The Atrahasis Epic by Alan Ralph Millard

THE ATRAHASIS EPIC
and Its Place in
Babylonian Literature
Thesis submitted for

the Degree of
Master of Philosophy
by
Alan Ralph MILLARD
University of London
May,1966
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S U M M A R Y
The purpose of this study is to present;, for the

first time, the Epic of Atrahasis, as far as extant,
in transliteration and translation (chapters II, III), and
to examine it beside other Babylonian compositions
containing similar material. Until 1965 only some three
hundred lines of the Epic were known. That year saw the
publication of the cuneiform text of some late Assyrian
fragments by W.G, Lambert, and of two large Old Babylonian
tablets by the writer (Cuneiform Texts XLVI). This new
material, together with some unpublished texts, brings the
number of lines represented to nearly one thousand (chapter 1).
The large number of manuscripts of the work attest its
popularity and importance. When the narrative of the
creation of man is compared with other Mesopotamian texts,
clear affinities are apparent with certain Sumerian and
Akkadian traditions. Moreover, it can be shown that it
probably formed a major source for the compilation of the
later 'Babylonian Genesis*, Bnurna elish (chapter V). The
second major theme, the Flood, is compared with other Flood
Stories; parts.of that narrative contained in the
Gilgamesh Epic are identical with passages in the Atrahasis
Epic, from which it is shown they were very probably
borrowed (chapter VI). Certain sections within the poem
reveal political institutions or practices of interest
for the study of 'Primitive Democracy', of Babylonian
concepts of remote history, and of traditions preserved in
the King Lists (chapter VII). As a major literary work,
the Epic of Atrahasis is shown to provide new material for
investigation of the syntax and prosody of the 'Golden Age*
of Akkadian literature (chapter IV). Obvious and important
similarities to Hebrew tradition, closer in many points
In Atrahasis than in any other Babylonian compositions,
and the more remote comparisons with Greek legends fall
beyond the scope of this investigation, but some indication
of these is given (chapter VIII).
CONTENTS,. '■
Page
Summary 1
Introduction 4
I. Discovery and Content of the Epic 5
II, Text in Transliteration and Translation 17
III, Notes oh the Text 102
IV,. Characteristics of the-.Old Babylonian
Texts 191
(i) Description of the, mss,
(ii) Orthography’
(iii) Indications of Provenance
(iv) Style and Language
(v) The Epic as a P o m
V, Atrahasis'and.the Babylonian Creation
.Stories 218
'A* Bnuma elish '
B, Other Babylonian Creation Stories
C, Sumerian Oreatioh” Stories
D,.Conclusions . , •
VI, Atrahasis and Other Babylonian Flood’
• . Stories ■ - 232
(i) Atrahasis and G-ilgamesh XI,8-195
(ii) Atrahasis and the Sumerian Flood1
. . . Story
(iii) Conclusions
VII, The Atrahasis Epic.and Early History 259
1. The Name Atrahasis -
2. The Use'of the Name Atrahasis
3. The1Status of Atrahasis.
4. The Sumerian .‘King Lists and the
. Atrahasis Epic
5. The Identity of Atrahasis
6. 1Political Organisation in the Atrahasis
Epic
.7* Religious Outlook
8, The Flood ' !
9* Summary'
VIII, The Atrahasis Epic in Babylonia and
...... Beyond 280
Appendix: Text of Tablet II 282
■List of Abbreviations 297
A.
I N T R O D U C T I O N
The edition of the text of the Epic of Atrahasis

included in this study has arisen from the writer1s
discovery of the two large Old Babylonian tablets published
in copy in Cuneiform Texts XLVI, pis* I-XXI. As this
is the first presentation of this new material there are
inevitably many uncertainties of translation and explanation.
Some of these problems have been simplified or solved by
kr. W.G-, Lambert, with whom much of the text has been
discussed. Where his contribution is incorporated in the
Notes (chapter III), the Initials W.G-.L; are added in
parenthesis, although he is not responsible for their
present formulation. Professor D.J. Wiseman has
supervised the whole thesis and has freely supplied many
references and provocative suggestions.
5.
1. DISCOVERY OF THE EPIC
Modern knowledge of the Atrahasis Epic springs from the

work of G-eorge Smith, a pioneer in the study of Akkadian
literature. In his book The Chaldaean Account of Genesis^
he translated parts of two fragmentary texts (a and k)
preserved in the British Museum, having come from the
Assyrian libraries at Nineveh, in which he observed certain
incidents of a story recounting a series of punishments

inflicted upon mankind. There was unrest among men, a
mother shutting the door against her daughter, but a pious
man Atarpi or Atarpi-nisi sat by the river and interceded
with his god by the r’iver; an angry god called an assembly
of the gods and announced a dearth as punishment to be
inflicted upon sinful mankind; this duly occurred. The
few lines of a record the directions of one god to another
in the assembly of the gods. Undoubtedly Smith would have
published these texts in full had he not died so tragically
in 1876, He did edit another fragment of the poem, found
during his excavations at Nineveh under the sponsorship of
the Daily Telegraph. This Is the text (m) which he thought
filled a major gap in the Flood story he had already pieced
together, incorporated in the G-ilgamesh Epic. It contains
the end of a speech by the god Ea to Atrahasis, whose name
is spelled out syllabically, ordering him to build a ship
1. London, 1875, pp.153“156.

2. Smith1s reading of Atrahasis.
and board it with his kin and his goods, and Atrahasis*
request for details of the construction.-^ It was soon
realized that the fragment did not fit in the G-ilgamesh
narrative^ and accordingly it was printed separately in the
second edition of Guneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia IV. ^
No progress was made in the study of the story until
H. Zimmern produced a transliteration and translation of
ms. k in 1899. His discussion Introduces two texts made
known the previous year. T.G-. Pinches had copied an
Old Babylonian piece (B) 7 , the reverse of which Zimmern
showed to be an earlier version of one column of k,
describing the recitation of a spell by Ea and Mami and the
creation of seven men and seven women from clay in a sort
of birth-process. The obverse of B told of the creation
of men from clay mingled with the blood of a slain god-.
He demonstrated that another column of K found an ancestral
text in the corner of an Old Babylonian tablet studied by
Q
V. Scheil (E). In the first column of this is described
the anger of a god at the multiplication and noise of mankind
resulting in the imposition of a dearth to reduce it, while
3- Assyrian Discoveries^, London, 1875, pp.97,186; T.S.B.A.III

Mm 1—r iw i # wn M ' ■ -m» M m W iH ffli n ■■nil—H u 11 J * ^ rj + 3 1 ■ ~— — —
(1674),pp.540-542, 11.35-52; C.I.W.A.IV1, London,iB757pl.50

11.36-5 2 .
4. F. Delitzsh, Aseyrlsche Lesestuoke^. Leipzig (1885),p.101;
P. Haupt, B.A7TTT589) >PP.122,151 ; Das _
Nlmrod-Bpos, Leipzig 1891, p. 131, no. 6*9.
5. London, 1890, Additions, p.9; see T.G-. Pinches, E.T.XXI
(1910),p.364.
7.
the last column mentions a flood. The colophon on the
reverse indicated that this was the second tablet of a series
entitled Inuma ilu awilum. 'When the gods, man'. These
three texts, together with m, yielded sufficient information
for Zimmern to give an outline of the story and to call it
1The Myth of Atrahasis1. The opening episodes remained as
George Smith had found, rebellious mankind punished by the
plagues and dearth. Zimmern could now add the incident of
the Flood as the culmination of the gods' displeasure, and
the escape of Atrahasis. The making of man from the
blood-mixed clay he thought might represent a re-creation
after the destruction by the deluge. In this article he
established the correct reading of the hero's name previously
rendered by Smith as Atarpi. Zimmern's text was the basis
of the edition by P. Jensen in the Keilinschriftliche
Bibliothek,9 actually published before Zimmern's own paper.
A photograph of the larger side of k was printed in 189910
and a copy was given by L.W. King three years later.11
Thereafter translations of the poem appeared in various
popular books. 1 2
9. VI, Berlin, 1900, pp.288-291.

10.C. Bezold, Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets in the
Kouyunijik Collection, V, London, pi. VIII.
11-iIJL* XV, pi.49
12. e.g. E. Dhorme, Choix de Textes Religieux Assyro-
Ba.byloniens, Paris, 1907? pp.123” 30 ; A .ÛngnadTn
H . G-ressmann, Altorientalische Texte und Bilder 11,
Gottingen, 1909? pp.57ff.; R.W. Rogers, Cuneiform
Parallels to the Old Testament1, Mew York, 1912, pp. 103“
107, 113-121.
The next stage was the re-edition of the texts. In
a study of the Creation of Man, S. Langdon re-copied B
and transliterated and translated the obverse.^ A
revised text of the Old Babylonian ms. 3E was also published.
It had passed into the Pierpont Morgan Library where it was
1A
cleaned and a new copy made by A.T. Clay. His study,
incorporating the other known texts of the Epic drew
attention to similarities in a Sumerian account of man's early
15
history from Nippur. Clay's translation, and some of
his readings, were severely criticized by D.D, Luckenbill
for excessive reliance on Hebrew etymologies. Many of
Luckenbill1s suggestions have proved correct, as have those
of R, Garapbell Thompson who reviewed Clay's book (see Notes
16
to Tablet II). Clay replied to his critics the
following year, substantiating several of his readings
with enlarged photographs of the pertinent signs.
Nine years after Clay's publication, A. Boissier edited
a fragment of an Old Babylonian tablet, the third and last
in the series Inuma ilu awilum, according to the colophon,
13. Sumerian Epic of Paradise, the Flood and the Fall of Man,
P.B.S.X.1, 1915. pp. 2-7-26, pis. 111-IV.
14. A Hebrew Deluge Story In Cuneiform. Y.O.R.V.3. 1922; copy
reproduced in Babylonian Records in the Library of
J. Pierpont Morgan, IV, Newhaven, 1923, pl.1.
15- A. Poebel, Historical and Grammatical Texts, P.B.S.IV.1,
pp.9-70, pl~sTlT5“89. ’ ~
16. A.J.S.L. XXXIX (1922-1923), pp.153-160; Times Literary
Supplement, October 12, 1922, p,6A6.
17. The Origin of Biblical Traditions, Y.O.R.XII, pp.173-186
22>224r “ “ ™ — —
9.
and written by the same scribe as ms. E (F1). Here the
god Enki instructs Atrahasis to build a large boat in which
to save himself and his family. At the same time E. Ebeling
discovered, in a text copied many years before (^), &
partial duplicate of the overlapping sections of mss. B and
k concerning the incantation recited over the clay by Ea and
Mami at the creation of man.1^ His transliteration and
translation of B and a composite text of and k emphasizes
the similarities, but its position in the story remained
obscure and it was considered as a ritual for use in
childbirth or at first as a secondary creation story.20
Since the First War, the Atrahasis Epic has found a
place in most anthologies of Akkadian literature or studies
of 'G-enesis1 stories. Among the more recent of these
the chief are A. Heidel’s works and the translation by
E.A. Speiser.2^ However, there was no major progress in
the understanding of the story until 1956 when J. Laessoe
re-translated and discussed parts of E and perceived that
the accepted order of the columns of k should be reversed,
the obverse and the reverse of the tablet, hesitantly
decided by the first decipherers, having been confused. 22
18- K.A. XXVIII (1931), pp.92-95.

19. Tod und Leben, Berlin, 1931, pp.172-177; K. D. Macmillan,
B.A. V( 1906), p.688, nec.XLI.
20. L.W. King, Seven Tablets of Creation, London, 1902,
p.LVII, n.1.
21. A. Heidel, The Babylonian Genesis , Chicago, 1951,
pp.66-67 (BIT"The Gilgamesh~EplcT“and Old Testament
Parallels 17 Chicago, 19467 2194-9, pp.106-1
E.A, Speiser in J.B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern
Texts, Princeton, 1950, pp.99-10(T (gT7™o5~106.
22. Bibliotheca Orientalis XIII, 1956, pp.90-102.
10.
The story thus re-arranged showed a more logical
development and all doubt about the place of B was removed;
it clearly belonged to the first tablet of the Epic as Zimmern
had surmised. It was now plain that the creation of man by
Mami to work in place of the gods was an integral part of
the story, and that the multiplication of man and the
ensuing plagues and flood were subsequent to it. W. von Soden
quickly produced a study of B, based upon photographs with
many improved readings. 2Z
Laessoe copied another small Assyrian fragment (Jj which
had been identified by W.G-, Lambert, who published it together
ph
with a piece which may belong to the story (BM98977 + 99231).
The obverse of mss. JL overlaps the beginning of ms. E, the
complaint of Enlil, and the reverse may refer to the coming
of the Flood. The second piece opens with a dialogue
between Ea and Atrahasis and the commencement of a speech by
Ea addressed to the reed hut. On the reverse is an account
of the raging of the elements and Ishtarfs regret at the
occasion of the deluge. Publication of copies made by
T.G-. Pinches about 1896 brought to light a new part of an Old
Babylonian text of the first tablet wherein Ea proposes the
creation of man to undertake the gods* labour (D ).28
23. Or. XXVI (1957), pp.306-315.

24. J.S.S. V (1960), pp.113-123.
25. G.T. XLIV, no.20.
11.
These recent advances alone would warrant a

re-examination and re-translation of the Epic, although
the story would still be far from complete. However, the
writer's discovery of large parts of Old Babylonian copies
of the first and third tablets (mss. A ,F) in the British
Museum, and W.G-. Lambert's identification of a number of
small Assyrian pieces in the Kuyunjik collections
(mss. b d, e_,f ^ h ,j.), has rendered possible the
restoration of the larger part of the poem. More new
text-material is available in a copy of Tablet II In the
Museum of the Ancient Orient, Istanbul, (ms. 0), examined
27
by the writer in August 1965 , and in transliterations of
two fragments from Babylon now in the Berlin State Museum
communicated to VKG. Lambert by F. Ifocher (ms. H) and
A. Falkenstein (ms. o). Combination of all these texts
permits restoration or reconstruction of approximately
three-quarters of the whole Epic; only the last one
hundred and fifty lines remain largely unknown,
26. Credit for first identification of this piece belongs

to Miss E. Reiner.
27. Noted by F.R. Kraus, J.C.S. I (1947), p.115-, and Ein
Edikt des Ifonig Ammi-Saduqa von Babylon, Leiden, 1938,
p. 13, n.3. Mme. M. Gig and the Director of the Museums
kindly permitted the examination of the tablet.
12.
CONTENT OF THE EPIC
The Epic of Atrahasis may be aptly called *A Babylonian

pQ
History of the Infancy of Mankind1^ , it describes the events
resulting in the creation of the human race, the means of
that creation, its unexpected consequences culminating in
the divine decision to destroy mankind by the Flood, and the
subsequent re-ordering of human affairs.
At the outset the Junior gods, the Igigu, are working
to create a productive land, they dig out the river beds
and define their courses to irrigate the soil. They are
under the control of Enlil, 'counsellor1 of the gods, to
whom the earth had been assigned as his realm (the heavens
had been allotted to Anu, the sweet subterranean waters to
Enki). This labour is extremely wearisome to the gods
who toil unceasingly, so they hold a meeting of protest.
Someone proposes a change of taskmaster and, to ensure that
their desire is met, one god suggests that Enlil be fetched
forcibly from his house to face their assembly. A favourable
>
reception is granted to this idea. The tools of their

toil are set on fire and the gods advance on Enlil1s house.
It is night-time and Enlil is sleeping, but the doorkeeper
Kalkal realises the danger and arouses Nusku, Enlil's vizier.
Together the two servants investigate the noise, then
Nusku wakens his master with the bad news. He calms his
lord's fears with the suggestion of calling a council
28. cf. C.J. G-add, Iraq IV (1937), p. 34.

13*
of the senior gods to ponder the problem. Anu advises
iii.
the despatch of Nusku to discover the cause of the attack.
Enlil, therefore, instructs Nusku in the message he is to
deliver, and this is repeated when Nusku reaches the Igigu.
Their reply is missing from the text, although part can be
restored from Nusku1s report of it to Enlil. Its tenor
is clear, the burden must be alleviated. There may have
been a greater threat to Enlil than is apparent, for he
weeps upon hearing the reply, and virtually abdicates his
position as lord of the terrestrial sphere, proposing to
go with Anu to the heavens.
iv. Damage obscures the course of the debate in the divine
assembly; it seems that the gods eventually agree to kill
one of the Igigu and make a substitute worker. This is
what happens. Mami, the mother-goddess is called upon to
create man. She objects that the task is beyond her ability
and requests the aid of Enki who can purify everything and
provide the clay. Enki accordingly ordains days of
purification, to remove the guilt of killing, and instructs
that Mami shall mix the flesh and blood of the dead god with
the clay. So that the dead god may not sink into oblivion
a shade will come from his flesh. The Anunna approve
the scheme, which is put into execution. When Mami has
v.
prepared the mixture she calls the gods and the Igigu spit
upon it.Thereupon Kami declares the task accomplished,
the wearisome toil transferred to the shoulders of man.
Joyfully the gods invest her with the title Belit-Ili,
1Lady of the Gods*. The actual process of creation is
14.
uncertain as a result of breaks in the text. Two
Assyrian fragments relate the formation of seven pairs of
wombs each containing a piece of the clay. From these
are born seven men and seven women, Mami forms them while
yet in the womb and then supervises their birth. A pattern
vi.
is now established for the continuance of humanity by
procreation, and it is likely that some principles of
life-order were laid down, but here the text is damaged again.
vii. Broken lines probably contained an account of man being
set to work digging the canals and ditches. "When the text
is fully intelligible again the human race has so multiplied
after a passage of years that its noise disturbs Enlil*s
sleep. He complains to the gods and declares that he will
cause a plague to reduce the population. This comes to
pass and Atrahasis, a figure not previously mentioned in
the extant text, pleads with Enki on behalf of the people.
Enki advises cessation of prayer and worship and an insult
to Erra the plague-god. Thereby the gods will be forced
...to relent. Atrahasis summons the leaders of the people
vi ii.
and tells them what to do. They obey and the plague ceases.
II.
i. As the years pass the problem recurs. Enlil decides
upon a drought, Enki advises the same steps to counteract
it, the insult being offered this time Adad, the rain-god,
ii.and Enlil*s device is again frustrated.
The fragmentary state of much of Tablet II renders a
complete account its content impossible. The story
can be traced through the following stages; after the
drought, man again multiplies and probably some further
15.
iii.disaster is threatened, for Atrahasis is found, lamenting to Enki,

possibly after a dream of what was imminent. He apparently
proposes to descend to the Apsu to live with Enki, who agrees
iv. that his life should be spared. Following a further brea,k,
another drought and consequent famine are described,
continuing for severa.1 years with dire results. The sequel
v.
is uncertain, Enlil presently makes a speech assigning
\
responsibility for heaven to Anu and Adad, for earth to
himself, for the Apsu to Enki, the Anunna having agreed,
presumably to a destructive act. Various agents are
instructed about this. The next section is badly preserved,
vi. there is a debate in the assembly. A gap destroys the
continuity, but the outcome is an oath in which even Enki
participates, to destroy man by a flood. Enki, however,
vii.
dissents from the proposed plan and produces his own. It
may be assumed that the gods agree to this.
viii. Enki then reveals something of the future to Atrahasis.
JL9 He Is told that he will be preserved in a boat and,

upon his inquiry, is told of its form and construction, and
of the time when he is to enter It. His neighbours are
Ii. given a false reason for the work. As the time arrives,
Atrahasis feasts his workmen and lades the boat. The sky
lowers, Atrahasis is overawed at the thought of the imminent
catastrophe. The thunder rolls and the winds rise, the
ship*s door is sealed and she is loosed from her moorings.
Many lines are devoted to the raging of the Flood and its
iii.
destructiveness. Nintu laments her part In the decision
iv. and the fate that has overcome her creatures. The gods
join her in grief, and in thirst and hunger for they have
no nourishment. Seven days and nights the Flood continues.
A large gap in the tablet breaks the narrative here.
v, 'When it resumes, Atrahasis has emerged from his boat and is
sacrificing to the gods who eagerly eat. Nintu forbids
Enlil1s attendance as punishment for originating the Flood,
VjL# and seems to make plans for the future. Enlil sees the boat
and complains that the gods have broken the oath to destroy
all men. Anu points to Enki as the culprit. Enki proceeds
to excuse himself and indicates how inconsiderately Enlil
has acted. The remainder of the story is only fragmentarily
available, Enki and Nintu re-arrange the lot of mankind
vii.so that in future their numbers will be controlled by infant
mortality and other forms of sudden death. At the end of
vi ii
the composition is a hymn of praise, probably to Enki,
and an exhortation to all to listen to the story of 1the
Flood1.
17.
II. THE TEXT IN TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION
1. Method, of Re con struct ion.

The three-tablet edition of the scribe Ellet-Âya
(c*1630.B.C., see ch.4,I i.a) is taken as the basic text
1
because it is the most extensively preserved. Accordingly,
the column and line numbering of that edition are employed
here; incomplete preservation of several columns prevents
consecutive numbering of the lines throughout each tablet.
Where Ellet-Âya*s text is lacking restorations are made
from the other texts or reconstructed where possible in
conformity with the Old Babylonian style. Restorations
made by the editor are enclosed in square brackets. The
extent of the manuscripts is indicated by vertical rulings
in the left-hand margin; variant readings are indicated in
the footnotes. Unrestorable and illegible signs are
represented by crosses, and untranslateable passages by
points. Words following an oblique stroke have been written
by the scribe beneath those preceding it as part of the same
line.
1. The text of mss. 0, H,£,(Tablet II) was not accessible

until after the c’
dmpTe't'ion of the greater part of this
study and has been placed In the Appendix, pp.
except where it duplicates ms. E.
18.
2. List of Manuscripts.
H
illI
I
I ■
‘IfHim —I
ii yn ^-11 W
ill■— ■
■I
Capital letters denote texts of the Old Babylonian period,

lower case the Assyrian and neo-Babylonian texts.
References are given to the primary publication of the
cuneiform text.
MS Museum number Position in Epic
A B.M. 78941 + 78943 (Bu. 89, I. i.1-49; ii ;iii ;iv. 40'
4-26,234 + 236) v.24;vi.1-27,48-53;
Copy by A.R. Millard, C.T. vii;viii;colophon.
XLVI,no.1,pls.I-XII.
B B.M. 92608 (Bu.91,5-9,269) I.iii.9-28;iv.19-40;
~ Copy by T.G. Finches, C.T. v.47-vi.20.
VI ,no.5;
W.G-. Lambert, C.T.
XLVI,no.4,pis.XXII,XXIII.
0 B.M. 17596A (94,1-15,31OA) I.ii.47-iii.10.
™ Gopy by A.R. Millard, _C.T.
XLVI,no.2,pi.VII.
D B.M. 78257 I.iv.4-157
Oopy by T.G-. Finches, C.T.
XLIV,no.20,pl.XVI. ~
E Pierpont Morgan Library II.i. 1-20;ii.9-19;vii.38-
“■ Collection 53;viii.33-37;colophon
Copy by A.T. Clay, Y.O.R.
V. 3,FIs. I,II.
F B.M. 78942 + 78971 + 80385 III.i.11-26;29-50;ii.11 -
= (Bu.89,4-26,235 + 266 + 14,l8-20,30-55;iii.4-
Bu.91,5-9,524) 54;iv.4-28,39-47;v.29-
-f- F x Musee d'Art et Histoire, 52;vi.1-28,36-50;vii.
Geneve.. 1-8;vii i.8-19;colophon.
F Copy by A.R. Millard, C.T.
'XLVI,no.3,pls .XIII-XXT.
Fx Copy by A. Boissier, R.A,
” XXVIII(1931),pp.93-94.
G Ni. 2552 + 2560 + 2564 H.i.2-23;ii.4-32;iii.
“ Transliteration made by i-*35 ;iv. 1-26 ;v. 1-36;
A.R. Millard. vi.6-35;vii.30-53;
viii.1-7.
H Babylon Expedition 36669
~~ Transliteration made by II.ill.
F. Kocher
X C.B.S. 13532 111.17
MS Museum number Position in Epic
X continued
“ Copy by H.V. Hilgrecht,
The Earliest Version of
the Babylonian Deluge
Story, Philadelphia,, 1910
pl. 2.
N.B. The age of this text is
uncertain, see ch.
a K. 8562 Obv:I.i.18-37(var.)
” Copy by W.G-. Lambert, £. T .
XLVI,no .6, pl.XXIV RevsI.iii or iv (var.)
b K. 10082 I.i.45-52 (var.)
25 Copy by ¥.0. Lambert, £.T.
XLVI,no .7,pl.XXIV.
jc II. 6235 (probably part of Obv:I,ii.12-24.
“ same tablet as b and d)
Copy by ¥.0. Lambert, £.T. Rev:I.iii.55-iv.6 (var.
XLVI,no.10,pl.XXV.
d K.7109 + 9979 (probably part I.iii.49-*9v.11.
"■ of same tablet as c:)
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XLVI,no.11,pl.XXV.
e K. 6831 Obv:I.ii.50-iii.8.
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XLVI,no. 12, pl .XXV.
f Bu. 89,4-26,97* I.iv.2-16.
~ Copy by ¥.0. Lambert, £. T.
XLVI,no.8,pl.XXIV.
£_ K. 6634 Obv: I. iv. 11 “21 (var.)
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XLVI,no.9,pl.XXIV
h K. 4539 I.vi.?
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Copy by L.¥. King, £.T. Rev: I .vii. 19-11 •i. 37
XV,Pl.49. (var.);iii;iv ?.
20.
Sm. 292 Obv:I.viii.22-11.i.11.

Copy by A.R. Millard, (5.T. Rev:II. ?
XLVI,no.14,pl.XXVII.
I).T • 42
Copy by A.R. Millard, .C.T. Ill.i.x-20 (var.)
XLVI,no.15,pl.XXVII
B.M. 98977 + 99231 (Ki.1904,
10-9,6 + 263) ObviIII.i.x (extracts ?)
Copy by W.G-. Lambert,J.S.S. Rev:III.iii,iv.l4.
V(1960),p.116.
Babylon Expedition 39099, II.ii,iii,v,vi.
transliteration made by
A. Falkenstein.
©
Tablet
22.
I.
i. 1. When the gods, man-like,
2. Bore the toil, carried the load,
3. The load of the gods was great,
4. The toil heavy, the trouble excessive.
5. The great Anunnaku, the Seven (?)
6. Had made the Igigu bear the toil.
7. Anu, their father, was king;
8. Their counsellor heroic Enlil;
9. Their bearer Ninurta,
10. And their beadle Ennugi.
11. They took one hand in the other,
12. They cast the lot, the gods made division.
13* Anu went up to heaven,
14. ......for his dominion.
15* The lock, the bar of the salt sea
16. Theyhad given to Enki the prince.
17- When Anu had gone up to heaven,
18. And Enki had descended to the Apsu,
19....................and heaven,
20. They made the Igigu bear the toil.
Tablet
21 . Night and da.y they were digging
22. The river, the life of the land.
23. Night and day they were digging
24. The Euphrates, the life of the land.
25 .....the river Tigris,
26 the watering.
27 ..from the source
28 ........ ....they established.
29.........................
30 ............. theland
3 1............... its midst
32. they raised its head (?).
33............... mountains,
34. They counted the months of the labour.
35 ..the great marsh,
36. They counted the months of the labour
37 *40 years....
38. They toiled night and day.
39. They grumbled and maligned,
40. They wept in the river«bed.
25.
Tablet I
A 1. 41 . [i-na pu-uh-iji-ni gu.za.la 1_ ni-tin-hu-ur-ina
42.*[ka-ajb-tarn du-ul-la-ni li-£a-si-lk el-ni
43. imat-li-ik i-li qu-ra-dam
|^ m r i M r r w i n r n m im n ' i *■ *■ **—i w i n n « i ■■m w iim h
fenksiijnlm i nl-18-Sl-a 1-na, Su-ub-ti-su

45. [dEn-lll] ma-ll-ik i-11 qd-ra-dam
i~nl~ig-si-a i-na Su-ub-ti-gu
b
47. Tx xl pi-a-&u i-pu~ga-am~ma
48. [iz-za-kair a-na i-li ah-hi-su
■ ■ i * i i i m u n« in i t r w j t . i n m * >■ rjrrrr— i n*.w »n M W m m *n ■■ i i
49. [x x] x gu.za.la la-bi-ru-tlm

50. [x xx x ] i-ga-ka-na Ên-lfl
51 . [x xx Saj-ne-e 1-Sa-ka-an
52. [x xx x] d-te-eq-qu-u-un-nl
Remainder lost (4 lines ?)
ii 1. ma-
2* al^ka>np.m[i ni-jg-gi-a i-na gu-ub-ti-gu
3. d'En-ltfl ma-li-ilk 1-li qu-ra-dam
4. al/ka^jniiji ni-ig-&i~a i-na sa-ub-ti-su
5 * a-nu-um-ma ti-si-a tu.-q.d-um-tarn
6. ta-ha-za i ni-ib-lu-la qa-ab-la-am
26.
41. “Let us face the task-master in our assembly,

42. Let him remove our heavy toil from us.
43* The counsellor of the gods, the hero,
44. Come, let.us bring him from his dwelling!
45. Enlil, the counsellor of the gods, the hero,
46. Come, let us bring him from his dwelling!”
47.........spoke up
48. And said to the gods, his brothers,
49. ,f.......the old taskmasters,
50............. Enlil will install.
51. Now he will install a second taskmaster.”
52, The gods pay heed to this word.
ii. 1. The counsellor of the gods, the hero,

2. Come, let us bring him form his dwelling!
3. Enlil, the counsellor of the gods, the hero,
4. Come, let us bring him from his dwelling!
5. Now you have roused (?) for battle,
6. Let us mingle war and contest!
7. The gods heeded his speech.
27.
Tablet I
11 . 8. i-Sa-tam ne~pl~&i*-gu~nu id-du-u-ma
9. ma»ar-ri-su~nu Î-Sa-ta-
1 0 . &u-ui m-nu d^.
G-irru
11 . it-ta-ak-§u
12 I*-ta-ab-zu-nim i~il-la~ku-nim
13. ba-bi ga ad-ina«ni qii-ra-di Ên-li 1

14. ma_-ag°,g.a»ar-ti mu- j§urn i-ba~a£-5i
15. e la-wi i-lu u-ul i-di
16. mi-&i-il ma-ag -ga-ar-1 i mu-Sum 1-ba-ag-gj
17. e.kur la-wi d£n-lll u-ul 1-dl

1 8 . u-te-eq-q 3l dKal-kal ti-te-jeg-gll
19. il-pu-ut si-ik-ku-ra i«hi~i[t x x]

20 . Îtal-kalid-di-ki ^jNusku]
21 . ri-ig-ma i-£e-em~nm-u &fa i-Sa-tii-iml

Wri.Lfcl * ll rn IM l llT1~n111 IITOT tin Mil Ii n »viu^ »>»Iray.,Jffrfrr<frrTf{f|.^.
22 . ^Nusku id-di-ki be-Tel-Su]

m ■ 1n t m w a a nil 1m ,ji w i ) ■>! ■ rrniwtft-
—* — * f m n u r l i i i **jt.■*.
23. i~na ma-ia-li d~£e-et-fbi-SulJ<1WriAfif wm 1■» e. 11ail.m»im ea i» M*—1|*i * <»'|| n
24. be-lf la-wi. bl-[it-ka]

25- qa-ab-lum i-ru-ga ajna ba-bi-ka]
26. Ên-lil la-wji bi-ilt-ka
■
VI ■III■MMJitlril^ll I W
-T
H te
|Ulliiat-jaafcr#r
fiJiW
9t
27. qa-ab-lfum i-ru-sla aJha ba-bi-

1111^ iînTOH i u. wi u ui.uf.TJpvm urn i~i-ynii r 1v w u n i iif iiiipiiiim ■
28.
8. They set fire to their tools

11. They brought (?)
9. The fire god to their spades,
10. Flame to their hods
12, They took hold of it (?), they come
13c To the gate of the abode of heroic Enlil.
14. It was night, half-way through the watch,
15• The house was surrounded, the god did not know,
16. It was night, half-way through the watch,
17c Ekur was surrounded, Enlil did not know.
18. Ebl-kal kept watch, he grew confused,
19. He touched the bolt, he looked carefully.
20. Ital-kal aroused Nusku
21. They listened to the noise of the fire (?).
22. Nusku aroused his lord,
23. He made him rise from bed.
24. ,fMy lord, your house is surrounded,
25. War has come to your gate.
26. Enlil, your house is surrounded,
27. War has come to your gate.1'
29
Tablet I
*3j|i
11. 28. Ên-l£l x x-ki &~ga-ar~di a-na gu-ub-ti-Su

-
ITfl'j l* 1'1 ' n -1 r | ii **** jTErrWa’irstTiM fn-pwWPm'W i ni I" lj .l, uiii.*' i i — it f iw
rl
29. En-l£l pa-a-su i-pu~ga-am-nm
30. a°na sukkal ^Nusku iz-za-k&r
31 . ^Nusku e-di-il ba-ab-ka

32. Ka-ak-ki-ka Xi-q£ l-zi-iz ma-ah-ri-la
33. ^Nuaku i-di-il ba~ab~su

34. ka-ak-ki-gu il~q£ it-ta-zi-iz ma-fcar Ên-li1
35. %usku
<m Wm p£-a-gu l^pu-gajaJm-ma
m
i iwii HlidWteOMMnM iw
m i—|p.ijMi■
imh
*—
36. iz-za-kar a-na qu-ra-di Ênifl

37. be~l£ bi-nu bu-nu-ka
38. ma-ru ra-raa-ni-ka mi-in-gu ta-du-ur
39. Ên-lfl bi-nu bu-nu-ka

40. Bia-ru ra-ma-nl-ka mi-ln-gu ta-du-ur
41 . §u-pU"Ur A-nam 1i-ge-ri-du-[ni- ik-k]a
42. ^gn^ki Il-lb-bl-ku-nim a-na m|t~ab-ri-kja
43. jg-pu-ur A-nam d-ge-r 1-[du-n 1- jggu.

44. Ên-ki ib-bi-ku-nim a-na ma-alb-nli-gu
45. wa-gi-ib A-nu gar-rfi ’ga-nfe-e
W
Um
WB
3.
*|H
,)W
Will—!■
■■i.
H IIH
III1
1 IM
11 W
bp
JBK
XM.ll.frI
III
I
,UlllllIII! |||W
H«B.U
llb
m w
JIB
U .. .Ii. I
46. jjfar-ri ap-sl-i Ênki
47. ra-bu~ turn Â-ntjh-na Wja-ag~bu

48. Ên~l£l it-bl-ma- ga[x xj-dl/kl-nu
42,44 Text has ^-en-lfl.

30.
28. He....Enlil, brought him down to his hall,

29o Enlil spokeup
30. And said tothisvizier Nusku,
31. "Nusku, shut your gate!
32. Take up your weapon stand before m e !11
33. Nusku shut his gate,
34. Took up his weapon, took his stand before Enlil,
35* Nusku spoke up
36. And said to heroic Enlil,
37* "My lord, the sons are of your nature,
38. They are your own children, why are you troubled?
39. Enlil, the sons are of your nature,
40. They are your own children, why are you troubled?
41. Send for Anu, let them bring him down to you
42. Let them fetch Enki to your presence!"
43. He sent for Anu, they brought him down to him
44. They fetched Enki into his presence.
45. There was sitting Anu, king of heaven;
46. The king of the Apsu, Enk3, was present;
47. The great Anunna were sitting down.
48. Enlil arose and...........
50. iz-za-kar a-nja i-li ra-blu-tiiri
in
rm»
*iH
»mi.T
ir
r^p
ra»
»g*
M n
iaIa
ttS
W te
a (KOMMmCbn —
t —
"r
— 1
IF
tn1
—'™
■■ —
r
f*
—
51. la-a-gi-im-ma-a it- [x x x] x
52. ta-ha-za e-ep»pu-uS? &a x

*«*— n»-TT?rrt,irj<3Mc— — ■ mill i/li fl»i.«<MlinMW*.‘ir» w r m n
x x
53. i-ni m i-na-a a-mu-ur a-fnla

54. qli-ab-lum i-ru-sa a-na ba-bi-ia
55. A~nu pi-a-gu i-pu-ga-am*°ma

'■III UHIHI* I I >jlLHli»mit.l fcJITWIIM m u x m i ^ n . II III Wl IIIIIWI l~1l II I HIMI II I || | W ll ■ II LU..H
56. iz-za-kar a-na qu-ra-di Ên-lil

<>>— CSSfTTnii^pnan ^rtanîirfaMTniii■ W ii'iw^ njwiiiu nWn murrrr-* tint »n i ■ iiiJf!.'!! U t w < « a t
57. zj^-ik-ra ga Î-p;i-p;u

58. il?-mu-'d e bi ig ka
1. li-se-maf^Nusku li-il-li-ikl
n u i M i n i L * * * ’ rti iriimi jimiifcifiiir I
2 e te-er~§a?P>ta?«&U“nu li-ig-me]
»i^fiiii>
<n»
ir mill W
tt
him—>iÎ ■
i.MHWi^r- im
T-—
— ~
--r— - miiT ttti—
r~-
^tihir
rwmm
uI
3. a-na ma-jab-ri-ka 11-tu-ur]

Ên-lll pl-a-guri-pu-ga-am-mal rrm. itifi 1■i lâm, i I U m iii r i niiri i inn)iwii i | ..urin.iinHW. ■ ■
- I
5. iz-za-kar a-fna sukkal %fuskul

6. %usku pl-te [ba-ab-ka]
32.
49. Enlil spoke up

50. And said to the great gods,
51 . ffTo me............
52. They will do battle......
53. What do my eyes see?
54. War is at my gate,f.
55. Anu spoke up
56. And. said to heroic Enlil,
57. ff the Igigu
58. They surrounded your house(?)
iii. 1. Let Nusku go forth.......
2, The decision (?) let him hear (?)
b. Let him return to your presence.11
4. Enlil spoke up
5. And said to Nusku, the vizier,
6. “Nusku, open your gate,
7- Take up your weapon, go forth......
8. In the assembly of all the gods (?)
9. Bow, stand up, sa.y to them,
10. hfour father Anu has sent me,
Tablet
34.
11. Your counsellor, heroic Enlil,

12, Your bearer Ninurta,
13- And your beadle Ennugi.
14, Who is theone responsible for the war(?)?
15- Who is theone responsible for the conflict(?)?
16. Who is............. ,f
17............. ......
18 »
19- -.............. Enlil

20. He went forth and come into the assembly of all
the gods.
21. He bowed, he stood up, he explained(?)
22. lfYour father Anu has sent me,
23. Your counsellor, heroic Enlil
24. Your bearer, Ninurta,
25. Your beadle, Ennugi.
26. Who is theone responsible for the war(?)?
27. Who is theone responsible for the conflict(?)?
28. Who is........ ?
29............... ....
30. In the assembly of all the gods...... u
Tablet
36.
31..............................
32. "All of us. ..........
33. .......................
34. In.................
35. Our load is great*
36. Our toil heavy, our trouble excessive
37. And all of us...........
38. We have decided........."
39* Nusku took up his weapon,
40. Went back and reported to Enlil,
41. "My lord. ...........
42. I went. ........
43. I explained (?)........ the great,
44. ........... .
45 0 1 . . . . a . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
46. We waged war.

47* ..... in the river bed.
48.................. . us
49- Heavy is our toil, excessive the difficulty
50. This is the message of all the gods."
37*
cl
x [x x] x x x x x -bi it-ti En-lil
32* ig-jine]a-aw-1am gu-a~ti
53* ]. i-jl1-Ija-ka di-ma-gu
54 Ên-ltl d-jtaj~ar a-wa-as-su
55* i z- za~k[4r a-na gd-rt,,-' A-nim
56* e-te-eEL-li ig-tiVka a-na ga-ma-i
*— ***1 m il| 1 iii- 11 1 naWAifttc* * ‘ — ‘lrrvnfti ■ 1m n 1
iv. 1, pa-ar-°sa~am ta-ba-al-ma li-qi id-ka

2. ag-bu Â-nun-na-ki ma-har-ka
3* i-lu jg-te-en gfi-sl-ma li-id-du~gu tarn-ta
One Old Babylonian text and Assyrian text supply
4. dA-nu pa~a~&u i-pu-ga-am-ma iz-za-ak-kar ana
■>jih —u u n w J M a ffliMiiwMui.mil) j i—i i ._ul _ tam fciMirfk im 1■ w i i - jim i i t r fainaaM *— nr 'n im in -iiii» « w n < a » in n * 11 pju«
i-li ah-he-gu
5* mi-nam kar°$i-gu-nu ni-lk-ka-al

6. ka-bi-it dul-la-gu°un [ma-a-a]t ga~ ap -gaq - gu~ un
7* Uj.-mi-Sa-am-ma ir-sfi-tum? x
w f III IMII 1,1-! , ■nmia7 iwi|jpn |iw1 *
x xlna-a-tu
^ Iiim.h■ ■mn
«-rii i*rT
iWw■
8 . tu-uq-qum ka-bi~it»fma ni-5i]-lm-e ri-ig-ma
9* i-ba-ag-gi[x x x x x x x x] e-pe-gj
10. wa-ag-ba-at ^be-li-lt-i-li sa-as^su'j-ra-a-tu?
11 . li-ib-ni-ma lu-ux-[lu x x x x x x]
12 . ab-ga-nam li-bi-illx x x x x x]
15.1fab-gaVnam li-bi-il fsi-pi-ir aEn-l£ll
j 14 .‘ tu-up-gi-ik-ku ill a-jme-lum li-ig-gi]
1 t d * * *
4 * £ e-a. iz-za-k&r, 1,11me^ 5 *f £ kar-gi-&u-nu
11' g inserts" sa-as-su-ru lu-u-y-lu x Snd has 1.1 4* before
" * 1 1 ! .
12' £ ab-Sanaa gyab-M-a-nam 14' g has this line before
— 11'.
38.
51........... with Enlil.
52. He heard the message,
53. Enlil's tears flowed.
54. Enlil made answer,
55. He spoke to heroic Anu,

56. "I would ascend with you to heaven,
iv. 1. G-ive the order,
2. The Anunnaki will "be sitting before you,
3. Summon one god and let them assign him to

destruction(?)".
4 1. Anu spoke up and said to the gods his brothers,
5 !. "What complaint have we against them?(?)
b * . Heavy is their toil, excessive their difficulty.
7 !. Daily the earth .................
b 1. The noise is grievous and we hear the clamour.
9 f. There is.................to dot?).
10*. There sits Belit-ili the mother-womb,
11 ?1 Let her create m a n .......... .
12*. He shall bear the yoke....... .
1 3 1 * He shall bear the yoke, the task of Enlil.
14'. The load of the gods man shall carry".

39.
Tablet I
4ltd
iv. 19* wa-aS-ba-at Be-[li-it l-lx sa-as^-su-ru
20. sa-as-sd-ru li-x-x-a li-ib-ni-ma
21. gu-up-gi-ik ili a-wi-lum li-ig-£i
22* il-ta-am is-sd-d i-Sa~lu
23 • tab-sd-ut ilim e^ %a-mi
24. at-ti-i-ma sa-as-ad-ru.
25. ba-ni-a-at a-wi-lu-ti

26. bi-ni-ma lu-ul-la-a li-bi-ilgab-sa-nam
27. ab~§a-nam li-bi-i^ &i-pi-ir Ên-lil
2b. £u-up-&i-ik ili a-wi-lum li-iS-gj

*3
29. Nin-tu p£-a-£a t e-pu-Sa-am-ma
30. iz-za-k&r a-na ilim e^ ra-bu~ti
31. it-ti-ia-ma la na-td a-na e-pe-§i
32. it-ti Bn-ki-ma i-ba~a£-&i gj-ip-ru
33 . gu-u-ma u-ul-la-al ka-la-ma

34* ti-it-ta-am 1 i- id- di-nam-ma jaT-na-ku lu-pu-u&
35* ^Bn-ki pi-a-Su i-pu-£a-am-ma
36. iz-za-kar a-na illm e^ ra-bu-ti
37. i-na ar-fai se-bu-ti u ga-pa-at-ti
3b. te-li-il-tam lu-ga-a&-ki-in ri-im-ka
20ff g cited at 11. 11*-14* may belong here.

40.
19. "There sits Belit-ili, the mother-womb,
20. Let the mother-womb...... and create,
21. The load of the gods man shall carry”.
22. They summoned the goddess, they requested
23. The mid-wife of the gods, skilly Mami,
24. "You are the mother-womb,
25. Creatress of mankind;
2b. Then create man, he shall bear the yoke,
27. He shallbear the yoke, the task of Enlil,
2b. The load of the gods man shallcarry".
29. Nintu spoke up
31. "It is not possible for me to do so,
32. But the task lies in Enki's power.
33. For he can purify everything.
34. Let him give me clay, then I will do it".
35• Enki spoke up
36. And said to the great gods
37. "On the first day of the month, the seventh,

and the fifteenth,
3b. I will ordain a purificatory washing

41.
Tablet I
ilbd
IV . 39. ila ig-te-en li-it-bu-bu-ma
40. li-te-el-li-lu i-lu i-na ti-i-bi
41* l~na si-ri-gu u da-mi-gu

42. ^Nin-tu li-ba-al-li-il ti-it-ta
43. i-lu-um-ma ft a-wi-lum li-ib-ta-al-li-lu
44. pu-bu~ur i-na tl-it-ti
45. ab-ri-a-ti-ig u^mi up~pa i ni-ig-me
46. i-na gi-i-ir i-li e-te-em-mu -li-ib-gi
47. ba-al-ta it-ta-gu li-ffe-di-gu-ma
48. ag-gu la mu-ug-gi~i e-te-em-mu / li-ib-gi
49. i-na pu-ufo-ri i-pu-lu a-an-na

d
50. ra-bu-tum A-nun-na-ku
51. pa-gl-du gj-ma-ti
52* i-na ar-bi se-bu-ti ft ga-pa-at-ti
53. te-li-il-tam ft-ga-ag-ki-in ri-im-ka
54. ^We-e-i-la ga i-gu-ft te-

ê-ma
55. i-na pu-ftb-ri-gu-nu ga ta-ab-bu
56. i-na gi~ri~gu mfat

m m mda-mi-gu
mmmmmiw
i — tnuuwwtiiPM .
.
57. ^Nin-tu u-ba-li-il ti-it-ta
58. ah-ri~a-tji-ig x x x ]x x
v 1* gi-i-ir i-li e-te-jem-mu i-ba-ag-gi]
43. B ilum-ma; libtallilu is placed in^J.
44. B e (Pl)-te-em-mu, i-tab-gi*

— —X 1
48 do do
42.
39. They will slaughter one god, then
40. Let the gods "be purified by immersion.
41. With his flesh and blood
42. Nintu shall mix clay.
43. So god and man will be mingled
44. Together in the clay.
45. forever after may we hear the drum-beat.
46. Let a shade come from the god*s flesh,
47. Let it know life as its lot,
48. That he may not be forgotten let there be a

shade".
49. In the assembly they responded "Yes",
50. The great Anunna
51. On the first day of the month, the seventh,

and the fifteenth
53. He ordained a purificatory washing.
54. It was Weila who received the sentence,
55. Who was slaughtered in their assembly.
56. With his flesh and blood
57. Nintu mixed the clay.
58. forever after...............
v. 1. from the god's flesh there came a shade,

43.
Tablet I
A
v. 2 . ba-al-ta it-ta-&u u-£e-[di-gu-mal
3. ag-gu la mu-uS-Si-i e-te-em-mu [i-ba-a§-Si]

4 • is-tu-ma ib-lu-la ti-ta-ga x
d
5. is-si A-nun-na i-li ra-bu-ti
6 • dI-gi-gu i-lu ra-bu-turn
7. ru-u?-tam id-du-u e-lu ti~it-ti
8, IclMa]~nri. pi-a-ga te-pu-ga-am-ma
9. [iz-za]-kar a-na i-li ra-bu-tim

10 .[gj-ljp-ya ta-aq-bi-a-ni-im-ma
11 . u-ta-ak-Ii-il
12 . i-lam ta-at-bu-ha ga-du te^mi-ffu
13. ka-ab-tam du-ul-la-ku-nu ti-§a-as-sl~ik
14. su-up-gj-ik-ka-ku-nu a-wi-lam e-mi-id
15. ta-as-ta->a-da ri-ig-ma a-na a-wi-lu-ti
16. ap-tu-ur ul-la an-du-ra-[ra-am ag-kuj-un
17. jg-rau-ma an-ni-a-am qa-^ba-ga]
18. it-ta-ar-ru-ma u-na-afs-gi-qu &e-pe-e-ga]
19. pa-na-mi ^Ma-mi ni-Sa-si-ki
20. i-na-an-na be-li-it ka-la i-li
21 . lu-u gu-um-ki
12,13*2 [ ul^la-x »[ ja-me-lu-tim

3-6. j.["” jx te-mi-su
18. j has a ruling after this line
44.
2. It was informed life was its lot
3* That he might not be forgotten there was a

shade.
4. When she had mixed her clay .
5* She called the Anunna, the great gods,
6. The Igigu, the great gods
7. Spat upon the clay.
8. Mami spoke up
10• "The task you commanded me
11. Now I have finished1

.
12* You have slaughtered the god according to his

sentence;
13. I have abolished your heavy load!
14* I have imposed your load on man;
15* You have the clamour to mankind;
16. I have undone the yoke and made freedom!11
17* They heard this speech of hers
18. They danced about (?) and kissed her feet.
19. "Previously we called you Mami,
20. Now *Lady of all the Gods*
21. Shall be your name".

45.
Tablet I
v. 22. i-te-er-bu a-na bi-it §i---ma-ti
23. ni-is x x Bn-ki e ri-iS-tu Ma-mi
1 & The neo-Assyrian texts continue:
24. sa-as-su-ra-a-tum Pu-uh-hu-ra-ma
25. ti-it-ta i-kab-ba-sa-am ma-ah-ri-§a

26. di-i Si-ip-ta it-ta-na-an-di
y d'
27. u-Sam-na-Si E~a a-Si-ib ma-afc~ri-Sa
2b. iS"tu-ma ig-mu-ru Si-pa-as-sa^?
29. qa-as-sa ta-at~ta-di eli ti-it-tir^
30. i 14 uk-ta-ar-ri-ig
31. 2 ki-ir-gi a-na i-mi-it-ti

32. 2 ki-ir-gi a-na §u-me-li iS-kun
33. i-na be-ri-§u-nu it-ta-di li-bit-ti
34. fx
k xVa ap-pa-ri ba-ti!-ik a-bu-un-na-te lu-te-
'' »•' ■■■■
»—— .1
1" ■
' M
l" 1
1*
1 "I. ■>■■■—IIM.W
— *•I ..> I
SI
35. pa-afc-ra~ma ir-ge-ti mu-te-ti

36. 7 u 7 &a-su-ra-ti; 7 u-ba-na-a zikari (erx .toeg)
37. 2 u-ba-na-a sinnjgati (sal .meji^

3b. sa-su-ru ba-na-at gi-im-tu
39. gi-na-gan-^^^ u-ka-la-la-Si-na
k has in one line what jj. has in two

d^ s
26* _
k_ E-a iz-za-kar 27* k u-Sam— na-gi
2^! k tam-nu si-ip-ta ig-tu tam-nu-u gj-pa-sa j kas a
— — ruling.
30' k 14 gi-ir-gi tak-ri-ig; 7 gi-ir-gi ana imitti tal-
— ku-wi
321 k ana Sumeli tag-ku-un 33* k i-ta-di libitta
22. They entered the house of destinies
23 Enki, skilly Mami
24.1 The mother-wombs were assembled,
25.1 He was treading the clay before her,
26.* She was reciting the incantation
27.* Ea, sitting before her, repeated it,
26.* When she finished her incantation,
29.1 She put her hand on her clay.
30.1 Having broken off fourteen pieces

31.1 Seven pieces on the right, she placed,
32.' Seven pieces on the left.
33.1 Between them she placed the bricks
34.1 .......... cutting of the navel....
35.1 The skilly women were assembled,
36.' Seven mother-wombs and seven, seven were

bearing males,
37.1 Seven were bearing females.
35.1 The mother-womb who creates forms
39.1 Finished them two by two,

Tablet I
4b.
40.* Two by two she finished them before her
41.1 Mami designed the features of the people.
47.1 ...... .. ••.her breast
4 b .1 ................. a beard
49-1 ............ .the man's cheek

50.1 and raising (?)
51*1 .......... the wife and her husband.
52.' The mother-wombs were assembled,
53.* Nintu was sitting
54.* They were counting the months,
55*! They summoned the skilly one to the house

of destinies,
vi. 1 ........... she came
2. She drew out the needles (?), opened the

womb.
3. Her face was bright with joy,
4. She adorned her head.
5. They left her belly,
6. She did the work of the midwife (?)
7. She uttered a benediction,

b. She drew the flour-circle and placed the
brick.
49
Tablet I
A B j k
vi 9* a-na-ku-mi ab-ni i-pu-ga qa-ta-ia
10. ta-ab-su-tum i~na bi-it qd-di-i§-ti li-ih-duw n M m H ■ iT ll M l til Mil III— i> II ■■ I ! !■ ■ ! I III
11* a~°Bi a-li-it-tum 6-ul~la-du-ma
12. um-mi &e-er-ri
13.
14. 9. u^-mu li-in-na-di li-bi-it-turn
3-5« i-tu-ug-cLa bi-it ^Nin-tu. / sa~as~su-ru

dMa-mi[x
r T
16. x x |-nu i-ta-ab-bi
17. i-ta-j-ad-ki-da sja-as-sfr-ra
lb. i-ta-ad-ki-Sa ki-x x
19. i-na[x x xlna-de-e e-er-si
20 . li-r* -ti[ag-ga^tum u mu-s&

21 . i-nu-ma g-£u'-{ti] & mu-tu-ti
22* i-na bi-it j~x x] i-ta-ab-du is-tar
23. 9, Uj-mi [li-ig~£]a~ki-in bi-flu-turn

j
24* ig-tar [li-it-ta]~ad"ba-u IS-ba-ra
25. i-na [bi-it gi-ma]-ti si-ma-nu gi-im-ti
26. [x x x x x ] x ab-bifx x]
27. [x x x x x ] x ir x x [x x]
Lines 26-40 missing.
41. ri-jx x x x x x x x x ]
42. ^[x x x x x x x x x x]
9. j. cia-ta-a-fa] 10. k &ab-su-tu-um~ma, bit ba-rig-ti

11. T ru-ul["la-du-u-ma” k ak-ki a-li-it-tu u-la-du-ma
12,13 one line, fi-b^rVru-u ^ ra-ma-an~ga k ummu ger-ri
lu-har-ri-ga ra-ma-an-[g&3 14. li-bit-tum 15. B ^be-li-it-
i-l£ j [x-tja-ii-tim 16. j [sa-as-su-xju ^m a h * 17,16 B one nine
j i-ta-ad-ke-e-Sa 19.B^^na 20.B mu-us-sa 24. 3 pjl-teb-bu?
26\ j ma/la?- tu x
50.
9* "I myself have created, my hands have done it.
10. Let the midwife rejoice in the house of the

nurse,
11. Where the pregnant woman gives birth,
12. And the mother
13* Delivers (?) the child herself!
14* Let the brick lie in place for nine days".
15* The mother-womb shall wait (?) at the house

of Nintu (?)
16. Mami.......... calls,
17* She rouses her (?) the mother-womb,
lb. She rouses her..........
19. I n ............ placing of a bed,
20.. The wife and her husband
21. When wifehood and husband-hood........
22. In the house.........the goddess rejoices (?)
23. For nine days rejoicing shall be instituted.
24* Let them call the goddess Ishara,
25* In the house of destines, the time of destiny,
26 ..........
51.
Tablet I
\\>
vi. 44. fi tx X X X X X X X X XJ

45* fe X X X X X X X X X X X1
46 • fx X X X X X X X X X X x]
47. ii-4x X X X X X X X X X x]
4b. a- wi-;lum [x X X X X X X X x]
49. su-uk-ki? mu~&afx X X X X X x]

VJl
ma--ru a-na a-bi-p3u x X X X X

o
•
x]
51. X -gl-IS x [x X X X X X X x]
52. id-du x X ma-rji X X X X X x]
53. su~u :
na-&i X fx X X X X X x]
vii. 1. i-mu-ur-ma [x x x x]
2. dEn~lil x [x x] -ar i- [x x x x]
3. i-ta-a^-zu la qa-ti x fx x x x xl
4* al-li ma-ar-ri ib-nu-u e&-jre]-ti

5. i-ki ib~nu-u ra-bu-jfrum]
V-• ti--i-
6. bu-~bu--ti‘-is§ ni--si fx X x]
7. [x X X X X X X X lli [x x x]
8. a- [x X X X X X X X X X x]/[x x
pa-r*i
9. [x X X X X X X X x ] jSu X tim
_1
x]3u X nu
j
o
h X X X X X X X
•
52
48 . The m a n ...... .........
49......................
50, The son to his father....... .
51 .........................
52...................
53. He, carrying (?)..........
vii* 1* He saw and............
2 . Enlil..............
3. H e ....................
4. With picks and spades they made the
cultivable lands (?),
5. They made the great canals

6. Hungrily the people.... for sustenance (?)
53.
Tablet
A vii. 11. [x X X X X X X X xlli-ib-nu

12. [x X X X X X X X X 1a-wi-lim
13. [x X X X X X X X X x]ki-il
14. [x X x|li-■x X ['x X ] $a am na
15. [x X X ]x -ka-an [x X lx -§a
16. [x X X X X X X X x'
] na-an-na
17. fx X X X X X X X X ] x ^la ki
lb. jx X X X X X X X X gjs-er-ra
k
19. [x]x [x x x x x]600 mu.hi.a
20 • [nia-tum ir-ta-pi-ig] ni-&u im-t i-da
21* ma-jrfrum ki-^ma li-ji i~ga~ab-bu
22. i-na[hu-hu-ri-Si-na]i~lu it-ta-a^-da-ar
23. fÊn-lil ig-te-me Iri-gi-im-gi-in
24. fcz-za-khr a-ija i-li ra-bu-tim
25.[ik-ta~ab-ta]ri-gi-im a~wi-lu-ti
20* [i-na hu-bu-ri-M-]na u-za-am-ma gj-it-ta

£.
i 27. [x x x x ] x gu~ru~ub-bu-d li-ib-Si
2b. \x x x x x x ] x U£ jfi x ti. x x fx]
29. x [x x x x x x ]x x [x x x]
30. li~ x [ x x x x x x x x x x ]
19. k[ ]me§ 2b. _g [ ]li ik gef ]

20 . k one line with 19. 29. ,£'[ rif-gim~gi~na ki-ma f J
22 . k rig — " ^ i-me-gi-na it-t'a-dir. 30. £[ 1gu-ru-ub-bu-u
54
11 let them make
1 2 ............ .........of man
13.
lb................... the child,
1 9 ................ 1200 years
20, The inhabited land had expanded, the people

the people multiplied.
21* The land was bellowing like a bull...
22, The god had been disturbed by their clamour,
23* Unlil had heard their din.
24* He said to the great gods,

25. "Grievous has grown the din of mankind,
26. Through their clamour I lose sleep,
27. ...... let there be sickness,
2b........................
30. l e t ......................
55.
Tablet I
^ IK" Vll. 31. k x x x x x x x x x ]

32 • il-&u Ên-ki u-ba-|jx x x x x]
33. i-ta-mu x [ x x x]
34. u 8u-u il-gu it-t|i-gu i-fra-mu]
35. aAt-ra-am-foa-si-is p£-a^-&u i-pu-ga-am-ma]

36. iz-za-k£r a~na[dEn-ki be-Ii-5u]
37. a-di Ma-mi ib^nuj-il-n^-a-ti]
3«. mu-ur-ga i-im-mi~du-ni-a-ti a ~[x x]

d
39. En-ki p£-a-&u i-pu-sa-a|jn-ma]
40. iz-za-kar a-na ar-di-|Su]
41. gj-bu-ti si- x ~ni i-[x]
42. -ra-ni-a qi~ri~ib bi-ti-jg-kfe]
43. Ijij-iq-ba-mi li-is-su-u na-gi-ru
44. ri-[ig]-ma li-ge-ib-bu-6 i-na ma-tjim]
45. e_ ta-ap-Ia-ha i~li~ku-un
46. £ -tu-aa-al-li-a p^-ta-ar-ku-mi

d->
47. Er-ra x £i-a ba-ab-Su
46. bi-la e-l£-ta a-na qu-ud-mi-gu,
49. li-il-li-in-gu ma-a&~ka-tum ni-jpu-uj

50. li-ba-ag-ma i-na ka-|at~ri-e]
56.
31. And he, Atrahasis (?)
32. His god, Enki,.........
33. He spoke......... .
34. And he, his god, was speaking with him (?)
35. Atrahasis spoke up
36. And said to Enki his lord,
37. "Since (?) Mami created us
36......... have inflicted us with illness".
39. Enki spoke up
40. And said to his servant,
41. "....the elders.....
42. into your house.
43. Let the heralds announce and proclaim
44. Let them raise a cry in the land.
45. "Bo not revere your god,
46. Do not pray to your goddess!"
47. Erra (?)....... his gate
46. Bring a cook into his presence,
49. Let there come to him improper sacrifices (?)
50. He will be shamed by the offerings.

57.
Tablet I
vii. 51. li-sa-ag-qi-il qa-as-su
52, mAt-ra-am-h.a-si~-is il-qi-a te-er-tam
53* &i-bu-ti u-pa-ah-bi-ir [a-na]ba-bi-gu
54. mAt-ra-am-ba-si-is pi-a-gu [i]-pu-[5a-am-maj
55* [izj-za-kar a-na &i-bu-|tij
56* Si-bu-ti x x ni x
Yiii. 1. [x -ra-nl-a M ^ l ^ a
2. tTi-iQ-bu-ma li-isVsu-u na-gi-ru
3* [ri-ig-ma li-se-e]b-bu-u i-na ma-tim
4. [e ta-ap-la-haji-li-ku-un
5. [e tu-sa-al-]]i-a iS-ta-ar-ku-un
6* |fQr”ra x x si-a] ba-ab-gu

7.rbi-la e-pi-ta a-na qH-ud-mi-sul
he*Bde^vB«nsM aHaMtcmn
8. [li-iflL-li-ik-Su ma-ab-ba-tum ni^gu-u]
9* [li^ba-ag-ma i-na ka-at-re-e
10. [li-Sfe-ag-gi-il qa-as-su
11♦ [gi-lju.-tum i^-mu-u zi-kp-ir-gu]
3-2. nam-ta-ra i-na a-p-i x x]
13. x -nu-ti bipti- x x x]

14* p-pj-bu-ma is-su-u[na-gi-rul
58.
51- He will wit hold his hand11.
52. Atrahasis received thedirection,
53- He gathered the elders to his gate.
55* And said to the elders,
56. "Elders!.............
viii. 1. into your house.
2. Let the heralds announce and proclaim,
3. Let them raise a cry in the land.
4. "Do not revere your god,
5. Do not pray to your goddess!11
6. Erra..........his gate
8. Let there come to him improper sacrifices (
9. He will be shamed by the offerings,
10. He will withold his hand” .
11. The elders heeded his speech,
12. The plague in their city........
13. They............ their houses (?)
14. The heralds announced and proclaimed,

15. They raised the cry in the land.
59.
Tablet I
A
cs
viii. 16. [u-ul]ip-la-hu i-|li~gu-unl
17. [u-ul] il-se-el-lu-u fig-ta-ar-gu-un]
[nam-t^-ra x -£i-ir x x x
19. [ub-lu] e-pi-tam a-na qu-ud-uji-ûl
20. [i-il-li-ijk-gu ma-a&-ha-tum ni-jpti-d.]
21. fi-ba-ag-np i-na ka-at-re-fe]
22. fu-ga-aq-qji-il qji-as-su
23. [x x x -ib-Si-na-ti
24. fx x x x x x]it-tu-ru-ma
25 • [x x x x x x] x ~ru~ x [ x]
26. [x x x x x x x x x x x]
27. [x]-am ku-um[x x x x x x x]
28.fxlik/id-bi-il ik-fxT600.600 mu.hi.a
16. They did not revere their god,
17. They did not pray to their goddess.
18. Erra..*.....his gate
19. They brought a cook into his presence,
20. There came to him improper sacrifices (?)
21. He was shamed by the offerings,
22. He witheld his hand.
23. The plague (?) left them
24 ............. they returned
25............. they returned

26 .
27 ............. ....the child(?)
28............ .1200 years.
51
Tablet II
p 11
cbS \ i. 1 . x -bi-ilfx]ik 600.600 mu.hi.a
—
2* ma-tum ir-ta-p£-ig ni-su im-ti-da
3* [mfe~tum ki-ma li-i i-ga-ab-bu
4. [i-na] bu-bu-ri-&i-na i-lu it-ta-a^da-ar
5. fÊn-]]il iff-te-me ri-gji-jjm-gi-in
6* [izj'za-qar a-na i-li ra-bu-tim
7. ik-ta-ab-ta ri-gi-im a-we-lu-ti
8. i-na fcu-bu-ri~Si-na u-za-am-ma &i-it-ta
9. jpuj-ur-sa a-na ni-si te-i-ta
10. fx] x -bu-ti-5i~na li-se-gu ga-am-mu
11. zu-un-ni-su âdad li-ga-aq-gi-il
12. sa-ap-li-ig a-ia il-li-ka
13. mi-lu i-na na-aq-bi
14* li-il-li-ik ga~ru
15* ka-aq.-q.a-ra li-e-er-ri

16. er-pi-e-tum 1 i~ ifc-1a-an-ni-ba
17. ti-ku a-ia it-tu-uk
18* li~ig-&u-ur a.Sa ig-pi-ki-8u
19. li-|x]-x -x -li ir-ta-ga nisaba
20. a-ia ib-gj. gi-na-gi-gu x x x x
9. E tam over t a , see Rote.

10. E li-wi?-su
12. E, Gr hi-pi -i^T see Rote.
62.
i. 1 .............. ... .1200 years
2. The inhabited land had expanded, the

people multiplied.
3. The land was bellowing like a bull.
4. The god had been disturbed by their clamour,
5. FJnlil had heard their din.
6. He said to the great gods,
7. "Grievous has grown the din of mankind,
8. Through their clamour I lose sleep.
9. Out off sustenance from the people,
10. Let the plants be few in ? their....... !
11. Let Adad withold his rain,
12. From below let there not rise
13. The water from the spring!
14. Let the wind come,
15. Let it sweep the earth bare!
16. Let the clouds pile up,
17. Let no drop of rain fall!
18. Let the field withdraw its yield,
19. Let Nisaba..........her breast.
20. Let there not b e ...........

63
Tablet II
i. 21. lu-u ku-ut-te-eb-ba-/ma Fx x x x]
22. a-ia x [ x x x x x x x x ]
23. x x [x x x x x x x x xj
Remainder lost.
ii. 1,2 Lost.
3 •fli-iq-bu-ma li-is-su-u na-gi-ru ]
4* î-fig-ma li-&e-eb-bu-u i-na ma-t im]
5. e, ta-ap-l|a-fa.a i-li-ku-uri]
6. _e tu-sa-al-liâ jg-tar-ku-un]
7. âdad x [x x ba-ab-
8. bi-la e-pi-ta fa-na qti-ud-mi-gul
9. li-il-li-ik-û [ma-afa.-fa.a-turn ni-qu-uj
10. li-ba-ag-ma [i-na ka-ajb-re-e
3-1. Ii-â-aq-ql4il] qS-as-su
12. i-na &e-ri-im ib-ba-ra li-ga-az-ni-in
13. li-jg-ta-ar-ri-ik i-na mu-si-ma
14. li-Sa-az-ni-in na-al-Sa
15. a. 8a ki-ma £a-ar-ra-qi tu-û-a li-i8-8i
14. E na-Ss-â
64*
21....................
Remainder missing,
ii. 3. Let the heralds announce and proclaim
4* Let them raise a cry in the land.
5. "Lo not revere your god,
6. Do not pray to your goddess!"
7. Adad....... his gate.
9. Let there come to him improper sacrifices (?)
10. He will be shamed by the offerings,
11. He will withold his hand.
12. In the morning he will cause a mist
13. He will prolong it at night,
14. He will make the dew.
15. Ihe field, like a thief, shall

65.
Tablet II
C5| |
ii, 16. Ja cla cl i-na a-li ib-nu~u bi-is-su
3*7• iq-ktt-raa is-su-u na-gi-ru
lb. ri-ig-ma u-ffe-eb-bu-u i-na ma-tim
3-9* aâl ip-la-fbju i-li-gq•~un,
20* [u-ul] u-se-el-lu-d i^-tar-û- -un
21. jâdad x] x h ! ba-ab-û
22.fub-lule-pi-ta a-na qu-ud-mi-û

L i w a m J ------------
23. [i-il-Ilj-ik-gu ma-ah-fca-tum ni-qu-u
24* [i-ba]-a&-ma i-na ka-at-re-e
25 • [u4&a~aq-qi-il qa-as-su
26. rij-na &e~ri-im ib-ba-ra d-ga~az-ni~in
27 . fffi-ta-ar-ri-ik i-na mu-si-im-ma

2b. ruj-ga-az-ni-in na-al-&a
29• [a,&a ki-ma 8a-ar-r]a-q£ tu-gu-a jg-gj

30. [x x x x x tje -zi-ib-gi-na-ti
31. [x x x x x]Si na-id §dr-ru
32. [x. x x x x ]x ri x x x
Bemainder lost.
26. im over another sing.

27* Erasure before i-na
66.
16. Since Adad built his house in the city.

17. The heralds announced and proclaimed,
18. They raised the cry in the land.
19. They did not revere their god,

20. They did not pray to their goddess.
21 . Adad his gate.
22 . They brought a cook into his presence,
23. There came to him improper sacrifices (?)
24. He was shamed by the offerings,
25. He witheld his hand.
26. In the morning he caused a mist,
27. He prolonged it at night,

28 . He made the dew.
29. The field, like a thief, raised the.....
30. ............... left them
31.
67.
Tablet II
vii. 30. [x x x ] x [x x x x x xj
31. [Su-up-gi-jjk-ka-kufnui x x x]
32. [ta-ag-lfe-a^-da ri-ig-raja a-na a-we-Iu-tij
33. rxlta-aj?-bu-ha ga-am-f x x x x]
34. frlta-as-ba-ma ta-ar-x [ x x]
35. [x x Igi-i-ma u-ub-ba-al[x x]
36. [x xlli-ib-ba-ku-nu ur[x x x]
37. x [xjli-tu-ur a-na nu-fx x xl
3b. i°j~x x] x-am-mu-nu ma-a£-fx x]

j
39* en-ki blank ? ni-iSFx x x]
40. ên-ki pl-a~i§u i-pu-^sa-am-ma ]
41. iz-za-kar a-na i-{li ah-foi-gu]
42. a-na mi-nim tu-ta-am-ma-nfi 1
43. fi-ub-ba-al qa-ti a-na[ ]
44. a-bu-bu j§a ta-q.a-ab-bfi ]
45. ma-an-nu gu-u a-na-ku[u-ul i-di]
46. a-na-ku u-ul-la-da[a-bu-bal
47. Si-pi-ir-gu i-ba-ab-gi
4b. li-ib-te-ru §u-u fx x x x]
49. ^su-ul-la-at u ^ba-ni-ig]
50. li-ll-li-ku i-na[ma-afei-raj
51. ta-ar-ku-ul-li îr^ra-kall/lfi-na-as-si-ili7
5 2. li-il-li-fik ^nin-urta ]
53* li-ir-ldi mi-ib-ra]
54.x[x x x x x x x x]
68.
vii. 30.................
31. ... your load........
32 ...... you have......the cry to mankind
3 3 you have slaughtered .............
.
34 .y o u .............
35 ......... ..it/I will b e a r .......
36 ........ your heart ......
37 ........ will return t o .......
38 ........ they.. ........
39* E n k i the o a t h ......
40. Enki spoke up
41* And said to the gods, hisbrothers,
42. "To what would you have me swear?
43. I will put my hand to ....
44* Ihe flood which you ordain ....
45* What is it? I do not know.
46. I will bring forth a flood
47. its work will be ........
48. It will ...........
49* Shullat and Hanish
50. Will march in the van;
51. Errakal will tear out the posts,
52* Ninurta will come,
53* It will overflow the dam".

69.
Tablet II
G viii l f. X X X [x X X X X x]
2* * pu-dh-ra x ni?[x x x xj
E
3f. _ig? ta-a§-mi-a a-na ar?f x x x]
4' . i-lu iq-bu-u ga-me-er-Ttaml
51• &i~ip-ra li-im-na a-na ni-&i / i-pu-us êrjlij
6* . ât-ra-am-ba-si-is pi-a-su i-pu-â-slm-mal
7* . iz-za-kar a-na be-li-Su
Tablet III
1
i. l.[At-ra-am-ba-si-is pi-a-Su i-pu-ga-am-mal
2.fiz-za-kar a-na be-li-Sa]
11.[ At-ra-am-ha-si-is]p£-a-&u i-pu-ga-am-ma

1 2 . [iz-za-kar]a-na be-li-û
13. [x x x luj-ud-di— -a qf-ri-ib-ga
14. [x x luj-ud-di lu-ug-te-e si-ib-ba-as-sa

15. [ En-ki]pi-a-û i-pu-â-am-ma
16. [iz-â-kcir a-na ar-di-gu
17 * [x ] x £u-um~ma lu-u^-te-i ta-qa-ab-bi
1 8 „ gj-ip-ra jsa a-qa-ab-bu-ka
19. su-ug-ge-er at-ta
20. i-ga-ru §i-ta~am-mi~a~an-ni
6*. G i-pu-ga-ma
viii. 1*. .................
2'* Together .......... .

3*............
41. The gods spoke in unison.
5'. Enlil did an evil thing to the people.
6*. Atrahasis spoke up
7 !. And said to his lord.
Tablet III. i, 1. Atrahasis spoke up

2. And said to his lord,
11. Ati’ahasis spoke up

12. And said to his lord,
13. n......show me its interior
14.......... show, explain its prow (?)!f.
15. Enki spoke up
16. And said to his servant,
17......... .explain', you say!
18. The work with which I charge you
19. Guard carefully!
20. Wall attend to me!
71.
Tablet III
21. ki-ki-&u gu-ug-se-ri ka-la zi-ik-gi! -ia

22. u-bu-ut bi-ta bi-ni e-li-ip-pa
23. ma-ak-ku-ra se-er-ma
24. na-pi-iff-ta bu-ul-ll-ij?
25* e-li-ip-pu sa ta-ba-an~nu-fu 1
2 6 .[ ]
27. [ ]
28- [ ]
29 . fklL-ma ap-si-i £u-a-ti su-ul-li-il-gj
30. a-ia i-mu-ur ^Sarnas gi-ri-ib-ga
31* lu-d gu-ul-lu-lu^-um e-li-jg u ga-ap-li-is
32. lu-u du-un-nu-na u-ni-a-tuni
33. ku-up-ru lu-u da-a-an e-mu-qa &u-ur-gi
34. a-na-ku ul-li-jg d-&a~a z-na-na-ak-ku
35. hi-lg-bi ig-gu-ri pu-du-ri nu-ni

36. ip-te ma-al-ta-ak-ta Su-a-ti / u-ma-al-li
37. ma-a-ag a-bu-bi 7. mu-gi-Su iq-bi-gu
36. Ât-ra-am-ba-ai-is il-q£-a te-er-tam
3 9 . Si"bU"ti u-pa-aja-bi-ir a-na ba-bi-i§u
40. Ât-ra-am-ha-si-is px-a-gu i-pu-Sa-am-ma

72.
21. Fence guard all my words!

22. Pull down the house, huild a "boat!
23. Scorn goods,
24* But save life!
25. The Boat which youhuild
26...................
27..................
2b.......... ..... .
29. Like the Apsu roof it
30. So Shamash may not see inside it,
31. Let there he a cover ahove and helow.
32. Let the tackle he strengthened,
33. Let the pitch he strong, give it force.
34. Presently I will rain upon you
35. A plenty of hirds, unlimited fish!"
36. He opened thegauge, he filled it,
37. The outflow of the flood forseven nights he
ordained.
3b. Atrahasis received the direction.
39. He gathered the elders to his gate.
73
tablet III
i
M I
1. 41. [izj-za-kar a-na Si-'bu-pfci]

42. [itj-ti 1-11-ku-nu i-Ii [x x x]
43- [ij-te-te-zi-zu Ên-ki u
44. [itj-ta-ar-du-ni-in-ni i-na [x x x]
45. ji&j-tu-ma ap-ta-na— x[ x x x xj
46* x ki an ni[x x x x x]
47 • [u-ul]li-uS—ffa-a~b i-na Saf-ma-i £a A-nim]
4^* [i-naj ir-si-it En-lil 6-ul af gfa-ak-ka-an
49. [it]-ti i-11 d-fug-ga-aL i-na ap-si-ij

50. [xj x iq-'bi-a-ti [x x x x x]
li
Lines 1-8 destroyed.
9. ik/ri fx x x x x x x x x x j
10. Si-bu^tum x x x x x x x x ]
f 4•
41* And said to the elders,
42. "With your god my god...... .
43- Enki and Enlil have "become angry wrth each

other (,?)
44. Ihey would send me from .............
45. When I ....................
4 6........................
47. I cannot dwell in the heavens of Anu (,?),
4b. Upon Enlil1s earth I may not set my foot,
49* With my god I will dwell in the Apsu.
50................................
9 ...........
10. The elders
75.
Tablet III
12. at? ku? up? [x x x x x x x x]
11* ku-up~ra fx x x x x x x xj
14* la-ab-nu [x x x x x x x x]
15. u[x x x x x x x x x x]
16. tam-ta x [ x x x x x x x x ]
17. bu- [x x x x x x x x x x ]
lb. At - ifa- am-ha - si- i s x x x xl
19. u~ll [x x x x x x x x x ]
20. i-[ x x x x x x x x x xj
21.x[x x xx x x x x x xj
Lines 22-27 destroyed.
2b. x [ x x xx x x x x x x]
29. 6-ub-bja-al x x x x x x x]
30. mi-im-ma i-pu-u e-ge-en-gi ka-as-pi]

76.
ii. 11. The carpenters (?)
12 ........
13. Pitch ...........
14.
15. And .............
1 6 ....................
17. ..............
lb. Atrahasis .......
19 ...................
29. He brings (?) ...................
30. Whatever he has in the way of silver (?),

77.
Tablet III
•IN
31. mi--im*-ma i- Su-^d e-»?e--en -Si fru-ra Z S l]
32. el--lu--ti it - [x X X X X X ] X
33. ka--ab--ru-ti ■fx X X X x x ]-ri
34. i- bi-:ir [x X x :
x X
; x x ]"ib
35. niU'-up- X [x X X X x]Sa-ma- ia
36. pu
-ti [x X X X X X x] x ka- an
37. na tx X X X X X X x ] x ge~
3«. X [X X X X X X X ugj-te-ri- ib
39. [X X X X X X X X x ] il ar -ri
40. [x X X X X X x] ni- Si-£u ikri
41. [x X X X X x la-na ki-ri-ti

[Sa-la -ta -Sul d ki- im- ta™ §u uS-teri-ib
42. L
'"
43. [x X X] i-ikka-al
>
44. m
-tu -u i-Sa- at-t i
V
45. i- ir~:ru- ub u u-u§
46. u- ul ab u-ul i- ka-am-mi- is
47. hi -pf -i-ma li ~ib“ba- Su i-ma-a? ma-ar-ta-am

*
48. iS-nu-•u pa-nu-A “ &U
a
49. iS -ta -ak -na &dad i-na er-pi-ti
50. _i-lu! iS-mu-d ri-gi- im-■&u
31* Whatever he has in the way of gold (?)
32. Clean ones (?) ............
33. Fine ones (?) ............
34 ........................
35..................... heavens
36................ .........
37 .................. the wild animals (?)
3b...................... he made enter.
39........................
40 ................. his people he summoned.
41 .................... to the feast.
42. His wife's family and his kin he made enter.
43. They eat (?) he eats,
44. They drink, he drinks.
45. He goes in and he goes out,
46. He does not sit, he does not kneel,
47. His heart is broken, he is depressed (?).
4b. The appearance of the weather changed;
49* Adad has taken his place in the cloud,
50. The gods heard his clamour.

79
Tablet III
ii. 51 • pfe-up-ru ba-bi-il i-pl-ifa-fai ba-ab-su
52. iS-tu-ma i-di~lu ba-ab~su
53. Âdad i-â-afe-gu-um ±-na er-pl-ti
54* £a-ru uz-zu-zu i-na te~bi-£u
55* ur-ru-uk ma-ar-ka-sa e-li-ip-pa/ip-tu-ur
111 #
3.[x x x x]x x x[x x]
4. [x xx x x xjpu-ra-i
5 .[u^ma ig-tje-en me-b-u-u

6♦ a-ga-as~ga-tu?]ig-ga-am-du
7. [x x x i-aa]gu-up-ri-gu
8. [x xx x x x] ga-ma-i
9 • [x xx x x x ] ma { ?)-tam~am
1°• ka-ar-pa-ti iji-gi-im-ga ib.-pi
11. [x XX X X x]a-bu-bu
12. [ki-ma qa-ab-]|i e-li ni~si i-ba-a* /ka-gu-£u
13. [u-ulj i-mu-ur a-fa.u. a-ba-gu
^4. [u-ul] fi-te-ed-du-ti i-na ka-ra-gi

15. [a-bu-tju ki-ma li-i i-ga-ab-bu
16. [x x x x]-ri-i na-e-ri

80.
51. Pitch is brought, he caulks his door.
52. As soon as he shut his door,
53. Adad thunders in the cloud,
54. The winds grow furious at his approach.
55. The mooring-rope is paid out, he cast off the

boat.
iii. 1,2 missing.
3. traces*
4 .............. ?
5. Por one day the tempest,
6. And the storm-wind they were joined together.
7 with his claws
8. He rent (?) the heavens.
9. .................... the land (?)
10. Like a pot (?) her cry smashed.
11. ............ came/blew the flood.
12. Like battle over the people came the destroyer.
13* Not a man saw his fellow,
14. They could not be distinguished in the disaster.
15. The flood (?) bellows like a bull
1 6 ............. roar (?)

81.
Tablet Ill
-i IN
c-
!
ili &a-ru
—I
[x XJ X
•
IB. [x X X ej-tfi-tu. ^f~>ama§ la-a8-gu
19. fx X X xJx jsu ki-ma su-up-pi
20. [x X X x x x ]x a-bu-bi
21. [x X X x x x x x ] i?-&u/uz-zu
i
22. fr X X x x x x x x] -bu
23. [x X X x ]ri-gi-im a-wi-lu-ti

24. [Ên-ki qa-j-bi i-li us-ta-ka-an
25. [u-ul] jg-ta-ni te-e-eiu-û

26. fx x] ma-ru-gu. ub-bu-ku
27. ri™nal ma-ab-ri-Su
2b. [ % j]a-tu be-el-turn ra-bi-tum
29. [pu-ujl-bi-ta u-ka-la-la £a~ap-ta~£a
30. ^%-nun-na i-lu ra-bu~tum
31. [wa-ag-tju i-na gu-mi 1 bu-bu-ti
32. [ij-mu-ur-ma il-tum i-ba-ak-ki

d
33. ta-ab-su-ut i-li e-ri-ig-ta Ma^mij
34. u-^mu-um 31-1 d- da-i-[ini]
35. li-tu-ur li-ki-fil]

82.
17...................the wind
lb. Darkness ±‘eil (?), there was no sunshine.
19 ..... *...............like a prayer (?)
20 of the flood.
21 ............... . they held (?)
22. the flood (?)
23..... the clamour of mankind
24. Snkihasbrought about the decision
25* Hehas not changed his mind.
26 his children were destroyed
27* Before him
28. Nintu, the great lady
29. Fearfully her lips tremble with fear.
30. The Anunna, the great gods,
31. Sit thirsting and hungry.
32. The goddess saw and weeps,
33. The midwife of the gods, skilly Mami,
34. "Let the day be dark,
35. Let it go back, let it become dark.

Tablet III
84.
36. I in the assembly of the gods,
37o How could I speak
38. In agreement with them?
39. Enlil ? ? caused my mouth to speak
40. Like the Tiruri-demon
41. Her mouth twitched (?)
42. *At me my very self,
43* Against me I heard their clamour.
44. Against me (?) like a.....?
45. Ihe little ones changed.
46. And I, how can I sit (?)
47* In the mouse of moaning, with the ceasing of

clamour?
48. I will ascend to heaven,
49. Perhaps I may sit
50. In the treasure-house.
51. Would that the one responsible may not come

thither.
52. The gods his children heard hisspeech,
53. Ihe one who did not takecounsel, but

ordained the flood,
54. Consigned the people to destruction,

Tablet
86.
iv. 4. Nintu laments .........

5.”The flood .............
6. The sea like dragon-flies ......
7. They filled the river.
8. As a raft touches ..........
9. As a raft in the country touches the shore.
10. I saw and I wept over them*1.
11. She ceased from mourning for them.
12. She wept and solaces her heart.
13. Nintu laments,
14. She burnt up her passion.
15* The gods wept with her for the land.
16. She was sated with mourning?
17. She thirsted for drink.
18. She was subdued (?) they sat in tears,
19* Andthey sat as sheep
20. Fill the water-hole.
87.
(Dablel; Ill
iv. 21. ga-mi-a â-ap-ta-û-nu pu-ul-fai-ta

22. i-na ’
bu-’
bu-ti
23. i-ta-na-ar-ra-ar-ru.
24 . 7 Uf-mi 7 mu-gi-a-tim
25. il-li-ik ra-du me-fau.“-u apbu-bu]
28. a-8ar ig-rji x x x x x x x]
27. sa-ki-i[p x x x x x x x]
28. sa x[ x x x x x x x x x]
39. i~b-[x x x x x x x x x x ]
40. ig- x [ x x x x x x x x x]
88.
21. Their lips thirsted frightfully (?)

22. Prom hunger
23. They were trembling.
24. For seven days (and) seven nights
25. Came the downpour, the tempest, the flood (?)
26. Ytfhere ................
27 ........................
28 ............
39.
40.
89.
Tablet III
1 (Hrj
iv* 41- bi~ [x x x x x x x x x x ]
42* x [ x x x x x x x x x x ]
i A -y „ r __ __ __ __ __ 1
43. x [ x x x x x x x x x x ]
44. u^[x x x x x x x x x x ]
45. i-naTx x x x x x x X x]
46. id- x [ x x x x x x x x x ]
47. il- Fx x x x x x x x x x ]
48* x [ x x x x x x x x x x ]
v.
8* x [ x xx x x x x x x x]
9. x [x xx x x x x x x x]
10. U“ [x x x x x x x x x x ]
11. ij™[x x x x x x x x x x ]
12. e~ fx x x x x x x x x x ]
I ^3* SU-tx x x x x x x x x x ]
I
14. x [ x x x x x x x x x x ]
Lines 15-27 missing
28.x[x xx x x x x x x x]
; 29. i-sifx x x x x x x x x ]
i
J 30. a-na &a-a-[ri X X X X X x ]
j 31* it-ta-difx x x x x x x x]
I 3 2 .i-isa-an-nu-un[x x x x x x]
90.
iv. 4 1 ..... ... .............
4 2 ......................
4 3 .......................
4 4 .....................
45. In ..............
4 6 ...................
47 ....................
4 8 ......................
v. Lines 1-7 missing.
8 ..................
9. ................
10 .
1 1 .....................
12 ...........
1 3 ...................
1 4 .................
Lines 15-27 missing.
28.................
29........ ........
30. To the winds ........
31. He put .............
32. He prepares (?) ....

91.
Tablet III
v. 33. [ x x x x x x x x j x
\
--
34. [i-gi-nu e-ri-ga
35. [ki-ma zu-uni-Tî e-lu-ni-qi-i pa-afo-ru
36. fx x i-lJu i-ku-lu-ni-qf-a-am
38. [i-na nja-fca-ar-Su-nu ut-ta-az-za-am
39. a. Jsa, a-a-nu il-li-ka-am
40. be-el teê-mi
42. jsa la im-ta-al-ku-u-ma/jg-ku-nu a-bu-ba
43. ni-Si ik-mi-su a-na ka-ra-Si
44. ub-la pr-i-ku-nu ga-me-er-tam
45. el-1u-turn x mu-gi-na a^-a-at-ru
47. j|a A-nu i-qd-ma i-pa-an £a[x xj
48. ia-a-at~tum ni-ig-{5a-ma-[ x]
49. lu-d Si-im-ti i-ba-fx]
50. li-ge-ga-an-ni-ma i-na ni-el-x [ xj
51. pa-ni-ia li-ib- x [x]
52. lu-d zi-ffi-a x [x x]/na? x [x x x x]
Two or three lines missing.

92.
33..............................
34. She gods smell the savour.
35. Like flies they are gathered over the sacrifice.
36 The gods ate the sacrifice.
37. Nintu arose and
38. Wept in their presence;
39. "Would that there may not come
40. The responsible one,
41. Unlil approach the offering,
42. Who did not take counsel hut ordained the flood,
43. Consigned the people to destruction.
44. Your decision was unanimous (?)
45. The pure ............ ....(?)"

46. And she came near to the great feast (?)
47* Which A n u in front of them all
48. "Mine is the ............... (?)
49. Let .........of destiny ........ (?)

50. Let them bring me out (?) f r o m ....
51. My face let .... .........
52. Let ...................

Two or three lines missing.
93.
Tablet III
v i . 1. i-na ma- [x x x x x x x x]/[x x x x]
2* zu-up-pu-u-[x x x x x x x]
3* lu—u uql -ni ki-ga-di x [ x x x]
4. lu~ub-zu?na su ba mi [x x xj / zi[x x x]
5* ma-ku-ra i-ta-ma-ar qjd-ra-du Ên-lllj
6 • li-ib-ba-ti ma?-li Jia Î-gi-f&l]
7. ra-bu-tum Â-nun-na ka-lu-ni
b. ub-la p£-i-ni jg-ti-ni-is ma-mi-tam
9. a-ia-a-nu 6-gi<iiaVp£-ti-i§-tum
10. ki-i ib-lu-ut a-wi-lum/i-na ka-ra-gi
11. A-nu p£-a-gu i-pu-ga-am-ma
12. I g ^ g a ^ r aîa gu-ra:[di] dEnzl£l
13. ma-an-nu an-ni-tam

d
14. gia la En-ki i-ip-pu-uS
15. [x idj-du-6 ga-ap-ta zi-ik-ra
•1*6• |Ên-kij pl-a-gu i-pu- ga- am-ma
17. [iz-za-kar] a-na i-li ra-bu-ti
lb. [x x x j-pu~u& i-na pa-ni-ku-nu
19. [x x Jx gi-ra na-px-ig-jtamK [x] x x [x x]
20. [x x x x] i-li [ra-bu-tim]x

94.
v i . 1. In
2. The fly-amulets (?)

3. I shall the lapis-lazuli on my neck
4. I shall tf
5. He saw the ship, the hero Enlil (?)

6. His heart against (?) the Igigi
7. "The great Anunna all of us
b. Agreed together to the oath
9. That no life should survive (?)
10. How has man lived through the catastrophe?"
11. Anu spoke up
12. And said to heroic Enlil,
13. "Who could do this
14. Without Enki?
15. His lips let a word slip."
16. Enki spoke up
lb. "In your presence I created (?),
19* Now I have saved l i f e (?)
20. the great gods .......

Tablet III
96
vi, 21................... the flood

22 howcouldyou ordain?
23........ ..........your heart,
24 ....... ........and be lenient*
25. ......... placeyouranger(?)
26. .......... which annuls your edict (?)
27............ the assembly."
Lines 26-37 missing*
36? ................ her
39. ........ they set.
40. .......... of heart.
41. Enlil (?) spoke up
42. And said to Enki, the regent,
43* "......call the mother-womb, Nintu,
44. Eo you (?) and she take counsel in the
assembly."
45. Enki spoke up
46. And said to Nintu the mother-womb,
47. "You are the mother-womb, creatress of
destinies.
46. *.to/forthepeople,
49.......................
50 ............ ....let there be.
51. ......... .
A few lines missing.
97*
Tablet III
3? vii. 1 * X X -na Sa-lu-uS-tum li--ib--Si/i-na
T 2. i-na ni-& i a-li-it-tum-~ma la a-li-it-
3. 11--ib--si-ma i-na ni-si Pa*-Si-riizia

4. li--i?-■ba-at Se-er-ra
5. i-na bi-ir-ku a-li-it t;i

6. Su-uk-■ni tf-uq.-ba-ak-ka tl-e-ne-ti
7* it < -a-ti
8, lu--u ik-ki-bu-si-na
9* a-la-da x pu- x -ra

fx x ] ni X X X X [ x] x di-tam
O
H
•
11. Ix X X x ] u [X X X X]X tam

12. lx X X x ] ra ma [x x ] .ra na
13* fx X X x ■1# bi awviuut

li f L.
x X] §i-in
14* [x X X X X X X X]* mi-Su
15. [x X X X X X X X X X xj turn
16. fK X X X X X X X X X Jx
17. id z [ x X X X X X X X x x] /
18 o 11z\x X X X X X X X X x]
19. be ma][* X X X X X X X x]
20.■ a~ &i[x x x x x x X X X x]
98.
vii. 1* . ........a third let there he among the

people,
2. Among the people the mother no more a mother.
3. Let there he a destroyer among the people,
4* Let it snatch the child
5. Prom its mother's lap.
6. ................ I?)
7. And .... t?)

8. Let their uncleanness (,?)
9......................... 1?)
Remainder virtually lost.
-99
Tablet III
i=*l I
d ,«■
vii. 21 • En~lijl x x x x x x x x ]
22- x ta/ga [x x x x x x x x x ]
23. x f x x x x x x x x x x]
24* SS. ta/gafx x x x x x x x]
25. me-b-ufx x x x x x x x x ]
26* ma-ta [x x x x x x x x x ]
27. x f x x x x x x x x x x]
36. ijx x x x x x x x x x]
37. £i[x x x x x x x x x x]
3b. maf x x x x x x x x x x]
39.i,fx x x x x x x x x x]
40. Ên-Iil/kifx x x x x x x x ]
41.x[x x x x x x x x x x]
toa.
Tablet III
Il*i
viii.
6. [ x x x x x x x x x x x]
7. [xjma ti[x x x x x x x]
S. ib-ba-Su Tx x x x x x x x]
9. ki-ma ni-i£-ku-u|pl?) x x x X x]
10. a-wi-lum ib-lu-fut i-na ka-ra--Si]
n « at~ta ma-li-ik i-f-li ra-bu-ti x x]
12* te-ri-ti iS~fx x x]

13 * u-sa-ab-Si ga-rx xl
14. Sa-ni-it-ti iSTx ]
15. an-ni-a-am za-ma-fra 1

16. li-iS-mu-ma Î-gi-gtu]
17. li-ia-si-ru na-ar-bi-ka

lb. a-bu-ba a-na ku-ul-la-at ni- Si
19. u-zaâm-me-er Si-me-a

10$.
viii. 6* ........................
7..........................
8 ................
9* According to your oath (?) ...
10. Man survived the disaster (?)
11. You are counsellor of the great gods (?)
12. The orders he ......
13. He caused to be ........
14. The second (?) ...........
15. This aong

16. Let the Igigu heed,
17. Let them guard thy glory.
18. 'The Flood1 to all people
19. I will sing. Listen!
101a.
Colophons.
Tablet I,A 416
dub 1 kam.ma i-nu-ma i-lu a-ui-lum

mu.sid.bi 416
v \ d
su A-a dub.sar tur
^"^bar.zag.gar U4 21 kam
mu Am-mi-ga-du-qa lugal.e
alam.a.ni mas.gab.tab.ba su.-a x
u alam.a.ni baidi ab?bi?x.a
Tablet II,1 dub 2 kam.ma i-nu-ma i-lu a-wi-lum

mu.sid.bi 439
su ku Â-a dub.sar tur
^•^ziz.a U4 28 kam
mu Am-mi-ga-du-qa lugal.e
ki
bad Am-mi-ga-du-qa
ka id buranunu^.ra.ta
in-.-ga.an,dim.ma.a
Tablet III,]? al.til

dub 3 kam.ma
i-nu-ma i-lu a-wi-lum
mu.sid.bi 390
su.nigin 1245
sa 3 tup-pa-tim
su ku ^'A-a dub.sar.tur
i^g^.si.sa U4 x kam
(Year as I)
101b.
Colpphons•
Tablet I. First tablet of inuma il.u awilum,
dumber of lines 416,
Hand of Ellet-Aya,junior scribe.
Hisan,21st.
Year king Ammisaduqa ... his statue
with a sacrificial lamb held to the
breast (?),and his statue....
Tablet II Second tablet of inuma ilu awilum,

Humber of lines 439,
Hand of Bilet-Aya,junior scribe.
Shabat,28th.
Year king Ammisaduqa built Dur-Ammisa-
duaa at the mouth of the Euphrates.
Tablet III Complete

Third tablet of
inuma ilu awilum,
Humber of lines 390,
Total of 1245 lines
Of three tablets,
Hand of Ellet-Aya,junior scribe.
Ayar,xth.
(For the year names see B.E,Morgan,Manchester Cuneiform
Studies II (1952),p.34.)
102.
CHAPTER III.
NOTES ON THE TRANSLITERATION AND THE
TRANSLATION
Tablet I
i* l.This line has been known as the commencement of the poem
since the discovery of the colophon on E which uses it as
the title of the composition. It is probably also found
as the catch-line at the end of a copy from Nineveh of
the bilingual creation story to which is attached the
Silbenalphabet, but It does not occur in the duplicate of
this text from Assur (K.A.R. 4; c£. C.J. Gadd, Iraq, 17(1937)
pp.33-4). Tablet I of Atrahasis is not a sequel to the
bilingual story (see Ch. V), rather it recounts a related
tale, so that it was probably similarity of content which
resulted in the conjunction of the two in the Nineveh
library.
The context now makes clear the meaning of the line,
previously translated 'When Cod, man...1 '(Clay, Iieidel,
Speiser) or 'When the gods....man' (Laessê). awxlum can
only be interpreted as a noun with the adverbial termin
ation -urn, 'as a man'. Although no other examples of this
use of the locative termination in urn have been found, the
fact of its interchange with -i§ in other meanings allows
it to be viewed as an equivalent of ~iS» 'like1, here (cf.
W. von Soden,2HA. XLI,n.F.VII (1932), pp. 90ff>128-30;G.A.G
§§66,67c). (W.G.L.)
103.
2. The labourings of the gods are described by the phrases

dullam abalu, dullam zabalu (I.i.3b), §upgikkam aabalu,
Supgikkam nagfl (I.iv.2 B, 2b B), abganam abalu tl.iv.26 B,
27 B ) . Their condition is called
imposition of the toil is rendered by dullam £uzbulu (l.i.6),
an^ gupSlkkam em^du (I.v.14), its removal by dullam gussuku
(I.i.42, v.13).
The verb most commonly found with dullu is epe£u, dullam
abalu is otherwise known only from two texts from Susa
pp.173-7). At Susa the dullu is almost certainly some form
of tax, levied in labour, as was frequently done from Middle
Babylonian times (C.A.D. loc.cit.). Here the word has the
more general sense of ftoil, labour1, with the overtone of
menial, unfitting tasks.
The expression dullam zabalu is also rare, apparently
surviving elsewhere only in the apodosis of an omen;...
du-ul-la i-za-bil (B.B. Kraus, lexte zur babylonisohen Physio-
gnomatik, Berlin, 1939, n o .3b.iii.40; of .M.V.A.G-. XL 2 (1935)>
p.b6,CX£) where it could mean *He will do labour1 (so Kraus
as well as fHe will bear misfortune 1 (C.A.D. 21 (Z),p.3),
especially as the apodosis of another omen contains the
similar tupgikku zabalu;gumma mu~ra~a§~Si mu-iSa-zi-iq. il-g&
tup-£ik-ku u-§£~az--bal-&u, 1If a man is fractious or an
anarchist, his god will make him bear the workman’s hod.1
104.
(E.R. ICraus, op. cit., no.57a.1.8;of.ZJU 3XIII,n.P.IX(1936),
p.92, no.6B).
Sup&lkku is elsewhere written with initial t,'cf. W.von
Soden, Or. N. S.XXVI (1957),p.312). It is possible that this
variation with j| represents an older form (W.G.L.). The word
is supposedly a loan from Sumerian duhsig^, !a board for
carrying bricks, a hod1, although this cannot be substantiated
except by etymology. It denotes, in fact, a backet or other
container carried on the head (<5f. gar.gud gar.ra;bub-
ullu IX,M.S .1. VII,p.69,l*32,gi.il (glossed du.su):tup-Sik-
k u ;ku-du~ru;W .G-. Lambert, Babylonian Wisdom Literature, p.307),
whether by kings at foundation ceremonies, as commemorated in
various figures and reliefs, or by the labourers and prisoners
of war who were often devoted to such work (v.B.Meissner,
M.A.0.G-. XI(1937) ,pp.47-9;cf.A.Salonen, Die Hausgergte der
alten Me;s,.Qppt.:am.Ier , Helsinki, 1965,pp.247-9). J* Lewy’s
contention that tupgikku can only mean board seems to base
too much on the assumed etymology (Or.N.S. XIX(1950),p.5).
(The occurrence of the Sumerian zub-sig in Enki and Ninmah,
32,39, referring to the toil of the gods, may possibly have
influenced the writing with initial by false etymology,
cf. J.J.van Dijk, loc.cit., p.30,n.76 end, for this word.)
All instances of gupgikku in this text are best taken as
abstract uses in the sense of ’labour1, except for I.ii.10
where it is one of the implements of labour.

105.
4. sapsagum, ’toil, distress, difficulty*, is also used of the
state of the gods in Enuma elish, but there it denotes the
mortal peril in which they stood before Tiamat’s onslaught,
VI. 126 ill abbem e^-8u i-ti-ra ina gap-£a-qi, ’He saved the
gods his fathers from dire peril. ’For the elative form of
the word v. E.A. Speiser, J.C.S . VI (1952), p.85.
5* â-nun-na-ku is the only vertain example of the spelling
with final ku in the Old Babylonian mss. The other
preserved passages have â-nun-na (I.v.5;III«iii.30,vi*7), the

more common form in Old Babylonian Akkadian texts,
However, a similar inconsistency appears in the Code of
Hammurabi, rev.xxviii.73 â-nun-na;obv.i .2 â-nun-na-ki.
For the office of these gods see note on I.iv.51*
sib/pittam is obscure; possibly this line and the next are

d
to be read as three pa: J.s of words: rabfitum Anunnaku/
sipittam dullam/ u&azbalu Îgigi. sipittam is then in
apposition to dullam and the phrase must mean something
like ’grievous toil’.
6* Î-gi-gi is treated as a Semitic noun and declined,_cf.ii.57,
v.6 etc.
7. The composition of the divine government is the same as
that in G-ilgamesh XI.15-rl8. Regrettably, this line does
not aid the restoration of Gilgamesh XI.15fx x] x-ma abu-
§u-nu A-nu-um, as examination of the only manuscript, a
neo-Babylonian copy, BM. 35380 shows that the traces preceding

-ma could be ku,tu or £ar (cf. CAT. XLVI,pi.XXXV,no.35)
Thus the restoration of Th. Bauer fim~tal]-ku! -ma followed
by W. von. Soden (2AA. LIII.n.F.XIX(1959),p.232)
cannot be proved.
A-nu is consistently written in A without the determinative, i
a frequent usage where the first syllable,.of the noun is
the same as the syllabic value of the determinative
(B. Landsberger, Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des
Morgenlandes LVII (1961),p.3.
guzalfi is only knownfrom this text (_cf .iii.12,24) and
G-ilgamesh XI.17 as a title of Ninurta, although it is
commonly found with various minor deities (v. K.Tallquist,
Akkadische G-6'tterepitheta, Helsinki, 1 93>p*75) • The
normally given meaning 1chair-bearer1 (G.A.D. 5 (G),
pp.146-6;A.Hwb.p.3QQ) is nowhere substantiated precisely
by context, it rests upon the Sumerian writing gu.za.la.
In the lexical series BrimhuS it is listed with civic'
functionaries (gib ali,gugallu,v i .19)* Literary usage
indicates a more general connotation, ’official, agent1
or perhaps 1fore-runner* (pf. bullat h ganiS il-Ia-ku
ina mag-ri il-la-ku guza 1 u~^ sa dfc— u ma-a-tum Gil game sh
XI.99-100; the Seven Evil Demons are mare £ip~ri £a
nam-ta-ru M - n u gu-za-lu-u &£ Êre^kigal Su-nu and
gu-uz-za-lu-u 8a ili— -gii-nu su-la-a a-na da-la-gi ina suqi
it-ta-nam-za-az-zu §&-nu C.T.XVD 13.iii.9,ll;15.v.l3,52).
In two passages in Atrahasis the word is probably a
specific term for ’taskmaster* (I.i.41,49). Combination

107*
of the evidence of all these texts leads to the conclusion
that it is used for a ’deputy1 or ’agent1, a possible
extension from the primary sense of ’chair-bearer’ as a
man close to and trusted by the ruler, a result already
obtained by B. Beissner, Beitrage zum Assyrischen Worterbuoh
II, Chicago, 1932, pp.16-18.
lO.Ennugi is known as an earth-god and underworld deity (v.
K. Tallquist, op.cit.,p.305) and is also called ’official’
of Enlil (guzalfi, C.T. XXIV,10,6). The term gallu is
not applied to him elsewhere, nor to any other god,
apparently. It is a loan-word from Sumerian gal^.la,
’police constable’ (Q.A.D. G,p.l9), describing a class of
demons in Akkadian. The Sumerian meaning was preserved
at least by grammarians of latex* times who grouped it
with guzalu and gib all as equivalent of Sumerian (eme-sal)
libir, ’official* (ErimbuS VI.18). In Sumerian
litex*ature the gal^.la is found pi*incipally as the agent
of the underworld powers, sent, for example, to fetch
Innin from the eai*th to Ereshkigal (S.N. Kramer in Ur
Excavations, Texts VI.I, pp.2-4; Proceedings of the Amex*ican
Philosophical Society CVII (1963),pp.492-3)• It seems
probable that this meaning has also survived here in the
title of Ennugi. Indeed, it is appropriate to him as a
chthonic deity and is .consonant with his other, almost
synonymous epithet, guzalu, ’agent*.
The fact that the otherwise duplicate list in Gilgame&i

108.
XI has gugallu as Ennugi’s epithet raises the question of
whether one text has an error, gallu for gugallu or
vice-versa. While Ennugi is connected with agriculture
and irrigation, as his titles &akin eqli and bel iki u
palgi, ’tiller of the field1and ’lord of ditch and channel’
show (K. Tallquist, op.cit.<p.3Q5), and therefore gugallu
might he apposite, his other title guzalu assigns him a
wider sphere of duty. As ’constable* or ’beadle’
(gallu) , he is parallel to Hinurta in this list, which
produces two pairs of gods, Anu and Enlil who command,
Hinurta and Ennugi who ensure performance. If this
parallelism be deemed correct, then the gugallu of
Gilgamesh may be considered erroneous. The proximity of
guzalfl&mu to u gallugunu could give rise to the mistake
either through dictation or copying through the similarity
of sound.
11,12. Restoration is made by comparison with Gilgamesh III,i.19
is-sab-tu-ma qa-tu qa-1u ° u g u - u n , 'They took each other
by the hand*, qa-t:l-ga being understood as a defective
writing of qa-ti-jg-ga (W.G.L.). The pui*pose of the action
is not clear, whether they (the gods) shook hands of held
hands, their own or one anothers. The phrases qatu afaazu/
gabatu frequently mean ’to help, assist* (C.A.D. A.1,p.179;
pp.31-2), whence this line might indicate unity of action.
qa-ti-ga is the only instance of Ellet-Aya using the sign
GA to represent the phoneme q(a) (e.g. qa-ab-lum I.ii.6 etc.

109
q&-du I.v.12).
13.ga-me-e-£a is interpreted as a noun with locative-terminative
suffix Ja, a new example of this suffix without mimation
(v. Y/. von Soden,Z.A. XL I (1934), pp.111-5, especially
p.113, nn.2,4). Eor a discussion of the locative-terminative
in Semitic generally see E.A. Speiser, I.E.J. IV (1954),
pp.108-115.
15.Bestoration from II, m s .£,11.6. With gigaru in a cosmic
context, compare Enuma Elig V.10 ffi-ga-ru ud-dan-ni-na

gu-me-la u im-na !He made the locks strong on the right
and the left1 referring to the gates of heaven. The same
are mentioned as opened hy Shamash (4B.17,5f£«) and Ishtar
(G*. Beisner, Sumerisch-babylonische Hymnen, Berlin, 1896,

no.53.42ff.), and are almost identical with sikkuru, ^ o c k 1
(C.T. XYIII 3,r.ii.32; cf.P.B. S. l/l,no*12.11 where Shamash
opens the sikkur Jam§). ffigaru describes a blockade in a
d
river in an Old Babylonian poem in which Ishtar ( Innin)
-- id idiqlat
i-na ku-ut-la-ti sf-pa-ar-ri £i~ga~ri we-ri-im
is-ke-er, ’She barred the Tigris with locks of bronze and
bolts of copper1 (Q .T .XY.2,viii.9).
nahbalu is associated with Sigaru and other words denoting

obstacles and traps in gar.ra:faubullu YI.195-200(M.S.L.
VI,pp.70-1). The description of Enki’s realm does not
explain the form of the Apsu, but shows that it was the
barrier preventing the influx of the ocean over, presumably
the earth.
110.
16.The title niSSiku. is peculiar to Enki and rarely found, the

Agu&aya poem and one text from Assur provide the only
other occurrences (A.iv.12,v.16,28;B.viii.l7;K.A.R. 38 r.8)
outside this text (I.vi.42). That the word in this line
is the same despite the different spelling (najjjsiku against
nigîku as in III.vi.42) can hardly he doubted. It may
throw light upon the etymology of the word as it has the
appearance of a parris type of noun, but the shift to i
in the first syllable is inexplicable and the second
syllable may have a long vowel (written -gj-i-ki in all
the Agusaya passages). Proposed derivation from
Sumerian ensi, ninsi (A.Poeble, O.L.Z. XVIII (1915),col.134,
n.4, followed by H. Zimmern, loc.cit., p.33) has. been
disproved by A. Palkenstein (Z.A.XLI.n.P.VIII(1934),
p.l54,n.l). Connection with the term nisakku(Sumerian
nu.eS) was doubted by V/. von Soden (Z.A.XL1 n.P.VIII(1934),
p.166,n.6) and is rendered improbable if that term be
identified, as T. Jacobsen suggests (Analecta Biblica
XII.Ill (1959),pp.138-9), with the god’s cup-bearer. The
spelling is also against this (s/|, single k). Another
possibility is to link niggiku with neo-Assyrian nasiku,
’prince1, also found in Aramaic (Ahiqar 119,A.Cowley,
Aramaic Papyri, Oxford,1923,pp.216,240) and later Hebrew
(E.ben Jehuda , Thesaurus lotius Hebraitatis, Berlin,n.d.s. v.),
’one installed* i.,e. 'king, prince *.
19-20.These lines presumably describe the place of the other
gods. Line 20 may be restored after 6:du-ul-lam

21-24*Conjectural restoration of mu-si u ur-ri is made in the
light of 1.38.
matum'inhabited, cultivable land1, see below on I.vii.20.
The epithet napjgti matim is applied to arable land in
1im
some passages, e.g. a-na eqlim— - e-ri-§i la te-eg-ge-e
ki-ma na-pi-ig-ti ma-ti eq.lumr^-ma u-ul ti-de-e, ’Do
not be careless about the tilling, are you not aware that
the field is the life of the land?*, Old Babylonian letter
Y.O.S. II,48,12-15;0*R. Driver, Oxford Editions of
Cuneiform Texts III,p.47; E.Ebeling, M.A.O.G- XVI (1943),
p.30; Era I.83,na-pjg-ti ma-a-ti gi-pa-ra ra-fai~is bu-lum,
’JDhe cattle are trampling the meadow, the life of the
land,1 R . Erankena, Jaarbericht Ex Oriente Dux XVI
(1959-62) ,p.42;jof. The Shamash Hymn, 1.18, YJ.G-. Lambert,
Babylonian Wisdom Literature, p.126. However, it is
more probably used of the Euphrates here, as in a
’Lipsur Litany*, 1^Burattu ki/min (lip-ûr) na-pi^-ti
ma-a-ti, ’May the Euphrates absolve, the life of the land.
(E. Reiner, J.H.E.S. XV (1956),p.134,1.49)• This is
suppox’ted by the traces of Idiglat in 1.25, to which the
counterpart, Bu-ra-at-tam may have stood in 1.24, and
na-ra-am in 1.22, following the pattern indefinite noun -
proper name found in ii.15,17 etc. Examples of the
similar phrase napjgti ni&i have been collected in
W.G. Lambert, op.cit., p.293*

112,
27-36*The remaining words of 'these lines suggest that they

told of the course of the rivers from source (naabi,27) to
mouth (in the marsh, gugea rabia,35) •
40.Kalakku is here the river-bed, as in some texts from Mari
and mathematical problems, v.J.R. Kupper, K*A. XLV (1951)*
p*150,n.l;AEwb.,p*423).
42.This line finds its complement in, and is restored from,
v.13, in which Mami proclaims ka-ab-tam du-ul-la-ku-nu
^
u-ga-as-sf-ik .*.16ap~t&-ur ul-la an- du-ra-ra-am ag-ku-un
fl have done away with your labour ... I have freed the
yoke, I have made a release1. The verb gussuku, written
defectively in this line (for ligassik) , is most
plausibly taken as I1I.1 of nasaku, *to throw down1, with
W. von Soden (Ar.Or. XVII (1949), pp.366-367; cf. G.R.
Driver, The Babylonian Laws II, Oxford, 1955, pp.285-286?
I.J. Gelb, Glossary of Old Akkadian, Chicago, 1957, p.209,
is non-commital). There are several examples of the verb
in contexts closely similar to the present; Tiglath-pileser
I mentions a people &a bilat-su-nu Cl ma-da-at-ta-Su-nu
u~sam-si-ku-ni ni-ir belu-ti-ia kabta eli-Su-nu u-kin,
n ii iF M u w w m in n i w w ii r w in u m w m h m m m u m
fwho had rescinded their tax and tribute, I imposed the

heavy yoke of my rule upon them1 (Sir E*A. Wallis Budge
and L.YvT. King, The Annals of the Kings of Assyria, London,
1902,p.47,ii.91-94): Enuma elish vii*28; ab~§a-na en-du
iX~ga~as-si-ku eli ill na-ki-re-gu, fhe removed from the
gods his enemies the yoke imposed*; several inscriptions
of Sargon II mention the abolition of corvee labour

113.
■previously required from certain cities; u-S£~g§~gik

tup-gjk-ki ... u-gap-£i~ba nige-gti-un, *1 abolished
the corvee ... I relieved the people (of those cities)'
(Display Inscription 8,9;cf. Stele 1.13-17; Pavement iv.16;
. Dull 6; Cylinder 5; Beverse of slabs 5; Bronze 'Plaque 11-12:
v.Il.Wihckler, Die Keilschrifttexte Sargons, Leixozig, 1889,
passim) , and in other passages the king states, of the same
cities, an-du-ra~ar-£u-nn gjg-kun, '1made a release* (Annals,
Room XIV, 4-5; c£. Annals 362-363; Display Inscription
136-137; Threshold Inscription v. 7-9), so providing a close
parallel to the two lines of Atrahasis. The basic meaning
indicated for gussuku is *to reverse an established order*,
applied in the abstract to the removal or revocation of taxes,
and literally to the throwing over of inscribed monuments
(see G-.B. Driver, op.cit.; B. Landsberger, J.C.S. VIII (1954)
p .32, n .10).
44.The repetition of this line in ii.2,4 shows the first sign
to be al, but the second sign is there obscured by damage.
al-nim, resulting from a combination of all four lines, is
unintelligible. .al-^ka^-nim is proposed by comparison with
II,ms._o.il.46', alkani kalani ana mamlt abubi, 'let us all go
to take oath about the flood*. While there is just possibly
space for the al-ka in 44,46, the signs would be closely
written, and it appears more probable that the same writing
was to be found in all four lines. Nevertheless, the
repeated error seems unlikely.

45.Although the s(..;ce available is small, restoration of
ên-lfl is required by the repetition in ii.3, and by the
poetic form.
47.1he name of the speaker cannot be restored as the name of
the god later executed because his name, as written in
iv.54, is too long for the space.
piaffu fpugamma izzakar is translated 1spoke up and said*
aB in GqA+B. 21 (2),p.21, although the sequence of tenses
may require a rendering such as 1while saying1 for izzakar

(G-.A.G-.1159,of.Il58) or ’opened his mouth to speak* for
the whole phrase (so E.A. Speiser, I1he World History of
the Jewish People I, London, 1964,p.116). Until a
minute examination of Old Babylonian syntax has been
undertaken the nuance of such a construction remains
uncertain.
ii.5.tisi§ is probably the verb esu equated with zi in
Nabnitu B.135 (esu jja awatim) and Ant agal P. 267 (C.T. XIX
32.iv.42), with ka-sar.sar,la, and zi.zi in Nabnitu K,
92-94 (ibid.,42.ii.5-7;R.A.XVIIl(l92I),p.38.15;v.G.A.B,
4 (E) ,p.388,°AHwb. ,p. 250) , zi or zi.zi are elsewhere
translated into Akkadian by tebfi, dekfl, and gufcuzu, la
commonly by na£u (A.Beimel, 5umerisch.es Lexicon,s.v ;
cf .C.A.B.HA.1) ,p.174,B,p.124) , suggesting a meaning
*to incite, arouse* for esfl in the Oontext of war here, its
first occurrence in a connected text (for comparable
uses of'gufcuzu and deku, v.C.A.B.l(A.l),p.181,9a,4*,3(B),

115.
p . 1 2 5 ,2 b ,2*).
8. nepigu is an abstract noun, 1action, procedure* (.£.£.

A.R.M.l. XV,p.233; O.Neugebauer and A. Sachs, Mathematical
Cuneiform Texts, New Haven, 1945, p.169), and in a
technical sense, fritual* (C.A.B.4 (E),p.213). A
second nepiffu is *ingot* in Old Assyrian texts (M. Held,
J.B.L. LXXXIV (1965),p*277,n*23). There is another
nepiiou, a piece of equipment employed in sieges (Sir
E.A. Wallis Budge and L.W. King, The Annals of the Kings
of Assyria, London, 1902, p.379,1.111,together with
sapitu, *tower*, and pilSu, perhaps a tool for mining
of» M .S.L . VI,p.18,* plough-share (?)*; Synchronistic
History, ii.3,5K
l8.(vfec[fi, *to respect, attend, wait* has also been
translated *to be brought low* in the II.2 theme
(J.J. Pinkelstein, J.C.S. XI (1957), p.87), but here It
may retain the sense of *await* or *be aware*, ^kal.kal
was door-keeper of Ekur (A.Beimel, Pantheon Babylonicum,
Rome, 1914, no.1667). In an entry in the expository
text C .1. XLVI pl.XLIX,no.51,r.24* ^kal.kal is called
dan-dan-nu, *mighty*, which may be taken as a learned
play upon the writing of the name.
19.lapatu has the sense of *to work on* materials in the II
theme and it is possible that this connotation might be
found in the simple theme in such a context as this
(English *to put one*s hand to* implies doing the work)
of. AHwb. p.535.

The second verb may he completed as he watched*,
and an object provided (ill ?), or as i-fai-fig-ga-am-ma],
fhe hurried in*.
20.Restoration of %usku is required by the following lines.
A
The name of this god is usually written pa.ku (A.Deimel,
Pantheon Babylonicum, Rome, 1914,no.2367) which is explained
as ri-^-d a-kil te-e-mi mu-£a~pu-d ... on the basis pa:aklu,
&upu, ku:tema» but riû: pa+lu (C .T . XXV 49»r .4;A.Ungnad,0.1.2
XIV (1911), sp. 153-154). The last item is to be noted here,
for in mss. A,C,G the name is consistently written dpa-flu.
Ho reason for this, apart from error, is clear, but the
equation cited shows that it was-known to later scribes.
Nusku was vizier of Enlil (1.30;cf .K.Tallqvist, Akkadische
Gotterepitheta, p.433; in a literary composition, the
*Story of the Seven Evil Demons*, Q.T. XVI.20.112-115) and
as such is entitled 1keeper of the secrets of Enlil* in an
incantation from the series bit meseri (B.M.134513 na-sir
pi-rig~ti en-lil). The god has been identified with the
planet Mercury, H. and J. Lewy, Or.N.S.XVII (1948), pp.146-159
21. The line could be completed with ili, as proposed for
1.19, but isatim might be preferred in the light of a Fire
Incantation, la i-sem-mu-d ri-gim bu-ge-ki (unpublished,
courtesy W.G-.L.
25. ragli has been shown to be a verb of motion by W.G-. Lambert,
Journal of Jewish Studies V (1954),pp.40-41 and Babylonian
Wisdom Literature, p.88,comm.1.288,p.310. This first

example of its use in a connected text supports a
meaning 'to come to1 (with the Ventive suffix) which
could underlie the meaning 'to help1, i.e. 'to come to'
in a good sense. (The cognate Hebrew y-)*! 'to run' may
have friendly or hostile undertones.)
28. aradu suggests that the bed-chamber (mayalu) was above
the main room of Enki's abode, as in many ancient houses,
and so the question arises of whether there may be a
reflection of the arrangements of the Bkur at Nippur
in this line. About that building information is lacking,
at Babylon the somewhat confused evidence could be used
to strengthen such a reconstruction to some extent
(see further Iraq XXVI (1964),p.23,n.40). £ubtu
would have the specific connotation of 'sitting room',
distinct from mayalu, 'bedroom*. Enlil does not descend
from heaven, for that was strictly Anu's habitat (cf.iii.56).
31.The 'gate' is that leading from Ekur outside of which the
gods are gathered, and through which Nusku must pass to
their assembly (ii.6). Later in the poem, Atrahasis
summons the elders to the gate of his dwelling to instruct
them, and other sources show the important place of the
gate of a city or important building in city life (most
recently, D.G-. Evans, Journal of Religious History II
(1962-63),pp.1-12).
32.The 'weapon' of Nusku was a staff or wand, symbol of his
vizier-ship (v.C.A.D.6(B)p,155 yfratffru- 2b and IC.Tallqvist,

Akkadische Gutterepitheta, p.143 for references to Nusku
as na£(i) faatti)> and is thought to be the zodiacal light
of Mercury by H. and J. Lewy, loc.cit.
37-40.binu bunuka is taken as a parallel to maru ramanika,
although binu, 'son', is rarely found in Akkadian, except
in lexical texts and in personal names (AHwb., p.127;
I.J. Gelb, La lingua degli Amoriti, Rome, 1958, p.l47,§2.2.
3). The sense is thus 'they are sons just like you',
they are sons of your own nature' (for ramanu v.A.L.
Oppenheim, J.A.O.S. XXIII (1943),p.33).
d d
42,44. en-lil, scribal error for en-ki.
Restoration of mabrika, mabriû is supported by the
similar line in the Old Babylonian poem G .T. XV 3.10,11:
bi-li-it i-li li-ib-ba-ku-nim li-gi~ri-bu-ni-i£-Si a-na
mab-rl-ia bi-li-it i-li. ibVbu-k'u-gum-ma, 'let them bring
Belit-ili, let them bring her into my presence. They
brought Belit-ili to him.'
46 {u-te-etq-qf can be restored here as a synonym of (w)aSabu.
52.A break renders the words following ta~ba-za illegible.
57. zi-ik-ra may be an adverbial form (.cf. G.A.G. I 113b),
'at the word', but it might be an error for zi-ik-ru
'it is the order'. The traces of the first word of 58
do not favour it-mu-d, which wo.uld support this.
58.il-m.u-u In ii.15,17,24,26, lawfi is written with w, in
contrast to the m here. If correctly interpreted this
is an indication that the change from w to m found in

119.
Middle and Late Babylonian was al.ready commencing in late

Old Babylonian orthography (v.G.A.G-. 1 21c) .
The final group of signs is understood by assuming a
scribal confusion, namely an attempt to write biti&ka with
the ideogram E having beenabandoned, but not exâsed,
syllabic spelling was employed, with ti. omitted.
However, the abrasion at the bottom of the column allows
some doubt in the reading of the signs.
iii.l.j^Nusku] is restored from a and e. A verb of motion
might complete the line, perhaps simply fli-il-li-ikl.
2.Restoration of Fli-i^-melis suggested by the action
following.
3.Restoration of ma-[afa.-ri-ka li-tu-urjrests on the same
basis.
7 -Rrobably complete the line with[se-e-ma] agreeing with 1.
8 ,9.Of.aii.101,11** Similar actions by Kaka, vizier of
Anshar and Anu, show that this was a recognised protocol
for envoys (Enuma ellsh III.68-71 tergal and Ereshkigal1
i.28-30 = O.R. G-urney, Suit ant epe Tablets I, London, 1957,
no.28;cf.A.L. Oppenheim,Or. N.S.XVI (1947),p.223; E.A.
Speiser, J,C.S* XI (1957),pp.43-44). Notice that Nusku
does not pay homage by kissing the ground before the
assembled gods, they are neither the superiors nor the
peers of Enlil, his master. The introductory phrase of
the message is common, and has Sumerian echoes
(W.G. Lambert, Babylonian Wisdom Literature, p.295,bottom).
120 *
10-13.These lines help to restore and are restored by i.7-10,
£•v *
aoBiM
14♦ B suggests the reading qa-ab~lim, be-el is conjectural.

^ inii
ii
iBi
n i
w i
iiim
mi
ii
iHi
ii
.wi
iih
iii * iit m
un
n»«
w
15. The traces on B could be the end of ta~ha-zi9 and, if

be-el were again supplied, would make a synonymous
parallel with 14*
30. Comparison with 18-20 suggests that Nusku1s speech
ended in this or the previous line, being a repetition
of Enlil1s words.
35-36.The reading is obtained bjr comparison with i .3-4,iii.49*
38. The phrase pu (w)abalu recurs in II.v.501,III.v*44,vi*8,
with first or second person plural suffixes. It seems
to mean !to decide1, cf.XXI.vi.8 , ub-la -pjf-i-ni is-ti-nl-
is ma-ml-tam, 1we decided unanimously to take the oath1*
No other examples are known outside of this text; the
isolated phrase in a neo-Assyrian letter cited in Q .A.D.
l(A!), p.19 is to be kept apart. It is noteworthy that
(w)abalu with libbu or kabattu is uniformly written
with the Ventive ending (ibid.,pp.21-22)♦
46. Restoration is made from E.
54* Restoration dubious; for a discussion of the verb turcum
(awatam) see M. Held, J.C.S.XV (1961),p.!0 ,XVl(l962),p. 3&
iv.Observations made by W. von Soden in his study of ms. B,
Or. N.S. XXVI (1957),pp.312-313, are cited by the
author1s name alone.
19* The divine name could be ^rna-mi or ^nin-tu, perhaps the
121.
former in view of 1.23, but see next note.

iSassuru is consistently written with initial sa in this
text (j3f.20,24,v.52,vi. 15,17,HI*vi.43,46),except for
1.24 in B where j?a is used. W. von Soden has
characterized this as !word play1, presumably due to
the Sumerian writing &&.tur although the word itself may
derive from Sumerian sensesar, as in 'Enki and Ninmah'
1 .28, (J.J. van Dijk, Ac.Or. XVTII(1964),p.28). The
word certainly denotes the womb, of. malku:Sarru

1.122-124, ummu;bantu,agarinnu,gassuri (A. Draffkorn-
Kilmer, J.A.O.S. LXXXVII (1963),p.426; A.L. Oppenheim,
History of Religions. V(1966),p.257,n.26), the various
Assyrian royal inscriptions referring to the divine
choice of the king before birth i-na &a.tur
a-ga-ri-in-ni a-lit-ti-ia, 'in the womb of my mother,
my bearer1 (D.D.Luckenbill, Ihe Annals of Sennacherib,
Chicago, 1924,p.117*3?cf. H.Borger, Die Inscriften
Asarhaddons, G-raz,1956,p.ll5 1 82.8,p.119 I 101.3)
and in a medical text such as K.A.R. 195*15* Ihus
it does not mean 'midwives1 as W.E.Albright maintains
(B.A.S.O.B. 167(1962),p.24,n.5|173(l964),p.52) As a
title of Nintu or Belit-ili, gassuri is found in lists
(P.S.B.A. 1914,pi.xii,r.9-10 “^ sa-sur-xâ dbe-lit ill
— ur-rak^; M .S.L . IV, Ernesal Vocabulary 1.35 ^se-en-tu;
nin-tu;â-as-su-rum) and in connection with blessing
before birth it is associated with Belit-ili in the
Sennacherib passage cited and in the 'Legend of Naram-Sin*

122.
1 .35, ffa-sur-su-nu be-lit-i-li u-ban-ni, 1'their

mother-womb, Belit-ili, blessed them1 (O.R. G-urney, A.S.
y (1955),p.lOO). However it extends in meaning to
’mother* (pars pro toto) in such a context as: kiSadu
libba 4 sa-as-su-ra-th uqni mare-gu-nu i-na bu-ur-ki-û-nu
h-ka-âl, *a necklace including 4 lapis-lazuli figures of
gassurus holding their children on their laps* (inventory
from Qatna, J. Bottero, R.A. XLIII (1949),p*l60; C.A.B.
2(B),p.256). As it was the parents who held children
on their knees or laps, the meaning is clear, cf. Ill.vii.
4,5, and passages cited in G.A.B. 2(B),pp.255-6.
23. The meaning of £absutum, ’midwife*, has been established
by W. von Soden, A.f.0. XVIII (1957-8),pp.119-121.
This rendering is confirmed by the equation gabsutum:
mu&alittu,malku:£arru I.127(A. Braffkorn-Kilmer, J.A.Q.S.
LXXXIII (1963),p.426). Bor the alternation of the
initial j| and t see von Soden and _cf. i.2,note.
28. lullu is a generic term for humankind, withtthe
specific connotation of uncivilised man in many Akkadian
texts (A.L. Oppenheim,Or.H.S . XVII (1948),pp.25-26;
B.W. Konig, Archiv fur VoikerkundseVIlI (1953),p.l47).
The Sumerian lu.ulil from which it is borrowed is equated
simply with amelu and ni£u in lexical texts (A.Beimel,
S.L.,no.330.25;cf.ff.Ko’cher,A .f .0. XVIII (1957-8),p.87,1.13,
and, for the Sumerian reading, A. Falkenstein, 2.A . XLV,
n.B. XI (1939),p.29; A. Bergmann, 2.A. LVI, n.B. XXII (1964),

123*
p.41)* With this passage may he compared Enuma elish

VI.6-8 where lullu is perhaps explained as amBlus
lu-ug-ziz-ma lul-la-a lu-u a-me-lu gum-gu,lu-ub-ni-ma
1 g,
lu.ulu a-me-lu,lu-u en-du dul-li ill -ma £u-nu

lu-u pa-ag-hu. !I will raise a lullu, ’Man* shall he
his name. I will create lullu, ♦Man* , the toil of the
gods shall he imposed upon him, they shall have rest.1
28* &upgik ill is the equivalent of the dulli ill in Enuma
elish VI.8 .
29* tepuSamma recurs in v .8 (A) and provides one of the rare
examples of the third person feminine singular of the
verb with prefixed _t in Old Babylonian. Perhaps this
is an instance of a scribe failing to ‘modernise* his
text, since all other verbs with feminine subjects in
this composition are in the ‘masculine* form, as is
usual in the Old Babylonian period, cf. W, von Soden,
Z.A. XLI,n.E.VII (1933),pp.148-151.
31. itti, 'in the power of, is documented in C.A.B. I/J,
P*303f AguSaya A v.15-19 in a similar context of creation
ry
is comparable: La na-tu-Su-nu-&i a-na ni-gi-i-ki e-a

u-ge-er-rtu si-ik-ra-am i£-ti-i-ka lu na-tu an-nu-u
e-pi-Su-um, '...it was beyond their ability. They
addressed the prince Ea. "This work is within your
power1'.... * In that instance he used the dirt of his
finger-nails as the substance of creation, in this the
clay, which was apparently viewed as one of the products
of his fresh-water realm.

124.
33* elelu The introduction of the cleansing motif in Nintu's

speech may connect with a suggestion of killing a god
mad arlier, in the divine council, and'not preserved
in the Old Babylonian texts, but found fin the
neo-Assyrian fragment jd, otherwise it anticipates the
instructions given by Enki in 11.37-40. Alternatively,
it could be that elelu is employed here in the
meaning fto consecrate, sanctify1, implying that Enki
has the power to prepare any material for divine use.
If this were so, the word would be used in a slightly
different sense in the subsequent lines, where it is
umistakeably ‘to purify* (in conjunction with teliltu
and rimku).
37. B. Landsberger, Per kultische Kalender, Leipzig, 1915?

pp.98,134, and Z.D.M.G-, LXIX (1915) , p.528, established
the significance of the sequence of these days as
marking the progress of the moon to its fulness, so
showing ^fapattu to be the fifteenth day of period
of fiteen days.
38. The teliltu and the rimku were closely associated
purificatory ceremonies in the Assyrian period
(J. Laessê, Studies in the Assyrian Ritual and Series
bit rimki, Copenhagen, 1955, p.86,n.170), the urn rimki
being the twenty-eighth or twenty-ninth day of the
month, and the um telilti the first (B. Landsberger,op.cit.
pp.75,n.6 ,143-145). Ihe um rimki was also the same

day as the um kispi the 1day of funeral meals'
(S.Langdon, Babylonian Menologies and Semitic Calendars,
London, 1935,p#148;cf. W.von Soden, A.Hwb. , p.135 for
the connection of this day with the bubbulu, the disappear
ance of the moon). While the presence of these two
words in the passage concerning the plan to create Man
need not involve the actual celebration of the rituals
later known by these names, their use in this context
becomes clear. These rites refer to mourning and
death, and to the cleansing of the living from any
pollution sustained through involvement therewith. They,
or similar ceremonies, seem to have been performed
particularly after a criminal execution (T.Jacobsen,
Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 107.6
(1963),p.480,n.22). Therefore, the appropriate
purification is prescribed for the gods who slaughter
one of their number. The setting of the specific days
for the execution may relate to the favourable waxing of
the moon, as against less propitious days later in the
month. Whether the choice in the Epic was ever used to
explain the performance of certain rites at those times,
whether the author of the poem was attempting to promulgat
the observance of rites upon these days, or reflecting
current practice, or whether, even, this passage was
connected with their origin must remain a matter of
speculation.
126.
40. Vf. von Soden collected three examples of tibia, which he

rendered 'immersion, dipping1. Of these, the
rendering seems plausible in only one instance, C.T.
XXXVIII*38>72, ...ana riari ur-rad-ma sibi-Su i-ti-bu
ina pan sibi-i ti-bi 8a .pi-&u ana nari inaddi-ma
'...he shall go down to the river and dip (?) seven
times, before the seventh dipping he shall throw into
the river what he has in his mouth*. The other
inscriptions are either too badly damaged to yield
connected sense (H.Radau, Letters to Kassite Kings,
Philadelphia, 1908,pl.42,no.54,1.6) or employ the word
in a slightly different sense, i-na ti-bi £a buri
kun-nu (blocks) were set in the sinking of the well*
(L. Messerschmidt and O.Schroeder, Keilschrif11exte aus
Assur, historischen Inhalts, Berlins, 1911,no.64,1.10).
Although 1dipping* is clearly the meaning only In the
one occurrence, since that is in a context of purification
also, it may be similarly interpreted here.
42,3.' balalu W.von Soden's translation '.smeared* (also A.Hwb.,
p.98) is less appropriate than 'intermixed', for this
is the action which Nintu was to perform, and the result
was to be man (cf. C.A.D. 2(B),p.42).
44. pujiur for the form see G-.A.G-. I 62.
45* ahriati% is the certain reading of A and is most likely
in B. Therefore the word darlatiS, which von Soden
read here, must be deleted from the dictionaries
(C.A.D. 3(B) >p. 112; A.Hwb., p.164, e)*

127.
The form is not found elsewhere, afcrltiS umi being

twice attested in Old Babylonian and ahrataS in
later texts (C.A.D. l(A.l),pp.193,193)• It is
composed from the feminine plural ahriat (umi) (L.W.King,
Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi, London, 1898,
no.60,pi.115,iv.3 = C.T. XXI,42,iv.3) in the way
von Soden has surmised for *dariati§ (Z.A. XLI,n.E.VlI
(1933) ,p.!09; G-.A.a. 1 67,a,d).
uppu was understood by von Soden as a 'drum1, a meaning
consonant with the verb ni&ne and attested by lexical
and other literary passages (£f., in addition to the
passages he cited, gar.gud to gar.ra XI,1.190, hb :
up-pu : li-li-is-su,M.S.L. VII,p.153, and the variant
huppu a drum-skin, cited in C.A.D. 6(g),p.239)♦ (The
various other usages, or homonyms, of uppu may all be
linked to the root hff in Arabic and Hebrew, 'to
surround, enclose1, with the basic meaning of 'socket
or tube1. Thus it is part of a boat and a chariot,
having a peg, sikkatu, A.Salomen, Nautica Babyloniaca,
Helsinki, 1942,p.130; Die Landfahrzeuge des alten
Mesopotamiens, Helsinki, 1951,p*97; of a pick-axe,
Har.ra:fcubullu VII A,24,M.S.L. VI,p.105; of the body,
II. Holma, Die Namen der IQorpeteilen, Helsinki, 1911,
p.114, cf. C.A.D. 6(H),p.137 uppi agi *clavicle',l(A.l}
p.207, 'shoulder1; it is a metal instrument for
introducing medicaments into the body by blowing,

, Oxford, 1936, p.118. Discussion has arisen
over uppu in connection with doors. E.Ebeling has
suggested that it was thesocket in which the holt moved
(Stiftungen und Vorschrifben fttr assyrische Tempel. Berlin.
Vi
ll
i'MM n-TT^.
HIH.1W HWHMMMbkHUt* * *
1954,p.27jR-A. XL VIII (1954),p. 188), while W.Cr. Lambert

has argued that it was a thong used as a handle to move
the bolt (Babylonian Wisdom Literature, pp.248-249)*
Lambert's objection to Ebeling's identification that
a golden bolt (mentioned in Or. N.S.XVII (1948),pi.32,1.8)
would be too soft to function may be countered with the
fact that doors were often plated with gold and so may
these bolts have been (of. ig kfr.gi,daltu Jnprajm,
C.A.D. 3(D),pp.53-54). The proverb which aroused
Lambert's investigation may be explained in the light
of an unpublished fragment of gar.ra:hubullu XIII reading
bulug.§a.gud.ra zabar sup-pu, 'a bronze ox-drover's goad*
(courtesy D.J. Yfiseman), as 'Do you hit the face of a
moving ox with a goad?'. R.C. Thompson surmised that
there might be some connection between uppu, 'drum1, and
the words cited above all having a basic sense of 'tube'
o r ’socket', observing the employment of 'baked clay
cylinders ... with the end covered by parchment* as drums
(loc.cit.,p.ll8 ,n.l).
The sound of the drum heard by the gods could either
be for their praise (so W. von Soden), or a work signal,
formerly summoning the gods to their labours, but now

129 •
calling their substitute, man, and thus a sign of their rest.

46.etimmu The writing PI-ti-im-mu in ms B misled von Soden
in his study. Explanation of this spelling may be sought
in the use of PI to represent the semi-vowel w, so weakened
as to become little more than a long vowel. In the
present example it may represent the initial letter of the
Sumerian gidim from which etimmu is derived. For similar
usage of PI see W. von Soden, Das Akkadische Syllabar,;
Rome, 1948,p.200; J.Nougayrol, Revue Biblique, BIX (1952),
p.248,n.3;I.J. Gelb, J.E.E.S. XX (1961) pp.194-196; of.
the possibly parallel development of IA = ay, E. Reiner,
Prom the Workshop of the Assyrian Dictionary, Chicago,
1964,pp. 167-18.0. Since etimmu never refers to a living
person it must here be the shade of the slaughtered god
which will continue his existence apart from his body 1so
that he may not be forgotten1 (1 .43), the annihilation
most to be feared. Such ghosts were considered to be
individually recognisable, A.Heidel, The Gilgamesh Epic ...
pp.154-157; H.W.F. Saggs, Paith and Thought XC (1958),
pp.167-168.
51.paqidu gimati does not appear in other texts; gfimu is the
verb normally found with gimati (K.Tallquist, Assyrische
Ghtterepitheta, pp.152-153,222-223). paqadu has the
connotation of arranging and drawing up lists, as well as
of caring and superintending, so that it is appropriate to
the work of these deities in allocating the destinies of
mankind (see E.A. Speiser, B.A.S.O.R. (49 (1958),pp.17-25,

especially 23-24)* The Anunnaki are given a similar
title in the first line of the Old Babylonian legend of
A
Etana, ra-bu-tum a-nun-na gla-i-mu sfi-im-tim, 'The great
Anunnaki who determine fate ...' (A.I. Clay, A Hebrew
Deluge Story.., Pis.III,VII). The seven gods who fix
the fate in Enuma Elish may also have been included among
the Anunnaki (VI.80,cf.111.130; I.Jacobsen, J.N.E.S. II
(1943),p.l68,n.50).
L ^ we-e-i-la is difficult of reading and interpretation. It
is unique. Two explanations are proposed very tentatively
•j
(a) It is to be read as a compound of two words we-e i-la.

The second part may be amended to i-lu on the basis of the
scribal error i-la for i-lu in III.ii.50, resulting in 'X
was the god who...1, or viewed as a predicate form in ^ a
('West Semitic1, W.G.L.) with the same meaning (of.
I.J. Gelb in Symbolae Linguisticae in Honorem Georgii
Kurylowicz, pp.72-80). Ho we-e is known to the Sumero-
Babylonian pantheon, however. (A. Deimel, Pantheon
d §i
Babylonicum, Rome, 1914, no.2987, is to be read §am&i—
in the first instance, according to R. Prankena, Takultu,
Leiden, 1954, p.6,1.26, and in the second is probably only
d
part of the personal name pi-li-^.a).
(b) This is a concocted name, somehow related to Atra-hasis
Read as Sumerian Pl.e.i.la it might be interpreted PIstal:
^.asasu,laslalu, 'understand' and 'plenty' respectively
(A. Deimel, §.L., £.vv.), but the i remains unexplained.
Could this be substantiated it might imply that the etimmu

131.
of the dead god was personified in Atrahasis, who thus
ensured that he was not forgotten, (The final a of the
name, if all the signs are read together, shows that this
is not an Akkadian word, and so militates against any
attempt to find an ohscure word-play or compound involving
the words ilu, tgod1, and awelu, 'man1.) The name of
Subarian chief A,wi.illa in a letter to Shulgi could
perhaps be related, but this cannot be demonstrated
Vv. H. Freydank, Ar*Or. XXXIII (1965),p.532.
58.The parallelism with 1,45 suggests the restoration. The
description of the intermingling of man and god and of the
purification of the gods is therefore not actually related
(of.11.43,44,40).
v.6 .It is noteworthy that the Igigu are here described as ilu
rabfitum, a title elsewhere applied to the Anunnaki (1.5,of.
i.5 passim), although I.i.5,6 indicates their subjection to
them. This is the tenor of the Epic, that the Igigu are
the agents working out the schemes of the Anunnaku.
The relationship of the two groups is discussed by W. von
Soden in Compte Rendu de i fXI— Rencontre Assyriologique,
Leiden, 1964, pp.104-6, with the conclusion that they were
not considered separate in the Old Babylonian period, an
opinion borne out by this text in which the Anunnaki seem
to be superior within the Igigu (of. Gr.R. Driver, Babylonian
Laws II , p . H 6) .
7 . ru3tam iddu the common expression for Tto spit1, may here be
seen as a technical term for preparing clay derived from

1-32.
the potter's craft.

8. cf. on iv.29.
9* rabfitim applies here to the Anunnaki who ordered the
work (iv.49-51) and to the Igigu who are now liberated.
13.cf. on i.42. Additional comparisons may be made with
Enuma elish VI.34-6; i-mid dul-li ilanim e^-ma ilSnim e^
um-ta&~&er iS-tu a-me-lut-ti ib-nu-d ê-a er-Su dul-li
m p a ,
ilani i-mi-du-ni sa-Su, 'He imposed the toil of the gods
and set the gods free. After skilled Ea had created
mankind, had imposed upon it the toil of the gods .
and 130 sdul-li ilanim e i-mid-du-ma Su-nu ip-pa-ag-fcu,
'Ihey imposed the toil of the gods, and they were given
ease1.
15.tagta*ta is understood as from the root gat fto draw, cairry' ,
but this is not certainly correct.
16.anduraru, 'release1, has been discussed by J. Lewy, Eretz
Israel V (1961), pp.21-31 and J.J. Finkelstein, J.Q.S. XV
(1961), p.104,n.19.
18.ittarruma is taken as from the root tararu 'to trouble1.
The .expression in this line also occurs in the Zu Myth:
jg-mu-ma c^x~gl~gi an-na-a q.a-ba-a-Su, i-tar-ru-ru
u-na-a^-Sd-qu &epe~g& (ifeo-Assyrian version, E, Reiner,R.A.
■ B d W H b n M ra M K IB lE I
XLVIII (1954) »p.l46;>cf. Old Babylonian (Susa) version II.

34-5 , 41-2: it-ru-ru, ig-§i~qd, J. Nougayrol, R.A. XLVI
(1952), p.90).
133.
19,20.Enuma elish V.109,110 has a similar form; pa~na~a-mi
^Marduk rna-ru na-ram-ni, i-^nanna &ar~ra~ku~un ql-bit-su
qa-Ia, 'formerly Marduk was our dear son, now he is
your king, proclaim his title1 (B. Landsherger and
J.V. Kinnier Wilson, J.B.E.S. XX (1961),p.164).
The title belit"ill is regularly used elsewhere of the
Mother-goddess (K.Tallquist, Akkadische G-cjtterepitheta,
.s.v.); mss B and D in I.iv. are technically guilty
of prolepsis in using this title before the narrative
mentions its bestowal.
vi. This column, like iv, has been studied in part by
W. von Soden whose article is cited simply by his name.
1. The first three signs are not clearly legible in either
ma A or B. Whilst a subject is required for the verb,
von Soden*s proposed Nin-subur does not appear likely
from the traces. The third sign is clearly written with
a broken vertical and so is not UD, unless it is
written abnormally by the scribe.
2. ig-lu-up pa-le-e Although the signs are damaged,
this reading seems more consonant with the traces and
/
the spacing than von Soden* s attempt [i?~r[a &u?-up-pa~le~e
*with an axe*. Bor galapu !to draw (a sword etc.)*
see W* von Soden, Z .A. LIII, n.E. XIX (1959), p.218.
palu is tentatively explained as a loanword from
Sumerian ^^bal (-pilaqqu, *spindle!, cf. A. Salonen,
Die Hausger&te der alten Mesopotamier, Helsinki, 1965,
pp.151-4) with the sense of a stick or thin rod of some
sort.
134.
3. The first sign is certainly na in ms. A (so the entry

C.A.D. 6(g),p.26 should he corrected)making a good
example of hendiadys.
4* u-pu-ur With von Soden, this is tentatively associated
with aplru 'to adorn the head1, although the purpose of
such an action is not clear.
5. tabsutam epe£u *to make a midwife* is possibly to be
understood as *to act as, do the work of, a midwife*,
which finds support in the following action, *they left
her womb*.
8. The object of Tsgir can only be ki ma, signs susceptible
of only one reading, qrd-ma *flour*, unless the kxmu,
'Korperteil* given by C. Bezold, Baby1onisch-assyrisches
Glossar, Heidelberg, 1926, p.134b, can be substantiated.
Outlines of persons or objects were traced in flour in
the course of some magical rites (jcf. C.A.D. 4(E),p.346)
and a circle of flour had protective powers against evil
demons.
libitta On this *brick* see E.Ebeling, Tod und Leben,
Berlin, 1931, p.109.
10. qadifftu Conjunction of qadigtu and tabsutu is also found
in the Harem Edict of Ashur - uballit I (_c.1362-1327 B.C.)
and W. von Soden has advanced the translation 'nursemaid*
for the former largely on the basis of that passage and
this (v. E.E. Weidner, A.f.0. XVII (1954-6), p.268, 1.11;
W. von Soden, A.f.0. XVIII (1957-8),pp.120-1).
11. The alliteration of the 1 s and dentals in this line is

noteworthy.
12. Ms. B um-mu suggests that A um-mi may he erroneous.
13. d-fca-ar-ru-u may he derived from arft 1to conceive1 (Hebrew
hrfi, although it is not known elsewhere in the II form.
14. 9 umi. If uharrfi is rightly interpreted, this line
suggests that the birth-brick was to be put in place
at the commencement of a nine-day period of gestation
which might be associated with the nine days in the
'Enki and Ninhursag* myth (v. S.N.K. Kramer, Enki and
Hinhursag, B.A.S.O.B. Supplementary Studies I (1945),
11.77-85), but the counting of months in v.54 is against
this. The time may cover, therefore, the period of
labour and the days immediately thereafter. In this
case a different sense will need to be assigned to uharrfi,
perhaps 'will give birth*.
15-18.Despite the existence of several mss. it has not been
possible to extract much sense from these lines.
Apparently they refer to the preparedness of the 'mother-
wombs' .
li-i*"tig..] could be 'strong* but does not have the

expected nominative termination. Possibly it is rather
to be completed as li-iJ -tiflul 'they will lie', (W.G-.L.)
but no convincing explanation of the second sign can
be offered; a doubling of the _t is expected.
Ms. h may cover the ground of these lines, but it has not
been included in the text as its relationship to the Epic

136.
Is uncertain. If it does belong it would be an

abbreviated version; It could be an extract for some
other purpose. Lines 4*-10! read; 4 1. Bfe-am-ni f..>7
51* u-gu-ra-at ni~£I x ..] 6!. zi-ka~ru [.. j
71. a-na ar-da-tif*. *] 81 . ar-da-turn[...] 91* et-Iu a-na
ar-dja-ti .. .J 10* . li?-il-q£ alb?-da?-turn? ....] While line
5* could correspond to v.41*, 101 may be a version of
this line.
21. The third sign is not clear, allowing the possibility of
i-nu-ma ana (W.G.L.), but this use of DI§ is not found
in the remainder of the Old Babylonian mss.
22. i-ta~ah~du The last sign is incorrectly copied, collation
confirms _du. If the verb is na*adu,1to watch*, an i
vowel is expected before the final radical (v. G-.A.G-. Il07,n)
so possibly read i-ta-U-du.
24* Ishara was the goddess who presided over sexual intercourse,
cf. G-ilgamesh, Old Babylonian version, II.v.28, and the
cylinder seals with her symbol the scorpion beneath a bed,
H. Frankfort, Iraq. I (1934), p.8,n.3.
50. The words remaining here suggest that the missing part of
the column contained instruction in the art of living for
the first men.
vii.The first few lines probably describe Enlil's setting man to
the work which the Igigu had left, although the sense of
the first three lines is obscure.
4. eg-jraj-ti is usually written with initial i (cf. passages

137.
cited in Q.A.D. 7(1/1), p. 261) but in a single instance

initial je is found (A.B.M. II.no.113,1.18; there is a
possibility that this is a variant of a&ru, 'place',
A.R.M.T. XV,p*176)• The meaning appears to be specifically
an irrigated or cultivated area from the passages quoted
in C.A.D.
6* ti-i-ti-iS is perhaps a form of te*ltu 'sustenance',
which has various spellings, see Bote on II.i.9*
ê-er°ra is read from II.ii.31 (ger-ru) and ms. 1 obv*
both parallel to viii.27. Presumably the
birth of children was related, causing the increase in
population mentioned next.
19. This line is parallel with viii.28=11.i.l, but in no case
is sufficient of the text preserved to restore the
whole line. The number of years, 1200, alone is clear.
For another description of a passage of time see
Anatolian Studies VI (1956),p. 163: [100 mu.nêS ina
nasajhi^S [x mu.mjes ina a-la-ki.
20. maturn refers to the inhabited or cultivated land as
opposed to the desert or steppe throughout this poem,
v.i.22 where the river-water is its 'life'; cf. A.Heidel,
J.N.T2.S. VIII (1949), p.233,n.4; G.B. Driver, The
Babylonian Laws II,p.160; H.W.F. Saggs, J.S.S. Ill (1958),
pp.72-3. ma.da the Sumerian loan-word (?) conveys the
same idea, &.•&• G-udea, Cylinder A. XIV. 8 ma.da gu.sag
sar.sar.ra.na 'his ma.da abounding in early vegetables'

138*
"beside* 11,12 uru.du.a a.dam. gar.ra .ma 1in liis (.lands)

"built with cities and settled with peoples*, f. Jacobsen,
J.C.S. VII (1953), p.40,n.47 (hut Jacohsen*s explanation
'flat land at the edge of the desert* seems less likely
than 'irrigated and cultivated land around a town').
matam ruppugu is employed by Assyrian kings to denote the
expansion of their realm through the addition of conquered
territory (e.£. D.D. Luckenbill, The Annals of Sennacherib,
Chicago, 1924,p.29,ii.32) and here describes the
expansion of the cultivated ground to feed the growing
population.
21. lu The rendering 'lyre? proposed by J. Laess/e (Bib. Or.
XIII (1955),pp.90-1) has nothing to favour it above the
generally accepted *ox* (Clay, Speiser, Heidel 'cattle').
lu 'ox* is frequently employed in similes and metaphors in
literary texts as a symbol of strength e.g. lugal.e,I.32j
D.D. Luckenbill, The Annals of Sennacherib, Chicago, 1924,
p.47*vi.26-27. The musical instrument may have been
named after the animal lu by reason of its sound, the
melultu, 'dance', and kippu, *bull-roarer?', listed with
it in some texts produced loud noises or roarings
(A.L. Oppenheim, The Interpretation of Dreams in the
Ancient Near East, Philadelphia, 1956, p.286,n.l30).
gabu It is now certain that this is a verb meaning 'to
make a loud noise* and is to be distinguished from £Tabu
'to be silent* (see W.C. Lambert, Babylonian Wisdom

139.
Literature, p.285; on the second verb see M. Held, J.C.S.

XV (1961) ,p.l4). It* usually has the voice as agent.
The association with £?asu and rigma in 43,44,viii.14,15 etc
finds a partial parallel in li-jg-ge-bu ri-gim-gd di-si-sa
a-af J. 'Let her cry ring out, let not her call be silent?'
(Nisaba and Wheat* iv.85W.G-. Lambert, op.eft.,p.!72).
22. huburu. K.C. Thompson proposed the translations 'crowd,
noise?' in the Times Literary Supplement, October 12,1922,
■ .1 6iMi» t T i iiiw I rTnii 1— Mfcr— —m * * *
p.646, and the latter was substantiated by B. Landsberger,

ICLeimasiatische Forschung I (1929),p.328; cf. J.J.
Einkelstein, J.B.L. LXXV (1956),pp.328-31.
ilu cf. I.ii.15,17 for the same designation of Enlil as
'the god'.
26. The reading u-za-am-ma gi-it-ta was first established by
S. Smith, H.A. XXII (1925),p.67. The motif of loss of
sleep through noise is commons two passages using huburu
as the cause are Erra 1.82: dAnunnaki ina hu-bur nige ul
i-re-efa-hu-d [git-tamT. 'At the din of the people the
Anunnaki will not pour out sleep1 (H. Prankena, Jaarbericht
Ex Oriente Lux XVI (1959-62).p.46), and 'The Underworld
Vision* 1.61, ina hu-bur-ri-di-rfe g]am-ra-a-ti a~a
ir-hi-i-ka gj-it-t[d], 'Through their raging din may sleep
not overcome you* (W. von Soden, Z.A. X LIII,n.E.IX(1936),
p.18). Disturbance by noise is also found in Enuma elish
1 .21-6, 37-40 and the text K.3657, abv.i.10-11 published
by L.W. King, The Seven Tablets of Creation II, London,

140*
1902,pp.73-4;cf* J.J* Finkelstein, loc*oft*, H. Erankena,

Kanttekeningen van een Assyrioloog bi j Szechiel, Leiden,
1965,pp.9-12*
2?* ûruppu is variously translated, 'ague* C *A *1)* 3(D),
p*165b, 'tetanus, cerebro-spinal fever' A, Goetse, J.C.S*
IX (1955),pp.12-13 (deriving it from garapu 'to freeze,
congeal'), cf* R. Labat, Traite akkadien de diagnostics
et prognostics medicaux, Paris, 1951? pp.159,272.
37. The reading of this line is uncertain; restoration of
the latter half is made from k which demands a feminine
subject for the verb (tebnfi? Assyrian dialect form for
tabnft), supporting the reading ma-mi as the goddess' name,
although it has no divine determinative. The verb in k
is also subjunctive thus requiring a preposition at the
commencement of the sentence, but a-di remains
problematic, for there is no evidence that it can mean
'since', the sense most fitting here.
41-51.These lines are repeated almost exactly in vii*56-viii.
10,viii.12-22, II.ii.9-11,17-19? and can be partly restored
by comparing and combining the readings of these passages.
41,42.The address spoken to Atrahasis by Enki and his
repetition of it to the elders appear to be identical,
without any distinction of persons, thus Jibuti cf.1.56,
biti^ka, cf. vii.l. This could be explained as
a distributive construction 'each to your own house'*
41* The verb of this line and of 56 has not been deciphered.
141*
42* The verb is incompletely preserved in each occurrence

(viii.1 ,13); the traces suggest a root with a final
weak letter (x-x-ni-a, x-x-nu-ii).
43* The place of the heralds here represents an earlier stage
in the development of that office than the court-
appointment found in many texts (cf. G.E. Driver, The
Babylonian Laws, II,p*156). An Old Babylonian letter
offers comparison and contrasts with the actions ordered
in the subsequent lines: i-na a-li-im i-ba-ag-gu-u
mu-ta-a-nu ... fna-gfl-ru-tum] li-is-si-mfe] ta-ap-fcu-ri i-na
jg-ri-im a-na ilim-ma gu-uk-na-a-ma i-la-am su-ul-li-ma
i-lu-um li-nu-uh a-di ta-ap-tiu-ri-gu 'There is plaque
in the city ... let the herald make proclamation and
arrange assemblies (?) for the god in the holdings and
pray to the god so that he will be appeased as long as
there is an assembly for him* (C.T. XXIX lb.7-22,of.
A* Ungnad, Babylonische Briefe, Leipzig, 1941,no.201;
C.A.D. 7(I/J),p.261,i|ru B). The action of the herald
was SisTtu, 'proclamation1, v. G.E. Driver, loo.cit.
45,46.Contrast the letter cited above and Enuma elish VI.113-6
11-ad-di-ma gal-mat qaqqadi pa~la-fai-iS~gti ba-?-d-la-tum
lu foi~isrsuv-sa ila-î-na li-iz-zak-ra ip-tu pi-i-û
îs-tar-ri& li-siq-qa, nin-da-bi-e li-in-na-Sa-a ila-î-ni
diS-tar-Sun, 'Let him teach mankind to revere him, let
the subjects respect their god. At his utterance let
them attend to the goddess, let offerings be brought
for their god and goddess'.

142.
47. Êrra (W.G.L.) as plague-god is an appropriate restoration

here, _cf. Adad in II.ii.7. None of the duplicate
passages enable restoration of the verb.
48. £f. II.ii.8 for the restoration.
49* is tentatively associated with mahhu, 'mad1, in
the sense of religiously wrong, cf. R. Borger,
Asarhaddon, Nin. A. 41,2 afche-ia im-ma-hu-ma minima £a eli
ilani h a-me-lu-ti la 1?gb e-pu-gu-ma 'My brothers went
mad and did whatever was wrong against gods and man*.
50 • libaSma may be derived either from baû, 'to be shamed*
(I.l) or from ba*a&u, 'to stink*. While the second verb
might apply to sacrifices, it is not otherwise attested
before the Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian periods, 'he will
be shamed* is therefore preferred.
51* &aqalu patam is interpreted in the same way as ffaqalu
zunna in Il.i.ll, see Note on that line.
53. The babu is presumably the entrance of Atrahasis* dwelling,
identified with Enki's shrine in the Has Shamra fragment
(J. Nougayrol, Qomptes Bendus de I'Academie des
Inscriptions et Belies Lettres, I960,p.170), possibly
thus prohibited ground to the elders.
viii.12.The traces could be restored as fhalm-ta-ra i-ra
[a-ba-ki| 'to take away the plague1.
23.Restored by comparison with II.ii.30 and 1.
27,28.See Notes on I.vii.18,19.
143
Tablet II
In the following Notes •Clay* refers to A.I. Clay,

A Hebrew Deluge Story ...... ’Laess/e* to J. Laessê,
Bib. Or. XIII (1956),pp.90-102.
i.1-8.See Notes on I.vii.19-26.
9. The traces on E and G favour the reading [pu}~ur~sa,
consonant with k p[ur]-sa-ma, rather than Clayfs
lip-par-sa and Laessê1s lup-ru~sa.
te-i-tam. G has the final sign clearly, ta, in B it is
indistinct. Clay and Laessê read it as na,
translating 1fig-tree * and ’flour* respectively.
B.C. Thompson, Times Literary Supplement, October 12,
1922,p.646, and D.D* Luckenbill, A.J.S.L. XXXIX (1922),
p.156, both read ta, the former rendering it ’food1, the
latter ’fig-tree*. The difficulty has been resolved
by W.G. Lambert who observed that the sign in E is
corrected, UD written over another sign, na (J.S.S.
Y (I960),p.l56). In fact the underlying sign was more
probably ta as the traces of two small verticals are
visible in Clay’s enlarged photograph in The Origin of
Biblical Traditions, New Haven, 1923, p.233, (cf.p.l?8 ,n.45
in vfhich he seems to have reached the same conclusion)
exactly as at III.iv.16 where tja is corrected to UD
(nissatam) . The proposal of Thompson and Lambert that
the word is a variant form of te*utu, ’fo.od, sustenance1,
is supported by the forms ti-* -u;ti~it-tu (Synonym List D,

144.
1.124, W. von Soden, Z J U XLIII ,n.F.IX (1936),p.238),
ii w . i
variant ti-*-tu (v. R. Prankena, Bib.Or. XVIII
m ■, i n w m ' um w m in
(1961), p.206), and by similar variations with §eJitu,

‘neighbour1 (W.von Soden, ZuA.LII,n.E*XYIII(1957),p.232).
10. W.E. Alrbight proposed 11-na kar-SgJ-ti-î-na, fin their
bellies' on the basis of k (A.J.S.L. XL (1923-4),pp.134-5) ,
and Laessjzfe [i-na lib-baj-ti-£i-na, 'in their bellies'
(which libbatu does not mean), but the traces in G
t
support rather something like fa-ha bu-bu-ti-5i~na 'for
their hunger*.
li-ge-gu is clear in G, Clay's enlarged photograph of
the second sign in E shows it to be wi.
Either could be the correct reading, k ll-me-su supports E.
11. That £aqalu can mean 'to make scarce, withhold* is shown
by several omen texts in which this verb is used with
zunnu and such Y/ords as ge3u , gamag&ammu, to indicate
paucity of supply or lack of those things (cf. Th. Bauer,
Z.A. XLIII,n.E. IX (1936),p.311,n.6). The Assyrian
version's lu-S£-q.ir (k.iv.44,54), 'make rare* confirms this
(of. A.L. Oppenheim, The Interpretation of Dreams in the
Ancient Near East, Philadelphia, 1956, p.282,n.105; C.A.D.
Z,s.v. zunnu).
12* The photograph given by C.H.W. Johns, Cuneiform Inscriptions,
New York, 1907,p.11, shows clearly that E had foi-pi i&.
There is no trace of gu after the ig, in either ms., and
145.
the surface is not so damaged as to permit its

restoration, so that hi-pi jg-gu *new hr eak* is wrong
(A. Heidel, The Gdlgamesh Dpic, p*108,n.!9? E.A. Speiser,
A.N .B.T., p.l04,n.5; Laess/e; C.A.D. 6(H),p.196).
D.D. Luckenbill attempted to read ga-ap-li-i£ 'below* on
the basis of the Assyrian text, k.iv.45,55. li-is-sa-kir
§ap~lig ia ig-&ai-a me-In i-na na-aq-bi, *Let it be stopped
up from below that the flood rise not from the source*
(A.J.S.L. XXXXX (1923) ,p*157), but this was refuted by
A.T. Clay who interpreted hi-pi-i^ as 1injured*
(Origin of Biblical Traditions, pp.180,224). Such a form
from fcepu is not possible and can also be rejected.
The solution is to read hi-pf 'broken', a scribal note,
and understand ij, as the first sign visible to the
scribe(s) on the exemplar, the remnant of &a-ap-li-i&
'from below*, as found in iv.2.
13. mTlu. See E.A. Speiser, B.A.S.O.R. 140 (1955),p.10.
Threats of lack of rain and flood-water, similarly phrased,
are found in curse formulae and omen apodoses, and, with
rl
opposite verbs, in blessings; _e.£. ( Adad) &u-ni i-na
â-me-e mi-1am i-na na-aq-bi-im li-te-er-gu 'May Adad
deprive him of rain from heaven and flood-water from
the source' (Codex Hammurabi rev.xxvii*68-71)? zunnu ina
game mild1ina naqbi ipparasu 'rains from heaven, water
from the spring will be cut off* (C. Virolleaud,
L'Astrologie Chalde'enne, Paris, 1908, Sin XXXIII. 11.38, 39,
42,43), zu-un-na i-na Sa-me-e u mi-la i-na naq-bi,

146.
H. Radau, Letters to Cassite Kings, Philadelphia, 1908,

n.24,11.20,21,p.103,pi.18.1 .
15. ka-aq-qd.-ra G substantiates the restoration of E already
made by W.P. Albright (A.J.S.L. XL (1923-4),p.135, and
followed by W. von Soden AÊwb, p.247, cited by E.E.
Knudsen, J.C.S. XV (l96l),p.86, and must replace Clay's
reading na-ak-bi-ra. The first syllable is written with
ka as Knudsen expected (cf. kaqqassa I.vi.4).
li-e-er-ri is from Eru 'to be bare1 as E.A. Speiser saw
(A.N.E.T., p.104; cf. A.Hwb.p.247); the phrases ur-ru-u
_|a gari, 'to make bare, said of the wind* (sse.se.ki, II R
30c, 23, K.2039, alamslanu) and mata lu e-er-ru 'it shall
sweep bare the land (IV R 16a.47, Nabnitu L), already
cited in this connection by W.P. Albright (A.J.S.L. XL
(1923-4),p.l35), may be noted in this context.
16. lib-tanniba is to be preferred as a reading to Clay's
limtannima (followed by Albright,Ipc.cit., and A.Heidel,
The Gilgamesh Epic, p.108) and to Laess/e's lihtannima
(followed by W. von Soden, A.Hwb., p.320) as the i]j is
clear and the last sign has the, slightly obligue, bottom
stroke shorter than the top in contrast to ma which has
them virtually parallel and equal in length. The verb
is understood as descriptive of the massy clouds, cf.C.A.D.
6(H),p.76.
17. tiku supplied by G corrects the restoration zunnu proposed
in C.A.D. 6(0),p.76.
19* Restoration li-ni-i3 on the basis of k (Clay, Laess/e) is

147.
not supported by the traces in G.
20ff.Ihe traces in B and G are not consonant with direct

restoration from k* The missing thirty or more lines
presumably described the dearth and its effects and
contained Atrahasis1 second intercession with Enki and
his reply.
ii.1-11. See Notes on I.vii.42-51.
12. ibbara. Assimilation of the m of imbaru is attested only
in this line (cf. W.R. Alrbight, A.J.S.L. XL (1923-4),
p.135), and, with nag&a in the next line but one, might
be taken as evidence of dictation.
^•4. na|Sa. The meaning *dewf for nalSu was established by
B. Landsberger, 2.A . XLII,n.E.VIII (l934)pp.160-1,cf. E.F. .
Weidner, A.f .0. XIY (1944) ,p.340. Bor other examples of
1 assimilated to Js in the Middle-Babylonian period see
K. Balkan, Kassitenstudien, New Haven, 1954,p.199,n.64.
^5* fu-gu-a is apparently a new word and its meaning has not
been defined.
17-20. See Notes on I.vii.41-51.
IS. V. Scheil* s copy of E (Receuil £e Travaux XX (1898),p.56)
has correctly u~£e~»eb4x x]rather than u-se-lu Jp-x xj
as read by Clay and Laess/e.
25-30.Restoration is made from 12-16.
vii.31-33.These lines are restored tentatively from I.v.14,15,12.
39* Possibly it-ma-a, fhe swore1, should be supplied after Enki,
but there are no traces in G of any signs before ni-is-fx x]
Gilgamesh XI. 19 ^nin.igi.kii ê-a it-ti-gu-nu ta-me-ma

148.
nrijght support this if the translation *Einigiku, Ea,

was a party to the oath with them1 prove acceptahle
(v. I.M. Diakonov, Bih.Qr. XVIII (1961),p*63 lor a recent
defence of the reading ta-me instead of ta-%ib as upheld
by W. von Soden, ZJl. LIII,n.B.XIX (1959) ,p. 232).
41* Restoration of the plural i-li rather than Laess/efs
singular 1-1im depends upon the interpretation of line 44;
rabtiti or afchi&u could follow, Enki speaks to i-li
ra-bu-ti in I.iv.36,III.vi*17*
42. If the traces of the last preserved sign are to be read
njl]as the photographs suggest, it may be interpreted
either as the pronominal suffix or as the beginning of
n|i-ig x xjl *the oath1. If line 39 is understood as-
proposed, the former gains likelihood, tutammani has
then a causative force rather than Laess/efs *Why do you
conjure.♦..?*
43* qatam (w)abalu usually has a hostile sense, as Laess/e has
remarked (cf. G.A.D. l(A.l), p#19), probably here
signifying interference in the plan of the gods,
44* abubu. Laess/e claimed that 'a good case can be made in
favour of the translation ’wind1* from its appearance
together with several winds as a weapon of Marduk (Enumma
elish IV.49), from the depiction of a fwinged abubu* on
reliefs (J.C.h. 111,1.373, abUbu mupparsu), and from its
parallelism with mehu in a prayer (K.9759.5,6; B.C.
Thompson, The Epic of G-ilgamesh, pi. 10) and probably in
Grilgamesh XI.108,9* He contended that abubu (as 'wind1)

149.
He contended that abubu (as 'wind1) was 'the most

essential element of the disaster* and so gave its name
to the whole* This assertion can be contradicted with
the discovery of ms. E relating the 'Flood* story.
Winds, rains, and storms act together with the abubu, but
the last was the most overpowering and, as such, was
employed in metaphors and similes for irresistible might,
js.jj. Lugal.e 11.38-39, a-bu-bu siru 8a la immahbaru 'a
mighty abUbu which no-one can withstand'; more important,
its action was to ruin the cities, ma-sd a-na til
a-bu-bi-im li-te-er, 'may he turn his land into a ruin-
mound* (Codex Hammurabi rev. xx'vii.79-80), and this was
effected by water, bu-bu-lu a-bu-bu la mafc-ru ul-tu
ergeti— 11-la-a-ma na-a§-pa-an-ta-ku-nu lig-kun. 'Let
there come up from the earth a deluge, a flood not to
be withstood, and bring your ruin* Bsarhaddon Vassal
Treaty , 1.488 (2)*J. Wiseman, Iraq. XX (1958)) and mllu
kaggu tamgll abHbi *a huge flood, a second abUbu'
(R. Berger, Esarhaddon, p.14, Bp.7,1*41; cf. C.T. XXXIX.
17,54). Clearly upsurging water was the chief strength
of the abtlbu, and this alone or whipped by winds could
d
made a roaring sound comparable to angry cries, Bum-ba-ba
rig-ma-Su a-bu-bu 'Humbaba whose shout is an abubu'
(G-ilgamesh II.v.3). Therefore it is as a watery mass
that the abubu must be explained, and as such it gave
its name to the whole disaster (.cf. III.vii.l8).
taqabbi [...] may be restored either as the simple form

tagabbia, or with a suffix taqabbianni. The traces of the
last sign appear to be the heads of two horizontals, not
obliques as Laessê's taqabbu would require.
>mi ^ i ig i iiiWTti r j ii H im ninl
retains the j. of the root in this text, cf. I.v.10, so

taqabba need not be Expected1 with a plural subject as
Laessê argued.
46. Laessê's restoration of a-bu-ba is necessitated by the
fact that it is Enki who ordains the pattern of the
Flood in the following lines. The gods having decided
upon this means of destroying mankind, '.Enki, as the god M
skill, must plan the means by which it is to be
accomplished, although registering his disagreement.
Thus paiSultaken from Gilgamesh XI.122 by E.A, Speiser must
be rejected (a-na-ku~um-ma ul-la-da ni-ffu-u-a-a-ma).
46. iifcteru Ho solution other than Laess/e's (II.2 of bSru,
fmay they be cleared1) presents itself to the writer.
49“53.The passages Gdlgamesh XI.99,101,102 and B.M. 98977 *
99231 r.l4,,15t allow some restoration:
G-.SI.S9. d§ulla-b u aEanis il-la-ku ina mab-ri
101. tar-kul-11 Êrra-kal 102. il-lak %iriurta mi-ib~ra
i-na-as-si-ih ~CL-gar-di
BM.98977 + r .14* il-late ^Ninurta 15* êrara~kal u-na-sa-ba
mi-ifa-ra rtj.-g?ar-di1 — — ^"âr-kul-li]
49* The correct reading of the divine names here was

recognised by D.D. Luckenbill, A.J.S.L. XXXIX (1923)
pp.156-9. The pair, 'despoilment and submission* often
march as outriders with an army, see I.J. G-elb, Ar. Or.
XVIII (1950), pp.189-196.

151.
50. For the form majara, restored by Laess$fe, see G-.A.G-. I 118,i.
5X. tarkullu is translated 'mooring-post' in nautical
contexts, v. A. Saloiaen, Fie Wasserfahrzeuge in Babylonien,
Helsinki, 1939, pp.111-3, 127 and Notes on III.ii.55,
but 'posts of a (cosmic) dam1 is the sense usually given
in this context, with Ninurta bursting through after
E,rrakal (ibid).
52,53.It is doubtful whether 1.52 should be completed
li-sa-ar-di mi-ifo-ra as Laessê suggested because there
would not be space for the signs. Although, as he notes
citing B. Landsberger, Z.F.M.G-. LXIX (1915) ,p.495, redu
only means 'to cause water to overflow* in the III theme,
there is no evidence that it cannot mean 'to overflow?1
in the simple theme, so that 1.53 can be read li-ir-[di
mi-ih-ral, 'let it (sc. water) overflow the dam* *
viii.2'“15*.These lines may represent a first revelation of

impending disaster by Enki to Atrahasis.
Tablet III
Note. For convenience of reference in comparisons with
G-ilgamesh XI Flood Story (=G-.XI) , the names found in the
Atrahasis Epic are employed in discussion throughout
these notes.
i.1,2.The last line of Tablet II is the second half of the
standard phraseology introducing a speech, so it may be
deemed most likely that the last two lines were repeated
here.
152.
14* sibbassa. The only word giving this form is zibbatu,

which is written in some other Old Babylonian texts
with initial si (,£.£* G.T. VIII.8c.1), and is applied
to part of a chariot and of a mace in lexical texts,
but its meaning is not known precisely in such contexts
(C.A.J). 2l(Z),pp.100-2). Clearly it is a part of the
boat, metrically balanced with qirbu (line 13); to
translate by 'stern1 (i.,e. 'tail1) would exceed the
evidence.
17. The remains of the sign before jm suggest reading ib/p.
20,21.G-.XI.21,22ski-ik-kig ki-ik-kiS i~gar i-gar, ki-ik-ki-su
&i~me-ma i-ga-ru bi~is~sa~as. In contrast to Gr.XI, Enki
addresses Atrahasis directly with a command to preserve
secrecy about his task, and then invokes the wall,
employing the same verb, 8ugser(i). What Enki had
sworn in the council of the gods is last (Il.vii), but
no attempt is made to disguise his revelation to Atrahasis
in the manner understood from G.XI.21,22 and 186,7:
a-na-ku ul ap-ta-a pi-rig-ti ilani rabfati, At~ra-ba-sis
Su-na-ta d-gab-ri~gum~ma pi-rii§-ti ilani ib-me, rI did
not reveal the secret of the great gods, I let Atrahasis
dream and he heard the secret of the great gods' (cf.
A. Heidel, The Gdlgamesh Epic, pp.228-9; J.V. Kinnier
Wilson in Documents from Old Testament Times, London,1958,
p.25 renders 'I did not oppose', but without explanation).
G-.XI.23 follows the address to the wall in addressing
Atrahasis, the opposite order to that found here,

suggesting to many the following explanation: 'The rash
decision of the gods.... was divulged to Uta-napishtim
by the whispering of the wind passing through his primaeval
reed-hut' (A.L, Oppenheim,Or. N.S.XVII (194-8),p.51) .
The Sumerian Flood Story and the unpublished Has Shamra
text make it clear that Atrahasis was within the shrine
of Enki* An alternative explanation of the invocation
of the wall may be found by comparison with English usage
'keep within these four walls' when imparting confidential
information. The sequel shows that Atrahasis was not
permitted to divulge the imminence of the cataclysm
to enable others to endeavour to excape, or even its nature.
igaru, kikkiSu. are examples of the vocative in û, found
adjacent to absolute forms as vocatives in the parallel
G.XI.21,22 (kikklgf igar). The absolute form is attested
in Old Babylonian (£.£. e-Vl-il e-eg ta-hi-Sa-am. 'Hero
where are you hasting?' , Gilgamesh, Pennsylvania Tablet
iv.18, cited by W. von Soden, G.A.G. I 62j), but the form
with û is probably more common (see I.J. Gelb, Bib.Or.
XII (1955)?p.108). A thorough examination of all possible
examples of 'vocative' cases is necessary before any
principle or distinction may be formulated in the usage
of the two types notes. (G-ilgamesh X provides further
occurrences, with difference evident between the Old
Babylonian text and the neo-Assyrian: OB.iii. x+3*
mi-nam sa-bi-ti ta-ta-wi-i [...] 'What did you say, Ale-wife*

154.
(?'my dear Ale-wife1) cf. nA.ii.16 [. . .] sa-bit

mi-nu-u. fcar-ra-an.. '[x]Ale-wife, which is the way...1;
0B.iv.12. i-na-an-na su~ur~su-na-bu a-ta-mar pa-ni-ka,
'Now, Sursunabu, I have seen your face*; for the texts
see Iraq XXVI (1964),pp.99-105)• Metrical and rhymical
requirements not yet understood may underlie such a
distinction as that in G.XI.21,22. The Old Babylonian
fragment containing speeches to a friend has the form
ru-e *0 friend* (G. T . XLVI, pi.XL,no.44,ii.11)*
zikriya E.W;. G©&rs> proposed this emendation of the
unintelligible zi-ik-zi-ia (apud A. Heidel,G.E., p.109,n.25).
22 . G.XI.24: u-qur*rm bita bi-ni—
lur^miwlk ^ MmwawP Ii i I.I IJ
.I«lin
eleppa. The difference of the
initial verb (ubutsuqur) is attributed to scribal error
^-n G.A.L. A.l,p.45, the ubut being held to be wrong.
This is supported by understanding the line as a direction
to dismantle the house and build a boat of its wood,
naqaru being the common word for 'taking apart*.
However, although abatu is used of complete destruction
(ibid), it may also be employed of demolition and become
a near synonym of naqaru, as the lexical text T.C.L. VI.
17,17- shows by giving both words as meanings of
Sumerian gul (cited ibid, p.42). None of the scribal
errors noticed in this text involve two adjacent signs,
or two so different in form and sound (u-bu-ut:u-qd-ur),
to give rise to the possibility here. The alliteration
Of the line in Atrahasis ubut bita bini eleppa may
suggest its priority as the author's original, but it

could have arisen equally well as an 'improvement1 by a
later scribe on an original uqur .... (Nor other
examples of alliteration cf. I.ii.37,38,53).
i.25-cf. G.XI.28s eleppu ta-ban-nu-Si at-ta.
26-28.G.XI.29-30s lu-u min-du-da mi-na-tu-ggl, CLut-d mi t-four
Tru-pu-us-sa u mu-rak-sa probably contain the words employed
in the three missing lines, although restoration of their
actual form cannot be made on the basis of the traces in
11 .26,28.
29. There is no doubt thatthe first sign is ki and, therefore,
that G.XI.31 should readfkjj-ma ap-si-i &a-a-&i gu-ul-lil-Si
with V/. von Soden and others (ZjJl.LIII,n.]?*XIX (1959),p.232
G.A.D. S,p.239). The contention of G.E. Driver that
B.C. Thompson’s reading e-ma is to be preferred in the
G.XI, passage is hereby rendered unlikely (J.S.S. IX (1964)
p.347).
The traces in the ms. of G.XI.31 quoted by Driver from
a collation by O.E. Gurney may still be the remains of an
-e, the word being written ki-e-ma, a variation of the
spelling with -i- sometimes found in Old Babylonian texts
(e_Ur easnaqu A.i.23,M.S.L. II,p. 127) . The word ema
read by Driver following Thompson (The Epic of Gilgarnish,
p.60) does not mean 'on, on to', as he suggests, but is an
indefinite indicator of time or location, 'whenever,
wherever1 (G.A.G. 1 114 i, H6f; 0 .A.D. E, q .v .; A.Hwb.s.v.
!3Ullil§i is derived from sullulu 'to cover, roof', not

156*
gsullulu ’to rnake lie down, to launch1 (II theme of galalu,

otherwise unattested; the III theme is used as causative)
as proposed by Gr.R. Driver, loo*cit* The next line
!Its interior shall not see the sunlight* is proof that
the craft was to he covered over - an open vessel would
have been swamped in the heavy rain-storm and rising
flood (pace Driver 1..* the difficulty of wondering why
a boat intended to convey two (sic!♦ cf .G-.XI. 84,85;
Atrahasis III.42) persons requires anything so peculiar
as a "strong cover"!1). Furthermore there is no certain
indication that a 1launching1 was envisaged at all, for
the flood would float the ship* (A*L. Oppenheim, Or*
N.S. XVII (1948),p.53. suggested that the damaged section
0.XI.77-79 described the launching, but this is superseded
by the interpretation of 1*78 given in C*A*P* A*l,p*27,
*they made the germade correspond above and below1,
perhaps a counterpart to 1*31 here*)
apsu The subterranean waters are specifically understood
as covered over by the earth in this context, any
suggestion of the horizon or of celestial waters is
excluded (as D.A. Speiser, Qr*N*S«XXV(l956y)Tp^320 and,

against him, W.L. Moran, Analecta Biblica XII.111(1959),
pp.262-265). There is no evidence that koma apsx refers
to the shape of the boat as J.V* Kinnier Wilson has
proposed (in D*W. Thomas ed*, Documents from Old Testament.
Times, London, 1958,p.25).

157.
pj
i«30 §amas is not personified here* simply denoting 'sun

light* as in iii.18.
31. sullulum rg—
ir rn—hi ii
The scribe has written la for lu as the ■iii«
w iii"
i*
penultimate sign, a mistake also found in III.ii.50.

The word is taken as a verbal adjective from gullulu.
Complete sealing of the vessel is intended.
33* kupru is 1dry bitumen' for plugging the seams of a boat
according to E.G. Thompson, Dictionary of Assyrian
Chemistry and Geology, p.42.
Inil»> ii > nrw rargM ateW *"* t, ■'' %*. i l.i. lk.U i i w im r r n iniiiT>^ rf» ar ^ \r iW V > •
A.LamaStu ritual mentions
'bitumen for a boat' together with 'bitumen for a boat's
gear* (esir.ud.a gi§.m& ... esir ud.a d-nu-ut gi£.ma
Lama&tu III.i.48,49? 4 R..55? D.W. Myhrman, Z,A . XVI
(1902),p*48).
erauqa This use of emuqu as the attribute of an inanimate
subject is unusual; the word is employed of the physical
power of man (.©•£. G-ilgamesh, Yale Tablet, 1.89 s ahay a
irmama emuqi iniS 'my arms went limp, my strength failed')
M M M N M M M IH fii H M ta V O IK iln m 'V *— *
or of military and regal might, either in the abstract

or as a term for 'armed forces (_eAshurbanipal,
Rassam prism, i.127 ummanat SiSJ. AiSdfur emuq belutlya
“ * n n M M tM p la m R I* ti im ' w ^ r jir i- m i^ i iwrmf.iin him m m !■ i J r — H
'the army’ of Assyria, my lordly might1).

34. ulliS may have a temporal connotation here 'within the
immediate future* rather than simply meaning 'moreover*
(W. von Soden, Or. N.S. XXI (1952),p.77).
uSaznanakku In contrast to G-.XI the rain is here promised
by Enki to Atrahasis alone, whether or not he in turn told

158.
The elders is unknown by reason of the loss of the last

lines of the column, G.XI.43 relates the announcement
as made hy Atrahasis: fell kal-a~£u-nu u-gS-az-na-nak-ku-nu-Sj...
fHe will rain down upon you ...* and, although no
subject is named, this has been taken to be Enlil (C.A.D.
2l(Z),p.43) who has taken a dislike to Atrahasis (G.XI.39)
but will give prosperity to the land. However, Gr.XI.42
does mention Enki (rurj-rad-ma ana apsi it-ti
be-li-ia as-ba-ku *I will go down to the Apsu and dwell
with Ea my lord*) so that he could be the subject of the
following lines, the sender of the rain, as he is here.
(Enki may also be the subject of G.XI.87,90. Shamash
is not necessarily the sender of the rain; his mention
•j
in 1.86 (a-dan-na samag ig-ku-nam~ma 1Shamasli set the

time for me 1) is only as indicator of its coming (see also
note to line 35)* Thus there is no need to see evidence
of two versions of the G-ilgamesh story with Enki (or Enlil)
fore-telling the flood in 36-47 and Shamash in 86-90 as
suggested in A. Schott and V/. von Soden, Das Gil game sh
Epos, Stuttgart, 1963,p*89,n.l3)*
. G.X1 has four lines which must be considered in conjunction
with this.
44.rbi~ig-bi igûrx meg pu-zu-ur 45*[ }-gj meS-ra-a
nuni e-bu-ra-am-ma
46. [ i-na £e-er]ku-uk-ki 47* [ina li-la-a-ti
u}s a-az-na-na-ku-nu-gi
sa-mu-ut ki-ba-a-ti
159.
There can be little doubt that the commencement of 44.

is to be restored from this line; 46,47 are partly
reconstructed from G.XI.87,90.
pu-du-ri The reading of the middle sign is dependant
upon the interpretation of the word. There are two
possibilities:
(i) reading DU as j[i, pu-tft^ri, a nominal form from
pataru !to release, loosen1, meaning ’a release1, but
ifu is elsewhere written with TQ in this text, in common
with other texts from northern Babylonia (A. Goetze,
apud 0. Neugebauer and A. Sachs, Mathematical Cuneiform
Texts, p. 147 ), and in the same root: ap-tu-ur I.v.16;
ip-tu-ur III.ii.55 (of. ch.IY §4);
(ii) taking p/buduri from proto-Semitic *bdr *to scatter1
(Arabic also ; Hebrew ; Aramaic TTD )
and assuming that it was a loan-word into Akkadian,
perhaps from 1Amorite1, retaining the cl which normally
becomes z 9 as in G.XI.44 pu-zu-ur.
The whole of 1.35 promises an abundance of foodstuffs
when taken at its face value, and it seems improbable
that there is any hidden meaning or paranomasia within
it. Without recourse to the recondite ambiguity of the
famous 1Glassmaker* s Tablet* (C.J. Gadd and B.C. Thompson,
Iraq. Ill (1936),pp.87-96) it is hard to find any double-
meaning. There is pudru *x of ox dung* (Har.rasbubullu
11.316 and a second noun M.S.L. V,p.75) and a second-

noun higbu *wood-shavings, splinters1 and the puzru of
G.XI.44 could mean 'hiding, secret1 indicating a very
meagre rain of birds and fish rather than a plenteous one,
but this is a weak counterpart to the 1outpouring of birds,
abundance of fish1. The demonstration that G,XI.43-47
does not contain a hidden significance (see below) is
strong ground for asserting that there is none here and
that it is simple an ominous sign.
Two interpretations of the G.XI passage are found in
current translations:
(a) There is a word-play in 11.46,47 based on kukku said
to mean both 'bran* and 'disaster* and kibtu 'wheat* and
'oppression' (v.C.Frank, Z.A. XXXVI,n.F.11(1925),p*2l8,
following P. Jensen, Keilinschrifthiche Bibliothek VI. 2,
Berlin, 1900,p.486; A. Heidel, The Gilgamesh Epic,
pp.8l-2; E.A. Speisex*, A.N.E.T., p. 193? J.V. Kinnier
Wilson in Documents from Old Testament Times, pp.21,25).
(b) These lines refer to omens which will occur, a rain of
'bread' and 'wheat* (W. von Soden, Q.L.Z. L(l955),sp.516;
A. Schott and W. von Soden, Das Gilgamesh-Epos, p.88, n.5;
cf. A.L. Oppenheim, Or. U.S. XVII (1948),p.53,n.8?
'...either the nature of the phenomenon or the specific
circumstances accompanying it, were so portentous that not
only Ut-napishtim, but also the inhabitants of Suruppak
could not have failed to understand their significance* .)
Explanation (a) has little foundation, despite its

wide acceptance. Akkadian kukku is attested as 'bread',
161.
a loan-word from Sumerian gtig (A.Hwb.,p.500), but the only

passages in which it may have an ill-omened meaning are
Syllabar b, 1.159, ku(variant gufuk-ku : gu.ug, 'darkness1
(M.S.I. Ill,p.Ill) and ku.uk.ku z GE^.GE^s etutu and
other words for darkness (P. Iiocher, A.f.0. XVII (1954-6),
p.120, and the first of these is said to mean 'bread' in
A.Hwb., p.500. Where gug is equated with dalahu and
bullulu it is to be read lu, this disposing of any
possibility of a loan-word kukku therefrom (T.O.L.VI.35.irv.l7,
Erim.&uS). Kibtu, 'oppression, disaster* is non-existent:
the phrase kabat qaq,qadi adduced in support as meaning
'headache* is in fact an idiom for 'respected' (A.Hwb.,
p.416).
Explanation (b) is more acceptable. There are omens
forecasting rains of these and other foodstuffs among
various portents, je.g. ♦. .kibta (se.gig) izannun abu-fbu
isSakan?], 'it will rain wheat, there will be a flood*
(C. Virolleaud, L*Astrologie Ohaldlene, Paris, 1908-11,
Adad 12-15), ...kakka (gu.thr)izannun 'it will rain bread'
(ibid, 16,17), sulupjpu izannuij, '...it will rain dates'
(ibid.,18). These may, of course, be derived from the
Flood Story, just as other omens are derived from historical
events. It is uncertain whether they are to be understood
literally, or not. S. Langdon thought that hail-stones
the size of wheat-grains were implied (J.R.A.S. 1925,
pp.718-20), but these would not be abnormally large

162.
(personal observation; of. Naval Intelligence Division

Handbook Iraq., London, 1944,p. 177, hailstones there 'are
remarkable for their size')♦ The ominous nature of the
sign is further indicated by the setting of its occurrence
by Shamash, the god of omens and extispicy (v. K. Tallquist,
Akkadische Gotterepitheta, p. 42 and Note to 1.34; of.
Tukulti-Ninurta Epic iv.30, a-di a-da-an ^ga-maS j-kun-na,
Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology XX (1933),pi. 102.
36. maltakta This line appears to give the earliest specific
indication of the use of the maltaktu as 'a measuring jar
or water-clock*, otherwise known in the Old Babylonian
period only from mathematical texts (see P. Thurean-Dangin,
R.A. XXIX (1932),pp.133-136; XXX (1933), pp.51-52
(Egyptian comparisons); A.L. Oppenheim, J.N.B.S. XI (1952),
p.136; W. von Soden, Or. N.S. XX (1951),p.136). The
use of petu indicates that the vessel was covered in some
way. Por ancient examples of the water-clock v. R.W. Sloley,
J.E.A. XVII (1931),pp.174-8.
37. ma-a-ag The initial sign could be ba as the bottom stroke is
slightly shorter and more oblique than the upper.
However no word bagu is known and it cannot be a form of
bagagu 'to drip* (A.Hwb.,p.110) as it is followed by a
genitive. As a nominal form of wagfi it gives good sense
and must be considered, therefore, as another example
of the development w > m (in script at least) found in the
middle Babylonian period (cf. ilmu I.ii.58),

163.
For the duration of the Flood see XII.iv.24 and Note.

This is not indicated in G.XI at this juncture, although
there is mention of a time-lapse between Enki's revelation
and the commencement of the Deluge (56.ina ha-an-si umi—
at-ta-di bu-na-Sa 1On the fifth day (sc. of construction
I had made its frame').
42. There is insufficient space for restoration of £i-bu-ti as
in the address of Atrahasis to the elders in I.vii.41,56,
and the trace of the sign before _ti supports the suggested
it-ti.
43.rH-te-te-zi-zu presents the first example of the 1.3 theme
of ezezu (a .II.3 [uj-te~t e-zi-zu is equally possible) with
'defective* spelling, for i-te~te-ez~zi-zu, cf.li-ââs>sl-ik
I.i,42 and Note.
47-49.G.XI.40-2: ul us-&ab ina [ali?-kuj°nu-ma, ina qaqqar Ên-lxl
ul a-âk-ka-na [se3-pi-ia~a-ma, [ur>rad-ma ana apsi it-ti
Ê-a be-li-ia as-ba-ku.
The traces of the sign following ina in 47 do not form part
of ilu? j[a is the most likely reading, making Atrahasis
consider each of the three realms of the earth (cf.1.i.12-18)
and explain why he must join Enki. As a mortal, Anu's
celestial abode was beyond his reach. It must be stated
that this is only an hypothetical reconstruction and, as
it disagrees with the G.XI passage otherwise parallel,
may be disproved.
The crowded writing of 1.48 suggests that the scribe had a
longer line to write, consistent with a reconstruction from

164*
Gr.XI.41 •••Hi a-tffa-ak-ka-an ge-pi-ial; for the phrase see

W.G*. Lambert, J.S.S. V (i960),p. 121.1.49 has no room for
urrad at the he ginning as in G-.XI.42, and mention of the
Apsu oan only follow, thus demanding restoration as
proposed.
ii. The missing lines of the first half of the column almost
certainly described the building of the boat, parallel
to the description in 0.XI.50-69. The traces na-ga~Eru?l
1the carpenters (?)' in 1.11 and ku-up-ra 1pitch1 in 1.13
support this (cf. G-.XI.54 ger-ru fit-ta^Si kup-ra *a child
brought the pitch*.)
30-31. G r . X I .80-63; fmi-im-ma i-gu-u efrge-en-Si, mim-ma i~8u-u
e-se-en-gi kaspi, mim-ma i-guHffi. ei$e-en-3i bura§i, mim-ma
i ii“ n ‘if * u - ^ i • in T ii in n u m tsmmvamumm&m * t hw i-p^ i iw n M tfh x d m m « w i& iw > n m h Z B m .h w i— — ^ w ia fc a ii m ia n L m t'jm p * m u m n n .r w n < w w n t
X
i-Sufti. e-se-enVî zer napSati ka-la-ma provides a, longer,
parallel, but it is not possible to discover what items
were named in the two corresponding lines, although the
possibility that the next two lines referred to animals
(see next Note) might suggest that kaspi and fourasi should
be supplied*
32-33.The significance of the two extant words elluti and kabruti
must remain uncertain until the missing signs can be
recovered. However, the fact that reference to animals
entering the boat was made in all other extant Akkadian
fragments gives some reason for finding here adjectives
describing animals, ellu is used especially of ritually
pure beasts (references in C.A.D. ©» p.103) while kabru

165.
is employed to denote 'good condition1 (£.£♦ Alpum £u-u

ma-di-i5 ka-ba-ar 'this ox is very fine1 A.R.M. 1.86.11).
The other texts read: r n -ma-am ge-rim ig-gur ga-me-e,
X.ll1•rbu-ullggri u-ma-am £eri, m.8'; bu-ul geri u-ma-am
seri, G.XI.85, not actually mentioning the quality of the
animals, a fact which may be against the present proposal
(but, cf. Genesis 7*2).
35* The occurrence of gamai at the end of the line could
indicate that birds were mentioned here as included in the
boat, as in X.ll* (see previous Note).
37• ge-ri may show that the animals were listed here
instead of in 11.32,33? as suggested, or in addition,
these perhaps the wild ones (umarnu, cf♦ A.L. Oppenheim,
Or. N.S. XYII (1948),p.53,n.7).
40-41.The feast is possibly that recorded in G.XI.70-75 before
the lading of the vessel, i-sin-na ip-pu-gu. ki-ma u^mi
a-ki-tim-ma, 'I made them a feast like the New Year's
celebration1 (74)*
47♦ tti-pf-i-ma li-ib-ba-gu This is an idiom describing worry
(see Q.A.N. H,p.l74,cf.hip libbi, ibid.,p.196, B.Dhorme,
L'Emploi metaphorique des Noms de Parties du Corps, Paris,
1963 (reprint),p.l20) and must be complementary to the
next phrase i-ma-as/g/z ma-ar-ta-am 'he?? bitterness'
for which no comparison can be found. Restoration as
i-ma~<ra>-ag might be made from the phrase libbu maragu
'to worry1, v. Studies in Honour of JB. Landsberger, Chicago,
1965,p.192.
48. Cf. G.XI.91,92s && u^mi at-ta-tal bu-na~su9 u^mu a-na
i-tap-Iu-si pu-luh-ta i-&i9 ’I examined the state of the
weather, the aspect of the weather was frightening to see1.
The specification that the weather changed could refer
back to the omen in i *34—35? in G.XI.89-90 the omen of the
rain of *bread* and 1wheat* is repeated immediately
before the description of the weather.
5Q.i-la; a further example of the error la for lu (see i.31,
Note), the word can only be the subject of ig-mu-u here,
therefore must be read i~lu!
51.pefeu 'to •caulk;:*’, A. Salonen, Die Wasserfahrzeuge in
■
T*1*i ii ■i * * Iwmi>ni ini— .........
.i■
f
i■
‘w
Babylon! en, pp.152-153 and G.R. Driver, The Babylonian Laws,

II.pp.257-8.
51,52.Cf* G.XI.93-95; e-ru-ub a-na lib-bi
•C T W " M l— I . ^ntiiifcji.11 .M ii iiL ■* f i . i . fc+j.irjq III — Hwt — » »J ■*
eleppi-ma ap-te~hi
w m «— —— at— m i mi— m» . n >rff
ba-a-bi, a-na pi~&i~i fca, eleppi a-na pu-zu-ur âmurri

malahi» ekalla at-ta-din a-di bu~se-e~gu, 11 entered the boat
and closed my door, for caulking the boat I gave my palace
and its goods to Puzur-Amurri the boatman*, and B.M. 98977 +
99231, r.3![ * *"
]x-ma ip-foa-a ™
I M illU II* . il l j l fc— «. ! ■■■ ■ ■.T . Ill— ■
eleppa !... and he caulked the
( H W M M I M ^ f o 'J U w C i
boat?1 The 'caulking* in these lines is the sealing of the

entrance of the boat, obviously any caulking of the whole
structure must have taken place before it was occupied. ;
In the Atrahasis version it appears that the hero himself ;
seals the door whereas in G.XI this is the work for which
Puzur-Amurri is regarded. , W. von Soden in A. Schott &
i
t
W. von Soden, op,cit., p.90,n.14 suggests this interpretation !
which gives an easier structure to the line and avoids

calling the "boat an ekallu 'palace*; he "believes the
intention was to mislead the people of Shuruppak thereby*
In addition, it may be pointed oat that Atrahasis suffered
no loss in disposing of his palace so soon to be destroyed!
52-54.Qf.GXI.96-98t mim-mu-u ge-e-ri ina na-ma-ri, i-Iam-ma
jg-tu i~gid game^ ur-pa-tum ga-lim-tum, âdad ina llb-bi-Sa
ir-1am-ma-am-ma, 'When the rays of dawn appeared there
arose a dark cloud from the horizon. Adad thunders within
it...'; B.M. 96977 + 99231, r*5f âdad ina £ar erbeiti
ir-ta-kab pa-re-e-tû] 'Adad rode on the four winds, his
mules...' G.XI implies a night's interval from the
moment of entering the boat until the commencement of the
deluge; it follows immediately in Atrahasis* In both
accounts its imminence is apparent from the threatening
weather (see 1.46, Bote).
55. urruk is II.1 stative of araku with causative sense and
could be either active 'he pays out' or passive 'is paid
out* followed by the Preterite iptur denoting the
completion of the action.
markasu Is the mooring-rope in this passage, cf.
A* Salonen, Pie Wasserfahrzeuge in Babyionien pp.114,120.
With this line may be compared the curse from a treaty
d
imposed upon Ba'alu of lyre by Bsarhaddon; ba-al-sa-me-me
d d • ds
ba-al-ma-la-ge-e
-mn-1 ba-al-sa-pu-nu &5fr*n
Saru 1lem-nu ina .is-
p m — m i inci
eleppeti me^~ku-nu lu™gat*»ba mar-kas-si-na lip-tu-ur

168
ll-ta-'bi-Si-na 'May Ba‘al-shamem, Ba'al-malage. Ba'al-sapun

■i -ii "n " -rrrr- w * w / ^
raise a storm wind against your boats, may it loosen their

cables, may they tear out the mooring posts and may a
great tide sink them in the sea1 (it. Borger, Die
Insohriften Asarhaddons, Graz, 1956, §69,r.iv.lO!”13f).
iii.1-4*There was obviously the beginning of the description of
the flood-storm in these missing lines, but the space is
not sufficient, nor do the traces in 3,4 support
restoration of the description of the gods of the storm,
found at approximately this stage in G.XI*99-104 and
B.M. 98977 + 99231*r.l4*,151, and anticipated by Enki in
II.vii.49-53.
5,6.
#
G-.XI.108, iSten
11 — pif
u^ma
•
pw r
*w
me-fhu-u x
iT
m4v
<i k
Tn
x] suggests restoration
**
of la?ma i -en, but damaige precludes further suggestion.

The verb at the end of line 6, Hfe-ga-am-du 'they join
together1, permits a guess at reconstruction of this
pair of lines (it is not quite certain that they belong
together, but probable if the interpretation of 11.7-10
offered below is correct) on the basis of a description
of a battle on a boundary-stone of the period of
Nebuchadrezzar I (c*1124-1103 B.C.), a text which is of
relevance to 11.12-14 also. The inscription recounts
a battle between the Babylonians and the Elamites;
T flp g
in-nin-du-ma garrani ki-lal-la-an ip-pu~gu tafaaza i-na

bi-ri-Su-nu in-na-pi-ih i-Sa-tu i-na tur~b n-*-1i-Su
na->-du-ru pan 3&am8i — a-gam-Ba-tu is-sa-nan-du i-sa-ar

169.
me-fau-fi i-na mi-hi-e ta-ha-zi-gu-nu et~Iu bel ^ narkabti
ul ip~pal-la~sa &a-na-a jja if-ti-gu, 'The kings both take

up their positions and engage in battle. Bire flashes
between them, the sun is obscured by their dust-clouds, the
storm-winds join together, the tempest rages (?), in the
tempest of their fighting the warrior-commander of a chariot
cannot see the second man who is with him1 (L.W. King,
Babylonian Boundary Stones, London, 1912, no.VI.i.29-34).
Lines 5*6 could be restored Tu-rma iS-*tfe-en%as the second and
third components of a six-stress verse, me~hu~u[ti
a-&a-am-§a-tu ajg-ga-am-du 1On one day (or for one day)
storm-wind and tempest were joined together1, following the
phrasing quoted.
7,8.It is possible that B.M. 98977 + 99231 r.161 [x] x i-na
su-up-ri-su 3ame™x [x
11 ^ mm i i ii ii ii nJHiaLM— ii^ ib i.w i w i i n te a B n p to fc
xlis related to this couplet, and
** ^ f
perhaps a word for 'tear' or ‘rend* should be provided;

there is no indication of the subject, abubu might be
hazarded, or some other word for a tempest or a wind-god
(mention of ‘nails, claws* suggests the bird Anzu, but this
cannot be substantiated).
9,10.Of.(SCI.107.[ Imata kxma karpatU ib-pfcfl (or
von Soden); B.M. 98977 + 99231.r.17? [x x mafia ki-ma
karpati mi-Iik-ga is-]fo-ubl The small wedge by the first
remaining sign of 1.9 may be accidental damage, not part
of the sign, thus permitting the reading ma. If this is
correct then B.M. 98977 + 99231 r.17 should also be read

170.
mata, not is~tar as previously suggested (J.S.S. Y(1960),

pp. 118,120,121) . The suffixes of rigimâ and milikSa
indicate a feminine subject, perhaps a storm-wind.
There is just sufficient space for ki-ma kar-pa-ti in
1.10, yielding *[x xj her clamour smashed the land [like
a potj.1
11. G.XI.109.faa-an-tig i-zi-qam-maTx xla-feu-buli B.M. 98977 +
99231.r.l8‘[x x x] i-ta-ga-a a-bu~bu may give a clue
to the restoration of the line. If i-ta-ga~a of
B.M. 98977 + may he taken as a II.1 preterite of v/agu
written defectively for it-ta-ga-a (instead of deriving
it from nagfi ‘remove* as Lambert, loc.cit), a plausible
sense is obtained, ‘The flood went forth ...*
12,14*Of.0X1.110-112. ki-ma qab-li eli [niSe i-bTa-a-u [ka-û-Sul
v
ul im-mar a-hu a-ha-gu, ul u-ta-ad-da-a niê'"me ina
garnet; B.M. 98977 + 99231.r.!9[x x x x x x] ana
ni~£e i-ba-a ka~&u~£u. The obvious identity of the
phraseology of Atrahasis and G-.XI permits restoration
of the latter (collation of the copy K.3375 confirms
that there is space at the end of the line for ka£u|u)
and allows for the beginning of B.M. 98977 + 99231.r.19
to be restored appropriately. The end of that line
must be understood similarly as ‘the scourge came upon
the people* rather than ‘...Summon the mighty; one!1
as Lambert first proposed (loc.git.)(W.von Soden has
also realised this in A.Hwb.p.463b). KaSugu
apparently denotes the might of a conqueror or

171.
irresistible force and as such is used of the power of

a god, j3.jg. % ergal dan-nu-um i-na l~li, qa-ba-al la
ma-foa-ar, ... i-na ka-£u-gj~gu ra-bi-im ki-ma i-&a-tim
iz-zi-tim sa a-pl-im ni~gi~£u li-iq-me9 ‘May Nergal,
mighty among the gods, the irresistible fighter ...
consume his people with his great power like a fire
in the reeds1. (Codex Hammurabi, rev. xxviii.24-26,
29-34) as well as of kings in battle (see W. von Soden,
Or. N.S. XX (1951),pp.160-161; A.Hwb., pp.463b,464a;
Iraq XXV (1963),p.l36). In this line it denotes the
overwhelming force of the flood as an invincible army*
The simiXe kima qabli heightens the idea of a war,
a comparison which is probably to be understood in the
following line as well in the light ofthe description
of a battle already cited in which ‘the chariot-
commander cannot see the second man in the chariot at
his side* for the dust raised (see Note to 5,6, cf. also
Zu Myth, Old Babylonian version III*74-7)* It is not
clear whether it was dust that obscured the people in
the Flood narrative or the rising waters or the general
confusion resulting from a combination of dust-storm,
rain-storm, and flood. The whole is described as
karaSu, ‘catastrophe* (cf.III.iii.54, Note,V.43,vi.10).
The phrase used to describe the disturbance caused by
mankind (I.vii.21; II.i.3) is here employed of the
heaven-sent flood coming to annihilate man‘s noise, an
example of the skilful composition of the poem.

172.
16,17.The description of the flood prohah'ly continued in

these lines. na-e-ri may be associated with a
verb used of Lamastu, nu-?~u-rat ki-ma ur.mah,
u£-ta-na-al-hab ki-ma uridimmi (Lamastu II.iii.41-2
IV R *58,&A. XVI (1905) ,p.l80) and with u^-mu na~^
a ‘meaning* of mu^" ud.ka.du^.a, followed by ilu J[
‘the thundering god* (VR.46.1,43? cf.K.250,r.v.l4
C.T. XXVI.41), thus denoting a loud noise of *roar‘.
18. [el-tu-tu 'darkness', is suggested in contrast to gamas
‘daylight1 (cf*1X1.i.30). i-na ma-ti orsome similar |
phrase may have stood at the beginning of the line, |
la-as-gu is found mostly in Assyrian texts (Old - neo -
Assyrian, G-.A.G-, I Ilia; A.Hwb.,p»539b) but is also
known in Old Babylonian, je.g. amut Sarrumken Ja mafcra
la~ag-su ‘Omen of Sargon who had no rival1 (R.A.XXVII
(1930),p.149, quoted in C.A.D.7(I),p.293).
^-9* suppi see note to iii.44
24,5- uff-ta-ka-sfcO for uff-ta-ak-ka-an, ,cf. li-ffa-sl-ik I.i.42.
d >>
The lines might be restored [ en-ki qafrbi i-li ug-ta-ka-an
*Enki had carried out the gods* command* , fu-ul djS-ta-ni
te-e-em-gu !he had not changed his mind* . For the
idiom tema £an& see B. Meissner, M.V.A. Or.XI (1937),
pp.73-74.
26. Of. B.lvl. 98977 + 99231. r. 22'. [ ] x maru me§~gg
ub-bu-ku a-na pi-Sa 'her children were destroyed at her
pronouncement *. Perhaps the line began with [aS-Sum]

‘so that his children were destroyed*. ubbuku is
17.3*
attached to abaku B 'to overturn* in C X D , l(A.l),

p. 9b, "but it could as easily he a form of abaku A
*to send, fetch* which can mean 'to drive away* in the
II theme (ibid,,p.8a), destruction being understood.
29* [pijLhita cf.iv.21 §a~mi-a Sa-ap-ta-gu-nii pu-ul-hi-ta.
No derivative of pala&u 'to fear* has been found which
would yield this form; it is near to pulufrtu 'fear*
but differentiated by the second vowel. The final
a suggests the possibility that this is an adverbial
form, 'fearfully, in fear1,'which is appropriate to both
passages (for the form cf. G-.A.G-. I 113b).
uk~ka-la-la The writing with KA favours association
with the root tell,
* for qa and ga are elsewhere
mnMoi .Vnw
represented by GA (.e.g. a-qa-ab-bu-tea III*i.18;

ga-me-er-tam III.v.44). kullulu 'to cover* is not
employed passively or reflexively in the II theme, as
would be required here, however (cf. A.Hwb., p.503b),
so that another root may be involved* Although it
has initial jg, gll, used of rolling the eyes may be
involved (Bsarhaddon Vassal Treaties 1.628, ena^ -§u-nu
tf-ga-li~lu-u-ni 'their eyes roll* D.J. Wiseman, Iraq. XX
(1958),pp*77,89), here denoting trembling of the lips.
(It may be observed that a comparable verb is employed
for this in Hebrew. .)\ L U L 'my lips trembled at
-t : -;v I1
the voice* (Habatekute 3*16). Both gll and gll have the
onomatopoeias). B.M. 98977 + 99231.r.23'[ ]x la-lu
&& x [x] x may be restored as a counterpart to this line

174.
[x x x u-k a-a]l-1a-1 u sa-afo-ta-gfc *

31- With this line is introduced the there of the plight
of the gods after the destruction of mankinds their
substitutes are no longer available to produce and
provide them with food and drink- This ironical
theme is enlarged by the poet through the remainder of
the poem.
32,33-Of .G-XI.116,117 s i-gis~si î§-tar ki-ma a-llt-ti,
u-nam-ba ^be-lit-iGLaj ta-bat rig-ma 1Ishtar cried out
like a woman in travail, sweet-voiced Belit-ili
lamented1. The simile of the woman in travail is
frequent in Ugaritic and Hebrew in descrixotions of
distress, see £.E. Hillers, Z.A.T.W. LXXVII (1965)?
pp.86-90.
34,35.0.XI.118s u#mu ul-lu-u a-na ti~it~ti lu~u i-tur-ma.
The use of lu-6 should imply that this line is an
emphatic statement (G-.A. G-. § 8lf) and it is normally
translated as such (*In truth the olden time has turned
to clay1, Heidel) yet 1.165 must be interpreted as
containing a wish for the future although constructed
in the same way, ume me^ an-nu-ti lu-u ah-su-sa-am-rm
!I shall remember these days ..c1 (see G-.A. G-.sl83,f
0 .A.D. (A.I.),p.219). The present passage suggests
that 0.SI.1.118 should be interpreted as a future-looking
statement *Would that that day would turn to fclay! or
as 1Would that that day had turned to clay1. A
comparable sentiment is found in Job 3•3-9,especially 4^5;

175.
m m b x m tiA n ■jvtt »n* njtjd nrn
n r ',fcr'i»3 jun^n* tujv r b p ^ n auak?i “j^ jt inlts?;p
'May that day "become darkness, may God not enquire after
it from above, nor light shine upon it. May darkness
claim it and the shadow of death, may cloud it over,
may the darkness of day overwhelm it1.
36-38.G.XI.119,120; a-na-ku ina pu~hur ill aq-bu-u
lemutta; ki-i aq-bi ina pu-hur ill lemutta 111.. .when I
commanded evil in the assembly of the gods. How could
I command an evil thing in the assembly of the gods?"1
gameriajmjmay be explained as an adverbial form, like
pulfoita in 1.29 above, 'as a whole1, although not
found elsewhere. Some support for this is given by
other occurrences in this composition, II.viii.34
x x x iq-bu-u ga-me-er [he]; III.v.44 ub-la px-i-ku-nu
ga-me-er-tam when compared with II.v.50x ub-la pf-i-ni
jg~ti~ni--ig x [x x] in which i&tini§ 'together' appears
to replace gamertam.
89* id-px-ra The roots d/tpr have been examined by
W. von Soden in Or. XVIII (1949), pp*394-395 with the
conclusion that they have the basic meaning of 'to be
distant* (duppur) and 'expeli remove1 (tuppuru),
but no example of the simple theme was found. There
is possibly a verb daparu 'to be sated' G,A.H. D,p.l04),
and if a transitive sense may be attached to it, some
sense might be obtained, that Enlil 'put the words in'

176.
40-41.Tiruru is listed as a form of Ishtar and called Sariqat

napiSti 'giver of life' (CLT. XXIV.41,1.78;2XV.30,r.
I.18;K.A.Y.4b,l.llb; 173,1.15 dI|tar baS?-§ul-ti;

K. Tallquist, Akkadisches G8tterepitheta,p.472).
In a list of statues of divine creatures, the Tiruru is
described as having a bird's head, man's hands, woman's
body, eagle's feet, and wings (F. Ko'cher, M .1.0. I (1953),
pp*80-82, 106-107)* The simile in these lines shows
that a feature of the Tiruru was the movement of the
mouth (see below on uSa4*i) and this in turn supports
derivation of the name from the root trr/*arr 'to tremble1.
u-Sa-a^-î-^Q is II.1 of SSfu 'to flutter, to fly' with cau
sative force. In its application to the mouth here
it may be rendered 'to make, let, twitch*. The simple
form is used of the heart in a prayer to Ishtar, i-ga-*
It-ta-nap-raS lxb-bi ki-ma ig-gur ga-ma-mi0 'My heart
fluttered, it flew about like a bird of the sky* (L.W.
King, Seven Tablets of Greation, London, 1902, I.p.230,
II.pi.80,11.63,64; E. Ebeling, Lie akkadische Geêteriê
§u-ila 'Itanderhebung', Berlin, 1953,p.132).
42-43.The conjunction of ramanu and pagru makes en emphatic
reflexive occurring in other contexts to connote personal
action, of one's own free-will (cf. Old Babylonian
contracts from Tirqa, F. fhureau-langin, Syria V (1924),
p.270,11.1,2; p.27171.2; Old Babylonian Naram Sin Epic,
iii.15, J.J. Pinkelstein J.G.S. XI (1957), p.84; P.R.Kraus,
Ein Edikt des Kbnigs Ammi-saduqa von Babylon, Leiden,

177.
1958*p.169). ina geria for this usage where later texts
*lave Qll> see von Soden, 2 .A. XLI,n.F.VII (1S33) ,p.l43?

n.2; XLIX,n.E.XV (1950),p.178. It is not common with
adversative sense, but £f. A.R.M. V, 75. 5-7* 2*,3f;
^ Sin-ti-ri i-na ge-ri-ia ig-ga-bl-it-ma u ka-ar-gt-ia
a~na Sarrim i-ku-ul, u a~wa~tim la Si-na-tl i-na ge-ri-ia
u™SMtta™ar, 1Sin-tiri was required to appear as a witness
against me and slandered me to the king ... and he has
had improper things written against me (v. C.A.L. (§),p.ll)
44-45.elenu here 1apart from1, csf. C.A.L. E,p.
suppu recurs in a damaged simile in III.iii.19 x x x x
ki-ma su-up-pi. The only noun known in Akkadian is
suppu *prayer1, which is difficult to interpret in this
contextc A verb suppu ’to carry off, kidnap1 is
attested (33. Landsberger, 2.A . XLXII,n.E.IX (1935)?p.315,
n.4; W. von Soden, Z.A. XLIX,n.R.XV (1950),p.l8l) and
this word is explicable as a verbal-adjective with
passive sense, ’something carried away1. Arabic
is used of the wind blowing dust *E.W. Lane, Arabi o-Engldsh
Lexicon, London, 1863-1893? p.1377)• The comparison

of the floating corpses? to dragon-flies on the water
(iv.6) adds some likelihood to this interpretation, for,
without Nintu’s aid, mankind is an aimless crowd, 1sheep
without a shepherd*•
lillidu ’adolescent*, see now A.Hwb., p.553a.
46. kl agabi is understood as ‘instead of sitting1, see
J. Aro, Lie akkadischen Infinitivkonstruktionen,Helsinki,

178.
1961,pp.285-289. Although ki is not found in this

sense elsewhere before texts of the mid dle-Babylonian
period (kima is used in Old Babylonian), the presence of
other îddie-BabyIonian1 features in this text might
permit reoognition of this also interchange of w 5 m
I.ii.58,vii.33; erratic use of mimation).
49. tu£sa This word has been discussed fully by M. Held, J.C.S*
■50.
XV (1961),p.22, who confirmed the suggestion that it
denotes an unreal event, translating fas if1. In this
sentence Hintu plans to hide herself away, probably in
order that her grief may be concealed. The bit nakmati
is the 1store* or ‘treasury*, therefore a secluded place
(of. Reallexicon fiir Assyriolo&le I,p.181; A.R.M. II, 91.
5',9f).
51. The syntax of this line is obscure, although the general
sense is clear; Nintu wishes that Enlil may not come
to the place where she is. It is repeated in v.39-40
in a similar context (Enlil should not share Atrahasis*
offering), and there the negative force is continued into
rl
the next line, <e jja a-a-nu il-li-ka-am be-el j?eê-mi en-lil
i-a a-na qifl-ut-ri-ni. G-.XI.167 is parallel, ên-lil
a-a il-li-ka a-na sur-qi-ni. The problem lies mainly
in the interpretation of a-a-nu, of. a-ia-a-nu, vi.9;
G-.XI.173 a-a-um-ma. According to the orthography of the
remainder of the text a-a should indicate a (of. da-a-an
III.i.33), a+£ is written with ia (cf. a-ia II.i.12,17;
III.i.30; ma-ia-li I.ii.23; ia-a-Si-im. I.ii.51,

179
var. ia-Si-im)*
mir»iîi H
HiH
H
However, there is no word anu known
' lumwa
to Akkadian, nor does 00111!ination with the £a or e + Sa

yield any sense* Therefore some suspicion may fall on
the spelling, and there is some uncertainty regarding
the writing of /y/ in cuneiform (see E. Reiner, Studies
Presented to A*L, Qmaenheim* Chicago, 1964,pp.167-180)*
Tentatively it is interpreted as yanu 1there is not1,
although not hitherto recorded in Old Babylonian
(G.A.G. i8lb; O.A.D. 7 (l/J),p.323; A.Hwb.,p.411; laSSu
was similarly unknown at this period until recently

compare G-.A* G-. §8la with A.Hwb*, p.539 and iii.18 above)*
E could be the ejaculatory particle ‘No!1, although this
iscnly found in a personal name in the Old Babylonian
period (A.Hwb*, p.l80a; cf. C.A.D* 4 (E),p.l). It can
be better understood as the negative or vetitive particle
aya 'may not1, which is written je before consonants
(G.A.G. §81.i), and elsewhere in this text written a-ia
(II.i*12,17? III.i.30, all before initial ±) * If this
is so, the separation of the particle from the verb by
jja a-a-nu is extraordinary, no example is given in the
passages cited in C.A.D. 4 (E),pp.218-219. The
intervening jSa a-a°-nu may thus relate to or qualify the
_e, and the translation ‘May he not come, unlikely as that
is,..** could be hazarded on this assumption.
53. Restoration is confirmed by the repetition in v*42, Ja la
im-ta-al-ku-u-ma / iS-ku-nu a-bu-ba; of.G.XI.168, ag-£u
la im-tal-ku-ma iS-ku-nu a-bu-bu.

V
54* Restoration from v.43and cf .G-.XI.169, u ni§e m 5~ia
im-nu-u alia ka-ra~§i. The Gilgamesh text shows that
the verb bere is kamasu I, fto gather1 rather than
kamasu II !to bow1* A similar usage is found in three
parallel passages in texts referring to Sargon of Agade;
ana kakki ik-fni-su-ma referring to Subartu (L.W.King,
Chronicles Concerning
i— r ii ■— w ^ fni ra.fTTrt?ffrwas&
Early Babylonian Kings, London,
i n a m n ifii jfcn in T B iM i> iii ->■«m i n r» iw *
1907, II,p*7,l*14; p.36,1.6;p.43,l*3 ), which must be

rendered *he consigned Subartu to the "teword"(with A.Hwb.,
p.431a, against A.K. Grayson, Studies Presented to
A.L* Oppenheim, Chicago, 1964,p.92), £f. for the use of
manfi, TukultI-Ninurta Epic, ms. C, rev*20, im-nu ma-a-ta
a-na ri-:i[fc--gii] (W.G. Lambert ,A.f.O.XVIII (1957-8) ,p.48) .
iv.4.Cf*G.XI.117* u-nam-ba ^bellt-tflxjl ta-bat rig-ma*
Possibly [j?a-ba-at ri-ig-ma] could be restored here after
^nin-tu.
5*' The damage renders impossible any certain interpretation
of this line. If 1 .6. and 1.7 are a pair, then it
should belong with 1*4 in describingthe lamentation;
rl
ul-dfa? x x x]might be a title of Hintu (from waladu?).
6* kulTlu. Eor identification as the dragon-fly see
i
B. Landsberger, Die Pauna des alten Mesopotamien, Leipzig, ‘

1934, p.123, and cf. M.S.L. VIII *2,pp.26,234* The
subject of this and the next three lines is apparently
the corpses of drowned mankind which floated on the
flood-water. Since the verbs imlanim, imida, are
feminine plural, and the suffering eliSina geriSin, as

181.
well, the word Salmatu, 1corpses1, may have stood

earlier in the column Clines 1-3)* G-.XI.123* ki-i
mare nune^ d-ma~al-la-a tam-ta-am-ma 'like fish-
spawn1 (or *fish1 simply) 'thgyfill the sea* has a
very close connection in idea, although not identically
expressed, with 1,6.
8, Ihe final traces do not favour sa-da-an x x x]'the
edge of x !.
12. The phrase libha nuppuSu *to relax oneself, to he
relieved* is discussed by G.E. Driver in
Laws, II, pp.286,287? cf .A.R.M.Q?. V.20.6.
14. While garapu ga lali is *to burn with desire* (C.A.D. 16. (§)
pp. 102,103, quoting asAsnaqu III.2.145 and fukulti-Ninurta
Epic iii.28), this line gives a transitive sense lal£
sarapu 'to burn up desire, to exhaust one's vitality*.
15. Of.GXI.124* ilim e^ Su~ut Â-nun-na-ki ba-ku-d it-ti-g&.
16. nissatu 'grief* is perhaps 'despair* (M* Held, J.Q.S.
XV (1961),pp.16,17)•
18. Cf.GXI.125. ili a^-ru £g-bi i-na bi-ki-ti. W. von Soden's
suggested ina libbil for ina bikiti can be disregarded
in view of the close similarity of the lines (Z .A .LIII,n.ff.
XIX (1959),p.232).
G.XI.124,125, have 'the gods' as subjects, corresponding
to iv.15,18b, not presenting the description of Nintu
which intervenes in iv.16,17* Hence the form of
wa&aru in G.XI.125 is plural, and both that and aS-bi
are in the same tense as concomitant events. With

182.
Nintu as the subject in Atrahasis the verb is stative

following the preterite iSbi (1.16) and refers to her
condition subsequent to the events described already.
G.XI. has used the stative of the gods' action in 1.24
(balm) and, consistently, employs the stative of waâbu
in 1.125, Atrahasis, on the other hand, has a
preterite ofthe gods' action in iv.15 (ibkfi) and equally
in 1.18 (u&bti) .
wa£aru 'to be humiliated, humble' is frequently used in
royal inscriptions to describe the obedience and
self-abasing attitude of kings with regard to the gods
(G.E. Driver and Sir John C. Miles, She Babylonian Daws,
II.p.1235 of. S. Langdon, Die Neubabylonischen KSnigsins-
chriften, Leipzig, 1912,p.319,si.v.) • Nintu's self-
deprecatory lament could substantiate the paraphrase
'she had no more spirit in her' here, providing that
a-gar is understood as stative where wagrat would be
expected, with few exceptions, as in G.A.G. 1 132h.
20* rat am The meaning of this word has not been finally
settled. A common rendering is 'pipe, tube'
(A.L. Oppenheim, J.N.E.S. VI (1947),p.128, following
E. Ebeling, M.A.O.G. VII. 1-2 (1933),p.55,n.q), but in
no instance is the context sufficient to prove this.
A bilingual proverb from Bogazkoy statess ra-a-tum
sa a-na 'qfo.-b.dr â-a-ri, me-e ku-uz-ba ub-ba-lalL 1A ratum
in the direction of the wind brings a copious supply of
water' (W.G. Lambert, Babylonian Wisdom Literature, p.279#

183.
pi*72, Bo*4209 + 4710,11*9,10) and the Akkadian line

of a bilingual creation story reads? i-nu Ja q£-°rib tam-tim
ra-tu-um-ma !Ihe spring in the midst of the sea is a
ratum' (C .1.XIII,pi.39,1.11). A raturn can he 'opened1
according to the incomplete line 0.XI.298, ra-a-ta ki-i
at]-ta-bak u-nu-tu, where E.A. Speiser translates
'pipe* (A.N.E.T., p.66, n.62), hut W. von Soden 'channel1
(Z.A.Llll,n.E.XIX(l959),p.233). Elsewhere a ratum may
contain a poplar? tree (C»A.D»7(I/J),p.70h,s.v.ildakku,
translating 'caisson') and it is equated with lihhu 'heart,'
centre1 in a lexical text (B. Meissner, Beitr&ge gum
Assyrischen Worterhuch II, Chicago, 1932,p.50,V.A.1.9718.
iii.22,=W. von Soden, Die Lexicalischen lafelserien der
Babylonier und Assyrer, II, Berlin, 1933,20.11.123)•
Altogether, the available evidence suggests that
ratum denotes a place where water collects and from
whence it may flow, as opposed to a static well, thus
perhaps a 'source* or 'pool'. The proverb and the
creation story could hear this interpretation (no
evidence is offered for the translation 'irrigation pot*
in the latter case hy C.A.D.7(l/J),p.158a 5 A. Heidel,
The Babylonian Genesis p.62,n.7,9, observes that
freshwater can well-up in the salt), and it finds some

confirmation in the Hebrew and Syriac cognate which is
a trough for watering animals, in one case filled by
hand (Exodus 2s16).
The implication of the simile is not clear. klma

184.
can govern only immerT (this would he in the nominative

case if subject of the following verb), so that it is the
gods who ffillf the rajâm, which should be some piece or
part of the divine residence. Since the sequel shows
that it is lack of offerings which has caused the gods1
hunger and thirst, it could be the means whereby libations
were drunk, a ’pipe1 up which they might be sucked, or,
in the light of the discussion above, the source from
which they flowed into heaven. Sheep can be seen in the
Near Sast thirstly drinking from pool or trough huddled
shoulder to shoulder.
It is noticeable that 11.19,20 are similar in
wording, and express exactly the opposite sense, to 11.6,7
(especially iml&nim ratam; imlSnim naram), and could be
a deliberate ’echo1 of them; while mankind was
scattered like dragon-flies over the excess of water, the
gods were huddled, thirsting, around the dry source.
21. pulhita see Note to III.iii.29*
G-.XI.126 may be connected, kat-ma (variant ms.Cv,K.7752
5ab~ba)gap^ta-Su-nufx x x -ia/e a
’Their lips were shut* (variant ’dry1) *... together (?)*
(Nor gababu, see W. von Soden, Or. XXV (1956),p.242,n.l).
In its present incomplete state G-.XI .126 has only SaptaSunn
in common with this line, but it could be restored with
a form of ssamu, increasing the similarity, the traces
before pu~ub may be a.
24* 0.XI. 127s 6 ur-rluif Jmu-ga-a-ti* The figure 7 agrees

185
with Enki!s ordinance in III.1.37, mag abubi 7 niugjgu

ighiju. Collation of the texts of G.XI. suggested to
the writer that 7 ur-ri should be read there also. The
figure is complete only in K.2252 (R.C. Thompson's ms* A)
and is very small, it could
If this reading is correct, all the cuneiform accounts of
the Deluge would he in agreement ahout its duration*
G-.XI.129 does not contradict this, for the Babylonians
reckoned inclusively, so that cessation during the
seventh day would mean that it lasted for seven days,
cf. the Harran Inscriptions of Bahonidu^ A.S.VIII (1958),
p. 52,11-. 26,27,29.
25. G.XI.128: il-lak Sa-a-iitt a-bu-£bu mej-hu-d i-sap~pan mati
(variant, K.7752, ms. C ., ra~a~du mi-bu-u a-bu-bu)*
The variant to G-.XI. supports restoration of a-bu-bu here.
26-v.29.The remaining traces in this column do not permit
reconstruction of the narrative. Assuming that there
were fifty-five lines in iv, twenty-nine have been lost
from there and a further twentjr-nine from V, !,•£• fifty-
eight lines are missing. It has been shown in the
foregoing notes that there are close correspondences with
the narrative of G-.XI, both in events and actual wording,
up to 1.128. When the text of A. continues, the same
close similarities can be observed from G.XI.156 onwards,
so that it may be conjectured with some probability that
the missing fifty-eight lines of Atrahasis contained the
substance of the matter related in the intervening

186
twenty-six lines of G-.XI (129-155? the lines of G.XI are

often longer than those of A., so that the difference in
number of lines need not mean that A. contained much more
text). (The episodes which would then he assigned to
this gap are (i) the cessation of the storm.,(G.XI. 129-131) ?
(ii) Atrahasis1 observation of the desolation caused
(132-139)? (iii) the grounding of the hoat on Mount Nisir
(140-144)? (v) the despatch of hirds in search of dry
land (145-154).
30. Perhaps restore a-na £a-a-fri er-bi-tiit-ta-q£ ni-qa-al
frrfrwu m m . ii i n r - i r u i m i T n ~ 1m f t l nf l ~ l ' m irr t m 11 ~ ~ n m — r ii f l f r i r r w i r i iw i m m i l ir— n i'H " i 11i l » n > ^ ' * T V < n i » *4
after G.XI 155 a-na irhitti sari me at-ta-qi ni-qa-a

31* it-ta-di is certain? and may he the counterpart of G.XI.
^56 a§~kun sur-qin-nu ina eli ziq-qur-rat sadi— 7 u 7
adagura uk-tin.
32. i-za-an-nu-un apparently fhe/it is raining, will rain1
lrom zananu I, *to rain1, rather than z.ananu II? *to
supply food,1 which has a present tense in si, and yet it
is difficult not to understand the latter here where it
would he appropriate in the context of sacrifice;
variation in the second root vowel of certain vowels is
attested and applies here (cf, G.A.G. I 87d)*
34. Pestered from G.XI.159? ilani i-gi-nui-ri-Sa.
35. Cf.G.XI.161, ilani ki-ma zu-um-hi-e eli hel niqe ip-
■1 i i i i n * fcH I. I m I |W1 ■■ !■ trn 1'O n M UWMTfpWl’JW P t — Wfcl i L l II
The trace of an oblique wedge before e-lu supports

restoration from this line.
37. Cf.G.XI,3.62, ul-tu ul-la-nu-mn^ma ^mah ina ka~Sa-di-£u.

187.
39-43.See Notes to iii.51-4, 41 is extra here.

44. See Notes on I.iii.38 and, for the final sign,on II.i.9*
45- Damage has interrupted the sense of the remainder of the
column.
48-52.Reading and sense of these lines is uncertain, except
in so far as they contain a further speech of Nintu.
If the interpretation of v.3?4 is correct, she here
commences a list of self-imprecations lest she permit
another catastrophe,
vi *2.G-.XI. 1632 i&-8i nim me^ rabuti mea Ua Â-nu-um i-pu-Su
ki-i su-hi-gu suggests that zu-up-pu may he understood as
i« irn .u ■ rliQ w u n ii. i l r n ' i ‘<i<in i ii ■ 11 1Hi . 1111■111......... ....... . I n in V
zubbu for zumbu 9 Tflies1, ^ .e_« the lapis lazuli pendants

mentioned in the next line.
3. G.XI.164s ilani an-nu-ti lu-u za4 gin kigadi-la a-a am-Si
but restoration remains problematic: on uqnu (za^.gln)
see now M. Dietrich and 0 Loretz, Die Welt des Orients
III (1966),pp.227-31.
5,6.G.XI.171-2s i-mur ma-ma i-te-ziz ên-l£l, llb-ba-tl
d
im-ta-li &a ilani Igigi. The reading mai-li is
conjectural, the first sign has too many strokes for rna.
9,10.Cf.G.XI.173s a-a-um-ma u-gi na-pig-ti : a-a ib-lut amelu
ina ka-ra-gj. bi-ti-jg-tum is taken as a scribal error
for na-pi-is-tum. The Atrahasis Epic turns the second
sentence into a question by the introductory ki; for
ayanu see Notes on III.iii.51.
omR^niuuujikl*
11-15«Cf.G.XI.174-6: %inurta pa-a-Su ipuâm-ma iqabbi:

188.
izakkar ana qu-ra-di en-Iil, man-nu-um-ma £a la ê-a

cl V
a-ma-tu l-han-nu, u e-a i-de-e-ma ka-.la sip~ri. Ho
explanation of the the variation Anus Ninurta can he
offered.
22. Cf.G-.XI. 179* ki-i ki-i la tam-ta~l ik-ma a~hu~ba ta&-kun.
24. Cf .G-.XI. 181: ru-um-me a-a ib-ha-ti-iq gu-du-ud a-a
Hr -x xl hut how the line might he restored is unknown*
25* W. von Soden* Or* N.S.XII (1953)? p.207 states that
Sakanu II is only used in late texts as a technical term
for the installation of a governor, hut the present state
of the text makes interpretation difficult.
42. niSSiki see Notes on I.i*16*
vii*3.pagittum is particularly an epithet of Lamashtu? see
W. von Soden, Bib.Or. XVIII (1961), p*72.
birku. The preposition should govern an oblique case,
birki; for the concept of. Notes on I.iv.19*
viii.8-19.These lines are assumed to contain a hymn of praise
to Enki, hut see Notes on 1.11.
9. Perhaps a reference hack to Enki's oath in Il.vii.
10'. Best or ed from vi.10,
malik llial There is hardly space for addition of
ra-bu-tlm. malik ill is the office in I.i.8,43 etc.,
and could show that he is the one addressed here. On
the other hand, the sense of this line may he that it is
Enki who really deserves this title.
16,17.Of* Erra 1.62: î-gu-gi liS-mu-ma li-Sar-bu S&m-ka.

189
18,19• abuba appears to be employed as the title of the

composition, perhaps K.A.R. 158,r.iii.27 gur-bu-ta
YT| pi cq
a-na nigi a-za-am~ii|u~uij, fI will sing *the majesty* to

all people*, may he compared as a title, and the end of
the Agushaya Hymn, i-da-at du-un-ni-ga ka-la ni-gj
u-ge-eg-mi, *(Ba) made knov/n to all people the form of
her might* (B.viii. 18-19) * and the commencement of the
hymn 0 .1. X V.L ; 1,2s fefe-ma-ar ^bi-li-it-I-lx a-za-ma-ar,
ib-ru u^-se-ra qu-ra-du si-me-a *Iwill sing the song of
Belit-ili; pay heed, 0 friends, hear, 0 heroes!* all
show a similar intent to diffuse knowledge of the story
(cf. also Srra V, 49-61, W.G-. Lambert, Iraq. XXIV (1962),
pp.124-5).
191.
CHAPTER ».
THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE OLD BABYLONIAN TEXTS
(i) Description of' the kanuacripts

d
a. The Tablets of Ellet- A ya . The colophons of three
texts (A, E, F) state that they are the work of Ellet-Âya,

a pupil-scribe (dub.sar tur), and give dates in the reign
1
of Ammisaduga of Babylon (jc. 1646-1 626 B.C.). These are
large tablets (A is 25x19.4 crns, F 23.5+x17*8 cms) with
four columns of writing on either side. Every tenth line
is marked by the sign for ten and the total of each column
is inscribed upon the lower edge of the tablet at the end
of the column, there being an average of fifty-three lines
in each column. The total number of lines varies slightly
from tablet to tablet (A 416, E 439, F 390). The words
are usually well-spaced, rarely crowded, and put in a
half-line where they are too many for a single line. Each-
whole line is ruled off, and the last line of each tablet
is followed by a double ruling. This last line served as
the catch-line in the case of Tablets I and XI (A.viii.28-
E.i.1). The first line of the whole composition was used
by Ellet- Aya as the title for the whole, inuma ilu awHum.
in each colophon,
YJhere the exemplar was broken at one point the
notation *break1 was entered in the copy (hi-p£ II.i.12).
1. Following the chronology proposed by S. Smith in Alalakh

and Chronology, London, 1940, and K.B. Row ton in 'C.70i.
ch.VI.2.
192.
Now exactly the same notation is observable in the duplicate

copy of Tablet II which does not have a colophon (G).
At the very least this demonstrates use of a common exemplar
by two scribes, it could suggest that *
E
**** was copied from e
Gr
-a
or vice-versa, but most likely is the opinion that both
manuscripts came from the hand of the same scribe (the
provenance is probably the same, see §3,p. 203).
This is substantiated by the form of the tablet - it is

arranged and ruled in the same manner - and by the handwriting,
which is identical in appearance to that of A, E, and F.
The dimensions are similar when allowance is made for the
loss of the lower quarter and the right edge (.19.3x16,8 cms).
Jet this tablet has no colophon and no total of all the lines
at the end, possibly signifying that it was discarded.
Existence of duplicate copies of Tablet II apparently

written by the same man may explain the unexpected date
sequence in the colophons. Tablets I and III (A and F) are
dated 21 si:12 Ammisaduqa and x:iii:12 respectively, but
Tablet II (E) over a month earlier, 28:xi:11. Clearly
Ellet-Âya may have made more than one copy of the Epic.
Alternatively, the tablets may have been copied at random
as school exercises.
Ellet-Âya*s hand may have been responsible for another

literary text, a poetic story about Naram-Sin. The ductus
and orthography of a piece In the Morgan Library Collection
are very similar, to judge from the photograph and copy
p
published, by J.J. FinhelBtein. An unpublished hymn or
2. J.C.S. XI. (1957),pp. 83-90
193-
prayer in the British Museum also bears his signature,
but is not at present available for study,^
k* The other Tablets. The four other Old Babylonian texts of

Atrahasis, dated palaeographically, may be considered
individually. All have been examined except H which is in
the Berlin State Museum. B belongs to the same collection
in the British Museum as part of F (91, 5-9 collection) and
it has been suggested that it is also the work of Ellet-Âya,^
Although its surface is very worn, examination of the
fragment beside A and F reveals several forms of signs which
differ : TA is written (vi.5 etc.) against
UD is written (v.55) a n d ( v i . 2 ) , A has4^ , RU is
written , A has These are sufficient to
indicate that it was written by another scribe. Its text
is almost identical with A, i-tab-gj where the latter has
li-ib-gi (iv, 4-6,48) being the only verbal difference, apart
from the variation be-li-it-'l-li:^Nin-tu (vi.15). In

three instances consonant-vowel-consonant signs are employed
fry B where A has two signs, consonant-vowel and vowel-
consonant (tab-su-tum; ta-[ab-su)-1urn vi.10, i-tab-bi:
i-ta-ab-bi vi.16, u~hatrl-ru-ti : u-ha-ar»rU“U vi.13), and
efimmu is written with initial PI (= ex) iv.46,48. B uses

logograms in two places where A spells the word in Akkadian;
sis
dingir(mes):i-lu/li (iv. 40,43,46) and na: e-er-&i (vi.19).
3. Information from Dr. E, Sollberger.

4. J.J. Finkelstein, loc. cl t,, p.84, n.7*
194.
The order of ■words and lines is identical except in iv.43“44

where B has li-ib-ta-al-li-lu in the second line, hut this
is of no significance as the two lines belong together
metrically, and in vi. 15"18 where the damage to both
manuscripts is such that it is not possible to discover how
they differed.
These variations are so slight that it can be stated

without doubt that B belongs to the same textual tradition
as A, and could even be copied from the same exemplar.
Manuscript (3, a small flake showing part of two columns,
has a different line arrangement from A and B,* for in twelve
V
"'*
/
lines is contained matter occupying twenty-two lines of A,

The two columns are separated by a space, they do not
impinge upon each other as in A and B. Signs are written
larger and give the impression of a more cursive hand than
B and certainly than A. Although calculation is impossible,
if the tablet originally had two columns on either side and
were approximately the size of A", it could have included
all of Tablet I in four broad columns. These differences
■
a
in formal arrangement and in script show that it is the

product of another scribe. The small amount of text preserved,
however, is identical with A (apart from three different
orthographies, ia»gi~im~ma 0: ia-a-Si-im-ma-a A (ii .51).
•
*» Urn—■niwilHlllirTT-|
*T~
~ri Imil — ...... caM *
•‘ 1■
—■ \ * *
5. Old Babylonian literary tablets of two columns on either

face are rare; the major example is the G-ilgamesh
fMeissnerf fragment, with a width of about 14.5 cms, cf.
A.R. Millard, Ira£ XXVI (1964), p.100.
(but A has pa°a-8u in ii,29)? and indicates again a common
tradition, or even exemplar.
hanuscript D corresponds to passages missing or badly
damaged in the main manuscript, A, so that comparison of text
is difficult. It is the upper right corner of a smaller
tablet than A (it is thinner) with at least two columns of
writing on either face. The lines are ruled off in pairs,
Like C it has pa-a~su (D.ii: 1) and like B employs the
logogram dingir (me&) (D.ii, 2,12). For Ên-ki D writes
^ O'
E-a. Where it seems to correspond to I.iv.19ff, it is not
identical with the text as represented in B (see ch. 2, p.
above), through insertion of lines found in iv.26-27 in place
of 20. Without more text available little significance
can be attached to this variant which does not alter the
6
sen se.u
Only a transliteration of Manuscript B has been available,
but Dr. F. Kocher characterises it as a school text. It
is the extreme left edge of the tablet only, with a
maximum of seven letters remaining in any line. Like D it has
E-a for En-ki, and unlike A, E, F, Gr writes at-ra-&( a-si-is)
no^ at-ra-am-foa-si-ib 0 and omits the masculine determinative.
The passage it contains is not extant in G r, the other
Old Babylonian copy of Tablet II, but is found in the

neo-Babylonian text £ as far as line 11 , with slight
variation in arrangement of words.
6. Compare the variants in manuscripts of the Epic of Zu

(or Anzu, B. Landsberger, W.Z.K.M, LVII (1961), pp.1-23)
noted by E. Reiner, R. A. XLVIII (1954), p .145 -
196
(ii) Orthography
Where tablets not written by Ellet-Âya diverge from
his spelling, this fact has been indicated in the preceding
section and in the critical apparatus of the text (eh, 2).
It is the orthography of his manuscripts, A, E, F. G., which
is described here. It is only in the compilation of lists
of this sort that firm grounds for comparison of manuscript
with manuscript and subsequent delineation of scribal traditions
and territories can be found. A single example only is given
for most items,
a. The Syllabary: 1. Vowels
limni m
i rrî—irmwin-a<niiwilh« w
n
The three vowels a, e, i, are represented by the common

signs a, e, i. For u u is employed except for the copula, u,
and the word umu day, u^mi I.iv.45.
2. Semi-vowels
Y is always written with a in the dipthong ia, e.g. aya:
a-ia II.i.12, (contra C.A. D . A.1, p.218,6 ), mayalu: ma-la-li
I.ii.23. W is represented by the sign P1 which assumes
whatever subsequent vowel is required; wa-î-ib I.ii,455
^we-e-i-la I .iv.54, la-wi I.ii.15, i-wu-u III.iii.45.
3* Vowels plus Consonants The consonant is first indicated

(xC), then the sign actually employed with each vowel.
2L£ ab tf-na-ab-ba III.iv.4 IB 1.1-fle-eb-bu I.vii.44
IB ib-ba-ra II.ii.12 UB ub-lu I.i.2
xp IB
hP-pa I.iv.45
xd AD ma-a-ad I.i.4 ID u-te-ed-du-u III.iii.l4
ID id-du-u I.ii.8 UD Clii-Jud-di-a III.i. 13
197.
xt AD at-ma-nl 1 . 11.13
UD ib-lu-ut III.vi.10
mtmmmW f i t M f c E £ S M W M J W > I w r f
xt AD ID fi-ge-et-lbl-Sul I.ii.23
ID it-ta-ak-8u I.ii.11 UD gtj-Ht^ri-ni III.v.41
X5 AH
AH ru-u* -tarn I .v.7
xjb Ag maâh-rl-Su III.ill.27
AH
V lfr-pf III.ill.10 UH pu-uh-ri I.ill.8
■yp' AG
IG ;-ma 1 .11.21
xk AG
IG UG It-tu-uk II.1.17
xq AG u-te-eq-qi I.11.18
IG
xl AL EL el-ni I .i.42
IL UL du-ul-la 1.1.2
xm AM IM te-ft-em-su III. ill. 25 .
WM MMHi ktl* M " } '« II il fHIIIIW*i«»M'H »**P
IM si-im I.vii.25 UM rna-an~nu"um"mi I .i11.14

xn AN EN Cig-tja-en III.iii.5
IN UN 1-li-ku-un I .vii.45
XT AH a-me-er-ta-[amj III.iii.38
IR i-mu-ur-ma III.iix.32
xs AZ
IZ
X£ AZ
IZ UZ &u-us-ge-er III.i.19
xz AZ
IZ UZ Ru-uz-za-lu-Su-nU I.i.9
XS A§ E§ e&-me III.111.43
IS US ba-il-la- tu-u§-$u 1.1.14
198 •
To these can be added er ERI er-ra I.vii.47? used only in this
divine name.
4. Consonants
bx BA ta-ba-an-nu III.i.25 BE be-lf 1.11.24
BI li-ib-bl-ku-nim I.ii.42 BU l-te-er-bu I.v.12
jDx PA up-pa I.iv.45 BI er-pg-tl III. 11.53

fuî«
r
w M
- T
M iiiiiniii flifiT
j| ||iii .
BI ’5-na-ap-pi-i^ III.iv. 12 BU gu-ru-up-pu-u I.vi i.27

dx DA it-ta-a^-da-ar I.vii.22 DI na-de-e I.vi.19
i i n i H I ' H H M i i ' W W li'll*|t|'X
SI id"di"ki I.ii.20 DU id-du-ii 1.1.12

tx
■Man
DA ba-al"ta I.iv.47 TE t^xe-ma I.lv.54
TU Ip-td-ur
11
|iM
III 11.55
iJhiin TimMmiii>
■i in
tx TA at-ta III.1.19 TE u-te-eq-qi I .ii.18

TI ah-rl-a-tl-i& I.iv.45 TU mu-tu-ti I.vi.21
IS Ag 1-ba-Ja III.111. 12
M 9A ha-dU"U I.vi.3
01 ar~hi I.iv.52 gU ni"ini"hU"Ur-ma 1.1.41
&x (M ga-me-er-ta- Lam! Ill.iii. 18
GI I.vii.43 G-U 1-ga-ag-gu-um III.ii.55
kx I£A ba-bi-ka I.11.27
KI ka-ak-ki-ka I.ii.32 KU i-11" 1 a-ku-nlm I.ii,12
q_x GcA qa-ab-li-sa I.vi.6 I.vi.8

III 11-ql 1 . 11.52 I.ii.56
lx LA du-ul-la-ni 1.1.42 LI pa-Ie-e I.vi.2
LI 11-li-lk I.ii.40 LU p;al-lu"gu-nu I.i .10
mx MA ma-ar-ri-Su-nu I.ii .9 ^ â-me-e-ga I.i.13

MI mi-ln-gu I .ii.38 MU i-'SeTem-mu-u I.ii.21
nx NA mi-na»a I.ii.53 NE n.e-pf-gl-Su-nu
NI ni-iS'Il'i-a I,i.44 NU ma-an-nu-um-mi I .ii .14
tx RA ra-ma-ni-ka I .i i.38 SI ka-at-re-e II.ii.24
RI ri-lg-mi Ill.iii.47 RU sa-4;U" ur^ru III. ill. 47
sx SA sa-as-su-ru I .vi.15 SI u-se-el-lu-u I.viii.17
SI ap-si"i I .i.18 SU ta-ab"SU"ta-am I.vi.5
M SA mu-ur-sa I vii 38
. , 81 yU"Ug»ge-er III.i.19
ZI aZTuj-siIII.ii.45 SU su-ul-ll-ll-gi III.I.29
199
zx SA tJ-aa-am-ma l»vii.26 SI zeê-er-ma III.i.23

ZI 1-zl-lz I.ii.32 zu uz-zu-zu III.ii.54
sx §A u-aa-ar-di I .ii.28 SE ê-er-ra III.vii.4
Si ni-i&-gi-a I.i.44 £>U i-gu-Ci I.iv.54
In addition to the uses listed aboveP the following anomalies

are present.
ljx NI be-l i I. ii.24 qx QA qa-ti-sa I.i.11 (see

tx DU p u ^ - r i III.i.35(uncertain, see NSteflT~ Notes)
sx §A ni-is-sa-tam III.iv.16 sx ZU aa-as-su-ru I .vi.15
sx ZI li-ga-si-ik 1.11.42
gx KU gu-uz-za-la I .i,9
5• Closed Syllable Signs
dam DAM qu-ra~dam I.i.43 tarn UD si-bi-it-tam I.i.5(see

tim TIM ti-a-am-tim I.i.15 Notes)
turn TUM ra-bu-tum I.i.5 tar TAR iS-tar I.vi.22
gAR ma-har I .ii .34
G-AL gal-lu-&u-nu 1.1.10 kar QAR iz-za-kar 1.ii.30
gum QUM ga-ap-ga-qum I .i.4 lam LAM du-ul-lam I .i.4
lum LUM a-wl-lum I.i.1 nim NIM i-hi-ir-ru-nim I.i.21
fcjmiai<
■!■
■ ftft b
— i H
bcexj
i
Sar SlR &ar~ru

sum SUM mu-sum I.i.14
To these can be added five signs used only in writing divine

names: ill LIL ^ En-lll nam NAM a-nam I.ii.41 nin NIN ^nin-tu
I.iv.57 nun NUN a-nun-na-(ku) I.i.5
200
b. Use of Signs. Logograms

These are few: a.&a 'field* II.i.18, idiqna 'Tigris'
I.ii.25, mu(£i.a) 'year(s)' I.i.37, sukkal, *vizier1 I.il.30
and are not written with phonetic complements. gu.za.la
*chair-bearer1 occurs in I.i.41, 49 hut in other lines,
where it has a pronominal suffix, it is spelt out guruz-za-lu
I.i.9, iii.12, and this is also the ease with e 'house',
which is spelt out when in construct or accusative cases,
as well as with suffixes bi-it III.ii.47, bi-ta III,i.22,
notice, however a-na sukkal (I,ii,30), where the logogram is
used in the oblique case. The only determinatives employed
are DING-IR with divine names, DIS with Atrahasis and hi.a
with mu.
2. Assimilation
The addition of third person suffixes to words ending
in dentals or sibilants results in a double sibilant:
qlt-aq-q^-as-s& I.vi.4 mu~sa(B:mu~us-sA,)l.vi. 20 si-ib~baâs-sa
11I7V.T4-
I.vii.51 bi-is-su II.ii.16 a-wa-as-su
Other examples of assimilation are m to b in ib-ba-^ra II.ii.12

and of 1 to | in na-ag-£a II.ii.14 E, but 0 has na-al-ga.
3. Errors
While attribution of unintelligible spellings to error
is always dangerous without full knowledge of the circumstances
giving rise to the writing, the following examples may he
accepted with reasonable assurance (where necessary,
additional justification will be found in the Notes).
In two instances ta(TA) was corrected by the scribe to tam(UD),
’ « C
Tr
aCfU
JMiM'
II.i.9, III.iv.l6, and da(DA) to tam(UD) once III.v,44.

* * ■ ' «iam«TOIBPTO* ’ '
c\ 4 d
Other errors were not corrected: En-lil for
p — B m t rymfcn
‘En-ki I.ii.42,
iw uhbw
Isa, for su I.viii.7» ku-un for gu-un II.ii.19, 20, _zi for ri
II.i.21, la for lu III.i.31, II.50. In the four times
repeated phrase al<k^-nim i ni-i£-&i-a I.ii.44, 46, ii.2,4,
ka aiopears to have been omitted.
Some defective writings are present: li-ga-si-iq (for 11"
ga-as-si-iq cf. I.v .13) I .i .42, tl-ta-Sa (for ti-lt-ta-Sa cf
l.iv.57) I.v.4, u% -1a-ka-a£n) (for u&-ta-ak-ka-an) III.ii.24,
im-ta-al-ku-ma, subjunctive (for im-ta-al-ku-fi-ma. cf. III.v.42)
III.iii.53.
c. Miscellaneous Observations on a and. b
ntp
pifwu
n' in i r ii initt—nn-inrTTwi«
> r»
»i~
TTP-T
Tw -■■1 wtp^wjim ui* win «imm w*
1. On a. 4: KA is employed for the initial syllable of

qaqqaru II.i.15 and qaqqadu I.vi.4 as an allophone of £ in
accordance with the principles described by E.E. Knudsen in
J.C.S.XV (1961), pp.84-90.
20 Sibilants; The writing of sibilants presents a confused
picture at first glance. However, it may be formulated as
follows: s is represented by the simple s signs, as listed:
s is represented by the simple signs as listed, except when
doubled or assimilating another consonant in which cases
SA, BU, AS, IS, US, but §1 may only bo used for se as in
none of its occurrences is an i sound essential, viz.
gu»SI-a I.i.35, ka-ar-SI I.i•39, li-Si-ma I.iii.1,

gu-uB-gl-er Ill.i.19, gu-us-SI-ri III.i.21, er-SI-et III.i.48,
Sl-ri III.ii.3T, u-§I III.vl.9: where the $ is doubled jrf (ZI)
is employed, viz u-ug-ZI III.ii.45, li-lg-ZI-ru III.viii.17;
in support of SI=se, not si may be adduced the ’
writing Sl-e-er-
ma III.i.23 (for germa).
(iii) Indications of Provenance
a- ff£M^gthog.raphy. Texts of the Old Babylonian period from
Babylonia proper are usually divided into norther and

southern groups.^ A major criterion for such distinction
is the orthography of the manuscripts, a subject which ahs

o
been studied especially by A. Goetze, and also employed by
F.R. Kraus, with certain modifications and reservations.^
Analysis of the signs employed by Ellet-Âya results in the
following list of signs characteristic of 'northern texts':
TEs=t®4 BI~pl SA-sa SI~si SU=su A*-1A-aya( I .ii.23, III.i .30)
KI=ql KU-qu
Beside this list must be placed AZ=as, claimed as a 'southern'
usage by Goetze, but found in a northern text by Kraus.
a-a-nu (III.Ii.51, v-39) ffi&y also fall into this category,
contrasting with a~ia. The various writings of sibilants
7- G .A ♦G . § 2d. 8, In 0. Neugebauer and A. Sachs,

Mathematical Cuneiform Texts, American Oriental Series 29,
New Haven, 1945, pp7T46“151, cf. N. von Soden, Das Akkadisches
Syllabar, Rome, 1948, pp. 4a, 15.
9* Bin Edikt des Konigs Ammi-gaduqa von Babylon, Leiden, 1958,
pp.14,15.
203.
are too little understood to provide any firm ground for

distinction (cf.i i 2).10
It is clear from the list given that the orthography of
Ellet- Aya indicates north Babylonia, as the area of his
activity. The two apparent exceptions two Goetze’s tabulation
being either found in another ’northern’ text (AZ-as), or
of uncertain significance (see Notes to Ill.iii.51).
b . Other Indications. Although none of the Ellet-Âya
tablets were found in regular excavations, there is little
doubt that they were all discovered at Sippar, modern Abu
Habbah. This is the provenance of the two collections
in the British Museum to which mss. A and F (also B) belongs
(8994-26:91*5-9).^ The Istanbul text, ms. G, although
bearing a Nippur registration number, may also have come
from Sippar, as did other tablets marked 'Ni' in that
M u s e u m . ^ Sippar is also said to be the provenance of
E and F+ .^3 These facts obviously confirm the evidence of
the orthography, proving that Ellet-Âya worked at Sippar.
(iV) Style and Language
a. The ’hvrnnisch-epische Dialekt’.
The morphology of the language of the major Akkadian
literary compositions has been studied in detail by W. von
Soden who demonstrated the presence of certain features
10. cf, A. Goetze.loc.cit.:R.A.LII(1958).on.157-149: Kraus,

~ -Op.-Olt; pp. 11,15.
11,Sir E,A. Nallis Budge, By Nile and Tigris, II,London,1920,
* y I,MWin i- trwn nwn rtisngfgw EW+-WSS*»*» — ■' * * .
pp.124-5»137j260-291; J.J. Finkelstein,J.G.S.XI(1957),p.84,

n .7.
12.F.R. Kraus, 0£,cit.,pp.12-13*
13.V.Schell, R.T.XXTT898),p.55:A.BoiSBler.R.A.XXVTII(1931),p.91.
204.
which are peculiar to them alone. 1 A He gave the name

1Der hymnisch-epische Bialektf to the mode of expression
which embodied the following characteristics;
1. Apocopation of the pronominal suffix.
2.a. Use of the determinative pronoun |at.
b. Demonstrative pronoun annummu.
Ilii in Ii u
miii ii H
i■
■ ill li n in
c. Use of unusual interrogative pronouns.

d. Use of the indefinite pronoun manama.
3- Gonstruct state of nouns declined.
4. Adverbial terminations, a.-um and b .ij.
5. Unusual forms of certain numerals.
6. Propositions apocopated.
7.a, Third person feminine singular of some verbs with t
prefix.
b. III forms of verbs initial w and j tend to have u
following the first consonant in the Piêterite.
c. Use of a Ill/ll verbal form.
8.a. Use of words not found elsewhere,
b. Use of prepositions 1jj?ti9 geru.
It will be observed that these arematters of
vocabulary and grammar, no investigation of the syntax of the
compositions was made by von Soden, nor has any otherscholar
done so since his study appeared. Some doubt about von
Soden*s conclusion that this formed a special bialekt* was
14. Z.A.XL, n.F.VI(1931),pp.163-227, XLI, n.F.VII(1933),

55790-138,236.
205 *
expressed by A, Poebel, who thought that the distinctive

1R
features were traces of vernacular speech, " Although
no detailed examination of the phenomenon has been published
since von Soden wrote, his thesis is largely accepted with

1
some modifications. By observation of the special
features texts composed, copied, or modernised during
the Old Babylonian period may be distinguished from those
composed at a later time. The earlier works exhibit regular
usage of the characteristic constructions, whereas the later
ones frequently contain anomalous or even wrong usages,

suggestive of deliberate imitation of the earlier s t y l e .
In post-Old Babylonian times, therefore, a bialekt* of this
kind did exist. During the Old Babylonian period itself it
cannot be so clearly isolated, for many of the characteristic
forms can be found in non-literary texts, as von Soden
repeatedly noted. Without a further investigation of all
known Old Babylonian literary t e xt s^ and further comparison
with the language of incantations and omens, of letters and
15- Studies In Akkadian Grammar, Chicago, 1939,pp.71 -74.

16* o£.'L. MatouS, Ar.Or. XXIXfl961),pp.30-34; W.G-. Lambert,
A.f.O.XIX(1959),p .49.
17. Ibid.
18. Among the many texts published since von Soden*s study was
printed are: two tablets of Zu from Susa, J. Nongayrol,R.A.
XLVI(1952),pp.87-97; parts of the G-ilgamesh cycle from
Ishjali, T.Bauer,J.N.E.S. XVI(1957),pp.254-262, from Tell
Harmal, J.J, van Dyk, Sumer XIII(1957),p.66,pi.12, in the
British Museum, A.R, Millard, Iraq XXVI(1964)«pp.99-105,
and C.T. XLVI,pi.XXVIII,no.16; a tablet about Sargon of
Agade, J. Nougayrol,R.A. XLV(1951),pp.169-183; a wisdom text
J. Nougayrol,RjB^LIxTl 952) ,pp. 239-250; a fable, WIG-,Lambert,
BjBjuL.pp. 155-157,pis. 39,40; a prayer to Marduk, C .T , XLIV,
no.21; another prayer, C.T.XLIV,no.22; a 'Lover's Dialogue*,
k. Held, J. C.S,XV(1961 ),pp.1*=26, first edited by W. von
Soden,JL*JLXL1X,n.F.XV( 1960),pp. 151 “194; a fragment of a
dialogue (?) CkT. XLVI,pi. XL, no. 44.
206 o
and contracts, it is not possible to discover to what

extent the 1hymnisch-epische Dialekt’ was distinct from
the common language, how much it represented survival of
archaic expression, or how much of it was literary style.
^ • The 'Dialekt' in the Atrahasis Epic.
Since a scientific characterisation of all the phenomena
of the ’Dialekt' is lacking^, the following observations
are offered only as a description of the language of the
Atrahasis Epic in the light of von Soden’s work- His list
of features is followed as outlined above (section a.), but
detailed investigation of the particular items is not
included for the reason indicated: lack of any recent exhaustive
examination of the subject- For any future linguistic
study the Old Babylonian text of the.Atrahasis Epic will be
of importance for its length and for the fact that mss- A, E,
F, (0), are the only major literary manuscripts of that period
bearing indication of the date of copying, that given in the
QP|
colophons (see (i)a. above, pp/9J~3 .
1. Apocopat ion of pronominal suffixes. No example of a
singular siffix so treated is displayed in the Epic, but
in the plural can be found:
19- After the manner of Z.S. Harris, ’Linguistic Structure of

Hebrew1, J.A.0.S.LXI(1941),pp.143-167.
20. Some other have internal termini £>ost quern for their
composition, je.g. Agushaya B.vii.2K”7efers to Hammurabi
the 'Hymn to Nana’, 1.251, to Samsuiluna, the ’Hymn to
Ishtar’, 11-43,47, to Ammiditana, the 'Lovers’ Dialogue’,
iv.6, to Hammurabi.
207*
(a)third person masculine, ~£u~un (II.ii.19>20).

(b)third person feminine, (I.vii.23,=11.i.5;III.iv.II).
(c)second person masculine, ~ku-un (I.vii.45,46,-viii.4,5=
II,ii.5,6).
Reference to these passages will show that the apocopated
form stands at the end of a line in each case, whereas
elsewhere within a line the longer form is employed (cf .111.iii .
43, i-na ge-rl-ia-ma ri-fti-im-Si-na eS-me with I .vii.23,=II•i.5,
d-en-lil ig-te-me ri-gi-im-gi-in). Thus von Soden1s suggestion
that metrical requirements govern the use of these forms is
supported^, they possibly being a development of the Old
Akkadian usage of a shortened feminine plural suffix -si-in.2?
2a. Determinative pronoun feat. This is not present in the
Atrahasis texts.
2b. Dêiimu>slLm-tixe. mzOMQUXL annummu. There is one instance,
I,ii,5, a-nu-um-ma.
2c. Unusual interrogative pronouns. None of these are found
in the Epic, The common minu(m), mannu(m) do occur
(I.ii.38,40,53,II.vii.42;I .iii.14ff,11.vii.45).
2d, Indefinite pronoun manama. This does not occur. Notice
may be taken, however, of the construction of III.Ii.30,31
m l-im-ma i-su-ti (as distinct from minima &a) which von
Soden suspected could occur in Old Babylonian literary texts
but of which he was only able to discover later examples.
21, Z tA.XL,n.F.Vl(l931),PP.173-4. p
22. I.J. G-elb, Old Akkadian Writing and Grammar, Chicago, 1961,
pp.128-131.
2Ud.
3. Construct state declined.

■ an iniii i■ ii rT¥iii.m»a3HPWg*0Ete*ip................ ...... —
The noun pfim, ’mouth*, exhibits
iTmw i n i in *
this in nominative and accusative singular with suffixes,

pi-i-ni (I.iii.38»III•vi.8), pi-a-Su (l.ii.29 and often).
In addition there are instances of a construct with a final
1overhanging* vowel: Sa-hu-ur-ru. r.i~lg~mi (III.iii.47),
pu-du-ri nu-ni (III.i.35)•
4. Adverbial terminations, a.-urn.
!■ w)i iii ■■ H r ~ m 1— ini himibm m mu * p u m i m
The one probable example
1-nu.r.ma _i-lu a~wi-lum ub-lu du-ul-la (l.i.1 ,2) finds no
parallel In Old Babylonian, but occurs in later texts as an
alternative to a construction with klma.?4
b . -15. This is used as a locative or terminative In
a&-rl-a-ti~i& u^ml, *for ever* (I.iv.45), sa-ap-li-is, *below*,
(ll.i.12), gl"ik-ri-is *for drink*, (ill.iv.17), and with
suffixes in ql~ri~ib bi-ti-ig-ka *within your house (?)'
(I. vii. 42), and ba.^d-la-tu-u£--5u *for his realm (?)* (I .i.14) ,
this latter contradicting von Soden*s view that -ug-su
was a later form,
5* Forms of numerals. igten used adjectivally remains undeclindd
in ila 13-te-en ’one god or ’a god*,(I.iv.39,B). As an
ordinal i£-ti~ta 5a-at-tam (II.iv,9)» ‘in the first year* seems
to be unique (the absolute Isteat is otherwise found,
^3. Ibid. pp.145-6 for this feature in Old Akkadian.

24. cf.. Notes to I.i,1,p , the observations of J. Lewy,
Or. N.S.XV(1946),pp,410-415, must be added to those of
Von Soden.
_£?• Battu lStata Enuma ellsh VI,60. C.A.D. i/j, p.278),
and may be contaminated by the following, and quite normal,
sa-nl-ta &a~at-tam, 1In the second year1 and 8a-lu-u5-tum
ga-at-turn 11-li-rka-am-ma} 1the third year came in *
(II.iv.10,11).
6* F^QPQsitions apocopated. No examples of the shortened
forms _i~, in -, a-, an-, can be found, although frequent in
some other texts in the ’Dialekt* and in Old Akkadian.
7a. Third person feminine singular of some verbs with _t
prefix. “
The only instance given by von Soden is that in the

phrase ^Nintu pl-a-ga te-pu-ga-am-ma iz-za-kar known to him
from ms. B (l.iv.30), and now found also in A (I.v.8).
It is noteworthy that the subsequent verb does not have the
prefix, nor do other verbs with a feminine subject, £.£.
ib-lu-la (I.v.4,cf. verbs in I .vi.1-8,III.iii.32,Iv.12).
These two passages are the only examples in ’narrative* texts
in the ’Dialekt* (i.e. myths and epics as distinct from
hymns and prayers) and may be elapsed as an archaism (see
Notes to I.iv.30).
7b. Predominance of u in III Preterite forms of verbs initial
w and y . ""
This feature is not apparent In the Epic of Atrahasis,
and is not very common elsewhere according to von Soden.
7c. Use of a Ill/ll verbal form. Again, this feature Is
absent. It is, indeed, so rare in Old Babylonian texts
that it can hardly be used as a distinctive mark (von Soden
cites two examples in the Ilesh hymn, three in Hammurabi Code
Prologue and Epilogue, two in Agushaya cf. G-.A.G-. §95,a) .
It is more common in later compositions such as Enuma elish.
8 b 0 of words not found elsewhere. Many words Supposedly
peculiar to the ’Dialekt1 were listed by von Soden. He
noted that the Old Babylonian G-ilgamesh texts did not
contain words figuring in the list, and to this observation
may be added the fact that he quoted only one word which was
to be found in an Old Babylonian ’narrative* text and in
the hymnal texts (epiatu, OB Etana, 11.2,6)
Scrutiny of the vocabulary of Atrahasis reveals that
it uses right words which appear in the list as found in
other texts in the ’Dialekt’; ahriatig I.iv.45. baDulatu
1.1.14, binu I .ii.37,39, ergu III.iii.33, kaSuSu Ill.iii.12,
kullatu III.viii.18, nig&iku, I.i.16, gapgaqu I.I.4. Of
these words three are already known in Old Akkadian (hafulatu,
binu, kullatu), two are divine epithets (ersu of Mami,
nig&lku of Enkii leaving only apriatis, kafeuSu, sapgaqu, as
characteristic of the ’Dialekt*. In a composition of
which some eight hundred lines survive or can be reconstructed,
three words and epithets (likely to be conventional)
cannot be counted sufficient to place the Atrahasis Epic
in a class with the hymnal works also employing them.
Thus the separation of G-Ilgamesh, observed in this respect
by von Soden, and of Etana, as noted above, also applies
to Atrahasis. This means that use of a special vocabulary
is restricted to hymnal compositions (including Enuma elish
among them), a factor which may be of significance with
regard to the dating of their composition, and that of the
211.
’narrative1 texts, and to the further study of the ’Dialekt*.

The distinction of a ’narrative* from a ’hymnal* mode of
expression may be assumed on vocabulary grounds, at least.
8b. Use of prepositions iSti, geru. The form igti, rarely
found after the Old Babylonian period, does not survive,
but may be restored In I.iii.56. e-te-el-[li ig-til-ka q.v.
Another usage isolated by von Soden Is ina seri where
later texts might write ina eli or ina muppi, and there
are Instances of this in Atrahasis (III.iii.43,iv. 11, both
parallel to eli). As in many texts eli and elu are written
without apparent distinction, cjf. [ki-ma qa-ab-lij e-li ni-5i
i-ba? ka-gu-gu ’like battle the tempest swept over the people*,
Ill.iii.12 with [ ..J e-lu ni-ql-i pa-ap-ru ’they gathered
over the off©rings’,III.v.35.
c . Other peculiarities in the language of the Epic.
In addition to these aspects of the 'Dialekt* discussed

by ¥. von Soden, certain other points merit attention.
1* Locative termination. Beside the -is form noted above
(b.4.b) there are some examples of is with a different vowel:
qa-ti-ga I.i.11, sa-me-e-ga I.i.13,17* These may be
associated with the-i_g forms, and with such as baAulatusgu
and others noted by von Soden (G.A.G. §67g) to show that
25
this suffix may have been originally j[.
2. Adverbial termination £,a(mO . The forms pu-ul-pi-ta, Ill.iii.
29,iv.22, and ga-me-er-ta(m),Ill.iii.38,v.44 are assigned
25. cf. E.A. Speiser, I.E.J.IV (1954)fpp.108-115.

to this category in the Notes, the attribution of the latter
being supported by the parallel use of lStinife (see Notes to
III.iii.38). The termination is otherwise found with
words of time and manner, mainly in conventional phrases,
26
but also with various nouns to which these are now added.
These observations and comparisons show that the Atrahasis
Epic has several features of the ’Dialekt* described by
W. von Soden, but lacks the more unusual or uncommon of them

(gat, apocopation of prepositions, Ill/ll forms, special
vocabulary). Its language may be characterised as that of
a literary narrative as distinct from hymnal writings.

(v) The Epic as a Poem.
Understanding of Akkadian poetry has made little
assured progress during the first century of Assyriology.

27
No thorough study of the subject has been published.
Parallelism, the basic feature of much Semitic poetry, is
readily observable and hardly excites comment. Matters of
metre, rhythm, or stress have received little attention
p.Q
in recent years , while only occasional notes on the finer
details of poetic composition can be found. 29
^ A complete
examination of this aspect of a long, newly available,
text such as Atrahasis is hampered, therefore, by lack of
26. Cf. G.A.G. II 72b, 113b, 146,14-7.
27. A resume is given by F. G-ossman - Oesa, Das Era Epos,
Wurzburg, 1956, pp.73-76.
28. cf. M. Held, J.C.S.XV (1961),pp.2-3.
29. As, for example, in A.L. Oppenheim, Amalecta Biblica XII
(1959), pp.298-300.
213.
established principles. The following items collected

from the Epic may demonstrate the style and quality of its
poetry.
a) Parallelism: This occurs in the simplest form, conveying
the same meaning in parallel phrases using different words
in I.1.2: ublu dulla; izbilu 8up£ikka, and 3-4: supsik ill
rabiLul: dullum kabit; mad sapgaqum.
Another form employs Identical words in both parts
except for one as in I.ii.24-27: beli binu bunuka, maru
ramanika, minû tadur; Enlil binu bunuka, maru ramanika,
min&u tadur. Other examples of this are I.i,43-46, I.ii.1-4,
14-17, 37-40. It is also a common feature of Sumerian
poetry (e.g. Instructions of Shuruppak 11.4-5^).
A further type is ’advancing* or ’stair’ parallelism in
which the second half adds a word to the first, as in
III.iv.8-9: kima amim imida ana [xxx} ; kima amim ina, seri
imida ana kibri.
The last form to be noted is that which is very common
in Akkadian epic poetry, the repetition of a command as an
action, as in I.ii.31 -32,* 33-34: Nusku edil babka, kaki in?-.
iziz mabria; Nusku idil babsu, kakki£u ilqi, ittaziz maâr
Enlil (cf. I.ii.41-42; 43-44): and related to this the
repetition of a message when given to the messenger and when
delivered, or found in I.iii.10-16; 22-28.
b) Metrical arrangement. The scribe of mss. A, E, F and G
was careful in the writing of the texts to ensure that
30. S.N. Kramer, Iraq XXV (1963), p.175; this also exemplifies
Sumerian use of the simple form of parallelism noted above
and o t h w types mentioned below.
214*
words overhanging in a long line were Indented so that

their position was clear. He did not divide the strophes
with extra rulings as was often the practice (e.£. Agusaya,

Hymn to Nana, Hymn to Ishtar). Observation of the incidence
of parallelism and application of the rule that each verse
ends in a trochee 31 contributes to analysis of the metrical
structure. The basic verse form is clearly that with six
stresses, either in distichs or tristichs. The poem
opens in tristichs: inurna ilu awilum, ublu dulla, izbilu
supgikka; supsik ill rabltu), dullurn kabit, mad gapSaqum
(l.i.1-4), showing incidentally that the conjunction inuma
is unaccented, and the construct SupSik is counted as one
with ill. A further distich shows that a vocative may
not be stressed, I.11.31,32: Nusku edil babka, kakkika liqi,
iziz mahriya. On the other hand it is part of the distich
beli lawi bitka, qablum iruga ana babika, I.ii.24-25, cf.
26-27. In lines containing a long word, this may bear two
stresses as in III.i.34-35, anaku ullig, usaznanakku, higbi
igguri puduri ran, and I.1.9,10 guzzaluSunu Ninurta, u
gallu&unu Ennugi.
c). Alliteration and Assonance. A number of passages
appear to have a deliberate alliteration or assonance,
although lack of knowledge of the tastes of Akkadian poets
forces the caution that this might be accidental. The
b/p sound is emphasised in III.i.22, ubut bita bini eleppa,
31. B. Landsberger, Islamica II (1926-7),p.371, quoted by

M. Held, J.C.S. XrTT96T),p.3, n.22) .
and in I.ii.37, together with n and u, bell binu bunuka,
mama * ■ i mm I t bwwiw M n H i w *— — i■
and III.iv.12 with 5, libbasa unappl5, and in 1.1.3,4 is a

verse commencing with 5up5ik and ending with sapgaqum.
u and n are predominant in lu dunnuna uniaturn (lll.i.32) and
r and k in urruk markasa (III.11.55). There is an occasional
assonance of the unaccented syllable as in I.ii.13, babi sa
" i«i ■ ni(i u rsastxs
atmani quradi Enlil where i recurs in each noun, I.i.2

ublu dulla, igbfLu gupMkka which has almost a rhyme in -a,
and I.iv.27, abSanam libil gipir Enlil in -il.
d).Epithets. The use of epithets may help the poet to fit
his xvords easily into the metre by providing an extra stress
where his line is short. quradu Enlil, erigtu Mami,
rabutum Anunna are frequent, Enki nlSSiku occurs twice
(i.i.16;III.vi.42) exemplifying this: tit-ta-ad-3nu a-na
Ên-ki na-as-&i-kl, iz-za-kar a-na dEn-ki nl-iS-gi-ki.
e). Similes. The poet has enhanced his work with several
comparisons drawn from commonplace and from abstruse sources.
The noise of the populated countryside and of the flood is
likened to a wild bull’s bellow (I.vii.21;II.i .3;III.iii.15),
the huddled, thirsty gods to sheep at the pool (lll.iv.19),
the floating corpses (?) to dragon-flies covering the river
(III.iv.6,7)• There is a simile from the action of the
thief (ll.ii.15), and another from the grounding of a raft
(III.iv.8,9). Comparison of Nintu with the legendary Tiruru
-bird (III.iii.40) and of the covering of the ark with the
Apsu (III.i.29) involve mythical-religious conceptions.
f). Word order. In the absence of a thorough study of
Akkadian syntax, it is hard to know whether any weight
should be placed upon the varying positions of the verb
apart from such considerations of metre as obviously avoid
placing it last in a line such as dullurn kabit, mad sapgaqum
(I.i.4), such as i&takna Âdad ina erpiti and Âdad isaggum
ina erpiti (III.ii.49,53).
g). Poetic construction.,, This heading describes features
indicative of the author’s consciousness that his creation
is a unit. It is not a recitation of one event after
another in a long list, but an interlocking whole. Two
features demonstrate this.
1• Cross reference or verbal recollection of an earlier

passage is seen in I.i,42, kabtam dullani ll&aslk elni and
I*v.13 kabtam dullakunu ugassik.
2. Irony, closely related to 1, is the repetition of words
or ideas in contrary circumstances. Four cases are easily
seen. I.vii.21 m aturn kima Ii ijfabbu; Ill.iii.15 Cabubl u
kima 11 jgabbu. providing the restoration is accepted
(see Notes ad loc.), a contrast appears between the bull-like
roaring of the populated land whereby Enlil was enraged,
and the bull-like roaring of the deluge sent to silence it
at Enlil’s behest. I.iv.45, ahriatis umi uppa nigrae;
I. vii.22,23 ina b u b m M n a ilu itta> dar, Enlil interne rlgimgin.
Here there may be an intentional contrast in the gods hearing
not the orderly beat of the work-drum as they expected and
intended, allowing them to take their ease, but the cacophony

217»
of chaos and disturbance through the multiplication of man,

actually preventing rest. Ill.iv.21,22, samia saptasunu pulfri'
XJ J- + * jfcWMwi'i ..ini
iar
rt AniMKtlMifeiMiMwmiaBniiM* #*.*nwmi
ina bubuti itanarrarru. No passage can be juxtaposed

depicting the gods well-fed and satisfied, yet just this
is the understood purpose in the creation of man. By
destroying their creature they harm themselves.
Column vl of Tablet I seems to describe a pattern of
birth which is to be an ideal; column vii of Tablet III
recounts the introduction of plague as a means of controlling
the populace. Here the first intent of the gods has almost
been reversed.
This ironical undertone can be associated with the
rather cynical religious attitude of the poet (see §VI below)
providing, nonetheless, a skilful method of uniting the
parts of the poem.
218.
CHAPTER V
Atrahasis and the Babylonian Creation Stories
The Epic of Atrahasis actually recounts the creation of

only two things, namely the landscape and mankind; it is
not a creation story in the sense of a cosmogony, as are
many other Babylonian creation narratives. However, the
introductory passage does give some information about the
state of the world at an early age, subsequent to its creation.
Therefore there is material for comparison with other Babylonian
accounts of the creation of the earth as well as with
descriptions of the making of man. The intention in making
such comparisons is to discover whether Atrahasis belongs to
any visible tradition or group of traditions and whether it
may itself have influenced other stories.
For comparative purposes a list of major features relative
to this theme may be drawn up as found in the Atrahasis Epic:
(i) The world is divided by lot into Anu's realm (heaven),
Enlil1s realm (earth), Enki*s realm (fresh-water).
(ii) Under the direction of the Anunnaki, the Igigu labour to
render the earth fruitful.
(iii) The Igigu revolt against this toil.
(iv) In a council held to consider how to appease the Igigu,
creation of a substitute is proposed.
(v) Enki suggests slaying one god, mixing his flesh and blood
with clay, and making mankind therefrom.
(vi) Enki and the Mother-goddess do this.

219.
(vii) The Igigu relax from their toil; all the gods now
have their needs met through the toils of man.
These features will he cited in order as applicable to each
creation story.
Enuma elish. Although this is the most well-known, as well
as the longest, of the Babylonian Creation Stories, its
composition is to be dated fairly late in the history of !
Babylonian literature, probably towards the end of the second
millennium B.C. Therefore it is later in date than
p
Atrahasis as a whole, but it clearly embodies earlier materials,
which could include themes found in Atrahasis. The examination
of this possibility is the purpose of the following paragraphs.
^he Division of the Universe. The specific dividing by
lot is not present in Enuma Elish; the divine triad, Anu, Enlil.
Enki, is recognised and treated as the seat of government
(IV.146: Â-num ^Bel u Ê-a ma-ha-zi-û-un ug-ram-ma, ’He
(Marduk) caused Anu, Enlil, and Enki to occupy their residences1
,
_cf.VII.6). The primacy of Anu (Sarru, Atrahasis I.i,7) is
seen in the endowment of Marduk with authority like that of
Anu (IV.4,6: se-qar-ka A-nu-um, of. VII.102), and in the fact

that it is he who enthrones Marduk (VI.93,94). The place of
Enlil in Enuma elish is negligible, so that it has been
1. L. Matous, Ar.Or. XXIX (1961),pp.30-34, using grammatical

criteria; W.G-. Lambert in W.S. McCullough (ed), The Seed of
Wisdom, Toronto, 1964,pp.3-13, on the date of Marduk’s
exaltation as head of the pantheon.
2. R. Labat, Be Poeme babylonien de la creation, Paris, 1935,
220.
suggested that Marduk replaced him in adaptation of an earlier j

]
story, a suggestion perhaps supported by VII.149: ^Marduk

Ên-lil ilani, ’Marduk, the Enlil of the gods1, However,
Enlil is mentioned in the triad with Anu and Enki in IV. 146; |
V.80, and with Marduk and Enki in VI.64, and also as one who
prosecutes the lauding of Marduk in VI.82 and VII.136,^ all
of which would be inconsistent had Marduk absorbed him
entirely. The position of Enki in both poems is similar,
his activity in the creation of man is considered under (iv)
and (v)*
(ii) The Role of the Igigu. The Atrahasis Epic opens with
the picture of the Igigu toiling to render the earth productive
at the behest of the Anunnaki (I.i.5,6). No parallel occurs
Enuma elish in the same context. However, certain
references are made to the toils of one group of gods who had
been the followers of Tiamat and were subjugated by Marduk who
set them to work to supply the needs of the gods (IV.107-121,
127; V.147,148)1 Marduk is later acclaimed as the one who
has restored the ’dead gods’ to life and released them from
their toil by creating man; (VI.152,153?VII.27-29)* Yet it
is the Anunnaki who first claim to have been released from their
toil by man’s creation (VI.49), although the Identification of
these gods and distinction from the Igigu, if any, is not clear
Enuma elish. There is, then, a concept of inferior gods
labouring on earth present in Enuma elish, with the reason for
3. Ibid., pp.40-44*
4. Of. B. Landsberger and J.V. ICinnier Wilson, J.N.B.S.XX(196I),
pp.178-9* 5* Cf.ibid *
6. A. Heidel, The Babylonian Genesis, p.47,n.115#
221.
this situation that they were defeated enemies.

(iii) The Revolt of the Igigu. Enuma elish knows nothing of
a revolt by these defeated gods against the toil imposed upon
them. The revolts recounted in it are those of the younger
generation of gods, led by Anu, against Apsu and Tiamat their
ancestors, and these were not revolts against labour as puerile
pranks and noisy behaviour (1*21-51; 105-108). There is no
similarity of incident with the revolt in the Atrahasis Epic
since the characters and setting are different. In addition
contrasts may be noted between the procedure of consultation
among the gods in the face of Tiamat!s attack when Enki and
Anshar make the decision to name Marduk as champion and
acquiesce to his demands and then summon the assembly of the
gods (II.5-49,92-95,122-129; III.4-10,129-IV.29) and Enlil's
re-action to the attack of the Igigu which is to convene
the assembly and debate his problem (Atrahasis I.ii.43ff).
(iv) A Council i_s held and a Sub datut e proposed; (v) Method of
making Man. Although Atrahasis I.iv. is incomplete, it
appears from the reconstructed lines that the proposal to
create man as a substitute for the toiling gods came from Enki,
but it is not clear whether he was responsible for first
suggesting the slaughter of one of these gods. In Enuma
elish Marduk is credited with the idea of forming man as the
god’s substitute, ’I will collect blood together, I will cause
bone to be1 (VI.5: da-mi lu-uk-gur eg-me-ta lu-dab-si). Enki
elaborates upon this statement, introducing the concept of the
slaughter of a rebellious god as a means towards the creation

222.
of man (VI. 11-16), Marduk announces this plan to the gods

(Igigu and Anunnaki, VI#20,27), Kingu, the instigator of Tiamat!s
attack, was executed, and man was created from his blood, largely
by Enki in accordance with Marduk's plans (VI.28-38)*
Enuma elish agrees with Atrahasis in requiring the death
of a god before the substitute can be made, and in depicting
Enki as the originator of this idea* How the man was made is
not explained by Enuma elish:, nor is any component other than
blood mentioned. By contrast, specially prepared clay is an
essential ingredient in the Atrahasis' account. As in (iii)
above, the idea is first discussed privately by Marduk and
Enki, then brought to the council in Enuma elish, whereas in
Atrahasis the idea arises during the council's sitting.
(vi) Enki and the Mother-goddess make Man. Atrahasis
describes Nintu as making man on Enki's instructions; Enuma
elish relates Enki doing the work on Marduk1s advice, ina
d d
nik-la-a-ti-'ja Marduk ib-na-a Nu-dim-mud, 'in accordance with
Marduk1s plans did Nudimmud create' (VI.35), so that the work
s/
can still be called Marduk*s (VII.90; a-bit ilani m0s £a b w iH jpI
V
tl-amat e-pig nige mes ina mim-me-gu-un; 113: er-ba sal-mat
qaq,qacli bi-na-tug-gu). The key position of Enki is found in
both accounts; Nintu is absent from Enuma -elish.
(vii) The Igigu relax; Man supplies the Needs of the Gods.
The purpose and result of man's creation are the same in both
compositions, ctf. Atrahasis I.iv.28; v .13*16 and Enuma elish VI.
34 i-mid dul-li ilani me0-ma ilani 1110^ um-ta^-ser, 'He
imposed the service of the gods (upon man) and set the gods
223.
free, also VI.8,49, 110-119; VII.26-29.
(vili) Various Comparable Themes.

tr*i|i ik J it* il.n»tjinf
There are a few passages
J“ ^
.j?numa elish which have counterparts in Atrahasis in

addition to those already examined* The most striking is the
motif of the noise of a lesser creation disturbing its elders*
ellsh the gods provoke Apsu and Tiamat in this way;
in Atrahasis Man provokes Enlil. This motif of loss of sleep
by the higher order of beings occurs in other literary texts
(see Notes to I*vii.26), so it may be a common literary theme
and not indicate any connection between the two compositions
in question* Yet it may be that there is an intentional
reflection of one in the other as a conscious device to
illustrate the cycle of history, which the use of historical
r?
omens suggests was a Babylonian belief?*
The author of Enuma elish may have taken the idea from
Atrahasis, of which it is an integral part, and applied it to
the primaeval period to explain why Tiamat was angry with the
gods, depicting them as behaving like mankind*
A second common concept may possibly be found in Atrahasis
I*i*15 (§i-ga~ra-am na-ah-ba-lu ti-a-am-tim and the description
of the formation of the earth by Marduk in Enuma elish V*
There one half of Tiamat*s corpse forms the sky with locks and
gates (9?10)? and the other half is formed into the earth with
the Tigris and Euphrates flowing from the eyes and the nostrils
(53-58)* While this may not be closely parallel, both accounts
7. Cf. C*J* Gadd, Ideas of Divine Rule in the Ancient Near East,
London, 1948,p.55*
224.
imply the confinement of a great ocean.

îx) Conclusions. From these comparisons it appears that
three of the seven major features of Atrahasis have close
slmilaritiesiin Enuma elish; (i) the divine triad, (iv)creation
of a substitute from a dead god is proposed by Bnki, (vi) the
gods rest, man providing their needs.
Cther Babylonian Creation Stories. The other known
Babylonian Creation Stories are all either written in Sumerian
or are bi-lingual or are Akkadian texts with Sumerian content and
8
therefore almost certainly originally written in Sumerian, with
the possible exception of one text preserved in a single neo-
Babylonian copy. This is the cosmogony, discovered by the
writer, which relates the history of creation as a series of
generations. Since it makes no reference to man nor to any
of the deities or events related in Atrahasis it is not
relevant here except in so far as it is witness to a completely
separate tradition.9 The other texts will be considered
separately under the headings already listed.
1. The Creation Story K.A.R.4.
All copies of this text are written in three columns, the
parallel Sumerian and Akkadian being preceded by the signs of
the so-called 1Silbenalphabet1 which is known to have been
10
used in elementary education. The reason for the inclusion
8. The exclusively Sumerian names employed are sufficient

indication of this.
9* Copied: C.T. XLYI,pls. XXX1X,XL,no.43 ; preliminary translation
by W.G-. Lambert, Eadmos IY (1965)pp.64-68.
10.Cf. M.Cig, H.Eizilyay, B.Landsberger, Zwei altbabylonische
Schulbucher aus Nippur, Ankara? 1959*
225.
13
of these signs is not known,' and they are not relevant for
comparative purpose. Also obscure, hut important here, is
the significance of the colophon attached to copies of the
text from Nineveh (not found in the Assur copy) entitling the
- 12
w°rk tuppi 2 kam.ma i-nu-ma i-lum a-wi-lum , the first line,
and consequently ’title1, of Atrahasis. This has been
commented upon in the Notes to I.i.l (Ch.Ill) .
Division of the Universe. IC.A .R .4 gives no information
about the realms of the gods5 Shamash is added to the
divine triad (1 *7).
(ii) The Labour of the Igigu. This motif is entirely absent;
canals and rivers were 'given their right courses' but no
agent is named (11*5*6). A later passage implies a class of
labouring gods, however (see (v) below).
(iii) The Revolt of the Igigu. Consequently this is also not
found.
(iv) A Council is held; a Substitute proposed. While it
follows that no substitute is necessary, the gods in council
ponder a further creation to the earth and then propose to
make man.
(v) Enki suggests slaughtering a Cod. It is the Anunnaki who
propose the slaughter of workmen gods ( lamga.lamga 1 .25) from
whose blood mankind would be made to serve the gods and tend
the earth (11.24 - rev.12).
11. C.J* Cadd,Ir^£ IV(l937),pp.33-34, suggests they were

considered as specimens of man's first speech.
12. Of. ibid.
special part in K.A.R.4, nor is a description of the process
or method of creation given. The Mother-goddess does fix the
life-span of the creatures (rev.17*18).
(vii) The Igigu relax; Man provides for the Cods. No mention
is made of relief for the working gods, hut man does have as
his purpose the worship and cult of the gods.
(viii) Conclusions* Despite the absence of many features
K.A.R.4 has some basic ideas common also to Atrahasis, namely^
(ii) the earth cultivated by gods, (iv) the proposal in council
to make man, (v) man to be made from the blood of dead gods,
(vii) man provides for the gods.
2o A Creation Story within a Ritual.
A few lines within a ritual for the restoration of a
temple found at Babylon contain a summary of the events of
i. 13
creation.
Division of the Universe. Anu created heaven, Enki the Apsu
and apparently the features of the earth (marsh, forest,
mountain, sea); Enlil is not mentioned.
(ii) The Igigu Labour. This is not explicit, but Enki
created various workmen gods associated with the trades
employed in temple construction, and deities of food and drink
for furnishing the nourishment of the gods.
(iii-v) Enki and the Mother-goddess make Man. Enki alone
created the king for maintaining temples and man for worshipping
13. E.H. Weissbach, Babylonische Miscellen, Leipzig,1903,

pp.32-34,pi.12.
227.
'the gods. Since at the beginning of his work, Enki had

pinched clay in the Apsu ( 6-a ina apsrC ik-ru-ga ti-ta-Laml,
1.26), it may" he that man as well as the other beings were
made from this, but it may only apply to the Brick-god
mentioned in the next line.
(vii) The Igigu Relax; Man Labours. Y/hile the first feature
is not present, man*s purpose was to do somethingfllb-rifr a-me-
lu-ti x x x x ana i-pi-tû? x x],1.38) .
(viii) Conclusions. This abbreviated story shares with
Atrahasis the concept of Enki as creator of man, possibly
from clay (vi), with the purpose of serving the gods (vii).
Other points are not sufficiently clear to warrant a claim
of common ground (i,ii).
3. The Bilingual Creation Story.
This text also formed a part of a ritual^ a service of
purification of a temple.15 It commences by listing what was
not, then relates their creation. Marduk is the creator,
only one other deity is mentioned; (i-v) do not apply.
(vi) Enki and the M oth er«rgo ddess make Man. Marduk makes man,
but not alone, a-ru-ru ze-er a-me-lu-tl it-ti-su ib-ta-nu
!Aruru with him created the seed of mankind1 (l.2l), Aruru
being a name of the Mother-goddess.
(vii) The Igigu Relax; Man Labours. The Igigu do not appear,
but ilani ina 8u-bat tu-ûb librbi ana &u~Su--bi a-me-lu-ti
14* It may be observed that Enuma elish falls into the same
category In that it was recited during the New Year Ritual
in certain cities.
1 5 . n . T.XIII.DlB.3 5 - 3 8 ; A . H e i a e l , T h e B g b g lo n lgn Genesis,pp.6 1 - 63
228.
ib-ta-ni 'He created mankind to allow the gods to dwell in the 1

j
abode of delight* (11*19,21)*

(viii) Additional Comparison.* , Marduk is credited with
creation of the Tigris and Euphrates, £f. Atrahasis l.i. where
this is the labour of the Igigu*
(ix) Conclusions. This story has little in common with
Atrahasis except for the creation of Man with the aid of the
Mother-goddess•
4* Other *Creation Stories* in Akkadian.
The collectionof creation stories compiled by A* Heidel
in common with others includes certain *creation’ passages
which are not complete stories but refer to creation.
However these are not relevent for comparison in detail.
One believed to refer to the creation of man may not do so
16
at all. The introduction to the omen series Enuma Anu ellil
has reference only to the creation of sun and moon.
Noteworthy for association with Atrahasis l.i. is the River
Incantation which begins at-ti naru banat ka-la-ma e-nu-ma
ifc-ru-ki ilgni rabuti *0 river, creator of all! When the
17
great gods dug you out...* The famous ’Worm and Toothache*
incantation and similar texts belong with the tradition of the
*1 o
composition noted above, p.2.i^n..9.
16. C.l.XIII,pl.34,D.T.41; ^ is part of a disputation or fable

cf. W.G-. Lambert, J.C.S. XVl(l962) ,p.72,
1-7. L7W. King, The Seven Tablets of Creation I, London, 1902,
pp.128-9, 20TP1. "
18, C,T. XVII,pi,50; B. Landsberger and T, Jacobsen, J.N.E.S.
XIV (1955),pp.15-18; XVII (1958),p.56. ““
229.
Sumerian Creation Stories. Many Sumerian compositions refer

to creation of the universe and a few to the making of man.
Most of these are allusive or represent traditions differing
widely from Atrahasis (such as man springing up like a plant).
Several do contain the theme of man created to serve the gods
-1Q
'Cattle and Grain1). Two Sumerian works have closer
relevance. These are the creation story in the ’Sumerian
Deluge Tablet’ and the introduction to the story of Enki and
N inmah.
1, The 'Sumerian Deluge*,
Although only one third of the text survive, it is
sufficient to show that it originally contained a 'history
of mankind from his creation until the Flood (cf. Gh.VI i (ii)
20
and ch. VII). The first column alone refers to creation,
and its interpretation is uncertain, Man is, however, the
creation of Nintu with Anu, Enlil, and Enki (i.12’,13’), and
emphasis on cult-establishments and rituals suggests man may
have been intended for their service (i.5,-9f), and apparently
cleaning of the watercourses was also a part of his lot (ii,22*).
No trace of other gods toiling or requiring a substitute is
present.
2* Enki and Ninmah.
The introduction to this story has recently been edited
21
by J.J. van Dijk. This depicts the gods as divided between
19. Cf. S.N.Kramer, Sumerian Mythology^, New York,1961,pp.30-75?

¥7 Jacobsen,J , N .
20. A. Poebel,Historical Texts,P.P.S. IV.1, Philadelphia,1914,
pp.9-70; S,N.Kramer,op.cit.,pp.97-8,A.N.E.T, pp.42-4,
21. Acta Orientalia_XXVIII(1954),pp«24-31*
230.
heaven and earth, the 'great gods' (dingir.§ar.&ar) supervising

the junior ones (dingir.tur.tur) who toil to provide food*
The gods complain and Nammu, the Mother-goddess, arouses Enki,
who is sleeping, and suggests he makes substitute workers*
Enki accordingly prepares 'mother-wombs* (siqg*
and, with clay from the Apsu commands the formation of man in
the wombs. One line is of debateable content but may'imply
that Nammu had a god killed for the creation (1.32; ama.ni mud
^ ^ pp
mu.gar«ra.zu r.gal.la.am...)7
E* Conclusions* The result of these comparisons is to show
a widely attested tradition, going back into Sumerian culture,
that Man was made from clay by the Mother-goddess to serve
the gods in cultivating and ordering the earth and worshipping ,
them* In some cases more detailed comparisons can be made,
leading to the following tabulation;
vision of the Universe found in; A (largely) B.l (not
related 0,2 (partly)
(ii) Labour of the Igigu found in; A (implied) L.I (implied)
B.2 (possibly) 0.2
(iii) Revolt of the Igigu found in; 0.2
(iv) Oouncil and proposal of a substitute found in; ,A (no
council) B.l (not specifically substitute) 0.2 (no council)
(v) Slaughter of a god and mixing with clay found ins A (blood
only) B.l (no clay) 0,2. (possibly)
(vi) Enki and the Mother-goddess create Man found ins A(Enki
only) B.l (Mother-goddess only) B.2 (Enki only) B„3 (Marduk
and Goddess) 0.1 (with Anu and Enlil) 0,2

22. ibid., p,29,n.76.
231*
(vii) The Igigu Relax: Man Labours found ins A B.l (man
labours, only) B.2 (do.) 33.3 C,1 C.2
In summary; Enuma elish has many points in common with
Atrahasis and could have borrowed from it, being later in date;
B.l has many identical themes; 0.2 tells almost the same
story. There must be some close connection between all three
accounts and Atrahasis, and our poem may be considered a
translation or adaptation of a Sumerian tale very similar to
0.2, if not identical with it*
23* The accounts of Damascius and Berossus (preserved only at

third hand) have not been treated in detail; the former
summarises Enuma elish, the latter states that men were
made from a god^s blood and earth, cf. A. Heidel,
The Babylonian Genesis, pp.75-78*
232*
Chapter VI.
ATRAHASIS AND OTHER BABYLONIAN FLOOD STORIES
khile lower Mesopotamis is exceptionally liable to severe

flooding1, Sumerian-Akkadian tradition enshrined an account
of one flood more disastrous than all others from which only
one man escaped alive. The historical aspect of this
tradition is investigated in the next chapter (7), here
the account of the Atrahasis Epic is compared with the other
Akkadian and Sumerian narratives to discover any connections
there may be between them.
(i) Atrahasis and Gilgamesh XI. 8-195.
The only Akkadian narrative of the Flood apart from
the Atrahasis Epic is that contained in Gilgamesh XI.
Obvious correspondences of many lines in these two
compositions have already been observed in the Notes,
especially on Tablet III (pp JSi-ff) . The many broken passages
in Tablet III (ms.F), preclude comparison with the whole
of the Gilgamesh XI text. As the latter is known only
from neo-Assyrian and neo-Babylonian manuscripts, there is
a gap of almost a millennium between the texts compared.
The text of Gilgamesh XI as now known is probably the result
of the editing of the Old Babylonian version late in the
second millennium B.C. by Sin-Lege-Unninni. Since his
'edition' seems to have been the only one current thereafter,
p
it may be referred to as the 'canonical' version. No
1. E. de Vaumes, Iraq XXVII (1965), pp.92-94.

2. W.G. Lambert, J.C.S. XVI (1962), p.77-
233*
account of the Flood survives in the fragments of the
Old Babylonian version, but that it was included is
assured by the surviving pieces equivalent to the
'canonical' Tenth Tablet which describe the journey of
Gilgamesh to visit Uta-naplshtim in order to learn the
secret of his immortality* Comparison of the surviving
Old Babylonian texts of Gilgamesh with the corresponding
passages occasionally preserved in the canonical version
has shown that they present the same basic story. The
later version is longer, it contains more repetition,
the contents of speeches or the persons who express certain
views are not always the same, there are variations in
details of fact, and, occasionally, complete episodes
present in one are - absent from the other version.^ It
can be assumed, therefore, that should an Old Babylonian
equivalent of the 1canonical' Eleventh Tablet ever be
discovered, it would not differ very greatly from that text.
Nevertheless, It must be reiterated that there could be a
considerable number of differences in the manner exhibited,
by the known parallel passages of other tablets (notably
Two and Three, also Ten). A second point to be noted before
comparison is made is that the Flood story in Gilgamesh XI
is narrated by Uta-napishtim throughout, whereas the
Atrahasis Epic is an impersonal recitation.
3. A.R. Millard, Iraq XXVI (1964), pp.99-105

4. J.R. Kupper in P. Garelli, ed, Gilgamesh et sa Legende,
Paris, 1960, pp.97-102.
234.
(i)a. Comparison of the Texts:

In the following tabulation the order of lines of the
Atrahasis Epic is followed (designated A), the appropriate
lines of Gilgamesh XI (G-.XI) being placed opposite. For
convenience, the hero of the Flood is here called Atrahasis,
Ea is Enki, Ishtar is toami or Nintu.
The first parallel passage is found in the Introduction
of A.I. where the divine government is described, and at
the beginning of the G-.XI narrative, where it is also a
part of the introductory description:
A.I.i.7.Anu abuSunu sarru G.XI.15. ( )ma abusunu Ânum
8. malikSunu quradu “-Enlil 16. malikSunu quradu Ênlil
9. guzzalu&unu %inurta 17. guzaluSunu ^Ninurta
10. u gallusunu Ênnugi 18. gugalluSunu Ênnugi
19. <%inigiku Êa
itti&unu taSibma-5
The similarity of these two passages suggests connection
at least through a common source. The peculiar title of
Ennugi (see Notes) and the fact that no other identical
formulation has yet been found support a connection. The
position of either passage is introductory, revealing the
supernatural order of governance at the outset of the story.
In A, Enki has no place here, although mentioned a few lines
later, but his presence is essential in G-.XI from the start,
as he is the first actor in the narrative. The line
5. The final word is read thus by W. von Soden, Z.A. LIII*

n.F.XIX (1959), p.232, following Jensen, Delitzsch and
others (translated from this reading by Heidel and Speisei),
but the reading ta-me-ma 'he was party to the oath',
preferred by I.M. Diakonov, Bib.Or.XVIII (1961), p.63
(also by R.C. Thompson), may be adjudged more probable
in the light of A.II,Vii, where Enki does join the gods
in their oath.
235«
naming him (G.XI.19) differs from those preceding in

giving two names for the god and is metrically at variance,
having, apparently, three feet, like the next line
(amatsunu uganna ana kikkigu). G-.XI.19 is thus seen to be
separate from lines 15-18 in its form. This difference
and the identity of the preceding lines with A.l.i.7^10
could be considered sufficient evidence for an assumption
of adaptation of the atrahasis passage by the writer of
G.XI. At this stage no definite conclusion is desirable;
the remainder of the material must first be compared.
The next parallels are found in the badly broken lines
II.Vii. 49-53 in which Enki apparently ordains the course
of the Flood1s implementation and in G.XI. 99-102 where
the happening is described:
A.II. Vii 49.^§ullat u ^[Hanis] G .XI.99.^Sullat u ^Hanis
50.1illiku ina [mahra] illaku ina ma^ri
100.illaku guzale sadu u
^ mat urn
51.tarkulli Erfrakal] 101.tarkulli Êrrakal inassah
li[nassahj
52.1illi[k ^Ninurta] 102.Illak ^Ninurta mihra
u&ardi
53o lirTdi mihra J
.The broken condition of A.Ill.iii,iv,v, allows the
possibility that this section was repeated in the account
of the Flood (see Notes). G.XI.100 is not represented in
A.II, and is an expansion of line 99, producing a parallel
stichos. A. would appear* to preserve a simpler text in
this instance.
A.Ill provides the major series of comparative passages
so the whole is cited in parallel with G.XI before comment is
made.
A. Ill.1,15.[ Enki] piaSu ipu&amma GXI.20.(Êa) amatsunu
uSanna ana kikkiSu
16.[izz]akar ana ardi&u
17. C J-Summa lu&tei ta.qabbi
l8.Sipra Sa a&abbuka
19.&usser atta
20.igaru Sitammianni 21.kikki£ kikkiS igar
igar
21.kikkiSu Susseri kala 22.kikkiSu Simema igaru
zikdya hissas
23. am Suruppaku mar
*Ubard Tutu
22.ubut bita bini eleppa 24.uqur bita bini
eleppa
25.mus$ir meSre Seî
napgati
23. makkura z6rma 26.makkura zerma
24.napiSta bullit napiSta bullit
27.[§u]lima zer napgati
kalama ana libbi
eleppi
25. ( e)leppa &a tabannu-fSi atta]28.1^ eleppa Sa
tabannuSi atta
26.[ ) 29.lu minduda minatusa
27.( ] 30.lu mithur lupussa u
murakSa
28.[ ]
29.fk]lma apsi Suati sullilSi 31.[kijma apsi £a&i
sullil&i
A. here continues with details of the G.XI. narrates Atrahasis*

construction, then gives the acceptance and query
indication of the Flood’s beginning about an excuse to the
people, Enki instructs
him and indicates the
sign of the Flood* s
beginning.
34.anaku ulliS uSaznanakku 43.e'li kasuraa
u&aznakkunuSi
nuhgamma
35.hisbi issuri puturi nuni 44.[ " hisbij issuri
puzur nunima
237.
Atrahasis now addresses the elders as commanded to do
previously In G.XI.
42.[itJ ti ilikuni ill [ ] .
43.[ijtetezizu ^-Enkiu f ] 39.mindema iagi EnlilIzerannima
44. tarduninni ina ( j
45- [i^tuma apta [ ]
46. { ]x tarn anni { ]
47. ful]uggah ina &[amai &a 40.ul us&ab ina alik u numa
Anim ? ]
48.[inajerset Ênlil ul a[gakkan 4l.ina qaqqar aEnlil ul
geplyaj asakkana [Sejpeyama
49.[it)-ti ili u[&gab ] 42,urradma ana apsi itti aEa
beliya agbaku
The remainder of A.III.i. is missing; the traces of ii.10-20
may parallel G.XI.54-69 (see Notes). The lading of the
vessel is extant in both narratives.
A. Ill.ii.30.minima i£&u J G.XI.80.minima i&u esensi
31 .minima ig[d ] 81 .mlmma iSu esen&i kaspi
32.elluti it[ j 82.minima i&u esensi hurasi
Four lines badly broken.
37.na( bul] i seri 85.bul seri umarn seri
38.[ u&Jterib mare ummani kaligunu
ugeli
The next lines described a feast and compare with an earlier
passage in G.XI.
40.[ ]nigi&u ikri 70.ana [ummani ?] uttibbih
alpe
41.£ Jana kiriti 71.aSgig immere umigamma
72.siri-£Su kurjunna gamma
u karana
73. umma-fri iStuj kima me
narima
74.isinna Ippusu kima umi
akltimma
G.XI. here describes the lading already mentioned in A, then
both have the entry of the family:
42. [galata&u uj kimtagu ugterib 84.uSteli ana£muJbJ>i
eleppi k.ala kimtiya
u salatia
The ensuing description of Atrahasis* action is absent from
G.XI. which relates the sign foretold by Enki, both stories
continue with the outbreak of the Flood.
A. Ill.ii.47.&ipTma libbagu G.XI 91. Sa umi attatal bunasu
Imas martam
48.umu Ignu panuSu 92.umu ana itaplusi
pulujita igi
49.i&takna Âdad ina erpeti
50.ilu i&mu rigimgu
51.kupru babil ipihhi 93.©rub ana libbi eleppima
bab&u aptehi babi ,
94.ana pihi ga ^ eleppi ana
Puzur^ Amurri arael malalî
95.ekalla attadin adi busesu
52.igtuma idilu bab&u 96.mimmu geri ina namari
53.^-Adad i&aggum ina 97.ilamma i£tu i&id gam£
erpeti urpatum §alimtum
54.&aru uzzuzu ina tebigu 98.Âdad ina libbi&a
irtammamma
The next lines of G.XI. have been discussed above (p. )
in comparison with A.II.vii.49-53, but may have had another
parallel in the missing lines of A.III.iii, following the
description of the casting-off not in G.XI (ii.55)
A.Ill.4. [ ]purai
5.[uma iStjen meû G.XI.108.i£ten uma me(hu)
6.[agam&atu ijssamdu
7. C inaJsupriSu
8.£ ]Samai
9. f m]atam
10.[kima karpati ? rJigimSa 107.[ ?]mati kima karpati
ifrpi (?) ibh[epi ?]
11.[hantig ? izlqam ?J abubu 109. ântil iziqamma [ ]
afbubu]
12. [kima qabjli eli nigi iba* 110. kima qabli eli nisi
ka&uSu [ibjaû [kasuSu]
13.[ul] Imur ahu ahaSu 111,ul immar ahu a{ia&u
14.[nigu ul] uteddu ina karagi 112.ul utaddl ni&e ina game
The continuation of A. elaborates upon the devastion
caused by the Flood, partly in the laments of Nintu (28-55).
Three lines at the end of thelament are found again in
v.39-43? with which passage their single occurrence in G.XI.

239.
Is parallel. Since the order of lines of A. is here

followed, the G.XI passage is quoted at this point as well
as at the later point.
A. iii.51.e sa ayanu illikara G.XI.167.Ênlil aya illika ana
bel temi surqinni
52.ilu maruSu igmu
zikirSu
53. la imtalkuma l68.ag&u la imtalkuma
i&kufnu abuba] igkunu abubu
54,nigl ikmisu ana 169.U ni&eia imnu ana kara&i
[kara&ij
The preceding lines of the lament find other counterparts
in Nintu's lament in G.XI:
A.iii,28.[d^jjHtu peltum G.XI.116.igissi ÎStar kima alitti
rabitum
29.[pujlhita uqalala 117.unabba Belit~i[ll]
gaptaga tabat rigma
3 0 .tdJ.Anunna ilu
rabuturn
31.[waSbu ina sumi u
bubuti
32.[IJ murma iltum
ibak[ki]
33-tabsut ill erigta
^MafmiJ
34.umum liddai-{mj 118.umu ullu ana titti lu
iturma
35.litur liki[1]
36.anaku ina puhri ga
ifu l 119.a&gu anaku ina puhur ill
aqbu limutta
37*kT aq[bi] 120.kl aqbi ina puhur ill
limutta
38.itti&unu gamerta[mj
A. continues with twelve lines not found In G.XI, then the
passage quoted above (51-54). After a small gap (Iii.55-iV.3)
are some incomplete lines possibly echoed in G.XI.
240.
A.IV,4 .unabba ^Ni(ntu} G.XI„(117.unabba ^Belit itli]
Ijabat rigma)
5-abuba \ilda ?[ J 122.anakumma ullada
ni&uama
6.1lamia kima kullli 123.lu mare nune umalla
tiktumu ?] tamtamma
7.imlanim naram
Again after a few lines peculiar to A. there are further
parallels.
rl
A.IV.15.ilu ittisa ibku. G-.XI.124.ilu §ut Anunnaki baku
ana matim ittisa
16.i§bi nissatam
17.$amiat silarLs
18.si aâr u&bu ina 125.ill a&ru a^bi ina bikiti
bikiti
19.usbuma kima immeri
A .IV.20. imlunim rai?am
21.âmia âpta§umu G.XI.126.&abba/katma saptasunu
î%ita { Jpu&reti
22.ina bubuti
23.it anarrarru
24.7 umi 7 mu&fiatij 127.6 urri u £73 musati
25*illik radu meljLii [abubuj 128.illak saru abu£bu m]ehe
isappan mati
Ihe remainder of A.IV, and V.l-29 is broken away, apart
from traces too minute to allow reconstruction and comparison*
The grounding of the boat on the mountain top, perhaps preceded
by the incident of the release of the birds, and the
emergence of Atrahasis from the boat must have occupied some
of the space (as demonstrated in the Notes, pp. ), in
parallel to G.XI.129-154. The traces in A.V.30.ff,
describing the offering of sacrifice by Atrahasis, can
be placed beside the similar passage in G.XI:
A.v*30.ana Mar{ G.XI.155.uêsima ana irbitti &ari
31.ittadil attac[i niga
32.izannumt 156.a&kun surqinnu ina eli
zikkurat jladi
33.t J 157.7 u 7 ® adagura uktin
158.ina Saplisunu attabak ciana
êrenna u S11* a3a
34-.Eisji.nu ij lu erisa 159.ilu isinu irisa
160.ilu iînu iri$a iyaba
2 4 1 .
3 5 . t "Jelu niqi ipaliru 161.ilu. kima zumbi eli bel

niqe iptahru
36.L ijlu ikulu nigiam d
37.C Hinjtu Ulema l62.ultu ullanumma I&tar ina
ka&adi&u
38.ina maharsunu uttazzam
166.ilu lillikuni ana surgini
39.e &a ayanu illikam 167* Enlil ay illika ana
surgini
40.1el temi
41* Enlil ithia ana gutrinni
42.3a la imtalkuma i&kunu 168.as3u la imtalkuma i&kunu
abuba abubu
43*nisi ikmisu ana kara3i 169.u niSeya imnu ana kara&i
The remainder of Ishtar*s speech in A.V. is not paralleled in
G.XI, which passes immediately to the arrival of Enlil.
However,A.vi. seems to commence with the action described earlier
in the speech in G.XI, continuing with Enlil1s arrival.
A.vi.2.zubbu u-[ ] G,XI.l63.&3si zumbe rab\?ti sa
Anum ipu&u ki suhi&u
3.1u uqni ki£fadi[ j I64.ilani annuti lu i
u$nu kiSadia ay am&i
4. ? ? ? 165.urne annuti lu aftsusamma
ana dariS ay amSi
170.ultu ullanumma Enlil ina
ka&adisu
5*makura itamar qu(radu 171.1rnur * eleppama iteziz
Enlil) - ^ Enlil
6.1ibbati l x ) “li sa Igifgi} 172.1ibbabi
a imtali Sa ill
Igigi
7*rabutum Ânunna kaluni
8.ubla pini iStiniS
mamitam
9*ayanu usi napiStum(?) 173.ayumma u$i napiSti
10.ki iblut awilum ina kara&i ay iblut amelu ima
karaSi
11. Aim pia§u ipu&amma ^ 174*
‘,r7y1 THinurta
'T“--- pa3u Ipusamma
12.izakkar ana quradi Enlil izakkar ana quradi Enlil
13*mannu annitam 175.mannumma &a la Ea amatu
ibannu
1 4 . la Enki ipphS
15.tu ijdu Sapta zikr(a)(?) 176.u d-Ea idema kala sipri
16.1 Enki) niasu ipu&amma■ 177* Ea pa3u IpuSamma .
17.fizakkarjana iii rabfiti izakkar ana quradi Enlil
1 8 3 -pus ina panikun
19 .C napisftam)
f J
242.
20. J il—fl rabuti ?}
21 . ab]uba 179.ki ki la tamtalikma
abuba taSkun
22 . t]a&kun
23. 1)ibbaka
24. 3u rummi l8l.rumme ay ibbatiq Stdud
ay ir{pud]
25. -n]im Sukun Seritka
26 . ]ia ugassaku
27. 3 awatka l86.anaku ul apta piri&ti
ill rabuti
28.1 ]puhra
No further lines of A. find counterparts in G-.XI;
the narration of Atrahasis' translation to the 'mouth of
the rivers' (pi naratim) may have occupied the passage at
the end of vii, but naturally the terminations of the stories
differ according to their separate contexts and purposes.
In A. apparently, steps were taken to re-populate the earth
with devises for limiting human expansion, a topic of no
interest to Gilgamesh who wanted to know simply how
Atrahasis gained his long life.
(i)b. Types of Difference; The fact that A. and G.XI are
recounting the same tale has been made obvious by this
comparison, despite lacunae and divergences. Several
types of difference may be distinguished:
1.Verbal differences: in certain cases the lines are
identical but for one word:
A,, i. 20.21 .Sitammianni, Susseri G.XI.22.Simema, hissas
i.22. ubut bita 24.uqur bita
i.48. erset 41.qaqqar
ii.38 -42.u&terib ' 84 .85 .u&tsli
53. isaggum 98.irtammam
iii.54. ikmTsu ana karaSi 169.imnd ana karaSi
v.37. itbema 162.ka&a&i&u
41. qutrinni 167.surqini
vi.5. makUra 171.eleppa
2 4 3 o
Explanation of some of these variations may lie in the

difference in date of the extant manuscripts, some words
having given place to others in the interval in literary
usage. The hand of Sin-le.qe-unninni late in the
Kassite period may have been responsible for ’modernisation'
in this way (see (i), beginning). The pair ergetu:qaqqaru
may be interpreted historically, for qaqqaru is used more
than ersetu in the sense of 'territory' (the sense of
both words here) from the middle-Babylonian period onwards.
None of the other pairs can be certainly explained on this
basis. abatu and naqaru are both renderings of the same
Sumerogram, G-UL , in a lexical text (T.C.L.VI.17,11.17- ;
C.A.D. A. I., p. 42b), as are tebd and kasadu of EUR
-■w — -■ i * * * mu im m T n m niMin- f* ^—-
(A. Deimel, §.L., no.366:13,24). *

Na&aru and hasasu are
imrtMlll'l r 1H ill mill Ulllia
synonymous in the sense 'take care' (cf. H. ,p. 128) .

A slight semantic difference is apparent between makura and
“ m a m I. m 11 im m m iin nn
elippa in that the former is a Sumerian word for a large

vessel (see Note on vi.5), but elippa. is used elsewhere in A.,
suggesting that thismay be astylistic variant by the poet.
No other occurrences ofKamasu ana karasi andmanu ana karaM
are known, nor do the verbs appear together in lexical
lists, however it is clear that they are synonymous here
(see Note to iii.54). The pair qutrinnu, surqinu differ
■■'TlllllllH g ill I 11|H ■ f i a II * M ^ H i, ,
in that the latter is general, ’offering', the former specific,

'smoke, incense offering*. No reason for the use of the
different words is plain; the second is more appropriate
as a designation of the whole sacrifice, as it is employed
in G.XI.156,166,16 7 , but qutrinnu is used for the same
purpose in A.v.41 and is equally suitable since the
offering was burnt. In a hymn sagamu and ramamu are
V -^*----—— ---------- I
f............. — liBiifiliaiIMT I
found side by side as virtual synonyms (see Mote to ii.53)•

2. Expansion in G.XI, by addition of words synonymous with
timgrniiwliiWif i ifin i
ini iiiimiil
friHimW i
lli
— «Tim— * |
|il
l wn iimiwnliii n»mW
l ■ ■ Ml I— m Umiii
i
hphhihI
ini
l mini ■Winn i
■■■!»Him i
i—ii
ii
ii J
fai
iini
htiHT'wnjiMiiHini
mî
iib
iii
ii i
■■ n .... ■
tl&ose found in A : several examples may be noted; A.i.20-21
igaru 8 itammianni 9 klkkisu susseri: G.XI,21-22, kikklh kikkiS
igar igar, kikki&u simema igaru hissas; A.i.23-24, makkuxâ
zerma, napigta bullit: G.XI. 25-26, mus&ir me&re & e M nap&ati,
makkura zerma napidta bullit; A.v.34, £i3 inu i]lu erijja;
G.XI. 159, igiSii ild iginu iri&a jajba. In each

case the extra material in G.XI. can be explained as expansion
of the phrases present in A,
5• Expansion in G.XI. by addition of descriptive phrases:
e.g. A.ii.53, Âdad iAaggum ina erpeti: G.XI. 97-98, Ilamma
1Atu i M d same urpatum galimtum, Âdad ina libbiga irtammaroma;
A. iii.36-37? anaku ina pubri Sa iXlil? ki aqbi: G.XI .11 9-1 20,
ag"§u anaku ina puhur iXl aqbu lemutta, ki aqbi ina pubur ill
lemutta.
4. Expansion in G.XI. by addition,.of factual narrative:
e.g. the description of the feast prior to the boarding
of the boat occupies two or three damaged lines in A(ii.39?~
41), but five lines in G.XI.(70-74); G.XI.75-79 describes
construction of the boat not found in A.(so far as preserved);
G.XI.43-47, 86-87, give Enki1s warning of the coming storm
in a longer riddle than A.i.34-37, while A does not repeat
it at the outbreak of the Flood* Ishtar swears by the
necklace Anu made for her in G.XI.162-16 5 , a detail perhaps
in A .vi.2ff; listing of the various measures available for
the reduction of mankind in number lengthen's Enki's rebuke
to Enlil in G-.XI. 180-185, when compared with A. vi. 23-26.

5- Omission from G.XI. of passages in A t e.g.A.i.30-33,
concerning the reinforcement of the boat, not found in
G.XI.30ff (which adds concerning the structure thereof,
ss 4, above); Atrahasis1 restlessness as the Flood is
about to commence, A.ii.45-47, is not mentioned in
Cr.Xl.91f; details of the tempest contained in A,iii.4-8
find no parallel in G.XI.104f; Nintu*s laments are longer
in A (iii.34-55, Iv.5-10) than in G.XI (118-123), partly
because the latter omits the similes in A.iii.39-41, iv.6-9.
The wish that Enlil might not come to the sacrifice is
longer in A.v.39-43 than in G.XI.167-169 where a parallel
clause is omitted.
6. Differences of fact: it is Anu who accuses Enki of saving
Atrahasis in A.vl.II, but Ninurta in G.XI.174; the
fboat-manf, Puzur-Âmurri, does not feature in A. at all
(G.XI.94,cf. A.ii.51-52).
7. Conclusions concerning these differences: items listed
under paragraphs 1, 2 and 3 are explicable as recensional,
the result of editing and revising a text similar to A,
the Emissions7 of G.XI. (para. 5) may also be placed under
this head. The factual additions in G.XI. (para. 4) could
be derived from a different text tradition to that of A
(and if so, provide an explanation of the presence of the
other variations, but not of their original cause), or
from extraneous matter inserted by the editor of G.XI.
(presumably Sin-leqe-unninni, who is credited with the work,
246,
see p.232* above, although the use of the name Uta-napishtim
rather than Atrahasis is already found in the Old Babylonian (?)
ftablet X 1) from entirely separate sources, or even from
his own invention. The elaborations upon the description
of the boatfs building, of the warning riddle, and of the
means to reduce manfs numbers, in several parallel phrases,
suggest expansion of a briefer original, although such a
judgement can only be subjective. Additions such as Puzur-
Amurri and Mintu*s necklace may be drawn from traditions
unrelated to the Flood story (for the latter, cf\ the
jewellery of the goddess in 'Ishtar's Descent1, 11.42-58)^.
In no instance can the variations found be claimed as major
differences demanding the hypothesis of a separate line
of descent for each of the two texts A. and G.XI, at
most they suggest a revision of A. by the 'editor1 of G.XI,
incorporating some material not found in A. (notably the hero's
appellation Uta-napishtim).
(i)c. The Composition of the two texts compared.
Having established the close relationship of A. and
G.XI. on grounds of general content and verbal similarity,
it is necessary to examine certain details of the stories
6. Appearance of the motif of frightened gods fleeing from

a storm to heaven (as in G.XI.114) in a bilingual hymn to
Adad (K.4614,C.I.U.A.IV.28,2a,11.18,19; S. Langdon,
A J CO K J .y JL U i J , J - C v j.1 Jm v l / . A . sj V - ' A i U *1* CO Jl, JL. iQ C t A U l D j X CAjX . t o j \ ^/ C— \ y ^ J A il
indicatlTThe existence of a literary topos drawn upon by

the editor of G.XI, but, of course, the prayer could
have borrowed from G.XI. (Angry gods also leave their
shrines for heaven, cf. references in B. Landsbehger,
Brief des Bischofs von Esagila an Konig Asarhaddon,
Amsterdam, 1965, p. 20*7)
for alleged or possible inconsistencies. This has been
done by J. Laess/fe on the basis of the texts available before
1956^, and it is his study and conclusions which must be
investigated in the light of the newly discovered manuscripts,
I. The powex^s creating the Flood: Laess/eproduced the
following comparative tables in an attempt to show a
difference between A. and G-.XI. over this point.
'(A) Gods responsible for the Flood, according to
G-ilg. Atr.
11.14f(Anu
(Enlil Enlil
(Binurta
(Ennuge
((Ea present) Enki
II.I67ff*Enlil
11.179ff-Enlil
11.121 Ishtar (advocated destruction)
(B) G-ods participating In the destruction, according to
G-ilg. Atr.
Ad ad
Sullat andHanis Sullat and (Hanis)
Irrakal Ir(rakal)
Ninurta Ninur'ta
Anunnaki
(G) Forces (elements) active in the destruction, according to
Gilg. Atr.
1 •108 nieû
1*109 afbubu) abubu
1.113 abubu
1.128 &aru abubu mehu
1.129 mehu abubu
1.131 imhullu abubu
Upon this evidence Laessgfe argued that Adad had no
connection with the Flood (abubu) in the Atrahasis Epic.
He suggested that the failure of the drought caused hy Adad
witholding rain (ll.i.II) resulted in Enlil1s dispensing
with his services. He concluded, ’i.e. the Flood is
produced not by rain but by water which pours forth when
Irrakal ftears up the poles1, whereupon Ninurta lets the
water flow over the dam (mihru) behind which it was stemmed
up. In such a context the abubu could well represent a
strong wind driving the masses of water all over the land.
Fundamentally, this concept constitutes an Enlil tradition.
In the Gilgamesh Epic, however, Adad is introduced as strongly
involved in the Flood; on the other hand, Irrakal and
Ninurta are not left out, so that in consequence we are here
dealing with an Adad complex side by side with an Enlil
complex, a situation which has somewhat obscurred the inner
nature of the deluge experienced by Utnapishtim. There
is no indication that the author of the Atrahasis Epic
worked with an idea of a war between the winds: in the
extant parts of the Epic we hear of the abubu exclusively.1
However, in the light of the new information from Tablet IIl(F),
these tables may be re»written:
(A) Gods responsible for the Flood, acording to
Gilg. Atr,
11.14f(Anu
(Enlil Enlil
(Ninurta
(Ennuge
((Ea present) Enki
11.l67.ffiEnlll Enlil III.v.39.ff.
11.l79.f£Enlil (Enlil) vi.20.ff.
1.121 Ishtar Ishtar (Nintu) iii.36.ff.
add 1.14 ilu rabuti ilu iii.52;cf.II.vi-viii.
2 4 9 o
(B) Gods participating in the destruction, according to

Gilg. Itr.
Adad Adad. Ill.ii.49.ff.
Sullat and Hanis S Sailat and (Hanis)
Irrakal Ir(rakal)
Ninurta (Ninurta)
Anunnaki
(C) Forces (elements) active in the destruction, according to
Gilg. Atr.
1.108 mehu mehu III.iii.5
1-109 Hbubu) abubu iii -1 1
1*113 abubu Tabub)u iii.15
1*128 Saru, abubu, mehu saru^ ^ ii .54
1.129 mehu abubu
1.131 imhullu abubu
add 1.128 raduTk.7752, JSS V radu iv.25
p.122)
It has been demonstrated (above p..2.34-) that the list
of gods in G.XI.15-18 is virtually identical with that in
A.I.i.7-10, and is an indication of the situation in
divine government at the time of the story. It may not
be intended as a notice of the deities responsible specifi
cally in G.XI-, therefore, but rather as an expansion of
tîe ilani r&buti of 1.14. Their inclusion in table (A)

is thus shown to be of doubtful merit.
The deduction that there was an !Adad complex* in
G.XI., absent from the account of the Flood in the
Atrahasis Epic (table B), is disproved by the new material
for Adad is associated with the rise of the abubu.
A distinction of strands of narrative on this basis
now becomes inadmissable. Similarly, the new version
of table (C) shows that the winds were implicated in the
Atrahasis account.
250 *
Table (A) also led Laesspfeto conclude that there was
inconsistency in G.XI. concerning the attribution of
responsibility for the Flood, ’the narrator’s indecision
with regard to the question which god (or gods) was
really responsible for the Flood. Whereas in Atr. no
doubt is left that the abubu, as well as the preceding
plagues, were to be attributed to Enlil Gilg.
incriminates a number of gods as tabulated...1 The additions
now made to table A result in a list from Atrahasis which
corresponds sufficiently with G.XI. to remove any ground
for a charge of disagreement. The inconsistency detected
in G.XI. proves to be illusory in the light of Atrahasis,
for the assembly of all the gods bears the responsibility,
having approved Enlil*s plan.
2. The reason for the Flood: A further distinction made by
Laess08concerns the motive for the Flood in the two stories.
In the Atrahasis Epic he claims, *the flood is motivated as
a final punishment for mankind, following a series of less
severe plagues, the flood of Gilg. 11 is a caprice for which
no reason whatever is given.* However, the tabulation of
parallel lines (above, pp,235ffr) shows that G.XI. takes no
account of the events related in A. prior to the decision
to send the Flood (except for the list of gods at the
commencement), but begins with the actual decision and the
story of the revelation by Enki to Atrahasis. In G.XI.
Atrahasis himself is relating how he obtained immortality,
therefore an explanation of the cause of the Flood is
unnecessary for, while involving Atrahasis, it was not
relevant to the inquiry of Gilgamesh. The brief statement
that 1the gods resolved to send a flood’ (G.XI.14) provides
sufficient- introduction.
^ îff.®rent sources discernible in the stories; As a

conclusion to his study of alleged differences, Laessj4e wrote,
concerning the flood story in G.XI, 1The inconsistencies
which we have observed would seem to suggest..... that at
least two different traditions have been rewoven and worked
into one composition by an editor who was not so
painstaking that he succeeded in smoothing over all the
differences between the original sources he used'. This
suggestion of a combination of two traditions was made long
before the appearance of Laess^ds paper, but only one of
his points is also made elsewhere, and that is one which he
does not press to this end. This is the sudden use of
Atrahasis as an epithet for Uta-napishtim in G.XI.187
(see ch.7* §2). H. Zimmern opined that Uta-napishtim and

Atrahasis were two distinct persons^ and this idea was
developed by M, Jastrow.^ Jastrow proposed that there
were originally two stories; one local, the account of a
minor inundation at Shuruppak with Uta-napishtim as hero and
only Enlil angry, the other a nature myth arising from the
fact of the annual flood of the rivers, with Atrahasis as hero
and all the gods participating.
8- |ab2i2nische Bu^salnien, Leipzig, 1885, p.26, n.1.

9- X I I I n89BTTpp.258-301. A. P o e b e l , P . B . S . I V . I ,
pp. 47s 51-52, 54, 57-58 also finds indications of two or
even three underlying strata.
252,
This theory must he re-considered, taking into
account the close relationship of* the Flood story in the

Gilgamesh Epic to that in Atrahasis. The grounds for Laessp'ds
suggestion, apart from the use of Atrahasis in one line,
G.XI,187, have been shown to be the result of archaelogical
accident, they would not have received any attention had
the. whole of ms, F been available to him. Jastrow's
criteria cannot be dismissed in quite the same way, except
for the distinction of responsible gods (see §1 above).
His only strong argument rests on the use of Atrahasis in
G.XI,187 which is now regarded as simply an epithet,
demonstrating the dependency of G.XI, on the Atrahasis Epic,
according to Laessê^0 Moreover, no case for a distinction
of two persons can be supported in the light of A, wherein a
person named Atrahasis does the same things as a person
called Uta-napishtim does in G.XI. Specific association
of the hero with Shuruppak cannot count as an argument for
limited location of the disaster because Atrahasis plainly
lived somewhere (cf. ch. 7l5,p. ), and the King-List
implies a break in rulership throughout Sumer.
No case so far presented, therefore, succeeds in finding
and proving the presence of two strata or complexes in the
Flood story of Gilgamesh XI.,
(i)d. Results of the Comparison.
The comparison of passages has shown that A. and G.XI,
have so great a number of parallel phrases and incidents
that the conclusion that both descended from a common original
10. Loc;» c'lt., n .1R.

C
sttw
ts
nmtb
* J
im.
cannot be denied. It has further been shown that it is
reasonable to suggest that A. is directly ancestral to G.XI,
The variations between the two texts are hardly greater
than those observed between the Old Babylonian and the
!canonical1 versions of the Gilgamesh Epic (see p. , above).
A further argument for the primacy of A. may be derived from
consideration of the purpose of the stories. The A. account
is an integral part of the Atrahasis Epic, in G.XI. the
narrative of the Flood is an aside, an explanation of how
Atrahasis obtained his immortality. The secondary nature of
the tale as included in G.XI. has been recognised by many
scholars. 11 Both narations could have been translated
separately from a Sumerian account or fore-runner
(cf.^/i ,pp. 2 5 + f f . ) , to which their common features would
be traceable, but the verbal similarities, and the types of
the differences, support a much closer association
(see (i)b. 7. above, pp.;?4.5f. ). On the evidence of the
few texts available the nature of this connection cannot be
stated categorically, but as a strong probability, namely
that the Flood narrative of Gilgamesh XI. Is borrowed from
Atrahasis.
11. H. Gressmann, Das Gilgamesch-Epos, Gottingen, 1911, pp.190

231; L. Matous in p. Garelli/ed. , Gilgamesh et sa Leg end e
pp. 90,93; M. David, ibid., pp.153“159-
12. For the Sumerian fore-runners of the Gilgamesh Epic see
S.N. Kramer, J.A*_Q-S_. LXIV (1944), pp.11-23.
254*.
(ii) Atrahasis and the Sumerian Flood Story
The 'Sumerian Deluge Tablet* from Nippur has already

been considered for its parallels with the earlier part
of the Atrahasis Epic (ch. 5,0. 1 pp.az? )* This is the
only known Sumerian narrative of the Flood. Other texts
mention the event as a datum (cf. ch. 7, §& .APP-2.77 below)
or include it in the introductory section of myths,^ but do
not relate the history of the event.
1„ Content.
The very incomplete state of the Sumerian text naturally
limits the possible range of comparison, however a list of
common points may be constructed: (PBS.IV.I is used to
designate the Sumerian).
Atrahasis Il.vii: PBS.IV.I,(iii)142-144 the gods take an oath
concerning the Flood, but Enki makes reservations.
Atrahasis III,i: PBS.IV.I,(iv)152-160 EnKi warns Atrahasis
of the disaster while he is by (?) a well,
Atrahasis III.ill,iv: PBS.IV.I,(v)201-205 winds and flood
last seven days and seven nights.
Atrahasis III.v,vi:PBS.IV,I,(vi)209-211 Atrahasis offers
sacrifices after the Flood has subsided, and the boat has
grounded
13* E.g. those cited by S.N. Kramer in The Times

I
I It
ii7n
.iV I V !■—mmii.i ■ inn ■Ilî
14 November, 1964, p.9*

255 *
It is also necessary to notice certain differences,

although again the fragmentary condition of the Sumerian text
renders certainty impossible. Nintu laments over the people
before the final decision to send the Flood is taken (iii) 140-
141, a lament which is not found at this juncture in A.II.
as far as it is extant, and following the decision is a
description of Atrahasis1 piety not found in, or missing from,
A.II.vii,viii. A lacuna in A.III.vi. prevents comparison
with the hero's action on emerging from his 'boat and offering
sacrifice to the sun-god as related in the Sumerian account
(ûtu may indicate no more than daylight here, as in A.Ill,i.30,
see Note ad loc.)
2. Verbal connection
There is one possible verbal connection between A. and
the Sumerian account. The description of the Flood in
A.III.iii, 12 (also G.XI.110) [ki-ma q.a-ab-li ej-li ni-^1 i-ba-a*
ka~£u-&u, where ka5u§u is parallel to a-bu-bu of the previous
line of the couplet, may be associated with (v) 201-204
where the 'raging* of the Flood is twice mentioned with the
verb ur. In the angim.dimma epic this verb recurs in the
line lugal a.ma.ru ba.ur.ta which is rendered Into Akkadian
as be-lum a,-bu-ba~nlg ib-ta-a* 'the lord swept across like a
flood', and the equation of the two verbs is explicit In
the lexical text C.T.XIX.47 *iv.13 ur: ba*u. Nothing definite
/
can be deduced from this, ba1*u appears As the appropriate
verb in the context of a flood. Two instances of the
translation of ur by ba3u are insufficient to prove that the
passage in A. is a rendering of a Sumerian version, but they
do support this possibility.
3. Deities involved.
The identity of the deities active in the Sumerian account
with those in A. has already been noted (ch.5?
as has the similarity in the portrayal of the hero (ch. 5.
4• Elements active in destruction.
The Sumerian account mentions two elemental agents,
the 1rain-flood1, a.ma.ru, and the fstorm-wind', Im.hul (V)
201-205. These correspond to the abubu and the &aru in
A.III.iii, iv (j3f.(i) C.1,pp. 2-f7#above) . Although there are
other names employed in A. for the tempest (mepu,radu), they
are descriptive of the same phenomena, storm-winds and rain.
Therefore it is clear that the Sumerian account envisages
a deluge caused by the same elements, and of the same nature,
as that in A.
5. Result of comparison.
As a result of this comparison it Is clear that the
Sumerian account of the Flood is almost identical with that
of A. in outline, but that it lacks the long description of
the coming of the Flood and of Nintu's laments found in A.Ill
ii.50~iv, and no doubt other descriptive passages since the
forty lines missing from col.v. could not have contained all
the material in A.Ill.i.21-iii.50,
6. Relationship of ,the Texts.
The discussion of the 'creation* section of the 'Sumerian
Deluge Tablet' has shown that it contains a number of
257.
features not included in A. This led to the conclusion

that the Akkadian Atrahasis Epic is not derived from the
Sumerian story as exhibited in that text - or vice-versa -
but that both stem from one tradition (ch.5).
The differences between the two accounts of the Flood are
not so great, and are of the same type as differences
between Old Babylonian and 'canonical' texts of the
Gilgamesh Epic (see (i) pp.233 above). While, therefore,
A. could be a version of the Sumerian account, the fact
that the earlier sections differ so much that only a common
ancestor may be posited suggests that the same situation
obtains here.
(iii) Conclusion
In section (i) it has been demonstrated that the

Akkadian Flood naratives are basically identical, and
the probability expressed that the version of the Atrahasis
Epic represents the original story in its Akkadian rendering,
that of Gilgamesh XI being a recension with slight alterations
and additions. Section (ii) has shown that A, cannot be
derived directly from the Sumerian Deluge text, but that
both may share a common ancestor. The antiquity of that
ancestor need be little greater than that of the Sumerian
and Akkadian texts discussed, .i.e. the Old Babylonian period,
since both fall into the category of !school1
-texts * as far as
is known (the Sumerian texts from Nippur are characterised as
*1Zi
such , the Ellet-Aya copies of A. are school texts, see ch.IV.
p a n d could therefore be the first of their kind. On
258*
the other hand the existence of several Old Babylonian copies

of parts of the Atrahasis Epic suggests that it was well-
known at that period and may therefore be a composition of
an earlier epoch, or the very beginning of that one.
259.
CHAPTER VII.
THE ATRAHASIS EPIC AND EARLY HISTORY
1. The Name Atrahasis

a* Eorm. The name Atrahasis has recently been investigated
by W. von Soden1 together with other names and phrases
having the apparently similar construction of a noun in
the accusative case with a related genitive or absolute
form. No other scholars have commented on his tentative
solution of these peculiar forms as noun with construct form
in -a and mistakenly added mimation as the first element,
or an actual accusative with a related noun, the second
element, in the genitive, a formation found in Arabic.
In his study von Boden tacitly repudiated his earlier
explanation of the two similar names Namra-slt and
Nawrum-§arur as containing stative verbs with the ventive
p
termination in their first component (Tx for me1) .
I.J. Gelb had also condemned this interpretation, rendering
the name Atrahasis Exceeding In understanding13 , and
earlier had suggested that the element hasis(u) was a passive
participle^. Most translators give 1the exceedingly wise’
as the English of Atrahasis without discussion of its various
writings and form^.
1. J.N.E.S. XIX (1960),pp.166-171. 2. G.A.G. I 62i.

3* Bib. Or. XII (1955),p.108. 4. Ar. Or. XVIII(1950),
p.196.
5* Heidel, G.E.,p.88,n.204; E.A. Speiser, A.N.E.T.
J.V. Kinnier Wilson, D.O.T*T., p.25; W.G. Lambert, J .C.S.
XVI (1962),p.74.
260.
When all the occurrences of Atrahasis standing as

proper name or as an epithet are collected (as, for example
partly done by von Soden, see n.1.), it is found that it
occurs in four forms:
-ha-si-is Atrahasis Epic, Old
Babylonian version, passim
sis Gilgamesh XI.187, neo-
Assyrian text.
at-ra-ha-sis Hymn, neo-Assyrian,
epithet (J ,Bollenreicher,
Gebete und Hymnen an
H n w iM n p n ilH iv n M ta x ttB i ■■ f - —-nr-tra
Nergal, L.S.S.I, Leipzig,

19, p.32,K.69,1.29).
Hymn, late Babylonian,
epithet (G.Reisner,
Sumerisch-babylonische
nrr••i—'i i w i r— ~ ~ mJn n u n i ■imifiimi ni.n ip* i mi
Hymnen, Berlin,1896,
noTB^7l.14).
(ii) Atarhasis : a-tar-hasis— ^GE^TUG) Atrahasis Epic, neo-
Assyrian version, k
passim (m ( ~)ha-sis
cannot be definitely
assigned).
(iii) Atarhasisa ; a-tar-ha-si-sa
—m i —aaaw*y w i ti ■1—■mump-rn *----- iiii 1
11rmrrtinfJBrwnii 1
------•—n*— win m—i
Etana Epic, middle
Assyrian text, epithet
(AEO XIV(1944),pl.IX.ii.4)
epithet (K.A.R,38.r.21)
(broken epithet( )ha-si-sa
may belong here or under
Iv; K.A.R.343.1).
(Iv) Atrahasisa : at-ra-ha-si-sa Adapa Epic, neo-Assyrian
version, epithet (A.T.
day, Y.O.R. V.3,pl .IV,
1 .8 ).
Forms (i) and (ii) are difficult to explain. The
presence or absence of the m in (i) can be attributed
simply to the loss of mimation known from the late Old
^ /T
Babylonian period onwards0 . The fact that both (i) and (il)
6. G , A . a .§63d.
are used of the hero of the Atrahasis Epic suggests that
there is no significant difference of meaning between
them* The only distinction lies in the form of the first
element, atra(m) : atar.
■ — m — pTa>iwri r man MIHMmffBIH
Grammatically these words may be
V v
either (a) accusative and construct forms respectively

of the noun atru(m) 1extra, more'^ (according to von Soden
the first might also be a construct, as in Old Akkadian,
see above), or (b) the stative of the verb (w)ataru,
Q
'to excel, exceed', in the ventive and unaugmented forms *
Any explanation of the second element is problematic
if hypothesis (a) is accepted* The whiting foa-si-is
reveals that the second syllable is long, so that the word
cannot be a participle (i..e, basis)^ , but if it is a noun
in the absolute form, its relationship to the noun atra^w/,
atar is difficult to define, as von Soden has shown. Even
on the basis of possibility (b) it is necessary to construe
hasis as a noun in the absolute state. However, it is
submitted that this explanation is the more plausible; the
first element being a verb, the second its object. Form (i)
10
may employ the ventive, with the sense of 'self-ward* ,
7* Assuming that the element is formed from the root wtr*

8. TAR may be read tara in neo-Assyrian (K. Deller, Or, N.S.
( ),p. ) but such a reading cannot be proven here.
â-tara could stand for atar-a or atara and would not help
to solve the problem,
9* So I.J. Gelb, Bib.Or. XII(1955)sp.108; notice, however,
personal names such as ^Sul-gi-ha-si-is and other passages
employing the participle, e.g. la nagir ade la ba-si-is
tabti, contradict this (passages cited in C.A.D. H,pp.123?
12*577 The ideographic writing in form (iTT^s only found
for the nominal form, so militating against recognition
of a verbal form in this name (cf. ibid.,pp.122,126;
?pp.329 ?330) .
10.I.J. G-elb, loc. cit.
simply to emphasise the verb, for it is an amissable feature,
as shown by form (ii). Support for this explanation may be
gained from form (iii) wherein the second element may be
seen to have the accusative termination appropriate to the
object of the verb, and also form form (iv) which retains
both ventive and accusative terminations.
b. Meaning. In whatever way the formation of the elements of

the name is explained, its general meaning is not in doubt
(unless the identification of the roots.Is disputed, see n.7*)*
It implies that the bearer was unusually endowed with the
quality of basis, While this is usually rendered 'wise,
understanding1 (see n.5) in this name, a more closely-defined
nuance may apply when it is used of the Flood-hero. The
root b&s and its derivat ves frequently imply devotion or
respect. 11 How it can be seen that devotion, to Enki
especially, is the characteristic of the hero in the Sumerian
'Deluge' text, in the Atrahasis Epic where it is he alone
who converses with the god (also in G-ilgamesh XI), and,
in the fragment form Ugarit, he lives in the shrine of Enki.
The expression in Atrahasis I.vii.52,III.i.38 'Atramhasis
* 1mi n n n r n w i n f r r » i T i . i ■m ihp nuTH r m a
ilqia tertam,'Atrahasis accepted the command' might suggest

great skill or wisdom In understanding the god's words,
however his special relationship to Enki enable him to be
in the position to understand. Accordingly 'the one who is
exceedingly devout, attentive (to a god)' would be. a more
263.
fitting translation of Atrafrasis as the connotation of the

hero of the Flood, than 1the one who is exceedingly wise*.
The use of Atrahasis to designate the hero in Enki's defence
of his action in saving him from the Flood could thus itself
he the reason for the appellation, the one saved was 'exceeding
devout' and so worthy to live (G-ilgamesh XI. 187, see also 2
below).
2. The Use of the Name Atrahasis.

The hero of the Atrahasis Epic is given no appellation
except that of Atrahasis (unless a name was preserved in
a passage now lost). In the Flood narrative of G-ilgamesh XI,
closely related to Atrahasis (see ch. 6 ), the hero is
named as (Ut-napil3tim), son of Ubar-tutu, native of Shuruppak
(1.23), while in one passage he is called Atrahasis in a
manner which suggests that this was an epithet or title
(1.187* at-ra-ha-sis Su-na-ta u-gab-ri-gum-nia pi-rlS-tl ill
Til ^
i&-me, 'I caused the Exceeding Devout to see a dream, he
heard the decision of the gods').
^ *
Ut(a)-naplStim
1in in nnni « ir I m n n_ i ■ * — ............... ...
is
attested as the name of the hero elsewhere in G-ilgamesh
(e.g. IX.i.6; X.iv.6, Old Babylonian text, spelt d--ta~na-i_g-tim
by error) and by a lexical equation with the name of the
Sumerian hero (zi.sud.da : ut-na-pds-te, G.T.XVIII.30,iv,9.).
It Is also found in the middle Assyrian version of 'The
Instructions of Shuruppak1, as son of Shuruppak, son of Ubar-Tutu,
where the Sumerian version has ZiUsudra.1 2 Uta-napistim is
12. V/.G-. Lambert, B.W.L., pp.92-95.

probably an Akkadian version of the Sumerian Zinsudra, and
“■
* V 1|llIF
T|IT
TirT
TMÎIIIIIIU *
may be rendered 1the one who found life', although its

grammatical form is unclear. 1■
'S The Sumerian name may mean
J
fwho gained long life1 or 'who made life long*. 14

Ziusudra and Ut(a)-napigtim were the names by which the
hero of the Flood was know to later generations. The
meanings of both show them to be retrospective names, applied,
post facto, in the light of the dominant event of the bearer1s
career.^ Whereas the Sumerian 'Deluge1 text refers to the
hero throughout as Ziiisudra (and is thus technically guilty
of an anachronism on our understanding of the name's
significance), it is notable that such a prolepsis is not
found in the G-ilgamesh XI Flood Story. At the commencement
of that narrative, Enki calls upon the hero as 'man of Shuruppak
son of Ubar-Tutu* without actually naming him (1.23) and
refers to him as Atrahasis. not Ut(a)-napi£tim, in 1.187 (see
above), Naturally, the fact that the hero himself was the
narrator reduces the opportunity for introduction of his name.
In the only place where it occurs, the Flood has passed and
Enlil is bestowing immortality upon the hero and his wife,
this is the earliest moment upon which the name could become
actuality (11.193-195)• (Were columns vi. and vii of
Atrahasis III preserved, this incident, and the name, might
13. A. Heidel, GE, p.227; W. von Soden, J.N.E.S. XIX(1960),p.165

14. A. Poebel, HGT,pp.48-50; A. Heidel, GE,p.227;T.Jacobsen,
_SKL, p.7 6, n. 3^7 for list of various spellings.
15. A. Heidel, GE, p.227.
265.
be found in the Epic). Therefore the personal name of

the ’Babylonian Noah* remains unknown, although his father’s
name is recorded1^(Ubar-Tutu).
3. The Status of atrahasis.

Throughout the Atrahasis Epic, the only person named
Atrah&sis. In the discussion of the meaning of the
name (1b, above) it was noticed that he had close connection
with the god Enki. Nowhere in the Epic is he given any title,
so that his rank or office can only be deduced from the role
assigned to him. There is no circumstantial evidence in
the Old Babylonian version that he held kingly office, it
was as spokesman of Enki that the elders were instructed by
him at his gate. His only action which might denote him a
priest was the sacrifice after the Flood, when, however,
no-one else was alive to officiate. The Ugarit fragment is
of importance in that it describes Atrahasis as living in
the shrine of Enki, a more definite indication of a priestly
office. This is supported by the evidence of the Sumerian
'Deluge* text in which the hero is a lugal and a,pagjgu priest.
So in the Old Babylonian period’s Epic traditions, AtrahasisT~ n~l r ii 11| ‘ I ni* HIII ■Iiiimiiim riim
was a priest-king. Curiously, this knowledge is lost in the

Assyrian texts. The neo-Assyrian version of Atrahasis, ms. k,
places the epithet amelu (lu) after the hero’s name (iv. 17* ,v.28
16. T. Jacobsen, SKL,pp.7 5 - 7 6 , n . 3 3 ; S . N . Kramer, J.C.S. 1(1947)

p.33»n.208, argues that Shuruppak was the father of
Atrahasis, Ubar-Tutu the grandfather.
I
2 6 6 o
probably with honorific, but not regal, intent, as 'the

gentleman, the noble' .17 In G-ilgamesh XI the hero has no
title or distinction.
In the Sumerian King-Lists (see further 4 below),
Atrahasis (Ziusudra) has a place as a lugal, 'king1 where he
appears. However, lugal is not limited to the concept of
’king' in its significance. It is equated with en, belu,
18
'lord', as well as gsarru, 'king' , so it might be possible
to suppose that there is no distinction on this point between
the Lists and the Epic on a lexical basis. Historical
studies show that the early rulers of Babylonia were
probably both priests and k i n g s , and this explains the
diverse titles and the role of Atrahasis.
4. The Sumerian King Lists and the Atrahasis Epic.

The great list of Sumerian Kings, probably first composed
c_. 2100 B.C., 20 originally began with the First Dynasty of
Kish which followed the Flood.21 At an unknown time
before the writing of extant Old Babylonian copies, some
scribes prefixed to the body of the List a table of rulers
22
whose reigns had fallen before the Flood. Lists of these
Kings were also written out separately, and three of these
have been discovered (from Larsa, Nippur, and the Diyala
23
region). The fact that those lists which include the
17. of. J.J. Finkelstein, J .C.S .XVii(1963),p.48.

18. A. Deimel, SL,p.364,no.151; J.J. Finkelstein, loc.cit.
19. C.J. G-add, The Cities of Babylonia, C A R ,I.XIII,1962,pp. 14-15.
20. M.B. Rowton, J.N.E.S.XIXtTsFSo).pp.156-162.
21. T. Jacobsen, SKL,pp.57-64.
22. J.J. Finkelstein, J.G.S.XVII(1963),PP.44-45.
23.
^
Ibid.
- — -- —
cLU f «
antediluvian rulers and the later monarchs have a ruling

dividing the former from the latter demonstrates that a
clear distinction was felt to exist, at least on grounds of
pA
literary composition. The introduction to the List
is the same in both sections, implying an entirely new start
after the Flood. It may be that this introduction (nam.lugal
an.ta e^.de.a.ba, *king-ship came down from heaven1) was
original to the post-diluvian list, its appearance at the
head of the pre-Flood list being an attempt at harmony
within the whole. 25
^ The argument has been advanced that
’there is nothing in the preserved Sumerian traditions to
suggest that kingship reverted to heaven during the flood.’^6
The corollary of this must be that there was no ’kingship’
before the Flood in the sense in which the compiler of the
list of later rulers understood it. Whether or not this
hypothesis is accepted, the different traditions of the
King-List agree in having a new start with the First Dynasty
of Kish.
attempts to correlate information from the King Lists
with information from the Fpic are hindered by the absence of
any other personal name than Atrahasis and of any place-name
at all. Thus none of the events described in the Epic
before the Flood can be associated with events or names in
the King-Lists apart from Atrahasis. It follows that the
24. This persisted into the Selencid period, cf. the list of
rulers and counsellors from Uruk, J.J. van Dyk in H. Lenten,
UV.B XVIII, pp.44-45, pi.27.
25. ¥.¥. Hallo, J.C.S. XVII(1963),pp.56-57.
26. Ibid.
Epic passes over the period after the creation of man
without remark, a period reckoned by the King-Lists as anything
from 168,000* years to 420,000 years, not counting Ziusudra1s
27
rule at all. The Epic does provide an indication of a
passage of time in the repeated mention of 1200 years
(I.vii.199viii.28=11 *i.1), but the illegibility of each line
concerned leaves some doubt as to its intex^pretation. If,
as is most probable, it denotes the lapse of time between the
divine visitations, and, in the first instance, a period
after1 some lost event (or actually man's creation), comparison
with the King Lists would suggest that all took place well
within the period of Atrahasis’ existence - assuming the
same basis of reckoning - for the texts that ascribe a reign
28
to him allow 18,000 , 36,000, and 64,800 years.
Alternatively, if the first 1200 year span is regarded
as the interval between the creation of man and the first
visitation, there is a direct contradiction between the Epic
and Its sources and the King Lists.
5. The Identity of Atrahasis.

One means of harmonising the divergencies just noted is
the possibility that the name Atrahasis denotes more than
one person. Although the passages of 1200 years mentioned
in the Epic (see above, 4) fall easily within the reign
allocated to At rabasis - Ziusudra by one tradition of the King
List, the Epic makes it clear that at least one, and probably
27. J.J, Finkelstein, loc.cit., p.46,table,

28. Ibid., UCBG 9~1819j WB.62, Berossus.
269.
several, generations passed in each interval, because it was
the multiplication of man that caused Enlil1s anger each time.
Throughout the narrative of these successive expansions one
name only is mentioned,
"
Atrahasis.
in !■ rr— i nn»m ini.nanu, m i«n ■
The possibility may be
v V
advanced that the .king-priest was marked by longevity above

his subjects, or even that all men lived long, thus causing
an ever more rapidly increasing population, but no support can
be found for these conjectures. There is slightly more
likelihood in the hypothesis that Atrahasis was a title or
epithet applied to several rulers. The absence of any named
domicile for Atrahasis is peculiar as there was a very strong
tradition associating a king with a particular city, as shown
for example by the King List.^ This helps only to make the
figure of the 'hero* more vague. If the Epic does endeavour
to say that the first plague occurred 1,200 years after the
appearance of man, the second 1,200 years later, the third
after a similar interval, and then the Flood, it may conceal
under Atrahasis the several rulers known from the King List,
while tacitly rejecting its chronology. The figure of
Atrahasis does not find its place in any office other than
that of king-priest (cf\ 3 above, 6, below), so it is not
possible to attempt an identification with, for example,
the ’sages1 (apkallu) who enjoyed Enki’s special favour and
30
protection when their actions angered the gods.
29. of. 0. Buccellati in R.D. Biggs and J.A. Brinkman, eds,

Studies Presented to A.L. Oppenheim, Chicago, 1964, pp54-61,
30. This applies at least to the apkallu after the Flood;
v. E. Reiner, Or. N.S. XXX (19677,pp.1—11 and J.J. van Dyk,
UVB XVIII. pp.T5“52.
¥hile this hypothesis may he allowed, there can be cited
against it the evidence of the neo-Assyrian fragment K.11261+
11624 (0*1. XLVI, FI.XXIII, no.5). Here the ante-diluvian
rulers are listed, including Ziusudra, and, after the summary
’five cities; nine kings...1(1.14), is related an incident
concerning Enlil and noise (buburu; cf. I.vii.22). Since
the list of kings is uninterrupted from the first preserved
name, Enmengalanna, the fourth ruler, onwards, this incident
could be either the first occasion of Enlil’s disturbance,
or the arousing of his final fury which culminated in the
Deluge. If the former alternative is correct there is
no place for the passage of time between the first visitation
and the Flood indicated in the Epic, apart from the span of
the reign of ZiUsudra - Atrahasis, who is then one person
in both Epic and Lists. If it is the latter which is correct,
then the text must have omitted to recount the plagues,
probably on the ground that they did not interrupt the
sequence of rulers and kingdoms as did the Flood. This
text cannot be held to refute the argument for Atrahasis
as an epithet of all the pre-Flood rulers, therefore.
(As comparative evidence, the Hebrew tradition may be
introduced against the hypothesis (Genesis 6. 1-4). Only
a short period may there be envisaged (120 years) between
God’s first wrath at the sins of multiplying mankind and the
Flood. )
31. The expression may refer to the length of human life, not
to the interval before the Flood.
271.
6. ’Political Organization’ In The Atrahasis Epic.
The position of Atrahasis in society has already been
examined ( 3 , above), in this section the evidence of the
Epic for reconstruction of early political patterns will be
scrutinised.
A thorough investigation of available sources bearing
on this topic for the ages prior to the Dynasty of Agade has
been undertaken by T. Jacobsen. 32 The organization
revealed by the myths to obtain among the gods is taken
by him as a reflection of the earliest stage in earthly
development. He concluded that the ’assembly* (unkin, pubrum)
held sovereign power and 'was called when a crises would
threaten the community133 to combine experience and concert
energies for the relief of the situation. If necessary,
a leader could be chosen for qualities of administrative
ability or good judgement in an internal, economic crisis,
or of martial prowess on occasion of attack from outside.
Eventually one of these ’leaders' retained the power entrusted
to him for a limited spell and became sole ruler,
a. The Terrestrial State.
The recovery of the Atrahasis Epic provides the first
portrayal of the period before the Flood, or at least
purported portrayal, apart from a reference in Gilgamesh XI.35>
of which the value in this context is uncertain. ^ In this
32. J.N.E.S.II(1943),P P . 159-172; Z.A. LII,n.F.XVIII(1957),

pp.91-140. A. Falkenstein has proposed a different
reconstruction in Cahiers d*Histoire Mondiale 1(1954),pp.
33. Z.A. LIT,p.102.
34. J.J. Finkelstein, J. G.J3. XVII (1 963),p. 48,n .31 .
272.
portrayal the terrestrial state has a simple form; a priestly
ruler intervenes with a god on behalf of his people ana
announces the divine oracles to the 'elders’ (^hutum) who
obey unquestioningly. No trace of consultation among the
elders or between them and Atrahasis appears, nor does any
preserved passage speax of an election of Atrahasis to
leadership In the time of crisis - the characteristic
Jacobsen would expect to find in the earliest form of
'primitive democracy'. The exalted position of that
Atrahasis who endured the Deluge was probably due to no more
than his parentage, son of Ubar-Tutu, also a ruler, as
reocrded in group of King List texts and by Gilgamesh XI.
At least Jacobsen is agreed that the lugal ’was ... of
noble family'.^
Some limitation of this position may be tendered in the
light of Jacobsen’s studies. Atrahasis acted in a period
of unusual and widespread difficulty. If he enjoyed
general recognition as a divine spokesman the community
may ha.ve expected his help in a moment of divine visitation,
and likewise that of a, 'king’ at a time of political unrest
or hostile invasion. However, were there such a practice in
the society exhibited in the Epic, it has not passed into
the literary tradition, for the elders do not approach
Atrahasis first, nor, as remarked, is there any consultation
between them.
Jacobsen showed that many of the later kings also had
priestly attributes, and suggested that in some instances a
35. Z.A. LII,p.103.

273.
lugal may have retained his power, in others the socio
religious leader, the En.36 Falkenstein has suggested
that the ruler was originally a religious functionary,
residing in the god*s sanctuary.-^ Of these two views,
Falkenstein1s is clearly more correct in so far as the Atrahasis
Epic hears upon the question. Although he is never entitled
En, it may be assumed that Atrahasis held the sort of position
Falkenstein described.
b. The Heavenly State. In contrast, the practices of the
heavenly realm are much more similar to the pattern Jacobsen
has posited. The divine assembly is required at least to
give Its approval to a decision of moment, like the creation
of man, which is proposed to it only after discussion by
the leading figures, Anu, Enlil, and Enki (jcf. I.iv.).
The system has Its imperfections as NIntu* s regret at being
persuaded to agree to the sending of the Flood makes plain
(lll.iijiv). In this instance, Enlil failed to follow the
customary procedure of consulting with his colleagues,
according to Nintu (III.ill.53, la la imtalkuma ’who did not
take counsel’)j as he had done earlier when the Igigu rebelled
(l.ii.iii) and when man first disturbed him (I.vii).
Nevertheless the gods agreed to his proposition and the one
dissentient, Enki, was forced to give way (II.vii,viii). In
this divine society, two ranks of gods existed. The Anunna,
the ’ruling class’ constituted the assembly which gave its
Yea to divine plans (I.iv. 49-51 ), while the Igigu carried out
36. Ibid, p.107,n.32.

37. Loo. cit., p.798; cf. Jacobsen’s comments, n.35-
274.
the decision if it required a large force (of. I.i.5,6; v.6-7).
c* Conclusion. The very fact of the divergence between
the terrestrial and the celestial modes of government in the
Atrahasis Epic as now extant suggests that the description
of the priest-king in the earthly state may be derived from
a remote age and represent a procedure which was actually
followed in the period to which the Epic attributes it. On
the other hand, the ’democratic1 government of the gods which,
according to Jacobsen’s analysis, was also an actual usage,
may represent the situation at a slightly later date. This
is arguable from the fact that the epics centred on G-ilgamesh
or other early, post-diluvian Sumerian heroes disclose closely
similar situations on earth. Thus both Jacobsen's thesis
and Falkenstein*s have truth in them; further careful study
and distinction of types of source material (historical
Inscriptions, literary or religious traditions among them)
may result in a more precise delineation than any so far
produced.
In summary, Atrahasis appears to be a priest-king who
mediates the will of the god(s) to the people, who have but
to obey. The general situation finds a close similarity in
the Israelite nation under Moses or Samuel.
7c Religious Outlook
If the politico-social organisation visible in the
Atrahasis Epic can be considered to represent actual patterns
of existence, it may be that the same is true in the religious
sphere. Now the conservation of religious belief above all
275 *
other thought can mean that the concepts of a later age differ
little from those of an era centuries earlier. Little
investigation of the history of religious thought in ancient
Mesopotamia has been made,38 so that no more than a description
is given of the situation in the Epic.
a« The Pantheon. The Epic exhibits that forma of the Sumerian-
Babylonian pantheon found in many other sources. Anu is
supreme, the king (sarru), heaven is his domain. Enlil
is the counsellor (malku), charged with the good ordering
of the earth and dwelling in the Ekur. As officers there are
N’inurta the 'throne-bearer* (guzalu), and Ennugi the ’beadle*
(gallu) . These four are the leading figures among the Anunna,
the'ruling class' and the workers, the Igigu. Apart from
these four is Enki, king of the sweet waters under the earth
(apsu), the barrier restraining the seas of chaos (1.1.15,1 6, ii .46).
One goddess appears in the Epic, variously called Mami or Nlntu,
the mother-figure (tabsutum ’midwife', sassuru 'birth-godde^ss,
womb’), and honoured as ’Mistress of the gods' (I.v.19-21).

The lord Enlil has a vizier (sukkal), Nusku, who acts as advisor
and as messenger, and a doorkeeper Kalkal (I.ii.18-42,ii.5-50).
Other gods are named simply as personified activites. Thus
Utu or Shamash is the sunlight (III.i.30,iii.18), Adad (IM, Ijkur)
is the weather, especially rain-storm (II.i .11;III.ii.49,53)*
and a group of gods act to loose the destructive Flood, Shullat
and Hanish, Nergal, and Ninurta (II.vii.49-52). Finally there
38. For one attempt see T. Jacobsen in JWE. Wright, ed. , The Bible
and the Ancient Near East (Albright Festschrift), London,
T961, ppT?F7-278.
276.
is the mysterious god who was slaughtered to provide matter

from which man could he made. His name, we ila, and
probable position as leader of the rebellious Igigu are
discussed in the Notes to I.iv.54. The organisation or tne
pantheon is discussed in section 6b, above,
b. Man ana the G-od.s.
W
HIW
IN
I11
,1II WjiWlWi i iHiBfHirwi
The Epic teaches clearly that man's
t-'
end is to relieve the gods of the toil and labour of so

caring for theearth that it will produce their food. Any
other work of mankind is secondary, the creature is expected
to obey his masters in every respect (cjk I.iv,v). The
effect of the Deluge in depriving the gods of their source
of supply emphasises the food-producing purpose of man
(cf.Ill.iv. 17“23?v. 34-36) . Above all, this is demonstrated
in the advice of Enki to Atrahasis on the method of countering
and ending the divine oppression; all worship and prayer
is to cease, sacrifices and offerings are to be unfit
(I .vii.45-50). Here is an idea contrary to all that is
known of Sumerian and Babylonian worship, that divine wrath
may be stopped by ceasing from worship, by bribery in fact.
In all other texts the anger of the gods is seen as a result
of some failure on man's part, a failure to be remedied by
prayer and humility. On two, and possibly three,
occasions the Epic represents this as a successful strategem.
It is found not only in the Old Babylonian manuscripts,
39. E.g. S.N. Kramer in M. Noth and D.W. Thomas, eds, Wisdom
in the Ancient Near East (Rowley Festschrift), Supplement
to Vetus Testamentum III, Leiden, 1955* pp.170-182;
W.Gr. Lambert, B.W.L. , passim.
277.
but also In the neo-Assyrian (k, 1), so that the story of
how man frustrated the gods for a time must have been known
to literates throughout the Intervening period. The
effect of such knowledge upon religious attitudes cannot
be known. Several factors are likely to have softened the
harsh outline drawn above, a picture according rather with
the view of a Hebrew prophet than a Babylonian sage.
Firstljr, the distress was primarily the result of Enlil* s
discomfort, and since he had charge of the earth, he could
do as he pleased there, with restrictions only on complete
destruction, so that Enki may be seen to be demonstrating
through his advice the effect the plagues would have
eventually, that is the cessation of all sustenance.
Secondly, man was hardly responsible for his natural increase,
so that the visitation was unfair, as Enki implied in his
rebuke to Enlil, 'on the sinner lay his sin ... 1(III.vi.18-25,
cf. G-ilgamesh XI, 178-185). Thirdly, the Babylonian
thinkers may have held that the situation was so different
in the ante-diluvian age that it was Irrelevant to their
beliefs. Nevertheless, the fact remains that this
remarkable instance of 'bringing the gods to heel* was
contained in a much-copied literary composition In which
may be detected other streaks of, to us, irreverent thought
(see ch 4 , Irony). The full significance of this factor
must be investigated by historians of religion,
8. The Flood
This common feature of the Atrahasis Epic, the Sumerian
'Deluge' Tablet, and the King Lists is studied in ch, 6 for
purpose of comparison. Here it is recognised as a part
of the body of tradition, so strong in ancient Mesopotamia,
of one Flood more terrible and destructive than all others.
Admittedly, the story may have become exaggerated in the
course of transmission, but that has to be proved just as
much as a theory that the literary accounts give a true
picture in relating the destruction of all men save one.
The Atrahasis Epic as the primary Akkadian narrative
wiI iV
IT
IMuuhimIftM'ftTpimuiu ftta. V
of the Deluge (see ch. VI ) probably provided the source

for many later references to the event such as ki-ma
a-bu-ub me-e ha ib-ba-su-u i-na ni~&i {mla-ah-ri-a-ti
: a k>ka]-di-i u5-te~mi 'I made the land of Akkad as it was
after the flood of water which came upon the peope of old'.^
Other allusions do not find any counterpart in the Epic,
suggesting that there was more traditional information
than that given by the Epic. These are the statements of
Ashurbanipal that he could read the difficult Inscriptions
of the pre-Flood period, and the other notices of information
A •]
surviving from that age. Consonant with this is the
statement of Berossus that the 'Babylonian Noah* should bury
a history of the world in Sippar^ which he recovered after
40. J.J. Finkelstein, J.O.B. XI(1957),p.58; C . A . B . A/l,p.78

41. See W.G-. Lambert, J .G ,gt XVI (1962), p. 72.
42. The fourth city in the list of pre-Flood foundations in
the Sumerian 'Deluge' tablet, characterized in an Old
Babylonian inscription as 'ancient', jâtu (ChT.XXXVII.I .i.
Samsu-iluna); Sippar was the provenance**01 four at least
of the Old Babylonian manuscripts (see ch.VI ), but this
need be no more than coincidence.
h-x ,279.
J
the Flood, ■ Moreover, the Erra Epic states that'the
lord of lands did not let the flood pass over' the territory
of Sippar ( ~ si»par al sa-a-ti sa- ^Bel matati i-na ugar
■■mm f itiw ij i t nN nananm w w > m y i cm m v «■ ■-. ..T^-r a >--■ a- rrc g n r »tt h «i ■ m fm W M f u 'm b v
pa-ni-gu a-bu-bu la u§~bi-su IV.50, K.A.R.109 »9)« As a

witness to this tradition, the Atrahasis Epic has a major
place by reason of its antiquity and its length.
9. Summary
This chapter has shown that the figure of Atrahasis is
to be identified with the last ruler before the Flood,
whose actual name is unknown. Moreover, the figure in the
Epic may allude to more than one person under this epithet,
representing several ante-diluvian chiefs. As a source for
knowledge of very early political and religious situations
it has a unique place; it illuminates a position already
known from other texts increasing and altering to some
extent the current comprehension of those developments.
With a number of other texts, the Atrahasis Epic bears
witness to the strong tradition of an overwhelming catastrophe
at a remote period of Mesopotamian history, a catastrophe
closing an era different in many ways from that which followed.
280.
CHAPTER VIII
THE ATRAHASIS EPIC IN BABYLONIA AND BEYOND
In the preceding chapters the Epic of Atrahasis has been

discussed in juxtaposition with other texts of similar or
related content. This has shown that many connections exist
between various compositions, and these may be held to point
to particular streams of traditional knowledge, they also
show that Atrahasis was well-known among writers of literature.
It is legitimate to ask whether the Epic was known to a wider
circle, especially as the closing words are an exhortation to
popularise the story. Information on this problem is limited
to written texts, unless some pictorial r exoresent at ion can be
said to reproduce an incident of the story without doubt.
The fact that some of the extant mss. are school-texts (cf.
ch. IV (i),p*49l$ implies that the story was well-known in
some scribal circles from the days of their youth* Further
than this it is impossible" to go without doubt* Mention
must be made, however, of the passage from Tablet II concerning j
the dire straits to which famine had reduced mankind and which
is repeated in royal inscriptions, omens, a prophecy, and, most
1
notably, in legal deeds,written during siege/ As the theme
is also found in Sumerian texts, it cannot be stated that the
passage was definitely cited from Atrahasis, where, indeed,
it is only extant in the neo-Assyrian ms.k (II.iv.end), but it
may be allowed as a strong possibility. It has also been
l.Cf. A.L, Oppenheim, Iraq XVII(1955),pp«78-80; A.K.Grayson and
W.G. Lambert, J.C.S. 37111 (1964),p.21.
281,
suggested in the Notes to III.i.35 that certain omen texts

were based upon the Flood Story, The many allusions in
Babylonian literature to creation of man do not agree
absolutely with the Atrahasis Epic, although springing from
the same traditions (je.jg. Aruru makes man from clay pinched
2
off by Enki in Theodicy* 258, 276-8). Now that so much of
the Epic is available, more explicit citations or allusions
may be found.
While Atrahasis was known throughout Babylonia, it was
not limited to that region. Discovery of a piece of the
text at Ugarrtr attests knowledge of it in Syria, and
references in texts from Bogyazkoy imply that something of it
was known in Hittite Anatolia at the same period (£.1400 B.C.f.
Reminiscences of the story may underlie tales of a flood
preserved in Anatolia until classical times and finding their
final reduction in Ovid’s Metamorphoses I.318ff*
Another body of literature with which Atrahasis may be
compared is the Hebrew. While no strife of gods or
execution:.is found therein, man is made from clay totend
the earth and worship, and the account develops with a
rebellious mankind eventually causing the Flood.
These hints belong to a separate study, but emphasise the
wider importance of the Epic of Atrahasis.
3. J. Nougayrol, Qomptes Rendus de 1*Acadeime des Inscriptions

et Belles Lettres, i960,p.170.
4. H.G-. Guterb ook, Kumarbi, Zurich, 1946,pp.30-1,81-2; cf.
Revue Hittite et Asianique XIV (1956),p.109,no.247.
282.
A P P E N D I X
THE TEXT OE TABLET II,TENTATIVELY REGIDNSTRUOTED
E Gr i. 1 x -hi-il x ik 600.600 mu.hi.a
2* ma-tum ir-ta~px~is ni-su im-ti-da
3• ma-tum ki-ma li-i i-sa-ab-bu
4* i-na hu-bu-ri-si-na i-lu it-ta-a -da-ar
3• Ên-lxl is-te-me ri-gi-im-si-in
8• iz-za-kar a-na i-li ra-bu-tim
7. ik-ta-ab-ta ri-gi-im a-we-Iu-ti
8. i-na hu-bu-ri-si-na u-za-ani-raa si-it-ta
9* pu-ur-sa a-na ni-si te-i-ta
10. i-na bu-bu-ti-s i~na li-se-su sa-am-mu
11 . zu-un-ni-su Âdad li-sa-ct
12. (sa-ap-li)-is a-ia il-Li-ka
15• mi-lu i-na na-aq-bi
14* li-il-li-ik sa-ru
fe. (iv.37 f■)* Ên-Ixl il-ta-kan pu-hur-su
izaakar a-na ili mare-su
581 x x -ra me-e-ta as-ku-na~si~na~ti

3 9 ’ nisu la im-ta-a a-na sa pa-na i-ta-at-ra
40 * eli rig-m e-si-na at-ta-a-dir
4 1 1 i-na hu-bu-ri-si-na In i-sa-ba-ta-ni si-tu
42' 1ip-par-sa-ma a-na ni-se-e tx-ta
43 1 i-na kar-si-si-na li-me-su sain-mu
4 4 1 e-lis Âdad zu-un-na-su lu-sa-qir

bi
45' li-is~sa-kir sap-1 is ia is^-sa-a me-lu i-na na-aq;
8 . E has tam over ta. 10. E li-wi?-su 12. E,Gr hi-px is
285
E G i. 15. ka-~aq -aa-ra li—e—er-■ri
16. er-pi-e-tum li-ib -ta-an -ni -ba
17. ti-ku a-ia it-tu-uk

.V
18. 11 -is,-su-ur a.sa is- px-ki- su
VN . V V
19. li-x-x-x-li ir-ta -sa isa,ba

V . %V . V
20. a-ia ib-si si-na--si-•su X x :
x x
r
21 . lu -u ku-ut- te-eb- ma X x :
22. a-ia X X X X X X V x :
25• X X X X X X X X X X
Remainder lost.
^ 4 6 ’ li-sur a.sa is-pifce-e-su
47 ’ li-ni- i irta-sa Îiisaba
musati lip-su-u u&aru
4 8 1 seru pab-ku-u lu-li-id id-ra-nu
49' li-bal-kat ki-rim-sa
sam-mu ia u-sa-a su-ii ia. i-i-ru
501 lis-sa-km-ma a-na nisi a-sa-ku

51 * urnmu lu-ku-sur-ma ia u-se-sir ser-ra
521 ip-par-su a-na ni-se-e ti-ta
53 ' i-na kar-si-si-na e-me-su sam-mu
i d
54 e-lis Adad zuGunna-su u-sa-qir
~bi
55’ is-sa-kir jap-lis ul is-sa-a mi-lu i-na na-aq
r r | -V V V\ .V , , V f
55' ls-sur a.sa is-pi~ki~su
57' i-ni- i ifta-sa ^Nisaba
musati ip-su-u UM'aru
58 f seru pal-ku-u u-li-id id-ra-na
ib-bal-kat ki-ri-im-sa
47,57 read, salmutu for musati with G iv.7.
284.
33 G ii. 1,2 Lost.
3 • li-iq-bu~ma li-is-su-u n a-î-ru
4 • ri-ifi’-ma li-se-eb-bu-u i-na ma-tim
5- e ta-ap-la-ha i-li-ku-un
6• e tu-sa-al-li-a is-tar-ku-un
7. Âdad x x x ba-ab-su
8* bi-la e-pf-ta a-na qu-ud-mi-su
E 9. li-il-li-ik-su ma-ah-ha-tum ni-qu-u
^8. li-ba-as-ma i^na ka-at-re-e
11. la-sa-aq-ql-il qa-as-su

12. i-na se-ri-im ib-ba-ra li-sa-az-ni-in
13• li-is-ta-ar-ri-ik i-na mu-si-ma
14 •> li-sa-az-ni-in na-al-sa
15. a.sa ki-ma sa-ar-ra-qi tu-su-a li-is-si

ct
16. sa Adad i-na a-li ib-nu-u bi-is-su
17. iq-bu-ma is-su-u na-fil-ru
18 o ri-ig-ma u-se-eb■
-bu-ii i-na ma-tim
19. u-ul ip-la-hu i-li-su-im
20. u-ul u-se-el-lu-u is-tar-su-un
k 59! Sam-mu ul u-sa-a su—u uL i -ru
6 8 1 is-sa-kin-ma a-na nisi a-sa-ku
61 * iinimu ku-sur-ma ul u-se-sir ser-ra
Remainder lost.
14. E na-as-sa.
285.
G- ii. 21 . "Adad x x -u baâb-su
22. x x jg-pi-ta a-na qu-ud-mi-su
23. i-il-li-ik-su ma-ah-ha-tum nigu-m
24. i-da-as-ma i-na ka-at-re-e
25. u-sa-aa-q£-il qa-as-su
26. i-na se-ri-im id-da-ra u-sa-az-ni-in
27- ij-ta-ar-ri-ik i-na mu-si-im-ma
28. u-sa-az-ni-in na-al-sa
29* a.sa ki-ma sa-ar-ra-qi tu-su-a ijj-si
30. x x x x x te-zi-ib-si-na-ti
31.x x x x x si. na-id ser-ru
32. x x x x x x u ri x x x
Remainder lost.
iii. l . x x x x x x x x -i-ki
2. x x x x x x x i-li-su
3*x x x li-se~su~su is-ku-un
4 * u^-mi-sa-am-rna id-ta-na-ak-ki
3 * mu-us-sa-ak-ki i-xa-ad-di-il
6. x se-ri-ti
7.x x i-li ta-mi-ma
& o may belong here:

o 1. x x
2. x
3• ina hu-du-x x
4. ki- x x x x x x
5. dain u dheryal li-is-su-ru erseta or b-li-ta.
286
Gr iii. 8 x x i-sa-ak-ka-na i-na su-na-a—ti
9 x x x dBn-ki ta-mi-ma
10 x x i-sa-ak-ka-na i-na su-na-a-ti
11 x xx x bi-it i-li-su
12 x xx x us-sa-ab ib-ta-ak-ki
13 x x x x x x x x x id~di
/
14 x xx x us-sa-ab ib-ta-ak-ki
15 i-x x x x x x x su-ra-at
16 i-na x x x x x --a-an ik-ta
17 si-it-x x x x x x -a aia-ru
H o 6 â-ru na-ah-ba-lu [tam-ti]
7 aB~a li-ig-gur qa-du-ii-me-su
8 d \ d.
iq-bi-ma is-su-ru "A-nu [ Adad e-Ie-nu]
d d -
9 Sin u fliergal is-su-ru er-ge-ti [aab-li-ta]
10 na-afe-ba-lu ta-am-fti]
d,«
11 Jjj-a ig-gur o a- du-u-me - su
d.
12 k su-u At;-ra-fca-s|l]~i|] il-su B-a-ma]
13 UA-mi- s am-ma i p-1 a- eji -1 a- ab]
14 mas-sak-ka ra-bi-i i[s;?- x x]
15 e-mid-na x x x x[x x x]
16 nin-su x x x x[x x x x]
17 x x x x [ x x x x x x ]
9'H aEn-l£l 12’ H has in two lines.

v v Cl
14 fH [majs-sak-ka i-za-ab-[ ]. H diverges: A-nu ma-mi-it laj
bi?-it i-zu-ug-ma[ ]
287.
Gr iii •18. iz-za-kafc x x x x x x x -ri
19 * li-il-x x x x x x bi-il na-ru
20. li-il-li/bu x x x x x x x bi~ti
21 . a-na ma-ah-x x x x x x -ia
22. li-mu-ur x x x x x x x x
2 3 . li-ih- x x x x x x x x x
24. a-na-ku i-na mu-si x x x x x x
25. is-tu-ma us-x x x x x x x x
26. pu-ti-is na-ri x x x x x x x
27. i-na ki-ib~ri x x x x x xx
28. a-na ap-si-i u-ur-ra-ad x x x x

v d -'
29. is-me-e-ma kn-ki a-wa-as-su
o 18 f iz-zak-kar a-na X X X X X X X
1 9 ’ il-qe-e-ma X X X X X X X X X
20* lis-sa-kin su-bu-ul - X X X X X X
21 ' li-mur a x X X x x :£ X X X
22 1 a-na-ku i~:na :
X X X X X X X X
23 1 is?-tu x X X X X X X X X X
2 4 1 i-na pu-ut X X X X X X X X X
2 5 ’ i-na pu-ut X X X X X X X X X
2 6 ’ a-na apsi X X X X X X X X X
•
.x
Ar
27 1 is-me-e-ma X X: x X * X 1V X
288.
iii 50 • a-na la-ah-mi u~x x x x x x
51 ° a-wi-lum sa-a-su x x x x x
52. an-nu-u ba-li-it x x x x x
58- al~ka-ma te~er;;ta X X X *

■
*
;7“
-ft. X
V
54. sa la X X X '
V"
X
55. X X X X X X X X X
Remainder destroyed.
28* 2* ?x X X X X X X X X X
29’ X X X X X X X X V
J\. X X
50' mud X X X X X X X
51 ' X X hu? X x X X X X X
52 1 X X X X X X X X X "V
X
55 f Sr X X ■v
X X X X X X X X
541 X X X X X X X X X X X
55 1 i-na X X X *
v*
X X X X X
56' 11 -x X X X j.
~%r
X X X X X
57' at ?-ta x X X X X X "

cr
X X
58' a-na sipsi x X X X X X X X

.V d
59' ISz3£§-ma X X X X X *
*r
X X
40' mahar e-an-na a-x X X X X X

d?
41 ' X X X X X X X X X X X
42' mi -nam x X X X X X X X X
45' ul X X X X X X X X X X
-y
441 a-na X X X X X X X X X
289.
G- iv. 1 . e-li-nu-um-mi x x x x x
2. sa-ap-li-is u-ul il-li-ka
3. mi-lu i-na na-aq-bi

4. u-ul ul-da, er-si-tum ri-im-sa
5. sa-am-mu u-ul u-si-a x x x
6. ni-su u-ul am-ra-x x x
7. sa-al-mu-tum ip-su-u u-ga-ru
8. se-ru pa-ar-ku ma-li id-ra-na
9. is-ti-ta sa-a.^-tan i-ku-la la-x V ’

V’
10. sa-ni-ta sa-at-tarn u-na-ak-ki-x x /na-

-am-x
11 . sa-lu-us-tum sa-at-turn il-li-ka--am-ma
12. i-na bu-bu-tim zi-mu-si-na it-ta-ak-ru
k v. 1 1 si-ga-ru x x x x x x x x x x
2 1 is-sur x x x x x x x x x
3 r e-lis C'Adad su-un-na-su u-sa-qir
4 ' is-sa-kir sap-lis ul is-sa-a mi-lu ina na-aa-bj
f . V V V N , V . > . \ V
5 is-sur a.sa rs-pikx-su
6 f i-ni- i gaba-sa ^bidaba salmutu ip-su~u ugaru
7 1 seru pal-ku-u u-li-id id-ra-na ib-bal-kat
ki-pim-sa
S ' sam-mu ml u-sa-a su-u ul i-ru
9 * is-sa-kin-ma a-na nise a-ea-ku
10 T ummu ku-sur-nia ul u-se-sir ser-ra
1 1 ' x x x x x x x x x x x x
12' 2 muvan.na x x x x x x na-kan-tum
13 f 3 niu.an.na x x x x x i-na ka-sa-di
141 ni-su i-na bu-bu-ti zi-mu-si-na it-tak-ru
290.
Gr i v 13. ki--ma bu--uq-li x tu X X X X
44. i-na si-it-qu-qf na bi il X X
15. ar--qu--tum iq -ru-u X X X X

,V
16 . ai:-ad-"di--is i-.il-la--ka i-na su-q 1?
V
17. ra--ap--SU*-turn bu-da-si-na? X X X
V .
18. ar--qu ?-tum ma-az- z a*-zu--si--na X X
V .
19. si--ip -ru bi-•lu? li? X X X X X
vv
20. qu*-ud -mi -rs ta-x X i X X X
21 . iz--za-az -zu-•ma u-•X X X X X X
22. te;-ri -X X ■v* *v* •v*

.<1. X X X X X
23. qu—ud -mi -x X X X X X X X

CM
X X X X X X X X X X
e
Remainder destroyed.
k v. 15 * 4 mu i-na ka-sa-di-su ma-za-zi-su-nu ik-ru-nj
16' rap-sa-tu x x x -si-na is-si-qa

171 qa-da-qad x x -la-Iu ni-su i-na su-qi
18' 5 mu i-na ka-sa-di e-ri'b ummu mart a i-da-gal
19 ’ mirniu a-na marti ul i-pa-te bab-sa
20f zi-ba-ni-it utnmi martu i-na-tal
i
21 zi-ba-ni-it marti i-na-tal ummu
i
22 6 mu i-na ka-sa-di il-tak-nu a-na nap-â-ni
mart a
231 a-na pat-te bu-na il-tak-nu
t f
24 im-la-ni-ma x x bitu il-ta-nu sanu— i-ri-ha
i -ma
25 ki-i se-dim-me-te pa-nu-si-na kat-mu
25' ni-su i-na su-par-ke-e napisti bal-ta-at
291 .
a v f f. X aa ic X X : x ra\r\. X 5L X : x
27 it-tu? X X X X X X X "V* X
f v 0
Jo et ?rJ_u:-turn u- sa? - X X X X X X
/
A'. u- X X X X X X X X X X
57 i-na 5 na? X X X X X X ~U~ X
6'. x x x x x x x x x x x x
7’* et-lu-tum. i-za-x xx x x x x
87 sa-;lu? xx x x x x x x x x
91- et-lu-x x x x x x x x x x
107 i-lu a ar-di-su? x x x x x x
117 ki?-la-li u x x x x x x x
12*. ar-ba?~na. i-te-x xx x x x
1y* li-ib-ba-ti ma-li sa I-pji-gi?
147 ra-bu-tum-mi dA-mm-na ka-lu-ni?
157 ub-la pi-i-ni is-ti-ni-is ma-mi-tam?
167 is-su-ur A~nu Âdad e-li-e-nu
17’* a—na—ku as-su-ur er-si—tain
1S* a-sa-ar Ên-ki x x x x x x
1@ * ip-tu-ur ul-la x x x x x x
207 u x x x x x x x x x x
217 is-ku~un? x x x x x x x x
— — ■— ”” ‘ ~”T “ ™ ” ™“”
k v. 27* bel ta-siin-ti A-tar-hasis
281 a-na beli-su ^-E-a pa-su pi-ta-at
291 i-ta-mu it-ti ili-su
30' x x x x x x bab ili-su
11?-pu-ut nara il-ta-kan ma-a-a-al-su
321 x x x me it-ra-tu-su paq-rat
292
Gr v. 227 Ên-lil pr-a-su i-pm-sa-am-ma

237 a-na sukkalli dHusku iz-za-kar
%
247 se-na x x ma-ri? li-ib-bi-ku x

257 li-x x -nu-ni a-na ma-ah-ri-1a?
267 se-na x x ma-ri ib-bi-ku x x
277 iz-sa-kar-su-nu-si qu-ra-du dEn-l£l
d
287 ra-bu-tum-mi A-nun-na ka-lu-ni?
297 ub-la pr-i-ni is-ti-ni-is x x x
307 is-su-ur A-nu dAdad e-li-e-nu
■317 a-na-ku as-su-ur er-si-tarn x x
32* a-sa~ar x ta-ta x x x x x x / x x x
o ii.2 x x dA-nu u dAdad i-na-as-sa-ru e-le-nu

d0 .
Sm u i-na-as-sa-ru erseti— qab-
3
li-ta
4 si-ga-ru na-ah-ba-lu tam-ti
d f
5 3$~a ta-na-as-sa-ra 0a-du-u-mi-ka
>v . v v. .v .rn.es v ,✓
6 tus-te-es-sir a-na nisi mi-ser-tu
7 x x x x x-ta-sa ra-pa-as-tu
8 x x x d
.-i
—* n ^-
En-lil1
a-na U-d'-*
V.
E-a ^ V ^ ^
u-sa-an-nu-u
9 i-nu-ma dA-nu dAdad is-su-ru e-le-nu

10
d„.
Sin u dNerval
f
> i-na-as-sa-ru er-se-tl qa-al
li-ti
11 si-ga-ru na-ah-ba-lu ta-am-ta
12 at-ta ta-na-as-sa-ra qa-du-u-me-ka
, v , v v. .v .me s v ,s
13 tus-te-es-sxr ana nisi me-ser-tu
14 dE-a; pa-su ipus-ma i-gab-bi
15 izzakkara ana mar sip~ri

293
d
ii.161 x x x taq-bi-ma Adad is-sur e-le-nu
x x x is-sur ersetu qab-li-tu/j
si-ga-ru na-ah-ba-lu tam-ti
a-na-ku as-sur qa-du-u-me-ia
20 X X x
mes 1 , v
sar n u m.mes 1. v
sarta.am
21 X X X
it-hu-lh
x n u m mes u-gap-pr-sam-ma ih-lrq-ma
-m e t o r . v ^t %
22 x
X x
X x
X
23 x
X x
X x
X x x-ru? is-bi-ru mi-sil-su
24 x
X x
X x
X x x -du-ma? ma-as-sa-ru tam-ti
rema as-kun-su-nu-1i-ma e-1e-nin-su-nu-1i
is-tu-ma e-ni-nu-su-nm-1i
x x ram-ina ser-ta e-mi-id
x x x x il-qu-u se-e-ta
x x x x ta-sa rai-pa-as-tu
x x x x x -ma u-s a-an-nu-u
x x x x x a-na qu-ra-di. d"
,En-lil
x x x taq-bi-ma dA-nu dAdad is-su-ra

-su
d d ,e-le-nu f
Sin u Nerval is-su-ru er-se-tu. qab-li-tu
si-ga-ru na-ah-ba-lu ti-am-ti
a-na-ku as-su-ra qa-du-u-me-ia
3b x x ki-i u-sa-an-ni
— ,-mes .mes , V r ta.am
37 h h h l 1 sax a m 1 &&£
v it-hu-lu
x nuni.mes u-gap4m.-sam-ma.
38 , , .v
xx x xh-liq-ma
39’ x x x -ru? is-bi-ru mi-sil-su

294.
ii. 4 0 1 x x x x -du-ka ma-as-sa - m tam-ti
41 ’ x x
x x as-kun-su-nu-1i-ma e-te-nin-
su-nu-ti
4 2 ’ is-tu-ma e-ni-nu-su-nu-ti
43’ x x -ram-ma ser-ta e-mi-id
44* pa~a~su i-pu-us-ma i-qab-bi

V
IP6 S
4 5 1 a-na pu-hur ka-la i l l " 1 iz-za-kar
4 6 1 al-ka-ni ka-la-ni a-na ma-mi-it a-bu-bi
4 7 1 Â-nu i-na pa-ni ta-mu-ni

c-jL—, t s-i .. . - V
.mes v / ., ,. v /•
48 Uln-lil it-ta-mi m a n -su it-ti-su
ta-mu-ni
vi repeats v (given above),and adds:

16 * kin il-qu x x x x x x x
17' e tar~-bu--ma x x x x x x x
18' te- er--te x x x x x x x x
19' ma en kur x x x x x x x x
20' x -ia ia a x x x x x x x
21 ' X X x m a x x x x x x x
22' X X X ma x x x x x x x
x x x x x x x x
CM
X X X
295.
1!. X X X X X X X x x-ti a qar sun
2'. X X X X X X X x -si a--na X TT
3*. X X X X X X X X x su--nu-■ti
4'. X X X X X X X x x x X X
V
5*. X X X X X X X ri x x X su-nu-ti
6'. X X X X X X X mu x x X X X
75 X X X X ~^7" X
-£\. X x ru x X X ri
V
85 X X X X X X us ni x x X am-ma
95 X X X X X X i~x x x -ra
105 X X X X X nu? d Adad zu-un-ni-su
115 X X X. X X X ini'-lu-u u-bi?-ra

/
125 •'tr1 X bi--turn u--ka-la'-la x x X X
135 X X Xka- la-nim t e-er-se-su

■
, v v. d
145 X X lu--bi-ra
- m m nu~nu~us ni-si iMidaba
V V
155 X X “iiia i™ta--su-■us a-sa-ba- am
V
165 i:-na pu~uh- ri sa-•i~li si-ih-turn i-ku—ul—;
V v
175 X X X i~t a- su-us a-sa-ba-am
V
185 A:-na pu--uh-■ri sa--i-li si-ih- turn i-ku-ul“:
195 X X X li -Q £-ta i-na ga-ti — su
205 X X X mi~ ■a. is?-ti-su

V
215 X X A sa li x x tarn
225 X X -v*
X X X X dBn-lxl
235 X X X X X X X X X X
245 X X X X is x X x x x
255 is-su-ur A-■nu Âdad e™li-e~nu

296.
Gr vi.265 [x x] x x u x la tam x ab x tam

275 IxJ xgi-ta.ta-al-li-ku-rna
28* [ta?-ap-t]ti--ur ul-la an-du-ra-ra ta-as-ku-un
295 Ftnj-as-se-er a-na ni-si mi-se-er-tam.
305 [x x x]x x i-na x la-lu x x si / i-se-
^ x-x-ku
315 [x x x x x x x qujra-j&u/ i] 'En-l£l
lor columns vii and viii see pp.67-69.

297.
ABBREVIATIONS
AfO Archiv fur Orientforschung.

AJSL American Journal of Semitic Languages and
Literatures.
MET J.B.Pritchard (ed.) Ancient Near Eastern
Texts,Princeton, 1955 •
Air.Or. Archiv Orientalny.
Bib .Or. Bibliotheca Orientalis.
O.A,D. The Assyrian Bictionary,Chicago,1956- .
O.A.H? The Cambridge Ancient History,revised,1965-*
Beimel S .L. A.Beimel,Sumerisches Lexicon.
B .0.1.T. B .Winton Thomas (ed.),Bo cuments from Old
Testament Times ,London ,1958.
R .A .R • W.von So den,Rrundriss der akkadischen
Rraimnatik,Rome ,1 952.
J .A* 0 •S • Journal of the American Oriental Society.
J.G.S. Journal of Cuneiform Studies.
J.N.E.S. Journal of Near Eastern Studies.
K.A.R. E .Ebeling,Keilsohrifttexte aus Assur relig
ionsen Inhalts,Leipzig,1919?1 925«
LSS Leipziger Semitische Studien.
U.A.O.G-. Mitteilungen der Alt orlent alis chen Resell- '
scliaft .
H.D.P, Memoires de la Belegation en Perse.
M. 3. L o B ■Landsberger,Raterlalen zum suaerischen
Lexicon,Rome ,1937™ •
M. \Z~»A. q a Hitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Resell-
schaft.
Or. Orientalia.
R.A» Revue d 1Assyriologie.
R.T. Recer.il des Travanx.
2. A b Zeitscrift fur Assyriologie.
298
Sources of other major texts are as fallows

Enuma elish RXLabat ,Le Poeiue babylonien de la creation,
"™ Paris ,1935 *
O.R. Gurney and J.J.Einkelstein, The Sultan-
T epe Tablets, London,1957,nos.1-12.
PTLandsberger and J.V.Kinnfcer Wilson,J.N.E.S.
XX (1961) ,pp 154-79 for Tablet V. " ~ ~
Gilgamesh R.Campbell Thompson,The Epic of Gilgarnish,
Oxford,1930,
W.von Soaen,2uA. Bill,n.E.XIX (1959),pp.209-
235 for additional comments and bibliography*
Erra Epic E.Gossmann-Oesa.Das Era-Epos.Wurzburg,1956,,
B.Kienaat.Z.A. IIV,n.P.5X (1961),pp.244-49,
review and additions to Gossman.
Agushaya A H *2dmmern,Vord eras iat is ohe 8 chrift denkrnaler
X,no.214; Ishtar und §al£u,Eeipzig,1916.
B V. Schell fH7S7"XV T m 8 7 7 p p . 15 9-182.

The Atrahasis Epic by Alan Ralph Millard

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What is the purpose of this study?

What is the purpose of this study?

What texts are compared to the Epic of Atrahasis?

What texts are compared to the Epic of Atrahasis?

THE ATRAHASIS EPIC

and Its Place in

Thesis submitted for

All rights reserved

INFORMATION TO ALL USERS

In the unlikely e v e n t that the a u thor did not send a c o m p le te m anuscript

Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). C opyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author.

All rights reserved.

The purpose of this study is to present;, for the

The edition of the text of the Epic of Atrahasis

Modern knowledge of the Atrahasis Epic springs from the

incidents of a story recounting a series of punishments

1. London, 1875, pp.153“156.

3- Assyrian Discoveries^, London, 1875, pp.97,186; T.S.B.A.III

(1674),pp.540-542, 11.35-52; C.I.W.A.IV1, London,iB757pl.50

9. VI, Berlin, 1900, pp.288-291.

18- K.A. XXVIII (1931), pp.92-95.

23. Or. XXVI (1957), pp.306-315.

These recent advances alone would warrant a

26. Credit for first identification of this piece belongs

The Epic of Atrahasis may be aptly called *A Babylonian

reception is granted to this idea. The tools of their

28. cf. C.J. G-add, Iraq IV (1937), p. 34.

iii.disaster is threatened, for Atrahasis is found, lamenting to Enki,

JL9 He Is told that he will be preserved in a boat and,

1. Method, of Re con struct ion.

1. The text of mss. 0, H,£,(Tablet II) was not accessible

Capital letters denote texts of the Old Babylonian period,

Sm. 292 Obv:I.viii.22-11.i.11.

fenksiijnlm i nl-18-Sl-a 1-na, Su-ub-ti-su

49. [x x] x gu.za.la la-bi-ru-tlm

41. “Let us face the task-master in our assembly,

ii. 1. The counsellor of the gods, the hero,

11 . 8. i-Sa-tam ne~pl~&i*-gu~nu id-du-u-ma

13. ba-bi ga ad-ina«ni qii-ra-di ^En-li 1

17. e.kur la-wi d£n-lll u-ul 1-dl

19. il-pu-ut si-ik-ku-ra i«hi~i[t x x]

21 . ri-ig-ma i-£e-em~nm-u &fa i-Sa-tii-iml

22 . ^Nusku id-di-ki be-Tel-Su]

23. i~na ma-ia-li d~£e-et-fbi-SulJ<1WriAfif wm 1■» e. 11ail.m»im ea i» M*—1|*i * <»'|| n

24. be-lf la-wi. bl-[it-ka]

27. qa-ab-lfum i-ru-sla aJha ba-bi-

8. They set fire to their tools

11. 28. ^En-l£l x x-ki &~ga-ar~di a-na gu-ub-ti-Su

ITfl'j l* 1'1 ' n -1 r | ii **** jTErrWa’irstTiM fn-pwWPm'W i ni I" lj .l, uiii.*' i i — it f iw

31 . ^Nusku e-di-il ba-ab-ka

33. ^Nuaku i-di-il ba~ab~su

36. iz-za-kar a-na qu-ra-di ^Enifl

39. ^En-lfl bi-nu bu-nu-ka

43. jg-pu-ur A-nam d-ge-r 1-[du-n 1- jggu.

46. jjfar-ri ap-sl-i ^Enki

47. ra-bu~ turn ^A-ntjh-na Wja-ag~bu

42,44 Text has ^-en-lfl.

28. He....Enlil, brought him down to his hall,

51. la-a-gi-im-ma-a it- [x x x] x

52. ta-ha-za e-ep»pu-uS? &a x

23. i~na ma-ia-li d~£e-et-fbi-SulJ<1WriAfif wm 1■» e. 11ail.m»im ea i» M—1|i * <»'|| n

20ff g cited at 11. 11-14 may belong here.