575 56.4 1154 3.5

Seedling sprouts 9850 38.1 28,269 84.5
Stump sprouts 1425 5.5 2000 6.0
Root suckers 0 0.0 1308 3.9
Water sprouts 0 0.0 718 2.2
Source: Based on Chidumayo (1993) for miombo woodland and Ky-Dembele et al, (2007) for Sudanian
savanna
Table 2.3 Stem density in old-growth and regrowth stands in

woodlands in sub-Saharan Africa
Woodland type Stem density (number per hectare)

Old-growth stands Regrowth stands
Kalahari 837–1131 7264–9700

Sudanian 425–590 1280–2250
Zambezian 710–820 2446–2830
Source: Calculated by Chapter authors from data in various literature sources (see text)
multi-stemmed trees often with a stem density higher than in the previous old-
growth woodland it replaced (Table 2.3).
Much work has been done on the effects of fire on woodland recovery
following clearing. In Mozambique the number of sprouts produced per stump
declined with increasing fire frequency. For example, the average number of
Diplorhynchus condylocarpon and Julbernardia globiflora sprouts per plant
decreased from 14.7 under fire protection to 7.7 when burnt once and 6.4 and
4.6 when burnt twice and three times, respectively (Zolho, 2005). However, in
Burkina Faso fire protection or burning had no significant effect on stump
mortality, although mortality was highest (15 per cent) in the first year after
cutting and only increased marginally by 1 per cent in subsequent years
(Sawadogo et al, 2002). In Zambia, stem density in an 11-year-old regrowth
miombo was significantly higher under fire protection and lower under late dry
season burning (Table 2.4). Similar results have been reported for Sudanian
woodland in Ghana (Figure 2.11). The density of trees (>0.5cm dbh, i.e.
diameter at ‘breast height’, which is deemed to be 1.3m) was also lower under
late dry season burning (214/ha) in a 65-year-old fallow located in the transi-
tional zone between the Guinea-Sudan woodland and Guinea dry forest in Ivory
Coast, compared to 2244/ha and 6877/ha under early dry season burning and
fire protection (Louppe et al, 1995). Clearly, some degree of fire control is
important in enhancing dry forest recovery after clearing.
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Figure 2.10 Mean height development of sprout stems of miombo trees at

sites and during five years following clear cutting of forest
Note: Vertical lines on bars indicate 1SE and inverted arrows indicate fire occurrence at each site.
Source: Based on Chidumayo (unpublished data)
Table 2.4 Stem density in wet miombo woodland plots before clear-cutting in
1933 (stems >6.4cm dbh) and in regrowth (stems >0.9m tall) under
three fire treatments at Ndola in Zambia
Fire treatment Woodland type Stems per hectare
Fire protection Before cutting 205

11-year-old regrowth 2963
Early dry season fire Before cutting 550
Late dry season fire Before cutting 455
49-year-old regrowth no data
Source: Based on Chidumayo (1997b)
33
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Figure 2.11 Changes in tree (>9.0cm dbh) density in regrowth Sudanian

savanna in northeast Ghana under different fire treatments
Source: Based on Swaine and Brookman-Amissah (1987)
TREE GROWTH RATES AND

WOOD BIOMASS PRODUCTION
Tree growth is influenced by many factors, including genetic, climate and
soils, as well as levels of disturbance such as fire and disease. The majority of
tree species studied have diameter increments ranging from 0.03 to 2.6cm
per annum. Among the most studied species in the Zambezian savannas are
Brachystegia spiciformis (Grundy, 2006; Holdo, 2006; Trouet et al, 2006)
and Pterocarpus angolensis (Boaler, 1966; Holdo, 2006; Stahle et al, 1999).
Brachystegia spiciformis in western Zambia grew by 0.24 to 0.33cm diameter
per annum while in Zimbabwe the species grew by 0.03 to 0.27cm per annum
(Grundy, 2006; Trouet et al, 2006). A study in Tanzania (Jeffers and Boaler,
1966) revealed that humidity and minimum temperature were the most
significant factors affecting the seasonal growth of Pterocarpus angolensis and,
in a similar study, Boaler (1966) found that the annual diameter increment
ranged from 0.08 to 0.48cm. However, growth ring bands indicated that the
species also exhibited inter-decadal variations in growth rate. The annual
diameter growth of Isoberlinia doka and Anogeisus leiocarpus in western
Africa is estimated at 0.44cm and 0.45cm (Schöngart et al, 2006) while that
of Acacia drepanolobium in eastern Africa is estimated at 0.7cm (Okello et al,
2006).
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Figure 2.12 Above ground wood biomass accumulation in Kalahari and Somali-
Masai woodlands and wet miombo, dry miombo and Sudanian woodland
Source: Based on data from literature (see text)
In most dry forests and woodlands woody biomass accumulation with

increasing age was best explained by a steep rise in biomass with increasing age
of regrowth (Figure 2.12). The steepness of the slope of the line relating
biomass to age was highest in wet miombo followed by dry miombo and semi-
arid savannas of the Kalahari region of southern Africa suggesting that these
woodlands may be more productive than those in eastern and western Africa.
The lowest biomass accumulation was observed in the Somali-Masai region.
Generally, however, the age of regrowth was more important in determining
woody biomass than phytoregion.
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KEY ISSUES AND QUESTIONS

The chapter has described the distribution and general characteristics of dry
forests and woodlands in sub-Saharan Africa and raised a number of issues
concerning the management of these forests. Among the management issues
raised, six key questions stand out as particularly important to sustainable
management of dry forests and woodlands. These are:
• What will the response of dry forests/woodlands to predicted changes in

regional climate be? We need to develop scenarios that will assist continued
management of existing natural stands, and also guide us in re-establish-
ment practices, where these are called for.
• What ability and capacity do these dry forests/woodlands have, through
coppicing, to respond to harvesting? We need to determine what the limits
are to this, and find out whether we are pushing the woodlands beyond
them.
• What is the long-term impact of repeated fire on dry forest/woodland
regeneration and production? Is fire protection a necessity, and is it worth
the high cost. What is the regeneration potential of these forests and
woodlands in the face of frequent fire.
• Although we have many scattered data, we still do not have a comprehen-
sive idea of dry forest/woodland productivity levels in relation to stage of
growth, moisture availability, nutrient status, forest/woodland type or
composition. We need to understand what the main determinants of
productivity are for each type, so that management practices can be more
strategically applied.
• It appears that most dry forests and woodlands regenerate and spread by
means of root suckers, and only locally through seed. We need to find out if
this observation is correct and, if so, is there a particular impediment to
regeneration of these species that improved management practices could
readily overcome.
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Biodiversity of Plants
Enos Shumba, Emmanuel Chidumayo, Davison Gumbo,

Cynthia Kambole and Mwale Chishaleshale
DEFINING BIODIVERSITY OF AFRICAN

DRY FORESTS AND WOODLANDS
The Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) defines biodiversity as the varia-
tion between ecosystems and habitats; the variation between different species;
and the genetic variation within individual species. Biodiversity can therefore
be described in terms of the diversity of ecosystems, species and genes. This
chapter describes the floristic and ecosystem diversities in dry forests and
woodlands of sub-Saharan Africa and their current status and management.
FLORISTIC DIVERSITY AND ENDEMISM

Sub-Saharan Africa has a wide range of dry forest and woodland formations,
each with diverse flora. Some of these formations have been described in
Chapter 2 but many more subtypes were described by White (1983) and Table
3.1 lists a selection of these.
Species richness (total number of species in a given area) and endemism
(proportion of species restricted to a particular area) are often used to describe
biodiversity. Endemic taxa are species or genera or families that have at least 75
per cent of their geographical range within one ecoregion. An ecoregion is
characterized by a suite of plant taxa that respond to distinct patterns of
landform, geology, soils and climate. Centers of endemism are areas of high
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Table 3.1 Diversity of vegetation types in African dry forests and woodlands
Phytoregion Main vegetation types

Guineo-Congolian/Zambezian Southern dry evergreen forest and transitional woodland
Regional Transition Zone Wooded grassland
Guineo-Congolian/Sudania Guinea dry forest
Regional Transition Zone
Zambezian Region Dry deciduous forest and scrub forest
Zambezian wooded grassland
Itigi deciduous thicket
Miombo woodland
Mopane woodland
Undifferentiated woodland
Sudanian Region Sudanian Isoberlinia woodland
Undifferentiated woodland
Acacia wooded grassland
Kalahari-Highveld Regional Acacia woodland
Transition Zone Wooded grassland
Semi-arid shrubland
Somali-Masai Region Acacia-Commiphora bushland and thicket
Evergreen bushland and secondary wooded grassland
Semi-arid shrubland
concentrations of taxa that are endemic to an ecoregion. Because of taxonomic

revisions, variable sampling effort and differences in delineating phytoregions,
there are often large differences in estimates of species richness and levels of
endemism among different workers. This problem is particularly acute in the
case of dry forests and woodlands of Africa that are diverse and their delin-
eations vary considerably among workers.
Floristic diversity in African dry forests and woodlands was assessed by
White (1983) and has recently been re-evaluated by Linder et al (2005) (Table
3.2). Both the assessments by White (1983) and Linder et al (2005) indicate
that the Zambezian Regional Centre of Endemism has the highest floristic diver-
sity of dry forests and woodland types. Mittermeier et al (2003) focusing on
the Zambezian woodlands also identified the miombo-mopane woodlands as
one of the five ecozones (together with Amazonia, Congo, New Guinea and the
North American deserts) needing to be prioritized for biodiversity conservation
because of their irreplaceability in terms of species endemism. The Zambezian
Regional Centre of Endemism has eight endemic genera compared to four in
the Sudanian Regional Centre of Endemism; however, endemic genera in the
Somali-Masai Regional Centre of Endemism are even higher at 50 (White,
1983). The Zambezian phytoregion is also a centre of diversity for the
Brachystegia and Monotes. There are also considerable similarities in the flora
of the different phytoregions; some flora in the Guineo-Congolian/Sudanian
and the Guineo-Congolian/Zambazian are also found in the Sudanian and
Zambezian woodlands. Similarly, about a quarter of the species in the
Zambezian phytoregion are also found in the Sudanian phytoregion.
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BIODIVERSITY OF PLANTS
Table 3.2 Floristic diversity and levels of endemism in phytoregions in which

dry forests and woodlands are dominant formations in sub-Saharan Africa
Phytoregion Plant species Endemic species Percent

endemic species
White Linder et al White Linder et al White Linder et al
(1983) (2005) (1983) (2005) (1983) (2005)
Guineo-Congolian/
Sudania RTZ1 2000 711 50 5 3 1
Guineo-Congolian/
Zambezian RTZ1 2000 571 50 28 3 5
Sudanian RCE2 2750 684 960 6 35 1
Zambezian RCE2 8500 1725 4590 377 54 22
Somali-Masai RCE2 2500 931 1250 103 50 11
Kalahari/Highveld RTZ1 3000 583 50 10 20 2
Notes: 1. RTZ is Regional Transition Zone.

2. RCE is Regional Centre of Endemism.
Source: White (1983)
PROTECTION OF BIODIVERSITY
The protection of biodiversity is closely linked to protected area (World Park
Congress, 2003) and these can be divided into two broad categories, those
meant for conservation and the other for resource utilization. IUCN, the
International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) defines the former as
‘protected areas’ (Chape et al, 2003) while those established as sites for
controlled resource utilization in forests and woodlands are termed ‘forest
reserves’ (Burgess et al, 2005, 2007). The early forest reserves established in
Africa were not for conservation purposes (Lovett, 2003) but largely for timber
extraction and at times for water harvesting but, ultimately, the two categories
have been at the forefront of biodiversity conservation in Africa. In the dry
forest and woodland countries, Burgess et al (2007) report that there are close
to 4604km2 of protected areas and 2027km2 of forest reserves and the latter is
made up of classified forests, reserved or designated forests, national forests,
state forests and state reserved forests. It is critical to note that both protected
areas and forest reserves have effectively conserved forests and woodland, but
more so in the protected areas and those specialized forest reserves such as
botanical gardens and sanctuaries. A noticeable development is the fact that
over 70 per cent of the protected areas and forest reserves lies across interna-
tional boundaries (Olson and Dinerstein, 1998; Brooks et al, 2004). These
provide opportunities for trans-frontier conservation area initiatives on the
continent.
The distribution of protected areas in the dry forest and woodland zones in
sub-Saharan Africa is shown in Figure 3.1. The Guinea and southern dry forests
are poorly covered by protected areas. Protected areas (6390 in all) of all
categories cover about 2.4 million km2 (World Resources Institute, 2003).
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III
XI IV
II
XIV
Figure 3.1 Distribution of protected areas in the dry forest and woodland
phytoregions of sub-Saharan Africa
Note: (II) Zambezian Regional Center of Endemism, (III) Sudanian Regional Center of Endemism, (IV)
Somali-Masai Regional Centre of Endemism, (X) Guineo-Congolian/Zambezian Regional Transition Zone,
(XI) Guineo-Congolian/Sudanian Regional Transition Zone and (XIV) Kalahari Region of the Kalahari-
Highveld Regional Transition Zone.
Source: Based on World Conservation Monitoring Centre (1997)
Figure 3.2 shows the extent and number of protected areas; the area under
protection represents about 9 per cent of total land area in the Sudanian zone,
11 per cent in the Somali-Masai zone, 14 per cent in the Zambezian zone and
16 per cent in the Kalahari zone. The Conference of Parties (CoP7) of the
Convention on Biological Diversity required that at least 10 per cent of each of
the world’s ecological regions be protected (Chape et al, 2005). This would
imply that other than the dry forests and Sudanian woodlands, there is adequate
coverage of woodland phytoregions in protected areas in sub-Saharan Africa.
The average size of a protected area ranges from 260km2 in the Sudanian zone
to 430km2 in the Zambezian zone and 670km2 and 830km2 in the Somali-Masai
and Kalahari zones, respectively.
SPECIES CONSERVATION STATUS

Species are declining to critical population levels, important habitats are being
destroyed, and ecosystems are being destabilized through climate change, pollu-
tion, alien invasive species and direct human impacts. Thus, the conservation
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Figure 3.2 Protected area in dry woodland phytoregions in sub-Saharan Africa

Note: Numbers on top of bars indicate number of protected areas.
Source: Based on World Resources Institute (2003)
status of a species is a good indicator of the impact of threats as the likelihood

of a species remaining extant either in the present day or the near future has a
bearing on planning and management (Hamilton and Hamilton, 2006). An
assessment of the conservation status of a species should not however be limited
to the number remaining, but the overall increase or decrease in the population
over time, breeding success rates, known threats, and so on. This means that
even a species with high levels of regeneration, both sexually and vegetatively as
is the case with many dry forest and woodland species (see Chapter 2), must
be evaluated as threatened on the basis of reproductive adults.
Figure 3.3 shows threatened higher plant species in African dry woodland
phytoregions. It is difficult to determine the number of threatened plant species
by phytoregion from data that are often presented by country and, in addition,
some countries contain vegetation formations that are not dry forest and
woodland. Nevertheless, the data in Figure 3.3 indicate that the number of
threatened plant species per country increases from the Kalahari zone to the
Somali-Masai and Sudanian zones and is highest in the Zambezian zone.
Loss of some tree species has been largely through trade – an aspect that
the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES), signed
by 164 countries, has been trying to address by controlling (Appendix II of
CITES) or curtailing (Appendix I of CITES) trade. In Table 3.3 we list 13 tree
species from dry forests and woodlands of Africa that are on Appendix II and
we note that these are not necessarily threatened with extinction now but may
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Figure 3.3 Average higher and threatened plant species in protected areas in
woodland phytoregions in sub-Saharan Africa
Source: Based on data in World Resources Institute (2003)
become so unless trade is closely controlled. Of these, five (39 per cent) of the
species are found in the Sudanian zone while two, Hallea stipulosa and Khaya
anthotheca, are found in this zone as well as the Zambeziana zone. In addition,
Pouteria altissima and Vitellaria paradoxa are found in the Sudanian and
Somali-Masai zones and Pterocarpus angolensis in zones II and XIV. The
Zambeziana zone holds two trees species that are exclusive to this regional
centre of endemism and these are Baikiaea plurijuga and Entandrophragma
caudatum while Cordeauxia edulis and Pericopsis elata are exclusive to the
Somali-Masai zone. This suggests that the majority of threatened tree species
are in the Sudanian and Zambezian zones, which also share 25 per cent of flora
(White, 1983).
Table 3.3 Tree species on the CITES list occurring in dry forests and
woodlands of sub-Saharan Africa
Species Conservation Threats Distribution

status II III IV XIV
Afzelia africana Vulnerable Exploitation X

Baikiaea plurijuga Lower risk Exploitation X
Cordeauxia edulis Vulnerable Local use/ browsing X
Entandrophragma Lower risk Local use X
caudatum
Hallea stipulosa Vulnerable Habitat loss X X
Khaya anthotheca Vulnerable Exploitation X X
Khaya grandifolia Vulnerable Exploitation/ Habitat loss X
Khaya senegalensis Vulnerable Exploitation/ Habitat loss X
Pouteria altissima Lower risk Exploitation X X
Pterocarpus angolensis Lower risk Exploitation X X
Pericopsis elata X
Vitellaria paradoxa Vulnerable Local use X X
Warburgia salutaris Endangered Exploitation X
Note: II Zambezian regional centre of endemism, III Sudanian regional centre of endemism, IV Somali-
Masai regional centre of endemism, XIV Kalahari-Highveld regional transition zone
Source: IUCN, 2009
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THREATS TO PLANT BIODIVERSITY

The demand for certain species lies at the very base of their survival (Stedman-
Edwards, 1998). Hamilton and Hamilton (2006) place the blame for loss of
plant materials on increasing human populations, increased demand for these
resources, destruction and modification of habitats, expansion and intensifica-
tion of agriculture. These threats do not necessarily operate alone but in
combination with others. There are many threats to plant biodiversity in dry
forests and woodlands of sub-Saharan Africa (Burgess et al, 2005; IUCN, 2009)
but the important ones are those cited by Hamilton and Hamilton (2006) above
and include poor management of protected areas, population and land-use
pressures, climate change, over-harvesting of plant resources and proliferation
of invasive species.
Poor management of protected areas

In the majority of sub-Saharan African countries investment in protected areas
and forest reserves is chronically low. As a consequence of this, there is poor
infrastructure and inadequate personnel, equipment and law enforcement and
research: important components of good and effective management of
protected areas. The minimum budgetary requirements for effective law
enforcement for African protected areas is estimated at US$200–230 per km2
(Lindberg, 2001) but expenditure on protected areas in most southern African
countries, for example, is below the minimum requirements (Figure 3.4). In
addition, the history of the establishment of protected areas is dominated by
opportunistic acquisitions of land often at the expense of rural people
(Siegfried, 1989) who over time have sought to reclaim their rights and often
do so through encroachment and counter claims (Palmer, 2001). After the Rio
Earth Summit of 1992, there has been an upsurge in the number of new
protected areas and these are having negative impacts on the livelihoods of local
communities through a loss of rights, exclusion from natural resources and
displacement from traditional lands (Wittemeyer et al, 2008). These encroach-
ments have huge implications for the management of these protected areas as
well as the status of the biodiversity found in them.
Population and land-use pressure

The population inhabiting dry forests and woodlands in sub-Saharan Africa
was estimated at 320 million people in 2000 (Eva et al, 2006). Despite the
adverse impacts of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, the continent’s population is
growing at an average rate of 2.4 per cent per annum and the highest human
footprint in dry forests and woodlands in sub-Saharan Africa is in western
Africa where population densities are in the range of 30–45 per km2 (Table
3.4). One of the challenges facing the continent is how to increase agricultural
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Figure 3.4 Expenditure in government protected areas in dry forest and

woodland countries in southern Africa
Source: Based on Lindberg (2001) and Cumming (2004)
output in order to adequately feed the growing population. Given the limited
availability of suitable agricultural land, there is increasing pressure to convert
remaining dry forests and woodlands to agriculture. This is contributing to loss
of biodiversity.
Given the difficulties of modelling deforestation and degradation of tropi-
cal open woodlands (Grainger, 1999), estimates of woodland cover loss in Africa
tend to vary greatly depending on the methodology used to estimate deforesta-
Table 3.4 Human population density in dry forest and woodland

regions of sub-Saharan Africa in 2000
Phytoregion Area (km2) Population size Population

density per km2
Guinea-Congolia-Zambezia 779,911 1,516,8813 19.45

Somalia-Masai 1,974,420 3,366,6625 17.05
Guinea-Congolia-Sudania 1,225,983 52,659,006 42.95
Kalahari-Highveld 1,277,340 13,298,317 10.41
Zambezian 3,924,240 70,158,185 17.88
Sudanian 3,641,240 112,929,909 31.01
Sahel 2,570,970 21,557,690 8.39
Source: Based on Eva et al (2006)
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tion and degradation. Estimates of woodland loss therefore can only be indica-
tive of the extent of the problem of deforestation in woodland areas.
During 1990 to 2000 it was estimated that dry forest and woodland
countries in sub-Saharan Africa lost nearly 5 million ha of forest cover annually
or nearly 1 per cent of the forest cover in 2000 (FAO, 2005). Much of this loss
occurred in the Sudanian zone (2.5 million ha) and southern Africa (2.3 million
ha). According to Kigomo (2003) the causes of woodland cover degradation
and loss in semi-arid Africa are overgrazing, agricultural expansion and overex-
ploitation of forest resources. Mayaux et al (2004) estimated that nearly 15 per
cent of the Zambezian woodlands has been converted to agriculture while
similar values for the Sudanian and Somali-Masai woodlands are 60 per cent
and 80 per cent, respectively.
It is therefore not surprising that sub-Saharan Africa is experiencing human-
induced biodiversity decline. The trend continues unabated as human activities
(e.g. agriculture, exotic timber plantations, mining and urban development)
transform habitats and replace indigenous biota. The loss of biodiversity results
in the loss of ecosystem goods and services and translates into reduced economic
opportunities for present and future generations.
Climate change
Dry forest and woodland vulnerability to climate change refers to the degree to
which these vegetation types are susceptible to or unable to cope with adverse
effects of climate change, its variability and extreme events. Some of the possi-
ble impacts of climate change on African dry forests and woodlands have been
mentioned in Chapter 2. Therefore only a few additional examples are given in
this chapter.
Observations made in acacia woodland in central Zambia involving five
species revealed that temperature significantly affected seedling emergence in
80 per cent of the species and germination rate under a 1°C warmer climate
was predicted to decline in three of the species while an increase was predicted
in one species (Chidumayo, 2008). Temperature also significantly affected
seedling mortality in all the five species such that under a warmer climate,
mortality was predicted to increase in two of the species and decrease in the
other three species. The conclusion was that woodland trees would respond to
climate warming in different but predictable ways. Results of tree growth
monitoring at the same woodland site showed that the radial growth of the
majority of trees declined due to additive effects of temperature factors,
suggesting that different species will respond differently to climate change
(Chidumayo, in preparation; Table 3.5).
The study by McClean et al (2005) revealed shifts in ranges of individual
species in African woodlands as a result of climate change. These authors
through modelling have predicted that 25–75 per cent of the plant species in
African woodlands might lose all their currently climatically suitable ranges
under a future warmer and drier climate.
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Table 3.5 Climate factors affecting radial growth of woodland trees at a

Zambezian woodland site in central Zambia, 1998–2008
Species Significant predictor factors Growth variation Predicted annual

caused by climatic growth rate under
factor(s) (%) a 1°C warmer climate
Acacia polyacantha Rainfall 16 No change

Acacia sieberiana Average temperature 20 Decrease
Combretum molle Rainfall and minimum temperature
and average temperature 39 Increase
Piliostigma thonningii Average and maximum temperature 30 Decrease
Source: Based on Chidumayo (in preparation)
A recent study by Maranz (2009) in western Africa has also shown that the
high mortality of mesic woodland tree species in the northern portion of the
Sudanian zone and their apparent retreat southwards has been due to the return
of arid conditions during the latter half of the 20th century (Figure 3.5). The
disappearance of tree species has been particularly noticeable in parkland
landscapes where Vitellaria paradoxa and Parkia biglobosa are either disap-
pearing or retreating to more mesic habitats. In addition, the savanna areas of
northern Nigeria are reported to be losing plant species as a result of increasing
desertification due to inadequate rainfall, excessive drought and sand dune
encroachment.
Figure 3.5 Decadal rainfall pattern averaged for seven western African weather
stations representing the Sudano-Sahelian zone (low mean rainfall,
bottom line) and seven stations representing the southern Sudanian zone
(high mean rainfall, top line)
Note: Expansion in the range of some Sudanian tree species occurred from the 1930s to 1960s while
range contraction occurred from the 1970s to 1990s.
Source: Based on Maranz (2009)
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Overharvesting of plant resources

Overexploitation of plant resources is a growing threat to biodiversity in dry
forest and woodland countries in sub-Saharan Africa. For example, of the 13
tree species on the CITES list (see Table 3.3), nearly 90 per cent of them are
threatened by overexploitation and 11 per cent are threatened by habitat loss.
Over-reliance on traditional medicinal plants for primary health care by the
majority of the sub-Saharan population has contributed to the overexploitation
of some other species, such as Walburgia salutaris in Zimbabwe and Albizia
brevifolia in Namibia and many others that are now threatened. Similarly, the
commercialization of crafts, like baskets and wood curios, has led to a decline
in tree species such as Berchemia discolor which is used as a palm leaf fibre dye
in Botswana and Namibia. There has also been overharvesting of Afzelia
quanzensis and Pterocarpus angolensis in a number of woodland countries in
response to the flourishing woodcraft industry (Cunningham et al, 2005;
Shackleton, 2005). Some of these shortages and losses can be at local level (site
specific) while this may not be the case at the regional level, e.g. Berchemia
discolor which is under threat in Namibia but actually spreads from Ethiopia to
northern parts of South Africa. Some tree species may be facing acute pressure
at a country level, but because of their abundance at regional level may not
qualify to be placed on the IUCN Red Data List or CITES Appendix II.
Management and conservation measures in the past had always been influ-
enced by taboos that restricted people from destructive harvesting (Osemeobo,
1994). But, these have become largely dysfunctional under increasing pressures
and have not been replaced by alternatives. Indeed, management services
provided by the government are weak and ill equipped. Alternative lesser
known substitutes need to be brought to light so as to reduce the pressure on
over-sourced species. The importance of some species for multiple uses should
also be highlighted. As a management strategy, proper records of plant status
must be kept and abundance and collection rates monitored. The perception
and orientation of harvesters must also be changed for they believe that plants
can never be overexploited.
Proliferation of invasive alien species

Invasive alien species are species introduced deliberately or unintentionally
outside their natural habitats where they have the ability to establish themselves,
invade, out-compete natives and take over the new environments (IUCN, 2000).
The problem and impact of invasives is likely to increase as more plants move
across borders and destabilize natural vegetation (Hamilton and Hamilton, 2006)
especially in areas where phytosanitary regulations are lax. Such species are
found in all categories of organisms and all types of ecosystems. Some of them
have significant environmental and economic impacts. In its compilation of the
Red Data List of threatened species, IUCN cited alien species as directly affect-
ing 15 per cent of all threatened plants (Carlton, 1998). Alien species disturb
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nutrient recycling, pollination and the regeneration of soils and energy, among
other things; they also threaten the integrity of natural systems. For example,
the ‘fixing’ or sequestration of carbon is becoming a major consideration regard-
ing global warming and where fire-promoting alien species have replaced
indigenous vegetation, the release of carbon has accelerated.
OPPORTUNITIES FOR CONSERVING BIODIVERSITY

Preserving trees in transformed landscapes and tree domestication
Under subsistence farming some tree species, such as indigenous fruit trees, are
left in the field and may contribute to biodiversity conservation. For example,
Dean et al (1999) found that large Acacia erioloba trees in semi-arid scrubland
in the Kalahari-Highveld phytoregion of southern Africa increased biodiversity
through provision of habitat for fleshy-fruited plants, frugivores, nectivorous
and tree-nesting birds, raptors, weaver birds, tree rats and shade-seeking large
mammals. Similarly the parklands of western Africa contain a high number of
fruit trees, thereby contributing to the maintenance of tree biodiversity in trans-
formed landscapes (Maranz, 2009; Figure 3.6). In addition there is a growing
interest in the domestication of fruit trees throughout the dry forests and
woodlands of sub-Saharan Africa (Akinnifesi et al, 2006; Schreckenberg et al,
2006).
Figure 3.6 Density of trees, tree species and fruit tree species in three
landscapes in western African woodlands
Source: Based on Maranz (2009)
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Community and private sector involvement in biodiversity

management
Sustainably harvested and fairly traded indigenous products offer a significant
opportunity to improve the livelihoods of poor communities living in rural areas
with access to natural resources. This industry has the potential to benefit both
the natural environment and those in the supply chain – including the rural poor
primary producer groups, buyers, processors and exporters (PhytoTrade Africa,
2005). The use of resources, which are accessible to and owned by the poor rural
people and are ecologically and culturally adapted to local conditions, underpin a
‘biodiversity-friendly’ industry, with low barriers to entry. As will be shown under
Chapters 4 and 5, forests and woodlands are important sources of income from
wild foods, fuel, fodder and thatch grass (Vedeld et al, 2004). Use and access are
often based on local rules as well as resource tenure and property rights (Bruce,
1989; Ostrom, 1999) but recent trends have shown a greater interest from private
capital and calls for resource concessions. At the same time, through various
decentralization schemes, local and community level institutions have become
more assertive in the management of local forests and woodland resources and
importance of resource tenure. Thus for any efforts targeted at biodiversity
management to be successful, local communities must be involved and these can
be linked to private capital in a number of innovative ways (FAO, 2002b).
For more than two decades, some African countries have been implement-
ing strategies that support human livelihoods through the sustainable use of
biological resources within the context of community-based natural resource
management (CBNRM). In this approach, communities are given rights of
access to wild resources and legal entitlements to benefits that accrue from
managing the resources (Kellert et al, 2000; Child, 2004). This creates positive
social and economic incentives for the people to invest their time and energy in
natural resource conservation (Crook and Clapp, 1998). Typically, CBNRM
initiatives have been implemented in ecologically marginal areas, with limited
potential for agriculture.
Operationally, CBNRM involves the following:
• the devolution of control and management responsibilities for natural

resources from the state to local people through appropriate legislative and
policy changes;
• building the technical, organizational and institutional capacity of local
communities to assume management responsibilities over natural resources.
The success of CBNRM has depended on the level of devolution, donor

commitment and policy changes; and links with tourism and hunting. The key
economic driver of CBNRM has been wildlife (large mammals), mostly through
trophy hunting and eco-tourism outside protected areas.
The potential role of natural products is only beginning to be realized
through value addition and commercialization (PhytoTrade Africa, 2005). Such
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BOX 3.1 PUBLIC–PRIVATE SECTOR PARTNERSHIPS TO COMMERCIALIZE

PLANT RESOURCES IN AFRICA
1. Makoni Tea in Zimbabwe

Fadogia ancyalantha is used to produce the herbal Makoni tea. The Southern
Alliance for Indigenous Resources (SAFIRE), an NGO (non-governmental organiza-
tion), has facilitated the establishment of a community-based enterprise by
encouraging members of Ward 23 of Nyanga district in Zimbabwe to form an
indigenous tea producers association. The association consists of 200 members who
collect leaves of the herb and pre-process them for the production of Makoni tea.
This is done in partnership with private companies, Katiyo, Tanganda and Speciality
Foods of Africa. The companies are involved in the final processing and packaging
of the leaves and marketing and selling the tea. The association earns revenue from
the sale of the pre-processed leaves and receives dividends based on returns from
tea sales locally and abroad. However, revenue receipts have been limited due to
competition with established herbal teas and inadequate promotion and marketing.
It is however noted that some Fadogia species have phytochemicals that are known
to be toxic to livestock and potentially to people, but that marketing has occurred
without health and safety checks.
2. The Swazi Secrets project in Swaziland

The Swazi Secrets project harvests marula fruits (in the wild) for processing into a
variety of products. The project is working with 14 producer/collector communities
(comprising 2500 individual suppliers) who sell marula kernels to Swazi Indigenous
Products Pvt. Ltd. The project has a strong capacity building component that trains
communities on appropriate harvesting techniques.
Since the community derives direct economic benefits from harvesting wild
Marula fruits and since fruit harvesting is non-destructive, the sustainable harvest-
ing of the tree species can be guaranteed. This demonstrates how economic
incentives can promote biodiversity conservation.
Source: SADC (in press)
products have potential for nutritional, pharmaceutical and industrial use, as

well as for generating income and a number of initiatives involving rural local
people; local and international companies have been set up in a number of dry
forest and woodland countries (Grote, 2003; Hailwa, 1998; Moyo and Epulani,
2002; Sola, 2005; Shackleton, 2005) and these new initiatives are broadening
the economic viability of CBNRM initiatives through their wider distribution
when compared to wildlife (Machena et al, 2005).
There has been limited investment in bio-prospecting and natural product
value addition by national governments in Africa. This is partly because most
development models on the continent consider biological resources as a source
of sustenance and not as a source of wealth. There is, however, growing interest
in adding value and commercializing biological resources on the continent. For
example, the Southern African Natural Products Trade Association (PhytoTrade
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Africa) is developing commercial opportunities from natural products (products

derived from indigenous plants) for the benefit of rural communities in the sub-
region. It does this through investment in research and development (R&D)
and market development, whilst facilitating linkages between rural producers
and private sector processors and manufacturers. Through the creative use of
public funds, PhytoTrade Africa has been able to leverage significant private
sector investment into R&D. However, it remains one of the very few cases in
which favourable conditions for private sector investment have been success-
fully created (Le Breton, personal communication).
CHALLENGES
Sub-Saharan Africa is experiencing increased pressure and demand on agricul-
tural land and biodiversity due to limited alternative livelihood opportunities.
The need to explore other livelihood opportunities and to refocus national
policy development models beyond the primary sectors of production cannot
therefore be over-emphasized (Frost et al, 2007). In fact, this is the develop-
ment route that was followed by the currently developed nations and highlights
the fact that natural resources alone are not a panacea to Africa’s development
problems. How can forest biodiversity contribute more to livelihoods on a
sustainable basis?
There have been limited national, sub-regional and regional level invento-
ries of various biodiversity components on the continent as illustrated by the
following:
• Only large and commercial species of wildlife are regularly monitored

(because of their importance in national economies). Similarly, regular
inventory and monitoring programmes are usually in place for commercial
indigenous timber species and exotic timber plantations. Other species that
provide a range of timber and non-timber forest products to local commu-
nities have not been catered for.
• The monitoring of biodiversity habitats, some of which are under extreme
pressure, is often lacking. However, such information is critical for the
effective management of protected areas, including trans-frontier conserva-
tion areas (TFCAs).
The inadequacy of up-to-date information on biodiversity and limited ability to

handle the available information makes it difficult to effectively plan, manage
and monitor biodiversity conservation and its sustainable use in Africa. It also
makes it difficult to demonstrate the value and impact of biodiversity losses to
national, sub-regional and regional economies. There is therefore need to
develop and implement comprehensive but simple biodiversity inventory and
monitoring programmes covering key species and habitats. Skills to handle and
package the information are needed to improve knowledge and management of
biodiversity.
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Africa’s protected areas have been a cornerstone of biodiversity conserva-

tion. However, existing legislation precludes neighbouring communities from
accessing goods and services from them. This has created ‘islands of green’
surrounded by degraded communally owned landscapes. The result has been
increased illegal timber and game harvesting and illegal settlements in some
protected areas. How can community participation and the development of
appropriate access and benefit sharing arrangements be advanced to facilitate
sustainable management of protected areas?
TFCAs offer opportunities to raise funds for biodiversity conservation in
protected areas through tourism. However, their success depends on the
creation of a conducive environment for public-private sector partnerships
through targeted incentives and appropriate legislation that ensures that part of
the generated revenue is ploughed into biodiversity management and promo-
tion of TFCAs and trans-boundary tourism through appropriate national policies
and legislation and capacity building at various levels.
The bulk of the continent’s biodiversity lies outside protected areas and is
under extreme pressure from various threats. In spite of efforts to conserve
biodiversity outside protected areas through joint management, especially in
community forestry, these efforts to improve the management of biodiversity
in off-reserve areas through CBNRM initiatives are being hampered by the
inadequacy of incentives to local communities. There is therefore need for:
• concerted R&D efforts that unleash the economic potential locked up in

the region’s biological resources through bio-prospecting and value addition
and finding innovative ways to equitably share benefits there from;
• building the capacity of local communities that live with the biological
resources in the management of common property resources;
• formulating policies, legislation and bye-laws that regulate access to and use
of biological resources.
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Contribution of Non-wood
Forest Products to Livelihoods
and Poverty Alleviation
Sheona Shackleton and Davison Gumbo
DEFINING NON-WOOD FOREST PRODUCTS:

DIVERSITY AND CONTEXT
The term non-timber forest product (NTFP) was first popularized by de Beer
and McDermott (1989) in an attempt to raise awareness of the importance of
forests for uses other than commercial logging. They drew attention to the
fact that many forest resources, other than timber, held significant value for
local people and their economies and certainly did not deserve the label ‘minor’
forest products. They defined NTFPs to encompass ‘all biological materials
other than timber, which are extracted from forests for human use’. Since
then there have been various refinements of this definition and much debate
over what should and should not be included as an NTFP (Belcher, 2003).
Wickens (1991) defined ‘timber’ more explicitly as industrial roundwood and
derived sawn timber, woodchips, wood panel and pulp, and added plantations
as well as natural forests as a source of products. With this clarification,
woodcarvings, fuelwood, charcoal and other locally manufactured wood
products such as furniture all fall under the NTFP banner. This contrasts with
the Food and Agriculture Organization of the UN (FAO) term – non-wood
forest products (NWFP) – that purposely excludes wood in all its forms.
Recently, the use of the term NWFP has become so widespread, that it now
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often encompasses products from ecosystems other than forests (Belcher,

2003).
Drawing on the above, an NWFP has been defined for the purposes of this
book as any raw or processed product, excluding commercial timber, that is
produced from an indigenous or wild biological resource found within the dry
forest zone and that is harvested for either domestic consumption or trade. In
some instances, the resource may be cultivated or sourced from modified or
non-natural systems (as for some edible leafy plants), but cannot be regarded as
a conventional agricultural crop.
Non-wood forest products are an extremely diverse and complex category
(Figure 4.1). As is evident from the above, they include a diversity of biological
groups or ‘types of resource’ (herbaceous plants, climbers, trees, insects, birds,
mammals, fungi, etc.) as well as thousands of species, all with differing biologi-
cal and ecological characteristics. Many species have multiple and sometimes
even competing uses. The types of raw and processed products are also vast,
including wood products, fruits, seeds, exudates, leaves, bark, roots, bulbs,
stems, fibres, whole organisms (e.g. insects, mammals and fungi), honey, oils,
juices and various extracts and derivatives, some requiring sophisticated
processing technology. Some products (e.g. wild fruits) may be extremely
seasonal, only available for very short periods in the year. The uses NWFPs can
be put to are just as varied, and may include, for example, for food, medicines,
craft, building and fencing, energy, as inputs into farming systems (e.g. wooden
tools and implements, organic fertilizers, veterinary medicines), and as new
organic products for the cosmetic, botanical, pharmaceutical and health food
industries.
Categories of NWFPs thus include a mix of products and species with very
different ecological, social, livelihood and market niches, and equally diverse
management and trade practices, and end products and consumers (Wynberg
and Laird, 2007). This multidimensionality is often bewildering, creating
numerous challenges for policy-makers in designing policy, legislation and
programmes for these products, as well as for their development and sustain-
able management. It also makes it tremendously difficult to touch on all aspects
of these products in any substantial way in one book chapter, particularly given
the scope of countries and forest and woodland types involved.
Superimposed on this complexity related to the biological and physical
characteristics of the resource and product, are a whole range of social, institu-
tional and, for traded products, market factors (Alexiades and Shanley, 2004).
As already mentioned, NWFPs are not only used to meet subsistence needs,
but are also economic resources that may be traded between different kinds of
actors in different types and scales of markets. This trade may be locally driven,
as in the majority of situations, or externally facilitated, and may involve govern-
ment, non-government and private sector stakeholders working in partnership
with local communities. Sometimes competition between uses and different
markets may arise, with possible deleterious impacts on the resource base and
on local social systems. Non-wood forest products are also embedded in the
political and cultural life of the people involved in their collection and consump-
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C O N T R I B U T I O N O F N O N -W O O D F O R E S T P R O D U C T S
Figure 4.1 Diversity of products and services that contribute to livelihoods in

sub-Saharan dry forests and woodlands
tion, with their ‘multidimensionality evident in the myriad of processes, actors

and factors that shape their access, management and commercialisation’
(Alexiades and Shanley, 2004). The fact that NWFPs may be sourced from land
under different types of ownership and management, including communal,
private and state protected areas, is just one important institutional dimension
affecting access and management. Furthermore, the way in which NWFPs are
integrated into users’ livelihoods, and their significance for the household
economy, varies amongst different social actors and groupings, and according to
the types of assets households have.
Despite this, and the fact that many millions of poor people benefit daily
from NWFPs, their crucial importance for livelihood security and significant
economic contribution, primarily in the informal sector, is generally poorly
recognized and appreciated and sometimes even ignored in terms of national
policy and forest management (Bird and Dickson, 2005; Petheram et al, 2006).
Such neglect may undermine the potential of these products to deliver benefits
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BOX 4.1 TAPPING NEW MARKETS: PHYTOTRADE AFRICA’S

APPROACH TO NATURAL PRODUCT COMMERCIALIZATION
Lucy Welford, PhytoTrade Africa
PhytoTrade Africa (www.phytotradeafrica.com) is the Southern African Natural

Products Trade Association. Since its inception in 2001, PhytoTrade Africa has been
committed to its objective of improving rural livelihoods through developing a
sustainable natural products sector in southern Africa. PhytoTrade works with over
50 members in southern Africa (Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South
Africa, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe), who in turn work with tens of thousands
of natural products producers in the region.
PhytoTrade Africa has developed environmentally sustainable and ethical supply
chains for natural cosmetic and food ingredients that are wild harvested from indige-
nous plant species found predominantly in woodlands from across southern Africa.
The association is currently researching over 300 species of useful plants, but focal
species include manketti/mongongo (Schinziophyton rautanenii), baobab
(Adansonia digitata), sausage tree (Kigelia africana), kalahari melon (Citrullus
lanatus), marula (Sclerocarya birrea), mobola plum (Parinari spp) and sour plum
(Ximenia spp). Categories of products produced include herbal teas, essential oils,
gums and resins, lipid oils, fruit pulps and a variety of botanical raw materials and
extracts.
With training and capacity building from PhytoTrade Africa, and utilizing both
internal audit measures and external Fair Trade and environmental and organic certi-
fication schemes, association members are able to assure industry of reliable supply
chain management and adherence to strict quality control measures. PhytoTrade’s
members supply industry with products for the nutraceutical, phyto-medicinal,
botanical, flavour and fragrance, herbal remedy, dietary supplement, functional
food, cosmeceutical and personal care industries. In order to do this, the association
develops commercial opportunities on behalf of its members based on partnerships
with commercial companies in key natural products markets. This involves not only
developing long-term trusting partnerships with international commercial compa-
nies, but also ensuring that strong legal and technical agreements are in place.
Commercial partnerships are based on a sound approach to both market and
product development that demonstrates meaningful financial and technical commit-
ment by both parties.
PhytoTrade Africa works in four key areas:
1. Institutional development
PhytoTrade Africa acts as a service provider to the natural products industry and
a stakeholder within the industry and realizes that:
• industry will always be driven by private sector;
• for primary producers to make money, all actors in the market chain must
also make money;
• intervention points for industry tend to be higher up the chain.
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2. Product development
• PhytoTrade Africa’s strategy is to pass the responsibility and cost for product
development to commercial partners;
• this maximizes the association’s R&D funding;
• and ensures that products are developed that the market wants.
3. Market development: negotiating commercial partnerships
• market development is closely linked with PhytoTrade Africa’s R&D
approach;
• there is recognition that it is better to develop a relationship with one
reliable client than many one-off buyers;
• ensures that strong legal agreements are in place;
• the Association has a marketing office in its primary export market and
maintains a presence at key trade fairs and industry events;
• the Association maintains a strong corporate identity.
4. Supply chain development
• PhytoTrade is not part of the supply chain;
• PhytoTrade ensures quality standards are maintained through a ‘pre-quali-
fied supplier’ audit;
• the Association provides guidance on production and processing technolo-
gies and quality standards;
• ensures volumes of production meet demand;
• provides assistance with certification;
• provides assistance with logistics and paperwork.
in the future, erode vital safety nets, and exacerbate the already persistent
poverty situation so endemic in Africa.
Daily, millions of men, women and children across the dry forest and
woodland countries of sub-Saharan Africa enter the forests and woodlands
surrounding their villages to procure an array of wild natural resources, or
NWFPs, for home consumption and sale. Non-wood forest products have long
formed a vital component of people’s everyday livelihood needs, providing
energy, food, medicines and raw materials for building, crafts, tools and imple-
ments (Campbell and Luckert, 2002; see Figure 4.1). In addition to subsistence
use, NWFPs are also sold, in raw or processed form, in local and regional
markets, offering an important means for poor individuals and households to
generate cash income. In other instances, these products may form the basis of
commercial enterprises, with some commodities reaching high-value interna-
tional markets. In the last 10–15 years, facilitated projects aimed at the dual
goals of biodiversity conservation and rural development have further stimu-
lated and developed the trade in NWFPs, often in new external markets
(Neumann and Hirsch, 2000; Box 4.1).
There is a distinct geographical variation in the importance of NWFPs across
sub-Saharan Africa (Figure 4.2). Exudates (gum Arabic, olibanum, myrrh,
tannins, opopanax, gum karaya) are more important in the Sudanian woodlands
while edible plant foods are equally important in both the Sudanian and
Zambezian woodlands. The importance of insect foods appears to be restricted
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Figure 4.2 Important non-wood forest products across

sub-Saharan Africa
Source: Walter (2001)
to Zambezian woodlands in Malawi, Zambia and Zimbabwe while the impor-

tance of honey and beeswax is widespread in the Kalahari, Zambezian and
Somali-Masai phytoregions, although it is also important in a few countries in
the Sudanian phytoregion. Unlike plant-based NWFPs, bushmeat is important
in most countries across all the dry forest and woodland regions of sub-Saharan
Africa. Some of these NWFPs, such as exudates are discussed in Chapter 9.
It is within this context that this chapter seeks to document the uses, liveli-
hood significance, value and key challenges for a number of important categories
of NWFPs, drawing from across the dry forest and woodlands of Africa. The
chapter is structured as follows. Firstly, a definition of the term NWFP is
provided (see above) and some of the intricacies and complexities of the sector
highlighted. This is followed by synopses of livelihood, poverty and safety net
roles of dry forests and woodlands. Additional synopses cover NWFPs’ value
and importance for subsistence, culture and commercial trade. This is followed
by a section that summarizes some of the main challenges.
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POVERTY IN DRY FOREST AND WOODLAND

COUNTRIES: THE PLACE OF NWFPS
Africa has the redoubtable reputation of being home to some of the poorest
countries in the world. Poverty in Africa is rife; almost 60 per cent of rural
Africans live on less than US$1 per day (Kaimowitz, 2003; World Bank, 2005).
In many of the continent’s rural areas, poverty appears entrenched and
intractable with few opportunities for relief, especially in the context of the
huge and devastating impacts of HIV/AIDs (Bryceson and Fonseca, 2006;
Shackleton, 2006; Wiegers et al, 2006). Moreover, within the dry forest and
woodland regions, low and erratic rainfall, frequent droughts, and generally
poor soils render farming activities, particularly those based on arable agricul-
ture, exceptionally risky, contributing further to the hardships rural people face
(Frost and Mandondo, 1999; Mortimore, 1998). All of this is aggravated by
socio-economic conditions typical of underdeveloped areas, including inade-
quate infrastructure and services, poor exposure and access to markets, weak
political power, low human capacity due to poor education and health, and
often struggling local institutions (Belcher, 2005; Hedge, 2007).
It therefore comes as no surprise that some 320 million people depend on
Africa’s dry forests and woodlands to meet many of their basic needs (Petheram
et al, 2006). The collection, and in some cases the sale, of NWFPs provides one
of the most widely accessible livelihood opportunities available to poor rural
people in these regions. Most NWFPs can be accessed ‘freely’ by households,
and low barriers to entry mean people can trade in these products with little
capital investment. In Zimbabwe, up to a third of household income has been
estimated to come from NWFPs, with the proportion consistently higher in
poorer households (Cavendish, 2000; Campbell et al, 2002). Mutamba (2007)
established a similar pattern in Zambia. Such households typically engage in
low return activities but often fail to accumulate capital from such activities
(Kamanga et al, 2009). As will be shown later poor households focus on using
forests and woodlands for consumption and as safety nets (Angelsen and
Wunder, 2003). Further, some activities (e.g. bushmeat hunting) are predomi-
nantly carried out by males, while the increased marketing of plant materials is
carried out by women, thereby increasing their opportunities to earn incomes.
Notwithstanding all this, the rational extraction of NWFP contributes towards
poverty reduction in the dry forests and woodlands of sub-Saharan Africa.
Valuation studies undertaken in a number of dry forest and woodland
countries, mainly within southern Africa, have demonstrated the significant
economic value of NWFPs for rural households, with the income share from
these products reaching as much as one third of total household income (Table
4.1). In most cases, the largest proportion of this value can be attributed to
firewood consumption, followed by wild foods and construction materials.
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Table 4.1 Value of dry forest and woodland NWFPs to rural households
Region/Country Value (US$ per Percentage Source

household per year) contribution to total
household income
Botswana 335 20.1 Zitzmann (2000) in

Chipeta and Kowera (2004)
Zimbabwe 436 28.4 Cavendish (2000)
Zimbabwe 50–85 – Campbell et al (1996)
Zimbabwe 120 – Clarke et al (1996)
Zimbabwe 578 – Campbell et al (1997)
Zimbabwe 320 – FAO (1999)
Zimbabwe, Chivi 99 15.0 Campbell et al (2002)
South Africa, Bushbuckridge, 572 19.4 Dovie (2004)
Limpopo Province
South Africa, Mogano, 1130 – Shackleton et al (2002)
Limpopo Province
South Africa, Ha-Gondo, 565 – Shackleton et al (2002)
Limpopo Province
South Africa, Mametja, 620 – Twine et al (2003)
Limpopo Province
Eritrea, Dighe, Gash-Barka 386 – Araia (2005)
Administrative Zone
Note: Values are not directly comparable as different studies have varying criteria regarding what to
include/exclude from the analysis, for example the Cavendish study includes livestock browse while the
others do not. Local currencies have been converted to US$ at the exchange rate for the year that
fieldwork was completed.
SUBSISTENCE AND CULTURAL USES

In terms of subsistence use, NWFPs are critical for health, food, nutrition,
shelter and energy. Considering food security and nutrition alone, poor people
depend on NWFPs for many regularly utilized foods, for crisis or famine foods,
for firewood to cook, for nutrients and vitamins, for grazing, for genetic
resources, for inputs into agricultural production, such as implement handles
and ploughs, and for the raw material for manufacturing such items as canoes
for fishing (Bass et al, 2001). Non-wood forest products make significant contri-
butions to livelihoods for the poor and more so for remote area dwellers. These
are areas that are physically or frictionally distant from locations of strong
economic activity and may lie behind ecological barriers such as mountains or
disease prone areas (McCall, 1985; Smith, 1992; Barrett et al, 2005).
Recent work to place an economic value on this auto-consumption of wild
products has shown it to be worth several hundreds of dollars per annum to
user households (Clarke et al, 1996; Cavendish, 2000; Campbell et al, 2002;
Chipeta and Kowero, 2004; Shackleton and Shackleton, 2004a, 2004b; Vedeld
et al, 2004; Box 4.1). Moreover, this daily subsistence use of ‘free’ NWFPs
allows households to enjoy a significant saving of scarce cash resources that can
be redirected to meet other needs (Shackleton and Shackleton, 2004b). Non-
wood forest products are also frequently used to barter for other goods or as a
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source of exchange for labour. For example, female-headed or elderly-headed

households needing the help of a strong man to assist with, for instance, build-
ing repairs often brew traditional beers (Shackleton and Shackleton, 2005) or
collect wild fruits as ‘payment’.
In addition to the practical uses described, many NWFPs also have impor-
tant social and cultural functions providing indirect livelihood benefits.
Non-wood forest products such as medicinal plants can be symbolically and
culturally important, providing livelihood benefits through social significance
(Coad et al, 2008). Medicinal plants may be held in special religious, national-
istic or ideological esteem, thus providing a culturally based support for the
value of flora and fauna (Hamilton, 2004) in the dry forests and woodlands of
sub-Saharan Africa. Further, the sharing of marula (Sclerocarya birrea) beer (a
widespread woodland product) plays a key role in building and maintaining
vital social support systems, allowing people to draw on these networks in
times of need (Shackleton and Shackleton, 2005). Marula beer could, thus, be
viewed as having an indirect safety net or risk insurance function. Many
NWFPs are collected and purchased for their spiritual and cultural significance
and value (Cocks, 2006). These products may be used as traditional gifts, as
cultural symbols in rituals, as charms and talismans against external agents like
witches, as ‘protectors’ against events such as lightning strikes, and to build
friendships and reciprocity. Often the process of gathering and processing
NWFPs results in important social benefits as groups of people cooperate in
these activities and can be a basis for community-based systems for conserva-
tion (den Adel, 2002). Furthermore, local knowledge of traditional practices
centred on NWFPs, e.g. medicinal plants can be a source of employment
opportunities and local identity (Coad et al, 2008). In this way, customs,
taboos and superstitions associated with the use of NWFPs can assist in their
sustainable management. These important traditional and cultural values of
NWFPs are often forgotten in the pursuit of demonstrating economic value
and in maximizing financial outcomes.
Non-wood forest products are a key resource for many poor communities
(Sunderlin et al, 2005; Mutamba, 2007; Vedeld et al, 2007). In western Africa,
for example, bushmeat provides 25 per cent of protein requirements, and can
be the principal source for some indigenous groups (Bennett and Robinson,
2000; Fusari and Carpaneto, 2006). While there is some truth in the above
statement, increased poverty and food insecurity are leading many people to
turn to wildlife as a source of food. De Merode et al (2003) noted that
bushmeat is more important for income than food and hunters often sell their
catch to buy cheaper alternative foods (Juste et al, 1995). In addition, poor
households may not benefit as often they may not even have males to carry out
the hunting. In eastern and southern Africa, where the sale of wildlife products
is commonly outside the formal economy the contribution of bushment goes
unnoticed (de Merode et al, 2003; Fusari and Carpaneto, 2006).
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SAFETY NET ROLE

Non-wood forest products derived from dry forest and woodlands of Africa
play different roles in the livelihood strategies of different types of users ranging
from being a source of food for subsistence, materials, medicines and equip-
ment to safety nets (Belcher and Kusters, 2004). Depending on circumstances,
dry forest and woodland products can be treated as ‘daily net’ and a ‘safety net’.
The ‘daily net’ describes everyday use, with products meeting current house-
hold needs, offering a reliable source of income to purchase agricultural inputs
(Shackleton and Shackleton, 2004b), or fodder for livestock herds. A ‘safety
net’ comes into play when other sources of household income (e.g. agriculture)
fail to meet dietary shortfalls, or whenever a quick cash option is required
(McSweeney, 2003). Studies have shown that NWFPs provide a ‘safety-net’
function in terms of quick, easy access to goods for household consumption or
sale to earn cash in unpredictable misfortunes such as illness, death or natural
disasters. In addition, Africa’s dry forest and woodland countries experience
frequent crop failure often resulting in poor nutrition of local people. In such
cases, particular forest or woodland products will act as a form of ‘natural insur-
ance’ (Arnold and Ruiz-Pérez, 2001; McSweeny, 2004; Takasaki et al, 2004), at
critical times of the year to bridge income gaps, and/or to meet specific needs
such as school fees or the costs of a celebration (Wunder, 2001; Belcher and
Kusters, 2004). This safety net, buffering, and gap filling role of NWFPs also
extends to the use of goods for own consumption during droughts, floods or
other lean times, and as substitutes for purchased products during cash flow
crises (Byron and Arnold, 1999; Kaimowitz, 2003). It is noted that certain liveli-
hood activities (e.g. the sale of NWFPs) that may have originated as a response
to misfortune, can also be upgraded to a permanent strategy (Angelsen and
Wunder, 2003). ‘Income smoothing’ is another widely mentioned benefit of
NWFP trading, especially at times when on-farm labour is in low demand
(Fereday et al, 1997). In all of these situations, NWFPs serve the function of
reducing household risk and vulnerability (Arnold, 2002), often helping to
prevent households, particularly the poorest (Takasaki et al, 2004), from sinking
lower into poverty during difficult times.
TRADE AND CASH INCOME

Millions of people in sub-Saharan dry forest and woodland countries trade in a
diverse range of NWFPs and this trade appears to be growing worldwide, with
numerous examples of supportive evidence from Africa (Campbell et al, 2002;
Lowore, 2003; Clarke and Grundy, 2004; Box 4.2). Increasingly, rural dwellers
are selling products previously used only for subsistence and cultural purposes.
This growth is driven, at the local level, by a greater need for cash income as
people become more integrated into the market economy, and by economic
hardship and shock due to, amongst other factors, unemployment, retrench-
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ment, withdrawal of agricultural subsidies and HIV/AIDS (Devereux, 1999;

Monela et al, 1999; Rogerson and Sithole, 2001; Campbell et al, 2002; Kepe,
2002). In sub-Saharan Africa alone, it is estimated that several million people
earn their primary cash income from the sale of NWFPs (Kaimowitz, 2003). In
South Africa, some 3–14 per cent of rural households within the savanna biome
are trading in at least one natural resource product, albeit often on an irregular
basis. Some products such as medicinal plants form part of a multi-million dollar
industry in South Africa, providing income-earning opportunities for many
gatherers and traders, mainly poor rural and peri-urban women, and some
300,000 traditional healers (Mander, 1998, also see Box 4.2). Others, such as
everyday items like traditional brooms and mats, provide more localized
benefits, but are nonetheless still critical for the households involved
(Shackleton, 2005).
Generally the returns from the sales of NWFPs are modest for the majority
of participants, although extremely variable both within and across products
and between households. Cash incomes earned may range from a few hundred
to thousands of dollars per annum, even amongst those producing and selling
the same product (Shackleton, 2005), and may contribute all or only a small
proportion of total household income, with the average being between 10 and
25 per cent (Ndoye et al, 1997; Cavendish, 2000; Vedeld et al, 2007). For
individuals and households specializing in niche markets, incomes may be more
significant, but, on the whole, returns are limited by the conditions characteris-
tic of rural sub-Saharan Africa mentioned above, as well as isolation, poor roads,
high transport costs, a lack of markets or limited markets, insecure property
rights and poor education and levels of organization amongst small-scale entre-
preneurs (Sunderland and Ndoye, 2004).
Participation in forest product commercialization represents different types
of livelihood strategy for different categories of poor households (Ruiz-Pérez et
al, 2004; Shackleton, 2005; Marshall et al, 2006; Wiersum and Ros-Tonen,
2006). The sale of NWFPs may form part of an income diversification or risk
reduction strategy, as households or individuals seek ways to supplement other
sources of income or smooth their earnings throughout the year. For example,
the NWFP trade often complements agricultural production in many regions of
the world and in large parts of Africa (Byron and Arnold, 1999; Campbell et al,
2002). Alternatively, the trade may be the primary source of income for house-
holds, resulting in high levels of specialization (Ruiz-Pérez et al, 2004). Such a
scenario is most likely for high value-added products, often with external
markets; in situations that are conducive to trading such as close proximity to a
major urban centre; and where intensified production is taking place. In these
cases, if the value of the product increases significantly then the danger exists
that the trade and benefits may be captured by the better off (Dove, 1993; see
above). At the other end of the spectrum, it is not uncommon to find that
individuals and households turn to trading in NWFPs in the absence of any alter-
native income-earning opportunities, particularly after experiencing hardship or
shock (e.g. Shackleton et al, 2000; Rogerson and Sithole, 2001). The opportu-
nity to sell NWFPs thus provides a safety net for people desperately looking for
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BOX 4.2 REGIONAL, NATIONAL AND EXPORT VALUE OF TRADE IN

SELECTED DRY FOREST AND WOODLAND NWFPS
The value of the commercial trade in NWFPs to regional and national economies
can be substantial, although in general data are extremely scarce or unreliable.
Often, where statistics are available, these only capture the value of formally traded
export goods. Thus the considerable worth of domestic markets and the extensive
informal trade is generally underreported and underestimated. The following
provides some illustration of the potential economic value of a range of dry forest
and woodland products.
• The mopane worm industry in Botswana was valued at £4.42 million (then
US$7 million) in 1995 and employed as many as 10,000 local people (Styles,
1995).
• The informal trade in medicinal plants in southern Africa is valued at
US$75–150 million per annum with some 35,000–70,000 tonnes of plant
material traded each year (Mander and Le Breton, 2006).
• The value of gum and resin exports from Ethiopia from 2001–2003 amounted
to US$2.8 million, 3.3 million and 4.1 million respectively. Natural gum tapping
and collection activities create seasonal employment opportunities for
20,000–30,000 people.
• In 2005, some 256 tonnes of beeswax worth US$1 million were exported from
Ethiopia, while the corresponding figures for Tanzania were 277 tonnes and
US$1.3 million, respectively (ITC, 2006).
• The woodcarving industry in Kenya is worth over US$20 million annually in
export products and employs some 60,000–80,000 carvers supporting over
400,000 dependants (Choge, 2004).
• Zambia and Tanzania are the two woodland countries exporting the largest
volumes of honey. In Zambia in 2005, 219 tonnes of honey were exported with
a value of US$491,000 while Tanzania exported 466 tonnes with a value of
US$674,000. In both countries, volumes exported have risen by 20–30% since
2001 (ITC, 2006).
• Shea butter is the third most important crop in Burkina Faso and provides
income to about 300,000–400,000 women (Schreckenberg, 2004; Harsch,
2001). Imports of shea butter to Europe from Sahelian countries were estimated
at US$13 million in 1999 (Schreckenberg, 2004).
some source of income. Unlike the short-term safety net functions described
earlier, this may evolve into a long-term or permanent source of livelihood or
coping strategy if the conditions that initially forced the individual into the
trade prevail, or if the producer subsequently chooses to make their living from
the trade. It is not unusual to find all these livelihood strategies represented for
the same product, but in different types of households (Lowore, 2003; Stack et
al, 2003; Shackleton, 2005). Furthermore, in many instances, households sell
more than one NWFP, depending on a portfolio of different products to ensure
a more reliable income and reduce risk. These subtleties are often missed in
studies that are product rather than livelihood focused.
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IMPORTANCE FOR THE MARGINALIZED

AND VULNERABLE
Most work to date suggests that it is the poorest members of society who are
most dependent on NWFPs (Fereday et al, 1997; Cavendish, 2000; Neumann
and Hirsch, 2000; Beck and Nesmith, 2001; Fisher, 2004; Shackleton and
Shackleton, 2006), although recent findings from the humid regions of
Cameroon reveal that NWFPs in that country contribute most significantly to
middle-income households (Ambrose-Oji, 2003). The collection of NWFPs is
an activity that is generally available to all households, but that is more likely to
be exploited by poorer groups with limited land resources and other assets,
minimal education and skills, and few other income sources, contributing a
greater proportion of total income to these households (Arnold, 2002; Fisher,
2004). In addition, households living in remote areas are also likely to be vulner-
able. Wild foods are extremely important for the nutrition and food security of
children, especially those from poor and HIV/AIDS affected households
(Kaschula in Shackleton, 2006, also see Chapter 5). The low barriers to entry
to the trade in many NWFPs means that this activity provides an important
option for poor and marginalized households who would have difficulty access-
ing other employment opportunities, or who are less able to cope with or insure
against risk than better-off households (Fisher, 2004).
It is noted that vulnerability affects both the rich and poor households
(Devereux et al, 2006) as this is a dynamic concept that is constantly changing
and forward looking. They further argue that poverty is a static concept that
measures proxies for well-being at a point in time. For the poor, however, it can
be noted that resilience and the ability to cope with risk will be subject to the
extent to which their asset base is ‘degraded’. Poor and risk-prone households
are likely to prevent neighbouring households from coming out of poverty and
thus remain vulnerable (Corcoran, 1995).
Women in particular benefit widely from the use and sale of these products,
as do older and less educated people who cannot compete effectively in the
formal job market (Falconer, 1996; Terry, 1999; Kaimowitz, 2003). Non-wood
forest products are often of particular importance to women, but the context
can lead to radically different situations for them. In situations where women
are the traditional harvesters/producers of NWFPs as is the case in much of
sub-Sahara Africa they may be able to use their skills and knowledge to improve
their status and increase their contribution to decision-making processes. In
some cases returns may be too low to such an extent that the earnings realized
may not help in any way to contribute to their economic and political emanci-
pation. Conversely, the returns may be very high and they will be edged out by
the men. In the worst cases, women may even become excluded from their
traditional role in NWFPs because rights and/or benefits are captured by men
in case of increasingly attractive benefits.
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ROLE IN POVERTY ALLEVIATION

Non-wood forest products are essentially a niche for the poor (Arnold and Ruiz-
Pérez, 1998). That is the reason why any effort aimed at developing the sector
will be very important for poverty reduction. There has been considerable
debate recently regarding the ability of NWFPs to contribute significantly to
the Millennium Development Goal of poverty alleviation. Much depends on
how the notion of poverty is defined and understood (Angelsen and Wunder,
2003). Poverty has over time been an outcome-based measure of livelihood
performance (Sunderlin et al, 2005). In this respect, poverty has often been
measured in terms of absolute income, with a common indicator defining the
‘poor’ as those who earn less than US$1 per day (Anglesen and Wunder, 2003).
Lately, the concept of a Human Development Index (HDI) was developed by
the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and this concept
includes health and education parameters. Thus, poverty assessment frame-
works now no longer view poverty as a matter of income alone. They tend to
incorporate natural, human, social and physical capital, using indicators ranging
from income, access to resources and basic infrastructure, to the vulnerability
of populations to shock, and level of community organization (Dubouis, 2002).
Thus in accepting to combat poverty, it is necessary to consider, inter alia,
aspects of income, income distribution, access to assets, human capital, empow-
erment and rights, vulnerability and risk, food security, alternatives and choice,
health and well-being, and the ability of the poor to devise appropriate coping
strategies when faced with shocks and crises (Sen, 2003; Ashley and Maxwell,
2001), then NWFPs clearly have a vital role to play. As outlined above, exten-
sive evidence exists to support their importance in reducing vulnerability, in
ensuring food security, in providing cash income to some of the poorest sectors
of society, and in contributing more generally to improved rural welfare, liveli-
hood security and diversification (e.g. Alexiades and Shanley, 2004; Kusters and
Belcher, 2004; Sunderland and Ndoye, 2004). However, the picture is
somewhat less unambiguous regarding how these products may assist poor
people to accumulate assets, improve their standards of living and move out of
poverty, certainly in any enduring way. Non-wood forest products, thus, tend to
be more central to poverty mitigation, that is, preventing the deepening of
poverty, than to poverty reduction or elimination, or lifting people out of
poverty (FAO, 2003). Further, existing policy frameworks sometimes prevent
this essential contribution of NWFPs being realized (Michon, 2005). With
respect to the former, the essential poverty prevention role of NWFPs assumes
magnified significance in the context of increased exposure of the poor to risk
due to, amongst other factors, climate change (a significant concern in the dry
forest and woodland regions), HIV/AIDS, changes in trade, globalization, and
increasing violence and crime (Aliber, 2003; World Bank, 2000).
In summary, it is important to note that poverty reduction refers to a
successful improvement of livelihoods (Sunderlin et al, 2003). When discussing
forest-based poverty alleviation, it must be recognized that commercialization
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Table 4.1 Interactions between well-being factors and social organization levels with regards to poverty
Individual Community National International

5/7/10
Income and • Labour/non labour income • Infrastructure improvements • Infrastructure improvements • Development and
growth • Enhanced land rights • Local spending • Skills and knowledge biodiversity conservation
16:13
• Access to subsistence • Improved public services • MDGs attained targets addressed

products • Skills and knowledge • Small and medium enterprise
• Small enterprise development
development
• Skills and knowledge
Page 77
Equity • Level and distribution of • Level and distribution of income • Level and distribution of income and • Mechanism for
income and resource access and resource access from NWFP resource access from NWFP across international trade in
from NWFP within within community regions NWFP
households
Voice and • Effective participation in • Effective participation indecision • Effective participation in national • Effective participation in
choice community discussions of NWFP making over NWFPs discussions over NWFP global discussions over
• More viable representative local NWFP
77
level institutions
Note: Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) are internationally agreed time-bound goals that provide concrete, numerical benchmarks for addressing extreme poverty in
the world. They are eight in number and include targets on income poverty, hunger, maternal and child mortality, disease, inadequate shelter, gender inequality, environ-
mental degradation and a Global Partnership for Development.
Source: Authors
ES_DRWA_5-7 5/7/10 16:13 Page 78
and increased market access to forest resources does not necessarily provide
opportunities for the poor, and may shift access and use towards the richer
sections of a community (Arnold and Ruiz-Pérez, 2001). In Table 4.1 the poten-
tial benefits and risks of these systems for the poor are looked at with respect
to dimensions of poverty, including income and growth, equity, and voice and
choice; as well as the dimensions of scale: from individual, through community
and national, to international scales.
While there are greater benefits that may accrue to an individual, issues
pertaining to equity and extent of participation (voice) will limit this potential
(Table 4.1). These issues are better addressed under the community level and it
is not surprising that there have been calls for collective action and group
marketing of products (see Box 4.3). At national level the potential is fully
realized but will be subject to national policies (see section below). Surprisingly,
the contributions made by NWFPs often go unnoticed and undervalued
(Angelsen and Wunder, 2003). Dry forest and woodland dependent people,
and especially the poor, extract a variety of NWFPs from these zones (Sunderlin
et al, 2005; Vedeld et al, 2007; Kamanga et al, 2008). More systematic and
comparative research on the linkages within and between poverty, the poor,
NWFP use, commercialization, resource trends and ownership rights, is needed
that can lead to a greater appreciation of NWFPs.
KEY CHALLENGES
With regards to the role of NWFPs role in livelihoods and their potential for
poverty reduction, a number of challenges are recognized as described below.
Climatic conditions
The diversity and availability of NWFPs in the dry forests and woodlands of
Africa are threatened by changing ecological conditions which will invariably
affect the development, utilization, domestication, sustainability and commer-
cialization of these products. It is worth noting that most dry forest and
woodland countries have been hit by successive droughts from the 1970s,
through 1990s. Consequently, natural resources have undergone serious deteri-
oration and depletion and no respite is expected under climate change (Hulme
et al, 2005).
Poor management of natural resources

The status of natural resource management in general, and dry forests and
woodlands in particular, in the zones covered under this book is poor. The poor
management of dry forests and woodlands which constitute the resources base
of NWFPs could be attributed to the fact that policymakers are unaware of:
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• the extent of the uses or the values of these resources;

• the economic importance and the contribution of NWFPs to the informal
sector and national economy;
• the magnitude of dependence of the rural poor on the resource for food
security and income.
If values were recognized, the sustainability of the dry forests and woodlands
through state sponsored management plans might be better implemented
(Alden-Wily and Mbaya, 2001).
Non-wood forest products and regulatory frameworks

Forest policies and regulations do affect the social and economic success of
NWFPs management at the local and national levels. They define who has
access to which kind of resources and in which kind of forests. They also further
determine how benefits of forest management, collection and trade are shared
among stakeholders. Forest policies and regulations are therefore essential in
the determination of the social and economic attributes of forest management,
including NWFPs collection and use. In most forest and woodland areas,
NWFPs collectors are often people belonging to local forest and woodland-
dependent communities. Subsistence products are collected by various social
categories, including children, women and elders, whereas the collection of
commercial products is usually dominated by young men.
Access regulations to NWFPs are generally more clearly embedded in the
customary rights than in specific ‘modern legal frameworks’ and are thus often
not regulated statutory by instruments and state control mechanisms (Michon,
2005). This may not be true for some of the important NWFPs e.g. mopane
worms and the grapple plant in Botswana where the state has a keen interest.
In most dry forest and woodland countries, competition for different land uses
is leading to a poor consideration of NWFPs’ production potential. Despite the
safety net role of NWFPs, forests and woodlands are often perceived as a land
reserve or available resource, even or especially for poor farmers.
Non-wood forest product policies should therefore pay particular attention
to all kinds of local initiatives for NWFPs intensified management. They should
particularly consider the relevance and legitimacy of management rules under-
lying cultivation, including:
• Access and property rules, including a blend of individual and collective

rights and obligations, including rules concerning lands, but also on specific
portions of space, or on trees or other resources.
• Customary management rules and practices.
• Local economic, but also social attributes of forests and woodlands: role in
livelihood strategies, role in social cohesion and/or stratification of families
and village communities. This implies the acknowledgement of local
management as a specific domain of productive activity, independent of the
legal domain in which it takes place.
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Regulations at local level: Are they compatible with

national policies?
The first level for non-wood forest products regulation concerns customary
rights and institutions. Although these systems can, by essence, be quite variable
from one place to another, they generally show the following characteristics:
• They do not emphasize uniform rights, but bundles of specific rights

tailored according to resources, users, or uses.
• They involve rights and obligations.
• They are quite flexible and adaptive, and easily evolve as the context or the
needs change.
• They are recognized and acknowledged by all people concerned in the
community.
• They are usually neither understood nor recognized by national constitu-
tions/legislations.
It is important to state that these local regulatory systems do not necessarily

target or guarantee sustainability, unless there is a feeling of threat on the possi-
bilities to continue the economic activity.
The main problems arise when national dry forest and woodland regulation
systems ignore these customary systems. Conflicts between national laws and
local systems entail, among others, unsustainable management or mining of
forest and woodland resources, abuse of power and grabbing of economic
benefits by local elites, and social disintegration. Therefore, policies targeting
sustainable NWFP management have to assess the relevance of local manage-
ment systems, and to find theoretical and practical ways to accommodate local
rights in national systems.
Non-wood forest product harvesting and resource conservation

The analysis of the environmental benefits of promoting NWFPs has also
advanced with regard to earlier optimistic assessments by Peters (1994). It is
generally accepted that the harvesting of NWFPs tends to maintain forest cover,
particularly when compared with other alternative land uses (Ruiz-Pérez et al,
2004). The effects on biodiversity are variable; NWFP based activities generally
maintain a substantial amount of the species naturally occurring, although it
certainly affects them, especially those most sensitive to human presence or
those which are also collected in parallel with the commercial gathering of the
main NWFPs (Peters, 1994; Freese, 1997; Bennett and Robinson, 2000; Ticktin,
2004). This extraction can also seriously affect the populations being exploited,
particularly in the context of wild gathering and market expansion. The promo-
tion of commercial uses of NWFPs can then be viewed as a double-edged sword,
with potential and risks (Redford, 1992).
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Marketing of non-wood forest products

It has been observed that the gathering and sale of NWFPs rarely generates
enough income to sustain households. This has been presented as a conserva-
tion and development strategy but for such a strategy to work NWFP
commercialization must be transparent, equitable and sustainable. There must
be a positive impact on poverty reduction, gendered equality, resource access
and tenure management. For this to work, local, regional and external markets
must be accessed and to do this frameworks that enable closer collaboration
within and among producers, processors and traders must be developed. New
markets must be sought while the processing of locally gathered NWFPs should
be encouraged for the purpose of adding value.
That said, the situation is not all bleak regarding the potential of NWFPs as
a means to help people move out of poverty, and there are examples of success-
ful NWFP commercialization. Moreover, a number of recent trends and new
market opportunities hold fresh promise for the development and growth of
the NWFP trade and for enhancing its livelihood benefits, particularly within
an enabling policy environment and with government and other stakeholder
recognition and support. Some of these trends include:
• A burgeoning demand for low-cost forest products such as wood-based

fuels, foods (bushmeat, fruits, alcoholic beverages) and medicines, amongst
the urban poor as African populations urbanize (Williams et al, 2000; UNEP,
2002; Scherr, 2004).
• A growing domestic market for products with traditional and cultural signif-
icance, particularly those that cannot be readily substituted (Cocks, 2006).
• The emergence of new niche markets for certified organic and fair-traded
natural product-based health, food and cosmetic commodities. Enhanced
consumer demand for such products is resulting in growing interest by
private sector industrial companies in some of the more high value forest
products and the possibility of working directly, or through intermediary
partners, with local groups of producers (e.g. PhytoTrade Africa, 2006; Box
4.1).
• Widespread changes in forest governance that favour strengthened local
rights over forest resources and more secure land tenure with positive
impacts for access, sustainable resource use, and management and intensifi-
cation of production (Scherr, 2004; Belcher, 2005).
• Greater interest by development agencies (NGOs, donors) in NWFPs and
small-scale forest enterprises as an attractive option for reaching some of
the poorest people with limited livelihood options (e.g. women, HIV/AIDS
affected households), while many conservation agencies continue to view
forest and woodland-based enterprise development as an important route
to achieving both conservation and livelihood objectives (Box 4.2).
Consequently, there is a significant degree of interest in facilitating forest
product commercialization and trade.
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BOX 4.3 SHEA (VITELLARIA PARADOXA) PRODUCTS

IN BURKINA FASO
Ousseynou Ndoye, CIFOR
Shea products (nuts and butter) are very important NTFPs in Burkina Faso. The value
of their exports in 2000 was estimated at US$7 million and they provide employ-
ment to 300,000–400,000 rural women (Harsch, 2001). A study of 102 women
who collect, process and market shea showed that they receive, on average, a
monthly income of US$5–40, which is higher than the estimates obtained from
Benin (Schreckenberg, 2004) and other provinces of Burkina Faso (Crelerot, 1995,
cited by Boffa, 1999). Women use about 36 per cent of their shea revenues to buy
food and medicines, which is clearly indicative of the importance of shea to house-
hold economies. Thus food security is a major goal for households involved in shea
production, processing and trade. Children’s education is the third most important
item on which the revenue received from shea sale is spent (13 per cent).
In Burkina Faso, farmers protect old and young shea trees when they clear the
woodland for cultivation. The tree can live up to 300 years and produces fruits from
year 15 (Kanguembega, 2003). In a few areas of Burkina Faso, shea trees are
harvested for charcoal production, which is very destructive and requires urgent
action from the government to stop this practice. This trend is a result of increasing
population pressure to satisfy both food and energy needs. In addition, the produc-
tivity of shea is low due to the aging of trees which reduces the level of supply and
the benefits for households involved in shea collection, processing and marketing.
There is an urgent need to accelerate the domestication and mass planting of
shea trees to increase productivity and to enable Burkina Faso to play a more impor-
tant role in the world market and further improve the livelihoods of rural dwellers.
The availability of improved varieties of shea trees will enable farmers to replace
aging ones and reduce the pressure on the wild population of trees in the
woodlands. This will enable Burkina Faso to respond better to the decision of choco-
late companies to use more shea butter rather than cocoa to make chocolate.
Market opportunities need to be enhanced and returns to primary producers
increased by value addition, particularly through quality improvement and initiatives
such as certification and fair trade labelling (Masters et al, 2004). Forest products,
particularly NTFPs, are in general overlooked in national statistics. They also do not
feature in poverty reduction strategies defined by many African governments. There
is a need to engage a dialogue with policy-makers and to sensitize them on the
need to recognize the contribution of NTFPs like shea to rural livelihoods and to
include them in their poverty reduction programmes.
• Considerable advances in communication technology (e.g. cellular phones)

are providing new opportunities for improved flow of information and
better linkages between small-scale entrepreneurs and the markets – a
major hurdle in the past. For example, in Africa, the mobile telecommuni-
cations sector has grown by an average of 78 per cent per annum over the
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last ten years. The positive benefits of this technology for small-scale entre-
preneurs have been well demonstrated by a study from Ghana in which it
was concluded that access to cellular phones had decreased informal
traders’ transaction and transport costs, created a higher profit margin for
them, increased their efficiency, and enhanced trust building within trade
networks (Overa, 2006).
Where some of these opportunities have been harnessed, there is evidence to

indicate that livelihood and financial benefits can be both raised and extended
to much larger numbers of people, although it is often only in combination with
other sources of income that they can provide a pathway out of poverty. This is
well illustrated by the shea butter trade in West Africa (Box 4.3), PhytoTrade’s
initiatives in southern Africa (Box 4.2), and honey in Zambia (Box 5.3).
However, scaling-up commercial production can be fraught with difficulties.
CONCLUSIONS
The above sections have highlighted the importance of a number of categories
of NWFPs for livelihood security, in particular for food security and alleviating
dietary deficiencies, and for assisting households to cope with, if not escape,
poverty. In particular, these products have been shown to be important for
women and children, both extremely vulnerable groups. The use of NWFPs by
urban, in addition to rural households, has also been pointed out, with this likely
to grow with the increasing urbanization of Africa’s population (UNEP, 2002).
In fact, urban demand helps to create sustainable markets for NWFPs,
contributing to their potential as a means to earn cash income. Furthermore, in
all sections the role of NTFPs in mitigating some of the devastating impacts of
HIV/AIDS has been stressed. Both plant and insect wild foods are highly nutri-
tious and could assist in meeting some of the nutrition requirements of
HIV/AIDS sufferers. The demand for traditional medicines has also risen as a
result of the AIDS pandemic, with potentially negative feedbacks on the forest
and medicinal plant stocks. The significant links of many NWFPs to culture and
identity, and their role in building social capital, have also been indicated, with
this sometimes forming an important dimension of the rural-urban link. For all
NWFP groups, reference has been made to the importance of traditional knowl-
edge, passed orally from parent to child, in the use, processing and management
of a range of species. However, particularly with respect to the latter, it has
been mentioned that this is under threat due to escalating pressures on
resources and the drive to commoditization.
A key issue across the dry forest and woodland region is that most NWFPs,
and the greatest quantities of these products, are collected from communal
lands, which, due to the breakdown of traditional management systems, effec-
tively function as open access regimes. For a number of products, there is an
increasing fear that local controls and customary rules have decreased in effec-
tiveness. However, in other instances these have formed the basis for the
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establishment of new resource management systems. Generally, though, there

is little evidence, with the exception of honey, of any formal government
policies, strategies, legislation or regulations specifically geared towards the
NWFPs discussed in this book (Chapter 5), except perhaps where the products
may be harvested from protected species. In general, many of these products
are still invisible to policy-makers and implementers.
In terms of scaling-up the poverty alleviation potential of resources by
increasing market demand and trade, a number of cautions were stated. Firstly,
this should not be at the expense of the subsistence use of these products for
basic household needs (Wynberg et al, 2003). Secondly, it should not impact
negatively on local markets which often involve the poorest participants who
may be prevented from participating in more high paying markets by local elites
(Shackleton et al, 2007). Thirdly, it should not increase pressure on the resource
base and result in unsustainable harvesting. The model provided by PhytoTrade
provides good examples of how new opportunities may be exploited for both
the benefit of poor people and the management of forests. It is being increas-
ingly shown, including in the honey projects mentioned in Chapter 5, that
commercialization models that involve the private sector, local communities
and development NGOs usually result in greater equitability, sustainability and
benefits for the poorest groups than other arrangements. However, government
needs to be more actively involved in overseeing these partnerships and devel-
oping policy that is pro-poor, equitable and that recognizes local knowledge and
rights (Wynberg, 2006).
In summary, the social contributions of NWFPs and their potential for the
poor need to be better integrated in crucial policies at national level. The
elements to consider as priority at the policy level are:
• Equitable access to resources and to benefits.

• Regulation modalities, local accountability and transparency of markets (no
‘informal taxes’):
– simplification of procedures (administrative, legal, financial);
– differentiation of the existing forest and woodland types and managed
landscapes and analysis of the specific resource/product potential
according to the various expected functions to be ensured by forests
and trees;
– focus on adaptive local governance processes based on the usually flexi-
ble customary rules and on collaborative networks rather than on
‘perfect’ state or market regulations;
– ensure capacity building, facilitate trade associations and links to
known/transparent market chain.
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ES_DRWA_5-7 5/7/10 16:13 Page 85
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Non-wood Forest Products:

Description, Use and
Management
Sheona Shackleton, Michelle Cocks, Tony Dold,

Sarah Kaschula, Keith Mbata, Guni Mickels-Kokwe
and Graham von Maltitz
INTRODUCTION
The FAO defines non-wood forest products (NWFPs) as all biological materials
other than wood that are extracted from forests for human use. Drawing on
this, an NWFP has been defined for the purposes of this book as any raw or
processed product, excluding wood, that is produced from an indigenous or
wild biological resource found within the African dry forests and woodlands
and that is harvested for either domestic consumption or trade. In some
instances, the resource may be cultivated or sourced from modified or non-
natural systems (as for some edible leafy plants), but cannot be regarded as a
conventional agricultural crop. Chapter 4 discussed NWFPs in the context of
livelihoods and economy; this chapter is devoted to the description of some of
the more important NWFPs and their management.
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WILD PLANT AND FUNGUS FOODS

Dry forests and woodlands in sub-Saharan Africa are an important source of
numerous wild plant and fungus foods that includes fruits, leafy vegetables or
edible herbs, woody foliage, roots and tubers, wild cereals and grains, seeds,
nuts and kernels, edible fungi, and a range of processed products such as tradi-
tional beers and palm wines and fats and oils extracted from fruit nuts and
kernels (Grosskinsky, 2000). This section focuses on three food categories, wild
fruits and fruit products, green leafy vegetables and mushrooms.
Description, processing and use
Fruits
A wide diversity of dry forest and woodland species produce edible fruits. In
southern Africa, O’Brien (1988) reported that of approximately 1365 woody
species, some 265 (19 per cent) are edible. In the miombo woodlands of
Malawi, more than 75 species of edible fruits have been recognized, although
not all are in common use (Akinnifesi et al, 2004). Among the popular fruit
species from the miombo region are Uapaca kirkiana, Parinari curatellifolia,
Strychnos cocculoides (and other Strychnos species), Flacourtia indica,
Diospyros mespiliformis and Azanza garkceana. Popular fruit species in the
semi-arid regions include Hyphaene thebaica (dom palm), Balanites aegyptiaca,
Grewia tenax, Borassus aethiopum, Tamarindus indica, Adansonia digitata,
Ziziphus spp and Cordia africana. In Burkina Faso, 28 species of edible fruits
have been identified (Kristensen and Balslev, 2003), while Addis et al (2005)
recorded 68 species in four districts in Ethiopia. From an exhaustive list of tree
species bearing NWFPs compiled for the Sudan, 90 out of 150 species provided
food sources (Badi, 1993). In the savannas of northeast South Africa,
Shackleton et al (2000a) recorded a total of 54 wild edible fruit species across
nine villages, although most households used only between 6 and 10 of these
with any regularity; 30 per cent of respondents reported that these indigenous
fruits could still be found during times of drought. South African and Namibian
studies indicate that Sclerocarya birrea (marula) is amongst the most commonly
used wild fruit species in the semi-arid woodlands of these countries, with
59–77 per cent of households reportedly consuming marula fruits four to five
times per week in fruiting season and some 90 per cent making marula beer
(Shackleton et al, 2000a; Shackleton and Shackleton, 2005).
Data on the actual quantities of wild fruits consumed by individuals and
households are scant, partly because of the snack nature of consumption and
the fact that these fruits are seldom carried home. Data from ten studies in
South Africa, based on informants’ recall rather than direct measurement, have
revealed masses of between 19 and 165kg of fruit consumed per household per
year, with a mean of 104 ± 16kg (Cunningham and Shackleton, 2004). These
amounts are low when compared to the tropical forests of South America,
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N O N -W O O D F O R E S T P R O D U C T S
where forest Indians have been recorded as eating up to 5 tonnes of fruits and
seeds per year (Melnyk and Bell, 1996).
Traditional methods of processing, preserving and fermenting wild plant
foods can help to overcome some of the seasonal limitations on nutritional
intakes. Besides being a valuable method of preservation, fermentation raises
the levels of bioavailability of proteins, vitamins and minerals, and enriches food
through the synthesis of some B vitamins (Grosskinsky, 2000). Thus, despite
being alcoholic, many fruit derived wines and beers have notable nutritional
value. Palm wine is a source of nicotinic acid and vitamin C, and contains
valuable quantities of protein, thiamine and riboflavin (Cunningham and
Wehmeyer, 1988; Ezeronye, 2004). Marula fruit juice contains approximately
four times the vitamin C content of orange juice, while marula beer provides a
source of B vitamins and retains valuable amounts of the fruit’s rich vitamin C,
protein and iron content (Moll, 1972; Sullivan and O’Regan, 2003).
Vegetables
The varying understanding and different definitions of what constitutes a ‘wild’
vegetable has resulted in wide discrepancies in the literature regarding the
importance of these NWFPs in the diet. Restricting the definition to those
plants occurring only in uncultivated or wild areas can result in a seemingly low
use by local communities. For example, McGregor (1995) found that only 2 of
a reported 39 gathered wild vegetable species came from the forests in
Shurugwi, Zimbabwe. In Nigeria, Hart et al (2005) found that when they
restricted their definition of wild vegetables to uncultivated, traditional foods,
‘true’ wild species were infrequently consumed, confined to small inputs in
minor dishes and isolated to more remote rural areas. In Bulamogi, Uganda,
Tabuti et al (2004) found that ‘true’ wild vegetables formed only a third of all
edible wild plants used, and their consumption was linked to casual encounters,
periods of food shortages, and supplements to major crops.
Studies that detect a higher number of wild foods in the diet tend to
support more broad definitions of wild plant foods, and may include species
that are cultivated as crops in other regions. For example, in Burkina Faso,
Hibiscus surattensis is largely referred to as a cultivated species (Mertz et al,
2001). On the other hand, Madge (1994) refers to H. surattensis as a collected
food which is heavily relied upon in The Gambia in drought times. In South
Africa, a total of 45 wild vegetables were recorded in nine villages in the
Bushbuckridge region; naturalized weeds (Amaranthus spp; Conchorus spp) and
nurtured herbs within homesteads or arable fields were included in the defini-
tion (Shackleton et al, 1998). Similarly, Mertz et al (2001) identified 14 wild
vegetable species consumed by two communities in the southeastern Sudanian
woodlands of Burkina Faso, including Conchorus spp, which occurs sponta-
neously in disturbed areas. They found these wild vegetables constituted 35 per
cent and 59 per cent of the total vegetable consumption in the two communi-
ties respectively. In an earlier study by Smith et al (1996) in Burkina Faso, wild
vegetables were defined in a similar way and also found to constitute some 36
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BOX 5.1 GENDER, WILD FOODS AND FOOD SECURITY:

AN EXAMPLE OF THE HAZDA IN TANZANIA
In a study by Murray et al (2001) on the diets of the Hazda in Tanzania, the authors
used a multifaceted, ethnobotanical approach to understand the role of culture and
gender in influencing nutritional intake. The authors found that Hazda men eat
more meat and honey than women, while women depend more on plant foods, in
particular baobab seeds. From a cultural perspective, men have the ‘better deal’:
meat and honey are high status foods. But, from a nutritional perspective, men and
women’s diets are of similar value: baobab seeds are a good source of protein, fat
and energy, equivalent to that of honey. Furthermore, from an access and seasonal-
ity perspective, women’s diets are favoured. Although baobab seeds and fruit are
not the dominant wild foods eaten by Hazda women, they can be consistently
collected throughout the year from a variety of locations. These range from the
baobab trees themselves over the baobab’s long productive season, to foraging for
discarded seeds in baboon dung piles during non-productive periods. When these
factors are weighed-up, the authors conclude that the baobab provides the most
important and nutritionally reliable food in women’s diets, even though other plants
are eaten in significant quantities, and other sources of available foods may be more
nutritionally dense.
per cent of total vegetable consumption. Wild vegetables are usually prepared
as a relish or sauce, sometimes mixed with onions, tomatoes, chillies, ground
nuts and other condiments, and served with the staple.
The traditional knowledge to identify, harvest and process/prepare wild
vegetables lies mainly with women, and is transferred by mothers to their
daughters. Men will eat wild vegetables but usually when there are no alterna-
tives and they rarely collect or prepare these (Shackleton and Shackleton, 2004;
Box 5.1). Women also dominate in the trade in fresh and dried leafy vegetables
and herbs, often in urban markets, as well as the sale of prepared foods using
wild species (Ngwerume and Mvere, 2000).
Mushrooms
The African dry forests and woodlands are host to a large diversity of
mushrooms, with over 30 species of edible mushrooms, including the highly
palatable and most commonly consumed genera of Cantharellus and Russula,
found in the miombo woodlands. Amanita and Termitomyces species are also
consumed and traded. The occurrence of mushrooms is highly seasonal and
erratic. For example, in the miombo woodlands, almost 80 per cent of produc-
tion occurs in the wet months of January to March. This, combined with their
essentially low calorific value, means mushrooms are relatively unimportant for
food security, although high quantities of protein (including the essential amino
acid lysine), trace minerals (such as selenium), and vitamins (especially the B
vitamins) do help contribute to dietary quality (Chang, 1980). In Ethiopia,
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Addis et al (2005) found that recourse to wild fungi use did increase during
periods of food shortage and famine, but that a few of the reportedly edible
species cause health problems sometimes leading to fatality.
Resource management aspects
Fruits
Collecting the fruits of established woody species is unlikely to have the same
negative consequences as uses that involve more destructive harvesting. For
example, for relatively abundant, highly productive species such as marula, it is
generally held that the nature of harvesting, which involves the collection of
fruits from the ground following ripening, does not present a direct environ-
mental risk (Emanual et al, 2005). However, for wild fruit species under
communal tenure, reports of declines in availability are not uncommon. In
South Africa, 36 per cent of respondents in a survey by Shackleton et al (2000a)
believed wild fruit resources had declined over the previous five to ten years. In
the Zimbabwean miombo, Tyynela and Niskanen (2000) noted perceived
declines in wild fruit trees similar to those reported for other NWFPs.
Vegetables
Within the dry forest and woodland areas ‘wild’ leafy vegetables and edible
herbs are harvested from a range of habitat types and land use mosaics. These
represent a continuum from wild habitats to cultivated areas as illustrated in
Figure 5.1. Levels of husbandry of these wild foods decreases from cultivated
areas to no tending in wild habitats.
Because many wild vegetables are annual weedy species or fast growing
perennials, there is generally less concern regarding the unsustainable use and
declining abundance of these plants than for other NWFPs. Many traditional
vegetables have been mainstreamed into the wider economy by means of
commercialization and crop improvement schemes. In other parts of eastern
and western Africa, traditional vegetables such as Hibiscus spp, Solanum spp,
Figure 5.1 A continuum of dry forest and woodland habitats and transformed
landscape mosaics from which wild vegetables and edible herbs are harvested
Source: Chapter first author
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Vigna spp and Amaranthus spp have been successfully commercialized

(Rubaihayo, 2004). Under such circumstances there is less reliance on natural
production.
Mushrooms
Due to problems with supply consistency and the already optimal utilization of
available wild mushrooms in informal markets, it is unlikely that wild gathered
mushrooms will be a viable option for formal commercialization. The FAO has
assisted numerous African countries in developing cultivated mushroom
production, but with marginal success (Sene, 2000). Increasing the effective-
ness of collection and processing of wild mushrooms would be an important
step, both to expand the shelf-life, thus allowing the exploitation of wider
markets and a longer trading season and because processed mushrooms have a
higher value in local and external markets than fresh ones (Chirwa et al, 2006).
The effects of tree cutting and forest/woodland clearing on mushroom
production have not been adequately studied. However, reduction in produc-
tion can be expected for mushrooms that live in symbiosis with roots of host
trees (mychorrhizae), especially if cutting and clearing result in death of the
host trees. Under such circumstances, preserving host trees as standards, as is
done for fruit trees, when clearing woodland might maintain mushroom produc-
tion by symbiotic species, such as Amanita zambiana and Cantharellus spp in
transformed landscapes.
Overview
The above findings need to be interpreted in a broader context of land degrada-
tion, overall population increases, poverty, land clearing and other drivers of
environmental change such as HIV/AIDS. For small-scale harvesting of fruit for
subsistence and local trade, there is evidence to suggest that community
management practices can be effective. Seedling nurturing, deliberate planting
and taboos regarding the harvesting of fruit species for timber are common in
even the most heavily denuded areas, and may even persist when fruit trees are
known to decrease arable crop yields. This has been observed with the protec-
tion of Uapaca kirkiana and Parinari curatellifolia in northern Zambia
(Packham, 1993) and northeastern Zimbabwe (Tyynela and Niskanen, 2000),
and Azanza garkeana in Botswana (Mojeremane and Tshwenyane, 2004). In
Malawi, strong community management practices have likewise been observed,
with important species such as P. curatellifolia, Strychnos cocculoides and
Uapaca kirkiana customarily left uncut and scattered around homesteads or
crop fields (Akinnifesi et al, 2006). The same applies to Sclerocarya birrea in
much of southern Africa (Leakey et al, 2005). Many of the species also have
good inherent regenerative potential. In common lands in Zimbabwe, Campbell
(1987) found that wild fruit trees, as non-dominant woody species, can rapidly
make up for high demands on their resources through opportunistic regenera-
tion following land clearing, disturbance and selective harvesting by local users.
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BOX 5.2 DESTRUCTIVE HARVESTING OF PALM FOR WINE
The most common way of tapping palm sap for wine production is by a method
that generally results in the death of the stem, where a horizontal incision is made
through the apical meristem (palm heart). Regular renewal of the incision (two to
seven times a day) to stimulate sap flow eventually causes irreversible damage to
the palm heart. For the single stemmed species that dominate the western African
palm wine trade, such as Raphia hookeri and Borassus aethiopum, this can mean
the entire plant dies following just a few days of tapping. Sambou et al (2002) note
that in northwestern Guinea, full-time harvesters of B. aethiopum kill on average 56
trees a year. The authors note, however, that this ‘lethal’ practice is not widespread
in regions where palm wine use is strongly engrained in the cultural history of the
community. They cite ethnobotanical studies from Senegal, Ivory Coast and Burkina
Faso, which have shown that tappers have avoided plant mortality by using less
damaging techniques such as collecting sap from the inflorescences of female
palms, tapping the palm heart by piercing the leaf sheaths or ceasing tapping activ-
ities before the apical meristem is completely destroyed. Amongst the Serer ethnic
group in Senegal, where destructive harvesting is used, palm populations are
maintained through the sowing of seeds.
In southern and eastern Africa, the much smaller palms Hyphaene coriacea and
Phoenix reclinata are commonly exploited. Cunningham (1990) notes that these
species are nearly always tapped through extreme apical meristem tapping, and
that the tapped stem almost always dies. However, as H. coriacea and P. reclinata
are generally multi-stemmed palms, the death of the tapped stem does not neces-
sarily mean that the entire plant is destroyed. Moreover, these multi-stemmed
species tend to coppice well. For these species, threats to sustainability may come
from changes induced by tapping to plant size and age class distribution. Because
tappers favour larger stems, subsequent declines in larger size classes can severely
limit productivity and ultimately sustainability of tapping activities in the harvesting
areas (Cunningham, 1990; Mollet et al, 2000).
However, increasing commercialization does raise concerns regarding the

sustainability of resource harvesting as do competing uses for other products
such as fuelwood, fibre, bark or sap.
Palm trees are particularly vulnerable because of the multiple use value of
many of these species and the high market demand for palm wine, the produc-
tion of which often involves destructive harvesting (Box 5.2).
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INSECT FOODS
Insects are harvested from the dry forests and woodlands of sub-Saharan Africa
primarily as food and medicine, although some produce important products,
such as honey, beeswax and propolis (see Box 5.4). The use of insects as human
food (entomophagy) dates back to time immemorial and is a custom that is
deeply ingrained in the culture of many African ethnic groups (Mbata et al,
2002). Insects form a deliberate part of the diet of most rural, and to a lesser
extent, urban dwellers, and are cherished as occasional snacks or delicacies, as
well as dietary supplements served as relishes. The diversity of insect species
consumed in sub-Saharan Africa is vast. Important commonly used edible
insects include: termites (Isoptera); grasshoppers, locusts, crickets and
katydids (Orthoptera); cicadas (Homoptera); bugs (Hemiptera); beetle and
weevil grubs (Coleoptera); lake flies (Diptera); caterpillars (Lepidoptera); and
bees and ants (Hymenoptera). Some insects are consumed whole, while others
provide edible parts. About 80 per cent of all insect species consumed are in
their immature stages, as eggs, nymphs/larvae or pupae (Ramos-Elorduy,
1996).
Insect foods are sourced from dry forests, woodlands and associated grass-
lands, as well as from cultivated and fallowed crop fields on private, communal
and sometimes, even state lands. The abundance of edible insects and the
quantities actually harvested vary greatly in relation to the insect species in
question and the prevalence of its host plant(s) in a given area. Yields of as
much as 3.3kg (dry weight) per host plant have been reported for the caterpil-
lar Imbrasia (Nadaurelia) oyemensis on Entandrophragma congolense (sapelli)
in western Africa (N’Gasse, 2003). In Malawi’s miombo woodlands yields of
14.13kg per hectare of the caterpillars Gynanisa maia and Imbrasia belina have
been recorded (Munthali and Mudgodgo, 1992).
Women, sometimes assisted by children, are mainly responsible for harvest-
ing and processing edible insects for home consumption and/or sale, with a few
exceptions. In many areas women harvest and process termites (Gelfand, 1971;
FAO, 2004), grasshoppers (van der Waal, 2004) and caterpillars (Maviya and
Gumbo, 2005; Fromme, 2005; Chileshe, 2005). Old women in Zimbabwe
harvest soldier termites during the hot dry season for consumption (Wilson,
1990). Often men get involved in harvesting insects only when strenuous labour
is required, such as when large branches or whole host trees need to be cut or
felled to make caterpillars accessible for collection, or when traps have to be set
to catch termites and grasshoppers (Wilson, 1990; Yagi, 1998; van der Waal,
2004). The exception is the harvesting by men of African palm weevil grubs
(N’Gasse, 2003). In order to extract the grubs from the host plants, men cut
and split the trunks of palm trees. Other insects such as the ground-dwelling
tobacco cricket are hunted/collected by boys from their burrows in the soil
(Chileshe, 2005).
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Preparation of insects for consumption varies among different ethnic

groups. Some insects, such as the thief ant are, in some areas like Zambia, eaten
raw and/or fried in their own fat and served as snacks or relish (Mbata, 1995).
Termites are generally salted in a little water in a pan/pot over a fire and then
fried in their own fat, followed by brief sun drying and winnowing to remove
any remaining wings and then served as snacks or side dishes (Mbata, 1995).
The legs and wings and, for large specimens, also heads together with attached
guts, are removed from grasshoppers, locusts, crickets and katydids before being
roasted and eaten as snacks or cooked in water with salt for use as side dishes
(van der Waal, 2004). The stinkbug, Encosternum delegorguei in South Africa, is
eaten dry as a snack or fried in salt and a little water and consumed as a side
dish (Toms et al, 2003).
In all countries, immediately after being gathered, caterpillars are eviscer-
ated and then either taken home fresh for cooking in water or oil as relish, or
they are sun- or smoke-dried for future consumption and/or sale (Maviya and
Gumbo, 2005; Allotey and Mpuchane, 2003; Mbata et al, 2002). In Zambia,
following evisceration, caterpillars are roasted in hot ash prepared from
bonfires set in the woodlands, until hairs and spiny body adornments burn off
and the caterpillars become hardened and then they are sun-dried. Caterpillar
processing often takes place in the forest while collectors reside in temporary
camps (Mbata et al, 2002). Sun- and smoke-dried caterpillars are handled the
same way when being prepared for consumption; they are soaked in warm
water for softening before being fried or boiled with various types of condi-
ments (chilli, onion, pepper, tomato, pimento, etc.) to make a snack or relish.
A groundnut meal may also be added to caterpillar relish in northern Zambia
(Chileshe, 2005). Preparation of beetle and weevil grubs is similar to that of
caterpillars.
The amounts of insect foods used vary depending on factors such as region,
time of year, purpose for exploiting insects, economic standing and the food
security situation of individual households. More insect foods are used during
insect harvesting seasons than at other times of the year. In Bangui, Central
African Republic, for example, an individual consumes approximately 131g of
fresh caterpillars per day during the harvesting season, as opposed to 83g during
other times of the year (N’Gasse, 2003). For edible grasshoppers, which are
available throughout the year in the Limpopo Province of South Africa, in a
good, wet year, a person will consume as much as 19.1 grasshoppers (about
14.1g) per day (van der Waal, 2004). Generally, poor individuals and house-
holds, as well as households that harvest the insect resource for sale, use more
insect foods than the more well-off. Consumption of insect foods is also higher
during the hunger period. In Zambia, the first two weeks of the caterpillar-
harvesting season, which coincides with the start of the hunger period, are used
to collect and stock caterpillars for home consumption.
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The exploitation of edible insects involves complex knowledge-practice-belief
systems among indigenous people, and often these are linked to the worship of
ancestral spirits. The knowledge refers to the traditional knowledge that indige-
nous people possess on the edible insect resource, which is transmitted from
parents to offspring through oral education. The practice part, refers to the
practical skills in harvesting, processing and management of the resource, which
is learnt hands-on by children. The belief component links to the role of insects
in people’s cultural practices and values. In the Mpika district of northern
Zambia among the Bisa people (Mbata et al, 2002) and the Bemba people
(Chileshe, 2005), for example, the harvesting of the two most popular commer-
cial species of caterpillars in the country, Gynanisa maja (‘chipumi’) and
Gonimbrasia zambesiana (‘mumpa’), is linked to the worship of ancestral
spirits. It involves specific ceremonies, rituals, rules and taboos. Similar systems
occur elsewhere in countries with dry forests and woodlands in sub-Saharan
Africa, such as among the Venda of South Africa (van der Waal, 2004) and the
Yansi of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) (Muyay-Tango, 1981).
Harvesting techniques for edible insects vary depending on the species
being exploited and the substrates from which they are collected. Most are
handpicked, although some may be gathered by cutting branches and/or
felling host plants. The palm weevil is obtained by cutting down the host
palms and splitting their trunks to extract the grubs (López and Shanley,
2004). These destructive harvesting techniques have negative impacts on
forest biodiversity and can lead to the gradual disappearance of the insects in
question, especially those with limited numbers of alternative host plants.
Impacts of harvesting on the edible insect resource itself are variable depend-
ing on group and/or species. For many species, such as the palm weevil,
harvesting of the grubs does not endanger weevil populations as grub produc-
tion by females, which deposit as many as 800 eggs each, continues
throughout the year. Regarding edible caterpillars, the situation is different.
Overexploitation leads to a decline in abundances and even extinction of
species in some habitats (Mbata et al, 2002; Chileshe, 2005). Bartlett (1996),
for example, reported that due to overharvesting the mopane worm no longer
occurs in some areas of Botswana.
Opportunities exist for increased production of insect foods through mass
rearing. The mopane worm, for example, has already been successfully reared
under laboratory conditions (Allotey et al, 1996; Greyling and Potgieter, 2004).
What is now required is the adoption of the developed technologies to mass
rearing situations. This could help solve the problems of fluctuating supply to
the market (Greyling and Potgieter, 2004).
Many communities in sub-Saharan Africa have traditional practices for
managing the insect food resources to ensure sustainability. These stem from
customary regulations that determine:
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• what developmental stages of edible insects are to be harvested;

• when to harvest;
• how long to harvest;
• how to ensure recruitment of the resource for the next harvest.
The presence of appropriate developmental stages to harvest, for example, is

determined through continuous monitoring of the habitats. In Zambia, village
scouts monitor the miombo woodlands and, when the correct stages appear,
the traditional authorities are notified. The chief or other senior traditional
leaders determine the start and stop dates for the harvest (Mbata et al, 2002;
Chileshe, 2005; Maviya and Gumbo, 2005; Holden, 1991). The stop signal, in
particular, is very important and when adhered to strictly by community
members, ensures recruitment of caterpillars for the next harvesting season as
enough caterpillars are left to pupate. Traditional beliefs and taboos associated
with harvesting ensure discipline among harvesters and minimize damage to the
forest resource and the environment. Other traditional practices for caterpillars
include translocation of early stages of the caterpillars found on host plants far
away from homesteads to host plants near homes (Silow, 1976; Malaisse, 1997;
Maviya and Gumbo, 2005).
HONEY AND BEESWAX

Honey bee products tend to be relatively more important in some parts of
African dry forests and woodlands than others, notably in eastern and southern
Africa (Walter, 2001). The miombo woodlands stretching across Angola,
Zambia, southeastern DRC, western and southern Tanzania, northern
Mozambique and northern Malawi provide ideal ecological conditions for the
honey bee. The dominant miombo tree species of the genera Julbernardia,
Brachystegia and Isoberlinia are good ‘bee trees’ providing abundant nectar,
while species of Parinari, Cryptosepalum, Guibourtia, Marquesia and Syzygium
ensure availability of bee fodder between the main seasons. In Zambia, the
woodland indicator for good honey and beeswax production is given as 60 per
cent main-flow species, 30 per cent second-flow species and 10 per cent gap-
filling species (Holmes, 1964). Although agricultural crops (e.g. maize,
sunflower, beans, pumpkin and sweet potato) and fruit trees (e.g. mango, guava)
provide an important seasonal source of pollen and nectar, the bulk of bee
fodder is derived from the woodlands.
Honey and beeswax are the main products harvested from the honey bee,
Apis mellifera; other products include pollen and brood comb. The products
are obtained either by honey hunting in the wild or beekeeping (apiculture).
Historically, gathering of honey from feral colonies (honey hunting) was the
more widespread practice and evidence from 16 dry forest and woodland
countries shows this as a major human activity (Crane, 1999). In some cases
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honey hunting coexisted with apiculture which was a source of livelihood to

specific ethnic groups (Fichtl and Adi, 1994; Makungwa, 1997; Deffar, 1998;
Hussein, 2000). African honey hunters find wild hives by observing bees or
following honey guide birds (Indicator spp). According to Crane (1999) the
Indicator spp covered most of sub-Saharan Africa, south of the Sahara desert to
northeast Namibia and Botswana. Practices developed of subduing wild bee
colonies using narcotic and tranquilizer smoke derived from selected plants
(Crane, 1999).
In some situations bees were suffocated, burnt and killed as honey hunters
sought to pacify bees. In addition, tree trunks with nests were cut open as a
means of accessing honey and this is a widespread approach to honey hunting
which continues in many parts of sub-Saharan Africa even today. Honey hunting
and beekeeping often coexist in adjacent communities. In Zambia’s North-
Western Province, the ‘Lunda’ and ‘Luvale’ people are accomplished beekeepers
(Box 5.3), whilst the neighboring ‘Kaonde’ prefer honey hunting.
Traditional beekeeping technology evolved in different ways depending on
the environment. Hives are made from locally available materials such as logs,
bark, twigs, bamboo, straw, reed, grass, calabashes and clay pots, mud and
animal dung (Hussein, 2000). In woodland areas, bark and logs appear to be the
preferred hive material. Nowadays, beekeeping is becoming increasingly
widespread even in non-traditional areas. In the 1960s and 1970s, forestry and
agriculture extension services promoted new plank hive technologies and inten-
sive management practices. As government extension services weakened in the
1980s, the thrust of beekeeping promotion was taken over by various projects
and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) with the aim of establishing
income-generating opportunities amongst forest-dependent communities.
Beekeeping is usually a subsidiary economic activity to farming. Most beekeep-
ers in sub-Saharan Africa are small-scale producers producing a few buckets of
honey per annum for home consumption and sale (Box 5.3).

Beekeeping is often perceived of as a benevolent, income-generating activity,
intended to reduce rural poverty without harming the environment (Bees for
Development, 2006). Whilst beekeeping often does have a positive impact on
the environment, commercial beekeeping may also consume environmental
resources as demonstrated by the Zambian example (Box 5.4).
Beekeepers across sub-Saharan Africa rely on access to the forests and
woodlands for bee foraging. Depending on the forest type and condition, the
optimal stocking rate of productive bee colonies ranges from 2 to 15 hives per
km2 (Hausser and Mpuya, 2004). Beekeepers rarely have control over other
forest resource users and have few means of protecting their interests. Dry
forests and woodlands are ‘commons’ under various forms of legal jurisdiction
ranging from wholly state-owned land in Mozambique to various forms of tradi-
tional customary tenure in Zambia. With the exception of Tanzania, the
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BOX 5.3 BEEKEEPING IN NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCE, ZAMBIA
Guni Mickels-Kokwe
In 2004, in North-Western Province, the most prominent traditional beekeeping

area in Zambia, the number of beekeepers was estimated at 18,000 (Mickels-
Kokwe, 2004b). Nearly all of them men, the beekeeping households account for
between 30 and 50 per cent of rural, forest-dependent households (Guveya, 2006)
and traditional beekeepers consider beekeeping the second most important house-
hold source of income after farming. Beekeepers own on average between 20 and
75 bark hives, with an occupancy rate of 45–80 per cent. The hives are hung on
branches in the forest, at a distance of up to 40km from the homestead. While
beekeeping is fickle, and yields of honey vary depending on the rains and the flower-
ing of the forest trees, it provides much desired cash income at very good returns
on labour time. Almost all honey is sold: only 5–10 per cent is retained for home
consumption (Mickels-Kokwe, 2004b). The average beekeeper produces about
100kg of liquid honey in a year, with the area having exports of about 400 tonnes
in 2005. Honey beer, ‘mbote’, is made from the leftover honey rinsed from the
combs in the process of making wax.
The labour requirements in traditional beekeeping are minimal. A beekeeper
can construct several bark hives in a day. Most time is spent walking in the forest,
going to hang, inspect or crop the hives. The heaviest work is transporting cropped
honey in buckets, each weighing around 30kg, to the homestead by head-load.
Transport is also required at the production stage and involves cash input, hiring
helpers and bicycles to carry and transport the product.
The fact that hives are taken deep into the forests is perceived to restrict women
from engaging in beekeeping. Women interviewed in 2004, expressed dislike of the
idea of climbing trees, having to leave the homestead chores to go and camp in the
forest, and were genuinely doubtful of the acceptance from their men folk of such
behaviour. Instead, male beekeepers suggested that women be owners of hives and
hire men to manage forest hives on their behalf.
legislation in most countries only marginally recognizes beekeeper access,

usufruct and/or management rights to forests (Wily and Mbaya, 2001; Hausser
and Mpuya, 2004).
The promotion of sustainable beekeeping has taken two main routes in
eastern and southern Africa over the last few decades. In the first, producer
and forest-based initiatives have aimed at strengthening traditional beekeepers
forest rights and promoting the linkage between beekeeping and sustainable
forest management. Examples include forest and product certification (Muzama
Crafts Ltd, 1996; Kasuta et al, 2001; IUCN, 2002) and participatory forest
management initiatives, such as joint forest management in Zambia and the bee
reserves in Tanzania (Chiulukire, 2001; Hausser and Mpuya, 2004). Many of
these initiatives have attempted to address the complex relationship between
beekeeping and sustainable forest management (Box 5.5).
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BOX 5.4 BEE HIVES AND IMPACTS ON THE

ENVIRONMENT IN ZAMBIA
Despite modern box hive technology being introduced to Zambia in the 1970s to
increase yield levels and to support forest conservation, beekeepers still prefer to
use traditional bark hives. Box hives require a significant capital investment, more
labour time in hive management and pose problems of pest management compared
to bark hives. Cheap and easy to make from locally available materials, bark hives
need minimal maintenance. Hung in the trees, the hives are attractive to wild bee
colonies giving a high occupancy rate. Bark hives yield an average of 7.4kg honey
per hive (Clauss, 1992). In North-Western Province, beekeepers make up for the
limited yield by increasing the number of hives. The bark hive is one of the key
elements in the supply chain contributing to the success of the organic honey export
industry (Mickels-Kokwe, 2004a). At forest level, however, the use of the bark hive
is controversial. Harvesting of hive material may have several negative consequences.
Five of the six tree species preferred as bark hive material are also important
sources of nectar, among them Julbernardia paniculata. Usually only one, at the most
two, hives are made from each tree. Therefore, Clauss (1992) estimated that an
annual replacement rate of 30 hives per beekeeper resulted in the cutting down of
about 351,000 nectar-yielding trees, on average 7.7 trees per km2 per annum.
Beekeepers look for trees in the age category 30–40 years to make bigger hives.
Unfortunately, these are the very trees that produce the highest volume of nectar
(Holmes, 1964). Heavy harvesting of mature trees may therefore lead to a gross loss
of available bee forage. The selective harvesting of trees with a cross grain bark struc-
ture, an interwoven fibre pattern (Clauss, 1992), not only affects bee forage resources
but also impacts on biodiversity. The miombo species with an interwoven fibre
pattern constitute a significant genetic resource and heavy harvesting may lead to
loss of genetic diversity. Furthermore in some areas, the shortage of hive material has
resulted in bark harvesting from trees younger than the traditionally preferred age
classes. This inevitably will increase the pressure on the regeneration of hive species.
Strategies for sustainable harvesting of bark material therefore become critical
elements in bark-hive beekeeping for sustainable forest management in Zambia.
Non-governmental and project initiatives, often in non-traditional beekeep-

ing areas, have been directed at promoting beekeeping in communal lands,
where bee forage rights are less controversial, usually tied to land rights deter-
mined through title, settlement or cultivation (Bradbear, 2004). Significant
pro-poor benefits may be realized from beekeeping in this context, as it is acces-
sible to vulnerable households, has low start-up costs, is gender-inclusive and
has multiple market opportunities (Bees for Development, 2006). Poor forest-
dependent communities, however, need support in establishing and maintaining
bee forage rights outside the immediate vicinity of their homesteads.
The Beekeepers Association in Zambia has been instrumental in promoting
beekeeper rights in Zambia’s North-Western Province. The modus operandi of
the North-Western beekeepers is vested in a mix of traditional authority and
market mechanisms. The legal basis for the operation is the Beekeepers
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BOX 5.5 NWFP COMMERCIALIZATION, CONSERVATION AND

LIVELIHOODS: AN EXAMPLE FROM MALAWI
Todd R. Johnson, Senior CBNRM Specialist,

Development Alternatives, Inc.
One of the foundation hypotheses of community-based natural resource manage-

ment (CBNRM) is that tangible benefits accruing to rural communities from
improved management will provide the incentive for further improving manage-
ment. This implies that enterprises based on sustainable utilization of natural
resources must be the driver of both rural economic growth and sustainable
management of those natural resources. However, achieving sufficient scale of
business in rural communities to be profitable is a recurring challenge in Africa.
The purpose of USAID/Malawi’s Community Partnerships for Sustainable
Resource Management (COMPASS II) project is to enhance household revenue from
participation in CBNRM initiatives that generate income as well as provide incen-
tives for sustainable resource use in Malawi. One of the ways that COMPASS II is
achieving this purpose is through identifying and developing viable business models
for small-scale commercialization of natural resource-based products that meet the
selection criteria.
The criteria that COMPASS II uses in screening potential natural products or
NWFPs are the following:
1. Have verified domestic and/or external markets sufficient to absorb increased

production.
2. Have the possibility of significantly increasing the income of hundreds or
thousands of households by an average of US$100 per year.
3. Form the basis for vibrant small-scale commercial production that provides
incentives to revive rather than diminish the natural capital base.
4. To the extent possible, provide business opportunities for HIV-affected and other
marginalized households (such as those headed by women or youth).
Once products are identified, the best available technical information is compiled
into easily accessible formats (radio, print, video, drama) and disseminated as widely
as possible, including to specifically targeted communities where opportunities for
transformative utilization and reinvestment in natural resources are greatest. ‘Chuma
Chobisika’ (Hidden Treasure) radio and television programming has very successfully
increased the public’s awareness of opportunities from natural resource-based
products. The print and video materials aim to expand the production base while
also increasing product quality. The effectiveness of these informational materials is
augmented by work at other leverage points along the value chains, such as input
supply, product consolidation and distribution, value-added processing and market
functionality, including access to credit from commercial banks and microfinance
institutions. The most widely disseminated and well-known of the informational
materials is a series of high-quality extension materials branded as Malawi Gold
Standard production systems, consisting of print and DVD trainers’ guides, illustrated
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practitioners’ handbooks and producer group-level business management plans. The

first title in the series, the Malawi Gold Standard Honey Production System was
published in mid-2006 and is being sold at reprinting cost to beekeepers, private and
public sector extension agents, and NGOs interested in promoting beekeeping.
COMPASS II is targeting 4000 beekeepers to adopt the Malawi Gold Standard
Honey Production System by 2009. Each Gold Standard beekeeper may produce
more than 200kg of honey per year, meaning a total of 800 tonnes worth
US$600,000 (using a farm gate price of US$0.73 per kg), from a total apiary of just
400 hectares. This is a significant change from 2004 production of about 60 tonnes
total from subsistence-level beekeepers earning less than US$65,000. Concurrent
efforts at identifying the most productive bee pastures in the country are guiding
extension agents toward the areas of highest return on investment.
Unfortunately for Malawi’s beekeepers, the competition for their miombo
woodlands is from charcoal producers. However, the latter earn a one-time income
of only about US$150 per hectare versus the possibility of more than US$1000 per
hectare every year from honey. This is one example of where conservation can
indeed pay its own way.
Association which draws its’ mandate from the beekeepers’ biannual confer-
ences, the legally registered North-Western Bee Products, the organic
certification upheld by regular inspections from the UK Soil Association, and
the close collaboration with local chiefs, one of whom chairs the association.
Therefore, in 2002, the beekeepers warded off a threat of large-scale commer-
cial farming from entering a forest zone certified organic, not by following
official government procedures, but by presenting a plea to Chief Kanongesha,
who refused to grant land rights to the investor (B. Malichi, personal communi-
cation).
In Tanzania, recent legal instruments such as the 1998 National Beekeeping
Policy, the 2001 National Beekeeping Programme and the 2001 Beekeeping Act
provide for the establishment of government and private ‘bee reserves’ to be
managed jointly by stakeholders. The objective is to ensure not only species and
habitat conservation, but also to empower beekeepers to address problems of
reducing availability of bee fodder and disappearing wild bee colonies arising
from land clearing, logging, fuelwood harvesting, bush fires, industrial expan-
sion and uncontrolled use of pesticides. This is done in a framework of
community-based natural resource management. Access to reserves is limited
to a specified group of users who hold their right in common (Hausser and
Mpuya, 2004). Initial results have been positive. As access, control and user
rights are strengthened, management improves. Significant production increases
have been recorded (Hausser and Mpuya, 2004). For example, honey produc-
tion increased from 7 tonnes in 2001 to 200 tonnes in 2003 among beekeepers
in 13 villages in Inyonga Division, mainly as a result of capacity-building support
to institutionalized beekeeper interest groups following a village land demarca-
tion process. Some of the challenges encountered include the need to
coordinate natural resource management activities, the conflict over access to
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BOX 5.6 HONEY CARE AFRICA LTD: A SUCCESSFUL MODEL FOR

PROMOTING AN EQUITABLE AND SUSTAINABLE HONEY TRADE
Guni Mickels-Kokwe
Honey Care Africa Ltd is a Kenyan owned private company, established in 2000,
that has helped to initiate a number of beekeeping projects in rural communities
throughout Kenya. Four years later, the company had started expanding into
Tanzania. By 2006, it employed close to 50 staff and had helped 9000 beekeepers
earn a supplementary income of US$180–250 per annum (IFC, 2006). The company
operates within a tripartite model between the private sector, development organi-
zations and rural communities, drawing upon the core competencies of each. The
private sector provides the sales and marketing channels for beekeepers and ensures
that the project operates within realistic market expectations and conditions. The
company guarantees to purchase all honey at a fair and fixed price. The develop-
ment organization, usually an NGO, community-based organization or project,
provides outreach into the rural areas and a conduit for the private sector operator
to access communities and plays the role of primary arbitrator to ensure that an
exploitative relationship does not develop. It may also provide start-up financing,
training and assist in promoting sustainable natural resource management. The third
partner comprises small-scale producers. This model creates a favourable environ-
ment for them to enter into beekeeping, through a combination of adequate
training and extension, access to soft loans to acquire hives and equipment, access
to a guaranteed market for the produce at a mutually acceptable price and cash-
on-the spot mode of payment (Jiwa, 2002; Maurice, 2004). Honey Care Africa Ltd
has obtained numerous international awards. As a socially responsible corporate
player, the company has engaged in activities that are outside the traditional scope
of private sector operators through its relationships with its partners, e.g. commu-
nity mobilization, credit, training, production of training materials and the
manufacture of beekeeping equipment. A major contributor to the success has been
the company’s ability to open new domestic markets. Many of the success elements
of Honey Care Africa Ltd in Kenya correspond to findings from a study of best
practices for a similar honey marketing chain in Zambia (Mickels-Kokwe, 2004a).
resources between beekeepers and trophy hunting companies, and the need to
improve communication between government and communities and dissemi-
nate information on laws and legislation (Hausser and Savary, 2005).
The other type of initiative has aimed at forming alliances between
beekeepers and socially responsible private sector companies, often mediated
by local and international projects and NGOs. Examples are Honey Care Africa
Ltd (Box 5.6) established in Kenya in 2000 (Maurice, 2004) and Forest Fruits
Zambia Ltd established in 1998 (Mickels-Kokwe, 2005), which have success-
fully accessed third party organizational development support and financing to
build long-lasting relationships with rural producers.
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MEDICINAL PLANTS
Wild plants have been recognized as being an important component of health
care throughout human history. In 1999, the FAO identified medicinal plants as
being among the most valuable non-wood forest products (Osemeobo and Ujor,
1999). It is currently estimated that as many as 35,000 to 70,000 species of
plants worldwide have been used at one time or another for medicinal purposes
(Hamilton, 1992), resulting in thousands of kilogrammes of medicinal plants
and/or their parts being collected and used everyday (World Bank, 1992;
Lambert, 2001). Of the 40,000 or so flowering plants found on the African
continent, an estimated 15–25 per cent are used in traditional medicines
(Maundu et al, 2005).
Traditional medicines may be collected by users themselves, bought from
traders or administered through consultation with a traditional healer. In many
countries large markets for these NWFPs exist. For example, the informal trade
in medicinal plants and products in southern Africa is dominated by between
400,000 and 500,000 traditional healers. The volume of plant material traded
is estimated to be between 35,000 and 70,000 tonnes per annum, with a market
value of US$75–150 million (Mander and Le Breton, 2006).
All plant parts are used for traditional medicines. These include roots,
corms, bulbs, tubers, bark, wood, leaves, flowers, spores, fruits, seeds, seedlings
and latex. Within the same plant the use of parts may vary depending on the
treatment of the ailment (Osemeobo and Ujor, 1999).
Despite being such an important NWFP, information on the scale of use
and the importance and value of medicinal plants to user households, traders
and other actors is sparse. To date most research initiatives into the African
medicinal plant trade have been carried out in southern Africa, including works
by Cunningham (1991), Dauskardt (1990), Mander (1998), Williams et al
(2000), Botha et al (2004), Dold and Cocks (2002), and Cocks (2004).
Organized and documented information on the use and marketing of medicinal
plants in other parts of dry forest and woodland regions in sub-Saharan Africa is
largely fragmentary with the exception of some case material from Kenya,
Nigeria (Osemeobo and Ujor, 1999) and Ethiopia (Deffar, 1998).
There are few quantitative data that record the amounts of medicines
consumed by user households on an annual basis, and even fewer that attempt
to place an economic value on this. In Eritrea it has been recorded that rural
households consumed, on average, 6.8kg of medicinal plants each year (Araia,
2005). In South Africa, rural households utilized a mean amount of 3.9kg per
annum and urban households 2.9kg. These quantities equate to approximately
US$12.30 in monetary terms for urban households and US$8 for rural house-
holds. Only a slight decrease exists between the amount of material utilized
between rural and urban areas, demonstrating that the use of medicinal plant
material does not significantly decrease with increased urbanization (Cocks and
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Dold, 2006). Mander (1998) has estimated that the average mass of medicinal
plant material dispensed per visit to a traditional healer is 216g.

Throughout the African dry forest and woodland regions medicinal plant
resources are sourced primarily from communal lands, but also private farms,
protected areas, state forests and commercial forestry estates. For the latter,
harvesting is often undertaken without the landowner’s or state’s consent and,
being illegal, is done at the risk of being arrested by authorities (Mander, 1998;
Cocks, 2004). Research results across the region attest to increasing harvesting
pressures on traditional supply areas linked to a growing shortage in supply of
popular medicinal plant species (Cunningham, 1991; Mander, 1998; Williams et
al, 2000; Dold and Cocks, 2002; Maundu et al, 2005). In southern Africa this
has led to the virtual extinction of species, such as wild ginger (Siphonochilus
aethiopicus) and pepper-bark tree (Warburgia salutaris) outside of protected
areas (Maundu et al, 2005). A TRAFFIC study in eastern and southern Africa
has identified approximately 100 species of conservation concern in one or more
countries (Mulliken, 2003). In Kenya and Uganda, for example, the roots of
Mondia whitei have become rare as a result of demand for this plant in urban
centres (Maundu et al, 2005). In western Africa, Griffonia simplicifolia has been
adversely affected by overharvesting for the production of drugs in Europe
(Maundu et al, 2005). Cinchona species and Cassia acutifolia are examples of
the most widely traded medicinal plant products from Africa. Cinchona species
contain 6–7 per cent total alkaloids, the most important ones being quinine and
quinidine. The main dry forest and woodland regions producing it include
Tanzania and Kenya (Iqbal, 1993). Cassia acutifolia grows wild in the dry forests
and woodlands of Sudan. About 700–800 tonnes of C. acutifolia leaves and pods
are exported annually from Sudan. The leaves and pods contain a glycoside,
which is used as a laxative (Iqbal, 1993).
In the past, sustainable use of medicinal plants was facilitated by several
inadvertent or indirect controls and some intentional management practices
such as taboos, and seasonal and social restrictions on gathering of medicinal
plants (Cunningham, 1993). It has been documented that many of these restric-
tions, issued by traditional leaders and enforced by local headmen and
traditional community policemen, reduced commercial exploitation of local
medicinal plant resources in many areas. However with cultural change,
increased reliance on the cash economy and rising unemployment these controls
are being eroded (Maundu et al, 2005). This change is accelerated by the
commercialization of the medicinal plant trade to supply burgeoning urban and
international markets.
Often commercial gatherers, whether for the national or international trade,
are poor and their main aim is not resource management but to earn an income
(Maundu et al, 2005). This, in turn, is creating more demand and destruction
of local habitats (Mander, 1998). The break down of regulatory mechanisms,
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particularly with regard to communally owned resources, is further exacerbated

by very little or no state investment to develop or support local management
systems (von Maltitz and Shackleton, 2004). This has led to a situation whereby
rural communities are most often unable to take responsibility for the state of
their natural resources, allowing individuals in the community, or outsiders, to
harvest medicinal plant populations without restriction (Mander, 1998).
It has been stated that a failure to stabilize this situation will not only affect
the environment negatively (Cunningham, 1991; Mander, 1998; Deffar, 1998;
Sunderland et al, 1999; Dold and Cocks, 2002), but also the health of millions
of people in the region (Marshall, 1998) as well as the welfare it provides for
the people engaged in the industry (Mander, 1998; Dold and Cocks, 2002).
Cultivation initiatives and new management programmes are considered essen-
tial if the use of medicinal plant resources is to reach any level of sustainability
(see Cunningham, 1993; De Beer and McDermott, 1996; Leakey et al, 1996;
Ruiz-Pérez and Arnold, 1996; Sunderland et al, 1999).
At an organizational and capacity development level, it has been suggested
that the long-term interests of different sectors involved in the medicinal plant
trade might be better served through increased information sharing, dialogue
and cooperation. The need for more effective cross-sector collaboration to
address medicinal plant conservation issues was brought to world attention
through the International Consultation on the Conservation of Medicinal Plants
convened by the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF), IUCN, the International
Union for Conservation of Nature and the World Health Organization (WHO)
in Chiang Mai, Thailand in 1988. More recently 20 participants at the sympo-
sium for Medicinal Utilization of Wild Species signed a Joint Declaration for
the Health of People and Nature, which emphasizes the need to address conser-
vation concerns in a multi-disciplinary and collaborative manner. Signatories
included representatives of the phyto-pharmaceutical industry, practitioners’
associations and conservation organizations (Mulliken, 2003).
Unfortunately in many sub-Saharan African states, governments lack appro-
priate and specific policies for the conservation of medicinal plants and
therefore enforcing sustainable harvesting or monitoring the status of the
resource becomes difficult. For example, in eastern Africa governments still do
not have laws and mechanisms to prosecute illegal exporters. Aloe species have
been placed under CITES protection, but as yet there are no mechanisms in
the East African countries to incorporate these decisions into their legal frame-
works (Maundu et al, 2005). It is therefore felt that alternative methods need
to be sought to ensure the sustainable use of these resources.
The Declaration of Belem (Posey, 1988) recognized an ‘inextricable link’
between biological and cultural diversity (Posey, 1999), and therefore the
medicinal plant trade threatens not only plant species but also traditional knowl-
edge and cultural practices surrounding the use of medicinal plants (Tabuti et
al, 2003). Biodiversity conservation programmes and cultural heritage agencies
should develop awareness campaigns that illustrate the link between cultural
and biodiversity conservation. Local communities and individuals, as well as
conservationists, need to be made aware not only of the link between the loss
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BOX 5.7 MANAGEMENT OF MEDICINAL TREES BASED ON RESPONSES

TO BARK HARVESTING IN BENIN, WESTERN AFRICA
Stephen Devereux (1999) studied the recovery after bark harvesting of 12 medicinal
tree species in the dry forests of Benin, western Africa, over a two-year period. Two
species (Khaya sengalensis and Lannea kerstingii) showed complete wound recovery
through edge growth and three species (Afzelia africana, Burkea africana and
Maranthus polyandra) showed very poor edge growth; the rest of the species had
intermediate recovery rates. The author therefore concluded that only two species
were suitable for sustainable bark harvesting due to their rapid bark regrowth.
Based on this study, the author pointed out that harvesting bark requires
species-specific techniques to make harvesting sustainable and that harvesting
technique be based on the regeneration capacity of the species that also deter-
mines the possibility of subsequent harvests. Devereux recommended that
harvesting in the wild should include strip harvesting for species with very good
regrowth, such as Khaya sengalensis and Lannea kerstingii; for species with no or
little recovery, full-tree harvesting (all utilizable bark from trunk and branches) should
be preferred for fallen trees cut for other purposes, such as timber.
of the natural habitat and cultural practices, but also of the options for incorpo-
rating cultural values into biodiversity conservation.
Sustainable harvesting of plant parts for medicinal purposes should be based
on the capacity of the species to regenerate the harvested parts. However, few
studies that have assessed recovery after harvesting have been done. A study in
Benin, western Africa, has made species-specific recommendations concerning
bark harvesting for medicinal purposes based on the ability of tree species to
regenerate bark following harvesting (Devereux, 1999; Box 5.7).
FIBRES
Historically, natural fibres gathered from dry forest and woodland plants
provided the raw material for a wide range of utilitarian products, such as cloth-
ing, ropes, basketry, fishing nets, brooms, mats and construction materials.
Despite clear evidence that fibre use is common to almost all areas of dry forests
and woodlands, there are relatively limited data available on the importance of
this product from a subsistence perspective. On the other hand, more extensive
literature on the commercialization of fibre products exists. Woven mats, ropes
and basketry products are often traded within the communities in which they
are made, and also appeal to non-traditional and tourist markets for their
decorative and novelty value (Pereira et al, 2006). Indeed, the commercializa-
tion of handicraft has been viewed as an important development option for poor
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rural communities in many African countries, where the sale of baskets and
other craftwork to tourists and the export market has helped increase rural
incomes (Cunningham and Milton, 1987; Cunningham and Terry, 1993). Dry
forests and woodlands lack the bamboos and rattans found in moist forests.
Instead, palm leaves, bark, grasses, and reeds and sedges provide the primary
source of fibre for weaving and other uses.
Woven baskets are a key fibre product and serve a variety of functions
especially in the storage and processing of crops. In Uganda, for example, flat,
circular baskets are placed adjacent to grinding stones to catch the ground grain;
deep, bowl-shaped baskets are used to store millet while larger, shallower
baskets are used for other grain; and large diameter nearly flat baskets are used
for winnowing. Baskets are also employed to carry head-loads of crops and
special baskets are made for tealeaf collection. Other uses include as storage
places for linen, clothes and dirty laundry, and as baby’s cots (Naluswa, 1993).
A similar diversity of basket uses is reported from many other countries in the
dry forest and woodland regions of sub-Saharan Africa.
The leaves of the Hyphaene and other palms are the fibre of choice for
basketry and other woven products, and basketry is found in most places where
palms occur (Cunningham and Milton, 1987; Terry, 1986; Cunningham and Terry,
1993; de Vletter, 2001; El Tahir and Gebauer, 2004). Hyphaene coriacea (‘iLala’
palm) is found along the Zululand and Mozambique coasts, Hyphaene petersiana
(‘mokolwane’ palm) forms a narrow band stretching from Mozambique to Angola
and runs along the borders of Zimbabwe, the southern border of Zambia, the
northern border of Botswana and the southern border of Angola. Hyphaene
thebaica, dom palm (‘saaf’), occurs in the Sudan, Eritrea and Ethiopia. Hyphaene
has a relatively restricted distribution occurring on alkaline, saline, sodic, clay-rich
sands and heavy clays in hot, dry river valleys. As such, it is not common to all
areas of dry forest and woodland. Other palm species from the dry forest and
woodland regions, such as Phoenix reclinata (Senegal date palm) and Borassus
aethiopum, are also used in basket making (Sambou et al, 2002).
The bark of a number of tree species is used as weaving fibre, with the bark
of the baobab (Adansonia digitata) being particularly favoured for basketry,
including the ‘kiondo’ baskets of Kenya. In both Senegal and Ethiopia, the fibres
from baobab are woven into waterproof hats that may also serve as drinking
vessels (Salim et al, 2002). Unlike Hyphaene, which gives a hard and stiff finish,
the fibres of baobab allow for the weaving of softer and stronger baskets or
carry-bags. Baskets and bags for agricultural produce are made from
Oxytenanthera abyssinica and are used for transporting vegetables and fruits
(Hines and Eckman, 1993).
Baskets made purely for household use seems to be a dying art. A study of
the ‘xirundzu’ baskets of the Inhambane region in Mozambique suggests that
the skills needed to make these baskets are rapidly disappearing. The younger
generation lack interest in learning this art since they derive few benefits from
it (de Vletter, 2001). In the Okavango region of Botswana, basketry had almost
disappeared in the late 1960s, but was revitalized once commercialized
(Arntzen, 1998).
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The use of woven mats is widespread. These come in all shapes and sizes
from sleeping mats to sitting mats, floor coverings, food mats, prayer mats,
large wall panels and decorative wall hangings (Shackleton, 2005; Araia, 2005).
Their uses range from practical to cultural. The intricate hand-made mats are
produced using a simple frame, where stones or old batteries are used as weights
on the strings and moved backwards and forwards over the reed fibre to create
patterns. Unmarried girls assisted by older women traditionally made these
mats, but nowadays many households buy mats from weavers who specialize in
this activity. In Uganda, however, female household members still generally
only sit on mats they make themselves (Howard and Nabanoga, 2007). The
mat-rush, Juncus krausii, which grows in brackish wetland areas, is favoured for
mat making, though other species may be used where Juncus is not available
(Zakes Mazibuko, personal communication). In the Bushbuckridge area of
South Africa it is estimated that each rural household owns between two and
five mats, all of which are produced locally, mostly from Cyperus,
Schoenoplectus and Typha species. This represents an annual demand of 70,000
to 100,000 mats in the region. As with the ‘Zulu’, in Bushbuckridge mats are
important in wedding ceremonies and as gifts, but are also used during several
other rituals including initiations and burials (Shackleton and Shackleton, 1997;
Shackleton, 2005). Palm fibres may also be used to make mats – with dom palm
leaves being important in Eritrea (Araia, 2005), where most households own
about ten mats, and Phoenix reclinata leaves in Uganda (Howard and Nabanoga,
2007).
A number of bark fibres are used to make rope and cordage. In Zambia,
rope from the fibres of Sesamum angustifolium are used for stitching reed mats
and making fishing nets and animal traps. Baobab fibre is credited with making
excellent cordage, ropes, harness straps, mats, snares and fishing lines, fibre
cloth, musical instrument strings, tethers, bedsprings and bow strings (Salim
et al, 2002). Natural fibres are often used for simple tasks, such as tying up
bundles of leafy vegetables in markets (Campbell et al, 1991). Thread from
tree roots is used for sewing items, such as bags and sacks, and is harvested
from Acacia nilotica, Tamarindus indica, Cordia africana and Lannea schwe-
infurthii (Hines and Eckman, 1993). A tree which is reputedly much
appreciated by rural South Africans for its long, durable and tough fibres is the
violet tree (Securidaca longepedunculata). Its fibres are used to make string
and rope for fishing nets and lines, and bird and animal snares, thread to sew
bark cloth, and bead string for necklaces (Maliehe, 1993). In the Sudan, fibres
from Adansonia digitata, Acacia nubica, A. senegal, Cordia africana and C.
rothii are used for making robes (El Tahir and Gebauer, 2004). Natural fabrics
consisting of tough interlacing fibre that can be extracted from bark in layers
and used as a substitute for cloth are obtained from Ficus species and such
fabrics are commonly used in rural Kagera areas of Tanzania (Chihongo, 1993).
Fibrous bark (e.g. from Brachystegia spiciformis) is important for beehive
production (see Box 5.4).
Unlike food and medicinal NWFPs, natural fibres from dry forests and
woodlands are playing a declining role in rural subsistence. A number of alter-
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native products have replaced functions typically provided by fibre products.

For instance, bought fabrics for clothing have tended to replace home produced
natural fabrics. Cheap or free plastic bags and plastic or metal storage bins can
substitute for baskets that require hours to make (de Vletter, 2001; Kgathi et
al, 2005). Nylon ropes can replace hand woven bark rope. However, natural
fibres are still extensively used for simple functional tasks, such as tying up
bundles of vegetables or for the production of brooms. Today, the use of natural
fibre products often appears more important for cultural and traditional
purposes than utilitarian purposes. Mats, brooms and baskets all have cultural
significance. Fibre use also remains an option to those in the community too
poor to afford alternatives. Though difficult to substantiate with the data avail-
able, it is also probable that natural fibre remains more important to those in
deep rural areas with limited access to alternatives and the cash economy. For
example, communities living close to riverine forests in western Eritrea use 21
different household items made from dom palm, with the direct-use value of
these being the highest of all NTFPs surveyed at US$80 per household per year
(Araia, 2005).

There is a paucity of information relating to the harvesting and management of
natural fibre species. In most countries, at national level, there is little knowl-
edge of, or control over, the specific use of fibre products (Geldenhuys et al,
2005). National policy and legislation may provide a legislative framework in
which forest product resource harvesting and management takes place, but to a
large extent fibre products are low priority from a legislative perspective.
Consequently, fibre harvesting tends to be unregulated or left to local authori-
ties to regulate. Most control thus takes place at a local level through informal
mechanisms, which are often location specific. For example, in central Uganda
a number of spiritual beliefs are important in regulating the harvesting of
Phoenix reclinata palm leaves (Howard and Nabanoga, 2007). A particularly
interesting example that prevents harvesting from immature plants is the belief
that young palms habour wetland spirits that only leave when the plant matures.
Anyone cutting an immature palm may be ‘swallowed’ by the wetland.
In many instances the de facto use of fibre resources is as an open access
resource. However, as the value of the resource increases this has, in some
instances, led to renewed tribal authority control or to the privatization of
individual trees, as has been the experience with fibre producing trees in Sudan
(El Tahir and Gebauer, 2004).
Hyphaene palms are amongst the most important weaving species. Young
leaves are selectively harvested as older leaves become too brittle. In H. peter-
siana new leaves are produced at a rate of 2.8 to 3.8 leaves per year
(Cunningham and Milton, 1987) or four leaves per year (Sola, 1998).
Harvesting should not exceed this production rate. According to Bishop et al
(1994), historically there were customary rules relating to the harvesting of
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palm products in the Okavango region of Botswana, but by the early 1990s such
rules and sanctions were no longer practised. During the 1990s the village
headman of the islands of Oxge, near Danega, reintroduced rules for harvesting
Hyphaene petersiana, and basket makers were advised not buy the fibre
harvested with hoes or axes, as these devices are not selective and are therefore
more destructive to the plant. These rules and sanctions were considered effec-
tive in managing the palm resource (Bishop et al, 1994). In Zimbabwe, rights to
harvest palm leaves is open to all. Each village has a dedicated harvesting area,
and the chief has overall control of harvesting which is administered through
local headmen. To date, the sale of unprocessed leaves has been prevented. In
Zimbabwe, household-use of fibre resources is not restricted, but a permit is
needed if the use is for commercial purposes (Sola, 1998, 2004). In west
Caprivi (Namibia), community resource monitors are teaching community
members how to harvest palm leaves in the least destructive manner. This
involves using a sharp knife and ensuring that a few young leaves are left behind
(Suich, 2003; Murphy and Suich, 2006). This system seems to be successful as
there is no obvious drop in volume or quality of craft. This is in contrast to
studies in Botswana where a marked reduction in raw material had been
recorded compared to 20 years ago (Mbaiwa, 2005; Kgathi et al, 2005). In east
Caprivi, resources are already depleted in some areas forcing the weavers to
travel greater distances to collect leaves.
Bark and tree root harvesting is potentially the most destructive form of
fibre harvesting, though many trees seem to be able to regenerate bark provided
that the harvesting is done in the correct manner (Geldenhuys, 2004). Baobabs
have the potential to grow new bark directly from the cambium following the
harvesting of young bark. Despite this, Romero et al (2001, 2002), who
conducted a four-year study on baobab bark harvesting in Zimbabwe, suggest
that as it is currently practised harvesting is likely to lead to the death of the
trees.
In general, fibre harvesting has the potential to be sustainable. At a conti-
nental level the sustainable harvest limits on fibre products from the dry forests
and woodlands have not been reached, though this may have been exceeded in
some specific locations. There is also evidence that local controls and knowl-
edge sharing around harvesting techniques can increase the sustainability of
harvesting. Since many fibres can be harvested in non-destructive ways, there is
also the potential for increased access to fibre species in conservation areas.
GRASSES
Though largely overlooked, Shackleton (2005) has shown that the use of grass
brooms is extensive. Twig brooms are used for sweeping outside whilst grass
brooms are used to clean inside the house. In her study area in northeast South
Africa, all households and many schools and local businesses use these brooms.
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Brooms are not just for sweeping; there is also customary and spiritual signifi-
cance attached to them. In Dighe administrative sub-zone in Eritrea, the average
household owns eight dom palm brooms (Araia, 2005). Since most brooms last
less than six months there is a high turnover in this product.
Thatch grass as a construction material (from genera such as Eragrostis,
Loudetia, Hyparrhenia and Hyperthelia) remains important in most areas,
even though there is a trend toward alternative building and roofing materials
(Hawkes, 1992). Corrugated iron roofs are used instead of thatch or palm
leaves, and though hotter, are more durable. In some tribes cultural norms
dictate that at least one dwelling in the homestead must be thatched
(Timmermans, 2004). In very poor areas, such as the Inhambane area of
Mozambique, thatch remains the main roofing material on almost all
dwellings. Palm leaves also are important in house construction for both walls
(plaited sheets) and roofing. In Eritrea, the average traditional house requires
some ten ‘camel loads’ of palm leaves a year for routine maintenance (Araia,
2005).

Reed and grass, on the other hand, both represent potentially sustainable
resources, and in both cases harvesting may have a net beneficial impact on the
resource as it reduces fire intensity. In Namibia, for example there are no rules
to regulate the harvesting of grass (Katjiua, 1998 in Jones and Mosimane, 2000).
IMPROVING GOVERNANCE AND

MANAGEMENT OF NWFPS
There are a number of ways in which the governance and management of
NWFPs can be improved in sub-Saharan Africa. Some of these are presented
below:
• The safety net as well as the income-generation role of NWFPs are threat-
ened in the dry forests and woodlands of Africa in that some of the
important species e.g. Warburgia spp, are fast depleting. The vicious cycle
of increased poverty, with a reduced bargaining capacity of collectors, is
likely to lead to an increase in unsustainable harvesting intensities as collec-
tors try to harvest more to maintain current income levels. In general,
NWFP management remains a highly unpredictable occupation for local
forest- and woodland-dependent communities.
• The sustainable harvesting of NWFPs can only be realized if some of the
following aspects are addressed. Firstly, the capacity for any NWFP popula-
tion to withstand harvesting depends on the plant part which is harvested
(e.g. bark, root, tuber, leaves, sap, fruits, flower), the harvesting intensity,
frequency and timing in relation to annual phenological development, and
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therefore on the species’ reproductive and/or regrowth capacity. Generally,

local people have detailed knowledge of these aspects. Secondly, the actual
harvesting intensity, frequency and timing must be according to the
species’ capacity to reproduce/regrow, and this is highly dependent on the
interest and effective possibility of the harvesters to restrict harvesting
intensity to levels which do not hamper growth and long-term sustainabil-
ity. Thirdly, the ecological requirements of the NWFP species need to be
optimally maintained, e.g. if shade is required and the surrounding forest
or woodland is harvested for timber, then irrespective of the care which
local harvesters may give to appropriate harvesting intensity of the NWFP,
the deteriorating ecological conditions will not allow the species to develop
or reproduce. For all these aspects, traditionally developed harvesting rules
often exist. These have to be respected and integrated in any development
of new regulatory regimes.
• There are increasing calls for developing NWFP resource specific invento-
ries and monitoring schemes, but as these are being developed note should
be taken of the fact that forest inventory techniques have been developed
for timber and are largely irrelevant for most NWFPs. ‘Scientific’ solutions
are to be found more in complex plant ecology methodologies which have
only been applied to a few NWFP situations so far, because of their very
high cost to meaningful result ratio. Further, local people need to be able to
apply the inventory and monitoring techniques if these are to contribute to
their decisions over harvesting intensity. Local traditional harvesters have
often developed their own indicators to assess the sustainable harvesting
potential of an NWFP population, and any new methodology should
consider these carefully and probably combine traditional knowledge and
more modern scientific methods (Baker, 2001; Wong, 2000). It is generally
assumed that the extraction of NWFPs is carried out with adequate knowl-
edge about the resource base, silvicultural requirements and the seasonal
variation in their productivity or else their entire process will result in
resource depletion and severe environmental damage. The current extrac-
tion methods of some NWFPs in the dry forest and woodlands are
detrimental to the sustainability of the resource base and therefore pose a
threat to the existence of the species.
• Management systems that promote and sustain the multiple use of dry
forests and woodlands for timber, NWFPs, grazing, ecological services and
other non-consumptive uses, such as cultural importance and tourism, are
required. In most countries the bias is still towards timber.
• Forestry departments need to work in partnership with local communities
and rural resource users to derive appropriate systems for the co-manage-
ment of forest resources on both communal and state-owned land. There is
a need to learn from and build on what has already been undertaken in a
number of dry forest and woodland countries, such as Malawi, Zimbabwe
and Zambia, particularly in the wildlife management sector. Associated with
this, mechanisms for providing rural resource users with more secure tenure
to resources and land are required.
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• The potential impact of extra-sectoral policies, including urban, land,

agricultural and economic development, health and welfare, and energy
policies, on dry forest and woodland use and management need greater
consideration. Often pressures on NWFPs come from external sources
rather than the actual harvesting of these species for their products.
• Indigenous or traditional knowledge of customary laws, norms, beliefs and
practices relating to the use and the management of specific dry forest and
woodland species needs to be included in any efforts to improve forest and
species management. Furthermore, the interaction, and potential synergies,
between such informal controls and more formal mechanisms, such as
government imposed restrictions, etc need to be understood. The links
between culture and forest product conservation are particularly important
in some contexts and should be more explicitly explored. There are indica-
tions that cultural value may be as, or more, important than economic value
in providing an incentive for sustainable management (Sambou et al, 2002).
Indeed, the latter is often controversial with a high market value sometimes
resulting in precisely the opposite outcome to that desired, i.e. overex-
ploitation rather than conservation.
• Rural extension services need to include greater attention to NWFPs, their
management and potential for intensified production and domestication. In
some areas NWFPs are as important for rural households as livestock and
agricultural production (Shackleton et al, 2000b; Mutamba, 2007) but
rarely receive the same level of investment and support.
The above approaches, if adequately developed and implemented are more

likely to improve governance and management of NWFPs in dry forests and
woodlands in sub-Saharan Africa to the benefit of households, local communi-
ties and national governments.
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Timber and Wood Products
Almeida Sitoe, Emmanuel Chidumayo

and Mário Alberto
INTRODUCTION
The use of wood from African dry forests and woodlands is as old as human
history. Ancient civilizations used timber in construction and in carving house-
hold utensils and weapons. Cultural artifacts were also created using wood, for
example, mythological gods with human faces but animal bodies. Wood consti-
tutes a significant proportion of the products used in traditional buildings. It is
used as poles, as components of the wall and in the roof. Construction wood is
also used in animal enclosures, granaries and a variety of other structures.
Household utensils, such as pestles used to grind grain foods, and various
handles for utensils are also made from wood.
This chapter presents information on the use, trade and management of
timber and wood obtained from dry forests and woodlands of sub-Saharan
Africa. We distinguish ‘industrial timber’ from ‘non-industrial wood’. Industrial
timber can be sold directly as logs without further processing, or processed as
sawn wood, plywood and veneer, therefore industrial extraction, processing and
trade involve wood that enters the international and domestic markets. Non-
industrial wood refers to wood products used locally, mainly for household
purposes and this often makes up a large proportion of wood and timber
produced and utilized that does not enter the market but circulates locally,
contributing to local economies (construction, small-scale informal industry,
woodcarving and household utensils). Wood that is harvested for firewood and
charcoal is discussed in Chapter 7.
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NON-INDUSTRIAL WOOD AND WOOD PRODUCTS

Although a large proportion of wood and timber produced and utilized in dry
forest and woodland countries in sub-Saharan Africa is made up of non-indus-
trial wood, comprehensive statistics on this wood use are generally lacking in
almost all the countries. Often, available data are site-specific and based on
limited household surveys, making extrapolation to national level difficult and
inappropriate. However, we present some of these site-specific data only to
highlight the significance of non-industrial wood to households and local commu-
nities. The focus is largely on the consumption of poles for construction.
Dry forests and woodlands in sub-Saharan Africa provide an important
source of construction poles for rural people. However, the extent of use of
construction poles varies with architectural style, which is influenced by cultural
preferences and the variety of materials available (Cunningham, 1993).
Although quantitative data on consumption of poles for construction are scarce,
the relative use of poles from dry forests and woodlands is perceived to be
generally high. For example, a study in rural Zimbabwe found that over 70 per
cent of households used poles to construct buildings (walls, trusses and fowl
runs) and fences (home fences and livestock pens) (Zharare and Mudavanhu,
2000). In Zambia a national census in 1969 revealed that 47 per cent of all
houses in the country had walls made of poles (Central Statistics Office, 1973)
and the use of poles for construction is still significant. A study conducted in
the Central Province of Zambia in the late 1990s revealed that 17 per cent of
all timber and wood use in households annually was in the form of construction
poles (Kasumu and Ng’andwe, 1996). In Mozambique, rural construction,
including housing, granary and animal enclosures is estimated to involve about
200,000m3 of wood per year (Sitoe and Alberto, unpublished).
Another study in Zimbabwe found that wood consumption for five house-
hold structures (house, garden fence, homestead fence, livestock pens and
granary) required 47.4m3 (Gumbo, unpublished). Assuming an average pole
size of 0.1m3 (Werren et al, 1995), this represents a total of 474 poles per
household per year. With an estimated density of poles in indigenous
woodlands, such as miombo, ranging from 347 to 558 per hectare (Werren et
al, 1995), the harvesting of poles would require 0.85 to 1.37 hectares of
woodland per household per year. In Owambo, northern Namibia, a single
palisade fence surrounding the main homestead was made of 7700 poles while
500 large poles and 9000 small sticks were used for fencing, and in total,
construction and fencing for a single homestead required nearly 21,600 poles or
removal of more than 100m3 of construction wood (Cunningham, 1993). In
this case most of the wood (43m3) is used for palisade fencing with the
preferred species being Colophospermum mopane and Combretum trees.
Local wood also plays a key role in local livelihoods. Timber products consti-
tute the base for small-scale industries in many communities. For example, a
study conducted in Mozambique in 2001 found that there were 147 wood-
based industries employing an average of 60 workers each (Eureka, 2001).
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TIMBER AND WOOD PRODUCTS
Apart from the direct use of local wood, dry forests and woodlands can
also contribute to livelihoods through benefit sharing mechanisms in the timber
industry. For instance, in Mozambique the forest and wildlife regulation
requires that 20 per cent of the revenues from resource exploitation be
returned to the local communities living in the area where the resources have
been extracted. In addition, the same regulation requires that 50 per cent of
the value of the fines collected upon transgression of the legislation shall be
given to forest patrolling agents and community members participating in law
enforcement activities. In 2006 the 20 per cent revenue sharing mechanism
resulted in more than US$400,000 being paid to local communities for local
development projects (Sitoe and Tchaúque, 2007). The establishment of indus-
tries to produce wood products in the rural areas is often accompanied with
infrastructure development in the form of hospitals, schools, roads, etc.
Accessibility to remote rural areas is made easier as a result of the develop-
ment of forest roads.
INDUSTRIAL TIMBER
African timber entered international trade during the colonial period. In the
late 19th and early 20th century, the timber industry played an important role
in the development of transport infrastructure through the use of wooden sleep-
ers for railways. As part of the grand plan for a Cape-to-Cairo transport link,
the railway line from South Africa reached the border between Southern
Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) and Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia) at Victoria
Falls in 1902 and was extended to the copper belt of Northern Rhodesia when
the first copper mine began production in 1910. The potential of Zambezi teak,
Baikiaea plurijuga, a hard wood found in dry deciduous forest (see Chapter 2),
for use as surface and underground railway sleepers was soon realized but
exploitation for this purpose had actually already started in Southern Rhodesia
in 1908 (Judge, 1986). In Zambia the production of B. plurijuga timber has
been documented for the period 1933–1982 (Figure 6.1a), which shows extrac-
tion of large volumes of this species. In addition the mining sector in Zambia
relied heavily on timber from other indigenous trees in miombo woodland for
the supply of sawn wood and mining poles to the copper mines (Figure 6.1b).
At local community level commercial exploitation of indigenous timbers also
played a significant role in generating revenue from concession fees (Figure 6.2).
This reliance on indigenous timber was widespread in many sub-Saharan
countries.
An article of the New York Times dated 29 June 1920 presents information
on the availability of 1.22 million hectares of forests in British East Africa. The
then government had the task of improving harbour facilities to assist export of
large quantities of timber to be used for railway construction, wagon making,
furniture and mine props. Buckle (1959) indicates that in western Africa,
British enterprises started operations in 1890, shipping timber to Europe from
the port of Sapele.
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Figure 6.1 (a) Quantities of Baikiaea plurijuga timber harvested from

southwest Zambia and (b) multiple species sawn timber and poles
harvested in miombo woodland for the copper mines in the Zambia
Source: (a) based on Huckabay, 1986; (b) based on Lees, 1962
Although dry forests and woodlands contain valuable timber species, the
contribution of commercial timber production to national economies is far less
than that realized in tropical wet forests (NationMaster.com, 2004).
Nevertheless, forest products play an important role in the international market.
According to one estimate by the FAO (FAO, 2001), the global market for
timber and timber products is estimated to be valued at over US$140 billion
and is expected to grow steadily. Another study by FAO also showed that the
total value of forest products (wood products) traded in the international
market has increased from around US$60 billion to US$257 billion (FAO,
2006). Although there is no precise information on the forest area that is avail-
able to be managed for timber production (FAO, 2006), a large proportion of
Figure 6.2 Annual timber harvest from indigenous woodlands in Tsholotsho

communal area in Zimbabwe
Source: Based on Mushove, 1993
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Figure 6.3 Sawn wood production and trade in woodland phytoregions

in sub-Saharan Africa in 2000
Note: Figures for the Zambezian phytoregion exclude South Africa.
Source: Based on FAO (2005a)
the total natural forest area is classified (from the point of view of forest
product industry), as non-productive, or as economically non-accessible.
Another study carried out by ITTO (2006) showed that even though global
supply of industrial wood is still dependent on productive forest plantations,
the African forest product industry is still dependent on wood supply from
natural forests, specially the plywood industry (100 per cent) and the sawn
wood industry (85 per cent). It is difficult to disaggregate data on industrial
round wood and sawn wood by source but there is no doubt that natural forests
and woodlands have contributed to the overall trade in industrial timber,
especially that of sawn wood which is believed, in the case of Africa, to come
mainly from natural forests and woodlands. The Zambezian phytoregion has
the highest sawn wood production per country among the dry forest and
woodland regions in sub-Saharan Africa although the major exporters of sawn
wood are countries in the Sudanian phytoregion (Figure 6.3). Both the Kalahari
and Somali-Masai phytoregions have low sawn wood production and trade.
The timber trade in African countries with predominantly dry forests and
woodlands remains low although the potential for more trade exists. For
example, following the end of civil war, in the early 1990s, timber production
in Mozambique increased steadily, reaching about US$65 million in wood
products exports in 2005 (Figure 6.4). Much of the wood products in
Mozambique come from miombo woodlands, mopane, acacia-combretum
savannas and other dry forests.
The timber industry contributes to GDP in producer countries and the
export of wood products has a great impact on balance of payments. For
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Figure 6.4 Export of wood products from Mozambique 1996–2005

Source: Based on data collected by authors
example, the timber industry contributed about 3 per cent to GDP in

Mozambique in 2004 and made a similar contribution in Zimbabwe (Mabugu
and Chitiga, 2002).
TIMBER SPECIES, STOCKS AND YIELD

A plant from which timber is extracted is referred as a timber species. There
are about 62 timber tree species in dry forests and woodlands in sub-Saharan
Africa (Table 6.1).
In spite of a large diversity of timber species in African dry forests and
woodlands stocking rates are generally low. A recent country-wide inventory of
forests in Zambia revealed that out of a total gross volume of nearly 2941million
m3 only 12.4 per cent was made up of 19 nationally classified commercial tree
species with a commercial volume of 6.8m3 per hectare (Zambia Forestry
Department and FAO, 2005–2008); the distribution of these timber trees is
dominated by larger trees (Figure 6.5). In Mozambique a national forest inven-
tory also found that commercial timber species were only one to two mature
trees or 5m3 per hectare, representing 7 per cent of the standing volume
(Marzoli, 2007). Stocking is only higher for gregarious species, such as Millettia
stuhlmannii for which figures reach about 9m3 per hectare (Sitoe, unpublished
data). Similar observations have been made in western Africa where, for
example, Orthmann (2005) found that the density of timber species in the
Sudanian woodlands in central Benin ranged from one to ten per hectare.
The majority of African dry forest and woodland trees have diameter incre-
ments of only 0.03–2.6cm per year (Table 6.2). Zambezi teak valued for its
hard heavy timber, is a slow-growing species with growth rates (mean annual
diameter increment over bark) estimated at 0.13–0.20cm per year in western
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Table 6.1 Commercially valuable timber tree species in dry forest

and woodland countries in sub-Saharan Africa
Afzelia africana Juniperus procera

Afzelia bipindensis Khaya anthotheca
Afzelia pachyloba Khaya grandifoliola
Afzelia quanzensis Khaya ivorensis
Antrocaryon micraster Khaya senegalensis
Aningeria altissima Lophira alata
Anogeissus leiocarpus Lovoa trichilioides
Aucoumea klaineana Lovoa swynnertonii
Autranella congolensis Mansonia altissima
Baikiaea plurijuga Microberlinia bisulcata
Brachylaena huillensis Milicia excelsa
Colophospermum mopane Milicia regia
Combretum spp Millettia laurentii
Cordia millenii Millettia stuhlmannii
Dalbergia melanoxylon Nauclea diderrichii
Daniellia oliveri Nesogordonia papaverifera
Diospyros mespiliformis Pericopsis elata
Entandrophragma angolense Populus ilicifolia
Entandrophragma candollei Pouteria altissima
Entandrophragma caudatum Prunus africana
Entandrophragma delevoyi Pterocarpus angolensis
Entandrophragma utile Pterocarpus erinaceus
Eribroma oblonga Swartzia fistuloides
Gossweilerodendron balsamiferum Terminalia ivorensis
Guarea cedrata Terminalia superba
Guarea thompsonii Testulea gabonensis
Guibourtia coleosperma Triplochiton scleroxylon
Guibourtia ehie Turraeanthus africanus
Hallea stipulosa Vitellaria paradoxa
Hallea ledermanni Vitex keniensis
Haplormosia monophylla Warburgia salutaris
Source: Compiled by Chapter authors from various sources
Zimbabwe (Crockford et al, unpublished). Sitoe (unpublished data) found

average diameter growth rates of 0.3cm per year for the commercial timber
species, Millettia stuhlmannii, and estimated that the fastest growing trees
would mature in at least 60 years while trees with average growth rate would
need about 105 years to mature in the miombo of Mozambique.
Of the average growth rates of 0.4–1.6m3 per year per hectare for all species
(including non-commercial species) in Mozambican forests, only about 4 per
cent of this growth was due to timber species (Saket, 1994). This suggests very
low harvesting rates must be applied to achieve sustainability. In miombo
woodlands of Tanzania, Maliondo et al (2005) found that commercial trees
species of over 50cm diameter (at breast height) accounted for 4 per cent of
the total stock, 23 per cent of the basal area and 25 per cent of volume.
Cutting cycles have to be generally longer than 30 years to allow a sustain-
able yield. In the teak forests of Zimbabwe, Calvert (1986) calculated a basal
area of 21m2 per hectare with a growth rate of 0.17m2 per hectare per year, 80
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Figure 6.5 Distribution of timber trees by diameter size in Zambia

Source: Based on Zambia Forestry Department and FAO (2005–2008)
per cent of which was of exploitable timber species (Baikiaea, Guibourtia and
Pterocarpus). For stands of such a dry forest and woodland, standing volume
estimates were put at 72–86m3 per hectare based on volume tables, with a
mean increase ranging from 0.78m3 per hectare per year (1952–1956) to 1.2m3
per hectare per year (1935–1940); the temporal difference perhaps being due
Table 6.2 Annual diameter increment at breast height of some

African dry forest and woodland timber trees
Species Diameter Source of data Study site

increment (cm)
Afzelia africana 0.392 Schöngart et al (2006) Central Benin

Anogeissus leiocarpus 0.374 Schöngart et al (2006) Central Benin
Anogeissus leiocarpus 0.454 Schöngart et al (2006) Northeast Ivory Coast
Brachystegia spiciformis 0.24–0.33 Trouet et al (2006) Western Zambia
Brachystegia spiciformis 0.03–0.27 Grundy (2006) Central Zimbabwe
Brachystegia spiciformis 0.31 Holdo (2006) Western Zimbabwe
Burkea africana 0.17 Holdo (2006) Western Zimbabwe
Daniellia oliveri 0.312 Schöngart et al (2006) Central Benin
Daniellia oliveri 0.318 Schöngart et al (2006) Northeast Ivory Coast
Diospyros abyssinica 0.214 Schöngart et al (2006) Northeast Ivory Coast
Erythrophleum africanum 0.16 Holdo (2006) Western Zimbabwe
Isoberlinia doka 0.438 Schöngart et al (2006) Central Benin
Millettia stuhlmannii 0.33 Sitoe (unpublished data) Central Mozambique
Pterocarpus angolensis 0.03 Holdo (2006) Western Zimbabwe
Pterocarpus angolensis 0.08–0.48 Boaler (1966) Tanzania
Pterocarpus angolensis 0.30–0.41 Stahle et al (1999) Western Zimbabwe
Pterocarpus erinaceus 0.374 Schöngart et al (2006) Central Benin
Terminalia sericea 0.22 Holdo (2006) Western Zimbabwe
Sources: As shown in the Table
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to better rainfall or younger faster-growing stands. The Forestry Departments

of Botswana, Zambia and Zimbabwe have tended to use a commercial cutting
cycle of 40 years, and a minimum cutting size of 30cm diameter although these
have since been reduced in a number of cases.
TIMBER AND WOOD HARVESTING AND ITS IMPACTS

Non-industrial wood
Axes and hand saws are commonly used to cut down small trees for poles;
harvesting of construction poles tends to be selective and selection varies with
vegetation type and occurs at three levels (Cunningham, 1993). First, selec-
tion is based on tree/shrub height, diameter and density; often favouring high
density patches of tall straight poles of about 5–15cm dbh or laths of about
3–5cm dbh. Second, selection is based on access, e.g. adjacent to paths. Third,
selection is based on resistance of species to termite attack and competing
uses, such as non-edible fruit-bearing species. In the Kalahari-Highveld,
Colophospermum mopane, Combretum imberbe, Spirostachys africana and
Terminalia sericea are the major species used for building walls of homes while
in the Zambezian miombo Brachystegia boehmii, B. glaucescens, B. spiciformis,
Combretum molle, Julbernardia globiflora, Terminalia sericea and Uapaca
kirkiana are used for building homes (Cunningham, 1993). At household level
wood is also used for making implements, such as hoe handles, mortars,
pestles, etc. and different tree/shrub species are preferred for the production
of different household wood products (Table 6.3). This means that some highly
preferred species may be depleted, thereby causing changes in the species
composition of the forest or woodland. For example, Cunningham (1993)
observed that the high wood consumption for construction resulted in changes
in the structure and species composition of the mopane woodland in Owambo,
northern Namibia.
Industrial timber
Logging in dry forests and woodlands is highly selective, based on species and
size and a variety of harvesting techniques, from manual to mechanized, are
used, but chainsaws are commonly used in commercial timber production. Fath
(2002) found that commercial timber harvesting in Mozambique was based on
low extraction intensity because of lack of harvesting preparation, low recovery
rates, and poor working techniques for felling and crosscutting. Low recovery
rates of about 10 per cent have also been recorded in western African dry forests
and woodlands and in some cases a high number of trees of less than 45cm dbh
were cut around the felled timber tree to use their trunks in sawing activities
(Orthmann, 2005).
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Table 6.3 Tree species preferred for building and other wood products
in miombo woodland by Bemba people of northern Zambia
Purpose Tree species
Fibre Brachystegia boehmii

Brachystegia longifolia
Brachystegia taxifolia
Julbernardia globiflora
Handles Burkea africana
Dalbergia nitidula
Isoberlinia angolensis
Lonchocarpus capassa
Swartzia madagascariensis
Mortar Albizia antunesiana
Isoberlinia angolensis
Poles Erythrophleum africanum
Monotes sp
Pericopsis angolensis
Swartzia madagascariensis
Walling Brachystegia longifolia
Julbernardia paniculata
Monotes sp
Uapaca kirkiana
Uapaca nitida
Diplorhynchus condylocarpon
Roofing Marquesia macroura
Monotes sp
Pericopsis angolensis
Syzygium owariense
Uapaca kirkiana
Uapaca nitida
Source: Based on Holden (1988)
Primary transport distances varied from 2 to 49km, while secondary trans-

port distances varied from 130 to 279km, with the former accounting for the
largest share of the production costs of US$21–73 per m3 in Mozambique.
From an ecological perspective, sustainable yield can be attained when the
balance between forest growth rate and logging rate is positive or at least
balanced. High logging rates pose a threat to most of the slow growing dry forest
and woodland hardwood species. This suggests that under the current logging
rates most dry forest and woodland timber species are not sustainably
harvested. As a result, many of these species are considered threatened (see
Table 3.3 for threatened dry forest and woodland timber trees). Slow growth
rate, overharvesting by loggers and inadequate tree recruitment (see Figure 6.5)
have been cited as possible reasons for the unsustainable timber industry based
on Pterocarpus angolensis in Tanzania (Schwartz et al, 2002). Similar conclu-
sions have been made about African blackwood, Dalbergia melanoxylon
(Gregory et al, 1999). This species is a typical example of a highly valuable
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timber species whose populations have declined over time (Jenkins et al, 2002;
Global Trees Campaign, 2007). In some dry forests and woodlands of western
Africa logging in the 1950s utilized valuable species, such as Ceiba pentandra,
Khaya grandifolia, Antiaris africana and Chlorophora excelsa but when suitable
trees of these species were depleted logging shifted to the remaining smaller
diameter trees and to new less valuable species, such as Pterocarpus erinaceus,
Diospyros mespiliformis and Pseudocarpus kotschyi (Orthmann, 2005).
There is a need to promote lesser-known species. In Mozambique, for
instance, Buster (1995) published a booklet on 52 commercial timbers, while
the actual list of commercial timber species according to the forest regulation is
118. But in fact fewer than ten species are actually exploited for commercial
purposes (Bila, 2004). Experiences from elsewhere show that after liquidating
the most valuable timber, the lesser-known species are utilized.
The direct impacts result from the removal of trees. This leads to popula-
tion reductions of preferred species. The indirect impacts result from the use
of machinery, the opening of access roads to previously inaccessible areas, the
destruction of habitats for other plant and animal species, and increased fire
intensity (reduced canopy cover leading to increased grass biomass, e.g.
Gambiza et al, 2000). Population reductions follow from the lack of silvilcul-
tural knowledge and practices (WWF, 2006). Species like Dalbergia
melanoxylon and Sterculia quinqueloba, among others, were listed in southern
Africa as vulnerable or endangered in the IUCN Red List due to extraction for
timber production for commercial and local use (Izidine and Bandeira, 2002;
WWF, 2006; see Table 3.3 in Chapter 3). Cutting cycles of 30 or more years
are recommended for these species, which is not economically attractive, hence
the unsustainable harvesting. Opening roads for timber extraction increases
accessibility for other forms of land use. In Tanzania, for instance, the new
bridge over the Rufiji River increased the flow of timber exports and the
destruction of the richest remnants of miombo in the region (WWF, 2006).
SUSTAINABLE FOREST MANAGEMENT FOR

Sustainable forest management (SFM) is an old concept implying a continuous
supply of forest goods and services through time. But in the late 1980s and
early 1990s, SFM gained a new dimension before and after the Earth Summit
in Rio in 1992. It was then that forests assumed an increasingly important role
in sustainable development, with ‘sustainable’ having economic, environmental
and social dimensions.
Sustainable forest management involves multi-scale initiatives. At the
national level it involves clear definition of the national objectives of forest
management, the establishment and support of national institutions for the
implementation of SFM, the establishment of supportive policies, the monitor-
ing of forests and forest activities, and the establishment of a favourable forest
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business environment (ATO/ITTO, 2003). The establishment of policies that

favour SFM requires measures to facilitate access to forest resources, particu-
larly the clear definition of property rights (Arnold, 1998). At the forest
management unit level, three basic principles are defined: sustainable manage-
ment with a view to supplying the required goods and services; maintenance of
the main ecological functions; and contributions to the improvement of the
economic and social well-being of workers and local populations.
Presently, illegal operations resulting from poor forestry governance and
limited capacity of the forestry institutions, have characterized most African
nations. The rise of demand from China and their apparent lack of interest in
SFM have fuelled illegal forest operations. Inadequate political commitment
and weak economies have limited the implementation of SFM (ITTO, 2004,
2005; Verbelen, 2002; Watts, 2005). Consequently, many timber species are
threatened or near threatened (e.g. the African blackwood – Dalbergia
melanoxylon) (Izidine and Bandeira, 2002; Jenkins et al, 2002; Pérez et al,
2005). There is little, if any, evidence that the current levels of timber exploita-
tion are sustainable. Apparently, local use of timber does not seem to constitute
a serious cause of forest degradation because of the large array of species used
for local purposes (Table 6.3).
Logging can be carried out with little investment while returns are often
immediate (Verbelen, 2002). This practice of mining forests is short-term and
leads to the demise of the timber industry. Appropriate policy and its imple-
mentation are needed if a sustainable timber industry is going to be realized.
Experience shows that although legal frameworks are in place in many
countries, implementation has been limited. Such policy initiatives require
justice, transparency and efficiency in the procedures for concession allocation,
timber pricing, monitoring and community engagement. However, complex
economic and legal instruments often hinder implementation (Sitoe et al,
2003).
Some of the specific factors limiting the success of the timber industry are
as follows. First, the limited capacity for revenue collection, associated with
weak technical capacity of forestry institutions and low royalties results in poor
forest governance and low revenues. The current timber values of
US$0.26–5.00 per m3 are considered extremely low by international standards
(World Bank/WWF Alliance, 2002). Second, poor forest governance and
monitoring stimulate illegal logging and illegal log exporting. This combination
of factors discourages adherence to SFM.
Strategies have been put in place in several tropical countries to enable
SFM. In Cameroon, for instance, the World Bank imposed a system to improve
transparency in the forest sector with the aim of reducing illegal logging and
fraud in allocation of forest concessions (Verbelen, 2002), although unlawful
operations still take place. The World Bank/WWF Alliance (2002) in seven
countries in western and southern Africa, including the dry forest and woodland
countries of Tanzania and Mozambique, concluded that all countries are losing
significant forest revenue (Table 6.4).
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Table 6.4 Estimates of revenue losses from poor regulation of timber production
in selected African countries with dry forest and woodlands
Country Estimated revenues lost per year (US$ million)
Benin 1.0
Cameroon 5.3
Central African Republic 3.0
Ghana 37.5
Mozambique 2.5
Tanzania 4.3
Source: Compiled from various sources by Chapter authors
Legal and policy aspects

The forestry policy framework in African countries has been strongly influenced
by colonial systems, with a focus on timber exploitation for international
markets (WWF, 2006). There is limited revenue collection, weak institutional
capacity to implement the regulations and little capacity to set acceptable
prices. For example, Mozambique did not change its colonial forest regulation
until 2002 (WWF/World Bank Alliance, 2002). Low and inappropriate taxation
creates opportunities for corruption, does not encourage efficient utilization of
the resource, and can cause inappropriate allocation of scarce investment funds.
Following the Rio Earth Summit, tropical forestry witnessed significant
changes to accommodate the concepts of SFM. These changes stimulated many
African countries to review their regulations and improve law enforcement
(WWF/World Bank Alliance, 2002; Kowero et al, 2003). Policies and proce-
dures related to forest concessions, logging licences and taxation systems were
revised and new policy initiatives were introduced, including increased atten-
tion to conservation within production forests, community participation and log
export bans. However, illegal logging is still rampant, and communities receive
little or no benefit from the exploitation of forest products.
Kowero et al (2003) evaluated the linkages between forest policies and
other major policies for the miombo woodland countries and observed that
state-owned forests, typical of much of the region, are associated with weak
forest governance and unsustainable timber exploitation. Agricultural policies,
economic reforms and trade liberalization were identified as influencing the
shape of forestry policies and their implementation.
Legal and policy strategies addressing timber harvesting in sub-Saharan
African countries have focused on five main aspects:
1. Timber harvesting based on forest concessions. This strategy aims to

increase access to forest resources and encourage investments through
providing long-term exclusive access rights (Sitoe et al, 2003). This measure
is expected to increase resource use efficiency and reduce the impact of
illegal logging. It is also intended to increase community participation and
local benefits.
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2. Value addition. This aims to add value to forest products, create jobs and
increase revenues. Forest operators, however, see this as a constraint,
making it too expensive to invest in forest concessions. It is regarded as
contradictory, when at the same time, annual logging permits are allowed.
3. Total or partial log export bans. These are implemented to promote domes-
tic processing of wood products. Implementing quotas based on a
percentage of production has proven difficult given that forest institutions
do not have capacity to verify the quotas: as a result African exports of
timber products are still dominated by unprocessed logs (FAO, 2005b;
ITTO, 2005). The international market, and particularly China, favours low
cost unprocessed logs.
4. Improving forest governance and monitoring. This focus is part of national
capacity building to improve the management of forests. Countries have
also implemented national stakeholder fora to improve public participation
in forest governance. Low wages and poor working conditions in forest
departments, as well as corruption and politically driven decisions, under-
mine these efforts (Kowero et al, 2003).
5. Community participation and benefit sharing. This has been adopted in
most forest policies in dry forest and woodland countries, and is a strong
part of the SFM concept. Sustainable forest management requires that
forestry operations contribute to the improvement of the economic and
social well-being of workers and the local population in forest concessions
(ATO/ITTO, 2003). While colonial legislation limited local communities to
subsistence use of forest resources, the new policy measures open up possi-
bilities for communities to derive benefits from timber, either directly
through being part of the business or through a variety of benefit sharing
arrangements. Wily (2000) found that Tanzania had the most effective
community access to forest resources in eastern and southern Africa. While
it has proved difficult to manage forest concessions without taking into
account the communities living within or near the forest, in general local
communities have benefited little from forest operations (Sitoe and
Tchaúque, 2007).
Forest concessions
Forest concessions and annual logging licences are two logging regimes
commonly used in tropical forests, including dry forests and woodlands. The
former have been recommended to promote SFM. Forest concessions are large
areas of productive forest leased for a period of 5–50 years for the purposes of
timber production. Sitoe et al (2003) compared the two regimes and observed
that annual logging licences did not require detailed forest inventories and
management plans; as a result this promoted forest mining and unsustainable
use. In contrast, forest concessions promoted value-addition, community partic-
ipation, resource use efficiency and long-term commitment. Although forest
concession regimes are favoured, there are a number of elements that need to
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be put in place for them to be successfully implemented (Gray, 1999; Grut et

al, 1991), as indicated below.
Forest zoning and allocation

Forest inventories are needed to define areas with productive forests that can
sustain long-term timber production. The forestry institutions must have
detailed information of these areas so as to be able to negotiate with conces-
sionaires and establish an appropriate value of the forest. Forest concessions
must be allocated in a transparent way and competition should be promoted to
capture the appropriate revenue. In countries like Mozambique, the conces-
sionaire conducts the inventory and submits a request for a concession to the
forest department. The allocation of the concession is therefore not competi-
tive and is based on who first submits the request (Sitoe et al, 2003).
Size of forest concession

The size is important as it contributes to the definition of ‘allowable cut’. Dry
forests and woodlands with low growth rates require large areas to maintain
timber production on a sustainable basis.
Revenue and taxes

Grut et al (1991) found that African countries captured a very small proportion
of the real value of the timber. For example, in 1987, in Cameroon, forest taxes
amounted to only US$5.4 per m3 (2–4 per cent of the log price), while in
Ghana the taxes were US$0.38 per m3 (0.5 per cent of the log price), although
these figures may include timber mostly harvested from tropical forests in these
countries. However, this has been changing in line with new regulations but the
tax capture is still below the real potential (WWF, 2006).
Forest inventory and management plan

Forest management plans are key to SFM, as they represent the application of
SFM principles to specific forest management units. They are also required for
the issue of forest concessions. The plans should include an ecological evalua-
tion of the resource, a socio-economic assessment of local communities and
financial aspects of the forest business, among other aspects (Table 6.5).
National level information of the forest area covered by formally approved
management plans is scanty (FAO, 2001), but the area is probably increasing in
many African countries following the review of forest policies and implementa-
tion of new regulations (Sitoe et al, 2003).
One of the most important components of a forest management plan is the
definition of the allowable annual cut (AAC), or the sustainable yield. The
estimation of this requires adequate forest inventory, information on tree
growth rates and the definition of the cutting cycle. Such information is gener-
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Table 6.5 Content of forest management plans

Forest information Forest protection
Geographic location Accessibility
Topography Fire protection
Accessibility Monitoring illegal logging
Socio-economy of the region Social and environmental impact
Forest resource inventory Impact mitigation
Forest types and species Community rights and benefits
Timber volume Agreements with local communities
Diameter distribution Conflict resolution mechanism
Natural regeneration Environmental management and monitoring
Non-timber forest products Forest quality monitoring
Objectives of forest management Forest industry environmental monitoring
Forest production Research needs
Forest growth Forest inventory
Cutting cycle Forest growth and yield
Allowable cut Impacts of logging
Forest zoning Lesser-known species promotion
Forest operations Administrative organization
Operational inventory
Logging operations
Post-logging treatments
(coppicing, improvement planting,
liberation treatment)
Source: Adapted from Sitoe and Bila (2006)
ally lacking. Forest inventories by themselves are not sufficient for good
decision-making and they are difficult to undertake because of cost, limited
human capacity and the management plans derived from forest inventories
being seen as a mere bureaucratic step towards getting a forest concession (Box
6.1). Forest inventories may cost about US$1 per hectare, requiring large sums
of money for entire concessions. Technical capacity to conduct forest invento-
BOX 6.1 FOREST CONCESSIONS AND MANAGEMENT

PLANS IN MOZAMBIQUE
The situation in Mozambique has improved since 2002 when 24 concessions had
been authorized but no management plans were in place (World Bank/WWF
Alliance, 2002). But even where there are management plans, they may not be
implemented because of limited capacity and negative attitudes towards the
planning process. Technicians responsible for concession management of three
approved forest concessions in Sofala in Mozambique stated that they knew of the
existence of such forest management plans but had never used them to plan annual
activities (Sitoe and Tchaúque, 2007). Lack of implementation of forest manage-
ment plans usually leads to overexploitation (Pérez et al, 2005).
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ries, and prepare and evaluate management plans, is lacking. In 2006,

Mozambique had 111 authorized forest concessions, covering an area of about
4.5 million hectares, but only 60 had approved management plans (Sitoe and
Tchaúque, 2007).
Information and monitoring

Monitoring is needed to promote good governance. It requires that appropriate
statistics are kept and that reporting systems are in place within the concession
system. Lack of transparency with information and procedures typifies forest
concessions in many sub-Saharan countries. Independent monitoring systems
have been introduced in some countries to improve the quality of information
but they do not function in countries with high levels of corruption and politi-
cal influence.
Timber certification
One mechanism that can contribute to SFM is forest certification, a voluntary,
market-driven initiative that seeks to label products from forests that are
managed according to internationally accepted stewardship principles. It is
sometimes called timber certification, forest product labelling or forest manage-
ment auditing. Certification can be a cornerstone of SFM. Certification involves
two key activities. The first involves an independent assessment of the forest
management operations, and typically includes an evaluation of the ecological
health of the forest; the economic viability of the operation; and the social
impact of the forest management activities. The second is the ‘chain-of-custody’
inspection and involves the verification of the flow of forest products from the
forest, through milling and manufacturing processes, to the finished product.
This process is currently carried-out by both non-profit and for-profit organiza-
tions, and is characterized as being an independent, objective and third-party
process.
The objective of certification is to assure consumers that their purchases of
forest products do not contribute to the destruction and degradation of the
world’s forests. Timber producers can benefit commercially from timber certi-
fication in two ways: first through the ‘green premium’ (consumers’ willingness
to pay a premium for certified timber) and second by averting losses of market
share in the tropical timber market from not having timber certified. However,
only a small number of schemes are operational at present and the volume of
timber covered by them is minor (Baharudin, 1995). The organizations and
initiatives active in forest certification include the following:
• Forest Stewardship Council (FSC);

• Pan European Forest Certification Council (PEFC Council);
• Canadian Standards Association (CSA);
• American Forest & Paper Association (AF&PA), United States;
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• Malaysian Timber Certification Council (MTCC);

• Indonesian Ecolabeling Institute (LEI);
• Brazilian Association for Technical Standards (ABNT);
• Netherlands Timber Trade Association.
The Pan European Forest Certification Council and the Sustainable Forestry
Initiative (SFI) of AF&PA are currently the leaders in forestry certification in
terms of certified area. The largest concentrations of certified forests are in
North America (49 per cent) and Europe (45 per cent). Only 7 per cent of the
certified area is in tropical or subtropical countries (ITTO/ITC, 2005). The
African Timber Organization (ATO), with assistance of the Center for
International Forestry Research (CIFOR), has established the Pan African
Certification scheme, which is based on principles, criteria and indicators that
conform to those of the International Timber Trade Organization (ITTO). In
the African Region, the number of areas of certified forests endorsed by FSC
has reached 30, covering about 1.74 million hectares while a total of 136 chain-
of-custody certificates have been endorsed by FSC, including in the dry forest
and woodland countries of Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia and
Zimbabwe.
Lesser-known timber species

The growing concern regarding the sustainability of timber resources in African
dry forests has motivated researchers to identify lesser-known species with
potential to substitute the species that are under pressure. Among the identi-
fied species, bamboo was found to be of high potential not only because of its
properties but also considering its wide occurrence over the dry forest and
woodland countries of Africa, but this resource is underutilized. Taquidir and
Cuco (2006) conducted an inventory within a 5000km2 coastal area in
Mozambique and found 2000km2 of pure bamboo stands (Oxytenanthera
abyssinica). Boko (2007) indicates that Oxytenanthera abyssinica, Bambusa
vulgaris and Andurinaria aplina are the most common bamboos found in
African woodlands. Kenya has large bamboo plantations, with 63,000ha of
Arundinaria alpina (Boko, 2007).
In addition to bamboo, there are hundreds of other potentially valuable tree
species whose physical and mechanical properties and end-uses are little known.
These trees make up a larger portion of dry forests and woodlands than the
currently utilized species (see above). Utilization of lesser-known species may
help to alleviate the pressure on the diminishing primary or marketable species
while contributing to the diversification of economic opportunities for commu-
nities involved in SFM (Vlosky and Aguire, 2001) (Box 6.2).
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BOX 6.2 EFFORTS TO STUDY AND USE LESSER-KNOWN

SPECIES IN MOZAMBIQUE
In Mozambique efforts have been made to market lesser-known species. For

example, Brachystegia spiciformis was introduced to the European market as
parquet strips. Although Combretum imberbe has been considered a secondary
species with low commercial value, recently it has been exported to China as logs;
this was followed by a log export ban because of unsustainable harvesting but it
indicates the potential value of lesser-known species.
Product development research has also focused on the lesser-known species.
For example, Alberto (2002) produced, on a laboratory scale, strong boards of B.
spiciformis mixed with Pinus patula. Alberto et al (2001) also assessed the technical
feasibility of some Mozambican secondary species for the manufacture of wood-
cement composites. The study resulted in the identification of species compatible
with cement without needing any treatment, such as Amblygonocarpus adongen-
sis, Brachystegia spicifomis and Brachystegia bohemii, as well as the species
becoming compatible after treatment of particles, such as Erythropheum suavele-
uns, Albizia adianthifolia and Sterculia appendiculata.
KEY CHALLENGES
Local utilization of wood products is mainly limited to building material such as
poles and bamboo. Although there are limited studies on the real impact and
the characteristics of this sub-sector, its role in national poverty reduction
strategies shows that it is highly significant and needs to be properly evaluated.
The introduction of environmental measures to protect African dry forests
and woodlands is sometimes seen as an impediment to attracting investments
in the timber sector. Promotion of lesser-known species represents a double-
edged issue. On the one hand it is a measure to improve profitability while at
the same time it assists in the protection of the depleted traditional valuable
species. But on the other hand, since little is known about the utilization of
these species, their use may also result in further reduction of forest cover,
risking the degradation of forest ecosystems. The challenge is to undertake
adequate studies to evaluate these species before bringing them under full
exploitation.
The general perception about the timber industry in African dry forests and
woodlands is that little is known about it. The fact that policies have been in
place but their implementation is not effective suggests that there are informa-
tion gaps that constitute impediments. Information availability can improve
implementation and reformulation of existing policies. Research is therefore
needed to provide information on:
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• the potential and impacts of timber harvesting in these fragile ecosystems;

• the impact of promotion of lesser-known species;
• international timber trade and the paths of illegal timber;
• local use of timber products;
• impact of forest policies and the impediments to the implementation of
these policies
• silviculture of timber species.
There is also need to assess requirements for training people and building capac-
ity in sustainable forest management.
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Woodfuel
Rogers Malimbwi, Emmanuel Chidumayo,

Eliakim Zahabu, Stephano Kingazi, Salome Misana,
Emmanuel Luoga and Jean Nduwamungu
INTRODUCTION
A high proportion of the population in sub-Saharan Africa is dependent on tradi-
tional energy sources (firewood, charcoal and organic wastes). The share of
biomass fuels in national energy consumption in the majority of dry forest and
woodland countries is large, with ranges of 35–75 per cent in many countries
(e.g. Senegal, Togo, Ivory Coast and Angola) and over 75 per cent in many
others (e.g. Sudan, Ethiopia, Kenya, Tanzania, Mozambique, Zambia, DRC and
Nigeria). Access to modern or commercial energy sources by households is very
low, at about 10 per cent, and the energy future does not appear bright for the
majority of the African people. For example, the New Partnership for Africa’s
Development only proposes a modest 25 per cent increase in the number of
households with access to reliable and affordable commercial energy supply in
20 years (from the current 10 per cent to a projected 35 per cent). Woodfuel
(firewood and charcoal) will therefore play a significant role in the livelihoods
of the majority of the people in the region.
In spite of the over-dependence on woodfuel, significant problems remain
in estimating the amounts consumed. Methods of determining the amount of
wood consumed vary considerably and the majority of statistics tend to be
unreliable. As the Director of Forest Products and Economics Division of the
Forest Department of FAO once commented ‘determining the consumption of
firewood or charcoal in a given country is always a trying experience because
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definitions are rarely consistent, the measurement units are different and
discrepancies among reported values are so wide that one remains utterly
confused’ (Drigo, 2005).
This chapter attempts to describe the woodfuel situation and its dynamics
in dry forest and woodland countries of sub-Saharan Africa. The chapter also
considers options for sustaining the woodfuel system as the region struggles to
expand household access to commercial energy sources.
RURAL AND URBAN USE AND EXTERNAL TRADE

Dry forests and woodlands are a main source of woodfuel consumed in both
rural and urban areas. In rural areas, the majority of households use firewood
but much of this consumption is rarely recorded in national statistics; therefore
the overall consumption of firewood in rural areas tends to be based on limited
locality-specific household surveys. Except in wood deficit areas, firewood used
in rural areas is obtained from dead wood or wood cut for other purposes and
therefore represents a waste product from the forest. In contrast, firewood and
charcoal consumed in urban areas are mainly produced from wood cut to supply
urban markets. As a result there is greater official concern about the perceived
negative environmental impacts of urban wood harvesting for the urban
woodfuel markets; greater efforts have been made to quantify urban woodfuel
trade, especially of charcoal, and in some cases attempts have been made to ban
charcoal production for the urban market. For example, the government of
Burkina Faso issued decrees against charcoal production in 2004 and 2005 in
order to reorganize the charcoal industry but these have since been revoked.
Nevertheless, due to its easy transportation and storage, charcoal is increasingly
becoming the preferred urban household cooking fuel in many major cities. For
example, of the 30 or so major cities in sub-Saharan Africa, charcoal is the main
household cooking fuel in 70 per cent of these cities. Figure 7.1 presents the
importance of firewood and charcoal as major urban energy sources in countries
with dry forest. In over 50 per cent of the countries charcoal is the dominant
urban household energy source; firewood is dominant in 20 per cent of the
countries; in the remaining 28 per cent, both firewood and charcoal are impor-
tant urban household energy sources. Much of what follows in this chapter will
therefore be on charcoal with only occasional reference to firewood.
There is very little international trade in firewood but potential exists for
charcoal export. However, international trade in charcoal has generally been
discouraged in most countries because of its impact on forests and woodlands.
For example, Kenya banned charcoal exports to countries in the Middle East in
the 1970s because of the extensive deforestation that it caused in the coastal
regions of the country. The Somali government also banned the export of
charcoal to Saudi Arabia and Dubai for similar reasons but enforcement has
been difficult from the 1990s due to the absence of a stable government (IRIN
News, 2006; Oduori et al, 2006).
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WOODFUEL
Figure 7.1 Major types of household woodfuel used in urban areas

in sub-Saharan Africa
Source: Based on data and information from various sources
The per capita consumption of firewood varies between countries. In

Tanzania, for example, firewood constitutes 97 per cent and 4 per cent of cooking
and lighting fuel, respectively, in rural areas (Kaale, 2005). Subsistence firewood
consumption in the miombo woodlands surrounding Kitulanghalo Forest Reserve
in eastern Tanzania is 1100kg per capita per year (Luoga et al, 2000). In Nigerian
urban areas approximately 97 per cent of households buy their firewood and
only about 3 per cent collect it, while in the rural areas 45 per cent buy their
firewood, and 55 per cent collect it (Alabe, 1994). In Kenya, firewood is the
most common type of energy with close to 89 per cent of rural and 7 per cent of
urban households reporting regular use of firewood, giving a national average of
68 per cent of all households. The average annual per capita consumption is
approximately 741kg and 691kg for rural and urban households, respectively. In
the Luapula Province of Zambia the total firewood consumption in 1996 was
estimated at 353,100 tonnes (Kalumiana, 1996). Of this, 5539 tonnes are used
for fish smoking annually, representing about 2 per cent of total consumption.
Urban households consume 3 per cent of firewood, while rural households
consume 95 per cent of firewood. The per capita annual consumption is
estimated at 1025kg in rural areas and 240kg in urban areas (Kalumiana, 1996).
In the city of Kano in Nigeria firewood consumption was estimated at 4000kg
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per household per annum with a wide variation between households (Cline-Cole
et al, 1988). In Botswana firewood is the main source of biomass fuel used and
total consumption was estimated at 1.42 million tonnes in 2000. On average
each urban household consumes about 2230kg of firewood per annum while a
rural household uses an average of 4820kg per annum (ProBEC, 2006).
URBANIZATION AND WOODFUEL

Generally, rural households consume more firewood than urban households
while the opposite is true for charcoal. Because of the very low access to
commercial energy sources the growth in charcoal demand is directly linked to
growth in the urban population. For example, charcoal production increased by
one-third from 1981 to 1992 (Kammen and Lew, 2005).
Africa has the world’s highest urbanization rates with an average urban
growth rate of 4 per cent per year. This urban growth has three aspects:
1. population growth of towns;

2. growth in number of urban centres;
3. increasing proportion of city dwellers vis-à-vis the total population.
The pattern of urbanization is generally similar throughout sub-Saharan Africa.

The percentage of population residing in urban areas in Africa was 20–25 per
cent in 1970, 35–40 per cent in 2000, and is projected to be 50–55 per cent in
2025 (UN Population Division, 1996). However, level of urbanization varies
from region to region: 23 per cent in eastern Africa, 36 per cent in central
Africa, 39 per cent in southern Africa and 40 per cent in western Africa. Of the
total urban population in sub-Saharan Africa, almost 65 per cent is in countries
in which dry forests and woodlands cover a significant percentage of the
country.
In western Africa urban population grew sixfold from 1960 to 1990, from
about 13 million to 78 million people, and the predicted future growth is that
the urban population will reach 275 million in 2020 (Arnaud, 1993).
Urbanization is occurring without industrialization and therefore is character-
ized by high levels of unemployment and dependence on traditional energy
sources.
Africa’s high urban growth rate is a result of rural-urban migration, popula-
tion growth and in some areas, conflict. People leave rural areas because of
declining agricultural productivity, lack of employment opportunities and lack
of access to basic physical and social infrastructure. However, the expectation
of higher incomes and standards of living in urban areas is rarely realized. This
results in widespread urban poverty that continues to grow. For example, 45
per cent of urban households in southern Africa grow crops or raise livestock in
urban environments in order to supplement their livelihoods (UNDP, 1996).
While firewood traditionally accounted for a major part of total wood
energy consumption, the social and economic changes associated with urbaniza-
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WOODFUEL
Figure 7.2 Trends in the shift from household use of firewood to charcoal
in the city of Bamako, Mali
Source: Based on Girard (2002)
tion are leading to a significant shift from firewood to charcoal, as exemplified

by the trends in Bamako, Mali (Figure 7.2). For urban dwellers charcoal is
preferred to firewood because it is easy to store and more convenient to handle.
URBAN WOODFUEL SUPPLY ISSUES

The growing and persistent urban poverty in sub-Saharan Africa can be charac-
terized by an increasing dependence on cheap energy sources that are
dominated by wood. This places heavy demands on forests and woodlands
around urban centres. Since urbanization is affecting all towns, irrespective of
size, each urbanizing area is depleting forest resources in its hinterland or catch-
ment area. However, the size of the supply catchment is a function of city size.
Often the source areas for woodfuel for larger towns may include catchments
of one or more smaller towns. Many factors influence spatial and temporal
dynamics in charcoal supply areas of major cities in sub-Saharan Africa, includ-
ing forest depletion, regulation of charcoal production, land use and tenure,
history etc.
The charcoal industry supplying large cities in sub-Saharan Africa operates
over large areas and shifts when production areas are depleted, as in Senegal,
Mozambique, Tanzania and Sudan. In Senegal, major areas of production
supplying charcoal to Dakar shifted from within 200km in the 1950s to
200–300km in the 1960s and more than 300km in the 1970s and 1980s
(Ribot, 1993) (Figure 7.3). Major supply areas of woodfuel to urban Maputo
were within 50–60km in the 1980s but had shifted to 60–100 km in the
1990s and 150–200km in the 2000s, while charcoal came by railway from as
far away as 600km (Pereira et al, 2001). The major sources of charcoal for
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Figure 7.3 Composition of charcoal supplied to Dakar from

different regions in Senegal
Note: Regions are based on distance from Dakar: (1) <200km, (2) 200–300km, (3) 300–400km and (4)
>400km
Source: Based on Ribot (1993)
Dar es Salaam city in Tanzania used to be the neighbouring western and north-
ern regions of Morogoro and Tanga (Luoga et al, 2002) but now the major
supply source has shifted to the wood-rich southern districts of Rufiji and
Kilwa following the opening of the Mkapa bridge. Similarly charcoal for
Khartoum in Sudan comes from the more wooded southern regions (Khalifa,
1982). It is evident that the charcoal for large towns in dry forest and
woodland countries can come from very distant source areas. The growth in
the number of urban areas, that is part of the urbanization process in sub-
Saharan Africa, also implies that there are now more islands of forest
depletion than was the case 30–40 years ago.
However, what is most worrying about urbanization is that every 1 per cent
increase in the level of urbanization is estimated to result in a 14 per cent
increase in the consumption of charcoal (Hosier et al, 1993). The impact of
urbanization has serious implications for the long-term well-being of rural
communities. Sustainable forest management has a key role to play in maintain-
ing charcoal supplies to urban areas while also supporting forest-based rural
livelihoods.
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WOODFUEL
Where does the wood come from?

Although it is generally recognized that dry forests and woodlands provide the
bulk of resources for wood energy, the land use status of supply areas is rarely
known. A study in Kenya found that whereas plantation forest/trees were a
major source of wood for charcoal supplied to Kisumu, it was rangeland and
natural forest clearings that were the main sources of charcoal supplied to
Nairobi and Mombasa (Table 7.1). In contrast, firewood in Kenya is mainly from
agroforestry or on-farm sources (84 per cent), trustlands (8 per cent) and
gazetted forests (8 per cent) (Theuri, unpublished). Most of the charcoal in
Tanzania and Mozambique is produced from general land under village control
while in Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger communal and state forests are managed
to supply woodfuel to major cities. However, in some other western African
countries woodfuel supplies from farmed parklands are widely reported (Cline-
Cole et al, 1988).
Table 7.1 Origin of wood for charcoal production in Kenya in 1985
Wood source Percentage of market share

Nairobi Mombasa Nakuru Kisumu
Plantation trees/forest 5 0 15 80
Rangeland clearing 38 40 40 0
Forest/range clearing 30 55 0 0
Forest clearing 20 0 35 0
Other 7 5 10 20
Source: Based on Kammen and Lew (2005)
The resource base and competing demands

Estimates of wood biomass in African dry forests and woodlands have been
described in Chapter 2 but not all this biomass is utilized for energy purposes.
A study in Kenya estimated that nearly 74 per cent of the above ground wood
biomass in semi-arid dry forests was utilizable for firewood and charcoal
(Western and Ssemakula, 1981). If this proportion is applied to all dry forests
in sub-Saharan Africa, then the stocks potentially available for energy purposes
in African dry forests and woodlands go from 11.7 tonnes per hectare in semi-
arid dry forests in the Somali-Masai phytoregion to 136.3 tonnes per hectare in
the sub-humid dry forests in the Congo-Zambezian phytoregion (Table 7.2).
However, dry forests and woodlands also need to be cleared for agricultural
purposes (see Chapter 3). Cultivation has been a major source of woodland
change and deforestation in southern Africa (Dewees, 1994) and the situation
in eastern and western Africa is even worse (see Chapter 2). In Malawi, 24 per
cent of the total forest area has been converted to arable land (Lele and Stone,
1989). In Zambia, cultivation was responsible for 95 per cent of the annual
forest cover loss of 90,000ha in 1990 (Chidumayo, 1997). In Zimbabwe the
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Table 7.2 Utilizable wood for fuel in different dry forests

in sub-Saharan Africa
Phytoregion Dry forest type Aboveground wood biomass

utilizable for woodfuel
(tonnes per hectare)
Somali-Masai Semi-arid dry forest 11.7 ± 1.81

Kalahari-Highveld Semi-arid dry forest 20.6 ± 4.34
Sudanian Warm dry forest 45.7 ± 4.29
Zambezian Warm dry forest 68.4 ± 3.20
Congo-Zambezian Sub-humid dry forest 136.3 ± 19.52
Note: Phytoregions and dry forests are described in Chapter 2

Source: Calculated by chapter authors from various literature sources
main decreases in woody vegetation between 1963 and 1973 were in areas of
high to moderate population densities, particularly in communal areas where
extensions of croplands and wood harvesting had resulted in annual cover losses
of 3–10 per cent (Whitlow, 1980). In Tanzania charcoal production and cultiva-
tion were responsible for the degradation and deforestation of 25 per cent and
20 per cent of closed woodland, respectively, in the catchment area to the west
and north of Dar es Salaam city (CHAPOSA, 2002). The agriculture sector is
also a major user of wood energy. Often live trees are cut for fuel to cure
tobacco and tea. Tobacco estates in Malawi account for 21 per cent of the
national wood energy consumption (Moyo et al, 1993) and contribute nearly 47
per cent to forest cover loss caused by firewood harvesting. Another extensive
use of wood biomass in agriculture is fencing of arable fields. In Botswana the
fencing of fields to keep out livestock uses 1.5 times more wood than is used
for cooking by farming households (Tietema et al, 1991). Other uses of wood
energy include the curing of bricks, especially in rural areas. In Zimbabwe wood
used for brick-making is said to equal that used for cooking in rural areas
(Bradley and Dewees, 1993). Clearing natural forest for agriculture, grazing and
harvesting of firewood from miombo woodlands for tobacco and tea curing, fish
smoking, beer brewing, bread baking, salt-drying, and brick and lime making are
considered to be the main agents contributing to deforestation. In Tanzania the
magnitude of deforestation caused by unsustainable firewood consumption for
tobacco curing and brick burning is estimated at around 20,000ha per annum
(Kaale, 2005). To cure a hectare of tobacco requires approximately one hectare
of woodland (Mnzava, 1981).
CHARCOAL PRODUCTION
Charcoal is traditionally made in earth, brick or steel kilns. Although charcoal
may be produced from plantations, it is often made from land cleared for
agricultural purposes or from smaller areas specifically used for charcoal produc-
tion. Where trees are abundant, of many species and variable in size, cutting
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WOODFUEL
Figure 7.4 A traditional surface earth-mound kiln for

making charcoal in central Zambia
Photo by Emmanuel Chidumayo
may be selective. The average cleared plot in central Zambia was 0.2ha and
uncut trees represent about 7 per cent of the pre-cut biomass (Chidumayo,
1991). The majority (92 per cent) of uncut trees are small (dbh less than
10.0cm). The large uncut trees are either too hard to cut or make charcoal with
poor burning qualities. In areas where forests are already much degraded and
trees are in short supply there is no tree species selection for charcoaling. This
is also true during the opening up of new agricultural land where trees of all
species found in the area are cut and burnt into charcoal.
The bulk of the charcoal in sub-Saharan Africa is made in earth kilns of
which there are two types: the pit kiln and the surface earth-mound kiln. The
pit kiln is constructed by digging a pit or trench in the ground and then placing
the wood in it after which the wood pile is covered with green leaves or metal
sheets and then with earth to prevent complete burning of the wood. The earth-
mound kiln is built by covering a pile of wood on the ground with earth (Figure
7.4). The mound is preferred over the pit kiln where the soil is rocky, hard or
shallow, or the water table is close to the surface. In Somalia charcoal is made
in both pit and surface earth-mound kilns with the former being more common
in montane areas (Oduori et al, 2006).
The wood to charcoal conversion efficiency is dependent upon many
factors, including kiln type, wood moisture content, tree species, wood arrange-
ment and skill of the producers. Bailis (2003) reported that in the traditional
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Figure 7.5 Wood to charcoal conversion efficiency in the traditional earth kiln
(䊊) and Casamance kiln (䊉)
Note: The equations given describe the plots for each of the two kiln types
Source: Based on data in Kammen and Lew (2005)
earth-mound kiln 5–10 tonnes of wood are needed to make 1 tonne of charcoal
(at a mass-based conversion efficiency of 10–20 per cent). Thus, using such
traditional mound kilns, 60–80 per cent of the wood’s energy is lost in the
charcoal production process. Traditional mound kiln efficiencies in Zambia were
in the range 20–28 per cent while in Mozambique the range was 14–20 per cent
and in Tanzania it averaged some 19 per cent (CHAPOSA, 2002). These
efficiency values are similar to those reported by Chidumayo (1991), Sawe and
Meena (1994), Hofstad (1995) and Kaale (1998).
Efficiency tests conducted on a Casamance kiln, a modified surface earth-
mound kiln with a chimney that improves air flow out of the kiln, and the
traditional mound kilns in Senegal, showed that although the Casamance kiln is
more efficient than the traditional kiln, there was a large amount of variation
within each kiln (Figure 7.5), suggesting that other factors may be more impor-
tant in determining efficiency. For example, lack of proper control during the
carbonization process has been reported to reduce efficiency due to some
complete combustion of wood (Ishengoma and Nagoda, 1991) and in Zambia
experienced charcoal producers achieved higher wood-charcoal production
efficiency than less experienced producers.
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Attempts have been made to improve kiln efficiencies in many countries.

In Tanzania, some of the proposed technologies and techniques include: portable
steel kilns, improved traditional earth kilns, and 13 half-orange brick kilns.
These methods have been under investigation for over 30 years (FORINDECO,
1992). Studies by the Tanzania Forestry Research Institute also enabled devel-
opment of improved earth mound charcoal kiln reinforced with burned bricks
but uptake of the results has not been successful due to the high cost involved
(Sawe and Meena, 1994). The average carbonization efficiency of these
improved technologies was estimated to be 27–35 per cent. Portable steel kilns
achieve considerably higher conversion efficiencies but have not been adopted
because of the higher initial cost, manpower and skill required for viable
management. A problem with marketing of softwood charcoal (low calorific
value), the production of which is technically most feasible using improved
kilns, is also a limiting factor in the adoption of these technologies
(FORINDECO, 1992).
BIOMASS REGENERATION AFTER

CHARCOAL PRODUCTION
Forest degradation refers to less obvious changes in the woody canopy cover
while deforestation is the more or less complete loss of forest cover that is often
associated with forest clearance (Grainger, 1999). Degradation therefore repre-
sents the temporary or permanent reduction in the density, structure, species
composition or productivity of vegetation cover. Annual deforestation rates
differ among countries: Tanzania (0.3 per cent), Zimbabwe (0.4 per cent),
Zambia (0.2 per cent), Botswana (0.1 per cent), Mozambique (0.8 per cent),
Malawi (3.3 per cent) and Angola (0.2 per cent) (Chambwera, 2004).
The degree of forest clearing for charcoal production varies considerably
among countries and sites within each country. Generally the impact of produc-
ing a specified amount of charcoal depends on the stocking rate that varies
among the different dry forests and woodlands (see Chapter 2 and Table 5.3).
In Mozambique, charcoal production is characterized by a ‘clear-felling system’
since almost all species are used (Pereira et al, 2001). In the Morogoro region of
Tanzania, there is little species and size selection in tree felling for charcoal,
such that there is virtual clear-felling of the woodland around a kiln site (Luoga
et al, 2002). However, harvesting intensity tends to decline with increasing
distance from settlements and transportation routes. Chidumayo (1991)
observed that 97 per cent of the standing wood biomass was harvested for
charcoal production in central Zambia. The extent to which tree harvesting for
charcoal production causes deforestation remains debatable. On one hand,
Luoga et al (2002) reported that the removal of 4.64 tonnes per hectare for
charcoal production in public lands in the Morogoro region of Tanzania exceeded
the mean annual increment of 3.15 tonnes per hectare and therefore concluded
that harvesting was changing the structure and composition of the vegetation
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and was unsustainable. On the other, Ribot (1999) argued that deforestation in
the western African dry forests and woodlands due to wood fuel production has
not been demonstrated. Under severe wood resource degradation, even stumps
left over from previous charcoal production may be dug up and used to make
charcoal (Oduori et al, 2006); this reduces the forest capacity to recover.
Clear cutting removes the entire canopy and for dry forests and woodlands
that regenerate vegetatively from stump sprouts and resprout saplings, such as
miombo woodland, this is the best way of encouraging regeneration
(Chidumayo, 1997, 2004). Such forest regrowth usually has higher tree species
diversity than old-growth forest that it replaces and the danger of species loss
is minimized (Chidumayo, 1997). The main disadvantage of clear cutting is
that it tends to increase run-off, and possibly soil erosion, from cleared catch-
ments (Mumeka, 1986). In order to minimize this negative effect, cleared
strips or coupes should alternate with shelterbelts to buffer cleared strips
against increased run-off and soil erosion. Other environmental effects that are
associated with sites that are clear cut and burnt include severe visible crusting
and soil erosion (Hosier, 1993). Furthermore, clear cut sites are easily
converted to cropland which discourages regeneration hence contributing to
deforestation.
Africa’s dry forests and woodlands have the potential to regenerate after
clearing for charcoal (see Chapter 2). Observations made in eastern Senegal
indicate that woodland areas were cut for charcoal in 1940, 1969 and again in
the mid-1980s (Ribot, 1999). That charcoal makers return to harvest the same
area after 9–12 years has also been reported in Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso
(Nygård et al, 2004). In Zambia, return periods to previous clear cut areas for
charcoal production range from 20 to 30 years (Chidumayo et al, 2001). In
Kenya a 14-year rotational harvesting period has been proposed for regrowth
acacia woodland (Okello et al, 2001). Woodlands in Tanzania appear to recover
relatively well following harvesting for charcoal production (Hosier, 1993) but
recovery periods of degraded woodland after charcoal production range from 8
to 23 years (Malimbwi et al, 2001). Even so, large areas for charcoal production
are needed if production is to be sustainable because long periods are needed
between harvest activities for regrowth to develop adequately. Apparently, the
regeneration rates are a function of woodland type, rainfall, fire management
and grazing intensity (Hosier, 1993; Ribot, 1993) and often the recovery period
is prolonged through heavy grazing and uncontrolled burning.
URBAN WOODFUEL TRADE

Charcoal use has socio-economic benefits for numerous actors along the chain
from the producers in rural areas to the consumers in urban areas. In many
African countries, the charcoal industry has the characteristics of a competitive
market with large numbers of producers, transporters and sellers (both whole-
salers and retailers) with little government regulation in practice (CHAPOSA,
2002). In Kenya the charcoal industry was estimated to include 30,000 full-time
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Figure 7.6 Charcoal transportation into Dar es Salaam in 2000

Source: Based on Malimbwi et al (2004)
producers, 4000 transporters and 800 retailers (Kammen and Lew, 2005) and
represented an annual business of about KSh17 billion (US$213 million) in
2002, which was about 53 per cent of the 1998 bill for imported oil (Theuri,
unpublished). Charcoal production in central Zambia in 1990 was estimated to
involve 10,400 producers and about 3500 households in retail trade and the
whole charcoal industry was worth ZK4.7 billion (US$15 million) or 2.3 per
cent of GDP in 1991 (Hibajene et al, 1993) while the World Bank/UNDP
(1990) projected that foreign exchange savings due to wood energy use in
Zambia would be US$4 million annually for the period 1992 to 2000. In the
Lusaka province of Zambia a study revealed that although the rural per capita
income from forestry and crop agriculture declined from US$37.07 in 1990 to
US$17.33 in 2000, the contribution of charcoal production had increased from
65 per cent in 1990 to 83 per cent in 2000 (Chidumayo et al, 2001). A similar
study in Mozambique found that 65 per cent of the household income in the
Licuati region that supplied charcoal to Maputo city was generated from charcoal
production (Pereira et al, 2001). In some cases, income from charcoal sales is
used to buy agricultural inputs and in this way, dry forests subsidize agricultural
production and therefore contribute to household food security. According to
CHAPOSA (2002), in areas with reasonable accessibility, charcoal is the main
cash income source for rural households. In eastern Tanzania, in 1992 charcoal
contributed substantially to the annual household income of communities
adjacent to the Morogoro–Dar es Salaam highway who earned about US$176
per household annually (Monela et al, 1993).
Charcoal is transported to urban markets by a variety of means, including
trucks, buses, bicycles and wheelbarrows. Trucks usually account for the largest
charcoal volumes as has been observed in Tanzania (Figure 7.6) while in Zambia
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Figure 7.7 Trend in charcoal price in Dar-es-Salaam in Tanzania

and Lusaka in Zambia during the 1990s
Source: Based on CHAPOSA (2002)
trucks were estimated to carry 97 per cent of charcoal to urban markets in

1990.
Charcoal retailing in many African cities is well structured so as to make
charcoal accessible to different consumers. Charcoal prices have not generally
increased in real terms. In most African cities for at least the last two decades,
urban consumers have been paying slightly less than US$0.10 per kg of charcoal
(CHAPOSA, 2002). Charcoal is retailed in a variety of different quantities. At
the one extreme of the retailing system there are outlets for bulk purchase that
are often along main city roads. At the other extreme near consumer house-
holds (often less than one or two minutes walk), there are small shops that sell
charcoal in small tins or by small heaps (Mangue, 2000).
It is also surprising that the increasing cost of charcoal transportation due to
increasing distances does not always appear to influence the price of charcoal in
urban markets (Figure 7.7). One reason for this is that different modes of trans-
portation are used for different distances. Often small trucks are used over
short distances while larger trucks, and even trains, are used for longer distances
which buffers the charcoal price against increasing distances to production areas
due to economies of scale.
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WOODFUEL POLICIES AND LEGISLATION

Land tenure and woodfuel production
In the realm of land law, the term ‘land’ embraces not only the physical surface
but also buildings and other infrastructure, as well as growing trees (Laltaika,
2005). The term tenure on the other hand refers to the bundle of “rights” (and
obligations) that a person, community or private entity holds (Bruce, 1989).
Some tenure systems confer property rights to standing trees but not the land
on which they stand. Some specific concepts relevant to land tenure are:
• ‘Freehold’, a traditionally western concept implying the absolute right to

control, manage, use and dispose of pieces of property.
• ‘Leasehold’, in which land belonging to one entity is by contractual agree-
ment leased to another entity for a fixed period of time.
• ‘Statutory allocations’, a particular form of state land where such land by
virtue of some statutory provision, is allocated for the use by some legally
constituted body.
• ‘Customary systems’, in which tenure rights are presumably controlled and
allocated according to traditional practice.
Generally speaking, most of the legislation relating to forestry in most of the

sub-Saharan countries was inherited from the colonial governments. During the
colonial period, indigenous peoples’ rights to harvest and dispose of trees were
significantly restricted. Similarly, after independence, forest policies in many
developing countries have been characterized by the strong concentration of
power over forest resources in the central state apparatus, and the correspond-
ing lack of local participation in forest and tree management. Failure to
recognize indigenous systems of forest management and indigenous rights to
resources at policy level has led to:
• loss of incentives by the local communities to protect trees, encouraging

indiscriminate tree felling;
• discouragement of local people to engage in tree planting and reforestation
projects;
• excessive reliance by the state on punitive measures to enforce the law.
Lawry (1990) argues that where forests have little economic value to local
people because of restrictive access rules, sustainable local management institu-
tions are unlikely to emerge. Incentives for conservation by local people can be
improved by increasing the value of the resource to local people by, for example,
granting more access rights or by granting local communities a percentage of
forest concession revenues. A few countries in the region, such as Tanzania,
have implemented such measures. Insecurity of tenure, among other factors,
has promoted open access to dry forests.
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Figure 7.8 Components of the charcoal energy system and how they
contribute to the sustainability of charcoal production and use
Source: Designed by Chapter authors
In many countries any person that makes charcoal for commercial purposes
from wood taken from the forest should obtain a licence. A licence gives a buyer
(holder) an exclusive right to utilize the forest produce for which the licence
has been issued. However, in many countries illegal or unlicensed charcoal
production predominates. For example, almost all charcoal that enters Maputo
city is illegal and the licensing system is estimated to cover about 1 per cent of
the biomass consumed in Maputo city (Pereira, 2000). In Tanzania only 25 per
cent of the estimated 24,500 bags of charcoal consumed daily in Dar es Salaam
city is accounted for at the road checkpoints (CHAPOSA, 2002). This situa-
tion occurs in many countries because law enforcement is weak and the
procedure of securing a licence or permit is cumbersome.
Making woodfuel sustainable

The charcoal system consists of four components: wood production, wood
harvesting, wood carbonization and charcoal burning, as shown in Figure 7.8.
Each of these components has specific sustainability objectives as well as associ-
ated benefits as outlined in Figure 7.8. Achieving these objectives requires
appropriate measures that cumulatively contribute to the sustainability of the
urban wood energy system.
Wood production
At the wood production level, charcoal production may stimulate tree planting.
In areas with high woodfuel demand tree planting in either woodlots or
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WOODFUEL
agroforestry systems is inevitable. In these areas woodfuel scarcity is the driving

factor to motivate people to plant trees. Agroforestry is recommended where
the land area is limited. The choice of tree species to plant is very important in
order to avoid competition with agricultural crops. In areas where shortage of
woodfuel has not reached a critical level, people are likely to be more motivated
to plant trees that provide multiple utilities, such as timber, fruits and fodder,
than those that provide only woodfuel.
Degraded areas have the potential to regenerate naturally if they are
properly managed, especially by protecting them from disturbances such as
destructive fires and overgrazing. Most African countries are currently intro-
ducing new forestry strategies that cater for greater participation by local
communities and other players in forestry development. A fair benefit sharing
arrangement between the government and local communities should be set in
place as an incentive for the latter to invest in forestry. Clarification of land
tenure and rights are also needed. This includes allocation of forestland to village
communities for charcoal production according to approved management plans.
In Tanzania local communities are now managing most general lands. This has
shifted the situation from an open access regime to a common property system.
Wood harvesting
In terms of wood harvesting, two options exist. The first is selective harvesting
of trees large enough for charcoal production in order to allow the small trees
to grow. A necessary condition is that the small trees must not be severely
damaged by the cut trees. The second is clear-felling in which all trees are cut
for charcoal production. Both regimes require demarcation of the forest or
woodland into blocks that can be allocated to different felling cycles. This latter
system is already being implemented in Burkina Faso (Sawadogo et al, 2002;
Nygård et al, 2004). Such systems would be best implemented as part of the
move to involve local communities in forest management. To ensure successful
regeneration in clear-felled areas, the areas should be protected against distur-
bance, such as cultivation, grazing and fires. There is usually a tendency for local
people to cultivate a clear-felled area as the land is perceived to be more fertile
and require less labour to clear. This should be discouraged if the objective is to
dedicate such areas to charcoal production.
Wood carbonization
Improved kilns could contribute significantly to production efficiency.
However, in spite of their efficiency, the use of improved kilns has failed due to
lack of capital for kiln construction. The need to process the billets into specific
sizes and transport them to kiln sites is an added cost that is limiting adoption.
However, there is evidence that experienced producers who use traditional
kilns achieve more efficiency than less experienced ones. This calls for studying
the techniques used by the experienced producers and disseminating them to
less experienced producers. For example, a manual for best practice for charcoal
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making based on the experience of charcoal producers has been produced in

Zambia (CHAPOSA, 2002). In the current system there are no incentives for
charcoal makers to adopt efficient production technologies, for a combination
of reasons, including: unrealistic fees and royalties; open access systems; weak
government monitoring of forests and reserves; haphazard issuance of permits
(legal and otherwise); ignorance; and long term problems associated with land
and tree tenure. The current situation does not provide the incentives for
efficient charcoal production. In most cases the wood for charcoal making is
regarded as a free commodity. A fresh set of initiatives is thus required to
encourage the use of improved kilns to address the inadequacies and constraints
cited above. Such initiatives need to encompass economic, legal and technolog-
ical aspects.
Charcoal burning
Low-income households normally spend a higher fraction of their income on
energy compared to other groups. In the case of charcoal, they pay more for
the same level of energy service because their appliances are generally less
efficient than those used by wealthier households, and also because low-income
households usually purchase fuel in smaller amounts.
Direct energy subsidies are often provided to the poor but they are often
ineffective since in most instances, the poor receive only a small fraction of the
total subsidy. For example, in the case of kerosene use in Tanzania, subsidies
largely benefited better off households who were able to purchase kerosene.
Most electricity supply companies have a tariff structure that is meant to
encourage low-income households to use electricity for cooking but such
schemes often leave out the appliances to be used. Since efficient devices, such
as electric or gas cookers or improved stoves, tend to have higher initial costs,
poor households typically do not buy them. There may be room for subsidising
cooking devices.
In order to reduce charcoal consumption it is important to encourage
innovation, dissemination and adoption of efficient charcoal stoves. Reasons for
the slow adoption rates include the higher initial costs of shifting from standard
(less efficient) stoves to improved types. Furthermore, the current charcoal
price does not exert sufficient pressure to cause the shift.
At the household level adoption of improved kitchen management skills is
also essential in reducing woodfuel consumption (Kaale, 2005). Such skills
include:
• use of dry firewood to increase burning efficiency;

• extinguishing woodfuel after cooking;
• pre-treatment of some food stuffs through soaking to reduce cooking time;
• construction of cooking shelters instead of cooking in the open to increase
woodfuel utilization efficiency.
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Possible alternative sources of energy for most African countries are hydroelec-
tricity, kerosene, solar, coal, wind and biogas. Johnsen (1999) made a good review
of these alternative sources of energy for the case of Tanzania. In his review he
acknowledged that kerosene was the most common fuel for cooking next to
woodfuel. However, this was not an interesting policy option because kerosene
has to be imported, and subsidized by the government. This means that a switch
to kerosene would add to the stress on both the state’s finances and the country’s
scarce foreign currency. He concluded that none of these alternatives would
become widespread enough to have any significant impact on the consumption
of woodfuel in Tanzania. The reason for the limited success in implementation of
alternative energy sources is that a large number of the renewable energy
technology projects are ‘beyond the financial reach of their target groups: the
rural and urban poor’. Most countries that had much potential for hydroelectric-
ity are now realizing that this is not a reliable source of energy. For example in
1990s Tanzania was said to have large hydropower potential estimated at
48,000MW, while only 300MW were utilized by the existed plants (Kjellstrøm
et al, 1992 in Johnsen, 1999). Currently only 25 per cent of all the electricity in
the country is generated from hydroelectricity and the major portion is from
diesel and natural gas-powered engines. This is mainly caused by prolonged
drought as has occurred in many sub-Saharan countries.
KEY ISSUES AND CHALLENGES

Urbanization is an ongoing process in sub-Saharan Africa and does not appear to
be associated with real industrialization. As a result, high levels of unemploy-
ment and over-dependence on traditional biomass fuels characterize
urbanization. As cities grow larger, so does the demand for woodfuel and
production areas progressively move further away into distant rural areas.
Paradoxically, increasing distances to charcoal production areas does not neces-
sarily translate into higher real fuel prices, possibly because of dynamic changes
in the charcoal transportation system; larger vehicles replacing smaller vehicles
as distances to forest areas increase. From a welfare perspective, this is a good
thing as it maintains affordable charcoal prices among the urban poor. However,
without a corresponding investment in proper dry forest and woodland manage-
ment, the environmental costs of forest clearing are likely to be much higher
than is currently perceived by policy-makers.
Dry forest and woodland clearing for woodfuel production does not neces-
sarily result in permanent deforestation, and forest recovery is possible with
good management. Good management requires dedicated production areas,
development of harvesting plans and enforcement, efficient revenue collection,
improvement in charcoal production efficiency, control of forest conversion to
other land uses, protection of harvested areas from uncontrolled bush fires and
overgrazing and, in some cases, tree planting, especially of fast growing indige-
nous species, such as those of the genus Acacia. Unfortunately, few countries
are making adequate investment, both human and financial, in dry forest and
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woodland management. There is also a general lack of enabling legislation,

policies and political commitment to encourage the participation of the private
sector and local communities in sustainable forest management.
Woodfuel production contributes significantly, in some cases 60–80 per
cent, to rural household income and therefore to poverty reduction in produc-
tion areas. Sustainable dry forest and woodland management is therefore key to
the maintenance of forest-based income generation in rural areas supplying
charcoal to urban markets.
The following recommendations are made to support good dry forest and
woodland management for the sustainable supply of charcoal to urban markets:
• Given that the environmental and social (loss of forest has negative impacts
on welfare given that forests are important safety nets for the poor) costs of
woodfuel production potentially outweigh the benefits, governments should
review extra-sectoral policies, including urban, land and energy policies,
and provide targeted subsidies that can shift energy use to alternative or
more efficient energy systems.
• Governments should, through a process of participatory engagement with
local communities and traditional leaders, set aside areas that can be
dedicated and managed for sustainable woodfuel production. In addition,
previous charcoal production areas that are not converted to other land uses
should be surveyed, demarcated and brought under proper forest manage-
ment to promote forest regeneration for future woodfuel production.
Different management regimes, ranging from state to community and
private sector, should be explored and implemented depending on the
prevailing circumstances. For communities to actively and successfully
participate in forest management, legal and administrative provisions that
ensure that communities benefit from forest utilization and management
should be implemented.
• Local communities are sometimes better placed to collect stumpage fees at
production sites than forest departments that often wait for producers to
come and pay the stumpage fee at forest department offices. Local commu-
nities should, therefore, be legally and administratively empowered, and
local capacity developed, to collect and account for the revenue from
stumpage for woodfuel production. A portion of the revenue should be
invested in sustainable forest management.
• Governments should continue, and improve, the collection of woodfuel
conveyance fees but should ensure that a portion of the revenue is spent on
sustainable forest management.
REFERENCES
Alabe, M. (1994) ‘Rural and urban energy assessment in developing countries’,
Published Seminar Paper presented to the Faculty of Technology, Buyero University,
Kano, Nigeria
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Livestock and Wildlife
James Gambiza, Emmanuel Chidumayo, Herbert Prins,

Hervé Fritz and Petros Nyathi
INTRODUCTION
Dry forests and woodlands as defined in Chapter 2, make up most of the sub-
Saharan grazing lands that support large populations and biomass of both wild
(native) and domesticated (exotic) mammalian herbivores. In most African dry
forests and woodlands the biomass of domestic livestock equals or exceeds that
of wild herbivores (Cumming, 1982; Mott et al, 1985). For example, average
biomass of wild and domestic herbivores in nine southern African countries
(Angola, Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Tanzania,
Zambia and Zimbabwe) is estimated at 370 ± 80 and 2620 ± 630kg per km2,
respectively (du Toit and Cumming, 1999). Similarly the biomass of 1543kg per
km2 of wild animals in Lolldaiga Hills ranch in Laikipia district in Kenya was lower
than that of 6512kg per km2 of cattle and sheep (Mizutani, 1999). However, the
wild herbivore fauna is the most diverse, especially in eastern and southern Africa.
In contrast, western African dry forests and woodlands currently support lower
numbers and smaller biomass of wild herbivores due to a number of factors,
including high hunting pressure, impoverished soils and low quality vegetation
with a low carrying capacity (Frost et al, 1986). Carrying capacity determines the
maximum livestock and/or wildlife population that a habitat or ecosystem can
support on a sustainable basis. The carrying capacity concept has particular
relevance in the management of wildlife and livestock in African dry forests and
woodlands where animal production is largely based on free-ranging regimes. It is
for this reason that this chapter concentrates on free ranging wildlife and livestock.
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The chapter describes the diversity of wildlife and livestock, rangelands and
their management and the contribution of livestock and wildlife to livelihoods
and national economies. The emphasis is on livestock and wildlife management
systems based on natural rangelands with no or minimal external inputs and
those based on mixed crop-livestock production in which the livestock is free
ranging. The last section highlights the key issues concerning wildlife and
livestock in African dry forest and woodland ecosystems.
LIVESTOCK AND WILDLIFE SPECIES

Species diversity
The total number of wild ungulates in African dry forests and woodlands is
estimated at 98 species. Dry forests and woodlands with the richest assem-
blages contain more than 30 large herbivore species (Prins and Olff, 1998).
These have the most species-rich ungulate fauna on earth (Olff et al, 2002).
According to Olff et al (2002), because larger herbivore species tolerate lower
plant-nutrient content but require greater plant abundance, the highest poten-
tial herbivore diversity should occur in locations with intermediate moisture
and high soil nutrients. Another explanation for wild ungulate species richness
and high biomass may be due the high spatial heterogeneity of African dry forest
and woodlands and savanna ecosystems.
The main livestock species in dry forests and woodlands of Africa are cattle,
goats, sheep and donkeys. In Somalia, northern Kenya and southern Ethiopia,
Arabian camels (or dromedaries) are also important to semi-nomadic herders.
The only ungulate domesticated solely in Africa, is the donkey, which origi-
nated in northeast Africa. None of the other domesticated ungulates are
indigenous to Africa. Domestic livestock have had a dramatic effect on land
use, people’s livelihoods and the ecology of dry forests, however. The increase
in the population of cattle, goats and sheep from 1996 to 2005 in 12 African
dry forest and woodland countries is shown in Figure 8.1. During this period
the cattle population grew at about 2 per cent per annum while that of goats
and sheep grew at about 2.5 per cent and 4.1 per cent per annum, respectively.
These figures indicate that there has been a steady increase in these livestock
populations in African dry forest and woodland countries. The livestock of
equines includes horses, donkeys and mules. Large numbers of equines and
camels are found in arid and semi-arid regions of Africa.
Food and feeding habits

Many authors have observed the dietary overlap between livestock and wildlife
herbivores (Dekker, 1997; du Toit et al, 1995; Rees, 1974). Figure 8.2 shows
the dietary separation between livestock and wildlife species. The species
included in Figure 8.2 can be divided into three feeding groups: predominantly
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LIVESTOCK AND WILDLIFE
Figure 8.1 Changes in cattle, goat and sheep populations between

1996 and 2005 in 12 African dry forest and woodland countries
Note: The 12 countries are Botswana, Burkina Faso, Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Mali, Namibia, Niger,
Nigeria, Tanzania, Uganda and Zimbabwe.
Source: Based on FAO (2006)
grazers, mixed feeders and predominantly browsers. Cattle and sheep are
grazers and mixed feeders, respectively, while goats are browsers. The diversity
of feeding groups is larger among wild herbivores. However, beyond these three
feeding groups, some species exhibit seasonal variations in their diet. For
example, Field (1972) observed significant seasonal differences in the diet of
most wild herbivores in Uganda. Consequently, diet-overlaps may vary season-
ally and in some cases spatially. The existence of diet overlap may not always
imply competition as different species may utilize the same food source at
different heights and thereby reduce the degree of competition. For example,
Arsenault and Owen-Smith (2008) observed that the grass height grazed by
impala, wildebeest, zebra and white rhino, did not simply follow the pattern
expected from body size differences because white rhino consistently utilized
shorter grass than the three smaller grazers. Moreover, the smallest species,
impala, tended to use grass heights intermediate between those grazed by wilde-
beest and zebra. Nevertheless, wildebeest generally used shorter grass than
zebra. Hence the observed pattern of grass height use corresponded more to
the relative bite width of these animals than body size.
In free-ranging systems, browse species constitute an effective insurance
against seasonal feed shortage in the dry season, supplementing the quantity
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Figure 8.2 Separation of livestock and wildlife species on the

basis of diet composition
Source: Based on data from various sources
and quality of pasture. However, the utilization of browse is limited by the high
lignin content and the presence of anti-nutritional factors, including plant
chemical defences produced after a period of browsing, which may be toxic to
ruminants (Sanon, 2007). The most important factor is tannin, which decreases
the digestibility in browse fodders. A level of tannin below 5 per cent seems to
be tolerable for ruminant animals.
The accessible biomass varies according to the animal species, the plant
species and the height of the plants. For example, goats browsing at a higher
height had more edible biomass than sheep. The amount of accessible edible
biomass as a percentage of total edible biomass decreased with increasing plant
height for all the tree species studied. Cattle, sheep and goats although using
the same rangelands showed different grazing behaviour (Figure 8.3), which
also varied seasonally, depending on forage availability. The preference of cattle
and sheep for grazing, especially in the rainy season, suggests that they could
exert great pressure on the herbaceous cover when grazing together in the same
area, resulting in degradation of this resource while cattle and goats grazing
together could be advantageous (Sanon, 2007), although this also depends on
stocking density, grazing practices and ecosystem health.
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Figure 8.3 Annual diet composition of livestock in semi-arid Mali

Source: Based on Bellefontaine et al (2000)
Multi-species herbivore communities tend to utilize rangelands more

uniformly than cattle alone (Walker, 1976, 1979). This occurs either through
inter-specific niche separation (Lamprey, 1963) or overlapping and flexible
habitat use (Walker, 1976). Consequently, it has been argued that wildlife
production is ecologically the most rational form of land use in such areas (Child
and Child, 1986), although this varies with amount of rainfall. In areas with
rainfall of over 650mm per annum, a system of either livestock alone or a mixed
wildlife-livestock would be more suitable than in areas with less than 650mm
rainfall. Here wildlife would be the preferred form of land use under current
global environmental constraints of keeping large numbers of livestock that
contribute to the production and emissions of greenhouse gases, such as
methane in livestock manure.
In terms of above ground biomass of herbaceous plants and woody leaf,
there appear to be noticeable differences between the Sudanian and Zambezian
phytoregions with the former having more herbaceous biomass than woody
plant leaf biomass and the opposite pattern in the Zambezian region (Figure
8.4). The Kalahari has the highest herbaceous biomass and the Somali-Masai
the least. If these data (from various sources) are a good representation of the
situation on the ground, then one would expect a higher biomass of browsers in
the Zambezian region than in the Sudanian region.
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Figure 8.4 Aboveground herbaceous and woody plant leaf biomass

in different phytoregions in sub-Saharan Africa
Source: Based on data from various sources
Complementarity or displacement
Surveys suggest that over 65 per cent of the original wildlife habitat in Africa’s
dry forests and woodlands has been lost (Kiss, 1990) as a result of agricultural
expansion, deforestation, and overgrazing, which have been fuelled by rapid
human population growth and poverty. As a result, protected areas are becom-
ing increasingly ecologically isolated while wildlife on adjacent lands is actively
eliminated (Newmark and Hough, 2000). In some cases protected areas have
been encroached upon with people living inside protected areas and practising
their livelihoods. This is placing significant pressures on resources and biodiver-
sity. Of all livestock production systems, grazing systems that are based almost
exclusively on livestock kept on rangelands (i.e. unimproved grasslands, shrub-
lands, savannas) with no or only limited integration with crops and relying little
on imported inputs (Steinfeld et al, 1997) are the most likely to coincide
geographically with areas of high value for wildlife and other forms of biodiver-
sity (Mearns, 1996).
Outside areas exclusively set aside for wildlife conservation, livestock and
native herbivores share land, water, forage and diseases, and the fate of wildlife
in such areas largely depends on both the interactions between wildlife and
livestock (Grootenhuis and Prins, 2000) and on the people who live close to
conservation areas. For example, in East Africa the majority of the populations
of native herbivore species occur outside protected areas (Rannestad et al,
2006). This is in sharp contrast to western and southern Africa where most of
the native herbivore species are largely confined to protected conservation areas
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(see Chapter 3). Furthermore, the majority of African protected areas are small
which makes adjacent rangelands potentially important in the local survival of
wild herbivores.
Historically, efforts to exterminate populations of wild species have taken
place in many areas of Africa perhaps because of the perception that wildlife had
little value, minimal knowledge of the role of wildlife in disease transmission and
inappropriate colonial policies. Examples include black rhinoceros south of the
Ngorongoro Crater because they were a menace for farmers (Prins, 1996;
Stanley, 2000), wildebeest in Botswana because they were thought to compete
for grazing and spread malignant catarrh (Spinage, 1992), elimination of all game
to keep disease-free corridors along the border between Tanzania and Zambia
(Plowright, 1982) and of lions and wild dog because they were thought to
prevent the recovery of game species (Stevenson-Hamilton, 1974). They all have
in common the objective of extermination based on assumptions, beliefs, or
proof that wild species were interfering with desired management goals.
In arid land ecosystems, these seasonal movements of many ungulate
species play a critical role in their survival. Erecting fences for the protection of
livestock against contagious diseases has often disrupted these migration routes,
sometimes resulting in local extinction of wildlife species. For example, fences
have caused massive mortality in wildebeest in Botswana that were prevented
from migrating by fences during droughts (Spinage, 1992). From 1960 to the
present, veterinary control fences have been built in Botswana, Namibia, South
Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The early fences were mainly directed at the
control of foot and mouth disease but, as veterinary research progressed in the
latter half of the 20th century, it became apparent that numerous other diseases
affecting cattle had to be considered (Morkel, 1988). The fence along the inter-
national boundary between Botswana and Namibia was constructed in the early
1960s and disrupted wildlife movement between the two countries.
Perhaps the most important habitat modification results from the use of
fire and tree felling to create an environment unsuitable for tsetse flies (Ford,
1971) or the felling of trees to increase grass production. The use of fire
especially causes a decrease of woody species and an increase in grass cover
(Norton-Griffiths, 1979; Van Wijngaarden, 1985; Buss, 1990; Dublin, 1995).
The combination of cattle, small-stock, and fire over hundreds of years proba-
bly has had a profound effect on wildlife herbivores by creating habitats suitable
to livestock keeping (Smith, 1992; Stutton, 1993; Marshall, 1994) although
some wildlife species have benefited and their numbers have increased. Also,
by the provision of water and locating available fodder, domestic stock become
extreme generalists and can dominate the rangelands with human assistance
(Homewood and Rodgers, 1991). In arid drought-prone rangelands, low-input
animals, such as zebu cattle are physiologically adapted to ‘track’ available feed
and water supply by shifting their metabolic rate by season and between years,
thus permitting optimum exploitation of highly variable environments. In the
semi-arid and arid areas, wildlife species such as the oryx or the addax have
developed mechanisms to cope with low and erratic water supply and, there-
fore, can use areas that livestock cannot access. Unfortunately, in western
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Africa, most of the ungulates adapted to arid conditions are close to extinction,
perhaps because of the combined effects of hunting using modern weapons and
provision of artificial water-points and expansion of livestock into areas where
there was competition with arid-adapted ungulates such as addax and Scimitar-
horned oryx.
Livestock are threatened by a number of diseases to which wildlife species
have developed a high degree of resistance, such as trypanosomiasis, although
the wildlife-livestock-human disease interface is still not well understood.
According to Grootenhuis (2000) the main cost of wildlife to livestock appears
to accrue from disease interaction, though at the same time, diseases harboured
by livestock also pose an enormous threat to wildlife. For example, the popula-
tion of greater kudu in Namibia, a very important trophy animal, was reduced
by some 40,000 individuals by rabies originating from dogs (Mcdonald, 1993;
Swanepoel et al, 1993) and the number of lions in the Serengeti was recently
reduced by 30 per cent due to canine distemper, also harboured by domestic
dogs (see also Alexander and Appel, 1994).
Complementarity of wildlife and livestock can also refer to forage use. As
an example, giraffe that browse up to a height of 5m or more can keep the
savanna open and thus create more room for shrubs, smaller trees and herba-
ceous vegetation, accessible to livestock. Grazing by livestock can also be
beneficial for wildlife. Moderate grazing favours plant biodiversity. Livestock
grazing around wetlands brings additional nutrients into these areas, which can
then support higher populations of water birds or fish (Brouwer, 2001), and the
livestock and birds can coexist without disturbing each other (Touré et al, 2001)
as long as the population density of livestock and their owners is not too high.
In the moister semi-arid and sub-humid rangelands, range management
practices such as controlled burning can be beneficial for both livestock and
wildlife.
Another aspect of complementarity is in terms of food security. Hunting of
wildlife tends to be intensified in dry years when crop yields are low and when
livestock may also not perform well, although under such conditions there is
always a danger that hunting pressures may be acute and unsustainable in the
long-term. According to Kreuter and Workman (1997) the skills required to
manage cattle and wildlife operations also differ. While successful cattle ranch-
ers may be insular, safari operators require good public relations skills in order
to attract and entertain hunting clients. Both should have good business and
range management skills, but cattle ranchers also require animal husbandry skills
while safari operators require tracking and hunting experience and knowledge
of the habitats and behaviour of wildlife species favoured by commercial clients.
Thus, the land and management needs for cattle and wildlife ranching do not
readily coincide. While cattle can be managed independently by each rancher,
landowners could pool their ranches for the limited purpose of safari hunting.
In the case of community-based natural resources management, the local people
may still keep livestock while benefiting from wildlife revenues from safari
hunting. A summary of the advantages and disadvantages of wildlife and
livestock is given in Table 8.1.
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Table 8.1 Comparative analysis of advantages and disadvantages of

wildlife and livestock land uses
Advantages Disadvantages
Livestock are easily controlled and bred. Livestock can be an expensive investment for poor
farmers; if the animal dies, the loss can be
devastating.
Ownership and tenure are well defined. Livestock are prone to disease, especially in
remote, ‘wild’ areas.
State support and subsidies are often Livestock are not as resilient as wildlife to local
offered. environmental changes such as droughts (certain
animals excluded).
Livestock are easily traded for cash, goods Access to grazing is often controlled by
and services. local elites.
The benefits are immediate when livestock Environmental costs result if ranges are poorly
are sold or consumed, and transaction managed.
costs tend to be minimal.
Livestock can be used for work.
The preference for meat of wildlife over Wildlife is a mobile resource and difficult
that of domestic animals. to control.
Strong cultural sentiment or religious There is rarely individual ownership (unless
significance of wildlife. the animal is dead).
Strong link to wildlife hunting in sport Tenure over wildlife rests with the state or,
and culture. in some cases, the community but not with the
individual unless the land title is freehold.
Wildlife’s superior disease resistance and Wildlife resources usually require a collective
tolerance of local environmental change. management system, often even where land title
is held individually.
Generally (although not always) better use Wildlife often poses a threat to other livelihoods
of and impact on habitat by wildlife than through direct competition or disease
by domestic stock (an exception being transmission.
large elephant populations in southern
Africa, which confer negative impact).
Income or other benefits to the community In communally managed situations, direct
if there is a community-based natural resource consumptive use is often discouraged and
management (CBNRM) programme present. sometimes made illegal.
Source: Based on Murphree (2003)
RANGELANDS AND THEIR MANAGEMENT

Characteristics of rangelands
In Africa, rangelands are estimated to cover about 13.4 million km2 or 60 per
cent of the continent. In the drier part of western Africa receiving less than
800mm annual rainfall, grasses are predominantly annuals, except on run-on
sites that accumulate more soil moisture, whose productivity is almost entirely
determined by rainfall. Perennial grasses dominate in eastern and southern
Africa even at lower annual rainfall of up to 400mm, especially in eastern Africa,
perhaps because rainfall is bimodal, but even here the proportion of ephemeral
annuals increases in dry years (Njoka, 1994; Herlocker et al, 1993).
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Number of browse species
Figure 8.5 Abundance of browse species in different

ecological zones of western Africa
Source: Based on Le Houérou (unpublished)
The browse resource is a key food for grazing animals, especially in the dry
season, because of the diversity of species, the length of the production cycle,
the variety of feed components (fresh and dry leaves, flowers and fruits/pods)
and the high protein content and minerals (Sanon, 2007). Rangeland produc-
tion in the Sahel is highly seasonal, with a rainy season occurring from June to
September. The herbaceous layer is composed almost exclusively of annual
plants, the composition and growth rate of which are strongly influenced by the
pattern and amount of seasonal rainfall. Most of the trees and shrubs are decid-
uous but have longer leaf longevity and production cycles than the herbaceous
plants. Wickens (1980) estimated that the flora of tropical Africa, including dry
forests and woodlands, contains more than 7000 species of trees or shrubs of
which at least 75 per cent are browsed to a greater or lesser extent. In western
Africa peak abundance of browse species is in Sudanian woodlands and declines
northwards in sahel and southwards in the Guinea dry forest (Figure 8.5). Hood
(1972) identified a total of 14 browse species in a 1.24ha wet miombo in north-
ern Zambia although only eight of these were palatable.
Grazing systems
Within the context of African dry forests and woodlands two livestock manage-
ment systems are recognized (Upton, 2004). These are (i) rangeland-based
systems and (ii) mixed crop-livestock systems. The systems vary in terms of the
land required for production and the degree of intensification. Rangeland-based
systems depend on feed from extensive areas of rangelands mainly in arid and
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semi-arid regions. Feed mainly consists of herbaceous species and browse. The
degree of intensification ranges from relatively low in traditional subsistence
systems to high in commercial systems. The livestock species kept in rangeland-
based systems include cattle, goats, sheep and camels. According to Upton
(2004) mixed crop-livestock production systems are the most important source
of ruminant livestock production globally. In Africa, these systems are common
in regions where rainfall is adequate to support the cultivation of crops in some
years. As highlighted earlier, crop and livestock production complement each
other in the smallholder sector (Rukuni, 1994). Livestock provide draught power
and manure that are used for crop production. Crop residues and other plant
materials are in turn fed to livestock. Upton (2004) has argued that livestock
and crops compete for land as livestock numbers and intensity of production
increase. Generally the same livestock species are kept as in the rangeland-based
livestock production systems but the degree of intensification is higher.
Herdsmen practising varying degrees of transhumance have traditionally
managed natural steppe and savanna rangelands. While using these rangelands,
they try to strike a balance between grazing grass in its optimum stage, seeking
water (ponds, rivers, wells), minimizing the inconveniences and risks from
insects (flies, horseflies, tsetse flies) and moving around avoiding conflict with
the farmers (Bellefontaine et al, 2000). In western Africa during the rainy
season, the herds use the pastures in the drier parts of the Sudanian zone and
drink at temporary ponds and/or wells and are generally spread out widely. At
the beginning of the dry season, after the crops are harvested, the herds can
move into the wetter Sudanian zone and utilize greener and hence more nutri-
tious grass on natural vegetation, fallow-lands, river flood-plains, post-fire
regrowth or crop residues (Bellefontaine et al, 2000).
Thus in semi-arid rangelands where rainfall variability is large, opportunistic
rangeland exploitation appears to be more advantageous than a sedentary utiliza-
tion of rangelands. According to Bayer and Waters-Bayer (1994) pastoralists in
both sedentary and nomadic herd systems have developed a variety of survival
strategies. These strategies include:
• Keeping herds with a mixture of animal species which feed on different

components of the vegetation (see Figure 8.3).
• Maximizing herd size during favourable periods so that animal losses during
drought do not reduce herd size below a viable level.
• Using adapted breeds that have a lower demand on forage during periods of
low supply.
• Adjusting herd composition so that animals with lower nutrient require-
ments are kept during dry periods.
• Opportunistic movement of herds to track sporadic rainfall events in arid
zones.
• Opportunistic or regular movement of herds to use more productive key
forage resources, such as wetlands, together with less productive upland
range in the same agro-ecological zone.
• Regular movement of herds between different agro-ecological zones.
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This was also observed by De Leeuw and Tothill (1993) who noted that tradi-
tional livestock owners in semi-arid and Sudanian zones in western Africa have
adopted several strategies to reduce fodder quality constraints in the dry season
that include herd mobility and reliance on feed sources other than dry standing
grass.
Transhumance patterns in western Africa can involve long-distance treks to
better feed sources in floodplains, such as the Niger river and its tributary, the
Benue river, or along the shores of Lake Chad. In northern Nigeria, sedentary
stock-owners herd their animals to cultivated land to feed on crop residues
after harvest in the early dry season. In central Mali rice straw and grass
regrowth in fields that were irrigated during the wet season are grazed by cattle
during the dry season, while small stock are taken to upland grazing grounds to
browse.
The desirable criteria for forage are provision of palatable non-toxic nutri-
tious foliage and fruit, ability to withstand browsing, lopping, pruning and
coppicing, and quick growing especially during the early stages of growth
(Wickens, 1995). In this respect, trees provide a valuable browse for game and
livestock including nutritious pods. Depending on the species, a flush of growth
is often available at the end of the dry season before the grasses start to grow.
Woody vegetation therefore provides a high quality food source at the critical
period. Browse is essential to all herbivores in arid and semi-arid zones since
grasses alone are unable to supply maintenance requirements for more than a
few months of the year. For example, in Niger cattle deprived of dry season
browse suffered vitamin A deficiency.
In some cases encroachment onto grazing land, including creation of
national parks and game reserves and by squatter farmers, is listed high as a
cause of increasing grazing pressure. It can be argued, however, that converting
land from grazing to crops increases overall feed supplies, in particular in sub-
humid areas with high fire frequencies. Fire hazards are lessened by greater
herbage and woody biomass removal and a greater heterogeneity and patchiness
of the vegetation. Defoliation by livestock tends to increase tillers, shoots at the
base of tussock grasses, although few tillers may reach the flowering stage.
Under extreme continuous grazing pressure shorter cycle and lower yielding
annuals replace longer cycle species and although these are palatable they are
very resistant to grazing due to their short growing period (De Leeuw and Reid,
unpublished). The transhumant herdsmen seasonally utilize large geographical
areas to ensure a fairly balanced diet for their livestock. Seasonal transhumance
between lowlands and highlands is practised in parts of eastern Africa whereas
in western Africa transhumance is between drier areas during the wet season
and more humid areas during the dry season. In eastern and southern Africa
woodland trees produce new leaves two months before the onset of the rainy
season (Lawton, 1980), and similar observations have been made for some rare
species in the Sudanian zone of western Africa. This phenological behaviour of
woody plants in dry forest and woodlands is widely exploited by the herdsmen.
Yields of deep-rooted woody species generally vary less than those of herba-
ceous plants but they also are affected by water-stress. Although some woody
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species are well adapted to severe defoliation, most trees and shrubs suffer
under heavy browsing and cutting (Bayer and Waters-Bayer, 1994).
Rangeland management practices

There are a number of traditional and conventional practices applied in the
management of rangeland resources. These include controlled grazing levels,
resting or deferred grazing, burning and a variety of silvopastoral practices.
There is evidence to support the view that light or moderate grazing by
livestock increases rangeland productivity in many grazing systems. For
example, removal of coarse, dead stems by fire permits the regrowth of nutri-
tious new shoots in grasses such as Themeda triandra in African savannas.
Resting, a term used when livestock are excluded from a grazing area for a
certain period of time, is a comparatively simple way of countering the effects
of overgrazing for what is generally only a short period of time. In extreme
cases, resting is needed for several years (see also Box 10.1). It may also be
accompanied by some light regeneration operations. Short resting may be one
element of grassland management. In the Sahelian zone, during the rainy season,
it permits optimum development of annual grasses, a good dissemination of
seeds and may help to regenerate woody plants. In the Sudanian zone, it guaran-
tees greater grass production that, once burnt, makes it possible to properly
control brush encroachment. The two notions of resting and deferred grazing
are not the same but in practice resting coincides most of the time with deferred
grazing of an area (Bellefontaine et al, 2000). In western Africa the period of
protection ranges from 1.5 to 5 years. The main reason for such a protection
regime is to protect all highly palatable natural regeneration from browsing and
to prevent soil compaction following exposure and trampling by livestock.
A silvicultural system is a set of rules applied to a rangeland in order to
ensure its renewal. One such system is the coppice system, which in a broad
sense involves different patterns of tree cutting for biomass harvesting and
regeneration. This includes pruning, pollarding, topping and thinning, as well as
using livestock to promote tree regeneration.
In the African woodlands pruning is a practice used to supply fodder and/or
firewood and to reduce crop shade. In Niger, the pruning of the Acacia nilotica
bottomland formations is recommended to produce wood and fodder and to
use the small spiny branches in order to protect the natural regeneration in the
clearings (Peltier et al, 1995).
Pollarding or trimming-out consists of cutting off tips of branches or young
adventitious shoots on the main stem of a tree. Pollarding is widely used in
some areas to keep the browse accessible to livestock (Wickens, 1995), although
continuous browsing should be avoided because browsers tend to overexploit
preferred species that may be killed (Figure 8.6). It is therefore necessary to
practice rotational grazing to reduce mortality of preferred browse species.
Topping in rangelands often involves the virtual removal of all the branches
for fodder production at the end of the dry season, and fruit production by
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Figure 8.6 Tree stump mortality caused by browsing by cattle

in wet miombo in northern Zambia
Note: The species disappeared in order of browsing preference as follows: Baphia bequaertii (open
circles), Brachystegia spiciformis (closed circles), Julbernadria paniculata (open triangles) and Isoberlinia
angolensis (closed triangles).
Source: Based on Hood (1972)
controlling tree height to facilitate fruit gathering. It also enables sprouts to

occur at a safe height, out of reach of browse or fire damage.
Thinning is usually carried out in order to encourage the development of
certain trees considered to be valuable. However, thinning can be applied in
rangeland management to promote herbage production. For example, in
miombo woodlands of eastern and southern Africa, tree shading depresses
herbage production that is required for grazing. Opening up the canopy by
thinning or clear-cutting can promote herbage production (Hood, 1972) and
therefore improve grazing. When thinning is done by cutting trees at stump
level, then the trunks produce resprout shoots that can provide additional forage
for livestock.
Seed dispersal by both wild and domestic ruminants is known to encourage
tree regeneration in rangelands. For example, the seeds of some plant species
are spread efficiently by being carried in cattle guts, then deposited in dung in
favourable seed beds or trampled into the soil. This favours the recruitment of
tree species under certain conditions by grazing animals. Reid and Ellis (1995)
found that goats play a key role in enhancing recruitment reliability of Acacia
tortilis in South Turkana, Kenya. The passage of herbage through the gut and
out as faeces modifies the nitrogen cycle, so that grazed pastures tend to be
richer in nitrogen than ungrazed ones.
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Wildlife-based management systems

Most African dry forest and woodland ecosystems are rich in wild large mammal
species. Best known are the eastern and southern African woodland/savanna
systems that teem with unparalleled populations of large mammals. The trees
and grasslands provide forage, browse and habitat to many wildlife animals. In
turn a large number of carnivorous animals also depend on the herbivores
forming an intricate food chain, which ultimately depends on the dry forests
and woodlands/savannas. The increasing demand for nature-based recreation
has induced a dynamic private sector involvement in the management of game
reserves and parks in Kenya, Namibia and South Africa.
Many wildlife-based tourism activities revolve around woodland/savanna
ecosystems, establishing a strong cause-and-effect relationship between eco-
tourism development and woodland and savanna use. This is particularly
important for the woodlands and savannas of Africa since these support many
animal species. The capacity of dry forests and woodlands/savannas to support
wildlife depends on how they are protected and managed. Most countries with
dry woodlands and savannas have a vibrant wildlife sector based on networks of
national parks, game reserves, game management areas, state hunting conces-
sion areas, communal lands and private lands. Different management systems
are imposed on the land types with a more intensive management on private
lands. Controlling fires is perhaps the most common woodland management
strategy in the wildlife management areas. For example, ranchers use fire to
stimulate new grass growth and to control encroachment or recruitment of
woody plants in rangeland.
Nowadays schemes which involve local communities in managing natural
resources and gaining financial benefits are common throughout the world and
more so in developing countries (e.g. CAMPFIRE in Zimbabwe: Bond and
Frost, 2005). Community-based wildlife management schemes in woodland
and savanna systems have become an important channel for the capture of
international funding and are generating good financial returns for communi-
ties (Barnes, 2001). For example, hunting safaris have effectively doubled the
areas used for wildlife conservation in Africa through the provision of incen-
tives for setting aside area for wildlife and habitat protection. The areas include
state owned concessions, wildlife management areas where local communities
live but where wildlife is the primary land-use such as are found in Botswana,
Namibia and Tanzania, and Game Management Areas where communities live
and wildlife is not a primary land use, such as in Zambia and Communal Areas
Management Programs for Indigenous Resources (CAMPFIRE) in Zimbabwe
(Lindsey et al, 2007). Nature-based tourism is also being advocated as a way
of stopping illicit networks of poachers and traffickers through empowering
local communities (Duffy, 2006). Box 8.1 shows some examples of commu-
nity-based wildlife management programmes in selected African countries and
regions.
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BOX 8.1 COMMUNITY-BASED NATURAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT

AFRICA
PROGRAMMES IN SELECTED COUNTRIES AND REGIONS IN
• CAMPFIRE (Communal Areas Management Program for Indigenous Resources)

in Zimbabwe
• ADMADE (Administrative Management Design Programme) in Zambia
• ZICGC (Zones d’Interêt Cynegetique à Gestion Communautaire) in Cameroon
• GEPRE-NAF (Gestion Participative des Ressources Naturelles et de la Faune) in
western Africa
• ECOPAS (Ecosystèmes Protégés en Afrique Sudano-Sahélienne)
Source: Lindsey et al (2007)
CONTRIBUTION TO LIVELIHOODS AND ECONOMY

Contribution to livelihoods
Given the large herbivore assemblages of African woodlands and savannas and
their high productivity (Prins, 1994, 1996), the question that arises is why
would people adopt livestock rearing and give up a hunter-forager lifestyle?
Indeed, elsewhere it has been shown that the potential meat yields for tradi-
tional hunting range from 250kg per km2 per year (in a system dominated by
migratory game: Serengeti National Park in northern Tanzania) to 500kg per
km2 per year (in a system dominated by sedentary game: Lake Manyara
National Park, also in northern Tanzania) (Prins, 1994). This compares
favourably with present-day African pastoralism, which yields approximately
800kg per km2 per year (Prins, 1994). The biggest benefit of pastoralism in
comparison to hunting-gathering appears to be the reduction in uncertainty of
food procurement. Indeed, Wetterstrom (1993) also gave this as the most
important explanation for the adoption of domesticates in Egypt around
7000 BP, and Muzzolini (1993) gave a comparable explanation for the transition
in the Sahara around 5500 BP. Most likely, the biggest advantage of the domes-
tic species is their potential to produce milk (and blood) that can be collected
quite easily. Thus, when production is not market-oriented but is aimed at self-
sufficiency, the exploitation of woodlands and savannas through herding
livestock appears to be superior to hunting not so much because secondary
productivity is higher under herding but especially because it is less risk-prone
than hunting. Whatever the exact mechanism, eventually pastoral societies
emerged in eastern, western and southern African woodlands and savannas.
Rangelands, including woodlands and savannas occupy about 90 per cent of
the agricultural land in Africa and sustain the livelihoods of 25 million people.
Grazing systems are usually geared to the production of multiple outputs,
including meat, milk, blood, hides and skins, dung fuel, transportation and flexi-
ble household capital reserves, while ranching systems are generally geared more
narrowly towards meat production (Mearns, 1996). The livelihoods of millions
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Table 8.2 Effect of herd size (number of animals) on maize production factors
in the communal agricultural sector in Zimbabwe
Production factor Explanatory power (r2) of herd size

on production factor
Area under maize (ha) 96%

Area manured (ha) 99%
Manure applied (tonnes) 97%
Maize yield (kg per ha–1) 97%
Source: Based on Rukuni (1994)
of people in Africa are therefore dependent on livestock (Shackleton et al,

2001, 2005; Dovie et al, 2006). Cattle, goats and sheep are the dominant
livestock species kept. They are kept for multiple purposes resulting in both
direct and indirect benefits. Direct benefits include provision of meat, milk,
blood, draught power, manure, cash and many cultural functions. Important
indirect benefits are demonstrated by the interaction between crop production
and livestock ownership. For example, Rukuni (1994) found an important
positive relationship between livestock ownership and crop production factors
in Zimbabwe: planted area, manure applied and maize yield increased as cattle
herd size increased (Table 8.2). This was attributed to larger cultivated areas,
improved soil fertility and structure due to use of manure, and timely plough-
ing and planting in households with large cattle herds. Thus livestock is an
important component of agricultural production contributing to food security
and human well-being.
Crop-livestock integration is the main avenue for intensification in sub-
humid dry forests and woodlands where external inputs are not available, and
can support higher rural populations than grazing systems alone. Integrated
crop-livestock systems can be environmentally beneficial, as by-products from
one production component (e.g. crop residues, manure) serve as inputs to the
other component. Livestock play a key role in energy and nutrient cycling, as
well as providing a diverse range of outputs.
Animal draught power and nutrient cycling through manure compensate
for lack of access to modern inputs, such as tractors and fertilizers. In the
Sahelian zone about 22 per cent of the total nitrogen fertilizer and 38 per cent
of phosphate is estimated to be of animal origin from the manure and repre-
sents US$1.5 billion worth of commercial fertilizer (Steinfeld et al, 1997). In
addition the use of livestock as gifts, for dowry or slaughtering for traditional
feasts or religious ceremonies reinforces family and social links.
In southern and eastern Africa wildlife management is an important comple-
ment to livestock keeping on rangelands. Income from game viewing and/or
trophy hunting can exceed the income from livestock, and a combination of
both provides higher income than livestock or wildlife alone (Kiss, 1990),
especially under community-based management systems. Although large game
animals are now rare in western Africa, smaller game animals, such as duikers,
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grass cutters (cane rats) and giant rats, contribute substantially to local meat
supply (Caspary, 1999) of the western African woodlands and savannas.
The main economic advantage of wildlife over cattle in marginal lands is
generally considered to be their potential for providing multiple products of
high value while at the same time reducing ecological pressure (Johnstone,
1975; Muir, 1988; Child, 1988). For instance, safari hunting and photo-tourism
have been found to be lucrative in semi-arid savannas with diverse wildlife
communities, depending less on high population densities than does meat
production (Muir, 1988).
However, despite claims that African wildlife can generate greater profits
than cattle (Joubert et al, 1983; Clarke et al, 1986; Hopcraft, 1986; Child,
1988), the relative profitability of extensive cattle and wildlife has not been
well established for semi-arid African savannas with a limited diversity of
wildlife.
The wildlife and the cultural landscapes of the dry forests and woodlands
of Africa provide a rich and diversified basis of eco-tourism, which includes
game safaris, trophy hunting and wildlife photography. Lindsey et al (2007)
estimated that sub-Saharan Africa receives about US$201 million per year from
trophy hunting, making trophy hunting an important driver of conservation.
According to Mearns (1996) many developing countries have adopted policies
to encourage ecotourism but only limited success has so far been achieved owing
to:
• lack of analysis of the real economic potential of ecotourism;

• failure to capture a greater proportion of ecotourism’s benefits locally and
nationally;
• failure to regulate visitor environmental and cultural impacts, arising from
the often false perception that total numbers of visitors will yield greater
revenues than efforts to increase fees and charges from a smaller number of
visitors;
• failure to provide additional funds for biodiversity conservation.
Contribution to national economies

Livestock production makes a significant contribution to GDP although its
importance in the economy differs among countries (Figure 8.7). The highest
contribution to GDP is in eastern Africa (6.0± 1.3 per cent) followed by
western Africa (4.2± 1.1 per cent) and is least in southern Africa (2.6 ± 0.5
per cent). The contribution of livestock to economic growth is likely to increase
because of the projected increase in livestock population (see Figure 8.1) and
demand for livestock products due to global growth in the human population
(Upton, 2004; AGL, 2005; Pica-Ciamarra, 2005). Furthermore, livestock is
expected to play an important role in fulfilling the Millennium Development
Goal of reducing poverty by 2015, especially given that most poor people in
Africa keep livestock and live in rural areas. However, this development goal
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Figure 8.7 Contribution of livestock to national agricultural

gross domestic product
should be weighed against the processes of human demographic dynamics and

the role of livestock in the climate change debate. Nevertheless, the livestock
sector contributes substantially to the agricultural GDP in sub-Saharan Africa,
especially when manure and draught power are included: its contribution to
GDP is estimated to be as high as 35 per cent (Winrock, 1992) and the livestock
sector alone accounts for 12.3 per cent of the GDP in Burkina Faso (FAO,
2003).
In Kenya the opportunity cost of wildlife biodiversity conservation in
protected areas measured in terms of forgone livestock and agricultural produc-
tion has been estimated at about US$203 million per year or 2.8 per cent of
total GDP, while revenues from wildlife tourism and forestry contribute only
about US$42 million per year to the national economy (Norton-Griffiths and
Southey, 1995). This is partly because, as noted above, grazing systems under
livestock are usually geared to the production of multiple outputs, while ranch-
ing systems are generally geared more narrowly towards meat production
(Mearns, 1996). Crop-livestock integration is the main avenue for intensifica-
tion in sub-humid rangelands where external inputs are not available, and can
support higher rural populations than grazing systems alone.
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Surveys suggest that over 65 per cent of the original wildlife habitat in Africa
has been lost (Kiss, 1990) as a result of agricultural expansion, deforestation,
and overgrazing, which have been fueled by rapid human population growth
and poverty (Newmark and Hough, 2000). As a result protected areas for biodi-
versity conservation are becoming increasingly ecologically isolated while
wildlife on adjacent lands is actively eliminated for various reasons. This
phenomenon, in combination with the small size of most protected areas,
indicates that in the absence of intensive management, most protected areas in
Africa will not be large enough to conserve many species (Newmark and Hough,
2000). Given the underlying determinants of habitat loss, it has been argued
that conservation activities in the field must be intimately linked with develop-
ment. This approach has gained some popularity because it provides an option
to the challenges of conserving biological diversity within existing protected
areas. The trans-boundary conservation areas in southern Africa are also aimed
at achieving conservation and livelihood objectives within large landscapes that
include many forms of land use and countries.
Additionally, rural poverty and external markets will continue to encourage
both subsistence and commercial poaching of many species within protected
areas. Analysis in Zambia suggests that it costs US$200 per km2 per year to
effectively control commercial poaching of species, such as elephant and rhinoc-
eros in protected areas (Leader-Williams and Albon, 1988). Unfortunately, few,
if any, African countries have such financial resources, and central governments
are unlikely to allocate significantly more funds for wildlife management in the
future, given the many other competing demands for governmental resources.
Recognition of these problems has led many workers to argue that the only way
to enlarge and link existing protected areas (Newmark, 1996) and control
commercial poaching (Owen-Smith and Cumming, 1993) is to develop cooper-
ative relationships with adjacent communities through community-based or
joint natural resources management approaches. This is particularly essential
because protected areas have adversely affected many indigenous people in
Africa. For example, all of the large savanna parks of eastern Africa have been
established on former Masai rangelands (Århen, 1985; Parkipuny and Berger,
1993) although the Masai have retained some degree of control in a few areas,
such as Mara.
However, implementation of a conservation-development approach in
Africa is faced with difficulties arising from external forces. For example,
sources of potential revenues in community-based or joint natural resources
management initiatives are usually unreliable and insufficient. The challenge for
wildlife conservation therefore is not simply to replace domesticated livestock
production with domesticated wildlife but to keep ecosystems healthy. In this
way ecosystems can maintain their capacity to provide goods and services while
ensuring that people have incentives to use and conserve wildlife resources.
Because exchange rate fluctuations and political turmoil often make tourist
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revenues unreliable, basing cash inducements to communities on tourism needs

to be reviewed (Barrett and Arcese, 1995). The dramatic decline in tourism in
recent years in Uganda, Kenya and Zimbabwe highlights the high vulnerability
of this industry to political unrest and economic downturns. Additionally, as
Barrett and Arcese (1995) noted, there are few protected areas in Africa where
the revenues from gate receipts exceed the cost of management; thus, it is
unlikely that many communities will ultimately benefit from such revenue-
sharing practices. Furthermore, as Norton-Griffiths and Southey (1995) have
pointed out, if opportunity costs are taken into account, protected areas and
their buffer zones may impose economic penalties on their surrounding commu-
nities that far outweigh any potential financial advantages from revenue-sharing
arrangements and pursuing such initiatives may only worsen the poverty situa-
tion in many African dry forest and woodland/savanna countries.
Sustainable rangeland development in semi-arid Africa therefore must focus
on reducing poverty by increasing the value of products derived from marginal
land. However, further studies on the spatial and temporal variation in browse
production, including a proper evaluation of production of fruits from various
browse species, are needed to generate new knowledge that can form the basis
for improving the management of rangeland resources. Increased fodder
production through planting local and improved browse species that are not
invasive and their integration in the production systems should be tested. Seed
germination and plant growth characteristics of selected local species should
also be studied.
The new thinking in rangeland ecology suggests an urgent need for training
of a new generation of range managers able to combine technical insight with
socio-economic analysis and with the ability to think holistically and link with a
multi-disciplinary team. They need to have the ability to focus on the needs of
multiple, competing users, facilitate participatory planning processes and
negotiate during conflicts, among many other technical skills.
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Plantations and Woodlots

in Africa’s Dry Forests
and Woodlands
Shabani Chamshama, Patrice Savadogo

and Crispen Marunda
INTRODUCTION
Africa’s dry forests and woodlands have been exploited for centuries. Firstly, by
local iron-smelting industries, which from 2000 years ago resulted in selective
felling of hardwoods that produced good quality charcoal. Secondly, trade in
African blackwood (Dalbergia melanoxylon) to China from eastern African
miombo woodlands. Thirdly, during the colonial period when hardwoods were
cut to supply wood for railway sleepers, timber for the mining industries (see
Chapter 6) and specialist woods (particularly African blackwood) for niche
markets such as musical instruments. By the mid-20th century timber was being
exported to Europe (Buckle, 1959). The growing population of Africans during
the same period started exerting pressure on the natural forests for timber for
construction purposes. The growth in population also led to an increase in the
demand for agricultural land leading to the clearing of large swaths of land.
Finally there was, during the post-colonial period, commercial exploitation of
high value hardwoods for export to Asia, during the construction of the
Tanzania-Zambia railway and, more recently, a major surge in hardwood use and
export during the past decade, especially to China (Mackenzie, 2006). These
factors led to the impetus towards a tree growing culture in the dry forest
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regions of Africa, which inherently have low timber yields when compared to
the tropical rain forests.
The use of dry forests and woodlands by people is well documented
(Murphy and Lugo, 1986), and consequently are most threatened and less
protected than other ecosystems (Mertz et al, 2007). Recent studies indicated
that the dry forest and woodlands regions of Africa are undergoing unprece-
dented forest and land degradation as a result of climate change and
overharvesting by human beings (Lambin, 1999; Stephenne and Lambin, 2001;
Huang et al, 2003; Wardell et al, 2003; UNEP, 2006). The causal factors of
degradation include: clearing trees for agricultural expansion; firewood gather-
ing and charcoal production; uncontrolled fires; overgrazing; human
settlements; infrastructural and industrial developments; and trade policies
(Baumer, 1990; Blay et al, 2004). Additionally, there are various underlying
causes which include high population growth, rural poverty and poor policies
(Palo, 1999; Palo et al, 2000). The main consequences of land degradation
which impact negatively on human livelihoods and the environment include:
shortages of firewood and timber; shortages of non-wood forest products; loss
of biodiversity; increased sediment deposits, siltation of dams, floods and land
slides; drying of springs and water bodies; increased incidence of waterborne
diseases; climate change and desertification (Palo, 1999; Blay et al, 2004; Lamb
et al, 2005). All these reduce land productivity and influence ecological services
and the means of existence for forest-dwelling people (Perrings, 2000; Darkoh,
2003; Zegeye et al, 2006).
The establishment and management of plantations and woodlots in the dry
regions of Africa can contribute towards availability of wood and non-wood
products as well as rehabilitation of degraded areas, and relieve some of the
pressure on natural forests and rangelands. It is because of this need that African
governments in the 1960s and 1970s, in most cases with donor support, estab-
lished plantations and assisted communities with establishment of woodlots.
Little has been documented about these plantations and woodlots especially in
the dry forest and woodland regions of Africa. The overall objective of this
chapter is to give an overview of histories of plantations and woodlots for wood
and non-wood forest products, the critical and common management practices,
and the common barriers to plantation and woodlots expansion in dry areas of
Africa. Whilst the rest of the chapters in this book focus on naturally occurring
dry forests and woodlands, this chapter focuses on plantations and woodlots.
This focus is important in that tree planting still remains a viable option to
increasing woody biomass and tree products to meet the long-term needs of the
people. In more recent times, trees have also been planted to produce environ-
mental services, such as soil stabilization and amelioration, windbreaks and
shade, and carbon sequestration. Plantations and woodlots, if well established
and protected from fire and livestock, are much more productive than natural
forests and allow economic management in a sustainable manner (FAO, 2001a).
Thus the inclusion of this chapter in the book completes the whole picture of
forests, woodlands and forestry in the dry regions of Africa.
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P L A N TAT I O N S A N D W O O D L O T S I N A F R I C A’ S D R Y F O R E S T S A N D W O O D L A N D S
PLANTATIONS AND WOODLOTS: CONTEXT

Plantations are defined as those forest stands established by planting or/and
seeding in the process of afforestation or reforestation. They are either of intro-
duced species or indigenous species which meet a minimum area requirement
of 0.5ha; tree crown cover of at least 10 per cent of the land cover; and total
height of adult trees above 5m (FAO, 2001b). Woodlots are small plantings or
clumps of trees near villages, as well as larger plantings which are intended for
firewood, building materials, poles, laths and droppers for local villages, but not
for industrial purposes, such as production of sawn timber, mining timber or
pulpwood. These woodlots are usually associated with a community.
Development of both plantations and woodlots has not been without
challenge. Particularly challenging has been the need to understand the relation-
ship between tree and site conditions and the effects of weather, especially
rainfall. Both factors called for the need to conduct thorough research into
species and seed source trials on different sites. The research has yielded a
significant body of literature on species and site productivity, and management
techniques that are employed for various species and on different sites for
different products. Furthermore, plantations have expanded to occupy a signif-
icant portion of the landscape. Consequently, the plantations and woodlots have
a landscape role in hydrology, biodiversity and carbon sequestration. Thus the
plantations and woodlots have to be seen not only for their role in supplying
wood products, but their service, support and regulative functions in the
environment.
Establishment of plantations and woodlots in Africa has also happened in a
complex policy environment. Land tenure and security are some of the policy
areas that have had a significant bearing on the success of tree planting. The net
economic and environmental impacts of plantations and woodlots have to be
assessed within the complex policy environment. Despite the technical
challenges and policy constraints, tree planting still remains an important activ-
ity, especially in the dry forest regions of Africa where timber and other forest
products from natural forests and woodlands may not meet demand.
HISTORY OF PLANTATIONS
Whilst the dry forests and woodlands of Africa produce some of the most
valuable natural timbers, the productivity of the forests is low. The establish-
ment of trees in many African countries is a viable land management option
capable of achieving economic, environmental and social benefits. Tree planting
using exotic species was mainly driven by the need to secure round-wood supply
for construction and pulp industries. Plantation forestry in various countries of
Africa was preceded by species and provenance trials mainly of exotic tree
species in the period between the mid-1800s and early 1900. Successful results
from species and provenance trials led to large-scale planting mainly using exotic
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tree species, although in some parts of Africa trials of indigenous species, such
as Afzelia quanzensis and Millettia stuhlmannii in Mozambique and Baikiaea
plurijuga in Zambia (Saramaki et al, 1986) and Zimbabwe (Calvert and
Timberlake, 1993) were also planted. There were several objectives of planta-
tion establishment depending on the ecological zone. In the humid and
sub-humid zones, the emphasis has been on high value industrial plantations
while for the semi-arid and arid areas, emphasis has been on woodfuel produc-
tion (peri-urban plantations and woodlots), as well as to improve environmental
conditions, including desertification control and sand dune fixation (FAO,
2003). However data on planted areas have not been disaggregated into ecolog-
ical zones or type of forests, whether plantations or woodlots.
The first extensive plantings of industrial tree crops in Africa occurred
during the period 1900–1945, mostly in countries with little utilizable natural
forest and where there had been an early influx of European settlers (Evans,
1992). In 1938, for example, South Africa had 520,000ha of plantations (SAIF,
2000). For many countries, most species were introduced during this period
and were planted in trial plots (Evans, 1992). There has been a steady expan-
sion in forestry plantations since 1945. In 2000 it was estimated that dry forest
and woodland countries, excluding South Africa, had plantations covering a
total of 3570km2 (FAO, 2005) but with large variations between phytoregions
and countries (Figure 9.1). South Africa alone had 15,540 km2 under planta-
tions in 2000 (FAO, 2005). According to FAO (2001b) Africa’s total plantation
area and the annual planting area are the lowest among all the continents. Across
many regions of Africa, most plantations are restricted to a few countries. In
southern Africa, 51 per cent are in South Africa, in western and central Africa,
71 per cent are in Côte d’Ivoire, Nigeria, Rwanda and Senegal, and in eastern
Africa, 96 per cent are in Ethiopia and Sudan (FAO, 2005). Eucalyptus is the
most widely planted genus covering 22.4 per cent of all planted area, followed
by Pinus (20.5 per cent), Hevea (7.1 per cent), Acacia (4.3 per cent) and
Tectona (2.6 per cent) (FAO, 2001b). The area covered by other broadleaved
and other conifers is respectively 11.2 per cent and 7.2 per cent, while the
unspecified species cover 24.7 per cent of the total area (FAO, 2001b). Drought
tolerant species, such as Eucalyptus and Acacia, are the common species planted
in the dry parts of Africa for timber, firewood, tanbark and gums. Other species
planted in dry areas include Azadirachta indica, Cupressus spp, Casuarina
equisitilifolia and Casuarina senegalensis.
The ownership of plantation forests and woodlands in Africa extends from
governments and large industrial corporations to individual farmers, and their
management varies considerably, from relatively simple and low-input to highly
sophisticated and intensive systems (FAO, 2005). Industrial plantations are 52
per cent publicly owned, 34 per cent privately owned and 14 per cent other or
unspecified (FAO, 2001b). For non-industrial plantations, 62 per cent are
publicly owned, 9 per cent privately owned and 29 per cent other or unspeci-
fied (FAO, 2001a). Because of increasing land pressure for plantation expansion,
there is now a trend for large forestry companies to go into out-grower partner-
ship schemes with communities (Mayers, 1999). In South Africa, for example
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Figure 9.1 Area under plantations in dry forest and woodland countries
in sub-Saharan Africa in 2000
Note: The value for the Zambezian phytoregion excludes South Africa.
smallholders grow trees on a contract basis with credit and fertilizer support
from large forestry companies (Cairns, 2000; Nawir et al, 2007). These out-
grower schemes are increasing the plantation forestry base and local
communities are getting involved and benefiting from plantation forestry devel-
opment.
HISTORY OF WOODLOTS
Investment in forest plantations in the 1960s to 1980s was in most countries
done with donor support, with emphasis on industrial plantations. In the 1970s
emphasis was shifted to establishment of woodlots for social or community
forestry and in the 1980s the environmental side of social forestry was
reinforced by increasing public concern regarding rapid deforestation in many
tropical countries (Person, 2003). For example, in Zimbabwe, the Rural
Afforestation Project was funded by the World Bank and its major objective
was to meet the demand for firewood and poles by setting up nurseries, small-
scale plantations, and demonstration and trial plots of high-yielding exotic
species. The planting of woodlots was largely driven by demand from commu-
nities to meet household needs for firewood, timber for construction and other
forest products. The woodlots were also established for environmental reasons,
such as providing a stop-gap measure to natural woodland deforestation through
the supply of wood. In most countries, the woodlots were established using
mainly eucalypt species because of their fast growth and high wood productiv-
ity. However, in spite of the many dry forest and woodland countries in
sub-Saharan Africa, statistics on woodlots established and areas involved are
difficult to find. The exception, although lying largely outside the geographical
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coverage of this book, is South Africa, where small-scale growers are estimated
at 19,000 with woodlots averaging 2ha and totaling 43,000ha. Most of these
woodlot owners are in Kwazulu-Natal province near the pulp mills where there
is a traditional land tenure system that suits the allocation of plots to individual
households for tree growing (Mayers et al, 2001).
Cross cutting features of the woodlots throughout Africa are that commu-
nities are organized into local level institutions; the communities receive
technical support in the form of tree seeds; training in nursery techniques and
tree culture practices is provided from state forest departments and local
NGOs; and woodlots are established in open access areas. The major problems
associated with woodlots in the past were poor choice of species, competition
for land with agricultural production, unclear ownership of the trees and
inequitable benefit sharing. In certain instances, e.g. in southern Africa, the
products from the trees (e.g. poles) were found to be more valuable than the
original intended product (firewood) leading to changes in the original objective
of tree planting. These problems led to most of the projects failing to achieve
their goals. Eucalypts were and are still the main species planted for commu-
nity woodlots in dry parts of Africa, and over the years there has been growing
concern over the high water usage of the trees leading to drying of catchments.
But still, eucalypts yield high returns. For example, in a village level survey in
Tigray in Ethiopia, Jagger and Pender (2003) illustrated that planting eucalypts
resulted in high rate of return, almost 20 per cent above the baseline scenario
where there are no plantations. So whilst there are problems with woodlots,
the potential for economic returns and supplementary income for rural house-
holds still exists.
MANAGEMENT OF PLANTATIONS IN THE

DRY AREAS OF AFRICA
The performance of plantations and woodlots in the dry forest and woodland
regions of Africa has generally been very variable. In some situations, outstand-
ing performance (up to 30m3 per hectare per year) has been observed while
poor performance (1–2m3 per hectare per yr) has been noted in other situa-
tions (Zobel et al, 1987; Tiarks et al, 1998; FAO, 2001a, 2003). A recent study
has shown that ownership pattern has significant impact on the quality of
management and productivity (Chamshama and Nwonwu, 2004). Overall,
government owned industrial or energy plantations are characterized by plant-
ing and replanting backlogs, low intensity site preparation techniques, poor
quality trees due to use of unimproved seed, low survival due to poor species-
site matching and delayed or low intensity weeding. It is also noted that they
are generally neglected or have irregular pruning and thinning, constant fire,
disease and pest attack, and generally suffer from illegal felling and encroach-
ments. Nearly all the public sector plantations were initially established with
donor support. After expiry of the donor support, funding of the plantation
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activities reverted to the governments. It is then that the many problems of

mismanagement cropped up. On the other hand, privately owned plantations
have been found to be of high productivity due to careful site selection, inten-
sive cultural practices, selection of best species/provenances and genetic
improvement through research. For the semi-arid areas, drought has also been
shown to reduce both survival and growth (Zobel et al, 1987).
With regard to individual and community woodlots, Arnold (1984), Jackson
(1984) and Taylor and Soumare (1984) have observed that in addition to some
of the above factors, variability in performance has also been shown to be due
to:
• Projects being based on the perceptions and priorities of planners and

foresters followed by project implementation in a socio-cultural context
where perceptions and priorities are often quite different.
• Donor initiatives and priorities which were often not forestry department
priority.
• Limited political commitment, as a result of which the level of funding
provided to the forestry sector has been meagre.
• Limited/lack of trained technicians and extension staff, leading to poor
species choice and management techniques.
• Tree planting and management occurring when farm labour is most in
demand resulting in neglect of these activities.
• In some cases, adequate market studies have not preceded plantation estab-
lishment and the sale of resulting products may be considerably more
difficult than originally estimated.
• Communal planting efforts have sometimes been plagued by lack of
adequate attention to detail of the eventual distribution of the products.
Tree establishment and growth is challenging in the dry forest and woodland
regions of Africa as the areas are characterized by low soil moisture and nutri-
ent reserves and pests such as termites (Box 9.1). Adoption of best management
practices is key to successful tree establishment. Practices include good site
species matching, access to improved seed, good nursery practices and silvicul-
tural practices. The best management practices are briefly discussed in the
following sections. Detailed explanations of these practices are not the objec-
tive of this chapter – they are described in publications such as those by Goor
and Barney (1968), FAO (1974), Zobel et al (1987), Evans (1992) and SAIF
(2000).
Good site–species matching

Due to their evolutionary development, most tree species are generally site
specific and careful consideration must be given to matching species to overall
site characteristics (Jackson, 1984; Zobel et al, 1987; Evans, 1992). Most
planted species (e.g. Eucalyptus spp, Pinus spp, Tectona grandis and Gmelina
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BOX 9.1 MORTALITY OF TREE SEEDLINGS IN RURAL

WOODLOTS IN ZAMBIA
Emmanuel N. Chidumayo
Chidumayo (1988) observed a large variation in tree survival rate among rural
woodlots in eastern and central Zambia; the variation was larger in Eucalyptus
grandis than in Gmelina arborea, at least during the first two years of establish-
ment. Tree mortality declined with increasing age of woodlots in both species:
G. arborea mortality declined from 1.0–1.3 per cent per month during the first
6–8 months following planting, to 0.4–0.5 per cent per month during the subse-
quent 9–18 months. Average mortality of E. grandis declined from 4.6–6.1 per cent
per month during the first 6–8 months, to 0.3 per cent per month during the subse-
quent 9–18 months.
Woodlot owners indicated that the major cause of mortality among E. grandis
trees was root damage by termites and 71 per cent of the dying seedlings in 6 to 8
month old woodlots in Chongwe district were damaged by termites. Kwesiga et al
(1999) noted that the main problems cited by small scale farmers participating in
growing trees in agroforestry schemes are insect pests, browsing by livestock,
drought and poor seed. Indeed drought does contribute greatly to seedling mortal-
ity. For example, the 1986–1987 drought resulted in total mortality of E. grandis
seedlings in six of the eight newly established woodlots in Chongwe district
(Chidumayo, 1988); the other two woodlots were irrigated and survival of seedlings
one year later was 87 per cent in one woodlot and 100 per cent in the other.
Fire is another potential cause of tree mortality. A one-and-half year old E. grandis
woodlot in Chongwe district was destroyed by a bush fire during the 1987 dry season
and 57 per cent of the trees died, while the root-stocks of the remainder survived and
coppiced (Chidumayo, 1988). Bohlin and Larsson (1983) also reported that a woodlot
in Chadiza district of Eastern Province was completely destroyed by fire.
In Chongwe district frost is reported to have damaged all but one tree among
one-and-half year old Gmelina trees although these eventually coppiced and devel-
oped into multi-stemmed plants (Chidumayo, 1988).
arborea) are site-specific, therefore require special consideration for site selec-
tion in order to maximize plantation survival and productivity (Bekker et al,
2004). Soil type, altitude, slope gradient, natural vegetation and environment
are the main parameter considerations in site selection and site classification.
Selection of sites for planting also requires adequate knowledge of the climate,
edaphic and topographic factors both in the natural habitat of the species (for
exotic species) and in the proposed country of introduction. The low produc-
tivity of various tree species in plantations and woodlots has in some cases been
attributed to ‘off-site’ planting (Jackson, 1984; Zobel et al, 1987; FAO, 2001a,
2001c, 2001d, 2002b). This arises from starting plantations or woodlots
(sometimes due to political pressure) without species or provenance trials or if
trials were carried out, they were of very short duration i.e. less than the recom-
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mended half rotation period. Of all the factors considered in various reviews,
species/provenance-site matching is considered to have the greatest and often
longest effect on differences in productivity of various plantations and woodlots
(Vichnevetskaia, 1997; FAO, 2002b). Off-site planted trees grow under stress,
and this may increase their susceptibility to pests and diseases (Zobel et al,
1987; FAO, 2001d).
Access to improved seeds

When large-scale establishment of plantations and woodlots started in various
countries of sub-Saharan Africa, seed requirements were initially met by impor-
tation from other countries. Seed for eucalypts and pines were imported from
Australia and Central America, respectively. Over the years, countries in Africa
with tree breeding programmes, such as Zimbabwe (Marunda, 1997) and South
Africa supplied large quantities of seed. With time, local seed sources i.e. seed
stands (essentially an interim source) and seed orchards were established for
the major tree species. Local seed sources continued to be supplemented by
importation to meet domestic demand, especially for species which fail to
flower or produce a reasonable number of viable seeds in exotic environments
(Zobel et al, 1987).
While some countries in sub-Saharan Africa continued with tree improve-
ment efforts to produce advanced generation seed orchards or clonal material,
others neglected both the established seed stands and un-rogued first genera-
tion seed orchards. As a result, improper seeds from unregistered sources are
used, thus limiting the productivity and quality of the plantations and woodlots
(Zobel et al, 1987; Chamshama et al, 1996; Bekele, 2001; FAO, 2002a). As a
consequence, in some sub-Saharan African countries, forest plantations and
woodlots constitute a significant proportion of trees of low productivity and
quality.
In order to ensure high productivity and quality of forest plantation species,
proper seed source is imperative. The main sources of improved tree seeds are
seed orchards, usually established and managed by the forestry service, although
some private companies have their own seed sources. In cases where there are
no seed orchards seed can be imported from other countries with tree breeding
programmes.
Silvicultural management
A critical part of plantation or woodlot establishment is the quality of planting
stock. Chavasse (1980) summarized the factors that affect seedling quality as:
nursery site (soil fertility, moisture, climate, shelter); genetic make-up of the
stock; seed (size, variability, storage, germination treatments); methods of
production (bare-rooted, rooted cuttings, container seedlings); seedbed density;
time of the year seedlings are lifted; weed control methods and effectiveness;
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seedling nutrition; methods of seedling conditioning; and insect and disease

control. Nitrogen and potassium are two of the important nutrients that encour-
age good seedling growth and post nursery survival.
In the semi-arid regions, drought, livestock, fire and termites are major
factors that determine establishment and growth of seedlings (Veenendaal et al,
1995; see Box 9.1). The actual performance of newly planted seedlings depends
not only on inherent seedling performance but also on the extent to which the
environmental conditions allow this potential to be expressed (Folk and
Grossnickle, 1996; Zida et al, 2008). Root pruning or wrenching is one way of
hardening seedlings against shock during lifting and planting; and to ensure high
field survival and growth. This practice results in reduced plant dry weight,
increased root-shoot ratio, high relative turgidity of leaves, high root growth
capacity and increased translocation of photosynthates to roots (Rock, 1969,
1971; Bacon and Hawkins, 1977; Bacon and Bachelard, 1978; Burdett et al,
1983; Chamshama and Hall, 1987). Top pruning is sometimes used as a cultural
technique with the aim of creating a favourable shoot-root ratio (Chamshama
and Hall, 1987). However, excessive pruning may be lethal due to reduced
photosynthetic surface.
Planting site preparation

The literature on the effects of mechanical site preparation on tree survival and
growth is voluminous. Most reports generally agree that seedling establishment
and growth is improved though initial responses may not persist. For the dry
areas, preparation of the planting sites using methods that conserve moisture is
important. For plantation forests, the methods for site preparation are well
developed. Treatments that directly modify the soil are of primary interest
because in addition to reducing competition from unwanted vegetation, they
improve infiltration and reduce surface run-off (Perrow and Davy, 2003). Poor
site preparation may result in reduced site productivity. The timing of site
preparation is important. For example, mechanical site preparation should not
be carried out when the soil water content is at field capacity as this may result
in a significant soil compaction, associated with increased bulk density and
decreased macro-pore space.
The foregoing practice, which requires intensive management by elaborate
site preparation, may be difficult to obtain under village situations in the
absence of ox-ploughs or tractors. However, observations made in semi-arid
areas of Gairo, Morogoro in Tanzania have shown that deep cultivation using
hoes ensures the necessary management intensity (Chamshama, unpublished).
A critical issue in tree establishment is to maximize seedling establishment and
early growth from available moisture. A number of water harvesting and
conserving techniques are available in many parts of Africa. For example, in
parts of western Africa, the zaï techniques, half-moons and stone cords or bunds
are used extensively to harvest rainwater and help crop and tree establishment.
In Burkina Faso, Niger and Mali the zaï approach for restoration of degraded
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areas has resulted in increased crop yield. The zaï is a micro-catchment with a
diameter of 20 to 30cm and a depth of 15 to 20cm and is dug primarily to
increase water infiltration and to reduce erosion. The zaïs are fertilized with
animal dung. The zaï forestier technique is used to encourage tree growth and
regeneration. In contrast to the traditionally narrow spacing (2.4 2.4m) used
in forest practice in moist areas, wider spacing (3 3m to as much as 7 7m)
is recommended for arid and semi-arid areas (Goor and Barney, 1968). The
wide spacing ensures that the low soil moisture reserves are made available to
fewer trees thus increasing their survival prospects.
Tree protection
Control of weeds and pests are important practices that affect survival and
growth of trees. In dry sites, the generally low soil moisture levels dictate
complete weeding. The weeding can be done manually or mechanically and in
most woodlots where trees are intercropped with agricultural crops (rotational
woodlot arrangement), the weeding carried out to maintain the crop will simul-
taneously provide adequate weeding to the trees. The latter has the added
advantage of ensuring that trees are not neglected during the peak season when
labour is directed to farming.
Because of the open access of the areas where woodlots are planted, there
could be problems with browsing animals. Protection from animals is sometimes
costly. For example, in Zimbabwe, reforestation and afforestation projects using
eucalypts faced the problems of browsing, and the Forestry Commission of
Zimbabwe had to provide fencing material as support and incentive to tree
planting by communities. In Mali, the Joliba Trust working with the Dogon
people, reports losses of young Faiherbia albida trees to browsing by animals.
Protecting the trees still remains a major bottleneck to successful tree planting.
Various methods have been tried which include protecting the young trees with
brush fence and sprinkling the seedlings with water mixed with cow dung as a
repellant (cordon sanitaire method).
In the dry parts of Africa, eucalypts are the most widely planted species
and the young trees are very susceptible to termites. Trees between three and
four years are particularly susceptible and termiticides have to be applied to
control the pests. For eucalypt plantations, tree mortality due to termite attack
can be 30–50 per cent but can reach 100 per cent in the absence of any control.
For many years, organo-chlorines, such as dieldrin, chlordane and aldrin, were
used to protect trees from termites but their persistence in the environment
means that they are now not recommended. Carbosulfan, in the controlled-
release granule formula (Marshall suSCon) is one of the widely used chemicals
applied around individual plants in many parts of sub-Saharan Africa (Atkinson
et al, 1992). The best means found to overcome the problem is to use eucalypt
species naturally resistant to the disease. For example, Eucalyptus maculata
seems to be more resistant than other species, while E. citriodora, E. Saligna
and E. maideni are very sensitive (FAO, 1958). Dry forests and woodlands have
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few really serious insect pests or fungal diseases of trees. Perhaps this is due in
part to the fact that dry climates do not favour dense stands or growth of under-
brush, environments where harmful insects and pathogens often breed in humid
climates (Goor and Barney, 1968; FAO, 1974). However, during years of severe
drought, many trees become weak and may be severely attacked by pests and
diseases. Vigilance is required to detect any attacks and in the absence of biolog-
ical control, replanting might be necessary.
Pruning
Pruning is a deliberate removal, preferably while still alive, of some of the
branches from the lower trunk (bole) of a tree, with an objective of reducing
knots in sawn timber and similar finished products (SAIF, 2000). Branches form
knots, which are the most common defects of timber, especially those formed
by dead branches. The lateral grain distortion around knots leads to reduced
timber strength. Pruning is generally due when crowns touch and the pruning
schedules vary according to management objectives. Most growers of sawlogs
prune 40–50 per cent of the living crown three to five times (Zobel et al, 1987).
The decision to prune or not to prune must almost be entirely based on the
consideration of economic factors. High pruning is associated with price differ-
entiation between pruned and unpruned timber.
In countries of sub-Saharan Africa, pruning schedules have been based on
research results and/or adapted with modifications from countries with longer
experience in growing the various species. Despite the presence of the pruning
schedules, many countries of sub-Saharan Africa have pruning backlogs, mainly
in public industrial plantations, and this is often attributed to budgetary
constraints (see e.g. MENR, 1994; Nshubemuki et al, 2001; Kenya FOSA,
2001; FAO, 2002a). Additionally, the absence of price differentiation between
pruned and unpruned timber serves as a disincentive to prune and also narrows
the prospects for exporting high valued timber. Pruning schedules should be
adhered to and mechanisms for pushing price differentiation for pruned and
unpruned timber both for the local and export market have to be developed.
Thinning
Artificial thinning is the removal of a proportion of individual living trees from
a stand before clear felling (SAIF, 2000). It is generally understood to take place
after the onset of competition. The major objectives of thinning are: to reduce
the number of trees in a stand so that the remaining ones have more space for
crown and root development to encourage stem diameter increment and so
reach a utilizable size sooner; to remove trees of poor form; to prevent severe
stress which may induce pests, diseases and stand instability; and to provide an
intermediate financial return from sale of thinnings (Evans, 1992; SAIF, 2000).
More trees are initially established than the required final crop mainly to ensure
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sufficient trees from which the final crop can be selected, enhance early canopy
closure to suppress weed growth and to utilize the site better (SAIF, 2000). As
indicated for pruning schedules, thinning schedules have also been based on
research. Thinning schedules generally have initial stocking in the range
1111–1680 stems per hectare, two to four thinnings and stocking at clear felling
of 220–370 stems per hectare.
While thinning is an important silvicultural operation, which must be done
at the right time, in the right way and at the right intensity, various reports and
the authors’ observations show that thinning operations in many public indus-
trial plantations in sub-Saharan Africa do not follow the prescribed schedules
(Zobel et al, 1987; Åhlback, 1988; MENR, 1994; FAO, 2002a). Where
thinnings have been carried out, they have been fewer and lighter than recom-
mended, resulting in the standing volume being distributed to too many small
trees rather than fewer ones of greater value per m3. The main reasons given for
the neglect of thinnings have been shortage of funds, lack of markets for unsawn
thinnings, lack of plantation management skills and experience, foresters’ tradi-
tional attitude against waste and lack of processing plants (Åhlback, 1988; FAO,
2002a).
PRODUCTIVITY OF PLANTATIONS
The yields from forest plantations, which are rapidly expanding in sub-Saharan
Africa (FAO, 2001b), vary considerably across ecosystems (Table 9.1). There is
a large body of empirical field evidence indicating that, with appropriate
species–site matching and silvicultural management, plantations can remain
productive (Tiarks et al, 1998). Intensive silvicultural operations that increase
the availability of water and nutrients in forest stands, management during the
inter-rotational (harvesting) period, removal of competing vegetation, slash
Table 9.1 Yield of the most important timber and fuelwood species
Species Source Country Rotation length Mean annual

(years) increment
(m2 per ha per yr)
Gmelina arborea Onyekwelu (2004) Nigeria 5 16.6

Pinus patula for van Vuuren et al South Africa 25 14.8
sawn timber (1978)
Pinus patula van Vuuren et al South Africa 25 14.8
for pulp (1978)
Eucalyptus van Vuuren et al Cameroon 8 30
urophylla (1978)
E. grandis van Vuuren et al South Africa 25 31.8
(1978)
Tectona grandis Nunifu and Ghana 12 11.05
Murchison (1999)
Tectona grandis Nunifu and Ghana 20 13.67
Murchison (1999)
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management and harvesting operations, have a potentially great impact on the

productivity and long-term sustainability of forest stands.
Because the dry forests and woodlands of Africa do not produce high
volumes of merchantable timber, the establishment of forest plantations guaran-
tees a sustainable supply of wood. The main products from wood from
plantations are industrial round wood for sawn timber, veneer, particle-boards,
pulpwood, firewood and charcoal. South Africa is the largest producer of wood
from industrial plantations in Africa whilst countries such as Ethiopia, Kenya
and Rwanda have large firewood plantation resources. A large portion of wood
in most of the countries is consumed as firewood showing the large dependence
of the countries on traditional energy sources. Most of the firewood however is
sourced from natural forests, but plantations are increasingly becoming impor-
tant and the preferred source of firewood. In countries, such as Ethiopia,
peri-urban eucalypt plantations are the major sources of firewood (Gebrehiwot,
1997). In Malawi, plantations meet about 11 per cent of the firewood demand
(Jumbe and Angelsen, 2006). These plantations provide a source of livelihoods
to many people. However, due to overexploitation and lack of clear protection
strategies, the extent of the plantations is declining at a very fast rate. With
increasing rates of urbanization throughout Africa, peri-urban plantations are
going to remain as one of the most important sources of wood energy.
TRADE IN FOREST PRODUCTS

The development of the plantation-grown wood trade from Africa, particu-
larly western Africa, has been very much dependent on old colonial links and
the demand for timber by the building and construction industry in Europe
after the Second World War (Attah, 2007). Today, 96 per cent of Africa’s
plantation-grown wood is exported to Japan, the EU and other markets. With
the increasing requirement that timber comes from legal and sustainable
sources, there is a gradual decline in demand from environmentally aware
markets (Hillring, 2006), such as the UK and Germany, which were key tradi-
tional markets for timber from western and central Africa. However, there is
a growing demand in China. Canby (2007) reported that 13 per cent of
Africa’s pulp exports were sent to China in 2006. Swaziland and South Africa
are the top suppliers of African plantation-grown wood to China. The poten-
tial for plantations to meet growing domestic and international demand for
wood is now recognized and countries in Africa with suitable growing condi-
tions and suitable areas should invest in expanding the forest plantation
resource base.
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CONTRIBUTION OF PLANTATIONS AND

WOODLOTS TO NATIONAL ECONOMIES
From the socioeconomic perspective, plantations and woodlots generate
revenue and foreign exchange for national governments. At the local level, they
provide jobs offering economic opportunities for rural residents (Whiteman and
Lebedys, 2006). In addition, there may be opportunities for local residents to
use the residues and by-products left behind after trees have been harvested for
firewood or timber. Indirect benefits may include government reinvestment of
the revenue generated from plantations into education, medicine and infra-
structure development in local communities (Morrison and Bass, 1992). The
social dimensions associated with plantation forestry are not necessarily positive
and, indeed, may be quite adverse. Afforestation of agricultural land leads to a
decline in the rural population through voluntary or forced removal of existing
land users (Evans and Turnball, 2004). In South Africa, the impacts of planta-
tions on water resources is a source of conflict between the forestry sector and
other sectors dependent on water as the plantations intercept rainfall and use
up a lot of water thereby reducing run-off from planted areas.
NON-WOOD PRODUCTS FROM PLANTATIONS

AND WOODLOTS
The previous section considered aspects of plantation forestry whose primary

objective is to supply timber for commercial use. Plantations and woodlots also
provide non-wood forest products that are used in industries and consumed at a
household level (FAO, 2005). Traditionally local communities and households
have depended on natural forests and woodlands for the supply of timber and
non-wood forest products (see Chapters 4 and 5 on non-timber forest
products). But due to loss of forests and woodlands and increasing demand for
non-timber products, most African countries particularly those with dry forests
and woodlands, have invested in the growing of woodlots for supplying wood
and trees to provide non-timber forest products. Most of these investments
have been channeled through rural development initiatives and donor funded
projects to help rural communities.
In order to replace the diminishing harvests of non-wood forest products,
there are increasing tree-planting schemes to supply some products. Firewood
is perhaps the most important product and many initial firewood plantations
were in response to the perceived firewood crisis in many African countries.
However, this perception changed as some of the introduced species produced
more valuable products, such as poles, and hence firewood became a by-
product. The main non-timber products that are harvested from planted trees
include gum arabic, tannins, oils, resins, fruits and medicines. This section
discusses non-timber forest products with a special focus on gums, oils, tannins
and indigenous fruits from countries in the dry regions of Africa.
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Gums, resins and essential oils from plantations
Acacia gums
Acacia gums are harvested in the ‘gum belt’ of Sudan, Ethiopia and Eritrea
(Giffard, 1975). From the Horn of Africa, this region extends southwards
through Tanzania to the southern African countries of Angola, Namibia,
Zimbabwe, Botswana and South Africa. The main product is gum arabic,
obtained from the stems and branches of Acacia senegal and A. seyal. The major
source (95 per cent) is A. senegal (hashab), with the remaining 5 per cent
derived from A. seyal and sold as an entirely separate product (gum talha). In
southern Africa, the main source of gum is A. karroo.
It has long been observed that A. senegal trees are disappearing from many
areas in the northern range of their distribution in Sudan. This was largely attrib-
uted to increased human and livestock pressure that converted most of the
stands to grasslands (Obeid and Seif El Din, 1971). This, together with other
factors such as the need for improved gum and increasing international demand,
led to the establishment of artificial plantations of gum in arid areas of Africa.
A. senegal is the most widely planted species. Countries that have gum planta-
tions include Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Mali, Nigeria, Senegal and Sudan. Sudan
has the largest plantations of A. senegal, with well over 100,000ha, although
weak land tenure appears to affect the viability of these plantations.
Most of the gum production is done in agroforestry systems known as ‘gum
gardens’ (Rahim, 2005), in which gum trees are grown on farm plots at a spacing
of 4m 4m. During the first four to five years, agricultural crops are planted
between the lines of trees, thereby supplying the farmers with food. The trees
are nitrogen-fixers, especially during their first few years. A significant amount
of the fixed nitrogen is assumed to be transferred to adjacent non-nitrogen-
fixing trees or crops, probably as a result of below-ground turnover of roots and
nodules (Njiti and Galiana, 1996; Dean et al, 1999; Raddad et al, 2006). Gum
production begins at around year four and continues annually until the trees are
20 to 25 years old. The practices employed by growers to improve gum yield
include tapping intensity and timing of tapping. Other factors that affect yield
include rainfall and temperature (Ballal et al, 2005). Faye et al (2006) also
showed that inoculating ten-year old trees with rhizobia generally resulted in
increased gum yield. There are still problems with identifying high yielding
varieties and vegetative propagation technologies. In South Africa and
Zimbabwe, a network of A. senegal and other gum producing species, such as
A. karroo and A. seyal, provenance trials were established around 1996 and
these will provide valuable information on the genetics and productivity of the
species (Barnes et al, 1999).
Oleo-resin
Another key non-wood forest product is oleo-resin or resin from pine planta-
tions. This is produced in South Africa, Kenya, Zimbabwe and Uganda (Coppen
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and Hone, 1995). Pinus elliottii, P. caribaea and P. radiata are the three species
of pine that are tapped in Zimbabwe, Kenya and South Africa. Management of
pine species for resin production has economic advantages at both the commu-
nity (providing employment) and national (import substitution or foreign
exchange) levels. Resin tapping also provides an incentive for sustainable forest
management based on the principle of multiple uses as long as strong tenure
exists. The major constraints in meeting the demands of the market and in
raising productivity include the limited yield from the varieties grown, limiting
environmental conditions and tapping methods. Thus, long-term solutions are
needed and current research on Pinus hybrids in South Africa holds particular
promise for the region (FAO, 1995a).
Essential oils
Eucalyptus is an important source of essential oil; production is based on either
a short-rotation coppice system (harvesting intervals of 6–16 months) or the
conversion of waste leaf material, available after trimming, with the felled trees
being destined for pulp or sawmills. Eucalypt oils are found in the leaves, fruits,
buds and bark of the tree. The oil has roles in medicine, perfumery and flavour-
ings (FAO, 1995b). The principal species used are Eucalyptus smithii, E.
cloeziana and E. radiata, which produce medicinal oils containing high levels of
cineole. The species E. globulus, E. citriodora and E. camaldulensis are good
sources of both medicinal oils for a number of ailments (arthritis, bronchitis,
catarrh, cold sore, cold, cough, fever, flu, poor circulation and sinusitis
remedies) and perfumery oils (Lawless, 1995). African production of medicinal
oil amounts to approximately 250 tonnes per year and is split between South
Africa and Swaziland (FAO, 1995b). Yields of oil from leaves vary somewhat
between species, but on a commercial scale are in the order of 1 per cent on a
‘fresh’ weight basis. For example, production from E. smithii in Swaziland yields
approximately 15 tonnes per hectare of leaf, corresponding to about 150 litres
per hectare of oil (FAO, 1995b).
Tannins
Plantations of Acacia mearnsii were planted in South Africa, Kenya, Morocco
and Zimbabwe for the production of tanbark. The total estimated area is
325,000ha with South Africa having 130,000ha. The tannin is used in the
tanning industry and the wood used for firewood and charcoal making.
Indigenous fruit trees in the dry forests and woodlands of Africa

Indigenous fruits are consumed by many people in Africa and sold to raise
supplementary incomes (Schreckenberg et al, 2006). Traditionally fruits were
harvested from natural forests and woodlands, but due to high rates of defor-
estation in many parts of Africa, fruit trees are disappearing at a fast rate
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Table 9.2 Priority indigenous fruit species from three phytoregions of Africa
Somali-Masai phytoregion Zambezian phytoregion Sudanian phytoregion
Adansonia digitata Uapaca kirkiana Adansonia digitata

Tamarindus indica Strychnos cocculoides Tamarindus indica
Ziziphus mauritiana Parinari curatellifolia Vitellaria paradoxa
Sclerocarya birrea Ziziphus mauritiana Ziziphus mauritiana
Balannites aegyptica Adansonia digitata Parkia biglobosa
Source: Adapted from Akinnifesi et al (2007)
(Simons and Leakey, 2004). The supply of fruit and other resources is worsened
by commercialization, which is resulting in a decline of the resource and the
livelihoods that have become dependent upon it (e.g. Cunningham and Milton,
1987). Domestication of indigenous fruit trees emerged as a farmer-driven,
market-led process and has become an important agroforestry initiative in the
tropics to supply fruit and other products (Akinnifesi et al, 2007; Leakey et al,
2005). The World Agroforestry Centre (ICRAF) has been conducting research
on domestication and commercialization of indigenous fruit trees in order to
increase productivity and conserve genetic resources of some of the endangered
species.
Most of the dry forest and woodland countries have priority lists of species
for domestication (Table 9.2). The planting of most of the species listed in Table
9.2 is still limited to research plots, but individual planting of the trees around
homestead boundaries and gardens is common. The research still focuses on
selection of priority species, germplasm collection and tree genetic improve-
ment, propagation systems and field management, harvesting and post-harvest
technology, economic analysis and market research. It is envisaged that planting
of indigenous fruit trees is going to be second to planting eucalypts. There are
of course barriers to the expansion of these plantings, some of which are similar
to those hindering the expansion of eucalypt woodlots. Research results so far
indicate that there is potential for growing the different indigenous fruit trees.
The main consideration now at national policy level is for governments to give
greater recognition of the potential of indigenous fruit trees to contribute to
poverty reduction as a component of more diversified, sustainable and environ-
mentally friendly livelihood options (Schreckenberg et al, 2006).
BARRIERS TO DEVELOPMENT OF PLANTATIONS

AND WOODLOTS
The main barriers to the successful expansion of plantations and woodlots in

sub-Saharan Africa include limited land base, competing land-use demands,
tenure insecurity and inadequate technical and institutional capacities. These
are briefly described below.
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Diminishing land resources for plantation establishment

Most plantations in Africa are established in areas that receive above average
rainfall. Availability and access to suitable land is one of the cornerstones in
developing and maintaining a steady planting programme (Chamshama and
Nwonwu, 2004). The diminishing land base has also forced plantations and
woodlots to be established on marginal sites often with poor soils and increased
susceptibility to drought. This has raised the need for further research on
site–species matching and tree culture techniques that promote tree growth in
the marginal sites.
Tenure insecurity
Land tenure and land law is the greatest hindrance to promoting plantations
and woodlots. Most African tenure systems are characterized by the existence
of multiple tenants, with several users having access to different resources on
the same piece of land (Peters, 2007). In general, there is a duality between
customary and statutory land rights in many African countries (Chimhowu
and Woodhouse, 2006). The main difficulty associated with customary owner-
ship is that the specific act of tree planting is associated with staking a claim to
land ownership and the reluctance of owners to lose their land for a long-term
period. This often causes confusion as to whether the land belongs to the group
or to specific individuals who planted the trees. With community woodlots,
this confusion can also lead to management problems (who does what and who
is accountable?) and to inequitable benefit sharing when the trees are
harvested.
In most countries of western Africa, even though all land has been officially
nationalized, there continues a system of inheritance and hereditary rights. This
can lead to tenure insecurity, a significant impediment for long-term forestry
projects. Clearly, any sustainable plantation or woodlot establishment plans or
activities will need to begin with a clear understanding of local land and resource
tenure and access rights (Ruitenbeek and Cartier, 1998; FAO, 2001a;
Chamshama and Nwonwu, 2004). Where customary owned land is acquired
for planting, Evans and Turnball (2004) recognized two principles that help to
overcome difficulties:
1. every effort should be made to meet the wishes of the local people regard-
ing land use proposals;
2. landowners must be involved in the project as key partners.
The failure to involve local people and have tangible benefits accrue to them
can disassociate people from the planted forests and even make them co-
exploiters and co-destroyers of the forests.
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Governance
The governance processes surrounding land and forests are critical for local
communities and the sub-Saharan African countries. Good governance lies at
the heart of sound environmental management. Considering that most planta-
tion projects have a long gestation period, any investment is liable to be risky
unless backed by long-term economic and political stability. Many African
countries face political volatility and unpredictable governance systems making
long-term forest investments risky. Therefore, it is necessary to have good gover-
nance practices in place at national and local levels. This goes from providing
scope for meaningful participation in the forest decision-making process to
improving the transparency and accountability of forest institutions (Christy et
al, 2007). In recent years much progress in forest governance has been made in
many countries, such as South Africa and Swaziland, where national policy has
opened up to more stakeholders and rights of local people have been strength-
ened.
Inadequate technical capacity

Forest plantations are long-term investments and require good research and
planning. A key success factor in plantation establishment is identifying the
right species for the right site. This requires investment in research activities
that include site–species matching, tree genetic improvement and protection
against pests and diseases. Over the years, investment in such types of research
has been on the decline in most African countries. The effects of such low
investment in forest research will manifest themselves in low tree survival rates
and low plantation forestry productivity.
Institutional barriers
Key functions of most forest institutions in Africa were to conduct research and
generate information for forest planning and decision-making. However, many
of the countries in sub-Saharan Africa have forestry institutions that are weak
and inadequately equipped to implement their functions. These shortcomings
stem from diminishing funding, shortage of skilled staff, the absence of
adequate training and research facilities, and the lack of integration and cooper-
ation among the major institutions involved in the management of plantations
and woodlots.
Macro-economic conditions
Increased economic activity can lead to increased demand for forest products
leading to a higher level of demand for round wood and ultimately more planta-
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tions and efficient wood processing. Therefore, the development of plantations

depends on the macro-economy of a country. For example, Kowero and Mabugu
(2006) demonstrated a relationship between macro-economic policies and the
development of the forest sector in Zimbabwe.
CONCLUSION
The preceeding sections have highlighted the importance of plantations and
woodlots in meeting demands for wood and non-wood forest products in the
dry parts of Africa. Plantation and woodlots remain an important aspect of
national development and provide security to wood supplies. At a community
level, plantations are an important component of rural development and are
sources of energy, non-timber forest products and other environmental services.
Many of the countries have put emphasis on reforestation activities in their
forest policies, legislative frameworks and national forestry action programmes
(Chamshama and Nwonwu, 2004). However, there are constraints that need to
be addressed to promote tree establishment. The main threats and constraints
to the promotion of plantations and woodlots in sub-Saharan Africa have been
extensively reviewed (Evans and Turnball, 2004) and addressing these
constraints can contribute greatly to the successful implementation of planta-
tion and woodlot programmes in sub-Saharan Africa.
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10
Environmental Services from the

Dry Forests and Woodlands of
Sub-Saharan Africa
Crispen Marunda and Henri-Noël Bouda
INTRODUCTION
The Millennium Ecosystem Assessment described three categories of environ-
mental services as:
1. Provisional services which are renewable resources such as wood, fibre,

fruits and other non-timber products that have been traditionally harvested
and used directly by communities.
2. Cultural services that include the spiritual, religious, aesthetic, educational,
scientific, inspirational and recreational (e.g. nature-based tourism).
3. Supporting services which underpin all other services and include biodiver-
sity conservation, soil formation, nutrient and water cycling, and regulatory
services which include air quality regulation, climate regulation, water
regulation, erosion regulation, water purification, disease regulation and
natural hazard regulation.
In Africa, the main environmental services from dry forests and woodlands are
conservation of biological diversity, protection of watersheds and regulation of
water flow, desertification control and soil amelioration, and climate stabiliza-
tion through carbon sequestration (Nair and Tieguhong, 2004). Some of the
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environmental services in Africa are becoming commercialized and therefore

provide benefits to the communities and create new incentives for sustainable
forest management (Jindal, 2004). This re-configured approach to the way
forests and woodlands are viewed underpins a fundamental change from treat-
ing the forests and woodlands as sources of free and inexhaustible products, to
seeing them as a source of services that enhance the economic value of the
forests and woodlands and their contribution to livelihoods and the environ-
ment. Payments for environmental services (PES) are emerging market-based
instruments that can be used to create sources and markets for such services
(Engel et al, 2008; Wunder, 2005; Ferraro and Kiss, 2002 cited in Wunder,
2005; Lindell-Mills and Porras, 2002). The fact that the majority of the people
in Africa are the customary custodians of the dry forest and woodland resources,
and PES is about people managing natural resources for which they are compen-
sated, makes environmental services an important service that can be tapped,
marketed and the benefits used to improve people’s livelihoods.
This chapter describes the environmental services from the dry forests and
woodlands of Africa focusing on two services: carbon sequestration and water-
shed services. The other major environmental services from forests and
woodlands, such as biodiversity conservation are described in detail in Chapter
3. Environmental services that support agricultural production, such as soil
conservation, windbreaks and nutrient recycling, are only briefly described.
These environmental services are used locally and have no markets or if avail-
able the markets are extremely thin and highly uncertain.
The chapter also explores the development and promotion of payments for
environmental services beyond the boundaries of traditional forestry as a new
way of providing market-based incentives for sustainable forest management in
Africa. An analysis of barriers and recommendations to adopting environmental
payment schemes within the context of Africa is provided. More importantly,
the chapter aims to improve our understanding of the importance of environ-
mental services in enhancing the value the dry forests and woodlands beyond
production of timber and non-timber forest products.
ENVIRONMENTAL AND ECOSYSTEM SERVICES

In a general sense, environmental services, or ecosystem services (ES) are the
functions and services that biologically driven systems provide which contribute
to the overall functioning of the environment, but that are not generally consid-
ered to be owned by individuals. In short, environmental services are the natural
functions of an ecosystem that can be secondarily used for the benefit of
humans (Barbier and Swanson, 1992; Daily, 1997). The four most recognisable
environmental services (Wunder, 2005; Grieg-Gran et al, 2005; Katila and
Puustjärvi, 2003; Pagiola et al, 2002) are:
1. carbon sequestration;
2. regulation of fresh water and river flows;
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E N V I R O N M E N TA L S E R V I C E S F R O M T H E D R Y F O R E S T S A N D W O O D L A N D S
3. forest landscape beauty;

4. biodiversity.
These four main environmental services have received a lot of attention because
of the international nature of the services, previous valuation studies and the
potential for markets for these services. In the dry forests and woodlands of
Africa, some of the minor environmental services (e.g. soil improvement, water
and nutrient circulation, wind-break and shelter) are very localized and do not
lend themselves to market mechanism (i.e. there are no buyers). These are
particularly important in the dry forest of Africa since a large percentage of the
population depends on natural resources for livelihoods. Unlike the physical
products from dry forests and woodlands that are easily recognized and valued
at a local scale and often within individual land units managed specifically for
production of the goods, environmental services are somewhat less obvious and
may appear over large spatial scales and extending over multiple sectors and
landscapes.
In order to demonstrate the growing importance of the environmental
services concept, we need to consider how it emerged and how it is being used
as an incentive for sustainable forest management. The concept of environmen-
tal or ecosystem services emerged from the conservation and development
imperative and from the need to provide new incentives and mechanisms for
sustainable forest management, community participation in nature conserva-
tion, collaborative forest management and successful implementation of
integrated conservation and development projects. Most of these practices are
anchored on the premise that the communities (or other stakeholders) can
protect and manage forests and woodlands and benefit directly from products
such as timber, fruits, fodder and non-wood forest products. The dry forests
and woodlands of Africa are well recognized for many products (e.g. Campbell,
1996; Malaise, 1997) but the commercial benefits to the state are meagre,
making contemporary forms of forest management practices unattractive
(Matta and Kerr, 2006). Environmental services from forests and woodlands
are now providing an alternative mechanism for optimizing investment and
creating new forms of incentives in environmental protection and conservation
through valuation of services and linkages to markets (Costanza et al, 1997).
The matching of sources of ES (different land-use systems) and markets
(usually carbon-emitting sectors in the industrialized countries) has given rise
to what are now termed payment for environmental services (Lindell-Mills and
Porras, 2002; Pagiola et al, 2002; Wunder, 2005). Sven Wunder (2005) defined
PES as ‘a voluntary transaction in which a well-defined environmental service
(ES), or a land use likely to secure that service, is being bought by at least one
ES buyer from at least one ES provider if, and only if, the ES provider secures
ES provision’. In Africa, examples of PES are few and these have concentrated
on carbon sequestration projects in eastern Africa (Jindal, 2004). In 2008, the
Katoomba Group commissioned a study that inventoried PES projects across
eastern and southern Africa (Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, Malawi and South
Africa) and 68 PES and PES-like initiatives split between bio-diversity, carbon,
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water and other were identified (Bond, 2008). Watershed services have also
received some attention within the broader context of integrated catchment
management. Cases for watershed services in Africa are rare largely because
this is often a site-specific service (Dillaha et al, 2008). Current work on the
Rovuma in Tanzania shows some promise. Other environmental services, such
as soil erosion regulation, nutrient and water cycling have not been analysed
within the context of PES but more as approaches that enhance agricultural
productivity at the household level. By drawing attention of the policy-makers
and international community to the ES from the dry forests and woodlands,
their value can be influenced and swing the balance towards conservation. As
Wunder (2005) noted ‘might work in marginal areas… such as dry forests where
modest attention (payments) might favour conservation’. African dry forests
and woodlands could now be viewed as more valuable for the environmental
services they provide, although in the absence of a system for valuation and
their inclusion in national economic accounting, there is often much less recog-
nition of their overall contribution (Nair and Tieguhong, 2004).
CARBON SEQUESTRATION IN THE DRY FORESTS

AND WOODLANDS OF AFRICA
Global context of carbon sequestration

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC, 2001) described
carbon sequestration as the process of removing carbon dioxide (CO2) and other
greenhouse gases from the atmosphere and storing it in other potential reser-
voirs, such as land, forests and oceans. Increasing concentration of greenhouse
gases in the atmosphere is expected to warm the Earth and change the climate.
Carbon sequestration lends itself to transfer value techniques in which the value
estimates obtained for sequestration in one location can be transferred to other
regions (UNFCCC, 2003). Carbon dioxide (one of the six greenhouse gases)
mixes relatively rapidly and completely in the global atmosphere and thus the
contribution of carbon sequestration to the general circulation system is
independent of where it takes place (Sohngen and Brown, 2006). This transfer-
ability of carbon sequestration makes it a suitable candidate for climate change
mitigation under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change
(UNFCCC) Kyoto Protocol through the Clean Development Mechanism
(CDM). Afforestation and reforestation create effective sinks for absorbing
carbon from the atmosphere and these two activities are currently eligible for
funding under the CDM (UNFCCC, 2003).
At the 13th Bali Conference of Parties (CoP13) of the UNFCCC held in
Indonesia in December 2007, a new strategy on Reduced Emissions from
Deforestation and forest Degradation (REDD) took centre stage as a new strat-
egy to reduce harmful gases from the atmosphere. The REDD policy entails
that developing countries which are experiencing deforestation may on a volun-
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tary basis receive compensation if they reduce national deforestation rates

(Skutsch and Trines, 2008). Tackling deforestation has been a priority develop-
mental and environmental issue for most countries in the dry zones of Africa.
The REDD deal gives more opportunities and scope for such countries to
reduce deforestation rates through new incentives. For dry forest and woodland
countries with lower carbon stocks but higher deforestation rates compared to
wet forest countries, the challenge remains as to what approaches to adopt to
reduce deforestation and, more importantly, to identify the markets for carbon
credits created by such strategies.
Forests and woodlands play an important role in carbon sequestration and
by investing in forest development and conservation, countries in the dry forest
and woodland regions of Africa can benefit from carbon trading. A number of
corporate institutions in Europe are already benefiting from carbon trading by
investing in tree planting in some parts of Africa. The market for environmental
services from forests and woodlands is growing rapidly around the world, often
facilitated by national and regional policies as well as international conventions
and agreements. Certain segments of society that are able and willing to pay for
these services are creating opportunities for the forest owners. Markets for
carbon sequestration based on dry forest and woodland management and
protection have been adopted in Mozambique, Senegal, Uganda, Tanzania,
Malawi and Madagascar (Jindal, 2004; Bond, 2008). Authorities responsible for
managing dry forests and woodlands in Africa need to articulate the contribu-
tion of the forests and woodlands in sequestrating carbon and demonstrate that
they have management strategies in place that enhance net carbon assimilation
and attract buyers. Unfortunately, Africa contributed less than 3 per cent of the
total global trade in carbon offsets in 2003–2004 (Jindal, 2006, citing Lecocq
and Cupoor, 2005). The carbon projects in Africa are expected to sequester
about 26.85 million tonnes CO2 (Jindal et al, 2008: the 2006 international
prices for carbon credits ranged from US$3.50 per tonne CO2 at Chicago
Climate Exchange to US$15.80 per tonne CO2 in various European markets).
Carbon stocks and balance in dry forests and woodlands

of Africa
The potential of dryland ecosystems to sequester carbon has been estimated to
be up to 0.4–0.6 billion tonnes of carbon per year (UNFCCC, 2006). Lal
(2004) gave estimates of carbon sequestration in dryland ecosystems and
concluded that such areas have a huge potential as carbon sinks. The large
surface area of African dry forests and woodlands, albeit fragmented in places,
gives CO2 sequestration in these systems some global significance. To demon-
strate the potential of dry forests and woodlands to sequester carbon, there is
need first to assess the carbon stock currently held and deforestation rates. The
amount of carbon stored in the soil and in the woody biomass depends on the
soil and vegetation type. Recognizing that little is known of the belowground
carbon stocks in dry forests and woodlands, Tables 10.1 and 10.2 show the
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Table 10.1 Trends in carbon stocks in forest biomass 1990–2005
Region/sub-regions Carbon in living biomass (Giga tonnes)

1990 2000 2005
Eastern and southern Africa 15.9 14.8 14.4

Northern Africa 3.8 3.5 3.4
Western and central Africa 46.0 43.9 43.1
Total Africa 65.8 62.2 60.8
Note: Giga tonne = 1 billion tonnes.

trends in carbon stocks in above ground living biomass from the major regions
and selected African countries with dry forests and woodlands. It is quite clear
that the eastern, southern and northern subregions of Africa that are covered by
the dry forests and woodlands, have less above ground living woody biomass
compared to western and central African tropical forests. This is due to the
inherently slow growth rates of dry forest and woodland species and the high
levels of utilization (leading to high levels of deforestation). Because of the low
above ground carbon stocks in the dry forests and woodlands, not much inter-
est has been given to these areas compared to rainforests (Zahabu et al, 2007).
However, new opportunities for compensating reduced emission through
reversing deforestation now exist under REDD and dry forest and woodland
countries need to take advantage of the global focus on reduced emissions from
deforestation.
Table 10.2 Carbon stock in forests and woodlands (living woody biomass)
and annual forest area change (%) for selected African countries
with dry forests and woodlands
Region/Country Carbon stock Annual forest areas

(Megatonnes) change (%)
Southern Africa
Botswana 141.5 –0.9
Malawi 161.0 –0.8
Mozambique 606.3 –0.2
Namibia 230.9 –0.8
South Africa 823.9 0
Eastern Africa
Ethiopia 252.0 –0.9
Kenya 334.7 –0.3
Sudan 1530.7 –0.8
Tanzania 2254.0 –1.0
West Africa
Burkina Faso 298.0 –0.3
Chad 236.0 –0.6
Mali 241.9 –0.7
Niger 12.5 –2.3
Senegal 371.0 –0.4
Source: FAO (2005, 2006, 2007)
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Table 10.3 Carbon stock values for selected vegetation types
Woodland types Carbon stock (tonnes Reference

carbon per ha)
Congo-Guinea and Congo-Zambezian 160–209 Chapter 2, this volume

Zambezian warm dry forests 88–97 Chapter 2, this volume
Sudanian Savanna 56–78 Chapter 2, this volume
Kalahari Highveld 22–34 Chapter 2, this volume
Sahel with isolated shrubs 12–31.2 Woomer et al (2004)
Somali-Masai 13–78 Chapter 2, this volume
Degraded savanna and remnant forests 9–113 Woomer et al (2004)
Table 10.2 also shows the annual change in forest cover in the selected
countries. It is quite clear that there is a net loss of forest cover, implying a net
loss of woody carbon. Most of the countries (except South Africa) have a net
loss in forest cover. It also has been reported that dryland ecosystems also store
huge amounts of soil organic carbon (SOC) with the world’s dryland soils
containing 241Pg (pentagram) of SOC (Eswaran et al, 2001). Estimates for
SOC stored in Africa’s dry forests and woodlands are very few. As an example,
the miombo woodlands in Southern Africa have a capacity of storing more than
100 tonnes of carbon per hectare of soil (Williams et al, 2008). Tschakert and
Tappan (2004) gave an estimate of 11.3 tonnes per hectare for Senegal whilst
Woomer et al (2004) gave similar figures of 11.6–25.3 for carbon per hectare
for that country’s Sahel Transition Zone. Soil organic carbon is also subject to
loss due to soil erosion. For example, Lal et al (1999) estimated that erosion in
the drylands leads to emissions of 0.21 to 0.26Pg of carbon per year. Table 10.3
shows the carbon stocks in different woodland types. It is quite clear that there
is a wide variation in the estimates of the amount of carbon within woodland
type and between different types.
Deforestation, land clearing for agriculture and uncontrolled burning has
resulted in aggregate loss of terrestrial carbon from all vegetation types in the
drylands of Africa. The net change of forest area in Africa is the highest among
the world’s regions, with an annual net loss, based on country reports, estimated
at –5.3 million hectares annually, corresponding to –0.78 per cent annually
(FAO, 2000). Table 10.2 also shows that for most countries with dry forests
and woodlands, there is a net loss of forest area. The dry forests and woodlands
of Africa have a history of disturbance due to human activities through land
clearance for agriculture, fire, charcoal production and firewood collection.
Such activities impact on the carbon stock for woodlands such as miombo
(Chidumayo, 2002) and result in net loss of carbon into the atmosphere.
Williams et al (2008) showed that clearing for agricultural land in miombo
woodlands in Mozambique resulted in the loss of 19 tonnes of carbon per
hectare. Woomer et al (2004) estimated that Senegal lost 292 megatonnes of
carbon over 35 years from 1965 to 2000. Apart from deforestation, the dry
regions of Africa are also prone to desertification which exacerbates the loss of
soil carbon through exposure of carbonaceous material to climatic elements
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caused by soil erosion (Lal et al, 1999). Managing this imbalance in dry forest
and woodland landscapes is a key strategy for removing atmospheric CO2.
Managing natural woodlands for carbon sequestration in Africa

A key element for payment for environmental services is the ability to clearly
define ‘a land use system likely to secure that service’ (Wunder, 2005). Payment
for environmental services systems presuppose the existence and integration of
technical capacity to enhance carbon storage in production systems and that
resource users (or communities) have the capacity to adopt and maintain land
resource practices that sequester carbon. This is the main challenge facing dry
forest countries and they will need to articulate the CO2 sequestration roles of
woodlands to attract carbon finances. Whilst the dry forests and woodlands of
Africa have low carbon stocks per unit area but not in total amounts, they
present a huge potential to act as sinks provided appropriate woodland manage-
ment strategies are developed and implemented. The new developments under
UNFCCC (e.g. REDD) provide countries with high rates of deforestation an
opportunity to reduce deforestation and offset carbon at a global level. A
country like Tanzania, for example, with 34 million hectares of forest land, can
potentially earn US$630 million per year or around US$119 per rural house-
hold from the REDD policy if woodland management strategies to reduce
deforestation and degradation are developed and implemented (Zahabu et al,
2007).
Forestry climate change mitigation activities may be grouped into three
categories. The first includes activities that avoid the release of emissions from
carbon stocks, such as forest conservation and protection. The second includes
activities that store carbon, for example, afforestation, reforestation and
agroforestry. The third involves substituting the use of carbon-intensive
products and fuels with sustainably harvested wood products and wood fuel,
for example, wood substituting for concrete or steel and bio-electricity substi-
tuting for fossil fuel electricity. Within the context of dry forests and woodlands
of Africa, the first two options are plausible as they provide other goods and
services for immediate consumption by both local and international communi-
ties. In sub-Saharan Africa there are a number of carbon offsetting projects
based on managing forests and woodlands and Jindal (2006) identified 19 such
projects.
Avoided deforestation through forest conservation and protection

The capacity of dry woodlands of southern Africa to regenerate is well
documented (Piearce, 1993). The species commonly found in these woodlands
are vigorous resprouters and if left undisturbed, can accumulate huge amounts
of carbon. For example, regrowth miombo woodlands in Mozambique are
estimated to accumulate 0.7 tonnes of carbon per hectare per year (Williams et
al, 2008). Most of the miombo species are able to regenerate through stump
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resprouts and root suckers after destruction of the above ground parts (Backéus
et al, 2006; Chidumayo, 1997, 2004; Frost, 1996). For other dry forest vegeta-
tion types, such the Sudanian savanna, Ky-Dembele et al (2007) found that
disturbed savanna woodlands in Burkina Faso regenerated mainly from coppice,
root suckers and water sprouts. Acacia-dominated woodlands regenerate well
from seeds scarified as they pass through the alimentary canal of browsing
animals and this has been documented as the major source of seedlings
compared to fires. In southern Africa, the resilience of Acacia, Dichrostachys
and Commiphora species in certain cases can even cause extensive bush
encroachment (Wiegand et al, 2005). Consequently, if savannas were to be
protected from fire and grazing, most of them would accumulate substantial
carbon and the carbon sink would be large (San Jose et al, 1998).
A number of interventions have been tried and tested in the dry woodlands
of Africa to improve the condition of woodlands and their productivity and
service function. In Tanzania, the Ngitili concept has gained international recog-
nition as a management system for miombo woodlands practised by a
community for production of goods and services (Barrow and Mlenge, 2003;
Monela et al, 2005). Box 10.1 briefly describes the Ngitili practice while Box
10.2 is another example of a community based woodland management project
for carbon sequestration in the Nhambita area of Mozambique. This project
involves communities managing natural woodlands and planting trees for
products and services (Zohlo, 2005; Jindal, 2004). In some cases the private
sector has taken the lead in establishing forests and woodlands for carbon
sequestration although concerns are emerging about the negative impacts on
local people of some such initiatives (Box 10.3). In arid lands of western Africa,
the Sequestration of Carbon in Soil Organic Matter (SOCSOM) project (Box
10.4) traced the fate of soil carbon over long periods of time and simulated
management strategies to increase carbon stock (Touré, 2006). Over periods of
time these practices could stabilize and the carbon in the woodlands and soil
will act as a critical adjunct to reducing emissions. In such management systems,
the carbon stocks are at a very low risk of loss and thus represent a pool of
sequestered carbon that is effectively permanent in the dry forest and woodland
areas.
Silvicultural practices to increase carbon stocks in

dry forests and woodlands
At the field level, woodland management practices to enhance biomass produc-
tion have been documented by a number of researchers and these are
summarized in Table 10.4. The management systems are designed to increase
the woody biomass of different woodland systems. These management
approaches can present a suite of practices that resource managers can adopt to
enhance the value of environmental services and fulfil one of the conditions of
PES, to engage in management practices that ensure the production of the
services by the service provider. The response of the woodlands in terms of
biomass accumulation varies from place to place as it is a function of a number
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BOX 10.1 NGITILI: AN INDIGENOUS NATURAL RESOURCE

MANAGEMENT SYSTEM OF TANZANIA
The Ngitili natural resource management system is an indigenous practice used by

the Sukuma people of the Shinyanga and Mwanza districts of Tanzania. The objec-
tive of the practice was to provide fodder for livestock during the dry season and
droughts, restore soil fertility and produce wood products. The success of the
practice in restoring vegetation and woody biomass has increased its value as a
carbon sequestrating strategy. The main trees in Ngitili are Acacia, Brachystegia,
Albizia, Commiphora and Dalbergia.
The practice involves conservation of fallow areas and rangelands to restore
vegetation, especially browse species and grasses. Ngitili is a Sukuma term meaning
enclosure. A household can have its own Ngitili (about 5ha) and over the years as
livestock herds increased, communal Ngitilis became common; these can be as large
as 50ha. The practice is based on excluding livestock from grazing in the protected
areas and prohibiting cutting trees for a period of time. During the wet season, the
Ngitilis are closed off to animals in order to allow vegetation to regenerate. During
the dry season the animals are allowed to graze in the Ngitilis at a very low intensity
level to start off but increase as the other sources of dry season fodder get depleted.
The success of the project depended very much on the local ownership rights of the
local communities through local community law (village law) enforced by local
scouts called sungusungu or wasalama. Penalties for breaking local by-laws such as
causing forest fires would attract a penalty of US$10 which has increased over time
to US$40.
The main management strategies include formulating local by-laws and institu-
tions, developing forest management plans that cover site selection, species
selection, responsibility, conservation management, protection, preparation of fire
guards around degraded woodlands, promoting early burning and promoting more
benign uses, such as beekeeping and honey production.
So far over 300,000ha have been put under a Ngitili form of management and
the communities are benefiting from goods and services. Records show increased
species diversity in some areas, increase of biomass (carbon stock) and increased
ecosystem integrity. The value of the Ngitilis is estimated to be US$14 per person
per year, US$1190 per household per year and US$89.6 million per district per year
(Monela et al, 2005). The Ngitili natural resource management practice was recog-
nized by the UN in 2002 and was awarded a prize under the Equator Initiative. The
challenge now is to expand the Ngitili practice to other areas, prevent selling of
‘restored areas’ to outsiders and create new markets for other environmental
services from the areas e.g. carbon sequestration.
Source: Based on Kamwenda (2002)
of factors which include rainfall, soil type, temperature and management

practices. Because of the low returns from the dry forests and woodlands in
terms of physical products, some of the management practices are deemed
uneconomic. The management practices are designed to achieve specific tangi-
ble products, and examples of management of forest for carbon sequestration
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BOX 10.2 MIOMBO COMMUNITY LAND-USE AND CARBON

MANAGEMENT IN MOZAMBIQUE – NHAMBITA PILOT PROJECT
Nhambita is a small community located near Gorongosa National Park in the Sofala
province of Mozambique. The community was resettled after initially being displaced
from the National Park. There are three main land-use systems: protected area,
buffer zone and communal area in which the local communities are engaged in
subsistence farming, hunting, fishing, livestock rearing and charcoal production
(Zohlo, 2005). The dominant tree species are Brachystegia boehmii, B. spiciformis
and Julbernardia globiflora.
The Miombo Community Land-Use and Carbon Management project aims to
develop forestry and land-use practices that promote sustainable rural livelihoods in
partnership with rural communities in a way that raises living standards, and to assess
the potential of these activities to generate verifiable carbon emission reductions.
The project was developed as a result of the increasing concern about global
climate change, and the recent evolution of carbon markets. The Nhambita project
was launched in 2003 as a collaboration between the environmental company
Enviro-trade Ltd and the University of Edinburgh. The project is supported by the
European Commission. The project is a collaborative effort between several differ-
ent organizations, which include the University of Edinburgh, the Edinburgh Centre
for Carbon Management, Enviro-trade (UK), International Centre for Research in
Agroforestry (Kenya) and the Park Administration of the Gorongosa National Park
(Mozambique).
Local farmers and forest communities manage the planting and growth of trees
in return for proceeds from the sale of carbon offsets to customers in the developed
world using the Plan Vivo methodology developed by the Edinburgh Centre for
Carbon Management. The Plan Vivo is a carbon management system that was
developed for small farmers under the Scolel Te Project in Mexico in 1996. The Plan
Vivo is a Trust Fund which provides technical and financial assistance to local farmers
to take up forestry/agroforestry activities and then, on their behalf, sells carbon
offsets that are generated.
By May 2007 the project had planted 230,000 trees as a combination of
agroforestry and woodland restoration and has over 500 farmers involved who have
benefited from the payments and have been encouraged to become involved in
other micro-finance initiatives, such as beekeeping and carpentry using miombo
tree species planted by the project. The project will pay US$242.60 per hectare to
farmers who agree to undertake carbon sequestration activities on their farms, such
as planting of trees, promoting agroforestry, etc. The project will also pay US$40.50
per hectare to a community fund on the basis of the number of hectares that are
brought under carbon sequestration.
The Mozambique Carbon Livelihoods Trust was launched in 2007 to ensure
that the community’s and individual farmers’ proceeds of carbon offset sales from
Carbon Livelihoods projects were safeguarded. Approximately one-third of the
proceeds of any carbon sale goes directly to this fund and is paid out to individual
farmers over seven years; other payments are reserved for forest management and
conservation activities.
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BOX 10.3 CONCERN WITH CARBON TRADING

FORESTS IN TANZANIA
In its Bulletin no 35, the World Rainforest Movement highlighted the growing
concern with proposed carbon trading forests in Tanzania. The Escarpment Forestry
Company, which is a subsidiary of Norwegian company, Tree Farms, has planted
1900ha of Pinus patula and Eucalyptus saligna in Sao Hill, Mufindi and Kilombero
districts, being the beginning of proposed carbon trading forests. The company is
also supporting the Tanzania Greenhouse Gas Action Trust. However, serious
concerns have been expressed, locally and internationally, about the socio-political,
ecological and economic benefits of the carbon forests. For one thing, the company
has paid a paltry land rent of US$1.9 per hectare. The negotiated 99-year land lease
has important sovereignty implications. However, the most serious concern is that
the operations will exploit cheap labour and will contribute to further marginaliza-
tion of the rural poor.
Source: Owino (no date)
are very few. Perhaps some of these practices might have a greater impact if
applied at a larger landscape scale for the production of environmental services.
There are a number of barriers to adopting some of these management
practices at the local level. Campbell et al (2007) and Kokwe et al (2005)
analysed some common barriers applicable to open access dry forests and
woodlands with special reference to the miombo woodlands of Zambia. Key
barriers include tenure rights which in many parts of Africa are not defined
adequately and hence it is difficult to allocate responsibility and benefits. This
Table 10.4 Summary of common silvicultural practices in the dry woodlands,

savanna and parklands of Africa
Woodland type Management practice Reference
Miombo woodlands 1. Clear felling, coppice with 1. Shackleton and Clarke (2007)
standard, selective cutting 2. Mbwambo and Nshubemuki
and thinning (2007)
2. Silvicultural thinning and 3. Frost (1996); Campbell (1996);
pruning Chidumayo (1988)
3. Controlled burning to reduce 4. Gambiza et al (2008)
fuel load 5. Chidumayo et al (1997)
4. Grazing to reduce fuel load 6. Akinnifesi et al (2006)
5. Coppicing and pollarding
6. Fertilizing miombo fruit trees
Sahelian Acacia- 7. Selective thinning to improve 7. Baumer (1994); Lovett and Haq
Vitellaria parklands productivity (2000)
Gum arabic Acacia 8. Exclusion and grazing to reduce 8. Egadu et al (2007)
savanna fuel load
Sudanian and 9. Agroforestry 9. Unruh et al (1993)
Zambezian woodlands
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BOX 10.4 THE SOCSOM PROJECT IN SENEGAL
Sequestration of Carbon in Soil Organic Matter (SOCSOM) is a project funded by

USAID to investigate carbon sequestration potential in Senegal. The project used
remotely sensed imagery and biogeochemical computer modelling to develop
carbon sequestration strategies that could eventually be applied across the country
and the rest of western Africa.
The semi-arid and sub-humid regions of Africa have the highest potential for
carbon sequestration in the world due to their severely degraded soils. But by
increasing irrigation, reduced tillage, restoring grasslands and savannas, and extend-
ing fallow periods, coupled with applications of compost and organic waste and the
adoption of erosion control strategies, countries could replenish their soil carbon
stocks. In the process, this would benefit farmers through increased agricultural
productivity.
Researchers estimated the patterns of carbon stocks and changes using a
computer simulation model. Models on the impact of human activities and climate
change were developed and included information on changes in land cover and
land use. Additionally, data on crop composition, crop rotation patterns, grazing,
fire, fertilizer use and irrigation from the literature and censuses were incorporated
into the simulations. The model results showed the actual and potential soil carbon
gains, and the economic and ecological costs and benefits. Between 1900 and 2000
the total carbon stock in soils and vegetation decreased from 141 to 89 tonnes per
hectare – a reduction of 37 per cent. In the world of carbon sequestration this means
that Senegal has much more ‘space’ left to fill with carbon. The potential revenue
from managing the dry landscape for CO2 sequestration was about €70 million
(US$95 million) a year, or just under €2.5 billion (US$3.4 billion) over the 35 years
that it will take to reach a new carbon steady-state.
The project has expanded to include other western African countries, such as
Burkina Faso, Ghana, Mali and Niger.
Source: Touré (2006)
has been addressed through community based natural resource management

but there are still a number of lingering problems (elite capture, definition of
community, governance and transparency issues, inequitable benefit sharing).
Participation of community members in woodland management is usually very
low unless they have immediate and direct benefits. The other barrier is lack of
incentive to encourage resource users (and owners) to provide their inputs
(labour, time and technical capacity) in management of dry forest (Nhira,
1996). The low value of dry forests and woodlands in terms of revenues from
products and services also serves as a disincentive to managing dry forests and
woodlands. According to Inamadar et al (1999) local communities or user
groups do not participate in forest management programmes whose transaction
costs are perceived to be higher than benefits. This is true for dry forests and
woodlands because there is a perception that the natural capital and value of
the resource is low. As the global community recognizes the value of dryland
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ecosystems as sinks for carbon, new opportunities might emerge from REDD
programmes and the described management practices will be useful in increas-
ing carbon stocks provided the barriers discussed above are addressed.
Afforestation and forestation activities to create carbon sinks

Under the Clean Development Mechanism, forestation and afforestation
projects are eligible for funding under the Kyoto Protocol of the UNFCCC. In
principle, tree planting has been the major driver of forests as sinks for atmos-
pheric carbon (Murdiyarso and Skutsch, 2006). Whilst tree planting in the dry
forests and woodlands has been mainly for timber products (plantation),
woodfuel (woodlots) and products (e.g. gums from acacia), there has been a
growing need to recognize the multiple functions of the plantation to include
carbon sequestration. Because dry forests and woodlands have relatively low
carbon stocks, tree planting for timber has historically been the main source of
additional carbon stock. There is now growing evidence that plantations are a
huge source of carbon even after they have been harvested and most of the
carbon locked away in buildings, furniture and paper products (Forestry
Tasmania, unpublished reports). Most of the commercial plantations in Africa
are located in the relatively wetter parts of the dry forest regions (e.g. the pine
and eucalypt plantations in Kenya, South Africa, Mozambique and Zimbabwe).
Agroforestry
Carbon sequestration through changes in land use and management is one of
the important strategies to mitigate the global greenhouse effect (Unruh et al,
1993; Tan and Lal, 2005). Agroforestry has been described as an important
land-use system suitable for carbon sequestration because of the carbon storage
potential in its multiple plant species and soil. Whilst reforestation and
afforestation projects are plausible as a means of stabilizing CO2, there are a lot
of other competing land-use systems. This is particularly so in the dry forest
areas of Africa where there is competition for land for crop production and
livestock grazing. Agroforestry provides an alternative land-use system that
combines tree planting and agriculture (Sanchez, 1999). In many parts of Africa,
agroforestry has been introduced to improve small-holder agricultural produc-
tivity through nutrient input by trees, fodder for livestock, wind-breaks and
erosion control. Essentially agroforestry increases woody biomass per unit
agricultural area. In the dry forest area, the potential of agroforestry to
sequester carbon has been reported by Unruh et al (1993) who estimate that
nearly 1549 million hectares are under agroforestry and possibly contain about
11,540 million tonnes of above ground woody biomass. Agroforestry can also
indirectly help CO2 sequestration by decreasing pressure on natural forests
(avoided deforestation) and plantations that are the largest sink of CO2
(Montagnini and Nair, 2004).
The amount of carbon accumulated in agroforestry systems depends on the
existing land use and environmental conditions. In Senegal, for example, the
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capacity to sequester carbon increases with rainfall and generally decreases with
temperature provided soil conditions are not limiting (Batjes, 2001). From the
studies by Unruh et al (1993), agroforestry systems that included a firewood
production component had the greatest potential to accumulate carbon.
However, this presents a problem in that all the firewood is converted to energy
increasing the ‘leakage of carbon’ from the systems. Even with fodder trees that
are fed to animals, the carbon is eventually lost to the atmosphere. The
residence time for the carbon is short but the advantage of the system is that
pressure is temporarily removed from natural forests.
Success of agroforestry in the carbon budget will depend on the availability
of suitable tree species, secure tenure system, critical number of farmers and
suitable climatic conditions. Countries with dry forest and woodland areas need
to invest in research to identify suitable agroforestry species and quantify their
carbon stocks. Such capacity and information will be crucial if countries in the
dry regions of Africa are to promote the carbon sequestration service function
of agroforestry systems.
Urban tree planting

Urban tree planting schemes also have a potential to sequester carbon, apart
from adding aesthetic value to cities and towns. Such schemes may qualify for
carbon credits under ‘agriculture, forestry and other land uses’, which is increas-
ingly gaining momentum as part of the post-Kyoto climate change regime. In
South Africa, the carbon storage of Jacaranda mimosifolia street trees in the
City of Tshwane (Pretoria) was estimated to be 41,978 tonnes of carbon, valued
at US$839,560 (Stoffberg and van Rooyen, 2006). Tree planting in or near
urban centres has been practised in many urban centres in Africa with the objec-
tive of supplying firewood to urban dwellers. Whilst most schemes did not
succeed due to a number of factors (ill-defined ownership, inappropriate
species), they may become an important stock of carbon in the future. The high
level of urbanization in most African countries is driving up the demand of tradi-
tional energy (from firewood and charcoal) in the cities. The ultimate effect is
increased rates of tree cutting (and deforestation) to meet the energy demands
in the growing cities. Thus tree planting near towns using the right species and
with clearly defined ownership rights can help to reduce pressure on natural
forests and woodlands.
WATERSHED ENVIRONMENTAL SERVICES IN THE

DRY FORESTS AND WOODLANDS OF AFRICA
A sufficient and reliable water system is essential for supporting livelihoods
through food production, preserving ecosystems, sustaining economic develop-
ment and providing vital goods and services, such as hydroelectricity. The major
river basins in Africa provide habitat to the majority of the population and are
the main areas of economic activities. The yield and quality of water in the river
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Figure 10.1 Extent of major river basins in dry forests and

woodlands of Sub-Saharan Africa
Note: Senegal (1), Niger (2), Volta (3), Chad (4), Congo (5), Nile (6), Zambezi (7), Limpopo (8) and Orange (9)
systems is largely a function of rainfall input and land-use patterns within the
catchment areas. There is now a growing recognition of the importance of
upstream land management on downstream activities that are dependent on
water (e.g. water supply to municipal areas, irrigation and hydroelectricity).
This basic relation has given rise to the recognition of watershed services. Good
upstream forest management provides a host of watershed services, including
water purification, groundwater and surface flow regulation, erosion control
and stream-bank stabilization. The importance of these watershed services is
increasing as water yield and quality become critical issues around the world.
The financial value of watershed services becomes particularly apparent when
the costs of protecting an ecosystem for improved water quality are compared
with downstream benefits, access to water and water security issues. Innovative
market-based mechanisms for watershed services include self-organized private
payments, public payments or incentives, and trading schemes
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BOX 10.5 RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN FORESTS AND

PRODUCTION OF WATER SERVICE
• Forests slow rate of runoff.

• Forests reduce soil erosion and sedimentation in waterways.
• Forests filter contaminants and influence water chemistry.
• Forests reduce the total annual water flow in a watershed.
• Forests can increase or decrease groundwater recharge.
• Forest loss shifts aquatic productivity.
• Forests may influence precipitation at a larger regional scale, but the effect of forest
cover in most areas is limited.
Source: Adapted from Johnson et al (2001)
Major river basins in Africa containing dry forests and woodlands

All the major river basins in sub-Saharan Africa are either located or have most
of their headwaters in dry forests and woodlands (Figure10.1). Of these river
basins, five (the Congo, Nile, Niger, Chad and Zambezi) occupy about 42 per
cent of the geographical area and sustain more than 44 per cent of the African
population (UNEP, 2006; Singh et al, 1999). The Volta river basin covers large
parts of western Africa and flows through the dry forest areas in that part of
Africa. The river basins of Africa support many economic activities that include
agricultural production, fishing, forestry, transport and tourism, and contain the
largest areas of dry forests and woodlands. Apart from rainfall input, the land-
use systems and human activities within the basins affect the quality and
quantity of water in the basin. The forested or wooded areas are generally super-
imposed over watershed areas, and thus the status and management of these
forest areas may have a significant effect on the hydrology of the rivers.
The growing population in the fertile river basins is exerting pressure on the
forests and woodlands, soil and water resources. Most land use practices have
unintentionally altered the hydrological function of most of the watershed
areas. This major threat has been exacerbated by extreme and temporal variabil-
ity in climate and rainfall. It is generally well known, however, that the
relationship between forest cover and the production of water services is
variable, complicated and poorly understood. Box 10.5 shows some of the
general biophysical relationships between forests and water.
Watershed services
The watershed services in the dry forests and woodlands of Africa can be viewed
from three levels. The first is rather modest and local, often involving water-
sheds that supply rural settlements and individual rural households and their
livestock. The second is the national water supply to dams for urban water
supply, industries and hydroelectricity generation. The third is an extension of
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the second at a regional level where watercourses may be shared and thus invari-
ably the services offered, e.g. the Zambezi. Whilst it is difficult to establish the
actual management practices that produce watershed services, the fact that
woodland and forest form the dominant land-use system in the headwaters of
most rivers implies their importance and function in the hydrology of the rivers.
Currently, the main drivers behind the generation of the watershed services are
the protection practices and degradation on upstream areas of the catchment
areas, and these become more complicated by level.
The basic notion is that where upstream action generates downstream
benefits in terms of water and other aesthetic benefits, and the consumption
(or enjoyment) of the service by beneficiaries, this creates the watershed service
function of forested/wooded catchments. With regards to the buyers of water-
shed services, the market is rather small and is usually within the specific
countries or between neighbouring countries. Studies by IIED found little
evidence of the existence of, or demand for, market-based mechanisms, either
by governments or potential ‘buyers’ of watershed services (Geoghegan, 2005).
Public budgets are the main source of funding for watershed services (Gouyon,
2002). Dillaha et al (2008) listed some of the potential buyers of water services
and these include hydroelectricity companies, municipal water suppliers, irriga-
tion schemes, industrial companies and tax revenue collection institutions.
Within the African context, the lack of investment in such sectors and low value
of capital makes payments for water services difficult or uneconomic. The
general approach is to compensate those people in the upper reaches of drainage
basins who refrain from land uses that exacerbate flooding, periodic water
shortages, water quality problems and other problems at lower elevations
(Landell-Mills and Porras, 2002; Pagiola et al, 2002). In fact Dillaha et al (2008)
suggested that PES in Africa are ‘essentially public works programmes’. The
Working for Water Program in South Africa is one such programme. The
programme aims to control invasive alien species in catchments for the protec-
tion of water resources and ensuring water supplies (van Wilgen et al, 2001)
resulting in socioeconomic benefits, such as creating labour-intensive tree clear-
ing programmes in the catchments (Le Maitre et al, 2001).
It would appear perhaps that for African dry forest and woodland countries,
economic sectors benefiting from watershed services should create funding to
invest in forest management in water catchments or pay land users and owners
who actively participate in land management. In the case of most countries
where the state government still controls and manages forest resources, the
payments for water services could be via tax revenues that are specifically
collected and allocated to the natural resource management ministries or
agencies. In most dry forest countries, state-led systems of protection and
regulation of water are giving way to more decentralized ones that emphasize
community-based and co-management approaches. The trend is the creation of
new institutions for water catchment management variously called water catch-
ment authorities, councils or boards. These institutions may be self-organized,
organized with the involvement of state agencies, or representing new decen-
tralized levels of formal authority, and are taking management action at the
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local level (Geoghegan, 2005). These institutions could be the channel through
which watershed services are produced and environmental payments collected
on behalf of local communities who manage the resources.
At regional levels, increasing populations present the most serious threat to
water adequacy. A larger population leads to higher water demand for produc-
tion of food and for domestic, municipal and industrial use. This situation
results in the construction of dams or altering river courses hence redistributing
water allotments among sharing countries (Gleick, 2000). The drive to secure
shared water supplies has been noted as one of the urgent political issues on the
UN’s global agenda and the Nile River is an example of such a case in Africa
(El-Fadel et al, 2003). The scarcity and security concerns over water will most
likely result in the development of new markets for water and watershed
services. Thus countries with a high proportion of river basin areas may want to
argue for compensation for investment in management from downstream
countries. An example of where this could be applicable is in the Nile River
where Ethiopia has a large proportion of the Nile basin and any catchment
management in the country will impact water availability in Egypt. Shared river
basins, like those found in many parts of Africa, have the potential to generate
payments for watershed services amongst nations, and portions of the payments
could be directed towards the land managers, who are often local communities.
With increasing incidents of drought and levels of degradation of watershed
areas, water scarcity is brought into sharper focus and interest to different stake-
holders, countries and end-users. More dams will be constructed causing
conflict of interest with downstream users (e.g. Nile river in Uganda, Ethiopia,
Egypt; Zambezi river in Zambia, Zimbabwe and Mozambique). This water
scarcity has heightened the value of watershed services as a provider of
improved water supply and quality. This can explain the increasing develop-
ment of integrated catchment management strategies between countries (e.g.
Zambezi River Action Plan and Nile Basin Initiative) to improve water supply
and minimize conflicts. The interest in water sharing (and conflict) and valua-
tion of water provision has brought to the fore the need to value and market
watershed services. It is therefore most likely that the market expansion will
continue in the future.
Within a national developmental context, the critical issue to consider is
how natural resource management can take into consideration the water
services from forests and woodlands and how to compensate upstream resource
managers or communities. Due to the lack of investments in sectors that might
‘buy’ watershed services in Africa, countries should consider allocating more
fiscal resources to public programmes. The public programmes can then drive
local activities aimed at curtailing deforestation and degradation, promoting
conservation practices that build personal and community responsibility by
giving economic value to watershed protection; and creating new livelihood
options for those providing watershed protection services in the catchment. An
example of this kind of incentive is the working for water programme in South
Africa where communities are getting jobs from clearing alien invasive plants
(van Wilgen et al, 2001).
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Most of the river basins are trans-boundary and different countries pursue
different management agendas, often in conflict with conservation priorities or
water requirements of other countries. To address these potential issues of
conflict, a number of countries have come together to form river basin manage-
ment strategies. The initiatives are funded mostly by international organizations.
Whilst the initiatives are mainly concerned with managing the water resources,
they can also be good channels through which to promote the watershed
services of forests and woodlands. Watershed services in the dry forest and
woodlands areas are still developing and the challenge is for the countries to
demonstrate the linkages between woodlands and the provision of water
services.
OTHER LOCAL LEVEL ENVIRONMENTAL SERVICES

FROM THE DRY FORESTS AND WOODLANDS
OF AFRICA
The dry forests and woodlands of Africa form a major frontier for agricultural
expansion and play a crucial role in providing services to this sector. The major-
ity of the rural people of Africa live in the dry forest and woodland areas and
the major economic activities are crop farming and livestock husbandry. The
dry forests and woodlands of Africa also vary considerably across a range of
socio-economic settings, land use patterns and tenure systems and thus differ-
entiating the types and levels of environmental services. The key support
services include providing browse and fodder to livestock (see Chapter 8), soil
amelioration, sand dune stabilization, shade and shelter, weed control, soil
moisture and nutrient recycling. These support services are produced and
consumed locally by communities and individual households. Because the
demand is usually internal, no prices and markets have been developed, but
their contribution to increasing and sustainable agricultural productivity has
been widely researched and reported. Furthermore, environmental services such
as water and nutrient cycling have the potential of attracting monetary markets
and are very important in terms of livelihoods and rural economy.
Livestock production systems

The Sahelian, Sudanian and Somali-Masai vegetation types support livestock
production systems that are the mainstay for the nomadic herdsmen in west,
eastern and northern Africa. Pods and foliage from Acacia species are well
acknowledged for the fodder value throughout the dry lands of Africa (Barnes,
2001). Chapter 8 in this book has described the livestock production systems
in African dry forests and woodlands.
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Soil moisture and nutrient recycling

Acacia species in the Sahel, the Horn of Africa, East, southern and north Africa
are utilized for many products (fuel, timber, forage, gum, tannins, fibre,
medicine, food, handicrafts, domestic utensils) and environmental services,
such as sand dune stabilization, soil fertility improvement, shade and shelter,
game refuge and amenity (Wickens et al, 1995). The agroforestry forest parks
(forét-parcs), which are areas with moderate to densely wooded natural tree
and shrub growth (Baumer, 1994), also play an important role in supporting
agricultural production through nutrient and moisture recycling. Miombo
woodlands of southern Africa support agricultural production through soil
moisture and nutrient recycling through litter inputs (Stromgaard, 1988; Nyathi
and Campbell, 1993).
Other services
The shrubs and scattered trees in the Sahel are well known for reducing wind
speeds and sediment transport (Leenders, 2006; Leenders et al, 2007) while
others control weeds. Acacia albida trees are known to completely control
Striga hermonthica weeds in millet fields (Gworgwor, 2007). The pollination
services of bees associated with honey production in the miombo woodlands of
Zambia are well known (Mickels-Kokwe, 2006). These services from African
dry forests and woodlands play an important role in supporting local economic
activities. Individual households invest time, labour and technology in practices
that produce these services. The main incentive is that the benefits accrue
directly to the households. The markets for such services are non-existent, or if
they are present, they could be operating at very small scales, for example, local
level sand dune stabilization to protect an individual farm could benefit a wider
area if such a practice were adopted by more members of the community. The
challenge for countries in the dry forests and woodlands of Africa is how to up-
scale these local level practices to yield landscape level environmental services
that benefit the wider community and can be bundled together and sold to
bigger markets.

Whilst the dry forests and woodlands of Africa are well known for providing
livelihood options to many millions of people in Africa, their role in providing
environmental services has not been fully explored. A number of constraints
appear to hinder the development of environmental services provided by
African dry forests and woodlands. These include a lack of understanding of the
value of services, insecure tenure, poorly defined markets, lack of institutional
and technical capacity, and lack of a transparent benefit sharing mechanism. An
elaboration of these issues follows.
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Lack of understanding on the values of the resources

At national levels, statistics on the contribution of forests and woodlands to
national economies are still very poorly understood (FAO, 2004). Such inade-
quacies in the valuation of ecosystem service are also apparent at the global
level (Constanza et al, 1997). Apart from the very few carbon projects cited in
this chapter, and the few examples of watershed services, it is still difficult to
give estimates of the value of environmental services. This lack of monetary
estimates creates the notion amongst policy-makers that dry forests are not
very important. This is generally reflected by the declining budgetary alloca-
tions to the forestry sector in many countries. It is therefore recommended
that countries in the dry forest areas should undertake studies that estimate the
contribution of forest to livelihoods and national economies (Bond, 2008).
There is a particular need to assess the contribution of environmental services
to the total value of forests and woodlands.
Insecure tenure
Most of the dry forests and woodlands in Africa are open access areas and gener-
ally there is insecure access to forest resources and services. This tenure system,
typical across most of Africa, is an important barrier to the production of
environmental services and payment schemes (Muramira, 2005; Mwangi and
Mutunga, 2005; Ochieng et al, 2007 cited in Dillaha et al, 2008). Consequently
the major environmental services, such as CO2 sequestration and watershed
services, are perceived as public goods that come from common resources. As
such, the investment in management practices by individuals does not guaran-
tee maximum benefits to the individuals. Also at the very local level, it is not
clear who should produce these services and who should benefit. A key question
to the generation of ES is what is the role of the resource owners and users,
communities and national governments? Most ES are viewed as free goods and
these attract free riders, so some stakeholders could be benefiting from the
services without investing capital, labour, finance, assets and human capital.
Achieving tenure security is an important first step in promoting produc-
tion of environmental services. Because informal and formal laws on tenure
systems overlap in many parts of Africa, enhancing tenure security should be
regarded as a long-term process involving negotiations and conflict resolution.
Some approaches that countries can adopt include supporting community based
natural resource management programmes where a community is clearly
defined, access rights are legally recognized and supported, forest management
plans are put in place and equitable benefit sharing arrangements are agreed
upon.
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Lack of clearly defined markets

On the market side, the non-exclusive nature of environmental services has
contributed to the lack of clearly defined markets for such services. A commu-
nity or government might invest in good management practices that generate
environmental services but because of the public nature of the good, there
might be no clearly defined market. This is a major bottleneck in the develop-
ment of markets for CO2 sequestration since carbon cycling operates at a global
scale due to its atmospheric form and is ‘very poorly captured’ in any set of
prices or markets (Kinzig et al, unpublished data). Even with watershed
services, the markets are not clearly defined and in most cases public funds
(public payments schemes) are used to compensate upstream activities (e.g.
Gouyon, 2002) or support communities to participate in catchment manage-
ment projects (e.g. work for water programmes in South Africa).
The REDD is a new source of markets for countries in the dry forest regions
experiencing high rates of deforestation and although the details of the
programme remain to be finalized, it presents opportunities for countries with
dry forests and woodlands to get involved in payment for carbon sequestration.
Countries with dry forests and woodlands should therefore invest in creating an
understanding of how these policies work at the global level so as to position
themselves in negotiations.
Transaction costs
The transaction costs associated with negotiating, implementing, and monitor-
ing environmental services can be high. Environmental services are being
promoted as a mechanism for reducing poverty of rural communities. Because
of the tenure systems in the dry forests and woodlands of Africa, there are
multiple small-scale land-owners and users and potential beneficiaries.
Transaction costs increase when multiple parties are involved (Kerr et al, 2006).
As a result most investors usually avoid small-scale projects and dealing with
many small landowners. This could be a significant barrier to the provision of
environmental services, and countries need to develop strategies to reduce such
costs, such as setting up intermediary organizations that can work directly with
communities on environmental services (Jindal, 2006).
Governance and institutional barriers

A central tenet of environmental services is the need for good governance and
transparency to ensure that the poor communities benefit. Historically forest
and woodland resources have been associated with corruption and elite capture
of benefits by a few powerful people. This negative perception that ‘someone
else will benefit’ and the tragedy of the commons syndrome could be some of
the barriers hindering the development of environmental services. Whilst it is
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important for governments to play an arbitration role in payment for environ-

mental schemes, increasing government regulation could curb PES efficiency
and implementation scale, and could eventually harm the poor (Wunder, 2007).
A stable and well-defined regulatory environment is necessary to promote
investment in environmental services and to ensure that the resource managers
are fairly compensated for the management of resources. Enabling policies and
laws that promote and protect community interests in natural resource manage-
ment are therefore urgently needed to address these constraints.
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11
Managing Dry Forests and

Woodlands for Products and
Services: A Prognostic Synthesis
Davison Gumbo and Emmanuel Chidumayo
MUSINGS OVER THE PAST AND THE FUTURE

Each of the preceding chapters has raised key issues and challenges concerning
the importance and management of African dry forests and woodlands and the
products and services that they provide. In planning for dry forest and woodland
management for the future, it is crucial to learn from the past, including learn-
ing from anthropogenic effects (Bird and Cali, 1998). Hoffman (1997) claims
that historic anthropogenic influences, through the demand for wood for iron
smelting, have been a lot more extensive than previously accepted. In addition,
Huffman (1982), Hall (1984) and Schmidt and Avery (1996), working on Iron
Age archaeological sites, have confirmed that vast amounts of wood were used,
most of which was extracted from surrounding forests and woodlands.
Domestic livestock, in particular cattle and sheep, evidence of whose existence
dates back to the 1st century AD, have also been mentioned as agents of dry
forest and woodland change in Africa (Tlou and Campbell, 1997; Campbell and
Ramsay, 1994; Denbow and Wilmsen, 1989; Garlake, 1978). Further, cycles of
abandonment and settlement as well as slash and burn correspond to deforesta-
tion and reforestation in Africa (Schmidt and Avery, 1996; Goucher, 1981).
These are a few but key examples that show how strongly African dry forests
and woodlands were influenced by human activities over thousands of years
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ago; and the intensity of which has increased many fold in the last century as
human and livestock populations grew, mines and road infrastructure were
developed and cities expanded through rapid urbanization.
The use of dry forest and woodland resources should also be seen with a
broader focus especially as these resources also provided goods for local and
international markets in the same periods. Some scholars show how charcoal
fueled local trade (for blacksmiths) and later entered into the vast trade routes
of western Africa (Haaland, 1980; Goucher, 1981). In eastern and southern
Africa a similar picture emerges (Schmidt and Avery, 1996; van der Merwe and
Killick, 1979). The trees most sought after were Burkea africana, Combretum
imberbe, Prosopsis africana, Percopsis angolensis, Ziziphus mucronata and a host
of Acacia species, but the most preferred species across Africa was Burkea
africana (van der Merwe and Killick, 1979; Goucher, 1981; Goucher and
Herbert, 1996). In addition, and as noted in Chapter 7, trade in charcoal could
also have been complemented by a thriving timber trade, and though not widely
recorded, centred on mahogany and ebony (Taylor, 1960). The depletion of
forests for charcoal to fuel the smelting and smithing processes, not only
reduced the number of key species but also created a disturbance regime that
allowed for the establishment of Africa’s dry forests and woodlands. The distur-
bance regime was augmented by fire as well as low levels of slash-and-burn
agriculture. Use of dry forests and woodlands has not changed that much but
has gained in intensity as populations grow. As noted, vegetation formations
have historically been transformed through charcoal making, slash and burn,
livestock rearing and lately, mining and infrastructure development have been
added to the fray and in combination present formidable challenges to the
management of dry forests and woodlands in Africa. As the previous chapters
have shown, these vegetation formations can significantly contribute not only to
the maintenance and improvement of people’s wellbeing and livelihood security,
but also to the sustainable growth of national economies. Given the many
products and services that African dry forests and woodlands provide, one major
challenge that remains to be addressed is whether appropriate plans and strate-
gies exist, or can be developed, for managing these vegetation types for multiple
and sometimes competing products and services in a sustainable way. Yet it
must be noted that sustainable use ideals are central to any planned manage-
ment and conservation of African dry forests and woodlands.
Increasingly, there are calls for the application of sustainable-use manage-
ment to bring socio-economic factors to the centre stage of issues pertaining to
sustainable forests and woodland management (Hutton and Dickson, 2000;
Child, 2004). Major threats to sustainable management of African dry forests
and woodlands in the future exist at the intersection of local land use and global
environmental changes. Solutions to the problems partially lie in the existence
of strong local governance systems where such systems receive sufficient
support from the state. This is critical as increasingly, the integration of social
and ecological components are being used to analyse resource management,
conservation and sustainability issues (Gunderson and Holling, 2002). The
dependence of rural communities on the biodiversity, ecological processes and
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M A N A G I N G D RY F O R E S T S A N D W O O D L A N D S F O R P R O D U C T S A N D S E RV I C E S
ecosystem services provided by dry forests and woodlands is enormous, yet it is

precisely these forests and woodland types that are fast disappearing. For the
hundreds of millions of poor and rural inhabitants of forest and woodland
ecosystems, the losses in forest cover have had particularly severe consequences.
Forests are embedded within larger-level socio-economic and political settings,
which also have the capacity to significantly influence outcomes (Chapin et al,
2006).
The range of challenges presented in the preceding chapters requires
working partnerships and these should be established on two fronts. Firstly, at
the country level, the involvement of all the major stakeholders (e.g. public
agencies, the private sector, NGOs, local communities and informal local insti-
tutions) is essential for efficient management of dry forest and woodland
resources. It is important that governments:
• provide an enabling environment for economically efficient and environ-

mentally sound forest sector activity;
• ensure better pricing to reflect the full scarcity of forest resources;
• tax resource users accordingly to internalize externalities.
The scaling down of government involvement in production will release scarce

resources for those areas in which its intervention is more pertinent, e.g. sustain-
able dry forest and woodland management (where the market often fails),
research, human resources development and donor coordination. Secondly, the
global community should develop a common agenda for internalizing the priori-
ties and needs of dry forest and woodland countries. The world community
must also provide the strong financial and technical assistance needed by African
countries for improvements in forest resource management. Other issues to be
considered include:
• Strategizing for carbon sequestration in dry forest and woodland countries

where basic baseline information and data are not available, in particular
methods to be adopted for this purpose.
• How, from a research perspective, should the mismatch between tenure
(state) and capacity to regulate access to forestry resources be tackled?
• It is critical that the profile of the forestry sector be raised at national
government level so that sufficient funds are made available at that level.
How can this profile be raised? Is it a question of showing contribution to
GDP or the inclusion of the non-financial benefits?
• Do we have the right skills and numbers to address dry forest and woodland
research?
Dry forests and woodlands need to be viewed as economically viable, multiple

use systems that are inseparable from people’s welfare, livelihoods, culture and
development. The importance of dry forest and woodland products in provid-
ing housing, health care, employment, food, etc. and in contributing to all eight
Millennium Development Goals (Petheram et al, 2006) needs to be accepted
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and mainstreamed by a much wider range of stakeholders and sectors than is

presently the case. Important services and value are being lost on a daily basis
through resource mismanagement and land transformation. This comes with
considerable environmental and social costs and is jeopardizing the livelihoods
of the poor as well as future economic streams from these systems. Forests and
forest product use and management need to be seen as part of a holistic and
integrated approach to rural development and poverty alleviation and be
acknowledged in key development strategies (e.g. Poverty Reduction Strategies,
Sustainable Development Strategies) and decentralized planning initiatives.
The use of products generated by forest resources needs to be integrated
into national surveys for statistical documentation of volumes and values,
including household income and expenditure surveys. This type of data could
help to generate the policy responses required to address this sector.
Indigenous or traditional knowledge embedded in customary laws, norms,
beliefs and practices relating to the use and management of specific dry forest
species needs to be included in any efforts to improve forest and species
management. Furthermore, the interaction, and potential synergies, between
such informal controls and more formal mechanisms such as government
imposed restrictions need to be understood. The links between culture and
forest product conservation are particularly important in some contexts and
should be more explicitly explored. There are indications that cultural value
may be as, or more, important than economic value in providing an incentive
for sustainable management (Sambou et al, 2002). Indeed, the latter is often
controversial with a high market value sometimes resulting in precisely the
opposite outcome to that desired, resulting in overexploitation rather than
conservation.
The trade in lesser known forest products and services needs to be
supported at all levels, from local to international, through the provision of
appropriate business support services and a favourable policy environment.
Local and regional trade should not be ignored in the pursuit of high value inter-
national markets, as all levels of trade have a vital role to play in the livelihoods
of those involved, with support for the local level trade often being an impor-
tant way to target some of the poorest people and women in particular.
Institutionalized support needs to be provided for the commercialization of
forest products, including micro-credit provision, skills training, organizational
capacity building and development of value added products to assist local
producers to expand their trading activities. Some of this may require cross-
departmental or cross-sectoral cooperation. Targeted subsidies and support
programmes that can make the cash sale of forest products more viable need
attention (Petheram et al, 2006). Work from Botswana has shown how invest-
ment in marketing and training substantially increased producers’ incomes,
providing a livelihood for people who would have otherwise been supported by
more costly state welfare grants (Terry, 1999). Suitable models that involve
partnerships between the private sector, NGOs and producer groups, with
appropriate government oversight, need to be explored (Wynberg, 2006).
Coordinated regional approaches and policies are required for important
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products traded across borders (e.g. mopane worms, woodcraft, medicines), or

where products produced in adjacent countries are competing for the same
markets (e.g. baskets).
The objective of this chapter is to bring together issues raised in the preced-
ing chapters and propose plans and strategies for managing dry forests and
woodlands for increasing the benefits of these vegetation types in a sustainable
manner. To achieve this, the chapter presents three areas for discussion. Firstly,
it examines the social-political context of sustainable forest management and
the cross-cutting issues of policy and legislation that underpin the implementa-
tion of plans and strategies concerning natural resources management. Secondly,
this chapter discusses the dynamics of dry forests and woodlands in the face of
global change. Thirdly, the chapter briefly suggests ways of managing African
dry forests and woodlands for multiple products and services before ending
with a section on the way forward.
POLICY AND LEGISLATIVE REFORM

Key issues that have been repeatedly raised in the preceding chapters with
implications for the management of African dry forests and woodlands relate to
the need for policy and legislative reform. In this regard, issues pertaining to
land and resource tenure, the associated property and access rights, and the
need for integrated land-use planning must be addressed. It is our contention
that institutional and political processes interact with economic and environ-
mental or bio-physical factors depending on the management or conservation
objectives. Further, we believe that macro level policies are very important in
influencing forest management. In some cases, however, policy reform adds a
layer of insecurity and uncertainty concerning the attainment of management
objectives. A good example is land reform and ‘degazettement’ of forest
reserves driven by the encroachment of local communities. Furthermore, it has
been noted that uncertainties linked to long cutting cycles coupled with slow
growth rates have made planning difficult, leading to overharvesting. This has
been exacerbated by the lack of data and information.
Some of the key policy processes that are central to dry forest and woodland
management relate to decentralization and devolution in governance. We note
that decentralization and devolution of management for key resources may
confer responsibility and ownership for stakeholders. While many dry forest and
woodland countries recognize the need to devolve resource management respon-
sibility to the lowest structures of local level institutions of the affected
communities, in practice this is often not the case. Policy is often not matched
with practice and for dry forests and woodlands where centralized decision-
making and management is at play, communities are already alienated and this
has promoted resource overuse that often lead to degradation. Centralization of
management also inhibits resource access rights and benefits for local level user-
groups from protected areas. Devolution increases resource access rights and
benefits particularly to those most dependent on them (Ribot, 1999).
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Policy and legislative reform is necessary to provide an enabling environ-

ment for managing dry forests and woodlands for multiple products and
services. The burden of policy reform in the forestry sector in Africa is presaged
on an understanding of the existing macro-policy context. Current knowledge
shows that in Africa’s dry forest and woodland countries the most dominant
player is the public sector. Questions can be raised as to how the sector
addressees and is addressed in the various national development plans and
programmes if dry forests and woodlands are to be sustainably managed. In
Table 11.1 we present a summary of the status of the forestry sector in selected
dry forest and woodland countries in Africa. In this table we look at national
forest policies, taking cognizance of the fact that FAO has been supporting the
development and implementation of such initiatives in a number of countries.
In the table we also show the principal supporting legislation for the sector as
well as the institutional housing of the sector.
The table not only shows that there has been a widespread adoption of
national forest policies across sub-Saharan Africa but also signals a shift from
forests and woodlands as sources of timber to a wider range of forest goods and
services and stakeholder needs. Clearly, these countries have embraced the
concept of sustainable forest management and have acknowledged that good
policies are needed, and it is hoped that this is not just a case of conformity but
a realization of the importance of the sector. Besides working on NWFPs, most
governments already had various pieces of regulation addressing the sector
varying from acts of parliament to statutory instruments. In almost all the
countries, the legislative framework for forests and woodlands is also supported
by other sector-based pieces of legislation, especially environment and mining,
which goes a long way to show that forests and woodlands are recognized in
some countries. However, recognition alone is not enough as it does not trans-
late into direct support for the forest sector.
While the above picture looks rosy in most countries, the institutional
frameworks do not necessarily give priority and support to the sector. The
general tendency is to place forests and woodlands within a ministry dealing
with environmental issues as in Cameroon, Zimbabwe and Kenya. While the
idea of linking forests and woodlands with environment sounds good in some
cases, only a part of the environment is considered, e.g. water, as is the case in
Burkina Faso. There are major variations in terms of where the forest sector is
placed. In Ghana the sector is aligned with science and technology, while in
Mozambique and Tanzania it is with agriculture and tourism, respectively. In
other countries it is combined with land, natural resources or fisheries. Table
11.1 also shows the broad range of supportive legislation to the forest sector
but this can also result in fragmentation and duplication of authority and respon-
sibilities. For example, in Zimbabwe ten different ministries administer an
estimated 20 environment-related laws. The situation is further complicated in
countries with federal systems of government where responsibilities are shared
by central and provincial authorities.
While Table 11.1 does not comprehensively show how countries are
addressing emerging issues such as co-management of forests, it is clear that
266
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Table 11.1 Positioning and arrangements in the macro-policy context of the forest sector in selected
African dry forest and woodland countries
5/7/10
Country Status of NFP Principal Act(s) Support Legislation Key Institutions
Angola (2007) National Forest, The Forest, Wildlife and Environmental Basis Law Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development
16:13
Wildlife and Conservation Areas Law Land law (MINADER)

Conservation under Biodiversity National Strategy • National Directorate of Agriculture, Livestock
discussion and Plan of Action and Forest (DNAPF)
• The Forest Development Institute (IDF)
Burkina Faso The National Forestry Forest Code, Mining Code Ministry of Environment and Standard of Living
Page 267
(2007) Action Plan Environmental Code for • National Council for the Environment and
1989 and 1991 sustainable natural resources Sustainable Durable Development
management • Department of Water and Forests
• Department of the Environment
Cameroon The 1994 Forest Law The 1994 Forest Law The presidential decree 94/436 Ministry of Environment and Forestry (MINEF)
(2005) The frame law on Environmental • The Sub Directorate of forest inventories and
Protection 1996 management
267
• The Wildlife Division
• The Wood Industry Division
Ghana (2008) Forest and Wildlife The Forestry Commission Timber Resources Management Ministry of Lands, Forestry and Mines
Policy 1994 Act 1999 (Amendment) Regulations 2003 • The Forestry Commission
Timber Resource Trees and Timber Amendment • Forestry Research Institute of Ghana (FORIG)
Management Act 1997 Act, 1994
Forest Protection Amendment
Act 2002
Kenya (2009) Draft Paper no 1 of Forests Act 2005 The Environmental Management Ministry of Forestry and Wildlife
2007 on Forest Policy and Co-ordination Act (EMCA) • Kenya Forest Service
was published in 2007 1999 • Kenya Forestry College
The Wildlife (Conservation and • Kenya Forestry Research Institute
Management) Act • Forestry Extension Services
Malawi (2007) National Forest Policy Forest Act 1997 Environmental Management Ministry of Energy, Mines and Natural Resources
of 1996, Act 1996 • Department of Forestry
Community Based Land use Management Act • Forestry Research Institute of Malawi
Forest Management Parks and Wildlife Management • Forestry Extension Services
2003 Act
Table 11.1 continued
ES_DRWA_5-7
Mozambique The Forestry and Forestry and Wildlife The Land Law, 1997 Ministry of Agriculture
(2007) Wildlife Policy Law 1999 The Environmental Law, 1997 • National Directorate of Land and Forests
5/7/10
Mining legislation • Forestry Research Centre (CEF)

Namibia (2007) Approved 2001; Forest Act 2001 Namibia Forestry Strategic Plan Ministry of Agriculture, Water and Forestry
Draft New Forest and Forest Amendment Act 2005 1996 • Department of Water Affairs and Forestry
16:13
Veld Fire Policy (2007) Water Act 1969 • Directorate of Forestry

Nature Conservation of 1975 – Research
Environmental Protection Bill – Extension
(in pipeline)
Nigeria (2008) Approved National A draft National Forestry Act The Forestry Law Federal Ministry of Environment, Housing and
Forest Policy 2006 is still in process by relevant Urban Development
Page 268
government agencies • Federal Department of Forestry

• Forestry Research Institute of Nigeria, Ibadan,
Oyo State
• Forestry Extension Services
268
South Africa White Paper on National Forest Act 1998 National Veld and Forest Fire Ministry of Water Affairs and Forestry (MWAF)
(2007) Sustainable Forest Act 2001 • Department of Water Affairs & Forestry (DWAF)
Development 1998 Forestry Laws Amendment Act • Council for Scientific & Industrial Research
(currently being 2005 (CSIR) Natural Resources & Environment
reviewed as part of National Environmental • Forestry Extension Service
the SA National Forest Management Act 1998
Programme) National Environment Management:
Biodiversity Act 2003
Sudan (2007) National Forestry The Forests and Renewable Environment Protection Act 2000 Ministry of Agriculture and Forests
policy statement Natural Resources Act 2002 The Wildlife Conservation and • Forests National Corporation (FNC)
2006 National Parks Act 1986 • Forestry Research Centre
• Forestry Extension Services

Tanzania (2007) National Forest Forest Act 2002 Wildlife Act Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism (MNRT)
Policy 1998, (currently Environment Act • Forestry and Beekeeping Division (FBD)
being reviewed) Fisheries Act • Tanzania Forestry Research Institute (TAFORI)
Water Resources Act • Forestry Extension Services
ES_DRWA_5-7
Table 11.1 continued

5/7/10
Uganda (2007) National Forest Policy The National Forestry And National Environment Management Ministry of Water and Environment
2001 Tree Planting Act 2003 Act 1995 • Forest Inspection Division (FID)
16:13
Uganda Wildlife Act • National Forestry Resources Research Institute

(Na FORRI)
• District Forestry Services
Zambia (2007) National Forest Policy Forests Act 1973 Environmental Protection and Ministry of Tourism, Environment and Natural
1998 Pollution Control Act Resources (MTENR)
Zambia Wildlife Authority Act 1998 • Forest Department (FD)
Page 269
Forestry Act 1999 • Forestry Research Division

Land Act 1995 • National Centre for Scientific and Industrial
Research (NCSIR)
• Forestry Extension Unit
Note: NFP = National Forest Policy, an agreed strategic framework of priorities and viable options for improving forestry management at national level.
269
Source: www.nfp-facility.org/45444/en/ago/
ES_DRWA_5-7 5/7/10 16:13 Page 270
Table 11.2 Policy and legislative reform objectives in improving management

of African dry forests and woodlands for products and services
Threat and Policy and legislative Scale of institutional involvement
resource use issues reform objectives 1 2 3 4
Climate change and Enhancing adaptation to climate change
vulnerability
Management of Strengthening management of
protected areas protected areas
Resource Reducing overharvesting and where
overharvesting possible promoting alternative products
Invasive species Preventing and controlling invasive species
Conservation in Encouraging tree conservation in
modified landscapes cultural and modified landscapes
International Domesticating and enforcing
agreements international agreements and fostering
cooperation with international NGOs
Community and Promoting involvement of local
private involvement communities and the private sector
in the management and utilization
of natural resources
Subsistence and Recognizing and promoting
cultural uses of sustainable subsistence and cultural
products and services uses of natural resources
Product and service Promoting commercialization of
commercialization natural products, value addition and trade
International trade Promoting international trade that is
based on sustainable use of natural
resources
Production and use Building capacity and promoting
technologies technologies that contribute to
resources conservation and efficient use
Plantation and Building capacity for and promoting
woodlots investment in appropriate development
of plantations and woodlots
Wildlife and livestock Promoting efficient use of rangelands
production for either wildlife or livestock or their
integration, but having regard to animal
health and climate change implications
Carbon sequestration Building capacity for monitoring carbon
and trade sequestration under UNFCCC mechanisms
and ensuring fair trade in carbon
Land-use integration Promoting integrated land-use planning
and conservation of forests and
woodlands for multiple products and
services
Local knowledge Safeguarding and promoting useful local
and practices knowledge and practices that contribute
to sustainable natural resources
management
Resource tenure Empowering the poor and vulnerable to
have secure tenure to natural capital
and resources
Property and access Securing property and access rights for
rights the poor and vulnerable in society to
natural capital and resources
Notes: 1 = Local and national; 2 = local, national, and regional; 3 = regional and international; and
4 = national, regional and international
Source: Authors
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various forms of policy and legislative reforms are needed. Such reforms should
focus on complementary laws and by-laws on land tenure, property and access
rights that deliberately protect the rights of the poor and vulnerable in society,
particularly in rural areas, where they are more dependent on dry forests and
woodlands for livelihoods and income generation. Issues pertaining to legislative
reform necessary for improving the management of African dry forests and
woodlands are presented in Table 11.2.
Response to these critical aspects will take place at four levels: local,
national, regional and international. Of the 18 threat and resource use issues
identified in Table 11.2, 12 are focusing at the local level and these should be
dealt with through participation, social differentiation, authority structures and
legal statutes.
Stakeholder participation
One key element to resource management decentralization is stakeholder
participation. Resource sharing arrangements and management are gaining
currency. This started in the wildlife sector where the management of parks
and wildlife resources has moved in this direction by the state entering into
co-management and resource sharing arrangements with stakeholders around
designated conservation areas. In this way, previously marginalized commu-
nity groups, such as those found around wildlife estates in Botswana,
Namibia, Zambia and Zimbabwe have developed these sharing arrangements
to different degrees in the last two decades. Such ‘partnership’ models raised
the conservation status of the protected areas and resources. In Zambia,
attempts to try such partnership arrangements for forest resources carried
out through joint forest management approaches have some promise but
indications are that a lot could be achieved if the state were willing to allow
issues of permits and licensing to be carried out by the communities
concerned (Bwalya, 2007). What is central is to ensure that appropriate and
pro-community policies are put in place so that the communities become
part and parcel of the management and enjoy benefit streams that meaning-
fully contribute to their welfare.
To a great extent, stakeholders may be actively involved in policy interpre-
tation and use, but less so in the formulation processes of these policies. Often
key stakeholders in dry forest and woodland countries are not consulted in
defining resource management strategies and this often alienates them from the
resultant policies and legal instruments. We posit the view that local people
tend to be the least involved in policy design but tend to be the most adversely
affected by resource use policies. While consultations in the wildlife sector have
been carried out in southern Africa, such consultative processes are as yet to
take hold in the forestry sector. The level of participation in policy formulation
by various stakeholders involved in dry forests and woodlands is a key process
to ensure ownership. It should be noted that there are often conflicting objec-
tives over land use between local communities who may view policy actions as
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disenfranchising them from protected areas, forest reserves included, and these
need to be addressed to the satisfaction of all stakeholders.
This is not just an issue for dry forests and woodlands in Africa, the involve-
ment of communities has been tried successfully in India under the joint forest
management (JFM) framework. It was driven by the need to shift from a top-
down approach, which was underpinned by the state’s desire to maximize
commercial revenue from forests, to bottom-up participatory approaches
through policy change that fostered the involvement of villagers in the manage-
ment of local forests (Poffenberger and McGean, 1998). According to Khare
(2000), the objective of JFM is to achieve better forest resources conservation
by creating partnerships between the forest department and forest protection
committees. As of 2006, close to 17.3 million hectares (27 per cent) of Indian
forest lands were under the management of 85,000 JFMs (Saito-Jensen, 2008).
This is not to suggest that there have been no problems. As with trials with
JFM in Zambia, India has experienced problems related to benefit sharing,
capacity issues in forest protection committees, failure of the state(s) ‘to let go’
in terms of management (Bwalya, 2007). These are some of the lessons that
African dry forest and woodland countries must learn and incorporate in their
planning.
The ability of local level institutions to play a part in the management of
dry forests and woodlands is also limited by social differentiation. This means
that each person brings individual characteristics of gender, religion, age, status
and ethnicity into the dry forest and woodland arena. In order to effectively use
differentiation for the benefit of resource managers, governments must manage
the individual differences of each person or group. The social categories that
flow from social differences are rarely neutral. These categories mark differ-
ences in status and power among groups and determine specific groups’ relative
access to resources and power within communities and the broader social
systems. Status and power differences get reproduced in resource arenas and
are embedded in authority structures, norms and management systems at local
levels. In this way, they subtly confer privilege to some groups and disadvantage
to others. As a result, different identity groups have very different perceptions
and values of resources that tend to widen over time. Such differences among
people based on these categories are grounded within structures of power,
inequalities and unequal access to resources, which often result in conflicts over
resources at various levels.
Resource governance
Governance structures constitute the organizations responsible for enforcing
forestry and woodland management. The processes by which policies and insti-
tutions, both informal at local level and formal at national levels, often play out
depend on such systems. In most cases local level systems of governance do not
have a stipulated mandate to cover forests but often do so from a pragmatic
point of view. Dominated in part by traditional institutions such as chiefs, gover-
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nance issues are subject to the contradictions that come with such institutions.
For example, the allocation of land may not be forest and woodland sensitive or
gender sensitive. In some countries, e.g. Malawi, explicit local level structures,
village natural resources management committees (encompassing forests), have
been set up but have not received sufficient support to carry out their work.
Interestingly enough, a focus on forests and woodlands for such institutions is
unavoidable as these are the most visible resources requiring attention. In other
countries, the functions of forest management have been placed into the hands
of local government structures e.g. village development committees in
Zimbabwe and area development committees in Zambia. Linking issues of
forests and woodland management to local government administrations, most
of which are weak, means that they cannot be sufficiently addressed.
Whether these are the formal legal instruments or the informal local level
institutions, such structures are central to enforcement. Enforcement by insti-
tutions is enhanced or undermined by the effectiveness of authority structures.
At the formal level, one important part has to do with the level of funding that
such structures are given by the state. Budgets have to be in place to allow such
structures to respond and operate in an effective way. Without adequate
funding, enforcement to ensure compliance by institutions becomes compro-
mised by the structures in place and in some cases can become a recipe for
corruption.
One of the challenges facing policy-makers, local authorities, practitioners
and groups working in natural resource management in the dry forests and
woodlands is the need to recognize and understand how institutions, and
changes in institutions, affect people’s interaction with their environment.
Often the values of the resources that are violated are much higher than the
penalties imposed on offenders that may act as a disincentive for resource
conservation. ‘Institutional factors are arguably the most important factors
determining the success or failure’ of natural resource management or conser-
vation (Kayambazinthu et al, 2002). The long history of change in resource
management arrangements that has resulted in disempowerment of local insti-
tutions means that those that have persisted should be supported and
strengthened. It is interesting to note that successes have also been tainted by
the problems of power where local politicians and elites have taken over control
of such initiatives for their own good. This can be a danger where local commu-
nities are not sufficiently empowered and unsure of their rights. Thus, while
examples of persistent or resilient institutions are to be found in sacred
practices of various forms (Kajembe et al, 2002; Kayambazintu et al, 2002)
care must be taken of the threat of elite capture. Such institutions lead to the
conservation of key biodiversity resources, which may be woodlands, wetlands
or species of flora or fauna.
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MANAGING FOR MULTIPLE PRODUCTS

AND SERVICES
Managing dry forests and woodlands for multiple products and services requires
a critical assessment of the outcomes of interactions between products and
services and the extent to which they are compatible (Table 11.3). Pair-wise
combinations of the different products and services considered in the previous
chapters indicates that nearly 71 per cent of the combinations are incompatible
from the current management perspective, 20 per cent are compatible and 9
per cent are conditionally compatible. This scenario means that managing dry
forests and woodlands for a combination of products and services may present
challenges for managers. Maximizing the positive compatibilities requires astute
management, especially at the local level. Thus, the role of management is very
critical in influencing the outcomes of managing for multiple products and/or
services where compatibility depends on conditionalities (Table 11.3); under
such conditionalities, the technique for harvesting a combination of products
and services may be key to influencing the outcome of particular management
approaches.
For example, the harvesting of edible caterpillars does not require that the
host tree be cut down but only occurs where there is weak tenure and enforce-
ment of local rules and regulations for resource use. In a situation where
regulations are observed, biodiversity conservation and caterpillar collection are
compatible but when tree cutting is involved then compatibility is reduced or
replaced by incompatibility. Management guidelines are therefore required for
situations where compatibility is linked to a particular condition, especially with
regards to the type of resource harvesting technique. In some cases where the
use of one product is incompatible with the use for another product, manage-
ment guidelines may focus more on utilizing the resource base for more than
one product. For example, if a medicinal tree is cut for charcoal or timber or
firewood, it can be recommended that bark be removed from a cut tree for
medicinal purposes and the rest of the wood used for the other wood products,
such as poles, timber or charcoal. For products and services that are completely
incompatible, land use planning is important in ensuring that sufficient land is
made available for the different products. For example, areas can be designated
for charcoal production while other areas are set aside for watershed and biodi-
versity management as in the case of national parks.
Although degradation of African dry forests and woodlands is acknowl-
edged, these vegetation formations still contain much of at least their plant
diversity, perhaps because they have not been totally cleared for large-scale
commercial agriculture and/or forestry as in Europe and northern Africa. Sub-
Saharan Africa is relatively unique in this context and therefore opportunities
exist for managing dry forests and woodlands for multiple land uses, products
and services. The challenge therefore is for an integrated management approach
at landscape level to deal with seemingly competitive land uses, such as agricul-
ture and forestry, and conservation as traditionally practised. Such innovative
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Table 11.3 Compatibility in the management of dry forests and woodlands for different product and/or service combinations
Product and Biodiver- Fruits Veget- Mush- Cater- Honey Exud- Bark Roots Poles Timber Uten- Fire- Char- Herb- BrowseCarbon Water Spirit-
5/7/10
service sity ables rooms pillars ates & fibre sils wood coal age ual
Biodiversity 0 + + + -/+ -/+ - - - - - - - - - - + + +

16:13
Fruits 0 + + +/- + - - - - - - - - - - + + +
Vegetables 0 + + + + - - - - - - - - - + + -
Mushrooms 0 + +/- +/- - - - - - - - + +/- + + +
Caterpillars 0 +/- - - - - - - - - - - + +/- -
Honey 0 - - - - - - - - + - +/- +/- -
Page 275
Exudates 0 - - - - - - - + - - - -
Bark & fibre 0 - - - - - - + - - - -
Roots 0 - - - - - - - - - -
Poles 0 - - +/- - - - - - -
Timber 0 +/- +/- +/- + - - - -
Utensils 0 + +/- + - - - -
Firewood 0 - + - - - -
275
Charcoal 0 + - - - -
Herbage 0 - - - -
Browse 0 - - -
Carbon 0 + +
Water 0 +
Spiritual 0
Note: + compatible; - incompatible; +/- conditional compatibility.

Source: After Chundama and Gumbo (2009)
ES_DRWA_5-7 5/7/10 16:13 Page 276
approaches can achieve some level of commercial agriculture and forestry, and
also conservation associated with the agriculture/forestry activities, as long as
appropriate infrastructure exists. One key question is whether a combination of
short-, medium- and long-term land management approaches can contribute to
a phased production of multiple products and services from dry forests and
woodlands. For example, the land could be cleared for crop cultivation in the
short term. During clearing, the relevant timber component is harvested and
the rest of the woody component is used for wood crafts, poles, firewood
and/or charcoal. During cultivation the crop system is specifically managed to
ensure recovery of the woody component with its associated NWFPs as often
happens in the traditional shifting cultivation practices. The woody regenera-
tion is then specifically managed towards a future crop of fruits, poles, timber
and eventually firewood and/or charcoal over the longer term. The feasibility of
such management systems needs to be investigated through modelling and long-
term experimentation. Such management systems are a direct challenge to the
status quo in which land management is dealt with either by the agriculture
department or ministry which focuses on agricultural production, or by forestry
that focuses on timber production, or by nature conservation/national parks
that aim at preventing degradation with no integrated land management.
However, with still enough land available in many African dry forest and
woodland countries, it is possible to experiment with new innovative
approaches that integrate different land use successions and objectives.
AFRICAN DRY FOREST AND WOODLAND

DYNAMICS UNDER GLOBAL CHANGE
There will undoubtedly be some marked changes in distribution and extent of
African vegetation types during the 21st century due to climate and land-use
changes. However, climate change and land-use change are likely to be inter-
twined, and it is difficult to predict what the consequences will be in detail.
Table 11.4, although simplistic, shows probable responses of African dry forests
and woodlands to climate and land-use changes. Generally, because the major-
ity of tropical trees have a C3 photosynthesis, they are more likely to be
negatively affected by global warming; in contrast, the majority of tropical
grasses have a C4 photosynthesis and therefore are likely to perform better
under a warmer climate. However, although Table 11.4 presents possible
responses of dry forest and woodland vegetation and plants to future environ-
mental scenarios, these outcomes are by no means certain. For example, these
predicted responses might be modified or even reversed when interactions with
CO2 enrichment and nutrient availability are considered. In addition the
question of the long-term impact of repeated fires and herbivory on dry forest
and woodland productivity remains to be answered. Furthermore although we
have many scattered data, we still do not have a comprehensive idea of dry
forest and woodland productivity levels in relation to source of regeneration,
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Table 11.4 Probable responses of African dry forests and woodlands to climate
and land-use changes
Factor Regeneration Productivity Species Carbon Fire Herbiv-

richness sequestration ory
Trees Grasses Trees Grasses Trees Grasses Trees Grasses
Decreasing – – – – – – – – – –
rainfall
Global warming – – – + – + – + + +
Frequent droughts – – – – – – – – – –
Land clearing – + – – – – – – – –
Fire – – – + – – – + NA –
Herbivory – – – – – – – – – NA
Note: + positive response; – negative response; NA not applicable

Source: Authors
stage of growth, moisture availability, nutrient status and dry forest or woodland
type or their species composition (Küper et al, 2006).
It follows therefore that we need to understand what the main determi-
nants of productivity are for each vegetation type, so that management practices
can be more strategically applied. Investment in capacity building and research
will play a key role in addressing these issues. Forest and biomass inventories, as
well as monitoring plant growth and phenology need to be undertaken at repre-
sentative sites and the data analysed in relation to climate and land-use data to
better understand their interactions. This will feed into the development of
more appropriate management guidelines that will ensure that African dry
forests and woodlands continue to provide the products and services that are
crucial to the maintenance of livelihoods of millions of people that live in these
vegetation formations, and to sustainable economic development of sub-Saharan
African countries.
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Hall, M. (1984) ‘Man’s historical and traditional use of fire in southern Africa’, in P. de
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Hoffman, M. T. (1997) ‘Human impacts on vegetation’, in R. M. Cowling, D. M.
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Hutton, J. and Dickson, B. (eds) (2000) Endangered Species, Threatened Convention:
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role of traditional institutions, leadership and ecological knowledge in sustainable
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Kayambazinthu, D., Matose, F., Kajembe, G. and Nemarundwe, N. (2002)
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279
ES_DRWA_5-7 5/7/10 16:13 Page 280
ES_DRWA_5-7 8/7/10 12:27 Page 281
Index
acacia gums 220 bamboo 148

Acacia spp 208, 250, 251 baobab see Adansonia digitata
Acacia albida 251 bark
Acacia erioloba 54 bee hives 106
Acacia mearnsii 221 sustainable harvesting 113
Acacia nilotica 115, 191 for weaving 114, 115
Acacia nubica 115 basal area 29–30
Acacia senegal 115, 220 baskets, woven 114
Acacia tortilis 192 beekeeping 103–109
acacia woodlands beeswax
climate change impacts 51–52 distribution 68
distribution 20 processing and use 103–104
regeneration 239 trade 74
Adansonia digitata (baobab) Benin, medicinal plants 113
commercialization 66 Berchemia discolor 53
distribution 17, 18, 21, 25 biodiversity
fibres 114, 115, 117 challenges 57–58
African blackwood see Dalbergia climate change impacts 51–52
melanoxylon conserving 54–57, 198
Afzelia africana 113 definition 43
Afzelia quanzensis 53, 208 endemism 43–45
agriculture invasive alien species 53–54
crop-livestock integration 188–189, 195 medicinal plants 112–113
forest clearance 21–22, 161–162 overexploitation 53
agroforestry, carbon sequestration protection of 45–46
244–245 species conservation 46–48
Albizia adianthifolia 149 threats to 49–54
Albizia brevifolia 53 biomass
alien species, invasive 53–54 carbon stocks 235–236
allowable annual cut (AAC) 145 estimates 29–30
Aloe spp 112 livestock and wildlife 179
Amblygonocarpus adongensis 149 production rates 34–35
Angola, policy and legislation 267 regeneration 165–166
anthropogenic impacts 261–262 woodfuel 161–162
Antiaris africana 141 bio-prospecting 56–57
Azadirachta indica 208 Borassus aethiopum 99, 114
Azanza garkeana 98 Botswana
deforestation 162
Baikiaea plurijuga (Zambezi teak) firewood consumption 158
19–20, 48, 133, 134, 136–137, 208 mopane worm industry 74
281
ES_DRWA_5-7 8/7/10 12:27 Page 282
Brachystegia bohemii 149 natural resources 56–57, 66–67, 84

Brachystegia spiciformis 19, 34, 115, 149 Communal Areas Management Programs
broad-leaved woodlands 13 for Indigenous Resources
brooms 117–118 (CAMPFIRE) 193
building materials communications, cellular phones 82–83
construction poles 132 community-based natural resource
thatch roofs 118 management (CBNRM) 55–56, 58,
Burkea africana 19, 113, 262 107–108, 193–194, 243
Burkina Faso Congo-Zambezian phytoregion, woodfuel
policy and legislation 267 162
shea products 74, 82 construction poles 132
bushmeat 68, 71 Convention on International Trade in
Endangered Species (CITES)
Cameroon, policy and legislation 267 47–48, 53, 112
carbon sequestration coppicing 30, 31, 191
carbon stocks and balance 235–238 Cordia africana 115
global context 234–235 cultural uses, non-wood forest products
markets 253 71
woodland management 238–245 Cupressus spp 208
carbon sinks 244 customary rights, non-wood forest
Cassia acutifolia 111 products 80
Casuarina equisitilifolia 208
Casuarina senegalensis 208 Dalbergia melanoxylon (African black-
caterpillars, as food 100–101, 102, 103, wood) 140–141, 142, 205
274 Declaration of Belem 112
Ceiba pentandra 141 deforestation
Center for International Forestry biodiversity impacts 50–51
Research (CIFOR), dry forest causes 206
programme 1 firewood 161–162
certification 147–148 reducing 234–235, 238–239
charcoal regeneration 165–166, 206, 238–239
forest regeneration 165–166 Diospyros mespiliformis 141
prices 168 diseases, livestock 186
production 162–165 dom palm see Hyphaene thebaica
socio-economic benefits 4 dry forests and woodlands
source of wood 161 anthropogenic impacts 261–262
sustainability 170–174 climate 14–15
trade 156, 166–168, 262 definition 1, 11
urban use 156–162 distribution 13, 14
Chlorophora excelsa 141 exploitation 205–206
Cinchona spp 111 floristic diversity 43–45
Citrullus lanatus (kalahari melon) 66 importance of 3–6
Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) legislative reform 265–273
234, 244 management 6, 261–265
climate, and vegetation types 14–15 regeneration 30–34, 165–166, 206,
climate change 238–239
carbon sequestration 234–245 socio-economic context 2
impacts 23–24, 51–52, 276–277 soils 16
non-wood forest products 78 spatial integrity 21–22
Combretum imberbe 149, 262 terminology 12
commercialization vegetation cover 22–23
fibre products 113–114 vegetation types 13–14, 16–21
282
ES_DRWA_5-7 8/7/10 12:27 Page 283
INDEX
Earth Summit, Rio see Rio Earth Summit 45–46

(1992) Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) 147,
eastern Africa, dry forest and woodland 148
distribution 18 fruits
ecosystem services see environmental processing and use 94–95
services resource management 97
ecotourism 193, 196 fruit trees, domestication 54, 221–222
edible plants, distribution 67–68 fuel see woodfuel
elephants 24–25, 198 fungi see mushrooms
endemism 43–45
energy sources 173 gender differences
see also woodfuel insect foods 100
environmental services wild foods 96
carbon sequestration 234–245 Ghana, policy and legislation 267
challenges 251–254 giraffe 25, 186
definition 231–234 Gmelina arborea 211–212
governance 253–254 governance
livestock production systems 250 environmental services 253–254
markets 253 non-wood forest products 118–120
soil moisture and nutrient recycling 251 plantations 224
transaction costs 253 resource governance 272–273
watershed services 245–250 sustainable forest management
Erythropheum suaveleuns 149 141–149
essential oils 221 grapple plant 79
Ethiopia grasses
beeswax 74 processing and use 117–118
gum and resin exports 74 resource management 118
Eucalyptus grandis 212 grazing systems, rangelands 188–191
eucalyptus plantations 208, 211, 215 Griffonia simplicifolia 111
essential oil production 221 gross domestic product (GDP), livestock
exudates, distribution 67–68 contribution 196–197
growth rates, trees 34–35, 136–139
Fadogia ancyalantha (Makoni tea) 56 Guibourtia coleosperma 19
fencing, wood use 162 Guinea dry forest, floristic composition
fibres 16–17
processing and use 113–116 gum production
resource management 116–117 acacia plantations 220–221
fire Ethiopia 74
impacts 26–27, 31–32
management of 185, 193 handicrafts, commercialization 113–114
firewood see woodfuel Hazda people (Tanzania), wild foods 96
foods herbivory 24–26
bushmeat 68, 71 Hevea spp 208
honey 68, 103–109 Hibiscus surattensis 95
insects 67–68, 100–103 HIV/AIDS, use of non-wood forest
wild plants and fungus 67–68, 94–99 products 3, 83
forest certification 147–148 honey
forest concessions 144–147 distribution 68
Forest Fruits Zambia Ltd 109 processing and use 103–104
forest inventories 145–147 resource management 104–109
forest management plans 145–147 trade 74
forest reserves, biodiversity conservation Honey Care Africa Ltd 109
283
ES_DRWA_5-7 8/7/10 12:27 Page 284
household incomes, non-wood forest Khaya grandifolia 141

products 69–78 Khaya sengalensis 113
Human Development Index (HDI) 76 Kigelia africana (sausage tree) 66
hunting 186 kudu 25, 186
Hyphaene spp 114, 116–117 Kyoto Protocol 234, 244
Hyphaene coriacea 99
Hyphaene thebaica (dom palm) 114, land tenure 169, 223, 252
115, 116, 118 Lannea kerstingii 113
Lannea schweinfurthii 115
impala 181 legislation
India, joint forest management (JFM) forest management 143–144, 265–273
272 land tenure 223
insect foods woodfuel 169–173
distribution 67–68 lions 185, 186
processing and use 100–101 livelihoods
resource management 102–103 livestock and wildlife 194–196
insects, herbivory 26 non-wood forest products 69–78
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate livestock
Change (IPCC) 234 biomass 179
International Consultation on the complementarity or displacement of
Conservation of Medicinal Plants wildlife 184–187
(1988) 112 feeding habits 180–183
International Timber Trade Organization livelihoods contribution 194–196
(ITTO) 148 national economy contribution
International Union for Conservation of 196–197
Nature (IUCN) rangelands 187–194
protected areas 45 socio-economic benefits 4–5
Red Data List 53, 141 species diversity 180
invasive alien species 53–54 livestock production systems 250
Itigi-Sumbu thicket 12
Makoni tea 56
Jacaranda mimosifolia 245 Malawi
Joint Declaration for the Health of Community Partnerships for
People and Nature 112 Sustainable Resource Management
Juncus krausii (mat rush) 115 (COMPASS II) 107–108
deforestation 162
Kalahari-Highveld region policy and legislation 267
biodiversity 54 resource governance 273
biomass 35, 183–184 Mali
endangered species 47–48 tree protection 215
plantations 209 urban woodfuel use 159
protected areas 46, 47 Maranthus polyandra 113
sawn wood production 135 marketing, non-wood forest products
woodfuel 162 81–83
kalahari melon see Citrullus lanatus marula see Sclerocarya birrea
Kenya mats, woven 115
charcoal source 161 meat production 5
firewood consumption 157 medicinal plants
honey trade 109 cultural importance 71
livestock and wildlife 197 processing and use 110–111
policy and legislation 267 resource management 111–113
woodcarving 74 trade 74
284
ES_DRWA_5-7 8/7/10 12:27 Page 285
INDEX
mesic dry woodlands conservation 80

climate 14 cultural uses 71
distribution 13 definition 63–68, 93
floristic composition 16, 17, 18 fibres 113–117
microphyllous woodlands 13–14 geographical variations 67–68
Millennium Ecosystem Assessment 231 governance and management 118–120
Millenniumm Development Goals grasses 117–118
(MDGs) 5, 76, 196, 263–264 honey and beeswax 103–109
Millettia stuhlmannii 136, 137, 208 insect foods 100–103
mining, timber use 133, 205 marketing 81–83
miombo woodland medicinal plants 110–113
carbon sequestration 237, 238–239, plantations and woodlots 219–222
241 poverty alleviation role 76–78, 84
distribution 20 regulatory frameworks 79–80
honey bees 103, 251 resource management 78–79, 83–84,
mobola plum see Parinari spp 118–120
Mondia whitei 111 safety net role 72
monitoring, forest management 147 socio-economic benefits 3–4
mopane woodland, distribution 20–21 subsistence uses 70–71
mopane worm 26, 74, 79, 102 trade 72–74
Mozambique value to rural households 69–70
carbon sequestration project 239, 241 wild plant and fungus foods 94–99
forest concessions 146
lesser-known species 149 oil, essential oils 221
policy and legislation 268 oleo-resin 220–221
timber exports 135, 136 overharvesting, biodiversity threat 53
timber species 140–141 Oxytenanthera abyssinica 114, 148
mushrooms
processing and use 96–97 palm leaves 114, 116–117, 118
resource management 98 palm weevil grubs 100, 102
palm wine 95, 99
Namibia, policy and legislation 268 Pan African Certification scheme 148
national economies Parinari spp (mobola plum) 66
environmental services 252 Parinari curatellifolia 98
livestock and wildlife contribution Parkia biglobosa 52
196–197 pastoralists 189–190, 194–196
plantation and woodlot contribution payments for environmental services
219 (PES) 232, 233–234
natural products, commercialization Percopsis angolensis 262
56–57, 66–67, 84 pests, plantations 215–216
New Partnership for Africa’s Phoenix reclinata 99, 114, 115, 116
Development 155 PhytoTrade Africa see Southern African
Ngitili resource management 239, 240 Natural Products Trade Association
Nigeria Pinus spp 208, 211, 220–221
firewood consumption 157–158 plantations and woodlots
policy and legislation 268 barriers to development 222–225
Nile River, watershed services 249 carbon sinks 244
non-timber forest products (NTFP), definition 207
definition 63 fruit trees 221–222
non-wood forest products (NWFPs) history 207–210
challenges 78–83 improved seeds 213
climate change impacts 78 management 210–217
285
ES_DRWA_5-7 8/7/10 12:27 Page 286
non-wood products 219–222 fruits 97

productivity 217–218 governance 272–273
pruning 216 grasses 118
seedling mortality 212 honey and beeswax 104–109
silvicultural management 213–214 insect foods 102–103
site preparation 214–215 medicinal plants 111–113
socio-economic benefits 5, 219 multiple products and services 274–276
species matching 211–213, 224 mushrooms 98
thinning 216–217 non-wood forest products 78–79,
tree protection 215–216 83–84, 118–120
poaching 198 policy and legislative reform 265–273
policies and legislation private sector involvement 56–57
reform 265–273 stakeholder participation 271–272
sustainable forest management 143–144 sustainable forest management
woodfuel 169–173 141–149
pollarding 191 vegetables 97–98
population growth, biodiversity impacts wildlife-based management systems
49–51 193–194
poverty, and non-wood forest products rhinoceros 181, 185, 198
69–70, 76–78, 84 Rio Earth Summit (1992) 49, 141, 143
Prosopsis africana 262 river basins
protected areas relations with forests 247
distribution 45–46 watershed services 249–250
management of 49, 58 ropes, from fibres 115
wildlife impacts 184–185, 198–199 rural areas, woodfuel 156
pruning 191, 216
Pseudocarpus kotschyi 141 sausage tree see Kigelia africana
Pterocarpus angolensis 19, 34, 53, 140 Schinziophyton rautanenii
Pterocarpus erinaceus 141 (manketti/mongongo) 19, 66
Sclerocarya birrea (marula)
railway sleepers 133, 205 beer 71, 94, 95
rangelands commercialization 66
characteristics 187–188 fruit 56, 94
grazing systems 188–191 resource management 97, 98
livelihoods 194–196 Securidaca longepedunculata 115
management practices 191–192, 199 seeds, dispersal 192
wildlife-based management 193–194 semi-arid shrubland, southern Africa 21
Raphia hookeri 99 Senegal
Reduced Emissions from Deforestation carbon sequestration 243, 244–245
and forest Degradation (REDD) charcoal supply 159–160
234–235, 238, 253 Sequestration of Carbon in Soil Organic
regeneration mechanisms 30–34 Matter (SOCSOM) 239, 243
regulatory frameworks, non-wood forest Sesamum angustifolium 115
products 79–80 shea tree see Vitellaria paradoxa
resin production silvicultural management
Ethiopia 74 carbon sequestration 239–244
pine plantations 220–221 plantations 213–214
resource management rangelands 191
carbon sequestration 238–245 Siphonochilus aethiopicus (wild ginger)
community involvement 55–56, 111
107–108 socio-economic indices, dry forests and
fibres 116–117 woodlands 2
286
ES_DRWA_5-7 8/7/10 12:27 Page 287
INDEX
soil organic carbon (SOC) 237 sustainable forest management (SFM)

soils 141–149
moisture and nutrient recycling 251 charcoal production 174
and vegetation types 16 forest concessions 144–147
Somali-Masai phytoregion legal and policy aspects 143–144
agricultural conversion 22, 51 lesser-known species 148–149
biomass 35, 183–184 timber certification 147–148
endangered species 47–48 Swaziland, marula fruits 56
endemism 44–45 Swazi Secrets project 56
fruit trees 222
plantations 209 Tamarindus indica 115
protected areas 46, 47 tannins 221
sawn wood production 135 Tanzania
vegetation types 44 beekeeping 108–109
woodfuel 162 beeswax 74
sour plum see Ximenia spp carbon trading 242
South Africa charcoal 165, 167–168, 170
plantations 208 deforestation 162
policy and legislation 268 energy sources 173
urban tree planting 245 firewood consumption 157
woodlots 210 honey 74
Working for Water Program 248, 249 Ngitili natural resource management
southern Africa, dry forest and woodland 239, 240
distribution 18–21 policy and legislation 268
Southern African Natural Products Trade wild foods 96
Association (PhytoTrade Africa) Tarangire National Park, Tanzania 24–25
56–57, 66–67 taxes, forest revenues 145
Southern Alliance for Indigenous teak woodland 19–20
Resources (SAFIRE) 56 Tectona spp 208
species conservation 46–48 termites
stakeholder participation 271–272 as food 100, 101
stem density 28–29 pest control 215
Sterculia appendiculata 149 thatch roofs 118
Sterculia quinqueloba 141 thinning 192, 216–217
Strychnos cocculoides 98 timber certification 147–148
sub-humid dry forests timber and wood products
climate 14 challenges 149–150
distribution 13 harvesting 139–141
floristic composition 16, 18 industrial 133–136, 139–141, 205,
Sudan, policy and legislation 268 218
Sudanian phytoregion non-industrial 132–133, 139
biomass 35, 183–184 socio-economic benefits 4
climate change impacts 52 species, stocks and yield 136–139
endangered species 47–48 sustainable forest management
floristic composition 17 141–149
fruit trees 222 trade 134–136, 218, 262
plantations 209 topping 191–192
protected areas 46, 47 tourism, wildlife-based 193, 196,
sawn wood production 135 198–199
woodfuel 162 trade
Sudano-Sahelian phytoregion, climate charcoal 156, 166–168, 262
change impacts 52 honey 109
287
ES_DRWA_5-7 8/7/10 12:27 Page 288
non-wood forest products 72–74 tourism 193, 196, 198–199

timber 134–136, 218, 262 wild plants
trans-frontier conservation areas fruits 94–95, 97
(TFCAs) 57, 58, 198 mushrooms 96, 98
transhumance 189–191 vegetables 95–96, 97–98
trees women, non-wood forest products 75
endangered species 47–48 woodcarving, Kenya 74
growth rates 34–35, 136–139 woodfuel
dependence on 155–156
Uapaca kirkiana 98 plantations 218
Uganda, policy and legislation 269 policies and legislation 169–173
undifferentiated woodland, southern rural and urban use 156–158
Africa 19–20 socio-economic benefits 4
United Nations Framework Convention sustainability 170–174
on Climate Change (UNFCCC) 234 urban supply 159–162
urban areas woodlots see plantations and woodlots
charcoal supply 159–162 Working for Water Program, South Africa
charcoal trade 166–168 248, 249
tree planting 245 World Agroforestry Centre (ICRAF) 222
woodfuel 156–158
urbanization 158–159, 160, 173 Ximenia spp (sour plum) 66
vegetables zaï techniques 214–215

processing and use 95–96 Zambezian phytoregion
resource management 97–98 endangered species 47–48
Vitellaria paradoxa (shea tree) 17, 21, fruit trees 222
48, 52, 82 herbaceous and woody leaf biomass
vulnerable households, non-wood forest 183–184
products 75 plantations 209
protected areas 46, 47
Walburgia salutaris (pepper-bark tree) sawn wood production 135
53, 111 woodfuel 162
watershed services 245–250 Zambezi teak see Baikiaea plurijuga
weaving Zambia
baskets 114 beekeeping 105, 106
mats 115 charcoal production 163
western Africa, dry forest and woodland climate change impacts 51–52
distribution 16–18 firewood consumption 157
White, F. 12 honey 74
wildebeest 181, 185 policy and legislation 269
wildlife stakeholder participation 271
biomass 179 timber and wood products 140
complementarity or displacement by tree sizes 136, 138
livestock 184–187 woodlot tree mortality 212
conservation 198–199 zebra 181
extermination 185 Zimbabwe
feeding habits 180–183 deforestation 161–162
food source 71 Makoni tea 56
herbivore impacts 24–26 non-wood forest products 69
management systems 193–194 tree protection 215
protected areas 184–185, 198–199 woodlots 209
socio-economic benefits 4–5 Ziziphus mucronata 262
288

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ES_DRWA_5-7 7/7/10 12:29 Page i

The Dry Forests and

First published in 2010 by Earthscan

At Earthscan we strive to minimize our environmental impacts and carbon footprint

To Dr Mário Alberto and Dr Petros Nyathi

Foreword by Dr Coert J Geldenhuys vii

1 Dry Forests and Woodlands in Sub-Saharan Africa: Context and

2 Distribution and Characteristics of African Dry Forests

4 Contribution of Non-wood Forest Products to Livelihoods and

5 Non-wood Forest Products: Description, Use and Management 93

6 Timber and Wood Products 131

8 Livestock and Wildlife 179

9 Plantations and Woodlots in Africa’s Dry Forests and Woodlands 205

10 Environmental Services from the Dry Forests and Woodlands of

11 Managing Dry Forests and Woodlands for Products and Services:

This book is a contribution by 30 African scientists associated with at least 16

legislative reform, stakeholder participation, resource governance, managing for

Mário M. M. Aberto (deceased), formerly Lecturer/Researcher, Faculty of

Agriculture, Faculty of Forestry and Nature Conservation, Morogoro, Tanzania

AAC allowable annual cut

Dry Forests and Woodlands

Emmanuel Chidumayo and Crispen Marunda

DEFINING DRY FORESTS AND WOODLANDS

Table 1.1 Some indices of human well-being in sub-Saharan African countries

Index of human well-being Average Range

Population living below poverty line (%) 53 35–80

Source: Based on NationMaster.com (2004)

SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTEXT OF DRY FORESTS AND

IMPORTANCE OF DRY FORESTS AND WOODLANDS TO

Non-wood forest products

Timber and wood products

Livestock and wildlife

Livestock production systems in the subsistence economy are usually geared to

Plantations and woodlots

MANAGING DRY FORESTS AND WOODLANDS

LAYOUT OF THE BOOK

prognostic synthesis of the management of dry forests and woodlands and

Whiteman, A. and Lebedys, A. (2006) ‘The contribution of the forestry sector to

Distribution and Characteristics

Jonathan Timberlake, Emmanuel Chidumayo

FOREST STRUCTURE AT LANDSCAPE LEVEL

BOX 2.1 ITIGI-SUMBU THICKET

Figure 2.1 Distribution of dry forest and woodlands across

Another important consideration is the difference – in composition, struc-

characteristic feature of semi-arid formations of eastern Africa is the bimodal

Figure 2.3 Distribution of dry forest and woodland in western Africa

Brachiaria xantholeuca, Cenchrus biflorus, Chloris lamproparia, C. prieurii,

tree, often to the exclusion of many others, is Colophospermum mopane,

Table 2.1 Woodland and conversion to agriculture in

White’s phytoregion Woodland area (km2) Extent under agriculture

Sudanian 3,233,160 1,900,850 58.79

Source: Based on Mayaux et al (2004)

Plant cover and phenology

Figure 2.5 Monthly changes in vegetation greenness as determined by the

Climate change and land use

the growing season in some ecosystems or shorten it in others (Rutherford et al,

Figure 2.6 Changes in tree density caused by elephants and drought

maintain by browsing (Conybeare, 2004). In miombo woodland such destruc-